Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 HORiE APOCALYPTICjE.
 
 HOR.E APOCALYPTIC^; 
 
 OR, 
 
 A COMMENTARY ON THE APOCALYPSE, 
 
 CEITICAL AND HISTOEICAL ; 
 
 INCLUDING ALSO AN EXMIINATION OF THE 
 CHIEF PROPHECIES OF DANIEL. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY AN APOCALYPTIC CIIATIT, AND ENGRAVINGS 
 
 FROM MEDALS AND OTHER EXTANT MONUMENTS 
 
 OF, ANTIQUITY. 
 
 WITH APPENDICES ; 
 
 CONTAINING, BESIDES OTHER MATTER, 
 
 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF APOCALYPTIC INTERPRETATION, CRITICAL REVIEWS OF 
 
 THE CHIEF APOCALYPTIC COUNTER-SCHEMES, AND INDICES. 
 
 BY THE EEY. E. B. ELLIOTT, A.M. 
 
 INCUMBENT OP ST. MAEK'S CHURCH, KEMPTOWN, BRIGHTON, PKEBENBART OF HETTESBURT, 
 AND LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBKIDGE. 
 
 FIFTH EDITION, 
 
 CAREFULLY REVISED, CORRECTED, ENLARGED, AND IMPROVED THROUGHOUT ; 
 ■WITH ADDITIONAL PLATES, AND A NEW PREFACE. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 SEELEY, JACKSON, AND HALLIDAY, 54, FLEET STREET, 
 LONDON. MDCCCLXII.
 
 ^ 
 
 «» 
 
 " Blessed is he that readetli, and they that hear the words of this prophecy, and keep 
 those things whicli are written tlierein : for the time is at hand." Apoc. i. 3. 
 
 " The word of prophecy ; wherennto ye do well that ye take heed, as unto a lisht that 
 shineth in a dark place, until the day dawn." 2 Peter i. 19. 
 
 JOIIV CUILU.5 AN'D SOX, rillNrERS.
 
 
 ^ 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 TO VOL. II. 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 CHAP. PAGB 
 
 I. EETROSPECTITE TIEW OF WESTERN CHEISTENDOM! 
 TROM THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE, UNDER 
 THE SECOND OR TURKISH WOE, TO THE RE- 
 FORMATION . . . . . . . . 1 
 
 II. COVENANT angel's DESCENT FULFILLED IN THE 
 
 REFORMATION . , . . . . . . 40 
 
 III. EPOCH OF antichrist's TRIUMPH JUST BEFORE 
 
 THE REFORMATION . . . . . . . . 48 
 
 IV. § 1. REFORMATION PRINCIPLES BEGUN IN THE 
 
 DISCOVERT OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR . . 89 
 
 § 2. REFORMATION PRINCIPLES ADVANCED IN THE 
 
 DISCOVERT OF ANTICHRIST THE USURPER 102 
 
 V. THE angel's oath . . . . . . . . 124 
 
 VI. § 1. REVIVAL OF GOSPEL-PREACHING . . . . 148 
 
 § 2. ECCLESIASTICAL RE-FORMATION OF THE 
 
 CHURCH .. .. .. .. 181 
 
 VII. THE AVITNESSES— PREFATORT remarks . . 201 
 
 § 1. THE WITNESSES AS DESCRIBED IN THE APO- 
 
 CALTPTIC PEOPHECT .. .. .. 207 
 
 § 2. EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES TRACED IN 
 
 HISTORT . . . . , , . . 215 
 
 § 3. EARLIER EASTERN OR PAULIKIAN WITNESSES 248 
 
 § 4. JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES . . . . 268 
 
 § 5. THE PAULIKIANS TRUE CHRISTIAN WITNESSES 297 
 
 § G. THE WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN . . 344 
 
 § 7. THE WALDENSES TRUE CHRISTIAN WITNESSES 385 
 
 1C5G727
 
 VI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 C03\^CLUDING SUMMAEY ON TUE WITNESS HISTORIC 
 
 SKETCH . . . . . . . . . . 403 
 
 VIII. PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR, AND THE WITNESSES' 
 
 DEATH, AND RESURRECTION . . . . 409 
 
 IX. THE witnesses' ASCENSION . . . . . . 463 
 
 X, ENDING OP THE SECOND OR TURKISH WOE .. 489 
 
 APPENDIX TO YOL. II. 
 
 NO. 
 
 I. OK THE USE OF Aaifinrioi', DiEMON, APOC. IX. 20 497 
 
 II. ON " THE ALTAR " IN THE APOCALYPSE, AS 
 
 MEANING THE BRAZEN ALTAR . . . . 509 
 
 III. LANDULP'S ACCOUNT OP THE TURIN HERETICS 521 
 
 IV. § 1. ON THE DIRECT CHARGE OP MANICHEISM 
 
 AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS . . . . . . 524 
 
 § 2. ON gieseler's ANTI-PAULIKIAN MAECIONITIC 
 
 THEORY . . . . . . . . . . 543 
 
 V. SURSTANTIAL IDENTITY OP THREE WALDENSIAN 
 
 VERSIONS OP ST. JOHN . . . . . . 551 
 
 VI. LA NOBLA LEYCZON OP THE WALDENSES . . 554 
 
 VII. ON THE TRUE WITNESS CHARACTER OP THE BO- 
 HEMIAN UNITED BRETHREN AT THE OPENING 
 OF THE 16th CENTURY . . . . . . 567 
 
 VIII. ON THE WORD ^ta0r/CTj MEANING COTENANT, (bY 
 
 SIR L. shadwell) . . . . . . 573 
 
 PLATES. 
 
 PLATE 
 
 XVIII. POPE LEO AS THE LION OP THE TRIBE OP JUDAH 
 
 XIX. LUTHER AS THE MONK AND THE PREACHER 
 
 XX. THE AVALDENSIAN CANDLESTICK 
 
 XXI. IIUSS'S MARTYRDOM AND PROPHECY 
 
 XXII. PAPAL ANTI-ENGLISH MEDALS UNDER EDWARD VI 
 AND MARY 
 
 58 
 171 
 106 
 460 
 
 474
 
 COEEIGENDA AND ADDENDA FOE VOL. II. 
 
 Page 25, line 22 ; for 1746 read 1476 
 
 — 27, line 8 ; for Pius read Paul 
 
 — 36, line 7 ; after highly add and 
 
 — 281, line 21 from bottom; for sanctam read sanctum 
 
 — 357, Note * ; after Eefonnation in Spain add Durand in 1207, 
 
 having retired into Catalonia, formed a religious com- 
 munity, under the Papal sanction, of " Poor Catholics." 
 They wore a decent habit of white or grey, with shoes 
 open at the top ; but distinguished by some particular 
 mark from those of the Poor Men of Lyons (see p. 354), 
 who were from this part of their dress sometimes called 
 Insabbatati. 
 
 — 366, Note % line 2 ; after Note » add ) 
 
 — 377, line 2 from bottom ; for 1068 read 1086. 
 — • 399, Note ^ ; for Note ^ supra read Note I 
 
 — 403, Note ^ ; for Prince ubert read Prince Hubert 
 
 — 474, line 22 ; for were read was 
 
 — 476, Note "" ; for tribunal read tribual 
 
 — 512, line 7 from bottom ; after eaters fut . 
 
 — 543j line Qfrom bottom ; for in read see
 
 PART III. 
 
 APOC. IX. 20— XL 15. 
 
 THE REFORMATION, 
 
 AS OCCURRING 
 
 UNDER THE LATTER HALF OF THE SIXTH TRUMPET 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 THE ANTECEDENT HISTORY, 
 
 AND THE DEATH, RESURRECTION, AND ASCENSION, 
 
 OF Christ's two sackcloth-robed 
 
 WITNESSES. 
 
 A.D. 1453—1789. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 RETROSPECTIVE VIEW FROM AFTER THE FALL OF CONSTAN- 
 TINOPLE OF THE PREVIOUS FOUR HUNDRED YEARs' 
 HISTORY OF WESTERN CHRISTENDOM ; AND SKETCH OF 
 ITS RELIGIOUS STATE IN THE ^RA BETWEEN THAT EVENT 
 AND THE REFORMATION. 
 
 " And the rest of the men, which were not killed by these 
 plagues, repented not of the Avorks of their hands, ^ that 
 they should not worship daemons,"^ and idols of gold, and 
 silver, and brass, and stone, and wood, which can neither 
 see, nor hear, nor walk. Neither repented they of their 
 
 • ou fxiTtvoriffav t k toip taywv K. T. X. The «)c, as in Apoc. ii. 21, imph-ina: the 
 completed repentance by quitting the sins specified. * Saifiovia. 
 
 VOL. II. 1
 
 2 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 murders, nor of their sorceries, nor of their fornication, nor 
 of their thefts."^— Apoc. ix. 20, 21. 
 
 What ! would the voice of judgment from heaven be 
 still unheeded? Would that astounding event, the politi- 
 cal destruction of the Eastern third of Roman Christendom, 
 by armies that bore onward with them from the Euphrates 
 the false religion from the pit of the abyss, fail altogether 
 to induce repentance and reformation in the remnant that 
 Avas left? So indeed it was here declared in the Apoca- 
 lyptic vision ; and, at the same time, a catalogue of the 
 sins of that remnant set in black array before the Evangel- 
 ist. — The representation however was one that would not 
 be likely to strike upon his mind with effect so startling, 
 as if no previous intimation had been given of their apo- 
 stasy from their God and Saviour. Very early, we have 
 seen, (viz. after the vision of the 6th Seal, which depicted 
 the overthrow of Paganism in the Roman Empire,) there 
 had been foreshown to him by a significant figuration 
 on the Apocalyptic temple-scene, the then general aban- 
 donment of the Mediator Christ Jesus by the men of 
 Roman Christendom ; just as if other intercessors and me- 
 diators (for man must have some) had been substituted in 
 his place : — the first grand stej) to idolatry. And yet 
 again, in the voice from the four horns of the golden altar, 
 it seemed to have been not obscurely indicated that, down to 
 the time of the loosing of the Euphratean woe, there would 
 have been no return to the Saviour whom they had aban- 
 doned, in any of the four quarters of the Roman woi'ld ; — 
 in its Western half as little as in its Eastern ; — no self- 
 application and saving use of His offered means of recon- 
 ciliation. All this, we may suppose, might in a measure 
 have prepared the Evangelist for what he now heard. And 
 yet, even so, it nmst have seemed to him an astounding as 
 well as awfid announcement. " The rest of the men," — a 
 phrase including possibly the Christian renmant of the 
 Greek Church, who though slain in their corporate political 
 capacity, as the third part of men, still survived as indi- 
 viduals under the yoke of their Turkman conquerors, but 
 
 1 No variations of the least consequence between the received and the critical texts.
 
 CH. I.J RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 3 
 
 doubtless chiefly and specially referring to the men of 
 Western Christendom, — " The rest of the men, which were 
 not killed by these plagues, yet repented not of the works 
 of their hands, that they should not worship daemons, and 
 idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and wood, 
 which can neither see, nor hear, nor walk: neither repented 
 they of their murders, nor of their sorceries, nor of their 
 fornications, nor of their thefts." 
 
 It is to the men of Western Christendom that I shall in 
 the present Chapter confine myself, in the explanation of 
 this passage. They constitute that division of the apostasy 
 to which alone almost all that remains of the Apocalypse 
 refers. Compared with the history and fate of her sister 
 in the East, the case of the Western Church, as here re- 
 presented, resembled that of apostatizing Judah after the 
 fall of Israel. In the antitype, even as in the type, the 
 treacherous Judah exhibited a guilt yet more unpardon- 
 able than even that of the backsliding Israel.^ 
 
 The announcement is two-fold. 1st, it intimates the 
 corruptions that had been in Western Christendom during 
 the progress previously of the second woe, up to the fall 
 of the Greek empire ; for its asserted non-repentance in 
 respect of them, after that catastrophe, implies the previous 
 prevalence of the evils unrepented of : — 2ndly, it declares 
 the continuance of the same corruptions afterwards. — 
 Under each of these divisions it is my duty to show, by 
 historic facts, the truth of the prophecy. And, 
 
 I. The PREVIOUS prevalence of these corruptions 
 IN Western Christendom, throughout the four centu- 
 ries which had preceded the fall of Constantinople. 
 
 Now, considering that the period is a long one through 
 which we are called to trace them, and one of course of 
 many changes, it seems to me that it may be well to pre- 
 face our review on this head by a brief general view of the 
 contemporaneous history of Western Europe. We shall be 
 thus prepared for entering more intelligently into the par- 
 ticular and religious description of it, here distinctively set 
 
 1 Jer. iii. 11. 
 1 *
 
 4 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 before us. I the rather give this larger and more general 
 view of it, because the period itself, the " hour day month 
 and year," from A.D. 1057 to 1453, in the course of which 
 the Turkish woe gathered, advanced, receded, — then gath- 
 ered, and advanced again, — until at length it fulfilled its 
 destined work of destroying the Eastern or Greek empire, 
 was one in many ways worthy of observation in the history 
 of Christendom. 
 
 First, it is to be observed that, during this period of four 
 centuries, the kingdoms that formed the constituency of 
 what might now begin to be called the great tvestern con- 
 federation of Europe, had been steadily, though slowly and 
 interruptedly, recombining their potitical elements, conso- 
 lidating their strength, and, ere the xvth century closed in, 
 (up to which epoch I shall just for the present include in 
 my review,) re-adjusting their territorial forms and limits, 
 to some near resemblance of those of the original Gothic 
 kingdoms that emerged out of the ruins of the Roman em- 
 pire of the West : — a form which in the main, I may add, 
 they have retained ever since. — In a series of wars against 
 their Mahommedan conquerors, the Christian renmant in 
 Spain had in the earlier half of the period reconquered the 
 greater part of the peninsula ; confining the Moors for 
 long afterwards within the straitened limits of the king- 
 dom of Granada : until at length in the year 1492, un- 
 der Eerdinand and Isabella, uniting their before divided 
 strength, they conquered and expelled them altogether. — 
 In the course of the same period the central Frank or 
 French dynasty and kingdom had gradually, one by one, 
 again subordinated to itself the principalities broken off 
 from it, in its southern, western, northern, and eastern ter- 
 ritory. — In similar manner England, after the Normans' 
 conquest of it under William, (Thogrul Beg's contempo- 
 rary,) had become united in government throughout its 
 whole length and breadth, and had attached also to its do- 
 minions Wales and Ireland. — Thus alike aggrandized, there 
 had begun between France and England that rivalry of 
 above three centuries, which is one of the most marked 
 features of their history in those middle ages : and in the 
 prolonged wars of which, especially under the English
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 5 
 
 Edwards and Henrys, they had, both the one and the other, 
 developed, rather than exhausted, their national resources. 
 — The great elective Germanic empire, so famous under its 
 Henry the Fowler and its Otho, of the xth and xith centu- 
 ries, after a partial diminution of strength and glory through 
 its wars with the Romish bishops and Italian and Swiss re- 
 publics, in the xiith, xiiith, and xivth centuries, had now at 
 last, under the house of Austria, assumed again an aspect 
 of majesty and strength. It stretched east and north at 
 this time, so as to include on the one hand the kingdoms 
 of Bohemia, and in fine Hungary,^ on the other Saxony 
 and Pomerania, even to the Baltic, in its vast circuit. The 
 added strength of the hereditary kingdom of Austria more 
 than compensated to it for what it had lost by the emanci- 
 pation of Switzerland; and moreover a nominal sovereignty 
 still remained to it, and not a little of real influence, over 
 the Lombard principalities in Northern Italy. — Finally, as 
 regards Italy itself, — Italy, the original seat of empire, and 
 which still continued in a most singular manner to be the 
 centre and spring of the European politics, — very various 
 in the same chronological interval had been the political 
 phases passing over it. In its northern districts, for the 
 first two centuries and more, the Lombard cities had ful- 
 filled their brilliant course of republican life, and repub- 
 lican factions : and both Pisa, and Genoa, and Venice, had 
 successively or contemporaneously triumphed in the Medi- 
 terranean, and made their flags eminent in commerce and 
 in war; then one and all, excepting Venice, subsided into 
 small and not independent principalities. To the south, 
 i. e. in Naples, after the meteor-hke rise and gradual fall 
 of the chivalric Norman power in the xith and xiiith cen- 
 turies, the right of sovereignty (still feudatorily however to 
 the Pope, so as under the Norman princes) had come to be 
 alternately claimed and exercised by the royal branches of 
 France and Spain ; — the fruitful germ of not far distant 
 
 1 The Duke or King of Bohemia was a feudatory of the empire, and one of the 
 seven electors. In 1458 Podiebrad, a Bohemian, was made king; in 1471 Wladis- 
 laus, son of the king of Poland, who also became king of Hungary. But for nearly 
 the first half of the 15th century Hungary was essentially Austrian : and in 1516, on 
 Wladislaus' death, Bohemia and Hungary fell to a son of the Austrian prince ; in 1529, 
 finally, to Austria. Maximilian was elected emperor in 1493.
 
 6 APoc. Tx. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 wars. Once more, through central Italy, from sea to sea, 
 the temporal sovereignty — not of the kings, the republic, 
 or the emperors, but of the Bishops of Rome, had been 
 about the middle of this period firmly established : so that 
 this division in central Italy was now fully recognized in 
 the European polity as the Ecclesiastical State, or, as it 
 was in part singularly called, the Patrimony of St. Peter. 
 — Amidst all which changes in Italian history, in the course 
 of these four centuries, two results could not but strike the 
 considerate mind that reflected on them : first, the per- 
 petual abortiveness of every scheme to bind the whole 
 country together in one great secular monarchy, like the 
 other European kingdoms ; secondly, the sustained ascend- 
 ancy over all other Italian powers of the Uoman See. 
 
 Thus, I say, had the states of the great European con- 
 federations of the West, in a political progression seldom 
 interrupted, been gradually advancing in power; and as- 
 suming somewhat of the same form and relative importance 
 that they have borne since. And during their various pro- 
 cesses of change and fortune they had, one and all, been 
 advancing also from a state of barbarism to comparative 
 civilization. — Chivalry, during its reign of two centuries, 
 and with the Crusades from A.D. 1100 to A.D. 1300, 
 as its most eminent field of display, had exercised an ame- 
 liorating influence of no little power on outward manners. 
 Internal trade, and yet more maritime commerce, — the lat- 
 ter increasing until it might almost be said to have flour- 
 ished, both to the north, in the German Sea and Baltic, 
 and southward in the Mediterranean, specially with those 
 countries of the East with which the Crusades had early and 
 intimately connected the Western merchants, — this com- 
 merce, I say, had not only augmented the general opulence 
 of the community, but prepared and led to civil liberty: so 
 that VLXMij free towns and cities had come to be established 
 for the benefit of trade ; alike in Italy, on the Baltic coast, 
 along the rivers of Germany, in England also, and Spain, 
 and in a measure in Erance.^ And both in England and 
 
 1 " As in the dawn of morning we distinguisli from a summit of the Alps, first 
 the inferior mountains, then the lakes, towns, hills, and plains, — so in the xith cen- 
 tury we first gain sight of the great reigning dynasties of Europe ; soon after of par-
 
 CH. I.] RETEOSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 7 
 
 France, Spain and Germany, feudal servitude, that relic of 
 the Gothic and Frankic conquests, had gradually disap- 
 peared before it. 
 
 Meantime also the intellectual energies had been aw^ak- 
 ened from their long comparative slumber. Universities 
 had in the xiith and xiiith centuries risen up in every coun- 
 try, and in every country been thronged with students ; at 
 Oxford and Cambridge, Paris and Montpellier, Bologna 
 and Padua, Salamanca and Prague, And although for 
 some long time, — notwithstanding the full course proposed 
 of study in the arts, medicine, jurisprudence, theology, — 
 in consequence of the scholastic philosophy prevailing, it 
 was only the intellectual exercise that profited, and but 
 little real light of science accrued to the associated stu- 
 dents, yet at length in the xivth century (a century illus- 
 trious as the sera of Dante and Petrarch) a fairer literature, 
 and larger range of study and of thought, opened before 
 them. Still more in the earher lialf of the xvth, after the 
 invention of printing, (an invention bearing date A.D. 
 1440,) and when the scholars of Greece, with their books 
 and their learning, were fleeing westward, in numbers 
 more and more, for refuge from the impending ruin of 
 their empire under the Turkish woe, — with the stores of 
 ancient classic literature thus fully at length set before 
 them, the Western literati all eagerly pursued the study of 
 it. Their ardour was that which is natural to the human 
 mind on some new and vast discovery. 
 
 Yet once more, throughout the greater part of the period 
 we speak of, religious zeal (if such it may be called) had 
 been a feature in the character of these nations of the West, 
 strongly marked and powerfidly acting. The wars of the 
 Crusades stand prominent on the military page of history, 
 a singular and most remarkable memorial of it. And, as 
 memorials of it of a very different kind, but in their way 
 scarcely less remarkable, there rose up those magnificent 
 ecclesiastical structures of the middle ages, which still excite 
 the admiration of the beholder, in England, Prance, Italy, 
 
 ticular illustrious families ; and at length of the associations of burgesses, which 
 gradually elevate themselves from the enslaved multitude." Miiller's Univ. Hist, 
 ii. 132.
 
 8 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 and Germany. Certainly in the minds of those who raised 
 them rehgious zeal could not have been lukewarm. 
 
 But if it be asked, — and it is to this point that the apo- 
 calyptic prophecy, like the rest of the books of inspiration, 
 specially and ever directs the attention, — if it be asked 
 what was now the character of their religion, and whether 
 advances had been made, during the progress of these four 
 centuries, towards the recovery of those truths and of that 
 moral purity of the religion of Jesus, which at their open- 
 ing, as we have seen, had been so greatly lost, — the answer 
 is altogether unsatisfactory. Notwithstanding the advance 
 in the various kingdoms of the West towards political 
 power, civil liberty, wealth, civilization, — notwithstanding 
 the development of intellectual energy, the acquirements 
 in literature, and wide-spread religious, or rather supersti- 
 tious zeal, there is the indubitable testimony of the most 
 authentic records of those middle ages to the fact, that the 
 religion prevalent was the grossest superstition ; and that 
 it was accompanied by a grievous corruption of morals, as 
 well as darkness of rehgious truth. Nor do I see how the 
 whole could be better characterized than by that brief de- 
 scriptive clause in the prediction before us, which speaks 
 of the men that were not slain by the second woe as 2vor- 
 shipping dcemons, and idols of gold, and silver, and brass, 
 and stone, and wood ; and of their fornications also, and 
 sorceries, and thefts, and murders. — Let us now, in re- 
 spect of each of these points, examine and verify by histo- 
 ric fact. 
 
 And first, as to the character of the religious worship 
 prevalent through this long middle age, up to the time of 
 the fall of Constantinople. It is described in the opening 
 clause of the verses before us, as that of " dcemons, and of 
 idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and wood." 
 — In which statement it is the word dcemons that first de- 
 mands notice. And, used as the term was in St. John's 
 time, in the current literature of the Roman world, to sig- 
 nify those fictions of men's fancy the heathen gods, and 
 adopted as that use had been in the Holy Scriptures, — 
 at the same time that the more frequent New Testament
 
 CH. I.J RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 9 
 
 application of it to the spirits that possessed dcemoniacs 
 suggested the fearful fact of living evil spirits acting, 
 though unsuspected, in the heathen system, — I say, since 
 such was the double use of the term in the apostle's time, 
 what could he reasonably infer from the declaration here 
 made but this ; — that there would have prevailed through 
 the times referred to, and been established in the professing 
 but apostatized Church of Western Christendom, a system 
 of dcemonolatry , the counterpart (albeit under the Christian 
 name) of that of heathen Greece or Rome : — a fact for 
 which (as already observed) the early Apocalyptic notice 
 of the abandonment of Christ's mediatorship and propitia- 
 tion would have prepared him. More particularly that it 
 would be one in which imaginary beings would be the 
 objects worshipped, and for the most part the spirits of 
 dead rnen deified ; that they would be characterized in their 
 worshippers' fancy by about as much, or as little, of moral 
 virtue as the gods of the heathen heaven before them ; that 
 they would be supposed to fulfil to their suppliants, just 
 like the latter, the offices of mediators and guardian-spirits ; 
 that thus, false as it was and antichristian, the system would 
 as truly be an emanation from hell as its precursor, and 
 one in which malignant evil spirits would as truly be the 
 suggesters, actors, and deceivers. — Such, I say, would, as 
 it seems to me, appear to be the intent of the predictive 
 clause under discussion, construed according to the recog- 
 nized scriptural meanings of the word dcemon} — And of 
 the fidfilment of tlje prophetic declaration, thus far, what 
 well-informed Protestant is ignorant? The Decrees of 
 the 7th General Council, — a Council already some time 
 since noticed by me,^ as authorizing and establishing the 
 worship of the saints and their images,^ — were fully in force 
 
 1 In the prophetic controversies of late years the true meaning of the word Saifio- 
 via, both here and in 1 Tim. iv. 1, and the propriety of its application to the canon- 
 ized saints of the Greek and Roman calendars, has been sometimes called into ques- 
 tion ; especially by Dr. S. R. Maitland. (Remarks on Christian Guardian, p. 110, 
 &c.) The importance of the point in itself, and the strength of the assertions made 
 against the propriety of this application of it, render necessary a more extended notice 
 of the subject than could be properly given in a Note. I have therefore placed it in 
 the Appendix at the end of this Volume : and must beg to commend it to the Reader's 
 attentive perusal. 
 
 2 Vol. i. pp. 468, 469. 
 
 3 It seems to me well deserving of remark, that the very same term for wor-
 
 10 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part III. 
 
 throughout the period I speak of : and this by necessity more 
 and more superseded all spiritual worship of the one true 
 God, through the one and only true Mediator Jesus Christ. 
 The parallel between the deified dead men of heathenism, 
 and those deified dead men of apostate Christendom, espe- 
 cially as believed in and worshipped through the middle age, 
 held in respect of character, (often flagitious character,^) 
 and offices, as well as of origin. — Nor must I omit to ob- 
 serve on the similarity of ivorship, as in neither case confined 
 to the abstractions of mental contemplation, but offered 
 through the medium (as the prophecy further added, and 
 as was sure to follow) of visible images : "^ or on the similar 
 
 shipping them, viz. -rrgoaKWOit, is here used, that was the one adopted in the 7th 
 General Council, with the special approbation of Pope Adrian, and all later Eoman- 
 ists, to designate the proper worship of the saints, in contradistinction to Xarpivu) : — 
 Tavratg (so. eiKO<n) aaTrartfiov (cai TtfirjTiKrjv TrpoffKvvrjffiv mrovtiifiv ov 
 fi}]v Tr/v Kara ttkttiv rjfiwv a\r}Qivr]v XarptLav, i) izpiiru fiovy tt] Onq, 
 <pvati. Hard. iv. 456. 
 
 1 A character a.s flagitious often in case of the latter as of ihe former. In regard 
 of their similar v indict ivenes-s, ivarlike propensities, and thirst of blood, the Albigensian 
 and Waldensian crusades, the Inquisition, &c., &c., already alluded to, furnish 
 abundantly sufficient evidence. It was in the names of Peter and Paul (i. e. of the 
 Papists' ideal St. Peter and Paul) that the ^llbigensian Crusaders were urged on to 
 their inhuman warfare and massacres. Sismondi Crusades, p. 24. (English Ed.) 
 The Inquisition had the special favour of their Virgin Mary. Southey's Vindic. 
 Eccl. Angl. pp. 465, 459 ; &c. As to their saints' sixmlax favourableness to impurity , 
 see Note ' p. 13 infra. See also my paper on Satj-iovtov in the Appendix.— I must 
 beg especial attention to this point. Saints they were called : but saints they were 
 not. 
 
 - Dr. Maitland, the able and learned advocate of the " Dark Ages," (a period de- 
 fined by him to extend from A.D. 800 to 1200,) admits this, at p. 75 of his Work 
 bearing that title, with reference to the latter half at least of the period I have here 
 under review. For in a notice of certain customary offerings to " God and the patron- 
 saints" of churches and monasteries in the 9th, 10th, and 11th centuries, he thus 
 specifies and reprobates evils afterwards following. " The superstition of the age 
 supposed the glorified saints to know what was going on In the world ; and to feel a 
 deep interest, and possess a considerable power, in the church militant on earth. I 
 believe that they who thought so were altogether mistaken ; and I lament, abhor, and 
 am amazed at, the superstitions, blasphemies, and idolatries, which have grown [i. e. 
 subsequently'] out of that opinion." 
 
 He adds : " As to the notion itself, I do not know that it was wicked ; and I 
 almost envy those whose credulous simplicity so realized the communion of saints, 
 
 t saints .'] and anticipated the period when the whole family in heaven and earth shall 
 e gathered together in one." A passage which I dare not pass over without ex- 
 pressing my deep regret that Dr. M. should have written it ; and cautioning the 
 reader against being led by it to any idea of the inuocency of such superstitious 
 views about departed saints, as were held in the earlier half of the dark ages. It 
 was a view which, by the substitution of those saints, virtually displaced Christ from 
 Ids office of man's mediator, intercessor, and propitiation ; just as allusively inti- 
 mated, if I mistake not, in the Apocalyptic figuration of the incense-offering, with 
 reference to the exact epoch (the end of the 4th century) when this superstition 
 began : (see Vol. i. p. 330, &c. :) and displaced him too from his office as the 
 Christian's ever-present, ever-watchful guardian and guide. A sin surely that had 
 no common measure of guilt and ingratitude attaching to it! From which time
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 11 
 
 variety, in respect of material and value, in the idoU of 
 either system ; and the consequent adaptation of the Chris- 
 tian, as of the Pagan idolatry, to the circumstances of every 
 rank in society. " Idols oi gold, and silver, and brass, and 
 stone, and tvood." ^ The fact in this point, as in every 
 other, answered precisely to the prophecy. And thus 
 houses as well as churches, — the street-corners and the 
 highways, — the cabins of the poor and the palaces of the 
 rich, — had severally their images of suitable material : and 
 before them, through the times spoken of, high and low, 
 rich and poor, laics and ecclesiastics, did all, in contempt 
 of God's command, just as their pagan forefathers,^ alike 
 bow down and worship. 
 
 the system of saint-invocation never intermitted ; became soon the system of samt- 
 worship, Trpo<jKvvt}(Tig Sai^wviwv, as here stated ; and then next, worship of their 
 images.— In Dr. M.'s own list (p. 76) of sacred offerings in these ages the form is, 
 " Deo, et sanctissimo martyri ejus Bonifacio ; " — " Creatori omnium Domino, . . nec- 
 non et gloriosissimo martyri Juliano ; " — " Creatori Deo, necnon Sancto Martino 
 Domino raeo gloriosissimo, quem toto affectu diligo ; " &c. — Thus, though CJirist 
 was acknowledged to be God, (nor indeed, as we shall hereafter see, Part iv. ch. 5, 
 could the system of the Papal Antichrist have been perfect without it,) yet Christ in 
 his character of the God-man Mediator, was virtually superseded and denied, just as 
 much as by the earlier Gnostics ; — until at length the Papal antichristian ap,ostasy, 
 having come to its acme about A.D. 1200, found out a place consistently vrithin itself 
 for the worship of the God-man Christ, through its doctrine of tranmbstantiation : 
 of which there will appear in chap. iii. of this Part a striking illustration. 
 
 An illustration of what I have said as to the supersession of Christ by this saint- 
 worship occurs in the Chronicle of £rakehnd, a monk of St. Edmund's Bury in the 
 twelfth century, recently published by the Cambridge Camden Society. The trans- 
 lator, Mr. Tomlin, thus wi-ites. "Through the whole of the Chronicle our Saviour's 
 name is never once mentioned. God and St. Edmund is a phrase of common occui"- 
 rence. Indeed nothing short of a narrative of this description could fully develope 
 the depravation of the Christiau religion by means of saint-tcorship." — Is not our 
 Church's Homily more correct, as well as more authoritative, than Dr. Maitland, in 
 making the idolatry of Christendom to have extended back full 800 years before the 
 Reformation, and characteri'zing it as damnable ? 
 
 ' Compare Dan. v 4, 23. 
 
 rieury, ad ann. 599, speaking of Serenus of Marseilles, observes that all the 
 ancient images were images or pictures of wood ; "images de bois." — In the other 
 materials mentioned there is a curious evidence of the Latins being particularly in- 
 tended in this prophetic notice. The Greek Church allows of pictures, as unsubstan- 
 tial; but anathematizes bownng before statues, as idolatry. MiyaXr] dia(popa ttvai, 
 says Ricaut, chap. i. 17, avafitrra twv eiSojXuv Kai twv tiKoi'iov. I quote from 
 Waddington on the Greek Church, p. 59. 
 
 In the year 1215 deified bread was added to the other material objects of worship, 
 by Innocent III ; who then, in the 4th Council of Lateran, authoritatively enjoined 
 the doctrine of transubstantiation. However, as this was not a saint, but supposed 
 however erroneously to be Christ, its worship was not dwmonolatry. 
 
 * A Romanist generally disclaims the charge of idolatry with indignation. Ho 
 should remember that the arguments he uses, in support of his disclaimer, are just 
 such as would be used by a Plutarch or a Julian, in explanation and defence of 
 heathen idolatrous worship; viz. as themselves looking through tlie idols to God. 
 (See Neander's Ch. Hist. i. 27, iii. 56, &c.) Said the 2nd I^iceue Council of the 
 pseudo- Christian image-worship ; 'H TT]q hkovoq rifxt] em to irpiororvTrov Sia-
 
 12 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 If, in connection with this its superstition and idolatry, 
 the morals meanwhile of Western Europe be inquired of, the 
 answer is given in another emphatic word that we find in the 
 predictive statement before us ; which tells of " their forni- 
 cations." — He who is at all acquainted with the history of 
 the middle ages, must be aware of the wide-spread licen- 
 tiousness then prevailing, most of all with the clergy. 
 Histoi'ians and poets, ballads and acts of councils/ alike 
 testify to the fact. — It may perhaps be intimated by the 
 juxta-position and intimate association of the words in the 
 prophetic clause, that this licentiousness was not only the 
 accompaniment, but in a measure the effect, of the dsemon- 
 Avorshipping superstition prevalent. And certainly in 
 many ways (I might almost say in every way) immorality 
 and vice were fostered by it. The notions entertained of 
 the character of some even of the most eminent of the 
 saints worshipped, just as of those of the heathen deities in 
 ancient times, acted as an incentive, rather than prevent- 
 
 fiaivfi, Kai 6 TrpoffKwj'wi' tj/J' fiKova TrpoffKVi'ft tv aj)ry tov iyypa(po^ei'OV 
 TT/v viroaraaiv. (Hard. iv. 456.) And so the Council of Trent, 800 years after. 
 Said Julian of the Pagan image-worship ; ovx \va iKuva (ayaXjuara) Otovg 
 vofXicswuiv, aW \va Si avTiov tovq Qtovg OtpaTrtvawfiiv. Julian, Fragm. p. 293. 
 
 It is unfortunate for the Romanist and Greek apostates that authorities the most 
 dissentient on other points should unite in taking this view of their worship. The 
 ancient Fagam charged the apostatizing Christians, hefore the close of the 4th 
 century, with idolatry in a new form, with regard both to martp's and the cross.* 
 The Mahommedan Saracens and Turks charged them with it subsequently : a fact 
 illustrated already as regards the Saracens in my Vol. i. p. 448 ; and of which, as 
 regards the Turks, a striking illustration will occur at the close of this Chapter. In 
 Christendom Protestants do the same ; including even learned Infidels, e. g. Gibbon. 
 Finally the Jeivs add their consenting testimony : both the more ancient Jews, as 
 Maimonidcs ; and the moderns also. Mr. Nicolayson, I am told, wrote a few years 
 since an account of a Jew converted to Christianity at Jerusalem, who was afraid to 
 avow himself a Cliristian, for fear of his being considered and killed by his brethren 
 as an idolater. (See Jewish Report for 1835, p. 40.) — Since then we may be thank- 
 ful that the Protestant Church of England has begun to be known at Jerusalem : and 
 through it the fact, so long unknown to eastern Jews, that to be a Christian and a 
 worshipper of idols is not identical. 
 
 ' " if j-ou wish to see the horrors of those ages," (the middle ages,) says Chateau- 
 briand, Disc. Hist. Tom. iii. 420, "read the Councils." — Dr. Maitland allows this in 
 a measure (Dark Ages, p. 33) : and I must say, that, having looked into the Coun- 
 cils with this object myself, the evidence of the immoral character of the priesthood 
 seems to mc irresistible. With reference to the ixth and xth centuries, I have spoken 
 in an earlier Chapter. (See Vol. i. p. 473.) With reference to the five following 
 centuries, see, for an illustration, p. 14, Note-'. 
 
 * See my Vol. i. pp. 281, 335, " Vertistis idola in martyres," said the Mani- 
 chean Faustus, "quos votis similibus colitis." To tov ffravpov TrpoffKvvtiTt ^vTyov, 
 said .Julian, tiKova5 aiiTov crKiaypaipovvTiq ti> rip fjiTwTrti). koi irpo twv oiKTjfiaruiV 
 tyypa<povTiQ. Spanheim's Julian, et C'yrill. p. iu4. (Ed. 1090.)
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 13 
 
 ive, to sins of impurity.^ — The system of indulgences, (one 
 formed on the notion of their saints' supererogatory merits,) 
 according to which sins of this class might at a very cheap 
 rate be atoned for and pardoned, confirmed men in the 
 light notions prevailing of their guilt and evil,^ And the 
 very pilgrimages to one and another of their saints' shrines, 
 which were enjoined so frequently in the middle ages, as one 
 kind of i^enance for sin and means to its remission, being 
 enjoined on multitudes of both sexes at the same time and 
 to the same place, were notoriously the occasion of immo- 
 raUty on the largest scale. ^ — Further, the compulsory celi- 
 hacif of the clergy, a rule enforced under the strongest 
 penalties throughout the Romish Church, from the time of 
 
 1 On this point let me give Mr. Hallam's testimony: Middle Ages, iii. 347. (3rd 
 Ed.) — "That the exclusive worship of saints, under the guidance of an artful thougii 
 illiterate priesthood, degraded the understanding, and begot a stupid credulity and 
 fanaticism is sutticiently evident. But it was also so managed as to loosen the bonds 
 of religion, and pervert the standard of morality. If these inhabitants of heaven 
 had been represented as stern avengers, accepting no slight atonement for heavy 
 oflFences, and prompt to interpose their control over natural events for the detection 
 and punishment of guilt, the creed .... might have proved a salutary check on a 
 rude people, and would at least have had the only palliation that can be offered for a 
 religious imposture, its political expediency. In the legends of those times on the 
 contrary," — and then Mr. Hallam gives specimens of the current legends concerning 
 the saints, abundantly confirmatory of my statement; adding, that the general 
 character of religious notions prevalent is best known from these popular compositions. 
 — Besides the specimens given by him let the reader, who has the opportunity, con- 
 sult also the stories in the Golden Legend ; — a later work of which, we read, such was 
 the popularity in the loth century, that Panza enumerates upwards of seven editions 
 in the Latin, (the language most used by priests,) eight in Italian, fourteen in Butch, 
 five in German, three in French. So Ames Typogr. Antiq. i. 190. 
 
 One is reminded by these legends of Ond's celebrated lines, on the incentive to 
 vice in the immoral character of the Pagan deities ; Trist. ii. 287. 
 
 Quis locus est templis augustior ? hiec quoque vitet, 
 
 In culpam si qu* est ingeniosa suam. '. 
 Cum steterit Jovis aede, Jovis suocurret in aede 
 
 Quam multas mati'es fecerit ille Deus. 
 Proxima adorauti Junonia templa subibit 
 
 Pellicibus multis banc doluisse deam : &c. 
 
 Similar to which is Cyprian's remark in his 1st Epistle, to Donatus, " Exprimunt 
 impudicam Venerem, adulterum Martem," &c. And so too Lactantius, Div. Inst. 
 v. 10. 
 
 2 In the Pontificate of John XXII, about A.D. 1320, there was invented the cele- 
 brated Tax of Indulgences, of which more than forty editions are extant. Incest 
 was to cost, if not detected, Jire groschen ; if known or flagrant, six. A certain 
 price was affixed similarly to adultery, infanticide, &c. See Merle d'Aubigne's Re- 
 formation; Vol. i. p. 41. (Ed. 1839.) The same is noticed by Robertson, and in 
 Mendham's Index. Expurg. — " These Indulgences, instead of causing men to dread 
 sin, encourage them to wallow therein as hogs," said Wiclifl'. Le Bas, p. 329. 
 
 3 Hallam, Middle Ages, iii. 357. "This licensed vagrancy," he says, "was na- 
 turally productive of dissoluteness." So too Mills on the Crusades : chap. i. — 
 Compare my notice. Vol. i. p. 334, Note -, of the earliest pilgrimages to saints' 
 shrines, and the accompanying dissoluteness.
 
 14 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 Gregory VII, downward, as also that of the monks and 
 nuns, involved the depravation, as it was sure to do, both 
 among and around them, alike of the outward morals and 
 of the heart -. ^ add to which the fact of the regular episco- 
 pal licensing of fornication among the priesthood, already 
 noted with reference to an earlier age ; ^ and which con- 
 tinued through these four centuries,^ indeed, it will appear, 
 still later.* — Once more the practice of auricular confession, 
 — a practice recommended and fostered, we have seen,^ by 
 the Popes from early times, but which was for the first 
 time authoritatively enjoined, as an integral and necessary 
 part of the Romish religion, in the 4 th Later an Council, 
 A.D. 1215,^ — that " damnable system of the confessional," 
 as it has been called in its late exposure,^ — I say this prac- 
 tice of auricular confession, besides its other appalling evils, 
 made the tainting of the female mind an integral part of 
 Romish priestcraft, and gave consecration to the commun- 
 ings of impurity.^ 
 
 If it be asked, again, how a system of religion could be 
 admitted and believed in, so monstrous, and so opposed, 
 not to the spirit of the Bible only, but even to the moral 
 sense of the natural conscience, we may remind the reader, 
 first, that the religion of the Bible was then almost un- 
 
 ' For the state of the nunneries in Eome in A.D. 1347, see Life and Times of 
 Rienzi, p. 27. — At the opening of the next century, the loth, for an account of their 
 state generally through Western Christendom no more unimpeachahle authorities 
 could be cited than Gcrson, the French orator, so celebrated at the Council of Con- 
 stance, and Clemangis, a French theologian, also contemporary, and of great eminence. 
 The former called them, "Prostibula meretricum." (See L'Enfant's Council of 
 Constance, vii. 8, 9.) The latter thus speaks of them. " Quid aliud sunt hoc tem- 
 pore puellarum monasteria, nisi qu;«dam, non dico Dei sauctuaria, sed Veneris exe- 
 cranda prostibula : . . . . ut idem hodie sit puellam velare, quod ad public^ scortandum 
 exponere." I quote from Waddington iii. 118. Let me add that Clemangis was 
 Doctor of the Sorbonne; and a writer as eminent for candour and integrity (so 
 Mosheim, xv. 2. 2. 24) as for learning. See too to the same effect Gieseler ii. 275: 
 and compare a similar statement respecting the earlier ninth century, cited in my 
 Vol. i. p. 473. 
 
 3 Vol. i. p. 473 Note i. 
 
 3 See the Council of Paris, Canons 4 of 1st Part, 13 of 4th Part, held A.D. 1212 ; 
 the 4th Lateran, Canon 14, held 1215 ; Clemangis' statement presented to the Council 
 of Constance, held 1414 ; (and which is given by Waddington, ibid. ;) also the Canon 
 of the Council of Basle, held 1432, which was transcribed and repeated by that of 
 Sens, held A.D. 1485. Harduin vi. ii. 2001, 2017; vii. 31; viii. 1194; ix. 1530, 
 1531. * See p. 28 Note 3 infra. s Vol. i. p. 409. 
 
 « Canon 21. ' Especially by the Rev. R. M'Ghee. 
 
 8 Bens is by no means singular in his abominations. — I have seen much the same 
 in other books of Romish casuistry ; and something of the same in a Sacerdotium 
 ilissale, printed in Italy.
 
 CH. r.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 15 
 
 known ; next, that the complacency of the natural corrup- 
 tion in a religion in many ways so suited to it, was sure with 
 the larger number to dull the moral sense, and still the 
 misgivings of conscience. — But, besides this, he who would 
 understand the general credence yielded to it, must never 
 forget the lying sorceries ^ with which, as here also pre-inti- 
 mated, the priests in those dark ages supported it. Just 
 as in every country where heathen idolatry has been estab- 
 lished the priesthood have, alike in ancient and in modern 
 times, had their magical deceits wherewith to work on the 
 credulity of a superstitious people, so it was in those mid- 
 dle ages with the priests of the Romish Church ;^ and indeed 
 subsequently also, in proportion as the ignorance prevailing 
 might allow of the practice. Who that is acquainted with 
 its history knows not of the impostures through which 
 miracles were, through all this long period, assumed to 
 have been wrought, v^^hether by the priests themselves di- 
 rectly, or yet more by the relics or images of saints, the 
 priests' puppets •} — images "which could neither see, nor 
 
 1 0apjua«iat. On St. Paul's use of this word, Gal. v. 20, " idolatry, ?^;iVM«-ff/!f 
 {(papixaKiia), &c.," Couybeare (Life of St. Paul, ii. 150) observes that in ancient 
 times professors of the magical arts were wont to use poisons ; whence the word in 
 this application. And the question thus suggests itself, Was there less use of poison 
 in the middle ages among the (papfiatcsK; of Papal than of Imperial Rome ? 
 
 2 The sorceries of the heathen priests in Egypt and Babylon seem figured as Papal 
 Rome's prototypes in the Apocahi^e : the word (papfiaKtia used here, or its cognates, 
 being used of the former, Exod. vii. 11, Dan. ii. 2, &c. Sept. 
 
 3 On the tricks and sorceries of Romish pseudo-christian priests, see Southey's 
 Book of the Church, pp. 173—177, 277- (Ed. 4.)— Wic/if mercilessly exposed them 
 in the last quarter of the 14th century, as also Ifuss early in the 1.5th. As an ex- 
 ample from the latter, in character somewhat singular, I may instance his Treatise 
 " against the impostures of covetous priests .... who put their own blood into the 
 host, to make fools believe that it is the blood of Christ." L'Eufant, Hist, of Council 
 of Constance, Vol. i. p. 27. (Engl. Transl. 1730.) 
 
 It was dui-ing the period I am reviewing, viz. about the opening of the xivth cen- 
 tury, that the Romish forgery about Veronica was completed. Originally, as was 
 admitted, says Augustine, (De Trin. viii. 4,) there was no true picture of Christ, no 
 vera icon. Eusebius, however, (H. E. vii. 18,) had told of a two-figured brass image 
 of a woman kneeling, and man stretching out his hand to her, sho-«Ti him at 
 Paneas, or Cajsarea Philippi, which the inhabitants explained to represent Christ 
 and the woman there healed of the bloody flux, as recorded in Matt. ix. 20. And, 
 about A.D. 600, John Malala, with reference to this, (which Sozomen says was 
 destroyed by Julian,) called the woman Veronice. This mistake, however, seems to 
 have di-opped : but the idea of there being some picture of Christ on a handkerchief 
 {sudarium) remained. So Bede. In the middle ages it became a most profitable 
 legend. About 1200 A.D. Pope Innocent III. conceded a Faculty to certain Roman 
 artists of making and selling to foreign visitants Veronicas, or true" pictures of Christ. 
 Some 30 years later Gregory IX, by another diploma, assigned the profits of the sale to 
 the Canons of the Vatican. And about 1316 Pope John XXII autliorized the modern 
 story, both about the picture and the saint; viz. as if the pictui-e had been found
 
 16 Apoc. IX. 90, 21. [part hi. 
 
 hear, nor walk ; " but which were yet very many of them 
 asserted, and beheved, to be possest of human senses/ and 
 to exercise tlie power of making the lame to walk, restoring 
 sight to the blind, and hearing to the deaf: and the saints 
 indeed were on this account canonized, as it was called, by 
 the Pope ; in other words deified ? - Who knows not of the 
 pretended but lying visions related by priests of what was 
 passing in purgatory ; ^ and of the asserted effect of the 
 masses, prayers, and indulgences purchased for their relief, 
 on the souls suffering in it? " It must not be supposed," 
 says Mr. Hallam, " that these absurdities were produced 
 by ignorance. In most cases they were the work of deli- 
 berate imposture." They were the (poLofxaxsiai, the sorceries, 
 whereby to stupify and to charm, specified both here and 
 elsewhere in the Apocalypse, as one of the deadly unre- 
 pented sins of Papal Rome : * — that great city which is 
 spiritually called Egypt and Babylon ; ^ and which was in- 
 deed, though under a Christian name, the very representa- 
 
 imprest, on its return to her, upon a handkerchief lent by a woman named Veronica to 
 Christ as a sudarimn, when toiling on his way to Calvary : and issued a hymn of 
 prayer addressed to the picture ; with an indulgence of 10,000 days to them that 
 devoutly used it. The sudarium and the saint are still shown at St. Peter's. See 
 Gieseler Text Book i. § 24, Note ^ ; Ducange ad verb. Feroiiice ; Bonanni Numism. 
 i. 309 ; and Maitland's Catacombs, pp. 133—136. 
 
 ' " Nostri fabulatores," says Laurentius Valla, "passim inducunt idola loquentiaj 
 quod ipsi Gentiles, et idolorum cultores, uou dicmit." Wadd. iii. 348. So the cru- 
 cifix at Boxley, mentioned in Bishop Burnet's account of the suppression of monas- 
 t?ries under Henry VIII, and by Southey, ibid. p. 278 ; which was famous for mov- 
 ing its head, hands, and feet, rolling its eyes, &c. 
 
 2 As an example of the saints' thus asserted miracle-working, and consequent 
 cxnonization, take the following. In A.D. I3Uo, King Edward I was prevailed <m 
 by his clergy to write to Pope Clement V, to canonize Thomas de Cantelupe, bishop 
 of Hereford, because a multitude of miracles had been wrought by his influence : 
 " intantum," says the king, "quod, ipsius meritis et intercessionibus gloriosis, lumen 
 caecis, surdis auditus, verbum mutis, gressus claudis, et alia pleraque beneficia, ipsius 
 patrocinium implorantibus coelesti dextra conferuutur." Fifidera, Vol. I. p. 976, Ed. 
 1816. Other examples of canonization (see the M. Bull. Rom.) in the course of the 
 period under review were, A.D. 1225 St. Lawrence ; A.D. 1264 St. Richard of 
 Chichester; A.D. 1319 St. Bridget. 
 
 What an illustration of the unblushing impudence of these priestly falsehoods and 
 sorceries is the statement laid down by the famous Papal casuist Veron, that it is not 
 an article of faith with Roman Catholics that the bones and relics belong to those 
 whose names are attached to them ! (See the English Translation by Mr. Water- 
 worth.) While yet, as the worshipper is told, it is simply in virtue of each such 
 particular saint's personal merit that the miracles are wrought ! — ^What would 
 Martin of Tours have said to such doctrine, if preserving the same spirit that made 
 him so indignant against the setting forth of a robber's relics as those of a saint ! 
 Vigilantius p. 146. 
 
 » See my brief sketch of the progress and establishment of the doctrine of pur- 
 gatory, Vol. i. p. 406, iSrc. 
 
 ■* See Apoc. xviii. 23. * Apoc. xi. 8.
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 17 
 
 tive in this respect, as well as others, of heathen Egypt and 
 heathen Babylon before it. 
 
 But tvherefore did the priesthood and the monks, the 
 bishops and the popes, thus with one consent deceive ? 
 Another of the characteristic words in the clause we are 
 considering points out the master-motive ; " They repented 
 not of their thefts!' — No doubt ambition and j»r?(i6 oper- 
 ated with most in the ecclesiastical higher stations, indeed 
 with more than the high ones in the priesthood ; ^ and 
 again, with many, a dark, blind superstition : but the love 
 of money, that root of all evil, operated with all. Hence the 
 value fraudulently assigned to relics : of which ( just as in 
 the time of Gregory I, and even before it,) the demand 
 and the supply were incessant through the dark ages in 
 Western Christendom ! ^ Hence the exaltation of this and 
 that saiufs miracle-working merit, in order to draw deluded, 
 votaries to make their pecuniary offerings at the shrine ; 
 and the canonization of new saints, and dedication of new 
 images, when the interest of the old was partially worn out.^ 
 — Hence the invention and sale of indulgences, first by the 
 bishops, alike to clergy and people ; afterwards, in the 12th 
 century, by the popes as a papal monopoly : through the 
 which mdulgences, in virtue of a sufficient money-pay- 
 ment, not the ecclesiastical penance only, due to sin, but 
 even that oi purgatory, was now declared to be remitted.* — 
 
 1 See the early progress of this noted, Vol. i. 408 supra. 
 
 2 I have alluded long since (Vol. i. p. 333) to Augustine's early denunciation of 
 this practice. It was only a specimen of what increased continually afterwards, even 
 to the period under review. So, for example, Mosheim, xii. 2. 3. 3, in his ecclesiastical 
 sketch of the 12th centuiy, observes; "The abbots and monks carried about the 
 country the carcases and relics of saints, in solemn procession ; and permitted the 
 multitude to behold, touch, and embrace the sacred remains, at fixed prices." 
 
 3 " Every cathedi'al or monastery had its tutelar saint, and every saint his legend ; 
 fabricated in order to enrich the churches under his protection, by exaggerating his 
 virtues and his miracles, and consequently his power of serviug those who paid liber- 
 ally for his patronage." Hallam iii. 346. 
 
 * Wiciiff (partially quoted p. 13, Note ^ ) declared that Indulgences were mere 
 forgeries, whereby the Priesthood " rob men cwsedbj of their money : a subtle mer- 
 chandise of Antichrist's clerks, whereby they magnify their own fictitious power ; and, 
 instead of causing men to dread sin, encourage men to wallow therein as hogs." 
 
 See Gibbon xi. 15 — 19, Merle d'Aubigne Vol. i. p. 39, and Waddington iii. 320, 
 339 — 344, &c„ for a sketch of the progressive doctrine of Indulgences. (Also my 
 Yol. i. p. 409, Note ®.) It began, says Merle, under John the Faster, Archbishop of 
 Constantinople ; having reference then simply to the ecclesiastical penances enjoined. 
 The priests said ; " penitents, you are unable to perform the penances we have 
 imposed upon you. Well, then, we the priests of God will take on ourselves this 
 heavy burden. Who can better fast than we ? Who better kneel and recite Psalms ? "
 
 18 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi- 
 
 Hence the prescription oi pilgiHmages, as an act of penance, 
 to shrines of smaller note or greater, and to be performed 
 on a larger scale or less, individually or in multitudes ; ^ — 
 above all, of pilgrimao;e to Rome, on the gigantic scale of 
 the Jubilee. The which latter institution, first invented and 
 promulgated by Pope Boniface VIII, in the year 1300, as 
 in lieu of crusades to Jerusalem," was responded to eagerly 
 by all Western Europe ; the enactment being that each 
 100th year, and afterwards each 50th, then each 33rd, in 
 
 But the labourer is worthy of his hire. The priestly substitute must be paid. — So of 
 ecclesiastical penances for sins. Then followed the extension of the doctrine to the 
 (iX])ecteA punishments after death. After a while, the Pope, the High Priest of Chris- 
 tendom, perceived the advantage derivable from it. Alexander De Hales, in the 13th 
 century, invented the doctrine necessary to secure the advantage to the papacy. 
 Supererogatory works had been done by Christ and the saints, and so a supererogatonj 
 merit attached to them : of all which the guardianship and distribution was confided 
 to the Vicar of Christ. Thomas Aquinas confirmed the doctrine, and applied it to the 
 case of the dead in purgatory. A Bull of Clement VII made it an article of faith. — 
 Then came under John XXII the famous Tax of Indulgences, already alluded to, p. 
 13; and just before it, in 1300, the Jubilean Bull of Boniface VIII, (of which more 
 presently,) with its promises of plenary indulgence. Under Boniface IX, on occasion 
 of the Jubilee of 1390 or 1400,* there was a complete rehearsal of the indulgence- 
 vending for which Tetzel afterwai'ds became famous. Wadd. iii. 69. Well might 
 Leo X exclaim (Barrow on Supremacy of Popes, c. 5) a little later ; "How profit- 
 able this fable of Jesus Christ has been to us ! " 
 
 quantas 
 
 Nobis divitias peperit hiBC fabula Christ! ! 
 
 See also on this subject Muratori Antiq. M. M. Tom. v. Dissert. 68. — Copies of 
 Indulgences are common. One issued at the opening of the 16th century is given by 
 Waddington, iii. 344, and will be illustrated in ray eh. iii. following. In a later part 
 of my work a fac-simile will appear of one of the 17th century ; the original of which 
 is in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. 
 
 '• e. g. the pilgrimages in Italy to our Lady of Loretto, in Spain to St. James of 
 Compostella. That to the shrine of Thomas a Becket will readily occur to the reader 
 as an English illustration. Through his reputation Canterbury became the little 
 Rome of England. A Jubilee was celebrated each -50th year in his honour, with 
 plenary indulgence to such as visited his tomb ; of whom 100,000 have been regis- 
 tered at a time. Two large volumes were filled, says Gervase of Canterbury, with 
 accounts of the miracles wrought at his tomb. And the following lists of the value 
 of offerings made on two successive years to his shrine, the Virgin Mary's, and 
 Christ's, in the cathedral church there, will well illustrate both what is here stated of 
 the gains to the priesthood from these pilgrimages, and of the efi'ectiveness of the 
 new diemonolatry to efface regard to, and remembrance of, the Lord Jesus Christ. 
 The lists are taken from Dr. Middleton's Letters from Rome, p. 128. 
 
 FIRST YEAR. £ S. d. NEXT YEAR. 
 
 Christ's altar .... 326 Christ's altar 
 
 Virgin Mary's . . . . 63 5 6 Virgin Mary's . . 
 
 Becket's 832 12 9 Becket's .. .. 
 
 So too Southey, Book of Church, p. 149 ; where, however, the sums are stated less par- 
 ticularly and somewhat differently ; Christ's altar in one year £0, Becket's above £600. 
 - Ferrario (ii. 433^ says that Boniface borrowed his idea from the centen<ary 
 secular festivals of ancient heathen Rome : citing from Dante's Vita Nuova, respecting 
 the Jubilean pilgrims, " Chiamansi Eomei, in quanto vanno a Roma." 
 
 * Waddington makes it 1390. 
 
 £ 
 
 s. 
 
 d. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 954 
 
 6 
 
 3
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 19 
 
 virtue of a pilgrimage to Rome, and visitation of its 
 churches, every sin was to be cancelled to the pilgrim, and 
 his salvation ensured.^ — Hence the assurance to the dying 
 man of forgiveness and salvation, in case of testamentary 
 bequests to the church or monastery.^ Hence, after his 
 death, the tales to surviving relatives of the efficacy of 
 masses for the dead, and of indulgences bought by sur- 
 vivors, to free the soul from purgatory.^ — To which might 
 
 1 The venality of Rome is early celebrated. So in the 10th century by Arnulph, 
 bishop of Orleans; who calls Rome " a venal city, which weighs all its decrees by 
 the quantity of money." This, however, was at a time preceding the 400 years under 
 review. — From after the commencement of the Jubilees, in consequence of priestly 
 appeals to the people of Christendom, and of their superstitious veneration of the 
 spot, "the Vatican and the Capitol were," as Gibbon says, (xii. 262,) "nourished 
 by incessant and increasing swarms of pilgrims and suppliants." The Jubilee was a 
 happy contrivance, to ensure a vast periodical increase of a supply already habituated 
 to flow to Rome. For what was not promised in it .'' " Hodie salus facta est mundi," 
 said the Jubihiean medal, A. D. 1350, of Clement VI. (Given in Bonanni.) 
 
 Of the Jubilee of 1300, Muratori thus writes, "Papa innumerabilem pecuniam ab 
 iisdem recepit ; quia die et nocte duo clerici stabant ad altare Sancti Pauli, tenentes 
 in eorum manibus rastellos, rastellantes pecuniam infinitam." Hallam ii. 322. 
 
 Of the Jubilee next following, that of 1350, Matt. Villani says ; "The concourse 
 was such, that between Christmas and Easter there were 1,200,000 foreigners at 
 Rome : the places of those who returned home being supplied by new comers. Be- 
 tween Ascension and Whitsunday there were 800,000 more : and, notwithstanding 
 the heat of the summer, there was scarce a day during the season but 200,000 foreign- 
 ers were seen at Rome." liife of Rienzi, p. 167 ; Waddington iii. 18, 19. 
 
 It was in his Bull appointing this Jubilee of 1350, that Clement VI, in reference 
 to pilgrims who might die on their journey to Rome, used the blasphemous language ; 
 "We absolutely command the angels, that they place his soul in paradise, entirely 
 exempt fi'om purgatory." Nihilominus prorsus mandamus Angelis Faradisi, quatenus 
 animam illius, d Purgatorio penitus absolutam, in faradisi gloriam introducant. 
 Giannone Lib. xxii. 8.* 
 
 Of Boniface IX's Jubilee in 1400 I have spoken in Note * p. 17 preceding. — In 
 that of 1450 " an eye-witness," says Ranke, (Hist, of Popes i. 37,) "describes them 
 as coming like swarms of bees, or flights of migratory birds : " — indeed the concoui'se 
 was such that many were crushed to death. Waddington, iii. 257. 
 
 2 In Wiclifl''s time "there were in England 53,215 feoda militum : of which the 
 religious had 28,000; i. e. more than half?' Le Bas' Wiclifl", p. 131, from Turner's 
 History of England, ii. 413. — Blackstoue says, that but for the intervention of the 
 Legislature, and the Statute of Mortmain, the church would probably ere now " have 
 become masters probably of every foot of ground in the kingdom." Vol. iv. p. 107. 
 
 3 So gainful was the death of members of wealthy families in this manner to the 
 priests, that Huss, in his reproaches of their avarice (about 1400 A.D.), applied the 
 Latin line in proverbial form against them : 
 
 De morbo medicus gaudet ; de morte sacerdos. 
 See L'Enfant, Hist, of Council of Constance, i. 36 ; &c. 
 
 In this denunciation of the avarice of the priesthood WicUff, as is well known, 
 was Hiiss's energetic predeces.sor. He particularly accuses the clergy of " inventing 
 [purgatorial] pains horrible and shameful, in order to make men pay a vast ransom." 
 Le Bas, p. 328, &c. So also, about 1350, Juan Ruiz in Spain. See" M'Crie's Reform 
 in Spain, p. 58. 
 
 * The authority of this passage, as put forward by some writer witliout exact 
 reference to the original, has been, I think, disputed by Dr. S. R. Maitlaud. It is 
 however perfectly correct. I have myself verified it.
 
 20 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part iti. 
 
 be added, within the church itself, the long-established 
 system of the sale and purchase of ecclesiastical dignities 
 from Rome : ^ and the episcopal licences of fornication, 
 regularly granted to the priesthood century after century, 
 as we have seen, at a money -price? — But indeed on this 
 subject, having once begun, where shall we end ?^ 
 
 There is yet another heavy charge against Western 
 Christendom, during " the hour, and day, and month, and 
 year," in the predictive verse before us ; — the charge of 
 murders. Need I explain to the reader, how exactly this 
 answers also to the facts of the ecclesiastical history of 
 Western Europe during the latter half of these four cen- 
 turies ? He will be aware, no doubt, how from early in 
 
 ^ For example Matthew Paris mentions that in the twelfth century, in the reign 
 of Henry I, a sum equal perhaps to £10,000 was paid to Rome by the Archbishop of 
 York for his pall.* (Barrow on Pope's Supremacy, p. 309.) In 1518, a little after 
 our present a3ra, an Archbishop of Mayence estimated the expense at 27,000 florins ; 
 and grieved on his dying-bed that his poor subjects would have to buy it for his 
 successor. Wadd iii. 390. In order, by the way, that no Archbishop might use the 
 pall of his predecessor, it was ordained in the Decretals that each deceased Archbishop 
 should be buried in his pall. See Foxe i. 335, Note. (Ed. 1841.)— In 1376, we read, 
 the "good Parliament," under Edward III, remonstrated against Papal exactions; 
 saying, " that the taxes paid to the Pope of Eome for ecclesiastical dignities do 
 amount to fivefold as much as the taxes of all profits that appertain to the King by 
 the year of his whole realme." Ann. 50, Edward III, Tit. 94. Given in Foxe, 
 ii. 786. 
 
 2 gee Note ^ p. 14 supra. 
 
 3 So a Florentine priest of the liith century : (I cite from Dr. Gilly's Roraaunt 
 version of St. John, p. xviii.) 
 
 Ipsa caput mundi venalis curia Papte 
 
 Prostat, et infermat f ccetera membra caput. 
 Sacrum cerne ncfas, utrumque pudentius sevo, 
 
 Venditur in turpi conditioue foro : 
 Chrisma sacrum, sacer ordo, altaria sacra, sacrata 
 Dona ; quid hsec ultro ? Venditur ipse Deus. 
 Very similarly writes early in the xvth century, Theodoric Vrie, in his History of the 
 Council of Constance : (see the citation in Waddington iii. 121 :) and so again, a little 
 later, ^neas Silvius himself, the same that was afterwards Pope Pius II. " Nihil 
 est quod absque argento Romana Curia dedat. Nam et ipsaj manus impositiones, et 
 Spiritus Sancti dona venduntur ; nee peccatorum veuia nisi nummatis impenditur." 
 Mvi. Sylv. Op. p. 149. 
 
 * " This palle is an indument that every archebysshop must have, and is not in 
 full authoritie of an archebysshop tyll he have receyved his palle of the Pope, and is 
 a thynge of whyte, lyke to the bredcth of a stole. But it is of an other fassion. For 
 where the stole is made in length, and is worne about the prcestes necke, this is 
 joyned togyder above, so that it lyeth a parte thereof upon the shulders, and that one 
 ende hangeth streyght downe to the grounde before, and that other behynde, gar- 
 nyshed in dyvers places thereof witli crosses. And where the stole is worne nexte 
 to the albe, whan the precst is revestrcd to masse, this palle is worne upon the vesty- 
 nient, overmest of all, whan an archebysshoppe syngeth his masse." Fabyan's 
 Chronicle, p. 243. (Ed. 1811.) See it represented in a Plate in my Vol. iii. Part iv. 
 Ch. vi. t Qu. informat ?
 
 CH. I.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW" OF WESTERN EUROPE. 2l 
 
 the 12th century a few, congregationally or individually, 
 began to teach more openly, what had never indeed been 
 altogether untestified, a purer doctrine : — a doctrine de- 
 rived not from priestly legends, or from the schools, not 
 from the decrees of Popes or Councils, or from any books 
 of human literature, but from a book, now all but forgot- 
 ten, if not unknown, not by the laity only, but by most too 
 both of monks and of the clergy, — the Book of the Holy 
 Scriptures} The moral excellence and innocency of these 
 Waldenses is, for the most part, confessed even by their 
 enemies. And with written authority for their doctrines so 
 unquestionable, with the internal evidence of its ow^n excel- 
 lence confirming, and the innocency of their lives recom- 
 mending it, — it might surely have been hoped, that not the 
 general attention only, but the general favour, would have 
 been conciliated tow^ards it and them ; the partial opening, 
 and almost re-discovery to the French laity, of the Book of 
 God hailed with joy ; and a foundation laid, in its know- 
 ledge and study, for a real and general amelioration of 
 morals. Instead of this, what read we ? The book itself 
 was quickly denounced by both Pope and priesthood, and 
 partially suppressed.^ And against them the cry of heretics 
 
 * p. Waldo translated the Scriptures out of Latin into the Romaunt. This, I be- 
 lieve, was the first nearly complete translation yet made into the vernacular French : 
 (smaller portions had been translated before :) and introduced hia attempt at reforma- 
 tion. (See the Disquisition, pp. Ixxxviii. et seq. prefixed by Dr. Gilly to his late 
 very valuable publication of the Romaunt Version of St. John's Gospel.*) — In Eng- 
 land, where the old Anglo-Saxon translations had for centuries been obsolete, and an 
 incomplete anonymous one of 1290 almost unknown, (see Home's Introduc. ii. 241, 
 and Le Bas' Wicliff, 218 — 231,) Wicliff, about a century later, made his into English. 
 — The enormous price of Bibles, however, in those times was almost a prohibition to 
 general dift'usion. In England in 1274 the price of a Bible, with a commentary, 
 fairly written, was £30 ; the equivalent to 15 years' labour of a labouring man, as the 
 daily wages were tlien l^d. And still in 1429 Wicliti''s Neiv Testament sold for £2 
 16s. 8d., worth £30 now perhaps. So Le Bas, p. 241, and Townley, in his Biblical 
 Anecdotes. 
 
 Dr. Maitland in his " Dark Ages," p. 202, observes on the necessary expensive- 
 ness of a copy of the whole Bible, before the discovery of printing : as, at the rate at 
 which law-stationers pay their writers, a fair copy would probably now cost £60 or 
 £70 for the writing only, and occupy the writer perhaps ten months. 
 
 2 " Tertia causa (propagationis Waldensium) est Veteris ac Novi Testamenti in 
 ■vulffarem linguam ab ipsis facta translatio." So Richinius Dissert, de Valdensibus : 
 adding that Innocent III charged on the Bishop and Chapter at Metz to inquire who 
 had made the translation, and with what object. This was in 1199. And the result 
 is stated in Alberic's Chronicle, on the year 1200, as the burning by the priests, under 
 Pope Innocent's direction, of the translated books. " In Urbe Metensi, puUulante 
 
 * The subject will be reverted to by me in my Notice of the Waldensian Witnesses.
 
 22 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 was raised ; and their extermination forthwith, and long 
 after, urged as one of the most meritorious of rehgious 
 duties. First, in the 3rd Lateran Council, A.D. 1179, 
 anathema was declared against certain dissentients and 
 heretics of cognate character ; then against the Waldenses 
 themselves, in papal Bulls of the years 1183, 1207, 1208. 
 Again, in a decree of the 4th Lateran Council, held A.D. 
 1215, a Crusade, as it was called, was proclaimed against 
 them : and "plenary absolution promised, to such as should 
 perish in the holy war, of all sins committed from the day 
 of their birth to that of their death." " And never," says 
 Sismondi,^ " had the cross been taken up with more unani- 
 mous consent : " and never, we may add, was the merci- 
 less spirit of murder exhibited more awfully in all its hor- 
 rors. — It was accompanied and followed by the Inquisition; 
 
 secta Valdensium, direct! sunt quidara Abbates ad pi-fedicandum : qui quosdam libros 
 de Latino in Romanum vei-sos combussentnt." (See ray Ch. vii. § 6, on the Waldenses, 
 infra.) — This was referred to by a late Pope in one of bis anti-biblical Bulls. 
 
 Dr. S. Maitland states, at p. 221 of his " Dark Ao:es," as the result of his researches 
 into the literature of that extended period (from 800 to about 1200) that "he knows 
 of nothing which should lead him to suppose that any human craft or power was 
 exercised to prevent the reading, multiplication, or diffusion of the word of God." 
 But it must be observed that Dr. M.'s researches refer to monastic bodies, or the 
 clerical order, and to the Latin Bible almost entirely : in regard of which, and whom, 
 Dr. !M.'s statement may be substantially correct. It was in regard of translations for 
 the laity, and when, as the result of reading them, the laity came to see something 
 different in religion from the doctrines of the priests and papacy, that the trial of 
 principle arose. And what then ? Says Sismondi, in his History of the Albigensian 
 Crusade; (Eng. Trans, p. 226;) Forasmuch as " the heretics supported their doc- 
 trine by the authority of Holy Scripture, the first indication of heresy [at that time, 
 viz. soon after 1200 A.D.] was considered to be the citation of either the epistles or 
 gospels." — In 1229 the Council of Thoulouse prohibited the laity from possessing the 
 Scriptures. Hard. vii. 178. About 1270 James I, King of Arragon, passed a law, that 
 whoever possessed any of the Books of the Old or New Testament in the Romance or 
 vulgar tongue, and did not bring them to the Bishop to be burned, should be con- 
 sidered suspected of heresy. (Townley.) In England, A.D. 1408, Arundel, Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, decreed in convocation that neither Wicliff 's translation, nor 
 any other in the English tongue, should be read till approved by the Bishop ; and 
 several persons were burned, as appears from bishops' registers, for refusing compli- 
 ance, and reading WiclifTs translation. (See Hard. vii. 1941 ; also Townshend's 
 Preliminary Essay to Foxo, p. 2-56, &c.) About 1410 the Decree of Pope Alexander 
 V, which condemned all translations into the vidgar tongues, caused the suppression 
 to be more decided and universal throughout Western Christendom. Soon after, in 
 1413, a law was passed by Henry V, decreeing that all Lollards, or those who pos- 
 sessed or read Wiclitf's books, (especiallv his New Testament,) should forfeit lands, 
 cattle, goods, body, life, and be condemned for heretics to God, enemies to the ci'own, 
 and arrant traitors to the land. (Townley; and also Le Bas' Wicliff, 241.) — Once 
 more, at the Council of Constance, in 1415, Gcrson complained of "many laymen 
 among the heretics having a version of the Bible in the vulgar tongue, to the great 
 prejudice of the Catholic faith:" adding; "It has been proposed to reprove this 
 scandal in the CVmimittee of Reform." (Waddington, iii. 347-) 
 
 ' History of the Crusades, p. 23. The Waldenses, it must be remembcixd, were 
 mixed up with the Albigenses as sufferers in it.
 
 CH. I.J RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WESTERN EUROPE. 23 
 
 an institution assignable to Dominic, or rather Gregory 
 IX/ as its earthly author, but evidently and originally the 
 invention of hell : that horrid tribunal which carried on its 
 inquest after heresy unseen, but with the power of the secu- 
 lar arm, the Princes of the West, supporting it,'"^ into all 
 the individualities and privacies of domestic life. — The same 
 spirit was manifested on the attempts at a revival of religion 
 in England, from 1360 to 1380, by Wichff; and in Bohe- 
 mia, some thirty or forty years after, on its revival by Huss 
 and Jerome.^ — Thus, during the latter half of the four cen- 
 turies that we speak of, whether under the name of Petro- 
 brussians, Catharists, Waldenses, Albigenses, Wickliffites, 
 Lollards, Hussites, Bohemians, Thaborites, not dissentient 
 heretics only, but disciples of Christ the most genuine, if 
 dissentient from the Romish Church, were marked out as 
 sheep for the slaughter. Popes and councils, priests and 
 people, the secular powers and the spiritual, all united in 
 the war-cry : and racks and gibbets, fire and sword, were 
 deemed the fit weapons to use against them. Murder was 
 one in the black catalogue of the sins, during this period, 
 of Papal Christendom. 
 
 Such were the prominent characteristics of what was 
 then called religion in Western Europe : and so did idola- 
 try mark it, together with sorceries, fornications, thefts, 
 murders for its concomitants, — just as described in this brief 
 but most significant predictive clause, — through the " hour, 
 day, month, and year," up to the fall of the Greek empire. 
 The devotees to chivalry and romance, indeed, would paint 
 these middle ages as the ages of faith :^ and the lovers alike 
 of mysticism and of ritualism as periods of the illumination 
 Qi^A perfection of the Church.^ But the rehgion contem- 
 
 ' See Mosheim's correction of Limborch, xiii. 2. 5. 4. Its foundation was laid in 
 the Decree of Pope Lucius A.D. 1183. Dominic acted individually as an Inquisitor 
 against the Albigenses. But the Court of the Inquisition (chiefly still of Dominican 
 monks) was not regularly formed till 1233, after Dominic's death. 
 
 - Especially, on its {first institution, by Frederic II and the French King Louis 
 IX. Mosh. xiii. 2. 5. 6. 
 
 ^ See the horrid account in Waddington, iii. 201. 
 
 * I refer to the voluminous Work lately published under that title. 
 
 5 Sec Gorres' Christliche Mystik. — Referring to the pscudo-Dionysius' theory of 
 three successive periods in the spiritual progress of the soul, the period of purijicu- 
 tion, of illumination, and of perfection or consummation, he observes that a similar
 
 24 APor. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 plated by the majority of such descrihers, is obviously the 
 imaginative and the external; not that which the Bible 
 alone recognizes of heart-cleansing practical godliness. 
 And the generalizing inductive process by which some, from 
 a series of carefully-selected extracts out of the voluminous 
 scholastic and mystic writers, with more or less of moral 
 beauty in them, and more or less of religious truth, would 
 infer such a religion as the spirit of the age, carries its own 
 refutation with it.^ On this point appeal must be made 
 
 progression may be traced in the history of Christendom. 1. The ages from the 
 Goths to Charlemagne : in wliich fire and sword uprooted and burnt up the weeds 
 from the European soil, so fitting it for the seeds of higher civilization. 2. From 
 the latter part of the 11th to the beginning of the 13th century: a period distin- 
 guislied by great reforms in the church, state, and school : the church being emanci- 
 pated from secular power, reforming the monastic orders, and enforcing the old prac- 
 tice of celibacy on the clergy ; the European nations advancing in order, liberty, and 
 civilization : and in the schools, universities being established, the Aristotelian phi- 
 losophy adopted, and the dawn appearing of poetry and art. The best symbol, says 
 Giirres, and representative of this age of moral and intellectual regeneration, is St. 
 Bernard. 3. From the beginning to the close of the 13th century ; in which age 
 there was an astonishing development of energy in church and state : each being a 
 hierarchy of corporations of a mystical nature in themselves and in their mutual re- 
 lations, the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre the one all-mastering idea of Chris- 
 tendom, and the influence of Christian mysticism manifested alike in architecture, 
 painting, philosophy, and poetry. In no age had mysticism so thoroughly impreg- 
 nated all the institutions of life and productions of genius. 
 
 Such are the views of Gorres, as abstracted by a Romanist admirer in the Dublin 
 Review, Jan. 1839. And truly, after reading it, and with the historical facts that 
 we have considered before us, the sketch may well make us admire the pictorial 
 power of German, or rather Roman, mysticism and romance ! 
 
 Gorres' method of confirming one of his points, by constituting St. Bernard the 
 representative of the age he lived in, is ingenious and concise. But we might as well 
 characterize the philosophy and religion of England about the close of the 9th cen- 
 tury, by making Alfred its symbol. — With regard to the middle of the 12th century, 
 Bernard's own picture of the then state of the church generally (e. g. Serm. xiii. 6, 
 7, in Cantic.)* is a sufficient refutation of Gorres: with regard to the close of the 
 13th that of the General Council of Vienne, held A.D. 1313. See Waddington, ii. 
 147 — 150, and iii. 7. Dr. Maitland, we have observed, (see p. 10 Note - supra,) gives 
 up the defence of the middle age after A.D. 1200. 
 
 1 What if we were to make a carefully-chosen selection of extracts from the best 
 Greek and Roman moralists of the Pagan schools, fi-om Cicero down to Plutarch and 
 M. Aurelius, and infer from them the moral excellence of the Greeks and Romans 
 during the two centuries embraced by them? Such is the method pursued in the 
 Ages of Faith. — On the general character of the doctrine of the scholastic doctors of 
 the middle ages it will be worth the while for the investigator of truth to consult 
 Brucker, or Enfield, Book vii. Of the mystics, while many were wild enthusiasts, it 
 is readily allowed that there were some, perhaps not a few, sincere but secret wor- 
 
 * " Ilodie pcstilentia morum, fceda satis et Icnta nimis, exhalat. [This was after 
 saying that the last days and perilous times spoken of by St. Paul, 2 Tim. iii. 1, were 
 evidently at hand.] . . Factus est sacerdos ut populus, ut licentius populus sicut sacer- 
 dos fiat. Mundo se monachi studios^ conformant; et qui in mundo sunt errorem 
 suum nostrorum nimis vere tuentur cxemplo. Mutuis ad vitia sesc aut informant aut 
 fovent exemplis, pastores et populi, sieculares et religiosi." So too in his Epistle . 
 238 to Pope Eugenius, with special reference to the prevailing covetousuess.
 
 CH. I.] CONTINUED CORRUPTIONS OF CHRISTENDOM. 25 
 
 to the facts of history. And these are as directly against 
 the representations alluded to, as they accord in every iota 
 with the wonderful predictive statement now before us,^ 
 
 Nor, as the prophecy further intimated, did the terror of 
 the fall of Constantinople induce either reformation or re- 
 pentance. Of these not a sign is discoverable in the acts, 
 or history, either of the ruling powers or body corporate of 
 Western Christendom. Rather there is to be perceived, 
 in respect of the sins here reprobated, fresh authorization 
 and fresh addition. — And so we come to show, 
 
 II. The CONTINUANCE OF EACH AND ALL OF THE SPE- 
 CIFIED EVILS THROUGH THE LATTER HALF OF THE 15tH 
 CENTURY. 
 
 Thus, first, as to the established dcemonolatnj . — It was in 
 1460 that the Dominican Alain de la Roche, in hyper-duleia 
 of the Virgin Mary, revived in the Christian world the use 
 of the rosary first invented by Dominic : — the mechanical 
 devotion of which, with its 15 bead-told decads of Aves 
 and Pater-Nosters intermingling, embraced alike by high 
 and low, laics and ecclesiastics, became soon the rage in 
 Christendom ; and, consecrated by Papal sanction, still 
 continues.^ It was in 1746 that Pope Sixtus the IVth,^ 
 in support of the same favourite branch of daemonolatry, 
 gave sanction to an annual festival in honour of the Vir- 
 gin's immaculate conception ; condemning and excommu- 
 
 shippers of God. (See Waddington, iii. 360.) Such the Apocalyptic prophecy ex- 
 pressly recognizes. See Ap^c. xii. 6, 14 ; and my comment on it. 
 
 1 It may be useful to the reader at this point, to compare what is here said of the 
 sins of Papal Christendom, with what is said afterwards of those of the Apocalyptic 
 Babylon, and of the final reprobates ; and to mark anticipatively their similitude. 
 Apoc. xviii. 23, 24 ; " The light of a candle shall no more shine in thee, .... for by 
 thy sorceries were all the nations deceived. And in her was found the blood of the 
 prophets and saints, and of all that were slaughtered on the earth." xxi. 8; "The 
 unbelievers, and abominable, and tnurderers, and whoremongers, and sorcerers, and 
 idolaters, and all liars, shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and 
 brimstone." xxii. 15 ; " Without are dogs, and sorcerers, and whoremongers, and 
 tnurderers, and idolaters, and whosoever loveth and maketh a lie." 
 
 - See Gieseler ii. 296 ; and Southey Vindic. Eccl. Angl. 476, 483, &c., who dwells at 
 large upon the subject.— In Bellarmine's Bactrina Christiana Breve, a manual au- 
 thorized by Papal approbation, these 15 mysteries are explained. In answer to the 
 question, " '\N'Tiy repeat the Ave after the Lord's Prayer?" the answer is given, 
 " That by the intercession of the Virgin Mary I may more easily obtain from God 
 what I ask." But there are ten Aves to one Pater-Koster. — And what of Christ's 
 intercession ? 3 ggg on i\^^ Popg ^nd period, Foxe iii. 780.
 
 26 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part iti. 
 
 nicating its impugners : — a dogma this not only palpably- 
 false, absurd, and unscriptural, but which had hitherto, 
 since first it was agitated, some 300 years before, by the 
 Pranciscans, been left even by Popes and Councils unde- 
 termined.^ — Further the system of canonization was still 
 continued, and, by mere Papal fiat, new Ioliixoviol added to 
 the old. For example, in 1460 the enthusiast Catharine 
 of Sienna was canonized by Pope Pius II ;''^ in 1482 Bo- 
 naventwa the blasphemer, by Sixtus IV ;^ and in 1494, 
 by Alexander VI, the more respectable name of Archbishop 
 Anselm} Alexander's Bull, in language more heathen 
 than Christian, avows it to be tJie Popes duty thus to 
 choose out, and to hold up the illustrious dead, as their 
 merits claim, for adoration and worship.^ 
 
 Again, with the increasing dsemonolatry, both sorceries 
 and thefts increased also. Rosaries were for sale; and 
 blasphemous visions and lying miracles were, with the most 
 solemn asseverations, urged by Alain and his fraternity in 
 promotion of the sale.^ Indulgences invited the devout to 
 
 1 Harduin, ix. 149-5. — The controversy about the immaculate conception of the 
 Virgin Mary had originated about 1140 A.D. ; and festivals, though not by authority, 
 begun to be celebrated in its honour. Bernard strenuously opposed the dogma ; justly 
 considering that it invested her with an immunity which belonged to Christ alone. 
 See Mosh. xv. 2. 4. 2 ; and xii. 2. 3. 19. 
 
 ^ Waddington, iii. 267. 
 
 3 In the Hereford Discussion between the Rev. J. Venn and the Rev. James Water- 
 worth, it was admitted, by the latter (an able and learned Romish priest) that Bona- 
 ventura's Psalter to the Virgin Mary, turning the addresses to God into addresses to 
 the Virgin, was blasphemy. But 1st he impugned its genuineness. How vainly, 
 Mr. Venn has amply shown : for it appears in the Pope's own authorized Edition of 
 Bona Ventura's Works, published at Rome. 2ndly, said Mr. W., this Edition was not 
 published till 1588, above 100 years after his canonization ; and the canonizing Pope 
 might not know of the Psalter. But Rome, since its •publication, has not only not 
 disavowed its own saint, (this would indeed be to shake the whole Roman heaven 
 with its saints into dissolution,) but actually, notwithstanding Mr. W.'s denial of the 
 fact, still publicly uses the Psalter ; as will appear by a notice in my third volume 
 under the fifth Vial. — Would not Mr. W. have done more wisely in adopting the 
 casuist Veron's canon about relics ; (see p. 16, Note ^ ;) and sajnng that it is not an 
 article of faith to believe the saints invocated to be really those that the names indi- 
 cate? * Harduin ix. 1.552. — See other examples in Butler. 
 
 ■5 lb. " Romanus Pontifex viros claros, et qui, in prtesenti vita dum fuerunt, vitoD 
 sanctimonia floruorunt, et corum exigentibus clarissimis meritis aliorum sanctorum 
 numcro aggregari mcrcntur, . . inter sanctos prffidictos debet coUocarc, et ut sanctos 
 ab omnibus Christi fidelibus coli, venerari, et adorari mandare." 
 
 On Matt. V. 15, "Put not a candle under a bushel, but on a candlestick, &c.," 
 Pope Eugenius gives it the mystic sense, " Sanctos esse in divorum numerum ad- 
 scribendos et canonizandos, ut adorontur." Glasse, p. 301. 
 
 ^ Southey Vind. 484, &c. The Dominican Echard confesses to his incredulity of 
 Alain's visions ; somewhat as Gerson, at the Council of Constance, in respect of the 
 miracles and legends then current. L 'Enfant, i. 470, 609.
 
 CH. I.] CONTINUED CORRUPTIONS OF CHRISTENDOM. 27 
 
 the celebration of the immaculate conception ; the rites of 
 which were to hving gains, as usual, to the priests that cele- 
 brated them, and rob the poor worshipper. — Each act of 
 canonization was a recognition of the new saint's miracle- 
 Avorking, whereby to draw devotees and offerings to the 
 local shrine. Nor did Rome accord the canonization with- 
 out first itself receiving payment.^ — In similar consideration 
 for himself and his capital, Pius II (Pope from 1464 to 
 1471) reduced the jubilee c}'cle for pilgrimages to Pome 
 from one of 33 to one of 25 years ; thereby accelerating the 
 return of that absurd but most lucrative ceremony.- For 
 those who could not go on pilgrimages to the saints' shrines, 
 relics were farmed, and indulgences also, all through this 
 half-century ; and the country overrun by the hawkers that 
 farmed them.^ With the latter, as the 16th century opened, 
 the name of Tetzel is infamously associated : (of whom 
 more a little later :) and, connected as this was with the 
 legends invented and preached to promote the sale, it may 
 be considered as the crowning example, at this epoch, of 
 the union of thefts and sorceries in the Papal system.* 
 Meanwhile impurity had advanced also ; chiefly among 
 
 1 See the Ordo Canonizationis in Harduin ix. loiS; a curious document, sent to 
 Canterbury apparently from Rome, on occasion of the petition for Anselm's canon- 
 ization. Notice occurs in the Ordo of the Arms of him '■'■cujus expensis Jit canonizntio" 
 being suspended, among other decorations, in the canopied erection for the Pope. 
 Harduin observes that a statement of the expenses preceded the Ordo in his MS. But 
 these, he says, "quud ad rem non faciant," he omits. — See too my notice of the sub- 
 ject in Vol. iii., and Canonization medal given from Bonanni, i. 39. 
 
 One is reminded by it of what Battista Mantuano says of Rome, in his Poem De 
 Calamitatibus Temporum, — a poem written about the time referred to : 
 
 venalia nobis 
 
 Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coron?e. 
 Ignis, thura, preces ; coelum est venale, Deusque. 
 See Roscoe's Leo X, (3rd Ed.) Vol. i. p. 98. It is a prolongation of the previous 
 testimonies given by me p. 20, Note ^, to the truth of this Apocalyptic prediction. 
 
 2 Mosheim xv. 2. 2. 17. 
 
 ^ Myconius ap. Merle i. 50. — And so the lines on Alexander the Vlth, elected 
 Pope A.D. 1492, given in Waddington, iii. 283 ; 
 
 Vendit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum : 
 
 Emerat ille prius ; vendere jure potest. 
 
 It seems that to procure his election he had placed two mules laden with gold at the 
 
 disposal of a faithful Cardinal, to be disposed of as occasion might require. lb. 282. 
 
 ■• As to indulgences, an idea of the immense sale of them at the opening of the 
 16th century, may be formed by a boast in 1507 of the infamous Tetzel, (so Merle i. 
 231,) that in two days he had got 2000 florins by their sale in the town of Fribourg. 
 So, as Luther expressed it afterwards, did the Pope '■'■poll and rob Christ's people." 
 (Foxe, V. 685, 688.) "Thcv repented not of their robberies;'' icAajujuaruiv. But 
 in alluding to Luther's time 1 a little anticipate.
 
 28 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 the priesthood. The Popes led the way. So Innocent 
 VIII, elected m 1484 to be the Holy Father of Christen- 
 dom ; whose character is told in the well-known allusive 
 epigram.^ So Alexander VI, his successor : who at the 
 close of the 15th century stood before the world a monster, 
 notorious to all, of impurity, as of every other vice.^ 
 Rome throughout copied his example. " Most of the ec- 
 clesiastics," says the historian Infessura, " had their mis- 
 tresses ; and all the convents of the capital were houses of 
 ill fame." And, as at Rome, so in the provinces. In many 
 places the priests paid the bishop a tax for the woman with 
 whom he lived, and for every child he had by her : (so 
 established and unblushing was the custom, now of above 
 six centuries' duration :) and Erasmus tells of a German 
 bishop publicly declaring, at a grand entertainment, that 
 ] 1,000 priests had come to him for that purpose.^ — Could 
 the confessional but add to the mischief?* The leprosy 
 affected Christendom. 
 
 Finally, there was a notable persistence in the murders 
 of Christ's saints. Of insulated cases I will notice only 
 that of the Dominican Savanarola ; an enthusiast, but one 
 of the wisest and worthiest of the age : ^ who, on preaching 
 at Florence against the vices of Rome, and predicting, 
 
 1 " Octo nocens pueros genuit, totidemque puellas : 
 
 Hunc merito poterit dicere RomajB«<;-e;;»." — Merle iii. 359. 
 
 2 His original name was Rodrigo Borgia. See Merle d'Aubigne's sketch of his 
 character, i. 54. He lived first with one Roman lady ; then, while a cardinal and 
 archbishop, with her daugliter Vanozza. Having obtained the popedom, A.D. 1492, 
 by bribing each of the cardinals, as before stated, he then celebrated the marriage of 
 his daughter Lucretia; another of his mistresses being present at it, and the festivi- 
 ties enlivened by farces and indecent songs. — The dissolute entertainments given by 
 him, and by his equally infamous son Cicsar, and daughter Lucretia, are such as may 
 not be described or thought of. He died in 1503. According to general report it 
 was by poison prepared by himself for a rich cardinal. But Roscoe, in his Life of Leo 
 X, shows that thiK report is doubtful. 
 
 3 " Uno anno ad se delata undecim millia sacerdotum palam concubinariorum." 
 Erasmi Op. Tom. ix. p. 401 : quoted by Merle, i. 53 ; from whom also (55) I have 
 borrowed the extract from Infessura. In the 11th Session of the 5th Lateran Coim- 
 cil this custom is noted and reprobated. "Quia vero in quibusdam regionibus non- 
 nulli jurisdictionem ecclcsiasticam habentes pecuniarios qux'stus a concubinariis per- 
 cipcre non erubescunt, &c."— See in Note ' p. 473, Vol. I., and Note ■', p. 14 supra, 
 earlier notices of this infamous practice. Indeed the Council of Sens, the latest re- 
 ferred to at p. 14, belongs to the half-century now under review. 
 
 * Compare Pius IV's later Constitution, A.D. 1560, "contrk sacerdotes in con- 
 fessionibus sacramentalibus pcenitentos ad turpiasoUicitantes."— See too Dante in the 
 15th Canto of his Inferno on this subject. 
 
 ' Mosh. XV. 2. 2. 24.— See on this interesting character Dean Waddington's ac- 
 count, taken mainly from Sismondi and Roscoe, iii. 333 et seq.
 
 CH. I.] CONTINUED CORRUPTIONS OF CHRISTENDOM. 29 
 
 ■what his soul longed for, an approaching theocracy under 
 the Lord Jesus, in place of the then corrupt government, 
 was in 1498 seized by the Papal emissaries, and burnt at 
 the stake. — More early in the half -century, and on a scale 
 of magnitude such as to force the world's attention to 
 them, anti-heretical crusades had been proclaimed and car- 
 ried on. The Bohemians and Waldenses were the victims. 
 Against i\\Q former Paul the 2nd urged the crusade. Elect- 
 ed Pope himself in the year 1464, because as a Venetian 
 he seemed the fittest of the Cardinals to direct the energies 
 of Christendom against its dreaded foe the Turks, he ac- 
 tually diverted the Hungarian King from warring against 
 them to warring against these Bohemian Hussites ; and 
 promised him the crown of Bohemia as his guerdon. 
 Fiercely, but in this case vainly, the war raged seven years. 
 Then the old policy was resorted to, to conquer by dividing. 
 The Calixtines, the less decided and spiritual of the dis- 
 sentients, were incited against the Taborites, the more 
 spiritual : from the remnant of which latter there had al- 
 ready, indeed since the year 1457, sprung a distinct church, 
 under the name of the United Brethren. And the civil 
 persecution thus arising proved to this little remnant more 
 bitter, and more murderous, than all they had suffered in 
 common with the rest from external war.^ 
 
 In the war against the Waldenses of Piedmont, in the 
 years 1477 and 1488, by Popes Sixtus IV and Innocent 
 VIII, the same spirit presided. Having commented on 
 the heresies of the Vaudois, Pope Innocent conmianded all 
 archbishops, bishops, and vicars to obey his inquisitor, and 
 engage the people to take up arms, with a view to so holy 
 and necessary an extermination ; granting indulgences to 
 all that would make the crusade against them, and author- 
 ity to apply to their own use whatever property they might 
 seize. It was then that 18,000 regular troops burst upon 
 the valleys. And, had not a feehng of compunction visited 
 the sovereign, Philip of Savoy, the work of destruction 
 would probably have been complete.^ — Then too was ac- 
 
 1 Best's Freres Moraves, Tom. i. Liv. iii. 101, 102, &c. Also Schrorlch, Theil 34, 
 p. 745, &c. I shall have to revert to this subject in my Chuptcr on the Witnesses' 
 death. 2 Ackland, p. 12, 13.
 
 30 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 complislied the actual extirpation of the Christians of Val 
 Louise in the High Dauphiny. " Having retired," says 
 the historian, " into the caverns of the highest mountains, 
 the French king's lieutenant commanded a great quantity 
 of vi^ood to be laid at the entrance of those caverns, to burn 
 or smoke them out. And some were slain in attempting 
 to escape. Some threw themselves headlong on the rocks 
 below : some were smothered. There were afterwards 
 found within the caverns 400 infants stifled in the arms of 
 their dead mothers. It is believed that 3000 person 
 perished in all, on that occasion, in the valley."^ — May not 
 the blood well curdle at the recital of such atrocities ? 
 
 Once more, it was in 1478 that that reform, as it was 
 called, of the hiqiiisition took place, the Pope and King 
 of Spain combining in the arrangement, whereby it was 
 rendered an instrument of persecution and murder far more 
 perfect than before. In the first year alone 2000 were 
 burnt as victims. These furnished to it its prelibation of 
 blood. Each year others followed. It is Llorente's com- 
 putation from oflicial documents, that from this its reorgan- 
 ization, to the commencement of the Reformation in 1517, 
 there were 13,000 persons burnt by it for heresy, besides 
 8700 burnt in effigy, and 169,000 condemned to pen- 
 ances.^ What it was prepared to do, with the torture 
 and the stake, on the outbreak of the Reformation, who 
 knows not ? 
 
 Thus have we historic proof, in respect of the latter half 
 of the Ibth Centura/, following the fall of Constantinople, 
 as well as in respect of the four centuries that preceded it, 
 of the fulfilment of every particular in the prophetic state- 
 ment before us. " The rest of the men, who were not 
 killed by these plagues, yet repented not of the works of 
 
 I Perriii ii. ch. 3 : given by Gilly in his Life of Xeff, p. 90.— How suitable Milton's 
 beautiful Sonnet, composed after a similar tragedy in 1(56.5 : 
 
 "Avenge, Lord, thy slaughtered saints, whose bones 
 Lie scattered on the Alpine mountains cold : &c." 
 In the Foreign Aid Society Report for 18o7 there is a report of a visit to these 
 valleys of Dauphiny by the Rev. W. Fremanth; ; from which it appears that by a kind 
 of a landslip, the re ult of violent tempest-floods, the great cave had fallen in. But 
 it was still remembered and talked of by the people. 
 * M'Crie's Reformation in Spain, ])\}. 8G — 89.
 
 CH. I.J CONTINUED CORRUPTIONS OF CHRISTENDOM. 31 
 
 their hands, that they should not worship dcemons, and 
 idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and wood : 
 neither repented they of their sorceries, nor of iheiv forni- 
 cations, nor of their thefts, nor of their murders." — Let me 
 earnestly request my readers to pause and reconsider the 
 perfect coincidence between this plain unsijmhoUc pro- 
 phecy, in all its many plain but most characteristic details, 
 and the religious histoiy and character of Papal Chris- 
 tendom, during the four centuries of the progress of the 
 Euphratean Turks to the destruction of the Eastern Em- 
 pire, and half-century following. Let him consider the 
 coincidence not merely as in itself perfect, but as furnishing 
 a corroboration, the value of which cannot be too highly 
 estimated, to our previous explanation of the preceding 
 symbolic prophecies ; about which symbols there might 
 seem to some more ground for doubt and hesitation. Let 
 him remember moreover that my historic proof as to the 
 Papal idolatry, sorceries^ fornications, thefts, murders, has 
 been fetched, not from obscure questionable sources, but 
 from records the most authentic : indeed very chiefly from 
 the Papacy's own writers, and own Decrees either of Coun- 
 cils or of Popes. — As to its idolatry I must, in conclusion, 
 add that of the Turkman himself, after his storming of 
 Constantinople : a testimony drawn u]) so precisely in the 
 language of the Apocalyptic passage before us, as well as 
 at the precise epoch prefigured, that one might almost be- 
 lieve it to have been copied thence, did one not know the 
 impossibility of the thing. ^ It was on the 2nd of August, 
 
 - I the rather beg attention to this most important testing point and corroboration 
 of my general historic explanation, because it seems to me very distinctly, of itself, 
 to put a negative on the two grand counter-schemes of Apocalyptic interpretation : 
 viz. the Prmterist, which views the prophecy as fulfilled in the long-past fall of ancient 
 Jerusalem and Pagan Rome ; and the Fiiturht, which would have it all to be still 
 waiting its fulfilment on some expected return of the Jews to Jerusalem. 
 
 According to the former scheme, as expounded by Heiurichs, Stuart, (ii. 201,) &c., 
 the rest of the men that did not repent of their idolatries, &c., are the Jews before 
 the destruction of Jerusalem. But how idolaters, when the worship of idols was 
 notoriously their object of abomination ? Because, says Professor S., 1st, they were 
 covetous, and covetousness is said to be idolatry : 2ndly, because they were as bad as 
 their ancestors, who were idolaters ! ! 
 
 According to the latter scheme, as expounded by Todd, Burgh, Dalton, &c., " the 
 rest of the men " includes the unsealed and impenitent Jews. But is it likely that 
 the Jews will fall into actual idolatrij in the latter day ? Even during the 3| literal 
 years' reign of Antichrist, when (according to the Futurists' view) all the wurld is to 
 worship Antichrist, can they expect a worshipping of daemons and idols such as in
 
 32 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 A.D. 1469, that Mahomet the 2nd had published in all the 
 mosques of his empire the vow following. " I Mahomet, 
 son of Amurath, . . emperor of emperors and prince of 
 princes, from the rising to the setting sun, promise to the 
 only God, Creator of all things, by my vow and by my 
 oath, that I will not give sleep to my eyes, that I will eat 
 no delicates, that I will not seek out what is pleasant, that 
 I will not touch what is beautiful, nor turn my face from 
 the West to the East, till I overthrow, and trample under 
 the feet of my horses, the gods of the nations, those gods of 
 ivood, of brass, of silver, of gold, or of painting, which the 
 disciples of Christ have made tvith their hands." ^ 
 
 And so the 15th century closed in. Wretched, — I may 
 say hopelessly wretched, — seemed the state of the Church 
 at that epoch : hopeless to the reflective and philanthropic 
 statesman or ecclesiastic ; hopeless almost to the real 
 Christian. And more especially for this reason : because 
 it was not the mere fact of the present existence of moral 
 and religious corruption that met the eye in the gloomy 
 prospect, — grievous though this was, and such as to force 
 confession from every quarter-.^ but there was the fearful 
 superadded fact, also, that remedies such as human wisdom 
 could suggest, had, during the long period of the accumu- 
 lation of these corruptions, been tried one after another, 
 and failed ; yea, the Christian might think within himself, 
 and the efforts also of really Christian reformists, his 
 
 the text; seeing that, according to another prophecy, (Dan. xi. 36, &c.,) Antichrist 
 is, as they say, to set aside the worship of all gods except himnclf ? 
 
 1 Sismondi Hist, of Italian Republics, vii. 397. Cited by Mr. Birks in his Mys- 
 tery of Providence, p. 429. — For an earlier illustration take the words of the icono- 
 clastic Council of C. P., held A.D. 754 : X-Ki(7Tr](Te.v yfiaQSK Tr]Q (pOopoTrom rutv Saifio- 
 vu>v SidaaKaktag, t]Toi tj;<; twv hSoiXwj' irXavriq rt Km Xarptuic- 
 
 ^ 2 '' Nulla iu moribus disciplina ; nulla in sacris Uteris eruditio ; nulla in rebus 
 divinis reverentia; nulla propemodum jam erat religio." Such (Cramp p, 2) is Bel- 
 larmine's judgment of the epoch. Tom. vi. col. 296. (Colon. 1617.) The same 
 opinion, I see, is exprost by him in the Oratio Scholastica prefixed to the 4th Volume 
 of his Controversial Works ; and much the same, indeed, in most of the Orations, 
 contemporaiily, before the fifth Lateran Council. 
 
 Let me add the following from a contemporary Roman poet of some eminence : 
 
 quo tempore mores 
 Prfficipites labi csrpere, et recta rclinfpu 
 Ofhcia, et metis long^ post terga relictis 
 Roma potens sceleri tolas effadit habenas. 
 Sylva Philomusi Xovocomensis, in the Appendix to Koscoe's Leo X, No. LXIX.
 
 CHAP. l.J HOPELESS STATE OF CHRISTENDOM. 33 
 
 brethren before him. Indeed the fact of the trial and 
 failure of these various remedies seems to me so important to 
 the right appreciation of the hopelessness of things at the 
 epoch before the Reformation, that I cannot feel it right 
 to conclude this historical chapter without a brief notice 
 of them. I speak particularly of those remedies which, 
 before the face of Christendom, human policy had sug- 
 gested and tried for the amelioration of the corruptions of 
 the Church ; in so far as they affected that which alone 
 human policy concerns itself with, the well-being of the 
 social system. 
 
 It is to be remembered then that at the commencement 
 of the four and a half centuries we have been reviewing, 
 the prestige had already begun to pass away from the 
 minds of the more intelligent, under which Charlemagne 
 and his successors in the kingdoms of the West had con- 
 sidered it their policy to accord political power, and 
 privileges almost indefinitely great, alike to the priesthood 
 and hierarchy of their respective states, and to the Bishops 
 of Rome ; as if the best and only means of softening and 
 civilizing the minds of the semi-barbarous population under 
 their sway.^ Proud, ambitious, idle, covetous, it had come 
 to be understood that the great object with both the priest- 
 hood in general, and Avith the hierarchy heading them, was 
 not the religious improvement of the community, but their 
 own aggrandizement. Moreover the morals of these eccle- 
 siastics were seen to be as corrupt, for the most part, or 
 even more so, than of those whom they should have re- 
 formed. And thus the cry had now risen up against them, 
 and it waxed louder and louder through the 12th century, 
 as constituting almost the chief cause, instead of the chief 
 cure, of the prevalent immorality and irrehgion.^ 
 
 1 Moslieim viii. 2. 2. 4, quotes as follows from William of Jralmsbury's Work Be 
 Rebus Angliee, Lib. v. " Carolus Magnus, pro contundenda gentium illarum ferocia, 
 omnes pa-ne terras ecclesiis contulerat : conciliosissimc perpendens nolle sacri ordinis 
 homines, tarn facile quam laicos, fidelitatem Domini rejicere : prreterea, si laici re- 
 bellarent, illos posse excommunioationis auctoritate, et potentiie severitate, compes- 
 cere." — Milner observes, on the 13th century: "It has been said that a power such as 
 of the Pope was necessary at that time to tame the ferocious spirit of men, and pre- 
 serve some order in society. It may be allowed that it was a cement, but it was the 
 cement of iniquity." ch. iv. This is strong language ; but I believe it presents the only 
 true, and only philosophical view of the subject. 
 
 2 "A legend of that age," says Mr. Southey, speaking of the middle of the 12th 
 century, " marks the opinion which was entertained of the general depravity of the 
 
 VOL. 11. 3
 
 34 Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 It was when this impression was rife and strong, (being 
 early in the 13th century,) and when the ecclesiastical 
 power, and even Papacy itself, might seem to have been 
 jeoparded by it, that there arose the two mendicant orders 
 of monks, the Dominicans and Franciscans ; acknowledging, 
 as if to meet the emergency of the case, the general corrup- 
 tion of the clergy, asserting that their wealth had caused 
 their corruption, and issuing forth from Rome, themselves 
 hound by a vow of poverty, as the heaven-sent reformers of 
 Christendom. The revival of preaching by them, a por- 
 tion of the ministerial office almost abandoned at this time 
 by the established clergy, was well suited to increase the 
 hope and expectation of good from their mission. It was 
 possible, men thought, that what the Franciscans declared 
 might be true ; and that they were the fulfilment of the 
 prefigurative vision of the Apocalyptic angel, that flew 
 abroad having the everlasting Gospel to preach to every 
 nation under heaven.^ For near two centuries did the 
 popular enthusiasm, in every country of the West, set in 
 towards these mendicant Friars, as well as the Papal favour. 
 The parochial clergy complained in vain of the neglect 
 now continually shown to their order, and the desertion of 
 their ministrations. The confidence of the public rested 
 on the mendicant Friars, as alone exhibiting to the world 
 an image of primitive simplicity and self-denial, alone act- 
 ing out moreover the part of evangelists, and consequently 
 as alone the true ministers of Jesus Christ." — At length 
 
 clergy. It was related in history," (that is hy William of Malmsbury,) " and not as 
 a fable but a fact, that Satan and the company of infernal spirits sent their thanks in 
 writing, by a lost soul from hell, to the whole ecclesiastical body, for denying them- 
 selves no one gratification, and for sending more of their flock thither through their 
 negligence, than had ever arrived at any former time." A later testimonial, in the 
 same form of an approving Letter from Lucifer to the Popish prelates of the 14th cen- 
 tury, is given in Foxe iii. 190 — 193. 
 
 Let the reader, in passing, compare this statement with Dr. Maitland's view of 
 the 12th century ; for that is included in the four centuries of his Dark Ages. 
 
 1 Wadd. iii. 49. 
 
 2 Le Bas, Wicliff, p. 10-5 : " For a considerable time the new institution did its 
 office to ailmiration. The effect was like the transfusion of fresh life-blood into a 
 decaying system. The veins and arteries of the languisliing monster seemed to 
 swell with renovated life, &c." — So Conrad, Abbot of Ursperg, in naiTating the 
 institution of these two orders of mendicants, prefaces the narration with a state- 
 ment of the youth of the Church being renewed like the eagle's. " Eo tempore, 
 mundo jam senescente, exortas sunt duic religioues in ecclesia; cujus, ut aquilse, 
 ronovatiir juventus." The passage is given by Dr. Maitland, in his Book on the 
 Waldenscs, p. 398. Conrad speaks of the mendicant Friars as raised up specially in
 
 CHAP. I.] HOPELESS STATE OF CHRISTENDOM. 35 
 
 however it was seen, and Wicliff most of all men helped 
 forward the conviction, that covetousness might lurk even 
 under the guise of poverty,^ ambition under that of humi- 
 lity. The lying fables and ridiculous superstitions, that' 
 formed the subject matter of their preaching, were un- 
 masked ; their intellectual emptiness and frivohty, their 
 hatred of learning, their quarrelsomeness, proselytism of 
 the ignorant youth,^ and, against those whom they deemed 
 heretics, their bigot cruelty. The result of their influence 
 and preaching was seen to be anything rather than the 
 reformation of the community. In England the reaction 
 was such that their very name became offensive, and war- 
 rants were issued for their arrest.^ — But to rid themselves 
 of this more recent evil proved to the men of Christendom 
 as ditRcult as deliverance from the old."^ The Pope, the 
 supreme Head of Christendom, was found to be their 
 patron ; as indeed of almost all the corruptions under 
 which it laboured. And against the Fope who could 
 contend ? 
 
 Then were the eyes of all that wished for an ameliora- 
 tion of things directed to a General Council as the pana- 
 caea;^ a Council not such as former ones, mere mouth-pieces 
 of the Popes, but free and independent. The cry for it 
 waxed louder and louder during the celebrated 40, or 50 
 years' schism, from 1377 to 1424 A.D : when rival Popes 
 were anathematizing each other from Rome, from Avignon, 
 or from Sicily ; and the scandal of such a disunion in the 
 visible Church was palpable and offensive. So the memor- 
 
 opposition to the Waldenses and Poor Men of Lyons. — An interesting account of 
 them is given by Southey, in his Book of the Church, p. 196. See also Mosheim 
 xiii. 2. 2. 21, &c. 
 
 1 See Matthew of Paris' invective against their accumulation of wealth and splen- 
 did buildings, referred to by Le Bas, Life of Wicliff, p. 107 : also that of Grostests, 
 who on their first establishment at Oxford, A.D. 1221, had originally patronized 
 them ; that of Fitzralph ; and that of Wicliff himself. Le Bas, 63—66, 106—112, &c. 
 
 - Fitzralph, in a sermon preached when he was Archbishop of Armagh, states 
 that on this account, and from the parents' fears of their sons being inveigled by 
 the mendicant friars, the number of students in Oxford had diminished from 30,000 
 to 6000. Le Bas, p. 111. 
 
 3 The warrants out against them were entitled, " De religiosis vagabondis arres- 
 tandis per totum regnum." lb. p. 110, from Turner's England, ii. 413. 
 
 * e. g. in the case of Grosteste's controversy with them, and the appeal to Rome. 
 Le Bas, 65. 
 
 * So in Cramp's Text-Book of Popery. Though " experience was little in their 
 favour," yet " men regarded a Coimcil as their dernier resort, the panac;ea for all 
 their woes, the forlorn hope of the church." p. 5. i.e. at the close of the loth ceutui-y. 
 
 3*
 
 3G Apoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 ai)le Council of Constance was assembled A.D. 1414 : 
 and, with a view to the necessary power for remedying 
 the evils in the church and Christendom, the great prin- 
 ciple was asserted, that Popes themselves were inferior in 
 authority, and subject, to a General Council. But, as to 
 any real moral or religious reformation from it, the ex- 
 pectations so highly universally raised ended, like those 
 before, in disappointment.^ In the matter of Huss and 
 Jerome, (to which I have had occasion already to allude,) 
 the Council exhibited itself as the ready copartner with 
 Popes and clergy, in acts of falsehood, treachery, and op- 
 pression the most infamous. The reformation of the church 
 attempted by it proved to be insufficient, and only exter- 
 nal. And even in respect of this, the new Pope, almost 
 as soon as elected, found means of thwarting its intentions, 
 and showing its impotency. Yet more in the subsequent 
 General Councils of Ferrara and Florence, held about the 
 middle of the 15th century, the very principle of the sub- 
 ordination of Popes to Councils, from which so much had 
 been hoped, was formally renounced. The Council of 
 Basle indeed reasserted it, but was at last worsted in the 
 struggle by the Popes, ^neas Sylvius, its most cele- 
 brated advocate, having been made Pope, issued his own 
 solemn Bull in retractation of it.^ The secular powers, 
 wearied with the ineffectual struggle, shoAved themselves 
 less and less careful for the most part to reassert it. As 
 the 15th century drew towards a close, the old clerical 
 dogma had manifestly risen into re-ascendancy, that the 
 Po})e, as in God's place on earth, could not err, and by 
 earthly powers might not be controlled. 
 
 There remained yet another remedy, from which the 
 more intellectual spirits of the 15th century hoped highly : 
 — I mean the light of literature, which had now at length 
 broken on the long intellectual night preceding ; and 
 which the contemporaneous invention of printing, and flight 
 of the Greek literati, with their literary treasures, into the 
 kingdoms of Western Europe, had cond)ined, as was be- 
 
 ' See Wadd. iii. 137, &fi. : also Mosh. xv. 2. 2. 10, on the insufficiency of Councils. 
 
 2 Ilarduin ix. 1449. Ilis Papal title, on election A.D. 1458, was Pius II. — The 
 dates of the Councils referred to were as follows: of Basle from 1431 to 1443; of 
 Ferrara from 1438 to 1439 ; of Florence from 1439 to 1442.
 
 CHAP. I.] HOPELESS STATE OF CHRISTENDOM. 37 
 
 fore said, to accelerate. Nor indeed was its effect on the 
 established religion, and the church, small or unimportant. 
 Prom Dante in its earlier twilight, to Erasmus, some two 
 centuries after, at the day-dawn, the effect was more and 
 more to expose, in the light of common sense and intel- 
 lectual truth, alike the corrupt morals of the clergy, and 
 the absurdity and falsehood of much of the long-received 
 system of superstition. And it was not merely the laity 
 that felt the influence. By the highei- and more educated 
 of the ecclesiastics it was felt also ; especially in Italy, that 
 cradle of the new-born classic literature of Europe. But 
 in what spirit ? And to what practical residt ? Was it so 
 as to induce a purer faith, and an abandonment of the 
 superstitions and corruptions thus exposed to view ? Far 
 from it. The faith of the gospel of Jesus classic literature 
 professed not to teach, nor indeed itself knew. This lay hid 
 in the Bihle : a book still little known ; and, where known, 
 by the mere classic enthusiast despised.^ Literature with- 
 out the Bible could make infidels ; it could not make Chris- 
 tians. Such was its effect then. As to the superstitions 
 established, false as they were now felt to be, the selfish 
 interests involved in their retention on the clergy's part, 
 and on the laity's the penalties of heresy, forbade their 
 abandonment. Nor did the new philosophy make objection. 
 It professed not the martyr's spirit ; nor had it any more 
 the wish than the power to arouse the conscience, or turn 
 the heart to repentance. Thus the superstitions of the 
 Romish apostasy were in outward rite and form persisted 
 in as before : while the current conversational language, 
 and even the writings of high ecclesiastics, evidenced their 
 unbelief in them ; the fashion having arisen to give them, as 
 much as possible, a classic and a heathen turn.^ Instead 
 
 1 Cardinal Bembo, finding Sadolet occupied in translating the Epistle to the 
 Romans, said, " Leave such cliildish things. They ])ecome not a man of sense.*' 
 Merle i. 58.- -Compare Leo Juda's observations on Apoc. x. 1, in corroboration. 
 
 - So Erasmus. See his letter to Cardinal Campeggio ; Milner, p. S79. 
 
 3 " Le Cardinal Bembo, au lieu du St. Esprit, ecrivoit, Le souffle du Zephyr ce- 
 lesie ; au lieu de remettre les peches, /cf/«> fes manes et hs dieux sourerains; au 
 lieude Christ, fils de Dieu, Minerve sortie du front de Jupiter." Merle i. 58. — So 
 also Michelet, Memoires de Luther, i. 17 : "S'ils nommaient le Pape c'etait le grand 
 Pontife ; im saint canonize etait, dant leur langage, relattts inter Biros ; et s'ils par- 
 laient de la grace, ils disaient, Beorum immortalimn beneficiis." (Ed. 1839.) Also 
 in Roscoe's Leo X, iii. 150, a striking illustration is cited from Erasmus, citing what 
 he had himself heard preached before tlie Pope at Rome.
 
 38 APoc. IX. 20, 21. [part hi. 
 
 of its reforming the church, the effect on the great mass 
 of the ministering priesthood, of this boasted march of 
 hterature and intellect, was only to add to their other cor- 
 ruptions a more unblushing profaneness and hypocrisy. — 
 Above all, this was the case at Rome. The character that 
 has been given of the last Pope of the 15th century, was 
 in a measure applicable also to the literary cardinals and 
 hierarchy of Rome gathered round him. It was an atheist 
 priesthood ; ^ and its hypocrisy deliberate, systematic, 
 avowed, and unblushing, before the face of God and man.^ 
 
 Such was the approved futility and failure of each human 
 scheme and effort at amelioration of the corruptions of the 
 church ; — amelioration of them, I mean, in so far as they 
 shocked the public mind, and palpably ajBFected the public 
 weal. As the 16th century opened, there were indeed still 
 many proficients in literature that looked for a change, 
 though a change they knew not what, as the result of the 
 literary and intellectual development in progress. Nor 
 had the hopes from an independent Council been alto- 
 gether abandoned. In fact a Council with this pretension 
 had gathered just at this time at Pisa ; ^ disavowed by the 
 Pope and the rest of Christendom, but with a few cardinals 
 and the French king supporting it. Its feebleness was 
 however manifest. The hopes that centered round it were 
 but the shadows of what, a century before, had attended 
 and watched around the gathering at Constance. — On the 
 whole, the evils of the church seemed to be beyond the 
 reach of human remedial policy or power. And with many 
 of the more reflective, doubtless, the suspicion had arisen 
 that the disease must needs be deeper seated, as well as the 
 remedy more powerful and searching, than any yet sug- 
 
 ' " II y avait a ccttc epoque uno pervorsite raisonuee et scientifique, unc magnifi- 
 quc ostentation dc soeleratesse ; discus tout d'un mot, le pretre athee, se croyant 
 roi du monde." Michdct, i. 13. 
 
 2 It is related by Lnthor, that on his visit to Rome in 1510, and when dining 
 with some of its prelates, they related jokingly how, when saying mass at the altar, 
 instead of the sacramental words which were to transform the elements into the 
 body and blood of Christ, (according to the doctrine of transubstantiation,) they pro- 
 nounced over them, " Bread thou art, and bread thou shalt remain ! Wine thou 
 art, and wine tliou shalt remain!" "And then," they continued, "we elevate 
 the ostensorium, and all the people worship." Merle i. 184. The anecdote is most char- 
 acteristic. ^ A.D. 1.511, 1512.
 
 CHAP. I.J HOPELESS STATE OF CHRISTENDOM. 39 
 
 gested. — In effect such was the very case. It was apostasy 
 from their God and Saviour which constituted the essence 
 of the disease that had so long afflicted Christendom. And 
 remedy there could be none but the republication of his 
 own gospel of grace, and with the power of his own Spii^it 
 accompanying it. 
 
 Nor let it be forgotten, finally, though this is not the 
 place to dwell on it, that some there had been, and were, 
 that understood this truth of the case, both as regarded the 
 disease and the remedy. The ofi'-scouring perhaps of men, 
 but the beloved of God, they answered to the 144,000, 
 that had been prefigured in vision as the " called, and 
 chosen, and faithful," which would as a body remain inde- 
 structible before Him :^ the most of these being indeed only 
 God's secret ones : but some, bolder and more discerning, 
 his witnesses in an apostate world ; and with a view im- 
 prest on and avowed by them, respecting the existing cor- 
 ruptions, precisely similar to that which is here exprest by 
 their representative St. John. Of these last many and 
 earnest had been the efforts, (as I have already just hinted, 
 and must in my chapter on the Witnesses notice again 
 more at large,) to make the gospel of the grace of the Lord 
 Jesus known among men. And many too and earnest 
 had been their prayers ; and high doubtless at times their 
 hopes, through these dark ages, that He, whom to know 
 was light and life, would at length signally interfere for his 
 own cause and church.'^ But time went on, and he ap- 
 peared not ; the first watch of the night, — the second 
 watch, — the third watch. Their strength was spent. 
 Their hopes waxed fainter. Persecuted, proscribed, wasted, 
 scattered, their enemies seemed to have all but prevailed 
 against them : and not against them only, but against the 
 cause dearer to them than themselves ; the cause of truth, 
 the cause of Jesus. When the Bohemian remnant in 1495, 
 1497 sent into each part of Christendom, to see if there 
 were any beside themselves to testify for Jesus, they found 
 none.^ It seemed almost as if he had forgotten them ; 
 
 1 See Vol. i. pp. 264, 265 ; 275, 276, &c. 2 Compare Foxe ii. 778, &c. 
 
 3 Comenius, Hist. Eccl. Bohem. prefixed to his Exhortation to the Church of Eng- 
 land, ^ 66, p. 40, apud Fleming's Apocalyptic Key, p. 41, 42. (Ed. 1793.) Also 
 Bost's Histoire des Freres Moraves, i. 106," 107. (Ed. 1831.)
 
 40 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III 
 
 and the promise had become a dead letter, that the gates 
 of hell should not prevail against them. But could it be 
 so? Oh no ! Just at this crisis of extremity the truth of 
 the promise was to be made signally manifest. The very 
 next vision in the Apocalyptic drama, — that of the descent 
 of the covenant-Angel, and of the raising and ascension of 
 his tw^o witnesses from their apparent state of death, (for 
 the vision is plainly continuous up to this latter figuration, 
 and the whole included under the latter half of the sixth 
 Trumpet,^) — I say the very next Apocalyptic vision repre- 
 sented to St. John that same glorious intervention of the 
 Lord Jesus, which had been so long looked and prayed 
 for. The next scene in the drama of European history is 
 that of the Reformation. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 INTERVENTION OF THE COVENANT-ANGEL FULFILLED 
 
 IN THE REFORMATION. 
 
 APOC. X. 1 — 4. 
 
 " And I saw another^ mighty angel coming down from 
 heaven, clothed with a cloud : and the rainbow ^ was upon 
 his head ; and his face was as the sun, and his feet as pil- 
 lars of fire ; and he had in his hand a little book opened.* 
 And he set his right foot upon the sea, and his left upon 
 the land ; and cried with a loud voice as a lion roareth."'' 
 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. 
 
 Oh what a glorious vision to rejoice the heart of the 
 Evangelist ! What a contrast to all that had been figured 
 to his view since first the seven Trumpet-angels prepared 
 themselves to sound ! Indeed we may say, with what a 
 superiority of glory in it, to that of any figuration of the 
 
 1 It is at verse 18 of chap. ix. that the slaying of the third of men by the Turkisli 
 or 6th Trumpet woe is mentioned. It is not till ch. xi. 14, immediately after the 
 ascension of the witnesses, and fall of the tenth part of the city, that tlie same 6th 
 Trumpet woe is said to have been ended. 
 
 - aWov. This word is omitted in some copies. 
 
 ^ »'/ ipi(;, with the article. So all the critical Editions. 
 
 * ri I'ltity nivov. ^ No difference in the critical text.
 
 OH. II.] COVENANT-ANGEL AND THE REFORMATION. 41 
 
 future fortunes of the Church, from the commencement of 
 the Revelation until now : and, as it proved, with nothing 
 comparable to it afterwards, until the vision that foreshowed 
 the glories of the consummation. 
 
 I said, what a vision to rejoice the heart of the Evan- 
 gehst ! And first, was there not comfort for him in the 
 very character ?cc^^ person of the angel intervening? For 
 whom might he suppose this angel? The vision repre- 
 sented him as a mighhj angel, that had a rainhoiv, or rather 
 the rainbow, — the rainbow of the covenant,^ — circhng his 
 head : whose form moreover appeared mantled with a 
 cloud ; yet not so mantled as to hide from the Evangelist, 
 as he descended, the sight of his face as the sun, and of Ms 
 feet as pillars of fire. From all which it was evident that 
 it was the Lord Jesus, the mighty one of Israel, — mighty 
 whether to save or to destroy, — the Angel of the covenant ;^ 
 — Him whose presence, mantled with a cloud as his proper 
 covering, (I say proper, because of no created angel was 
 the glory such as to need its shrouding,^) was imder the 
 older dispensation seen to visit this our earth, first by Israel 
 in the wilderness, then by one and another of the prophets 
 afterwards ; and whose countenance as the sun, and his feet 
 like fine brass, as if they burned in the furnace, St. John 
 had himself beheld at the opening of the Apocalyptic 
 visions, when, overcome by the greatness of the glory, he 
 fell at his feet as dead.* Had other evidence been wanting, 
 it was given afterwards in his speaking of the two wit- 
 
 1 Bishop Middleton observes on the article : " The authorities which direct us to 
 read ») iqiq are very numerous; and the best modern editors have admitted the ar- 
 ticle into the text : " adding, however, that he can see no reason for it. " The 
 names of the great objects of nature," he says, " the sun, the moon, the air, &c., 
 usually have the article ; but these are permanent and monadic. The word ipiQ 
 seems to have no other claim to it than have aiiafioq, eKXeixi/ig, &c., and the names of 
 other transient phenomena." — The difficulty is solved by regarding it as the iris of the 
 covenant. It is thus both monadic, and also pre-mcntioned. See Apoc. iv. 3.* — This 
 is the first of three notices by the IJishop on the presence, unaccountably to him, of 
 the Greek article, which I shall have in this chapter and the next to refer to ; as being 
 both explained by the predictive meaning of the vision, and also itself reflecting im- 
 portant light on that meaning, 2 gg Hengstenbcrg ad loc. i. 376. 
 
 3 There is, I believe, no single instance of a created angel appearing vested in a 
 cloud. It was the ensign of Deity. So; "He maketh the clouds his chariot;" — 
 " His pavilion round about him was dark waters and thick clouds of the skies." 
 Psalm civ. 3, xviii. 11 ; 2 Sam. xxii. 12, &c. 
 
 * Apoc. i. 15. Compare Dan. x. 6. 
 
 * Indeed Dr. M. himself refers to this in the way of comparison.
 
 42 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 nesses for Christian trnth as his witnesses.^ So that the fact 
 Avas indubious. And was it not joyous for him to see the 
 Lord he loved, intervening openly on the dark theatre, just 
 depicted, of this world ; and showing that He had neither 
 forgotten nor forsaken his church ? 
 
 Further, the nature and object of the intervention indi- 
 cated must have been most cheering to him. For what the 
 object evidently, but the vindication of his own honour, 
 and revelation of his own grace and gospel? To this 
 tended each epithet and characteristic noted of the Angel 
 and his descent in the vision : — indications never to be 
 overlooked. For in the Apocalyptic notices of the inter- 
 vention of the Lord Jehovah, just as in those of other 
 Scriptures,^ we find that those among his attributes are 
 for the most part chosen for specification or exhibition, 
 which best suit the nature of the action on which He is 
 about to enter, and which are in it to be most displayed 
 and glorified. For example, in the vision of the 7th chap- 
 ter, long since analyzed, the action represented being that 
 of his manifestation of himself as electing, quickening, en- 
 lightening, and sealing his own true disciples, from amidst 
 the multitude of vain professors, each epithet and descrip- 
 tive trait there noted of the covenant- An gel was shown to 
 have a bearing on the work he was then engaged in.^ Nor, 
 as I infer from the sacred imagery, was there then wanting 
 in the revelation, to the Evangelist's own perception, the 
 accompaniment of light upon the scene, like as of the early 
 day-spring on our earth from the Eastern sky. But there 
 was not however in that vision the figuring before St. John, 
 so as here, of the covenant-rainbow's arch of light investing 
 him, or the solar rays of glory beaming from his countenance; 
 nor again of any such descending in power, as here, and 
 planting of his feet on land and sea, and speaking in voice 
 audible over the earth : but only his voice of charge to the 
 
 1 Apoc. xi. 3. 
 
 2 So in the example of the Lord's descent to ransom Israel out of Egypt, Exod. 
 iii., where he appeared in the bush burning with fire, but which was not consumed : 
 so again in that of his appearing with the drawn sword, as the Captain of the 
 Ijord's host, to Joshua, Josh. v. 13; and that of his appearance to Ezekiel in the 
 chariot of the fiery cherubim, when about to destroy Jerusalem : &c. 
 
 ■'' "An angel from the East, having the seal of the life-giving God." See Vol. I. 
 274, 283.
 
 CH. II.] COVENAKT-ANGEL AND THE REFORMATION. 43 
 
 angelic ministries employed in the world's providential go- 
 vernment, with reference to his election of grace ; in accom- 
 paniment of his own act of sealing them, each one, on the 
 forehead. In so far as regarded the perceptions of the inhabit- 
 ants of this world, the sealing revelation seems to have been 
 figured as one comparatively noiseless and miimpressive. — 
 What then of an intervention prefigured as this was, with 
 all these circumstantials of glory and power accompanying ? 
 It was surely to be inferred from them that it would be one 
 sudden, striking, and most extraordinary, in vindication of 
 his covenant of mercy to the church ; somewhat perhaps as 
 when, in similar guise of the pillar of fire and of the cloud, 
 he descended to deliver Israel from out of Egypt : — that 
 it would be one in which He would specially display before 
 men his illuminating beams as the Sun ojf riffhteoiisness : 
 and in which hj word, and perhaps by act, (not without 
 some exercise of his mighty power accompanying it,) he 
 would assert his rights to this world as his inheritance ; 
 and, with voice audible through the whole Roman world, 
 even as of the Lion of the tribe of Judah, would rebuke 
 and strike terror into the enemies of his church. By the 
 hook that he held opened in his hand the instrumental 
 means seemed figured whereby all this was to be accom- 
 plished ; viz. the opening of the volume of his own book, 
 the Bible. And as, in the deliverance of Israel from out 
 of Egypt, the pillar of fire did not only give light to Israel, 
 but sent out its lightning-fires, as the Psalmist intimates, 
 to trouble the host of the Egyptians,^ so the notice here of 
 his feet appearing like pillars of fire, from beneath the cloud 
 that mantled Him, might perhaps signify that He would 
 make the destroying fire of his power to be felt among 
 men, to the confusion of his enemies, and the triumph of 
 his own cause and people. Or rather, perhaps, the intend- 
 ed reference of this particular emblem might be to that 
 description given by Himself of the effects of his first pro- 
 mulgation of the gospel, " I am come to send fire on the 
 earth : " '^ and the intimation be that now, as then, through 
 
 1 Psalm Ixxvii. 17, 18, compared with Exod. xiv. 24. Compare also Obadiah 18; 
 " And the house of Jacob shall be a fire, . . and the house of Esau for stubble : " &c. 
 
 2 Luke xii. 49. Compare too Jer. xxiii. 29 ; " Is not my word like as a fire ? "
 
 44 APOC. X. 1 — 4. [PAUT Til. 
 
 man's enmity to the truth, the effect of its re-pubHcation 
 would be divisions, contentions, and wars of opinion, fierce 
 even as a kindled conflagration. 
 
 Thus much, I say, might, as it seems to me, have been 
 inferred by the Evangehst from the circumstantials of the 
 vision, concerning the nature, glory, and results of the in- 
 tervention from heaven here prefigured. And can we to 
 whom it has been allotted to live in this latter age, and have 
 thus been enabled to trace in the succeeding mutations and 
 events of the world, the fulfilment of so much of the Apoca- 
 lyptic prophecy, — can we, after having been brought in 
 om' investigation of its series of prefigurative visions, step 
 by step through the Roman world's history, down to the 
 close of the 15tli century, hesitate to recognise in that be- 
 fore us, (it being the next that followed,) the figuring of 
 that grand event with which the 16th opened, — the Re- 
 formation ? Surely, if we look simply to the one most 
 prominently marked characteristic of the figuration, as 
 betokening some extraordinary, sudden, light-giving, world- 
 arousing intervention of the Lord Jesus, for his own cause 
 and church, there is not an event, from St. John's time 
 even to the present, that can be shown to answer to it, but 
 the Reformation -. while, on the other hand, as it seems to 
 me, not only does the Reformation answer to the figure in 
 this respect, but there is not a particular in the vision of all 
 we have just noted, in respect of which it did not answer, 
 even to exactness. Sudden, unexpected, most extraordi- 
 nary, — the human instrumentality employed so inadequate, 
 and the results of such surpassing importance, — if ever 
 event had the character stamped upon it, above others, of 
 some direct intervention of Divine providence, this was the 
 one. Its most prominent characteristic as a religious re- 
 vival, consisted in its being one in which the gloiy of the 
 Lord Jesus as the Light of the soul, the Sun of Righteous- 
 ness, Jehovah our Justification, was publicly set forth, and by 
 multitudes in different nations owned and felt. It was one 
 in which, through the voice of the Reformers, far-sounding 
 and loud, he rclmkcd his usuri)ing enemies, even as the Lion 
 of the tribe of Judah ; and, both by it, and by the provi- 
 dential overthrow of the usurper's power in a tenth of the
 
 CH. II. J COVENANT-ANGEL AND THE REFORMATION. 45 
 
 apostate city} did also assert his rights to this earth as his 
 inheritance : — all in connexion with the opening of his own 
 ivritten ivord, that had been so long neglected and forgot- 
 ten ; the republication, if I may so say, of his gospel.'^ 
 Mnally, the auspicious result of this deliverance of his 
 church and his religion was not accomplished without fiery 
 contentions, in the which the divine power was manifested, 
 to discomfit the enemies of the truth. Just as it was said by 
 Luther, when alluding long afterwards to the effect of his pro- 
 testation against indulgences ; " This was to set the world 
 on fire, and disturb the whole order of the universe."^ 
 
 In truth all this seems to me so evident, even from the 
 mere general view of the Reformation, to which in the pre- 
 sent chapter I wish to confine myself, that I cannot but 
 admire that any Protestant interpreters, — those I mean 
 more especially who explain the sixth Trumpet, as I do, of 
 the Turkish woe, — should have otherwise expounded the 
 vision. And it will not be useless, I think, or irrelevant 
 to my great object of opening the Apocalypse, just to 
 pause, ere we go forward in our subject, and mark how 
 the error originated, and was continued. 
 
 It was with Mr. Mede then, if I mistake not, that it 
 originated. The earliest Protestant interpreters, as Leo 
 Juda and Bullinger for example,"^ did explain this the sun- 
 illumined covenant-Angel's descent to signify the Reforma- 
 tion. But Mede, fixing his eye chiefly, and almost exclu- 
 sively, on that one symbol in the vision, the little Book 
 opened in the hand of the Angel, and fancying a parallel- 
 
 1 See on Apoc. xi. 13.— In Lev. xxvii. 30 we read, "All the tithe of the land is 
 the Lord's." It was the quit-rent, if I may so say, in acknowledgment of his title 
 to the whole. And thus, perhaps, when a tenth was taken by him of the city, the 
 very proportion may have been meant to indicate that it was an act asserting his 
 right to all. 
 
 2 So I)r. Haweis of the Reformation, in the Continuation of Milner's Church 
 History : — " After ages of gloomy superstition, and the reign of ignorance and pri- 
 meval night, we have seen the Sun of righteousness rising with healing in his wings, 
 to dispel the darkness : " adding also ; " But, however blessed the issue, the effects 
 of the contest between truth and error were greatly to be deplored ; having pro- 
 duced wars which desolated the face of many countries." Milner's Church History, 
 Cent. xvii. ch. i. p. 999. (Ed. in one Vol.) 
 
 ^ lb. 684. And so the Dominican Fontana, in his Monumenta Dominicana, p. 422 ; 
 " Ex his scintillis [viz. Lather's controversy with Tctzel about Indulgences] erupe- 
 runt incendia multa, quibus magna pars orbis, septentrionis maxime, conflagravit." 
 
 ^ See ch. v. infra, and Sect. 5 of my History of Apoc. Interpretation, Vol. iv. Ap- 
 pendix.
 
 46 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 ism, which in fact existed not, between it and the Book 
 that began to be opened by the Lamb at the commence- 
 ment of the Apocalyptic revelation, concluded inconsider- 
 ately, that whatever character attached to the one must 
 attach to the other also ; and consequently that, as the 
 Book in the Lamb's hand was a prophetic roll, inscribed 
 with the events of the future history of Christendom, such 
 was also the Book in the hand of the Angel. To this idea 
 all else was made to bend in his interpretation. An involv- 
 ed and self-inconsistent structure of the Apocalypse was 
 adopted in accordance with it.^ The Lamb's Book, or 
 (3i/3x<ov, (though not a hint was given, when first it was seen, 
 of its being anything less than the whole of the prophecy,) 
 w^as yet supposed to be only one half of it : in effect, to 
 be the Book of the secular fortunes of Christendom ; while 
 the Angel's Book, or ^ij^Xiapi^iov, was that of the fortunes 
 of the Church. Further, as to all the magnificent circum- 
 stantials of the vision before us, they were explained as the 
 mere dramatic accompaniments, and introductory ceremo- 
 nial, of this new division of the prophecy. — But was there 
 in truth any real parallelism between the two cases ? How 
 was it that Mr. Mede overlooked this marked distinction, 
 that the opening of that which was really the prophetic 
 Book was gradual, just as the visions developed it ; whereas 
 this little Book appeared already opened, when first display- 
 ed in the hand of the Angel ? " How, that he omitted ob- 
 serving that the one was exhibited as being opened in the 
 inner sanctuary, a scene representative of the heaven of 
 God's presence, and its blessed inmates ; the other as opened 
 on this world's theatre ? Agreeably with which distinction, 
 the unrolling of the former was to be regarded as having 
 its fulfilment on the day of St. John's being in the Spirit 
 in Patnios, and in the very fact of the then exhibition of 
 these Apocalyptic prefigurations of things future before 
 heaven's blessed company and St. John ; the latter {like 
 everything else enacted outside of the inner sanctuary) as 
 
 ' See my notice and Scheme of Mode in Section 6, ibid. 
 
 - It seems to rac quite plain, that had the little Book constituted a new division 
 of the prophecy, ranging through chapters xi, xii, xiii, &c., as Mede supposes, it 
 would have appeared closed in the first instance, and unrolling only as the visions in 
 those chapters proceeded.
 
 CH. II. J COVENANT-ANGEL AND THE REFORMATION. 47 
 
 the figure of some event or fact that would happen on the 
 Roman earth, in the manner, and in the order of things, 
 prefigured. So it was, however, that Mede did overlook 
 these important distinctions. And the series of errors re- 
 sulting should remain impressed upon the inquirer, as one 
 proof, among many, both of the necessity of attention to 
 every minute peculiarity of description, in order to a right 
 understanding of the Apocalypse : and also of the admir- 
 able, the divine construction of the prophetic drama ; in 
 which every minute feature as exhibited, and each scenic 
 locality where exhibited, have alike so significant a mean- 
 ing. In truth, like every other work of God, it approves 
 itself to be perfect ; and that nothing can be taken from it, 
 as nothing can be added to it. 
 
 As to the continuation of the error, (for so it was, that 
 of the best known succeeding commentators Mr. Daubuz 
 alone held to the truer explication,^ — Vitringa, the two 
 Newtons, and afterwards Faber, Frere, Cuninghame, &c., 
 all in succession interpreting the ^i^'Kia-q^ihov more or 
 less on the same principle with Mede, until at length, of 
 late years. Dr. Keith and a few others^ recurred to the older 
 view,) we can scarcely be wrong in ascribing it in consi- 
 derable measure to the authority of Mede's great name. — 
 At the same time it seems to me that what was much more 
 influential in perpetuating it, was the apparent and unob- 
 viated difficulty of expounding the long sequel of the vision, 
 consistently with any explanation which referred its open- 
 ing clause, and the symbol of the little Book depicted in 
 it, to the Reformation. — Nor, in my opinion, has the 
 difficulty been yet removed. The later interpreters to 
 whom I have alluded as correct in their general view, ap- 
 pear not to have succeeded better than the earlier on this 
 head. Whether in respect of the seven thunders, or of 
 other details following in the vision, the expositions that 
 they ofter consist ill, one and all, with that which we alike 
 
 1 Of other less known interpreters, later than Mede, who applied this vision, (like 
 BuUinger, &c., hefove him,) in a general way to the Reformation, I may specify the 
 Rev. Arthur Bent, m his Ruine of Rome: a book published A.D. 1644, four years 
 after Mede's death. 
 
 - In this Bicheuo, and I believe Addis, preceded Keith. Mr. Bickersteth and 
 others followed.
 
 48 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III, 
 
 advocate of its opening clause : — indeed so ill as to reflect 
 back doubt and obscurity even upon our explication of the 
 opening clause itself. 
 
 And hence on the whole the necessity, or at least great 
 desirableness, of not only throwing light on the obscurities 
 of what follows in the prophecy, (the which I shall hope 
 to do in the chapters following,) but of adding confirma- 
 tion to the historical exposition of its commencement, just 
 given. Nor, thanks be to God's providential care over the 
 records known by Him to be illustrative of it, — is the ad- 
 ditional proof that we might reasonably desire on so im- 
 portant a point wanting. The fact is, there exists what I 
 may call documentary, and indeed almost ocular evidence 
 of it, to my own mind singularly striking. It is such, I 
 think, as Avill not only satisfy us as to the justness of our 
 reference of the opening clause of the vision generally to 
 the Reformation ; but will connect it, by certain most re- 
 markable chronological and historical coincidences, with 
 that wonderful event's precise epoch of commencement. 
 Yet more, it will serve as a guide and index to prepare us 
 for observing in all that follows of the vision, — even doAvn 
 to the Witnesses' ascent and fall of the tenth part of the 
 Great City described in Apoc. xi. 12, 13, — the orderly 
 prefiguration, point by point, of each chief subsequent step 
 of progress in the Reformation. For, as that event is of 
 all others that have happened since Apostolic times in Chris- 
 tendom the grandest and most glorious, — so it is of all 
 others that which was prefigured most fully and circum- 
 taatiall y in the Apocalyptic prophecy. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 EPOCH or antichrist's triumph the epoch of 
 Christ's intervention. 
 
 " And I saw a mighty Angel descending from heaven, 
 clothed with a cloud ; and the rainbow was upon his head ; 
 and his face was as the sun, and his feet as pillars of fire ; 
 and he had in his hand a little book opened. And he set
 
 CHAP. iii.J EPOCH or antichrist's triumph. 49 
 
 his right foot on the sea, and his left on the land ; and 
 cried with a loud voice, as a lion roareth ? " 
 
 Let me, in introduction to what follows, remind the 
 reader of that principle of allusive reference, in visions 
 figuring Christ's revelations of himself to his true Church, 
 to something opposed to it and Him, which we have seen 
 exemplified very strikingly already twice in this Comment- 
 ary : viz. first, in the sealing vision of Apoc. vii,^ secondly, 
 in the incense-offering vision of Apoc. viii.^ Such then 
 having been the case previously,^ it is natural for the ques- 
 tion to arise in the inquirer's mind, whether perchance 
 there may not be here also, on occasion of this third repre- 
 sentation of Christ on the Apocalyptic scene, some such 
 allusive reference and contrast: the rather because there 
 appears in the action of the Angel, whether as regards his 
 planting of his feet on earth and sea, or his roaring as a 
 lion, a singular abruptness and decision ; in no way so 
 simply explicable, it might seem, as by the supposition of 
 indignant reference to some signal usurpation of his rights 
 at the time figured, and the triumph of some enemy and 
 rival. Thus we are led to inquire whether, at the epoch 
 just before the Reformation, there was any such signal tri- 
 umph of antichristian usurpation and usurper in Christen- 
 dom ? Whether Antichrist, the Antichrist of Daniel, 
 St. Paul, and St. John, had really risen in the Church 
 visible ; (for he it is of whom we must needs think when 
 such usurpation is hinted ;) and not only advanced preten- 
 sions to the place of the Lord Jesus in it, but succeeded in 
 establishing them ? Also whether, just at the said epoch, 
 his triumph was so signalized as to furnish any remarkable 
 parallelism of particulars, in contrast with those that ac- 
 companied Christ's emblematic appearance and descent in 
 the vision now before us ; parallelisms such as we verified 
 in the cases of the sealing and incense-offering visions, from 
 
 1 See Vol. i. pp. 278—285. 2 See Vol, i. pp. 326—345. 
 
 3 In the contrast of God's 144,000 sealed ones in Apoc. xiv, and the Beast's 
 sealed ones in Apoc. xiii,— that of Babylon and Jerusalem, — and that of the Bride 
 and the Harlot, — we see the same principle of contrast kept up afterwards also : only 
 in these latter cases expressly, not alluswdy. 
 
 VOL. U. 4
 
 50 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 comparison of their details with certain prominent charac- 
 teristics of the apostasy at the times prefigured. 
 
 The which suggestion and inquiry direct us at once to 
 Rome, For with Rome and its seven hills prophecy, 
 we saw, in our early glances of it, prospectively connected 
 Antichrist.^ There, moreover, and in the person of its 
 bishops, we noticed certain suspicious symptoms of the 
 development of Antichrist, that occurred some nine centu- 
 ries before the times now under review.^ There, in the 
 historical sketch prefixed to the vision of the Turkish Woe,^ 
 we expressed a presumptive belief of his being enthroned 
 and ruling, at the bisecting chronological point of those 
 nine centuries. And though in the sketch of the Middle 
 Ages, given in the chapter last but one preceding this, we 
 did not directly advert to the point, yet it was evident, 
 from the moral and religious corruptions of Western Chris- 
 tendom, as subordinated to Rome, and the support and 
 fostering of those corruptions by the Romish bishops,^ that 
 everything there noted tended to corroborate the impres- 
 sion, not to negative it. — Thither then let us pass in ima- 
 gination ; and observe what may be enacting at Rome, and 
 by the Pope, at the epoch and crisis that we have supposed 
 alluded to in the vision of the text : i. e. at the crisis that 
 immediately preceded the Reformation. 
 
 And behold, the historic records of the times referred to 
 represent to us, just at this epoch, a scene in that seven- 
 hilled city of high triumph and festival. There had been 
 in it very recently a new election to the Popedom.'^ The 
 announcement was made at the time from the window of 
 the conclave of Cardinals : "I tell you tidings of great 
 joy : a new Pope is elected, Leo the X :"^ and the festivi- 
 
 1 Vol. i. pp. 229, 230, 387 — 39-5. Of course a fuller inquiry will be needed into these 
 prophecies of Antichrist ; and it will be given in the next, or 4th part of my Work. 
 
 2 Vol. i. 411—414. ^ Vol. i. pp. 472—474. 
 
 * See pp. 8— 30 supra, passim. ^ March 10, A.D. 1512. 
 
 6 " Gaudium magnum nuncio vobis. Papam habemus Reverendissimum Domi- 
 nura Johannem de Medicis, qui. . . vocatur Leo Decimus." This was the usual form 
 of announcement. Roscoe's Leo X, ii. 174, 409. (3rd Ed.) 
 
 It is curious that on Leo's promotion to the Cardinalate, when only thirteen years 
 old, some 25 years before, Ficinus thus wrote: "Semen Johannis ejusdem," (viz. 
 of Lorenzo of Medici) "in quo benediccntur omncs jjentes, est Johannes Laurentife 
 o-enitus : cui, adhuc adolescentulo, divina Providentia mirabiliter cardineam con-
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 51 
 
 ties began, on his coronation at St. Peter's, immediately 
 after. But the grander ceremonial of his going to take 
 possession of the chm^ch of his bishopric, St. John Lateran, 
 — that church by the bishopric of which, as the mother 
 and mistress of all churches, he was to be constituted not 
 only bishop of Rome, but, by consequence, of the Church 
 Universal, — was delayed for a month, to allow of the proper 
 pomp attending it.^ And now the day is come for its cele- 
 bration. The city is thronged with visitors on the occa- 
 sion. Besides the hierarchy of Rome, there appear many 
 of the independent princes of Italy ; ambassadors also from 
 most of the states of Western Christendom ; and moreover 
 the episcopal and ecclesiastical deputies that have assem- 
 bled to represent the Church Universal in the General Coun- 
 cil now holden at the Lateran ; a Council convoked a year 
 since by Pope Julius, (in opposition to the French king's 
 Conciliahulum, or Private Council, held at the time at 
 Pisa,) and which has already been advanced through five 
 Sessions. — The concourse from early morn has been to the 
 great square before St. Peter's. There the procession 
 forms on horseback, and thence puts itself in motion : its 
 course being across the bridge of St. Angelo, through the 
 heart of the city, to the Lateran church at its opposite ex- 
 tremity. First in order is a troop of cavalry ; then a long 
 line of the gentry and nobility ; then, after sundry lesser 
 officials in gayest livery, and with badges of office, a file of 
 Florentine citizens and other provincials, the Pope's body- 
 guard, and a second file of provincial barons and gentry ; 
 then the envoys from Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, 
 and other parts of Christendom ; then abbots, bishops, 
 
 tulit dignitatem, futuri Pontificii augurium." Epist. ix. p. 159; (Venet. 1495;) 
 given in M'Crie's Italy, p. 11. 
 
 ' For authority in regard of this ceremonial, the reader is referred to the inter- 
 esting, curious, and full account .given by a Florentine physician, I. I. De Pennis, 
 who was an eye-witness of it. It was addressed to the Contessina Medica, wife 
 of Piero Ridolphi, and sister to Leo X. Roscoe gives it in the Appendix to his Leo 
 X, No. LXX, from a copy preserved in the Vatican. — It had been previously given in 
 the " Storia De' Solenni Possessi De' Sommi Pontefici" by Francesco Cancellieri ; p. 
 67: (Rom. 1802:) a book full of curious and interesting antiquarian information 
 respecting the Papal ceremonials. Cancellieri took it from a copy in the Bibliotheca 
 Corsini; and speaks of it as of an extreme rarity. If, says he, fortune had not 
 seconded my unwearied researches by the discovery cf it, " quante belle ed inter- 
 essanti notizie di questa nobilissima funzione ci sarebbero rimaste ignote!" He 
 gives also another, but much less full account, written at the time in Latin. 
 
 4*
 
 52 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part hi. 
 
 archbishops, and patriarchs, about 250 ; then the car- 
 dinals : — the ecclesiastical dignitaries wearing their jewelled 
 mitres and their copes ; the rest drest in richest costumes, 
 and with banners streaming, as on a day of Jubilee: — then, 
 at length, thus preceded, and duly followed, and closed in 
 by a troop of military, Himself the Hero (might we not 
 rather say the God) of the day. Himself the Pope ! The 
 horses of the bishops and cardinals, preceding him, are 
 covered from head to foot with white trappings.^ He 
 comes forth Himself too on a white horse ; a cope of rich- 
 est broidery mantling him : ^ the ring of espousal with the 
 Universal Church glittering on his right-hand ring-finger;^ 
 and on his head the regno, or imperial tiara of three 
 
 1 Of the bishops' horses it is said, " cavalli coperti tutti di guarnello bianco ; ex- 
 cepto li occhi, donde vedeano." Of the cardinals' ; " cavalli coperti, fino in terra, di 
 tatfetto biancho." lb. 415. It was white for the occasion, and of course by Papal 
 order. The usual colour for the cardinals' horse-trappings was now scarlet. The 
 privilege had been accorded by Paul II, in 1464, to the cardinals, to use this colour. 
 Wadd. iii. 273. 
 
 Compare, generally, on this subject of the processional, the Ordo for a new Pope's 
 inauguration given in Martene, De Rit. ii. 88 — 90. The comparison will be both 
 interesting and elucidatory. — Compare too, generally, the copious and interesting 
 accounts of other Papal inauguratory Processions, from A.D. 795 to 1801, in 
 Cancellieri. 
 
 - Penni does not give the colour of the " richissimo piviale " of the Pope. Mar- 
 tene' s description might seem to imply that the same tvhite robe was still worn that was 
 previously worn by him in a preliminary service at St. Peter's. For, on occasion of 
 his public sitting in the vestibule of St. Peter's, in the interval between the service 
 aud the procession, he states the custom of the Cardinal Deacon disrobing him of his 
 pontifical mitre, and placing on his head the crown or regno, instead ; but does not 
 mention any other disrobing. The white, however, was not invariable : and the 
 richissimo of Penni may rather perhaps indicate the rich purple which the Pope 
 often wore in his processions. So Bernard's description, in his De Considerat. iv. 
 3, addrest to Pope Eugenius : "Etsi purpuratus, etsi deaui'atus incedens, . . gemmis 
 ornatus, . . vcctus equo alba." 
 
 Comp. Apoc. xix. 11 — 14. " I saw heaven opened ; and behold a white horse, and 
 him that sate upon it. . . . And on his head were many crowns. . . . And he was 
 clothed in a garment dipped in blood .... and the armies of heaven followed him 
 upon white horses," &c. Corn, a Lapide, on Apoc. vi. 2, p. 119, notices the paral- 
 lelism with the wliite horse and rider of 1st Seal. " Romte, die omnium maxime 
 festo, quo novus Pontifcx ad Lateranum, Pontificatus possessionem accepturus, dedu- 
 citur in communi urbis et orbis applausu, omnes Pra;sules in equis albis ei adequitare 
 Solent. At(iue hoc forsan, et multa alia, sumptum est ex Apocalyiisi hoc loco ; sc. ut 
 reprajsentent hunc equum album, cujus sessor est Christus, [oujus] Vicarius et 
 successor est novus Pontifcx." It would have been more apposite had he made the 
 notice on Apoc. xix. 11 — 14. 
 
 •■' This was put on the ring-finger of the right hand in the preceding ceremonial 
 service ; and is expressly specified by Martene as to be worn by the newly-elected 
 Pope in the procession : " Papa habebit annulum Fontijicalem." — As to the cere- 
 mony of putting it on, we thus read : " Consecratione manuum facta, consecrator 
 immittit annulum in digitum annularem dextne mauus Pap;e consecrati, dicens ; 
 ' Acoipe annulum, fidei scilicet signaculum ; quatcnus spoiisam Dei, viz. sauctam 
 univer.suluin ecclesiam, intenierattl tide ornatus illibatc custodias.' "
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 53 
 
 crowns.^ A canopy is borne over him by the chief Roman 
 authorities. The streets are strewed with tapestry and 
 flowers for him to pass over. The welkin rings with ac- 
 clamations of welcome. The multitudes fall on their knees, 
 as he approaches, to receive his benediction. " It seemed 
 to me," says the narrator of the pageant, " that it was the 
 Redeemer of mankind on the Palm-Sunday going to Jeru- 
 salem : there being substituted only for the cry of Hosanna 
 to the Son of David, the acclamation, Viva Papa Leone ! 
 Life to the Pope, the Lion ! " ^ 
 
 Strange similitude ; although that indeed which his very 
 guise, and pomp, and popular reception, might well have 
 suggested ! — But is it really the case, that the people re- 
 gard him as filling the place of Christ to them ; and to be 
 looked to as their Redeemer and Saviour? The answer 
 is ready in every one's mouth. They dwell on the exalted 
 station of the Pope, even yet more than on the personal 
 character of Leo : its authority, power, sacredness : a station 
 high above that of the kings of this world ; as being divine 
 rather than human, indeed that of the very Vicar of 
 Christ and God. At the same time that Leo's personal 
 
 ^ " Con un regnio in testa adornato di tre corone aui-ee, et di moltre altre gioje et 
 pietre pretiose." (Penni p. 415.) 
 
 On tliLs regno, or Fapal Imperial crown, see Ducange's Dictionary in verb, and 
 also his Supplement. I abstract from thence mainly what follows. 
 
 It has been said by some that this was originally given the Pope, about A.D. 500, 
 by the Frank king Clovis ; and that from thenceforward the Popes used it in public 
 processions. But tliis, says G. Rhodig. de Litiirg. is incorrect ; and that it was not 
 so used by them till after the seventh century. In Baronius ad Ann. 1159, it 
 is described as "mitra turbinata ctim corona." Alexander III had just then 
 added the first corona to the mitra : in an Epistle of which Pope, soon alter, it is 
 described as " regnum quod ad similitudincm cassidis ex albo fit indumento." 
 Afterwards a second crown was added to it by Boniface YIII, about 1303 ; and a 
 third by Urban Y, A.D. 1362. And so it became a triple crown : as the Roman 
 Cereraoniale has it ; " Tiaram, quani regnum appellant, triplici corona ornatam." — 
 It was regarded as signifying the Pope's imperial dignity, in contradistinction to the 
 mitre signifying his sacerdotal dignity ; and was accordingly never worn by the 
 Pope "in divinis," in church, but only in going <o and//WH it. So Innocent III 
 writes, about A.D. 1200 : " In signum spiritualium contulit mihi mitram ; in signum 
 temporalium coronam : mitram pro sacerdotio, coronam pro regno:" and again; 
 "Mitra semper et ubique utitur; regno nee ubique, nee semper; quia pontihcalis 
 auctoritas et prior est, et dignior, quam imperialis." 
 
 Mr. Clarke, in his Treatise on the Dragon and the Beast, p. 180, describes its 
 splendour from Platina. Also Fcrrario in his Costumi, ii. 428 ; and, more fully, 
 Cancellieri p. 126 ; and Bonanni Num. Pontif. i. 121 — 123. 
 
 - " Mi parea quel di che il Redemptore della humana natura ando in Hicrusalem 
 el di delle palme : et, per iscambio de dire Osanna Fill David, gridavano. Viva Papa 
 Leone; et, per cambio de ulivi et palme, veste et panni per le strade si vedea." lb. 
 ap. Roscoe, ii. 430.
 
 54 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part hi. 
 
 virtues also are not forgotten : — bis prudence, firmness> 
 deconun of manners, conversancy with worldly affairs, love 
 of splendour, and taste for classic literature and the arts : — 
 all fitting him for applying the matchless authority of his 
 office as Christ's Vice-gerent, to the glory of Rome, the 
 amelioration of the evils which from without and from with- 
 in have long afflicted Christendom, and the introduction of 
 a brighter age.^ 
 
 But the devices and paintings that everywhere, on tri- 
 umphal arches, columns, and other decorated erections for 
 the occasion, meet the eye, as it passes onward with the 
 procession, will be the most faithful as well as most graphic 
 expositors of the general state of thought and feeling re- 
 specting him. — Are they not splendid, those decorations ? 
 And do they not speak, with indubious evidence, the re- 
 vival of the arts in Italy ? — Alas ! that they should speak 
 also as clearly of its fondly cherished heathenism ! For mark 
 the strange mixture in them of things sacred and profane, 
 of Christian saints and heathen demigods ; Peter and Paul, 
 Moses and Aaron, Saints Cosmo and Damian, intermin- 
 gling with Apollos, Mercurys, Minervas ! Does it not well 
 illustrate what has been said of the homogeneity and na- 
 tural fellowship of the oai[jiovia of Rome modern and Papal, 
 with those of old Pagan Rome ? ^ Does it not exhibit to 
 the very eye what has been called the invincible Paganism 
 
 1 Aldus Manutius, in the dedication of his Plato, printed A.D. 1513, to Pope Leo, 
 thus describes the general feeling on the occasion we speak of. — " Cum primiini 
 creatus es Pontifex Maximus, tantam ceperunt voluptatem Christiani omnes ut di- 
 cerent, priedicarent, affirmarent, alter alteri, cessatura brevi mala omnia quibus op- 
 primimur, futura bona quse seculo aureo fuisse cnnimeniorant; quandoquidem Princi- 
 pem, Pastorem, Patrem nacti sumus qualem expectabuinus, quo nobis miserrimis his 
 tomporibus maxima opus erat. Audivi ipse mcis auribus illis ipsis diebus, ubicunque 
 fui, omnes hiec eadem uno ore dicere et prsedicare." He notices, among the grounds 
 of the hopes thus entertained from Leo's Pontificate, his respectability of personal 
 character, high family, vigour of age, the late wonderful geographical discoveries, &c. 
 lb. App. xcii. p. 482. 
 
 2 See pp. 9, 37 supra. — The following from an Ode of Guido Silvester to the 
 Manes of Popes Alexander and Julius, on Leo's accession, given in Iloscoe, App. 
 Ixxii., will further illustrate this union. 
 
 Christe potons rerura, tuque illius innuba Mater, 
 
 Qua; Capitolini verticis alta tones ; 
 Et Vaticana; pater ac vetus accola rupis, 
 
 Pctrc, PaliBstino proxima cura Jovi ; 
 Dique Deteque omnes, quibus es.sc vel infima cordi 
 
 Nunc Leo, qui vcstro est do grege, signa dcdit ; 
 Ne rcvocate precor steilis, &c. 
 Sunt modo apud superos tot millia multa piorum ;
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 55 
 
 of Italy ; ^ but which was rather the invincible Paganism of 
 apostate Christendom ? 
 
 But to the point in hand ; — the expression of the mind 
 and spirit of the age respecting its newly-elected Pope Leo. 
 And doubtless there are some of the pictures, and devices, 
 that depict him with reference simply to his personal cha- 
 racter. Such is that where Justice is introduced with her 
 balance, and Virtue as assaulted by various serpent-formed 
 vices, but delivered by a Lion : such that too where the 
 Arts and Literature are represented as rejoicing in their 
 Patron being made Lord of the world. ^ — Again there is 
 another painting that depicts him as exerchmg patriarchal 
 functions : I mean that which represents the lately-con- 
 vened General Council in the Lateran Church ; the Car- 
 dinals and Bishops appearing seated in it, and the Pope 
 high -throned among them ; with the legend, " Thou shalt 
 put an end to the Council, and be called the Reformer of 
 the Church."^ — But generally the allusion is to his acting 
 as Christ's representative : insomuch that there is the appli- 
 cation to him alike of the history, titles, and offices of Christ 
 our Saviour ; just as if he were indeed, as they say, his 
 very impersonator on earth. So, as regards Christ's Ms- 
 tor//, in that picture of the three Kings of Christendom, 
 like the magi of old, fixing their eyes intently on a star in 
 the East ; the morning-star evidently, not of Christ, but 
 Leo ; and with the legend, " The true hght shineth in 
 darkness:"* — so in that of Pope Leo sitting, and many 
 Kings kneeling, and presenting gold and silver to him as 
 their offering : ^ — so in another where he sits youthful in 
 
 Hoc sinite oro homines numen habere suum. 
 Vobiscum est Janus ; vobiscum mater Elissa ; 
 
 Vobiscum est Hiero, qui triplici ore tonet : 
 Vobiscum est vestriB Paulus tutela coronae, &c. 
 
 Yet, said Mr. Waterworth, the maintainer of the Romish cause at the Hereford 
 discussion, " Show me infidelity before the Reformation" ! ! 
 
 1 " Ce qui etait du pays, ce qui ne pent changer, c'est cet inAancible paganisme qui 
 a toujours subsiste en Italie." Michelet's Luther, i. 13. — But it was not of Italy 
 locally, only. We have seen that it was the Paganism of all Christendom at the 
 time. — For further examples see Roscoe, iii. 150, 254, 284. 
 
 2 lb. ii. 434, 420, 432. s lb. p. 427. 
 
 * I take this not from Penni, but from a medal struck at Rome, most probably, I 
 think, on this occasion, and given in Bonanni's Numismata Pontificum, i. 162, 173. 
 The three kings would be those of Germany, France, Spain ; as in another picture. 
 Penni, p. 426. 3 Penni, p. 417.
 
 5G Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 age, and in his cardinal's dress, disputing with aged doc- 
 tors and conquering : ^ — so in yet another, where Christ is 
 represented receiving baptism ; and in which the notifica- 
 tion of John Baptist as the Patron Saint of Florence, the 
 presence of Saints Cosmo and Damian, saints of the Medici 
 family, and that of two lions holding the scroll, plainly in- 
 dicate that in the Christ there depicted Pope Leo is signi- 
 fied, his supposed impersonator : and in which picture even 
 Christ's Godhead is ascribed to Leo ; the titular legend in- 
 scribed being, "A God wonderful among his saints ! " '^ — 
 Then again as to Christ's offices ; see where Leo is por- 
 trayed at an altar, sacrificing, surrounded by his cardinals 
 and bishops ; and with a scroll above reading thus, " Tan- 
 quam Aaron : " also in another opposite, where he appears 
 at an altar, kneeling ; with troops armed behind him, and 
 the words written above, " Tanquam Moses." ^ He is in 
 these represented as, in Christ's place, alike the High 
 Priest, and the Governor and Captain of the Church. And 
 the legends beneath tell the expected happy results : the 
 one, " Thine eye is on the ceremonial of divine worship, 
 and now Religion shall have its due observance ; " the 
 other, " Thou art the intimate of the Deity, and the ene- 
 mies of the Christian name shall yield to thee.""^ — We 
 may further notice that in which he is represented in the 
 guise of a shepherd fishing : and, having hghted a great 
 fire, as casting into it the bad fish he has drawn in his net, 
 and returning the good into the river : the legend, " Non 
 desinam usque ad unum," declaring that he will do that 
 which the Son of Man has asserted it his prerogative to 
 do ; viz. to separate between the good and bad, and of the 
 latter to leave not an individual undetected or unadjudged 
 
 ' lb. p. 427. — It is necessary to the understanding of this to remember that Leo 
 was machi Cardinal at the youthful age of tliirtecu ! Eoscoe, i. 24. 
 
 2 " Mirabilis Dcus in Sanctis suis." Roscoe, ii. 422. — Even the Lord's Supper 
 was similarly travestied in another painting ; Pope Leo being evidently meant by 
 the Christ, and the Cardinals by the Apostles round him. lb. 423. For, as Pierre 
 D'Ailly, the friend of Gerson, argues, the Cardinals were to be considered "the 
 legitimate representatives of the Apostles ; and as the Council of the representative 
 of Christ." Wadd. iii. 325. 
 
 ^ lb. pp. 42G, 427. The reference in the latter of the two designs seems to be to 
 Moses effecting by prayer tlie destruction of Amalek. — Similarly Clement VI , in his 
 famous Bull Unigenitus, aimuuciative of the Jubilee of 13o0, "se comparat cum Moyse 
 et Aarone ;" as Seckendorf observes in his History of the Reformation, p. 9. 
 
 * lb. p. 427.
 
 CHAP, til] epoch of antichrist's triumph. 57 
 
 to the fire.^ — As to the general hopes of prosperity and 
 happmess they are elsewhere thus symbolized. From a 
 hall, the heraldic ensign of Leo, two branches appear to 
 spring ; and from the one an ear of wheat, from the other 
 a grape-cluster, of size extraordinary : such as poets de- 
 scribe to have been produced in the fabled Saturnian age ; 
 and such perhaps as, according to the traditionary report of 
 Papias, might answer to St. John's prediction of the fruit- 
 fulness of the earth in the millennium : — the legend be- 
 neath indicating this new Vicegerent of Christ as its in- 
 troducer, and that now at length its golden age was come.^ 
 There are yet three other paintings of him in this cha- 
 racter, which, on account of their singularly illustrative 
 bearing on the prophecy before us, demand a separate and 
 particular attention. — First, that in the Genoese arc be- 
 tween the castle of St. Angelo and the Vatican. Here 
 behold the azure heaven represented. On its verge, reful- 
 gent with glory like as of the new-risen sun, stands por- 
 trayed the Pope : a rainbow in the air reflects its cheering 
 radiance on a landscape of land and w^ater, men and women, 
 just emerged apparently out of night and tempest below : 
 and the sentence appears written underneath, " The ivorld 
 hath been unveiled to light ; the King of glory has come 
 forth /" ^ — Next comes that painting in the arc of the Flo- 
 
 * lb. 425. 2 " Aureaeque vitse sseculum." 426. 
 
 3 lb. 417. "Era il Papa in un cielo infra dui rami di palme ; et dalla dextra mano 
 un Saucto Piefro et un Saucto Paulo, die parlavan col dicto Papa : et da I'altra mano 
 si vedea un angelo sonare una tromba; et havea nella banderiola della ti'omba I'arme 
 Pontiticia. Sotto a questo si vedea uno arco, ciofe Iris, et .sotto I'arco montagnie, 
 fiumi, pianure, arbori, bomini, et donne ; et un breviccUo cbe dicea, Apertus est orbis, 
 et exivit Rex Glo)-i(c." Penni does not mention what kind of glory attached to the 
 Pope in the picture ; but that it was the solar glory is plainly implied in the ex- 
 planatory legend. For the opening and tmveiling of the uorld, is a poetical pbi'Ese 
 to express the emergence of the terrene landscape into light and visibility, on the 
 sun-rising. " Sol orbem radiis retegit, aperit, &c., " will be remembered by the 
 classic reader, as common Latin phrases. The exivit too seems borrowed from what 
 is said of the sun's going forth in Psalm xix. 6 ; and the solar rainbow implied the 
 nolar shitting. 
 
 To understand the consistency and connexion with the above device of Chrv^t's 
 title, "the King of Glory," applied in the legend to the Pope, it might suffice to re- 
 member that the sun too is a frequent Scripture emblem of Christ. Besides which I 
 would further remind the reader that in the Paganized phraseology of the day, to 
 which I have already alluded, the divine Son was blasphemously denominated Apollo, 
 (as God the Father was Jupiter,) doubtless as being God of the ««<«. (Roscoe iii. 150.) 
 
 Nothing can better illustrate and confirm what has been above said of the device 
 in the Genoese painting, than the ode of Zenobius Acciaiolus, given by Roscoe, App. 
 No. cci. It is entitled, " Ode qua Leo X, Luminare majus Ecclesia'.'Soli seu Apol-
 
 58 APoc, X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 rentines. The Pope is liere represented with one foot on 
 the land, the other on the sea ; having a key moreover in 
 his right hand witii which he opens heaven, and in the 
 other another key ; (the key of hell, or rather of purga- 
 tory ;) and beneath, the legend, as the voice of Florence, 
 " In thj hand I toehold the empire of earth, and sea, and 
 heaven."^ Have we not in these two pictures of the 
 pageant the very counterpart to the opening emblems of 
 the vision before us ? — Yet again the lion there, as here, 
 appears prominently and repeatedly as a symbol in the 
 devices. For instance, in the triumphal arc near the 
 bridge of St. Angelo, there appear two lions, each with one 
 foot on the Papal insignia, to designate that it is the Pope 
 they symbolize, the other on the mundane globe ;^ and with 
 the legends, as the cry uttered by them, " The prey is 
 worthy of my glory : " and, " To me the charge belongs." 
 
 lini comparatur." The following verses occur in it. I shall have to quote others 
 afterwards, in developing the sense of the symbol. 
 
 Flecte nunc versus, age mens canenti, 
 Numen ut sacri recinam Leonis ; 
 Quern parem Dio, similemque Soli, 
 Mundus adorat .... 
 
 Nempe cum visens Laterana templa, 
 Movit ex imo veniens ad altos 
 Romuli colles, manifesta Solis 
 Fulsit imago. 
 
 Compare the legend respecting "The true light as shining in darkness" cited p. 55 : 
 also the language of Cardinal ^gidius : " Videmus te Leone principe fieri, quae fecit, 
 cum se terris osiendit, Leo de tribu Judse, &c. :" quoted by Bonanni i. 168 : — and the 
 verse, 
 
 Quam primum nostro illuxit Leo Maximus orbi ; 
 
 in the piece entitled Simla ad Leonem, Roscoe Appendix, Ixxxviii. 
 
 1 lb. 426. "Nel primo octangulo si vedea un Papa che tenea un piede sopra la 
 terra et I'altro nel mare ; et havea nella man dextra una chiave coUa quale apriva el 
 cielo, et uella sinistra un' altra chiave : et drieto a lui si vedea la nobile citta Florida 
 elevata in acre ; et| sotto a questo di tal tenore il breve era ; Elevata sum, quia penes 
 te pafriee, parentum, maris, terrce, ccelique regnum esse conspicio." 
 
 2 Penni (418) calls this a palla, or ball, but is plainly mistaken. The legends de- 
 cide the symbol. It was no heraldic ball that could be a prey worthy of the Papal 
 glory, but the ball of the earth only.* — In another leonine painting in the pageant, 
 (p. 420,) one in which a Lion appeared to have delivered Virtue assaulted by serpent- 
 formed Vices, an angel was represented as crowning the Lion. Bonanni gives a 
 medal, struck at Rome on the occasion, in which the two devices are united ; — viz. 
 that of the lion having his paw on the terrene globe, and of the angel's crowning him. 
 Of this, as a very interesting illustration of our subject, especially because of the 
 legend round it, (the Lion of the tribe of Jiidah, &c.,) I append a copy. Also one de- 
 picting the three royal magi, referred to p. 55. 
 
 * Eckhel, viii. 148, notices a similar mistake on the put of Nicephorus, respecting 
 a golden globe in Constautine's hand; which he caUs nt]\ov xpvciov, a golden apple.
 
 PJ.J8. 
 
 Vol.31. P. 58. 
 
 POPE LEO X. AS '1111'; I, ION OP THE TRIBE OP .TUDAH . 
 
 Itqui Bonanni's Niumranaia l'on"Ui'icuin .
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 59 
 
 With which last we may associate that in the Via Ponti- 
 ficum, where a Pope sits enthroned, and two kings, having 
 cast their crowns before him, kneel and worship. These a 
 lion is represented as blandly licking and fondling. But on 
 other two, which appear armed and hostile in the distance, 
 another lion seems as about to spring ; and the motto, 
 "■ Prostratis placidus, EebeUibus ferox,"^ -pioclaimfi, as with 
 lion's roar, that submission, implicit submission, is the law 
 of the pontifical empire. 
 
 Such is the triplet of countei'part paintings, in this Leo- 
 nine pageant, in contrast with the Apocalyptic triplet of 
 symbols in the vision before us. And from their mere 
 specification the Reader will see that it was not without 
 reason that I spoke of them as demanding a full and separ- 
 ate consideration. — Before entering on this, however, let 
 us just trace the processional to its termination. And let 
 us mark, in doing so, the almost ostentatious exhibition in 
 it of Christ's degradation and nothingness, as contrasted 
 with the Pope's exaltation : — him whom having now viewed 
 not only as head of the apostasy,^ but as the blasphemous 
 usurper also of Christ's place in the church, we need no 
 longer hesitate to call the Papal Antichrist. I say, let us 
 mark the contrast exhibited between them. Por Christ 
 too is present, they tell us, to swell the triumph of the day. 
 His place they point out under yon canopy, upon the 
 white palfrey, just before the line of bishops ; some five- 
 and-twenty attendants being disposed round him, each 
 with kindled wax-light, and the sacristan as his guard be- 
 hind. It is that box, they say, which the gold brocade 
 covers, that holds him. There is the holy eucharist, — the 
 consecrated wafer. That is Christ,^ — Oh foul dishonour to 
 their Lord ! He appears but as a state-prisoner, the creation 
 at will of the Pope and his priests, to add to the brilliancy 
 of the pageant : a puppet in the hands of the priesthood ! 
 
 ' lb. 425. 2 See Vol. I. pp. 411—414. 
 
 ^ " Sequia una bianchissima cbinea, at quella sopra del dorso suo havea un taber- 
 naciiletto adornato di brochato d'oro, nel qual dentro si posava la sacra Eucharistia ; 
 et di sopra era un bellissimo baldacchino, et circumcirca forsa vinticinque parafrenieri, 
 con torce di purissima cera biancha accense in mano, et drieto li il sacrista con un 
 baculo ligneo in mano, per custodia di Christo," lb. 414. — So, argued the anti- 
 Hussite Coctors, was fulfilled Christ's promise of being ever with his"Chxu-ch. Foxe 
 iii. 413.
 
 60 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 Meanwhile in all the pomp of the processional, and with 
 each of the magnificent decorations that adorn it symbol- 
 izing his glory, with every eye fixed upon him, and every 
 knee bent before him, the Pope advances on his triumph.^ 
 — And so, at length, the Lateran is arrived at ; that Church 
 with which the Papal episcopate is connected, and in the 
 portico of which, as justificatory of its asserted universal 
 jurisdiction, an old marble records its dignity as the mother 
 and head of all churches.^ And as, on the setting out, his 
 studied mimicry of Christ was observable, and the paint- 
 ings too, and the legends, reminded the passer-by that 
 " the heaven-sent One," ^ " the King of Glory," was gone 
 forth, so at this close of the procession, the studied mimicry 
 continues. Dismounting at the church vestibule, the Pope 
 takes sitting for a moment, as if in great humility, on a 
 lowly seat placed for the occasion -.^ then, amidst the chant- 
 ing of, " He raiseth the poor from the dust, to make him 
 inherit the throne of glory," ^ he is raised from it by some 
 
 1 Guicciardini observes on this festival, that it was universally believed that Rome 
 had never seen a more superb and magnificent day since the inundation of the bar- 
 barians ; that the expense was not less than 100,000 ducats ; and that the magnifi- 
 cent parade confirmed the vulgar in their expectations of happiness, under the Ponti- 
 ficate of one who so abounded in liberality, and delighted in splendour. Vol. vi. p- 
 116. (Eng. Transl.) 
 
 2 The following is the inscription : 
 
 Dogmate Papali datur, et simul imperiali, 
 Ut sim cunctarum mater et caput ecclesiarum. 
 
 Also the words " Sacrosancta ecclesia Lateranensis omnium ecclesiarum mater et 
 caput." Moreri Diet. Art. Latran. 
 
 3 "Leo X. Pont. Opt. Be Cielo Ilisso Gentiles Civesque Sui Merito Nuraini Ejus 
 Devoti," was the legend of one of the Florentine paintings. Roscoe, 423. The repre- 
 sentation of Leo as a special envoi/ from heaven, Avas a frequent conceit of the times: 
 e. g. in Vitalis Castalio's Verses on this occasion ; (lb. App. Ixxi ;) 
 
 Jam novus in terras alto descendit Olympo 
 Jupiter. 
 
 * The scat so used (distinct from two others, perforated, of porphyry, which were 
 also used) was called siercoracea, (!) in order to answer to the Vulgate, "De stercore 
 erigit pauperem." See Martene ii. 89. — Cancellieri, pp. 236 — 240, gives a curious 
 account of it: with some extraordinary points mooted in connexion, bearing on the 
 common hut false report of there having been once a woman Pope ; that same to 
 which I have alluded in my Vol. i. p. 473. It seems that all the three were after 
 Leo X's time removed into the Cloisters of the Lateran ; and thence by Pius VI into 
 the Museo Pio Clcmcutino. Whence in fine they were carried off in the troublous 
 times of the French invasion, A.D. 1796. 
 
 * The verse is from Hannah's song, 1 Sam. ii. 8 : which song, from the mention 
 of God's anointed in verse 10, and from the Virgin Mary's appropriation of much of 
 it in h(!r hymn of praise on the annunciaticm, has both by Rabbinical conimentatoi-s, 
 as Kimchi, and also by Christian, as Augustine, been generally supposed to have a 
 reference to Christ. See Patrick's Note ad loc.
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH or antichrist's triumph. 61 
 
 of the officials of the church ; led up the nave ; and seated 
 on the Papal throne within. They call it his assumption, 
 or taking up : as if like that of One before him, to the ele- 
 vation, not of a mere earthly throne, but a heavenly ; and 
 with all power given to him in heaven and on earth.^ 
 
 And now I revert to the three remarkable symbolizations 
 of the Papal Antichrist above-noted. And, considering 
 how exactly they answer to the triple symbolization of 
 Christ, in the Apocalyptic vision before us, — his face too 
 being depicted as the sun, his investing crown a rainbow, 
 his feet as planted on land and sea, his voice as a lio?i's 
 roaring, — considering further the chronological coincidence 
 of the one emblematic figuration and the other, the one in 
 the prophecy, the other in history, — and yet again the fact, 
 already twice exemplified, of allusive contrast to that which 
 might at any particular epoch be specially opposed to and 
 usurpatory of his prerogative, being a feature observable in 
 the chief Apocalyptic prefigurations of Christ's interven- 
 tion,^ — considering all this, I might perhaps at once make 
 my appeal to the Reader, and ask, without fear of contra- 
 diction, Is it credible that the parallel and the contrast were 
 in this case either unforeseen, or unintended, by the Eternal 
 Spirit ? — But the full signification of the three devices 
 needs yet to be unfolded. Also it needs to be shown that 
 what they signified, as to the Papal prerogative, was not 
 
 • Assumption is the usual word applied to the elevation of the Papal dignity. So 
 in the French King's mandate in the Lateran Council : " Leone ... ad summi Apos- 
 tolatus apicem, atque universalis ecclesisB regimen, assumpto." (Hard. ix. 1710, 
 1729.) In the " Glyptiques et Numismatiques" by Achille Collas, lately published 
 at Paris, there is given a medal struck in France, on occasion of Leo's election to the 
 Pontificate, in which Leo's head is on one side, the Papal arms on the obverse, with 
 the Legend ^^ Gloria et honore coronasti eion ;" and the notice added, "Ex ejus 
 assumptione universa Resp. Christiana maximam percepit voluptatem." 
 
 The application of the word to the Virgin Mary's supposed assumption, and to 
 Christ's, will remind the reader of its general indication, when used by itself, of a 
 heavenly ascension. And considering that it is continually thus applied by itself to 
 the Papal elevation, and also the almost universal appropriation of things concerning 
 Christ to the Popes, we can scarcely be wrong in here construing the term as intended 
 to suggest the allusion noted in the text. Compare Phil. ii. 7 — 9. 
 
 It is from the portico of the Lateran Church that the Pope blesses the people on 
 the festival-day of Christ's Ascension. Nibbi Itin. de Rome, i. 183. 
 
 ■■' Viz. that depicted in the Sealing Vision of Apoe. vii., and that in the incense- 
 offering vision of Apoc. viii. 3. Of course the contrast, whether allusive or diiect, in 
 the symbolic figuration, would only express the contrast actually manifested in each 
 case on the world's theatre, in the real intervention.
 
 62 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part iit. 
 
 the mere exaggeration of popular fancy or feeling at Rome, 
 on a festival day of excitement, but realities, such as the 
 Apocalyptic vision, when allusive, can alone allude to. To 
 this therefore I shall now address myself : although to do 
 it, and to furnish in each case the illustrative historical facts 
 requisite, will necessarily occupy some considerable time. 
 But the time will not be mis-spent. Indeed I feel that I 
 should scarce do justice to my subject, without thus more 
 fully developing these anti- Apocalyptic devices. For it is 
 impossible that anything could exhibit to us more strik- 
 ingly than these do the extent of the Papal usurpation of 
 Christ's gloiy and prerogatives, just before his glorious in- 
 tervention in the Reformation ; and the crisis too of Papal 
 triumph, in regard alike of things temporal and things spi- 
 ritual, of this world and the next. 
 
 I. First then as to the meaning, and the acting out, of 
 that emblematic painting which represented the Pope as 
 the new-risen sun, the King of glory, beaming from heaven 
 on this earth, and with the rainbow, the covenant-rainbow, 
 as his accompaniment. 
 
 Now we are not to suppose that there was merely meant 
 by this a symbolization of the Pope's supreme dignity,^ and 
 of the happy promise of his reign ; so as the symbol of a 
 rising sun and rainbow might have been applied, in the 
 hyperbole of painting or poetry, to designate the hopes en- 
 tertained from the reign of any other mighty sovereign on 
 his accession. No doubt this was included, and the general 
 expectation of happiness from Leo's reign signified by the 
 emblem ; ^ on the scale however of the golden age, whether 
 as fabled or predicted, for its measure and its character.^ 
 
 ' In his Decretals, Pope Innocent III declared the Emperor's power to be as in- 
 ferior to the Pope's, as the moon is interior to the stm. This was one of the propo- 
 sitions cJtracted from them by Luther, when he burnt the Decretals. Lib. i. tit. 33, 
 chap. vi. 
 
 2 So in the elegant Sylva of Johannes Philomusus Novocomensis, written on Leo's 
 election, and given in Roscoe, App. No. LXix; 
 
 medio tu sol clarissimus orbe 
 Largiris patriiw insigni luccmque caloremque. 
 
 3 See the quotation from Aldus Manutius subjoined to p. 54. Very similar are 
 the hopeful prognostications of Vitalis Castalio, in Roscoe, App. lxxi. — In the 
 quotation from Aldus, I mentioned among the reasons for all these hopes froju Leo's 
 Pontificate the fact, as yet quite recent, of those wonderful discoveries and conquests.
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 63 
 
 But let it be well observed, as inferable both from the ac- 
 companying emblem of the rainbov), and from the title of 
 " The King of glory," given to the Pope in the picture, that 
 it was as Christ's representative chiefly that the symbol was 
 applied to him ; and thus that, as Christ is the sun in the 
 Christian system, so the symbol was meant to designate 
 Pope Leo. — Now of Christ the symbol indicated both the 
 inherent divine lustre, as Him in whom was light, — the 
 light of life, truth, and holiness, — and in whom no dark- 
 ness at all : also how out of this light, treasured in infinite 
 fulness in Himself, it pleased Him to impart to the chil- 
 dren of men : as He said, " I am the light of the world ; 
 he that foUoweth me shall have the light of life." In this 
 character his glory was recognised, while on earth, as the 
 glory of the only-begotten of the Pather, full of grace and 
 truth ; and was sung of long previously, in Hebrew pro- 
 phecy, as that of the Sun of Righteousness. — In these same 
 senses, then, we might expect that the symbol was intended 
 to apply to Leo. And, in point of fact, in the writings of 
 the time we find them all expressly noted. We shall pre- 
 sently see how the Portuguese orator addressed him as dis- 
 persing the mists of his mind by the sun-beams of his 
 divine countenance. In similar tone in the Lateran, in 
 presence of the general Council of Christendom, his coun- 
 tenance is spoken of by the chosen orator Puccius, as " beam- 
 ing from it the insupportable lustre of divine majesty.'' ^ 
 By one of the poets of the day a splendour, dazzling as the 
 sun's, is described as flashing from his triple crown ; with 
 reference to the divine glory attached to it, of an empire 
 over earth, hell, and heaven.'^ By the same poet he is else- 
 
 almost contemporaneously with his accession, of countries hitherto unknown, by the 
 kings of Spain and Portugal. This excited the hope, he tells us,— and we find it per- 
 petually dwelt on by the Italian writers of the time,— that under his presidency there 
 would at length be the fulfilment of that ancient prophecy, that there should be finally 
 throughout the world one fold and one shepherd. If Christian kings would but 
 unite, he adds, against the infidels, " paucis annis omnes homines ubique terrarum 
 Deum verum cognoscerent, in Jesum coustanter crederent, eumque solum supplices 
 adorarent : sed cognoscent, credent, adorabunt, te Pontijice:' lb. xcii. p. 484. — I 
 suspect the " apertus orbis " of the Genoese Painting had some reference to this 
 auspicious opening of the world before Leo. 
 
 1 " Divina; niajestatis tua) conspectus, rutilanti cujus fulgore imbecilles oculi mei 
 caligant." This was in the ninth Session of the Council. Hard. ix. p. 1760. 
 
 - I refer to the Ode of Zenobius Acciaiolus, addressed to Leo as the " Luminare 
 majus Ecclesiae," and in which he is compared to Apollo, or the Sun ; from which ode
 
 64 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 where depicted as the sun's dwening-])lace, because of the 
 light of ivisdom that dwelt with hini.^ The Maronite 
 Patriarch, and another of the Oriental ecclesiastics, address 
 him in their letters as like the sun or the moon, full of 
 truth; and again as the sun refulgent in holiness.^ — Fur- 
 ther he is represented as, like the sun, imparting out of this 
 his treasure-house of light to the children of men ; not 
 only otherwise as their enlightener,^ but chiefly as their 
 illuminator in matters of faith : ^ — revealing and opening 
 to men the tvay to heaven ;^ and also shedding a healing 
 
 I have already once extracted. It is given by Roscoe in Number cci. of his Appendix. 
 In it the following verses occur : 
 
 Ille sed fulgor radios euntis 
 Obruit turbje populique visus ; 
 Celsa cum, Phcebo similis, refulsit 
 
 Thensa Leonis. 
 "Namque geramato rutilabat auro, 
 Triplici surgens obitu coronre, 
 Inferi, sunimi, et medii potestas 
 
 Inclita mundi. 
 
 The classical reader will remember that the thensa was the car in which the images 
 of the gods were drawn, in the processions of the ancient Pagan Romans. So Cicero 
 in Verr. i. 59, 
 
 1 Sol, Leo noster ? domus anne Solis ? 
 Ipse Sol idem, domus atque Solis : 
 Quem sub arcano sophia uitentem 
 Pectore gestat. 
 
 2 " Sub pedibus sanctissimi Patris nostri, sanctitate ut sol renitentis." Again, 
 " Leo Papa .... sol refulgens, luna plena veritatis." The Epistles of the Monk EliaB 
 and Maronite Patriarch are given in Harduin ix. 1864, 1867. 
 
 Compare the following from the Apology of Ficus of Mirandola, given in the 
 Mores Catholici'Ym. 296 : " These things (viz. his books) . . the Holy See will judge ; 
 and, sitting thereupon, Innocent VIII ; to resist whose judgment is impious. He is 
 the Supreme judge on earth, who represents Him that is judge of quick and dead. 
 He is the dispenser and treasurer of truth, who stands in the place of Him that is 
 truth itself." Innocent VIII died 1492 : so that the a3ra only just preceded that of 
 LeoX. . . . ' 
 
 2 " Noctem oculis, noctem menti excute," is the invocation of the Papal Deity, 
 ("Numen,") by Franciscus Philomusus. Roscoe, ii. 400. 
 
 * " Quello illuminatore della fede Christiana." lb. p. 415. — It has been already 
 mentioned, at p. 55, that on Leo's gold coin with the device of a star, and three 
 kings (of Fra7ice, Spain, Germany, so ib. p. 426) as the three Magi gazing intently, 
 and advancing towards it, there is the motto, " Lux Vera in Tenehris lueet." 
 
 5 So in the Sylva of F. Philomusus Novocomensis, already quoted from : 
 
 Salve ! magne Parens hominum, cui summa potestas, 
 Suramus honos, triplici frontem diaderaate cingit. 
 
 oujus de luce suprema 
 
 Celsum iter ad summum nobis aperitur Olympum : 
 Quemque Deus dedit esse Deum mortalibus yegris. 
 
 I must not omit the comment furnished by the Maronite Patriarch, on this ascrip- 
 tion to the Pope of the opening of the way to heaven. " Leoni, plcno raisericordiae, 
 Vicario Bei; . . quem Deus scqui nos voluit, januam et indicem via reetce ; . . qui videt 
 animas peccatrices, quas ct potest e pcenis eripere ; cui pro salute, proque via sa-
 
 CHAP. III.] antichrist's FACE AS THE SUN. 65 
 
 influence with his beams on the darkness and woes of hu- 
 manity. In the influence last ascribed to the hght of the 
 Papal countenance we see the exact counterpart to that 
 which is ascribed to Christ's in Malachi's beautiful prophecy, 
 just before aUuded to : — I mean that in which he speaks of 
 Him as the Sim of Righteousness, rising on them that fear 
 Him with healing in his wings. ^ 
 
 Thus it appears that, besides the inherent glory of majesty, 
 wisdom, and holiness supposed to reside in the Pope, the 
 sun of Roman Christendom, there were also two principtil 
 points of view in which, like Christ, he was believed to shed 
 forth from himself this Hght and glory on mankind : viz. 
 as the dis])enser to them of the light of truth, i. e. the true 
 faith ; and the dispenser too of the light of grace and sal- 
 vation. And, to show the Pope's actual exercise in real life 
 of the prerogatives thus falsely assigned him, it needs only 
 that 1 remind the reader, with reference to i\\e first, that in 
 all disputed matters of religious faith and doctrine the ulti- 
 mate reference was to him, his decision considered final,^ 
 and even the Bible-statements supposed to derive their 
 authority from him, not his from the Bible : ^ also, in re- 
 gard to the second, that it was from liim, as the recognised 
 fountain of divine grace and mercy, that those indulgences 
 
 lutis, geimflectunt sensus." Hard, ix. 1857. And let me add too the earlier testi- 
 mony of Huss, to the effect of this being in his time the common doctrine of the 
 doctors of the llomish church. " Ye preachers who preach that the Pope is the 
 God of the earth .... that he is the well-.'^priug fi-om which flow all virtue and good- 
 ness ; fliat he is the sun of the Holy Church." Ap. Foxe, iii. 502. 
 
 The reader will not tail to observe how perpetually the Pope was addressed as 
 God. Of this more hereafter. 
 
 ' In the ode of Zenobius, addressed to Pope Leo as Apollo, the double idea of him 
 as the God of light and of healing is constantly kept in view. So too Yitalis ; (ib. 436 ;) 
 Quique prius morbi ingruerant mortalibus segris 
 Luce Leonini pelluntur ApoUinis alma . 
 
 ^ See the exemplification of this in Luther' s own appeals and deference to the 
 Pope, at the coranieuceraent of the Reformation. — In the XVth century, the ques- 
 tion had been raised wliether the ultimate appeal in questions of faith, as well as of 
 discipline, was to the Pope or to a General Council. The prerogative was now 
 generally accorded to the Pope. And, even supposing that it attached to a General 
 Council, the Pope, without whom it could not exist, had such influence over it, that 
 it only spoke as he prompted. See my Chapter on the Image of the Beast, Apoc. 
 xiii. In after-times, and especially among the Jansenists, there arose the distinction 
 of questions (^i faith and oi fact. 
 
 ^ So the Dominican Priorias, head of the Inquisitors at Rome, in his condemna- 
 tion of Luther's Theses. Merle i. 307- This was one of the Articles from the Decre- 
 tals burnt by Luther, in 1520, with the Pope's Bull. Another was; The Pope lias 
 the power to interjjret Scripture, and to teach, as he pleases; and no one may inter- 
 pret difi'erently. Scott's Luther i. 121. 
 
 VOL. II. 5
 
 6Q APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 proceeded of which I have more than once already spoken : 
 and whereby not the temporal punishments only due to sin 
 were remitted, but the eternal ; its guilt blotted out, inno- 
 cence restored to the sinner, and salvation ensured. — Of 
 the exercise of either of these two supposed Papal prero- 
 gatives it is obviously quite impossible to over-estimate the 
 tremendous efficacy, in support of the system of superstition 
 and error then established. As to that of the latter, more 
 especially, it seems from the accompaniment of the cove- 
 nant-ramboio to have been so expressly intended by the 
 painter, and is in itself so extraordinary, so characteristic 
 of the Papal usurpation of Christ's most glorious spiritual 
 prerogative,^ and so illustrative, by force of contrast, of the 
 emblematic outburst of the true Sun of Righteousness in 
 the prefigurative vision before us, and of its glorious fulfil- 
 ment in the Reformation, that I cannot but pause to give 
 the reader a detailed view in real life of the whole process. 
 For so it was, that just after Leo's assumption to the 
 Papal throne, there arose an occasion very notable for the 
 exercise of this divine prerogative of mercy. The design 
 of building St. Peter's on a scale of magnificence suited to 
 the cathedral of Christendom, had devolved to him from 
 his predecessors in the Papacy, and met in his mind with a 
 ready welcome. Prom the revival of the arts in Italy, and 
 with Michael Angelo, Raphael, and a host of other artists 
 of eminence round him, he found ready at hand all that 
 could be needed of skill and genius for its execution. 
 Money alone was wanting. And whence procurable ? He 
 had not, says Michelet," the mines of Mexico. But he 
 had one as productive. His mine was the old superstition, 
 and old superstitious credulity, of the people. To it, 
 therefore, he determined to recur, and thence to draw the 
 treasures needed. Accordingly, (for such was the occa- 
 sion, and such the object,)^ he issued bulls of grace and 
 plenary indulgence into all the several countries of Western 
 Christendom ; containing grants the most lavish of forgive- 
 
 1 " They bereave the Church, the spouse of Christ, of her true comfort, as taking 
 away the sun out of the world." So P. Hamilton the Reformer, in his Common 
 Places; quoted in Middleton's Biograph. Evangel, i. 76. - i. 21. 
 
 ^ The building of St. Peter's (begim on a scale of great magnificence by Julius II) 
 is expressly mentioned in the Papal Brief as the object of this issue of indulgences. 
 Roscoe iii. 136. 
 
 I
 
 CHAP. III.] antichrist's FACE AS THE SUN. 67 
 
 ness of sin and salvation to each receiver.^ One condition 
 only was attached ; that was, that they must purchase them. 
 The grace was not to be conferred without monetj. 
 
 It was in Germany, more especially, that the great ex- 
 citement was arising.^ It seemed as if a vast fair had been 
 opened in its tranquil towns, one after another ; the mer- 
 chandise offered for sale being the salvation of souls. The 
 Papal commissary here appointed was Tetzel. He was a 
 Dominican, a functionary of the Holy Inquisition, already 
 long practised in the traffic.^ In the fulfilment of his pre- 
 sent commission, his habit was to travel from town to town, 
 in pomp, and with a retinue, as one of the nobles of the 
 land. Into each town, as he approached it, the message 
 was sent, " The grace of God is at your gates." Forth- 
 with the town-council and the clergy, the monks and nuns 
 from the convents, the schools and trades, hastened to form 
 into procession ; and with standards and wax-lights in 
 hand, and ringing of the church bells, advanced to meet it; 
 there being as much show of honour paid to it, it is said, 
 as if it had been God himself. On returning, the course 
 of the procession was to the principal church in the town. 
 The Papal Bull was borne on a rich velvet cushion, or 
 cloth of gold ; a red cross elevated near it by the commis- 
 sary ; and the chaunting of prayers and hymns, and fuming 
 of incense, kept up as its accompaniment. Arrived at the 
 church, it was received with the sound of the organ. Then, 
 the red cross and Papal arms having been placed before the 
 great altar, the commissary mounted the pulpit. And this 
 is related as the style of his addresses to the assembled 
 people. " Now is the heaven opened. Now is grace and 
 salvation offered. Christ, acting no more himself as God, 
 has resigned all his power to the Pope.* Hence the pre- 
 sent dispensation of mercy. Happy are your eyes that see 
 the things that ye see. By virtue of the letters bearing 
 the Papal seal that I offer you, not only is the guilt of 
 
 ^ See on the general subject of Indulgences my earlier notices, Vol. i. 409, ii. 17. 
 
 - In what follows I abridge fi-om M. Merle D'Aubigne's very interesting History 
 of the Reformation, i. 229, &c. See also Waddington's Hist, of' Reform, i. 24, kv. 
 
 ^ He had been employed in the sale of Indulgences fi-om the year 1502. 
 
 * " Le Seigneur notre Dieu n'est plus Dieu. II a remis tout pouvoii- au Pape." 
 Merle D'Aub. i. 233.
 
 68 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 past sins remitted, but that of sins that you may wish to 
 commit in future.^ None is so great, but that pardon is 
 ensured to the pnrchaser.^ And not the sins of the hving 
 only, but of the dead in purgatoiy.^ As soon as the money 
 soimds in the receiving-box, the soul of the jjurchaser's re- 
 lative flies from purgatory to heaven. Now is the accepted 
 time, now the day of salvation. AVho so insensate, who so 
 hard-hearted, as not to profit by it ? Soon I shall remove 
 the cross, shut the gate of heaven, extinguish the bright 
 sunbeams of grace that shine before you.^ How shall they 
 escape that neglect so great salvation?" — Then the con- 
 fessionals are set, each with the Papal arms attached. The 
 confessors dilate on the virtue of the indulgences. The 
 penitents crowd to the purchase. For the mass are sunk 
 in superstition and ignorance ; the willing slaves of de- 
 lusion. And others there are too with whom, amidst all 
 their superstition, the voice of conscience is awake ; and 
 whom the fear of death, and distress at God's hiding Him- 
 self, impel to seek as they may for pardon and reconcilia- 
 tion. Was not Myconius's case the case of many like 
 him ?^ To such it seemed indeed strange that the grace 
 of God should be purchased for money. And some, re- 
 volted by it, turned away. But with others the doubt was 
 silenced by the thought of the indulgence coming from 
 GocVs Vicar, the Pope ; even yet more than by the influ- 
 ence of long-established custom. Could the Vicar of 
 
 1 Waddington ib. 27 marks this strongly. 
 
 2 '■'■ Pudet referri," says Fabroiii, "quie ipse (Tetzel) et dixit et fecit; quasi 
 legatus e cceIo missus fuisset, ad qiiodlibet piaculum expiandum atque purgaiidum." 
 So Fabroni, cited by Roscoe iii. 158. But in all this Tetzel acted under the in- 
 structions and the eye of the Archbishop, the Pope's copartner; by whom, even 
 after Luther's appeal to him, no disapprobation of them was expressed. Indeed by 
 Cardinal Cajetan, after the matter had proceeded so far as to induce the direct 
 Papal interference in the matter, nothing was objected to Tetzel. Instead of this he 
 expressly asserted and confirmed the received doctrine of indulgences. — See my 
 Note * p. 17 supra, on the subject of the Papal power of Indulgences. And see too 
 Seckendorf s notice (p. 9, in the Introduction to his History of the Reformation) 
 of Clement the VI's declaration, in his Bidl of 1343, proclaiming the coming Jubilee, 
 respecting the Pope's power to grant them ; as the divinely appointed dispenser of the 
 treasure of the supererogatory merits of Christ and the saints. 
 
 3 Compare the painting of the Pope with the two keys of heaven and purgatory 
 in his hand. Also the Maronite Patriarch's description of him, as " qui videt aui- 
 ra.is peccatrices, quas et potest e pamis eripere," given in a Note preceding, p. 64. 
 
 ■* This was at Annaberg, and is related by Myconius. " Bientot je fermcrai la 
 
 Srtf^ dn cinl, j'etcindrai l' eclat de ce wleil de grme qui reluit a vos ycux." Merle 
 'Aub. p. 243. ^ See the History in Merle JJ'Aub. ib.
 
 CHAP III.] ANTICIIUISt's FACE AS THE SUN. 09 
 
 Christ deceive, or err ? — So tliej crowd to the purchase. 
 The price is from 25 ducats to a half tiorin,^ according to 
 the rank and opulence of the purchaser. The money-box 
 of the Dominican is tilled. Having d;'ducted his own per 
 centage for agency, and paid his reckoning at the inn with 
 indulgences for the deliverance of four or more souls out 
 of purgatory j'"^ according to its greater or less amount, he 
 transmits the surplus to the Prince Archbishop of Majence 
 and Magdeburgh,^ whose agent he is, and whose rules he 
 has been following in the business ; then proceeds on the 
 same blasphemous mission to another town. And, as be- 
 tween the Archbishop and the Pope there has been an 
 agreement for the bipartition of the receipts from this pait 
 of Germany, the moiety of the money flows to Rome ; — 
 the price of the merchandise of souls. — Thus the cheat has 
 been consummated. The rays of this mock Sun of Right- 
 eousness, (may I not well say, this Antichrist? for the 
 Pope's pretensions on this head were but the very realiza- 
 tion of what both ancient Patristic, and even later Papal 
 Doctors, had anticipated as a characteristic of the real 
 Antichrist,^) have gone forth only to fructity in his own 
 coffers. Meanwhile the poor deluded people, cherishing 
 the indulgences they have purchased as a guarantee of for- 
 giveness and salvation,'^ live, and perhaps die, with a lie in 
 
 1 i.e. from £6, if ducats of silver, to Is. lb. 236. Tetzel was famous for his discrimina- 
 tiou of the purchaser's rank, aud proportioning the price accordingly. - lb. 247. 
 
 ■* So (ib. 251) he paid for his pallium, some 30,000 florins. See p. 20 sujjra. 
 
 * 1. Ambrose Ansbert. Referring to Teitan, one appellative of tJie iSun, and 
 which contains in its letters the number 666, as very possibly the intended name 
 of the Beast, Antichrist, he remarks as follows. "Nee absurdum habet intellec- 
 tum ut damnatus ille homo tunc solem i>ejmtiti(e asserat, ac lucem veram quaj illu- 
 minat omnem hominem venientem in hunc mundum ; cum sit in eo apostata auge- 
 lus transiigurans se in angelum lucis, suadens honiinibus se lucem veram protiteri, 
 quos vult a luce justitise separare." B. P. M. xiii. 552. 
 
 2. T. Aquuias. " Etfudit phialam iu solum : id est Antichristum ; qui se solem 
 existimabit, et dicet mundum illuminatum per eum esse. Ipse euim sibi usm-pabit no- 
 raen veri solis, id est Christi ; de quo dicitui-, ego sum lux mundi." De Antichristo, 
 p. 103. (Rome, 1840.) 
 
 '" The following was the general form of Tetzel's Indulgences, as given by Dr. 
 Robertson; and also by Waddington Hist, of Church iii. 344, Hist, of Reform.!. 27. 
 
 "May our Lord Je.sus Christ have mercy upon thee, and absolve thee, by the 
 merits of his most holy passion ! And I by his authority, and that of his blessed 
 apo.stles Peter aud Paul, and of the most holy See, granted and committed to me iu 
 these parts, do absolve thee, first, from all ecclesiastical censures, in whatever man- 
 ner they have been incurred ; and then from all thy sins, transgressions, and ex- 
 cesses, how enormous soever they may be, even from such as are reserved for the 
 cognizance of the Apostolic see. Aud, as far as the keys of the church extend, I 
 remit to you all pimishment which you deserve in purgatory on their account. And
 
 70 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 their right hand. And as regards Jesus, robbed as he has 
 been by the Usurper of his own most glorious attribute of 
 mercy, oh, who shall tell the magnitude of the insult put 
 upon Him? 
 
 2. Next, would we learn the meaning, and its realization 
 in actual life, of that most striking representation of the 
 Pope in the Florentine triumphal arc, as fixing one foot on 
 the land and another on the sea, how can we better satisfy 
 ourselves than by marking what passed at Rome in the 
 second year of Leo's pontificate,^ on occasion of an embassy 
 arriving from the king of Portugal ? The ambassador was 
 a General celebrated for his part in the late conquests of 
 the Portuguese in the far Indies. In testimony of them 
 he brought, among other most magnificent presents to 
 Pope Leo, various wild animals from the East, the leopard, 
 panther, elephant ; — animals unknown to the citizens of 
 Rome since the time and shows of its imperial grandeur. 
 And great was the popular admiration as these presents 
 were led in procession through the streets of Rome ; more 
 especially when, on arrival before the pontifical presence, 
 the elephant, as if with more than instinct, stopt, and 
 knelt, and thrice bowed himself as in act of adoration 
 to the ground." — But listen to the orator of the embas- 
 
 I restore you to the holy sacraments of the church, to the unity of the faithful, and 
 to that innocence and purity which you possessed at baptism ; so that, if you 
 should die now, the gates of punishment shall be shut, and the gates of the paradise 
 of delight shall be opened. And, if you shall not die at present, this grace shall re- 
 main in full force when you are on the point of death. In the name of the Father, 
 and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. F. B. J. Tetzel, Sub-commissarius." 
 
 The apparent ambiguity of one or two clauses, as Dr. Waddington observes, is 
 abundantly done away with by the decisive language of others. Even in the most 
 ambiguous, "in so far as the keys of the church extend," there would appear little 
 ambiguity to the people. For, as the Florentine painting represented the Pope with 
 one key opening heaven, and having in the other hand another key, that of purga- 
 tory, so it was not doubted by the people at that time, that the Pope's power of the 
 keys was absolute, even to the extent Tetzel stated. — Luther's Table-Talk, Ch. xxiii, 
 on Antichrist, furnishes an excellent illustration. " In the time of my being at 
 Rome a disputation was openly held (at which attended thirty learned masters 
 besides myself) against the Pope's power; who boasted that with his right hand he 
 commanded the angels in heaven, with his left drew souls out of purgatory, and that 
 his person was mixt or mingled with the Godhead. Calixtus disputed against the 
 same ; and showed that power was only given to the Pope to bind and loose on earth. 
 Wlien the other outrageously opposed him, Calixtus said, that he spoke it only by 
 way of disputation, and not that he held it so." ii. 31. (Ed. 1840.) 
 
 1 It was on March 25, 1514, that audience was given to the embassy. The en- 
 voy's name was Tristano Cugna. Roscoe ii. 300. 
 
 ^ This is celebrated by Aurelius Serenus in his Thcatrum Capitolinura, given No.
 
 CHAP. III.] ANTICHUIST's FEET ON LAND AND SEA. 71 
 
 sy .^ For a moment he hesitates, as overcome by a sense of the 
 majesty of him he is addressing. " Fear and trembhng," 
 he exclaims, " have come over me, and a horrible darkness 
 overwhelmed me." ^ Then, re-assured by the Pop&'s serene 
 aspect towards him — " that divine countenance, which 
 shining," he says, " as the sun, had dispersed the mists of 
 his mind," ^ — he proceeds to the objects of his mission : 
 narrates the eastern conquests of the Portuguese arms ; 
 addresses the Pope as the Supreme Lord of all ; and speaks 
 of those conquests as the incipient fulfilment of God's sure 
 promises, " Thou shalt rule from sea to sea, and from the 
 Tyber river* to the world's end;" "the kings of Arabia 
 and Saba shall bring gifts to thee ; yea, all princes shall 
 worship thee, all nations shall serve thee ; " and, under thy 
 auspices, " there shall be one fold and one shepherd." That 
 is, he explains the promised universal latter-day subjection 
 of the world to Christ, as meant of its subjection to the 
 Pope ; and the Portuguese discoveries and victories over 
 the heathen, as signs that that consummation was at hand. 
 — Thus does he well illustrate to us what was intended by 
 the Florentine device under consideration. And he con- 
 cludes in the same spirit, by a solenm act of adoration to 
 the Pope, as his King's Lord and Master : " Thee, as the 
 true Vicar of Christ and God, the Ruler of the whole 
 Christian Republic, we recognise, confess, profess obedience 
 to, and adore : in thy name adoring Christ, whose repre- 
 sentative thou art." ^ 
 
 As to the acting out by the Pope of this prerogative of 
 
 Ixxxiv. in Roscoe's Appendix, ii. 460; "Ut docile animal," he says, "supplex tuuni 
 niiraen sentiret adoraietque." 
 
 ' Pacecchi. The oration, which was the suhject of high commendation, hoth from 
 the Pope himself, and from the Eoman writers and literati, is given in full by lloscoe. 
 Appendix, No. ci. 
 
 - " Apud majestatem tuam, in sublimi solio sedentem, . . inter sacrosancta; ecclesia' 
 Ronianie cardines, ac tot clarissima mundi lumina, quasi solem inter sua sidera mican- 
 tem, . . . venerunt timor et tremor super me, et contexerunt tenebra?." 
 
 3 "In tanto fluctuantis animi iestu hrorerem procul dubio, nisi serenus iste divinusque 
 Tultus tuus, discusso mentis nubilo, omnes jam ditficultates pervinceret." 
 
 * So Pacecchi. lb. 508. 
 
 * " Te verum Christi Vicarium, maximum Romanse ecclesiae Pontificem, totius 
 Christianse Rcipublicie Prajsulcm, recognoscimus, fatemur, adoramus." Earlier in 
 his oration he had said : " Venimus ab ultimo Lusitaniic recessu, ut te Dei Vicarium, 
 Christiante reUgionis summum Antistitem, unicuni Romanje ecclesia gregisque Do- 
 minici Pastorem veneremur, colamus, atque in tuo nomine Christum, cujus vicem 
 geri.s, adoremus." — A letter from the King of Portugul accompanied; addressed, "Ad 
 Kauclum Patrem et Dominuni nostrum Leonem X." Roscoe ii. 300, 503.
 
 72 APOC. X. 1 — 4. [part ITT. 
 
 universal earthly supremacy, thus by both painter and ora- 
 tor assigned him, we might be sure, even prior to examin- 
 ation, that such must have been the case, when it was so 
 obsequiously confessed to, and with such expressions of 
 personal fealty, not by an inuuediately subject people only, 
 but by a powerful and distant monarch, like him of Portu- 
 gal. And it needs indeed only to look into European his- 
 tory to find the proof. 
 
 Already, four centuries before, Gregory the 7th had put 
 forward pretensions to authority, as Christ's Vicar, over 
 the kings and kingdoms of the world. Nor, in the course 
 of those four centuries, had examples very remarkable been 
 wanting of the application of this Papal prerogative, within, 
 and even beyond, the limits of the old Roman earth, 
 European Christendom. So, for instance, in that fateful 
 Bull of Pope Adrian IV, A. D. 1155, whereby on the Eng- 
 lish King Henry's petition, permission was granted him, 
 agreeably with what was recognised as the Pope's undoubt- 
 ed right and prerogative over all professedly Christian 
 lands, to subjugate Ireland ; on condition only of an annual 
 quit-rent to the Roman See, of one penny for each house 
 inhabited tvithin it} And so again, about the middle of 
 the 14th centiuy, in the grant of the Canary Islands, not 
 long before discovered, though beyond the pale of Euro- 
 pean Christendom, to Prince Lewis of Spain by the Pontiff 
 Clement VI. ^ — But the Portuguese discoveries along the 
 African coast towards the Cape of Good Hope, and so 
 towards India, begun about the middle of the 1 5tli century, 
 and yet more that memorable one by the Spaniards, some 
 fifty years afterwards, of a new w^orld beyond the Western 
 
 1 The Bull is given Harduin vi. ii. 1333. After praising his ambitious dosign, as 
 if arising from the pious wish of teaching the Christian fiiith more perfectly to the 
 island's rude inhabitants, it speaks thus of Papal rights. "Sane Iliberniani et omnes 
 insulas quibus sol justitice Christus illuxit, et quit; documenta fidei Christianas cepe- 
 runt, ad jus beati Petri, ct sacrosanctas Romana? ecclesiie (quod tua et nobilitas re- 
 cognoscit) non est dubium pertinere." And then Henry's offer of the annual payment 
 is mentioned ; and the permission sued for granted on th(^ express imderstanding that 
 this bribe should be paid : "jure nimirum ecclesiastico illil)ato ct integi-o pcrmancnte; 
 et salva beato Petro, et sacrosanctae Romanse ecclesi;!;, de singulis domibus annuS 
 unius denarii pensione." 
 
 2 Robertson's America i. .54. In Mr. F. Faber's Sights and Thoughts, p. 52, it is 
 mentioned that Philip was accordingly crowned King of the Canary Isles at Avignon, 
 whore Pope Clement then resided ; and walked about the streets afterwards with a 
 crown on his head, a sceptre in hand, and a resplendent train attending him.
 
 CHAP. III.] antichrist's FEET ON LAND AND SEA. 73 
 
 Ocean, gave scope and occasion for its exercise in far dis- 
 tant seas, on a scale immensely larger. For were not the 
 heathen promised to Christ (i. e. to Christ's Vicar) for an 
 inheritance, and the utmost parts of earth and sea for a 
 possession ? ^ The application came first from Prince Henry 
 of Portugal to the then reigning Pope. Premising that, as 
 Christ's Vicar, all kingdoms of the earth were subject to 
 him, he prayed him, in virtue of that authority, to confer 
 on the Portuguese crown a right to all countries inhabited 
 by infidels that they, the Portuguese, might discover : pro- 
 mise being added that he would spread the Christian reli- 
 gion in them, establish the Papal authority, and so increase 
 the flock of the universal pastor. So was the opportunity 
 given, and it was instantly seized on by the Pope, thus 
 magnificently to exercise his supposed prerogative. A Bull 
 was issued granting to the Portuguese all they might dis- 
 cover, from Cape Non to India.- — In 1493, after Colum- 
 bus' discovery of America, a similar application was made 
 by Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain to Pope Alexander the 
 6th ; — the same pleas and promises accompanying it of 
 extending the Pope's empire. And again the grant was 
 made, and in terms still more presumptuous and striking : 
 the Bull enacting, in order that it might not intei'fere with 
 the grant previously made to the King of Portugal, that 
 an imaginary line from Pole to Pole, drawn so as to pass 
 100 leagues westward of the Azores, should be the limit 
 between the two nations, and all westward belong to the 
 Spaniards, all eastward to the Portuguese.^ And what is 
 very observable is, that in the judgment of the Princes of 
 Western Christendom, these pontifical grants constituted 
 to either nation a title unimpeachable, and a guarantee 
 
 ' Hence the sea in Pope Calistus' modal, (struck A.D. 1456,) overlooked by the 
 Papal tiara elevated on a cross. Given in my \'ol. iii. P. IV. ch. v. * Robertson ih. 68. 
 
 "* lb. p. 160. Zeal for propagating the Christian faith is specified in the Papal 
 Bull, as Alexander's chief motive in granting it. Accordingly missionary friars were 
 sent out with Columbus on his second voyage, one being the Apostolic Legate. 
 
 Count Bossi, in his Italian Translation of Roscoe, observes that Alexander VI, 
 besides this grant to Ferdinand, conferred on him the dominions of the king of Na- 
 varre ; a king whom Alexander had excommunicated previously, and Ferdinand con- 
 quered. Roscoe ii. 304. 
 
 Dr. S. R. Maitland thinks it strange that no notice should have been taken in the 
 Apocalypse of the discover!/ of America, supposing it a prophecy of the history of 
 Christendom. (Remarks on Christian Guardian, p. 120.) If I am correct in my under- 
 standing of the vision before us, the supposed omission does not exist.
 
 74 Apoc. X. 1 — 4, [part III. 
 
 against interference or attack. When some English mer- 
 chants were about to open a trade with the coast of Guinea, 
 the Portuguese King having kiid before King Edward the 
 4th the Pope's Bull, as entitling him to it, Edward, satis- 
 lied on the point, prohibited his subjects from making the 
 voyage.^ This was before the discovery of America, and 
 that of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope.^ And 
 after them, and in evidence that the same title still gua- 
 ranteed to Spain and Portugal those their later conquests, 
 it would seem that this was the cause of the first efforts 
 of English colonization being directed to the North Ameri- 
 can coasts, and avoiding those oi South America, as belong- 
 ing rightfully to S])ain.^ — Thus it was not without reason 
 that King Emanuel did fealty to the Pope on the occasion 
 we are considering, and acknowledged his supremacy by 
 whose grant he held his conquests. Nor is it wonderful, 
 substantially superseded as the Lord Jesus had long been, 
 for the most part, by Rome and its Papal Antichrist, even 
 in the world of thought and imagination, throughout West- 
 ern Europe, that in this extension of the Papal dominion 
 over so many newly-discovered countries, men should have 
 fancied an incipient fulfilment of the Scripture prophecies 
 referred to. "^ It was quite natural. We see exemplified in 
 it the settled anti-christian spirit of the age. — Thus, revert- 
 ing to the Elorentine painting exhibited on the day of Pope 
 Leo's enthronization, we have seen enough to convince ns 
 that, instead of its being an absurd or exaggerated device, 
 it was only a graphic symbolization of a prerogative already 
 
 ^ Robertson's America, Vol. i. ; Notes and Illust. x. ; p. 358. 
 
 2 It was not till 1497 that the Portuguese, under Vasco di Gama, discovered and 
 passed the Cape of Good Hope, towards the Indies. The fifty or sixty years pre- 
 ceding, they had, as Robertson observes, been creeping along the coast from Cape 
 Non to Cape de Verd, the latter only twelve degrees south of the former. — Columbus' 
 discovery of America, in 1492, just preceded that of the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 3 See Robertson's America, Vol. iv. p. 141, citing Rymer's Feedera. — This only 
 applies, of course, to the earliest English attempts at colonization made before Elizabeth ; 
 by which Princess the grant by Papal Bull was held (see p. 75, Note * ) little sacred. 
 
 * Seneca's lines were also referred to : 
 
 Venient annis 
 Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus 
 Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens 
 Pateat tellus, Tethysque* novos 
 Detegat orbes, nee sit terris 
 Ultima Thule. 
 
 * Some read Tiphys, Bonanni (i. 132) Siphys.
 
 CHAP. III.] antichrist's CRY AS A LION ROARING. 75 
 
 exercised, as well as asserted, by the Popes. And, in evi- 
 dence of the strict chronological propriety both of it, and 
 of its Apocalyptic counterpart, we may note the fact that 
 Pope Leo himself also now acted out what the painting 
 symbohzed. Pleased with the devotedness of the Portu- 
 guese king, he made a donation to him, in terms more am- 
 ple than those of the original grant to Prince Henry, of all 
 countries, provinces, and islands, which he might recover 
 from the infidels, not only from Capes Bojador and Non to 
 the Indies, but in the parts yet undiscovered and unknown 
 even to the Pontiff himself.^ So did he plant one foot on 
 the land, the other on the sea and the countries in it, even 
 where the mists of distance, and imperfect geographical 
 knowledge, might as yet hide them from view ; distribut- 
 ing them, as their undoubted and supreme lord, to whom 
 he would. And both in doing so, and in accepting the 
 appropriation to the Papacy of the latter-day prophecies, — 
 indeed himself in his own medals appropriating them,^ — 
 he stood forth before Christendom, in all that concerned 
 this world's dominion, as a daring and gigantic usurper of 
 the rights of Christ. 
 
 3. Once more I have to exhibit, in the actual realities 
 of life, that voice of the Pope in guise and character as a 
 Lion, asserting the world as his prey, claiming to himself its 
 government, and threatening destruction against opponents 
 or rebels,^ — to the figuration of which I invited attention 
 in the third place, from among the devices in the Leonine 
 pageant, as another of the almost coimterpart paintings 
 there exhibited, in honour of the usurping Antichrist, to 
 that in the Apocalyptic vision of the true Christ, noAv 
 
 ' Roscoe ii. 304. — Under Elizabeth however, as might be expected, the validity 
 of the grant was not admitted. On the Spanish ambassador's reclamation against 
 Drake, A.D. 1580, for having navigated seas which were in the dominion of Spain, 
 Elizabeth's answer was, " que les Anglois ne reconnaissaient en aucune maniere la 
 propriete que le Roi d'Espagne s'en attribuait, ni le don pretendu d'lm Pape, qui 
 n'avoit en aucun droit de disposer des pais et des mers qui ne lui apparteuaient pas." 
 Rapin ad ann. 1580. 
 
 ^ Bonanni gives a medal struck by Pope Leo soon after his accession, with his 
 head on the obverse, the five balls, his heraldic insignia, on the reverse, and the legend, 
 " Gloria et honore coronasti eum:" — a passage, as Bonanni observes, from the 8th 
 Psalm, and prophetic of Messiah's ultimate universal empire on earth. Compare 
 Ileb. ii. 7, 8. — See too the one given by me p. 58 supra. 
 
 ^ See p. 58.
 
 76 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 under consideration. — In order to this let us again direct 
 the eye to Rome. — The solemn Council General of Chris- 
 tendom, as already hinted, is there at this very time holding 
 its sessions.^ Where so likely a place in which to hear the 
 voice of the Papal Lion ? The session is in the Lateran 
 Church, the same that the Pope v^^as enthroned in. There 
 then let us enter, look, and listen. It is another of Papal 
 Rome's chambers of imagery. 
 
 And truly the scene is not a little imposing. — Has it 
 fallen to the Reader's lot to visit the church they were as- 
 sembled in ? If so, as the spacious nave has opened to his 
 view, and its lofty arches of polished marble stretched be- 
 fore him in long perspective, with the double Corinthian 
 pilasters richly gilt, and sculptured or painted forms of pro- 
 phets and apostles, in triple elevation, supporting and 
 dividing them, — as his eye has ranged down them to the 
 canopied high altar at the transept, then glanced above and 
 below at the decorated compartments of the roof, and the 
 pavement of marble and mosaic, then to the arches, columns, 
 chapelries, and statuary of the double side-aisles, grouping 
 variedly in light and shadow, — a feehng of the grandeur 
 and beauty of art in the structure may have stolen over 
 him, detached him in thought from the tunudt of living 
 things, and prepared him for the deeper sympathies to be 
 awakened by the soft or solemn music, of organ and of 
 chant, soon swelling on the ear. All these seductions, we 
 must remember, met the pilgrim visitant to the Lateran 
 Church at the time we refer to : '^ seductions whereby the 
 Roman apostasy has ever sought to act upon the senses ; 
 and to awaken in the soul that rehgious sentimentalism, 
 which it is too often ready to accept, and satisfy itself with, 
 
 1 It was opened May 3, 1512, by Pope Julius II; and, after twelve sessions, ter- 
 minated March 16, lol7. — Four General Councils had been previously held in the 
 Lateran Church : viz. in the years 1123, 1139, 1179, and 1215 respectively. 
 
 - The interior of the Lateran Church bore suificient resemblance, at the time 
 spoken of, to what it is now, to have produced much of the same effect. The ori- 
 ginal structure (on whicli see Note 3, p. 77) having been nearly destroyed by a lire 
 in 1308, it was soon rebuilt, and much on the same gromid-plan, &c., as still re- 
 mains. The chief alterations subsequently made in the interior (i. e. between 1560 
 and 1730) consisted in the gilded ceiling added by Pius IV, and the change in the 
 nave by Innocent X, who incoi-porated its ancient granite columns into the larger 
 Corinthian 2>ihisters. Besides which the exterior fa(,'ade was added. See Nibbi, 
 i. 181.
 
 CH. III.] antichrist's cry as a lion roaring. 77 
 
 in place of religion.^ — Nor was there wanting to the local 
 scene the solemn nnclefined charm of association with anti- 
 quity J^ A part the most ancient of the Church, as well as 
 the Baptistery adjoining, recalled the name of the great 
 Constautine, as its founder.^ And so that high antiquity 
 was suggested, which, on them that were mlling to forget 
 Jerusalem, might be palmed as a sufficient reason for giving 
 to it, at least in Western Europe, the proud title of Mother, 
 as well as Mistress, of all chiu'ches. 
 
 But on the occasion I am to speak of, was not the 
 mere architectural grandeur of the scene, and the remem- 
 brances of other far distant times associated with it, that 
 made it so imposing. Behold gathered within its walls, and 
 sitting in ordered array, some 200 or 300 archbishops, 
 bishops, abbots,^ &c. arrived as representatives from Eng- 
 land, from Spain, from Portugal, from the Germanic empire, 
 from Savoy, and from the lesser states of Italy ; together 
 with Ambassadors, Generals of the religious orders, the 
 Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch, and not a few other 
 ecclesiastics from beyond the seas : — the whole, under Pope 
 Leo's presidency, constituting the Council General, as they 
 say, or representative body of the Church Universal.^ 
 
 1 The eloquence of Madame de Stael is vainly spent, in attempting to show 
 identity between these two things that are so essentially dilierent. See Corinne, 
 Book X., Chap, iv., v., &c. 
 
 - The name seems originally to have been derived from Plautiiis Lateranus, whose 
 palace occupied the spot in Nero's time ; which emperor put him to death, as an 
 accomplice in Piso's conspiracy. After which it appears to have become an imperial 
 property. We read in the Historia Augusta that M. Aurelius was educated at Rome 
 on the Ccelian HiU, in his grandfather's house, "juxta ledes Laterani." Capitolin. 1. 
 
 3 The Emperor Constautine, on his conversion, is said to have given to the Bishop 
 of Rome first the Lateran Palace, and then the Lateran Chmch built near it : which 
 latter, after building, he richly endowed for the support of lamps and ministers. So 
 Anastasius the Librarian reports the tradition, in his work on the Magnificence of 
 Constautine ; a writer of the 9th ceutuiy. 
 
 Already in tlie 4th and 5th centuries it appears that this church was one of popular 
 resort. Jerome in his Epist. xxx, De Morte Eabiolae, (written about A.D. 400,) speak- 
 ing of her, tells how in her widowhood, "Ante diem Paschiie in Basilica quondam 
 Laterani, qui C;esariano truncatus est gladio, staret in ordine pcenitentium ; " &c. 
 Again, writing against Symmachus, Prudentius has the line : 
 
 Ca?tibus aut magnis Lateranas cun-it ad a^des. 
 See Moreri, Art. Lateran; also Burton's Rome, ii. 170. — No doubt it is this which 
 Pope Martin refers to, in his Letter to Theodorus, as that in which he was seized by 
 the soldiers of the Greek Emperor A.D. 650: "in ecclesia qua; cognomiuatur Con- 
 stantiniana ; quse prima in toto muudo constructa et stabilita est a beatiE memoriie 
 Constantino Imperatore, et est juxta episcopium." (Ilarduin iii. 677.) 
 
 * Of subscribed names I observe 162 in the 9th Session ; and it is added that there 
 were present "alii qnamplures domini ecclesiastici et seculares." Hard. ix. 1732. 
 
 5 '' Universaltm repraioeutuuiis ecciesiam:" Sth Session. Ilarduin Coucil. ix.
 
 78 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 Considered in this light, where was ever assembly of pre- 
 tensions more august? — The Bishops appear arrayed in 
 their rich vestments of office, and with their jewelled mitres 
 on the head.' The Pope too, — who sits alone upon a throne 
 high and lifted up, as becomes his dignity, — appears in the 
 scarlet and gold of his pontificals ; and bears on his head 
 that pontifical mitre, whence he claims, as its appanage, 
 universal empire." And, let me ask, as he sits there, and 
 receives the adoration of the assembly, and ascription to 
 him, as we shall see presently, of the divine titles, ofiices, 
 and functions, does it not seem the very fulfilment of that 
 ancient prophecy which declared of Antichrist, that sitting 
 in the temple of God he would show himself as God ? ^ 
 For should the words " temple of God " be literally taken, 
 so as by some of the fathers, the Lateran Church, according 
 to the ideas then received, was, as the mother, the repre- 
 sentative, if I may so say, of all Christian Churches or 
 Temples.^ And, if taken figurativehj , which doubtless is 
 a sense included, viz. as symbolizing the constituency of 
 the professing Christian Church, it was before an assembly 
 which represented that whole professing Church that he 
 now thus showed himself. 
 
 1715, &c. — Bossuet, and others of the Gallican Church, endeavoured subsequently 
 to make out that this was not a Universal Council ; the abrogation of the Pragmatic 
 Sanction which constituted, as we shall see, a very important part of its proceedings, 
 having excited their aversion to it. But, convened as it was in proper form, and, 
 after the adhesion of the French king in the 8th Session, with all the states of West- 
 ern Christendom as parties consenting and acting in it, the objection is evidently 
 quite untenable. 
 
 1 " Intravcrunt cardinales, patriarchae, archiepiscopi, episcopi, abbates, &c., ornati 
 pluvialibus, planetis, et dalmaticis, juxta ordinis qualitateni, et mitris, locum in medio 
 Lateranensis ecclesia3 pro celebratione concilii hujusmodi paratum." So Harduiu 
 ix. 1-574, of the 1st Session : adding also ; " cum suis subselliis, tabulatis, clausuris, 
 altaribus, Pontifical! cathedra, ornamentis, et ordinibus, quie in hujusmodi sacrorum 
 conciliorum celebrationibus servari et fieri consuevisse reperiimtur." 
 
 Compare the description in Harduin vii. 378, 687, of the arrangement and order 
 observed, in the first and second General Councils at Lyons, held A.D. 1245, 1274. 
 On occasion of this Lateran Council sitting, it is said that the arrangements and order 
 observed were the same as usual. Hard. ix. 1574. — Compare too my copy of a Romish 
 picture of the earliest Coimcil held at Rome, given in my 3rd Volume, Part IV. ch. vii. 
 
 2 See Pope Innocent's observation on the I'apal mitre p. 53, Note ^ supra. 
 
 3 Compare the saying of Gerhert Archbishop of Rheims, (or perhaps of Arnulph 
 Bishop of Orleans,) "in the Sjmod of Rheims, A.D. 991. " Wliat do you conceive 
 this man, sitting on a lofty throne, glittering in purple and gold.' . . If he be destitute 
 of charity, and puficd up by knowledge alone, he is Antichrist sitting in the temple 
 of God, and sliowing himself that he is God." See Bishop Newton, p. 574, (Ed. 1827,) 
 and Maitland's Enquiry, p. 59. Maitland suggests that the then accused Bishop of 
 Rheims, rather than the Pope, may have been meant. But did a Bishop glitter in 
 purple, as his distinctive ? ^ See Vol. i. pp. 389—391.
 
 CH. III.] antichrist's cry as a lion roaring. 79 
 
 The Council has been convened by the Papal Bull for 
 the extirpation of the schisms and heresies that have divided 
 the Church ; — its union, reformation, and exaltation} And 
 this is the arrangement for its proceedings ; that before it 
 transact official business, and the Papal Lion, who is using 
 it as his instrument, speak his and its enactments, the mass 
 be first celebrated, the litanies, gospel, and hymn " Veni 
 Creator Spiritus," chanted, and a sermon or oration, bear- 
 ing on the business, pronounced by a selected member of 
 the Council. Nor will it be well to pass to its enactments, 
 in other words to the voice of Leo, which concluded its 
 Sessions, without observing in the first instance the spirit 
 and sentiments of this Council of the Christian Church, as 
 exhibited in the orations of these its appointed preachers. 
 It will be seen how they ascribe to the Pope the dignity, 
 titles, and relations to the Church of the Lord Jesus, — just 
 like the parties of whom I have before spoken ; similarlv 
 make appeals to him, (founded on this his character of 
 Vice-Christ,) as the hope and Saviour of the Church ; and 
 similarly express their expectation of the fulfilment in his 
 person and reign, of the latter-day prophecies respecting the 
 final blessedness, universality, and oneness of Christ's king- 
 dom. — So, for example, in that of the 4th Session, by the 
 Venetian prelate Marcellus, Apostolic Prothonotary. After 
 notice of the corruptions, divisions, and dangers of the 
 Christian Church, he describes her as seeking refuge with 
 the Roman Pontiff", and, prostrate at his most holy feet, 
 thus addressing him. " I have compassed sea and land, 
 and found none but thee to care for my preservation and 
 dignity. Unhappy, degraded by wicked hands from my 
 original high elevation, and with my heavenly beauty de- 
 filed by earthly pollutions, I come to thee as my true Lord 
 and Husband ; beseeching thee to look to it that thy bride 
 be renewed in her beauty. And see too that the flock 
 committed to thee be nourished with the best and spiritual 
 aliment ; the fold united in one which is now divided ; and 
 the sickness healed which has afflicted the whole world. 
 
 ^ " Ad ecclesias exaltationem, unitatem, et reforraationem ; schismatum vero et 
 hoeresum totalera extirpationcm." So in Pope Julius' second Bull of Convocation. 
 Ilarduin, ix. 1591. The Bull was issued by him " auctoritate Uumipoteutis Dei, 
 qua in terris fungimur." lb. 1590.
 
 80 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 For thou art our Shepherd, our Physician, in short a second 
 God on the earth." ^ In similar strain, in the 6th Session, 
 the Bishop of Modrusium, figuring the Holy Roman Church 
 as the heavenly Jerusalem, and the hride of Christ, each a 
 favourite emblem with the orators,^ and after confessing 
 the almost total extinction, at the time then being, of faith 
 and piety in it,^ thus proceeds to express himself. " Is 
 this Jerusalem, that city of perfect beauty, the daughter of 
 Zion, the spouse of Christ? But weep not, daughter of 
 Zion ; for God hath raised up a Saviour for thee. The 
 Lion of the tribe of Jiidah, the root of David, hath come, 
 and shall save thee from all thy enemies. On thee, 
 most blessed Leo, we have fixed our hopes as the promised 
 Saviour," ^ And then follows the supplication and appeal 
 
 1 " Ad tuos sanctissimos devoluta pedes iu hunc modum opem huniiliter implorare 
 videtur. Ten'as et raaria circuivi, et iiuUuni prietei' te, . . Pontifex beatissime, qui 
 me magis diligeret, digiiitatemque meam et salutem magis curaret, inveni. . . Ad te 
 igitur supplex, tanquam ad verum principem, protectorera, et spousxim, accedo. . . 
 Cura, Pater beatissime, ut sponsiB tuie forma decorque redeat ; &c. Cura ut salutem 
 qaam dedisti nobis, et vitam, et spiritum, non amittamus. Tu enim pastor, tu me- 
 dicus, tu gubernator, . . tu denique alter Beus in tenis." Hai'd. ib. col. 1651. The 
 Pope is by others also addressed as the sponsus of the Church. So in Sess. vi. col. 
 1687; Sess. is. col. 1765, "ego te ut ecclesiifi uuiversse priepositum sponsum am- 
 plector ; " &c. (Compare the accoimt of the Pope's marriage to it given p. 52 
 supra.) — The first quotation, being in the 4th Session, was addressed to Leo's pre- 
 decessor Julius II ; and shows that it was to the Pope as Pope, not to the individual, 
 that the blasphemous flatteries as to prerogative were applied ; though it was on the 
 individual Pope Leo X, that the hopes rested as the fuMUer of the prophecies of the 
 latter day. — Let the address "tu alter Beus," &c. not be overlooked. 
 
 2 The former specially in Cardinal Cajetan's Sermon, (Session 2,) on the test, " I 
 saw that holy city the New Jerusalem descending out of heaven : " in which, con- 
 sidering the Church Catholic, with Rome as its head, as the Jerusalem intended, he 
 illustrates the five points, viz. its being a city or state, — holy, — Jerusalem, — new, — 
 heavenly ; the new being explained by contrast with the Jewish Church, which was 
 of the older dispensation : — also in the Sermon by the Archbishop of Patras in the 
 10th Session, on the text, " Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised in the City 
 of our God," &c., (Psalm xlvi. 1,) fi'om which extracts are given in some Notes fol- 
 lowing ; and which distinctly refers the heavenly state of the New Jerusalem to the 
 reformed state oi the Romish Church, now about to be accomplished. Hard. 1618, 
 1786. The Cardinal Cajetan of the 2ud Session, was the same De Vio that became 
 so well known afterwards, from his conference as Papal Legate with Luther. 
 
 1 beg the reader to refer to my observations Vol. i. p. 266, on the earliest transfer 
 to the Church earthly and visible, of the Scriptm-e language and promises respecting 
 Christ's true Church, invisible in its corporate character, and spiritual. It is a 
 point very important. 
 
 2 " Tsedet vero pigetque fidem, pietatem, religionem, nostris temporibus ita 
 tepuisse, et psne diserim contabuisse videri, ut vis earum uUa vestigia sint reliqua." 
 Hard. 1686. 
 
 ■* " Ne flevei'is, filia Sion : quia ecce venit Leo de tribu Juda, radis David : sus- 
 citavit tibi Deus Salvatorem. . . Te, Leo Beatissime, Salvatorem vcnturum speravi- 
 mus." 1887. The Saviour that was to come : tov tpx"/"''""- The language is in- 
 deed strange ; but the allusion cannot be mistaken. Compare Matt. xi. 3, Heb. x. 
 37, Apjc. i. 4, <kc.
 
 CH. III.] antichrist's cry as a lion roaring. 81 
 
 to him, ill which other orators also unite that follow. 
 " Vindicate the tent of thy spouse, that has been violated 
 by the wicked ! Purify what is polluted in the Church ! 
 Amend what is wrong ! Against the infidels, (i. e. against 
 the Turks,) gird thy sword upon thy thigh, thou most 
 mighty ! ^ Is not all power given to thee in heaven and 
 on earth ? ~ Then by the fire and burning of the pastor's 
 office, extinguish schism and heresy ! ^ That so, the great 
 and ultimate reform and renovation having been accom- 
 plished in the Church,"* and the world brought into the true 
 faith, — religion, justice, and piety may flourish, the golden 
 age revive, thine inheritance be restored to thee,^ the 
 Church escape from the great tribulation, the completed 
 sabbatism begin, — all which, from the computation of times, 
 seems close at hand : — and those prophecies, so perpetually 
 of late the theme of conversation,^ be fulfilled ; ' Thou 
 shalt rule from sea to sea, and there shall be one fold 
 and one shepherd;' — 'I saw the New Jerusalem come 
 down out of heaven prepared as a bride for her husband ;' 
 — and again, ' It shall come to pass in the last days that 
 the mountain of the Lord's house shall be established on 
 the top of the mountains, and all nations flow to it ; ' — 
 there being meant by that mountain of the Lord's house 
 
 1 This expression is from the oration in the 7th Session : in which various similar 
 profane applications of texts belonging to Christ occm- : for example, " I, if I be 
 lifted up, shall draw all men unto me," which is applied to the expected effects 
 of Leo's assumption to the Popedom. Again; "Of them that thou hast given mo, 
 have I lost none." Hard. cols. 1701, 1705. 2 lb. 1763. 
 
 ^ " Serpeutem vero s;evissimi schismatis hydram caritatis igne, et pastoralis ofBcii 
 adustione, extinguite." ib. 1687- This burning by the Pope, in his pastoral office 
 and character, illustrates, and is illustrated by, the painting of the shepherd fishing 
 and casting the bad fish into the fire ; p. 56, supr&. 
 
 * " Convenerunt in hoc sacrosancto Lateranensi Concilio ad reformationem turn 
 ecclesiae, turn orbis rmiversi, pro gloria regni Christi, et suaj sanctfe RomauiE ecclesinc 
 et Apostolic;e sedis exaltatione ; qu<B de proximo, juxta temporum computationem, pro 
 secvmda sabbati fieri debet in magna et ultima reformatione," &c. Sess. x. Hard, 
 col. 1786. The secunda sabbati is enlarged on here and elsewhere as the asra of the 
 completion of the sabbatism of promise ; the phrase prima sabbati being used for the 
 time of its commencement at Christ's first coming. (Ducange, on the word Sabbattcm, 
 overlooks this use of the phrase.) — To this too is applied the palm-bearing vision of 
 Apoc. vii., in Sess. ix. 
 
 5 This last clause is from the conclusion of the oration of the 4th Session ;• " Ita 
 namque restituetur tibi hcereditas tua ; . . redibunt aurea secula ; tuoque flante Spiritu 
 effluent aqute, et in-oratione tua terra pinguescet." The reader will mark how ex- 
 pressly it makes the Pope heir of the tvorld, in place of Christ ; and also its blas- 
 phemous ascription to him of sending forth the Livine Spirit as his own. Ibid. 
 1651. 6 ib. 1667, &c. . 
 
 VOL. II. 6
 
 82 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 the plenitude of the power of his anointed one, his Christ, 
 iu the Apostolic See."^ 
 
 Such, we see, is the appeal in these orations to the Leo, 
 the Papal Lion of Rome ; such the titles and offices, pro- 
 phecies and hopes, attached to him and his Pontificate. 
 And now hearken to the lions voice, of which we were in- 
 quiring, as in answer. Accepting the deification, and the 
 ascription to him of every title and office of Christ, as that 
 w^hich was indeed but his due,^ his Jlrst and preliminary 
 act, in assertion of that sovereignty over the world, and 
 fulfilment of that office of its administration, which thus in 
 the Council, as in the painting,^ had been assigned him, — 
 is the citation of the adherents of the Pisan Council and 
 Pragmatic Sanction, as schismatics and rebels.* And, be- 
 
 1 This last quotation is from the Sermon of the Archbishop of Patras in the 10th 
 Session: " Sed ubi laudabitur ? Dicat Propheta: in civitate Dei ; in saneta utique 
 immaculata eeclesia Dei, et, quod fortius et dignius est, in monte sancto Apostolic* 
 sedis ejus : de quo Isaias, Et erit in novissimis diebus mons preparatus in domo Do- 
 mini super verticem omnium montium ; qui est potestas plenitudinis Christi ejus in 
 sede Apostolica." Hard. col. 1786. — He notices the number X attached to Leo's 
 title, as suiting the conclusion and winding up of the dispensation. " Hoc tempore 
 magnaj reformationis . . te canonice electum existimo, ut sis Leo in sede Petri, non 
 a.b re decimus, pro Christi regno nostro tempore, si volueris, toto orbe terrarum in- 
 novando assumptus." lb. 1784. 
 
 2 It is to be remembered that the Acts of the Council, including the orations, were 
 published with his approbation and sanction. — "If," says Dr. Maitland, (Answer 
 to Cuninghame, p. 42,) "the Pope accepted and approved them, (viz. blasphemous 
 appellations, as that or God^ he was guilty ; " i. e. of blasphemij. Such was now 
 notably the case. See the examples, pp. 80, 65, &c. — His acceptance of them was 
 the more marked, because the authentic copy of the Acts of the Council, including 
 the orations or sermons delivered in it, was revised carefully under his direction, aud 
 published with the sanction of his hand aud his Preface. See Hard. ix. 1562, 1563. 
 
 3 " Praeda digna me;B glorias ! " — " Mihi cur;B est." 
 
 * " Pragmatic sanction was a general term for all important ordinances of church 
 or state ; those perhaps more properly, which were enacted in public assemblies 
 with the counsel of eminent jurisconsults or Pragmatici." Waddington, iii. 160. 
 — That to which the title attached by way of eminence, and which is referred to con- 
 tinually iu the history of the papal negociations with France for the last half of the 
 fifteenth century, as well as in the proceedings of this Lateran Council, was passed 
 in the Council of Bourges, A.D. 1438 ; — a Council of the Galilean Chuixh, but at- 
 tended by a papal legate, and one too fi-om the Council General of Basle, which was 
 then sitting. By it the Pope was declared, 1st, to have no authority in France over 
 temporals ; whereby the clergy were relieved from pecuniary contributions continually 
 exacted by tlie Popes, more especially the annates or first year's produce of benefices : 
 and 2ndly, in spirituals, though the lord suzerain, yet to be restricted and controlled 
 by the canons and regulations of the ancient Church Councils. 3rdly, The authority 
 o^ the General Council of Basle was recognised in it ; and so the great principle of 
 both it, and the CouncU of Constance before it, that the Pope was subordinate to a 
 General Council. 
 
 The Bull of Leo, which assailed this Pragmatic Sanction as unlawful and schis- 
 matic, and disparaged also the Councils (conciliabula) of Bourges and Basle, was fol- 
 lowed by a Concordat between the Pope and the King of France, Francis I ; in which 
 he Pope's fe»/j;o/'a/ jurisdiction over the Galilean church was allowed, and the annates
 
 CH. III.] antichrist's cry as a lion roaring. 83 
 
 hold, at the very threatening of his voice, both the schis- 
 matic cardinals, and the French king, hasten in public 
 humiliation to renounce alike the one and the other, and 
 to ask for absolution. On which, (according to the legend, 
 " Prostratis placidus," " Supplices generos^ exaudio,") the 
 absolution is granted;^ and, in the confessed subjection of 
 all the kingdoms of Western Christendom to the Papal 
 supremacy, the schism healed. — Next against the Bohe- 
 mian heretics, the only ones apparently recognised as re- 
 maining, a citation is issued ; with similar promise of con- 
 sideration and clemency, in case of submission.^ — And 
 when, as was avowed in triumphal tone by the preacher in 
 the Session following, no schismatic, heretic, or maintainer 
 of his own private opinion against the Pope's,^ seemed for 
 the present any more forthcoming, but all hushed in sub- 
 mission, (" Jam nemo reclamat, nullus obsistit,")^ — then^ 
 and with a view to prevent any fresh rising of heresy or 
 schism, and so to ensure the continued unity of his hride 
 the Church,^ without spot or wrinkle,^ in continued subjec- 
 tion to himself, the Papal Lion thus again from the height 
 of his apostolic office, as from the top of Mount Zion,'' 
 issues his voice of command: — 1st, that forasmuch as 
 'printing, that wonderful recently invented art, might be 
 used to disseminate heretical notions, no books be 'printed 
 without the previous censorship of the Pope's inquisitor in 
 the district:** — 2ndly, that y^o 'preaching be allowed, or ex- 
 
 not tacitly (as Dean Waddington says by mistake, iii. 301) but expressly restored to 
 him. Tit. xliii. Hard. ix. 1886, and 1812, &c. — This Concordat continued in force, 
 till the new arrangement brought about by Bossuet in 1682. 
 
 1 See the account in Eoscoe ii. 231—236. Also the notice of it in a letter from 
 Cardinal Bembo to the Emperor Maximilian. lb. App. Ixxxv. In it he speaks of the 
 penitent schismatics as "aura zephyri coelestis afflati." See p. 37 Note^ supra. 
 
 2 Sess. viii. Of this more in a subsequent chapter on the death of the Witnesses. 
 
 * " In banc insipientiam cadimt (sc. hsresis) quicumque ad cognoscendam veri- 
 tatem aliquo impediuntur obscuro ; et non ad propheticas voces, Apostolicas literas, 
 evangelicas auctoritates, sed semetipsos recurrunt." Oration of Bernard Zane, Sess. 
 I. Hard. col. 1604. * lb. 1763. 
 
 * " Ecclesia sponsa nostra." lb. 1810, 1830. 
 
 ^ "in sancta unione sine ruga et macula." lb. 1810. 
 
 ■^ In the introduction of his Bull of the ninth session, Leo speaks of looking to the 
 fulfilment of his charge over the universal church, "ex summo apostolatus apice, 
 tanquam ex vertice Montis Sion." Hard. 1742. 
 
 8 This was in the tenth session, Hard. 1780. In the Bull the complaint is noticed 
 as prevalent, " quod nonnulli artis imprimendi magistri, in diversis mundi partibus, 
 libros tam Graecte, Arabica;, et Chald8B» linguarum in Latinum translatos, quam alios 
 Latino ac vulgari sermone editos, errores etiam in fide, ac perniciosa dogmata religioni 
 
 6 *
 
 84 APoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 planation of the Scriptures, except in conformity with that 
 of the recognised fathers and doctors of the church ; ^ and 
 no mention moreover made by them of Antichrist, or specu- 
 lations mooted as to the time (since it was altogether hid- 
 den from man) of the final jjredicted judgment :^ — 3rdly, 
 that the inquisitors fail not to exercise vigilance, and pro- 
 ceed with all zeal against heretics, wherever afresh arising, 
 in order to their utter elimination from the congregation of 
 the faithful.^ — So much for the preservation of the unity of 
 the Church. — As to its reformation, — that for which so 
 many cries had arisen for centuries, so many efforts been 
 made, and hopes even now expressed of there being at 
 length the grand and final one, — he undertakes it as that 
 which, like the rest, belonged to his province as supreme 
 administrator: (" mihi curse est :") and accordingly issues 
 enactments limiting pluralities, and forbidding a few other 
 external abuses ; but passes over, as needing no reform, 
 and so adopts, and covers with the broad arrow of the Papal 
 
 christianse contraria, iraprimere ac publice vendere praesumunt : " and that hence 
 arose a necessity for the papal censorship of the press. — It was not the first papal en- 
 actment of the kind. Within the forty years preceding, Sixtiis IV and Alexander VI 
 had anticipated Leo in it. But I presume it was considered more stringent than 
 former ones : being singled out for approbation subsequently by the Council of 
 Trent. 
 
 The specification, among what were objectionable, of translations from the Hebrmv 
 and the Greek into the vulgar tongues, recalls to our minds the old antihihlical edict 
 of Pope Alexander V, still unrepealed, and now resmctioned. See p. 22 Note, supra. 
 
 Eoscoe (ii. 291) suggests that this act should be regarded as rather originating 
 from the Council, than from Leo of his own accord. This does not alfect my view of 
 it. It was the policy of Rome. 
 
 Further, he suggests Leo's encouragement of Biblical, as of Oriental literature gener- 
 ally ; exemplifying in Cardinal Ximenes' famous Polyglot, or rather Triglot, publish- 
 ed under Leo's sanction, and dedicated to him. But this was quite consistent with 
 the policy of shutting out the Bible ft-om the common people. The Triglot was in 
 the learned languages, Hebrew, Greek, Latin. Indeed Cardinal Ximenes, in his 
 preface, declares that it ought to be confined to those three, as the three in which the 
 inscription on the cross was written. Let me add, that having placed the Latin in the 
 middle column, the Hebrew and Septuagint Greek on the sides, he speaks of the 
 latter two as representing respectively the Jeisish sjTiagogue and Eastern or Greek 
 Church : which, like the two thieves, were the one on the right, the other on the 
 left ; while Jesus, that is the Roman Chuixh, represented by the Vulgate, was in the 
 middle ! M'Crie's Reform, in Spain, 69—72. 
 
 1 " Mandantes omnibus qui hoc onus (prjedicandi) sustinent, . . . ut evangelicam 
 veritatem, et sanctam scripturam, juxta interpretationem . . . doctorum quos ecclesia 
 vel usus diuturnus approba\-it, . . . pra^dicent et explaneut." Hard. 1808. 
 
 2 " Tempus quoque pra-fixum futurorum malorum, vel Antichristi adventum, aut 
 certum diem judicii, priedicare vel asserere nequaquam praesumant." This, as well 
 as the enactment previous, was in the 11th session. Hard. ib. 
 
 3 " Ut omnes ficti Christiani, ac de fide male sentientes, cujuscumque generis aut 
 nationis fiierint, necnon hi^retici, seu aliqua ha^resis labe polluti, a Chiisti fidelium 
 ccetu penitus elimineutur." Sess. ix. ; ib. col. 1757.
 
 CH. III.] antichrist's cry as a lion roaring. 85 
 
 sanction, the whole doctrinal system of the apostasy, its 
 daemonolatry, sorceries, and i-eligious thefts and murders.^ 
 — Finally, in order to the effecting of the last and chief 
 object of the Council, the exaltation of the Church, i. e. of 
 the Church of Rome, he solemnly repeats and confirms the 
 famous Bull " Unam sanctam," of Pope Boniface the VTIIth ; 
 in which Bull the unity of the Church is defined as that of 
 one body tinder one head, the Roman Pontiff, Christ's re- 
 presentative ; and of which this is the conclusion, " We 
 declare, define, and pronounce, that it is essential to the 
 salvation of every human being that he be subject to the 
 Roman Pontiff -."^ prefixing thereto the declaration, " Who- 
 soever obeys not, as the Scripture declares, let him die the 
 death !"^ 
 
 Such is the voice of the Pope, the " Leo Papa," * like as 
 of a lion roaring ; (itself the fulfilment of another patristic 
 anticipation respecting Antichrist :) ^ and the whole Chris- 
 tian Church, by its representatives in Council, assents and 
 consents to it.® — On which, each object of its assembling 
 having, as they view it, been accomplished, the Roman 
 Church by the Council's reforming canons been renovated 
 as the heavenly Jerusalem, by the extinction of heresies 
 
 * There is one true doctrine asserted, it may be said, viz. the immortality of the 
 soul; and a wholesome canon passed in the condemnation of philosophers, who 
 (whether as disciples of Aven-oes, or any other) denied it. But let it he remembered 
 that this was an ciTor which, if admitted into the popidar creed, would have de- 
 stroyed not only religion but Romanism : for it would have done away with pttrga 
 tory and hell : and so with the whole svstem of established priestcraft. 
 
 2 Hard. ix. 1830. See on this Bull," Waddington, ii. 315. 
 
 3 " Quibus (i. e. Vicariis Petri) ex Libri llegum testimonio ita obedire necesse est, 
 ut qui non obedierit morte moriatur." This is at the head of the same Bull, for the 
 abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction. Hard. ix. 1826. 
 
 * " Leo Episcopus, servus servorum Dei," stands at the head of all the decrees. 
 They are drawn up too in the fh'st person plural as his decrees ; a note being sub- 
 joined at the end, of the assent of the Council. 
 
 * "As then the Lord Jesus Christ, for the royal and glorious principle of his 
 nature, was beforehand preached of as a lion, in the same manner have the Scrip- 
 tui'es spoken beforehand of the Antichrist also as a lion, for his t}Tannical and 
 violent nature. For the deceiver wishes to liken himself in respect of all things to 
 the Son of God. The Christ is a lion, and the Antichrist is a lion. The Christ is a 
 king, and the Antichrist is a king." So Kii^polytus, De Antichristo : quoted by 
 Greswell, Vol. i. p. 376. 
 
 He adds : " The Saviour was manifested as a lamh, and he likewise shall appear as 
 a lamb, being within a wolf, &c. And it is observable that De Pennis in his Tract, 
 when about to describe Pope Leo's progress, compares him as well to the lamb as to 
 the lion. " II nostro Leone assai piu umile ed immaculato che il puro agnello." 
 Roscoe ii. 407. 
 
 ^ There were now and then a few that individually expressed disagreement. But 
 the number was very small; — from 1 to 5, 10, and once 19.
 
 86 . APOC. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 and schisms made one, and by the universal subjection of 
 secular princes elevated as Mount Zion on the top of the 
 mountains, a Te Deum of thanksgiving is chanted, and 
 the Council concludes : and, in order to the increase of the 
 joy of its members at this its auspicious ending, a plenary 
 remission of sins and indulgence is granted to each one 
 of them by the Pope, once in life, and in the article of 
 death. ^ 
 
 Thus have I shown the realization, or acting out in real 
 life, by the Roman Bishop Leo X, of those prerogatives 
 and functions of Christ, which were attributed to him in 
 the three remarkable paintings to which 1 called attention, 
 as exhibited before Christendom in the pageant of his en- 
 thronization. And now at length we are prepared to re- 
 vert with abundant advantage to the Apocalyptic vision of 
 the Covenant- Angel's descent, and the glorious events that 
 it presignified. 
 
 For so it was, that just when the Roman Antichrist 
 seemed to have completed his triumph, and when, — not 
 only without opposition in Christendom, but with Chris- 
 tendom consenting, applauding, admiring, and in the Papal 
 exaltation and reign anticipating the fulfilment of Christ's 
 promised reign with his saints, — this Usurper acted out the 
 character of Christ, and exercised, or professed to exercise, 
 in regard to both worlds, Christ's own god-hke functions 
 and prerogatives ; — 
 
 Just when, especially, — as if himself the heaven-sent 
 one, mighty to save, — he made pretence of opening heaven 
 to all believers in the Papal magic charms, however laden 
 they might be with guilt and sin, and exhibited himself to 
 them as the dispenser of the mercies of the covenant, the 
 Fountain of grace, the Saviour, the Justifier, the Sun of 
 Righteousness ; — 
 
 Just when, as if the appointed heir of the world, and 
 
 ^ " Et ut ad propria aliquibus spiritualibus muneribus refecti curaulatiori gaudio 
 remeare possint, illis eorumque faniiliaribus plenariam omnium peccatorum suorum 
 remissionem et indulgentiam, semel in vita et in mortis articulo, elargimur." Hard, 
 p. 1861.
 
 CHAP. III.] EPOCH OF ANTICHRISt's TRIUMPH. 87 
 
 who was to have all things put under his feet, — he claimed 
 as his own the kingdoms of the earth, (not those of the Ro- 
 man earth only, but those too in the mighty seas beyond 
 it,) and, receiving homage for each grant that he made from 
 the princes of the world, assigned them as sovereign lord 
 to whom he would ; — 
 
 Just when, — after, assuming Christ's title of lion, agree- 
 ably w4th the old patristic anticipations respecting Anti- 
 christ, even as if the lion of the tribe of Judah, — he had 
 in acts and mandates, framed with a view to secure the 
 church and world in subjection to him, begun to roar as it 
 were over his prey, and threaten every opposer ; — 
 
 Just when, on the day of his enthronization, as on a day 
 of high festival, there were exhibited paintings, amidst the 
 applause of congregated Christendom, on which art seemed 
 to have lavished all its ingenuity of decoration ; and which, 
 as the devices that might best symbolize these his three- 
 fold prerogatives and functions as Christ's vicar and im- 
 personator, represented this same usurping Antichrist, 
 in one part as beaming like the new risen sun from 
 heaven upon earth, together with a rainbow to reflect his 
 brightness, — in another as planting one foot on the land 
 and the other on the sea, — in a third as looking and roaring, 
 with the world in his clutch, even as when a lion roareth 
 on his prey : — 
 
 Just at this very time it w^as that there occurred the ful- 
 filment of another symbohc figuration, devised by higher 
 than human art, and evidently in purposed contrast to the 
 former, though pictured above 1400 years before it : — 
 a figuration which, in the visions of Patmos, exhibited 
 Christ to St. John as now at length intervening, after 
 long forbearance, in vindication of his own rights, truth, 
 and people ; — revealing Himself as the true Covenant- 
 Angel from heaven, wath his face shining as the sun, and a 
 rainbow about his head, — planting moreover his right foot 
 on the sea, his left on the land, — and crying with a loud 
 voice, as when a lion roareth. " Like as a lion roaring 
 on his prey, when a multitude of shepherds is called forth 
 against him, he will not be afraid of their voice, nor abase 
 himself for the noise of them," so was the Lord repre-
 
 88 Apoc. X. 1 — 4. [part III. 
 
 sented as now " coming do\sm to fight for Mount Zion," ^ 
 — against Antichrist and Antichrist's assembled Council. 
 
 And whereas the Papal lion's voice, in vindication of his 
 usurping claims on the church and world, and to counteract 
 all opposition, enacted decrees, as we have seen, preventive 
 of the printing of all books on religion except as approved 
 by him, and especially of God's book the Bible, — prevent- 
 ive also of all preaching, except in accordance with the 
 established Roman interpretations of Scripture, — and fur- 
 ther enjoining that there should be no mention by them of 
 the coming of Antichrist, or of the time of the great final 
 judgment ; 
 
 So in the Apocalyptic vision there was prefigured, as 
 what would take place at the same precise epoch, Christ's 
 own opening to the world of that forbidden book of God, 
 — his revival of that forbidden gospel-preaching, — his ex- 
 posure of Antichiist, as even then alive in the Popes, — 
 and revelation too (so far as man might know it) of the 
 time of the fated judgment, as involving the Popedom's 
 destruction, and placed at but one Apocalyptic Trumpet's 
 interval fi"om the chronological epoch of the intervention 
 here symbolized. —All these things, I say, were foresha- 
 dowed in the vision before us ; and in the Protestant Re- 
 formation all these things, as we shall see, were done. 
 
 Finally, as the Papal lion spoke enactments in its roaring 
 with a view to eliminafe, and cast out of the company of 
 the faithful, all heretics, or those that dissented from the 
 Roman apostasy and Roman Antichrist, — so there was 
 prefigured in the Apocalyptic vision a solemn casting 
 out from ChrisTs true church, and the communion of 
 the faithful? of Papal Rome, with its Bishop, ministers, and 
 church, as apostate and antichristian. — And this too had 
 its fulfilment in the same great event : and, together with 
 a certain political revolution accompanying, viz. the fall of 
 a tenth part of the mystic Babylon, as if prelusively of its 
 final entire fall, — it appeared, both in the prophecy and in 
 the history, as what may be called the completing act of 
 the Reformation, 
 
 To show this, we must now pass on to that memorable 
 
 1 Isa. xixi. 4. 
 
 J
 
 CH. TV.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION. 89 
 
 historv. With the Apocalyptic vision before us as our 
 guide, we shall find ourselves called to notice, just in this 
 
 ZL nf /l' ^^'' f'^"^^f^f^^'^^. progress, and 'each grand 
 epoch of the great and glorious Reformation of the xvith 
 centurv. 
 
 century 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE REFORMATION, IN THE 
 
 DISCOVERY FIRST OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR, 
 
 THEN OF ANTICHRIST THE USURPER. 
 
 APOC. X. 1 — 5. 
 
 It is the origin and cominencement of the blessed Reform- 
 ATioN that IS now our subject. And how can we so well 
 1^\! \ ^' T- '° ''f '"J^"^"^^ *'^^ Apocalyptic vision 
 
 l^ndZ'PT"^ ^t"' ^^ 'f ""^ ''' development m the 
 mintUnd htstorg of Luther? Li no case, perhaps is the 
 pnnciple of studying history in biographv applied vlith such 
 advantage as m this. Luther was both the niaster-spiri 
 
 W tT '''"^"i^"" "^-^^^ ^'''^' ^^"^"^y; and also the 
 type, in the inward experience of soul that made him a 
 
 anothei. The Rerormation passed," it has been said by 
 a learned Professor of Modern Historv, " from the mind 
 ot Luther mto he mmd of Western Europe :" ^ and bv 
 
 .^L^l'nfH 4 f'^"^' •'''"'" "^ particidar; "The difhrent 
 phases oi the Reformation succeeded each other in the soul 
 
 Of these phases the hvo first, and those from which the 
 
 [n f ifr''^' ' ''.' Y'''^ ^" ^^^' ^' ^^^^^"^^tly ^^ beautifully, 
 L^^ ?wiT '^ '}' Apocalyptic vision (already m par 
 discussed) that stands referred to at the head of this chap- 
 ter. Let us consider the two separately. They will ex- 
 
 4ut?s'^Vhfb"rLSrof''th^"^' '■ ''h ^^ ^^^^^-^ ^' *he same time ; 
 Reformation; u other words of the .r'' mtellectual part of the history of the 
 mind;-a ve'ry inter tjtbiect'' ^I^^? 1A' ^?f-ation in Luth.-'s own 
 History we have a develonmPnt nffh. v^*""^'' D'Aubigne's lately published 
 
 interesting. ^^^^^lopment of the same subject stiU more full, and still more 
 
 2 Merle D'Aub. i. 130.
 
 90 Apoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 hibit to us the secret origin, the Jirst public acts, and so the 
 opening epoch of the Reformation. 
 
 § 1. THE DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 
 
 " And I saw a mighty Angel coming down from heaven, 
 clothed with a cloud : and the rainbow was upon his head ; 
 and his face was as the sun, and his feet as pillars of fire ; and 
 He had in his hand a little book opened. And He set his 
 right foot upon the sea, and his left upon the land ; and cried 
 with a loud voice, as when a lion roareth." Apoc. x. 1 — 3. 
 
 It was LuTHER, we said, that was God's chosen instru- 
 ment to effect this great revolution : — Luther, the son of a 
 poor miner in Mansfield ;^ one who when at school in his 
 early boyhood, both at Magdeburgh and then at Eisenach, 
 had to beg his bread under the pinchings of want, with the 
 pitiful cry of "Bread for the love of God;"^ and was 
 indebted to the charity of a burgher's wife in Eisenach, 
 afterwards spoken of as the pious Shunamite, for the power 
 of pursuing his studies, and almost for his preservation. 
 " Not many mighty, not many noble : but God hath chosen 
 the weak things of the world, to confound the things which 
 are mighty ; and base things of the world, and things which 
 are despised, hath God chosen ; that no flesh should glory 
 in his presence."^ 
 
 Let us hasten to that crisis in his history to which our 
 subject directs us ; that wherein he was prepared for, and 
 then began to act out, the great part assigned him, in the 
 reformation and revivification of Christ's fallen church. 
 
 He had grown at this time into manhood ; and, having 
 passed from the schools to the University of Erfurt, had 
 there, in the course of the usual four years of study, dis- 
 
 1 The following chronological epochs occur in Luther's early life. He was bom, 
 A.D. 1483 ; entered the University of Erfurt in 1501, the Augustinian monastery 
 loOo ; was ordained priest 1507, called to Wittemberg 1508, made B.D. 1509 ; in 
 1511 visited Italy and Rome; in 1512 was made Doctor of Divinity ad Biblia ; in 
 1517 posted up his Theses against Indulgences, and so began the Reformation. 
 
 2 "Panem propter Deum!" Michelet i. 4. 
 
 3 1 Cor. i. 26, 27. The Jfalics that close the English authorized Translation of 
 verse 26, — " Not many mighty are called," seem to be incorrect. The apostle is 
 speaking of the persons made use of by God in the Christian ministry, for the calling 
 of men to the knowledge of Himself, not of the converts called. Compare verse 21.
 
 CH.IV. §1.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 91 
 
 played intellectual powers and an extent of learning!;, that 
 excited the admiration of the University, and seemed to 
 open to his attainment both the honours and the emolu- 
 ments of the world ; when behold, on a sudden, to the dis- 
 may as well as astonishment of his friends, he renounced 
 the world and all its brilliant prospects, and betook himself 
 to the soUtude and gloom of an Augustin monastery.^ — 
 Wherefore so strange a step? — We find that thoughts 
 deeper and mightier than those that agitate the surface of a 
 vain world were then pressing on his soul ; the thoughts of 
 death, judgment, eternity, God Almighty ! — There had 
 combined together different causes to induce this state of 
 mind. He had found a Blhle? It was a copy of the Vul- 
 gate, hid in the shelves of the University Library. Till 
 then he had known nothing more of the New Testament 
 gospels or epistles, than what were given in the Breviary 
 or the Sermonaries.^ The discovery amazed him. He w^as 
 
 1 The follo\nn» abstract of Luther's early history is taken chiefly from M. Merle 
 D'Aubigne. With this Milner, Waddington, and Michelet agree in main things. 
 Indeed all the four histories are drawn very much from materials of Luther's own 
 furnishing ; so as to be alike a kind of autobiography. 
 
 2 Luther tells us that it was when he uas 20 years old, and consequently in 1503, 
 after he had been two out of his four years at the Erfurt University, that he first 
 discovered this copy of the Bible. So Merle i. 143 ; Waddington, Reform, i. 36. — 
 Seckendorf, p. 19, 'and after him Milner, (p. 667, Ed. in one Vol. 1838,) have made a 
 mistake, in supposing that it was in the Monastery of Erfurt that he first found the copy. 
 
 3 M. Merle, i. 143, in stronger language than I have used, describes Luther's won- 
 der at finding in the Bible ("a Book at that time unknown ") more than the frag- 
 ments of gospels and epistles read in the Sunday Church-services. " II avait cru 
 jusqu'alors que c'etait la toute la Parole de Dieu." On which Dr. Maitland, in his 
 Dark Ages, p. 468, expresses somewhat scornfully his disbelief of the statement. 
 Had he then " never heard of the Fsalms " ? And, in his study of Occam, Scot, 
 Bonaventure, T. Aquinas, &c, had he not learnt something about the Bible .' Then, 
 as to its being a book at that time unknown, had there not been some 20 editions 
 of the Latin Bible printed in Germany before Luther's birth .' — I presume that M. 
 Merle did not mean to represent Luther as ignorant of the Fsalter : but that of the 
 gospels and epistles, which make up the New Testament, he knew no more than what 
 was in the Church-services ; and no more of the Bible, generally, than what was in 
 those services. M. Merle, in a letter published in the Record of Dec. 12, 1844, cites 
 Mathesius and Melchior Adam, in proof of the general correctness of his statement. 
 To which I beg to add Luther's oun testimony, given by Michelet (i. 292), from the 
 Tischreden, or Table-talk ; " J'avais vingt ans que je n'avois pas encore vu de Bible. 
 Je croyois qu'il n'existait d'autres evangiles ni epitres que celles des sermonaires." 
 
 W^ith regard to the then general ignorance of the Bible, notwithstanding the many 
 editions of the Latin Bible, and some German versions too, printed in the half-century 
 preceding, M. Merle cites a passage from Trithemius, the learned Abbot of Spanheim, 
 who lived till the Reformation ; speaking in strong terms of it, as characterizing 
 even priests and prelates. How much more lay-students in a University ! — Even 
 now, as Sign. Ciocci informs us, (Narrative, p. 67,) the same ignorance of the Scrip- 
 ture exists still among University students at Rome itself. " At the age of eighteen," 
 he writes, and I have myself heard him repeat the statement, " I had never read the 
 Bible, except in small portions inserted in the Breviary, or sung during mass."
 
 92 Apoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 at once rivetted by what he read therein. It increased, 
 even to intenseness, the desire aheady awakened in his 
 heart to know God. At the same time there was that in 
 its descriptions of man's sinfuhiess, and God's hohness and 
 wrath against sin, whicli awed and ahirmed him. — Provi- 
 dential occurrences, following soon after, confirmed and 
 deepened the work on his conscience. He was brought 
 by a dangerous illness into the near view of death. He 
 saw a beloved friend and fellow-student suddenly cut off 
 with scarce a moment's warning. He was overtaken while 
 journeying by a lightning-storm, terrific to him, from his 
 associating it with an angry God, as the lightnings of Sinai 
 to Israel. He felt unprepared to meet him. How shall I 
 stand justified before God ? This was now the absorbing 
 thought with Luther. Thenceforth the world, its riches 
 and its honours, were to him as nothing. What would he 
 profit, were he to gain the whole world and lose his own 
 soul? — In the pursuit, however, of this great object, no 
 success seemed to attend him. He longed to know God : 
 but neither his own understanding, nor the philosophy and 
 learning of the University, yielded him the light he needed 
 for it. He longed to propitiate Him : but his conscience 
 
 Michelet adds what follows from Luther. " Sous la Papaute la Bible fetoit in- 
 coniiue aux geus. Carlostadt commeiKja a la lire lorsqu'il etoit deja Docteur depuit 
 huit ans. Le Docteiir Usingen, moine Aiigustin, qui tut raon precepteur au convent 
 d'Erfurdt, me disait, quand il me voyait lire la Bible avec taut d'ardeur ; Ah, frere 
 Martin, qu'est ce que la Bible i On doit lire les anciens docteurs, qui en out suce le 
 miel de la verite : la Bible est la cause de tons les troubles." Further, in illustration 
 of the general ignorance of the Bible among Papists, even some years later, Michelet 
 gives the two following anecdotes. " A la diete d' Augsburg (1530) I'Eveque de Mayence 
 jeta un jour les yeux sur une Bible. Survint par hasard im de ses conseillers qui 
 lui dit, ' Graeieux Seigneur, que fait de ce li\Te votre Gi'ace Electorale }' A quoi 
 il repondit, Je ne sais quel livre c'est: seulement tout ce que j'y trouve est contra 
 nous." All this from Luther's Tischreden. (My Ed. i. 19, 20.) The other is from Sis- 
 mondi's Hist, de France. "En 1530 un moine Franc^ais disait en chaire ; On a 
 trouve une nouvelle langue que Ton appelle Grecque : il faut s'en garantir avec soin. 
 Cette langue enfante toutes les heresies. Je vols dans les mains d'un grand nombre 
 de personnes un livre ecrit en cette langue. On le nomme Nouveau Testament : c'est 
 un livi'e plein de rouces et de viperes." 
 
 As regards the German versions previously published, Michelet observes from Seck- 
 endorf, that they were neither suited for, nor allowed to the people ; '■'■Nee legi per- 
 mittebantur, nee ob styli et typorum horriditatem satisfacere poterant." — Further, 
 till Erasmus' publication of it in 1516, a Greek Testament could not be procured at 
 any price in all Germany. So Pellicanus ap. Milner, p. 661, — Says Dean Wadding- 
 ton, " She (the Church of Rome) had locked up the SS., and substituted herself m 
 their place." Hist, of Reform, i. 58. How little of the essence of the Gospel Luther 
 could have learnt from his study of the scholastic doctors he need hardly to have told 
 us ; as he has in the Tischr. i. 5, &c.
 
 CH. IV. '§>!.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 93 
 
 itself was dissatisfied with the inadequacy of his perform- 
 ances. It was the long-estabKshed notion among the more 
 serious, that the convent was the place, and its jyrayers 
 penances and mortifications the means, wliereby most surely 
 to attain to the knowledge and favour of God. There, 
 then, he determined to pursue his absorbing object. He 
 gathered his friends around him ; ate his farewell meal with 
 them ; then sought the monastery. Its gate opened and 
 closed on him. He had become an Augustinian Monk. 
 
 But was his object attained ? Did he find the hohness, 
 or the peace with God, that he longed for ? Alas, no ! 
 In vain he practised all the strictest rules of the monkish 
 life. In vain he gave himself, night and day, to the repe- 
 tition of prayers, penances, fastings, and every kind of self- 
 mortification. He found that in changing his dress he had 
 not changed his heart. The consciousness of sin remained 
 with him ; of its indwelling power, its guilt, its danger, 
 " 0, my sin ! my sin !" was the exclamation heard at times 
 to burst from him.^ Pale, emaciated, behold him moving 
 along the corridors like a shadow ! Behold him on one 
 occasion fallen doAvn in his cell, and, when found, lying in 
 appearance dead ; from the exhaustion of the mental con- 
 flict, yet more than of sleeplessness and fasting.^ He is a 
 wonder to all in the convent. A wounded spirit who can 
 bear ? 
 
 There was a copy of the Vulgate chained in the monas- 
 tery. With eagerness still undiminished he renewed his 
 intense study of it. But it gave him, no more than before, 
 the consolation that he sought for. Rather those awful 
 attributes of God, his justice and holiness, appeared to 
 him, as there represented, more terrible than ever. Above 
 all for this reason, because even in the gospel, (that which 
 professed to be the gospel of mercy to fallen man,) there 
 seemed to be intimated a fresh exercise and manifestation 
 of God^% justice. Such appeared to him the point of that 
 saying of St. Paul to the Romans, " Justitia Dei revelatur 
 in eo;" — " the justice of God is revealed in it." Was it 
 not adding grief to grief, to make even the gospel an occa- 
 
 1 Michelet i. 9. 2 Merle D'Aiib. i. 160.
 
 94 Apoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 sion for threatening mankind with God's justice and 
 wrath ? ^ 
 
 It was at this time that Staupitz, Vicar-general of the 
 Augnstines, was sent by God as his messenger, to assist in 
 shedding Hght on the darkness of this wounded soul, and 
 opening to him the Scriptures. On his visitation of the 
 convent at Erfurt he at once distinguished from among the 
 rest the young monk of Mansfield. He beheld him with 
 his eyes sunk in their sockets, his countenance stamped 
 with melancholy, his body emaciated by study, watchings, 
 and fastings, so that they might have counted his bones.^ 
 It needed not an interpreter to tell him what was pressing 
 on that sorrowful soul. For Staupitz was one who, in se- 
 cret and unknown to the world, had gone through some- 
 what of the same conflicts as Luther ; until in the gospel, 
 rightly understood, he found a Saviour. In the experience 
 of his own heart he had both a key by which to under- 
 stand, and a spring of sympathy to feel for, what was pass- 
 ing in Luther's. He sought and gained his confidence. 
 He entered with him on the solemn subjects of his anxiety. 
 The Bible lay open before them.^ He expounded from it, 
 to the poor trembler, God's love and mercy to man, as ex- 
 hibited in Christ crucified. He spoke of his death as the 
 expiation for penitent sinners ; his righteousness and perfect 
 justice of life as their plea, their trust. These were views 
 as comforting as new to Luther. He began to see that the 
 justice, of which St. Paul spoke as manifested in the gospel, 
 was not the active vindictive justice that he had supposed, 
 but passive justice, as the schoolmen might say, inherent 
 righteousness : ^ that which, being the characteristic in per- 
 fection of the hfe of the Lord Jesus, was accepted by God 
 vicariously, (being in this sense called " God's righteous- 
 ness,") in place of the imperfect and defiled performance 
 of penitent sinners ; just as his death was also vicarious, 
 and expiatory of the guilt of their sins. O godlike scheme 
 for saving sinners ! O how unlike that of the convent and 
 
 1 Michelet i. 11. The Vulgate reads, " Justitia Dei revelatur in illo : " scil. 
 evangelio. 
 
 2 Merle d'Aub. i. 163. ^ Mich. i. 292. 
 ^ lb. p 12; Table-talk, p. 341.
 
 CH.IV. §1.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 95 
 
 the schools, which through penances and works of merit 
 directed men to accomplish their salvation ! ^ — When Luther 
 still objected his sinfulness, it was answered by Staiipitz, 
 " Would you have merely the semblance of a sinner, and 
 the semblance of a Saviour?"^ And when he objected 
 again that it was to penitent sinners only that Christ's sal- 
 vation belonged, and that how to obtain the true spirit of 
 penitence, — that which included, as he now learnt from 
 
 the Bible, both the love of hohness and love of God, he 
 
 had with all his self-mortifications and penitential observ- 
 ances sought in vain, — it was answered by the Vicar- 
 general ; " It is from the love of God that true repentance 
 has alone its origin. Seek it not in these macerations and 
 mortifications of the body ! Seek it in contemplatino- 
 God's love in Christ Jesus ! Love him who has thus first 
 loved you !"^ 
 
 He heard the words ; he received them : received them 
 not as the voice of his Vicar-general, but as the voice of 
 the Divine Spirit speaking by him. It was the openino- 
 to him of the gospel ; the setting forth to him of the 
 two things he had been so intently seeking, and which he 
 now saw to be clearly expressed in the gospel-record ; — the 
 principle of justification before God, and the principle of 
 godly penitence and sanctification within. how did the 
 glory of Jehovah- Jesus, even of Him that furnishes both 
 to the beUeying penitent, begin now to shine before him ! 
 Was it not just as in the emhlems of the Apocalyptic vision 
 under consideration? With the eye of faith he beheld 
 Him beaming upon this lost world, — yea, and upon his 
 own lost soul, — as the Sun of RigJiteousness : and the dark 
 thunder-clouds of the mental storm that had past over him 
 only served to throw out more strikingly the beauty of the 
 rainbow of covenant-mercy, as reflected from them ; ^ 
 
 1 Popery, says Luther in his Commentary on Genesis, never spoke of the promises 
 in Scripture. 
 
 - Merle, i. 166. 3 Merle, i. 165. 
 
 _ * This beautiful symbol was first appointed as a token to Noah, and men after 
 him, of God's covenant-promise that the earth should ever after be preserved fi-om 
 destruction by a /oo^^ of waters. (See Gen. ix. 12—17.) In Isaiah liv. 9 it was 
 transferred, as it were, to be a token of the sureness of the gospel promises, and of 
 God's covenant to remember, preserve, and ultimately save his Church (both Jewish 
 and Gentile) with an everlasting salvation. " In a little wrath I hid my face ft-om 
 thee tor a moment ; but with everlasting kindness will I have mercy on' thee, saith
 
 96 Apoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 that characteristic and constant accompaniment of the Sun 
 of Righteousness, when shining on a penitent.^ " He be- 
 held his glory, as of the only-begotten of the Father, full 
 of grace and truth!' — In the sunshine of this forgiving 
 love, the former overwhelming bitterness of his sense of sin 
 yielded to sweeter sensations. " O happy sin," was his 
 very heart's language, "which hast found such a Re- 
 deemer ! " ^ The subject of repentance too was now as 
 sweet as once it had been bitter to him. He sought out 
 in the Bible, (that precious volume with a copy of which 
 the Vicar-general had personally enriched him,) all that 
 related to it : and the Scriptures that spoke upon the sub- 
 ject seemed, he tells us, as if they danced in joy round his 
 emancipated soul.^ — Nor, in the delight of these percep- 
 tions of the Divine forgiving love and mercy, did he rest 
 content and inactive. He found in them, as his evangelist 
 and friend had assured him he would, a spring and a power 
 for the pursuit of hohness altogether nnfelt before. The 
 love of Christ constrained him. From the view of Jesus 
 he drew strength, as well as righteousness. In the course 
 of two or three years next following, the variations both 
 internal and external with which the lot of man is ever 
 
 the Lord tliy Eedeemer. For this is as the icaters of Noah unto me. For as I 
 have sworn that the waters of Noah should no more go over the earth, so have I 
 sworn that I would not be wroth with thee, nor rebuke thee. (i. e. for perpetuity.) 
 For the mountains shall depart, and the hills be removed ; but my kindness shall 
 not depart from thee, neither shall the covenant of my peace be removed, saith the 
 Lord that hath mercy on thee." 
 
 The hint having been thus given as to its new and yet more beautiful appropria- 
 tion, the symbol was afterwards exhibited to Ezekiel (i. 28), in accompaniment of 
 the visions that foreshowed to him indeed Judah's temporary abandonment to judg- 
 ment, but with everlasting redemption as the final issue. And so again to St. John, 
 as we have seen, in the Apocalyptic visions ; both here, and in the standing scenery 
 of the throne in the inner heavenly temple, described Apoc. iv. 3. 
 
 1 In 1620, just before the execution of the 47 Protestant martyrs of Prague, it is 
 related that, as day broke, a rainbow described its radiant curve athwart the dark 
 storm-clouds. On which they fell on their knees, and praised their Sa^•iour : one of 
 them exclaiming, as in accents of inspiration, " It is the sjTiibol of the covenant God 
 made with the human family : it is the arch on which his glorious throne reposes : in 
 the words of the Apocah-pse, Jesus is opening the heavens to us." So Michiel, " Secret 
 History of the Austrian Government, and its persecutions of Protestants." 
 
 2 "0 beata culpa qua3 talem meruisti Redemptorem." Merle d'Aub. i. 170. — 
 This was after the suggestion by an aged monk, who visited Luther on occasion of 
 his falling ill in the convent, of that article in the creed, " I believe in the remission 
 of sins :"— a suggestion applied by God's Spirit, with great power, to the strengthen- 
 ing of his mind in its peace in believing. 
 
 3 lb. i. 166. — Michelet (i. 12) quotes a passage from Luther of similar effect: '' II 
 me sembla que j'eutrais a portes ouvertes dans le paradis."
 
 CH.IV. §1.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 97 
 
 affected, and not these alone, but dangerous illnesses also, 
 tested the truth and power of the new views he had re- 
 ceived of gospel-salvation : — one illness in the convent at Er- 
 furt ; ^ another afterwards at Bologna, in his way on a mis- 
 sion entrusted to him from the Wittenberg Augustinians to 
 Rome. The residt was his confirmation in their truth and 
 preciousness. For a little wiiile indeed, while at Rome on 
 the occasion last mentioned, the ideas so long cherished of 
 its local sanctity, and the influence of early associations, 
 induced his momentary return, in regard of outw^ard ob- 
 servances, to the old superstition. With a devoutness 
 which astonished, and drew ridicule on him from, the Romish 
 clergy, he made the round of its churches ; celebrating 
 masses in them, as that which might yield a blessing to the 
 devotee. He even climbed on his knees the Pilate stair- 
 case near the Lateran, brought, it was said, from Jerusa- 
 lem ; on hearing that to the so climbing it there attached a 
 papal indulgence, and remission of sin. But, while in the 
 act of climbing, a voice as from heaven sounded in his ears, 
 " The justified hij faith shall live ; " they, and they only.'^ 
 He started up in horror at himself, on the heavenly moni- 
 tion ; and the superstitions he had been educated in had 
 never more influence, or power, to obscure or to distract his 
 vision of the Sun of Righteousness.^ 
 
 Thus was Luther inwardly prepared for the work that 
 Providence intended him. It remained that he should act 
 as God's chosen minister, to set before others, in all its 
 glory and its powder, what he had himself seen and felt. 
 Already a fit sphere of action had been provided for the 
 purpose. A University had been just recently founded at 
 Wittenberg by the Elector of Saxony. Of the arrange- 
 ments a principal part had devolved on Staupitz. Im- 
 pressed with a sense of Luther's intellectual powers and 
 piety he summoned him, A.D. 1509, to a professorship in 
 the university. The call of his Vicar- General was obeyed, 
 
 1 This illness occurred in the second year passed hy hira in the Convent at Erfurt ; 
 and is the one to which I refer in the Note last but one precedino:. 
 
 « Merle, i. 187. 
 
 •■' Just before his death Luther reverted to the early crisis of his religious life 
 above described by me ; and to the opening to his mind of the meaning of that text 
 in Habakkuk ii. 4, "The just shall live by faith." " By it," he said, " all Scripture, 
 and heaven itself, was opened to me." 
 
 VOL. II. 7
 
 98 APoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 as in duty bound, by the young Augustinian monk : and 
 being appointed first Bachelor, then in 1512 Doctor, of Di- 
 vinity ad Bihlia, and having to vow on his appointment to 
 defend the Bible doctrines, he received therein, as it has 
 been said, his vocation as a reformer} It w^as another 
 epoch in his history. Forthvv^ith in his lectures to the stu- 
 dents, and in his sermons too in the old church of the Au- 
 gustines to the people, (for, ordained as he had already been 
 to ih^priesfs office, he neglected not like others the priest's 
 duty of evangelic ^Jreaching,)' he opened to them the gospel 
 that had been opened to him, and set before them the glory 
 of Jesus, mighty to save. His letters and private ministra- 
 tions still dwelt on the same favourite theme. " Learn, my 
 brother," was the tenor of his perpetual exhortation, " to 
 know Christ ; — Christ crucified, — Christ come down from 
 heaven to dwell with sinners. Learn to sing the new song ; 
 Thou, Jesus, art mij righteousness ; I am thy sin : Thou hast 
 taken on thyself what was mine: Thou hast given me what 
 is thine !"'^ — Against the schoolmen, and their scholastic 
 doctrine of man's ability and strength to attain to right- 
 eousness in religion, he published Theses, and offered to 
 sustain them ; his text being, Christ is our strength and our 
 righteousness. Thus did he attack rationalism, as it has 
 been well said, before he attacked superstition ; and pro- 
 claimed the righteousness of God, before he retrenched the 
 additions of man} Multitudes crowded from different 
 parts to the University, to hear a doctrine so new, and ex- 
 pounded with eloquence so convincing. " It seemed," says 
 Melancthon, " as if a new day had risen on Christian doc- 
 trme, after a long and dark night." '^ The eyes of men 
 were directed to the true Sun of Righteousness, as risen 
 
 1 Merle, 174, 193. • lb. 171, 176. 
 
 3 lb. i. 203. — Similarly Zuingle, the Swass Reformer ; " Mon esprit se ranime a 
 I'ouie de cette joyeuse uouvelle : Christ est ton innocence ; Christ est ta justice ; 
 Christ est ton salut : tu n'es rien ; tu ne peux rieu : Christ est 1' Alpha et 1' Omega : 
 . . Christ est tout." Merle d'Aub. ii. 348. 
 
 I wish again to impress on the reader that it is not simply Luther, but the reform- 
 ing Fathers generally, that I conceive St. John to have impersonated at this epoch : 
 — though Luther most prominently of course, as being the chief leader of the Re- 
 formation. 
 
 ^ Merle, i. 209, 225. 
 
 * lb. 201. — So Scultetus, on A.D. 1-517 : " As once from Zion, so now from Wit- 
 tenberg, the light of gosjjel-truth was diffused into the remotest realms." Secken- 
 dorf, p. 59.
 
 CH. IV. § 1.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. 99 
 
 upon them, (and many saw and felt it,) with healing in his 
 wings. 
 
 Thus far the manifestation of gospel-light, however glo- 
 rious, had been comparatively noiseless and tranquil. There 
 had been simply a revelation of Himself by the Lord Jesus 
 to the favoured ones at Wittenberg, in his character of the 
 Sun of Righteousness, and the rainbow-vested Angel of the 
 Covenant, mighty to save. But now the calm was to end. 
 There was to be added his roaring, like as the Lion of the 
 tribe of Judah, against the usurping enemy ; ^ and so the 
 fiery conflict ^ to commence between those two mighty an- 
 tagonistic principles and powers, between Christ and Anti- 
 christ. The infamous Tetzel precipitated the conflict. 
 Approaching in prosecution of his commission to the near 
 neighbourhood of Wittenberg,^ (it was some eight or nine 
 years after Luther's removal thither from Erfurt,) he there 
 proclaimed, as elsewhere, the Papal Bulls of grace and in- 
 dulgence ; in other words, set forth the Pope as the heaven- 
 sent dispenser of mercy. Sun of Righteousness, and source 
 of all divine light, grace, and salvation. Then was the 
 spirit of the Reformer kindled within him. His Lord's 
 honour was assailed, his Lord's little flock troubled by the 
 impostor. Little thinking of the eff'ect they were to pro- 
 duce, he published his celebrated 95 Theses against Li- 
 dulgences ; affixing them, according to the custom of the 
 times, to the door of the chief church at Wittenberg ; 
 and offering to maintain them against all impugners. 
 The truths most prominently asserted in them were the 
 Pope's utter insufficiency to confer forgiveness of sin or 
 salvation, — Christ's all-sufficiency, — and the true spiritual 
 penitent's participation, by God's free gift, independently 
 altogether of Papal indulgence or absolution, not merely in 
 the blessing of forgiveness, but in all the riches of Christ. 
 There were added other declarations, also very notable, as 
 to the gospel of the glory and grace of God, not the merits 
 of saints, " being the true and precious treasure of the 
 
 ^ See Is. xxxi. 4, cited p. 87 supra. 2 ggg p. 43 supra. 
 
 3 The Elector of Saxony, at the request of Staupitz, had interdicted Tetzel from 
 entering his temtories on the indulgence-selling commission. Hence he was unable 
 to approach Wittenberg nearer than Jiiterbock ; the last tomi of the Archbishop of 
 Magdeburg, his patron, and about four miles distant. Merle D'Aub. ib. 253, 
 
 7 *
 
 100 Apoc. X. 1 — 3. [part III. 
 
 Church;" — a denunciation of the avarice and soul-deceiv- 
 ings of the priestly traffickers in indulgences ; — and a 
 closing exhortation to Christians to follow Christ as their 
 chief, even through crosses and tribulation, thereby at 
 length to attain to his heavenly kingdom.^ — Bold indeed 
 were the words thus published ; and the effect such, that 
 the evening of their publication (All-Hallow-e'en, Oct. 31) 
 has been remembered ever afterwards, and is ever memor- 
 able, as the epoch of the Reformation. With a rapidity, 
 power, and effect unparalleled, unexpected, unintended, 
 even as if it had been the voice of one mightier than Lu- 
 ther, speaking through him, — and so Luther himself felt it,^ 
 
 ' Thus in the following sentences, as given by Merle, i. 263, &e : 
 
 1. "Loi-sque . . Jesus Christ dit, Repeutez vous, il veut que toute la vie de ses 
 fideles soit une . . eontinuelle repentance. 
 
 2. Cette parole ne pent etre entendue du sacrement de la penitence, ainsi qu'il est 
 administre par le pretre. 
 
 5. La Pape ne pent (ni ne veut) remettre aucune autre peine que ceUe qu'il a im- 
 posee. 
 
 6. Le Pape ne peut remettre aucune condamnation, mais seulement declarer et con- 
 firmer la remission que Dieu lui meme en a faite : a moins qu'il ne le fasse dans les 
 cas qui lui appartiennent. (i. e. of ecclesiastical censures.) S'il fait autrement, la 
 condamnation reste entierement la meme. 
 
 8. Les lois de la penitence ecclesiastique ne regardent nullement les morts. 
 
 32. Ceux qui s'imagincnt etre surs de leur salut par les indulgences, iront au diable 
 avec ceux qui le leur enseigneut. 
 
 52. Esperer etre sauve par les indulgences est une esperance de mensonge et de 
 nennt, quand meme le commissaire d'indulgences, et (que dis je ?) le pape luimeme, 
 voudi'oit, pour 1' assurer, mettre son ame en gage. 
 
 37. Chaque vrai Chretien, mort ou vivant, a part de tous les biens de Christ, ou de 
 I'eglise, par le don de Dieu, et sans lettre d'indulgence. 
 
 62. Le veritable et precieux tresor de I'eglise est le saint Evangile de la gloire et 
 de la grace de Dieu. 
 
 79. Dire que la croix ornee des armes du Pape est aussi puissante que la croix de 
 Christ, est lui blaspheme. 
 
 94. II faut exhorter les Chretiens a s'appliquer a suivre Christ, leur chef, a travers 
 les croix, la mort, et I'enfer : 
 
 95. Car il vaut mieux qu'Qs entrent par beaucoup de tribulations dans le royaume 
 des cieux, que d'acquerir rme securite charnellepar les consolations d'une fausse paix." 
 
 The I'eader will observe the saving clause for the Pope in Prop. 5, " ni ne veut." 
 Others occur elsewhere. So Prop. 50. " Si le Pape connaissait les exactions des pre- 
 dicateurs d'indulgences, il aimerait mieux que la metropole de St. Pierre fut brulee, 
 que de la voir edifice avec la peau, la chair, et les os de ses brebis." As yet Luther 
 knew not the Pope. 
 
 2 " Deus rapuit, pellit, nedum ducit me. Non sum compos niei. Volo esse quie- 
 tus, et rapior in medios tumultus." So Luther Epist. i. 231 ; written on Eck's chal- 
 lenging him, in 1519. (Merle ii. 18.) So again, after the 2nd Diet of Nuremberg, 
 1524, to Spalatine : " I wish our simple Princes and Bishops would at length open 
 their eyes ; and see that the present revolution in religion is not brought about by 
 Luther, who is nobody, but by the omnipotence of Christ himself." Milner p. 824. 
 And to Erasmus ; " What am I } AVhat but, as the wolf said to the nightingale, A 
 voice and nothing else." Vox et pratered nihil. Mich. i. 56. — Indeed his sense of 
 having been but the mouth to a Higher One than himself in the matter, appeared 
 continually. So (Milner 964) to Melancthon one writes of Luther ; " Three of his
 
 CH.IV. §1.] DISCOVERY OF CHRIST THE SAVIOUR. lOl 
 
 — the voice echoed through contmental Christendom, and 
 through insular England also. It was felt by both friends 
 and foes to be a mortal shock, not merely against indulg- 
 ences, but against the whole system of penances, self-mor- 
 tification, will- worship, and every means of justification 
 from sin, devised by superstition, ignorance, or priestly cun- 
 ning, and accumulated in the continued apostasy of above 
 ten centuries ;— a mortal shock too, though Luther as yet 
 knew it not, against the Pajml supremacij in Christendom. 
 For there had been implanted in men's minds, both on the 
 main-land and the island, a view of Christ's glory, rights, 
 and headship in the Church, which, notwithstanding the 
 support of the Papacy by most of the powers of this world, 
 was not to be obliterated. The result was soon seen both 
 in the one, and in certain countries of the other, (including 
 specially some of the Siviss Cantons, as I must now add, 
 brought through the independent but contemporary teaching 
 of Zuingle and other Reformers to the recognition very 
 similarly first of Christ/ then afterwards of Antichrist,) 
 I say the result was there seen in the national erection of 
 the gospel-standard, the overthrow of the Papal dominion, 
 and the establishment of churches pure and reformed, that 
 acknowledged Christ alone as in spiritual things their Mas- 
 ter. Adopting the symbols of the Apocalyptic vision, we 
 may say that the Angel's fixing of his right foot on the sea, 
 and his left on the main-land,- was thus fulfilled, in sequence 
 to the uttering of his voice as when a lion roareth. Nor did 
 He quit either ground, or remove the marked stamp of his 
 
 best hours each day he spends in prayer. Once I happened to hear him. . . It is 
 entirely, he said, thine own concern. We, by thy Providence, have been compelled 
 to take a part." Again, after receiving the Pope's Bull; " Christus ista coepit; ipse 
 perficiet;" &c. Merle, ii. 141. Similarly Zwingle. "To whom are we indebted 
 as the cause of all this new light and new doctrine } To God, or to Luther ? Ask 
 Luther himself. I know that he will answer that the work is of God." — Luther was 
 absolutely troubled in conscience, when he saw an effect so much beyond what he had 
 intended, produced by his Theses. See lilerle, i. 274, 283 ; also my next Chapter. 
 
 Thus we see reason for the voice as of a lion roaring being ascribed to the Ancfel. 
 Wliat Luther and the Reformers did afterwards, on deliberation, and with their own 
 full consciousness, is attributed to their representative St. John. — Compare !Matt. 
 X. 20 ; " It is not you that speak, but the Spirit of your father that speakcth in 
 Tou." Also 2 Peter i. 21 ; " Holy men spake, v-ko flvevfiaroQ ayiov (ptpo/jtvor" 
 1. e. borne out of themselves, and beyond their own intentions, as it were, in what 
 they said. 
 
 1 See p. 98 Note ^ supra. 
 
 ^ Compare Jacob's placing his right hand on Ephraim, his left on Manasseh, 
 Gen. xlviii. 14.
 
 102 Apoc. X. 3 — 4. [part hi. 
 
 interference, till the political overthrow had been accom- 
 plished, both in the one locality and the other, of a part of 
 the mystic Babylon : in short until, as stated in the con- 
 clusion of this vision, " a tenth part of the city had fallen, 
 and there had been slain in it names of men seven 
 chiHads ; " ^ a pledge of its total ultimate overthrow, and 
 of the establishment, upon its ruins, of Christ's universal 
 kingdom. — But in this last observation I anticipate. 
 
 § 2. — DISCOVERY OF ANTICHRIST THE USURPER. 
 
 " And, when He had cried, the seven thunders uttered 
 their own voices. And when the seven thunders had 
 spoken I was about to write. And I heard a voice from 
 heaven saying unto me, Seal up the things which the seven 
 thunders uttered, and write them not ! " ^ Apoc. x. 3, 4. 
 
 We have traced the first great step in the Reformation, 
 as prefigured in the opening verses of the vision under 
 consideration. It remains to trace the next, as prefigured 
 in the two verses that follow, and which stand prefixed to 
 the present Section. 
 
 In order to this, however, there will be needed in the 
 first instance, a very careful sifting of the prophetic enun- 
 ciation that developes it. — What mean the seven thunders ? 
 — This is the question that meets us at the outset of our 
 inquiry. The careful attention needed to solve it will ap- 
 pear the more strikingly from the pei'plexity that it has 
 occasioned to commentators, and the evident unsatisfactori- 
 ness of all their solutions. Many, because of the charge 
 to St. John, " Seal up the things which the seven thunders 
 uttered, and write them not," have passed it over as a point 
 never to be revealed, and therefore presumptuous to inquire 
 
 ^ My reason for so translating the inra ^iXia^ff will appear in chap. ix. infra. 
 
 2 Kai on (Kpa^tv t\a\t](7av ai (irra jSpovrai Tag tavTujv (prnvaq. Kat on tXaXjj- 
 nav di iirra jSpoirat i}fit\\ov ypa(}>iii'. Kai tjicovaa ^oiVJjv tK tov ovpavov \i- 
 yovaav, S^payiffov a tKa\r]<rav ai iirra (SpovTai, Kai fii] avra ypaipye. So the 
 critical text. The chief ditference from the received text is in the not repeating tus 
 tavTiov (piovac, a second time ; " And when the seven thunders had uttered their otvn 
 voices :" which repetition, however, Prof. M. Stuart (ii. 207) thinks accordant with 
 the style of the Apocalypse.
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] THE SEVEN THUNDERS. 103 
 
 into.^ But, if such be the meaning, wherefore the descrip- 
 tion of John's hearing, and being about to write them, here 
 given ; and its handing down too in the Apocalyptic Book, 
 as if for the benefit of the church, and as a part of the in- 
 spired prophecy ? — Others have supposed it a pre-intima- 
 tion of the septenary division of the seventh Trumpet ; '"^ a 
 supposed pre-intimation aUogether unmeaning, as well as 
 out of place. — Three commentators only, of those I am 
 acquainted with, interpret the thunders as significative of 
 actual events; viz. Vitringa, who explains them of the 
 seven crusades ; Daubuz, w4io makes them the echo of 
 laws, affirmatory of the Protestant doctrines of seven king- 
 doms that embraced the Reformation ; and Keith, wdiose 
 explanation refers them to the seven continental wars, cha- 
 racteiized by the roar of " the modern artillery," which 
 intervened, he says, to fill up the period between the Re- 
 formation as begun by Luther, and the sounding of the 
 seventh Trumpet at the French Revolution. These solu- 
 tions seem to me to carry their own refutation with them. 
 Vitringa's is quite out of place, as referring to events long 
 preceding the Reformation.^ And, as to those of Mr. Dau- 
 buz and Dr. Keith, without entering into other particulars, 
 
 ^ So Mede (see the next note) ; also Bishop Newton, Woodhouse, Lowman. This, 
 I believe, is a comparatively modern idea. 
 
 Of earlier commentators I may notice that both Primasius and Ambrosius Ansber- 
 tus explain the seven thunders of gospel-preaching, such as the septi-form Spirit of 
 God might indite ; though terribly puzzled, as well they might be on any such hypo- 
 thesis, to explain the prohibition, Write it not ! " Valde nodosissima, atque ad solvcn- 
 dum perplexa nobis quapstio," says Ansbert, B. P. M. xiii. 516. His solution is that it 
 should be sealed and hid from unfit recipients. — A curious quotation from Origen occurs 
 in Eusebius, (H. E. vi. 25,) on the same subject. In his list of the canonical vsriters of 
 the sacred Scriptures, on coming to St. John, Origen thus briefly and enigmatically 
 notices the passage under consideration ; Eypai/zs ^e koi rrfv ATroKaXvipiv KtXivOiig 
 aiioTrj]fTai, (cat fir] ypail/ai rag twv tTrra fSpovnuv (jjoavag. 
 
 2 So first Mede ; at the same time that he intimates the vanity of inquiring into 
 what God has chosen to make secret, as stated in the note preceding. " Vox tonitrui 
 quid ? Num £ath Kol ? Si hoc, erunt septera Touitrua oracula totidem quibus sep- 
 tirape Tubfe intervallum quasi periodis quibusdam distinguctur ; sed ignorandae omni- 
 no rei, nee, nisi suis temporibus percipiendae. Quod innuit, Joanni voces tonitruum 
 scripturo, caBlitiis facta prohibitio, Obsigna quae locuta sunt septem tonitrua, et ne ea 
 scribas. Frustra igitur nos inquirendo erimus quae Deus occulta esse voluit, et suis 
 temporibus reservanda." 
 
 After Mede, Messrs Cuninghame and (I think) Bickersteth have ofi'ered explanations 
 somewhat similar ; supposing the Thunders to be emblems or warnings of the seven 
 Vials of the seventh Trumpet. And so too Faber, S. C. i. 264—270 ; and Hales 
 iii. 607. 
 
 3 It is to be noted however that Vitringa does not explain the vision of the Covenant- 
 Angel's descent, or the little book opened in his hand, of the Reformation ; so that 
 this interpretation does not involve that chronological inconsistency with itself.
 
 104 APoc. X. 3, 4. [part hi- 
 
 who can believe that the injunction, " Seal up what the 
 thunders have uttered, and write them not," could mean, — 
 either, as the one says, a prophetic check to the multipli- 
 cation and progress of Protestant institutions, beyond the 
 original seven Protestant kingdoms ; ^ — or, as the other, a 
 mysterious concealment of the seven great wars that fol- 
 lowed the Reformation ; because the minds of men, being 
 then inclined to hold to Scripture prophecies as rules of 
 action, would, in case of those wars having been clearly 
 predicted, have thrown themselves into them as with Scrip- 
 ture warrant ? ^ 
 
 Proceed we then to a careful analysis of this most re- 
 markable passage : well assured, even k priori, of what some 
 of the expositors noticed by us seem really to have almost 
 forgotten ; viz. that it must needs have been meant to sig- 
 nify something, indeed something of importance, for the 
 information and instruction of Christ's Church, as to things 
 to come ; accordantly with the profest object of the whole 
 revelation.^ — And in it five several points will be found to 
 call for consideration -. — 1st, the vocalitg of the thunders 
 spoken of; (vocality, albeit still as of thunders ;) for they 
 
 1 Daubuz, p. 472. 
 
 - Vol. ii. p. 17; " Never perhaps in the whole history of man was there a time 
 when the prophecies of Scripture would have been so readily held as rules of action, 
 rather than reasons of faith ; and the perfection of wisdom in respect to them (so. the 
 prophetic Thunders) may have been even that they were not written."* 
 
 It may be satisfactory to the reader to know the views of some chief expositors of 
 the German school. I therefore give those subjoined. 
 
 1. Eichhorn. — The seven thunders were symbols of coming woe to Jerusalem : 
 John not to write it, because the triumph of Christianity was much more worthy of 
 descri])tion than the fall of Jerusalem. 
 
 2. Hienrichs. — Much the same as Eichhorn, whom he refers to. 
 
 3. M. Stuart. — The seven thunders as the seven angels, the seven spirits, &c. 
 Eicald su]jposes that the thunders of the seven heavens are meant. But not a trace 
 of this (i})iiiii)u can we find in the Old Testament or Apocalypse ; though the Jews of 
 the first century so thought of the heavens. Therefore we take the septenary number 
 to indicate very loud thunder. 
 
 3 Apoc. i. 1 : " The revelation which God gave to him, to signifi/ to his servants 
 what must shortly come to pass." In truth, forasmuch as the injunctions at the be- 
 ginning and tlie end of the Apocalypse, — the one, (i. 19,) "write what thou hast seen," 
 (fee, the other, (xxii. 10,) " Seal not up the sayings of tlie prophecy of this book," — ne- 
 cessarily include this vision and the thunders, just as all the rest, among what was to 
 be written and revealed, they seem of themselves sufficient to refute such interpreta- 
 tions as those I speak of 
 
 * In Dr. K.'s 8th Editi(m, published since my 2nd Edition, he has slightly altered 
 his language. But his explanation, ii. 7o, remains substantially the same as before.
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] THE SEVEN THUNDERS. 105 
 
 are said to have voices : — 2ndly, the pointed definition of 
 the voices of the thunders, as voices proper and pecuHar 
 to themselves, " thei7' own voices : " — 3rdly, the absoluteness 
 of the prohibition, " Seal up and write them not : " — 4thly, 
 the further definition of the thunders by the septenary nu- 
 meral: — 5thly, the definite article prefixed to them, ''the 
 seven thunders." — To v^^hich five phraseological character- 
 istics of the thunders there must be added further a con- 
 sideration of St. Johns symbolic character on the Apocalyp- 
 tic scene. Which done, all will appear clear, if I mistake 
 not, as to the signification of the prophecy ; and nothing 
 more needed than a reference to history, to make its fulfil- 
 ment clear also. 
 
 1st, then, there is to be observed the vocalitij attributed 
 to the thunders ; the thunders being said to have voices, 
 and to speak, evidently in a manner inteUigible to St. John. 
 By this they are distinguished from the thunders elsewhere 
 mentioned in the Apocalyptic visions, as proceeding from 
 the throne : the which were known indeed to be sounds of 
 wrath and judgment from on high, echoed in the judg- 
 ments forthwith following on earth ; but still sounds not 
 articulate, or inteUigibly vocal. Such being the case, the 
 thunder mentioned in the 12th chapter of St. John's Gos- 
 pel offers itself to our remembrance as a nearer Scripture 
 parallel to those before us. For we read that there was 
 heard in it also an articulate voice from heaven : the which 
 the people around thought to be the voice of an angel, and 
 of which the words are actually given us.^ This, says Mede, 
 was by the Jews called Bath Kol, ^"ip ni 5 filia vocis : 
 and, coming whence it did, was considered, as he adds, a 
 voice from heaven, or oracle. — It might seem probably in- 
 ferable, respecting the thunders here spoken of, that they 
 too, as they fell on St. John's ear, fell not only intelligibly, 
 but also as an oracle, or voice from heaven!'^ 
 
 1 John xii. 28 ; " There came a voice from heaven sajinj^, I have hoth glorified it, 
 and will glorify it again. The people therefore that stood by, and heard it, said that 
 it thundered. Others said, An angel spoke to him." 
 
 - With this last idea both the noun (pwvai, and the verb f\a\T](7av, well suit; they 
 being alike used, the one and the other, in sacred Scripture, for the voices of prophetic 
 inspiration. So Acts xiii. 27, " the voices of the prophets which are read every Sab- 
 bath-day." On which Kuinoel observes : i>u> v at twv Trpo(pi]roJv sunt prophetarum 
 oracula, Uteris conunissa. Eteuim (pwvai dicuutui' etfata, dicta ; cum ore prolata,
 
 106 /\poc. X. 3, 4. [part jit. 
 
 2ndly, comes up for consideration that singular definition 
 of the voices as " the seven thunders' own voices : " for so, 
 I think, we may fitly here render the reflective pronoun in 
 the phrase rag saorcov <f)cova.g, as often elsewhere ;^ in order 
 to mark with emphasis, what it was evidently meant mark- 
 edly to imply, that these thunders had a voice distinctively 
 and peculiarly their own. Remarkable in itself, this dis- 
 tinctiveness and peculiarity became the more remarkable 
 from its direct contrast to, and distinction from, those other 
 two voices that were mentioned in the context : — the one 
 the voice of the Covenant-Angel, as of a lion roaring, 
 which immediately preceded ; the other that from heaven, 
 which followed immediately afterwards. Was there then 
 accordance between it and those other two ; or discordance 
 and opposition ? This is the next point for inquiry, and a 
 pre-eminently important one. And the next indicatory par- 
 ticular that we have to consider gives, as it seems to me, 
 to the question an answer quite clear and decisive. — For, 
 
 3rdly, we were to note the absoluteness of the heaventij jpro- 
 hihition respecting them ; " Seal up the things which the 
 seven thunders have uttered, and write them not ! " — Now 
 had there been simply the first injunction, " Seal them 
 up," instead of indicating the same thing as the temporary 
 seahng spoken of in Daniel xii. 4, 9, (" Seal up till the 
 time of the end,") with which not a few expositors have 
 unadvisedly compared it,^ we might even then rather have 
 inferred a permanent consignment of these oracular voices 
 to ohlivion ; seeing that no period, however distant, was as- 
 signed for their unsealing.^ But, besides this, there was 
 
 turn Uteris tradita." Also Acts iii. 24 ; " All the prophets from Samuel, Kai nav 
 KaOi^7]Q, oaoi t\aXt](Tav, have foretold these days." On which Kuinoel : "Ver- 
 bum XaXeiv de prophetarum oraciilis ft-equenter occiurit ; ita ut sit oracula edere, va- 
 ticinari. Vid. Acts xxvi. 22, Heb. i. 1, 2 Pet. i. 21." 
 
 ^ So e. g. Matt, xxvii. 60 ; F£T)Kiv avro iv rtp Kaivt^ avrov ^vrjfifitf' " he laid it 
 in his own new tomb : " Lxike xiv. 26 ; " If he hate not r;;v iavrov i^/vxriv, his oum 
 life also : " Rom. viii. 3 ; 6 Qioq tov kavrov iiiov Tre/jiipac- " God having sent his 
 own Son." Also Matt. xiii. 57, Mark vi. 4, Acts vii. 41, Rom. iv. 19, 1 Cor. vii. 2, 
 (where it is in apposition with tov iSiov,) Eph. v. 28, Phil. ii. 4, 12, Jude 13, 18: 
 and in the Apocalypse itself i. 5 ; " who washed us from our sins sv t(}> a'luan avrov 
 in his own blood." 
 
 2 So T. C. C. in the Investigator, Vol. iii. p. 146. 
 
 ^ Sealing has two very different meanings : the one that of authenticating, as in 
 John iii. 33 ; the other of concealing from public view. The latter is here evidently 
 the meaning intended. So Vitringa p. 571 : " Obsignare, stylo Scripturae Veteris Tes- 
 tament!, est reeondere, non^ publicare." Compare Is. xxix. 11, and Matt, xxvii. 66.
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] THE SEVEN THUNDERS. 107 
 
 added, as if by way of explanation, the further and yet 
 more emphatic prohibitory clause, of which the absolute- 
 ness could not be mistaken, " Write them not ! " — And 
 what the reason of the prohibition ? Surely it was as sim- 
 ply as satisfactorily to be inferred from the reasons of the 
 contrary injunction, " Write them," given three times else- 
 where to St. John, on occasion of his hearing other voices 
 as from heaven. First that in ch. xiv. 13; "1 heard a 
 voice from heaven saying unto me, Write ! Blessed are the 
 dead which die in the Lord. Even so saith the Spirit.'' 
 Next in ch. xix. 9 ; " He saith unto me, Write ! Blessed 
 are they which are called to the marriage-supper of the 
 Lamb. And he said. These are the true sayings of God." 
 Once more in ch. xxi. 5 ; " He said. Behold 1 make all 
 things new. And he said to me. Write ! for these tvords 
 are true and faithful." These are all the examples of the 
 kind that occur, from the beginning of the prediction of 
 things future in ch. iv. to the end of the Book. And in 
 every case the reason given for the Apostle's writing Avas of 
 one and the same character: viz. because the voice that was 
 to be written was true and faithful ; — because it was the 
 voice of the Spirit ;— because it was the true saying of God. 
 The natural, indeed almost necessary inference, as to the 
 reason of the prohihition, " Write not ! " is this : — that 
 what the seven thunders uttered, although with semhlance 
 to a Bath-Kol, or oracular voice from heaven, was not true 
 and faithful, not the voice of the Spirit, not the true saying 
 of God ; — but, instead thereof, false and an imposture. 
 
 But, if so, what then were these voices ; voices not really 
 from heaven, yet with a certain semblance and pretension, 
 as if they were ? — Towards a solution of this question it 
 will be not a little helpful, I think, to borrow an illustration 
 from the times of St. John himself. For even then there 
 were two voices that in a measure answered to the descrip- 
 tion. First, the Jewish Rabbis had been wont to palm 
 upon the people their own false religious decrees and 
 dogmas, as if bath-kols, or oracles from heaven ; ^ at least 
 
 In De Maistre's " Pope," (Dawson's Transl. p. 92,) speaking of the French word 
 cachet (a seal) fitly suggesting the verb cacher, to hide, the author is strangely incoiTcct 
 in saying that among the ancients sealing was only for authentication. 
 
 i In the Targum, or Chaldee Paraphrase, on Canticles ii. 14, a traditional story is
 
 108 APOC. X. 3, 4. [PAUT III. 
 
 till the fall of Jerusalem might seem to have set aside the 
 idea of any influential deceiving power, as if from heaven, 
 attaching to tJmn. Further, from the world's mighty capi- 
 tal the voices of the imperial head of heathenism there reign- 
 ing, as those of one deified in the view of the Roman people, 
 were similarly recognised and feared as thunders from 
 heaven.^ — Now, with the light of these illustrations applied 
 to the times here prefigured in the Apocalyptic drama, does 
 not the thought suggest itself presumptively that the 
 Christ-opposing voice of the great Antichrist may be the 
 thunders here meant ; especially as being the head of an 
 apostasy prefigured as Judceo-heathen in character,^ and one 
 
 told respecting Israel, when sliut in between Pharaoh the sea and the wilderness, 
 how that the congregation "opened her mouth in prayer before the Lord ; and Bath 
 Kol went out from the highest heavens : and thus it said ; ' thou congregation of 
 Israel, who art like to a clean dove, &c.' " On which Dr. A. Clarke, in an Appendix 
 to his Commentary ad loc, thus observes. " Frequent mention is made of this bath- 
 hol in the writings of the Jews. It was a voice from heaven which revealed secrets, 
 foretold future events, decided controversies^ and directed in difficult matters. It was 
 used in the second temple in the room of prophecy, which the Jews say then ceased. . 
 By R. Levi Ben Gerson in 2 Sam. i. s. 27, it is thought to be a more excellent and 
 complete kind of divination. And indeed I am inclined to think that most of those 
 voices which go under this name were mere illusions of Satan ; designed to deceive 
 the people, and lessen the credit of those voices which were heard from heaven in the 
 time of Christ. See Matt. iii. 17, x\'ii. 5 ; John xii. 28." 
 
 1 Rome' s title Qta 'Pwnt] is well known. And hence, says Spanheim, pp. 395, 415, 
 it is not wonderful that her voice was spoken of as thunder ; so, e. g. as by Claudian ; 
 Sen coelum seu Eoraa tonat. 
 The same as regarded the emperors ; especially the emperor Domitian reigning in 
 St. John's time. So Pliny Paneg. i. 90 of that emperor ; " Utrumque nostrum ille 
 optinii cujusque spoliator et carnifex, . . iactofulmine afflaverat." And again Ep. iii. 
 11 ; "Tot cii'ca me jactis f/ihtii»i!)i<s quasi ambustus, mihi quoque impendere idem 
 exitium. . augurabar." — So again Statins, Sylv. iii. 3. 158; 
 attouitum, et Yentiiri fulniinis ictus 
 
 Horrentem, tonitru tantum lenique procella 
 
 Contentus monuisse senem. 
 Also Martial, Lib. vi, on the imperial sentence on Hetruscus : 
 Nam tu missa tua revocasti /«/;««"«« dextra : 
 
 Hos cuperem mores ignibus esse Jovis. 
 And again of Jove and Domitian ; " Aspice Tarpeium Pallantinumque tonautem." 
 Spanheim, 395. 
 
 All these examples refer to the imperial thunders fulminated by Domitian, St. John's 
 contemporary emperor.* And it is observable that on some of Domitian's medals he 
 is depicted as armed with a thunderbolt in hand, or on the head. " Ad caput impera- 
 torium adpositum ffulmenj summam eorum et poene divinam indicat potentiam." Rasche. 
 On Pliny Schwartz observes ; " Fulmina vocantur animadversiones et pcenaj mag- 
 naruni potestatum : " adding; " Hac metaphora fi'equenter utuntur auctores." These 
 imperial animadversiones were received, enrolled in the archives of their office, and 
 published, by the provincial governors. — The word "monuisse" in Statins intimates 
 the intelligibility of those thunders' voice : and the distinction between the tonitru 
 and the fulmina, seems to be that between a condemnatory sentence uttered, and a 
 condemnatory sentence executed. " Non affecisse supplicio, sed monuisse errati senem 
 Claudium," says the Variorum Commentator. - See Vol. i. p. 296. 
 
 * So Ovid, Tr. iii. 4, earlier of Augustus ; "Sajvum priclustri /«if/we« ab iU'ce venit."
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] THE SEVEN THUNDERS. 109 
 
 whose empire both by Daniel and Paul had been mysteri- 
 ously connected with Rome ? Certainly this notion will be 
 fmmd to gather strength not a little, on proceeding to con- 
 sider the fourth characteristic of the Apocalyptic thunders 
 in question : viz. 
 
 4thly, their being in number seven thunders. — For it 
 strikes me there are but two senses in which the septeiiarv 
 number can well be regarded as symbolic : the one its ge- 
 neral and more abstract signiiicancy, as the sacred num- 
 ber ; ' the other its particular significancy, as referring to 
 some septiform local source, such as might give to the 
 voices thence issuing a kind of septenary force and value. 
 And while, expounding the numeral as meant in i\\ii former 
 sense, its applicability to the voice of the Papal Antichrist 
 is obvious from the fact of its claiming and being supposed 
 to have a Divine origin, still more, if expounded in the latter 
 sense, would it answer perfectly and strikingly. Por, in re- 
 gard of a voice from the seven-hilled city, so natural'was it 
 in poetic or prophetic figure to depict it as a septenary of 
 voices, that with Roman poets themselves such was the ac- 
 tual form of expression : ^ and similarly thunders thence 
 issuing would answer to the designation of seven thunders. 
 
 And then, and so, 5thly, as to the prefixed article, " the 
 seven thunders,"— that which to Bishop Middleton ap- 
 peared strange and unaccountable,'^— all would seem easily 
 explicable : seeing that no seven-hilled city could be the 
 
 1 From a rabbinical arc^ument, drawn from the circumstance of God's thunders 
 havmg been mentioned in Ps. xlix seven times, to the eifect that those thunders mi-ht 
 properly be caUed seven thunders, Ziillig in loc. supposes them to be what is here 
 meant, reterrmg to Eisenmenger i. 425. And so more recently Hengstenbero- —Which 
 
 ""'72. "^T^""^'-' "'' °"^ ^"'^ '"''''''^ *° ^*' ^^- St^'^'^t, as we have seen, p. 102, rejects. 
 ^ So Claudian on the Considship of Olybrias ; r > j 
 
 collesQ^ue, canoris 
 Plausibus impulsi, septenu voce resultant. 
 On which says the commentator : " Universae urbis acclaniationibus septem Eomae 
 colles resonant, et ideo scjitem remittunt voces." Does it not seem like a direct Apo- 
 ealyptic comment .'' 
 
 Compare too Eurip. Phcenissse, 234 : 
 
 lo) XafiTTOvffa TTsrpa 
 
 TlvpoQ SiKo pv(p ov (TiXag 
 
 VTTfp aKpwv l3aK-)^tiwv. 
 On which the Scholiast thus observes : A,icopv(pov avToi' uirtv, iirti-^np tr afK^ort- 
 paic TaiQ aKpaig row napi'a(j(rov timv itpa, to uiu ApTeuicos kui AttoXXwvoc, to 
 ce Aiovvaov. 
 
 ^ "Why the article is inserted here," he says, "I am unable to discover:"—
 
 110 APOC. X. 3, 4. [part iti. 
 
 seven-hilled city but Rome ; ^ no septenary of voice, or 
 thunder, " the seven thunders," ^ but those from the seven- 
 hilled city of Rome. 
 
 All which considered, I cannot but believe that even to 
 St. John himself, quite irrespectively of any peculiar intel- 
 ligence that may have attached to him in his representative 
 character in the extasis of the vision, the thought can 
 scarcely but have occurred of the voice of the predicted 
 Antichrist as the seven thunders presignified. For, as to 
 his rule taking place of the imperial rule, and so his seat 
 being probably in the same seven-hilled Rome, which Daniel 
 and Paul had hinted,"'' it was afterwards expressly signified 
 to John in the Apocalyptic visions.^ It was there therefore 
 that he was usurpingly to sit in the temple of God ; and to 
 utter voices with his mouth, and speak great things, as if God.^ 
 
 Yet more with ourselves the conclusion may have 
 seemed obvious that the seven thunders did indeed figure 
 the voices of Christ's counterfeit, the Papal Antichrist, 
 because of our having seen, and known, the striking fulfil- 
 ment in him of all these prophetic indications. For do we 
 not know that the voices of the Roman Pope, as exprest in 
 his decrees and buUs, profest to be, and were regarded 
 throughout Christendom as, oracles from heaven : ^ indeed 
 that the name commonly given to them, when condemna- 
 
 asking, as that which might solve the difficulty, " Were the seven thunders anjrthing 
 well known and pre-eminent V and adding, as his own supposition, that there may 
 probably have been a reference to some Jewish opinion, giving them this notoriety ; 
 of which however, he says, he found not a vestige. (Compare on this point, Note i 
 p. 109.) 
 
 1 Indeed in the Apocalypse itself the article is emphatically prefixed, when men- 
 tion is first made of the great city Rome ; " This is the great city, &c." si. 8, x\'ii. 18. 
 
 "^ e.g. such as of the seven echoes of the porch in the temple of the Olympian Ju- 
 piter, ry\v \iiv yap ev OXvjjlitijj touv, airo fiiaQ (puvijs noXXag avTavaicXaffttg 
 TToiHffav, iTTTuipojvov KaXscFL' at EUs, Called tTrra^oivof ffToa, described by 
 Lucian, (De Mort. Pereg.) Pausanias, in Eliacis, and Plutarch, De Garrul. 
 
 3 The '■'■let" in the way of his manifestation being the imperial Roman power 
 then reigning ; and of which he needed the removal, in order to fill its place. See my 
 Vol. i. pp. 229, 388—390 : also my Vol. iii. Part iv. Ch. iii. 
 
 * Apoc. xvii. 9. 5 2 Thess. ii. 4 ; Dan. vii. 8. 
 
 6 So in the oration of Corvinus of Naples to Pope Julius II ; " Sed me tua jussa, 
 tua divina oracula, quae servare religiosum, detrectare nefas est, ad dicendum im- 
 pulerunt." Roscoe's Leo X ; Vol. ii. 377. — This title is still given to the Pope's 
 decrees. In a debate in the House of Lords, in July 1838, the Bishop of Exeter 
 stated that the Romish Bishop of Malta could not, as he said, take the oath to the 
 Supreme Council, till he had the oraeulum of the Pope permitting it. Again, in the 
 Pope's address to his Consistory on the erection of the bishoprick of Algiers, there 
 was mention made of the Bishop of Cologne having received the Pope's oraeulum.
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] THE SEVEN THUNDERS. Ill 
 
 tory, was that of Papal thunders ?^ — Again, as to another 
 point, does it need to suggest to any one well acquainted 
 with Romish writings, and Romish ceremonials, the Pope's 
 affectation of the septenary numeral, in its primary sense of 
 the sacred number ? ' And, as regards the other probable 
 intent of the numeral in the Apocalyptic symbol, do w^e not 
 know how the prophecy was fulfilled of his see being the 
 seven-hilled site of the ancient Rome ; (" The seven heads 
 are seven hills whereon the woman sitteth : ")^ insonuich 
 that occasion was thus given to the designation of the Papal 
 see as that of " the seven thrones of the supreme Pontifi- 
 cate : "* whence, of course, as each one of these would fur- 
 nish its own echo in Fapal as well as Pagan Rome, the voice 
 thence issuing might still fitly be designated in prophetic 
 figure as a septenary voice, or seven voices. Indeed the 
 truth is that, so applied, the allusion to the seven-hilled 
 Roman site has in it a point and propriety quite peculiar. 
 For so it was, that the locale of Rome seemed necessary to 
 give the Papal thunders their full sacredness and authority 
 in the estimation of Christendom. During the 70 years 
 
 1 Leo X glorified his predecessor Julius II by speaking of him as " Jovem Opt- 
 Max. qui, dextra omnipotente tenens ac nbrans trisulcum et inevitabile fulnien, solo 
 nutu faceret quidquid vellet." 
 
 2 So the seven keys and seven seals in olden time depending from the Pope's 
 girdle, " Delude ascendens palatium ad duas curules devenit.* Hie baltheo succin- 
 gitur, cum septem ex eo pendentibus clavibus,f septemque sigillis : % ex quo sciat 
 se divinam septiformem Spiritus sancti gratiam, sacrarum ecclesiarum quibus Deo 
 auctore prseest regimini, in claudendo aperiendoque tauta ratione providere debcre, 
 quanta solennitate id quod intenditur operatur." So the very ancient account of 
 the pontifical inaugiu-ation of Pope Pascal II, in the year 1099. It is given 
 by Cancellieri, in his Possessi Papali, p. 6 : whose notes I subjoin. 
 
 Again, as I think I saw it myself in the "funzioni" on Palm-Sunday, or Easter- 
 Day, Cancellieri notes the Papal practice of seven wax lights being borne before him 
 in the grander ceremonials: "In questa citta (sc. Eoma) specialmente molte efan 
 le cose allusive a questo numero. i^etfe erano i candelabri che si mandavauo avanti 
 il PoDtefice celebrante, dalle sette rcgioni della citta, a guisa de' sette candilabri 
 d'oro descritti nell Apocalisse, i. 12." ^ Apoc. xvii. 9. 
 
 * " Defuncto piae recordationis Honorio 3, [A.D. 1227] .... Gregorius IX, ejus 
 
 * "Queste sono le due sedie porfiretiehe : " the same that were noticed by me as 
 in the vestibule of the Lateran, p. 60 supra. 
 
 t " Ecco la prima menzione di questo rito misterioso." Then, after other re- 
 marks ; "Xon era senza niistero I'uso di attaccare al cingulo del nuovo Papa sette 
 chiavi e sette sigilli. Poiche poterono rappresentare i sette doni dello Spirito Santo, 
 di cui dovea [il Papa] essere rivestito, e i sette sacramenti che dovea amministrare." 
 
 X " L'unione de' sette sigilli alle sette chiavi poteva significar esser egli I'Agnello 
 dell Apocalisse, c. o, con le sette coma e i sette occhi, che sono i sette Spiriti spediti 
 da Dio per tutta la terra, deguo di aprii-e i sette sigilli del libvo misterioso, scritto 
 deutro e fuori."
 
 112 Apoc. X. 3, 4. [part hi. 
 
 secession of the Popes to Avignon, this became notorious. 
 It is remarked on bj Mosheim.^ It is remarked on again 
 by Le Bas. The language of the latter, more especially, 
 is quite illustrative of the phrase we are discussing. " The 
 thunders" he says, "which shook the world when they 
 issued from the seven hills, sent forth an uncertain sound, 
 comparatively faint and powerless, when launched from a 
 region of less elevated sanctity."^ Thus the seven hills 
 seemed, like Olympus of old, to be an almost necessary 
 eartMjj adjunct to the mock ideal heaven of the Papal An- 
 tichrist's Apostolic supremacy.^ And accordingly, a cen- 
 tury before the times of Leo and Luther, the Popes saw 
 it to be their policy to return to the seven-hilled capital. 
 
 Pinally, as to the definite article prefixed to the thunders, 
 methinks had the learned prelate Bishop Middleton ad- 
 vanced tlms far with us in the historical exposition of the 
 Apocalypse, he would have seen the solution of his critical 
 difficulty on the point, in the very fact that he suspected 
 of the notoriety and pre-eminence of the seven thunders : — 
 a notoriety of those from itnperial Rome known in St. 
 John's time ; but much more of those from Papal Rome, 
 afterwards known in Western Christendom, at that time to 
 which the prophetic vision had reference. — Por does it need 
 anything more than the mere mention of them to satisfy 
 us as to the notoriety and the pre-eminence of the seven 
 thunders of the Papal Antichrist? In its full mystical 
 sense the septenary attribute could indeed only attach to 
 them. In a subordinate sense each synod, each primate, 
 indeed each bishop, might issue ecclesiastical thunders, 
 within his or its sphere and diocese. But the Papal bulls 
 and anathemas ^ were emphatically the thunders, — the Pope 
 
 imitator, assiimitur apiid sepiem solia summi Pontificis; solium, fratrum instantia 
 devictiis, ascendeus." Cancellieri p. 16. 
 
 1 xiv. 2.2.5; " The Europeans in general were far from paying so much regard 
 to the decrees and thimders of the Gallic Popes, as thev did to those of Rome.'" 
 
 2 Life of Wiclifi; p. 198. 3 gee p. 83, Note " supra. 
 
 * The metaphorical term was early applied to the anathemas and decrees of 
 Bishops and Synods ; more especially those of the Roman See, as representing the 
 apostles Peter and Paul. So in Venantius Honorius, a writer of the sixth century : 
 (Bibl. Patr. Max. x. 541 :) 
 
 Crelorum portae, lati duo lumina mundi, 
 Ore tonat Paulus. fulgurat ense Petrus. 
 Martene de Antiq. Eccles, Rit. Vol. ii. p. 322, (Bassano, 1788,) gives foi\r sped-
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.J THE SEVEN THUNDERS. 113 
 
 the thunderer.^ Regarded as he was in the hght of God's 
 Vicar on earth, there was supposed to be God's own con- 
 demning voice in the thunderbolts of his wrath : and with 
 a range and extent to their efficacy universal as the uni- 
 verse itself.^ Invested with which terrors by the prevailing 
 superstition, throughout the long middle ages, where Avas 
 the kingdom in Western Europe that did not tremble, — 
 where the heart so stout, of noble or of prince, that did not 
 quail before them ? 
 
 And now then do I presume too much on my proof if I 
 express a persuasion that the meaning of the seven thunders 
 here spoken of is clear ? Surely the five Apocalyptic dis- 
 tinctives answer completely, one and all, to the thunders of 
 the Vatican. In fact (not to speak just at present of his 
 so understanding the symbol t^jhom I suppose St. John at 
 this point to have specially impersonated, the great reformer 
 Martin Luther ^) certain eminent Papal expositors of the 
 Apocalypse, as I have learnt since my first publication, 
 have been led by the singular propriety of the symbol to a 
 very similar conclusion ; though without any analysis of it 
 like my own, and withal taking good care not to give its 
 proper Apocalyptic sense to the connected charge, " Seal 
 up the thunders, Write them not." Says Silveira, " The seven 
 thunders are the decrees of [Papal] (Ecumenic Councils, 
 God's Spirit dictating them, and thunders of their ana- 
 themas against heretics."^ And moreover, quite in our own 
 
 mens of Papal excommumcating thunders. The most elaborate of all, that against 
 Luther, may be seen in Harduin's Councils, Foxe's Martyrs, and elsewhere. 
 
 * So in Capito's Elegia ad Elephantem ; (Roscoe's Leo X. App. C.) 
 
 Sic Latio poteris gratissimus esse Tonanti : 
 i. 6. to the Pope. 
 
 " Like another Salmoneus, he is proud to imitate the state and thunders of the 
 Almighty ; and is styled, and pleased to be styled, Oicr Lord God the Pope, another 
 God upon earth, King of kinys and Lord of lords. . . I devise not this. His own 
 books, his own decretals, his own doctors speak it." Bishop Jewel's Apology. 
 
 - The Roman Casuist Liguori distinguishes between the limited extent of other ex- 
 communications, and the universality of those of the Popes. Let me exemplify in one 
 of Leo Xth's. " Qui contra mandatum hoc nostrum fecerit, . . is universee Dei eccle- 
 si<e, toto orbe terrariim, expers excommunicatusque esto." Roscoe iv. 492. 
 
 3 See the extracts from Luther on my pp. 122, 123 infra. 
 
 * " ' Septem tonitrua,' id est Sacra Concilia generalia . . . ' Siyna quae locuta sunt 
 septem tonitrua : ' hoc est, deereta, definitiones, ac canones, et fulmina anathematum re- 
 iorquenda in hcereticos : — haec, tunc tacita, erant reservanda ; ut pro suo tempore coii- 
 vocarentur Concilia ; in quibus, Spiritu Sancto dictante, Veritas Catholica erat expli- 
 canda, haereses que damnandfe." Silveira in loc. He takes the seven in its abstract 
 symbolic sense, as the sacred universal number ; but misses its singular Roman ap- 
 propriateness. 
 
 VOL. II. 8
 
 114 Apoc. X. 3, 4. [part 111. 
 
 times, an eloquent modern Romanist has adopted the 
 precise symbolic phraseology of the Apocalypse, in designa- 
 tion of the Papal voice from Rome, as if a designation con- 
 ventionally understood, or otherwise obviously appropri- 
 ate : " From Romes seven hills seven thunders have uttered 
 their voices." ^ — So natural is the sense that I give to the 
 symbol. And certainly, in my opinion, there is nothing else 
 w^hatsoever, to which the seven Apocalyptic thunders ever 
 have been, or can be, with the slightest semblance of plausi- 
 bility, made to answer. 
 
 And when, their signification being thus made clear, as 
 I trust, we next inquire whether what was prefigured of 
 the seven thunders uttering their voices of opposition, im- 
 mediately after the Covenant- Angel's lion-like cry, had its 
 fulfilment in the utterance of Papal thunders against 
 Christ's voice by Luther, it needs only that we look into 
 the historic page to see it. Scarce had Luther published 
 his Theses, when the attack on them by Sylvester Prierias, 
 the official Censor at Rome, and which was dedicated to 
 Pope Leo, showed what was to be expected from the Pope 
 himself : and, ere a year had elapsed, a solemn Papal Bull 
 condemnatory of Luther s Theses, and in defence of the 
 whole system of indulgences, was committed to Cardinal 
 Cajetan, and by him presently after published. 
 
 It is added, " And when the seven thunders had uttered 
 their own voices, I was about to write ; Sfc." We have here 
 a statement which will be found to lead us forward another 
 step, and a most important one, in the history of the Re- 
 formation. In order however to our drawing this inference 
 from it, it will be necessary that we recall and apply that 
 important exegetic principle, to the which I alluded already 
 earlier in this Section, — namely, of St. Johns symbolic 
 character on the Apocalyptic scene. 
 
 1 " The Pope has consecrated by his actions all that is noble, just, and holy in the 
 people's efforts for freedom. Now Religion, as she ought, leads revolutions ; and the 
 Church floats above the ranks of freedom. Rome, the capital of the Christian world, 
 now takes her proper place at the head of universal development ; and from her 
 seven hills seven thunders utter their voices, proclaiming that liberty and religion are 
 henceforth inseparable." So a writer, signed Albano, in the " Nation,' ' a Dublin Jour- 
 nal, of March 11, 1848. (A statement and sentiment somewhat curious to read in 
 1860, as I am passing my 5th Edition through the press !)
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.J ST. John's symbolic character. 115 
 
 Per I trust that the reader will by this time have become 
 not only familiarized with, but convinced of the truth of, 
 this most important view of the Evangelist's character, in 
 the figurations of the Apocalyptic drama : it having been not 
 only illustrated by me alike from parallel prophetic Scrip- 
 tures,^ and patristic authorities,^ but also again and again 
 confirmed from history, in the preceding volume. — It will 
 be remembered generally that what was seen and heard by 
 John on the Apocalyptic scene, appeared to be that which 
 would be seen and heard by the faithful, at each successive 
 epoch in the advancing drama, whom he presignified ; 
 whether the desolations of war, mutations of empire, or 
 persecutions, sufferings, impressions, and worshippings, of 
 Christ's people themselves.^ More especially he will re- 
 member that memorable sealing vision, just before the 
 bursting of the Trumpet-judgments, wherein was exhibited 
 to St. John a manifestation of Christ, as rising with light 
 from the East, and selecting and sealing his own people 
 from amidst the professing Israel ; (a revelation evidently 
 such as the world in general would not have perception of;) 
 and then the prospective vision appended, of the ultimate 
 
 ' Even in unfigurative Scripture, we may observe, this representative princi- 
 ple often holds. Thus when Christ said, " I am with you always, even to the end of 
 the world," he evidently regarded the whole succession of faithful ministers as summed 
 up in the apostles before him. And so too in St. Paul, " Take heed to fJnj.se/fand to 
 thi/ doctrine; " and again, "Then we which- are alive, and remain, shall be caught 
 up, &c." — The same in the Old Testament perpetually. So, for instance, in the pre- 
 cept, " Thou shalt teach them to thy children ; " a precept intended for Israel's suc- 
 cessive generations. In some passages the pronoun means future generations onli/. 
 So Dent. xii. 14; "In the place which the Lord shall choose, there shalt thou oifer 
 thy burnt-offerings, &c. : " which could only apply to Israel fi-om the time of Solo- 
 mon's building his temple at Jerusalem. 
 
 2 See Vol. I. p. 300, Note 3.— Among ancient Apocalyptic expositors, Tichonius, 
 Primasius, and Ambrosius Ansbertus may be specified as having recognised this 
 principle of interpretation ; and the two latter partially carried it into their inter- 
 pretation of the vision we are discussing. Primasius on Apoc. v. 4, " I wept much 
 because no one was found to open the Book," (a passage similarly explained by me. 
 Vol. I. p. 95) thus first announces the principle; "Ecclesia in Johanne flebat : " 
 and Ambrosius Ansbertus ; " Non in sua persona flevisse creditur : Ecclesiam in 
 sua persona flevisse creditur . . . . cujus hoc in loco figui'am gerit." — Again on the 
 passage before us Ansbertus observes; "Dicatur igitur Johanni, imo unieuique 
 prcEdicatori in Johanne, Sigua qua3 locuta sunt septem tonitrua, et noli ea scribere." 
 — I shall in a subsequent chapter quote at large both his and Primasius' application 
 of the principle, in explaining verses 9 — 11 of this xth Chapter. See pp. 153, 154 infra. 
 
 Among the moderns Vitringa, Daubuz, Cuninghame (p. 89), &c., have also (as 
 observed Vol. I. p. 303) stated the principle. But, excepting Daubuz, the use they 
 have made of it is very small; and what they have made seems from its fitfulness 
 and inconsistency almost valueless. 
 
 •5 Compare parttcularly Vol. I. pp. 224, 227—233, 342, 507-
 
 116 Apoc. X. 3, 4. [part III. 
 
 salvation and glory of the sealed ones, wherein he actually 
 held colloquy with some of the twenty-four presbyters 
 round the throne : — all which, otherwise enigmatical and 
 most obscure, seemed to be explained, as simply as satis- 
 factorily, by reference to Christ's doctrinal revelation re- 
 specting his own true Church of the election of grace, and 
 the final assured salvation of his elect, to one that was St. 
 John's truest successor in spirit at the chronological epoch 
 corresponding, just before the Gothic invasions ; 1 mean 
 Augustine} — And now behold the apostle in personal asso- 
 ciation with a yet brighter vision of Christ, and more 
 glorious manifestation of Himself on the Apocalyptic mun- 
 dane scene, than even in the Sealing Vision ; and moreover 
 yet more prominently, variedly, and remarkably acting out 
 his own part in the dramatic vision. For we read of his 
 rising up to meet the revelation, and, notwithstanding the 
 cloud that mantled the Covenant-Angel, reahzing the glory 
 and the divinity of his aspect and his voice ; — then, on oc- 
 casion of the seven thunders sounding, preparing to write, 
 until deterred by a warning from heaven against it ; — then 
 hearing a solemn declaration from the Covenant- Angel re- 
 specting the chronological place of this intervention in the 
 great mundane drama, as separated by but one Trumpet 
 more from the cunsummation : — then, under the same 
 heavenly impulse as before, going and taking the book out 
 of the hand of the Covenant-Angel, and eating it, and 
 tasting its sweetness and its bitterness ; — then receiving 
 the Angel's solemn charge to prophesy again ; — then being 
 presented with a reed, like unto a rod, wherewith to 
 measure the temple and them that worshipped in it ; — 
 then, finally, having the history of Christ's Witnesses 
 through the dark ages preceding, even up to the time then 
 present, retrospectively set before him. Which being so, 
 supposing we are satisfied that St. John is to be vicAved as 
 a symbolic character, not merely will the general inference 
 follow that there must have been prefigured hereby some 
 singular re-awakening at that time in the Church of minis- 
 terial apostolical spirit, in all its energy of action, — such as 
 in fact we know to have been the case, in measure unpre- 
 
 1 See Vol. I. p. 305, &c.
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.J RECOGNITION OF ANTICHRIST. 117 
 
 cedented since apostolic times, with the Fathers of the Re- 
 formation, insomuch that historians can scarce speak of 
 Luther more especially, and his first actings in the Re- 
 formation, without noticing the parallel;^ — but also, as to 
 details, that each particular thing heard or done by the 
 Evangelist in vision, must have been meant to symbolize 
 something correspondent in the views, history, and actions 
 of these reforming Fathers, his successors in office and in 
 spirit. 
 
 To show this is now my duty, as an Apocalyptic ex- 
 positor : and it will occupy us both in what remains of the 
 present chapter, and also in the three next chapters, after- 
 wards following. 
 
 For the present it is the meaning of the first particular 
 statement, viz. " When the seven thunders had uttered 
 their own voices / was about to write," together with that 
 of the clause following, " And I heard a voice from heaven 
 saying unto me. Seal up those things which the seven 
 thunders uttered, and write them not," that claims our at- 
 tention. 
 
 " And when the seven thunders uttered their own voices 
 / was about to write." Applying the principle of inter- 
 pretation just laid dow^n to this statement, the fact pre- 
 signified seems clearly to be this ; — that those members of 
 Christ's true Church whom we suppose St. John to have 
 symbolized, Luther most of all, even after w-itnessing the 
 glory and beauty of Christ's revelation of Himself as the 
 Sun of Righteousness, would yet, on hearing the hostile 
 Papal thunders, be ready to receive and publish them, as if 
 they wTre w^hat they professed to be, a voice from heaven. 
 An intimation strange indeed ! Was it possible that such 
 could have been the case wdth Luther ? — We look into his- 
 tory ; and behold ! we find this to have been the very case. 
 Indeed it forms a feature so prominent and interesting, 
 
 - "The commission received by him," says M. Merle (i. 194), "was like one 
 of those extraordinary ones, received by the prophets under the old dispensation, by 
 the apostles under the new." Again, p. 204 ; " It was thus that Luther joined hands 
 with St. Paul across fifteen centuries : " and, as Michelet intimates, (i. 59, 278,) with 
 St. John, as much as with St. Paul. — Among the medals struck at the Reformation 
 we/find one -w-ith this legend round Luther's portrait, Lutherus Propheta Germanice ; 
 others with the legend, Tertius Elias. See Junckner, Vita Lutheri, pp. 24, 402.
 
 118 APoc. X. 3, 4. [part III. 
 
 in the history both of the progress of Luther's own mind, 
 and of the Reformation, that no ecclesiastical historian can 
 properly develope the advance of that eventful history, 
 without making a distinct reference to it. 
 
 The truth was that Luther formed acquaintance with 
 the character of Christ some years before he formed it with 
 that of Antichrist. The cry of the Pope being Antichrist, 
 raised long previously by the followers of Waldo, WicklifF, 
 and Huss, had almost died away in Christendom ; and, if 
 heard of by Luther at Erfurt, or at Wittenberg, had been 
 heard of only as a blasphemous heresy.^ With a conscience 
 very tender, and tremblingly afraid of offending God, the 
 supposed sacredness and authority of the Pope, as head of 
 the Church and Christ's Vicar, (for such, in accordance 
 with the long-received superstition, he as yet regarded him,) 
 induced in his mind a pre-disposition to bow with imphcit 
 deference to the Papal decision, alike in other things, and 
 in the controversy about indulgences that he had engaged 
 in. In his Theses nothing appeared against the authority 
 of the Pope, but the contrary.'^ Listen to his own account 
 of his feelings at this time, as given many years afterwards. 
 " When I began the affair of the indulgences, . . I was a 
 monk, and a most mad Papist. So intoxicated was I, and 
 drenched in Papal dogmas, that I would have been most 
 ready to murder, or assist others in murdering, any person 
 who should have uttered a syllable against the duty of 
 obedience to the Pope." And again ; " Certainly at that 
 time I adored him in earnest." He adds ; " How dis- 
 tressed my heart was in that year 1517, and the following, 
 how submissive to the hierarchy, not feignedly but really, . . 
 those little know who at this day insult the majesty of the 
 Pope with much pride and arrogance ... 1 was ignorant 
 of many things which now, by the grace of God, I under- 
 stand. 1 disputed ; I was open to conviction. Not find- 
 ing satisfaction in the works of theologians and canonists, 
 I wished to consult the living members of the Church 
 
 ^ This is evident from what he tells us of his original feelings of horror at Huss 
 and Hussite doctrines, and his astonishment on at length finding them to be agreeable 
 to the Gospel. 
 
 2 Merle, i. 269. " Cursed," it was said in one of them, (the 71st,) " be he that 
 doubts it! " ib. 266.— See too the end of Note ' p. 100 supra.
 
 CHAP. IV. §2.] RECOGNITION OP ANTICHRIST. 119 
 
 itself. There were some godly souls that enth^ly approved 
 my propositions. But I did not consider their authority 
 as of weight with me in spiritual concerns. The popes, 
 cardinals, bishops, monks, priests, were the objects of my 
 confidence. . . It was from them I looked for the voice of 
 the Spirit. . . After being enabled to answer every objec- 
 tion that could be brought against me from the Scriptures, 
 one difficulty still remained, and only one ; — that the 
 Church [the Roman Church] ought to be obeyed."^ " If I 
 had then braved the Pope as I now do, I should have ex- 
 pected every hour that the earth would have opened to 
 swallow me up alive, like Korah and Abiram."^ — It was in 
 this frame of mind that in the summer of 1518, a few 
 months after the affair with Tetzel, he wrote that memor- 
 able letter to the Pope, of which the tenor may be judged 
 of from the clause following ; and what can more ad- 
 mirably illustrate the passage we are considering ? " Most 
 blessed Pather ! prostrate at the feet of thy Blessedness, I 
 offer myself to thee, with all I am and all I have. Kill me 
 or make me live, call or recall, approve or reprove, as shall 
 please thee. I will acknowledge thy voice as the voice of 
 67«m^, presiding and speaking in thee."^ Thus, "when 
 the seven thunders had uttered their own voices, he was about 
 to write:'' i. e. as the phrase means,^ to recognise, publish, 
 
 1 The two extracts are from two Prefaces by Luther, the one to an Edition of his 
 Theses, published after the termination of the dispute about indulgences, the other 
 to an Edition of his Works, published in 154-5, i. e. 28 years after the beginning of 
 the dispute. — See Milner pp. 683, 684 ; also Merle i. 209. 
 
 2 Michelet, i. 58. 
 
 3 " Quare, beatissime Pater, prostratum me pedibus tuae Beatitudinis oiFero, cum 
 omnibus quse sum et habeo. Vivifica, occide, voca, revoca, approba, reproba, ut 
 placuerit. Vocem tuam vocem Christi in te praesidentis et loquentis agnoscam." This 
 was in Luther's first Letter to the Pope, written May 30, 1518. Merle i. 343. ' 
 
 * "Quod palam scribimus," says Ansbertus, "ad cunctorum notitiam deducimus." 
 Compare Hab. ii. 2 ; " Write the vision, and make it plain on tables, that he may run 
 that readeth it." 
 
 Similar to this was the mode of promulgating imperial decrees among the ancient 
 Romans. And the same afterwards in regard of Conciliar Decrees and Papal Bulls. 
 It was by writijig them that they were published, on reception in any country. So 
 Justinian, after the Constantinopolitan Council in 536. (Hard. ii. 1410.) So again 
 Pope Paul II, A.D. 1469, to the Archbishop of Lyons, in accompaniment of a Bull of 
 Excommunication against George de Pogiebrat and the Hussites. Paul thus directs 
 its promulgation : — that it should be affixed in some public place, that all who -wished 
 might read or transcribe (legere ycI inde exemplum transcribere) ; also that it should 
 be read in the vulgar tongue before the people, in all city churches, three times in the 
 year, at certain high festivals ; and that, in order to all this, he, the Archbishop, was 
 to send an attested copy of the Pope's original Bull, transcribed literally by a notary
 
 120 Apoc. X.-3, 4. [part hi. 
 
 act on them ; even as if they had been, what they pre- 
 tended to be, an oracle from heaven. 
 
 But so it was that just at this critical point of temptation 
 and danger a real voice from heaven, the voice of God's 
 Spirit, saying, " Seal up what the seven thunders have 
 uttered, and write them not," was his preservation. Already 
 in the October of that year, on being summoned and ap- 
 pearing, as we have intimated, before the Papal Legate 
 Cardinal Cajetan, when the Pope's judgment was affirmed 
 by the Legate to be in favour of indulgences, and also of 
 the efficacy of the sacraments ex opere operato, independ- 
 ently of faith in the recipient,^ — seeing its contradictoriness 
 both to the word and spirit of the Gospel, he would not 
 receive it. The Spirit's whisper began, " Write not ! " 
 Still however for a while he remained partially in suspense. 
 He doubted, indeed discredited, the fact of the Papal sanc- 
 tion.^ But soon after, when the publication of the Pope's 
 Bull, in direct sanction of indulgences,^ had forced him to 
 identify the Pope himself with those antichristian abuses, 
 — and yet more Avhen in the year next following, on occa- 
 sion of the approaching disputation with Eck,* he was 
 brought by Eck's theses^ into the positive necessity of 
 
 public, to all his suffragans : "juxtaidioma unius cujusque loci publican facias; trans- 
 mittens singulis ipsoruin suffraganeorum uuuin, transumptmn ad litteram originalis 
 ipsius nostri, manu propii notarii, coram testibus, ac tuo pendenti sigillo roboratura." 
 Harduin ix. 1490. Also ib. 1593, of Pope Julius' Bull; and x. 7 oif that of Paul III 
 for the Convocation of the Council of Trent. 
 
 1 See my Note i, p. 287, Vol. I ; where this Papal advocacy in the 16th century 
 of the opus opera turn of sacraments is noticed in my sketch of the earliest develop- 
 ment of this first principle of the Apostasy, about the end of the 4th centm-y. — Dean 
 Waddington, Ref. i. 158, shows that Cardinal Cajetan would have compromised on this 
 point, if Luther would have yielded about the indulgences. Luther was alike firm on 
 either point. M. Merle has incorrectly predicated the same of the Cardinal also. 
 
 - So in the Preface to his woi'ks already quoted from; "I felt assured .1 should 
 have the Pope on my side." Milner 684. 
 
 3 The Brief given to Cardinal Cajetan was dated August 23, 1518. It included 
 Luther's excommunication in case of obstinacy, also the excommunication of all his 
 adherents ; and, in case oi 2>finces protecting him, placed their territories under an in- 
 terdict. Merle i. 353, 354. It was not published by the Cardinal Legate till Dec. 13, 
 1518 ; (ib. 428 ;) but it was made known in substance to the Elector of Saxony soon 
 after the close of the conference at Augsburg ; i. e. about the end of October. 
 
 * The disputation took place at Leipsic, June 27, 1519, and lasted tiU July 16. — 
 The challenge had been given by Eck some time previous. 
 
 5 Eck had published thirteen Propositions against the heresies of Lutheranism. 
 Of these his first, and that on which he mainly grounded his confidence, was that the 
 Pope was Christ's Vicar, and successor to St. Peter. " Nous nions que I'eglise Ro- 
 maine n'ait pas et6 elevee audessus des autres eglises avant le tems du pape Sylvestre : 
 et nous reconnaissons en tout tems comme successeur de St. Pierre, et Vicaire de
 
 CHAP. IV. ^ 2.] RECOGNITION OF ANTICHRIST. 121 
 
 examining into the origin, foundation, and character of the 
 Papal supremacy, then the real antichristian character of 
 the Papacy began more and more to open to his view. Near 
 the end of 1518^ we find him thus writing to his friend 
 Link, on sending him a copy of the acts just published of 
 the conference at Augsburg. " My pen is ready to give 
 birth to things much greater. / know not myself whence 
 these thoughts come to me. I will send you what I write, 
 that you may see if I have well conjectured in believing 
 that the Antichrist, of whom St. Paul speaks, now reigns 
 in the court of Rome." For a while, however, he com- 
 bated the thought, to him so fearful.^ Some three or four 
 months after, in answer to the request from the Elector of 
 Saxony to be in all things reverential to the Pope, he wrote 
 to Spalatinus, (April, 1519,) "To separate myself from 
 the Apostolic See of Rome, has not entered my mind." 
 But still the views hinted to Link recurred ; and pressed 
 upon him with greater and greater force. The Elector was 
 startled with hearing, (March 13, 1519,) "I have been 
 turning over the Decretals of the Popes, with a view to the 
 ensuing debate at Leipsic ; and would whisper it into 
 thine ears that I begin to entertain doubt, (so is Christ dis- 
 honoured and crucified in them,) whether the Pope be not 
 the very Antichrist of Scripture."^ — Further study of 
 Scripture, and further teaching of the Holy Spirit, con- 
 curred wdth the Pope's reckless support of all the antichris- 
 tian errors and abominations against which he had pro- 
 tested, (and well did the reminiscences too of his visit to 
 Rome help on the conviction,)* to make what was for a 
 
 Jesus Christ, celui qui a occupe le siege de St. Pierre, et qui a eu sa foi." Merle 
 ii. 20. 1 Dec. 11, 1518. So Waddiiigton i. 201. 
 
 2 It may seem strange that, if in the middle of December of 1518 Luther had begun 
 to have thoughts respecting the Pope being Antichrist, he should in the April of 1519 
 have written to Spalatinus that he had no thought of separating from Rome. But 
 the following extract will explain it to us. In a letter to the Augiistines of Witten- 
 berg, dated Nov. 1521, he thus recounts all that passed in his mind in the interval, 
 and the manner in which he resisted, and for a time silenced, the thought as sinful. 
 " Oh ! qu'il m'en a coute de peine, quoique j'eusse I'ecriture de mon cote, pour me 
 justifier par devant moi meme de ce que seiil j'osai m'elever centre le Pape, et le tenir 
 pour 1' Antichrist, &c. ! — Ainsi je me debattais avec moimeme ; jusqu'a ce que Jesus 
 Christy par sa propre et infallible parole, me fortifiSt, et dressat mon cceur contra cet 
 argument." Michelet i. 277. 
 
 3 Merle d'Aub. ii. 13. Wadd. i. 201. The passage is one that I shall again have 
 to refer to, when expounding Apoc. xi. 8. 
 
 * "I would not for 100,000 florins but have seen Rome." Merle i. 186.
 
 1.22 Apoc. X. 3, 4. [part hi. 
 
 while a suspicion only, an awful and certain reality to him. 
 And when at length, near the close of 1520, the Pope's 
 final Bull of anathema and excommunication came out 
 against him, when the seven thunders pealed against the 
 voice that the Covenant- An gel had uttered by him, fraught 
 with the collected fury of all the artillery of the Papal 
 heaven,^ — accordantly with that monitory voice from heaven 
 which bade his Apocalyptic representative St. John long 
 before to " seal them up,"^ (almost a phrase of the times, I 
 may observe, for rejecting Papal Bulls, and consigning 
 them to oblivion,^) he did an action by which all Europe 
 was electrified. He summoned a vast concourse of all 
 ranks outside the walls of Wittenberg, students and pro- 
 fessors inclusive ; himself kindled a fire in a vast pile of 
 wood previously prepared for the purpose ; then com- 
 mitted the Bull, together with the Papal Decretals, Canons, 
 &c., accompanying, to the flames.* Perhaps the impres- 
 sion was even then resting influentially on his mind, of 
 which he told not very long afterwards, that the Papal 
 Decretals, Canons, and condemnatory Bull, thus consigned 
 by him to oblivion, were the realization of the selfsame 
 " seven thunders," that St. John was bid not to write, but 
 to seal up, when they uttered their own voices on the 
 Apocalyptic scene. ^ Moreover, in his published Answer to 
 
 * "Rise up, Lord! . . Rise up, Peter! . . Let the universal Church of God's 
 saints and doctors rise up, &c." See the Bull in Foxe v. 660. 
 
 2 " B)' the Spaniards, when they receive the Pope's Bulls, if they like them they 
 are registered and published, i. e. executed accordingly. But if they do not like 
 them, they are set by, being first lapped up, and no more is said about them. This 
 they call plegar la Bulla, to fold up, or seal up, the Bull ; i. e. to stop or hinder the 
 execution of it, as being contrary to their customs or rights." Simon's Lettres 
 Choisies ; ap. Daubuz, 473 : who however only quotes it in illustration of his own 
 singular and totally different explanation of the clause, noticed by me p. 103 supra. 
 
 ^ Compare Isa. viii. 16; "Bind up the testimony, seal the law among my dis- 
 ciples : " where the binding up and sealing are, as in the above example, coincident. 
 This passage is cited by Macknight in his comment on Heb. ii. 13 ; and he explains 
 it to signify' that the whole Mosaic economy was to be laid aside. He cites also 
 (KppayiffaL afiapriaq, Dan. ix. 24, as used in a similar sense. — Compare my Note S 
 p. 120, on the writing of Papal Bulls by Ecclesiastical functionaries, as a token of 
 recognition of their authority. * Dec. 10, 1520. 
 
 5 " The Pontiff without law, to gratify his own arrogance, has ever lightened and 
 thundered with puffed-out checks. It was all in vain for a man to give credence to 
 the four Gospels, if he^did not receive the Decretals of the Romish Church. These 
 are the seven thunders of Papal intimidation in Apoc. x." So in the Tischreden. 
 And also in his " Treatise on the Keys," (Smith's Transl. p. 44,) published in 1530. 
 
 It may be well to give the Original German of this remarkable passage. 
 
 " Gross ist des Bapst's Tyraimey gewest : der, ohne gesetz, (6 avojxoQ,) nach all
 
 CHAP. IV. § 2.] RECOGNITION OF ANTICHRIST. 123 
 
 the Bull, he rejected and poured contempt on those Papal 
 thunders, as " the infernal voices 0/ Antichrist." ^ 
 
 Such was the memorable act that marked the completion 
 of the first epoch of the Reformation. Once convinced by 
 the heavenly teaching of this awful and so long unsuspected 
 truth, no earthly terrors or power could induce from Lu- 
 ther its recantation. When summoned before the Em- 
 peror, Legate, and Germanic Princes and Nobles at the Diet 
 of Worms,^ the momentous cause intrusted to him was 
 only strengthened by his intrepid confession. Moreover 
 he was now no longer alone, as once, in the undertaking. 
 A goodly company, — Melancthon, Carolstadt, Bugenhagen, 
 Justus Jonas, and many others, since known as Fathers of 
 the Reformation, — had already joined themselves to him. 
 In many too, perhaps in most, of the German universities 
 and towns, by students and by people, and by not a few 
 even of priests and monks also, the new doctrine had been 
 embraced with enthusiasm ; besides that in Switzerland 
 the work was fast progressing. It is the remark of his 
 biographer, when arrived at this epoch of the Reformation, 
 that at various times the world has seen the power of an 
 idea, even of common and earthly origin, to penetrate so- 
 ciety and rouse nations : how much more, he adds, when, 
 as now, it was an idea originating from heaven.^ In this 
 observation he is speaking of the new views at this time 
 spread abroad of Christ and Antichrist. And have we 
 
 seinem Muthwillen, geWitzt, und mit vollen auftgeblazenem Backen also gedonnert 
 hat .... Das sind dw sieben Donner des Bapst's drawunges in der Affenbarung." 
 
 1 Luther's Reply (which is given complete in Foxe, Vol. v. 671 — 676) bore date 
 Dec. 1, 1520 ; and was entitled, An Answer to the execrable Bull of Antichrist. 
 " I hold," he says in it, " the author of this Bull to be Antichrist, and Rome the 
 kingdom of Antichrist." "Is not thy whorish face ashamed," he adds, "to set the 
 vanities of thy naked words against the thunderbolts of God's eternal word?" 
 Again ; " Dost thou not show thyself to be the adversary, extolled above all that is 
 called God ? Art thou not that man of sin that denieth God the Redeemer ." " And 
 then to Christian princes ; " Ye have given your names to Christ in baptism : and 
 can ye now abide these infernal voices (Tartareas voces) such an Antichrist ?" 
 
 2 Held from Jan. 6 to May 8, A.D. 1521.— Luther's arrival at Worms was on the 
 16th of April, his departure April 27 : the former about four months therefore after 
 his burning the Pope's Bull. 
 
 3 Merle d'Aubigne, ii. 172; " Si une idee humaine a une telle force, quel pouvoir 
 n'aura pas une| idee deseendue du del, quand Dieu lui ouvre la porte des coeurs ! " 
 He observes that the world has not often seen this : instancing but two exam- 
 ples ; the first that of the opening mra of Christianity, the second this of the Reform- 
 ation. He adds, with reference to a yet more glorious coming exemplification, 
 " Et il le verraen des jours futurs."
 
 124 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 not a comment in it on the Apocalyptic statement, " I 
 heard a voice from heaven saying to me, Write not !" The 
 effect was seen and confessed by the Pope's astonished 
 Legate, when, in travelhng through Germany to Worms, 
 instead of the wonted honours and reverence to his high 
 office, he found himself disregarded and shunned as an 
 agent of Antichrist.^ A mighty revohition, it was evident, 
 had beo-un : and who could foresee its issue ? 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 REVELATION OF THE WORLd's NOW ADVANCED CHRO- 
 NOLOGICAL POSITION IN THE GREAT PROPHETIC 
 CALENDAR OF DANIEL AND THE APOCALYPSE. 
 
 " And the Angel which I saw stand upon the sea and 
 upon the land, lifted up his right hand to heaven ; and 
 sware by Him that liveth for ever and ever, who created 
 the heaven and the things that therein are, and the earth 
 and the things that therein are, and the sea and the things 
 which are therein, that time shall no further be prolonged : ^ 
 but in the days of the voice of the seventh angel, at what 
 time he may have to sound, ^ the mystery of God shall be 
 finished;"* according to the glad tidings that He hath de- 
 clared^ to his servants the prophets."^ Apoc. x. 5 — 7. 
 
 In the two preceding and primary acts of this vision of 
 the self-revealing rainbow-circled Covenant-Angel, and its 
 recorded accompaniments and consequents on the Apoca- 
 lyptic scene, we traced in our former Chapter a most accu- 
 rate prefiguration of the two grand religious discoveries, 
 made first to Luther, and then to others in Christendom, 
 which introduced the great Protestant Reformation. Is it 
 the case that the present very different, but almost equally 
 striking figuration, may be historically explained on the 
 
 1 lb. ii. 178. "^ oTi xpo^of ovK tn effrai. See pp. 125, 126 infra. 
 
 3 orav fiiWy aaXnil^eiv. See p. 127. * See p. 127 Note 3 infra. 
 
 5 cjQ £vr]yytki(Te rovg tavrov SovXovg rovg Tr()0<pr]rag. 
 
 ^ The chief dilFerenee of the critical text fi"om the received is in adding rrjv ^e^iav 
 in verse 5 ; and reading in verse 6, on xpoi'og ouk iti tarai, for ovk ttrrai iri., and 
 in verse 7 icai triKiaQr], for km riKiaQy.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 125 
 
 same principle ; viz. as signifying a further revelation made, 
 in due chronological order of sequence, to Luther and the 
 other reforming doctors, and therein a further step of ad- 
 vance and progress in the Reformation ? Let us, as be- 
 fore, first well consider the figuration : then turn to history 
 to inquire after the fulfilment. 
 
 L The Prophecy. 
 
 Now, with regard to the prophetic passage under con- 
 sideration, it will be observed by the reader that t^to 
 changes of translation have been made by me in it. The 
 first is of the clause ot< -/^i^fivog oux sti strrai, which I 
 • render that time shall no further be prolonged; (i.e. to 
 the mgsterij spoken of in the next clause, a mystery in- 
 cluding that of the seven thunders ; ) in place of our au- 
 thorized version, " that time shall he no longer :" — the other 
 of the clause orav ^sXXtj (roLk-Trt^siv which I render, "at 
 what time he mag have, or he destined, to sound f' instead 
 of the authorized, " ivhen he shall hegin to sound." — Li the 
 first of these changes we cannot, I think, be materially 
 mistaken. The authorized version of it, " there shall he 
 time no longer," is one clearly inadmissible. Tor xp^vog in 
 the abstract sense of tiine, as opposed to eternity, is never, I 
 believe, used in Scripture.^ And, moreover, how could it 
 be said that time should at the seventh Trumpet-Angel's 
 sounding be no longer, when the mutations introduced by 
 that Trumpet were to issue, as appears clearly from the 
 Apocalyptic sequel, in the reign of Christ and his saints ; 
 — a reign including, as its commencing term, the definite 
 period of 1000 years of tune ? — Another proposed transla- 
 tion, " that the time shall not yet he," which in my earlier 
 Editions I adopted from other preceding interpreters,^ ap- 
 pears to me on reconsideration to be on grammatical o-rounds 
 inadmissible ; since I cannot find authority for sn mean- 
 ing yet, in that sense of our English word yet, or as yet. — 
 
 ' The word most nearly used in this sense is attov. So Matt. xiii. 39, 40, 49, tv 
 Tij avvTiXtiq. Tov aiojvoQ, and elsewhere ; where however it only notes the duration 
 of the present dispensation ; the terminating point of the aiwv being in Christ's 
 manifested reign, and the then regeneration of all thino-s. 
 
 - The absence of the definite article before xpo^og "did not seem to me to be a 
 sufficient objection to this, because of the grammatical rule that where the copula, 
 or verb connecting the subject and the predicate, is the verb substautke, there the
 
 126 APor. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 And so again a third proposed translation, " A time shall 
 not yet he," in the mystical prophetic sense of the word 
 ti7ne, as a year of 360 days, counted on the year-day prin- 
 ciple, as 360 years, seems to me objectionable ; not with 
 reference to the sn alone, but because the word used here 
 by the Angel is not xaipog, but ;^f ovo^.^ — A fourth proposed 
 translation, " There shall be delay no more,'' though quite 
 suitable to the sense of the passage, yet seems scarcely 
 warrantable;^ because, though -^^ovi^w the verb means to 
 delay, and p^povo^ itself, with verbs like iroisuy in connexion, 
 be used sometimes also in the same sense of delay, ^ yet 
 where is there example of ;^§ovof with the substantive verb 
 having that meaning? — I therefore settle down on aversion 
 very similar to that of our authorized English translation, 
 only with quite a different sense ; and that a sense gathered 
 from the clause next succeeding. " There shall be time no 
 longer extended," viz. to the mysterious dispensation of 
 God which has so far permitted the reign of evil, including 
 the power of Papal Rome's mock thunders ; the 7th Trum- 
 pet's sera being its fixt determined limit. " For in the days 
 of the seventh angel, when he shall sound, the mystery of 
 God shall be finished." 
 
 article is omitted. See Middleton on the Greek Article i. 3. 3. p. 60. So Acts xxiii. 
 5, "I kaew not on tanv apxupivg- " rightly rendered, he says, " Ananias is the high 
 priest." To which might be added two or three other examples, more exactly parallel 
 with the clause under discussion, from their involving nouns of time : e. g. John 
 V. 9, t]v St aa^j3arov, " it was the sabbath ; " whereas usually, with other verbs 
 aal3(3arov in the same sense has the definite article attached : again John xix. 14 ; 
 t]v Si TTapaaKtvt] tov iraaxa' " it was the preparation of the passover : " and Mark 
 xi. 13 ; ov yap t]v Kaipog crvKwv "it was not the time of fig- gathering." Yet once 
 more we read in John v. 1, Mera ravra t]v topTt] twv lovSaiwv' which, as Mid- 
 dleton argues, though the article prefix is wanting, may yet be the Jewish Passover, 
 or Feast icar' f^oxr]v, on the same princi2)le. 
 
 1 This third version is that of Messrs. Birks and Bickersteth. Now, no doubt, 
 the word xpovog is sometimes used for a i/ear. * But it is never used to express the 
 prophetic mystical period time, times, and half a time, either in the Septuagint trans- 
 lation of Daniel, (a prophet and prophecy here evidently referred to,) or in the 
 Apocalypse : in these cases the word used being always and distinctively Kaipog. Mr. 
 Birks does not appear to me to have advanced a step towards removing the gravity 
 of this objection. (See his Prophetic Elements, pp. 385 — 388.) 
 
 2 So Vitringa, Heinrichs, Tregelles, Wordsworth. 
 
 3 So Demosthenes, xpovov, or xpo'^ovg, tfnromv Toig irpayjiaai, moram negotiis 
 exhibere. Compare Daniel ii. 16 ; H^iojat tov fSaaiXia on xpovov Sif) avn^' also 
 Acts XV. 33, iroirjaai'Ttg xpovov, and Apoc. ii. 21 ; E^w/ca avry xP^vov. 
 
 * So, for example, Thucydides i. 30 ; Tov rt xpovov tov irXeiaTov fitra ttjv 
 vavjxaxio-v CKtKpaTovv Ti}g OaXacraijg' rendered by Duker, " maxima ejus aiini 
 parte." Also Diodorus Sic. 'H oXvfnriag irXtjpovTai kutu TtTTapag xpoi'ovg. And 
 so Phavorinus in his Lexicon ; Xpovog KaXtiTai >) tov i)Xlov Kivijacg airo tov avTov 
 tig TO avTo, Kui tvMVTog, Kai trog. So too Lennep, EtjTnolog. and Suicer on the word.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH, 127 
 
 With regard to the latter clause amended, I scarce need 
 suggest to the classical reader that orav [xeT^Xrj (roLkin^siv 
 cannot mean, as our authorized version renders it, " when 
 he shall hegin to sound." On the other hand my version, 
 " at what time he may have, or be destined, to sound," is 
 but according to one of the recognised meanings of the 
 verb.^ And, forasmuch as the event spoken of as to take 
 place, viz. the ending or completion of God's mystery, is re- 
 ferred not to the iirnQJust before the seventh angel's sound- 
 ing, but to the days subsequently folloioing on the sounding,^ 
 — I therefore propose to construe the clause in question 
 parenthetically thus ; " But in the days of the seventh an- 
 gel, (at what time soever he may have to sound,) then the 
 mystery of God shall be finished." Thus all will harmon- 
 ize : — by the parenthetic words a certain dubiousness only 
 being made to attach to the time of the seventh Angel's 
 sounding, and its results ; though an event apparently not 
 very distant. 
 
 This seems all that is necessary in the way of critical 
 remark on the passage ; Bishop Middleton having long 
 since explained, and justified, the authorized rendering of 
 Tcai ereXsaSr}.^ I therefore now pass to the figuration itself. 
 
 1 So Matt. xi. 14, HX(ac 6 ixeWwv tp^fffSai, "Elias which tvas for to come;" 
 Acts xxiv. 15, avaffraaiv iieWeiv tataQai viKouiv, "that there should be a resurrec- 
 tion ; " Apoc. xvii. 8, fieXXei avaj3aiviiv. Vitringa, to much the same effect, trans- 
 lates, " Quando ille clanget : " and Dr. Wordsworth too, similarly, "When he shall 
 sound." 
 
 * Ev Taiq rjfiipaiQ rriQ (pwvriQ rov i/35ojt<ov ayytXov, orav ^fXXy ffaXTrii^tiv. 
 Compare the Septuagint Version of Jer. xxix. 10; 'Orav ^tXXjj irXrjpovaOai BajSv- 
 Xojv ijHofxriKovTa trtj ETricrKitpoiJiai vfiaQ' where it is evident, alike from the He- 
 brew original, and from the necessary sense of the passage, that the time designated 
 of God's visitation of captive Judah is iha.tfoUowinff on, not that just precedinff, the 
 completion of the seventy years. 
 
 3 It is to be observed that there is another reading of this clause, (cat TiXta9y, in 
 the aorist subjunctive. If this be adopted, as it has been by Mill, there will be 
 nothing remarkable in the construction : the orav governing the rfXtaOy, as well as 
 the fitXXy ; and the point of affirmation, — as inferred from the preceding assertion, 
 "The time shall not yet be," — being its contrary, " But the time shall he whensoever 
 the seventh angel may sound, and the mystery of God shall have been finished." 
 
 The reading however of the best authority, and which is adopted by Griesbach, 
 Scholz, Heinrichs, Tregelles, is that given above, Kai eTiXtrrOr], in the aorist indicative. 
 Receiving this, the following is Bishop Middleton' s satisfactory suggestion for its 
 solution. He explains it as a Jlebrnism ; the Hebrew idiom giving a future signi- 
 fication to a prajterite following on a future, which has the Van conversive to con- 
 nect them. He illustrates from Judges iv. 8, " If thou wilt go with me, then will I 
 go ; " the Hebrew being "'PS'sni, — literally " and I went." So that the construction
 
 128 APoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 And need I call attention to the exceeding impressive- 
 ness of the act and words figured ? Who could witness, 
 who hear or read them, and not thrill under the impres- 
 sion? — Consider the announcement ! It told of no less an 
 event than the certain approach and nearness, at the dis- 
 tance of but one more grand prophetic epoch, of the long- 
 promised consummation. And what that consummation ? 
 The ending of what is emphatically called God's mystery : 
 his mystery of Providence, wherein good has so long been 
 overborne by evil, the saints by the world, Christ by Anti- 
 christ : ^ — his mystery too, his chiefest mystery, of pro- 
 phecy :^ seeing that in darkly-expressed figures, and enig- 
 matic chronological periods, (of which more presently,) it 
 enwrapt from of old each prediction of the time when God's 
 providential mystery should have its ending ; and of these, 
 until the eve of the consummation,^ it seemed that the 
 Church would from age to age in vain seek a complete 
 solution. — Consider too the Person announcing it, the 
 Covenant-Angel Jehovah Jesus ; that same divine Angel, 
 and with the same glory as his own proper investiture, that 
 communed with Daniel once by the river Hiddekel •} — and, 
 yet once more, the exceedingly solemn adjuration by which 
 he confirmed it : " He lifted up his hand to heaven, and 
 sware by Him that liveth for ever and ever, who created 
 the heaven and the things that therein are, and the 
 earth and the things that therein are, and the sea and 
 the things that are therein." It was an oath of which the 
 form, by lifting up his hand to heaven, appears from other 
 Scripture to have been that which was adopted as most 
 
 of this passage will be this ; " In the days of the seventh angel, at what time he may 
 have to sonnd, tlie mystery of God shall be finished;" the km iTtXtaQi) being by 
 Bishop Middleton's rule tantamount to Tf\taQr)<7t.Tai. — -In the Critici Sacri the same 
 explanation is given from Piscator. And so too Vitringa. 
 
 1 " Revelation teaches us that the next state of things, after the present, is ap- 
 pointed for the execution of God's [final and perfect] justice: that it shall then be 
 no longer delayed, but the mystery of God, the great mystery of his suffering vice and 
 confusion to prevail, shall then be finished ; and he will take to himself his great 
 power, and reign, by rendering tp every man according to his works," Butler, 
 Analogy, Part i. ch. 2, Note n. 
 
 2 The same word jxvarripiov is used in Dan. ii. 18 of the mystery of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar's dream and symbolic image ; also ib. 28 of all such prophetic mysteries 
 generally. 
 
 3 Compare Dan. xii. 4, 9. * Dan. xii. 7.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 129 
 
 solemn, not by man only/ but God ; ^ and one in which 
 God hmselfwas invoked as witness to its truth. Moreover 
 it is observable that the attributes of Jehovah specially men- 
 tioned in the oath, were precisely those that might seem 
 best fitted to assure the disciple of his indubitable fulfil- 
 ment of it. As the ever-Uvmg and unchangeable One, it 
 must needs be that He would both foresee the coming fu- 
 ture, without possibility of error, and would also carry on 
 His designs without shadow of turning. As Creator of 
 the world, He could not but have formed it with a view to 
 the establishment of his own purposes, reign, and glory ; 
 and moreover could not but have power also over all, to 
 accomplish that ever intended and blessed object. — Nor 
 should there be overlooked the circumstance of the appeal 
 from the Divine Covenant-Angel to the Divine Creator 
 and Eternal One, as in fact an appeal to Himself. This 
 however was no strange thing. The example cited by St. 
 Paul, and his comment on it to the Hebrews, will suffice 
 to satisfy us both of its accordance with Scripture usage, 
 and of its intent. " Because He could swear by no greater, 
 He Btvare htj Himself: that by two immutable things," (his 
 promise and his oath,) " in which it was impossible for God 
 to lie, they might have a strong consolation who have fled 
 to lay hold on the hope set before them."^ That they 
 might have a strong consolation who have fled to Jesus ! 
 Such was God's great object in the oath St. Paul speaks of. 
 Was it not that also of the Angel, in the oath here heard 
 by St. John ? 
 
 Besides all which it is most important (as will soon ap- 
 pear on our entering on the history) that we mark the 
 parallelism of the Angel's act and oath with that other just 
 alluded to in Daniel ; a parallelism so striking that it 
 seems incredible but that the allusion to it must have been 
 both meant by the reveahng Spirit, and imprest on the 
 mind of the disciple revealed to, St. John. The passage 
 
 ' So Gen. xiv. 22 ; " And Abram said . . I have lift up mine hand unto the Lord, 
 the most High God, the possessor of heaven and earth, that I will not take any- 
 thing," &c. 
 
 ^ So in the passage from Dan. xii. 7, quoted in my next page ; and again in Deut. 
 xxxii. 40 ; " For I lift up my hand to heaven, and say, I live for ever." 
 
 3 Hebr. vi. 18. 
 
 VOL. II. 9
 
 130 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 occurs nearly at the end of his prophecy. " I heard," says 
 Daniel, " the Man clothed in linen, which was upon the 
 waters of the river, when He held up his right hand and 
 his left hand unto heaven ; and He sware by Him that 
 liveth for ever and ever, that it shall be for a time, times, 
 and an half time ; and when He shall have accomplished 
 to scatter the power of the holy people, all these things 
 shall be finished." ^ Here, besides the obvious similarity 
 in respect of the terms and manner of the oath, as lifting 
 up his hand to heaven, and swearing by Him that liveth 
 for ever, it is evident from the context that He who used 
 it was the Angel Jehovah, just as in the Apocalyptic vision 
 under consideration." — Further his position, as standing 
 upon the waters of the Hiddekel or Tigris, (that represent- 
 ative and chief river of Persia,^ the then dominant power of 
 the four great empires of prophecy,) corresponds with the 
 Angel's standing upon land and sea in the Apocalyptic 
 vision ; and similarly intimates his being HE to whom be- 
 longed the empire of the earth, and who would in due time 
 vindicate it to Himself. — Yet again the consummation re- 
 ferred to in Daniel may be inferred, not otherwise only, 
 but from the Apocalyptic Angel's express reference to the 
 ancient prophets, to be one and the same with that meant 
 in the Apocalypse.^ — But amidst all these marked points 
 of correspondence in the two cases, there was one point as 
 marked of difference. Whereas to Daniel the vision was 
 declared to be one of many daijs^ and the appointed time 
 of the end to be not until after the lapse of an enigmatic 
 
 ' Rather /«{/?/&<;?, accomplished. 
 
 - On his first appearance to Daniel, he is thus described. " As I was by the side 
 of the great river Hiddekel, I lifted up mine eyes, and looked. And behold a certain 
 man clothed in linen, whose loins were girded with fine gold of TJphaz ! His body also 
 was like the beryl, and his face as the appearance of lightning, and his eyes as lamps 
 of fire, and his feet like in colour to polished brass, and the voice of his words as the 
 voice of a midtitude." Dan. x. 4 — 6. Comparing this with the description of Christ 
 in the 1st of the Apocalypse, the correspondence seems such as almost necessarily to 
 involve identity. Of which identity all that follows is confirmatory. 
 
 3 So as the Euphrates was symbolic of Assyria, or Babylon. Is. viii. 7 ; Jer. xiii. 4. 
 
 * In Daniel this is described as characterized by the intervention of Michael (whe- 
 ther Christ, or a created Angel) for his people ; and the waking up of the saints from 
 the dust of the earth, to take tlie kingdom with Christ, and to shine therein even as 
 the sun in the firmament. With which compare what is said in tlie heavenly song at 
 the blast of the seventh Trumpet, Apoc. xi. 15, 18; "The kingdoms of this world 
 are become the kingdoms of our Lord : . . the time is come to give reward to thy serv- 
 ants, &c." — We shall hereafter (viz. in Part VI.) have to enter fully on this subject. 
 
 5 Dan. X. 14.
 
 CH.\P. v.] THE angel's OATH. 131 
 
 period, — a time, times, and half a time,^ measured from the 
 epoch of some notable but darkly-hmted erection of the 
 abomination in the holy place, ^ — it was here on the other 
 hand declared to be approaching, and comparatively nigh at 
 hand. It would not indeed, the Angel intimated, be just at 
 present. But He swore also that there should intervene but 
 one more Trumpet-sounding before it. " In the days of 
 the seventh Angel, (at what time soever he may have to 
 sound,) then the mystery of God shall be finished, accord- 
 ing to the glad tidings that He hath declared to his servants 
 the prophets." — Oh, how heart-cheering to St. John, as 
 well as how solemn, this peculiarity in the revelation made 
 to him, as compared with that to Daniel ! How joyous 
 this striking, as it were, of the hour on the chronometer of 
 heaven : to tell that the mystery was indeed near its end- 
 ing ; the grand, the long-desired consummation, at length 
 drawing nigh ! 
 
 But this directs us at once to our next Head ; on, 
 
 Ilndly, The historical fulfilment. 
 
 For here, as elsewhere, St. John is to be considered not 
 so much in his personal, as in his symbolic representative 
 character. Whence the inference follows, that there ought 
 to have been some impression on the mind of Luther and 
 other Fathers of the Refonuation, whom the Apostle now 
 represented, correspondent at the time, in real historical 
 fact, with that figured in the drama, as it was impressed on 
 the ear and mind of the Evangelist. Already examples 
 have occurred of certain solemn chronological notices, de- 
 clared on the open Apocalyptic scene, having had their 
 fulfilment in history, just as well as other prefigurations. 
 Thus, under the fifth Seal, the intimation heard given to 
 the souls beneath the altar, of there being another set of 
 martyrs to be slain even as they before the consummation, 
 was shown to have had that which exactly answered to it, 
 in the universally received conviction among the sufferers 
 under heathen Rome's oppression, of Antichrist's reign, 
 
 1 Dan. xii. 7. 
 
 - Dan. xii. 11. — In the 6tli and last Part of my Work this whole concludinf^ Pro- 
 phecy of Daniel will come under examination. On the verse referred to I shall have 
 to state that the right translation is, " and an abomination, &c." 
 
 9 *
 
 132 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 persecution of the saints, and slaying of other martyrs, hav- 
 ing alone to intervene before the end.^ — Again, in the case 
 of the Angel flying through mid-heaven before the fifth 
 Trumpet's sounding, with the denunciation of, "Woe, 
 woe, woe to the inhabitants of the earth, by reason of the 
 remaining trumpet-voices of the three angels that have yet 
 to sound," we saw reason to suppose a pre-intimation of 
 certain strong general portendings as to the world's end 
 being close at hand, and woes and trials with it, that pre- 
 vailed after the ruin of the old Roman empire.^ — Hence 
 the rather a conviction, that in this the most emphatic, dis- 
 tinct, and striking of all the Apocalyptic chronological no- 
 tices, there must have been intended the prefiguration of 
 some proportionally strong and definite expectation of the 
 consummation, impressed in its due order of time on the 
 minds of the Reforming Fathers : — impressed upon them 
 in that view of the coming consummation, and as grounded 
 on that prophetic evidence, and connected with those associ- 
 ations, which struck upon St. John's ear and mind in the 
 Angel's oath : — impressed too, not as an evanescent though 
 momentarily strong idea, (in which case it would have been 
 no subject for such a symbolization,) but abidingly ; as 
 abidingly perhaps, from the time of its first communication 
 to the Reformers, (an epoch following soon after that last 
 described,) and as influentially in its measure, as the other 
 two ideas previously impressed upon their minds, of the 
 grace of Christ and the imposture of Antichrist. — Was 
 this then the case ? 
 
 I said, in that view of the consummation which the Angel's 
 oath signified. And before reverting, for an answer to my 
 question, to the history of Luther and the Reformation, 1 
 wish to premise a word in illustration of my meaning. And 
 this I may perhaps do best by suggesting, in contrasted 
 view, that expectation and fermenting of the public mind 
 of Christendom, with reference to the coming future which 
 was manifested, it will be remembered, already before the 
 commencement of the Reformation, and when the name of 
 Luther had scarce been heard beyond his own monastery. 
 From the unprecedented burst of literature and intellect 
 
 > See Vol. i. 227—232. » Sec Vol. i. p. 387, &c.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE ANGEl/s OATH. 133 
 
 which had followed on the invention of piinting, from the 
 discovery of a new world, and from the introduction into it 
 of the Christian arms and professedly Christian faith, — 
 from these and other considerations the sera had struck the 
 minds of men as one very remarkable and extraordinary : 
 and new and indefinite prospects opened before them in 
 the misty future, to which imagination, according to the 
 genius and character of the contemplatist, gave of course 
 a somewhat various colouring. But alike in other European 
 countries, and above all in Italy, the centre of the litera- 
 ture as well as religion of Europe, this was observable ; — 
 that, excepting a very few like Savonarola, who spoke of 
 the nearness of Christ's coming to take the kingdom, the 
 expectations prevalent were all of courtly theory, and in 
 harmony with the established anti-christimi superstition. 
 The anticipations prevalent were anticipations of the im- 
 minent fulfilment of the promised latter-day glory in the 
 Pope's universalhj extending empire: anticipations not un- 
 naturally resulting, in the progress of time, from that 
 earthly view of the latter-day glory, which began to be 
 broached, as was noted by me long since,* in the fourth 
 century. It was an idea, we saw, expressed alike vividly 
 by the painters, poets, and orators of the day;^ as also 
 by the preachers of the great Council- General of Western 
 Christendom, assembled at Rome in solemn conclave, just 
 about the time of Leo the Xth's elevation to the Popedom.^ 
 And, as if in order that no gloomy counter-views might 
 cross and interrupt these glowing anticipations, the subjects 
 of Antichrist and the time of the last judgment were inter- 
 dicted as forbidden subjects.^ 
 
 But the prophecies of Daniel, and that too of St. Paul 
 to the Thessalonians, (which latter seemed also by impli- 
 cation referred to in the Angel's oath,)^ exhibited the 
 
 ' See my Vol. i. p. 266. 2 gee pp. 57, 71, 81 supra. 
 
 ^ Not however without a rather curious intimation by one of the Lateran preachers, 
 to the effect of the 1st Apocalyptic woe having fallen on Jerusalem, the 2nd on Con- 
 stantinople, in its recent overthrow by the Turks ; and an alarm ha\'ing existed, some 
 little time 'previous, lest the 3rd and last should fall, by the agency of the same 
 Turks under their Sultan Mahomet, on Italy. Hard. ix. 1792. — See my notice of Ma- 
 homet's Proclamation at the time, pp. 31, 32, supra. 
 
 * See p. 84 supra. 
 
 * St. Paul's words (2Thess. ii. 4), " Him that opposeth and exalteth himself above 
 all that is called God, and is worshipped," are generally, and I think justly, regarded
 
 134 APoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 coming future in altogether a different aspect : — the object 
 there set forth as to be looked and hoped for, being the 
 kingdom o/ Christ, not that of the Popes of Rome: and 
 its establishment, as what was not to be effected until after 
 the previous destruction, before the brightness of his 
 coming, of that same Papal Antichrist, with his abomina- 
 tion in the Holy Place ; ^ that same Man of Sin, and his 
 apostasy,^ from off the face of the earth. — Can the imagin- 
 ation of man conceive a greater contrast ? 
 
 Now, after the Reformers' discovery of the Pope's being 
 the Antichrist of prophecy, and the marvellous events con- 
 sequent thereon, it is easy to see how all this might well 
 have been expected by them to follow quickly as a sequel. 
 Por the same prophecies that foretold Antichrist's character, 
 and doings, had spoken too of his dags as numbered, and 
 his destruction certain: and moreover had specified the 
 manner and the means of his destruction ; how it should 
 be, as it were, without hand of man, by the breath of the 
 Lord's mouth, as well as the brightness of his coming!^ What 
 then more natural than that when, within three or four 
 years, the Bible had been drawn forth from its long con- 
 cealment, and its prerogative as the sole rule of faith vin- 
 dicated, when the gospel of the grace of Jesus had been 
 revealed again in its divine beauty, and the shadows of 
 Papal superstition in not a few districts fled before it, when 
 a public exposure too had been made of Popery, and the 
 exposure been believed and repeated by multitudes, — what 
 more natural, I say, than that these circumstances should 
 be regarded as the incipient fulfilment of those prophecies 
 of the fall of Antichrist, and sign of the promised brighter 
 day soon coming? — Accordingly so in fact it occurred. 
 Not on Luther's mind only, but, as we shall presently see, 
 on that of the whole reforming body, this idea now fixed 
 itself, somewhat like the two earlier heaven -revealed ideas 
 spoken of in the preceding Chapter, with all the unction 
 and influentiality of a voice from the Spirit of Jesus ; alike 
 in' Germany, in Switzerland, and in England. But with 
 this peculiarity and difierence between the Reformers in 
 
 by expositors as adopted from Daniel xi. 36. See my Comment, on Dan. xi. in mv 
 Vol. iv. ' Dun. xii. 11. ^ 2 Thcss. ii. 3. ' Dau. ii. 34, 2 Thess. ii. «.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 135 
 
 those three countries respectively; — that, whereas Luther, 
 and his fellow-working German Reformers, grounded their 
 strong and hopeful impressions cljiefly (though not wholly) 
 on DanieVs and St. PauVs prophecies,^ referred to in the 
 Angel's oath, — those in Switzerland and Englajid soon 
 passed from the prophecies alluded to, to that of the Apoca- 
 lyptic Angel himself alluding ; seized on this very prophecy 
 for application ; and for the first time, upon grounds of 
 evidence sound and tenable, concluded on the fact of pro- 
 gress having been made up to it, in the evolution of the 
 great mundane drama, and on their own chronological 
 place being already far advanced under the sixth Trumpet, 
 and in near expectancy of the seventh Trumpet, of the 
 Apocalyptic prophecy. — I proceed to give illustrations. 
 
 1. And first I exemplify from Luther and his German 
 coadjutors. — Already then, about the close of 1520, and 
 consequently just after his discovery of the true Antichrist, 
 we find him in his answer to Ambrosius Catharinus thus 
 hinting his hopes and anticipations, with special refer- 
 ence to the prophecy of St. Paul. " Sure that our Lord 
 Jesus yet liveth and reigneth, I fear not thousands of Popes. 
 Oh that God may at length visit us ; and cause to shine 
 forth the glory of Christ's coming, wherewith to destroy 
 that Man of Sin!"^ — Not long aftei^wards, on his being 
 summoned before the Emperor at Worms, when there were 
 some that dissuaded his attending, from recollection of the 
 treachery practised on a similar occasion against Huss and 
 
 ' At the time of publishing his first translation of the N. T. Sept. 21, 1522, Luther 
 had doubts about the genuineness of the Apocalypse ; doubts excited in part by the 
 hesitation of certain of the ancients to receive it, (the same that I have spoken of in 
 my Preliminary Essay,) in part by the obscurity of the prophecy, in part perhaps 
 from its abuse by fanatics like Storck and Munzer (Merle iii. 61) : and so exprest 
 himself in the Preface to that Book in his first edition of the German Testament. It 
 seems, however, that down to the spring of 1521, or time of his going to Worms, this 
 doubt had not crost his mind ; for till then he argued from it, as well as from Daniel 
 and Paul, against the Popes as Antichrist: (Wadd. i. 383, 385:) also that in 1528 
 he had nearly dismissed it. Hence in the Preface to his second edition of the German 
 Bible, the opinion exprest in his former Preface was greatly modified ; and after- 
 wards he received and referred to the Apocalypse as an inspired though obscure pro- 
 phecy. See the sketch of Luther's prophetic views in my History of Apocalyptic 
 Interpretation, Vol. iv. 
 
 - Merle D'Aub. ii. 166: "Ostendat iUum diem adventus glorise Filii sui, quo de- 
 struatur iniquus iste." Also Waddington Ref. i. 437; who gives the date Apr. 1. 
 1521 ; while Merle seems to date the letter in 1520.
 
 136 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Jerome, his reply was that their fears for him " could only 
 arise from the suggestion of Satan ; who was apprehending 
 the approaching ruin of his kingdom."^ Still, on leaving 
 the Diet, and after condemnation had been pronounced 
 against him by the Emperor, he fell back for comfort on 
 the same joyous expectation. "For this once," he said, 
 "the Jews [as on the crucifixion-day] may sing their 
 Pean : but Easter will come for us ; and then we shall sing 
 Hallelujah ! " ^ The next year again, writing to Staupitz, 
 he enforced a solemn appeal against his abandonment of the 
 Reformation, by reference to the sure and advancing fulfil- 
 ment of DanieVs prophecy in the events in progress. " My 
 father, the abominations of the Pope, with his whole king- 
 dom, must be destroyed ; and the Lord does this without 
 hand, by the word alone. The subject exceeds all human 
 comprehension. . . I cherish the best hopes," ^ In 1523 he 
 thus in similar strain expressed his hopes. " The kingdom 
 of Antichrist, according to the Prophet Daniel, must be 
 broken without hand: that is, the Scriptures will be under- 
 stood by and by ; and every one will preach and speak 
 against Papal tyranny, from the word of God, until this 
 Man of Sin " (here his allusion is again to St. Paul's pro- 
 phecy) " is deserted by all his adherents, and dies of him- 
 self:"* — and again to the Duke of Savoy, on hearing of 
 his favourable inclination to the Reformation ; " Let there 
 be no compulsion : . . only let those who sincerely preach 
 the gospel be protected, and known to be in no danger : 
 this is the way in which Christ will destroy Antichrist by 
 the breath of his mouth ; and thus, as it is in Daniel, he 
 shall be broken without hand ; he whose coming is with 
 lying wonders."^ Once more on hearing, still in the same 
 year, of the condemnation and martyrdom of some of his 
 followers in Elanders, — the first blood shed in that country 
 in the cause of the Reformation, — he thus comforts him- 
 
 1 Milner, 750. Luther arrived at Worms Apr. 16, 1521 ; left it Apr. 26. 
 
 2 Merle D'Aub. ii. 275. — It appears from his Table Talk, chap. Ivii, that he had, 
 in later life at least, and consequently perhaps earlier, an impression that Christ's 
 second coming would be at Easter. " About the time of Easter, Pharaoh was de- 
 stroyed in the Red Sea, and Israel led out of Egypt : about the same time the world 
 was created, Christ rose again, and the world is renewed. Even so, I am of opinion, 
 the last day shall come about Easter, when the year is at its finest and fairest." (ii. 265.) 
 
 3 Milner, 692. * Milner, 796. * lb. 820.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 137 
 
 self; "But the Judge is at the door, and will soon pro- 
 nounce a very different sentence."^ 
 
 So in earlier days the Reformer Luther. Nor did the 
 circumstance of the fanatics of the day adopting, and 
 making unsound and unscriptural use of, this expectation 
 of the near advent of Christ,^ affect his belief in or declara- 
 tion of it : for it seemed but Satan's well-known artifice, 
 by abuse or by a counterfeit, to bring contempt on what 
 was important and true. Rather, though it made him 
 cautious and jealous afterwards of the unguarded use of 
 prophecy,^ yet he regarded it as an additional mark of the 
 last day being at hand ; Satan perceiving the fact, and put- 
 ting forth his final fury."^ — Nor indeed did the idea ever 
 leave him.^ Still resting mainly and strongly on that pro- 
 phecy in Dan xi. and xii. respecting the apostate King the 
 Pope, and his abomination making desolate,*" as that which 
 Christ himself {the Ajyocalfjptic Covenant- Angel of the 
 vision before us) had most solemnly called attention to,^ 
 and which St. Paul had both copied after and illustrated,^ 
 he gathered, as life advanced, that still some few things 
 
 1 lb. 816. 
 
 * Such was the case in 1522 with the Anabaptists under Munzer. — Again in 1528 
 the Duke George wrote thus of the state of things in Thuringia ; " that the com- 
 mon people there were expecting their real Lord and Master to appear shortly, in 
 defence of his own word and gospel : . . and everywhere it was the cry of these en- 
 thusiastic visionaries, No tribute ! All things in common ! No tithes ! No Magis- 
 trates ! Christ's kingdom is at hand." — Milner, 939 ; who observes, however, that 
 probably among this multitude there were not a few sincerely pious, though un- 
 learned and simple, led away by the more artful and fanatic. 
 
 3 Seckendorf mentions (Lib. ii. p. 113) that in 1528 Luther blamed those who 
 (incompetent as they evidently were to the task) expounded the Apocalypse in pub- 
 lic lectures. He had said the same about expositions of Zechariah. 
 
 * " I have a new species of fanatics from Antwerp, who assert that the Holy 
 Spirit is nothing more than men's natural reason and midei'standing. How does 
 Satan rage everywhere against the word ! This I reckon by no means the slightest 
 mark of the approaching end, viz. that Satan perceives that the day is at hand, and 
 pours forth his final fury." (Milner, 896.) This was in 1525. Of course his remarks 
 embraced other outbreaks of fanaticism, such as that previously under Munzer. 
 
 * "'.This light of the gospel," said he somewhat later, " now in our time, is a cer- 
 tain sign of the glorious appearing of our Lord and Saviour ; like the morning red- 
 ness . . before the everlasting day." Table Talk i. 297. 
 
 6 On this Papal application of Daniel see my comment on Dan. xi, xii. Vol. iv. 
 
 ■^ " Daniel was an exceeding high and excelling prophet, . . touching whom Christ 
 said 'Whoso readeth, let him mark !'.. Eead Dan. xi. throughout." Table Talk, 
 chap, xxiii. on Antichrist. And again ; " Truly the Pope's kingdom is . . an abomin- 
 ation of desolation, standing in the holy place ; as Christ saith, ' Whoso readeth 
 let him understand.' " Ibid. (Vol. ii. pp. 2, 4.) 
 
 * "St. Paul read Daniel thoroughly, and useth also his words where he saith, 
 ' And he will exalt himself above all that is called god, or is worshipped.'" lb. 
 chap. xxii. (Vol. i. p. 421.)
 
 138 APoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 remained to be fulfilled ere the glorious consummation : — 
 some further consumption and wasting of the Popedom 
 through the gospel-word ; ^ or perhaps some temporary 
 apostasy of the Protestant body, and consequent brief re- 
 vival of the Papal power ; ^ perhaps too some confederation 
 of Pope and Turk against Christ's Protestant faithful 
 ones : ^ — else the world's wickedness marked it as even 
 then fully ripe.^ Thus, though God's mystery of the pro- 
 phetic numbers, the time, times, and half a time, baffled him 
 by its obscurity, and at one time, in his conjectures about 
 the destined epoch of the consummation, he fancied that it 
 might be less than 20 years off,'^ at another deprecated the 
 
 1 " The Pope is the last blaze in the lamp, which will go out, and ere long he 
 extinguished ; . . he that lightens and thunders with sword and bull. . . But the Spirit 
 of God's mouth hath seized on him." — "I hope he hath done his worst; and 
 though he falleth not altogether, yet he shall increase no more, but rather decrease." 
 lb. chap, xxiii. (Vol. ii. pp. 4, 5.) 
 
 - " Seeing this abomination (of the Papacy) is now showed in God's word, and 
 found out by experience through our wicked lives, such thoughts do arise in me as 
 willingly I would not have ; viz. that this acknowledgment of the Word will fall 
 again, and the bright shining light of the Gospel be extinguished . . . For, the gospel 
 saith, Christ will come at midnight, when neither day nor light will appear." lb. ch. 
 xxiii. (ii. 15.) — Again : " I am not so much afraid of the Pope and tyrants, as of our 
 own unthankfulness and contemning of God's word. The same, I fear, will help the 
 Pope again into the saddle. When that comes to pass, I hope the day of judgment 
 will soon follow." lb. ch. iv. (Vol. i. p. 140.) — Elsewhere he predicted a defection 
 in the Protestant body from the right faith after the death of himself and Melanc- 
 thon ; somewhat as in Israel, after the death of the elders that overlived Joshua. 
 So in Aurifaber's Preface, appended to the Table Talk, p. 13. 
 
 3 "It is now time to watch ; for we are the mark they shoot at. Our adver- 
 saries intend to make a confederacy with the Turk : . . for Antichrist wiU war, and 
 get the victory against the saints of God, as Daniel saith." lb. ch. xv. on Prayer, 
 (i. 361.) Elsewhere he intimates an idea that the Turk might perhaps come to 
 llome, in this confederation, and there pitch the tabernacles of his palace on the 
 (professedly) Holy Mount, (ii. 339.) 
 
 •* " When people live securely without the fear of God, and . blaspheme Christ, 
 and persecute his word, as now the Papists, &c. do, and with great rage banish and 
 murder godly people, as if heretics, then surely the end is not very far off. As it went 
 with the Jews when they blasphemed Christ, &c. : when the Lord had . . gathered 
 the wheat into his garner, then he set the chaff on fire." lb. ch. vii. on Christ, 
 (i. 225.) — Again : " The world is grown very stubborn and headstrong since the 
 revealing of the word of the gospel. It begins to crack sorely ; and I hope will soon 
 break, and fall on a heap, through the coming of the day of judgment ; for the ap- 
 pearing of which we wait with yearning and sighs of heart. . . Let us pray. Thy king- 
 dom come ! " lb. ch. iv. (i. 139.) 
 
 Similarly in 1543 he wrote thus. "The world is, as it ever has been, the world; 
 and desires to know nothing of Christ. Let it go its own way. They continue to 
 rage and grow worse from day to day : which indeed is a solace to the weary soul, 
 as it shows that the glorious day of the Lord is at hand. For the unspeakable 
 contempt of the word, and unutterable lamentations of godly men, show that the 
 world is given up to its own ways ; and the day of its destruction, and of our salva- 
 tion, should be hastened. Amen! so be it ! " 
 
 * After saying, " I cannot define this prophecy, a thne, times, and half a time," 
 he throws out the idea (a fanciful one), that possiblij its secondary application to 
 Antichrist (the primary being to Antiochus Epiphanes) might be on the scale of
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 139 
 
 extension of the interval to 50 years/ and at others men- 
 tioned 200, or 800, as the furthest limit that entered his 
 imagination,'^ yet the prevalent idea of its being near at 
 hand remained with him even to his dying hour,^ and was 
 a perpetual topic of consolation, encouragement, and hope. 
 
 Very similar were the views of the other great German 
 Reformer, Melcmcthon. — Like Luther he intently fixed his 
 mind on Daniel's prophecies of Antichrist, and on St. Paul's 
 subsequent prophecy, (the latter almost a comment on 
 Daniel's,) as that which was Christ's own positive direction 
 and charge.* Like Luther he undoubtingly explained the 
 wilful or apostate King of Dan. xi., in respect of both his 
 abomination making desolate, his pride, tyranny, and fated 
 end,^ (not to add the little horn of Dan. viii. also,)*^ to 
 
 a time equalling the thirty years of our Lord's life : in which case 3^ times would 
 equal 105 years ; and, reckoned from the Turks' taking of Constantinople, (the 
 Turks being the Eastern Antichrist,) end at A.D. 1558. "God knoweth." lb. 
 ch. xxiii. (ii. 3, 343.) — Another idea he threw out was that perhaps the Apocalyptic 
 number of the Beast 666 might mean the number of years of established Papal 
 power ; which, measured from the time of Charlemagne, would come nearly down 
 to the Reformation, (ii. 12.) 
 
 1 Near the time of his death he said ; " God forbid the world should last 50 years 
 longer. Let him cut matters short with his last judgment." Table Talk, Michelet 
 ii. 216. This was said in grief at the unfaithfulness of many Protestants. 
 
 2 " The wickedness of mankind is . . risen to that height, that I dare presume to 
 say the world cannot continue many hundred years longer." lb. ch. ix. on Sins. 
 (i. 253.) Again (ii. 35) : " In about 200 years (or, i. 90, " in less than 200 years,") 
 the power of their damnable religion will be broken." And (i. 11); "I persuade 
 myself verily that the day of judgment will not be absent full 300 years more . . God 
 will not, cannot suffer this wicked world much longer." — Elsewhere in the Table 
 Talk, he expresses his impression of their having come down to the vision of Christ 
 proceeding forth on the WTiite Horse (Apoc. xix.) in the Apocalyptic Drama, 
 (ii. 264.) 
 
 ^ Seckendorf, Lib. iii. p. 640 : " Deus, Pater coelestis, . . postquam mihi, secundum 
 magnam misericordiam tuam, . . apostasiam, eoecitatem, et tenebras Papse, ante diem 
 tuum extremum, qui non proeul abest, sed imminet, et lucem Evangelicam qua? nunc 
 per orbem effulsit secuturus est, revelasti," &c. These were words in his prayer the 
 evening before his death. They illustrate the subject of the preceding chapter, as 
 well as of this. 
 
 From Junckner's Vita Lutheri Kummis Illustrata, I add the following further 
 illustrations. 1. At p. 24 there occurs a medal with Luther's bust on the obverse, 
 and the legend, Tertius Eiias ; on the converse an Angel flying with the everlasting 
 gospel in his hand, and the legend, Cecidit Cecidit Babylon. 2. At p. 234 a German 
 medal of 1546 is given, representing Christ as come down to judgment, and the dead 
 rising, with the legend, " Watch, for ye know not at what hour the Lord cometh." 
 It was struck just after Luther's death ; and shows, says Junckner, the then general 
 apprehension among Protestants of the judgment-day being at hand. 
 
 * In the general Preface to his Comment on Daniel, he quotes the passage, " Let 
 him that readeth, &c., understand." 
 
 * In his comment on Dan. xi. he expounds the verses respecting the abomination of 
 desolation primarily of Antiochus Epiphanes, but secondarily and chiefly of Antichrist. 
 
 6 The little horn in Dan. viii. he judged to be the Papacy, that in Dan. vii. to be 
 ilahomedanism ; an order which I conceive should be inverted.
 
 140 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 mean the Popes and Popedom. Like Luther he judged 
 that fated end to be near and huminent. On the mysti- 
 cally-expressed periods that fixed the chronology of that 
 ending, he could but indeed conjecture. But, in comment- 
 ing on the passage that contains the oath involving them 
 of the man that stood clothed in linen upon the waters of 
 the river, after strongly insisting on the predicted fact of 
 there rising up no fifth earthlij universal empire, after the 
 Roman in its last form under the little horn, but only the 
 kingdom of Christ and his saints,^ he thus adverts to that 
 same chronological argument, by way of corroboration, that 
 had been used long before him, as we have seen, by the 
 early Christians ; I mean the argument from the seven 
 days of creation.'^ " The words of the prophet Elias should 
 be marked by every one, and inscribed upon our walls, and 
 on the entrances of our houses. Six thousand years shall 
 this world stand, and after that be destroyed : 2000 years 
 without the law ; 2000 years under the law of Moses ; 
 2000 years under the Messiah ; and, if any of these years 
 are not fulfilled, they will be shortened (a shortening inti- 
 mated by Christ also^) on account of our sins." Dr. Cox, 
 after quoting the above from Melancthon's Commentary, 
 gives the following manuscript addition, that he had found 
 in Melancthon's hand, in Luther's own copy of the German 
 Bible: "Written A.D. 1557, and from the Creation of 
 the World 5519 : from which number we may be sure that 
 this aged world is not far from its end."^ — With this cal- 
 culation he conceived that Daniel's numbers 1260 days and 
 1335 days might, on the year -day system, be made vrell 
 to coincide.^ At any rate he felt persuaded, alike from 
 
 1 When the little horn "jam pcene ad fastigium suum venerit, necesse est brevi 
 ruiturum esse ; ac tunc illucescet dies ille quo mortui revocabuntui- ad vitam." 
 
 ■^ See Vol. i. pp. 231, 39G. 
 
 ^ " Et dictum Elise, et Christi dicta, significant decurtandiun esse hoc tempus, 
 sicut et curriculum ad diluvium decurtabatur, ut citius abrumpantur flagitia." 
 
 * See his Life of Melancthon. 
 
 5 While primarily applicable to the historj' of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Mac- 
 cabees, he adds ; " Haud dubie aliquid siguificat etiam de tine hujus mundi : — ac 
 facUis est accommodatio si dies in annos conuHutaveris." His suggestion is that the 
 1290 and 1335 years, added together, might mark the interval between Daniel and 
 the consummation ; a computation well agreeing with that from Elias' tradition : — the 
 division of the whole period into two having this meaning, that it would be some 
 1290 years from Daniel to the early developniuut, and "initia postremi regni impii, 
 Mahometici et hypocritici; " i. e. of Mahommedisui in the East, and Popery in the
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 141 
 
 Daiiiel and St. Paul, that the reformation and protest 
 aganist the Papal Antichrist, just accomplished through the 
 light of the gospel, was the consumption and conviction 
 ot that enemy, predicted as to occur just before his final 
 destruction at Christ's coming.^ And upon this prophecy 
 and prospect it became Christians, he thought, much and 
 earnestly to dwell, ahke for consolation, direction, and warn- 
 ing, till that glorious day should itself burst upon them.^ 
 
 T ?; ^ ^"?\J^, ^^^^ ^^^^^-^ Reformers contemporary with 
 Luther and Melancthon ; and first take Zeo Juda as a spe- 
 cimen. In his comment on the Apocalypse, an English 
 translation of which bears date 1552, and which must 
 consequently have been written and printed in the original 
 some time previously, I find a very interesting comment 
 
 • On Dan. ii. he explains the stone cut out of the mountain withr.ut hr,«^. \.- x. 
 ^as to «mite the image, and become a great mVntain, S fiir ht whoJ^trTh to 
 mean Chrtst, whose kingdom was to be formed not by human 00^161 It ho n^ 
 spiritual kingdom, formed through the tvord. Then he add? how God'VwlJ <^ 
 mum arguM prcedieatione, postel evertet, et afficiet hostes Iterlk^ • » y^"-' 
 on Dan. viii and.the expression about the iittkTorn b ?g brS .S". TatiZ 
 
 p^a^e;^^St^is:sj^r ::^^^^^ 
 
 dentur errores Pontifieii, renovata luce evangel i. St et S xT 33^ 
 
 popdo docebunt multos, et ruent in gladio:' et ad Thessal i?'- oSn, ^ . "! 
 
 In the Augsburg Confession, the expression "senescente mundo " w>„vt, . 
 the article Be conjugio Sacerdotum, shows the imnrossion f. T ^: ^^ ''?f ""■' '" 
 Talent among the' German Reformers VtwarCrup^yM^rtfo^^^ 
 Sylloge Confessionum, p. 137. ^ ^ Melancthon. See the 
 
 Osiander, another of the German Reformers, in a work " Dp rnK,v,;c t -v 
 
 crea«.„, bu. it, e«„i„, panly ..Snt'J s°a°bbl t T* fS Te'Ztj^^tC 
 
 fb*: r.""?!* a H"', ^f"" 't'.?',' '»* » "» n*Vas ;i-i „?/K,f 
 
 luer aiso, (,iable lalk, eh. Ixxiv. on the Turks- Vol ii n '^d.'i •^ n-n^ v,„<, k •' i. 
 sequently made use of by many eminent Apocalji>tic expositors '^ '"' ""'' ^'''' ^"'-
 
 142 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 on the two concluding verses of Apoc. ix. ; applying the 
 charges therein of idolatry, sorceries, fornication, murders, 
 &c., to Rome's antichristian Church of his day, just as I 
 have done ; and the xth chapter also generally, as I have 
 done, to the blessed Reformation. And then he thus fur- 
 ther applies to his own time the Angel's oath. " Christ 
 taketh an oath, and sweareth by God his heavenly Father, 
 even with great fervencie and holiness, that the tyme of 
 his glorious last comming to judge al the world, both quicke 
 and dead, is now already nigh and at hand : and that w^hen 
 the victory that was prophesied to be fulfilled of Anti- 
 christ, (which victory the seventh angel must blowe forth 
 according to his office,) w^er once past, then should alto- 
 gether be fulfilled what al prophetes did ever prophesy of 
 the kyngdom of Messias the Saviour : which is the highest 
 mystery." 
 
 Again, Bulling er (about the year 1556^) similarly dwells 
 on this same prophecy ; advancing yet a step further in 
 explaining the sixth Trumpet (as Luther's comment nearly 
 does) of " Mahometrie and wo of the Saracens and Turks :" 
 — then charges the dsemonolatry noted in Apoc. ix. 20 on 
 the Papists of his day : — then explains the Angel's descent 
 to the Reformation : — and, on Christ's oath in the passage 
 before us, to the effect that there w^as but one Trumpet 
 remaining, he adds ; " Therefore let us lift up our heads, 
 because our redemption draweth nigh."^ 
 
 3. Let us now cross the ocean-strait, and mark how in 
 Britain also, that isle of the sea where the Angel was re- 
 presented as planting his right foot, there w^as aw^akened 
 the same joyous persuasion and hope. — My quotations in 
 evidence shall be first from Bishop Latimer. In his third 
 sermon on the Lord's prayer he thus expresses himself. 
 " Let us cry to God day and night, Most merciful Father, 
 let thy kingdom come ! St. Paul saith, the Lord will not 
 come till the stverving from the faith cometh ; (2 Tliess. ii. 
 3 ;) ivhich thing is already done and past. Antichrist is 
 
 ' The date Jan. 1557 is given in his Preface. 
 
 2 I mis^ht add (Ecolampadius to the list; judging from Joye's Exposition of Baniel, 
 gathered out of IMelancthon, (Ecolampadius, Pellicane, and Draconite : a book pub- 
 lished early iu Elizabeth's reign : and, like the others cited, very interesting.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 143 
 
 known throughout all the world. Wherefore the day is 
 not far off." — Then, reverting to the consideration of the 
 age of the vjorld, the same as Melancthon, Osiander, and 
 others ;---" The world was ordained to endure, as all 
 learned men affirm, . . 6000 years. Now of that number 
 there be past 5552 years, so that there is no more left but 
 448 years. Furthermore those days shall he shortened for 
 the elect's sake. Therefore all those excellent and learned 
 men, whom without doubt God hath sent into the world in 
 these latter days to give the world warning," (mark here 
 Latimer's testimony to the universality of the impression,) 
 " do gather out of Scripture that the last day cannot be 
 far off." — Yet again, in a sermon on the second Sunday in 
 Advent, after noticing the expected shortening of the days, 
 he thus strongly expresses the same opinion on the nearness 
 of the second Advent ; " so that peradventure it may come 
 in my days, old as I am, or in my children's days." ^ 
 
 For another example I turn to Bale, afterwards Bishop 
 of Ossory in the sister island : and, I find him, in that 
 valuable and interesting work entitled The Image of both 
 Churches, published in 1545, and which includes in it an 
 Apocalyptic commentary, in sundry points applying this 
 part of the Apocalyptic prophecy to his own times. On 
 Apoc. X. 7, the verse before us, he explains the time then 
 current as the sixth age of the church, and speaks of the 
 seventh Trumpet only as to come : as also on Apoc. xi. 15, 
 
 1 p. .365. — And as Latimer so his brother Ridley. " The world \vithout doubt (this 
 I do believe, and therefore say it) draws towards an end." (Ridley's Lament, p. 75.) 
 
 Let me add from King Edward's Catechism (published A.D. 1553) the following 
 allusion, in very similar views and spirit, to the verse before us. " The end of the 
 world Holy Scripture calleth the fidfllling of the kingdom and mystery of Christ, and 
 the renewing of all things. For saith St. Peter, We look for a new heaven and new 
 earth," «S:c. Sop. 510 ; Parker Ed. — Again at p. 520 the prophecies and world's posi- 
 tion under them are thus alluded to. " We see not yet all things in subjection to 
 Christ ; we see not the stone hewed off from the mountain without work of man, which 
 all-to bruised and brought to nought the image which Daniel describeth ; that Christ, 
 the only rock, may obtain and possess the dominion of the whole world granted him 
 of his Father. Antichrist is not yet slain. For this cause do we long for, and pray, 
 that it may at length come to pass, and be fulfilled, that Christ may reign with his 
 saints, according to God's promises ; that He may live and be Lord in the world, 
 according to the decrees of the Holy Gospel. . . God grant his kingdom may come, 
 and that speedily." 
 
 Our Anglican Reformers, and' those too of the continental churches, had no notion 
 of any such spiritual millennium intervening before Christ's coming as Whitby after- 
 wards advocated, and which has since his time been so much received.
 
 144 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 thus drawing his line between the fulfilled and unfulfilled ; 
 " Thus have we heere what is done already, and what is yet 
 to come under this sixt trompet-blowyng, whereunder we 
 are now : which al belongeth to the second wo.", — Again 
 on Apoc. XX. 3, after recounting a list of Christian con- 
 fessors, including Luther, CEcolampadius, Zuingle, Melanc- 
 thon, Bucer, BuUinger, &c., by whom Antichrist's tyranny 
 had been disclosed, he says ; " I doubt not but within fewe 
 dayes the mightie breath of Christ's mouth, which is hys 
 lyving gospell, shall utterly destroye him." 
 
 Further respecting this " oath that all shall be finished 
 in the seventh age of the Church," he adds, " Necessary it 
 is that both good and badde know it : the faithful to be 
 assartened that their finall redemption is at hande, to their 
 consolation ; the unfaithfull to have knowledge that their 
 judgemente is not farre of, that they may repent and be 
 saved." ^ — And again elsewhere : " This (the Beast's) will 
 be the rule of this present age. No doubt of it. Unto 
 kings hath not God given to subdue these Beastes. This 
 is reserved to the victory of his living word. Only shall 
 the breath of his mouth destroy them. Let the faithfull 
 beleever, considering the mischief of this time, appoint 
 himself to persecution, loss of goods, exyle, prison, sorrow, 
 death, for the truthe's sake ; thinking that his porcyon is 
 in the land of the lyving. Por now are the perilous dayes 
 under the voice of the sixte trompe : whereas under the 
 seventh the carnal church shall be rejected, Antichrist over- 
 thrown, and the right Israeli, tokened with fayth, peaceably 
 restored into the possession of God." 
 
 I add but one more example, that of the martyrologist 
 John Foxe. In his Eicasmi in Apocah/psin, published in 
 1587, he confidently explains the 6th Trumpet woe to be 
 that of the Turks ; adding that, after the Protestant restor- 
 ation of gospel-preaching, figured in Apoc. x, the 7th 
 Trumpet's sounding could not be far off". Then he dwells 
 
 1 He here thus refers to, and gives his view of, the parallel passage in Daniel. 
 " Not unlike is this othe to the othe in Daniell, of time, times, and half a time. 
 Whereof the time was from him (Daniel) to Christ; the times the ages from Christ 
 to the seventh seale opening, or seventh trumpet blowing ; the half-time from thence- 
 forth ; wherein the dayes shall be shortened for the chosen' s sake. . .When that time 
 shall begin we know not, tyll God shall open it by his seventh Angel. Of the thing 
 •we are certaine and sure." p. 147. 1st Ed.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH. 145 
 
 on this passage on which we are commenting thus : "0 
 what an adjuration ! Of the truth and certainty of which 
 we can no more doubt, than we can of the existence of God 
 Himself." ^ And, after arguing against the scepticism of 
 ungodly men, on the subject of the world's ending, he 
 urges from the Angel's oath the certainty of that end 
 coming ; ^ and certainty too, as appeared from the Angel's 
 prophetic caution, (though the exact time was not to be 
 known,) that it could not be very far off from the time 
 then present. " Which being so, let both all pious Chris- 
 tians, and all the multitude of the ungodly, diligently listen 
 to, and observe, what the Angel says and swears. For in 
 the whole of Scripture, I think, there is no passage more 
 clear, none more suited to our times : none more calculated 
 to strengthen the faith, and minister consolation to the 
 pious ; and, on the other hand, to alarm the minds, and 
 break the attacks of the ungodly." ^ 
 
 Thus have I shown, as I proposed, that from immediately 
 after the time of Luther's and Zuingle's first heaven-made 
 discovery of the Antichrist of prophecy being none other 
 than the Roman Popes, there was also impressed on them, 
 with all the force and vividness of a heavenly communica- 
 tion, the conviction of the fated time being near at hand, 
 though not indeed yet come, of Antichrist's final fore- 
 doomed destruction, and therewith also of Christ's kingdom 
 coming, and God's great prophetic mystery ending ; just 
 agreeably in respect of time, as well as of subject-matter, 
 with the Angel's oath heard at this epoch in the Apoca- 
 lyptic drama, by the representative man St. John : — fur- 
 ther, that the impression connected itself, in the case of 
 Luther and his brother German reformers, chiefly, though 
 by no means only, with that prophectj of Daniel that was 
 alluded to so strikingly by the Apocalyptic Angel ; with the 
 
 ^ " quale quantumque juramenti sacramentum ! Ciijus de fide et fii'mitate inevi- 
 tabili tarn certo nobis constare possit, quam certum sit et indubitatum Deunivivere" 
 p. 103. (Ed. 1587.) 
 
 '^ On Apoc. xi. 16 he notes, as among the results of the seventh Trumpet's sound- 
 ing, Antichrist's being cast into the barathrum of perdition, p. 196. 
 
 ' p. 105. See somewhat more on this subject in ^ 5 of my Sketch of the History 
 of Apocalyptic Interpretation, given in the Appendix to my 4th VolurdC. 
 
 VOL. II. 10
 
 146 Apoc. X. 5 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 AngeVs own oath and prophecy, in the case of the Reform- 
 ers in Stvitzerland and England: (a view this involving 
 the great prophetic discovery of their being then under the 
 sixth Trumpet in the evolution of the Apocalyptic drama, 
 and the seventh only having to blow in order to the con- 
 summation :) — finally, that the impression was no mere 
 barren piece of prophetic chronological information im- 
 parted to the Reformers, but one most influential and prac- 
 tical ; in fact precisely that which was best suited to ani- 
 mate them for the great work that they had before them, 
 both in respect of doing and of suffering, in all their sub- 
 sequent conflicts as the Lord's witnesses, with Antichrist, 
 the world, and Satan. — Is it possible that we can help 
 seeing and admiring God's goodness and wisdom in the 
 matter ? 
 
 In conclusion, let me not pass from this subject without 
 suggesting to the reader, that as the view thus communi- 
 cated, considered as a prophetic chronological discovery, 
 was all but unprecedented,^ (it being then more distinctly 
 than ever before revealed to Christians whereabouts they 
 were, in God's grand prophetic calendar of the world's his- 
 tory,) so the idea, like those two other heaven-revealed 
 ideas about Christ and Antichrist that preceded it, estab- 
 lished itself permanently in the mind of Protestant Chris- 
 tendom. Parens, Mede, Vitringa,^ and almost all the host 
 of other principal expositors that followed on the continent 
 and in England, kept up the idea as certain, throughout 
 the 17th century, that the Reformation had been accom- 
 plished under the sixth Trumpet, and that the seventh 
 only afterwards yet remained to sound. Indeed it is from 
 
 1 My qualifying words "all but," have reference to the case of the Christians' par- 
 tial understanding on the matter under Pagan Pome's persecution, alluded to early in 
 this Chapter, and of which I spoke long since as also prefigured, Vol. i. pp. 227 — 
 233. Alike in this case of the Christians of the 2nd and 3rd centuries, and in that of 
 the Reformers described in my present Chapter, we have to admire both the truth and 
 the practical value of that rule of Christ's revelations to his people, which had been 
 long before announced to the twelve disciples ; "It is not for you to know the times 
 and the seasons, &c." Had these been revealed to them, they would have known 
 that the establishment of Christ's kingdom was even yet in their respective times at a 
 distance, comparatively speaking ; and so their joyous hopes and encouragements 
 been much lessened. 
 
 - See the conclusion of § 5, and the earlier part of § 6, in my sketch of thellistory 
 of Apocalyptic Interpretation, in the Appendix to Vol. iv.
 
 CHAP, v.] THE angel's OATH, 147 
 
 this, as from a point of light, that the chief subsequent 
 Protestant interpreters have ever since gradually, though 
 painfully and interruptedly, made advances towards the 
 solution of other parts of the Apocalyptic prophecy ; 
 even up to the end of the last century, and time now^ pre- 
 sent. 
 
 But in this I anticipate, and must return back to the 
 history and time of Leo X and of Luther, whence I started. 
 After what has been said in illustration of it, the Apoca- 
 lyptic passage itself, I think, needs but to be repeated, in 
 order in the best way to biing back our thoughts to that 
 crisis when first it began to have fulfilment in the impres- 
 sion stamped as from heaven upon the minds of the early 
 German Reformers, with respect to the chronology of the 
 Papal Antichrist's destined time of empire : — an impression 
 about it as being then 7iot at its commencement, not about 
 its middle epoch, (the latter especially a view that might 
 have been quite supposable by them,) but already far ad- 
 vanced toivards its ending : — and so to prepare us for the 
 continuation, as in the next Chapter, of the history of Lu- 
 ther and the Reformation. " And the Angel, which I saw 
 stand upon the sea and upon the land, lifted up his hand 
 to heaven ; and sware by him that liveth for ever and ever, 
 who created the heaven and the things that therein are, 
 and the earth and the things that therein are, and the sea 
 and the things that are therein, that time shall not further 
 be prolonged ; but in the days of the voice of the seventh 
 angel, (at what time he may be destined to sound,) then 
 the mystery of God shall be ended; according to the 
 glad tidings that He hath declared to his servants the 
 prophets." 
 
 10*
 
 148 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE PROGRESS AND ECCLESIASTICAL ESTABLISHMENT 
 OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 " And the voice which I heard from heaven spake unto 
 me again, and said; Go, take the Httle book^ which has 
 been opened, in the hand of the Angel which standeth 
 upon the sea and upon the land. And I went unto the 
 Angel, and said to Him, Give me the little book ! And 
 He saitli unto me, Take, and eat it up : and it shall make 
 thy belly bitter, but it shall be in thy mouth sweet as honey. 
 And I took the little book out of the Angel's hand, and 
 ate it up : and it was in my mouth sweet as honey ; but 
 when I had eaten it, my belly was bitter. And He saith 
 unto me,^ Thou must prophesy again before many peoples, 
 and nations, and languages, and kings. ^ — And there was 
 given me a reed like unto a rod : [and the Angel stood,] * 
 saying ; Rise, and measure the temple of God, and the altar, 
 and those that worship therein. But the court that is 
 without the temple, cast out, and measure it not, for it has 
 been given to the Gentiles." ^ — Apoc. x. 8 — xi. 2. 
 
 What have we here but a prefiguration of the two next 
 
 1 |3i(8\a{K^tov. So Griesbach, Scholz, Hahn, Heinrichs. Tregelles prefers 
 Pij3\iov ; though in verse 2 he reads (ii.j5\iapiSiov like the rest. 
 
 ■^ Kai Xeyu fioi. So Griesbach's text, Scholz, Hahu, and Heinrichs, as also the 
 tcxtus receptus. Tregelles prefers the reading, Kai Xiyovcn fioi ; rendering it, " And 
 it was said unto me." I cannot but prefer the former. — Compare Ezekiel's case, 
 Ezek. iii. 1. Who there bids him prophesy, but the same Divine person who bade 
 him eat the roll ? 
 
 3 The division of chapters here ought surely not to have been made. The con- 
 ference, begun in the xth between St. John and the Angel, is continued in the xith. 
 
 * I have placed the words, " And the angel stood," Kat 6 ayytKoQ tiffrriKu, of 
 the received text, iu brackets ; as being a reading rejected by the critical texts, alike 
 of Griesbach, Scholz, Hahn, Heinrichs, Tregelles. In case of rejecting them I con- 
 ceive the easiest mode of construing will be by regarding the clause, " And there 
 was given me a reed like unto a rod," as in a manner parenthetic ; the angel being the 
 nominative to Xtywv, and construed absolutely. So that the sense will not be 
 affected by the difference of reading.— But on this I shall have to remark again, 
 when coming to the discussion of the clause, at the beginning of the second Section 
 of this Chapter. 
 
 * There i.s no other variation of reading between the received and the critica 
 texts of the least consequence, except those that have been noted.
 
 CHAP. VI. § 1.] "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 149 
 
 great steps of advance in the Reformation : — first, the 
 special commissioning by Christ of faithful spiritually -pre- 
 pared ministers of the Reformation, to preach his gospel in 
 various countries and languages ; — 7iext, the constitution and 
 definition of evangelical and reformed churches, to the ex- 
 clusion, as heathen-like and apostate, of the Church of 
 Rome ? — Let us consider the two separately. 
 
 § 1. — COMMISSIONING BY CHRIST OF THE GOSPEL- 
 PREACHERS OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 " And the voice which I heard from heaven spake unto 
 
 me again, &c ^ And He saith unto me, Thou must 
 
 prophesy again before ^ many peoples, and nations, and 
 languages, and kings." — Apoc. x. 8 — 11. • 
 
 The points to be noted in this passage are the Spirit's 
 direction to St. John to take the little book from the Angel ; 
 — the Angel's giving it him, together with the charge to 
 eat, and prove both its sweetness and its bitterness ; — 
 then, after St. John's so eating and proving it, the Angel's 
 solemnly commissioning him to the resumption of the work 
 of his ambassador and gospel-preacher ; " Thou must pro- 
 phesy again, before many peoples, and nations, and lan- 
 guages, and kings." 
 
 I have paraphrased the word prophesy in the last clause 
 of the quotation, as signifying the fulfilment of the work of 
 Christ's ambassador and gospel-preacher . And it may per- 
 haps be well, — considering the restricted signification of 
 predicting future events that is now in common parlance 
 almost alone attached to it, and the exposition also by many 
 modern commentators, as if, " Thou must prophesy again," 
 meant, " Thou must predict again, or, " begin a neiv series 
 of predictions," — to show the reader that this both accords 
 with the original and more proper sense of the word, as 
 
 ^ See the completed quotation at the head of the Chapter above. 
 
 ^ fTTi \uoiQ. Before is Schleusner's rersion of tlie preposition. Elsewhere it 
 sometimes means among, which would here be to the same effect. So Acts xxviii. 14; 
 IlagiK\r)Qrniiv tn' avroig nrifitivai yfiepag iirra.
 
 150 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 used in Scripture, and is moreover that which the context 
 itself determines to be the sense here intended. 
 
 II^o<prirsija), then, is the Septuagint rendering of the 
 Hebrew KlJ, — the Niphal of »V1J, to brm(jf forth, show, an- 
 nounce : and to J>}1^ the first meaning affixed by Gesenius 
 is " to speak as God's ambassador," whatever the subject.^ 
 Thus it included not the prediction of future events only ; 
 but the general predication of God's mind and will, the 
 explanation of his mysteries, the pleading of his cause ; 
 and, in this, the exhorting, instructing, reproving, warn- 
 ing, and expostulating with, a rebellious people. The par- 
 ticular and restricted meaning of predicting future events 
 came to be attached to the word simply as being one of the 
 frequent functions of the prophetic office : just in the same 
 way as that of other of the prophetic functions was attached 
 to it, though less frequently, also.^ — So much as to the 
 Hebrew original, and its Greek Septuagint version, in the 
 Old Testament. Nor is the use of the word x^ocprjrsuo) in 
 the Netv Testament much different. For example, in Matt, 
 vii. 22 the question, "Lord, have we woi prophesied in thy 
 name?" means evidently, "Have we not preached as thij 
 ambassadors V Similarly in that passage of the same 
 Evangelist, (x. 41,) " Whoso receiveth a prophet in the 
 name of a prophet shall receive a prophet's reward," we 
 cannot doubt but that each faithful ambassador of Christ, 
 
 1 On the verbal derivative noun s"'S3 Gesenius very appropriately cites Exod. 
 vii. 1, by way of illustration ; in which Aaron's official relation to Moses is thus 
 stated, " Aaron thy brother shall be thy prophet : " -irpocptjTijg' Sept. — a passage well 
 explained by another preceding it, Exod. iv. 16 ; " He (Aaron) shall be thy spokes- 
 man to the people ; and he shall be thy mouth ; and thou shalt be to him as 
 Elohim." 
 
 Illustrative passages, like that of Ezra vi. 14, will readily occur to the reader; 
 " They prospered through the prophesying of Haggai; " i. e. through the time of 
 Haggai's bearing the prophetic commission. 
 
 - So in Ezek. xxxvii. 4 of preaching to people ; " Again He said unto me, Pro- 
 phesy upon these bones, and say unto them, ye dry bones, hear the word of the 
 Lord ! " — In verse 9 it is used to designate the invocation of the life-breathing Spirit 
 on the Jewish people ; " He said unto me. Prophesy unto the wind, Son of man, 
 and say, Come from the four winds, breath, and breathe upon these slain, that 
 they may Uve." Similar to which is the use of the word in the account of Baal's 
 prophets in 1 Kings xviii. 29 ; " And when the mid-day was passed, and they pro- 
 phesied (i. e. called on Baal) until the time of the offering of the evening sacrifice, 
 there was neither voice, nor any to answer, nor any that regarded." — Yet again in 
 1 Chron. xxv. 1, we read of David separating persons " to the service of the sons of 
 Asaph, . . who should prophesy with harps, with psalteries, and with cymbals ; " 
 (where the Hebr. as well as English is the same word as before, though the Sept. 
 Greek diil'erent ; ) i. e. lead the devotions of the people in holy psalmody.
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 151 
 
 and iweaclier of his Gospel, is intended ; whether endowed 
 with the predictive faculty, or not.^ — To which let me add 
 that the term was specially applied in the Apostolic times 
 to the function of expounding the written Scriptures, and 
 exhorting from them, in the Christian churches :^ a function 
 then assisted by a more plenary inspiration of God's Spirit ; 
 yet, otherwise, very much the prototype of the same pro- 
 phetic function, as subsequently fulfilled in the Church by 
 every faithful gospel-minister.^ 
 
 Thus from the general Scripture use of the word it ap- 
 pears that it is, in the present instance, open to us to con- 
 strue it in the sense of preaching the Gospel as Christ's 
 ambassador, just as much as in that of predicting future 
 events. From which if we turn to consider the Apocalyp- 
 tic context, it will be evident, I think, that the former can 
 alone be the true meaning. For, fiy^st, this is the un- 
 doubted sense of the word as used by the Angel in his 
 account of the Witnesses, just but a verse or two after that 
 we were considering ; "I will give power to my two Wit- 
 nesses, and theg shall prophesy 1260 days in sackcloth." 
 Who would construe it there to signify, " They shall enun- 
 ciate predictions for 1260 days?"^ — Further, it is this 
 
 1 It must be remembered tbat all preaching of Christ's Gospel necessarily involves 
 the enunciation of God's predictions as to the great issues of futurity. — In Matt. xxvi. 
 68 it is used to signify the enunciation, as by supernatural intelligence, of the 
 secrets of the time then present ; " Prophesy unto us, who it is that smote thee." 
 
 - 1 Cor. xiv. 3 ; " But he that prophesieth speaketh unto men to edification, and 
 exhortation, and comfort." Compare, in the same epistle, chap. xiii. 2 ; " Though 
 I have the gift of prophecy, and understand all mysteries, and all knowledge : " also 
 Rom. xii. 6 ; "Or whether (they have the gift of) prophecy, let the prophespng be 
 according to the proportion (or analogy) of the faith : " and Acts xv. 32 ; "Judas 
 and Silas, being prophets also themselves, exhorted the brethren M'ith many words, 
 and confirmed them." See also 1 Cor. xi. 4. 
 
 ^ To this sense of the word there is an according testimony from the earliest times 
 downwards. So, as an example from the Fathers, Augustine : (Qusest. in Exod. iv. 
 16 :) " Propheta Dei nihil aliud est nisi enunciator verborum Dei hominibus." So 
 patristic expositors of the Apocalypse ; as Primasius and Ambrose Ansbert. See p. 
 153 Note 3 infra. So middle-age Romish expositors, as Thomas Aquinas. So again 
 the Apocalyptic expositors of the Reformation very generally. See my Sketch of 
 Apocalyptic Interpretation, Vol. iv. To use the words of the Helvetic Confession : 
 '■'• Prophetce pra?scii futurorum vates erant ; sed et Scripturas interprctubauiur ; 
 quales etiam hodie inveniuntur." In Bishop Taylor's "Liberty of Frojjhesying," the 
 same sense attaches to the word. 
 
 ^ xi. 3. In fact in this passage the witnessing for Christ, and the prophesying as 
 his prophets, seem used almost as convertible terms. And so elsewhere also. For 
 example in xix. 10; "I am thy fellow-servant, and [the fellow-servant] of thy 
 bretlircn that keep up the witness for Jesus : for the witnessing for Jesus is the spirit 
 of the prophesying :" ro TrvivyLU tijq TrpotpijTtiag.
 
 152 APoc. X. 8 — 11. [part iit. 
 
 sense which alone agrees with the symbolic act noted as the 
 preparative to John's receiving the commission, " Thou 
 must prophesy again;" — I mean his receiving and eating 
 the little Book in the Angel's hand. Por the little Book is 
 evidently the substance and manual of that which he was 
 to prophesy. And as, in the precisely parallel case of 
 Ezekiel} the book given to be eaten by him was not the 
 mere fredictive 'part of God's message entrusted to his 
 charge, but the whole of it, and moreover not to be pro- 
 phesied by him simply by committal to writing, but to be 
 declared and preached by him, as God's ambassador, to the 
 Jewish people viva voce, (" I have made thee a watchman 
 to this people,") so we may infer the same respecting both 
 the subject-matter and the mode, here intended, of 8t. Johns 
 prophesying. — Nor must we omit to mark the consistency 
 of the interpretation thus given, with the antecedent part 
 of the vision. For, whereas the message entrusted to 
 Ezekiel, and to the other ancient prophets, was the same 
 substantially that we find in the several prophetic Books 
 bearing their names, it is, we know, the Gospel of the Neiv 
 Testament which is emphatically enjoined as the subject- 
 matter of their preaching, on each and every one of the 
 ambassadors of the Lord Jesus. And this was long since 
 
 ' In illustration of this parallelism it may be well to cite the passage ft'ora Eze- 
 kiel. The circumstances of his commission are thus described ; Ezck. ii. 3, 7, 10, iii. 
 3, &c. " He said unto me, Son of man, I send thee to the children of Israel : . . . 
 and thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or whether they 
 will forbear. . . But thou, son of man, hear what I say unto thee ! (Be not thou 
 rebellious, like that rebellious house !) Open thy mouth, and eat that I give thee I 
 And when I looked, behold a hand was sent unto me : and lo ! a roll of a book was 
 therein : and he spread it before me. . . . And he said unto me. Son of man, cause 
 thy belly to eat, and fill thy bowels with this roll that I give thee. Then did I eat ; 
 and it was in my mouth as honey for sweetness." After which it follows in iii. 10 ; 
 " Son of man, all my words that I shall speak unto thee receive in thine heart, and 
 hear with thine ears ! " and in verse 14 ; " So the Spirit lifted me up, and I went in 
 bitterness, in the heat of my spirit." One chief cause, of which bitterness maybe 
 well illustrated by the frequent use of a verbal derived from a root signifying bitter, 
 alike in the Hebrew and Greek SS, to signify the rebelliousness of those whom the 
 prophets had to preach to : e. g. Ezek. iii. 9, 26, 27, "that rebellious house ; " Greek 
 oiKOQ irapaiTiKpun'isJV. 
 
 To which let me add two other and not dissimilar cases. — 1st, that of Jeremiah. 
 Of him we thus read, Jer. xv. 16 : " Thy words were found, and I did eat them ; 
 and thy word was unto me the joy and rejoicing of my heart : for I am called by thy 
 name, Lord God of Hosts ! " i. e. called thy prophet. After which follows : " I 
 sat alone because of thy hand, for thou hast tilled me Avith indignation." He too 
 had, in the delivery of God's word, to taste the bitterness as well as the sweetness. 
 — 2ndly, the ease of the pkophet /car' tKoxr}v : whose preparation for the prophetic 
 work assigned Him is thus described by Himself; "My meat is to do the will of my 
 Heavenly Father, and to accomplish his work." John iv. 34.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^1.] ''thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 153 
 
 our inference respecting the opened little hook in the 
 Angel's hand, (an inference drawn from the circumstance 
 of its opening being represented as the accompaniment and 
 instrumental cause of the light of the Reformation,) that 
 it must have been either the ivJiole Bible in miniature form, 
 or else some miniature Part of the Bible ; such a Part as 
 contained in it that which is the substance and essence of 
 all Bible doctrine, the record of the gospel of the grace of 
 Jesus Christ : — and hence probably Christ's gospel-minis- 
 ters chief manual, the Little Bible, the New Testament. 
 
 This premised, and with the remembrance further of 
 St. John^s symbolic character on the Apocalyptic scene, as 
 representative of Christ's faithful ministers of the time 
 figured, — more especially, in this present Act of the Apo- 
 calyptic Drama, of him that was the head, guide, and 
 master-spirit of the ministers of the Reformation, Martin 
 Luther} — the thing pre-signified in the passage heading 
 the present Section will appear to be this : — that, at the 
 time following on Luther's recognition of Antichrist's voice 
 in the Papal Thunders, and recognition too of that Anti- 
 christ's fated and approaching doom, both he and other re- 
 formers with him, impelled by the same heavenly influence 
 as before, and prepared by the experimental digestion of the 
 Gospel in their own hearts, would be re-commissioned as 
 from Christ Himself, (there bemg apparently some particu- 
 lar reason for noting this divine origin of their re-commis- 
 sioning,) to go forth as his gospel-preachers and witnesses, 
 specially against the Papacy : ^ — the w^ord again implying 
 some notable previous suspension or interruption of this 
 preaching work ; (somewhat perhaps as in the case of St. 
 John himself, when by Domitian's Decree banished from 
 the ministerial work to Patmos : ^) — the concluding words 
 
 ^ See pp. 89, and 115 — 117 supra. 
 
 2 This seems inferable from its being said " The same voice which I heard from 
 heaven," (viz. that which said to him, " Seal up what the seven thunders have ut- 
 tered, and write them not!") "said to me again, Go, take the Book," &c. 
 
 ^ So Primasius and Ambrose Ansbert. 
 
 Primasius comments thus on the verse. " Sicut solet Scriptura divina do genere ad 
 speciem sermoncm saepe deflectere, sed etiam couscqucnter utraque complecti, sin et 
 nunc ad Johannem quidem intentio certa dirigitur, quern adhuc oportebat, de exilic 
 liberatum, non tantiim banc revelationem in notitiam ecclesiae Christi deferre, sed 
 etiam evangelium in populos, in nationes, in linguas, ct regcs multos altius pra^dicare. 
 Veruntamen o/HMj quoque ecclesm banc vocem null is ambigit convenire, quae nun- 
 quam debet a praedicatione desistere." B. P. M. x. 313.
 
 154 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part tii. 
 
 of the sentence further indicating that this gospel-preach- 
 ing woukl thenceforth be before many different kings and 
 peojjle, and also in many different languages. — All this, I 
 say, seems to be implied ; nor will the historical fulfilment 
 here fail to appear on investigation, as simply and com- 
 pletely as in all before. 
 
 Before proceeding however to show this, in the sequel of 
 the history of Luther and the Reformation, let us mark, in 
 passing glance, a few prominent facts respecting the vary- 
 ing practice and regulation of the function of gospel-preach- 
 
 Ambrosius Ansbertus, who had evidently Primasius before him, enlarges on the 
 same idea of this double reference to the type and antitype, to St. John and the 
 ministers of the Church in after times. " Johannes itaque pajne omnia (imo omnia 
 quae prasmissa sunt) non specialiter ex sua, sed gcneralitcr ex electorum protulit 
 persona. Nunc autem ilia qua; in hoc versu narrantur et suae, et aliorum personis 
 congruere docet. . . . Ad Johannis speciem intentio certa dirigitur, quia dicitur, 
 ' Oportet te iterum prophetare populis, et gentibus, et Unguis, et regibus multis ; ' 
 quern adhuc oportebat ab insula Patmos Ephesum reductum non solum banc Apo- 
 calypsim, quam manu sua inibi scripserat, ad notitiam sanctorum deferre, veriim 
 etiani evangeliuni populis et gentibus et Unguis et regibus multis altius quam alii 
 prffidicare. In pra3dicta siquidem Patmo insula, a Domitiano exilio deportatus, banc 
 vidit Apocalypsim : et ciim provecta; jam esset ffitatis, putaretque se celerius ad 
 Christum fe mundo migrare, interfecto impio Csesare, et post cuncta ejus jussa 
 divino judicio cassata, ab exilio reductus praifatam Apocalypsim ecclesiaj tradidit 
 legendam. Ebione autem, Valentino, ac Cerintho adversiis Christum oblatrantibus, 
 episcoporum precibus flexus, Evangelium etiam scripsit. Et ideo tot populis et 
 gentibus et regibus et Unguis prophetavit, quia ejus Evangelium ad eorum notitiam 
 pervenit. Verum etiam, ut prajmisimus, ea quae Hit specialiter ascribuutui- Sanctis 
 pradicatoribus generaliter deputantur. Ad quorum personam recte nunc dicitur, 
 ' Oportet te iterum prophetare,' &c. ; quia uimirum toto tempore vitse praesentis, 
 aliis ad Christum migrautibus, electorum eeclesia in subsequeutibus suis pra;dica- 
 toribus iterum non desinit prophetare. Frojjhiiare autem intelligere debemus pra- 
 dicare ; quia et Paulus dicit, ' Prophetie duo vel tres dicant, et caeteri dijudicent.' " 
 B. P. M. xiii. 519. 
 
 In the general application to church -rainistei's it will be observed, 1st, that both 
 Primasius and Ambrosius Ansbertus interpret prophetare as tantamount to pradi- 
 care ; although somewhat inconsistently in St. John' s personal case they explain the 
 word, not as we might expect, of his resuming his preaching labours, but of his 
 publishing the Apocalypse and the Gospel that bears his name, on his return from 
 Patmos : 2ndly, that in their general application of the passage they explain the 
 word again of the rising up of a continually-renewed succession of gospel-preachers 
 in the Church, as elder ones in the ministry might die off.— In which latter view 
 they quit the parallelism between St. John's personal particular case, and that of 
 the Christian Church and ministry at the time prefigured. For, did the parallelism 
 hold, it seems plain that we ought to suppose the gospel-preachers of the time pre- 
 figured to be under some similar authoritative suspension and interruption, in regard 
 of the exercise of their ministerial and preaching functions, as St. John in Patmos. 
 
 I have given the above extracts at length, as being perhaps about the best speci- 
 mens I could select of the application made by early patristic expositors of that 
 great exegetic principle, of which I have made so much use, of St. John's represent- 
 ative character on the Apocalyptic scene. 
 
 Foxe (p. 107) is very clear and strong on the word again.
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 155 
 
 ing, as they strike an observer in the progressive history of 
 pubKc worship, from age to age in the Christian Church. 
 
 "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to 
 every creature ! " Such were the terms of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ's original and never-to-be-forgotten commission to 
 his Apostles. The instrument he would make use of from 
 the first, for the promulgation of his gospel, was the living 
 voice of men declaring and preaching it, — the " viva faveila 
 d'uomo."^ And the terms of the promise added, " Lo I 
 am with you alway, even to the end of the world," ^ while 
 they assured to the disciples first addressed the needful 
 help of his presence, showed moreover that the charge and 
 the promise included not the disciples then present only, 
 but their successors also in the Christian ministry, even to 
 the consummation. — So the Apostles themselves proceeded 
 at once to fulfil the charge. And who knows not the 
 wonderful success which, as might have been anticipated 
 from Christ's promised presence and help, attended them 
 in it? The weapon of warfare assigned them, however 
 despicable in the eyes of men, proved mighty with multi- 
 tudes, to the pulling down of strongholds, and bringing 
 every thought into captivity to the obedience of Christ. 
 " It pleased God by the foolishness of preaching to save 
 them that believed." 
 
 Now it is to be observed that it was not in addresses to 
 the heathen only, but in the congregations of the Church 
 also, as it was gradually formed and extended, that this 
 important function of proclaiming Christ's gospel, and all 
 Scripture as bearing on it, was to be fidfilled. For that 
 same word which had been, in the first instance, the in- 
 striunent of their conversion to Christianity, was also still 
 profitable, we may say essential, for reproof, for doctrine, 
 for correction, and instruction in the way of righteousness. 
 Moreover it is to be observed that the public reading of 
 the Scriptures was included in this function, as well as the 
 preaching^ according to the divinely-approved practice of 
 
 ' Dante. — A similar phrase Trapa ^wirijc (paovriQ, is used by Papias in reference to 
 knowledge gained from the conversation of living Christians, in contrast with that 
 derived from the Christian books. Euscb. H. E. iii. 39. 
 
 - avvTtktiai: Tov aiutvoQ, the end of the age. Matt, xxviii. 20.
 
 156 APoc. X. 8 — 11. [part hi. 
 
 the Jewish synagogue.^ All this appears from the Apo- 
 stolic precepts and ordinances. The reading of the inspired 
 epistles in their congregational worship is enjoined by the 
 Apostle Paul himself on the early Churches.^ The official 
 ministration in them of those that were called prophets, 
 (one to which I have already once alluded,^) exhibits to us 
 the commencement of the practice of expounding and ex- 
 horting from the written Scriptures.^ Further, the charge 
 to Timothy, " Preach the word ! Do the work of an Evan- 
 gelist ! Make full proof of thy ministry!" appears both 
 from Timothy's appointed ^office as a Bishop, and also from 
 the prophetic warning added, "Por the time will come 
 when they [evidently professed Christians] will not endure 
 sound doctrine, but will heap to themselves teachers having 
 itching ears,"^ to have had reference, principally at least, 
 to ministrations in the Christian Church. — Thus much, I 
 say, we may infer from Scripture as to the Apostolic times 
 and practice. And, both as regards the reading and the 
 preaching, the ecclesiastical records of the three next cen- 
 turies represent these acts as still a constant part of the 
 common Christian Sunday worship.^ 
 
 1 See the narrative, Luke iv. 17, &c., of Christ's attendance on a sabbath at the 
 synagogue of Nazareth ; and there having the book of the Prophet Isaiah given him, 
 from which to preach and exhort. Compare also Acts xiii. 15, xv. 21. 
 
 - Col. iv. 16; " "SVhen this epistle has been read among you, cause that it be read 
 also in the Church of the Laodiceans : and that ye likewise read the epistle (trans- 
 mitted) from Laodicea." 1 Thess. v. 27 ; "1 adjure you by the I^ord, that this 
 epistle be read to all the holy brethren." ^ p_ 1,51 supra. 
 
 ■* From the passage, "But if all prophesy," i.e. successively, "and there come 
 in one that believeth not, . . he is convinced of all, he is judged of all," (1 Cor. xiv. 
 24,) it appears that heathens might then attend, and hear the Scripture exposition. 
 
 5 2 Tim. iv. 2, 3, 5. 
 
 ^ So Justin Martyr, Apolog. i. 67 : Tj; tov t)\iov \tyontvy Vfifp(f irai'Tiov Kara 
 TToXsig t] ajpnQ jitvovTii)v tin to avTo rrvveXtvcng yivtrai' Kai ra aTroni'r]vfv- 
 fiara rutv mroaToK(x>v, i] to avyypafiyLara rtov 7rpo(pr]Twv avayivwaKtrai, jifxpiC 
 ty^aiptt' lira, iravaa^iivov rov ai'ciyivujffKovTOQi 6 TrpoiarwQ dia Xuyov ttjv 
 vovOtaiav rr^g rwv kuXojv tovtwv fiifirjmwc TTOuiTai' nrura avicTTafitOa iravrtg., 
 Kai ivxctQ irtji-jrofitv, &c. See also Tertullian, Apolog. c. 39. From a pas- 
 sage in his De Pnescr. Her. 36, — •" Legem et Prophetas ciim Evangelicis et Apo- 
 stolicis Uteris miscet (sc. Ecclesia), et indepotat fidem," — it appears that the range of 
 the reading then embraced all Scripture ; and all as pointing out the Christian faith, 
 i. 6. Christ. So much as to the second century. — Let it be observed that Sunday 
 was the only fixt day of public worship, up to the close, or near the close, of the 2nd 
 centm-y. Bingh. xiii. 9. 1. 
 
 For the two next centuries I refer to the Apostolical Constitutions, Chrysostom, 
 and Augustine. The first says, drav avayivwa KOfxivov y to ivayyiXiov... 
 TrapaKuXe IT ujaav 01 TTptcrfSvTfpoi tov Xaov, 6 KaBiig avTwv, aXXa fir] mravreg, 
 KOI TtXivraiog iravTiov 6 nrtaKOTTog. Augustine speaks of an anthem preceding 
 the Liturgy, then scripture-reading, (first the Prophets, then the Epistles,) then a
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 157 
 
 Pass we on then yet a few centuries further, in the his- 
 tory of Christendom. By the close of the 4th century, 
 we know, Christianity had subverted heathenism on the 
 Roman earth. A century or two later, the Goths, that 
 invaded as heathens or Arians, had settled down into ortho- 
 dox Christianity. Thus the world was, in outward profes- 
 sion, identified with the Church. Within the precincts of 
 the old Roman empire it was in the Church alone that the 
 work of the Evangelist, the preaching of the gospel-word, 
 had henceforth to be performed. — And what then the per- 
 formance ? — We find from the rituals that both the reading 
 2iVi(S. pleaching did continue /or;«a//y to be integral parts of 
 the church-service. But, as regards the reading, — besides 
 the diminution of Scripture-lessons in the public worship, 
 arising in part probaljly out of the monastic multiplication 
 of services, accordantly with the now recognised 8even ca- 
 nonical hours of prayer, (the most of which services were 
 attended by priests and monks only,) and apportionment 
 to them of much that was before read to the congregation,^ 
 besides this, I say, legends of saints ^ had now begun to be 
 read at times, instead of Scripture ; — the Psalms, the chief 
 Scripture lessons remaining, were chanted by priests, in- 
 stead of being 7'ead to the people ; and moreover in the 
 
 Psalm, then the Gospel, then the Bishop's Sermon. AH the Books of the Old and 
 New Testaments were read in the fourth, as in the second, century. See Bingham, 
 xiv. 3. 2, (citing the Apost. Const, ibid, and Cyril, &c.,) or Eiddle's Antiq. 394, 405. 
 
 In this early Christian worship the heathen attended up to the reading of the 
 Scripture and the preaching, as well as Christians; just as in St. Paul's time; (see 
 Note* p. 156;) — then, they and the catechumens having been dismissed, the 
 prayers, Lord's supper, and agape followed. See Palmer's English Eitual, i. 13, &c. 
 This on the Simdag service. 
 
 ' See Palmer's English Kit. i. 202—206, ii. 46—48. In the passage last referred 
 to, Mr. P. notes the discontinuance in the Western Churches of the Old Testament 
 Lessons ; — a change arising probably out of the cause noted in the text above. In 
 the former passage he observes how judiciously the Nocturns, Matins, and Prime 
 were at the Reformation, under Edward the Sixth, abridged and compressed into the 
 English Morning Sunday Service, the Vespers and Compline into its Evening. In 
 fact there was in this a reversion to primitive antiquity ; which had but two Sunday 
 Services, the early Morning and the Afternoon or Evening. So too Humphry on 
 the Common Prayer, pp. 15, 16. 
 
 See also Bingham xiii. 9. 8, xiv. 3. 12 : who says that after the introduction of 
 the canonical hours, not till the 4th or 5th century, the longer lessons were assigned 
 to the antelucan service, the shorter to the other canonical hours. — On the intro- 
 duction of which canonical hours it may be useful to tui-n to the account of Jerome 
 in Gilly's Vigilantius, p. 253. 
 
 - Hence called legenda, or writings to be read, in place of the original legenda 
 from Sacred Scripture. Their introduction into the Church Serv-ice was as early as 
 the oth centui-y. Bingham xiv. 3. 14.
 
 158 Aroc. X. 8 — 11. [part hi. 
 
 West, as laiignap;c underwent its mutations, through the 
 intermixture and settlement of the invading Gothic hordes,^ 
 the Latin in which they were chanted,- was rapidly becom- 
 ing an unhiown tongue. — Then as to the preaching (which 
 is our more immediate subject) it had both become rare, 
 and, where performed, was of anything but the primitive 
 evangelic character. To the former result (its raritg) tw^o 
 causes had contributed, of early origin. First, the narrow 
 view of its obligation, as if incumbent on the Bishops only ;^ 
 which (though the faculty was accorded in practice to cer- 
 tain of the citg Presht/ters and Deacons) operated neces- 
 sarily to deprive the mass of the rural population of the 
 preaching of the word of God : * next, that early exagger- 
 ated and unsound estimate of the inherent efficacy of the 
 sacraments, long since spoken of, which led both clergy 
 and people to consider that, where the sacraments were 
 administered, all was done that was essential of the duties 
 of the priesthood.^ — The second result, I mean the gener- 
 al unevangelic character of preaching, where continued, 
 followed necessarily from the darkening superstitions intro- 
 duced ere the end of the fourth century.^ After which 
 
 ' " Des le sixieme siecle la langue Latinc etoit tombee dans un etat de corruption 
 peutetre irreparalile .... II s' etoit etabli une transmutation des voyelles, presque 
 toujours employees les unes a la place des autres." So Eaynouard, Poesies des 
 Troubadours, i. 16. 
 
 2 The Psalter used in the Gallican Church before the close of the 6th century was 
 Jerome's Latin translation ; although called indeed the Gallican Psalter, from its 
 bein<j first authoritatively received by that Church. Bingham ib. 17. 
 
 ■' Bingham ii. 3. 4. — Thus Prudentius, speaking of the pulpit, speaks as if the 
 Bishop alone preached from it : Hymn, de Hippol. (B. P. M. v. 1034 ;) 
 Fronte sub adversa gradibus sublime tribunal 
 ToUitur, antistes pricdicat unde Deum. 
 
 In the Thcodosian Code there is an Edict of Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, 
 A.D. 384, " De munere seu officio Episcoporum in pricdicando verbo Dei," speaking 
 of a bishop's neglect of preaching as sacrilege : but still showing that it was regarded 
 distinctively as a bisJwp's, not (generally at least) a presbyter's office. Bingham 
 xiv. 4. 2. 
 
 * Even in Chrysostora's time, and by Chrysostom, this was confessed. Bingham, 
 xiv. 4. 9. — A Canon of the Council of Vaison, held A.D. 529, strikingly illustrates 
 the evil and its cause, while seeking to remove them. " Hoc etiam pro edificatione 
 omnium ecdosiaruni, et pro utilitate totius populi nobis placuit, ut non solum in civi- 
 tatibus, sed etiam in omnibus parochiis, verbum facicndi daremus presbyteris potesta- 
 tem." Hard. ii. 1105. 
 
 5 How different St. Paul's feeling ! " Christ sent me not to baptize, but to preach 
 the gospel ! " &c. &R. 1 Cor. i. 17. 
 
 * Sec the characteristic specimen of a sermon of Chrysostom on St. Paul's great- 
 ness and character, given by Le Bas in the Introduction to his Life of Wicliffe, p. 
 11. See too Mosheim, iv. 2. 4. 3, 4 ; and partially with regard even to sermons of 
 bishops in the previous century, iii. 2. 4. 2 : also my Vol. i. pp. 330 — 341.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^ l.J "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 159 
 
 period, and amidst the political convulsions of the two cen- 
 turies succeeding, the continued and increasing darkness 
 of superstition having that of the grossest intellectual ignor- 
 ance superadded to it, an incompetence characterized the 
 clergy, such that thenceforth, even if Prince or Council 
 more zealous than others might wish to enforce the right 
 fulfilment of the clerical duties, the preaching of the Gos- 
 pel was scarce enjoined on Priests, or even Bishops ; as if 
 a performance out of the question. The reading of certain 
 Homilies, translated hy the Bishop, or by some one more 
 learned from the earlier Fathers, (that which in other 
 times had been but an alternative,^) Avas now enjoined in lieu 
 of sermons, as quite the best thing to hope for.'^ And even 
 these were, after a while, for the most part omitted in the 
 West ; ^ Rome itself, much the first, setting the example.'* 
 — Besides all which, there were now restrictions, canoni- 
 cally imposed, on the free preaching of the Gospel, that 
 would necessarily impede its revival. First, as already in- 
 timated, the rule existed that no Preshjjter might preach, 
 unless expresshj authorized hj the Bishop^ Again, A.D, 
 691, it had been made a Canon of the Trullan Council, (a 
 Council supplemental to the 6th General Council, celebrated 
 shortly before at Constantinople,) that in their preach- 
 ings, especially on all controverted points, the Bishops 
 
 ^ In the Life of Cnesarius, Bishop of Aries for nearly the first half of the sixth 
 century, Cyprian (previously Deacon under Ca?sarius) notices his zealous perform- 
 ance of preaching every sabbath day, and on the festivals ; and how, when infirm, " \'ices 
 suas presbyteris et diaconis committebat, a quibus sermones, aut a so aut ab aliis pa- 
 tribus compositas, recitari jubebat. Et ne sacerdotes alii a pradicandi munere forte 
 se excusarent, longe positis in Francia, in Gallia, in Italia, &c., transmisit per sacer- 
 dotes quod in ecclesiis suis pra;dicari facerent ; sc. dictatas a se Homilias sive Con- 
 dones." Martene iii. 24. — Compare the Canons of the Council of Vaison, a Council 
 alluded to in a Note just preceding, and which was held under his presidency. Hard 
 ibid. 
 
 2 In Gaul, Alcuin and others composed Homilies by command of Charlemagne, for 
 this purpose : whence the collection was called the Homilariiiin of Charlemagne. See 
 Mosheim viii. 2. 3. 5 ; who says the effect was only to increase the sloth, and per- 
 petuate the indolence, of the clergy. — Again in the 2nd Council of Rheims, A.D. 874, 
 and 3rd of Toui's, 887, a provision of Homilies from the Fathers, translated into the 
 vulgar tongue, was enjoined on the bishops for tJieir own use, if needed. Palmer ii 
 64 ; Martene, ibid. 
 
 •* Palmer ii. 61. 
 
 * Sozomen notes even in the .5th century, that no Sermons to the people were deli- 
 vered either by bishop, or any other minister, in the Church at Rome. Sozom. vii. 1 9. 
 (See Valesius' Note ad loc.) He remarks on it as then a singular omission. So also 
 Cassiodore. Leo I revived the practice of preaching : but, after a while, the neglect 
 was renewed for ages. — Bingham xiv. 4. 3. 
 
 * Bingham ii. 3. 4.
 
 100 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 should take care to broach no opinion diverse from what 
 was received as orthodox, or from the " divine tradition of 
 the Fathers'' ^ It is evident that either rule was capable 
 of application, such as to oppress the preaching of Christ's 
 Gospel; wheresoever the orthodoxy in vogue might be a 
 system corrupt and erroneous, and the tradition of the 
 Fathers regarded as accordant with it. In fact they passed 
 with this use for evil, and not for good, and that for a per- 
 manency, into the whole Western Church.^ 
 
 So were the dark middle ages entered on ; and, as they 
 advanced, the neglect of this primary duty of the Chris- 
 tian ministry continued through the length and breadth of 
 Christendom. Here and there we read of attempts at its 
 revival ; for example in England by the Archbishop Eg- 
 bert, Bede's contemporary,^ by King Alfred,"^ and by Arch- 
 bishop Jj^lfric.^ — But the attempts were but as momentarily 
 as partially successful. About the middle of these dark 
 ages the doctrine of transuhstantiation gained authorization, 
 confirmed the Clergy more than ever in their neglect of 
 
 1 " Oportet eos qui praesunt ecclesiis iu omnibus quidem diebus, prsecipue Domi- 
 nicis, omneni cleruin et populum docere pietatis et rectse religionis eloquia ; ex divina 
 Scriptura coUigentes intelligentias et judicia veritatis, et nou transgredieutes jam po- 
 sitos terminos, vel divinoruni Patnmi traditionem. Sed et si ad Scripturam portiueus 
 controversia aliqua excitata fuerit, ne illam aliter interpretentur quam quomodo eccle- 
 sisB luminaria et doctores suis scriptis exposuerint." Canon xix. Martene iii. 24. — 
 The " ii qiii pra?sunt ecclesiis ' ' are the Bi^hojjs ; specified as if those to whom the duti/ 
 of preaching belonged alone, and who could alone be supposed able to perform it. 
 The clerus or clergy are mentioned, it will be seen, as those that were to be taught, 
 not to teach. 
 
 2 For example, we meet the/orwer, in a Eoyal Ordinance of the 14th century, 
 against Wicliffite preachers, charging them Avith preaching " without licence of the 
 Ordinary ;" and, as the proper penalty, delivering them over to the Sheriff to im- 
 prison. Le Bas, p. 264, from Foxe. — And so too in the case of Huss. See Foxe's Mar- 
 tyrs, iii. 408, &c. — The latter also meets us again in the 13th and following centuries, 
 and as abused to the same purport, e. g. in Canons of the 4th and 5th Lateran Coun- 
 cils ; which latter has been already noticed, pp. S3, 84, supra. 
 
 How different the use of this direction of the Trullan^Canon in the English Reformed 
 Church under Edward the Sixth ! 
 
 3 In Egbert's Pontifical Book we find the following order; " Ut omnibus festis, et 
 diebus Dominicis, unusquisque sacerdos evangelium Christi pra3dicet populo." Mar- 
 tene ibid. 
 
 * On Alfred's accession, A.D. 872, it has been said that not a single Priest was to 
 be found south of the Thames, who knew Latin enough to understand the daily serv- 
 ices which he muttered. Le Bas, 56. His eflbrts at instructing and evangelizing 
 both tlie priesthood and the people are noted in every history of England. 
 
 5 iElfric in 957 issued an order for the priests in each parish to explain the Gos- 
 pel, Creed, and Lord's Prayer to the people. He also composed Homilies for their 
 use. See the notice of him in Palmer ii. 64, and Gilly's Romauut Version of St. 
 John, Preface p. xiii.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^ l.J "thou must PROPHESY AGAIN." 161 
 
 the work of the evangelist.^ As the general undue exalt- 
 ation of the sacraments in the fourth century led to its 
 depreciation, how much more the dogma of the Priest hav- 
 ing power, in the one of those two sacraments, to offer up 
 at his pleasure, and for his congregation, the all-atoning 
 sacrifice of the Lamb of God ! Their salvation thereby 
 ensured, if he pleased it, what the need of preaching the 
 gospel to them? — Hence from the lips of the parochial 
 clergy, the sound of the Gospel was a sound in those mid- 
 dle ages all but obsolete. What Archbishop Peckham said 
 of the state of England in his time, was applicable generally 
 to the state of Christendom ; that the duty of instructing 
 the people had been so neglected by the clergy, as to re- 
 duce no small portion of them to the state described by 
 the prophet ; " when the children ask bread, and there is 
 none to break it unto them : and the poor and destitute 
 cry for water, and their tongue is parched up.''^ — On the 
 rise of the mendicant Friars, they gained credit, as observ- 
 ed in a former chapter, by professedly reviving the prac- 
 tice.^ But it was in fact no revival of ^osjoeZ-preaching. 
 Their preaching was for the most part little more than a 
 setting forth of the lying legends of saints, insomuch that 
 legends and fables came to be words of identical meaning ; * 
 
 1 Having been for some two or three centuries previous preached on and pro- 
 mulgated, it was at length in the year 121o authoritatively adopted and enforced by 
 Pope Innocent III, and the fourth Lateran Council. See pp. 11, 59 suprii. 
 
 Ere the close of the third century the Lord's Supper had been called a bloodless 
 sacrifice ; and mysterious expressions used of Christ's presence in it, (see niv Vol. i. 
 p. 405,) though not till now in the sense of transuhstantiation. To use Mr. Milman's 
 words; "The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper imperceptibly acquired the solemnity 
 and the appellation of a sacrifice. The mysterious identification of the Redeemer 
 with the consecrated elements was first felt by the mind ; till, at a later period, a 
 material and corporeal transmutation began to be asserted. That which the earlier 
 Fathers in the boldest figure called a bloodless sacrifice, became an actual oblation 
 of the Body and Blood oif Christ." Hist, of Christianity, iii. 427. 
 
 2 Le Bas' WicliS', i. 85. Mr. Le Bas adds : — " To remedy this crying scandal, the 
 Archbishop commanded that each parochial clergyman should preach to his people, 
 either himself or by a substitute, once at least in every quarter of a year ; and .should 
 expound to them in a popular manner, and without any fantastic texture of subtilty, 
 the fourteen Articles of Faith, ten Commandments, twofold precept of love to God 
 and our neighbour, the seven works of charity, seven capital sins, with their pro- 
 geny, the seven principal virtues, and the seven sacraments of grace. And, lest the 
 clergy should convert their own ignorance into a dispensation from the order, he 
 added a variety of instructions for the proper discharge of the duty enjoined." 
 
 •* See p. 34 supra. The Canon of the 4th Lateran Council, " De Pr;edicatoribus 
 instituendis," ^vill be found in Hard. vii. 27. 
 
 * Originally legends, or legends, meant saered Scripture pieces to be read in service ; 
 as stated p. 157 Note - supra.— Compare 2 Tim. iv. 4; "And they shall turn away 
 their ears from the truth, and be turned to fables." 
 VOL. II. 11
 
 162 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 or perhaps declamatory orations, in the style and with the 
 false dogmas of the schools.^ — A few exceptions indeed 
 there were ; (in the Church, I mean, not here referring to 
 direct separatists ;) and one especially glorious, about a 
 century after Bishop Peckham, I mean that of Wicliff. 
 " Regarding," says Le Bas, " the neglect of the office of 
 preaching as i\\e foulest treason to Christ," he both himself 
 set the example of indefatigable preaching of the Gospel, 
 in style plain and popular to the people,^ and moreover 
 sent forth his -poor priests as preaching missionaries ; — hav- 
 ing previously translated the Bible into English, for the 
 better preparation of both preachers and people. And, as 
 Wicliff in England, so too Huss in Bohemia. But both 
 the Wicliffite preaching ministers, and the Hussites, were 
 soon excommunicated as heretics, and nearly suppressed by 
 the terrors of the sword. ^ In the Church, things returned 
 much into their former course.^ — Thus this most important 
 function of the Christian ministry continued to be neglected 
 almost universally. Living addresses to the heart and 
 conscience, fresh from the living fountain of truth, and 
 which set forth God's grace and love through a dying, 
 risen, and interceding Saviour, continued all but unknown 
 in the established church-worship, even up to the close of 
 the 15th century, and was at that time all but suppressed 
 too in sects without : i. e. at the epoch of Luther's first 
 preaching ; or of the commencement of the Reformation. 
 
 And now we have to show the fulfilment of the Apoca- 
 lyptic symbolization contained in the passage that heads the 
 
 • Le Bas, 211. — See, I pray, the absurd specimen given by Hottinger, from a book of 
 Sermons composed by the Theological Faculty of Vienna, A.D. 1430 ; ap. Bingham, 
 xiv. 4, 18. — Melancthon, in his Apology, speaks of Aristotle's Ethics being some- 
 times read to the people, instead of the Gospel, shortly before the Reformation. 
 
 2 Ibid. 210. — There still remain, says Mr. Le Bas, above 300 of his Postils, or ex- 
 pository discourses on Scripture. 
 
 3 See my Chapter viii. infra, on the death of Christ's prophesying Witnesses. 
 
 * Let me cite, with reference to the beginning of the 14th century, the testimony 
 of the famous Gerson, Huss's condemner and survivor. In his 4th Letter on Theo- 
 logical Reform he writes thus to P. D'Ailly. "I speak from experience. In our 
 cathedral churches, and almost everywhere, there are absurd rites celebrated, which 
 are the remains of the sacrilegious ceremonies of Pagans and idolaters. . . The word 
 of God, which is indeed the great balm for all spiritual malady, and the preaching 
 of which is the principal duty of Prelates, is given up as useless, and beneath their 
 grandeur." Quoted by Bonnechose, in his "Reformers before the Reformation;" 
 p. 50.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^1. J REVIVAL OF GOSPEL-PREACHING. 163 
 
 present Section; "The Angel said, TJiou must prophesy 
 again before many nations, &c. : " in other words, " Thou 
 must resume, on the scale of the nations, the function and 
 work of gospel-preaching ." As stated at the beginning of 
 this chapter, the symbohzation will be found to have marked 
 most exactly the next important epoch, and the next great 
 step of progress, notable in the Refonnation. 
 
 But had not Luther already at an earlier epoch of the 
 Reformation begun to fulfil this sacred function of the 
 ministry ; even from the very time of his first discovery of 
 Christ the Saviour, and right understanding of his gospel ? 
 No doubt he had. And it will be quite to our purpose to 
 pause a moment, ere proceeding further, on the fact : and 
 to mark how, even while yet attached to the Romish Church, 
 he did this in accordance, as he judged, with his ordination- 
 vows and ordination-ritual. 
 
 For so it was that though, on ordination to the Priest- 
 hood^ the paten and the chalice having been delivered into 
 his hands by the ordaining Bishop, he was therewith only 
 empowered and enjoined to sacrifice (i. e. in private masses 
 and the sacramental rite) for the living and the dead} — 
 a ceremonial awfully blasphemous, as Luther himself soon 
 learnt to view it," and which, arising out of the reception 
 thi'oughout Western Europe of the doctrine of transub- 
 stantiation^ had been adopted to mark what was thence- 
 forth considered as the consecrated priest's grand office, to 
 the supercession of all inferior and obsolete offices, such as 
 that of preaching God's word, — yet at his previous ordina- 
 tion as Deacon there had been observed a ritual, and a 
 charge^ been given him, of comparatively early institution,'* 
 
 * Martene (ii. 23) refers the origin of the ceremony to the tenth century ; quoting 
 Hugh Victorin, Peter Lombard, &c., in illustration.— The former, writing De 
 Sacramentis, ii. 3. 12, says ; " Accipunt calicem cCira vino, et patenam cum hostia, 
 de manu episcopi, quatenus his instrumentis potestatem se accepisse agnoscant placa- 
 biles Deo hostias ott'erendi." 
 
 Pl8,2 " At the moment when the officiating Bishop (Jerome of Brandenburgh) con- 
 ferred on him the power of celebrating the mass, he put the cup into his hand, and 
 addressed him with the solemn words, Accipe potestatem sacrificandi pro vivis et 
 inortuis .' . . At a later period these words made Luther shudder. ' That the earth 
 did not swallow us both up,' he said, ' was an instance of the patience and long-suf- 
 fering of God." " Merle D'Aub. i. 171. 
 ■5 See p. 160. 
 
 * Comparatively early ; because, though not adopted at any rate for the four first 
 centuries, as appears from the fact of its being unnoticed in the Form of Liaconal 
 
 11 *
 
 164 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 not founded on man's falsehood, but on Christ's own 
 appointment ; which, according to the rite's proper and 
 plain significancy,^ pointed out this gospel-preaching as his 
 duty. For, the Book of the Gospels being then placed in 
 his hand by the Bishop,'"^ he was thus charged ; " Take 
 authority to read the Gospel in the Church of God : " ^ 
 
 Ordination given in the so-called Apostolical Constitutions of the 2nd or 3rd centu- 
 ries, (see B. viii. 16. Ed. Coteler.) nor in that of the Council of Carthage, of A.D. 
 398, mentioned in the next Note, and moreover not generally adopted in the conti- 
 nental churches of Western Christendom till the tenth century in their ritual of ordin- 
 ation, yet it appears that in Egbert's English Pontifical, bearing date in the 9th 
 century, the giving of the Book of the Gospels to the Beacon is mentioned as then and 
 there the established custom ; whence, as Martene observes, it past to the continental 
 churches. 
 
 The form still continues in the Church of Rome : see Catech. of C. of Trent, ii. 
 7. 21 : also on the ordination of the c/u'f/" Deacon, or Presbyter, in the churches of 
 the Syrian Maronites and Si/rian Nestorians. See Martene, ii. 21, 22, 3-5 ; 103, 
 110. Also my Note 2 infra. 
 
 1 The traditio instrumenti was always meant to signify the function ordained to. 
 Thus in a Council of Carthage held A.D. 398, (Hard. i. 979,) we find described the 
 ceremonies of ordination to the several inferior sacred orders then recognised ; viz. of 
 the Fsalmistm or Singers, the Ostiarii or Boor-keejwrs, the Readers, the Exorcists, the 
 Acolyths, or Lighters of wax-lights in service, and the Siibdeacons. And the following 
 are the rites prescribed : — that, on the ordaining of the Boor-keeper, the key of the 
 Church be delivered into his hands by the Bishop ; on that of the Reader, the Codex 
 or Book out of which he was to read ; on that of the Exorcist, the Book of Exorcisms ; 
 on that of Acolyth, the Wax-candle sconce ; on that of the Subdeacon, (whose business 
 it was to carry the sacred vessels to the officiating Priest,) the Chalice and the Paten, 
 but each empty. The last rite was thus distinguished from the subsequent ritual of 
 Friesfs ordination; (i. e. after the r2th century :) according to which the chalice de- 
 livered to the priestly candidate was to have wine in it, and the paten to have the 
 hostia, or transubstantiated bread. The same traditio instrumenti to the candidates, on 
 ordination to these inferior clerical orders, is also noted in Martene, ii. 18, 19, 75. — 
 Riddle (Christian Antiq. p. 275) says that the ceremony of delivering the sacred ves- 
 sels, &c., to the parties ordained, was not established as a ivhole till the 7th century; 
 though several particulars of it may be traced to an earlier date. 
 
 On the same principle, on any cleric's condemnation for heresy, he was first de- 
 graded from his sacred function by the taking away of his badge of .office. So in the 
 case of Sautre, condemned by Archbishop Arundel, his degradation from Holy Orders 
 was sio"nified by the taking from him successively of all these instrumenta officii. As 
 priest he was deprived of the |j(?<f« and chalice, as well as priestly casule ; as deacon of 
 the New Testament and stole; as subdeacon of the alb and maniple ; as acolyte of the 
 candlestick, taper, and urceole; as exorcist of the book of exorcisms ; as lector of the 
 lectionary ; as sexton of the keys of the church. And then his clerical tonsure was 
 erased ; and he was given up as a layman to the secular court. Southey's Book of the 
 Church, ch. xi. p. 211. Compare Harduin vi. i. 884. 
 
 2 From the above case of Sautre, the Book then given in the English diaconal 
 ordination would seem to have been the New Testament. Elsewhere it was almost 
 universally the Book of the Gospels, as that chiefly to be read by him. 
 
 So Sozomen, in the fifth century, Hist. Ecc. vii. 19; Tuvttjv St ti]v Upav ^i^Xov 
 [scil. Twv tvayjEXiiov) avayivwaKii tvOaSi (sc. in the Alexandi'ian Church) fiovog 6 
 fipXi^iaKOvof, Trapa St aXXoig 6 SiaKOi'og, tv TToXXaiQ dt (KKXijffiatQ o'l lepfig fiovoi, 
 IV ds £7ri(T»jjUoie riftipatg tTriffKonoi. — In Peter Siculus' account of the origin of the 
 Paulikians in the 7th century, it is mentioned that the conversion of Constantine, 
 founder of the Sect, arose from the perusal of two books given him by a Deacon whom 
 he had entertained, returning from captivity in Syria ; the one the Book of the Gos- 
 pels, the other the Book of St. PauPs Epistles, p. 30. (Ed. Gieseler, 1846.) 
 
 3 " Accipe potcstatem legendi Evangelium in ecclesia Dei !" there being added
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] REVIVAL OF GOSPEL-PREACHING. 165 
 
 and words were added respecting his duty, as that not only 
 of " assisting the priests in ministrations at the ahar," but 
 also of " declaring the Gospel and other Scriptures of the 
 New Testament, and of preaching the word of God." ^ 
 Thus, mere form as the rite was now regarded, and lost as 
 had become all its spii'it, — the deacon's duty in practice 
 being confined to reading the Gospel in an unknown tongue, 
 and in the priest's case thought to- be- superseded by the 
 higher function of sacrificing for the living and dead, so 
 that the rite remained but like a shadowy silent memorial 
 of the custom of a bygone age,^ — yet Luther, taught as 
 he was by the Spiiit, even before his discovery of the anti- 
 christian character of the Papacy, felt, as others felt not, 
 the reality and the responsibility of the charge. And his 
 subsequent ordination as Priest not having invalidated the 
 obligation, and the order of his Vicar-general having con- 
 firmed it,^ and, the more he was quickened from above, the 
 deeper having liecome his sense of the obligation laid on 
 him, (for he looked through the ordaining Bishop to Him 
 in whose name he considered the Bishop to have acted, 
 even the Loixl Jesus,'^) he had thus from his earliest ordin- 
 
 the words (an addition grafted on the doctrine of purgatory, and which Luther would 
 little respect) "tarn pro vivis quam pro defunctis, in nomine Domini." I take this 
 from an ancient ritual of Mai/ence, in a manuscript of the xivth century, given by 
 Martene, ii. 79 : Maycnce being the Archbishoprick to which Erfui-t and Witten- 
 berg were subject. — In the yet older British Pontifical of Egbert, (lb. ii. 35,) the 
 words of commission were, " Accipe istud volumen Evangelii, et lege, et intellige, et 
 aliis trade, et tu opere adimple." So also in that of the Monastery of Bee. lb. 64. 
 
 1 In the Mayeuce ritual, the ordaining Bishop is dii'ected thus to declare the duties 
 of their oiRce, to the candidates for Deacon's orders gathered round him. " Diaco- 
 uum oportet sacerdotibus assistere, et ministrare ad altare, et in aliis sacramentis 
 ecclesia;, atque Evangelium aliamque Scripturam Novi Testamenti pronuntiare, et 
 praedicare verbum Dei." lb. 79. — The summary of the Deacon's duty, given in the 
 Sermo, similarly comprehends that of preaching. " In Novo Testamento ab apostolis 
 ordinati, (sc. Diaconi,) divini verbi praecones . . constituuntur." This Sen>io, or Ad- 
 dress to the candidates, is fi-om a Pontifical of the Church of Rouen. lb. 18. 
 
 - Was it not also a silent protest against the Church that had so set aside the 
 reading and preaching to the people, as enjoined by it, of the pui-e word of God .' 
 
 ' See p. 98 supra. 
 
 * " In nomine Domini," occurs frequently, as words used by the Bishop in the 
 rituals of ordination. See the citation in my Note above. — I need not remind the reader 
 how early the Bishop was looked on in the Church, in respect of his oflicial func- 
 tions, as Christ's representative. And justly so, when the Bishop nded and acted 
 according to Scripture. But Ignatius * and Cyprian little anticipated the subsequent 
 abuse of this title of honour, by application to the Episcopal otfice, when most un- 
 scripturally exercised. 
 
 * If what the Syriac copy wants of the Ignatiau Letters is nevertheless still to be 
 ascribed to Ignatius.
 
 166 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 ation to the priesthood, and while as yet but partially en- 
 lightened, recognised the duty, and given himself to the 
 fulfilment of the function of Evangelist. 
 
 So then (as before noted) the Church of Wittenberg 
 heard the strange sound of a revived preaching of the gos- 
 pel. And thus at the same time both by his preaching and 
 his lectures in the University, by the public circulation of 
 evangelic writings, and by the influence as well of his per- 
 sonal intercourse as of that which he had officially to ex- 
 ercise in a Visitation, as the Vicar-general's substitute, of 
 the Augustinian convents in Electoral Saxony,^ — in all 
 these ways, I say, he was already unconsciously, but most 
 effectively, preparing not a few others of the monks and 
 clergy, to be evangelical preachers in the new and better 
 church that was soon to be established. Still as time pro- 
 ceeded, and his mind began gradually to open to the true 
 character of the Papacy, this his desire could not but in- 
 crease. " Would that we could multiply living hooks, i. e. 
 preachers'"^ was in 1520 the expression of his most cherish- 
 ed heart's wish. And when at length the truth broke 
 fully on him, and in Rome's seven thunders he recognised 
 the voice of Antichrist, the feeling rooted itself the deeper. 
 Of the restrictions that we have noted he perceived at once 
 the antichristian tendency, and set them aside. Remon- 
 strances from his Bishop on this point he heeded not. To 
 the Pope himself he wrote in his final letter, " There must 
 be no fettering of Scripture with rules of inteipretation : " 
 (referring doubtless to the decrees already noted of the 
 Trullan and Lateran Councils, and the Romish use made 
 of them :) " the word of God must be left free." ^ Even 
 up to the Diet of Worms both himself and his brother 
 reformers acted on this feeling : and thus, in their limited 
 spheres, began to re-attach to the Christian minister's 
 
 1 This was as early as the year 1516. M. Merle observes on it (i. 212) ; "that be- 
 fore the world had heard of Luther's opinions, they were discussed in the convents, 
 especially those of the Augustines ; and that more than one convent thus became a 
 nursery of the Reformation : so that as soon as the great blow was struck at the 
 Papacy, men of boldness and piety issued from their obscurity ; and quitted the retire- 
 ment of the monastic life, for the active career of ministers of God's word." 
 
 2 " Si iu'yo* libros, hoc est concionatores, possemus multiplicare." Merle ii. 114. 
 Compare the similar expressions of Dante and Papias, p. 155 supra. 
 
 3 " Leges interpretandi verbi Dei non patior, ctim oporteat verbum Dei esse non 
 alligatum." Merle D'Aub. ii. 127.
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] REVIVAL OF GOSPEL-PREACHING. 167 
 
 office that function of gospel-preaching, or prophesying, 
 which had within the Church been so long intermitted, 
 and in sects without it been apparently put down. Would 
 the attempt so begun succeed, or prove abortive ? 
 
 Now mark the crisis ! It followed (just accordantly 
 with the position of the vision before us) forthwith after 
 Luther's recognition and rejection of the Papal oracle, as 
 but the voice of the foredoomed Antichrist, and his per- 
 sistance in rejection of it at Worms before the Emperor. 
 For thereupon the supreme secular and ecclesiastical powers 
 had issued condemnatory decrees against both him andhis 
 fellow-labourers ; and so, virtually, against the gospel-minis- 
 try itself. By the ecclesiastical decrees they were excom- 
 municated from the Church, and virtually degraded from 
 the ministerial office : by the secular they were, on pain of 
 confiscation, imprisonment, and even death, interdicted 
 from the preaching of the Gospel.^ And as for Luther 
 himself, he was proscribed as one out of the protection of 
 the law ; insomuch that confinement in a lonesome castle in 
 the Wartburg forest seemed to his friend the Elector of 
 Saxony the only alternative, whereby to hide him a while 
 from the storm, and to save his life.^ — Such was the crisis. 
 And so then, and there, was the time for his reflecting in 
 solemn solitude and insulation, on things past, present, and 
 future : on what had been done in other days, and on what 
 it now needed that he should do, for the cause and church 
 of the Lord Jesus. It was somewhat like St. John himself, 
 when in exile for the testimony of Jesus : and Luther in- 
 deed recognised and marked the resemblance, by calling 
 the castle his Patmos. — And what then did he? Did he 
 bow to the storm, and abandon the work but just begun ? 
 Let us but follow out the Apocalyptic figurations, as further 
 enacted by St. John on the visionary dramatic scene ; and 
 we shall find that what he then and there heard, felt, and 
 
 1 See Merle or Milner. 
 
 2 Wartburg Castle is about a mile from Eisenach in Thuringia. Its site marks the 
 boundarj- of the inroads of the Romans under Drusus, who could penetrate no further 
 into the Hcrcj-nian forest. The castle itself was erected about A.D. 1070 by Count 
 Ludwig, in the Byzantine style of architecture ; and was for some time the residence 
 of the landgraves of Thuringia. Early in the 13th century Count Herman made it 
 famous as the focus of German poetry, tournaments, and troubadours. In 1817 it 
 was the meeting-place of a number of German students, on occasion of the tercentenary 
 of the Reformation.
 
 108 Apoc. X. 8— 11. [part hi. 
 
 did, depicted in just the best and truest manner the next 
 actings of Luther in this crisis of the world's Kving drama; 
 and therewith the further progress of the Reformation. 
 
 First, " the voice said, Go, take the Little Book out of 
 the Angel's hand." The chief occupation to which Luther 
 was directed from above, during this his year of exile,^ was 
 the taking in hand the Neiv Testament, with a view to its 
 translation into the vernacular German. To this he was 
 impelled, not only by his own love of the Book, but by 
 the conviction of its being that which would prove his most 
 powerful help towards the diffusion of gospel-hght, alike 
 among ministers and people in Germany,^ and the over- 
 throw of the Papal superstition. And truly it was a work 
 in which his very soul felt complacency. He expresses his 
 annoyance when forced by any temporary press of con- 
 troversial writing to desist from it.^ Already long since he 
 had fed upon, and experimentally digested, its sacred con- 
 tents. And now, in their more particular and accurate con- 
 sideration, he again digested it, and again tasted its sweet- 
 ness :^ just like other translators of kindred spirit, both 
 before, contemporary with, and after him.^ However bitter 
 
 1 From Apr. 26, 1521 to Mar. 3, 1522. 
 
 ~ It has been noted already that though there were various German versions of the 
 Bible before Luther's, printed at Nuremberg in 1477, 1483, 1490, and at Augsburg 
 in 1518, yet they were not permitted to be read ; nor indeed were readable, on account 
 alike of the badness of the translation, and badness of the printing. So Seckeudorf, 
 i. 204. See the Note, pp. 91, 92 supra. 
 
 3 In his answer to Latomus, he says ; " I grudge the time spent in reading and 
 answering this worthless publication ; particidarly as I was employed in translating 
 the Epistles and Gospels into our own language." Again; " You can scarce believe 
 with what reluctance I have allowed my attention to be diverted (by it) from the 
 quiet study of the Scriptures in this Patmos." Milner 766, 768. 
 
 •^ For the Scripture use of tlie figure elsewhere see p. 152 Note * supra. It is a 
 figure used also by other authors. So, for example, Clemens Alexandrinus ; Tr]Q 
 'E\\»jv(K?;f (pi\oao(piaq, KaOmrep rwv Kapv(i)v, ov to irav eSiudtfiov. Strom. 
 
 * Before him, as by F. ValdeH and Wicliff : — tvith him, as by ilelancthon, who soon 
 joined Luther in the translation of the Bible : — after him, as in the case of Henry 
 Martyn, for example, while occupied in his Hindoostanee and Persian translations. 
 " What," said he, " do I not owe the Lord for permitting me to take a part in the 
 translation of his word ! Never did I see such wonders, wisdom, and love in the 
 blessed book, as since I was obliged to study every expression." Life p. 271. — And 
 let me in.stance too Martyn's predecessor, Br. Buchanan. Wliile detailing to a friend, 
 just a little before his death, the laborious plan pursued by him of a five times re- 
 peated revision of the Syriac Testament, during its reprinting, he said with emotion 
 even to tears ; " At first I was disposed to shrink from the task as irksome ; and 
 apprehended that I should find even the Scriptures pall by the frequency of this 
 critical examination. But, so far from it, every fresh perusal seemed to throw fresh 
 light on the word of God, and to convey additional joy and consolation to my mind." 
 Pearson's Memoirs, ii. 364.
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] REVIVAL OF GOSFEL-PREACHING. 169 
 
 the consequences of preaching it, (and bitter indeed he 
 afterwards found them, above all from the continued per- 
 versity of most that heard it,') the case was now with him 
 just as with St. John himself ; when, having received the 
 Little Book from the Angel, he ate it, and found it in his 
 mouth siveet as honey. 
 
 Then " the Angel said. Thou must 'prophesy again!' It 
 was with a view, I said, to Christian Ministers like himself 
 digesting and preaching the Gospel, as well as to the people 
 generally reading it, that Luther in fact urged on his trans- 
 lation of the New Testament. For full well did he recog- 
 nise that gospel-preaching w^as still instrumentally the power 
 of God unto salvation ; — that to its long neglect and inter- 
 ruption through the dark ages was very principally owing 
 the estabhshment of the great antichristian apostasy in 
 Christendom ; — that by its renewal, and an eflPective revival 
 in this way of the long all but extinct work of witnessing 
 or prophesying for Christ," (mark the word, " Prophesy 
 again,") the power of the apostasy was to be partially and 
 primarily broken, according to Daniel's and St. Paul's pre- 
 dictions ; — and that on them, the ordained ministers of 
 Christ, who had been enlightened to seek a Reformation, 
 the obligation specially lay of accomplishing it. Could the 
 Popes official annulment of their ministerial orders either 
 cancel those orders, or alter the obligation consequent? 
 What ! the act of Antichrist cancel a commission which, 
 traced upw^ards to its course, not he, but Christ himself 
 had communicated ? Strong as was Luther's sense of the 
 necessity of a proper commission to the ministerial office,^ 
 and of the duty of ecclesiastical order, such a conclusion 
 was impossible. Nor again, notwithstanding all his defer- 
 
 ' " If I should write of the heavy burden of a godly Preacher, which he must 
 carry and endure, as I know by my own experience, I should scare every man from 
 the office of preaching." Luther's Table Talk, i. 419. So also pp. 405, 406, &c. 
 Compare again Note ^ p. 152 supra. 
 
 2 Compare what was afterwards retrospectively figured by the divine revealing 
 Angel concerning the history, death, and resurrection of his two representative wit- 
 nesses, whose mission it had been to prophesy in sackcloth, Apoc. xi. 3, 7 — 11- 
 
 3 "He who undertakes anything," Luther said, "without a divine call to it, 
 seeks his own glory. For myself, I was constrained to become Doctor." Merle 
 D'Aub. i. 195. Again, in his letter to Melancthon, on the subject of the pretended 
 prophets, Stork and others ; " God never sent any prophet, who was not either 
 called by proper persons, or authorized by special miracles." Milner 780. So too 
 in his Table Talk, i. 406.
 
 170 ■ APOC. X. 8 — 11. [PAUT III. 
 
 ence to " the powers that were," could the E^nperor's in- 
 terdict, any more than the Pope's, move him on that point ; 
 convinced as he was that God's word might not be bound 
 by any earthly potentate. — Hence, after the issuing of the 
 Decree of Worms, and when himself confined in Patmos, he 
 recognised the voice of duty, and stimulated Melancthon 
 and his coadjutors at Wittenberg to the continued exercise 
 of evangelical p^raching ^ just as if there had been no Papal 
 revocation of their orders, or Imperial interdict against 
 their preaching : — in other words, he urged upon the re- 
 forming ministers, at this momentous crisis of their insula- 
 tion from the Romish Church and Empire, the fulfilment 
 of what the Angel's injunction prefigured in vision, " Thou 
 must prophesy again." As respected himself indeed 
 personally, both regard to the Elector's kindly mandate,^ 
 and the fear of rushing uncalled by God into danger,^ made 
 him awhile resist the desire that burnt like fire in his bones.* 
 Yet so soon as the doubtless divinely-intended objects of 
 his seclusion had been accomplished, — so soon as he had 
 completed that most important work of the German trans- 
 lation of the New Testament, which was in God's provi- 
 dence to be one of the mightiest assistances towards the 
 progress of the prophesying again, and of the Reformation, 
 — and when a crisis had arisen, in part through the bitter 
 persecution of fellow-labourers in Germany for preaching 
 what were called Lutheran or evangelic doctrines, in part 
 
 1 Milner 770, 771. 
 
 "^ See Milner 777, 783. — The Elector's objection a2;ainst Luther's returning, arose 
 chiefly doubtless out of regard to Luther's own safety ; but also in part from the 
 fear of his being himself embroiled with the Emperor, in case of Luther's public re- 
 ap])earance. 
 
 3 That this was one chief guiding motive, appears from what he wrote soon after 
 to Langus, Pastor of Erfurt ; " I must not come to you : it behoveth me not to 
 tempt God by seeking dangers elsewhere : " (Milner 789 :) compared with the quo- 
 tation from his Letter to the Elector given p. 171 Note ^. At the same time, reluct- 
 ance to compromise the Elector no doubt had some weight with him. He writes 
 in the same Letter to the Elector (Milner 783) ; " I am well aware that my conduct 
 is capable of being represented as causing a multitude of dangers and difficulties to 
 your person, your government, and your subjects." 
 
 * To Justus Jonas he wrote ; " Beseech the Lord that I may be delivered from 
 wicked and unfaithful men, and that a door may be opened to me for the praise of 
 the merciful gospel of his Son." And to Melancthon ; " I would much rather burn 
 on live coals, than live here alone, half alive and useless." Milner 765, 769. — So 
 Jer. XX. 9 ; " The Lord's word was made a reproach to me. . . Then I said, I will 
 not . . speak any more in his name. But his word was in my heart as a burning fire, 
 shut up in my bones ; and I was weary with forbearing, and I could not stay."
 
 PI. 19. 
 
 Voi.n.ivj7i 
 
 LUTIIE Jt 
 A8A>1 AUOIISTINIAN MONK. 
 
 LUTHER 
 AS THE EVANGELIST aiFKEACHER 
 
 It-otti Piotares by Jagt'iiiaji 
 
 OBVEUSE OE MEDAL STRUCK ON LUTHERS BECOMING THE EVANGELIST. 
 
 I 
 
 From. JujTxikiiar
 
 CHAP. VI. § 1.] REVIVAL OF GOSPEL-PUEACHING. 171 
 
 through official hindrances to the progress of the Gospel in 
 the Saxon Electorate itself/ and in part too through the 
 rise of a fanatic sect called Anabaptists, who, styling them- 
 selves apostles and prophets, as if inspired from heaven, 
 were but Satan's counterfeits, raised up by him in order to 
 bring discredit on the true ministers of apostolic spirit, — 
 insomuch altogether that the fulfilment of the Angel's in- 
 junction by his reforming brethren seemed, humanly speak- 
 ing, to depend on Luther's returning to his post at Wit- 
 tenberg, (and so indeed ^lelancthon urged the point,) — 
 then, as under direction of that same voice from heaven, and 
 with a view to heading them in the fulfilment of this their 
 ministerial, may I not say apostolic commission,'^ — he took 
 the decisive step of retiu-ning to AVittenberg ; albeit with- 
 out the Elector's permission, and at the imminent risk, pro- 
 scribed as it was, of his own life.^ And on the road he 
 wrote thus to the Elector, explaining his motives : " In- 
 evitable reasons compel me to the step : the divine will is 
 plain, and leaves me no choice : the Gospel is oppressed, and 
 begins to labour."* Adding, with allusion not so much to 
 the significant rite of his former ordination as Deacon, as 
 to the higher commissioning from above, and obligations 
 consequent, that resulted from Christ's own opening of the 
 Gospel to his soul ; " It is not from men that I have re- 
 ceived the Gospel, but from heaven, from the Lord Jesus 
 Christ :^ and henceforth I wish to reckon myself simply his 
 servant, and to take the title of Evangelists^ So the Ru- 
 
 ' The Elector, although the protector of the Reformers against the execution of 
 the Decree of Worms, yet prohibited them from preaching or disputing publicly on 
 questions which might offend the adherents of that which was still, even there, the 
 established religion. 
 
 2 I may observe that the necessity was not unlike that which, as Ambrosius Ans- 
 bertus hints in his parallelism, arose out of the spread at Ephesus of the Cerinthian 
 and Ebionite heresies, for the return of St. John, after his year of exile in Patraos. 
 See the quotation, p. 154 supra. 
 
 3 So in his Letter to the Elector : "I have reason every hour to expect a violent 
 death, from the Imperial edicts and the Papal thunders :" — and so also, to the same 
 effect, in his letter to Gerbclius, written soon after his return : " I am now en- 
 compassed with no guards but those of heaven. I live in the midst of enemies, who 
 have a legal power of killing me every hour." lb. 783, 788. 
 
 * Milner pp. 783, 784. 
 
 5 So he said elsewhere of his heavenly commission ; " Christ spake unto me as He 
 spake to St. Paul: where he saith, 'Arise and preach, and I will be with thee.'" — 
 Table Talk i. 407. 
 
 • "Ce n'est pas des hommes que_;V tiens VEvangile, mais du ciel, de notre Seigneur 
 Jesus Christ ; et j'aurais bien pu, conime je veux faire dorenavant, ni'appeller son 
 serriteur, et prendre le titre d'Evangeliste." Michelot i. 113. And Milner 783.
 
 172 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 bicon was crost, the decision made : and the evangelic minis- 
 ters, with Christ's commission on their banner, constituted 
 themselves a body independent of, as well as separated 
 from, Rome's ruling Antichrist. 
 
 It is scarce my present business to observe how, on Lu- 
 ther's returning to his post at Wittenberg, and in the re- 
 exercise of his prophesyings as Evangelist, under this clear 
 commission from above, the Covenant- Angel shed upon 
 him his blessiiig, and fulfilled the implied promise in his 
 words of re-commissioning : how the effect of his preaching,^ 
 counsel, and authority, was such as soon to restore order 
 at Wittenberg,^ to put down the tumultuary outbreaks of 
 the populace, quell the fanaticism of Carolstadt, and refute 
 the false prophets and prophesyings, by appeal conjointly 
 to tlie written word, and the inward experience of the true 
 prophet : or how, at the same, time his intrepidity and ex- 
 ample animated the evangelic ministers who had been 
 depressed under persecution ; and the publication of his 
 German New Testament aided, above every other instru- 
 mentality, in the dift'usion and confirmation of the Gospel. 
 SuflUce it thus briefly to suggest how the gospel cause, de- 
 livered both from the opprobrium and the difficulties that 
 threatened to oppress it, became thus free to advance, 
 agreeably with the next clause in the Apocalyptic predic- 
 tion, " Thou must prophesy again before many nations and 
 kings, &c.; " as God might open the door to its progress. 
 And precisely what we next read of in history is, how the 
 door was thus opened, and that in many diflerent countries. 
 It was in March, 1522, that Luther returned, and resumed 
 his work of prophesying at Wittenberg. And within the 
 next two or three years we are told of its successful preach- 
 ing (before princes as well as people) not in Germany only, 
 but ill Sweden, Denmark, Pomerania, Brandenburg, Livo- 
 
 1 Milner gives an interesting abstract of his first sermon. " Once more," he 
 began, " I am allowed to sound the gospel in your ears : once more you may derive 
 benefit from my exhortation. By and by death will come, and then we can do one 
 another no good." Then followed an admirable abstract of the Christian doctrine of 
 salvation, p. 785. 
 
 2 Dr. SchurfF, who had been sent by the Elector to confer with Luther on his re- 
 turn, in his report to his master praised Luther as " an Apostle and Evangelist of 
 Christ. He said that all ranks and orders, learned and unlearned, were delighted 
 witli liis return ; and that he was now daily in the most admirable manner teaching 
 true doctrine, and restoring order everywhere." lb. 782.
 
 CH. VI. § 1.] PROVISION FOR A GOSPEL-MINISTRY. 173 
 
 nia;— in France, Belgium, Spain, and Italy also, though not 
 so successfully ;i— and further, last-mentioned but not 
 least, in England. We read too of translations of the 
 Bible being made simultaneously by evangehc ministers in- 
 to most of the vernacular tongues, after Luther's prototype • 
 the first being that into Swedish under direction of Andreas 
 the king's Chancellor, and his Secretary Olaus Petri • and 
 how these ministers generally approved themselves men 
 that, like Luther, had tasted of the ^ood word of o-race — 
 witness the example, not to be forgotten bv us, of %ihmi in 
 Lngland.^ The prediction seemed fulfilling, "The Lord 
 gave the word, great was the company of the preachers • "^ 
 and, yet more particularly and exactly, that clause of the 
 Apocalyptic prophecy that prefigured it, " Thou must pro- 
 phesy again hefore many peopte, and nations, and languages, 
 and icifigs. 
 
 Still there remained on this head yet another point for 
 decision :~a point essentially connected with the continu- 
 ance of this renewed evangelic preaching ; and by far too 
 important either for the Reformers to overlook in actino- 
 or the Apocalyptic Literpreter in expounding. '^' 
 
 It IS obvious that in the first instance the fulfilment of 
 the charge, - Thou must prophesy again," embraced those 
 only wlio, alreadg ordained in the Romish Church, had been 
 by the Papal and Imperial decrees interdicted from preach- 
 ing, and degraded from Holy Orders: in regard of whom 
 we have seen Luther's decisive judgment and course of 
 actmg, and that of the other Reformers associated with 
 him.—But what of i\^e future ?~Cni off" from the ecclesi- 
 astical Hierarchy, and without any Bishop, at least in the 
 
 1 See Milner 797, 808—820
 
 174 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 Saxon Electorate/ uniting with them, whence was to come 
 the subsequent ordination of their ministers, whereby to 
 furnish the supply necessary for the continuance of the 
 preaching of the Gospel ? The more regular apostolic 
 constitution of Christian churches, as defined in the Epistles 
 to Timothy and Titus, and moreover for ten centuries the 
 almost constant,^ and afterwards constant practice in the 
 
 1 The Bishop Thurzo, of Breslau in Silesia, who died August, 1520, and his suc- 
 cessor James of Salza of the same See, are the only two Bishops noted thus far as 
 favouring the Reformation. Milner 815. 
 
 ■^ I thus express myself, because especially of the well-known allowance, both in 
 the Eastern and Western Churches, — and that for some centuries, — of ordination by 
 Chorepiscopi ; a class whose ecclesiastical rank and character may perhaps be not 
 unfitly resembled to that of Archdeacons in our Church ; certainly, as it seems to me, 
 to them much moi'e than to Bishops proper. 
 
 As their case has been overlooked, so far as I know, in the late controversial pub- 
 lications on the subject of ministerial ordination, and what has been called apo- 
 stolical succession, it may perhaps be useful to subjoin a little fuller notice of them. 
 
 Originally, as Mosheim observes in his History of the Church in its first Century, 
 they were Suffragans or Beptities, appointed by the Bishop of a City, to instruct the 
 societies gathered into the Christian Church in the rural districts adjacent. Hence 
 their title Chorepiscopi, rural Bishops; the word Bishops then, it must be remem- 
 bered, including simple Presbyters. — Now the inferiority of their ecclesiastical rank 
 to tlfat of Bishops proper, as soon afterwards defined, appears thus. First, it is ex- 
 pressed by the not unfrequent comparison of the latter to the apostles, of the former 
 to the seventy elders. * For, I conceive, the seventy elders cannot be regarded of the 
 same rank or order as the Apostles ; and so neither the Chorepiscopi of the same as 
 Bishops. — Further, both the manner of appointmetit of the Chorepiscopi to their 
 office, and the mode also in which they exercised their oflice, marked their inferiority. 
 The appointment of the Chorepiscopi was made singly and alone by each city Bishop : 
 (so we learn from the Council of Antioch : f) whereas consecration by three Bishops 
 was in the Nicene Council (one recognised by that of Antioch) declared necessary to 
 the canonical constitution of a proper Bishop.:}; Again, whereas independency of 
 action characterized the Bishop, insomuch that Bingham declares the very essence of 
 the episcopal order involved in it, (ii. 1. 1, ii. 3. 2, &c.) it was laid down by the 
 Council of Antioch, among others, that the Chorepiscopi might not ordain presbyters 
 and deacons without the consent of the city Bishop, on pain of degradation ; and, as 
 we learn from Basil's own practice, they were obliged fi-equently to consult him even 
 on the fulfilment of lesser functions. § — On all these accounts it seems clear to me 
 that the Ghorcpiscopus was of an inferior order to the Bishop proper. Bingham 
 contradicts himself, as will appear even from what has been said above, in his 
 attempt to make them out to be of the episcopal order. As for his chief proof, 
 drawn from a passage in Athanasius distinguishing the Ghorcpiscopus from a Pres- 
 byter, II the proof is valueless : because there were then not three clerical orders 
 simply, as in our Reformed Churches, but nine; of which the four higher were 
 
 * So in the Council of Neocaesarea, (A.D. 314,) Can. 14; oi St x'^pfi'KTKOTrot 
 iicnv ug TVTvov Tiiiv ((iSofir\Kovra. Harduin i. 286. 
 
 t Held A.D. 341 ; Can. 10. Hard. i. 598. % Can. 4 ; Hard. i. 323. 
 
 § Ep. 181, referred to in Bingham ii. 14. 6. 
 
 II " There needs no fuller proof that the Chorepiscopi were properly Bishops, than 
 this, — that Athanasius . . puts a manifest distinction betwixt Presbyters and Chore- 
 piscopi. For he says that . . the Churches of Mareotis . . never had either Bishop or 
 Ghorcpiscopus among them, but only Presbyters, fixed each in their respective vil- 
 lages." Bingham ii. 14. 4. — If we said of a certain district that it had never had 
 either Bishop or Archdeacon residing there, but only the Parochial Clergy, would it 
 prove the Archdeacon to be a Bishop .'
 
 CH. VI. §1.] PROVISION FOR A GOSPEL-MINISTRY. 175 
 
 Church visible, had affixed to the episcopal order alone the 
 function of ordaining deacons and presbyters. Was then 
 the future supply to remain unprovided? Was the Re- 
 formation to be left, like that begun more early by the 
 
 Presbyter, Archijn-esbijte); Chorepiscopiis, and Bishop : and consequently the dis- 
 tinguishing them from preshiters would not establish their equality with Bishops.*' 
 And, in fact, in the only ancient ritual (so far as I can find) in which the Chorepis- 
 copal rite of ordination is given (that of -the Syrian Maronites) it is followed by the 
 rite of Episcopal ordination : and in the latter the newly-elected Bishop is stated to 
 have been raised by imposition of hands from the order of Chorepiscopus, as from a 
 separate and inferior one. f 
 
 The conclusion I come to is much the same as BeUarmine' s, among others, and that 
 of the schoolmen and canonists. Mosheim too expresses a similar opinion. " Quod 
 quidem genus," he says of the Chorepiscopi, "medium veluti inter episcopos et pres- 
 byteros interjectum erat ; inferius episcopis, superius presbyteris." J 
 
 Such was their inferiority of order to the Bishop. Yet they ordained, and their 
 ordinations were held legitimate. — In evidence of this, for the earlier centuries the 
 reader need only consult Bingham. For the later centuries, he may consult Martene 
 De Rit. ii. 12. The latter in illustration cites (besides the earlier Council of Antioch) 
 that of'Meaux, held in the year 845 ; also Isidore, Pope Zachary, famous in the time 
 of Pepin, Pope Nicholas I ; &c. &c. I quote the extract of the Epistle of the last- 
 mentioned Pope (whose Episcopate lasted fi-om A.D. 858 to 867) given by Martene. 
 It was in reply to the query of Rodulph, Archbishop of Bourges, on the subject of 
 Chorepiscopal oi'dination. "A Chorepiscopis asseris multas esse in regionibus ves- 
 tris ordinationes presbyterorum et diaconorum effectas ; quos quidam episcoporum de- 
 ponunt, quidam vero deuuo consecrant. Nos vero dicimus nee innocentes oportere 
 percelli, nee uUas debere fieri ordinationes vel iteratas consecrationes. Ad formani 
 enim septuaginta Chorepiscopi facti sunt, quos quis dubitet episcoporum habuisse 
 officia." Martene endeavours to explain away the general force of this by a citation 
 fi-ora the Acts of the Cenomanensian Bishops of the time of Charlemagne, to the efiect 
 that no Chorepiscopus might make the chrism, dedicate churches, &c., much less 
 ordain, tDiless ordained by three Bishops ; " qui* omnia sumrais sacerdotibus, et non 
 chorepiscopis debentur;" adding that they considered this to have been the doctrine 
 of the Holy Fathers before them. But where do we find any such limitation in the 
 early Fathers before, any more than in the expressions of Pope Nicholas himself after, 
 them? — No doubt there were anciently certain cases of tTriff/coTroi (rxoXa^ovrse, 
 Bishops regularly ordained, but, it might be, driven from their own sees ; and who, 
 in another Bishop's diocese, were only permitted to act as Chorepiscopi : § e.g. the 
 case of the Novatian and the Meletian Bishops, &c., as noticed in the Council of 
 Nice ; || very much like that of our Colonial Bishops, after return to England. But 
 these were but a few among the many. The rule for Chorepiscopal ordination was 
 that laid down (see p. 174) by the Council of Antioch. Indeed, if regularly conse- 
 crated as Bishops, the Chorepiscopi, according to the ecclesiastical law then generally 
 received, would have been of the order not of the Seventy, but of the Twelve. 
 
 See too, on this subject of the Chorepiscopi, the fact of their often ordaining, and 
 the general jealousy t'elt against them in consequence by Prelates of higher rank, 
 Harduin i. 768, iii. 339, iv. 1314. In the two former of which references the letters 
 given as those of Pope Damasus ofabout the date A.D. 380, and John III, of about A.D. 
 560, are probably spurious ; yet may be regarded as evidences to the point stated by 
 me of date earlier than that of the Canon of the Council of Paris, held A.D. 829, 
 given in the third reference. — Both Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons in the 9th cen- 
 tury, and Gottschalc, of whom I shall have to speak in my Chapter on the Witnesses, 
 were Chorepiscopi. 
 
 * Martene ii. 1 105. f " Offerimus Sanctitati tua;, Metropolita noster, hunc 
 
 qui . . impositionem manus divinaj accepit ex ordine Chorepiscopi." Martene ii. 106 
 j i. 2. 2. 13. 
 § Bingham ii. 14. 3. || Mosheim iv. 2. 3. 18.
 
 176 APoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 Bohemians,^ to dry up for want of Pastors ? Could it be 
 Christ's will that the very separation from Antichrist should 
 involve as its consequence Antichrist's triumph ? — Surely 
 not. — In fact the case might seem to be one provided for 
 in the original Scripture record of the first times of Chris- 
 tianity ; not merely by the absence in it of any direct 
 Apostolic prohibition of other than episcopal ordination, 
 but by the Apostolic constitution of some of the Churches, 
 (of Corinth, for example,-) with but the tivo clerical orders, 
 Preshijters and Deacons, not the three. Thus satisfied that 
 both the spirit of Bcripture countenanced the proceeding 
 contemplated, and, though not the usual rule, yet the ex- 
 ception, of Apostolic practice, Luther decided to arrange 
 for the future, independently altogether of the Romish hier- 
 archy. He announced his judgment in a Treatise against 
 the falsely-called Ecclesiastical Orders of Pope and Bi- 
 shops ; — not against true Bishops, he said, but against them 
 that oppressed the truth: — and in which, renouncing the 
 titles of Priest and Doctor, given him originally by the 
 Papal authorities, he styled himself simply The Preacher? 
 This was in 1523 ; about which time, I believe, a change 
 of ministerial vestments, such as my Plate illustrates, marked 
 the fact to the eye of the public. — A year or tw^o after, the 
 function of ordination was formally taken by the Reformed 
 Churches into their own hands. In the German Churches 
 it was vested in Superintendent Presbyters, chosen among 
 themselves as a substitute for Bishops ; — and so too at first 
 in the Bwiss Churches, (which I must not leave out in this 
 notice,) though afterwards simply in the Presbytery.^ On 
 
 1 " "Wliere no preachers are" all will go to the ground. . In this sort the Pope over- 
 came the Bohemians . . and brought them again to his bay, when they had no minis- 
 ters . , Then the Popish Bishops forced those that were new-ordained by oath to hold 
 in, and subject themselves imder their command." "But we," adds Luther, "by 
 God's grace, hold the jurisdiction to ordain in our Churches, &c." Table Talk i. 417. 
 
 2 The only notice, I believe, in the New Testanunt of the ecclesiastical officers in 
 the church of Corinth is in 1 Cor. xvi. 15 ; "Ye know the house of Stephanas, that 
 it is the first-fruits of Achaia, and they have addicted themselves to the mirmtry of the 
 saints: (tic 5ta»coj'tav roig ayioig") that ye submit yourself to such ; &c." Besides 
 which in Clement's Epistle to the Corinthians, (ch. 42,) written probably very soon 
 after Domitian's pei'secxition, there is mention only of Bishops and Deacons, i. e. 
 Presbyters and Deacons, (for o\ Trpcalivrepoi to TraXatov eKaXowro nziaKoiroi, says 
 Chrysostom, Horn. i. in Plail. i. 1,) as officers in the then Corinthian church. See mv 
 Vol. i. p. 295, Foot Note. ^ Milner, 795. 
 
 * See Mosheim, Cent, xvi, Part ii, cliap. 1. 4 and 2. 12.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^1.] REFORMED ORDERS FROM CHRIST. 177 
 
 the other hand, in the cases of Denmark, Stveden, and Eng- 
 land it was through God's favouring Providence so ordered 
 that the direct episcopal succession passed into the Re- 
 formed Church, and the more regular medium of ordina- 
 tion was continued ; all, however, in Christian harmony and 
 fellowship with their continental sister-churches of the Re- 
 formation.^ — Thus was a provision made {or \\\e permanent 
 fultilment of still the same Apocalyptic commission, " Thou 
 must prophesy again." — Of course, on account of the de- 
 parture in some cases from direct Episcopal ordination, and 
 on account of the ordaining Bishops in the other cases 
 being excommunicated and degraded by Rome, the cry 
 was raised by their enemies against ministers so ordained, 
 as if in reality imordained and uncommissioned.^ But 
 
 1 The well-known xxiiird Artirle of the Church of England, " Of ministering in 
 the Congregation," was notoriously so worded as to allow of the recognition of 
 Ordinations in the Lutheran -and Reformed Churches. " It is not lawful for any 
 man to take upon him the office of public preaching, or ministering the sacra- 
 ments in the congregation, before he be lawfully called, and sent to execute the 
 same. And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent, ichich be chosen 
 and called to this work, by men uho hare public authority given to them in the con- 
 gregation to call and send ministers into the Lord's Aineyard." — It is well known 
 that the practice of the Reformed Ch'irch of England, through the reign of Edward 
 VI, and the greater part of that of Elizabeth, was entirely conformable to the spirit 
 of this Article. Ministers of the continental Reformed Churches (as Bucer) were 
 admitted to English liAdugs, and into the Universities ; and their ordination de- 
 clared valid also by Act of Parliament, 13th Elizabeth. See Lathbury's English 
 Episcopacy, pp. 19, G3; from Strype's Annals.* 
 
 In Bishop Burnet's Comment ou the 23rd Article, he specifically notices the case 
 of Bishops failing in a particular Christian community, or kingdom, — so as was the 
 case in the Saxon Electorate at the Reformation ; and Princes, from political cau- 
 tion or jealousies, objecting to theii' subjects going into other kingdoms for 
 ordination. 
 
 ■^ In this I allude chiefly to Rome, and its attacks on the orders of all the Re- 
 formed Churches as invalid. — It is to be lamented that some too in the Church of 
 England should, of late years, have impugned the validity of the orders of the Lu- 
 theran and Reformed Churches, because Presbyterian. Besides being contrary to 
 the spirit of the Church of England, as judged of by its Articles, and by tlie doctrine 
 and practice of its venerable founders, is it not suicidal ? For who among this class 
 of ministers in the Engli.sh Church could, on their owji principles rigidly carried out, 
 (however positively some have asserted it,) prove his own ordination to be valid .^ — 
 The consecration of each Bishop, in order to validity, requires, we saw, three Bi- 
 shops ; his previous admission to Priest's and Deacon's Orders, at least one more. 
 Thus we may say the validity of but one Episcopal ordination involves that of four 
 more; that of these four, it might be, of 16, and of these 16, if the number of 
 Bishops in the community allowed scope enough, and the ordaining Bishops in each 
 line, traced backward, were distinct and unintermingled, that of 64. Allo\A-ing 
 twenty years to each Bishop's episcopate on an average, we should be carried back in 
 a century ^?;<; steps; and therefore so as to involve the validity, still on the same sup- 
 positions, of 256. — Of course the number is in practice greatly and constantly lessened 
 
 * See too on this point Goode's Doctrine of the Church of England on Non-Epis- 
 copal ordinations, published subsequently to the 4th Ed. of my Horse Apoc. 
 VOL. II. ' 12
 
 178 Apoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 behold, in the wonderful figuration before us, God's own 
 divinely pronounced sentence in the matter. Supposing that 
 the sense I have attached to the passage before us is the 
 right one, (and, I think, considering the context in which 
 it occurs, it will be hard indeed to disprove it,) we have, in 
 the fact of St. Johns being made repr'esentative of the 
 faithful ministers of the Reformation, at this particular 
 stage in the Apocalyptic drama, a direct intimation of their 
 being all in the line of Apostolic succession ; and in the 
 AngeVs words, " Thou must prophesy again," of their being 
 
 by the circumstance of the ordaining Bishops being in many ordinations the same. 
 Still enough remains true of the case supposed to show that the validity of the conse- 
 crations of the whole preceding Episcopal body, however large, imited in the same 
 couutry or rather communion, would within a century or two be involved, in order 
 to assure the validity of that one Bishop's consecration now. And since, before the 
 Eeformation, (dl Western Europe was thus connected together, awA foreigners continu- 
 ally filled the English Sees,* it follows that we need the validity of the ordinations 
 oi all the Bishops of Western Europe in the 13th and earlier centuries, in order (on 
 the pi'inciples of such persons as T speak of) to establish our own. Thus we come ne- 
 cessarily not only to the consideration of the many possible contingencies of failure, of 
 which Chillingworth speaks so strongly, but to the direct question, among others, of 
 the validity of Chorepiscopal ordinations ; which, as explained in a former Note, seem 
 to have been by no means properly Episcopal, and were yet frequent, and practised 
 for ages. The stream of episcopal succession, by which each English minister's or- 
 dination is traced back to its Apostolic origin, must almost necessarily include some 
 out of the wide-spread numbers of chorepiscopally-ordained presbyters ; (e. g. those 
 by Agobard of Lyons ;) bishops destitute of the necessary prerequisite, according to our 
 objectors, of true previous priestly orders. I say the necessary prerequisite; for or- 
 dinations per solium were uncanouical and illegal. (Martene ii. 8.) 
 
 See on this subject a very interesting and illustrative extract given by Seckendorf, 
 Book iii. pp. 499, 500, from a Sermon by George Prince of Anhalt ; who takes up 
 the offensive as well as defensive argument against the Romanists, on the subject of 
 true ministerial ordination, somewhat as I have. Many priests, says he, of the 
 Romish Church have not been ordained by true bishops, charged with a certain fixt 
 diocese, but by mere suffragans, wearing only the masque of bishops ; "a larvatis et 
 nomine saltern tenus Episcopis, quos titulares et suffraganeos vocant." — Besides which 
 in the Romish Church the doctrine of intention, solemnly laid down in the Council of 
 Trent, after that of Florence, throws all into uncertainty. " Si quis dixeritin minis- 
 tris, dum sacramenta conficiunt et confei'unt, non requiri intentionem saltern faciendi 
 quod facit ecclesia, anathema sit." Council of Trent, Sess. vii. Can. xi. See the 
 whole argument drawn out more fully in my Letter to Rev. W. Gresley in the Appendix 
 to my Warburton Lectures. 
 
 Let me add Hooker's well-known passage on the subject. " There may be some- 
 times very just and sufficient reason to allow ordination made without a Bishop. . . . 
 Where the Church must needs have some ordained, and neither hath, nor can have 
 possibly, a Bishop to ordain, — in case of such necessity the ordinary institution of 
 God hath given oftentimes, and may give place. And therefore we are not simply, 
 and without exception, to urge a lineal descent of power from the Apostles, by con- 
 tinual succession of Bishops, in every effectual Ordination." Eccl. Pol. vii. 14, ad 
 fin. — To the same effect writes Bishop StUlingfleet in his Eirenicum, ch. viii. 385. 
 
 * See England's grievances, exhibited in the Council of Lyons, A.D. 1245 ; 
 " That in the benefices of England one Italian succeedeth another ; " &c. Hard, 
 vii. 400.
 
 CHAP. VI. §1.] REFORMED ORDERS FROM CHRIST. 179 
 
 all commissioned by Him who commissioned the apostles ; 
 that is, the Covenant-Angel, the Lord Jesus. 
 
 There is yet one other point that I must notice, ere con- 
 cluding, I mean the change in the ritual of Priesfs ordina- 
 tion, now introduced by the Reformers. The imaginary 
 function of sacrificing being renounced as blasphemous, and 
 that of preaching the Gospel (in conjunction with the right 
 administration of the sacraments) considered as the grand 
 function of the Christian ministry, a corresponding change 
 was made universally in the verbal formula ; and, instead 
 of the words, " Receive thou authority to sacrifice for the 
 living and the dead," authority was given, and a solemn 
 charge added, to 'preach the Gospel} — Moreover in some 
 of the reformed churches,'^ and more especially in the An- 
 glican, there was a change in the sijmhol, as well as the 
 words. Not merely w^as the delivery to the candidate of 
 the chalice and the paten abolished, (in which abolition all 
 agreed,) but, instead thereof, in accordance very much with 
 that old form of Diaconal ordination already spoken of, 
 there was substituted, in the churches I allude to, the 
 delivery into his hands of wdiat I conceive to have been 
 the B<3X/api8<ov of the Apocalyptic figuration, the Little 
 Bible, the JS'ew Testament ; or perhaps of the whole Bible^ 
 now through the art of printing (and the fact was practi- 
 cally most important) made a small book. We find it 
 directed in the English Formulary that the candidate for 
 Deacon's Orders shall, on his ordination, have the New 
 Testament given into his hands by the oi"daining Bishop, 
 
 1 The contrast is thus drawn by Luther in his Table Talk, ii. 22. " In the Pope- 
 dom they invest priests, not for the office of preaching and teaching God's word, but 
 only to celebrate mass. . . For, when a Bishop ordaineth one, he saith, Take to thee 
 power to celebrate mass, and to offer for the living and the dead ! But we ordain priests, 
 according to the command of Christ and St. Paul, to preach the pure gospel and 
 God's word." 
 
 In the Swedish Church it was decreed that none should be ordained who did not 
 approve themselves both able and willing to preach the gospel. MUner 813. 
 
 2 The symbol is used in some of the Lutheran Churches, (I am told,) in others 
 not. 
 
 3 The circumstance of the Kew Testament, or the Bible, being thus used in the 
 Ordinations of the Churches of the Reformation, is another example of the Apoca- 
 lyptic habit of borrowing figures from habits established at the time prefigured. 
 
 It is observable that many manuscripts read fSipXtov, in some of the verses where 
 the word referred to occurs, instead of f3ifiXiapiSiov. Generally however there is a 
 decided preponderance of evidence in favour of the latter reading, as appears from 
 the critical editions. See Note ^ p. 148. 
 
 12*
 
 180 APoc. X. 8 — 11. [part III. 
 
 and the candidate for Priesfs Orders the Bible : the ac- 
 companying words of commission being in the one case, 
 " Take thou authority to read the Gospel in the Church 
 of God, and to preach the same, if hcensed by the Bishop : " 
 in the other, " Take thou authority to preach the word ; " 
 with an additional authorization for administering the Sa- 
 craments. Yet again, in the consecration of Bishops, it 
 was judged fit that the same significant symbol should not 
 be omitted. The Archbishop delivers the Bible in this 
 case into the hand of him who has been consecrated ; ^ with 
 the injunction, " Take heed to the doctrine and exhorta- 
 tion ! Think on the things contained in this Book ! " — 
 Thus, in each of the three cases, considering that the or- 
 daining or consecrating Bishop acts in the ceremony as 
 Christ's deputy, we have a kind of perpetuation in our Eng- 
 lish ritual of the Apocalyptic figurative form of the commis- 
 sioning of the ministers of the Reformation. Nor indeed 
 in England only. Eor it past thence too into her colonies 
 of the far sea, (specially that mighty one in North Ame- 
 rica,) which, from the very time of his planting his right foot 
 on the sea, his left on the land, the Lord began to give 
 her, as if in preparation for his re-vindication to Himself 
 of the usurped dominions of Antichrist. Surely the fact is 
 remarkable. — Nor, I think, will it be either uninteresting 
 or profitless even now to the ministers ordained in our 
 Church, on each such solemn occasion to remember this 
 prototype of their ordination, pre-enacted in the visions of 
 Patmos. Besides the strength and comfort thence derivable 
 (especially in seasons of tasting the bitterness of the minis- 
 terial work) from the view that it suggests of the Cove- 
 nant-Angel as having Himself commissioned them,^ it will 
 
 1 There appears from fhe ancient rituals to have been anciently a form in the rite 
 of Episcopal ordination, somewhat similar in some churches ; viz. that of two bishops 
 holding over the head of the bishop elect, to be consecrated, the book of the Gospels. 
 So the Canon 2 of the 4th Council of Carthage, held (as before noted p. 164) A.D. 
 398. Hard. i. 979. The circumstance of the Bishop being theii distinctively the 
 Preacher, will sufficiently account for this distinction. 
 
 2 " When those that are in the office of teaching have not joy or comfort from 
 thence, namely that they have not regard to Him that called and sent them, then is 
 it with such an irksome work. Truly I would not take the wealth of the whole 
 world, that I should now begin the work against the Pope, wliich thus ftir I have 
 wrought, by reason of the exceeding heavy care and anguish wherewith I have been 
 burthened. But when I look on Him that called me thereunto, I would not for the 
 world's wealth but that I had begun it." Luther's Table Talk, ii. 353.
 
 CHAP. YI. § 2.] RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 181 
 
 also serve to remind them of his intention that they should 
 make the gospel thenceforth the grand subject both of 
 their personal study and their pubhc preaching: and further 
 that, in the latter, they should witness for Him agamst all 
 superstition, sin, and error ;— very specially, wherever and 
 whenever Romish errors may again raise the head, against 
 those of the apostate anticliristian Church of Rome. 
 
 S 2. THE ECCLESIASTICAL CONSTITUTION AND 
 
 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES, 
 
 AND THEIR SEPARATION FROM THE 
 
 CHURCH OF ROME. 
 
 " And there was given unto me a reed like unto a rod : 
 \the Angel'] saying ^^ Rise, and measure the temple of 
 God, and the altar, and those that worship therein : and 
 the court which is without the temple cast out, and measure 
 it^iot; for it has been given to the Gentiles." Apoc 
 xi. 1, 2. 
 
 The division made between this and the preceding chap- 
 ter of the Apocalypse seems to me peculiarly unfortunate. 
 For the connexion between what concludes the one, and 
 what begins the other, appears to be as close as it' well 
 could be : seeing that the Angel who before addressed 
 St. John still continues here to address him ;- and the new 
 
 1 Kai t^oQn iioi Ka\ap,oq hfioioQ pafiS^, Xtyo^x/. Such is the reading found in the 
 earhest existing Cxreek Codex that contains the verse; viz. the Codex Alexandrinus 
 numbered A in Tregelles' hst. Of the two other most ancient Greek Codices of 
 the Apocalypse, called by him B and C, the latter unfortunately does not contain 
 the passage there being a lacuna in it from Apoc. x. 10 to xi. 3 ; but B reads nearly 
 as our translators, kuc \^r,KEi 6 ayytXog. (Wordsworth.) Of later Codices too there 
 IS one good one, written on vellum in the year 1087, (Codex Harleianus 5537,) which 
 contains the reading of the received text, Kat 6 ayy'^Xog u<rrr,.ec Xeyu^v.-Of trans- 
 lations the Latin \ulgate does not recognise this addition; its rendering beino- "Et 
 dictum est mihi : but it appears in the Armenian Translation, of the date A. D. 
 410 and in the Syriac, dating m the 6th century.-Thus the addition is by no means 
 without support Since however the balance of authority is against it, I therefore 
 conclude to read the text without it. Jo'- '■h ^ meruxore 
 
 ^trLnS^-*^'' T'l"?° ""* *^''^''//- °- P- >'n'^v, the question of grammatical con- 
 struction immediately occurs. And, unless we make the «a\a/xoe, or reed that was 
 given the evangelist, to be the spokesman, an idea which seems to me to be as pre- 
 posterous as it does to Vitnnga and M. Stuart,* though, to my amazemen t, adopted 
 
 Vitringa. "Cui rei to \tywv respondebit .' An calamo ; ut scnsus sit cala-
 
 182 APOC. XT. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 injunction that he gives, " Rise and measure the temple," 
 is but, as we shall see, a sequel to his previous injunction, 
 
 * 
 
 of late by Dr. "Wordsworth, * the Xsyiov must be taken I presume as a nominative 
 absolute : (a grammatical peculiarity not very uncommon :) and, as the angel was 
 the speaker before, so he must naturally be considered the speaker now. I have 
 accordingly here inserted the words the angel, though only in Italics. 
 
 As questions of some importance are supposed to be aflfected by the explanation 
 given, and the nominative supplied, I think it well to add the views of some of the 
 best critical expositors on the passage. 
 
 1. Vitringa (p. 594) infers the nominative to the Xfywi/ from the accompanying 
 act of the giving of the measuring reed to St. John : as if it had been written, Kat 
 iSdiKi fioi KoX. bfi p. Xfywv and the giver of the reed he supposes to be the angel 
 of the preceding context, " maguus ille et inlustris Angelus." He refers for illus- 
 tration to Ezek. xl. 3, 4, speaking of an angel that had a measuring reed in hand. 
 
 2. EichJiorn says that, though we reject Kai 6 ayytXoQ ii(tti]kh from the text, we 
 must supply it in the interpretation. " Quae verba, si genuina non sunt dicenda, 
 interponenda tamen in interpretando sunt." ii. 53. 
 
 3. Heinrkhs, like Eichhorn, says; "Ante Xsywv supplendum erit ejusmodi quid, 
 quale invenitur in textu recepto :" and, just previously; " Cap. xi. continua serie per- 
 git, prioribusque jungitur; quia idem angelus loquitur qui coelitus descenderat, c. x." 
 
 4. M. Stuart. " Atyu>v, — but who is the speaker ? The Vulgate [vulgar?'] text 
 has supplied the agent by inserting Kai 6 ayytKoq tiuTrjKEi. But this clause is justly 
 rejected, as wanting sutiicient support from MSS.f It is moreover evidently against 
 the tenor of the sequel ; for v. 3 {fxapTvatv fiov) shows that God, or Christ, must 
 have been the speaker in this case .... Evidently the speaker in this verse is the 
 person who gave John the measuring rod. But, as the passive voice iSo9rf is here 
 used, the agent in this case is not designated. This must be supplied therefore Aom 
 the context : and ver. 3 enables us to supply the proper nominative." 
 
 How strange that Professor Stuart should not have recognised the Angel of the 
 Covenant in the rainbow-crowned angel of Apoc. x . ! Had he done so, he would 
 have seen that instead of v. 3 of ch. xi. showing that it was a different speaker from 
 the one in ch. x., (see his p. 312,) it shows him to have' been the same person. — So 
 with Vitringa, Eichhorn, Heinrichs, (the two latter of whom are expositors of M. 
 Stuart's own German school of Apocalyptic interpretation,) we may safely conclude 
 that Apoc. xi. is a mere continuation of Apoc. x. ; (the omission of the kui 6 ayyiXoQ 
 itoTTiKii making no difference on this head ;) and the speaker in either case one and 
 the same. A point this the more to be observed, as some persons have very strangely 
 supposed that the omission of the Kai 6 ayytXoQ tiorj/Ktt from the text involves the 
 necessary disruption of the narratives in chapters x. and xi. 
 
 While fidly agreeing however with these interpreters as to the angel of Apoc. x. 
 being the nominative to Xtytov, and the speaker, I prefer to infer this nominative, not 
 from the eSoOrj, but from the immediately preceding sentence and narrative : the clause 
 " And there was given me a reed like to a rod," being in a manner parenthetic ; and 
 the Xiyuii' with ayyiXog rendered as a nominative absolute. For it seems to me 
 doubtful whether the angel was the giver of the reed, as will be observed afterwards. 
 — On the use of the nominative absolute in Greek, see Matthiae's Grammar, (Blomf. Ed. 
 1832,) p. 976. One example from Sophocles may suffice : Xo-yot S' tv aXXr/Xoiffcv 
 ippoOovv KaKot, (pvXa^ tXiyx<^v (pvXaKa. — On the interruption of parentheses 
 compare Matt. ix. 6 ; iva Ss iiSt)re on i^ovcnav tx" ^ '^'"C '"o" avGptoTrov tiri 
 Ttjg yrjQ a^iii'ai afxapTuig, {rort Xcyti ry ■7rapaXvTiK(fi,) tyepOeig apov row rtjv kXcvijv. 
 And again Luke xix. 24 — -26. 
 
 mum qui Prophetic datus est mandatum illi injunxisse ? Certe id ineptum et ab- 
 surdum fuerit sentire." — M. Stuart, ii. 216. " The interpretation which makes 
 tcaXajioc itself the speaker, is not worth notice, except as a fact which exhibits the 
 possibility of any and every extravagance in interpretation." 
 
 * Comment, on Apoc. p. 241. "The reed speaks; it is inspired. The Spirit is 
 in it. It is the word of God." 
 
 t Prof. S. was not aware when he wrote of the reading of Codex B.
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2. J RE-FORMATION 0¥ THE CHURCH. 183 
 
 " Thou must prophesy again." Yet this arbitrary division, 
 this artificial break, has exercised, I am persuaded, no 
 Kttle influence on many modern commentators ; and, in 
 concurrence with the misapprehension respecting the little 
 book, as if it were a part of the seven-sealed Apocalyptic 
 Book, and that respecting the projyhesying, as if it meant 
 the enunciation of that supposed new Part of the Apoca- 
 lyptic predictions, has led them into the error of construing 
 the whole vision of the xth chapter, as if it were an inter- 
 ruption to the previous continuity of prefiguration of things 
 future, and a mere parenthesis of introduction to quite a 
 new subject, beginning in chap, xi.^ — I mention this be- 
 cause, where a mistake of iiuportance has been frequent 
 and general, it can scarce fail of being instructive to an 
 inquirer to mark its various causes and its origin. 
 
 " And the Angel said, Rise and measure the temple of 
 God, and the altar (or altar-court)^ and them that worship 
 therein." — In my introductory chapter on the Apocalyptic 
 scenery^ it was observed that the Temple (the same that 
 continued ever present before St. John, with its triple 
 divisions, as the standing foreground of the scenery) was, 
 agreeably with the Apostle's own application of the figure, 
 to be regarded as symbolic of the Christian Church Uni- 
 versal : the Holy of Holies and its blessed company repre- 
 senting that part of it, and their beatified state and worship, 
 that might have been already gathered into Paradise ; — 
 
 1 See the observations at pp. 45 — 48 supra. — In a Paper in the Investigator, 
 signed T. C. C. Vol. iii. p. 14-5, the continuity of these two chapters, the xth and 
 xith, is strongly insisted on. This is the earliest notice of it that I remember to have 
 seen : and, as it happened, was inserted nearly about the same time as a Paper of my 
 own on the Witnesses, (beginning p. 185 of the same Volume of the Investigator,) 
 towards the conclusion of which, p. 195, the same view was expressed incidentally. 
 
 ^ The preposition in, "them that worship in it," if applied to the nearest noun, 
 OvaiaaTtjpiov, may suggest the propriety of translating the word 9uaiaaTt]piov altar- 
 court. 8o it is used by Ignatius, in his Epistle to the Ephesians, c. 5, and on that to 
 the Trallians, c. 7 ; where " without the altar," means " without the altar-court." 
 See Vol. i. pp. 15, 16. Compare Apoc. xiv. 18, xvi. 7. 
 
 2 I observe that Mede ad loc. takes the same view. " Ovaiaarripiov non altare 
 tantum holocausti, quod ibi situm, sed spatium etiam circumjectum, id est totum altaris 
 et sacriticii locum designat; ut ex verbis ei proxime cohyerentibus coUigitur, kui 
 irpoaKwovvrag iv avri^), id est tv to* QvaiaarripK^." And so too Vitringa ibid. 
 
 •* See Vol. i. pp. 97—100.
 
 184 Apoc. XI. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 the remainder of the temple, and those worshipping therein, 
 the Church on earth and its worship. It was further ob- 
 served respecting this its remainder, including the Holy 
 Place and the altar-court, that the Holij Place, being that 
 which was concealed with its candlestick and incense-altar 
 from general view in the Jetvish Temple, and that where- 
 with in the Apocalyptic Temple the great High Priest (the 
 same that walks in the midst of the golden candlesticks) 
 alone appeared conversant, might be regarded as figuring 
 the Church in respect of its secret spiritual worship and 
 character, unseen by men, but marked by Jesus : on the 
 other hand the altar-court and they that worshipped in it, 
 (for the worshippers court is viewed Apocalyptically as an 
 appendage and part of the altar-court,Y as figuring the 
 Church in respect of its visible and public tvorship. — Already 
 some illustrations of this the symbolic signification of the 
 altar-court have occurred to our notice. Thus, under the 
 fifth Seal, the figuration of souls beneath the altar, slain for 
 the testimony of Jesus, was found to correspond in history 
 with a state of the Church in which, from the virulence of 
 persecution, no public act of Christian devotion and wor- 
 ship was visible in the Roman world, but that of the saints 
 offering themselves in martyrdom, for the name, and as it 
 were on the altar, of Christ.' Again, in the temple-scene 
 as depicted before the first sounding of the Trumpets, and 
 the then presentation of incense by the saints to their 
 Angel-Priest beside the great altar, in contradistinction to 
 others who, having forsaken the altar, presented it not, — 
 we traced allusion to a state of the professing Church in 
 Christendom, in which but few comparatively remained 
 true to Christ's pure faith and worship ; the majority 
 
 > Frequently the altnr-eourt of the priests, and the court of the worshippers, or of 
 Israel, are spoten of as distinct and separate ; but here the iuchision of the latter in 
 the former is implied in the words of the text, " Measure the altar, or altar-court, 
 and them that worship in it." Nor is this inconsistent with the Jewish view of the 
 matter. Vitringa, p. 595, quotes Grotius, showing that the altar-eourt and court of 
 Israel were not so separated as to be deemed by the Jews two, but one. 
 
 The symbolization of worshippers, as well as worship, by the Jewish Temple, is 
 natural and frequent. So by St. Paul, in passages referred to in my Introductory 
 Chapter, Vol. i. p. 101. So by the early Fathers. So agaiu by subsequent ecclesi- 
 astical writers, and indeed in the acts of Councils and Papal Bulls continually. In 
 the Apociilypse, however, we see the worshippers are specified, as well as the local 
 scene of worship ; thus making the intent of the symbol more distinct. 
 
 2 See Vol. i. pp. 207—210.
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2.] RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 185 
 
 having substituted for the atoning and justifying virtue of 
 his sacrifice other methods of justification, and for his me- 
 diatorship and intercession other mediators.^ — And now 
 that the symbolic temple is again introduced into notice, 
 with the new feature superadded of its outer court, or court 
 of the Gentiles i^ the explanation continues obvious on the 
 same principle. The altar-court, with them that ivorshipped 
 in it, is still used as the symlDol of that part of the Church 
 visible,^ which (like Israel when faithful to the Mosaic law) 
 . adhered to the true and divinely-instituted worship which 
 the altar indicated. On the other hand the outer, or Gen- 
 tile court, is the symbolic scene of the adscititious members 
 from out of heathenism : those who, having called them- 
 selves Christians, and been thus formally enrolled into the 
 body of the New Testament Israel, and admitted to free 
 communion with the altar- court, had yet ere long (like the 
 heathenized Jews of old under Ahaz or Manasseh)* for- 
 saken the Christian altar-worship ; and wdio were now at 
 length solemnly denounced by the Angel, and the order for 
 their exclusion given accordingly to St. John, as having 
 manifestly, though not professedly, apostatized to heathen- 
 ism.^ 
 
 Thus much on the temple-scene, and the emblematic 
 meaning of those two different parts of it, the altar-court 
 and court of the Gentiles. To which let me add, (in order 
 
 1 lb. p. 328, &c. 
 
 ^ From Solomon's prayer on the dedication of the Temple, 1 Kings viii. 41, that 
 the Gentiles might worship God there, we may infer that a Court for the Gentiles 
 was then built. And thus when two Courts are ■ mentioned afterwards, as in 
 2 Kings xxi. 5, xxiii. 12, &c., we may consider the same two intended as here. 
 Compare too Jer. xxxvi. 10, where the higher court is mentioned. 
 
 ^ The reader will observe that I suppose Christ's Church visible, and its worship, 
 to be thus designated ; not the Church of his true spiritual believers, distinctively. 
 This must be always borne in mind. 
 
 * So too in the times of the second temple desecration under Antiochus Epiphanes ; 
 on which see Fairbairn on Prophecy, p. 339. 
 
 ' Compai'e 1 Cor. v. 12, where roi^c t^w, "them that are without" is said of the 
 heathen : also Mark iv. 11, where our Lord, using the figure, says, "to them that 
 are without in parables." 
 
 Tichonius, in his Homily 8 ad loc, explains the symbol very similarly. " Ipsi 
 atrium sunt qui videntur in ecclesid esse, et /oris sunt ; sive hceretici, sive tnale 
 viventes eatholici." 
 
 Andreas, less correctly in my opinion, while explaining the inner altar-court and 
 temple as the Church, makes the outer court to figure avowed Jetvs and heathens. 
 Hfiti^ Se i'Ofii(^on£vvaov Oeov i^wvTog Tr]v tKK\r]aiav irQonayopivi<ydai, tv ii Ovatag 
 XoyiKug Tifi 9f(jj 7rpofT(p(pojfiiv avX-qv £t s^ojTtpav ri]v rtuv oTnanov i9vwv kui lou^ai- 
 wv avvaytiiy-qv, ojg ai'a^iav vtt' ayyiXov fitTpt)Oj)vai Sia rriv aaij^uav avrwv. 
 Eyvtoj' ct Utog tovq ovrat; avrov.
 
 186 Apoc. XI. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 to a connexion of the present with the past,) that it would 
 be scarce possible, as I conceive, for St. John not to have 
 viewed the heathenized professors of the outer court here 
 condemnatorily alluded to, as of the same line of apostasy 
 with that of the unfaithful ones described in sundry earlier 
 and not-to-be-forgotten prefigurative notices: — the line 
 namely of those who, having in the first instance, albeit 
 imder the name and profession of Christ's Israel, been 
 hinted at as satisfying themselves with another life-giving, 
 and another sealing, than that by the divine life-giving 
 Angel from the East, and, at the time of the first Trumpet- 
 sounding, as withholding their incense from the Angel- 
 priest, and forsaking the great altar of sacrifice, — had 
 afterwards, just before the blast of the sixth Trumpet, 
 been allusively figured as rejecting each offered oppor- 
 tunity of reconciliation with Christ, at the four horns of the 
 golden altar, — and again, after the slaying of their third 
 part under that same Trumpet, as still adhering to their 
 previously long-cherished heathen-like idolatries, demon- 
 worship, and other cognate sins,^ all subsequently de- 
 nounced, let me add, by the revealing angel, as the damn- 
 ing sins of the seven-hilled Babylon ■} — the same, in fine, 
 against whose usurping Head there had been just recently 
 depicted in symbol the intervention and wrathful cry of the 
 Covenant- Angel ; and from whose seven -hilled metropolis, 
 in hostile answer, there had sounded forth the seven anti- 
 christian thunders. 
 
 This premised, the meaning of the predictive clause be- 
 fore us, — " Rise and measure the temple of God, and the 
 altar-court, and those that worship in it ; but the court 
 that is without the temple cast out, and measure it not, for 
 it has been given to the Gentiles," — will, I think, readily 
 approve itself to the reader. It must surely signify that 
 they whom St. John at this particular epoch represented, — 
 that is, Luther and his brother reforming ministers, Avould, 
 as the sequel to their resumption of prophesying, or gospel- 
 preaching, 1st be directed as from heaven to some new defi- 
 
 1 Apoc. vii. 2, 3, viii. 3, ix. 13, 20, &c. See Vol. i. pp. 286, 330—33", 484—486 ; 
 ii. p. 8, &c. 
 
 ^ Apoc. xviii. 9, 23, 24.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^ 2.] RE-rORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 187 
 
 nition and constitution, i. e. in other words, to some re- 
 formation of the eartlihj Churcli ;^ for the measuring, 
 coupled with the casting out, impUed a certain re-constitu- 
 tion, as well as definition, of what was measured ;^ — 2. that 
 they would define, as those who alone could rightly be con- 
 sidered to belong to Christ's Church, such as in public 
 profession and worship recognised that cardinal point of 
 the Christian faith which the Jewish altar and altar ritual- 
 worship symbolized, viz. justification hy the alonte efiicacij of 
 Christ's projntiatoj^y sacrifice, and through Chrisfs atone 
 mediatorship : — 3. that they would exclude therewith, or 
 excommunicate, the Romish Churcli and worshippers, (for 
 such, alike with Jews and Christians of St. John's time, 
 and in the Christian Church too ever afterwards, was the 
 ecclesiastical force of the verb sxjSaXXo),^) as apostate and 
 
 ^ That is, in Roman Christendom. 
 
 To the justice of this designation of the apostatized Christian Church and its wor- 
 ship as heathen, as Gibbon, we saw, testified in reference to the earlier times of the 
 apostasy, (see Vol. i. pp. 331, 332) so, too, Robertson in reference to its continuance 
 down to the later times ot which we are now speaking. " To the pure and simple 
 worship of the primitive Christians there succeeded a species of splendid idolatry, 
 nearly resembling those Pagan originals whence it had been copied." Hist, of 
 Scotland, Book ii. " The contrariety of such observances," he adds, " to the spirit 
 of Christianity was almost the first thing in the Romish system which awakened the 
 indignation of the Reformers, who applied to these the denunciations in the Old 
 Testament against idolatry." 
 
 h - This this was sometimes implied in the measuring, even where there was not 
 the accompaniment of the casting out, will appear from Jerem. xxxi. 38, 39 ; " The 
 measuring line shall yet go forth . . upon the hill Gareb, and shall compass about to 
 Goath:" a passage preceded by the words, "The city shall be built to the Lord, 
 from the tower of Hananeel unto the gate of the corner." So also Ezek. xl. 3, 5, &c. ; 
 " Behold a man . . with a line of Jiax in his hand, and a measuring reed : " on which 
 follows the account of the rebuilding of the temple and city, in vision. The same in 
 Zech. ii. 1, &c. "I looked, and behold a man with a measuring line in his hand. 
 Then said I, Whither goest thou ?| And he said unto me, To measure Jerusalem ; to 
 see what is the breadth and what is the length thereof. . . And an angel said, Jeru- 
 salem shall be inhabited as towns without walls, &c." — In 2 Sam. viii. 2, we have 
 an example of measurement, to mark out what was to be cast out, as well as what to 
 \i% preserved : " He measured them with a line ; — with two lines, &c., to destroy, and 
 with one ia preserve alive." So too Lam. ii. 8. 
 
 In the present case, however, the casting out is a prominent point in the prefigura- 
 tion. The which fact implied necessarily a certain reparation and reconstitution of 
 the cleansed temple ; just as in the case of the Jewish reformations under Hezekiah 
 and Josiah, of which moi-e presently. 
 
 3 " The court without the temple cast out ! " tKJ3a\e t^oj. It is to be observed that 
 this court, though without the vaog, was yet within the iipov, and so might be C8st 
 out. The phrase is used of Jeioish ecclesiastical excommunication, John ix. 22, 34, 
 xii. 42, xvi. 2; in Matt. xxi. 12, of Christ's casting the money-changers, &c., out of 
 the temple: — also of Christian ecclesiastical excommimication, 3 John 10; where 
 it is said of Diotrephes, £k Tr]Q (icK\t}aias iKJiaWfi, " He casteth certain out of the 
 church." Compare too Gal. iv. 30. 
 
 The phrase, as well as symbolic form, designativo of excommunication continued 
 afterwards. So in the Greek CouncQs ; ^.tvrjoov, tov ^\avixaiov, t^w ji aXe, said of
 
 188 APOC. XI. 1, 2. [PAUT III. 
 
 heathen; — 4. that, notwithstanding its excommunication, 
 this system of heathenish rather than Christian worship 
 woukl continue to appear for a time attached as an ap- 
 pendage to the Church visible ; God's predetermined time 
 of endurance of it (of which more hereafter) not having yet 
 expired. 
 
 But how was all this that seemed symbolized to be ac- 
 complished? For to do it on a scale of magnitude and 
 notoriety before the world, such as to answer to the Apo- 
 calyptic symbolization, — I say on this scale to cast out from 
 what might thenceforth alone be rightly viewed as Christ's 
 visible Church, that, and those, that had for ages professed 
 and been considered to constitute it, (saying, " The tem- 
 ple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord are we,")^ and 
 on this scale too to exhibit openly and publicly before 
 the world a reformed and purified Christian church and 
 worship, — how was all this to be accomplished, in what 
 was still, in respect of all its governing powers and author- 
 ities, Papal Christendom? The prophetic answer to this 
 question is given us in what is said of the instrument put 
 mto St. JoJm^s hands, for the purpose of the new measuring 
 of the mystic temple on the Apocalyptic scene ; " And there 
 was given unto me a reed like unto a rod ; the Angel say- 
 ing, Rise, and measure the temple, &c." — A point this 
 which will call for our very careful consideration. 
 
 And here, 1st, let me observe, with regard to the giver 
 of the measuring reed to the apostle, that this can scarcely 
 have been the Angel in communication with him. For, in 
 order to have presented the reed to John, he must first 
 have held it himself in hand. Bat, though a very detailed 
 description is given us in Apoc. x. of the Angel's appear- 
 ance, including a reference to his hand, among other things, 
 
 the excommunication of certain heretics in the 5th century. (Hard. ii. 1333.) In Mar- 
 tene ii. p. 322, again, among sunilry solemn forms of excommunication, used in the 
 Romish Church, I find tlie expression occurs, " et d liminibus sanctm matris ecclesice 
 sequestramus ; " or, as another formula has it, "d liminibus sanctm Dei ecclesice segrega- 
 mus, et d eaetu Christianortim ejicinms." And the follomng is described as the action 
 expressive of the same, in the Concilium Lemo^^cense, held A.D. 1031 : viz. that, when 
 any one was to be excommunicated, the Bishop should go publicly to the door of the 
 church, and shut him out; "ostium pro eo claudat." Hard. vi. 1. 884. — So again in 
 the Council of Nismes, A.D. 1284 ; where it is directed that the secular officers be 
 called on to expel each excommunicated person out of the churches: and elsewhere. 
 lb., vii. 907, 932. i Jer. vii. 4.
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2.] RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 189 
 
 and to an opened book which he held in it/ yet not a hint is 
 given of his having held anything else, such as a measuring 
 reed!^ I therefore incline to regard it as presented from 
 some other quarter; a detached hand, it may be, com- 
 municating it to St. John, so as in one and another of 
 Ezekiel's and Daniel's visions : ^ — at the same time that the 
 indefiniteness of the verbal form of expression, s^o^ri, (" it 
 was given me,") causes a marked indehniteness of indica- 
 tion as to the giver : perhaps to show that it was given in 
 God's Providence ; just as in the case of the crotun given to 
 the rider of the white horse, and great sword to the rider 
 of the black ■,^ as well as in other similar examples of giving 
 in the Apocalyptic visions.— 2ndly, as regards the thing 
 given, since the primary point specified, viz. that it was a 
 calamus, or measuring reed, is clear,^ it is only the likeness 
 of this measuring reed to a pa^^og that requires investiga- 
 tion. Now the likeness to a thing, in any prophetic symbol, 
 indicates of course its having somewhat of the character of 
 
 J Apoc. X. 5, 8, 10. 
 
 2 Yet Prof. M. Stuart, without ixnj autliorizatiou in the sacred text, makes the 
 angel the previous holder of it, and giver to St. John. Comment, ii. 216. 
 ^ Ezek. ii. 9; Dan. x. 10; also Dan. v. 5. 
 
 * Apoc. vi. 2, 4. The veord in either case is iSoBrj. 
 
 5 KaXafioc- The reed is mentioned as an instrument used for measurement, as well 
 as the measuring hne, in the passage from Ezekiel, quoted p. 187, Note '-. And the 
 context determines it, I conceive, to liave that literal meaning here.— They who have 
 seen the fields of reeds near Rome, of a height and character quite different from 
 those common in England, will better understand the Apocalyptic sj-mbol. The reed 
 in fact is still used to measure with in Italy. * 
 
 * A second literal meaning is somewhat ctu-iously attached to the word KaXa^iog by 
 the early Commentator Frimasius, viz. that of a pen : (being the same as its use in 
 3 John 13:) "Evangelium quippe antudinis officio scribitur." (B. P. M. x. 313.) 
 And it is also curious that the view is not unsuitable to the history we are consider- 
 ing: seeing that it was by the Reformer's j»«« that the ritual and laws of the Evan- 
 gelic Church were drawn up ; as also the Articles and Confessions of Faith, whereby 
 the Orthodox Church was defined, and the Romish cast out. — I am reminded by it of 
 the relation in Junckner's Vita Lutheri, p. 28, and repeated fully in Merle d'Aubio-ne's 
 History, Vol. i. p. 258, of the Elector Frederic's dream on the night before that" me- 
 morable All Saints' Bay, A.D. 1517, on which Luther posted up his Theses against 
 Indulgences : a dream in which a monk appeared to him to write something on the 
 walls of the great church of Wittenberg, with ^pen so long that it reached to Rome ; 
 and which made the Pope of Rome himself, who vainly tried to break it, tremble. 
 
 The following Epitaph on Luther by the celebrated Beza, is to the same point : 
 (Middleton's Biograph. Evan. i. 229 :) 
 
 Roma orbem domuit ; — Romam sibi Papa subegit : 
 
 Viribus ilia suis, fraudibus ille suis. 
 Quanto isto major Lutherus, major et ilia, 
 
 Istum illamque uno qui domuit calamo. 
 I nunc ! Alciden memorato Grsecia niendax ; 
 
 Lutheri ad caldmum ferrea clava nihil.
 
 190 Apoc. XI. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 that which it is resembled to. So in the case of the scor- 
 pion-like tails of the Apocalyptic locusts, the lio7i-like heads 
 of the horses from the Euphrates, and serpent-like heads at 
 the end of the horse-tails : so, again, in respect of i\iQ golden 
 head of the quadripartite statue in Daniel, and its legs of 
 if'on ; and, yet once more, (to take the case of a nearer 
 parallel,) in that of the angel's golden measuring reed, where- 
 with to measure the New Jerusalem. — But then in which 
 of the two chief scriptural senses of pa^'^og are we to sup- 
 pose the measuring reed given to St. John to have resembled 
 it ? In that of a tvalking -staff, or that of a rod as the ensign 
 of official authoritg ? ^ Surely on this point there need be no 
 hesitation. For what force, or sense, could there be in the 
 reed's resemblance to a mans walking-staff?'^ There can 
 be no reasonable doubt, I conceive, as to the pa^So^-like 
 
 * 
 
 ' pajSdoc, the original for the word rod, is used ten times elsewhere, I believe, in 
 the New Testament. In four of these it means a icalking-staff : viz. in those pas- 
 sages of the three Evangelists which narrate Christ's charge to his apostles not to 
 take scrip or staff ; and perhaps also in Heb. xi. 21, where Jacob is said to have 
 " worshipped, leaning on the top of his staff." In four of the other five it is used for 
 a rod, or sceptre, of magistracy and power. So in the Apocalyjise itself, ii. 27, " He 
 shall rule them with an iron rod, or sceptre ;" the opposite to the golden sceptre of 
 mercy: also Apoc. xii. 5, xix. 15 ; and Heb. i. 8. In 1 Cor. iv. 21, it has a some- 
 what cognate sense; " Shall I come to you with a rod ?" — In Acts xvi. 35, 38, pa/3- 
 BovxoQ means a rod-bearer, in the sense of a magistrate's rod-bearer ; the pajSSog 
 being the rod, or ensign of magistracy, with the arparrjyoi, or ruling magistrates at 
 Philippi.* 
 
 In the Old Testament, passing over the notices of Moses and Aaron's shepherd- 
 rods used in performing the miracles in Egypt, we read in Numb. xvii. 2, 3, that 
 each prince or chief of a tribe was commanded to bring a rod, pajiSog, (Heb. niatt^^ 
 as an ensign of headship of his tribe. This, I believe, was the earliest direct appro- 
 priation of the thing as an ensign of official rule and authority. It was on this oc- 
 casion that Aaron's name was inscribed by Moses on the rod of Levi ; the same that 
 afterwards budded. In Esther iv. 11, v. 2, the word is used of the Persian king's 
 golden rod or sceptre; ttXtjv w tav tKreivy Tt]v xpvTtjv pafiSov " sceptrum aureum," 
 says Schleusner : Heb. U^s7*i. (a later form for the usual 'c^v.) Compare too Isa. 
 xiv. 5 ; "The Lord hath broken the staff of the wicked, and sceptre of the rulers :" 
 where the two Hebrew words are interchanged. And the same in Ezek. xix. 11 ; 
 " The vine had rods for the sceptres of rulers." 
 
 2 Yet, strange to say, it is thus that Heinrichs and M. Stuart explain it. " 'Ofiotoc 
 pal3c({) innuere YidetuT magnitMlinem arundinis, qnx baeidum sen scipionem referebat." 
 So Heinrichs. And Stuart ; " like to it in regard to size, and therefore convenient 
 for handling" ! ! 
 
 * The chief ruling civil magistrates in the Greek towns, under the Roman empire, 
 were called orparjjyot, as well as apxorr«c, (the former being the proper equivalent 
 to the Latin prcctores, ) at the colony of Philippi, and elsewhere. This title, as that of 
 a civil magistrate, is illustrated by medals. See Eckhel iv. 195 — 198. A medal of 
 Sardis is there referred to among others by him, in which the self-same words ap\wv 
 and crrarijyoc, which are alike used in Acts xvi. to designate the chief magistrates of 
 Philippi, are also conjoined together : 
 
 Etti 2rp. HpaicXfiSoi' -4px*
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2.J RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 19] 
 
 fashion of the reed in the vision : viz. that, whether by rea- 
 son of its carving and ornamental form, or otherwise, it bore 
 resemblance to a rod oi princehj, or high magisterial author- 
 ity ; in token, of course, of the giving of that authority to St. 
 John.^ And certainly the extraordinary nature of the thing 
 now commanded to be done, viz. the re-formation of the 
 church, might seem to require the extraordinary interven- 
 tion of some adequately high princely authority.^ — In order 
 to a clearer conclusion, and with Scriptural light, on the 
 subject, it will be well to look to two very similar transac- 
 
 ' It is almost needless to add that the rod, or sceptre, continued in Christendom, 
 even down to the times of the Reformation, to be a known badge, as before, of royalty. 
 Says Chrysostom on Ps. ex. ; 'H pajiSoc liaffiXtuig avfijioXov t^i. And so too 
 CyriUAlex. cited by Suieer in verb. In reference to a later age, Martene de Rit. 
 ii. 220, speaking of its presentation in the inauguration of the emperor, calls it virffa, 
 as well as sceptrum. And his description of it as "virga ad mensuram unius cubiti 
 vel amplius," with an ivory handle, may suggest the manner in which a similarly 
 ornamented form might, in the Apocalyptic symbol, exhibit to the eye the measuring 
 reed's likeness to a princely rod of office. 
 
 As ecclesiastical power advanced, a pa^Sog of a certain kind, the hamlm or virga 
 pastorali.% was given to Bishops and Abbots, (after the example perhaps of Aaron,) in 
 sign of rule, on their consecration. When first this occurred I know not. In the 
 Council of Carthage held A. D. 398, the same that I have already referred to at p. 164, 
 as giving the ceremonials then observed at the ordination of both higher and lower 
 clerical orders, no mention is made of the presentation of a pajiSoQ to the bishop elect. 
 In Socrates, H. E. vi. 4, Serapion's charge to John Chrysostom when Archbishop of 
 C. P., about A.D. 400, to drive out his whole Clergy fiiq. paiSSip, the expression 
 is, I suppose, simply figurative. And so perhaps that to which allusion was made 
 in the Council of Constantinople, held A.D. 536 ; Trjv vapa tov Qeov SoOtirrav vfiiv 
 tt,ou(nav err' avroiQ Kivijaavrtg, KaQapiaart Tr}v tov Gtov (.kkXtjoiuv twv Xvkojv 
 fira<pivTiQ avToiQ, ov tt]v TroifiavTiKj]v, aXXa ti]v TraiStVTiKtjv vfiiov pa /i So v. 
 Hard. ii. 1209. About that same time, however, the biographer of Ciesarius, liishop 
 of Aries, speaks of a baculus pastoral is being carried before him when he went out in 
 his episcopal visitations. And in a Note on the 2nd Council of Soissons, held A.D. 
 8o3, Sirmondus states that the staff was then given to a bishop at consecration. Mar- 
 tene ii. 28. The Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York in the 9th century, seems 
 the earliest Pontifical in which the presentation of the baculus is mentioned. It was 
 given with the words, " Accipe^ baculum pastoralis officii ; et sis in corrigendis vitiis 
 saeviens, in ira judicium sine ira tenens; cum iratus fueris misericordia? reminiscens." 
 And much the same in later ordinals. So Martene ii. 32, 41, 73. Accordingly, p. 318, 
 on the degradation of a Bishop, this baculus, or virga pastoralis, is described as 
 broken over his head. 
 
 But that the Apocalyptic symbol signified princely, rather than episcopal or priesthj 
 authority, appears hence : — 1st, because St. John, being the representative on the scene 
 of the true apostolic succession, and as such akeady addrest, and charged with spiritual 
 duties, and consequently with spiritual authority, "in Apoc. x., had no need of any new 
 symbol to mark the conference of the latter : 2ndly, because it was implied in what was 
 said of the seven thunders that the chief ecclesiastical power existing at the time pre- 
 figured would be directly antagonistic to those whom John represented : 3rdly, be- 
 cause the episcopal baculus, being crooked at the end, (see Ducange in verb.) was evi- 
 dently unfit for use in measuring : besides that the parallel cases of Hezekiah's and 
 Josiah's part in the reformations of the ancient Jewish Church (as detailed in the text 
 above) seem clearly to be the historic originals on which the Apocalyptic figuration is 
 grounded. 
 
 2 In the common case of regulating a particular church, or of casting out and ex- 
 communicating heretics, the exercise of the usual ecclesiastical pa[3dog of regit-
 
 192 APoc. XI. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 tions in the history of the ancient Israelitish Church, re- 
 corded in the Bible : and indeed they are so similar to that 
 which was here symbolized, that the symbol of the latter 
 can scarcely, in my opinion, but have been borrowed from 
 the former. I allude to the reformations under Hezeldah 
 and Josiah.^ In those cases the heathen abominations, 
 w^hicli had been introduced by Ahaz and Manasseh into the 
 temple and altar-court, were solemnly cast out : ^ and, 
 together with the purification of the temple, there was a 
 reparation also of what had been injured in it, and re-con- 
 stitution and re-celebration of its ancient altar- worship. 
 And by whom, and how, the accomplishment of this great 
 work ? Of course the priesthood had to act in it. But there 
 was also an acting authoritatively in it by the earthly reign- 
 ing princes, (themselves the anointed of God for his service, 
 as much as the high priest,) whether Hezeldah or Josiah. 
 Otherwise even the high priest's authority would have been 
 insufficient for the thing, without a revolution ; much less 
 a common priest's authority, in case of the high priest siding 
 heart and soul with the intruded heathenism. It was by 
 the kings mandate and authority that the Jewish priests, 
 in either case, carried out the work of purification and re- 
 formation in the Jewish temple. They bore in their hands, 
 as it were, the badge of princely authority, as their earthly 
 authorization in the business. Their highest call indeed 
 was from above : but the royal authorization, under God's 
 directing Providence, gave the means. — Agreeably with 
 these precedents I conceive the giving him the reed like to 
 a rod to denote the royal authorization of those whom St. 
 
 men miglit perhaps have sufficed. But the thing figured as what was to be done by 
 St. John in the Apocalyptic vision was of far wider range, and altogether extraor- 
 dinary ; involving fundamental changes in constitutional as well as Church law. 
 
 1 See generally for the history 2 lungs xvi. 14, xxi. 4 — 7, xxiii. 4—6; 2 Chron. 
 xxix. 16, &c., xxxiii. 4 — 7, xxxiv. 3 — 10. 
 
 2 In the Jewish altar-court God's altar of sacrifice seems still to have remained, 
 during the apostasies of Ahaz and Manasseh ; but heathen altars and abominations 
 to have been also intruded into it. Such, I conceive, may perhaps have been the 
 appearance of the Apocalyj)tic altar-court in vision, before the casting out of the 
 heathen outer-court. And this intrusion might be supposed to have begun fi-om soon 
 after the time figured in the incense- vision of Apoc. viii. 3 ; the consummation of the 
 idolatrous intrusion by the men of Eoman Christendom being expressly intimated in 
 Anoc. ix. 20. — Or, possibly, the heathen abominations may have appeared confined to 
 the outer-court : in which case however the communication between that outer and 
 the inner court must have been so o])en, that they had appeared, previous to John's 
 excommunication of the outer court, to be alike parts of the same temple.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^2.] REFORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 193 
 
 John here impersonated, viz. Luther and his brother re- 
 formers, in the work of the Scriptural re-formation of the 
 Church enjoined on them from heaven. And was the sym- 
 bohzation fulfilled in fact ? Strange indeed must have been 
 the change in the state of things if it were so. Yet so, 
 we know, in very truth it was. 
 
 Proceed we then next to trace this its fulfilment in his- 
 tory. — It has been already noted that down to the time of 
 Luther's leaving his Patmos in March 1522, to resume, 
 despite of the Papal and Imperial interdicts, his ministerial 
 functions of preaching, the established religion in Saxony, 
 as well as everywhere else, was still the Romish Papal 
 rehgion.^ So much was this the case, that when the re- 
 forming ministers at Wittenberg, conjointly with certain 
 commissioners of inquiry appointed by the Elector Frede- 
 ric, began to take steps for the abolition of some of the 
 more prominent superstitions of the Papacy, the Elector 
 declared that they had exceeded their orders, and might 
 embroil him with the Romish prelates and the Emperor. 
 Nor indeed did Luther as yet wish much more from the 
 civil power, than the freedom of evangelic preaching.^ His 
 idea was that through this simple preaching of the gospel, 
 uninforced by any further act of the civil power, the Pa- 
 pacy, which was to be broken tvithout hand, would fall into 
 ruins. Hence, with reference to the state of things at the 
 end of 1522, the following is the historian's observation: 
 " Thus in Divine Providence the foundations of the Re- 
 formation had been laid in Germany by the preaching and 
 exposition of God's word ; tvith no more aid from tJie civil 
 poiver, than that of a connivance firm indeed and unalter- 
 able, but ever bearing the marks of hesitation and inde- 
 cision." ^ The measuring reed with semblance to the pa|33o^, 
 or rod of official authoriti/, had not yet been given to the 
 Reformers ; to empower them for the regular constitution of 
 a reformed Church. 
 
 Now mark what follows. " But the difficulties of pro- 
 viding for the instruction and edification of the Lutheran 
 churches began now to be more and more apparent. It was 
 
 » See p. 171, Note', supra. « Milner, 775—778, 781. 3 lb. 789. 
 
 VOL. II. 13
 
 194 APoc. XI. 1, 2. [part iir. 
 
 not possible that public worship, and the administration of 
 the sacraments, could be conducted decently and in order, 
 without some plan of ecclesiastical discipline. , . The great 
 personal authority of Luther seemed to be the only cement 
 of union among those who loved the gospel. . . Hence what 
 feuds and divisions might arise 1 . . And there was no op- 
 portunity of forming a general synod of pastors and elders, 
 who might regulate the external state of religion." ^ It is 
 of the state of things in the year 1523 that Milner is here 
 speaking. — In the Providence of God many of the old 
 canons of Wittenberg having died about this time, the re- 
 venues of their canonries fell in : and so the execution of 
 one part of Luther's plan was facilitated ; I mean that of 
 forming out of them a common treasury, as he called it, (or 
 sustentation fund,) for the support of ministers, as well as 
 of schools and hospitals. Still the authority was not given ; 
 the plan remained unexecuted. At length, after another 
 year or little more, the Elector Frederic, thoroughly con- 
 vinced that the Reformation was accordant with God's 
 mind and will, determined on taking bolder steps, and 
 giving his authority for the ecclesiastical organization of 
 the Reformed Churches. But he was now sinking under 
 age and infirmities, and died before it was done. — " No 
 sooner however," says Milner, " did the Elector John 
 (Frederic's brother) find himself in possession of the sove- 
 reign authority, than," assuming to himself that supremacy 
 in ecclesiastical matters, which according to the Reformers, 
 alike in Germany, Switzerland, and afterwards England 
 and Scotland, was the natural right of every lawful sove- 
 reign,^ " he exercised it with resolution and activity by 
 forming new ecclesiastical constitutions, modelled on the 
 principles of the great Reformer."^ So, through his in- 
 strumentality, the Apocalyptic prefiguration had begun to 
 be fulfilled, " There was given me a measuring reed like 
 unto a rod:" and the reforming Fathers rose up^ in their 
 
 ' lb- 790. 
 
 2 Haweis, in his Continuation of Milner, p. 991, observes : "Luther had given the 
 civil magistrate the supreme power in ecclesiastical regulations, and Zwinglius there- 
 in concurred with him." As regards 'the reformers in England and Scotland, see 
 p. 196, Note 3. 
 
 3 Milner 894; Mosheim xvi. Part ii. 1. 4. See too Seckendorf, Lib. i., Sect. 53, &c. 
 ^ tyttpai, Rise or wake up ! The expression implies vigorous and decisive action
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2.] RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 195 
 
 strength to make the measurement. — The accomit follows 
 in history of the execution of this most important commis- 
 sion assigned them, of measuring, or ecclesiasticalhj defining 
 and constituting, the Evangelic Church,^ the mystic temple : 
 — of the authorization and introduction throughout the 
 Saxon churches of new formularies of public worship, 
 drawn on evangelic principles by Luther and Melancthon, 
 — of the removal from churches, and church- worship, of 
 Romish images and superstitions — of the appropriation of 
 the ecclesiastical revenues of the Electorate to the support 
 of the reformed parochial clergy and schools, — and of the 
 ordination, independently altogether of the Romish hier- 
 archy, (that same to which 1 alluded at the close of the 
 former Section,) of a fresh supply of ministers of the Gospel. 
 All this was effected in the autumn of 1525.^ And, some- 
 what later, viz. in the years 1527, 1528, a general visita- 
 tion of the Electorate, by Luther and other of the reform- 
 ing Fathers, was made on the Prince's order ; to see to the 
 execution of the new system, and complete what might 
 
 after inertness, and success after depression. So Numb, xxiii. 24 ; Is. li. 9, &c. — 
 A very parallel example to that before us occurs in Nehemiah ii. 17, 18. " Ye see 
 the distress we are in ; how Jerusalem lieth waste : . . come, and let us build the wall 
 of Jerusalem, that we be no more a reproach ! Then I told them of the hand of my 
 God, which was good upon me ; as also the king's words that he had spoken unto 
 me. And they said. Let us rise up and build. So they strengthened their hands for 
 this good work." — Milner, p. 894, observes on the occasion; "John was convinced 
 that to temporize much longer with a corrupt and unprincipled hierarchy might 
 prove fatal to the good cause. An appeal had been made to the tribunal of reason ; 
 and reason had decided already in a manner which had astonished all Europe. This 
 astonishment was therefore to be roused to action." 
 
 ^ " This," says Mosheim, (viz. Evangelical^ " was the title assumed by that 
 Church, (the Lutheran,) in consequence of the original design of its founders ; 
 which was to restore to its native lustre the gospel of Christ, that had so long been 
 covered with the darkness of superstition : in other words, to place in its proper 
 and true light that important doctrine, which represents salvation as attainable by 
 the merits of Christ alone." (xvi. 2. 1. 1.) — It was indeed in the spirit of the 
 Little Book, or New Testament of the Gospel of Christ, that every step was taken in 
 the Reformation. 
 
 The Church was afterwards called Lutheran. But this was quite contrary to 
 Luther's own wish. In his Warning against Sedition and Tumult he exhorts all 
 men not so much as to mention his name, or call themselves Lutherans, but Chris- 
 tians. "The doctrine," he says, "is not mine, nor was I crucified for any one. 
 Paul and Peter forbade the people to call themselves after their names. Why should 
 I, who am so soon to be food for worms, desire the children of Christ to be called 
 by mine ? . . No ! Let us be called Christians, because we possess the doctrine of 
 Christianity." He adds ; " The Papists have very properly another name, because 
 they are not content with Christ's name, and Christ's doctrine. They choose to be 
 called Papists." Milner 787. 
 
 ''■ Junckner, p. 64, notices the first Liitheran ordination as made in this year. 
 The date of this important step is not given either by MUner or Mosheim. 
 
 13*
 
 196 Apoc. XI. 1, 2. [part hi. 
 
 be wanting to the ecclesiastical establishment throughout 
 Saxony of a separate evangelic Church} 
 
 In all of which regulations the example of Saxony was 
 followed pari passu by the other reforming States already 
 noticed, in Germany, Denmark, Sweden,^ and afterwards 
 England and Scotland •} the measuring reed like a rod 
 being given by the civil authorities for this purpose to the 
 reforming ministers ; without which the probability is that 
 the reformed Churches Avould have soon fallen into misrule 
 and anarchy.* And what we are here called on by the 
 Apocalyptic prefiguration further and specially to notice is 
 this ; — that the principle acted on in them all was precisely 
 the same as that laid down by the Angel in vision for the 
 symbolic measurement of the Apocalyptic temple : viz. to 
 make salvation through Christ's meritorious death and me- 
 diatorship, (that which the altar of the old Jewish temple 
 typified,) the prominent characteristic of the worship of the 
 
 1 Milner, p. 937. 
 
 2 Ibid.- pp. 808 — 814. — The same too may be said of Sicitzerland. See Mosheim, 
 xvi. 2. 2. 3, &c. 
 
 3 So the Article xxxvii. of our Anglican Church ; where however the doctrine is 
 carefully exprest and guarded. " The King's Majesty hath the chief power in this 
 realm of England, and other his dominions, unto whom the chief government of all 
 estates of this realm, whether they be ecclesiastical or civil, in all causes doth apper- 
 tain ; and is not, nor ought to be, subject to any foreign jurisdiction. 
 
 " When we attribute to the King's Majesty the chief government, . . we give not 
 to our princes the ministering either of God's word or the sacraments : . . but that 
 only prerogative which we see to have been given to all godly princes in Holy Scrip- 
 tm-e by God himself ; that is that they should rule all states and degrees committed 
 to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal. The Bishop of 
 Kome hath no jurisdiction in this realm of England." 
 
 In 1560, in the Scottish Confession drawn up mainly by Knox, ratified by Par- 
 liament, and adopted by the General Assembly, we read ; " To kings, rulers, and 
 magistrates chiefly and most principally appertains the conservation and purgation of 
 religion ; so that not only are they appointed for civil policy, but also for maintenance 
 of the true religion, and for suppression of all idolatry and superstition whatsoever." * 
 
 Says Dr. Arnold: — "Our fathers at the Reformation were unconsciously led by 
 God's Providence to the declaration of the great principle of the King's supremacy : 
 i. e. an assertion of the supremacy of the Church, or Christian society, over the 
 Clergy ; and a deuial of that which I hold to be one of the most mischievous falsehoods 
 ever broached, viz. that the government of the Christian Church is vested by divine 
 right in the Clergy, . . or close corporation of bishops and presbyters. Life ii. 189. 
 
 * So Schlegel, Philosophy of History ii. 214; "It was by . . the influence Luther 
 thereby acquired, [viz. by asserting the king's authority,] as well as by the sanction 
 of the civil poiver, that the Reformation was promoted and consolidated. Without 
 this, Protestantism would have sunk into the lawless anarchy which marked the pro- 
 ceedings of the Hussites." 
 
 * This is cited in a sermon just recently published (Edinb. 1860) of Dr. Hanna, the 
 well-known Free Church minister, the biographer and son-in-law of Dr. Chalmers ; 
 who adds that on this point Knox would now (by Free Churchmen) he condemned as 
 Erastian. H. A. 5th Ed.
 
 CHAP. VI. § 2.] RE-FORMATION OF THE CHURCH. ]97 
 
 newly reformed Church ; and to exclude those who (having 
 forsaken the altar) had made to themselves another method 
 of salvation, and given themselves up to heathen supersti- 
 tions and idolatries ; in other words, the worshipping pro- 
 fessors in the apostate pseudo-church of Rome. — Charged 
 by the Papists as schismatics, the principle was solemnly 
 avowed by the Reformers, and justified before the world. 
 At the first Diet of Augsburg, held A. D. 1525, just 
 while this reformation of the Church was in progress, an 
 Apology was delivered in by the Elector, written by Me- 
 lancthon ; and in which the following points were insisted 
 on ■} — 1st, that every minister of God's word is bound by 
 Christ's express precept to preach- the leading doctrine 
 of the ^Q^^e\, justification by faith in Christ crucifi.ed^ and 
 not by the merit of human performances ; whereas men 
 had by the Romish doctrines been drawn from the cross of 
 Christ,* to trust in their own works, and in superstitious 
 vanities : — 2ndly, that it became the Princes, (those over 
 whom the Pope and the Bishops had exercised hitherto a 
 usurped authority, but to whom the authority in these 
 matters rightfully belonged,^) simply to consider whether 
 the neiv doctrines, as they were called, were or were not 
 true ; and, if true, to protect and promote them :^ — 3rdly, 
 that the Roman Pope, Cardinals, and Clergy did not con- 
 stitute the Church of Christ,'' though there existed among 
 them some that were real members of that Church, and 
 opposed the reigning errors : the true Church consisting of 
 the faithful, and none else, who had the word of God, and 
 by it were sanctified and cleansed ; while, on the other 
 hand, what St. Paul had predicted of Antichrisfs coming, 
 and sitting in the temple of God,^ had had its fulfilment in 
 
 1 See Milner, p. 916, whose words I chiefly use iu what follows. 
 
 2 " The Angel said, Thou must prophesy again." 
 
 3 That which the o^^ff?-- worship signified 
 
 * Drawn away from the altar- Court to the Court without the Temple. 
 
 * The pafiSog, or ?-od of civil authority. 
 
 ^ " A reed was given me like a rod, saying, Rise and measure, &c." 
 
 ' The mystic temple, the sanctuarium Dei. 
 
 Luther, says Mosheim, when separated from Rome still regarded himself as in the 
 Catholic Church, xvi. 1. 2. 14. — In his famous answer to Pope Leo's Bull in 1520 he 
 had said, " Such a universal Church (as the Romish) Augustine would have called a 
 SjTiagogue of Satan." Foxe v. 674. 
 
 8 Mark here the correspondence of St. Paul's symbolic figure and St. John's, by 
 inspii-ation of the same Holy Spirit.
 
 198 Apoc. XI. 1, 2. [part tit. 
 
 the Papacy. Which being so, and God having forbidden 
 under the heaviest penalty every species of idolatry and 
 false worship, of which class were the sacrifice of the mass, 
 masses for the dead, invocations of saints, and such like, — 
 things notoriously taught in the Church of Rome, — that 
 they, the Reformers, were not guilty of schism, either be- 
 cause they had convicted Antichrist of his errors, or made 
 alterations in their church-worship and regulations, where- 
 by the Romish superstitions were cast out. — Such was the 
 j\Ianifesto of the Reformers, if I may so call it, in the first 
 Diet of Augsburg. In the second and more important 
 Diet, held there in 1530, after the completion of the re- 
 formation of the Church in the countries already particu- 
 larized, the same principles were asserted in the celebrated 
 Confessions of Faith then presented to the Diet and the 
 Emperor, and which may be regarded as standards of the 
 Churches ; — the Lutheran Confession of Augsburg, — the 
 Tetrapolitan, — and the Siviss} Differing as these Confes- ' 
 sions might do in matters unessential and comparatively 
 unimportant, whether of doctrine or discipline,'"^ (and the 
 same may be said of the English Confession, or Articles of 
 Faith, drawn up a few years after,)^ yet on the three points 
 inculcated in the Apocalyptic vision upon him that repre- 
 sented them, the Reformers were altogether agreed : — viz. 
 in charging the preaching of the gospel on their ministers, 
 and declaring their fulfilment of that function essential to 
 the right constitution of a Christian Church ; — in setting 
 forth justification bg faith in a crucified, risen, and mediating 
 
 1 The Lutheran ■was drawn up by Melanethon ; the Tetrapolitan, adopted by Stras- 
 burg and three other cities, by Bucer ; the Swiss by Zuingle, who was slain in battle 
 for the faith ere the close of the year 1530. The last was brief; and expanded after- 
 wards into what is called the Helvetic Confession of 1566, drawn up chiefly by Bul- 
 linger. 
 
 The Helvetic Confession states thus the difference of the ministry of the Church 
 reformed, and that of the excommunicated Church of Rome ; a subject prominent 
 in this and the preceding Chapter. " Diversissima inter se sunt saccrdotium et min- 
 isterium. Illud commune est Christianis omnibus : . . hoc non item. Nee a medio 
 sustulimus ecclesiae ministerium, quando repudiavimtis ex ecclesiA Christi saccrdotium 
 Papisticum." Chap, xviii. p. 69, in the Sylloge Confessionum. (Oxon.) 
 
 Would that the title, as well as ojfice, oi priest, had been abandoned by our English 
 Reformers to the heathens and the Romanists ; and the New Testament term pres- 
 byter (as an abbreviation of which term our Church alone uses the word priest 
 in its offices) been adopted instead ! 
 
 - Of course I mean only comparativchj. 
 
 ^ Including the Homilies, as being united to the Articles by the authorization of 
 them in Art. xxxv.
 
 CHAP. VI. ^2.] UE-rORMATION OF THE CHURCH. 199 
 
 Saviour, as the only true method of salvation ; — and in 
 separating themselves from the Romish Church, as a hod// 
 excommunicate from Christ's true visible Church, and apo- 
 state} 
 
 Wonderful and blessed consummation ! Wonderful, con- 
 sidering both the long establishment of Papal Rome's em- 
 pire, and the universality of adherence to it, even till then, 
 of all the powers of Western Christendom : blessed, con- 
 sidering both the true gospel principles on M^hich it was 
 brought about, and the continued proclamation of those 
 principles that was secured by it. — Has it not been said by 
 some that the religion of Protestantism is a mere negation ? 
 How different the Apocalyptic prefiguration of it, just ex- 
 pounded ! A figuration of it as markedly including, as ex- 
 cluding : and only so excluding what was essentially anti- 
 christian, as was a necessary prerequisite in order to the 
 inclusion of whatever was Scriptural, Christian, and true ! 
 
 Such was the ecclesiastical constitution and establishment 
 of the Reformed Evangelic Churches ; and with it con- 
 cludes the second grand epoch of what, in exact accordance 
 with the Apocalyptic emblem before us, has been called 
 the reformation, or netv constitution, of the Church.^ — It 
 only remains, ere concluding this chapter, to remind the 
 
 ^ See generally the Sylloge Confessionum, published at Oxford. 
 
 2 Mosheim too (Cent. xvi. Sect. iii. P. ii. ch. 1) marks this as the second great 
 epoch of the Reformation. For he speaks of three aras as chiefly notable in it ; the 
 first that of Luther and the other Reformers' excommunication by Pope Leo, A.D. 
 1520 ; the second, that of the Reformed Church appearing regularly formed, on the 
 presentation of its Confession at the Diet of Augsburg, A.D. 1530; the tJiird, when 
 the Protestant body was recognised as legitimate in the Empire, and independent of 
 the Roman Pontiff, by the treaty of Passau, A.D. 1552. 
 
 And let me here observe that in the Apocalypse three ceras are also prominently 
 noted of it, which do not vary materially from those of Mosheim. The chief differ- 
 ence is this : — that in Mosheim the concluding result is mentioned alone in each c;ise, 
 as constituting the epoch ; in the Apocalypse the prior principles tliat led to such 
 results are grouped with it. Thus \i'& first sera embraces Luther's previous discovery 
 of Christ; as well as his rejection of the Papal Antichrist, after Rome's damnatory 
 Bull, or seven Thunders : its second, the renewal of gospel-preaching by the excom- 
 municated Evangelic Ministers, as well as regular constitution of the Reformed 
 Churches, completed by the Confession given in at Augsburg : its third, (prefigured 
 in the ascension of the Witnesses,) the political elevation of the Protestants, begun in 
 the Confederacy of Smalcald, completed in the Treaty of Passau. — I think no one 
 versed in the History can fail of being struck with the admirable distinctness and 
 completeness of this Apocalyptic arrangement. To myself its superiority to Mos- 
 heim' s appears most manifest.
 
 200 Apoc. xt. 1, 2. [part III. 
 
 reader of what had passed at that memorable epoch, shortly 
 preceding, of the Papal Antichrist's triumph at Rome and 
 in the Lateran, which has l)een described at length in a 
 preceding chapter:^ and to suggest for his observation 
 how already, on each point in which the Usurper then tri- 
 umphed before Christendom, he had been signally met, and 
 counteracted before Christendom, by Him whose place he 
 had usurped in the Church. The Bible was now every- 
 where translated and pt^mted; respecting which (as well as 
 respecting all other that might be deemed dangerous books) 
 he had commanded that, except with Papal sanction, it 
 should not be printed,^ The gospel was preached by hun- 
 dreds, ^'^^/rom the glosses of the Fathers ; against the which 
 preaching he had issued his solemn interdict. And, as re- 
 garded Antichrist, not only was he everywhere written and 
 preached about, but himself the Pope denounced as Anti- 
 christ : and the dag of judgment too held forth to men's 
 view, as a day certain, and fixed, and quickly coming, which 
 would terminate the Papal reign and power. Pinally, as 
 he had then solemnly excommunicated from the Church all 
 that might dare to withhold allegiance from the Papacy 
 and Rome, so was he now, together with his retainers and 
 the whole Papal rehgious system, excommunicated by the 
 Reformers, and cast out from the true professing Church 
 of Christ.'^ — The wretched Leo, the hero, or rather God, of 
 that epoch of Rome's triumph, lived not to see the great 
 ecclesiastical separation that we have been describhig ac- 
 complished. For he died sadly and prematurely, just after 
 Luther's return from his Patmos.* But he lived long enough 
 to hear his excoramunicatory Bull against Luther met with 
 
 ~~ ' See pp. 86 — 89 supra, and the chapter of which those pages form the conclusion. 
 
 2 The sufficiency of this Decree of the Lateran Council, as applicable to the print- 
 ing of Bibles, was noted in the Council of Trent. See Fra Paolo's History, p. 151. 
 English Edition, 1676. 
 
 3 We may contrast too the " Rise up," in this prefiguration of the Reformer's ex- 
 communication of Rome, with the " Rise up Peter and Paul, and all the assembly of 
 the Saints, &c.," with which Leo's famous Bidl of Excommimicatiou had commenced 
 against Luther and the other Reformers. See Foxe, v. 659, 660. Also the terms of 
 the Apocalyptic with those of the Papal Excommunication. "Veniant super illos 
 omnes maledictiones quibus Deus illos maledixit qui dixerunt Domino Deo, Recede a 
 nobis, scientiam viarum tuarum nolumus ; et qui dixerunt, Htereditate possideamus 
 sanctuarium Dei." Martene ii. 321. 
 
 * He died December 1, 1521. The event was very sudden, and reported by some 
 to have been by poison.
 
 CH. VII. INTROD.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WITNESSES. 201 
 
 stern defiance by that champion of Christ's truth and gospel ; 
 
 "As they curse and excommunicate me for the holy 
 
 verity of God, so do I curse and excommunicate them : let 
 Christ judge between us, whose excommunication, his or 
 mine, shall stand approved before Him ;" ^--and to see the 
 failure of every means set in action to stop the progress of 
 the Reformation. It remained for his successors in the 
 Papal See to behold the completion of this great Revolu- 
 tion, first (as just described) ecdesiasticallfj ;-— then (as will 
 be described in a subsequent chapter) politically: — the 
 whole being a pledge of that total and more signal over- 
 throw which still awaits the usurping Popedom : then 
 when He that shall come will come ; and by the brightness 
 of His coming, at once, totally, and for ever, annihilate the 
 kingdom and power of the Man of Sin. 
 
 CHAPTER VH. 
 
 retrospective view, from the reformation, of 
 
 Christ's two witnesses : — considered in 
 
 respect of their character, and 
 
 of the earlier half of 
 
 their history. 
 
 " . . . . PoR it [the outer court] hath been given - to 
 the Gentiles. And the holy city shall they tread under 
 foot ^ forty and two months. And I will give [commission] 
 unto my two Witnesses ; and they shall prophesy a thou- 
 sand two hundred and threescore days, clothed in sack- 
 cloth. These are the two olive trees, and the two candle- 
 
 ' Such is the conclusion of his answer. So again ; " If ye reform not, I and all 
 that worship Christ do account your seat, possest and opprest by Satan himself, to 
 be the damned seat of Antichrist; which we . . will not be subject to, nor coucor- 
 porate with, but do detest and abhor the same." " Rome has cut herself off from the 
 Universal Church." See Luther's whole answer to the Pope in Foxe, Vol. v. pp. 
 
 '\doQri. Our authorized Translation renders it " for it is given." Says Matthia, 
 Gramm. ii. 842 ; " The aorist is sometimes put where, accurately speaking, the per- 
 fect should be put." So, I conceive, i-^av(iwOr] and tytvovro, Apoc. xi. 8, 15 ; &c. 
 
 3 iraTTjaovm : perhaps simply tread. So Dr. Wordsworth. It is however the 
 same word that is used in Luke kxi. 24 of Jerusalem's being trodden down hostilely 
 by the Gentiles : and so too Luke x. 19, Apoc. xiv. 20, xix. 15.
 
 202 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part iit. 
 
 sticks, (or lamps,) ^ that stand before the Lord ^ of the 
 earth. And, if any man willeth to hurt them,^ fire proceed- 
 eth out of their mouth, and devoureth their enemies : and 
 if any man willeth to hurt them, he must in this manner 
 be killed. These have the authority * to shut heaven, that 
 it rain not in the days of their prophecy ; and they have 
 authority over the waters to turn them to blood, and to 
 smite the earth with every plague, as often as they will."^ 
 Apoc. xi. 2—7. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 We here commence an account, given by the Covenant- 
 Angel to St. John, of certain Witnesses, as they are called, 
 who throughout the great apostasy so long reigning, and 
 from which the Reformed Churches had just separated, 
 would have kept up a testimony for Him. The view is 
 evidently in main part retrospective : for how could excom- 
 munication of heathen worshippers of the outer court be 
 needful, or pronounced, unless those w^orshippers, who were 
 for forty-two months to tread the holy city, had already 
 previously existed, and previously intruded into the temple, 
 as if its rightful occupants ? ^ — As for the subject of the 
 
 ' \vxviai. 2 KDpiov is Griesbach's and Tregelles' reading. 
 
 ' 9t\H avTovQ aSiKTjffai. * rtiv i%ovaiav. So A and C. 
 
 •'' No difference of any consequence between the received and the critical texts. 
 
 " The murders charged against the men of Roman Christendom in Apoc. ix. 21, and 
 which meant evidently murders for religion, indicated the existence at the time there 
 figured, — a time previous to that which is the subject of figuration here, — of faithful 
 ones for Christ trodden down and persecuted, even unto death, by the Gentiles 
 dominant. 
 
 The observant reader will mark, and perhaps feel puzzled by, the various tenses 
 made use of by the Angel in his narrative. There is tSoQi] in the past tense, " It hath 
 been given;" \hQ present tense, "These have power;" ihe ftdtire, "I will give 
 power, and they shall prophesy 1260 days," &c. Which last must be measured, as 
 appears both from what has been just said, and for other reasons, from a point of time 
 past with reference to the then figured prophetic epoch, i\io\xg\i future with reference to 
 the time of St. John's seeing the vision. Just so in Isaiah liii. and other prophecies, 
 where the seer is rapt by the Spirit into some distant future, a similar double stand- 
 ard-date of reference occurs. " He shall grow up as a tender plant ; " " He is de- 
 spised and rejected; " " He hath borne our griefs," &c. So again, as another example, 
 Exod. XV. 13 ; " Thou hast led forth thy people ; thou hast guided them to thy holy 
 habitation : . . Thou shall bring them in, &c. : " also Deut. xxxii. 10, 15, &c. : on the 
 10th verse of which Scott observes ; " In the original the future and the past are so 
 interchanged that the reader is sometimes led back to the times of the patriarchs, and 
 views the deliverances of Israel and transactions that followed as future : at others he 
 is suddenly carried forward to distant ages, and witnesses the predictions as already 
 accomplished." Compare too the tenses in Apoc. xvii. 10, 12, 16, xviii. 2, 4, 21, &c.
 
 CH.VII. INTROD.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WITNESSES. 203 
 
 Witnesses, it will long detain us, as being alike large, 
 important, and interesting. Before entering however di- 
 rectly on it, I cannot but call attention to the time and 
 order in which, in the prefigurations of Patmos, it was 
 brought before the Evangelist : as itself in fact constituting 
 a prediction ; and one of which, as of all that preceded it in 
 the vision, the history of the Reformation exhibits another 
 and really remarkable fulfilment. 
 
 For the statement was made, as we see, to St. John, 
 next after his receiving the reed like unto a rod, for the 
 measurement and re-formation of the mystic temple. And 
 what find we, on looking into the sequel of the history of 
 the Reformation ? We find that it was precisely at the 
 period next following on the actual re-formation of the 
 Church, so presignified, (the same of which I was just 
 speaking in my last chapter,) that the attention of the Re- 
 formers was directed retrospectively into preceding ages, to 
 investigate the very same subject. — Of course, under their 
 thfn circumstances and feelings, this was not to be won- 
 dered at. Urged as the so-called novelty of their religion 
 began to be against them, it was scarce possible but that 
 they should anxiously and earnestly look back, to trace the 
 origin of that antichristian apostasy which they had escaped 
 from ; and to look for those who, like themselves, had pre- 
 viously witnessed for Christ against it. But the learning 
 necessary for such an investigation had been hitherto in 
 great measure wanting. Now however that want was re- 
 moved. As Mosheim observes,^ it was agreed that the 
 stability of the reformed Church depended much on the 
 learning of her ministers ; — their ecclesiastical learning, 
 among other branches : and thus the Princes, as well as 
 Doctors of the Reformation, encourag^ed it by every means, 
 in the Academies and Universities of their kingdoms. 
 Hence important works began now to appear, elucidatory 
 of the subject spoken of ; more especially that of the Mag- 
 deburgh Centuriators. Of which latter work the principal 
 author, Flacius Illyricus, may be justly called, says Mos- 
 heim, " the parent of ecclesiastical history ; reflecting, as it 
 did, a light really wonderful on the facts of the history of 
 
 1 Cent, xvi, ii. i. 8, 9.
 
 204 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 the Christian Church, hitherto covered with darkness, and 
 corrupted by innumerable fables : " and of which work the 
 first specimen, and precursor, was published under the title 
 of Catalogus Testium, or Catalogue of Witnesses} — And 
 as in Germany, so in England. Not to dwell on Bales 
 work, which came out yet earlier,^ the venerable historio- 
 grapher Foxe, the contemporary of Flacius Illyricus, busied 
 himself at the very same time in the same researches. So 
 that almost in the self-same year as Flacius's Catalogus 
 Testium there appeared also Foxes Martyrology : in other 
 words, (rendering the Greek of the Title into English,) " The 
 Historg of Chrisfs Martgrs and Witnesses."''^ — Really I 
 cannot but again express my admiration at the chronolo- 
 gical accuracy, as well as comprehensiveness and beauty, of 
 this extraordinary prophecy. We have here the sixth or 
 seventh act in the Apocalyptic symbolism of the Reforma- 
 tion : and, like all before, it is still found to answer, in re- 
 spect of commencing date, as well as of matter, to the facts 
 of history. 
 
 And now to the subject of the Witnesses. — I would ob- 
 serve, with reference to the fact here announced of Christ's 
 having kept up a witness for Himself during the long dark 
 times of the apostasy preceding, that it is that of which, 
 even independently of this direct statement, we might have 
 felt assured. The faithful word of promise guaranteed it. 
 In the account of the Father's covenant with Messiah and 
 his people, we read in Isaiah ; ^ " This is my covenant with 
 them, saith Jehovah : my Spirit that is upon thee, and my 
 
 ^1 The associates of Flacius Illyricus in the work were Nicholaus Gallus, Joha,nnes 
 Wigandus, Matthias Judex, all ministers of Magdeburg, whence the name of the 
 Work. It was published A.D. 1556. See Mosh. ibid. 
 
 2 Bale's Imaffe of both Churches, spoken of in my preceding chapter, and which in- 
 cluded retrospectively a brief catalogue of witnesses, was published before Henry the 
 8th's death, (see its conclusion,) about A.D. 1545. 
 
 3 The date of the first publication was 1556. See Townshend's Preface, pp. 103, 
 116, 142, 288. In 1571 it was ordered in a convocation of the Anglican Church 
 that a copy of Foxe's MartjTology should be placed in aU the churches of England, 
 lb. 282. 
 
 Foxe began his preparations as early as 1555; published a first edition of the 
 Work in 1556 ; a second in 1559 ; a completer edition, in English, and so for the ge- 
 neral public, in 1563. * Isaiah lix. 21.
 
 CH. VII. INTROD.] RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF WITNESSES. 205 
 
 words that I have put in thy mouth, shall not depart out 
 of thy mouth, nor out of the mouth of thy seed, nor out 
 of the mouth of thy seed's seed, from henceforth even for 
 ever." ^ To the same effect was the promise given by our 
 Lord Jesus Himself, " The gates of hell shall not prevail 
 against it ; " i. e. against his true Church : and again, just 
 before his ascension, and in connexion with the charge 
 given to his apostles and their successors in the Christian 
 ministry, of going and discipling all nations, his declara- 
 tion, " Lo I am with you always, even to the end of the 
 world." ^ — Could it be then that the fortij-tivo months, or 
 forty-two times thirty days, i.e. 1260 prophetic dw/s or 
 years, of the apostasy, should have prolonged their dreary 
 course without a witness having been kept up for Christ ? 
 It was in the nature of the case impossible. It would 
 have been the falsification of God's direct promises ; as well 
 as the abandonment, I may say, of his own glory. — Thus 
 we see that, independently of any fresh prediction of it, 
 the fact was one of which the beloved disciple might have 
 felt well assured. In the Apocalyptic visions however, as 
 nothing of importance was to be omitted, so a fresh and 
 
 1 In Mr. Newman's 8th Lecture on Romanism, the suhject of which is the Inde- 
 fectibility of the Church Catholic, I find this promise applied not to Christ, but to the 
 
 Church ;— the Church, according to Mr. N.'s definition of it. At p. 229, after remark- 
 ing, " We make the Church the keeper and interpreter of Scripture, and Scripture 
 itself couvej's to the Church the charter for her office to be so," he quotes in proof this 
 verse from Isaiah ; " As for me, this is my covenant with them, saith the Lord ; my 
 Spirit that is upon thee, &c." And again, p. 394 ; " God's Spirit which is upon her, 
 [sc. the Church,'] and his words which He has put in her mouth, shall not depart out 
 of her mouth, nor out of the mouth of her seed's seed, from henceforth and for ever." 
 Which explanation is also given by the Roman Catholic Doctor Wiseman, in his 4th 
 Lecture on the " Principal Doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church." Says he ; " The 
 Church of God, identified with the Jewish Church then existing, is addrest." Vol i 
 p. 100. (Ed. 1847.) 
 
 It is to be observed that Zion is mentioned in the verse preceding ; " The Re- 
 deemer shall come to Zion, and unto them that turn from transgression in Jacob : " 
 which Zion, in the assumed sense of " the Church," is made use of, to bring out this 
 interpretation of the verse. But the Hebrew rejects this explanation : Zion, in verse 
 20, being in the 'S.thre^ feminine ; but the pronoun thee, in verse 21, masculine -''hy; 
 and so too thy mouth, -^£3.* Who then is meant in the pronoun thee ? Whose the 
 month, and i\iQseed referred to ? Not surely Isaiah's, as Kimchi ; not Israel's, as others ; 
 but the Redeemer's, who is mentioned, as well as Zion, in verse 20. 
 
 Compare generally, Hag. ii. 5 ; " According to the word which I covenanted with 
 you when ye came out of Egj'pt, so my Spirit remaineth among you. Fear ye not ! " 
 
 On his seed, according to our understanding of the passage in Isaiah, it may be well 
 to compare Ps. Ixxxix.'SO, and Is. liii. 10. 
 
 2 Matt, xxviii. 20. 
 
 * A strange mistake, let me observe in passing, for those who assume to be critics 
 and teachers in the infallible Church !
 
 20G Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 full communication was now made to him on the subject. 
 After mention of the forty-two months, during which the 
 heathenized Christians of the apostasy (the same that had 
 just been cast out at his command, in the measuring of the 
 temple) would, as the Angel said, tread down the Holy 
 City, or the faithful in Christendom,^ he proceeds to inform 
 St. John that through a period precisely equivalent to 
 those forty -two months there should be all along witnesses 
 to testify for Him : — " I will give [commission] to my two 
 witnesses; and they shall prophesy 1260 days, clothed in 
 sackcloth." 
 
 Now, with regard to this great prediction about the 
 Witnesses, it seems to me that it may be treated with ad- 
 vantage under three principal divisions. — 1st, there is the 
 commission, character, and previous earlier history of the 
 Witnesses, as retrospectively described by the Angel, and 
 as fulfilled ; 2ndly, the particular and later history, as 
 described and fulfilled, of their slaughter and resurrection ; 
 3rdly, the notice of the ascent of the Witnesses, and cer- 
 tain important political events contemporaneous with it. 
 Which last division I purpose to treat of separately from 
 the second, and by itself, for this reason, viz. because it 
 seems broken off from what precedes by a notable change 
 in the person narrating : what precedes being related re- 
 trospectively by the Angel, then the narration at length 
 resumed by St. John.^ Thus the events described pre- 
 vious to the break must be regarded as already past at the 
 epoch correspondent with the Angel's giving the narration ; 
 that is, at the epoch next following that of the ecclesiasti- 
 cal constitution of the Reformed Churches and the Diet of 
 Augsburg : on the other hand, those described after the 
 break as chronologically subsequent to that epoch, and as 
 marking the yet further development and progress of the 
 Reformation. 
 
 1 Compare Eph. ii. 12; "Ye were then aliens from the commonwealth {voXiTeiac) 
 of Israel : " which TroXirtta was included territorially in the then great Eoman 
 heathen iroXiQ. So the holi/ city of the Apocalypse was territorially in its Eoman 
 great city. 
 
 2 The change is marked by St. John's resuming the narration (after the Angel's 
 interlocution) in his own person, in vei'se 12; Hicoi/iTa, '■'■ I heard a great voice from 
 heaven," &c. That this is probably the true reading will be shown, on I believe 
 strong evidence, when we come to the discussion of that passage.
 
 CH. VII. § 1.] WITNESSES DESCRIBED IN PROPHECY. 207 
 
 This premised, I proceed to the first and largest of 
 these divisions ; being that which is to be the subject of 
 the present Chapter, and which answers to the Apocalyp- 
 tic extract heading it. And, with a view to distinctness, 
 I shall in the first place, and in this Chapter's first Section, 
 consider the general description of the Witnesses given in 
 the prophecy ; then in the six subsequent Sections its real- 
 ization in his tori/. 
 
 § 1. THE WITNESSES AS DESCRIBED IN PROPHECY. 
 
 In the Angel's description of the two Witnesses the 
 following seven several points are observable. 
 
 1st, The term designating them implies 'personality . 
 For in the only ten other places where the word ^aprus, 
 witness, is used in the New Testament, there can be no 
 question that persotis are intended by it ; and so too in 
 almost all of the fifty or sixty passages where it occurs in 
 the Old Testament, as derived from the Hebrew word 
 properly corresponding.^ — The same inference results from 
 what is said of the Witnesses prophesying : for the verb 
 prophesy, which occurs above a hundred times in the Bible, 
 is never used but once, I believe, except of persons? And 
 the same too from that most important parallel prophecy in 
 Apoc. xii. 17, which, for many reasons, the reader should 
 never lose sight of : where, after mention of the hiding of 
 the woman, the Church, in the wilderness, from the dragon's 
 fury, it is said that " the dragon went to make war with 
 the remnant of her seed that observe the commandments of 
 God, and keep up the testimony, or witnessing, for Jesus ; " 
 {s^ovTiov Tr^v [xaprupiav too Iri<rou Xp<(rToy) his device for 
 this purpose being to evoke the Beast from the sea. — I 
 make this observation because not a few modern expositors, 
 following certain others more ancient, have supposed the 
 two Witnesses to mean things inanimate, — the Old and 
 
 ^ The only exceptions I have observed are in Ps. Ixxx. 37, where the moon seems 
 called "a faithful witness in heaven ;" and Gen. xxxi. 48, 52, where we read, '• This 
 pillar is a witness:" in which latter passage however the Hebrew noun is in the 
 feminine form. 
 
 2 The single exception that has met my eye is in Matt. xi. 13 ; " The prophets and 
 the latv prophesied till John."
 
 208 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 New Testaments.^ There cannot be a reasonable doubt, I 
 conceive, that Uvmg confessors were intended. 
 
 2. The appellative " my Witnesses," points out to us 
 the grand subject of their witnessing, viz. the Lord Jesus ; 
 his glory, his grace, his salvation. A point this the rather 
 to be observed respecting them, because of their having 
 been represented by some Expositors as witnesses distinct- 
 ivehf and alone against the Papacy ; thus furnishing a 
 handle to objectors : ^ whereas, being simply described as 
 Witnesses for Jesus, they need not be supposed to have 
 assumed prominently the aggressive character of direct re- 
 monstrants against the Apostasy, whether in the East or 
 in the West, except in proportion as that system should 
 have authoritatively incorporated, and enforced, its growing 
 superstitions and impieties, in open and necessary hostility 
 to the doctrine of Jesus. A similar characterization of 
 them occurs in the parallel prediction just alluded to, Apoc. 
 xii. 17 ; where the same individuals (as I conceive) are 
 designated, as those who " observe the commandments of 
 God," and also " keep up the witnessing for Jesus." — 
 Which two characteristics, let me remark in passing, always 
 have been, and always will be, found united. They that 
 sincerely testify for Christ will be the persons most ob- 
 servant of God's commandments : they that testify other 
 than Christ's doctrine will be disposed rather to observe the 
 commandments of men^^ 
 
 3. They are described as " the two olive-trees, and the 
 two candlesticks, or lamp-sconces, that stand before the 
 Lord of the whole earth." 
 
 1 So Galloway, Frore, Irving, &c., of the moderns ; of the ancients, Tichonius. 
 Vitringa is not quite clear on this point. His main view of the Witnesses regards 
 
 them as living confessors; while the candlesticks he explains as churches, the two 
 olive-trees as the Hob/ Spirit, the two chief boughs as the prophets and apostles, and 
 the two tubes of the candlestick in Zechariah, through which the oil from the two 
 olives flowed into it, as the Holy Scripture ixnA preaching. Vitringa, pp. 6'22 — 626. 
 
 2 E. g. Dr. S. R. Maitland. See his Remarks, p. 95, and Facts and Doc. p. 80, 
 &c. Also, more recently, notwithstanding this caveat in my Book, Dr. Charles Mait- 
 land, in his Work on the Apostolic Interpretation of Prophecy ; p. 443. 
 
 3 E. g. In the Donay Church Catechism, still, I believe, of authority among Irish 
 Romanists, two sets of Commandments are taught, as alike binding ; 1st, those of God, 
 2nd, those of the Church ; the latter, hearing mass, fasting, confessing, paying tithes, 
 (fee. Phelan's Digest of Evidence on Ireland, i. 209. — Again, the elimination of the 
 2nd Commandment from the Decalogue, at least as a distinct commandment, and 
 slurring over and perversion of its charges, by the Catechism of the' Council of Trent, 
 is notorious ; also its division of the 10th into two, in order to make up the number ten.
 
 CH. VII. § l.J WITNESSES DESCRIBED IN PROPHECY. 209 
 
 Of these emblems the candlesticlcs, or lamp-sconces, are 
 exyjlained by Christ Himself to symbolize Christian 
 Churches : ^ i. e. communities uniting together in a true 
 Christian profession and worship ; the individual members 
 contained in which would shine, by their consistent doc- 
 trine and life, as lights in the worid.'— We must remember 
 that these churches might be small, as well as large. We 
 read in 1 Cor. xvi. 19 of the Church in the house of 
 Aquila and Priscilla ; and in Col. iv. 15, of the Church in 
 the house of Nymphas. In the present case, as I shall 
 have to observe under my next head, the whole description 
 indicates paucity of number, and depression. 
 
 As to the emblem of olive-trees, since it was the olive- 
 tree that supplied nourishment to the temple-lamps,— it 
 being commanded that pure oil-olive should alone be burnt 
 in them,^— it would seem that those must be symbohzed 
 thereby who supplied the needful spiritual nourishment to 
 the Christian churches ; in other words, all faithful minis- 
 ters and gospel-preachers, ministering to them. And to 
 this effect indeed is the explanation given of the emblem 
 in Zechariah.'^ " I said, What be these two olive-trees, 
 upon the right side of the candlestick, and on the left? 
 And I answered again . . What be these two olive-branches, 
 which through the two golden pipes empty the oil out of 
 themselves ? . . Then said He, These are the two anointed 
 ones, (or, rather, two sons of oil,)^ that stand by the 
 
 1 Apoc. i. 20.— Compare 1 Kings xi. 36 ; " that David my servant may have a 
 liffht (or lamp) always hefore me in Jerusalem." „,,..., 
 
 2 Phil. ii. 15, wc Xwxi^of the Church being the Xvxvia. The distmction has not 
 heen always noted. Compare Numb. viii. 2, 3 ; Matt. v. 15. 
 
 3 Exod. xxvii. 20. , ,• x • 
 
 * Zech iv. 11, &c.— In Zechariah's vision it may be that two obve-trees, growmg 
 in the Court of )he Temple, appeared to stretch out branches through the Temple- 
 walls and so to drop the oil of their olives into the bowl of the ^candlestick. For 
 from Da\'id's fi°-ure of himself, " I am like a green olive-tree m the house of my 
 God " (Psalm lii. 8,) it seems not improbable that one or two olive-trees may have 
 been actually growing there.— Or it may be that the reference of the prophetic 
 imagery was to the olive-tree door-posts of the temple, of which we read 1 Kings vi. 
 33 ; and which may have appeared in Zechariah's vision in their natural form and 
 vitality, and so stretching thence to the golden candlestick. 
 
 s So the marginal version. If this be taken,— and from the nature of the emblem 
 it seems to me preferable,— we must construe it, I think, actively, as designating com- 
 municators of oil. So James and John are called sons of thunder, Mark m. 17, with 
 reference to the power of the word issuing from them; Barnabas the son of consola- 
 tion, Acts iv. 36, in the sense of a consoler ; musicians, the sons of oioise, (Heb.) 
 Jer. xlviii. 45 ; and a fruitful hill of olives, a horn of the son of oil, (Heb.) Isa. v. 1 ; 
 i. e. as producing it. 
 
 VOL. II. 14
 
 210 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Lord of the whole earth." ^ Now under the Jewish dis- 
 pensation, they who as individuals, in the special sense of 
 the words, stood before the Lord, and who also were anoint- 
 ed for the purpose, were the Priests and the Prophets;"^ those 
 that under an ordinary, or else an extraordinary commis- 
 sion, (for the prophets, let it be marked, were not always 
 of the sacerdotal tribe and order,^) taught and ministered 
 publicly, whether in the word, or in the congregation. 
 Under the Christian dispensation the counterpart to the 
 former of these are regularly ordained Christian ministers ; 
 to the latter, evangelists entrusted with a more extra- 
 ordinary commission. 
 
 From the union of the two symbols, of lamps and olive- 
 trees, we are to understand that both the ministers or 
 gospel-preachers, and the churches or communities taught 
 by them, were alike included in the Apocalyptic Wit- 
 nesses. 
 
 4. We must observe the number noted, " ray two Wit- 
 nesses." — We may take for granted that here, as perpetually 
 elsewhere in the Apocalypse,^ the representative system is 
 followed : and thus that the two witnesses, instead of being 
 
 1 " Teachers must be filled ^vath oil ; and the Church through all her members ap- 
 propriate the oil, so as to exhibit in their walk a lovely brightness." Bengel cited 
 by Hengstenberg in Apoc. i. 399. 
 
 2 Of the Priests and Levites we read thus in Deut. x. 8 ; " The Lord separated the 
 tribe of Levi to . . stand before the Lord, to minister unto Him, and to bless in his 
 name : " and again Deut. xviii. 7 ; &c.— Of the Prophets it is made frequently a 
 characteristic, as in the cases of Elijah and Elisha ; " As the Lord liveth before 
 whom I stand;" 1 Kings xvii. 1, xviii. 15, 2 Kings iii. 14, v. 16. Also oi Jeremiah, 
 when fulfilling his prophetic office ; Jer. xv. 19. — In the same sense I conceive that 
 the two anointed ones of Zechariah's vision meant the two Prophets Haggai and 
 Zechariah, who ministered oil to the lamps of the Jewish Church, when burning dim 
 and nearly extinct; not, as most Commentators interpret, Zerubbabel and Joshua. 
 A civil Governor or Prince is nowhere said in Scripture, I believe, to stand before 
 God. — Compare 1 Kings x. 8, 2 Kings v. 25. 
 
 I need hardly adduce examples to show that the phrase is used also of churches or 
 congregations collectively, when met to worship before God : e. g. Acts x. 33. 
 
 3 Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and sundry other prophets, were of the sacerdotal tribe and 
 order : but Elijah's tribe is not told us ; and both David and Daniel were of the tribe 
 of Judah, Amos a herdmau of Tekoa, &c. — Again even women were sometimes com- 
 missioned prophetesses. So Deborah for example, and Huldah : the latter consulted 
 by King Josiah, at the time when the temple and its priesthood were in full estab- 
 lishment. See 2 Kings xxii. 14. 
 
 ^ Enough, I hope, has already appeared in this commentary to satisfy the reader 
 of the representative system being pursued in the Apocalyptic sjTiibols ; as, for in- 
 stance, in the horses and their riders of the four first seals, &c. — See too p. 115, Note ^ 
 supra. "The two Witnesses are ideal persons, who appear in a multitude of real 
 witnesses." Hengst. i. 398.
 
 CH. VII. §1.] WITNESSES DESCRIBED IN PROPHECY. 211 
 
 two individuals, as some of the early Fathers fancied/ stand 
 for a body and series ; the same evidently as in Apoc. xii. 
 17, averse already referred to. — But why the nmnber tivo ; 
 unity being most usually adopted in cases of representa- 
 tion ? To this question the answer of Mede seems suffi- 
 cient, that two or three witnesses were required in the 
 Mosaic law to constitute a conclusive testimony ; ^ and 
 therefore that, had but one witness been made the represent- 
 ative of a number sufficient for effectively testifying, such as 
 is here evidently intended, the usual propriety of emblem 
 observable in the Apocalypse would have been wanting. — 
 At the same time the circumstance of the Uvo, not the 
 three, of the Mosaic law, being the number chosen, seems 
 to indicate that the Witnesses would be only just enough 
 for the purpose ; — the smallest number that might suffice 
 to make out the testimony satisfactorily. — Which same fact 
 might seem also implied in the specification of but two 
 lamp-sconces : M^hereas both in Zechariah's vision, just 
 alluded to, and also in the vision at the commencement of 
 the Apocalypse, the number of symbolic lamps exhibited 
 was seven. So too in Apoc. xii. 17 it was only the rem- 
 nant of the woman the Church's seed that was represented 
 as holding the testimony of Jesus ; the rest being hidden 
 with her, during the Beast Antichrist's reign, in the wilder- 
 ness. 
 
 Besides this view of the number two of the witnesses, 
 many Protestant commentators have supposed that two 
 
 1 So Tertullian, Hippolytus, Cyprian, Ambrose, Jerome, &c., supposed that they 
 would be Enoch and Elijah. " Morituri reservantur," said Tertullian, (De Anima, 
 c. 50,) "ut Antichristum sanguine suo extinguant." Others expected Elijah and 
 John the Evangelist. See Calmet on Antichrist, or Brooks's Elements of Prophetic 
 Interpretation, p. 444 ; also my Sketch of the History of Apocalyptic Interpretation 
 in the Appendix to Vol. iv. In this supposition they have been followed by most 
 modem Interpreters of the Maitland School ; the same that also expect a personal 
 Antichrist, and believe that by the 1260 days are meant simply days, not years, in 
 this prophecy. 
 
 I have already observed, and beg now again to remind the reader of it, that the 
 whole year-day question will be fully discussed when we come to the liiith Apoca- 
 lyptic Chapter. 
 
 • Numb. XXXV. 30, Deut. xvii. 6, xix. 15, John viii. 17, Matt, xviii. 16.— It is ob- 
 served by St. Augustine, when referring to a case mooted in the 7th Council of 
 Carthage, that both the Ecclesiastical and Civil Law, then in force, (just like the 
 old Jewish law,) forbade the condemning any man on the unsupported evidence of 
 a single witness. Bingham xvi. 3. 10. — I observe a similar explanation of the num- 
 ber two in the symbol in T. Aquinas. " Propter sufficientiam testimonii," says he 
 in his De Antichristo, p. 43 ; referring to Matt, xviii. 16. 
 
 14 *
 
 212 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 separate lines of witnesses are intended.^ And certainly, if 
 such were the case, the duality of these representative Wit- 
 nesses (a diiaUty noted of their emblems the olive-trees and 
 candlesticks, as well as of themselves) would be still more 
 satisfactorily accounted for, and still more according to 
 Apocalyptic analogies. It must however be remembered 
 that this latter supposition is not necessary ; Mede's ex- 
 planation being of itself sufRcient. 
 
 5. Their condition, during the time of their witnessing, 
 is indicated by the garb said to be worn by them ; " They 
 shall prophesy 1260 days clothed in sackcloth.'' Sackcloth 
 was among the Jews the almost universal sign of mourning ; 
 as in the cases, for example, of Daniel, Mordecai, and the 
 Ninevites : ^ and it was worn doubtless on this account by 
 the ancient Jetvish Prophets ; their condition being gener- 
 ally one of trial, and often of persecution, amidst the pre- 
 vailing apostasy and rebellion of their countrymen.^ I infer 
 the same respecting the condition of the Apocalyptic sack- 
 cloth-robed Witnesses. We must suppose that both their 
 righteous souls would be vexed by the prevalent apostasy 
 and irreligion of those around them, the Paganized Chris- 
 tians of the outer court : and also that they would often 
 suffer persecution from those enemies of Christ and Christ's 
 truth ; politically supreme as they were to be during the 
 1260 days of the Witnesses prophesying. 
 
 6. The next thing noted of the two Witnesses, is the 
 avenging power given them against their enemies. " Who- 
 soever will injure them, fire goeth out of their mouth, and 
 devoureth their enemies : — these have power to shut hea- 
 ven, that it rain not during the days of their prophecy ; — '■ 
 and have power over the waters to turn them to blood, — 
 and to smite the earth with every plague, as often as they 
 will." There is a reference evidently in all this to the su- 
 pernatural power that attached to certain of the ancient 
 
 1 Especially Mr. Faber. 2 Dan. ix. 3, Esther iv, 1, 2. 
 
 3 See the references in Cruden on the word Sackcloth ; especially Isa. xx. 2. — In 
 Zech. xiii. 4 false prop/iets are spoken of as also wearing a rough dress, or of sack- 
 cloth ; and so too those alluded to by our Lord, in Matt. vii. 15, " which come to 
 you in sheep's clothing." But in these cases the rough dress was worn hypocriti- 
 cally, and to help them in their feigning of the prophetic character. — Compare Heb. 
 xi. 37 ; " They wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins, being destitute, af- 
 flicted, tormented."
 
 CH. VII. fl.] WITNESSES DESCRIBED IN PROPHECY. 213 
 
 prophets, of literally thus acting against their enemies : 
 viz. to Moses and Aaron, who turned the Nile-waters into 
 blood, on Pharaoh's insulting and injuring them ; and to 
 Elijah, who both commanded fire from heaven to slay the 
 enemies that would have taken him, and invoked a drought 
 of three and a half years on apostate Israel. — In the pre- 
 sent case the figurative character of the whole prophecy 
 shows that these statements (hke others of the same class) 
 are meant figuratively ; and so too as they might apply to 
 the two Apocalyptic Witnesses, the symbolic representa- 
 tives of a long succession of many. It could not be that 
 for 1260 years there should be no natural rain : — a spiritual 
 drought must be intended. Again, their turning the wa- 
 ters into blood can only be interpreted of the bloodshed of 
 wars, inflicted in God's providence on the enemies of the 
 Witnesses; and the fire going out of their ynouths of God's 
 fiery judgments, destroying the apostates nationally that 
 might have persecuted them. — So in fact the phrases are 
 interpreted elsewhere in prophecy : for example in Apoc. 
 viii. 8 ; where the emblem of the sea becoming blood (sup- 
 posing my interpretation correct) was shown to symbol- 
 ize bloody inaritime war} But this, let me repeat, as 
 the sequel in God's providence ; not as their wish, or inten- 
 tion. On Jeremiah's testimony being rejected, and himself 
 persecuted by the Jews, God's predictive declaration, " I 
 will make my words in thy mouth fire, and this people 
 wood, and it shall devour them,"^ was fulfilled, we know, 
 by the subsequent burning of their city, and their destruc- 
 tion not individually, but as a nation. Again, as regards 
 the drought spoken of, we read in Isaiah a threatening of 
 the same judgment on the Jews, in the sense of the with- 
 holding from them of the dews of the Spirit ; '* I will com- 
 mand the clouds that they rain no rain upon it."^ And 
 so too in that most striking passage in Amos ;^ " The days 
 come, saith the Lord, that I will send a famine on the land : 
 not a famine of bread, nor a thirst for w^ater, but of hearing 
 the words of the Lord. And they shall wander from sea 
 to sea, and from the North even to the East : they shall 
 
 ' See my Vol. I. p. 378, &c. on Apoc. viii. 8. Compare also Apoc. xvi. 4. 
 2 Jer. V. 14. 2 Isa. v. 6. * Amos viii. 11.
 
 214 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part iit. 
 
 run to and fro, to seek the word of the Lord, and shall not 
 find it," — Such seems the sense in which the figures are to 
 be taken here also. To borrow Lowth's language ; " The 
 prophet's words would be like a judicial sentence against 
 them ; with execution almost immediately [I would rather 
 say, sooner or later] following."^ A view not dissimilar 
 from that of some of the oldest patristic expositors.^ 
 
 Tor, let me further observe, immediate fulfilment was 
 not implied, in respect of the destruction spoken of as 
 caused by the fire issuing from the Apocali/ptic Witnesses 
 mouths, any more than by the fire issuing from Jeremiah's. 
 How, were it so, coidd the Beast from the abyss make war 
 against, and conquer, and kill them, as he is said to do? 
 The individual Witnesses or Prophets might even die ; and 
 yet their words remain like fire to consume the guilty 
 people. So it was said by Zechariah to the Jews, after 
 their return from the captivity of Babylon : " The prophets, 
 do they live for ever ? yet my words, which I commanded 
 my servants the prophets, did they not take hold of your 
 fathers?"^ — Of the judgments noted as to follow on the 
 rejection and persecution of Christ's Witnesses, one is de- 
 clared to be continuous, through the whole period of their 
 prophesying, viz. the spiritual drought, or shutting up of 
 
 * Compare Numb. xvi. 41, "Ye have killed the people of the Lord," said of those 
 destroyed agreeably to the declaration of Moses and Aaron : also Isa. vi. 10 ; "Make 
 the heart of this people fat," &c.: and Ezek. xliii. 3; "When I came to destroy 
 this city ; " where the margin reads, "When I came to prophesy that the city should 
 be destroyed." So again Gen. xli. 13 ; "As Joseph interpreted to us so it happened: 
 me he restored to his office; and him he hanged." Also Jer. i. 10, &c. 
 
 2 Let me cite, in corroboration, the comments of the ancient patristic expositor 
 Tichonius, on the fire from the witnesses' mouth, and the drought. 
 
 On the fire. " Id est si quis ecclesiam vel laedit, vel lajdere voluerit, precibus oris 
 ejus divino igne, aut in prsesenti ad correctionem, aut in future sseculo ad damnati- 
 onem, consumetur." Hom. viii. in Apoc. 
 
 And on tlie drought : " Spiritualiter coelum clauditur, ne imbrem pluat ; id est ne 
 occulto, sed tamen justo judicio Dei, super sterilem terram de ecclesiii benedictio 
 descendat." 
 
 Compare T. Aquinas. " Ignis exiet de ore illorum, et devorabit, &c. Quia ignis, 
 id est scientia spiritualis, exibit de ore illorum, cui non poterunt resistere adversarii ; 
 ut Jer. xxiii. 29, et Ecclus. xlviii. 1. . . Et devorabit ; id est devorandos eos ostendet, sc. 
 ^ daemonibus, et damnandos in ignem sternum." De Antichristo i. 49, 50. 
 
 Says Home, on the Metonymies in the Scripture, Head. ix. x. ; "When an action 
 is said to be done, the meaning frequently is that it is declared, or permitted, or fore- 
 told that it shall be done." Among other examples he adduces Jer. xxxviii. 23, 
 " Thou shalt burn this city." So the Hebrew ; the meaning, as translated in our 
 yersion, being, " Thou shalt cause it to burn." Introd. Vol. ii. pp. 653, 654. (2nd 
 Edition.) 3 Zech. i. 6.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 215 
 
 the dews of heaven ; — one occasional, the smiting the land 
 with plagues as often as they will ; — the third we may infer 
 to be final ; I mean the destruction of their enemies by 
 fiery judgments from God. 
 
 7tli, and lastly, with regard to the commencing time of 
 the two Witnesses testifying in sackcloth, it seems coinci- 
 dent (as already hinted) with that of the heathenized Chris- 
 tians treading the Holy City. For not only are the two 
 statements connected together in immediate juxtaposition, 
 — that about the Gentiles preceding, that about the two 
 witnesses following, — and the time 42 months assigned to 
 one equalling the 1260 days assigned to the other, but the 
 connexion almost hinted at as that of cause and effect. 
 Now to fix in history this latter epoch there seems required 
 the concurrence of two things ; first the lapse of professing 
 Christendom and its ruling powers into heathen-like idol- 
 atry ; secondly their oppression of the truth by antichristian 
 laws. — In what was said aftenvards to St. John of the same 
 1260 days period, its date of commencement was further 
 defined as following after the Dragon's casting water out of 
 his mouth to drown the woman, the Church ; and marked 
 by the Woman's hiding in the wilderness, and the seven- 
 headed wild Beast, that had power given it for the same 
 42 months, rising from the sea : — the latter Satan's grand 
 instrument, for warring down them that kept God's com- 
 mands and the testimony of Jesus. ^ — Erom these data to 
 infer the probable commencing epoch will not, I think, be 
 difficult ; on proceeding, as we shall now do, to apply the 
 various figures of which we have been speaking, to the facts 
 of real history. 
 
 ^ 2. — THE EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES TRACED IN 
 HISTORY. 
 
 And now then the duty devolves on me of tracing a 
 succession of living witnesses for Christ, in character and 
 history corresponding with the above descriptive sketch by 
 the Apocalyptic Angel, throughout the dark fated period 
 of the 1260 years. The Witnesses, we have seen, were 
 
 ^ Apoc. xii. 15, 17; xiii. 5, 7.
 
 2IC) Apoc. XI. 2— 7. [part im 
 
 to comprehend both preachers of gospel-truth, and con- 
 gregations or churches ministered to by them ; hke to the 
 two oUve-trees and two candlesticks of the symbolization 
 in vision : — their witnessing to be for Christ, contradis- 
 tinctively to, and against, the antichristian errors and super- 
 stitions of the apostasy, successively developed ; as also for 
 the rule of God's word, against the traditions and precepts 
 of men : — their condition, finally, to be that of mourning, if 
 not persecution, as of those that had to prophesy in sack- 
 cloth. — As to the commencement of the 1260 years of their 
 thus prophesying, — it was apparently, as before said, to be 
 the same with that of the rise of the Beast from the sea, 
 described in Apoc. xiii. ; in other words, as wall afterwards 
 appear, of that of the Papal Antichrist, and decern -regal 
 Papal empire in Western Europe.^ Which being so, we can 
 hardly, I think, fix the commencing epoch earher than the 
 first quarter, or much later than the end, of the 6th century. 
 Por it was not till about the former date that the Popes as- 
 sumed the direct character of Christ's plenipotentiary Vicar 
 on earth, or Antichrist ; nor till the latter that the Lom- 
 bards in Italy, and the Saxon Heptarchy, just previously 
 formed in Britain, in recognition of that his office, as if of 
 heavenly appointment, placed themselves in subjection to 
 the Papal ecclesiastical government.^ — About which time 
 too that other characteristic of the 42 months, or 1260 
 days, noted in this xith chapter of the Apocalypse, — I 
 mean that of Gentiles of the outer court treading down the 
 Holy City, in other words of heathenized and idolatrous 
 pseudo-Christians occupying and bearing rule in Christen- 
 dom, — had begun also very palpably to have its fulfilment. 
 Already in former parts of my work I have traced the 
 earlier progress of the apostasy.^ In the 6th century this 
 had become dominant. "The use and even worship of 
 images," says Gibbon, " was firmly estabhshed before the 
 end of the 6th century:" and again; "The Christians of 
 the 7th century had insensibly relapsed into a semblance 
 of Paganism: the throne of the Almighty was darkened 
 
 ' See my Part iv. Chap. iv. infra. ^ See ibid. 
 
 3 See especially ray Part ii. Chap. i. and Chap. iii. at pp. 330, 404, &c. in my first 
 Volume.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 217 
 
 by a cloud of martyrs, saints, and angels, the objects of 
 popular veneration."^ And so too Moslieim : "At this 
 time, (i. e. in the 7th century,) true religion, weighed down 
 by a heap of insane superstitions, was unable to raise its 
 head. The earlier Christians were wont to worship God 
 and his Son only. But in this age they who were called 
 Christians worshipped the wooden cross, the images of 
 saints, and bones of men, they knew not whom."^ — At 
 Rome the Pantheon, previously a Temple to all the Pagan 
 Gods, was in the year 607, on Phocas' grant of it to the 
 Pope, consecrated to the Virgin Marg and all the Martyrs.^ 
 It was a sign of the times, very characteristic, of this 
 substitution of a new form of heathen worship, albeit 
 under the Christian name, for the old. — Let me add that, 
 while the Justinian Code reigned in the East, the earlier 
 Theodosian Code (on which in fact that of Justinian was 
 very much founded) came more and more to be received in 
 the Western barbaric kingdoms,* especially on matters of 
 ecclesiastical jurisprudence : by the laws of which Code 
 ecclesiastical questions were referable to the Bishops' Courts ; 
 the Pope's universal supremacy, at least in the West, re- 
 cognised;^ and heresg, or deviation from the estabhshed 
 doctrine and worship, made punishable with the severest 
 penalties.^ 
 
 Setting out from this epoch in quest of witnesses for 
 Christ, the then marked distinction between the Eastern 
 and Western divisions of Roman Christendom renders it 
 necessary to observe that same distinction in our inquiries ; 
 and to look for such as might answer to the character of 
 witnesses, in the Eastern and Western empires separately. 
 
 ^ ix. 116, 261 ; especially, he says, in the East. 
 
 "^ vii. 2. 3. 1. — The veneration of saints, and their relics, was in the 6th and 7th 
 centuries chiefly characteristic of the corrupted worship in Western Christendom; 
 that of images, of the worship in Eastern Christendom. See Dupin's sketch of the rise 
 and establishment of image-worship, appended.to his Notice of the 2nd Council of Nice. 
 
 3 Burton's Rome, i. 166. On receiving- the grant, says Dr. Burton, " the Pope 
 Boniface IV removed to the Pantheon the remains of saints and martyrs from different 
 cemeteries enough to fill 28 waggons, whence it received the additional title of Ad 
 Mar tyres :" — additional, that is, to the title of the Church of the Holy Virgin. In 
 830 it was formally dedicated by Gregory IV to All the Saints. 
 
 * See Guizot's Civilization ot France, Lect. xi. 
 
 * See the citations from the Theodosian Code in my Part iv. ch. v. § 1, and ch. vi. 
 
 « See Petrus Siculus' allusion to this law, in his account of Sergius' perversion, (or 
 conversion,) given in my next Section.
 
 218 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part III: 
 
 In the East, even at the commencement of the period on 
 which we have to enter, the grosser visible superstitions of 
 the apostasy were already fully developed, and authorita- 
 tively enforced. There therefore we might expect to find, 
 and I believe shall find, the witnessing against such gross 
 and open superstition more early made than elsewhere ; 
 upon a scale larger than of mere individuals, and in public 
 protest. Meantime broken notices occur from time to time 
 in the Western ecclesiastical history, that bear upon our 
 present inquiry ; notices not to be overlooked, although so 
 imperfect and broken. In the 6th 7th and 8th centuries, 
 while the Popes, the destined grand adversaries of Christ's 
 witnesses in later time, were gradually advancing to the 
 ecclesiastical subjection of the whole West de facto, as it 
 had been already subjected to them by the Theodosian 
 Code dejure, ancl, wherever their authority prevailed, were 
 using it to the inculcation of the same gross and open su- 
 perstitions as in the East,^ — these notices furnish probable 
 evidence that the evangelic Augustinian doctrine, with its 
 less direct protest against error and superstition, was ever 
 kept up in Western Christendom ; and the Vigilantian, 
 with its more direct protest, not as yet altogether forgotten. 
 Afterwards, as the 8th century closed in, the testimony 
 became most clear and decisive. 
 
 In my historic elucidation of the subject, — an elucidation 
 forced on me both by its own great importance, by the diffi- 
 culties of evidence attending it, and by the strongly exprest 
 and elaborated opinions of certain authors of repute,^ ad- 
 versely to that view which I regard as true, — I purpose con- 
 sidering first the earlier Western Witnesses, the West being 
 our chief and more permanent scene of interest ; then the 
 Eastern ; then the two lines at a later period, after their 
 primary commingling in Western Christendom, down to the 
 xiith Century; then the Waldenses of the xiith Century, 
 
 1 This ■will be illustrated as we proceed. 
 
 - More especially of Bossuet among earlier controversialists, and Dr. S. R. Mait- 
 land and Mr. Bowling of the moderns ; — Dr. Maitland in his Book on the Waldenses 
 and Albigenses, Mr. Dowling in his on the Paulikians followed by the Rev. T. K. 
 Arnold, in his controversial Papers on this subject against my Horae. Also Prof. 
 Gieseler, on the Paulikians, in an Essay in the Berlin Stud, und Krit. 
 
 I shall of course profit by the labours of my predecessors in the same field,— Bishop 
 Newton, Faber, Gilly, &c.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EAELIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 219 
 
 all in separate successive Sections : — a yet additional Sec- 
 tion being appended in either case, in order to the vindi- 
 cation of their Christian character, and of their right to 
 the title we give them of Christ's Witnesses. 
 
 And first, and in the present Section, our subject is the 
 broken earlier notices that are discernible in history of a 
 Western Witnessing for Christ's truth, from about the 
 end of the 6th to the opening of the 11th century. 
 
 Before entering here however on our more proper chro- 
 nological field of inquiry, let us look back for a moment 
 to the two remarkable individuals, just alluded to, provi- 
 dentially raised up by God, as we saw long since, just before 
 the disruption of the old Roman Empire under the Gothic 
 tempest-blasts, and who were destined to exercise, one at 
 least, if not both, a most powerful influence on the subse- 
 quent witnessing for Christ in Western Christendom ; — I 
 mean Augustine and Vigilantius. — The former, eminent 
 as a Christian teacher in every point of view, was eminent 
 most of all for his strenuous, holy, and for a time success- 
 ful advocacy of the grand gospel-principle, that it is to 
 God's free grace in Christ Jesus, preventing, forgiving, con- 
 verting, sustaining, that man is indebted, from first to last, 
 simply and alone, for salvation ; and this only in the way 
 of a living personal union of each individual soul with 
 Christ, by faith, as the one common principle of his Church 
 of the election of grace : — a doctrine this which, in God's 
 wise ordering, his own previous history and experience (like 
 that of Luther afterwards) singularly qualified him to ap- 
 preciate ;^ and which was essentially opposed to the whole 
 system of will-worship, penance, and works of merit, whether 
 of congruity or condignity^ set forth in a spirit more and 
 
 1 See my Part i. Chap. vii. \ 4, or Milner's account of Augustine. The subject 
 well suited Milner's pious mind ; and he has done it justice. 
 
 2 " The Pelagians," says MiLner, speaking of Vitalis, and the semi-Pelagians of the 
 fifth century, "having lost their first ground, . . maintained that grace was given 
 according to 'that merit of men which they showed in attending to the word and prayer." 
 Cent. V. ch. 3, ad fin. . . . . • 
 
 Compare with this the doctrine of merit of congruity before justification in baptism, 
 as well as of condignity afterwards, asserted in the discussions of the Council of Trent on 
 Justification. " Sic quidem priefantur," says Calvin, of its celebrated Canon on Justi- 
 fication, " ut initio nihil spirent nisi Christum. Sed quum ad rem ventum est, multum
 
 220 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 more Pelagian, albeit under ecclesiastical forms, and with 
 a professed condemnation of Pelagianisni, by the great 
 Apostasy.^ — The latter was eminent, as I have also in a 
 former chapter observed,^ in the character of an uncom- 
 promising protester, far-sighted quite beyond his age, 
 against the then already commencing abuses and errors of 
 relic and saint-worship, monasticism, celibacy, pilgrimages, 
 and other such superstitious doctrines and practices. — After 
 the failure of God's tremendous Gothic scourge to induce 
 repentance and reformation in Roman Christendom, and 
 its subsequent fuller adoption, ever more and more, of all 
 the above-mentioned anti-christian errors and superstitions, 
 it needed that the protesting voice of both these men of 
 God should soon be combined in the Witnesses for Jesus. 
 For Augustine's weak point had been, — in part from a want 
 of discernment as to the deadly tendency of some of the 
 instealing superstitions, in part from love of peace, and de- 
 ference to what was called the Church, — though protesting 
 indeed, yet not to protest with sufficient discernment or 
 decision against them.^ And, when they were authorita- 
 tively enjoined and enforced in the system, it was then 
 needed on the part of the Lord's Witnesses, that they should 
 not merely meditate and feed on gospel-truth like Augus- 
 tine's in private, so as did multitudes doubtless in their 
 convents or their families, who were Christ's secret ones,^ 
 
 abest quin illi relinqiiant quod suum est. Imo nihil tandem aliud continet eorum 
 definitio quam tritura illud scholarum dogma, partiin gratia Dei, partim operibus suis, 
 jiistiticari homines ; ut aliquanto se magis verecuudos osteudaut quam fuerit Felagius." 
 Calvin Antidot. p. 259. Cited by Cramp, p. 104. See too his notice on the same 
 subject, p. 73. 
 
 * " La doctrine Pelagienne, repoussee de I'Eglise par Augustin, quand elle s'etait 
 avancee en face, se representa bientot de cote, comme semi-Pelagianisine. . . II fit at- 
 tacher un grand prix a des ceuvres exterieures, a des observances legales, a des actes de 
 penitence," &c. Merle d'Aubigue, Book i. c. 2. — It is always a gratification to me 
 to refer to this admirable work : and here the rather because that my own view of the 
 Pelagian spirit of the apostasy, as one of its most important features, was drawn up 
 quite independently. - See my Vol. i. p. 345. 
 
 3 See my Vol. i. pp. 342, 343, with the Notes. 
 
 * See on Apoc. xii. 14. — It is remarked by Gieseler i. 216; "The influence of 
 Augustine's writings on his own and after ages is incalculable." And so too Milner, 
 V. 3, p. 322, observing ; " The effects of this effusion of the Spirit were . . operative . . 
 many centuries afterwards, in the production of much real godliness in the minds of 
 many individuals, particularly of monastic persons ; to whom for ages Augustine's 
 writings were, . . next to the word of God, the greatest means of grace." So too in 
 the passage quoted Vol. i. p. 318, Note -. — Milncr's observation is applicable alike to 
 Christ's ivitnesses, and Christ's secret ones of the Church in the wilderness, figured in 
 Apoc. xii.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EAULIER WESTERN WITNESSES, 221 
 
 — nor merely protest for the truth, so as did Augustine 
 himself, — but that they should also protest against con- 
 trary prevailing superstitions and errors, even unto suffer- 
 ing, if need might be, and death : — in short, that they 
 should unite in a measure, as was before said, the spirit 
 and the doctrine of Augustine and Vigilantius} 
 
 Let me add that the localities of Southern France and 
 North Italij, (which, as being the central ground of West- 
 ern Christendom, and in the middle age especially notable 
 in the history of Christian witnessing, I wish to keep pro- 
 minently in view in the present Section,) were even in those 
 early times notable for association with these the true prin- 
 ciples and doctrines of Christ's Witnesses. From Jerome's 
 invective against him it appears that Vigilantius chief sphere 
 of protestation against the prevalent superstitions, and where 
 both priests and bishops of the district joined him,^ was that 
 of the Gallic churches of Languedoc :'^ and it seems verv 
 possible that his influence and doctrine may have extended 
 eastward even to Dauphiny and the Cottian Alps, and be- 
 yond; ''—the Cottian Alps so famous afterwards as the seat 
 of the Waldenses. — Further, we know that Augustinian 
 principles took early and deep root in the south of Gaul : 
 and that Augustinian bishops, councils, and monasteries 
 united to keep up there the remembrance of Augustine's 
 
 ' Vi^lantius is still in the Romish list of heretics.— Mosh. v. 2. 3. 14. 
 
 "^ " Proh nefas ! Episcopos sui sceleris dicitur habere consortes : si tamen episcopi 
 nominandi sunt, qui uon ordinant diaconos nisi prius uxores duxerint." Given in 
 Gilly's Vigilantius, p. 391. 
 
 ^ " Incurset Galliarum ccclesias, portetque nequaquam vexillum crucis, sed insigne 
 Diaboli." lb. 394. Dr. Gilly (384) infers the diocese in which Vigilantius was living 
 when he began his protestations to have been that of Toulouse. 
 
 _ As the range of his preaching may have reached as far south as the town of his 
 birth, near the Pyrenees, called Lu^dunum Convenarum, (afterwards Convetite, now 
 Cominges,) Mr. Faber suggests that Vigilantius may from this Lugduniim have been 
 called a Leonist, and so traditionally Leo ; the name assigned to an early founder of 
 theirsect by certain later Waldenses. (Vail, and Albig. p. 279.) But this surely 
 is quite fanciful. Can Mr. F. adduce any evidence of Vigilantius ever having borne 
 an appellation derived from this town of Convense } Any of an inhabitant of Con- 
 veniB being called Leonista ? Any of Lconiata being turned into Leo ? 
 
 * "Inter Hadrife fluctus, Cottiique regis Alpes, in nos declamando clamavit." — 
 This was said of Vigilantius' speaking against Jerome's Origenism, and other errors, 
 as the former viewed them, on his return from Jerome at Jerusalem ; and before his 
 more systematic protest against the superstitions of the day. (Gilly, 379, 385.) Still 
 some seeds of protest against the generally prevailing errors may then and there have 
 been not improbably sown by him : and in a few years later his more decided pro- 
 test against superstition may have probably been spread from the Pyrenees into 
 Dauphiny, up to the western side of the Cottian Alps.
 
 222 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 doctrine. In illustration of which last-mentioned fact, I 
 may observe that when certain preachers in 431 had begun 
 to teach anti-Augustinian doctrines in those parts, the 
 Bishops Prosper and Hilary procured from Pope Celestin 
 a Letter monitory on the subject, and in authoritative en- 
 forcement of the views of Augustine.^ 
 
 And so we enter on the 6th century : and, as it opens, 
 find Ccesarius illustrating his Bishopric of Aries in Dauphiny 
 by strenuous and successful opposition to Taustus' insidious 
 semi-Pelagianism;^ himself writing a book, and stirring 
 Rome against it.^ Yet again in the Council of Orange in 
 the same province, held A.D. 529 under his presidency, we 
 find him uniting with twelve other neighbouring bishops, 
 still probably of Dauphiny and Provence, in laying down as 
 the one object of the Council, most strongly, clearly, yet 
 guardedly, and all on the ground of inspired Scripture,* 
 Augustine's evangelic doctrines above stated, including that 
 of personal spiritual union with Christ, as, like the vine to 
 the branches, the soul's one source of life ; ^ and urging 
 them on both priests and laics, as the healing doctrine for 
 
 1 Fleury xxvi. 11. * Faustus' book is given in the B. P. M. Vol. viii. p. 525. 
 
 3 Pope Hormisdas' condemnation of Faustus, thus procured, is given in Harduin 
 ii. 1038. Compare my remarks ou the Pope's approbation of Augustine's doctrine, 
 given Vol. i. pp. 315, 316. 
 
 * For in the above-mentioned Council of Orange, the condemnatory judgment past 
 in the canons on the various Pelagian errors is uniformly grounded on Scripture ; — 
 Scripture cited at large in each case, as the true rule of faith. " Si quis, .... adver- 
 satur Scripturae diceuti," or, " contradicit apostolo," &c. : — all agreeably, indeed, it 
 was added, to the fathers ; but without any citation from them. Hard. ii. 1097 
 —1102. 
 
 In the Council of Vaison, held the same year, A.D. 529, under Caesarius' presi- 
 dency, it was laid down that, in the education of young men by country priests for 
 the pastoral office, they should be taught " to learn the Psalms, read the Scriptures, 
 and acquaint themselves with the word of God." ib. 1105. — It is further related of 
 Caesarius that he urged the people not to be content with hearing the Scriptures 
 in the church, but to read them also at home. Milner vi. 2. — Of his Homilies I 
 have said something in a preceding Chapter. Those extant, and which are practical, 
 but rather ascetic in character, seem to me to bear frequent marks of interpolation and 
 altering. So Dupin v. 151 : " II y en pent avoir quelques unes qui ne sent pas de 
 lui ; et il y en a certainement oil Ton a ajoute des endroits." — Guizot, in his Civil- 
 ization de France, Lect. 16, gives interesting specimens of some of these homiletic 
 addresses of Cajsarius. 
 
 5 The twenty-live Canons of the Council are all on this subject of grace. Let 
 me give that about Christ the vine, as a specimen. " Ita sunt in vite palmites ut 
 viti nihil conferant, sed inde accipiant nude vivant : sic quippe vitis est in palmitibus, 
 ut vitale alimentum submiuistret eis, non sumat ab eis. Ac per hoc et manentem 
 in se habere Christum, et manere in Christo, discipulis prodest utrumque, non 
 Christo. Nam, pr;cciso palmite, potest de viva radice alius pullidare. Qui autem 
 praecisus est, sine radice non potest vivere." Hard. ii. 1100. 
 
 Compare Ado's statement respecting Augustine's views, or rather perhaps that of
 
 CHAP. VTI. § 2.J EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 223 
 
 man's soul.^ — His life corresponded with the Christian ex- 
 cellence, so exprest, of his doctrine. It was given to the 
 unwearied self-denying fulfilment of his pastoral duties. 
 But he was not exeuipt from trial and persecution. He 
 was once calumniated to King Alaric, and by him expelled 
 a while from his bishoprick ; once charged by the populace 
 of Aries, during its siege by the Burgundians, as a traitor, and 
 cast into prison ; once sent under guard, on some criminal 
 charge, to King Theodoric at Ravenna ; though soon in every 
 case his innocence was acknowledged.^ He spoke of the 
 world, hke Augustine, as a wilderness ; and, in his passage 
 through it, looked ever to be refreshed from, as he thirsted 
 after, the fountain of the water of life.^ 
 
 Nor let me omit to note the similar witness held forth 
 contemporarily by Fulgentius, and many other African 
 bishops and ministers, on occasion of the ferocious Arian 
 persecutions of the Vandal Hunneric. For it was not 
 merely for the divinity of the Lord Jesus that they witnessed 
 and suffered, but for the Augustinian doctrines of grace. 
 On that grand point of divine truth, the entireness of the 
 work of divine grace in mans salvation, they wrote a synodic 
 letter from their exile in Sardinia, to some of their brethren 
 on the African continent, in part with joy, in part sorrow : 
 joy because those they wrote to held fast the true view of 
 God's grace in Christ; sorrow because others, as they 
 heard, exalted against it the freedom and power of man's 
 ow^n will. And, guarding against the ecclesiastical semi- 
 Pelagianism which was instealing, as well as against direct 
 Pelagianism, they urge that as Esau was circumcised, yet 
 perished, because he loved darkness rather than light, so 
 would every such baptized person perish tvithin the Church, 
 
 Avitus, the contemporary bishop of Vienne, of whom he had been speakino-; " Ita 
 liberum arbitrium Augfiistinus docet, ut illuminatio, virtus, at salus illi d Chr'isto, et 
 per Christum, et cum Christo sit." Chronicon, ad ann. 492. B. P. M. xvi. 798. 
 
 1 "Non solum religiosis, sed etiam laicis, medicamentum esse et desideramus et 
 cupimus." — In attestation of the laic's interest iu the doctrine, Ciesarius had the 
 subscriptions of noblemen (viri illustres), as well as of bishops, appended to the 
 Canons. A proceeding as rare, as it was significant of the bishop's earnestness who 
 directed it. See Hard. ib. 1102. 
 
 2 A.D. 506, 507, 513. See Guizot ibid. Fleury, Bk. xxxi. 2, 6, 17. Aries at that 
 time was in the Visigothic kingdom. The Franks aided the Burgundians in its siege. 
 To its young King Amalaric (successor to Alaric) Theodoric, the Ostrogoth, was 
 grandfather and guardian. 
 
 3 " Si quid habet homo veritatis atque justitiae, ab illo fonte est quern debemus 
 sitire in hac eremo." This is the 22nd canon of the Orange Council.
 
 224 Aroc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 just as otliers ivithout it : the highest ecclesiastic being no 
 more inchided on that account in God's vessels of mercy, 
 than the lowest of the seculars. They conclude with urg- 
 ing the study of Augustine, and asserting his doctrine that 
 God gives to his elect both grace and perseverance : so 
 that it might be all in the way of grace for grace that they 
 should receive the gift of eternal life.^ — And others later in 
 the century, on whom I need not here dwell, maintained 
 the same doctrine.^ 
 
 But let me not omit to observe that these men applied 
 not the doctrines of gospel-grace, either to themselves or 
 others, w^ith the clearness or consistency that we might. 
 Alike Fulgentius and Csesarius erred on the side of ascet- 
 icism. They saw not whither it was leading. Nor, again, 
 had they a perception of the part Rome was about to take 
 in the apostasy. Thus, though in either case their doc- 
 trines constituted a notable public testimony for the essen- 
 tial doctrines of Christ, yet it was as that of Jansenist con- 
 fessors,^ if I may anticipatively use the phrase, rather than 
 of Protestant. 
 
 I now pass to that period at which our inquiries were 
 most properly to begin, — the opening of the seventh cen- 
 turij : — then when Paganized Christians, as before said, 
 trod in authority the mystic temple ; and when the lights 
 of the sacred candlestick, gradually reduced from their 
 sevenfold completeness,^ had dwindled into the smallest 
 number that God's purposes, and the perpetuation of his 
 gospel-truth, might permit. — And here, at the outset, just 
 when Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, had become 
 eminent, — that most effective preparer for the Pope's as- 
 sumption of headship of the apostasy, — we find Serenus, 
 Bishop of Marseilles, in a district adjoining that which had 
 
 1 See this very interesting Letter in Harduin, Concil. ii. 1055. The date about 
 A.D. 521. See too Milner's account of Fulgentius ; Cent. vi. 1. 
 
 2 E. g. Priniasius. 
 
 3 Cfesarius and his favourite monastery of Aries, the latter ruled over by his sister 
 CfEsaria as Abbess, sjTnpathized in spirit, if I mistake not, with that of the Port 
 Royal des Champs, its iVrnaiul, and its Abbess the Mere Angelique ; though across 
 eleven centuries intervening. See Fleury ibid. 
 
 * Mr. Scott observes, on Exod. xxv. 32, that the seven candlesticks might any 
 one be taken off or iixcd on the chandelier of the Temple. The observation illustrates 
 also Apoc. ii. 5 ; " I will move thy candlestick out of its place."
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EAELIER AVESTERN WITNESSES. 225 
 
 been visited and taught long before by Vigilantius, wit- 
 nessing, in somewhat of the same spirit as that great re- 
 former, against a sin and error, which, by designating the 
 then pseudo-Christians as heathens, the Apocalyptic pro- 
 phecy seems to hold up for our particular notice, as through- 
 out the 1260 years one very prominent characteristic of 
 the consummated apostasy ; — ^^I mean the sin of image- 
 ivorship. Against this Serenus protested, not in word alone, 
 but deed. He ordered the destruction of the images of 
 saints, that had now commonly been set up as objects of 
 worship in the churches of his diocese. The popular op- 
 position, and appeal to Rome made against him, shows the 
 strength of the idolatrous feeling then and there prevalent. 
 And alike this, and Pope Gregory's reasonings and re- 
 monstrances, must needs have made his course onerous and 
 painful. Still Serenus persisted in his purpose, like one 
 that would destroy Baal out of the land ; and this, as I 
 infer from the subsequent Church history of Southern 
 France, with effect that did not soon pass away. 
 
 And thus the error of image-ivorship begins now to force 
 itself on the attention of an inquirer, whether his subject 
 be the advance of the antichristian Apostasy, or the acting 
 out of a witnessing for Christ in the midst of it ; and will 
 necessarily continue to do so, as he progresses through the 
 ecclesiastical history of Roman Christendom, Eastern and 
 Western, up to the epoch of the two great Councils of 
 Nice and Frankfort, summoned to treat of it towards the 
 close of the 8th century. — Wherefore, it may here be 
 thought, this earnest suggestion and promotion of image- 
 worship by him, the Spirit of evil, who was from the first 
 the real though unseen author and promoter of the Apo- 
 stasy ? And why was not the worship of visible relics, as 
 well as of invisible saints, long since established among 
 the people, acquiesced in by him as sufficient for his pur- 
 pose ? ]\Iay it have been, with regard to the people, that 
 images, by presenting distinct human forms, ever obvious 
 to the eye of the worshipper, would serve better than relics 
 to impress his mind with the idea of the local presence of 
 the impersonated saint, prevent its wandering after him into 
 thoughts of the heavenly and the spiritual, and induce an 
 
 VOL. II. 15
 
 226 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 association of him altop:ether with earthly feelings and at- 
 tachments : — with regard to i\\e priesthood, that images of- 
 fered greater facilities for ])laying off juggleries on credulous 
 devotees, such as were played off by Pagan priests before-.^ 
 — while, at the same time, being applicable to Christ Him- 
 self, as well as to de])arted saints, it thus presented ready 
 occasion, through pictures of the Virgiji Mother and Child, 
 of inducing meaner thoughts of the divine Saviour, and im- 
 pressing views of Him as but subsidiary to her, his Mother, 
 in the Hierarchy of Heaven ? — However this might be, it 
 was in Eastern Christendom that during the 7th century 
 this form of idolatry became first, on the scale of the whole 
 nation, a popular ])assion : and there consequently, as al- 
 ready hinted, and will soon appear,^ a witnessing for Christ 
 was first raised up on a great scale against it. — But mean- 
 while in the West too, though its Bisliops and other eccle- 
 siastical dignitaries answered not to Eastern zeal for image- 
 worship, yet the Popes of Rome, at their head, gave it from 
 first to last tlieir warm sympathy. As Gregory I, we saw, 
 remonstrated against Serenus' removal of images from his 
 churches, (though declaring indeed against their tvorship,) 
 and both image and saint-worship were otherwise promoted 
 by him,^ and it was doubtless with his special approbation 
 that Augustine, his chosen missionary to Britain, introduced 
 his mission there with an imaged crucifix,* — so, a century 
 and more later. Popes Gregory H and HI anathematized 
 and raised Italy in rebellion against the Greek Emperor 
 Leo,^ on occasion and account of his interdicthig image- 
 worship : and, finally, Po})e Adrian took prominent part 
 with the Greek Empress, his contemporary, in convening 
 and influencing the great Council of Nice, A.D. 787, to 
 establish it. Which being the case, some witnessing in 
 
 ^ See p. 15 supra. - See my next Section. 
 
 * " Quod imaginem illius quern colis tibi dirigendam rogasti, valde nobis placuit : . . 
 ideoque direximus tibi imaginem Dei Salvatoris, et S. Mariae Dei genitricis, beatorum 
 apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et imam crucem." So Gregory, speaking from a Coun- 
 cil at Rome, A.D. 600. Wadd. E. H. ii. 402, from Sender. See too the extract 
 from his Sacramentary in my Vol. i. p. 406, Note '. 
 
 ^ " They came bearing a silver cross for a banner, and the image of our Lord and 
 Saviour painted on a board." Bede, i. ch. 25. 
 
 5 See Mosheira viii. 2. 3. 11. — It appears (see Fleury xlii. 16) that Gregory III, 
 after a while, summoned a Roman Council, A.D. 732 ; thereby to add the authority 
 of a Council to that of the Pope personally, in favour of image-worship, and against 
 the iconoclastic emperor Leo.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.J EARLIER WESTERN AVITNESSES. 227 
 
 the West, as the thing advanced, might be expected against 
 it. Nor, though doubtless scanty, (a scantiness in part 
 accounted for by the hterary obscurity of the period,^) is 
 evidence of this totally wanting. As Sereniis in Southern 
 France, so th^ old Anglo-Saxon Church soon after protested 
 with prolonged though ineffective voice against it in Bri- 
 tain.'^ And, after an interval, long indeed, but narrowed 
 by the consideration that Serenus' example and opinions 
 must almost necessarily, in the nature of things, have had 
 disciples and converts to perpetuate it,^ — there seems to 
 have been an acting on the mind of Western Christendom, 
 propagated from the mind of Witnesses for the truth in 
 Eastern Christendom. Passing an obscure notice of cer- 
 tain heretics driven from parts beyond tlie seas, whom in 
 650 the Bishops in the neigjibourliood of Orleans found 
 hard to convict of heresy, yet at length convicted, we are 
 not told why, and expelled,'* — a case of which subsequent not 
 
 1 Tims Masson, speaking of the earlier part of the 8th century, and the loss of the 
 writings of eminent men of that a;ra, B. P. M. siv. 237, designates it as "obscura 
 teniporuni nebulis." ib. 
 
 In regard of the localities which here claim special regard of Prormce, Bauphiny, 
 and Piedmont, this may be partially accounted for by the unsettledness of their politi- 
 cal state. Through the 7th century Viennese Gaul appears to liave been under the 
 doubtful government, or misgovernraent — of the Dukes of Burgundy and Aquitaine, 
 and the Frank Mayors of the Palace. Besides which, through the first half of the 8th 
 century, it was wasted under repeated invasions of tlie Saracens : who about the year 
 740 besieged and took Aix and other cities in Provence ; (see my Vol. i. p. 460 ;) 
 nor were finally driven out for some ten or fifteen years afterwards. 
 
 2 "An old Welsh Chronicle preserved at Cambridge says; 'After that, by means 
 of Austin, the Saxons became Christians in such sort as Aiistin had taught them, the 
 Britons would not either eat or diink with or salute them ; because they corrupted with 
 superstition, images, and idolatry, the true religion of Christ.' " Cited in Hearn's 
 Man of Sin, p. 21. "The British Churches lamented and execrated the 2nd Comicil 
 of Xice." So Bishop Newton, from Hoveden and other chroniclers of the times. 
 
 3 For example, it is said that the influence of the ministrations of Baxter were 
 perceptible locally in Kidderminster 100 years after his death.— So too in the case of 
 Mr. Venn at Huddersfleld. See the Introduction to his lately published Memoir. 
 — How much longer and more evident the perpetuation of ministerial influence, when 
 consideration is taken of it unrestrictedly as to locality, and as extended by writings 
 as well as ministrations ! Nourished with the oil received fi'om it, the candlestick 
 would continue to shine for no little time after any particular olive-branch ceased its 
 dropping. 
 
 * " Per idem fer^ tempus (A.D. 650) quidam haereticus, pulsus a partibus trans- 
 marinis, in Gallias venit ; moxque se conferens ad civitatem qua? olim Hedua nunc 
 autem Augustodunum vocatur, coepit tarn cautb quam frauduleuter sua nefanda dog- 
 mata prodere. Quod cum in palatio ad aures Eligii Noviomensis Episcopi pervenisset, 
 coepit vigilanter cum Audoeuo et ca-teris catholicis viris tractare quemadmodum hanc 
 pestem palam omnibus mauifestatam detegerent ; nee destitit Episcopos commoncre et 
 optimates, quousque jussu Principis sacerdotale concilium apud urbem Aurelianensem 
 congregaretur._ tJbi, eo quem dixiraus hairetico in medium deducto, conabantur eum 
 docti quique diversis modis interpellare ; sed nullo poterant genera concludere : tanta 
 
 15 *
 
 228 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 dissimilar records make us wish to know more/ let me note 
 another Council, gathered somewhat above a century later 
 at Chantilly, near Paris, expressly to discuss the question 
 of image-worship : it being caused, according to Romanist 
 Conciliasts, by the fact of an embassy from ihe then reign- 
 ing Greek iconoclast Emperor having there, and then, sown 
 the seeds of the iconoclastic impiety, in direct opposition to 
 the Popes. ^ And this was but preparatory to the great 
 
 quippe dicendi arte objectis qusBstionibus occurrebat, lit ubi maxime putaretur con- 
 strictus teneri, ibi, ceu anguis lubricus quibusdam foraminibus dilapsus, eorum se 
 fi'onti opponeret. Ciimque irallo modo a quoquam posset concludi aut superari, ex- 
 titit qiiidam a nostris pia Dei providentia doctissimus Episcopus, nomine Salvius, qui 
 ita ei in omnibus obviavit, ut ingens ea caussa nostris fieret gaudium et spectaculum : 
 omnes enim ejus versutias et artes, quas ille nunc occulere, nunc etiam dissimulare 
 couabatur, frequenti disputatione pala mfunditus detexit : sicque adversus eum omnium 
 Episcoporum sententia prolata, et per singulas ci^itates super ejus nomine decretis con- 
 stitutis, cum ea quae par erat ignommia, et dedecore, a fiuibus Gallic eliminatus est." 
 D'Acbery, ii. 88. — " HiBC Audoenus," says Baronius ; "sed quinam haereticus iste, vel 
 cujus basresis fuerit, ignoratur." 
 
 Baronius' account is taken from the Life of St. Eligius by Audoenus (the St. Guen 
 of Rouen) as given in D'Acbery, only with a few slight verbal alterations. Except 
 for the "pulsus apartibus transmarinis," I might have been incliued to conclude that 
 there was meant a teacher of the monothelitic heresy of the Ekthesis of the Greek 
 emperor on Christ's oneness of will ; (on which see Gieseler i. 369 ;) a heresy just a little 
 before mentioned by the Biographer, in connexion with Pope Martin. But, if so, and 
 in accord with the Greek emperor, wherefore his being driven fi-om " the transmarine 
 parts" .' — It seems that there were also various other teachers of heresy about the 
 same time near Paris, says Eligius' Biographer, endeavouring to propagate their tenets : 
 whom St. Eligius detected, confuted, imprisoned, or expelled. " For he was a strenu- 
 ous hater," it is added, "of all heretics and schismatics." And certainly among such 
 he would have reckoned any like Vigilautius, that denounced the reigning superstition. 
 For he is reported to have been a great relic-collector, mii-acle-believer, and saint- 
 worshipper. 
 
 I must confess to a want of full sympathy with the eulogizers of this St. Giles. His 
 model-sermon, or rather congeries of sermons, as set forth by his Biographer, appears 
 to me essentially unevangelical. But on his death-bed Christ seems to have been all 
 to him ; alike saints, relics, and merit of works of charity or penance being then for- 
 gotten. See ib. chs. 34, 35. 
 
 1 See the sketch of anti-heretical Councils in my Section 4 infi-a. — A Mankhcean 
 doctrine is thus ascribed by Eligius' Biographer, ib. p. 88, to this Monothelitic 
 heresy : — " Asserentes neque ilium (Jesum Christum) ex Maria veram assumpsisse car- 
 nem." An early example of what grew afterwards iuto a settled habit of similar false 
 accusation, on the part of the so-called Catholics, against such as held opinions differ- 
 ing from those received, although having nothing whatever in common with the 
 Manichscan heresy. — "We shall see much more of this as we proceed. 
 
 2 I borrow from Mr. Townshend's Preface to Foxe, p. 292 — 294. The following 
 are parts of his citations from Bail and Ademar. 
 
 1. "Concilium Gentiliacense de cultu Sanctarum Imaginum, ac de Sanctissima 
 Triuitate, celebratum in Gallia anno 766, tempore Pauli Papa3. 
 
 Legatio ^illa, quam pro coufederatione Pipini regis impetranda Constantinus Im- 
 jjcrator miserat in Frauciam, ha;c impietatis zizania " (sc. opposition to image-wor- 
 sliip) " seminaverat : pro quibus extirpandis hisce sarculis opus erat. Nemo quidem 
 scriptorum illud expresse affirmat ; sed tamen, quia Francorum Annales evidenter 
 commemoraut per nobilissimam legationem aliquanto tempore actum fuisse de foedere 
 ineundo, baud dubie hicc impietatis semina ibidem sparsa fucruut." Bail. Summa 
 Coucil. Tom. ii. pp. 290, 291. (Ed. 1701.)
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 229 
 
 Council of Frankfort, A.D. 794, under Charlemagne, 
 and protest of 300 Bishops of Western Christendom, as 
 well as its Emperor, in opposition to the Popes of Rome, 
 against image- worship : ^ one followed up in 825 by a 
 Council at Paris, convened also against image-worship ; 
 and which accompanied its decrees with an express rebuke 
 of the Pope.'"^ 
 
 These were certainly remarkable protests of Western 
 Christendom against that particular heathenish form of 
 anti-Christian superstition.^ " By its conduct in this {icono- 
 clastic) controversy the Galilean Church," says Gieseler,* 
 and the German Church too, we may say, " proved at once 
 its independence of Rome, and its theological superiority." 
 — Nor was this all. For, though wanting in the point of 
 protest against certain other superstitions prevailing, such 
 
 Bail here takes a thing for granted for which proof is altogether wanting ; viz. that 
 the Council was hoth summoned against, and pronounced against, the iconoclasm. 
 What followed at Frankfort suggests quite a diflerent presumption. 
 
 2. " Orta questione de Saneta Trinitate, et de Sanctorum Iraaginibus, inter Orien- 
 talem et Occidentalcm ecclesiam, Rex Pipinus, conventu in Gentiliaco villa congre- 
 gate, Synodum de ipsa qusestione habuit ; eoque peracto ad bellum pnedictum con- 
 ficiendum post Natalem Domini in Aquitaniam proficiscitur ; et per Narbonem iter 
 agens Tolosam aggressus cepit ; Albiensem et Gavuldensem pagos in deditione aceepit : 
 et Viennam reversus," &c. — Adelmar, Annales Francorum, p. 387. (Ed. 1613.) 
 
 Mr. Townshend suggests that the Gavu/dcuscs, here mentioned in conjunction with 
 the Albigi'Hses, may probably have been the people afterwards famous under the name 
 Wiildcnscx ; and that possibly this first attack upon them may have been in conse- 
 quence of their taking the anti-image and anti-papal side of the question. But this 
 seems very fanciful. In my § 6, subsequently, the question of the origin of the name 
 Waldenses will be fully entered on, and I trust satisfactorily answered. 
 
 On the progress of Eastern and Western Christendom to image-worship, and the 
 influence of the Roman Popes ever helping it forward, the reader will do well to 
 peruse the intei'esting historical sketch on the subject given in the Church of Eng- 
 land Homily on the Peril of Idolatry, p. 217, &c. 
 
 ' Canon 2. " AUata est in medium qua3stio de nova Gra3Corum synodo, quam de 
 adorandis imaginibus Constantinopoli fecerunt : in qua scriptum habebatur ut qui 
 imaginibus sanctorum, ita ut DeificiTJ Trinitati, servitium aut adorationem non im- 
 penderent, anathema judicarentur. Qui supra sanctissimi Patres nostri, omnimodis 
 adorationem et servitutem renuentes, contempserunt atque consentientes condemna- 
 verunt." Hard. iv. 904. 
 
 • Gieseler ii. 37. 
 
 2 The continuance in some at least of the Gallic Churches of this feeling against 
 the worship of images is witnessed to by Anastasius. Writing to Pope John VIII 
 in the year 830 about the 2nd Nicene Council, he says : " Qu;e super venerabiliuni 
 imaginum adoratione prsesens Synodus docet, ha3c et apostolica sedes vestra . . anti- 
 quitus tenuit, et universalis ecclesia semper venerata est, et hactenus veneraturj: quibus- 
 dam dumtaxat Gallorum exceptis, quibus utique nondura est harum utilitas revelata. 
 Aiunt namque quod non sit quodlibet opus manuum hominum adorandum." The 
 Annales Fuldenses, A.D. 900, and Annales Metenses, A.D. 904, speak thus con- 
 temptuously of the 2nd Nicene Council ; " Pseudo-SjTiodus Grajcorum pro adorandis 
 imaginibus habita, et false septima vocata, ab Episcopis (sc. Gallicis) damnatur." 
 Gieseler ii. 38. 
 
 ^ lb. ii. 35.
 
 230 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [pAUT III. 
 
 as that of reverence to relics} yet by its reception of Alcuin 
 into the Frankfort Council, and eulogium in its last canon 
 on his erudition in ecclesiastical doctrine,^ it adopted and 
 identified itself generally with Alcuin's published opinions 
 on religion. What these were appears both from various 
 other of his writings, and also from the Capitularies of 
 Charlemagne, and Carolin Books, (or Book of the doctrines 
 and Church usages approved by the Galilean Bishops, and 
 sanctioned by Charlemagne,) which were probably in great 
 measure drawn up by Alcuin.^ In the which there was 
 set forth, says Bishop Newton, " doctrine respecting the 
 sufficiency of the Scriptures, the worship of God alone, 
 prayers in the vulgar tongue, the eucharist, justification 
 and repentance, pretended visions and miracles, and vari- 
 ous other points, such as a Pa])ist would abhor, and a Pro- 
 testant would subscribe :" adding too that in these Capitu- 
 laries, and those of Louis the Pious, there was enjoined the 
 reading of the canonical Scriptures, as the sole rule of faith, 
 without any regard to human traditions or apocryphal 
 writings, and the forbidding of private masses and other 
 similar superstitions. With these sentiments, then, we 
 may consider the Bishops of Western Christendom, in- 
 cluding those from Dauphiny and Piedmont,^ to have in a 
 manner implied their concurrence at the great Council of 
 Prankfort.^ 
 
 1 It is to be observed too that the Frankfort Council thought that the Greek Con- 
 stantinopolitan inconoclastk Council of A.D. 7o4 had gone too far in assimilating the 
 Pagan kloh (tt^wXa) to the Christian pictures or images {iiKortg) ; as the former 
 were always objects of worship, the latter nii2:ht be kept as memorials. See Dupin 
 Bibl. Eccl. vol. vi. pp. 146—150. (Ed. 16SL) 
 
 2 Canon 56. " Coramonuit [Rex] ut Alcuinum ipsa sancta synodus in suo consor- 
 tio. . recipere dignaretur, eo quod esset vir in ecclesiasticis doctrinis eruditus. Omnis- 
 uamque synodus .. consensit, et eum in eorum consortio. . receperunt." Hard, 
 iv. 909. 
 
 3 Alcuin was a native of England, and the preceptor and friend of Charlemagne. 
 The following beautiful extract has been quoted from his works as a specimen of his 
 doctrine. " The reading of the Holy Scriptures is the knowledge of everlasting hap- 
 piness. In the Holy Scripture man may contemplate himself as in a mirror. The 
 reading of the Holy Scripture cleanseth the reader's soul, bringeth into his mind the 
 fear of hell-punishment, and raiseth his heart to the joy above. The man who 
 wishes to be ever with God should often pray to him, and often read the Holy Scrip- 
 tures. He is happy who readeth them, if he turn the words into works. All the 
 Holy Scriptures are written for our health ; that we may through them understand 
 the truth." 
 
 * In the 8th Canon a dispute between the Bishops of Vienne and Aries, as to the 
 suffragan sees, was determined. On others respecting the Bishoprics of Embrun, Aix, 
 and Tarentasia., a reference was ordered to Rome. 
 
 * It seems too that auricular confession was not as yet practised in the Churches of
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 231 
 
 No doubt there had been before the Frankfort Council, 
 and still were, not a few imbued with the doctrine of the 
 still cherished Doctor of the West, Augustine. Such, from 
 Agobard's testimony, we may feel pretty well assured, was 
 Viventiolus, Bishop of Lyons, in an earlier part of the 8th 
 century.^ Such a member of that Council, PauUnus of 
 AqiUleia. Respecting him we have the distinct record of 
 his both acting and writing conformably : — he having in 
 787, previous to the said Council, not only protested, 
 together with other Italian Bishops, against the idolatrous 
 Decree of the Nicene Synod, but strongly and clearly also, 
 in accordance with Augustine his great model, (if we may 
 but depend on certain express statements by him,) set forth 
 Christ as the only expiator of sin, Christ as the only inter- 
 cessor and mediator, — in opposition to the growing super- 
 stitions, in favour of martyrs' atoning merits and saints' 
 intercession. He protests, as reported in Milner, that the 
 blood of those who have themselves been redeemed cannot 
 blot out the least sin ; that the expiation of iniquity is the 
 exclusive privilege of the blood of Christ alone. Again, 
 " Paul," says he, " is not a mediator : he is an ambassador 
 for Christ. An advocate is He, who being also the Re- 
 deemer, exhibits to God the Father the human nature, in 
 the unity of the person of God and man. John intercedes 
 not ; but declares that this mediator is the propitiation for 
 our sins." ^ Can he who so wrote have rested on saints' 
 merits,^ or saints' intercession ; so as a detached extract, 
 
 Languedoc and the Alps. Alcuin notices the fact with regret. (AVaddington ii. 183.) 
 He did not enter into the true and evil character of this practice. 
 
 ' Of his doctrine and character Agobard speaks as testitied to for excellence and 
 sanctity both by the writings of others and liis own : all which, however, says Masson, 
 in the B. 1'. M. xiv. 237, have perished, or remain unknown. 
 
 2 Milner, viii. 5. His citations are in part from AUix, in part from Alban Butler. 
 I regret not to have access myself to Paulinus' works, in order to verification.— I give 
 aiiother extract : " The Son of God, our Almighty Lord, because He redeemed us 
 with the price of His blood, is justly called the true Redeemer. . . He himself was not 
 redeemed. He had never been captive. We have been redeemed because we were 
 captives, sold under sin, bound by the hand-writing that was against us ; which He 
 took away, nailing it to his cross, blotting it out by liis blood, triumphing over it 
 openly in himself; having finished a work which the blood of no other redeemer could 
 do."— He speaks moreover of the eucharist as spiritual life or death to the eater, ac- 
 cording as he has or has not faith; and he builds his faith alone on the Holy Scrip- 
 tures.— So agreeable was his doctrine to Augustine's, that he was in the dark ages 
 confounded with him. Ibid. 
 
 ^■' So again in a passage cited by the Magdeburg Centuriators, Cent. viii. ch. x. p. 
 759. " Cum naturam uostram quam in se assumptam in dextera Patris coUocatam
 
 232 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 that has been elsewhere cited as his, would make him ? ^ 
 No doubt an obscurity of view, and a measure of supersti- 
 tious feeling, seems on this point to have attached even to 
 Charlemagne, and many of his Bishops at Frankfort.^ And 
 in so far their witnessing for Christian truth was imperfect, 
 and a clearer witness needed. But such direct personal 
 inconsistency as the Magdeburg inculpatory citation from 
 Paulinus would argue, making him look with reliance to 
 departed apostles' and other departed saints' intercession 
 and mediation, instead of Christ's, whereas in our other 
 citations he says they are not to be so looked to, seems 
 scarcely credible.^ — It appears too that he admitted no other 
 authority than that of holy Scripture.'^ — Nor is a yet more 
 decided witnessing for Christian truth now wanting to us. 
 We shall find it, I doubt not, in the testimonies next oc- 
 curring of Agohard, Archbishop of Lyons, from A.D. 810 
 to 841, on the one side of the Alps; and of Claude of 
 Turin, contemporarily, on the other. 
 
 Of the former, Agobard, the protestation against image- 
 worship, drawn out most fully and clearly in an express 
 Treatise on the subject, has been often noticed.^ But this 
 was but a small part of his Protestant doctrine. Says 
 Gieseler ; " He was a determined enemy to all supersti- 
 tion/'^ More particularly on the invocation of Saints, the 
 
 ostendcndo Patri incessabiliter manifestat, propitium eum nobis advocatus noster 
 quasi interpellando efficit atque beiiignum." 
 
 1 The Magdeburg Centuriators note it as a " na^vus " in him, that, " sanctorum 
 intercessionum immiscendo orationi, Christi mediatoris ofRcium labefactat." The only- 
 passage that they adduce is the following : " Christus conservet Carolura regem, per 
 intercessiones B. Mari*, et B. Petri primi pastoris ecclesiic, omniumque sanctorum." 
 
 '- See Gieseler ii. 57. He cites from the Karlomanni Capit. i. ann. 742, c. 2 ; The 
 army was to be accompanied by priests, " qui propter divinum ministerium, missarum 
 scilicet solemnia adiraplenda, et sanctorum patrocinia portanda, ad hoc electi sunt." 
 This however was of an earlier date than Charlemagne. He refers, with regard to 
 him, to his Capit. viii. ann. 803, but does not cite it. And he adds that even Alcuin 
 failed on this point : saying in his Homily on St. Willebrord's Festal ; " Te continuis, 
 Pater, prosequimur laudibus ; tu nobis assiduis auxiliare precibus. Credimus te in 
 pra^sentia Domini Dei tui omnia posse impetrare quae poscis ; dum tanta potuisti in 
 prffisentia nostra per ejus gratiam cfficere niiracula." 
 
 3 Except indeed on the hypothesis of the one having been written earlier in life, the 
 other later. * See Magdeb. Cent. ib. col. 758. 
 
 5 After quoting the charge in Dent. iv. 15 against idolatry, " Lest ye see the sun 
 and moon, and adore them," &c., he adds; " In quibus verbis summopere notandum 
 est quia, si opera manuum Dei non sunt adoranda et colenda, nee in honore Dei, 
 quanto magis opera manuum hominum non sunt adoranda et colenda, nee in honore 
 eorum quorum similitudines esse dicuntur." B. P. Max. xiv. 286.— Quoted by Leger 
 i. 135, aud bv Gilly in his Life of Neif, p. 100. (4th Ed.) 
 
 6 Gieseler,'ii. 40, cites various passages from Agobard, in illustration. " Ambi-
 
 CHAP. VII. § .2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 233 
 
 nature of his views appears in the heading of the 3rd chap- 
 ter of the same Treatise, " There is no other mediator to be 
 sought for but He that is the God- man ;"^ and which has 
 been branded as heretical in the Roman Index Expurgato- 
 rius.^ His doctrine on this head was in fact Augustine's ; 
 whom he cites most copiously, here and elsewhere, as his 
 great human authority.^ Of another Treatise, " On the 
 truth of the Christian faith," Masson's account is, (and I 
 can myself speak, after perusal, to its justice,) " It has 
 Christ for its subject."^ In one passage in it he combats 
 the idea of merit in human works with as much zeal and 
 force, says Leger,'^ as Calvin himself: and on freewill uses 
 language very like that of our xth Article.*^ In short, every- 
 
 tiose hoiiorare sanctorum memorias, ob captandam gloriam populai-em, reprehensibile 
 est." " Adoretur, colatur, veneretur a fidclibus Deus ; illi soli sacrificetur. . . . An- 
 geli, vel homines sancti, amentur, honorentur, caritate non servitute. . . Non ponamus 
 spem nostram in homine sed in Deo ; ne forte redundet in nos illud propheticura, 
 ' Maledictus homo qui confidit in homine.' Agit hoc versutus . . humani generis ini- 
 micus, ut, sub prsetextu honoris Sanctorum, rursus idohi introducat, . . ut avertat nos 
 ab spiritalibus, ad carnalia vero deniergat." " Flectamus genu in nomine solius Jesu, 
 quod est super omne nomen : ne, si alteri hunc honorem tribuimus, alieni judicemur 
 a Deo." — Gieseler observes, in conclusion, on the remarkable and even verbal agree- 
 ment between Agobard of Lyons and Claude of Turin. 
 
 1 " Quod inter Deum et homines nullus sit alius Mediator quajrendus, nisi ille qui 
 Deus et homo est." B. P. M. ib. 286. 
 
 - Bp. Newton, in his Chapter on the Witnesses, after quoting the above Title of 
 Agobard's Chapter on Christ's being the only Mediator, adds, " So that it is no won- 
 der that this Book is condemned in the Index Expurgatorius of Rome." 
 
 I must not omit to observe that there is in the B. P. M. xiv. 328, at the end of 
 Agobard's Opuscula, an Ode in memorial of the removal of Cyprian's bones by Char- 
 lemagne from Africa to Lyons, in which the following inconsistent invocation of Cy- 
 prian occurs : — 
 
 Hanc [sc. linguam] et pro populo et patrono nostro. 
 
 Semper quajsumus, audiat rogantem : . . 
 
 Doctor sacer, beate Martyr, 
 
 Serva pontiticem plus Agobardum ; 
 
 Qui nomen, m'eritum, tuumque festum, 
 
 Dictis extulit, et honore compsit. 
 
 But, if genuine, it seems to me to have been wi-itten soon after the commencement 
 of his Bishopric at Lyons. For it speaks of Charlemagne's finding the relics, and 
 Leidrad's asking that they might be deposited at Lyons, as if of a recent event. Now 
 Charlemagne only lived, and Leidrad only continued Bishop at Lyons, till the year 
 814; when Agobard succeeded Leidrad. The " De Imaginibus," and " De Veritate 
 Fidei," must be supposed to give his maturer sentiments. 
 
 * " Cujus" (i. e. of the Treatises against Images) "ha?c prsecipua simt capita a 
 Divo AiHjmtino, cajterisque Patribus, &c." So Masson ibid. 24L, Where mark, in 
 passing, the title Biviis given by Masson to Augustine, as a canonized Saint. 
 
 * " Hiec Concio est lepidissima, varia, et divinis figuris circumlucida. Habet pro 
 materia Christum." B. P. M. xiv. 242. 5 i. p. 136. 
 
 ^ " Suam voluntatem homines faciunt, non Dei, quando id agunt quod Deo dis- 
 plicet. Quando autem ita faciunt quod volunt ut divine serviant voluntati, quamvis 
 volentes agant quid agunt, illius tamen voluntas est a quo et pra;paratur, et jubetur, 
 quid volunt." B. P. M. 310.
 
 234 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 wliere, as before said, we trace the disciple of Augustine. — 
 To his integrity and general excellence of life there is suf- 
 ficient testimony.^ It appears however that he was not 
 without persecution in his course. He quotes himself those 
 words of Scripture : " All that will live godl}^ in Christ 
 Jesus must suffer persecution." And he dwells on the 
 various kinds of persecution, by the Devil and by men, by 
 act and by word ; in a manner which shows plainly that he 
 spoke of what he had experienced." 
 
 Pass we now beyond the Alps to Claude, Bishop of 
 Turin. Here indeed was a man on Avhom it becomes the 
 inquirer after a Western line of Witnesses to pause. He 
 had been called, by way of eminence, the " Protestant of 
 the ninth century."^ I would rather associate him with 
 another soon to be spoken of;* and while calling Claude 
 the Protestant of the West, designate his contemporary, the 
 Paulikian Sergitis, as the Protestant of the East. — Por 
 above 20 years Claude laboured miweariedly in his diocese, 
 and was called to his rest about A.D. 840. Against him, 
 just as against others of similar character, the cry of heresy 
 Avas raised, both during life, and yet more after death. In 
 particular he was charged with Arianistn. So among others 
 
 1 We must except the political fault of his old age in taking the step of siding with 
 Lotharius against king Ijouis Debonuaire, his father. 
 
 - First, there is the Devil to plot against them : " for we wrestle not against flesh 
 and blood, but against principalities, &c." Then there are men-jjersecutors. As 
 Christ says ; " Beware of men : for they shall deliver you up to the coimcils ; and 
 scourge you in the synagogues ; and ye shall be brouglit before kings and rulers for a 
 testimony unto them." And there are other persecutors, " qui pcrsequuiitur inimi- 
 citiis, odiis, detractionibus, accusationibus, damnis, rixis, et diversis asperitatibus ; 
 contra quos non armis pugnandum est, sed patientia et tolerantia." And then too, 
 he adds, in observable language, there are such enemies of the faith to contend with 
 as St. Paul prophesied of, saying, " In the last days some shall depart from the faith, 
 giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of daemons : " against whom we must 
 fight, not with bodily weapons, but spiritual ; viz. " Scripturarum auctoritate, ratio- 
 ciniis fidei et veritatis." ib. 309. 
 
 In a previously cited passage (p. 232 Note,^) persons following after saint-worship 
 with a view to popular applause are mentioned. Doubtless these were among Ago- 
 bard's enemies : and helped to make Agobard's case, like that of his friend Claude of 
 Turin, one illustrative of the sackcloth-bearing condition of true witnesses for Christ. 
 
 Agobard, let me observe ere I conclude, was a Chorcpiscopu^. So Hugo Flavinia- 
 censis, in his Chronicle, cited by Baluzius in his Preface to Agobard's Works, B. P. M. 
 xiv. 236; "In loco Leidradi Agobardus substituitur, ejusdem ecclesiae Chorepiscopus." 
 He adds ; " Quod quidam defendere volentcs, dixerunt eum a tribus Episcopis in sede 
 Lugdunensi, jubente Leidrado, fuisse ordinatum." But, says Ado (ibid.), the Canons 
 forbid two Bishops, i. e. two fuU Bishops, in one city. — The probability therefore is 
 rather that he was ordained, as Chorepiscopi usually were, only by one Bishop, (see 
 supra p. 174, Note -,) and used by Leidi-ad as his coadjutor. So Dupin vii. 141. 
 
 '^ Waddington E. H. ii. 52. * See my next Section.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 235 
 
 by Jonas, the contemporary Bishop of Orleans, and, in later 
 times, by Bossuet. It was said by Jonas that he had not 
 only tanght and preached as an Arian, " but even in death 
 left the same error written in his wicked books." But his 
 books remain, and evince the falsehood of the charge. 
 Nor this alone ; but also that he was a true, fearless, en- 
 lightened, and spiritual witness for Christ's truth and hon- 
 our, and against the superstition and wickedness of the age. 
 — Hear his own account of the orio-in of all the enmity 
 and charores agrainst him. 
 
 " You declare yourself to have been troubled," writes 
 he to the Abbot Theutmir, " because a rumour respecting 
 me has past out of Italy through all the Gauls, to the very 
 borders of Spain : as if I had been preaching up some new 
 sect contrary to the Catholic faith -. — a matter which is ut- 
 terly false. It is no marvel however that Satan's members 
 should say these things of me, since he proclaimed our 
 very Head himself to be a seducer and a dsemoniac. I 
 who hold the unity, and who preach the truth, am teaching 
 no new sect. [Let the reader luark well this emphatic and 
 repeated assertion.] On the contrary, sects and schisms, 
 and superstitions and heresies, I have always, so far as in 
 me lies, crushed and opposed ; and through God's help 
 will never cease to crush and oppose. But certainly this 
 trouble has come upon me only because when, sorely 
 against my will, I undertook at the command of Louis the 
 Pious the burden of a Bishopric, and when, contrary to the 
 order of truth, I found all the churches at Turin stuffed full 
 of vile and accursed images, [the idolatrous system, it seems, 
 had already rooted itself in Italy much deeper than beyond 
 the Alps in Gaul,'] I alone began to destroy what all were 
 sottishly worshipping. Therefore it was that all opened 
 their mouths to revile me. And forsooth, had not the Lord 
 helped me, they would have swallowed me up quick." ^ 
 
 It has been observed that various works of Claude still 
 remain to us ;^ and that they exhibit his character, — just 
 
 1 B. P. M. xiv. 197. — I have borrowed Mr. Faber's translation ; Vail, and Albig. 
 315. 
 
 - The followino^ have been specified : — Commentaries on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, 
 Deuteronomy ; Commentaries on St. Matthew, and all tlie Epistles ; also certain Let- 
 ters, Of these the Commentary on the Galatians, and certain of his Letters, have, I
 
 236 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 as the above extract would lead us to expect, — in the light 
 of a faithful disciple and witness for Christ. It appears 
 from them, and from the Treatises written against him, 
 that his protestation was not against one error and super- 
 stition only of the times, but all: — against worship of 
 saints, relics, and the wooden cross, as well as of images ;^ 
 against pilgrimages,^ and all the prevailing Judaic, or 
 formal and ceremonial, system of religion ;^ against masses 
 for the dead ; * against what was afterwards called transub- 
 stantiation in the eucharist ; ^ against the supremacy of the 
 Pope of Rome ; '^ and the authority of tradition in doc- 
 trines of religion 7 — The written word was made by him 
 the one standard of truth. He declared the essence of 
 heresy to consist in a departure from that interpretation of 
 it which the sense of the Holy Spirit demands ; and 
 affirmed that heretics of this character might be found 
 within, as well as without, the pale of the visible Church.^ 
 He saw that many Gentile profest proselytes, who had in- 
 truded themselves within the mystic temple, were in doc- 
 believe, been alone published; the former in different editions of the Bibliotheca 
 Patrum. In my own edition, the £. F. Maxima, it is given in the xivth Volume, p. 
 139 ; and is followed by the anti-Claudian Treatises of Jonas and Dungal. The 
 manuscripts of the others are in the Libraries of different monasteries. See Labbe's 
 report, prefixed to Claude's Treatise in the B. P. M. ; also Leger, Faber, andi Tosti's 
 recently published history of the monastery of Monte Cassino. 
 
 1 See Dungal's report of Claude's errors ; also that of Jonas in his De eultu Ima- 
 ginum : the latter in the B. P. M. p. 169, the former pp. 197 et seq. 
 
 2 See Dungal, ib. 198. 
 
 3 " Usque hodie qui Judaico sensu Scripturas intelligunt persequuntur ecclesiam 
 Christi, et dcpopulautur illam : non studio legis Dei, sed traditionibus homiuum." 
 Claude on Gal. i. 14. B. P. M. 144. 
 
 * See Allix's notice of Claude. 
 
 5 Falser, p. 314, quotes the following extract, given by Allix, from Claude's manu- 
 script Treatise on St. Matthew . " Quia panis corpus coutirmat, vinum vero sangui- 
 nem operatur in carne, hie ad corpus Christi mystlci, illud refertur ad sanguinem." 
 This was I believe originally Bede's expression, occiUTing in his comment on Luke 
 xxii ; but, being adopted by Claude, it also shows his sentiments. 
 
 6 See Claude's Comment on Gal. ii. 8, &c.: "Petrum solum [apostoloriim] nominat 
 et sibi comparat [Paulus], quia primatum ipse accepit ad fundaudmn ecclesiam: se 
 quoque pari mode electum, ut primatum habeat in fundandis Gentium ecclesiis." 
 
 Again, with reference to Paschal Bishop of Rome ; " Cert^ non ille dicendus est 
 Apostolicus qui in cathedi-a sedens Apostoli, sed qui Apostolicum implet officium." 
 Else he would be like the Scribes and Pharisees in Moses' seat. B. P. M. 147, 199. 
 
 ■? So in the quotation in Note ^ above. 
 
 8 " Hmresis Griiccfe ab electione dicitur ; quod scilicet eam sibi unus quisque eligat 
 disciplinam quam putat esse mcliorem. Quicumque igitur aliter Scripturam intelligit 
 quam sensus Spiritus sancti liagrat [flagitat?] quo conscripta est, licet de eccksid non 
 recesserit, tamen hmrcticus appellari potest." On Gal. v. 19. B. P. M. 162. — Compare 
 Bernard Zane's definition of heresy in the Sth Lateran Council ; 1st Session. See p. 
 83, Note 3 supra.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.j EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 237 
 
 trine and life Gentiles still : and protested against them, 
 (the resemblance was often noted by his enemies,) in the 
 spirit and power of Vigilantms} — But his resemblance was 
 even yet more striking to the evangelic bishop Augustine. 
 Him, of all human teachers, he most loved and followed : ^ 
 and, like him, he delighted to set forth Christ, and divine 
 grace through him, as the all in all in man's salvation. 
 Instead of the Arian views respecting Christ's person im- 
 puted to him, he expressly reprobates them ; and speaks 
 of Christ as very God, consubstantial with the Father.^ 
 He represents Him too as the one Head of the Church : ^ 
 and with the utmost fulness, unreserve, and precision, 
 asserts the great doctrine of man's forgiveness and justifica- 
 tion, in all ages, through faith alone in Christ's merits ; and 
 not by any works of the law, ceremonial or moral. ^ — At 
 
 1 So Dungal : " Taliter Euuomius et Vigilantius hasretici, eorumque sectatores, 
 Solent Catholicos blaspliemare, vocantes eos idololatras." And he cites against Claude 
 Pauliniis' practice of the use of ima'j^cs, and Jerome's invectives against Vigilantius. 
 B. P. M. 201, 202, &c. At p. 204 Dungal says that the reason of Claude's hostility 
 to Jerome was because Jerome had written against " suum vicinum, suaeque auctorem 
 insaniiE, Vigilantium hajreticum." Similarly Avrites Jonas (ib. 169): "Verisimile 
 \idetur, hujus novitii sanctas ecclesise hostis animam ex duorum animabus priscorum 
 compactam . . Vigilantii scilicet et Eustathii." 
 
 In the first passage cited mark the '■'eonon sectatores." It seems to imply a con- 
 tinuous succession, in Jonas' opinion, of such Protestants as Vigilantius and Eimo- 
 mius. In the second mark the vichium. I suppose the allusion is to Vigilantius' first 
 speaking against Jerome having been when he was between the Adriatic and Cottian 
 Alps. See p. 221. 
 
 - In his Preface to the Commentary on St. Matthew, he speaks of Augustine as 
 " amantissimus Domini, sanctissimus Augustinus, calamus Trinitatis, lingua Spiritus 
 Sancti," &c. And he uses the self-same words nearly about him, in his impublished 
 Manuscript Comment on the Epistle to the Romans, in the Library of the Monte 
 Cassino. (Tosti i. 291.)— In eifect, judging by what he says himself in the Prefaces 
 to his Comment on the Galatians, and to that on the ^Romans, we may suppose very 
 much of his commentaries to have been digested from Augustine. 
 
 3 So on Gal. iv. 5 : " Xos beneficio et dignatione misericordiiB ejus filii Dei sumus ; 
 ille naturu est Filius ; qui hoc est quod Fater." Quoted by Faber, p. 314. To which 
 let me add from his comment on Gal. i. 1 ; (" An apostle not by man, but by Jesus 
 Christ, and God the Father; ") " Ut solas quia Deus est Christiis, a quo ille est factus 
 Apostolus, diligenter adverte quod ante nominaverit Filium quam Patrem, contra ca- 
 luimiias Arrianorum." Besides that in the Prefaces, just referred to by me in the 
 preceding Note, we have the laudatory appellative given by him to Augustine, of 
 " calamus Trinitatis." — Yet Bossuet, with his usual indift'ercnce to truth in questions 
 affecting heretics, scruples not to repeat the charge, and to call him an Arian. Hist, 
 des Var. xi. 1. 
 
 * So in the Epistle to Theutmir above quoted. 
 
 * I borrow here Mr. Faber's words ; (p. 312;) my impression being just the same 
 as his. He quotes the following extracts in proof. " Lex ostendebat esse peccatum, 
 quod illi, per consuetudinem ctecati, possent putare justitiam: ut, hoc modo humi- 
 liati, cognoscerent non in sua manu esse salutem suam, sed in manu Mediatoris." 
 " Coguntur fateri non legis opcribus justificari hominem, sed fide." " Non in pro- 
 pria justitia vcl doctrina, sed in fide crucis, per quam mihi omnia pcccata dimissa 
 sunt." " Perdit ergo gratiara Christi, et evangelium quod teuuerut amittit, qui in
 
 238 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 the same time the duty of practical self-denying godliness 
 is enjoined by hira. " Christ Jesus did ]iot command us," 
 he says, "to worship the cross, but to bear it ; — to bear it, 
 by renouncing the world and ourselves." ^ Nor, I believe, 
 has his own exemplification of the rule, and personal holi- 
 ness of life, ever been questioned. 
 
 Such were the truths for the assertion and defence of 
 whicli Claude became a reproach among his neighbours : 
 insomucli, he writes in one place, " that they who see us 
 do not only scoff, but point at us : " ^ and, in another before 
 quoted, " so tiiat, if the Lord had not hel})ed me, they 
 woidd have swallowed me up quick." The Papal power 
 had not yet established its supremacy in Turin : indeed it 
 had not yet proceeded to deeds of blood, in support of its 
 ever-gathering system of superstition ; nor had the secular 
 power as yet surrendered itself as an instrument to murder 
 at its bidding. That marked the culminating point of the 
 Papal Antichrist. And thus Claude suffered not unto 
 blood. Yet the enmity of the bulk of both priests and 
 people was, as we see, in so far whetted and active against 
 him, as necessarily to have made his prophesying a ^3ro- 
 pJiesjjin(j in sdckcloth. And, at his death, his corpse, it is 
 exultingly asserted by a late bishop of Pignerol, was first 
 thrown into one of tlie sinks of the episcopal palace ; then 
 taken out, and tlie process of degradation acted out on it, 
 as if he had been alive ; then burnt ; and the ashes scattered 
 to the whids, amidst the acclamations of the multitude.^ 
 
 Tlie great effect of Claude's ministry and protestations 
 is testified to by his enemy Dungal. In a passage well 
 deserving perusal, and which is given below, ^ he says, that 
 the people of the country embraced in Claude's diocese 
 
 aliqua observatione legis se justificari putat." So too in the comment on the Epistle 
 to the Romans, speaking of the " jnstificatio fidei quse est in Cliristo Jesu," he tlius 
 explains liis views about it ; " nt non (piia justi erant homines crederent, sed creden- 
 do justificati deinceps juste vivere inciperent." Tosti i. 292. ^ B. P. M. 198. 
 
 2 Vet. Analect. p. 91 ; ap. Cliarvaz, 496; also Faber, 318. 
 
 3 Charvaz, from Ambrose Cassin, p. 322. 
 
 * " The people in this region are separated from each other, and divided into two 
 parts, concerning the observances of the Church ; that is to say, concerning the 
 images and holy pictures of our Lord's passion. Witli murmurs and contentions the 
 Catholics say that a picture is good and useful; and that for instruction, it is almost 
 as profitable as Holy Scripture itself. But the heretic, on the contrary, and the part 
 seduced by him, says that it is not so ; for that it is a seduction into error, and in- 
 deed no other than idulatnj.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.J EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 239 
 
 were separated from eacli other, and divided into two parts, 
 concerning tlie observances of tlie Cliurcli ; that is, the 
 several superstitious observances above particularized. Nor, 
 we may be sure, in regard of them only ; Ijut also of those 
 evangelic doctrines of grace, whence Claude's opposition 
 to the prevailing superstitious practices sprang.^ — As to the 
 local range through which we may suppose his influence 
 and doctrine to have extended, it is said that tlie French 
 and Germans were infected, as well as the Italians.^ More 
 especially we seem justified in the persuasion that such 
 must have been the case both among the Ali)ine recesses 
 of Fiedmont: and also in the valleys of Dauj^hiny, on the 
 other side of the Cottian Al})s, considering the near neigh- 
 bourhood of the latter ; even though they were not compre- 
 hended at the time, so as some have supposed, in the arch- 
 diocese, or rather diocese, of Turin. ^ Nor can we suppose 
 that the effect would soon pass away.* 
 
 " A similar contention prevails respecting the cross. For the Catholics say that 
 it is good and holy ; that it is a triumphal haniier ; and that it is a sign of eternal 
 salvation. But tlie adverse part, witli tlieir master, reply, that it is not so : inasmuch 
 as it only exhibits tlie opprobrium of the Lord's passion, and the derisive ignominy 
 [irrisio] of his death. 
 
 " In like manner concerning the commemoration of the Saints, there is a dispute as 
 to the approaching them for the sake of prayer, and as to tlie veneration of their relics. 
 For some afhrm that it is a good and religious custom to frequent the churches of the 
 martp-s, where their sacred ashes and lioly bodies, -with the honour due to their 
 merits, are deposited; and where, througli their intervention, both corporal and spi- 
 ritual sicknesses are by the divine grace and operation healed most copiously and 
 most presently. But others resist; maintaining that the saints after their death, as 
 being ignorant of what is passing on earth, can aid no one by their intercession ; and 
 that to their relics not a whit more reverence is due than to any ordinary bones of 
 mere animals, or to any portion of mere common earth." B. P. M. 199. — The trans- 
 lation given is Mr. Faber's; p. 321. 
 
 1 See Milner, pp. 43G, 437. 
 
 2 " Etiam in Italos, et Gallos, atque Germanos, venenum quod lethaliter potasti 
 utique lethaliter eructasse reperieris." Jonas de Cultu Iniag. B. P. 51. xiv. 1G9. 
 
 ^ " Claude, en qualite d'Archeveque de Turin, gouvernait un diocese tres etendu ; 
 dans lequel etaient comprises non seulement les vallees du Piemont, niais encore le 
 Dauphine et. la Provence." So the Abrege des Eglises Esclavonnes et Vaudoises, 
 quoted by Muston i. 197 : also Leger i. 137 ; and Gilly in his Waldensian Kesearches, 
 p. 82 ; who observes, " In some accounts of Claude he is called Bishop of Turin and 
 Embrun." 
 
 On the other hand, Charvaz, p. 315, says that it was not till some seven centuries 
 after Claude that Turin was made an archiepiscopal see ; and tliat it had no jurisdic- 
 tion whatsoever on the Daupliiny side of the Alps. — I observe this however in Jonas. 
 Claude having said that an ass, as an animal that had carried Christ, iniglit as well 
 be worshipped as a wooden cross, Jonas tauntingly says that he had better have set 
 up two, one in Turin for the Italians, and one in some Gallic city for the Gauls ; as 
 if Claude's influence and prhiciples, at least, extended to Gaul as well as Northern 
 Italy. B. P. M. ib. 178. 
 
 * He in one place speaks of him;5elf as " wielding his pen by day, and by night
 
 240 APOC. XI. 2 — 7. [PAET III. 
 
 A notable illustration of the continued communion in sen- 
 timent of the DaupJtinese with him, occurred not long after 
 his death in the Council of Valence, held A. D. 855 : 
 — which Council was convened, very much with the view 
 of asserting the Augustinian or Claudian doctrines of grace, 
 on occasion of the opposition to, and persecution of, the 
 monk GoUeschalcus. It seems that, about the year 846, 
 Gottschalc, originally a monk of the Abbey of Fulda, under 
 Kabanus, then of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons, left his 
 monastery avowedly, says Hincmar, with missionary ob- 
 jects : ^ and that after preaching the gospel, agreeably with 
 Augustine s views of it, specially on predestination and 
 election, for a while in Dalmatia and Pannonia, and then, 
 on return from Rome, in Lomhardg and Piedmont'^ he was 
 recalled by ecclesiastical authority first to Mentz, then to 
 Kiersy sur Oise in the north of Prance, there to give ac- 
 count of his doctrine, and to undergo the persecution of 
 the then two famous archbishops of Mentz and Rheims ; I 
 mean Rahanus 3Iaurus and Hincmar.^ By both the one 
 and the other he was condemned, on maintaining these 
 doctrines, as a heretic ; and by the latter, in whose arch- 
 diocese Orbais was, degraded from the priesthood, beaten 
 with rods, and cast into prison : ^ where he lingered, still 
 refusing retractation, till his death in 868 ■,^ and was then, 
 
 watcliing sword in hand on the sea-side against the Saracens and Moors ; " (Muston, 
 p. 169 ;) so that his diocese must have come down to the sea-side. — About A. D. 890 
 we read of subsequent bishops of Embrun flying theuce, on occasion of a similar ma- 
 rauding attack of the Saracens. Ibid. 171. So too Gilly's Neff, p. 98. 
 
 1 " Contra suam regulam monasterio egressus disjunctissimas terras peragravit, 
 ut virus suiie falsffi doctriuse evomcret. Narrat Ecclesia Lugduuensis quo pacto in 
 ultimos fines Germaniai se contulerit, evangelicae prajdicationis gratia, et suarum 
 concionum exordium sumpserit ab ineifabili prsedestinationis mysterio." Hincmar, 
 quoted by Duval, B. P. M. xv. 663. 
 
 2 " In a valley of Piedmont, at the house of a Count of the place named Ebcr- 
 hard ; where, "either with Count Eberhard, or with Noting Bishop of Verona, who 
 was also stapng there, Gottschalc had long theological conversations." Guizot, 
 Civil, in France, Lect. 28 ; ii. 364. (Hazlitt.) Eberhard, says Mosheim, was one of 
 the first noblemen at the Court of the Bmpcror Lothaire. 
 
 3 See Mosheim ix. 2. 3. 22, &c. : also Milner, Cent. ix. ch. 4 ; whose account of 
 Gottschalc, taken very much from Fleury and Dupin, has been eulogized by Dean 
 "Waddington, ii. 38. See too Gieseler ii. 50 — 54, to the same effect; Guizot, ubi sup., 
 and also the notice of Gottschalc by Duval, Doctor of the Sorbonne, subjoined to the 
 Liber Eccles. Lugd. (which last is referred to in the Note ^ p. 242,) B. P. M. xv. 663, 
 
 ^ The prison of the monastery of Hautvilliers. 
 
 5 In one of his two "Confessions" written in prison, he thus refers to his enemies. 
 " Te prccor, Domine Deus, gratis ecclesiara tuam custodias, ne sua diutius earn falsi- 
 tate pervertant, hicreseosque suae pestifcra de reliquo pravitate subvertant, licet se
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 241 
 
 when dying, denied the sacrament, and after death denied 
 Christian burial by Hincmar.^ — It is admitted by most 
 candid writers that the charges against him were nnjust, 
 and that his doctrinal sentiments were only those of 
 Augustine.^ These, however, as being opposed both to 
 natural pride, and to the growing ecclesiastical semi-Pela- 
 gianism^ as well as growing superstitions, of Western 
 Christendom, were now unpalatable. Hincmar did but 
 represent on this point the spirit of the world in that age -^ 
 and so Gottschalc prophesied in sackcloth. But it gave 
 occasion to the Council of Valence, — that same to Avhich I 
 was just ahuding, and at which the metropolitan bishops of 
 Dauphiny, i. e. of Lyons, Vienne, and Aries, with others 
 attended, — solemnly to re-assert the Augustinian doctrines 
 on grace and election, as those which had been continuous- 
 ly handed down to them : ^ making reference specially to 
 
 suosque secum lugubriter evertant. Ego vero gratis edoctus ab ipsa veritate, . . hie 
 evidenter expressam de pra?dcstinatione tua fidem catholicam fortiter teneo, veraciter 
 patienterque defendo." ap. Gieseler ii. 51. 
 
 1 Guizot and Waddington, ibid. 
 
 2 "He is most zealously defended," says Gieseler (p. 54), "by the Calvinists and 
 Jansenists ; most opposed by the Jesuits." 
 
 3 Indeed direct Pelagianism in some of his persecutors and opposers, as John 
 Scotus Erigena. See the extract fi-om Scot's Treatise against Gottschalc given by 
 Gieseler, p. 52. "Nullum peccatum nullamque ejus pcenam aliunde nasci nisi propria 
 hominis voluntate, libcro male utentis arbitrio," &c. Well does Gieseler observe, 
 "that John Scotus, who attempted to answer them, [Gottschalc's defenders,] only 
 involved Hincmar the more deeply by his own heterodoxy." Guizot makes Gottschalc 
 the representative of the theologians, Hincmar of the politicians, Scotus of the phi- 
 losophers of the age. 
 
 * " Hincmar paid his sedulous devotions to the Virgin, (this appears from his 
 Epitaph, written by himself,) and was infected with other superstitions of bis day." 
 Waddington ii. 28. 
 
 ' Hard. v. 89. "De prnescientiS Dei, et^de prfedcstinatione, et de questionibus 
 aliis in quibus fratrura animi non parum scandalizati probantur, illud tantCim fir- 
 missime tenendum esse credimus, quod ex maternis ecclesiie visceribus nos hausisse 
 gaudemus." The "other questions" appear from the Canons to have been those 
 on grace. There is a reference in the 4th canon to the attacks on Gottschalcus. In 
 the 2nd, like the Council of Orange, they strongly guard against the abuse of the 
 doctrine of predestination, as if involving reprobation. The whole record of the 
 Council well deserves perusal. Its first six Canons are doctrinal, laying down the 
 principles of Augustine in regard to man's salvation : the other seventeen practical, 
 inculcating arrangements for the effective provision of a well-prepared clergy, and 
 right administration of ecclesiastical duties. — In the 21st Canon there is an expres- 
 sion about gifts of property to the Church for the "redemptio peccatorum," of which 
 the propriety seems more than questionable : but this is stated as the opinion of 
 others, and is little consistent with the Council's clear evangelical statement on 
 Christ's redemption of sins by his one offering of himself, in Canon iv. Compare too 
 the extract to the same effect given on the next page from the Book of the Lyonnese 
 Church, written soon after, against John Scotus. Possibly in this and similar phrases, 
 that meet us in Cifsarius' Homilies, &c., we may explain the terra, if adopted by the 
 Council, somewhat in the sense that is to be given to Dan. iv. 27. 
 VOL. II. 16
 
 242 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 that former Council of Orange, held three centuries before 
 under Caesarius, which I have already noticed/ as their ex- 
 ample and pattern. And it was followed to the same effect 
 by the Councils of Langres and Touls in 859 and 860.^ 
 Moreover we have Treatises yet later on the same subject, 
 emanating from the Lyonnese Church ; and exhibiting 
 still the same decided adhesion to the doctrines of Au- 
 gustine.^ 
 
 Thus we advance towards the close of the ninth century ; 
 and, in doing so, we advance also into a period of deep 
 obscurity, especially as regards the history of Piedmont. — 
 There is noticed by Bishop Newton a Council held at 
 Troslfj near Soissons, in the year 909 ; at the conclusion 
 of which a Confession of Faith w^as made, including none 
 of those superstitions which constitute the essence of Popish 
 doctrine ; — " Of the Pope's supremacy, of the sacrifice of 
 the mass, of purgatory, of the worship of creatures, of com- 
 
 1 " Sicut Arausica Synodus." So in Canons 3 and 6. — See supra, p. 222. 
 
 2 Mosheim ibid. 
 
 ^ See the Ecclesice Lugdunensis Liber against John Scot, the enemy of Gottschalc 
 already mentioned; also the Treatise of Prudentius, in the B. P. M. xv. 611, 592, 
 &c. The former at p. 619, refers to Gottschalc, as having been irregularly con- 
 demned, and at that time lotit/ incarcerated: — " infelicissimo monacho jam dudum 
 illic (nescimus quo oi'dine) damnato, et annis jam plurimis carcerali ergastulo retruso, 
 nomine Gotteschalco." The date of the Treatise may therefore probably have not 
 long preceded Gottschalc's death, A.D. 868. 
 
 This Book of the Lyonnese Church against Scotus Erigena is of some length, occu- 
 pj-ing above fifty pages in the Bibliotheca ; and thoroughly, and all through, imbued 
 with the evangelic doctrine of Augustine. I cannot think it right to pass on without 
 giving the following extract on man's redemption by Christ, as a specimen. 
 
 " Amisso dono gratiiB, vitiato et corrupto et depravato bono naturae, sic misera- 
 biliter [homo] a tanta felicitate lapsus est, ut ad illud bonum amandum, et perfruen- 
 dum, cui inhffirere debuerat, nullum possit habere recursum nisi per misericordissimi 
 Reconciliatoris et Mediatoris auxilium, et sanguinis ejus pretium : a quo redimimur 
 de tanta captivitate, ut recipere possimus pristinam libertatem, et de inimicis eificia- 
 mur amici. De quo Mediatore scriptum est, ' Unus enim Deus, et Mediator Dei et 
 hominum, homo Christus Jesus, qui dedit seipsum redemptionem pro omnibus.' 
 Et iterum ; ' Ciim inimici essemus, reconciliati sumus Deo per mortem Filii ejus.' 
 (1 Tim. ii. 5 ; Rom. v. 10.) Quicumque ergo dicit post illam transgressionis infe- 
 licissimam ruinam, qua, amissa pristina libortate, factus est servus peccati, . . factus 
 est inimicus Dei, . . post banc, inquain, tam magnara et miserabilem ruinam quicunque 
 dicit eum habuisse vel habere libertatem, ad verum bonum appetendum, amandum, 
 et promerendum, nisi per gratiam veri Mediatoris redimatur, justificetur, recoucilie- 
 tur, et reformetur, omnino contra fidem Ecclesiai sentit, contra veritatem evangelicam 
 et apostolicam docet, et omnino (quantiim in se est) evacuator est crucis Christi, eva- 
 cuator mortis Christi." B. P. M. p. 622. 
 
 There is in the Treatise a passage, p. 646, where God's penal fire is spoken of. 
 And, instead of any purgatorial idea being attached to it, that suffered by the separate 
 spirit before the judgment-day is spoken of as one and the same hell with that suifer- 
 ed after it, by the united bodies and souls of the damned. (An isolated sentence at p. 
 645, that speaks of purgatory, seems a palpable interpolation.) — The Treatise is
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.J EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 243 
 
 mentitious sacraments, or confession to the priests."^ And 
 so far it is a testimony of some interest : though negatively, 
 rather than positively ; and moreover in a local district 
 different from that which our review chiefly contemplates. 
 — But Mr. Faber has a reference,^ locally more in point, 
 and the rather interesting from the general obscurity of 
 Piedmontese history in that century,^ to a notice in the 
 Letters of Atto, Bishop of Vercelli near Turin, A.D. 945, 
 of certain false teachers, known among the common people 
 by the name of Prophets ; under whose teaching certain 
 persons in his Diocese had been induced to forsake their 
 priests and their Holy Mother the Church. We naturally 
 wish for fuller and clearer information respecting these so- 
 called Prophets ; and, in the absence of it, cannot form the 
 same clear judgment about them as we might otherwise. 
 But I am struck with one thing that Bishop Atto does tell 
 us : viz. that his people had not the excuse of being seduced 
 by persons that performed wonderful signs and miracles, 
 or persons that were masters of philosophic science ; a de- . 
 scription which would have suited conjurors and sorcerers, 
 such as in other charges and Councils of the middle age 
 will be found alluded to. But it was teachers who only 
 spoke simple and rude words. ^ May not this have been 
 the foolishness of simple Scripture preaching? — Perhaps 
 something which Atto says elsewhere about questions re- 
 specting divine grace as mooted, and causing difficulty to 
 the Clergy, may seem to strengthen this view of the case.^ 
 
 throughout most evangelical in doctrine ; and another exemplification (in sequence cf 
 Agobard and Claude of Turin) of the incalculable use of Augustine, in God's Pro- 
 vidence, to the preservation of a mtness for Christ's truth through the dark ages. 
 
 ' See Harduin vi. 1. 544, &c. 2 Jb. p. 330, from d'Achery. 
 
 ^ " Muratori says that he could gather little more from the early history of Pied- 
 mont than this, — that in the middle ages the principality was constantly passing 
 under different sovereigns, and that the people took advantage of these changes to ob- 
 tain grants favourable to their rights and privileges." Gilly, Wald. Res. p. 74 ; from 
 Mui-atori's Pmefat. in Chron. Ast. and in Hist. Monteser. 
 
 * After citing Christ's and the Apostles' predictions that in the last days false pro- 
 phets were to come and turn away many from the faith, Atto then states his complaiut 
 about certain in his diocese. " Quia non solum prodigia diversaque signa tunc tem- 
 poris facientibus, seu philosophicis dogmatibus falsa defendentibus, verum etiam non 
 tam facile justum habetur cor, ut etiam quibusdam simplicia atque bruta referentibus 
 tantummodo, verba credere omnino festinetis, eosque (heu misemmi !) diabolico er- 
 rore decepti prophetas nominetis, relinquentes sanctam matrem vestram Ecclesiam, 
 seu sacerdotes, per quos ad aeternam pervenire debetis salutem." Dacher. Spicil. i. 
 434. (Ed. 1723.) The last clause is one to be remembered. 
 
 * In the 60th chapter of bis Capitulare the Clergy are advised to avoid the deeper 
 
 16*
 
 244 APoe. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 — Certainly when we reflect on the locality of VerceUi, so 
 near to Turin and the mountains of Piedmont, thoughts of 
 Claude and Gottschalc earlier, and of the Waldenses later, 
 may very naturally suggest themselves to the inquiring 
 mind. Were these prophets,, and their disciples, a kind of 
 connecting link between the two ? 
 
 On the general question, (a question that will come up 
 for fuller discussion in my sixth Section,) whether any 
 distinct colony of dissentients from the Romish Church 
 were as yet settled in what were subsequently the Alpine 
 valleys of the Vaudois, I cannot but decidedly think there 
 were none so fixed before, or for some considerable time 
 after, the sera of Claude of Turin. In Warnfrid's History 
 of the Lombards there occurs a curious notice of the Cot- 
 tian Alps, hitherto un referred to, I believe, in the Wal- 
 densian controversy ; which states the formal donation of 
 that district, " the patrimony of the Cottian Alps," by two 
 successive Lombard kings, about the years 710 and 730, to 
 the Roman see.^ And in it there is no concurrent notice 
 
 theological questions that might meet, or be brought before them ; " quia ad con- 
 fiteudum gratiam Dei, cujus operi ac dignationi nihil penitus subtrahendum est, satis 
 sufficere credimus quidquid, secundum prtedictas regulas Apostolicae Sedis, nos 
 Scriptura docuerit : ut prorsus non opinemur catholicum quod apparuit prajfixis sen- 
 tentiis esse contrarium." (Dacher. ib. 408.) It seems to me px'obable from this, that 
 the deeper questions prohibited were those of Augustine concerning grace : to which 
 questions both Claude's and afterwards Gottschalc's preaching in Piedmont, and sub- 
 sequent history and fate, noised far and near, was likely to have attached in those 
 parts an increased and not passing interest. 
 
 1 •' Hoc tempoi'e (about 710) Aripertus, Dux Longobardorum, donationem patri- 
 monii Alpium Cottiarum, quse quondam ad jus pertinuerant Apostolicoe sedis, sed a 
 Langobardis multo tempore fuerant ablatte, restituit : et banc donationem aureis 
 exaratam Uteris Romam direxit." Ch, 28. — Again: " Eo tempore Luitbrandus Rex 
 donationem patrimonii Alpium Cottiarum Romana3 Ecelesiaj confirmavit." Ch. 43. 
 This was after Charles Martel's accession, and before the great battle of Tours ; con- 
 sequently about A.D. 730. B. P. M. xiii. 196, 198. 
 
 It was not very long after this that Luitprand and his successor Astulphus took 
 Ravenna, and menaced Rome ; on which followed the interventions of Pepin and 
 Charlemagne. And it might seem as if in these revolutions some new arrangement 
 ■was made respecting the Cottian Alps, and the donation to the Roman see cancelled. 
 For De Marca, in his work on the Primacy of Lyons and other churches, observes 
 that the Province of the Cottian Alps was not allotted to any diocese, though 
 every other region in Italy and Gaul was assigned to some metropolitan see. Gilly, 
 Wald. p. 65. 
 
 Since writing the above I observe that Sir I. Newton, in his book on Daniel, p. 80, 
 (Ed. 1831,) asserts this donation of the Alpes Cottian to the Pope to be a fiction, just 
 like the famous so-called donation of Constantino ; because, says he, the Alpes Cottise 
 were a part of the Exarchate, and in the days of Aripert belonged to the Greek Em- 
 peror. But he does not state his authority "for this assertion ; and Ado in his Chro- 
 nicon (ad ann. 699) makes twice over the same statement. B. P. M. xvi. 802, 803. 
 I observe too that Platina, in his Life of Gregory II, says that that Pope forced Luit-
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.J EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 245 
 
 of the district being wholly or partially inhabited by any 
 colony of religionists, distinct from their neighbours in the 
 plain of Piedmont. So again in Claude's own account of 
 the rehgious state of things, at the time of his entering on 
 the Episcopate of Turin. For he speaks of the Avhole mul- 
 titude as there and then given to idolatry, and of himself 
 as setting to oppose it alone :^— a statement scarce consist- 
 ent with the fact of the existence of any very remarkable 
 and distinct colony of precisely the same sentiments ; that 
 had retired from the plain and city in consequence of the 
 prevaiHng superstition, and were then resident in the not 
 very distant valleys of his diocese. And in my subsequent 
 discussion of the Waldensian origin much later evidence will 
 be given to the same effect.^— It seems to me rather that 
 after Claudes minidrfj and death the people of the city and 
 neighbourhood that had been enhghtened by his teaching, 
 and held his sentiments, under the pressure of increasing 
 persecution, graduallij scattered over the country districts. 
 And thus, reverting to the statement by Bishop Atto of 
 VercelH whence I digressed, I incline myself, like Mr. 
 Faber, to think it not improbable that it is to some of these 
 spiritual descendants of Claude that we may refer what is 
 said by Atto about the false teachers, called Prophets by 
 the people, who in his time, about A.D. 945, seduced them 
 to desert their priests and their churches. — Again it is 
 from them that we may also, yet more probably, consider 
 the sect to have sprung which was discovered by the Arch- 
 bishop of Milan, on a visitation, early in that century, some- 
 where about A.D. 1028." The central point and refuge 
 of the heresy and heretics was, it is said, the castle of Mont- 
 fort in the near neighbourhood of Turin ; its chief teacher 
 
 prand to confirm this donation of Aripert ; though previously expressing doubt about 
 Its reality— At any rate, unless it be an interpolation in Paul Warnfdd, his statement 
 tends to show his own ignorance of any peculiar sect existing there at the time of his 
 wr^iting ; 1. e. about 780 or 790. i See p. 235 supra. 
 
 - During the three or four centuries preceding the old Latin language had been 
 decomposing, and the Alpine or Piedmontese dialect forming into its peculiar Patois, 
 ^lebuhr makes the corruption of the Latin to have begun as early as the 2nd or 3rd 
 century. " In the desolate or secluded parts of Italy the Latin jargon caUed linqua 
 vulgaris, or rmtica, was [then] first established." Roman Hist. ii. 269 : Ed. Schmitz. 
 1 his prepared for its greater corruption on the Gothic invasions. 
 
 My authorities are Rodolphus Glaber and Landulf in his History of Milan An 
 abstract of the former is given p. 246 from Muratori ; the latter I have given fully, 
 agreeably with the interest of the subject, in the Appendix to this Volume.
 
 246 APoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 there being one Gerard. There seemed something new in 
 the heresy. One report tokl of Pagan or Jewish rites in 
 their worship. More properly considered it seemed rather 
 of a Manichgean character. The heretics knew not from 
 what part of the Avorkl they had come into Italy. They 
 spoke of their High Priest,^ in contradistinction to the Ro- 
 man High Priest, as everywhere throughout the world 
 comforting them. When taken and imprisoned at Milan, 
 many rustics came to see them, as if they were good 
 priests ; and they taught them craftily religious rudiments 
 from the Holy Scriptures. It was in vain that offers of life 
 were made to them, on condition of recantation. Girardus 
 especially, with happy countenance, seemed eager for suffer- 
 ing. The most continued stedfast ; and so were burnt, the 
 Countess inclusive, it would seem, on the piazza of the 
 cathedral.^ — I say it appears to me not improbable that 
 these heretics may have been spiritual descendants from 
 Claude of Turin. And, if so, the case may be regarded, 
 and will be so again referred to by me hereafter,^ as a cor- 
 roboration of the opinions exprest by not a few Roman 
 
 ^ This could hardly have been a human Pope, says Gieseler most justly, ii. 153, 154. 
 
 2 So Muratori Annal. d'lt. mxxvii. — " Circa questi tempi succedette, quanto lascid 
 scritto Glabra Storico,* benche con qualche imbroglio di cronologia. Cio^ in un 
 castello, appellato Monforte, nclla Diocesi d' Asti, pieno di molti nobili, si era intro- 
 dotta un' eresia, con rinovar i riti de' Pagani e de' Giudei. Per quel che diro furono 
 costoro piutosto Manichaei ; giacchfe questa mala razza s' era di soppiato raolto prima 
 introdotta in Italia e in Francia ; e pur troppo in tutti i due questi Regni avea sparse 
 di grandi radici coU' andare degli anni. ' Saipissime tam Mainfredus, Marchionum 
 prudentissimus, quam frater ejus Alricus, Astensis ui'bis prsesul, in cujus scilicet Dioe- 
 cesi locatum habebatur hujusmodi castrum, caeterique Marchiones, ac Pri^sules cir- 
 cimicirca, creberrimos illis assultus intulerunt.' Cio che avvenisse di quel Castello, e 
 di quegli Eretici, Glabro lo lascio nella penna. Ma ne parla ben diffusamente Lan- 
 dolfo seniore,t Storico Milanese del presente secolo, con dii-e che Eriberto, Arcives- 
 covo in questi tempi di Milano, trovandosi in Torino, udi I'eresia degli abitanti del 
 Castello di Monforte. Fatto prendere un di coloro, appellato Girardo, voile intendere 
 da lui in che consistesse la setta e credenza di quel popolo. Allegramente espose 
 cestui i suoi dommi ; e chiaro si scorge che era I'eresia de' Manichei. Allora Eriberto 
 spedi le sue milizie a quel Castello ; e fece prendere tutti quanti quegli abitatori, e 
 specialmente la Contessa di quel luogo. Fatti li condurre a Milano, cerco tutte le 
 vie di ridurli a ravvedimento : ma, in vecc di abjurare i loro errori, si misero a se- 
 durre chiunque andava a visitarli. Percio fu loro intimata la morte, se non ritorna- 
 vano alia vera fede di Christo. Alcuni, almeno in apparenza, I'abbraciarono : osti- 
 nati gli altri vivi furono bruciati." 
 
 I presume these are the same heretics that are alluded to in Schmid's ]\Iysticism of 
 the Middle Age, cited by Muston i. 163 : a sect, says he, discovered A.D. 1030 at 
 Turin ; of which it is said that they received the Holy Scriptures alone as the rule of 
 doctrine, rejected the formal observances and rites of the Romish Church, and fol- 
 lowed a strict rule of life. ^ Jn my Section 6 infi'a. 
 
 * Glab. Hist. 1. iv. c. 2. 
 
 t Landulf. Hist. Mediolan. 1. ii. c. 27. See my copy of this in the Appendix.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 2.] EARLIER WESTERN WITNESSES. 247 
 
 Catholic writers/ and even Piedmontese Roman Catholics,^ 
 to the effect that Claude's rehgioiis opinions were perpetu- 
 ated in the remoter country and mountain-districts through 
 the ixth and xth centuries.^ At the same time the state- 
 ment that the heretics knew not whence they had come 
 into Italy, suggests the alternative of a different and more 
 foreign original. 
 
 And thus, ere we enter on the history of the Councils of 
 Orleans and Arras, early in the same xith century, — in 
 which Councils heretics and heresies were condemned, that 
 had been imported, it was said, from Italy, '^ and which in- 
 troduced, and were followed by, the (so-called) heresies of 
 Berenger,^ Arnold of Brescia, Peter de Bruys, and his dis- 
 ciple Henry, and in fine of the Waldenses, — it seems de- 
 sirable that we should first trace in a separate Section a 
 distinct line of confessors for Scriptural evangelic truth, 
 
 1 So, for instance, Genebrard, in Dr. Gilly, p. 85. 
 
 2 So e. g. the Marqnis Costa de Beauregard, in his lately published Memoires on 
 the House of Savoy ; T. ii. p. 50. — Let me cite from this author ; as one still living, 
 and of some considerable reputation in his own country. " Get eveque de Turin 
 (Claude), homme eloquent, et des moeurs austeres, eut un grand nombre de partisans. 
 Ceux-ci anathematises par le Pape, poursuivis par les princes laiques, furent chassis 
 de la plaine, et forces de se refugier dans les montagnes, oil ils se maintinrent des- 
 lors, toujours compriraes, et toujours cherchant a s'eteudre." Cited by M. Monastier 
 in his Histoire des Vaudois, i. 33. A passage which I may again have to revert to, 
 when entering on the History of the Waldenses. (I have myself verified the citation.) 
 
 ^ Mr. Faber, let me here observe, Book iii. c. 6, refers to an Epistle from the 
 monk P. Damian to the Duchess of Savoy, who was also Marchioness of the Cottian 
 Alps, of the date 1050, which notices the clergy of the diocese of Turin as deter- 
 minately marrying. In this however they were not singular. In many different 
 countries the Popes had to fight a hard battle before enforcing the celibate on them. 
 
 In his next chapter he gives an extract from a Chronicle of Ilodolph of St. Trudon, 
 as evidence that about 1125 there was a sect of anti-transubstantiationists in the 
 Cottian Alps. It seems to me extraordinary that Mr. Faber should so have inter- 
 preted the narrative : seeing that it speaks of these heretics as in a district " ad 
 quara ulterius disposuerat peregrinari," and consequently /2<r</ier south than Home; 
 since Rodolph had come from France and the North. Dr. Gilly has fallen into the 
 same palpable error, as it seems to me ; (see his W^ald. Res. p. 88 ;) and before them 
 both Peyran, the Waldensian Pastor, from whom probably Mr. Faber borrowed. 
 (See his Waldenses, p. 35 : Sims' Edition.) 
 
 * See § 4 of this Chapter. — It is difficult to determine decisively the case of the 
 Orleanist sectaries, and those at Arras, whether they had an Eastern or a Western 
 origin ; it being only .said that the teachers of the heresy came from the borders of 
 Italy. But it is quite competent to the inquirer, as I shall have again to observe, 
 to refer them to a Western origin, if so he prefer. — The heretics at Cologne consti- 
 tute the first indubitable example of sectaries of an Eastern or Greek origin in 
 Western Europe. 
 
 * Berenger's connexion with Itahj is noted by Matthew of Westminster on the 
 year 1087: " Berengarius, in hrereticam prolapsus pravitatcm, omnes Gallos, Italos, 
 et Anglos, suis jam piBue corruperat pravitatibus." Faber 158. And though this 
 has reference to his influence, not origin, yet it marks connexion, which may not im- 
 probably have been earlier.
 
 24B Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 who contemporarily, or nearly so, with the Western line 
 from Serenas to Claude of Turin, had kept up a witnessing 
 for Christ and God's word in the East: and who after- 
 wards in the xth and xith centuries, migrating into the 
 West, seem then and there to have intermingled with the 
 Western witnessing body for Christ. I refer, as the reader 
 will anticipate, to the body known under the name' of 
 PauUcians in ecclesiastical history ; or, as I prefer to call 
 them, preserving the hard k of the Greek, PauUkians} 
 
 ^ 3^ XHE EASTERN OR PAULIKIAN LINE OF WITNESSES. 
 
 As regards this Eastern line of Witnesses perplexities 
 and obscurities arise chiefly from the circumstance of the 
 loss of the writings of those in whom we think to trace it. 
 The Paulikians — those to whom I refer — are known to 
 us only through the reports of bitter enemies, vvho brand 
 them as heretics. And Bossuet, and Maitland, and Dow- 
 lino-,2 ^j^(j many others,^ acquiescing implicitly in the hos- 
 tile testimonies against them, botli admit and re-echo the 
 charge. To myself the exercise of a spirit of caution, and 
 even of suspiciousness, in the matter, seems dictated ahke 
 by common sense and common equity ; at the same time 
 that I am not unaware of the possibility of carrying that 
 suspiciousness too far. On the whole I may truly say 
 that I have given to the evidence as candid, and also care- 
 ful consideration, as I am able. And the conclusion I have 
 found my^di forced to by it is this ; — that the charges of 
 heresy made against them have no consistent or sufficient 
 
 1 This is quite common now in the case of proper names of Greek derivation. So 
 Dr. Arnold in his Roman History writes Sikeliots, instead of Siceliots; Southey 
 and others Kelts, instead of Celts. So the Translator of Liicke's Treatise on tlie 
 Epistles of St. John Boketi'sts, instead of Docetists, .fee— In the case of a common 
 word like sceptical, of established orthography, I should think it pedantic to write 
 skeptical -with M. iitna.n. j t> ^■■, ■ 
 
 There seems to me a peculiar propriety in thus writing the word Paulikians, be- 
 cause of the similarity thus made evident to the ear of this their Greek name of 
 Paulikiani, (pronounced Pavlikiani,) and that which was afterwards given them by 
 the Latins of Fublicani. 
 
 2 T]\Q former of the two last-named Authors in his Book on the Waldenses, and 
 Reply to the Rev. J. King on that subject, p. 76, endorsing Mr. Dowling's opinion ; 
 — the latter in his Pamphlet on the Paiilikians. 
 
 3 My critic, Mr. Arnold, among them.— In the 4th Edition of the HorsB I profited 
 by the controversial papers on the subject that past between him and myself in the 
 Rritish Magazine of 1847.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.J EARLIER EASTERN" WITNESSES. 249 
 
 evidence to rest on ; and that, on the other hand, from the 
 general facts of their history, from the miwilHng admissions 
 in their favour of the hostile chroniclers, and even from 
 the nature of the particular charges of heresy made against 
 them, the inference is warranted, that at first the general 
 body of the PauWdans, and afterwards, as they multiplied, 
 particular bands out of it, were faithful witnesses for Christ. 
 The facts of the case will now be set fully before the reader : 
 — at least sufficiently so to enable him to judge for him- 
 self, whether the conclusion I have formed be warranted 
 by the evidence, or not. I draw from the original sources ; 
 viz. the Histories of Paulikianism and the Pauhkians by 
 Photius and Petrus Siculus.^ 
 
 In this present Section I purpose sketching the rise and 
 subsequent historij of the Paulikians up to the time of 
 their westward migrations in the 11th century: — there 
 being reserved for a later Section the full discussion of the 
 existing evidence as to their real character : whether ivit- 
 nesses for Christ, answering to the Apocalyptic description 
 of Christ's two witnesses ; or disrejmtahle heretics, accord- 
 antly with the assertion of their enemies. 
 
 It was about the middle, then, of the seventh century 
 that the Pauhkian sect had its rise. At that time, as I 
 have already elsewhere shown, the most grievous corrup- 
 tions were not only admitted into, but enforced in, both 
 the doctrine and the worship of the Catholic Chiu'ch, as it 
 was called, in Greek Christendom. The images of saints 
 suspended on the church walls, and the votive offerings 
 beneath them, the glare of lamps and the fumes of incense, 
 told everywhere to the eye, too clearly to be mistaken, of 
 the almost universal departure from the simplicity and the 
 
 1 The Editions that I use are Gieseler's of Petrus Siculus, Gottingen, 1846 ; Wolfs 
 of Photius, Hamburgh, 1722.— I need hardly observe that Photius is the Patriarch of 
 Constantinople, so famous for his learning as well as for the part he took in tlie final 
 disruption of the Greek from the Roman Church in the 9th century. — Petrus Siculus 
 was a contemporary of Photius, -who had fled from Sicily, probably on its capture by 
 the Saracens, to Constantinople, and was thence sent by the Greek emperor on a 
 mission to the Paulikians. — The two publications are shown by Dr. Gieseler in the 
 Prolegomena to his Edition of Petrus Siculus (pp. iv., vii.) to have almost synchro- 
 nized ; that of Photius, at least its first 3 books, dating shortly before A.D. 867 ; that 
 of Petrus, a little after A.D. 868. See p. 251 infra.
 
 250 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part itt. 
 
 spirit of the gospel.^ Other mediators (the Virgin Mary 
 more especially) had been substituted for the one and 
 only true Mediator between God and men, the God-man 
 Christ Jesus ; other protectors, like the old Pagan tutelary 
 deities, for his Almighty protectorship.^ To use a second 
 time the words of Coleridge, " The pastors of the Church 
 had gradually changed the life and light of the gospel into 
 the very superstitions they were commissioned to disperse ; 
 and Xhus, paganized Christianitij m order to christen Pagan- 
 ism/' ^ The very principle of salvation, simply by grace 
 through faith in the dying and ascended Saviour, was so 
 obscured as to be almost lost."* And what made the case 
 worse was, that the idea had begun to be entertained, and 
 was soon after received as a settled principle, that the 
 written Scriptures were unfit for the reading of the laity ; 
 and ought to be locked up, with their " tremendous mys- 
 teries," in the hands of the priesthood.'^ 
 
 The Sect thus began. ^ In the year 654, soon after the 
 Saracens' conquest of Syria, a man named Constaniine, resi- 
 dent at Mananalis near Samosata, received from an Arme- 
 nian Deacon whom he had for several days hospitably en- 
 tertained on his way homeward from captivity in Syria, the 
 present of two volumes, then very rare ; one containing the 
 4 Gospels, the other the 14 Epistles of St. Paul. (May we 
 not suppose the giver's advice and prayers to have accom- 
 panied the gift ; and that thus in fact there was a certain 
 connexion of the Sect, thereupon arising, with religionists 
 of kindred feeling of an earlier date ? ^) It is reported by 
 the narrators,^ and various later writers have adopted the 
 
 1 See my Vol. i. pp. 331, 332. 
 
 2 See ibid. pp. 330— 337.— A remarkable exemplification of this will be soon given 
 by me, from the reported writinsjs of a Patriarch of Constantinople, who lived shortly 
 after the first rise of Paulikianism, and with whom one of the Paulikian teachers 
 may very probably have come into contact. 
 
 3 Cited before by me Vol. i. p. 341. 
 
 * Besides the corruptions prevalent of saint-worship in all its various forms, there 
 was now received in the Greek Church a system of Pelagianism of doctrine, as we 
 shall afterwards see, the direct opposite to the doctrines of grace ; of which doctrinal 
 system Photius himself was an eminent example. 
 
 * Photius (p. 100) notes the restriction as most properly inculcated and observed 
 in the time of Sergius' youth, and as not then a new restriction : juj; t^uvai iprjaaQ 
 TT]v Tiov XaiKtov TrXtjpovvTi TaK.iv av(St)v ovtwq tijv ra>v (ppiKTiov Xoyiwv TroiiKrOai 
 avayvwaiv. * See Phot. p. 62, P. S. p. 30. 
 
 "> Compare the account of the foreign heretic detected in Gaul A.D. 650, given p. 
 227, Note * supra. ^ Alike by Photius and Petrus.
 
 CHAP. VII, 
 
 §3.] 
 
 EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 
 
 251 
 
 idea, that Constantine had been previously educated in, 
 and then held, the principles of Manichemn. Others have 
 suggested that he was rather a Marcionite Gnostic, than a 
 Manichean.^ I suspect the evidence will prove quite de- 
 
 1 So Gieseler, in his Essay on Paulikianism, in the Berlin Studien und Kritiken for 
 1829. — It will be useful to the reader to subjoin the following Synchronical Table 
 of the Greek emperors and chief Paulikian teachers. In the Paulikian Chronology 
 I follow Gieseler. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 Byzantine Emperors. A. 
 
 Q Paulikian 
 Teachers. 
 
 641—668 
 
 Constans 2. grandson of Heraclius. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 50 
 
 668—685 
 
 Constantine 4, Pogonatus. 
 
 Constar 
 or Silva 
 
 654 to 
 
 685—711 
 
 Justinian 2 ; including his ten years of exile, and^six after 
 
 itine, 
 
 mus, 
 
 i684. 
 
 
 restoration. 
 
 o •"< 
 
 711—713 
 
 Bardanes Philippicus. 
 
 eon, 
 
 itus, 
 
 190,.. t 
 
 o 
 
 713—716 
 
 Anastasius 2. 
 
 
 716—718 
 
 Theodosius 3. 
 
 Ol -.-' 
 
 717-741 
 
 Leo 3, the Isaurian. Iconoclast. 
 
 7' s'ffi 
 
 741—775 
 
 Constantine 5, Copronymus. Iconoclast. 
 
 <5 3 
 
 
 754 Constautinopolitan Council against images. 7 
 
 50 • % 
 
 
 756 First deportation of Paulikian colonists to Europe. 
 
 
 775-780 
 
 Leo 4. 
 
 ^J -lis 
 Ol o^ 
 
 780-797 
 
 Constantine 6, and his mother Irene. 
 
 
 
 787 2nd Nicene Council, in sanction of image-worship. 
 
 
 797—802 
 
 Irene. 
 
 o g 
 
 802—811 
 
 Nicephorus ; image-favourer. g 
 
 00 1 1 
 
 811—813 
 
 Michael 1, Rhangabe. 
 
 5" 
 
 3 
 
 813—820 
 
 Leo 5, the Armenian. Iconoclast. 
 
 
 " 
 
 
 Paulikians persecuted, retire to Argas. 
 
 
 o 
 
 820—829 
 
 Michael 2, or Balbus. 
 
 00 t% 
 
 829—842 
 
 Theophilus. 
 
 
 842—855 
 
 Michael 3, and his mother Theodora. 
 Image-worship finally re-established. 
 
 
 .. 
 
 
 Paulikian massacre. Paulikians fix in Tephrice. ^ 
 
 50 
 
 
 855—867 
 
 Michael 3. 
 
 
 
 867— 886 Basil 1, the Macedonian. 
 
 O o* 
 
 1 867 Photius banished. 868 P. Siculus' embassy to Tephrice. 
 
 00 ■i 
 
 O ~ 
 
 Photius* 1st Book was finished before his banishment in 867 ; his 4th after banishment. 
 Petrus Siculus finished his Book about 870, when the Bulgarian See vacant.
 
 252 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 cisively, when we come to sift it, that he was in truth a 
 member of the Greek established Church. However this 
 might be, his profession of Manicheism, if ever it existed, 
 now ceased : and the perusal of these sacred books caused 
 a total revolution in his professed principles, and whole 
 subsequent course of life. Separating himself not from mere 
 Manichean, or other heretics alone, but from the established 
 but now apostate Church of Greek Christendom, he applied 
 himself tlienceforward to the formation of a distinct Chris- 
 tian Sect, or Church -. — a Sect to consist of such as might 
 be willing, with himself, to found their faith and practice 
 on the simple rule of those unadulterated sacred books ; 
 the only part, apparently, then possessed by him of God's 
 written Word. In the missionary labours whereby he 
 sought to accomplish this his object, (and indefatigable 
 those labours seem to have been,) he likened himself to a 
 disciple of St. Paul. In this character he addressed his 
 first appeals, not to his Mananalitan neighbours, but to the 
 inhabitants of a place called Cibossa, near Coloneia and the 
 source of the Lycus, in the first Armenia ; (the place per- 
 haps where the donor of his New Testament was residing;) 
 saying, " I am Sylvanus ; you the Macedonians :''^ — thus 
 intimating that it was the doctrine of St. Paul, very spe- 
 cially, that he wished himself to teach, and them to follow. 
 And they, acquiescing in the views of this Yiau'kixog, or 
 disciple of St. Paul, adopted, as if in public token of their 
 profession, the name which has thenceforth ever attached 
 to the Sect, of WoLvT^ixioivtn, or Disciples of the disciple of 
 St. Paul.'^ — Now, supposing Constantine sincere in his pro- 
 
 1 See 1 Thess. i. 1. 
 
 2 That the name of PauUkiani was assumed by themselves, and with a view to mark 
 their profession as followers of St. Paul, is stated by Photius : for he says in one 
 place, Kai yap tTreypa^ovrat tovtoV (i. e. St. Paul;) and, in another, ov iptvSuivv- 
 fioi -rrapayoaipovTai. (Lib. iii. p. 42, ii. p. 190.) And so Petrus Sioulus, p. 26 : 
 oTt airo XpiTroD ri]v toiuvttjv Kartl3dr]\vyfitvr]v aipiaiv vapi\aj3ov, Kai iK StSacr- 
 KaXiag Tov KtjpvKog rriQ opBoSo^ov TritrTeiog llavXov rov Att o(tto\o v. Besides 
 which the very remarkable custom, kept up for above two centuries among them, of 
 their chief teachers assuming, together with the pastoral charge, the name of one of 
 St. Paul's disciples or companions, commemorated in the New Testament, — as Con- 
 stantine that of Sylvanus, Simeon that of Titus, Paul of Episparis that of Timothy, 
 Sergius that of tychicus. Sec, — is evidence of the fact as unanswerable as palpable. 
 Their churches too were named after St. Paul's churches, the Macedonians, Achaians, 
 Philippians, Ephesians, Colossians, Laodiceans. Cedrenus ap. Bowling, p. 15. 
 
 As to the formation of the word PauUkiani, great but very needless ditRculties, 
 as it seems to me, have been made about it, alike by ancients and moderns. Instead
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.] EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 253 
 
 fessioii, it needs not to say how noble the enterprise ; or 
 again how strikingly, if carried out, it must have been a 
 witnessing for Christ, in the midst of the prevailing super- 
 stitions and apostasy. His sincerity has however been im- 
 peached. The reader must all through bear this in mind. 
 The historians from whom the narrative is taken assert 
 that it was done Ju/pocritically ; and in order, by means of 
 the words of Scriptm'e perverted, to propagate more safely, 
 as well as insidiously, the principles of Manicheisin. Yet 
 they agree that he renounced and cast away his Mani- 
 chean books, (if ever he had any,) abjured Manicheism, (if 
 ever he profest it,)^ and made it a law to his followers not 
 to read any other book whatsoever, but the Gospels and 
 Epistles of the New Testament : — moreover that these 
 Gospels and Epistles were unadulterated by the Paulikians; 
 and both received, and preserved, in precisely the same 
 words as the authentic copies of the Greek Church.^ 
 
 of being "so strangely formed," as Mr. Dowling says, (p. 13,) it needs but to trace 
 it back to its root, precisely according to the analogy of derivatives of similar termin- 
 ation, in order to see its simple and natural explanation. If Xpicrrtai'oc is derived 
 fi'om Xpiffrof, and Henricianus from Henricus, from what may we suppose nauXt/ci- 
 avoQ derived, but from nayXt/coe? Again from what W.av\iKoq but Yiavkoq: just 
 as Koa^iKOQ from KoafioQ, ^wKpnTiKog from SajKparj;^, &c. ? — Which being so, we 
 have only to reverse the process in the application. In assuming the name of Syl- 
 vanus, Tychicus, &c., alike Constantine, and other teachers of the sect after him, 
 proclaimed themselves to the world, as not Socratics, not Platonics^ but Paulics, i. e. 
 followers of St. Paul. So Petrus Siculus says of Sergius, (p. 45,) iuvrov tTroj'Ofiaaag 
 Tiij^tYOV, Tov (V TMQ trriffToXaig tiicptpoiiti'ov rov avoffToXov UavXov, toiq Traaiv 
 iXtyiv iLvai ixa6r}TT)c tov AiroaToXov. Which being the teacher's profession and 
 title, that of their followers was as naturally Paulikiani, or disciples of a disciple of 
 St. Paul. — The absui-d torturing of the word, as by Zonaras and Anna Comnena, (ap. 
 Dowling, 12, 48,) in order to make it a corruption from the supposed barbarophonic 
 title YlavXdiix)avroi, the compound of the names of two Manicheans of Samosata, 
 named Paid and John, that lived some time before Constantine, deserves remark, as 
 showing the animus of the writers : especially considering the Paulikians' confest con- 
 demnation of this Paul ; WavXov tov 'S.afiouarta avaOinaTi^ouai. TrQoQvmuQ. (P. 
 S. p. 5.) Nor indeed is its explanation as a corruption from JluvXiavoi, in the sense 
 simply of Disciples of Paul of Samosata, or, as Mr. Dowling, of Paul the father (f 
 Gegncesius, above 100 years after they had been marked by the Paulikian profession, 
 much more felicitous. See Petrus Sic. 28, 36; and Dowling 12, 13. 
 
 I am glad to observe, since pi'inting my 3rd Edition, that Dr. Gieseler agrees with 
 me in this derivation of YiavXiKiavoi from WuvXag, (the Apostle,) through the inter- 
 mediate JlavXiKOQ. He suggests, however, that the appellation was given to the 
 sectaries, not by themselves, but by the Greek Catholics : these latter first calling 
 them YiavXiKoi ; then, in order to do away with the idea of relation to the great 
 apostle, which that word might seem to imply, changing it into YlavXiKiavoi. A 
 view this not only less natural, I think, than that given by me ; but directly contrary 
 to Phdtius' testimony, given above, that they named themselves after St. Paid. 
 
 ^ Phot. i. 63, P. S. 31. — I shall enter on the question thus suggested afterwards. 
 
 * Tlius Petrus Siculus, p. 13, after enumerating the Books of the New Testament 
 received by them, {h.-ito^ixf'yQai avrovg tt]v Qtiav tov ayiov EvayyiXiov TtrpaKrvv,
 
 254 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 The ministrations of Constantine vA^ere prolonged for a 
 period of near 30 years. Then at length, the sect having 
 become sufficiently considerable to attract notice,^an edict 
 of persecution was issued against him and his Paulikian 
 congregations by the Greek government ; and the execu- 
 tion of the edict entrusted to an officer of the Imperial 
 Court, named Simeon. The penalty of death was de- 
 clared against both teacher and disciples, such as might per- 
 sist obstinately in heresy : but with the injunction of mercy 
 to such as might recant, and that they should be delivered 
 to the neighbouring Churches for instruction. The result 
 was that Constantine himself at least was thereon stoned to 
 death ; one Justus, a recreant from Paulikianism, being the 
 inflictor of the mortal blow : ^ and the place, says Petrus, 
 is called " The heap," from the multitude of stones so 
 heaped together, to this day. — But from the stoning of Con- 
 stantine, as from that of the proto-martyr Stephen, a new 
 head to the Paulikian remnant was raised up in the person 
 of his murderer. Impressions were made on Simeon by 
 what he had seen and heard, that he could not shake off. 
 Returning to the Imperial Court, he secluded himself for 
 three years, we are told, in his own home, reflecting on it : 
 then, having made up his resolution, left aUj~ — the neces- 
 sary sacrifice, it seems, involved in the step he was taking ; 
 and, joining himself at Cibossa to those whom before he 
 persecuted, and who at the risk of life had still continued 
 stedfast in the Paulikian faith, became, under the name of 
 Titus, their new head and chief teacher. — The report of the 
 revival of heresy reached the ears of a neighbouring Bishop, 
 after three years, through information of the same rene- 
 gade Justus ; and by him was communicated to the then 
 Emperor, Justinian 11. On this the Imperial mandate was 
 again issued against the sectaries ; and Simeon, and a large 
 
 icai TUQ Tov ayiov TlavXov rov airosroKov SeKnreffffapaQ tTrioroXaf, Kai laKoifSov 
 KaOoXiKTjv, Kai rag Iwavvov rptiQ, Kai t7]v tov ayiov lovSa KaGoXiKrfi', Kai npa^ftt; 
 Tixiv AttootoXwi',) adds, wq ti(n Trap' t'lfitv, oTrapaWaKTioQ tv Xttiaii'. Plio- 
 tius ogives a similar testimony to the genuineness of the Paulikian Scriptui-es. And 
 so too Cedrenus, two centuries after. Bowling, pp. 14, 19. 
 
 1 P. Siculus, p. 33, suggests, as a fit parallel, David's slaughter of Goliath by a stone. 
 
 2 AvaKUftxl/aQ TrpoQ tov (SamXia, Kai TpuTt] ;;^povov iiri^tn'aq tv KoJi-ffT-airi- 
 vovTToXti, oiKoi iitvwv, TtXtiojc a'tnyifOeig vtto tov AiajioXov, k aT aXi tt wv 
 airavra XaOpauog UTrtdpa. P. S. p. 34.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 3.] EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 255 
 
 number of his followers, convened to answer the charge. 
 They were interrogated each separately on their tenets, 
 and opportunity offered them for retractation. But in vain. 
 They continued pertinacious in what was deemed their 
 errors. Which being the case, a vast funeral pile was con- 
 structed, near the heap piled up over Constantine : and 
 they were all thrown on it ; and burnt alive. ^ 
 
 Still the heresy, as it was called, rose again from its 
 ashes. One Paul, a Paulikian disciple, escaped with his 
 two sons to Episparis, a village of the district of Phanaroa, 
 not far south of Amisus on the Euxine, and there per- 
 petuated the Sect. — And, after his death, one of those two 
 sons, Gegncesius, surnamed Timothy, took his place. Soon 
 after which his entering on the dangerous office, he was 
 summoned to Constantinople on a charge of heresy ; (it 
 was under the reign of Leo the Isaurian ;) and there ex- 
 a'mined by the Patriarch in open court, and by the vote 
 of the hearers acquitted.'^ Returning with royal letters of 
 safeguard against false accusations,^ he yet thought it well 
 to quit Episparis, and to transfer the chief seat of the mis- 
 sion to Mananalis, near Samosata : that selfsame place 
 whence Constantine had first proceeded ; and one where 
 the neighbourhood of the Saracens now offered a protec- 
 tion, against enemies from among the Greek Catholics. 
 There he ministered for the rest of his life ; and at length 
 died of the plague, after 30 years' presidency. — A castaway 
 foundling whom he seems to have rescued,* and taught, 
 and made his goat-herd, named Joseph, and who now as- 
 sumed the name of Epaphrodifus, succeeded him in the 
 office of chief president of the Sect. A sudden incursion 
 of a band of Saracens occurring, Joseph removed to Epis- 
 
 ' Jl\r](Jiov Tt]Q Yopov irvpav [ieya\T)v avaxpavTtg, apStjv KaTe(p\t^av avavrac. 
 lb. p. 36. 
 
 • 'irt]<poq TU)v aKQoaTwv. Phot. i. 78. — The name of the examining Patriarch is 
 not mentioned. Occurring as the thing did in the reign of Leo the Isaurian, the 
 Patriarch may have been Gcrmanus the iconodulist, an ecclesiastical writer of some 
 note in the Greek Church : or, more probably I think, it may have been his icono- 
 clastic successor Anastasim ; as Germanus was banished in 729 by the emperor Leo, 
 and the former put in his place. (Fleury ix. 227, 228.) However this may be, his 
 judgment, as a contemporary of the Pauiikians in the highest ecclesiastical position, 
 as to the doctrines then prevalent, is of course most valuable ; and I shall therefore 
 take occasion, when I come to a consideration of the charges against the Pauiikians, 
 to set it pretty fully before the reader. 
 
 2 Ttttv avKOipavTwv (pwvag. Photius, p. 83. •* P. S. 38.
 
 256 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 paris, the scene of Gegnsesius' earlier ministrations, and of 
 Paul's before him ; and was there received and welcomed 
 with " lamps " and honour. But, while holding a meeting 
 for religious worship, the house was attacked by an impe- 
 rial officer in the neighbourliood ; and he was thus forced 
 to be again a fugitive, and finally settled at Antioch in Pi- 
 sidia. There he ministered some years, and gained many 
 proselytes ; and appears, from Photius' report, to have both 
 lived and died in the esteem of the citizens, and in kindly 
 fellowship with them.^ — Next followed B amies ; one called, 
 at a more advanced period of his life at least, pytn-a^o^, or 
 the filthy : a name given him by those of his fellow-sec- 
 taries, apparently, who opposed and rejected him for his 
 immoralities.^ — And then at length he was superseded, just 
 at the end of the 8th century, by one Sergius, surnamed 
 Tychicus ; whose eminence as a Paulikian teacher, and 
 very illustrative history, demands a more particular and full 
 notice. — Before entering on it, however, let me just observe 
 that it was in the course of the Sth century, which included 
 the period of GegUcesius' and Joseph's ministry, that there 
 occurred that grand movement against image-worship that 
 I have alluded to in my Chapter on the Saracens : ^ and 
 respecting which it is asserted both by Hamartolus, a 
 nearly contemporary historian, and others,^ that though par- 
 ticipated in by many others of the Greeks, — some from 
 
 1 So Photius, i. 93 : HoXXouc yufi-' TuiV tTrt^wpewj/ rijt; avrov \vfiriq ipyov aizi- 
 SitS,i}', Tro\\r]Q d( Ttjg trap' tKsn'wv ri^norai Si^noatwQ. 
 
 - This view is surely more natural than Dr. Gieseler's ; Cp. 90 of his Essay on 
 the Paulikians in the Berlin Studien und Kritiken, of which more hereafter :) who 
 would have the appellative pvTrapog to have been given to Baanes by the Greek his- 
 torians, on account of his excesses. Could historians, who depict the whole sect as 
 abandoned to enormities, have given him this as a personally distinctive title } In- 
 deed P. Siculus, p. 51, expressly speaks of Sergius hating and denouncing Baanes 
 for his immorality. 
 
 3 Vol. i. p. 467. Saints' intercession and relics were also rejected by Leo I. 
 Fleury ix. 227. 
 
 * Hamartolus' age may be with probability inferred from the date at which his 
 Chronicle ends, viz. A.D. 842. From the Paulikian Manicheism, he says, avt(pvri ») 
 T(t)v aXirripioJV (cat KOKoaxoXotv mcovofiax'^v ijjifipovTrjTog a'lotcng. — The testimony 
 of G. Monachus (a writer of the 10th century) is to the same effect. He says that 
 "the Iconoclasts were the protectors of the abominable and demoniacal worship of 
 the Manicheans," i. e. Paulikians; "from whom in fact they derived their origin." 
 Dowling, 41, 42, 45. 
 
 I tlie rather note this because Gieseler, in his Essay, suggests a contrary view of 
 the conduct of the iconoclastic emperors ; very much on the ground of Leo the Isau- 
 tian having called away Gegnscsius to Constantinople for trial. But very mistaken- 
 ly, I think. See my p. 255 Note 2.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.J EA.RLIER EASTER?^ WITNESSES. 257 
 
 purer motives, we may be sure/ some from motives poli- 
 tical and earthly, — it was originated by the Paulikians. 
 This may account both for the comparative fairness of 
 Gegngesius' examination in the Patriarchal Court at Con- 
 stantinople, and also for the many years of Joseph's undis- 
 turbed ministrations at Antioch. 
 
 And now as to Sergius. The circumstances of his con- 
 version to Paulikianism from the established religion, or 
 rather established apostasy, are very observable ; and thus 
 told by Petrus Siculus, his bitter enemy. ^ While yet a 
 young man in his native town of Ania, near Tabia,^ in 
 Galatia, he was addrest, it is stated, by a woman of Mani- 
 chsean principles ; one that was a disciple of the Devil, 
 ignoble in station, and in character cunning and deceitful.^ 
 " I hear, Sir, that thou excellest in literary science and erudi- 
 tion, and art moreover, in every respect, of good and moral 
 character. Tell me, then, why dost thou not read the 
 divine Gospels ? " — Seduced by her words, and not aware 
 of the hidden poison of impiety that was in her, he replied ; 
 " It is not lawful for us men of the world ^ to read them, 
 but only for the Priests." On which this was her answer ; 
 " It is not as thou supposest. For there is no acceptance 
 of persons with God : since the Lord willeth all men to be 
 saved, and to come to the knowledge of the truth. But 
 your Priests, because they adulterate God's word,^ and hide 
 the mysteries contained in the Gospels, do therefore avoid 
 reading to you, their auditors, all things therein, written ; 
 but read some things, and omit others, that so ye may not 
 come to the knowledge of the truth. For it is written 
 therein, ' Some will say to me in that day. Lord, Lord, 
 
 ^ " They (the image-worshippers) were now opposed by the raurmui-s of many 
 simple or rational Christians : who appealed to the evidence of texts, or facts, and of 
 the primitive times, and secretly desired the reformation of the Church." Gibb 
 ix. 122. 
 
 2 Witness the strain of bitter invectives against Sergius here occurring, p. 40. 
 
 ^ A town on the Halys, about a hundred miles south of Sinope. 
 
 * aasiivog. This may mean either hiipious, morally durcputahle, or simply ig- 
 noble. Mr. Arnold has preferred the second sense. How the woman's conduct ou 
 this occasion, and result of the instructions given by her to the young man Sergius, 
 agreed with this latter charge, the reader wUl see as we go on. 
 
 * KOafltKOIQ. 
 
 ^ KanrjXivovTai tov tov Qtov \oyov. It is the phrase used by St. Paul 2 Cor. ii. 
 17 ; "For we are not as the many KaTn^XivovrtQ tov Xoyov ruv Qtov, which corrupt 
 God's word." 
 
 VOL. II. 17
 
 258 APOC. XI. 2 7. [PAKT III. 
 
 have we not in thy name cast out daemons, and done many 
 miracles ; and the King ^ answering shall say, Verily, verily, 
 I say mito you, I know you not.' Look and see whether 
 it is not so written. And who are they to whom the Lord 
 will say, ' I know you not ? ' " Whereupon he, being most 
 stupid and ignorant, was at a loss and silent. [The his- 
 torian here pauses, himself to answer the question which 
 Sergius in his ignorance could not. The persons, says he, 
 so cast out are exorcists, like the sons of Sceva, who through 
 magical incantations cast out devils, and heal diseases ; and, 
 as they make use of Christ's name in their incantations, 
 the daemons through fear of it fly : also men that lead in- 
 deed a solitary and irreprehensible life ; but, through ignor- 
 ance falling into heresies, will therefore not obtain the 
 kingdom.^ Such is the true answer to the woman's ques- 
 tion. — He then resumes his narration.] But Sergius, 
 ignorant of all this, looks into the Gospels : and finding 
 the words written there which the woman had stated, says 
 to her, " Tell me, concerning whom says the Lord these 
 things ? " She gave him not then however a reply to his 
 question ; but went on thus. " And concerning whom said 
 the Lord, ' Many shall come from the east, and from the 
 west, and shall sit down with Abraham, Lsaac, and Jacob 
 in the kingdom of heaven, but the children of the kingdom 
 will be cast into outer darkness ? ' Who are these, she said, 
 the children of the kingdom ? " And the wretched man, 
 not knowing that Christ meant by these the national Israel- 
 ites, to whom pertained the adoption, &c.,^ but who were 
 cast out because they crucified him, and deeming that mad 
 woman to be a guide to salvation, began earnestly to ask 
 her the meaning of the things that have been mentioned. 
 And she, a guide in the way of destruction, having a mouth 
 like an open sepulchre, began thus blaspheming against 
 holy persons : — " These children of the kingdom are thy holy 
 
 1 6 (iaaiXtvg. Mark the expression. It expresses the woman's own view of 
 Christ's place and otfice on the great day of judstment. 
 
 ~ He adds :— that nothing may be owing to these persons in that day by the just 
 Judge, they receive here the gifts of healing : so that when they exclaim, " Lord, 
 Lord, have we not done many miracles in thy name ? they may be answered, Friend, 
 I do thee no wrong : thou hast received in thy life-time what was thine ; take now 
 thine own, and depart." 
 
 ^ I sliglitly abbreviate here.
 
 CHAP. Vir. § 3.] EARLIER EASTLRN WITNESSES. 259 
 
 ones ; [or saints, dyioi ;] ^ whom thou veneratest, she said, 
 as Deities, the Uving and immortal Lord being left by thee : 
 these they that will hear from the mouth of the just Judge 
 in that day, I never knew you." — In the same style run- 
 ning through sundry passages written in the Gospels, and 
 giving a perverted sense to each phrase in them, so as she 
 saw him ready to receive it, she soon perfected him as an 
 instrument of the Devil ; and sharpened a weapon against 
 humanity, fearful as had never been in any before him. 
 
 Such is the account of Sergius' conversion, given by 
 the hostile historian Petrus Siculus ; and which has seemed 
 to me too characteristic to allow of omission or abrids:- 
 ment.^ After which Sergius became, and continued for 
 34 years, the chief minister and head of the Paulikians : at 
 first in association with Baanes ; then, on account of Baa- 
 nes' open lapse into licentiousness, superseding and separ- 
 ating from him. He had, like his predecessors, I should 
 observe, adopted in the first instance the name of one of 
 St. Paul's followers, Tf/ckiciis ; in token of his professedly, 
 
 ^ Meaning, I doubt not, the holy ones of the Greek Church then living : i. e. their 
 bishops, priests, and exorcists. 
 
 So I explained the meanincr of the phrase in my earlier Editions, as well as the 
 present. Mr. Arnold in the I5ritish Magazine for May- 1847, at p. 558, objected to 
 this : but only by stating his opinion that Petrus was right in supposing the woman 
 to mean dtparted saints ; without entering into any argument to solve the difficulties 
 of this view. — Of course the two questions arising are; 1. covdd departed saints be 
 supposed any way to cast out devils, &c. ; 2. could that be the thing and the way 
 alluded to by the woman ? On the 1st point Wolf says, that the habit was already 
 formed of invoking saints in casting out daemons. But it is the act that is spoken of, 
 not the invocation accompanying it : and this the Greek bishops, priests, and ex- 
 orcists did. Moreover both the context of the Scripture passage cited, speaking of 
 prophesying in Christ's name, indicates living members of the priesthood: and it is to 
 these that the woman's whole discourse refers. Now the Bishops were almost as 
 much designated by the title of holy, as departed saints themselves. 'Aytwraroi is 
 mentioned by Bingham, ii. 9. 6, as among the Bishops' common titles of honour in 
 the early ages of the Church : and so too Ducauge, on Sanetitas and Sancti. Says 
 he ; " Sanctos, etiamnum superstifes, compellatos episcopos docemur : " illustrating 
 by ;citation (among others) from Theophilus Alexandr., " Decet prcBsentibus Sanctis 
 ordinationes fieri in ecclesia," The same elsewhere too of the priests and monks 
 generally ; the Uparsvua ayiov, in the ecclesiastical sense of the priesthood. More- 
 over the Greek Catholics' regarding and venerating their priesthood, as gods, was even 
 made a matter of reproach against them by the Saracens. See my Vol. i. 410, N'ote *. 
 Stia Kai lip a Ki^aXr], is Petrus' own title to an Archbishop ; Otioi iroiixivtg to 
 the priests, (pp. 2, 3.) 
 
 Which being so, and the term thus applicable to Uving priests, as well as to de- 
 parted saints, and the whole gist of the woman's discourse that the priests who hid, 
 or corrupted the Bible, would be cast out, not the departed saints of the Greek Church, 
 (among which latter, by the way, the Paulikians' favourite apostle Paul himself was 
 included,) have I not reason, not merely to prefer this view of the woman's meaning 
 in the word ayioi, but to rest on it with little doubt or hesitation ? 
 
 ^ Save only where I have noted the abbreviation. My translation is literal. 
 
 17*
 
 260 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 at least, expounding and propagating that apostle's doc- 
 trine. — The worst and most dangerous point in Sergius, as 
 a head to the heresy, was his semblance of virtue. He so wore 
 the very guise of piety, that Photius and Petrus themselves 
 could find no immorality to charge him with : though it vvas 
 but, in sooth, the wolf disguised as a sheep, the tare as the 
 wheat. ^ Hence very chiefly his great influence. — His spirit 
 moreover was eminently missionary : and his laboriousness 
 and activity in that character such, that in one of his letters, 
 written in later life, he thus expressed himself; "Prom 
 East to West, and from North to South, I have run preach- 
 ing the Gospel of Christ, and toiling with these my knees. "^ 
 The words seemed to Petrus like words of boasting. At 
 the same time he bears testimony, incidentally, and we 
 may say unintentionally, to Sergius's sincerity of mo- 
 tive in his labours. It was his object, he remarks, to 
 deliver his countrymen from what he now considered as 
 their fatal error. ^ — It appears too from Petrus' narrative 
 that a success attended him not incommensurate with this 
 his laboriousness. Not of the laity only, but even of the 
 priests and Levites, monks and nuns,^ many were induced 
 by him to join the Paulikian sect, and indeed to become 
 teachers in it. Thus it grew and multiplied greatly. 
 
 1 Phot. i. 96 ; ^hvoq tt^v apirrfv d^jjjuartffao-Qai. Also 106 — 108. And P. S. 40. 
 
 '^ 'Qq avTOQ tv iiicf- riav nriirroXiov avTov Xtyn' Atto avaroXuJv, Kat fitxpi Svafitov, 
 KGL fSoppa, Kttt voTOV ECpa/iov, Kt]Ovaau)v to tvayytXiov rov XpiffTOv, toiq tfioii^ 
 yovciai liapriffctQ. P. S. 45. i. e. travelling on foot, as Gieseler explains it. 
 
 In which passage two things deserve notice: 1. Sergius' public assertion of the 
 subject of his preaching being Chris fs Gospel ; — 2. the fact of his having no life of 
 ease, but toiling in the work. Indeed he was supporting himself, like St. Paul, as ap- 
 pears afterwards, by the work of his hands.* 
 
 As to Sergius' boast, if such it be called, we may compare it with St. Paul's, his 
 professed exemplar ; " From Jerusalem, and round about unto lUyricum, I have fully 
 preached the Gospel of Christ." Rom. xv. 19. And indeed Petrus himself com- 
 pares Sergius' missionary journeyings with St. Paul's: HtpieXOiov rai; TroXett; Traaag 
 Kai raQ ^wpat" aoKvvjg, ev aig 6 ATTOffroXog npo oKvaicouiwv iTo)u tov Xoyov n/t' 
 aX»;0fio(," tKijpv'^e. p. 45. 
 
 •^ voniaaQ navTag avdpioTTOvg, rovg ti]v tiXiKOivr] /cat ajiuJiJLTjTov ri/nxiv twv ovtwq 
 Xpiariaviov icarexot'rag kcil evcre^i} ttictiv, i-v airoXtia KtioOai. p. 44. 
 
 * I use Petrus' language. noAXouf novaZovrag /cm /.lovn^ovaac, Xptort^j rrji' 
 TTapQiviav ava9ifievovg, Sia tiot oikiuov /xaOijTiov SiKpOeipt, kui rov iiovtjpovg aTraX- 
 XoTni(jj(jag j3iuv, tov Btov aTrtKii'Wffe' TroXXovg lepttg kui Aevirag Ti]g opOoSo^ov ivis- 
 Ttujg aTToanaaag, Kai tK irpofiaTitiv Oi]pag UTTOTtXtcrac, avOptoTrajSopovg eipyaaaro. p. 
 46. The reader may remember my notice of the Judaiziug Levitical form assumed by 
 the early apostasy. See my Vol. i. p. 296. 
 
 * So Photius i. 130; Kai TtKToriK-qg 6 'Stpyiog ovk afteXtTijrog /jr, kui £i} Kai 
 avurjOtig r]v x^xP'/'^^"' ^f Ttxvy 3i.n.\ 132 ; r/je oixnag avrov Ttxi'tjg.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.] EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 261 
 
 It was in the course of these 34 years of Sergius's minis- 
 try that a severe persecution was begun and carried on 
 against them, by command of the Emperors Michael Rhan- 
 gabe and Leo V, and at the instigation of the patriarch 
 Nicephorus.^ On this some of the PauUkians, now grown 
 numerous, resisted : and they at length retired to a place 
 called Argas, near Melitene;"^ a position in which the 
 neighbourhood of the Saracens proved to them, in the 
 event, just as to Gegnaesius before them,^ to be an addi- 
 tional protection. "^ In regard of Sergius himself, he dis- 
 suaded them from resistance ; ^ as a])pears from an extract 
 from a Letter of his own, given by Petrus : but in vain. — 
 At length he ended his own course, by what his followers 
 w^ould regard as a kind of martyrdom for the faith. While 
 w^orking fearlessly and alone, as he was wont, in cutting 
 wood on a neighbouring mountain,^ he was surprised by a 
 " certain pious Catholic," (so the Greek patriarch Photius 
 eulogistically denominates the assassin,) who wrested his 
 axe from his hand, and with it cleft him in twain ;— " God's 
 just judgment," says the historian, " on one who had so 
 divided the Church of Christ : " besides the greater punish- 
 ment of "his being sent into unquenchable and eternal 
 fire."^ This was in the year 835, some five years only be- 
 fore the death of his contemporary in the far West, Claude 
 
 \ Phot. i. 126; Theoph. apud Do\dmg, 41.— Theophanesmakps use of the occasion 
 toinyeigh against certain who had endeavoured to dissuade the Emperor from accedino- 
 to Nicephorus' call for persecution, on the plea that it was not tit for spiritual per*^ 
 sons to pass sentence of capital punishment on the impious. For in this, he says, 
 they were in direct variance with the Scriptures; where Peter is noted as passino-' 
 sentence of death on Ananias and Sapphira ! ° 
 
 2 Not Mount Argiieus, as I have stated in the three first Editions, after Raderus 
 and Gibbon ; but, as Gieseler observes, according to the Itin. Anton, a small town 26 
 or 28 miles west of Melitene. s ggg p 255 supra. 
 
 * Compare Apoc. xi. 4. The Saracens were to be a scourge only to those who 
 (collectively as a community) had not the seal of God on their foreheads. 
 
 * Eyw Tt^v KaKU)v tovtujv avairtog eifif TroXXa yap napriyytWor avTotc (k toip 
 atxiia\wriZ,uv rovg 'Pwixaiovg airosTijvai, kui ovk inrrjKovffccv fxoi. But Petrus says 
 that tliat was not enough ; and that when he had urged forbearance on his followers, 
 and expressed his disapprobation of their retaliating, in vain, then he ouo-ht to have 
 resigned the office of their teacher, p. 46. ° 
 
 6 1 have before alluded to this his labouring with his own hands. It was a toil- 
 some and hard kind of work ; uq uaviSag airo^tuv twv Trpffivojv ra eTriTt)hta.—As 
 to his fearlessness in it, though a price was almost set on his life, Photius ascribes it 
 to his reliance on magical defences : ovru raig fxayyavnaig avrov TiQappt]KOTa, Kai 
 raig yoriTiiaig rrfv ^txir)v TrnnaTivKOTa, kui Karafiovag KvXovpyeiv tTTijpfitvov. i. 131 
 
 ' So Petrus, p. 52, and Pliotius, i. 132.— They both date his death by the Mun- 
 dane a>ra, A.M. 6343 : from which we see that they and the Greeks still in the 9th 
 century followed the Septuagint Chronology.
 
 262 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [pAUT iii. 
 
 of Turin. — His memory afterwards continued sacred among 
 the Paulikians ; and the letters that he had addressed from 
 time to time to their different churches Avere added, Petrus 
 Siciilus says, to their copies of the New Testament. Not 
 so indeed, as if of the Canon of inspired Scripture : (we know 
 to the contrary : ^) but as that which they judged to be in 
 spirit closely allied to it ; in the same way, doubtless, as 
 the Epistles of Clement -were by the early Christians ap- 
 pended to the volume of Scripture, and sometimes read in 
 their Churches. — Out of these Letters, " full of all pride 
 and impiety," ^ Petrus selects a few extracts, with his own 
 added running comment upon them, in order professedly 
 to inculpate the man's character. Of all which I subjoin 
 literal translations, in all the disadvantage of this ex parte 
 selection, that my readers may see the worst that his enemy 
 could find against Sergius : only begging them to remem- 
 ber Gieseler's hinted caution about them,^ as perhaps gar- 
 bled, perhaps misrepresented."^ 
 
 1 The Paulikian fundamental rule was, ju?j t^stvai htpaQ fiij3\ovc to TvapaTrav 
 avayivuxTKSiv, except only the Gospels and Epistles. So Petrus himself, p. 26. 
 
 2 P. S. p. 13. "^ Stud, und Krit. with special reference to my 7th extract. 
 
 * They are given at pp. 46 — 48 of Gieseler's Edition of Petrus Sicidus: also all ex- 
 cept the 1st and 3rd in Photius, pp. 112 — 117. 
 
 1. On the fonnders of the Paulikian churches. 
 
 " But this I say, that Paul founded the Church at Corinth ; Sylvanus and 
 
 Titus founded that which is in Macedonia ; Timothy overlooked Achaia ; Epaphro- 
 ditus administered the Philippensian Church ; and that of the Laodiceans and Ephe- 
 sians, and that too of Colossiie, were taught by Tychicus. For these three are one, 
 and are taught by the same Tychicus." 
 
 So he depicts the founding and the founders of the Paulikian Churches, under 
 these evidently _/?^«m/M'i? names, boiTowed from those of some of the chief Pauline 
 Churches.* — On which exclaims Petrus: " See how, when setting himself forth as 
 teacher in those Churches of Antichrist, he imposes names on them, in order to de- 
 ceive, of Churches of Christ 800 years ago existing ! And was it only the Chui'ch 
 of Corinth then that Paul founded .'' What a falsifier art thou of the truth ! How 
 is it thou art not ashamed of seducing the people .' " f — So too Photius, i. 66. 
 
 2. Of his missionary labours : a passage already cited. 
 
 " From East to West, and from North to South, I have run preaching the gospel 
 of Christ, toiling with my knees." (A fact admitted, as we saw, by Petrus.) 
 
 3. His advice to the general Paulikian body against aggression and cruelty, after 
 beginning the war of resistance at Argas. 
 
 " Of these evils I am guiltless : for I often admonished them to abstain from 
 taking the Romans captives ; but they did not obey me." (For the Greek see p. 261.) 
 " But how guiltless }" says Petrus. " If they would not obey thee, why stay with 
 hem till thy death .-' Further, if a teacher to them of Christ's doctrine, why not in- 
 culcate on them, as He taught, When they persecute you in one city, flee to another?" 
 
 * The names were thus far in good keeping ; viz. that the original Pauline 
 churches named, as well as those of the Paulikians named after them, were con- 
 nected respectively with the teachers mentioned by Sergius in association with them 
 
 t I a little abridge Petrus' various comments.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.] EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 268 
 
 It was not long after Sergius' death that the Pauhkian 
 sectaries were visited by a far severer persecution, origin- 
 
 4. To one Leo Montanus, seeking to make a schism among the Paulikians. 
 
 ' "Beware of rending the faith which cannot hend.* For what accusation hast 
 thou against me ? Have I circumvented any ? or acted proudly to any ? Thou 
 canst not say so. And if thou shouldest say so, thy testimony is not true. God 
 forbid, however, that I should cherish hatred towards thee. Rather let nie entreat 
 thee, that as thou hast received the Apostles and the Prophets, which are in number 
 four,t so thou wouldest receive also the pastors and teachers ; that thou become not 
 a prey to wild beasts." 
 
 5. "" The first fornication, or adultery, — that in which we are involved by deriva- 
 tion from Adam,— is a benefit. j But the second fornication is greater; that of 
 which Paul says, ' He who fornicates sins against his own body.' " He proceeds : 
 " Now we are the body of Christ : and if any one separate from the traditions of the 
 body of Christ, (i. e. from mine,§) he sins; since he follows those who teach other 
 doctrine, and is disobedient to the sound words." 
 
 " The impious wretch," says Sergius, " to call fornication a benefit ! " — I need 
 hardly suggest to the reader that it is of spiritual fornication, according to the Scrip- 
 ture figure, that Sergius is speaking: meaning thereby man's original apostasy and 
 alienation from God, derived from Adam. Respecting this, Augustine uses nearly 
 the same figure. After speaking of the two harlots on whom Solomon pronouuced 
 judgment, as being typical, and representing Jews and Gentiles as both under sin, 
 he observes ; " Omnis enim anima quce, deserta a?ternitate veritatis, terrenis sordi- 
 bus delectatur,/o?-wiV'ff/'M/- a Domino." Serm. x. 2, ad. Pop.|| I shall have to revert 
 to this in a later Chapter, where the true character of Paulikianism will come into 
 consideration. — But how the original apostasy a benefit ? Because, I presume, 
 where sin abounded, it gave occasion for grace much more to abound. " Oh ! 
 happy sin," said Luther, " which hast found such a Redeemer I " See p. 96 supra. 
 
 6. 'From a Letter to the Colonienses. — " Assured beforehand of the proof and 
 worthiness of your faith, we remind you,f that as the older churches received and 
 cherished pastors and teachers, so ye received one who was a shining lamp, a light- 
 beaming star, a guide to salvation ; according to that which is written, If thine eye 
 be single, thy whole body shall be full of light." 
 
 On this Petrus exclaims: — "Wretched, impious man! Paul called himself the 
 offscouring of all things, an abortion, the least of the apostles : and dost thou, 
 Pharisee-like, call thyself a splendid lamp, a guide to salvation ! Thou, a blind leader 
 of the blind!" 
 
 Let me here suggest that it does not appear from Petrus' or Photius' History, that 
 Sergius taught' at all at Coloneia. But Constantine did. And there is nothing in 
 the extract to forbid the reference being to him, not to Sergius. For the Paulikian 
 Church at Coloneia would seem to have continued from Constantine' s time. 
 
 7. " Be imitators of me ; and hold fast the traditious which ye have received from 
 me." — Then, presently after; "Let no one seduce you in any wise! But, having 
 these promises "from God, be of good cheer : for we write to you having confidence 
 in our hearts : for (on) I am the porter of the door, and the good shepherd, and 
 the guide of that which is Christ's body, and the lamp of the house of God ; and I 
 am ever with you, even to the end of the world. For even though I be absent in 
 body, I am present in spirit with you. Finally, farewell ! Be ye stedfast ; and the 
 God of peace shall be with you ! " 
 
 "Child of the Devil," says Petrus; "thus to make thyself equal with God!" 
 To understand this, (fa true extract, (on which quare let Gieseler's caution be re- 
 membered,) the context seems indispensable. Sergius never could have meant the 
 
 * TTjprjffov ffiavTov evSog ro Tejxveiv rrjv uKXivr] Triartv. 
 t Meaning the four evangelists, says Raderus. 
 X 'H TTQioTr] TTopveia, r)v iK rov ASafi 7repiK£(jUf0a, svepytffia tariv. 
 § P. Siculus' own interpolated gloss, I conceive. 
 
 II So Photiui himself too, ii. 201 : Tag irXavuifitvag »//yx«f mro tov a\ij6trov 
 Qtov, Kai OTTicfio Tojv Saifioviwv iKiropvevovcras. 
 U vTrofiVT]iTiv npoQ vnag iroiovfiiOa.
 
 264 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 ated by direction of the image-worshipping Empress Theo- 
 dora. And botli the severity of the persecution, and the 
 numbers of the sect, may be judged by the multitudes said 
 to have been saci'ificed in it. Reckoning together those 
 that were drowned in the sea, and those put to the sword, 
 the numbers stated are not less than 100,000.^ 
 
 On this, like certain of the Albigenses, Hussites, later 
 Piedmontese Waldenses, and Trench Calvinists of after 
 times, the Paulikians determined on more decided resistance 
 to their persecutors : and under Carbeas, previously an 
 officer of high rank in the Imperial service, but who had 
 now (whether converted to their views by the persecuted, 
 or disgusted with the persecutors) deserted to them, for- 
 tified themselves on Mount Tephrice in Armenia, and 
 maintained a war of various success, until at length reduced 
 by the first Basil. — In the progress of this war, if cruelties 
 were sometimes retaliated on their injurers, who can won- 
 der? It is to be remembered, however, that after they 
 had multiplied and strengthened into a powerful commu- 
 nity, it was not the whole of them, any more than the 
 whole body of Hussites, Waldenses, or other orthodox 
 sects just enumerated, that we presume to have been Chris- 
 tian Witnesses ; but such only among them (and such I 
 believe were not Avanting) as acted still, like Sergius and 
 his predecessors, in the true Christian evangelic spirit. 
 
 Now it was here, and about this time, that Petrous Sicu- 
 lus, the historian to whom we have so often referred as (con- 
 
 abswrdity, that he would be -with them personally to the end of the ■world. Xor 
 is there anything in Paulikian doctrine to make it probable. The previous context 
 given speaks of promises from God, — promises inducing the hopeful confidence ex- 
 pressed. The sequel expresses relations in which God, or Christ, has promised , to 
 stand to his Church.* Construing the clause expressing Sergius' hopefulness jwi7)-eM- 
 f.heticall!/,f may not these be the promises meant ; and the " I " designate the divine 
 Saviour speaking, not Sergius ? What there is of difficulty in this solution, may arise 
 from Sergius' loosely citing Scripture, or Petrus' slightly garbling Sergius. 
 
 1 So the Continuator of Theophanes, apud Dowling, p. 43. This was A.D. 845. 
 — Gibbon (x. 177) observes on this persecution; "Many simple Iconoclasts were 
 pimished under a more odious name ; " i. e. of Mnnichceans. The attachment indeed 
 of this term of reproach to the iconoclasts is notorious. So Dowling, p. 50. 
 
 * Compare Joh. x. 3, 11 ; xvi. 13 ; Apoc. xxi. 23 ; Matt, xxviii. 20 ; Joh. xiv. 
 17, 18. 
 
 t Tavrae ^« rac tTrayytXtaf t\ov-iQ ik Gfov, QapaeiTf {I'lfiHQ yap Trnruniitroi 
 ovTiQ tv raiQ Kap^iaiQ ijfxixjv ypct(po^uv iifxiv) un 6 tfi'pwpot;, /cat 6 ■Koi^u]i' 6 ku\oq 
 .... tyui £ljUl, K. T. X.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 3.] EARLIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 265 
 
 jointly with Photiiis) the most authentic on the subject, — 
 the Reinerius Saccho, if I may so say, of the PauUkian 
 heresy, — being sent on the mission by Basil, visited and 
 spent nine month>; among the sectaries. The date is given 
 by himself, A.D. 868. And I wish to take this opportu- 
 nity of noting cursorily the heresies he charges on them ; 
 his authority being, as he tells us, in part that of personal 
 observation, in part that of the reports of the Catholics, or 
 Christians of the Established Church, resident in the neigh- 
 bourhood:^ — viz. 1st, that of holding, like the Manichaeans, 
 two principles, {ap-^ctg,) or two Gods, an evil and a good, 
 the one the creator of this world, the other of the world to 
 come ; 2ndly, that of dishonouring the Virgin Mary,^ and 
 discrediting the fact of Christ's being born of her, foras- 
 much as he brought, they said, his body from heaven ; 
 3rdly, the turning away from participation in the awful 
 mysteries of Christ's body and blood ; 4thly, the dishonour- 
 ing of the material cross ; 5thly, the rejection of the Old 
 Testament from the Scripture Canon ; 6thly, the repudia- 
 tion of the established ministry of Priests and Presbyters.^ 
 — Photius adds, as a further charge against them, that of 
 rejecting Baptism : and others inveigh bitterly, as indeed 
 already noticed, against their enmity to the worship of the 
 sacred images.'* — I reserve the examination of these charges, 
 (as before intimated,) for a later Section. 
 
 The subsequent history of the Paulikians is European, 
 — They had already in the year 756, under direction of 
 the Emperor Constantine Copronymus, detached a colony, 
 which acted also as a religious mission, to Thrace!' A 
 century after, and just while Petrus Siculus was among 
 them, they appear to have strengthened this by a second.*^ 
 
 1 Pet. Sic. p. 2. 
 
 - And the saints too. So P. S. of Sergius, p. 40 : Sepyioi/ tov ttjq OeofiriripoQ Kat 
 TravTuiv Tun> ayiutv v^piffTtjv. 
 
 •* Their own chief ministers were called, as alike Petrus Siculus and Photius tell • 
 us, 2u)/fK£)//juo(, or Comperegrini ; the younger, or inferior, Xotarii. The word 
 (Tvv(KCr]fioi. ,\s used, Acts xix. 29, and 2 Cor. viii. 19 ; to which, as also to 2 Cor. v. 
 6, in illustration of its meaning, I shall have to refer hereafter. 
 
 * See pp. 256, 257. 
 
 * 'O ^t jiaaiXtVQ K-OJVffTavTivog l.vpovg ts Kai Aputinovg, ovq rjyaytv utto Qio- 
 SomovToXtwg kui Mskirivijg, stg Qpaictjv fieT(xtKr)asir i^ a>v sttXtjOvvOij t) aipEtng 
 Twv UavXiKiaviDv . Tlieophanes Chronograph, apud Dowling, p. 40. 
 
 * Petrus Siculus specially addresses his history to the Archbishop of the Bulga-
 
 266 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part iti. 
 
 Yet another century after (about A.D. 970) the Emperor 
 John Zimisces, — whether, as Zonaras reports, at the re- 
 quest of the Patriarch of Antioch, " because that they still 
 corrupted many with their heresj/,'' (this connecting Unk of 
 the chain that testifies to their continued missionary enter- 
 prise and work will not be lost upon the reader,) — or, as 
 Anna Comnena, from his appreciation of their faithfulness 
 and courage, — from one or other, I say, of these two 
 motives, Zimisces removed the rest across the Bosphorus, 
 and settled them on the Northern frontier of the Empire ; 
 free toleration being now granted, and the city and district 
 of Philippopolis given them in possession.^ — There Ce- 
 drenus (whose account of the heresy, mainly agreeable to 
 that of Petrus Siculus, will be noticed hereafter) describes 
 them as living in the 11th century.^ There the Emperor 
 Alexius Comnenus vainly attempted to convert them to the 
 so-called Catholic faith, at the commencement of the 12th. 
 There again the Latin Crusaders that conquered Constan- 
 tinople found them in the year 1204. The which last- 
 mentioned speak of them under the name of Popolicani, 
 or Poplicani f a name corrupted, as I conceive, from 
 their proper title of Paulikiani : the corruption being 
 helped on perhaps through confusing it with the adjective 
 of locality, formed from the name of their thin chief city 
 of residence Philippopolis} — And by this name, I must 
 
 rians, in order, as he says, to put him on his guard against the heretics ; who, he 
 had learnt, were at that time just about sending a mission into Bulgaria. 
 
 1 Bowling, p. 48. — It is to be observed that, in the then state of the empire, their 
 position on the Northern frontier at Philippopolis in Thrace, on the upper Hsemus, 
 was one of peculiar trust and responsibility. — We may compare the assignment of for- 
 tified to\vns to the Huguenot heretics, in a later age. 
 
 2 Mr. Faber makes Cedrenus flourish in the 12th century: but Bowling (p. 46) 
 infers from internal evidence, and I think with reason, that he died before the end 
 of the 11th. 
 
 3 The following passage occurs in GeofFroy de Ville Hardouin. " Une partie des 
 genz qui estoient Popolicani, s'en allerent a Johanuise, et se rendirent a lui, et li 
 distrent ; Sire, chenauche devant Phinepople ; enuoie tost ; nos te rendrons la ville 
 tote." Bowling, p. 49. 
 
 ■• From jjopolis, the terminating half of Philippopolis, Popolicani would be an 
 adjective not unnaturally formed, as Anglicani from Anglia, &c. When hearing of 
 the sect there residing as Pavlicani, a word in sound not very dissimilar from Pop- 
 licani, the supposition seems to me warranted by the frequent and well-known 
 Frankish corruptions of Greek names, that they may have confounded the two, and 
 ascribed the former appellation to that of the city the Paulikians lived in. The 
 Philip might be omitted by them in the process, just as the Constant ine in the 
 Turkish name [Stambol) of Constantinople. — The identity of the Popolicani, Pop'i- 
 cani, and Publicani with the Paulikiani is allowed by all. See Du Cange ad verb.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 3.] EAULIER EASTERN WITNESSES. 267 
 
 now observe, as well as by their tenets, and the known 
 migratory course of certain bands of their community, they 
 are connected with sectaries of the West called Puhlicani : 
 who, whether transported by the line of the Danube, or 
 across the sea, — whether in the movements of war,^ of com- 
 merce,^ or of direct missionary enterprise, — had already 
 from the commencement of the 11th century (just when 
 the Turkish woe was to be let loose on Greek Christendom) 
 appeared, and excited notice, in Italy ^ and other countries 
 of Western Europe : while in each of them acting on tlie 
 same proselyting principles, and in each drawing down on 
 themselves the same persecutions for heresy, as their 
 brethren and ])redecessors in the East. Of these persecu- 
 tions, says Gibbon, in his masterly and comprehensive, 
 though religiously considered incorrect, sketch of the 
 Paulikian sect, (so I hope to prove it,) " the flames which 
 consumed twelve Canons at Orleans (A.D. 1022) was the 
 first act and signal."^ 
 
 1 "Under the Byzantine standard," says Gibbon, (x. 186,) "the Paulikians were 
 often transported to the Greek provinces of Italy and Sicily. In peace and in 
 war they fi-eely conversed with strangers and natives ; and their opinions were 
 silently propagated in Rome, Milan, and the kingdoms beyond the Alps." In a 
 Note subjoined Gibbon quotes a curious extract from William of Apulia, thus no- 
 ticing the Sectaries, and the odium of the Manichaian name attached to them, in his 
 narrative of a battle between the Greeks and Normans A.D. 1040 ; 
 
 Ciim Gniecis aderant quidam quos pessimus error 
 Fecerat amentes, et ab ipso nomen habebant. 
 The amentes is from Mavjjf and fiaivonai. 
 
 2 Venice especially opening its arms to trading foreigners. 
 
 3 On the Paulikian settlements in Western Europe, especially in the south of 
 France, see Gibbon's further remarks, ibid. ; also Mosheim, xi. 2. 5. 2 ; who expresses 
 himself to the effect following : — That either from missionary zeal, or to escape the 
 oppressions of the Greek Government, some members of the Paulikian sect migrated 
 first to Italy, then to other countries of Western Europe, gradually, as they went, 
 collecting proselytes. At what time they migrated thither was uncertain ; but un- 
 doubtedly by the middle of the xith century many had spread into Sicily, Lombardy, 
 Insubi-ia, especially Milan, others into Gaul and Germany : the common name in 
 Italy and Germany being Paterini and Cathari ; in France Albigenses (from the town 
 Albi), Bulgari ft-om Bulgaria, and Publicani the equivalent of Paulikiani. 
 
 So too Gieseler, H. E. ii. p. 151 ; but less decidedly as to the Paulikian origin and 
 connexion of the Western heretics. It is to be remembered that the grounds for the 
 idea of their having had a Paulikian origin (over and above the similarity of the 
 charge of Manichieism) are mainly three ;— the notorious fact that the Paulikian 
 heretics from Thrace, or Bulgaria, sent out missions westward, and also went west- 
 ward individually on the call of war or commerce ; the fact that the name Boucjres, 
 or Bulgarians, attached, as just stated, to some of them, and was used interchange- 
 ably \vith Cathari (=Puritans), Albigenses, &c.; and the fact that some of these latter, 
 as at Cologne, expressly ascribed to themselves a Greek origin. To which add the 
 Papal Legate's statement in 1223, noticed in my § 4, p. 290", infra, as to some of the 
 heretics in France speaking of their having a Pope, or Patriarch, in Bulgaria. 
 
 * Ibid.
 
 268 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 And so, at the precise epoch at which our sketch of the 
 earlier Western Witnesses concluded, (concluded by men- 
 tion of certain heretics found near Turin in 1028, of simi- 
 lar religious profession apparently with the Paulikians, and 
 of whom it is said that they knew not how they had come 
 into Italy,) I say we are led by the fortunes of those whom 
 I presume to have been Eastern Witnesses for Christ, back 
 to the West again ; and shall there, in our next Section, 
 have to trace in the records of the two lines, (if so they may 
 be called,) conjoined or intermixed, the further history of 
 Christ's Witnesses. 
 
 § 4. — WITNESSES IN WESTERN EUROPE, WHETHER OF 
 
 WESTERN OR EASTERN ORIGIN, DURING THE 
 
 11th AND 12th centuries, UP TO 
 
 In pursuing my subject in this Section, I shall abstract 
 the extant notices (some very fully) of certain profest con- 
 fessors for Christ, brought before the Councils of Orleans, 
 Arras, TJiouloiise, Oxford, and Lombers, in the years 1022,'^ 
 1025, 1119, IIGO, 1165, respectively: filling up the long 
 chronological interval between the second and third, in the 
 want of recorded details of certain other intervening Coun- 
 cils, (at which however similar heretics seem similarly to 
 have confest and been condemned,) by notices of Berenger 
 and Peter de Briij/s, with their respective followers ; and 
 that between the third and fourth by Evervinus account of 
 heretics, still evidently of the same line and character, that 
 were condemned A.L). 1147 at Cologne. — In regard of 
 some of these, the connexion in respect of local origin, as 
 well as character, with the Paidikians of the East is marked 
 decisively : in regard of all it is very possible : — though 
 
 1 See generally Gieseler, H. E. Sectioas 46 and 84, on the heretics from A.D. 858 
 to 1305. 
 
 2 A Charter of King Robert, given in the Gallia Christiana, Tom. viii. col. 491, 
 which purports to have been executed in the year 1022, "quando Stephanus hajre- 
 siarches, et complices ejus, damnali sunt et ai\si Aurelianis," fixes the date of the 
 transaction to that year; and not, as some report, 1017. Maitlaud, Letter to Mill, 
 p. 29.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 269 
 
 the n;reater probability seems to me this, that the Pauhkian 
 immigrants in the eleventh and twelfth centuries found, 
 and partly intermingled with, other similar reputed heretics 
 of native Western growth ; the offshoots of those dissenti- 
 ents, especially of Claudian origin, whom I traced in my 
 Section 2 preceding. 
 
 Of the heretics condemned by the Council of Orleans 
 we have four contemporary, or nearly contemporary reports, 
 the fullest being that in the Chartulary of a Monastery at 
 Chartres:^ — all however reports by enemies ; and therefore, 
 
 1 Of tJiis report (-w-hich will be found in D'Acliery i. 604) Dr. Maitland says; "It 
 is obviously a biographical account of Anfastiis ;" (the knight that was so prominent 
 an actor in the transaction :) " in fact D'Achery tells us that it is extracted from 
 the Chartulary of »S7. Pierre-en- Vallee at Chartres ; which is the very monastery in 
 which Arefastus afterwards became a monk." Letter to Dr. Mill, p. 19. — Of the 
 next most full account, that by Rodulphus Glaber, he obsei'ves that its author was a 
 monk of Dijon ; whose Abbot was also Abbot of Fescampes in Normandy, having 
 been invited to it by Count Eichard of Normandy, the superior lord of Arefaste : — 
 also that Glaber's History was written at the suggestion of this Abbot, and perhaps 
 some twenty-five years after the Council of Orleans, lb. p. 30.— A tJiird but briefer 
 notice is found in a French Chronicle, by Ademar a monk of St. Martial, living at 
 the time of the Council, and whose Chronicle stops at the year 1029 : and a fourth, 
 still briefer, in a Letter of John, a monk of Fleury near Orleans, addressed" to the 
 Bishop of Vic in Spain, and written in the same year, and probably within a few 
 weeks of the transaction. For he speaks of it as having " happened at Orleans on 
 Innocents' Day, without any other mark of time." So Dr. Maitland ibid. p. .32. — 
 The original of three out of these four reports, is printed both by Mr. Faber and Dr. 
 Maitland ; the other {Ademar' s) only in its abridged form, as given by Baronius. 
 As various points of interest are omitted in this abridgment, I shall here subjoin the 
 full original, corned fi-om Harduin's Councils, vi. 822; adding also, as it is very short, 
 that oi John of^kury. 
 
 " Eo tempore," inquit Adeinarus, " decern ex Canonicis Sanctis Crucis Aureli- 
 anis, qui videbantur esse religiusores aliis, probati sunt esse Manichiei. Quos rex 
 Robertus, cum nollent aliquatenus ad fidem reverti, primum a gradu sacerdotii 
 deponi, deinde ab ecclesia eliminari, et demum igne cremari jussit. Quidam etiam 
 Am-elianensis canonicus, cantor, nomine Theodatus, mortuus erat ante triennium in 
 ilia hiBresi, ut perhibebant viri religiosi, et hajretici ipsi ; cujus corpus, postquam 
 probatum est, ejectum est de coemeterio, jubente Episcopo Odalrico, et projectum in 
 invium. Quia autem flamrais judicati sunt supradicti decem cum Lisoio, quem rex 
 valde dilexerat propter sanctitatem quam eum habere credebat, securi nihil time- 
 bant : et a flammis se inhtsos exire promittebant ; et ridentes in medio ignis ligati 
 sunt. Et sine mora peuitus in cinerem redacti sunt, ut nee de ossibus residuum in- 
 veniretur eorum." 
 
 John of Fleuri/'s account is as follows. " Volo vos interea scire de hseresi quae 
 die Sanctorum Innocentiura fuit in Aurclianensi civitate. Nam verum fuit, si ali- 
 quid audistis. Fecit Box Robertus vivos ardere de melioribus clericis, sive de no- 
 bilioribus laicis, prope quatuordecim ejusdem civitatis ; qui Deo odibiles, perosique 
 coelo et terrie, abnegando abnegabant sacri baptismi gratiam, Domiuici quoque cor- 
 poris et sanguinis consecrationem. Cum hoc, post perpetrata scelera vitiorum nega- 
 bant posse recipi veniani peccatorum. Euimvero cum his assertionibus nuptiis de- 
 trahebant : a cibis etiam quos Deus creavit et adipe, tanquam ab immunditiis, 
 abstinebant."
 
 270 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 like those already abstracted in my sketch of the Paiilikian 
 sect in the East, to be received with the necessary allow- 
 ance and caution. 
 
 It is said that the heresy, hitherto unknown in France, 
 originated from a woman who had come from Itah/ : ^ that 
 country in the South of which, as we have seen, Paulikian 
 emigrant bands had gained footing as early as the begin- 
 ning of the xith century ;^ and perhaps too in its Northern 
 regions, there where Claude of Turin had two centuries 
 before witnessed for Christ.^ Of this woman, it is related, 
 that wherever she went, she exercised so singular an influ- 
 ence, as to seduce not the more simple only and the laics 
 to her opinions, but many even of the more learned of the 
 priesthood.* Thus at Orleans, as elsewhere, during a tem- 
 porary sojourn in the city, she corrupted several of the 
 clergy : more especially two of the canons,^ named Stephen 
 and Lisoie ; who for their rank, learning, wisdom, alms- 
 giving, and general sanctity of character, were, according 
 to the united testimony of all four of the chroniclers,^ held 
 universally in the highest reputation. These now became 
 the local heads of the new heresy ; and with all their zeal 
 endeavoured to propagate it both at Orleans and beyond 
 it. — Among others the chaplain of a knight of Rouen (the 
 latter named Arefaste) heard their fame, became their dis- 
 ciple, and returning home sought to proselyl^ his patron 
 Arefaste, whom he loved, we are told, with singular affec- 
 tion;'^ assuring him that Oi'leans shone above other cities 
 with the light of wisdom, the lamp of holiness.^ — Arefaste 
 
 1 " Ex Italia procedente." Rod. Glaber. _ 2 gee p. 267. 
 
 3 Supposing the Turin heretics of 1028 to have been of foreign origin. 
 * " Seducebat quoscumque volebat, non solum idiotas et simplices, vorum etiam 
 plerosque qui videbantur doctiores in clericorum ordine. " Rod. Glaber. 
 
 5 On the institution of the Canonical life and order, shortly before Charlemagne, 
 seeGuizot on the Civilization of France, Lect. 26 ; or Mosheim viii. 2. 2. 14. 
 
 6 So Arefaste' s Biographer ; "Stephanus et Lisoius apud oranes sapientia clari, 
 sanctitate . . magnifici, eleemosynis largi, opinione habebantur vulgi:" — John of 
 Fleurtj ; " quatuordecim de melioribus clericis, sive de nobilioribus laicis : " — Ademar ; 
 " decern ex canonicis qui videbantur esse religiosiores aliis : " and again ; " Lisoio 
 quern rex valde dilexerat propter sanctitatem quam eum habere credebat : " — Glaber; 
 " hiBresiarchcs duo (hcu ! proh dolor !) qui in civitate putabantur genere ac scientiS. 
 valentiores in clero ; " and again, " viros hactenus in omni morum probitate perutilis- 
 simos." 
 
 ^ " Quern singulari affectu diligebat " Arefaste's Biogr. 
 
 8 " Praj caeteris urbibus coruscare luce sapientiae, atque sanctitatis lampade." To
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 271 
 
 suspected heresy ; and, with the privity of the king and 
 of some of the priesthood, went to Orleans, and feigned 
 himself a disciple of the two canons, in order the better to 
 detect it. In his case, just as in his chaplain's, the instruc- 
 tions of these new teachers began with, and were based on, 
 the words of God's own book, the Bible.^ As he listened 
 and seemed impressed, they likened him, in figurative lan- 
 guage still drawn from the Scriptures, to a wild tree trans- 
 planted from the wilderness of an evil world,^ and grafted 
 on a better stock in their sanctuary ; but added that he 
 needed a cleansing by the waters of wisdom, and a pruning 
 away of vices by the sword of God's word, in order to 
 the reception of the doctrine that had been delivered to 
 them by the Holy Spirit.^ And then they opened to 
 him views strange and heretical on the religious tenets in 
 vogue throughout Christendom : saying, that in haptism 
 there was no washing away of sins, in the sacramental 
 elements no conversion by the priest's consecrating words 
 into Christ's body and blood ;^ that it was vanity to 
 make prayers to the saints and martyrs; that tuorks of 
 piety and justice, esteemed in the Church Catholic to be 
 the purchase-price of an eternal reward,^ were superfluous : 
 — further, according to Rodolphus Glaber, that the heaven 
 and earth, as now visible, had existed from eternity ;^ — that 
 
 those who with me may feel convinced that these Orleanists were real Christian 
 witnesses, the figure used in the ahove will suggest the Apocalyptic symbol, " These 
 are the two candlesticks." 
 
 1 Of the Chaplain it is said, "cum divini verbi dulcedine ab eis debriatur;" of 
 Arefaste, "Cum primum divinorum voluminum exemplis . . euni informarent." — It 
 will be well to mark the words " divinorum voluminum." Could they well have 
 been used, had the New Testament been the only part of God's word appealed to ? 
 
 "^ " Translatus de iniquo saccule." Ibid. 
 
 3 The reference is evidently to John xv. 2, 3 ;." Every branch that beareth fruit 
 he cleanseth it (Ka9«tp£i), that it may bring forth more fruit, .... Now ye are clean 
 {KuOapoi) through the word that I have spoken to you." They applied the fio-ure 
 as including both the cleansing of the plant with water, and amputating with^the 
 husbandman's knife: " aquis perfunderis sapienti*;" — "donee gladio verbi Dei 
 vitiorum spinis carere valeas." 
 
 * So in the Chartularg.—^y John of Fleury the same charges are thus expressed ; 
 " abnegando abnegabant sacri baptismi gratiam, dominici quoque corporis et san- 
 guinis consecrationem."— In regard of John of Fleury's furtlier charges against 
 them of 'disparaging marriage, and abstaining from meats, I have omitted noticing 
 them in the text, because none of the other accounts specify them. 
 
 * " Omne Christianorum opus, pietatis duntaxat et justitiie, quod mstimatur pre- 
 tium remunerationis ceterncc, laborem superfluum judicabant esse." Glaber. 
 
 6 " Caelum pariter ac terram, ut conspiciuutur, absque auctore initii semper ex- 
 titisse asserebant." lb.
 
 272 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 all the Bible said of a Trinity of Godhead in Unity was 
 false ; — and, according to the Chartulary, that Christ was 
 neither born of the Virgin Mary, nor had suffered for 
 men, nor had been really buried in the tomb, nor had risen 
 from the dead. — ISow, whatever the knight may have 
 thought or felt respecting Christ, it is notorious that, ac- 
 cording to the received theology of the day, it was on the 
 saints and the sacraments, the works of merit and the pe- 
 nances,^ thus alike set aside by his teachers, that he must 
 have rested his hopes of salvation. " If not to these," he 
 said, " tell me what I may look to, lest I despair." In an- 
 swer, while congratulated on his eyes having begun to open 
 to the true faith, he was told that in their further instruc- 
 tions they would show him the way wherein he would be 
 cleansed from every spot of sin, and taught by the Holy 
 Spirit unreservedly that doctrine which was the mystery 
 and the glory of all Scripture :'^ after which he would have 
 heavenly food wherewith to satiate his soul ; would see 
 angehc visions ; and in the abiding fellowship of the Lord 
 of all, in whom were all the treasures of wisdom and know- 
 ledge, never know want again. ^ 
 
 I pass over the story that follows in the Chartulary 
 (professedly in explanation of what was meant by the pro- 
 mised heavenly food) of a nightly meeting, an invocation 
 and apparition of the Devil, followed by horrid impurities, 
 atrocities, and Thyestean banquets, very much such as 
 Avere ascribed to the early Christians by their heathen ene- 
 mies.^ Its absurdity and manifest falsehood, as Mosheim 
 says,^ forbids it a moment's attention ; except as showing 
 
 1 I add the word penances, in allusion to John of Fleury's statement respecting 
 the impossibility of pardon after Vagrant sins committed (see p. 269) : supposing 
 the impotence of penance to that effect to be the thing intended ; and thus the 
 charge to be of the same nature with Rodolphus Glaber's respecting works of merit. 
 
 - " Pandemus tibi salutis ostium, quo ingressus (per impositionem A'idolicet 
 manuura nostrarum) ab omni pcccati labe mundaberis, atque sancti Spiritus dono 
 repleberis ; qui Scripturarum omnium profunditatem et veram dignitatem absque 
 scrupulo te docebit." Chartulary. 
 
 3 " Delude coelesti cibo pastus, internS, satietate recrcatus, videbis persiepe nobis- 
 cum visiones angelicas .... nihilque tibi dcerit, quia Deus omuium tibi comes niin- 
 quam deerit, in quo sapientia; thesauri atque divitiarum consistunt." lb. — The 
 reader will observe that I have deviated in my text from this original, by saying, 
 "treasures of wisdom and hwivledr/e," instead of "wisdom and riches;" doing so 
 because it seems to me that it was a quotation from Col. ii. 3. 
 
 * See in Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Minutius Felix, Athenagoras. Of this resem- 
 blance more afterwards. ^ " Aperte falsa." xi. 2. 5. 3.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 273 
 
 the animus of the writer, and of others that have written 
 hke him. If true in a single particular, would it not have 
 been reported by Arefaste against his teachers at the 
 Council?^ It is evidently a mere traditionary legend, 
 patched on to the original narrative of Arefaste by its monk- 
 ish retailer ; and with the motive, as indeed he tells us, to 
 scare true Christian men from the horrid heresy.^ — The 
 proper narrative proceeds to tell of the assembling of a 
 Council against the heretics. It was under the presidency 
 of King Robert and the Bishops of the neighbourhood ; 
 and Arefaste and the two Canons were summoned before 
 it. At first, on their rendering a confession of their faith, 
 it seemed difficult to convict them of heresy.^ But, when 
 charged by Arefaste with having taught him, as gospel,^ 
 the several anti-sacramental and anti-christian errors above 
 specified, and reminded also of their assurance to him, that 
 from that doctrine neither tortures nor death should ever 
 make them swerve, they confessed to the charge, and said 
 they had long held the doctrine.^ Nor could either the 
 arguments of the Council, enforced for some hours,^ or the 
 
 ^ I might say moreover, — had such been their habits, would Arefaste have re- 
 ceived the report he did from his Chaplain ? — Further contrast their acknowledged 
 excellence of moral character ; — and again the sentiment ascribed to them by John 
 of Fleury, Post perpetrata scelera, &c. See p. 269. 
 
 ^ '■'■ Digressionem fecisse videor:" so. " ut Chi-isticolaj caveaut se ab hoc nefario 
 opere." 
 
 ^ So the Chai-tulary. 
 
 * " lUam doctrinam quam salutiferam evangelizabatis." Ibid. — The word gospel 
 is one- that the Paulikians were ever fond of. So in Sergius' Letter. So too Ber- 
 nard of the Petrobrussians ; '■'■ Solius evangelii se protitentur OBmulatores, et solos;" 
 kc. In Cant. Serm. Ixv. Quoted by Faber, p. 189. 
 
 * Glaber. 
 
 * The Biographer of Arefaste, in the Chartulary, makes the fact of Jesus Christ's 
 birth, suffering, and resurrection, in human nature, the chief subject of the Presi- 
 dent's arguments with the accused. "We were not present," they said, "and so 
 cannot believe it true." To which the President ; " Do you not believe that vou 
 had carnal parents .' " And, on their assenting; "If then ye believe that ye were 
 procreated by parents, when ye were not, why disbelieve that God was begotten 
 by God without mother before the worlds, and afterwards born of a Virgin, through 
 the Holy Spirit's overshadowing.^" They replied, "W^hat nature denies always 
 differs from creation." To which the President; "Before anything was made by 
 nature, believe ye not that God the Father made all things, by His Son, out of no- 
 thing ? " After which their reply is given ; " Ye mag relate," &c. ; — the memorable 
 reply cited on my next page. 
 
 On this Dr. Maitland says : " Their examination was chiefly on one point, the 
 denial of . . the great mystery of godliness, God manifest in the flesh : " and he blames 
 Mr. Faber for not so reporting it. But surely it is Maitland, rather than Faber, 
 that is wrong in the matter. The final answer of the accused is evidence in it- 
 self, that it was not to a dialogue, or argument, such as we have just quoted that it 
 was the answer; but rather to some carnal formal system of religion and human 
 
 VOL. II. 18
 
 274 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 threats of a torturing death, induce recantation ; either 
 from theniseh'es or others, who now, to the number of ten 
 or twelve, chiefly clergy, eagerly pressed forward to de- 
 clare their accordance of faith with them.^ With strange 
 confidence they asserted their assured expectation that 
 both those around them, and all the world, would sooner 
 or later acknowledge their doctrine to be the truth ; ~ and, 
 as to tlie burning threatened, made light of it, even as if 
 persuaded that they would come out of it unhurt.^ — Their 
 iinal answer to the Council is said to have been as follows : 
 and there is a freshness, life, and character in the words 
 that almost of itself evidences to us their correctness ; just 
 as if too deeply engraven on the mind of Arefaste, who 
 must himself have reported them, ever to be forgotten. 
 " Ye maij sajj these things to those whose taste is earthlg, 
 and who J)elieve the figments of men written on parchment. 
 But to us tvho have the law written on the inner man hg the 
 Holg Spirit, and savour nothing l)ut ivhat tve have learnt 
 from God, the Creator of all, ge speak things vain and aliene 
 from divine truth. Put therefore an end to gour words ! 
 Do tvith us as gou ivish ! Even notv tve see our King 
 reigning in the heavenlg places ; ivho with his right hand 
 is conducting us to immortal triumphs and heavenlg jogs." ^ 
 
 invention, opposed by their judges to one spiritual, and delivered to men by the Holy 
 Spii'it. Indeed it seems to me to bear internal evidence, from its stupidity, in- 
 congruousness of texture, and want of keeping with the general narrative, of having 
 been foisted on Arefaste's own narration by his monkish Biographer ; just <is the 
 legend of Satan's apparition, &c., noticed before. 
 
 1 The Chartulary says that the whole number of heretics were summoned to the 
 Council at once ; " omnis ilia nequissima congregatio." Glaber says that in the 
 Council, on Stephen and Lisoie making their confession of faith, " plures post illos 
 so parti illorum profitebantur hicrere, nee uUa ratione se posse affirniabant ab illorum 
 segregare consortio." He states the number burnt at 13 ; of whom Ademar makes 
 10 to have been Clerics and Canons. 
 
 2 " Tam vos quam creteros, cujuscumque legis vel ordinis, in earn cadere expec- 
 tavimus ; quod etiam adhuc fore credimus." So too previously : " Dicebant fore in 
 proximum in illorum dogma populuni cadere uuiversum." Glaber. 
 
 3 Ibid. 
 
 * I must give the original unbroken. " Ista illis narrare potes qui terrena sapi- 
 unt, atque credunt figmenta carnalium homiuum scripta in membranis animalium. 
 Nobis autem qui legem scriptam habemus in interiori homine a Spiritu Sancto, et 
 nihil aliud sapimus nisi quod a Deo omnium Conditore didicimus, iucassum snperflua 
 et divinitate devia profers. Idcirco verbis fineni impone, et de nobis quidquid velis 
 facito. Jam Regem nostrum in coelestibus regnantem videmus ; qui ad immortales 
 triumphos dextera sua nos sublevat, dans superna gaudia." Chartulary. 
 
 A contrast seems intended in the appropriating pronoun Regem nostrum, between 
 the earthly king condemning and the heavenly approving. — Compare the Paulikian 
 woman's reference to Christ as a A7«y, in her conversation with Sergius, p. 258.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 275 
 
 — On this, after shameless insults and acts of violence re- 
 ceived from the people, and specially from the Queen who 
 was present,^ they were despoiled of their clerical vest- 
 ments, and led to a great fire kindled without the city. 
 Even then their confidence did not forsake them. They 
 smiled, it is said, when tied to the stake, and in the midst 
 of the flames." — The monk Ademar takes pleasure in re- 
 lating that the fire (as if in mockery of their hopes) quickly 
 and effectually did its office. The number burnt is stated 
 at from twelve to fourteen ; two only, out of the whole 
 number, having recanted. — At the same time the corpse of 
 another Canon, who, it was learnt, had died in the heresy 
 three years before,^ was, at the command of the Bishop of 
 Orleans, exhumed from its sepulchre, and cast in token of 
 indignity by the highway. 
 
 Of the heretics examined at the Council of Arras the 
 account is as follows.^ — It was reported to the Bishop, 
 when holding a station there in the year 1025, that certain 
 men had lately come into the neighbourhood from the con- 
 fines of Italy ,^ and introduced a new heresy : setting forth 
 a certain kind of righteousness, — so they called it, — as 
 that by which alone men were purified ; and asserting that 
 there was no sacrament of the Church, by which otherwise 
 thev could attain to salvation ; ^' — thus overthrowino- the 
 established religion. The chief teachers of the sect being, 
 it would seem, absent, the other and more illiterate mem- 
 bers of it were summoned before the Bishop, and ques- 
 
 '• The writer in the Chartulary relates, and evidently with satisfaction ; " When 
 they had been ejected from the Church, the Queen, (like Herodias, says Faber,) 
 with a stick which she was carrying, struck out the eye of Stephen, formerly her 
 Confessor ! " 
 
 - See Ademar's account. 
 
 3 Ademar. — In A.D. 1029, there was a gathering' of the neighbourino: Bishops, 
 with King Robert, to the dedication of St. Anian's Church at Orleans ; on wliich oc- 
 casion his relics, and those of other saints, were exhumed with honour, as the Church's 
 fittest defence and ornament. Hard. vi. 843. 
 
 * See for the full account of this Council, B'Achery's Spicihgimn, i. 607 — fi24; 
 for a brief summary, Gieseler ii. 153, Mosheim xi. 2. 5. 4; or Faber's extracts from 
 D'Achery, given in his book, p. 358. 
 
 ° "Ab Italue finibus viros eo loci advenisse ; " "auditores Gundulfi cujusdam ab 
 Italim partibus." D'Achery, p. 607. 
 
 • " Quandam justitiam prrefereutes hac sola purificari homines asserebant, nullum- 
 que in sancta Ecclesia aliud esse sacramentum, per quod ad salutem pervenire po- 
 tuissent." Ibid. 
 
 18*
 
 276 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 tioned as to their doctrine, worship, rule of hfe, and chief 
 teacher. They repHed that they were the hearers of one 
 Gandulph, from the parts of Italy ; that they had been in- 
 structed by him in the precepts of the Gospels and Apo- 
 stles ; that they received no Scriptures but these, and held 
 to them in word and life. When questioned respecting the 
 established religion, it appeared that they disbelieved in the 
 sacred mystery of baptism, the sacrament of Christ's body 
 and blood, the efficacy of penances in satisfaction for sin, 
 the doctrine of purgatory, and use of masses for the dead ; 
 that they disapproved of the adoration of relics, images, 
 and the cross, of saint-worship, of the altars, incense, bell- 
 tinkling, and chanting in the church-worship,^ of legitimate 
 marriage ^ also, and burial in church-yards : that they de- 
 nied the legitimacy even of the priesthood, and, in short, the 
 whole doctrine, discipline, and authority of the Romish 
 Church. As regarded themselves and their rule of life, 
 they said, (and no one seems to have impeached their con- 
 duct as inconsistent with the profession,) " If any one will 
 diligently examine, it will be found agreeable with the doc- 
 trine of the Gospels and Apostles. It is to separate from 
 the world ; to restrain the flesh from concupiscence ; to 
 gain our livelihood by the works of our hands ; to injure 
 none : and to show love to all who unite in desiring to 
 follow the same doctrine and life." ^ — The result of the ex- 
 amination of these simple and illiterate men is said to have 
 been their return to the Catholic Church, through the rea- 
 sonings and persuasion of the Bishop : whose arguments, 
 let it be observed, were based on the Holy Scriptures, as 
 what was received by them,^ the Old Testament as well as 
 the New. — Thus, even supposing them right in their faith, 
 they failed of being Avitnesses for Christ. However, the 
 
 1 lb. 613—622. 
 
 2 " Legitiraa connubia execrari." Ibid. — So of others, pp. 280, 287, infra. 
 
 3 " Lex et discipliua nostra, quam a magistro accepimus, nee evangelicis decretis, 
 nee apostolicis sanctionibus contraire videbitur, si qiiis earn diligeuter velit intueri. 
 Haec nanique hujusmodi est: raimdum reliuquere; carnem a concupiseentiis fraenare; 
 de laboribus manuum suarum rictum parare ; nuUi laesioneni qu;erere, caritatem 
 ciinctis quos zelus bujus propositi teneat exhibere." D'Acher. i. 608. 
 
 * " In hoc vobis repugnare convincimini, quod evangelica vos et apostolica prse- 
 cepta [p. 611, fidem evaugelicam et traditionem apostolicam] tenere dicitis." 
 D'Achery, p. 609. And then the Bishop argues from the New Testament and Old 
 Testament indiscriminately. — At p. 619 they are addrest as, like the Paulikiaus, the 
 followers specially of St. Paul : "Paulas, cujus vos auditores esse mentimini."
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 277 
 
 sketch given will assist us the better to understand the na- 
 ture of the heresy which had been taught them ; more espe- 
 cially in respect of that doctrine of a certain justifijing 
 righteousness,^ w^hich seemed opposed to what was generally 
 taught ^^ flowing from the sacraments. Though theg aban- 
 doned the witness, (at least on that occasion,) we have 
 abundant evidence to show the stedfastness of others ; and 
 their real witnessing, in defence of the same doctrine, in 
 many different parts of France. 
 
 I pass over the notices of heretics condemned at the Coun- 
 cil of Charroux, in 10.28,' also some about A.D. 1045 at 
 Chalons,^ and others in the Council of Rheims, A.D. 1049,^ 
 with the mere remark, in the want of recorded details, tha't 
 they seem to have been heretics of the same class and 
 
 ' The Bishop, in his address, argues as if this was a righteousness of mere Jiunian 
 merit But faith was expressly spoken of by the men in question, as essential to the 
 righteousness they advocated. For their objection to the baptismal rite was this,- 
 thaXpersoml faith in a baptized infant could not accompany the baptism p 608 
 _ Dean Waddington, ii. 92, speaks of the Council of Ai-ras as itself contendino-'for 
 justification by faith. But not so, most certainly, in the sense attached to that 
 
 Ih'v t^ «?^r.f Tt''^'' "' ^^ ^^^ ^'^^•■'^ ""^ ^"Sland. In one Chapter indeed 
 (ch. xn p. 623) the Bishop argues very distinctly for Augustine's anti-Pelagianic 
 y^ews ot free justibcation by grace. But the whole effect of his long discourse is 
 this ; -that the faith reqmred is one resting not directly on Christ, and Christ s 
 finished work and righteousness, but on the Church, (the Roman Church, p. 624 ) with 
 Its sacraments, (transubstantiation specially, 610,) rites, saints, images, and other su- 
 perstitions, as the one channel of saving grace: purgatory however coming in at the 
 last, for such a% might have merited it. " Jure purgatorius ignis esse dicitur ; quod 
 per eum peccata aliqua purgantur, prout viventes aut eleemosynis, aut sacrificiis 
 aut certe \acaria pcenitentiae solutione, obtinere possunt " p 169 
 
 ir^o«Tn' *^n"''"^ '' ^^"^^ ?°*i''^ ^>' ^'^^'^'''' "^^ ^i^ Chronicle. ' "His diebus (A.D. 
 1028) Concilium aggregavit Episcoporum et Abbatum Dux Wilhelmus," (i e Wil- 
 
 nn^'vT '^^^1?'''";"^. |.q^»f^\'°e) "apud Karroftim, propter extinguendas ha^reses 
 quae vulgo a Jfamchais disseminabantur." Harduin vi. 843 
 
 3 Roger, Bishop of Chalons, writing about that time to Wazon, Bishop of Lie^e 
 1 °Ar ..u^'\"'''j*^''f' 7«tics who had lately come into his diocese, who re- 
 Ttt Oi/t ' ' ^'f °^.!'jp?^''1>'), ^^ '^' Holy Spirit ; abstained, as in accordance 
 to the d Testament law, " Thou shalt not kill," (a point to be observed,) from flesh- 
 meat; also forbade marriage ; adding that, most extraordinarily, no sooner did any 
 SselerTi' loT "^^ "^""'^ eloquent than the most erudite Catholics. So 
 
 ^* After the 12tli Canon we find in the Acts of the Council the clause following: 
 
 Et, quia novi hceretici m GaWicams partibus emerserant, eos excommunicavit ; 
 illis additis qui ab eis aliquod munus vel servitium acciperent, aut quodlibet defen- 
 Bioms patrocmium ilhs impenderent." Harduin vi. 1007.-lt is probable that allu- 
 sion was made to heretics of the same class in the 13th Canon of the Council of 
 
 fTfrlbT' 1 -^-un^ ^^ '''''■^' *"■"" S'^''' ^"^'"g i° tenor not dissimilar 
 trom the preceding Cum hccreticis, et cum excommunicatis, ullam participationem 
 vel societatem habentem pnecipue excommunicamus ; nisi correctionis vel admo- 
 mtionis causa, ut ad hdem redeant catholicam. Si qui autem adjuvantes eos de- 
 tendere coiia i fuerint, vincu o simul excommunicationi.s cum eis subditi permaneant." 
 Hai-a. VI. 1046. bo were all suspected of heresy cut off from society !
 
 278 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 character as those ah-eady noticed at Orleans, Arras, Turin. 
 The hnk that next demands more dh^ect notice, in our chain 
 of evidence, is the history of the notable heresy and sect of 
 Berenger. 
 
 It was in the year 1045, being then principal of the 
 pubhc school at Tours, (he was afterwards Archdeacon of 
 Angers,) that he first excited attention, by combating the 
 received doctrine of transubstantiation : a doctrine which, 
 after Paschase Radbert's direct promulgation of it in the 
 9th century, and the vehement controversies about it there- 
 upon arising, had in the 10th century made silent pro- 
 gress, so as at the opening of the 1 1th to be tacitly regarded 
 as the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church.^ We are not 
 told who was his instructor in the doctrine ; and his appeals 
 to Scripture, as much as to the early Pathers,'"^ show that 
 his faith rested on his own examination of it. At the same 
 time it seems not improbable that an incidental intimation, 
 which we find in history, of his having in the fervency of 
 his earlier years disgraced himself by the defence of certain 
 heresies,^ may have had reference to some early partiality 
 betrayed by him for the heretics and heresies, then so rife 
 through the French provinces, of which we have been 
 speaking. — "Roman Catholic writers," says Dean Wad- 
 dington,^ " do not dispute the brilliancy of his talents, the 
 power of his eloquence, ... or his general eruditfon. They 
 admit too that habits of exemplary virtue and piety gave 
 life and efficacy to his genius and learning : by which 
 merits he acquired the veneration of the people, and the 
 friendship of the most distinguished ecclesiastics of the 
 day."^ — His doctrine was condemned in Councils held at 
 
 ' So Wadd. ii. 92 ; referring to tbe Arras Council for illustration. 
 
 2 Thus, in a Letter to his adversary Lanfranc, he says, " Nondum enim adeo 
 sategisti in Scriptura divina;" i. e. so as to be qualified to pronounce upon his doc- 
 trine. Of the Fathers he says, that Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine must be 
 esteemed heretics, if he was one. Hard. ib. 1016. 
 
 ^ " Licet Berengarius priraum calorem juventutis aliquantarum hiPresium defcn- 
 sione infamaverit." So William of Malraesbury, quoted by Faber, p. 158. — In which 
 passage we are to observe that there is the ascription to him of heresies in the plural, 
 not of one heresy only ; also that the ascription has reference to his early youth. 
 Now his main heretical doctrine, (as it was deemed,) that of anti-transubstantiation, 
 he preached and propagated, notwithstanding his retractations, all through life. 
 
 * Ch. Hist. ii. 92. 
 
 5 Compare William of Malmesbury's testimony to his character. " Innumeris 
 bonis, maximeque humilitate et eleemosynis, approbatus. Largaruiu possessionum
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 279 
 
 Rome, Vercelli, and Paris, in the year 1050, the first 
 under the presidency of Pope Leo IX : and, in sequence 
 of a decree of that of Paris, he was deprived of the tem- 
 porahties of his benefice. Still, however, professing and 
 promulgating his doctrine, he was summoned in 1055 to 
 another Council at Tours ; at which the famous Hilde- 
 brand attended as Papal Legate, and at which Berenger 
 is said formally to have retracted. The retractation, in 
 terms more or less dubious, was repeated a second and a 
 third time, in the course of the 30 years following.^ Be- 
 renger, though he might hold the doctrine, had not the 
 fortitude of a martyr. His retractation, however, was not 
 from conviction, but under the influence of fear. In every 
 case he reasserted the same doctrine after quitting the 
 Council ; employed poor scholars to disseminate it through 
 Prance; and died, we are told, A.D. 1088, a penitent and 
 in sorrow ; — not, we know, on account of his anti-Romish 
 doctrine, but on account of his retractation.^ — Plis real 
 views on the sacrament were very much those of the Eng- 
 lish Church : viz, that Christ's body is spirituallu present 
 to the inner man ; and spiritually eaten by those, and those 
 only, who are the true members of Christ.^ In short it was 
 the doctrine of what was spiritual, against the then received 
 ex opere operato doctrine of universal saving efficacy to 
 true Catholics in the sacrament ; as well as against its being 
 an expiatory sacrifice. — With views like these on the one 
 sacrament it is scarce to be supposed but that Berenger, 
 
 dispertiendo dominus ; non abscondendo et adorando famulus. Fceminea; venustatis 
 adeo parous, ut nullara conspectui suo pateretur admitti, ne formam videretui- delibasse 
 oculo, quam non pruriebat animo. Non aspernari pauperem ; non adulari divitera. 
 Secundum naturam vivere : habens victum et vestitum, juxta Apostolum, his con- 
 tentus esse." Apud Faber 158. So soo Hildebert in his Epitaphium on Berenger : 
 ap. Cave Hist. Litt. p. 601. 
 
 1 The dogma of faith that he was required to sign was this: "Ego Berengarius, 
 indignus diaconus, . . . profiteer . . . panem et vinum, quse in altari ponuntur, post 
 consecrationem non solum sacrameutum, sed etiam veruin corpus et sanguiuem Domini 
 nostri Jesu Christi esse ; et sensualiter non solum sacramento sed in veritate, mani- 
 bus sacerdotum tractari, et frangi, et fidelium dentibus atteri." Wadd. ibid. 94. 
 
 2 Mosheira (xi. 2. 3. 17) refers to a little work of Berenger's, in which he declares 
 that he had retracted under fear of death, and prays God's forgiveness for it. " Deus 
 omnipotens," he says, " miserere, fons misericordiarum, tan turn sacrilegium agno- 
 scenti." Note ^. Soo too Waddington, p. 95. 
 
 3 Mosheim (ib. 18, Note •*) cites the following from a Letter of Berenger's, as 
 decisive of his views : " Constat verum Christi corpus in ipsa mensa proponi ; sed 
 spiritualiter interiori homini verjim ; in ea Christi corpus, ab his duntaxat qui Christi 
 membra sunt, incorruptum, intaminatum, inattritumque spiritualiter manducari."
 
 280 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 like his Paulikian contemporaries, would hold views similarly 
 heretical respecting the other. And indeed we have direct 
 testimony to the fact. A letter is extant, of the date 1048, 
 from the then Bishop of Liege to King Henry : invoking 
 his interposition against Berenger and his friend Bruno, 
 Bishop of Angers, as not only promulgating the heresy of 
 anti-t7'ansuhstantiation, (1 use the term anticipatively,) 
 but also (much like those at Arras and Orleans) doing 
 away, it was said, with the baptism of infants and legiti- 
 mate marriage} — A yet further connecting link with the 
 Paulikian sectaries, or else with some other similar hue, 
 appears in the following remarkable statement, ascribed to 
 Berenger by his adversary the famous Lanfranc. " The 
 gospel was preached in all nations : the world believed : 
 the Church w^as formed. It increased : it fructified : but, 
 through the unskilfulness of those who understood not, fell 
 away into error afterwards, and perished. In us alone, 
 and those who folloiu us, has the holij Church survived on 
 earth."^^ Now it can scarcely be supposed that Berenger 
 meant the perishing here spoken of, in other words the 
 apostasy of the Church, to have occurred only recently, 
 and in his own time.^ And if not, then his declaration of 
 
 1 " Fama . . omnium nostrum replevit aures, qualiter Bruno Andegavensis episcoptis, 
 item Berengarius Turoneusis, antiquas Jucreses modernis tcmporibus introducendo, 
 adstruant corpus Domini non tam corpus esse quam umbram et figuram corporis 
 Domini; legitima connuhia destruant ; et, quantum in ipsis est, baptismum parvu- 
 lorum evertant." Hai'duin, vi. 1023.* 
 
 The asserted antiquity of the heresies deserves notice; as -well as the ascription to 
 Berenger, not of one, but all. — Bossuet (Variations xi. i. 1) says ; " Berengarius never 
 impugned anything but the real presence." This is only one, out of many examples, 
 of Bossuet's glaring inaccuracies. See p. 237 Note ^ supra, for another example. 
 
 2 " Pricdicatum est evangelium in omnibus gentibus : credidit mimdus : facta est 
 ecclesia. Crevit : fi-uctificavit : sed, imperitia male inteUigentium, postea erravit et 
 periit. In nobis solis, et in his qui nos sequuntur, sancta in terris ecclesia remansit." 
 De Corp. et Sang. Cap. 23 ; apud B. P. M. xviii. 776. 
 
 3 Compare Bruno of Asti's statement in his Life of Pope Leo IX. " Mundus 
 totus in maligno positus erat. Defecerat sanctitas ; justitia perierat, et Veritas se- 
 pulta erat : regnabat iniquitas, avaritia dominabatur : Simon Magus ecclesiam posside- 
 bat. Episcopi et sacerdotes voluptatibus et fornicationi dediti erant : non erubescebant 
 sacerdotes uxores ducere, palam nuptias faciebant, nefanda matrimonia contrahebant. 
 .... Quod his omnibus deterius est, vix aliquis inveniebatur qui vel Simouiacus non 
 esset, vel a Simoniacis ordinatus non fuisset. Undo etiam (he adds) usque hodie in- 
 veniuntur quidam qui male argumentantes, et ecclesiaj dispensationem non bene in- 
 tclligcutcs, ab illo jam tempore sacerdotium in ecclesia defecisse contendunt." A 
 point so important, that Bruno has a treatise afterwards to show that, after all, this 
 
 * The extract, which seems to me curious and interesting, had not, I thought, 
 been noticed before : but I now find it to have been referred to in Dr. GiUy's Walden- 
 siau Researches, p. 89.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 2.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 281 
 
 its having remained in those Avho thought with him, be- 
 comes his testimony to a line or succession of faithful dis- 
 sentients from the estabUshed Church existing before Mm ; 
 whether the PauWcians, as I said, or some other line. — It 
 well consists, too, with the sentiment elsewhere ascribed 
 to him respecting the Church of Rome ; to the purport, 
 that "the Romish Church was a Church of malignants, 
 and its See not the Apostolic seat, but that of Satan :"^ 
 and is indeed altogether most remarkable. 
 
 I may mention, in passing, a notice that occurs in the 
 History of Aquitaine, of heretics of the same character as 
 those at Orleans being discovered at Perigord : also, in 
 the History of the Treves Diocese, of heretics found at 
 Ivo within it, A.D. 1101 ; who, in agreement with those 
 above mentioned, denied the transubstantiation of the ele- 
 ments in the one sacrament, and the availment to the sal- 
 vation of infants of the other sacrament, i. e. of baptism ; 
 besides, it is said, many other errors, unspecified."^ I must 
 not however dwell on this, but proceed to the history and 
 the heresy of Peter de Brwjs. 
 
 did not vitiate the ordinations, nor destroy the Church. B. P. M. xx. pp. 1731 and 
 1734. How long previously this had been Bruno does not clearly say ; but only 
 that such was the state of the Church at Leo's assumption to the Popedom ; i. e. A.D. 
 1048. (Which period, let it be remembered, was a part of what Mr. Digby eulogizes 
 as the Ages of Faith ! See p. 24 supra.) 
 
 _ 1 So Lanfranc, B. P. M. xviii. p. 770 ;— also 'in the Tract by an anonymous Bene- 
 dictine monk ; who, after noticing Bereiiger's abjuration before Pope Nicholas, thus 
 writes. " Sed Berengarius more suo ad proprium vomitum redire non timuit ; et, 
 ultra omnes Imreticos, Romanos Poutificos et sanctam Romanam Ecclesiam verbis et 
 scriptis blasphemare prajsumpsit. Nempe sanctam Leonem Papam, non Pontiticem, 
 sod pompificem et pulpiticera appellavit ; sanctum Eomanam ecclesiam vanitatis con- 
 cilium et ecclesiam malignantium ; Romanam sedem non apostolicara, sed sedem Sa- 
 taiifje, dictis et scriptis non timuit appellare." Harduin vi. col. 1014.— The assertion 
 is indeed remarkable, as the monk says, for going beyond those of all heretics thus 
 far. A century after, the Waldenses, as a body, made it. 
 
 " To know from what source Berengarius derived this knguage," says Hurd on 
 the Papal Antichrist, " we need only reflect that in the catalogue of his works we 
 find a Treatise written by him expressly on the Book of Revelations." But Cave 
 doubts this. 
 
 2 " Ivodii, quod Trevericas dioecesis appenditium est, fuerunt eo tempore (A.D. 
 1101,) hajretici, qui substantiam panis et vini, quae in altari per sacerdotes benedici- 
 tur, in corpus Christi et sanguiuem veraciter transmutari negabaut : nee baptismi 
 sacramentum parvulis ad salvatiouem proficere dicebaut ; et alia perplura protiteban- 
 tur erronea, quae memoriae tradere nefas duxi," &c. Histor. Trev. in Dacher, Spicil. 
 li. 221. ' ^ 
 
 Two priests and two laics of the sect are specially mentioned as seized, and brought 
 to examination before the Bishop. Of the latter one recanted, the other fled. Of 
 the priests also one recanted ; who afterwards, falling into other sin, was put to death. 
 The other fii-mly confessed and adhered to the heresy, but in some way efl'ected his 
 escape.
 
 282 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 The account of Peter de Bruys is derived chiefly from 
 a letter written against him by the contemporary abbot of 
 Chigny. It seems that he was originally a presbyter of 
 the Church ; then became a missionary and protester against 
 what he denounced as the superstitions of the day, in the 
 French provinces of Dauphiny, Provence, and Languedoc ; 
 — the former the subsequent scene of the labours of the 
 devoted Neff.^ His success was great ; and a sect formed 
 of his followers. They were vulgarly called after him 
 P etrobrussians ; but called themselves Apostolicals ;^ — very 
 much like the PaiiUJcians, named after St. Paul, as being 
 men that professed to follow his apostolic doctrine. At 
 length in the year 1126, after near twenty years of mis- 
 sionary labour, he was seized by his enemies, and burnt to 
 death, in the town of St. Giles, near Thoulouse ; so pass- 
 ing, says the abbot, from temporal to eternal fire. 
 
 The account of the Petrobrussian heresies, given by 
 Peter de Clugny, is as follows : — 1st, that Christian baptism 
 is of no benefit without faith accompanying, and that not 
 the faith of others, but of the baptized one ; (a view grounded 
 by them on Christ's words, " Whosoever believeth and is 
 baptized shall be saved;") so doing away, says the abbot, 
 with infant baptism : and which he elsewhere notices as 
 thus expressed by the Petrobrussian heretics ; " Neither 
 baptism is of avail without personal faith, nor personal 
 faith without baptism:"^ 2ndly, that Christ's body and 
 blood are not present in the sacrament of the altar, nor 
 ought indeed to be offered to God, as for the salvation of 
 
 1 Peter de Clugny's Treatise against the Petrobnissians is addressed to the Bishops 
 of Embrun, Die, and Gaj), as the countries where the heresy first spread, and remained 
 still lurking. " Putabam Alpes gelidas, et perpetuis nivilius opertos scopulos, incolis 
 vestris barbariem invexisse ; . . itaque agrestibus et indoctis honiinum moribus'peregri- 
 nura dogma faciliCis irrepsisse." B. P. M. xxii. p. 1035. A brief sketch is given by 
 Gieseler ii. 365, 366. — Clugny was a Benedictine monastery 4 leagues N of Macon. 
 
 Peter de Bruys is placed in the line of FaHUkia>i origin by the ancient Languedoc 
 historian, Bossuet, Faber and others. Perhaps a Western Alpine origin should rather 
 have been assigned him ; as by the Waldensian M. Peyran, (p. 36,) and others. 
 
 2 " Jactant se esse successores Apostolorum, et Apostolico.i nominaut." Bernard 
 super Cantic. Serm. Ixvi. 8 ; ap. Faber 195. 
 
 3 " Primum hrereticorum capitulum negat parvulos, infra intelligibilem setatem 
 constitutos, Christi baptismate posse salvari ; nee alienam fidem posse illis prodesse, 
 qui sua, uti non possunt : quoniam, juxta eos, non aliena fides, scd propria, cim bap- 
 tismate salvat : Domino dicente, ' Qui crediderit,' " &c. Pctr. Cluniac. contra Petrobrus. 
 apud B. P. M. xxii. 1034. Again : " Dixistis, Nee baptismus sine propria fide, nee 
 propria fides sine baptisrao, aliquid potuit. Neutrum enim sine altero salvat." lb. 1045.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 4.J JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 283 
 
 the souls of the people ; seeing that his body was once for 
 all given to his disciples at the last supper, and has since 
 then never been made hjj any one, nor given to any one •} 
 3rd, that it is vain to sacrifice, pray, give alms, or do other 
 good deeds in behalf of the dead ; the latter being wholly 
 unaffected thereby,'^ ?c[\di purgatory a mere invention :^ 4th, 
 that the cross is not to be adored or honoured ; rather 
 that, as representing the instrument on which Christ was 
 cruelly tortured and killed, it should be treated with in- 
 dignity, and cut up, or burnt ■} 5th, that the building of 
 churches is unnecessary, and ought not to be ; since God's 
 Church consists not of a multitude of cemented stones, but 
 of the unity of the faithful gathered together; and that 
 their prayers are equally heard by him everywhere -.^ 6th, 
 that God is mocked by the Priest's chanting in public wor- 
 ship ; seeing that he is not pleased with musical sounds, 
 but with the affections of the heart. ^ — Besides these charges 
 he notices that which we have seen urged against the East- 
 ern Paulikians, of rejecting the Old Testament ; though 
 simply, it would seem, as an inference from the report of 
 their receiving the gospel only." Indeed some said they re- 
 jected more or less of the New Testament also. And so too 
 says St. Bernard.^ By the latter the charges are further 
 added of condemning marriage and meats ;^ and Bossuet in 
 later times, insisting on the truth of these, as well as of the 
 charges before enumerated, has branded Peter de Bruys 
 and his disciples as undoubted Manicheans}^ — It may be 
 
 1 "Non solum veritatem corporis et santjuinis Domini quotidie et continue per 
 sacramentum in ecclesia, oblatum negat ; sed omniiio illud nihil esse, neque Deo 
 otferri debere." lb. 1034. Again; "Non tantum veritatem carnis et sanguinis 
 Cliristi, sed et sacramentum, speciem, ac tiguram negatis; et sic absque summi et 
 veri Dei sacrilicio ejus populuni esse censetis." Aaid ; "Corpus Christi (dicitis) 
 semel tantum ab ipso Cliristo in ca'ua ante passionem factum est, et semel, hoc est 
 tunc tantum, discipulis datum est. Exinde neque confectum ab aliquo, neque alicui 
 datum est." lb. 1057. — This comes fourth in the Abbot's list of charges. I have 
 placed it next to the other sacramental charge. 
 
 2 lb. 1034. 3 So Bernard in Cant. \s.\A. 11. 
 
 * " Instrumentum quo Christus tam dirfe tortus, tam crudeliter occisus est, con- 
 fringi pijecipit et succendi." B. P. M. 1034. 
 5 lb. 1034, 1048. So our Hymn ; 
 
 "Where two or three with sweet accord, &c. 
 For thou, within no walls confined, , 
 
 Inhabitest the humble mind." 
 « lb. 1048, 1079. 7 lb. 1037. 
 
 8 la Cant. Ixv. 3; "Solius evangelii sc profitentur jemulatores." 
 
 9 Ep. Ixvi. 2—7. i» ^■ariat. xi. 36.
 
 284 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 well therefore, the evidence being close at hand, to antici- 
 pate, in respect of this branch of the sectaries, my intended 
 examination of the charges against the general Paulikian 
 body ; and to observe that two facts are incidentally noticed 
 by the Abbot of Clugny, which constitute a direct contra- 
 diction to these last accusations. The one is, that Peter de 
 Bruys and his disciples, in order to mark their contempt of 
 the crosses and cross-worship, had impiously on a certain 
 Good Friday broken a wooden cross to pieces, kindled a 
 fire with them, roasted flesh thereon, and eaten it, after a 
 public invitation to the people to partake:^ — the other, 
 that they had actually compelled certain monks to marry 
 wives ;^ the reason, as given by Coccius, being that they 
 considered that priests and monks should rather marry than 
 live in fornication. Besides which it is to be observed that 
 the Petrobrussian doctrine, that the cross should be hated 
 as the instrument of Christ's torture and cruel death, is a 
 direct refutation of the charge of doJcetic Manicheism :^ the 
 which, as is well known, represented Christ to have been 
 a mere phantasm ; and not of flesh and blood, susceptible 
 of suffering and death, like our own. 
 
 The heresies of Peter , de Bruys were propagated after 
 his death by a monk named Henry ; of whom the Abbot of 
 Clugny and others speak as Peter's disciple.'* Beginning 
 from Lausanne, he, about A. D. 1116, transferred his la- 
 bours to Le Mans, and then to Provence, and Languedoc ;^ 
 with eloquence such as to melt all hearts, and a character 
 for both sanctity and benevolence such as to win all ad- 
 miration.^ He was the Whitfield of the age and country : 
 
 1 "Ad inauditam Divinitatis contiimeliam, magno de crucibus aggere instructo, 
 ignem immisistis, pyram fecistis, carncs coxisfis, et, ipso passioiiis Domiuicie die, . . 
 invitatis publice ad talem esiim populis, comedistis." And again; "Die ipso pas- 
 sionis Dominicas publice carnes comesti^." Peh\ Clun. lb. pp. 1051, 1035. 
 
 2 " Sacerdotes, . . monachi, ad ducendas uxores terroribus sunt ac tormentis com- 
 pulsi." Petr. Clun. ib. 1035. Faber, p. 201, cites Coccius' comment; "Sacerdotes 
 et monachos potius debere uxores ducere quam scortari." 
 
 3 Mr. Faber, p. 176, has well urged this argument. It applies also, as I shall 
 show, to the Eastern and earlier Paulikians. 
 
 * Mosheim doubts the connexion, chiefly because of Peter de Bruys' breaking 
 crosses, and Henry's carrying about the banner of a cross with him. But the reason 
 seems, as Dean Waddington observes, (ii. 177,) insufficient. Peter de Clugny says; 
 " Henrico ejus pseud-apostolo ; " "Heimcura ejus asseclara." B. P. M. 1036. 
 
 s " Quoniodo de Lausanu civitate exierit, quomodo de Cenomannis, de Pietavi, de 
 JBurdegnli." Bernard Ep. 241. 3. 
 
 6 Mabillon, in his Vet. Analecta, gives the following testimony of an eye-witness
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 285 
 
 and with success that to a CathoHc eye w^as fearful. When 
 Bernard in fine was called to stem it, the change apparent in 
 the habits and manners of the people is thus graphically de- 
 scribed by him. " The churches are without people ; tlie 
 people without priests ; the priests without reverence ; 
 Christians without Christ •} the churches are reckoned but 
 as synagogues ; the sacraments not held sacred ; excommu- 
 nications by priests, invocation of saints, oblations for the 
 dead, pilgrimages, festival-days, are all neglected and de- 
 spised : by denial of the grace of baptism infants are pre- 
 cluded from salvation ; and men die in their sins, their souls 
 being hurried away to the terrible tribunal, unreconciled by 
 penitence, unfortified by the holy communion."^ — The elo- 
 quence of Bernard w^as successful in restoring the ascend- 
 ancy of the established faith, Henry was pursued to 
 Thoulouse, where in the year 1147 he was seized, convicted, 
 and imprisoned. Soon after he died ; whether by a natural 
 death, or by the flames, (like Arnold of Brescia, a little 
 later,^) is a point disputed."* 
 
 But I must hasten on to speak of the heretics disco- 
 vered and burnt at Cologne in that same year 1147. 
 We have an account of them in a letter addressed to St. 
 Bernard from Evervimis, Prsepositus of Steiiifeld near that 
 city.'' — He says that they were brought up before an as- 
 
 to Henry's character and beha%-iour in Le Mans. " Public^ testabatur nunquam >se 
 virum attrectasse tantae rigiditatis, tantu3 humanitatis et fortitudinis ; cujus afiatu 
 cor etiam lapideum facile ad compunctiouem posset provocari. Dum orationera 
 haberet ad populum, etiam clericis ad pedes ejus residcntibus et flentibus, tali re- 
 sonabat oraculo, ac si d;enionum legiones uno hiatu ejus ore mui-mur exprinierent. 
 Veruntamen mirum in niodum facundus erat." Gieseler, ii. 366. Gieseler dates bis 
 ministering in Provence A.D. 113-1. 
 
 1 i. e. Christ, as formed hy transubstantiation from the saci'amental elements. 
 
 2 See Bernard's Ep. 241, to Coimt Ildef'onso of St. Giles, near Toulouse ; and Gau- 
 fridus' Life of Bernard, iii. 6. I have added what the latter adds. Both the one and 
 the other charge Henry with immorality of life ; but this not very consistently. 
 
 3 Omitted in my list above, as having mixed up too much the political with the 
 religious reformer. He was condemned by the 2nd Lateran Council A.D. 1139, and 
 burnt at Rome 1155. After his condemnation by the Lateran Council, Arnold re- 
 tired awhile to Zurich. (W^add. ii. 113—115.) 
 
 _ * Faber 185, Wadd. ii. 178. Gauft-idus' account is this. "Etsi tunc fugit haere- 
 ticus, et latuit, ita tamen iinpeditte sunt viae ejus, et semitoe circumseptiB, ut vix 
 alicubi postea tutus, tandem captus et catenatus episcopo traderetur." ibid. Wad- 
 dington, following Alberic's chronicle, reports him to have finally fled to, and been 
 taken at Rheims. But Gieseler (ii. 367) seems to me to be right iji supposing Al- 
 beric on this point to have confounded Henry with a heretic of Bretagne named Eon. 
 ^ See Dr. Maitland's Facts and Documents, p. 344, &c. ; where Allix's translation 
 is given, with a few notes of his own. I regret that he has not, as usual, given the 
 original Latin from Mabillou in the Appendix.
 
 280 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 sembly of the clergy and laitv ; including many nobles, 
 and presided over by the Archbishop himself. Certain in- 
 ferior and more illiterate members of the sect had declared 
 that, if their teachers failed to make good the cause, they 
 would return to the Catholic Church : although otherwise 
 resolved rather to die than recant. Accordingly, on the 
 gathering of the assembly, two of these teachers maintained 
 their heresy from the words of Christ and his Apostles : 
 and in so far successfully, that though some returned, yet 
 others (the greater number apparently) continued firm in 
 their heresy.^ On this, after three days' admonition, they 
 were seized by the people, put into a fire, and burnt. 
 " And what is most wonderful," adds Evervinus, " they 
 entered to the stake, and bare the torment of the fire, not 
 only with patience, but with joy and gladness. — Holy Fa- 
 ther ! I wish your explanation, how these members of the 
 Devil could with such courage and constancy persist in 
 their heresy, as is scarcely to be found in the most religious 
 in the faith of Christ. "~ 
 
 In describing the heresies of these men he distinguishes 
 two divisions or varieties of the sect, then and there exist- 
 ing. It is, I believe, the earliest direct notice of such 
 division ; and, both on this and other accounts, deserves 
 attention. 
 
 Of the first he thus writes. " They assert that the 
 Church is only among them,^ because they alone follow 
 Christ's steps, and an Apostolic life ; not seeking the 
 things of this world, or accumulating possessions, like 
 us Romanists. ' We are,' they say, ' the poor of Christ ; 
 who have no certain abode, fleeing from one city to an- 
 other, like sheep in the midst of wolves, and enduring per- 
 secution, in common with the Apostles and JMartyrs : and 
 this, notwithstanding that we lead an holy and strict life 
 in fasting and abstinence ; persevering day and night in 
 prayers and labours, and seeking from thence, as those who 
 are not of this world, only what is necessary to support 
 
 ^ This seems to mc the order of events. Evervimis' narrative is a little confused ; 
 noticing the heretic bishop's pleading, before the commoner heretics' reference to their 
 teachers. ^ ibid. p. 345. 
 
 2 Not, I conceive, as excluding the other subdivisions of the sect, with -whom their 
 differences were comparatively small ; but the llomish so-called Church Catholic.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 287 
 
 life. As for you, loving the world, ye have peace with the 
 w^orld, because ye are of the world. False apostles, who 
 adulterate the word of Christ, seeking their own, have mis- 
 led you and your forefathers : whereas we and our fathers, 
 being horn apostles, have continued in the grace of Christ, 
 and shall continue so to the end of the world. To distin- 
 guish between us and you, Christ saith, By their fruits ye 
 shall know them. Our fruits are the footsteps of Christ.' — - 
 As regards the sacraments, it was confessed openly by them 
 both that daily at their tables, when taking their meals, 
 they, according to the form of Christ and his Apostles, con- 
 secrate their meat and drink into the body and blood of 
 Christ by the Lord's Prayer, therewith to nourish them- 
 selves, as being the members and body of Christ : ^ — also 
 that, besides, water-baptism, they baptized with fire and 
 the Holy Ghost ; having been themselves so baptized : 
 according to John the Baptist's w^ords, ' He (Christ) shall 
 baptize you witli the Holy Ghost and with fire.' As for 
 us, their saying is that we hold not the truth in the sacra- 
 ments, but only a kind of shadow and tradition of men." — 
 With regard to orders Evervinus thus defines the discipline 
 of the sect : viz. first, by the laying on of hands they receive 
 some of their auditors into the number of believers, who 
 thenceforth have leave to attend at their prayers ; then, 
 after sufficient trial, they lay hands on them again for the 
 baptism of the Spirit, and so constitute them elect. — On 
 another point he makes the strange assertion ; "In their 
 diet they forbid milk, and all made of it, and all that is 
 procreated by copulation : " also that they " despise our 
 baptism, and condemn marriage." " The reason why, I 
 could not get out of them ; either because they durst not 
 own it, or because they knew none." It was surely Romish 
 'marriage they objected to, to which the priest's blessing 
 was essential : ^ certainly not marriage itself. For he soon 
 after says : " They have among them continent women, as 
 
 1 So Bernard, in Cant. Ixvi. 8. " Se solos corpus Christi esse gloriantm-." 
 
 2 Essential to its kfjality. So Gieseler ii. 25, of the 9tli century. " The blessing 
 of a priest was made necessary to its legality," i. e. in the Eomish Church. 
 
 Compare the case of the French Calvinists' marriages after the Eevocation of the 
 Edict of Nantes, as reported on at the French revolution : — all, ever after the Eevo- 
 cation, having been reckoned legally null in France, and the children illegitimate. See 
 this illustrated in a Note at the end of Ch. v. Part v. of this work from De llulhiere.
 
 288 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part jii. 
 
 they call tliem, widows, virgins, their tvives also ; some of 
 which are amongst the elect,^ others of the believers : as if 
 in imitation of the Apostles, who had power to lead about 
 women (or wives) with them."^ — On the asserted rule of 
 abstinence and diet I shall observe presently. 
 
 Of the other variety of the heretics he speaks thus. — - 
 " These deny that the body of Christ is made on the 
 altar, because of the priests of the Church not being rightly 
 consecrated. For they say that the apostohc dignity sit- 
 ting in the chair of Peter, — forasmuch as it has mixed 
 itself in secular affairs, and not waged God's warfare as 
 Peter did, — has deprived itself of the power of consecrat- 
 ing : and that what it has not itself the Bishops, who live 
 also like men of the world, cannot receive from it ; viz. 
 the power of consecrating others. They allow them indeed 
 the power of preaching, and defer to it ; alleging Christ's 
 words, ' The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses' chair ; 
 what therefore they bid you that do : ' but nothing more. 
 So they make void both priesthood and sacraments, baptism 
 alone excepted : and allow this only in those who are come 
 to age ; adducing the text, ' Whosoever shall believe, and 
 be baptized, shall be saved.' — As regards marriage, they 
 allow that only between two virgins : grounding their doc- 
 trine on the texts following : ' What God hath joined toge- 
 ther let not man put asunder ; ' ' Whosoever marrieth 
 her that is divorced commits adultery : ' and ' Let marriage 
 be honourable to all, and the bed undefiled.'^ — They put 
 no confidence in the intercession of saints. T^hey maintain 
 that fastings and other afflictions, undertalcen for sin, are 
 not necessary to the just, nor to sinners ; because that at 
 
 ^ This indicates the ^rst class of heretics. 
 
 2 In the above, I have given almost uniformly Evervinus' -words, as ti-anslated in 
 the Facts and Documents ; slightly abridging, here and there, or condensing. 
 
 * Does not this look as if the objection of the so-called heretics was to the partial 
 prohibition, and the dissolution of marriages, as practised among the Romanists, 
 rather than to marriage itself? A person conversant with the history of those times 
 will be aware not only of the prohibition of marriage to priests, monks, and nuns, but 
 also that the power of binding and loosing was sometimes applied by the Pope and 
 Church dignitaries to the sanctioning of divorces and re-marriages among the laity, in 
 a manner as uuscriptural as gainful. 
 
 Compare the charge against the Petrobrussians, p. 283 supra. Also Claude Seyssels's 
 against the Waldenses, four centuries later : — "IS^ullalcge huraana se astringi prae- 
 dicant ; qua potissimum ratione matrimonia libere in omni gradu contrahi posse aifinn- 
 nnt, uno a at altero ad summum exceptis ; quasi in reliquis prohibendis nullam 
 pontifices habuerint potestatem." Ap. Charvaz sur les Vaudois ; p. 508.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4. J JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 289 
 
 what time soever the sinner repents of his sins, they are all 
 forgiven him. And all other church-observances, which 
 have not been established by Christ or his Apostles, they 
 call superstitions. — They believe in no purgatorfj fire after 
 death ; but that souls, as soon as they depart out of the 
 bodies, enter into rest or punishment : proving it from that 
 text of Solomon, ' Which way soever the tree falls, whether 
 to the South or North, there it lies.'^ By which means 
 they make void all the prayers and oblations of believers 
 for the deceased." 
 
 It would seem from Evervinus' language as if the indi- 
 viduals burnt on the occasion he refers to, were chiefly, 
 perhaps wholly, of the former of these two classes : and 
 he further mentions of them that they spoke of their mem- 
 bers as scattered almost everywhere, and of their heresy as 
 having been concealed from the time of the martyrs, and 
 preserved in Greece and some other countries ;~ thus ap- 
 parently connecting themselves, and it, with the PauliJdans 
 of the Greek Empire, as the recognised parent-stock and 
 founders. In this connexion and lineage, however, we can 
 scarce doubt but that the others participated. , For it ap- 
 pears from a Tract of Eckbert,^ abbot of a neighbouring 
 convent, — addressed a few years later to the Rector of the 
 Cathedral of Cologne, on the subject of these same here- 
 tics, — that the two above-mentioned varieties,^ (as well as 
 others also alluded to by him as in his time existing,) were 
 comprehended in the same great family or sect of Cathari, 
 i. e. of the Western Paulildans, the offspring of those of 
 the East. — And what then the points thus first developed 
 of difference ? It seems hinted as one by Evervinus, that 
 the class first mentioned deferred to the Greek connexion 
 more than the second ; regarding the head-minister of the 
 sect in the East as their own head, or, as Evervinus calls 
 it, their Pope : ^ while the others recognised no such Pope, 
 
 ^ The reader will do well to mark this reference to the Old Testament as authority. 
 
 - Maitland, p. 349. 
 
 3 Copious extracts fi-om Eckbert's Tract are given by Maitland, p. 354, &c. The 
 date of the Tract is stated as A.D. 1160. * Ibid. p. 354, 355. 
 
 * This is, I believe, the earliest notice of a Paulikian minister, or bishop, in Bul- 
 garia having ascribed to him in his sect any such pre-eminence. I refer not to the 
 name ; (for Papa originally, indeed till about A.D. 600, meant simply bishop, even in 
 the West ;) but to the pre-eminence. If true, iu a really Fapal sense, it was a mark 
 that corruption from the simplicity that is in Christ had then begun among the 
 VOL. II. 19
 
 290 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part tii. 
 
 or head. A further point of diiference appears in this, 
 that the former (at least the elect of the former) practised 
 an abstinence from flesh-meat, and certain other kinds of 
 food ; which is not noted, but rather the contrary, of the 
 latter.^ Of any difference of views as to marriage I say 
 nothing, because it is difficult to form a satisfactory judg- 
 ment from accounts so self-contradictory, and therefore un- 
 intelligible. — On the other hand it is sufficiently evident 
 that with respect to the doctrines {yi pur gator ij , intercession 
 of the saints, and other idolatrous superstitions of the 
 Church of Rome then established, not one division only of 
 the Paulikian sectaries reprobated them, but both ; — ^just as 
 they also united to reprobrate the Romish sacraments, church, 
 and priesthood. — As to the rule of abstinence now prac- 
 tised, {if Evervinus be correctf) by one subdivision of the 
 Paulikians in Western Europe, I cannot but call attention 
 to it as the earliest credible notice, if I mistake not, of any 
 such practice ; and must at the same time suggest the jeo- 
 pardy in which it placed the future Christianity of those 
 that embraced it. In the third and fourth centuries a 
 similar rule of abstinence was embraced, as we know, by 
 many orthodox Christians with good intentions ; and very 
 soon, as we also know, it degenerated into a system of 
 mere asceticism and superstition, instead of real religion. 
 Was not the same result likely to follow, sooner or later, 
 with these Paulikians ? In effect we have subsequent no- 
 tices of the rule as still pursued by one of the Paulikian 
 branches, [(not all,) through the next century : until the 
 celebrated examination of heretics, recorded in the Codex 
 
 Sectaries in the East. Much earlier, however, it can scarce have been ; as neither 
 Gcdrenus in the xith century, nor Zingabenus in the xiith, take any notice of it. — 
 Other marks of corruption followed afterwards. In modern times (so Gibbon x. 185) 
 the Paulikians of Bulg-aria had come to be svi^ev&ixiiovL?, worshippers of the cross ; — 
 the very worship against which they had before most strongly protested.* 
 
 In a letter from Conrad, the Pope's Legate, of the date of 1223, given by Matthew 
 of Paris, and quoted by Maitland, Facts and I)oc. p. 191, and by Hallam, Mid. Ages, 
 iii. 46-5, we find a curious notice of the Bulgarian Pope, as then recognised by cer- 
 tain of the body in France and Spain : " Circa dies istos hsretici Albigenses, con- 
 stituerunt sibi Anti-Papara in finibus Bulgarorum, nomine Bartbolomnsum." 
 
 1 See what they say of the needlessness oi fasting, &c., undertaken for sin. 
 
 2 It must be remembered that there is not a whisper of charge of the same kind 
 against the Eastern Paulikians, even up to the 13th century. See Cedrenus and 
 Zingabenus. 
 
 * On the authority of Marsigli, on the Impero Ottomano.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 291 
 
 Tolosanus, exhibited this branch as by that time altogether 
 destitute of their old apparent vitality in religion, and 
 lapsed into mere superstitious forms and fanaticism. — Who 
 can over-estimate the peril of a first departure from the 
 simplicity that is in Christ ? — Of this i^however more here- 
 after. 
 
 The necessary limits imposed on me forbid my making 
 reference to that Tract of the monk Eckbert just alluded 
 to ; except as evidence, that up to the year 1160 the same 
 heretics continued to abound in the neighbourhood of 
 Cologne ; that it was their habit to defend their tenets by 
 words of Holy Scripture ; that they did this so speciously, 
 that even the learned of the clergy were, to their disgrace,^ 
 very generally unable to reply ; and that they were merci- 
 lessly persecuted, even unto death. With what martyrs' 
 constancy they braved death, notwithstanding Eckbert's at- 
 tempt to depreciate it,^ let the affecting example subjoined 
 testify ; an example of the same date and locality.^ — Nor 
 again must I notice an account of others of the same class 
 of heretics, apprehended soon after at Vezelai in Burgundy, 
 under the curiously coupled appellations of Telonarii and 
 Poplicani ;'^ further than to say that their one grand error 
 was reported to be " the making void all the sacraments of 
 the Church, — the baptism of children, the eucharist, the 
 
 1 So Eckbert; Facts and Doc. p. 351. 
 
 ^ lb. 357 : as if they ouly confessed boldly, when hopeless of life. 
 
 ^ I cite from Godcfrid's Annals, ad ann. 1163 ; given in the B. P. M. xxv. 253. 
 
 " In this year certain heretics of the sect of the Cathari, coming from the parts 
 of Flanders to Cologne, took up their abode secretly in a barn near the city. But, 
 as on the Lord's day they did not go to church, they were seized by the neighbours, 
 and detected. On their being brought before the Catholic Church, when, after long 
 examination respecting their sect, they would be convinced by no evidence however 
 convincing, but most pertinaciously persisted in their doctrine and resolution, they 
 were cast out from the church, and delivered into the hands of laics. These, leading 
 them without the city, committed them to the flames ; being four men and one little 
 girl (juvencula). The latter was by the compassion of the bystanders held back, with 
 a view to her preservation ; in hopes that, terrified by the deaths of others, she might 
 acquiesce in saner counsels. But, suddenly escaping from the hands of those that 
 held her, she resolutely cast herself into the flames, and perished. — It was in the 
 Nones of August." 
 
 * Telonarii is the rtkiiivai of the Greeks latinized. (See Ducange ad verb.) The 
 attachment of that title to the Paulikians of Western, Europe I conceive to have 
 arisen thus curiously. Their proper and original appellation, Paulikiani, was first 
 corrupted through Popolicani (see p. 267) into Publicani : then, as Publicani was the 
 rendering in the Vulgate Latin of the word riXwvat (tax-farmers) in the New Testa- 
 ment, this Greek word latinized was fui'ther attached as an equivalent. 
 
 19 *
 
 292 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part in. 
 
 sign of the life-giving cross, the sprinkling of holy water, 
 the building of churches, payments of tithes and oblations, 
 marriage, monastic institutions, and all the duties of priests 
 and ecclesiastics:" and that, though for 60 days efforts 
 were made " nunc minis, nunc blandimentis " to convert 
 them, they continued stedfast, excepting two, in their heresy, 
 and were burnt. ^ — I must hasten on to the narrative given 
 in William of Newbury, of the Puhlicani condemned A.D. 
 1160, at the Council of Oxford. His account 1 shall 
 translate literally. It is as follows. 
 
 " About the same time certain vagrants came into 
 England, of the class that they generally call Puhlicani.^ 
 
 They were in number, counting both the men 
 
 and women, somewlvit more than 30. Dissembling their 
 error, they entered the country peaceably ; their object 
 however being the propagation of that pestilential heresy. 
 There was one Gerard leading them, to whom all looked 
 up as their preceptor and head. For he alone was in 
 some little measure literate : whereas the others were il- 
 literate, and evidently rustic and unpolished, of the Teu- 
 tonic language and nation. During a sojourn of some 
 little time in England they added to their company one 
 woman, and one only ; she having been circumvented by 
 their poisonous whisperings, and fascinated (so the report 
 runs) by certain magic arts. — They could not long be hidden. 
 Inquiries were made by some persons out of curiosity : 
 and, forasmuch as they were of a foreign sect, they w^ere 
 seized, and kept in pubhc custody. The king, unwilling 
 either to dismiss or punish them without investigation, 
 commanded an episcopal Council to be assembled at Oxford. 
 There, when met in solemn assembly, as on a matter of re- 
 ligion, they answered through him who was the literate 
 among them, and who, undertaking the cause, spoke for 
 all, that they were Christians, and revered the doctrine of 
 the Apostles. Being interrogated in order on the articles 
 of our sacred faith, they answered rightly indeed concern- 
 ing the substance of the heavenly Physician,^ but perversely 
 
 1 Clironicon Vezeliacense, ad ann. 1167; D'Achery ii. 560. 
 
 2 Heretics that had come originally from Gascony, says the historian ; and were 
 scattered in numbers over Gaul, Spain, Italy, Germany. 
 
 3 " De substantid quidem superni Medici recta ; de ejus vero remediis, quibus hu-
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 293. 
 
 concerning the remedies whereby he deigns to heal man's 
 moral infirmity, i. e. the divine sacraments : expressing de- 
 testation of holy baptism, the eucharist, rtiarriage ; and 
 wickedly derogating from the Catholic unity, to which, 
 these divine assistances attach. When they were urged 
 with evidence taken from sacred Scripture, they answered 
 that they believed as they had been taught, but were un- 
 willing to dispute concerning their faith. Then, admonished 
 to do penance, and re-unite themselves to the body of the 
 Church, they despised that salutary counsel. The threats 
 too which were piously set before them, — in order that they 
 might retract through fear, if through no other motive, — - 
 they treated with derision : absurdly applying to them- 
 selves those words of our Lord, ' Blessed are they who 
 suffer persecution for righteousness' sake, since theirs is 
 the kingdom of heaven.' — Then the bishops, in order that 
 the heretical poison might not be diflPused more widely, 
 having publicly pronounced them heretics, delivered them 
 up to the Catholic prince for the infliction of corporal 
 punishment. His command was that the mark of heretical 
 infamy should be branded on their foreheads, and that they 
 should be beaten with rods out of the city, before the eyes 
 of the populace ; strictly enjoining that no one should pre- 
 sume either to receive them under his roof, or minister to 
 them any consolation. The sentence having been pro- 
 nounced, they were led forth to that most just punishment : 
 and they went rejoicing with light steps ; their teacher go- 
 ing before them, and singing, ' Blessed shall ye be when 
 men shall hate you.' To such an extent had the spirit of 
 seduction deceived them. — The woman indeed whom they 
 had led astray in England, induced by fear of punisjiment, 
 left them, confessed her error, and obtained reconciliation. 
 
 manse infirmitati mederi di^^natur, id est divinis sacramentis, perversa dixerunt : sacrum 
 baptisma, eucliaristiara, conjugium detestantes ; atque unitati Catholicae, quam hsec 
 divina imbuunt subsidia, ausu nefario derogantes." Maitland, 514. 
 
 Peter de Clugny similarly speaks of Christ as the ccelestis medicus, &c. ; ubi sup. 
 1067 : just as Basil much earlier ; '0 fityaQ larpoQ, nc ira(>QfviKriQ avartiKag ■jraura- 
 Soc- In Virg. Deiparam. (Not as the Lateran Council, which addrest Leo X. as the 
 medicus of Christendom ; when the priestcraft system of the apostasy had come to its 
 full acme in the Pope, as Christ's Vicar plenipotentiary. See p. 82, Note- supra.) 
 
 All this their heretical rejection of the Sacraments the reader will find discussed in 
 my next Section. Meanwhile let him mark the manner in which their rejection of 
 marriage is reckoned as one of their Sacramental rejections.
 
 294 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 But the hateful company of heretics suffered the just se- 
 verity of having their foreheads cauterized : he who was 
 their head, and as for a mark of his primacy, sustaining the 
 disgrace of a double branding, one on the forehead, and one 
 round the chin. Further, their garments bemg cut down 
 to the girdle, they were publicly scourged, and with the 
 sounding of the whips cast out of the city.^ After which, 
 through the inclemency of the cold, (for it was winter,) and 
 as no one showed them even the slightest act of compassion, 
 they perished wretchedly."^ 
 
 I conclude my long historical catena with a notice of 
 the heretics denominated Boni Homines, one of the titles 
 of the Cathari or Paulikians of Western Europe,^ (and 
 who are also said to have been Henricians, or followers of 
 Henry of Italy, by the Benedictine historian of Languedoc^ 
 and others,^) that were examined and condemned at the 
 Council of LoMBERS, A.D. 1165. In answer to the several 
 charges brought against them they thus replied : that for 
 inspired Scripture they received only the New Testament ; 
 except indeed, as appeared afterwards, Moses, the Pro- 
 phets, and the Psalms, in those points of their testimony 
 which are referred to by Christ himself, or his apostles :® — 
 
 ^ Lingard says, it was " for their obstinacy." Le Bas' Wiclif, 84. So the Chris- 
 tians of old were blamed by the Pagans for their obstinacy. See my Vol. i. 216. 
 
 2 There is an allusion to this transaction in a Manuscript of Ralph de Coggeshal, 
 author of the Chronicon Anglicanum, &c. ; — a writer nearly contemporary, as the date 
 of his death is 1228. (Watt.) " Nonnulli eorum," he writes, (i. e. ' impurissimse sectse 
 Publicanorum,') " in Angliam advenerant ; qui apud Oxenefordiam deprehensi, ju- 
 bente Rege Henrico II, clave candenti in frontibus deformiter sunt signati, et effu- 
 gati." * He at the same time speaks of their being everywhere about that time, or a 
 little after, " sought out and punished mercilessly, especially by Philip, Count of 
 Flanders, with a just cruelty : " and adds a few notices of their doctrines and habits, 
 that well agree with Evervinus's statements, and those of other writers ; especially as 
 to their rejecting saint-worship, prayers for the dead, and purgatory. See the ex- 
 tracts in Maitland's Facts and Doc. p. 516. 
 
 3 For the fidl account I may refer the reader to Harduin's Councils, vi. ii. 1643 ; 
 and for copious extracts from it to Faber, pp. 221 — 244, or Maitland's Facts and Doc. 
 139—145. " 4 Faber, p. 237. 
 
 * " Verdm ex locis quibus Cathari vixerunt, eorumque erroribus quos docuerunt, 
 apparet eos non propriam hieresin condidisse ; sed Henricianorum portionem fuisse, 
 ac forte eosdem Jctim Albigensibus." Sanderus De Visibil. Monarch, ap. Harduin vi. 
 ii. 1693. So too the Benedictine Editor of Evervinus' Letter to Bernard, apud Ber- 
 nard! Op. 
 
 6 Their answer, as recorded at the commencement of the examination, is so repre- 
 sented as if the accused rejected the Old Testament altogether : " Responderunt quia 
 non recipiebant legem Moysi, neque Prophetas, neque Psalmos nee Vetus Testamen- 
 
 * Le Bas, ib. 84, mentions certain other heretics of similar character burnt in Eng- 
 land in King John's time.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 4.] JOINT MIDDLE-AGE WITNESSES. 295 
 
 that, in regard of the baptism of infants, they would say 
 nothing of their own, but only answer out of the Epistles 
 and Gospels:^ — that the sacrament of the body and blood 
 of Christ was consecrated by every good man, whether 
 ecclesiastic or layman ; and that they who received it wor- 
 thily were saved, while they who received it unworthily 
 received to themselves damnation :^ — respecting matrimony 
 they would only answer, as St. Paul, that man and woman 
 were united to avoid fornication ;^ — respecting repentance 
 and confession, and whether fastings, mortifications, and 
 alms were necessary after repentance, in order to salvation, 
 — that the Apostle James had said simply that they should 
 confess one to another, and so be saved ; and that they did 
 not wish to be better than the Apostle, or, like the Bishops, 
 to add anything of their own. — As to any direct and more 
 full confession of their faith, they declined to make it to the 
 Episcopal conclave examining them : only adding their be- 
 
 tum, nisi solummodo Evangelia, Epistolas Pauli, et septem Canonicas Epistolas, 
 Actusque Apostolorum, et Apocalj-psin." But, in the President's pronounced judg- 
 ment, — a judgment founded in each particular on the heretics' previous answers to 
 the interrogatories put, and which discussed and replied to them at length, — we tind 
 the following given as the i-eal confession on this point of the accused ; " Confessi 
 sunt etiara isti hseretici se recipere Moysen et Prophetas et Psalmos, in his tantCim 
 testimoniis quae inducuntur a Jesu et Apostolis, et non in aliis : " the Judge adding ; 
 " Nos vero dicimus quod si instrumentum vel scriptum testimonium proferatur, et 
 in aliqua parte sui credatur, debet totumcredi, aut in nulla parte sui recipi." — I con- 
 ceive that the inducuntur does not mean merely quoted, but referred to, and so authen- 
 ticated. 
 
 On this passage (which is not given or alluded to by Dr. Maitland) Mr. Faber 
 (p. 229) justly dwells as very important. — I may remark in passing, that quoting from 
 Hoveden, not from the Councils, Mr. F. gives the reading, " Noti enim dicimus," for 
 Harduin's, " Nos vero dicimus ; " (p. 1645 ;) making the nominative of the clause, in 
 consequence of the negative particle inserted, the heretics accused, not the judges. 
 But there can be little doubt, I conceive, of Harduin's being the true reading ; as 
 the same contrast of the orthodox opinion, in opposition to the heretic^ opinion, runs 
 through the Bishop's judgment. 
 
 1 From the following words in the Bishop's judgment on this point, — " Si autem 
 quaeratur cujus fide salvantur infantes, cum ipsi fidem non habeant, sine qua impos- 
 sibile est Deo placere, dicimus quia fide ecclesiae vel fide patrinorum," — we may guess 
 that the passage from the Gospel alleged by the accused in their answer, was the 
 same that is spoken of as urged by the Petrobrussians, &c., viz., " Whoso believeth 
 and is baptized shall be saved ;" and that from the Epistle, " Without faith it is im- 
 possible to please God." 
 
 2 The Bishop's judgment on this point insists on the Romish priesthood having 
 alone the power to consecrate the elements ; and this in the Romish churches, simply 
 and only. 
 
 ^ I must here also note for comparison the Bishop's judgment. " In quinto 
 Capitulo convincimus et judicamus istos haereticos esse Novi Testament! auctoritate, 
 quia no/ lint confiteri quod vir et mulier possint salvari, si carnaliter misceantur." And 
 he afterwards expresses himself thus ; " Videntur enim nuptiis detrahere, et eas dam- 
 nare." This is different from a positive forbidding of marriage as unlawful.
 
 296 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 lief of the unlawfulness of oaths / and also, respecting 
 the priesthood, that if persons were ordained to it in charac- 
 ter different from what St. Paul had described in his Epistle, 
 they were not Bishops or Priests, but ravening wolves and 
 hypocrites, whom men ought not to obey. — When how- 
 ever, upon this, the presiding Bishop had proceeded to 
 pass sentence on them as heretics, fortifying the judgnuent 
 pronounced by arguments from Scripture, — they replied 
 that the Bishop was a heretic, and not they ; that he was 
 their enemy, and an enemy of God, and had not judged 
 rightly ; and that they would not answer him concerning 
 their faith ; the Lord having commanded them, " Beware of 
 false prophets, who come to you in sheep's clothing, while 
 inwardly they are ravening wolves." — But, turning to the 
 people, they said, " We will confess now, out of love to ?/ou, 
 and for ?/our sakes. Hear our faith ! We believe in one 
 living and true God, triune and one, Father, Son, and 
 Holy Spirit ; and that the Son of God took flesh, was 
 baptized in Jordan, fasted in the desert, preached our sal- 
 vation, suffered, died, and was buried, descended into hell, 
 rose the third day, ascended into heaven, sent the Spirit 
 the Paraclete to his disciples on the day of Pentecost, will 
 come at the day of judgment to judge the quick and the 
 dead, and that all will rise. We acknowledge also that 
 what we believe with the heart we ought to confess with 
 the mouth. We beheve that he is not saved who does 
 not eat the body of Christ ; and that it is not consecrated 
 except in the Church, and also not except by a Priest;^ 
 and that it is not better done by a good, than by a bad 
 Priest.^ We believe also that no one is saved except by 
 baptism ; and that children are saved by baptism. We 
 believe also that man and wife are saved, though carnally 
 united ; and that every man ought to receive penitence 
 
 1 Grounded doubtless on Matt. v. 34, James v. 12. 
 
 * In this there seems nothing inconsistent with what is recorded of the previous 
 rejection of the Romish priesthood : because by Church they meant probably their 
 own, or rather Christ's true Church, and by the Priests, all true Christians ; according 
 to St. Peter's notable declaration, "Ye are a royal priesthood," &c. — The same dis- 
 tinction was made in the Helvetic Confession, as we have seen, long afterwards. See , 
 p. 198 supra. 
 
 3 Tliis seems to mo an inconsistency, comparing it with what was said before ; but 
 the only oue in the Confession.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 2'9T 
 
 (acci}3ere poenitentiam) in the heart, and with the mouth, 
 and to be baptized by a priest, and in the church. And, 
 indeed, if anything more [received] in the church could be 
 shown by the Gospels or Epistles, that they would believe 
 and confess it."^ 
 
 When pressed to swear to this confession, they declined, 
 as judging oaths unlawful. Thus it was of no avail to their 
 acquittal. Their condemnation Avas ratified, and subscribed 
 to by the whole Council. 
 
 § 5. — TRUE CHRISTIAN WITNESS CHARACTER OF THE 
 EARLIER AND MIDDLE- AGE PAULIKIAN SECTARIES. 
 
 Thus have I by copious extracts, or abstracts, from 
 writers contemporary for the most part, and all hostile, set 
 forth in the two last Sections the history of a continuous 
 line of Paulikian dissentients from the established apostate 
 Churches of Roman Christendom : tracing them down 
 from their rise, about the middle of the viith century, 
 through a period of above five hundred years ; in part in 
 Eastern Christendom, in part (conjunctively with other 
 consentient heretics of native origin) in the Western, to 
 the rise and times of Petrus Valdo, or rather Valdes, in 
 the xiitli. This was the first point that it needed I should 
 develope, in my inquiry respecting the presumed Eastern 
 line of Witnesses. It remains that we consider and sift 
 the documentary evidence so set before us : with a view to 
 deciding from it on the contested and very important point, 
 whether these dissentients were, as asserted by the hostile 
 chroniclers, abominable heretics ; or rather real Christians, 
 witnessing, according to the Apocalyptic description, for 
 Christ. In doing this it may be convenient, in order to 
 distinctness, to consider the particulars of evidence /ai^owr- 
 able and unfavourable separately : there being thus sug- 
 gested, as my two main Heads in this Section, 
 
 I. The obvious points of agreement between 
 
 THESE PaULIKIANS, AND THE FIGURED ApOCALYPTIC 
 
 Witnesses : 
 
 ' This translation is copied from Dr. Maitland, p. 144.
 
 298 APoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 II. The alleged points of disagreement between 
 
 THE two, and charges OF HERESY MADE AGAINST THE 
 PaULIKIAN SECTARIES. 
 
 I. The OBVIOUS points op agreement between 
 
 THE PaULIKIAN SECTARIES AND THE FIGURED APOCA- 
 
 lyptic Witnesses. 
 
 And let me premise, ere entering on the investigation, 
 that I shall under both this and the other head endeavour 
 to keep separate what may be said of the two great divi- 
 sions of the sect, Eastern and Western ; in case we should 
 prefer to regard certain of those that have been noted in 
 Western Europe, (as we may very reasonably,) to be of a 
 different and Western original.^ 
 
 1st, then, in regard both of ministers and congregations, 
 the teachers and the taught, (for the two are found con- 
 stantly united together in the Paulikian histories, just like 
 the symbols of the olive-trees and candlesticks in the pre- 
 figurative vision,) it is notorious that they bore a continu- 
 ous and unvarying protest against the grosser superstitions 
 of saint-mediator ship, image-worship, and other kinds of 
 idolatry, as well as against the established system oi priest- 
 craft which supported them : superstitions through which 
 the so-called Christians of the Roman world had degenerat- 
 ed practically into Gentiles ; (just according to the Apoca- 
 lyptic prefigurations ; ^) and against which, of course, wit- 
 nesses answering to those of the Apocalypse must needs 
 have testified. — Among the charges urged against the East- 
 ern Paulikians before the Patriarch of Constantinople in the 
 8th century,^ and by Photius and Petrus Siculus in the 9th, 
 there come the foUowing: — that they dishonoured the Virgin 
 Mary, and rejected her worship, as well as that also, gener- 
 ally, of departed saints : that they denied the life-giving 
 
 ^ I allude particularly to the cases, already noted as doubtful, of Berenger, Be 
 Bruys, and Henry. To these some may wish to add the heretics discovered at Turin, 
 (a case also dubious,) and some those at Orleans and Arras. For the originators of 
 the heresy in those places are said simply to have come from the borders of Italy ; and 
 very possibly therefore from Piedmont or Lombardy, rather than other parts, which 
 the Paulikian immigrants may have chiefly frequented. So Dr. Gilly in his Walden- 
 sian Researches., Introd. Inquiry, &c. — I shall have to allude again to this point of 
 doubt in my next Section. ^ See Apoc. viii. 3 ; ix. 20. 
 
 3 See the account of the examination of Geynmsius, surnamed Timothy, given in 
 Petrus Siculus, pp. 36, 37 : and of which an abstract will be found in my Appendix.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.J THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 299 
 
 efficacy of the cross, and refused to worship it ; and to 
 image-worship bore such hostihty, that they wTre by some 
 branded as the originators of the iconoclastic heresy, and 
 the war against the sacred images. — In the first notice of 
 the sectaries in Western Europe, I mean at Orleans, they 
 w^ere similarly accused of rejecting the worship of martyrs 
 and saints, the sign of the holy cross, and mystery too of 
 transubstantiation ; and much the same at Arras and Turin} 
 So again the Petrobrussians'^ were charged with the destruc- 
 tion of crucifixes as instruments of superstition, the denial 
 of transubstantiation, and disbelief in purgatory and the 
 efficacy of oblations and prayers for the dead : and very 
 much the same is Evervinus's testimony respecting the 
 heretics at Cologne, that of Ralph of Coggeshall respecting 
 those at Oxford, and of St. Bernard respecting those he 
 contended against at Toulouse. The protestation of the 
 Pauhkian sectaries against these grosser superstitions of the 
 established churches of Christendom was, for the 500 years 
 we speak of, continuous.'*^ 
 
 2ndlg, though before the eyes of men the self-styled 
 Catholics of the Eastern and Western Roman world seemed 
 to constitute Christendom, — though they filled as it were 
 (to borrow that Apocalyptic figure) the whole visible tem- 
 ple, and applied to themselves the same boast as the Jews 
 of old, " The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord 
 are we'' — yet did these Paulikians regard and speak of them, 
 throughout, as those who belonged not to Christ's true 
 Church, but were apostates. — Erom the first their founder 
 Constantine did not attempt the amending or purification 
 of the Church established; but leaving it, as that which 
 was hopelessly corrupt, (and of its awful corruption and 
 apostasy, a fact which I here taJce for granted, the evidence 
 will be found only too decisive,)^ he entered his protest 
 
 ' See pp. 247, 276 supra. In Landulfs narrative of the Turin heretics, given in 
 my Appendix, it is stated that a cross was erected at Milan, and their lives promised 
 them on condition of '■'■adoring the cross," and confessing the Catholic faith, but in 
 vain. 
 
 - On the heretical (or religious) identity of these Fetrobrussians with the other 
 heretical bodies referred to, and their common Manichmsm, the reader will do well to 
 remember Bossuet's testimony given p. 283 supra. The same as regards the Henri- 
 dans. See p. 294, Note *. 
 
 3 The reader will refer for authorities generally to the narratives previously given. 
 
 * Besides the sketch already given in proof, (see pp. 249, 250,) let my readers refer
 
 300 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 against its corruptions in a manner of all others the most 
 decisive and striking ; viz. by the formation of a new and 
 distinct church, professedly in contrast with the other, as 
 being a gospel church. With similar feelings his eminent 
 successor Sergius is recorded to have devoted his energies 
 to the conversion of the members of the established Greek 
 Church around him, under the belief that those who held 
 its doctrines were in the way to destruction.^ The same 
 is declared to have been the views of the sectaries in the 
 time of Petrus Siculus and Photius ; the same, two centu- 
 ries after, in that of Cedrenus. Small as was their number, 
 (and they were indeed few enough to answer to the Apoca- 
 lyptic symbol of Christ's two Witnesses,)- yet they called 
 their assemblies the Catholic Church ; and said, " We are 
 Christians, you Romans."^ — At Orleans^ in Western Europe, 
 when under Papal auspices the apostasy had at length there 
 too fully established itself, the converted Canons, though 
 in a less open form of protestation, yet designated a change 
 from the received faith to their own, as a translation from 
 an evil world to God's sanctuary. To the same effect was 
 Berengers notable saying, though his conduct was not 
 fully consistent with it ; " Through the unskilfulness of 
 erring men the Church perished -. in us alone, and those 
 who follow us, has the holy Church remained on earth :" 
 and again that reported of De Bruys ; " That all men pre- 
 sent and past had been deceived ; that the world was in 
 the way to perdition ; and God's grace with them only who 
 agreed with him."^ So, once more, it is related of the 
 heretics at Colog?ie ; " They say that the Church is only 
 amongst them, because they only follow the steps of 
 Christ." — And let me here observe on the claim asserted 
 by them at the same time, both for themselves and for 
 their predecessors, of a kind of special missionary appoint- 
 ment, as from heaven, for the confession and propagation 
 
 to the illustration that will be ^iven, p. 330 infra, from the writings of the Greek 
 Patriarch Germanus. Indeed it is essential, in order to a fully enlightened judgment 
 in the matter, that they read and consider it. 
 
 1 See pp. 252, 260, supra. • See pp. 210, 211, supra. 
 
 3 Phot. i. 6, 9 ; P. S. pp. 12, 37.— Compare Luther's saying, in his Letter to Pope 
 Leo ; " Brcviter, Christiani sunt qui Romani non sunt." Roscoe iv. 396. 
 
 * Allowance will of course be made for hostile exaggeration in this reported ex- 
 pression of his sentiment.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 301 
 
 of Christ's gospel-truth. " We and our fathers tvere horn 
 apostles ; " (a word very much the same in meaning as mis- 
 sionaries ;) " and shall continue so to the end of the world." 
 It is but the continued expression of what was the view in 
 which, from the first, the Paulikian sectaries themselves 
 regarded their ministers and teachers. " Constantine, and 
 the others after him," says Petrus, " they count as apostles 
 of Christ : " ^ while the general missionary character of the 
 sectaries is illustrated by what he tells of the religious mis- 
 sion planned by them, and about to set out for Bulgaria, even 
 then when he was at Tephrice.^ — And, as in Asia Minor 
 and Eastern Europe, so later in Western Europe. " These 
 are the heretics," says Eckbert, " that call themselves 
 apostles." ^ And so too elsewhere.'^ — May not the mind 
 naturally revert, on reading this, to the declaration made 
 to St. John of Christ's speciallij commissioning two Wit- 
 nesses, to testify for Him through the dark period of the 
 Apostasy ? 
 
 2>rdlfj, as the Apocalyptic witnesses were to keep GocVs 
 tvord and commandments, and the ivitness of Jesus,^ so the 
 adherence of the Paulikian sectaries (professedly at least) to 
 Christ's gospel-word, as the alone ground of their faith, sub- 
 ject of their preachings and teachings, and rule of life, is all 
 along marked most strongly. After his own conversion 
 of sentiment, through the perusal of the Gospels and 
 Epistles of the New Testament, Constantine distinctly 
 founded his new Sect upon them : making it a law to his 
 followers to read nothing else whatever besides those sacred 
 books ; and this, we must remember, in a text confessed 
 by the enemies of the Sect to be pure and unadulterated. 
 The fulfilment and the effect of this rule meets us in the 
 subsequent annals of the Sect continually. It was through 
 the Paulikian woman's repeating and reasoning from these 
 inspired Scriptures, that Sergius was induced to join it. 
 It is the later testimony of Petrus Siculus, that in his time 
 its members universally were familiar with every part of 
 
 ^ p. S. 32; also Cedremis apud Dowling, p. 1,5. 
 
 - P. S. p. 2. 3 Maitland, Facts and Doc. 349. 
 
 * E. g. in Bernard's account of the Fefrobnissians and Henricians, p. 282; "They 
 call themselves Apostolics, or successors of the Apostles." 
 
 ^ I combine the expressions in Apoc. xii. 17, xiv. 12, and xx. 4.
 
 302 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 the Gospels and Epistles : ^ and that they so argued 
 from them, when engaged in missionary enterprise, such 
 as they were then just about entering on in Bulgaria, that 
 there was but one thing to be done by all Catholics whom 
 they might address ; viz. not to enter into argument with 
 them, but to flee from them as from a serpent.^ — After 
 their migration into Western Europe, no change appears in 
 this their habit. It was with the " sweetness of the divine 
 word " that Arefaste's chaplain was intoxicated, as the 
 chronicler reports it, by the Canons of Orleans ; and 
 through " its being covered up in the words of the divinely- 
 inspired volumes," that they sought to instil their heresy 
 into Arefaste himself.^ At Milan it was from the Scrip- 
 tures that the Turin incarcerated heretics taught religious 
 truths to the rustics that came to visit them.* The monk 
 Eckbert complains that at Cologne the Cathari, that is the 
 Paulikians, so wielded this weapon, that few of the Catho- 
 lic clergy could withstand it,^ At the synods of Arras in 
 the North of France and Lomhers in the South, as else- 
 where, we find the sectaries referring to the written word 
 as the sole rule of their faith, and rejecting uncompromis- 
 ingly whatever might not be proved therefrom -^ — a rule, 
 let me observe, the more remarkable when contrasted with 
 the very opposite rule of faith, built on Fathers Councils 
 and traditions, enjoined on and received, throughout those 
 five centuries, by Catholic Christendom.''' — Once more, it 
 was by the remembrance and recitation to each other of the 
 promises of tiie gospel, that they cheered themselves when 
 condemned to tortures and to death. Witness the notable 
 examples at Orleans and Oxford. 
 
 ^ Havra ra rov EvayyiXiov icai rov AnoaroXov Xoyia SiaXsyoi'rai. P. S. p. 5. 
 2 lb. p. 4. 3 ggg p. 271 supra. * See p. 246, and Landulf in my Appendix. 
 
 5 Maitland ibid. p. 351. 
 
 6 See pp. 276, 294, 295 supra. 
 
 ' In the Acts of the 2nd Nicene Council (Hard. iv. 42) we find an anathema 
 against those who received not this latter rule. " His qui . . perhibent quod, nisi de 
 Veteri ac Novo Testamento evidenter fuerinius edocti, non sequamur doctrinas sanc- 
 torum Patrum, neque sanctarum Synodorum, atque traditionem catholicx', ecclesise 
 Anathema!" 
 
 Petrus Siculus, (p. 10,) in true Nicene spirit, speaks of the Fathers as the SiSaa- 
 KaXovQ ra Trap' avToig [i. e. by the apostles] TrpaxQivra rt Kai Xtx^ivra rtXeuiTtpov 
 aa<pi)vi'CovTag : — observing of the Paulikians a little after (p. 26) ; Tag St twv 6eo(po- 
 pu)v Trarpwv iijxujv [/3i/3\oiȣ aTTo^aXXovraC], ottujq ft)] 5i avTuiv OpianjSevdij i] apxij 
 TTjs KUKiag uvTu)V.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 303 
 
 And let me not pass to another head without observing 
 that this conversancy of the PauUkians, both ministers and 
 people, men and women, with the Holy Scriptures, at least 
 those of the New Testament,^ while of the rest of the 
 Christian world the laity, at least, were in comparative 
 ignorance of them,^ is, as a mere literary phenomenon, very 
 striking. The question arises what might have been their 
 means of effecting it, from generation to generation. Mere 
 oral tradition is clearly insufficient. But I seem to myself 
 to discern it in the recorded title of one of the ministerial 
 orders of the Sect, compared with the rule laid down, as we 
 have seen, by its founder Constantine, that its members 
 should read nothing but the Epistles and Gospels ; I mean 
 that of Notarii. Tor I cannot suppose with Mr. Dowling, 
 after Wolf, ^ that the office of these ministers was merely to 
 register the acts of the Panlikian churches, and at times to 
 read the Scriptures in their assemblies. I conceive it must 
 have been also, according to the usual meaning of the word 
 notary,'^ to write out coines for the people of what it was 
 enjoined on the people they should read, that is, in this 
 case, of the Holy Scriptures : ^ and this with the fidelity 
 which in other transcriptions was the sivorn duty of the 
 notary's office.*^ Supposing it so, there must have been by 
 this means, conjointly with that of the ^vhYic preaching , a 
 
 1 The charge of rejecting the Old Testament will be examined afterwards. 
 
 - Petrus evidently implies this, when speaking of the Paulikians' knowledge of 
 Scripture as so surprising. 
 
 3 " Concerning the word Notarii J. C. Wolfius has the following remark, in his 
 Note on the place in Photius, i. 9 :— ' Ex. Henr. Valesii ad Socratis Histor. Eccles. v. 
 22 observationibus patet, Episcopos ad manus habuisse eruditos adolescentes, qui et 
 acta ecclesiastica exciperent, et prout res ferebat, instar lectorum, populo sacras literas 
 prgeleo-erent. Atque hoc nomine Pauliciani illi sacerdotes suos Notarios appeUasse 
 videntur.'" So Dowling, p. 19. 
 
 As regards Valesius I find, on reference to his Notes, that the Notarii are spoken 
 of by him also as " scriba." 
 
 * 'Thus Jerome, in his Catalog. Script. Eccles. speaking of Origen's having been 
 urged by some one to write Commentaries on the Sacred Scriptures, states that this 
 person proposed "prsebere ei septem notarios, eorumque depensas." In voc. Hip- 
 polytus 
 
 5 Since my 3rd Edition was published I have been glad to find that Dr. Gieseler, 
 in his Essay ou the Paulikians in the Berlin Stud, und Krit., agrees with me here. 
 He regards it as a point " not to be doubted," that it was very specially the office 
 of the Paulikian Notarii to make accurate copies of the Sci-iptures, " in number 
 sufficient for the wants of the people." And he justly adds that the very fact shows 
 the value felt by the Paulikians for the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 6 E. g. In a copy of a letter of Pope Alexander III. written about A.D. 1180, I find 
 the following subscription : " Ego Otto, notarius Sacri Palatii, authenticum hujus
 
 304 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 supply to the Paulikians of that double means of spiritual 
 nourishment, — the word tvritten, for reading in private, and 
 the vfOYdi preached; which two Vitringa supposes to be meant 
 by the Apocalyptic symbol of the huo tabes, for transmis- 
 sion of the pure olive-oil to the golden candlestick.^ — And 
 thus the burning of the candlestick among them will be 
 accounted for ; just as the quenching of the light, and 
 prolonged darkness of the candlestick, is to be accounted 
 for among both Greeks and Romanists, by the choking up 
 of these sources of nourishment. Por the charge made 
 against them by the Paulikians, first in the East, then in the 
 West, was but too true, of in part adulterating, in part sup- 
 pressing, God's word among the people ; while, as to the 
 preaching, we have already traced its neglect for ages 
 throughout Romish Christendom. — Let us admire that in 
 the East, where first the apostasy was enforced in its 
 grossness, the spoken language had not changed, so as in 
 the West : and that consequently not translation, but only 
 copying was needed, to furnish Christ's witnesses with that 
 word of life which was its antidote. 
 
 ^thlg, although from first to last a cry was raised against 
 the Paulikians for secret immoralities^ even as a part of 
 their religious ritual and system, {just like that against the 
 early Christians'^) — a cry echoed in the East by Petrus 
 
 BullfE Domini Alexandri Papae buUatuni vidi et legi : et sicut in illo reperi ita in hoc 
 scripsi ; nihil addens, vel minuens, aut mutans, prseter punctum, litteram, et sylla- 
 bam." Hard. vi. ii. 1420. 
 
 So, later, the Waldensian Ministers. " Leur occupations, outre le service regulier 
 des eglises, fetoient de recopier les Evangiles, et leurs Traites religieux." Muston i. 461. 
 
 1 " Tubi bini significant duo ilia instrumenta per qu;iB institutiones ministrorum 
 Dei transeunt et parantur, ad communem ecclesi;B usum, — prccdicationem oralem et 
 Scripturam." p. 626.— In my own view the dual number of the tubes follows more 
 simply from the dual number of the witnesses. 
 
 '^ Athcnagoras, in the second century, thus briefly sums up the charges of immo- 
 rality and impiety made against the early Christians ; Tpta »)/tii' f7n(f>t]i.iov(nv tyKXr)- 
 fiara,—-adsoTt}Ta.,eveffTHa Snirva. OiSnroSuac jj-i^iig. (Pro Christianis, ch. 3; cited 
 by Gieseler i. 76.) So too Justin Mart}T, Apolog. i. 35 ; and, more fully, Minutius 
 Felix, in his Octavius, ch. 9, &c. — If the reader will compare these with the charges 
 of immorality made agaiust the Paulikiau dissentients, — as, for example, in the East 
 by Cedrenus very briefly, Uaay aKoXaaia, kui jiiaffftip tKanpag avBpMnwv fvatug, 
 (H^ia(popwg Kai adtixjg xP'^'^''"'? (Bowling! p. 20,) in this following Photius, i. 10, (who 
 adds further the charge of incest,) and more at large, in Western Eui-ope, by the Biogra- 
 pher of Arefastc, in his account of the heretical transactions at Orleans, already alluded 
 to,— the resemblance between the two will be found, if I mistake not, so striking, as 
 almost to satisfy him, even a priori, of the latter being little more than a copy and re- 
 petition of the former ; and dictated by one and the same author, him who is called 
 " the accuser of the brethren."
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 5:] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE AVITNESSES. 305 
 
 Siciilus, Photius, Cedrenus, and by others in the West 
 continued downwards to St. Bernard, — yet in no case do 
 we find authentication of the charge. On the contrary, 
 from time to time there transpires in other statements of 
 accusers that which is virtually a contradiction to those 
 charges ; and at least probable evidence of the morals 
 taught by them, and generally practised, being (so as with 
 Christ's Witnesses they must have been) unimpeachable. 
 
 Thus, in regard of their founder Constantine, if Petrus 
 Siculus represents him as having embraced the foul crimes 
 and impurities of Basihdes,^ it is but just after stating 
 him to have planned the revival of the heresy in another 
 form, because of having observed that the foul crimes of 
 the old impure sect of the Manichees, as well as their im- 
 pious sayings, were an abomination and horror to all men : ^ 
 while Photius confesses to his having openly, at least, (what- 
 ever might be his real mind and conduct in the secret mys- 
 teries,) abandoned them.^ Again, as regards Gegncesius, 
 among the charges preferred against him in the patriarchal 
 court, not a word is there of any such kind of accusation : 
 and, in respect of his successor Joseph, Photius speaks of 
 his living long, and proselyting many,* near the city of An- 
 tioch in Pisidia, and being much esteemed and valued 
 there : of which how could he have been judged worthy, 
 had either his doctrine or his hfe been characterized by 
 abominable impurities ? Purther, as regards Sergius, 
 although Petrus heaps on him the most virulent abuse, yet 
 it appears from his narrative, both that this eminent Pau- 
 likian was before his conversion to the sect a young man 
 of excellent moral character ; ^ and that afterwards, " re- 
 Let me add that precisely the same charges -were made by Romanists against the 
 morals of the Waldeme.% even up to the year 1783. See Muston i. 489 ; "Et dans 
 les tcnebres ils renouvelaient les infamies des Manicheens," &c. 
 
 * ^aaiXti^ov Tov ^Mffwro/iou rag aai^yiiag re Kcn fiianftara, Kai t(ov Xoiniov 
 [Mai'ixaiwv] anavToiv rov SvaujCi] vnoSt^a^tvog /3op/3opov, avaStiKwrai vfog tlq 
 ooriyng aTTutXeiag. p. 32. 
 
 - Triv aBcuiTov Kai nvaapav avrov aipiaiv jiXtTViov fSStXvKTjjv Trapa TrnvTwv icai 
 <piVKTaiav vTrapxovaav, dia rag tv avTy Ova^tjfiiac ri km aiaxpovpyiag, flfXwi' avGiQ 
 avaviwaaaOai to Kaicov, fiTJxovarai k. t. X. p. 31. 
 
 3 BaaiXuSov ra ^laufiara .... ovti aw irapprjaiq. tjairctZtTO, ovTt Kara yi>oifir]v 
 Kai /xvaraywyiav aiTKfTpKpiTo. i. 65. ■* See p. 2'56 supra. 
 
 5 So the woman first addresses him ; Akovui ntpi aov, Kvpu l.tpyu, oti . . . ayaOog 
 Kara iravTa virapx^'Q avOpwTrog. P. S. 41. Mr. Arnold says this was the Jlatteri/ of au 
 a!7f/i)'ot; yvvrj. Ou which I have before hinted (p. 257) that both the conduct of the 
 
 VOL. 11. 20
 
 306 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. ' [part hi. 
 
 jecting," as Petrus expresses it, " all the vices and lusts of 
 the Manicheans, he fraudulently simulated virtues, whereby 
 the better to deceive ; and so as, although a wolf, to appear 
 vested before the world in sheep's clothing." ^ Indeed, in 
 one of the very few and brief extracts given by Petrus 
 from Sergius' letters, we find the latter thus asserting, in 
 the way of challenge to one that had opposed him, the 
 unimpeachability of his moral character ; " What accusa- 
 'tion hast thou against me? Have I defrauded any one? 
 Have I acted with pride or overbearing ? Thou canst not 
 say it." ^ — As to the Paulikians generallij, Petrus relates 
 without observation on it, as if that which he might have 
 difficulty in disproving, their disclaimer of the impurities 
 of the Manichees ; adding, as that which he thought he 
 could maintain against theni, " The doctrines of Manes 
 they carefully hold and defend." ^ — No doubt individual 
 blots may be inferred from his narrative to have existed 
 among them ; just as we learn from the epistles to the 
 Corinthians, and others, that there were blots in the early 
 Christian Church. Such, there can be no doubt, was the 
 case of Baanes : — the only Paulikian of eminence, if I 
 mistake not, against whose morals Petrus Siculus makes 
 any credible ^ inculpatory statement ; previous to the great 
 multiplication of their body, and unhappy wars of re- 
 sistance against the imperial Greeks that followed, at Argas 
 and Tephrice. And it seems to me most observable, and 
 altogether corroboratory of my point of argument, that in 
 this case there is associated with it in Petrus' narrative, 
 the circumstance of Sergius public reproof of the offender ; 
 and both his own, and the PauWcian majority s, renuncia- 
 
 woman in only talking with the young man ahout the Scriptures, and also the result 
 of her conversation, leaving him unimpeachable in morals even by his enemies, suf- 
 ficiently witnesses to the woman's own character. So that her address may be taken 
 as the simple truth. 
 
 ' Ourof Tovq fiiv fiiafffiovQ Kai rag ttoWoq aKo\a(nag avrwv (i. e. of his prede- 
 cessors) anoliaXofitvoQ, . . apiraQ rivag SoXiujg inrtKpiviro- Kai tvmj3etag fiosxpiouiv 
 ■KipiKuXvipag Tov \vkov, ujg iv kwSkii npofSaTov, ri]v Se Svvaiitv rtjg tvaelieiag ap- 
 vrjaufitvog, tdoKti roig ayvoovffiv apiarog oSijyog awrrjpiag KaracbaiveiyOai. P. S. 44. 
 And Fhotius, i. 96, yet more strongly ; Aiivog ti]v aptrtjv (TxriiiaTii^iaOai. 
 
 ^ See the extract, p. 263 supra. 
 
 ^ El yap icai twv aiaxpoupynov avTiov (MavixaioJi') eiaiv, wg avToi (paaiv, ajXiTO- 
 XOi, a\\a TWV atpianuv avrwv aKpijStig tiai cpvXaKtg. p. 2. And again p. 5 ; ore 
 Tivi iK ap%J/e ^"i^fyo*"''^') xprjarov ffj^^i/^iartstivrfc «x"'' ''" '/^"C '"'^ wavra. 
 
 * I mean beyond mere vague declamatory charges, and with any statement ac- 
 companying of connected and authenticating circumstances.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 307 
 
 tion thenceforward of connexion with him and his disci- 
 ples.^ — Turning to Western Europe, the reader will not 
 forget how at Orleans the Canons proselyted are allowed 
 on all hands to have been those of the clergy who, for 
 sanctity and general excellence of character, had for many 
 years enjoyed the highest reputation:" — how at Turin no 
 charge at all of iinmoralibj seems to have been urged 
 against the heretics : — or how at AiTas this was professed, 
 and not gainsayed, as their rule of life ; viz. " to separate from 
 the world, to restrain the flesh from concupiscence, to live 
 by the labours of their hands, to injure none, and to show 
 love to all who united in the same views of life and doc- 
 trine." ^ Besides which I must not pass without allusion 
 the eulogies on Berengers character,- and the non-impeach- 
 ment of that of De Brujjs : or St. Bernard's general testi- 
 mony to the Petrohrussian sectaries ; " If you ask of the 
 conversation of these people, nothing is more irreprehen- 
 sible : what they say they do : they attack no (me, circum- 
 vent no one, defraud no one." ^ Once more, (for Reinerius 
 Sacchos testimony to the same effect must be reserved for 
 later notice, as he lived after the epoch which bounds our 
 present inquiry, viz. that of the teaching of Petrus Valdensis,) 
 it must be remembered that this their unimy)eachableness of 
 moral character was publicly appealed to by the Paulikians 
 at Cologne,^ as Christ's own test and evidence of real Chris- 
 tianity ; " By their fruits ye shall know them : — our fruits 
 are the footsteps of Christ." "^ 
 
 ^ AianuiQ Kai rptffffwf avrtaTT} Kara Trpoaurrov Baavy, t({J pvnapti) (laBriTy, . . 
 Kai, tvXaliiiav inroKpiiiofitvoQ, Jjjjfaro iXtyxtiv avrov hq vTn}Koov iravTwi', ov Sia 
 iTiariv, aWa cia tjjv aroTriav tij)v adiiiiTwp avrov Trpa^twv. And then; 'O le 
 Stpyioc, Sia rov Svaw?:)] /3opf3o()ov, 6v tSiSa^t [Baai'/)^], [iStXv^antvoQ, Kai ttg 
 TrpoffwTTov Karatffxvva<; avToi>, t(T;:^((T£ ttjv aiptrnv tiQ Svo. p. 51. Could the public 
 inculpation of the vices charged on Baanes have been so made by Sergius, and so 
 followed up, had the moral sense of the Paulikians been as depraved and abandoned 
 as the hostile writers against them would represent f" 
 
 There is the further charge made against them by both Petrus and Photius, of 
 abominable falsehood, in respect of the teachers calling themselves Sylvanus, Ttjc]iicus, 
 &c., and tlieir Churches, the Macedonian, Achaian, Colossian, &c. ; though these 
 men had been dead many hundred years, and the places were distant many hundred 
 miles ! — The reader will not require any refutation of this asserted violation of moral 
 rectitude. « See p. 270, Note 6. s gee p. 276. * See p. 278. 
 
 * " Si conversationem [interroges] nihil irreprehensibilius ; et qusB loquitur factis 
 probat. Jam, quod ad vitam moresque spectat, neminem circumvenit, neminem super - 
 greditur, neminem concutit." Bernard in Cantic. Serm. 65. 5. 
 
 « See p. 287. 
 
 ^ There is less need of insisting on the evidence in favour of the morality of the 
 
 20*
 
 308 APoc. X. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 ^thlu, it is obvious that the privations and sufferings en- 
 tailed on them by their profession of faith were such as to 
 make the mourning garb of sackcloth their fit clothing : — 
 as also that imder them they exhibited a self-denial, un- 
 wearied zeal, constancy, ?i\\6. fortitude, through life and unto 
 death, just as if there was some superhuman power sustain- 
 ing them ; even a power such as St. John was told of in 
 those words of the Apocalypse, " / tvill give power to my 
 two witnesses." — Denounced as they were from the first as 
 
 Paulikians, inasmuch as both Mr. Bowling, with reference to the parent stock in 
 the East, and Br. Maitland, with reference to the most questionable of all its West- 
 ern offshoots long after, at the commencement of the xivth century, alike disclaim 
 belief in the immoralities charged on them. The former thus writes, p. 32 : "I 
 take no notice of the charges of licentiousness of practice brought against the 
 Paulikians by Photius and Petrus. . . The declamatory charges of controversial 
 writers deserve to go for little." * Dr. Maitland thus : " I do not find in any of 
 these hundreds oi Sentences and Confessions," (i. e. in the records of the Inquisition 
 at Toulouse, from 1307 to 1323,) "either as a matter of charge by the Inquisitors, 
 or self-accusation, or charge by a Confessor, any the slightest attempt, directly or 
 indirectly, to impeach the character of any Albigensian or Waldensian, with refer- 
 ence to chastity, temperance, or honesty." Facts and Doc. p. 224. 
 
 It is to be regretted that too many controversial writers, opposed to the Paulikians 
 and Waldenses, exhibit no such candour as this : but act on the principle of at once 
 receiving and retailing every charge of evil against them, as if true ; with little, 
 if any, consideration of the credibility of the evidence supporting it, or of existing 
 counter-evidence. f To such how applicable is TertuUian's indignant remonstrance, 
 against similar conduct on the part of the Roman magistrates of his time.j; " When 
 others are accused, they are permitted freely to speak to prove their innocence, and 
 have the privilege of replying and objecting. Again, on accusation of murder, 
 sacrilege, incest, or treason, (the ordinary heads of accusation against us,) ye de- 
 mand in corroboration, proof of the act, the number of the perpetrators, the place, 
 
 * He adds ; " And it must be confessed that, though such charges were often 
 urged against the Gnostic and Manichaean sects, it is not easy to reconcile them 
 with the genius of the Oriental systems." Which statement cannot be passed over 
 without exception and protest: seeing that it is not on the ground of connexion 
 with the Manichees or Gnostics that we assert their innocence ; but on that of their 
 being, both in doctrine and character, a sect altogether aliene from them. In fact, 
 instead of Mr. Dowling's inclination to regard immorality as foreign to the genius 
 of tliose heretical sects being well founded, there is extant in the very gems and 
 medals of the Gnostics sufficient evidence (independent of concurrent Patristic testi- 
 mony) to convict them of the grossest impurity ; (see Mr. Walsh's interesting little 
 volume on early Chi-istian coins and gems, p. 69, &c.) — and, as to the Manichees, 
 their oum authorized ivritings, publicly appealed to by Augustine, and not repudiated, 
 exhibit thera in a character equally depraved and bad. (See, for example, the Acts 
 of the Dispute with Felix, Book ii., Chap. vii. ; or the De Uteres. Chap, xlvi.) 
 
 t Among them Bossuet, in his Ilisfoire des Variations, xi. ii, stands pre-eminent. 
 And I am sorry to have to add to the list the modern and respectable names of Dr. 
 Gieseler and Mr. Arnold. The former in his Essay in the Studien und Kritiken, 
 citing the charges from Photius and ToUius, intimates that Paulikianism had its 
 dangerous sides, from which even such enormities may possibly have proceeded : a 
 remark wholly founded on Dr. G.'s own theory of Paulikianism, as a particular , kind 
 of Marcionitisra ; which theory I doubt not to prove utterly and altogether baseless. 
 (See my Appendix to this Volume.) Mr. Arnold has copied and adopted this passage 
 from Dr. G. both in his Pamphlet of Remarks on the Horse, and in the British 
 Magazine for Sept. 1847. J Apolog. 1, 2. I translate freely.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE AVITNESSES. 309 
 
 Manichean heretics, they were from the first a class pro- 
 scribed and without the pale of the law;^ and thus both 
 
 manner, time, accomplice, companions. In our case no care of this kind is taken, 
 Souo-h it is equall/ necessary that whatever is falsely asserted should be ehcited: 
 e a- °upon how many infants each had already fed,-how many incestuous cnnics he 
 haS hidden in darkness, -who were employed to prepare the human banquet, -what 
 do^rsc to extinguish the lights, So Minut. Felix,] " &c. He then contmsts with 
 these^ccusations the favourable report of their morals, drawn from Christian con- 
 fessions bv Pliny : iust as a Paulikian might have referred to the unwilling admis- 
 sions of Petrus and Photius, in favour of the Paulikian Sergius; or the simple state- 
 ment of the pure morals of the sect, made by members ol it, as at Arras or Cologne. 
 
 1 01 ovv tvfftStfrraTOL icai opOodo^o, y'mwv (iainXug, iva fii, em nXuov Siartfir,- 
 Oeiffa r, Xvixwh^ <rra<TiQ abrr, \r/i/;i.7,ra. ttoXXouc rwv Kai) >;jt«c, GnKw ^„\<f> 
 KivovuLoi,rovQ Kara ronov ,vpLGKO^.svove rm 'VwfiaiKriQapxnf Ma.'tx^'o^'C,'^"^" 
 KatpovQ anoKTuvovr,^. P- S. 28 ; and again p. 31 ; Qi<j-niJ,ovai (ot ^amXn^ vi^o^v) 
 Ma,'tYa.o„y -cat Moiraroi^c Ki'pu rt^u,p«aefl., rag h /3./3\orc avrm' tvpic,KOf,tvag 
 TTwpt 7rapaSiSoc9ai' u Se riQ <pwpa9uy ravrag aTroKpvwrwv, rov rotovror ^,i<pv 
 Oavarov KaBvm>l3a\\e<T9ai, ra Se hTrapxo^ra avrwv tv r^ rov Sniioaiov HCTKO^i- 
 Ke.eac f^epu.-Fov the original anti-Manickean laws^ ^'Tn^\f 'S""!; see 
 372, and added to by Theodosius the Great and others, A.D. 381, 362, &,c., see 
 Giescler i. 216; Mosh. iv. 2. 5. 1. • ^ i. i • 
 
 The Paulikians being condemned as Manichees, the penalty against harbouring or 
 concealing Mconchecs was of course applied to the crime of harbouring or concealing 
 them, throughout the Greek empire. And as in the East, so in the West afterwards, 
 laws of the same penal character against the same crime were enacted, as early as the 
 eleventh century; -an early specimen of which has been already given (see p. 2< 7, 
 from the Councils of Rheims and Thoulouse, A.D. 1049 and 1056. 
 
 May we not discover in these laws, and the position in which they placed the 
 Paulikians, an explanation of one of the names aihxed to them, of which I do not 
 remember to have seen any solution; I mean that of A0.yya.o. ?-The em is first 
 applied to them, I believe, by Theophanes, an historian who died about A.i)^ 817, 
 near about the time of the Paulikians' retirement to Argas, and beginning of their 
 resistance to their Imperial persecutors. The Manicha'ans, he say^s, now called 
 Paulikians and Athingani." It strikes me that the appellation may hare been given 
 them from their being thus both legally and practically cut off from all contact with 
 society • and, on their side, after the commencement of their resistance, and through 
 distrust', disallowing the Roman Greeks' approach and touch^*-In a Tract on Here- 
 tics bv Timothy, Presbyter of Constantinople, (given m I. Combefis Historia Mono- 
 thelitarum, Paris 1648, p. 456,) I find the following notice of a class ot heretics 
 called at the same time Athingani and Melchisedokiani. m\xi'rt6iKiavoi, ot vvv 
 
 Aeiyyaroi 7rpo<jayoptvo,ifvoi, o'l M^' avOpuj-zova^rtaeai avnov artxofi^voi, 
 
 aWa Kciv du,n avrois aprov, r, i'dwp, r, irtpov n uSoQ, KaraBecreai KtX.vovcc Kai 
 ovrwc avroi wpocipxonivoi aipovaiv avra. 'Uoavrwc Kai avroi tripoiQ ,,traS,dov,nv 
 oBiv Kat Aeiyyapot, Tvapa ro ;*/; avtxtaOai tavrovQ npoa^avtiv, nroi diyiiv rivoQ, 
 in ) rcpo^ayoplvdr)<SHv.\ This passage seems to confirm my suggestion ; especially as 
 compared with Peter Siculus' statements. For he says in one place, p. 44, that before 
 Ser<rius' time the Paulikians .pivKraioi roig avBpwTroiQ, Kai jidtXvKToi, rramv upaivovro- 
 and\ow, after their secession to Tephrice, avrijavtrriftiKiq. rwv avBpujirwv ro,Q eaifiocn 
 
 * "'ABiyyai'og dicitur qui non vult ad aliquem accedere." So the Etymolog. 
 Graec. cited by Card. Mai; Spicileg. Rom. vii. 61. . ., ,r / ; ■ 
 
 t As to the precise heretics meant by Timothy, they were evidently not the ^Mchi- 
 sedekiani of the 2nd century, mentioned by Augustine, (H.eres. 34,) who were charged 
 with believing Melchisedec to have been an appearance of Jehovah : (a doctrine by 
 the way hardly to be called heretical, for who can certainly say that it is not truer) 
 because Timothy says, "They who are now called Athingam ; '' and he lived m the 
 7th century ; (Mosh. vii. 2. 3. 6 ;) probably near to its close. May it have been then 
 an early appellation, in some similar sense, of these Fauhkum Sectaries ? it so, it sug- 
 gests to us some marked prominency in their views of Chnst in his character of 
 Eigh Priest : perhaps such as that exprest by the Turin heretics. See p. 246 supra.
 
 310 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 their property and their lives exposed from day to day to 
 forfeiture. Yet where was ever exhibited more earnest or 
 enduring zeal than by them in the profession and propaga- 
 tion of their doctrines ? The statement of Petrus Siculus, 
 "that they were in the habit of cheerfully undertaking 
 many labours and dangers, in order to the infusion of the 
 poison of their own pestilential heresy,"^ is one on which 
 their whole history is a commentary. Like Simeon, those 
 that possest property had to " leave all," on the under- 
 taking of the work ; '^ or, like Sergius, to toil in journeys, 
 and for support labour with their own hands, while fulfilling 
 it.^ And the same of the Paulikian oifshoots in Western 
 Europe.* Yet was the all left, and the life of labour, poverty, 
 danger, suffering, undertaken and continued, not by one 
 but by many : — in the East, up to the amnesty accorded by 
 John Zimisces near the end of the xth century ;^ (I date 
 the limiting epoch no earlier, because, even after the gather- 
 ings to Argas and Tephrice, life was still to them a life of 
 privations, and the remnant within the limits of the Greek 
 empire hunted out to be put to death ; ^) and from that time, 
 and ever after, in the West? 
 
 Then consider them on the threatening, and in the im- 
 
 rtXfiwc iKofioiovfJivoQ sc. Kapfieag: (53 :) also, in his Letter to the Bulgarian Arch- 
 bishop, tliat tlie only right or safe way of dealing with them was to shun them : 
 Apiart] aint] fir]xavr] roif anXovaTipoig tovq {.uapovg tKin'ovg aTrorpeTrtaOai ^iv, . . 
 Kai, tv Til) TTvvQavtadai avTovQ aiy^v, Kai (ptvytiv . . wg ti, o<piog. p. 4. Shunned 
 themselves, even like serpents, they would needs suspect and shun others. 
 
 ^ 'EiotQaai . . ttoXXohi; kowovq Kai KivSvvovg TrpoOvfuog avaStxf(ydai, Trpog to fit- 
 TaSidovai Trig oiKiiag XntfiTjg. P. S. 3. ^ See p. 254. 
 
 3 See pp. 261, 262, Notes e and *. 
 
 * The sectai'ies at Arras speak in similar manner of their life of labour ; and so 
 too those at Cologne. So, again, Bernard says of those he was conversant with ; 
 " Panem non comedit otiosus : operatur manibus unde vitam sustentat." In Cant. 
 Serm. 65. 5. * See p. 266. 
 
 ^ See the expressions used by P. Siculus about the Paulikians settled at Tephrice, 
 in the Note p. 309 : a representation that indicates no state of ease or enjoyment : also, 
 respecting those within the Greek Empire, Toig tv 'Pmiiavnf dia tuvtiiv ti]v a'lpiaiv 
 aTTOKTevovfitvottyi. p. 54. 
 
 ■^ One of their most common names in the West was Paterini : of which the Edict 
 of Frederic II (A.D. 1244) gives this account; "In exemplum martyrum qui pro 
 fide catholica martyria subierunt, Fatarenos se nominant, velut expositos passioni." 
 But this testimony is of later date than now concerns me. 
 
 Bossuet endeavours to negative the force of the argument here used, by adducing 
 the statement of Fanstus the Manichee, as to the life of privation and poverty to 
 which he had subjected himself through that religious profession. (Yariat. xi. 59.) 
 But he does not add Augustine's counter-statement, immediately following, of the 
 gold (aurum in arcellis) that he knew him to have in reality accumidated ; and the 
 bed of down (capriniie lodiccs), and lu.xury, with which he shocked the humble habits 
 of his poor father. Contra Faust, v. 5.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 311 
 
 mediate prospect, of cruel death. It is said of Constantine 
 by Petrus Siculiis, that the reason of his casting aside the 
 name and the books of the Manichees, when in a new form 
 reviving Manicheism, was fear, from having seen many 
 slain on account of that profession by the sword. ^ Again, 
 500 years after Constantine, the Monk Eckbert imputes 
 to the Pauhkians of his time a similar concealment of their 
 real sentiments from fear of death ; saying that, like thieves 
 confessing under the gallotvs, these heretics confessed and 
 maintained their errors only when left without hope of life.^ 
 These assertions are among the many palpable and shame- 
 less falsehoods, which he who runs may read in the anti- 
 Paulikian writers. Was it through shrinking from death 
 that Constantine disowned Manicheism ? The profession 
 he embraced instead of it, was that which exposed him to 
 death just as much, indeed more, than Manicheism itself ; ^ 
 and after a few years, in eflFect, brought him to suffer it, in 
 the cruel form of stoning. Was it because they could not 
 help themselves, and were remedilessly doomed to suffer, 
 whether they maintained their profession or not, that the 
 Pauhkians, either then or afterwards, held iirm to their 
 faith, and refused recantation ? The very contrary is the 
 recorded fact. We read respecting that earUest of their 
 persecutions, how it was the royal command that both 
 Constantine himself, and his disciples, should in case of con- 
 version \\^\Q promise oi free pardon : but that the wretches 
 preferred to die impiously in their error, rather than by 
 repentance to obtain both temporal and eternal salvation.^ 
 
 ' p. 31. 
 
 2 " Si aliquis vestrum pro errore suo deprehensus fiierit, et deductus ante judices 
 ecclesicB, ant oraniuo negatis fidem vestrara, aut tunc primum aliquos errores vestros 
 confitemini, cum de vita, amplius non speratis. Sed ilia confessio non est ad gloriam 
 vobis : et est quasi confessio fnris ; qui, cum de vitA sua desperat, latrocinia sua im- 
 pudenter confitetur sub laqueo." Facts and Doc. p. 510. See my allusion to this p. 
 291 supra. 
 
 3 The account, for example, of the free public dispute between Felix the Manichsean 
 and Augustine, shows that in the case of the Manichees the penal laws were not exe- 
 cuted. They are alluded to by Felix as that which embarrassed him, but nothing 
 more. See Augustine, in Felic. i. 12. (Benedict. Edit.) Indeed Augustine expressly 
 notes the fact in his Treatise against Faustus, v. 8 : " Propter Christianorimi tempo- 
 rum mansuetudinem quam parva et prope nulla patiamini!" 
 
 * Kara Tr]v tov ^amXiwQ KfXfuenv 6 'S.vjiewv tovq fiaGrjTag Kbjvaravrivov iv 
 iKK\r)aiaig Qtov TrpoQ nn(jT^o<pr]v irapaStCwKtV aX\' tfitivav ai'STriorpoi^oi, fiaWoi' 
 (\oiitvoi avvcnro9vt^(jK(iv tij taurojv KaKi^, rj dia fitrat'oiag tov Qtov i^iXtwaaaGai, 
 K. T. X. So p. S. Si. And the same of Oonstantiue himself, Phot. i. 68.
 
 312 Apoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 In like manner under Constantine's successor Simeon, 
 when the Pauhkians were all gathered together and ex- 
 amined by the authorities, it was understood that none but 
 the pertinacious would be condemned to suffer : yet all, 
 notwithstanding, adhered to their error ; and were all in 
 consequence burnt together, on a vast funeral pile raised 
 for the occasion.^ — At Orleans the Canons were reasoned 
 with " from the first hour to the ninth," in order to recover 
 them from their heresy ; with promise of pardon implied, if 
 they retracted, as well as threat of burning if they per- 
 sisted ; and two out of the 15 or 16 took advantage of the 
 offer, and so escaped, but none else.^ The same was the 
 case at Milan ;^ the same, as described by Evervinus, at 
 Cologne;'^ the same at Vezelai ;^ the same at Oxford.^ — 
 And what is further most observable on this head is the 
 spirit of united joy and meekness that marked their con- 
 stancy in suffering : — a spirit so different from the proud 
 impassiveness of the stoic philosopher, or the ferocious bra- 
 vadoing, when under torture, of the American Indian savage. 
 The brevity of Petrus' and Photius' narrative prevents me 
 from referring (as I doubt not, had it been more circum- 
 stantial, I might have done) to the deaths of Constantine 
 and Simeon, as examples. At Orleans however, and at 
 Oxford, the records already cited present us with exempli- 
 fications in point very striking. At Cologne too Evervinus 
 marked it. He expresses his astonishment, a* we have 
 seen, to St. Bernard, at the manner in which the heretics 
 entered to the stake, and bare the torment of the fire, not 
 only with patience, but with joy and gladness : adding ; 
 "Answer me, holy Pather," (and Bernard's solution, if I 
 remember right, shows that he was as unable to account 
 for it as Evervinus,) " how these members of the Devil could 
 with such courage and constancy persist in their heresy, as 
 
 ^ MaQu)v S( 6 (iaaiXivg tKiXtvrre navTag ixp' iv avuKptQqvcn, Kai tovq £/i/u«t- 
 vavTag T7J irXavij Trvpi Trapadodrjvni. 'Ottcq koi ytyovf TT\)](nov yap Tt}q '2opov 
 irvpav fieya\t]v apa\liavTei; apSrjv KcirKpXi^av airavTUQ. Ibid. 3o, 36. 
 
 - " Cum ab liort\ diei prima usque ad horam nonam multifariam elaborarent omnes 
 ut illos a suo errore revocarent, et ipsi ferro duriores resipiscerent .... praeter unum 
 clericum atque unam monachara cremati sunt. Clericus enim et monacha divino nutu 
 resipuerunt." Arefaste's Biogr. •* See p. 246 supra. 
 
 * See p. 286. 
 
 » Seep. 291. « Seep. 293.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 313 
 
 is scarcely to be found in the most religious of the faith of 
 Christ." ' 
 
 Such is a summary of the points favourable, even on the 
 face of hostile historians, to this most remarkable line of 
 Paulikian dissentients, as perpetuated for 500 years in 
 Eastern and Western Roman Christendom.^ And I con- 
 fess that when I review the summary, — when I consider 
 the inviolable adherence ascribed to them through that 
 long period to the written Gospels and Epistles, as their 
 one standard of doctrine and duty,— their unimpeachable- 
 ness of morals, — their continuous protest against all the 
 grosser and more palpable superstitions of the church estab- 
 lished,— a protest not by word only, but by separation, as 
 that from which they must needs come out, as being apostate, 
 — and kept up with a zeal, endurance, and fortitude, 
 through Hfe and even unto death, which was the astonish- 
 ment of their enemies, — when I consider further the gua- 
 rantee that appears against their having been weak and 
 hot-brained enthusiasts, both from their so long continued 
 unchangeableness of tenets, (a characteristic never attend- 
 ant on enthusiasm,) from the admitted learning and wisdom 
 of .various of their most eminent teachers, (witness the 
 instances of Sergius^ and the Orleanist Canons,) from 
 the simphcity of their adherence to the written word as 
 
 1 See p. 286.— Compare witb my argument on this head what Jastin Martyr tells 
 us of the impression made on him by the early Christians' ready and fearless suffering 
 of death. Apolo^. 2. • i, a ri 
 
 - Joachim Abbas, we shall soon see, gave much the same testimony, about A.D. 
 1200. . . ^. _ ^ 
 
 3 I have already quoted from Petnis Sicidus the testimony existing on this point to 
 Sergius, A/conw jrtpi <toi;, /cuptf Stpytf, on tv iiriaTri^y ypafifiarwv koi rrathvaiwi; 
 rikiioq. (So Gieseler for irtXtiQ.) And the whole history, as I have before intimated, 
 testifies to the falsehood of Peter's charge against the woman, as if one aamvoq, and 
 whose testimony should be rejected as mere hj^jocritical flattery.— Which being so, 
 what are we to think of Bossuet's version, '' Peter of Siculus acquaints us that a 
 Manichajan woman seduced an ignorant Inuman, called Sergius"? Peter's subsequent 
 exclamation against him, as aXoywraroc km a^ive-qq because he could not answer 
 the woman's quotations and inferences from Scripture, so as Peter would have done 
 himself, (by his own account most incorrectly,) cannot justify Bossuet. For this is 
 Peter's mere declamatory abuse of Sergius ; the other statement giving us his real 
 reputed character at the time.— Bossuet is a writer on these subjects always to be dis- 
 trusted. _ . 
 
 It is to my own mind very remarkable, that in the only two cases in which Paulikian 
 women are recorded to have been the instruments of converting men to their senti- 
 ments, the persons so converted, viz. Sergius and the Orleanist Canons, should have 
 been precisely those to whose high character, both for morality and learning^ there 
 existed at the time the strongest testimony.
 
 314 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 their rule, not to visions or impressions independent of it, 
 and the general good sense of their conversational reason- 
 ings on religious points, even as reported by enemies,^ — I 
 say, when I consider all these things, it seems to me almost 
 inconceivable that they should have been on any essential 
 point of faith heretical, or in error : indeed that they should 
 have been anything but a Hue of faithful ivitnesses for 
 Christ's truth and Gospel ; taught, commissioned, and 
 sustained, from generation to generation, by Christ's own 
 eternal Spirit. In the history of the world can one single 
 example be adduced of a line of religionists, to whom all 
 these characteristics attached, and who may yet be proved 
 to have been anything but God's real servants ?'^ 
 
 Before coming however to any decided conclusion on this 
 most important question, it is necessary that we further 
 consider very carefully, and refute, as proposed, 
 
 Ilndly, The charges of heresy and error alleged 
 
 AGAINST THE PaULIKIANS. 
 
 Among Avhich the general and direct charge of Mani- 
 cheism that first meets the eye, and which has been made 
 in the strongest and most unqualitied manner against the 
 Paulikians by opponents alike ancient and modern,^ need 
 
 ' As an example, I may refer to the Paulikian woman's conversation with Sergius. 
 Indeed generally, as regards the reasonings of the sectaries both in the East and in 
 the West, it was confessed that not only the laity, bnt the clergy, were for the most 
 part unable to answer. Compare Petrus Siculus' confession, pp. 4, 5, and Eckbert's, p. 
 291, respecting the heretics at Cologne ; also the account of the Orlcanist woman, &c. 
 
 2 Compare the case of the PrisciUianiftts of the end of the fourth century. Wad- 
 dingtou (i. 334) describes them as a kind of Manichmans that profest to receive the 
 pure inspired Scriptures, and no others. But, on turning to the records of the 
 Council of Braga, held A.D. 561, the reader will find that like Ebion, Tatian, Manes, 
 &c., they both corrupted the true, and forged false Scriptures. " Si quis Scripturas 
 quas Priscillianus secundum suum depravavit errorem, . . vel quaecumque . . sub no- 
 mine prophetarum vel apostolorum suo errori consona confinxerunt, legit, . . sequitur, 
 aut dofendit. Anathema sit." Hard. iii. 349. Moreover, except Priscillian himself, 
 scarce any suffered ; and in little more tlian a century the sect vanished. I know no 
 other more favourable case of other reputed heretics, to compare with that of the 
 Paulikians. 
 
 ^ " If we are not disposed to set up our own conjectures against contemporary tes- 
 timony, and to make antiquity bow to our prejudices, we must admit the correctness 
 of the common opinion, and regard the Paulikians as a Manichrmn sect." So Mr. 
 Dowling at the conclusion of his Pamphlet. Dr. Maitland's views to the same effect 
 appear in the chapter in his Facts and Documents on the Paulikians, p. 83, his Reply 
 to Mr. King, p. 76, and his Letter on the Orleanists to Dr. Mill, p. 41. In the 
 first, his statement may seem thus far qualified, that he represents the Paulikians as
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 315 
 
 detain us scarce at all. Por, reserving its full examination 
 and confutation for my Appendix/ as being that which 
 would necessarily involve so lengthened a sketch of real 
 Manichsean doctrine, as to be an interruption to our more 
 proper present course of investigation, it will suffice here 
 to give the abstract and result of that examination. And 
 this is in effect as follows : — viz. that in regard of all the 
 four most important principles of religion,— /r^^, its ac- 
 count of the origin of man, and of the mixture of good 
 and evil apparent in the world, — secondhj, its doctrine on 
 the mode of deliverance from the aforesaid evil, — thirdly, 
 man's future prospects beyond death, in the case both of 
 those who follow out this plan of deliverance, and those 
 who neglect \i,—fourthh/, the authority on which these its 
 doctrines are propounded, and by which sanctioned, — that 
 in regard of all these four points, the doctrines of Mani- 
 cheism, and those of the Paulikians, were not only not the 
 same, or similar, but altogether the most different ; indeed 
 directly antagonistic to each other, and incomjmtible. Inso- 
 much that, after examination, the intelligent and candid 
 reader will see reason, I am persuaded, not only most fully 
 and absolutely to exculpate the Pauhkian sectaries from the 
 Manichgean imputation,— but also to marvel, I will not say 
 how the charge could ever have been made, (man's enmity 
 against the truth will account for that,) but how it should 
 have been so long believed in and perpetuated, as nothing 
 less than one of the most extraordinary mistakes on record 
 in the history of literature. —It would be well indeed if the 
 apostate Church could prove for itself as complete a vari- 
 ance from Manicheisni. It needs but to consider its additions 
 of new apocryphal Scriptures, and making void of the old 
 
 Manickees to the same extent as the Albigetises. But that this his qualification amounts 
 to but little, appears from what he says in the second passage referred to ; as well as 
 in others that might also be given. 
 
 Among the ancients, besides Petrus Siculus and Photius, which latter calls the 
 Paulikian doctrine Manicheism added to, I may specify Anna Comnena, who desig- 
 nates it as the unmitigated poison of Manicheism, Cedrenus, &c. 
 
 Among later writers Mr. Bowling particularizes, besides Romanists, the Protestant 
 historians Henke, Gieseler, Gucricke, Neander in Germany, Mather in France, F. 
 Schmid in Denmark, &c. Differing, lie says, in minor poiuis, and not agreed whether 
 the Paulikian errors were of Gnostic or Manichean origin, yet all believe that they 
 held dualistic opinions, and bore some of the principal features of the early Oriental 
 heresies. — British Magazine for Oct. 1838. 
 
 1 Viz, the Appendix to the present Volume.
 
 316 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 by its traditions, — its dogma oi purgatorif} — its distinction 
 of meats, and compulsori/ fastings, — its forbidding of mar- 
 riage to the clergy, and inculcation of virginitg, (not for 
 special missionary work, or any present necessity,^ but) as 
 in itself the better and hoHer state,^— and in fine its fictions 
 and adoration of doimons,^ — to see which were the more 
 Manichaean of the two ; the accused or the accusers ; the 
 Paulikians, or the two apostate Churches of Greek and 
 Roman Christendom.^ 
 
 To complete our proof however of the general purity 
 of the stream of Paulikian doctrine, up to the epoch 
 spoken of, it needs that, besides clearing it of the imputed 
 Manicheism, we disprove also its contamination by other 
 heresy on vital points of the Christian faith : such as con- 
 cerning the Scripture canon, the two principles, the incarna- 
 tion of Christ, and the two sacraments. In the discussion 
 of which charges, as we have no writings of the Paulikians 
 with which to compare them, (save and except only four 
 or five extracts of their Letters, made by bitter enemies,^ 
 professedly with a view to inculpate them, and themselves 
 very possibly, as Gieseler intimates, misquoted or misre- 
 presented,^) it is evidently required by every principle of 
 
 * See my Sketch of Manichsean doctrine, in the Appendix to the present Volume. 
 2 See 1 Cor. vii. 26. 
 
 * In fact in the xith century, on Gregory VII's imperious law against the marriage 
 of priests, he Avas called by them a Pateriiie, or Manichmtn. "Multi sacerdotes, prae- 
 sertim in Itali;e provincia Mediolanensi, sacerdotia dimittere malebaut quam conjuges, 
 ab ecclcsia Romana secedebant, et infauii Fateririorum, id est 3Ianichceorum, vocabulo 
 Pontificem ejusque asseelas notabant, qui conjugia sacerdotum damnabant." Mosh. xi. 
 2. 2. 13. 
 
 * " Manichaei satis ostendunt placere sibi adorari multos Deos : nee mirum ; quan- 
 doquidem in secta sua numerosissimam Deorum familiam commemorant atque com- 
 mendant." " Et quis numeret omnia Deorum vestrorum ofiicia fabulosa ? " So 
 Augustine contra Adimant. Manich. 11 ; and Contra Faust, xx. 10. — On the Romish 
 daemons and daemonolatry see p. 10, &c., supra. 
 
 5 " If the ManichK?an errors and practices which had corrupted religion were to be 
 rooted out, &c." So Southey's Book of the Church, ch. xii. p. 267 ; with reference 
 to the necessity of a dissolution of the monasteries, iu order to the Reformation in 
 England. 
 
 6 Of this bitterness illusti'ations abound. So e. g. at p. 11, the Paulikians generally 
 are designated by Petrus Siculus as Saifioviq trapKiKoi., incarnate dceinons. And, when 
 speaking of their most eminent teacher Sergius, he calls him the devil's champion, 
 the enemy of the cross of Christ, the mouth of atheistic impiety, the hater of Christ, 
 who trampled imder foot the Son of God, and did despite to the Spirit of grace, &c. 
 pp. 40, 44. — In similar spirit Photius, i. 95, 96, speaks of Sergius' father, and Sergius 
 himself, as the venomous spawn of the serpent, the devil. 
 
 ' See my p. 262 supra.
 
 CHAP. VII. §1 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 317 
 
 fairness and good sense, that we receive the hostile testi- 
 mony of the accusers with much reserve and suspicion. 
 And if on cross-examination it be found contradictory 
 either to itself, or to other testimony, or to the general 
 character, life, or acts of the sect, then I think we are bound 
 to dismiss it as untrustworthy, and the mere language of 
 passion and prejudice. How but so, had there been no 
 writings of Claude of Turin preserved to us, should we 
 have escaped acceding to the utterly false charge of Arian- 
 ism made against him, by enemies like Dungal or Bossuet ?^ 
 1st, then, is it true that they rejected the Old Testa- 
 ment? Strange indeed, and almost incredible, even a 
 priori, must this charge appear, in its application to those 
 who received the New Testament, not, like the Manichees 
 and other heretics, in a garbled and falsified text, but in a 
 text confessedly pure and unadulterated. As Gibbon ob- 
 serves ; " Their utmost diligence must have been employed 
 to dissolve the connexion between the Old Testament and 
 the New:"^ nor indeed could even such diligence by any 
 possibility have sufficed. — The circumstance that no such 
 charge was made against Gegneesius, surnamed Timothy, 
 in his examination before the Patriarch of Constantinople,^ 
 detracts of course yet further from its probability : especially 
 considering that this occurred after 70 years' existence of 
 the sect, and two legal processes against it, by royal 
 authority, during the presidencies of Constantine and of 
 Simeon ;^ in the which how can we suppose but that the 
 fact, if true, would have transpired ? ^ — Again, the coinci- 
 dence of the view of Adam's fall, and transijiission of the 
 apostasy from God thereon consequent to his posterity,^ ex- 
 prest in Sergius' epistolary fragment already cited, I say its 
 coincidence with the account in Genesis, indicates anything 
 but opposition to the authority of that part of the divine 
 
 1 See pp. 234—237 supra. - x. 172. 
 
 ^ See p. 255 supra, and the Tabular View iu my Appendix. 
 
 * See pp. 254, 2-55. 
 
 5 Nor indeed was any such alluded to in that part of the Formula of Abjuration 
 which specially concerned Paulikians, (I mean the latter part,) which was required 
 long afterwards from those who renounced Paulikianism for the Greek established 
 Church. See the Formula apud Coteler. Patr. Apost. i. 539, and the Tabular View. 
 
 ^ See the extract in my p- 2G3 supra : also the extract from Augustine, as to the 
 Manichtean views on this point, in my Sketch of Manichseism in the Appendix.
 
 318 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 record; — apart specially excepted against by the heretical 
 objectors to the Old Testament. — Equally strong against 
 the charge is the Paulikian woman's incidental but solemn 
 statement to Sergius, about Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob's 
 admission into the kingdom of heaven.^ For the principle 
 on which, not the Manichaeans only, but the older Gnostic 
 sects also, rejected the Old Testament, was as being the re- 
 velation and code of the evil God ; a rejection involving 
 that also of the holy men of the Old Testament and its 
 God, i. e. the ancient Prophets and Patriarchs. Accord- 
 ingly both Petrus Siculus and Cedrenus charge this rejec- 
 tion of the old prophets on the Paulikians r and Photius 
 urges against them the absurdity of thus rejecting Abraham, 
 Isaac, and Jacob ; and yet receiving the New Testament, 
 which acknowledged them as God's servants and saints.^ 
 Strange but for the blinding, the willing blinding of preju- 
 dice, that Petrus and Photius should have forgotten their 
 own recorded statement about the Paulikian woman, as not 
 rejecting those Old l^estament prophets, but distinctly re- 
 cognising them among the saved ; and consequently not 
 rejecting, but recognising, the Old Testament itself. — So 
 much as to the Eastern and earlier Paulikians. Then, 
 passing to the history of their supposed Western descend- 
 ants, we find in it that which yet more throws discredit on 
 the charge. Por at Orleans, both from the absence of ac- 
 cusation on this point, and from other evidence,"* it may be 
 probably inferred that the sectarian Canons appealed to the 
 Scriptures generally, as their rule of doctrine. The same 
 as to the Turin heretics, burnt at Milan. Por it was from 
 " the divine Scriptures," unrestrictedly as to canon, that 
 they are said to have taught their rustic auditors.'^ At 
 Arras and at Cologne the reference for authority to the Old 
 Testament Books, ^ in their discussions, seems to indicate 
 that these were received by the there accused sectaries, as 
 
 1 See p. 258 supra. 
 
 ^ YlifiTTTov TO fit] mroSexeffQai avrovq ttjv o'lavovv i3if3Xov TraXaiav, vXavovc 
 Kai \r)<TTaQ tovq Trporprjrat; anoKaXovi'Tag. So P. S. p. 13. And Cedrenus (ap. 
 Dowlinc^, p. 17) ; " They reject the prophets . . saying that not one of them is included 
 among those that are saved." So too the Form, of Abjuration, p. 537. 
 
 3 B. iii. pp. 8, 11, 13. 
 
 * " Divinorum voluminum cxempla." These are said to have been reasoned from 
 by the Canons, and hiy probably open before them. See p. 271 supra. 
 
 s " Rusticis. . . . falsa rudimenta a Scripturis divinis detorta seminaverunt." See 
 p. 216 supra, and Landulf cited in the App. « See pp. 275, 276, 2S8, 289.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 319 
 
 well as those of the New. At Lomhers, though the charge 
 is said to have been confessed to by them of rejecting the 
 Old Testament, yet the President's own statement of the 
 matter in his condemnatory sentence/ shows that it was a 
 rejection of it only where miauthenticated by Christ and his 
 Apostles : in other words, a rejection of what was apocry- 
 phal and spurious ; a reception of what Christ authenticates 
 as the Latv, Psalms, and Prophets, i. e. of the whole Old 
 Testament canonical Scripture. — Which being so, and as 
 their implicit reception of the New Testament almost neces- 
 sarily involved that of the Old^^ I cannot but regard this 
 accusation of the earlier Paulikians as most improbable, 
 nay incredible. 
 
 The truth of the matter seems to me to be as follows : — 
 that themselves for a long time not possessing the sacred 
 Books of the Old Testament, (and the reader must bear in 
 mind the great difficulty in that age of obtaining them, 
 especially by persons excluded, as they were, from the 
 established Church,^) — that knowing moreover that spurious 
 Scriptures were abroad, purporting to belong to its canon,* 
 — and hearing, it is probable, false arguments and views 
 on religion and the Church, urged from what really be- 
 longed to it, but which from the supercession of the Mosaic 
 law, in respect of its polity and ceremonial, might be of 
 no force under the Gospel,^ — I say it seems to me that, 
 under all these circumstances, it became an established 
 
 1 Seep. 294, Note". 
 
 2 I fiud the following note in Mr. Bowling, p. 17. " Milner thinks that the fact 
 that the Paulicians received the writings of St. Paul is a proof of the soundness of 
 their faith with regard to the Old Testament : forgetting that the ancient Manichaeans, 
 though they also partially received the New, most certainly rejected the Old Testa- 
 ment." — Partially received the New Testament !,! It was partially indeed ! The 
 Gospels and Epistles Manes declared to be corrupted, interpolated, and filled with 
 Jewish fables ; discarded the Acts of the Apostles altogether, and issued another 
 Gospel of his own. So Mosheim, iii. 2. 5. 9. Similarly the Presbyter Timothy, whom 
 I have cited at p. 309, speaks of him thus; Ov raiq KvpiaKaig ypa(paig xpwjxivoQ. 
 " He (Manes) discarded the Scripture of our Lord." (Hist. Monothel. Col. 452.) 
 And what then becomes of Bowling's answer to Milner ? 
 
 ■' Considering too the prohibition against any but the established clergy reading, 
 and consequently against any possessing the Scriptures. See pp. 250,257 supra. 
 
 * In the Apostolical Constitutions the Apocryphal Books of Moses, Enoch, Adam, 
 Isaiah, Bavid, Elias, and the three Patriarchs are noticed, as among others to be 
 shunned ; as Gnostic books, corrupt, and avTiQtra rtjg aXtjOuas- — Further we know 
 how from books of what is now called the Apocrypha Romanists still argue for certain 
 of their errors. 
 
 ^ Such as the assertions of the Zeritiral character of the Christian priesthood, and 
 propriety of recognising in the church both sacrifice, altar, &c., of which I have long 
 since spoken. See my Vol. i. 294—296, &c.
 
 320 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 habit with the Pauhkians, (just as indeed with the Wal- 
 denses afterwards,^) to admit of no rehgious dogma on the 
 asserted authority of the Old Testament alone ; or except 
 as authorized also by that which is pre-eminently the Chris- 
 tian code and charter, and which through God's grace they 
 did possess and could refer to, — the Scriptures of the New.^ 
 As to the cognate charge of the Paulikians rejecting 
 St. Peter s two Epistles, it must be understood that both 
 Petrus and Photius in the first instance, and this more than 
 once, speak of the Paulikian New Testament Canon as if 
 not wanting on this head.^ It is only on afterwards noting 
 the Paulikians' aversion for the Apostle Peter, personally, 
 that they, either the one or the other, speak of the rejec- 
 tion of Peter's Epistles.* And Cedrenus afterwards only 
 specifies the personal antipathy to Peter ; not the rejection 
 of his Epistles.^ — Which being so, and the fact obvious 
 that there is nothing in St. Peter's Epistles in any peculiar 
 or distinctive manner opposed to any Manichaean or Gnos- 
 tic heresy, more than other parts of the New Testament," 
 the personal antipathy spoken of is a point that forces itself 
 on the mind as needing consideration ; and what, and why, 
 and how arising. Dr. Gieseler thinks that it may have 
 been on account of St. Peter's Judaizing, when he fell un- 
 der the rebuke of St. Paul.^ And it seems to me indeed 
 possible that this may have been partly held in remem- 
 brance by the Paulikians -. for it suits their anti-judaizing 
 
 1 " Quidquid ecclesise doctor docet, quod per textum Novi Testamentum non pro- 
 bat, hoc totum pro fabulis habent." Reinerius, c. 3 ; because, he adds, of the foolish 
 fables taught, as true, by certain Catholics. B. P. M. xxv. 264. This occurs just after 
 his statinjj that tliese same Waldenses had translated and taught both the Old Tes- 
 tament and the New. 
 
 2 Petrus Siculus (p. 7) gives one specific instance of the Paulikians' rejection of the 
 Old Testament prophets' testimony ; viz. those respecting the Virgin Mary : raq 
 TTtpi avTijg ru)v TrpotprjTui' jxaprvpiag ov TrpoaStxoi'Tai. What these were, will be 
 seen under my 3rd head. 
 
 ^ So Pet. Sic. p. 5; Ylavra ra tov EfayytXioi; xai tov AttootoXov \oyia 
 SiaXfjovrai. And Photius i. 9 ; To fitvroi EvayyeXtov kui tov AttoittoXov, a Kat 
 TO Gtiov TuiT XpiiTTiavwv irepiTTTVffffeTai Kai Tifid avvrayfia, fyypa(pioQ rovroig 
 TraptOiTo. Where by the aTro^roXov, says Wolf, is meant " Scripta apostolica.' 
 And thi.s, adds Photius, without any change of words of any numieut, any adulteration, 
 so as the Valentinian and other heretics, or any interpolation or addition; ovojiacrtv 
 sStv fiiya iraraXXapTwu, a^t KaTaicil3Sr]Xsviov th Xoya to ffxt)l^n, . . fiijrt Trapn'Or)- 
 Kaiq l.'r]rt TrpocrOrjKaig. pp. 9, 10. 
 
 * Phot. i. 24, P. S. pp. 13, 14.— Manes himself did not reject Peter Cyril ap. P. S. 19. 
 
 * See his report in the Tabular View in my Appendix. 
 
 6 Pet. Siculus, p. 14, and Photius, i. 26, suggest that it may have arisen from St. 
 Peter's speaking of those that wrested St. Paul's Epistles to their owti destruction. 
 But this surely could not suffice. ' Stud, und Krit.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 321 
 
 spirit, and their jealousy for the pure gospel, otherwise 
 manifest ; in contradistinction alike to each ritualistic or 
 Pelagian substitute.' — But, considering Peter's instant re- 
 turn from his momentary error, I cannot think the reason 
 sufficient, either for such strong and continuously exprest 
 antipathy, or for the strength of the Paulikian saying in the 
 present perfect tense about him, " Peter has become a de- 
 nier of the faith in Christ."^ It strikes me that there may 
 rather have been another and quite different solution. Ac- 
 cording to the long-received ideas and phraseology in both 
 Eastern and Western Christendom, Peter was considered 
 to live and speak and reign in his successors in the Roman 
 See. So said the Greek Councils of Ephesus and Chalce- 
 don as early as the 5th century ;^ and their voice was re- 
 echoed again and again in the 8th and 9th. ^ So, e. g. by 
 Gregory II about himself, to the Isaurian emperor Leo ; 
 " The holy Peter, whom all the kingdoms of the West 
 recognise as God on earth. "^ And what the use of Peter's 
 voice and authority, thus exprest ? Always, or almost always, 
 the Paulikians would think, in support of evil and error, not 
 
 • In Photius passages occur sometimes about the vofiog and x"^?'?' ^^ one point of 
 difference between the Paulikians and the Catliolics. So iv. 253, on the parable of the 
 prodigal son : Ei (iovKu ^t tovq inro tov vofiov Kai vtto tt)v xapiv,. . .Xninr^mQ 
 iTTidtiKvvTai log t/c rrjg avTrjg iari irarpiaQ icai ayaQoTTjTOQ 6 re vo/xoq kui 7) ^opi^-. 
 Photius himself, let me observe, again and again expresses his belief of the full avrf^- 
 ovrrioi', or free-will of man, to resist evil. So ii. 145, 146 : where, having noticed 
 the Paulikian doctrine, w? £j'o\'Xst iifiag irpor tzaKiav 6 UovripoQ, "that the Evil One 
 disturbs us ^vith temptation to evil," it is answered by Photius, Yes, but by the avTt^- 
 ovaiov of the soul we can resist his temptations. So again iii. 36. It is surely very 
 Pelagian. 
 
 I observe in the Abjuration Formula for Manichoeans the following similarly Pe- 
 lagian declaration of faith : AimQijiaTiZM tovq to avre^ov^iov avaipovvrag, Kai urj 
 Iff yjxiv tivai XtyovTUQ to iivai KiiXovg r} Kanovg. Coseler. Patr. Apost. i. 538. How 
 different from Scripture, fi-oin Augustine, ti-om the subsequent Augustinian school, and 
 from the Church of Ejigland ! 
 
 - MaXicrra tov KO(>v<paiov tmv aTTocTToXiov Ylerpov Suu^THHovffiv, oTi yeyovev e^an- 
 rog, (paai, ttjq ng tov S(Saaxa\ov Kai XpicrTov TriaTtwg. Phot. i. 24; also P. S. 14. 
 
 ^ In the Ephesian Council ; '0 ayiog WtTpog. . . loig tov vvv koi ati, tv Toig avTov 
 ^la^oyi^otg Kai Y,y koi SiKaZd- In that of Chalcedon : TiiTpog Sia AiovTog (i. e. Pope 
 Leo, then Sishop of Rome) Tavra i^npiovrjut. Hard. i. 1477, ii. 305. — See my sketch 
 of the unfolding of the Roman Popes' pretensions to Christ's Vicariate on earth, as 
 Peter's successors and representatives, at the beginning of Part iv. Ch. v. § 1 ; also 
 in Ch. vi my notice of the responsibility of the Western clergy to the Roman Pope, 
 as doing all coram Fetro. 
 
 * F(n- Western examples see Gieseler, ii. 15 : e. g. the Pope's Letter to King Pepiii, 
 written on the Lombards' invasion, about 750 A.D., in Peter's name ; " Ego Petrus 
 Apostolus, qui vos adoptivos habeofilios, &c. : " and to Charlemagne in 770 ; " Beatus 
 Fefrti.s, princeps Apostolorum, per nostram infelicitatem obtestatur." 
 
 ^ Tov c'lyiov Ylirpov, ov ai ixaaai PacriXtiai Tt]g cvaeiog Oevv iniytiov ixovm. 
 Hard. iv. 12. 
 
 VOL. II. 21
 
 322 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 of truth. So in the anti-Nestorian Council of Ephesus, in 
 support of its Mariolatrous tendencies.^ So in Gregory's 
 Letter to the Isaurian, in defence of image-worship. So yet 
 again, somewhat later, in the 2nd Council of Nice, held A.D. 
 787 to decide the grand question of the lawfulness of 
 image-worship, against which the Paulikians had raised so 
 strong a remonstrance, the authority of Peter s voice, as 
 spoken from Rome, was appealed to by the Council in 
 favour of its decree ; " It is with us that Rome, the illus- 
 trious seat of Peter, Prince of the apostles, sympathises and 
 acts."*^ — Thus I conclude, and with scarce a doubt as to 
 the correctness of my conclusion, that it was Peter reigning 
 and speaking at Rome that the Paulikians meant as apos- 
 tate from the faith in Christ : and that their asserted re- 
 jection of Peter's Epistles was a mere inference from their 
 enemies' strange mistake on this head. With which view 
 agrees their designation of the Greeks of the established 
 image-worshipping Church as Romans, themselves, the 
 Paulikians, as Christians:'^ also the fact that in the West 
 the charge of rejecting Peter's Epistles was never, I believe, 
 made against the Paulikian dissidents ; but the charge of 
 disregarding the see of Peter, as apostate from the Chris- 
 tian faith, was.'* 
 
 2ndly, is it to be inferred respecting the dualistic prin- 
 ciple charged on them, that they held it, though not in a 
 Manichean, yet in some miscriptural and heretical point of 
 view ? — The more I have considered the charge the stronger 
 is my persuasion that such was not the case : and that the 
 Paulikian peculiarity of doctrine on this head had relation, 
 not to the original creation, but to the present constitution 
 of, and present ruling authoritg in, the woiid : and this in a 
 sense altogether Scriptui'al, not unscriptural. 
 
 For the word ap;^aj, let it be remembered, is used in the 
 
 1 See my notice of the spirit of this Council, p. 332 infra. 
 
 - Tic yap hixiv'Vuj^ii], 6 rov Kvpv(paiov ntrpoi' fjiyaXwvvi^iOg BioKog, en' aOirriTfi 
 TijQ rov XpKTTov <jtTrT7jQ (iKOfOQ, avviTrvtviTti' ; 'Hfiiv, twi ry ravrrig rifxy, avfnrorti 
 Kai (Tvvt]SiTai. Such was the Catholics' triumphant appeal to the iconoclasts, in the 
 Xp»/ff£ic of the 2ncl Nicene Council ; Bibl. Patr. i. 731. (Ed. 1624.) 
 
 ^ P. S. 12. As Christians is a reliyious designative, so Romans must also be here 
 used in a religious sense. 
 
 * So the Cologne Paulikians. See p. 288 supra. Compare Bercnger's views, p. 281.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 323 
 
 sense of governments, or governing principles or potvers,^ 
 quite as much as in that of originating or creative princi- 
 ples : and that it was in the former that the Pauhkians 
 chiefly meant it, in their recorded differences with the 
 Greek Cathohcs, appears probable even from the form and 
 wording of the charge itself. Thus, though Petrus and 
 Photius speak of it as a Paulikian doctrine, that the Evil 
 One is the maker or demiurge of this world, yet, 1st, of the 
 details of any such original cosmogony, (details such as 
 occupy a prominent place in the various Manichaean or 
 Gnostic systems,) we shall find in the hostile sketches of 
 Pauhkianism, if 1 mistake not, precisely nothing. 2. 
 Wherever the alleged Paulikian notion of the Evil God's 
 having made the world is spoken of, it is almost uniformly 
 stated in association Avith their idea of the Evil One beino- 
 the ruling aiithoritg in this world. 3. And this too, very 
 generally, with an application distinctly restricted to the 
 present age, or world ; in contrast with the tvorld or age to 
 come, in which, they said, the good God was to have the 
 cpyji ; as if a question rather of time than place.^ — Hence, 
 I conceive, the Paulikians can only have called the Evil 
 God the TToir^Tiqg of the world in the sense of his having 
 been the originator of its present evil constitution, and being 
 the sJouo-iao-TT]^ over it during its present subjection to 
 vanity. And, so understood, the whole dualistic system of 
 the Paulikians assumes, to my own mind, the form of nothing 
 more nor less than the dualistic system of in >pired Scripture. 
 Eor, let me ask, has not Scripture its own dualistic sys- 
 tem of two ap-)(_ai ? To whom, as its originator, does Scrip- 
 ture ascribe the present evil in the world, both natural 
 and moral ? Is not this one of " the works of the Devil ? "^ 
 
 ^ Let me illustrate from Polyhius, lib. vi. c. 47, -when speaking- of the Pioman 
 constitution and government, in comparison with others. Eyw yap oumt ^vo anvaQ 
 tivai ■Ka(Ti]Q TVoXiruaq, ci' uiv aintrac // (pivKrai: (TVf.ij3ati'ei yiyvtnBai rag rt Cvva- 
 fiiiQ avTwv Kai Tag irvaraTitc' nvrai o' fiaiv t t] Kai v o u o i. 
 
 - So Petrus, p. 12: AXkov Qtov Xiyavaiv iivai rov tov Koafiov 7ro(7/r»j)', (n. 11, 
 TToiijrj/v Tt Kai t^ovnia<TTr}v,) Kai trtpov Qiov, bv Kai Ylnrtpa nriivparioi' \t- 
 yov(jt, fir] txovra ce i ^o vm a v iv Twh roj ko(7j.u,j, aW tv Tt-j fuWovTi aion't. 
 
 And Photius : <Pa<riv trtpov ^nv firai 0(ov, rov iirovpaviov rraripa, vv Kai rtji; rovve 
 rov iravTOQ e ^ ova i ag vTzepoptZuvin, rov fiiWovroQ ytovov ro k p a r o g avr^i 
 fyXitpiCovnq- kripov h rov Cij^iiovpyo)' rov Korrjiov, I'o koi ro Kvpog rov naporroQ 
 aiiovog xapi'Covrai. i. 17. Compare too his B. ii. 181, 196, 210, iii. 63, So, kc. In 
 one of which places (ii. 210) he says that the Paulikian system ro Koarog rrjg rov Qiov 
 fSaffiXiiag ng apx^'^ c-vriKtifiivag ffj^ti^n. 3 \ John iii. 8. 
 
 21 *
 
 324 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part in. 
 
 Mediately or immediately we must regard him, according to 
 Scripture, as the agent through whom this mundane cre- 
 ation was made subject to vanity, and to the bondage of 
 corruption : ^ for it was he who tempted man ; and so 
 brought death into the world, and all our woes. — Again, 
 respecting his ridh'hc) in this present world, as usurper, — 
 not indeed of God's providential government, but of that 
 spiritual kingdom which of right appertains to the Lord 
 Jesus, — we read of his being the Prince, yea the God of 
 this world ; ^ of the whole world lying under the Wicked 
 One ; ^ and of the men of this world being those whom he 
 hath blinded, and leadeth captive at his will : * — expres- 
 sions these of fearfully large import ; since none but the 
 little number of God's 7'eal children are depicted as deliver- 
 ed from out of this kingdom and rule of Satan. Nay, even 
 as regards the visible grandeur and glory of empire, which 
 attracts men's eyes and admiration in this world. Scripture 
 represents it as given into Satan's hands for the present. 
 We read of his declaring to Christ, (and not being contra- 
 dicted in the assertion,) after showing Him the kingdoms 
 of the woi-ld and their glory, " All these things will I give 
 thee, if thou wilt worship me ; for that is delivered unto 
 me, and to whomsoever 1 will I give it : " ^ and, yet again, 
 in the Apocalypse, of his raising up, and governing in, the 
 dominant Roman Empire, under its later pseudo-christian, 
 as before under its earlier Pagan form : and giving it his seat, 
 and power, and great authority ; in opposition to the king- 
 dom and servants, the so far deprest kingdom and servants, 
 of Christ Jesus.^ — So as to the present age and world. 
 But it holds out another and better world to come, (the amv 
 jasXXcoj/, or xo(r[xos o [J.sTi'Kcov ,) to the hopes and prayers of 
 Christians, as that in which all is to be changed : when the 
 Evil One's dominion and kingdom shall for ever pass 
 
 1 Sia Tov viroraKavra. Rom. viii. 20. Some Commentators explain this of God; 
 so Macknight ; some of Adam ; so AVhitby : some of Satan ; so Hammond. In any 
 case the ultimate causal agent of the thing is undoubtedly t/ie Devil. 
 
 2 John xiv. 30, 2 Cor. iv. 4. With reference to which latter passage see Suicer 
 on aiojv. ^ 1 John v. 19. 
 
 * 2 Cor. iv. 4, 2 Tim. ii. 26. Compare in the Ep. of the Pseudo-Barnabas the 
 statement following : " Seeing that the days are exceeding evil, and the advers;a-y 
 has the power of this present world." eh. 2. * Matt. iv. 9, Luke iv. 6. 
 
 6 Chrisfs witnesses were to prophesy in sackcloth; while the Dragon gave to the 
 ten-horued beast, the Jntichriat, great authority. Apoc. xiii. 2, &c.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.J THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 325 
 
 away ; and, in fulfilment of the never-ceasing prayer of the 
 Church/ the kingdoms of this world shall become the king- 
 doms of our God and of his Christ.^ 
 
 Such are the views held out to us by Holy Scripture 
 respecting the Evil Principle and the Good; the present 
 supremacy of the one, and the future of the other. Nor, 
 I feel persuaded, can any other unscriptural, or really 
 heretical views on this point, be proved against the Pauli- 
 kian sectaries, on consistent evidence, even out of the hostile 
 historians themselves. — Thus, is it asserted that the Pauli- 
 kians' two ap;^a<, meaning Gods, the good and the evil, in 
 contradiction to the Scriptural view of the two ap;^^ai, were 
 each alike eternal and self-existent,^ we have a direct ne- 
 gative to the assertion in the Paulikian woman's recorded 
 statement about the heavenly God, as " the onlij living and 
 immortal God." ^ — Is it asserted that at least matter was 
 believed by them to be eternal,^ this seems inconsistent 
 with the belief held by them, as just stated, about the only 
 living and immortal God ; and, if I mistake not, the charge 
 to be found neither in Petrus Siculus nor Photius.'' — 
 Is it asserted against them, that whensoever and howsoever 
 originating, the evil God was supposed by the Paulikians 
 to have had part in man's first creation, and to have made 
 his body, the source of all evil in him, while the good God 
 made the soul, the source of all good, — the charge, if exprest 
 or implied by Photius in one or two places,^ is by half- 
 implication contradicted in otliers ; more especially (not to 
 urge other anti-Manichsean indications, which will be no- 
 ticed in my Appendix) by his implied admission that they 
 believed in the hodj/s resurrection.^ — Is it asserted again, 
 so as by Petrus and Photius in one place, that the Pauli- 
 kians held so unscriptural a dualism, as to believe that both 
 the Good God and the Evil One were each confined ex- 
 
 ^ " After this manner pray ye ; . . May thy kingdom come ! " Matt. vi. 10. 
 2 Apoc. xi. 15. ■* The usual Manichsean doctrine. 
 
 * See p. 259 supra. Photius (i. 105) reports the woman's words as Tor fiovov 
 t^iovra Kai aOavarov Qeov. * So Dr. Gieseler in the Stud, und Krit 
 
 6 See Photius' argument, i. 147, et seq. 
 
 ' So Phot. ii. 142. Again the vXjj, or matter of Christ's human body, is spoken 
 of by Photius, B. iii. p. 31, as in the Paulikian belief furnished by the evil God. A 
 self-confuting passage that I shall have again to refer to under my 3rd head. 
 
 * In various passages Photius argues with the Paulikians from the fact of a future 
 resurrection, aS if not denied by them. So iii. 10 — 12, 77, 78; &c.
 
 326 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 clusively to his own kingdom, so that the heavenly Father 
 had just as httle power in this world, as the Demiurge, or 
 Evil God, in heaven,^ the direct contradiction to this is 
 supplied us in the narrations of these selfsame historians. 
 For it appears from them that the Paulikians believed the 
 Good God to have his earnest desires directed towards the 
 savino- of all men from their otherwise lost estate : ^ that 
 for this, in their opinion, he had sent them teachers like 
 Constantine, so acting in this woi'ld as the God of Pro- 
 vidence ; ^ for this acted as the x/^^riyog of actions (good 
 actions evidently) in men ; ^ and also by his Spirit ener 
 gized in the hearts of the faithful, as the source of light, 
 life, and peace. ^ — So does every charge break down, which 
 would make the Paulikian dualism different from the 
 Scriptural. In fact in Gegnaesius' time it seems to have 
 been a charge unheard of against the sect. 
 
 But why then such disagreement with them in this mat- 
 ter on the part of the Greek Catholics ; nor disagreement 
 only, but bitterness and enmity against them for their doc- 
 trine ? It was the Paulikian application of the doctrine, I 
 doubt not, that caused both the one and the other. For 
 the 6%Mrc7^question here, as on other points that will soon 
 come before us, became quite a barrier of separation be- 
 tween the two parties. As members of Christ's orthodox 
 visible Church the Greek Catholics considered that they 
 were altogether emancipated from the kingdom of Satan, 
 and in very deed participants of the life and salvation in 
 Christ's kingdom.*^ As members, bigotted members, of an 
 
 1 So Dr. Gieseler, as from Photius ; but without noting the exact passage. Pho- 
 tius' primary statement, i. 17, is rather less strong and full: ov (sc. the heavenly 
 Father) ti]q rov?t tov ■iravroc t^ouaiag inrfpopiZovcri. 
 
 2 So the Paulikian woman. See p. 257 supra. ^ So Pet. Sic. p. 33. 
 
 * So Photius ii. 151, of some Paulikians: tov ayaOov Qtov xoi'iyo^ eivai Toig 
 avOptiJTroig wpa^iwv. 
 
 5 " The God of peace be with you!" So (see p. 263) ends one of Sergius' Letters. 
 A simple sentence which speaks much on this point. — -In the histories of Paul's two 
 sons, and of Zacharias and Joseph, disputes arose as to who had received the Spirit. 
 So P. S. 38, of the two latter; Oaripov eaurov xpH'P'^ZoiKvov rrjv xapiv fiXrjAivat 
 TOV llvtvuaTog- and Photius i. 85, 86 ; also, of Gegnnesius and Theodore, disput- 
 ing about Tt]v TOV irarpog ainoOtv aTri(jTaXfitvj]t> x'^P'-'^i P- ^- 36, Phot. i. 76. Dr. 
 Gieseler, with reference to these cases among others, says that the doctrine of the 
 Holy Spirit was much developed in the Paulikian system. 
 
 6 "Compare Pilichdorf, Chs. 14, 15, arguing against the Waldenses on the same 
 point ; and Reiner against the Paterini, (in reference to 2 Cor. iv. 4,) B. P. M. xxv. 
 281, 272.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 327 
 
 idolatrous apostate Church, the Pauhkians regarded and 
 spoke of them as on the road to perdition;^ and, like the 
 Jews of old that denied Christ, as children of their father 
 the Devil.- — Listen to Petrus Sicidus' own account of the 
 professing Church and Christendom. He says that by 
 Christ's death and resurrection the Devil's head w^as so 
 bruised, and power overthrown, that he could no longer 
 act out his flagitious purposes against man openly as before ; 
 but only secretly circumvent and seduce the minds of a 
 certain few, (i. e. heretics evidently,) speaking lies in hy- 
 pocrisy, and having consciences seared as with a hot iron -.^ 
 while the whole Church of Christians is strengthened so as 
 that the gates of hell may not prevail against it ; the true 
 knowledge of God covers the wdiole earth as a flood ; the 
 virtue of heavenly spirits has made its inhabitation on earth, 
 and men invoking God vie in virtue with angels."^ The 
 earth he speaks of must of course be limited to Christen- 
 dom. But on it he evidently supposes Isaiah's prophecies 
 of the latter day to be already fulfllled, or fulfilling.^ What 
 then when it was urged against them that in the world, or 
 ao;e then existinf]^, the Evil One was dominant, not the Hea- 
 venly One ; yea, dominant in the so-called Church Catholic 
 itself, as in fact a Church apostate ? What, when the chil- 
 dren of the kingdom, that would at the last be cast out, were 
 by the Paulikian woman, and others of the sect, declared 
 to mean the members, and very specially the priestly mem- 
 bers, of the then professing Church : even as those to 
 whom Christ's heavenly kingdom had been indeed offered, 
 and by them professedly accepted at baptism, but whom 
 Christ would reject at the last, as having never really be- 
 
 ^ So Sergius, p. 260 supra. ^ John viii. 44. ^ p_ g p 9_ 
 
 * So p. 8 ; l:)toyv(jiaut St aXuO-qq iraaav t)]v yr]v wmnp iSwp ttoXu KaTticaXv\pti . 
 EvrtvOtf 7] Tiov ovpavioji' tin y/je apiTr] iroXirtvtrai, Kai toiq ayyiXoig raig aptTaig 
 6toK\vTovfitpoi avvafiiWojvTcu oi avOpwiroi. Mr. Arnold in the Brit. Mai^. for 
 September 1847, admitting that this js hyperbolicaf, expresses an opinion that Petrus 
 would readily have allowed it to be so ; and contest that in reality few acted up to 
 their Christian privileges. But I must beg to think him mistaken. For Petrus dis- 
 tinctly restricts Satan's power to heretics outside the Church's pale : and defines the 
 persons cast out at the last judgment to be, not the mere professing and insincere 
 members of the Church Catholic ; but only such as used magical arts, &c., and here- 
 tics. See my reply to Mr. A. on this point in the Brit. Mag. for October, 1847, 
 p. 426. 
 
 * Compare what I have said of the origin of such views in my Vol. i. pp. 256, 2.57, 
 266.
 
 328 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 longed to it ? ^ It is easy to see that this would be doctrine 
 as abominable and strange to the Greeks of the age of 
 Petrus Siculus, as to the Western Romans afterwards ; in- 
 somuch indeed as readily to provoke against the preachers 
 of it the charge of heresy. Even now, when carried out in 
 clear and personal application, the preacher who urges it is 
 not seldom deemed severe, and a bigot. But was it not 
 that Avhich theij at least must have urged, Avho had to sus- 
 tain the part of Chrisfs tvitnesses, according to the Apoca- 
 lyptic prophecy : when the heathen, under the name of 
 Christians, had come into Christ's temple ; and saying, 
 " The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord are tve,'"^ 
 occupied, and defiled it ? 
 
 The length at which I have discussed this charge as 
 affecting the Eastern Paulikians, leaves me no time to 
 speak of the Paulikians of the West. Let me simply ob- 
 serve that it was only against those of Turin and Orleans 
 that any charge at all of this nature was made ; and in 
 either case with internal evidence of the falsehood of the 
 charge.^ At Arras, Cologne, Lombers, Oxford, we hear 
 nothing of it. 
 
 3. Next, is there reason to suppose that the imputed 
 error really attached to them of demjing Christ's true in- 
 cainiation, and hirth from the Virgin Mary ? — To see the 
 nature as well as origin of this charge, it will, as before, be 
 instructive to look to the examination of Gegnsesius.^ The 
 question was then put simply to him, " Why dost thou not 
 worship and adore the Virgin Mother of God?"^ Here 
 was the germ of the future accusation ; and which in the 
 time of Petrus Siculus and Photius had been expanded 
 into that which has been already set before the reader : 
 viz. " They reject with hatred the Mother of God, always 
 a Virgin : honour her with no place among the blessed : 
 and speak not of Christ as horn of her, but as having 
 brought down a body with him from heaven."" Surely 
 
 1 See my abstract of the conversation in p. 258 supra. 
 
 2 Jer. vii. 4. ^ See my notice of these cases in the Appendix. 
 * See the Tabidar View. 
 
 ^ Aia Ti ov Tt/3{/ Kai ir povKvviiQ rrfv ayiav QforoKov. P. S. 37, PJiot. i. 79. 
 " P. S. 12, Phot. i. 20, 21. Compare, as before, the Tabular View.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 329 
 
 both the late date, and the wording of the charge, might 
 suffice to show the iniprobabihty of its truth : and to make 
 us suspect that the jealousy of the accusers was not for 
 Christ, but for the Virgin Mary ; and that the charge of 
 disbelieving Christ's incarnation was affixed as a mere rider 
 and corollary to that of dishonouring the Virgin Mother 
 of God. — Nor is the charge indeed, even as given, con- 
 sistent in itself. Let that remarkable clause be observed 
 by the reader, which follows immediately on what I have 
 just quoted from Petrus, — a statement again elsewhere 
 made by him, and also found in Photius ; "and that after 
 the parturition of Christ she had other sons by Joseph."^ 
 Can we well believe persons to have so used the word^ar- 
 turition, if believing that it was no real birth from the Vir- 
 gin ; or to have said other sons, when believing Christ not 
 to have been her son at all ? — But Ave have yet other and 
 equally decisive proof at hand, in refutation. In his 3rd 
 Book against the Paulikians, Photius himself as good as 
 admits the falsehood of the charge against the main body of 
 the Sectaries. For he there thus speaks : " There is o. por- 
 tion of the apostatizers, and that not a small one, that madly 
 argue against the incarnate manifestation of the Word:"^ 
 thus distinctly implying that even he could only say this 
 against a certain fraction of the Paulikians. I beg the 
 reader's particular attention to this last disproof: both as 
 being so decisive ; as having been strangely overlooked 
 hitherto ; and as powerfully bearing, not on this point 
 only, but on the whole controversy. — We must be now in- 
 deed strangely prejudiced, I think, not to allow that the 
 charge was, as the Paulikians ever contended it was, alto- 
 gether unfounded. 
 
 ^ Triv ■jravviii'ijTop Kai ainrapQtvov Qiotokov fi7]^t kut fv il'iky rwv ayaduiv av- 
 BpdjTTijiv Tarrtiv aTTt\9u)Q ctiTapiQ^i]cw firj^f i^ ainrjQ yiin'riO^vai tov Ki'piof, aW 
 ovpavoGtv TO awfia /carevfyKfU'" kul on, fiEra tov toii Kvpiov tokov, Kai aXXoiit;, 
 ^aaiv, i'tovg iyivvt]niv ik tov lujarjip. So P. S. p. 12, and 7. Also Photius i. 21 : BXocr- 
 (ptjfiovvTiQ Ss Ti)v inrtpayiav ^tmroivav yfiiv OeoroKov, a fii]Tt ypa(py iit]Tt UKoy 
 OEfiirov wapacovvai, ov iricppiKacn oi Tpig ovk ana^ airoXuiXtvai Sikuioi, XtyopTi^ 
 .... fcai TavTi]v Tt)v aaiziKov Kai KaBapav TrapOtvov, (lira tov 'SlwTijpiov roicov, 
 BTCpovg viovg tK tov IwrTrjcp TraiSoTroiriffai. A belief derived, no doubt, from our 
 Lord's brethren being spoken of in the Gospels. 
 
 - Ecrri yap, laTi, tiq tijq a-rroaTacnaQ tuvtyiq ovk oXiyq fiotpa Kai tuvttjv ttjv 
 Xvrrcrav kutu ttjq ivaapKov tov Aoyov Trapovaiag Trpo(pfpov(Ta' i. e. the XvrrrFa, or 
 mad theory, of Christ's having appeared kutu axrinaTiafiov Kai vnoKpiffiv, not iv 
 aXrjQti^ Kui vTTaplifi. B. iii. pp. 19, 20.
 
 330 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 To myself it seems always the more clear, the more I 
 reflect on the subject, that the real point of dispute and 
 difference between the Paulikian sectaries, and their ac- 
 cusers of the Greek Church, was not so much this, but the 
 identitji, or exact simitarity, of Christ's human nature with 
 that of his Virgin Mother. — On which point it surely 
 needs but little reflection to see the difficulties which he 
 must plunge into who would be wise above what is written.^ 
 We know that Christ's human nature was subject to feel- 
 ings, wants, sufferings, sympathies, like our own. But we 
 know also that it was in one respect unlike to ours ; it Avas 
 without sin. " He was made in the likeness only of sinful 
 flesh :"'^ and whereas "the first man was of the earth 
 earthy," the second man [even in regard of his sinless 
 human nature] was "the Lord from heaven."^ 
 
 Now the perpetual tendency of the Church, from the 
 third century downwards, to aggrandize the Virgin Mary, 
 — a tendency which, notwithstanding Epiphanius' tempo- 
 rary opposition to it,** sto{)ped little short of her deification, 
 regarding her as one whom prophecy ^ had delighted in its 
 
 ' E. g. See the revolting speculations of Ildephonzo, Bishop of Toledo from 658 
 to 679. (B. P. M. xii. 568.) He was thus a Western contemporary of Constautine, the 
 first founder of the Paulikian sect. - Rom. viii. 3, tv ofjoiwfiari irapKot; ujxapTiaQ. 
 
 3 1 Cor. XV. 47. Some manuscripts omit the words, 6 Ki^piof, "The Lord." 
 
 * See his attack on the Collyridians in the De Hffires. 
 
 * E. g. besides the well-known and really applicable prophecy in Isaiah, " Behold 
 a Virgin shall conceive and bear a Son," &c., Petrus Siculus, after a general de- 
 claration that the law and all tlie propliets had from of old foretold and presignified 
 her glory, particularizes the gate shut, and preserved for God to open, of Ezekiel xliv. 
 2; the fotnif'u It scaled of Cant. iv. 12; and the root of Jesse, i. e. the Virgin, from 
 which root Christ the branch was to spring, of Isa. xi. 1. 
 
 Similar misapplications of prophecy and profanities, may be seen in Hesychius' 
 Homily on the Virgin Mary, Andreas Cretensis in Marise Nativitatem, St. Germanus, 
 and other Greek Fathers of the 7th and 8th Centuries.— As this Germanus (if Com- 
 befis be correct) * was the Constantinopolitan Patriarch early in Leo the Isaurian's 
 reign, near about the time when Gegnsesius came into the Patriarchal Court f for 
 examination, and it is most important, nay essential, in order to a right judgment 
 
 * Dupin, vi. 90, prefers to regard these Homilies as written by another Constan- 
 tinopolitan Patriarch of the same name Germanus, and of the xiith century. But 
 he does not give any reasons. And, as the heading of the Homilies ascribes them 
 to a Germanus ev aywig, among the saints, not to the ayiwraroc VtQuavoq, and the 
 Patriarch of the viith century was tlie only Germanus sainted, I prefer to regard the 
 Homilies as his. In any case they give a most correct specimen of the religion in 
 vogue in the Greek empire, except as the iconoclastic emperors interfered with it, from 
 as eaiiy as the 7th even to the 15th century. See for the 8th century the above speci- 
 fied Treatises of Andreas and Hesychius, Bishops respectively of Crete and Jerusalem, 
 as given in the B. P. of 1624 in Greek, and in Latin in the B. P. M. Tom. x and xii ; 
 for the later centuries my illustrations Vol. i. pp. 486, 487. 
 
 f But not, I think, exactly then in office. See p. 255 Note - supra.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 331 
 
 figures to typify, and to whom (witness the exemphfica- 
 
 on the whole Paulikian subject, that the reader should be thoroughly aware of the 
 religion of the theu Greek established Church, I have determined to subjoin a speci- 
 men of this Patriarch's Mariolatrous religion and faith.* 
 
 I find him then, in full sympathy with Petrus Siculus, declaring the Virgin Mary 
 to be " the most illustrious fulfilment of all prophecy," and that there is no part of 
 divinely inspired Scripture where we may not find scattered figures and types of 
 her. Accordingly he proceeds to speak of her as designated under the figures of 
 " the holy temple, the second tabernacle, the altar, the propitiatory, the golden 
 censei-, the holy of holies, the cherubim of glory, &c. : " and then again as being, in 
 the mystical sense of prophecy, the burning bush seen by Moses that was not con- 
 sumed ; the holy ground that Moses' shoes might not tread upon ; the stone cut out 
 without hands, that became a great mountain ; the temple-gate entered by the Lord 
 God, and which man might never open ; the root of Jesse, and rod that was to come 
 out of its roots ; the garden enclosed, and fountain sealed ; the city of God, of which 
 glorious things were spoken ; the queen and bride, of the Psalmist and the Song of 
 Solomiin ; t ■ . ■ • in short, one of whom it might be said, in St. Paul's words, that in 
 her " dwelt all the fulness of the Godhead bodily." j— Marvellous are the things too 
 that he tells us of her birth, education, assumption : born of Anna in a manner some- 
 what supernatural, after long sterility : brought at three years old into the temple, 
 and there in the holy of holies nourished by an angel, till her maturity, on ambrosial 
 food, and given to drink of the divine nectar ; § and then at length, instead of sub- 
 jection to death,— as it could not be that the body which had received God within it 
 should experience corruption, — taken up alive to heaven, the empty tomb witnessing 
 to the fact. II 
 
 With all these feelings and impressions about her, and with the further full belief 
 moreover of what had long before Germanus' time been received as undoubted truth 
 in the Greek Church, and was soon after solemnly laid down in the Acts of the second 
 Nicene Council, viz. that the departed saints, the Virgin Mary most especially, were 
 not onlv intercessors and mediators before God in behalf of the suppliants that ad- 
 dressed' them, but also the communicators and agents of Divine Providence for their 
 good,^— it could scarcely be but that Germanus should look to her much more than 
 to Christ, as his Saviour. I here give literally, except that here and there a clause 
 or two are omitted for the sake of abbreviation, the appeal to the Virgin with which 
 he concludes one of his panegyrics. And I pray the reader well to mark it, as the 
 fairest possible specimen of the antichristlan character of the religion, that was 
 taught and enforced by the highest authorities in the Greek Church, at the time of 
 the i'aulikian separation, throughout the seventh and eighth centuries. 
 
 "And, Mistress, Mother of God! grant to all who celebrate _ this thy festival, 
 thy help, shelter, and patronage ; ever saving them, through thy intercessions, from 
 all necessity and dangers, from noxious diseases, from all kinds of calamities, and 
 from the future threatening of thy Son:** and, as the Lord's Mother, do thou 
 establish them in the palace of delight, where there is light and peace, and the 
 fullest communication of all that can be desired. And may the deceitful lips which 
 speak against thee become dumb. . . . For thou only. Mother of God, art most high 
 
 * From the Bib. P. ii. 4.52. (Paris, 1624.) t lb. 4.53, 454. 
 
 J; lb. 452. The above is in the Sermon on the Virgin's Nativity. 
 
 I This is in the sermon on the Virgin Mary's presentation, at three years old, in 
 the temple. lb. pp. 445 — 450. Of the latter singular clause it may be well to give 
 the original, p. 448. Vij.uiviv Se avTr) Xonrov tic ra tiov ayuov ivdoTepa ayta, afi- 
 /3po(T((<j rpo0y Si nyyiXov Tpttpofitv)), Kui tov Giiov viKvapoq ttoti^oiiivt], fJ-txpi 
 StVTipat; fii9i]\iKiii)'rtit}q. 
 
 II lb. 463. From the Sermon on the Virgin's Koifirjtni;, occupying pp. 459—463. 
 il So in the Xpr/Ttif vrtpt twu atnTojv iikovmv, approved in the 2nd Nicene Council. 
 
 Tuju ayiuiv rag irpecrl^itiag t^airovfitv J^tuai yap tv 0£(^, kul ivtpyovrtiv iv avrifi, icai 
 Toig ■!Tpo(Trpi)(ovcn, (cat Stofitfoig, tTTiKovptiv Kai (ioriOtiv ry tvovay avroig irapa 
 Qiuv SvvanH Kai xapiri SwcwTai. B. P. i. 730. 
 
 ** Mark here the view of Christ, as compared ^vith the Virgin Mary :— Christ the 
 awful severe judge ; Mary the mother of grace and mercy.
 
 332 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 lions in Petrns Siculus and Photius themselves) ^ prayer 
 ought to be addressed, — 1 say this tendency to aggrandize 
 her led to new views, or at least new statements, respect- 
 ing the great doctrine of the incarnation. The Nestorian 
 controversy revealed this in the broad day-light. The 
 Christian world, as it was called, was agitated to its centre 
 with indignation against him, who, preferring a more 
 scriptural phraseology ^ to the phraseology and definitions 
 of man, would call her the Mother of Christ, and not the 
 Mother of God? It was not zeal for Christ, or for the 
 right representation of that union in Christ's nature of God 
 and man, which was essential to his fulfilling the great 
 character of man's Saviour, that stirred them in the con- 
 troversy ; but, as it has been justly said,^ zeal for the Vir- 
 
 over all the earth ; and thee, bride of the Divinity, we bless in faith, we honour 
 with longing after thee, and worship with fear, ever magnifying and calling thee 
 blessed .... And, my Mistress ! thou that art alone the conductress of ray soul, 
 sent forth from God, the divine dew to my inward parchings, .... the most brilliant 
 lamp to my dark soul, the director of my course, the strength of my weakness, the 
 clothing of my nakedness, the riches of my poverty, the cure of my wounds (other- 
 wise) incurable, .... the alleviation of my pains, the loosening of my bonds, the hope 
 of my salvation,— hear thou my prayers, compassionate my groanings, receive my 
 lamentations ! . . . And, fidfilling the craving desire of my soul, unite me to my sister 
 and fellow-servant, in the land of the meek, the tabernacles of the just, the choir of 
 the saints. And count me worthy, I pray thee, Patroness of all, and joy of all, to 
 have part with her in the inexpressible joy of the God and King that was born of 
 thee, in his incorruptible bride-chamber, in delights unceasing, and the kingdom that 
 knows no evening, and will never end. Even so, Mistress ! my refuge, my life, my 
 succour, my armour, my boast, my strength ! " 
 
 Such was the real character of the Mariolatrous religion then professed by the 
 highest of the dignitaries of the Greek Church, and generally enforced. — My critic, 
 the Rev. T. K. Arnold, has strongly protested against my designation of the Greek 
 Catholic Church as at this time apostate. Let the reader now judge whether, or not, 
 it was apostate ; supposing apostasy to consist in setting Christ aside, in all his saving 
 offices : and whether, or not, it was such as absolutely to require that an enlightened 
 Christian slioidd secede from, and witness against it. 
 
 1 Wishing the eternal remembrance of the emperor Basil and his sons, Petrus Sicu- 
 lus thus writes ; iov aveniXTjorug . . i) jivrjfii} . . hacpvXax^tiy ^vxaiQ Kai TrpeajStiaig 
 rr]q vTTtpaytng >;/xtov QtoroKov Kcti atnrapOtvov Mapiag. P. S. 2. — In the same 
 spirit Fhiitias supplicates her, as his ri>fHgc and propitiation, to present her adorers 
 free from all taint of sin. A\Xa <yv, lu irapdivt Kai ftriTip tov Aoyov, to tp-ov Waa- 
 Ti](>ioi' KUL Trpoa(pvyLov, tov aov viov Kai titov yixiuv diaTrptcrlitvofitinj kiu fiavTiv- 
 ovrra, Tovg aovQ iifivtjTag tvuvtoq piiTov Kai ttuvtoq aTro(yiii]^afitvovt; fiuXvaftaTog, 
 TOV ovpaviov vvfi(l>iovog a^iovg avaSeiS,ov. On the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, Bib. 
 P. Vol. iv. col. 1603. (Paris, 1648.) 
 
 - The proper Scripture phraseology was the Mother of Jesus. 
 
 ^ Xpi(TT0T0K0g, not BlOTOKOQ. 
 
 * " The opinion which Nestorius undertook to protect was at variance with the 
 popular enthusiasm, that had already set in the opposite direction : and it was easily 
 urged on, and roused into a tempest, when an insult was represented to have been 
 ofiered to the dignity and holiness of the Virgin." Waddington, i. 348. He adds in 
 a note : — " It seems probable that if Nestorius had abstained from all mention of the 
 Virgin Mary, or merely avoided the imprudence of interfering with the title of a being
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 333 
 
 gin Mary. The title of Mother of God was one that seemed 
 to ascribe more of the divine to her, than that which styled 
 her simply Mother of Christ. And Nestorius, for prefer- 
 ring the latter, was inveighed against, first as an enemj/ to 
 the Virgin,^ and idtimately as a Manicheaii? — Nor did it 
 end here. About the time of the founding of Paulikianism 
 by Constantine, the sinlessness of Christ's human soul and 
 nature had begun to be reflected back on that of his Vir- 
 gin Mother. If his human nature were free from sin, how 
 so unless that of the Virgin, from whom alone he derived it, 
 was sinless also? Such was the bearing, as we have seen, 
 of the views of the Patriarch Germanus ;"^ such of those of 
 Andreas of Crete ; ^ and of Paschase Radbert's, about the 
 year 870, most exphcitly : ^ a view^ and doctrine which 
 ceased not its working in Christendom], until the authoritative 
 recognition by one Papal decree, in the 15th century, con- 
 summated by another quite lately in the 19th, of the free- 
 dom 'of the Virgin Mary from all taint of original sin.*^ — 
 All which being so, how could it be but that the Paulikians, 
 if real witnesses for Chri-t, should bear their protest against 
 the rising error? Their alleged quotation of such texts 
 
 ■who was already becoming the object of superstition, the controversy would not have 
 taken place at all." 
 
 ' lu Moschi Pratum Spirituale, ch. 46, we find, Eyvwi' avrov (i. e. Xestorius) 
 tivai Tov TTjg SeaTToivag ■i]fiiTt^i)Q ayiaf 6fo7-oKou tov ixOpov. — Compare the E,. 
 C. Archbishop M'llale's charge against the Anglican Cliurch, when denoimcing the 
 Protestant school of the Eev. Mr. Moore, Aug. 23, 1849 : " It is a Church that robs 
 God of his glory : a Church that despises God's Virgin Mother, and deprives her of 
 her honour. How can they hououi- the Son, when they despise tlie Mother?" — 
 Evening Mail. 
 
 - In the Catalogus Hi^reticorum, subjoined to Reiner's Treatise in the original MS., 
 but of which it seems doubtful whether he is the author, and given after Reiner in 
 the B. P. M. XXV. 277, the following occurs : " Dicere Christum non doluisse in pas- 
 sione est dicere quod Christus non fuerit homo, nisi phantasma ; et htrc h;iercsis Xcs- 
 torii et Eufycliis :" and again ; "Est error Jlanichcei et JVesto)-ii, quidicunt Christum 
 non fuisse vere passum." 3 ggg pp 330^ 33^ sjipi.^_ 
 
 * Let the following example from Andreas' Sermons on the V. M. sullice, " ^it/- 
 nam te immaculatam, qute sola de tuo utero lanam Christo, hmnanam nimirum mlb- 
 stantiam, contulisti." B. P. M. x. 686. Cave dates Andreas as flourishing from 635 
 to 680 A.D. 
 
 5 In his De Virginitate Marisc this writer thus argues : — " Si caro ejus (Marite) de 
 massa prims prievaricationis venit, quomodo Christus Verbum caro sine peccato fuit, 
 qui de came peccati carnem assumpsit .' " And elsewhere : " Maria Virgo non sic est 
 nata sicut solent pueri vel puella; nasci. Sed de Anna sterili et patre jam sene, extra 
 consuetudinem mulierum, post refrigescentem calorem, . . et omnem amorum libidinis 
 discessum, mundo corde et corpore ab omni poUutione carnali orta est." In Nativ. 
 Mariie, B. P. M. xii. 566, 590. Given as Ildefonzo's in the B. P. M. On the real 
 author see p. 330 Note ^ supra. « See p. 25 supra.
 
 334 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 as, " The second man is the Lord from heaven," is surely 
 explainable on the hypothesis of their urging them to show, 
 not merely the miraculous nature of the conception, but 
 also (as already hinted) that Scripture did not represent 
 Christ's sinless human soul and nature as altogether from 
 the Virgin,^ so as to be of one and the same character with 
 hers.^ An argument this however, which, reducmg the 
 Virgin as it did to her own real level of one of the fallen 
 children of Adam, might be deemed, and in fact was deemed, 
 little less than blasphemy.^ 
 
 Ere concluding my disproof the anti-Paulikian charge 
 of phantastic views about Christ's human nature, I must 
 not omit referring to one particular and most important 
 branch of the accusation ; viz. as regards Christ's crucifixion 
 and death. — Now that the Paulikians believed in Christ's 
 real, not phantastic crucifixion and suffering on the cross, 
 is a point that follows of course immediately and necessa- 
 rilv from their believing his true incarnation. But, be'sides 
 this, there occur other and distinct disproofs of the charge. 
 Thus in one place, speaking of the sun's being darkened 
 and rocks convulsed at Christ's crucifixion, Photius argues 
 that, according to the Paulikian (supposed) demiurgic dog- 
 ma, of the present visible Avorld being the Evil God's crea- 
 tion, the world ought rather to have manifested marks of 
 joy at his suffering such tortures, who had come to over- 
 throw its Maker."^ And elsewhere, again, he exclaims against 
 the abominable absurdity, as well as impiety, of the secta- 
 
 1 Mr. Arnold has obiected to this, as an erroneous statement about Christ's human 
 nature ; but 1 believe altogether without reason. See the attack and defence in the 
 British Magazine for August and October, 1847, pp. 192 and 428. 
 
 - Compare Augustin Y)& Gen. ad Lit. x. 35 :— " Christus visibilem carnis sub- 
 stantiam de carne Virginis sumpsit ; ratio vero conceptionis ejus non a semine -virili, 
 sed longe aliter et desuper venit." While what was visible of Christ's human nature 
 came from the Virgin, its moral sinlessness was from the heavenly principle over- 
 shadowing from above. 
 
 3 It is still so in Popish countries : e. g. the case of Maria Joachima Alves, condemn- 
 ed in 1847 at Madeira, after that interesting work of conversion there which will be 
 ever associated with the memory of Hewitson. The real ground of her condemna- 
 tion was her Scriptural Protestantism. The pretended ground was '^ for maintaining 
 that veneration should not be given to images, denying the real existence of Christ 
 in the sacred Host, and hlasphemij ar/ainst the most holij Virgin^ the mother of God." 
 For this she was condemned to death, but escaped to Trinidad. 
 
 ■* Tjc yrtp KOii'iovia, r\ ffvinrnOiia, irovrjpov TrXanfiaroc iciii StcnroTiKov iraQovQ ; 
 'Expr]v ya(> fiaWov, bnov tiri tiij tmv aaefiujv ^oy/tart, Xuf^nrpin'icrOai n, kui Koafiov 
 nifiiliaXXiirBdi /.itiZova re Km TTfpKtinvtaTfpov, t(p' <o tov Ka9t\eiv Trafiayfyovora 
 TOP irXanTiiv avrwv Tr]\iKovTov tt a 6 o g tjSXtTrov v<piaTafiivoi>. B. ii. p. 197-
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5. J THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 335 
 
 ries, in supposing the flesh and Mood, by the shedding and 
 breaking of which the world was to be redeemed from the 
 enemy, to have been matter furnished by the enemy him- 
 self.^ To the same effect is what we read of their " reviling 
 the wooden cross, as an accursed instrument ;'' indeed, (so 
 Photius says,) " as the instrument of punishment used hj 
 wicked men .-"^ and their adoring "what theif called the cross, 
 viz. " Christ, who with his arms extended formed it;" an 
 act equally meaningless, except on the same supposition. — 
 Besides that, after this his crucifixion and death, they are 
 declared to have regarded Him as their forerunner into the 
 heavenly Jerusalem ; ^ an office which, except as one still 
 of real human nature like our own. He could surely not 
 have been supposed to sustain. 
 
 As to the Western Paulikians the charge on this head 
 is but feebly made against them, in comparison. " They 
 answered rightljj respecting the substance of the heavenly 
 Physician," was the report about the heretics at Oxford."^ 
 And both the Petrobrussians' exprest hatred of the cross, 
 as the instrument of Christ's torture and cruel death,^ 
 and the Cologne heretics' saying about their fife of poverty 
 and trial being a following of Christ's footsteps,^ statements 
 alike unmeaning, except on the hypothesis of their l^eliev- 
 ino- Christ to have really suffered, and so had a real human 
 body, concur to the same effect. Nor indeed, I conceive, 
 
 1 A\\* bpn TO (bpiKTOv Tr]g BwnaxiaQ an ttXsov Kat Karairrvarov. Ri 6 QtoQ^ia 
 Tov al/itaroc avro'v fXvrpioaaro tov koo^iov ik tijq SovXeiag tov tx^pov, to h a'lfia 
 Kai r) trap? . . {nWa (ppiTTiov Kai tou<; \oyi<Tfiovg, kul tijv yXiorraay, toiq 9tofMxoig 
 Xiytiv a(pir]fiL to tavrwv,) ttwc Sia toiovtov TrXao-jttnrof to ytvoq yfitoi' i)pTra<7tv ek 
 TrjQ SovXeiuQ Tou ixOpov ; — Photius' aTroo-iwTr/jo-ff before the parenthesis is evidently 
 to be supplied thus ; . • • " and the body and the blood were in these heretics' opinion 
 the creation of the evil Demiurge." iii'. 31. He adds : no\\/;c yap av cifia x"Ci''oe 
 (cat Tifi)]g aS,wg r]v 6 ix^pog iifiuji', ft Traptixtv vXi^v avTog Si' j'/f av anaXXaytujHiv 
 TJ]Q TvpavviSog avTov. 
 
 '^ KUKovpyiov opyavov, Kai vTO apav Kfi^ivov. Photius i. 23 ; and also Cedrenus. 
 Where mark the KUKovpyiov opyavov. Mr. Arnold (Brit. Mag. ib. 195) cites Gieseler, 
 translating it "an instrument /or the execution of malefactors." But the Greek does 
 not admit of this. Moreover from Constantine's time it had been disused in the 
 Roman empire, as an instrument of punishing malefactors. Sozomen i. 8. 
 3 Phot. i. 21, P. S. 37. ■* *^ee p. 292 supra. 
 
 * See p. 284 supra ; and compare Peter de Clugny's statement respecting these 
 Petrobrussians : " Cum certum teueatis in morte Cliristi, quie per crucem acta est, 
 vitam universorum consistere, dura crucem de medio auferre vultis, vita) omnium in- 
 videtis." B. P. M. xxii. 1053. 
 
 Compare Lucas Tudensis' report of a common Albigensian argument, in the form 
 of a story about the cross, in the xiiith century ; B. P. M. xxv. 242 :— A cross being 
 met by two travellers, one adored it, because by it Christ saved the world ; the other 
 [more reasonably] stoned it, because on it the Jews killed Christ. ^ See p. 286.
 
 830 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 if the charge be abandoned perforce as against the Eastern 
 Pauhkians, will any one of their adversaries think it worth 
 while to urge it against the Western. 
 
 4. Once more, (for it needs not that I enter on the charge 
 made against them of rejecting the worship of the cross, it 
 being one on the propriety of which all Protestants will 
 agree with them,^) it remains that we consider whether 
 the Paulikians were really tainted, as asserted, with heresy 
 on the sacraments. — Respecting the one sacrament it was 
 said, " They detest baptism, pretending to value it greatly : 
 whereas, instead of it, they mean Christ ; who, they say, 
 said, ' I am the living water.' " ^ Respecting the other ; 
 " They reject the communion of the body and blood of 
 Christ:" or, to use Petrus' expression, " They turn away 
 from the divine and awful participation of the holy mysteries 
 of the body and blood of our Lord God :" ^ and this, as the 
 formula of Abjuration adds, " feigning to receive it ; where- 
 as they mean, instead, the words of the doctrine of Christ, 
 which he spoke when communicating to the Apostles." ^ — 
 Now that they did not renounce the sacraments appears pro- 
 bable, both from their repeated disclaimers, and from the 
 recorded fact of their sometimes receiving both the one sa- 
 crament and the other, at the hands of certain priests of the 
 Greek Church. Por I see not for what interested object 
 they could have so done : the priests of the Greek Church 
 thus made use of being, as Photius states it, themselves 
 captives in the Paulikians' hands, whether at Argas or Te- 
 phrice.^ So of their acting in the East. — Nor was evidence 
 
 1 The following, from Photius and Cedrenus, must not be overlooked. " Yet some 
 of them in time of severe sickness, or suffering, lay the cross upon themselves ; but, 
 when recovered, . . break it." (Phot. i. 29, Cedrenus ap. Bowling, p. 20.) But surely 
 this is a mere perversion of their speaking of themselves as then bearing the croxs. 
 (See Matt. xvi. 24.) Photius' idea of its being valued by them as a bodily charm, seems 
 really absurd. The whole tendency of Paulikianism runs counter to any such notion. 
 
 * So Photius, P. S., and the Formula of Abjuration. 
 3 P. S. p. 12. Cited p. 337, Note^. 
 
 * So too Photius i. 22. See the Tabular View in my Appendix. 
 
 ° TovQ Trailaq avTiov viro rwv tijq £(CK\?j(7iac ifpKrlSvrepiov, aiyiiaXuKTiag Xoyo 
 TToWaKit; Trap' avroiQ KaTtxoiiCviuv, T(f) awriipiqj a^iovai (p<nTi(T9i)vai fio-ifffian. 
 So i. 30. Also that "not a few of them" partook rov rifitov crwijarcg koi atfiaTog 
 Xoiarov rov 6(oii I'lfiaiv. Ibid. 
 
 'it is said by Photius that they did so in order the better to deceive. But, where 
 the separation was so decided as it was, the Paulikians living very much as a distinct 
 people, it seems to me that it would have been as useless as insufficient a method of 
 concealing their own character.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 337 
 
 to the same effect wanting in the history of the probable 
 Paiilikian offshoots in Western Europe. Let me remind the 
 reader of what is recorded by Evervinus about the Cologne 
 heretics, " that, besides tvater -baptism," they had what they 
 called a " baptizing with the Holy Ghost, and with fire ;" ^ 
 and that " they contended that the elect among them might 
 consecrate the bodfj and blood of Christ at their meals : " — 
 also of the case of the Petrobrussians ; among whom the 
 apophthegm was current, "Nee propria fides ^me baptismo" 
 as well as " nee baptismus sine fide : " ^ — and of that too of 
 the accused at Lombers : where the only questioned or sus- 
 pected point on baptism was, not as to the propriety of 
 water-baptism itself, but as to their belief in the efficacy of 
 pcedo-baptism ; ^ and, on the Lord's Supper, as to the re- 
 cipients to be benefited, and the persons by whom the con- 
 secration was to be performed.^ 
 
 That there was however some prominently marked and 
 constant difference respecting the sacraments, between 
 them and the churches established in Greek and Roman 
 Christendom, is ])lain on the face of the records. Eor it 
 is noted in almost every extant account of Paulikian doc- 
 trine, from the examination of Gegnaesius down to the 
 Council at Lombers ; including the intervening notices of 
 the Sect by Petrus and Photius, and those of the later 
 reputed heretics at Orleans, Arras, Vezelai, Cologne, Ox- 
 ford. And what was it? — Respecting the eucharist it 
 might seem probable, from Petrus's own wording of the 
 charge,^ that one thing the Paulikians in word and act 
 objected to, and turned away from, was a partaking of the 
 ordinance in a church which regarded the elements as tran- 
 substantiated: — a superstitious doctrine this long iiisinu- 
 
 ^ See p. 287 supra. — So too Ermengard, about 1200 A.D. ap. Facts and Doc. p. 
 381 ; " Some say that the sacrament of water-baptism, without their imposition of 
 hands, does not profit the recipients, whether children or adults, as to their obtaining 
 eternal salvation." 
 
 Compare, on this their rite of imposition of /laiids, the apostolic practice described 
 Acts viii. 17, &c., the Waldensian practice, and the English rite of Confirmation : also, 
 on the Paulikians' recognition of the need of the Holy Spirit's infiuence, Note-, p. 
 340 infra. 2 gge p. '282, 
 
 3 See p. 29.5 supra : also, more generally, Ermengard ibid. * p. 295. 
 
 5 Tpirov TO TTfv Baav Kai ^piicr?/]' twv ayicai' fivarripuxiv row iroj^iarog Kai a'tfiaTog 
 row Kwpiou KOI Gfow ijfiwv fiiraXtjil/iv atroTpii^/ai. p. 12. Whj' i)iiav and (pptKrrjv, 
 divine and dreadful, imless the elements were supposed to be transubstantiated .^ A 
 change in them, of course, only to be effected by priests of the Catholic Church. 
 VOL. II. 22
 
 3'38 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 ated/ and now generally received, in the Eastern or Greek 
 Church, as well as in the Roman ; though in neither indeed 
 authoritatively enjoined till some time after : and against 
 which the Paulikian protest, if begun thus early in the 
 East, was kept up continuously in the West afterwards, 
 even to the time of Petrus Valdensis. So at Orleans, and 
 at Arras, very expressly ;^ so by Berenger ;'^ so afterwards.* 
 As regards baptism it seems to me evident that what 
 the Paulikians objected to, and protested against, was the 
 received doctrine of its efhcacy b(j itself, ex opere operato, to 
 the spiritual purification, quickening, and salvation of those 
 to whom it was administered. In Gegnsesius' examination, 
 as Photius reports it, the Greek Patriarch's question on this 
 head was whether he thought baptism " a purification of 
 souls, and of the soul's defilements ;" ^ as well as " a laver of 
 the remission of sins :" this being evidently that on which 
 the Paulikian views were supposed heretical. Which state- 
 ment I regard as nothing less than the key to the whole 
 truth in the matter. He expresses it elsewhere thus ; — that 
 while thinking baptism might be profitable to the body, the 
 Paulikians believed that its virtue went no further, to the 
 purification of the soul.^ — So against the Orleanists the 
 charge is thus framed by one of the chroniclers ; " They de- 
 nied the grace of baptism :" ^ by another ; " That there was 
 no washing awag of sins in baptism." ^ At Arras the sect- 
 aries are reported to have said, " that there was no sacra- 
 ment by which [i. e. of itself] men might attain salvation."^ 
 The Petrobrussians were accused of " denying the eflicacy 
 
 1 In Gregory Nyssen's Catechetical Discourse, as translated in the B. P. M. xix. 
 215, 216, I observe the following. " Recto nunc Dei verbo sanctificatum paneni in 
 
 Dei Verbi corpus credimus inirautari Ideo cunctis credentibus gratis dispensa- 
 
 tione se ipsuni impertit per carnem qua) ex vino et pane constituitur ; et fideliura 
 corporibus conjungitur, ut ea conjunctione cum immortali homo etiam inimortalitatis 
 particeps fiat." Cited, and adopted, by the Greek Monk Euthymius Zigabenus. 
 
 ~ See p. 271 and p. 275. ^ p. 279 supra. 
 
 * The reader will see this, on referring to the historical extracts at pp. 281, 282, 
 285, 293, supra. 
 
 5 KaSapiTiov twv ^l^vxtov kui x(jv\tKiuv fio^vnfiariov. i. 81. 
 
 6 AfffirfXfii' T(it crioj^iaTi' ju/j fitvroiyt SiafScnviif Trjv rov j^aitTiafjaTOQ tvepyeiav 
 lie 4'^'X^K KoGapiTiv. i. 30. '' So John of Fleury. See p. 269. 
 
 » " Me nullam in baptismo promercri veniam peccatorum." Arcfaste's Report in 
 the Chartulary. — Compare Kodulphus Glaber's; "Omne Christianorum opus, pietatis 
 duutaxat et justitia;, quod a^stimatur pretium remunerationis a'teruiK, laborem super- 
 fluum judieabant e.sse." See p. 271 supra : also Maitland's I^etter to INlill, pp. 46, 
 48^ 50. — On the same principle justification through works of merit would naturally 
 be protested against by them, as baptismal justification. ^ p. 275, Note''.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 330 
 
 of baptism without faith :'' ^ and those at Oxford, (though 
 allowed to have rightly confessed the nature of the heavenly 
 Physician,) yet " of denying those remedies wherewith," it 
 was said, " He deigneth to heal mans moral infirmity : i. e. 
 the divine sacraments," confided to the Catholic Church.^ 
 And so too at Cologne and Vezelai.^ 
 
 Thus the fair inference from all these statements seems 
 to me to be this ; — that, instead of heresy respecting the 
 sacraments, the Paulikian doctrine and practice was in 
 reality rather a protest against the superstitious abuse of 
 the sacraments : i. e. against that substitution of the sacra- 
 mental/on;?- for the spirit, the outtvard for the imvard, and 
 the work of the officiating minister for that of God's own 
 life-giving Spirit, which we long since considered to be allu- 
 sively noted in the Sealing Vision, as the first symptom and 
 cause of the instealing ecclesiastical apostasy, at the close 
 of the 4th Century ; ^ a principle this by which, as sacra- 
 ments could not have efficacy to save without a regular 
 priest's consecration, salvation was vested absolutely in the 
 priest's hands. ^ Perhaps as it was i\\Q first, so it might be 
 considered as of all other errors the most subtle, in the 
 apostatic system. Yet, subtle as it was, against it, as well 
 as against all the grosser errors of the apostasy already 
 noted,^ this remarkable line of dissentients were taught 
 and enabled, if my inferences be just, to keep up, through 
 the five centuries comprehended in our review, a continuous 
 testimony. — And what I would further beg the reader to 
 mark, ere passing from this subject, is the fact that they 
 
 ' p. 282 supra. « pp. 292, 293. 
 
 3 See pp. 287, 291.— To much the same effect is Mariana's statement, in his ac- 
 count of the Albigensiun heresies, at the clone of the xiith century. " Sacerdotibus 
 remittendi peccata potestatem detrahebant : et, quod majoribus inauditum erat, ne- 
 que aquam baptismi ad expianda peccata vim habere putabant, neque in eucharistiae 
 Sacramento Christi corpus esse." B. P. M. xxv. 190. 
 
 * See my Vol. i. pp. 288, &c. 
 
 s " In sacramentis, tanquam in vasis coelestibus, salutis remedia continentur." So 
 Hard. vii. 293. And the Catech. of the C. of Trent, ii. 1.9; " Ilia (sacramenta) tan- 
 quam remedia, ut scribit S. Ambrosius, atque evangelici Samaritani medicamenta, ad 
 animarum sanitatem recuperandam vel tuendam;" (19) '■'■minisfrorum ojficio." 
 
 With which compare our own great Hooker's statement. " The grand question be- 
 tween us and Eome is about the matter of justifying righteousness. . . . We disagree 
 about the nature and essence of the medicine whereby Christ cureth our disease; 
 about the manuer of applying it ; and about the number and the power of the means 
 which God requii-eth in us for the eifectual applying thereof to our souls' comfort. . . 
 This is the mystery of the man of siu." — Disc, on Justification, § 3 — 5. 
 
 « See p. 298 &c., supra. 
 
 22*
 
 340 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi.' 
 
 did not merely protest against the unscriptural and false 
 mode of justification and life, but declared the true also. 
 It was for substituting their priesthood in the place of " the 
 life-giving and immortal Lord," that the Paulikian woman 
 inveighed against the Greek Catholics/ It was the Holy 
 Spirit's influence that they recognised as the one grand 
 qualification for the Christian ministry.'^ It was Christ, 
 "the living water," that they looked to for true baptism. 
 At Arras the heretics, speaking of the sacraments as that 
 which of themselves could not purify, are stated to have also 
 set forth, in the way of contrast, "a certain justification'' ^ 
 whereby men might be cleansed and purified. The Petro- 
 brussians, when protesting against the saving efficacy of 
 baptism without faith, implied its saving efficacy with faith. 
 The Cologne declaration, " that fastings and penances are 
 not necessary as undertaken for sin," was followed by 
 another statement, " because that at what time soever the 
 sinner repents of his sins they are all forgiven him."'* — 
 From all which, it seems to me, we are warranted in con- 
 cluding that the cardinal truth of justification from sin 
 by Christ's free grace through faith, (though not indeed in 
 the strict forensic view of the phrase,) and with life and 
 salvation imparted by Him as its accompaniment, was from 
 the beginning, and throughout, the doctrine of the Pauli- 
 kians ; in opposition to the doctrine, embraced and taught 
 in apostate Christendom, of justification, purification, and life, 
 through the opus operatum of the priest-made sacraments. 
 
 1 oiiQ (Tifir) MQ QtovQ, tyKaToKeiil'aQ tov Z,iovra Kai aQavarov Kvgiov. p. 259 supra. 
 With which ^wvra, and its contrast, compare the passage in Apoc. yii, " having the 
 seal of the living or life-giving God," and its contrast. See Vol. i. p. 275 — 283. 
 
 - Compare what is said of the disputes between the two sons of Paul of Episparis, 
 and afterwards between Zacharias and Joseph, as to which of the two had been called 
 by the Holy Spirit to the chief ministerial office in the Paulikian body; Qart^ov 
 tavTOv T\ir](f)iZ,ofiivcv rrjv x^P'-'^ ii\i](pivai rov JlvEiifiarog. P. S. 38. 
 
 I have already noticed this at p. 326, Note ^ : and also how, in reference to it, 
 Gieseler observes in his Essay that the doctrine of the Holy Spirit was strikingly 
 developed in the Paulikian System. — It is when making this observation, that he also 
 exemplifies in what seems to have been a current invocation of blessing on each other, 
 " May the prayer of the Holy Spirit compassionate you!" 'H ivxr} tov ayiov nvfi;- 
 fioTOf: fXft]<Tti i'lxag. An expression drawn, as he observes, from what St. Paul says 
 of the Spirit's intercession for us, in Rom. viii. 26 : though most grossly perverted 
 against the Paulikians by Photius; as if they meant Sergius by the Holy Spirit ! 
 
 3 " Quandam justitiam pr;eferentes." See Note ^ p. 275, and Note ' p. 277 supra. 
 
 « See pp. 288, 289.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 341 
 
 And this leads me to conclude my long argument re- 
 specting these Paulikians with an observation which, on 
 the whole review of the matter, strikes me very forcil^ly. 
 It was stated by St. John in his Epistles, as a general cha- 
 racteiistic of the heresies which had up to that time ap- 
 peared, that they were all in character anti-christian ; 
 " Even now there are many Antichrists!' The true mean- 
 ing of which word anti-christian denotes, as before shown, 
 rather that tvhich usurps Christ' s ptace^ (and this specially 
 in a professedlij Christian Church or body,'"^) than that which 
 is simply against Christ ; though the latter sense must of 
 course apply to all that is anti-christian in the former. Now 
 it will only need to look with attention on the grand here- 
 sies that are recorded in ecclesiastical history, to see that 
 this is a characteristic essentially attaching to them all. 
 Whether it be the Gnostic or the Manichean, the Arian 
 or the great Greek and Roman apostasy, — in every case 
 Christ will be found to have been practically set aside by 
 the heretical system, in respect of his chief offices, and 
 something substituted in his place. It was Satan's grand 
 object. On the other hand there appears in the record of 
 the Paulikian asserted heresies, albeit given by enemies, a 
 marked and constant tendency to Christ, not from Christ. 
 " They denied baptism," is one of the charges made, as 
 we have seen, " professing to value it ; but meaning Christ, 
 of whom it was said, I am the living water." They denied 
 the eucharist, " feigning to receive it, but meaning Christ's 
 doctrine." " They reviled the cross, pretending to honour 
 it ; but meaning thereby Christ crucified, who with his 
 arms extended formed it." ^ Again they called themselves 
 the bodij of Christ,^ implying that he was their chief and 
 their head: and spoke of Christ as Him whose footsteps 
 they wished to follow in this world ; ^ Him who was their 
 forerunner to the heavenly Jerusalem ; ^ Him who marked 
 
 1 See my Vol. i. p. 65. * Such as were the Gnostics. 
 
 * See generally my preceding citations. 
 
 * See the 5th Extract from Sergius' Letter, given p. 263 supra ; and the account 
 of the Cologne heretics, p. 287 ; also Eckbert, quoted in the Facts and Documents, 
 p. 355, and St. Bernard Serm. Ixvi. 8, in Cant. &c. 
 
 5 So at Cologne ; p. 287, &c. « See p. 335 Note 3.
 
 342 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 them even now from his mediatorial throne in heaven ; ^ 
 and would soon, as their King and Judge, admit them to 
 partake its joys." Once more, as the great object of their 
 hopes, they looked, as we have before seen, to his introduc- 
 tion oi the age to come: in which age the Usurper should 
 have no more authority ; but all the power, and all the 
 authority, be with the Lord Christ. 
 
 Was not all this precisely according to the character I 
 have ascribed to them, of Chrlsfs Witnesses ? 
 
 In the mean while in this world their feelins; must have 
 been eminently that of pilgrims. The Paulikian ministers 
 were styled (ruvsx^riixoi, missionary fellow -pilgrims ; in the 
 sense of absentees, we may perhaps think, from a heavenly 
 as well as earthly home.^ For they were not of the world, if 
 
 J So at Orleans. 2 gg jbid. and by the Paulikian Woman. 
 
 3 In Petriis' time the minisiers were thus styled. At p. 265, Note ^, I have just 
 noticed this appellation ; and also passages in the Acts and St. Paul's Epistles in which 
 the word, simple or compounded with cri'i', occurs. In two of them, Acts xix. 29 and 
 2 Cor. viii. 19, it is used literalhj of those who were absentees, while travelling with 
 the apostle, from earthly homes.* In 2 Cor. v. 6 we find it used spiritually, of ab- 
 sence from the Lord ; " When at home in the body, we are absent from the Lord : " 
 ivoitjiowTtQ tv Ti{) awfiaTi, iKCrifioDj-itv aiTo tov Kvpiov. In the next verses St. Paul 
 dwells on the idea : " We walk by faith, not by sight ; and we are willing rather to 
 be absent from the body, and present with the Lord : " t/c^jj/xjjcrai airo tov awfiarog, 
 Kai tvSr\}ir](jai irpoq tov Kvpiov. 
 
 It must have been in one of these two senses, I conceive, that we must explain the 
 term. And perhaps the sense of absentees from earthly homes, commissioned to mis- 
 sionary work, may seem to some in itself the real and whole sense of the appellation. 
 But let it be considered that it was given, not alone to the few specially sent out 
 from the body as missionaries, so as in 2 Cor. viii. 19 ; but to the ministers generally. 
 For it appears from Petrus Siculus' narrative that some of Sergius' ffvvtKSr]fioi were 
 living at home at Tephrice, on his visiting it. Hence I may perhaps be permitted 
 to combine with the former the latter sense also ; especially as being so suited to 
 the prominency of the Paulikian views about Christ as their forerunner, and the 
 heavenly Jerusalem as their home. 
 
 Let me suggest that we may perhaps have in this word the true explanation of 
 the meaning of one of the appellatives by which the Paulikians were known in 
 Western Europe, and on which there has been various conjecturing; — I mean Fassa- 
 gini, or Passagii. Dr. Jlaitland, (Facts and Doc. p. 449,) after noticing the unsatis- 
 factoriness of previous explanations, suggests that the name may have arisen from 
 the connexion of some of their body with the passagia, or crusades ; they having 
 joined the returning pilgrims and soldiers. But, in this sense it would suit the Cru- 
 saders, not them ; and moreover we have no authority for it. Again Dr. Gilly, 
 in his Waldens. Researches, p. 61, explains the word as inhabitants of the passes. 
 But the term attached to them when they were not so located. Od the other hand 
 the explanation of the term as meaning pilgrims, in both the spiritual and missionary 
 sense of the word, would be but the translation of their recognised Greek appellation 
 iK^tifioi, and a title as distinctive as beautiful. f 
 
 * So Pope Martin (Hard. iii. 639) speaks of Stephen, Bishop of Dora, a town in 
 Palestine, who had come to Rome (ib. 710) as deputy fi-om the Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 Sophronius (then suflfering from the Saracens), and of his companions come with him, 
 as T(t)v awtK^rifjuov avrs ytronit'uiv. 
 
 t Ducange, I may observe, gives the word without any explanation.
 
 CHAP. Vll. § 5.] THE PAULIKIANS TRUE WITNESSES. 343 
 
 I have rightly judged them, (I mean the re^iWy faithful oi 
 the body,) even as Christ was not of the worid. Though 
 resting for comfort whilst on this earth on the God of peace, 
 the reahzation of his presence, and hope in his gracious pro- 
 mises, yet the home they looked for was only in the world to 
 come}—kw^ thus it was that the world hated them ; and 
 showed its hate, not only by other persecutions, — persecu- 
 tions too generally even unto blood,— but by blasphemies 
 such as we have been inquiring into ; and which not we 
 only, but even some more candid of their enemies, have 
 adjudged to be false.^— Let us however remember that 
 one result followed which was little foreseen, or intended. 
 These blasphemies were but an additional badge of their 
 being really what we suppose them to have been. The 
 sacred and unerring word of prophecy declared both 
 generally that Christ's witnesses would have to prophesy in 
 sacJccloth ; and specifically, as one cause of the sackcloth- 
 robing, that the wild-beast from the sea and the abyss 
 would open his mouth in blasphemies against them:^ — it 
 being their appointed honour, in this as in other respects, 
 to tread not only in their fellow-disciples',* but, as they 
 
 Compare the apostolic, or missionary profession, of the Cologne sectaries and 
 others ; pp. 286, 287, 300, supra : also the Waldensic pilgrim views, noted infra. 
 
 1 Compare the dying words of the sectaries at Orleans, p. 274. 
 
 2 Fopliniere, about A.D. 1580, on the ground of the Acts of a Disputation then 
 extant between a Romish Bishop and the Albigenses, and also of certain ancient 
 Tablets, engraved with an Albigensian Confession of Faith at Albi, asserts that their 
 tenets resembled those of the Protestants of his time. 
 
 Vignier, a contemporary of Fopliniere, and Historiographer of France, on the au- 
 thority of one of their Confessions, written in the ancient Basque language, and pre- 
 sented to the Chancellier de I'Hopital, affirms that there was no trace of Manicheism 
 in them ; that the tenets professed were like those of the Waldenses ; [so also Ma- 
 riana, B. P. M. XXV. 190 ;] that they received the Old Testament as well as the New, 
 rejecting all doctrine that was not founded on them ; and that on this account they con- 
 demned" the ceremonies, traditions, and ordinances of the Romish Church ; saying 
 that she was a den of thieves, and the Harlot of the Apocalypse. 
 
 Serranm, another learned and contemporary French Author, though condemning 
 them strongly for their separation from Rome, yet declares that he had seen an 
 ancient manuscript, which gave reasons for their separation just similar to those which 
 had been revived afterwards by Wiclitf and Luther. 
 
 So too Paradin and Girard ; the former ascribing the charges made against them 
 to the malice of their enemies, whose vices they exposed. 
 
 These authorities are given by Usher, De Success, and Basnage ; and have been 
 lately copied from them by Faber, pp. 246, 247, 255, 256 ; King, against Maitland, 
 pp. 53 — 56 ; and others. 
 
 3 Apoc. xiii. 6. , j n i j 
 
 ^ To similar blasphemies against the early Christians I have already alluded, pp. 
 304, 308. Similar blasphemies, we shall soon see, were spoken against the Waldmscs 
 also'. Afterwards charges still similar were made against the Wiclijfites and Huss-
 
 344 Aroc. XI. 2 — 7. [part in- 
 
 most desired, in their Master's own footsteps.^ So that in 
 fact it completed in them the prefigured characteristics of 
 the Witnesses. — And following as it does on all that mass 
 of favourable evidence that we have extracted from hostile 
 records, — the only records now extant of them, — it enables 
 us to conclude with yet the more confidence, that they 
 were indeed, according to the tenor of the Apocalyptic 
 prefiguration, a line of true Witnesses for the Lord 
 Jesus. 
 
 \ 6. — waldensian epoch and origin. 
 
 Who has not heard of the Waldenses ? — It is with re- 
 ference to them that the history and epoch of the Lyon- 
 nese merchant, generally known under the name of Peter 
 Waldo, (a name incorrect, however, as will soon appear,) 
 has become almost more notable than even on his own ac- 
 count ; eminent as he was among Christ's witnesses. For 
 about the year 1170, having sold all he had,'^ and distributed 
 to the poor, he became head to certain missionary bands, 
 known thenceforward under the name of Waldenses, as 
 well as Poor men of Lyons : that soon drew on themselves 
 the public attention and persecution in various countries of 
 Western Europe ; and, from before the close of the next 
 century, were well known as sectaries that had an intimate 
 local connexion with the Alpine valleys of Piedmont and 
 Dauphiny. And the question has long been agitated, as one 
 of the most interesting to Christians in the history of the mid- 
 dle age, whence and when the first origin of these sectaries ; 
 it being allowed on all hands that they had no Easterm or 
 PauUkian original. By the Romanists, and many Protest- 
 
 ites. E. g. in the Council of Constance the following questions for examination are 
 pointed against them : (Hard. viii. 914, 915.) 
 
 " Utrum credat quod contemnens ritus ecclesise, caeremonias exorcismi, [et] aquae 
 baptismatis consecratie, peccet mortaliter. 
 
 " Utrura credat quod Christianus contemnens susceptionem sacramentorum con- 
 firmationis, vel extiema3 unctionis, aut solemnizationis matrimonii, peccet morta- 
 liter." 
 
 Thus it was insinuated against the Hussites and Wicliffites, that they too were 
 opposed to the sacraments of baptism and marriage. Afterwards, we shall see, the 
 appellative of Manichcean was also sometimes given to them. 
 
 1 So Matt. X. 25 ; •' If they have called the master of the house Beelzehub, how 
 much more those of tlie household ! " 
 
 2 A fuller notice of him will be given in my next Section.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 345 
 
 ants too, it has been contended that it was simply from 
 Peter Waldo that they derived their origin and appellation ; 
 and that as to the Alpine valleys of Piedmont, their habita- 
 tion in them dates but from the xiiith century. — While, on 
 the contrary, others assert that their origin was of far 
 higher antiquity : — that they were a sect of separatists who, 
 having retired to those Alpine valleys on the first develop- 
 ment of the corruptions of the Church of Rome, had there 
 ever after kept alive through successive ages the lamp of 
 Christian truth : and that, as to the appellation of Valdenses, 
 it was but a corruption, or metonymy, for Vallenses, 3Ien 
 of the Valleys ; Peter Waldo having derived his name 
 from them, not they from him. — The controversy, which 
 in past ages exercised the master-minds of the learned Arch- 
 bishop Usher, on the one side, and Bossuet on the other,^ has 
 in our own times, and in our own country, been revived 
 by Dr. S. R. Maitland and Messrs. Faher and Gilltj.^ As 
 an Apocalyptic commentator, I have felt myself obliged 
 not to pass lightly over the investigation. And this re- 
 mains my impression, after careful consideration of the 
 evidence and arguments on either side : — viz. that, though 
 there exists no probable proof of any secession of protesting 
 sectaries and separatists to the Vaudois valleys before the 
 aera of the great Gothic invasions, nor of any tixt establish- 
 ment of them there even from after the time of Claude, 
 the Protestant Bishop of Turin, yet that a succession of 
 separatists similar in spirit was perpetuated from that latter 
 epoch, however feebly, in the Piedmont Campagna, as well 
 as in Lombardy, Dauphiny, and elsewhere : who, as the 
 Papal Apostasy was advancing to its acme, remained separ- 
 atists in spirit, if not always openly in act ; and were thus 
 
 ' See Usher de Success, and Bossuet's Hist, des Variations. 
 
 ' See Maitlaud's P'acts and Documents, and also his smaller controversial Pam- 
 phlets ; Faber' s Sacred Calendar, and book on the Albigenses and Waldenses ; also 
 Gilly's Waldensian Researches, and more recent publication of the Romannt Version 
 of St. John, with its learned and valuable Introduction. — I^et me add that various 
 ministers of the Vaudois have taken their part in the controversy. So Legcr and 
 Gilles in former times ; and M. Muston and M. Monastier, writers still or lately 
 living. To M. Mnston there has been a reply, entitled " Recherches Historiques sur 
 la veritable origine des Vaudois ; " Paris 1836. It is anonymous ; but written, I un- 
 derstand, by M. Charvaz, then Bishop of Pinerol ; and subsequently made Archbishop 
 of Subaste, and Consulter to the Holy Congregation for extraordinary Ecclesiastical 
 Affairs. So the "Tablet" of May 18, 1850.
 
 346 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 prepared to commingle with the sectaries of Lyoimese ori- 
 gin, immigrating from the West, of whom I have now to 
 speak ; and with them to form a united body, under the 
 thenceforth common name of Waldenses. 
 • Let me here first, and prehminarily, consider the argu- 
 ment connected with the Lyonnese Peter's own Valdic 
 name, or appellation ; then sketch the Lyonnese Valdensic 
 sect's earliest distinctive history, as bearing on our present 
 question, up to the first establishment of one important 
 branch of it in Italy : next state, and consider, the tradi- 
 tions of a more ancient ancestry even then ascribed to it ; 
 and, in fine, the argument to a similar effect from certain 
 Waldensian documents then tvritten, and still extant. 
 
 1. As to the name of the devout Lyonnese merchant, it 
 is curious that either side in the controversy, acquiescing 
 in the correctness of the name as usually written in modern 
 times, Peter Waldo, should have argued from it as making 
 in their favour. Thus Beza ; " He was named Valdo, 
 because he was one of the most eminent of the Vaudois." ^ 
 And so too Faber, in his Sacred Calendar.^ On the other 
 hand Dr. Maitland replies somewhat characteristically ; " I 
 believe that Peter of Lyons was called Waldo because that 
 was his name ; and for no other reason whatever : " — 
 adding ; " Why were other people called Waldo ? " and 
 appending, by way of corroboration, in prominent capitals, 
 a list of nine bishops, abbots, &c., of the same name, from 
 documents of the middle ages.^ Which point so settled, 
 the corollary would follow with more appearance of reason, 
 that the Waldensian sectaries, that acquiesced afterwards 
 in his sentiments, derived their name from him. 
 
 I confess that when I read this in Dr. Maitland, it ap- 
 proved itself to my mind as the dictate of good common 
 sense ; and so doubtless it has done to many other readers 
 of the Pacts and Documents. On looking however into 
 the earliest authorities,^ (those selfsame that make the sec- 
 
 1 " Jean [i. q. alii Petrus de Lyons] a ete ainsi snrnomme (Yaldo), parce qu'il 
 6toit dcs premiers entre les Vaudois." Quoted in Leger, Part i. p. 16. 
 
 ■^ Sacr. Cal. iii. 20, 25. (2nd Ed.) » Facts and Doc. pp. 107, lOS. 
 
 * As we are entering on a subject of great interest, and one too in which there will 
 be needed much discrimination in our judgment of the historical authorities that speak
 
 CHAP. VII. §> 6.] WALDENSIAIS EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 347 
 
 taries to have originated from Peter of Lyons,) I found, 
 what I think should have been noted more prominently 
 
 of it, I think it may be useful to prefix to our discussion a brief notice of the chief 
 authors to whom we may have to refer. 
 
 1. Bernard, Abbot of the monastery of Font Chaud, near St. Pons in Languedoc, 
 30 miles N.N.W. of Narbonne, wrote about A.D. 1200.— He appears to have taken 
 part in a discussion between certain Waldenses and Catholics at Narbonne, (" quidve 
 iis d nobis Catholicis responsum sit,") during the Popedom of Lucius III,* and there- 
 fore about the year 1182. He wrote a Treatise against the Waldenses, answering 
 the arguments they had urged in the discussion ; which is given in the B. P. M. xxiv. 
 1585—1602. Facts and Doc. 372—377. 
 
 2. Walter Mapes. An Englishman of some renown for his wit and knowledge : f 
 somewhile Chaplain to Henry II ; and also Canon of Salisbury, and then Archdeacon 
 of Oxford. "Claruit, A.D. 1210," says Cave; but perhaps 1190, or 1200, would be 
 more correct. He visited Rome about the time of the 3rd Lateran Council in 1 1 79 ; 
 when, and where, he saw certain Waldensian deputies. He also there and then saw, 
 and afterwards satirized, (notwithstanding his preferments, says Dupin,) the manners 
 and the vices of Pope, Cardinals, and Bishops. Faber extracts from him ; Vail. p. 471. 
 
 3. Chronicon Landunense : a contemporary chronicle by a monk of Laon. Gilly, 
 Pref to Romaunt St. John, p. xc. An interesting extract will be given in my next 
 Section, taken from Dr. Gilly. 
 
 4. Stephen de Borbonne, or Bellavilla ; a Dominican and Inquisitor, who settled at 
 Lyons in 122*5; (so Gieseler ii. 377, 395;) and there and then, probably, formed 
 acquaintance with Stephanus de Ansa and Bei'uard Ydros, the translator and scribe 
 employed some fifty years before, "cum juvenis esset Ydros," by Peter Valdes. It is 
 in his Treatise " De Septem Donis Spiritiis Sancti " that he notices Valdes and his 
 Sect. This extract is given by Le Long, from Echard's Sancti Thomae Summa ; and 
 copied also by Gieseler ii. 377, Maitland Facts and Doc. p. 438, 484, and Gilly, ibid. 
 — Le Long dates his death in 1261. 
 
 5. Cunrad of Lichtenau ; a German of noble family: ordained priest A.D. 1202, 
 became a Pnemonstratensian monk in 1207, and in 1215 Abbot of the Monastery of 
 Ursperg, on the Mindel near Augsburg ; in which Abbacy he continued till his death 
 in 1240. He wrote a Chronicle of the world, from Belus to A.D. 1229. So Cave and 
 Dupin. His notice of the Waldenses is in the B. P. M. xxv. 256 ; and Hard. vi. ii. 
 1692, on the 3rd Lat. Council. 
 
 6. Ebrard of Bethune. Usual date, 1212, doubtful. (Seep. 361 infra.) His anti- 
 Vallensic Treatise is given in the B. P. M. xxiv. 1525 — 1585. 
 
 7. Peter of Vaux Sernay, a Cistercian Monastery in the Diocese of Paris ; wrote 
 about 1218. (Maitland, 391.) By order of the Pope he accompanied his Abbot Guy, 
 afterwards Bishop of Carcassone, to the Albigensian war in 1209 ; (he being one of 
 twelve Abbots thereto appointed by Innocent III ;) and, by the Pope's order, wrote a 
 history of the Albigensian Crusade. Dupin. 
 
 8. William of Buy Laurens, a town some 30 miles East of Toulouse. He was a 
 contemporary of the Peter last mentioned ; and, like him, wrote also a Chronicon of 
 the Albigensian War. So Dupin. He is cited by Gieseler ib. 396. 
 
 9. Alanus de Insulis ; a native of Flanders : became Theological Professor in the 
 University of Paris, was there celebrated for his science as the Universal Doctor, and 
 taught through a considerable part of the 13th century. Cave says that he disputed 
 in the 4th Lateran Council A.D. 1215 against disciples of Almeric (or Aniauri) 
 of Chartres. Among his Treatises is one against the Waldenses and Albigenses. (He 
 is not to be confounded with Alan, Bishop of Auxerre in the preceding centui-y.) See 
 Cave and Dupin. 
 
 10. Lucas Tudcnsis : — first Deacon of Tuy, to the south of Corunna, in Spain ; 
 then, after a voyage to Italy, Greece, and Palestine, made Bishop of the same town. 
 He wrote three books of controversy against the Albigenses, given in the B. P. M. 
 
 * So in the Preface to his Treatise. Dupin (ix. 179) says he dedicated his Treatise 
 to Pope Lucius. But I do not see any such dedication. 
 
 t Was it of him primarily that the Cambridge witticism was spoken, IloXXa r« 
 fjcy Mat// ; " De quo multa referuntur jocunda," says Trivett of him. Faber. ib. 473.
 
 348 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 than it has been, that in not one of them is the Lyonnese 
 
 merchant called by the name of Waldo ; but either Valdes, 
 
 Valdesius, Valdensis, Valdius, or Valdus : ^ — the three for- 
 
 XXV. 193 — 251 : also a Chronicle of Spain ; which being brought down to 1236 seems 
 to fix his date, when writing it. He lived some time after. Dupin, x. 65 ; Gieseler ib. 
 
 1 1 . Moneta ; originally Professor of Philosophy at Bologna : in which situation 
 A. D. 1218, hearing a Sermon by a celebrated Dominican, named Reginald, he was in- 
 duced to become a Dominican himself. So M. Charvaz, Bishop of Pinerol, in his 
 Reply to Muston, p. 50 ; adding that he dedicated the rest of his life to the conver- 
 sion of the Waldensian and Catharist heretics. He wrote a Treatise adv. Catharos et 
 Valdenses, which was published by Ricchini at Rome, A.D. 1743. It is alluded to in 
 the B. P. M. XXV. 261. Gieseler (ii. 395) dates the writing about 1240. 
 
 12. Reiner, or Raineri Saechoni, (as Gieseler writes the word,) a Dominican In- 
 quisitor in Lombardy, died A.D. 1259. He says of himself; "Ego frater Reinerius, 
 olim hteresiarcha, nunc Dei gratia sacerdos in Ord. F. Pra.'dicatorum, . . xvii annis con- 
 versatus sum cum eis (sc, Catharis)." He was driven from Milan, shortly before his 
 death, by the Prince Palavicini ; who would not allow of his exercising his inquisitorial 
 oilice there. Of his Summa de Catharis et Leonistis there are two editions : one 
 older and more concise ; the second enlarged, and published by Gretser, with the in- 
 correct title " Contra Waldenses," B. P. M. xxv. 262 — 277.— I here copy, or ab- 
 stract, from Gieseler's Notes, Vol. ii. p. 395. 
 
 13. Yvonet : the author given by Martene in his Anecdot. as anonymous, who 
 wrote a " Tractatus de Hieresi Pauperum de Lugduno ; " and whom D'Argentre, 
 says Gieseler, ibid., discovered to be the Dominican Yvonetus. He is dated about 
 1278 by Gieseler.* 
 
 14. Guido de Tcrpimano. A Catalan by nation, he studied in the University of 
 Paris, there took his Doctor's Degree, became General of the Carmelite Monks, and 
 an Inquisitor, in 1318 ; in 1321 Bishop of Majorca ; and in fine, Bishop of Perpig- 
 nan. The date of his time of Jionrisldng given by both Cave and Ducange, (by the 
 latter in his Index Auctorum,) viz. A.D. 1330, seeois to me a little too late. That 
 year is given by one writer, Alegre, as the year of his death at Avignon. See Cave. 
 
 15. Pilichdorf. A German writer of the close of the 14th Century. His Treatise 
 against the Waldenses is in B. P. M. xxv. 277 — 309. He gives 1395 himself as its 
 date. " Jam sicut scribitur A.D. mccuxcv, mille trecenti sexaginta duo anni, vel 
 circiter, elapsi sunt postquam Christus passus est pro nobis." B. P. M. xxv. 295. f 
 
 !■ Walter Mapes, writing of the sectaries seen at Rome in 1179, calls him Valdes: 
 "■Valdesios a Primate eorum Valde dictos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni super Rhodanum." 
 — The Chronicon of Lao7i similarly calls him Valdesius ; " Valdesium amplexatus est 
 Papa." Gilly, ib. xc. So too 3Ioneta of Bologna, in his Summa contra Catharos, about 
 the year 1240 ; " Non multum temporis est quod esse cceperunt : quoniam, sicut patet, 
 a Valdesio, sive Lugdunensi, exordium acceperunt ; qui banc viam incepit non sunt 
 plures qukm octogiuta anni." — Also, some ninety years later, Guido of Perpignan, in 
 his Summa de Hares. " Secta Waldensium incepit circa ann. 1170. Fuit Waldesius 
 
 * On the authorship of this Tract see Maitland's Remarks in answer to King, p. 
 45 ; and Charvaz, p. 69. Martene, from whose collection it is taken, had ascribed it 
 to Stephen de Borbonne, the same writer that I have already noted. 
 
 t This being the case, and the date unimpeachable, it seems to me strange that, 
 with Pilichdorf s Treatise before him, Mr. Faber should have expressed doubt as to its 
 real date ; assigned it, notwithstanding that he had Bossuet's difi"erent date before him, 
 to the xiiith not the xivth Century, on the meagre authority of the incorrect chrono- 
 logical Table prefixed to the Bibliotheca ; and indeed reasoned on the thence inferred 
 nearness of Pilichdorf to Peter Valdes' time. See Faber's Waldenses, pp. 275, 304. 
 Even independently of the particular chronological statement that I have quoted, the 
 subject of Pilichdorf s 31st Chapter fixes the date of the work to the latter half of the 
 xivth Century. For its subject is the Jubilean Pilgrimage each 50th year to Rome. 
 And the first example of this bicentary ]Vih\\ee. was in the year 1350. — M. Charvaz, p. 
 62, has also overlooked these decisive indications of the real date ; wavering, as he 
 does, between the xiiith and xivth Century.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH A^B ORIGIN. 349 
 
 mer evidently distinct appellatives from Waldo ; and even 
 the last scarce explainable, I believe, as its tantamount Latin 
 rendering.^ — Hence a measure of doubtfulness at least on 
 Dr. Maitland's idea of the derivation of the name of these 
 sectaries, simply and primarily, from that of the merchant 
 of Lyons. For it seems hardly likely that Valdensis, in the 
 sense of Valdensian, as a 'patronymic, should have been 
 derived from Valdensis ; Valdes or Vaudes from Valdes ; 
 Valdesius from Valdesius ; the derivative from a 'primitive 
 identical with itself.^ — As to the origin and intent of this 
 
 civis Lugdunensis, qui divitias reliquit ut pauper fieret, et Christum sequeretur," &c. 
 Hard. vi. ii. 1692. 
 
 Again, Stephanus de Borbonne calls him Waldensis. " Waldenscs dicti simt a primo 
 hujus hajresis auctovc, qui nominatus fuit Waldensis. . . . Amicus fratrum nostrorum 
 qui dictus fuit Bernardus Ydros, cum esset juvenis et scriptor, scripsit dicto Waldensi 
 libros," &c. And so too Moneta ; (besides the other appellation Valdesius ;) " quod 
 sua via ante Valdenseni iyAX." Also Ironei ; " Civi Lugduneusi cui nomen erat Val- 
 densis." — Under which same name, Valdensis, he is further designated by Pilie/idorf, 
 at the close of the fourteenth century, and by Claude Seyssel, Archbishop of Turin, 
 and the Inquisitor Eymeric, of the sixteenth ; " Valdensis, ut aiunt, appellabatur ;" 
 " Valdensius seu Valdensis." 
 
 Once more Peter of Vaux Sernai speaks of the " Hajretici qui Waldenses dicebantur 
 a quodara Waldio, nomiue, Lugdiuiensi : " and Alanus, his contemporary, in one 
 place, " Qui f'^/rf/wsdicebatur ;"* in another, " Ha^resiaroha qui vocabatur Valdius." 
 
 1 It is as a Latin rendering that M. Charvaz explains it, p. 118 : saying; "On a 
 commence a latiniser les noms propres des la fin du 12me siCcle, et meme avant." 
 But in all the Latin documents in which I have seen the name, it stands simply 
 Waldo ; just as Hugo, Guido, Otho, and other names of the same termination : and 
 follows the usual declension of sucli noims in the oblique cases. So Dacher i. 431, 
 601 ; " Atto [gen. Attouis, ibid.] Domno Vuldoni:" " Valdonis, abbatis." Similarly 
 the one and only writer that M. Charvaz cites, who gives Peter of Lyons the name of 
 Valdo, viz. the monk Theodore Belvidere, of date as late as the 17th century, the 
 word is declined in the same way : " qui a Petro Valdone . . exorti." f 
 
 Can Dr. ]^Iaitland show a single one of all his nine Waldos, or any other Waldo, 
 (our Lyonnese sectary alone excepted,) to have been called in Latin Valdes, Valdesius, 
 or Valdensis ? — Valdus is indeed a more natural Latin form of it ; and is by one writer, 
 the monk Belvidere last mentioned, interchanged with Waldo. But only in the Lyon- 
 nese Peter's case. 
 
 2 I am aware that in ancient Greek the patronymic is sometimes used for its pri- 
 mitive. But not I think in Latin, at least ecclesiastical Latin. Among all the mul- 
 titude of heretics that Augustine in his De Hsres. recites to us, I observe only one in 
 which the original author and the disciples had the same appellation : the exception 
 I allude to being that of Manes, who was called 3Ianich(eus, the general designative 
 of a Manichffian Sectary, j But in this case the derivative ManichcBus was, as usual, 
 formed from Manes : and Manes' own name was afterwards changed by his disciples 
 into that of the derivative Manichicus, in order to avoid the Sv(T(j)T]fiia of his proper 
 name, which signified in the Greek a madman. So Augustine informs us, in his 
 Lib. de Haeres. c. 46 ; " Manichasi a quodam Persa extiterunt, qui vocabatur Manes :. 
 
 * For my citations see the B. P. M., Faber (from Usher), Maitland, Gilly, Gieseler, 
 or Charvaz. f Mr. Faber somewhat strangely calls him "Peter the Waldo." 
 
 J I do not include the cases of proper names ending in anus, where the adjective 
 derived may properly be the same as the noun primitive : e. g. Tatianus from Tati- 
 anus ; just as Doniitianus, the adjective, from Domitianus the noun, noted by me in 
 the Appendix to my Vol. i. p. 542.
 
 350 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part iii^ 
 
 cognomen of Valdensis to Peter of Lyons himself, it is 
 obvious that the appellation, even though allowed not 
 to be personal, need not necessarily to have been a reli- 
 gious sectarian designation. In fact we have no evidence 
 of its having been an heretical title so early/ It might 
 possibly have attached to him, (indeed such is the bear- 
 ing of the reports of certain old, though not the oldest, 
 writers on the subject,) as a provincial or local, rather 
 than as a religious appellative.^ And it deserves observa- 
 tion, although these writers do not so define the locality, 
 or at all otherwise satisfactorily explain it, that Valdensis 
 (and consecjuently Valdes, its Romaunt equivalent, as also 
 Valdesius, the Latin of Valdes,) was all through the middle 
 ages just such a local appellative : inasmuch as it answered 
 to that of Vaudois now ; ^ I mean as designating an in- 
 habitant of the Pays de Vaud, in Switzerland.'^ To which 
 
 quamvis et ipsum . . Manichceum discipuli ejus appellare maluerunt, devitantcs nomen 
 insauiio." He notes the same thing in two or three other passages. 
 
 1 That Valdedus, and also Valdensis, -was in 1179 a sectarian appellative, appears 
 from the above-cited passage from Walter Mapes :— that Valdes was so, appears from 
 its beinf the original Romaunt of which Valdesius is but the Latinized form ; as also 
 from that notable line in the Noble Lesson, of which I shall have to speak again, 
 
 Ilh dion qu'es Vaudes, e degne de punir. Line 372. 
 But the date of the former testimony was after the rise of Peter of Lyons : that of the 
 Noble Lesson doubtful ; but probably, we shall see, later than Peter. 
 
 '- So Pilichdorf ; " In civitate Valden, qu;e in finibus Francice sita est, fuit quidara 
 civis " &c. :— Pilichdorf's Continuator; "E regione Valdis VetxMs nominatus:" (B. 
 P. M. XXV. 300 :) — the Magd. Centuriators' authority ; " Valdensis ab oppido Valdis, 
 sito in Marchia Gallic, unde erat oriundus :" — Masson, Pref. to Alanus contra Wal- 
 denses; "Natus in vico qui dictus est Vaudra:" — and an anonymous Inquisitor, 
 quoted by AUix ; " Pauperes de Lugduno, quos vulgus Valdenses appellat ; dictos a 
 Valde cive Lu'i-dunensi, in loco dicto vulgariter Val Grant moram faciente." (Faber 
 on Wald. 453^ 520.) 
 
 3 So in a Diploma of A.D. 886, in which Charles the Fat gives to Adelgise, Vassal 
 of the Margrave Rodolph, "quasdam res proprietatis suiT3 in pago Valdensi." Again 
 a Charter of the date of 1192 has "Comes Genevensium et Valdensium :" and, on the 
 Year 1224, we read of the Chevalier de Hautrive as in the " Comitatu Valdensi," for 
 the Comtd de Vaud. I copy from Miiller's History of Switzerland, French Edit. i. 
 289, ii. 81, iii. 93. So again "in Comitatu Valdensi," in a grant by Rodulph King 
 of Burgundy, made A. D. 888, as cited by Gieseler ii. 120. In another historical 
 document that Miiller gives, of date earlier than 800, if I remember right, there is also 
 mention of " Valdensium usque mare Rhodani." 
 
 Let me add that the same Valley of the Rhone, higher up, bore the name of 
 Vallesia, hodie Lc Vallais ; and its capital, Sion, that of Sedunum Vallesice. Thus 
 • the F«/</(?«ATS and F«//(;s?i were in juxta-position.* 
 
 1 Since the above was written, I have seen in Muston (pp. 82, 1 1 3) a notice of this 
 local derivation of the sectarian appellative Valdensis, as one suggested by Mr. Sharon 
 
 * The Vallcsii, however, of the Papal excommunication quoted by Faber in his 
 Appendix, p. 595, and about whom he requests inquiry, were evidently a very differ- 
 ent class of people ; being heretics known by that name among the Greeks, not of the 
 most reputable character ; the same of whom Augustine speaks, De Hueres. 37.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 35l 
 
 let me add that, — siipposmg the valley of the Drome, on 
 which Die (the ancient Dia) in Dauphiny is situated, to 
 have taken for a certain space the name, so as was often 
 elsewhere the case, of that its chief town,^ — then a resident 
 there too might have been named, as from the Vale of Die, 
 Valdiensis, Valdensis, or Valdius!^ Thus, I say, might 
 either of these two localities, (each one adjacent to the 
 boundary Marches of Gaul, specified by the chroniclers,^) 
 have given the title to Peter, if ever previously a resident 
 in them : the first, in such case, certainly ; the second 
 possibly. Besides them I do not think of any other likely 
 locality, near the Lyonnese district.^ — But, even supposing 
 the word to have been thus originally a local appellative, 
 the circumstance of remarkable religious movements hav- 
 ing occurred in each of these very localities, just before 
 Peter's time, might possibly have caused the local appel- 
 lative to be a religious appellative also ; precisely like that 
 of Alhigensis from the town Albi, and others, soon after- 
 wards. Por it is to be remembered, (let me just foi' a mo- 
 ment look back to notice it,) that Peter de Bruys minister- 
 ed a little previously in the one district, — that of Die in 
 Dauphiny ; and Henry, the successor of Peter de Bruys, 
 at Lausanne, in the other : ^ so as in both the one case, and 
 the other, to have connected a Valdensic locality with 
 
 Turner ; but which Muston considers undeserving of serious regard. His statement, 
 however, that the Vaud (or Vald) in the Pays de Vaud is derived not fi-om vallif:, but 
 from the Keltic Jrale, — the Germans designating Gaul by the name of JFa/e, and the 
 Fays de Vaud by that of Welxch-land, — even if correct * is no argument at all against 
 the etymology; and he otters no other. ^ So the Vale of Aylesbury, &c. 
 
 2 Deensis, or Dieiisis, is the constant adjectival designation of the Bishops of Dia, 
 or Die, in the middle age. Dius might also be formed from Dia, I presume, as Mace- 
 donius from Macedonia. 
 
 3 " Valden in finihm Francice ;" " Valdis in Marehid Gallia." See p. 350, Note '^. 
 
 * In more distant countries, and such with which a Lyonnese citizen could scarcely 
 at that time be supposed to have had connexion, other localities also gave the appel- 
 lation of Waldensis to their inhabitants. " Petrus Ilenham, monachus Waldcnsis, cl. 
 anno 1224; scrip.sit Anglorum Chronicon." So the Magdeb. Centur. xiii. 10, p. 
 1223, from Bale. — Again, we have a book still extant of Thomas Waldensis, a Car- 
 melite Monk, about A.D. 1400, named so from Saffron Walden in Essex. Gieseler 
 iii. 259. — Mr. Blair, on the Waldenses, i. 276, speaks of a Waldensian colony settled 
 between 1182 and 1197 near Darentf iu Kent. These, I suppose, were of the Lyon- 
 nese sect. 
 
 5 See pp. 282, 284 supra. 
 
 * Leger, on the contrary, derives the name of the Swiss Pays de Vaud from Vallis ; 
 " Le Pais s'appelle Fdis de Vaux parceque c'est un tissu de coUiues et vallons." i. 
 17. — On either supposition Mr. Maitland's question recurs, "Whence the d P' For 
 the name is not Fays de Vaux, but Vaud. f or Dartford.
 
 352 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 religious innovation and sectarianism. And whereas, con- 
 sidered as a mere local designative of Peter of Lyons, its 
 application to his disciples would seem strange and unlike- 
 ly, its transfer as a religious designative would be perfectly 
 natural and easy. — Thus on the whole, while recognising 
 the fact of the earliest chroniclers' testimony to the deriva- 
 tion of the Waldensic name, as well as sect, from Peter of 
 Lyons, yet it must be with the cautionary recollection that 
 the appellative they assign to him of Valdensis, Valdes, or 
 Valdesius, may possibly have been a rehgious, not per- 
 sonal appellative, borne by him himself: a circumstance 
 (if true) favouring the hypothesis of a sect of Waldensic 
 principles having existed in those sub-Alpine districts, 
 Swiss or Prench, of which we spoke, prior to Peter Valdes. 
 
 2. Next^ as to the earhj history of the Lyonnese sect ; 
 with special reference to the first localization of a branch of 
 it in Piedmont, and its Alpine valleys. 
 
 The Lyonnese merchant, Peter Valdes, is clearly noted, 
 we have seen,^ as its first founder. After his conversion 
 to God, and renunciation of the world, the missionary duty 
 soon opened before him. So he got translations made of 
 the books of Scripture into the vulgar Gaulik ; and circu- 
 lated, and wrote, and taught about them. Then, many 
 associates or disciples having joined him, he organized a 
 missionary plan and body, for preaching and teaching the 
 gospel.^ So the Sect arose; and in 1179, as we have 
 seen, some of its members presented themselves, with their 
 translated books, at the 3rd Lateran Council at Rome. 
 
 As to its subsequent history we read as follows. It seems 
 that whatever favour or toleration may have been extended 
 to the sectaries, on their first presenting themselves and 
 their books in 1179 to Pope Alexander III,^ it soon passed 
 
 1 See p. 344 supra. 
 
 - Himself probably so acting. So Moncta vi. 4. " Quidam dixcrunt quod Val- 
 desius ordinera habuit ab universitate fratrum suorum. Eoruin autem qui hoc dixc- 
 runt principalis auctor fuit quidam hitresiarcha Pauperiun Lombardorum." Ap. 
 Muston i. 12. 
 
 ^ W. Mapes says, that on asking permission to preach, they Avere laughed at, and 
 repulsed. " Hi multa petebant instantia pniedicationis .auctoritatem sibi confirmari, 
 quia periti sibi videbantur, cum vix essent scioli ; . . ct ab omnibus multiplici sunt 
 clamore derisi, confusique recesscrunt." On the other hand the Chronicou Laudunense,
 
 CHAP. VII. "^^ 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 353 
 
 away ; and was succeeded by a decree of condemnation 
 and anathema against them in 1184, by his successor Pope 
 Lucius.^ How could preaching by unauthorized persons 
 be tolerated? Forthwith persecution arose against them. 
 And, having been expelled by its Archbishop from the city 
 and diocese of Lyons, we have evidence of their having 
 wandered forth, in different missionary bands, (ever multi- 
 plying and taking root as they went,) alike Northward, 
 Southward, Westward, and Eastward : more especially to 
 Provence, Languedoc, and Arragon in the South- West ; and 
 to Dauphiny and Lombardy in the South-East. So e. g. 
 Stephen of Borbonne tells us ; ^ whose narrative I shall have 
 again to make reference to, when speaking of the translated 
 books of these sectaries.^ And there are still extant various 
 indisputable historic monuments, especially of decrees of 
 Popes, Princes, and Bishops against them, by which they may 
 be traced in these their various early migrations. — Thus to 
 the Northward their progress is marked by an anti-Valden- 
 sic synodal statute of the Bishop of Toul, a town some 30 
 miles SSW from Metz, in the year 1192:* followed soon 
 after, in 1199, by a requisition to Pope Innocent III from 
 the Bishop of 3Ietz itself, against both themselves, and their 
 Scripture translations and other books in the vulgar tongue, 
 
 speaking of the same Lateran Council in 1179, saj's that the Pope " Yaldesium am- 
 plexatus est," in approbation of his proposed life of voluntary poverty ; only forbidding 
 his preaching. At any rate in that Council's canon against heretics, the Waldenses, 
 or Pauperes de Lugduno, are not mentioned. — So that I think with Gicseler (ii. 
 378,) and Dr. Gilly (Romaunt Version of St. John, pp. xc., xciii., xciv.), their first 
 Papal condemnation -washy Lucius III, in 1183 or 1184. 
 
 1 " In primis ergo Catharos, et Patarinos, et eos qui se Humiliates vel Pauperes 
 de Lugduno falso nomine mentiuntur, Passaginos, Josepinos, Arnaldistas, perpetuo 
 decernimus anathemate subjaccre." — Pope Lucius' added condemnation of all and 
 any that preached, except by authority from the Bishop, corroborates both W. Mapes' 
 statement of the Waklensic sectaries' earnest request in 1179 for permission iopnuch ; 
 and that of Stephen of Borbonne, as to their doing so (in spite of Papal inhibition) 
 being the cause of their condemnation afterwards. " Ii ergo, Valdensis scilicet et 
 sui, primo ex prassumptione, et officii Apostolici usurpatione, ceciderunt in inobedi- 
 entiam, dein in contumaciam, demum in excommunicationis sententiam." Gilly, ibid. 
 
 - " Post expulsi ab ilia terra, ad Concilium quod fuit Romte ante Lateranense * 
 vocati, et pertinaces, schisniatici sunt judicati. Postea in Frovincue terra et Lom- 
 bardia, &c." ap. Gilly and Gicseler, ib. ^ See p. 375 infra. 
 
 •* " De Hsereticis autem qui vocantur Wadoys omnibus fidelibus . . praecipimus, ut 
 quicumque eos invenerint vinculis astrictos teneant, et ad Sedem TuUensem puniendos 
 adducant." Statut. Synodal. Odonis Episc. Tulleusis A.D. 1192. Gieseler ibid. p. 
 379, from Martene Anecdot. iv. 1182. 
 
 * That before the 4th or Great Lateran Council. So Gieseler, ibid. — I concefve 
 that Stephen must have meant some call to Rome about 1183, under Lucius III ; 
 who afterwards excommunicated them at the CouacU of Verona, as stated in Note ^. 
 VOL. u. 23
 
 354 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 of which also more in the sequel.^ Again to the South- 
 West, about A.D. 1190, we read of a public discussion 
 between certain Valdenses and Catholics near Narbonne : ^ 
 and in 1194 of a Decree of Alphonzo the 2nd of Arragon 
 against them ; betokening their presence at that time as far 
 South as the Spanish side of the Pyrenees.^ — Near about 
 the same time we hear of others of the sect as in the Dau- 
 phinese Alps, and in Piedmont. A Decree of the Emperor 
 Otho, issued in 1198, when on his way to Rome for corona- 
 tion, tells the one tale. It was promulgated at the request 
 of the then Bishop of Turin, and is in tenor as follows. 
 " Otho, by the grace of God, emperor, &c., to his well- 
 beloved and faithful Bishop of Turin. By the authority of 
 these presents we command you, in regard of the heretical 
 Waldenses, and of all those who sow the tares of falsehood 
 in the Diocese of Turin, and who attack the Catholic faith, 
 that you expel them from the Diocese of Turin, relying on 
 the support of the imperial authority." ^ This seems to mark 
 the 86 ra of the first entrance of the Lyonnese Valdensic 
 sectaries into the Piedmontese territory, perhaps into Italy. 
 And, as in 1199 a Letter of Innocent III to the Arch- 
 bishop of Emhrun, among others, tells of their then abound- 
 ing in that sub-alpine Diocese,^ it seems reasonable to 
 suppose, with various later historians, that it was from the 
 
 ^ See Innocent's Letter ap. Gieseler ii. 379. — Alberic's Chronicle seems to show 
 that the persons here named were Waldenses. " In Urbe Metensi, pullulante secta 
 qiise dicitur Waldensium, directi sunt quidam Abbates ad prajdicandum ; qui quos- 
 dam libros de Latino in Romanum versos corabusserunt." ap. Gilly ib. xx.* And 
 so indeed Innocent's own Valdensic description of the parties written against. 
 
 2 So Bernard of Font Chaud. B. P. M. xxiv. 1585. Gieseler, ib. 381, fixes the 
 approximate date. 
 
 ^ " JFaldenses sive Insabbatatos, qui alio nomine se vocant Pauperes de Lugduno, 
 . . ab omni regno nostro, tanquam inimicos crucis Christi, . . et regni publicos hostes, 
 exire ac fugere pr»cipinius." And : " Si quis ab hac die, et deinceps, prgedictos 
 Waldenses et Insappatatos f • • in domibus suis recipere, vel horum funestam praedi- 
 cationem aliquo loco audire, vel his cibum vel aliud aliquid beneficium largiri prae- 
 sumpserit, indignationera omnipotentis Dei, etnostram, se noverit incurrisse; bonisque 
 suis absque appellationis remedio confiscandis, se tanquam reum criminis laisse ma- 
 jestatis puniendum." B. P. M. xxv. 190. 
 
 * Given by Monastier i. 151 ; from Spondanus ad anu. 1198. 
 
 5 The Decretal Epistle was addressed to the Prelates of Aix, Narbonne, Vienne, 
 Aries, Embrtin, Tarascon, Lyons : " We have heard that in that Province certain 
 persons who are called Valdenses, &c., have pullulated to a vast extent." Faber 519. 
 
 * I presume this is the Almeric, who was a Monk of the Cistercian Monastery of 
 th^ Three Fountains in the diocese of Chalons in Champagne ; and wrote a Cliro- 
 nicon from the Creation to A.D. 1241. So Moreri. 
 
 t As wearing open sandals. See Gieseler ib. 378, 381 ; 398, 400.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 6. J WALDENSIA.N EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 355 
 
 Dauphinese valleys that some of them had just crost the Alps, 
 whilst others remained in Dauphiny ; ^ the former having 
 perhaps past into Piedmont in part by the selfsame valleys 
 of Lncerna, Perosa, and Pragela, that became afterwards so 
 famous through association with their name.^ — That how- 
 ever there had been as yet no distinct Valdensic coloniza- 
 tion of those particular valleys, appears pretty clear from 
 the entire absence of all historical record in testimony to 
 it. And let me mention, as that which seems to me 
 strongly corroborative of the fact, that in the " Genealo- 
 gical Tree " of the Counts of Lucerna, who in the xiith 
 and xiiith centuries were lords of the soil in those valleys, 
 there occur notices from the year 1158, for above a cen- 
 tury downwards, of transactions with neighbouring ab- 
 bots and monasteries, which evince unequivocally the con- 
 tinued close connexion of the Counts, in sympathy and 
 religion, with the Roman Church ; and sometimes too a 
 mention of some of the valleys, or towns in the valleys ; but 
 never any notice of heretical or sectarian settlements exist- 
 ing there. ^ A fact this latter so extraordinary, had it exist- 
 
 1 So Thuanus, ap. Faber, 512 ; also Eorenco, of the xvith century, ap. Charvaz, 485, 
 
 2 The valleys of Dauphiny and Piedmont were connected from early times by the 
 great road of Mount Genevre ; which is called by Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 10) 
 " media, compendiaria, magisque Celebris," by comparison with the two other Alpine 
 roads connecting the South of France and Italy. See Gilly's Wald. Researches, pp. 
 49 — 60, Dr. G. notes the early Councils at Aries, Milan, &c., on either side of the 
 Cottian Alps ; the attendant Bishops at which ti-om the other side must probably 
 have crossed by Mount Genevre : and he also suggests that in much earlier times it 
 was probably Iremeus' road from Lyons to Rome. — The road from Geneva into 
 Piedmont traversed by Charlemagne would be North of this. 
 
 3 The document I allude to hangs up in the hall of the old Manor House of the 
 Counts of Lucerna ; and I took the opportunity of inspecting it, during a passing 
 visit to the Valleys in the summer of 1848. The interest of the locality may excuse 
 my presenting an extract or two ; especially as a matter of evidence hitherto un- 
 noticed. — It is headed Albero Genealogico ; and begins thus : — 
 
 Enrico di Luserna. 
 
 Gulielmo. Beatrice. 
 
 1159, Aprile; Instrumento in cui, " Dominus Gulielmus di Lucerna dedit, tradidit, 
 vendidit, mancipavit, omnibus Dominis de Monasterio de Stapharda totum quod 
 habet et habebat in valle Guichardi,* pro remedio animne suaj et suorum paren- 
 tum, et pro 25 libris denariorum bonorum Secusiensium ; et pro hac vallo Gui- 
 chardi donat monasterium Staphardi pro fictu [tribute] 40 caseos . . per annum." 
 
 1159, 12 Aprile, Instrumento in cui ; " Quum Dominus Gulielmus de Lucerna plenus 
 esset Dominus vallis infra scripta?, et pleno jure spectaret ad ipsum, dedit inter 
 vivos Deo, et Domino Ebono Abbati S. Maria^, constructae in loco qui dicitur 
 Stapharda, et Conventui dicti loci, vallem Guizardi totam . . cum omnibus qua> 
 
 * One Val Guichard is in the High Alps ; another so named in the way to Bobbie. 
 
 23 *
 
 356 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 ed, that I think it could scarcely but have been noticed ; 
 together with the reclamations and actings of monks, 
 bishops, and even Counts themselves, to expel them. — 
 About 20 years after the Edict of Otho, a documentary 
 record still extant tells of their beginning to make a stir in 
 the near neighbourhood of Lucerna, at Pinerol. There is 
 a Statute of Count Thomas and the magistrate of Pinerol, 
 of the year 1220, thus ordaining; — that "if any one give 
 hospitality to any Waldensian man or woman in the dis- 
 trict of Pinerol, he being aware of their character, he shall 
 for every such act pay a fine of ten solidi." ^ — At this time 
 
 supra infra vel intra illam continentui", excepta argentaria si qua inveniatur, et 
 veuatione ; quara sibi pro se tantum, et haeredibus ex sua progenie discendenti- 
 bus, retinuit : pro qua valle donat praedictum monasterium pro censu 40 caseos 
 annuatios." 
 
 1163, 20 Nov. Tbis is a Receipt for 20 lire "denariorum bonorum Secusianorum," 
 from tbe Abbot of Stapharda, according to agreement. 
 
 1173, 7 Febbraji. Instrumento di trausazione tra il detto Sign. Gulielmo di Luserna, 
 6 I'Abadessa del Mouasterio di Cararaagna,* pel fatto del fodi'o, e di alcuni altri 
 dritti, cbe detto Gulielmo esigeva dagli uomini di Carnmagna di Sommariva del 
 bosco, spettanti al detto Monastero. Ivi " Dom. Vilielmus di Lucerna pro 
 amore Dei, et pro niercede anim;e suae et suorum prsedecessorum, et pro amore 
 Dominie Beatricis Soi'oris sure, Abbatissaj ipsius Monasteri, &c." 
 Then, after a while, comes under date of 
 
 1197, A settlement of some dispute between the three brothers Henry of Liicerna, 
 Herbert Abbot of Stapharda, and Peter de Angrogna. — Then, under the date 
 
 1229, Instrumento in cui Bonifacio, Vescovo d'Asti, conferma al Monastero di Casa 
 Nova " quidquid ei evenit, vel evenerit, ab Henrico di Lucerna, et suo filio 
 Villielmo, et a filiis Yillielmi, sc. Henrico et Uberto atque Petro de Angrogna, 
 et ab Abbatissa de Caragnensia, &c." — Also ; 
 
 1241, 11 Marzo, Instrumento in cui " Dom. Araedeus Comes Subaudiae. . concedit et 
 confirmat donationem illara, sive donum, sive venditionem, quam quondam fece- 
 rat Dom. Gulielmus de Lucerna Abbati et Monasterio de Stapharda, &c." 
 
 1251, Compromesso fatto dal Consortile di Lucerna'. . pel fatto dei confini della Torre, 
 di Rora, d'Angrogna, et di Chienzia, &c.". . And 
 
 1256, the Lord Manfred of Lucerna becomes surety to the Abbot of Susa. 
 
 Leger's idea (i. 157), and Monastier's (i. 92), of the Lucernese Counts having 
 favoured the Vaudois colonists in the xiith Century seems thus to me unmaintain- 
 able. 
 
 1 " Statuta et ordinamenta facta per lUustris. D. Thomam Comitem, . . et Sapi- 
 entes Pinarolii, currente millesimo ccxx, indictione viii. c. 84. Item statutum est 
 quod si quis, vel si qua, hospitaretur aliquem vel aliquam Yaldensem vel Yaldensam, 
 se sciente, in posse Pinarolii, dabit bacuum solidorum decern quotiescunque hospi- 
 taretur." 
 
 M. Charvaz, from whom I quote, (see his pp. 271, 490,) speaks of the largeness of 
 this fine, under the idea of their being gold solidi ; as equivalent " a la somme de 300 
 liv. de notre temps." But how could such a fine be laid on persons often of the 
 lower orders ? There were silver solidi, as well as gold. See Ducange on the word. 
 It is the former I conceive that are meant. 
 
 * Caramagna is six leagues lower than Cavour ; Stapharda between Cavour and 
 Saluze. It is in Monastier's map ; and seems to answer to the modern Carmagnole, 
 15 or 20 miles S. E. of Turin.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 357 
 
 however it is evident that this was by no manner of means 
 the main body of the Lyonnese Waldenses in Northern 
 Italy. They had now spread over the whole of Lombardy, 
 and made Milan especially very much of a central point of 
 operation and refuge : there, as in Provence and elsewhere, 
 uniting freely ivith certain heretics of different name^ but 
 eschewing others.- A point this of the greatest conse- 
 quence in our inquiry ; and to which I shall take occasion, 
 a little later in the Section, to call the reader's special at- 
 tention. There are extant Letters of Pope Innocent III, 
 addrest about A.D. I.^IO to a certain reconciled or recreant 
 Waldensian, named Durand of Osca,^ who had special 
 commission from him for the reconversion of his former 
 brethren : and letters also from the same Pope to the Arch- 
 bishop of. Milan, (as well as to the Archbishops of Nar- 
 bonne, Nismes, Carcassone, Tarragona,) all about this Du- 
 rand and his proceedings. They speak of a school there 
 held by the Waldenses, in conmion with certain other here- 
 tics, in which to have their religious assembhes, and to 
 preach : notify the hopes held out by Durand of the con- 
 version *of near 100 of the Waldenses at Milan; and state 
 what measure of ecclesiastical irregularity might be allowed 
 to Durand, in the progress of his work ; " so, being crafty, 
 to take them by guile." ^ — The mission however proved of 
 little effect. And the terrible Decree of the 4th Lateran 
 Council, in 1215, soon re-echoed more loudly the thunders 
 of that of 1183 against the still unconverted Valdenses, 
 or Lyonnese Poor Men, among other heretics.^ 
 
 Such is a brief general view of the most authentic his- 
 tory of the Lyonnese Valdensic sectaries for the first half 
 century after the rise of Peter Valdes ; and specially of their 
 introduction into Italy. As to the colonization of the Val- 
 densic Piedmontese valleys, it seems probable that it took 
 place gradually, as persecution in Lombardy and Piedmont 
 
 1 " Postea in Provinci* terra, et Lombardiae, cum aliis haereticis se admiscentes, et 
 errorem eoruni bibeiites et serentes, haeretici sunt judicati." Stephen de Borbonne ; 
 in continuance of the citation Note • p. 353 supra. 
 
 2 " Waldenses contra alios (sc. Manichueos et Arianos,) " it is said by William of 
 Puy Laurens, "acutissim^ disputabant." Charvaz, p. 473, Gieseler ii. 379. 
 
 2 Now Huesca. 
 
 * See Gieseler's very interesting citations, ii. 398, 399. Also M'Crie's Reform, in 
 Spain, p. 37. » I shall notice it arain infra.
 
 358 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [pAUT iii. 
 
 became fiercer,^ from about the middle of the xiiith cen- 
 tury: — a mixed colonization, as before observed, by united 
 Lyonnese and other like-minded heretics of native origin. 
 The Savoy Statutes speak in 1682 of Treaties 400 years 
 old between the Waldensian colonists and Dukes of Savoy ; 
 so indicating a colonization at least as early as 1282.^ In 
 1332 a Bull of John XXII reports both their numbers and 
 organization there.^ In the Chatelain Delphinal Account 
 of Receipts and Payments we find, A.D. 1315, "Payment 
 to Inquisitors, for exercising their functions in the Val 
 Clusone, 93 Livres Tournois ; A.D. 1345, Inquisitors of 
 Pragela for pursuing, torturing, and burning heretics , . . 
 the product of confiscation of heretics' goods. "^ — Meanwhile 
 from early in the xiiith century, both while they were more 
 extended, and while they were gradually receding here and 
 there to the Alpine refuges, persecution tracked them : the 
 recently founded order of Dominicans making them ever one 
 chief object of their inquisition. Among whom was Reiner. 
 
 3. And now then what the tradition of the Waldensic 
 Sectarians at that time, on the main question under con- 
 sideration ; as reported to us by Reiner, and another con- 
 temporary writer, against the sect ? What too the opinions 
 exprest about it, by certain of those early Romish anti- 
 Valdensic writers and actors themselves ? 
 
 ^ So Riccliini, ap. Faber 529. 
 
 2 Gilly, Wald. p. 75. — Compare the evidence of Count Thomas' statute (p. 356 
 supra), showing that some of the heretics were busy teaching at Pinerol in 1220 ; not 
 to speak of Otho's decree in 1198 (see p. 354), which only notices them as in the 
 Turin diocese generally. — About 1250, let me add, Reiner does not speak of the 
 Waldenses as an heretical body then concentrated in the Valleys. 
 
 In their Treaties with the Dukes of Savoy Muston (i. 351) declares that the Vau- 
 dois asserted their inhabitation of the Valleys before Savoy held Piedmont. An epoch 
 this before the middle of the 11th century; as it occurred on the marriage of Odo, 
 Prince of Savoy, with Adelaide of Suza. (So Charvaz, p. 271.) — Again, in one of 
 Morland's later Waldensian manuscripts, to the question, " How long have the Val- 
 denses inhabited the valleys ? " the answer returned is, " On the actual authority of 
 many histories, about 500 years ; (i. e. says Leger, from 1587 ;) but according to our 
 belief fi-om the time of the apostles." (Leger i. 162.) But these statements must be 
 taken a little loosely. — As to Muston's Treaties, so speaking, they could only be 
 Treaties of late date. 
 
 3 " In Vallibus Lucernse, Perusioe, &c., creverimt et multiplicati sunt haeretici Val- 
 denses, quod frequentes congregationes per modum Capituli facere praesumimt." ap. 
 Leger ii. 21 ; from Rorenco. 
 
 * Israel of Alps, pp. 234, 235. — What was said bythe Waldenses of the Alpine valleys 
 of Dauphiny, in their Memorial to the French Kiug Francis I. in the year 1542, well 
 accords with this. They speak of having come there from Piedmont some 200 years 
 before. See Muston 350 ; Faber 288, 433.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 350 
 
 As to ihe former, then, we find 3foneta about 1240 thus 
 intimating the tradition ; " If their way was before P. 
 Valdo, let them show it by some testimony." ^ And Reiner, 
 A.D. 1250, on Heresies ; ^ " Some say," (some evidently of 
 the Leonist Waldenses themselves,) " that it, the sect of 
 the Leonists, has lasted from the time of Sylvester, others 
 from that of the apostles." — Later reports of the tradition 
 are less important. But they show that it continued. " The 
 sons of iniquity say falsely, . . . that their sect has endured 
 from the time of Pope Sylvester, when the Church began to 
 appropriate to itself possessions." ^ So Pilichdorf m 1395 : 
 — a statement thus amplified by Claude Se?/ssel sifterwards :'*' 
 " Some of the heretics pretend that the sect originated in 
 the times of Constantine the Great, from one Leo, a most 
 religious man ; who execrating the avarice of the then 
 Roman Pope Sylvester, preferred to follow poverty in the 
 simplicity of faith : also that all who thought rightly of 
 the Christian religion adhered to him, living under the 
 Apostohc rule ; and thus transmitted downwards to pos- 
 terity the principles of true religion." ^ 
 
 Nor was an admission wanting on the part of one at least 
 of the early anti- Valdensic inquisitors and writer's them- 
 selves, as to the high antiquity of the Waldenses. I refer 
 to Reiner. Although afterwards saying that the Leonist 
 Sectaries had their origin from the Lyonnese merchant, 
 Peter Valdes, yet he first speaks of the sect's formidable- 
 ness from its superior antiquity to all other sects then ex- 
 isting ; whether Manichaeans, Arians, or Runcarians.® It 
 
 > Monastier i. 96. * 
 
 2 " Aliqui enim dicunt quod duraverit a tempore Sylvestri ; aliqui a tempore apo- 
 stolorum." B. P. M. xxv. 264. — This Treatise of Reiner is also given by Dr. Maitland 
 in the Appendix to his Facts and Doc. and copious extracts from it by Charvaz and 
 others. 
 
 3 " Iniquitatis filii coram simplicibus mentiuntur, dicentes sectam eorum durasse a 
 temporibus Sylvestri Papse, quando videlicet Ecclesia coepit habere proprias possessi- 
 ones." B. P. M. xxv. 278. 
 
 * Claude Seyssel was in 1.515 translated from the Bishoprick of Marseilles to the 
 Archbishoprick of Turin, where he died in 1520. So Charvaz, p. 187. 
 
 « Gilly's Wald. 78, Faber, 282. See the Latin original in Charvaz, p. 476.— Simi- 
 larly to (Ecolampadius, Vaudois sectaries, then living, declared in 1530 that they had 
 endured as a little people for more than 400 years ; — yea, from the time of the apostles. 
 
 * Ch. 4 of his Tract on Hseresis. " Sectse haereticorum fuerunt plures quara lxx : 
 quiB omnes per Dei gratiam deletse sunt, prteter sectas Manichaeorum, Arianorum, 
 Runcariorum, et Leonistarum, quae Alemaniam infecerunt. Inter omnes has sectas 
 non est perniciosior ecclesia? qu^ra Leonistarum. Et hoc tribus de causis. Primo 
 quia est diuturnior. Aliqui enim dicunt, &c." (See Note ^ above.) B. P. M. xxv. 264.
 
 300 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 may be said that by the Manichseans, &c., he may have 
 only meant the so-called novi Manichcei} that had made 
 themselves conspicuous in comparatively modern times in 
 Western Christendom. Yet, even so, it is scarce credible 
 but that, inquisitor as he was, and a brother of the Domi- 
 nican order, he must have known alike from the famous 
 anti-Albigensian waitings of St. Bernard, from sundry 
 Chronicles of the preceding age, and from the Acts of the 
 Councils of Orleans, Arras, Charroux, Rheims, Oxford, 
 &c., particularized in a preceding Section, that heretics had 
 been condenmed as Manichseans in the xith and first half 
 of the xiith century. Hence his statement, even though 
 thus understood and limited, must be regarded as referring 
 back the origin of the sect at least to the commencement 
 of the xith century. — It has been urged by some,^ in order 
 to reconcile this statement by Reiner with his counter- 
 statement inmiediately following about the recent L/jonnese 
 origin of the Sect, that he is here only reporting the Val- 
 densians' own assertion. But I cannot admit the explana- 
 tion. His words, notwithstanding the context subsequent, 
 seem too precise; " Primo quia est diuturnior." ^ — But in 
 what sense ? His own statements, and those of history 
 generally, preclude the idea of his ascribing an earlier exter- 
 nal origin to the Lyonnese Valdensic sect, than P. Valdes. 
 It seems to me that Gieseler's is the only fair explanation ; 
 viz. that " he must have meant the AVaklensian [Protestant] 
 principles : " ^ it being however understood that, in order 
 to their perpetuation, there must needs have been soine suc- 
 cession of persons, similarly thhiking, to*perpetuate them : 
 some consequently, even though of other sectarian deno- 
 minations, before P. Valdes.^ 
 
 1 So Maitland, Second Eeply to King, pp. 27, 28. 
 
 2 e. g. Gretser. » go Chaivaz, p. 172. * Vol. ii. p. 377. 
 
 * To Reiner's admission above cited there was added in my three first editions 
 Horenco's later testimony, as decidedly to the same eifect : he, when Prior of St. Roch 
 in Turin in 1630 or 1640, having been commissioned to make inquiries into the his- 
 tory and opinions of the Waldenses ; and the result, according to Muston and others, 
 such as I stated. Mr. Faber had previously done the same, trusting to Muston. See 
 his pp. 327, 328. — By M. Charvaz (pp. 483, 484,) the extracts ti-oui Rorenco are 
 given more fully than by Leger or Muston. And I regret to find from them, that 
 the case is another of the many partial misrepresentations printed on the Waldensian 
 subject. By Leger and Muston he is made to say that the Vaudois sect was not a new 
 sect in the 9th and 10th ceutuiics. W^hcreas what he really says is that the various
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 361 
 
 As to m\y primitive Piedmontese Alpine origin to the mixt 
 Lyonnese and Piedmontese later colonists of the valleys, all 
 early tradition, as before said, whether Valdensic or anti- 
 Valdensic, seems to me wanting. Yet there is one chro- 
 nicler who, early in the xiiith century, reports at least an 
 Italian origin to those Lyonnese sectaries. I allude not 
 here to Ebrard's notice of their calling themselves Val- 
 lenses:^ because Ebrard's age (though said to be 1212) 
 seems doubtful ; ^ and the appellation is distinctly stated 
 
 preceding heresies continued in the 9th and 10th centuries, and that there arose not 
 then any new sect or new heresiarch. Let me cite him. 
 
 Having mentioned the Iconomachi of the 8th century, he adds ; " Nel nono e deci- 
 mo secolo continuarono le eresie antecedent!; e non si scoperse nuova setta, ne 
 nuovo eresiarcha; e pero non fu fatto ne celebrato alcun concilio." Again: "NeU, 
 ottavo secolo vennero i Cristiani Cathegori, quali adoravano come Dio le imagine di 
 Cristo, e della Vergine santissima, e degli angeli. Poi gV Iconomachi nemici delle 
 sacre imagini. . . Furono condamnati tutti nella Sinodo generale (viz. the seventh.) 
 Nel nono secolo continuarono le narrate eresie ; ne si scopri nuova setta, ne nuovo 
 heresiarca : ma si bene nuovo fomentatore delle antecedeuti ; fra quali fu Claudio 
 Vescovo di Torino." Breve Narraz. p. 16: and Memorie Istoriche, pp. 3, 4. 
 
 In the extracts by Muston and Faber, the von si scoperse, and ne si scopri, are 
 changed into non era, non fu ; the nominative i Valdesi supplied ; and so the meaning 
 made to result; " They [the Valdenses'] were even then not a new Sect." Yet mark 
 the reference to Claude of Turin. 
 
 Roreneo's testimony, considering its lateness of date, was only important on the 
 supposition of its having resulted fi-om examination of ancient records in the hands of 
 the Piedmont Government, not generally accessible. 
 
 1 This occurs in his 2oth chapter, (B. P. Max. xxiv. 1572,) headed " Contra eos 
 qui dicuntur Xabatati ;" an appellative, as we saw, from some peculiarity in their 
 shoes or sandals, of the disciples of Peter Valdes. In it he says ; " Vallenses se ap- 
 pellant, eo quod in valle lachrymarum maneant:" and again, "Omnia ista vobis 
 objiciuntur a Salomone, Vallenses." — He elsewhere uses the word Waldevses, 
 apparently of other heretics : evincing in his description that he knew but little about 
 them. — Bernard of Fontcaud's pun on the word Valdenses, " quasi a valle densa," 
 the dark vale of error, (B. P. M. xxiv. 1585,) will not much help the hypothesis. 
 
 2 Dr. Maitland, Facts and Doc. p. 99, expresses his belief that "the only authority 
 on the point is the distich following, respecting a certain Grammarian of the same 
 name and place; 
 
 Anno milleno centeno bis duodeno, 
 
 Condidit Ebrardus GnEcismum Bethuniensis." 
 
 And he argues that the bis refers to the duodeno, not the centeno, making the date 
 1124, not 1212; so proving, what might otherwise have been suspected, that the 
 Grammarian was a different person from the anti-Waldensian writer. — That Dr. M. 
 is correct in his construction of the bis will appear probable from the two following 
 versicular dates of similar character, quoted by Waddington, ii. 224, 225, from Pagi : — 
 the tii-st respecting the foundation of the Cistercian order, A.D. 1098 ; 
 
 Anno milleno centeno bis minus uno, 
 
 Pontifice Urbano, Francorum rege Philippo, 
 
 Sub Patre Roberto csepit Cistercius ordo : 
 
 — the second respecting the Prcemonstratensian Order, (founded in 1120, Giescler ii. 
 281,) under Norbert, a friend of Pope Innocent II, who died A. D. 1144; 
 Anno milleno centeno bis quoque deno 
 Sub Patre Norberto Praemonstratensis viget ordo. 
 That the Ebrard, however, who thus notices the Vallenses, was of Bethune in Flan- 
 ders, appears in the title of the work as given in the B. P. M.
 
 362 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part itt. 
 
 by him to have been meant by the vagrant sectarian bands 
 he alludes to, in a figurative, not a hteral sense : with 
 reference to this world as a valley of tears ; not to the 
 valleys of Piedmont, or any other mountain valleys.^ But 
 I allude to Conrad of Lichtenau, abbot of Ursperg : who, 
 writing about 1225 of the then recent institution of the 
 Franciscan and Dominican Friars, observes incidentally 
 that the occasion of it may have been the previous exist- 
 ence of the two separatist sects of Hwniliati and Poor 
 Men of Lfjons : ^ " which sects," says he, " having arisen 
 some considerable time before in Italif, still continue." ^ 
 Was it Conrad's idea that the Lyonnese Valdensic doctrine 
 was but in main points that of Arnold of Brescia,* or of 
 Henry ,^ or of Claude of Turin ; and that, having set out 
 from Italy in the ixth or xiith century, it had revived, or 
 returned thither, at the opening of the xiiith ? 
 
 4. Next comes the argument (an argument that will 
 detain us somewhat longer) from certain of the Waldensian 
 Documents still extant.^ — The manuscripts, as is well 
 
 1 See Note i, p. 361. 
 
 2 Dr. Maitland gives the extract from Conrad at p. 398 of his Facts and Docu- 
 ments ; but ascribes the notice of having seen the Lyonnese Pauperes at Rome not 
 to Conrad himself, though speaking of it in the first person, but to some anonymous 
 ■writer quoted by him. His reason is that he supposes the transaction described to 
 have taken place at Rome under Pope Lucius III, in the year 1183; a time when 
 Conrad (who did not become a priest till 1202) would probably have been too young 
 to be present. 
 
 In my three first editions I expressed a difference of opinion from Dr. Maitland ; 
 supposing Conrad to have meant the 4th Lateran Council under Innocent III, as 
 that at which he was present : because the Tractatus of Ivonet in Martene (given by 
 Charvaz, p. 462 — 464) spoke of the Waldenses as then applying to Innocent III for 
 authorization. But, on reconsideration, 1 think that Ivonet must have meant Alex- 
 ander III, and written Innocent III by a mere slip of the pen. All the history of the 
 Sect shows this. And, as Dr. M. observes, Conrad could hardly have been at the 
 3rd Lateran Council under Alexander in 1179. Dr. M. observes, from Vossius, that 
 Conrad quotes other writers in the first person, without marking citation. 
 
 3 " Quia olim du.Te Sect;© in Italia exortte adhuc perdurant : quarum alii Humilia- 
 tos, alii Pauperes de Lugduno se nominabant." 
 
 In Ivonet, ap. Martene it is said that the Sect was doubly divided, into the 
 Ultra-montane or Gallic Pauperes, and the Lombard Pauperes. 
 
 * On the abounding of heretics in Brescia (Arnold's city), in 1225, see Pope Ho- 
 norius' Letter, ap. Gieseler ii. 395. About Arnold see B. P. M. xxv. 255. 
 
 * Henry was an Italian originally : though better known after he had been to 
 Lausanne, and then gone to Le Mans and Toulouse. See my p. 284 supra ; also 
 Moshcim xii. 2. 5. 8. 
 
 6 The account of his collecting them, as given by Sir S. Morland, is too illustra- 
 tive of the subject, as well as too interesting, to omit. " Some days," he says, 
 " before my setting out for Savoy," (i. e. as ambassador for Cromwell about the 
 year A.D. 1650,) "the late Lord Primate of Ireland, Archbishop Usher, sent for me
 
 CHAP. Vir. § C] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 363 
 
 known, were collected in the Piedmontese valleys by Sir 
 S. Morland, ambassador from Cromwell in 1650 to Savoy ; 
 by him brought to England; and in August 1658 (so 
 Morland himself states) deposited in the Cambridge Uni- 
 versity Library. They were then bound in 21 volumes ; 
 but of these the seven first are now missing.^ Of some, 
 however, of the missing Treatises copies remain in the 
 works of Morland and Leger : and of the most valuable of 
 all, the Nohle Lesson, there exists an ancient manuscript 
 copy in the Library of Geneva ; ^ though less ancient, it 
 is supposed, than that of Morland.^ 
 
 It is with the Nohle Lesson alone that I have to do for 
 the present. — Objections have been made by Maitland, 
 after Bossuet, to the assigned dates and even genuineness 
 of other of the manuscripts ; more especially of one entitled 
 a Confession of Faith, another a Catechism, and another a 
 Treatise on Antichrist} And, as against the dates assigned 
 
 to his chamber ; and there gave me a serious charge to use my uttermost diligence 
 in the inquiry after, and to spare no cost in the purchase of, all those manuscripts 
 and authentic pieces, which might give any light into the ancient doctrine and dis- 
 cipline of those [the Waldensian] Churches : — adding, there was nothing in the 
 world he was more curious and impatient to know, as being a point of exceeding 
 great weight and moment for stopping the mouths of our Popish adversaries, and 
 discovering the footsteps of our religion in those dark intervals of the 8th, 9th, and 
 10th centuries. This serious injunction of that reverend and worthy man, together 
 with my own real inclinations, caused me to leave no stone unturned, nor to lose any 
 opportunity during my abode in those parts, for the real effecting this thing. And, 
 although the Pope's emissaries had already gathered the more choice clusters and 
 ripe Yruits, yet I met at least with the grape-gleanings of the vintage .—I mean 
 divers pieces of antiquity : some whereof had been a long time buried under dust 
 and rubbish ; others had been scattered about in the valleys, some here, some there, 
 in desert and obscure places ; and without a singular providence had never come to 
 light." Waldensian Eesearches, p. 136. 
 
 ' Inquiry having been made as to the time and manner of the loss, no account it 
 seems can be given. All that is known is that Allix, who published his work on 
 the Waldenses in 1690, speaks of having seen, and quotes from, one of the missing 
 and now not extant volumes; also that a catalogue of the Library, made in 1753, 
 mentions only the fourteen volumes yet remaining, numbered from H to W. The 
 necessary conclusion is that between the years 1690 and 1753 these seven volumes, 
 numbered from A to G, were abstracted ; — how, or by whom, is a matter of con- 
 jecture. Wald. Res. pp. 153, 447. 
 
 2 Both Gilly and Muston give facsimiles of the six first lines of the Poem, as 
 written in the Geneva Manuscript : also M. Charvaz, in his reply to Muston, p. 254. 
 — A translation of much of the poem will be given later, in my 7th Section ; the Poem 
 itself in my Appendix. 
 
 3 So Raynouard the learned author of the Poesies des Troubadours ; Vol. ii. p. cxlii. 
 " Je suis porte a croire que le manuscript de Cambridge avoit ete fait sur un exem- 
 plaire plus ancien que celui de Geneve." ap. Muston 146. 
 
 * Bossuet Variat. xi. § 126 — 130; Maitland's Facts and Doc. p. 114, and Second 
 Answer to King, p. 55. 
 
 Dr. Maitland in the passage last referred to thus expresses himself. " It seems to
 
 364 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 hfj Morland's collector,^ or by previous copyists of the ma- 
 nuscripts, his objections have weight and reason ; though 
 not so as to affect the genuineness of the documents. For 
 the dates do not appear to have been in any case (except- 
 ing the Noble Lesson) a component part of the work : 
 and they might well have been added, (incorrectly added,) 
 by the collector or copyist, and even other alterations in- 
 troduced also, — without affecting the genuineness of the 
 original manuscript.^ Is the Treatise of Pilichdorf a for- 
 gery, because its Editors in the B. P. M. falsely assign to 
 it the date of the xiiith century ? ^ Or Wilham of New- 
 bury's notice of the Oxford Council of 1160, because Har- 
 duin ^ anachronistically heads it as " contrk Waldensium 
 sen Publicanorum dogma " ? Or the Canons of the Coun- 
 cil of Tours, held A. D. 1163, because "the wo^di Albi- 
 genses (a name not used so early) occurs in the title of the 
 Canons ? " "^ On this Dr. Maitland simply argues ; " It 
 was probably prefixed at a later period." And so Ave all 
 explain the generally incorrect subscriptions, appended 
 early to many of the Canonical Epistles. Why then reason 
 differently here ? 
 
 But, as I said, it is alone with the Nohle Lesson that I 
 am concerned at present. And certainly, if ever there were 
 document that might be said to bear on its face the stamp 
 
 me that if I have succeeded in throwinjEj just suspicion on the Confession, I have 
 thrown just suspicion on all [the Waldensian MSS.]." An opinion this surely the 
 most unreasonable. Dr. Maitland seems to reason as if the date assigned by the 
 collector were m each case part and parcel of the document itself : which it is not, save 
 and except only in the Nobla Lcycon. And of it, as we shall see, notwithstanding 
 Dr. M.'s insinuated suspicion of its being a. forgery, (Facts and Doc. p. 133, Letter 
 to King, p. 61,) the genidneness is irrefragable. 
 
 What if a discoverer of a set of ancient manuscript Codices at Pompeii were to as- 
 sign a wrong date to some of them, and perhaps affix that wrong date in recopjing : 
 and a critic, on discovering and exposing the error, were to argue that therefore grave 
 suspicion attached to the date, and even genuineness, of another codex, which in the 
 very body of the work gave its own date, as written under Augustus or Xero ? 
 
 Has Dr. Maitland fully considered the difficulty of a successful forgery of the 
 antique .'' The case of Chatterton is a memorable modern example of its being no easy 
 matter of execution. 
 
 1 "It (The Confession of Faith) was packed, with sundry other Documents of less 
 moment, [including the Treatise on Antichrist,'] in one parcel ; to the envelope of 
 which the Collector had affixed the general date of the year 1120. .. I do not suppose 
 that there was any intentional imposition on the part of him who affixed the date ; 
 but the action must, I think, be viewed as purely arbitrary, and altogether unauthori- 
 tative." Faber, 370, 372. 
 
 2 See on this point the remarks of M. Monastier, Vol. i. p. Ill — 113. 
 
 3 Index Alph. See my notice of Pilichdorf in the list of authors, p. 348. 
 
 * vi. ii. lo83. 5 Dr. Maitlaud's words. Facts and Doc. p. 138. ,
 
 CHAP. VII. § C] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 365 
 
 of genuineness, such seems to me the case here. For there 
 is a spirit of primitive simphcity and piety breathing all 
 through it,^ that forbids the idea of fraud or forgery : and 
 also an absence of that point and fulness on the subject of 
 Romish vices and errors, which, had it been forged to make 
 out the case of the Waldenses as witnesses against Rome, 
 we might surely have expected.- — Besides which there are 
 certain more purely literary criteria by which it may be 
 tested ; and on all of which, having been tried, it has well 
 stood the test. The reader must understand that it is 
 in rhythmical verse ; somewhat like the Provencal Ro- 
 mances of the Troubadours: and that the date of 1100 
 years from the epoch Avhen it was said, " We are in the 
 last times," is incorporated into the very verse itself, and 
 as a part of the Poem : 
 
 Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli enticrament 
 Que fo scripta 1' ora, car sen al derier temp : 
 
 i. e. " Well have a thousand and a hundred years been 
 fully accomplished, since the hour was written of, that we 
 are in the last times. "^ Now the date thus noted must needs 
 be somewhere between A.D. 1100 and 1200. (I shall 
 presently recur to the subject, in order to infer the epoch 
 more exactly.) And thus it is open to the critic to inves- 
 tigate the accordance of the Poem with that self-attached 
 date, in respect of language, versification, &c., as well as in 
 respect of sentiment and historical fact. The former kind 
 of testing has been carried out by 31. Baiinouard, author 
 of the work on the Poetry of the Troubadours ; a man of 
 all others the best qualified for the undertaking.^ And 
 his report is that, after having accurately examined into 
 the dialect, style, form of verse, agreement and disagree- 
 
 * Muston, p. 144, quotes Neander, writing of "le calme et I'onction avec la quelle 
 Traite est ecrit." 
 
 - So M'Crie : " The Nobla Leycon, and other religious Poems of the Vaudois, 
 •which are among the earliest and the rarest of Provencal poetry, contain few of those 
 satirical reflections on the Clergy, which abound in the writings of their contempo- 
 raries who remained in the Romish Church." Reform, in Italy, p. lo. 
 
 3 Raynouard translates, " Que fut ecrite I'heure, que nous sommes au dernier 
 temps." In 1 John ii. 18 the Greek is, fff^arjj wpa kjtw "it is the last hour." 
 
 * "An indisputably (Faber 385) competent judge," says Mr. Hallam. See too 
 Schlegel's testimony to M. RajTiouard in Mr. G. Cornewall Lewis' Treatise on the 
 Romaunt, and also Mr. Lewis' own.
 
 366 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 ment of the Cambridge and Geneva Manuscripts/ &c., — 
 he can on every account, and without reserve, affirm the 
 genuineness of the document, and its freedom from inter- 
 polation."^ Mr. Hallam, our own eminent living author, 
 after reference to Raynouard, expresses his entire agree- 
 ment with him ; observing that " any doubts as to the au- 
 thenticity of the Poem are totally unreasonable." ^ 
 
 But what the more exact date of the Poem ? Whence 
 its 1100 years to be computed? — Not merely Morland, 
 Leger, AUix, Muston, Monastier, Faber, and others, that 
 might by some be thought more or less prejudiced par- 
 tizans of the pre-Lyonnistic Waldensian theory, agree in 
 regarding it as tantamount to the year 1100 of the Chris- 
 tian aera ; but even M. Raynouard himself fixes it at 
 A. D.llOO, or thereabouts.'* To myself however it seems 
 most natural and reasonable, prior to the consideration of 
 other criteria, to calculate the 1100 years (according to 
 the simpler meaning of the passage cited) from the time 
 when those words vjere written, " We are in the last times :" ^ 
 i. e. from the date of St. John's first Epistle, where, and 
 where alone, the passage referred to occurs.*^ And, as the 
 
 1 Choix des Poesies Originales des Troubadours ; Vol. ii. Introd. p. cxxxvii — 
 cxliii. "J'ai confere," he says, "le texte du Manuscrit de Geneve avec celui du 
 Manuscrit de Cambridge public par S. Morland. Les successeurs des anciens Vau- 
 dois, ni les dissidens de I'Eglise Romaine, qui auraient voulu s'autoriser des opinions 
 contenucs dans ce Poeme, n'auraient eu aucun interet a faire des changemens ; at, 
 s'ils avaient ose en faire, ces changemens auraient bien nioins porte sur la date du 
 Poeme, que sur le fond des matieres qu'il traite, pour les aceoramoder a leurs propres 
 systenies dogmatiqucs. — Eniin le style meme de I'ouvrage, la forme des vers, la con- 
 cordance meme des deux manuscrits, le genre des variantes qu'ils presentent, tout se 
 re unit en faveur de I'authenticite de ces poesies." 
 
 2 "Les personnes qui I'examineront avec attention jugeront que le Manuscrit n'a 
 pas ete interpole." Ibid. 
 
 3 Literat. of Middle Ages, i. 37, 38. — Contrast Dr. Maitland's strange innuendo, 
 referred to p. 363 Note *, "against the Noble Lesson, as not improbably a forgery! 
 
 * " Le poeme de la Nobla Leyczon porte la date de I'an 1100." And again ; " La 
 date de I'an 1100, qu'on lit dans ce poeme, merite toute confiance." Ibid. 
 
 5 Such is Gieseler's View, Vol. ii. p. 380. — The example of Melania, as narrated 
 by Palladius in his Lausiac History, (a passage cited in my Vol. i. p. 397, Note i, in- 
 duces me to speak less strongly on this point than in my three former Editions. 
 Ilaidia, TTpo TtrpaKoamJv tTiov (ypa<pT], oti ecTxart] u)pa tffTi. This being said by 
 Melania about A.D. 400 ; and so the computation dated from the beginning of the 
 Christian iEra. 
 
 6 " Little children, it is the last time. And, as ye have heard that Antichrist cometh, 
 even now there are many Antichrists ; whereby we know that it is the last time." ii. 
 18_ — Some have suggested the alternative of dating the 1100 years from the time 
 described in the Acts of the Apostles, because of the days then present being 
 there spoken of as the last days : e. g. Acts ii. 17, " It shall come to pass in the last 
 days." But the quotation in the Noble Lesson is evidently the above passage from
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 367 
 
 composer of the Noble Lesson, though unendowed with 
 the critical accuracy and learning of modern scholars/ 
 must yet, on the more general and obvious evidence of 
 Scripture history, have seen reason to date that Epistle 
 some 30, 40, or 60 years after Christ's death, it follows 
 that he must have regarded the 1100 years, measured 
 therefrom, as elapsed somewhere between A.D. 1160 and 
 1190.— And when, with reference to this disputed point 
 of the Poem's date, we turn to a critical examination of the 
 Poem itself, we shall find, I believe, no chronological indi- 
 cation inconsistent with the date just stated ; and some 
 strongly, if not decisively, corroborative. 
 
 Thus, as regards the Romaunt phraseological terms used 
 in it, not only will such words as baron for men of nobility, 
 fellon for a wicked man, hostel for palace or house,- but 
 also cavalier for soldier, and Saracens for heathens, in 
 contradistinction to Jews and Christians, (the two latter 
 words urged by Mr. Faber in proof of the earlier date of 
 11 00,) 2 be found to suit the close, as well as the com- 
 
 St. John ; and it is one again referred to at the close of the Poem : » We ouo-ht to be 
 well advised when Antichrist shaU come; but, according to Scripture, there "are now- 
 many Antichrists." 
 
 Compare Joachim Abbas' statement :— " Maxime cum sint transacti amplius quani 
 miUe anni ex quo dixit beatus Joannes, Filioli, novissima hora est." See mv notice of 
 Joachim in the History of Apoc. Interpretation, Vol. iv. Appendix 
 
 1 Michaelis dates St. John's first Epistle A.D. 70, Lardner about 80, Jlill and Le 
 Uerc about 91, Beausobre, L' Enfant, and Dupin at the end of the first century The 
 larger number of Commentators agree most nearly with Michaelis ; considering that 
 there is evidence m the Epistle of having been written before the destruction of Je- 
 rusalem, and thus A.D. 68, 69, or 70. So Grotius, Whitby, Macknio-ht A Clarke 
 Home, &c. ° ' 
 
 * 1. Baron. So 1. 224 of the three wise men ; " E en Orient aparec una stcUa a li 
 trey baron. '—2. Fellon. So 1. 103 of those drowned in the deluge ; " Ce lei dulivi 
 venc, et detrms U fellon." Also 1. 133.— 3. Hostel. So 1. 134 of Lot's house • " Co fo 
 Loth, e aquilh de son hostal que Tangel en gitte : " and 1. 47 of God's palace in 
 heaven ; " Que a la fin nos alberge al seo glorios hostal." 
 
 See Ducange on the words baro, fello, hospitale. 
 
 3 1. Cavalier. So 1. 315 ; " Car un de li cavalier vent e li uberc la costa " 
 
 In proof that a similar use of the word Cavalier to that in the Poem continued be- 
 yond the end of the xiith century, I may refer to the Fragment du Mmtere on the 
 Resurrection ; a piece given in Michel's Theatre Fran^ais "au Moyen A-e • the date 
 ot which IS fixed, on decisive evidence, to be as late as the end of the xiith or be"-in 
 nmg of the xiiith century. In the versified Preface to this very curious Piece "the 
 dramatis Persouae, scenic paintings, and arrangements to be followed in the actin- 
 are described. Among others there occur the verses following ; (p. 11; ) "' 
 
 Primes Pilate od ces vassals 
 Sis u set chivaliers aura. 
 Afterwards one of these chevaliersh represented as piercing Christ's side (v 14 ^ 
 
 2. i>aragin8. So 1. 341 ; " Mot for li perseguian Judios e Saragins." ' '
 
 368 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 mencement, of the xiith century. — Nor again does the ex- 
 pectation of the workl's being near its end, exprest in the 
 Poem/ (another point urged by Mr. Faber,^) much better 
 suit the one than the other. — But there are other indica- 
 tions which strongly tend , to the later date ; and pretty 
 much fix it between the years 1183 and 1200. 1st, among 
 the various notices in the Poem respecting the persecutions 
 to which good men were subject, who wished to follow and 
 to teach " the way of Jesus Christ," we find fine, imprison- 
 ment, and death mentioned as punishments : and this as 
 inflicted specifically on Vaudes.^ Now it was not till Lucius 
 
 A reader at all versed in European history must be aware that the Saracens were 
 pre-eminently Fai/nims, or Pagans, in the mind of crusading Christendom, just as 
 much in the time of Richard Cceur de Lion and Saladin, at the end of the xiith cen- 
 tury, as of Godfrey of Bouillon, a century earlier. And, as to the conjunction of their 
 name and that of the Jews, as under a similar opprobrium, it occurs frequently as 
 late, and later than, the close of the xiith century. So, for example, in the heading 
 of the xxvith Canon of the 3rd Lateran Council, held A.D. 1179; "Ne Christiimi 
 habitent cum Jiidreis vel Saracenis." Shortly after which the phrase "more Pagan- 
 orum" occurs, with evident reference to the Saracens. (Hard. vi. ii. 1683, 1684.) — ]\Ir. 
 Faber argues from the former word at p. 398 of his Book ; from the latter at p. 39.5. 
 
 1 So lines 3, 5, 9 — 13, 461, &c. " The world is near its end. The world approaclies 
 its termination." — " Daily we see the signs coming to their accomplishment, in the 
 increase of evil and the decrease of good. These are the perils that . . St. Paul men- 
 tions; so that no man who lives can know his end." Also; "Many signs and 
 wonders shall be wrought fi'om this time forward to the day of judgment," &c. 
 
 2 Agreeably with this, says Mr. Faber, p. 389, was the expectation, begun long 
 before, A.D. 1000, [see my Vol. i. p. 470,] but partially revived in 1100, that the end 
 of the world was at hand. In illustration, he cites from William of Jlalmsbury (ii. 
 34) a legend of Edward the Confessor's ^asion of the seven sleepers, seen shortly be- 
 fore his death, A.D. 1066; whence the prognostication was drawn that in seventy- 
 four years the end would come. — He might also have exemplified in the prediction of 
 a Florentine Bishop, to the effect that in the year 1105 Antichrist would be born. 
 Op. Bernardi, i. p. 846. (Paris, 1839.) 
 
 But the same expectation of the world's speedy ending was revived from time to 
 time throughout the xiith century. Thus from a letter of St. Bernard, written in 
 the year 1128, we learn that it had just then been the subject of serious conversation 
 between himself and one Norbert, a m.an of much eminence in Bernard's judgment ; 
 and that it was Norbert's full and solemn conviction that before the generation then 
 living past away, Antichrist would be revealed, and the last affliction of the church 
 begin.* (i. 202.) In proof that the expectation was entertained at the close of the 
 xiith century, it may suffice to mention the name of Joachim .\bbas.t 
 
 3 So lines 54, 5.5, 354, 360—363, 372—374. " They suffer not good people to 
 keep God's commandments ; but rather hinder, according to their power." " These 
 greatly wish to show the way of Jesus Christ ; but they are so persecuted, that they 
 can do only little. So are the false Christians blinded by error : much the most they 
 
 * Bernard adds that he was himself not convinced by Norbert's reasons. " Cum 
 eandera certitudinem unde habcret sciscitanti mihi exponere vellet, audito quod 
 respondit, non me illud pro certo credere debere putavi." Ep. 56. And it will be 
 well to remember that there was certainly then no such general expectation as that 
 which existed at the commencement of the preceding century. 
 
 t It was about A.D. 1200 that this Joachim of Calabria prophesied that within 
 sixty years Antichrist would appear. See my Sketch of Joachim Abbas' Apocalyptic 
 Commentary, in the Appendix to my Vol, iv.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 369 
 
 the third's Decree of 1183 that the Lyomiese Poor Men, or 
 Valdenses, were marked out at all as objects for punish- 
 ment.^ And, as they were placed by it under the terrible 
 Papal Anathema, and, on conviction by the ecclesiastical 
 tribunals, abandoned to the secular power, to be dealt with 
 as it might think fit, of course death, as well as fine and 
 imprisonment, was thenceforth one of the penalties contem- 
 plated.^ — 2ndly, and in connexion with the same point of 
 the persecutions of the Vaudois sectaries, there is a peculiar 
 expression in one line of the Poem about the persecutors, 
 which seems to me to point to the inquisition after heretics, 
 ordered in that same Decree of Pope Lucius. Says the 
 Noble Lesson, respecting the persecutors of the apostles 
 and early Christians ; " Like to those who noiv seek out 
 matter of accusation, and persecute so much." ^ — And thus, 
 accordantly, speaks tlie Decree of Pope Lucius: — "Every 
 
 that should be pastors : seeing that ^^^ persecute and kill* those that are hettor." 
 " They say that such an one (viz. who will not lie, swear, defraud, &c.) is a Vuudcs, 
 and worthy of punishment : and they find occasion, through lies and deceit, to take 
 from him that tvhich he possesses." " The saints did not persecute, nor put in prison." 
 
 1 See pp. 353, 354 supra. Also Harduin vi. ii. 1878; and Maitland's Facts and 
 Doc. pp. 176, 496.— "We lay under a perpetual anathema the Cathari, Patarini, 
 and those who i'alsely call themselves Hi'miliati, or Poor Men of Lyom, &c." So the 
 Lucian Decree begins : and it then adjudges that these and their abettors, if pertina- 
 cious, should be given up to the secular power ; whether for execution or milder punish- 
 ment ; and their goods confiscated to the Church. It is stated, at the head of the 
 Decree, that it was issued with the sanction of the Emperor Frederic, (i. e. Frederic 
 the 1st, Emp. A.D. 1152—1190,) and of a Council of Patriarchs, Archbishops, «S:c., 
 assembled from various parts of the world. 
 
 After this, anti-heretical decrees multiplied, as we have seen, and specifically against 
 the heretics called Vaudois. In 1192 the Wadois were ordered to be seized, chained, 
 and brought up for punishment in the diocese of Toul. In 1194 there was issued the 
 expatriating Decree of Alphonso, king of Arragon, against the Waldenses, &c. ; then 
 in 1215 the 4th Lateran Decree ; then others. 
 
 A few years afterwards, this was said in a Council of Narbonne, held A.D. 1235. 
 " ^Tiat stranger even is there who knows not of the condemnation of heretics and 
 Waldenses for many years past; so justly decreed, so notorious, so public, so preached 
 about, . . and so firmly sealed by the death of so many unbelievers, solemnly con- 
 demned, and publicly executed!" Harduin vii. 257. — In the case of Henry the 
 Petrobrussian we had an example of imprisonment, as perhaps the only punishment 
 inflicted. (See p. 285 supra.) This was in 1147. Also in the case of Peter of Lyons 
 himself, and his earlier followers, the persecution was one not unto death. 
 
 2 So Gretser, speaking of Frederic the 2nd's Constitution, (Emp. A.D. 1212 — 1250,) 
 says ; " Ut haeretici ab ecclesia damnati, et seculari judici assignati debita animadver- 
 sione, hoc est mortis supplicio, puniantur." B. P. M. xxv. 256. 
 
 * " Coma d'aquilh que queron ara caison, e que perseguon tant : " rendered by 
 Raynouard; ^' Qui cherchent ores accusation," I. 350. Compare 1. 373 ; " Eli trodan 
 mt/soH en meczonja e engan ; " i. e. against the Vaudois. 
 
 * In my three first editions I overlooked this word ; having only had Faber's 
 translation at the time before me ; who, as stated p. 392 infra, has strangely mis- 
 translated it. 
 
 VOL. II. 24
 
 370 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Archbishop or Bishop, by himself or his archdeacon, or by 
 other trustworthy and fit persons, shall twice, or once in 
 the year, go round any parish in which it shall have been 
 reported that heretics reside ; and there call on three or 
 more persons of good credit, or if it seem fit on the whole 
 neighbourhood, to take an oath that, if any one shall know 
 that there are heretics in the place, or any persons holding 
 secret conventicles, or differing in life and manners from 
 the common conversation of the faithful, he will make it 
 his business to point them out to the Bishop or Arch- 
 deacon." This Decree, Dr. Maitland observes, "seems to 
 have laid the foundation, and marked out the plan of the 
 Inquisition r ^ — 3. In the Noble Lesson it is said; "If 
 we wish to love Christ, and follow his doctrine, we must 
 watch and 7'ead the Scripture!' ^ On which it has been 
 justly asked by Dr. Maitland, " how it could have come 
 into any man's head to give such an exhortation in the 
 year 1100 :" ^ meaning evidently, at a time when no trans- 
 lation of the Scriptures into the vernacular tongue would 
 seem to have existed. It was through Peter Valdes' instru- 
 mentality, some time between 1170 and 1 179, that the first 
 known translation of the entire New Testament Scriptures 
 was made into the vulgar Gaulik or Romaunt ; ^ a transla- 
 tion of which more presently.^ Hence the Noble Lesson 
 would seem to have been written after 1179.^ — 4thly, 
 there occurs in the Poem an incidental notice of the then 
 Vaudois creed respecting Antichrist ; showing that at that 
 time the Sect had not absolutely given up the thought of 
 him as an individual, whose coming was ^i\[\ future : albeit 
 with half intimated suspicions of his having come already, 
 in them (the Roman Popes and Bishops evidently) that ex- 
 hibited a marked contrast to Christ.''' Whereas from very 
 early in the opening of the 13th century it had come to be a 
 
 1 Facts and Doc. p. 176. 2 1. 287. ■* lb. p. 134. 
 
 * See Gilly's Romaunt Version of St. John ; p. x. et seq. 
 
 5 See p. 374: infra. 
 
 6 If made three or four years before, we must allow a little time for the copyings 
 and circulation. 
 
 ■>■ 1. 457 — 460. The passage is remarkable. 
 
 E esser mot avisa cant venre I'Antexrist, 
 Que nos non crean ni a son fait, ni a son dit : 
 Car, segont I'Escriptura, son ara fait moti Antcxrist : 
 Car Antexrist son tuit aquilh que contrastan a Xrist.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 371 
 
 direct article of the Vandois creed that the Papacy and 
 Church of Rome were to be regarded as the Apocalyptic Har- 
 lot, Babylon,^ and by consequence Antichrist ; and so con- 
 tinued unalterably ever afterwards. — 5thly, we find a very 
 characteristic notice in the Poem respecting the neighbour- 
 ing Romanists, which represents them as at that time in 
 the habit of deferring their confession to the priest until 
 their death-bed!^ A habit this that could scarely have ex- 
 isted after the promulgation of the stringent decrees of 
 Pope Innocent and the 4th Lateran Council, A.D. 1215: 
 wherein annual confession, at the least, was enjoined on 
 every individual ; on pain of exclusion from the Church 
 both in life and death. ^ — 6thly, could the remark about 
 the fcAv that embraced voluntary poverty have been well 
 written after the rise of the two mendicant orders, with 
 
 ^ This appears at least as early as the year 1207- There was then a puhlic dis- 
 putation held at Montreal between Albigenses on the one side, (including Vaudois 
 sectai-ies settled near Albi,) and Romanists on the other : * (see my p. 357 Note ' 
 supra:) the former being represented by Arnold, probably an early friend of Peter 
 Valdes ; (so Faber, pp. 504 — 514 ; f) the latter by Dominic and the Bishop of Oxuma. 
 And one of the Theses asserted and defended by Arnold, was that Rome was Babylon 
 and the Harlot of the Apocalj'pse ; symbols interpreted, I believe, by nearly all pre- 
 vious prophetic expositors as prefigurations of a still future Antichrist's Church and 
 Kingdom, j — About 1250 Reiner, to the same effect, notes among the Waldensian 
 heresies that of holding the Roman Church to be the Harlot of the Apocalypse, and the 
 Pope the head of all errors. § — At length, and perhaps not very long after Reiner's 
 Work, there was written the Vaudois Treatise on Antichrist ; || in the which the doc- 
 trine was, as we shall see hereafter, most strongly and fully asserted. — Leger (i. 156), 
 from Thuanus, represents Peter Valdes himself as thus preaching against Rome and 
 the Papacy. If so, this must have been at the more advanced period of his career. 
 
 Let me just add, with reference to the disputation at Montreal, that, though it 
 occurred after the Papal Decrees of 1179 and 1183, yet the lords of the district still 
 asserted independence, and even protected the heretics. The immediate consequence 
 was the freedom of discussion ; but the next, that Dominic, foiled in his arguments 
 and object, reported at Rome the contumacy of the Albigensian nobles : whence fol- 
 lowed the Albigensian Crusade with all its horrors, and at length the destruction of 
 the Counts of Thoidouse. 
 
 2 ""NVhen the mortal malady oppresses him, so that he is scarce able to speak, then 
 he calls for the priest, and wishes to confess himself. But according to the Scripture 
 he has delayed too long. For it says, that thou shouldest confess while in sound 
 health, and not wait till the last." Contrast what is said in the Waldensian Treatise 
 on Antichrist, ap. Monastier, pp. 359, 361. 
 
 3 Canon xxi. : " All of either sex, arrived at years of discretion, shall faithfully 
 confess all their sins in private to the priest, receiving the Sacrament of the Eucharii- 1 
 reverentially, at least at Easter, unless it shall appear to his own priest that there is 
 
 * The children of settlers, says Maitland, Facts and Doc. p. 95, who were both 
 Albigenses and Waldenses ; one by nation, the other by sect. f from Thuanus. 
 
 :; On the partial exception of Joachim Abbas just previously, sc. about A.D. 1200. 
 see my notice of Joachim iu the Appendix to Vol. iv. 
 
 § B. P. M. XXV. 265. 
 
 II See my notice of its probable date p. 395 infra, as towards the end of tlie 13th 
 century. 
 
 24*
 
 372 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part in 
 
 vows of poverty, in 1215 ; or at least after their universa 
 diffusion and fame, within ten or fifteen years afterwards ? ^ 
 
 Thus do these various notices, in precise accordance with 
 the Poem's self-ascribed date, construed in its natural and 
 simple meaning, unite to indicate its having been written 
 some time between about 1183 and 1215 A.D. : at the 
 same time that they furnish us with the strongest possible 
 corroborative evidence of the genuineness of the Poem. 
 
 Try we, yet once more, another kind of evidence arising 
 out of the Nobla Leycon ; viz. that of the dialect of the 
 Romaimt in which it is written. 
 
 It is to be remembered then, (a fact doubtless well known 
 to most of my readers,) that on the irruption of the multi- 
 tudinous Gothic barbarian hordes into the Western Roman 
 empire, and their establishment in its several provinces in 
 the 5th and 6th centuries, a change of the spoken lan- 
 guage naturally and necessarily ensued. Says Sismondi ; 
 " From one end of Europe to the other the encounter of 
 two mighty nations, and the mixture of two mother tongues, 
 confounded all the dialects, and gave rise to new ones in 
 their place." '^ The Latin, which had for some three cen- 
 turies, or more, been the vernacular language of Gaul and 
 Spain, as well as of Italy, underwent decomposition ; ^ and 
 a kind of barbarous jargon took its place, resulting from 
 
 sufficient reason to the contrary ; on pain of exclusion from the Church while they 
 live, and from Christian burial when they die." Hard. vii. 35. * 
 
 In illustration of what is said about payin.^ the confessing priest for absolution, 
 M. Monastier (i. 108) cites the following notice from the Benedictine HiMoire Lit- 
 teraire de France, T. vii. pp. 5, 6, on that crying scandal in the xith century. " Au 
 moyen de quelque somrae d'argent, les plus grands pecheurs trouvaient des pretres 
 qui leur donnaient aisementl'absolution." 
 
 ' L. 278, 279. Gieseler, ii. 288 — 291, dates the Franciscan Mendicants' rise A.D. 
 1209, that of the Dominicans 1220. 
 
 2 From the 5th to tlie 10th century the nations, he intimates, were almost " without 
 a language." Literature of South of Europe. 
 
 3 See on this Mr. Cornewall Lewis' Essay on the Eomaunt Languages, p. 19 : an 
 Essay which I have generally had before me in writing on this topic. 
 
 * The Toulouse Council of A.D. 1129, as given in Harduin vi. ii. 1149, may seem 
 in its own province to have long anticipated on this point the 4th Lateran General 
 Council ; requiring, as it does, confession three times a year. But in comparing the 
 record of it with that of the Toulouse Council in 1229, given in Hard. vii. 175, it 
 will be seen pretty clearly that the former documen.t, through some copyist's mistake 
 in writing 1129 for 1229,"has been printed where it stands erroneously. The head- 
 ing to either is ; " H;icc sunt statuta in Concilio apud Tolosani promulgata per Domi- 
 nmn Romanum Sancti Angcli Diaconum Cardinalem, Apostolicfe sedis legatum, 
 Anno Domini Jicxxix [or Jiccxxix] mense Noverabri." And the Canons ou disci- 
 pline are the same in either ; including one ordaining inquisitors, one forbidding the 
 laity to have Scriptures in the vulgar tongue : both which in 1129 would have been 
 anachronisms. — I see that of 1129" is omitted in Nicholas' copious list of Councils.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.J WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 373 
 
 the necessity of the conquerors and the conquered under- 
 standhig each other : of the which, in consequence of the 
 vastly superior numbers of the conquered indigenous in the 
 land, the Latin was still the base ; and which from them, 
 as of Roman political connexion before the irruption, was 
 called Romance or llomaunt} By degrees it settled down 
 in each country into a language of certain rules and gram- 
 mar : still improving from its ruder form under Charle- 
 magne and his son Louis,- to its more polished form in the 
 time of the Troubadours and the Noble Lesson, in the 
 xith and xiith centuries. It is the theory of Raynouard, 
 that a language resulted which was for a while pretty 
 much uniform in Gaul, Spain, and Italy -^ viz. until the 
 formation out of it in each, or first tendencies to formation, 
 
 1 See ibid. pp. 30, 31. Also Ducange ad verb. Romanum. — The change undergone 
 by the Latin, as Mr. C. Lewis .states it, " was threefold : viz. a change of structure 
 affecting the terminations and inflexions of nouns, participles, and pronouns, and the 
 conjugations of verbs ; a change of syntax, including the introduction of new idioms ; 
 and the introduction of numerous foreign terms, relating in great part to military 
 and political subjects." p. 25. 
 
 Let me add an extract from Schlcgel, cited by Mr. Lewis, p. 29. " Les conqucrans 
 barbares . . . trouvant dans les pays conquis une population toute Latine, ou selon 
 1' expression du temps, Romaiue, furent en effet forces d'apprendre aussile Latin, pour 
 se faire entendi-e : mais ils le parlaient en general fort incorrectement : surtout ils ne 
 savaient pas nianier ces inflexions savantes, sur lesquelles repose toute la construction 
 Latine. Les Remains, c'est a dire les habitans des provinces, a force d' entendre mal 
 parler leur langue, en oublierent a leur tour les regies, et imiterent le jargon de leurs 
 nouveaux maitrcs. Les desinences variables, etaut employees arbitrairement, ne ser- 
 voient plus qu'a embrouiller les phrases. Onfinit done par les supprimer, et par tron- 
 quer les mots . . Mais ces desinences supprimees servoient a marquer . . la construction 
 des phrases, et la liaison des idees. II falloit done y substituer une autre methode ; et 
 c'est ce qui donna naissance a la grammaire analytique." 
 
 Meanwhile Latin continued the language of literature, the law, and the Church. 
 
 2 Let me exemplify from the oath taken by Louis of Bavaria, in the year 842, at 
 Strasburgh, on occasion of his alliance with his brother Charles the Bald, against 
 Lothaii'e. 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 "Pourl'amour de Dieu, pour I'interet 
 du peuple Chretien, et pour notre com- 
 mune surete, dorenavant, autaut que Dieu 
 me donne de savoir et de pouvoir, je de- 
 fendrai ce mien frere Charles ; lui don- 
 nant aide et secours, dans chaque querelle 
 ou il se trouvera engage, comme un 
 homnie par droit est oblige de defeudre 
 son frere dans les torts qu'un autre lui 
 ferait. Et je ne ferai aucun traite avec 
 Lothaire, qui puisse etre prejudiciable a 
 mon frere Charles." 
 
 1 copy from Blanchard, Beautes de I'llistoire de France ; p. 93. The oath is also 
 given by Michelet, Hist, de France, ch. 3 ; and alluded to by Mr. Lewis, p. 32. 
 
 2 " Une langue Romane primitive, qui, par la decomposition de la langue des Re- 
 mains, et I'etablissenient d'un nouveau systeme grammatical, a fourni le type com- 
 niun d'apres lequel se sout suceessivemeut modifies les divers idiomes do TEurope 
 Latine." T. ii. Introd. p. cxxxvii. 
 
 ORIGINAL. 
 
 " Pro Deo amor, et pro Christian 
 poblo, et nostro commun salvamento, 
 dist in avant, in quant Dens savir et 
 podir me dunat, salvareio cist meon 
 fradre Karlo, et in adjudha et in cadhuna 
 cosa, si com om per dreit son fradre 
 salvar dist ino quid illimi altre se faret. 
 Et ab Ludher mil plaid nunquam prin- 
 drai, qui meon vol cist meum fradre 
 Karle in damno sit."
 
 374 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 of the modern French, Spanish, and Itahan respectively.^ 
 He iUustrates by the fact recorded, that an Itahan priest 
 in Charlemagne's time understood the language spoken by 
 a Spanish pilgrim whom he met in Germany.^ But this 
 only implies similarity of language, not identity. And it 
 seems more natural and reasonable to suppose with Schle- 
 gel, and with Mr. Cornewall Lewis, that from the first, and 
 throughout, the mixt Patois that arose in each country had 
 its distinct varieties :^ — the language of the conquering 
 Teutonic bribes, whether Goths, Vandals, or Lombards, it- 
 self varying ; their proportion to the inhabitants of the con- 
 quered country (though always that of a minority) being 
 also variable ; and peculiarities of state and circumstances, 
 such as affect language, existing in each. 
 
 So much by way of preliminary. Now as to the lan- 
 guage of the Noble Lesson. And on this it is Mr. Ray- 
 nouard's exprest opinion that it is a distinct Romaunt dia- 
 lect ; distinct, from its origin in much earlier times. ^ What 
 he says as to the distinctiveness of the dialect is well illus- 
 trated by his own various and many selections from the 
 different dialects of the Romaunt : for those compositions 
 which he classes as Vaudois, stand alone among them all, 
 and by themselves. Admitting which fact, and that it was 
 a dialect ancient in the xiith century, as well as distinct, 
 the question suggests itself, hoiv, and tvhere, it might pro- 
 bably have both arisen, and been also preserved, in this its 
 idiomatic peculiarity. 
 
 Before answering which question it may be well to ad- 
 vert to the ancient Romaunt version of the New Testament 
 in the same dialect, of which, as well as of certain other 
 Romaunt versions also, long hid in obscurity. Dr. Gilly has 
 recently published such very interesting and valuable spe- 
 cimens."^ The accordance of these both with historic tradi- 
 tion about the early Valdensic Lyonnese sectaries, and also 
 
 ' See Lewis, pp. 35, 37. So that, on this view, as it has been said, the Romaunt 
 would be the motJier, the Latin the grandmother, to the three modern languages, ib. 6. 
 2 Ib. 34. 3 See ib. pp. 4, 5; 7, 31, 44, &c. 
 
 * " Le langage me parait d'une epoque deja eloignee de sa formation. On y re- 
 raarque la suppression de quelques consonnes finales : ce qui annonce que les mots 
 de la langue, parlee depuis long temps, avaient deja perdu quelque chose de leurs 
 desinences primitives." Monumens de la Langue Romane, p. cxxxvii. ; cited by 
 Muston i. 361. 
 
 * In his Romaunt Version of St. John.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 375 
 
 with the Nobla Leycon, can scarce fail of striking each in- 
 teUigent inquirer. We read in the historic chronicles of 
 the xiith and xiiith centuries notices of Romaunt versions 
 of the Scriptures, made or circulated by Peter Valdes and 
 other Valdensic sectaries, in three different parts of France, 
 and of course in the vernacular idiom of each, within 30 or 
 40 years of Peter's first evangelic movement : (the earliest 
 versions ever made in the vernacular languages of Western 
 Romano-Gothic Christendom:^) at Lyons about 1175:^ 
 at Metz about 1199;^ at Toulouse,'' and in Arragon of 
 
 1 The earliest of the entire N. T. So Gilly, Rom. Vers. pp. x.— xvii. 
 
 2 Echard thus narrates the making of this version, in his Saucti Thomse Summa (ap. 
 Le Long, p. 540). " Stephanus de iJorbonne, . . says ; ' The sect began in this man- 
 ner, according to what I have heard from many persons who have seen the earlier 
 members of it, and from that Priest Bernardus Idros, held in much respect, and 
 rich in the city of Lyons, and a friend of our Order ; — who, when he was young, 
 and a scribe, wrote the earlier books which they possessed for the said Waldensis, 
 in the Romaunt language (in Romano), for money ; a certain grammarian called 
 Stephanus de Ansa translating and dictating, who afterwards held a benefice in the 
 principal Church of Lyons, and came to a sudden death by falling from the upper 
 chamber of a house which he was building, and whom I have often seen. A certain 
 rich man of the above city, called Waldeusis, hearing the gospels, and not being very 
 learned, but desiring to understand what they said, made an agreement with the 
 said Priests, that the one should translate into the vulgar tongue, and the other write 
 what he dictated : which they did. And so they proceeded with many books of the 
 Bible ; and with many Treatises of holy men, arranged under Titles, which they 
 called Sentences.' " — Quoted in the Facts and Doc. p. 128, with a little abbreviation ; 
 by Gilly, Rom. Version p. xci. more fully, and in the original Latin. — Ivonet (ap. 
 Charvaz, p. 462) gives a very similar report. 
 
 W. Mapes speaks of the presentation of these books to the Pope in 1179. "Vi- 
 dimus in Concilio Romano sub Alexandro Papa III celebrate (A.D. 1179) Valdesios, 
 homines idiotas illiteratos, a Primate ipsorum Valde dictos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni 
 super Rhodanum ; qui Librum Domino Papa3 praesentaverunt, lingua conscriptum 
 Gallicd, in quo textus et glossa Psalterii, plurimorumque Legis utriusque librorum, 
 continebatur." * Quoted by Gilly, ibid. xc. from Usher's Eccles. Success, c. viii. p. 112. 
 
 ■* Pope Innocent's Letter, (Ep. 141,) is addressed, "Ad Universos Christianos, tam 
 in Urbe Metensi quam ejus Diocaesi constitutos," A.D. 1199; and contains the fol- 
 lowing passage. " Signiticavit nobis venerabilis fi-ater noster Metensis Episcopus 
 per literas suas, quod tikm in Diocajsi quam in urbe Metensi, laicorum et muliei'um 
 multitudo non modica, tracta quodammodo desiderio Scripturarum, Evangelia, Epis- 
 tolas Pauli, Psalterium, Moralia J obi, et plures alios libros, sibi fecit in Gallico ser- 
 mone transferri." Cited by GiUy, p. xx. 
 
 In Alberic's Chronicle on the year 1200 is the following. " In urbe Metensi, 
 pullulante secta quae dicitur Valdensium, directi sunt quidam Abbates ad priedican- 
 dum : qui quosdam libros de Latino in Romanum versos combusserunt, et prsedictam 
 sectam extirpaveruut." (Gilly ib. and Muston i. 190.) A passage referable doubt- 
 less to the translated books noted by Innocent ; and fixing on the Waldenses as the 
 translators. — And so Richinius. " Tertia causa (propagationis Waldensium) est 
 Vetcris ac Novi Testamenti in vulgarem linguani ab ipsis facta translatio ; quaj quidem 
 edita est in urbe Metensi. Undo Innocentius III mandavit Episcopo et Capitulo Me- 
 tensi, ut diligenter inquirerent quis fuerit auctor ejusdem translationis, quae intentio 
 transferentis, &c. : ut constat ex Libro secundo ejus Epistolarum." Richmii Dissert, 
 de Valdensibiis ; prefixed to Moneta's I)e Valdensium Progressu. 
 
 * Hard. vii. 178; the Council's 14th Canon forbidding the laity to possess the 
 Scripture in Gaulik. — Fleury, H. E. Ixxix. 57, says ; " G'est la premiere fois que je 
 
 * In my p. 21 Note ^ supra, I have already alluded to this translation.
 
 376 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Spain, before A.D. 1229.^ And behold we have now 
 brought under our eyes specimens of just such various 
 though cognate versions, stamped with the impress of a 
 corresponding antiquity : and of which, fiercely warred 
 against as they were from the very first, and ever after, by the 
 Popedom, the exceeding few copies still extant may be con- 
 sidered to have been preserved to us almost as by miracle. 
 — Of one, marked 8086 in the Paris Library, the language, 
 says, M. Raynouard, is the Provencal of the xiith century ; 
 the same as that of the Life of Alexis, and other Provencal 
 writings of the same aera : ^ the manuscript, or writing it- 
 self, being before the middle of the xiiith century.^ — Of 
 another, in dialect corresponding with that of the Noble 
 Lesson, three several copies exist, (the manuscripts them- 
 selves being of the xiiith, xivth, and xvth centuries,) in the 
 Grenoble, Zurich, and Dublin libraries respectively -. all 
 three evidently from the same prototype ; though with 
 slight variations, such as might be expected from diff'erent 
 revisions or re-copyings, in the course of the three centuries 
 from Peter Valdes to A.D. 1522, the copyist's own date in 
 the latest, or Dublin transcription.'' Of these the Grenoble 
 manuscript seems, as Dr. Gilly observes, to be the same 
 that was in the Library of Aix in Provence at the begin- 
 ning of the last century : ^ of the which ^L Thomassin de 
 Mazaugue wrote to Le Long, that it was in a language 
 
 trouve cctte defense : " and apologizes foi- it from the exacerbation of spirit, arising 
 out of the heretical movements. He seems to have overlooked or forgotten the burn- 
 ing of the books previously, in 1199, at Metz. 
 
 Vaissette, Hist, de Langued. with reference to the year 1237, says; "On trouve 
 dans les informations, . . ou dans les jugemens, . . que les heretiques, nommes vul- 
 gairement Vaudois dans le pais, lisoient TEvangile en langue vidr/aire." 
 
 1 "Statuiraus ne aliquis libros Yeteris vel Novi Testamenti in Romanico habeat;" 
 is the statute of James of Arragon ; implying the same thing there. Le Long. Bib. 
 S. i. 361. 
 
 In this and the preceding Note I copy from Dr. Gilly, ibid. p. xxi. 
 
 2 So Gilly p. xxvi. " Raynouard calls this (Paris No. 8086) Romance Provencal ; 
 and represents the dialect to be the same as that of the Roman de Jaufre, . . Lo Libre 
 de Vicis e de Vertuz, and the Vida de San Alexi." A\'Tiich Life of Alexis was sung in 
 the streets of Lyons, as we shall see at the beginning of my next Section, and was 
 instrumental to Peter Valdes' conversion. See too Gilly Ixvi. 
 
 3 It has no divisi(m into Chapters. Now this division was made by Hugo de St. 
 Victor about the middle of the xiiith Century. Facts and Doc. p. 132 ; Gilly xlix. 
 
 * See on these Dr. Gilly, pp. xxxi. &c., xlvii. — Hi. Iv. Ivi. I have myself verified the 
 substantial identity of the tliree versions ; and also the identity of their dialect with 
 that of the Noble Lesson. See my notice on this point in the Appendix. 
 
 5 Gilly XXV. xxvi. li. Dr. G. has ascertained that there is no such copy in the Aix 
 Library now.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 377 
 
 partly Piedmontese, partly Provencal ; and Le Long him- 
 self that it had been evidently in use among the Waldenses ; 
 the version of the Lord's Prayer being almost identical 
 with that given in Leger.' As to the Dublin manuscript, 
 it is one of the famous Usher collection, and thus known 
 to have been brought from the Valdensic settlement in the 
 Piedmontese valleys : ^ the very fact of its preservation, use, 
 and re-copying in which settlement, sufficiently proves that 
 it was in the dialect there understood and spoken. =^ 
 
 On the whole the following inferences seem to me to re- 
 
 1 "Codicera imperfectum Scripturarum in lingua partim Pedemontana, partim 
 Provinciali, quo antiquitus usi sunt Waldenses." So Mazauque, ap. Gilly xxvi. 
 
 2 See my Note « p. 362 supra ; also Gilly ib. xxiii. xxiv. 
 
 3 Another Paris MS., numbered 6833, is the N. T. in Catalan Romaunt. Ihe 
 copyist's own date is written, 1461 A.D. It is a transcription apparently Irom one 
 much older, but with many alterations.— There is a curious agreement in it with a 
 story in Reiner.* He says that the ignorant laymen among the heretics had translated 
 suL in John i. 11, as sues: so making' the sense, "He came to swine (porcos)," in- 
 stead of " He came to his own." So in this MS. ; " En les sues propres coses vench, 
 e los sues non raberan aquell." Of course sues is only the proper Catalan Romaunt lor 
 the Latin sui, his own. It is a specimen of Reiner's misrepresentations.— Ur Gilly, 
 from whom I abstract, at p. Ixx gives a Fac-simile ; and at p. Ixxv, judges that this was 
 probably a version used by some of the Albigensian separatists. This seems doubttul. 
 
 Leo-er, i. 26, speaks of a copy of the Noble Lesson, as "written on parchment in the 
 old Gothic letter." Dr. Gilly, "in his W' aid. Researches, seems at first, p. ^9, to follow 
 him in this point; afterwards, p. 138, he expresses doubt as to Leger's correctness; 
 the Geneva copy, as he observes, being in quite a different character. Nor is there 
 reason to suppose the character of the lost Cambridge copy of the Noble Lesson other 
 than of the Genevese. Had it been Gothic, a Sijanish Catalan local circulation ot 
 the Noble Lesson would be inferable : and also a new argument for the earlier anti- 
 quity of the Noble Lesson ; the Gothic character having been for centuries used m 
 Spain, but superseded at the opcniiig of the xiith century (A.D. 1117) by the authori- 
 tative order of the Council of Toledo. f 
 
 As to the Catalan Romaunt dialect, its similarity not to the Provencal only, (a re- 
 semblance the more natural, as the South of France was for above a century ruled by 
 Visi-Gothic kings,) but on many points even to the Waldensian Romaunt, struck me, 
 on comparing that of the Noble Lesson with that of the Cronica del Rey en Pere, by 
 B D'Esclot, given in Buchon's Chroniques Etrangers, p. 566 et seq. ; a Chronicle 
 about events in which the writer bore a part, from 1207 to 1285, in the Old Castellan 
 of the xiiith century. But on other points the distinction will appear.— Hence I do 
 not see it needful to look so particularly to what may have been a Catalan version of 
 the Scriptures, in my present inquiry. SufBce it to remember that the AValdensic 
 missionaries had a Spanish version in Spain ; as well as others in the vernacular 
 languages of other districts where they preache d or settled. 
 
 * Maitland notices this, Facts and Doc. 402. 
 
 t " Gothica littera, qute et Toletana, . . quam Gulfllas Gothorum episcopus adin- 
 venit; ut auctor est Jornandes de Reb. Getic. Isodorus in Chronico; ' Gulfilas 
 Gothicas litteras adinvenit ; et Scripturas sacras in eandem liuguam convertit.' Hac 
 Hispani usi sunt, donee abrogata est k Bernardo Toletano Primate in Concilio Toletano 
 A.D. 1117; in quo statutum ut litteris Gallicis nterentm." So Ducange on Litera 
 Qothica.^Eorne gives a specimen of the ancient Gothic character in the 2nd Vol. of 
 his Introduction to the Scriptures ; in a fac-simile from a Gothic Palimpsest of the 
 New Testament, discovered by Cardinal Mai. 
 
 M'Crie dates the supercession of the Gothic Missal in Spain by the Roman, A.U. 
 1068. (Reform, in Spain, pp. 21—25.) And so Gilly, Wald. p. 60 from Mariana.— 
 Compare narduin vi. i. 1075; vi. ii. 1691—1694; and Mosh. xi. 2. 4. 1.
 
 378 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 suit, bearing upon our present points of inquiry : — 1st 
 that the Paris manuscript 8086 may probably be the ori- 
 ginal primary Romaunt New Testament version, made 
 under Peter Valdes' own direction at Lyons : its dialect 
 being the Provencal there and then known and spoken ; 
 and its writing almost correspondingly early, ere the niidde 
 of the xiiith century : ^ — 2. that from this, as a common 
 prototype, various other versions, in the various more or 
 less differing dialects of the districts they travelled to, and 
 stopt in, were made, not without careful revision and cor- 
 rection, by the Lyonnese missionaries that wandered North- 
 ward and Southward ; whether towards Metz in the one 
 direction, or Toulouse and Arragon in another, or yet 
 elsewhere : — 3. that it was by some that stopt in the val- 
 leys of the Dauphinese Alps, and Dioceses of Aix and 
 Embrun, as noted in Pope Innocent's Letter of 1199, that 
 the version represented by the Grenoble, Zurich, and Dub- 
 lin manuscripts was first made ; ^ the language of these 
 manuscripts being a mixture of Provencal and Piedmontese, 
 as if in a district such as Dauphiny, intermediate between 
 Provence and Piedmont: — 4. that the Noble Lesson was 
 composed by some writer, or writers, of the same Lyon- 
 nese Valdensic missionary band, in the same sub-Alpine 
 valleys of Dauphiny, very shortly after the New Testament 
 translation last-mentioned, and ere the conclusion of the 
 xiith century : — 5. that copies both of this New Testament 
 version, and of the Poem of the Noble Lesson, were car- 
 ried across the Alps into Piedmont and Lombardy, by mis- 
 sionaries of the same sect travelling farther eastward ; and 
 that they were still retained and used by them, both then 
 and afterwards ; as being in a dialect spoken as well in the 
 sub-Alpine districts of Piedmont as of Dauphiny : — 6. that 
 the comparative insulation and seclusion of the Alpine val- 
 leys of Dauphiny and Piedmont, may account both for the 
 previous formation of a distinct Romaunt dialect there ; 
 and also for its preservation, nearly unaltered, for some 
 three centuries and more afterwards, in the Valdensic Pied- 
 
 '- See my p. 376, Notes 2 and 3. 
 
 " Perhaps by P. Valdes himself: if Milner, p. 535, infers correctly fi-om Thuanus 
 that " he retired [for a while] into Dauphiny." — On Innocent's Letter see my p. 354.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 379 
 
 montese settlements ; settlements made, from soon after 
 1250, in the valleys beneath Mounts Viso and Genevre. 
 
 I believe that the various conditions of the case of the 
 Nobla Leycon, and the several Scripture Romaunt manu- 
 script versions now associated with it, will be thus account- 
 ed for ; in strict accordance with all the best extant histo- 
 rical notices that bear upon the point. — As regards the 
 Li/onnese-\ a\der\s\c authorship of the Noble Lesson, which 
 is one of our inferences, we must not forget the obvious 
 corroborative evidence in the poem itself, from its mention 
 of Vaudes as the reproachful appellation given, at the time 
 of its composition, to those who composed or accorded with 
 it ; which term of reproach, we have seen it stated in his- 
 tory, was given at precisely the same epoch to the Lyon- 
 nese Valdensic sectarians distinctively ■} — also that of P. 
 Valdes and his followers having been said to write Tracts 
 in the Komaunt, (whether in prose or verse,) for distribu- 
 tion ; ^ such as might be this. Besides that the views of re- 
 ligious life and doctrine exprest in the poem, are on various 
 points strikingly accordant Avith what contemporary history 
 ascribes to these same Valdensic Leonists.^ Which subject 
 however, as one that belongs rather to my next Section, on 
 
 1 See p. 368. 
 
 2 This is noted by Stephen of Borbonne ; " In like manner Peter Valdes had 
 translated many books of the Bible, and authorities of the Fathers, which they cal 
 Sentences :" also by Innocent the Third, in his Letter, dated 1199, to the Christians 
 of Metz : both before cited, p. 375. " Evangelia," he writes, " et plures alios libros, sibi 
 fecit in Gallico sermone transferri." — So also Lucas de Tuy, in the Chapters headed, 
 " Arnaldus ha3reticus sanctorum Patrum scripta corrurapit ;" and, " Hseretici schedas 
 continentes hseresim in populum occulte spargunt." Lib. iii. ch. 17, 18. B. P. M. 
 XXV. 247, 248. This last with reference to the xiiith century.* 
 
 3 I will here only hint a few particulars in the Noble Lesson, resembling what is 
 recorded of the Valdensic Lyonnese. 
 
 1. The praise of voluntary poverty, without any general or direct injunction of it, 
 1. 277 — 279, &c. ; accordantly with the division of the Lyonnese into the Perfect, or 
 Poor Men Pro2}er, devoted to voluntary poverty and a missionary life ; and the rest, 
 under no such obligation. So Ivonet, ap. Gieseler, 401. 
 
 2. The notice of virginity, as recommended in the new law ; yet with praise also 
 of marriage as a noble compact, 1. 243, 88 : just as by the missionaries of the Lyon- 
 nese the former state was often chosen in preference. So Reiner and Ivonet, ibid. 
 
 3. The notices of the charge on the apostles to preach to all nations ; as if that 
 which had devolved on a succession afterwards, whereof they, the sectaries of the 
 Noble Lesson, formed part : (1. 355—360, &c. :) which notion of apostolic missionary 
 duty is noted as a Lyonnese Valdensic characteristic from the Lateran Council of 
 1179 downwards. See Ivonet ibid.f 
 
 * I shall in my next Section give an extract from the report of Lucas de Tuy on 
 this subject. The Sentences were, I suppose, for general circulation and reading. 
 t See too my next Section.
 
 380 Apoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 the religious character of the AValdenses, than to the pre- 
 sent, I can here only glance at. 
 
 But is it the case then that the evidence to be found in 
 the Nobla Leycon, on the points we have been inquiring 
 into, circumscribes itself within the chronological sera dating 
 from the rise of Peter Valdes ; and offers no indication, 
 accordantly with other evidence noticed in the preceding 
 part of this Section, as to witnesses of cognate spirit for 
 Christ and Christian truth, in contrast with Romish error, 
 having taught before him? By no means. "After the 
 Apostles," says our Poem, "were certain teachers; who 
 showed the way of Jesus Christ our Saviour. And of these 
 there are found some even to the present time : but they are 
 manifest to very few persons. These would greatly wish to 
 show the way of Jesus Christ ; but they are so persecuted 
 that they can scarcely do it. So much are false Christians 
 blinded by error ; most of all their pastors : &c." ^ — Now in 
 this we have to remark, 1st, that there is no mention of 
 Peter Valdes and the Lyonnese revival : though, surely, 
 had his preaching of evangelic doctrine, in contrast with 
 that of the Romish Church, been so complete a novelty, 
 after an interval of ages, as Bossuet and Maitland would 
 represent it, it is most unlikely that so extraordinary a reli- 
 gious discovery and revival would have been passed over in 
 silence by the Noble Lesson. — Moreover, 2ndly, and in- 
 stead of any such representation, it is implied in the 
 quotation that there had been a continuous transmission 
 of the same apostolic doctrine and life, that the Poem taught 
 and enjoined, though by a line of but few teachers, and 
 those persecuted for it, from the date of certain that had 
 followed next after Christ's own Apostles, down to the time 
 then present. — Further, 3rdly, it seems otherwise inferable 
 
 4. The repugnance to swearing, 1. 369, and also the pure morals of the Noble 
 Lesson ; the same as of the Lyonnese, according to Reiner, «&c. 
 
 5. Their common recognition of the Roman Church as false and corrupt. 1. 398, 460. 
 
 6. The Poem's specification of Sylvester, 1. 409, as the Pope xmder whom first the 
 Romish corruptions began : just as the Lyonnese Valdensic sectaries spoke of him, 
 according to Reiner, Pilichdorf, &c.* ^ Lines 355 — 362. 
 
 * In the lines 14, 15, "Therefore we ought the more to fear, since we are not 
 certain whether death will overtake us to-day or to-morrow," we may be reminded 
 of Peter Valdes' own conversion, resulting in pirt from the sudden death of one of his 
 friends. So Reiner reports it. See the beginning of my next Section.
 
 CHAP. VII. ^ T).] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 381 
 
 from the Noble Lesson, that the very people addressed in 
 it, (the same that, about the end of the xiith century, 
 spoke its pecuhar Alpine Romaunt dialect,) were with this 
 evangeUc and anti-Romish line not unconnected. For 
 they are styled at the commencement of the Poem, Bre- 
 thren :^ their faults are spoken of in it as those, not of 
 Romish error, but rather of religious lukeM'armness and 
 worldliness ; ^ there being not a single exhortation to them 
 to come out from Rome, and be separate : while, on the 
 contrary, the Romanists are mentioned distinctly and con- 
 trastedly, as the evil race, given to idolatry, &c.^ — Let me 
 add that we may, perhaps, infer both from the character of 
 the Poem, and its self-given title of a Lesson or Lectio, that 
 it was written not merely as a manual for private perusal 
 among these Dauphinese Alpine Christians, but for reading 
 in their church-assemhlies ; '^—assemblies in this case, we 
 might .presume, already prepared in the district for such 
 readings.^ 
 
 And here I bring my present argument and Section to 
 a close. Each kind of evidence that we have consulted, 
 historical, traditionarfj, documentary, connected with the 
 origin and early Italian domiciliation of the Lyonnese sec- 
 taries, points to the same conclusion. — And this is, that 
 
 1 "Hear, Brethren, a Noble Lesson!" 
 
 2 " We Christians, unworthy the name of Christians, who have sinned and aban- 
 doned the law of Jesus Christ, (for we have neither fear, nor faith, nor charity,) 
 ought to confess our sins without delay ; amending ourselves with weeping and 
 penitence, in respect to the offences which have been done through three mortal sins, 
 viz. the lust of the eyes, the lust of the flesh, and the pride of life; through which 
 we have done ill." Lines 423 et seq. 
 
 3 " Though the saj-ing be hard to be received by the evil race, who love silver and 
 gold ; who despise the promises of God; who keep not his laws and commandments; 
 nor suffer any good people to keep them, but rather hinder them according to their 
 power." Line 50 et seq. 
 
 * So Sigebert. " Carolus Imperator per manura Pauli Diaconi sui decerpens op- 
 tima quseque de scriptis Catholicorum Patrum, Lectioties unicuiquc Festivitati con- 
 venientes per circulum anni in Ecclesia legendas compilari fecit." Ap. Ducange 
 ad verb. Lectio. See too Martene. — The term Lection, or Church Lesson, is still per- 
 petuated in our own ritual. A word this of the same meaning originally as legenda, 
 the word adopted for its Church readings by the Romanists. I5ut, as there was 
 not the same misuse of them by the Protestant, the word Lesson has not obtained the 
 same ill flnne as Legend. See p. 161 supra 
 
 5 The number of such Churches in Dauphiny and Italy, early in the xiiith century, 
 is a po^Qt noticed in the Letters of Innocent III already referred to, p. 354, 357 supra.
 
 382 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 while, on the one hand, the idea of any Valdensic Sect, of 
 primitive evangehc faith, having as a body from the times 
 of Pope Sylvester, Pope Gregory, or even Claude of Turin, 
 colonized the present Piedmontese Valdensic valleys, under 
 Mounts Viso and Genevre, is a fond conceit, not supportable 
 by any real trustworthy evidence, — yet, on the other hand, 
 there exists good evidence in proof, that when the Lyon- 
 nese Valdensic sectaries came flying into Dauphiny, and 
 then into Piedmont and Lombardy, towards the end of 
 the xiith century,^ they found there, just as in Languedoc 
 also and Catalonia Westward, and in Northern France, Bel- 
 gium, and Germany Northward, other sectaries prepared to 
 receive, welcome, and unite with them : — dissidents of 
 course of kindred spirit, though greatly needing the reviv- 
 ing help of the Lyonnese, fresh with their Scriptures in the 
 vulgar tongue ; and through the religious ancestors of which 
 dissidents that line of apostohc missionaries, of which the 
 Noble Lesson spoke, had been previously perpetuated. 
 
 Do we ask which, and tvho '? Of course at this point 
 our minds will turn back to the notices previously drawn 
 out of witnessing bodies for Christian truth prior to Peter 
 Valdes, in various parts of Italy, France, Belgium, Ger- 
 many. More especially, with regard to Languedoc and 
 Dauphin)/, we shall remember Henrij of Lausanne, (himself 
 in a manner a Vaudois, by residence in that city,^) the chief 
 of the Henrician sectaries in Southern France, about A.D. 
 1144; and Peter de Brujjs, the head of the cognate Pe- 
 trobrussian sect, in nearly the same parts, just before him :' 
 
 1 " .... in Provincioc terra, et Lombardise, cum aliis hmreticis se admiscentes, et 
 errorem eorum bibeutes et serentes, hroretici sunt judicati." Stephen of Borbonne, 
 cited before, p. 357. 
 
 " Lugduno fugientes ad ultimas Delphinatus partes se transferentes in Ebrediinensi 
 et Taurinensi Diocipsibus, in Alpibus, et intra concava niontiura accessu difficilia, 
 plures ibi ex illis habitaverunt." Inquisitor Anon. De Valdens. ap. AUix, p. 324. 
 A passage very illustrative on this point, and which will be found cited more fully p. 
 390 infra.— So too Thuanus. (Faber, 512, 521.) 
 
 With which compare the Decretal Epistle of Innocent III, referred to p. 354 
 supra, addressed in 1199 to the Prelates of Narbonne, Aix, Vienne, Aries, Embrun, 
 Tarascon, and Lyons, with their several suffragans: "We have heard that in your 
 province certain persons called Waldenses, Cathari, Patarini, and by other names, 
 have pullulated to so vast an extent, as to entangle in the snare of their error an in- 
 numerable multitude of people." lb. 519. 
 
 2 He was originally an Italian, we saw, but stopt at Lausanne some considerable 
 time before entering France. See my pp. 284, 362. So too Spondanus. 
 
 3 The following notice of Dauphinese sectaries 20 years only before Peter .Valde s
 
 CHAP. VII. § 6.] WALDENSIAN EPOCH AND ORIGIN. 383 
 
 — each professing to be in connexion with Christ's irue 
 Church, contradistinctively to the Romish Church estabhsh- 
 ed ; and as of an Apostohc hne, traceable back to the Apos- 
 tles.^ — Also, with reference to Lombardjj and Piedmont, we 
 shall bethink us of sectaries of probably similar character, 
 about A.D. 1030, near Turin. ^ And as the effect of the 
 personal labours of Claude of Turin, the great Protestant of 
 the 9th century, in separating a body of dissentients from 
 the corruptions of the apostate Church in Piedmont, (as 
 told of by his antagonist Dungal,)^ could not in the nat\u'e 
 of things have ended with that century, but must, humanly 
 speaking, have had perpetuation in the 10th,* — we shall 
 surely see reason to feel persuaded that among those Pied- 
 montese that joined the Lyonnese missionary bands, at the 
 close of the 12th century, there were some of the lineal re- 
 ligious descendants from Claude of Turin, four centuries 
 before them : the intermediate disciples being indeed " ma- 
 nifest but to few persons," as the Noble Lesson says ; but 
 yet the line of perpetuation continuous, there, as well as 
 elsewhere.^ — Nor finally shall we fail to remember, as the 
 histories of the Turin, Orleans, and Arras heretics pass re- 
 trospectively before us,^ that there was help given towards 
 
 addressed to Pope Lucius II. A.D. 1144, -will show how many must there have been 
 prepared to receive him. The writer speaks in it of a religious community in Dau- 
 phiny, " which had its divers degrees, its neophytes, its priests, and even its bishops ; 
 and which maintained that sins are not remitted by the mere sprinkling of water in 
 baptism; and that the eucharist and the imposition of hands, administered by the 
 llomish clergy, availed nothing. Every part of France," it concludes, "is polluted 
 by the poison issuing fi'om this region." Given in Martene and Durand, Ampliss. 
 Coll. Quoted by Gilly in his Life of Neff, p. 95. 
 
 M. Charvaz, p. 2o9, suggests that the Noble Lesson may have been the work of a 
 Petrobrussian. 
 
 1 So Peter of Clugny, as we saw, and Bernard of the Petrobrussians and Henri - 
 cians. See pp. 282, 301 supra. — In order to satisfaction as to the general agreement 
 of the Petrobrussians and the Waldenses, it may be well to compare the charges 
 by Peter of Clugny against the former, there abstracted by me, with those by Pilich- 
 dorf against the latter, in the B. P. M. xxv. 277—307. 
 
 2 See pp. 245, 246 supra, from Landulf. 
 
 * See p. 238, 239 supra. Jonas notes the fact of the poison of his doctrine having 
 extended to Germans and Gauls, as well as Italians. Ibid. 
 
 * The Prior Rorenco's testimony goes thus far at least. See p. 360 Note ^ supra. 
 
 5 So, very much, the Marquis Costa de Beauregard, as cited already, p. 247 : only 
 that he would admit these religious descendants of Claude to have had a more fixt 
 domicile in the Piedmontese mountain valleys, in the long interval, than I find evi- 
 dence for. 
 
 6 The Txtrin teachers could not tell whence they (i. e. their sect, I suppose) had 
 come. The Orleans and Arras propagandists, though of Paulikian origin, it is said, 
 yet came from the borders of Italy. See pp. 246, 270, 275 supra.
 
 384 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 its perpetuation, at the time of most urgent need in the 
 11th century, by the intervention of teachers of other and 
 foreign original ; the infusion, if I might so say, of Eastern 
 Paulildan into the then ahnost faihng native Christian 
 blood.i 
 
 1 Let me here notice a document that has been often quoted in proof of this self- 
 same point, but erroneously. It professes to be an extract from a manuscript Chro- 
 nicle of the Abbey of Corvey,* in date referring to \!a.Q first half oi the xiith century ; 
 and is as follows. 
 
 " Religionem nostram, et omnium Latinnc ecclesia; Christianorum fidem, laici ex 
 Suavia, Suicia, et Bavaria humiliare voluerunt : — homines seducti ab antique pro- 
 genie simplicium. hominum, qui Alpes et viciniam habitant, et semper amaiit antiqua. 
 In Suaviam, Bavarian!, et Italiam sajpe intrant illorum (ex Suicia) niercatores : qui 
 Biblia ediscunt meraoriter, et ritus ecclcsite aversantur, quos credunt esse novos. 
 Nolunt imagines venerari ; reliquias sanctorum aversantur ; olera comedunt ; raro 
 masticantes carnem, alii nunquam. Appellamus eos idcirco ManichiBos. Horum 
 quidam ab Hungaria ad eos convenerunt," &c. 
 
 Mr. Hallam,t after quoting the above from Planta's Helvetic Confederacy, Vol. i. 
 p. 92, observes; "It is a pity that the quotation has been broken off; as it might 
 have illustrated the connexion of the Bulgarians with these (Alpine) sectaries." To 
 myself it appeared still more to be regretted that Planta had not stated the authority 
 on which he gave it as an extract from the Chronicle of Corvey, and shown its au- 
 thenticity and genuineness. For, on considering the manner in which it told on all 
 the great debated questions respecting the Waldenses and Paulikians, the antiquity of 
 the former before 1160, i. e. before Peter Valdes, — their Alpine residence from time 
 immemorial, — their simple and primitive evangelic sentiments, — their union and com- 
 munion with other sectaries that had come from Hungary (i. e. Paulikians), — and the 
 fact of the Manichean charge having been only made against them because of their 
 adoption generally of a diet of herbs, — the passage seemed to me almost too much to 
 the point, and so" open to grave suspicion. With some difficulty I traced the quota- 
 tion from Planta to Miiller's History of Switzerland ; and found that the latter had 
 borrowed it from Harenberg's 3fomimenta Historica adhuc inedita : — which Harenberg 
 held the respectable station of Inspector of Schools in the Duchy of Brunswick, about 
 the middle of last century ; and had access to the manuscript Chronicle from which 
 the extract professes to have been taken. — The circumstance of his having committed 
 himself in a Dissertation that I met with, written expressly in support of the antiquity 
 of the Waldenses, but in which this striking evidence in favour of his proposition was 
 unnoticed, increased my suspicions. — Unable myself to inspect the manuscript in 
 question, I was so fortunate as to open a communication on the subject, through the 
 intervention of a literary relative, with Br. Pertz, author of the gi-eat Work, at that 
 time uncompleted, of the Monument a Germaniec, and principal Librarian to the 
 King of Hanover : the very person of all others from whom to obtain correct in- 
 formation on the point ; as having had free access to this manuscript of Corvey among 
 others, and made use of it for his Monumenta Germaniaj. He at once, on seeing the 
 extract, declared it a forgery ; and confirmed the judgment by a subsequent personal 
 examination of the manuscript. He writes, that in Harenberg's Work (p. 77) the 
 extract is given as from the Second Continuation of the Chronicle of Corvey : that 
 not only this extract, but the whole of what he calls the Second Continuation^ was 
 invented by Harenberg ; that Harenberg's character was well known in Hanover as a 
 literary impostor ; that the particular forgery was denounced, not long after publica- 
 tion, by Scheldt (Editor of the Origines Guelforum,) in his Review of Harenberg's 
 Work in the Gottingenische Gelehrte Anzeigen of 1759, pp. 777, 778 : also that he 
 
 * There were two Corveys, each with its Abbey ; one near Amiens, founded in 
 A.D. 662 by Clothaire III, and which was called Old Corbie ; — the other in West- 
 phalia on the Weser, near Paderborn ; the Abbey of which was founded by Louis le 
 Debonnaire A.D. 822, and called New Corbie. It is to this last that the manuscript 
 belonged. t Middle Ages, Vol. iii. p. 468.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.J THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 385 
 
 With which recollections, and the necessarily consequent 
 inference as to the far-reaching retrospective effect of all 
 true evidence concerning the religious doctrine and charac- 
 ter of the Waldenses, in this their enlarged and mixt form, 
 at the opening of the xiiith century, proceed we now to our 
 inquiry into this matter. It is to be the subject of my 
 next Section. 
 
 § 7. — TRUE WITNESS-CHARACTER AND DOCTRINE OF 
 
 THE ENLARGED WALDENSIAN BODY, FROM THE 
 
 OPENING OF THE XIIITH CENTURY, 
 
 AND AFTERWARDS. 
 
 It is of the enlarged Valdensic body, as stated. in the 
 heading of this Section, that I have now succinctly to 
 sketch the religious doctrine and character : — an enlarge- 
 ment already begun, and in progress, at the opening of 
 that xiiith century to which our present inquiry specially 
 refers ; 1st, by the diffusion of its missionaries in every di- 
 rection from Lyons, alike into other parts of France, and 
 into Italy, Spain, Belgium, Germany, Bohemia; ^ 2ndly, by 
 their union in many places with certain other dissentients.^ 
 (I say discriminatingly, with certain others, not with all.^) So 
 
 (Dr. Pertz) would feel himself oblis^ed to denounce the forgery in his Preface to the 
 Annates Corbcinses, printed at the beginning of the 5th Volume of iluniimenta Ger- 
 manicR : — an intention which I see he has since carried into effect. 
 
 Since instituting this inquiry I have found that, besides Miiller, Planta, and Hal- 
 lam, the quotation has been given and reasoned on, as genuine, by Muston, in his 
 Histoire des Vaudois, p. 263, and others. 
 
 ' Thuanus says that Peter Valdes himself, after leaving Lyons, sojourned and made 
 disciples successively in Picardy, Belgium, and N. Germany ; then finally settled in 
 Bohemia. So Leger i. 156, and Faber, Wald. and Alb. pp. 511, 512; both citing 
 from Thuanus. Dubravius, ap. Gretser, B. P. M. xxiv. 1521, speaks of these Bohe- 
 mian Valdenses as continued to Huss' time, and beyond. 
 
 - See Stephen of Borbonue's statement, p. 357 supra. The case of Arnold Hot 
 acting as the champion of the common Albigeusic and Valdensic cause at Paraiers 
 is an example; supposing Faber's view correct, (p. 514,) as to Arnold being a Lyon- 
 nese Vaudois. — Reiner speaks of Waldensian bishops in Lombardy, probably of other 
 intermixt and united sectaries. B. P. M. xxv. 266. 
 
 3 Let my readers never forget this fact of the Leonist Valdenses' diseriminatory 
 amalgamation with other sectaries, when considering the Valdensic question. 
 
 Romish anti- Protestant controversialists have taken two courses in regard to the 
 Waldenses. Some, with Eichini and Gretser,* would make the Leonist- Valdenses 
 to have been a mixture of all heretics ; so as to throw the slur of all other heretical 
 evil and error on them. Others, with Bossuet, would keep the Valdenses altogether 
 distinct from all others ; so as to cut off all other previous sectaries from benefitting 
 
 * " Valdensium nomen non peculiare alicujus sectag aut hsereseos; sed commune 
 omnium a sicculo duodecimo." So Eichinius. And Gretser calls them " nihil aliud 
 quam variancm sectarum foedissima colluvies." So B. P. M. xxiv. 1522. 
 VOL. II. 25
 
 386 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 that Waldenses became thenceforth a kind of generic 
 name, including more than those of direct Lyonnistic origin ; 
 though of course with the main Lyonnistic character, as 
 well as Lyonnistic appellation, stamped everywhere on the 
 enlarged and mixt body. Hence the double importance 
 of ascertaining the real religious character and doctrine of 
 these sectaries, as now unfolded or unfolding itself. Let it 
 be understood that it is a total mistake to suppose, so as 
 some have done,^ that no such direct impeachment of the 
 Valdensic orthodoxy was ever made by w^ell-in formed per- 
 sons, as of that of the earlier Paidikians. The Abbot Joa- 
 chim, about the year 1200, like Pope Innocent his contem- 
 porary,'^ must be considered to have included Waldenses 
 under the name Pateyini, when charging the latter with 
 Manichcean errors and abominations.^ The learned Jesuit 
 Gretser too, some 400 years later, after making the Wal- 
 densic question a special subject of his investigation and 
 study, has directly asserted that they were Manichccans } 
 
 by a union with Valclenses. Dr. S. R. Maitland has followed Bossuet in the latter 
 view. — The well authenticated historic fact noted by me is an answer to both. 
 
 1 "What writer, who knew anything of the Waldenses, ever charged </(f?M with 
 Manicheisin ? It is easy to make men of straw and vanquish them." So Dr. S. R. 
 Maitland, Facts and Doc. p. 133.— In his subsequent Reply to Mr. King, p. 60, he 
 refers again to the point; and intimates that it was only when "living together, and 
 fighting together," that they "were confounded under common names." 
 
 2 " Quosdam qui Valdenses, Q'dit\\a,n, et Patareni dxcwaiuv." So in 1199. 
 
 3 Viz. in his explanation of the 5th Trumpet woe. "Who the scorpion-locusts," 
 says he, "but the Pathareni, the modern Manichees?" What Joachim says of their 
 using the " authorities of Scripture," and of their antiquity, " Diu est quod confecta 
 fuit secta ilia; nescimus a quo fuerit inchoata vel aucta," compared with what 
 Reiner says of the antiquity of the \'aldenses, — his statement too of their division 
 into Perfccti and Credentes, so as the Leonists (see Note - p. 379), — and also the fact 
 of the Leonists having sent a missionary colony into Apulia near Calabria, where Joa- 
 chim lived, (the Albigenses having previously sent one into Calabria, vainly designat- 
 ed as Manichees,) — all mark a Valdensic allusion.* 
 
 ^ B. P. M. xxiv. 1522; "Waldenses quos aliqui etiam Arrianos, aliqui Manichteos 
 appellant, quia et illorum et horum errores amplectabantur; saltern nonnulli ex illis." 
 
 * So, as to the latter, Thuanus : " Pars in Calabriam concessit;" Vol. i. p. 7, ap. 
 Faber 526; and, as to the/wmt;-, the citation ft-om the Anonymous Inquisitor, given 
 p. 390 infi-a. 
 
 These Calabrian Vaudois subsisted to the time of Pius IV. See M'Crie, Reform, in 
 Italy, pp. 6, 300, &c. They seem to have crost before the year 1225 into Sicily. So the 
 Constitution of the emperor Frederic II ; " Ab Italise finibus, praesertim a partibus 
 Longobardiije, . .jam usque ad regnum nostrum Siciliae, suae perfidiae rivulos deriva- 
 runt." Hard. vii. 372. 
 
 For the date of this Constitution by Frederic, on which Dr. Maitland doubts, 
 Facts and Doc. 205, is clearly A.D. 1225': seeing that it is dated the r2th year of the 
 Indiction, i. e. either 1225 or 1239, each included in Frederic's reign. And, as In- 
 nocent IV, citing it in 1244, the 1st year of his Pontificate, (he was Pope from 
 1243 to 1254,) speaks of it as issued quondam by Frederic, (i. e. some considerable 
 time before,) the later date seems set aside.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 387 
 
 Somewhat curiously we have on this particular charge the 
 direct contemporary counter-testimony of William of Puy 
 Laurens ; stating that, instead of uniting with sectaries of 
 Arian-like or Manicheean principles, " they disputed against 
 such most vehemently." ' And other evidence in disproof 
 abounds.— But, as in the Paulikian case, it will not be 
 enough to show the absurdity and malignity of a charge 
 like this. We must endeavour, after accurate investigation 
 into the real Waldensic religious doctrines and life, to show 
 them to have been such as to entitle them to the character 
 of Witnesses for Christ. Very thankful may we be, in mak- 
 ing It, that we have here not mere enemies' reports, so as 
 once before, but also doctrinal writings of the sectaries' own, 
 to consult in evidence. These, both^he one and the other^ 
 shall be duly brought forward in our inquiry. But not 
 however until after having considered the distinctive reh- 
 gious spirit and character of the Leonistic sect's first 
 originator, Peter Valdes : seeing that his spirit and charac- 
 ter could scarcely but have been in considerable measure 
 imprest upon the sect formed by him ; and therefore essen- 
 tially illustrative of the point in hand. 
 
 1. As regards Peter Valdes then, whose history and 
 acting as the Leonists' first founder we have in the pre- 
 cedmg Section only noted nakedly and critically, the fol- 
 lowing particulars, related of his conversion and formino- of 
 the sect, bear on the point before us, and so call for direct 
 notice. (My authorities are the Laon Chronicle, Stephen 
 ot Borbonne, Reiner, Ivonet.) '^-It is stated that, like 
 
 ' See p. 357 Note 2. 
 
 - Reiner is in the B^P. M. xxv. 262. The extract from the Chronicle of Laon I 
 here subjoin from Dr. G.lly's Romaunt Version of St. John, Introd. p xciv 
 
 _ Ourrente adhuc anno eodem Incaniationis, 1173, fuit apud Li-dunum Gallic 
 cms quidam \ aldesms nomine, qui per iniquitatem ficnoris multas sibi peeiuiias S 
 acervaverat. Is quadam die Dominica, cum declinasset ad turbam quam^ante ocula- 
 torem viderat congregatam, ex verbis ipsius compunctus fuit; et eum ad don urn 
 suara deducens, intense eum audire curavit. Fuit enim locus n^rrationi? elus qual - 
 
 Id ShlSs^'Th "/" ^'''^' P T " '"^ ^""^^^ ^'" ^^"^^^^- Facto maue, civis iio^tus 
 ad scholas Theologipe consihura aiiimm su;b qmesiturus properavit: et de multis 
 ^^Z^^.tV'^ edoctus, qm^sivit a Magistro qu.« ^ia^liis omnibus certio 
 ! ' i'.f ^ Perfectior Cm Magister Dommicam sententiam proposuit : ' .SV vis- esse 
 Sn ut'S ' Tv' "T*^ qu^hobes,' &c. Et ad uxorem venieus, dedit ei op- 
 moSs et nr.Hr f ' ^f^ ^"^T^ J!^' °™"™ ^^^ l^^bebat in terris et aquis, ne- 
 rjp?pf fP ' "" '^"'"'^v'' '■'-'•i'l^^bus, et vineis, nee non in molendinis et furnis, 
 ehgeiet retincndum: quae licet multum contristata, quia id facere oportuit, immo 
 
 25*
 
 388 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 Zacchseus of old, he had not made his large fortune al- 
 together without unjust and usurious gains. ^ The first 
 thing that would seem to have awakened him to other and 
 more solemn thoughts, was the sudden death before his 
 eyes of one of his friends and fellow^ -citizens.^ It was an 
 impression solemn and deep as with Luther three centuries 
 afterwards. In this state of mind, apparently, his attention 
 was arrested one Sabbath day by the song of a pilgrim- 
 minstrel in the streets of Lyons, rehearsing the story of the 
 happy peaceful death of St. Alexis. He heard him with 
 intense interest ; took home the minstrel, that he might 
 again hear and converse with him on the thrilling subject : 
 then on the next day went to the schools of Theology, to 
 ask what the way by which he might most certainly go to 
 God.^ In Luther's case, three centuries later, (in prepara- 
 tion for the work God intended for him,) the strong im- 
 pulse on the mind under similar anxiety was to enter a 
 monastery.'* In Peter's the advice given was that by Christ 
 to the rich young man, " If thou wouldest be perfect, sell 
 what thou hast, and give to the poor, and follow me ! " 
 With a decision equal to Luther's, he received, and deter- 
 mined instantly to follow it. But then came a new thought 
 to his mind. It was not merely poverty in respect of the 
 bread that perisheth, under w^iich those about him were 
 suffering ; but poverty also in their ignorance of the bread 
 of life. And how could he fully follow Christ, but by 
 teaching them the gospel? So (a due provision having 
 been first made for his wife and daughters) and the larger 
 part of his wealth been distributed to the poor, he employed 
 what remained, so as was fully stated in my preceding 
 Section, in a translation of the Scriptures into the vernacu- 
 lar tongue ; multiplying copies of the translation ; and pre- 
 paring associates, imbued and furnished with them, for 
 evangelists.^ — Can we possibly overrate the importance of 
 this, in determining the future Christian and scriptural cha- 
 
 bilibus hnesit. Is vero, de mobilibus, iis a quibus injiiste babuerat reddidit. Maarnam 
 vero partem pecunite suis duabiis parvulis filiabus contulit; quas, matre earum igno- 
 rante, ordine Fontis-Evraldi maiicipavit. IMaximam vero partem in usus paiiperum 
 expendit." Chronicon Anouyrai Laudunensis, ap. Recueil des Hist. Vol. xiii. p. 680. 
 
 1 So tbc Chronicon. - Reiner, p. 264. ^ Chronicon Laud. 
 
 * See pp. 92, 93 supra, ^ ggg pp. 375, 376 supra.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 389 
 
 racter of the sect ? Let me illustrate by contrast. When 
 Francis d'Assisi rose up, some 30 or 40 years after, the 
 joint champion with Dominic of Rome's estabhshed Church, 
 against the then widely-extended and influential sect of 
 these self-same Poor men of Lyons, he too, like Peter, laid 
 down povert)/ and preaching as duties of his order. ^ But, 
 instead of making holy Scripture the rule of his acting, he 
 yielded himself from the first to the direction of natural 
 enthusiasm, and dreams, and visions ; and so prepared his 
 followers to be, like himself, visionaries and enthusiasts, 
 instead of simple sound-minded evangelists. As naturally 
 followed, they took not Christ, speaking in his word, for 
 their chief and head. The fundamental rule of the Order 
 was made impHcit obedience to the Roman Pope f and, 
 agreeably with Romish teaching, their favourite o1)ject of 
 devotion the Lady Mary, Queen of the whole Angelarchy 
 of the Papal heaven.^ 
 
 Valdes himself, in the first instance, no more thought of 
 separating from Rome and the Popedom, than Luther in 
 his first essays as a Reformer, afterwards.^ He even went, 
 as we have seen, in 1179 to Rome ; with the full expecta- 
 tion of having his translations of the Scripture, and his 
 missionary proceedings and preachings, sanctioned by the 
 Pope.^ But soon, like Luther, he found that Scripture 
 circulation, and pure gospel-preaching, was what Rome 
 could not endure. Persecution arose against him. He 
 wandered forth an exiled missionary in one direction, still 
 acting the evangelist, while his associates, two and two, 
 wandered forth in others : and seems, after other peregrina- 
 tions, to have finally ended his mortal career in Bohemia.^ 
 — A career truly glorious ! He had finished his course : he 
 had kept the faith. Nor this alone. His example remain- 
 ed to his followers in every part of Christendom. It incul- 
 
 1 See Gieseler ii. 287—298, Mosheim xiii. 2. 2. 25, 26 ; also Sir James Stephens' 
 very graphic and interesting sketch of St. Francis, in his Essays on Ecclesiastical 
 Biography. It was in one of Francis' later visions that he had the five wounds of 
 Christ impressed on his body ! ! 
 
 * " Inter omnia, et super omnia, fidem Sanctae Romanse ecclesiae servandam . . ccn- 
 sebat, in qua salus consistit omnium salvandorum." So Celanus, Francis' companion 
 and biographer, ap. Gieseler ib. 289. 
 
 3 Maria degli Angeli. * See about Luther my pp. 117 — 120 supra. 
 
 5 So Walter Mapes and Stephen of Borbonne, cited pp. 352, 353 supra. 
 , ^ Thuanus, as already a little before noticed, p. 385 jVote '.
 
 390 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 cated on them not merely the nothingness of a dying world, 
 and duty of following Christ, ahke in poverty and in 
 missionary toil and suffering ;^ but also, and above all, (just 
 as was inculcated by the Paulikians before,'^ and Luther 
 after him,) the grand and never-to-be-forgotten princi}3le 
 of God's tvritten Scriptures being the only and the jJerfect 
 rule of faith. 
 
 2. With regard to the Waldensian doctrine during the 
 xiiith century, their own writings offer us, of course, the 
 best evidence. I have therefore subjoined the same copious 
 extracts nearly from the Noble Lesson that have been given 
 before by Mr. Faber, though with a corrected translation : 
 (the original is in my Appendix :) and also extracts from 
 another and later of their works, entitled Antichrist. 
 
 In the former, the Noble Lessoii,^ written, as it has ap- 
 
 1 " Lugduno fugientes, ad ultimas Delphinatus partes se transferentes, in Ebredu- 
 nensi et Taurinensi diocesibus, in Alpibus et intra concava montium accessu difBcilia 
 plures ibi ex illis habitavenint. Ibi paulatim, procurante Satore zizaiiiiB, in copioso 
 numero excrevenmt : et demum palmites suos tristes in Liguriam, Italiam, et ultra 
 Eomam in Apuliam transmiserunt." Anon. Inquis. ap. AUix, cited partly p. 382, 
 and again referred to p. 386 supra. 
 
 - At p. 304 I have observed on God's Providence in ordering that, where the 
 apostasy was first developed and enforced in its grossness, there the Scriptures were 
 read in the still vernacular Greek tongue ; God's own counteractive. Now, when the 
 vei'nacular language was not that of the written Scripture, a translation into the 
 vernacular tongue was an essential prerequisite to all true reformation in the Church ; 
 and P. Valdes' greatest work perhaps may be deemed the effecting it. 
 
 3 The first 72 lines of the Poem are as follows. 
 
 " Brethren, hear a Noble Lesson. 
 
 " We ought often to watch and pray : for we see that this world is near to its end. 
 We ought to be very careful to do good works ; since we see that the world ap- 
 proaches to its termination. 
 
 " Well have a thousand and a hundred years been entirely completed, since the 
 hour was written, that we are in the last times. 
 
 " We ought to covet little : for we are at the [last] remainder of time. Daily we 
 see the signs coming to their accomplishment ; the increase of evil, and the decrease 
 of good. These are the perils which the Scripture speaks of, which the Gospel tells 
 of, and St. Paul also ; that no man who lives can know the end. Therefore ou^ht 
 we the more to fear ; since we ai'e not certain whether death will ovei'take us to-day 
 or to-morrow. But when Jesus shall come at the day of judgment, every one shall 
 receive his entire payment ; both those who shall have done ill, and those who shaU 
 have done well. But the Scripture saith, and we ought to believe it, that all men 
 shall pass by two ways ; the good shall go into glory, the wicked to torment. But 
 if any one shall not believe this bipartition, let him attend to Scripture even from its 
 commencement. Since Adam was formed down even to the present time, there may 
 he find, if he will give his attention to it, that few are the saved in comparison with 
 the rest. 
 
 " Now whosoever wishes to do good works, he ought first to invoke the name of 
 God the Father : likewise to call to his aid God's glorious and dear Son, the Son of 
 holy Mary ; also the Holy Ghost, that he may give to us a good way. These three, 
 the Holy Trinity, ought to be invocated as one God ; full of all wisdom, and all 
 power, and all goodness.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.J THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 391 
 
 peared, within some 20 or 30 years of 1170, the following 
 doctrines are drawn out with much simplicity and beauty : 
 
 " This we ought often to pray for and request,— that he would give us strength to 
 encounter the enemy, and that we may conquer him before our end ; to wit, the worhl, 
 the devil, and the flesh : and that he would give us wisdom accompanied witli good- 
 ness ; so that we may know the way of truth, and keep pure the soul which God has 
 given us, both the soul and the body, in the way of charity. 
 
 " As we love the Holy Trinity, so likewise ought we to love our neighbour ; for 
 God hath commanded it : not only him who does good to us, but likewise him who 
 does us evil. We ought moreover to have a firm hope in the Heavenly King ; that, 
 at the end, he will lodge us in his glorious palace. 
 
 " Now he who'will not do what is contained in this Lesson, shall not enter into the 
 holy house : though the saying be hard of reception to the evil people, who love too 
 much gold and silver ; despise the promises of God ; and neither themselves keep his 
 laws and his commandments, nor suifer good people to keep them, but rather hinder 
 them according to their power. 
 
 " And how did this evil enter among mankind } Because Adam sinned from the 
 beginning, by eating of the forbidden apple ; and to others germinated the grain of 
 an evil seed. He gained death to himself, and to others his successors. Well may 
 we say that this was an evil morsel. But Christ hath redeemed the good by his 
 passion. 
 
 " Now as we find in this liCsson that Adam mis-believed God his Creator, we may 
 thence see likewise, that men are now become still worse ; as they abandon God the 
 Almighty Father, and believe in idols to their own destruction : a thing which the 
 law forbids that was from the beginning, called the law of nature, common to all 
 people. This God placed in the heart of his first formed [Adam] ; giving him liberty 
 to do good, or to do e\'il : the evil being forbidden him, the good commanded." 
 
 The Author then, after eulogy on this first divine law, written on the conscience, 
 gives a brief summary of the history of the Old Testament : tells of man's apostasy ; 
 how few kept the law, how many "broke it: then of the punishment of the flood, 
 none but eight persons being .saved : then of God's covenant-promises to Noah : then 
 of Babel, or Babylon, " now called confusion for its wickedness : " then of Sodom : 
 then of Abrara and his family, their captivity in Egypt, and deliverance by Moses : 
 then of the .second or Mosaic Law, and its exceirence ; and of the transgressors 
 perishing in the wilderness, the faithful entering Canaan : then of Israel's good 
 kings and bad ; till for their sin the Jews were carried to Babylon : then of their re- 
 turn ; and of the false religion and hypocrisy afterwards of the Pharisees ; and their 
 persecuting the good and just. So 'that "these cried with groans and tears to the 
 Lord to come down to earth ; as the whole human race was going to perdition." — 
 So, following the stream of chronology, down to the times of the Gospel dispensa- 
 tion, the writer comes to the history of' the annunciation to the Virgin Mary, and of 
 Christ's birth, miracles, and doctrine. Respecting the last he says ; " He changed 
 not the law which He had before given, that it might be abandoned ; but renewed 
 it, that it might be better kept : " and then in diflTerent particulars illustrates the 
 superior spirituality of the moral law under the Gospel.* After which he relates 
 Christ's persecution by the Pharisees, and "the other clergy ;"t then his crucifixion, 
 dwelling on " the sad and bitter agonies " undergone by him, such " that the soul 
 separated from the body, to save sinners;" then his resurrection and ascension. 
 Then comes in his sketch an intimation of the first mission of the Apostles ; and 
 
 * He dwells particularly on the gospel injunction of not rendering evil for evil 
 but even loving enemies. " The new law saith, Pardon all mankind, and thou shalt 
 find pardon from the Father Almighty." Then : " None ought to kill or hate any 
 person : nor ought we to despise the simple and the poor ; nor to hold as vile the 
 stranger who comes from another country: for in this world we are all pilgrims." 
 A passage characteristic of the missionary life of the Lyonnese Vaudois addressed in 
 the Poeni.— Compare on this Valdensic pilffrim-vicw wliat I have noted at p. 330 of 
 the Paulikians. 
 
 t 1. 296; "et I'autra gent clergia." Compare Reiner, ch. 3; "Vocant clericos 
 scribas, religiosos Pharisaeos." B. P. M. xxv. 264. So also Chs. 5 and 8.
 
 392 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part iii 
 
 — the origin of sin in the fall of Adam, and its transmis- 
 sion to all men ; the offered redemption through the death of 
 
 lie notices the persecutions suffered by them, and by the primitive Christians, in the 
 fulfilment of their mission. Then he passes to the sufferings which the Vaudois 
 themselves, — both the writer and the readers of the Noble Lesson, — had to undergo 
 in preaching and follo^ving the Gospel. 
 
 "The Apostles were so strong in the fear of the Lord,* as also both the men and 
 the women that were with them, that for these things they ceased not either their 
 doings or their sayings : so that they killed many of them, as they had [killed] Jesus 
 Christ. Great were the torments, according to what is written, only because they 
 showed the way of Jesus Christ. But, as for those who persecuted them, there was 
 not of them so much fear, f because they had not the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 as of those who now seek occasion against, and who persecute so much ; wiio ought 
 to be Christians, but who badly make but semblance of it. Yet in this they that 
 persecute ought to find ground of reprehension, and the good of comfort : j for in no 
 Scripture is it found, nor is it found by reason, that the saints imprisoned or perse- 
 cuted any one. — Now, after the Apostles were certain teachers ; who showed the way 
 of Jesus Christ our Saviour. And some such are found even to the present time ; 
 who are manifest to very few people. These greatly wish to show the way of Jesus 
 Christ ; but they are so persecuted that they can scarcely do it. So much are false 
 Clmstians blinded with error ; and, much more than all others, those who should be 
 pastors ; seeing that they persecute and kill those who are better tban themselves, § 
 and they let alone those who are false and deceivers. But by this we may know 
 that they are not good pastors ; because they only love the tlock for their fleece. 
 Yet the Scripture says, and we may see it, that if there be any one good, who loves 
 and fears Jesus Christ, and will neither curse, nor swear, nor lie, nor commit adultery, 
 nor kill, nor defraud his neighbour, nor revenge himself upon his enemies, — they say 
 that such a person is a Vaudes, and is worthy of punishment : and they find cause 
 against him, through lies and deceit, so they may take from him that which he has 
 gotten by his just toil.|| But he who is thus persecuted comforts himself greatly 
 through the fear of the Lord : for th'e kingdom of heaven shall be given to him on 
 departing from this world. Then shall he have great glory, if (before) he has had 
 dishonour. 
 
 " But in this is manifested their wickedness :— that he who will curse, and lie, and 
 swear, and put out money to usury, and kill, and commit adultery, and revenge him- 
 self on those who do him wrong, they say that such an one is a good and loyal man. 
 Yet, at the last, let such a person take heed, that he be not deceived. When malady 
 presses hard on him, so that he can scarcely speak, then he calls for the priest, and 
 wishes to confess himself But, according to the Scripture, he has delayed too long : 
 for it says, Confess while alive and well, and wait not to the last. The priest asks 
 him if he has any sin : he answers two or three words, and has quickly despatched 
 the matter. "Well does the priest tell him that he cannot be absolved, if he does 
 
 • The following is from 1. 342 to 1. 436 of the Poem. 
 
 t "Ma lical li perseguian nun lor era de tant mal temor." 1. 348. " Lesquels les 
 poursuivaient ne leur etait de tant mal crainte." Kaynouard. I am not sure that I 
 have given the exact sense. 
 
 X " Ma en czo se pon reprener aquilh que perseguon, e confortar li bon." 1. 352. 
 I am quite at a loss to understand the ground of Mr. Faber's translation : " Yet in 
 this they ought to be reprehended, because they persecute and imprison the good." 
 p. 407. 
 
 § "Que ilh perseguon e micion (kill) aquilh que son melhor." 1. 363. Mr. Faber 
 strangely translates ; " For they persecute and hate those who are better than them- 
 selves." p. 408. The mistranslation is the more to be regretted ; because at pp. 409, 
 410 he reasons on the supposed fact, as indicative of the date of the Poem. " Im- 
 prisonment and loss of goods alone, not torture and loss of life, are mentioned as the 
 trial to which the Vaudois were then exposed." Trusting to Mr. F.'s translation, 
 (as I had not the Poem then before me,) I reasoned too in my first edition (though 
 not to the same eft'ect) on the supposed fact. 
 
 II "de sou juste alTau." I suppoie such is the meaning. 1. 374.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 393 
 
 Jesus Christ, who " underwent agonies, such that the soul 
 separated from the body, to save sinners;" the union and 
 
 not restore all that he has taken from another, and amend the wrongs that he has 
 done. When he hears this, he has much thought : and he thinks within himself, 
 If he shall make restoration entirely, what will remain to his children, and what will 
 the world say ? Then he commands his children that they amend their faults ; and 
 he makes agreement with the priest, to the end that he himself may receive absolu- 
 tion. If he has gotten in possession from another a hundred pounds, or perhaps two 
 hundred, yet the priest will absolve him for a hundred pence, or yet for less. And 
 he admonishes him, and promises him pardon : and how he will say mass, both for 
 him, and for his forefathers. Thus grants he pardon, whether to a just or a wicked 
 man ; and he puts his hand upon their heads. In case of his giWng him more, then 
 he causes a grander festival ; and he makes him to understand that he is thoroughly 
 well absolved. Yet ill are they indemnified, who arc thus faulty. And he will cer- 
 tainly be deceived by such an absolution : and he that makes him believe it sins in 
 the thing mortally. For I dare to say, and it will be found true, that all the Popes 
 that have been from Stjlvester down to the present one, and all the Cardinals, and aU 
 the Bishops, and all the Abbots, even all such put together, have not so much power 
 as to be able to pardon a single mortal sin. It is God alone who pardons ; and no 
 other can do it. 
 
 " But those who are pastors ought to do this. They ought to preach to the people, 
 and be much in prayer,* and often feed them with divine doctrine, and chastise the 
 sinful, administering to them discipline. It is a matter of just admonition that they 
 should have repentance ; confess their sins sincerely without fail ; repent in this pre- 
 sent life ; and fast and give alms, and pray with fervent heart ; f for by these things 
 the soul of us evil Christians, who have sinned, finds salvation. 
 
 " For we have abandoned the law of Jesus Christ : we have neither fear, nor faith, 
 nor charity. To repent becomes us, and that without delay : amending ourselves 
 with weeping and penitence, in respect to the offences that we have committed 
 tbrough three mortal sins, namely, the lust of the eyes, the pleasure of the flesh, and 
 the pride of life ; through whicli we have done ill. This way we must follow in, 
 and keep ; if we will love and follow Jesus Christ. AVe must have spiritual poverty 
 of heart, and love chastity, and serve God humbly. So may we follow the way of 
 Jesus Christ; and so may we have the victory over our enemies." 
 
 The author then recapitulates the three laws, which have been given from God to 
 man : the unwritten patriarchal law, the written law of Moses, and the also written 
 law of Christ. This being done, he brings his Poem to its conclusion. 
 
 " Other law from henceforward we are to have none ; except to imitate Jesus 
 Christ, and to do his good pleasure, and to keep firmly that which he has com- 
 manded, and to be well advised when Antichrist shall come ; to the intent that we 
 may give no credence either to his doings or to his sayings. For, according to 
 Scripture, there are now many Antichrists : for all who are in contrast to Christ are 
 Antichrist. J 
 
 "ManysigTis and great wonders shall be from this time forward to the day of 
 judgment. The heaven and the earth shall burn ; and all the living shall die. Then 
 all shall rise again to an ever-during life ; and every building shall be laid prostrate. 
 Then shall be the last judgment, when God shall separate his people ; according as 
 it is written. To the wicked he shall say. Depart from me ; go into the infernal 
 fire which shall have no end. There shall ye be opprest by three grievous condi- 
 tions ; namely, by multitude of pains, and by sharp torment, and by an irreversible 
 damnation. 
 
 " From this may God deliver us, of his good pleasure ! And may he grant us to 
 hear that which He Avill say to his people before very long ; § Come with me, ye 
 
 * " E istar in oration." 
 
 t " aurar au cor bulhent : " lit. pray with a boiling heart. 
 
 X "Car Antexrist son tuit aquilh que contrastan a Christ." I translate literally. 
 The expression is remarkable ; and illustrated admirably by the Valdensic Treatise on 
 Antichrist, next noticed by me. 
 
 § qu'el dire a li seo enant que sia gaire : "avant qu'il soit guere." Eaynouard.
 
 394 APoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 co-operation of the three persons of the blessed Trinity in 
 man's salvation ; the obligation and spiritnality of the 
 moral law under the gospel ; the duties of prayer, watch- 
 fulness, self-denial, unworldliness, humility, love, as " the 
 way of Jesus Christ;" their enforcement by the prospect 
 of death, and judgment, and the world's near ending ; by 
 the narrowness too of the way of life, and the fewness of 
 those that find it ; as also by the hope of coming glory at 
 the judgment and revelation of Jesus Christ : — all these 
 points, I say, of Christian doctrine, are drawn out in the 
 Noble Lesson very simply and beautifully. — Besides wdiich 
 we find in it a protest against the Romish system gener- 
 ally, as one of soul-destroying idolatry ; against masses for 
 the dead, and therein against the whole doctrine of pur- 
 gatory ; against the system too of the confessional, and 
 asserted power of the priesthood to absolve from sin ; this 
 last point being insisted on as the most deadly point of 
 heresy, and its origin referred to the niercenariness of the 
 priesthood, and their love of money -.^ the iniquity being 
 further noticed of the Romanists' persecutions of good 
 men and teachers, that wished to teach the way of Jesus 
 Christ ; and the suspicion half hinted, and apparently half- 
 formed, that, though ?i personal Antichrist mi^^i perhaps be 
 expected, yet Popery itself, with its follotvers, was probiibly 
 one form of Antichrist. — Such is the doctrine of the Noble 
 Lesson. 
 
 In the Treatise of Antichrist^ we advance to an admir- 
 
 blessed of my Father, and possess the kingdom prepared for you from the beginning 
 of the world. In that place you shall have delight, and riches, and honour. 
 
 " May it please the l^ord, who formed the world, that we may be of the number of 
 his elect, to stand in his courts ! — Thanks unto God! Amen."* 
 
 ' So Wicliff. " Of all heresies none can be greater than the belief that a man may 
 be absolved from sin if he give money ; or because a priest layetb his hand on the 
 head, and saith, I absolve thee." Le Bas, p. 201. 
 
 Contrast Pope John the ISth's declaration, in a Letter (dated about 1024) of absolu- 
 tion to Bishop Hugo : " Nullum in ecclesii catholica majus potest esse nefas quam 
 existimare alicujus Uifvum criminis, priBcipue penitentis, quod non queat dissolvere con- 
 cessa Petro a Domino clavis." So Hard. vi. 839. (Qu. John xix. ?) 
 
 2 It is given at length, with a translation, in M. Monastier's 2ud Volume, pp. 324 
 — 362. He also gives the Noble Lesson, and other Valdensic Treatises. 
 
 * I have followed Raynouard in this translation. In my earlier Editions I had 
 copied from Mr. Faber; not having more of the Noble Lesson at hand than the 
 extracts given in Lcgev. To Dr. Gilly I was indebted for a copy of the Poem, in 
 time to print it in the Appendix to my 2nd Edition ; but did not then compare it with 
 Faber's translation. I have now found, on comparing this latter with the original 
 and with Raynouard, many inaccuracies ; some of considerable importance.
 
 CHAP. VII. §• 7.] THE AVALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 395 
 
 able and direct identification of the predicted Antichrist 
 with the Papacy. To fix its date seems difiicult. According 
 to M. Charvaz, Roman Catholic Bishop of Pinerol/ it was 
 the end of the xiiith, or beginning of the xivth century.^ 
 Even if still later, it may yet be foirly presumed to exhi- 
 bit the opinions of the Vaudois of the xiiith century on 
 the subject : they having embraced, as we know, at the 
 least as early as that period, the view inculcated in the 
 Treatise, of the Papacy and Roman Church being the 
 very Babylon and Harlot of the Apocalypse." — Extracts 
 from this too are subjoined below^'' And from them the 
 
 1 p. 245. 
 
 2 The following internal chronological mark appears in the Treatise on Antichrist. 
 It describes Antichrist as having then attained to the full age of a perfect man ; in- 
 deed as being old, and beginning to diminish in power and authority. For " the 
 Lord," it says, " is already destroying the felon by the breath of his mouth, through 
 many men of good intentions ; dissipating his possessions and places, and dividing 
 the city of Babylon." This twofold indication of the Popedom's spiritual wasting by 
 good men's preaching, and political loss and spoliation, may perhaps suit the sera of 
 Pope Gregory the 9th's defeats by Frederic ii. in 1229—1241 ; (Wadd. ii. 281, &c. ;) 
 while the W^aldenscs and cognate sects were in full vigour. But other later an-as would 
 also suit ; especially that of the Reformation. Had it however been written after 
 Luther's time, the Pope, I think, would have been directly and personally called Anti- 
 christ init: and, instead of noting his cloak of religious rituali.sm as worn '■'■lest he 
 should be rejected as a heathen,'" (see the close of my quotation,) the writer would have 
 said that he had actually been rejected as such. Compare pp. 194—199, supra.* 
 
 * So Reiner. 
 
 * "Antichrist is the falsehood (doomed to eternal damnation), covered with the 
 appearance of the truth and righteousness of Christ and his spouse . . . being adminis- 
 tered by false apostles; and defended by the one or other arm. [i. e. the spiritual and 
 the secular arm.] . . Thus it is not a certain particular person, ordained in a certain 
 grade, office, or ministry, considering the thing generally ; but the falsehood itself, 
 opposed to the truth, with which however it covers itself : adorning itself outwardly 
 ■with the beauty and piety of Christ's Church, of Christ himself, his name, offices, 
 scriptures, sacraments. The iniquity of this system, with all its ministers, higher 
 and lower, following it with an evil and blinded heart, — such a congregation, taken 
 together, is cn\\.eA Antichrist, or Babylon, or the fourth Beast, or the Harlot, or the 
 Man of Sin, the Son of perdition. It is called Antichrist, because being covered and 
 adorned with the semblance of Christ, his Church, and faithful members, it opposes 
 itself to the salvation wrought by Christ So that Antichrist cannot be per- 
 fected, or appear, in any manner, until the things above-mentioned be conjoined, so 
 as to form a. perfect hypocrite, and perfect lie.f 
 
 " His _;?/■«< work is, that the service of latria, properly due to God alone, he (Anti- 
 christ) perverts unto himself, to his works, and to the poor creature, rational or 
 
 * The reference in it to certain Scriptures, not by chapter only, but even verse, (the 
 latter a division introduced in the xvith century,) decides nothing : because copyists 
 subsequent to that epoch would naturally so mark the passages referred to ; while 
 also perhaps modernizing the words. (The Scripture references are at pp. 344, 345 
 of M. Monastier's Book.) 
 
 t I am quite struck with the justice and the comprehensiveness of this definition. 
 Compare what I have said of the word's etymological force. Vol. i. p. 65 ; and con- 
 trast it with the narrow and most uncritical views of those who would make Anti- 
 christ an individual avoived Injidel yet future : a prophetic theory discussed by me in 
 my Review of the Futurist Apocalyptic Scheme in the Appendix to my Vol. iv.
 
 396 Apoc. XI. 2—7. [part hi. 
 
 following will appear to have been the Waldensian views : 
 viz, that the Papal or Romish system was that of Anti- 
 christ ; which, from infancy in apostolic times, had grown 
 gradually, by the increase of its constituent parts, to the 
 stature of a full-grown man : that its prominent character- 
 irrational, sensible or insensible ; as, for instance, to male or female saints departed 
 this life, and to their images, bones, or relics. His works are the sacraments, especially 
 that of the eucharist, which he worships equally with God and Christ ; and he wor- 
 ships things blest and consecrated, prohibiting the adoration of God alone. 
 
 "His second vrovV is, that he robs and deprives Christ oi the merits of Christ, 
 with the whole sufficiency of grace, righteousness, regeneration, remission of sins, 
 sanctification, confirmation, and spiritual nourishment; and imputes and attributes 
 them to his own authority, to his own doings, or to the saints and their intercession, 
 or to the fire of purgatory. Thus he separates the j)eople from Christ, and leads them 
 away to tlie things already mentioned ; that so they may not seek the things of 
 Christ, nor through Christ, but only through the works of their own hands ; and 
 not through a living faith in God, and Jesus'Christ, and the Holy Spirit ; but through 
 the will and the works of Antichrist, agreeably to his preaching that man's whole 
 salvation depends upon his works. 
 
 " His third work is, that he attributes the regeneration by the Koly Spirit to a 
 dead outvvard faith : baptizing children in that faith ; and teaching that by it is the 
 consecration of baptism and regeneration : on which same faith it ministers orders 
 and the other sacraments ; and on it founds all Christian religion : — a thing contrary 
 to the Holy Spirit. 
 
 " His fourth work is, that he rests the whole religion and sanctity of the people 
 upon his Mass : for leading them to hear it, he deprives them of spiritual and sacra- 
 mental manducation. 
 
 " His fifth work is, that he does everything to be seen, and to glut his insatiable 
 avarice. 
 
 " His sixth work is, that he allows manifest sins without ecclesiastical censure and 
 excommunication. 
 
 " His seventh work is, that he defends his unity, not by the Holy Spirit, but by the 
 secular power. 
 
 " His eighth work is, that he hates, persecutes, makes inquisition after, and robs, 
 and puts to death the members of Christ. 
 
 " These are the principal works of Antichrist : which works cannot all be counted 
 or written. Let it suffice to have pointed out these, by which he covers his lying 
 wickedness." 
 
 Then comes an enumeration of the veils under which Antichrist hides his intrinsic 
 wickedness; 1. by external profession of faith: — 2. by antiquity and the numbers 
 attached to him; as said of the Beast in the Apocalypse, c. xiii. 7, 8 : — 3. by pretended 
 apostolicity : — 4. by asserted miracles, as 2 Thess. ii. 9 : — 5. by external sanctity, 
 prayers, fasts, &c. : — 6. by certain words of Christ, the Fathers, and the Councils : — 
 7. by the administration of the sacraments : — 8. by verbal preachings against vices : 
 — 9. by some of the elect, that, like true gold, still remain in Babylon. 
 
 Then follows an earnest call from Scripture to come out of Babylon, externally as 
 well as internally ; and to unite with the Holy City, Jerusalem : — then an account of 
 the reasons of their (the writer and his associates) separation; — viz. the protesting 
 for evangelic truth, which is briefly but beautifully sketched out ; specially Christ's 
 all-sufficiency of grace and righteousness in opposition to the mock righteousness and 
 idolatries of Antichrist. — "But there is no other cause of idolatry than a false 
 opinion concerning grace, truth, authority, invocation, and intercession ; which this 
 Antichrist has taken away from God ; in order to ascribe them to ceremonies |and 
 authorities, and a man's own works, to the saints, and purgatory." 
 
 The recognition of the Ilomish " false opinion of grace," and preservation of the 
 true Augustinian gospel-doctrine of grace and forgiveness, throughout the dark ages, 
 is a fact most observable. Merle well remarks on it, as the antagonist principle which 
 was at length to introduce the Reformation, and shake the whole power of Rome.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 397 
 
 istics were, to defraud God of the worship due to Him, ren- 
 dering it to creatures, whether departed saints, rehcs, 
 images, or Antichrist, i. e. the antichristian body itself ; — 
 to defraud Christ, by attributing justification and forgive- 
 ness to Antichrist's authority and words, to saints' inter- 
 cessions, to the merit of men's own performances, and to 
 the fire of purgatory ; — to defraud the Holy Spirit, by at- 
 tributing regeneration and sanctification to the opus opera- 
 tuni (I borrow the Tridentine tenn used afterwards) of the 
 two sacraments : — that the origin of this antichristian reh- 
 gion was the covetousness of the priesthood ; its tendency 
 to lead men away from Christ ; its essence a vain ceremo- 
 nial ; its foundation the false notions of grace and truth. 
 
 How true, how admirable the desciiption !^ — The agree- 
 ment of the writer with Ai(gu.stine, in respect of the views 
 of evangelic truth, cannot but seem striking ; just like that 
 of the earlier evangelic Christians in Dauphiny and Pied- 
 mont. His accordance with Vigilantius is also palpable. 
 In fine, alike in the direct teaching of the Waldenses of the 
 xiiith century, and in their protesting doctrine, full promi- 
 nently does that Christ-ivitnessing character appear that 
 was ascribed to them by their enemy the Romish Arch- 
 bishop Scyssel, two centuries later; — " Christo omnibus ad 
 omnia abunde siifficiente." '^ A Waldensian designative in- 
 tended in reproach ; but wdiich might well be written over 
 each and every one of their still standing humble Alpine 
 churches in letters of gold ! 
 
 3. With regard to the Waldensian morals and character, 
 let me quote their brief description by Reinerius? " He- 
 retics are distinguished by their manners and their words. 
 Eor they are sedate and modest in their manners. They 
 have no pride in clothes ; for they wear such as are neither 
 costly nor mean. They do not carry on commerce, in order 
 that they may avoid falsehoods, oaths, and frauds; but 
 live by labour as workmen. Even their teachers are shoe- 
 
 1 See Note ^ p. 371 supra. 2 Charvaz, p. 508. 
 
 3 I translate from his ch. 7 ; headed, " Quomodo sectse agnoscantiir." B. P. M. 
 XXV. 272. That the Waklenses, and other quasi- Waldensian sects, are here distmct- 
 h'ch/ meant appears from Eeiner's noim^ marked Waldensian distiiictivcs about them. 
 Mark, in contrast, what he says iu his Ch. vi. of the Mauichean Catharists.
 
 398 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 makers, or tailors.^ They do not multiply riches ; but are 
 content with what is necessary. They are chaste, especi- 
 ally the Leonists ; and temperate also in meat and drink. 
 They do not go to taverns, dances, or other vanities. They 
 refrain from anger. They are always at work, learning or 
 teaching : and so, little at prayers.^ . . . They abstain 
 from scurrility, detraction, and levity in discourse ; and 
 also from lying and swearing." — Elsewhere (viz. in his 3rd 
 Chapter) Reiner notices their having translated the Old 
 and New Testament into the vernacular tongue ; and so 
 profited by it, he says, that he had seen and heard one rus- 
 tic man, who knew all Job by heart, and many who knew 
 all the New Testament perfectly. — Let me add a brief do- 
 mestic sketch, taken from the Inquisitor Eymeric's later 
 report of certain Valdenses from Burgundy, near about the 
 opening of the xivth century. ' Those among them that 
 are Perfect put on the upper part of the shoe, or sappata, 
 a sort of escutcheon, . . from which they are called Inzabha- 
 tati. They have one among them, superior to the rest, w^hom 
 they call Majoralis, or Elder ; to whom alone, and to no 
 other, they yield obedience. When they sit at table they 
 bless in this manner : ' He who blest the five barley loaves 
 and two fishes, in the desert, to his disciples, bless this 
 table to us ! ' And when they rise, they repeat those words 
 of the Revelation ; ' Blessing, and honour, and wisdom, 
 and thanks, and glory, and strength, be unto our God for 
 ever and ever. Amen ! ' Always holding their eyes and 
 hands uplifted to heaven."^ 
 
 ' " Sutores." — An answer this to Ebrard's charge against the Waldenses of being 
 idle : basking in the sun by day, and then of an evening going about to talk. 
 
 ^ "Et ideo panim orant ;" "and so t\\ey pray but little." How ill the jo«r«»i 
 orant, so taken, applies to the Leonist AValdenses, appears sufficiently from the strong 
 exhortations to watch and pray always, inculcated in the Noble Lesson ; yea " aurar 
 an cor hulhent," 1. 421, " to pray u-ith boiling heart." — I am surprised at Dr. Mait- 
 land apparently making and reiterating the charge as Reiner's against them. So in 
 the Letter to Rose p. 47 ; and against King, p. 40. I think he really refers it to 
 other sects. — In the B. P. M. xxiv. 1600, the charge (more truly, I doubt not,) is 
 that they did not pray in churches ; i. e. Romish churches. 
 
 3 I copy from Maitland, Facts and Doc. p. 263.— Let me here observe that Dr. 
 Maitland (p. 470) follows Bossuet in charging the Vaudois with holding transubstan- 
 tiation. This is founded chiefly on Reiner's saying, "Item dicunt quod transub- 
 stantiatio non fiat in manu indigne conficientis, sed in ore digne sumentis." B. P. 
 M. XXV. 265. But this is not the doctrine of transubstantiation. As to others 
 saying that the Valdenses made the body of Christ at their tables, it was only the 
 Roman Catholic expression for consecrating the elements ; quite irrespective of the 
 heretics' particular belief as to the effect of consecration. — Stephen of Borbonne says
 
 CHAP. VII. §> 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 399 
 
 4. As to their missionary plans and proceedings, it may 
 here suifice to quote Reiner. I must repeat that, though 
 he nominally relates what follows of heretics in general, 
 yet a special reference is evidently intended to the Valden- 
 sic Lyonnese sectaries, and those others that substantially 
 mixt and fraternized with them : — also that, whereas there 
 were two classes among these Waldenses,^ — the first called 
 Perfect, who left home, gave up property, and devoted 
 themselves to the missionary life, the other the general 
 members, who lay under no such restriction, — it must 
 have been to the first of these that the quotation chiefly 
 related.^ 
 
 " The heretics," he says, " craftily devise how they may 
 introduce themselves to the acquaintance of the noble and 
 great. And they do it in this manner. They exhibit to 
 gentlemen and ladies some kind of tempting wares, such 
 as rings and robes for sale. Having sold them, if the man 
 is asked, Have you anything more to sell? he answers, I 
 have more precious gems than these : and I will give them 
 you, if you will give assurance not to betray me to the 
 clergy. Having received security, he says ; I have one 
 gem so brilliant that a man gains by it the knowledge of 
 God. I have another which sparkles so, that it kindles the 
 love of God in the heart of him who possesses it : — and so 
 of the others. He speaks of gems metaphorically. After 
 that he recites some devout chapter, as that of Luke ; ' The 
 Angel Gabriel was sent,' &c. ; or from our Lord's dis- 
 course, John xiii. ; ' Now before the feast,' &c. When he 
 has begun to interest his hearer, he adds what is said in 
 Matt, xxiii. of them that sate in Moses' seat ; ' Woe unto 
 you ! ye have taken away the key of knowledge ; ye enter 
 not in yourselves, and ye forbid others to enter : ' and from 
 
 expressly ; " Item dicunt peecare illos qui illud quod nos credimus corpus Domini 
 adorant." (Faber 484.) And so Ivouet, in a passage very faiiiy cited by Dr. ]\I. 
 himself, p. 542 ; " Corpus Christi et sanguinem uon credunt vere esse, sed tantum 
 panem benedictum : qui in figura quadam dicitur corpus Christi ; .sicut dicitur, Petra 
 autem erat Cliristus, et siuiilia." Further the Waldeuses' own Treatise on Anti- 
 christ, cited p. 395, thus expresses itself; "Antichrist's works are the sacraments : 
 especially that of the eucharlut ; which he worships equally with God and Christ." 
 
 1 See p. 379, Note 2 .supra ; also p. 386 Note 3. 
 
 2 My citation includes the whole of Reiner's 8th Chapter, headed, " Quomodo se 
 ingerant familiaritati magnorum." B. P. M. xxv. 273.
 
 400 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Mark xii. ; ' Woe unto you who devour widows' houses,' 
 and what follows. When asked by his hearers of whom 
 these imprecations are to be understood, he answers, Of 
 the clergy and monks. 
 
 " After this the heretic draws a comparison between the 
 state of the Romish Church and that of his sect ; saying 
 thus : — The doctors of the Romish Church are proud in 
 their dress and manners ; they love the chief seats, and 
 seek to be called of men Rabbi ; but such Rabbies t()e de- 
 sire not. Also they are incontinent : but each one of us 
 has his wife, and lives chastely M'ith her. Also they are 
 the rich and covetous, to whom it is said. Woe unto you 
 rich ; ye have received your consolation : but we, having 
 food and clothes to cover us, are content therewith. Also 
 they are the voluptuous ones, to whom it is said, ' Woe to 
 you who devour widows' houses.' But we gain sustenance 
 how and whence we may. Also they fight and make wars, 
 and command the poor to be killed and burnt. Of such 
 it is said, ' He that taketh the sword shall perish with the 
 sword.' ^ We, however, suffer persecution from them for 
 righteousness. — Also they eat the bread of idleness, doing 
 nothing : but we work w^ith our hands. Also jtliey wish 
 to be the only teachers ; to whom it is said, Matt, xxiii., 
 ' Woe unto you that have taken away the key of know- 
 ledge :' but among us, women teach, as well as men ; and 
 a disciple of seven days instructs another. Also there is 
 hardly a teacher among them that knows by heart three 
 connected chapters ^ of the New Testament : but among 
 us there is scarce a man or woman who cannot repeat its 
 text in the vulgar tongue. And, because we have the true 
 faith of Christ, and teach a holy life and doctrine, therefore 
 the Scribes and Pharisees,^ without cause, persecute us 
 unto death, as they did Christ. — Moreover they only say, 
 and do not ; and bind heavy burdens on men's shoulders, 
 and do not move them with a finger : but we practise all 
 we teach. Also they are more urgent in compelling the 
 
 ^ Compare Apoc. xiii. 10, said of the times of the Beast, Antichrist. 
 
 2 " Capitula continuata." The division of the New Testament into chapters 
 could only have been made very recently when Reiner wrote ; i. e. about A.D. 1250. 
 (See my notice of Reiner, p. 348.) 
 
 3 Compare 1. 29-5, 296 of the Noble Lesson ; noted before, p. 391.
 
 CHAP. VII. § 7.] THE WALDENSES TRUE WITNESSES. 401 
 
 observance of the traditions of men, than of the commands 
 of God;^ as of fasts, festivals, going to church, and many 
 other things, which are of human institution : but we only 
 persuade men to keep the doctrine of Christ and the apo- 
 stles. Also they load penitents with grievous penances : 
 but we, after the example of Christ, say to the sinner. Go 
 and sin no more ! and remit all sins to him by our imposi- 
 tion of hand ; and transmit souls at death to heaven : but 
 they send almost all souls to hell. — Having stated these 
 and other points, the heretic says ; Consider which state, 
 and which faith, is the more perfect ; — ours, or that of the 
 Church of Rome ; and make choice of it.^ — Thus the hearer 
 is turned away from the catholic faith, being seduced by 
 their errors."^ 
 
 1 Compare the Witnesses' predicted character, Apoc. xii. 17, as "keeping the com- 
 mandments of God," as well as " the witness of Jesus." Noted by me p. 208 supra. 
 
 2 Let the reader compare on all this the conversation of the Paulikian woman, 
 some four centuries before, given pp. 257 — 259 supra. It is interesting to mark the 
 identity in character of the witness-sayings and doings, at such an interval of space 
 and time. 
 
 3 Lucas de Tuij, an author who flourished, as observed at p. 347, about 1236, (under 
 Popes Gregory IX and Celestine IV, says Schottus, B. P. M. xxv. 188, i. e. between 
 the years 1227 and 1241,) and speaks of the Waldenses as a sect that had risen not 
 very long before his time in Gaul, thus notices their habit of diffusing their tenets, by 
 a practice in later and modern times much more effectively followed, viz. that of the 
 dissemination of religious Tracts. (B. iii. c. 18.) "With unheard of wickedness, 
 and a new plan of deceit, they wrote Tracts, and scattered them in unfrequented 
 mountain-paths ; that the shepherds finding them might bring them to the clergy 
 to read. It was said in them that they were written by the Son of God, and trans- 
 mitted to men by the hands of holy angels. . . . There were many catholic truths 
 stated in them ; but, intermixed with these, certain heretical statements also ; in 
 order that, through the sweetness of the former, the bitter poison of what was here- 
 tical might the better insinuate itself. . . . The simple priests received and read the 
 papers with great reverence ; and understood not they were drinking in what was 
 death to the people. The heretics took advantage of the (approbatory) words of 
 such ignorant priests ; and urged on their proselytes the favourable testimony borne 
 by them to the Tracts. Thus deceived, many of them began to treat with contempt 
 the confession of their sins to the priests, and the traditions and the fasts of the 
 Church. For those diabolical Tracts promised forgiveness of sins to all who might 
 transcribe them, and to all who devoutly read them. Wherefore there was the great- 
 est zeal to write them out, with such as were able to write ; and with the less edu- 
 cated clergy to read them to the people." 
 
 In the chapter 17, preceding, Lucas notices a particular heretic, one Arnold,* 
 thus acting; Avho, he says, "had come for this from Gaul into Spain; and, with the 
 pen of a ready writer, having written out extracts from Augustine, Jerome, Isidore, 
 and Bernard, — adding what was false, and withholding what was true,— sold, or even 
 gave them, to the Catholics." f B. P. M. xxv. 248. 
 
 * In his early publication of the Waldensian Researches, p. 12, Dr. Gilly con- 
 founded this Arnold with Arnold of Brescia. — The Brescian Arnold was burnt at 
 Rome, A.D. 1155 ; as observed p. 285 supra. The one Lucas .speaks of died, I think, 
 at Leon in Spain, probably some 70 or 80 years later. 
 
 t In another chapter (xxi.) Lucas notes ih.e joij of heretics on being put to death : 
 asserting that their difference in this point from Christ, who, on the approach of his 
 
 VOL. II. 26
 
 402 Apoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 Such is Reiner's report of the Valdenses' missionary 
 plans and actings. And as to their zeal in carrying them 
 out, he exempKfies it by the statement, that a Leonist 
 teacher actually swam across the river Ibsa, on a winter- 
 night, in order to instruct a proselyte.^ 
 
 5. There are two other points recorded of these Valden- 
 sic sectaries, that seem to me too characteristic, and too 
 important, to pass over in silence. — The one is the union 
 and communion of the members of their several dispersed 
 bodies, throughout France, Italy, and Germany. This 
 seems to have been remarkable ; and, like that of the early 
 Christians, on a footing of truly Christian and affectionate 
 intercourse. — The other point is, that in a spirit of wisdom 
 and good sense quite accordant with that of the immediate 
 founder of the Lyonnese Sect, but quite contrary to that 
 of religious fanatics or enthusiasts, they appear to have 
 been in the habit of making use of such human learning 
 as they might obtain, in order to the better and sounder 
 propagation of the Christian faith committed to them. 
 Choosing out the youths of best talents from their number, 
 they sent them to be educated at the University of Paris, 
 or some other such institution.^ This was what the Lu- 
 
 1 B. p. M. xxY. 264. 
 
 2 I may illustrate both points by the personal narrative of one Ivo of Narbonne. 
 He is related by Matthew Paris, on the year 1243, to have thus written of the Wal- 
 densian sectaries to the Archbishop of Narbonne, in an account of his flight from that 
 city and adventures : — viz. " that having been unjustly accused of heresy he fled ; 
 that, after making circuit of many provinces,* he so at length came to Como, and there 
 bewailed his case to certain Patcrini [sectaries of the Waldensian body f] there re- 
 siding : that on this they rejoiced, felicitating him on having sufl'ered for righteous- 
 ness' sake ; and housed, and entertained him luxuriously, for three months : J that 
 they then constrained him by their kindnesses to promise that from that time he 
 would preach, and persuade men, that in the Romish faith § there was no salvation : 
 that they informed him how that from nearly all the cities of Lombardy, and from 
 
 sufferings, was exceeding sorrowful even unto death, showed they could not belong to 
 Sim. And he cites Bernard's 66th sermon on the Canticles, wherein it was ascribed 
 to diabolical agency. " If induced by the Devil to commit suicide, how much rather 
 may men be prompted to joy by him, when put to death by others ?" A statement 
 by Bernard referred to by me p. 312 supra ; and in which Bossuet (Variat. xi. 147) 
 discerns and admires the saint's wonderful wisdom ! 
 
 * No stopping, observe, in the Valleys of Lucerna and Pragela. 
 
 t So the letter of Innocent III, cited already, pp. 382, 386 ; " Quosdam qui Val- 
 denses, Cathari, et Pater ini ^\c\mi\iv." Similarly Gretzer, B. P. M. xxv. 253; "Pc- 
 teriiii, factio Waldensium, a persccutionum perpessione hoc sibi nomen indiderunt." 
 
 X This was during the favouring government of the Duke Ubert, referred to in 
 ray Note ', p. 403. 
 
 § " In Jide Petri," is the expression. Compare my observations at p. 321 supra, on 
 the anti-Paulikian charge of hatred to the apostle Peter,
 
 CH. VII. CONCL.] EARLIER WITNESS-VIEW SUMMED UP. 403 
 
 theran Reformers afterwards found it so important to do : 
 God's written word being the foundation of all their teach- 
 ing ; but all the human learning they might be able to at- 
 tain, sedulously sought and used, subserviently to it. 
 
 Finally, let me note the ^vonderful manner in which in 
 God's wisdom there was provided a certain secular support 
 to presei-ve the feeble Sect from destruction, by the then 
 overwhelming power of the Popedom. Just as the Saxon 
 Elector was afterwards raised up to be a defender of the 
 Lutheran reformation in its infancy, so now not a few Counts 
 and Barons in Southern France and Lombardy. The lords 
 of Toulouse, Pamiers, and Montreal favoured the AValden- 
 sian and Albigensian heretics in their districts, at the open- 
 ing of the xiiith century ; and others the same in Lombardy.^ 
 So did Divine Providence co-operate with Divine grace, in 
 providing for the effective carrying out of the Valdensic 
 witness. As it was said ; " I will give poiver to my two 
 witnesses, and they shall prophesy ; " albeit in sackcloth. 
 
 CONCLUSION TO CHAPTER VII. 
 
 And here I conclude the final Section of this Chapter : 
 — a Chapter prolonged, in consequence of the extent and 
 difficulty of its subject, much beyond the limits I could 
 have desired ; and for the disproportionate length of which, 
 therefore, I must beg the indulgence of the reader. — I trust 
 
 many of Tuscany, tlicy had sent scholars to Paris, there to qualify themselves, by hard 
 study of Logic and Theology, to support their own sectarian doctrines, and confute 
 the apostolic faith : also that they were in the habit of sending merchants and pedlars 
 to the fairs, with the view of perverting the minds of rich laymen, with whom they 
 might lodge or converse. That, after this, he was passed on to members of the same 
 sect at Milan, and certain Lombard cities on the Po, with secret pass-words and signs, 
 always among Paterini ; till at length at Cremona he was suspected by one of their 
 bishops, (afterwards ejected from the sect on charge of fornication,*) and thence pro- 
 ceeded to Aquileia, and so to Frisach." 
 
 The above is nearly a literal translation, being only slightly abbreviated. It is 
 given by Gretzer in his Prolegomena to the anti-W^aldensian writers, inserted after 
 Lucas de Tuy in the B. P. M. xxv. 253, 254. 
 
 ' So, says Muston, Muratori in ann. 1259 : stating that Ubert Lord of Milan, 
 Cremona, Brescia, Vercelli, Como, «S:c., so favoured the heretics, that they publicly 
 preached their errors through his dominions, and had their Schools and Professors 
 of Theology ; also that Inquisitors were not allowed to interfere. This same Ghi- 
 belline Prince ubert Pallavicini expelled Reiner from Milan ; as noted p. 348 supra. 
 
 * The reader will mark this incidental testimony to the morality of the sect. 
 
 26 *
 
 404 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 I have shown in it that, in so far as we can judge from 
 mere hostile evidence^ — the only evidence existing, — there 
 was perpetuated in the Paulikian sect, at least from the 
 year 653,^ a hue of Witnesses for Christ's truth, and 
 against the apostasy, of Eastern origin : also, and in part on 
 the more satisfactory evidence of their own writings, albeit 
 broken and interrupted, a WiTNESs-hne of certain Chris- 
 tian dissidents in France, Germany, and North Italy, of 
 Western origin : — the former more early prominent than the 
 latter, as absolute seceders from the Church established, 
 because of the earlier enforcement of the apostasy in all its 
 grossness of error, by the hand of power, in Eastern than 
 in Western Christendom : but of which the real union in 
 spirit was evidenced by various interminglings of the two 
 lines ; interminglings as early as the opening of the xith 
 century, but more marked and famous from about the end 
 of the xiith century : at which time alike in Dauphiny, 
 Provence, and Languedoc, on one side of the Cottian Alps, 
 and in Piedmont and Lombardy, on the other, as well as in 
 other countries also, they became known under the thence- 
 forth common name, for the most part, of Waldenses. 
 
 NoM% with regard to this united line, as also to its two 
 earlier branches, the chief of the Apocalyptic characteristics 
 of Christ's Witnesses will have been seen, I think, in the 
 course of the sketches preceding, to attach to them. For 
 example, we marked in them the union of the teachers and 
 the taught, the olive-tree and the candlestick ; — the promi- 
 nence of the Saviour Christ in their doctrine, (as in that 
 of Chris fs own Avitnesses,) and protestation against the 
 various chief doctrines of the apostasy, and the priests their 
 promulgators, that set Christ aside ; — their simple reference 
 to God's oivn ivord, not man's tradition, as the rule of faith ; 
 — their paucity of number, by comparison with the great 
 mass around them ; — and their sackcloth-rohing , or state 
 of mourning and depression. The which depression and 
 mourning attached to those in the AVest at first, it might be, 
 simply from the sad general apostasy round them,^ and the 
 
 1 See mv p. 250. 
 
 2 As Lot's righteous soul was vexed {t^affaviaQi]) with the filthy conTersatioa of 
 the wicked.
 
 en. VII. CONCL.] EARLIER WITNESS-VIEW SUMMED UP. 405 
 
 intolerance of anti-apostatic doctrine by Rome's supreme 
 pontifical authority ; but afterwards (so at least from the 
 time of Claude of Turin) in Western Christendom, just as 
 in the East much earlier, from direct and bitter persecution. 
 Nor let me pass forward without here observing on two 
 somewhat curious hteral coincidences between these Wal- 
 denses, or rather combined Panlikians and Waldenses,^ 
 as noticed in real life, and the two prefigurative Witnesses, 
 as symbolized on the Apocalyptic scene : the one having re- 
 ference to the early Valdensic dress ; the other to an early 
 Valdensic emblem, appropriated by them in the Cottian sub- 
 alpine settlements. For, 1 st, the common dress of the early 
 Vaudois missionaries is noted by more than one writer as a 
 black sheep-sJcin, or goatskin r the which, from being sack- 
 cloth-like in its appearance, gave to them (just as to the 
 Jewish prophets before them') the identical appellation 
 given to the Apocalyptic Witnesses, of sackcloth-wearers} 
 
 1 See my pp. 382, 386 supra. 
 
 2 Walter Mapes, in his account of the Valdenses that he met at Rome in 1179, (an 
 account already more than once referred to,) speaks of them as travelling " two and 
 two, naked-footed, and clad in coarse woollen garments." (Ap. Usher, cited by Faber, 
 471.) T/manus, also, describing those of Dauphiny, says, "The clothing is of the skins 
 of sheep : they have no linen." (Milner, Cent. siii. p. 539.) Elsewhere the colour is 
 noted as l/lacL Thus, on a proselyte professing his wish to join the Valdensic body, 
 and renouncing the Romish faith, " they invoke the Holy Spirit's blessiuo- on him," 
 says Peter of Vaux Sernay, " put their hands on his head, and clothe him with a 
 black garment." (" induunt eum veste nigrA.") Ap. Charvaz, p. 454.— Of the Perfect 
 members of the Boni Homines Peter of Vaux Cernay makes a similar statement : 
 
 ' HiEreticorum qui dicebantur Perfecti nigrum A«5(YM;«prffiferebant." Ap. Giescler ii. 
 375.— The colour of the goat's wool is sometimes noted in Scripture as black So 
 Cant. VI. 5. 
 
 J It is said in Zechariah xiii. 4, " Neither shall they wear a rough garment." On' 
 this Kimchi says, "-sackcloth, or a garment of hair." And Dr. A. Clarke observes; 
 " A rough garment made of goat's hair, coarse wool, or the rough pile of the camel 
 was the ordinary garb of God's Prophets; and so worn also by false Prophets."— 
 Now the sackcloth was often of this manufacture. So in Rev. vi. 12, where we 
 read, " black as aaKKOQ rgixivoQ, sackcloth of hair." Hence in Isaiah's case his 
 prophet's sheep-skin garment is called sackcloth; "The Lord spake to Isaiah, sayino- 
 Go, loose the sackcloth from off thy loins :" Isaiah xx. 2. And as sackcloth was the 
 emblem of mourning among the Jews, (see 2 Sam. iii. 31, &c.,) these sheep-skins and 
 goat-skins are also represented as a mourning ckess. So in Heb. si. 37 • " They 
 wandered about in sheep-skins and goat-skins ; being destitute, afflicted,' tormcuted " 
 --Compare 1 Kings xix. 13; "Elias wrapped his face itv ry unXwry avrov) in his 
 sheep-skm." Also 2 Kings i. 8. v i- v / 
 
 I have already, at p. 212, remarked on this, but more briefly. 
 * In the Paris Bibliotheca Patrura in four volumes, at vol. iv. p. 462, the learned 
 Editor Combers, after mentioning Turrianus' explanation of the heretical appellative 
 aKKao(popoi, as if equivalent to saccophori, sackcloth-wearers, and setting it aside as 
 inapplicable, adds the words following; "Unless they [the ancient heretics alluded 
 toj may have worn it under profession of piety, or poverty ; like the Poor Men of 
 Lyons, and the New Manichmans, [i. e. the Paulikians of the West,] ages afterwards ■"
 
 406 Apoc. XT. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 — 2ndly, from about the time of their settling in the Pied- 
 montese Valleys near Lucerna, the precise Apocalyptic 
 symbol of a lighted candlestick, in surrounding night, was 
 appropriated by them to themselves, from their chief village 
 Lucerna ; and the beautiful motto also of the Counts of 
 Lucerna, ''The light shineth in darkness."^ So that in 
 this, as in other cases, the common prophetic rule, of which 
 I have before spoken, might almost seem to have had its 
 fulfilment ; I mean that of the imagery being drawn from 
 the living subjects of the prefiguration.^ 
 
 Nor, I think, will another yet unnoticed characteristic of 
 the two Apocalyptic witnesses, — viz. the avenging potver 
 given them by God, Jirst of smiting the land which re- 
 jected their testimony with plagues as often as they would, 
 secondlg of shutting it out from the deios of heaven through- 
 out the period of their prophesying,^ — seem inapplicable 
 to those whom I have described as Christ's witnesses, in 
 the history of Christendom. For what was said by Luther 
 with reference to his own days, and those of Huss, (days 
 which fell in the later half of the predicted period of the 
 Witnesses' prophesying in sackcloth,) as to the Turks 
 having been avengers of the godly preachers that were then 
 rejected and persecuted in Christendom,* was equally appli- 
 
 (uti post aliqua soecula fecerunt Pauperes de Lugduno, ac novi ManicJmi.) Thus the 
 learned Dominican Father himself makes the very remarkable application of the Apo- 
 calyptic appellative saccophon to the Waldenses and Paulikians. — I am not aware that 
 this has been ever noticed before. 
 
 1 See Leger's Frontispiece; from which I append a copy. — Muston says, p. 395, 
 that in some of the Vaudois colonies that symbol is still seen in their churches. 
 " Dans quelques colonies Vaudoises on a peint au plafond, ou sur la chaire des eglises, 
 comme perpetuel souvenir de leur origine, le chandelier entoure d'etoiles, qui est 
 I'embleme de nos vallees." Muston should have mentioned ivhere, and tchen. 
 
 Leger (i. 137) is of course incorrect in speaking of this as " les armoiries [of Lucerna 
 and ' the valleys '] des le temps de Paganisme." I conceive that the account here given 
 of the Counts having had it first, before any settlement of the Lyonnese Vaudois in 
 the valleys, and of the latter having adopted it afterwards, is all that, with our present 
 limited knowledge on the subject, we are warranted in stating. —The motto still 
 meets the visitor's eye, on entering the great gate of the Counts' chateau. (See my 
 mention of this p. 355 supra.) I could wish to have known when first Lucerna had 
 its name, and why; connectedly with the Counts' armorial bearings and motto. 
 Though not at the middle of the 12th century, or afterwards, yet might it be that at 
 any time earlier than that epoch the Lucernese Counts, like the Lady Countess of 
 Montfort near Turin, favoured the eff'orts of some that wished to introduce Scripture 
 light ? — Compare M. Costa de Beauregard's stated sentiments on this point, given pp. 
 247, 383 supra : also M. Monastier's remarks, i. 92, 93, referred to p. 356. 
 
 2 See Vol. i. p. 420, &c. 3 See pp. 212 — 2i5 supra, for the explanation. 
 
 * Table Talk, i. 421 : "The Pope and TiirJ:'' said Luther, '■'■hare tJwroxghhf re- 
 venged us. Upright and true preachers the world cannot endure. Kay they hurt and
 
 n.'io. 
 
 VQl.ll.r.406. 
 
 THE W^A].DENSTA1^ CANDLESTICK 
 
 From Leger.
 
 CH.VIl. CONCL.] EARLIER WITNESS-VIEW SUMMED UP, 407 
 
 cable to those earlier desolating invasions of Saxons and 
 Lombards, Saracens and Seljukian Turks, that scourged the 
 witness-rejecting Christian world, through the earlier half 
 of the 1260 days. — Again, the saying of Archbishop 
 Peckham respecting England in the xivth century was 
 notoriously applicable to the general state of Christendom, 
 throughout all the five earlier centuries which we have 
 just passed in review : viz. that the spiritual destitution 
 in it was such, that the people might be resembled to poor 
 and needy ones, that sought water and found none.^ And 
 since on the scale of Christendom, even as of individuals, 
 that general rule of God's moral government could not but 
 be fulfilled, " Whosoever hath not, from him shall be taken 
 away even that he hath," we may surely view this too as a 
 judicial infliction on it, for its rejection of the witness borne 
 to the truth, the light offered. — As to that other particu- 
 lar noted of the Apocalyptic Witnesses' avenging power, 
 I mean of ''fire going out of their mouth to consume their 
 adversaries," does it not suggest judgments yet future as 
 probable, in fuller vindication of the Paulikians, and Wal- 
 denses, and their witnessing successors, if I have rightly 
 judged their character ? - Surely, in such case, their 
 words must have taken hold of their wilful adversaries,^ 
 even as Jeremiah's words of fire of the Jews of his time, 
 or the apostles' of those who rejected theirs,* to condemn 
 and consume them at the last. — How striking, how pointed 
 the antithesis in this intimation about them (I cannot but 
 note this fresh case of allusive contrast, ere ending) to the 
 language of the Usurper Antichrist ! " We shut heaven 
 against them,'' was his cry. " We send upon them famine, 
 
 murder them. Therefore they must have such as bereave them of body, soul, wealth, 
 and honour. Oh right ! right!" — And again ; " Huss's death was revenged. After 
 it the Emperor Sigismund had strange and sudden misfortunes, being always after- 
 wards beaten by the Turks, over whom he had before continual victories," — Ibid. 
 
 ' See p. 161 supra. — The same spiritual drought, and famine of hearing God's 
 word, is spoken of by a Greek monk as characterizing the state of his country not 
 very long after the taking of Jerusalem by the Saracens ; i. e. nearly about the time 
 of the rise of the Paulikian sect, and early in the 1 260 years' period. Bib. Patr. (Ed, 
 in four volumes) i. 1021. And similar remarks respecting other parts of the period 
 under review might easily be added, in exemplification : e. g. Gerson, still later than 
 Peckham, at the Council of Constance. L'Enfant ii. 305. ~ See p. 214 supra. 
 
 3 I say ivilful, because many doubtless of their enemies were unintentionally mis- 
 led by false reports respecting them, so as totally to misjudge their true character. 
 
 * Matt. X. 14, 15.
 
 408 Apoc. XI. 2 — 7. [part hi. 
 
 and thirst, and drought ; and call fire from heaven to con- 
 sume and devour them." ^ Such was the Papal language 
 of curse against these heretics, as he termed them ; though 
 in reality Witnesses for Jesus. But, " These have power 
 to shut heaven," said Christ, " during the days of their 
 prophecy ; these to smite the [antichristian Roman] earth 
 with every plague." Thus, as Luther once said, in a pas- 
 sage already before quoted by me,^ " did Christ judge be- 
 . tween them, whose excommunication and curse, his or 
 theirs, should stand." 
 
 So concludes my historical view of Christ's Witnesses, 
 as reaching to the times of Peter Valdes and his first Wal- 
 densian associates, in the xiith and xiiith centuries. It was 
 very much the same that presented itself to Flacius, and 
 Bale, and Foxe, and the other Martyrologists among the 
 early Reformers ; as they looked back from their point of 
 observation to the earlier centuries, in which witnesses 
 clothed in sackcloth had to bear testimony for Christ's 
 cause and truth. — Nor indeed did the retrospective view 
 which they found opening to them of the Witnesses' history, 
 or the correspondent retrospective view set before St. John 
 by the Covenant-Angel, here terminate. A destined crisis 
 in the witnessing was also in either case brought into view. 
 But I think it well to pause awhile for the present, at the 
 point now ariived at : because that there here begins the 
 new notable aera of the Beast from the abyss, or Papal 
 power, taking up the sword, and commencing war, (as I 
 have indeed had partially to note by anticipation,) in all 
 the plenitude of its force and fury, against these Witnesses 
 for the Lord Jesus. It is an sera strongly marked, both in 
 the Apocalyptic prediction, and in history. And of it, and 
 its memorable results, it seems desirable to treat in a separ- 
 ate Chapter. 
 
 1 So in the Papal Form of Excommunication given in Martene de Rit. ii. 324 ; 
 " Sicut Dominus B. Petro ej usque successoribus, cujus vicem tenemus, potestatem 
 dedit ut quodcumque ligarent, &c.,— ita illis cwluni claudimus : [et percutiat eos 
 Dominus fame et siti donee deticiunt ;] et cum Diabolo et angelis ejus perpetuis 
 iguibus tradautur ; " &.c. ' P. 201 supra.
 
 CH. VIII. § 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 409 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF CHRISt's AVITNESSES, FROM THE 
 EPOCH OF THE REFORMATION, CONTINUED AND CON- 
 CLUDED : INCLUDING THE PAPAL WILD BEASt's 
 WAR AGAINST THEM ; THEIR DEFEAT, 
 DEATH, AND RESURRECTION. 
 
 " And when they shall have perfected ^ their testimony, 
 the Wild Beast that is to ascend out of the abyss shall 
 make war against them. — And he shall overcome them, 
 and shall kill them.— And their dead body ^ shall lie^ 
 in the broad place ^ of the great city, which is spiritually 
 called Sodom and Egypt, where also their Lord^Vas cru- 
 cified. — And they from ^ the peo])les and kindreds and 
 tongues and nations, see"' their dead body^ three days and 
 a half; and do not suffer their dead bodies to be put in a 
 sepulchre.'-* And they that dwell upon the earth rejoice 
 over them, and make merry ;'° and they shall send ^^ gifts 
 one to another : because these two prophets tormented 
 them that dwell on the earth. — And after the three days 
 and a half ^- the spirit of life from God entered into them ; 
 and they stood upon their feet. And great fear fell upon 
 them that beheld them.''^^ Apoc. xi. 7 — 12. 
 
 ^ oTav TtXiauxTi. In the authorized version it is rendered, "Wlien they shall 
 ha\e Ji>u'shcd." _ The reason and meaning of the alteration will be given presently. 
 
 * TO irrwfia in the singular. So A B C ; and the modern critical texts of Gries- 
 bach, Scholz, Tregelles, Wordsworth. 
 
 * These two words are supplied in the authorized translation. 
 
 * nXaTtig. TrjQ iroXnnQ rt]^ fityaXrjg, a word remarked on afterwards. 
 
 * 6 Kvpio^ avTiov, their Lord. So A B C, and all the same critical texts ; instead 
 of the received reading, 6 Kvpiog t'niwi', '^ our Lord." 
 
 6 This instead of, "they o/'the people," &c. ; the original being, ik twv Xawv, &c. 
 
 ' BXtTTovm, in the present tense. So A C. Also atpiovm, instead of the received 
 a^Tjffovai. 
 
 " TrTwfia, as before. So the critical texts : though in the next clause Trrw/inra. 
 
 ^ tie (xvr)iia. So A B. In C it is nvrjutiov. 
 
 '! X«'po'^'^'»^ ABC; also tvfpaivovrai A C. " vini/ovai in the future. 
 
 ^- The definite article is in the original, fitra rag rpitg »//u£pa<,-. 
 
 *3 Hahn reads a^rjaovai. with the textus receptus. Jn the other points of diifer- 
 ence he agrees with the other critical texts referred to. 
 
 I shall have to remark again more particularly as we proceed, on one or two of 
 the expressions on wliich there is a difference of reading.
 
 410 APoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 There is no indication as yet of change of the speaker, 
 or interruption of the narrative begun by him in the pre- 
 ceding verses. Thus the Lord Jesus, symboHcally repre- 
 sented a Kttle before as descending with Hfe-giving lustre 
 on the Roman earth, in prefiguration of the burst of gospel- 
 light vouchsafed by Him at the Reformation, must be con- 
 sidered as still addressing St. John ; and St. John as still 
 the representative, on the Apocalyptic scene, of the re- 
 forming fathers.^ What the speaker no^v directs John's 
 regard to, (of course retrospectively as before,) is the se- 
 cond part of his Witnesses' previous eventful history ; 
 including the Papal wild Beast's ivar against them, — their 
 defeat and slaughter, — and their resurrection. The first of 
 these three periods I propose to discuss in a primary Sec- 
 tion ; the second and third, agreeably with their exceedmg 
 importance and interest, in a distinct Section afterward. 
 
 § I. — The Papal Wild Beast's War against Christ's 
 Witnesses. 
 
 " And, when they shall have perfected their testimony, 
 the Wild Beast that is to ascend from the abyss shall make 
 war against them." 
 
 I shall not here stop to prove that the Wild Beast from 
 the abyss symbolized the ten kingdoms of Papal Christen- 
 dom, or the Popes heading them. A fitter occasion will 
 occur afterwards. Suffice it for the present to observe that 
 the definite article indicates that but one wild beast was 
 figured in the Apocalyptic imagery as of this infernal 
 origin ; that the ascription of the same origin to the seven- 
 headed and ten-horned Wild Beast which in the vision of 
 Apoc. xvii. appeared ridden by the Harlot, or apostatized 
 Romish Church, marks it as the actual one intended ■} and 
 that this last is also identified by many indubitable marks 
 with the seven-headed and ten-horned Wild Beast, which, 
 in the vision of chapter xiii., was seen by the Evangelist 
 
 1 See pp. 114 — 117 supra. 
 
 * " The wild beast which thou sawest was, and is not, and shall ascend out of the 
 bottomless pit : " /xfXXfi ava^aivnv ik ttjc ajivaaov. xvii. 8. Its appearance is de- 
 scribed in verse 3 of the same chapter; "I saw a woman sitting upon a scai'let- 
 coloured beast, full of the names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns. . . 
 And on her forehead was a name written, Mystery, Babylon the Great, &c."
 
 en. YIII. '^ 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 411 
 
 rising ont of the sea ; — perhaps the sea of the Gothic innn- 
 dation.^ Its history was deemed too important to be here 
 described parenthetically, or in passing -. and was made, in 
 fact, the snbject of those two snpplemental visions of chap- 
 ters xiii and xvii, to which 1 have just referred. Thns far, 
 however, the Evangelist might presnme respecting it, even 
 on this its first mention to him : viz. that it was some per- 
 secnting power, that would comprehend and head those 
 Gentile or paganized Christians that had been spoken of 
 just before as usurping occupants of the mystic temple, or 
 professing Church, through the previous period of the Wit- 
 nesses' prophesying :^ also that it was the same ten-horned 
 Wild Beast that had been represented long previously to 
 the Prophet Daniel in vision, as constituting the last and 
 most fearful form of the Roman Empire, in its character of 
 persecutor.^ — Of this Wild Beast, then, it was said by the 
 Angel ; " When they (the witnesses) shall have perfected 
 their testimony, the Wild Beast that is to ascend from the 
 abyss shall make war against them." In the first clause 
 of which sentence the time and occasion of the war is noted ; 
 in the next the wa7' itself. 
 
 1. The time and occasion. — " When thejj shall have per- 
 fected their testimonjl, hrav reXso-wo-i ttjv fj.apropioi.v aorcov, 
 the Wild Beast shall make war against them." To explain 
 the meaning of the clause, " When tlmj shall have 'per- 
 fected''' {orav TsXsa-wa-i,) &c., and show how it marks time 
 and occasion, will need a little careful critical investigation: 
 nor can we proceed satisfactorily to our historical inquiry 
 without in the first place deciding on it. 
 
 ' "I saw a wild beast rise out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns." 
 xiii. 1. — The parallel will be drawn out in my comment on Chapter xiii., and the 
 identity, I trust, irrefragably established. Let me here simply refer to one proof of 
 identity, itself sufficient for the purpose : — viz. the notice in Apoc. xix. 20 of the 
 Beast in its last form, or Bensf from the abyss, as in company with " the False 
 Prophet that did th^ miracles before him ; " in evident allusion to the Beast from the 
 sea, and the two-horned lamb-like Beast (in false Prophet's garb) that did miracles 
 before him, previously described in Apoc. xiii. 11 — 14. 
 
 _ 2 "The court which is -ftithout the temple is given to the Gentiles ; and the holy 
 city shall they tread under foot forty and two months." xi. 2. 
 
 3 Dan. vii. 7 ; " I saw a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and it had ten horns." 
 The manuscript A somewhat remarkably adds the words to TirapTov after 9r)piov, 
 in its text of Apoc. xi. 7 : "And, when "they shall have perfected their testimony, 
 the fourth Beast that is to arise from the abyss, &c."
 
 412 APoc. XI. 7 — 13. [part iir. 
 
 The truth is that few clauses in the Apocalyptic pro- 
 phecy have occasioned expositors so much trouble as this. 
 In our authorized English version it is translated, " And 
 when they shall have finished their testimony ; " as if refer- 
 ring chronologically to the end of the 1260 years of the wit- 
 nessing. And, in so far as the clause itself is concerned, 
 that, I at once admit, may probably at first sight suggest 
 itself as the most natural mode of translating and under- 
 standing it. But, on comparing it tvith the context, it 
 seems to me equally plain that a discerning and thought- 
 ful reader will see reason for concluding that such cannot 
 be here the intended meaning. — For, in the first place, 
 it would imply either that the wild Beast from the abyss 
 never before made war against them ; a supposition con- 
 trary to what is said elsewhere of this Wild Beast, both 
 in Apoc. xiii. andxvii. •} — or that all its long previous wars 
 (not against other parties with which the prophecy might 
 have no concern, but) against them, the two witnesses for 
 Christ, are here passed over in silence ; an omission scarcely 
 credible, considering the importance of the subject.^ — Fur- 
 ther there is this yet stronger objection to the above-stated 
 translation, that it makes the 1260 years expire too soon. 
 F^or the Witnesses' 1260 days of witnessing in sackcloth 
 coincide surely with the Gentiles' 1260 days of treading 
 down the holy city, and the Beast's 1260 of power ;^ so as 
 
 ' In Apoc. xiii. 7 ; " And it was given to him to make war with the saints, and 
 to overcome them:" compared with Apoc. xii. 17, which states the Dragon's direct 
 object in evoking this wild Beast, or at least giving him his seat, and power, and 
 great authority, to be that of making war tvith the remnant of the sun-clothed tvoman's 
 seed, " which kept the commandments of God, and had the teMimonij (or witness) of 
 Jesus Christ." (See my p. 207 suprii.) In Apoc. xvii. 6 : "And I saw the woman," 
 her that sate upon the seven-headed, ten-horned wild beast, and had its co-operation 
 evidently in that course of acting, " drunken with the blood of the saints, and with 
 the blood of the ivitnesses of Jesus." 
 
 2 Such however is Vitringa's supposition, p. 635 : " Quod cave ita accipias post 
 finem demum triennii et seraestris belluam hanc bellum facturam esse Sanctis, et eos 
 victuram ; contrariura enim liquet ex avaXoyi^ omnium prophetiarum hujus libri : . , 
 sed bestiam sub finem, vel post finem triennii et semcstris, vires suas singulari mode 
 esse exerturam ; et extreme quidem sed terribili conatu, scevituram contra testes 
 Christi." 
 
 3 Apoc. xi. 2, 3 ; xiii. 5. See my p. 215 supra. 
 
 The coincidence is admitted at the present time by nearly all interpreters of the 
 most diticrent schools. Of the historical, I need hardly say, are Mede, Vitringa, 
 Daubuz, the two Newtons, Bicheno, Faber, Birks, &c.— Of the Prceterist, I may 
 specify JEichhorn, Heinrichs, Stuart. The latter, on xi. 3, after observing that some 
 old expositors, as Hippolytus, Lactantius, and Andi'eas, had placed the coming of the 
 Witnesses before Antichrist's coming, thus remarks : " But it is so evident, since both
 
 CH. VIII. § 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR 413 
 
 that the latter must end when the former do : whereas, at 
 the epoch in question, those Gentiles, and the Beast heading 
 them, are evidently quite at the height of their triumph and 
 power.'* — Moreover the translation in question makes the 
 Witnesses' 1260 days expire a considerable time before the 
 sounding of the seventh Trumpet. For, after the state- 
 ment (so translating) in the verse before us of the Jims h- 
 ing of the 1260 days' mystic period, there is represented as 
 suhseqiiently occurring the Wild Beast's war against the 
 Witnesses, their death, their resurrection, their ascension, 
 — all consecntive events, not contemporaneous ; then the 
 effects and development of an earthquake, commencing 
 about the time of the ascension of the Witnesses ; then the 
 termination of the second woe ; then (not immediately, but 
 after an interval)^ the sounding of the seventh Trumpet. 
 But our prophecy marks the seventh Trumpet sera as that, 
 specifically, in which '' they that corrupt or destroy the 
 earth " are themselves to be destroyed ; ^ i. e. very spe- 
 cially, as appears afterwards, the Woman of the seven hills, 
 or mystic Babylon,^ and Beast Antichrist her paramour. 
 And so Apoc. x. 7 distinctly; saying that "m the dai/s of 
 the 1th Trumpet the mystery of God (including that of 
 his Witnesses prophesying in sackcloth) shall be finished ; " 
 not before. No doubt their destruction may involve cer- 
 
 periods named are of the same length, that the writer regards them as contempo- 
 raneous, that any etfort to establish this position would seem to be unnecessary." 
 
 Of the Futurist School may be mentioned Dr. Todd, see his Lect. v. p. 178; also 
 Mr. Govett; and as far as regards the Gentiles and the Witnesses' 1260 days, Mr. 
 Trotter. See his Plain Papers, p. 339. 
 
 Mr. Barker, alone of Futurists, so far as I know, would have the Witnesses' 1260 
 days, in considerable part at least, to precede the 1260 days of Gentiles treadin.o- the 
 holy city. But, if so, why the two Witnesses' express prophesying commission for all 
 the 1260 days ; especially noted, as it is, in conjunction with, and as occasioned by, 
 the_ Gentiles treading the holy city ? Why, again, from the first their sackcloth- 
 robing r And how can the idea be made to consist with what is said in Apoc. xii. 
 14 of the Woman (the true Church)'s hiding for 1260 days in the wilderness, and the 
 Dragon's immediately raising up the Beast to make war for the 1260 days on the 
 Woman's witnessing sons for Christ ? But more on this hereafter. 
 
 1 Compare Apoc. xi. 7, 9 ; in which latter verse the delegates "from the nations" 
 are in the Greek ol ik tu)v tOviov the same word that in verse 2 is rendered 
 Gentiles. 
 
 2 Apoc. xi. 14 : " The second woe is past : the third woe cometh quicUy." 
 
 3 "icai dia(p9eipai tovq Sia<p9itpovraQ rrjp yr/v. Apoc. xi. 18. On the twofold 
 meaning of Sia<()6iip(ov, as both destroijing and corrupting, I shall observe again when 
 we come to the consideration of that passage. 
 
 * So Apoc. xix. 2 ; "He hath judged the great harlot, which f^Sfipe Tt]v ytjv, 
 destroyed, or corrupted, the earth with her fornication." 'The Beast's judgment fol- 
 lows that of his city Babylon. See xix. 20.
 
 414 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 tain preliminary consuming judgments, ending in the final 
 catastrophe, such as of the seven last plagues, or seven 
 Vials. But, even so, still this seventh Trumpet, as that of 
 the last Woe, must I think be considered to include them.^ 
 So that its sounding would seem at the least to define the 
 primary end of the 1260 days, or years, of the Beast's 
 authority and success. — A conclusion this confirmed by 
 reference to Daniel's parallel prophecy. For there the 
 Beast's time times and half a time, or 1260 days, of success- 
 ful empire, is terminated by the establishment of Christ's 
 reign with his saints :^ the establishment of which reign is 
 rejoiced over in the seventh Trumpet's heavenly song of 
 paean, as the result of that Trumpet's judgments. — To my 
 own mind these objections drawn from the prophecy itself, 
 quite irrespectively of any particular theory of interpretation, 
 appear all hut decisive against understanding the phrase otolv 
 rsXsa-coa-i to signify the e?id of the 1260 days, or years, of 
 the Witnesses prophesying in sackcloth. — To year-day in- 
 terpreters of the historic school, such as believe that the two 
 witnesses symboHze a line of witnesses for Christ against 
 Papal error, but (translating as above) look for the Witnesses' 
 death as still future, there may be addressed the further ar- 
 gument, that, if their predicted death be even now future, 
 then the prophecy, in its progress to a figuration of it, must 
 have silently past over that mightiest of events in the history 
 of the Christian witness against Popery, I mean the glo- 
 rious Reformation ; — a thing to my own mind utterly in- 
 credible : besides the passing over in similar silence of that 
 mightiest of modern political events, the great French Re- 
 volution ; itself an aera in our world's history. For, in the 
 interval between the prophetic figuration of the Euphratean 
 Turks' destruction of " the third of men," or Greek empire, 
 accomplished in 1453, and that of the Witnesses' warring 
 down by the Beast from the Abyss, and consequent death 
 and resurrection, which, on the hypothesis spoken of, is even 
 noiv, some 70 years after that great Revolution, still future, 
 there occurs nothing in the prophecy but the vision of the 
 
 1 Dr. Keith would place six of the seven Vials under the Sixth Trumpet, and the 
 last vial only under the Seventh Trumpet. But this seems altogether unsj-mmetrical 
 in an Apocalyptic scheme, and unnatural : nor am I aware of a single presumption 
 in its favour. " See my Vindicise Horarine, pp. 55, 56. * Dan. vii. 25—27.
 
 CH. VIII. § 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 415 
 
 rainbow-crowned Angel, and his narration to St. John 
 about the two witnesses' general character and history.— 
 Moreover does it seem hkely, after the present missionary 
 spread of the gospel, that there will ever be a total sup- 
 pression of it ; or suppression as nearly total as before the 
 Reformation ? 
 
 It is not needful that we should stop at the different 
 renderings of the clause that have been proposed, instead 
 of the above, by different expositors ; as Mcde, ' Dauhiiz, 
 Faber. Objections, grammatical or of some other nature' 
 occur against them all.^ It will be better at once to state 
 
 _ 1 The gramraatical rule -nrliicli requires that, in the conjunction of the aorist sub- 
 iunctive with the particles of time hrav, e^ndav, {or, av, sTre^Sr, av,) &c, there should 
 .L. t^%l%^^i°? itlea of an action complete, or co>u'luded," (Matthi^e's Greek Gram- 
 Trl tltf t '})' / '1^1,' e a Ike .^.^.-^ rendering, " JFhen they shall be about finishing," 
 and that ot Baubuz, " Whilst they shall perform their testimony." 
 
 As to Mr Faber' s distinction heiw^een prophesying in sackcloth, as " preaehino- the 
 gospel m a despised and depressed condition," and bearing testimony to the o-osnel 
 as meant " ot sapring martyrdom for it," (S. C. iii. 36,) the foUowing obvious ob! 
 jections unite to set it aside. 1. ^laprvc^a is nowhere used in Scripture, distinct- 
 tvely, as a testimony unto death. St. John was but an exile in PatAos, and never 
 suftered martyrdom. 1 et he speaks of himself as suffering ha rr,v f^aprvp.av lr,lJv 
 f^7T. ^"«^;i«^^«tnctive sense of the word, to which Mr. F. refers as^authoiity" 
 (Vol. up. 81, Ed Huet) seems to have come into vogue not very long before the 
 time when that Father lived; * and it is by no means an absolute festriction - 
 2. Even admit ingOrigen s restrictive sense, fjtaprvpia would mean not the whole 
 previous life ot a Christian faithful among the faithless, but simply the crowiSn^ 
 act of its testimony punished with death. Transferring which view t^ a community 
 or church, the word fiaprvpia could only signify that crowning act of its testimony 
 of which the consequence and punishment might be its destruction as a church and 
 community ; not the whole of its previous existence as a faithful church, for hundreds 
 of years before, so as Mr. Faber would here construe it to mean.— 3 This last ar-u 
 ment applies d fortiori, and ex abundanti, against Mr. F.'s historical explanation • 
 because not only does it make the i^aprvpm to include that which in Orio^en's sense 
 ot the word It cannot include, but actually to exclude that to which alone Ori °en 
 would apply It. For it is not till after the witnesses' finishing their uaprvoca ( uch 
 IS Mr taber's as well as our authorized version's rendering of the woi?l r.LVcr') 
 that the Beast is said to make war upon them ; which war, consequently, whether of 
 longer or shorter duration, intervenes between Mr. F.'s ending of the witnesses' 
 liaprvpta and their conquest by the Beast, and death. What if (assuming OrioJn's 
 sense of the word) it were to be said of the Diodetianic martyr-band, that it was S 
 they had finished their testimony by martyrdom that Diocletian issued edicts of Lv 
 secution against them ,^ edicts under which, some years after, these self-same martyrs 
 suffered death .^ 4. The clause, "And they, my two /aprvpec. shall prZhe^Tvmo 
 daj^ ^nsackclothr implies their being Chri t's \ap4i o! 'u,itnZ!^^^:fZ 260 
 days of their sachchth-robed prophesying : for how could they do the thino- and fbr 
 the time assigned them, in the character of Christ's ^laprvptg, if diirino- a si'eat nart 
 of that time they were in that identical chara cte^nm^jjj^and^ f ^ 
 
 * l"" ^'''^'"'f'^'' *"7',^he use of the word^^^a^l^oT^estricted. " marti/riun?' 
 says he of Shadrach and his brethren, " et sine passione perfectum ; " Adv. Gnost 8 
 (See Haye on TertuUian, p. 137. Nor indeed afterwards. Witness ^wS use 
 of the word, H. E. v. 2 &c. : also The.dorefs, H. E. i. 7 ; where we S of he 
 SniiOQ ixaprvp^v present at the Council of Nice ; some of whom had lost an eve 
 some a leg, &c. For other examples see Suicer on the word MaprvQ. ^
 
 416 APoc. XI. 7—12. [part hi. 
 
 what I trust will approve itself to the reader as the true 
 meaning ; from its satisfying all the requirements of both 
 text and context. And really, on re-consideration, it seems 
 to me very simple. 
 
 Let it be remembered then respecting the verb tsXso) 
 that to finish is by no means its only, or only frequent, 
 sense; but, quite as frequently, to complete, or perfect} 
 For TsT^su) means, accordantly with its etymology, to bring 
 to a rs'kag. And since (to use the words of the Lexicogra- 
 phers Scott and Liddell) " the strict signification of tsXo^ 
 is not the ending of a departed state, but the arrival of a 
 complete and perfect one,'"^ therefore tsX=o> signifies most 
 properly to bring to such a state of completion and perfect- 
 ness. — Now in multitudinous cases, more especially where 
 it is matter that is acted on, when the work has been com- 
 pleted the operation of the agencies employed ceases ; and 
 thus to complete, or perfect, involves the sense also of to 
 
 ^;i So, in effect, our translators render the vei-b in Apoc. xv. 1 ; on iv avraiq trtXtfrGi] 
 6 Qvfioq TH Qis- " for in them is Jilled up the -wrath of God." For Jilled up is there 
 intended evidently in the sense of completed. 
 
 * On TtkoQ, ad" fin.— As the critical question we are discussing is one of great im- 
 portance to the right understanding of the prophecy, I think it well here, and on one 
 or two other connected points afterwards, to illustrate somewhat more fidly than wiU 
 be found done in the Lexicons. 
 
 As regards rtXog-, then, let me give the examples following. 
 
 1. Em-ipidcs, Med. 91G ; lc)0(jut S'i'fiaQ (vrpa<piiQ »//3r;c riXog fioXovraQ- and Alcest. 
 425; sSf yriptoc tfiaQ TiXocKw Ti^id'- On which says Monk ; " We should Anglicise 
 in these passages, Come to the period of youth, the period of old age." I would rather 
 say, to the epoch of perfected youth, the epoch of complete old age; as the word 
 period is one of duration. 
 
 2. So again Sophocles, Antig. 1225; ra vvfi^iKa rcXrf on which Hermann cites 
 Pollux, saying, nXog b yafioc tKuXnTo. Also, to much the same effect, ^sch. Eu- 
 men. 838, yafirjXia rtXoQ- where the Scholiast says in illustration, rug yafiavrae 
 TsXiisg EKciXav. 
 
 3. Plato, Pha'drus, § 138. The agriculturist, says he, airnpag tig to vpoffijKOi', 
 ayaTTwy av iv oyciotfj iJ.r]vi baa taTTtipt TtXog XafSovra' would be well satisfied 
 with his seeds then coming to maturity, or perfection. 
 
 lb. Menex. § 22; tri St Traiaiv aai, kcu tirtitav ng avSpog reXog iwcrtv when 
 they come to man's mature estate, — to perfect manhood. Similar to which is Epinom. 
 tig TTpKTJivTti TtXog acpiKontvoi. 
 
 lb. Legg. viii. § 4; avroig ^jj Toig riXog fx**"'' '7r;rt«:?;v waiSitav aTroSiSotfitv' to 
 those that have reached the age of maturity. 
 
 lb. Menex. § 1 ; ArjXa di] bn TraiSivatwg koi (}>iXoffO(piag tvi TtXii ijyii ttvai, 
 KM, ijjg iKavwg r/Si] wv, nri ra ^ii^o) tirivoiig TpnriaOac thou thinkest thyself to have 
 come to perfect ness in philosophy.* 
 
 * In passages like the following in Jamblichus, where he speaks of the union of 
 the soul with the eternal Aoyoc as to TtXog Ti)g Trap Aiyvir-ioig npaTiKi^g ava- 
 ywyijg, it may be doubtful whether we should understand riXog as the perfection and 
 climax, or the end and ohjevt.
 
 CH. VIII. § 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-AVITNESS WAR. 417 
 
 finish. So to take a Scriptural illustration or two when 
 the work of creation, or when that of building the'taber 
 nacle, or the temple, was completed.^— But not so fat least 
 not necessarily so) when the thing perfected is of such \ 
 nature, whether it be a quality or ^function of some living 
 person acting, or acted on, as to admit of, if not to imnlv 
 a continuation of the thing perfected, and of their acting to 
 Its continuation who perfected it, after the attainment ofihe 
 state of perfectness. For example, in the case of the youno- 
 woman personified in Ezek. xvi., it is supposed evidently 
 hat, after she had had her he^uty perfected, she still con 
 tinued to be adorned with and to exhibit that beauty ' In 
 the cases described by J^schylus or Pindar of a man's 
 prosperity and happiness ^^ perfected, who thinks that they 
 wf ^f^""P V^' f^^^i^hmg and termination thereupon/^ 
 When the athlete, spoken of by Pindar, had had his 
 strength and valour perfected, he is still afterwards sun 
 
 ; / ,^f'^'}^^ ^^^^"«"« n^an eulogized by Xenophon as 
 perfected m temperance, would not, of course, cease to prac' 
 tise that virtue after attaining to perfection in it.^ And the 
 same of those on whom the sacred writer urges the charge 
 
 were completed, and God^ wSrk ^SL ^^ ""'"• ^^' ^^^^^'^^ ^"^^ the earth 
 woSs°o>t?aieS:,rT/'" """'" '"^ ^^^«' ^^'^'^^^'-^' - >-^^^, all the 
 
 th^9p-^^r^^f--^?^-S rSije' t^t^ - 
 
 Jovian; rrjv lia<r.\uav\J uor,Z^:^^Z 7rZ T^7 ^'^^ ^^hanasius to 
 Theodoret, H. E. iv. 3.) Somewhat sfmiSlv P il i 6 "2:^' ,?'^^^'-'^- (^P- 
 
 it;a?ptfec:^tL^;:;"f^e:or;L:^^^^^^^^ % w, for 
 
 «-tt9, fv ry ojpaioruTi y era^a ,7n ai Where tWT/I^ V' *^^P«- 
 
 Xen. (Econom. xxi. 12; TeTt\e,T,xsrog au><P(,or,vvy.
 
 418 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 to "perfect holiness in the fear of God."^ Would they, 
 when hoUness was thus perfected, bring that hohness to an 
 ending, whether in this Ufe, or in the better hfe to come ? 
 In all which examples, let it be observed, it is the same verb 
 reXeo), as here, or its compound synonyms o-uvreXsto or 
 sTriTs'ksa), that are used. — Yet again in James i. 15 we read, 
 " Sin, when it is perfected, ri a/^apr/a aTrorsXsa-Qsicc, bring- 
 eth forth death." Yet not so, witness the case of Adam, as 
 that the sinning would oid, after it had been perfected in 
 act. Similar to which last is a clause in Dan. ix. 24, as ex- 
 plained by Theodoret. "Seventy hebdomads," it is there said, 
 " are determined on thy people, and on the holy city, scog rou 
 7raXata)S7]i/ai to TrapaTrrfOjaa, xcci rou reXs(rQrjvai a[xap- 
 riav so Theodoret's copy.~' On which he thus comments : 
 avTi rou, s(og av ao^riQ-t] aurcov ro 'hurrtre^zg To7^[xr][xcc, 
 xai rsTiog Xa|37] ig a/Jtapr<a* Xsysi 8s aixapriav rsXsi- 
 oou.£Vr\v, xai TraoccTrrco^a 7raXa.iov[J.svov, sit qxjv av^avo- 
 jxsvov, xoLi sig £0"p^arov aipixvouixsvov, rov xoltol too xupiou 
 To'kii.y]^svra a-raupov. That is to say, he explains the phrase 
 T £7,60- Srjv Oil a[xa.prioLv, not as the finishing of sin, so as our 
 English translation of the corresponding Hebrew under- 
 stands it, but as the perfecting of the Jews' national sin, 
 and bringing it to its ctilminating point, ?i\\di height of aggra- 
 vation, in the crucifixion of the Lord Jesus Christ. Yet 
 not so as that their sin should thereupon cease. On the 
 contrary, through the apostles' time, as the Acts and Epis- 
 tles of the New Testament represent it, their sin in its 
 aggravation was perpetuated ; ^ and afterwards also, as 
 Theodoret well knew, clown to his time. And, as by Theo- 
 doret, so was the expression in Daniel explained by Euse- 
 bius before him : Ett* nqg xara rov ^^irrrov roT^ixi^SsKrrig 
 T(ov loohauov £7ri(^ou7\.r]g (tuv srs'ksa-Qrj aurcov >j a/Jtapria, 
 KOt.1 ri TTpog Tov &SOV aSsa-ia TsXog £i7^ri(ps^ — Once more 
 let me illustrate from the history of Sergius which we were 
 lately reviewing, as narrated by Photius and P. Siculus. 
 
 1 2 Cor. vii. 1 ; tTrirtXavrfj aynoavvriv tv (^ofit^ Qts. Where the verb ETrtrtXtw 
 is used in just the same sense as tn-i tijv rtXeioTijra (pepeaOai in Hebr. vi. 1 ; "let us 
 go on unto perfection." 
 
 2 In the Vatican Septuagint it stands thus, rs avvTiXta9r)vai a^iapriav, (cat r« 
 (X(ppayi(Tai a/xapnaf. Theodoret's Version, I imagine, was that by Aquila. 
 
 ^ Acts vii. 51, 1 Thess. ii. 16, 16; &c. 
 
 * Eu^eb. Demonstr. Evang. viii. Mark here the use of the nXog.
 
 CH. VTII. § 1.] TIME or THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 419 
 
 Alike by the one and the other he is spoken of as at length 
 'perfected in impiety, perfected as an instrument of Satan, 
 by the Paiilikian woman's teaching : ^ the result being that, 
 instead of that perfected impiety then terminating, it was 
 carried out into active operation forthwith, and afterwards, 
 even to his life's end.^ 
 
 My conclusion is that, much in the same way, the two 
 Apocalyptic Witnesses' [xa^rv^ia is viewed in the prophecy 
 as a thing of groivth : and that so soon as, having gone 
 through its preliminary stages, it should have come to 
 embrace all the subjects of protest that it was intended 
 to embrace, and shoAvn forth also all its evidence of divine 
 inspiration, so soon it might be said, according to the mind 
 of the Spirit, that the testimony was perfected, or had 
 reached its culminating point ; yet not so as to imply that 
 the testifying was to be then at an end ; but rather that it 
 was thenceforth to be continued in its complete and per- 
 fected form.^ 
 
 But what then the intended parts, or acts, of this ju,ap- 
 
 ' avxvov xpovov Tt\t(j9eig vtt' uvttjq, koi crvvTeXe ffOtig ti]v a a€J3iiav, 
 yivtTai Ts AvTixpi'^ii Trpofpojuof. So Photius i. 99 : and Petrus Siculus, p. 44 ; 
 airtT tXtfftv avTov ipyoKuov th Ata/BoXs. 
 
 From the same sense of TtXiu) and its cognates arose the common patristic appella- 
 tion of TtXeioL, or TtrtXsffjutvoi, given to the baptized, after due catechetical instruc- 
 tion, as persons perfectly indoctrinated in the Christian faith :— an appellative also ap- 
 plied by the heathen to the perfectly instructed in their mysteries. So Thcodoret, in 
 Hos. iv. 14 ; KaOanep I'mtig rsg tojv Otiiov /nuTJjpiwi' ■q^iwutvag Tn'TiiQ{TtrtXe(TfitviiQ) 
 oj'O/xa^ojuti', ovTOJ TETiXifffitvag iiivofia^ov 'FAXriveg thq aKpijSf^tpov StSiSayfitvag 
 rrjv atptTtpav aatfitiav. On the Christian application of the term S. Maxinius re- 
 marks, in close accordance with that observation by Scott and Liddcll which was 
 given at the begiiiinng of this criticism ; TiXtiadai yap tTi to ng rtXeiorijra aytaOai, 
 Sia Tr}g fiira to [ianTtOfia di' evZiinag TrpoKonrig. (Ap. Suicer on rsXcto.) 
 
 2 See pp. 257 — 259 supra. 
 
 3 When first writing on this subject in the Investigator, vol. iii. p. 185, with sub- 
 stantially the same view of the Witnesses' death, resurrection, and ascension that is 
 here advocated, I proposed to construe the otuv nXtcrwaiv, as signifying, "When, 
 or as often as, the witnesses shall have hcen fnlfilUng their testimony." But this 
 was inaccurate and insufficient ; as the context of the passage shows that some marked 
 foint of advance and completeness in the witnessing is intended, such as I have shown 
 TiXiu) to mean in its sense of perfecting. 
 
 And so too as to Hebr. ix. 6, also cited by me in illustration : Avhere it is said of the 
 Jewish priests that " they entered the tabernacle continually, rag Xarptiag iiriTiXovv- 
 Tig, fulfilling their services, or priestly functions : " — a service which, day by day, in- 
 cluded the several acts of receiving incense, carrying it with altar-fire into the holy 
 place and burning it, kindling or snuffing the lamps, &c. : — after the whole of which 
 was accomplished, on any one occasion, the priest might be said to have fulfilled his 
 service, tTtXtas ttjv XaTptiav avTov, yet not so as to have then finally ceased Xut- 
 peviiv. For this was only his dag's Xarptia, not his XaTptia for all the appointed 
 term of service, considered as a whole : nor with any advancement of it to a cul- 
 minating point of completeness at the end of the day, to be continued afterwards. 
 
 27*
 
 420 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 ropia? Obviously a protestation for Christ against each 
 of the successively developed, and enforced, antichristian 
 errors of the apostasy ; errors as defined (not by a comment- 
 ator so as to suit his own hypothesis of interpretation, 
 but) by the Apocalyptic ])rophecy itself: — viz. the sacrament- 
 al error, allusively noted in Apoc. vii., whereby the priest's 
 opus operatum in the sacrament was made the source of 
 life and light to the soul, instead of Christ's Spirit, and the 
 Church visible very much mistaken for Christ's true Clmrcli ; 
 — ^the substitution of the mediator ship and merits of depart- 
 ed saints, which chapter viii. hints at, in place of Christ's 
 mediatorship, merits, and atonement ; — the idolatry, dcemon- 
 tvorship, sorceries, thefts, fornications, and murders of the 
 apostate church and system, specified in chapter ix. ; — 
 finally, the support and headship of the system by the Rom- 
 ish Church and Romish Bishop on the seven hills, with his 
 seven thunders and voice of Antichrist, figured or described 
 in chapters x., xiii., and also xvii. These are the succes- 
 sively developed characteristics of the apostasy noted in 
 the Apocalypse. The protestation of Christ's witnesses had 
 of course to embrace them all.^ And so soon as it might 
 have done this, and brought to bear upon it the full evi- 
 dence of holy Scripture, so soon, I conceive, they might be 
 said to have perfected their testimony, in the intended sense 
 of the phrase before us.^ 
 
 But did then the testimony of those in whom we have 
 thought to trace Christ's witnesses advance till it had em- 
 braced all those points ; and this with the full light of Scrip- 
 ture made to bear on them ? If so, was the epoch a marked 
 epoch ; and did war from the Popedom against them mark 
 its arrival ? Such in fact was the case : indeed so strikingly 
 so, that it is the palpable coincidence of this epoch of com- 
 pletion in the witnesses' testimony with that of the Papal 
 war commencing against them, that, without one's thinking 
 
 ' Compare my successive notices on these points in this and Vol. i. 
 
 2 So very much Hippolytus, in his Treatise ou Antichrist ; Kai brav Ktjpv^uiai 
 TuvTu iravTU, (that is, When they shall have preached all necessary points of fore- 
 warning respecting Antichrist's coming and character,) napa tov Aia/3oXou tv 
 poi.i((iai(} TTiiTovvTai' Kai TrXijpwcrovcn ti]v fiaprvgiav avrwi'. Bib. Pat. (Paris, 
 1624,) ii. 351. 
 
 I have already observed, p. 211, that Hippolytus' idea of the two witnesses was 
 that they would be Enoch and EUas ; [St. John perhaps being superadded;) and 
 that he understood the predicted ^^ years as years literallij to be taken.
 
 CH. VIII. § 1.] TIME OF THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 421 
 
 or seeking for it, might well force this interpretation on 
 the mind. 
 
 From early times we have seen that the witnesses both 
 of Eastern and Western origin made protestation against 
 the sacramental error and the mediator shij) of saints ; setting 
 forth Christ as the one source of life, Christ as the one me- 
 diator and intercessor for sinful men ; and his Church of 
 the faithful as the one and only Church of the promises : 
 also against the idolatries, sorceries, thefts, fornications, 
 inurders, which characterized the apostate priesthood and 
 Church of professing Christendom,^ But against Rome, 
 Papal Rome, as the predicted head of the apostasjj, and 
 Bahijlon and Harlot of the Apocalypse, and against the 
 Roman Popes as Antichrist, they for centuries protested 
 not. Nothing meets us nearer to a protestation on this 
 point, than the Paulikians' saying, " We are Christians, ye 
 Romans,'' and protest (as I view it) against Peter as apo- 
 state,"^ until we come to Berenger's notable statement, 
 made in the xith century, " that the Romish Church was a 
 church of malignants, and its see not the apostolic seat, but 
 that of Satan. "^ And that was but an insulated voice ; and 
 made by one who shrunk from acting the confessor. It 
 was a hint however not lost. A century later came the 
 time of Peter Valdes and his disciples. The Noble Lesson, 
 written by one of them, as we have seen, somewhere be- 
 tween 1170 and 1200, marks in what it says of Antichrist 
 a preparation of mind, indeed more than preparation, to 
 make the great step, and recognise the predicted Babylon, 
 Harlot, and Antichrist in Home and the Popedom ; ^ a step 
 of advance actually taken ere the termination of the xiith 
 century by the Waldenses, orthodox associated Paulikians, 
 and other sectaries.'^ Just at which time also the mighty 
 
 1 See on this the historical summaries beginning pp. 298, &c. 
 
 8 See pp. 300, 321, 322. 
 
 3 See p. 281 supra.— It is remarked on by Tissington, a Romish writer of the 
 xivth century, as a Berengarii sotnniitm, a day-dream of Berenger's^ that at the 
 expiration of the 1000 years from Christ's death Satan was loosed, and his loosing 
 evidenced in the promulgation of before unequalled heresies and errors by the Romish 
 Church ; specially that of transubstantiation. Faber on Waldenses, p. 394. 
 
 * '' We ought to be well advised when Antichrist shall come. But, according to 
 Scripture, there are many Antichrists ;" a statement pointing to the Romish Church 
 (so 1 inferred fi'om the representations previously drawn by the writer of its practices 
 and doctrines) as those of a soul-destroying apostate church. — See pp. 370, 371, 394. 
 
 5 See Reinerius' testimony to this effect given by me, p. 371.
 
 422 APoc. XI. 7 — ] 2. [part hi. 
 
 act was done of the translation and circulation of the Scrip- 
 tures, far and wide, in the vulgar tongue. Then the wit- 
 ness-testimony might indeed be considered to have been 
 brought to its culminating point, and perfected} 
 
 And what then followed ? Forthwith the Popedom — of 
 which previously the separate members alone, acting inde- 
 pendently of the Head, had moved against heretics — 
 roused itself collectively in the 3rd Lateran General Council 
 of 1179, and declared war against them. As Mede ob- 
 serves in one place, though without any reference to the 
 clause or the interpretation before us ; " Never before this 
 time (i. e. the xiith century ) had suspicion arisen of the 
 Papacy being Antichrist."^ And, in another ; " The Beast 
 
 1 The Rev. W. Digby has objected that the Witnesses could not be said to have 
 completed the details of their testimony, until they had set forth the doctrine of 
 justification by faith alone, so as at the Reformation. 
 
 But the objection seems founded on mistake. I believe that which is the essence 
 of the doctrine of justification by faith alone to have been held and propoimded by 
 Augustine, and the most eminent of his followers, though not in the distinct /orewsjc 
 sense. So Luther himself judged. " No sophist," says he, " was ever able to un- 
 derstand these words, ' The just shall live by faith ; ' neither did the Fathers of the 
 Church understand them, St. Augustine excepted." And in another place ; " The 
 best and chiefest sentences in St. Austin are these, ' Sins are forgiven, not that they 
 ai'C no more present, but in that they are not imputed.' And again, ' The law to 
 them is fulfilled, when that is pardoned which is not fulfilled nor performed.' " 
 (Table Talk, i. 23, ii. 87. Also Michelet, i. 12.) Melancthon too refers to Au- 
 gustine as having substantially held the doctrine. (Works, Vol. iii. Fol. Ed.) Also 
 Frince George of Anhalt ; (ap. Seckendorf, iii. 507, 509 :) citing from Augustine's 
 De Spiritu et Litera, c. 13, " CoUigimus non justificari hominem praeceptis bonse 
 vitae, nisi per fidem Jesus Christi ; hoc est non lege operum, sed lege fidei ; non litera 
 sed spiritu, non factorum merita sed gratuita gratia ; " and from his Tract 43 on 
 John ; " Quod rejiciantur qui non fuerint credituri fide, qua sola possent a peccatorura 
 obligatione liberari." He observes further that Augustine's arguments against the 
 Pelagians of his day wei-e precisely applicable to the opponents of the Lutheran 
 doctrines; " ut in articulo de justiticatione coram Deo, de causa nostrse salutis, de 
 lege, de viribus liberi arbitrii, de humanis meritis, de gratia Dei, et remissione pec- 
 catorum, de fide, de bonis operibus, et si qui alii articuli cum his cohaerent." 
 
 To the same eff"ect it is observed by Mr. Keble of Hooker, one of the great masters 
 of our iinglish Church on the doctrine of justification, that the writer to whose inter- 
 pretation he deferred most constantly, and with deepest reverence, was undoubtedly 
 St. Austin. Pref. p. xcviii. 
 
 Nor did Augustine's witness on this point fail of being continued afterwards. On 
 Clande of Turin's correct view of justification by faith see my p. 237, Note^ supra; 
 on that of the Lyonnese Church in the 9th century, the extracts at p. 242, Note'^; 
 on the Fatdikians, pp. 339, 340 : again, on WiclifTs, Le Bas, pp. 207—209. So 
 
 too Walter Brute, A.D. 1391 ; as we see in Foxe iii. 150 The truth seems to me 
 
 this, that the Augustiuian doctrines of grace involved that of justification and for- 
 giveness, freely and gratuitously, on account of the merit of Christ's redemption, 
 Christ's blood, Christ's righteousness ; though t\\c forensic view of the matter set forth 
 by Luther brought it into much clearer and fuller light. See the Rel. Tr. Soc. Church 
 Hist, vi. 422. 
 
 2 " Nondum enira Romanura Pontificem esse magnum ilium, et Kvpiwg dictum An- 
 tichristum . . suspicati sunt ; sed alium triennalem et semestrem expectabant." He
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 1.] THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 423 
 
 made not war against the witnesses immediately from the 
 ^mencement of his existence, but in the xnth {the same 
 xiith) century : at the which time the war was made by 
 him against both Albigenses, Wahlenses, and samts^ ot 
 Christ called, as it might be, by whatever other name. 
 
 2. And thus we come to consider, secondly, the war 
 
 '^'t^i me premise that the delay of this war until the time 
 we speak of, is a thing not to be wondered at It resulted 
 almost necessarily from the circumstance of the gradual 
 growth and development of the Papal Antichrist.-Pirst, 
 and as regards Rome, not until its supremacy was estab- 
 lished over every national church in apostate Christendom, 
 and the circulation transmitted from it as from head to 
 members, could Rome consider itself identified with the 
 prevalent superstitions everywhere, as part and parcel ot 
 its own greatness and weahh. Not until its rehgious supre- 
 macy was estabhshed over each state in Christendom, and 
 the temporal power subjected to the spiritual, con d it com- 
 mand the secular sword to strike down what it called heresy 
 or heretic. Now the Roman pretensions to all this supre- 
 macy bore date as early as the 6th or 7th century But 
 their establishment required time and occasion^ in the 
 9th century the question of the independency of Bishops 
 was brought to issue against them, in the contest between 
 Pope Nicolas I and Hincmar.'^ In the lith, and begmnmg 
 of the 12th, the battle of the investitures with the German 
 
 adds- -'Neque ante hoc tempus (A.D. 1120) quicquam ex omni Christianorum me- 
 adds , i>eque a it i ^ Papatu, magno illo et Ki;pia;c dicto Antichristo. 
 
 tme doctrine of Antichrist was, and was intended to be, a mystery, or secret, till the 
 Sh centiry " A statement quoted and observed on by Maitland, m his Enquiry, p. 
 77 Sep too his Remarks on the Christian Guardian, p. 9o 
 ^^rom tMstime I need hardly say, the witness on this point was perpetuated 
 
 S;s=r^n|^^wah.ns^.s^^^ 
 
 ll;te'Snf 7th-e ^::i:i^:^^^St^e^'\ I; this barbarous 
 transaction we have found no proof of papal interference ; nor indeed have we ob- 
 served any v;ry important pontifical edicts for the extirpation of heresy earlier than 
 Zri7oTlleZld.r HI:" i. e. in the Council o fTours under bis presidencj, 
 A.D. 1163. ' See Wadd. u. 2o.
 
 424 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 Emperors terminated mainly in the Papal favour.^ The 
 monster, the Beast from the Abyss, now appeared in his 
 maturity •? the superstitions and corruptions of apostate 
 Christendom were his very life-blood; the horns of the ten 
 kingdoms growing from his head, his instruments of destruc- 
 tion against opposers : and thenceforth woe to the blasphem- 
 ous unbeliever, or heretic, that might raise a voice against 
 him. — Secondly, and as regards the witnessing hodij for 
 Christ, not until this completed and palpable identification 
 of Rome with the corruptions and apostasy of Christendom, 
 could it be supposed that their duty would seem clear, as 
 they had been before testifying against particular errors of 
 the apostasy, so now to protest against Rome itself, as the 
 centre, source, and head of the apostasy. But then the 
 duty was clear. Hence, after the prior and half-suppressed 
 warning-voice from Berenger, the suspicion, and soon the 
 dehberate protest, based on Scripture, of the early Waldenses 
 against Papal Rome, as the head of all evil in the Church, 
 the predicted Beast from the abyss, the Apocalyptic 
 Babylon, and Antichrist.^ The charge was made, as we 
 have seen, just about the close of the xiith century : and 
 coincidently with it, or nearly so, the Wild Beast, now 
 thoroughly prepared, turned, as might have been expected, 
 his fierce rage against these Witnesses for Christ, and made 
 war upon them.^ 
 
 It needs not that I describe at any length the proceed- 
 ings of the war. — Its earlier actions are traceable, as already 
 towards the close of my previous Chapter anticipatively in- 
 timated,^ in the Councils of the xiith and xiiith centuries. 
 First in a Council at Tours, A.D. 1163, Pope Alexander 
 III, after noticing the detestable Albigensian heresy that 
 had spread like a cancer from Toulouse into various 
 provinces of Gaul, interdicts all from yielding the heretics 
 
 1 Wadd. ii. 110. See also Mosheim. 
 
 2 Thus Gibbon, xi. 152, notices the sera of Innocent III as that of the meridian 
 of papal greatness. And so also Mede, as cited in a note just preceding. 
 
 3 See the Discussion at Montreal in 1207 ; also Reiner, in a passage just before 
 referred to. See pp. 370, 371 supra. 
 
 * Muston, p. 321, quotes Thuamis writing thus as to Rome's dealing with here- 
 tics; " Sanguini semper parcitum est donee ad tempora Waldensium perventum : " 
 a statement to the same eifect as Mede's quoted before by me : — adding however from 
 Eoyer ; " Depuis ce tems la on n'a cesse de les persecutor, et de leut faire Jn guerre :" 
 the very Apocalyptic phrase. ^ See pp. 368, 369 supra.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 1.] THE PAPAL ANTI-WITNESS WAR. 425 
 
 refuge, and from communicating with them in buying and 
 seUiiig, or in the solace of human conversation.^ Next 
 followed the decree of the 3rd Lateran Council, A.D. 
 1179, (a general Council, under the same Pope, of Western 
 Christendom,) against both Cathari, Patareni, Publicani, 
 and heretics of other appellation : pronouncing anathema 
 on them and their followers ; and forbidding that any should 
 harbour them while alive, or when dead give them Christian 
 burial.^ — In 1183 a Bull of Lucius III, Alexander's suc- 
 cessor, was issued ; in the purport of which the Emperor 
 Frederic (i. e. Prederic 1) is said to have expressly coincid- 
 ed ; denouncing anathema against Cathari, Patareni, Arnal- 
 distse, and those who called themselves Humihati, or Poor 
 Men of Lyons : their favourers to be given up for punish- 
 ment to the secular arm, after prior degradation if of the 
 order of clergy ; and inquisition (a fearful word now first 
 broached) to be carried on, for their more effectual detection 
 and suppression.^ In 1198 Innocent III succeeded to the 
 Popedom : and instantly showed what was to be one chief 
 characteristic of his reign, by Epistles written to various 
 prelates in the first year of his pontificate ; charging them 
 to gird themselves for the work of extirpation, and to em- 
 ploy, if necessary, the arms both of princes and people.* 
 Then followed his mission of X^'^^/a/es, assisted by the Spaniard 
 Dominic, as Inquisitors into the heretical pravity of the 
 district of Toulouse : then, at a few years' interval, the pro- 
 clamation of a Crusade, with all its horrors,^ against the 
 heretics. The institution of the Franciscan and Dominican 
 
 1 Harduin, vi. ii. 1597. I here take for granted, and without any doubt in my 
 own mind on the subject, that among these condemned Albigensian heretics there 
 were included some ot those with whom the Lyonuese Waldenses mixed afterwards, 
 as being on essential points similar in faith. See pp. 382 — 384 supra. 
 
 Compare, on this exclusion of the heretics from bujing, selling, the use of the 
 market, and all open social intercourse, a similar exclusion of the early Christians by 
 heathen Home. So the Letter of the Lyounese Christians ; wfrre ^rj jjiovov oikiidv 
 Kai ^oKaviiwv Kai ayopag npyiaQat, aWa Kai tov <a6o\ov ipaivtaOcu r;jua»J' riva 
 avToig aTrfipy(T6ai. Euseb. H. E. v. 1. This is noted by Casaubon on Lampridius' 
 Life of Alex. Severus, c. 1-5. 
 
 2 Hard. ib. 1683. ^ lb. 1878.— See on this my p. 369 supra. 
 
 * " This last suggestion," says Dean Waddington, ii. 187, "was provident. The 
 populace might sometimes be excited to an act of outrage, when the authorities were 
 neutral in the quarrel." 
 
 * Take what follows as a specimen. " When the crusaders were on the point of 
 storming Beziers, some one inquired how the Catholics were to be distinguished from 
 the heretical inhabitants, in the massacre about to take place. ' Kill them all,' re-
 
 426 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 orders furnished a supply of instruments well fitted to carry 
 out the schemes of inquisition and of blood. ^ The 4th La- 
 teran General Council, in 1215, re-urged and sanctioned all 
 former plans for the extirpation of heresy : the secular 
 powers being expressly subordinated to the spiritual for the 
 purpose ; vassals absolved from their allegiance, in case of 
 any secular lord, dependent or supreme, refusing ;'^ and 
 crusaders against the heretics rewarded with every the same 
 indulgence and privilege as the Crusaders to the Holy Land. 
 That of Narbonne,^ and then that of Toulouse^ followed ; 
 Councils presided over by Legates of the Roman See : in 
 which, besides other methods of detection, even children 
 were compelled on oath to denounce all whom they might 
 know as heretics •,^ and, besides other methods of suppres- 
 sion, the Holy Scriptures, that dreaded source of light, were 
 strictly interdicted to the laity. *^ I shall but allude further, 
 in passing, to the subsequent anti-heretical Councils of 
 Aries, of Narbonne again, and of Tarragona, in the years 
 1234, 1235, 1242 respectively;' to Gregory the IXth's Bull 
 against heretics in 1230;^ and in 1244 Innocent the IVth's, 
 citing and enforcing the cruel edicts of Frederic 11.^ — The 
 
 plied Arnold, a Cistercian Abbot, who happened to be present ; ' God will know Ms 
 own.' His advice appears to have been followed ; and about 7000 of aU persuasions 
 suffered." Ibid. 189; Gieseler ii. 385. 
 
 1 So Mosheira, xiii. 2. 2. 26 ; " Binae hoe familiae lahantem ecclesine Romance for- 
 tunara hiT?reticis explorandis et extirpaudis'. .mirifice fulciebant." He says elsewhere 
 (ib. 24) that they did for the support of the Romish Church in the xiiith century, 
 what the Jesuits did for it in the xvith. — See, on their rise, my pp. 34, 389. 
 
 2 " Si Dominus temporalis, requisitus et monitus ab ecclesia, terram suam purgare 
 neglexerit ab hac haeretica fceditate, per metropolitanum . . excommunicationis vinculo 
 innodetur. Et si satisfacere contempserit intra annum, significetur hoc Summo 
 Pontifici ; ut extunc ipse vassallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos, et terram 
 exponat catholicis occupandam, qui earn exterminatis haereticis sine uUa contradic- 
 tione possideant . . . . salvo jure domini principalis, dummodo super hoc ipse nullum 
 prmstet obstaciilmn ; . . . . eadem nihilo minus lege servata circa eos qui non habent 
 dominos principales." Hard. vii. 19. The reader should mark how the suzerains, 
 as well as inferior chiefs, were included. ^ A.D. 1227. Hard. vii. 148. 
 
 * A.D. 1229. Ib. 176. s n, 178. Canon xii. 
 
 6 "Prohibemus etiam ne libros Veteris Testamenti ant Novi laici permittantur 
 habere ; nisi forte Psalterium vel Bre^-iarium pro divinis officiis, aut Horas beatag 
 Mavise, aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne proemissos libros habeant in vul- 
 gari translatione arctissime inhibemus." Ib. 178; Canon xiv. ; a Canon already 
 alluded to pp. 21, 22, 375 supra. 
 
 ' Harduin vii. 236, 251, 349. In this of Tarragona, the Insabbatati, Valdenses, 
 and Paiiperes de Liigduno are particularized. — Of the same date is Innocent the 
 IVth's Constitution " for the extirpation of the tares of heresy," addressed to the 
 Lombard Princes. Ib. 354. » Hard. vii. 163. Noted in M'Crie's Italv, p. 4. 
 
 9 Harduin ib. 354, 370—374. Alluded to p. 386 supra.— By one of these Edicts of 
 Frederic, heretics were condemned to i\^ejire. But it was allowed to the Bishops to
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 427 
 
 fact of tlie commencement of this Papal anti -Witness war 
 is strongly marked in European history.^ The Popes, and 
 all Western Christendom under their leading, had evidently 
 entered on it as a ivar of extermination against all whom 
 Rome might adjudge heretics -.—against the Waldenses and 
 associated Albigenses pre-eminently ; those whom we have 
 seen reason to regard as pre-eminently Witnesses for Jesus. 
 
 ^ 2. Defeat and death of the Witnesses. 
 
 The progress of the Papal war against them, in the xuth 
 and two following centuries, has been already briefly sketch- 
 ed in my exposition of what is said in Apoc. ix. 21 of 
 murders, as one of the sins chargeable on the men of West- 
 ern Christendom, before and after the destruction of Con- 
 stantinople by the Turkish woe.^ In fact persecution fol- 
 lowed the Waldenses (in the enlarged sense of the word)^ 
 into all their missions and settlements : not in Piedmont 
 and Dauphiny alone ; but in Spain and in Calabria, m 
 Prance and in Planders, in Germany and in Bohemia. 
 Everywhere the blood-hound spirit of the Inquisition, even 
 though the //o/y Office might not have been regularly or- 
 ganized in the country, pursued and tracked them: and 
 the tvild Beast from the abyss, or Papal power acting on 
 and directing the secular in Western Europe, adjudged 
 them to condign punishment. Nor was it against W\il- 
 denses only ; but against those who, whether off-shoots de- 
 rived directly from them, or not, were inspired with the 
 same spirit of witnessing for Christ : against Wicliff and 
 
 show mercy, where they thought proper ; "provided the tongues of those who should 
 bepf.rdoned were cut out, so that they might not again blaspheme ! " M'Cne, ib. p. 6. 
 
 1 The Jesuit Grefzer, in his Prolegomena in Lucce Tudensis Succedaneos, has a 
 chapter on the measures " quibus sectse Waldensium, nimium sese diffundenti, obviam 
 itum sit," i. e. in the xiith and xiiith centuries, which he thus sums up :— 1st, the 
 zeal and labours of Dominic and the Dominicans :— 2, the Inquisition :— 3, the Coun- 
 cils; specially the 3rd and 4th Lateran: — 4, the Pontifical Constitutions against 
 heretics :— o, the anti-heretical Crusades :— 6, the imperial laws, specially of Frederic 
 II ; whereby, among other enactments, heretics themselves were adjudged (as persons 
 guilty of ivorse than treason) to infamy, confiscation, death, and, if obstinate, death 
 hj public burning ; also their favourers excluded from office, as well as from admission 
 into courts of justice, either as witnesses or suitors; and from the power either ot 
 inheriting or ivilling away property ; further, if temporal lords, condemne^ to de- 
 privation of their lands and territories, which were to be abandoned to Catholic in- 
 vaders. B. P. M. XXV. 256, 257. 
 
 2 See my pp. 20—23, and 28—30, supra. » See pp. 382, 385, 386.
 
 428 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 the Wicliffites more especially in England, and Hnss and 
 the Hussites in Bohemia.^ — It was marvellous, considering 
 the might arrayed against them, that these witnesses en- 
 dured as they did. Through not the xiiith only, but the 
 xivth and xvth centuries also, in spite of racks and prisons, 
 of the sword and of the flame,^ their voice was still raised 
 in protestation against the lies of Popery, and for the 
 truth as it is in Jesus. ^ At length however, as the xvth 
 century drew to a close, after a furious renewal of crusades 
 against the Waldenses of Dauphiny and Piedmont, and 
 the purer surviving section of the Hussites in Bohemia, 
 the attainment of the Papal object seemed at hand, and 
 victory nearer and more near within its grasp. — It was just 
 what had been predicted. For, " The wild Beast from the 
 
 ' FopUniere, in the 1st Book of his History of France, thus writes on this point. 
 " La doctrine des Vaudois a ete communiquee aux Anglais par les habitans de 
 quartiers d'Alby, nommes Albigeois, qui en ce terns la se trouvaient leurs voisins ; 
 parcequ'alors les Anglais possedaient la Guienne, at qu'elle fut semee dans I'en- 
 tendement de plusieurs qui la porterent en Angleterre, ou elle tomba de main en 
 main dans la tete de Viclef, fort renomme theologien dans I'Universite d' Oxford. . . 
 Un ecolier porta a Prague un livre de Viclef, nomme ' Des Universales ; ' lequel 
 eclaircit la doctrine deja des long tenis semee en Bohtme par les Vaudois, qui s'y 
 etiient refugies des le terns de Valdo." Cited by Leger i. 176; and Peyran sur les 
 Vaudois, pp. 12, 13. (Ed. Sims.) 
 
 Leger, Part i. p. 19, (after D'Aubigny,) says that Lollard, a Waldensian pastor, 
 went to London, and there disseminated Waldensian or Gospel principles : and that it 
 was from him that the later sectaries (of Wicliffite principles) were called Lollard^.* 
 
 Milner represents this Lollard to have been a converted Franciscan ; to have first 
 preached to the English in Guienne, then an English Province under Edward III ; 
 and at length to have been burnt by the Inquisitors at Cologne, p. 557. f 
 
 Camerarius, in his History of the Bohemian Brethren, (p. 264,) similarly speaks 
 of Wicliff as a spiritual ally of the Waldenses ; " Viclef us a Waldensibm adjutus 
 dicatur;" adding also of him, "qui Hussmm nostrum excitavit." Comenius, in his 
 "Persecutions of the Bohemian Church," notes in Ch. xx. its communion with the 
 Moravian Waldenses in the xvth Century. 
 
 On Muss's connexion with Wiclitf see further Southey's Book of the Church, p. 
 228, who states that Lord Cobham sent copies of Wicliff s writings into Bohemia ; 
 and L'Enfant, Hist, of Council of Constance, B. i. 21. 
 
 2 For the form of a Wicliffite' s execution see my abstract from Southey, p. 164 supra. 
 
 3 " In England and Scotland the disciples of Wicliff, vulgarly stigmatized by the 
 title of Lollards, continued to inveigh against the laws of the Pontifls, and licentious 
 manners of the clergy. And the Waldenses, though persecuted and oppressed on all 
 sides, and from every quarter, raised their voices from their remote valleys and hiding- 
 places, whither they were driven by the violence of their enemies." Mosheim xv. 2. 
 3. 2. — See also Le Bas' Life of Wicliff, p. 430 — 434, on the continuance of the Lol- 
 lards' witnessing through the reign of Henry VII ; i. e. up to the year 1510. 
 
 * Otherwise, as Southey, Book of Ch., p. 206, and Gieseler iii. 99, from lollen, to sing. 
 
 t If so, Lollard was not the first monkish Inquisitor changed from a persecutor 
 to a convert, and martyr. Echard, a Dominican, is particularly noted about the year 
 1230. After persecuting to the death, he inquired, was comdnced, and joined the 
 Waldensian Brethren; then preached, and was martyred in 1234 at Heidelberg. So 
 Milner, Cent. xiii. c. 4, p. 557 ; and Monastier i. 160.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 429 
 
 abyss shall make war on them," was not the whole of the 
 prophecy. It had been added ; " And he shall conquer 
 them : and he shall Mil them." 
 
 And thus we are brought to a point in the witnesses' 
 history, retrospectively sketched for his servants' consider- 
 ation by the Angel-Spirit of the Reformation, of the deep- 
 est interest ; viz. the slaughter and death of the Witnesses. 
 Being a point, both in itself and in respect of events 
 connected with it, of such extraordinary interest and im- 
 portance, it is described in the Angel's narrative with 
 corresponding distinctness and circumstantiality. Nor, 1 
 think, does it need more than to attend carefully to all the 
 particulars predicted, in order to arrive at a pretty clear 
 conviction, that the intended epoch was that which im- 
 mediately preceded the Reformation. 
 
 1. The first indication notable in the prophecy is the 
 strength of the figure used, to the effect of these two wit- 
 nesses being hoth of them killed by the Papal Beast, and 
 hjing dead. I speak of it as a figure because, the witnesses 
 being symbolic, the death spoken of must be considered 
 symbolic also : but it is a figure so strong as to signifv no- 
 thing less than the complete silencing of those they repre- 
 sented ; — their apparent extermination, in fact, before Chris- 
 tendom. NoAv when w^as there any such complete silencing 
 of all witnessing for Christ, and against the apostasy ? I 
 deem it essential, in order to a satisfactory solution of the 
 question, that the period fixed on should be that at which, 
 — not by the prophetic commentator s partial representation, 
 but by common consent of historians, the voice of anti-papal 
 testimony was most effectually silenced throughout Europe, 
 and the Popedom (though with some quick following re- 
 action, such as the Apocalyptic sequel signified) most tri- 
 umphant. And I may boldly say that there is but one 
 sera in European history that can ansvver this condition; 
 — I mean the opening of the xvitli century, just before the 
 Reformation. — Let us pause a few moments on the eera. 
 In a former sketch of the close of the xvth century,^ it was 
 mentioned that in the year 1499 the Bohemian witness- 
 
 1 See p. 39 supra.
 
 430 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 churches sent deputies, to search throughout Europe for 
 other churches of kindred anti-papal feehng and profession ; 
 but that such had been the silencing effect of the crusades, 
 carried on just a little before against the Waldenses of 
 France and Piedmont, that the deputies returned unsuccess- 
 ful.^ The Brethren had only, it is related, to implore God's 
 mercy on fallen Christendom ; and, in hope of some gracious 
 interference in its favour, to pass the resolution that same 
 year in a synod, that if anywhere God should raise up 
 faithful teachers and reformers of the church, they would 
 make common cause with them. — Soon after this the 
 Bohemian United Brethren (the only ones of the Hussite 
 schismatics, as a little before remarked, that could be 
 regarded any longer as witnesses for Christ) ^ were them- 
 selves all but silenced ; in part through a persecuting 
 decree of the Diet and king Wladislas.^ — And thus what 
 was the prospect of things when the new century opened ? 
 Says Cardinal Pallavicini, the famous Romish historian of 
 the Council of Trent : " In the West the true faith flour- 
 ished, with scarce any contamination attaching to it : there 
 remaining only, almost invisible, certain minute stains of 
 ignoble and despised heresies, followed by a little flock of 
 rustic and rude men -. the remnant either of the Waldenses, 
 or of the followers of John Huss, wdio had been condemned 
 and burnt a century before, in the Council of Constance :"^ 
 — a view of things just similar to that of the more enlighten- 
 ed and semi-Protestant historian of the Tridentine Council, 
 Padre Paolo? Says Moslieim : " As the xvith century 
 
 1 Best's Histoire des Freres, i. 106: " Ces deux deputes ne trouverent, sauf un 
 petit nombre de Yaudois opprimes, que quelques fidbles isoles, qui soupiraient en 
 silence apresla delivrance d' Israel." Bost by mistake dates this A.D. 1489 ; stating 
 that it was the second of two such missions. Fleming more coiTectly dates them 1497 
 and 1499. For the second mission heai'd of Savonarola's death ; which occurred 
 April, 1498. 
 
 - I refer my readers to the Appendix for a brief historic sketch of this section of 
 the Hussites ; marking their distinctiveness from the Bohemian Calixtines, and their 
 true witness-character. It is taken from the Yindicice Horarise. 
 
 ^ I shall have to enter more particularly in a little while on the then state of the 
 Bohemian witnessing Churches. 
 
 * " Nel occidente la vera fide fioriva per poco incontaminata : rimandosi quasi in- 
 visibili alcune minute macchie d'ignobili e disprezzate eresie, seguitate da picciol 
 grege d' uomini rustici e idioti ; che cran reliquie o degli antichi, Valdesi, o de' se- 
 guaci di Giovanni Huss." Yol. i. p. 17. (Ed. Milan, 1831.) 
 
 * " In the beginning of the xvith century. . . there appeared no urgent cause to 
 celebrate a Council. . . For the complaints of many Churches against the greatness of
 
 CHAP. VIII. ^ 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 431 
 
 opened, no danger seemed to threaten the Roman Pontiffs. 
 The agitations excited in former centuries by the Waldenses, 
 Albigenses, Beghards, . . . and afterwards by the Bohe- 
 mians, had been suppressed aj\d extinguished by counsel and 
 the sword. The surviving remnant of Waldenses lived 
 hardly, pent up in the narrow limits of the Piedmontese 
 valleys : . . . and those of the Bohemians, who were opposed 
 to the tenets of Rome, through their weakness and ignor- 
 ance, could attempt nothing ; and thus were an object of 
 contempt, rather than fear." ^ And as Mosheim, so his 
 more spiritual follower in ecclesiastical history, 3Iilner : — 
 " The xvith century opened with a prospect of all others 
 the most gloomy, in the eyes of every true Christian. Cor- 
 ruption both in doctrine and practice had exceeded all 
 bounds. The general face of all Europe, though Christ's 
 name was everywhere professed, presented nothing that 
 was properly evangelical. . . . The Waldenses were too 
 feeble to molest the Popedom ; and the Hussites, divided 
 among themselves, and worn out by a long series of con- 
 tentions, were reduced to silence'' ^ So again SchroJch.^ 
 And so, (not to multiply authorities further,) in language 
 strikingly to the point, the ivriter on the Rtformation in the 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica : " Everything was quiet ; every 
 heretic exterminated ; and the whole Christian world supine- 
 ly acquiesced in the enormous absurdities inculcated on 
 them ; [sc. by the Romish Church ;] when" — I only break 
 off the quotation, at his notice of just such a speedy, sudden, 
 and extraordinary revival of the ivitnessing, as we saw from 
 the prophetic sequel ought to follow the event intended by 
 
 the Court seemed absolutely to be appeased, and all the countries of the Western 
 kingdoms were in the communion and obedience of the Church of Rome. . . Only in 
 a small part, . . where the Alps are joined with the Pyrenees, there were some re- 
 mains of the old Waldenses or Albigenses : in whom, notwithstanding, there was so 
 great simplicity and ignorance in learning, that they were not fit to communicate 
 their doctrine unto others ... In some cantons also of Bohemia there were some 
 few who maintained the same doctrine ; . . whose increase could not be feared for the 
 same reason." p. 3. (English Transl. London, 1676.) 
 
 ^ Cent. xvi. i. 1. His expression about the suppression of the Waldenses, &c., is 
 '' ferro et consilio compressi et extincti erant." 
 
 2 Cent. xvi. i. 
 
 3 Schrokh's testimony will be found as follows. " Die Waldcnser Wikliffiten 
 und Hussiten waren entweder durch ihrer Uebermacht ganz vernichtet ; oder zu so 
 swachen Ueberbleibsalen heruntergebracht worden, dass diese ft-oh seyn mussten, hin 
 und wieder, nur noch geduldet zu werdeu." Christliche Kii'chen Geschichte, seit der 
 Reform. Theil i. p. 75.
 
 432 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 the death of the Witnesses : of which revival all the histor- 
 ians above cited proceed also to speak in contrast ; and of 
 which more hereafter.^ 
 
 Thus does the frst characteristic of the predicted wit- 
 ness-suppression, namely its co?npleteness throughout West- 
 ern Christendom, (a completeness such as to answer to the 
 strong figure of Christ's two witnesses appearing hoth of 
 them ^ kitted by the Beast from the abyss, and tying dead,) 
 fix the epoch approximately, on the clear testimony of his- 
 tory, to some little after the commencement of the xvith 
 century. A reference, such as has been suggested by cer- 
 tain commentators, to one or another partial suppression of 
 Protestant preaching, in one or another country of Western 
 Christendom, sid)sequent to the Reformation, is, I conceive, 
 by this one point of inconsistency, (even were it the only 
 one,) put at once and altogether out of the question.^ 
 
 2. The same epoch will appear to be pointed out, only 
 
 1 I must beg my reader's particular attention to this concurrent voice of history, 
 on the point in question ; because Dr. Keith has most strangely misrepresented my 
 view of the Witnesses' death, as if altogether dependent on an expression by an orator 
 in the Lateran Council, of which more in the sequel. — Other testimonies, more exactly 
 defining the epoch, will be added a Uttle later. 
 
 2 The expression tttw^u, or dead hody, i. e. of the two Witnesses, in the singular 
 number, while indicating the figurative notice of the propheey, may also perhaps fur- 
 ther indicate the unity in spirit of such witnesses as till then remained. — Compare 
 Deut. xxviii. 26 ; " Thy carcase shall be meat to the fowls of the air." Said of the 
 Israelitish nation. 
 
 3 For example, 1st Ciminghame' s ; (much like one of Brightman' s ;) which refers 
 the slaughter of the Witnesses to the Interim Decree May, 1548, consequent on Charles 
 Vth's victory over the Protestants at Muhlburg in 1547 ; their resurrection to Prince 
 Maurice's victory and the consequent Treaty of Passau, A.D. 1552, near four years 
 after ; whereby civil and political equality was awarded to Protestants throughout the 
 German empire. — 2. Bishop LloyrTs and Mr. Whiston's, which dates the Witnesses' 
 death from the Duke of Savoy's slaughter and banishment of the Waldenses from Pied- 
 mont, December, 1686; their resurrection from their triumphant return under Henry 
 Arnaud, June 4, 1690 :— just similar to which is Mr. Fader's; except that he dates 
 the death from the Duke of Savoy's Edict forbidding the exercise of their religion, 
 Jan. 31, 1686, the resurrection Aug. 16, 1689, when the exiles invaded Savoy. — 3. 
 That of Messrs. Irving and Frere ; which supposes the slaughter of the Witnesses to 
 have occurred Nov. 1793, on the French national espousal of atheism; their resurrec- 
 tion on the national re-profession of Christianity, June 17, 1797. 
 
 What meanwhile of the English witness-church at each of these epochs ? — For in- 
 stance, with regard to the first mentioned, Mr. Cuninghame's observation on another 
 occasion, (Appendix, 357,) "It will not be disputed that in the reign of the English 
 Elizabeth the Witnesses were in the political heaven of England," applies nearly as 
 much to the reign of Edward VI; in which, as he says justly elsewhere, (p. 110,) 
 the English Reformation " was completed." How then could that be the period of 
 the death of the tivo Witnesses, which, as being comprehended in Edward's reign, was 
 that of their political ascent and exaltation in England } Not to add, how could they 
 be slain in Germany itself by an Ordinance of doctrine and worship professedly ad 
 interim only, purposely ambiguous, and as offensive (see Mosh. xvi. 1. 4. 4.) to the 
 Papists as to the Protestants? — Again, with regard to Mr. Faber's view, it was dming
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 433 
 
 mucli more exactly and definitely, by the predicted circiim' 
 stantials of the two Apocalyptic witnesses' death, or rather 
 of its pubhc evidence and recognition ; — circumstantials as 
 io place and occasion. 
 
 The local scene of their being exposed as dead is de- 
 scribed as " the •K'KaTsioi (that is, the hroad street, ov place) 
 of the great city : " ^ that same great city, it is added, " which 
 is spiritually called Sodom and Egypt ;" and "■where also 
 their Lord^ [the Lord of the two witnesses] was crucified" ^ 
 A passage this so critically important, and with such a 
 bearing on all Apocalyptic interpretation, as to demand our 
 most especial care in the consideration of it. 
 
 There are, we see, four designatives to the city : — the 1st, 
 the city the great one, obviously literal ; the two next, Sodom 
 and Egypt, declaredly in a sense not literal, but figurative, 
 and as spiritually understood ; the 4th, tvhere also their Lord 
 e(rTauf>coS7}, in a sense more doubtful; whether literal like 
 the 1st, or figurative and spiritual, like the two that imme- 
 diately precede it. It is in fact on the prima facie doubt- 
 fulness of the intent of this last that doubt has chiefly risen 
 on the question, whether the predicted scene of the two 
 witnesses' death be Bome or Jerusalem. 
 
 Now to myself, I must beg to say, the primary designa- 
 tive seems so decisively and necessarily to indicate Rome, 
 that nothing but the absolute impossibility of applying the 
 other three designatives to it (and instead of any such impos- 
 sibility the perfect applicability of all three will soon appear) 
 
 tlie 'time of the Witnesses' supposed death that King William III was established, 
 distinctly in virtue of his Protestantism, on the English throne. 
 
 Mr. Faber's view labours with other difficulties, from his making the two distinct 
 Waldensian and Albigensian Chiu'ches his two Witnesses. For where is his evidence 
 that the Waldensic Church, for example, was established as a separate Church from 
 Rome before the time (above two centuries after his date) of Claude of Turin } Be- 
 sides that its witnessing was no fxaprvpia, in his own sense of the word, i. e. as wit- 
 nessing unto death, (see my Note \ p. 415 supra,) till long after Claude. 
 
 1 It is to be remembered that the correct reading of the Greek Text here seems to 
 he tTTi rrjQ TrXaTtiag ti]q TroXfiog rrje fieyaXijg, with the ri]g inserted before 
 ■jroXiojQ. So Tregclles and Wordsworth, in their late elaborate and critical Editions 
 of the Apocalyptic Text ; it being so given alike in the Codex Alexandriuus and Codex 
 Ephracmi, as well as many others. So too Heinrichs. And 'Bishop Middleton, on 
 the Greek Article, (ad Apoc. x. 8,) says that " the Greek practice requires the rrjg." 
 
 ^ 6 Kvniog avroji' is the reading of the critical editions ; as I have observed before. 
 
 2 tffravpwGi}. Perhaps, rather, has been crucified. The aorist, as already remarked 
 from WatthisD, p. 201 supra, has sometimes the sense of a perfect. Such "e.g. is the 
 rendering of f/Sadrairav, tDjOT/rTag, iviKrjve, Apoc. ii. 3, iii. 8, v. 5, &c., in our English 
 translation. 
 
 VOL. II. 28
 
 434 APOC. XI. 7 12. [PATIT III. 
 
 would seem to me even to open the question as to the 
 alternative of any other city. Tor in a drama, like the 
 Apocalypse, of the most beautiful unity and consistency, 
 the city the great one, from the very nature of the expression, 
 must needs be a title applicable to but one city ; not, 
 indifferently and alike, to two : and we have elsewhere the 
 divine interpreter's own explanatory statement as to the real 
 city meant by it ; " The woman thou sawest [the one seat- 
 ed on seven hills^ is >) ttoX/^ tq /AsyaXrj, the city the great one, 
 that ruleth over the kings of the earth." ^ So the title is 
 fixed to Rome : and that it is one most fit, is evident ; as 
 Rome was known and celebrated in St. John's time, and 
 long after, as xolt s^o^tjv the jasyaXoTroXi^, or great cityr — 
 In six places elsewhere in the Apocalypse (I mean six 
 besides Apoc. xvii. 18 just cited, and the verse now under 
 discussion) does the same phrase occur : and in Jive of 
 these (viz. Apoc. xviii. 10, 16, 18, 19, 21) confessedly by 
 all interpreters, and necessarily, with reference to Rome ; 
 also the same in the remaining sixth too, (Apoc. xvi. 19,) 
 by confession of almost all interpreters, and in my opinion 
 just as necessarily as the rest.^ A fact this strongly con- 
 hrmatory of course of my view of the same application of 
 the term attaching here. — Further it is the great seven-hilled 
 city, Rome, that is in Apoc. xvii. 3 distinctly and intimately 
 associated, so as is this city, with the witness-destroying 
 
 ' Apoc. xvii. 9, 18. 
 
 2 So e. g. Mauilius, in Augustus' time, Lib iv. ; 
 
 Italia in summ&. ; quam rerum maxima Eoma 
 Imposuit terris, , 
 
 So too Eusebius, in the Constantin. Drat. c. 22: avvoiSs Kai iiraivti t) fityaXoiro- 
 Xtf and again in his De Laud. Constant, c. 13. On the former see Valesius' Note. 
 
 3 Apoc. xvi. 19 is as follows : " And the city the great one was divided into three 
 parts ; and the cities of the nations fell ; and the great Babylon came up in remem- 
 brance before God, to give her the cup of the wine of the ^vl•ath of his anger." Now 
 the great Babylon is in the next chapter emphatically declared to be the city the 
 great one. So that, if Jerusalem were meant by the city the great one in the former 
 clause, the intent of the passage would be this : " And the city the gi-eat one, viz. 
 Jerusalem, was divided into thi-ee parts ; and the city the great one, viz. Babylon, came 
 up in remembrance before God." This would indeed be Babylonian confusion. 
 
 Out of the two divisions of interpreters, the Prteterist and the Futurist, that would 
 alike (in accordance with the common necessities of their respective theories) suppose 
 Jerusalem to be the great city of the Witnesses' death, all the former, I believe, e. g. 
 Eichhorn, Heinrichs, Lee, Moses Stuart, explain the great city in Apoc. xvi. 19 of 
 Rome : and many of the Futurist school also, as Bm-gh, Dalton, kc. The few that 
 explain it of Jerusalem, as Mr. C. Maitland and Mr. Barker, offer no reason that 
 seems to me worth noticing. Says Hengstenberg on xvi. 19 ; " It is quite incompre- 
 hensible how some expositors should understand the great city here of Jerusalem."
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DExVTH OF THE WITNESSES. 435 
 
 Beast from the abyss. ^ — And then, yet once more, there is 
 this further cUnching argument, that in Apoc. xviii. 24 the 
 reason given for the terrible destruction of that city the 
 great one, the mystic Babylon, or Rome, is that " in her was 
 found the blood of the prophets and saints, even all that 
 were slain on the earth ; " a statement which does but re- 
 echo that respecting Rome in Apoc. xvii. 6, " I saw the 
 woman drunk with the blood of the saints, and with the 
 blood of the ivitnesses of Jesus ;" whereas, on the hypothesis 
 of Jerusalem being the city here meant, it must have been 
 in Jerusalem that the most eminent of Christ's Apocalyptic 
 witnesses and prophets were slain ; not in Rome. — Thus 
 by this first designative of the city of the Witnesses' death 
 was Rome, in my judgment, quite decisively marked out, 
 and Jerusalem quite decisively excluded: — an exclusion 
 confirmed by the palpable failure of each and every attempt 
 made by modern theorists, to show reason for the applica- 
 tion to this latter city of the appellative of the citjj the great 
 one, as also indeed of that of Egypt? In truth in this very 
 
 1 At least till near the time of Rome's destruction. With regard to that epoch 
 ■we read in Apoc. xvii. 16, in the best manuscripts, "And the ten horns which thou 
 sawest on the Beast, and (icai) the Beast, shall hate the whore, and make it desolate : " 
 a passage however where for Kat many MSS., and in my persuasion, as will hereafter 
 appear, more correctly, read £:ri. But, with reference to the main part of the Beast's 
 reign, the sacred figuration seems in any case to depict the Harlot as connected with 
 the Beast, in closest association. 
 
 ''■ I again allude especially to Mr. Barker, and Mr. C. Maitland ; writers well aware 
 of the essential importance to their prophetic theories of the (freat city of the Witnesses' 
 death being shown to be Jerusalem ; and consequently of the necessity of doing all in 
 their power, to support that view of the locality intended, in the verse before us. 
 
 With reference to the title of the great city, Mr. Barker says ; " In Apoc. xxi. 10 
 I find the same phrase used of the holy Jerusalem : and this is warrant enough [i. e. 
 connectedly with evidence on the other designatives] for considering it to mean Jcrt(- 
 salem in the present passage." But 1st, all critical editions reject the adjective /n£- 
 yaXr], "the great," in Apoc. xxi. 10, the passage referred to ; the true reading bein" 
 simply, " I John saw the holy Jerusalem coming down from heaven." 2ndly, even had 
 it been a true reading, would the calling the heavenly Jerusalem, under a new and dif- 
 ferent dispensation, the great city, justify one in applying the term " the city the great 
 one," under this prior dispensation, to the earthly apostate Jerusalem ? — Mr. ^t. (p. 
 283), who makes the same mistaken reference to Apoc. xxi. 10, (as well as to Apoc. xvi. 
 19,) cites also Jer. xxii. 8 ; " AVTicrefore hath the Lord done thus to this great city .^ " 
 Hebr. nV-nin i^y';?. But the Apocalyptic expression is not, " that which was once 
 called the great city," viz. in Jeremiah's time, 700 years before St. John : but abso- 
 lutely "the city the great one;" as so characterised and known in the times of John 
 in Patmos, or of the £cra here depicted in the Apocalyptic drama. 
 
 2. With regard to the designation as Egypt, Mr. B. says ; " In the sense in which 
 Egypt [qu. lis^, or =';rs'p .'] signifies bondage, it answers to 'Jerusalem that now is, 
 and is in bondage with her children." Mr. B. seems to forget that Egypt was the 
 oppressor that put in bondage ; not him that was in bondage. — Says Mr. IVl. (after 
 M. Stuart) ; " In Ezek. xxiii, 4, ' Thus were their names ; Samaria is Aholah, and 
 
 28 *
 
 436 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 Apocalyptic chapter ^ the aforesaid great citij, or civitas, (in- 
 cluding as it does, agreeably Math the representative force 
 of all the associated symbols,^ its popular Gentile constitu- 
 ency from the nations, tribes, and languages,^) is spoken of in 
 direct and emphatic contrast to the hotij city ; which holy 
 city is elsewhere figured as Christ's only recognised and 
 true Mount Zion, or Jerusalem : — that society of believers, 
 "the called, and chosen, and faithful," united together in 
 
 Jerusalem Aholibah : ' that is, these sisters are described as Egyptian courtezans." 
 And so, he adds, Eusebius says of them, " There Trere two sisters, and they were cor- 
 ru/pUd in Egypt in their youth;" Theodoret ; "These sisters had one mother, even 
 Egypt : " Polychronius, and an anonymous Greek ; " Some say that these women 
 were courtezans in Egypt." But is being corrupted in Egypt (said of sojourners that 
 went down into Egj'pt) tantamount to being, or being called, Egypt? — Says Mr. 
 Burgh, quoted and adopted by Dr. Todd : "Whose (viz. Jerusalem's) besetting sin . . 
 was trusting in the shadow of Egypt, and sti-engthening themselves in the strength of 
 Pharaoh." — Surely the cause must be bad, which has such for its best d fences. 
 
 1 cite four illustrations from patristic and mediaeval writers, in proof that some of 
 these at least felt the same difficulties, in regard of the application of the appellatives 
 in the text to Jerusalem. 
 
 1. From the Epist. of Prnda and Eustochium to MarceUa, (ap. Hieron. Op. iv. ii. 
 549, Bened. Ed.) How, they argue, could Jerusalem be the great city, where Christ 
 was crucified, seeing that it is elsewhere (Apoc. xi. 2 * ) called the holy city ? And 
 they add; ^'- Spiritiialiter intelligenda sunt singula : et civitas magna (quam videlicet 
 prius ajdificavit Cain) hie mimdiis intelligendus est, qu;X} spiritualiter appellatur Sodoma 
 et ^g\-ptus. . . ^gj'ptum autem nunquam pro Jerusalem legimus, sed semper pro hoc 
 mundo." — This view must be considered, I conceive, as at that time, about A.D. 400, 
 Jerome's own view : for the ladies who wrote it wrote under his eye and sanction. 
 And so, I see, Malvenda regards it. At an earlier epoch Jerome had applied the 
 prophecy to Jerusalem. 
 
 2. From Tichottius ; who simply explains it, "In plateis civitatis magnoe, id est in 
 medio ecclesi(e." 
 
 3. From Eerengaud, a Commentator on the Apocalypse of the 9th century, ap. 
 Ambros. Op. Bened. Ed. " Si per civitatem magnam Hierusalem terrestrem volu- 
 erimus intelligere, propter hoc quod (licit, ' Ubi et Eominm eonan crucifixus est,' a 
 veritate oberrabimus ; eo quod ilia Hierusalem usque ad solum destructa sit, et ista 
 qune pro ea a?dificata est non in eo loco, sed in alio, sita esse dicatur ; neque Sodoma 
 et jEgyptus dicenda est, eo quod a Christianis incolatur. Simulque considerandum, 
 quia ubicumque in hoc libro civitas magna ponitur, Babylonem, quae est civitas 
 l)iaboli, et ex omnibus reprobis constat, significat." Ad loc. 
 
 4. De Lyra; "in medio civitatis maguae; id est eongregationis Antichristo ad- 
 h(Brentis." 
 
 5. Bossuet ; '^Cest Eonie, et l' empire Eomain." ^ Apoc. xi. 2. 
 
 2 It is desirable that the student should here note the proportion and keeping that 
 exists between the Apocalyptic representative symbols : — the great city for aU Papal 
 Christendom, the holy city for all the society of believers in it; — the temple and its 
 two courts for the whole Visible worshipping church, true and false; — the two wit- 
 nesses for all Christ's witnesses ;— the period of 1260 days for 1260 years ; &-c. 
 
 3 So Bossuet, just cited; " Rome and its Empire."— In fact the Roman city, or 
 civitas, (taken in its political sense,) embraced in St. John's time all Italy, besides its 
 other more distant citizens, whether enfranchised by birth or purchase ; and, a cen- 
 tury afterwards, by virtue of Caracalla's edict, all 'the constituency of the Empire. 
 See my notice of this Edict, Vol. i. p. 172. So the ancient poet CI. Eutilius, ad- 
 dressing Borne in his Itinerarium, i. 66 ; 
 
 Urbcm fecisti quod prius orhis erat. 
 
 * So too Neh. xi. 1, Isa. lii. 1, Dan. ix. 24, Matt. iv. 5, xsvii. 53.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 3.] DEATH OF THE AVITNESSES. 437 
 
 an heavenly though invisible polity ; ^ whom the Gentile 
 citizens of the great city were, through the appointed 1260 
 years, to tread under foot. 
 
 As to the other designatives added, there seems to me in 
 the present tense of the verb, " is called," a probable refer- 
 ence to the time of the tvitnesscs dcath^ as that when the 
 Divine Spirit would call special attention to the fact of their 
 attaching to that great Roman Papal City f a critical point 
 this which shall presently have our consideration. But 
 even previously, in the eyes of men of spiritual discernment 
 {■7rvsu[x,aTixcog),^ indeed throughout the whole time of the 
 Beast's previous warring against the witnesses, was not its 
 resemblance manifest to the types of Sodom and Ef/ypt : — • 
 to Sodom in respect of its impurity ; to Egypt in respect 
 of its idolatry, religious darkness, and oppression of God's 
 people ? ^ Surely the fact is one of wdiich the evidence is 
 only too clear on the page of ecclesiastical history. So, as 
 to the appellative Sodom, as testified not by anti-Romish 
 witnesses only, but by some too of the more discerning of 
 Romanists themselves.^ So, as to that of Egypt as testified 
 
 ' I refer to the figuring of the 144,000 with the Lamb as citizens of Mount Zion, 
 the holy city, in Apoc. xiv. 1. — See too my notice of the two contrasted cities in the 
 general Introduction, Vol. i. pp. 101 — 103. 
 
 2 " Which w spiritually called ; " ijTir KaXtirai. A present tense only referable, 
 I conceive, either to the time of the revelation being given to St. John in Patraos, 
 so as the 6 i\q itiv in xvii. 10, which does not seem suitable here ; or to the time 
 figured in the Vision, i. e. the time of the Witnesses' death, which seems preferable. 
 So the (SXiTTovaiv, in the next verse 9. 
 
 3 The only other passage in the Xew Testament where the adverb irvevfiariKWQ is 
 used is 1 Cor. ii. 14 ; " . . the natural man is not able to know them, because they 
 are Trvev/xaTiKuj^, spirituallij, discerned." — In the same Epistle 1 Cor. x. 3, 4, the 
 adjective nvtv^ariKoq is used in the sense q{ figurative: with reference to the manna, 
 water, and rock, noted in Israel's passage through the wilderness ; and which were 
 typical of Christ in his corresponding characters, as the living bread, the living water, 
 and shadow of a great rock in a weary land. But the former passage is doubtless 
 most in point. 
 
 * Let me here premise an explanation of the whole clause, as given not by a Pro- 
 testant Commentator, but a Jansenist, — the learned and pious Quesrai. "Partout 
 ou regnent I'impurite, les abominations, les passions brutaks, la est Sodom. Purtout 
 ou Ton persecute les gens de bien, la est Egypte. Partout ou souli'rent les mcmbrcs 
 de Jesus Christ, la est le Calvaire ; la Jesus Christ est sur la croix ; la se remplit la 
 mesure de ses soutfrances ; la se consomme son sacrifice dans ses merabres choisis." 
 
 * Peter Bamian (a monk of Mount Avellan in Umbria of the xith century) wrote 
 a Book on the four sorts of carnal sins under which the Church (the Papal Church) 
 then sulfered ; which he dedicated to the then Pope, Leo IX, with the awful title 
 Gomorrheiis. Pope Leo's answer (given in Harduin vi. 975) admits the truth of the 
 representation. And Cardinal Baronins, with particular reference to that same 
 period, makes a confession which might well, even on his own representations, have 
 been extended much further ; " that all flesh had so corrupted its way, that a deluge 
 would not have washed it clean ; and that men's horrible sins called for the Jire of
 
 438 APoc. XT. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 by the Waldenses, and Grosteste, and WiclifF after tliem.^ 
 So, as to that of a Christ-denying, Christ-crucifying, pro- 
 phet-persecuting Jerusalem,^ by Claude of Turin in the ixth 
 century ; by the Waldenses in the xiith and xiiith ; ^ and 
 by Jacobel and the Hussites in the xvth.^ The peculiar 
 Apocalyptic appropriateness of which last hinted designation 
 of the great Roman Papal City, will appear from the cir- 
 cumstance of the constituent population of professing 
 Christendom having been already symbolized on the Apo- 
 calyptic scene as not God's true Israel, which they claimed 
 to be, but the unfaithful Christ-rejecting mass of the twelve 
 tribes of Israel : ^ whence their civitas, (politically confined 
 since the fall of "the third of men " to Roman Christendom,^) 
 
 Gomorrha." (Guers, Hist, de I'Egl. p. 180.) This was just a little before the opening 
 of the Papal anti-witness war. 
 
 Compare the Paris Council A.D. 829, Canon xxxiv., and the London Council, A.D. 
 1102, Canon xxviii. (Hard. iv. 1318, vi. ii. 1866, 1867.) In the 12th century we find 
 Bernard ad Clerum testifpng to the same effect ; in the 14th, Dante, in his 1.5th Canto 
 of the Inferno. A century later, viz. about A.D. 1480, the regular license for such 
 crimes, said to have been granted by Sixtus IV to certain ecclesiastic petitioners, tells 
 the same awful tale. See Wolfius, Cent. xv. p. 836. 
 
 In an old Book, told of by Luther, (Table Talk i. 147,) there was the following 
 versified anagram on Roma, read backwards ; 
 
 Versus amor mundi caput est, et Bestia terrae. 
 
 No wonder that a state so demoralized should full often be looked on as having its 
 origin from hell; just as the Beast, or ruling power associated with it, was in 
 the Apocalypse called the Beast from the abyss. So Petrarch, speaking of the Papal 
 Court in the xivth century : "Hsec vero jam non civitas, sed, . . ut breviter dicam, 
 scelerum atque dedecorum omnium sentina, atque ille viventium iiifermis, tanto ante 
 Davidico ore notatus quam fundatus aut cognitus." " Quidquid de Ai-erni limine, 
 deque Tartareis sylvis sulphureisque paludibus legisti, huic Tartaro admodum fabula 
 est." Cited by Bullinger, p. 239. 
 
 1 " Grosteste perceived that the whole scheme of the Papal Government was enmity 
 with God. He exclaimed that nothing but the edge of the sword could deliver the 
 Church from this Egyptian bondage." — Again, the Waldenses, in their Treatise on 
 Antichrist, speak " of the ministers of Antichrist, or Papal Rome, or Babylon, or the 
 4th Beast, as clouds without water, &c., . . wandering stars, Balaamites, Egyptians." 
 And Wicliff compared the Romanists' priestcraft to " the accursed sorceries with 
 which the sages of Pharaoh presumed to emulate the works, and resist the power, of 
 Jehovah." Le Bas' Wicliif, pp. 68, 147. Monast. ii. 326. 
 
 2 " Jerusalem, Jerusalem, that killest the prophets." Matt, xxiii. 37. 
 
 ' " Redite prsevaricatores ad cor, qui recessistis a veritate, et diligitis vanitatem. 
 . . et rursum crxwifigitis Jilium Dei, et ostentui habetis." So Claude ap. Gieseler ii. 38. 
 And Reiner; "Vocant clericos scribas, religiosos Phariseos." Cited p. 391 supra. 
 
 * Jacobel, in reply to some of the Coimcil at Constance, quotes Isaiah, Ezekiel, 
 Cyprian, Chrysostom, to prove that the priesthood of the Romish Church conducted 
 themselves exactly like the priests of the Jewish Church in persecuting the true ser- 
 vants of God. Bonnechose ii. 7, 8. (Mackenzie's transl.) 
 
 5 See my Vol. i. pp. 255, 266, 282—285, &c. 
 
 * Indeed this Roman appropriation of the figure was made as early as A. D. 800 
 by Pope Adrian ; " Quid per Jerusalem interpretatur nisi sancta ecclesia : " i. e. as 
 elsewhere said, the " sancta Catholica et Apostolica Momana Ecclesia, quam Deus ab 
 omni peccati macula abluens eripiet." Hard. iv. 774, 810, &c.* 
 
 * In Hard. x. 14 may be seen a later illustration of this Roman claim. In the Coun-
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 439 
 
 if resembled, as was often done, to Jerusalem, could only in 
 truth be so to Jerusalem in its state of rebellion and apo- 
 stasy. — Let me observe that in the Papal State and system 
 many ways might be particularized in which Christ was 
 crucified afresh.^ The main intent however seems fixed by 
 the words, " where also their Lord (the two Witnesses' Lord) 
 hath been crucified'' to the sense of his having been cru- 
 cified afresh in them his memhers : ^ there being suggested 
 too in the words the reminiscence (a reminiscence very 
 touching) that the servant in all this had only not been 
 greater than his Lord ; ^ and that the insults and injuries 
 inflicted on his witnesses, in the Great Ecclesiastical City, 
 or Civitas, had been but the accompaniment of what was 
 felt as inflicted on Himself. — It is almost needless to add 
 that the resemblances of the Great City to Egypt, and 
 Sodom, and apostate Jerusalem, gave intimation, as of the 
 
 1 Especially in the doctrine oi transubstantiation, as carried out in the Eomish 
 Church. For thereby the priests professed each day to offer np Christ (the very 
 Christ) as the hostia or victim ; * the cross being stamped on each consecrated wafer 
 that was supposed to constitute him ; so as to mark the sacrifice as that of crucifixion. 
 (See on this Martencde Rit. i. 117, with the Plate.) "Sacrilicium quod in missu per- 
 agitur, et sacrificium quod in cruce oblatum est, unum est et idem;" said the 
 Catechism of the Council of Trent. In what spirit this was done, especially at the 
 time of the Witnesses' death, may be seen by reference to Luther's account of what 
 he saw and heard on occasion of his visit to Rome, as noted supra p. 38, Note *. 
 
 - So Thomas Aquinas explains this clause in the verse under consideration, in his 
 Treatise on Antichrist, i. 54 : referring very appositely to the legend of St. Peter's 
 death by crucifixion ; and its prefiguration to him by Christ's appearance bearing his 
 cross Rome-wards, as if himself to be crucified there. For to the question, " Domine 
 quo vadis ? " the answer was, " Vado Romam iterum crucifigi." " Quia," says T. 
 Aquinas, " quod fit servis suis, sibi reputat Christus fieri." Compare Acts ix. 4 ; 
 " Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? " — Bossuet similarly, who supposes (as stated 
 p. 436, Note') that heathen Rome and its empire is the great city intended, speaks of 
 Christ having been continually crucified in that empire in the persons of the saints 
 his members; as well as literally crucified himself in what was then one of the Roman 
 provinces. 
 
 3 Compare Matt. x. 24, 2.5 ; " The servant is not above his Lord : ... if they have 
 called the master of .the house Beelzebub, how much more those of his household ? " 
 — It will be well for the reader to mark in this and other passages in the Gospels, 
 (e. g. Matt. xxiv. 4-5, xxv. 34, Luke xii. 45, 46, &c.,) Christ's mode of speaking of 
 Himself sometimes in the third person : in order to the conviction that the expression, 
 " their Lord," constitutes no objection (so as some have imagined) against the view of 
 Christ's still continuing the speaker in this part, as well as in the commencement, of 
 the narrative of the two Witnesses. 
 
 cil of Trent the Romish bishops were addrest as governing the twelve tribes of Israel, 
 or whole Christian people : " Sedemus tanquam judicantes duodecim tribits Israel, 
 quibus comprehenditur universus populus Dei." Here was a direct Tridentine recog- 
 nition of the propriety of my explanation of that most important Apocalyptic figure 
 in the Sealing Vision, Apoc. vii. 
 
 * See Radbert's definition and Berenger's abjuration, Mosh. ix. 2. 3. 19, Hard. vi. 
 1585.
 
 440 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 sins, so of tlie punishments impending : — of the curse as on 
 Jerusalem ; the pLigues as on Egypt ; the burning as that 
 of Sodom and Gomorrha. 
 
 Now then it was the TrAarj/a, the broad street, or place, 
 of this the Great City, that was to be the scene, according 
 to the Covenant- Angel's description, of the corpses of his 
 two witnesses being, at the epoch intended, exposed as 
 dead. The figure is borrowed from the broad street or 
 open place of each ancient city, into which were the chief 
 gatherings of the people ; whether for poHtical discussion, 
 for objects of merchandise, or the administration of justice.^ 
 Prom whence it seems to follow that there must be here 
 signified some citf/, or town, in Western Europe, (not 
 kingdom, as some have supposed,^ for that would be alto- 
 gether out of scale and proportion in the picture,^) to 
 which, above all others, there were wont to be the gather- 
 ings of the people of Christendom ; in short, as Vitringa 
 expresses it, that which might fitly be regarded as the 
 forum of the Antichristian empire. — And what that city, 
 or town, can any one doubt that is at all acquainted with 
 European history ? Let Gibbon answer the question. 
 " The nations," says he, in his sketch of the rise of the 
 Roman Papacy, began once more " to seek on the banks of 
 the Tiber, their kings, their laws, and the oracles of their 
 fate." ^ It was to Rome, as the supposed Holy City, that 
 were directed, through the middle ages, the confluent pil- 
 grimages from Western Christendom ; ^ to Rome the ga- 
 
 1 In Jewish towns this was often near the city-gate. Thus in 2 Chron. xxxii. 6, the 
 street of the gate, or rather jo/ace of the gate, (Sept. irXartia,) is mentioned as the place 
 of the gathering of the people: and so also Neh. viii. 1, 16. Again in 2 Sam. xv. 2, 
 the ivay of the gate, or, ars elsewhere more hriefly, the gate, (so Deut. xxi. 19, &c.,) is 
 noted as the jjlace of judgment. It answers, as Gesenius observes, to the Hebrew nn-i ; 
 " the open space before the gate of an Oriental city, where courts were held, and bar- 
 gains made ; the Oriental forum." But this was by no means the oidy site. In Jer. x. 
 1, we read in the plural ; " Seek in the broad places thereof (i. e. of Jerusalem), if ye 
 can find a man that executeth judgment." — In Greek towns the more usual terra for 
 this was ayo^a. Eusebius unites the two together ; Vit. Const, iii. 39 ; tv avrr\q, 
 fitffrjg TrXartiUQ ayopag. 
 
 In the New Jerusalem, Apoc. xxii. 2, to which there is probably allusion, as will 
 presently appear, the nXartta is a broad street, with the river of life running through 
 it, prolonged through the middle of the city. 
 
 2 Jurieu referring it to France, Ciminghame to Ge^-mang, others to England. 
 
 •5 On the observation of scale and proportion in the Apocalyptic figures, see p. 436, 
 Note -, supra. 
 * ix. 151 ; and so again xii. 262. So too Hallam, iii. 336. 
 5 See pp. 18, 19 supra. The pilgrimages were directed to Rome as the great mart
 
 CHAP. YIII. ^ 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 441 
 
 therings, as the fountain of ecclesiastical law and govern- 
 ment ; to Rome the assembling, as the most frequent scene 
 of the Western General Councils.^ — And indeed, as I must 
 now add, the very occasion of the two witnesses appearing as 
 dead corpses seems described to have been one of precisely 
 such a gathering as that last mentioned ; the gathering of 
 some General Council from the several states of Western 
 Christendom. Por, in a clause strangely overlooked or 
 mistaken by too many commentators, the persons assembled 
 in the ttT^cctsioc of the Great City, that made these dead 
 bodies the subject of their contemplation and rejoicings, 
 are said to be, not the people and kindred and tongues 
 and nations, but " certain owqs from the people and kindred 
 and tongues and nations ; " ^ as if delegates, or deputies, to 
 some great General Assembly, or Council, of Western 
 Europe. 
 
 So that, on the whole, in turning from prophecy to his- 
 tory, from the symbolic picture to the thing symbolized, 
 it seems to me almost impossible to mistake the lorecise 
 scene and occasion alluded to. It can surely be none other 
 
 of the ^'■merchandise of the souls of men;" mentioned Apoc. xviii. 13, iu its list of 
 the wares of the Great City. 
 
 1 The figure naturally suggests itself to commentators when speaking of Eome, 
 though not in reference to the passage before us. So Vitrbiga, p. 1086, calls it tho 
 "emporium spirituale," and "forum," of Roman Christendom. JDaubxz, p. 805, calls 
 it "a great mart; the Romish clergy being its merchants and factors." Bicheno, 
 Signs of the Times, p. 48, says, " Rome is the centre and eoiirt of the antichristian 
 city; and the ten kingdoms, or states, the streets of the city." — Similarly wrote one 
 who was not an Apocalyptic commentator, Henry Septimallensis, in the xiith century, 
 already referred to by me, p. 20 supra ; 
 
 Ipsa caput muudi, venalis curia Papse, 
 
 Prostat, et informat ccetera membra caput. 
 Sacrum, cerne nefas, utrumque pudentius sevo, 
 
 Venditur in turpi conditione/oro. 
 Chrisma sacrum, sacer ordo, altaria sacra, sacrata 
 
 Dona :— quid hffic ultro } venditur ipse Deus. 
 
 Sold, as Christ was sold in the old Jerusalem, for 30 pieces of silver. 
 
 Elsewhere, as in Harduin vii. 1111, the expression forum ecclesiasticum is used of 
 the ecclesiastical judicial coiu'ts of the Church of Rome. 
 
 2 tK Tbjv Xaiov Kai lOviov. Says M. Stuart on this passage : " Eic tu>v Xauiv, &c. 
 Compare the Hebr. ",^, som^ of a part of, which is often employed as a noun ; or tK 
 may be equivalent to o'l iic." Similarly on Apoc. v. 9, Tjyopatrag I'l^ag tK Traa)]Q <pv\i]s 
 K. T. \., he suggests as one explanation, "redeemed some of every tribe:" "for fK," 
 says he, "is frequently used in such a way in the New Testament." Vol. ii. pp. 133, 
 235. So too Dr. S. R. Maitland, First Enquiry, p. 28. — See my o\vn remarks on the 
 use of the same preposition in Apoc. vii. 4, &c. : Vol. i. p. 263. 
 
 It may perhaps be worth observing that Eusebius continually uses tQvr) of the Pro- 
 vincials of the Roman Empire. So, e. g. Yit. Const, i. 22, 25, and Notes, p. 183.
 
 442 APoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 than that of the self-same Lateran Council, held from 1512 
 to 1517, under the Pontificates of Julius II and Leo X, 
 just before the Reformation : ^ of the which Council I was 
 earlier led to give a somewhat full description, as consti- 
 tuting an epoch, ever memorable in history, of the triumph 
 of the Papal Antichrist} 
 
 And now, methinks, (nor does it seem to me to be any 
 mere trifling addition to the presumptive evidence in favour 
 of my general view of the time and scene intended,) there 
 will appear to us full prominent on the Council's records, 
 compared with the history of events immediately following it, 
 an answer the most distinct and striking to our late inquiry, 
 why, at the particular epoch here prefigured, there should be 
 so markedly set forth those spiritually-taught designatives 
 of the Roman Papal City, or State, as Babylon, Sodom, ^mjpi^ 
 and the Christ-crucifying Jerusalem. For behold, from 
 the beginning to the end of its proceedings, in that central 
 area, or TrXarsia, of the Christian world, (so the Council 
 itself called it,)^ there was perhaps no idea whatever so 
 strongly and repeatedly set forth by its pulpit orators, as 
 if one recognised by all, and that indeed constituted a 
 kind of first principle in judging and acting, as this, — 
 that Roman Papal Christendom, especially as reformed by 
 the present Lateran Council, was the Neiv and Holy Jeru- 
 salem, the subject of Isaiah's, and David's, and more espe- 
 cially of St. John's prophetic figurations. So, very largely 
 and strikingly, by De Vio, (Cardinal Caietan,) in his sermon 
 of the 2nd Session ; depicting Rome as the central source 
 and supplier of the means for the healing of the nations : * 
 
 ^ The first four General Councils of the West were held in the Laferan at Home, 
 A.D. 1123, 1139, 1179, and 1215, respectively. After this followed the General 
 Councils held at Lyons (twice), Vieniie, Constance, and £asle, in the years 1245, 1274, 
 1311, 1414, 1431 respectively; then again the 5th Lateran Council, in 1512, at 
 Eome. 2 gee my ch. iii. p. 76, &c. supra. 
 
 3 So the orator in the 7th Session; "in hac media urbis et orbis terrarum ac uni- 
 versalis ecclesiae sacrosancti area." Hard. ix. 1701. Elsewhere the gathering is 
 spoken of as the " celeberrimus Christiani orbis conventus :" and the orator is said to 
 utter his sermon " coram toto orbe terrarum." lb. 1664, 1602. 
 
 * His text being, as I have intimated in a former chapter, Apoc. xxi. 2, " I saw 
 that holy city, the New Jerusalem, descending out of heaven, like a bride adorned 
 for her husband." See p. 80, Note ^ supra. He strongly marks this out as not the 
 mere city of Eome, but as the civitas of the Christian Republie ; which in its multitude 
 of citizens " totura terrarum orbem complectitur : " there being in it all things both 
 for the sustentation and healing of the people its constituents ; viz. the sacraments of 
 baptism, confirmation, &c., down to extreme unction. All this in the Church of 
 Eome ; and answering, he seems evidently to intimate, to the fruits of the trees of life 
 iu the TrXaTiia of the New Jerusalem. lb. 1618.
 
 CHAP. VIII. §2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 443 
 
 SO ill those of the orators of the 4th Session,^ and the 6th,^ 
 and the 9th,^ and the lOth.^ And in the Bull of Pope Leo, 
 in the Council's same 9th Session, of which more presently, 
 the local figure was appropriated to his office as quite a 
 thing of course.^ There were indeed awkward admissions, 
 and strange sayings and actings, in the Council ; which to 
 a discerning eye might have looked as if the Roman Papal 
 Civitas had more resemblance to Sodom, and Egypt, and 
 the Christ-crucifying Jerusalem, than to the New and 
 Holy Jerusalem figured as descending from heaven, or even 
 to the ancient earthly Jerusalem in its days of faithfulness ; — 
 intimations of awful prevailing impurity and impiety ; ^ re- 
 miniscences {approhatory reminiscences) of the previous per- 
 secutions, even to the cruel death of burning, of many, like 
 Huss and others, who might be deemed members of Jesus 
 Christ, with whom He had sympathized, and in whom afresh 
 suffered ; "^ and edicts against gospel-preaching. Scripture- 
 printing,^ and private judgment, than which nothing could 
 better tend to keep the Church in Egyptian darkness. But 
 the discerning eye seemed now wanting. The effect of the 
 counter-hints of other days had nearly passed away. All 
 Christendom acquiesced in the views set forth at Rome. 
 
 * Specially as the bride, in her state of humiliation, having recourse to the succour 
 of her britlegroom the Pope. See ibid. 1651. 
 
 2 " HsDcciue est ilia Jerusalem, civitas perfecti decoris ?" in the same point of view 
 as the orator of the 4th Session. See ibid. 1687. 
 
 3 One main subject of the Sermon being the excellence of the urbs ipsa, the heavenly- 
 Jerusalem; another its need, on account of its corruptions, of reformation, ib. 1760. 
 
 * On Psalm xlviii. 1, " Great is the Lord, and greatly to be praised, in the city of our 
 God, &c." See ibid. 1784.* 
 
 * "Tanquam ex vertice raontis Sion prospiciens." Ib. ix. 1742. 
 
 ^ " Si quis vero tam laicus quam clericus de crimine propter quod venit ira Dei in 
 filios diffidentiae, convictus fuerit, poenis per sacros canones impositis puniatur." Ib. 
 1755. On which says RajTiald, vol. xii. 70; " Sodomitse severe puniendi." — On the 
 impiety and infidelity prevalent see the sketches given by the orators in the 4th and 
 6th Sessions. ' See my remarks p. 439. 
 
 * See p. 83, 84 supra, with the Notes. — With regard to the prohibition of 
 printing without ecclesiastical censorship, which Roscoe refers to the Council rather 
 than to Leo, I observe in Fontana's Monumenta Dominicana that it is there referred 
 to De Vio (Cardinal Caietan) then General of the Dominican order, as its author. 
 After mentioning the Lateran Decree that no book, great or small, should be printed 
 "nisi prius per Ordinarios et Inquisitores examinantur et approbantm-," Fontana 
 adds ; " id procurante nostro Caietano, in favorem PP. Inquisitorum, ac Magistri 
 Sacri Palatii in Urbe." p. 419. 
 
 * So afterwards in 1706 Clement the Xlth, in his 16th Homily: "Henceforth 
 thou [Rome] shalt be called the City of the Just One, the faithful City, the New Jeru- 
 salem ; even the same that John saw coming down from heaven, prepared by God as 
 a bride adorned 'for her husband. . . Hear this, ye that inhabit the City of the Holy 
 One, the City of the Just One, the faithful City, the New Jerusalem !"
 
 444 AFoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 Till behold, just as the Council, with the name of Rome 
 and the Roman ecclesiastical civitas, or Church, on its lips 
 as the Neiv and Ilohj Jerusalem} had met the last time, and 
 separated, (let me anticipate for a moment in stating this,) 
 a light from God's Spirit was shed upon the object, in the 
 view of one of the most devout and devoted sons hitherto 
 of the Roman Church -^ under which the deception past 
 away, like as in a dissolving view, and the Great City stood 
 revealed in its true colours. He hesitated a while to re- 
 ceive the new impression. But the revelation was too dis- 
 tinct for him to resist. And a voice at length broke forth 
 from him under its influence, the very counterpart to the 
 declaration in the text, (a voice re-echoed presently through 
 half Europe, and which has never since been silent,) de- 
 nouncing Rome and its Church, as not the Jerusalem from 
 heaven, but the great Bahjlon, with origin from the ahjjss 
 of hell ;'^ as Sodom too,^ and Egjjpt,^ and the homicide Je- 
 
 1 And the same pretty much of the Council itself, as representing tlie Church Uni- 
 versal. " felix Lateranense Concilium, sanctissima concio, cui divinus cietus et 
 multitudo rcspondet in coclis." Sermon of 4th Session. Hard. ix. 1649. 
 
 ^ That same Spirit whose voice from heaven bade him " seal up the seven thunders, 
 and write them not." 
 
 3 Luther stated that when he was in Eome in 1510, the proverb prevailed there, 
 that, if there was a hell, Rome was built on it ; it being an abyss whence all sins 
 originated. * 
 
 •^ " Sedem tuam, quce ciu-ia Romana dicitur, neque tu neque ullus hominum potest 
 negare corruptiorem esse quavis Babi/lo)ie et Sodomd. . . . Implet .matris sute |elogium, 
 de qua dicitur, Curavimus Babylonem, et non est sanata ; derelinquamus eam. . . . 
 Satanas ipse, plusquam tu, in Babylone ista regnat. . . Ut revera qu;e olim erat jailua 
 coeli nunc sit patens quoddam os inferni ; et tale os quod, urgente ira Dei, obstrui nou 
 potest." Ep. to Pope Leo, April 1519. Roscoe, iv. 394, 395, 396. 
 
 In the same year 1519, after the dispute with Eck, he thought of publishing a little 
 book, " De Execranda Yenere Eomanorum ;" but forbore. 
 
 In his Be Antichristo, also written in 1521, in answer to the question, " On what is 
 the wealtli of the Roman Cardinals, &c. spent ?" he replies, " In pauperes et egenos ? 
 Absit ! sed in Sodomani potius, Gomorrham, et Sybarim." — Nor was the charge appli- 
 cable to the priesthood of Rome itself alone, but of Papal Christendom generally. 
 So Mycouius, of tlie town of Saxe Gotha, with which he was personally acquainted, 
 just before the Reformation : ap. Seckendorf, i. 4. So again Bishop Burnet, in his 
 account of the inquiry into the state of the English monasteries under King Henry 
 VIII. *' The full report of this visitation," he says, " is lost. Yet have I seen an 
 extract of a part of it concerning 144 houses, that contains in it abominations equal 
 to any that were in Sodom." Hist. Reform. Book iii. ad Ann. 1535. f 
 
 5 " Illi banc ecclesiiB Romanae intulerunt injuriam : . . sub nomine Beatitudinis tuae, 
 
 * Similarly spoke the Bishop of Chiemsee, in 1519, as quoted by Gieseler iii. 271 ; 
 " Roma nunc est vora^o et mammon inferni ; ubi Biabulus, totius avaritite capitaneus, 
 residet, vendens patrimoniuni Christi." He also calls it " sedes bestiie, id est ecclesias 
 perversive, . . cujus regnum est teuebrosum." 
 
 Ranke tells us that about A.D. 1500, in the time of Pope Alexander YI, "the com- 
 plaint arose that the Pope prepared the way for Antichrist ; and that he laboured for 
 the coming of the kingdom, not of heaven, but of Satan." Hist, of Popes i. 52. 
 Compare my Note pp. 33, 34, suprii. 
 
 t Is this to be wondered at after Pope Sixtus' regular License, a few years before,
 
 CHAP. YIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 445 
 
 rusalem, by whose decrees and acts the Lord Jesus Christ 
 had heen crucified.} — Surely tlie coincidence was most re- 
 markable. Nor was the discovery a mere thing of names. 
 It was one the practical influence of which was quite in- 
 calculable : and such indeed as well to explain and justify 
 the very singular notification given on the subject, at this 
 precise' point, in the wonderful prophecy before us. 
 
 3. But now to the main point of our inquiry, viz. the 
 death of Christ's ?vitness€S, or at least recognition of their 
 death, (if our hvpothesis be right,) on occasion of this 
 gathering of deputies to Rome from Western Christendom 
 in General Council. — And is there not that in the very first 
 particular to which an inquirer's eye should be directed, on 
 such a subject, that may well seem to him to point in that 
 direction ? I refer to the Pontiff's own statement of the 
 intended objects of the Council, in his Bull of Convocation ; 
 (a statement repeated in the Bulls of Prorogation tAvice 
 and thrice afterwards;) viz. not merely "the exaltation, 
 unity, and reformation of the Church;" but also "the 
 total extirpation of both schisms and heresies?''"' Por, 
 
 . .o^]}Vohr\o JEgypti contaminatam et abominandam reddiderimt sanctificationem." 
 So Luther in Ills Ep. to Leo, March 1519. (Roscoe 392.) And again, in the pre- 
 vious year to Mclancthon ; "Italy is plunged, as in ancient times Egypt, in darkness 
 that may he felt." Afterwards (see Table Talk i. 140) he said ; "As Moses led Israel 
 out of Egypt, so we, tlirough God's assistance, have brought our people out of the 
 bondage of the Romish Antichrist." Just as the Swiss said of Zwingk> ; " He will 
 be our^ Moses to deliver us out of the darkness of Egypt." ilerle i. 382, ii. 338. 
 
 1 " Fuit armatus (Miltitz) septuaginta Brevibus Apostolicis ; ut me captum per- 
 duceret in homicidam Jerusalem, purpuratam illam Babylonem." Ep. to Staupitz, Feb. 
 1519, ap. W^add. Reform, i. 191. 
 
 " Ich weiss nicht oh der Papst selbst der Antichrist oder sein Apostel ist : so elend 
 wird von demselben Christus, das heisst die Wahrheit, in seinen Dekreten verfalscht 
 uud gekreuzigt." Ep. 100 (ap. Schrokh p. 156.) This was also early in 1519. 
 
 2 " Ad ecclesiae exaltationem, unitatem, et reformationem ; schismatum vero et 
 hoeresum totalem extirpationem." Hard. ix. 1591. Repeated col. 1595, 1597, in the 
 
 for such crimes.' (Seep. 438.) — So too Baptista Mantuanus, a Carmelite Friar of 
 Mantua, who died during the Council's sitting, A.D. 1516 ; (ap. Gieseler iii. 271 ;) 
 
 Petrique domus polluta fluenti 
 Marcescit luxu ; (nuUa hie arcana revelo :) . . 
 Sanctus ager scurris, venerabilis ara cina?dis 
 Servit ; honorandae divura Ganymedibus a>des. 
 
 Also in 1517 Pico of Miraudula, as cited by Gieseler iii. 279. 
 
 In proof of the perpetuation of the sin up to the Council of Trent, Brightman 
 in loc. refers to one Jerora Zeged Mutins, an avowed and shameless advocate of the 
 sins of Sodom, declaring that Julius III (Pope about 1550, during the sittings of the 
 Council) did by his Letters Patent expressly allow his Books advocating them.
 
 446 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 transferring Papal language into Scriptural, the extirpation 
 of heresies (whatever else might be meant by the phrase) 
 must needs be considered to include the extirpation of 
 whatever anti-papal witnessing might still remain unsi- 
 lenced ; whatever witnessing for the truth as it is in Jesus. 
 — In order to an exact understanding of all that was 
 meant at the time, and of that which was ckiefljj meant, in 
 the word heresies, it needs that w^e look carefully into the 
 records of the Council. And the connected word schisms 
 reminds us of one sense attached to it, that was probably 
 much the most prominent on the mind of Pope Juhus. A 
 so-called General Council had been summoned by a few 
 schismatic cardinals, and had sate at Pisa, under sanction 
 of the French King. Was not the very doctrine that such 
 a Council might be held by Kings and Cardinals, without 
 the Pope, a deadly heresy ? Unquestionably so, in Romish 
 views. And thus the whole schismatic proceeding was 
 denounced by the Lateran Council as also heretical ; and 
 the schismatics as heretics} — Still this was not all. Besides 
 it there were also certain ancient heresies to be extinguished, 
 said Julius' Bull, that were not yet wholly extinct in differ- 
 ent parts in Christendom.^ And here, and among these, 
 we recognise those heretics and heresies against which war 
 had been made so fiercely and so long by the Popedom ; — 
 the Waldenses of Piedmont and Daupliiny, the English 
 Lollards, the Bohemian Hussites ; many of them, we have 
 seen reason to believe, witnesses for Jesus. How little 
 formidable their poor remnants appeared to the Council, is 
 manifest from the felicitations of the orator in the 3rd Session 
 
 Bulls of a first and second prorogation : also, in substance, col. 1639, 1655, 1675, in 
 the Venetian, Lucchese, and Florentine Acts of adhesion. 
 
 1 So in an Ap|)endix by Pope Julius to his second Bull of Prorogation, ib. col. 
 1598 ; " publicic fidelium paci, Catholic;i3 fidei propagation!, reformatioai universalis 
 ecclesiaj, necuon haereticuj, pravitatis nujjer exortce extirpatioui." The allusion in 
 which words, '■'■nuper exortaj," seems to be to the recent Pisan schism and heretical 
 doctrine : the Bull of the 3rd^Session denouncing the Pisan Cardinals twice over, as 
 not only " schismaticos " but ^^ hcereticos." Ib. 1629. — So again in the 5th Session, 
 (ib. 1665,) the orator praises Julius for convening the Council, with the object 
 " adolesceutes, nedum puUulantes, hteresum ac schismatum segetes radicitus ex- 
 tirpare." 
 
 Heresy is defined by Bernard Zane, in the 1st Session, as the exercise on religious 
 questions of private judgment by those " qui non ad propheticas voces, apostolicas 
 literas, evangelieas auctoritates, sed ad semet ipsos recurrunt." ib. 1604. 
 
 2 " Ut antiquce haereses, qua? in diversis Christianorum partibus noudum extinct* 
 sunt, et pessimum noviter pullulans schisma, extinguantur." Ib. 1590.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 447 
 
 to his brother bishops around him ; to the effect that, 
 grievous as had been the recent afflictions and disasters of 
 the Christian name, there was at any rate this alleviation, 
 that Christendom was no longer publicly afflicted by here- 
 sies, such as had been previously one prominent reason of 
 the gathering of Councils.^ And in fact nothing was done, 
 or said, through the first five Sessions, with any reference 
 to the small remains of the ancient heresies still existing. 
 — At length in the 6th Session, next after Pope Julius' 
 death and Leo's assumption, intimation was given as to the 
 particular ancient heretics that had been specially intended 
 in the Bull of Convocation. It was not the English Lol- 
 lards, nor the Waldenses of Piedmont. These, it Avould ap- 
 pear, both from their omission in the notice of the sessional 
 orator, and from other more direct testimony, had been re- 
 duced to silence.- It was the two or three various remnants 
 of the Bohemian Hussites :'^ alike the more numerous and 
 less pure body of the Calixtines ; the Picards, if any dis- 
 tinct sect of them were still remaining ; and the little band, 
 now purified from the errors of the earlier Tahorite body, 
 that had been formed (as already elsewhere intimated) 
 into the association of the United Brethren} And when 
 the still primary object with Leo as with Julius, viz. the 
 extinction of the Conciliahulum, or rival private Council 
 under the French king's patronage at Pisa, had been ac- 
 complished, — I say, so soon as the Prench king had given 
 in his adhesion, and the schismatic Pisan Council been 
 broken up, and the Lateran been constituted beyond doubt 
 
 ' " In quo (sc. cursu nostrarum rerum ac temporum) ad levamen fortassis aliarum 
 multarum et ingentium Christiani nominis cladium, hoc saltern Deus concesserit, quod 
 hceresibus, qua; ut plurimuni causaj Concilioruui fuere, nee publice nee impune labor- 
 amus." lb. 1634. 
 
 2 See pp. 427, 428. About the Waldenses let me add the testimony of the Wal- 
 
 gnant de nouvelles persecutions, spectatrice timoree des soutfrances isolees de ceux 
 de ses enfans qui se hasardoient dans les plaines du Piemont, et que 1' Inquisition y 
 faisoit arreter :"— such continuing their state until Christ interposed to deliver his 
 Vaudois Church, " en lui fai»ant parvenir la nouvelle de son triomphe sur I'Autichrist 
 par la Riformation." 
 
 3 " Multiplici hoeresi Bohemorum." So the Papal Bull, cited p. 449 Note ' infra. 
 
 * See p. 29, supra.— On the true tt7Y«f«s-character and history of these Bohemian 
 Christians see the Notice in my Appendix. See also Mosheim xv. 2. 3. 5— 7.
 
 448 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 into a General Council/ — then, these preliminaries having 
 been accomphshed, no time was lost in proceeding to the 
 BoJiemian affair, among others. Already in the interval 
 between the 7th and 8th Sessions, held in the June and 
 December of 1513 respectively, Leo had put the matter in 
 train. He had despatched into Bohemia the Cardinal 
 Archbishop Thomas of Strigonium, or Gran,^ in Hungary ; 
 bearing full powers to enter on discussion of the differences 
 between Rome and the various Bohemian schismatics and 
 heretics, in hopes of an adjustment. And, as regarded the 
 only numerous or influential body among them, the Calix- 
 tines, concessions were directed to be made (so as by the 
 Basle Council some 80 years before)^ about the use of the 
 sacramental cup by the laity, and concessions too as to the 
 ])artial present retention of usurped ecclesiastical property 
 l)y the existing holders, such as seemed pretty sure to effect 
 the desired reconciliation ;^ especially as the King was 
 heart and hand Avith llome.^ On the other hand, as to the 
 superstitious practices and doctrines of the Church, (those 
 things which constituted the main ground of separation 
 with the purer though far smaller body of the Bohemian 
 Brethren,*^ but in which the mere Calixtines heartily sym- 
 bolized with the Catholics,) no concession whatsoever was 
 made -. all being enjoined as still in force, and to be fol- 
 lowed, agreeably wdth the practice of the Church of Rome.'^ 
 
 ' That the Lateran Council was intended to be a General one appears from the fact 
 of the general invitation in the Bull of Convocation, sent to all the Princes of Chris- 
 tendom. So long however as France remained separate, its oecumcnic character 
 (according to the received laws in Western Europe) might be doubtful. Thus in the 
 Council of Trent, on Cardinal Lorraine's intimation of the recall of himself and com- 
 patriots by his master the French King, he observed that after their departure the 
 Council could not be called General, as there would want a nation. But, after the 
 French King's adhesion to the Lateran, all objections to the occuraenic character of 
 the 5th Lateran Council (such as by Bossuet) became quite futile. 
 
 2 Ou the Danube, near its great bend between Presburg and Pesth. The Cardinal 
 set out in July, 1513. 
 
 3 " Leo Cardinalem legatum pro instaurandis iis pactionibus . . potestate auxit." 
 Eaynald. ad ann. 1513 ; whose history I have before me. 
 
 * It was the resistance to these Basle concessions that caused the wars of Zisca. 
 
 5 " Ladislaum, Hungaria3 rcgem, Christiana; religionis athletam ct ducem stre- 
 nuum." So in the 7th Session. Hard. ix. 1704. 
 
 G See my Notice in the Yindiciii;, p. 227, of the reasons for separation from the 
 Papal Church solemnly agreed on by the Brethren, in a Synod in 1494. 
 
 "> It was said that, in regard of ecclesiastical rites, images, crosses, holy water, and 
 all other such things, there was to be entire accord with Eome. llajmald. p. 35.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 449 
 
 The fact of the Cardinal's mission, with this object, was 
 pubhshed before the Council in a Papal Bull of the next or 
 8th Session, Dec. 16, 1513 : and at the same time a cita- 
 tion was issued to the dissidents in question, to appear and 
 plead either before the Cardinal Legate in Hungary,^ or 
 before the Lateran Council at its next Session ; a Session 
 finally convened for May the 5th, in the spring ensuing. 
 
 So was the crisis come which was to try the faith of 
 this little remnant of witnesses ; and to exhibit its vitality, 
 or death. And would they then face their Lord's enemies ? 
 Would they brave the terrors of death, and plead his 
 cause before the lordly Legate, or the anti-christian Council ; 
 like the Waldenses at Albi and at Pamiers, like Wicliff and 
 Cobham in England, like Huss and Jerome at the Con- 
 stance Council," like their own confessors only ten years be- 
 fore at Prague,^ or like Luther afterwards at Augsburg and 
 at Worms ? — Alas ! no. The day of the 9th Session ar- 
 rived. The Council met. But no report from the Cardinal 
 Legate (and reports from him we know there were*) gave 
 
 ^ " Praeterea cum ex diutuma et multiplici htercsi Bohemormn pltuimnm Deus 
 offendatur, et Christianus popiilus scandalizetur, . . . eosdem hortamur in Domino, lit 
 vel ad nos et hoc sacrum Lateranense Concilium, vel ad Thomam Cardinalem Legatum, 
 qui propinquior illis erit, aliquot ex suis Oratores cum sufficienti mandato destinare 
 non uegligant; adtractandum deopportuno re medio, quo errores quibus diu detinen- 
 tur agnoscant, et ad . . . sanctaj matris ecclesi;B gremium, Deo duce, reducantur. Qui- 
 bus . . veniendi, eundi, standi, et postraodum discedendi, et ad propria redeimdi, in fide 
 Pontificia liberum salvum conductum concedimus." Hard. ix. 1722. 
 
 2 I might add the Bohemian Hussites at Basle. For when the Council at Basle in- 
 vited them to come and plead, A.D. 1433, they sent their deputies. 
 
 3 I read in Comenius' History of the Bohemian Persecutions, that at the close of 
 the year 1503 the doctors of the Picards, or United Brethren, were summoned to 
 hold a conference on their tenets with the Academics and Consistorials, probably at 
 Prague. The matter was discussed in a meeting of the Brethren, and treachery appre- 
 hended. But they considered that " the good cause ought not to he deserted : " and so 
 sent their two chief ministers to plead, with certain others ; albeit, they deemed it, 
 " as victims to the slaughter." There is extant, says Comenius, a letter written by a 
 friend to one of them on the occasion, from which the following are extracts. " It 
 is natural to love life : but, taught sublimer lessons, remember thou, my Brother, 
 that thy life is buried witli Christ, and that to gain it thou must die in Christ. . . 
 
 Strengthen th^-self therefore in the Lord, to fight the good fight We have done 
 
 what we could for thy safety, nor will be wanting in our care afterwards. But, if the 
 rage of the enemy prevail, and it please God that ye shall glorify the cause of his Son 
 by your death, ye are prepared to say with Job, " ' The Lord gave this life, let the 
 Lord take it away ! . . Farewell, my brother. — Dated at Litomystia ; the dag of the Ffo- 
 tomartgr Stephen, 1503." — Such was the Brethren's own view at that time of Christian 
 witnesses' duty ; such their acting up to it. The Lord however " snatched them " 
 this time, adds Comenius, " from the lion's jaws." Ch. xxiii. pp. 78 — 81. 
 
 _ ^ A Cardinal Legate's making reports to the Pope was a matter of course. Allu- 
 sion is made several times by Pope Leo to letters received from the Cardinal Thomas 
 of Gran, in the next year or two ; e. g. in a letter to Wladislas, dated Sept. 19, A.D. 
 1514. Raynald. xii. 77. 
 
 VOL. II. 29
 
 450 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 intimation either of the pleading, or of any continued stir- 
 ring, or opposition, of the purer Section, any more than of 
 the less pure, of the Bohemian heretics.^ No officer of the 
 Council announced the arrival of deputies from them to 
 plead before it. Nor again was there a whisper wafted 
 to the Synod from any other state, city, or town in Chris- 
 tendom, of a movement made, or a mouth opened, to pro- 
 mulgate or support the ancient heresies.^ Throughout the 
 length and breadth of Christendom Christ's witnessing 
 servants were silenced : they appeared as dead. The orator 
 of the Session ascended the pulpit ; and, amidst the applause 
 of the assembled Council, uttered that memorable exclama- 
 tion of triumph, — an exclamation which, notwithstanding 
 the long multiplied anti-heretical decrees of Popes and ' 
 Councils, and notwithstanding the yet more multiplied anti- 
 heretical persecutions and inquisitoiial fires, was never, I 
 believe, pronounced before, and certainly never since; — 
 ''Jam nemo reclamat, nullus obsistit I"^ "There is an end 
 of resistance to the Papal rule and religion : opposers there 
 exist no more :" and again ; " The whole body of Christen- 
 dom is now seen to be subjected to its Head, i. e. to T/iee."^ 
 If the submission and reunion of the Pisan schismatics and 
 heretics was the fact most prominent in the orator's mind 
 as he uttered this pasan, it is evident beyond all doubt that 
 the fact of the apparent subjection and reunion of each and 
 
 1 It is quite clear from the triumphant tenor of the oration spoken before this 
 Session that, whatever the report sent from the Cardinal Legate, it was only such as to 
 imply the reconciliation or siJenciug of the Bohemian heretics. For the orations were 
 prepared by the appointed preachers, on instructions and information previously given 
 them by the Pope, or the standing Committee, or Congregation. On which latter 
 see Hard. ix. 1681, 1683, 1727. 
 
 - From Foxe's Martyrs, Vol. iv. p. 174, and also Bishop Burnet's History, i. 39 — 
 42, it would appear that in England there were no confessors against the Papal system 
 from 1511 to 1519 : the terror of the executions of 1511 producing recantation from 
 such as were examined in the interval ; save only in the case of one burnt at Ashford 
 in Kent on the Whit-sunday of 1513. 
 
 Of the Waldenses of Piedmont we have seen M. Monastier's report p. 447 supra. 
 It seems that besides the destruction of their people by persecution, there was a too 
 fi-equent conformity to the Romish Church imder its terrors. " Pour etre a I'abri de 
 toute poursuite . . ils obtenaient des cures, etablis dans les vaUees, des certificats de 
 papisme. Pour les meriter ils frequentaient les eglises catholiques, &c." In short, 
 says he, had no extraordinary event occurred ^^ pour rendre la vie a ses forces depri- 
 mees," the poor Waldensian remnant was ready "accepter I'esclavage ; " to submit 
 itself to Papal slavery, i. 190, 191. ... ^ Tla.vA. ix. 1763. 
 
 * " Jam universum illius (ecclesiip) corpus uni capiti, hoc est tibi, subditiuu esse 
 conspicitur. . . Jam omues unum Deum, uuam fidem, unum baptisma . . corde juste 
 creduut, et ore salubriter coutiteutm'."
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 451 
 
 every Other schismatical or heretical body, throughout West- 
 em Christendom, was also included.— So did " they from 
 the people, and kindred, and tongues, and nations " as- 
 sembled in Rome, that ;rXar£/a of Anti-Christendom ' and 
 "watch-tower of the world," ^ look on all anti-Papal wit- 
 nesses as extmct and dead.^ Let the reader well mark the 
 description. For it is a description from the life And let 
 him well mark the day. For it seems to me scarce possible 
 that we can be mistaken in regarding it as the precise com- 
 mencing/ date of the predicted three and a half years, durincr 
 which Christ's witnesses were to appear as mere dead 
 corpses m the face of Christendom. It was May 5, 1514 
 
 There are yet two characteristic circumstances noted as 
 accompaniments of this the Council's recognition of the 
 Witnesses' death : the one affecting the slaughtered witnesses 
 themselves ; the other, its oivn friends and members 
 
 "Il-iQ first IS thus stated : "And they from the kindreds 
 and tribes, &c., shall not suffer their dead bodies to be put 
 into a tomb -The expression is of course symbolic ;\^ 
 having reference to the tivo symbolic witnesses, the Apoca- 
 lyptic representatives of many. We have however already 
 seen so much of the precision of the Apocalyptic figures 
 and their being drawn as it were /row the life, that we may 
 well suspect that such too was the case here; and that in 
 some Bull or Edict of the Council, issued on the occasion 
 the indignity and outrage above mentioned may have been 
 actually noticed, as that which legally attached to any 
 such members of Christ's anti-papal witnessing body as 
 might individually happen about that time to he dead 
 And this indeed was the case. We find that an edict of 
 reform and disciphne was issued by Pope and Council, that 
 
 ' In Martene ii. f the Platea Lateranensis itself, or Square before the Laferan 
 
 3 IW^"" ^riixerd orbis speculd." So the orator of the 6th Session. Hard ib 1687 
 
 remembe" ofTstT Tfi V '''' 'T^^^-' '' ''''' ^^^^^^^ ^^^-h tt rtder may 
 "ESsinam ,t?pf fi^^'^g'.^^^d castmg the bad fish into a fire, with the motto, 
 
 of LeoXthras^Ztf T V'^ir^"*^"*^^'' '""^'^'^^^ ^^ ^^^^ «° the da,^ 
 the Ponf thonrZ v' f ^^Tn^l "^^ ?" .^^ supra.-It will be recollected that 
 St Sr's h^-io. h' '^'''^i'f «f Chnstendom, still retained also the memorial of 
 that the ron "i? '" ^Mcnnan and issued his edicts, ".«5 annnlo Fiscatoris :" 
 so that the conjunction ot the two characters in the picture was perfectly appropriate
 
 452 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part tii. 
 
 selfsame day, just after the Preaclier's oration of triumph ; 
 one declared object of which was the perpetual elimination 
 of all heretics from the Church visible : and that, in order 
 thereto, there were adjudicated against them, throughout 
 Christendom, all the ''dehitce poence" or punishments im- 
 posed on heretics by fonner Bulls and Councils.^ Among the 
 which punishments there Avas one that pursued them even 
 beyond death ; I mean the denial of burial to their bodies,'^ as 
 persons excommunicate, and barred even from the commonest 
 rights of humanity : — an indignity this borrowed from those 
 which had been sometimes inflicted by Pagan persecutors on 
 the early Christian martyrs -^ but of which the force and ter- 
 
 1 The Decree is as follows : " Et ut onines ficti Christiani, ac de fide male sen- 
 tientcs, cujuscumqiie generis ant nationis fuerint, neenon Ji(eretici, seu aliqua hicresis 
 labe polluti . . a Christi fidelium coetu ponitus eliminentur, . . . ac debitu animadver- 
 sione piiniantur, statuimus ut contra eos diligenti inquisitione ubique . . prooedatur, per 
 judices per nos deputandos; et ejus criminis reos, et legitime couvictos, debitis pwnis 
 puniri: relapses vero, absque uUa spe venise aut remissionis, affiei volumus." — Hard, 
 ix. col. 1757. Elsewhere too all former Decrees of the Popes, on both this and other 
 points, were expressly renewed by the Coirncil, and confirmed. 
 
 2 I have already noticed some earlier exemplifications of this in the cases of 
 Gottschalc, and of the 14 Canons of Orleans, who were condemned, and burnt at the 
 stake, A.D. 1022. See pp. 241, 275, supra. These, though the actions of inferior 
 authorities, were yet according to the tenor of Pope Leo's excommunicatory sen- 
 tence, " Illis coelum claudimus, et ten-am ad sepeUendum negamm :" * and of Gelasitis' 
 consentient decree ; " Si obstinato animo defuncti fuerint (excommunicati), nos illo- 
 rum causam, juxta beati Leonis sententiam, diviuo judicio reservautes, quibus vivis 
 non comraunicavimus mortuisnon commimicamus." (Hard. vi. ii. 1818.) — At length 
 in the 12th century Christendom, as Christendom, moved in the matter. Thus in 
 the 3rd Council of Lateran, A.D. 1179, Christian burial was denied to heretics : the 
 same in the 4tli Lateran Council, A.D. 1215, followed by the Decree of Gregory IX, 
 A.D. 1227: (ib. vii. 22, 163:) the same again in Pope Martin's Decree, after the 
 Council of Constance, A.D. 1422 : (ib. viii. 303 :) which Council ordered Widifs body 
 to be exhumed ; and that the ashes of Huss, instead of burial, should be collected and 
 cast into the Lake of Constance. — Later still Savonarola' s ashes were similarly cast 
 into the Arno, A.D. 1498; and moreover, in the first Bull entrusted to the Cardinal 
 Cajetan against Luther, as well as that afterwards, this was one of the declared 
 penalties, that both Luther and his partizans should be deprived " ecclesiasticae 
 sepulture." See Merle d'Aub. i. 355 ; Foxe v. 667. 
 
 3 For, in rep-ard of the bodies of Christian martyrs, the old Eoman heathen perse- 
 cutors also sometimes, preventing burial, left the corpses to be torn and devoured by 
 beasts and birds of prey ; sometimes, having burnt them, scattered the ashes to the 
 winds, or into rivers. A notable example of this is given by the Lyonnese Christians, 
 in their account of the persecution A.D, 176 at Lyons: and they state that it was 
 the object of their heathen enemies, thereby to deprive the martyrs of all their fond 
 
 * "Sintque cadavera eorum;" added Leo, "in escam volatilibus co'li, et bestiis 
 teiTae." (What Leo this was I know not; but I incline to think Leo IX. Gelasius' 
 date is 1118.) — So too in the other old excomnumications given in Martene ii. 323 — 
 325: "Nee habeant alteram quam asinorum sepultiu-am ; " <S:c. — In our prophecy 
 the thing prohibited is tlie being pxit uq fivfji^a ; i. e. into a tomb, or sepulchre, such 
 as might be itself a memorial, or adrtiit of a memorial tablet, in remembrance of the 
 departed one. (See p. 409.) This could scarce be but in a public cemetery ; and 
 so with ecclesiastical, or at least publicly permitted, sepulture.
 
 CHAP, VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 453 
 
 rors were under the Papal regime tenfold greater in general 
 estimation, forasmuch as it was supposed to involve the eter- 
 nal damnation of the wretch unburied.^ So, I say, was there 
 in the edict of the Lateran Council, on this very occasion, a 
 recognition and an enforcement of this punishment : — an 
 
 hopes of a glorious resurrection.* — Aringhi, in his Book on the Roman Catacombs, 
 gives various other examples from the persecutions under Diocletian and Julian : and 
 he introduces his notice of them by stating that it was an outrage forbidden by Greek 
 and Roman law, as well as J ewish ; and, even among Gentiles and barbarians, held 
 up to public hatred as monstrous. t From Pagans, as against Christians, tlie practice 
 first past to Arians, as against Catholics ; (so Theodoret 11. E. iv. 22 ;) then to Catho- 
 lics, as against so-called heretics. 
 
 1 It was from the Pagans also, as appears further from Aringhi, J that the Papal 
 practice was derived of cxhumivg the bodies of heretics already buried, as well as 
 dead, with a view to similar indignities : — a practice begun as early as A.D. -536 ; 
 (Hard. ii. 1337 ;) when the Council of Constantinople called for the digging up of the 
 bones of Nestorians and Eutychians. 
 
 There was however one thing quite peculiar in the matter to the Papal, as com- 
 pared with the heathen practice; I mean the form of process, ordained against a dead 
 body, if after death suspected of heresy. The process is noted by Limborch on 
 the Inquisition. It had three objects, he reports :— 1st, the condemnation of the 
 memory of the dead man ; 2nd, the deprivation of the dead man's heirs of his property ; 
 3rd, the authorization of the exhumation of the man's body, if bui'ied ; casting it out of 
 holy ground, and burning, and scattering the ashes. ^ From the case of Claude of 
 Turin, narrated p. 238 supra, the process appears to have then become a custom, 
 i. e. A.D. 840. In the 3rd Lateran Council, A.D. 1179, this process was expressly 
 enjoined against the corpses of all excommunicated ones that might have received 
 Christian burial : (Hard. vi. ii. 1817 :) and again A.D. 1234, 1254, in the Councils of 
 Aries and Alby. (lb. vii. 237, 462.) So accordingly in WicliJf's case ; Foxe iii. 93. 
 
 * So Euseb. H. E. v. 1, ad fin. Ylavn Se TpoTrqt Traptrrjpovv ... ft /xt) tvxouv 
 TatpTjQ. la ovv awfiaTa tojv fiaprvpiijv iravToiwQ TrapaStiyjxaTicrQtvra Kai aiQpiaa- 
 Oevra iiri Tjjitfpac f?, fiirnrttTa kuivto kui aiOaXojGtvra vtto tojv avo/ibjv, Kuriaa- 
 p(i)9t] tig Tov 'Po^ai'ov TroTajMov nKijmov Trapapptovra, brrojq firj Xtiipavov avrwv 
 (paivijrai net ri]Q yrjg tri. Kat tuvt' tTrparrov . .'iva, wg tXtyov tKeivoi, iirjSt 
 eXTTiSa f^ioiTiv avacTTaaiwg. 
 
 t See Aringhi, vol. i. c. 4; pp. 13, 14. "Apud dissitas ubique terrarum orbis 
 nationes, quantumvis barbaras," says he, "hand unquam mortuorum cadaveribus ex 
 legum praescripto sepultura denegata est." And he cites Lactantius v. 2 ; " Quie ilia 
 feritas, . . lucem vivis, ten-am mortuis denegasse." lu the Jewish law he refers to 
 Dent. xxi. 23, ordering that the bodies of those hung on a tree should be taken down 
 and buried, the same day. 
 
 X Aringhi, ibid. pp. 18, 19, exemplifies the exhumation practised against the 
 Christians by Julian, from Rufinus and Gregory Naz. in his Orat. against Julian. 
 He also cites Chi-ysostom, exclaiming, on the exhimiation of the martyr Babylas ; 
 " Quid scelestius his mandatis fieri possit ? Insolitas Daemon sepulchrorum exspo- 
 liationis leges invehit. Quis unquam mortuos ejectos audivit.''" 
 
 One might have expected that the thought of all this would have excited his regret, 
 if not indignation, against similar outrages by his own Church against the bodies of 
 heretics. But not so. In his vol. ii. 226, this same Aringhi refers approvingly to Pope 
 Alexander the IVth's Edict, excluding the bodies of heretics from Christian burial. 
 
 Malvenda, similarly, De Antichrist, ii. 136, recites Paul the Illrd's indignant notice, 
 in his Bull against our Henry the Vlllth, of his having exhumed the bones of Thomas 
 a Becket, and burnt them : — an outrage this, he exclaims, " omnem plane cunctarum 
 gentium crudelitatem superans, cum ne in hello quidem hostes victores sa;\dre in mor- 
 tuorum cadavera soleant." But not a word against the actual Papal laws existing 
 and enforced, to the same effect, against so-called heretics ! 
 
 § Vol. ii. p. 277. (Ed. London, 1731.) The ejection of the corpse in Spain was to 
 be made according to "the first Instruction of Seville, A.D. 1484, c. 20."
 
 454 APoc. XI. 7 — 12, [part hi. 
 
 enforcement of it applicable to the corpses of heretics, if any- 
 such there were, (and history does record such,)^ as might 
 even then be lying dead, convict of heresy, in any part of 
 Christendom. So that it was a fulfilment to the very letter 
 of what was predicted ; "They from the kindreds and tongues 
 and people shall not suffer their dead bodies to he put into 
 a tomhj" 
 
 The other act prophetically noted, as consequent on the 
 Council's recognition of the Witnesses' death, is the mutual 
 congratulations of its members, and other customary signs 
 of jog, among them that dwelt on the Roman earth. " And 
 they that dwell on the earth rejoice over them, and make 
 merry, and shall send gifts one to another ;^ because these 
 two prophets troubled ^ them that dwelt on the earth." — 
 And here too history does not fail to offer its illustrations. 
 I take Pope Leo's own Bull for the dissolution of the 
 Council, dated in March 1517, as the illustrator. It speaks 
 of all the objects for which the Council had been called, 
 (and the reader will well remember that amongst those ob- 
 jects was " the total extirpation of heresies," of old heresies 
 
 In Hewitson's Memoir, p. 163, it is mentioned that' the indignity of exhumation 
 was carried out in Madeira, as late as the year 1844, against the corpses of several 
 converts from Popery. They were refused any place for interment but the public 
 highway; and, after interment there, "the stones were taken up, and the bodies 
 brought and burned under inspection of the police." 
 
 1 The question on this fact has been pointedly asked by Dr. Keith and Mr. Barker. 
 And very remarkably we find that within the 3| years' predicted exposure of the 
 Witnesses' dead bodies, there were such cases. 
 
 First thei'e was the case of some thirty heretics, hunted out A.D. 1514 from their 
 concealments by an indefatigable Dominican inquisitor at Como, named Antonio De 
 Casalis; and by him hung in the Square of the Cathedral, and then burnt.* — Then 
 there occurred the well-known case of the Wikliffite Richard Huime, related by Foxe. 
 Having first committed him to the Tower on a charge of resisting the priesthood, and 
 then procured his being secretly hanged there, (which however, though vainly, they 
 charged on him as suicide,) the Bishop of London, having found a AViklifTs Bible be- 
 longing to him, with the same anti-papal doctrines written in the margin as those 
 which Wiklili' had taught, instituted thereupon " a writ against the dead body of 
 Richard Hunne," for these points of heresy. And, being adjudged a heretic, his body 
 was delivered to the secular power; and on Dec. 20, 1514, burned ai Smithfield.f 
 
 ^ Xaiponcrtv tir' avToiQ, Kai iv^pan'ovrai, Kai dcopa Trffi^povaiv aXXriXoig. We 
 may infer from the present tense here used, and the distinct notice immediately after- 
 wards of the Witnesses appearing depicted on the Apocalyptic scene, viz. when risen and 
 ascending, that at this point of the Angel's narrative a visible figuring of them appeared. 
 
 3 t^aaavKTav. I translate this word troubled, according to its use in 2 Peter ii. 8 ; 
 where it is said of Lot that he vexed his righteous soul, ^vx^v ((iaaavit^tv, at the 
 sight and hearing of the evil that was passing in Sodom. 
 
 * So Fontana's Monumenta Dominicana, p. 417, ad ann. 1514. (Ed. Rom. 1675.) 
 t See the full account in Foxe iv, 186. It is also referred to by Bishop Burnet, in 
 his Book i. on the Reformation.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 2.] DEATH OF THE WITNESSES. 455 
 
 as well as new,) as having been happily and successfully 
 accomplished.^ It reports not only the extinction of the 
 Pisan schism or heresy, but the universal union of the 
 Church : besides that there was every prospect of peace 
 among the princes of Christendom, such as might enable 
 them to make common cause against the Turks. "All 
 which considered," says Leo, " our soul exults in the Lord : 
 and we judge that thanks should be given to God for it ; 
 and that, among all the faithful in Christ, there should he 
 those signs of jog which on similar occasions are wont to be 
 observed."^ So, "for the greater joy,"^ a plenary Papal 
 Indulgence Avas granted, and then the Te Deum sung. 
 Nor, if the making merry in banquetings was another of 
 the customary modes of expressing joy on public occasions 
 of festivity,^ was it omitted by Leo and his Cardinal^ ; 
 but acted out, very notably, on this auspicious occasion. 
 The splendour of the dinners and fetes given by Leo and 
 the Cardinals on the triumphant close of the Council, — a 
 splendour unequalled since the days of Pagan Rome's 
 greatness, — is made the subject of special record by the 
 Historian of Leo the Xth.^ He records it as a matter 
 characteristic of the age and of the occasion. And it is 
 precisely in this point of view that I would here wish to 
 set the prediction before the reader ; I mean as being not 
 merely a true prediction of fact, but one (like the Apoca- 
 lyptic pictures generally) characteristic of the spirit and 
 feeling of the times. — The more immediate subject of con- 
 
 1 "Causis propter quas Concilium indictum fuerat juxta votum terminatis." Hard, 
 ix. 1849. 
 
 * " Quod mente animoque nostro subinde nobis revolventibus, exultat cor nostrum 
 in Domino nostro Jesu Cbristo : ipsique super hoc jjratias agimus ; . . . . ac per omnes 
 Christi fideles ea signa laetitite qune in similibus fieri consueverunt .... agenda cen- 
 semus." lb. 1850. — In Raynald. ib. 77, we have a notice of the " publica hwtitia 
 Eomse celebrata," Sept. i. 1514, on occasion of peace between France and England ; 
 and, in sign of it, a public thanksgi\'ing, feastings, and Papal indulgence. This illus- 
 trates the character of public rejoicings, as then celebrated at Eome. 
 
 3 " cumulatiori gaudio." Hard. 1851. 
 
 * So Luke XV. 32 ; " It was meet that we should make merry and be glad." The 
 expression is very generally connected with feasting. — In Esther ix. 19, 22, the in- 
 terchange of portions, or gifts of that nature, is also mentioned in connexion with the 
 Jewish feasts of joy. " Therefore the Jews . . made the 14th of the month of Adar a 
 day of gladness and feasting, and a good day, and of sending jjortions one to another." 
 
 Fareus observes on this passage, that when heretics are burnt, Papists keep holi- 
 days, celebrate feasts and banquets, sing Te Deum Laudamus, and wish one another 
 joy. And so too Bullinger ad loc. 
 
 * Eoscoe, iii. 138, on the year of the Council's dissolution, 1517.
 
 456 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 gratulation and joy was indeed, as I have said, the heahng 
 of the Pisan schism or heresy ; because the other heretics 
 had been reduced so low by former crusades and inquisi- 
 tions, as to be no longer the object of terror that they 
 once were. Yet the remembrance of the vexation and 
 trouble occasioned by them, and this in times not very far 
 distant,^ (even as by Elijah, the troubler of Israel, to king 
 Ahab,^) could not have past away. In fact the very first 
 Sermon before the Council, in terms tantamount to the 
 Apocalyptic phrase, expressly records it.^ Hence the mix- 
 ing up of the victory over them, among the ingredients of 
 the joy of those that dwelt on the earth. Altogether, as 
 Dean Waddington describes the scene on the Council's 
 closing, the feeling of joy, triumph, and self-congratulation 
 at .Rome was the exact counterpart to that described in 
 the text : — " The pillars of her strength were visible and 
 palpable ; and she [Rome] surveyed them with exultation 
 from her golden palaces." And again, of the assembled 
 prelates ; " They separated [from the Council] with compla- 
 cency and confidence f and with ''mutual congratulations 
 on -the peace, unity, and purity of the Apostolic Church 
 
 "4 
 
 ^ So Thomas Aquinas, De Antichristo, i. 57 ; " Cruciavertint malos quorum dam- 
 nationes pr;icdixerunt, et ita cniciandos annunciaverunt ; vel cruciaverunt eos con- 
 tradicendo iniquitati eorum." This he says of the two Witnesses. 
 
 " " Art thou not he that troublest Israel ? " 1 Kings xviii. 17. Probably there is 
 an allusion to this in the passage before us. 
 
 3 " Officii nobis^ et nos universalemque ecclesiam magnopcre perturbat, haeresis in- 
 fidelitasque." Hard. ix. 1604. 
 
 * Wadd. H. E. iii. 392, 302. — And so again, with similar direct allusion to the 
 state of things as left by the Cotmcil of Lateran, in his Book on the Reformation, 
 i.' 9 : " Her repose was disturbed by no aggressions from without, no discord from 
 within. . . No heresy of any threatening importance rent the vestment of St. Peter. . . 
 The constitutional reformers of the Church, a party scarcely less obnoxious to the 
 [Roman] See than its avowed enemies, were dispersed, and as it might seem dis- 
 ai-med. . It was now sufficiently clear, whatever might be the principles asserted, or 
 the schemes proposed, that the power of the Pope was de facto paramoimt in the 
 Church." 
 
 The subject is so important that I will add yet a further testimony or two, to the 
 same effect, with reference to the state of things left by the Laterau Council. They 
 will be supplemental to the more general testimonies given before, pp. 430, 431. 
 
 1, Merle i. 64: "Al'epoqueoii la Reformation etoit pres d'eclater, Rome par- 
 aissait en paix et surete. On eut dire que rien ne pouvait plus la troubler dans son 
 triomphe. Les ConciUs Generaux avaient ete soumis : . . les Vaudois et les Hussites 
 avaient 6te comprimes : &c." So also p. 99. 
 
 2. Neander. "If we consider the external circumstances under which the [Roman] 
 Hierarchy presented itself at the epoch of the Reformation, it appears at first view as 
 if the edifice of an unlimited Papal monarchy had at that time come victoriously out 
 of all the preceding fights, and established itself on a firm basis. Because in the last 
 Lateran Council at Rome the principle of an unlimited Papal power was established.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 3.] RESURUECTION OF THE WITNESSES. 457 
 
 And were their congratulations then, and their triumph, 
 to be long continued ? Very different was the predicted 
 purpose of God respecting both them and the cause they 
 had been oppressing. The next thing that I am called in 
 the prophecy to mark and to explain is, 
 
 § 3. The speedy and wonderful resurrection of 
 THE TWO Witnesses. 
 
 " And after the ^ three and a half days the breath of life 
 from God entered into them ; and they stood upon their 
 feet." 
 
 But what the need of any explanation of mine to sug- 
 gest the events that here answered to the prophecy ? His- 
 tory speaks for itself. Not in the compass of the whole 
 ecclesiastical history of Christendom, save and except in 
 the case of the death and resurrection of Christ Himself, 
 is there any such example of the sudden, mighty, and tri- 
 umphant resuscitation of his cause and Chui'ch from a state 
 of deep depression, as was exhibited just after the separa- 
 tion of the 5tli Lateran Council, in the protesting voice of 
 Luther, and out-burst of the glorious Reformation. The 
 sudden contrast forces itself on every w^riter of history, 
 whether of the Romish Church or Protestant. Take the 
 Popish Annalist Raynaldus. " The fire ill-smothered," 
 says he, [i. e. by Pope Leo and his Legate's measures of 
 concihation and repression,] at the close of 1513 and of 
 1514, was blown up again by Luther's bellows, and spread 
 its flames far and wide, more than ever before."^ Take 
 the writer before cited from the Encyclopedia Britannica. 
 " Everything was quiet; every heretic exterminated; and 
 the whole Christian world supinely acquiescing in the 
 enormous absurdities inculpated on them [by the Romish 
 Church], when, in 1517, the empire of superstition" re- 
 ceived " its first attack [its death-blow almost] from Mar- 
 in opposition to the principle of the General Councils ; and the Hussites and the 
 Waldenses had no more any importance to tight against the Papal power." From 
 his Lectures in 1824 at Berlin, communicated to me by Prof. Ply tier. 
 
 1 The definite article is in the original. 
 
 ^ " Sed male sopitum ignem flabello Lutheri postea, ingenti Catholicae religionis et 
 Germaniai detrimento, latius liammas sparsisse suo loco dicetur." Eajnald. xii 35.
 
 458 Apoc. XT. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 tin Luther." Take Mr. Ciminghame ; who draws not his 
 vigorous sketch, let it be observed, with a view to prove the 
 coincidence in question, (his own views of the prophecy 
 being different,) but simply as a matter of history : — " At 
 the commencement of the xvith century Europe reposed in 
 the deep sleep of spiritual death, under the iron yoke of 
 the Papacy . . . There was none that " moved the wing, or 
 opened the mouth, or peeped:" — when, suddenly, in one 
 of the universities of Germany the voice of an obscure 
 monk was heard, the sound of which rapidly filled Saxony, 
 Germany, and Europe itself; shaking the very foundations 
 of the Papal power, and arousing men from the lethargy 
 of ages." 
 
 But does the chronologfj suit ? It was predicted that for 
 three and a half days the Witnesses were to be looked on 
 as dead : in other words, that there was to be the interval 
 of three and a half years between the first recognition of 
 their extinction by the assembled deputies from the states 
 of Christendom, and their resuscitation. Was this the in- 
 terval between that memorable day of the ninth session of 
 the Lateran Council, on which the Orator pronounced his 
 paean of triumph over the extinction of heretics and schis- 
 matics, and the first and yet more memorable act of pro- 
 testation by Luther? Let us calculate. The day of the 
 9th Session was, as we have seen. May 5, 1514; the day 
 of Luther's posting up his Theses at Wittenberg (the well- 
 known epoch of the Reformation) Oct. 31, 1517.^ Now 
 from May 5, 1514 to May 5, 1517 are three years: and 
 from May 5, 1517 to October 31 of the same year, 1517, 
 the reckoning in days is as follows ; 
 
 Ausfust 31 
 
 May 5—31 .... 27 
 
 June 30 
 
 July 31 
 
 September ... 30 
 October 31 
 
 in all 180, or half 360 days ; that is, just half a year.^ So 
 that the whole interval is precisely, to a day, three and a 
 
 1 See p. 100 supra. — In Junckner, pp. 284 — 321, there is an account of the cele- 
 bration of the 1st Centenary of this October 31, and copies of the medals then struck 
 in Germany, as the Centenary of the Reformation. In Pearson's Life of Swartz his 
 annual celebration of the day is also noted. A 3rd Centenary was celebrated in Pro- 
 testant Germany in 1817. 
 
 2 In Apocalyptic reckoning a time, or year, = 360 days; \ a time 180 days. ^
 
 CHAP. VIII. ^ 3.] RESURRECTION OF THE WITNESSES. 459 
 
 half years ; irrecisely, to a day, the period predicted in the 
 Apocalyptic prophecy ! — Oh wonderful prophecy, is the 
 exclamation that again forces itself on my mind ! "Oh 
 the depth of the riches of the wisdom and the fore-know- 
 ledge of God ! " 
 
 So then " the hreath of life from God entered into the 
 slain Witnesses, and they stood upon their feet!' ^ — The 
 figure of a revival, resuscitation, or resurrection, is so natur- 
 al as well as striking, and so evidently appropriate in the 
 case of Luther and the Witnesses preceding him, that we 
 cannot wonder at its having been perpetually appHed in the 
 case, by writers of whatever dificrent creed and sentiments, 
 Not by w^ay of illustration only, but yet more on account 
 of its beauty and historic interest, I must beg permission 
 to subjoin one exemplification of it, given anticipatively, I 
 may almost "Si^i^ prop)heticalljj, 100 years before Luther, by 
 the martyr Huss. We are told that whilst in his lonesome 
 dungeon at Constance, just but a few nights before his 
 martyrdom, " he dreamt ; and it seemed as if some pictures 
 of Christ, that he had been painting on the w^alls of his 
 oratory, were eflPaced by the Pope and the Bishops. The 
 dream afflicted him. But the next night he dreamed again, 
 and seemed to see painters more in number, and with more 
 of effect, restoring the pictures of Jesus. He told the 
 dream to his friends. ' I am no vain dreamer,' he said : 
 ' but hold for certain that the image of Christ shall never 
 be effaced. They wish to destroy it : but it shall be painted 
 afresh in the hearts of gospel-preachers better than myself. 
 And I, aivaliing as it were from the dead, and rising from 
 the grave, shall rejoice with exceeding great joy.' " ^' His 
 fellow-martyr Jerome, in spirit similarly prophetic, named 
 the interval 100 years, after which their memory would 
 be vindicated, their cause triumphant.'^ — On turning from 
 
 ^ Compare the life-gi\'ing, spirit-stirring charge of the divine Angel of the Cove- 
 nant, Apoc. X. 11, to the apostle and seer St. John, in his representative character, 
 " Thou must prophesy again before many peoples and tongues and nations;" com- 
 mented on pp. 169, 173 supra. 
 
 ^ Merle d'Aub. i. 79 ; from Huss. Epist. sub temp. Concilii scriptse. It is given 
 also by Foxe iii. 508, as in a letter to John de Chlum, and L 'Enfant i. 446. 
 
 3 " Vobis certum est me inique et malign^ condemnare, nulla nox^ etiamnum in- 
 venta. Ego vero post fata mea vestris conscientiis stimulum infigo et morsum ; ac
 
 460 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part hi. 
 
 Hiiss and Jerome to Pope Adiian, Leo Xth's successor, we 
 find a Commentator, such as they might have httle ex- 
 pected, both on the martyrs' anticipations, and on the Apoca- 
 lyptic prophecy. In 1523 he wrote thus, in a Brief ad- 
 dressed to the Diet at Nuremberg : " The heretics IIiiss mid 
 Jerome seem now to be alive again in the person of Luther." ^ 
 — And indeed both in Bohemia itself, and in England, 
 and in the Piedmontese valleys, the voice thrilled with elec- 
 tric effect ; even to a partial revival there, very soon, of the 
 old Hussite, Wickliffite, and Waldensic witnessings.^ 
 
 There remains but one clause more for notice in the pro- 
 phetic description. After stating the Witnesses' revival, 
 and standing upon their feet, it adds ; " and great fear 
 
 appello ad celsissimum simul et asquissimum Judiccra, Deum Omnipotentem ; ut coram 
 eo centum annis revolutis respondebitis mihi." Narratio de Magn. Hieron. Hist, et 
 Mor. c. ii. p. 531 ; ap. Gieseler iii. 353. This, I infer from Gieseler, was written by 
 a contewporary. Now Huss was burnt in 1415, Jerome in 1416; and Luther's pro- 
 test was in 1517. — In a letter of Huss, sent from Constance to Prague, the following 
 passage occurs : " Prius laqueos citationes et anathemata anseri paraverunt ; [Huss is. 
 the Bohemian for an anser, or goose fl et jam nonnuUis ex vobis insidiantur. Sed 
 quia anser, animal dicur, avis domestica, suprema volatu suo non pertingens eorum 
 laqueos [non] rupit, nihilo-minus alite aves, quae verbo Dei et \\tk volatu suo alta 
 petunt, eorum insidias conterent." 
 
 Hence, says Gieseler, ibid, the reported prophecy of Huss ; " Hodie anserem uritis ; 
 sed ex meis cineribus nascetur cygnus, quem non assare poteritis." It is noticed, I 
 see, by Malvenda, p. 61. 
 
 Medals exist Avhich represent Huss at the stake, and have the legend round them, 
 "Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis et mihi." A copy of one is given iu 
 Junckner, p. 24 ; also one of another of a more ancient tj'pe, p. 48. With regard to 
 the latter, (here engraved,) the evidence of antiquity prior to the Reformation seems 
 to me strong. See the opinions of Romanists, as well as anti-Romanists, in its favour, 
 ap. Junckner, p. 39, and L'Enfant, Hist, of Coimcil of Constance, i. 447- 
 
 1 Milner, p. 800. From among later Romanist winters, who have applied the 
 same figure to the Lutheran Reformation, let me note three. 
 
 1. Thuanus. " Cum hue illuc ab eo tempore dispersi ubique exagitarentur (sc. the 
 Valdenses and Albigenses), tamen exstitere semper per intervalla qui eorum doctrinam 
 mtcrmorttmm renovarey^t, Joannes Yiclefus in Anglia, in Bohemia Joannes Hussus, 
 et Hieronymus Pragensis. Nostra vero aetate, postquam Lutheri doctrina obvio tam 
 multorum favore accepta est, reliqiiice illorum ubique spars;^ coUigi, et, crescente Lu- 
 theri nomine, vires et auctoritatem sumere coeperunt ; prascipue in regionibus Al- 
 pinis, et provinciis Alpibus vicinis." B. vi. p. 223, ap. Faber Wald. 512. 
 
 2. Mariana, in his Preface to Lucas de Tuy ; " In quibus [sc. Lutheranis et Cal- 
 vinianis] revixisse videntur Albigenses, majori impudentia." B. P. M. xxv. 189. 
 
 3. Raynald, Annal. Eccl. xii. 484, ad ann. 1524 ; much Kke Thuanus. 
 
 2 Of the Bohemians Comeniiis thus writes. " Excitaverat Deus in Germania mag- 
 nanimum Lutlierum, Papse fulmen. Quo velut expergefaeti in Bohemia Calixtinorum 
 nonnulli, puriorem evangelii doctrinam amplecti aniraum induxenmt." Persec. Boh. 
 p. 97. — Of the Wieliffites the now renewed executions for heresy speak with sufficient 
 distinctness. See Foxe and Burnet: also Erasmus' Letter ap. Jortin, 116. — Of the 
 Waldenses speaks M. Monastier. After noting their state of depression and death, 
 (see pp. 447, 450 supra,) he says ; But God delivered his Vaudois Church, " en lui 
 faisant parvenir la nouvelle de son triomphe sur 1' Antichrist, par la Reformation." 
 
 Dr. Keith, by a strange mistake, has objected Luther's difference of doctrine from 
 the Hussites. In my Vindicife, pp. 252, 253, I have shown how Luther on his part
 
 i1. 21, 
 
 Aiol.li,l'.460. 
 
 THE a:nctent 
 
 MEDAL OEHUSS'MARTYimOM & PROPHECY. 
 
 Prom Jimckner.
 
 CHAP. VIII. § 3.] RESURRECTION OF THE WITNESSES. 461 
 
 fell on those that beheld them/'—l^ow it strikes me that 
 there is a distinctiveness in the phraseoloirv here deservino- 
 of remark. It is not said, " Great fear fell on them " st? 
 auroug, m the pronommal accusative, with reference to the 
 members of Council just before spoken of as contemplat- 
 ing their dead corpses : but S7rt roug Sswoouvrag upon " such 
 as beheld them." The Lateran Council in fact had separ- 
 ated, and the deputies returned home, a few months be- 
 fore Luther's Protest. So that the first impression from it 
 was not the same on one and all. At Rome Pope Leo 
 m his golden palace, incredulous as to the possibility of 
 anything occurring, especially from so mean an origin to 
 atiect his supremacy and power, treated it at first as a mere 
 passing ebullition of feeling and genius in the monk of Wit- 
 tenberg.^ But not so they that were on the spot, and be- 
 Md, when, hke an electric shock, the voice of the revived 
 gospel-witness thrilled through Germany. Not so I sav 
 Tetzel Eck, Miltitz, Meander. Of these each one, ^s they 
 entered on- the scene, and looked on, trembled in consterna- 
 tion. For they saw that the very foundation of the whole 
 Papal system was assailed; and that there was a power in 
 the voice and the movement, (even as if from heaven ) that 
 they could not withstand. And soon indeed Pope Leo him- 
 self realized the danger.^~It needs not that I here retrace 
 what has been said before so fully of the subsequent suc- 
 cessive steps taken towards the consolidation of the Reform 
 ation :-the recognition by Luther in their true character 
 and his consequent rejection, of the Roman Pope and his 
 seven thunders; his intrepid standing up in defence of 
 
 mttlZ^''' ''"' '^""^^ P™"P^^^ ' -<! '^^J' - theirs, soon symbolized with 
 ; " Brother Martin " he said, " is a man of iine genius." 
 ^ bee my citations from Merle in the Vindieiw nn 2ifi o^r t^ ^i, 
 writes Waddington, Reformation, i. IqV lo" iii ^^fi7 ' jJi .?^f "^ effect 
 
 about Miltitz and Aleander, as Dr. Keith hardisnuS.r^-.'.'^r, ^^\^'^P<''^^ 
 Av-ith him Briefs for the election, &c. ; ott s L X , l-lr' ' f I ^^f^' ^™'^^*^* 
 through which he might pass in his return nfl^^f '^'.'*"''"* "^^'' 
 
 rioknl, as well as his futSre prisoner from ^^.-eue IT. f'-f^f/'-*'^/ /'•«'« 
 Alps, when he found reason to fe-i, th.rpJ!/!^ ^^ scarcely had he crossed the 
 
 As he made his fZh r proo-ies iloth I5e eW P^^^^^^'^^ ^«^^^ not serve him.
 
 462 Apoc. XI. 7 — 12. [part in. 
 
 the gospel before the Emperor and Cardinal at Worms ; 
 the general revival of gospel-preaching ; the ecclesiastical 
 constitution of a pure and reformed Chm-ch, and excom- 
 munication of the Roman Church as apostate, with the 
 rod of the civil power assisting, throughout electoral Sax- 
 ony, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, and other countries. It 
 is sufficient here to state that at each step of advance, as 
 the revival was confirmed, and the Witnesses stood more 
 firmly on their feet, the fear of those that beheld continued, 
 and increased in anxiety. Not least were their fears ex- 
 cited when, after ten years of vain schemes and agitation 
 to put them down, the Lutheran Reformers proclaimed as 
 it were before the world, — though all unconsciously and 
 unintentionally, — that they were but the Witnesses of 
 Christ resuscitated and risen up again : — I mean when in 
 1530, just after the memorable Augsburg Council, at which 
 they had presented their Confession of Faith, and been 
 repudiated by the Emperor, they united themselves collect- 
 ively at Smalcald,^ under the glorious adopted name of 
 Protestants ; an appellation the very same that, according 
 to its Latin etymology, signifies Witnesses. 
 
 And here the Angel seems to me to have ceased speak- 
 ing. (I shall presently have to state the evidence of it.) 
 His sketch of the two Witnesses' history had been brought 
 down to that very chronological point in the vision prefi- 
 gurative of the Reformation, at which he first interposed 
 with his retrospective explanatory narrative. What re- 
 mained of their history would most fitly be given, not re- 
 trospectively, or in explanatory narrative, but in the 
 resumption and progress of the Apocalyptic scenic figura- 
 tions. To these we now proceed. They w^ill form the 
 subject of oiu' next Chapter. 
 
 1 " The Papists in Germany are filled with fear. As we returned from the assem- 
 bly at Stualcalden, the priests at Erfurt inquired what was there concluded, whether 
 for their ruin or safety." Luther's Table Talk, ii. 29.
 
 CHAP. IX.] ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES. 463 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES, AND POLITICAL ESTABLISH- 
 MENT OF THE REFORMATION. 
 
 " And I heard ^ a great voice from heaven saying unto 
 them, Come up hither ! And they ascended up to heaven 
 in the cloud :^ and their enemies beheld them. — And at 
 that same time^ there was a great earthquake. And the 
 tenth part of the city fell. And in the earthquake were 
 slain seven chiliads,^ names of men. And the remnant 
 were affrighted. — And they gave glory to the God of 
 heaven." Apoc. xi. 12, 13. 
 
 It will be observed that I adopt the reading rj^couo-a, / 
 heard, instead of r^xoua-av, they heard, the reading in the 
 authorized translation, at the heading of this passage. My 
 reason is this. The external evidence of manuscripts and 
 versions in so far favours it, that Griesbach places it in his 
 margin, as of perhaps equal authority with the received 
 rjxoua-av ;^ and Bengel and Wordsworth adopt it. Then we 
 have this evidence from analogy in its favour, that, whereas 
 there are about 20 examples of Tjxoucra elscAvhere in the 
 Apocalyptic prophecy, there is not one of rixovcrav. The 
 figurative characters, shadowed out before the apostle's eye 
 in vision, are nowhere described as hearing what passed 
 on the Apocalyptic scene. They often spoke words in- 
 deed ; and at times had words addressed to them.^ But 
 it was all, as well as the distinctive guise they wore, for the 
 apostles seeing, the apostle s hearing. — Thus, on the whole, 
 
 ^ The reading r]Kovaa is taken, for reasons given presently. 
 
 2 tv ry vi(j>i\y. 
 
 ^ tv tKeivy ry upq,. Griesbach has rjntpq., Wordsworth and others wp^. 
 
 * Xikiahiq tirra. On which more hereafter. 
 
 ^ So Scholz also. — Hsscra is in the Codex B, also in many manuscript codices of 
 less value ; also in the Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic versions : — versions pro- 
 bably of the 6th and 7th centuries. See Tregelles and Wordsworth's critical Editions. 
 
 fi For example, they spoke in the songs of thanksgiving. Again ivords tvere ad- 
 dressed to them under the third Seal ; " I heard a voice saying, See that thou defraud 
 not in the wine and in the oil ;" and under the fifth Trumpet ; " It was said to them 
 that they should not injure the grass." Apoc. vi. 6, ix. 4.
 
 404 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 I hope the reader will agree with me that there is reason- 
 able ground for preferring the former, as the true reading. 
 Professors Ewald and M. Stuart have, on general grounds, 
 preferred it also.^ 
 
 The chief value of the observation, to my own mind, 
 consists in this, that it determines a point, otherwise indis- 
 tinctly defined, of much importance : viz. where it is that 
 the descended Angel of the Covenant ends his elucidatory 
 retrospective narrative ; and that the Apocalyptic figura- 
 tions recommence before St. John, in their usual form and 
 course. For, supposing the reading Tjxouo-a, And I heard, 
 to be the correct one, it marks of itself their recommence- 
 ment. Other sounds now fell upon his ear that were to 
 be recorded, other objects called for his immediate regard 
 on the Apocalyptic scene, in place of the voice and ad- 
 dress of the Covenant- Angel.'^ — At any rate the transition 
 cannot be fixed earlier than the clause next before pre- 
 ceding, " And, after the three and a half days, the Spirit 
 of life from God entered into them, and they stood upon 
 their feet, and great fear fell on those that beheld them ; " 
 seeing that the characteristic future tense of the Angel's 
 narrative occurs immediately before it:^ nor later than 
 the clause next after following; for there and then the 
 cloud that mantled the discoursing Angel, (so we shall 
 see presently,) and of course the Angel with it, is said to 
 have ascended upward fi'om the Evangelist's presence. 
 
 And hence a new and twofold historical testing of the 
 correctness of our historical exposition of this part of the 
 prophecy. For, 1st, the Angel's retrospective sketch of the 
 Witnesses in \S\& figuration, and the Protestant Reformers' 
 retrospective view of them in the realitij, ought, on this hy- 
 pothesis, to have brought up to about the time whence 
 
 • 1 " Some codices read rjKsaa, which with Ewald I deem preferable ; as it varies the 
 narrative, and makes it more graphic and lively. As John sees and hears all that is 
 done and said, so riKH<7a might well be here employed." M. Stuart. 
 
 2 "And after the three days and a half, the spirit of life from God entered into 
 them; and they stood upon their feet: and great fear fell on them which saw them." 
 The reader will have observed what I have said of the present tense used by the 
 Angel in depicting the dead state of the Witnesses, and rejoicing over them ; as if they 
 were then at length depicted on the scene. See my p. 454 Note -. 
 
 " Hue usque," says Tichonius, after notice of the three and a half days of the 
 Witnesses lying dead, " Angelus futurnm narravit, et inducit factum quod futurum 
 audit." "^ Suipa TTf/iTpstrt. The future is in all the manuscripts.
 
 CHAP. IX.] ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES. 465 
 
 we suppose the view taken : i. e. as we saw some time since ' 
 to the epoch of the researches of Bale, Flacins lily cTs 
 Foxe &c. ; researches begun soon after the ecclp.inS 
 con^itntjon of the Reforn'Ied Church/:i fthe t le. fed 
 g«0^o^ of authority, about 1542 or 1543 : ^ 2ndly the ore 
 figurations next exhibited ought to answer to tt eve ts" 
 
 L^nristendom.— Now that our exposition well stands the 
 first criterion may probably have Already struck 1 e reade 
 For the last point noted in the AnferirefromectwenarZ' 
 ttvevn.the two Witnesses' firm sfanding upon heir feet ^" 
 to the dismay of their enemies, after a sudde and n'ost 
 
 to have had fiilfihnent in the consolidation and firm atti 
 deof the reformed body, when leagued together unto 
 the name of antipapal Protestants, or' Wifne^es . u fon 
 Diet '^ ' ,'Ft'"f' '^'^ ^'"'''^^ '^'''^ «f the AugsbZ 
 ca • nTd whic f tV'r' "f *'' 'J'^' 1530 .CiZt 
 epoch of 54 "j^. '', '" °T. 'r «^ '» '"^'"''« the precise 
 epoch of 1 042, 1543, about winch I suppose the retrosoect 
 e view to have begun) some 15 or 16 years after.^-Atain 
 that the new prefigumtion. introduced by the words "And I 
 
 1 See 203, 204 suprji. 
 
 Saxony and other adjoining cofutries and '^^^^^^^ ^'''''^''^ authoritie.s, in 
 
 solemn promulgation of its nrindnlptinTw '""^P^^te'i. ^^e may perhaps say, by the 
 Churches, prese^nted to th^E^mpe S^d Dt^^D^l^r t^;^'^^ ^^°" '^'''^^'^ 
 
 i^:^'^ir^:^hsf^^^^ into his 
 
 Apocalyptic passage on tL d ath If the WiTnP ""ll'^f^' "^ "l"^t''^tio'n of the 
 vigour. -^ - 5 si, ,r, ^*T*'"" "' "•''"o'l'i^ 
 
 •hough .hoy be not tho .amrp rl " ■ |„ ft? he S'°' ^T^ "'° f '"' ""™»»5-- 
 spo...e„^f„ «,e ce„.in,. oT^rrg^ZX-S V "^ r:."'^' """ '" '"«
 
 466 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 heard," takes up the threads of either preceding prophecy, 
 and, interweaving them, carries forward conjointly the fur- 
 ther prophetic development of their grand and common 
 subject, the Reformation, will appear just as clearly as 
 we proceed. 
 
 "And I heard a great voice from heaven saying unto 
 them, Come up hither ! And they ascended up to heaven 
 in the cloud : and their enemies beheld them." So begins 
 the narrative of the resumed figurations. After which 
 follows ; "And at the same time there was a great earth- 
 quake. And the tenth part of the city fell. And there 
 were slain in the earthquake seven chiliads, names of men." 
 Thus in this prefiguration there were three things noted : 
 — the Witnesses' ascension; — the falling of a tenth part of 
 the Papal Citjj, in a great contemporary earthquake ; — and 
 the slaying of seven chiliads in the earthquake. Each of 
 these demands its separate consideration. And, 
 
 I. The Witnesses' ascension to heaven. 
 
 It is to be observed that the heaven here noted in vision 
 was a heaven visible to the enemies of the Witnesses,^ and 
 therefore not the spiritual heaven of the Divine presence. 
 It seems evidently here, just as in the vision of the Woman 
 and Dragon in the next Chapter,'^ and as in other earlier 
 prophecies also,^ to be the heaven of political elevation and 
 dignity : the ascent thither being an advancement to such 
 dignity and elevation -^ and the call to the Witnesses, 
 the loud call of summons thither, a call from persons high- 
 
 1 For it is said both of their ascent, and of themselves after it, " And their enemies 
 beheld them." — The reader may refer back, if he please, to some observations on the 
 firmamental heaven of the Apocalyptic landscape in Vol. i. p. 103. 
 
 2 So Todd, p. 230, on Apoc. xii." 1 ; "I infer that the scene of this vision is not that 
 higher heaven, wliere was the throne of God, and the 24 elders, and the 4 beasts ; . . 
 but the lower heaven, where are the sim moon and stars." 
 
 3 e. g. Isaiah xiv. 13. The king of Babylon is there represented as saying in his 
 heart, " I will ascend into heaven ; I will exalt my throne above the stars of God : . . 
 I will ascend above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the Most High." 
 
 ■* The figure of ascent into heaven, in tSe sense of triumph and exaltation, was, 
 like others in the passage before us, adopted unconsciously in the 5th Lateran Covin- 
 cil. In the conclusion of Cardinal Cajetan's oration in the 2nd Session we find the 
 words ; " Sic namque hoc sacrosanctum Concilium in caelum ascendct, cum Catholic^ 
 Ecclesia quam refert ; et quam Johannes civitatem esse sanctam, esse Jerusalem, no- 
 vamque, atque de coelo descendisse, contemplatus est." Hard. ix. 1623.
 
 CHAP. IX.] ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES. 467 
 
 est for the time being in that lower heaven of pohtical 
 authority.^ — Such seems to me the meaning of the pre- 
 figurative symbols. But could it be that the Witnesses so 
 lately made war against, even to extermination, by the Wild 
 Beast from the abyss, i. e. by the Popes and secular Euro- 
 pean powers under them, and which had been moreover re- 
 joiced over, when apparently dead, by delegates from every 
 part of Western Christendom, and even after their resusci- 
 tation aimed at afresh in hostile decrees, like those of 
 Worms and Augsburg, — could it be, I say, that they 
 should by any of those powers be called up, and that with 
 a voice audible through all Europe, to political ascendancy 
 and power ? — It needs but little acquaintance with modern 
 history to know that such was indeed the very fact ; and 
 this within little more than 20 years from the anti-Protestant 
 Decree of Augsburg. 
 
 It was the embroilment with other nations of Charles 
 the Vth, head of the Germanic Empire, — that great secu- 
 lar power in which the Popes most trusted to crush the 
 rising heresy, — that God's all-ruling Providence made use 
 of, (it is always instructive to trace its mode of operation,) 
 as the primary means for effecting this predicted consum- 
 mation. Scarce had two years elapsed after the passing 
 of the Augsburg Decree, when the imminency of a long- 
 threatened Turkish invasion, under the terrible Sultan 
 Solyman, made the reconcilement of the Protestant States 
 a point of obvious necessity for the preservation of the em- 
 pire :^ and induced from the Emperor and Germanic Diet 
 a Decree, celebrated as the Pacification of Nuremberg ; by 
 which Decree full toleration was accorded to Protestantism, 
 and a stop put to all suits against Protestants in the Impe- 
 rial Chamber, until the assembling, then shortly expected, of 
 a General Council. Thus, says Robertson,^ " from having 
 been viewed hitherto only as a religious sect, the Protest- 
 ants of Germany came henceforth to be considered as 
 a political body of no small consequence." It was their 
 
 ^ The expression " Come up hitlier," shows that the voice came from that same 
 heaven to which the Witnesses were to ascend. — If it be preferred however to con- 
 strue it as a Providential call, this will not affect my general explanation. 
 
 - See Robertson's Charles the Vth, generally, for the history. 
 
 3 lb. Book V. ad ann. 1531, 1532. Vol. iii. pp. 56 et seq. 
 
 30 *
 
 468 APoc. XI. 12, 13. [part tii. 
 
 first great step, and that on the Imperial call, to political 
 ascendancy . — The embroihnent with Turkey was followed 
 by others of longer duration with France, and then with 
 France and Turkey conjointly : — embroilments marked on 
 the historic page by Charles's expeditions against Tunis 
 and Algiers, and successive invasions of France on the side 
 of its Soutlicrn and Northern Provinces. Nor, notwith- 
 standing some intervening truces, did the Emperor feel 
 himself sufficiently disembarrassed to attempt the reduction 
 of the Protestants, — though by their firm attitude of inde- 
 pendence they almost as much offended him, as by their 
 religious heresy (so called) the Pope, — until the Peace of 
 Crespy with the French King in September 1544.^ — Con- 
 current with all this was the operation of the reluctance of 
 two successive Popes^ to the assembling of a General 
 Council : as it delayed that which, by the terms of the 
 Nuremberg Decree, was to constitute the terminating limit 
 to the toleration of Protestants then agreed on. So that, 
 in effect, for not less than 13 years, viz. from 1532 to 
 1545, the Pacification of Nuremherg continued in force in 
 their favour •? and the only Decree or Treaty in the interval, 
 (I refer specially to the Treaty of Kadan, agreed to 
 in 1534 between the Emperor's brother and the Protestant 
 Prince of Hesse,^ and Decree by the Emperor himself and 
 Diet of Spires issued early in 1 544,) these, I say, instead 
 of contravening or abridging the favourable enactments of 
 Nuremberg, did but confirm and enlarge them. — But after 
 the Peace of Crespy all was changed. The time was 
 deemed by the Emperor to have come for the subjugation 
 of the Protestants. Their requisition for recognition and 
 toleration, not temporarily or contingently, (so as before 
 
 1 Robertson's Charles the Vth, Books Y, VI, VII. 
 
 ~ Clement VII, consul to Leo X, and Paul III ; the former Pope from 1523 to 
 1534, the latter from 1534 to 1549. 
 
 ^ It was in this interval, being- in the year 1540, that the order of Jesuits was in- 
 stituted. On which see Robertson ibid, ad ann. 1540, and Ranke's History of Popes 
 (Austin's Translation), B ii. c. i. § 4 and 7 ; also the late Reprint of the Constitutions 
 of the Order, and Sir J. Stephens' Essay on the subject. 
 
 * Ranke particularly notices this Treaty of Kadan. " It may be regarded," he 
 says, " as the second great epoch of the rise of the Protestant power in Germany." B. 
 i. c. 3, p. 123. In it there was contained the important article that the Supreme 
 Court (the Kammergericht) should hear no more suits concerning confiscated church 
 property.
 
 CHAP. IX.] ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES. 469 
 
 till the meeting of a General Council,) but absolutely and 
 permanently, was rejected. A hostile Decree followed 
 against them. And just after two memorable though very 
 different events had occurred, as if in preparation (so the 
 Romanists might have fancied) for the subjugation of Pro- 
 testantism in Germany, — I mean the assembling of the 
 Council of Trent in January 1546, and the death of Luther 
 in the February following,^ the threatened war broke out. 
 And, the Protestants being defeated at Muhlburg,^ and 
 their chiefs the Saxon Elector and Prince of Hesse made 
 prisoners and detained in captivity, and the Interim anti- 
 Protestant^ Decree soon after promulgated, (the date was 
 May 15, 1548,) it seemed as if not only the predicted 
 ascendancy of Protestantism, but even the Protestant cause 
 itself, was put in jeopardy throughout all Germany. — But 
 in this case, just as so often in others, the epoch of depres- 
 sion, through God's gracious overruling for his people, 
 did but precede and introduce that of more conspicuous 
 elevation. New and unexpected agencies were suddenly 
 brought into operation. The betrayer of the Protestant 
 cause in the war just ended, Prince Maurice, was led to 
 espouse it. (Let it be remembered that it is with the 
 political bearing of the subject that I am now dealing.) 
 Then followed the surprise of the Emperor Charles at 
 Inspruck, and the consequent Peace of Passau, concluded 
 August 12, 1552 : that celebrated Peace (confirmed in 
 1555 at Augsburg) whereby in the fullest measure tolera- 
 tion was accorded to Protestantism ; and Protestants, 
 equally with Romanists, admitted to sit as judges in the 
 Supreme Imperial Chamber.^ In short, it was the fulfil- 
 ment of the Apocalyptic prefiguration of the Witnesses' 
 ascent into the political heaven in Germany ; — in Germanij, 
 
 1 It happened peacefully at his native place Eislehen. I have a medal before mc 
 (Junckuer, p. 174) struck on the occasion: which on the one side bears the face of 
 Luther with his eyes closed in death : on the obverse the legend round the margin, 
 " In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum : Redemisti me, fieus veritatis : " and in 
 the body the distich, 
 
 Nona bis obscura lux Februa constitit ortu, 
 In patrio ut moreris, clare Luthere, solo. 
 It was indeed a marvel that a peaceful death should have been Luther's lot ; and 
 this in his native country and village. ~ Apr. 24, 1547. 
 
 ' Though little indeed agi-eeable to the Romanists, as observed in my Note ^ p. 432. 
 So Mosheim, xvi. i. 4. 3, 4 ; and Robertson, ib. 447. * Robertson, iv. 181.
 
 470 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 the originating locality, under God, of this great revo- 
 lution : and followed by their elevation almost contempo- 
 rarily in some other countries, of which I shall speak pre- 
 sently.^ — Nor, with reference to this consummation in the 
 Germanic empire, must we overlook the predictive state- 
 ment, " And their enemies helield them!' It seemed to 
 pre-intimate the presence of enemies on occasion of the 
 Witnesses' ascension, just as before on occasion of their 
 resurrection : even as if the result would be accomplished 
 in the face of these enemies, and in spite of them. And 
 so it was. At the passing of each Decree by which the 
 Protestants rose into ascendancy, their enemies were present 
 in the Diets and the Councils. As they sate in elevation 
 afterwards in the Imperial Chamber, still their enemies 
 were present, and beheld them.^ This made the triumph 
 more remarkable. Their language of thanksgiving might 
 well have been that of one who was a witness for God in 
 other and earlier times ; " Thou hast prepared a table for 
 us in the presence of our enemies."^ 
 
 There remains yet one point for remark in the descrip- 
 tion of the ascent of the Witnesses ; I mean the circum- 
 stance of their ascent being " in the cloud." I say in 
 the cloud \ for though our translators have rendered it " in 
 a cloud," the original is as I have given it, sv rj] vB^B'kri ; 
 " And they ascended up to heaven in the cloud. "^ — Now 
 on this insertion of the definite article in the clause Bishop 
 Middleton has remarked that it is most singular. " No 
 cloud," he says, "had been mentioned : yet there is not any 
 instance in the N. T. in which vs^sXrj has the article, where 
 there is not referenced But is it the case, I must ask, 
 
 1 See the next head. 
 
 2 " Throughout the whole of the Austrian dominions the Protestants stood armed 
 with their old provincial rights, /ace to/ace with the Government." So Ranke ii. 96, 
 of the somewhat later year 1579. And Guizot (Europ. Civiliz. Lect. xii) ; " An 
 effect of the religious revolution was to create in Europe two classes of States, Catholic 
 and Protestant, a.\\A place them opposite each other." 
 
 Picart says ; " Je prends le terns que le Concile de Trente finit (i. e. A.D. 1563) pour 
 le veritable epoque de I'etablissemeut de la religion Protestante. On pent dire que 
 des lors V Europe commence de la reconnaitre." Cerem. iii. 305. 
 
 3 Psalm xxiii. 5. — Compare too Gen. xvi. 12 : " He (Ishmael) shall be a -n-ild man : 
 his hand shall be against every man, and every man's hand against him : and he shall 
 dwell in the presence of all his brethren." Some of them hostile brethren. 
 
 * There is no various reading. Yet does M. Stuart translate "in a cloud:" nor 
 have I seen any solution, or indeed scarce an attempt at a solution of the difficulty, 
 by any other expositors of whatever school.
 
 CHAP. IX.] ASCENT OF THE WITNESSES. 471 
 
 that no cloud, to which reference might be intended, has 
 been before mentioned ? Was it not in the rohinrj of a 
 cloud that the Covenant-Angel had descended on the Apo- 
 calyptic earth before St. John, in the vision of the xth 
 chapter symbolizing the Reformation ? And, as there is 
 no mention made afterwards of his divesting Himself of it, 
 must it not be understood that it was still in this same 
 robing that He did all that was subsequently noticed of 
 Him on the Apocalyptic scene : — that, invested with it, He 
 swore that mio'htv oath about the time of the consummation : 
 in it gave the open gospel-book to his disciple ; in it, after 
 placing the rod in his hand, commissioned him to measure 
 the temple ; in it began and continued the narrative of the 
 Witnesses, only just before terminated ? Assuredly such 
 is the case : and, as it is so, ''the cloud" here mentioned, with 
 the definite article, must needs be this self-same cloud of 
 the covenant- Angel's investitm'e. — But if so, why specified, 
 it may be asked, in the prophecy ? The object, I conceive, 
 was two-fold : — 1. to show that the ascent of the Witnesses, 
 and its prefigured concomitants, was the result, the com- 
 pleting result, of Christ's special intervention ; 2. to identify 
 yet further, and more explicitly, the cause and triumph of 
 the Witnesses with that of the ^XQdX Protestant Reformation. 
 
 It is added, "And at the same time^ there ivas a great 
 earthquake" The events that have just been detailed in- 
 volved of course a schism of those countries from the Pope- 
 dom (and a mighty schism it w^as,'-) in which Protestantism 
 had been established as the state-religion ; — viz. of Sax- 
 ony, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark. — It was observable how- 
 ever of all these countries, (and the fact is certainly some- 
 what singular,) that they alike lay to the North of the 
 Danube, the boundary line in that direction of the old 
 Roman empire.^ But the mighty moral and political revo- 
 
 ^ fv iKHvy ry tljpa. Griesbach has finipg. : but I prefer the authorised text : as 
 do also Tregelles and Wordsworth. And I render it, " at that time" because wpy is 
 generally used in the Apocalypse in that sense. 
 
 2 Writers of every creed agree in speaking of the Eeformation as one of the mighti- 
 est of revolutions. So e. g. Br. Lingard ; " That religious revolution which . . . 
 astonished and convulsed the nations of Europe." So Guizot (Europ. Civiliz. Lect. 
 xii.) perpetually. And M. Merle; "Le Christianisme et la Reformation sont les deux 
 plus grandes revolutions de I'histoire." i. 3. * See Vol. i. pp. 361, 366.
 
 472 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 lution, begun in Saxony, was destined almost immediately 
 to extend further, and into other countries ; and, together 
 with the ascent of Protestantism there also, to involve the 
 downfal and destruction of one very remarkable part (in- 
 deed of more than one) of what is called in the Apocalyp- 
 tic prophecy the great city. " And the tenth part,'' it 
 says, " of the city fell : and there tvere slain in the earth- 
 quake seven chiliads, names of men." — The development 
 of this was to be the subject of our second Head. 
 
 II. The overthrow of a tenth part of the city, 
 
 AND THE SLAYING OF SEVEN CHILIADS. 
 
 1. The fall of the tenth part of the city. "And the 
 tenth part of the city fell." — To understand the intent of 
 this prediction, nothing more seems necessary than to re- 
 member that the Apocalyptic great city included in its em- 
 pire, according to the prophecy, just ten kingdoms ;^ and 
 that the word fall is used in prophecy with reference to 
 cities or countries conquered, and transferred to the do- 
 minion of a triumphant enemy. ^ It was the conquest and 
 overthrow of the Papal empire in one of these ten kingdoms, 
 apparently, that was the thing predicted. As to the hostile 
 power by which it was to be overthrown, I think the context 
 indicates that this would not be (so as in the previous 
 judgments on " the third part of men," noticed in Apoc. viii. 
 and ix.) either heathen or Mahometan invaders ■} but rather 
 the aggression of Protestantism, that most terrible of all 
 enemies to Papal imposture ; this being that from which the 
 earthquake, or great political schism that has been spoken of, 
 had its origin.^ So that we have only to turn to history 
 
 1 See Apoc. xvii. 12 ; and my historical elucidation in Part IV. chap. iv. § 2 infra. 
 
 2 So Isaiah xxi. 9, of i\\e, fall of the ancient Babylon, on its capture by the Per- 
 sians. " There cometh a chariot . . with a couple of hoi-semen. And he answered 
 and said, Babylon is fallen, is fallen ; and all the graven images of her gods he hath 
 broken to the ground " That the overthrow of the ancient Babylonian power in 
 Babylon by the Persians Avas the event intended, appears from what is said of the 
 agents in verse 2 ; "Go up, Elam ! Besiege, Media !" 
 
 3 Apoc. viii. 9 ; ix. 18. 
 
 * It is observable that Jurieu, supposing that France was the tenth part of the city 
 here intended, and that the prophecy had yet in his time to receive its fulfilment, ex- 
 pressed his expectation that the revolution predicted would arise from France breaking 
 with the Fope, and becoming Frotestant ; whereupon the Witnesses would so ascend
 
 CHAP. IX.] EARTHQUAKE OF THE REFOKMATION. 4/3 
 
 for the solution of the question : and to ask ; Was there any 
 one ot the ten kmgdoms of Papal Christendom —and if so 
 which,— wherem, about the same time as the great political 
 exaltation of the Protestants in Northern Germany the 
 i^apal Empire fell, overthrown by Protestantism P 
 
 And, in answer to the question, does not history, as 
 with a finger-point, direct the inquirer to England? to 
 England, one of the most notable of the ten Papal king- 
 doms .r^— The story of the great revolution that now befell 
 It IS soon told. By the teaching of certain Lutherans that 
 visited Its shores soon after Luther's return from his Pat- 
 mos, m fulfilment of the commission given to him and 
 them — " Ihou must prophesy before many kings, nations 
 and languages, —by the teaching, I say, of these, and of 
 such tew survivors too as might remain of the WicUffites or 
 Lollards, the minds of not a few of the English had been 
 secretly preparing for the change. But in this case their 
 agency was at first less conspicuous and effective. Osten- 
 sibly the political movement had here precedence of the 
 spiritual. God is a wonderful worker ; and overrules alike 
 the most opposite principles and characters, to effect his 
 own purposes. The imperious and licentious Henry VIII 
 was at the time of Luther and the Reformation, king of 
 England. In the year 1521 he had actually come forvvard 
 to dispute with Luther, as the champion of the Papacy 
 Ere ten years had past, other motives swayed him Dis* 
 satisfied with his marriage with Queen Catherine, and 
 doubtful of Its lawfulness, he sued the Pope for a Divorce 
 Unsuccessful, and revolted by the chicanery of Rome he 
 summoned lus Parliament. Then the memorable act was 
 passed by which Papal supremacy was renounced in Eno-. 
 land, and the king declared head (temporal head) of the 
 church. So did Papal England fall in the earthquake ; 
 1. e. the Papal dominion in England.^-Li point of time 
 
 into heaven, or power, and the Papists be affrio-hted fii 2fiT ^ r';/..A, f v.
 
 474 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 the event synchronized with the earher steps of the Ger- 
 man Protestants towards ascendancy : the first threatening 
 of separation between Henry and the Pope being in 1529, 
 just when the German reformers united under the name of 
 Protestants ; and the Act of Parliament past in 1534, the 
 year of the Treatij of Kadan ; a year noted, we saw, as the 
 second great epoch of the rise of the Protestant power in 
 Germany.^ — As yet, however, Protestantism was not estab- 
 lished in England. Through the remainder of the reign 
 of Henry Popery indeed lay in ruins ; but no edifice of 
 real evangelical Protestantism was erected in its stead. 
 But in Edward the Vlth's reign, which quickly followed, 
 and which lasted till a little while after the Treaty of Pas- 
 sau, viz. from 1546 to 1553, this blessed consummation 
 was effected. The English Protestant evangelic Church, 
 thanks be to God, was fully organized and established on 
 the ruins of the Papal. ^ The bloody Mary, on succeeding, 
 for a few years threatened its subversion, and the restora- 
 tion of Popery. But a speedy death terminated her pro- 
 jects. The sufferings and constancy of the Marian martyrs 
 served effectually to endear the Reformation to the hearts 
 of the people ; and indeed this were needed for that great 
 purpose.^ The reign of Elizabeth followed. The half- 
 re-constructed tenth of the Papal City fell again.* And the 
 
 1534, the important statute was past, by which all Papal authority in ecclesiastical 
 affairs was ' utterly abolished out of this realm.' " So too Hume. ^ See p. 468, Note *. 
 
 - With reference to this epoch of England's revolt from the Papacy, or fall of tlie 
 Fopedom in England, Pope Julius III struck a medal in the year 1550, a copy of 
 which is given in the Plate opposite, with the legend, " Gens et regnum quod non ser- 
 viet tibi peribit." * On which Du Molinet thus comments. " Eo quo Pontilicatum 
 suscepit Julius anno, Catholicorum omnium Principum et Rerum-publicarum oratores 
 (ut ait Onuphrius) publicis in consistoriis, vetere Romanie Ecclesiae institute, ad pne- 
 standam sibi obedientiam admisit. Unus dcfiiit Anglice rex Edvardns ; qui ab Ec- 
 clesia Catholica et Romana, cum regni sui potiori parte, defecerat. Quam ob causam 
 hoc numisma cusum videtur ; quod ideo Angliie ruiuam et perniciem minatur his ver- 
 bis. Gens et regnum peribit quod non servierit tibi, obsequio videlicet fidei captivante 
 intellectum." See Bonanni, i. 242, 248. 
 
 Another medal, also given in my Plate, was struck by the same Pope on Queen 
 Mary's accession, representing the Pope as helping up again fallen England. lb. 250. 
 
 3 See on this point Froude's lately published History. 
 
 * In the Zurich Letters we have one from Jewel to Peter Martyr, on the return of 
 the former to England shortly after Elizabeth's accession, dated March 20, 1559, thus 
 illustratively describing the then state of things : " The Roman Pontiff (I found on 
 
 * From Isa. Ix. 12, where the prophet is speaking of the New Jerusalem, yet future. 
 Compare the similar application to the Romish earthly Church of the prophecies re- 
 specting the New Jerusalem by the orators of the 5th Lateran Council, referred to 
 pp. 80, 81, 442—444 supra.
 
 pj. i: 
 
 Voin-P47i. 
 
 AXTI .LXGLO PAPAL COINS OP POPK Jl'ML'P IIP 
 
 Prote Slant E]i61an d . luide r E dwazcL TI , 
 deTote d by the Pope to rimi 
 
 Pallen England, on Pajpal Mary's accession , 
 raised up again by the Pope 
 
 Ito«l Bonaiini
 
 CH.IX.] SEVEN CHILIADS OF THE PAPAL CITY SLAIN. 475 
 
 Protestant or witness Church of England was then fully 
 fixed in the heaven of political exaltation ; ^ where it has 
 ever since remained." 
 
 2. A further result of the earthquake is thus predicted ; 
 "And there were slain in it seven chiliads, names of men."^ 
 
 The reader will observe that it is not the numeral ad- 
 jective sTTTaxKr^iT^ioi that is here used ; but, sTrra ^iXicc^sg, 
 seven chiliads, or thousands. This is a point important to 
 be observed; being that upon which, in my own judgment, 
 the true solution of the prophetic intimation turns. 
 
 For, if we look to the use of the word ^iXiccg in the Sep- 
 tuagint, and that of its Hebrew original ^'i^, we shall find 
 that, besides meaning numerically a thousand, (in which 
 sense of the word no expositor has been able to give any 
 satisfactory explanation to the clause about the seven thou- 
 sands in the verse before us,^) the word also signified the 
 
 my return) was not yet east out.* No part of religion was yet restored. The country 
 was still everywhere desecrated by the mass : the pomp and insolence of the bishops 
 was unabated. All these things, however, are at length beginning to shake, and al- 
 most to fall." p. 10, Parker Ed. 
 
 1 "The heaven of influence and power, both in the Church and in the State." So 
 Mr. Hislop in his "Red Republic," p. 215. — I cite him as being a writer of the 
 Scotch Free Church ; some of the ministers of which have objected to this view of 
 the Apocalyptic symbol. 
 
 2 See Burnet's History of the Reformation, on the general subject. 
 
 ^ Kat aiTtKTavQi]aav tv roj (Xiitrfifii ovojiara avOpwTrwv ;^tXta5£C (.irra. 
 * Let me mention some of the explanations by expositors of the three chief differ- 
 ent schools. 
 
 I. Of the Ektorical School. 
 
 Mede. Either about 7000 aKn^ftara avOpwnojv, chief dignities of men ; or 7000 
 "municipia, parcecise, pagi, ccenobia, et similes communitatum humanarum tituli." 
 —So too ntringa; 648, 671. 
 
 Bauhiiz. The 7000 have an allusion to the 7000 that God had left to himself in 
 Israel's apostasy, in the time of Elijah : and mean the secret faithful ones in Greek 
 Christendom; who fell, so as not to rise again as Christ's Witnesses, under the 
 Turkish yoke. (N. B. The tenth of the city that falls is made by Daubuz to be the 
 Greek Church.) 
 
 Faber. The legalized exclusion of Papists from office in England, after William Ill's 
 accession, secular or spiritual : 7000 being an expression for universality. S.C. iii. 51. 
 
 Cuninghanie, much as Mede. " Or, perhaps, 7000 may be a mystical number for a 
 great multitude, slain in the wars that followed the Reformation." p. 110. 
 
 II. The Frceterist School. 
 
 Eichhorn. " Ingens hominum agmen;" comparing 2 Kings xxiv. 16. 
 
 Heinrichs. " Nil nisi ingentem numerum." 
 
 M. Stuart. Tenth part of the city (Jerusalem) means " a comparatively small part : " 
 7000, involved in this destruction, comports with usage of this Book as to the num- 
 ber seven ; and also with the probable proportion of inhabitants involved in a de- 
 struction of the tenth part of the city. Compare 2 Kings xxiv. 16 ; " And Nebuchad- 
 nezzar carried away all the men of might, even 7000." 
 
 * "But the court that is without cast out." See my p. 198 supra.
 
 476 APoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 most notable popular subdivision in the Jewish common- 
 wealth, under the larger division of a tribe. — It seems that it 
 was first introduced into the Israelitish administrative system, 
 by Moses in the wilderness. We read in Exodus that he 
 was counselled by his father-in-law, Jethro, to divide the 
 nation into thousands, hundreds, and tens ; in order to the 
 appointment over each of rulers and officers, who might 
 relieve him in part of the intolerable w^eight incumbent on 
 him of judicial and administrative business. " So Moses," 
 it is said, " chose able men out of all Israel, and made 
 them heads over the people ; rule7's of thousands, rulers of 
 hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens."^ Henceforth 
 the chiliad, which numerically averaged about one fiftieth 
 of a tribe, became a most notable subdivision in Israel : ^ 
 and the riders of thousands are mentioned, after the heads 
 of tribes, as among the high officers of the host. They 
 seem scarcely however at first to have attained to the dig- 
 nity of being enrolled, and called by name, as members of 
 the great national Council. It is of the j(;%/«rc/z-5,^ or 
 heads of tribes, distinctively, that the statement is made, on 
 the first numbering of Israel near the Mount of Sinai ; 
 " These w^ere the renounied [literally, the called by name\ 
 of the congregation ; princes of the tribes of their fathers, 
 heads of thousands in Israel. And JMoses and Aaron took 
 these men, which were expressed by names "^ The chiliad 
 in this instance was not as yet, in the highest sense of the 
 word, an ovo^a avSpcoTrcov, or distinctive title to the men that 
 ruled it. — On the settlement of Israel however in the land 
 of Canaan, tw^o changes passed on the chiliad: — frst, its 
 numerical augmentation ; the tribe multiplying, wdiile the 
 number of chiliads in the tribe remained the same, (as 
 
 Prof. Lee. " Some large indefinite number." 
 III. Futurist School. 
 
 Todd. Literally, 7000 persons killed in an earthquake at Jerusalem, on occasion 
 of the risen Witnesses' ascent to heaven. 
 
 1 Exod. xviii. 21, 25. 
 
 2 So in Numbers x. 36 ; " And when the ark rested Moses said, Eeturn, Lord, 
 unto the many thousands {j(^CK^^^^Q f^vpta^ag, the innuraerous chiliads) of Isi-ael." 
 
 3 The Septuagint has, in regard of these tribunal chieftains, an indistinctness of 
 designation which is not in the original. For it calls them chiliarclis, as well as heads 
 of tribes ; for example in Numb. i. 16, quoted above, and Josh. xxii. 14, 21 ; whereas 
 the original, rendered x^^'-^^PX°Q (chiliarch) in the Septuagint, is "'S'JS t-S"i, the 
 bead of thousands, not of a thousand. 
 
 * Sept. TOVQ av^pag Tovrovg rovg avoKXtjOiVTag f| ovojiarog. Numb. i. 16, 17-
 
 CH. IX.] SEVEN CHILIADS OF THE PAPAL CITY SLAIN. 477 
 
 seems probable,) each of them embracing the famihes ori- 
 ginally numbered in it : '—secondl>/, its territorial endow- 
 ment: ^ portion of territory belonging to the tribe beino- 
 allotted to each one of its constituent chiliads ; so that like 
 the hundred in an Enghsh county, these chiliads became 
 identified with districts; each with its little capital or 
 chief town or village, included in it.^— It would seem too 
 as It the chiliarch now derived from his chiliad more of the 
 ovo/x,a, 1. e. a higher name and station in the commonwealth- 
 being so noted both in Zech. ix. 1 ,' and in St. Matthew's 
 version of the prophecy in Micah. For the Evangelist's 
 Ihou art not the least among the princes of Judah "' 
 {b, r^ye^oo-zv loula,)' is in the Hebrew original, as observed 
 m a Note precedmg, "the least among the chiliads oi 
 Judah. 
 
 Such being the Jewish original,~m^d the propriety of 
 explaining the chiliads here mentioned by reference to this 
 original being inferable, as I conceive, from the previous 
 Apocalyptic figuration of the population of Roman Chris- 
 tendom under the symbol of the tivelve tribes of Israel— 
 what we have to do, in order to the solution on this prin- 
 ciple of the prophetic clause before us, is simply to inquire 
 tor some septenarij of subdivisions, popular and territorial 
 m the commonwealth of Western Christendom • which' 
 bearmg proportion thereto each one somewhat the same as 
 the Hebrew chiiad to all Israel, and constituting therein 
 more markedly than their prototype titles of high office, dig- 
 
 > SoGesenius gives as the second meaning of ^V_s; "Family, subdivision of a 
 
 Manasseh, and I am the least in my father's house :"-alsol Sam x IQ ° Pvl 
 sent yourselves before the Lord by your tribes and 1w vn,,v y; ; „ ' ^''^' 
 
 followed by an account of the IsSs'^i^^Ung a cS^^^^^ 
 
 ^^S^^'^l.!::.^^:^' ^^ ^^ ^ t^e land I .ill search 
 
 »S-^S -^S -^;) 1^^ J- ^eing the representative and cMef 
 
 ^ Apoc. vii. See Vol. i. pp. 259-263. Compare afso p." 438 ;upra.
 
 478 APoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 nity, and command, were conjointly destroyed as members 
 of the Papal Jdngdom : {political slaughter being here, as 
 elsewhere/the apparent meaning of olttoxtsivu} :) — destroyed 
 in the same political earthquake, attendant on the Reforma- 
 tion, in the which Papal England fell ; by the same hostile 
 agency too, it would seem in the main, viz. that of Pro- 
 testantism ; and not very long after it in time, — Such 
 are the prophetic conditions that have to be satisfied in 
 history. Nor, as we look therein for the fulfilment, does 
 it seem to me possible to mistake its directing us to that 
 mefnorable revolution, by which, during the Enghsh Queen 
 Elizabeth's reign, the seven Dutch United Provinces were 
 emancipated from the Spanish yoke, and at the same time 
 the Papal rule and religion destroyed in them. — Let us 
 consider the case, and compare. 
 
 Por their first constitution then as provinces, we must 
 refer back to the early record of the invasion and conquest 
 of Roman Gaul by the Prankish tribes. The Netherlands, 
 including what was in later times called French Planders, 
 as well as Dutch Planders, formed part of the new Prank 
 empire ; and were soon divided into seventeen Provinces, 
 constituting as many partially independent states, fiefs of 
 the empire ; viz. the four Duchies of Brabant, Limburg, 
 Luxemburg, Guelders, the Marquisate of Antwerp, the 
 seven Counties of Planders, Artois, Hainault, Namur, 
 Zutphen, Holland, Zealand, and six Lordships of Malines, 
 Utrecht, Overyssel, Priezeland, Groningen : ^ — each being 
 an allodium, or territorial domain, assigned to some chief- 
 tain and subdivision of a tribe, in nearly independent sove- 
 reignty, just like the territorial chiliads assigned to the 
 tribual subdivisions of Israel on its settlement in Canaan ; 
 and furnishing to the chief, whether as its Lord, Count, 
 Duke, OY' Marquis, his title of dignity and command.^ — In 
 
 1 aviKTav6r\aav. Compare Apoc. ix. 5, 15, 18, 20, where the slaying of the third 
 part of men is said of the political extinction of the Greek empire. — So also Ezek. 
 xxxvii. 9 ; " Come from the four winds, breath, and breathe upon these slain, 
 [i. e. on the Jews, slain as a nation,'] that they may live." 
 
 - Rees' Cyclopaedia, Art. Mthe>-lands.—Ca.mhresm afterwards added, made eighteen. 
 
 3 See Watson's Fhilip the Second, Book 3, ad init. — Also on the allodia and bcne- 
 jicia allotted to the chieftains by the superior Head, Robertson's Charles V, Appen- 
 dix, Note H. — Compare the Tabular Scheme of Fiefs and Titles (as of Duchies, Coun- 
 ties, &c.) into which France was divided at the end of the 10 th Century, given by 
 Guizot in the Hist, of Civil, of France, ii. 281. (Ed. Hazlitt.)
 
 CH. IX.] SEVEN CHILIADS OF THE PAPAL CITY SLAIN. 479 
 
 the course of the 700 years that intervened between Char- 
 lemagne and Charles the Vth, many changes of course oc- 
 curred affecting them. In the xvth century at length they 
 had become attached to the Dukedom of Burgundy, then 
 passed by marriage to the Austrian Emperor Maximilian ; 
 and so to his grandson Charles V, and afterwards his great 
 grandson Philip the Ilnd : but still as Provinces separate 
 and distinct ; and constituting titles of dignity and com- 
 mand, ovoixoLTa avSpcoTTcov} 
 
 Now into these Provinces of the Netherlands the doctrines 
 of the Reformation soon found their way. Ere the year 
 1524 Luther had the satisfaction to hear, not only of the 
 gospel being preached in them, but of martyrs sealing the 
 truth of what was preached with their blood.- Still the 
 leaven worked, the new opinions continued to spread, and 
 martyrs to suffer in the Netherlands ;^ though the fires of 
 the Inquisition, and the strong arm of power, prevented a 
 popular religious outbreak. At length under Philip the 
 Ilnd political oppressions were added to religious ; and war 
 began.^ The earthquake, under which the tenth kingdom 
 of the Popedom had just before fallen, began to convulse 
 and threaten its supremacy in these lesser districts. The 
 commencement of the war was in 1569. In 1579, (the 
 other Provinces adhering to Spain and the Papacy,) the 
 union of the Seven United Provinces was formed by Depu- 
 ties from Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Priezeland, Gronin- 
 gen, Overyssel,^ Guelderland. To human eye the cause of 
 the Protestant insurgents might well have seemed hopeless.^ 
 Eor Philip's was the mightiest monarchy in Europe : and 
 
 On tbe general subject I rejoice to be able to refer to the History by Mr. Motley, 
 published since ray 4th Edition, as doing justice to one of the most extraordinary, in- 
 teresting, and momentous revolutions in the history of the world. 
 
 ' Vitringa, p. 648, construes the ovofiaTa ai'BpioTrwv as men of name and celebrity. 
 But on Apoc. iii. 4, having the similar expression oKiya ovofiaTa to explain, he makes 
 distinction between the phrase men of name, and names of men : " Aliud est nomen 
 hominis^ ac homo nominis." 
 
 - See Milner on the year 1523, pp. 798, 816. 
 
 3 It has been said that 50,000, and even 100,000, suffered as heretics, ere the in- 
 surrection broke out. So Watson ibid., who cites Meteren, Grotius, and Father Paul 
 as authorities. * See on all this Watson, or Motley. 
 
 5 Groningen and Overyssel being soon substituted for Brabant and Flanders. The 
 seven specified above are named in the final Spanish recognition of their independence. 
 
 8 On their first struck coin was a ship without sails and oars, struggling with the 
 waves; and the motto, '■'■ Ineertum quo fata ferant." Eussell, Mod. Europe, Vol. iii. 
 p. 11.
 
 480 
 
 APoc. XI. 12, 13. 
 
 [PART III, 
 
 the seven Provinces, besides defect in all military organiza- 
 tion and armament, bore, in regard even of territory and 
 population, scarce so great a proportion to it, as seven of 
 the Hebrew chiliads to the largest of the tribes of Israel.^ 
 But the energy and fortitude imparted to them by religion 
 was indomitable. It was felt by the Spaniards at the sieges 
 of Haarlem and Leyden. Moreover the example of Eng- 
 land, now Protestant under its Queen Elizabeth, was be- 
 fore them ; and its sympathy, and partial succour,^ at hand : 
 — a sympathy and succour well repaid by the struggling 
 Provinces soon after, at the crisis of Protestant England's ex- 
 treme peril on the imminent conjunction, as intended, of 
 the Spanish Armada and army under the Prince of Parma, 
 with a view to its invasion.^ Above all, God's support was 
 
 ^ In Miller's Companion to the Atlas, I find the following view of the territorial 
 extent and present population of Holland, as compared with that of those other king- 
 doms that made up the old Roman or Western Papal Empii-e. 
 
 Countries. Extent in Square Miles. | Population in Millions. 
 
 i 
 
 U. p. of HoUand 
 
 13,000 
 
 2^ 
 
 Great Britain . . 
 
 France 
 
 Spain 
 
 Portugal . . . . 
 Switzerland 
 Belgium . . . . 
 Austria . . . . 
 Italy 
 
 118,000 
 
 205,000 
 
 183,000 
 
 39,000 
 
 15,000 
 
 11,000 
 
 230,000 
 
 130,000 
 
 24 
 32 
 11 
 
 H 
 
 2 
 
 3i 
 32" 
 19 
 
 Thus the territorial extent of Holland is to that of the rest of Papal Christendom, 
 within the old Roman limits of the Danube and the Rhine, as 13 to 931, or 1 to 72 ; 
 its population as 2| to 127, or 1 to 50. — Xow, with regard to the Hebrew chiliads, 
 since one was a 600th part of the 600,000 that constituted the whole male population 
 of the 12 tribes, when the division was made, therefore seven chiliads would have 
 been to that whole population as 1 to 80 ; a proportion that may be supposed, in 
 the absence of particular information, to have held also territorially. — If the other 
 kingdoms of the Papacy, previous to the Reformation, were included in the table, I 
 mean of Denmark, Xorway, Sweden, Poland, Prussia, and other States of the North 
 of Germany, a territory would be added of above 400,000 square miles, and a popula- 
 tion of 50 millions ; making the proportion of Holland ^ ^^ in regard of territory, y'^ 
 in regard of population. On either reckoning there is, I believe, no Jewish j^opidar 
 or territorial division that would at all so nearly represent the proportion to the rest 
 of Christendom ; — i. e. of Roman Christendom : Greek Christendom being regarded 
 in the prophecy as politically defunct, (Apoc. ix. 18,) and so left out of the calcu- 
 lation. 
 
 ' How partial and ineffective was the English succour has been shown by Mr. 
 Motlev, more clearly than before. And hence the fact of the intervention of God's 
 Providence in favour of the revolted Provinces, in the terrible war they had to sus- 
 tain in defence of their Protestant religion and their liberty, appears the more 
 strikingly. 3 See Motley's continuation.
 
 CH. IX.] SEVEN CHILIADS OF THE PAPAL CITY SLAIN. 4S1 
 
 with them. His purpose (if I rightly judge) had been 
 declared that seven chiliads of the Papal city, as well as 
 one of its ten kingdoms, should be overthrown. After a pro- 
 tracted and bloody war of 37 years the impossibility of re- 
 covering the seven Provinces to itself, and to the Popedom, 
 was fully recognised by Spain. In 1609 their independ- 
 ence was virtually acknowledged by it : ' and, out of the 
 ruins of the seven old Papal Lordships and Counties, (now 
 slain, just like the third of men, or Greek Christendom, 
 in their political character,-) there arose the Protestant 
 Republic of Holland.^ 
 
 Such were the two grand and permanent political 
 changes in Europe, that arose out of the earthquake at- 
 tendant on the Reformation, — It was fondly hoped by the 
 persecuted French Protestants,* when Henry the IVth, 
 himself at that time a professing Protestant, obtained the 
 crown and kingdom, that the same would be the result in 
 France. But it had not been predicted, and it took not 
 place. King Henry, soon after his accession, abjured Pro- 
 testantism. And though by his Udict of Nantes, promul- 
 gated in 159S, civil liberty and rights were secured to 
 French Protestants, yet it was with certain restrictions 
 appended that excluded the idea of the Witnesses having 
 
 1 In 1609 a truce of 12 years was agreed on ; in 1648 took place the final recog- 
 nition of their independence. 2 gge p. 478, Note ^ 
 
 •■* I was not aware, till long after I had concluded on the above explanation of the 
 clause respecting the seven chiliads, that it had ever hcen proposed before. But I 
 learn from Vitringa, p_. 653, that nearly the same, and on the same ground of the use 
 of the Hebrew word q?s, was proposed long since by the learned Cocceius. In con- 
 nexion however with it, he explained the fall of the tenth part of the city to mean the 
 toleration of Protestantism in France, aiter Henry the Fourth's Edict of Nantes; * 
 and the previous slaughter and exposure of the Witnesses for 3^ days, as their state of 
 persecution and depression throughout the 1260 days : — these two periods being made 
 by him equivalent ; the 85 years, and the 3^ days. 
 
 Yitriuga justly excepts against the view of France, in which Popery still held 
 government, being the tenth of the Papal city fallen ; and against the still stranger 
 notion of 1260 days and 3^ days meaning the same period. And hence it is, I pre- 
 sume, and through this evident error of Cocceius in respect of its adjuncts, that his 
 correct explanation (as it seems to me) of the chiliads came to be forgotten. — Against 
 the exposition of the seven chiliads itself Vitringa has no objection to make, worth the 
 notice. 
 
 * So too by others, as Cocceius. See the Note preceding. 
 
 * '^ Decima pars civitatis cecidit quando Gallia Henricum 1\ regem accepit, qui 
 Remp. constituit : et in tcrrpe raotu occisa sunt septem milliwm hominum, quando, in 
 fcedus coentibus Septem Belgii Provinciis, septem ceciderunt episcopi, et ipsorum jjys- 
 fioviai." He had previously observed; " vocem Hebneam "■ss, respondcntem Gi";ecfe 
 XtXiag, non tantum mille, sed et familias significare, sive t'jytf.iovi.aQ : posse prjEterea 
 denotare titulos, et a^twfiaTa ti]q arBpwTrivrjg KTiaiwg." lb. 657. 
 
 VOL. II. 31
 
 482 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 there ascended into the political heaven. Moreover, after 
 some 80 or 90 years, the edict was revoked by Louis XIV ; 
 and Protestants thenceforward put out of the pale of the 
 law, in the French kingdom. — And let me not here pass 
 on without observing, that the predictive verse before us 
 seems to me to embrace in its comprehensive sketch a 
 period reaching downward as late as that selfsame memor- 
 able epoch of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.^ 
 For not until near about it did the results predicted re- 
 ceive in Northern Germany and' England their final settle- 
 ment. In 1629, the Em])eror Ferdinand II having issued 
 the terrible Restitution Edict, — an Edict by which German 
 Protestants were required to restore to the Church of Rome 
 all the possessions they had become masters of in conse- 
 quence of the Religious Peace concluded in the preceding 
 Century, — a war arose in defence of Protestant rights, in 
 the which Gustavus Adolphus fell victorious, A.D. 1632, 
 at Lutzen. Nor was it till 1648 that they were re-estab- 
 lished on a firm and permanent basis by the Peace of 
 Westphalia!^ Again in England, by Charles the Ilnd, 
 and yet more by James his brother and successor, advances 
 were made to the restoration of Popery : until at length 
 in 1688, through God's gracious favour to this island, 
 William of Orange superseded James the Ilnd in the Go- 
 vernment. In him, at that critical conjuncture, the Seven 
 Chiliads paid back a second time to the separated Tenth 
 of tlie Great Roman Papal Civitas the aid they had earlier 
 received from it in the battle of religious truth. And thus, 
 just when Louis was ruthlessly crushing Protestantism and 
 Protestants in France, the political establishment and eleva- 
 tion of Protestantism was finally secured and confirmed in 
 England ; ^ and eventually in Holland also.* 
 
 In either case, whether in England or Holland, " the 
 
 1 A.D 1685. 
 
 2 " It was between this epoch (of Luther's burning thef Pope's bull) and the year 
 1648, the date of the treaty of Westplialia, that the life of the Eeformation was com- 
 prised." Guizot, Hist, of Civilization in Europe, Lect. 12. 
 
 ■' So Eanke, iii. 181, speaks of the eftect of William's expedition to England as 
 beino- " the deliverance of Protestantism from the last great danger that menaced it, 
 and to secure the English throne for ever to that Confession." 
 
 * I allude to Louis the XlVth's long-continued projects against Holland; which 
 were mainly frustrated by its union with England under William.
 
 CHAP. IX.] THE WITNESSES GIVE GOD GLORY. 483 
 
 remnant'' or Papists that remained in them, after the fall 
 of the Papal power, and victorious ascendancy of Pro- 
 testantism, were, as the sacred prediction describes it, 
 " cifft'ighteciy ^ Penal enactments were passed against the 
 Romanists.^ The popular feeling too was against them. 
 Times were when they dared not show their faces. And 
 very soon too the immense majority conformed to the Protest- 
 ant faith ; and in that act did outwardly, just as had often 
 been done by imprest but unconverted Jews of old,^ " give 
 glory (if this be the nominative to the next following Apo- 
 calyptic clause) to the God of heaven." ^ — But, after careful 
 consideration of the clause, I adhere to my original im- 
 
 1 Mr. Fabcr, somewhat peculiarly, explains this statement, and the \onroi of 
 whom it is predicated, of "the Protestant remnant," contradistinctively to the Papists 
 politically slain in the earthquake. Sac. Cal. iii. 51. But did the expression f/<0o/3oi 
 tytvovTo, ivere affrighted, characterize the feelings of the emancipated Protestants in 
 England ? 
 
 2 It is to be regretted that, though the law of self-preservation justified many of the 
 penal enactments in our kingdom, yet the duties of Christian charity were sometimes 
 forgotten by the Protestant legislature and Protestant people. 
 
 * So, for example, in Old Testament times, at Mount Carmel, on the fire com- 
 ing down from heaven, and consuming Elijah's sacrifice ; 1 Kings xviii. 39. So, in 
 New Testament times, on occasion of the healing of the paralytic, Luke v. 26 ; a 
 case where fear and amazement are connected with the act, as here : " And amaze- 
 ment seized on all ; and they glorified God ; and they were filled with fear, saying, 
 AVe have seen strange things to-day." Also ib. vii. 16; Matt. ix. 8, xv. 31, &c. Com- 
 pare Acts v. 13, where oi Xoiiroi must be construed, I conceive in contradistinction 
 to the Tn<jTtvovTf.Q of verse 14, and as in apposition with 6 XaoQ: such as believed 
 joined themselves to the apostles and the Christian body ; whde the rest of the 
 people, though deterred from this by fear of the fate of Ananias and Sapphira, yet 
 magnified the apostles. 
 
 ^ AVe must in any case, in " this remnant" not include Romanists of the other 
 Papal kingdoms, that were still unoverthrown and standing. For it seems to me to 
 be contrary to the whole tenor of the Apocalyptic descriptions of those enemies ot 
 Christ and his Witnesses, to represent them as giving glory to God. Their character, 
 when most smarting under God's judgments, is on the contrary thus described in 
 chap. xvi. 9 : " And they repented not to give God glory." — Nor does any Comment- 
 ator that I have seen advance an explanation of it (thus understood) that is in my 
 opinion at all plausible. What are we to think, for example, of Mr. Cuninghamd s 
 explanatory suggestion, that " since the Reformation the Romish clex'gy, and even 
 Popes, have assumed a decorum of conduct, aud decency of morals, less unbecoming 
 profest ministers of Christ ?'* In the Coimcil of Trent, in the development of Jesuitism, 
 in the proceedings of the Inquisition, &c. &c., there was then exhibited an enmity 
 against Christ's cause aud Witnesses, and consequently a dishonouring of God, never 
 exceeded. 
 
 Some, as Woodhouse and Keith, referring the statement to all surviving Papists in 
 Europe, consider it decisive against all application of the Witnesses' resurrection and 
 ascension to the Reformation, or any other past event. " At none of these periods could 
 it be said that the remnant were aff'righted, and gave glory to God. For Popery con- 
 tinued to be the religion of the greater part of Europe, and is so at the present day." 
 Woodhouse, p. 235. They have not observed that oi Xoittoi by no means necessarily 
 signifies the survivors in the other nine-tenths of the great city. It is surely most 
 natural to construe it of the survivors in the part aifected by the earthquake ; i. e. 
 of those in the tenth part of the city, and the seven chiliads. 
 
 31 *
 
 484 Apoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 pression that it is ratlier the ascended Protestants, or Wit- 
 nesses, the subject of the main previous narrative, that are 
 the parties here again intended.^ And history bears strik- 
 ing testimony to the manner in which tliejj " gave glory to 
 the God of heaven." On their deUverance in England 
 through the bloody Queen Mary's death, and Elizabeth's 
 accession, — on the defeat of the Annada, sent to resubju- 
 gate the kingdom to Rome, — and again, long after, on the 
 accession of the Protestant William III, solemn thanks- 
 givings, both individual and national, were rendered to " the 
 God of heaven -." — to the " God of heaven'' observe; not, 
 as aforetimes in England, and as then still in other Papal 
 countries, to the Saints, or the Virgin Queen of heaven.'^ 
 By sovereign and by people, it was publicly acknowledged 
 in each case as the Lord's doing, and to Him the glory 
 rendered.^ — And as in England, so also, on the Protestant 
 
 ^ The borrowing of a nominative, not from the sentence next, but that next but one 
 preceding, especially if one of prominence in the general nari'ative, is far from uncom- 
 mon; above all in the interchange of />/"owoM«.v. Take the following examples. Gen, 
 IV. 13; "Thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs (and they shall 
 serve them, and they shall afflict them) four hundred years ; " where the second they 
 applies to a different nominative from the former they. 1 Cor. xv. 42 ; Ovtid km t} 
 avaaraaiQ rwv vfKputv' aTTiipirai ev (pOop(f, &c. "/< is sown;" not the avaaraffig, 
 or rcs/trrcctioii, but the body, mentioned some verses before. Also among many others, 
 2 Kings V. 5, Isa. vii. 13, Mark -viii. 24, 25, liuke vii. 15, xv. 15, 16, xxii. 6, 
 8, John ix. 22 — 24, xxi. 15, 16, Apoc. ix. 5. We may multiply examples ad lib. 
 Let me just add Gen. xiv. 10, 11, as offering an exact equivalent to the ol Xoittoi, here 
 prictermitted, according to my view of the passage. Efvys h (3a(TiXivs 'S.ocofnov, Kai 
 (iaatXivQ Tofioppag, Kai tmrtffav tKtr ol dt KaTaXntpOti'Ttg tig t?]v opttvtjp f^nyor. 
 'E\a(5ov St T7]v iTTTZov iraaav rifv '2oCofiuji' Kai Fo/toppac. " They took;" viz. not 
 the remnant, which is the preceding nominative ; but the victorious kings, who are 
 the nominative in verse 7.* 
 
 " Illi dederunt claritatem Deo," says Tichonius on the passage, " qui supra petram 
 sedificati sunt, et . . cadere non potuerunt." 
 
 ■■^ The contemporary building of the Eseurial, in gratitude to St. Lawrence, as the 
 author of Philip's victory over the French in 1557, at St. Quentin, may be remem- 
 bered by the reader, as one of many in contrast. 
 
 3 So Elizabeth on her accession and the restoration of Protestantism ; " As Daniel 
 out of the den of lions, so was I only by thee delivered ; therefore to thee only be 
 thanks, honour, and praise for ever." (Book of the Church, p. 383.) So again 
 Bishop Jewel in his sermon on Josh. vi. 1 — 3, preached on some early anniversary of 
 Elizabeth's accession. On this day, the 17th day of this month, God sent his hand- 
 maid, and delivered us . . No creature can claim part of this glory . . This is the day 
 that the Eord hath made. It is the Lord's doing, and is marvellous in our eyes." 
 Works, Vol. iv. pp. 973, 985. Strype, in the Preface to his Annals, adds, 
 among other extracts to the same effect, the following from Bishop Carleton's Thankful 
 Remembrance : "Elizabeth, left as a prey to the strongest that would invade her, but 
 preparing her heart, and giviny God the glory, was in a few years made strong against 
 
 * In my Exposition of Dan. xi. in the last part of this Commentary, the necessity 
 and use of this principle of interpretation of the pronoun will abundantly appear.
 
 CHAP. IX.] THE WITNESSES GIVE GOD GLORY. 485 
 
 successes, in Germany and in Holland.^ — The notice, we 
 must see, is most significant. It marks what was a sign 
 of the times : a sign of the vindication of God's honour 
 havinsr beorun. 
 
 And let me add that the echo of their triumphs and 
 thanksgivings was wafted over the sea, both West and 
 East, to the continents of America and Asia. For com- 
 mercial and maritime power flowed in upon England and 
 Holland ; and colonies in those distant regions were formed 
 dependent on them, after their overthrow of the Papal re- 
 ligion.- — And now^ it began to appear why the rainbow- 
 crowned Covenant- Angel, in his visionary descent, prefigur- 
 ative (as I showed) of the Reformation, was represented 
 as planting his right foot on the sea, his left only on the 
 mainland.^ Eor England, insular England, was already in 
 Elizabeth's reign conspicuous as the chief bulwark of Pro- 
 testantism in Europe ; and seemed preparing too, as a colo- 
 nial power, to be the chief propagator of its true Christian 
 doctrine, in antagonism to that of the colonies from Spain 
 and Portugal, as well as of the multitudinous Romish mis- 
 sions that soon followed,^ beyond the seas. And at length 
 under Wilham, its colonies having multiplied, a direct Pro- 
 testant Missionary Society was instituted ; — that for the 
 Propagation of the Gospel. — Much more was England's 
 
 her enemies." Further, in his chapter vii., Strype gives beautiful extracts from a 
 Thanksgiving of the English Protestant exiles, on the same event, addressed to Christ : 
 "Ad Christum Anglorum exulantium 'E.vxapiaTiKov." 
 
 On the defeat of the Armada, Elizabeth's going in state to St. Paul's to return 
 thanks, is noted iu Rapin, Aikin, &c. Moreover, she had a medal struck, which re- 
 presented a fleet beat by a tempest, the ships falling foul of each other, with this in- 
 scription, " He blew with his winds, and they were scattered." So, as Barthe says 
 in his Summary of History, p. 364, " When the invincible Armada had been . . de- 
 stroyed, both the Queen and her subjects gave God the glonj for their deliverance." 
 
 The Thanksgiving for William's accession continued, till very lately, in our Prayer 
 Books. 
 
 1 See Watson's Philip the Second, Motley, and other Histories of the Times. 
 
 2 It was under Elizabeth that the first English Colony was founded in Virginia, 
 the germ of the United States of America ; and that Sir Francis Drake circumnavi- 
 gated the world. "The English," says Mosheim, xvi. ii. 4, "who towards the con- 
 clusion of this century sent colonies into the Northern parts of America, transplanted 
 with them the reformed religion which they themselves professed : and, as their pos- 
 sessions were extended and multiplied, their religion also made a considerable progress 
 among that uucivQized people." 3 gge p. 40, 87, &c., supra. 
 
 _ ■• It was in A.D. 1540 that the Jesuit Order was established ; and its mighty mis- 
 sions commenced, under the auspices of Spain and Portugal, to the Eastern and the 
 Vfestern heathen hemispheres. See Mosheim, xvi. ii. 1, 2, 3.
 
 4SG APoc. XI. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 high missionary vocation apparent, when yet a century 
 later, as figured in a subsequent Apocalyptic vision,^ it gave 
 itself to be the carrier abroad of the everlasting Gospel. 
 Then, at length, on as mighty a scale as that of the Papal 
 Antichrisfs pretensions to universal dominion, already long 
 since spoken of,^ there was carried out the assertion of the 
 claims of the Lord Jesus Christ to that dominion, and the 
 declaration of his pure gospel-truth, against Papal lies, 
 usurpation, and corruptions. It was all, I say, by the in- 
 strumentality very principally of this same favoured island- 
 kingdom, once the tenth part of the Papal Empire : — even 
 as if the impulse given by the Angel's foot-press still con- 
 tinued ; and there had never ceased within it the influence 
 and the blessing of his visitation. 
 
 So closes the prediction of the ascent of Christ's Wit- 
 nesses, and of the political establishment of Protestantism 
 and the Reformation. It remains but to answer an objec- 
 tion, ere concluding this Chapter. — Supposing the Wit- 
 nesses to have accomplished their ascent to the political 
 heaven at the time to which I have referred it, and conse- 
 quently before the termination of their appointed 1260 
 years of sackcloth-prophesying, it follows that they must 
 even after their ascent have worn sackcloth. Now can we 
 suppose, it has been said by one,^ an improprietfj like this 
 in the Apocalyptic figure ; conjoining, as it does, the saclc- 
 cloth-rohing and the place in heaven, two things so incon- 
 gruous ? And again by others ; Can there be that in 
 the facts of the history of ascendant Protestantism, which 
 will reconcile such apparent inconsistencies ? 
 
 NoAV, with regard to the alleged impropriety of figure, 
 the reply seems to me quite ready at hand. Besides the 
 general answer that the nature of symbols involves neces- 
 sarily at times strange and unnatural combinations, we 
 may point the objector to a precise parallel with the one 
 
 1 See my Part V, Ch. viii. § 2, in the 3rd Volume, on Apoc. xiv. 6. 
 
 2 See my historic sketch pp. 70 — 75 supra. 
 
 3 Elements of Prophetic Interpretation, by the Eev. J. W. Brooks, p. 459 ; an ob- 
 j'ectiou alluded to by Mr. Cuniughame, p. 357.
 
 CHAP. IX.] THE WITNESSES STILL IN SACKCLOTH. 487 
 
 here objected to, in the very next Apocalyptic Chapter.^ 
 There a woman (the representative of the Chnrch) is de- 
 picted as seen in heaven ; and yet as, in that heaven, cry- 
 ing out from the paroxysm of pain in her travail." 
 
 Next, as to the fact doubted, viz. whether after the 
 political ascent and establishment of Protestantism, true 
 Protestants, in other words Christ's true Witnesses, might 
 notwithstanding have still had reason to prophesy in sack- 
 cloth, it will, if I mistake not, only need, in order to the 
 resolution of the doubt, to suggest the two following con- 
 siderations. 
 
 First, those were not all true Protestants that zealously 
 professed Protestantism, whether in England, Holland, or 
 Northern Germany : nor did even the same general zeal 
 long continue in any of those countries, for the pure gospel- 
 doctrines of Protestantism. In our own country the reign 
 of Elizabeth had scarcely ended when efforts were made 
 by high ecclesiastical authorities to induce a retrograda- 
 tion to semi-Popery ; and this not without disfavour to 
 such as still held fast to the Gospel. An influx of fanati- 
 cism succeeded ; which was followed, as might have been 
 expected, by a too general religious lukewarmness and infi- 
 delity. Christ's Witnesses were but a comparatively small 
 and often neglected number of the church and nation ; 
 though the church itself, by its evangelic Articles and For- 
 mularies, still constituted an eminent witness-church for 
 Christ. — The same was the religious deterioration both in 
 Holland and Protestant Germany. — The fact is one, I be- 
 lieve, expressly held forth to notice in a vision chrono- 
 logically parallel with part of that which we have just con- 
 sidered.^ And thus, and on this account, in those kingdoms, 
 the Witnesses, though ascended, did yet still prophesy in 
 sackcloth. 
 
 Secondly, there is to be remembered, the state of the 
 scattered members of the witness-body in other countries 
 of Christendom. The persecutions and oppressions they 
 
 1 xii. 1, 2. 
 
 * It will be observed too that there is no notice of any putting off their sackcloth 
 by the Witnesses; either on occasion of their resurrection, or (as by Elijah) on that 
 of their ascent. 
 
 3 See the Comment in my 3rd Volume on Apoc. xiv. 3.
 
 488 APOC. XT. 12, 13. [part hi. 
 
 had to experience is a fact mournfully engraved on tlie 
 page of history. In Italy, Spain, Portugal^ they were 
 mercilessly hunted out, destroyed, and suppressed by the 
 Inquisition, In Austria the spirit of the Restitution Edict 
 still animated the state-councils, even after the Peace of 
 Westphalia •? nor, till the Imperial Edict of 1783, was tole- 
 ration there accorded to Protestants. In France the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, A. D. 1572, showed 
 the feeling of both king, nobles, priests, and people to- 
 wards the Huguenots, or Protestants, before Henry IV's 
 accession and the Edict of Nantes. Even then the Edict, 
 as we have seen, was not always acted on, though a law ; 
 and it was by Louis the XlVth repealed.^ After which 
 repeal the remnant of Protestants in Erance were a body 
 without the pale of the law : and sad indeed is the picture 
 drawn of their miseries, even up to the year 1788, just im- 
 mediately before the Revolution.^ — Under these circum- 
 stances, and when such was the state of their continental 
 brethren, could the more favoured witnesses in England, 
 Holland, or Germany put off their sackcloth ? It is well 
 observed from Hume by Mr. Cuninghame,^ that after the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew, when the Erench Ambassa- 
 dor came to court, ■' nothing could be more awful and af- 
 fecting than the solemnity of his audience. A melancholy 
 sorrow sate on every face. Silence, as the dead of night, 
 reigned through all the chambers of the royal apartment. 
 And the courtiers and ladies, ranged on either side as he 
 passed, were clad in deep mourning.'' — The same again was 
 the feeling in England and Holland after the Revocation 
 of the Edict of Nantes. Whilst one member so suffered, 
 how could the others but sympathize with it ! — No ! The 
 1260 days were not yet ended. Its true Protestant Wit- 
 nesses, though participating in the national ascent of Pro- 
 testantism into the political heaven, had not yet put off 
 their sackcloth. 
 
 1 See M'Crie's Reformation in Italy and Spain. 
 
 2 See Michiel's " Secret History of the Austrian Government and its systematic 
 persecution of Protestants," lately published. ^ A.D. 168-5. 
 
 * See Wilks' Persecution of the French Protestants, Ch. i. : also au abstract fi-ora 
 Rulhiere in No. 71 of the Edinburgh Review. The Edict of 1787 did but allow the 
 Protestants a legal existence in France ; not the enjoyment of civil privileges. 
 
 ^ p. 3o7. This was the French Ambassador's own report.
 
 CHAP. X.] CESSATION OF THE TURKISH WOE. 489 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 TERMINATION OF THE SECOND OR TURKISH WOE, AND ' 
 SOUNDING OF THE SEVENTH TRUMPET. 
 
 " The second Woe is past : behold, the third Woe 
 Cometh quickly.— And the seventh Angel sounded : and 
 there were great voices in heaven, saying; 'The kino-dom 
 of this world ' is become the kingdom of our Lord and of 
 his Christ ; and he shall reign for ever and ever.'— And 
 the four and twenty elders, which sate before God on their 
 seats, fell upon their faces, and worshipped God, saying • 
 ' We give thee thanks, O Lord God Almighty, which art' 
 and wast ; [and art to come :] '' because thou hast taken to 
 thee thy great power, and hast reigned.^ And the nations 
 were angry, and thy wrath is come, and the time of the 
 dead to be judged; and that of giving the reward unto 
 thy servants the prophets, and to the saints, and to them 
 that tear thy name, small and great ; and that thou should- 
 est destroy them that destroy the earth.'^— And the tem- 
 pie of God was opened in heaven ;' and there was seen in 
 his temple the ark of his covenant. And there were light- 
 nings, and voices, and thunderings, and an earthquake 
 and great hail."— Apoc. xi. 14—19. 
 
 The two subjects here described will not detain us lono- 
 Ihe one, the cessation of the TurJdsh woe, is a predictio^Ji 
 too plain m itself, and too plainly fulfilled in history to 
 need much inquiry or illustration. The other, the sound- 
 ing of the seventh Trumpet, and anticipative sketch of the 
 
 \ ^J^^^l" '' Z^^*^'^"". So A, B, C : instead of at fiamXeiat. 
 
 ine clause km o tpxofitvoe is omitted in A and C. 
 ^ Or "taken the kingdom : " if3a,nXevaae. See Vitringa. 
 
 as obse?veri2'aTo?e p.lJr''"''' '"'^ ^"" ^"^'P^' "^^^* '''■'"^' ^'^^ ^^'^^ ■ " 
 
 of the cH^S pHi. ''"J'i?- ^f'^^'K'' '^"t the case. I do'^not find it in any 
 orWordsS £°?f' m'*'^'' of Griesbach, Scholz, Hahn, Tregelles, Heinrichs! 
 
 a. weU ala' tW^ if • ^^T°'''' "" '^' ^''^^^'^ P^^^*"»*^ ^P«*=- ^^- ^' Wordsworth 
 as weu a. a J the others, reads Tjvoiyi] 6 vaoQ . . ev 7^, ovQav(,j.
 
 490 APoc. XI. 14. [part hi. 
 
 momentous events that were the result under it, will be best 
 discussed when we come to consider the fuller development 
 of the same events, given in a subsequent portion of the 
 Apocalyptic Book. Thus a mere passing notice of them 
 will for the present suffice. 
 
 I. The cessation of the Turkish woe. 
 
 It deserves well to be observed how distinctly the second 
 half oi the Turkish woe, — I mean that measured from the 
 fall of the Greek empire, — is Apocalyptically defined as 
 including within it the rise, progress, and political establish- 
 ment of the Reformation. It was just after the prophecy 
 of the slaying of that third part of men, by the fire and 
 smoke and sulphur that issued from the mouths of the 
 Turkman Euphratean horsemen, and immediately conse- 
 quent declaration of the ineffectiveness of the catastrophe 
 to induce repentance in the men of the other part of Chris- 
 tendom, that the vision was exhibited of the descent of 
 the Covenant-Angel, betokening the commencement of the 
 Reformation. It is just after the prophecy of the political 
 earthquake that arose out of the Reformation, and con- 
 sequent fall more particularly of the tenth part, and of 
 seven chiliads also, of the great Papal City, — in other 
 words of the overthrow of the Papal dominion in England 
 and in the seven Dutch Provinces, whereby was completed 
 the 'political establishment of the Reformation, — it is just 
 after this, I say, and not before, that there is made the 
 statement in our text, " The second Woe is passed." — 
 Now the chronological correctness of this second prophetic 
 intimation is as clearly verified in history as that of the for- 
 mer. Throughout the period of the earlier progress of the 
 Reformation the Turkish Woe continued imminent. In 
 the course of the 20 years from 1517 to 1540, both 
 Rhodes and Hungary in Christendom, as well as the 
 Mameluc empire of Egypt, fell under it ; and Christendom 
 continued in alarm. It was not till the great naval battle 
 of Lepanto that any at all effectual check was interposed 
 against its progress. And what the date of this battle ? 
 It was A.D. \bl\,just a year or two only after the insur- 
 rection of the Dutch Provinces. Even after Spain's full and
 
 CHAP. X.] CESSATION OF THE TURKISH WOE. 491 
 
 final acknowledgment of the independence of those Pro- 
 vinces in the Treaty of 1648 the Turks were still most for- 
 midable. In 1669 Candia, one of the bulwarks of Chris- 
 tendom, was taken by them. It w^as not till their great 
 war with the Gemian Empire in the last quarter of the 
 xviith century, — a w^ar illustrated by the victories of John 
 SohiesM at its commencement, and of Prince Eugene near 
 its conclusion,^ — that the woe could be with any reason 
 regarded as near its end. And this was just after the final 
 settlement of the Reformation in England, through the 
 accession of William III. — Even then the famous Peace of 
 Carloivitz was negotiated on terms of less inequality than 
 might have been anticipated. Its energy of aggressive 
 progress and destruction had passed from the Turkman 
 Empire : but it seemed still, — ^just like that of the Saracens, 
 after the termination of its predicted 150 years of intensity 
 of woe, — a mighty and formidable power. Decay however 
 had begun irretrievably within it. And the next great war 
 which, after a long peace with Christendom, called it again 
 into the battle-field, I mean that of 1769 — 1775 against 
 Kussia, and yet more that of 1787 against united Russia 
 and Austria, a war signalized by victory after victory on the 
 part of the alhed forces, and which was ended in April 1791 
 by a Peace humiliating to Turkey, — proclaimed to the 
 world, in language too clear to be mistaken, that the Turk- 
 man power was no longer a ivoe to Christendom, but Chris- 
 tendom to the Turkmans. The dissolution or conquest of 
 its empire had become thenceforth, it was evident, only a 
 question of time and European policy. The Second Woe 
 had passed away.^ 
 
 And what then next ? The Apocalyptic prophecy thus 
 announced the coming future. " The Second Woe hath 
 passed away. Behotd, the third Woe cometh qiiickhj" The 
 annunciation was followed, — doubtless after a brief pause, 
 corresponding with the term quicJchj in the announcement, 
 — by the sounding of the seventh Trumpet. It would seem 
 
 1 The war began A.D. 1682; soon after which followed John Sobieski's famous 
 victory. In 1697 Prince Eugene gained his great victory at Zcuta. In 1698 fol- 
 lowed the Peace of Carlo witz. 
 
 - Hence another argument in proof of the Witnesses' death and resurrection, which 
 precedes the passing away of the second woe, not being an event yet future.
 
 492 Apoc. XI. 15 — 19. [part hi. 
 
 that no new external judgment, no new eventful changes, 
 worthy of Apocalyptic prefiguration, were to pass upon 
 the face of Roman Christendom, before the breaking forth 
 of that third Woe, the Woe of the last Trumpet : which, 
 whether by a longer process of judgment, or a shorter, 
 was appointed in the divine councils to prepare for, and to 
 issue in, the great consummation. 
 
 II. The sounding of the seventh trumpet. 
 
 AVho can read the prophetic description of the events 
 that were to occur under this Trumpet, and not be struck 
 with their unspeakable importance and interest ? " The 
 seventh Angel sounded : and there were great voices in 
 heaven, saying, The kingdom of this world is become 
 the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ ; and He shall 
 reign for ever and ever." — It does not appear clear, tlim 
 far, whether these voices were from the heavenly ones in 
 the inmost part of the mystic Temple ; or, like other 
 voices said to sound in heaven also,^ from servants of God 
 elevated into the political heaven of human ascendancy 
 and power. We may not improbably suppose the latter ; 
 and that they proceeded from the Witness or Protestant 
 body, elevated into political ascendancy ere the close of 
 the former Trumpet. If so, then the song would only 
 indicate the strong prevailing impression of the times, cor- 
 rect or incorrect, as felt by what we might call the religious 
 world of the great Protestant powers. But the song was 
 instantly taken up by other and less equivocal voices ; 
 those of the twentij-four elders which sate before God : the 
 representatives, as we have seen, of the spirits of the just 
 made perfect, the church in Paradise.^ And what said 
 they ? " They fell upon their faces, and worshipped God, 
 saying ; We give thee thanks, O Lord God Almighty, 
 which art, and wast, [and art to come,] because thou hast 
 taken to thyself thy great power, and assumed the king- 
 dom. And the nations were angry ; and thy wrath is 
 come ; and the time of the dead to be judged ; and that 
 
 1 Compare the song in Apoc. xii. 10, 11 ; which will come under consideration in 
 my next Chapter : also the cry of the travailing woman in heaven, Apoc, xii. 2. 
 
 2 See Vol. I. p. 93.
 
 CHAP. X.] THE SEVENTH TRUMPEt's SOUNDING. 49.3 
 
 thou shouldest give the reward to thy servants tlie pronliets 
 and to the saints and to them that fear thy name, small 
 and great ; and shonldest destroy them which destroy the 
 earth. -Thus by the blessed spirits also this seventh 
 Irumpet was recognised (and so it was indeed anticipa- 
 tively referred to ni the oath of the Covenant-Angel of he 
 Reformation ') as that under which was to be indubitably 
 accomplished that glorious event, towards which from the 
 earliest ages, accordantly with their Lord's own direction " 
 there had been directed the prayers and longino-s of the 
 saints of God ;-I mean the establishment of Christ's bless- 
 ed kingdom. In full certainty of this being the result, and 
 of events novv beginning that would in it have their con- 
 summation, they speak of it. after the manner of prophecy 
 in the pmf feme; by preference to the present, evei as if 
 already accomplished. But at the same tim; they add 
 words of sigmiicant import, showing that other and awful 
 events must first happen ;-tl,e forlm of the natione\Te 
 pc^am^ed nations') of Roman Christendom, cleariy aga nst 
 Christ and his Gospel, even as if evidenced in LueZ. 
 roxysm of malignity ;-the out-pouring of God's destroying 
 wrath uf on fhem;-and last, not least, the arrival of the 
 
 frf f !^ i *" ''" •^"''^'"^' "'"1 coincidently with it of 
 that ot Gods prophets and saints and servants reeeiknq 
 
 reward ?-It IS not here the place to discuss the great 
 ques ions of the nature" and time of the first resurreetion. of 
 thejudffnienUndof the appearing and kingdom of the lird 
 Jesus. But this I cannot but say on the present occasion 
 that.-forasmuch as no sgmiolic characters are here refer- 
 red to bke as m the narrative of the two symbolic wit- 
 nesses.=-by "the dead" mentioned it seems most natiu-al 
 to understand the dead literally, by t/ie judgment their 
 
 1 See p. 128, &c., supr^. 
 on^elrf:: ifS r^L'a'eS"! ^^ ^ • • "^^ '^J ^-o^^^m come ; may Thy will be done, 
 
 ^^£S^^^:^^^i:i^:J^r{£^^ ^y^^^^.^^ unto thyholy 
 
 So again 1 Samnel Iv 28 ''rturt^^^^^ \T T'^'f '""''^T' '"*" ^'^''^■ 
 this day, &c.:" Luke f 68 "He /t //?/?/ .'^','''"-^°™ °^ ^'''^'^ ^om thee 
 where not infrequently ' ^' ""''^^ and redeemed hi.s people : " and else- 
 
 * I beg attention to this distinction. '"'• ^° ^^'''- ""'' ^-
 
 494 Apoc. XI. 15 — 19. [part hi. 
 
 judgment literally, and by the reward to the saints the re- 
 ward elsewhere spoken of as that which is to be perso7ialhj 
 communicated to them at Christ's coming.^ Certainly 
 whatever explanation would affix a figurative meaning to 
 those striking phrases, the dead, to he judged, reward,^ must 
 be allowed to be less natural, prima facie. And so too 
 certain other explanations which, making the 7th Trum- 
 pet to include not the momentous events alone that are 
 preparatives to the introduction of Christ's predicted reign, 
 but the millennial reign itself, and all other events foretold 
 as to happen beyond it, would construe what is said of " the 
 time of the dead having come to be judged," as referring 
 to afar distant post-millennial period, and to the judgment 
 of the great white throne not till then occurring.^ — Pre- 
 sumino: however that the more natural and literal sense of 
 the clause is the true one, how near to the time now pre- 
 sent does it seem to fix the consummation ! Surely the 
 thought ought to be felt by us as very solemn. 
 
 In any case Christ's Jdngdom was to be established, as 
 the result of the events of this Trumpet. And how, we 
 may think, must the heart of St. John have beat with de- 
 sire, to see the glorious things, thus anticipatively celebrat- 
 ed as the result of the events of the 7th Trumpet, developed 
 fully in the vision ensuing ! But ere this development, he 
 
 1 Compare on "the reward" Apoc. xxii. 12, Matt. v. 12, &c. See too p. 128 
 supra, and the Note there cited from Bisliop Butler, 
 
 ■~ I may illustrate itom\Launceus, who explains the dead of persons afflicted, and 
 as it were given up to death; and Cocceius, who refers the phrase to people once 
 acquainted with the truth, now relapsed into the death of error and apostasy, ap. 
 Vitringa ad loc. 
 
 Again Grotim, Vitringa, A. Clarke, &c., explain k^ivhv in the sense of to vindicate, 
 and the dead as distinctively the dead saints and martyrs. '■'■ Judicarentiir mortui : 
 hoc est marfyres, qui mortem oppetierant causa religionis, illo tempore vindicarentur ; 
 quod, stylo Scripturte V. T., est Judicari : ut Psalm 1. 4; 'Clamabit ad coclos superne, 
 et ad terram ad judicandum populum suum; ' h. e. judicandam vindicandamque 
 populi sui causam, et hostes ejus ulciscendos." So Vitringa, the ablest and most 
 learned expounder probably of the anti-premillennial view, p. 678. 
 
 Again, on the reward to be given to the saints he writes ; " Illi ciim sperarint et 
 prsedixerint eventura esse tempora, quibus regnum Christi . . illustri modo se per totum 
 orbem conspiciendum exhiberet, sensu mystico . . mcrcedem dicuntur accipcre, quando 
 his illorum pnedictionibus et expectationi satisfit." p. 679. Does this mystic sense 
 of the saints' reward, or fxiaBoq, let me ask, seem natural, or probable ? — But I reserve 
 the discussion, as before observed, to my 4th Volume. ^ go Scott, &c.
 
 CHAP. X.] THE SEVENTH TRUMPET's SOUNDING. 495 
 
 could not, I think, biit also feel that one particular and 
 most important point of information needed to be first sup- 
 plied him. Who those destroyers, or corrupters of the earth} 
 that were now to be destroyed by God Himself from off 
 it? Must not that Beast from the Ahtjss, which had been 
 just once before passingly mentioned as pre-eminently the 
 warrer against, and slayer of Christ's Witnesses,^ — must 
 not he, or it, be specially included in the number ? But 
 if so, what that Beast's history ? Whence originating 
 and how ? Where and when established ? And whether 
 and how identical with DanieVs fourth Beast in its last 
 ruling form, (for surely this thought of identity could not 
 but suggest itself,) and consequently also with the pre- 
 dicted Man of Sin, or Antichrist? — Behold, as if on pur- 
 pose to answer these obvious questions, the forward pro- 
 gress of the prefigurations is here suddenly interrupted. 
 A new and parenthetic series of visions begins, having this 
 for their one grand subject. And the brief descriptive 
 verse and symbol now occurring, — viz. of " the temple of 
 God being opened in heaven, and there being seen in his 
 temple the ark of his covenant,^ and that there were light- 
 nings, and voices, and thunderings, and an earthquake and 
 great hail," — a verse and scenic figuration which depicted, 
 as I conceive, in a general way what was to happen after 
 the Trumpet's sounding, both as regarded the reformed 
 church's opening or manifestation in heaven,^ and as regard- 
 ed the commotions, wars, and earthquake, that were contem- 
 porarily to shake the world, — this same figured scene being, 
 after a long and marked interruption, ]Jointedly repeated 
 again in Apoc. xv. 5 ^ serves well as a sign of connexion ; 
 and to show where there is a resumption of the present 
 
 1 TovQ Sia(p9iipovTag rrjv yt]v. - Apoc. xi. 7. 
 
 3 Kai (1)^9)] i) KLjSwTOQ T1IQ SiaOrjKtjg avm' rendered ia our authorized English, 
 version, " there was seen in his temple the ark of his testament." But I believe that 
 both here, and almost always (if not always) elsewhere in the New Testament, the 
 word ciaOrjKj) should be translated covenant. See on this point a Paper by the late 
 Sir Lancelot Shadwell, at the end of the Appendix in this Volume. 
 
 * It is to be remembered that the symbolic temple in the foreground of vision before 
 St. John must have appeared reformed after his action of measui^ing and casting out 
 described Apoc. xi. 1, 2. 
 
 * " And after that I looked ; and behold the temple of the tabernacle of the testi- 
 mony [Ti]g <TKi]vi]Q TH fiaprvpis) was opened in heaven."
 
 496 Apoc. XT. 15 — 19. [part hi. 
 
 thread of vision, and where the development of the great 
 events of the seventh Trumpet is intended to begin. The 
 resumed vision v^^ill call for our attention in Part V of my 
 Commentary. The parenthetic Visions in Apoc. xii., xiii., 
 xiv., M^ill be the subject of my IVth and next following 
 Part.
 
 APPENDIX TO VOL. 11. 
 No. I. 
 
 ON THE USE OF AAIMONIA, DiEMONS, APOC. IX. 20. 
 
 {See pa^e 9.) 
 
 We have the advantage of two elaborate dissertations on this sub- 
 ject ; the one by Mede in his Treatise on the Apostasy of the Last 
 Times (Works, p. 623, &c.) ; the other by Dr. CampheU, in the sixth 
 Preliminary Dissertation prefixed to his work on the Gospels. It is 
 from these, for the most part, that I abstract what follows. And I 
 think there are two heads under which I may most conveniently class 
 my observations from them : the first and principal having reference 
 to the Scriptural use of ^aifjoviov, more especially as contrasted with 
 hiaiioXos, in both the Old and the New Testament ; the second to its 
 use in the Christian Church afterwards. 
 
 I. As to the Scripture use of caii^ovia, and the distinction uniformly 
 observed between diafloXog, devil, and ^aiiuovioy, dcemon. 
 
 1. Ata/3oXoc, devil, from its derivation means an accuser. — In this 
 sense it is in the New^ Testament three times applied in the plural, 
 and ivithout the article, to men and women given to slander ; viz. in 
 1 Tim. iii. 11, 2 Tim. iii. 3, Tit. ii. 3. — It is also once applied to a 
 man, in the same or a cognate sense, in the singular, but still ivithoui 
 the article : viz. to Judas ; who was probably Christ's false accuser 
 before the Chief Priests, as well as the traitor that lay in wait for 
 him. So John vi. 70. — But in the singular number, loith the article, 
 in which form it occiirs some thirty times in the New Testament, it is 
 uniformly used of the One great Evil Spirit ; the same that is also, 
 and often associatedly, called 6 Uovripoc, "EiaTai'ag, 6 Ayri^iKoc, 6 Ocpig 6 
 ap\^aioQ, 6 \paK(i)v b peyag, 6 Ap^wp tov icofffxov tovtov, 6 Ap)(wy Tijg e^ov- 
 voL. II. 32
 
 498 ON THE WORD Aaiynoj/m, APOC. IX. 20. [aPP. 
 
 ffiuQ rov aepoQ' i. e. The Evil One, — Satan, — the Adversary, — the Old 
 Serpent, — the Great Dragon, — the Ruler of this "World, — the Prince 
 of the power of the air. — In its application to him it might be pre- 
 sumed that the term, according to its proper meaning, was intended to 
 characterise him as an accuser. And such is the fact. In Apoc. xii. 9, 
 10, the Devil is expressly spoken of as " the accuser of the Brethren," 
 6 KaTTjyopoQ Twv acE\<po)y. — The fact is made clearer by reference to 
 the Septuagint ; from whence this, as so many other terms in the New 
 Testament, is borrowed. It is there the equivalent of the two He- 
 brew words |J2{^ and "^2^, Satan and Tsar, adversary and enemy. Of 
 the accusatory force of which latter word, its application to Haman 
 in Esther vii. 4, and viii. 1, is proof sufficient. And that of th.e former, 
 Satan, is well illustrated by its use in Job i. 6, &c., and Zech. iii. 
 1, 2. The course of this world is there represented as a judicial 
 drama : with man's cause pending in it before the Eternal One ; and 
 the Old Serpent, — him who was originally man's tempter, — now act- 
 ing as his satan or accuser. Indeed, in the passage from Zechariah, 
 iilDti^i' ')yt2>'^ bv *TPy li^ti'nV ^^^ appellative noun and its explana- 
 tory verb, occur together, " Satan to act the satan's part ; " i. e. that 
 of accuser.' — Thus then 3ia/3oXoe, devil, is the appellative of the one 
 great evU Spirit, as by way of eminence our accuser : to whom, in 
 the grand pending judicial drama, there is opposed, through God's 
 mercy, one greater, Jehovah Jesus, our mapaKKi)TOQ or advocate : our 
 advocate in person, as God-man, to silence his accusations before 
 God ! our advocate by his Spirit, (who is thus the Coniforter,) to si- 
 lence his accusations in the believer's own conscience. There is no 
 such word, says Dr. Campbell, as Bia/3oXot, devils, in the plural, with 
 reference to unearthly spirits, either in the Septuagint or New Tes- 
 tament. And so too Dr. A. Clarke, on Psalm cvi. 37 : " Devil is never 
 in Scripture used in the plural. There is but one devil : there are 
 many dcsmons." 
 
 2. " Next as to daifiovioy, dcemon. This is a word used both in the 
 
 1 Just as with the Greek word diafioXos, so with the Hebrew -j^b, the article is 
 almost always prefixed where it is applied to our great adversary Satan. So in some 
 fourteen instances in Job, and three in Zechariah, where the reference seems un- 
 doubted. The only exceptions, I believe, if such they be, are 1 Chron. xxi. 1, "And 
 Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number Israel ; " where, how- 
 ever, some other and earthly adversary of Israel may have been intended : and Psalm 
 cix. 6, " And let Satan stand at his right hand; " where also the reference to Satan 
 himself seems doubtful.
 
 NO- I-] ON THE WORD Aat/iovia, APOC. IX. 20. 499 
 
 Septuagint and New Testament, alike in the plural aa the singular, 
 in two senses. 
 
 In the Septuagint its frst and clearest signification is as a simple 
 designative of the imaginary heathen gods. So in Psalm xcvi. 5 ; ol 
 deot rwy Edvwv lai^iovia eiacv " the gods of the heathen are dcemons r 
 also in Deuteronomy xxxii. 17 ; edvaay Satiuoriois, mt ov eea>- "thev 
 sacrificed to dcemons, and not to God:" and again Psalm 'cvi. 37*; 
 edvaay rag dvyuTepag avTuiv daifioyioiQ. In these passages the Hebrew 
 words corresponding to Satfiovia are D^^^'j.si and a^-jg; : the one, 
 according to Gesenius, signifying vanities- the other, lords or riders'^ 
 So that there is nothing in the?n to fix on these spirits the character 
 of devilish, or sata?iic ; as the word safanim, or some indubitable 
 equivalent, would have done.2 Nor, though the tone of the two 
 latter statements be deemed objurgatory, does there need any such 
 explanation of the word to account for it. It is sufficiently explain- 
 ed, on the hypothesis of jts simple meaning, by multitudes of paraUel 
 Scriptural passages : in the which Israel's sin is depicted as made up 
 of two evils ; viz. 1st, forsaking God ; 2ndly, forsaking Him (not for 
 devilish or satanic spirits, but) for them that were no gods, but 
 profitless idol vanities. (Deut. xxxii. 21, &c.)— Thus, there being 
 nothing implied of devilish, or satanic, in the original Hebrew, so 
 neither, we may reasonably infer, as it seems to me, in the oaifioi'L of 
 the Septuagint translation. It is plain that the Alexandrine trans- 
 lators used the word in its popular meaning, simply to signify the gods 
 or dcsmons of heathen mythology ; Alexandria being a place where the 
 Platonic philosophy had necessarily made that meaning most familiar 
 to them.— JS^or must I forget to remind the reader, that there was 
 one particular notice in the Hebrew Scriptures on the subject of the 
 heathen gods or demons spoken of, which must have appeared to the 
 Seventy to make the word Satfxoyca peculiarly appropriate in the 
 translation. For, just as the daifiona of the Greek religion were re- 
 cognised by the Platonics, agreeably with the doctrine of aU their older 
 
 • In 1 Chron. xvi. 26 the former of these two Hebrew words also occurs ; but in the 
 Septuagint it is rendered e.6coXa, instead of Sa.f^o.ca. Buxtorf derives =.tV, from 
 ^-■i:,vastavit: whence the word in Psalm xci. 6, noted in the next page '" 
 ^ ^ Compare too 2 Chron. xi. 1-5 ; where it is said of Jeroboam, .a-r.a-r,,.,, Uv.^ 
 
 answering to our authorized version, " priests for the devils, (dLoL,) and fo the 
 
 alves which he had made." Heb. :=.-.,.;, ; the same word as in Is. Ai. 22 l.^Cy 
 
 14, referred to overleaf. ' ' ^^*i^- 
 
 32 *
 
 500 ON THE TVORD Aaifioria, APOC. IX. 20. [aPP. 
 
 poets and philosophers, to be the spirits of dead men, raised to the 
 rank of demigods,^ — so the Hebrew Scriptures declared that the 
 Baalim, or gods, to whom Israel turned aside to worship, were also 
 dead men deified : as it is said in Psalm cvi. 28 ; " They joined them- 
 selves to Baal-peor, and ate the sacrifices of the dead ; " Hebr. □'^ri^, 
 Septuag. TU)v veKpu)y. — (Compare Numb. xxv. 2, 3.) — The same 
 fact is also intimated in Isaiah viii. 19, Ixv. 4 ; in which latter passage 
 the heathen worship is further described as celebrated at the tombs of 
 the dead. 
 
 Such IS the primary use of the word in the Septuagint, and in pas- 
 sages where heathen worship is the direct subject. — Besides which, 
 (passing over its use in the prophecies of Isa. xiii. 21 and xxxiv. 14, 
 where the Hebrew radical is a goat, and the sense too obscure and 
 disputed to rest upon,) I must just add, secondly, that in Psalm xci. 
 6, (" Thou shalt not be afraid of the destruction that wasteth at 
 noonday,") where the Septuagint Greek is laifxoviov jxiamx^pwov, the 
 word is used with a malignant sense attached to it ; and apparently of 
 some spiritual malignant being, acting destructively against man. 
 (See Dr. A. Clarke's jSTote on the verse.) 
 
 In the New Testament the word Zaifiovia is similarly used in two 
 sense 
 
 First, it is used as a simple designative of the imaginary Tieathen 
 gods. So in the narrative of St. Paul's visit to Athens, Acts xvii. 18, 
 22, by the Athenians directly ; " He seemeth to be a setter forth of 
 strange dcsmons, or gods ; " ^ivtav haijj,oviwy : also impliedly by St. Paul ; 
 " I see that ye are ^eio-iBat/xovEorfpoi, very much given to worshipping 
 ^at/xoj'ia, daemons, heathen gods." His comment on which, as weU 
 as on the idol-inscription he had seen, is not to be forgotten ; " Him, 
 whom ye ignorantly worship, [ God,not the dcemon,'] declare I unto you." 
 The same, I believe with Dr. Campbell, is the meaning of the term 
 in 1 Cor. x. 20, 21 ; " The things which the Gentiles sacrifice they 
 sacrifice daifxovioig, to dtemons, and not to God." Por by Corinthians, 
 as by Athenians, such would, I conceive, be understood as the mean- 
 
 ' So Plato in his Cratylus, ^ 33. Asytt hv Kokws kul btos ('Hcrio^os), Kai aWoi 
 •jTODjTai TToWoi, COS, iTTtiSav Tis ayaSos ojv TeXtuTjicry, fxtya\i}u fxoipav /cai tljj,i]u 
 s^^Et, Kai yiyv^Tai S a i fx w v. 
 
 And in his Symposium, § 27. Tlav to SaLfxoviov fXETa^u ecttl des te Kai 6v);t«. 
 Tiva Se Swafxiv ^X"" > Epfxijvivov kul SiaTropdfjLtvov dtoi^ Ta Trap' avdpwirwv, Kai 
 avQpunroL^ Ta irapa 6twv, twv fiev tws 5ej)(T£1s kul dvcriai, twv Se tus siriTaf ets kui 
 afioi^ai Toov dvariwi/ .... Gfos ds avdpooiru s pnyvvTai' aWa Sia tutu (t« daifioviH) 
 traca sGTif i) ofxt-Xia, kul h oiuXsktos, 0£ots Trpos avO^oajTras.
 
 NO. I.] ON THE WORD Aat^oyia, APOC. IX. 20. 501 
 
 ing of tlie word. St. Paul's representation of the case of the heathen, 
 so understood by them, would then precisely agree with that given 
 in Deut. xxxii. 17, already commented on ; and indeed with the 
 Apostle's own notice of it at Athens. — Nor, as to his argument 
 against intercommunion in respect of things offered to heathen gods, 
 would it be rendered nugatory by this view of them as mere idol 
 vanities ; any more than in the appeal made elsewhere in the epistle, 
 " What communion hath the temple of God vdih (not a devil but) 
 an idol .^" 2 Cor. vi. 16. There is certainly no necessity here for the 
 sense of devil, so as Dr. Maitland would have it, on this ground. 
 And indeed Dr. C.'s remark seems unanswerable : — that the heathen 
 could not be said to have sacrificed to devilish satanic spirits, either 
 abstractedly considered, or in respect of intention; seeing they bad 
 not even a notion of the Devil, or Satan, of Holy Scripture. 
 
 On the other hand, secondly, in the narratives of Christ's miracles 
 whil* on earth, the malignant sense strikingly and continually at- 
 taches to the word Zai^ovia ; viz. as unclean and evil spirits, real 
 though invisible, that possessed and tormented the unhappy beings 
 thence called dcemoniacs. 
 
 In regard of these remarkable cases the question has arisen where- 
 fore these evil spirits, just dui'ing the time of our Lord's ministry and 
 that of his Apostles, should have been permitted, as they were, so to 
 vex the bodies of men. Nor can we doubt but that, while intended to 
 furnish opportunity for the more signal display of Christ's power aud 
 mercy to save, it was intended also that evidence should be thereby 
 given both of the real existence of evil spirits, of their conversancy 
 with men, and of their malignity of character and influence : — evidence 
 such as none could mistake : and which unmasked them, so as nothino- 
 else could have done, to the very eyes, ears, and senses of men. — Be- 
 sides which, and in connexion more direct with our present subject, 
 another question arises on the case : wherefore a term that had been 
 previously for the most part applied to those imaginary figments, the 
 gods of heathen worship, should be now so markedly applied to real 
 living evil spirits ? Nor can we well err in assigning in part the fol- 
 lowing answer ; viz. that by the selection of the word lainona, dcemons, 
 to designate the actors in these possessions, the Holy Spirit would 
 show that, though the objects of heathen worship were mevejlctions, 
 there were yet real and malignant spirits that acted in aud upheld it. 
 Thus, I say, malignant evil spirits were shown to be connected with
 
 502 ON THE WORD Aai/uoj/ia, APOC. IX. 20. [aPP. 
 
 the heathen dsemonolatry ; the cai^ovia in the more lawful sense of the 
 word, with the daifioyia in the less lawful. — An example from Acts 
 xvi. well illustrates the union. A woman, it is said, had the spirit of 
 Apollo (Uvdojyog), or of divination. Here is the phraseology of the 
 fictions of heathenism. The Pythian Apollo was supposed to speak 
 oracles through her ; — a heathen Zaip.oviov neither imagined of, nor 
 worshipped, as a malignant spirit : (far from it :) but rather as a be- 
 ing to whom attached a certain benevolence of character, and the 
 credit of supposed victories over an eA"il serpent. But the miracle of 
 the apostle evoked a real living evil spirit, a caifxoviov in the malignant 
 sense of the word, from the woman thought to be possessed by Apollo. 
 It showed that, instead of Apollo, there was a iryev^a irXarrig, a spirit 
 of malignancy and lies, actually speaking in and'by her.' 
 
 It must be added to this explication of the ]S"ew Testament use of 
 the word, that all these malignant daemons, spirits in numbers number- 
 less, as the story of the Legion suffices to show, — are represented as 
 subordinate, for purposes of deception and evil, to that great indi- 
 vidual evil Spirit, the Devil, Satan. He is the Prince of the power 
 of the air ; they his ayyeXoi. (Rev. xii. 9.) Hence the meaning of the 
 statement in Acts x. 38 ; " He went about healing tovq Karacv- 
 vaaTEvoiiEvovQ vTTo Tov AiaftoXov, those that were oppressed of the 
 Devil ; " though it was only inferior dwmons that possest them. And 
 hence too the point of the argument used by our Lord respecting his 
 miracles on daemoniacs ; " If Satan cast out Satan," &<?. Matt. xii. 26. 
 
 Now then, such being the twofold Scripture use of the word ^ainovia, 
 when applied to the objects of Gentile worship, — it being in its direct 
 and primary meaning simply a designative of those objects, the 
 heathens' gods and goddesses, very much as an adoption of their own 
 phrase, and with their own ideas of the term attached to it, — but con- 
 veying secondarily, and by inference from its use elsewhere, the fur- 
 ther idea of the agency of real malignant spirits, not as worshipped 
 in the system, but as suggesting, acting, and deceiving in it, — such, I 
 say, being its Scriptural use in regard of the Gentile idolatries then 
 prevailing, the same ought evidently to be the meaning assigned it in 
 any prophetic description, such as that before us, of idolatrous systems 
 at a time then future. Thus it is not to be set aside as inapplicable 
 to the Romish canonized saints, because the latter are not devils. 
 
 ^ So Milton, P. L. i. 367, " And devils to adore for deities." The sequel is a learned 
 comment on the topic I am speaking of. — See too Gibbon ii. 287, &c.
 
 NO. I.] ON THE WOED Aat^oj'ta, APOC. IX, 20. 503 
 
 Bather, considering the correspondency of the Papal hagiolatrous 
 system in its principal features with that of the heathen mythology,— 
 considering that it is one in which the imaginary spirits of dead men 
 are similarly worshipped, spirits imagined sometimes as of character 
 not very unlike the pagan demigods, » and of offices also similar, viz. 
 that of guardian-spirits to their worshippers, and mediators and in- 
 tercessors for them with the Supreme God,— considering that it is 
 thus a system the suggestion of living malignant spirits, as truly as 
 heathenism, and over which they may well equally rejoice,— I say, 
 smce all this is the case, the word is evidently most appropriate 
 in its application to them. Indeed I may confidently ask, whether 
 there be any other word in the Greek language that would so appro- 
 priately, so comprehensively, depict both the imaginary objects, and 
 the real suggestors of the Romish worship, as the word daifioyia ?— 
 It is for objectors against our application of the word to the papal 
 daemonolatry to suggest another word as fit, ifthei/ can. If they can- 
 not, it only remains that both they, and we, view the term objected to 
 as Mede has : that is, as in itself constituting a remarkable evidence 
 of the intended application of the Apocalyptic passage before us, (as 
 well as of that in 1 Tim. iv. 1 also,) to the great d^monolatrous apo- 
 stasy in Greek and Eoman Christendom. 
 
 In alluding to objectors, I have had Dr. Maitland more especiaUy 
 in view : (see his Eemarks on a Review in the Christian Guardian, 
 p. 110, &c. :) and I trust that, though indirectly, every objection that 
 he makes from Scripture has been in the above observations sufficiently 
 answered. Indeed I may say that, though plausible on a first and 
 hasty perusal, his objections appear both superficial and incorrect on 
 examination. The distinction is not made by him between dcsmon 
 and devil, ^aifioviov and 6 liai^oXog. In his inquiry into the Scripture 
 meaning of Uinoviov, he makes no reference whatever to the Septua- 
 gint; though the term was thence derived into the Greek New Test- 
 ament. In his mention of its use at Athens, (Acts xvii.,) he omits 
 the apostle's ZeiaLhainovtffrtpoL ; which of itself refutes his denial of 
 the apostle's non-employment of it, except in the sense of devil. In 
 his notice of the passage in 1 Cor. x., he contends that that meaning 
 of the word can alone give sense to the passage ; to which I have 
 already shown the contrary. Further,— while, without the least re- 
 gard to the heathens' own appellations, ideas, or intentions, in regard 
 
 ' See p. 12 supra.
 
 504 ON THE WORD Aaifiovia, APOC. IX. 20. [aPP. 
 
 of the spirits they worshipped, he will have them all to be devils, — ^he 
 yet, with not very even-handed justice, yields to the spirits or beings 
 noted for worship in the Hotnish calendar the full benefit of the ap- 
 pellation that their worshippers give them : and, without inquiry into 
 their character, will have them to be real saints, because they are 
 called saints ; indeed to be the saints (fictions though they be) whose 
 name they bear. Thus is it that at p. 116 he speaks of the Paul of 
 Romish worship, as one with whom Protestant prophetic expositors 
 would be glad to hold fellowship. But this, even as regards Dr. 
 Maitland himself, I must beg to doubt. For the St. Paul of the 
 Papacy, (in common with his brother Peter,) heading as he has, with 
 his name and with his wrath, the anti-heretical fulminations and anti- 
 heretical crusades of the 13th and following centuries, has drunk 
 deeper and more savagely of blood than even the heathen Moloch : 
 and none, I am persuaded, more sincerely abominates the horrors of 
 those wars than Dr. Maitland ; or would shrink more resolutely from 
 fellowship with the authors of them. But even though such a change 
 should come over him as that Dr. M. should desire fellowship with 
 this St. Paul, the latter disclaims, and will have no fellowship with 
 Dr. Maitland, He has already, in the Papal Bulls of excommunica- 
 tion against the Protestants, specially against the Protestant Clergy 
 of England, denounced Dr. M. as a heretic, and doomed him to per- 
 dition. — No ! names are not things. The real separate spirits of 
 apostles and saints are one thing ; the ideal sainted spirits of the 
 Roman Calendar quite another. And if ideal impersonations of vice 
 and wickedness as objects of Avorship, in the name and with the garb 
 of Christianity, are worse than the same without it, then is the daemon- 
 olatry of the Eomish and Greek apostate Churches, (for both alike 
 are referred to both here, and m 1 Tim. iv. 1, though Dr. M. has 
 strangely overlooked this,) not only in other respects the close re- 
 semblance of its Pagan predecessor, but one over which evil malig- 
 nant spii'its must even more rejoice than they did over that of the 
 ancient heathenism. 
 
 The above, which is chiefly from Dr. Oamplell, is suflScient to estab- 
 lish, on the ground of its scriptural use, the propriety of the applica- 
 tion of the term ^aifxona to Bomish canonized saints. 
 
 II. I must now advert with Mede to the use of ^ai/jouia, after the 
 apostolic times, by writers of the early Christian Church. There seems
 
 NO. I.] ON THE "WORD Aaifioyia, APOC. IX. 20. 505 
 
 to me to be in this something really almost providential : since to the 
 application of the term just given it furnishes both an illustration, 
 and a confirmation, the most convincing and remarkable. 
 
 For 1st, it is to be observed, that up to the time when the new 
 dsemonolatry took place of the old, the application of the word Saifxovia 
 to real or imaginary spirits of dead men, as well as to malignant spirits 
 of hell, was understood and kept up. I give a few illustrations in 
 proof, from various fathers of early date. — First Ignatius, early in the 
 second century, or (if the Syriac three epistles only be of Ignatius' 
 own writing) the Fseudo-lgnatius a century perhaps later, in an 
 Epistle to the Smyrneans, relates, that when Christ came to Peter 
 after his resurrection, he said, Aa/Bcre, i//?j\a07jo-arf //£, cai iZete on ovk 
 £1^1 caifioviov aau)fxaToy' " See that I am not an incorporeal dcemon, or 
 spirit.'''' The writer did not suppose, with Dr. Maitland, that devil 
 was the only proper or apostolic use of the word. Again, in the Acts 
 of the Martyrdom of Ignatius, ch. 3, it is said, ti fir] Tr]v nov laiixoviwv 
 tkoLTo Xarpeiav' i. e. unless the Cliristian body should embrace the 
 worship of the heathen gods. — Next Justin Martyr (who elsewhere 
 also uses the same phrase as Ignatius, laifxovLa atrwixara, in his Dial, 
 cum Tryph., pp. 309, 310) speaks of many having been induced by the 
 Grospel KaraXiTTEiv caifioyia oIq t^ovXevov. — Tertullian too, in various 
 places, expresses a similar view of the word. So in his De Spectac.c. 12 ; 
 " In mortuorum idolis daemonia consistunt." So again in his Apology, 
 ch. 32 : where, after speaking of Christians not swearing by the 
 " genios Cjesarum," he observes ; " Nescitis genios dcemonas dici, et 
 inde diminutiva voce dcemonia?^'' Adding, with reference to the real 
 evil spirits that delighted in that worship of dcsmons, or dead men ; 
 " Caeterum daemonas, id est genios, adjurare consuevimus, ut illos de 
 hominibus exigamus ; non Jejerare, ut illis honorem divinitatis con- 
 feramus." And in ch. 21, just before noting Socrates' damon, he 
 speaks of that which, " delitescens sub nominibus et imaginibus mor- 
 tuorum, quibusdam signis et miraculis et oraculis fidem Divinitatis 
 operatur." — Athenagoras in his Apolog. c. 23, refers to the philo- 
 sopher Thales' view of the ^aifjovag, as ovaiag \pv)(^iKaQ ; and to Plato's, 
 who reckoned among them Coelum, Terra, Oceanus, Saturn, Jupiter, 
 &c. — Similarly the pseudo-Sibyl, cited by Lactantius, Inst. i. 11 ; 
 
 Aaifiorag aipuj^oug, veKvwy Et^wXa kujiovtioi'. 
 
 Also Jerome, in Hos. ii. 16, speaking of Baal, says ; " Didicimus exor-
 
 506 ON THE WORD Aaifjioyia, APOC. IX. 20. [aPP, 
 
 dium dcemonis ; imo hominis in dsemonem consecrati : omnia enim 
 idola ex mortuorum errore creverunt." And so elsewhere also. — 
 Finally, let me give examples from Augustine. In his Civitas Dei, 
 written near the beginning of the fifth century, the Book viii. c. 18 
 is headed with " Qualis sit religio in qua docetur quod homines, ut 
 commendentur Diis honis, dcemonihus uti debeant advocatis ; " and 
 another chapter, 21, with "An dcemonibus nuntiis et interpretibus Dii 
 utantur. " Also, in ch. 26 of the same book, he cites Hermes, say- 
 ing ; " Quoniam animas facere non poterant, evocantes animas 
 d(emonum,vel angel orum, eas indiderunt imaginibus Sanctis, divinisque 
 mysteriis, per quas idola et bene faciendi et male vires habere 
 potuissent. " Further, in yet another passage of the C. D., ix. 17, 
 we read ; " Ad consequendam vitam beatam non tali mediatore indi- 
 gere hominem qualis est dtstnon, sed tali qualis est unus Christus." — 
 Surely, when the worship of departed martyrs and saints was insteal- 
 ing, the familiarity of professing Christendom with this use of the 
 word in the third, fourth, and fifth centuries was of itself well suited 
 to awaken misgivings, lest the prophecy of the great future daemon- 
 olatry here given, I mean in Apoc. ix. 20, if not also that in 1 Tim. iv. 
 1, might have reference to it. 
 
 2. But, yet more, it so happened that when the church was fast 
 verging into the worship of departed saints and martyrs, the very 
 fathers who helped to introduce or to establish it, noted (as if by 
 way of comment on the prophecies, as well as of warning to them- 
 selves and others) its parallelism, as more and more completed, with 
 the heathen daemonolatry of Greece and Eome. So, at its early be- 
 ginning in the fourth century, Eiisehius, in his Evang. Prsepar. xiii. 11. 
 After quoting Plato's sentiment, that he would have the souls of men 
 that died valiantly in battle to be accounted for daemons after death, 
 and their sepulchres and coffins to be visited and adored as the 
 sepulchres of daemons, he thus makes transition to the Christian 
 festivals at the tombs of saints and martyrs : Tavra Ir) apixoi^ei etti ttj 
 TOJV deofiXtJV TeXEVTT], 6vQ (TTpariojrag rrjg a\r]dovQ EV(Tej3eiaQ ovk av afiap- 
 TOiQ ELTTWV, xapa\a^/3a»'£ff0ai" 60£j' Kai etti rag 0?jcae avTwr eOoq ijjxiv 
 TrapiEvai, kul rag EV)(,ug Trapa ravraig iroiEiirdai, ti^clv te rag fiaKapiag 
 uvTwv \ljv)(ag. " These things do befit at (or after) the decease of the 
 favourites of Grod ; whom if thou shalt afilrm to be taken for the 
 champions of the true religion, thou shalt not say amiss. Whence it 
 is our custom to go unto their tombs, and to make our prayers at them,
 
 NO. I.] ON THE WOKD Aa^yuOJ'ta, APOC. IX. 20. 507 
 
 and to honour their blessed souls." — Similarly, about the close of the 
 fourth century, and when the worship of departed saints was more 
 matured, Theodoret. Addressing the Pagan G-reeks, he says : — " If the 
 poet call good men, after their decease, guardians and preservers of 
 men from evil," (he had just quoted Hesiod's lines about dcetnons,) 
 " and the best of philosophers hath confirmed the poet's saying, and 
 would have their sepulchres respected and honoured, why then find 
 fault with what we do ? For such as were eminent for piety, and for 
 the sake thereof sufiered death, we also call preservers and physicians. 
 We do not call them dcemons ; Grod forbid we should be so mad ! but 
 the friends and kindly disposed servants of God. . . That the souls of 
 holy men, even when out of the body, are in a capacity of taking care 
 of men's affairs Plato afiirms in the xith Book of his Laws. . . He 
 bids men believe even the vulgar reports [evidencing it]. But you 
 not only disbelieve us, but are unwilling to hearken to the loud voice 
 even of the events and efiects themselves. . . The martyrs' temples 
 are famous for their beauty and greatness. They that are in health 
 (there) pray for the continuance thereof: they who have long been 
 sick with any disease pray for recovery : the childless pray for child- 
 ren ; they that are entering on a journey for companionship and 
 guidance : . . . not going to them {the martyrs') as gods, but making 
 application to them as to divine men, and asking them to be advocates 
 on their behalf, (wc deiovg aydpojirovg ai'TifioXowTsg, cat yerecrdai mpta- 
 fievrac vTrtp'ffcpwv irapaKaXovvreg.) — Now that they who make faithful 
 prayers obtain their petitions, appears from the ofierings made by the 
 votaries in acknowledgment of their recovery. Por some present [i, e. 
 to be hung up in the churches] eflSgies of eyes, others of hands ; some 
 of gold, some of silver. . . In truth the martyrs have abolished, and 
 blotted out of the minds of men, the memory of those who were called 
 gods. The Lord hath introduced his own dead (the martyrs) into 
 the place of your gods ; and the latter he hath dismissed, and hath 
 given their honour to his martyrs. Por, instead of the feasts of 
 Jupiter and Bacchus, and other such, there are now celebrated the 
 festivals of Peter and Paul, Thomas and Sergius, &c., and other holy 
 martyrs. — Wherefore, seeing such advantage from the honouring of 
 the martyrs, flee, my friends, from the error of dcsmons ; and, using 
 the martyrs as lights and guides, follow the way which leads to God." 
 I cite from Mede, p. 642, who gives the original ; ' and who to 
 
 ' ' I have a little altered his translation here and there, to make it more literal. —
 
 508 ON THE WORD Aoi/LiOJ'ta, APOC. IX. 20. [app. 
 
 these two approvers of saint- worship adds an extract in a different 
 tone from a near contemporary of Theodoret, Epiplianius, The latter, 
 in rebuke of the Collyridians, who offered cakes to the Vii'gin Mary 
 as Queen of heaven, says : UXrfpovrai e-n-i tovtoiq to, ATroarrjfTovrai tiveq 
 TTjc i/yiEOQ CicacTKaXiaQ, Trpo(Te')(OVT£g fxvdoig (cai Ci^affKoXiaig Zai^ovio}v' 
 eaovrai yap, <prj(Ti, vikooiq XaTpevovTsq, a»c Kai ev rw lo-paj/X E(T(.(iaaQr](Tav' 
 " That saying of the Apostle is fulfilled of these ; ' Some shall aposta- 
 tize from the sound doctrine, giving heed to fables and doctrines of 
 damons : ' for, saith he, they shall be worshippers of the dead ; as 
 dead men were worshipped in Israel. (Mede 636.) In which last 
 clause there is an evident reference to Psalm cvi. 28, already quoted 
 in this Paper ; and an actual application of that prediction in Timo- 
 thy, respecting a great daemonolatrous apostasy in the Church, to one 
 branch of the daemonolatry of departed saints then begun.^ 
 
 On the whole, considering how the Scriptural use of ^ai/jioi'ioy has 
 been the ground- work of our argument on the word, and history, both 
 ancient and modern, showTi to be illustrative and confirmatory of it, 
 may I not, in conclusion, adopt substantially Mede's confident appeal 
 to his readers : and say ; " Now judge whether (not only, as he, ^idaa- 
 KaXiai Caifiornov, 1 Tim. iv. 1,^ but also) TTpuaKwrjcrig cainoviwr, in Apoc. 
 ix. 20, hath not been fitly applied." 
 
 Gieseler, i. 286, 288, gives the same extracts nearly. " A sort of omnipresence," says 
 Gieseler, " being ascribed to the martyrs, as by the heathen to their daemons." 
 
 ' 'As an evidence from modern history, not a little striking, of the fitness of this 
 word ^aifiovia, the appellative of the heathen gods, to designate the canonized saints 
 of the Romish calendar, let me remind my readers how, at the maturity of the apo- 
 stasy, just before the Reformation, (the priests, bishops, cardinals, and popes of the 
 Romish Church approving,) the two classes of daemons, Pagan and Papal, were by 
 poets and painters grouped together, as meet associates and participators of the same 
 ideal heaven. See p. 54 supra. 
 
 * A genitive signifying persons, after ^L^acKoXia, is generally the genitive of the 
 teacher, not the subject ; but not always. E. g. Titus ii. 10, adduced by Mede ; di- 
 da<TKa\La Ta StoTijpos iifioov. — Otherwise a genitive of the subject-matter of teaching 
 is not very infrequent. So in Origen adv. Celsus, Lib. vi. ; Tijy apx'J" ''''"' Xpto-rt- 
 avicTfiov dioacTKaXia^' Eusebius H. E. iii. 18, ?'; tjjs rj/nETtpai Trto-Tftos SiSacKaXia' ib. 
 vi. 2; l3Se.\vTTOfj.£vo9 tos twu alpBoriwv SiSaarKaXia^' Theodoret, Vol. v. p. 1040, Trji* 
 T8 j3uTrTiu[jiaT0^ SiOaaKaXtav, &C.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 ON "THE ALTAR "IN APOC. XI. 1, AND ELSEWHERE, BEING THE 
 BRAZEN ALTAR OF BURNT SACRIFICE. 
 
 {See pp. 183—186.) 
 
 In a "Work published in 1848 by Mr. Hislop of Arbroath, under 
 the title of "The Eed Republic," I am charged with "a stupendous 
 mistake " in explaining " the altar " both elsewhere in the Apocalypse, 
 and more especially in Apoc. xi. 1, where it was to be measured by 
 St. John, as being the great brazen altar of burnt sacrifice. Mr. H. 
 (p. 248) thus exprest himself. " Says Mr. E., ' The great brazen 
 altar of sacrifice was in the open court, next the sanctuary : and that 
 that court therefore was necessarily and expressly included ' [in St. 
 John's measurement]. Here there is certainly a stupendous mis- 
 take Does not Mr. E. perceive that his argument proceeds on 
 
 the Romish supposition that there is still an altar of burnt-offering 
 under the Gospel ? . . . Under the Christian dispensation there is 
 only one altar, tlie altar of incense. Throughout the whole of the 
 Apocalypse wherever an altar is mentioned, it is 'the altar;' im- 
 plying that there is one and one only. Now where stood the altar 
 of incense ? In the sanctuary or holy place." — Mr. H. at first stated 
 it as " my object, in thus enlarging the spiritual temple, to get within 
 its limits the hierarchy of the Church of England :" — a charge which 
 he subsequently modified, on remonstrance, to that of including the 
 reformed visible Churches, contradistinctively to Christ's true spirit- 
 ual invisible Church, which Mr. H. would have to be meant by the 
 symbol, simply and alone. A difierence of view this as to the 
 symbol's intended meaning, which every intelligent reader will see 
 to be of great importance. Hence the desirableness of more par- 
 ticular inquiry into the matter. 
 
 In a brief primary notice accordingly of the subject, in the vth No.
 
 510 ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. [aPP. 
 
 of the Quarterly Prophetic Journal, I observed in answer, — that the 
 altar, to dvaiatTrrjpioy (with the article), is spoken of in its literal 
 sense ten times in the other New Testament books ; viz. in Matt. v. 
 23, 24, xxiii. 18—20, 35 ; Luke xi. 51 ; 1 Cor. ix. 13, x. 18 ; Heb. 
 vii. 13 ; and in every case in the sense of tlie great brazen altar of 
 hurnt'offering in the temple-court : — that once too, viz. in Heb. xiii. 
 10, where the definite article is not prefixed, iiusedjigurativelg,^ it is 
 still in the same sense of the great hrazen altar ; — and moreover that 
 in the two notable notices of " the altar " in Apocalyptic visions pre- 
 ceding the one in question, viz. in that of the souls under the altar in 
 Apoc. vi. 9, and that of the Angel priest " standing at the altar " in 
 Apoc. viii. 3, and receiving incense, " that he might ofier it, with the 
 prayers of all saints, at the golden altar that is before the throne," it 
 was evident from reference to the Levitical rites in either case alluded 
 to,^ that the great brazen altar was in either case intended. — Mr. H. 
 having replied to this,^ I wrote as follows, in fuller discussion of the 
 subject. 
 Extract rEOM the Qtjabteelt Journal of Peophect.'* 
 I have now to answer Mr. Hislop on the question as to " the 
 altar " in Apoc. xi. 1, whether it was the hrazen altar of burnt sacri- 
 fice, or t\ie golde7i altar of incense. 
 
 On this question I observed at the close of my Letter in your last 
 Number, that " Mr. H. had so little met my argument that I might, 
 I believed, consider a reply almost superfluous."^ For what was the 
 nature of my argument ? It was this : — that, 1st, wherever in the 
 extra-Apocalyptic parts of the New Testament the phrase " the altar, 
 TO dvaiaaTTipiov, occurred by itself, undefined by any specific noti- 
 fication to mark which of the two it was, in the immediately preceding 
 context, it would uniformly be found to designate the great brazen 
 altar of sacrifice, not the golden altar of incense : a reference being 
 made, in proof, to all the ten extra-Apocalyptic New Testament 
 passages in which the phrase occurs.^ Whence, on the first mention 
 of " the altar " in the Apocalyptic drama, supposing the phrase to be 
 
 ' " We have an altar whereof they have no right to eat that serve the sanctuary." 
 My present impression is that it is not here nnQdi figuratively. See my Note p. 512. 
 
 '^ Comparing, on the former, Lev. iv. 7, 18, 25, xvii. 11 ; and, on the latter, Lev. 
 xvi. 12, 13, vi. 13, x. 1. 
 
 ^ The substance of his reply will appear in the Paper following. 
 
 * No. viii. p. 383. 
 
 * Ibid. No. vii. 262 ; meaning the arguments of which I have just above given an 
 abstract. * So too, with scarce an exception, I believe, in the Septuagint.
 
 NO. II.] ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. 511 
 
 thus undefined, a strong presumption would arise in favour of its 
 meaning there also, and from the mere fact of such its appellation, 
 the brazen altar of sacrifice. Besides which, 2ndly, in the two pre- 
 vious Apocalyptic notices of " the altar," (I mean previous to the 
 contested passage in Apoc. xi. 1,) viz. in the vision of the fifth Seal, 
 Apoc. vi. 9, and in the incense-ofi"ering vision, Apoc. viii. 3, there 
 was, I averred, that stated in the context which fijted the meaning of 
 the phrase in them too to the same brazen altar. ^ 
 
 And first then, as regards the ten New Testament extra-Apocalyp- 
 tic passages, what is Mr. H.'s reply ? ^ Does he contest the fact as- 
 serted by me ? Not so, as to nine out of the ten passages. But he 
 sets aside the larger number of them, as if having no bearing on the 
 point in dispute, because they refer, not to Christian worship, but to 
 the worship and " literal altar " of the Jewish law ; a principle of rea- 
 soning on which I may have to remark subsequently. Then, as to 
 one out of the only two or three remaining, which have an express 
 Christian reference, he \drtually, indeed I may say all but distinctly, 
 aUows the truth of my view of the altar there intended as being the 
 great brazen altar of sacrifice, viz. in 1 Cor. ix. 13 ; and I think too 
 in another, 1 Cor. x. 18. It is only on the last of the ten that he 
 disputes my view, viz. on Heb. xiii. 10 : a passage to which conse- 
 quently I must now invite the reader's attention. 
 
 And I cannot, I think, better prepare them for a correct judgment 
 about it, than by citing the passage from 1 Cor. ix. 13, on the which, 
 as I just now stated, Mr. Hislop seems to admit being at one with 
 me. " Do ye not know that they which minister about holy things, 
 live of the things of the temple ? and they which wait at the altar 
 are partakers with the altar?'''' A passage thus paraphrased by 
 Macknight ; " The priests which wait at the altar, do they not share 
 in the sacrifice with the altar ? " And, with evident allusion to 
 which, Mr. Hislop thus writes ; " Where it is in reference to the 
 maintenance of the gospel ministry that Paul speaks, Mr. Elliott's 
 argument will be appropriate." ^ Bearing in mind which admission 
 by Mr. H. as to 1 Cor. ix. 13, turn we now, as proposed, to Heb. 
 xiii. 10 ; " "We have an altar whereof they have no right to eat which 
 serve the tabernacle : for the bodies of those beasts whose blood is 
 brought into the sanctuary by the high priest for sin are burned 
 
 1 Quarterly Journal, y. 583, 584. « Quarterly Journal, vi. 134— 136. 
 
 3 Quarterly Journal, vi. 134.
 
 512 ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAU. " [aPP. 
 
 without the camp." Surely one might have thought that Mr. His- 
 lop, after just admitting that in the Corinthians the altar from which 
 parts of certain sacrificed beasts were said to be taken by priests and 
 Levites, and eaten, agreeably with the injunction of the Jewish law, 
 was the hrazen altar, would have little hesitated at admitting that 
 the altar wherefrom it was said in the Hebrews that certain other 
 sacrifices, viz. those for sin, might not be taken to be eaten, was the 
 same brazen altar also : seeing that in the Jewish law that general 
 permission as to eating of the sacrifices, and that specific prohibition, 
 had reference to the sacrifices offered on the great Jewish hrazen 
 altar, simply and alone. Indeed the mention here of burnt sin-offer- 
 ings, in evident connexion with the altar spoken of, does so fix the 
 meaning of the altar, that unless I had actually read it in Mr. His- 
 lop's Letter, I should have deemed it all but incredible that any man 
 at all versed in the Bible could have had a doubt on the subject cross 
 his mind. Yet so it is, that Mr. H. not only doubts, but denies all 
 allusion to the brazen altar of sacrifice in this passage from the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews. Nay, he specifically affirms that the altar 
 spoken of as to be eaten from was the golden altar of incense ; and 
 sees no difficulty in the eating from it mentioned. " The altar of 
 which St. Paul speaks can he none other than the altar of incense. It 
 may be said indeed, But how can we eat of incense ? " Ay ; how in- 
 deed? " But," he adds, " the answer is easy." It is to the effect 
 that no one figure or type can adequately represent Christ in his 
 various offices and benefits to man: — that thus at one time he is 
 figured as a sacrifice, at another as incense, at another asfiood for the 
 soul : — " in relation to his heavenly Father as incense of sweet savour 
 acceptable to God ; in reference to the wants of man as the hread of 
 life, the hidden manna." All very well. But is it under the figure of 
 incense, according to this statement by Mr. H. himself, that Christ 
 is set forth as food to he eaten by his people ; or under that of bread 
 and manna ? The same if we suppose him figured as an altar to be 
 eaten from, and the " loe have an altar" in Heb. xiii. 10, be explained 
 of Christians as the eaters,^ Mr. Hislop, in the sentence just cited, 
 
 ' My present impression is that as Paul was addressing Christian Hebrews, and the 
 Hebrew or Jewish Temple was at that time still standing at Jerusalem, the word 
 "we " in'this verse means simply xce Jeios.* So the general sense of the passage, with 
 its context, will be consistently explained as follows. 
 
 * Just as in 1 Cor. x. 1, " All our fathers were under the cloud ; " i. e. the Jewish 
 fathers.
 
 NO. II.] OX THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. 513 
 
 has written accordantly with common sense ; and in thus writing has 
 answered himself, in so far as Heb. xiii. 10 is concerned, and put his 
 case out of court. 
 
 Next as to the two Apocalypticass pages : — the primary one being 
 that in Apoc. vi. 9, respecting the souls under the altar ; " "When he 
 had opened the fifth seal I saw under the altar the souls (^//v^ag) of 
 them that had been slain (ftr^ay/ifvwv) for the word of God, and for 
 the testimony which they held." Here, again, the local connexion of 
 victims slaughtered, as in sacrifice, with the altar spoken of might 
 seem, one would have thought, sufliciently to define that altar as the 
 Jewish brazen altar of sacrifice ; especially considering, as I mention- 
 ed both in the ' Horae,' and in my Letter, that the blood of the victims 
 (that blood which was the life, or ^l^vyri) was wont to be poured out 
 at the base of the brazen altar. ^ To which what replies Mr. Hislop ? 
 He takes exception against my argument from the blood ; because, 
 says he, it was poured out at the base, not wTra^arw, under it. Surely 
 there is a little splitting of straws in this. Must not the blood so 
 poured out be supposed in part to have drained under the altar ? — 
 But Mr. H. shall have a further illustration, and one yet more precise, 
 from the place of the ashes of the burnt sacrifices offered thereon. 
 For this was God's injunction to Moses about its structure, in Exod. 
 xxvii. 3 — 5 : " Thou shalt make its pans to receive its ashes ; and thou 
 shalt make for it a grate of net-work of brass : and thou shalt put it 
 under the compass of the altar beneath, (yirodrjCTsiQ uvtovq vtto tt}}' 
 la^apav rov dv(na(TTripiov KarwOev,) that the net may be even in the midst 
 of the altar y A passage thus explained by Scott : — " Over the hollow 
 in the middle was placed a brazen grate to receive the fire and the sacri- 
 
 " Be not led aside by the Judaizing tendencies of some Jewish Christians, to make 
 much of the distinctions of meats, as if still religiously obligatory so as in the ceremonial 
 religion associated with our temple worship. Remember, even in that very ritual there 
 is what may well teach us the little virtue attaching to such observances in themselves. 
 If, to typify one great truth respecting Christ, the great and real sacrifice for sin, 
 Moses ordered that both priests and people should in certain cases eat of the altar, or 
 altar-sacrifices,* yet not so in all. ' We have an altar,' or altar-sacrifice, viz. that for 
 sin, of which the charge laid down in Moses' law is that neither priests nor people 
 should partake. The bodies of those sacrifices are all burned without the camp, as 
 accursed ; — a type in that respect of Jesus Christ. And if, for non- Judaizing in respect 
 of old ceremonial observances, we incur obloquy among Judaizing Christians, let the 
 example of Jesus, so typified, make us willing to incur it ; and to go, as it were, with 
 him without the gate bearing his reproach." 
 
 ' Lev. iv. 7 ; " The priest shall pour all the blood of the bullock at the bottom of the 
 altar of burnt-ofi'ering." Deut. xii. 23; "The blood is the life." Sept. ort alixa 
 avTH '4^V)(r), 
 
 * All, of course, sacrifices of clean animals. 
 VOL. u. 33
 
 514 ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAK. [aPP. 
 
 fices ; being full of holes as a net, through which the ashes might fall 
 doio7i under the altar." May I hope that this will satisfy Mr. Hislop ? 
 He must surely be aware that such a thing was never heard of in the 
 Jewish ceremonial as a taking away of the ashes of sacrificed burnt- 
 offerings from the brazen altar, and depositing them under the altar 
 of incense : nor, indeed, as a pouring out of their blood at the bottom 
 of the incense altar ; for there was only a sprinkling of the blood on 
 that altar's horns, on the comparatively rare occasions on which, as 
 we shall see presently, that rite was observed.' — But, exclaims my 
 opponent, if we understand the altar so as Mr. Elliott, " The souls 
 must be represented as crying to God from the scenes of their mar- 
 tyrdom : and how can this be reconciled with Grod's answer, ' It was 
 said to them that they should rest yet for a little season ; ' the 
 rest namely of them that die in the Lord ? "^ To which the reply is 
 obvious : — just as we know the fact of Abel's blood crying from the 
 ground to be reconcilable with the fact of his soul's resting in the Lord? 
 And, indeed, how Mr. Hislop's supposed location of them under 
 the incense altar woiild better agree with his other expressed sup- 
 position of their being seen by St. John " in their heavenly rest, in 
 the paradise of Grod, in the presence of Christ," seems to me marvel- 
 lously hard of comprehension. Had the two alternative hypotheses 
 been that of their appearing under the brazen altar, and that of their 
 appearing among the twenty -four elders, sitting round the heavenly 
 throne, I could have understood his reasoning. But, when the ques- 
 tion is merely as between a location wwt^er the one altar in Grod's sym- 
 bolic temple, or location under the other, I must confess my inability 
 to discern much difference, with reference to the mooted point, be- 
 tween the two positions. However Mr. H. sums up, on the strength 
 of it, thus triumphantly ; " The altar then under which the souls were 
 seen \^ proved (!) to be the altar ofincoise." 
 
 Once more we have to consider that other Apocalyptic passage, 
 Apoc. viii. 3, where it is said of the Angel-priest that " he stood by 
 
 » "And the priest shall put some of the blood upon the horns oithe altar of sweet 
 incense before the Lord, which is in the tabernacle of the congregation ; and shall pour 
 all the blood of the bullock at the bottom of the altar of burnt-offer inrj, which is at 
 the door of the tabernacle of the congregation." Lev. iv. 7- Partially cited before. 
 
 2 Quarterly Journal, vi. 135. 
 
 ' The parallel passage about Abel is especially important to attend to, as showing 
 that there is not meant any actual cry for retribution and avenging, on the part of the 
 souls of the martyrs against their enemies ; (such could not issue from the spirits of 
 the blessed ;) but the cry, as it would seem to issue from the scenes of their martyr- 
 dom, to the ears and hearts of their surviving brethren. See my Vol. i. p. 224.
 
 NO. II.] ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. 515 
 
 the altar having a golden censer ; and there was given unto him much 
 
 incense, that he should offer it with the prayers of aU the saints upon 
 
 the golden altar lohich was hefore the throne. " And here, as indeed 
 
 before, I must request the reader to have before him for comparison, 
 
 as I proceed, my original remarks on this point, and those in Mr. H.'s 
 
 reply. As regards then my first argument in favour of both the two 
 
 altars being here meant, drawn from the different designatives given 
 
 them in the text itself, — -to the one that of " the altar,'' to the other 
 
 that of " the golden altar hefore the throne,''' — Mr. H. replies by citing 
 
 1 Thess. i. 9, " Ye turned to God from idols, to serve the living and 
 
 true God;" ' where, of coiu-se, the latter phrase is simply exegetic 
 
 or amplificatory of the former. But were there two Gods in the 
 
 Christian system, I here beg to ask, (so as there were two altars in 
 
 the Jewish,) that St. Paul might be supposed making allusion to : 
 
 and a designative attached by the Apostle to him that was noted in 
 
 the Jirst clause, which in common parlance attached to the one of 
 
 those two gods ; another designative to him that was noted in the 
 
 second clause, which in common parlance attached to the other ? 
 
 Nothing of the kind ; and so Mr. H.'s counter-parallel wholly fails. — 
 
 Further, I argued from the appointed mode and order of the particular 
 
 rite of incense-offering, as involving a ministration at both altars, in 
 
 the Jewish ceremonial. So Lev. xvi. 12 : " And he (the priest) shall 
 
 take a censer of burning coals of fire from off" the altar before the 
 
 Lord, and his hands full of sweet incense, and bring it within the 
 
 vail ; and he shall put the incense upon the fire, before the Lord." 
 
 Mr. H. does not contest the fact thus asserted by me of the fire 
 
 being taken by the high-priest from the brazen altar of sacrifice in 
 
 the altar-court : — how could he, with the Scriptural evidence and 
 
 authorities which I placed before him in my Letter ? But he argues 
 
 from its being said of the Apocalyptic angel-priest that " he came 
 
 and stood at the altar," that this altar must have been the one where 
 
 " he took his station for offering up the incense ; " viz. the golden altar 
 
 in the sanctuary- Indeed he is positive of the conclusiveness of the 
 
 argument. " Therefore the altar in the first clause refers, and can 
 
 refer only, to the altar of incense." But stop a moment. Was it 
 
 after the Levitical ministering priest had taken his station at the 
 
 golden altar that the incense teas toont to he given him ; so as the thing 
 
 is described in the Apocalyptic vision ? Mr. H. must have read the 
 
 1 Quarterly Journal, vi. 136. 
 33*
 
 516 ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. [aPP. 
 
 passage in Leviticus^^ very carelessly, if he did not observe that the 
 priest had to carry both incense and coals of fire from the brazen altar 
 in the court to the golden altar within the vail of the sanctuary. 
 Had Mr. H. been one of the ancient Jewish priesthood ministering, 
 he would have had to stand at the brazen altar in order to take 
 therefrom coals of fire into his censer ; and to receive (from attendant 
 Levites, as I conceive) the incense to be burnt, which incense we 
 know from other Scriptures to have been the offerings of the worship- 
 ping people : ^ and then to go through the intervening part of the 
 court, and " bring the incense (as well as the fire) within the vail ; " 
 and then to put the censer, with its embers or ashes of fire, upon the 
 golden altar there ; and then upon the fire in the censer, so placed 
 upon the golden altar, to pour the sacred incense, that it might 
 ignite, and send up the fumes of sweet savour. 
 
 So ends my notice of the several disputed passages on this head. 
 And, in concluding, I cannot but express my surprise that an intelli- 
 gent person, like Mr. Hislop, should have been so rash as not merely 
 to commit himself to such erroneous statements about them, but to 
 have charged me, and indeed with but little modification repeated the 
 charge, with having made a "stupendous mistake" for stating the 
 thing otherwise and correctly.^ The rather so, because in this I have 
 not innovated ; but only followed some of the best known and most 
 learned expositors before me.^ It seems to me traceable, in the main, 
 to two apparent points of defect in Mr. H. as an Apocalyptic exposi- 
 tor : — the one a want of adequate acquaintance with the old Jewish 
 ritual ; the other, a want of clear discernment of the nature and pro- 
 prieties of Scripture symbolization. — In illustration of each and either 
 
 1 Numb. vii. 14, 20, &c. 
 
 ^ In his Letter to me, printed iu the " Quarterly Journal," -^-ii. 265, Mr. H. partially 
 modifies his original charge, as made in the " Red Republic : " and which was really 
 as extraordinary as unjustifiable ; because my application of the symbol was noto- 
 riously general, to all the Churches of the Reformation. In his Letter to me Mr. H. 
 says that " he had no thought of charging me with intentionally violating the scrip- 
 tural symbol : " but still speaks of my (imagined) mistake as ",a very important one." 
 
 * So, e. g. Vitringa on Apoc. vi. 9, the first of the two Apocalyptic passages dis- 
 cussed : — "Altare AoZocaMs^ii hie intelligendum esse patet, quia absolute dicitur 6i/o-i- 
 aarnpiov, 'nVO. Quod nomen aTrXws iibique per Scripturam saeram altare holocau- 
 tomatum notat, et constanter in hac ipsa Apocalypsi : cum altare Sancti passim vel 
 aureum, vel suffituum, dicatur; qua? certa Launaei observatio est." And, again, on 
 the other Apocalyptic passage, Apoc. viii. 3: — "Hunc (angelum) vidit stetisse ante 
 aram; non utique'arawj auream, in qua adolebantur suffitus in Sancto, cujus mox 
 mentio injicitur ; sed holocausti in atrio." And then he blames the expositors who, 
 from ignorance, ^^ ex imperii ia," had construed it, like Mr. H., of the golden altar. 
 (Vitriuga, pp. 359, 441.)
 
 NO. II.] ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. 517 
 
 of these, let me call attention to the following passages in Mr. H.'s 
 Letter.' "Mr. E., it seems, holds as firmly as ever that under the 
 gospel there are still two altars ; — an altar of burnt offering as well as 
 altar of incense. Now this . . . seems to me, the more I think of it, 
 a very extraordinary mistake." " Mr. E. says most truly, that with- 
 out Christ's expiatory sacrifice no incense-offering of prayer or praise 
 can be acceptable to Grod. But does that require an altar of burnt 
 sacrifice, as distinct from the altar of incense ? Does not Mr. E. 
 know that, under the law, the high-priest once a year, on the great 
 day of atonement, went into the sanctuary with the blood of the sin- 
 offering, and sprinMed that blood on the horns of the altar of incense ? 
 What did that signify ? It shadowed out this grand truth, that, 
 when once the great sacrifice was offered, of which the Levitical 
 sacrifices were merely types, then- the altar of incense alone should 
 possess aU the virtue of both altars." So Mr. Hislop. Now I am 
 certainly not unaware of the fact to which he alludes respecting the 
 ceremonial of the great day of atonement ; and have indeed made 
 much use of it, in illustration of the symbolization involving the 
 horns of the golden altar in Apoc. ix. 13.^ But, as regards the sig- 
 nification and intent of that particular rite, I have been taught by 
 Moses and St. Paul something very different from Mr. H.'s explana- 
 tion : for they teach that it was for the purpose of " cleansing the 
 altar (sc. the incense altar), and halloioing it from the uncleanness of 
 the children of Israel, and reconciling the holy place and the altar :"^ 
 even the most holy things being thus marked as unclean, and as only 
 to be cleansed and reconciled by bloodshedding. Such, I say, and so 
 different from Mr. Hislop's, is the inspired explanation of this par- 
 ticular in the Jewish ritual. Where can he ever have got the notion 
 of such a significancy and purport as he here predicates ? — And then, 
 as regards the right construction of Scripture types and figures, surely 
 what God has joined essentially together in type, it is not for man to 
 rend asunder, so as Mr. Hislop would here do, in application to the 
 Christian antitype. The great antitypical High Priest, receiving the 
 incense of his people's prayers and praises, still ofiers up that incense 
 before the Father, mixed with the memorial of his own sacrificial suf- 
 
 1 Quarterly Journal, vi. 134. 
 
 « Hor. Apoc. i. 481—485. 
 
 s Lev. xvi. 19. — Compare Heb. ix. 21 ; " Moreover he sprinkled with blood both the 
 tabernacle, and all the vessels of the ministry. And almost all things are by the law 
 purged with blood ; and without shedding of blood is no remission."
 
 518 ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. [aPP. 
 
 ferings : whereby it is made to come up before bim acceptably ; and, 
 as it were, exhaling fragrant odours. So has every part of the Jewish 
 typical rite of incense-offering its own proper place in the Christian 
 antitypical explanation. Assuredly there is nothing more evangelic- 
 ally Christian in the incense altar than in the altar of sacrifice ; 
 rather the contrary, we might almost say, if Christ crucified be the 
 essence of the gospel system : nothing more Eomanistic (though Mr. 
 H. has strangely so represented it)' in the sacrificial altar, than in 
 that of incense. Can anything be imagined more erroneous in the 
 construction of Scripture types than the intimation expressed in the 
 concluding sentence of his Letter ; to the effect, that the retaining 
 the sacrificial altar in the Apocalyptic scenery " militates against the 
 grand truth of the gospel, that Christ by his one ofltering hath for 
 ever perfected them that are sanctified ?" 
 
 On the whole, I trust that I have sufficiently proved my point re- 
 specting the meaning of " tJie altar" both elsewhere, and in the two 
 Apocalyptic passages discussed ; and consequently justified my so 
 explaining it in that other Apocalyptic passage (Apoc. xi. 1), in 
 reference to which my views have been so unfortunate as to have in- 
 curred Mr. Hislop's censure.^ The point is one of especial import- 
 ance in that passage ; as it furnishes a marlied evangelic completion 
 to the symbolization in Apoc. x. 1 — xi. 2, of the history, external and 
 internal, of the great Protestant Reformation.^ 
 
 ' As if quite forgetting his own notice, at p. 20 of his Red Republic, of the incense 
 in the Roman Catholic worship. 
 
 ^ So Vitringa again, on Apoc. xi. 1, "Rise and measure the altar." "Per altare 
 ijjsum altare holocausti intelligendum est ; cum subdiali area in qua hoc altare loca- 
 tum est." Mr. H. will be aware that Vitringa was no member of the Church of Eng- 
 land. I the rather cite from him on this account ; as well as on account of his being 
 perhaps the most learned, certainly one of the most learned, of Apocalyptic expositors. 
 
 ^ Let me observe ere concluding this Letter, with reference to St. John's measuring 
 of the temple, that I view it in no other way than accords substantially with Dr. 
 Chalmers and Dr. Candlish's avowed principles : * not to the effect that Mr. Hislop 
 has, at p. 79 of his " Red Republic," by a very unwarrantable misrepresentation, as- 
 cribed to me In fact my view is quite accordant with the view laid down in Ch. 
 
 xxiii. of the Confession of the Church of Scotland, " Of the Civil Magistrate." " The 
 Civil Magistrate . . hath authority, and it is his duty, to take order that . . . the truth 
 of God be kept pure and entire, that all blasphemies and heresies be suppressed, 
 all corruptions and abuses in xcorship and discipline prevented, and all the ordi- 
 nances of God duly settled, administered, and observed." As Scriptural warrant for 
 this, the Confession refers to Is. xlix. 23 ; Ps. cxxii. 9 ; Ezra vii. 23, 25—28 ; Lev. 
 xxiv. 16 ; Deut. xiii. 5, 6, 12 ; 2 Kings xviii. 4 ; 1 Chron. xiii. 1—9 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 
 1—26; 2 Chron. xxxiv. 33; xv. 12, 13. 
 
 * See my Letter to Dr. Caudlish, pp. 25, 26.
 
 NO. II.] ON THE APOCALYPTIC ALTAR. 519 
 
 To the above Extract from the Quarterly Journal of Prophecy it 
 may be well to add a remark ou another and connected point ; viz. 
 on the argument urged by another critic against my explanation of 
 the temple and altar in the Apocalypse as always the same : it being 
 argued that here, in Apoc. xi. 1, it is a temple on earth ; (the restored 
 Jewish temple, my objector would say;) but elsewhere a typical 
 temple in heaven} 
 
 Now, in proof that it is one and the same temple that is meant 
 here and elsewhere, let the following marks of identity be observed. 
 In Apoc. xi. 1 the temple and altar are identified by the true loor- 
 shippers, there specified, with the temple and altar in Apoc. viii. 3 ; 
 Avhere also the saints (" all the saints") are mentioned as presenting 
 incense and prayers, through the Angel-priest, in woi-sMp. Again, 
 by mention of the incense being taken by the Angel-priest to the 
 golden altar, and there offered before the throne, that temple of Apoc. 
 viii. is connected with the inner temple-scene which had the throne 
 in its most holy place, and the 24 elders round it, that is so often 
 mentioned elsewhere : — whence too indeed alike the Trumpet- Angels, 
 and Vial-Angels, and other Angels specially commissioned by God, 
 are on various occasions depicted as going forth into the altar-court 
 of the Apocalyptic temple, in execution' of their several missions of 
 judgraent.2 The identification, I believe, will be found decisive and 
 complete. 
 
 1 So, I think, Mr. Barker has somewhere argued against me. 
 - Compare Apoc. viii. 2, 3, ix. 13, xi. 19, xiv. 17, 18, xv. 5 — 8.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 LANDULF'S ACCOUNT OF THE TURIN HERETICS, CONDEMNED 
 AND BURNT A.D. 1028. 
 
 (^See Page 246 supra). 
 
 De Girardo Sceretico, cum sociis de Monteforte heereticis. 
 
 Ea tempestate, cum Dominus Heribertus omnes fere jam visitasset 
 civitatum B. Ambrosii suifraganeos, quorum gratia Italiam circui- 
 verat, illos in omnibus bonis adhortans, Taurinum bonorum agmine 
 clericorum, ac militum copia strenuissimorum, vallatus devenit. Ubi 
 cum per aliquot dies sedisset, cobortatus Episcopum, clerum civitatis, 
 et populum totius urbis, propheticis et apostolicis admonitionibus, ut 
 tanto decebat viro, quandam hseresim inauditam, quae nuper in cas- 
 tello supra locum qui Monsfortis vocatur convenerat, audivit. Quod 
 cum Heribertus audivisset, illico jussit ex ipso castro hominem illius 
 haeresis, ut verius rem ipsam cognosceret, sibi reprsesentari. Qui 
 cum ante ejus vultum venisset, promptissimum gerens ad passionem 
 animum, Isetus si vitam suppliciis gravissimis finiret, vultu alacri ad 
 omnia respondere paratus astitit. At Heribertus, cum ipsum tantli 
 constantia paratum vidisset, seriatim et studiose vitam, et mores, ac 
 illorum fidem sciscitari coepit. Igitur licentia data, et silentio im- 
 perato, dicens Grirardus adorsus est ; ' Deo omnipotenti, Patri, et 
 Filio, et Spiritui Sancto gratias refero immensas, quod tam studiose 
 me inquirere satagitis. Et qui vos ab initio in lumbis Adae cognovit 
 animat ; ut sibi vivatis, sibique moriamini, et cum ipso per sseculo- 
 rum saecula regnantes gloriamini. Vitam meam, et meorum fratrum 
 fidem, qualicunque animo ea sciscitetis, vobis edicam. Virginita- 
 tem prae caeteris laudamus, uxores habentes. Qui virgo est virgini-
 
 522 landulf's account of the turin heretics, [app. 
 
 tatem conservat ; qui autem corruptus, data a'nostro Majori licentia, 
 castitatem perpetuam conservare liceat. Nemo nostrum uxore car- 
 naliter utitur; sed quasi matrem, aut sororem, diligeus tenet. 
 Carnibus nunquam vescimur : jejunia continua : et orationes in- 
 desinenter fundimus. Semper die ac nocte nostri Majores vicissim 
 orant ; quatenus hora oratione vacua non praetereat, Omnem 
 nostram possessionem cum omnibus homiuibus communem habemus. 
 Nemo nostrum sine tormentis vitam finit, ut seterna tormenta evadere 
 possimus. Patrem et Fdium et Spiritum Sanctum credimus, et 
 confltemur. At illis vero, qui potestatem habent ligandi et solvendi, 
 ligari ac solvi credimus. Vetus ac novum Testamentum, ac Sanctos 
 Canones, quotidie legentes tenemus.' 
 
 Cum que ha?c et multa alia Grirardus ingenio acutissimo dixisset, 
 quibusdam magna ac terribilia videbantur. Interea Dominus 
 Heribertus, ejus astutiam et ingenium agnoscens pravum, de singulis 
 verbis quas ipse prsedixerat, qualiter aut quomodo sentiret, ac socii 
 ejus, evidenter aperire prgecepit : et maxime qualiter de Patre et Filio 
 et Spiritu Saucto sentirent, et prseterea de singulis, prsecepit aperire. 
 Quo audito Girardus Isetabundus infit : Quod dixi Patrem, Deus est 
 aeternus, qui omnia ut [est ?] ab initio, et in quo omnia consistunt. 
 Quod dixi Pilium, animus est hominis a Deo dilectus. Quod dixi 
 Spiritum Sanctum, divinarum scientiarum intellectus, a quo cuncta dis- 
 crete reguntur. Ad bsec Heribertus respondit ; Amice, de Christo 
 Jesu Domino Nostro, qui natus est de Maria Virgine, Verbum Patris, 
 quid dicis ? Eespondit : Jesus Christus, quem dicis, est animus 
 sensualiter natus ex Maria Virgine ; videlicet natus est ex sancta 
 Scriptura : Spiritus Sanctus sanctarum Scripturarum cum devotione 
 intellectus. Heribertus : Quare conjuges accipitis, nisi ad sobolem 
 procreandam, unde humanum genus nasceretur ? Eespondit : Si 
 universum genus humanum se conjungeret, ut corruptionem non sen- 
 tiret, sicut apes sine coitu genus humanum gigneretur. Heribertus : 
 Peccatorum nostrorum absolutio in quo est ? In Apostolico, aut in 
 Episcopo, aut in Sacerdote aliquo ? Eespondit : Pontificem habemus 
 non ilium E-omanum, sed alium, qui quotidie per orbem terrarum fra- 
 tres nostros visitat disperses ; et quando Deus ilium nobis ministrat, 
 tunc peccatorum nostrorum venia summa cum devotione donatur. He- 
 ribertus : Vita vestra quomodo in tormentis finit ? Eespondit : Si nos 
 per tormenta a malis hominibus nobis ingesta deficemus, gaudemus : 
 si autem aliquando nos ad mortem natura perducit, proximus noster,
 
 NO. III.] landulf's account of the tukin heketics. 523 
 
 autequam anirnam damns, quoquomodo interficit nos. Cum hsec 
 omnia Heribertus auribus iutentis audivisset, tacite mirans, caeteris 
 autem sua capita nutautibus, si in fidem catholicilm quam Romana 
 Ecclesia tenet, et baptismum, et vere Filium Dei, qui natus est ex 
 Maria Virgine secundum carnem, crederat, et illud esse verum corpus, 
 et verum sanguinem, quem sacerdos Catbolicus, quamvis peccator, 
 per verbum Dei sanctificat, eum sciscitatus est. Eespondit : Praeter 
 nostrum Pontificem non esse alium Pontificem ; quamvis sine tonsura 
 capitis sit, nee mysterium. 
 
 Quo audito, ut fama illorum erat, rei Veritas apparuit. Et mittens 
 Heribertus quam plurimos milites ad ilium Montemfortem, omnes, 
 quos invenire potuit, cepit. Inter quos cum Mediolanum duxisset et 
 prae caeteris Comitissam castri illius in hac hasresi sentientem, et per 
 multus dies, et per suos sacerdotes, in fide catholica cam redintegrare 
 desiderans laborasset, timens ne gens Italise hujus hseresi contamina- 
 retur, perplurimum dolebat. At ipse nepbandissimi, et a qua orbis 
 parte in Italia fuissent eventi inscii, quasi boni sacerdotes, quotidie, 
 tamen privatim, rusticis, qui in hac urbe eos videndi causa convene- 
 rant, falsa rudimenta a Scripturis divinis detorta seminabant. Quod 
 cum civitatis hujus majores laici comperissent, rogo mirabili accenso, 
 cruce Domini ab altera parte erecta, Heriberto nolente illis omnibus 
 eductis, lex talis est data, ut, si vellent omni perfidia abjecta crucem 
 adorare, et fidem quam universus orbis tenet confiterentur, salvi 
 assent ; sin autem, vivi flammarum globos arsuri intrarent. Et' 
 factum est, ut aliqui ad crucem Domini venientes, et ipsam confi- 
 tentes fidem catholicam, salvi facti sunt : et multi, manibus ante 
 vultus missis, inter flammas exilierunt, et misere morientes in miseros 
 cineres redacti sunt.* 
 
 ' The above is from Landulf s History of Milan.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 ON THE CHARGES OF MANICHEISM, OR MANICHEAN 
 MARCIONITISM, AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 
 
 (^See page 315 supra?) 
 
 Among the charges of heresy 'urged against the Paulikians, none has 
 been made more strongly or generally than that of Manicheism. " If 
 we are not disposed to set up our own] conjectures against contem- 
 porary testimony," — such is the concluding clause of Mr. Dowling's 
 Pamphlet on the subject, " and to make antiquity bow to our preju- 
 dices, we must admit the correctness of the common opinion, and 
 regard the Paulikians as a Manichean sect."' — It is this particular 
 charge, first in its more direct form, secondly in the modified form 
 of Marcionitic Gnosticism under which Professor Grieseler has urged it, 
 that has been reserved for separate examination here in the Appen- 
 dix : the charge being of a character involving so much of extraneous 
 matter, as would have made it in our main text rather an interrup- 
 tion. 
 
 1. The direct charge oe Manicheism. 
 
 As a preliminary to the whole discussion I subjoin an extract from 
 Mosheim's account of Manes and the Manichaean doctrine.^ For the 
 
 ' And so, as observed in my Note p. 314, Dr. S. E,. Maitland. — Mr. C. Maitland 
 more recently designates them as semi-Manielia?ans. 
 
 ^ Ma7ies was a Persian educated among the Magi who worshipped the Sun. Mixing 
 with Christians, he set forth a system corrupting Christianity, and combining Christian 
 phrases and doctrines with the Magian. He supposed hco material princijjles of 
 things, the element of light pure and subtil, of darkness gross and evil ; each with its 
 presiding Ruler, — alike sentient, independent, eternal, hostile, — one good, the other 
 evil, — God and the Dtemon (or Hyle) : each one the producer of many natures, or 
 beings, like themselves ; and with a kingdom also extended on either side in space. 
 In a conflict of the two kingdoms, portions of the element of light were carried off by 
 the Evil One, and mixed with the material of darkness. After this the Prince of 
 Darkness made man ; with a body formed out of the evU matter, and two so%ils : the 
 one soul animal and sensual, infused by the Evil One ; the other rational and immortal, 
 being a particle of the divine light previously carried off by him, and immersed in the 
 grosser matter. 
 
 On this the good God (through the ministry of one of his agents) formed the earth
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] CHARGE OF MANICHEISM AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 525 
 
 correctness of the account his well-known character for learning and 
 candour will be of itself, to most readers, a sufficient guarantee : and 
 he who has had the opportunity of consulting Augustine's Treatises 
 on the subject will find in them abundant confirmation of it.^ 
 
 out of the evil matter for man's habitation ; his design being to rescue and extract from 
 men's bodies the good souls, daughters of light, thus degraded and conlined in them. 
 With a view to help and promote his object, He formed from Himself two dignities : — 
 Christy the same as the Persian Mithras, of purest light, the habitant of the sun, which 
 Manes supposed animate : and the Holy Spirit, infused in ethereal atmosphere, itself 
 animate ; which enwraps and cherishes the earth, warms and enlightens the minds of 
 men, and gradually attracts upward, and extricates, the imprisoned particles of light. 
 Further, in order to hasten the extrication of souls, and their return to their heavenly 
 country. He sent Christ, after other teachers, down to earth for their instruction. The 
 human shape that he wore was but form and shadow ; and his crucifixion by the Jews, 
 the agents of the Prince of Darkness, only visionary. His mission fulfilled, he re- 
 turned to the sun, his habitation ; declaring however that he would send the Paraclete, 
 to give them fuller instructions, and dispel all errors. This Paraclete was Manes; 
 and his doctrine of life as follows : — 
 
 That the body, being evil, was to be weakened and mortified by the deprivation of 
 everything pleasant and comfortable ; and the instincts, appetites, and lusts of the 
 sensual soul to be also renounced and mortified : — that with this view a diet was to be 
 adopted simply of herbs, fruits, bread ; abstinence to be practised from flesh, eggs, fish, 
 milk, wine, or other intoxicating liquors, as also from marriage and sexual intercourse, 
 together with a renunciation of all property, and a life passionless and without labour. 
 — Such was the rule for the elect or perfect, out of whom alone were to be the minis- 
 ters of the sect ; viz. the twelve Masters, the seventy-two Bishops, the Presbyters, 
 and Deacons : there being one supreme President of the whole body, who represented 
 Jesus Christ.* And by this a. purification ctf the ethereal soul was to be begun from 
 the filth of the evil matter in this life ; the which after death was to be completed by 
 a further purification, or purgatorial process, for a fortnight in the waters of the moon, 
 afterwards in the tires of the sun : then the souls to return to their original land of 
 light ; the body having been left to moulder for ever into the evil matter, whence it 
 was formed. — Besides these elect. Manes admitted Auditors, or imperfect Christians, 
 also. For these he framed a less rigid rule of life ; and made allowance of marriage, 
 meats, and earthly possessions, in moderation. But for them, and especially for all 
 who might neglect the purification of the soul, a transmigration of the souls into 
 animals, &c., was to follow death ; and some to be even given up to the daemons in 
 the air for a temporary torture : — until, at length, the larger number of ethereal souls 
 having been extricated, the earth was to be destroyed by fire from its inward caverns, 
 and an eternal separation made between the original worlds of light and darkness ; 
 the souls unextricated, or lost, being ranged as guards round the world of darkness, so 
 as to prevent all possible egress from it of the evil spirits, its inhabitants, for ever after. 
 
 In order to gain credence to this his system, Manes rejected almost all the sacred 
 Books of the Christians ; affirmed the Old Testament to be the work, not of God, but 
 of the Prince of Darkness ; and said that the four Gospels were either not written by 
 the Apostles, or had been grossly corrupted and interpolated by deceitful men, and 
 amplified with Jewish fables. The Epistles of St. Paul he declared to have been 
 similarly adulterated. The Acts of the Apostles he totally repudiated. And, in place 
 of the Gospels, he substituted another of his own, called Erteng ; dictated to him, he 
 said, by God — So Mosheim, iii. 2. 5. 2—10. 
 
 ' See especially Augustine's De HtBres. § 46, the Acts of his Dispute with Felix, 
 and his Dissertation contra Faustum. — I may also refer to a brief notice of Manes and 
 
 * " Toti Manichaeorum coctui unus praeerat, qui Jesum Christum ipsum reprasen- 
 tabat." I beg my readers to observe how here, as among the Gnostics, the principle
 
 526 DIRECT CHAUGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 Now in every system of religion propounded to man, the points to 
 be looked to as most important, and most characteristic, seem to me 
 the following: — 1st, its account of the origin of man, and causes of 
 his present state and character of mixed good and evil ; — 2ndly, its 
 statement of the mode of his deliverance from the evil ; — 3rdly, i\iG fu- 
 ture prospects opened in it beyond death, both for such as embrace 
 the plan of deliverance, and such as reject or neglect it ; — 4thly, the 
 authority on which these its doctrines are propounded, and by which 
 sanctioned. — In these four several points then let us compare the 
 Manichean system and that of the Paulikians. 
 
 And the Manichean doctrine on them appears from Mosheim to 
 have been as follows : 
 
 1. That an ^vil Being, co-eternal with God and independent, was 
 the maker of our first parents ; forming man's body out of his own 
 evil matter, animating it with a sensual and evil soul also from him- 
 self, and using it as a kind of prison-house in which to confine cer- 
 tain particles of divine light forcibly stolen by him from above, 
 which, being animate and sentient, constituted within men a second 
 
 and good soul ; ' further, that the earth was formed by God out of 
 
 the grosser and evil matter, as an habitation for these new-created 
 men ; and an arena on which to carry on his plan for extricating 
 the particles of Himself so imprisoned. 
 
 2. The theory above stated of man's origin and constitution doing 
 away with all idea of moral guilt in men,^ and all idea too of any con- 
 sequent judgment from God on the guilty, — it followed that the only 
 deliverance supposable was the extrication of these good souls, or 
 animated particles of the divine substance of light, from their impri- 
 sonment. Accordingly the Manichean doctrine was that (while God 
 had his own independent and unseen plans in action for the purpose)^ 
 
 Mdnichacism in a Tract on heresies, to which I have once already referred, (see p. 298, 
 Note S) by Timothy, Presbyter of Constantinople. 
 
 ' So Augustine in his Confessions : " All this time I looked on Thee as an immense 
 lucid body, of which I was myself the fragment." B. iv. eh. 31. 
 
 ■^ So again Augustine in his Confessions : " With them (the Manichees) I considered 
 myself perfectly sinless ; laying the blame of the evils committed on another nature that 
 sinned within me." v. 10. — See too, on this, Augustine's argument in his Treatise Con- 
 tra duas Epistolas Pelagianas, B. ii. C. 2 : " Manichaei carnis concupiscentiam, non 
 tanquam accidens vitium, sed tanquam naturam ab a^ternitate malam vituperant," &c. 
 
 ^ I have already referred in my Note * to passages in Augustine which relate this. 
 Of the Manichsean statements there are some too blasphemous and disgusting to tran- 
 scribe. 
 
 oi Antichrist, in the word's most proper sense of Vice-Christ, was devised and acted 
 out.
 
 NO. IV. § i.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 527 
 
 man was required and enabled to assist : ' the method of his so doing 
 being by mortification of the body and of the sensual appetites, — by 
 continency and refraining from marriage, — by abstinence in diet from 
 flesh, eggs, milk, fish, wine, — as also abstinence from bodily labour, 
 and all passions of the mind, whether of love or hatred : the result 
 being that of macerating the evil body, mortifying the evil soul, and 
 80 loosing the bonds, and partially purging away the received 
 pollutions of the heavenly soul. 
 
 3. That, in the case of those who might thus help forward the puri- 
 fying process, the good soul would pass immediately on death to the 
 moon, and thence to the sun, for completion of its purification in 
 the purgatorial waters of the one, and fires of the other, and after 
 that to its original land of primaeval light ; the body meanwhile dis- 
 solving into its elements, never to rise again : — whereas the ethereal 
 souls of others would pass at death, by transmigration, into animals, 
 trees, &c. ; and some even into the hands of daemons, to be torment- 
 ed : until, at length, the greater number of these souls having been 
 extricated and restored, the earth would be destroyed by fire from 
 its inward caverns, and the kingdoms of light and darkness remain 
 for ever separate. 
 
 4. As to authority for these his doctrines, the assertion of Manes 
 was that Christ, an emanation from Grod, — after having descended 
 on earth to teach men the right way, clothed in shadowy human 
 form, not real, and only in shadow and appearance been thereon 
 crucified, — did, before re-ascending to the sun, his habitation, foretell 
 the coming of the Paraclete, who should teach men all truth, and 
 free them from all error ;' and that Manes was this Paraclete. — Thus, 
 as one invested with full power from on high. Manes framed for him.- 
 self sacred books ;''rejected, as spurious, the Old Testament, the Acts 
 of the Apostles, and whatever interfered with his system in the 
 Gospels and Epistles, declaring them to have been interpolated and 
 corrupt ; and to what he retained of them added his own Gospel, and 
 other writings, as dictated to him by Grod Himself. 
 
 Such was the Manichean doctrine on the four cardinal points of 
 religion. Does then that of Paulikians appear, on their enemies' own 
 showing, even to have resembled it p^ Let us see. 
 
 * Augustine justly observes that, according to the Manichean doctrine, man was 
 constituted the redeemer of God, not God of man. "Tales sunt electi, (i. e. the 
 Manichean elect,) ut non sint salvandi a Deo, sed salvatores Dei." In Psalm cxI. 12. 
 
 * I append to this Paper a Tabular View of the charges against the PaulOcians, as
 
 528 
 
 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM 
 
 [app. 
 
 1. The first point is the doctrine of man's origin and creator. And 
 
 made by Photius, Petrus Siculus, and Cedrenus, also with that part of the Formula 
 of Abjuration for Paulikian recreants, returning to the Catholic Church, which con- 
 cerned them ; the earlier part referring to the older and original Manichaeism. It is 
 given in Coteler's Patres Apostolici, i. 537 — 539. It will be useful of course for con- 
 sultation, not merely here, but also with reference to the more general charges of 
 heresy urged against them ; as noticed in my Part iii. Ch. tIL $ 5. 
 
 PETRUS SICULUS. 
 
 I. Tl^MTov tan to icar' uvtovq yvwpi(T- 
 
 fia TO ^vo ap^a^ bfioXoytiv, irovqpov 
 
 Otov Kai ayaOov Kai aXXov eivai TovSt 
 
 Tov KOfTfiov Troir)Ti)v TS Kai i%ovnia(TTri%f^ 
 
 ITepOV (is TOV IXtWoVTOQ. . . . ElTTE ^lOl, 
 
 <pa(n, Ti f.(TTt TO ^wpi^oi/ i)naQ tK tojv 
 'P(xjfiat(ov ; {tavTovg o'l aairovcoi Kai 
 axpi]iTT0i. . . . Xpi(TTim>ovc aTroKaXouv- 
 TtQ, i)fxaQ, Se TovQ aXrjBixjQ tirtovvfiovQ 
 H-QicTTOv TOV aXridivov Qtov i)i.ni)v, 'Ptu- 
 fiaiavQ ovoixaZovrtg.) Afyoycrt Se tovto 
 iivai to x<^ptKov avTovg, oTi iKtivCi piv 
 aXXov Qiov Xtyovaiv tivai rov tov ko(t- 
 jxov TroitiTi]v, Kai tTipov Otov, bv Kai 
 TTUTtpa iTTOvpavioi' Xtyovai, /.tif cxovTa 
 Ss tkoviTiav tv TijjSt T(^ Koap.^1, aXX' tv 
 Til) f^t^^ovTi aiwi'i' ifjieig St tov avrov 
 iva Qiov bp.oXoyovixtv, Kai vavTovpyov, 
 Kai TrafijSacnXta, Kai iravToKpaTopa. 
 Km v^HQ, (partly TvioTivtrt tic ''ov Koa- 
 lioiroiijTTjv' t'lfittg St £ic tKtivov irtpi ov 
 tv EvayytXioig 6 Kvpiog Xiyti, on ovTt 
 <p(i>vi]v avTov uKTjKoaTt, ovTt tiSog avTov 
 iwpaKaTi. 
 
 II. AtVTtpOV, TO Tt]v'TraVVflVT]TOV Kai 
 
 ati TrapOivov QtoTOKOi' ^rjSt Kg.v tv il'iXij 
 Toiv ayaOiov av9pw!Tu>v TaTTtiv aTrt\- 
 0wg aTrapiOi-iriiTtr fjujet i^ avTijQ ytvvrj- 
 9t]vai TOV Kvpiov, aXX' ovpavoOtv to 
 (Twfia KUTivtyKtiV Kai oti fitra tov tov 
 Kvpiov TOKov Kai aXXovg, (paffiv, v'lovg 
 tytvvt]atv tK TOV Idttaijcp. 
 
 In GegiKBsias' examination. Ata n 
 OV (Jtfig Kai irpoaKvvtig ti)v uyiav Qto- 
 TOKov ; 'O St tpijaiv ; Aj'a9tfia tov /<»; 
 irpocrKvvovi'ra Ttjv iravayiav Oiotokov, 
 tv )j tiaifXdtv 6 Kvpiog i)ini)v Itjffovg 
 Xpi(7Tog, Tr]v ixrjTipa iravTwv ///loiv. 
 EXayf ^£ TavTt]v tivai ti)v avu) 'itpov- 
 tjaXtjfi, tv )'; TTpoSpofiog inrtp I'lfiujv 
 tiaijXOt XpicTTog. 
 
 III. TpiTOV, TO TT}v 9tiav Kai (PpiKTtJV 
 Tiov aynov fivcxTtjpiiiJV tov sio/iaTog Kai 
 a'tnarog tov Kiipiou Kai Otov yfnov jxtTa- 
 Xi]\l/iv aTTOTptipar ovfiovov St, aXXaKai 
 
 PHOTIUS. 
 
 I. Avo fitv apxag o^oXoyovciv, ijg o'l 
 Mavi^aioi. <^a<yi St tTipov /itv tivai 
 Btov, TOV tTTovpaviov TTUTtpa, bv Kai 
 Trjg TovSt TOV iravTog t^ovaiag inrtpopi- 
 Zovffi, TOV jJtXXovTog novov TO KpaTog 
 avT({i tyxtipi^ovTtg- tTtpov St tov Srj- 
 fiiovpyov TOV Koa^oVy i^ Kai to Kvpog tov 
 irapovTog aiwvog xapiL,ovTat. (Kcrirouf 
 fitv aX)i9wg ovTag XpKTTiavovg'Pwfiai- 
 ovg 01 Tpi(TaXiTt]pioi ovofiaZovar iavroig 
 St Tt]V KXt](riv, rjg aXXoTpioi iravTtXuiQ 
 Ka9i(TTr]Ka(sij tojv Xpi(JTiav<i)V irtpiair- 
 Tovaiv.) Atyovai St TLaTtpa Kai Tiov 
 Kai ' Ayiov Ylvtv^ia, Xt'^iig fitv tvat^tig. 
 . . kXXa Tag Xt^iig tKti9iv airoairapa^- 
 avTtg SvaatjStuTaTatg tvvoiaig TavTag 
 nrKprjiii^ovai. Kai (paai Trpo9viiiog wg 
 ava9tna fir](rav, baoi fit] TnuTtvovaiv 
 tig TraTtpa Kai v'lov Kai ayiov irviv/xa' 
 iraTipa iv9iiog, ov tov izavTOKpaTopa 
 Kai noir]Ti]v ovpavov Kai yijg, bpuTiov 
 Tt Trai'Twv Kai aopaToJV avaKtjpvTTov- 
 Tig, aXXa TraTtpa (pa^ttvoi tov tirov- 
 paviov fTTiavvaTTTOvaiv, i^ Kai Tt]v t^- 
 ovaiav TOV ovpavov Tt, Kat tujv tv avrijj 
 ovSa/iTi ovSafjutig tviTptTTovai. Tivig 
 St TOV fxtv ovpavov Trjv tiriaTaaiav 
 avT(jj tyxtipi^ovci, tojv St tfnrtpitxofit- 
 
 VlOV OVK ITl. 
 
 II. BXaa(pr]fiHVTtg St Ttjv vTTtpaytav 
 StaTroivt]v I'ljxojv 9iotokov, a firjTt ypacpy 
 ftrjTt aKorj 9tixiTov irapaSovvai, ov ntippi- 
 Kaaiv o'l Tpig ovx cnra^ aTroXwXivai Si- 
 Katoi, XtyovTtg, HiaTtvofitv tig ti]v 
 iravayiav Qiotokov tv y iiai]X9tv Kai 
 tt,T]X9tv b Kiipiog. Kai Totg pij^iaai tov- 
 Toig Tijv avoi vTrofSaXXovcnv 'Itpovcra- 
 Xrjn, Kai (j)amv tv avTij vpoSpofiov VTZtp 
 t'moiv ti(TtX9ttv TOV XpifTTOv, ojg Kai b 
 9iiog AnoaroXog tfr]' tn9' oTt St avvt- 
 Xavvof.itvoi SiofioXoynv tK Trig irapOt- 
 vov ■7rpoiX9tiv TOV XpidTov, tTTtiSav uXwg 
 (TvvavayKan9w<yiv, avo]9tv ptv to aojua 
 nvyKarivtyKtiv avTo TtpaToXoyovcriv, 
 Si avTi]g St btg Sia aioX^vog oitXrfXv9t- 
 vai, Kai TavT7]v Ttjv aaniXov Kai Ka9a- 
 pav Tcap9tvov fitra rov awT)]piov tokov 
 iTtpnvgviovgtKTOvlo)(T7j(pTraiSo-iroi7](Tai. 
 
 III. 'QaavTojg St Ttjv Koivoiviav tov 
 Tiftiov (joifiaTog Kai a'i).iaTog XpiffTov tov 
 Qiov r)fiwv fivpiuig vjSptai irXwovTig, 
 a'KoSextn9ai (paai awfia Kai a'tjia, Tipa-
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 529 
 
 here by one and all their Manicheism is asserted. " They held with 
 Manes the two Fri7iciples." — But does it consist with the truth of 
 this charge (I am obliged to repeat here somewhat of what has been 
 stated in my general Paulikian argument) that in the earliest record 
 of a Paulikian's examination on charge of heresy,— I allude to that of 
 
 FORMULA OF ABJURATION. 
 
 I. Anathema to those who say that 
 the Father is not the Almiglity Maker 
 of heaven and earth, and of all things 
 in them, visible and invisible, — but 
 only the Father of heaven, having 
 merely authority over the -world to 
 come ; inasmuch as that the present 
 state, (aiwv,) and the world, were not 
 made by Him, but by his Adversary the 
 Evil One, the ruler of the world. 
 
 II. Anathema to those who insult 
 the holy Mary, mother of God, pretend- 
 ing to honom- her : — whereas they mean 
 instead of her the Jerusalem above, into 
 which, they say, the Lord entered, and 
 from which He went out. 
 
 III. Anathema to those who reject 
 the communion of the precious body 
 and blood of Christ, feigning to receive 
 it : whereas they mean, instead of it, 
 
 CEDRENUS. 
 
 I. They hold the prime heresy of the 
 Manichaeans, acknowledging, as they do, 
 the two Principles, They say, There 
 is only one thing which separates us 
 from the Romans : (for they call them- 
 selves Christians, us Romans :) viz. AVe 
 say that the Heavenly Father is one 
 God, and has no authority in this world, 
 but in that which is to come ; and that 
 the Maker of the world is another, and 
 has authority over this present. 
 
 To those who know them not they 
 readily say, We believe on Father, Son, 
 and Holy Spirit, the Heavenly Father ; 
 and utter an anathema against him 
 who does not so believe. But, when 
 they say Father of heaven, they do not 
 add. The only true God, who made 
 heaven and earth and all things therein. 
 
 II. They immoderately blaspheme the 
 very holy Mother of God. Whenever 
 they are forced by us to confess her, 
 they say allegorically, ' I believe on the 
 holy Mother of God, into which the 
 Lord entered, and from which He went 
 out.' But they mean the Jerusalem 
 above, into which Christ the forerunner 
 is for us entered ; and mean not in 
 truth the holy Mary, Mother of God, nor 
 that the Lord was incarnate of her. 
 
 III. They blaspheme again.st the di- 
 vine mysteries of the holy communion 
 of the body and blood of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ, saying, ' The Lord said, 
 
 31
 
 530 
 
 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM 
 
 [app. 
 
 G-egnsesius, called Timotliy, before the Constantinopolitan Patriarch,— 
 there should not be even a mention of it ? ' Does it consist with the 
 
 PETRUS SICULUS. 
 
 . . on ovK r\v apTog kui oivoq 6v 6 Kv- 
 piog tSiSov TOig naOrjTaig avrov nri tov 
 diiirvov, aWa avujSoXiKwg ra prjuara 
 avTov avToiQ edidov ojg aprov Kai oivoi'. 
 In Gegnmsiua' examination. Aia ri 
 ov (xtToKafi^avtiq tov axpavrov crujfia- 
 
 TOQ KUl TOV TlfllOV CllfiaTOQ TOV KvpiOV 
 
 ijfiiijv I. XptoTou, aWa aTi/ia^tiQ avTo. 
 'O ^£ Xfyfi, Avadfjia tov fii] utTciXafi- 
 (SavovTa t] aTifiaZoj'Ta to (Tufia Kai 
 aifia TOV Kvpiov rifKov I. XpidTov iXtye 
 Se Tn prifiaTa avTOv. 
 
 IV. TlTapTOV, TO TOV TVTTOV Kai TT]V 
 
 ivtpyiiav (cat Swa/xiv tov rifiiov Kai 
 ^(liOTToiou (TTavpov HT] a7ro^£i^£(T0ai, aWa 
 fivpiaig vfiptffi 7r«pi/3aX\ttv yv Kai oi 
 daiixoviQ, Kai iv aipi fiovov xactaTTOfit- 
 
 7>T]V, (iXlTTOVTiQ TpOflljJ SpaTTETlVOVai. 
 
 Of Gcffi/fPsim. Atyti, AvaOefia tov 
 fit] TrpoffKVvovvTa kui fij] atjSojxevov tov 
 Tifiiov kui ^ojoTTotov (STavpov eXtye ct 
 (TTavpov TOV XptoTOj', Ty SKTatyei tojv 
 XCipiov (TTavpov aTZOTtXovvTa. 
 
 V. ntjtiTrrov, TO fir] aTToCixirrOai av- 
 TovQ Ti]v oiavovv Bi/SXev TraXaiav, 
 TtXavovQ Kai Xr}(TTag tovq 7rpo(pr)Tag 
 anoKaXouvTag. . . 'Tag Tt Svo KatioXiKag 
 TOV fiiyaXov 9(fitXiov TTjg (KKXjjatag, 
 TOV kXhSovxov TT]g Tujv ovpav(x)v l3a- 
 ffiXitag, UcTpov tov TrpwranoaroXov 
 ov dtxovTai, aTTixGiog irpog avTov Cia- 
 Kti/xfj'ot, KOI vjSpeai (cai oviiciajxoig 
 fjivpioig TTfpijiaXXoi'Ttg. 
 
 VI. 'Ektov, to TOVQ trptfffSvTfpovg rr]g 
 tKKX?](Tiag aTTOTptTTiaQai. <I>a(Ti c£ on 
 TiqviKavTa oi Trpin^VTipoi kutu tov 
 Kvpiov avvrix^Tjcrav. 
 
 Of Gcgnf^sius : EkkXijitiuv kuGoXiki]!' 
 Ta (jvveSpia tidv Mavixcm^v aTroKaXojv. 
 
 VII. Of Gcgnmsius. Ylipi tov fian- 
 TiafiaTog £X£yf, tov Kupioj' I. Xptorov 
 vTvapxiiv to jSaTTTifTfia, Kai ovk aXXo' 
 SiOTi ytypaiTTai, Eyoi tijii to ii^wp to 
 
 PHOTIUS. 
 
 ro\oyoi;rr£C t"" OtTTTOTiKa prjfiaTa, a 
 Kat (paai fxiTadidovTa Toig AtroaToXotc 
 iiTTiiv, Aa/3f-£, (payeTE, Kai ttuti- aXXa 
 OVK apTov nodtv tj oivov Trpoacptpovra. 
 
 IV. Kat TOV ^woTTotov Si (rravpov 
 Sva(pi]fioxivTig, (paaiv avTov npocTKUVfiv 
 Kai aTToStxiodai, aTavpov o\ irXavoi Kai 
 yoTjTeg avTov avarrXuTTovTig tov Xpiff- 
 Tov. Krti yap avTog, (paaiv, ug (TTavpov 
 (Txrijia Tag x^'P'^S £s>;7rXtei(T£. Tov 
 aXjj9u)g S( (TTavpov, c'lTf Cr] ^vXov, (pa(n, 
 Kai KttKOvpywi' opyavov, Kai inro apav 
 KUfuvov, ov cti Tvpo(TKvviiv Kai acnra- 
 ZicQai. 
 
 V. AXXa yap Kai Tovg npovg irpofrf- 
 Tag, Kai -Karrav ti]v waXaiav ypa(p>]v, 
 Kai Tovg aXXovg aTrociTpKpovrai ayiovg, 
 Xt](TTag auTovc Kai KXtnTag anoKa- 
 XovvTig. MaXioTrt ^£ tov Kopv(j)aiov 
 
 TiOV aTr0(TT0XlUV YlCTpoV Sv(T(p7]fJ.0V(ftV, 
 
 oTi ytyovtv t^apvog, (pa(Ti, rijg tig tov 
 Si6a(TKaXov Kai Xpi(TT0V VKTTtwg 
 
 VI. KaQoXiKTjv ce tKKXr](rtav Ta kav- 
 Tiov KaXovai (rvviSpia, yviKa /laXKTTa 
 TTpog Tovg evaifiiig Xoyovg Kai avZ,j]Tt]- 
 (Ttig Kivovcn. Kad' eavTovg yap Trpo- 
 aevxag KaXov(nv avTwv Ta (TVviSpia. 
 
 VII. Ov jUT/r aXXa Kai to auiT-qpiov 
 CiaTTTVovTtg liaTTTKTfia, inroTrXaTTovTai 
 7rapaSixi(T9ai avTo' Ta tov EvayytXiov 
 pijpaTa T7J TOV iSaTTTirrfiaTog (piovy ino- 
 (iaXXovTig. Kai yap, (pamv, 6 Kvpiog 
 t(pr], Eyoj £1^1 TO vSwp to l,ii)v. 
 
 ' Besides the less definite charges of denying the orthodox faith, and not acknow- 
 ledging the Catholic Church, the specific charges made against him will be seen from 
 the Tabular View to have been those only of not adoring the cross, — not worshipping 
 the Virgin Mother of God,— not partaking in, but disesteeming, the body and blood 
 of Christ, — and also similarly derogating from baptism. This, let us remember, was 
 near a century after the formation of the sect ; and when consequently there had been 
 ample time to have discovered the tenet spoken of, had it existed.— Gcgnaesius' explana- 
 tions on the above points were so far deemed satisfactory that he was discharged.
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 531 
 
 truth of the charge what Photius himself states respecting the Pauliki- 
 ans' tenets, that instead of professing, like the Manichees, two similarly 
 eternal self-existent and independent Principles/ they represented the 
 
 FOEMULA OF ABJURATION. 
 
 the words of the doctrine of Christ, 
 which he spoke when communicating to 
 the apostles ; Take, eat, and drink. 
 
 lY. Anathema to those who revile 
 the venerable cross, pretending to re- 
 verence it ; whereas they mean, instead 
 of it, Christ ; who, they say, with his 
 hands extended, formed the figure of a 
 cross. 
 
 VI. Anathema to those who reject 
 the Catholic Church, saying that they 
 honour it ; whereas they mean, instead 
 of it, their own conventicles and as- 
 semblies. 
 
 VII. Anathema to those who express 
 a detestation of baptism, pretending to 
 value it greatly : whereas they mean, 
 instead of it, Christ ; who, they say, 
 said, I am the living water. 
 
 CEDRENUS. 
 
 Take, eat, and drink ! offering his words 
 to the apostles, and not bread and wine.' 
 And they say that bread and wine ought 
 not to be employed. 
 
 Elsewhere he says; — Yet some com- 
 ing into our orthodox church, communi- 
 cate, without being detected, that they 
 may the better deceive. 
 
 IV. They also blaspheme against the 
 precious cross, saying that Christ is the 
 cross ; and that we ought not to wor- 
 ship the cross of wood, inasmuch as it is 
 an accursed instrument. 
 
 Elsewhere he says ; The sick some- 
 times lay it on themselves ; and on re- 
 covery break or bum it. 
 
 V. They reject the Prophets and 
 other holy men, and especially revile 
 and express aversion from St. Peter, 
 the great Prot- Apostle ; — saying, that 
 no one of them is included among them 
 that are saved. 
 
 VI. They designate their assemblies 
 the Catholic Church, in their allegor- 
 izing to us ; calling them Prayer-houses 
 {■Trpoaivxae) to one another. 
 
 VII. Baptism they consider to be the 
 words of the Gospel ; according to the 
 saying of the Lord, I am the living water. 
 
 Elsewhere he says ; Some of them 
 have their children baptized by our Pres- 
 byters. 
 
 The statements in the 3rd and 4th columns are copied from Mr. Bowling's 
 Pamphlet, pp. 36, 16 ; not however without looking at the original in Coteler. 
 
 This was under the reign of Leo the Isaurian. Under a Prince of anti-iconoclastic 
 principles the result might have been quite different. See Petr. Sic. pp. 36, 37. — I 
 have alluded to this examination of Gegnresius more than once before ; pp. 317, 328, 
 &c. supra. See also the Tabular View. 
 ' KTocdEVjj Kai avTi0ETov Svaoa Qeutjito^. Tim. Prcsb. Bib. Pat. (Paris) iv. 452. 
 
 34*
 
 532 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 Evil Principle to have originated from darkness and fire ; • admitted 
 this originating fire to have been itself not without beginning, nor 
 eternal ;'' nay, and spoke of the Heavenly Father as the only living and 
 true God?^ — As to the assertion ascribed to them that the evil Spirit 
 was the framer of this world, supposing it correct, it was a dogma 
 quite different from that of Manes, who represented the good God as 
 the former of the earth, though not of man ; a point of difierence 
 deemed so important by Gieseler, as to have mainly induced his sub- 
 stituting a Marcionitic for the Manicha?an anti-Paulikian hypothesis. 
 But I care not to dwell on it ; being persuaded that the real gist of 
 the charge (and my reader needs but inspect the Tabular View to see 
 reasons for it) turned not on the original creation of the world, but 
 on its subsequent evil constitution, and the present spiritual ruling 
 'power in it. And in regard to this I have elsewhere, I trust, clearly 
 shown that they held two principles only as the Bible holds them : — 
 God as the author of all good ; the Devil, now doniinant in the world, 
 of all evil.* 
 
 Of the Paulikian sectaries in Western Europe, whither, as the 
 name, so the odium and the charge of Manicheism followed them,^ 
 
 ' " They say that the Evil Principle has sprung from darkness and fire." ek tov 
 CKOTovs T-E Kai TOV TTvpoi. So Photius, ii. 148. — Mosheim (ix. 2. 5. 6) refers to this as 
 his authority for the same statement : " Ex Photic hoc constat, docuisse eos auctorem 
 malorum ex tenebris et igne procreatum esse : non igitur teternus erat, et originis 
 expers." ' Phot. ibid. 
 
 Mosheim (ix. 2. 5. 6, Note a) speaks of it as a thing evident that the Paulikians, 
 like the Gnostics and Manichees, considered eternal matter to be the source of all evil; 
 " Radicem omnis mali gens Paulicianorum, ciim philosophis Orientalibus Gnosticorum 
 et Manicha?orum parentibus, in aeterna ponebat materia. Quod evidens est." The 
 proof he has not given : and I am persuaded, after carefully considering both Petrus 
 Siculus's book and Photius', that it is a total mistake. Not only particular statements 
 and facts, like the above from Photius, but the whole genius of the Paulikian religion 
 is opposed to Mosheim's asserted fact. 
 
 Dr. Maitland, though with the original Latin before him, (for he quotes from it,) 
 yet copies Maclaine's exaggerated translation of Mosheim's simple "evidens est," (" it 
 is evident beyond all contradiction,") without obsei'vation, and in italics. Facts and 
 Doc. 69. Of course this was a mere act of inadvertency. But Dr. Maitland has not 
 always shown himself inclined to make allowance for similar inadvertencies on the 
 part of others. 
 
 » So the Paulikian woman, charging the Greek Catholics with having forsaken tov 
 fxovov ^(i)i/Ta Kai adavuTov Qtov' (Phot. i. 105 :) a passage already elsewhere cited 
 and commented on by me. They designated him also as the God " who always was, 
 and is, and shall be ; and who is both invisible and incomprehensible." f^aaiv 6ti 6 
 
 ayuOoS 0£OS 1]V an, KUL tdTl, KUI tOTUl, KUL OTI aOpUTOi KUI O/CaTaXlJTTTOS. lb. B. 
 
 ii. p. 147. * See p. 322, &c. supra. 
 
 * The following allusions to Manichfcism occur in a curious profession of faith made 
 by Gerbert, on election to the Archbishopric of Rheims, A.D. 991. "Christum pas- 
 sum esse vera carnis passione, mortuum vera corporis sui morte, resurrexisse vera car- 
 nis suaj resurrectioae, et vera animae resurrectione. . . Novi et Veteris Testament!
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIAXS. 533 
 
 exculpation on this head seems the less needful, as the solution for 
 the East may be applied to the West: besides which the self-contra- 
 diction and inconsistency of the accusers nullify for the most part 
 their own accusations. Thus, if the Orleanist Paulikians were charged 
 with the old accusation of holding the dualistio prince, yet the 
 same narrative, in its most authentic part, records them to have 
 solemnly spoken of God so as true Manichees could not ; viz. as the 
 "conditor omnium;' the fraraer of all things.' Again, we find the 
 Paulikians at Oologme arguing on the fact of God (not the Evil D«mon) 
 having joined together our first parents in marriage ;^ a statement as 
 ahene as the former from the Manichsan dualistic doctrine. 
 
 But what I would here wish specially to impress on the inquirer's 
 mmd IS this;-that to that fundamental dogma of Manes on the 
 creation, which asserted the imprisonment of divine particles of li^ht 
 or ethereal souls, by the Daemon in human bodies, there is not" so 
 much as an allusion, from the very commencement of the sect to the 
 epoch which bounds our present inqu'iry, full five centuries after of 
 Petrus Valdensis : nor the shadow of any other such doctrines 
 
 in as- 
 
 taZ et n ^ u '"''°'"'™' '' ^""^^"^""^ '^ ^^^'^^ • • Credo hujus quam ges- 
 
 tamus et non altcnus, carnis resurrectionem. . . Nuptias non prohibeo cTJum 
 pra.cep.onem non culpo. . . In baptismo omnia peccata, id est tarn olu'd SZS 
 ontractum quam ea qua. voluntarie admissa sunt, dimitti 'credo. Et extrd eccSi 
 cathohcam nullum salvari posse confiteor." Harduiu Concil. vi. 726.-I th rX 
 Zl )T^ ""■ ^''i^'""' ^^^" ''''' ''' ^''' ''''^ -"-We to find any notice of the e*sl 
 wrieans, A L» 1022, for more than 400 years. Facts and Doc. p. 89. 
 
 See p. 2/4, Note *. Mr. Faber reasons on this as I do. To which Dr Mnifl.nH 
 rephes thus " If Mr. Faber had read a little about the matter, he wotldhav^knol 
 that a Man,ch.an might talk with perfect sectarian orthodoxy of Godat the iX 
 
 jf:td^;f^ss.ad^— ^^^^ 
 st-^n^;::s-tt^Esii::j-;~^^ 
 
 ently have used the 6rleanrt ri^li^u.'.'- tudlt^Jril-r^od "'^ "^^ -''■ 
 . . . quoting for this [the propriety of the marriage between two vireinsl thp 
 tTethrr i:r '"°"''' "'"""^^ "'^ ^-^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^arisis, < What God hT W 
 S parent Z^'vv "'".f ''""''' "'"'^ '^'^ °"^^ J°- ^''^ '^^etl^er, as He d d our 
 so " FveV ■ ^'^^"■f^,f.°f'^ ^^°'-'l« °f o-r Saviour, ' From the beginning it was not 
 so. Everv inus apud Maitland, Facts and Doc, p. 348. > as not 
 
 is repttdt'^i*? :r°""*rS.*f "^r'''^ ^* A^-- ^-^ - D-her i. 610, concmor 
 IS repeatedlj used of the good God, the Creator of all things.
 
 534 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 sociation as must, I conceive, have grown out of it, had this essential 
 Manichsean doctrine been admitted. On the contrary there appears 
 continually and prominently in the doctrine alike of the Eastern and 
 "Western Paulikians the idea of sin and ffuilt attaching to man, — of his 
 standing in the relation of a moral and responsible agent to God as a 
 moral Grovernor, — and having in that relation fallen, so as to need 
 God's gracious forgiveness and pardon ; — which were ideas quite op- 
 posite to the former. For example, in one of the few brief fragments 
 of Sergius' letters that have been selected by Petrus Si cuius with a 
 view to his inculpation, and which have been given in full elsewhere, 
 there is an allusion, under the Scripture figure of fornication or adul- 
 tery, to our first father's originally self-ioilled apostasy from God, and 
 its transmission from Adam to his posterity.^ Again at Orleans, 
 Arras, Cologne, Oxford, the method of forgiveness is a topic prominent 
 on the face of the Paulikian doctrine.^ And these are ideas and 
 views not only different from, but, as I said, altogether repugnant to, 
 the whole Manichsean doctrine of man's original creation and consti- 
 tution.^ 
 
 2. As to the mode of deliverance of man's soul from existing evil, — 
 not one word do we read in any of the extant records of the Eastern 
 Paulikians, of that rule of bodily mortification and abstinence from 
 certain foods and marriage, which was laid down by Manes as essen- 
 tial to that great object, and so the badge of his elect, including all 
 Manichsean 'ministers.'^ On the contrary we are told both by Photius 
 in the ninth century, and by Cedrenus in the eleventh, that the 
 Paulikian ministers differed from the rest of their community neither 
 in respect of dress,yooJ, nor any other particular of common life ;^ and 
 
 ■ ?"; irpuiTi) TTopi/iia vv £/c tov Adafx ■mpLKei/xtda. Pet. Sic. p. 50. Cited already 
 p. 263. How could he write this, had he believed that evil originated in eternal 
 matter ? 
 
 Contrast Augustine's statements about the Manicheans, as distinctly denying any 
 such transmission of sin and moral apostasy, from our first father Adam to his de- 
 scendants. " Manichaei consentiunt Pelagianis non crimen primi hominis transisse 
 in genus humanum ; neque per carnem, quam nunquam fuisse dicunt bonam, neque 
 per auimam." Contra Duas Epist. Pelag. iv. 6. 
 
 " See the historical sketches which precede in my chapter vii. § 4. 
 
 9 Compare Augustine contril Julian. Lib. vi. 14. (Op. Imperf.) "Ea," i. e. the evils 
 of life, " Manicha3i tribuunt alienae naturse malse ; Catholici vero et bonae et nostrae, 
 sod pcceato vitiata; meritoque punitie." 
 
 * See the sketch of Manicheism abstracted from Mosheim, p. 509 supra. 
 
 * Photius i. 31.— Photius' accusation of the sectaries generally, as living a life full 
 of intemperance, shows that with them there was no rule of abstinence in food. — Mr. 
 Dowling quotes Cedrenus, speaking of the Paulikian priesthood to the same effect as 
 Photius, p. 19.
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 535 
 
 this without any intimation of the general and lay members of the 
 sect being in these respects marked by any peculiarity. Indeed there 
 occur incidental notices in the narratives that furnish a direct negative 
 to the supposition of their practising any one of the Manichean rules 
 of abstinence. Thus it is mentioned somewhere that one of their 
 eminent ministers, I mean Joseph, surnamed Epaphroditus, was (like 
 the prophet Amos)^ a, goatherd ;'^ and the milking of the goats a part 
 of the routine of managing them, with him as with others :^ whereas 
 milk was an article of food utterly proscribed by the Manichees, as 
 polluted. Again, the children of the sectaries (as in the case of Paul, 
 the most eminent then living member, indeed minister of the sect) are 
 noticed in connexion with their parents, as a circumstance quite of 
 course, and not calling for particular remark : * also, in contrast with 
 the rest, some that were born out of wedlock ; the latter, as well as 
 the adulteress mothers, with a certain opprobrium attaching to them 
 in consequence : * — all alike indicating marriage to have been recog- 
 nised amoDg them, and common. — Further we read of their abounding 
 in labours, instead of cultivating that inertness which Petrus himself, 
 in his introductory sketch, notices like others as a characteristic of 
 the real Manichees ;^ and of their exhibiting an energy of mind and 
 feeling the very contrary to that listlessness and impassiveness of 
 
 ' " I was no prophet, but a herdsman." Amos vii. 14. 
 
 ? ouxos (viz. the Paulikian minister Gegnaesius) icrx^" ■ • ini<rdtov aiyas v^fiovTa' 
 a goatherd afterwards called Joseph and Epaphroditus ; and who succeeded Gegnaesius, 
 or Timothy, in the ministry. Petr. Sic. p. 38. 
 
 * lui(7ri<f) xas afia^ai iV(TTpt(f>ti. . . kul <pi]ari . . wi etti yaXovpyia Kai fiouKoKiq. 
 i^i\r]\vQivai. P. S. pp. 38, 39. 
 
 * So of the parents sometimes bringing their children to the Greek priests for bap- 
 tism, &c. Photius i. 30. Again, Paul, " the reviver of the sect," (as Mr. Dowling 
 calls him, p. 13,) after the martyrdom of Simeon, and its chief minister, was the father 
 of Gegnaesius ; whom, under the name of Timothy, he dedicated to the ministry. 
 P. S. 36. 
 
 * Thus of Joseph : fxiadLov atyas vsfiovTu, bv tote etti tjjs oSov ivps (sc. GegnfE- 
 sius) KtifxEvov tmrapyavwfxBvov, dia to e/c Trapai/o/xov kul /u£;Utaju^si'i7S TrpoiXdnv 
 »cotT7)s. P. S. 38. — Gegnaesius' seclusion with his followers in Mauanalis, from the 
 rest of his countrymen, renders it probable that this was an adulteress of their own 
 body, who thus strove to hide her shame. At any rate Petrus does not say whether 
 she belonged to the one body or the other ; thus showing that the fact might have 
 been true of the Paulikians, as well as of the Greeks of the Church Catholic. — So too 
 Baanes' mother is spoken of as fj.oix^vd£.ia-a with some of the Paulikian body: and 
 to him, as illegitimate, names of stigma seem also to have attached. 
 
 * apyias eyyova MavLxaiot, oi fii) ipyaX^ofitvoi, kul tu twv EpyaX^onivaiv kuteit- 
 diovTt^. P. S. 23. It is really curious to contrast this account of the real Mani- 
 cheans with that of the Paulikians which follows. So little does the one agree with 
 the other — Compare Ebrard's similarly absurd charge against the Waldenses, p. 398, 
 Note ' supra.
 
 536 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 spirit which on the elect of the Manicheans, just as on the monkish 
 devotees of the Egyptian and Syrian churches of the fourth and fifth 
 centuries, was enjoined as another act of discipline ; — it being in fact 
 supposed a further help to the emancipation of the imprisoned soul. 
 Indeed among their labours and occupations we read in Sergius' case, 
 the most eminent of all the Paulikian ministers, of that of wood-cut- 
 ting : whereas, according to Augustine's report, the Manichees, as a 
 consequence of their doctrine of transmigration, and supposing that 
 the souls of the departed might transmigrate into any of the plants 
 nourished by the earth, looked on trees as animate and sentient ; and 
 on the destroying them as an act of homicide.' — Thus let it be well 
 noted by the Eeader, that against the Paulikians of the East there 
 exists not even the charge of following in a single point the Manichean 
 ascetic discipline. 
 
 And what then of the branches of the sect in Western Europe ? 
 Is it credible that they should all suddenly have adopted it on their 
 migration ? No doubt the charges were now at length made fre- 
 quently enough against them : but still, as on the dualistic point, 
 almost always self-contradictorily. Thus, if it be related by John of 
 Eleury, in his epistolary fragment, against those at Orleans, that 
 they disparaged marriage, and abstained from meats and fat which 
 God had created, as from impurities,'^ we find that in this charge he 
 stands alone : and, in particular, that Arefaste's own account (as we 
 may call that in the Chartulary, when separated from the monkish 
 legends interwoven) says nothing of it. Besides which, the very 
 circumstance of the persons accused being Canons of the Church is 
 of itself almost a guarantee agaiust the truth of that part of it re- 
 specting meats. Eor it was a rule of the order of Canons to eat at a 
 common table ;^ and, if any new rule of diet had been adopted by 
 them, it must needs, ere the lapse of at least three years,'* have excited 
 observation and inquiry in the fraternity. — Again, at Arras, if the 
 charge was made against the dissentients there examined, not indeed 
 of abstaining from meats, but of execrating legitimate marriage, yet, on 
 
 ' " Herbas atque arbores sic 'putant vivere, iit vitam quae illis inest et seutire cre- 
 dant, et dolere cum Iffidentur." De Hteres. 46. " Arborem necare, ut vos dicitis, 
 homicidium est." De Mor. Manich. ii. 54. Also Confess, iii. 10. ^ See p. 269 supra. 
 
 * See Mosheim viii. 2. 2. 14 ; who there notes the origin in the 8th century of the 
 order of canons, " sacerdotum genus inter monachos (sive regular es) . . et saculares 
 sacerdotes medium : " adding ; " qui quidcm monachorum disciplinam et vitae for- 
 niamex parte ajmulabantur ; id est coni)nuni domo el mensd utebantur." 
 
 * So Ademar's report, p. 269 supru.
 
 KO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 537 
 
 comparing this on the one hand with the recorded statement respect- 
 ing their brethren at Cologne, that some had their loives with them/ 
 and on the other with the form of the charge when made against the 
 sectaries shortly after at Oxford, as disparaging marriage in its charac- 
 ter of one of the sacramental remedies for the moral disease of human 
 nature,^ we may reasonably infer two things as to the accusation 
 made at Arras : — viz. 1st, that there was no actual disallowance of 
 marriage among them ; 2nd, that the objection made to marriage was 
 made to it only in its asserted character of a sacrament,^ and as 
 solemnized in the Somish Churches, by Romish Priests, and with 
 Romish superstitious ceremonies : '* (for such only were then deemed 
 legitimate:')^ objections savouring of Protestantism rather than of 
 Manicheism. — It is not in fact till the case at Cologne, A.D. 1147, 
 that there appears any at all credible report of Paulikian sectaries 
 practising rules of abstinence. And then (I allude to the charge 
 respecting meats) it is distinctively related of but one out of two 
 branches of them, in contrast with the other:** it being perhaps all 
 the while (such I strongly suspect to have been the fact) the asceticism 
 
 » See p. 288. « See p. 293. 
 
 * The Council of Trent declares that the Fathers, Councils, and tradition of the Uni- 
 Tersal Church ever made marriage a sacrament ; to constitute which the priest's ac- 
 tion was of course always necessary. 
 
 * Thus, a little after the time of which I am speaking, viz. A.D. 1208, in the Con- 
 stitutions of the Archbishop of Paris, it was decreed that before the solemnization of 
 marriage the parties must confess to the Priest. Harduin Concil. vi. ii. 1979. 
 
 * In the Decretal Epistle to Calixtus I, Pope from 218 A.D. to 223,— a Decretal 
 Epistle now admitted to be spurious, but which had force through the middle ages, — 
 the person that married without the Priest's benediction ("quisquis absque bcnedic- 
 tione sacerdotis constat copulatus ") is classed with the infamous and the incestuous. 
 Hard. i. 112. 
 
 Similarly in later times the Council of Trent thus decreed : " Qui aliter quam prae- 
 sente parocho, vel alio sacerdote, matrimonium contrahere attentabunt, . . . hujusmodi 
 Contractus irritos et nullos esse decernit." Hard. x. 150. So too the Catechism of 
 the Council of Trent ii. 8. 29. 
 
 Let me add that in a Council of Cambray, held A.D. 1-586, it is ordered, with a view 
 to the following up of the Decrees of the Council of Trent, that in countries occupied 
 by heretics, and in which the Decrees of that Council had been published, the mar- 
 riages cotitracted should be ipso facto null and void : and that, whichever of the parties 
 so married might return to the Catholic Church, they should be at liberty, even dur- 
 ing the life of the other, to contract a new and legitimate marriage. Hard. ix. 2163. 
 
 And so even to our own times. In the Turin " Opinione " newspaper of July 23, 
 1852, it is announced that the Archbishop of Chambery and Bishops of Aosta, Taren- 
 taise, Maurienne, and Annecy, after the example of their Piedmontese colleagues, pub- 
 lished a declaration proclaiming the Piedmontese Marriage Act (one allowing of Civil 
 marriages) to be unconstitutional, immoral, anti-social, and anti-Catholic : and declare 
 that if any Catholic in their dioceses should presume to marry in a form different 
 from that prescribed by the Church, he shall ipso facto incur excommunication ; and 
 (besides other penalties) the woman, unless the marriage be canonically repeated, shall 
 be deemed his concubine, and his children illegitimate. * See pp. 287, 288.
 
 538 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 of other separatists, intermixed among the former, of quite a different 
 character and orifjin. 
 
 3. With regard to the prospects held out beyond death, the differ- 
 ence is marked still as strongly as before. Not one word do we find 
 in any of the existing records of the Paulikians, throughout the long 
 period of 500 years now past in review, either oi purgatory, or trans- 
 migration of souls, or a final consummation, such as that set forth by 
 Manes and the Manichees. On the contrary we find the profest 
 Paulikian Justus 'represented as speaking with Symeon, in familiar 
 conversation, of the coming judgment ; and of the manner in which 
 they would have to give account of the doctrine they had taught to 
 the souls committed to their charge.' Further, we read in the Pauli- 
 kian woman's characteristic conversation with Sergius, a faithful 
 Scriptural statement of the judgment at the last day : — speaking as 
 she does of Christ as then presiding in it, in his character of King 
 and Judge ; separating at that time between the false professing 
 Christians and the true ; and excluding the one, and admitting the 
 other, into the kingdom of heaven? — Which heavenly kingdom, to 
 come is marked to us, in what is elsewhere recorded of them, as the 
 great object of their future anticipations : that of which it was their 
 consolation to believe themselves chosen members in this its initia- 
 tory state on earth, out of the mass of professing but apostate Chris- 
 tians ; (" We are Christians, ye Romans ; " ^) and for Christ's estab- 
 lishment of which, according to the Paulikian woman's quotation 
 from Scripture, they looked at the last day. It is in the world to 
 come, they said, that the good God (Christ) is to have authority.* 
 
 * Tou lovcTTov Xtyoj/TOs apa, fitjircoi . . xj/vxa'S avdpwTrwv a(rvvc.Twi airoXwutv, 
 tTipa St.oa<rKovm irapa -ra airoGToXiKa jotj/xccra, wv \l/v)(uiv to Kpifxa tin tjjs ^(pofit- 
 pal OtK1]i hlXH'S aTTOTLao/JiiV. P. S. 35. 
 
 =* See pp. 257—259 supra ; or P. S. 41—43, Photiiis i. 100—105. In this conversa- 
 tion the Greek Catholics are spoken of as " children of the kingdom," evidently as 
 having been outwardly admitted into the professing Christian Church by baptism ; 
 and of their being at the last day rejected by Christ, as persons never known to him, 
 into outer darkness ; while others were admitted into the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 '•* So both P. S. and Photius; as cited p. 527 supra. 
 
 ■• Sometimes they say the aiwv 6 fxiXXwu, sometimes the Koa-fio^ 6 /usWtoi/. So P. 
 S. p. 12; Oeov . .'TTUTtpa tTTOvpaviov Xtyovcn, fxr) iyovra t^ovaiav tv Tw^t Tto Koafxw, 
 aXX' tu TO) /xiXXovTi aiwvi. Also Photius i. 17, 18. — Compare Christ's appellation in 
 Isa. ix. 6, iy ins, rendered in some copies of the Septuagint Tra-rrip fj.tXXovTo9 aiiovo^ : * 
 
 * Dr. Lowth says of this version ; (the Septuagint version, as he calls it, without 
 notice of the different reading in the Vatican Septuagint codex ;) " As the Hebrew 
 words admit of it, I cannot but have a particular i-egard for it ; because I am per- 
 suaded it is from the authority of this text that the . . kingdom of the Messiah is called 
 in the New Testament by the title of fitXXwu aiwv, the ac/e, or ivorld, to come. See 
 Matt. xii. 32, Heb. ii. 5, vi. 5."
 
 NO. IV. § 1.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 539 
 
 And then too, with a reverence and affection which excited the jea- 
 lousy of the G-reek Mariolatrists, they spoke of the Jerusalem above, 
 the Mother of us all, as that from whence Christ the forerunner, 
 having for us entered it, would surely come again.' 
 
 In Western Europe, as before observed, among the very super- 
 stitions protested against by the sectaries, we find that, which was alike 
 Maiiichean and RomisJi, of purgatory. So at Arras, and at Cologne ; 
 so by the Petrobrussians, and by those of Oxford.^ The then preva- 
 lence of that error called out their sentiments on the state of the 
 soul immediately after death ; which was this, that it entered forth- 
 with into a state of rest or punishment. Thus Evervinus quotes 
 their argument to this effect from the Old Testament Scripture ; 
 " Where the tree falleth there it lieth." ^ A similar report is made 
 by Eckbert.* And the reader will not have forgotten the Orleanists' 
 expectation of speedy joy on their condemnation to the stake : " Even 
 now we see our King reigning in the heavenly places ; who with his 
 right hand is conducting us to immortal triumphs and heavenly 
 joys." ^ — Of course this doctrine did not interfere, any more than it 
 now does among ourselves, with that just before ascribed to their 
 Eastern brethren respecting the great consummation, and Christ's 
 establishment of his heavenly kingdom in the age to come. " Blessed," 
 said the condemned ones at Oxford, " are those that are persecuted 
 
 a version followed in Jerome's Vulgate, and familiar to the Greek ecclesiastics of the 
 times of Paulikianism. So Hesychius, in his Homily on the Virgin Mary; ITtos o tov 
 jUiXXoi/xos aiwi/os iruTijp i/ijTriof ; Bib. Patr. ii. 418. — Which being so, and no expres- 
 sion in the New Testament so closely similar to that which the Paulikians used to 
 designate Christ, does it not seem reasonable to believe that they bon-owed it from the 
 Septuagint ? If so, it is a fresh proof of their receiving the Old Testament. 
 
 ' "From which He weiit out," is the version of the anti-Paulikian writers; in 
 •which case the Paulikians must be supposed to have referred to the heavenly City, as 
 one begun to be formed and prepared by Christ for his people before his incarnation ; 
 a view not unaccordant with Scripture. (So the Civitas Dei in St. Augustine.) But 
 I presume the more exact version to be that which I have here given. 
 
 It may be interesting to compare the petition, " Thy kingdom come," in the Lord's 
 Prayer, — what is said of the world to come in the Epistle to the Hebrews, — and what 
 in that to the Galatians and in the Apocalypse of the Holy Jerusalem, — with these 
 Paulikian anticipations. 
 
 * In Ralph of CoggeshaV s notice of the Oxford heretics, he speaks of them, in com- 
 mon with others, as of a sect which protested dig^jiinst purgatory. See my p. 294. 
 
 « See above, p. 289. 
 
 * "Concerning the souls of the dead, they hold that at the time of their death, they 
 pass either to everlasting blessedness or eternal damnation. For they do not receive 
 what the Universal Church believes ; viz. that thei-e are certain purgatorial punish- 
 ments, in which some of the souls of the elect are for a time tried for their sins, from 
 ■which they are not wholly purified in this life by due satisfaction." Facts and Doc. 354. 
 
 =- See p. 274.
 
 540 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM [aPP. 
 
 for righteousness' sake ; for theirs is the Mngdom of heaven^ In 
 either view they were alike un-Manichean. 
 
 4. "We have to compare the Paulikian sect with the Manichees, in 
 respect of the sacred books, or writings, by it received as of divine 
 authority. But what indeed the need of further statement on this 
 head ? "We have already seen that, instead of receiving Manes' writ- 
 ings, the Eastern Paulikians in the strongest terms disowned belief 
 in, and anathematized them ; in this ever acting according to the in- 
 junction and example of their first founder Constantine: ' — further, 
 that the only authority they admitted on religious doctrine was the 
 Grospels and Epistles of the New Testament : their copies of the New 
 Testament being indeed at first incomplete, just as put into Constan- 
 tine's hand by the Syrian deacon ; but, as all allow,^ with the text 
 pure and unadulterated. — Again, in the sectaries of "Western Europe 
 we find marked the same implicit and exclusive deference to the in- 
 spired Scriptures. The contrast on this point between the Paulikians 
 and the Manichees is direct and total. 
 
 On the whole, I think the reader will by this time agree with me, 
 (without going further, as we might, into evidence in disproof,)^ not 
 only in most fully exculpating the Paulikians from the charge of 
 Manicheism, but in wondering how such a charge could have been 
 ever made against them ; and, yet more, how, after having been 
 made, it could have been maintained and generally believed in, as it 
 has, even to the present time. — The facts seem to be as follows. True 
 religion has ever had its names of opprobrium. At the rise of Pauli- 
 kianism, and afterwards, Manichee was the opprobrious term most in 
 vogue. The Origetiist, Eiitycliian, Monopliysite were reviled as Mani- 
 chees ;'' the Iconoclast as a Manichee.^ What else then the Paulikian 
 dissident ? — The charge once originated, the bigotry of the apostate 
 churches in Greek and Eoman Christendom pretty much insured its 
 continuance. So at least through the middle ages. As to its general 
 
 ' See p. 252. — Petrus Siculus, in stating the Paulikians' rejection of Manes and 
 Manes' disciples, uses the strong terms, S/cuOiai/oi/ Boui5oay te Kai Mavr[Ti)v irpodvfjiws 
 avadifxaTiX^ouai. P. S. 32. Also, xas adtou? MavLX^aiKa^ /3t/3\ou? avoppnrTovTai- 
 lb. 26. ^ So alike Photius, Petrus Siculus, and Cedrenus. See p. 253 supra. 
 
 ^ Especially we must remember that i-emarkable fact of Photius' own admission as 
 to the Paulikians generally admitting Christ's true incarnation in human flesh; noted 
 by me p. 329 supra. * Gibbon, vii. 57 ; Hard. ii. 1333. 
 
 ^ See Bowling, p. 50, &c. — In latter times, I think, Pope Boniface the 8th even 
 condemned as Manichees all that asserted the prerogative of Kings, as independent of 
 and not subject to the Pope.
 
 NO. IV. § l.J AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 541 
 
 credence since the revival of literature, not only by writers of the 
 Romish Church, but by Protestants of learning and candour, we 
 may account in a measure, in so far as the Eastern Paulikians are 
 concerned, from that slow and partial development on which Mr. 
 Dowling has well observed,' of the literary records concerning them. 
 — Further, of the Paulikians of the West, antecedent to the time of 
 Petrus Valdensis, the character has greatly suffered from the subse- 
 quent rise or notoriety of fanatical sects holding doctrines not unlike 
 some of the Manichean, which are asserted to have been oif-shoots 
 of Paulikianism. Of these there are extant records, more or less 
 full, and more or less credible, written by Ermengardus, A.D. 1200, 
 Peter of Vaux Sernai, A.D. 1218, Eeinerius Saccho, A.D. 1254, and, 
 above all, in the Codex Tolosanus, or Record of the examinations and 
 sentences of heretics by the Inquisition at Toulouse, from A.D. 1307 
 to 1323.2 And, though it needs of course that great deductions be 
 made from the statements of chroniclers and officials so bigotted, and 
 sometimes so absurd,^ yet, after every allowance, it must be admitted 
 that the evidence is sufficient to affix on some of the sectaries the cha- 
 racter of fanaticism and heresy. "Which being so, the odium of their 
 heresy has been reflected back on those before them : — by Mosheim in- 
 deed on none more early than the Albigenses and Cathari of the close 
 of the twelfth century ; " ^ but by Maitland, so as to include the earlier 
 Paulikians of Lombers, Oxford, Cologne, &c., as far back at least as 
 the year 1119.^ — But to what extent is the retrospective inference 
 to be carried r Is it just or reasonable, even supposing these fanatics 
 to have sprung out of them, to involve those earlier Paulikians in 
 the same condemnation, on whom contemporary authentic history 
 affixes no such stigma ? As well might we argue that Calvin and his 
 Genevese Church were Socinians, from the Socinianism of their mo- 
 
 * p. 10. " I cannot help observing how slowly and gradually the evidence has come 
 to light. The Centuriators derived all they knew from Zonaras and the Continuator 
 of Paulus Diaconus : &c." Now how could the Centuriators have formed a correct 
 judgment simply from Zonaras, on the character of the Paulikian sect ? It was their 
 honour to be among the first to direct the inquiries of Protestants to the existence 
 of witnesses for Christ in preceding ages. The full unfolding of the witnesses was to 
 be the gradual work of the three centuries following. — It was not till A.D. 1604 that 
 the Tract of Petrus Siculus was published, though Baronius had previously made use 
 of it : nor till 1722 that Wolf first published the perhaps yet more important work of 
 Photius. - All given in Dr. Maitland's Facts and Documents. 
 
 ^ In this way Peter of Vaux Sernai has specially distinguished himself. 
 
 * See Mosh. xi. 2. 5. 2, with the appended Note ; also xiii. 2. o. 7, with Note 1. Mr. 
 Hallam, if I remember right, has done the same. 
 
 * See Facts and Doc. p. 90, &c.
 
 342 DIRECT CHARGE OF MANICHEISM ' [aPP. 
 
 dern successors ; or Luther a Neologist, because of the Neology of 
 more modern Lutherans. What do we find in the records of the 
 heretics at Lombers, Cologne, Oxford, Arras, or Orleans, of the en- 
 dura,^ or convenenza,^ or senseless bowings and adorations of the minis- 
 ter, which, as Dr. Maitland justly observes,^ are the things most pro- 
 minent in the religion, if it may be so called, of the heretics of the 
 Tolosan Codex ? — The truth deducible from historic evidence seems, 
 as before intimated, to have been this : — that from about the time of 
 Evervinus, A.D. 1147, there was observable a diversity and division 
 among the sectaries reputed of Paulikian origin ; * (though I more 
 and more think that others were even then intermixed, just like the 
 Grnostics among the early Christians, of quite a different original ;) 
 one of the most obvious points of difference being the adoption by 
 some of a rule of abstinence and asceticism, which the others did not 
 follow: — that, as time went on, the differences became wider and 
 more diversified ; the ascetics deviating at length into the fanaticism 
 that was unfolded in its matured absurdities before the Inquisition 
 of Toulouse : — but that, on" the other hand, a pure stream of doctrine 
 and morals was all along continued by the real Paulikians ; until 
 these last commingled at length, though informally, and only from 
 the natural effect of similarity of sentiment, with the followers of 
 Petrus Valdensis.^ This is a solution which will account for the 
 facts of the case, and I believe the only one. — As to the charge of 
 Manicheism, made against these pre-Yaldensian Paulikians, both in 
 the East and West, and made by such a list of writers as Mr. Dow- 
 ling specifies, it appears to me, (as I must here beg to repeat,) if 
 considered in a mere literary point of view, to be nothing less than 
 one of the most extraordinary mistakes in the history of Literature. 
 And will the modified charge against them of Gnosticism, or Mar- 
 cionitism, set forth by other writers, he found at all better to bear 
 examination ? This is the next subject of our inquiry. 
 
 * i. e. " Afastmg themselves" as Limborch saj's, "to death." 
 
 * An agreement that near the end of life they would be received as perfect members 
 into the sect. ^ Facts and Doc. p. 452. 
 
 * " One might expect," says Dr. M., " that they (the Albigenses examined) would 
 have recollected some exhortations, for instance, against lying and stealing, some ad- 
 monitions not to do or speak evil, not to do to others what they would not that others 
 should do to them ; — bvit nothing is I believe to be found." lb. p. 4.53. Contrast 
 this with the Paulikian statement of morals at Arras. ^ See pp. 357, 383, 384 supra.
 
 NO. IV. § 2.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 543 
 
 § 2. Gieseler's Anti-paulikian Marcionitic Theory. ^ 
 
 The Gnostic theory respecting the sect in question was, I believe, 
 first suggested by Mosheim. More recently it has been elaborated 
 under the specific Marcionitic form by Prof. Gieseler, in his Essay 
 on the Paulikians in the Berlin Studien und Kritiken of 1829. 
 
 It is the Syro-Marcionites whom he settles on, as the one particular 
 Gnostic sect best suiting the conditions of the case ; ' a sect this, 
 which mixed up certain of the Syrian Saturninus'' notions with those 
 of Marcion ; more especially as its dogmas were set forth by one 
 Mark, in two of the JDialogi contra Marcionitas attributed to Origen.^ 
 —The reasons advanced by Gieseler for this hypothesis are as follows. 
 As Constantine was a reformer, and a reformer professedly on the 
 principles of the written Gospels, therefore his new or Paulikian sys- 
 tem must needs have been more conformable with gospel-doctrine 
 than that of which it was the reform. Heuce the latter could not 
 have been Mauicheism : because on one important particular the 
 Manichean dualistic doctrine was more accordant with the JN'ew Test- 
 ament than was the Paulikian ;— viz. in that it represented our world 
 to have been the good God's creation, whereas the Paulikians (he says) 
 represented it as the evil God's. Now on this characteristic point 
 Mark agreed with the Paulikians. Deviating from his master Mar- 
 cion, who had admitted three principles, and taught that our visible 
 world was the work of an intermediate God between the good one 
 and the evil, Mark admitted only two principles, the good and evil ; 
 and regarded the latter as the demiurge of the world.— Besides this 
 "remarkable" and "striking" point of agreement, it appears further 
 that the earlier Marcionitic system and later Paulikian agreed in re- 
 garding St. Paul as the chief preserver of pure Christianity : and that, 
 whereas Marcion's New Testament Canon comprehended merely thJ 
 Gospel of St. Luke and ten letters of St. Paul, (all, however, in a 
 form different from the Catholic text,) so from a marginal note on 
 
 ' On the original Marcionitic doctrine in Olshausen's Introduction to the Gospels 
 Vol. I. pp. XX— xxii. Clarke's English Edition. The reader, on reading his sketch' 
 will sufficiently see the inconsistency of the recorded facts and doctrines of Paulikianisra 
 with It, just as with all other forms of Gnosticism or Manicheism. 
 
 -' The Edition of these Dialogues that I use in the present critical Essay, is Wet- 
 stein's, Basle, 1674. J > <-
 
 544 CHARGE OF MARCIONITISM [aPP, 
 
 Petrus Siculus, wliicli appears to have been written, Dr. Gieseler 
 thinks, after the Paulikian settlement at Philippopolis, and conse- 
 quently not earlier than near the end of the tenth century, it would 
 seem that the Paulikians then used only two Gospels, and chiefly 
 that of St. Luke.— Yet once more, he observes, the recorded fact 
 seems to favour this hypothesis, that there were Marcionites, as well 
 as Manicheans, resident in the fourth and fifth centuries in the neigh- 
 bourhoods of Cyrus and Edessa ; either town not very far from Samo- 
 sata. Hence, argues Dr. Gieseler, it is very possible that there may 
 still have remained survivors of the Marcionitic sect as late as the 
 seventh century in that district ; and perhaps the Manicheans and 
 Marcionites there by this time have coalesced together, or perhaps 
 the common Manichean appellative attached to all : also that, their 
 own Gnostic books having been lost, and their teachers having perished 
 in different persecutions, the Marcionitic remnant near Samosata may 
 have been prepared gladly to welcome Constantine, when coming 
 among them as a teacher with his newly acquired copy of the Gospels 
 and Epistles ; and so the sect been formed.' — In the latter part of his 
 Essay '^ I observe yet another coincidence, noted by Dr. Gieseler, be- 
 tween the Paulikian system and that of Mark the Marcionite : viz. 
 that, whereas the Paulikian Sergius speaks of Adam's falling into sin 
 as in the result a evoaifioyta, so Mark makes the statement that it 
 was on man's transgressing the law of the evil God, and having 
 been in consequence condemned by him, that the good God was 
 moved to pity.^ 
 
 I believe I have here specified the whole ground-work of Dr. Giese- 
 ler's theory. And surely, before looking more largely and carefully 
 iato the subject, the marked and essential difference between the two 
 systems as to their rule of faith and doctrine, — the one founding 
 theirs on the various books of the New Testament, (Peter's Epistles, 
 and perhaps the Apocalypse, alone even according to their enemies 
 excepted,) and all these unadulterated, and in the Catholic text, — the 
 other on Luke's Gospel alone, and ten of St. Paul's Epistles, all 
 adulterated, and adulterated, as the Dialogue in which Mark appears 
 as a disputant shows us, most flagrantly,'' — I say this one mighty dif- 
 
 • See pp. 102 — 107 of his Essay in the Stud, und Krit. "^ Ibid, p. 116. 
 •' Thus Gieseler takes the same view of Sergius' statement as myself at p. 263. 
 
 * On the counter-disputant urging Christ's words Matt. v. 17, that he came not to 
 abrogate the law, but to fulfil it, ovk »)\0ov KaTaXvaai nXXa TrXi^pwcTai, the Mar- 
 cionite Mark replies that the Judaists so wrote, but that Christ said (viz. in the Mar-
 
 NO. IV. § 2.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 545 
 
 fereuce, which appears on the face of Dr. Gieseler's own statement of 
 coincidences, may well startle the inquirer ; and make him feel obliged 
 to look a little deeper into the evidence, before accepting the learned 
 Professor's theory as plausible, or even possible. And then, on further 
 investigation, the following marked diiferences on other most import- 
 ant points will meet his eye. 
 
 1st, whereas Mark's dualism recognised two Gods, an evil and a 
 good, each alike self-existent and without heginning,^ the Paulikian 
 system recognised (as I have before observed) but one living and im- 
 mortal Grod, who ever was, and is, and shall be : their evil Grod hav- 
 ing had a beginning ; a beginning, according to Photius' report of 
 their belief, out of darkness and fire.^ — 2ndly, whereas Mark would 
 have that the evil Grod, as well as the good, was extended illimitably 
 everywhere,^ his dominion and presence were in the Paulikian system, 
 according to Petrus and Photius, restricted to the visible universe. — 
 3rdly, whereas Adam's transgression was, according to the Marcionite 
 Mark, an offence against the evil Grod,* (a notion naturally flowing 
 from the view of that God as man's demiurge or creator,) the Pauli- 
 kian system regarded man's transgression as an apostasy from the 
 good and true God.^ — 4thly, whereas, according to Mark, there was 
 this difference between the bad and the good God, that the bad saves 
 them that believe in him, but judges and punishes transgressors, while 
 the good saves them that believe on him, but does not condemn those 
 
 cio7iite Gospel,) ovk ijXdov Tr\»jpai<Tai tov vo/xov, aWa KaToKvrrai. On which Ada- 
 mantius exclaims against him : Et-ti kui tovto tijs vfxeTtpai toX/^j/s, waTrtp xa 
 Xonra, Kai tovto auaWa^ai. 
 
 1 At the opening of the Dialog\ie, p. 43, Mark defines his two Apxai as auTo^utis 
 Kat avapxoi Kai airtpavToi. 2 See my Notes * and ' p. 531 supra. 
 
 ' Adamant. IlavTij ovu /cat o IToi/j/pos ttrtKTtivi.TaL, KUL b AyafJos ; Marc. YlavTr\ 
 £<rTi Kai TO Ayadov Kai to Ilovi^pov. lb. p. 43. 
 
 * Eutrop. Tivi iicrav ii/napTijKOTts ol avQpioTroi ', Marc, tw TLovijpw. lb. 46. 
 
 * See p. 533 supra. — That the word iroputia means there a religious defection ap- 
 pears from Sergius' speaking in the next clause of the second Tropvtia as a departure 
 from wholesome doctrine, and the traditions of the body of Chi-ist, (that which the 
 Paulikians regarded themselves to be, their traditions being the written traditions of 
 the Gospels and Epistles,) to teachers of other and different doctrine : — that this 
 irpooT?] iropviia, the state or consequences of which had past downwards from Adam to 
 his descendants, was a religious departure, not from the Evil God, (so as the Gnostics 
 would have it,) but from the true and good God, appears not otherwise only, but very 
 directly from this, that the Paulikian woman speaks of the sin of the Greek Catholics 
 as consisting in the forsaking of " the only living and immortal God : " (see again 
 p. 531 :) — and that Sergius must have regarded this good God as Adam's Creator ap- 
 pears, I think, from this, that it could only be this relationship of God to Adam that 
 could have given him a claim on Adam's faithfulness and obedience, and consequently 
 have rendered the latter's infidelity and disobedience an act of spiritual adultery. 
 
 VOL. II. 35 *
 
 546 CHARGE OF MAKCIONITISM [aPP. 
 
 that disbelieve/ — the Paulikians, on the contrary, regarded the good 
 God as the only Saviour, and moreover as both judging and con- 
 demning all impenitent sinners at the last day.' — Sthly, as regards 
 the method of salvation, whereas both Marcion and Saturninus made 
 it depend on a rigid rule of asceticism, very much like Manes, and of 
 abstinence from meats and marriage,^ there was not, as I have before 
 observed, and as Dr. Grieseler indeed admits, the shadow of any such 
 rule among the Paulikians. — Besides all which doctrinal objections to 
 his theory, Dr. Grieseler's historical argument in favour of it, from the 
 fact of Marcionites as well as Manicheans being recorded to have ex- 
 isted up to within ttoo centuries before Constantino's commencement 
 of teaching, in districts not far from Samosata, whose descendants 
 might have supplied the first disciples to the new sect, — I say this 
 meagre historical argument is reduced to nothing by the statement 
 of both Petrus Siculus and Photius that it was not at Samosata, or in 
 its near neighbourhood, that Constantino began his preaching and 
 formed his first church, but far away at Cibossa, near Coloneia, in 
 the first Armenia.'* 
 
 In truth it may be easily shown, if I mistake not, from what 
 history tells us on this head, that the Paulikians in their first origin 
 sprung, not out of a reform of a Manichceati or Marcionitic sect, so as 
 has been again and again asserted, but out of a reform of members of 
 the established Greek Church. 
 
 Por, setting aside the absurd story told about Paul and John, the 
 sons of Callinice, as if in some way or other the ancestral originators 
 of the Paulikian name and sect, (a story which every sensible person 
 will, I think, agree with Dr. Gieseler in regarding as a mere Catholic 
 invention and fable,) and turning to the real founder, Constantino, 
 what read we in Photius about him and his first proceedings in the 
 matter ? We read that an Armenian, a deacon of the Greek Church, 
 returning from captivity in Syria, took up his abode as a guest in 
 Constantino's house at Mananalis, near Samosata ; stayed there for 
 " not a few days ; " and on departure gave him his own copy of the 
 Gospels and Epistles, "not knowing," says Photius, "the impious 
 heresy of his host." ^ — Now the truth of this last point in Photius' 
 
 1 Marc. 'O ayaOos tovi iricTTivaavTa^ avTw o-to^et, ov /nyjv KaTaKpivn tous airtidri- 
 travTas avTtp. ^ See Note ^ p. 537, referring to * pp. 257 — 259 supra. 
 
 3 See Mos'heim ii. 2. 5. 6, 7. * P. S. p. 32; Photius i. 66. 
 
 * So Photius i. 62: stti ii/icpas ovk oXiyai e^spicte' . . kui, ayvomv tov ^Ei/icraj/Tos 
 TO oua-o-£j3ES Tijs 6p»jo-(C£tas, ras Upas avrtScoptLTO /StpXcus.
 
 NO. IV. § 2.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 547 
 
 statement seems at once to approve itself to the judgment. For, had 
 the deacon been aware that he was a Manichsean, would he have 
 chosen out that house to lodge in, knowing the odium, and the severe 
 laws too, existing against Manichseans ; and this, moreover, when the 
 episcopal city of Samosata (not to speak of the houses of Greek 
 Catholics at Mananalis) was close at hand to give him hospitality ? 
 Which question so answered, however, another rises necessarily after 
 it. Could the deacon have failed of hearing or seeing something of 
 the Manicheism, or Marcionitism, of Constantino and his household, 
 supposing him really to have been a 3Ianichcean or Marcionite ? I 
 must say it seems to me almost incredible : considering that Man- 
 analis was no mere recent place of sojourning to Constantino, in 
 which case he might have been less intimately known ; but, as Photius 
 tells us, his country and home : ^ — considering, further, that a deacon 
 coming from captivity among the Saracens in Syria must have been 
 a person whom many would eagerly seek out to talk with, more 
 especially of his brethren in the priesthood of the Greek Church ; 
 from some of whom intimation could scarce fail to be given of his 
 being lodged in a nest of Manichaean heretics, had such been the case : 
 — considering, yet once, again, that the prolongation of his visit for 
 the many days that Photius seems to assign to it, would give him 
 good opportunities to discover the fact, if fact it were, from the 
 want at least of the usual ecclesiastical observances in a Greek 
 Catholic family. — So as to Constantino himself. And, then, as to the 
 ingathering of his first proselytes, we find it expressly related that 
 this occurred neither at Mananalis and its neighbouring town Samo- 
 sata, where there had lived Manichseans some time before, in the days 
 of Callinice, (a remnant of whom, says P. S., still remains,)^ and 
 where Dr. G. infers that two centuries earlier there had been also a 
 remnant of Marcionites ; nor yet at Phanaroa, where Photius reports 
 that the sons of Callinice had at some previous epoch carried the 
 seeds of Manicheism : but (as just before stated) at Cibossa, near 
 Coloneia in the first Armenia ; ^ a town some 70 miles S. S. E. of Trape- 
 zus, as I see it placed in a map of Cellarius, full 300 miles from Samo- 
 sata, and perhaps 200 miles from Phanaroa. Add to this the various 
 declared facts, — 1*^, that from Constantino's time, downwards, all idea 
 of a Manichaean origin was most vehemently repudiated by the sec- 
 
 ■ Mai/ai/aXts, /cojjui) "SafiocraTwv, -Tra-rpts avTio STriypa<f)eTat. Phot. i. 61. 
 ■■' P.S, p. 30, Photius i. p. 60. \ » lb. i. 5, 66.
 
 548 CHARGE or MARCIONITISM [aPP, 
 
 taries ; (and this, certainly, not from motives of fear, and with a view to 
 escape punishment, inasmuch as to be a Paulikian came very soon to 
 be a crime as amenable to severest punishment as to be a Mani- 
 chgean ;) 2ndly, that the second president of the sect, Symeon, was 
 notoriously a Greek Catholic before joining them, and so, too, Sergius, 
 and multitudes of other proselytes ; Srdli/, that the charge of anything 
 like Manicheism seems never to have been preferred against them till 
 the time of Petrus Siculus, some 230 years after Constantine ; ' — and 
 I think, it will be allowed by the considerate inquirer, that the pro- 
 babilities are abundantly strong in favour of my opinion, that the 
 sect originated from a Greek Catholic's reformation among his fellow- 
 religionists ; not that of a Manichoean, or Marcionite, among theirs. 
 I now make my appeal to the candid reader, whether the Mar- 
 cionite anti-Paulikian theory elaborated by Dr. Gieseler has not been 
 shown, like the direct Manichsean before it, to have entirely broken 
 down ? — To myself it is in no little degree surprising that so learned 
 and experienced a writer should have deliberately adopted and advo- 
 cated so ill-sustained a theory. It surprises me too that he should 
 have so imperfectly informed his readers of the objections against it, 
 from the many and essential points of difference between the two sys- 
 tems, such as I have here particularized and argued from.^ Yet more 
 am I surprised at the use he has made of it, to conclude unfavour- 
 ably of the Paulikian tenets and character on points where the only 
 existing evidence (that of bitter enemies) was either wanting against 
 them, or dubious, or on the whole favourable.^ Thus, 1st, if Photius 
 represents the Paulikians as believing the Evil One to have sprung 
 from darkness and fire, and so not to have been eternal, Dr. Gieseler 
 
 1 Petrus Siculus' declaration, p. 29, is most explicit to the effect that this was a new 
 discovery made in his own time, in answer to the ceaseless prayers of the Greek or- 
 thodox princes. Ta iraXai KtKpufjinti^a- dri\i]Tripi.a, Kai axsdov iravTa's avdpunrovs 
 SiaXaudavovTa, irtpt Ttov fxvcrapuiv YlavXiKiavwv, vvv (pavepco^ dpiafxj3evovTai. Tais 
 aypvTrvoi^ ■Trpotrtux"'* • • "''""' opdooo^wv /xiyaXiov fiaaiXsaiv iifxoiu. ITafTas yap 
 Tous irpojSt/Jao-iXiUKOTas OLuXaOwp 6 cyKtKpvfxntvo^ doXo^ ttjs /uufra/o»)s TouTtjs alpf- 
 o-sojs K. T. X. — Photius too, at the beginning of his Book, speaks of the very various 
 and hesitating opinions, even then prevalent when he wrote, as to the origin and 
 character of the Paulikian heresy. 
 
 * He notices none, I think, of the differences specified by me, except that which 
 regards the Marcionitic rule of asceticism. 
 
 * After observing at p. Ill how little Photius gives us of the Paulikian interpreta- 
 tions, and consequently how little we are acquainted with those sectaries' manner of 
 interpreting, Dr. G. makes the direct statement that the existing remains of the 
 earlier Marcionitic exegesis, especially that of Mark, offers an analogy after which we 
 may best gain an idea of it.
 
 NO. IV. § 2.] AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. 549 
 
 gives an explanation wtich is founded wholly and only, I believe, on 
 his own Gnostic hypothesis about them ; to the effect that their idea 
 must have been, that in matter (vXrf), subsisting unconsciously from 
 eternity, consciousness and personality unfolded themselves in the 
 course of time only.^ Now I do not remember to have seen any- 
 where, either in Petrus Siculus or Photius, any charge against the 
 Paulikians of believing in eternal matter : nor does Dr. Gieseler refer 
 to any. 2ndly, with regard to Christ's crucifixion, Dr. Gieseler 
 broadly states that the Paulikian Christ had not really suffered ; ^ a 
 view this founded on his own idea as to the Paulikians, like the Gnos- 
 tics, disbelieving any real incarnation. Yet, beside other constructive 
 and I may say decisive evidence to be found in Petrus Siculus and 
 Photius against the notion, it is, as we have seen, distinctly allowed by 
 Photius, that it was hut a part of the Paulikians that believed in such 
 a fantastic incarnation.^ 3rdly, led by the same hypothesis, and view- 
 ing them through the same jaundiced Gnostic medium. Dr. Gieseler 
 makes their Christ to have systematically played the hypocrite, in 
 professing to be the Christ of Old Testament prophecy, in order 
 thereby to insure a reception among the Jews ; though all the while 
 knowing the Old Testament books and prophets to have been but 
 the work and servants of the Evil God, or Demiurge.'' Tet neither 
 does Photius nor Petrus charge them with so awfully profane an idea 
 about ^Christ.^ — Nor is this idea supposed by Dr. Gieseler to have 
 been without its practical fruits. Por, 4thly, he is thereby induced 
 to yield a favourable ear to Photius' charge of hypocrisy against the 
 Paulikians in the matter of baptism ; and, Sthly, the same too in re- 
 gard of the charges made against the Paulikians of abominable im- 
 purities. On which latter point of accusation he thus argues : — " The 
 Paulikian system had its dangerous sides, from which even such 
 aberrations may have proceeded. For the Mosaic law, as having 
 
 ' p. 114. 2 p. 118. 
 
 ' iii. 19, 20. E(7Ti yap, s.a-TL, t/s tjjs aTroo-rao-ia? TauTtjs ovk oXiyri /xoipa Kai 
 TavTtiv Ti]v Xvcraav Kwra x?)s tvcrapKOv tov Aoyov irapovcn i^ Trpoffitpovaa- i. c. of 
 Christ's appearing tv crx^fxaTi kui vTroKpianL, as contrasted with his appearing ev 
 aX-nOtia Kai vTrap^ti. A passage referred to already, p. 329 supra. * p. 121. 
 
 = On the contrary when Photius, i. 24, is arguing against the Paulikians visiting on 
 St. Peter his denial of Christ by rejecting and speaking ill of him, he urges on them 
 Manes' declaration, (their own originator, as he would have it,) as a plea for Peter : 
 Manes having said that he would approve of any of his disciples denying him falsely 
 before men, with a view to their own safety. Had Photius been able to suggest as a 
 parallel the hypocrisy of the Paulikians' Christian profession, is it likely that he would 
 have omitted au example so much more pertinent to point his sarcasm ?
 
 550 CHAKGE OF MARCIONITISM AGAINST THE PAULIKIANS. [aPP. 
 
 proceeded from the demiurge, had no obligatory force on them ; nay, 
 Ave may easily believe that they purposely violated it, . . No doubt 
 they regarded the New Testament moral code as obligatory. But 
 Christ's conduct above noted [i. e. his supposed systematic hypocrisy!] 
 may have had the bad influence of taking away their obligatory force 
 from many of the moral precepts of the G-ospel." And yet Dr- 
 Grieseler might have found abundant evidence in the historical 
 treatises of both Petrus and Photius, to furnish contradiction to such 
 shameful imputations ; — imputations which, as I have shown else- 
 where, were but just the same, and with just as much foundation, as 
 those cast by the heathens of old on the early Christians.^ 
 
 ' Before dismissing the subject of the Paulikians let me observe, as what may be 
 interesting to my readers, that there still exists a remnant of the sect at Philippopolis. 
 So I have heard from some of the American Missionaries at Constantinople ; and to 
 the same effect is a recent notice of them in Mr. Spenser's Travels in European Turkey, 
 Vol. ii. pp. 352, 353. " Philippopoli," he writes, "is the head-quarters of another 
 religious sect, the Panlinists ; who say that they alone profess the true doctrine, as 
 preached to their forefathers by St. Paul. They are very numerous here, occupying 
 a large district of the town ; and said to be wealthy and industrious, moral in their 
 habits, and well educated. I found numbers of this religious sect in Modern Greece, 
 and in nearly all the large towns in European Turkey ; and, as far as I could learn, 
 they are charitable and tolerant to all who differ from them in faith. Previous to the 
 conquest of these Provinces by the Turks they suffered for their religious opinions 
 alike from the Oriental and Latin Churches." 
 
 Thus, as of his Waldensian witnesses, so of the Paulikians, God has preserved a 
 remnant in their ancient place of refuge, even to the present day.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. y. 
 
 SUBSTANTIAL IDENTITY OF THE THREE WALDEXSIAN YEESIONS 
 
 IN THE LIBRARIES OF DUBLIN, GRENOBLE, AND 
 
 ZURICH WITH EACH OTHER; AND IDENTITY 
 
 IN RESPECT OF DIALECT WITH THE 
 
 NOBLA LEYCON. 
 
 {See Fage 376, supra.) 
 
 I. In proof of the 1st point it will only need to copy from Dr. 
 Grilly a few verses from the 1st chapter of St. John in each version. 
 
 The Dublin MS. 
 
 1. Lo filh era al comenczament, e lofilh era enapres Dio, e Dio 
 
 2, 3. era lo filh. Aiczo era al comenczament enapres Dio. Totas 
 
 cosas son faitas par luy ; e alcuna cosa non es faita seucza luy. 
 
 4. Co que fo fait en luy era vita, e la vita era lucz de li home. 
 
 5. E la lucz lucit en las tenebras, e las tenebras non cumpreseron 
 6, 7. ley. Home fo trames de Dio, alqual era nom Johan. Aquest 
 
 venc en testimoni, qu'el dones testimoni de lume, que tuit 
 
 8. cresesan par luy. El non era lucz, mas qu'el dones testimoni 
 
 9. de lume. Lucz era vraya, laqual enlumena tot home venent en 
 10. aquest mont. El era al mont, e lo mont fo fait par luy, e lo 
 
 II. mont non conoc luy. El venc en las proprias, e li seo non 
 
 12. receopron luy. Mas qualque qual receopron luy, done a lor 
 
 13. poesta esser fait filh de Dio, aquilh liqual creseron al nom de 
 luy: Liqual non son de sang, ni de volunta de earn, ni de 
 deleit de babron, mas son na de Dio.
 
 553 
 
 IDENTITY OF THE THREE WALDENSIAN VERSIONS. 
 
 [app. 
 
 Grenoble MS. 
 
 1. Lo filh era al comenczament. 
 E lo filh era enapres dio e dio 
 
 2. era lo filh. Aiczo era al co- 
 
 3. menczament enapres dio. to- 
 tas eosas son faitas par luy e 
 alcuna cosa non esfayta sencza 
 
 4. luy. Czo que fo fayt en luy 
 era vita, e la vita era lucz de 
 
 5. li home. E la lucz luczic en 
 las tenebras : e las tenebras 
 
 6. non cumpreseron luy. Home 
 fo trames de dio alqual era 
 
 7. nom Johan. Aquest venc en 
 testimoni, quel dones testimo- 
 ni de lume que tuit cresessan 
 
 8. par luy. El non era lucz, mas 
 quel dones testimoni de lume. 
 
 9. Lucz era veraya laqual enlu- 
 mena tot home venent en 
 
 10. aquest mont. El era al mont, 
 e lo mont fo fayt par luy, e 
 
 11. lo mont non conoc luy. El 
 venc en las proprias : e li seo 
 
 12. non receopron luy. Mas cals- 
 que quals receopron luy, done 
 a lor poeata esser fayt filh de 
 dio, aquilh liqual creo al nom 
 
 13. de luy. Liqual non son de 
 sane, ni de volonta de cam, ni 
 de deleit dome [sic] mas son 
 na de dio. 
 
 Zurich 3IS. 
 
 1. Lo filh era al comenczament. 
 E lo filh era enapres Dio. E 
 
 2. Dio era lo filh. Aiczo era al 
 comenczament enapres Dio. 
 
 3. Totas cosas son faitas par luy. 
 E alcuna cosa non est faita 
 
 4. sencza ley. ' Czo che fo fait en 
 luy era vita, e la vita era lucz 
 
 5. deli home. E a lucz luczit en 
 las tenebras, e las tenebras 
 
 6. non cumpreseron luy. Home 
 fo trames de Dio, alqual era 
 
 7. nom Johan. Aquest vene en 
 testimoni, chel dones testi- 
 moni de lume, que tuit crese- 
 
 8. san par luy. El non era lucz, 
 mas quel dones testimoni de 
 
 9. lume. Lucz era vraya laqual 
 enlumena tot home venent en 
 
 10. aquest mont. El era al mont, 
 e lo mont fo fait par luy, e lo 
 
 11. mont non conoc luy. El venc 
 en las proprias, e li seo non 
 
 12. receopron luy. Mas quanti 
 quanti receopron luy done a 
 lor potesta esser fait filh de 
 Dio: aquilh liqual creon al 
 
 13. nom de luy. Liqual non son 
 de sane, ni de volonta de cam, 
 ni de deleit de baron, mas son 
 na de Dio. 
 
 II. In proof of the similarity, and substantial identity, of the dia- 
 lect in these three with that of the Noble Lesson, I think it will 
 suffice to cite as follows from Dr. Gilly. 
 
 "The Noble Lesson (as printed in Eaynouard) quotes the New 
 Testament in terms corresponding almost verbatim with texts in
 
 KO. v.] IDENTITY OF THE THREE WALDENSIAN VERSIONS, 
 
 553 
 
 tlie Dublin MS. of the Eomaunt Version. ' Consequently the 
 original copy which served as the basis of the Dublin Codex must 
 have been older than the Noble Lesson, and been extant in the 12th 
 Century." And, as to the similarity between the text of the Dublin 
 MS., and that cited in the Noble Lesson, the following examples 
 will show it. 
 
 Noble Lesson. 
 
 1. Q'ue en la crepia lo pauseron 
 cant fo na lo'fantin De pan 
 I'enveloperon . . 1. 218, 219. 
 
 2. E carta de refu se degressa 
 donar. 1. 239. 
 
 3. E neun non departa, co que 
 Dio a ajorta. 1. 241. 
 
 4. Ma la novella di, al postot 
 non jurar. 1. 245. 
 
 5. Ama il tuo amic, e aures en 
 odi li enemic. 1. 252. 
 
 6. Ma ama li vostre enemic, e 
 facze ben ha aquilli lieal ayre- 
 ron vos E aura per li perse- 
 guent, e per li ocaisonant vos. 
 
 7. 1. 254, 255. Car, segont 1'- 
 escriptura son era fait moti 
 
 antichrist. 1. 460. 
 
 DuUin MS. of N. T. 
 
 1. E envulpe en pan e pause luy 
 en la crepia. Luke ii. 7. 
 
 2. Donca moysent perque com- 
 ande esser dona carta de refu. 
 Mark x. 4. 
 
 3. Home non departa czo que 
 Dio ajoste. Matt. xix. 6. 
 
 4. To die a vos non jurar al pos- 
 tat. Matt. V. 34. 
 
 5. Amares lo teo proyme, e 
 aures en odi lo teo enemic. 
 Matt. V. 42. 
 
 6. Ama li vostre enemic, e facze 
 ben a aquilli que eyran vos, 
 e ora per li perseguent, e per 
 li aquesonant vos. Matt. v. 
 43, 44. 
 
 7. E moti antichrist son ara 
 faict. 1 John ii. 18.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. YI. 
 
 {See pp. 363, 390.) 
 
 LA NOBLA LETCZON. 
 
 TEXT FROM THE GENEVAN MS., AS IT IS FEINTED IN EAY- 
 
 NOUARD'S CHOIX DES POESIES DES TROUBADOURS, 
 
 VOL. II. pp. 73—103. 
 
 1 frayres, entende una nobla leyczon : 
 
 Sovent deven velhar e istar en oreson, 
 
 Car nos veyen aquest mont esser pres del chavon ; 
 
 Mot curios devrian esser de bonas obras far, 
 5 Car nos veyen aquest mont de la fin apropriar. 
 
 Ben ha mil e cent ancz corapli entierament 
 
 Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp ; 
 
 Poc devrian cubitar, car sen al remanent. 
 
 Tot jorn veyen las ensegnas venir a compliment, 
 10 Acreisament de mal e amermament de ben. 
 
 Ayczo son li perilh que I'escriptura di : 
 
 L'Evangeli o reconta, e Sant Paul asi, 
 
 Que neun home que viva non po saber sa fin ; 
 
 Per czo deven mais temer, car nos non sen certan 
 15 Si la mort nos penre o encuey o deman ; 
 
 Ma cant venre Teshu al dia del jujament. 
 
 Tin chacun recebre per entier pajament, 
 
 E aquilh que auren fait mal e que auren fait ben. 
 
 Ma I'escriptura di, e nos creire o deven, 
 20 Que tuit home del mont per dui chaminz tenren : 
 
 Li bon iren en gloria e li mal al torment. 
 
 Ma aquel que non criere en aquel departiment, 
 
 Eegarde I'escriptura del fin commenczament, 
 
 Depois que Adam fo forma entro al temps present ;
 
 KO. VI.] LA NOBLA LEYCZON. 555 
 
 25 Aqui poire trobar, si el aure entendament, 
 
 Que poc son li salva, a ver lo remanent. 
 
 Ma chascuna persona, lacal vol ben obrar, 
 
 Lo nom de dio lo paire deo esser al commenczar, 
 
 E appellar en ajuda lo seo glorios filh car,* 
 30 Filh de sancta Maria, , 
 
 E lo Sant Spirit, que nos done bona via. 
 
 Aquisti trey, la sancta Trinita, 
 
 Enayma un dio deven esser aura 
 
 Plen de tota sapientia e de tota poisencza e de tota bonta. 
 35 Aquest deven sovent aurar e requerir 
 
 Que nos done fortalecza encontra I'enemie, 
 
 Que nos lo poisan veneer devant la nostra fin, 
 
 Co es lo mont e lo diavol e la earn, 
 
 E nos done sapiencza acompagna de bonta, 
 40 Que nos poisan conoisser la via de verita, 
 
 E gardar pura I'arma que Dios nos ha dona, 
 
 L'arma e lo cors en via de carita, 
 
 Enayma que nos aman la santa Trinita 
 
 E lo proyme, car dio ho ha comanda, 
 45 Non sol aquel que nos fay ben, mas aquel que nos fay mal, 
 
 E aver ferma sperancza al rey celestial 
 
 Que a la fin nos alberge al seo glorios hostal : 
 
 Ma aquel que non fare czo que se conten en aquesta leiczon 
 
 Non intrare en la sancta maison. 
 50 Ma czo es de greo tenir a la cativa gent 
 
 Lical aman trop I'or e I'argent, 
 
 E han las emproraessions de Dio en despreziament, 
 
 E que no gardan la ley e li comandament 
 
 Ni la laissan gardar a alcuna bona gent, 
 55 Ma, segont lor poer, hi fan empachament. 
 
 E per que es aquest mal entre humana gent ? 
 
 Per czo que Adam peche del fin comenezament. 
 
 Car el manje del pom otra deSendament 
 
 E a li autre germene lo gran del mal semencz ; 
 
 * Champollion suggests that the line and the measure run thus : — 
 
 123456789 10 1112 
 
 E ap el ar en ai da lo seo glorios filh car
 
 556 LA NOBLA LEYCZON. [aPP. 
 
 60 El aquiste a si mort e a I'autre enseguador, 
 Ben poen dire que aqiii ac mal bocon. 
 Ma Xrist a reemps li bon per la soa passion, 
 Ma enperczo nos troben en aquesta 'leyczon 
 Que Adam fo mescresent a Dio lo seo creator ; 
 65 De aqui poen yer que ara son fait peior, 
 Ce il habandonan Dio, lo paire omnipotent, 
 E creon a las ydolas al lor destruiment, 
 Co que deffent la ley que fo del comenczament, 
 Ley de natura s'appella, comuna a tota gent, 
 70 Lacal Dio pause al cor del seo primier forma ; 
 De poer far mal o ben li done franqueta ; 
 Lo mal li a deffendu, lo ben li a comanda : 
 Aiczo poes vos ben veer qu'es ista mal garda, 
 Que aven laisa lo ben, e lo mal aven obra, 
 75 Euayma fey Caym, lo primier filh de Adam, 
 Que aucis son frayre Abel sencza alcuna rason, 
 Ma car el era bon 
 
 E avia sa fe al Segnor e non a creatura ; 
 Ayci poen penre exemple de la ley de natura 
 80 Lacal haven coropta, passa haven la mesura ; 
 Pecca aven al Creator e ofFendu a la creatura. 
 Nobla lay era aquela lacal dio nos done, 
 Al cor d'un chascun home scripta la pause, 
 Que el leges e gardes e ensegnes dreitura, 
 85 Ames dio al seo cor sobre tota creatura, 
 E temes e serves, non hi pauses mesura, 
 Ce non es astroba en la santa scriptura ; 
 Gardes ferm lo matrimoni aquel noble convent ; 
 Agues pacz au li fraire e ames tota antra gent, 
 90 Ayres orguelh e ames humilita, 
 
 E fes a li autre enayma votria esser fait a si ; 
 E, si el fes per lo contrari, qu' el en fossa puni. 
 Pauc foron aquilh que la ley ben garderon, 
 E moti foron aquilh que la trespasseron ; 
 95 E lo Segnor habandoneron, non donant a li honor. 
 Ma creseron al demoni e a la soa temptation : 
 Trop ameron lo mont, e poc lo paradis.
 
 NO. VI.] LA NOBLA LEYCZON. 557 
 
 E serviron al cors maiorment que a I'esprit ; 
 
 Emperczo nos troben que moti en son peri. 
 100 Ayci se po repenre tot home que di 
 
 Que dio non fe las gencz par laissar li perir ; 
 
 Ma garde se un chaseun que non entrevenga enayma a lor, 
 
 Ce lei dulivi venc e destruis li fellon. 
 
 Ma Dio fey far arcba en lacal el enclaus li bon ; 
 105 Tant fo creisu lo mal e lo ben amerma 
 
 Que en tot lo mont non ac mas que oyt salva : 
 
 Grant exemple poen penre en aquesta sentencza 
 
 Que nos nos gardan de mal e faczan penedencza. 
 
 Ce Tesbu Xrist ba dit, e en san Luc es script, 
 110 Que tuit aquilb que no la faren periren tuit ; 
 
 Ma aquilb que scamperon, Dio lor fey empromession 
 
 Que jam ay en aiga non perera lo mont. 
 
 Aquilb creisseron e foron multiplica ; 
 
 Del ben que Dio lor fey poc foron recorda, 
 115 Ma agron tan poc de fe e tant grant la temor, 
 
 Qu'illi non creseron ben al dit de lor Segnor, 
 
 Ma temian que las aygas nehesan encar lo mont 
 
 E disseron de far torre per redure se aqui, 
 
 E ben la comenczero segont czo qu'es script, 
 120 E dician de far la larga e tan bauta e tant grant 
 
 Qu'ilb pervengues entro al eel, ma non poyron far tant. 
 
 C'ela desplac a dio, e lor en fey semblant. 
 
 Babelonia avia nom aquella grant cipta. 
 
 E ara es dicta confusio per ja soa malvesta. 
 125 Adonca era un lengage entre tota la gent. 
 
 Ma qu'ilb non s'entendesan Dio fey departiment. 
 
 Qu'ilb non fessan la torre qu'ilb avian comencza. 
 
 Li lengage foron per tot lo mont scampa. 
 
 Poi pecberon greoment, babandonant la ley, co es ley de natura, 
 130 Enayma se po provar par la santa scriptura ; 
 
 Que cine ciptas periron lascal fasian lo mal ; 
 
 En fuoc e en solpre dio li condampne ; 
 
 El destruis li fellon, e li bon deslivre 
 
 Co fo Lotb e aquilb de son bostal que I'angel en gitte ; 
 135 Quatre foron per nombre, ma I'un se condampne, 
 
 Co fo la molie, pur car se reguarde otra defendement.
 
 558 LA. NOBLA LEYCZON. [aPP. 
 
 Aysi ha grant exemple a tota humana gent 
 
 Qu'ilh se deon gardar de czo que Dio deifent. 
 
 En aquel temp fo Abram, baron placzent a Dio, 
 140 E engenre un patriarcha dont foron li Judio ; 
 
 Nobla gent foron aquilli en la temor de Dio, 
 
 En Egips habiteron entre antra mala gent ; 
 
 Lay foron apermu e costreit per lone temp, 
 
 E crideron al Segnor, e el lor trames Moysent, 
 145 E delivre son poble e destruis I'autra gent : 
 
 Per lo mar ros passeron, com per bel eysuyt ; 
 
 Ma li enemic de lor, lical li perseguian, hi periron tuit. 
 
 Motas autras ensegnas dio al seo poble fey ; 
 
 El li pac quaranta an al desert, e lor done la ley ; 
 150 En doas taulas peyrientes la trames per Moysent : 
 
 E troberon la y scripta e ordena noblament. 
 
 Un segnor demonstra esser a tota gent, 
 
 E aquel deguessan creyre e amar de tot lo cor, 
 
 E temer e servir entro al dia de la fin ; 
 155 E un chascun ames lo proyme enayma si, 
 
 Conselhesan las vevas, e li orfe sostenir, 
 
 Alberguesan li paure, e li nu revestir, 
 
 Paguesan li fameiant e li errant endreycesan, 
 
 E la ley de lui mot fort deguessan gardar ; 
 160 E a li gardant promes lo regne celestial. 
 
 Lo serviment de las ydolas lor mes en defension, 
 
 Homecidi avoteri e tota fornigacion, 
 
 Mentir e perjurar e falsa garentia, 
 
 Usura e rapina e mala cubiticia, 
 165 Enamps avaricia e tota fellonia ; 
 
 A li bon empromes vita, e li mal aucia. 
 
 Adonca era justicia en la soa segnoria, 
 
 Cor aquilh que trapassavan ni faczian malament 
 
 Eran mort e destruit sencza perdonament : 
 170 Ma I'escriptura di, e mot es manifest. 
 
 Que trenta milia foron li remas al desert ; 
 
 Trenta milia e plus, segont que di la ley, 
 
 Ilh foron mort de glay, de fuoc e de serpent, 
 
 E moti autre periron del destermenam&nt, 
 175 La terra se partic, e li receop I'enfern.
 
 NO. VI.] LA NOBLA LEYCZON. 559 
 
 Ayci nos nos poen repenre del nostre grant soport. 
 
 Ma aquilh que feron ben lo placzer del Seguor 
 
 Hereteron la terra de I'enpromessiou. 
 
 Mot fo de nobla gent en aquela faczon, 
 180 Enayma fo David e lo rey Salamon, 
 
 Tsaia, Jeremia e moti autre baron, 
 
 Lical combatian per la ley e faczian deifension, 
 
 Tin poble era a Dio eyleit de tot lo mont : 
 
 Li enemic qui li perseguian eran moti d'entorn ; 
 185 Grant exemple poen penre en aquesta leyczon : 
 
 Cant ilh gardavan la ley e li comandament, 
 
 Dio combatia per lor eucontra I'autra gent ; 
 
 Ma cant ilh peccavan ni faczian malament, 
 
 Ilh eran inort e destruit e pres de I'autra gent. 
 190 Taut fo alarga lo poble e plen de gran ricor 
 
 Qu'el vay traire li caucz encontra son Segnor : 
 
 Eraperczo nos troben en aquesta leyczon 
 
 Que lo rey de Babelonia li mes en sa preyson ; 
 
 Lai foron apermu e constreit per lone temp, 
 195 E crideron al segnor au lo cor repentent : 
 
 Adonca li retorne en Jerusalem ; 
 
 Pauc foron li obedient que gardesan la ley 
 
 Ni arguessan la temor d'offender lo lor rey : 
 
 Ma hi ac alcuna gent plen de si grant falsita ; 
 200 Co foron li Pharisio e li autre scriptura ; 
 
 Qu'ilh gardesan la ley mot era de mostra. 
 
 Que la gent o veguessan, per esser plus honra ; 
 
 Ma poc val aquel honor que tost ven a chavon : 
 
 Ilh perseguian li sant e li just e li bon ; 
 205 Au plor e au gemament oravan lor segnor 
 
 Qu'el deisendes en terra per salvar aquest mont, 
 
 Car tot I'uman lignage anava a perdicion. [rey ; 
 
 Adonca Dio trames 1' angel a una nobla donczellade lignage de 
 
 Noblament la saluda, car s'apartenia a ley ; 
 210 Enamps li dis : " Non temer, Maria, 
 
 " Car lo Sant Sperit es en ta companhia ; 
 
 " De tu nayssere filh que apellares Teshu ; 
 
 " El salvare son poble de czo qu'el ha ofTendu." 
 
 Noo mes lo porte al seo ventre la vergena gloriosa.
 
 560 LA NOBLA LEYCZON. [aPP. 
 
 215 Ma qu'ilh no fos represa, de Joseph fo sposa: 
 
 Paura era Nostra Dona e Joseph atresi ; 
 
 Ma ayezo deven creire, car I'evangeli ho di, 
 
 Que en la crepia lo pauseron, cant fo na lo fantin, 
 
 De pan I'enveloperon, paurament fo alberga : 
 220 Ayci se pon repener li cubit e li avar 
 
 Que de amassar aur non se volon cessar : 
 
 Moti miracle foron, cant fo na lo segnor, 
 
 Car Dio traraes I'angel annunciar a li pastor, 
 
 E en Orient aparec una stella a li trey baron ; 
 225 Gloria fo dona a Dio al eel, e en terra pacz a li bon ; 
 
 Ma enamps un petit sufferc persecution ; 
 
 Ma lo fantin creisia per gracia e per eta 
 
 E en sapiencia divina en lacal el era ensegna ; 
 
 E apelle doze apostol lical son ben nomna, 
 230 E vole mudar la ley que devant avia dona ; 
 
 El non la mude pas, qu'ilh fos habandona, 
 
 Ma la renovelle, qu'ilh fos malh garda. 
 
 El receop lo baptisme per donar salvament, 
 
 E dis a li apostol que bapteyesan la gent ; 
 235 Car adonca comenczava lo renovellament. 
 
 Ben deffent la ley velha fornigar e avoutrar, 
 
 Ma la novella repren veser e cubitar. 
 
 La ley velha autreia partir lo matrimoni, 
 
 E carta de refu se deguessa donar ; 
 240 Ma la novella di non penre la leysa, 
 
 E neun non departa co que Dio a ajosta. 
 
 La ley velha maudi lo ventre que fruc non a porta ; 
 
 Ma la novella conselha gardar vergeneta. 
 
 La ley velha deffent solaraent perjurar ; 
 245 Ma la novella di al pos tot non jurar, 
 
 E plus de si o de no non sia en ton parlar. 
 
 La ley vella comanda combater li enemis e render mal per mal ; 
 
 Ma la novelha di, " Non te volhas venjar, 
 
 " Ma laisa la venjancza al rey celestial, 
 250 " E laisa viore en pacz aquilh que te faren mal, 
 
 " E trobares perdon del rey celestial." 
 
 La ley' velha di : " Ama li tio amic, e aures en odi li enemie ;" 
 
 Ma la novella di : " Non fares plus en aisi,
 
 NO. VI.] LA NOBLA LEYCZON. 561 
 
 " Ma ama li vostre euemic e facze beu ha aquilh lical ayzeron vos, 
 255 " E aura per li perseguent e per li acaisouant vos." 
 La ley velha comanda puuir li mal faczent ; 
 Ma la novella di : " Perdona a tota gent ; 
 " E trobares pardon del Paire omnipotent ; 
 " Car si tu non perdonas, non aures salvament." 
 260 Neun non deo aucir ni irar neuna gent ; 
 Mane ni simple ni paure non deven scarnir, 
 Ni tenir vil I'estrang que ven d'autrui pais, 
 Car en aquest mont nos sen tuit peleo-rin ; 
 Ma car nos sen tuit fraire, deven tuit Dio servir. 
 265 Co es la ley novella que Tesliu Xrist a dit que nos deven tenir. 
 E apelle li seo apostol, e fe a lor eomandament 
 Que anesan per lo mont, et ensegnesan la gent, 
 Judios e Grec prediguesan e tota humana gent ; 
 E done a lor posta desobre li serpent, 
 270 Grittesan li demoni e sanesan li euferm, 
 Eexucitesan li mort e mondesan li lebros, 
 E fesan a li autre enayma el avia fait a lor ; 
 D'or ni d'argent non fossan possesent, 
 Ma an vita e vistiraenta se tenguesan content ; 
 275 Amesan se entre lor e aguesan bona pacz : 
 Adonca lor enproraes lo regne celestial 
 E aquilh que tenren poverta spiritual ; 
 Ma qui sabria cals son, ilh serian tost numbra. 
 Que volhan esser paure per propria volmita. 
 280 De czo que era a venir el lor vay annunciar, 
 Cossi el devia morir e pois rexucitar, 
 E lor dis las ensegnas e li demonstrament 
 Lical devian venir devant lo feniment ; 
 Motas bellas semblanczas dis a lor e a la gent 
 285 Lascals foron seriptas al Novel Testament. 
 Mas, si Xrist volen amar e segre sa doctrina, 
 Nos convent a velhar, e legir I'Escriptura. 
 Aqui poyren trobar, cant nos auren legi, 
 Que solament per far ben Xrist fo persegu ; 
 290 El rexucitava li mort per divina virtu, 
 
 E faczia veser li cec que unea non h avian vist ; 
 El mundava li lebros e li sort foczia auvir 
 
 VOL. n. 
 
 30
 
 562 LA NOBLA LEYCZON. [aPP- 
 
 E gittava li demoni, faczent totas vertucz ; 
 
 E cant el faczia mais de ben, plus era persegu : 
 295 Co eran li Pharisio lical lo perseguian 
 
 E aquilh del rey Herode e I'autra gent clergia ; 
 
 Car ilh avian envidia car la gent lo seguia : 
 
 E car la gent creyan en li e en li seo comandatnent, 
 
 Penseron lui aucire, e far lo trayment. 
 300 E parlleron a Juda, e feron con li convenent 
 
 Que, si el lo lor liores, el agra trenta argent : 
 
 E Juda fo cubit e fey lo tradiment, 
 
 E liore son Segnor entre la mala gent. 
 
 Li Judio foron aquilh que lo crucifiqueron ; 
 305 Li pe e las mas forment li clavelleron, 
 
 E corona de spinas en la testa li pauseron ; 
 
 Diczent li moti repropri, ilh lo blastemeron : 
 
 El dis que avia se, fel e aci li abeoreron. 
 
 Tan foron li torment amar e doloyros 
 310 Que I'arma partic del cors per salvar li peccador. 
 
 Lo cors remas aqui pendu sus en la crocz 
 
 Al mecz de dui layron. 
 
 Quatre plegas li feron, sencza li autre batament, 
 
 Poys li feron la cinquena, per far lo compliment ; 
 315 Car un de li cavalier vent e li uberc la costa : 
 
 Adonca ysic sane, e ayga ensemp mescla. 
 
 Tuit li apostol fugiron, ma un hi retorne, 
 
 E era aqui au las Marias istant josta la crocz. 
 
 Gran dolor avian tuit, ma Nostra Dona maior 
 320 Cant ilh veya son filh mort, nu, en afan sus la crocz. 
 
 De li bon fo sebeli, e garda de li fellon ; 
 
 El trays li seo d'enfern, e rexucite al tercz jorn ; 
 
 E aparec a li seo, enayma el avia dit a lor. 
 
 Adonca agron grant goy, cant vigron lo segnor. 
 325 E foron conforta, car devant avian grant paor, 
 
 E converse con lor entro al dia de I'ascension. 
 
 Adonca monte en gloria lo nostro Salvador ; 
 
 E dis a li seo apostol, e a li autre ensegnador, 
 
 Que entro a la fin del mont fora tota via au lor. 
 SdO Mas cant venc a Pendecosta, se recorde de lor, 
 
 E lor trames lo sant Sperit local es consolador ;
 
 NO. VI.] LA NOBLA LEYCZON. 563 
 
 E ensegne li apostol per divina doctrina, 
 E saupron li lengage e la sauta scriptura. 
 Adonca lor sovenc de czo qu'el avia dit, 
 
 335 Sencza temor parlavan la doctrina de Xrist ; 
 
 Judios e Grrec predicavan, faczent mptas virtucz, 
 E li cresent baptejavan, al nom de Teshu Xrist. 
 Adonca fo fait un poble de novel converti : 
 Cristians foron nomna, car ilh creyan en Xrist. 
 
 340 Ma czo troben que I'Escriptura di ; 
 
 Mot for li perseguian Judios e Saragins. 
 
 Ma tant foron fort li apostol en la temor del Segnor, 
 
 E li home e las fennas lical eran cum lor, 
 
 Que per lor non laisavant ni lor fait ni lor dit, 
 
 345 Tant que moti n'auciseron enayma ilh avian Teshu Xrist. 
 Grant foron li torment, segont czo qu'es script ; 
 Solament car ilh demostravan la via de Teshu Xrist : 
 Ma lical li perseguian non lor era de tant mal temor. 
 Car ilh non avian la fe de nostre segnor Teshu Xrist, 
 
 350 Coma d'aquUh que queron ara caison, e que perseguon tant, 
 Que Xrestian devon esser, ma mal en fan semblant, 
 Ma en czo se pon reprener aquilh que perseguon, e confortar li 
 Car non se troba en scriptura santa, ni per raczon, [bon ; 
 
 Que li sant perseguesan alcun, ni mesesan e preson. 
 
 355 Ma encamps li apostol foron alcun doctor 
 
 Lical mostravan la ^^a de Xrist lo nostre Salvador. 
 Ma encar s'en troba alcun al temp present, 
 Lical son manifest a mot poc de la gent. 
 La via de Teshu Xrist mot fort volrian mostrar, 
 
 360 Ma tant son persegu que a pena o poyan far ; 
 Tant son li fals Xristiaus eneeca per error, 
 E maiorment que li autre aquilh que devon esser pastor, 
 Que ilh perseguon e aucion aquilh que son melhor, 
 E laysan en pancz il fals e li enganador ! 
 
 365 Ma en czo se po conoyser qu'ilh non son bon pastor, 
 
 Car nou aman las feas sinon per la toyson ; 
 
 Ma I'Escriptura di, e nos o poen ver, 
 
 Que si n'i a alcun bon que ame e tema Teshu Xrist, 
 
 Que non volha maudire ni jurar, ni meutir, 
 
 370 M avoutrar, ni aucir, ni penre de I'autruy, 
 
 36 *
 
 564 LA NOBLA. LEYCZON. [aPP- 
 
 Ni venjar se de li seo enemis, 
 
 Ilh dion qu'es Vaudes e degne de punir, 
 
 E li troban cayson en meczonja e engan. 
 
 Cosi ilh poirian toller czo qu'el ha de son just afan : 
 375 Ma forment se conforte aquel que sufFre per Ton or del Segnor ; 
 
 Car lo regne del eel li sere aparelha al partir d'aquest mont : 
 
 Adonca aure grant gloria, si el ha agu desonor ; 
 
 Ma en czo es manifesta la malvesta de lor, 
 
 Que qui vol maudir, e mentir, e jurar, 
 380 E prestar a usura, e aueir, e avoutrar, 
 
 E venjar se d'aquilh que li fan mal, 
 
 Ilh diczon qu'el es prodome, e leal home reconta. 
 
 Ma a la fin se garde qu'el non sia enganna : 
 
 Cant lo mal lo costreng tant que a pena po parlar, 
 385 El demanda lo prever, e se vol confessar ; 
 
 Ma, segont I'escriptura, el ha trop tarcza, lacal di, 
 
 " San e vio te confessa, e non atendre a la fin." 
 
 Lo prever li demanda si el ha negun pecca ; 
 
 Duy mot o trey respont, e tost ha despaeha. 
 390 Ben li di lo prever que el non po esser asot, 
 
 Si el non rent tot I'autruy e smenda li seo tort. 
 
 Ma cant el au ayezo, el ha grant pensament, 
 
 E pensa eutre si que, si el rent entierament, 
 
 Que remanra a li seo enfant, e que dire la gent ; 
 395 E comanda a li seo enfant que smendon li seo tort. 
 
 E fay pat au lo prever qu'il poisa esser asot : 
 
 Si el a cent lioras de I'autruy, o encara dui cent, 
 
 Lo prever lo quitta per cent sout o encara per menz, 
 
 E li fai amonestancza, e li promet perdon ; 
 400 Qu'el facza dire mesa per si, e per li sio payron, 
 
 E lor empromet pardon sia a just, o sia a fellon : 
 
 Adonca li pausa la man sobre la testa ; 
 
 Cant el li dona mais, li fai plus grant festa, 
 
 E li fai entendament que el es mot ben asot. 
 405 Ma mal son smenda aquilh de qui el ha agu li tort. 
 
 Ma el sere enganna en aital asolvament ; 
 
 E aquel que ho fay encreyre hi pecca mortalment ; • 
 
 Ma yo aus o dire, car se troba en ver, 
 
 Que tuit li papa que foron de Silvestre entro en aquest,
 
 ^'O- VI.] LA NOBLA LECYZON. 
 
 410 E tuit li cardinal, e tuit li vesque, e tuit li aba, 
 Tuit aqmsti ensemp non han tan de potesta 
 Que ilh poissan perdonar un sol pecca mortal : 
 Solament Dio perdona, que autre non ho po far. 
 Ma acyzo devon far aquilh que son pastor : 
 415 Predicar devon lo poble e istar en oracion, 
 E paiser li sovent de divina doctrina, 
 E castigar li peccant, douant a lor disciplina, 
 Co es vraya amonestancza qu'ilh ayan pentiment ; 
 Purament se confesson sencza alcun raancament, 
 420 E qu'ilh faczan penitencia, en la vita present, 
 De junar, far almonas, e aurar au cor bulhent ; 
 Car per aquestas cosas troba I'arma salvament 
 De nos caytio crestians lical haven pecca ; 
 La ley de Teshu Xrist haven habaudonna, 
 . 425 Car non haven temor, ni fe, ni carita. 
 
 Eepentir nos convent e non y deven tarczar ; 
 Au plor e au pentiment nos conven smendar 
 L'offensa que haven fayta per trey pecca mortal, 
 Per cubitia d'olh, e per deleyt de earn, 
 430 E per superbia de vita per que nos haven fait li mal ; 
 Car per aquesta via nos deven segre e tenir, 
 Se nos volen amar ni segre Yeshu Xrist, 
 Paureta spiritual de cor deven tenir. 
 E amar castita, e Dio humilment servir ; 
 435 Adonca segrian la via del segnor Teshu Xrist, 
 E aurian la victoria de li nostre enemies. 
 Breoment es reconta en aquesta leyczon 
 De las tres leys que Dio done al mout. 
 La premiera ley demostra a qui ha sen ni raczon, 
 440 Co es a conoiser Dio, e honrar lo seo Creator ; 
 Car aquel que ha entendament po pensar entre si 
 Qu'el no s'es pas forma ni li autre atresi : 
 D'ayci po conoiser aquel que ha sen ni raczon 
 Che lo es un Segnor Dio local a forma lo mont ; 
 445 E, reconoisent lui, mot lo deven honrar, 
 
 Car aquilh foron dampua que non ho volgron far. 
 Ma la secouda ley, que Dio done a Moysent, 
 Nos ensegna a tenir Dio e servir luy fortment, 
 
 561
 
 566 LA ISOBLA LEYCZON. [_APP. 
 
 Car el condemna e punis tot home que roffent. 
 
 450 Ma la tercza ley, lacal es ara el temp present, 
 
 Nos ensegna amar Dio de bon cor, e servir purament ; 
 Car Dio atent lo peccador, e li dona alongament 
 Qu'el poysa far penitencia en la vita present. 
 Antra ley d'ayci enant non deven plus aver, 
 
 455 Sinon en segre Teshu Xrist, e far lo seo bon placer, 
 E gardar fermament czo qu'el a comanda, 
 E esser mot avisa cant venre I'Antexrist, 
 Que nos non crean ni a son fait ni a son dit ; 
 Car, segont I'escriptura, son ara fait moti Aaitexrist. 
 
 460 Car Antexrist son tuit aquilh que contrastan a Xrist. 
 Motas ensegnas e grant demonstrament 
 Seren dos aquest temp entro al dia del jujament : 
 Lo eel e la terra ardren, e murren tuit li vivent, 
 , Poys rexucitaren tuit en vita permanent, 
 
 465 E seren aplana tuit li hedificament. 
 Adonca sere fayt lo derier jujament : 
 Dio partire lo seo poble, segont czo qu'es script ; 
 A li mal el dire : " Departe vos de mi, 
 x^na al fuoc enfernal que mays non aura fin : 
 
 470 Per trey greos condicions sere constreit aqui, 
 Per moutecza de penas, e per aspre torment, 
 E car sere dempna sencza deftilUimeut." 
 Del cal nos garde Dio per lo seo placzament, 
 E nos done auvir czo qu'el dire a li so enant que sia gaire, 
 
 475 Diczent : " Vene vos en au mi, beneit del mio Payre, 
 
 A possesir lo regne aparelha a vos del comenczament del mont, 
 Al cal vos aure deleit, riqueczas, e honors." 
 Placza ha aquel Segnor, que forme tot lo mont, 
 Que nos siam de li esleit per istar en sa cort ! 
 Dio gracias. Amen.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 ox THE VARIOUS BOHEMIAN SECTARIES AT THE OPENING OF 
 THE XVITH CENTURY ; AND THE DISTINCTIVE WITNESS-CHA- 
 RACTER OF THE BOHEMIAN OR MORAVIAN UNITED BRETHREN. 
 
 {See page 443.) 
 
 It is to the United Brethren that I distinctively refer in the main body 
 of my Book as Witnesses for Christ, towards the close of the xvth 
 and beginning of the xvith century. I say distinctively, as contrasted 
 •with the Galixtines. The point is one of the greatest importance ; 
 because, as indeed it needs hardly to be stated, a person or a sect 
 might in many and various cases have been counted heretical by Eome, 
 and yet in no wise have answered to the character of ivitnessing for 
 Christ. So it was in regard to the great body of the Bohemian Calix- 
 tines, at the time referred to. 
 
 Let me briefly sketch the history of the two Sects. Some 80 or 
 100 years then before the period under discussion, i. e. about the 
 time of the Council of Constance, A.D. 1414, the question of the 
 necessity of the sacramental cup (calix), as well as tread, to the sal- 
 vation of the laity, had been mooted in Bohemia ; and the aflBrmative 
 asserted by Huss, as well as by Jacobellus and other Bohemian di- 
 vines. Hence, soon after Huss's death, the first Bohemian religious 
 war : a war in which Ziscas name became famous ; and under whom 
 the mountain city of Tahor was founded, as the dissidents' strong 
 hold. Not long after this, there arose a separation between the more 
 decided dissentients of the party, and those who differed from Rome 
 only, or almost only, on the question of the cup : a separation which 
 continued ever after ; the former being called henceforth Talorites, 
 the latter Galixtines, or Utraquists. In the Council of Basle, held 
 A.D. 1431, the use of the cup having been accorded to the Bohemian
 
 568 ON THE CALIXTINES AND THE UNITED BRETHREN [aPP. 
 
 laity, there was a reconciliation between the Calixtines and the Ca- 
 tholics ; and war made by them conjointly on the Taborites, who were 
 in the year 1434 defeated, and forced to submit. The Pope however 
 and Emperor Sigismund having soon after refused to admit the al- 
 lowance of the cup, agreeably with the Basle " Compact," dissen- 
 tions again arose between the Calixtines and Catholics : in the 
 midst of which dissensions, and very much through the influence of 
 the Calixtine chief and Archbishop E-okyczan, George Podiehrad 
 ascended the Bohemian throne ; and had a consequently stormy 
 reign of some 13 years, from 1458 to 1471. — It -was shortly before his 
 accession, A.D. 1453, that Tabor was subdued, in an internal war be- 
 tween the Calixtines and Taborites : after which the Taborites, as a 
 distinct party, very much disappear from history. Their purer and 
 more spiritual doctrines, however, having in the mean while made 
 some progress among the Calixtines themselves, a new party arose 
 to which many of the Taborite survivors also united themselves : and 
 which at length in 1457, under the name of the " United Brethren" 
 separated itself entirely from the Eoman Church. Under Podiebrad 
 and Eokyczan a severe persecution arose from the side of the Calix- 
 tine chiefs against them : the latter thus wishing to reconcile them- 
 selves with the Pope, though without the abandonment of their one 
 and almost only point of difference. And so, during the remainder 
 of Podiebrad's reign, " the Brethren were compelled to conceal them- 
 selves," says Comenius, " in deserts and caves."' — Then in 1471 
 began, on Podiebrad's death, the long reign of the Polish prince 
 Wladislas : who in 1490 became king of Hungary, as well as king of 
 Bohemia ; and lived to the year 1516, or near to the close of the 
 Lateran Council. Although himself a Eoman Catholic, (and from 
 the date of his accession, as Cochloeus states at the close of his Huss- 
 ite history, Catliolic kings continued thenceforward to sit on the 
 Bohemian throne,) yet, after certain Calixtine insurrectionary dis- 
 turbances, it was agreed by him to adhere to the compact of the 
 Basle Council, and permit the use of the cup to the Calixtine laity : 
 whence a general peace between Catholics and Calixtines, (except 
 during a sharp temporary outbreak of Calixtine spirit during the 
 years 1504, 1505,)" to the end of his reign. — Not so however with 
 the little despised sect of the United Brethren. In 1499 Eomish In- 
 
 ' Hist. Perscc. p. 67. The whole brief chapter is very interesting. 
 ^ Raynaldus, Vol. xi., ad auu. 1504.
 
 NO. VII.] ON THE CALIXTINES AND THE UNITED BRETHKEN. 569 
 
 qnisitors persecuted them, under the appellation of Waldenses and 
 Picards. In 1503 their meetings were interdicted by the king, and 
 they were required either to join themselves to the Catholics or Ca- 
 lixtines. Then began their touching and beautiful Apologies, addrest 
 to king "Wladislas. They had already in 1494 discussed among them- 
 selves the imj)ortant question, " Why separate from the Eoman 
 Church ? Is it right ? " And they had come to the conclusion that 
 the duty was incumbent on them, not so much on account of the 
 godless life of many of the Eomanists ; but much more because of 
 the false opinions held by Romanists about religion generally, and 
 the Eoman Church's forcing all to receive them. This conclusion 
 come to, they persisted in their course, and braved the consequences. 
 Then persecution followed. It seems that it was more especially on 
 account of their views respecting the Holy Sacrament, and because 
 they would not fall down before the consecrated host, that they had 
 been calumniated before King Wladislas ; and this with such bitter- 
 ness, as if " they were men not worthy even of fire, but only to be 
 thrown to wild beasts." ^ 
 
 Their ^r*^ Apology was written and sent after the King, who had 
 then gone into his kingdom of Hungary, in consequence of an order 
 issued by him that they should be expelled from all the towns, their 
 assemblies forbidden, and no intercourse allowed with them. It was 
 unsuccessful : and shortly after the King issued a more stringent 
 command, that they should be brought up for judgment before the 
 secular and spiritual powers at Prague ; and expelled from the land, 
 even " as murderers and heretics." Then in 1507 and 1508 they 
 drew up, and sent to him, two fresh and fuller Apologies. And I 
 feel it right to subjoin a brief statement of their contents ; in order 
 that it may appear how truly, how admirably, they answered to the 
 character of sackcloth-robed witnesses for Christ's truth, against the 
 superstitions and errors of the Papacy. I abstract it from Schrokh. 
 
 In their 1st Apology, then, as a reason of separation from the Eom- ^ 
 ish Church, they mentioned the frightful wickedness and pride of 
 the Eomish prelates, who had brought the whole kingdom into such 
 disorder ; repeated the same view that they had exprest before about 
 the Lord's Supper, in which they could not see a trace of transubstan- 
 tiation, the bread and wine being the spiritual body and blood of 
 Christ ; asserted, moreover, the need of participation in either kind ; 
 
 ' Schi-okh, Theil 34, p. 750.
 
 570 ON THE CALIXTINES AND THE UNITED BRETHREN. [aPP. 
 
 and denied the adoration of the sacrament, because never practised 
 by the apostles. About the Virgin Mary they believed what the 
 Scriptures said to her honour ; not what idle men believed super- 
 stitiously about her and the saints. As to the saints, they reckoned 
 them to be such who had the special testimony of Scripture ; while, 
 respecting all the rest, they considered that it should be left as a mat- 
 ter of opinion and of hope. On the whole they contended that they 
 were no heretics ; as their doctrine was all according to Scripture. 
 
 In their 2nd Apology they again combated the doctrine of tran- 
 substantiation, as against Christ's words of institution of the Lord's 
 Supper ; traced up the priests' consecration, as not from the Pope, 
 but from Christ the Church's head; and repeated that, like the 
 ancient saints, they gave not to the Virgin Mary that reverence 
 which was only due to God and Christ. They then spoke of a double 
 purifying fire ; — one in this world, about which there is the certain 
 warrant of Scripture ; viz. when men in God's grace, and enjoying 
 the benefit of Christ's merits and the Spirit's sanctification, with 
 faith hope and love, are by the sufferings of this world, through 
 God's word, with true repentance accompanying, and works of mercy 
 in God's service, the enjoyment of sacraments also, and perseverance 
 until death, purified unto eternal life : (for 1 Cor. iii. 13, they averred, 
 was only meant of the troubles of this life :) the other in a future 
 life : which is however uncertain ; because Scripture says nothing 
 about it, nor the primitive Church, nor indeed the Church for a long 
 time after. They added that, not long before, Thomas Aquinas had dis- 
 covered a tJm'd purifying fire in hell ; though Augustine thought on 
 that point very differently. — As regarded the appointed Church- 
 ordinances, they observed not the many that led to error, and were a 
 cause of idolatry, false hope, and superstition. — On the Lord's Supper 
 they declared, as before, that it was not to be adored : that the 
 highest reverence to God was the observance of his commandments ; 
 and adoration of the sacrament was never commanded by him. It 
 was certain from Scripture that Christ with his body and blood, in 
 his natural substance and personal essence, is not present here until 
 the end of the world, but is at the right hand of God : in regard of 
 which corporal substance he cannot be multiplied, but continues one 
 and entire, truly and really, in heaven. Nor can he be eaten cor- 
 porally, but only spiritually by the faithful ; so as is said in John vi. 
 G3. Spiritually however, and in respect of his strength and power to 
 bless, he is present everywhere. — With regard to the charge of de-
 
 NO. VII.] ON THE CALIXTINES AND THE UNITED BRETHREN. 571 
 
 generacy that they made against the Eomish Church, it was shown 
 by quotations from St. Bernard and Petrarch that they were not the 
 first to urge them.^ 
 
 Such were their Apologies. — The persecution, however, still con- 
 tinued. In 1510 another sanguinary edict was past, as I find stated 
 in Comenius : " in the troubles whence arising nearly all the minis- 
 ters of the United Brethren were expelled ; nor could there be divine 
 service except in secret.'"'^ He gives a list of six persons who were 
 at this time seized by the Romanists, and burnt at the stake ; men 
 that exhibited on the occasion the genuine spirit of Christian mar- 
 tyrs : declaring Christ to be the Shepherd of their souls, not the 
 Pope or the Priest ; rejecting the ofi'er of reprieve and of life, that 
 was continually made them ; and cheerfully undergoing the tortur- 
 ing death of fire.^ The Calixtines, who now, says Comenius, " were 
 obliged to fawn on the Roman Pope and Bishops," * joined with the 
 Romanists in the persecution. In 1511 they seized Andreas Poliwka, 
 as related by the same historian Comenius ;5 and imprisoned, tor- 
 tured, and in fine burnt him at the stake. He seems to have been 
 the last of the Bohemian martyrs before the Reformation ; at least 
 the last whose name is on record. — Then, the next year, the 5th La- 
 teran Council met at Rome. 
 
 It may be useful, ere quitting this subject, to add Pope Clement 
 the 7th' s testimony in 1524 to the statement given in my text, as to 
 the little amount of doctrinal difference between the Calixtines and 
 Boman CatJiolics in Bohemia, at the epoch of the Reformation : also 
 as to his view of the Bohemian Beghards, (a term specially applied 
 to the United Brethren, we have seen,) as in reality the grand enemies 
 then and there of the Romish faith ; and his delight and satisfaction 
 at their being objects of persecution as well by Calixtines as Catho- 
 lics. I cite from a letter of that Pope's, bearing date September 
 1524, and addrest to the Cardinal Archbishop of Strigonium, or 
 
 ' See Schrokh Christl. Geschichte, Theil xxxiv. pp. 752—755. In Dupin's Biblio- 
 theque, Tom. xiii. ^ 31, the reader will also find a copious notice of these Apologies.— 
 Bost, in his Histoire des Freres Moraves, Vol. i. p. 95, mentions the interesting fact 
 of the Brethren ha\-ing made, and printed, a translation of the Bible into Bohemian, 
 about the year 1490. (1st Ed. 1831.) 2 Comenius, p. 85. ^ i^. 86. 
 
 * lb. 96; "Quibus annis e.xactis [i. e. A.D. 1-507] rursum Papae et episcopis ejus 
 blandiri coacti sunt. Tam misera fuit istorum servitus, qui ab Antichristo recessisse 
 videri volentes, sub signis ejus tamen militare non dubitabant."— " Les Freres," says 
 Bost on the year 1510, " r ester ent les seuls dcfenseurs de la veritt en Boheme et en 
 Moravie." lb. i. 103. s pp. 90—92.
 
 573 ON THE CALIXTINES AND THE UNITED BRETHREN. [aPP. 
 
 Gran ; the same person that I have in my Chapter on the Witnesses' 
 Deatli already spoken of. 
 
 " Venerabilis frater ; Quae fuerit tua adversus impiam et jam isthic 
 proserpentem sectam Lutheranorum opera non ignoramus ; et quan- 
 tum quoque his proximis annis laboraveris, ut in Bohemise regno 
 Calixtini, qui parvis admodum in rebus a fide Catholica dissentiunt, ad 
 reconciliationem Christianse charitatis, et unionem Dominici corporis 
 revertereutur, plane cognitum habemus. Ac novissime tuo potissi- 
 mum consilio scimus, et tua industria, fuisse factum, ut perfidum 
 atque pestiferum Pighardorum genus, qua labe ilia inclyta diu op- 
 pressa est Bohemia, a ccetu et civitate Pragensium tumultu props 
 populari, sancto quidem et pio, expellerentur." And then the Pope 
 goes on to charge him to prevent the success of certain eiforts, which 
 he says he heard were about being made, to reconcile together the 
 Bohemian Calixtines and Bohemian Beghards. 
 
 E-aynald, from whom I copy this, then speaks of these Beghards' 
 Waldensian origin, and Wicliffite connexion. " Hanc sectam a Petro 
 A¥aldensi conditam refert Dubravius : siquidem Lugduno in Pichar- 
 diam, cum sectatoribus quos Pauperes Lugdunenses appellabat, com- 
 migrasse, seduxisseque Pichardos ut cupiditatibus fraena relaxarent ; 
 cumque ad supplicium quaererentur, in Grermauiam, turn in Bohemiam 
 profugisse ; ubi clandestina lustra tenuere, in omne libidinum genus 
 effusi. Quorum hseresim absurdam Joannes Wiclefus postea sophis- 
 ticis argumentis condivit ; adeo ut pro temporura varietate dogma 
 permutarint, uti hsereticorum mos est. Quinimmo Lutherum initio 
 hos parum honestos hsereticos, quibus se consociaret, censuisse vidi- 
 mus ; quocirca Eckium rogavit ne sibi earn maculam inureret : utque 
 etiam in eos quos infelices hsereticos vocat ultro scriberet, dein vero 
 societatem eorum affectaret : turpissimisque hominibus turpissime 
 his verbis est blanditus ; . . . ' Obtestor vos per charitatem Christi, ne 
 meum scriptum in earn partem accipiatis quasi vestris erratis me 
 titillarim : sed tamen cum sciatis vos in toto orbe hactenus tanquam 
 pestilentissimos hsereticos proclamatos, hie testimonium vobis perhi- 
 bere volui, quod proprius accedatis ad puritatem evangelii quam 
 omnes alii quos ego cognoverim.' " 
 
 B-aynaldus himself affirms the very near agreement of the Bohemian 
 Calixtines and the E-oman Catholics, in the words following : "li [Ca- 
 lixtini] quidem catholicum de transubstantiatione dogma veueraban- 
 tur : ac vel omuiuo cum Ecclesi^ Eomaua consentiebant ; vel tantum- 
 modo de usu calicis dissidebant." Annal. ad Ann. 1524; : S Ixv — Ixviii.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 ON THE -^ORD ATABHKH IN APOC. XI. 19, AND ELSEWHERE IN 
 HOLY SCRIPTURE, ME.iNING COVEXAXT, NOT TESTAMENT. 
 
 {See page 495, Note '.) 
 
 In corroboration of the opinion exprest by me at p. 495 to the effect 
 that the proper rendering of SiadriKri, alike in Apoc. xi. 19, in the He- 
 brews, and elsewhere, is covenant, not testament,^ the late Yice-Chan- 
 cellor of England, Sir Lancelot Shadwell, was so good as to draw up 
 and communicate to me the Paper following.^ It is a list of all the 
 passages in the Old Testament where the corresponding Hebrew word 
 j^ni occurs, and all the passages in the Apocrypha and in the New 
 Testament where the Greek word ciadriKri occurs : there being noted 
 in it on the Old Testament passages every deviation in the Greek 
 Septuagint from its usual rendering of j-ji-^jj ^J the word ocadriKr], 
 and in the English authorized version every deviation from its usual 
 
 ' Sometimes perhaps it may be thought that the word might more fitly be rendered 
 by arra7igement, or some such English word ; viz. in cases where no co?iditio»s are 
 exprest, or implied, on the side of some second party. But, I believe, in the Bible it 
 will almost always be found that r^-a. or ^laOnxn, has reference to two parties ; and 
 with conditions implied on the side of the second party, for whose benefit the o^a0„^„ 
 IS made. 
 
 2 It was given me on the last occasion but one on which I saw him, only some four 
 or five months before his death ; and accompanied with strong expressions of interest 
 in my Book. 
 
 May I be aUowcd here the melancholy satisfaction of copying out the testimony to 
 the high and excellent character of the late Vice-Chancellor, given soon after his death 
 by Vice-Chancellor Bruce. 
 
 On taking his seat in the Court formerly occupied by the late Sir Lancelot Shad- 
 well, His Honour Sir J. K. Bruce addressed the Attorney-General with feelings of 
 very strongly-manifested emotion, in the following words :— 
 
 " It is impossible for me to enter this Court to-day without renewal of sorrow for 
 the loss of one so lately taken from us.; by whom for so many years this chair was 
 filled, and from which it is almost startling to hear another voice than his. In these 
 feelings I am sure the bar participate. We have lost, at once, a friend dear to us all, 
 and a Judge distinguished for his great knowledge of the law he administered ; dis- 
 tinguished for varied learning and acquirements ; distinguished for judicial patience ; 
 ' swift to hear and slow to err,' pure and blameless in life ; an example of courtesy, of 
 gentleness and amenity ; who never said a word intended to give pain, nor ever bar 
 boured an unkind thought, or an acrimonious feeling. But he is gone. ' Flere et 
 meminisse relictum est.' "
 
 574 
 
 ON THE PROPER SCRIPTURAL USE OF ^Ladr}kri, 
 
 [app- 
 
 rendering by covenant : also on the Apocryphal and New Testament 
 passages every deviation in our English Versions from the rendering 
 of hiadriKri by covenant. Sir L. S. seems to have deemed the point 
 important, with reference to the prophetic purport of the symbol of 
 the manifestation of the ark of the covenant. 
 
 In order to the right understanding of the Paper, it must be re- 
 membered by my readers that in the subjoined list, wherever notice is 
 not given to the contrary, the Hebrew is j^^^j ^^^ Greek hiadrjKr], 
 the English authorized version covenant : also that where in the same 
 verse the word occurs more than once the same is signified by the 
 small subjoined numeral^ or'. The summing up numerals are those 
 of the Greek word ciadi]i:i]. 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT PASSAGES "WITH /^"»"li ^ladiJKTf, COYENANT. 
 Genesis. (26.) 
 
 vi. 18; ix. 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17; 
 xiv: 13 ; 1 XV. 18 ; xvii. 2, 4, 7 2, 9, 10, 
 11, 133, 14, 19,, 21 ; xxi. 27, 32; xxvi. 
 28 ; xxxi. 44. 
 
 Exodus. (12.) 
 
 vi. 4, 5 ; xix. 5 ; xxiii. 32 ; 
 ; xxxi, 16 ; 2 xxxiv. 10, 12, 
 
 Leviticus. (10.) 
 ^iv. 8; xxvi. 9, 15, 25, 423, 
 
 Numbers. (5.) 
 X. 33 ; xiv. 44 ; xwi. 19 ; xxv. 12, 13. 
 
 Deuteronomy. (26.) 
 
 iv, 13, 23, 31 ; v. 2, 3; vii. 2, 9, 12; 
 viii. 18 ; ix. 9, 11, 15 ; ' x. 8 ; xvii. 2 ; 
 xxix. 1," 9, 12, 14, 21, 25 ; xxxi. 9, 16, 
 20, 25, 26 ; xxxiii. 9. 
 
 ii. 24; 
 
 xxiv. 7, 
 
 27, 28. 
 
 ii. 13 ; 
 
 44, 45. 
 
 Joshua. (21.) 
 iii. 3, 62, 8, 11, 14 ; 
 
 7, 9, 
 
 * S. wanting ; Engl, confederate. 
 
 * B. is also in verse 17 ; tut not 3. 
 
 * Sept. fiaprvpLoju, instead of oiaOj)/o}s. 
 
 * This is xxviii. 69 in the Hebrew : in 
 which also the verses in xxix. are one 
 short of the number in the English and 
 Septuagiut versions. 
 
 18;' vi. 6, 8; vii. 11, 15; viii. 33 ;2 
 ix. 6, 7, 11, 15, 16 ;3 xxiii. 16; xxiv. 25. 
 
 Judges. (4.) 
 ii. 1, 2, 20 ; xx. 27.* 
 
 1 Samuel. 5 (3.) 
 
 iv. 3, 42, 5 ; xi. 1 ; xviii. 3 ; ^ xx. 8 ; 
 xxiii. 18. 
 
 2 Samuel. 
 iii._12, 13, 21 ; v. 3 ; 
 
 (6.) 
 
 XV. 24; xxiii. 5. 
 
 1 Kings. (10.) 
 15 ; V. 26 ; s vi. 19 ; viii. 1, 6, 9,9 
 
 ' In v. 16 the Greek has S. /nap-rvpiov. 
 But no 3 in the Hebrew, answering to 
 the o. 
 
 - In the Greek Septuagint verse 33 of 
 Josh. viii. is included in Josh. ix. 
 
 * Here a and S. ; but in the English 
 league not covenant, in all the five verses. 
 
 •» The word Baal-berith occurs Judg. 
 viii. 33, ix. 4, 46. 
 
 ^ The word does not occur in Ruth. 
 
 •* In iv. 3, 4, 5, and xviii. 3, 3 and cove- 
 nant, in the Hebrew and English, but no 
 6. in the Greek. 
 
 ' English, a league, in these four places. 
 
 8 In the Sept. and Eng. version this is 
 T. 12, and rendered in Engl, league. 
 
 ^ In verse 6 (5. wanting ; in verse 9 a.
 
 NO. VIII.] IN THE SENSE OF COVENANT, NOT TESTAMENT. 
 
 575 
 
 21, 23; xi. 11 ;i xv. 19 ;2 xix. 10,3 14; 
 XX. 342. * 
 
 2 Kings. (11.) 
 
 xi. 4, 17; xiii. 23; xvii. 15,5 35^33; 
 xviii. 12 ; xxiii. 2, 33, 21. 
 
 1 Chronicles. (13.) 
 
 xi. 3; XV. 25, 26, 28, 29; xvi. 6, 15, 
 17, 37; 6 xvii. 1; xxii. 19; xxviii. 2, 18. 
 
 2 Chronicles. (15.) 
 
 V. 2, 7;i y\. 11, 14; xiii. 5;^ xv. 12; 
 xvi. 3;9 xxi. 7; xxiii. 1,« 3, 16; xxix. 
 10; xxxiv. 30, 3I2, 32. 
 
 Proverbs. (1.) 
 
 ii. 17.1 
 
 Ezra. (1.) 
 
 X. 3. 
 
 Xehemiah. (4.) 
 i. 5; ix. 8, 32;ii xiii. 29. 
 
 Job. 12 (2.) 
 V. 23 ; 13 xxxi. 1 ; xli. 4.ii 
 
 Psalms. (21.) 
 
 XXV. 10, 14; 15 xliv. 18; is 1. 5, 16 ;i" 
 Iv. 20 ; Ixxiv. 20 ; Ixxviii. 10, 37 ; Ixxxiii. 
 5 ; Ixxxix. 3, 28, 34, 39 ; ciii. 18 ; cv. 8, 
 10; cvi. 45; cxi. 5, 9; cxxxii. 12. 
 
 1 Here a and covenant, but 5. wanting. 
 - Engl, league. ^ S wanting. 
 
 ■• Corresponds with xxi. 34, Sept. 
 ^ S wanting. 
 
 '' In verse 16 covenant, but no 3 er <5. 
 ' Verse 10 citQtTo, and covenant ; but 
 3 wanting. 
 
 ^ I-!?):, ako^, covenant of salt. 
 ' n and league twice ; d once. 
 '<• 8 wanting. 
 
 " In verse 38, Sept. 5taTi6£;u£0a ttlg- 
 Tov, Engl, covenant ; but 3 is wanting. 
 '2 In Esther the word does not occur. 
 '^ wanting ; Engl, league. 
 1* This is .xl. 28 in the Hebrew. 
 '^ In the Sept. this is Ps. xxiv. 
 "= So the Hebr. numeral. In the Sept. 
 it is xliii. 7 ; in the Engl. xliv. 17. 
 
 1' In the Sept. this is Ps. xlix. Similarly 
 in all the succeeding Psalms, cited from, 
 the number of the Psalm in the Septuagint 
 is one less than in the Hcbr. and Engl. 
 
 Isaiah. (12.) 
 
 xxiv. 5; xxviii. 15, 18; xxxiii. 8; xiii. 
 6; xlix. 8; liv. 10; Iv. 3; Ivi. 4, 6;^ 
 lix, 21 ; Ixi. 8. 
 
 Jeremiah. (18.) 
 
 iii. 16; xi. 2, 3, 6, 8, 10;=' xiv. 21 ; 
 xxii. 9; xxxi. 31, 322, 33 ; xxxii. 40;* 
 xxxiii. 2O2, 21, 25; 5 xxxiv.« 8, 10, 13, 
 
 15, I82 ; 1. 5.' 
 
 EZEKIEL. (17.) 
 
 xvi. 8, 59, 60,, 61, 62; xvii. 13, 14, 15, 
 
 16, 18, 19; XX. 37; 8 xxx. 5;9 xxxiv. 
 25; xxxvii. 262; xliv. 7. 
 
 Daniel. (7.) 
 ix. 4, 27 ; xi. 22,io 28, 3O2, 32. 
 
 HOSEA. (5.) 
 
 ii. 18;ii vi. 7 ; 12 viii. 1 ; x. 4;xii. l.i* 
 
 Amos 1* i. 9 ; Obadiah 7 ; i5 Zechariah 
 ix. II; xi. 10. 
 
 Malachi. (6.) 
 ii. 4, 5, 8, 10, 14; iii. 1. 
 
 Altogether in the Old Testament, 259. 
 
 ' The word does not occur in Ecclesi- 
 astes, or Solomon's Song. 
 
 - In Ivii. 8, where we have covenant in 
 the English, 3 and 5. are wanting in the 
 Hebr. and Greek. 
 
 ^ In Sept. S. is not in verse 8 ; but it is 
 in verse 6. 
 
 * Ch. xxxi. xxxii. xxxiii. =Ch. xxxviii. 
 xxxix. xl. in Sept. 
 
 ^ These verses wanting in the Sept. 
 
 •" Same as Ch. xU. in Sept. 
 
 ' Here wanting. •* S wanting. 
 
 ° 3, S, league. 
 
 '" See V. 23 misnn, crvvavafxt^iuiv, 
 league. 
 
 " This is verse 20 in the Hebr. 
 
 12 V. 8 in the Hebr. 
 
 13 V. 2 in the Hebr. 
 
 1* The word occurs not in Joel, Habak- 
 kuk, Zephaniah, or Haggai. 
 '^ Engl. Vers, confederacy.
 
 576 
 
 ON THE PROPER SCRIPTURAL USE OF CiadTjKT). 
 
 [app. 
 
 BOOKS or APOCRYPHA. 
 
 Aia9)]Kri is not in the 1st Book of 
 Esdras. The 2nd Book of Esdras is not 
 extant in Greek. — In Tobit vii. 14 ovy- 
 ■Ypa<pt]v is rendered in our version a book 
 of covenants; in Judith ix. 13 S. covenant. 
 In Wisdom op Solomon, i. 16, is aw- 
 dT/Kr], covenant; xviii. 22, d. 
 
 ECCLESIASTICUS. (20.) 
 
 xi. 20; xiv. 12, 17; xvi. 22; xvii. 
 12; xxiv. 23; xxviii. 7; xxxix. 8; xli. 
 19; xlii. 2; xliv. 11, 18, 2O2, 22; xlv. 
 5, 7, 15, 24, 25. 
 
 Baruch, ii. 35 ; Song of Three Chil- 
 dren, 10. 
 
 Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, and 
 Prayer op Manasseh, are not in the 
 Greek. 
 
 1 Maccabees. (8.) 
 
 i. 11, 15, 63;; ii. 20, 27, 54; iv. 10; 
 xi. 9. 
 
 2 Maccabees. (2.) 
 vii. 36 ; viii. 15. 
 
 IN THE GREEK TESTAMENT SCRIPTURES. 
 
 AiaOrjKt] rendered in our version 
 
 covenant. 
 
 Luke i. 72 ; Acts iii. 25 ; vii. 8 ; Rom. 
 ix. 4; xi. 27; Gal. iii. 15, 17; iv. 24; 
 Eph. ii. 12; Heb. viii. 6, 8, 92, 10; ix. 
 42 ; X. 16, 29 ; xii. 24 ; xiii. 20. 
 
 AiaOijKt] rendered in our version 
 testamoit. 
 
 Matt. xxvi. 28 ; Mark xiv. 24 ; Luke 
 xxii. 20 ; 1 Cor. xi. 25 ; 2 Cor. iii. 6, 
 14; Heb. vii. 22; ix. 152, 16, 17, 20; 
 Rev. xi. 19. 
 
 Thus, summing up, in the Hebrew Old Testament Scriptures 7^'»*^_2' 
 diadrjKr], coveiiant, occurs 259 times. In the Apocrypha SiadrjKri, ren- 
 dered covenant, occurs 35 times. (In one or two passages in the 
 Apocrypha there may be a difference in the Grreek word in different 
 Editions of the Septuagint.) In the New Testament Scriptures 
 ^ladrjKTi is rendered by our translators by the word covenant in 20 
 places ; by testament in 13. 
 
 END OF TOL. II. 
 
 JOHN CHILDS and SON, TKINTERS.
 
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