4
I
PAGANISM
AND
CHRISTIANITY
COMPARED.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY C. ROWOKTH, BELL YARD,
TEMPLE BAR.
PAGANISM
r
AND
CHRISTIANITY
COMPARED.
IN A COURSE OF LECTURES
TO THE KING'S SCHOLARS, AT WESTMINSTER,
IN THE YEARS 1806-7-8.
BY JOHN IRELAND, D.D.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXXV.
\ J ( \
PREFACE.
IHE preparation of the following course of
Lectures devolved on me by an accident, with
which it is not necessary to trouble the Reader.
Whether the performance be entitled to any
degree of public esteem, must be left to the
determination of others . For the motives which
suggested it, I can decidedly answer. I was
desirous of being useful to the Institution which
I was called to serve; of shewing a mark of
attachment to the Church to which I have the
honour to belong; and of presenting to the
Young Men, whom it became my province to
instruct, something which might tend to the
formation of the CHRISTIAN SCHOLAR.
But, unacquainted with the mode of address
which my office might require, it was necessary
to obtain some better direction. On such an
occasion, it was impossible to apply to an higher
VI PREFACE.
authority than the DEAN of Westminster.
With that attachment to the welfare of the
School, which so strongly marks Dr. VINCENT,
he entered into my wishes, and described what
would be most calculated to fix attention and
do good. History, literature, occasional criti-
cism, were desirable for the first purpose; and
the second would be answered, if these were
united with Religion.
In conformity with these suggestions, was
planned the following composition. As it ad-
vanced, a large portion of it was submitted to
his private inspection. He has uniformly encou-
raged me to proceed, by contributing his ad-
vice, and the benefit of his occasional remarks ;
and when at length a determination was taken
to print the Lectures, he signified his cordial
concurrence and approbation, in terms too flat-
tering to me to be repeated to the Public'.
The subject is chiefly historical, and divides
itself into two parts. The event which serves as
the foundation of the whole, is the capture of
Rome by Alaric, in the beginning of the fifth
century. Out of this arises, in the first part, a
defence of the Character of the Church against
the slanders of Paganism. The true causes of
the decay of the Empire are contrasted with the
PREFACE. Vli
false; the impotence of the Heathen deities, to
whom the prosperity of Rome had been attri-
buted, is exposed in the arguments employed
by the ancient apologists of the Faith ; and the
beneficial tendency of the Gospel is asserted,
in its connection with the condition of Man in
the present life. This part may therefore be
called a Vindication of the civil Character of
Christianity in the Roman empire, during the
first four centuries.
The second part is employed in discussing the
opinions of the Pagans concerning the Worship
of a Deity, and the pursuit of Happiness, as it
was prescribed by the Philosophical sects. It
may be termed a view of mythological and mo-
ral notions, as they are opposed to the everlast-
ing promises of the Gospel ; and it contains an
examination of some of the more eminent Sys-
tems of Theology, and the Summum Bonum,
which prevailed in the Heathen world.*
* In some parts of this examination, I have crossed the
path of Leland. But whoever will take the trouble of a com-
parison, will soon be satisfied that _our methods are very dif-
ferent. I am happy, indeed, in agreeing with that excellent
man in his fundamental principle of the superiority of Revela-
tion to all the efforts of natural wisdom -, and the necessity of
it to the welfare of mankind. His style wants compression
Vlll PREFACE.
With these are interwoven occasional ap-
peals to the superior doctrines of the Scriptures ;
and to this purpose is also dedicated the first,
or introductory, chapter; which presents a ge-
neral statement of the blessings annexed to the
sincere profession of Christianity, in the " life
which now is, and in that which is to come."
Some perhaps may wish, that a larger and
more regular plan of Revelation had been pre-
pared, in contrast with the vain search after
God and Happiness by the efforts of Philoso-
phy, This indeed was once intended. But,
on a revision, it appeared, that many notices,
tending to this purpose, were interspersed
through the body of the work, as immediate
correctives of the Heathen doctrines which had
been described in the lectures of each term;
that, to remove them from their present places,
would be injurious to the subjects amidst which
they stand ; and that, to repeat them in a gene-
ral statement, would be tedious and superfluous.
and force; his taste is not delicate 5 and he appears to me to
employ several of his quotations in a manner which betrays
too much dependence upon the collections of others. But his
views are generally accurate j his learning is respectable ; and
his genuine piety throws a sacred charm over all his other at-
tainments.
PREFACE. IX
However, lest it should still be objected, that
only half my task is accomplished, and that
the refutation of Paganism is not the proof of
Revelation; ne quisquam nos aliena tantiim
redarguisse, non autem nostra asseruisse repre-
hendat;* a determination has been already
taken to begin another course of Lectures
which shall look to this as their principal ob-
ject ; describe, in a regular manner, the scheme
of Revelation; and impress more fully on the
young hearers its doctrines and its duties.
It is hoped that this will be accepted as an
apology for the attempt which has been made
in the subject now presented to the public.
There are, however, certain classes of persons,
to whom this mode of treating it may be in
want of farther vindication.
The fanatic, a portion of whose spirit has
been lately reviving amongst us, seems to value
religion, in proportion to the ruggedness of its
appearance. He indulges his own barbarous
and repulsive jargon, and rejects the assistance
of profane learning, as if it tended to impair the
character of Evangelical truth. To him I
would suggest, that he entirely mistakes the
* August. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
X PREFACE.
nature and influence of that literature which is
taught in our schools. Our faith is not injured
by the accession of classical taste. Mythology
neither taints the purity of the Gospel, nor en-
dangers our salvation. Indeed, it suggests new
methods of defending Revelation, the superiority
of which is rightly inferred from an exposure
of the weakness of the religion of nature. We
dwell for a while in classic ground. In our
more mature judgment, we compare the imagi-
nations of men with Divine truth. We turn
our collections to Christian profit, and offer the
fruits of our studies on the altar of GOD.
On the other hand, the too fastidious scholar
would for ever confine his attention to those
writings which exhibit the purest classical lan-
guage. He turns, therefore, with disgust and
disdain from ruder models, and shuns the less
polished phraseology of declining taste. This
is an antient feeling. Eusebius mentions a re-
port concerning Tatian, that his literary nicety
led him to correct the compositions of St. Paul.*
And when the eloquent Triphyllius was re-
* Ta c aTTOToXs fyaal ToXpfjffdi rivets avrov
fylOVCLQ, b)Q STTldlOpO&HEVOV CiVTWV TTfV T7jf
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 29.
PREFACE. XI
quested to preach on a solemn occasion, and
had chosen one of the miracles of Christ for
his subject, he altered a term in his text which
appeared too homely for his use.*
Something may be pardoned to those, who,
in an early age of the Church, had to surrender
the prejudices of an Heathen education, and the
philosophy in which they were bred. They
lingered for a while within the borders of the
schools, and their opinions concerning the doc-
trines of the Gospel were sometimes marked
with errors and imperfections, which the charity
of criticism will readily excuse. The same in-
dulgence, however, cannot be extended to the
scholar of the present day: to him we must
urge the sacred nature of Ecclesiastical truth,
and the duty of pursuing it wherever it may be
found ; the peculiar interest which attends the
warfare of the Church with the early race of in-
fidels, and its importance to the history of our
Faith. We may also urge, in favour of the Chris-
tian writers, that, at the least, they are as wor-
* Cum in solenni Episcoporum conventu rogatus esset Tri-
phyllius ut ad populum concionem haberet, et dictum illud
Salvatoris in medium proferret, "Apov a TO Kpafifiarov KOI
i, vice r jcpaj8/3ar, quasi vocabuli minus elegantis,
a substituit. Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Triph.
Xll PREFACE.
thy of perusal, for the sake of style alone, as the
Pagan authors who, in the same age, opposed the
Gospel. Perhaps no literary specimen can be
produced from Heathenism, of so humble a cast
as the instructions of Commodianus. But Her-
mias is as neat as Lucian.* Symmachus is sur-
passed by Ambrose. Lactantius writes with
far more taste and elegance than Am. Marcelli-
nus; and in his own times, whatever be his
defects, Augustin is without a rival. After the
revival of literature, much narrowness prevailed
on this subject, and the captious critic was
ready to prove the force of his taste by snarling
at the latinity of the antients themselves.'f But
sober learning, and sound piety, triumphed over
the efforts of spleen and affectation ; nor ought
we to acquiesce in any attempt to revive a
spirit, which, while it professes an extraordi-
nary reverence for letters, tends to circumscribe
their influence, undervalues the materials of
Ecclesiastical History, and sacrifices truth to
sound.
* See the concluding note to chap. 7.
f De summorum virorum laudibus ob imam alteramque
vocem minus puram, adeo detractasse constat, ut GRAMMATICI
CANIS nomen communi suffragio retulerit (Scioppius). Mo-
sheim. Preface to Folieta.
PREFACE. Xlll
It only remains to mention the statute which
appoints the Lecturer in Theology; to explain
the reasons on which the present course has
been prepared, and to state what has been
offered to the public by my predecessors in
this office. ^
" Est illud in omni re atque negotio qu6
omnes actiones nostrae consiliaque spectare de-
bent, ut Omnipotentis Dei regnum quaeratur,
hominum mentes recte instituantur et infor-
mentur, omne'sque ad veram salutis cognitionem
perveniant, quae non aliunde quam ex verbo
Dei haurienda petendaque est. Proinde sta-
tuimus et ordinamus ut sit in Ecclesia nostra
praedicta Theologiae Lector per Decanum et
Capitulum eligendus, qui sit sanctae et ortho-
doxae Fidei, bonae famae, et ab omni non solum
haeresi, sed ha3rese6s etiam suspicione alienus;
nee doctus mod6 et eruditus, sed Doctrinae
praeterea titulo insignitus, hoc est, Sacrae The-
ologiae Professor Baccalaureusve, aut saltern in
Artibus Magister. Lectoris munus et officium
erit Sacram Scripturam ad plebis et auditorum
aedificationem, modo et tempore in Statuto de
cultu Dei inferius praescriptis, lingua verna-
cula, in Choro Ecclesiae nostrae, interpretari;
cujus Lectionibus intersint administri et pau-
XIV PREFACE.
peres, presbyteri, clerici caeterique Ecclesiae
sub poena pecuniaria judicio Decani aut Prode-
cani infligenda."
If it should be objected, that the following
Lectures are not prepared with the simplicity
supposed by the Statute, the only answer is, that
I have acted according to circumstances. At
present, there is no audience except the school.
To young men therefore, in a train of education
for the Universities, the Lecturer is at liberty
to address himself in a literary manner, and to
recommend a religious subject by the attractions
of their scholastic studies. If it should be said
that much of the subject is beyond the present
powers of the young men, I would suggest, that
their capacity is greater than the objection sup-
poses; and that, upon a private inquiry con-
cerning their comprehension of the argument,
the result, generally speaking, has been satis-
factory. Perhaps a few points have been less
obvious than others; and this may be supposed
chiefly of the doctrines of the Platonic school,
discussed in the sixth and seventh chapters.
But in an extensive subject, all the parts will
not be alike; and some may be so abstruse or
complicated in their nature, as to bid defiance
to the simplification which is demanded.
PREFACE. XV
Into others, by way of compensation, I have
thrown as much amusement as was consistent
with the nature of my subject; and some rea-
ders perhaps may accuse me of having occa-
sionally indulged too light a vein of narration
and argument.
The Institution has produced few printed
works. In 1749, Dr. Heylin published his In-
terpretation of the Four Gospels, with Lectures
on select parts of St. Matthew. The book is
well known, and maintains its place in Eccle-
siastical collections. In 1785, appeared the
Lectures of Dr. John Blair on the Canon of the
Scriptures; a work creditable to the ability of
the writer, though certainly not calculated to
attract much attention from a youthful audience.
The subject is not complete; and the volume
was published by his family, after his death.
I am not acquainted with any other publica-
tion. What rank may be assigned to the pre-
sent volume by some succeeding Lecturer, I
know not. I would only beg to suggest to
him, that it was produced amidst the calls of
other business; that I am engaged in the dis-
charge of professional duties, in a large and
populous parish;* and that the Lectures were
* Croydon in Surrey.
XVI PREFACE.
prepared, from time to time, as the intervals of
local employments allowed, or as the approach
of Term compelled me.
Such as the work is, I offer it to the School,
with a zealous attachment to its welfare, a sin-
cere admiration of its literature and discipline,
and a fervent prayer that it may always pre-
serve the union of Religion and Learning.
WESTMINSTER,
February 1st, 1809.
PREFACE
TO THE NEW EDITION.
IN the original Preface it was stated, that the
preparation of this work devolved on me by an
" accident," with which it was not then deemed
necessary to trouble the reader. At present,
however, when the controversy concerning the
state of religious instruction, in our great pub-
lic schools, appears to be at rest, \Vhen some
of the combatants are in their graves, and
when the angry feelings of the survivors, it may
be hoped, are calmed by time and more mature
reflection, it may be allowed me to say, that
the following course of Lectures sprung from
that controversy.
It is well known, that Dr. Vincent undertook
to vindicate the character of the school of West-
minster, and incidentally, of the other great
schools of England, against certain writers, who
b
XV111 PREFACE.
had stigmatised them, as conducted without
Christian principles, and on a system which
might almost be called exclusively Pagan.
While society yet resounded with this warfare,
I became acquainted with him, having suc-
ceeded him in his Prebendal stall, in the year
1802, when he was raised to the Deanery of
Westminster. Not long after this, with an ex-
press reference to the recent controversy, he
opened his mind to me concerning the theo-
logical Lecture founded in the Church of West-
minster by the Statutes of Queen Elizabeth.
His earnest desire was, to support the honour
of the foundation, and to offer to the school a
course of Lectures which should unite the at-
tractions of Literature with the principles and
feelings of Christianity; and he informed me,
that the office of Lecturer would be vacant for
me, as soon as I should consent to accept it.
For a while, I endeavoured to excuse myself,
engaged as I was in the service of a very large
and populous parish. He returned however to
the subject, and urged his wishes with increased
earnestness. By this time, his frank disposition
and honesty of mind had begun to excite in me
a feeling of sincere friendship towards him. It
gave me pain to continue the refusal of his re-
PREFACE. XIX
peated requests in such a cause ; .and under the
united influence of a personal regard for him-
self, and a duty to the establishment to which
I belonged, I finally acquiesced. After some
deliberation on a proper subject, I began a
course of Lectures, which did not terminate
with those that are contained in the present
volume, and were first printed in 1809, but ex-
tended to another and larger subject, and was
not finally dropped till the summer of the year
1812.
Such were the motives which led to the
formation of the present volume. Whether
these details have any interest for the general
reader, I know not. To myself, at least, they
are pleasing, as they bring to my recollection a
long and happy intercourse with a person whom
I so much esteemed, and exhibit him acting
under the influence of an honourable anxiety
for the establishment over which he then pre-
sided, and in the service of which he had passed
the chief part of his life. To those perhaps
who wish to trace the origin of any literary at-
tempt, it may not be unacceptable to observe,
how great is the effect of the kindly feelings of
the heart. While the cold, the selfish, and un-
generous temper damps all ardour, and discou-
b2
XX PREFACE.
rages all exertion, the more open and attractive
disposition inspires confidence, and is able to
excite even the doubtful to action.
If it is inquired, why the present Edition is
offered to the public, the answer is plain. Ap-
plication having been made to Mr. Murray for
a copy of the Lectures, his reply was, that
" not a single one was left." This led to other
questions ; and he farther informs me, that, for
some time past, more inquiry than usual has
been made for the Volume, and that it might be
useful to reprint it. Such a statement was suf-
ficient to persuade me to a new Edition.
As to the favour thus shewn to the volume,
it can be attributed only to the happy influence
which Religion has lately acquired in society,
and which now displays itself more openly in
our literature. It is of peculiar importance,
that this union of sacred and secular know-
ledge should not only grow in our public
schools, but receive the full sanction of our
Universities. Oxford already acts on the
principle, that a knowledge of the Gospel
shall be an indispensable qualification for the
first degree, and that no other acquirements,
in literature or science, shall be deemed to
compensate for the want of it. A grateful
PREFACE. XXI
nation acknowledges the salutary effects of this
high principle; and we pray for the divine
blessing on all the studies of a place, which
makes Religion its primary attainment, and *
solemnly proclaims, that the admission to the
temple of its honours shall be only through the
portal of the Church of Christ. Gifted and
honoured seat! " Excellent things are spoken
of thee." Thou hast dedicated thyself to God.
On the " forefront" of thy Diadem thou hast
engraven " HOLINESS TO THE LORD."* Pursue
thy great career! accomplish the benefits which
Providence calls thee to administer; and receive
the blessings of a world, at once enlightened
and sanctified by thy cares!
With this tribute of feeling I would willingly
end; but to a numerous class of inquirers I am
bound to give an explicit account of the result
of the promise which was made in the Preface
to the first Edition. It was there said, " a de-
" termination has been already taken to begin
" another course of Lectures, which shall de-
" scribe, in a regular manner, the scheme of
" Revelation, and impress more fully on the
" young hearers, its doctrines and its duties."
* Exod. xxxix. 30. Lev. viii. 9.
XX11 PREFACE.
This promise was performed. I have already
intimated, that my services did not terminate
when the present Volume first appeared, but
were continued till the year 1812. The sub-
ject of the second course of Lectures was, " The
History and Principles of Revelation." It
forms a much larger work than the present
Volume. However, I had never promised to
print it, as has been kindly supposed. The
pledge given was only, that I would describe
the scheme of Revelation, for the benefit of the
school; and this pledge, as I have said, was
redeemed. Whether the second work should
follow the original Volume to the press, was to
be left entirely to circumstances. And unfor-
tunately for its farther progress, about the time
mentioned, some private events occurred which
severely affected my mind and health, and took
from me all inclination, while their influence
lasted, to continue my theological labours at
Westminster, or to accept the office of Professor
of Divinity at Oxford, which was offered to me
in the year 1813, when Dr. Howley was pro-
moted from thence to the see of London. The
Lectures in question remain therefore as they
dropped from my hands at that moment.
What has been stated will be sufficient per-
PREFACE. XX111
haps to account for the re-appearance of the
Volume first published in 1809. Since that
time, what an unexpected event has happened
to myself! I date this second Preface from the
House to which my excellent Predecessor once
invited me for the purpose of obtaining my
promise of the original work ! I cannot express
the gratitude which I must always feel for the
honour thus conferred on me by the Royal
condescension. What remains of my Life will
be dedicated to the watchful care of an esta-
blishment, over which I am appointed to pre-
side; and when that last moment comes,
which cannot be very distant, I can only pray,
that a successor may be selected, whose zeal
and qualifications may repair any defect or
error, from which the foundation may have suf-
fered, during my superintendance, either in its
temporal concerns, or its sacred services.
DEANERY, WESTMINSTER,
April 7th, 1825.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PROMISES of the Gospel. . .Persecution of it by Romans,
Greeks, and Jews. . .Faith and patience of the primi-
tive Christians ... Parallel from our Reformation...
General happiness of believers . . . Rival pretensions
of Paganism Page I 46
CHAPTER II.
Two classes of Pagan worshippers . . . Claim of tempo-
ral happiness by the first class . . . Grounds of it ...
Refuted by an appeal to the general temper of Pa-
ganism . . . Specimens from Eusebius, Arnobius, Am-
brose, Prudentius ... Cause of the Gospel farther
vindicated by Orosius and Augustin ... Their Cha-
racters Page 46 85
CHAPTER III.
The real causes which disposed the Empire to its fall,
traced to its Heathen depravity ... Goths ... Their
capture of the City prepared by earlier successes
while the Empire was Pagan . . . Vindication of the
Gospel . Page 85 US
CHAPTER IV.
Disastrous origin of the Romans. ..Their Gods twice
c
XXVI CONTENTS.
vanquished at Troy . . . Impotent guardians of Italy
...Fate not more serviceable to the Romans than
their Gods . . . Better faith of Christians . . . Inference
that Paganism does not confer temporal good . . .
Conclusion of the first part. . . Page 123 175
CHAPTER V.
Pretension of Paganism to the promise of the " Life
to come". . . Disproved through the insignificance of
the Heathen Gods . . . Inquiry into the nature of Ju-
piter... Soul of the World... Analysis of the The-
ology of Varro . . . Remarks. . . Page 175219
CHAPTER VI.
Plato supposed to teach higher doctrines than* other
Pagans . . . Indiscreet admiration of him . . . School of
Alexandria . . . His doctrine concerning the Deity . . .
Secondary Gods . . . Demons . . . From none of these
could eternal life be derived. . . Page 219283
CHAPTER VII.
Plato continued. . .His principle of the immortality of the
Soul... His History of the Soul... Inferences from
the whole ... False creation ascribed to his Deity...
False immortality to the Soul. . Page 283344
CHAPTER VIII.
Summum Bonum of Paganism ... Immortality no part
of it ... System of Epicurus . . . The Stoics . . . Old
Academy . . . Varro's estimate of all possible sects . . .
Concluding Remarks Page 344 434
AND
CHRISTIANITY
COMPARED.
CHAPTER I.
PROMISES OF THE GOSPEL. .. PERSECUTION OF IT BY
ROMANS, GREEKS, AND JEWS... FAITH AND PA-
TIENCE OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. . .PARALLEL
FROM OUR REFORMATION... GENERAL HAPPINESS
OF BELIEVERS. ..RIVAL PRETENSIONS OF PAGANISM.
ST. PAUL has affirmed concerning the god-
liness of which he was an inspired teacher,
that it "is profitable to all things, having the
promise of the life that now is, and of that
which is to come."* His immediate intention
was to refute an erroneous notion, whether
ascribed to certain heretics of the early ages,
or more prospectively to the Romish Church,
* 1 Ep. Tim. ch. iv. ver. 8.
B
2 PAGANISM AND
that the profession of the faith of Christ was
incompatible with the usual connections and
supports of common life. But his declaration
extends beyond the controversy itself, and as-
serts, in universal terms, the happy condition
of believers under the Gospel. The " bodily
exercises," the unbidden austerities and mor-
tifications, against which he argues, have little
influence in promoting the welfare of man :
but true Christianity comprehends all good.
It unites the blessings of this world and the
next. In the present life it allows to us
whatever can be desired with innocence, or
used with thanksgiving .to God; and in the
life to come, it offers that transcendent hap-
piness which is promised, in a more eminent
manner, through Jesus Christ. In this sense
the passage is interpreted by Vatablus, " lis,
qui pium Dei cultum amplexi fuerint, pro-
mittitur hie vita diutina et beata, et tandem
seterna."*
It is impossible not to be struck with ad-
miration, when we consider this assertion,
and compare it with the outward circum-
stances of the Christian church in the age in
* Crit. Sacr. in loc.
I
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 3
which the apostle wrote. The Saviour had
prepared the minds of his disciples for the
trials which awaited them in the execution of
their sacred commission " Behold I send
you forth as lambs among wolves;"* and
those who conspire to hinder the propaga-
tion of your doctrine, " will deliver you up to
the councils, and they will scourge you in
their synagogues. Ye shall be brought be-
fore governors and kings for my sake, for a
testimony against them and the Gentiles ;
and ye shall be hated of all men for my
sake."t
These denunciations were dreadfully veri-
fied. Disastrous indeed was the condition
of the Gospel, not only while it was confined
within the borders of Judaea and Samaria,
but after it was announced to the world at
large. The propagators of the faith had to
make the melancholy confession, that dis-
tresses of every kind were prepared for them
by the ready malice of their enemies. They
were openly punished, and privately defamed.
They suffered both " hunger and thirst, were
naked and buffeted, and had no certain
* Luke x. 3. f St. Matt. x. 17, 18.
B2
4 PAGANISM AND
dwelling-place."* For himself in particular,
St. Paul states his more abundant labours,
his frequent imprisonments, his various and
unceasing perils by sea and land, from his own
countrymen and from the heathen,t and the
" bonds and afflictions which awaited him in
every city."J Yet amid circumstances so
unusually discouraging arose the steady as-
sertion of the apostle ; and the Gospel, thus
persecuted and apparently forlorn, was still
declared to have the promise of the life that
now is, as well as of that which is to come !
Let us extend this view beyond the limits
of the apostolic age, and follow the Gospel in
its afflictions and its joys, its persecutions
and its determined triumphs. The con-
tinued sufferings of the propagators of the
faith are abundantly proved in the descrip-
tions which other writers have given us of the
hostile conduct of the Gentiles and Jews. In
the early defences of Christianity, nothing is
more frequent than the complaint, that the
mere confession of the faith was deemed suf-
ficient ground of condemnation by the hea-
then tribunals.
* 1 Cor. iv. 11. t 2 Cor. xi. 26. | Acts xx. 23.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. O
Justin Martyr, in his first apology,* relates
the cases of those who were summarily pu-
nished on this account, and the conversations
which were held concerning them in the
Roman courts . of justice. Ptolemseus, a
convert, had been seized and thrown into
prison, upon information that he was a Chris-
tian. When he was brought before Urbicius,
the prsefect of the city, the only question
asked of him was, whether he professed the
faith of Christ ?f This being acknowledged,
he was instantly ordered to be led away to
death. Among those who stood by, was
Lucius, another convert, who, in the bold-
ness of innocence, asked the prsefect, on
what grounds he condemned a man proved
guilty of no crime. Art thou also a Christian ?
demanded Urbicius. This was not denied ;
* I quote it as it is commonly printed, and as it appears
in the edition which I use 5 Frankfort, 1686. Perhaps, it
was only an appendix to the first j and in this case it was
addressed chiefly to Antoninus Pius. If it be a second
apology, the emperor is Marcus Antoninus. After having
maintained the latter opinion, Grabe appeared to be per-
suaded that the piece in question is rather an appendix than
a separate work .
f TSro JJLOVOV ifyiraffOri , el tir) Xpi=ria>/oe ; Ib. p. 42.
D PAGANISM AND
and the same punishment was adjudged to
both.*
In the. time of Tertullian, no farther atten-
tion seems to have been expected by the
Christians from the heathen tribunals. He
opens his spirited and argumentative apology
with the declaration that the door of justice
was shut to the cause of Christianity alone ;
and therefore nothing but the testimony of
private writing remained for those who were
not allowed to be heard in their defence, t
While these advocates of the faith justly
demand, that their lives and characters be
made the subjects of enquiry, before sentence
is passed upon them ; they boldly declare,
that they refuse not to die, if wickedness be
proved against them ; and they complain with
* Aw/ade rtg, Kal avrog &v XpiTiai'oc, opwv TTJV
evoijif.vr}v Kpiaiv, irpog TOV 'OvpfliKiov e(j>rj'
aiTia, rS yur/re yuoi^ov, jiijTE Tropvov, p,r)T av^potyovov,
\(i)Tro3vrr}v, fJiriTE apTraya, firire aTrXwg a^iKrjfia. n
TOV av0pw7TOv rarov eKO\dff(i) ; Kal og, ov^iv aX\o cnroKpivd-
Kal TrpOQ TOV Awfctov t'^r/, SOKEIQ JJ-OL Kal av eivai TO&-
Kat rw AS/CIH <pr]ffavrog, p,d\i~a, Tra'Xtv Kal CLVTOV
ijvaL iKeXevarev. Ib. p. 43.
f Liceat veritati vel occulta vid tacitarum literarum ad
aures vestras pcrvenire.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. /
peculiar force of argument to a Roman ear,
that they have not the usual lot of subjects,
for whose prosperity the empire professed a
common and undiscriminating care. " If we
are guilty of any wickedness, (says Athena-
goras in his address to the Emperors M. Au-
relius and Commodus,) we do not refuse to be
punished ; nay, we call for the worst of pu-
nishment. But if our only guilt be the name
of Christians, it is your duty to protect us
from the injuries which we suffer."*
Justin Martyr indulges the same complaint
in his second apology. " Other men acknow-
ledge what gods they will, and you hinder
them not." Then, alluding to the Egyptian
worship, always deemed the opprobrium of
Paganism, and reprobating the senseless,
trifling, and disgusting objects of it, he points
out the differences of opinion concerning the
Kcu el
, Ko\aeffdat 7rapcur6/i0a, aXXa KCU r
KCU avr)\f] Tipwpia, VTTE-^EIV aitt/*ev' et
r/ fcarTjyopia (eig yuv rriv affpepov rjplpav a Trept rjpCJv \oyo-
, f] KOLVYI Kai cifcptrog rwv dv0pw7rwv (j>rj[Ji.r)' KOI ^ete
XptTiavog tX^XeykTcu) vjtxwv f;c^r/ epyov rwv ^ueyiTWV
Kal (jtikavdpwTrwv ical 0iXo/Lta0eoTctrw>/ /SaonXeW, curoffKEvdffat
VU\Uf TV\V eTTYlpEiaV. - p. 3.
8 PAGANISM AND
worshippers themselves.* " Yet, even to
these sects, bigoted to their several deities,
and hostile to each other on their account,
you, Romans, shew an equal clemency, and
allow their discordant practices. To Chris-
tians alone you object, that they worship not
the same gods with yourselves ; and you de-
vote us to death, because we do not adore
dead men, and propitiate them by sacrifices,
and garlands placed upon their altars."
The arm of violence, thus uplifted against
the followers of Christ, was assisted by the
tongue of slander; and every evil was im-
puted to those, against whom nothing could
be proved. To mark this with more horror,
their most sacred rites were selected as the
objects of the worst of defamation. Not only
were the believers accused of atheism, but of
* "AXXwy aXXa)(5 /ecu fievdpa ere/jojutvwv, KCU TrorayuHe, /cat
PVG, /ecu cuXp8f, KCU KpoKoCeiXuQ, /ecu T&V aXoywv 4wwv TO.
TToXXd' KCU T&V aVT&V VTTO TfaVTUV TifJ-iii^if.VWV) CtXXtt ttXXwj'
aXXa^oere, wV eivcu. affefieig aX\ri\oiQ TTCLVTCLQ &a TO pj TO.
avra fftfieiv. p. 68. Ed. Frankfort, printed as 2d Apology.
If Bishop Warburton had remembered this passage, he
would hardly have said, that the quarrel between the Om-
bites and Tentyrites of Juvenal was not, which of them wor-
shipped a phantom, and which a god, bat whose god was the
tutelar deity of the place. Div. Leg. B. 2, 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 9
the renovation of the cruel feasts of Thyestes,
and the indulgence of personal impurity at
their religious meetings. It is impossible to
read, without emotion, the refutation of these
heinous charges in the embassy of Athena-
goras. He disproves, at length, and with
much animation and dignity, the charge of
atheism. The Christian adores a God sepa-
rate from matter;* and the charge itself
seems to have arisen from this circumstance,
and the consequent refusal to worship the
statues of deified men. He mentions the
other imputations with an horror which will
not allow so circumstantial a vindication. He
justly supposes that the establishment of the
first point is sufficient for his purpose. They
who believed that none but the pure should
see God, could not allow themselves the
habits of pollution. They, whose conscience
forbade them even to look upon the exhi-
bitions of gladiators, could not be supposed
to delight in feasts of human flesh : and the
persuasion, that the will of an holy and just
O.TTO rrjz vXriQ TOV 0ov, /ecu
\iiv TI elvai n)v v\r]v, tiXXo t)e TOV Oeov (JL^TI UK aXo-
ro riJQ afleorfjrog ETriKaXsatv o^o^ia. p 5.
10 PAGANISM AND
God ought to be the sole rule of their lives,
was an equal security against sensuality and
cruelty, the guard not only of their actions,
but of their most secret thoughts.* But
these accusations were suggested by the
grossest ignorance, and the foulest malice.
In the first ages of the Gospel, the weekly
celebration of the Lord's supper took place
in the night; partly through fear of the pagan
persecutor,! and partly for the sake of a more
strict observance of the time when our Sa-
viour took his last supper with the disciples, J
before his suffering. This circumstance, to-
gether with a perversion of the principal
passage in that solemnity, " Take, eat, this
is my body ;" probably gave rise to the horrid
imputation of secret infanticide. Nor is it
* OTg 6 /3tog we Trpoe Tctfyur/i/ rov Qeov KCLVOVI^ETCLI, o
ctWTroViog fccu avemXrjTrrog A:aV fyuwj' avflpWTroe dvrw
yevoiro, ITC rrc /*T?C>' 15 evvoiav TTOTE ru /3pax^rar tXevao-
P.EVHQ a^aprfyuaroe. p. 35.
t This is observed by Origen, in his answer to the first
charge of Celsus, that the Christians were fond of nightly
meetings H juarrjv rSro 7roiS<riv, are dttaQ&pEVOi TYJV eTrrjpTrj-
[iivi}v avrolg diKrjv TH davdrs. Lib. 1. p. 5. Ed. Spenc.
| Dominica ccena k nostris majoribus eadem fere hora
qua Christus cum discipulis novissime cosnavit, ex ejus mo-
nitis celebrabatur. Not. in Tert. Apol. c. 7. Ed. Basil. 1550.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 1 1
all creditable to the critical sagacity of the
Romish church, to have adopted a literal
sense for this passage, and thus to remind us
of the strange notion of the Pagans, utterly
careless as to the meaning of the religion
which they persecuted.* As to the remain-
ing imputation of licentiousness, it evidently
arose from those outward marks of Christian
love, which were so visible in the conduct of
believers towards one another ; a spiritual
affection in the family of Christ, which was
beyond the understanding of the men of na-
ture. They therefore viewed these mutual
tokens of charity, with the eye of impurity,
and traduced them with the tongue of defa-
mation.')'
* The same carelessness continued, with the same spirit of
persecution, to the time 'of Arnobius : Quae omnia vos gesta ne-
que scitis, neque scire voluistis,neque unquamvobis necessaria
judicdstis. Lib. 2, p. 50, Ed. Lugd. Bat. 1621. The Ro-
manists, who draw arguments for transubstantiation from the
literal interpretation of the Pagans, ought to have observed,
that while the Christian writers disclaim, with every mark of
horror, the imputation of an human sacrifice, they make no
attempt to explain the passage in question^ as if it still meant
the substantial eating of the flesh of Christ, though under
cover of the accident of bread.
f Sed ejusmodi vel maxime dilectionis operatic notam
nobis inurit penes quosdam. Vide, inquiunt, ut se invicem
diligant ! Tert. Apol. c. 39.
12 PAGANISM AND
As the Gospel extended itself, these charges
were multiplied by the growing hatred of
Paganism. Others are mentioned in the
curious and interesting dialogue of Minucius
Felix, in the apology of Tertullian, and in
many controversial writings of the fathers :
but it will be sufficient for the present pur-
pose, to have named those which are refuted
by Athenagoras.*
Concerning the enmity of the Greeks to
the Gospel, and the consequences of it to the
harassed Christians, we have some curious
particulars from sacred antiquity. It may be
observed in general, that, all power being in
Roman hands, the Christians pleaded with
them chiefly for liberty, property, and life it-
self. With the Greeks, their disputes were
commonly of a philosophical nature. Some-
times, indeed, the arguments are mingled ;
but if those which were chiefly calculated
for the latter people, are occasionally addres-
sed to the former, it is for the sake of coun-
teracting the influence which Grecian preju-
* Tpto. tTntyrin'ifeaiv fijuv tyfcXi/yuara,
'OicWoc)e pe. p. 4. The terms employed
against the Christians are drawn from the early fables of the
poets, or the subjects which the stage had made familiar.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 13
dices might have, when conveyed through
Grecian literature, upon the Roman tribunals.
It would appear, from the manner in which
Tatian conducts his oration against the Greeks,
that one of the principal causes of their hos-
tility to the Gospel, was the injury supposed
to be done by Revelation to their philosophy.
By a strange vanity, which had long distin-
guished that people, and which no calamities
or disgraces of their own could extirpate,
they had imagined themselves to be the first
of men,* the original possessors of their soil,
perhaps the produce of it : and they fondly
cherished the notion, that from their genius
flowed, or ought to flow, to the rest of man-
kind, the knowledge of all art and science.
This pretension was completely overthrown
by the superior claim of the Scriptures, which
therefore became the object of their hatred and
detraction. No argument is more common
with the defenders of the faith, than that its
origin ascended beyond the highest historical
* This is the grave decision of Laertius, after noticing
the claims made by some in favour of the Barbarians
\a.vOdvscn ' avrug ret T&V 'EAXj/j'toV KaropOwpaTCt, a(j)' <Jj>
jjirj on ye ^uAocro^t'a, aAXa Kal yevoz rtvflpwTrwj' ?'/p, /3ap/3a-
poiQ 7rpoo-a7rroj'r. Proem.
14 PAGANISM AND
ages of Greece. In order to strengthen this
assertion, they point out the foreign deriva-
tion of Grecian knowledge, both civil and
mythological. Which of your arts arid insti-
tutions, says Tatian, has not taken its rise
among the Barbarians whom you so much
despise?* Athenagoras, too, well knowing
the influence of the Grecian pretensions on
those whom he addressed,f triumphantly
quotes the testimony of Herodotus, who con-
fesses that Hesiod and Homer, not more than
four hundred years before his time, were the
first who sung the genealogy of their Gods,,
assigned to them their names, honours, and
characteristic employments, and described
their sexes and figures."^: As to the statues,
they were the late produce of time and acci-
* Hoiov yap CTrir^cJfvjua Trap' vyulv, rijv ffv^airiv B/C airo
/3ap/3apwv EKTrjffaro ; Orat. ad Grsec. c. 1.
f Having given to M. Aurelius and Commodus, the titles
of Apij.Evia.KoiQ and 2ap/,temKoi, he carefully adds, TO de
'H<7/o<W yap Krai 'O/zr/pov ^Xi/arjv TErpaKoaioic;
EW TTQEffftvreQfiQ jU yEVEffOdl KOI OV TrKilOffL, TUQ KOt ji
Kai ov6p.a.TCi covTdQ' &TOI tie kiffiv ol TTOvrjacLVTEQ Qf.oyovii]v
"EX\r/<rt, KOL rolffi QeolaL TCLQ ETTMyvpiag SOVTEQ, KOL rifidg TE
Kal TE^VUQ SifXovrtQ, Ka\ E'L^EO. O.VT&V ar)fji,riva.vTEQ. Leg.
pro Christ, p. 16.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 15
dent ; and the Gods who were to be moulded,
or painted, or chiselled for the adoration of
men, were obliged to wait* till Saurias of
Sainos, Crato of Sicyon, and Clean thes and
Core of Corinth were born, and had learnt
or invented their arts. And in opposition to
the supercilious charge, that the Scriptures
were the produce of yesterday, f the Christian
writers are particularly earnest and success-
ful in establishing the priority of the claim
of Moses, both in point of time and of reli-
gious authority. This argument, concerning
antiquity, was urged by many ; by Irenseus,
Clement of Alexandria, Cyprian, Arnobius,
and Lactantius. Theophilus was, perhaps,
the first who attempted a complete view of
the chronology of the world, in opposition to
the assumptions of Grecian vanity, and pre-
pared the way for the labours of Eusebius.
At & EIKOVEQ, /^'XP 4 /^""fti 7rXa<rto; KCU ypa^i/o) KOL av-
fi 7iffav, se ivofii^ovTO. Ib.
f 'H/itv de <TVju/3aXwv, 'In \rjpov ?/y?/ rvyyave.iv TOV Xoyov
TJJQ aXjjfemg, owfJ-svoQ Trpoo^aYse Kal vewrfptfcac eivat rag
Trap' r/pv ypa^ag. Theoph. lib. 3. p. 1 1 7. Arnobius puts
the same objection in the mouth of his opponents Sed an-
tiquiora, inquitis, nostra sunt, ac per hoc fidei et veritatis
plenissima. Lib. 1. p. 34.
16 PAGANISM AND
Having therefore the advantage of this supe-
rior antiquity, they are frequent in the men-
tion of an opinion which must have been
particularly galling to the Greeks ; that cer-
tain parts of their knowledge had been de-
rived to them from the Hebrews, that the
writings of Moses were the source from which
they had drawn their higher philosophy, and
that their sophists secretly availed them-
selves of an assistance which they affected
to disown, and which they did not always
understand. They wished to reconcile ori-
ginality w T ith their plagiarism ; they therefore
called in the ornaments of rhetoric and fable,
and sought to disguise what they had sub-
stantially borrowed.* This supposition, which
was very prevalent in the early church, was
calculated to increase the enmity of the
Greeks to the Gospel : and never did wound-
ed vanity shew a more implacable resent-
* IloXXot yap 01 /car' avrug ffotyital Kyjpr\nivoi
TCI ova Trept T&V Kara. Mwoia, cai T&V opoiiac avrw <j)i\OffO-
<j)&vTit)v eyvwffctv, a KCU TrapavapaYrsiv 7ripaff8i/crav* Trpwrov
juev, iVa n \eyetv 'idiov vo^i^VTaC cteurepov If., OTTWC ra 6<ra
fjir] avvUffav, Sia TIVOQ 7ri7rXar pr)TO\oyiaQ Trapa.Ka\V7TTOi>-
TZG, TOIS fjivdoXoyiaie TYJV d\r]diav TrapaTrpecr/^evwo't. Tat.
Orat. cont. Graecos, c. 61.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 17
ment. The persecutions which they excited
against the Christians were so considerable
as to furnish Dodwell with an argument for
altering the age of Theophilus, who records
them ; for bringing him down to the third
century, and placing him under the intolerant
reign of Severus.* But, whatever the Greeks
could not accomplish by the sword, they en-
deavoured to effect by the force of impious
language ; and such was the madness with
which they were inflamed, that they proposed
rewards and honours to such of their poets
and sophists as should write with most wit
and elegance in opposition to the one, true
and incorruptible God,t from whom descend-
* "Ert fj-riv teal rte <re/3o)UV8C dvrbv (Oeov) eftiufydv, KOI TO
KO.& ripepav SiMKuffiv. Lib. iii. p. 140. Cave rightly con-
tends against Dodwell, that these expressions do not neces-
sarily refer to a persecution like that of Severus. Poterant
esse persecutiones roTruccu KO.L /tepu-cu, hinc, inde excitatae,
quarum in historia ecclesiastica non pauca habentur exem-
pla. In voc. Theophil. This well agrees with the sentiment
of the text, which alludes rather to the effects of local ma-
lice, harassing the professors of the faith, than to one of the
general persecutions.
-f 8 p,Yjv d\\a xal TOIC, f.vtyu)vii)Q vfipi&ffi TOV Qfov, aO\a
nSeanri. Theopb. lib. 3. p. 140.
C
18 PAGANISM AND
ed to mankind the gift of eternal happiness,
through Jesus Christ.
As to the Jews, they present to us a picture
of persecution more disgusting, if possible,
than that of the Pagans. Their temple over-
thrown ; their ancient polity finally dissolved;
their nation scattered abroad ; their persons
despised ; and their very name abhorred by
the people among whom they dwelt ; they
yet drew a malignant satisfaction from the
hatred with which they pursued the believers
of the Gospel. They had crucified the author
of the faith, and driven the faith itself beyond
the borders of their country. Still they saw
with envy and alarm, the progress which the
Gospel was making, under distresses and
persecutions of every sort ; for " the work
was of God, and men could not bring it to
nought/' Indeed, it is highly probable, from a
passage of Justin Martyr's dialogue, that they
sometimes obtained from the Roman govern-
ment, the liberty of destroying Christians, or
that they destroyed them with impunity.* But
'Avr TE eKElVS (XplT) KOI T(Ji)V EIQ EKEIVOV 7Tl<ZEv6vr(i)V
KOI birorav E^saiav e%r)re t avaipelre. Dial, cum
Tryph. p. 323. This can hardly be confined to the cruci-
fixion of Christ ; but if it involves the occasional destruction
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 19
in general, they could only excite others to
the work of death ; and this was done with too
fatal a success. " Ye pour out curses in
your assemblies on all who believe in Christ,"
adds Justin ; " and other nations, giving a
deadly effect to your imprecations, destroy
those who merely confess his name."*
But there is one instance of Jewish per-
secution, which goes beyond the rest; and
the manner in which Justin mentions it,
throws no small light on certain passages of
Scripture. St. Matthew says, c. 28, 15, that,
after the astonishment occasioned by the re-
surrection of Christ, the chief priests gave
money to the soldiers to report, that he was
stolen away by his disciples, " while they
of his followers by Jewish hands, the Roman government
was grown more lavish of Christian blood than in the time
of St. Paul.
* 'Tattle yap kv ralg crvvaywyalg vfjiivv Karapaffde TTCIVTMV
T&V 0.7T EKELVa yVO)UJ'WJ> XptTlCtVWV, KOL TO. ttXXtt 0|/l/ (this
is an evident allusion to the Romans) a KOI evspyfj rriv Kara-
par pyaov7-ai, avaipuvrai rc povov 6/i6Xoy3vrac eavr^c
Etvai Xpi=rtav. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 323. That the
Jews were willing assistants at the execution of Christians
by the Gentile persecutors, we see in the Epistle of the
Church of Smyrna, concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp
paXi^a 'Ivtiaiwv 7rpo6i/Ltwc, 'ft! "E0O2 'AYTOI2, etg
ravra VTrnpynvTur . C. 13, Patr. Apostol. Ed. Cotel.
c2
20 PAGANISM AND
slept." In his reference to this fact, Justin
grafts upon it another of far greater extent,
an universal mission for the express purpose
of counteracting the propagation of the faith
of Christ ! Having dwelt on the denuncia-
tions of Jonah against the impenitence of
Nineveh, a type of the vengeance threatened
by Christ to Jerusalem, " but you, O Jews,"
says he, " though ye knew these things, did
not repent, notwithstanding the mercy of God,
who would have accepted your return to him.
But after the resurrection of Christ, you ap-
pointed chosen men of your own, and sent
them into all the world,* with a declaration
* "AvSpag xetporovfoavTES EK\KTt>Q, etc iraffav rrjv OIKH-
7r7re^v//are. Dial, cum Tryph. p, 335. The charge
of Atheism was sufficiently strange in the Pagans. From
the Jews it was by no means to be expected. Yet there
are several ways in which it may be explained. Perhaps
the term was used in order to accommodate the prejudices
of the Gentiles, to whom the Jewish mission was partly
sent. There were also heretical Christians, who rejected so
much of the essential doctrines of the Gospel, that Justin
himself calls them adeug KCU affefieig atpeo-iwra^. The or-
thodox therefore might be conveniently branded with the ill
character of these sectaries. But the most probable cause
of this charge was, the strange persuasion of the Jews, that
the Christians had forsaken God, and put their trust in man,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 21
that an atheistical and lawless heresy had
been excited by Jesus, a Galilean impostor ;
that you had crucified him, but that his dis-
ciples stole him by night from the tomb, and
deceived mankind with the fiction that he
had risen from the dead, and ascended into
Heaven." In a subsequent passage, he states
the same fact, that the high priests and
teachers of the people had caused the name
of Christ to be profaned and blasphemed,
through all the earth.* Indeed, he frequent-
ly upbraids Trypho with it ; and he speaks
of the Anti- Christian mission, as if the effects
of it were felt in his time.
With this mention of the Jewish embassy,
he couples the character of the converts made
by it, and reminds us of another passage of
because they confessed the divinity of Christ ! This appears
from the insulting question of Trypho raraXiToVri e TOV
Qeuv, Kai etc,' avdpuTrov eXTr/o-ajri, Troia tri TrepiXenrercu
aiorrpia ; ib. p. 226.
* 6 TO ovofjia flepr)\(s)dfivat KCird Trdffar TYJV yr\v Kai j3\aa-
fyrj/jLeirrdai ol dp%iepei r Xaw vpt&v Kai SiSdffKaXoi eipydffavro
ib. p. 345. In the Quaestiones ad Orthod. the passage
of St. Matthew is quoted without any mention of the cir-
cumstances so often stated in the dialogue. This may be
one internal mark, among many others, that the work is not
Justin's.
22 PAGANISM AND
St. Matthew, c. 23, 15. There our Lord had
denounced the Scribes and Pharisees, whose
proselytes were " twofold more the children
of Hell than themselves." In the following
century, Justin described the actual circum-
stances of the Jews and Christians. " Your
proselytes," says he to Trypho, " not only
do not believe in Christ, but blaspheme his
name with twofold more virulence than your-
selves. They are ready to shew their mali-
cious zeal against us ; and, to obtain merit
in your eyes, wish to us reproach, and tor-
ment, and death."* Our Lord's denuncia-
tion must therefore be regarded as in a great
degree prophetical : and the conduct of the
Jews in the following age was one part of its
accomplishment-^
If the increased wickedness of the Jewish
proselytes is thus proved through the intem-
perate blasphemy poured forth against the
name of Christ; the pains taken by those
* Ot 5e TrpoarjXvTOi juovov H 7ri^Evsoriv t d\\d
vfjiwv (3\aff(j)rjpS(Tiv ELQ TO ovo/xa aura, KCU finds rag iQ IKEIVOV
TTtTfvovrae KOI (povevftv KOI diKlfci? /3Xovrat. ib. p. 350.
t Justin brings it home to the Jews of his own age, NYN
c tWXorcpov viol yf.ivvi\s, we dvrbg t7r, yivtaQe ib. p.
350.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 23
who " compassed sea and land," to make
one such proselyte, receive an illustration
from the fact already adduced. Grotius in-
terprets this as a proverbial expression, de-
noting a certain degree of labour, and anxious
search.* But it is something more. In its
reference to the event so particularly pointed
out by Justin, it is entitled to a stricter jnter-
pretation. The Anti- Christian mission was,
as we have seen, actually sent throughout
the extent of the Roman empire; and " seas
and lands" were literally " compassed," in
order to make proselytes, and to defeat the
propagation of the Gospel.
Such were the early miseries which the
Gospel suffered from the various enmity of
Romans, Greeks, and Jews. Such were th
distresses and persecutions, amidst which
the propagators of the faith went forth to an-
nounce to the world the glad tidings of sal-
vation ; and such the fearful exactness with
which the denunciations of Christ were ful-
* Sollicitum inquirendi laborem significans. Apud Crit.
Sacr. He observes the similarity between the passage of
Justin and that of St. Matthew, but does not interpret the
latter with all the force, of which it appears to be capable.
PAGANISM AND
filled in the experience of his followers.
Having paused for a moment, -to look back
on the affecting scene, let us change the view.
We have accompanied our religion in its early
difficulties and dangers. Let us now exult
with it in its patience and its triumphs.
It is very observable, that the Pagan su-
perstition, which had been employed, with
so fatal an industry, in harassing the religion
of Christ, was itself unable to bear the pres-
sure of calamity. It is the characteristic of
idolatry to shrink from the touch of misfor-
tune. Teaching no rational confidence in
God, it leaves the miserable worshipper with-
out resignation, and without courage, in the
hour of trial. This shall hereafter be more
particularly shewn. At present, let us attend
to the Gospel, and consider how patiently it
endured, how victoriously it surmounted the
distresses and difficulties which conspired to
hinder its progress.
We have heard the statement which St.
Paul made of his extraordinary sufferings.
Let us also hear his fortitude and his triumph.
" Blessed be God, even the Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies,
and the God of all comfort ; who comforteth
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 25
us in all our tribulation, that we may be able
to comfort them which are in any trouble,
by the comfort wherewith we ourselves are
comforted of God. For as the sufferings of
Christ abound in us, so our consolation also
aboundeth by Christ."* If troubled on every
side, "he is not distressed;" if " perplexed,
he is not in despair;" if persecuted, he is
"not forsaken;" if " cast down, he is not
destroyed."! And notwithstanding the pri-
vations under which he labours, he boldly
and truly maintains, that the faith of Christ,
destitute as it may sometimes appear, has the
promise even of the present life, as well as
of that which is to come. The Christian has
peculiar consolations in adversity itself. The
very pressure of evil promotes the immediate
good of his soul, and augments the sense of
that future happiness, of which the present
supports of the Spirit of God, and the testi-
mony of conscience are the sure and anima-
ting pledges.
The Bishop of Antioch had to complain,
that his profession of Christianity had
estranged from him the former friend of his
* 2 Cor. i. 35. f 2 Cor. iv: 8, 9.
26 PAGANISM AND
bosom. " Thou still extollest thy idols,"
says he to Autolycus, " and upbraidest me
with the name of Christian which I bear, as
if it were something evil." Yet he glories
in this new title, and determines to forsake
every other for it. "I bear with all joy a
name dear to God, though odious to the
world, wishing only that I may become ac-
ceptable to Heaven through the goodness
which my religion teaches."*
Justin Martyr has amply stated the strange
and various persecutions to which the Gospel
was subjected by the Roman government in
his age. But it is remarkable, that those
very persecutions were the means of his con-
* "En e/e 0f e /xf, KOI XpiTiavoi' w KCLKOV
'Eyw u.tv &v ojuoXoya) elvat XpiTtavog, KOL <^opu> TO
OVOfJLO. TUTO, i\iri%to)V V^pf]^Og flvOLL T(t> 0W. Theopll. lib. 1.
p. 69. Some of the early writers, either wishing to accom-
modate themselves to the practice of the Pagans, who ge-
nerally wrote the name of Christ, Chrestus j or, intent per-
haps on disputing successfully with them on their own terms,
derived the word Christian from xprjzog. This is the foun-
dation of the pious expression of Theophilus. This too is
the meaning of Justin Martyr, XjOtTtavoi- yap Itvai icanjyo-
p//0a' TO e Xpjj<?ov fjucreiffdat & ociodcoy. Apol. 2. p. 55.
His argument is, that the accusers proved their own hatred
of goodness through their persecution of Christianity.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 27
version ; for the manner in which he saw
others bear them, gave to his mind the first
impulse of esteem for Christianity. " I, a
zealous follower of Plato," says he, " could
not look upon the fearless manner in which
the followers of the Gospel bore death, and
whatever was most terrible to human nature,
without the firmest persuasion of the inno-
cence of their lives, and their superiority to
all vicious indulgence. For what man of
pleasure, what lover of intemperance, what
banquetter on human flesh, could so cheer-
fully embrace death, and deprive himself of
all which he esteemed valuable ? Instead of
freely meeting destruction, would he not take
every method to escape the punishment
threatened by the magistrate, and to preserve
his life and its enjoyments ?"* Under the
Kai yap dvroQ yw rote
TOV, KO.L irdvTO, rd (aXXa) vofj.i6p,eva. tyofispd, ivtvouv d^vva-
TOV Itvai iv Katcta teal <l)i\q$oviq. V7ra'p)(tv a'ur&e' fig yap
, tf oxpcLTiiGf * c " drdpVTrivwv oapKuv /3opaV dyaQov
.Tov a.ff7rdfcffOa.i, otftag T&V avre
' dXX' UK etc TTO.VTOQ rjv (/*>) act rrjv evOd
^ovrag 7retpdro' w^'on y
KaTi'iyy\\ yovevBriffoiJitvov j Apol. I. p. 50.
28 PAGANISM AND
influence of this persuasion, he became a
Christian, and gloried in the name, whatever
was the derision or the danger which pur-
sued it. And he sealed his testimony with
his blood. He fell a joyful victim to the
hatred of that philosophy which he had re-
nounced for the sake of the Gospel.
In the pleading of Athenagoras are related
the losses, the reproaches, the torments en-
dured for the sake of the faith. But the
grief which alone affects him, arises from the
inj ury done to the religion of Christ through
the imputations falsely laid against its pro-
fessors. " It is not personal insult which
moves us ; for we have learned, that, if smit-
ten on one cheek, we should turn the other
also. It is not the forfeiture of the goods of
this world, in which other men place their
happiness; for we have learned, that, if a
man take our cloak, we should give him our
coat. But when we have surrendered all
we possess, we are still the objects of their
relentless hatred ; and they heap upon us
the charges of crimes the very thought of
which is forbidden by our religion, and which
can only be found in the practices of their
own idolatry."*
f "Orav aireiTrttffjLEV roig xpt'ifjiaffiv, iwipuXtvucrtv r^ur,
K-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 29
The apology of Tertullian is a mixture of
indignation, strong reasoning, and irony. He
is generally serious, though sometimes spor-
tive, and while he repels the calumnies of
the enemies of the faith, he can indulge a
vein of pleasantry.
He declares his belief with much force
and dignity. " Mangled by your cruelty,
and covered with our own blood, we still
proclaim aloud We worship God through
Christ. Persist in your own opinion, and
deem him a mere man. Yet through him
God makes himself known; in him he will
be worshipped. But rather ought ye to en-
quire, whether the divinity of Christ be not
the true divinity, the knowledge of which
leads the worshipper to all goodness, and
therefore compels him to reject the lying-
pretensions of your idols."* Again, he spor-
, TOIQ CE ao\<7)(B<Tl KOI Tbj EKeivtliV TTpOffE'Zl jivt.
Leg. pro Christ, p. 3.
* Dicimus, et palam dicimus, et vobis torquentibus.
Lacerati et cruenti vociferamur, Deum colimus per Chris-
tum. Ilium hominem putate. Per euni, et in eo, se cognosci
vult Dens, et coli. Quaerite ergo, si vera est ista divinitas
Christi. Si ea est, qua, cognita ad bonum quis reformatur,
sequitur, ut falsa renubcietur quaevis aliacontrariacomperta:
30 PAGANISM AND
lively compares the idols themselves with
the mangled bodies of the Christians. " You
place us upon a cross, or the stump of some
tree ; and on a frame of the like shape, you
fashion your gods of clay. You lacerate our
sides with hooks of iron ; with similar labour
do you employ axes, and saws, and augers
on your gods of wood. You throw us into
the fire; and in the fire you cast your gods
of metal. Or perhaps you send us to the
mines; but from thence come your best di-
vinities. We are therefore under the like
circumstances with them ; and if divinity is
produced by hewing and mangling, our tor-
tures are our consecration, and we are fit
objects of your worship."*
in primis ilia, quae delitescens sub nominibus et imaginibus
mortuorum, quibusdam signis et miraculis et oraculis fidem
divinitatis operatur. C. 21.
* Crucibus et stipitibus imponitis Christianos. Quod
simulachrum non prius argilla deformat cruci et stipiti su-
perstructa? In patibulo primum corpus Dei vestri dedicatur.
Ungulis deraditis latera Cbristianorum. At in Deos vestros
per omnia membra validius incumbunt asciae, et runcinae, et
scobinae. Ignibus urimur. Hoc et illi a prima quidem
massa. In metalla damnamur. Inde censentur Dii vestri.
Si per haec constat divinitas aliqua; ergo qui puniuntur,
consecrantur, et numina erunt dicenda supplicia. C. 12
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. .31
Finally, Tatian shall bear his testimony,
a testimony which, notwithstanding his other
failings, is the more precious on account of
his intimate knowledge of Grecian learning.
" In vain do you advise me to consult my
personal safety. That knowledge of God
which the Scriptures have given me, I will
not conceal. That contempt of death which
you affect to derive from human philosophy,
I will truly shew through the profession of
my Christian faith. The Scriptures are more
worthy of my regard than the philosophy in
which I was bred. They are superior to it
in all things ; in antiquity, if we consider
the late origin of Grecian knowledge ; in au-
thority, if we look at its errors. I am cap-
tivated by their style, free from Grecian in-
flation; the artless simplicity of the writers,
the satisfactory account of creation, the im-
pressiveness of the prophecies, the loftiness
of the precepts, and the general government
of God."* And in proportion to this zeal in
The modes in which the Christians were tortured, are fre-
quently pointed out hy him in this indirect way.
* TlepivoSvTi %e pot TCI mrulaia, avvl(3r} ypatyaig nmv
kvrvyfiv fiapfiapiKcug, Trpeaj^vrlpaiQ per, we irpog TO, 'EAAr/-
ir\a.vi\v'
32 PAGANISM AND
*
the propagators of the faith, this sacred con-
tempt of danger and death itself for the sake
of Jesus Christ, was the actual extension of
the Gospel. Justin Martyr states the over-
throw of Jerusalem, and the growing con-
version of the Gentiles from all nations, as
the accomplishments of prophecy witnessed
by that age.* These conversions are again
mentioned in the dialogue, in which he la-
bours to prove, that the benediction of Joseph
by Moses was then fulfilling itself in the ra-
pid abandonment of those idolatrous practices
with which Satan had hitherto enslaved the
Heathen nations. | This went on with in-
creasing success ; 'till, through the force of
the impression made on the government by
these private conversions, and the irresistible
Kai pot TTEicrQrjvai ravraig ffvvifir], diet re T&V A^-ewv TO arv-
tyov, Kai T&V etirovTWV TO CLVETTLT^EVTOV, Kai T^Q r TravTog
7roii]ff(i) TO ivKaTaXrjTTTOV, Kai T&V ^E\\6vTii)v TO Trpoyvwrt-
KOV, Kai r&v 7raoayye\p.aT(i)v TO ifaiaior, Kai TWV oXwv TO
P.OVCL^IKOV. Orat. cont. Graecos. C. 46.
* Kai aVwc yevo/ieva opwjuev, y^g JJLEV 'le^a/wv ep^/iWffiv,
KCL\ TUQ CtTTO TTCLVTOQ f.QvH ardpW7T(i)V $ICI TYJQ TTttptt T&V O.7TO-
oroXwv aurs ^t^a^r}Q rfeiffOlvTCtg. Apol. 2. p. 88.
f 'Eic Travrwv TMV kQvwv Pici TUTU TV fiv^rjois etc T^V $O-
(Tf.fif.itiv Tpcnrr](Tav CLTTO T&V juaraiwj-' et^wXwv Kai Oat^ioVwv.
Dial, cum Tryph. ib. p. 318. Compare Dent, xxxiii. 17.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
~*^^^N
credit obtained for the Gospel, the empi
was induced formally to accept the faith;
and, as Christ had foretold, the world be-
lieved on him.*
Such again were the triumphs of the Gos-
pel, in its early encounter with the hostility
of the world. Nor let it be imagined, that it
was an imitation of the Heathen schools, and
the vanity of maintaining a novelty of doctrine
which led those martyrs and confessors to
brave the established Paganism by the con-
fession of the faith of Christ. On the con-
trary, they exposed the unworthy motives of
those who pretended to despise danger for
the sake of philosophical opinions. There
were some sophists, who in a trembling imi-
tation of Anaxarchus,')' affected to maintain,
that death was not an evil to be feared.
Against the hollow pretensions of these men
the Christian writers successfully argued,
and either convicted them of secret cowardice
under the show of magnanimity, or called
* Totum orbem sibi crediturum esse praedixit; et totus
orbis, sicut praedictum est, credidit. Aug. de Civ. Dei,
lib. 12. c. 10.
f. rov 'Avaap)8 $V\CLKOV
Laert. in vit. Anax. lib. 9.
D
34 PAGANISM AND
upon them to die in a cause which alone
could justify it. Tatian naturally infers the
real fear of death in Crescens (one of these
philosophists, and as impure as he was cow-
ardly) from his attempts against the life of
Justin and himself; since he must have re-
garded that as an evil which he wished to
inflict on those whom he hated. On the
other hand, it was justly concluded by him,
that philosophical vanity is a miserable rea-
son for the abandonment of life ; and hence
the Greeks were exhorted to that true forti-
tude which has its only foundation in the
knowledge of God.* The conduct of the
early Christians therefore was far removed
from that of the Heathen schools. Indeed,
our own history presents to us a brilliant
proof of the same conscientious fidelity, the
same " resistance unto blood," in an age
when such motives had no existence, when
the question was not, whether a new faith
should be introduced into the world, but
whether the pure and primitive doctrines of
Et j)a.T juiy celv Stdievai TUV Sq.va.TOv, KOLVIOVOVVT(.Q fyuwv
IQ loyf.ia.ffL, /*/) Ota r)]v avdpWTrtvrjv co^rip.aviav, w'g Aj/a-
a PX e > o.7roQvf]ffKere' X a V lv ^ r ^ TO ^ v yvwatuq, rov
a'a'r Rrara^povifrai yerevQe. Orat. cout. Graec. C. 32.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 35
the Gospel should be asserted and restored to
the church of Christ, or whether they should
remain for ever buried under the accumula-
tions of that superstition which disfigured
their beauty, and destroyed their salutary
influence,* Nor were the labours and con-
stancy of our reformers at all inferior to those
of the early propagators of the Gospel. Who-
ever has admired the faith and heroic suffer-
ings of Ignatius or Polycarp, must look with
no less satisfaction on those of Ridley, Lati-
mer, Cranmer, and Hooper. And whoever
will sit down to the serious perusal of their
history, must, I think, rise up the better
Christian ; better prepared to meet the com-
mon evils of life with resignation, and to sur-
* Quod si docemus sacrosanctum Dei Evangelitim, et
veteres Episcopos, atque Ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum
facere, nosque non sine justa causa, et ab istis discessisse,
et ad Apostolos, veteresque Catholicos patres rediisse, idque
non obscure aut vafre, sed bond fide coram Deo, vere, in-
genue, dilucide, et perspicue facimus ; si illi ipsi qui nostram
doctrinam fugiunt, et sese Catholicos dici volunt, aperte
videbunt omnes illos titulos antiquitatis, de quibus tant-
opere gloriantur, sibi excuti de manibus, et in nostra causa
plus nervorum fuisse quam putarint, speramus, neminem
illorum ita negligentem fore salutis suse, quin velit aliquando
cogitationem suscipere, ad utros potius se adjungat. Bp.
Jewel's Apology, p. 28.
36 PAGANISM AND
render life itself with joyfulness into the
hands of God who gave it. It is impossible
not to venerate their glowing piety, their
profound humility, their patience under suf-
ferings, their praises of God under distresses
and privations of every kind, their prayers
for their persecutors, their exemplary and tri-
umphant death. And whoever has any feel-
ing for learning and the powers of reason,
must be particularly affected, when he sees
them exerted under circumstances the most
disastrous, the most calculated to depress
courage and to crush the resources of genius ;
when books were withheld from the impri-
soned saint, when the memory alone was to
supply its stores for the appointed debate,
and when the removal to the place of dis-
putation was but the first and certain step
to the expecting flames !*
* Latimer complained at the Oxford Disputation, that
in prison he had been permitted to have " neither pen nor
ink, nor yet any book, but only the New Testament there
in his hand, which he had read over seven times." Ridley
too had demanded time and books for the preparation of his
answer to the articles presented to him. This was pro-
mised, but not granted ; and when the articles were sent,
he was informed that his answer must be drawn up the
same night. In the preface to his answer, he reminds his
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 37
It is true, that, in a certain sense, none of
these evils were necessary ; they might have
been avoided, in the one case, by disavowing
the name itself of Christian; and in the other,
by a base surrender of the vital doctrines of
Christianity to the demands of superstition
armed with power. And thus the profession
of the Gospel is the immediate and only
cause of its own sufferings. But, instead of
affording an imputation against Christianity,
as the timid or the worldly man is apt to
reason, this adds to its lustre and credit.
For what is it which prompts the professor
of the Faith to this intrepid encounter of
danger and death; this cheerful submission
to evils which appal all other men ? what but
the strong testimony of conscience resting on
the word of God, and more valuable in itself
than all the goods of life ? what but the feel-
ing of the Divine support, which lifts the
soul above the pains of the body? what but
the joyful anticipation of that happiness to
judges of this harshness. Et quoniam gravis causa est,
quam agimus, et ad earn peragendam qukm shims nunc in-
expediti, temporis nimirum angusti^ et librorum inopia op-
pressi, vobis omnibus ignotum esse non potest. G. Ridley's
Life of Ridley, pp. 492 and 675.
38 PAGANISM AND
which the martyr passes, through his brief,
though sharp, torment, when faith discovers
visions of approaching glory, and exclaims
from the scaffold and the stake, " Behold, I
see the heavens opened, and the Son of Man,"
who, through sufferings, went before to pre-
pare a place for his true followers, "sitting
at the right hand of God ?"*
These are the extreme cases of human suf-
fering ; and in providing for these in the tri-
umphant manner here displayed, the Gospel
establishes, by consequence, in the hearts of
believers an effectual influence against the
common evils of life. The unbeliever, under
trials of the same sort with those which the
Christian- well knows how to bear, has no
reasonable support for his mind. He suffers
therefore with sullenness and an inward re-
sentment against the hand that afflicts him ;
or with open rage and undisguised profane-
ness he " curses God and dies/'f
Nor is the superiority of the Christian seen
only in the better principles through which
he bears the unavoidable evils of life. He has
a present happiness surpassing that of other
men. The Saviour had promised to the meek,
* Ads vii. ,")(. I .lob ii. 9.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 39
that they " should possess the earth/"* This
expression was meant to point out the advan-
tages resulting from a Christian use of this
world ; the coutentedness with which we
receive what God sees to be necessary or
convenient to our being, the happy freedom
from those malignant and destructive passions
which poison the enjoyments of other men,
the mildness of temper with which we sooth
every occurrence of life, and that lofty tran-
quillity concerning the objects of the world,
which is the blessed effect of our sincere re-
liance on the Divine providence. This, then,
is the foundation on which St. Paul grounds
his assertion, that the Christian has the pro-
mise of '" the life that now is." Sometimes
indeed this promise has been misunderstood
or misrepresented. In a former age of our
country, a puritanical profession of faith was
interpreted into a lawful claim to exercise
the powers of civil government ; and it re-
quired time and argument to convince an
ambitious sainthood, that the grace of God
was not the necessary foundation of the do-
minion of the world. On the other hand,
impiety has entered the lists with hypoc :
5 M
40 PAGANISM AND
and endeavoured to wrest this promise to it-
self. The laxity of morals which prevailed in
an early part of the last century, occasioned
a dispute which involved this question, To
whom fell the largest share of the common
enjoyments of life; to the man of religious
sobriety, or to the man of pleasure, the
glutton, the drunkard, and the sensualist?
The better cause was defended against the
false philosophy of the times by the acute
and pious Bishop Berkeley, in a part of his
Alciphron.* His chief argument is against
the strange notion of Mandeville and his
followers, who represented private vices as
public benefits ; and he infers, that before
they can be such, they must benefit the indi-
viduals who practise them. But this being
false, the other cannot be true. Hence he
* Dialogue 2d. The notion, that present indulgence led
to happiness., had distinguished most of the Epicureans. This
too was well combated by the author of Anti-Lucretius,
who maintains, that the virtuous reserve and spiritual hopes
of the Christian give him a decided advantage over the man
of pleasure, even in the present life.
Ut videas, vel dum in terris hoc ducitur aevum,
Naturae donis potiora occurrere dona ;
Cultorcsque Dei jam te magis esse beatos.
Lib. i. 1018.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 41
satisfactorily demonstrates the superior ad-
vantages possessed by the man of temperance.
His life is proved to be generally longer than
that of the reveller ; his enjoyments are more
perfect; and therefore his portion of the
blessings of this world is larger, while the
satisfaction which he draws from them is of
a more exquisite nature, and more delightful
to himself.
Nothing therefore is withheld from the
Christian; nothing but sin. Meanwhile,
pleasures the most ample, the most satisfac-
tory which human life can admit, are his
portion and his recompense, the pleasures
of innocence, of temperance, of thankfulness
to God, who deprives us of nothing which
does not also tend to deprive us of himself.
The free use of this world is permitted to us,
while God is the supreme object of our
thoughts and affections ; while we have that
love towards the Author of our happiness,
which transcends the love of all other things ;
and while we so " pass through things tem-
poral, as not to lose the things eternal."
In all cases then it appears, that godli-
ness has the promise of happiness. In the
common progress of human affairs, amidst
42 PAGANISM AND
which we generally pass the longest part of
life, the believer has an advantage over other
men. He receives with gratitude the good
which the opened hand of God pours upon
him ; he uses it with religious sobriety ; and
thus the effect of the blessing is increased,
while the use itself is prolonged. Under the
common evils of life, he experiences comforts
and supports unknown to other men. His
persuasion of a providence teaches him, that
whatever befalls him, is according to the
Divine will. In the hands of God are the
"issues" of all things, because from him they
had their beginning. He may " take away,"
because he hath first " given," whatever we
possess. He may ."kill," because he hath
first " made alive."* His name therefore is
to be equally the subject of our " blessing,"
under evil and under good ; in the moment
of death, as in the midst of life itself. And
that which thus invigorates the Christian, is
the happy influence of the spirit of God.
Hence he draws those private supports and
invisible consolations which prevent him from
sinking under the burden of evil. They si-
* 1 Sam. ii. 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 43
lently and gradually raise his soul from its
dejection; they dispose him to religious tran-
quillity, and at length impress upon him that
settled rest and godly satisfaction, against
which the " changes and the chances of this
mortal life" shall never more prevail. But
under the pressure of extraordinary dangers
and distresses arising from the maintenance
of the Faith, the influence of faith is still
superior to the evils which k draws upon
itself. The evidence of Christian hope rises
as persecutions increase. The immediate
evil may indeed be avoided by the violation
of conscience ; but the believer prefers the
suffering of the body with the peace of the
soul. His affliction, which is " but for a
moment, is not to be compared with the glory
which shall be revealed in him hereafter."
He therefore joyfully lays down this mortal
life, in the sure and certain hope of the resur-
rection to eternal happiness through Jesus
Christ.
These we deem the peculiar privileges,
this the distinctive honour of Christian god-
liness. It has the " promise of the life that
now is, and of that which is to come." But
the Gospel has not been without a rival in
44 PAGANISM AND
these pretensions. Paganism, the early
enemy of Christianity, has laid claim to the
same advantages ! A more full examination
therefore of the history and nature of this
claim, and a free exposure of the character,
temper, -and doctrines of Paganism, shall be
the subject of the following course of lectures.
Nor perhaps can I discharge my duty in this
place, in a manner more proper for myself, or
more consonant with the peculiar studies of
my audience, than by the discussion of such a
question. The inquiry will carry us into
the midst of those subjects which ancient
history and mythology have made familiar to
every scholar ; and it will exhibit a curious
and interesting picture of Christian literature
combating with Paganism, and maintaining
the superiority of its doctrines during the
early ages of the Gospel. The cause of
Christianity will thus be promoted through
the meanness and insufficiency of the heathen
superstitions. That species of learning which
some regard as noxious in its nature, and
others, as at least useless in its tendency,
will be made to administer to our Christian
benefit. From the futility of the inventions
of nature, we shall learn to reverence still
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 45
more the Divine wisdom, which exhibited
Paganism in competition with the faith of
Christ, and finally convinced the world, that
the success of the Gospel was due to the
heavenly power which directed it, and to the
solid and ever-growing reason on which it
was founded.
46 PAGANISM AND
CHAPTER II.
TWO CLASSES OF PAGAN WORSHIPPERS. ..CLAIM OF TEM-
PORAL HAPPINESS BY THE FIRST CLASS. ..GROUNDS OF
IT...REFUTED BY AN APPEAL TO THE GENERAL TEM-
PER OF PAGANISM . . . SPECIMENS FROM EUSEBIUS,
ARNOBIUS, AMBROSE, PRUDENTIUS . . . CAUSE OF THE
GOSPEL FARTHER VINDICATED BY OROSIUS AND AU-
GUSTIN . . .THEIR CHARACTERS.
FOR our knowledge of the rivalship which
Paganism affected to maintain with the Gos-
pel in the promise of happiness to its vota-
ries, we are chiefly indebted to the early
Christian writers. In their disputations
with the enemies of the Faith, they have
stated the claims of idolatry with more full-
ness and perspicuity than the idolaters them-
selves. They have given form and consistency
to the desultory and uncertain notions of
Heathenism ; and with that fearlessness which
marks the conscious defence of truth, placed
the arguments of their opponents in a clearer
and more intelligible view, that they might
refute them in a more triumphant and con-
vincing manner.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 47
The inquiries of the Pagans into the effi-
cacy of their own superstitions were directed
principally to the following points ; whether
any good was to be expected from the wor-
ship of the gods ? and, a good being admit-
ted, of what nature it was? The first of
these questions needs not to be discussed on
the present occasion. We know, indeed,
that many of the antients, while they com-
plied with the outward institutions of their
country, discarded the belief of the existence,
or the providence of any gods, and conse-
quently, the. hope of any recompense to be
derived from the acknowledgement of them.
But it was the profession of the heathen
world in general, that to the practice of ido-
latry some benefit was attached. The great
difference took place therefore on the other
question, of what nature this benefit was ?
On this point, two parties were formed,
whose motives are stated, and whose argu-
ments are fully and circumstantially confuted
by Augustin.
1. It is probable that the blind and igno-
rant superstition of the vulgar Pagans ex-
cluded nothing from their belief; and that,
without thought or inquiry, they expected
. 48
PAGANISM AND
every kind of good as the result of their ad-
herence to the customary worship of the gods.
But into their gross and undistinguishing no-
tions it is not intended to enter. The present
question is concerning those who aspired to
defend the cause of idolatry by some show of
reason and argument. The first of these par-
ties, therefore, sufficiently raised above the
vulgar to despise their gross notions of futu-
rity, yet so uninstructed or so sensual as to be
fully satisfied with the gratifications which
worldly objects could impart, professed to
serve their idols with no other view than that
of present prosperity.* This comprehended
both public and private welfare. Success in
war, indulgence in peace, wealth, beauty,
genius, honour, fame, and length of life, were
therefore the only motives of their prayers.
This description is confirmed in each of its
branches by the testimony of the Pagan wri-
ters. What were the public benefits supposed
to be derived to the state from the practice of
idolatry, we see in the pleading of Symmachus
for the restoration of the ancient rites. He
* Res humanas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multo-
rum Deorum cultum,, quos Pagani colere consueverunt,
necessarium esse arbitrentur. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 49
argues that, as souls are allotted to the indi-
vidual bodies of men, separate genii are ap-
pointed to preside over civil communities.*
On their fostering care therefore depends the
welfare of the state ; and consequently, the
beings, whose care is thus necessary to the
existence of empire, are to be rendered pro-
pitious by outward acknowledgments of
their protection. This argument will by-and-
by be stated at greater length. At present,
it will be sufficient to notice the persuasion,
that to the long- continued favour of the
deities collectively worshipped by the super-
stition of Rome, was to be ascribed her pos-
session of the sovereignty of the world. f
Again, what were the private advantages
aimed at in the prayers of individuals, we are
sufficiently informed through the satire of
* Ut aniraae nascentibus, ita populis fatales genii divi-
duntur. Pro Sacr. Patr. apud Prudent.
T Hie cultus in leges meas orbem redegit. ib. It is
Rome that speaks. From Tertullian's refutation, we see
how strong was the persuasion in his time, that Roman
greatness had arisen from piety to the Roman gods : Ro-
manos pro merito religiositatis diligentissimae in tantnm
sublimitatis elatos. Apol. c. 25. Zosimus is rancorously
full of this notion.
50 PAGANISM AND
Juvenal, who has enumerated the objects of
desire commonly named in the temples of
the gods,* and has pronounced of some, that
they are superfluous, and of others, that they
are pernicious.
Such were the sentiments of the first class
of idolaters mentioned by Augustin. To ob-
tain worldly good, and to avoid worldly evil,
both in public and private life, were the
objects of their prayers.f Of this class of
* Honores, divitiae, eloquium, fama, bellorum
exuviae, spatium vitie, forma. Sat. 1 0.
f The folly of importuning the gods for these purposes
was indeed pointed out by men of superior name. But
one general observation may be made on the very best rules
which Pagan wisdom has prescribed to the piety of men.
Particular requests for riches, power, and such things, are
sometimes forbidden, not through a genuine principle of
self-denial, or moral reserve ; not through a virtuous dis-
trust of the objects themselves, and a fear of their seductive
influence on the heart j but because the gods best know
whether they are suitable to our circumstances, and when
they should be bestowed. It is concluded therefore., that
the gods are to be complimented with the selection of the
objects, and the fortunate moment of applying them ; nor is
it safe to urge Heaven with importunate petitions, lest, in
a vein of malignant indulgence, it should resolve to ruin its
short-sighted worshippers by granting the very objects of
their desire.
This is the amount of the celebrated prayer of Socrates him-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 51
worshippers therefore it must be supposed,
that from the disappointment of their san-
guine hopes of present good, impatience and
indignation would commonly arise. And
these passions we shall hereafter find to have
been most strongly excited in the latter and
more disastrous age of the western empire.
Alarmed and irritated at the prevalence of
the common misfortunes, the natural and
necessary consequences of their inveterate
self : ev^ETO ^e irpog rc 08 o.7rAw<; r' ayaOa
S'eye icaXXcora el^ora^ oTrola ayada tanv. Memor. lib. 1.
c. 3. In the first book of the Cyropsedia is a passage which in
principle agrees with this : "H ye dvdpwn-ivr) trotyia ceV /za\-
Xov 0Ic) TO iiptarov dipeiffQai, r) ei K\rjp&fjLevoc o,n
TUTO TIQ TTpCLTTOl, df.01 ^ CUft OVTEQ, TTCLVTa. 'iffCLffl TO.
IJiiva, KCU TO. ovra, Kal "oj-i i'l- efjaors avrwr cnroj3f)ffTai. In
both passages the meaning is, that they are unwise who pray
expressly for riches, power, &c. because they are ignorant of
the temporal consequences whicli such objects may produce,
and which may, operate as a revenge upon success itself. In
this sense, the thought of Socrates is expressly applied by
Juvenal :
Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus, quid
Conveniat nobis, rebusque sit utile nostris.
On these and similar passages we sometimes look with a
Christian eye, and give them a borrowed sanctity. In order
to discover their real value, we must bring them to their
own standard, and interpret them upon principles strictly
Pagan.
E2
52 PAGANISM AND
vices, the Pagans sought their own excuse in
the crimination of the Christians. To that dis-
countenance of idolatry, therefore, which was
the unavoidable result of the civil establish-
ment of the Gospel, they imputed the decay
of the state, and all those evils from which
Rome was said to have been hitherto pre-
served by the vigilance and power of its pro-
tecting deities.
2. But there was a second class of per-
sons, whose observation of the world, whose
knowledge of history, and whose freedom
from the more common prejudices, enabled
them to discover, and emboldened them to
confess, that these evils were not the exclu-
sive produce of their own days. They knew
that disasters, both public and private, had
occurred in former ages ; and such was the
nature of men and things, that temporal evils
would always exist, in a greater or less
degree, as times, and places, and persons,
might conspire to produce them.* These
* Fatentur haec mala nee defuisse unquam, nee defutura
raortalibus j et ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, tempori-
bus, personisque variari ; scd Deorum multorum cultum,
quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam post mortem futuram esse
ill i 1cm disputant. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 53
men therefore approached the shrines of the
gods through other motives. They had ob-
served, that security from present sufferings
was not the necessary consequence of their
prayers ; and as they still presumed, that
their worship was entitled to some recom-
pense, nothing remained but to profess, that
they expected a benefit, however unknown
or undefined, in another state of things that
might succeed the present life.
These then were the two principal doc-
trines of the Gentile superstition, as they are
described to us in the zealous and eloquent
refutations of them by the Christian writers.
The parties differed in opinion concerning
the nature of the benefits supposed to result
from the worship offered to their common
idols ; but between them both, they claimed
the same advantages which had been singly
attributed by the apostle to that "godliness"
which he taught. The first class professed
to gain the advantages of the " life that now
is ;" the second looked to the rewards of
" that which is to come." Against both
these false claims was successfully raised
the voice of Christian antiquity; and to botli
we will ufive attention in their order.
54 PAGANISM AND
I. Paganism asserted the power of reward-
ing its votaries with temporal prosperity.
This pretension is too extravagant to have
arisen from a dispassionate view of the na-
ture of idolatry : it was rather created by
fortuitous circumstances, and increased in
proportion to the decline of the empire, and
the growth of those evils under which it
finally sunk. Accordingly we find, that the
events which gave the greater and more plau-
sible encouragement to the claim in favour of
the gods, were the invasions of Italy, and the
capture of Rome, in the beginning of the
fifth century, by the Barbarians under Alaric,*
The impatient temper of idolatry was now
particularly excited ; and a spirit of revenge
arose, the consequence of mortified pride
and baffled superstition. Expiring Paganism
invidiously lamented the loss of qualities
which it never possessed ; and Christianity
was charged with mischiefs not its own.
* Roma Gothorum irruptione, ageiitium sub rege Alarico,
atque itnpetu magnae cladis eversa est ; cujus eversionem
deorum falsorum multorumque cultores, quos usitato nomine
Paganos vocamus, in Christianam religionem referre co-
nantes, solito acerbius et amaritis Deum verum blasphemare
cceperunt. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 55
That the truth of this statement may ap-
pear, it will be necessary, in the first pla6e,
to take a general view of the temper of
Heathenism. While this contrasts with the
mildness and resignation of the Gospel, it
will furnish us with a convincing inference.
If Heathenism was prone to impatience and
outrage against its own deities, before the
propagation of the faith of Christ; and if
this turbulent spirit was turned against the
professors of the faith before the civil esta-
blishment of the Gospel, the complaint con-
cerning the adverse influence of Christianity,
possessed of power, will be thus far refuted,
and, together with that, the claim in favour
of the temporal prosperity said to have been
conferred by the gods of Rome.
The temper of Paganism has been always
the same. Versatile in- its views, because
possessed of no rational confidence in a Su-
preme Power ; and inflamed with resentment
at the pressure of unexpected misfortune, it
has been ready, in every age and country, to
transfer its interested worship from one idol
to another, as outward circumstances have
suggested. Sometimes, in expectation of
better treatment, the worshippers have
56 PAGANISM AND
adopted the gods of more prosperous nations.
Upon this principle we are to interpret the
admission, from time to time, of the deities
or sacred rites of other countries, which the
Roman history describes : for, until the lust
of dominion swallowed up every other 1 mo-
tive, these incorporations were the mere effect
of some public calamity, which was to be
averted or removed by additional help from
new gods inscribed on the ritual. And hence
came, among others, the Epidaurian serpent
and the conic stone of jEsculapius, recom-
mended by the Sibylline books.* The Scrip-
ture itself furnishes an instance of a similar
disposition in Ahaz, an idolatrous king of
Jerusalem. " In the time of his distress
did he trespass yet more against the Lord :
for he sacrificed unto the gods of Damascus
which smote him ; and he said, Because the
gods of the kings of Syria help them, there-
fore will I sacrifice to them, that they may
* This was a feature of Paganism carefully marked by the
Christian writers. Tanta ac tarn intolerabilis pestilentia
corripuit civitatem, ut propter earn quacunque ratione sedan-
dam libros Sibyllinos consulendos putarint, horrendunique
ilium Epidaurium colubrum, cum ipso ^Esculapii lapide
advexerint 3 quasi vero pestilentia aut ante- sedata non sit,
aut post orta non fuerit. Oros. Hist. lib. iii. c. 22,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 57
help me."* Sometimes, these adoptions have
been made, to the utter abandonment of the
gods hitherto worshipped ;t and of this we
have well-accredited instances, in the history
of certain Pagan nations at the present day. J
But when the former deities were retained*
notwithstanding the occurrence of misfortune,
they were commonly subjected to chastise-
ment and insult on account of the failure of
protection to their worshippers.
When Augustus, during the Sicilian war,
lost two of his fleets by storms, he is said to
have taken his revenge upon Neptune, by not
suffering him to be carried in procession with
* 2 Chron. xxviii. 22.
f The Persians had no new god to offer to Julian. But
it appears, that, when the omens were unfavourable to his
progress, he vowed never more to sacrifice to his own Mars.
Quibus visis, exclamavit indignatus acriter Julianus, Jo-
vcmque testatus est, nulla Marti jam sacra facturum : nee
resecravit, celeri morte praereptus. Amm. Marcell. lib.
xxiv. c. 6.
I Captain Cook found that the natives of the Society
Islands disregarded their gods, if they did not give them
success 5 and the inhabitants of one of the islands having
been fortunate in war, their neighbours adopted their god,
to the exclusion of their own, in hopes of equal victory.
58 PAGANISM AND
the other gods at the Circensian games.*
And when the beloved Germanicus died, the
people of Rome were so much enraged, that
they stoned the very temples of the gods,
and overthrew their altars ; while some flung
their household divinities into the streets, t
Lucan draws a striking picture of the rage
* Alii dictum factumque ejus criminantur, quasi, classi-
bus tempestate perditis, exclamaverit, etiam invito Neptuno,
victoriam se adepturum : ac die Circensium proximo solenni
pompa simulachrum Dei detraxerit. Sueton. Aug. c. 16.
Probably this piece of spleen was intended as a convenient
insult to the family of the Pompeys too. They affected a
connection with Neptune; and after the destruction of
Augustus's ships, Sextus shewed a grateful attention to his
great relation by wearing a vest of a cccrukan colour!
f* Quo defunctus est die, lapidata sunt templa, subversae
Deum arae, Lares a quibusdam familiares in publicum ab-
jecti. Sueton. Calig. c. 5. I see no reason to doubt the
chains, the golden cup, &c. which Xerxes, in his different
moods, threw into the Hellespont. Herodot. 7. 35. 54.
He mentions another instance which has not been so much
noticed. Cyrus, in his way to Babylon, had lost one of the
white horses, sacred to the sun, in the river Gyndes. He
threatened the river, that, from that time, the women should
walk through it and not wet their knees ! lib. i. 119. We
read of similar instances of impatience in modern Paganism.
Knox and others say, that the people of Ceylon revile their
deities, and trample them under foot, when their prayers do
not succeed, or when they have runs of bad luck, &c.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 59
of the people of Lesbos against Heaven, on
account of the defeat of their favourite Pom-
pey:
littore toto
Plangitur; infestae tenduntur in aethera dextrae.
Lib. viii. 149.
And our great poet Milton has, with the
utmost propriety, given the invention of these
attitudes of disappointment and rage to the
vanquished followers of Satan, the parent of
all idolatrous worship :
highly they rag'd
Against the Highest, and fierce with grasped arms
Clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war,
Hurling defiance toward the vault of heaven.
Book i. 663.
These instances will be sufficient to shew
the impatience and resentment inherent in
the temper of Paganism. Such then was the
disposition, at once superstitious and vindic-
tive, which Christianity had to encounter, at
its first appearance in the Roman empire.
The persecutions, which have been already
related, were doubtless intended to prevent
the propagation of a faith which refused an
alliance with idolatry, and called upon man-
kind to renounce these vanities for the " ser-
60 PAGANISM AND
vice of the living God."* Through the sup-
port of Divine power, however, the sacred
work rapidly advanced, and the Gospel was
widely diffused. This unexpected success
sharpened anew the hatred of the Pagans,
who now found the Gospel to be an object,
on which every misfortune might be conve*
niently charged. Accordingly, to the persons
of the believers was transferred all the exas-
peration which had been commonly produced
by the adversities of the state, and which had
been occasionally directed against the temples
and statues of the gods themselves. Idolatry
was no longer answerable for untoward events,
whether public or private. On the contrary,
its character was maliciously extolled. It was
declared to be the only and proper source of
worldly happiness ; and therefore all civil
disasters, and all natural evils were to be
* The persecutions are charged by Tertullian to an unjust
hatred of the Gospel, and a wilful ignorance of its doc-
trines : Hanc itaque primam causam apud vos collocamus,
iniquitatis odium erga nomen Christiamnn. Quam iniqui-
tatem idem titulus et onerat et revincit, qui videtur excusare ;
ignorantia scilicet. Ita utrumque ex alterutro redarguimus,
et ignorare illos dum oderunt, et injuste odisse dum ignorant.
Apol. c. i.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 61
attributed to the pernicious introduction of
the faith of Christ. The gods retained their
power of protecting and rewarding their vo-
taries ; but, as the influence of the Gospel
extended itself, a discredit was thrown upon
the ancient worship ; and the subjects of
Rome were withdrawn from the proper ac-
knowledgment of the beings who had hitherto
watched over them, and prospered their
country. In consequence of this growing
defection, the Deities were offended, gradu-
ally withdrew themselves from their accus-
tomed care of mortal interests, and manifested
their displeasure in various temporal cala-
mities !*
Among many other proofs of this species
of complaint, there is one which is found
among the early records of the empire, and
which appears to combine a public calamity
with the profession of the Gospel. It occurs
in the rescript attributed to Antoninus Pius,
and preserved by Justin Martyr and Euse-
* Postquam esse in mimdo Christiana gens coepit, terrarum
orbem perisse, multiformibus malis affecfum esse genus hu-
manum ; ipsos etiam coelites, derelictis curis solennibus,
quibus quondam solebant invisere res nostras, terrarum ab
regionibus exterminates, Arnob. adv. Gentes, lib. i.
62 PAGANISM AND
bius ;* from which we collect, that the Chris-
tians of Asia, who had been suffering perse-
cution on other accounts, were also exposed
to suspicion and ill treatment in consequence
of certain earthquakes which had happened
in that part of the empire ! t
* Doubts have been entertained concerning the emperor
who issued this rescript. Many have assigned it to M. Au-
relius, whose name indeed is prefixed to it by Eusebius,
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 13 j though in the preceding chapter
he gives it to Antoninus. This may have contributed in
some measure to the doubts concerning its authenticity.
The complimentary parts appear to be overstrained, and
have the air of being not genuine. But the repetition of
the earthquakes is supported by history ; and the recent, or
actual existence of the calamity on which it dwells, is a
circumstance not likely to have been so distinctly pointed
out in a later age.
f A great earthquake which affected Bithynia and the
neighbourhood of the Hellespont, is attributed by Xiphili-
nus to the time of Antoninus Pius. Anothe'r, not less ter-
rible, destroyed Smyrna in the reign of M. Aurelius. By the
former, the large and beautiful temple of Cyzicus was over-
thrown. Both these events however are supposed by some
to have happened under the same emperor, M. Aurelius.
Dio. Cass. lib. Ixx. c. 3. It is remarkable, that the God of
Earthquakes was unknown. The propitiation was offered
at hazard j Si Deo, si Deae ; idque ex decreto pontificum.
observatum esse M. Varro dicit j quoniam et qua vi, et per
quern Deorum Dearumve terra tremeret, incertum esset.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 63
The prince directs the community to which
he writes, not to take their own vengeance
on those who refused to worship the gods, but
rather to leave the offenders to the chastise-
ment of Heaven ; especially, since no good
effects were to be expected from the punish-
ments inflicted upon them, and death itself
seemed to be more acceptable than the aban-
donment of their faith. He then cautions
the Pagans concerning their own behaviour
under these calamities ;* and bids them not
A. Gellius, lib. ii. c. 28. The authority of Varro (as we
shall hereafter see) was supreme at Rome on the subject of
rites and ceremonies. Compare lib. xvii. c. 7. of Am. Mar-
cellinus, in whose time the secret had not yet been disco-
vered.
* Ilept e T&V (reicr/J-MV ra>v yeyovorw KAI FINOMENftN,
UK CLTOTTOV v/zag VTrorjvrjffat, ddvfjLsrrag pev or ay Trep wort, ira-
pa/3a\Xovrae $t ra rjfjLerepa ?rpo ra eKaVwv.Euseb. Hist. lib .iv.
c. 13. There is a considerable difference between this letter,
and that which stands at the end of Justin's Apology : and
some of the commentators, changing j^tcrcpa into v/zcrepa,
and new modelling the punctuation, make the emperor invite
the Asiatics to a comparison of their worship with that of
the Christians. Perhaps, the passage is best understood in
the sense given in the text, as it is expressive of the common
spirit of Paganism, unwilling to suffer the presence of any
religion different from its own, and imputing to it whatever
mischief may happen. Through this motive, the Egyptians
64 PAGANISM AND
to fall into despair, or to draw revengeful
comparisons between their own worship and
that of the Christians ; but to increase their
attention to the gods. He enforces therefore
the injunction which had been given by
others before him, namely, that the faith of
the Christians was not, in itself, a sufficient
ground of persecution ; and that an offence
against the state was the only crime, of which
the tribunals could properly take cognizance.
If this order is disobeyed, he directs, that
the punishment intended for the Christian
who was needlessly accused, shall be inflicted
upon the informer.
From this time, however, notwithstanding
occasional checks of the vulgar violence by
better minds, we meet with the continued
and increasing alarms expressed by the Pa-
gans concerning the dangerous nature of
Christianity; and Cyprian, Tertullian, Origen,
are said by Diodorus to have sent strangers out of their
country, kav pr[ rag aXXo^vXsg /wera<rn/<rwi'rai j Kpiaiv w/c
eeeffdai r&v KCLKWV. Frag. 1. 40. vol. 2. ed. Wesseling. It
is well known that the Mahometans, and Roman Catholics
of our own days, imitate the Pagans in this fanatical per-
suasion, and that it sometimes leads to violence towards
strangers.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 65
Clemens Alexandrinus, and others, afford ample
testimony, that any calamity incident to man
was deemed a sufficient reason of accusation
against the followers of the Gospel. Arnobius,
who wrote his disputations about the end of the
third century, an age which resounded with
these complaints, has made them the express
object of his attack. The Pagan reasoners of
his days dated the origin of the disasters of the
empire from the inauspicious birth of Christi-
anity. Bellona became averse from her once
favourite people, and engaged them in hostilities
longer and more bloody than before.* The ele-
ments themselves partook in promoting the
Divine resentment, and either lost their whole-
some qualities, or purposely confounded them.
* This is a strange complaint on the part of a restless and
blood-thirsty people, whose temple of Janus was shut no more
than twice from the foundation of Rome to the reign of Au-
gustus ! Oros. Hist. lib. iv. c. 12. It is highly probable that
the worship so zealously offered to Bellona by Julian, was in-
tended in some measure to pacify her wrath, and to regain for
the empire the favours which had been unhappily interrupted
by Christianity ! Before his profession of idolatry, he attended
the service of the church, lest he should disgust the army j
but even then, as Am. Marcellinus tells us, he offered private
worship to Bellona, placata ritu secretiore Bellona ; lib. xxi.
c. 5.
66 PAGANISM AND
Nay, the minutest creatures capable of destroy-
ing or infesting the means of human subsistence,
were secretly instigated to a rival mischief, that
revenge might be more variously and convin-
cingly taken on the contemners of the gods !
All evil, says Arnobius, is supposed to come in
the train of the Gospel ; and inordinate blood-
shed, pestilence, drought, famine, and tempests,
to be its proper consequences. Christianity
invited the swarms of locusts. Christianity en-
couraged the late depredations of the vermin.*
This gives us a view of the sentiments of the
Pagans just before the civil establishment of
Christianity. After that event, the hatred of
those who yet stood aloof from the faith, was
probably increased, while the outward expres-
sion of it was restrained. Of this a specimen
* Pestilentias, inquiunt, et siccitates, bella, frugum inopiam,
locustas, mures, et grandines, resque alias noxias, quibus ne-
gotia incursantur huraana, Dii nobis important,, injuriis vestris
exasperati. Adv. Gentes, lib. i. Of the same tendency is the
well-known passage of Tertullian 3 Adversum sanguinem in-
nocentium conclamant, pretexentes sane ad odii defensionem,
illam quoque vanitatem, quod existiment omnis publicae cladis,
omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis
ascendit ad moenia; si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si coelum
stetit, si terra movit ; si fames, si lues, statim Christianos
ad leonem. Apol. c. 40.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. G7
is afforded in the pleading of Symmachus, to
which allusion has already been made, for the
public restoration of the antient idolatry.
The Gentile superstition was now falling into
discredit and decay, under the mild ascendancy
of the Gospel, when, towards the close of the
fourth century, a circumstance occurred which
revived some of the ancient attachment to it,
and led to a solemn discussion of its nature and
efficacy. An altar of Victory, which had stood
in the vestibule of the Senate-house, to receive
the incense offered to it on behalf of the Sena-
tors, and to witness their vows for the observ-
ance of the laws and the welfare of the state,
had been removed* after the empire became
Christian. Internal faction now threatened the
public peace ; and the Barbarians, who, as we
shall hereafter more particularly see, had been
long formidable to the empire, were also pre-
paring new incursions. Of the apprehension
* It seems to have been removed by Constantius; Con-
stantius, augustse memorise, nondum sacris initiatus mysteriis,
contaminari se putavit, si aram illam videret. Jussit auferri;
non jussit reponi. Ambr. Ep. 18. class. 1. Perhaps it was
restored by Julian; for we find it again removed by Gratian :
liaec Romae a Gratiano snblata sunt, et datis antiquata rescrip
tis. Ep. 17. ib.
F2
68 PAGANISM AND
occasioned by this coincidence, an apprehension
strengthened by the youth and inexperience of
the second Valentinian, advantage was taken
by the Pagans of Rome ; and Symmachus, the
preefect of the city, allowed by all parties to be
possessed of superior eloquence, was deputed*
by the Gentile part of the senate, to support
the cause of idolatry with the emperor, to re-
quest the restoration of the altar of Victory,
* Symmachus points out his repeated commission 5 Iterwn
me querelarum suarum jussit (Senatus) esse legatum. And
Ambrose, in a private letter to Valentinian, (in which he desires
a copy of Symmachus's petition, and advises that a reference
should be made to the opinion of Theodosius,) mentions a simi-
lar attempt two years before ; ante biennium ferine, cum hsec
facere tentarent. It would appear, that, in both these instances,
the resolution was partial. In the former, there was a counter-
petition from the Christian part of the senate, disclaiming all
participation in the affair; and in the latter, the act of a few
was imposingly stated as that of the senate at large: Absit ut
hoc Senatus petisse dicatur : pauci Gentiles communi utiintur
nomine. Ambr. Ep. 18. In another part of the answer to
Symmachus, he points out the majority of the Christian sena-
tors: Hujus aram strui in urbis Romae curia petunt, hoc est,
quo plurcs comeniunt Christiani. The letter to Eugenius men-
tions two attempts made in the reign of Valentinian, Ep. 57. ib.
and in the " Consolation" which Ambrose wrote on his death,
there is an earnest and affectionate remembrance of his Chris-
tian constancy, amidst the solicitations of the Pagans both in
public and private. De Ob. Val.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 69
and the general re-establishment of the antient
superstition. His expostulation, inflated and
weak, affected and querulous, is to be found
among his letters, and in the works of Ambrose,
bishop of Milan, who was appointed to answer
him ; and is refuted, sentence by sentence, in
the second book of Prudentius against Symma-
chus. In a strain of false sentiment and vulgar
reasoning, the orator expatiates on the suppres-
sion of the ancient rites, which had been so
beneficial to the state, and on the growing
rigour of the new establishment. The privi-
leges of the Vestal virgins were now discon-
tinued : and the expenses of the sacred cere-
monies at the Pagan altars were no longer
furnished by the state. The anger of the gods
was justly due to this parsimony, and the pri-
vation of their honours. Accordingly, a famine
had ensued, of a nature unknown to the empire
before the suppression of the antient worship !*
Lest his own remonstrance should fail of effect,
* Quid tale provinciae pertulerunt, quum religionum minis-
tros honor publicus pasceret? Non sunt hsec vitia ten-arum;
nihii imputemus austris ; nee rubigo segetibus obfuit, nee avena
fruges necavit ; sacrilegio annus exaruit ; necesse enirn fuit
perire omnibus, quod religionibus negabatur. Sym. pro Patr.
Sacr.
70 PAGANISM AND
he introduces Rome herself regretting the glo-
ries of her Paganism, and lamenting her recent
wrongs; and finally represents the deified pa-
rent of the young sovereign looking from the
clouds with commiseration on the tears of the
priests, now deprived of the privileges which
his beneficence had continued to them.
The arguments of Ambrose in answer to this
scenic declamation are directed against the
three principal points maintained by his adver-
sary.* He denies that the Pagan rites were at
any time effectual to the welfare of the state.
Italy and Rome itself had fallen into the hands
of the enemy, while idolatry was in its full esta-
blishment ; and events had shewn, that, instead
of protecting their votaries, the gods had often
been indebted to them for their own safety.
Against the claim, that the antient privileges
and immunities of the priests and vestals ought
to be restored, he argues with equal success :
When did a Pagan sovereign rear an altar to
* Tria igitur in relatione sua vir clarissimus praefectus urbis
proposuit, quse valida putavit : quod Roma veteres, ut ait, suos
cultus requirat ; et quod sacerdotibus suis virginibusque Vesta-
libus emolumenta tribuenda sint j et quod emoluments sacer-
dotuni negatis, fames sequuta publica sit. Ambr. Ep. 18.
class. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 71
Christ? what had been the constant treatment
of the believers of the Gospel at their hands, but
contempt, and stripes, and death? We, more
mild and tolerant, withhold from Paganism,
only that which cannot be granted to it without
sin. The Gentiles yet sacrifice in their own
temples ; and the statues of gods and heroes
are permitted to adorn their baths and porti-
coes.* Let this suffice. A Christian senator
must not be constrained to witness an Heathen
sacrifice; nor can a Christian sovereign, con-
sistently with his faith and salvation, do honour
to any other than a Christian altar. Lastly, he
bestows deserved ridicule on the assertion, that
the refusal of the stipends to the Pagan offici-
ators was the cause of the famine. The gods
have taken several years to consider of their
vengeance. The late scarcity too was only
partial; and the present year, in which the
preposterous complaint is uttered, is a season
of unusual plenty !f He concludes with an
* The prohibitory law of Theodosius was yet wanting for
the suppression of these practices. Leg. 12 de Paganis.
f Upon this he asks, Si superiore anno Deorum suorum
injufias vindicatas putant, cur prasenti anno contemptui
fuere? ib.
72 PAGANISM AND
earnest adjuration, that the prince will not con-
nive at those idolatrous practices in others, of
which he cannot himself partake. He infers
the necessity of a purer faith to the more ma-
ture age of the empire, points out the unhappy
end of the most illustrious among the Pagan
sovereigns and commanders, declares the inno-
cence of his own views in the debate, and ex-
horts his young sovereign to persevere in the
faith, to complete the work which the first Va-
lentinian had left imperfect, and not to swerve
from the path which the good example of Gra-
tian had prescribed to him.
Prudentius employs some of the same argu-
ments in his two books against Symmachus.
A few specimens of these shall also be given,
in order to convey some notion of his manner.
In the first book he lays the foundation of his
Christian cause in an exposure of the meanness
and pollutions of the Heathen superstition. He
draws portraits of the older gods, sometimes
with the stateliness and point of Claudian;
and exposes their lewd and immoral exploits,
as recorded by the Pagan poets. He then
passes to the later deifications of the genius of
Rome itself; of its emperors, and their impure
connections ; to the elements represented as
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 73
gods, and the demons worshipped with cruelty
and blood.*
Having thus prepared his argument, he more
particularly replies to Symmachus : When did
the statue of Victory procure victory ? Roman
valour was the antient cause of Roman triumph.
The public welfare therefore depends not on
imaginary protectors. The Heathen gods are
helpless in themselves, and cannot give assis-
tance to others. He is the only Almighty who
is able to punish the wicked in soul and body,
who can reward them that obey him with the
blessings of the " life that now is, and of that
which is to come."t In him Rome now hap-
pily believes. Nor does she abandon her
maxims of government by placing her present
faith in him. Her practice has ever been to
* Respice terrifici scelerata sacraria Ditis,
Cui cadit infausta fusus Gladiator arend :
Has sunt deliciae Jovis Infernalisj
Lib. i.
-j- bona non tantum praesentia donat,
Sed ventura etiam j
He contrasts the true God with the pagan deities, as if they
professed to give only temporal good.
^Eterna JEternus tribuit, mortalia confert
Mortalis, divina Deus, peritura caducus.
Lib. ii.
74 PAGANISM AND
adopt new gods in the extension of her empire.*
Well then may she at length acknowledge the
great and good Being who alone can protect and
bless her. Here, he introduces the true God
declaring his own supreme properties, and
asserting, in opposition to the character of the
Heathen idols, his self-existence, and the free
and absolute exercise of his sole and undivided
power. He imitates also the manner of his
antagonist. Rome, now Christian, is therefore
called in to refute the superior prerogatives
falsely claimed for her antient Paganism. She
blames the restless spirit which formerly
prompted her to incessant war against the sur-
rounding nations, and piously wishes to live
hereafter in peace. But, if the enemy will not
permit her to be at rest, she is yet able to avenge
her wrongs, through the Almighty Power which
supports her. In her Pagan times she had suf-
fered repeated disasters in the field, and the
* spoliis sibimet nova numina fecit,
Numina, quae patriis cum moenibus eruta, nullum
Presidium potuere suis afferre sacellis.
Ib.
This is one of the accommodating arguments which are so fre-
quent in the early Christian writers, and which were extorted
from them by the peculiar circumstances of the times.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 75
Gauls had possessed themselves of her Capitol.
But now she can repel her foes at a distance ;
and the recent defeat of the Gothic invaders
proves that military triumphs divinely wait upon
her Christian arms.
The hostility of spirit which had called forth
these replies from the Christian writers, was the
more ready to appear as the public danger
increased. The last instance of it which re-
quires to be mentioned, previously to the cap-
ture of Rome by Alaric, occurs in the invasion
of Italy by the barbarian Rhadagaisus. He
was represented as particularly formidable to a
Christian state, on account of his open and fer-
vent attachment to the worship of the gods.
They had been unjustly proscribed at Rome.
They had felt the affront which had been offered
to them, and were now openly preparing to
revenge it. The city resounded with these
outcries as the enemy advanced towards it.*
* Hoc igitur Romanis arcibus imminente, fit omnium Paga-
norum concursus, hostem adesse cum utique virium copia, turn
maxime praesidio Deorum potentem ; urbem autem ideo desti-
tutam, et mature perituram, quia Deos et sacra perdiderit.
Magnis querelis ubique agitur, et continue de sacris repetendis
celebrandisque tractatur. Fervent tota urbe blasphemies ; vulgo
nomen Christi, tanquam lues aliqua praesentium temporum,
opprobriis gravatur. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37.
76 PAGANISM AND
The Pagans were every where in commotion,
and vehemently demanded the restoration of
idolatry, as the only means of their security.
The name of Christ was openly blasphemed ;
and his followers were reviled as the authors of
all the dangers which threatened the empire.
In a contest with a Pagan enemy, no safety
was to be expected for the state, unless it were
defended by the gods its antient protectors :
they were therefore to be again acknowledged
ere the hostile armies should make their appear-
ance before the walls. The vanity of these
reasonings was soon proved by the event. The
dreaded invader, as we shall hereafter see, was
easily defeated ; and Rome stood secure, not-
withstanding the displeasure of the gods at the
establishment of Christianity.
With such a disposition in the very nature of
Paganism to impute the misfortunes of the
times to the profession of the faith of Christ,
and to justify its own violence through its self-
opinion, it was not to be expected, that so
afflicting an event as the actual capture of the
" eternal city," (so she was fondly called,) should
be unproductive of calumny. Indeed we find,
that the passions of the Pagan party were in-
flamed by it in an unusual manner. From
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 77
numberless passages in the writings produced
by that catastrophe, it appears, that society was
long embittered with complaints and reproaches,
and that the idolaters engaged in eager dis-
putes with the Christians concerning the com-
mon calamity, whenever business or accident
furnished them with an opportunity of remon-
strance. That these personal criminations were
successfully refuted at the moment, we cannot
doubt ; but their frequency and violence made
something more than a private vindication
necessary to the character of the Gospel itself.
This necessity was also increased by the gross
ignorance of their own history which marked
the Roman people. They knew nothing of
past events, and were, therefore, ready to receive
the most perverse impressions, from those which
happened in their own times. We find too,
that the better instructed dissembled their
knowledge, and purposely abstained from ap-
plying any correction to the popular prejudices :
and thus was the Gospel equally calumniated
through ignorance, and the malicious silence
of intelligence itself.*
* Sunt qui eorum studiis liberalibus instituti amanthistoriam,
quit facillime ista noverunt. Sed ut nobis ineruditonim turbas
infestissimas reddant, se nosse dissimulant, atque hoc apud
78
PAGANISM AXD
The representations thus made by the Chris-
tian writers of the ignorance which prevailed
among the people of Rome, are confirmed by
the testimony of the Pagans. On account of
the dearness and scarcity of manuscripts, there
was very little reading, and consequently, but a
small portion of liberal knowledge. This state
of the public mind was accompanied, as it gene-
rally is, with pursuits of the most debased and
profligate kinds. Ammianus Marcellinus, in
his description of the manners of Rome in the
latter part of the fourth century, informs us,
that some, even of the first quality in the state,
hated learning as if it were poison ;* and that
viilgus nituntur, clades quibus per certa intervalla locorum et
temporum genus himianum oportet affligi, causa accidere nomi-
nis Christian!. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 3. Orosius, in his
dedication to Augustin, states the same cause as impelling him
to write : Cum prseterita aut obliviscantur ant nesciant, prse-
sentia tantum tempora veluti malis extra solitum infestissima,
ob hoc sol-urn, quod crcditur Christus et colitur Deus, idola
autem minus coluntur, infamant.
* Quidam detestantes ut venena doctrinas, Juvenalem et
Marium Maximum cnratiore studio legunt, nulla volumina
praeter heec in profundo otio contrectantes. Lib. xxviii. c. 4.
M. Maximus is mentioned by Spartian, in the life of Adrian.
He lived in the reign of Macrinus, by whom he was made
pvasfect of the city.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 79
their whole reading, when vanity or even idle-
ness suggested it, was confined to Juvenal, and
Marius Maximus, who wrote the lives of he
Caesars. In general the higher classes were
given up to sloth, effeminacy, pride, and selfish-
ness. And as to the common people, they
seemed to live only for the brutal purposes of
quarrelling, gaming, drunkenness, debauchery,
and, above all, for the amusements of the Circus,*
their temple, their home, their only place of as-
sembly, the sole object of their desires.
In public refutation, therefore, of the false
and blasphemous accusations promoted, by these
and other causes, against the Gospel, the zeal
of Augustinf planned the memorable treatise
" Of the City of God;" one of the most va-
luable works which the piety and literature of
the early Christian writers have transmitted to
us. He had now published the first ten books,:}:
* Hi omne quod vivunt vino et tesseris impendunt, et lus-
tris, et voluptatibus, et spectaculis j iisque templum, et habita-
culuni; et concio, et cupitorum spes omnis Circus est Maximus.
Ainm. Marcell. ib.
f Ego exardescens zelo domus Dei adversus eorum blasphe-
mias vel errores, libros de Civitate Dei scribere institui. Aug.
Retract, lib. ii. c. 43.
I Quorum jam decem orientes radii toto orbi fulserunt.
Oros. Dedic. ad Aug. The books were published separately, as
we find from several passages.
80 PAGANISM AND
when judging the Presbyter Orosius a fit as-
sistant in his purpose, he enjoined him to form
his collection of History against the Pagans.
The object of this work was to compile* from all
former histories and annals, whatever calami-
ties, common or extraordinary, natural or civil,
were recorded in the experience of mankind.
Nor was this undertaken through the melan-
choly love of contemplating a mass of human
evils ; but for the sake of convincing the
Roman people, that the disasters, of which they
complained as unexampled in their nature, or
brought upon their own age and nation by the
malignant influence of Christianity, were long
since familiar, not only to the rest of the world,
but to themselves.
One circumstance attending this work must
have struck the Pagans with novelty and sur-
prise. The Gentile writers had commonly be-
gun their histories from Ninus,t as if the earlier
* Praeceperas ergo ut ex omnibus historiarum atque anna-
lium fastis, quaecunque aut bellis gravia, aut corrupta morbis,
aut fame tristia, aut terrarum motibus terribilia, aut inundatio-
nibus aquarum insolita, aut eruptionibus ignium metuenda, aut
ictibus fulminum plagisque grandinum saeva, vel etiam parrici-
diis flagitiisque misera per transacta retro saecula reperissem,
ordinato breviter voluminis textu explicarem. Oros. ib.
f Omnes propemodftm, tain apud Graecos quam apud Lati-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 81
state of man were unknown to them, or were
utterly unworthy of research or record ; as if
the human race had no discoverable origin, or
had hitherto lived on an equality with the brutes
of the field, and had not attained civilization
sufficient for notice, till Ninus presented to
the world the first specimen of orderly and ra-
tional government.
Orosius detects the fallacy of these opinions,
points out the comparatively recent establish-
ment of the too celebrated Assyrian empire,
the long lapse of time previous to it, and the
nature of the more ancient governments. He
carries the minds of his Pagan readers to the
Divine creation of man, and endeavours to im-
press upon them the fall of Adam, as the point
from which began to flow the miseries of the
world ; the first chastisements of sin. Hence
he infers the continual superintendanee of a
Providence which acts by judgments as well as
nos, studiosi ad scribendum viri, initium scribendi k NINO,
Beli filio, rege Assyriorum, fecere j qui cum opinione caec4
inimdi originem creaturamque hominum sine initio credi velint,
coepisse ab hoc regna belldque definiunt ; quasi vero catenas
humanum genus ritu pecudum vixerit, et tune primum veluti
ad novam providentiam concussum suscitatumque evigilarit.
Oros. Hist. lib. i. c. 1.
a
82 PAGANISM AND
mercies, and executes its everlasting purposes
on the sons of men, under all the circumstances
of life. Finally, he turns their attention to
Christ, the Saviour of the world, and exhorts
them to look by faith towards Him, in whom
alone the sin of Adam could find its remedy ;
and to repent of the evils which the impious
persecution of his church upon earth had
brought upon the Roman empire, through the
righteous vengeance of Heaven.
Augustin is a writer of an higher order.*
While he reverts to the former history of Rome,
and of the world at large, he encounters the
Pagans with an animated and interesting dis-
cussion of the radical meanness and viciousness
of polytheism ; the equal folly of the popular
mythology, and the philosophic religion of the
Romans. This he accomplishes, with perfect
success, in the first ten books. In the twelve
which follow, he proceeds to raise his Christian
superstructure on the ruins of Paganism. Be-
ginning, therefore, from the situation of man in
* Let not this observation deprive Orosius of the reputation
so justly due to him. Mosheim calls him a writer in primis
aetatis suae erudito. Dissert. Ecclesiast. vol. i. p. 138. But he
is inferior to Augustin, in originality and comprehensiveness of
mind.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 83
Paradise, he traces the progress of Revelation
through the succeeding ages, its continued ex-
istence, notwithstanding occasional restrictions
of its extent, till the appearance of Christ, in
whom the world was to believe.
From the accomplishment of the purposes of
God upon earth, he passes to the final judgment
of mankind at the last day ; describes the con-
demnation and punishment of the enemies of
God, and expatiates on the everlasting happi-
ness of the blessed; when Christ shall have
given up the kingdom of his mediatorship to the
Father, and God shall be " all in all."
But it is only the first part of the work which
applies to the subject before us. And, without
entering into any of those opinions which nar-
row or degrade the Christian system of Augus-
tin ; in no writer, can we find a more copious,
or more interesting account of the state of
Paganism in the age in which he lived.
This account is the more curious, as it shows
us the opinions and practices of polytheism
after the civil establishment of Christianity in
Rome ; and holds up to our eyes a picture of
idolatry, when now declining, and indeed fast
verging to its extinction.
The religion of Christ had obtained its gra-
G2
84 PAGANISM AND
dual success through an invincible "patience
in well doing," and through sufferings of every
kind. Paganism lost its ancient hold of em-
pire, and with that its principal means of sub-
sistence. It was now expiring under the power-
ful ascendancy of reason and faith. Yet it re-
tained its characteristic fierceness. Like one
of its profligate and audacious sons described
by Sallust, it cast a malignant frown at the
hand which smote it, and impotently threat-
ened revenge amid the struggles of death itself
- paulum etiam spirans, ferociamque animi, quam
habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 85
THE REAL CAUSES WHICH DISPOSED THE EMPIRE TO ITS
FALL, TRACED TO ITS HEATHEN DEPRAVITY. . .GOTHS ...
THEIR CAPTURE OF THE CITY PREPARED BY EARLIER
SUCCESSES WHILE THE EMPIRE WAS PAGAN . ..VINDICA-
TION OF THE GOSPEL.
THE subject has been hitherto discussed
through a reference to the character and tem-
per of Paganism. We have seen, that its pre-
tension to reward its votaries with temporal
prosperity, was the united effect of superstition
and malice ; superstition, enamoured of its own
gods, and malice, enraged at the successful pro-
pagation of the Gospel. Hence it has appeared,
that the argument so passionately urged against
the faith of Christ, on account of the capture of
Rome by the Barbarians, was unfounded. A
similar spirit of animosity and crimination had
prevailed in earlier times ; and turbulence and
intolerance were the common features of ido^
latry. The success of Alaric, therefore, was not
to be imputed to the recent establishment of
Christianity.
86 PAGANISM AND
It will now be proper to ascertain the real
causes of those temporal evils which ended in
the overthrow of the Western empire, and
which were falsely attributed to our holy reli-
gion.
For this purpose it is necessary to refer to
the Roman history. This will teach us, that the
seeds of the public misfortunes were sown by
Rome herself, in a state of heathenism; and
that, notwithstanding appearances, the strength
of the empire was effectually broken before the
government became Christian.
I intend, therefore, to lay before you some of
those circumstances which predisposed the em-
pire to its fall ; and some of those earlier suc-
cesses of the Gothic nations, which naturally
led to their final possession of Italy.
When Christ began his ministry upon earth,
the power of the empire seemed to be at its
height. Its boundaries had been fixed by Au-
gustus, at a triumphant extent : its internal
troubles were appeased ; and its supreme domi-
nion was fully acknowledged by the subject
nations. To these appearances of prosperity
nothing was wanting but permanence ; and this
the Pagans fondly promised themselves from
the supposed power of their gods, whose past
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 87
protection of their country was habitually as-
sumed as a certain pledge of the happiness
which awaited it in ages yet to come.
But a secret blow had been given to the
power of Rome, the consequences of which
might be disguised, but could not be averted.
That relaxation of principle which began before
the third Punic war, increased with a fatal ra-
pidity, after the too prosperous conclusion of it.
Sallust, who seems to confess the existence of
an earlier tendency to depravity, dates the ex-
traordinary growth of the civil disasters of the
state, from the overthrow of Carthage.* A ra-
pacious pursuit of wealth now took place ; and
the success with which it was unhappily at-
tended, soon led to a profuse indulgence of
vicious pleasures. This never ceased, but pro-
fligately grew in proportion to the decay of
the empire, to which indeed it materially con-
tributed.
From private degeneracy, necessarily arose
public corruption. The unprincipled acquisi-
tion of immoderate riches was followed by the
mad and insatiable love of power ; and the com-
* Discordia, et avaritia, atque ambitio, et caetera secundis
rebus oriri sueta mala, post Carthaginis excidium maxime secuta
sunt. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 18.
PAGANISM AND
mon tranquillity was sacrificed to the desperate
efforts of ambitious chiefs contending for the so-
vereignty of their country. Concord, says Au-
gustin,* could not consist with a corrupt pro-
sperity, and the extinction of an enemy which
had so long exercised the patience and the va-
lour of Rome. Seditions began, which were
soon increased to civil wars. .And now it ap-
peared that the loss of principle was more de-
structive than foreign hostility. They who had
hitherto feared mischief only from the enemy,
were suddenly overwhelmed by the conten-
tions of their fellow citizens. The vicious love
of dominion which had hitherto actuated the
people at large, seemed now to centre in the
* Deleta Carthagine, magno scilicet terrore Romanse Rei-
publicae repulso et extincto, tanta de rebus prosperis orta mala
continue) subseqimta sunt, ut, corrupta diruptaque concordia,
priiis saevis cruentisque seditionibus, deinde mox, malarum con-
nexione causarum, bellis etiam civilibus tantae strages ederentur,
tantus sanguis eftunderetur, tanta cupiditate proscriptionum ac
rapinarum, ferveret immanitas, ut Rornani illi, qui, vita inte-
griore, mala metuebant ab hostibus, perdita integritate vitae,
crudeliora paterentur a civibus ; eaque ipsa libido dominandi,
quae inter vitia generis humani immoderatior inerat universo
R. P. posteaquam in paucis potentioribus vicit, obtritos fatiga-
tosque caeteros etiam jugo servitutis oppressit. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 30.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. ' 89
inflamed bosoms of a few aspiring chiefs ; and
the fatal success of these was the subjugation
of all other men.
Cruelty, disdainful of every restraint on its
sanguinary purposes, and regardless of the
common welfare in its determined execution of
them, was the natural attendant on these strug-
gles for political ascendancy; and no safety
was supposed to be attained, till every oppo-
nent was cut off, by poison or the sword,
by open violence or secret treachery. Nay,
power, no longer disputed by a rival, indulged a
wantonness of rage, and drew a savage delight
from the blood of friends and foes sacrificed
together. We are informed by Valerius Max-
imus, that the ears, and the hearts of the people
of Rome, were pierced at once by the expiring
cries of the four legions,* which had thrown
themselves on the mercy of Sylla, and were, in
consequence, deliberately murdered. To these
Orosius adds some thousands of other victims,
not only of the quiet and unoffending citizens,
but even of the party of Sylla himself !| Such
* Quarum lamentabiles quiritatus trepidse civitatis aures re-
ceperunt. Lib. ix. c. 2. In the epitome of Livy, lib. 88, the
number is said to have been eight thousand.
t Plurimi tune quoque, ut non dicam innocentes, sed etiam
90 PAGANISM AND
indeed was the indiscriminate ferociousness of
this monster, whom Plutarch occasionally fa-
vours on account of his attachment to Grecian
literature ; and whom Valerius Maximus, though
he sometimes brands him with the name of
Hannibal, yet compliments with the virtues
of a Scipio, that one of his principal friends*
openly reproached him with a disposition which
would leave no difference between peace and
war, and which threatened the utter extinction
of society.
But the circumstance chiefly to be observed,
is, that these ruinous consequences did not flow
from the contentions alone ; the accommodations
were almost equally destructive with the dis-
putes ! It was the common character of both
the triumvirates, that they were founded alike
in perfidy and blood. In the first, Caesar pro-
moted the reconciliation of his colleagues, that
he might more effectually ruin those friends
whom they basely abandoned to his vengeance.
ipsius Sullanae partis occisi sunt, quos fuisse plusquam novem
niillia ferunt. Hist. lib. v. c. 21.
* Igitur cunctis jam, quod singuli timebant, aperte fremen-
tibus, Q. Catulus (Plutarch says it was C. Metellus) palam
Sullae dixit, Cum quibus tandem victuri sumus, si in bello ar-
matos, in pace inernies occidimus ? Ores. Hist. lib. v. c. 21.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 91
In the second, this profligacy was more openly
avowed. With the scorn of every motive but
the love of power, Anthony* placed on the same
roll of condemnation, Cicero his enemy, and L.
Caesar his uncle ; and this during the life of his
own mother ! Lepidus, perhaps, surpassed him
in this bloody infamy; and, actuated by the
same motives, was content to throw the name
of Paullus his brother, into the common list of
proscription and death ! These were the new
features of malignity engendered by the civil
wars; and not only were common justice and
humanity sacrificed, but friendship, hatred, af-
fection, and consanguinity, were all confounded
in the insane pursuit of lawless and unhallowed
power.
In a subsequent age, when the mild spirit of
Christianity had softened the asperity of civil
contentions, and shortened their duration, these
horrors were advantageously remembered; and
Augustin, in his refutation of the calumnies of
the Pagans, has well contrasted the successes
* Ibi Antonius Tullium Ciceronem, iniinicum suum 3 ibi
L. Caesarem, avunculum suum ; et (quod exaggerando sceleri
accessit) viva matre, proscripserat : ibi Lepidus et Paullum
fratrem suum in eundem proscriptorum gregem conjecerat.
Oros. Hist. lib. vi. c. 18.
92 PAGANISM AND
of Theodosius, with those of the sanguinary and
revengeful leaders now mentioned. With that
great captain, equally distinguished by his va-
lour and his faith, victory was the certain ter-
mination of all hostility. The children even of
his Pagan enemies, that had fled for refuge to
the churches, he piously preserved.* Instead
of offering them up the victims of ambition or
cruelty, he converted them to Christianity. He
caused them to be baptized in the name of the
Lord Jesus ; and protected with his power those
whom he had saved by his charity. This was
a conduct far above the chiefs of Heathen
Rome ; and it was the characteristic of Cinna
and Marius, and others engaged, like them,
in public contentions, to destroy with fury, or
betray with treachery, to confound all the dis-
tinctions of nature and society, and to continue
the effects of hostility amid the professions of
peace and friendship !
Out of these circumstances of horror and de-
solation, naturally grew that form of govern-
* Inimicorum etiam filios, quos non ipsius jussus sed belli
abstulerat impetus, etiam nondum Christianos ad ecclesiaui
confugientes, Christianos hac occasione fieri voluit, et Christi-
ana cbaritate dilexit ; nee privavit rebus, sed auxit honoribus.
Civ, Dei, lib. v. c. 26,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 93
ment which was established in Rome at the
time chosen by Divine wisdom for the appear-
ance of our Saviour upon earth. The people
anxiously looked for a tranquillity which had
been so long denied to them, and were willing
to believe that they had recovered their happi-
ness in the imperial authority recently imposed
upon them. But vice had now made too long
and desolating a progress in public and private ;
and a government wholly depending on the
personal qualities of the emperor, could offer
little chance of benefit to subjects themselves
corrupted. Accordingly, it was soon found,
that the new despotism did but derive an in-
creased malignity from the extinction of the
efficacy of all restrictive institutions; and the
people were confined to the helpless endurance
of those evils which are sure to flow from ty-
ranny, and to revenge the folly and depravity
which gave it birth.
But though the people of Rome had to la-
ment the failure of their expectations, the pur-
pose of the Gospel was answered. This is a
circumstance, on which the Christian writers
fondly dwell. The long and successful labours
of kings and consuls were finally vested in the
94 PAGANISM AND
sole and undisputed sway of Augustus ;* and
in the settlement of the empire, and the wide
extent of its territory, they hail the preparations
divinely permitted in the kingdom of the earth,
for the more free and effectual agency of the
faith of Christ. It has been already observed,
that a general controul was exercised by the
government of Rome over the Greeks and Jews,
and that these nations were not at liberty to act
against the Gospel at all times, as their malice
suggested. Generally speaking, licence for per-
secution was to be obtained from the sovereign
power, which often checked them, and rescued
the Christians from their violence. If, there-
fore, the neighbouring states had preserved
their independence, and with that the liberty of
opposing the progress of the Gospel, without
respect to the will of a superior, greater impe-
diments might yet have awaited the propagation
* Hoc (imperium) per reges et consules did provectum,
postquam Asiae, Afiicae, atque Europae potitum est, ad unum
Imperatorem congessit (Deus) ; ut in magno silentio ac pace
latissim& novi nominis gloria, et adnuntiatse salutis velox fama
percurreret ; vel etiam, ut discipulis ejus, per diversas gentes
euntibus, ultroque per cunctos salutis dona offerentibus, obeundi
ac disserendi, quippe Romanis civibus, inter cives Romanos,
esset tnta libertas. Oros. Hist, lib, vi. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 95
of it. But these obstacles were removed by the
universal ascendancy of Rome. Its subjects,
converted to the faith, had a larger space in
which to display their zeal for the conversion of
others. They had also a freer course ; and a
path was now opened to them through nations,
which, however discordant from each other in
language and modes of religion, acknowledged
the sway of one common government, and were
to embrace one common faith.* The privilege
of citizenship was now also rapidly extending
itself, and must have been favourable to the
extension of the Gospel. And the Roman name
itself was some security to the teachers of the
new doctrine. This we learn from the example
* Prudentius dwells on this as one of the purposes grafted
by Providence on the prosperity which had attended the Roman
arms.
Vis dicam, quae causa tuos, Romane, labores
In tantum extulerit ?
Discordes linguis populos, et dissona cultu
Regna volens sociare Deus, subjungier uni
Imperio, quicquid tractabile moribus esset,
Concordique jugo retinacula mollia ferre
Constituit, quo corda hominum conjuncta teneret
Relligionis amor ; nee enim fit copula Christo
Digna, nisi implicitas societ mens imica gentes.
Lib. ii. cont. Sym.
96 PAGANISM AXD
of St. Paul; for the officer, who had bound
him at Jerusalem, was " afraid, after he knew
that he was a Roman."* These then were some
of the secular circumstances, which, under the
blessing of Providence, facilitated the extension
of the Gospel, within a short time, to the most
distant parts of the empire. Fearful indeed, as
we have already seen, were the trials to which
the faith was exposed, notwithstanding these
preparations. Yet it was destined to succeed ;
and its influence, finally reaching the seat of
sovereignty, was to be the seal of the Christian
triumph over the world at large.
Meanwhile, the imperial authority went on,
unconscious of the sacred purposes attached to
it by the Divine hand, and accomplishing on its
subjects those civil evils which resulted from
its own constitution. The foundation of the
miseries of the empire was laid in the adopted
house of Augustus ; and the inquiry into the
early causes of its degradation and ruin might
perhaps stop at the character of Nero, the last of
that fatal family. But, though the succession
was broken, the same mischief continued. Most
of the Roman or Italian Caesars (I gladly except
* Acts xxii. 29.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 97
Vespasian and Titus) were worthy to administer
a government which had dropped from the
hands of Nero ; and rarely have the annals of
mankind furnished the view of a viciousness
more loathsome, or a tyranny more insupport-
able, than in the line which ended with Do-
mitian.
After the extinction of the first twelve Caesars,
a few instances of virtue and vigour appeared,
for the consolation of the empire, in the persons
of Nerva, Adrian, Trajan, and some others. It
is observed, however, by Aurelius Victor, who
marks the Cretan extraction of the former of
these sovereigns, that Rome had derived its
principal benefit from the virtues of those who
were born beyond her walls.* But, notwith-
standing the outward lustre which adorned it,
a lustre never more dazzling than in the reign
of Trajan, the real strength of the state was
secretly enfeebled. This soon appeared in the
disastrous fortunes of his successors. Such
indeed was the general debasement of principle,
that the occasional interposition of better sen-
timents and sounder plans of policy served ra-
* Mihi audienti multa legentique plane compertum est, urbem
Romam externorum' virtute, atque insitivis artibus praecipuk
crevisse. In Domit.
H
98 PAGANISM AND
ther to excite revenge, than to produce reform.
In vain would Pertinax* revive the stricter
morals of the ancient Romans, and appear the
rival of the Curii and Fabricii. In vain did
Severus-f attempt the restoration of 'military
discipline. In vain did AurelianJ strengthen
the walls of Rome, while he enlarged their
circuit, and maintain with honour the distant
interests of the empire. The virtue and courage
of these princes outran the qualities of the age.
They were fatal to their possessors ; and murder
was ever at hand to revenge the cause of law-
lessness and rapine.
From the general weakness and wickedness
which infected the government and the people,
necessarily resulted the neglect and injury of
the provinces. This mischief began indeed from
the destruction of Carthage, and raged with
* Hie doctrinae omnis ac moribus antiquissimis, immodice
parcus, Curios aequaverat Fabriciosque. Eum milites, quibtls,
exhausto jam perditoque orbe, satis videtur nihil, foede jugula-
vere. A. Victor in Pert.
} Tumultuantes legionum plerasque constantissime abjecit,
quod in praesens gloriae, mox exitio datum. Id. in Sev.
J His tot tantisque prosper^ gestis, ne unquam quae per Gal-
lienum evenerant, acciderent, muris urbem quam validissimis
laxiore ambitu circumsepsit : ministri scelere circumventus
interiit. Id. in Aurel.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 99
great violence during the latter age of the re-
public. But as yet the power of Rome was
not openly affected by it ; nor were the oppres-
sions of the proconsuls immediately followed
by the 'attempts of the enemy. At length,
however, this took place. Plundered and tor-
tured by the hand from which they had justly
expected protection, the provinces became the
easier prey of the invader ; and the common
safety was exposed to continual and increasing
dangers from the enemies of the empire. The
extortions not only of the proconsuls, but of
their wives and attendants ; the compelled ser-
vices of the unhappy subjects, and the jealous
system of information which was established
through the most distant parts of the state,
excited disaffection and revolt. What the de-
clamation of Cicero had exposed in Verres ;
what the satire of Juvenal had lashed in the
profligate rapacity of Marius ; now became
common history. Salvian, who lived to see and
record the dreadful effects of this corrupt policy,
affords the best commentary on the alarm and
indignation of those writers. He presents us
with alternate pictures of the depravity of the
Romans, and the just successes of the Barba-
rians. The rapine and cruelty of the governors
H2
100 PAGANISM AND
were the true causes of the rebellion of the
provinces ; and the Goths and Vandals owed
their easy possession of Gaul and Africa, to the
injustice and inhumanity of Rome.*
But before these dangers reached their ex-
tremity, one favourable circumstance occurred,
which deserves particular notice. Byzantium,
which had been built by a Spartan king, when
Rome was in its infancy, was destined to protect
its declining years, to revive its glory under
another name, and amidst the acknowledgment
of a better faith. The seat of empire was
* Inter haec vastantur pauperes, viduae gemunt, orphan! pro-
culcantur. Itaque passim vel ad Gothos, vel ad Bagaudas, vel
ad alios ubique dominalites barbaros migrant, et migrasse non
pcenitet. Of the Bagaudae themselves he says ; Vocamus re-
belles, vocamiis perditos, quos esse compulimus criminosos.
Quibus enim aliis rebus Bagaudae facti sunt nisi iniquitatibus
nostris, nisi improbitatibus judicum, nisi eorum proscription-
ibus et rapinis, qui exactionis publicae nomen in quaestus proprii
emolumenta verterunt, et indictiones tributarias praedas suas
esse fecerunt ? De Gub. Dei, lib. v. Such facts as these make
us remember, with increased interest and admiration, the warn-
ing given by Juvenal to bis country :
Curandum imprimis, nc magna injuria fiat
Fortibus et miseris. Tollas licet omne, quod usquam est
Auri, atque argenti j scutum, gladiumque relinques,
Et jacula, et galeam ; spoliatis arma sitpersunt.
Sat. 8.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 101
opportunely removed to this place, augmented
and beautified, and now called Constantinople.*
A rescue was thus obtained for at least one
branch of Roman power ; and it is the just de-
light of the Christian writers to extol the felicity
bestowed by Providence on a foundation better
and more pure than that of the Pagan capital.t
They point out the rapid growth of the new
city, equal to Rome in her splendour, but with-
out the experience of her crimes and miseries ;
and they dwell with rapture on the praises of
a daughter establishment freed from the super-
stitions and pollutions of its corrupted mother ;
an establishment wholly dedicated to the true
God, where no temple arose for the worship of
the demons, no statue obtained a place to the
impious honour of deified mortals. J
* Haec autem Byzantium, quondam a Pausania, rege Spar-
tanorum, condita, post autem a Constantino, Christiano Prin-
cipe, in majus aucta, et Constantinopolis dicta, gloriosissimi nunc
imperil sedes et caput totius Orientis est. Oros. Hist. lib. iii.
c. 13. A. Marcellinus calls it an Attic Colony ; lib. xxii. c. 8.
t Quae sola expers idolorum, ad hoc, brevissimo tempore,
condita a Christiano Imperatore, provecta est, ut sola Romse,
tot saeculis miseriisque provectae, formd et potential merito possit
aequari. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 28.
% Cui etiam (Constantino) condere civitatem Romano Imperio
sociam, velut ipsius Romae filiam, sed sine aliquo Daemonum
102 PAGANISM AND
But meanwhile, the fate of the antient city
could not be averted or delayed ; and the Bar-
barians, who had long since made successful
inroads into the distant parts of the empire,
were now preparing to pour into Italy, and to
seize upon Rome itself. Let us attend to their
history, endeavour briefly to ascertain their
situation, name, and origin, and point out some
of those early successes which prepared the way
for their final occupation of the West.
The situation of the Getae is said by Strabo,*
and other geographers, to have been in that
part of Europe beyond the Ister, which was
included between the Euxine Sea, the River
Tyras to the North, and the Pathissus to the
West. W^e are informed too, not only by poets,
templo simulacroque concessit (Deus). Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. v.
c. 25. His great qualities were acknowledged by Pagans as
well as Christians. This appears from the general lamentation
for his death quod sane P. R. aegerrime tulit, quippe cujus
armis, legibus, dementi imperio, quasi novatam urbem Roma-
nam arbitrarentur. A. Victor in Const.
ri T&V YETMV eprjpia Trpomrai. lib, vii. p. 21 1 . Cluverius states this
as the common opinion concerning the Getse ; Quorum sedem
ultra Danubium fuisse, inter Pathissum amnem atque mare
Ponticum, ex adverse Parmoniae Mcesiaeque, satis e Strabone,,
Ptoltmseo, atque aliis, in aperto est. Germ. Autiq. lib. iii.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 103
but historians and divines, whose attention was
particularly directed to the history of the Gothic
invaders of the empire, that they were the same
people to whom the Greeks had given the earlier
name of Getee. This appears from the testi-
mony of Claudian and Ausonius, and from a
number of passages in Spartian, Jerom, Orosius,
Procopius, and others.
The Romans, however, generally gave the
name of Daci to the Barbarians beyond the
lower Danube, whether from the observation
that the Daci were of the family of the Getae,*
or that they both used the same language.f
But the Greeks, as we have just seen, placed
the Getae towards the mouths of the Ister, while
the Daci were removed to the West. Different
names were also given to the river, according
to the difference of these settlements. Where
the Daci had possession of the banks, it was
called Danubius ; where it washed, or per-
* Daci soboles Getarum sunt. Justin. Hist. 32. 3.
f This is also observed by Strabo 6/idy\wrroi & eiarlv oi
Terat rolg Actfrtue. lib. vii. p. 211. Procopius marks the same
language in all the Gothic tribes that invaded the Roman em-
pire 0wv) TE avTolg i?l pa, TordiK^ Xeyo/ueVr;. De Bell. Vand.
lib. i. c. 2. He thinks that they were all of the same stock,
and obtained different names from their generals or chiefs.
104 PAGANISM AND
vaded the seat of the Getae, it had the name of
Ister.*
The origin of the Goths has also given rise to
much difference of opinion. Strabo states the
persuasion of the Greeks, that the Getae were
a Thracian people. He says too, that they and
the Mysians, who had the same origin, were
formerly inhabitants of both sides of the Ister .f
At the time however of the expedition of Alex-
ander against the Thracians beyond the Hoamus,
they were no longer on the south of the river :
for, being unable to make an impression on the
island Peuce, to which the leaders of the Tri-
balli had fled for refuge, yet willing to leave
behind him some terror of his name, he passed
the Ister, and made a short incursion into the
territory of the Getae. On the other hand,
* Kcu yap TB 7rora/iS ra fjiiv avii) Kal irpoQ Taig 7r//ycu
v a aXi
Terag, KoX&oriv "Lrpoj/. Strab. lib. vii. p. 211.
t Ot Toivvv "EXXrjvec, rc Ferae, 0paKae VT
c 1 ty tKarepa T "I-rpy KOL rot, KOI ol Mv<rot, QpaKeg OVTZQ KOI
l, Kal G viiv Mvorac naXSair. lib. vii. p. 204.
6 $tXt7T7r, icara rr\v ETTL 0pa^ae rwc i/Trtp rw
aXwv tig Tpt/3aXXe, bp&v ptXP 1 T & "I^pw *.'a-
Kal r^c tv CLVTM viiau T\EVKT]Q, ra Trlpav ce. Tirac
al er
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 105
the later ecclesiastical waiters generally call
the Goths a Scythian race.* But Cluverius
wages war against all the testimony which
would identify the Goths with the Getae. He
asserts therefore, that the Goths of the later
authors were the Gotones mentioned by Taci-
tus, and the Guttones of Pliny. He fixes their
original seat ^ towards the mouths of the Vis-
tula,! in which place they are last noticed by
Tacitus. After that time, in the reign of M.
Aurelius, he makes them remove to the lake
Mseotis, and from thence to the Borysthenes
and the Euxine, and the borders of the Getae.
Here at length they settled, and, according to
their places of abode, obtained the subsequent
ri Svvarrdai ffTravtt Trkouav' eKelae yap
rov T&V Tpi/3aAAwv fiacrikla Supjuov, cLVTivyfiv Trpog rr\v tT
priaiv' EIQ tie T&G Ferae c)ia/3avra, eXetj/ r//v aurwv TroXiv, Kal
ava^pevl/ou Cia ra^ewv eig rr\v oliceiaj/. Strab. lib. vii. p. 208.
* Scythas eos adpellans (Jornandes) quernadmodum et Isi-
dorus in Chronico Gothorum. Cluv. Germ. Antiq. lib. iii.
c. 34.
f The system of Jornandes brings them here too, but from
Scandinavia. Hence they remove to the Euxine j arid from
the Borysthenes descend to the Danube. However, their pro-
per origin is still supposed in poetry to be the neighbourhood of
Maeotis, which they first leave, under Odin, to repair to Scandi-
navia !
106 PAGANISM AND
distinction of Ostrogoths and Westrogoths. It
follows from this supposition, that the Goths were
German ; but the Getee were never reckoned
among the German nations. In the conduct of
this argument, Cluverius professes to follow
truth alone ; but he evidently labours under a
wish of claiming the conquest of the Western
empire for his countrymen ; and he congratu-
lates them on the success of his discovery.*
But whatever may have been the disputes con-
cerning the history of these Barbarians, we
will, for the present purpose, rest in the con-
clusion, that the Goths were the Getoe, and that
the place from which they issued for the pur-
pose of conquest or plunder, was that which
has been already described.
Let us now attend to the transactions of the
GetaB with the Romans.
Strabo dates the commencement of that good
fortune which attended them in their enter-
prises against the empire, from the appointment
of a man of much talent and activity to be their
* Quos (Gothos) vera, Germanaque origine hactenus per tot
saeculorum spatium abalienatos, suis tandem restituisse sedibus,
mini gaudeoj communi vero patriae gratulor. Germ. Antiq. lib.
iii. c. 34. Cluverius was born at Dantzick.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 107
leader. This was Boerebistes.* He gave to
the nation a vigour and consistency unknown
before. Under him therefore, having subdued
several of the neighbouring tribes, they fear-
lessly passed the Ister, and laid waste Thrace
to the borders of Macedonia and Illyricum ; nor
was it till after the death of this commander,
and the division of the force of the country
among several chieftains, that the Romans suc-
ceeded in repressing them. They were still
numerous and formidable ; but it was soon
found, that their strength wanted direction ;
and Augustus seems to have greatly reduced, if
not to have nearly subjugated them all.f But
their warlike spirit, and particularly their se-
cret connection with the German tribes;}; ever
* Boipe/3tVae avrjp Ferris, e7ri<rae ITTI rriv TV 'iQvuQ kin^aaiav,
roffSrov iiriipEV (tV) affKtiffei KOL vij^et, Kal raj irpoffe^eiv roig
7rpa.yp.aff tv, &ffr oXiyiov ir&v fj.ya\rjv ap^v Kare^rj ffa.ro, Kal
rS)V bfjiopwv rc 7rXire vTrirafa rolg Tlraig' ijdri fie Kal 'JPw/m/oiff
3 ^ta/3atvwv acJtaie rov"I<rpoy, Kal rrjvQpdKrjv \ErjKa-
Ma/C^oi/me KOI rfjg iXXvpt^oe. Lib. vii. p. 210.
t One word of Strabo marks the recent time of the expedition
against them : KOI ^>) Kal NTN iivtKa (.irei^ev iir Q.VTUQ <rpa-
reiav o 2e/3aToc Kataap, &c. ib.
J "OvTrw 3' fifflv V7roxeiptoi rfXlwg, Sta rag eK rtiv Tepuavuiv
i\Tricas, TroXepW OVTUV rote 'Pupaiois. Lib. vii. p. 211. This
108 PAGANISM AND
hostile to the Roman name, preserved them
from final submission ; and in the time of Domi-
tian 1 they seem to have recovered their strength
and importance. The war which they waged
with him in Mcesia occasioned great and just
terror at Rome. Dio* describes the affected
pomp with which he endeavoured to conceal
his disgraces; and Juvenal assists in the history
of his defeat by the sarcastic mention of Fuscus,
whose entrails were reserved for the repast of
Dacian vultures. J" However, they were again
triumphantly repressed by Trajan and Cara-
calla. The former was perhaps the only com-
mander who, at that time, had carried the Ro-
man arms beyond the Ister,J and subdued
remark of Strabo on the hopes which the Getae and Daci (for
he joins them together) had from the Germans,, throws light on
the observation of Dio Cassius, that the Quadi and Marco-
manni refused to give Domitian any assistance in his Dacian
war j the very circumstance, we find, which led to his with-
drawing from it.
* Lib. 67. 7. In compliance with the Roman custom, he
calls these enemies of Domitian Dacians, though certain Greeks
gave them the name of Getae HK ayvo&v on 'EAAjjvwv rivee
Ferae avrsg Xeyseriv, t'tr' opOwe tire pr) \iyovrf. g. ib. 6.
f vulturibus servabat viscera Dacis
Fuscus Sat. 4.
\ Primus, aut solus etiam, vires Romanas trans Istrum pro-
pagavit, domitis in provinciam Dacorum pileatis Sacisque
nationibus, Decebalo rege. Aur. Victor in Traj.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 109
these Barbarians on their own ground. But
this impression was soon removed ; and the
struggle recommenced with various success
under the older and younger Gordian. In the
time of Philip, they easily repassed the river,
and possessed themselves of Mcesia ; nor were
his immediate successors able to make them
return. At length, a composition was settled
with them by Gallus and Volusian. This how-
ever was soon dissolved by the incapacity of
Gallienus ; and while the more western tribes
of Barbarians were bursting through Gaul to
Spain and Italy itself, the Goths spread without
difficulty over Thrace and Macedonia. Yet
signal victories were afterwards obtained over
them by Claudius, who devoted himself, ano-
ther Decius, and acquired the title of Gothi-
cus;* by Aurelian, and finally by Constantine.
* Aur. Victor sufficiently conveys the formidable intimacy
which the Goths had now acquired with the empire ; quos
diuturnitas nimis validos, ne prope incolas eftecerat. In Claud.
How great a relief to the fears of Rome were the victories of
Claudius, may be seen in this as well as other passages of Treb.
Pollio. Pugnatum in diversis regionibus, et ubique auspiciis
Claudianis victi sunt Gotthi, prorsus ut jam tune Constantio
Coesari nepoti futuro videretur Claudius sccuram parare Rem-
pnblicam. Apud Hist. Aug. in Div. Claud.
1 10 PAGANISM AND
He revived what had been the peculiar glory of
Trajan. He passed the Ister, and pursued the
Barbarians into Sarmatia ; and we may reason-
ably suppose, that this is one of the circum-
stances which have obtained for him so much
applause from the Christian writers.* In their
arguments with the Pagans, who maliciously
insinuated that the establishment of Christianity
was the decay of military glory, they success-
fully appeal to his great deeds in arms, and
sometimes call him a second Trajan.
These were some of the principal actions of
the Goths with the Romans, while they sub-
sisted as a people, and could be said to have a
country of their own. Not long after this, they
were compelled to quit their settlements by a
more strange and savage race which suddenly
descended upon them from the wilds of Sar-
matia and the borders of the Tanais. The
causes which impelled the Huns forward from
their remoter regions to the banks of the Ister,
are not satisfactorily ascertained ; but the terror
of their name had preceded their arrival. t They
* Gothorum fortissimas et copiosissimas gentes in ipso bar-
barici soli sinu, hoc est, in Sarmatarum regione, delevit. Oros.
Hist. lib. vii. c. 28.
f Fama late serpente per Gothorum reliquas gentes, quod
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. Ill
were represented as a raging whirlwind, issuing
from a quarter wholly unknown, and sweeping
away every thing which opposed their course.
In order to escape from the tempest which
threatened them, the chief part of the Gothic
nation sought an asylum within the borders of
the empire. An agreement was made; and
Thrace and Moesia, which they had so often
plundered as enemies, were assigned to them
as suppliants. They had voluntarily offered to
Valens, as a condition of the grant, that they
would live peaceably, and assist in the defence
of the empire.* To this they added a proposal
of embracing Christianity, and requested that
bishops might be sent to instruct them in the
doctrines, and train them in the duties of the
Gospel.f But an accommodation, thus prac-
ticable and beneficial, was soon overthrown.
inusitatum antehac hominum genus modo ruens, lit turbo mon-
tibus celsis, ex abdito sinu coortum opposita quseque convellit
et corrumpit -, populi pars major quaeritabat domicilium remo-
tum ab omni notitia barbarorum. Am. Marcell. lib. xxxi. c. 3.
* Missis oratoribus ad Valentem, suscipi se humili prece
poscebant, et quiete victuros se pollicentes, et daturos, si res
flagit&sset, auxilia. ib. c. 4.
f Gothi per legates supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episcopi,
a quibus regulam Christian fidei discerent, mitterentur. Oros.
Hist. lib. vii. c. 33.
112 PAGANISM AND
The Roman commissaries, appointed to assign
the lands, and to establish the settlers in them,
drove the barbarians to despair by their cruelties
and exactions > A war ensued within the empire
itself; and Valens, who marched in person
against the Goths, was defeated, taken prisoner,
and burnt alive ; a calamity which, as Marcel-
linns reports, was pointed out by omens and
presages, of a strange and alarming nature.*
Inflamed with this success, they quickly spread
over the neighbouring provinces ; and, under the
temptation of a common plunder, were joined
by some of their late enemies, the Huns ! They
were not effectually repressed, till the distresses
of the state induced Gratian .to associate with
him in the government the great Theodosius,
one of the most eminent of Christian sovereigns
and commanders.
While he lived, the Goths were kept in per-
fect submission, and cheerfully fought for the
common safety under the Roman ensigns. But
at his death, the Eastern and Western empires
descended to his sons Arcadius and Honor ius.
* Interea et Fortunae volucris rota, adversa prosperis semper
alternans, Bellonam furlis in societatem adscitis armabat, moes-
tosque transtulit eventus, quo.s adventare prsesagiorum fides clara
monebat et portentorum. Lib. xxxi. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 113
On account of their tender age, they were un-
happily left under the guardianship of Ruffinus
and Stilicho. These men, very unequal in
talents, were yet jealous of each other. The
name and actions of the latter might have
shielded him from reproach ; yet both he and
his rival were accused of nourishing ambitious
hopes of sovereignty either for themselves or
their families ; and of secretly exciting the
Goths to take up arms,* that they might the
better promote their own interested views amid
the public confusion. Encouraged by these and
other hopes, two Barbarian chiefs successively
penetrated into Italy, the famous Alaric and
Rhadagaisus. The name of the latter is men-
tioned with equal terror and exultation by the
Christian writers. f Orosius rates the number
of his army, on a moderate calculation, J at two
hundred thousand men, and Augustin is careful
* Cum alius sibi, alius filio suo adfectans regale fastigium,
ut rebus repente turbatis, necessitas reipublicae scelus ambitus
tegeret, barbaros gentes ille immisit, hie fovit. Oros. Hist,
lib. vii. c. 37.
f Rhadagaisus omnium antiquorum praesentiumque hostium
longe immanissimus, repentino impetu totam inundavit Italiam.
Oros. ib.
J Secundum eos qui parcissime referunt. ib. Zosimus
doubles it.
I
114 PAGANISM AND
to point out the ferociousness which distin-
guished it.* But this terror was speedily and
unexpectedly dissipated. The unskilled Barba-
rian, having advanced into Etruria, and alarmed
Rome for its own safety, chose an unfavourable
position for his camp, among the hills of Fiesole.f
It was surrounded, or harassed and deprived of
supplies ; and the mighty force which rilled it,
was rather consumed by famine, than destroyed
by the sword. Alaric was not thus easily
checked. His approach had been watched with
anxiety, though the moment of his final success
was not yet arrived. J Many battles were fought ;
and he did not retreat towards the Alps, till he
had exercised the valour, and wasted the force
of Rome.
These successes of the declining empire were
sung by the Pagan and Christian poets, with
* Agmine ingenti et immani. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23.
f In Faesulanos monies cogit (Deus.) Oros. lib. vii. c. 37.
\ Tentavit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus
Italiam, patrio veniens juratus ab Istro
Has arces aequare solo, tecta aurea flammis
Solvere, mastrucis proceres vestire togatos :
Jamque ruens Venetos turmis protriverat agros,
Et Ligurum vastarat opes, et amoena profundi
Rura Padi, Thusciimque solum victo amne premebat.
Prudent, contr. Syrani. lib. ii.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 115
similar joy, but very different motives. Claudian
extols the courage of Stilicho, which defeated
the invaders, and his prudence which permitted
the escape of his enemies, rather than expose
the welfare of the state to the consequences of
their desperation;* and he depends on the
watchful care of Jupiter, which will always
preserve the temple of Numa, one of the great
parents of the Pagan rites, the antient seat of
Quirinus, and the dread arcanum of Rome,
perhaps its palladium, from the profanation
even of barbarous eyes.f
On the other hand, it is the exultation of
Prudentius, that so many victories were ob-
tained under ensigns no longer profane. From
the pious offering of their prayers at the altar
* This, if we may trust Orosius, is no other than a compliment
to cover his treachery. Taceo (says Orosius) de Alarico rege
cum Gothis suis ssepe victo, ssepe concluso, semperque dimisso.
Lib. vii. c. 37.
procul arceat altus
Jupiter, ut delubra Numae, sedemque Quirini
Barbaries oculis saltern temerare profanis
Possit, et arcanum tanti deprendere regni.
DeBell. Get. 100.
Symmachus has a similar persuasion, when he is pleading for
the restoration of the altar of Victory multa victoriae debet
aeternitas vestra, et adhuc plura debebit,
i 2
116 PAGANISM AND
of the true God, the commanders went to the
encounter of the Barbarians ; and those who
revenged at Pollentia, the ravages which had
desolated Pannonia during thirty years, were
the soldiers not only of Rome but of Christ.*
In the speech which he attributes to Rome,
exulting in her recent triumphs, she compares
Stilicho with those great commanders who had
defended her against her antient enemies. If
she confessed a just gratitude to the brave
Camillus, who had rescued her from the long
possession of the Gauls, what thanks were due
to the conqueror of the Goths, an enemy de-
feated ere they had yet been able to view the
walls of the city! " Mount, therefore, thy tri-
umphal chariot;^ bring hither thy spoils, and
* Hujus adoratis altaribus, et cruce front!
Inscripta, cecinere tubae : prima hasta Draconis
Praecurrit, quae Christ! apicem sublimior effert.
lllic terdenis gens exitiabilis annis
Pannoniae poenas tandem deleta pependit.
Cont. Sym. lib. ii.
The thirty years here alluded to, are mentioned more frequently
and pointedly by Claudian. Both poets seem to date the ravage
of Pannonia from that settlement within the Ister which was
almost immediately followed by the defeat and death of Valens.
f Scande triumph alem currumj spoliisque receptis,
Hue, Christo comitante, veni; * Prud. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 117
the captives rescued from Barbaric hands ;
bring them in the power of Christ, whose fa-
vour has conferred them on the worshippers of
his name."
But unavailing were the fond visions of per-
manent safety for Rome, thus lately triumphant.
After a short interval, Alaric again made his
a*ppearance. Either dissatisfied with the new
settlement which he had obtained by treaty, or
harassed and deceived by the arts of Stilicho,
he once more took up arms, and with better
success. He penetrated into Italy, directed his
march against Rome, and, after repeated at-
tempts, took it by stratagem* in the year 1164,
from the foundation of the city, and in the year
410 of the Christian aera. This is the great
event, from which the present subject has
arisen.')* To this the Pagans confidently ap-
pealed, for the purpose of imputing the disas-
ters of the state to the civil establishment of
the Gospel, and of asserting the efficacy of the
antient idolatry in the promotion of temporal
welfare. The Western empire did indeed re-
cover from this calamity for a while, and was
* Procop. de Bell. Vandal, lib. i.e. 2.
. .f See p. 54.
118 PAGANISM AND
not extinguished till about sixty years after.
But the Barbarians had now found their way
to the capitol, nor did they cease till they had
fully established themselves in it.
From the history thus presented to you it is
necessary to draw a few inferences.
1 . It is of particular importance to observe,
that the foundation of the public evils of Rome
was laid before the ministry of Christ began.
To establish this point, was the object of the
Christian advocates ; for hence it results, that
the Gospel is free from the charge brought
against it by the Pagans : it was not the cause
of the overthrow of the empire. The princi-
ples of sound government were previously lost ;
and with them, the proper support of sove-
reignty. Such is the punishment which, in the
divine order of things, is commonly annexed to
the violation of the rules of reason and virtue,
in public as well as private life ; and the nume-
rous instances which have been adduced of the
growing wickedness and weakness of Rome,
and the gradual and alarming successes of the
Barbarians against it, must convince us, that
there is a natural connection between vice and
misfortune, a strong -and unavoidable tendency
of public profligacy, to the loss of national
power.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 119
2. In the same events we may also observe a
judicial punishment acting for a more peculiar
purpose. After the church of Christ had risen
within the empire, it suffered those long and
dreadful persecutions which have been already
related. In the diminution of the power of
Rome, the Christian writers have, therefore,
piously acknowledged the just visitation of
Heaven. They have carefully compared the
calamities of the empire, with the intolerance
of the Pagan sovereigns ; and they point out to
us the marks of divine vengeance, in the tem-
poral chastisements which followed each per-
secution of the faith, from the time of Nero to
the conversion of Constantine ; and the last of
the ten plagues directed against the cruelties
of Heathen Rome, was the public suppression
of its beloved, but guilty, idolatry, the cause of
all the evils which had been inflicted on the
believers of the Gospel.*
3. Hence too we see the general subserviency
of the temporal power of Rome to the wants
of the church of Christ. The extent of the
empire, and the authority which it exercised,
* Novissima pcena est omnium idolorum perditio, quae pri-
mitiis facta in priniis amabant. * Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 27.
120 PAGANISM AND
were, without its intention, indeed, without its
knowledge, the means of a wider and more
effectual propagation of the Gospel ; nor did
its outward decline take place till the interests
of the Faith were, in some measure, secured.
Nay, in the events which befel it after the so-
vereigns became Christian, a similar purpose
is still discoverable. It was the standing policy
of the empire to convert to Christianity all the
Barbarians who were received within the bor-
ders, or over whom, the influence of civilization
could be in any manner exerted ; * and it is the
grateful observation of Orosius, that the very
decay of the civil power wrought the increase
bf the church of Christ.f There is yet another
indication of the same Divine purpose. Euche-
j the son of Stilicho, for whom he designed
* Procopius makes the observation, and says of the Heruli,
that they became milder men and better subjects in consequence
of their conversion: TYJV tiiaurav tin TO fyupwrepoi> yura/3a-
Xdvrec, TOIQ XpiTicu/aiv VOJJLOIQ eVl TrXetTOV Trpoo^wptii/ eyvaxrav,
KCIL 'PwfJiaioiG Kara TO ^vfj.pa-)(iKov TO. TroXXa fVt rwg iroXepiug
IvvTOLffffovTai. De Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 14. j
f Si ob hoc solum Barbari Romanis finibus immissi forent,
quod vulgo per Orientem et Occidentem ecclesiae Christi Hun-
nis et Suevis, Vandalis et Burgundionibus, diversisque et innu-
meris credenti um populis replentur, laudanda et adtollenda Dei
miserieordia videretur. Hist. lib. vii. c. 41.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 121
the empire of the West, was secretly connected
with the Pagan party within the walls of Rome.
We are distinctly informed, that, from his early
years, he had seen with dislike the public
change of the faith of the empire, and medi-
tated the ruin of the Christians;* and a re-
vengeful pledge was said to have been given to
the enemies of the Gospel, that his attainment
of the imperial power should be the restoration
of the temples of the gods, and the overthrow
of the Christian churches.t This wickedness
was frustrated by his own death, and that of
his father. Nor was Paganism promoted by the
success of the Barbarians themselves. Rhada-
gaisus was an idolater ;J and in his march to-
wards the city, offered daily sacrifices to the
gods, his protectors. When Rome fell, it sub-
mitted to an enemy, who, though imperfectly
instructed in the faith, was the least hostile to it.
* Jam inde Christianorum persecutionem a puero privatoque
meditantem. Oros. lib. vii. c. 38.
f Occisus est et Eucberius, qui ad conciliandum sibi favorem
Paganorum, restitutione templorum et eversione ecclesiarum
imbuturum se regni priraordia minabatur. Oros. ib.
I Paganus et Scytha erat. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37.
Quotidianis sacrificiis placabat atque invitabat Deos. Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23.
122 PAGANISM: AND
Alaric was himself a professor of Christianity,*
and the protector of it in others. The civil po-
lity had performed its temporary office, and was
dissolved. The religion of Christ is eternal, and
amidst the destruction of all other authority,
the Gospel was yet respected and maintained.
* Duo tune Gothorum populi cum duobus potentissimis re-
gibus suis 3 quorum imus Christianus, propiorque Romano ;
alms Paganus, Barbaras, et ver Scytha. Oros. Hist. lib. vii.
c. 37.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 123
CHAPTER IV.
DISASTROUS ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS . . .THEIR GODS TWICE
VANQUISHED AT TROY... IMPOTENT GUARDIANS OF ITALY
. . .FATE NOT MORE SERVICEABLE TO THE ROMANS THAN
THEIR GODS...BETTER FAITH OF CHRISTIANS. ..INFERENCE
THAT PAGANISM DOES NOT CONFER TEMPORAL GOOD . . .
CONCLUSION OF THE FIRST PART.
THE argument that the Deities of Pagan Rome
were the bestowers of temporal happiness, and
that the calamities which befel the empire in
its later age, were occasioned by the civil esta-
blishment of Christianity, has been refuted by
an appeal to history. The veil which covered
from the eyes of the people the earlier disasters
of the state, was removed by the advocates of
the Gospel. From their diligence and zeal,
therefore, came the description of the vices
and growing miseries of Rome, while yet idol-
atrous; while, as Augustin remarks, her super-
stitions were in their fullest maintenance; while
her priesthood was publicly honoured, and the
mingled odours of garlands and Sabean frank-
incense ascended from the altars of her gods.*
* Quando ilia mala fiebant, calcbant arae numinum Sabaeo
124 PAGANISM AND
This perhaps might be deemed sufficient for
the vindication of the Gospel. But, not con-
tent with this, the Christian writers laboured
to expose the general inefficacy of the Heathen
worship. They ascended to the origin of the
Roman deities, and proved them to have been
equally helpless in Asia and in Italy: they de-
scribed the miseries which ambition had in-
flicted on the world amid the acknowledgement
of so corrupt a mythology, and concluded, that
the dominion of Rome had been derived from
other causes, and conferred for other purposes.
Of this part of the literary warfare with idola-
try, some specimens shall therefore be given.
The criticism of our own days may indeed
deem such contention unimportant, and the
statement of it superfluous. But our researches
into the transactions of other ages must be
regulated by the circumstances of the times
to which they belong. We do not want to be
convinced of the folly of polytheism. But, in a
contest between two great parties of Christians
and Pagans, the question was justly regarded
as of great moment. To suppress it, therefore,
thure sertisque recentibus halabant : clarebant sacerclotia, fana
renidebant ; sacrificabatur, ludebatur, furebatur in templb.
Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 31.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
would be to mutilate historic truth, and to cast
away one great feature from the portrait of the
age which we delineate.
Nothing was more flattering to the Romans,
than the mention of their Trojan origin. Ac-
cordingly, it is every where insisted upon in
their histories. Livy* describes the progress of
^Eneas and Antenor from the captured city
their arrival in different parts of Italy, with no
other means of empire than their arms and ves-
sels ; and the fond revival of the name of Troy
in a double settlement.
Nor was this descent from a vanquished race
unacknowledged by the greatest or the most
fortunate of the Romans. It was the pride of
Julius Caesar to deduce his name from lulus. f
And so powerful was the remembrance of the
origin of his family in the mind of Augustus,
that he is supposed by some critics to have
entertained the design of transferring his new
sovereignty to its antient cradle, and of reviving
the Trojan empire by the force of Roman hands.
*Lib. i. c. 1.
t Ol $e 'PwfjLaiot rov r 'AtWiav ap^yerJ/v fjyuvTCti' ETretTd re
'IwXtog O.TTO 'IwXs nvog rS)v Trpoyovwv. efcetvog c)' euro 'IA rj)v
Trpoffwvv/ut'av 'icr)(. Tavrrjy, T&V ditoyovuv lig &v r&v CLTTO '
Strab. lib. 13. p. 409.
126 PAGANISM AND
With a view to this rumoured intention, it has
been conjectured, that Horace wrote the third
ode of his third book. Juno, the original enemy
of Troy, is employed to declare the renewal of
her vengeance, if the hated city shall be rebuilt.
She will allow the posterity of the exiles to
attain greatness and glory in a distant country,
and to extend their dominion at pleasure to the
frozen or the burning zone. But the herds of
the field must continue to graze where Paris lies ;
and the tomb of Priam must still be the haunt
of the wild beasts. Should a mistaken piety
seek to restore the fated town ; though Apollo
should thrice rear the brazen wall, thrice should
it be overthrown by her victorious Greeks ; and
thrice should the captive matron bewail her
slaughtered husband and extinguished family.*
It appears then, that some of the deities which
afterwards obtained the chief honours of Pagan
Rome, and were now supposed to contribute
to its possession of the empire of the world,
had been the principal instruments of the de-
struction of its parent city! Nor was their
* Ter si resurgat mums aheneus,
Auctore Phcebo, ter pereat raeis
Excisus Argivis ; ter uxor
Capta, virum puerosque ploret.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 127
anger transient or local. They pursue the fu-
gitives, and are irreconcilable in their hatred to
the race itself of Troy. Augustin informs us,
that, in his age, Virgil was commonly taught
to the Roman children.* And what, he asks,
did they learn from this model of taste and
mythology, concerning their ancestors? The
rooted enmity of Juno to the boasted parent of
Rome, and her extended plan of destruction
against him and his followers.
Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum navigat aequor,
Ilium in Italiam portans, victosque Penates.
On the other hand, Cybele was the friend of
Troy, which she could not protect against the
Greeks. Yet she too was honoured at Rome,
as one of its chief defenders. Tertullian had
witnessed this fervour of devotion towards her,
and expressed his contempt of it.f These
* Quern propterek parvuli legunt, ut poeta magnus, omnium-
que praeclarissimus atque optimus, terieris ebibitus anilis, non
facile obliviorie possit aboleri. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 3. For the
particulars which follow in the text, consult this chapter of
Augustin, and the 25th chap, of Tertullian's apology.
'j* Apol. c. 25. He mentions a notion which probably was
entertained by some zealous devotee of Cybele, that she allowed
the fall of Troy, knowing the vengeance that would be taken
for it in the future subjugation of Greece ! In return, he tells
a story not very creditable to the prescience of the goddess, .
128 PAGANISM AND
guardian deities, therefore, were imported into
Italy, some of them hostile to the welfare of the
race of Rome, and others already vanquished.
^Eneas himself declares the mortifying truth,
and describes the priest of Apollo escaping in
distraction from a temple no longer to be de-
fended, and carrying in his hands the helpless
and fugitive deities.
Pantheus Othryades arcis Phcebique sacerdos,
Sacra maim, victosque Deos, parvumque nepotem
Ipse trahit, cursuque amens ad littora tendit.
And, that no doubt may remain of the impo-
tence of these protectors of empire, the shade
of Hector makes its appearance, and solemnly
recommends them to the superior care of
JEneas.
Sacra, suosque sibi commendat Troja Penates.
Nay, those deities who succeeded in their war-
fare against Troy were condemned to witness,
in their turn, the overthrow of their own fa-
vourite cities. Juno, so powerful in Phrygia,
whose priest shed some of his own blood on the altar at Sir-
mium for the life of M. Aurelius, who had now been seven days
dead ! He desires her to obtain better intelligence hereafter,
lest she and her agents should fall into disgrace. O nuncios
tardos, quorum vitio excessum imperatoris non ante Cybele cog-
novit. Nae talem Deum riderent Christiani.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 129
was utterly helpless at Carthage.* She loved
it, even to the neglect of Samos. She medi-
tated perpetual empire for it; but the fates
interposed with superior force, and destroyed
her fondest hopes.
hie illius arma,
Hie CUITUS fuit, hie regnum Dea gentibus esse,
Si qua fata sinant, jam turn tenditque fovetque.
Indeed, the greatest of the gods was equally
impotent. Jupiter himself could not preserve
his own Crete, though it contained his own
tomb, from the Roman arms ; and Tertullianf
well observes that he too was indebted to the
fates for any power which he might have.
fato stat Juppiter ipse.
Are these then the gods, through whose inter-
ference Rome was to have been preserved from
* Juno et deorum quisquis amicior
Afris, inulta cesserat impotens
Tellure. Hor. Carm. lib. ii. od. 1.
f Apol. c. 25. He reverts with much force and spirit to this
subject in the 29th chapter which refutes the charge, that the
Christians showed a disaffection to the emperor in their con-
tempt of the gods. He claims a just precedence for the emperor.
The gods belong to him : they were fabricated from his mines,
and, together with their temples, are at his disposal. The gods
therefore do not protect Caesar. He is a protector to them;
yet not always : for Caesar is sometimes displeased, and many
of them have felt the effects of his ill humour. Multi Dii
K
130 PAGANISM AND
the fury of Alaric ? Is it to their ineffectual
displeasure that the fall of the city is to be
ascribed ? And is it for the sake of regaining
the assistance of such miserable defenders of
empire, that Christianity is to be rejected, and
the Pagan worship restored ? That they con-
tinued during so many ages in possession of
their temples and altars, is due to the worship-
pers alone. The gods never preserved Rome.
Rome has maintained them in their places by
its valour and its superstition.
Such was the unhappy fate of the Trojan
gods before their banishment to Italy. But the
ill-protected Troy was again overthrown after
its connection with the Roman fortunes, and
amid the guardianship of their common deities.
The perjury of Lao'medon,* and the injuries
offered to Menelaiis were urged as sufficient
causes of the former abandonment of the city
by the gods, the lovers of justice. But what
were the crimes to be revenged, when it fell
once more under the fury of the conqueror ?
babuerunt Caesarem iratum. Ita qui sunt in Caesaris potestate,
cujus et toti sunt, quomodo habebunt salutem Caesaris in potes-
tate ? Compare pp. 57, 58.
* Priamo, inquiunt, sunt reddita Laornedontea paterna per-
jnria. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 2.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 131
The inhabitants of Ilium, in Strabo's time,
were disposed to maintain, with some show of
vanity, that their town stood upon the site of
the ancient Troy.* But he places the second
Ilium at the distance of about thirty stadia from
the first. f It was an humble village ; and its
only boast was a temple of Minerva, small and
of plain construction. But the curiosity of
Alexander having drawn him thither after the
battle of Granicus, he made devotional offer-
ings to the goddess, repaired and somewhat
enlarged the place, and honoured it with the
name of a city. He promised further favours,
which he did not live to bestow, but which
were remembered by some of his successors in
that branch of the Macedonian empire. When
the Romans made their first appearance in Asia,
in the war against Antiochus the Great, they
found it a town of a moderate size, but fallen
into such poverty, that, according to the testi-
O( f) V\)V 'IXtf7 (j>l\0(?OtpVT Kal $i\OVTQ ELVCLL TCtVTrjV
iav (TroXiv) 7rapo-^//K:a<Ti \6yov TOIQ EK Tfjg 'Qprjpu Trot^
6v yap otK'v avrr] ivai,fi Kad"'Ofir]()Ov. Strab.
lib. xiii. p. 408.
f yap evTctvQa 7^pvff (lA.ce) Tjiyv Tro'Xiv oVa vvv e^iv' aXXa
Knl rijv Aap^av/rtv, Kara rt)r vvv Ka\sfj,evrjv 'I\twr /ca^ujjy. ib.
K 2
132 PAGANISM AND
mony of an eye-witness, the houses had not
even the luxury of tile coverings. Through the
kindness of Rome, however, it soon received
much enlargement and beauty. And in this
improved and happy condition it was found by
Fimbria in the Mithridatic war. The writers
who attempt to describe the character of this
ferocious partisan of Cinna, seem almost at a
loss for words to express it.* He went out as
lieutenant or friend, with V. Flaccus the consul,
whom, at length, he murdered, with no ordinary
marks of cruelty :f and it w r as with the army,
of which he had obtained the command by this
act of treachery and blood, that he assaulted
Ilium which had reserved itself for Sylla, and
refused to admit Fimbria within its walls.
The innocent city was now treated with far
* In the Epitome of Livy, lib. Ixxxii. he is called a man
ultimae audacise. And by Augustin he is branded with the
just distinction of viro spurcissimo Romanorum. Civ. Dei,
lib. iii. c. 7.
t Appian thus mentions the event : 6 ce Otju/3pme avrov
EKTELVEV, VTTCLTOV re OVTO. 'PupaiuVj *cat <rpar?7yoj> re
IWTTJQ CIVTOQ wv, Koi a (f)i\<*) K\VOVft avye\r]\v6u}Q'
CE TYIV Ke(j>a\rjv avru, pe&rJKev ig SaXaaffav, KOL TO
\oitrbv arafyov e/cpt^/ae, CLVTOV avro^rpdropa drre^j/ve r <rpar5.
De Bell. Mithrid.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 133
more cruelty than by the Greeks of old.* We
are distinctly informed, that before he entered
the place, Fimbria proclaimed his inhuman re-
solution that nothing should be spared :| and
the manner in which he proceeded to execute
his vengeance is circumstantially related by
Appian. He slew all whom he met, and burnt
the city itself. On those who were concerned
in sending the offer of its services to Sylla, he
inflicted various torments. Not even the altars
of the gods were spared ; and those who had
fled for refuge to the temple of Minerva,
perished in the fire which consumed the temple
itself. The very walls were overthrown, and
on the day following the execution, Fimbria
made a circuit round the ruins, in order to ob-
tain with his own eyes the dreadful satisfaction
that nothing was left standing.^
* Quid miserum commiserat Ilium, ut a Fimbria Mariana-
rum partium homine pessimo everteretur, multo ferocius atque
crudelius quam olim & Grsecis ? Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 7.
The same is the observation of Appian : ?/ JJ.EV &/, ^c'tpova
Ta>y eirl 'AyajLje/.u'ovt 7ra0S<ra VTTO av-yyev&G, tioAwAet' /ecu OLKOTTL-
cov ev avrrJQ, KC>' ttpov,, 3' aynX/za en i)v. De Bell. Mithrid.
j* Fimbria prius edictum proposuit ne cui parceretur j atque
urbem totam, cunctosque in ea homines incendio concremavit.
Aug. ib.
+ Appian supposes indeed that Fimbria took a treacherous
134 PAGANISM AND
It had been zealously contended by the Pa-
gans in excuse of the gods, who had protected
the first Troy, that the town was not destroyed
till they had quitted their stations in it.
Excessere crimes, adytis arisque relictis,
Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat
But the second Ilium fell while all its deities
remained within the walls. The antient city
was lost because the Palladium was removed f
but Augustin informs us, on the authority of
Livy, whose words time has not spared to us,
that the image of Minerva alone kept its place,
while every other was overthrown ; and that it
was afterwards found erect and entire, under
the ruins of her own temple !*
vengeance, after he had requested admission as a relation :
If. re tv irocrl TravTCLQ tKTELVf, KOI Trurra eveiripTrpr), KCU
avTag EQ rbv 2vXXav tXvyucuVcro TroiKi'Xwe, are rStv
iep&v tystdopevoQ, are r&v eg rov VEWV r>/c AQrjvag KarafyvyovTuv ,
H'C VLVTW TO> Vf.& KdTtTrprjffe' Karf.aKa.TTTE e KOI TO. TEI^T), Kai Ttjg
ETTi&ffrjg ijpevva Trepitwv, /zr) rl avvf^KE rfjg TroXewc trr. DeBell.
Mithrid.
* Eversis quippe et incensis omnibus cum oppido simula-
chris, solum Minen r ae simulachrum, sub tauta ruind templi
illius, ut scribit Livius, integrum stetisse perhibetur. Civ. Dei,
lib. iii. c. 7. Appian cannot refrain from hinting, that this
might have been the Palladium deposited there by Diomede
and Ulysses ! Perhaps the posture in which it was found, may
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 135
Such, retorted the Christian writers, are the
fortunes of the twice vanquished Troy. It
equally suffers, whether its gods be present or
absent ; from the enmity of the Greeks, and
the alliance of the Romans its friends, its pro-
tectors and kindred.* It was therefore altoge-
ther unadvisable to trust the guardianship of
Rome to deities which had so shamefully failed
at the first Troy. Nor indeed did they succeed
better in protecting the establishments com-
mitted to their care, after their arrival in Italy.
Augustin reminds us, that Lavinium, which had
kindly received them fugitive and forlorn, was
soon abandoned for Alba ; and that Alba, the
nearer parent of Rome, was deserted and de-
stroyed for the sake of Rome itself, t Nor was
serve to determine the dispute about its antiquity. Homer's
Minerva was sitting. This is remarked by Strabo, who adds,
that such was her antient attitude in several places : IloXAa
c T&V cLpyautiv TTJQ '\.Qr\va.Q fydvwv Kadrjfj.Eva SsiKvvrai, Ka6a-
?Tp iv $wKcua, MeffffaXi'^, 'Pw/z?/, Xta>, teal a\\aiQ Tr\iiOffLv, &c.
lib. xiiiip. 413.
* 'E/ce'Xtuo-e e KOI avrov, ovra 'Pw/zator, Eiffd) ce^eadaC KCL-
ripwvu<Ta^voe TI Kal rfj ffvyyeveiaz riJQ H<n? ' Pupa in Q
'\\itvffiv. App. de Bell. Mitbrid.
f Alba subversa est, ubi post Ilium, quod Grasci everterunt,
et post Lavinium, ubi rex Latinus eum regern, peregnnum
atque fugitivurn, constituerat, tertio loco habitaverunt mmiina
ilia Trojana. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 14.
136
PAGANISM AND
Rome more secure, through their assistance,
than the places from which the gods were
already driven. The victorious Gauls repeat-
edly exhibited before the descendants of the
Trojans that picture of desolation which had
been presented to the eyes of their ancestors by
the vengeance of the Greeks ; and Livy con-
fesses that the guardian powers of Rome which
could not be removed from the fury of Brennus,
were buried in the earth by their worshippers,*
and that the temples and houses were plundered
and burnt by the conqueror.
From the inauspicious descent therefore of
the Roman gods, and the repeated failure of
protection to their votaries, it was safely con-
cluded, that the evils which befel the city
through the hostility of Alaric, were not occa-
sioned by the establishment of Christianity, and
the consequent displeasure of the neglected
idols. Long before the appearance of Christ
upon earth, they were equally unable to defend
their worshippers, at Troy, the parent and the
daughter of Rome, and at Rome itself.
With this argument was connected another
which proved the superior sufferings of the
* Optimum ducunt, condita in doliolis defodere. Lib. v.
c. 40.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 137
Pagans in a state of war. We have heard their
complaint, that the favour of Bellona was re-
cently withdrawn from them, and that the hos-
tilities in which the empire now engaged, were
more destructive than before. This was well
refuted by contrasting the influence of idolatry
and the Gospel under the same circumstances,
and by appealing to the merciful conduct of
Alaric.
Sallust has somewhere said, that the Romans
were a people naturally just.* Indeed, nothing
is more extolled by their writers than their love
of equity, their mildness and forbearance, and
their disposition to pardon injuries rather than
revenge them by unnecessary war. And from
this spirit of flattery came the celebrated com-
pliment of Virgil which was so long remem-
bered, and so fondly quoted at Rome as the
proper characteristic of its temper and genius.
To excel in arts, in oratory, or science, might
be allowed to the Greek ; the proper business
of the Roman was imperial ; to extend his go-
vernment over the world, and to prescribe the
laws of peace ; to quell resistance, but never to
withhold mercy from the suppliant ; to cherish
* Jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura
valebat. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 18.
138 PAGANISM AND
the submissive, and to chastise only those who
presumed to rise up against his rightful and
universal dominion.* But what was the mili-
tary practice of a people thus naturally just,
thus prone to forgiveness ? The same Sallust
too well informs us in the description which
Caesar gives of the cruelties of Catiline and the
conspirators : " Murder, conflagration, chil-
dren torn from the embraces of their parents ;
the parents themselves slain, or made the vic-
tims of the conqueror's will ; houses and tem-
ples plundered, arms and dead bodies lying in
promiscuous heaps, every place disfigured with
blood and resounding with lamentation !"| Are
these only the sanguinary excesses of civil
rage ? Look then to the usual effects of their
unrelenting hostilities against every nation.
It is a dreadful fact in the history of the Ro-
mans, that, when the town of an enemy was
* Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento,
(Hae tibi erunt artes,) pacisque imponere morem ;
Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.
f Rapi virgines, puerosj divelli liberos a parentum am-
plexu, matres-familiarum pati .quse victoribus collibuisset, fana
atque domos spoliari, caedem et incendia fieri ; postremo arrnis,
cadaveribus, cruore, atque luctu omnia compleri. Apud Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 5.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 139
taken, no protection was publicly allowed. In
the wars which their desolating ambition waged
during so many ages of Paganism, it was no
part of their system to show mercy to man or
piety to the gods, by abstaining from blood in
places the most sacred. They sternly pursued
their destructive object, and sacrificed their
helpless victims in the temples and at the very
altars.* Augustin boldly refers his opponents
to the conduct of those commanders whose
clemency and piety had been most extolled.
Marcellus is represented by the Roman writers
at the siege of Syracuse with all the amiable-
ness which national flattery could bestow on
him ; and they carefully mention the tears
which he shed at the thoughts of the misery
which the city was about to suffer at his hands.
But Marcellus, deceitfully humane, proclaimed
no asylum for the wretched inhabitants. The
custom of Roman war took its fatal course ;
and we read of no mercy experienced by the
vanquished, of no shrine that was spared! The
piety of Fabius at Tarentum was equal to this
* Quando tot tantasque urbes, lit late dominarentur, ex-
pugnatas captasque everterunt, legatur nobis, quae templa exci-
pere solebant, ut ad ea qujsquis confugisset, liberaretur ? Civ.
Dei, lib. i. c. 6.
140 PAGANISM AND
boasted humanity. He sacked the town, and
made a promiscuous slaughter of the citizens.
He rifled the temples, and took prisoners the
gods themselves.* But these lessons of atrocity
had been taught long since to their ancestors at
Troy. The Greeks had ravaged the temples of
all the gods. The shrine of Juno herself was
made the depository of the images and holy
vessels collected from her kindred deities ; and
instead of restraining an impious plunder, she
was compelled to preserve it.f Indeed, some
of the most affecting poetry of Virgil is em-
ployed in describing the slaughter of the aged
and feeble Priam at the very altar of Jupiter
Hercseus.
* The gods which he did not carry away, he left with a
sneer : Cum ei scriba suggessisset, quid de signis Decrnrn,
quae multa capta fuerunt, fieri juberet, continentiara suam etiain
jocando condivit. Quaesivit enim, cujusmodi essent ; et cum ei
non solum multa grandia, verum etiam renunciarentur armata ;
Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis Deos iratos. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 6. For the boasted mercy of jEmilius Paullus, the
seventy towns in Epirus given up to plunder, and 150,000 of
the inhabitants sold for slaves, see Livy, lib. xlv. 34.
f- Custodes lecti Phoenix et dirus Ulysses
Praedam asservabant : hue undique Tro'i'a gaza
Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque Deorum,
Crateresque auro solidi, captivaque vestis
Congeritur. ^En. ii.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 141
From this disgusting picture of ambition
urging its way through every obstacle, let us
turn to the better practice of the Barbarians.
Even the imperfect notions of Christianity
which had been entertained by Alaric, pro-
duced consequences more merciful than were
ever furnished by the boasted, but sophistical
humanity of Pagan Rome. The trembling city
expected nothing but destruction at his hands ;
but when his army was on the point of enter-
ing it, two proclamations were issued,* that
unnecessary slaughter should be avoided ; and
that inviolable protection should be granted to
all who took refuge in the churches, and par-
ticularly in those which were dedicated to the
apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. We know,
that this was religiously observed. The holy
places were filled with a mixed multitude of
fugitives who sought the promised safety, and
who found it there. Within that sanctuary,
the arm of violence was not lifted against the
* Adest Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet, turbat, irrumpit.
Dato tamen praecepto prius, ut si qui in sancta loca, praeci-
pueque in sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli basilicas con-
fugissent, hos in primis inviolatos securosque esse sinerent.
Turn delude, in quantum possent, praedae inhiantes, a sanguine
temperarcnt. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 39.
142 PAGANISM AA r D
suppliant; from those altars no captive was
dragged to death or slavery ; nay, we read,
that the pitying enemy, of his own accord,
placed within the Christian asyla,* those Pa-
gans whom he might have slain, and who, by
the practice of Roman warfare, would have
been considered just objects of vengeance within
the temples of their own false deities. Shall
the infidelity of our own days, an infidelity
worse than Pagan, insinuate a malicious doubt
of the mercy of Alaric ? It might be amply
illustrated from the records of the military
transactions of those barbarians, who, in a sub-
sequent age, contended for the possession of
Italy against the arms of the Eastern empire.
If the zeal of Augustin or Orosius be repre-
sented as receiving, with too much readiness,
a testimony flattering to the cause of Christi-
anity, who shall attribute such a bias to the
mind of Procopius ? Yet, whoever peruses his
account of the Gothic war, will meet with more
instances of genuine mercy, continence, and
generosity, on the part of the barbarians alone,
* Ibi accipiebat limitem tmcidatoris furor : illuc duceban-
tur a miserantibus hostibus, quibus etiam extra ipsa loca pe-
percerant, ne in eos incurrerent, qui similem misericordiam
non habebant. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 143
than can be furnished by the entire military
history of Pagan Rome.*
It appears then, that the sufferings of the
city from the hands of Alaric, could not, at the
utmost, be greater than the custom of Roman
* In another siege of Rome, the Goths would not injure the
church of St Paul, which stood without the walls, and was
connected with it by a long colonnade, though their own
operations were impeded by it : but divine service was ad-
ministered there as usual. The same reverence was shown
to the church of St. Peter. "E<ri c)e TIQ KO.I aiS&g Trpog ravra $f)
rd lepd TO~IQ FdrOote' ucsrepov yuv rdlv cnr6^o\oiv vtiav, Trapd
TTCLVTCL TOV T& TToXeyUS KCLLpOV, CL^Clpl Tl TTpOQ dvTWV ytyOVEV '.
Be Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 4. When Totilas afterwards went
to the siege of the city, he treated the inhabitants of the coun-
try with great mildness, and when he had taken Rome, having
gone to pray in the church of St. Peter, he issued orders to
stop all further effusion of blood, ib. lib. iii. c. 13 20. The
conduct of the same barbarian at the capture of Naples had
been singularly humane. The inhabitants having been nearly
famished during the siege, he himself prescribed, that a moderate
quantity of food should at first be given to each of them. He
accustomed them gradually to the use of sustenance so long
withheld, and prevented the mischiefs which would have re-
sulted from a sudden and voracious indulgence. When he had
saved their lives, he set them at liberty, not excepting even the
garrison. Procopius is so struck with this extraordinary hu-
manity, that he seems to doubt the credibility of it in an enemy
and a barbarian: (piXavdpwTriav eg re //Aw/corae C7re/aro,
are 7ro\fjiiy f re fiapfidpo) drtpl iroE^tarar. lib. iii. C. 8.
144 PAGANISM AND
war allowed ; but that the new features of hu-
manity were the immediate and happy effects
of the religion of Christ.* Yet, says Augustin,
the Pagans persist in attributing their misfor-
tunes to the civil establishment of the Gospel !
In the moment of danger, they abjured their
useless gods ; and in order to conciliate the
barbarian soldier, tremblingly pronounced the
name of Christ. The danger being removed,
they now return to their heathen impiety, and
again blaspheme that sacred Name to which
they owe their unmerited safety. The common
evils which have attended the capture of the
city they perversely impute to our holy reli-
gion : the benefits which they have unexpect-
edly experienced, they arrogantly ascribe to
their own FATE ! f
* Quicquid igitur vastationis, trucidationis, depraedationis
in ista recentissima Romana clade commissum est, fecit hoc con-
suetudo bellorum. Quod auteni more novo factum est, ut am-
plissimae, basilicas implendae populo cui parceretur, eligerentur
et decernerentur, ubi nemo feriretur, unde nemo raperetur, quo
liberandi multi a miserantibus hostibus ducerentur, unde capti-
vandi null.i nee a crudelibus hostibus abducerentur ; hoc Christi
nomini, hoc Christiano tempori tribuendum, quisquis non videt,
caecus ; quisquis videt, nee laudat, ingratus 5 quisquis laudanti
reluctatur, insanus est. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 7.
f Sic evaserunt multi, qui nunc Christianis temporibus de-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 145
Had then the fate of the Romans that influ-
ence in their preservation which the gods did
not possess ?
Augustin gives us a view of the notions
which were entertained in his time concerning
the influence of fate, and that consequent
knowledge of events which might be obtained
from the practice of astrology. It was stren-
uously maintained by some, that the stars had
a certain virtue of their own,* and that they
portended what they pleased through their po-
sition, a position exclusive of the will of the
gods, or at least superior to it. This had been
noticed by Cicero as a doctrine which had many
followers in his age ; and a decisive influence
over the birth and fortunes of individuals was
superstitiously attributed to the zodiac, f It is
evident, that the tendency of such an opinion
was to destroy the belief, or the worship, of the
trahunt -, et mala, quae ilia civitas pertulit, Christo imputant j
bona vero quae in eos ut viverent, propter Christi honorem facta
sunt, non imputant CHRISTO nostro, sedfato suo. ib. lib. 1. c. 1.
* Aliqui intelligunt vim positionis siderum, qualis est
quando quis nascitur, sive concipitur, quod aliqui alienant a
Dei voluntate. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 1 .
f Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Grco
c dicitur. De Divinat. lib. ii. c. 42.
L
146 PAGANISM AND
gods altogether :* for all rational supplication
is directed to an object of supposed power ; but
if the gods had only a subordinate and permit-
ted direction of events, their altars must soon
be deserted for those of their superiors. This
inconvenient consequence was perceived by
another class of persons, who therefore at-
tempted to preserve the credit of the stars and
the gods together. Their argument was, that
although human events were immediately indi-
cated by the position and aspect of the stars,
yet the real directors of these appearances
were the gods from their remoter situations. t
They impressed certain impulses on the face of
the heavens ; and these were communicated to
mortals through the observation of the stars.
In this sense therefore, the stars were only a
convenient medium of the will of the gods, the
instruments of their sovereign pleasure. But
here again it is evident, that, if all human ac-
* This was also the conclusion of Eusebius, or rather of
Origen, from whom he quotes : ki yap jcan/vayfca^at ra7e rivd
t, teal ol aWpee iroiufftv, ev ^e irapd TYJV TUTWV Trpoc
Prsep. Evang. lib. vi. c. 1 1 .
f Dicuntur stellae significare potius ista quani facere. Civ.
Dei, lib. v. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 147.
tions are determined by the will of the gods,
the gods are chargeable with all the crimes and
calamities of mankind ; an opinion, from which
Plato shrunk with so much horror, that he pur-
posely committed the formation of mortals to
the lesser gods, lest his Demiurge should suffer
a just reproach from the moral irregularities
which might follow.* But indeed the whole
language of Roman astrology was equally ad-
verse to this interpretation ; and the terms of
the Mathematici, as they were called, asserted
in the strongest manner, that events were for-
tunate or otherwise, and actions were good or
evil, by the positive determination of the
stars. t Upon this, as well as every other
branch of divination practised at Rome, Cicero
poured all the force of his ridicule. And in-
deed, the absurdity inherent in the art itself,
was often found to be highly embarrassing to
the professors. One of these perplexities we
see in the account of Nigidius, a man deemed
of sufficient genius and learning to be named
* ti'a rrJQ eTreiTa eirf KaKiae l/ca-rw dvcurtoe. Plutarch. De
Fato, c. 9.
f Non quidem ita solent loqui Mathematici, lit dicant, Mars
ita positus homicidam signiftcat, sed homicidam facit. Civ.
Dei, lib. v. c. 1.
L2
148 PAGANISM AND
together with Varro.* He was driven to a
strange method of maintaining the credit of his
opinions. In order to explain the different
fates of twin brothers, he exhibited the notable
experiment of the wheel, from which he ob-
tained the name of Figulus. As the wheel
turned rapidly round, he marked it with ink,
at two quick strokes. When the wheel stop-
ped, the marks were found at almost the oppo-
site parts of the circle. " Thus it is," said he,
" with the rotation of the circle of the heavens.
This also is so rapid, that children born, as it
were, at the same moment, have very different
parts of the heavens presented to them ; and
thus is their dissimilarity explained !"f
* A. Gellius, lib. xix. c. 14. Lucan speaks of him; as
might be expected, with much reverence.
At Figulus, cui cura Deos, secretaque coeli
Nosse fuit, quern non stellarum ^Egyptia Memphis
uEquaret visu, numerisque moventibus astra.
Aut hie errat (ait) nulla cum lege per aevum
Mundus, et incerto discurrunt sidera motu 5
Aut, si fata movent, orbi, generique paratur
Humano matura lues Lib. i. v. 639.
t Sic, inquit, in tanta coeli rapacitate, etiam si alter post
alterum, tanta celeritate nascatur, quanta rotam bis ipse per-
cussi, in coeli spatio plurimum est. Hinc sunt, inquit, quae-
cunque dissimillima perhibentur in moribus, casibusque gemi-
norum. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 3.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 149
The same uncertainty and contradiction is
found in all the systems of the Pagans concern-
ing fate, providence, and the events of human
life. Some appeared to exclude a providence
by the establishment of fate ; and others, giving
the supreme rank to providence, made fate
consequential to it, and dependent upon it.
This, the more lofty of the opinions of antiquity,
was taught by Plato. According to the view
taken of this part of his philosophy by Plutarch,
he establishes a triple providence. The first*
consists in an union of the intelligence and
beneficence of the prime Deity, and the appli-
cation of these qualities to the beauty, order,
and perfection of every thing divine. The next
resides in the secondary gods. These make
their progress through the heavens indeed ; but
their office is to preserve the order assigned to
mortal affairs, and to provide for the safety and
continuance of things in their kinds. The last
providence is that which is exerted by the De-
* "E?iv v Trpovoia, rj juev'Avwrarw KOI Ilpwrry, r Trpwra 0f5
yorjfftg, eire Kal ftaXrjfftQ ora, evepyeTig a7ravra>v , KO.& i\v Trpwrwc
eV'a^a T&V Qeiwv ciairavTOQ api<ra TE KCU KaXXi<ra K/co<r/i;rcu. *H
de Atvrepa, cevrt'pwv Se&v T&V KO.T dvpavov 'tovrwy, *ca0' r\v TO. re
S'vi/ra yivETCn. 7rayjLtvwj Kal otro. Trpoc ^id^iovrjr /cat ffwr^ptav
TWV yev&v. Tpirrj 5* civ ci/con prjdeiri Trpovoia' re KCU Trpo-
r&v oaoi 7Tpi -/v\v ^aifj,oveg rera-yfjievot TUIV
rt Knl (.iriaKOicoi ttffiv. De Fato, c. 9.
150 PAGANISM AND
mons. To these is committed the inspection
of the actions of individuals ; and, for the more
convenient discharge of this office, they are
placed near to the earth, and around it. Fate
therefore is here subjected to the primary pro-
vidence, or the result of it. And this conclusion
is drawn from the doctrine expressed by Timasus
concerning the formation of the world. For,
when the Demiurge had extracted the present
order of things from the confusion in which
they lay, he taught to the souls which were
next provided, and placed in the stars, the
nature of all things, and the law which they
were to follow. And in these settled injunc-
tions consists the declaration of fate. But it
would be unprofitable, and indeed endless, to
pursue the opinions of the most enlightened of
the Heathens concerning a supreme will and
the consequent nature of human events. Some
maintained, that those things only were possible,
which were certainly to take place hereafter,
while others asserted the possibility, though
the things should never happen. Some, as we
have seen, could not understand the condition
of man without calling in the controul of fate ;
while others contended, that what might be
satisfactorily explained through the laws of
nature and the accidents of fortune, ought to
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 151
exclude the interference of fate. Some affirmed
all past events to have been necessary, and
thence concluded, that future events connected
with those must be necessary also. Other
philosophers denied both positions.* There is
only one more of these notions which shall be
noticed, on account of the part which the
Christian writers took in the refutation of it.
It was the system of those, who, abandoning
the agency of the stars, asserted a physical fate
in an eternal series and concatenation of causes
and effects. f This, however, they still referred
to the will of the gods ; and thus was produced
a necessity in mortal affairs through a divine
predestination, notwithstanding the distinctions
invented by Chrysippus,^: in order to rescue
his doctrine from that reproach.
* These and many other notions of the same kind, are to
be found in the fragment of Cicero De Fato. This with the
two books of Divination, and the Treatise of the Nature of the
Gods, will give a good view of the opinions of the antients on
the subjects in question.
f Qui non astrorum constitutionem, sed omnium connexio-
nem seriemque causarum qua fit omne quod fit, Fati nomine
appellant. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 8.
J Chrysippus autem, cum et necessitatem improbaret, et
nihil vellet sine prsepositis causis evenire, causarum genera dis-
tinguit, ut et necessitatem effugiat, et retineat fatum. Cic, de
152 PAGANISM AND
This opinion had been encountered by Cicero;
and in one part of his argument against the
Stoics he is supported by Augustin. Cicero
maintained the freedom of human will ; and it
was in defence of this favourite position, that
he denied the power of foretelling future events,
the point which his brother Quintus was so
anxious to prove.* Augustin concurs with him
in the assertion of the free will of man, but
corrects his imperfect notions of the prescience
of God.t Cicero seems to have feared that
future events could not be foreseen, except
through the supposition of a fate. While there-
fore he reprobated the doctrine of a fate, and,
at the same time, the knowledge of futurity, he
destroyed the perfections of the Deity. But
Augustin informs him, that God, by his nature,
necessarily knows whatever will be done, yet
that man is subject to no fate. The Divine
prescience has no influence on human actions ;
and man himself, not knowing future events,
labours to produce them with the full freedom
Fato. This distinction was between proximate and principal,
efficient and antecedent causes, &c.
* Cic. De Divinat.
f This important point is carefully discussed in the 9th and
10th Chapters of the 5th Book of Civ. Dei.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 153
of his will. Nor is this freedom violated be-
cause the order of things is foreseen. Our wills
are themselves a part of that order ; and though
the actions flow from them, and are their fore-
seen effects, they are, as to man, substantially
and properly free.*
This appeal then to the assistance of fate,
whether separate from Providence, or in con-
currence with it, is proved to be of no avail to
the cause of Paganism; and the question is
brought round to the point from which it
began ; namely, the protection afforded to the
empire by the gods of Rome. That these were
unable to support the state, was first proved ;
and when, for the sake of an escape, recourse
was had to the supposition of a fate, this has
also appeared to be nugatory. Cicero deter-
mined against the Stoics, the nullity of fate ;
and while he refuted others, he was himself
corrected by Augustin, who, having maintained
with him the freedom of human actions, esta-
* Non est autern consequens, ut si Deo certus est omnium
ordo causarum, ideo nihil sit in nostrae voluntatis arbitrio. Et,
ipsae quippe nostrae voluntates in causarum ordine sunt, qui
certus est Deo, ejusque praescientia continetur : quoniam et
humanae voluntates humanorum operum causae sunt. Civ. Dei,
lib. v. c. 9.
154 PAGANISM AND
blished against him the compatibility of the
Divine prescience with our moral liberty.* The
result is, therefore, that those Pagans who were
preserved at the capture of Rome, had no more
obligation to their fate, than the empire at large
owed to its gods. What the rest of the inha-
bitants suffered at the hands of Alaric, was the
usual treatment of war, or the proper punish-
ment of their sins. Still there were a few cir-
cumstances connected with the fall of the city,
from which the vindictive disposition of Hea-
* This is the subject of one of Boethius's conversations ;
and the result is similar j Haec igitur etiam praecognita liberos
habent eventus. De Consolat. Philos. lib. v. Pros. 4. The
same conclusion had been drawn by Origen : TO rriv trpvyvdiaiv
rS 0ew ^117 eivat KaravayKa^iKi^v TWV irpoeyvwfffJLivtov Travrwe.
The question is treated at length in the 6th Book of Eusebius's
Preparation. See particularly c. 6 and 1 1 . Milton endeavours
to give the highest authority to this doctrine, by ascribing it
to the Almighty, concerning the fallen angels.
they themselves decreed
Their own revolt, not 1 j if I foreknew,
Foreknowledge had no influence on their fault,
Which had no less prov'd certain, unforeknown.
So without least impulse or shadow of fate,
Or aught by me immutably foreseen,
They trespass, authors to themselves in all,
Both what they judge and what they choose.
Book iii.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 155
thenism drew a malignant satisfaction ; and they
shall here be noticed, chiefly for the sake of
pointing out the sentiments of the early writers
of the Church, on one of the most important
articles of our religion.
There were two classes of persons who rea-
soned in this hostile manner. Some, as was
lately observed, had been saved from instant
death by the influence of the name of Christ.
Hence was drawn an argument of singular per-
verseness, that to preserve an enemy was un-
worthy of the Deity ; and that, in an indulgence
granted in common to the believers of Christ,
and the haters of his name, a want was betrayed
either of sagacity to perceive a just distinction,
or of power to enforce it!* To these blasphe-
mers it was answered, that they wholly mis-
took the moral government of God upon earth,
and that they ought to view it in analogy with
his natural Providence. " He maketh the sun
to shine upon the evil and the good ; and send-
eth rain on the just and on the unjust."! Of
the civil blessings, therefore, which are poured,
in so liberal a manner, from the opened hand of
* Cur ergo ista divina misericordia etiahi ad impios ingra-
tosque pt-rvenit? Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8.
f St. Matt. v. 45.
156 PAGANISM AND
God, a portion falls on the evil and undeserving.
But this goodness is not the effect of weakness
or imprudence in the great Author of it. His
object is, to soften the hearts of those who share
his bounty, and to bring them to repentance.*
And it is pleasing to observe, that, while so
many Pagans hardened themselves against the
experience of Divine mercy, and became more
obnoxious to punishment in another world,
some of them were effectually touched with re-
morse by their unexpected deliverance. They
repented of their past sins, forsook the worship
of their idols, were converted to the faith, and
openly justified the preservation which had
been extended to their persons.f
The other class dwelt on an accusation of a
different kind, which led, without their inten-
tion, to the most satisfactory defence of the
Gospel. The idolater, unable to vindicate his
own deities, whose helplessness was proved by
so many convincing instances, thought that
* The same thought is applied by the apostle to the Divine
purpose, in the revelation of his will. " Despisest thou the
riches of his goodness, not knowing that the goodness of God
leadeth thee to repentance?" Rom. ii. 4.
f Quidam eorum ista cogitantes, pcenitendo ab impietate se
corrigunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 157
their honour might yet be preserved, if he
could implicate the God of the Christians in
the same failure of protection. It was retorted
therefore, with much appearance of triumph,
that during the siege, and in the assault of the
city, the Christian inhabitants had suffered to-
gether with the worshippers of the false gods.
They had been wasted with the common famine,
and many were slain in the contest, or had fallen
into the hands of the Barbarians.* To these
objectors, it was replied with equal force of
truth, that the sufferings of the Christian are
to him no cause of despondency, no proof either
of the weakness or malevolence of the Deity
whom he serves. The Providence of God has
placed him in this world as a candidate for
greater happiness in another and eternal state :
and knowing that this high reward is reserved
for him, he does not expect a present exemp-
tion from the evils of life; he patiently waits
for that final judgment which shall separate the
servants of God, from those that obey him not;f
* Multos,, inquiunt, etiam Christianos fames diuturna vasta-
vit, multi etiam interfecti sunt, multi etiam captivi ducti
sunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1114.
f This had also been the argument of Tertullian against
those, who, in his time, objected to the Christians, that their
158 PAGANISM AND
and meanwhile makes his very trials conducive
to his future happiness. They correct his er-
rors, sober his passions, purify his heart, and
tend to preserve him in the fear and favour of
God. While, therefore, he joyfully acknow-
ledges blessings, which excite his best gratitude
to Heaven, and surpass all the impure enjoy-
ments of wicked men ; while he is thankful for
the supports and consolations of his daily life,
for the testimony of his conscience, and the
animating certainty of his Christian hopes, he
also confesses, that the very disasters which are
allowed to befall him, however misinterpreted
by the profane observer, are equally designed
for his benefit. His welfare is promoted by
the experience of evil, as well as of good ; and
his superior fortitude arises from his faith. To
the insulting question, therefore, " Where is
thy God?"* he triumphantly replies " My
God made no visible distinction between them and the Pagans,
in the common events of life; qui enim semel aeternum judi-
cium destinavit, post saeculi finem, non praecipitat discretionem,
quae est conditio judicii, ante saeculi finem. Apol. c. 41.
* Illi probation! ejus insultant, eique dicunt, cum forte in
aliqua temporalia mala devenerit, Ubi est Deus tuus? Deus
meus ubique praesens est, ubique totus, nusquam inclusus, qui
possit adesse secretus, abesse non motus. Ille cum me adver-
sis rebus exagitat, aut merita examinat, aut peccata castigat,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 159
God, different in all his attributes from the
false and impotent gods of the Heathen, is to
be found wherever his worshippers are. If I
am carried into captivity, his consolations shall
yet reach me; if I lose the possessions of this
life, my precious faith shall still supply their
want ; and if I die, not as the suffering Heathen
dies, by his own impatient and impious hand,
but, in obedience to the will of God,* my great
reward begins ; I shall enter upon a life which
will never more be taken from me ; and thence-
forth all tears shall be wiped from my eyes."
Such is the superiority of the Christian under
the worst of present evils. The Pagan wor-
ships his gods for the sake of temporal good.
When, therefore, he falls into calamity, he
misses the great object of his prayers^ And
hence comes his complaint of the want of Pro-
vidence, and his profligate attempt to confound
mercedemque mihi aeternam pro toleratis pie malis temporali-
bus servat. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 29. See also c. 10.
* This was a triumphant argument with the primitive
writers. Some of the greatest and wisest of the Pagans had
fled to suicide, as a remedy of evil allowed and dictated by
philosophy itself, and were followed with profligate or unthink-
ing admiration. The Christian bore all sufferings through the
support of faith; and the inviolable rule was, that life should
never be quitted till God called for it in his due time.
160 PAGANISM AND
the cause of the Almighty with the worship of
his own helpless idols.
And here occurs the circumstance, to which
particular allusion was just now made. In the
tumult and distress which followed the capture
of the city, not only were many Christians
slain, but the usual respect could not be paid
to the dead ; and the bodies of the faithful had
wanted burial.* The Pagans had long observed
the religious attention with which the mortal
remains of believers were interred. From the
recent privation of these pious ceremonies,
therefore, they drew an argument of additional
insult, and inferred, that the God of the Chris-
tians was indifferent to the protection of his
followers, in death as well as in life.
The piety of Christian antiquity has conveyed
to us the motives from which proceeded a reli-
gious attention to the dead bodies of believers.
While living, these had been the temples of the
Holy Spirit; and through his guidance, they
were impelled to the performance of works ac-
ceptable to God. In this sense was interpreted
the expostulation of St. Paul to the Corinthians,
* At enim in tantd strage cadaverum, nee sepeliri potuerunt.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 12.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 161
" Know ye not, that your body is the temple
of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye
have of God, and ye are not your own?"*
Those members, therefore, which had been
employed as the instruments of the Divine will
upon earth, were, though mortal in their na-
ture, to be treated with signal respect, on ac-
count of the reverence due to that sacred Guest
which had deigned to inhabit, and direct them
to the purposes of salvation. | Yet consolation
was not wanting to believers, though the desired
burial could not be procurech And this resulted
from the sure and certain hope of the resurrec-
tion of the body to eternal life.J They might,
and they did, successfully argue with the Pa-
* 1 Cor. vi. 19.
f Nee ideo contemnenda et abjicienda sunt corpora defunc-
torum, maximeque justorum atque fideliiim, quibus tanquam
organis et vasis ad omnia bona opera Sanctus usus est Spiritus.
Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13. Augustin interprets the words of the
Saviour concerning the woman who anointed him, as involving
a recommendation of this case. " Why trouble ye the woman ?
For she hath wrought a good work upon ms! for in that she
hath poured this ointment on my body, she did it for my
burial." Matt. 26. 10.
\ Ad Dei providentiam, cui placent talia pietatis officia,
corpora mortuorum pertinere significant, propter fidem resur-
rectionis adstruendam. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13.
M
162 PAGANISM AND
gans on inferior principles; and, in a manner
which is characteristic of the writings of those
ages, they adapted their reasonings to the mo-
tives which they knew to be more familiar to
the men of nature, than the sublime discoveries
of the Gospel.
Much praise had been bestowed on the sen-
timent of Lucan, that the soldiers of Pompey
who lay neglected in the plain of Pharsalia,
and whose ashes wanted an urn, had the nobler
vault of Heaven for a covering.* Lucan had
been preceded in this imagery by the magnifi-
cent eulogium, which Xenophon bestowed, with
so much art, upon the military life of the Per-
sians, whose house was the earth and the sky,
and whose places of repose were the ground
which nature abundantly supplied.! This was
the admired reasoning of a patriotic philosophy ;
* Libera Fortunae mors est : capit omnia tellus
Quse genuitj Ccelo tegitur qui non habet urnam.
Lib. vii.
\- Gobrias being asked by Cyrus, whether the Persians or
his own people had most beds, tents, houses, &c. ? is made to
convey a skilful compliment to the former: vplv, rfj TOV Af,
ev o!<T OTI Kctl ^pufjuLara TrXetw e<sl KOI K\ivai, Kal oiKia ye TTO\I)
fjLti^v rj vfieTepa rrjg f>7' ' 1 7 oiKig. ntv xprjade yy re Kal
ovpaj'w, K\ivat & vpiv elmv oiroaai ykvoivr av evval em yrjq.
Cyrop. lib. v.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
and armies were taught to look forward wi
magnanimity to fatigues and dangers during
life, and to the abandonment of their bodies
after death, through the force of motives merely
political.* How superior is the privilege of the
Christian! Though his mortal part should re-
main unburied, though it should become the
prey of beasts, or though its particles should be
scattered through all the elements; yet he re-
tains his sure and certain hope of the resurrec-
tion through Jesus Christ. He knows that God
is faithful, who hath promised to restore him at
the last day ; and from the bosom of the earth,
from the distant regions of the air, and the most
secret recesses of all nature, shall his Almighty
power once more collect the parts so long dis-
severed. The man shall, in a moment of time,
be formed anew, and substantially stand before
* Sepulturse curam etiam eorum philosophi contempserunt :
et saepe universi exercitus, dum pro terrena patria morerentur,
ubi postea jacerent, vel quibus bestiis esca fierent, noil curave-
runt. Licuitque de hdc re poetis plausibiliter dicere, " Ccelo
tegitur qui non habet urnam." Quanto minus debent de cor-
poribus insepultis insultare Christianis, quibus et ipsius carnis
et membrorum omnium reformatio non solum ex terra, verum
etiam ex aliorum elementorum secretissimo sinu, quo dilapsa
cadavera recesserunt, in temporis puncto reddenda, et redinte-
granda promittitur? Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 12.
M2
164 PAGANISM AND
his Maker, to receive the eternal reward of his
faith and obedience.
It will be of importance to remark in this
place, that the same fundamental doctrine which
was thus supported by Augustin, had been
asserted against the objections of unbelievers,
from the first age of Christianity. In the ar-
gument of Tatian against the Greeks, who re-
garded the belief of the resurrection as no
more than the fond dream of a mistaken piety,
he compares the -restoration of the body for
future judgment, with the wonderful production
of the race of mankind out of their original
nothing, and argues that the power of God is
equally capable of both operations. You may
burn this body; and, by depriving it of the
burial which we desire, attempt to scatter its
particles beyond the reach of Divine Provi-
dence. But you cannot send them beyond the
limits of the world itself; and the world belongs
to God, and all that it contains, Although,
therefore, I should be consumed with fire, or
wasted with floods, or torn in pieces by the
wild beasts which you may let loose against
me, my remains are still laid up in the REPOSI-
TORY OF GOD. They cannot escape his sight,
though they should lie hid from every human
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 16S
eye ; and in his own appointed time he will re-
store them to that connexion and unity, which
you impiously labour to dissolve.*
Athenagoras, in his treatise of the Resurrec-
tion, united with the authority of Scripture,
such philosophy as his age could furnish, in
order to prove that the body would be restored
to the soul, and that both would exist together
in a state of future rewards and punishments.
And he drew his reasoning alternately from the
constitution of man, from ibe evident purpose
O.V TO
TTO.V
K$V virb Styplw SiaffTraffdat, TAMEIOI2
Ketpai TrXucriu leairoTti' KOI 6 HEV TTTIO^OQ Koi aQeoQ ic ot$e TCI
cnroKeiiieva. 0eoc ^ o /3a<rtXfwwVj ore /3Xercu, Ttjv oparr}^
avrw p.6vo) viro-aaiv aTro/cara^r/o-ei Trpoc ro ap^ato^. Contr.
Graec. c. 9, 10. This, among many other instances, will
serve to suggest the sense in which we are to understand
the burning of the early Christians by their Pagan persecutors.
Death was inflicted in a manner, which conveyed a defiance of
the doctrine of the resurrection of the body. One of the most
striking examples of this anti-Christian enmity is seen in the
account which Eusebius gives of the martyrdom of Polycarp.
The fire not readily consuming him, he was stabbed at the
stake. His friends now earnestly begged the body; but the
Centurion, instigated also by the Jews, resolved to burn it.
Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 15. Compare St. Paul's supposition, 1
Cor. xiii. 3.
166 PAGANISM AND
of his existence in this life, and from the power
and the will of God. This too was the doc-
trine of Minucius Felix and Tertullian. The
former makes Csecilius caution his opponent
against the vulgar notion, that things not capa-
ble of being seen by man, do not appear to the
eye of God; for whatever is dispersed, passes
into the elements, and these are all subject to
the Divine inspection and controul.* The lat-
ter, in several parts of his Apology, argues with
the Gentiles on the ground of their philosophy,
and upbraids them with a ready reception of
every improbability taught by their own so-
phists, and an obstinate disbelief of the great
and salutary truths of the Scriptures, j" He well
knew the perverse spirit of Paganism. The
time had been, when he indulged against Chris-
* Tu perire et Deo credis, si quid oculis nostris hebetibus
subtrabitur? Corpus omne, sive arescit in pulverem, sive in
humorem solvitur, vel in cinerem comprimitur, vel in ardorem
tenuatur, subducitur nobis; sed Deo, elementorum custodi, re-
servatur. Dial. p. 326.
f Si cjuis philosophus affirmet, ut ait Laberius de sententia
Pythagorae, hominem fieri ex mulo nonne consessum movebit,
et fidem infiget, etiam ab animalibtis abstinendi? At enim
Cbristiamis, si de homine hominem,, ipsumque de Caio Caium
reducere promittat, lapidibus magis, nee saltern c-aestibus a po-
pulo exigetur. C. 48.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 167
f ianity the same profaneness which marked the
Heathen with whom he lived ; and he peniten-
tially confesses, that the doctrine of the Resur-
rection was one of the objects of his scorn.*
But his heart was gradually subdued by the
influence of the religion which he hated. He
was converted to the faith, and maintained,
with a zeal which might atone for his former
infidelity, that God, who raised the world out
of nothing, is equally able to restore any part
of his creation which he has suffered to perish ;
that he will call from the earth, the sea, and
every part of nature, the bodies of all who have
existed from the beginning of the world, and
render to every man according to his works,
whether they have been good or evil. It is
pleasing to see the passions of men unsuspect-
ingly compelled to advance the will of God.
The malice of the Pagans thought only of grati-
fying itself in the wounds which it inflicted on
the feelings of those Christians who survived
the capture of Rome; and this led Augustin,
in conformity with the doctrine of the earlier
* These instances are curious, and throw light on the treat-
ment of St. Paul at Athens : " When they heard of the resur-
rection of the dead, some mocked." Acts xvii. 32.
168 PAGANISM AND
fathers, to a solemn and circumstantial declara-
tion of the firm belief of the Church in the re-
surrection of the body! The objections, there-
fore, which were drawn from the sufferings of
the Christians, as an excuse for the declared
impotence of the Heathen deities, were not
only unavailing to the Pagan cause, but tended
to the more triumphant vindication of the Gos-
pel. The gods were left in their former dis-
credit; and nothing could be more evidently
proved, than that the Romans owed neither
their personal welfare, nor the establishment
of their empire to such protectors. The claim
then of temporal benefits arising from the wor-
ship of idols, is at end. They did not confer on
their votaries the benefits of the " life that now
is;" and the first part of our argument is ac-
complished. Indeed, nothing is more frequently
and pointedly asserted by the early vindicators
of the Gospel, than that the Romans had ob-
tained their empire before they were possessed
of their gods. In the time of Numa, says Ter-
tullian,* their religion was simple, without a
* Frugi relligio, et puuperes ritus,, et rwlla capitolia certan-
tia coeloj sed teraeraria de cespite altaria, et vasa adhuc Samia,
et nidor ex illis, et Deus ipse misquam. Nondum enim tune
ingenia Graecorum atque Tuscovurn fingendis simulachris urbem
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 169
pompous worship or a lofty capitol. The altars
were occasional, and of turf, the vessels of Sa-
mian clay, and the Grecian and Tuscan artists
had not yet overwhelmed the city with the
images of the gods. And it is allowed that
this simplicity continued till the conquest of
Asia. The dominion of the Romans, therefore,
was not the effect, but the cause of their super-
stitions ; and the new gods of other countries
followed in the train of victory.f That nothing
might be wanting to the success of their argu-
ment, the Christian writers farther reminded
their adversaries, that long prosperity and ex-
tended dominion had been granted to nations
which had never respected or acknowledged
the gods of Rome. The Assyrian empire, of
which the Romans had heard and written so
inundaverant. Ergo non ante relligiosi Romani quam magni ;
ideoque non ob hoc magni, quia relligiosi. Apol. c. 25.
f Undique hospites Deos quaerunt, et suos faciunt: sic
dam universarimi gentium sacra suscipiunt, etiam regna merue-
runt. Min. Felix, Dial. p. 53. If the assertion of a Christian
writer is not allowed, the confession of the Pagans themselves
must be conclusive.
Nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isin :
Semideosque canes, et sistra jubentia luctus,
Et quern tu plangens hominem testaris Osirin.
Lucan. lib. viii.
170 PAGANISM AND
much, was established without any aid from the
Trojan or Italian mythology.* The Persians
were celebrated for conquest, amid the profes-
sion of an idolatry not only different from that
of Rome, but hostile to it.-)* The Jews too,
who alone possessed the knowledge of the one
true God, were, through his signal protection,
blessed with great temporal prosperity ; and
this they forfeited through a criminal attach-
ment to polytheism,^ on which the Romans
credulously relied, as the only means of empire !
* Constat regnum Assyriorum h Nino rege longe lateque
porrectum. Si nullo Deorum adjutorio magnum hoc regnum
et prolixum fuit, quare Diis Romanis tribuitur Romanum im-
perium? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 7.
f Si proprios Deos habuerunt Assyrii, quasi peritiores fabros
imperii construendi atque servandi, nunquidnam mortui sunt,
quando et ipsi imperium perdiderunt? Aut mercede non sibi
reddita (a passing blow at Laomedon and bis hireling gods)
vel alia promissd majore, ad Medos transire maluerunt, atque
inde rursus ad Persas, Cyro invitante, et aliquid commodius
pollicente? ib.
J Si non in eum peccassent impia curiositate, tanquam ma-
gicis artibus seducti ad alienos Deos et idola defluendo, et
postremo Christum occidendo, in eodum regno inansissent.
Et nunc quod per omnes fere terras gentesque dispersi sunt,
illius unius veri Dei providentia est ; ut quod Deorum falsorum
usquequaque simulachra, arae, luci, templa evertuntur, et sacri-
ficia prohibentur, de codicibus eorum probetur. ib. c. 34.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 171
They are now dispersed over the earth; and
one of the reasons of their dispersion was, that,
while they were driven from the territory which
God, in his kindness, had conferred on them,
they might be compelled to witness the pro-
phesied destruction of their sinful idolatry, and
the increasing honours of the name of Christ,
whom they had impiously crucified.
By whom then was empire conferred on the
Romans? and to whom are to be attributed
the evils which attended its progress?
The first of these questions is briefly an-
swered by Tertullian; the second by Augustin.
" He is the dispenser of kingdoms, to whom
belongs the world which is governed, and man
himself who governs it. The changes of secu-
lar dominion which arise at different periods of
time, are ordained by Him who was before all
time : and the rise and fall of states must be re-
ferred to Him alone, who existed before human
society began."* Yet not to Him are we to
ascribe the abuse of power, and the unprin-
* Videte igitur ne ille regna dispenset, cujus est et orbis qui
regnatur, et homo ipse qui regnat; ne ille vices dorainationurn
ipsis temporibus in saeculo ordinaverit, qui ante omne tempus
fuit, et saeculum corpus temporum fecit : ne ille civitates ex-
tollat aut deprimat, sub quo fuit aliquando sine civitatibus gens
hominum. Tert. Apol. c. 26.
172 PAGANISM AND
cipled enlargement of dominion. " God is the
creator of every nature, and the bestower of
every power. But the abuse of the divine gifts
arises from the depravity of the will of man:
and this is contrary to nature, and the will of
God."* The means, therefore, which are fur-
nished by the Deity, are liable to evil appli-
cation, through human perverseness. Hence,
while the power of Rome is acknowledged to
have been derived from Him, his blessed name
is free from the imputation of having autho-
rized the extension of its empire, by blood and
treachery.
But the time had been, when the Romans
were swayed by better motives : arid here oc-
curs a distinguished sentiment of Augustin,
with which I shall close this part of the subject.
* Sicut enim omnium naturarum creator est, ita omnium
potestatum dator, non voluntatum. Malae quippe voluntates
ab illo non sunt; quoniam contra naturam sunt, quae ab illo
est. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 11. This is not a remembrance of
Manicheism, but is to be referred to Scripture ; St. James, c. i.
13, 14. Augustin adapts the whole of the discussion concern-
ing free-will and fate to the purpose of his argument on the
temporal prosperity of the empire. Deus itaque summus et
verus, cum Verbo suo et Spiritu Sancto, quae tria unum sunt,
nullo modo est credendus regna hominum eorumque domina-
tiones et servitutes, ^ suse Providentiae legibus alienas esse
voluisse. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 173
In the earlier ages of the state, before the
love of unlimited power possessed the Romans,
they had felt the spirit of true patriotism, and
acted on genuine views of civil liberty. They
loved their country, and not themselves; and
while their private lives were free from offence
against the laws, and governed by the rules of
decency and temperance, they magnanimously
laboured to promote the public good.* This
was the foundation of their greatness and their
fame. These were their civil virtues; and Pro-
vidence, which is ever benevolent towards the
faintest and most imperfect efforts on the side
of goodness, bestowed on courage, disinterest-
edness, and patriotic principle, the characteris-
tic reward of temporal prosperity.
Let not this animating thought be lost to
ourselves. The Roman virtues were of this
world; and the consequence annexed to them
was a dominion of this world. " Verily, they
* Isti privatas res suas pro re communi, hoc est, republica,
et pro ejus aerario, contempserunt, avaritiae restiterunt, consu-
luerunt patriae consilio liberoj neque clelicto secundum suas
leges, neque libidini obnoxiij hodieque literis et historia glo-
riosi sunt paene in omnibus gentibus. Non est quod de sumnii
et veri Dei justitia conquerantur. " Perceperunt mercedem
snam." Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 15.
174 PAGANISM AND
have their reward." We have calls to patriot-
ism, which the Pagans never knew: and on an
authority superior to all their legislators, we
have received those principles which are the
foundation of private happiness, and public
greatness. The power of Britain does not ter-
minate in civil objects; it is connected with a
loftier and more sacred purpose. We are the
happy inhabitants of a country which exhibits
the profession of the purest Christianity, in
conjunction with the soundest of civil govern-
ments. Our patriotism, therefore, is exalted
by our faith ; and we may reasonably hope,
that the Divine blessing will descend, in a lar-
ger degree, and in a more distinguished man-
ner, on that public spirit which is sanctioned
by true religion, and which, through the main-
tenance of empire, promotes the will of Heaven.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 175
CHAPTER V.
PRETENSION OF PAGANISM TO THE PROMISE OF THE "LIFE
TO COME". . . DISPROVED THROUGH THE INSIGNIFICANCE
OF THE HEATHEN GODS .. .INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE
OF JUPITER . . . SOUL OF THE WORLD . . . ANALYSIS OF THE
THEOLOGY OF VARRO . . . REMARKS.
IT has been fully proved, that to bestow tem-
poral prosperity was beyond the power of the
Pagan deities, and that the boasted greatness
of the Roman empire was derived from causes,
on which they had no influence. It remains to
be seen, whether the same gods, who were
worshipped in vain for the sake of inferior
blessings, had in reserve for their votaries, the
choicest privileges of Heaven ; whether they,
who could not direct the events of this world,
were the dispensers of happiness in a future
state ; whether the soul of man were the object
of their care, though his bodily protection might
be beneath their dignity, or beyond their ca-
pacity.
Augustin, in an early view of his subject,
seems to have apprehended, that this would be
176 PAGANISM AND
the loftiest and most laborious part of his task.*
But, notwithstanding the extraordinary reputa-
tion of one branch of the philosophy, against
which he thought it necessary to rouse the
higher powers of his mind ; notwithstanding
the near approaches which it was once sup-
posed to make towards some of the more im-
portant truths of scripture, we shall be con-
vinced, by an easier inquiry than was suggested
by the fears of Augustin, that the claims of
human wisdom are as fallacious as they are ar-
rogant, and that Christian " godliness" alone
"hath the promise of the life which is to
come."
The refutation of these higher pretensions of
the Pagan philosophy began with an exposure
of the common opinion concerning the various
employments of the gods. The divisions of
their power were supposed to be as numerous
as the appearances of nature, or the events of
human life. From his earliest moments, man
was destined to pass through the successive
protection of a multitude of deities, each of
* Quse, nisi fallor, quaestio multo erit operosior, et subli-
miori disputatione dignior, lit et contra philosophos in ea dis-
seratur, non quoslibet, sed et qui apud illos exeellentissinici
gloria clari sunt, et nobiscwn multa sentiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i.
c. 3C.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 177
them exercising an exclusive and jealous au-
thority, in his limited department. Nay, this
separate influence over him was supposed to
exist even before the birth of the infant. Lu-
cina was the proper deity to be invoked in his
favour.* Diespiter must show him the light ;
and Opis alone has the privilege of receiving
him at his first entrance into the world. He
cannot cry till Vaticanus compassionately opens
his mouth for the expression of his wants.
Levana raises him in her arms from the ground,
on which he is duly placed in acknowledgment
of the original rights of Tellus. Educa supplies
him with meat, Potina with drink. It is the
express employment of Rumina to watch over
the salubrity of his milk, and Cunina attends
him in the agitation of his cradle. His fate, the
fixed portion of his life, is sung, at the begin-
ning of his days, by the Carmentes ;f and For-
* Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. The instances stated in the
text, are a small part of those which this chapter would have
afforded. But it is sufficient for the present purpose to -name a
few deities of each class.
t If Ovid is right, only one of these two sisters lookecMnto
futurity.
Altera, quod porro fuerat, cecinisse putatur ;
Altera, versurum postmodoquicquid erat.
Fast. lib. i. 635.
X
178 PAGANISM AND
tune is permitted to sport with all those events
which are not determined by their superior au-
thority.
Nor is it the misfortune of the smaller deities
alone to be thus circumscribed in office and au-
thority. The great and select gods are them-
selves subjected to similar disgrace. Apollo
was to be exclusively consulted for the know-
ledge of future events. Mercury was the pro-
per genius of gain. From Janus* was the mere
initiation of human affairs ; for it was the pri-
vilege of Terminus, that in him alone was their
conclusion.
The heaven, the earth and the sea, were also
* This god was of much importance to the Pagans ; for the
prayers addressed to the other deities were to pass through the
gate kept by him ; and therefore he was to be propitiated in the
first instance. This is the answer which Ovid makes him give,
when questioned about the custom by the worshipper :
Ut possis aditum per me, qui limina servo,
Ad quoscunque velim prorsus, habere Deos.
Fast. lib. i. 170.
We find the same persuasion concerning him in the time of
Arnobius. Quern in cunctis anteponitis precibus, et viam
vobis pandere Deorum ad audientiam creditis. Lib. iii. Au-
gustin takes no small satisfaction in arguing, that this prime
god was inferior to the little TERMINUS, upon the principle,
that a thing ended is better than a thing begun. Unhappy
Janus t
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 179
parcelled out into separate governments. Some-
times, indeed, the same deity was called to pre-
side over different things, with a new official
name. But it happened, on the other hand,
that all the parts, even of the same element,
were not subject to the same deity. While
the remoter sky acknowledged its Jupiter, the
region of the air below it was possessed by
Juno. Two goddesses shared with Neptune
the management of the sea. Its depths and
recesses were the province of Salacia, while the
waves which continually came to the shore,
were conducted by Venilia. Proserpine right-
fully took from Pluto the inferior portion of the
earth ; and though the blaze of the smith be-
longed to Vulcan, the domestic flame was
reserved for the more gentle administration of
Vesta!*
Hence arose the first question urged by the
Christian advocates against the lofty pretensions
of their antagonists. From gods like these,
what transcendant blessings can be reasonably
expected by their votaries ? How shall beings,
whose utmost effort it is to direct some unim-
* Ignem mundi leviorem, qui pertinet ad usus hominum
faciles, non violentiorem, qualis Vulcani est, ei deputandam esse
crediderunt. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 16.
180 PAGANISM AND
portant business upon earth, be themselves
possessed of immortality ? How shall they,
whose widest government is but a limited de-
partment of the world, be able to bestow the
immeasurable rewards, the infinite happiness
of the "life to come?"*
These minute distinctions, however, were dis-
allowed or disregarded by the graver and more
philosophical Pagans. It was their profession,
that the different employments assigned to the
deities, whether the inventions of the poets, or
the superstitions of the vulgar, had always been
understood by the wise in another and an higher
sense. The numerous deities fancied by the
people were but portions of the universal Ju-
piter. He was the original god, and contained
in himself the whole catalogue of celestial
beings, which were, in truth, no other than his
virtues, and properties, wrongly attributed to a
multiplicity of supposed persons, and expressed
by different names. But if we inquire of what
nature was the Jupiter, thus sagaciously disco-
vered, and loftily proclaimed ; the same persons
.who had so easily disposed of the other deities
* Quis ferat dici atque contend!,, Deos illos, quibus rerum
exigiiarum singulis singula distribuuntur officia, vitam seternam
cuiquam praestare ? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 181
in his favour, are compelled to confess, that he
was the SOUL OF THE WORLD.
This opinion seems to have arisen either from
a partial adoption of the doctrine of Timgeus
the Locrian, or from a persuasion that notwith-
standing better appearances, his doctrine was
finally reducible to it. According to the terms
of his system, the world was an animal, endued
not only with life, but with intelligence.* It
was immortal and indestructible, except by
him who first set it in order ; it was happy,
and in a certain sense a deity. f The seat of
its soul was the centre. From thence it was
extended to the outer parts, and pervaded and
protected the whole by its informing and vivi-
fying qualities.^ The leading principles of this
treatise were adopted and expanded by Plato
in his dialogue distinguished by the name of
Timeeus. But the later cosmoloists seem to
* Ae7 \lyetv, rovcf. TOV Koffpov u;oj> jip^v^ov evvovvre. Plat.
Tim. p. 1048.
t Troj> irroiei Qebv yevvarov, OVTTOKCI ^daprjcrofjiEvoy VTT'
ctXXw atria, efo rw CLVTOV avrTeraypeva) 0ew, e'tTTOKa <5r/Xero
O.VTOV CiaXveiv. AiayutVEi cipa, roioacf. &v, afydapTOg KCU avut-
\edpoc Kal juarapioc. Tim. Locr. Opusc. Mythol. Gale, p. 546.
| Tav de TV Koff/jM ^v^hv /ue*ro0ev c^a^ac eiroyay** 1 t^uj,
ib. p. 548.
182 PAGANISM AXD
have been perfectly satisfied with the divinity
bestowed on the world, whose properties were
deemed so high and absolute, that the demiurge,
from whom they w r ere said to come, was either
excluded as an unnecessary being, or was in-
corporated with the world as its animating
principle. It is the persuasion of some of the
minor Greek mythologists, that the world is
governed, like the body of man, by a soul ; and
this is called Jupiter : that the name is derived
from the cause of life, or its preservation ; and
that in this sense Jupiter is said to reign over
the universe.*
Thus too he is the father of gods and men ;
that is, the nature of the world is the cause of
their hypostasis, as parents are the authors of
being to their children.! In the same age,
perhaps, with Phurnutus, Virgil had become
"fi<T7T p C ?/jUtC <*7TO '^ V X^^ ClOlK&jJizda, OVTO) KOI 6
avve-xuffut' avrov' ital avTrj JcaXelrat Zevg'
eta TO ffw&tra Kai atria ovcra ro7c &ffi r* yv, Cia TUTO (3a.ffi\tvEiv
o Zii> \eyt-ai r&v 6'Xwr, r/ a>c ur KCI iv ijfuv ?/ '^v-^j /cat j; (pvffiQ
rin&v /Sao-iXfwtti/ pi/0/q. Phuraut. de Nat. Deorum, c. 2.
Opusc. Mythol. Gale.
f 'O ZevQ 7rar//p Xtytrat VEWV KCU av0pa7rwv eivat cia rfjv T&
curiav yeyoi'lvut r/7grru>v i/TTOTao'twc^ wg ol
ra rit:va. ib. c. 9.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 183
the patron of the same doctrine, and identified
Jupiter with the soul of the world :
Deum nanique ire per oranes
Terrasque tractusque maris, coelumque profundum.
Georg. iv. 221.
Indeed, that the gravest authority may not be
wanting to this doctrine, he makes Anchises
deliver it to ^Eneas in the shades, where the
secrets of the mundane system are understood
without a chance of error.
Principle coelum ac terras, camposque liquentes,
Lucentemque globum lunae, Titaniaque astra
Spiritus intus alit, totarnque infusa per artus
Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet.
JEn. 6.
This then is the opinion which we find to have
been so prevalent among many of the great and
the learned Pagans in the time of Augustin.*
By these the existence of a deity, governing all
things by his supreme power, was disallowed ;
and Jupiter, as was lately remarked, was swal-
lowed up in the soul of the world.
* Haec omnia quae dixi, et quaecunque non dixi, (non enim
omnia dicenda arbitratus sum 5 ) hi omnes Dii Deaeque sit unus
Jupiter; sive sint, ut quidam volunt, oinnia ista partes ejus,
sive virtutes ejus, sicut eis videtur, quibus eum placet esse mundi
animum, quas sententia relut magnorum raultorumque doc-
torum est. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11.
184 PAGANISM AXD
But, though maintained with much apparent
authority, this philosophy was attended with
still greater absurdity than the superstition, or
the levity, which it affected to correct. For if
the minor deities were independent of one
another, and often at variance (a case commonly
supposed), and if they were no more than parts
of the same Jupiter ; Jupiter, in his nature and
properties, must be at variance with himself.
Again, if every thing was traced to Jupiter, he
was to be worshipped in every thing ; and it
was a received doctrine, that a failure in the
services due to him, was a just cause of his dis-
pleasure. But by the same philosophers, the
constellations were said to be parts of Jupiter,
and to be endued with life and rational souls;
yet it is certain, that at Rome few altars were
erected to them.* Jupiter, therefore, obtained
but a partial attention ; and while he was
pleased that some of his qualities were duly
honoured, he must have resented the neglect
which was shown to the rest. Nor was this
system less impious, than it was absurd. For
* Qiuis (aras) tamen paucissimis siderum statuendas esseputa-
verunt, et singillatim sacrificandum. Si igitur irascuntur qui
non singiliatira coluntur, 11011 metuunt, paucis placatis, toto coelo
irak> vivcrc : Civ. Pel, lib. iv. c. 1J.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 185
if Jupiter is the soul of the world, the world
itself is pronounced by the same authority to be
his visible body. Every object, therefore, which
we see and touch, is a part of him, and he is
perpetually subject to the controul and disposal
of man. Some, indeed, were aware of this
mortifying consequence, and endeavoured to
obviate it. They, therefore, excluded beasts,
and the inanimate parts of nature from any
participation in him, and confined this privilege
to rational creatures. But little or nothing
was gained by this precaution ; for if Jupiter is
mankind, he is still exposed to many sorts of
injury and indignity. He suffers whatever
man suffers ; he is affected by pain, disgrace,
and labour ; he dies in men ; and, as Augustin
condescends to remark, is whipt in boys!*
Notwithstanding these attempts therefore to
* Quid infelicius credi potest, quam Jovis partem vapulare,
cum puer vapulat ? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. No writer, with
whom I am acquainted,, talks with so much horror of his early
sufferings, as Augustin. Horace could smile at the calamities
inflicted upon him by the too vehement hand of Orbilius.
Augustin never remembers his treatment but with sighs and
tears. In one place he intimates, that if it were proposed to
him to begin life again, he would refuse the offer and chiefly
on account of the early miseries of learning !
186 PAGANISM AND
compound all the deities into Jupiter, and to
establish a god sufficiently dignified to provide
for the eternal welfare of mankind, the system
of the philosophers is compelled, by the force
of superior absurdity, to return to the opinion
of the vulgar, to the divided agency of "gods
many, and lords many;"* and this is the light
in which the principle of idolatry was constantly
and truly viewed by the inspired writers, and
the advocates of the early Christian church.
This conclusion is strengthened by another
circumstance, curious in itself, as well as im-
portant to the subject. It is remarkable, that
some of those, whose philosophy was most de-
cidedly pledged to the maintenance of the sole
prerogative of Jupiter, yet joined in upholding
a civil polytheism, however contrary to their
favourite doctrine, and were very careful in
ascertaining the provinces, and separating the
respective employments commonly attributed
to the other deities !
* Whitby, in conjunction with most of the commentators,
properly maintains,, that this passage, 1 Cor. viii. 5. refers to
the gods, or idols of the Heathen. Le Clerc had fancied, that
by "gods in heaven," are meant God and the angels ; and by
" gods in the earth," magistrates, who are also called " the
lords of the world !"
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 187
It was the declared opinion of Varro, that
Jupiter was the soul of the world.* Nay, so
exalted was his notion of Jupiter, understood in
this sense, that, by an error common to other
Heathen writers, he supposed that deity to be
the real object of worship to the Jews, who
adored him without an image, but under ano-
ther name ! | Yet Varro, thus adverse to the
popular claims in favour of any deity beneath
Jupiter, employs his extraordinary learning
and acuteness in describing the duties of his
fellow-citizens to the entire establishment of
Roman gods ! He professes to take this care,
upon a patriotic principle, more serviceable
than that which influenced the conduct of Me-
* Varro apertissime dicit, Deum se arbitrari esse animarn
mundi, et Imnc ipsum mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei, lib. vii.
c. 9.
f Hunc Varro credit etiam ab his coli, qui uimm Deum
solum sine simulacro colunt, sed alio nomine nuncupari. Civ.
Dei, lib. iv. c. 9. In the same spirit, Tacitus interprets the
institution of the Sabbath into a respect for Saturn. Hist.
lib. v. c. 4. He finds also the Roman gods in the religious
worship of the Germans. The Gauls furnished a similar inter-
pretation to Caesar, lib. vi. And in the Isis and Osiris of
Plutarch, the names of persons and things belonging to the
Jewish history are incorporated into the Egyptian fables : iiffl
Karafirj\ot ra *Ia*ita vrapeXfcovrec elc rov [.ivdov. c. 31.
188 PAGANISM AND
tellus and JEneas. The former rescued the
sacred utensils of Vesta from her flaming* tem-
ple ; the latter piously preserved the Penates
from the conflagration of Troy. But Varro
undertakes the protection of the deities from
the injurious effects of time rather than from
the incursions of an enemy ; nor will he allow
the rites of deities so long respected and sanc-
tioned by the state, to fall into neglect and ob-
livion.* He therefore interposes in favour of
those whom he knows at the same time to be
without authority or existence, and prescribes,
with a laboriousness and anxiety which would
appear to be the result of a settled conviction,
the religious services to which each divinity is
entitled from the gratitude of Rome ! He rea-
sons on his design, as if the effects of it were,
in the highest degree, important and beneficial.
It is not sufficient, that we allow the general
power of the gods. We must know the de-
partments over which they respectively preside.
* In eo ipso opere dixit se timere ne pereant (Dii), non in-
curst! hostili, sed civium negligentia, de qua illos velut ruina
liberari a se elicit, et in memorid bonorum per hujusmodi libros
recondi atque servari iitiliore curd quam Metellus de incendio
sacra Vestalia, et Jineas de Trojano excidio penates liberasse
praedicatur. Civ. Dei., lib. vi. c. 2.
CIIRTSTIAXTTY COMPARED. 189
jEsculapius therefore is to be remembered in
his particular character as the god of Medicine ;
otherwise we shall be ignorant of the proper
objects for which we are to petition him. And
so of the rest ; for, the want of this specific in-
formation will expose us to a thousand absurdi-
ties in our prayers ; and we shall be in danger
of doing that, with religious seriousness, which
we see practised for the sake of pastime, by the
mimi on the stage ; we shall ask water from
Bacchus, and wine from the Lymphse ! *
Varro therefore, after the open expression of
a philosophical opinion hostile to the common
superstition, is again the patron of a system
which he had wished to explode ; and he la-
bours to re-establish the same division of power
and office among the gods, which yet he had
confidently resolved into Jupiter alone ! But it
has already appeared, that deities thus nume-
rous and weak were wholly incompetent to
satisfy the expectation of their votaries. Their
own controul was narrow and unimportant ;
and they could not confer on others the bless-
* Ex eo enim poterimus, inquit, scire quern, cujusque rei
causa, Deum advocare atque invocare debeamus j ne faciamus
ut mimi solent, et optenms a Libero aquam, a Lymphis vinum.
Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 22.
190 PAGANISM AND
ings of eternity which were beyond the limits
of their jurisdiction, or exceeded the powers of
their nature.
Such then is the dilemma with which the
patrons of idolatry were harassed by the
Christian writers. If the gods are supposed
to exist, the meanness of their nature, the in-
significance of their employments, and the mu-
tual checks resulting from an authority thus
various and divided, sufficiently show how in-
capable they are of bestowing the great re-
wards of the life to come. On the other hand,
if all the gods are resolved into Jupiter, and if
Jupiter himself is resolved into the soul of the
world, the deity becomes a mere physical prin-
ciple. There is no longer a Providence ; and
consequently, the expectation of a future retri-
bution is at an end.
A nearer and more particular view of the
system of Varro will inform us, what was the
real nature of the Roman theology. Besides
the classical amusement which it may produce,
and its illustration of the principles of those
books with which you are daily conversant, it
will convince us all, that the efforts of natural
wisdom were totally incompetent to the disco-
very of religious truth ; that the Pagan worship
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 191
was a mixture of ignorance, superstition, and
duplicity ; that it was unworthy of the deity,
and therefore falsely aspired to the privilege
which was claimed for it, of bestowing eternal
happiness.
The " Antiquities" of Varro are unfortunately
lost. However, from the notices of this work
which remain in other writers,* we are to infer
that it was one of the choicest monuments of
genius and patriotism, of which antient Rome
had to boast. For the principal knowledge
which we have of this Pagan treatise, we are
indebted to Christianity; and from the minute
statement of its plan by Augustin alone we are
enabled to collect both its object and its cha-
racter.
The whole work consisted of forty-one books,
which were divided into two unequal parts/)*
The first of these treated " Of things human;"
the second, " Of things divine." On the
former argument were employed twenty-four
* In tbe edition of Varro which I use Durdrechti 1619, the
fragments are copious. They might yet be increased.
f Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 3. The sentences of Augustin are
frequently long and involved j and, in order to give perspicuity
and briskness to his statement, it is necessary to take it to
pieces, and set it up again in a more convenient form.
192 PAGANISM AND
books, to which was also prefixed an introduc-
tory book, explanatory of the general nature of
that division of the subject. But it is with the
second part that we are principally concerned.
To this also was prefixed, in one book, a dis-
course concerning the subject that remained to
be treated. In the distribution of the subject
itself, the same order was observed, which had
been established in the former portion of the
work ; and from persons, who were first con-
sidered, the discussion proceeded to places,
times, and things. In this fourfold division
therefore were described the officiators in the
solemnities of the gods ; the temples, or spots,
in which any religious rites were performed ; the
festival-days set apart for divine celebrations,
and the sacred rites themselves, whether of a
public or a private nature ; and to each divi-
sion were allotted three books.* But the de-
scription of a pompous and circumstantial
worship, without a statement of the objects for
the sake of which it was instituted, would have
been of little value. We know too, from the
confession of Varro, that what the Romans
most desired, was, some information concerning
* In the former part, each division contained six hooks.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 193
the gods themselves.* In order therefore to
gratify this curiosity, he added a fifth division,
containing also three books. In the first, were
enumerated the known gods ; in the second,
the unknown ; or, as the term seems to be ex-
plained in another place, those gods, concerning
whose authority, or whose proper manner of
worship, doubts were entertained. | In the last,
were described the principal and select deities.
* Quia oportebat dicere, et maxinue id expectabatur, quibus
exhibeant, de ipsis quoque Diis tres conscripsit extremes. Civ.
Dei, lib. vi. c. 3.
f These uncertain gods of Varro necessarily remind us of
" the unknown God" of the Athenians. The power of the Pagan
deities was split into departments ; and sometimes an event
occurred which could not be attributed with certainty to any
department. In such cases, they made their acknowledgments
at large to the god or goddess within whose presidency it might
be. See note to p. 62. Augustin justly triumphs over Varro' s
indifference even towards the known gods : Cum in hoc
libello (the second book of his fifth division) dubias de Diis
opiniones posuero, reprehendi non debeo. Qui enim putabit
judicari oportere et posse, cum audierit, faciet ipse. Ego
citius perduci possum, ut in primo libro quae dixi, in dubitati-
onem revocem, quam in hoc quae praescribam, oninia ut ad
aliquam dirigam summam. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 17. The true
theological principle is, not to surrender what we know, be-
cause some things remain unknown. Varro reverses this ; and
is ready to doubt even his known gods, rather than speak, with
any positiveness, about the unknown.
O
194 PAGANISM AND
And hence were formed sixteen books, on the
gods, and the worship due to them by the
Romans.
The theology thus taught by Varro is divided
into three branches, the mythic, or fabulous ;
the civil ; and the natural. The first he confines
to the poets, and pronounces it to be best
adapted to the entertainments of the theatre.
In this part of Pagan theology too, he is com-
pelled to confess, as others did, that there were
many things unworthy of the gods, and deserv-
ing the severest reprehension : and it is observ-
able, that in the explanations of their system,
the Heathen mythologists refused to allow the
validity of any arguments brought against them
from this branch of their superstition. One
deity is supposed to spring from the head of
Jupiter, and another from his thigh. Some of
the celestials are celebrated as accomplished
thieves in their own persons, and the patrons
of thieving in others. Some are represented
as descending from their dignity for some base
or immoral purpose, or engaged in the menial
service of their very worshippers ;* and most
* In eo (it is Varro who speaks of the fabulous theology)
sunt multa contra dignitatem et naturam immortalium ficta.
In hoc enim est, ut Deus alius ex capite, alius ex femore sit j
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 195
of them have their acts of lewdness and pro-
fligacy recorded in all the wanton ornament of
verse. It was attempted indeed, by some
writers, who were either zealous for the honour
of the gods, or anxious to discover a philosophy
hidden under the veil of licentiousness, to inter-
pret these descriptions in a manner that should
be less offensive to decency and common sense.*
Accordingly, Varro himself, in aid of his repro-
bation of such histories, solves that of Saturn
into the philosophy of the earth. Saturn swal-
lowed his own children; but the meaning of
the fable is, that the earth receives again into
its bosom those seeds which it had previously
in hoc, ut Dii furati sint, ut adulteraverint, ut servierint homini.
Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5.
* After the successful propagation of Christianity, these
stones were allegorized by the later Platonics through another
motive. Their literal meaning would prove the Heathen gods
to have been the worst of men ; and this was one of the strong
arguments of the early writers of the Church against the prac-
tice of idolatry. Porphyry therefore and Proems, in their
interpretations of the secret meaning of Homer, drew a code
of morals from the wanderings of Ulysses, and a system of
rational theology from his tales of the gods. Plotinus bestowed
the same decent industry on the worship of Venus, and made
her outward rites to signify much hidden sanctity ; priscorum
de Venere fabulas fere onmes ad res sanctas et morales ingeniosfe
trahit. Mosheim, Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 141.
o2
196 PAGANISM AND
produced.* Yet, notwithstanding his occa-
sional attempts to cover the deformity of this
part of the Heathen theology, he is content to
abandon it to the scorn which it so justly
deserved, and from which he was conscious
that it could not be rescued by any contrivance.
Accordingly, the poets were left to indulge
their imaginations as they pleased ; and no vin-
dication of the Pagan superstition was seriously
thought of by Varro within their licentious de-
partment.f
The ostensible support which he gave was
to the second, the civil branch. This, as he
acknowledges, had for its object the benefit of
the state; and indeed it is obvious, not only
from the subject itself, but from the manner in
which he treated it, that his patronage of this
description of religious ceremonies sprung from
no settled belief in their efficacy towards the
future happiness of the soul, but was the effect
of political motives only. He saw that the
people could not be controlled without some-
* Opinatur Varro, quod pertineat Saturnus ad semina, quae
in terram, de qua oriuntur, iterum recidunt. Itemque alii alio
modo et similiter caetera. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 8.
t Loquebatur de fabulosa (theologia) quam libere a se pu-
tavit esse culpandam. ib. c. 5.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 197
thing which should look like religion, and
promise occupation or amusement tb their rest-
less minds. Varro therefore joined with other
writers of the gravest authority, in securing the
public tranquillity through the maintenance of
those superstitions which he inwardly despised.
Polybius drops a sentiment of this nature
amidst the high praises which - he bestows on
the religious habits of the Romans ; and Varro
confesses, that, if he had been called to legis-
late for Rome in its infant state, he would have
thought it prudent not to institute the very
ceremonies which he openly defends; but he
was born in a late age of the republic, and
pleaded his justification in the force of the
custom which he followed !*
What then was the nature of the civil theo-
logy thus recommended ? It consisted in the
knowledge of the deities to be worshipped, of
the ceremonies appropriated to them by the
* Nonne ita confitetur, non se ilia judicio suo sequi, quse
civitatem Romanam instituisse commemoratj ut si earn civita-
teni novam constituent, ex naturae potius formula Deos nomi-
naque Deorum se fuisse dedicaturum, non dubitet confiteri?
Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 31. This is repeated, lib. vi. c. 4 : ex na-
turae formula se scripturum fuisse, si novam ipse conderet civi-
tatem : quia vero jam veterem invenerat, non se potuisse nisi
ejus consuetudinem sequi.
198 PAGANISM AND
authority of the state, and of the sacrifices to
be offered by the people.* Every citizen there-
fore was interested in this intelligence, upon
the principle already explained; but to the
priests it was of particular importance, for on
them rested the public administration of the
ceremonies. But who were the gods, to whom
these services were appointed by the state?
For the most part, they were the same with
those already reprobated by Varro. It was the
opprobrium of the civil theology, that, whatever
distinctions were attempted in its favour, it
constantly relapsed into the fabulous.')' The
cause of the state was, in fact, the cause of the
poets; and if at any time it exhibited rites
more particularly its own, they were, if possible,
still baser and more licentious than the per-
formances which the stage produced for the
common amusement of the people. This will
appear from a short reference: 1st, to the
statues of the gods. 2d, to the scenic games
appointed to their honour. And 3d, to some
* In quo est, quos Deos publice colere, quae sacra et sacri-
ficia facere quernque par sit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5.
t Nee alii Dii ridentur in theatris, quam qui adorantur in
templis; nee aliis ludos exhibetis, quam quibus victimas immo-
latis. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 199
of the ceremonies expressly ordered by the
senate, and deemed, in a peculiar manner,
religious.
1. The statues, sanctioned by the approba-
tion of the pontifices, were in exact agreement
with the descriptions of the poets in shape, age,
sex, dress, and other circumstances.* The state
Jupiter had a beard; and the state Mercury
had none. In the same spirit of conformity,
adoration was paid to an aged Saturn, and to
a youthful Apollo. And so of the rest. Nay,
the very nurse of Jupiter had its statue in the
Capitol. This was a boldness which equalled
all the indiscretion of the poets. Indeed it
justified the doctrine of Euhemerus, which had
notwithstanding given so much offence to the
piety of Rome. It practically allowed what
had been so scandalously related by that histo-
rian, who affirmed the mortality of all the gods,
and gave an account of their births and burials !t
* Revocatur igitur ad theologiam civilem theologia fabulosa;
et haec tota quae merito culpanda et respuenda judicatur, pars
hujus est quae colenda atque observanda censetur. Quid enim
aliud ostendunt ilia simulachra, forraae, states, sexus, habitus
Deorum? Nunquid barbatum Jovem, imberbem Mercurium
poetae babent, pontifices non babent? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7.
f Quid de ipso Jove senserunt, qui ejus nutvicem in Capitolio
200 PAGANISM AND
2. Livy tells us, for what purpose scenic
games were first appointed at Rome :* and it
is too notorious to be dwelt upon, that the most
popular stage productions of the poets were
frequently performed, by order of the state,
either for the sake of averting misfortunes,
or of doing honour to some particular deities.
Arnobius informs us what subjects were sup-
posed to be most acceptable to them. We
might be inclined to pardon Hercules, who felt
a complacency from the performance of the
Trachinise of Sophocles ; or the play, honoured
with his own name, by Euripides. But unfor-
tunately for the credit of civil theology, Jupiter
took a particular satisfaction in the repetition
of his own adulterous exploits in the Amphitryo
of Plautus ; and if the impure dance of Europa,
or Leda, of Ganymede, or Danae, were added,
he was effectually soothed, and his worshippers
had nothing more to fear from his indignation.!
posuerunt? Nonne attestati sunt Euemero, qui omnes tales
Deos, non fabulosa garrulitate sed historica diligentia, homines
fuisse mortalesque conscripsit ? ib.
* Lib. vii. c. 2.
f Ponit animos Jupiter, si Amphitryo fuerit actus pronunci-
atusque Plautinus ? Aut si Europa, si Leda, Ganymedes fuerit
saltatus, aut Danae, iiiotum compescit irarum ? Arnob. lib. 7,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 201
It needs not to be added, what similar sub-
jects were preferred by the other deities whose
worship was prescribed by the state. We see
enough to convince us, that the civil theology
is thus far the same with the fabulous, and
therefore liable to the same reprobation.
3. What were the rites which civil theology
might claim, in a more peculiar manner, for its
own, may be seen in the practices of the Capi-
tol and the services solemnly prescribed for
the gods.
Seneca, in a treatise which is lost, described
the superstitious and degrading practices, which
prevailed under the sanction of the pontifices.*
In comparison of these, he is inclined to ex-
cuse the madness of the Egyptians themselves.
Osiris was, indeed, periodically lost; lost by
* In eo libro quern contra superstitiones condidit, multo
copiosius atque vehementius reprehendit ipse civilem istam et
urbanam theologiam, quam Varro theatricam atque fabulosam.
Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 10. The whole chapter is very curious.
It is important too, as it proves the degrading nature of idolatry.
The practices of the Capitol would not elevate the character of
the savages of New Zealand. This treatise of Seneca is also
alluded to by Tertullian, who draws some advantage to his ar-
gument from it: Infrendite, inspumate, iidem estis qui Sene-
cam aliquem pluribus ct amarioribus de vestnl superstitione
perorantem probatis. Apol. c. 12.
202 PAGANISM AND
those who never possessed him, and joyfully
found again by those who never lost him. This
was an annual folly. But look at the daily
ones of the Capitol. One officer attends to tell
Jupiter what o'clock it is; another is his lictor;
and another, by the movement of his arms,
seems as if he meant to be his anointer.* Juno
also has her female attendants. Some stand at a
reverential distance from her statue, and skil-
fully twist their fingers, as if they were curling
her hair, and had to perform the part of her
dressing women. The same attention is shewn
to Minerva; and some hold looking-glasses for
both. But the gods are waited upon for civil
business also. Some come to submit their
law-suits to them, offer the pleadings to their
inspection, and instruct them in the merits of
their cases. Others beg them to become their
sureties. Meanwhile, a decrepit old mime,
* Alius horas Jovi nunciat, alius lictor est, alius unctor, qui
vano motu brachiorum imitatur ungentem. Civ. Dei, lib. vi.
c. 10. This is preceded by the mention of another office.
Alius numina Deo subjicit. Was the superiority of the Capi-
toline Jupiter proclaimed aloud at stated times, that the other
deities might observe a due distance in their pretensions ?
Homer sometimes makes Jupiter assert his rights, as if they
were in some danger of being forgotten or contested :
^ f,7rti& t Offov itp,t Sewv Kaprvzog airavruv. II, lib. 8.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 203
now useless for the stage, acts every day before
the statues, with such small strength as he
has ; as if what had been long since discarded
by men, were good enough to be offered to the
gods.*
However, this absurd dedication of useless
services is innocent in comparison of what re-
mains ; for some women, who fancy themselves
the favourites of Jupiter, come to sit near him
in the Capitol, notwithstanding the presence of
Juno, and her known irritation at these intru-
sions upon her prerogative. But vanity over-
comes their fear, and they are already to en-
counter every danger for the sake of their dear
Jupiter ! |
If to these enormities we add the profligate
deifications ordered by the senate, and the im-
morality essentially connected with the most
solemn of the Roman ceremonies, the character
of the civil theology will be concluded, and the
cause of the poets amply avenged.
* Doctus archiraimus senex jam decrepitus, quotidie in
Capitolio mimum agebat, quasi Dii libenter spectarent, quern
homines desierant. ib.
f Sedent quaedam in Capitolio, quae se a Jove amari putant,
nee Junonis quidem, si credere poetis velis, iracundissimae, re-
spectu terrentur. ib.
204 PAGANISM AND
It is impossible to allude, without shame, to
the foul histories of Larentina and Flora, to
whom, notwithstanding, divine honours were
paid by order of the state.* Augustin justly
observes, that if the scandal belonging to these
impure deities had been the mere effect of
poetic licentiousness, the defenders of Paganism
would gladly have availed themselves of so con-
venient a refuge ; and enormities, more than
usually outrageous, would have been charged
to the account, already too great, of the fabu-
lous theology.f
But a similar viciousness belonged to their
gravest services. In the sacred rites of Juno,
as they were practised in her own Samos, she
was supposed to be given in marriage to Jupi-
* Lactantius gives a fuller view of what he calls proprias
Romanomm religiones, in the 20th and 21st chapters of his
first book, Instit. The Romans scrupled indeed to sacrifice
children to Saturn, as the Carthaginians did : but every other
foreign abomination was welcome to the Capitol. Quod ei
Pceni suos filios sacrificaverunt, non recepere Romani. At
vero ista magna Deorum mater etiam Romanis templis castra-
tos intulit, atque istam saevitiam moremque servavit. Aug.
Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 26.
f Haec si poetae fingerent, si mimi agerent, ad fabulosam
theologiam dicerentur proculdubio pertinere, et a civilis theo-
logiae dignitate separanda judicarentur. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 205
i
ter; and the nuptial ceremonies were circum-
stantially represented by the priests.
The worship of Ceres too, renewed the vio-
lence done to Proserpine ; and the god Pluto,
her uncle, was pursued with lighted torches, in
imitation of the fires once borrowed from ^Etna
for her discovery. The lamentations for Ado-
nis were a principal part of the profligate rites
of Venus ; and, above all, the processions of
the Galli, and their impure actions in honour
of the mother of the gods, exceeded in baseness
and ribaldry whatever the poets had loosely
written, or the stage, amidst all its pruriency,
had ventured to represent.* In his youth, Au-
gustin had witnessed these abominable rites,
and partaken in the impious celebrations. j" He
* Vicit Matris magnse oranes Deos filios, non numinis mag-
nitude, sed criminis. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c, 26.
f Veniebamus nos etiam aliquando adolescentes ad specta-
cula ludibriaque sacrilegiorum : spectabamus arreptitios, audie-
bamus sympho'niacos, ludis turpissimis, qui Diis Deabusque
exhibebantur, oblectabamur. Coelesti virgini, et Berecynthias
raatri Deorum omnium, ante ejus lecticam, die solenni lavatio-
nis ejus, talia per publicum cantitabantur h nequissimis sceni-
cis, qualia non dico matrem Deorum, sed matrem qualiumcun-
que senatorum, imo vero qualia nee matrem ipsorum scenicorum
deceret audire. Civ. Dei, lib- ii. c. 4. Compare the confession
of Arnobius : lib. i. Venerabar, O ccecitas ! nuper simulacra
20G PAGANISM AND
speaks of them, therefore, with equal knowledge
and detestation. Nor indeed is any thing more
impressive than the manner in which some of
the early Christians refer to the practices of
their past idolatry. We see at once the shame
and triumph of their minds ; and the confession
of their Pagan offences borrows an animation
from the consciousness that they have now a
nearer knowledge of GOD and their duty, and
are raised to the hopes of Heaven through the
happy acceptance of a purer faith.
Such were the superstitions publicly sanc-
tioned and allowed by the senate of Rome.*
We have seen with what bitterness Seneca
inveighed against them, and with what zeal
they were recommended by Varro. What then
were the motives of a conduct thus different ?
modd ex fornacibus prompta, in incudibus Deos et ex malleis
fabricates 5 with his fine apostrophe to the true GOD : O max-
ime, O summe rerum invisibilium Procreator ! O ipse invise,
et nullis unquam comprehense naturis ! Dignus, dignus es vere,
si modo te dignum mortali dicendum est ore, cui spirans omnis
intelligensque natura, et habere et agere nunquam desinat gra-
tias ; cui tota conveniat vita genu nixo procumbere,, et continua-
tis precibus supplicare. ib.
* Haec dedecora non poetarum, sed populorum 5 non mimo-
rum, sed sacrorum j non theatrorum, sed templorum ; id est,
non fabulosae, sed civilis theologise. Civ. Dei, lib. vi, c. 7.
-^
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
The intolerance of Paganism compelled Varro
to uphold the civil establishment of its gods.
With a slavish patriotism, therefore, he enjoined
to others a political reverence for the objects
of his own contempt, and gave countenance
to a system useful only for the purpose of
deceit.*
Seneca was of a different temperament, but
finally swayed by the same fears. His dispo-
sition to boldness of words led him to indulge
his censure of the worship that prevailed around
him. But his practice betrays the servile prin-
ciple by which he was actuated ; and he closes
his courageous invective with the memorable
profession, that the impropriety of these rites
ought to be no impediment to the performance
of them. The public authority has enjoined
them, and therefore they are to be received.
They may be unworthy of the gods, but they
are acceptable to the state, by whose will they
are appointed !f
* Hie certe ubi potuit, ubi ausus est, ubi impunitum putavit,
quanta mendacissimis fabulis naturae Deorum fieret injuria,
sine caligine ullius ambiguitatis expressit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi.
c. 5.
f* Ait enim 3 Quae omnia sapiens servabit tanquam legibus
jussa, non tanquam Diis grata. Augustin justly charges him
208 PAGANISM AND
We come then to the last species of theology,
the natural; the object of which was to inquire
concerning the gods, who they were, where they
resided, their descent and quality, when they
began to exist ; whether they were created or
eternal; whether they sprung from the fire of
Heraclitus, the numbers of Pythagoras, or the
atoms of Epicurus ; and other such questions.
This, Varro believed to be the only true and
dignified part of religion ; but judging it unfit
for the use of the people at large, he confined
the knowledge of it to the philosophers ; to the
private opinions of speculative men, or the dis-
putations of the schools.*
His opinion then, in agreement with that of
the principal men of letters at Rome, was, that
God was the soul of the world, and that the
world itself was a God,f compounded of a soul
with hypocrisy, and the guilt of deceiving the people, who must
have thought his worship of the gods sincere. Civ. Dei, lib.
vi . c. 10.
* Varro thus briefly expresses the use and application of
each branch of his theology : Mythicon appellant, quo maxime
utuntur poetae j physicon, quo phiiosophi ; civile, quo populi :
nihil in hoc genere culpavit, quod physicon vocavit. Remo-
vet tamen hoc genus a foro, id est, ci populis 5 scholis vero et
p arietibus clausit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5.
f Dicit ergo Varro, adhuc de naturali theologia praeloquensj
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 209
and a body. But having thus bestowed on the
universe an apparent unity of existence and de-
sign, he proceeds to divide it into two great
portions, the heaven and the earth ; and these
again are subdivided : the former, into the
aether or superior sky, and the air ; the latter
into water, and the ground on which we tread.
All these divisions are full of souls, which, how-
ever, are distinguished in dignity according to
the places which they respectively occupy. In
the sky and air, are immortal souls ; in the
water and on the earth, are mortal ones. The
space between the highest vault of heaven, and
the circle of the moon, is possessed by constel-
lations and stars. These are not only sethe-
real souls, but celestial gods : nor are they
merely apprehended to be such by the mind,
but are clearly seen by the eyes of men.
Again, from the circle of the moon to the region
of the clouds and winds, are aerial souls. These,
on the other hand, do not appear to the eye,
but are understood by the mind, and are known
by the name of heroes, lares, and genii.
Deum se arbitrari esse animam mundi, quern Grseci vocant
Koajjiov, et hunc ipsura mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei^ lib.
vii. c. 6. Consult this whole chapter for the particulars stated
in the text.
P
210 PAGANISM AND
With a deity thus defined, and a mundane
system thus explained, Varro endeavours to
reconcile the civil worship of images. Its prin-
ciple, therefore, was pronounced to be entirely
physical. The vulgar knew nothing of it ; and
in their supplications to the gods, it is probable
that they thought only of the statues immedi-
ately before their eyes. But those, to whom
the secret reasons of the Pagan worship were
familiar, well knew the connection between the
outward image and the inward principle. The
true doctrine therefore was, that while the eye
of the worshipper was fixed on the statue, his
mind thought of the soul of the world and its
parts ; and in this manner were the gods made
present to his understanding.* And this he
states to have been the real meaning of the first
* Eas interpretationes sic Varro commendat, ut dicat antiques
simulachra Deorum, et insignia, ornatusque confinxisse ; quae
cum oculis animadvertissent hi, qui adissent doctrinse mysteria,
possent animam mundi ac partes ejus, id est, Deos veros animo
videre. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 5. The Egyptian philosophy, if
the far-famed Hermes is to be the expounder of it, brought the
gods nearer to the worshipper. When the statue was made, it
seems that a god immediately came into it by invitation, and
dwelt there ! Augustin gives some extracts from a professed
work of Hermes, of which a Latin translation was current in
the fifth century. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 23, 24, 26.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 211
inventors of statues. They knew that the ra-
tional soul of man comes nearer than any other
thing to the nature of an immortal intelligence,
or the soul of the world. But it is not visible.
Wishing therefore to communicate a fixed im-
pression of it, they deemed it proper to repre-
sent the outward figure of man. This compre-
hends the soul : and thus, the one part, however
different in its nature, becomes a sensible indi-
cation of the other. This reasoning extends to
the gods. The soul of the world, into which all
the deities are to be resolved, is equally invi-
sible with the soul of man. But it already
appears, that an human statue is the indication
of an interior human soul. It also appears that
the human soul has the nearest resemblance to
the soul of the world, or God. Hence it fol-
lows, that the worship of statues, though of
human shape, is ultimately intended for the
Deity ; and the mind of the votary is carried
by these intermediate stages to the proper ob-
ject of adoration. He illustrates this reasoning
by a supposition. If the nature, or function,
of each god is to be indicated by a selection of
some outward token, what, for the sake of
example, would be required by Bacchus ? A
flaggon placed upon his altar. This is the
p2
212 PAGANISM AND
symbolic representation of wine ; for the thing
containing has a comprehensive meaning, and
signifies also the thing contained. 1 * And, on
the same, principle, does the establishment of
images point out the true theology, by ascend-
ing to the soul of the world, through the body
and soul of man.
Lest this inference should be doubted, he
proceeds to fortify the grounds on which he had
placed it. The worship of images was declared
to be reasonable, on account of the similitude
of the soul of man to the soul of the world. He
points out, therefore, in a particular manner,
the correspondence of the human body with
the material world, and of the human soul with
the soul of the universe.
There are three degrees of soul which extend
through all nature, and which are to be dis-
cerned by their respective operations.! In man,
* Tanquam si vasa ponerentur causa notandorum Deorum,
et in Liberi aedem oenophorum sisteretur, quod et significant
vinum, per id quod continet, id quod continetur j ita per sirau-
lachrum, quod formam habet Immanam, significari animam
rationalem, quod eo velut vase natura ista soleat contineri, cujus
naturae Deum volunt esse, vel Deos. Haec sunt mysteria doc-
trinae, in quae iste vir doctissimus penetraverat, unde in lucem
ista proferret. Civ. Dei, ib. vii. c. 5.
t Varro in eodem libra de Diis selectis, tres esse affirmat
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 213
the lowest degree of it prevails throughout his
body, and has only a vegetative power. This
shews itself in the formation and growth of the
bones, nails, and hair. The parts of the world,
correspondent with these, are trees, stones, and
those productions of the earth, which have an
insensible growth, and may be said to live, in a
mode peculiar to themselves. The second de-
gree of the soul of man rises to the formation of
sense, and terminates in the powers of seeing,
hearing, smelling, tasting, and feeling. To
this again answers the aether, in which region
of the world Varro supposes its sense to dwell.
The third and highest degree of the human
soul is its intellectual part. This is denomi-
nated the genius of man ; and by the possession
of this he is distinguished from all other animals.
With this too corresponds the highest degree
of the soul of the world, which is called God.
Shooting through the aether, it reaches the
stars, and stamps them gods. Pervading the
earth, it forms the goddess Tellus ; and pene-
trating the ocean, it produces the divinity of
Neptune !*
animae gradus in oinni universaque natura. Civ. Dei, lib. vii.
c. 23 . See the whole chapter for the particulars stated in the text.
* Tertiam poiTo, quam et animam ejus nuncupat, quae scilicet
214 PAGANISM AND
Thus fanciful and slender was the proof of
the internal principle on which idolatry was said
to be founded ; thus remote and unimpressive
was the interpretation which the best natural
wisdom gave to the establishments of natural
religion ! It is needless to dwell upon the im-
piety and the self-contradiction which prevail
in the system that has just been reviewed. We
see, that, for the sake of a favourite principle,
the soul of man is finally identified with Jupi-
ter, or the soul of the world. Both are there-
fore to be worshipped, or neither ; man is God,
or Jupiter is man! The same gods too are
once more produced by the very philosophy
which was employed to disprove their existence.
The fabulous theology was first reprobated by
Varro himself; and the civil, which was equally
reprobated by Seneca, was afterwards proved
to be the same with the fabulous. But we now
see, that the natural theology, whose real object
it was to supersede them both, brings us round
to them again ! No more, therefore, shall be
said of the particular tenets or pretensions of
pervenit in astra : earn quoque asserit facere Deos ; et per earn
quando in terrain permanat, Beam Tellurem ; quod autem inde
permeat in mare, atque oceanuni, Deum esse Neptunum. Civ.
Dei, lib. vii. c. 23.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 215
this theology. But from the subject, thus re-
presented, a few general inferences may be
instructively drawn.
1. In its religious institutions, Paganism
looked to no object beyond political conveni-
ence. On this ground alone, Varro supported
the civil theology of his country ; and, in the
division of his work, professedly treated of
Rome before its gods, the latter having derived
all their worship from the will of the former.*
Revelation is independent of the establishments
of men* Through the Divine blessing indeed,
it is eminently applicable to the civil condition
of the world ; and those nations are the happiest
which admit most of its influence into the
direction of their policy. Our own country
exhibits a glorious example of true religion
allied with the state, and of the benefits result-
* Varronis igitur confitentis ideo se prius de rebus humanis
scripsisse, postea de divinis, quia divinae istae ab hominibus
institute sunt, haec ratio est : sic ut prior est, inquit, pictor,
quam tabula picta j prior faber, quam aedificium ; ita priores
sunt civitates, quam ea quae a civitatibus sunt instituta. Civ.
Dei, lib. vi. c. 4. He says indeed, that if he were to write of the
entire nature of the gods, he would place the gods first. But we
have seen enough of his sentiments to be persuaded, that this was
only a convenient shelter from the imputation of disrespect to the
gods, or a secret preference of his own natural theology to the civil.
216 PAGANISM AND
ing to both; the state hallowed by religion,
religion defended by the state. But whatever
be the views of human governments, whether
they admit or refuse a connection with it, the
Gospel maintains its own character. The ever-
lasting word of God is not altered by any autho-
rity of man ; and " Jesus Christ is the same
yesterday, to-day, and for ever."*
2. The only theology, to which Varro gave
a genuine approbation, he confined to the phi-
losophical part of his countrymen. Hence it
is evident, that he had discovered in it nothing
which tended to the common benefit of the
world, nothing which ultimately affected the
soul of man. It might amuse curiosity, but
did not lead to happiness. How different the
religion of Christ ! " Go ye into all the world,
and preach the Gospel to every creature."! The
common interest is proved by the necessity of a
common knowledge. Every soul is the object
of God's gracious call ; and it is the charac-
teristic of Christianity, not that it addresses only
"the wise man after the flesh ;" not that it is con-
fined to the "mighty/'orthe " noble ;"J but that
" the poor have the Gospel preached to them."
* Hebrews, xiii. 8. t St. Mark, xvi. 15.
J 1 Cor. i. 26, St. Matthew, xi. 5.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 217
3. From the manner in which Varro treats
his subject, it is evident that he regarded the
gods with no vulgar eye. He did not worship
them, as others did, for the sake of the temporal
benefits which they were popularly supposed
to confer. Yet it is observable, that neither
does he look forward to future blessings from
their hands. In his whole discussion, mention
is no where made of eternal life !* What may
we infer from this ? That those Romans who
professed the hope of future happiness from
their gods, spoke from no settled conviction,
but from the obvious disappointment of present
expectations. Varro, the great master of Ro-
man theology, had held out no promise to the
soul, had made no discovery of eternity ; nor
can he be supposed to have entertained a hope,
of which he gives " no sign." Here then is
the great triumph of the GospeU Its charac-
teristic is the promise of the life " which is to
come," of eternal happiness through faith in
Christ, and obedience to his commands. " I
go to prepare a place for you, that where I am,
* In hac tota serie pulcherrimae ac subtilissiraae distributionis,
et distinctionis, vitam aeternam frustra quaeri et sperari, facil-
limc apparet. Civ. Dei, lib. yi. c. 3.
218 PAGANISM AND
ye may be also."* And he who gave this pro-
mise to the world, shall appear once again for
the consummation of it. " The Son of Man
shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels
with him. He shall sit upon the throne of his
glory, and before him shall be gathered all
nations, and he shall separate the one from the
other. The wicked shall go away into ever-
lasting punishment, but the righteous into life
eternal. "t
* St. John, xiv. 2, 3. f St. Matthew, xxv. 46.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 219
CHAPTER VI.
PLATO SUPPOSED TO TEACH HIGHER DOCTRINES THAN
OTHER PAGANS. ..INDISCREET ADMIRATION OF HIM...
SCHOOL OF ALEXANDRIA. .. HIS DOCTRINE CONCERNING
THE DEITY. . .SECONDARY GODS . . .DEMONS. . .FROM NONE
OF THESE COULD ETERNAL LIFE BE DERIVED.
THE system which has just been reviewed, had
obtained the admiration of many of the more
learned and philosophical Pagans. Ashamed
of the grossness of the common worship of the
gods, they gladly accepted so creditable an
interpretation of it. Varro was therefore sup-
posed to have made a discovery of the hidden
and substantial wisdom which originally be-
longed to the establishment of the popular idol-
atry. But the refutation of this branch of
Heathen theology, was the smallest part of the
labour of Augustin, The spiritual wants of his
age called for an higher effort against the extra-
ordinary influence of the name of Plato. We
find, indeed, that impressions, of a peculiar
kind, had been made on the Christian world by
the opinions attributed to this eminent man.
From the incidental notice already taken of him,
220 PAGANISM AND
it appears that he adopted and improved with
superior eloquence, some of the higher doctrines
of the school of Pythagoras, which had been
delivered by Timaeus.* He seems not to have
been satisfied with the spontaneous formation,
the self-derived perfection, or durability as-
cribed by some philosophers to the universe.
He was therefore supposed to have arrived at
the knowledge of the Divine Being, and to have
made the great discoveries of Creation and the
Unity. From other of his speculations were also
derived the hopes of an Immortality to the soul.
On account of the credit which he had acquired
on these important questions, his philosophy
was supposed to be particularly formidable to
the Gospel.f Some flattered themselves that,
in Plato, they possessed all the instruction
which was essential to the duty and the welfare
of man. They therefore deemed all farther
religious communication to be useless at the
least, if not presumptuous and on this account
* See page 181.
f We see the extraordinary anxiety of Augustin on this
account. Nunc intentiore opus est animo multo quam erat in
superiorum solutione quaestionum, et explicatione librorum.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 . But it will soon appear, that his alarm
was unfounded, and that he drew his information less from
Plato himself than from the later Platonic school.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 221
rejected the faith of Christ. Some, who pro-
fessed the faith, and saw with regret the alie-
nation from it which was produced by the influ-
ence of an admired philosophy, betrayed their
weakness in accommodating the Scripture to
the doctrines of Plato, and sought to win the
Pagans, by the discovery of a resemblance
which did not exist : nor is Augustin himself
wholly free from this charge. Others, again,
took a malicious advantage of these concessions,
attacked the Gospel with the weapons furnished
by its injudicious friends, and exalted the reli-
gion of nature at the expense of Revelation.
Some inquiry into the doctrine of Plato was
therefore requisite, not only on account of its
own character and pretensions, but of its effects
on Christianity ;* and it was of particular im-
portance to prove, that, though superior to the
system of Varro, it was yet far removed from
the sublimity of the Gospel ; that in no mode
of classical theology, however celebrated, was
contained the true happiness of man ; and that
Revelation alone could teach the proper know-
* Mirantur quidam, nobis in Christ! gratid sociati, cilin
audiunt, vel legunt, Platonem de Deo ista sensisse, quae multum
con^ruerc veritati religionis nostrce agnoscunt. Civ. Dei, lib. viii.
c. 11.
222 PAGANISM AND
ledge of God, and effectually promise the re-
wards of the " life which is to come."
It will assist us in understanding the nature
of the claims which have been made in favour
of Plato, if we refer to some of the previous
systems of philosophy.
In an early age, wisdom was taught in a
simple manner, and without contention. The
name itself of philosophy was as yet unknown,
or not commonly adopted; and those, whose
minds were stored with reflections which might
be beneficial to the rest of mankind, uttered
them in brief and impressive sentences. And
hence came those moral and prudential maxims,
some of which are still appended to the names
of the " Wise-men."* At length arose two
schools, which soon obtained a very high cele-
brity, and produced that talent for philosophi-
cal disquisition and dispute, by which Greece
was afterwards distinguished. Their founders
were Thales and Pythagoras. The name of
the former occurs indeed among those of the
Wise-men ; but not content with this mode of
* Cum antea Sapientes appellarentur, qui modo qnodam
laudabilis vitae aliis praestare videbantur, iste (Pythagoras)
i'nterrogatus quid profiteretur, philosophum se esse respondit.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 223
instruction, he became the parent of the Ionic
school.* He seems to have been the first who
directed his inquiries into the properties of
nature, and the origin and laws of the universe.
This soon became a fashionable study, and was
indulged in that school with much prejudice to
its theology. Thales, either omitting the agency
of a deity, or depriving him of his fundamental
privilege of creation, J" pronounced, that from
one of the elements alone, proceeded the matter
employed in the formation of the other parts
* Ibnici vero generis princeps fuit Thales Milesius, unus
illorum septem, qui appellati suut Sapientes. Sed illi sex vitae
genere distinguebantur, et quibusdam prseceptis ad bene viven-
dum accommodatis. Iste autem Thales, ut successores etiam
propagaret, rerum naturam scrutatus, suasque disputationes
iiteris mandans, eminuit; maximeque admirabilis extitit, quod,
astrologiae numeris comprehensis, defectus solis et lunae etiam
praedicere potuit. ib.
f Cicero does not rescue him from this charge, notwith-
standing the introduction of a divine mind. Thales Milesius,
(it is Velleius who speaks,) qui primus de talibus rebus quce-
sivit, aquam dixit esse initium rerum; Deum autem earn men-
tern quae ex aqud cuncta gignerel. Nat. Deorum, lib. i.
Cicero is accurate in his representation of this philosophy. The
creation of Thales is nothing more than a generation from
eternal matter. Augustin, however, understands the principle
of water in a strict sense, and supposes that no <leity was em-
ployed by Thales.
224 PAGANISM AND
of the world. One of his successors, fearing,
that from this restriction to a single element, a
scarcity of effect might ensue, extended to other
things that power which Thales had confined
to water. He therefore ascribed the multipli-
city of mundane objects to an infinity of prin-
ciple productive of each of them respectively.*
Another was dissatisfied with an unnecessary
variety of original subjects, and recurred once
more to a single element: but making a differ-
ent choice, he was positive in his preference of
air,f which afforded a more philosophical origin
of the universe than water. Content with this
discovery, he abandoned also the agency of the
gods ; and thought that, if it were necessary to
affirm any thing concerning them, they were
only secondary to air, and produced from that
infinite cause. Indeed, from Thales to Arche-
laus it is impossible to discover the proper
doctrine of God or creation. In the hands of
* Anaximander, non ex und re, sicut Thales ex humore, sed
ex suis propriis principiis quasque res nasci putavit. Civ. Dei,
lib. viii. c. 2.
f Anaximenem discipulum et successorem reliquit, qui om-
nes rerum causas infinite aeri dedit : nee Deos negavit, aut
tacuit, non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex acre
ortos credidit. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 225
these teachers, the Deity lost sometimes his
own existence, and always his distinctive right
of creative power;* and the leading propensity
of the Ionic school was, to dispute concerning
the comparative antiquity of the elements ; to
inquire, which of them afforded the most con-
venient primary matter; and from what subject
might begin, with the greatest philosophical
propriety, the extraction and formation of other
things.
Pythagoras had travelled into Italy, and
taught in a part of it, which, from the extent of
the Grecian settlements, obtained the name of
Magna Grsecia.t He was therefore the founder
of the Italian school. From a few fragments of
its writings which are yet preserved, we see,
that this school was of a moral and contempla-
* Anaxagoras himself supposes matter to have been co-ex-
istent with the Divine intelligence: TlaVra xpr//iara i\v 6ju6'
elra vag e\0wy aura SieKofffjuqcrev. Diog. Laert. in Anaxag.
f Italicum genus, ex ed parte Italiae, quae quondam Magna
Graecia nuncupata est, autorem habuit Pythagoram Samium.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2. Pliny is inclined to attribute the name
of Magna Graecia, not to the extent of their settlements, but
to the imposing vanity of the Greeks. He calls them, justly
enough, genus in suam gloriam effusissimum ; and affirms,
whether justly or not, that their colonies did not occupy more
than a thousandth part of Italy.
Q
226 PAGANISM AND
tive cast. To the former part of its character
is certainly to be referred the doctrine of trans-
migration,* which was afterwards adopted by
Plato: to the latter perhaps, its preparation
for those inquiries into natural truth, and the
causes of things by which it was eminently dis-
tinguished. But it is difficult at this time to
determine, which was its most approved mode
of considering the mundane philosophy. Of
the two principal treatises which remain, and
which, in the opinion of Gale, are drawn from
* This is expressly stated in the latter part of the curious
treatise of the Soul of the World. The scale of transmigra-
tion is adapted to the conduct of men; cowards are turned
into women, murderers into wild beasts, and voluptuaries into
swine ; the rash and giddy into birds j and the idle, the un-
learned, and the stupid, into aquatic creatures, as if they were
unworthy to breathe the common air. Twi> JJLEV hi\wv, tg
, TTO& v(3piv /cio^va* r&v Se fjLiaityovuv, ep
irorl Kokaoiv' \a.yvuv ft if av&v ij Kairpwv
Kal aVpctfcrwv, dfiaBatv re nal avoiiTWV, kg rav rwv ervSpuv teai>.
p. 566. The other characteristic of the school of Pythagoras
is prettily expressed by Ovid :
Cumque animo, et vigili perspexerat omnia cura,
In medium discenda dabat ; costumque silentum
Dictaque mirantum, magni primordia mundi,
Et rerum causas, et quid natura docebat.
Met. lib. xv.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 227
the most sacred recesses of the Pythagorean
school, one constructs the world from pre-exist-
ing matter, employs a deity in its arrangement,
and places within it a soul necessary for its
animation and direction. And this is the doc-
trine of Timseus the Locrian. The other trea-
tise excludes all interference of a God, and
pronounces the world to be its own master.
It was neither created, nor arranged from a
Chaos. It had no origin, and shall have no
end. It is self-existent, and necessarily eter-
nal, and indestructible. And this is the system
of Ocellus Lucanus.* He talks indeed, as Ar-
chytas, Euryphamus, and other Pythagoreans
do, of " a God," and " the Gods;" and he ven-
tures to assign a limit, within which reside the
natures which are immortal. The region of the
moon is the dividing isthmus : above it are the
* Ao*,-t yap p.01 TO TTCLV avwXf Qoov elvai KCU aytvurov' ael re. yap
ty, tat ru. C. 1 . Opusc. Mythol. Ed. Gale. The indestructi-
bility of the universe is afterwards attempted to be proved.
If its dissolution takes place, it must be either into being, or
non-being. If into being, it will still continue to be. If into
non-being, an absurdity is affirmed 3 for, as the world could not
at first be produced from nothing, (according to the received
laws of philosophy,) neither can it become .nothing, after
having been something. The conclusion is therefore drawn
aoa KOI aj>a\0po> TO irdv.
Q2
228 PAGANISM
gods, while the space beneath is given up to
contention and nature, to alternate generation
and decay.* But the gods, thus supposed, are
merely free from the dissolution which is the
portion of man. They are only a physical,
though a superior, portion of the universe.
They have no absolute and disposing power,
but are themselves immortal, on the same prin-
ciple which makes the world eternal.
These were the principal authorities of phi-
losophy till the time of Socrates.
This extraordinary man had been bred in
the Ionic school, and was the immediate disci-
ple of Archelaus. But the dissensions into
which the followers of Thales had fallen, and
the unsatisfactory nature of the inquiries in
which they were commonly engaged, seem to
have given early offence to his discerning mind ;
and in the Phaedo he is made to account for
his disgust, in a very lively and natural man-
ner.f He had a characteristic fondness for the
yap i*iv dQavaaiag KOL yeveorewe 6 ireol TIJV fft\i]vr]v
TO fjiy avuOev i7rep ravrrje nav, KOI TO CTT' avrr/r, -&wv
Kari\f.L yivog' TO & vTroKarw o^Xr/v^e, vetKovg KCU fyvatvg' TO per
(yap) e^iv iv dvry iaX\ay>) yeyovorwv, ro tie yiveaiQ aVoye-
. ib. c. 2.
'Eyw yap, w Ke/3rjc> viog &v SavfJia^SiQ &Q
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 229
discovery of truth : and his object was sup-
posed to be attainable only through an applica-
tion to the reigning philosophy ; and this was
termed the history of nature. He applied him-
self therefore, with great zeal, to the specula-
tions then prevalent; whether putrescence,
consequent to the action of heat and cold, were
capable of producing animals ; where was the
seat, and what the cause, of intelligence in
man : whether it were the blood or the brain,
whether it were fire or air: and other such
questions. But in these pursuits he became
bewildered and confounded. At length, how-
ever, he flattered himself that he should find a
resting-place for his thoughts. Anaxagoras
was one of the sublimest masters of the Ionic
school ; and some person had read to Socrates,
out of a book of his philosophy, the sentence
i'\v c:fj
yap 1*01 edoKet elvai eldevat rag atrtag C/CCITS, &a ri yiyvtrai
tKOi^ov, Kal dia. ri otTroXXvrai, Kal dta rl <rV Kal TroXXcme Epa
UV(i) Kal KO-Td) fJLETfftaXXoVf ffKOTTWV TrpUJTOV TO. TOtCC^C, T Ap' 7
Tore &} TO, ^uia o-wvrpe^erat ; Kal Trorepov TO alpa i^iv u> (f>po v^v t
TJ o arjp, i\ TO nvp' &c. Phaedon. p. 71. Ed. Fie. Part of this
passage seems to refer to the physics of Parmenides, who sup-
posed the human race to have originally sprung from heat and
cold acting upon mud.
230 PAGANISM AND
which contained a summary of his doctrine ;
" There is an intelligence which is the cause of
all things, and bestows on them their order and
beauty."* Now then he expected to discover
what had so long escaped him, the reasons on
which was founded the actual constitution of
things : and truth being thus ascertained, the
detection of error would necessarily follow.
He was now about to know with certainty,
whether the earth were flat or round ; and
either of these figures being determined, the
reason was also to appear, why one of them
was preferred to the other. The same instruc-
tion he expected concerning the sun, moon,
and stars ; the reason of their velocities and
returns,^ and all other affections incident to
their course. With great satisfaction therefore
he procured the book, and with great eagerness
applied himself to the perusal of it. But notwith-
standing the lofty pretensions of Anaxagoras,
poor Socrates remained in the same ignorance
as before ; and instead of being introduced to
the intelligence which was promised, he found
that air, and aether, and water were still as-
sumed as the causes of things, and that absur-
* 'He cipa vag i<slv 6 tiiOKOffftiitr TE KOI TTGLVTUV aiTtOf. ib.
p. 72.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 231
dities and improbabilities were made to stand
for genuine and primary truths.* This, says
he, "is just as if a person, undertaking to state
the reason why I sit here, should expatiate on
the nature of my bones, and nerves, and flesh,
and skin, and prove their aptitude to produce a
sitting posture; and meanwhile, wholly omit
the real and primary causes, namely, the will
of the Athenians, which consigns me to this
prison, and my determination to sit in it till I
swallow the poison, which they are preparing
for me."t These probably were the circum-
stances which impelled Socrates, at a mature
period of life, to use the language so emphati-
cally attributed to him by Xenophon, who in-
forms us, that he dissuaded his hearers from
any farther attention to geometry, astrology, or
astronomy, than might suffice for the common
* 'Avro Sr) Savpa^rje iXiridog y'xo/^v 0po/J>oe,
TTpoiiwy Kal avayivaxrKWV, opw av^pa ry fieV vy B^
c ri'vae ain'ae eVairtw/jevov etc TO ^taKOff^lv Tct Trpa'yjuara,
aepac e Kal atdepag KCU v^ara aiTivpevov, KO.I aXXa TroXAci icai
aroTra. ib. p. 73.
rag we a\r)d&Q dtrtag Xcyei^ on CTTft^aV
e /3eXnov eivai Efiu KaTa\l/r)<f>iffa.ffdat, ^ta ravra <Srj
Kal ifM)l /3eXrtov av StSoKTai ivOdde KaQrjvOai, Kal
VTri\eiv rt]v diKrjv r\v civ KtXtvcuittJtv. ib.
232 PAGANISM AND
purposes of human life.* His youthful ardour
for remote or abstruse inquiries concerning
natural causes, was now abated by experience ;
and he particularly forbade the indulgence of
those speculations which vainly affected to dis-
cover the secrets of the heavens, and the man-
ner in which the Deity contrives the order of
things. f Such pursuits are unacceptable to
the gods ; nor, whatever may be the preten-
sions belonging to them, are they within the
limits of human knowledge. He adds the dan-
ger of derangement to the mind which should
persist in them ; and here again occurs the
mention of Anaxagoras, who seems to have
grown mad with pride, on his fancied discovery
of the mechanism employed in the construction
of the world by the wisdom of the gods !
This is sufficient perhaps to account for the
* To
fj.avda.veiv a-n-E^OKina^Ev' O,TI pV yap w^eXon? ravTa, /c e<f>rj
6p<jiv. Mem. lib. iv. c. 7.
f "OAwe fie rtiv ttpawW, 77 CKa^a o 0eoe /zrj^avarai (ftpo
yiyveadai, cnriTpeirEV' are yap ivperd avdpuiroig dvrd
elvcu, > "xapifaffdai S^oie av rjyeiTO TOV faruvra, a IK&
tratyrivicrai HK: e(3u\r]6r)ffav' Kivlvvevaai & av etyr) Kal irapatypovrj
TOV raura p,ptfj,vcJvTa 3 ttdev JITTOV i] 'Araayopae
6 fJLeyw; tppovfjffa^ ETTI ru rag Sewv }JLr\-^ava.Q
Vat. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 233
disgust of Socrates, without recurring to the
benevolent supposition quoted for him by Au-
gustin;* that he deemed the mind unfit for the
exercise of philosophy, unless it were previously
purged from the disabling influence of the pas-
sions. In short, the object of this sagacious
man seems to have been, to restore to the pro-
fession of human wisdom that simplicity which
had attended it before the agitation of the ele-
mental questions by Thales ; and to confine it
as much as possible to the purposes of pru-
dence and morality.
Plato was the scholar of Socrates :f but, not
content with the doctrines of one school, nor
* Non mihi autem videtur posse ad liquidum colligi, utrum
Socrates, ut hoc faceret, taedio rerum obscurarum et incerta-
rum ad aliquid apertum et certurn reperiendum animum inten-
derit j an vero, sicut de illo quidam benevolentius suspicantur,
nolebat immundos terrenis cupiditatibus animos se extendcre
in divina conari. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.
f Socrates huj us (Archelai) discipulus fuisse perhibetur, ma-
gister Platonis. ib. c. 2. Laertius adds a dream of Socrates.
He held a cygnet in his lap, which suddenly flew away into the
air, full-fledged, and singing melodious strains. This was in-
terpreted the next day, when Plato was presented to him :
TOV Se TUTOV tiTceiv dvai rov opvw. in vit. Plat. I know not if
it is worth remarking, that swans are mentioned by Plato with
unusual reverence : perhaps he meant to give credit to the
notion that Apollo was his father.
234 PAGANISM AND
governed by the sole authority of the master
whom yet he singularly loved, he sought wis-
dom wherever it might be found. From Athens
therefore, before he had reached his thirtieth
year, he repaired to Megara, with some other
scholars of Socrates, and heard the dialectics of
Euclid. Hence he passed to Gyrene, and con-
versed, as Laertius informs us, with Theodorus
the mathematician. Afterwards, he proceeded
to Italy, where the Pythagorean doctrines were
taught by Philolaus and Eurytus ; and finally,
to Egypt,* a country which had been in much
repute with the more learned Greeks, on ac-
count of the recondite wisdom supposed to be
possessed by its priests. From these and other
sources he drew the knowledge of former ages,
and added it to that of his own. He selected
from every school the tenets by which it was
most distinguished, and improved, or incorpo-
rated them with the doctrines taught by him-
self. He provided a stability for the natural
philosophy of Heraclitus, by communicating
* "ETreira yevofj-evos OKTW Kal eiKOviv ET&V, eig Meyapa Trpo?
'EvcXet'c)i?> (Tvv cat aXXotg rt<ri 2<u*:paru - o7e vire^ujprjffLv' \
etc Kvp^v^v a7T;X0 ?rpoe 0eo^wpov rov /Lta0e^iar/cor* ic^i
Etg 'IraXiav Trpoc rwt; JilvdayoptKus, ^tXoXaor cat"Evpvrov'
re etg "AiyvTrrov rrapa rfcig Flpo^^rac. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 235
the substratum of an original and immutable
essence to things which, in their own nature,
were flux and perishable.* He adopted and
enlarged the intellectual system of Pythagoras ;
and with the active morality of Socrates he
combined the mysticism of his Egyptian teach-
ers at Heliopolis. And hence the copiousness
and variety, the compound nature, the lofty ob-
scurity, and not unfrequent self-contradiction
which are to be observed in his writings.!
The philosophy of Plato was anciently di-
vided into three parts, dialectics, ethics, and
physics. The latter of these however was sub-
divided into two the study of corporeal and
incorporeal nature. Metaphysics therefore were
considered as a branch of physics. J In this
* Cum enim ex Heracliti systemate recepisset, omnia fluere,
nee per se constare eadem posse, visum illi, necessario addenda
esse subjecta aeterna, per se subsistentia, quae iinmutabilem
rebus fluxis essentiam largirentur. Brucker de Phil. Graec.
lib. ii. c. 6.
f Not so Apuleius. Quamvis de diversis officinis base ei
essent philosophise membra suscepta, naturalis ab Heracliteis,
intellectualis h, Pythagoreis, rationalis atque moralis ex ipso
Socratis fonte, unum tamen ex omnibus, et quasi proprii partus
corpus effecit. De Philos. Natur. But with the zealous Apu-
leius, Plato is infallible.
t Eig rpia SitXovTOQ peprj ra YlXdnovog rov na.vra. rrjg ^ e\o-
236 . PAGANISM AND
manner the subject was distributed by some of
the chief Christian writers, Eusebius and Au-
gustin ; as well as by some of the professed
followers of Plato ; Apuleius, who gives an ac-
count of his philosophy under these divisions ;
and Atticus, whom Eusebius calls one of the
more illustrious of the Platonic school.*
The dialectics are extolled by Augustin, as
superior to those of the other philosophers
whom the Romans had received as their teach-
ers. Epicurus is supposed to have borrowed
part of his doctrine from the early school of
Democritus. His well-known tenet, that the
senses were the proper test of truth, appeared
to many of the Pagans themselves to stop the
\6yov, EIQ tyvoiKov, yQiKov, \oyiKov' elr av iraXiv, rov
i T r//v r&v aiaQriT&v S'ewpmv, KOL TYJV rwv
Ka.Tav6r)<nv' tvpoic oV Kal Trap' 'E/3pcuoie TO rpijj,epeg
daffKaXiaG SI$OG. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 1. Compare
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 4. Eusebius pursues his argument with an
injudiciousness which was promoted by the circumstances of
the age j and is anxious to bring as good logic, and natural
philosophy from Moses, as the later Platonic school could boast
in their master !
* Quoniam tres partes philosophise congruere inter se primus
obtinuit, nos quoque separatim de singulis dicemus. Apul. de
Philos. Natur. Atticus is called ta0ayj) avtip r&v
K&V (bi\off6(j>wv. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 237
progress of all science and sound reasoning.*
The early fathers of the church were also loud
in condemning it as hostile to religion and its
proofs. Nor were the Stoics without their
share of reprobation on the same account.
Attached as they were to the exercise of the
mind in disputation, they maintained the prio-
rity of importance due to the experience of the
senses, and referred all reasoning to the primary
and inchoate intelligences which these afforded.
Plato is complimented by Augustin for his
freedom from such errors. He did not deny to
the senses that influence which was obviously
due to them ; but he bestowed his chief atten-
tion on the mind, to the exercise of which he
attributed the proper criterion of truth. f This
* Quod autem attinet ad doctrinam, ubi altera pars versatur,
quae ab els Logica, id est, rationales vocatur ; absit ut his com-
parand! videantur, qui posuerunt judicium virtutis in sensibus
corporis, eorumque infidis et fallacibus regulis omnia quae dis-
cuntur, metienda esse censuerunt, ut Epicurei, et quicunque alii
tales, ut etiain ipsi Stoici. Qui cum vehementer amaverint
solertiam disputandi, quam Dialecticam nominant, a corporis
sensibus earn ducendam putarunt. Hinc asseverantes animum
concipere notiones, quos appellant evvotae, hinc propagari atque
connecti totam discendi docendique rationem. Civ. Dei, lib. v.
c. 7.
f Hi autem, quos merito caeteris antepouimus, discreverunt
ea quae mente conspiciuntur ab iis quae sensibus attinguntur :
238 PAGANISM AND
commendation however must not be received
without a considerable abatement. It is ob-
vious to every reader of Plato, that he indulges
an inordinate taste for abstraction; and it is
impossible not to notice, what Brucker has
justly pointed out, his strong tendency to
fanaticism.*
The ethics of Plato have received much
praise for the loftiness of their principle as well
as for the extent of their application. While
the rule of private conduct was learnt from
the Philebus, Euthyphro, and other dialogues;
that of public morals was held out to civil
communities in the larger treatises of laws,
and of a republic. Hereafter, it may not be
uninstructive or unamusing to lay before you
the various opinions concerning the summum
bonum (the proper end of ethics) which pre-
nec sensibus adimentes quod possunt, nee iis dantes ultra quam
possunt. ib. The view which Apuleius gives of this branch of the
triple philosophy, proceeds in a technical manner. It does not
point out the general principles of reasoning, or inquire from
whence they arise, but is almost entirely concerned about the
forms of syllogisms.
* Quod unum dogma (the abstraction of the mind for the
purpose of contemplating intelligible things, or ideas) satis
prodit, quam fanatica sit Platonis philosophia, et quod tota
enthusiasmo faveat. De Philos. Plat. c. 15.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 239
vailed in the Pagan schools at large. This will
furnish a discussion decisive of the general
question concerning the pursuit of happiness
by the men of nature. At present, it will be
sufficient to observe, that, while some placed
their chief good in the body, some in the mind,
and some in both, or in the outward advantages
of life added to these, nothing seemed to be
considered beyond man in the present world,
and the manner in which he might be benefited
by the objects which surrounded him. To
Plato however is attributed by Augustin the
merit of going farther, and of providing a cer-
tain happiness for the mind in the contempla-
tion of the Deity.* But here again is a caution
to be applied. Mosheim has well observed the
pruriency of Plato's disposition, and the want
of chastity and modesty which he so often be-
trays, j" On the point immediately under our
notice, it is impossible not to remark, how ex-
* Cedant igitur hi omnes illis philosopbis, qui non dixerunt
beatum esse hominem fruentem corpore, vel fruentem animo,
sed fruentem Deo. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 8.
f Plato, qui naturd non nimis bene constitutus videtur fuisse,
parumque castus et pudicus, quo ipse minori laboraret invidid,
Socratem ignominias suae participem esse voluit. Dissert.
Eccles. vol. i. p. 198.
240 PAGANISM AND
ceptionable are some of the means which, under
the cover of the name of Socrates, he prescribes
for the attainment of his object. The Deity is
the K&XOV in the highest degree ; and one mode
of exciting our affections towards divine beauty,
is to attach ourselves to those resemblances of
it which are to be discovered in the most perfect
of human forms !* But I will add no more.
Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile
This introduction of the Deity, however de-
grading to his nature, brings us to the theology
of Plato, which is a part of the physics, and
with which indeed we are principally concerned.
This then is the manner in which the mind of
Plato is supposed to have ascended towards
the discovery of the Deity.
NATURE consists of things animate and inani-
mate. But life is superior to matter ; for cor-
poreal species are the objects of the senses,
while vital species are to be discovered only by
the eye of the mind.t Hence it follows, that
* In the Phaedrus is the dangerous and revolting doctrine
here noticed.
f Consideraverunt enim quicquid est, vel corpus esse, vel
vitam, meliusque aliquid vitam esse quam corpus ; specieinque
corporis esse sensibilem, intelligibilem vitse. Civ. Dei, lib. viii.
c. 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 241
intelligible are preferable to sensible species.
And this preference is established through the
power which the mind possesses of judging
concerning the beauty and qualities of body.
For whether the body indulge repose, or exert
itself in action, the mind maintains its superior
privilege, and performs its various offices, with-
out being constrained by time or place, or any
of those exterior circumstances by which bodily
operations are affected. The beauty of the
mind is therefore of a higher order than that of
the body ; and thus is the one distinguished
from the other. But the mind, thus evidently
superior to body, must next be compared
with itself. The same judgment concerning
sensible species will not equally result from
every mind.* The mind of one man will deter-
mine better than that of another, in proportion
to the differences of their natural sagacity, or
their habits of exertion. Nay, the mind of the
same man will determine better or worse con-
cerning the same objects, as attention or im-
provement may affect its judgments. But
hence a mutability ensues. The mind seems
* Sed ibi quoque nisi mutabilis esset, non alius alio melitis
de specie sensibili judicaret j et idem ipse unus ctini proficit,
meliils utique postea quam prius. ib.
242 PAGANISM AND
to partake of some of the imperfections of body,
in the alterations of which it is susceptible.
That sensible species may lose their character-
istic qualities, and finally disappear, is certain.
But, if the mind is subject to change, and
capable of increase, it is also liable to diminu-
tion; and if so, it may be finally lost. And
hence it follows, that in searching for the pri-
mary species of things ; or that from which the
species of other things are derived, it is neces-
sary to ascend not only beyond the properties
of body, but beyond the mind of man.* The
first conclusion therefore concerning the Deity
was, that the mind being preferable to body,
he was of the superior species, and conse-
quently, was not to be looked for in body. The
next conclusion was, that the Deity being thus
proved to be mind, he must have the additional
property of immutability. For the species of
things, or those qualities which constitute their
respective natures, could not be derived from the
perishable things themselves. Nor were they
* Quod autem recipit majus et minus, sine dubitatione muta-
bile est. Unde ingeniosi et docti et in his exercitati homines
facile colligerunt, non esse in eis rebus prirnam speciem, ubi
mutabile esse convincitur. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 243
derived from the mind of man, itself mutable.
It was necessary therefore to refer them to an
immutable principle, or the mind of the Deity.*
And hence came the universe, its figure, quali-
ties, and movements ; the disposition of the
elements, and the bodies which are placed at
various distances among them. Hence too
came every degree of life, whether vegetative
alone, or sensitive and rational combined with
it, or any other mode of life possessed by
beings beyond the condition of man.
From this various superiority of the Deity,
another point was inferred, 'the comprehen-
siveness of his nature. He is not to be esti-
mated by the separate properties of animate or
inanimate things. In him existence cannot be
supposed without life, nor life without intellect,
nor intellect without happiness; but life, and
intellect, and happiness are together his being; f
* Viderunt quicquid mutabile esset, non esse summum
Deum, et ideo omnem animam mutabilesque spiritus transcen-
derunt quaerentes Deum. ib.
f Quia non aliud illi est esse, aliud vivere, quasi possit esse
non vivensj nee aliud illi est vivere, aliud intelligere, quasi
possit vivere non intelligens ; nee aliud ilii est intelligere,
aliud beatum esse, quasi possit intelligere, et non beatus esse :
Sed quod est illi vivere, intelligere, et beatum esse, hoc est illi
esse. ib.
R2
244 PAGANISM AND
and he exists truly, because he exists unchange-
ably.
Such is the substance of the statement given
by Augustin concerning the knowledge which
Plato was supposed to have of the Deity. But
it is certain, that the theology which is so regu-
larly detailed in this Chapter, was drawn, not
from Plato himself,* but from some of those
who became his zealous commentators after the
propagation of the Gospel; or, that Augustin
unconsciously applied to certain philosophical
terms, that more spiritual meaning which Reve-
lation had imparted, and with which his own
pious mind was fully possessed. Indeed, am-
ple proofs of this assertion are afforded in the
Chapter itself. The writer refers for his au-
* In the Philebus he talks of the chief good of man. This
must be perfect. It is not in pleasure alone, nor in science
without the perception of pleasure. Both together are prefer-
able to each singly; but neithes is the true good in this third
class. He passes therefore to a fourth, or the Demiurgic cause.
In this is true being ; and the happiness of man is compounded
of the best pleasure, and the best science, which is employed
on this being : Trepii TO ov Kal TO OVTOJG, Kal TO Kara TCLVTOV ail
TcetyvKog, p. 400. Ed. Ficin. From such occasional high fan-
cies, though mixed with much grossness and obscurity, the
later Platonics endeavoured to raise a system of divinity which
might be successfully opposed to Revelation.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 245
thorities, not to Plato, but to the Platonicians
at large, whose conclusions are adopted as if
they were those of their master.* Again, when
Augustin speaks of that mode of life which is
enjoyed by certain beings superior to man,
he explains it by the example of the angels. t
Their sense and intellect subsist without the
necessity of being joined with the lowest degree
of life. They are said not to vegetate, and
therefore not to require support from nourish-
ment. But Mosheim, in his treatise on the
imitation of the Christians by the Pagan writers,
has carefully ascertained, that the term ayysAo?
is used by Plato in its common meaning among
the antient Greeks; and that the scriptural
sense was artfully communicated to it by the
later Platonic school.^ Again, when Augustin
* Consideraverunt, viderunt isti philosophi, quos caeteris
non immerito famd atque glori& praelatos videmus. ib.
f Quae (vita) nutritorio subsidio non indiget, sed tantura
continet, sentit, intelligit, qualis est in angelis. ib. Augustin
is one of those theologians whose " common gloss" concern-
ing this quality of angels is reproved by Milton. He makes
them eat ; and " what redounds, transpires with ease." Farad.
Lost, Book 5.
J Meum si quid valet judicium, putem, nomen ayycXoc
apud Flatonem ininistnim, admiimtrum, distributorem, signifi-
care ; quo sensu intinitis in locis scriptorum Graecorum occurrit.
246 PAGANISM AND
ascends to the deity of Plato, and asserts him
to be uncreated, he appears to attribute to him
the actual creation of all other things.* But
this is a doctrine which was never understood
by Paganism ; and which, as Brucker has justly
observed, no sound interpretation of Plato can
possibly allow. However, through these and
other causes of misrepresentation, the philoso-
phy of Plato obtained an inordinate credit; and
Quae cum ita sint, equidem Casauboni et aliorum virorum doc-
torum seritentiam qui k recentioribus demum Graecorum scrip-
toribus sensu Christiano vocabulum hoc usurpatum esse arbi-
trantur, anteposuerim opinion! Fabri et Daleni, dum luculenti-
oribus testimoniis aliter sentire cogar. Dissert. Eccles. vol. 1 .
p. 349. Dacier, however, talks of angels, as if they were as
familiar to the writings of Plato as to the Scriptures. Dis-
course on Plato.
* Ibi esse rerum principium recte crediderunt, quod factum
non esset, et ex quo facta cuncta essent. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 6.
The words here marked would more properly mean, that the
matter of the world proceeded from the Deity ; and in this
shocking sense Plato was interpreted by many of his later fol-
lowers. But Augustin is evidently thinking of the scriptural
creation, and attributing to the philosopher that which was
not his due. His principles were, as Brucker represents them j.
Ex nihilo nihil fieri, (qui enim creationem ex nihilo illi tri-
buunt, omnino falluntur;) esse itaque duas causas rerum om-
nium j unam, & qua sint omniaj alteram, ex quk sint omnia:
illam Deum esse, hanc materiamj et haec quidem principia sibi
ab aeterno opponi, nee k se dependere. De Philos. Plat. c. 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 247
inquiries were anxiously made by the Chris-
tians, whence was derived the superior know-
ledge which it was supposed to contain ?*
It was universally allowed, that Plato had
travelled to Egypt ; and on this fact some error
was grafted. As in that celebrated country
Moses had triumphantly demonstrated the
power of the one true God over the magic of
the idolaters, the doctrine of the Unity was sup-
posed to have been preserved in its writings or
traditions, and to have been more particularly
known to the priests with whom Plato con-
versed. Hence then, and from actual conver-
sations with Jews resident in Egypt, came, as
was imagined, his better sentiments concerning
the Deity !|
* Augustin quotes the opinions of some (which however he
disproves by argument and chronology) that Plato had read the
Jewish scriptures, or in his travels had personally conversed
with the Prophet Jeremiah ! Quapropter in ilia peregrinatione
sua Plato nee Hieremiam videre potuit tanto ante defunctum,
nee easdem scripturas legere, quae nondum fuerunt in Gracam
linguam translatae, qu& ille pollebat. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 11.
f One of the suppositions of Eusebius is, that Plato might
have learnt the doctrine of Moses from certain Hebrews who
fled into Egypt after the second conquest of their country by
the Persians : avvi^arai Trap' 'AiyvTrmue rtjriKa.ce TO.Q liarpi-
/3ac 7T7roif;/iVo, kaO' ov 'E/3pcuoi r>je OIKE/US ctitrtpov atruirt-
248 PAGANISM AffD
Tliis notion appears to have been fondly enter-
tained by the early Christians. It was also
zealously promoted by the vanity of the Egyp-
tian Jews, with whom indeed Brucker supposes
it to have originated. Many of them became
enamoured with the Platonic doctrines which
were taught in the celebrated school of Alexan-
dria. But never abandoning their national pre-
dilection, and feeling a certain jealousy amidst
their admiration, they represented the Unity to
have been accidentally known to the Greeks
through the medium of their own history, and
patriotically resolved the philosophy of Plato
into an imitation of Moses!* An opinion thus
ffovreg y/jjf, 'AtyvTrr/otg eTre^pla^or, Tlepawv
Praep. Evang. lib. 1 1 . c. 8. Compare lib. x. c. 4. Plato could
not have begun his travels till about the year 400. We hear
indeed of many Jews in Egypt under the Ptolemies. But this
is as much too late for the purpose of Eusebius, as the second
captivity is too early. The custom indeed of preserving the
records of memorable events in the temples of Egypt, is statedjby
Plato himself : ova e rj Trap' fjfjuv, r/nj^c, 77 KOI /car' ciXXov roirov
ov uKorj 'iff/ner, C/'TTOV TI KaXbv ij fj-iytt yiyovtv, ij /cat TWO. cta^opav
x oj/ j Tavra yeypa////va EK TraXeuw, rrjft c<rtv kv TOIQ
, KOI or<rw<7/uj/a. In Tim. p. 1043. In this manner Plato
might have heard the name of Moses.
* Tola enim fabula Judaeonmi ^Egyptiacorum superbiae de-
betur, cjui cum niaximi Platonicam philosophiam facerent, ejus
gloriam gentilibus inviderunt, contenderuntque nieliorem ejus
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 249
flattering was not likely soon to be forgotten,
especially amidst the earnest disputes which
ensued with the enemies of the Faith. Justin
Martyr seems to be persuaded, that Plato, as
well as Pythagoras, had availed himself of the
divine wisdom which Moses had left in Egypt.*
And hence he supposes him to have drawn the
very terms in which he mentions the Deity. He
argues, that no proper name could be assigned
to a Being who was the only God : for proper
names are employed for the purpose of distin-
guishing inferior beings from each other. As
therefore Moses characterized God by the words
" I am," words simply declaratory of his exist-
ence ; Plato expressed him by the equivalent
phrase, ' ' That which is."f Among the Latins,
Ambrose may be selected as entertaining the
same opinion. Though not engaged in the
subject of the Unity, he finds an opportunity
partem ex Mose haustam esse. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post,
lib. ii. c. 6. s. 3.
* IlXarwv e, UTroce^aptvoe ptv, WQ toiKtv, rtjv irtpi tviiQ KO.I
JJ.GVU 0(5 Mwv<7we /cat rwv aXXwv Trpo^i/rtuv ()i$a.ffKa\ixv, ffv tv
'Atyi/Trrw ytv6fj.evoQ syvu), &c. Ad Graec. Cohort, p. 18.
f Twro a SoKei ev Kal TO.VTOV !vcu, rw ap0pw fjiovy ^taXXarrovj
6 per yap Mwv<7f/Cj o &v, etyr)' o ^ellXarwi', ro 6V' tKa.rf.pov It
act OVTL 0w irpofffjKttv <f>uiv(.TCii. ib. p. 20.
250 PAGANISM AND
to introduce his persuasion, that Plato went to
Egypt for the express purpose of obtaining an
acquaintance with the history and writings of
Moses and the Prophets !* The notion indeed
became common ; and among other titles be-
stowed on him by the growing fondness for
his philosophy, he was complimented with
those of the " Attic Moses," and the " Rival of
Moses !"t The worst species of adulation, how-
ever, was reserved for the semi-pagan scholars
of a later age. The revival of literature was,
for a while, the dishonour of the Gospel. It
would be equally tedious and disgraceful to
dwell on the indecent manner in which the new
studies were pursued. The profane tendency
of those times is too openly displayed by Fici-
nus, the first interpreter of the works of Plato.
His prefaces, commentaries, and addresses to
Lorenzo of Medici are marked with a most
puerile extacy concerning the wisdom recently
* Eruditionis gratia in JEgyptum, ut Moysis gesta, legis
oracula, prophetarum dicta cognosceret. He is speaking of the
punishment of sin and the consolations of the righteous after
suffering. In Psalm. 118. Serai. 18. c. 4.
f This seems to have arisen from the unlucky observation
of Numenius, preserved by Eusebius : Ti yap itl IlXarwv, r\
Pnep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 10.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 251
discovered ; and if revelation is remembered, it
is only for the purpose of degrading it by an
odious parallel. In one of the Dialogues he
discovers the whole of theology. He seems to
believe the Parmenides to be drawn from the
divine mind, and scarcely to be understood but
by the divine suggestion. In the Phaedo, his
impious absurdity is carried to the utmost
height. In short, he supposes all revelation to
be shadowed out in the Pagan philosophy, of
which he is the editor. The New Testament
is seen in the character of Socrates ; the Old,
in the doctrines of Plato : and through this
insane persuasion, he is induced to express a
wish, that Plato might be read in the churches !*
This senseless admiration was revived in a later
age ; nor indeed is it wholly extinct even in
our own. Mosheim has justly exposed the in-
judicious raptures of Andrew Dacier, and the
force of that prejudice which led him to repre-
sent the lightest fancies as the most solid argu-
ments in favour of Plato, whose doctrine he
supposed to be hardly inferior to that of Christ
* Plato seems to have been his private deity. In his bed-
room was a statue of Plato, with a lamp always burning before
it. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. lib. iii. c. 3.
252 PAGANISM AND
and his apostles.* Indeed the discourse on
Plato, prefixed to the translation of some of the
Dialogues, cannot be read without amazement
at its absurdity. He insinuates, that Plato began
to write about the time when prophecy ceased ;
and that this was divinely contrived, in order to
prepare the world for the Gospel by an inter-
mediate teaching of most of its principles If
But I will not pursue this lamentable subject.
A short view of the establishment and principles
of the school of Alexandria will suffice to explain
the mistake of the early fathers, and will pre-
pare us for a more sound opinion concerning
the knowledge which Plato appears to have
had of the Deity.
We are informed by Strabo, that a musaeum,
or college of philosophy had been formed at
* Incredibili doctissimus hicce vir amore Platonis incensus
erat, quo saepenumero sic abducitur, ut baud nmltum infra
Christum et sanctissimos ejus legates hominem collocare videa-
turj qu& re accidit, ut levissimas rationes pro magni mo-
menti argumentis interdum haberet. Opusc. De Great.
Mund. c. 15.
f One of bis verbal observations, in support of tbis insane
notion is, that Plato used TCLTTELVO^ in the sense of humble. A
plain anticipation of the New Testament !
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 253
Alexandria in the time of the Ptolemies.* It
was erected and endowed by their munificence ;
and situated, by ^ signal favour, within the pre-
cincts of their own palace. The members lived
at a common table, and the whole establishment
was placed under the control of a priest, to whom
was also committed the administration of the
sacred rites. He was appointed to his office
by the sovereign ; and when Egypt fell under
the power of Rome, the nomination of the
president passed to the Caesars. The school
obtained much renown. Grammar, rhetoric,
poetry, philosophy, astronomy, music, medicine,
and every other art and science known in those
ages, were taught by professors in each branch ;
and the ingenuous youth of all the civilized
world resorted to it as to a common place of
instruction.
After a while, however, the antient mode of
teaching began to be abandoned. Either
through a wish of yielding to the superstitious
temper of Egypt, always prone to mix fanati-
* Tuiv 3e flaffiXet d)v HEQOQ e<?t, KCU TO M&crelov,
KOI e$pa>, icat OIKOV /zcyav, kv w TO Gvaainov T&V
^iXoXoywr avdpijjv' e<?t 3e TTJ avvo^tj) TO.VTTJ KCU %pr/-
KOtva, Kal lepevg 6 eiri T<$ Mso-a'w rfray/^tj/oe, TOTE fj,ev VTTO
TU>V (3afft\l<i)v, vvv & VTTO Ka/o-apo^ . Lib. xvii. p. 54G. Compare
Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Athenagoras.
254 PAGANISM AND
cism with its literature, or of pleasing by a
syncretism the tastes of scholars, brought from
different and distant nations ; either through
the fatigue of the multiplicity of doctrines, main-
tained by so many masters of philosophy, or
the ambition of forming a new sect ; an attempt
was made to compound the principal opinions
of the other schools into one system. The
tenets of Pythagoras were blended with those
of Plato. The extravagancies of the orientalists
were added to the compilation ; and of materials
thus discordant it was proposed to establish an
uniform and comprehensive scheme of philoso-
phy and theology.* When this attempt began,
however, does not clearly appear. Mosheim
attributes it to Potamon, whom, on the authority
of Suidas, he places in the age of Augustus.!
* Alexandrines, natura superstitiosos, et ad augendas reli-
giones pronissimos, philosophiam Pythagorico-Platonicam du-
dum apertis amplexibus recepisse, et cum ed omnis generis
religionis, itemque varia doctrinarum, maxime Orientalium,
capita conflasse in unum, et corpus aliquod theologiae excudisse,
quod de Deo et divinis emanationibus multa garriendo, pando-
cheum omnium fere religionum esset. Brucker, Per. 2, lib. i.
c. 2. Sect. iv. 19. Compare 2. He states tbis as one of
the points necessary to be remembered in order to understand
tbe Eclectic philosophy which ensued.
f Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 92. He notices the different
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
But Brucker is inclined to bring him down to a
later time, and to make him coeval with Bio-
genes Laertius, by whom he is briefly men-
tioned. However this may be, it is allowed by
both, that a disposition to reconcile the different
schools, had been shewn before the formation
of the more celebrated Eclectic sect by Ammo-
nius, towards the close of the second century.*
He became the father of the junior Platonics ;
and availing himself of the spirit already excited,
he united with his own doctrines, those which
pleased him in every other school. That of
Epicurus alone was excluded from his plan,
which was farther distinguished by two parti-
culars of essential importance to our subject.
While Ammonius professed to adopt whatever
was acceptable in Aristotle, Zeno, and the phi-
losophers at large, he gave a marked pre-emi-
nence to Plato, from whose confessed svtperi-
ority was derived one of the names by which
opinion of Brucker in another treatise in the same volume.
P. 754.
* Prodit obscuritas Potamonis, exiguam fortunam ejus cona-
mina habuisse, et in ipsd herbd fuisse suffocata. Feliciori
successu, ut' ampliori quoque consilio rem aggressus est Ammo-
nius Alexandrinus, a vitae genere Saccas dictus, qui exspirante
saeculo secundo et ineunte tertio vixit. Brucker. ib. 4.
256 BAGANISM AND
the sect was known. At the same time, an
insidious use was made of the Scriptures, which
were now every where dispersed, and which,
through the force of Divine truth, were draw-
ing mankind away from a vain philosophy, to
the better knowledge of God and their duty.
It was consonant with the plan of Ammonius,
to adopt parts of Christianity itself, and to
modify them to his own purpose. Such of the
doctrines of the Gospel, therefore, as were
supposed to be compatible with the philosophy
of Plato, were received into the system ; while
others were explained away by an artful inter-
pretation, or supposed, by a forced similitude
of phrase, to be already familiar to the Pagan
schools. And thus was the pernicious design
accomplished of raising the character of philo-
sophy by the secret aid of Christianity ; of giv-
ing to the latter the occasional appearance of a
derivation from the former, and, in all cases, of
exalting Platonism above the Gospel.* For
* Ctim elegantiora et veriora baud pauca apud Christianos
inveniri convictus nosset, metueret autem, n inepte meliora
reliquisse videretur, Protei naturam induit, mutando, variando,
pingendoque Platoni eos sensus affinxit, qui Christianis pro-
piores essent j turn quae praestantiora Christianorum dogmata
erant, recocta, et ad sui systematis normam reformata recepit,
vel quae recipere non poterat, verborum tamen similitudine
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 257
this evil work Ammonius was too well prepared.
He had been born of Christian parents, and
was bred up in the faith. When, therefore, he
revolted to Paganism,* he carried with him an
acquaintance with .Christianity hitherto un-
known to the Heathen schools. And the mis-
chief done was in proportion to the superior
means which he possessed.
In imitation of the Pagan school of Alexan-
dria, a catechetical school had been formed
there by the Christians from the earliest time
of the propagation of the Gospel. f This was
in high repute when the sect of Ammonius was
formed. Some of the Platonics, therefore,
imitatus est, ut haberet, quae Christianis triumphum acturis
opponeret, quaeque in suo solo enata tamen esse gloriaretur
Brucker. ib. 21.
* Is Christianis parentibus natus, et in Christiana religione
institutus et educatus erat ; at virilem quum aetatem attigissct,
ad avitam religionem et multorum numinum cultum deficiebat.
Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 101, &c.
f Ad hujus gymnasii imitationem (the school founded by the
Ptolemies) ab ipsis nascentis ChristSanismi incunabulis schola
fidelium sacra a B. Marco Alexandria est instituta, in qua
rudiores primis fidei Christianae mysteriis erudirentur, consti-
tutis ad id praestantissirflis magistris. Et haec erat celeberrima
ilia Karrjxfiafwg schola Alexandrina, cujus frequens apud scrip-
tores ecclesiasticos occurrit mentio. Cave, Mist. Lit. in voc.
Athenagoras.
S
258 PAGANISM AND
embraced Christianity ; and to this they were
induced perhaps by those parts of it with which
they had been made acquainted through the
new philosophy. Nor is it to be wondered,
that these persons should,- for a while at least,
understand the doctrines of the Gospel in an
imperfect manner, or that they should add to
their Christian profession, certain interpreta-
tions not strictly consonant with it.* To this
source we must trace that accommodation of
philosophy to faith, which we observe in some
of the writings of Athenagoras, who became
one of the more distinguished rectors of the
catechetical school. f The same prejudice in
* Utinam semper ita fecissent philosophi Christian!, quem-
admodum decebat, nee externd quddam dogmatum et institu-
tionum similitudine decepti fuissent, ut pro Christianis habe-
rent, quae ad speciem tantum Christiana videbantur. Sed ob-
stitit illis partim amor philosophic, partim imperitia et ingenii
imbecillitas, ne cuncta rite expenderent : ex quo evenit, ut in
Christianam multa transtulerint philosophiam, quae toto genere
a discipline, Christian^ dissident. Mosheim,Diss. Eccles. vol. i.
p. 97.
f Non soliitn philosophiam Platonicam publice docuit, sed
et scholas Christianorum catecheticae apud Alexandrines prefuit,
Christianam religionem in ipso quoque pallio professus. Cave,
ib. Compare the mention already made of this tendency of
Athenagoras ; ch. iy. p. 165.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 259
favour of Eclectic principles, strikes us in others
of the same school, in Origen,^ and Clement
named of Alexandria.* On the other hand,
those who, under the protection of the Platonic
sect, kept themselves aloof from the Gospel,
were its worst and most dangerous enemies.
The Christian writers had now exposed, with
so much success, the native foulness of Paga-
nism, that many were ashamed to follow it. To
these the eclectics offered a convenient escape.
They held a middle station, and allured to
their standard all who were disgusted by the
vulgar theology, but yet continued hostile to
the Gospel.f
The success of this fatal sect was rapid and
extensive. Another great support of it soon
sprung up in Plotinus, whom Augustin so em-
phatically mentions as the best interpreter of
the mind of Plato. He established a school of
high reputation in Italy.J Porphyry laboured
* Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 95.
f Eovero potissimtim consilio conditum est, quo res Deorum
sensim collabentes servarentur al> interitu, et Christianorum in
veteres superstitiones tela confringerentur, ipsaque eorum reli-
gio, si fieri posset, extirparetur. Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i.
p. 108.
} Hie, quum Romae scholam aperuisset, totam fere Italiam
s 2
260 PAGANISM AND
to spread the same doctrines over Sicily.* Plu-
tarch (not of Chaeronea) became a professor of
them at Athens ;f while from Alexandria itself
the system was carried into Syria, and for a
while flourished in an extraordinary degree at
Antioch,J a city, in which the followers of the
faith had been first distinguished by the name
of Christians. Its progress was indeed checked
by the civil establishment of the Gospel ; but
the hopes of the school were soon revived by
Julian, himself an Eclectic. After his death,
however, it decayed. Its existence was con-
tinued till the age of Justinian, by whose firm-
ness it was finally suppressed. ||
Ammonii doctrina infecit. He was a scholar of Ammonias.
Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 112.
* Is Siciliam et alias provincias Roman! orbis hoc philoso-
phiae genere replevit. He was a scholar of Plotinus. ib.
f In Graeciam Plutarchus quidam, Atheniensis, hanc intulit
philosophandi formam. From this school arose Syrianus, Pro-
clus, Isidorus, and Darnascius. ib. p. 113.
J Ex JLgypto, ad finitimos populos, maxime ad Syros, haec
secta transiit, multisque in locis, praesertim Antiochiae, quae
caput est Syriae, consedit. ib.
Juliano regnante, qui praeter modum huic doctrines favebat,
quam ipsemet complexus erat, parura a summo gloriae et felici-
tatis humanae apice distare videbantur Platonici. ib. p. 1 14.
[| Justinianus imperator aut solum eos vertere, aut ad Chris-
tianorum religionem accedere jussit. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 261
This short history will be sufficient to account
for the extraordinary influence of the name of
Plato on the Christian world, and the astonish-
ment of many at the supposed coincidence of
Platonism with Revelation.* It will also ex-
plain the false admiration which was entertained
for Plato by many of the early writers of the
church, while they employed themselves in
combating other parts of the Doctrine attributed
to him. In fact, the knowledge which they
had of Plato, was drawn chiefly from the mixed
interpretations of his followers; and it is the
decided judgment of Brucker, that the philo-
sophy which Augustin so fervently extolled,
* Not only had some of the later writers imitated the doc-
trines of the Gospel, and produced a Trinity unknown to Plato,
the illumination of the Spirit, the return of the soul to God,
&c. but particular words were now used in a solemn sense,
borrowed from the Scriptures. Vocabula, quae de Deo, de
animae naturd, de purgatione animse, de misero corrupt! hominis
statu, et de aliis rebus adhibent, ejus sunt generis, ut apertum
sit, e novi fcederis divinis scriptoribus ea mutuo esse surnpta,
minime vero in scholis philosophorum nata. Testes hujus rei
omnes illos facio, qui maximi inter ethnicos sunt nominis,
philosophos, Plotinum, Jamblichum, Hieroclem, Simplicium,
et alios, in quibus nomina <rwr/)p, qvaKalvttffif, iraXiyyeveffia,
</>wrirr/zoe, et infinita alia, philosophis olim incognita, utramque
faciunt paginam. Mosheim, Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 339.
262 PAGAMSM AND
before he became acquainted with his error,
and had the courage openly to retract it, was
not that of Plato, but of Plotinus.* From this
view of the false credit assumed for him by the
Alexandrian school, let us turn then to Plato
himself, and briefly inquire, what is the pro-
bable amount of the knowledge which he pos-
sessed of the Deity.
From those passages of Justin Martyr which
have been already quoted, it appears, that some
of the compliments so zealously paid to Plato
in the early ages of the Gospel, arose from the
use of certain expressions, to which much so-
lemnity was attached, in his physical writings.
The Parmenides is supposed to teah the doc-
trine of divine things. The Timaeus treats of
the knowledge of nature.f But these subjects
* Ilia enim, quam mire effert, Platonica philosophia non alia
est quam Flotiniana. Per. 2. part 2. lib. 1. c. 3. 11. Indeed,
he speaks of Plotinus as having the reputation, in that age, of
being the best interpreter of the mind of Plato: Plotinus
certe, nostrae memoriae vicinus temporibus, Platonem caeteris
excellentius inteilixisse laudatur. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 10. It
has happened to Plato to be obscured by the growth of his own
fame ; and the glosses of his followers have hidden his original
meaning.
f Justin Martyr speaks of it as being also a treatise of
theology: iv T<$ iairovcac^iv^ <We[Xoy&> TV/ia/w, tv a kill
i. Ad Grsec. Cohort, p. 20.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 263
are occasionally interchanged, and in the dis-
cussion of both, are employed the terms of " the
one," and " that which is." In the former of
these dialogues, the principal inquiry is con-
cerning a metaphysical unity, whether there be
one thing, or many. It had been affirmed by
Parmenides in his celebrated poem, that " all
things were one." The principle of this deci-
sion, which was sufficiently obscure in itself,
(for the term " one" may be used sometimes
concerning that which possesses parts, and
sometimes concerning that which is without
parts,) was, of course, unknown to the less sci-
entific part of mankind: and it appears, that
they were disposed to indulge their mirth at
the expense of such as maintained the doctrine.
Zeno was offended at so gross a liberty. He
therefore came to the assistance of Parmenides
with another position, differing in words, as
Socrates observes, but agreeing in sense, that
all things were " not many."* Hence the
TO TTCIV, KO.I
ridiv srat,
Se Kal avTog 7ra/i7roXXa KOI 7ra^^cye0j; Trapt'^rat* ro
ovv TOV //>, eV (para i, rov cte, pf) TroXXa, KUI OVTWQ lm
\iytiv WTC pr$v T&V avr&v Eipipc&tM ^QKCiV, a\f.c6v TL
264 PAGANISM AND
reader is introduced to a knowledge of the pro-
perties of " one." He finds that it is without
parts, and infinite ; that it is comprehended
neither in any other, nor in itself; that it is
without shape, and in no place. On the same
principle, it is subject to no change, and cannot
pass into any other condition ; yet it is not, on
that account, stationary. It is neither like to
itself, nor any other, nor is it different. It has
neither equality nor inequality ; and having no
connection with time, is neither old nor young :
and since no description can be given of that
which has no determinate mode of being, it has
no name, and cannot be declared in any certain
manner.* These and many other things are
circumstantially stated ; and the question is
discussed in various ways, and on contrary
suppositions. It is extremely difficult to con-
jecture what may be the tendency of a reasoning
thus complicated and abstruse; and perhaps it
is this very circumstance which has induced
ravrct, i/Trep fyuae rfag aAAe, <f>aivTai r^uv ra e/pr/jueVa
In Farm. p. 1110.
* 'Owe)' ovopa^erat lipa, ovde. \lyerai, e o
ytyvaxTKETCiC ee rl TWV ovrwv avrS alffddvTUi. The particu-
lars selected in the text,, and many more, are mentioned, p.
11171120, ed. Ficiu.
CHRISTIANITY COMP/UIED. 265
the Platonic commentators to interpret it into
a mystical allusion to the nature of the Deity.
With this, however, is also interwoven the
doctrine of ideas ; and if it has any reasonable
connection with the great position of " one,"
as understood by the Alexandrian school, the
meaning probably is, that the difference in the
species of things, constituted according to their
respective exemplars, does not destroy the as-
sertion concerning the unity of principle.* If
therefore, any tolerable conclusion can be drawn
* Plato is said to have been the first who defined the doctrine
of ideas : T)v Trtpi T&V Ict&v Trpwroc eVi^ttpiferae op^ecrQat,
Euseb. Prsep. Evang. lib. ii. c. 3. Yet he is by no means
consistent wiih himself, sometimes supposing them to be only
exemplars, or noetic models of things ; and sometimes repre-
senting them as having a positive agency in their formation,
and communicating a consistency and stability to matter.
Brucker complains besides, that the doctrine of Parmenides is
wrested to this ideal system ; and the commentator, in a late
edition of Plato, Bipont. 1786, abruptly adandons the argu-
ment of the Parmenides, on account of the tedious and unpro-
fitable nature of the discussion: equidem haec legens tanto
afficior taedio, ut iis referendis immorari prorsus nequeam. In
short, none could understand this dialogue, except those mystical
commentators who endeavoured to set up the credit of Plato
against the Gospel : and these may be understood in their turn,
if a more fortunate race of interpreters should arise to explain
their explanation.
566 PAGANISM AND
from a dissertation immoderately perplexed
and obscure; and almost equally unintelligible,
with, or without the aid of the fanatical inter-
pretation which has been bestowed upon it,
the doctrine of " one" means either one whole,
or, all things essentially flowing from one ; or,
having their only subsistence by a participation
in the properties of one !
The character which Brucker gives of the
Eleatic philosophy of Zeno, contains some
particulars of resemblance with the doctrine of
Plato concerning " one."* His view, also, of
the poem of Parmenides, (of which, however,
there remain only some obscure fragments,)
may in some measure assist the meaning of the
dialogue. He seems to have held, that truth,
and the essence of things, were not to be found
in the mutability of matter, or the uncertainty
* Nihil ex non-ente exsurgere, et ideo unum tantum ens,
nempe Deum esse. Ens hoc esse excellentissimum et sternum
et unum, ideoque unum Deum esse et gubernare omnia ; sibi
omni ex parte similem esse, rotundutn, neque finitum neque
infinitunij et neque moveri posse, neque immobilem esse, neque
locum neque motum. Ex quibus patet, dum prsedicata fere
omnia de Deo Zeno renioveat, impossible esse in veram ejus
mentem penetrare, metaphysicam sibi entis nptionem effingen-
tis, et nugis dialecticis cogitata sua obscurantis. Per. 1 . part,
post. lib. ii. c. 11, 11.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 267
of opinion and the senses. Hence a marked
distinction was drawn between physical and
metaphysical knowledge.
From the latter, on which alone a reliance
may be placed, it appears, that there is only one
principle of all things ; that it is immoveable
and immutable ; and therefore that the universe
is one. It is also eternal, nor had it a begin-
ning; and it is of a spherical form, a figure ex-
tolled for its superior properties by Plato in his
Timseus. The one principle of other things is
therefore the only Being ; other things are non-
entities; and, in strictness of language, there
is no formation of things by generation, no dis-
solution of them by corruption, but their out-
ward appearances are only illusions.*
This system, while it appears to do honour
to the primary principle, is, however, effect-
ually injurious to it : and if Plato is to be
judged by such rules, his Deity, which, in the
reverential interpretation of Augustin, was lately
placed beyond all the objects of sense, is ulti-
* Esse omne rerum principium unum, immobile et immuta-
bile, et ita universum esse unum ; idque aeteruum esse, et ori-
ginis expers ac sphserica indutum forma; soliun hoc unurn ens
esse, reliqua non-entia, nihil itaque proprifc geiierari vel cor-
ruuipi, sed species ejus nobis taiitilm illudere. ib. 8.
268 PAGANISM AND
mately reduced to a participation in the gross-
ness of matter. Either the incorporeal Being
is linked in a degrading union with his own
eternal world ; and, on this account, the same
qualities may be nearly predicated of both, not-
withstanding the existence allowed to the one,
and denied to the other ; or, this visible world
is nothing but an efflux from the Deity ; and in
this sense, all things being one, the whole is
material together !*
Some of these notions seem to be still pre-
served in the Eastern parts of the world ; and
* Universa fere juniorum Platonicorum turba sanxit niun-
dum ex ipso Deo ab omni aeternitate fluxisse, et Deum idcirco
esse omnia. Mosheim, Opusc. p. 200. He justly exclaims on
this : Exeat vero a nobis, suasque sibi res solus habeat, cui
tam fceda potest placere sententia, quam ego deteriorem illorum
esse dogmate arbitror, qui perennem aeterno Deo materiam
adjungunt.
In Milton's address to light, a part of this dangerous philo-
sophy seems to be remembered, though with some decent hesi-
tation concerning it.
Hail, holy Light, offspring of Heaven first-born,
Or of the eternal coeternal beam,
May I express thee unblamed ? Since GOD is light,
And never but, in unapproached light
Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee,
Bright effluence of bright essence increate.
Par. Lost, book 3.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 269
anciently perhaps were better known to the re-
ligions of Europe, than they are to the philoso-
phical inquiries of the present day. The Indian
Brehme is said to be all things, the sky, the
earth, and the heaven. He is the sole, irradi-
ating power. Sensible objects have no separate
being. They are but outward manifestations of
him, and in themselves, therefore, are nothing.
This result of the inquiry concerning the
"one," will be sufficient to explain the doctrine
in the Timaeus concerning " that which is."
Plutarch informs us, in what manner both ex-
pressions were understood to have the same
meaning. When the worshipper went to con-
sult the Delphic oracle, the salutation, directed
as it were towards him from the god, was,
" Know thyself." To this he was supposed to
reply, "Thou art;" or according to the more
antient custom, " Thou art one."* Being is
therefore unity, for, as he observes, God is not
many ;f and whatever differs from him, is no-
* 'O yap 0oe em<roj> fift&v kvTavQa. iroofnovTci oiov
ZtifjievoQ, irooffayoQEvet, TO Yvu)Qi eravrov, o TU %tp &) uc!e
<rtv' fipslg de TraXiv a//t/36//yoi TOV eov., Et (j)afjiv r\ KOI vij
At'_, tig ivioi T&V TraXaTwv, El ev. De Et Delphico, c. 17 20.
~\~ 'Ow yctp TToXXa TO Seiov k^iv AXX' ev eivai csl TO ov, w<T7rfp
ov TO ey. ib. The term Et is interpreted in other senses by dif-
270 PAGANISM AND
thing. On the phrase itself, therefore, I will
not dwell, since the doctrine which it contains,
is referable to the point already discussed. The
leading principles also of this dialogue have been
incidentally mentioned ; nor will it be necessary
to enter into the mode in which the world was
formed, the nature of its exemplar or the pro-
perties of its figure, the elements and their pro-
portions, the mutable, immutable, and mixed
kinds of things from which was compounded
the soul of the world, or the production of the
gods and inferior animals. For the present
purpose it will be sufficient to advert to the
speech of the Demiurge, in which he declares
his superiority to the other deities, to men, and
terrestrial creatures. He reminds the secondary
gods, who had been produced by himself, that,
though they might conceive themselves to be
necessarily immortal on that account,* yet they
ferent speakers in the dialogue. But Eusebius had selected the
meaning given to it by Ammonius, which indeed was best
suited to his purpose. Prsep. Evang. lib. xi. c. 1 1 .
* 'E?rt ovv Trarreg 0001 re TrepnroXovcri tyavep&Q, KCU offoi Qai-
vovrai KO.& oaov av edtXwffi $eol, yevfffiv 'irr'^pv, Xtyti Trpog avre
o race TO Trav ytwiiGCLQ TU^E, veot Sewv, &v eyw ?;/it8pyoe, 7r<m;p
re f'pywv, a $t ju5 yfrojueva, fiXvra, ipS ys. SfXovroQ. In Tim.
p. 1054. The evil principle afterwards mentioned, alludes, as
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 271
were generated, and therefore liable to dissolu-
tion. The evil principle has a tendency to de-
stroy them ; but he is superior, in this instance,
to its malignancy, and pledges himself that
their being shall be continued. He then com-
missions them to complete the work of the uni-
verse, and furnishes them with a part of -the
requisite materials. Before the formation of
the world, he had provided a soul for it. This
he had mixed and tempered in a bowl. The
remains of the mixture, yet with some differ-
ence in the preparation, he now gives to the
gods, and bids them imitate his primary agency.
It is beneath his dignity to attend to the forma-
tion of terrestrial animals. With the materials,
therefore, afforded by the Demiurge for the hu-
man soul, and with some inferior matter taken
I believe, to the perverseness of matter, always crossing the
designs of the Deity, and never perfectly subdued by him. Au-
gustin has quoted this speech against the later Platonics for the
purpose of proving that God may bestow immortality on the
bodies as well as the souls of men : Hoc tantum contra
istos commemorandum putavi, qui se Platonicos vocari vel esse
gloriantur ; et quaerentes quid in doctrind Christiand reprehen-
dant, exagitant aeternitatem corporum, tanquam haec sint in-
ter se contraria, ut et beatitudinem quaeramus animae, et earn
semper esse velimus in corpore velut aerumnoso vinculo colliga-
tam. Civ. Dei, lib. xiii. c. 16.
272 PAGANISM AND
by themselves from the elements, to which it
was to be finally restored, the gods compose
mankind.*
These specimens of doctrine are drawn from
both parts of what was termed the natural phi-
losophy of Plato. But, whatever interpreta-
tion be made in his favour, we observe him, in
the former instance, establishing a mere meta-
physical principle, which is too refined and
visionary to have any influence on human con-
duct or human happiness ; and in the latter,
placing mankind at a careful distance from the
Demiurge, who is too dignified to trouble him-
self with them or their concerns.
Hence arose the necessity of admitting the
existence of other deities ; and on this doubt-
less was founded his own worship of the popu-
lar gods. It would be superfluous to point out,
at any length, the undoubted idolatry of Plato
amidst his supposed discovery of the real Unity,
* TavT EITTE' KOI TraXo' 7Ti Tov TTpoTCpov KpCLTijpo., EV J TYJV r5
og \jjvxfjv Kf.pa.vwQ Efjuvye, TO. T(t)VTrp6aQe.v uTToXonra fcare%e7ro
T-pcTTOJ' pev Tiva TOV avrov. ib. vorjoravreQ ol Tralceg Trjv
Harpoc TG&jiV, tTretOovro CLVTTJ, KOI XafiovreQ aQavciTOv ap^jv
fax, ju^ibfjuevot TOV cr^erefOJ' ^-v/utspyov, Trvpoc KOL yJ/Cr
re teal aepoe aVo rS Kocrps (arei^ojuvoL /(opia^ we cnro-
a 7rd\tv, dg ravro Xa3avotfra tvyK<j\\iov. ib.
p. 10545.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 273
a doctrine utterly irreconcileable with the prac-
tice of polytheism.* He makes Socrates him-
self an idolater. When, in his Apology, he
speaks of " the God," he commonly means the
Delphic Apollo,t in obedience to whose de-
claration, he adopted that mode of argument
for the conviction of error, on account of which
he became so obnoxious to the Athenians. In
the Euthyphro he declares the gods to be the
bestowers of the only good which can happen to
men.J In his private conversation with Crito,
as well as in the presence of his judges, he
states his belief in them, and swears by them
singly and collectively. Nay, he establishes
their existence through his assertion of the
reality of his own demon. He allows that the
demons are not properly gods. They were
* Another conclusive argument against Plato's supposed dis-
covery of the Unity is drawn from the eternity of matter, one
of the undoubted results of his philosophy. This is well stated
by Mosheim : Quum toties de uno Deo loquatur, haud tamen
existimavit, vel vidit, tolli unitatem Dei, si materia seque aeterna
censeatur, atqueipse Deus est. Opusc. p. 184.
t TO.VTO. yap icc\cv/ 6 00. Apol. p. 23. and epoi $ raro,
oC lyw ^>7?/Jt, Trpoorerafcrat viro TU 0a Trparrc iv. ib. p. 26.
+ B^ev yap eVtv ?/^itv aya0ov o,rt av /u>) tKtlvoi ctatro'. In
Euth. p. 11.
T
274 PAGANISM AND
supposed to be the children of the gods by the
Nymphs. To affirm a demon, therefore, as
Socrates constantly did, was to presuppose the
gods.*
This introduces to our notice another, or
mixed race of deities, sprung from gods and
mortals. It was a settled maxim of Plato, that
the Deity had no communication with man.t
At the same time he allowed the existence of
demons, invested them with local presidencies,
and, on account of their extraordinary pru-
dence, quick apprehension, and exact memory,
supposed them to know all the thoughts of the
human heart.J Hence he conferred on them
* 'Ei c ay 01 &aifjtovQ ewv 7ra7<^e fieri vodot TLVEQ, r/ EK
tyfov, ?/ ktc TIV&V aXXwy, <Jj> &} teal \eyovrat, TLQ av av
&ewv /uev Trcu^ae fjyotTO eivaij 6e&Q ^e fi^ j Apol. p. 21. It is
needless to say, that Plato ambitiously attributes his own
thoughts to Socrates cui etiam, non sibi, scripta sua voluit
tribui. Fab. Bib. Grsec. In Plat.
f Ofoc & avBpwiru H ^iyvvrai. In Conviv. p. 1 194.
J Merex, ol/ra ^ typovr'iffetjjc; ^avjj.a^iJQ t are yerag ovra ivfj.adaQ
TE Kai fjtvrjfjLovoQ, yiyvwffKEiv [lev tyfj-Traffav TIJV rj^erlpav avra
Stavoiav \l yujjLEv. InEpinom. p. 1011. This is an important
sentence, as it shows us the gross and degrading notions of
Paganism concerning Divine omniscience. In the Cratylus,
Plato drrives the name of demons from ^ar/fjuttv. But it is
remarkable, that, in the same dialogue, he also pronounces a
wise man to be a demon opflwe Saipova KaXeiffOat. Here his
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 275
the office of interpreters, or reporters, of the
actions of mankind to the higher deities. Of
this part of his mythology much corrupt use
was made by his successors, who extracted
from it a regular system of mediatorial agency.
In the demons were united the different qua-
lities of gods and men ; and to these were
added, others peculiar to themselves.* Of the
latter description were their bodies. These were
aerial, and adapted to that middle region which
they possessed between heaven and earth. But
by the kindness of the superior gods, they were
also gifted with immortality, and in this parti-
cular, they were similar to the gods themselves.
On the other hand, they approached the condi-
tion of man. They were of an animal nature ;
and with the possession of rational souls, were
subject to the influences of passion. They were
agitated with some of the worst feelings of mor-
etymology (in which he is generally unfortunate) is pursued
till it injures his mythology.
* Augustin, who takes much pains in refuting this philo-
sophy, states it from Apuleius Daemones esse genere animalia,
animo passiva, mente rationalia, corpore a'erea, tempore aeterna.
Horum vero quinque, tria priora illis esse nobiscum communia,
quartum proprium, quintum eos cum Diis habere commune.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 16.
T2
276 PAGANISM AND
tals;* they were irritated with injuries; and
again, corruptly open to flattery, they were
appeased by attentions, and won by presents.
They took a vain and selfish delight in the ho-
nours paid to them by those who solicited their
intercession with the gods ; and, of course, were
grievously offended at the omission or refusal of
the expected ceremonies.
The authority invented for them was adapted
to their situation and nature. As they were the
middle agents between men and the inaccessible
gods ; as they alone were empowered to carry
the petitions of mortals to heaven, and to bring
from thence the suitable grants or refusals, they
had the superintendence of all those arts by
which men endeavoured to ascertain the divine
intentions. Accordingly, within their depart-
ment were placed augurs, aruspices, and sooth-
sayers. To them belonged the secret and ter-
* Eisdem quibus homines animi perturbationibus agitari,
irritari injuriis, obsequiis donisque placari, gaudere honoribus,
diversis sacrorum ritibus oblectari, et in eis si quid neglectum
fuerit, commoveri. ib. Plato seems to have given pleasures and
pains to his Demons, in order to save his Deity, who must have
no disturbance of passion on account of the good or bad con-
duct of men : Qebv fj.ev yap $17 rov TeXog e-^ovra T^Q $iag
fiolpaQ, tfyi) T&Td)v eli'at, XVTTTJQ Te KOI rj^ov^c. In Epinom.
p. 1011.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 277
rific practices of magic, and the lighter province
of dreams and omens. 1 * When Hannibal was
about to lose the sight of one of his eyes, it was
their business to suggest, in his sleep, the ap-
proaching misfortune. They foretold to Flami-
nius, by the entrails of the victim, the danger
which threatened his fleet. They instigated
Attius Neevius to perform the miracle of the
whetstone severed by the razor. The tokens
which foreran the attainment of empire are also
directed by them. They sent the eagle which
hovered over Tarquinius Priscus, and lighted
up the lambent flame, which plqyed round the
head of Servius Tullus.f
This doctrine is detailed, with much fulness,
by Apuleius in his book on the god or demon
of Socrates. In a strain of inflated and affected
oratory, he states the philosophical grounds of
* Ad eos pertinere divinationes augurum, aruspicum, vatum,
atque somniorum : ab his quoque esse miracula magorum. Civ.
Dei, lib. viii. c. 16.
f Horum etiam munus et opera atque cura est, ut Annibali
sorania orbitatem oculi comminarentur : Flaminio extispicia
periculum classis praedicerent j Attio Naevio auguria miraculum
cotis addicant : ita ut nonnullis regni futuri signa praecurrant j
ut Tarquinius Priscus aquila obumbretur ab apice ; Servius
Tullus flamma colluminetur a capite. Apuleius de Deo So-
cratis.
278 PAGANISM AND
the opinion expressed by Plato in the Epinomis
and other dialogues, concerning the order of
demons. The highest heaven is possessed by
the chief deity; the aether, by the visible
deities, or stars ; and the earth by man. What
inhabitants then are allotted to the air ? Only
the birds. But these do not fly far above the
surface of the earth, certainly never above the
top of Olympus, the highest of all mountains ;
and, according to the opinion of the most
authentic geometricians, Olympus does not
exceed ten stadia in perpendicular height.* Is
there nothing then between the top of Olympus
and the moon ? No tolerable cosmology will
allow such a void. Here then at length is ob-
tained a convenient situation for the demons,
who are invested with the charges already
described. These were the efforts of Platonic
philosophy in the second century, an age, from
which, as we have already seen, the corruptions
of that doctrine begin to take their rise.t The
* Qui aves aeri attribuat, falsum sentenliae meritissimo dix-
eris j quippe cum avis nulla ultra Olympi verticem sublimatur.
Qui cum excellentissimus omnium perhibetur,tamen altitudinem
perpendiculo si metiare, ut geometrae autumant, stadia decem
altitude fastigii non aequiparat ; &c. Apul. ib.
j- For a brief view of the changes which took place in the
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 279
manner in which Apuleius conducts his subject,
is sufficiently puerile and ridiculous ;* but the
motive was probably of a more serious nature.
He, and more particularly the succeeding Pla-
tonics, seem to have enlarged and methodized
the system of their leader,! that they might
more effectually counteract the growing recep-
tion of the Gospel, adulterate its tenets, and
weaken the faith, now spreading through the
empire, in the one true Mediator between god
Platonic philosophy, after the general diffusion of the know-
ledge of the Gospel, consult Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History,
Cent. ii. Part 2. He has discussed the subject at greater length
in his Ecclesiastical Dissertations.
* He seems conscious of the opinion which would be enter-
tained of him; ne videar poetico ritu incredibilia confingere.
ib. But in vain he endeavours to shelter himself. He is what
he disclaims.
f In the Epinomis, the doctrine of Plato concerning the gods
and demons is stated with much solemnity j and the mainte-
nance of the honours paid to all of them, whether visible or
invisible, is defended upon the principle of custom, and the
impossibility of getting better intelligence : KCLI fjirjv && uv 6
Trarpioe VO^LOQ etpty/ce Trept Svfft&i' a.TroKtt)\vffi (vo/zoflerTje) firj-
$e.v TO TrapaTrav etae* uHrirep # ov ^vvarov eifitvai rjjf vi}Ty
<f>vffti TWV TOIUTWV Tre'pt. p. 1011. In the Convivium the doctrine
delivered by Socrates, concerning the demons, is licentiousness
rather than theology. He professes to remember it from the
conversation of old Diotima, a soothsaying woman, who in-
structed him, when young, in erotic affairs ! p. 1 192.
280 PAGANISM AND
and man, Jesus Christ.* And hence it is, that
Augustin is so copious in this part of his subject,
and shews so marked an anxiety to impress the
world with a proper sense of the Mediatorial
office of the Saviour.
We have now seen what is the amount of the
doctrine of Plato concerning the Deity. Has
he supplied the defect which we lately disco-
vered in the system of Varro ? If Varro ap-
peared to have lost the deity of Plato, is that
Deity, when found, more effective than the
soul of the world ? Was the precious gift of
the " life to come," to be expected from such
a being ? And was the eternal welfare of man-
kind better secured by the Grecian philosophy,
than by the Roman mythology? The god of
Plato, from whom all things are said to proceed,
is rather an ideal principle than a Supreme Be-
ing. He is sometimes called by the equivalent
terms of " the world," " Olympus," and the
* Brucker states this to have been one of the leading fea-
tures of the Eclectic philosophy : Spiritus inferiores esse me-
diatores inter Deum et homines asserebat (Ammonius); hos
colendos ideo esse contendebat, ut ad ineffabile numen aditum
pararent. Per. ii. part 1, lib. i. cap. 2. sect. iv. 21. Com-
pare 28.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 281
" heaven" itself,* and appears to be the consti-
tution of the universe, instead of its governor.
At the utmost, he keeps himself aloof from
man, and refuses a communication with him, lest
he should be contaminated by the approach.!
From such a deity, therefore, whatever be his
fancied superiority to the deities of the popular
mythology, eternal happiness cannot be ex-
pected by mortals. Human concerns are de-
volved to the inferior gods. Are these then
the bestowers of everlasting life? The highest
of them were formed by the Demiurge, and
subsist only through him. In their own natures
they are liable to dissolution, and are entirely
dependent on his pleasure. But, not being im-
mortal in their own right, they cannot confer
on others a property which they do not them-
selves possess. Finally, is future happiness to
be expected from the Platonic demons ? Apu-
leius, who has expatiated at such length, on
the properties of their bodies, is utterly silent
* Tiva Srj KOI ffejivvvdiv TTOTE Xgyw 0o>$ cr^e^ov itpavov' ov feat
<)iKaiorarov, ae ^vfjuravreg aXXot tWjUovce a/fa *at $eol t TI^V
re Kai tv^effQai ^ta^epovrwe avrw. In Epinom. p. 1006.
f Nullus Deus miscetur homini. Hoc praecipuum eorum
sublimitatis ait (Apuleius) esse specimen, quod nulld attrecta-
tione hominum contaminantur. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 16.
282 PAGANISM AND
concerning any goodness to be attributed to
their minds ;* and it has already appeared, that
they are subject to the same passions which
degrade and enslave mankind. They are there-
fore wicked beings, and cannot bestow on their
votaries the gifts of goodness. Do they then
solicit from the superior gods that immortal
happiness which is beyond their own ability to
grant? The same wickedness still hinders
them. They who are thus unfit to bestow
eternal life, are equally unfit to convey it ; and
the precious reward itself would be polluted, if
any god should confer it through the mediation
of agents confessedly weak and sinful.f
* De his universaliter disserens, et tarn multa loquens de
acreis eorum corporibus, de virtutibus animorum tacuit. Civ.
Dei, lib. ix. c. 3.
f Quales preces hominum diis bonis per daemones allegari
putat, magicas, an licitas ? Si magicas, nolunt tales j si licitas,
nolunt per tales. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 19.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 283
CHAPTER VII.
PLATO CONTINUED. . . HIS PRINCIPLE OF THE IMMORTALITY
OF THE SOUL... HIS HISTORY OF THE SOUL. . .INFEREN-
CES FROM THE WHOLE . . . FALSE CREATION ASCRIBED TO
HIS DEITY. . . FALSE IMMORTALITY TO THE SOUL.
WE have seen, that the happiness of the " life
to come" was not to be expected from the Pla-
tonic ONE, the secondary gods, or the mixed
race of demons. The question yet remains,
whether this great defect in one of the most
celebrated systems of natural religion, were
compensated by some other advantage; whe-
ther, notwithstanding the incapacity proved
against the gods, the soul of man were secure
of happiness through any qualities, either de-
rived from without, or resulting from its own
nature.
To enumerate all the absurd and contradic-
tory opinions of the Pagan schools concerning
the soul, would be an unprofitable, if it were
not an endless, task. From the time of Thales
and Pythagoras, to whom we lately traced
some of the earliest attempts in antient theo-
284 PAGANISM AND
logy, the Greeks disputed concerning the soul
and its qualities, whether it might be called
body, or not. In the latter case, the question
was, whether it were a mere intelligence, en-
dued with the privilege of motion, whether
this motion were perpetual or voluntary, or
whether the thinking faculty were not resolva-
ble into the force of self-moving numbers.*
In the former, whether it were of an aerial
species, or a fiery composition ; or an equal
mixture of fire, air, vapour, and another name-
less quality, in which consisted its sensation ;f
whether it were any thing more than warm
air, or the breath, or perhaps an homogeneous
substance, consisting of the exhalations of the
world and the internal vapours of man himself.f
rrjv
a.VTOKtvr)TOV. Tlvdayopag, apidfiov EO.VTOV KIVUVTO.' TOV ft apiQ-
fiojf avri TU vS 7rapa\a/t/3a/i. Plutarch, de Plac. Phil, lib.'iv.
c. 2. In the first book is stated the correspondence between
the four parts of the soul, and the virtues of the number four,
the celebrated rerpam/e of Pythagoras.
j* Oi 3* GLTTO 'Avaayop aepoeidfj fXtyov TE KCU <rw/xa Arjpo-
KpiToe, 7Tvpwc>e ffvyfcpijua* 'E?r/fcpoc, Kpa/ta in rtaaaptav, CK
7TOIW TTVpW^HC, EK 7TOIW Clpw^e, EK 7TO(5 TTVEVpCLTLKS' EK TETCLpTU
TWOS a/carovo/iaT, o i\v avry dtcrQrjTiKov. ib. c. 3. This is
stated at greater length by Lucretius, lib. iii. 232.
| Oi 2r<M*olj TrvEVfJLa Sep/zov 'HpafXciroc rfiv ($v)$v) iv
1
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 285
These and many more such suppositions may
be seen in the treatise which bears the name of
Plutarch, (but apparently without authority*)
on philosophical opinions.
What were the systems most known to the
Romans, or most approved by them, we learn
from the Tusculan Questions of Cicero, who
introduces his discussion of the immortality of
the soul, with a statement of opinions concern-
ing its nature and situation. Some regarded
the soul and the body as one and the same
thing. Consequently, they denied the doctrine
of a separation, and pronounced death to be the
termination of the entire man.f The strongest
of these opinions is that which pretends to the
TOIQ (ioig drrb rrjg IKTOQ KOI Tfjg tv O.VTOIQ a.vaQvfjLia.ffE(i)Q 6 t uo-
yt.vr\. Plut. ib. c. 3.
* Wyttenbach calls it " spurium opus. Ratio et oratio
prorsus abhorrent a Plutarchi ingenio j in materid si quid sit,
de quo non statuo, Plutarchei ; hoc a perditis quibusdam ger-
manis libris compilatum sit."
f Cicero, who adopted the immortality rather through the
authority of Plato, than any settled conviction of the truth of
the doctrine, yet beautifully points out the uncomfortable nature
of the contrary opinion. Praeclarum autem nescio quid adepti
sunt, qui didicerunt, se, quum tempus mortis venisset, totos esse
perituros. Quod ut sit (nihil etiim pugno) quid habet ista res
aut laetabile, aut gloriosum ? Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 21.
286 PAGANISM AND
greatest antiquity. Dicsearchus wrote, in three
books, an account of a disputation supposed to
have been holden at Corinth* on this subject.
For the sake of a more impressive authority,
he employs as his principal orator, an old man
said to be descended from the family of Deuca-
lion. His doctrine is, that the soul is no more
than a name, and therefore, that the use of
such terms as animal, and animation, is falla-
cious. Neither in man, nor beast, does he
allow the existence of a mind, or soul. All our
powers of action and feeling are equally diffused
through the living body, and are inseparable
from it : they grow and are nourished with it,
and are the general result of its composition
and temperature. t But those who agreed in
* He seems to have had a perverse zeal on the forlorn side
of the question. In the latter part of this book, Cicero men-
tions another treatise of Dicaearchus (a favourite writer with
him) in proof of the mortality of the soul : Acerrime autem
deliciae meae Dicaearchus contra hanc immortalitatem disseruit ;
is enim tres libros scripsit, qui Lesbiaci vocantur, quod Mi-
tylenis sermo habetur 5 in quibus vult efficere animos esse mor-
tales. C. 31.
t Pherecratem quendam Pthiotam senem, quern ait a Deu-
calione ortum, disserentem inducit, nihil esse omnino animum,
et hoc esse nomen totum inane, frustraque animalia et ani-
mantes appellari : neque in homine inesse animum vel animam,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 287
this general conclusion were at variance con-
cerning the substance of what was popularly
termed the soul. By some it was supposed to
be no other than the heart;* and hence they
accounted for the use of certain words familiar
to the Roman language. Thus excordes, ve-
cordesy Concordes, and other such terms, were
said to convey the true notion of the soul,
through the mention of the heart. Some, again,
supposed the soul to be not the heart itself, but
the blood which was lodged in it; while others
were equally positive in favour of the brain, or
some interior and choice part of it.f
On the other hand it was affirmed, that man
consisted of a body and a soul ; that these were
of different natures, and were separated from
nee in bestia ; vimque omnem earn, qua vel agamus quid, vel
sentiamus, in omnibus corporibus vivis aequabiliter esse fusam,
nee separabilem a corpore esse, quippe quae nulla sit, nee sit
quidquara nisi corpus unum et simplex, ita figuratum ut tem-
peratione naturae vigeat, et sentiat. ib. c. 10.
* Aliis cor ipsum animus videtur; ex quo excordes, ve-
cordes, concordesque dicuntur, et Nasica ille prudens bis con-
sul, corculum, et
Egregie cordatus homo catus MYm Sextus. ib. c. 9.
f Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suffusum sangui-
nem. Aliis pars qucedam cerebri visa est animi principatum
tenere. ib.
288 PAGANISM AND
each other by death. Yet they who agreed in
this conclusion were also divided in opinion
concerning the duration of the soul. Some
supposed the soul to be dissipated soon after its
escape from the body, as smoke gradually dis-
appears, and is lost in the general air. Some
attributed to it a long existence, and main-
tained that it did not perish till after a fixed
period ; while others bestowed upon it an im-
mortality.* According to Cicero, the first of
these whose works were then extant, was Phe-
recydes.f But he was content with the mere
affirmation of his doctrine ; nor did his succes-
sors enforce it with any arguments better than
those which were drawn from the Pythagorean
numbers till Plato appeared. He it was, who
first taught the world the reasons, such as the
philosophy of nature could teach, from which
the soul of man was concluded to be immortal. J
* Qui discedere aniraum censent, alii statim dissipari, alii
diu permanere, alii semper, ib.
f Quod literis extet, Pherecydes Syrus primum dixit animos
hominum esse sempiternos. ib. c. 1 6.
| Rationem illi sententiae suae non fere, reddebant nisi quid
erat numeris, aut descriptionibus explicandum. Platonem fe-
runt, ut Pythagoraeos cognosceret, in Italiam venisse, primum-
que de animorum aeternitate non solum sensisse idem quod Py-
thagoras, sed rationem etiam attulisse. ib. c. 17.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 289
Let us inquire then, what were the opinions of
this chief of philosophers, as Cicero so often
calls him, on a question of so much importance
to mankind.
Plato's view of the immortality of the soul
may be divided into two parts.
1. The principle, on which the doctrine of
the immortality is founded.
2. The history of the soul in its three stages
of existence, before its entrance into the body,
during the possession of it, and after the sepa-
ration from it.
1. The principle of the immortality of the
soul, which is mentioned in other parts of Plato,
is stated with' most advantage in the Phaedrus.
Cicero, who was highly delighted with this
doctrine, gave an account of it in the sixth
book of his " Republic," a work unfortunately
lost. However, he renewed the discussion in
the first book of the Tusculan Questions, where
the argument is stated in a formal manner. I
shall lay before you the substance of it, making
only such deviations from the terms themselves,
as may be requisite for a more familiar expan-
sion of the meaning of Plato.
The first proof of the immortality of the soul
290 PAGANISM AND
is drawn from its perpetual motion ;* for that
which never ceases to move, never ceases to
exist. But, in order to secure this permanence
of motion, it is also necessary that the motion
be derived from the subject itself which moves;
since, if it only receives from another the
motion which it exerts or imparts, it must
cease to live, as soon as it ceases to be moved
from without. It cannot, therefore, be secure
against a cessation of its motion, unless it be
self-moved; and it is obvious, that a subject,
thus independently subsisting, will never with-
draw its support from itself, and be the author
of its own extinction. Hence it is necessary to
the immortality of the soul, that it be not only
perpetually, but spontaneously, moved. This
being so, it equally follows, that the soul is not
only underived, but imperishable. For, that
which moves itself, is a principle of motion to
other things. But a principle is underived ;
* Ylaaa ^wxfl atia.va.TOQ' TO yap aeudvrjTov, aQavaTOv. Plat.
in Phaedr. 1221. This is the outset of Plato's argument.
Cicero reserves the mention of the soul till he has established
the general principle, which he then applies. The first part of
his version is adopted by Ficinus. In the latter part, he is
content with stating the sense in his own manner.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 291
since, if it were derived from any other, it
could not be a principle. If therefore it is not
derived from any other, neither can it perish.
For, since it is necessary that all things should
spring from some principle; if we suppose
the principle to be extinct, these two con-
sequences must ensue ; neither can the prin-
ciple itself be revived by any other thing, nor
can any other thing be made to spring from the
extinct principle. The principle of motion
therefore is that which is self-moved ; and
therefore it possesses the double property of
being without origin and without end.* Since
then, that appears to be immortal which is
self-moved, we may without hesitation affirm,
that such is the nature of the soul ; for every
thing which depends on some external cause
for motion, is proved to be inanimate in itself;
but that is truly animate, the motion of which
is internal and its own. This is the proper
quality of the soul ; and since the soul has the
* This argument is illustrated by the supposition, that, un-
less its truth be allowed, the world would perish, the heaven
and the earth collapse, and all nature stand still, nor ever again
receive an impulse like to that by which it was first set in
motion.
u2
292 PAGANISM AXD
power of perpetual and spontaneous motion, it
is both underived and imperishable.
Such is the celebrated argument of Plato
concerning the principle through which the
soul of man is immortal. Cicero admires it so
much, that he gives to those who dissent from
Plato the opprobrious name of Plebeian philo-
sophers.* He challenges all of them to pro-
duce an hypothesis of equal elegance with this :
and seems to suspect, that they who do not
admit it, are hardly capable of comprehending
the subtlety and refinement of its doctrine. As
to himself, he seems to place the principal
strength of it in the consciousness of the soul.
It perceives its own motion.f It perceives,
* Licet concurrent plebeii omnes philosophi (sic, enim ii
qui a Platonc et Socrate et ab ilia familia dissident, appellandi
viclentur), non modo nihil unquam tarn eleganter explicabunt,
sed ne hoc quidem ipsum, quam subtiliter conclusum sit, intel-
ligent. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 23.
f Sentit animus se moveri $ quod cum sentit, illud una sen-
tit, se vi sua, non aliena, moveri j nee accidere posse, ut ipse
unquam a se deseratur j ex quo efficitur aeternitas : nisi quid
babes ad baec. ib. Of course, the auditor is too complaisant to
object. All would still have been well, if Cicero had not con-
trived to draw from him so much pers'onal flattery. Plato is
more cautious in this respect.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 293
that this motion is derived from itself, and from
no external cause. It is sure therefore, that
its own existence can never be deserted by its
own will ; and hence the conclusion, that it is
immortal.
2. From the principle, on which is said to
rest the immortality of the soul, let us pass to
its history and condition. The first of the
three stages of existence lately mentioned, is
that which belongs to the soul before its en-
trance into the body.
In the same dialogue which has furnished us
with the argument of immortality, a reference
is made to what Plato calls the idea of the
soul.* This,, it seems, is of too sublime a na-
ture to be described in the manner which would
be proper for it. An attempt is therefore made
* Tlepl (. Trig l^eag avtijg tode XEKTEOV' mov per e^t, iruvTy
irdvTb) SdcLQ elvai Kal jueu;pa ^ijjyrjo'ewg' e eotKev, avOpw-
irivr]Q TE Kal eXarrovoQ. In Phaedr. p. 1221. There is another
such reverential thought in the Republic, lib. x. p. 759. We
do not now see the soul in its proper purity. It is clearer and
fairer elsewhere than with us. In short, overrun and altered by
the contagion of evil, it resembles the body of the marine Glau-
cus^part of which is bruised by the rocks, and part washed
away by the waves : that which remains is covered with an
accretion of shells and sea~weed_, which prevents us from form-
ing a right notion of the original shape.
294 PAGANISM AND
to represent it by inferior images, or similitudes
of objects familiar to common life. It is sup-
posed then, that for the sake of inspecting the
state of the world, the gods leave their seats,
and make occasional excursions. These are
performed in the celestial chariots of the immor-
tals. Jupiter, the great leader in heaven, is
foremost in the progress, and drives his winged
chariot, taking care, as he goes, of the order
and beauty of all things.* He is followed by
the host of gods and demons, arranged in eleven
divisions ; for Vesta, the twelfth deity, chooses
to stay at home alone. Many and happy are
the sights which they enjoy during their journey
within the heavens :f but at length they proceed
to the extremity. Here the immortal beings
take a bold and outer station at the back of
heaven, and are carried round till the rotation
brings them to the same spot again.;}; It is
* 'O per Sfj piyaQ ^ye^twv iv ovpavy Ztsvz, irrrivbv appa i\av-
VMV Trpwroe Tropmlrai, <5iafc:oer^id>j> Tfavra KOI iTripeX&fjievoQ. In
Phaedr. 1222.
f IIoAXcu jueV uv teal paKapiat Slat rt Kal ifoc!oi e
pavS, ag %f.G)V yivoQ 7ri7p^>6rcu. ib.
| At pev 7'ap adavaroi *caXw^tvat, ijviKa av 7rpo -cucpq) yi-
viavTCti, (.fa TropevOelaai e^ijtray 7rt r<jj r wpavw vwry' l^aaas ct
avrag Treptayii tj 7rept0opd' at ^e Oewpuffi TO. tj-fi) TO pav6. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 295
in the course of this circle that they contem-
plate the things which are on the outside of
heaven. And this being done in a complete
manner, (for they see nature, not in the false or
imperfect light in which she appears to us, but
in the very truth of her being,) they re-enter
heaven, and sit down at the banquet prepared
for them. The horses being loosed by the
charioteer, they are served with nectar and
ambrosia. Such, says Plato, is the life of the
gods.* But it is the desire of other souls to
imitate the actions of the immortals. Those
therefore which are destined to enter afterwards
into the bodies of men, mount also their chariots,
and endeavour to follow the gods in their ascent,
and to perform the circle of the heaven in the
station before described. But the horses, which
are inferior to those of the gods, and of a mixed
race, ill obey this wish ; and one of them is
vicious, and inclines downwards to the earth. f
* Kal r ciXXa wcravrwc TO. OVTWQ OVTCL Oeaaafjevrj (scil. ?/ Sea
KCU <ria0t<7a, dvcra 7ra'Xii> EIQ TO e'iffd) rw wpayw, oiKace
^Tfo-ac, 7rap/3aXev ctju/3po<nav re KCU CTT' avTrj ytKTftp (.Tru
Kat roe fiev ^ew^ /3to. In Plizedr. 1222.
f 0(i^ /UV V tTTTTOt T Kdl //>IO)OI ITaVTtS, ClVTOl Tt aya.001
K'ai ZL, ayaQ&v' TO Se TWV aXXwj/ pl^iKTai' fipiOei yap 6 r/c
296 PAGANISM AND
Some souls indeed obtain their object better
than others, and reach the outer spot, and are
carried round with the immortals. But even
these are kept in constant alarm by their horses,
and with difficulty take notice of the real nature
of things as they pass.* Some again, through
the virtue of the more tractable horse, lift the
head aloft, and see somewhat of the truth : but
presently they sink again, and lose the prospect.
Others too, in the inordinate struggle of all to
gain the upper station, press against one an-
other, and fall into tumult and danger. Many
are maimed ; and many break their wings and
are disabled. Thus are all the souls disap-
pointed of the desired object. They cannot
attain a full view of the reality of things, and
are obliged to subsist afterwards upon the un-
certainty of opinion instead of truth. f Those
"nriroQ fJLtTeyuv, tirl yriv peirwv re KCU fiapvviov, tvQa.
re Kal uyMv ear^cLTOQ '-^VXTJ Trpo/c'eirai. ib. 1221-2.
* 'H fj,ev apt<ra Sewv eTTOfj-evri KOI eLKaffpe.fr] VTrrjpev elg TOV
TOTTOV Tt]V Ta 1]VIO"^ Ke(pd\^V f KCU <TiyZ7Tf>lJ7V)077 TV
-Sopv/^wjuevj; VTTO T&V 'iTrirwv, KCU poyig Kadopwffa TO. OVTCL' >/ de
TOTE p.EV ?}p, TOTe <!) KCU t$V' fiiaZopeVWV C T&V 'iTTTTWy, TO. {Jiiv
eUe,Ta$ 8. ib. 1222.
f IloXXcu [lev ^wXtuovrai, TroXXat fie TroXXa ?rrpa SpavovTcu'
e TroXuv ^o"ai yovov, arfXfle TYJQ rw OVTOC; Stag cnrep-
Kal aTrfXOacrat Tor ^ota^r} tivTat. Ill Phaedr. 1223.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 297
therefore which are injured, fall down to the
earth ; and here, in obedience to an impulse
of their nature, betake themselves to some
body.
The principle of this alliance may be sup-
posed to arise from the original employment of
the soul in the upper regions. We see, that,
when engaged in the pursuit which has just
been described, its natural appetency was to
take care of inanimate things ;* and hence came
its attempt to inspect the condition of the world.
When fallen to the earth therefore, it still pre-
serves the desire of governing matter ; and
hence also comes its immediate occupation of
an earthly body. In this it dwells for a time ;
and man becomes a compound of an immortal
* 'H \^V^TI 7ra<ra Travrog tTrtjueXfirai re dj/v^a' TraVra fie
upavov TTfptTroXfT. TfXea p.e.v vv saa. KOI eVrepw^eV*/ ME-
TEHPOnOAEI re Kal cnravra Toy Koapov ILOIKEL. ib. 1221.
The word here marked is an important one with Plato, and
expresses the highest speculations of the philosophical soul. In
the Apology, Socrates remarks, that he is accused of being ra re
fj.T<i)pa 0po/rts7/, Kal ra VTTO yr\v Travra ave^rijKwe. In the
accusation itself, he is said to be busy in prying into ra re WTTO
yJ\v KOI ra eVpavia. . The last term therefore is the meaning
of yuerewpa, and accounts for the clouds and basket of Aristo-
phanes. In the Pythagorean school, the word was used in a
less honourable sense, for rash and airy fancies.
298 PAGANISM AND
principle and a mortal frame.* What then is
the situation of the soul in man? Plato informs
us in the minutest manner, and without any
hesitation.
We lately saw, that the inferior gods received
from the demiurge the immortal principle of
the soul, for the composition of mankind. Nor
was it the body alone which they conjoined
with this. To the former species of soul they
added another which was of a mortal nature,
and the seat of many and great passions neces-
sary to the condition of man ; pleasure, the
incitement to evil ; pain, the enemy of happi-
ness ; boldness and fear, each unadvised of
counsel; anger, hard to be appeased; hope,
easy to be persuaded ; and other such. But it
was necessary to provide, that the divine prin-
ciple should not be polluted by a commixture
with this secondary portion of the soul. The
gods therefore placed the former in the head,
and the latter in the breast and thorax, keeping
them asunder by the dividing isthmus of the
neck.f This therefore, which separated their
* 'H e 7rrepofjpvf]ffacra 0epfrcu, ewg av <?epe5 TIVQQ avriXa-
firjTai' ov KaToiKtffdelaa, atifjia ytjivov \u/3Sao, wov TO ^Vfj.-
irav eK\r]Qri, \lsv%>) Kal a^pa irftyEv. In Phxdr. 1221.
f Kai $ia Tttvra Stj fftfiofjievot jjna.ivf.iv TO Stiov, VTI /to) Traoxt
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 299
respective abodes, became the channel through
which reason might send down her mandates
on proper occasions, to the passions below.
But man had a still baser sort of desires, an
impatience to supply his natural cravings, and
a vehement propensity to meats and drinks:
and for all such appetites a more remote situa-
tion was requisite, on account of the importu-
nity of their disposition, and the disturbance
which they might otherwise give to the opera-
tions of reason. They were therefore placed
avayKri, X^DLQ tKeivu KaTOiKifeaiv elg aXXijv TO
TO SVTJTOV, IcrOpov Kctt ooov dioiKodofjiriffavTef; Trjg K(j>a\rjg
/ecu rS T^Osc;, KCU cLV^iva. fJLEra^v TtQevTC^, Iva. tit] ^wplg' iv &/
Tolg ^rjdefft KOI TV Kci\upf.v<j> SWOCLKI TO Tijg ipvx*?e SvrjTov yivog
tv&vv. In Tim. 1073. In Plato's hands anatomy assumes a
moral character. The heart sends notices through the veins to
the extremities of the body concerning any outward or inward
danger which reason has announced from the head 5 and thus
prepares the sensitive part of man for submission to whatever
she may prescribe. And, as the heart itself, in cases of terror
and danger, is apt to swell and palpitate, which is the conse-
quence of its fiery nature, the lungs are placed near it for the
purpose of affording refreshment and relief to its inordinate
heat ! Near to the baser appetites, below the diaphragm, is
also placed the liver, for the purpose of reflecting from its
smooth surface images of terror, which reason may send down
from above, and of keeping the wild beast in a tolerable state
of quiet ! There is much more of this in the same dialogue.
300 PAGANISM AND
in a lower region, beneath the diaphragm, and
towards the umbilicus. This part of the body
was judged to be the most proper for the
nourishment of the whole man. Here then
dwelt the inferior portion of the mortal division
of the soul, or rather the third species of soul ;
and here too it continually fattened, as a con-
fined beast, at its crib or manger.* Such is
the circumstantial and authentic account which
Plato gives of the situation of the soul in man.
But notwithstanding the desire felt by the
soul to occupy mortal bodies in this manner,
we are told that it does not enter into them
without due preparation. There are certain
laws by which the process is governed ; and it
is expressly provided, that when the soul falls
to the earth, it shall not be planted in the body
of any brute in the first generation. f Its pri-
* To ^ &) (j'lTWV T Kdi TTOT&V
oaov eWetctv ta rriv ra c-w/^aroe '^X
T&V T typev&v xal rs Trpoe rov opfyaXov ops KartpKtffar, oiov
<f>ciTvr]v EV cnravri T&TO) r<jj TOTT^ rrj T& awfjiarog rpofyr) TEKryvd-
lievoi, KOI Karedrjffav ^?) ro TO&TOV evrctvda, &Q Spepfta aypiov.
In Tim. ib.
t "Ornv ^c advvarrivarra eTrifnrerrdcn, pj 'idy, /cat rivi avvrv-
XW XP^ <TCt / i( ' J/ ^' ^-^^G re KCU Ka.Kia TrXijcrOeiffa fiapvvdy, fiapvv-
Qeiaa <& Trrepuppvrjar) TE /,'ai iirl TIIV yr\v -viay, TOTE vopcc TavTijv
fjL)j fyvrtvaai tic fj,ricfjiidv^$f)peiov (fjvfftv iv rrj Trptjrrj yev<rti. In
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 301
mary destination is the person of man; and the
value of the allotment which it there obtains, is
made to depend upon its own previous achieve-
ments in the upper regions of the world, and
the success with which it struggled to view the
system of nature and the truth of things. A
scale of dignity is therefore . drawn by Plato,
and the station of the soul in the higher or lower
degrees is proportioned to its merits. It is not
difficult to conjecture what order of men is
placed at the topmost degree of the scale.
When a philosopher has to dispense honours, on
what shall they be bestowed but philosophy ?
The soul then which has followed the immor-
tals in the best manner, or has seen most of the
nature of things, is ordered to pass into the
composition of one who is to be a philosopher,*
or a lover of the xaXot/. In the next degree is
placed a lawful sovereign, or accomplished com-
Phaedr. 1223. The commentators are fond of interpreting this
chariot-scene as denoting only the struggle of the soul while in
the body of man. The last part of the above sentence clearly
proves that it is descriptive of the condition of the soul before
its entrance into any body.
* Tijv fj,er TiXel^a l^&aav, elg yovrjv av^poe y ev 77*70 ju 6^80 tXo-
rrofyu, 77 0t\ok'aX8. In Phaedr. 1223. This too is Indian : the
sovereign is placed immediately below the bramin.
302 PAGANISM AND
mander. To these succeeds a statesman, or the
prudent administrator of domestic affairs. To
these, the lover of gymnastic labours, or one
who is to be occupied in the cure of diseases in-
cident to the body. The prophetic life, or that
which is concerned with initiations into the
mysteries, is next in honour. The sixth rank
is allotted to poets. The seventh, to geometri-
cians and artificers. The eighth, to sophists, or
those who affect popular applause. The lowest
degree is reserved for the tyrant. Plato had
some reason to take a literary vengeance on
the usurpers of the liberties of his country. He
studiously degrades them, in comparison with
the possessors of lawful sovereignty, who would
probably have been placed at the head of the
list of dignity, were it not for the homage indis-
pensably due to philosophy.
There are then nine orders of mankind, in
which the soul may be primarily placed.*
* The orders and the years seem to have been invented for
each other. The same soul might pass through all the orders,
a thousand years being allotted to each j and in the tenth stage
return to its first situation, in order to begin again the same
course of existence ! The thousand years allotted to the soul
after its possession of each order, is also explained by the ten-
fold punishment or reward to be received by it after the death
of the body. The life of man was therefore taken at an hun-
dred years.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 303
Its subsequent elevation or debasement in other
bodies is influenced by its conduct in the first.
And to these changes it is subject during ten
thousand years, a new life being chosen at the
end of every thousand ; after which, it returns
to the place whence it originally came. There
is indeed one exemption in favour of philosophy.
By a law of Adraste, the soul which has made
the greatest and best discoveries in the region
of truth, is excused from so long a probation.
It recovers its wings at the end of the third
period of a thousand years, if it has acted with
sincerity, and after each thousand, has chosen
again the philosophic life.* But common souls
are subject to one common fate ; and it re-
mains to inquire, what becomes of them after
they have quitted the body which they first
inhabit.
The Phaedrus, from which the above account
is drawn, alludes only in general terms to the
condition of the soul, when it leaves the body.
Nor does this subject form any considerable
* Etc jtieV yp TO UVTO odev iJKei rj ^"X^ ^^ty, v Kaducveirai
fpi&V (ov yap TrrepSrat ?rpo rorre XP^ 8 ) 7r ^'7 J/ *1 "**
<fri\OffO<f>r]ffCiVTO(; adoXcjQ' avrai $e fpiTr) TTfpto^w TTJ
t\<i)VTCii rpte 0e>/ TOV /3iov rfirov, H'TW TTTC pwfcTrrat,
fret uire'vTai. In Phaedr. 1223.
304 PAGANISM AND
part of the vision of the other world granted to
the Pamphylian and related in the tenth book of
the " Republic." The chief intention of Plato
in that curious narrative was to state the man-
ner in which the souls are re- assembled for the
purpose of returning to other bodies, and
choosing new modes of life.* In the Phaedo,
* The soul of the Pampliylian (who was slain in battle)
went to the common place of judgment. There were two
chasms towards the lower earth ; and opposite to them two
openings which led to heaven. The judges were placed between
both, and sent the souls, when tried, either upwards to heaven
on the right, or downwards into the earth on the left. These
went to the places of their destination by one of the two chasms
in the earth, and one of the openings towards heaven. The
other chasm and opening were reserved for the passage of the
souls which had formerly lived on earth, had accomplished the
interval of a thousand years in their respective places of abode,
and returned through them to the spot where they were to
choose new modes of life. Schemes of every sort of life ra
T&vftiuv Trapa^a'y/iara, were spread before them on the ground.
Sometimes the motives of their choice were whimsical enough.
The soul of Ajax, brooding over the old grievance about the
arms of Achilles, chose to pass into a lion, shunning the habita-
tions of men who had once injured its feelings by the preference
of Ulysses. Orpheus, resenting the treatment of himself by
the Thracian women, resolved not to be born again of a female.
His soul therefore chose to animate a swan. Thersites, some-
what epigramrnatically, became an ape. Ulysses, however, had
improved in wisdom. His life was formerly made uneasy by
Wrj
|
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 305
the destination of the soul, when dislodged by
the death of the body, is described with much
minuteness and authority ; and Socrates founds
upon it an earnest recommendation of philoso-
phy; since, at the moment of separation, the
soul begins to perceive the consequences of the
neglect or attention with which it has treated
the true discipline.
There are many paths which lead to the
shades below; and ./Eschylus mistakes, when,
through his Telephus, he asserts, that there is
but one, and that this is plain.* Hence the ne-
cessity of a guide. The demon therefore, who
had the care of the man when living, (for every
mortal has a superintending demon, f) is charged
the troubles which a too conspicuous station occasioned to him.
He therefore chose a lot, which had been neglected by the other
souls j and became a private man, unconcerned with business :
aj>poe i&wrH aTrpa'y/uovoe, Kal jjLoXtQ evpely Keiperov
Kal TraprjfjieXrjpevov Wo T&V aXXwv. p. 765.
* "E<?i $e apa r/ Trope la 6v% ae 6 'Aio-^uXs Tr)Xe(j)OQ Xe-yeC
yap a7rX?/v olyuov fyrjcrlv etc "Ac)a <f>ipeW $ cf ovr
aTrXTJf ttr uta <ba,iv(.Tcu uoi ttvac $g yap a.v //yfjuovwv kceC ace
yap 7T8 TIQ civ tajuaproi woayzode, p,icLg oca Srrrje. NOv ce eotKE
a^iffELQ re *cat Trepio^sc TroXXae e\etv. In Phaedon. 80. The
ways are numerous only to the place where the judges are. See
the note above.
f In what sense this superintendency is to be really under-
X
306 PAGANISM AND
to conduct the soul to the spot where others
are waiting till they can be judged. But there
is a difference of behaviour in the souls as they
proceed towards the place of their destination.
Those which have acted with soberness and
propriety while they were in the body, follow
their guides in a decent manner, and without
reluctance. In other cases, a struggle ensues.
The soul which has been too much pleased
with its habitation in the body, is unwilling to
go, and therefore uses all its artifice to stay
behind;* and hence it happens, that it is some-
times seen lingering about the earth where it
stood, we gather from the Timseus : where the superior part of
the soul is said to be every man's demon. To 2e &/ Trept rS
KvpiWTaru Trap' ijjjiiv t/rt^r/e eidug SiavoeiadaL del rfjde, WQ apa
O.VTO caifjiova Seog eca<rw Se(i)K rwro, o drj ^ajuev oiKtiv pev
>//Liwx eV a/cpw rw trw/iart. p. 1087. But sometimes the demon
is reason, and sometimes a person j and Plato, on this as on
many other points, is not to be reconciled with himself.
* 'H per vv KOfffua TS KOI 0poVi/*oc ^ V X^ r*ai re KCU &K
ayvoel ret Trapovra * de CTriOvjucriicwe r <rw/^aroe 'i^saa, Trept
f/cftvo TroXvv xpovov errrorfpevr}, KOI Trcpi TOV oparov TOTTOV TroXXa
djrtreiVacra KCU TroXXa TraOwtra, fiiq. KCU fjioXiQ VTTO rw 7rpo<rr-
rayjuevs daipovoc; ot^crai ayofjilrr]. In Phaedon. p. 80. In
short, pleasures are the nails which fasten the soul to the body.
At the moment of death, therefore, the soul of the voluptuary
does not come clean off j and hence it is sometimes gross and
visible ! A moral solution of ghosts.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 307
had received its gratifications. The demon is
therefore obliged to apply force; and at length
he succeeds. It happens too, that when a soul,
defiled with gross impurities, is brought to the
place where other souls are assembled in ex-
pectation of their trial, they are struck with
horror at its approach, and diligently avoid it.*
It therefore wanders about wretched and soli-
tary, without companion or guide, till, after a
certain period, it is consigned by Necessity!
to the place of its destination. But at length
all the souls are tried by the judges Minos,
Rhadamanthus and others, and sent to their
proper places of punishment or reward. It
would be trifling and tedious to repeat the de-
scription which Socrates so circumstantially
gives of these allotments; and it may suffice to
say, that the souls which appear to have con-
ducted themselves with moderation during their
possession of the body, and to be but slightly
infected with guilt, are sent off to Acheron.
Here they are put into boats and arrive at the
LEl' CLTTUQ </>Vyl T KCU V7TKTp7Trai, KCU OVT
OVTE r/yfjuwv ede\ti yiyveaQai. ib.
f Necessity is the mother of Lachesis, whose orders to the
souls, before they return to the world, are given in the 10th
book De Repub.
x 2
308 PAGANISM AND
lake, where they reside, and undergo the pur-
gation prescribed for them; nor are they dis-
missed from thence till they have suffered a
proper punishment for every act of injustice,
of which they have been guilty. They also
receive a due reward for their good actions,
as each may appear to deserve.*' The other
offending souls are divided into two great
classes, the curable and the incurable. The
latter, stained with the gross and more abomi-
nable sins, sacrileges, unjustifiable murders,
and the like, are plunged by avenging fate into
Tartarus, whence they never escape. They re-
main there in perpetual punishment. f The
former have also been guilty of great offences ;
but these admit a certain mitigation on account
of the circumstances which attend them. Un-
der the impulse of anger, they have forgotten the
reverence due to parents; but, for the violence
* Keu ot per av eowor ywewe etwKeat, 7ropeveree e
TOV A^epovra, avafiavreg a ^ avroig o^fiftaTa l<?lv, eVt rro>v
afyiKvuvTcii eiQ TYJV Xtyuvr/v' KOI em diKUffi re, KCU Ka0atpo'//evot,
rH>v re a^t/CTj/iaVwv &&Wee &'/cae, cbroXiWreu, EL rig Tt fidiKrjae'
TWV re lvepye<riwv rr/^ac ^e'povreu Kara TY\V afyav fKa^og. In
Phaedon. p. 84.
f Ot ^' av dofoffiv avLciTWQ f.\ELV, ^ta ra jj.eye6ri T&V
TtjjJLdrdJV, rre e /; irpoffiiKOVffa /zo7pa jOtTrret etc rov
o'0ev ttVore eKfidtvufftv. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 309
thus committed, they have endeavoured to atone
by an increase of attention and respect during
the remainder of life ; and this saves them from
being finally placed among the incorrigible
souls. The same is the case with those who,
under an evil influence of a similar nature,
have been guilty of homicide, and have after-
wards laid a better restraint on the passions. It
is necessary indeed that they should be plunged
into Tartarus;* but after a year passed in this
gulph, (into which run all the rivers of hell,
and from which they again issue,) they are cast
out by the waves into other streams ; the homi-
cides, along the Cocytus ; those who have in-
juriously treated their parents, along the Pyri-
phlegethon. By these they arrive at the Ache-
rusian lake. Here they call aloud on those
whom they have slain or injured, and intreat,
in a suppliant manner, that they may be per-
mitted to advance, and be received into the lake.
If this favour is granted, they come forth, and
* Oi <T CLV
a/iaprfj/iara, TUTUQ & f.nrffeiv fj.lv etg rov Taprapoy a.va.ytnf
avrug, KOI tViaurov Ki ycj/o/zevsg, e/c/3aXXft ro
ib. This Tartarus is said by Plato to be the Barathrum
of Homer and the poets.
310 PAGANISM AND
a termination is put to their sufferings. If not,
they are hurried back again to Tartarus for a
second immersion, and a second ejectment by
the same rivers ; nor does the repetition of the
punishment cease till they are finally pardoned
by those whom they have offended. Such is
the determination of their judges.*
A different fate awaits those who have dis-
tinguished themselves in virtue. The earth,
whose lower parts are adapted to the punish-
ment of the wicked, in the manner just de-
scribed, has also its lofty regions, in which the
good receive their happiness. We, says Socrates,
inhabit a tract from the Phasis to the Pillars of
Hercules. This is but a small and sorry space,
in which wretched mortals live, as ants in a
collection of dirt, or frogs about a lake.f Nor
are any other residences of man better than a
nest of cavities, into which is poured a conden-
sation of water, and mist, and air : and these
deprive us of the clear sight of celestial objects.
Our condition therefore is at present obscure
* Kttt TO.VTU. TTCLff^OVTEQ OV TTpOTtpOV TtaVOVTCLl, TTptV O.V 7Tt-
awatv we ^iKijffav' avrrj yap fj SIKT) VTTO TWV liKa**G)v avrolg
Ta\Qr]. ib .
f 'E/ ff/m-pw TlVl ftopty, OHTTTEp TTtpt TtXfJUt (JLVp^Kaff
^8 Trept TV/I/ Stt'Xarrav OIKUVTO.S. ib. p. 8J.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 311
and deceitful, and resembles that of a person,
who, in the abyss of the sea, should fancy that
he lives on its' surface ; and seeing the sun and
stars through the medium of the water, should
take the sea itself for the sky. We too imagine,
that, sunk as we are in these depths of earth,
we really live upon its surface ;* and therefore
erroneously give the name of the heaven itself
to the air, through which we confusedly behold
the heavenly bodies. Nor are we able to cor-
rect these mistakes by rising above the lower
air, and viewing things in their own purity.
This privilege is reserved for the souls which
are adjudged to the places situated immediately
under the heaven. There the earth shines forth
in all the beauty and variety of colour, purple,
and gold, and a whiteness surpassing that of
gypsum and snow itself, f All its productions
too partake of this perfection ; and its most
* 'H/zac %v OIKUVTCLQ tv Tolg KoiXoig avTrjg XeXr/fleVcu, Kal
o'ieffBai avw fVi Trjg yrjg otKelv' a0"7rep av ei Tig iv yueVw rw
TTvfyieVt TU TTfXaysc OIK&V, oioiro re ITTI rrjg SaXcirrj/e ok'ctv, /cat
ia T5 vdarog opwv rov ijXioy Kal TO. #XXa a<rpa, rr/v S'aXarrav
fiyoiro spavov eivai. ib.
f Tt/v juev yap, aXovpy^ tlvat, Kal ^avfjLa^v TO fcaXXog' Trfy
fie xpvffotidrj' TJJV ^, ocrr) Xev/o), yuip 77 %i6vog
ib. 82.
312 PAGANISM AND
common stones are those which are so rare, and
so much prized amongst us, the sardine, jasper,
and smaragdus. With these precious substances,
and with gold and silver, is the earth every
where adorned.* The inhabitants dwell at
ease, whether in inland places, or on the coast,
which borders there upon air, as ours does
upon the sea ; or perhaps on islands projected
a little from the continent, and surrounded only
by air. In short, air is to them what water is
to us ; and what we call air, is with them pure
aether. There too the seasons perpetually offer
a soft and delightful temperature. f No diseases
* Trjv ce yr\v O.VTIJV KeKOfffjifjffdai TUTOIQ re aTrafft, Kal tn
XP Vff $ re Kal apyvpy, Kal rolg O\\OIQ av TO~IQ roiwrotf. ib. Mil-
ton has given a pavement of gold to his heaven ; but he takes
care that it shall be admired by none but a bad spirit.
Mammon, the least erected spirit, that fell
From heaven j for e'en in heaven his looks and thoughts
Were always downwards bent, admiring more
The riches of heav'n's pavement, trodden gold,
Than aught divine or holy else enjoyed
In vision beatific.
t Tag $e wpae CLVTOIQ Kpaffiv t^Eiv TOiavryv, a>? tKeivug
avoatsQ tivai, Kal yjpovov re r/v TroXv ?rXe/w TU>V evda.Se. In
Phcsdon. ib. Homer had created this temperature for Olympus.
-- odi (f>acrl eo
C OJT ftv^JLOlffl TlVCLOfftTdl, OVTf. HOT O
Aevcrcu, oure \iwv ETrnriXvaTai' aXXa yua'X' aidprj
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 313
afflict the happy inhabitants, whose life is there-
fore much longer than ours. Their senses too,
as well as their knowledge and the qualities of
their mind, excel ours as much as our air is
excelled by their aether in purity. There also
are the groves and temples of the gods ; and
in these effectively reside the gods themselves,
who by voices, divinations, and sensible tokens
of their presence, hold frequent communication
with the favoured inhabitants.* These there-
fore see the sun, and moon, and stars in their
true nature ; and all their happiness is answer-
able to this near and more perfect observation
of things. To places thus beautiful and thus
inhabited, are sent the virtuous souls. They
rise above our mortal habitations, which are no
other than pits or prisons, and ascend to a purer
abode on the true and proper surface of the
earth. But a privilege still higher than this
awaits the souls which have philosophized in a
sufficient manner. They are transplanted to
other abodes yet more beautiful, where they
aiy\r)'
Tw evt rfpTTOireu pctKapeQ deol j/^ara Tra'vra. Odyss. 6.
* Keu &) KCU SEWV aXffr] re KCU itpa avroig tlvaC tv dig rw
OVTI oiKrjTag & tivai, KOI (ftrifJtaQ re Kal fj.avTf.iaQ KOI
TUV St&v. In Phaedon. ib.
314 PAGANISM AND
live afterwards without bodies ;* while the rest
are doomed to return to the world after the
completion of a thousand years.
The doctrine of Plato has now been reviewed
in the manner proposed, f We have seen the
nature of his opinions, first, concerning the
Deity, and secondly, concerning the immortality
of the soul.
The inferences proper to be drawn from both
these points shall be laid before you in the
same order.
1 . In the course of the first argument it was
incidentally stated, that the agency of the de-
miurge, which some have incautiously termed a
Creation, was no more than a formation of prae-
existing and eternal matter. This is a point,
which, on account of its great importance,
deserves the particular attention of those who
compare the theology of Paganism with Reve-
lation. The Platonic world could not be pro-
duced without the concurrence of three separate
principles, a labouring deity, eternal, reluc-
tant, and untractable matter, and rational and
Tarwv ^ avrwv ol fyiXoaofyiq. t/caj/we ea0>/pa/ivoi, avtv TE
vfftro TrapaTrav elg TOV eTreira ^povov, KOI tg oiKii
en TUTWV KoXXiovg cKfHKvuvrat. ib. p. 84.
f Page 221.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 315
self-subsisting ideas, or original exemplars,
according to which, things were to be framed,
and from which they were also to derive their
essence.* The task of the deity was therefore
a difficult one. The blind and brute irregula-
rity inherent in the nature of matter, crossed
his designs, frustrated much of the good which
he intended for the universe, and was the cause
of evil.t And this probably is the circumstance
which led Plato to observe, though in a man-
ner neither pious nor philosophical, the elation
of mind which was felt by his demiurge, when
* Sequitur per ideas, non abstractions mentis nostrae, vel
notiones imiversales intelligences esse, sed entia intelligibilia,
in Deo radicata, sive ratione divina, velut mundo suo, compre-
hensa, quae per se existunt, et materiae modificatae non cbaracteres
tantum essentiales, sed ipsam quoque essentiam largiuntur.
Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. I. 15.
f Inesse materiae necessarian! et innatam cupiditatem, sive
brutam et caecam vim quandam, quae inordinate earn moveat,
quaeque in causa sit, ut nee optima omnia Deus facere potuerit,
et mala inde omnia oriantur. ib. 1 4.
{ Augustin compares this with the sentence of Moses,
" God saw that it was good ;" and observes that the Creator
merely declares the excellence of his work. He is not obliged
to wait for its completion till he can ascertain his success ;
Docet bonum esse, non discit. Plato quidem plus ausus est
dicere, elatum esse scilicet Deum gaudio, mundi universitate
perfect! Civ. Dei, lib. xi. c. 2L
316 PAGANISM AND
he saw his labours followed with so much suc-
cess in the beautiful appearance of things. In
short, we see his deity operate, as a mortal of
extraordinary genius, on the materials which
are at hand. He is an Archimedes, of an higher
class.
But the imperfection which thus attaches to
the theology of Plato, is chargeable to Paga-
nism in general. This has been ascertained with
equal research and judgment by the learned
Mosheim in his treatise on the " Creation of
the World from Nothing :" of which, some short
notice may be useful.
His purpose is then, not to inquire, whether
the doctrine of a proper creation be discover-
able by the force of human reason. He does
not ask, whether the happy application of an
extraordinary sagacity might arrive at such a
conclusion. Indeed, it is remarkable, that
some of the highest names in philosophy have
deemed the strictest notion of creation to contain
nothing repugnant to right reason. Such has
been the judgment of Sir Isaac Newton and
Mr. Locke.* But the question is, whether the
* Eximii duo viri, quibus nihil majus est inter philosopbos
stalls nostrae, Jo. Lockius et Is. Newtonus, non modo negant,
creationem raundi rationi purgatae adversari, sed etiam fieri
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 317
doctrine be really taught in any of the books
which have descended to us from the Pagan
ages. This is determined by Mosheim in the
negative. In the first part of his treatise he
states the argument, and examines certain pas-
sages of Aristotle, Empedocles, and Seneca,
which have been supposed to convey the doc-
trine : and those who are ready to ascribe a
proper creation to the Gods of heathenism, on
account of a few strong expressions which will
be occasionally found in Pagan writers even of
the laxest character, will do well to study this
part of the treatise with attention. They will
not fail to see, how little strictness of meaning-
may belong to phrases of great apparent force,
and on how many occasions the sense that has
been hastily attributed to particular words is
weakened or destroyed by the general nature of
the reasoning amidst which they are found. He
next examines the early systems of the Grecian
sects and sages, and finds in those which are
posse contendunt, ut modum ejus comprehendamus aliqud
ratione, si vulgarium sententiarum vinculis nos expedire cone-
mur. C. 5. This may afford another proof, that certain truths of
Revelation may be found not unacceptable to that reason which
would have been wholly incompetent to make the first discovery
of them.
318 PAGANISM AND
supposed to precede the age of Plato, no higher
meaning, than that order and beauty were pro-
duced out of matter which before had been
subject to no rules. Of the poems of Orpheus*
(the supposed Father of the Grecian theology)
he justly pronounces, that the doctrine is not
only not that of the Scriptures, but that it is of
a low and impious character. Its real meaning
is, that the deity is the universe,t and that this
proceeds from him in such a manner, that the
parts of the universe are no other than parts of
the Divine nature, the limbs, as it were, of the
great body of Deity. And this is little else
than the flagitious doctrine which so long
* It is generally allowed that the antient Orpheus did not
write the poems to which his name is affixed : Antiquum
ilium Orpheum nihil horum scripsisse, cum plerisque scio. This
is the confession of his editor and admirer Eschenbachius, who
seems however to take no small pride in having studied these
venerable and mysterious writings by night ! Silente mundo,
sol is vigilantibus astris et lund. While some have extolled the
poems as an invaluable treasure of theology, others have pro-
nounced them to be the " liturgy of Satan."
f Deum esse omnia canit, et a Deo ita fluxisse omnia putat,
ut partes hujus universitatis membra tantum et partes divinae
naturae non desinant esse. Tantum abest, ut Orpheus ille,
quisquis demum fuerit, cum Christianis sensisse putandus sit,
ut potius a Spinosae flagitiis exiguo aut nullo intervallo remotus
fuisse videatur. De Great. Mund. c. 10.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 319
afterwards shocked mankind in the system of
Spinosa.
The well-known passage of Hesiod is next
produced, in which, according to the general
sense of the commentators, is stated the original
existence of a Chaos.* But this also has been
supposed to teach the doctrine of creation ; and
Hesiod, as well as Plato, is supposed by some
to have drawn this great truth from Egypt.
But it is well observed, that, whatever may
be fondly attributed to a single expression, the
general meanness of Hesiod's theology is against
so favourable an interpretation. His highest
god is Jupiter, of whom he has no objection to
relate the degrading stories commonly received
by Paganism : nor can it be reasonably con-
cluded that, with such a being for his prime
deity, his meaning on the point in question is,
in any respect, superior to that of Ovid. From
Pythagoras descended some of the philosophy
which was adopted by Plato ; but for him also
was invented by his admirers, the detestable
* "Hnu pev TTjOwriTa Xaoe yivtT' Ecquis est, qui sibi per-
suadere queat, vatem aperte adverstis Deum impium, et tarn
puerili religione imbutum, ut hominem ex Saturno et Rhea
genitum omnibus praeficeret, de materiae initio et creatione pie
ac sapienter sensisse ? ib. c. 11.
320 PAGANISM AND
doctrine, that singularity, or the Deity, passed
into duality, or matter, and produced the world !
Thus, while they endeavoured to prove, that
the Deity was the author of matter, they made
the Deity and matter to be the same substance,
or to have the same properties !*
We need not dwell on the judgment which
Mosheim passes on Plato himself, since the
substance of this has already appeared, nor on
his rejection of the claims which have been
made in favour of the barbarous nations.f The
most curious part of the treatise perhaps is the
last, in which he relates the gradual corruption
of the doctrine of Plato by the sophistries of
the Alexandrian school.
Plato, intent on providing for the being of
One, denied existence, in a proper sense, to
other things. To all matter therefore, whether
devoid of qualities in itself, or endued with
them and formed into visible bodies, he gave the
name of NOTHING ; in which extensive sense he
* Scilicet aperte confitentur, qui sic sentiunt, mundum esse
Deum, nee prater mundum et materiam divinum aliquid esse.
ib.c. 13.
f The Egyptians, Chinese, Japanese, Indians, Phoenicians,
Persians, and Etruscans.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 321
is interpreted by Cicero.* On this the junior
Platonics grafted their refinements, for the sake
of producing a doctrine which should look like
that of the Scriptures. They therefore restricted
the name of " Nothing" to that abstract or ideal
matter which possessed neither forms nor quali-
ties, f And hence they affirmed that the world
was formed by the demiurge from nothing;
that is, from darkness, or that visionary matter
which was regarded as nothing. Again, Plato
had openly taught the eternity of the world,
and, by consequence, had degraded his deity.
This therefore was understood by the junior"
Platonics in a metaphysical sense which was to
protect Plato and his deity together. Hence it
became one of the leading maxims of the school
to resolve the eternity of the world into the
mind of the Deity, to connect the universe with
him by an eternal flux of generation, and to
make it derive all its contrivance from that
process, x^ccordingly, it was argued, that as
* Nihil Plato putat esse quod oriatur et intereat, idque solum
esse, quod semper tale sit, qualem ideam appellat ille, nos spe-
ciem. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 24.
f Plotinus de materia hac informi, quam sola niens videt ac
contemplatur : v\rj, inquit, p} ov av IIKUTWQ XeyoiTo. De Great.
Mund. c. 19.
y
322 PAGANISM AND
body is the cause of the shade which falls from
it, so the eternity of the Deity is the cause of
the eternity of the world. The shade is equal
with the body in point of time, though not of
honour. In the same manner, the world follows
the Deity. Though caused by him, and there-
fore in that sense not of equal dignity, yet it is
co-eternal with him. It is an eternal effect from
an eternal cause, an eternal ray from an eternal
sun,* the primitive footstep of the primitive
foot. By such subtleties as these was it at-
tempted to rescue Platonism from the imputa-
tions cast upon it by the orthodox Christians^
and thus was a forced reconciliation effected
between two opinions which must be for ever
opposite, the eternity of the world, and the
creation of it from nothing !
From the Scriptures alone then is the doc-
trine of a proper creation to be learnt, a
creation, as Eusebius observes, not only of the
form which is impressed upon bodies, but of
the primary matter of their composition, or the
* Itaque cum mimdum aequk negant Platonic! aeternum esse,
atque Deum, hue eorum unice redit sententia : " Mundum ex
omni aetcrnitate sine ullo principio de Deo tanquam de causa
et de auctore suo fluxisse, quemadmodum de seterno corpore
aetenia umbra, aut de perenni sole perennis radius." ib. c. 31.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 323
of the Greeks.* This, he says, is the head
and fountain of the true theology * ' In the be-
ginning God created the heaven and the earth."
Nor is the truth of this doctrine made to rest
on the force of any single expression ; it is the
obvious and incontrovertible meaning of Reve-
lation at large ; and our common reason is vio-
lated by any attempt to dispute it. For a more
ample proof of this important point, I would
refer you to the twelfth sermon of Barrow on
the Apostles' Creed. For our present purpose, a
very few passages of Scripture will suffice. In
this absolute sense, the prophet Jeremiah con-
trasts the power of the God of Israel with the
false pretensions of the idols of the Heathen.
" The gods that have not made the heaven and
the earth, even they shall perish from the earth,
and under these heavens. HE hath made the
earth by his power; HE hath established the
world by his wisdom, and hath stretched out
the heaven by his discretion."! The same is the
language of other prophets : and it is worth
f Twv 'E/3pcuKwt/ coy^arwy "iftiov i\v y TO eva TOJV CLTTCLVTUV
TrotrjTrjr rofii^effOai TOV eirl TTCLVTUV Szuv, avrJ/c T r?/e V
fjLevrjg TO~IQ mofjiciaiv uffiag, i]v "YX^v Trpoffayopev&ffi
Praep. Evang. lib. vii. c. 18. Compare ib. c. 11.
t C. x. 11, 12.
Y2
324 PAGANISM AtfD
our while to observe, from a passage in one of
the books of Maccabees, that,* after inspiration
had ceased, the Jewish people retained the ori-
ginal meaning of creation " I beseech thee,
my son, look upon the heaven, and the earth,
and all that is therein, and consider, that God
made them of things that were not ; and so was
mankind made likewise." In this sense is the
doctrine of creation constantly mentioned in the
Gospel ; and in the same manner was it inter-
preted by the general agreement of the early
Church, into which none were admitted who
did not openly profess it.| " By him (says
St. Paul) were all things created, that are in
heaven, and that are in earth, visible and invi-
sible." And not only does he affirm them to
* 2 Mace. vii. 28.
f Viguit praeceptum hoc in ipso statim Christianas Hbertatis-
exordio, nee in coetum sanctiorem receptus turn fuit aliquis,
nisi qui publiee profiteretur, Deum unicuin rerum omnium, et
ipsius etiam materiae ex qu& constant omnia, parentem et con-
ditoreui esse. De Great. Mund. c. 1 . The last circumstance
was insisted upon in opposition to the false creation of the
Greeks. Indeed, our Creeds are in a great measure defensive.
Much of them has arisen from the necessity of counteracting
the doctrines of philosophy and heresy ; and these articles may
sometimes be usefully traced up to the errors which they were
originally intended to correct.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 325
be created " by him," but " for him ;"* and
hence, God is the final disposer, because he is
the original Creator, of all things. With the
same great and fundamental truth begins the
Apostles' Creed " I believe in GOD the Father
ALMIGHTY, maker of heaven and earth." Om-
nipotence being first asserted in a strict sense,
creation is its proper consequence, and must
have been supposed, even if it were not formally
expressed. Such then is the full and exact
meaning which we are required to affix to this
sentence whenever we repeat it; a meaning
which was never taught by any of the loftiest
religions of nature, and is utterly irreconcile-
able with the imperfect powers of the deity of
Plato. And such is the decision of the judicious
and sagacious Barrow. " From these premises
we may conclude, against those philosophers,
who, destitute of the light of revelation, did
conceit otherwise, and against those Christians,
who have followed the philosophers (as Hermo-
genes of old, and Volkelius of late, together
with the sectators of their opinions) that God
did create (in the most strict and scholastical
sense of that word, did create) that is, either
* Col. i. 16.
326 PAGANISM AND
immediately, or mediately did produce out
of nothing, or did bestow entirely a new exis-
tence upon every thing which is, not excepting
any one. And that is the sense of the words,
having made heaven and earth; or of the title,
Maker of heaven and earth, ascribed unto God."*
* Sermon 12. ib. The early belief of the Church in this
point is seen even in the erroneous supposition of some Chris-
tian writers, that the antient Heathens had taught it too. What
excuse may be made for those modern critics who have favoured
the orthodoxy of the Pagan cosmologists, I know not. The
mistake of the early writers of the Church arose in a great
measure from their Christian zeal. Eager to win the fastidious
find infidel Greeks to the Gospel, they endeavoured to prove to
them, that the sentiments of their ancestors came near to the
standard of Scripture; and hence the forced and injudicious
attempts to reconcile things so dissimilar; and to extract from
the idolatrous books the doctrine of a proper creation and the
Unity of the Deity. Who, for instance, would suppose, that
proofs of these points were to be sought for in Sophocles,
^Eschylus, Philemon, or Menander? Yet the treatise of Justin
Martyr " De Monarchia" abounds with them. The following
lines are quoted from Sophocles, though they do not occur in
any of the plays that are extant, nor is it easy to suppose that
they were written by him:
Elg rale aXrjdeiaiffif, e t<iiv 0O,
"Of HpCtVOV T ETEvfy, K'CU ycClCLV ^tCUv'paj',
Ilovrs re ^apOTrov otfyta, K(fvijj.(i)r fliag.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 327
I have dwelt the longer on this, because it is
the cardinal point of all religion: for, from a
strict and absolute creation by an Almighty
Being, properly flow the Divine dominion over
the world, the present dispensations of Provi-
dence and the future judgment of men. And
from the necessary reference of all these powers
to the same Being, our Creator, Preserver, and
Judge, results the necessity of the sole worship
of the Godhead. This leads us to another im-
portant point.
That there must be an independent and pri-
mary cause of things, and that it must have an
existence essential and peculiar to itself; that
this Being is both eternal and infinite, and is
necessarily perfect; that there can be only one
Being possessed of those peculiar properties,
and that all other things depend on him for
"H
re r6rot, KOI KoXag
, &TWQ tvatfiiiv
Just. Mart. ib.
The observations of Potter on this passage, which are in Hut-
chins' s edition of Justin's treatise, maybe corapaied with those
of Bentley and Jortin 5 Remarks onEccl. History, vol. i. p. 330.
Ed. 1805.
328 PAGANISM AND
their existence; that this Being is God; that
God is a Spirit; that therefore the Universe, or
general sum of things, cannot share any portion
of divinity with him ; and that he is the proper
and sole object of worship; these, I say, are
discoveries which the common reason of man
has been supposed capable of making by its
own efforts, and without the suggestion of Di-
vine revelation. But we may now securely ask,
in the practice of what Pagan nation is this sup-
position to be proved? In the doctrines of what
Pagan philosopher can its truth be clearly
established? We have seen, that, in consequence
of the imperfection of the deity of Plato, his
original want of creative power, and the failure
of his providence which necessarily resulted
from it, the inferior deities were also the objects
of worship in the system of that philosopher.
Notwithstanding this, a regular attempt to
prove the claims of natural religion has been
made by our own Wollaston. Yet it is not his
object to discredit Revelation. He rather pro-
fesses to recommend it by a preparatory state-
ment of favourable conclusions drawn from the
human understanding. His fundamental prin-
ciple is truth; from a conformity or disagree-
ment with which, springs moral good or evil.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 329
Coincident with truth are reason and happiness;
and subservient to it is sense, or reason, or both.
Hence he professes to deduce the law of nature,
which contains the knowledge of the truths
relating to God, to ourselves, and to the rest of
mankind. But, notwithstanding all his efforts
on the side of unassisted reason, Wollaston could
not descend to the level of nature. He was too
well instructed by Christianity not to feel its
influence even against his own purpose. He
endeavours to exclude a light which continues
to shine inwardly on his mind. In vain he
professes " only to shew, what a heathen phi-
losopher, without any other help and almost
uvToMfoMTos may be supposed to think."* The
suggestions of his reason are tinged with reve-
lation, and the standard which he establishes
for the religion of nature is of an height which
Plato never reached.
From the creation of man then, properly un-
derstood, results the exclusion of secondary
Deities, and the necessary worship of God alone.
Hence too is derived another important conclu-
sion. Man is not abandoned by the Deity; nor
Jeft the sport of mediating demons. His redemp-
* Religion of Nature delineated. Sect. 9.
330 PAGANISM AND
tion is the work of the same God. The Plato-
nic philosophy is too apt to mix itself with
those descriptions which some of the early
fathers have given of certain doctrines of the
Scripture; but the following statement by Au-
gustin may be sufficient to shew his notion of
the principle of the mediation of Christ, the
highest act of Providence towards mankind.
" Man, as he is mortal, is miserable. In order,
therefore, to raise him to that immortality which
he cannot attain by his nature, a mediator is re-
quired. He must be both God and man : but
being God, and submitting to the condition of
man, he cannot forfeit any portion of his proper
and inherent divinity. Neither can he continue
mortal. On this plan, therefore, was effected
an union of the divine and human natures in the
person of Jesus Christ. His temporary mor-
tality connected him with the creatures whom
he came to save. His everlasting godhead gave
effect to his assumed manhood. His conde-
scension is transitory: but the consequences of
it to man are eternal. The resurrection of Christ
from the dead is the first fruit of his mediation,
and the pledge of immortality, both in body and
soul, to those who, without it, must have re-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 331
mained the victims of eternal death."* It is
evident, that the terms employed in this state-
ment are partly direct, and partly allusive to
that false and incongruous mediation of the Pla-
tonic demons, which has been already described.
Our redemption is defined both by what it is,
and what it is not : but the aim of the whole is,
to reconcile the natural mortality of man with
the promise of the " life that is to come," and
to direct our religious gratitude to its proper
object, the mercy of God, and his free grace to
us in Jesus Christ.
2. This promise leads us to a reflection on
* Si omnes homines, quamdiu mortales sunt, etiam niiseri
sint necesse est, quaerendus est medius, qui non solum homo,
verum etiam Deus sit : ut homines ex mortali miseria ad
beatam immortal itatem hujus medii beata mortalitas interveni-
endo perducat; quern neque non fieri mortalem oportebat,
neque permanere mortalem. Mortalis quippe factus est, non
infirmata VERBI divinitate, sed carnis infirmitate suscepta.
Non autem permansit in ipsa carne mortalis, qaam resuscitavit
a mortnis ; quoniam ipse fructus est mediationis ejus, ut nee
ipsi, propter quos liberandos mediator effectus est, in perpetua
vel carnis morte remanerent. Proinde MEDIATOREM inter nos
et Deum, et mortalitatem habere oportuit transeuntem, et bea-
titudinem permanentenij ut per id quod transit, congrueret
morituris, et ad id quod permanet, transferret ex raortuis. Civ.
Dei, lib. ix. c. 15.
332 PAGANISM AND
the second part of the doctrine of Plato. With
him, the body was not deemed worthy of any
consideration. It was, as we have seen, bor-
rowed for a while by the inferior deities from the
elements, and was to be restored to them again.
The immortality, of which he speaks, is attri-
buted only to the soul. A few words will be
sufficient to shew the folly, or the malice of
those who have so zealously extolled this doc-
trine, as maintaining a rivalship with that of
Revelation.
It appears, that the world was the primary
object of solicitude to the Demiurge: and that
man was no more than one of its component
parts.* He was made, not after the image of
God, but after the pattern of the world; and
hence he has been termed a microcosm. Ac-
cordingly, when the Demiurge gave to the in-
ferior gods the soul which was to be placed in
man, he took it from the residuum of the soul of
the world : it is therefore secondary to this both in
time and importance. Yet we find Piato assert-
ing, that the soul of man is an original principle,
* riavra TCLVTO. (i. e. the Chaotic mass) Trpwroi/ SiEKo
' 7rWV TTCIV TO?* l^VL^fjarO) &OV f.V }
iv O.VTW. In Tim. p. 1073.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 333
and that it is possessed of an eternity essential
to itself. Here then no reference is made to the
will of any superior power ; but the soul is de-
clared to have the high and distinctive privilege
of self-motion; and hence is inferred its self-
existence. It follows, therefore, either that
Plato does not, in fact, acknowledge a deity,
but makes the soul the first principle of all
things ; or that his deity, and the soul of man
are one and the same thing ! In either case the
doctrine is vicious; it is self-contradictory, or
impious; or both.
But let us wave this imputation, and inquire
of what nature is the immortality which Plato
attributes to the soul. Contraries, says Socrates,
spring from each other;* and both are produced
by a continual interchange of intermediate pro-
perties. The bond between these contraries is
increase and decay; and by means of this
agency, are effected separation and mixture,
heat and cold, and the like. This is applicable
to the condition of the soul. The opposite of
death is life, as waking is of sleep. That death
succeeds to life is most evident. In like man-
ro, on TTCLVTCL sr
TO. ivavria Trpay/iara. In PhEedon. p. 53.
334 PAGANISM ANt)
ner, therefore, it is to be concluded that life
succeeds also to death. The soul, therefore,
exists somewhere, and expects its return to
another body, from which it is again to be
dislodged by dissolution! But it is obvious,
that this is no more than a physical round of
eternity; and if the soul is immortal, it is so on
the same principle with the elements, or the
material substances of nature, which are gradu-
ally decomposed, and formed again. The change
of things is perpetual; but the sum of them
remains. Augustin has bestowed a just repro-
bation on the baseness of that theology wljich
will not allow the soul to continue in the happi-
ness once bestowed upon it;* which delivers it
* He pities the soul euntem sine cessatione ad falsam
beatitudinem, et ad veram miseriam sine cessatione redeuntem.
Civ. Dei, lib. xii. c. 13. Compare c. 20. Augustin informs
us too, that Porphyry, one of the most celebrated followers of
Plato, was offended with this doctrine, and expressly disavowed
it : De istis circumitibus et sine cessatione alternantibus
itionibus et reditionibus animarum, Porphyrius Platonicus suo-
rum opinionem sequi noluit, sive ipsius rei vanitate permotus,
sive jam tempora Christiana reveritus. ib. In another curious
passage, which he quotes from Varro, some who cast nativities
at Rome, are said to have maintained that it was necessary for
the same soul and the same body to meet again upon earth,
and to live as they had before; and that this would actually
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 335
from the body, only to subject it to a repetition
of the same constraint and misery after a cer-
tain interval. But Ovid, who never troubles
himself with objections to any principles, has
sung this circular philosophy in his most happy
manner:
Nee pent in tanto quicquam, mihi credite, mundo ;
Sed variat, faciemque novat; nascique vocatur
Incipere esse aliud, quam quod fuit ante 5 morique
Desinere illud idem: cum sint hue forsitan ilia,
Haec translata illuc ; summa tamen OMNIA constant.
Met. lib. 15.
How different the language of Revelation!
The body and the soul of man are equally the
creation of God. They are together governed
by his Providence, and together subject to his
future judgment. The soul is immortal, not
through any independent or self-subsisting pro-
take place after an interval of 440 years i Genethliaci quidem
scripserunt, esse in renascendis hominibus quum appellant
TraXiyyivtaicLv Graeci : bane scripserunt confici in annis numero
quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima,
*quae fuerant conjuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus
redeant in conjunctionem. ib. lib. xxii. c. 28. In tbe same
chapter he exposes the absurdity of those who upon loose hints
pf this nature founded an argument, that the Pagans had an-
ticipated the doctrine of the Resurrection.
336 PAGANISM AND
perties, but through the nature conferred upon
it by its Maker, and continued by his preserving
power. It is placed in the body, which it guides
in righteousness, according to the suggestions of
the Holy Spirit. When the body dies, the soul
does not sleep with it in the dust of the earth,
but returns to God who gave it. At the last
day, it shall be finally joined again with its
body. This was mortal, but is now glorified for
eternity by that Power, which is " able to sub-
due all things to itself;" and both together
shall receive the reward of immortal happiness,
promised to the faith and obedience of man
through Jesus Christ.
I will add no more to this part of the subject,
but will close the whole with an observation
which may be applied to a very large portion of
the Pagan writings.
Plato, who has had so many followers ready
to answer for the truth of his doctrine, would
not answer for it himself. When Timaeus is
about to deliver his opinion concerning the De-
miurge, and the production of the world, he
remarks the various and contradictory opinions
which were entertained on those important sub-
jects, and the impossibility of ascertaining the
truth with exactness. For himself, therefore,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 337
he claims no higher credit, than that his system
is perhaps as probable as that of any other.*
This reservation is strongly applauded by So-
crates. It is repeatedly expressed, and finally
applied to the doctrine of the soul. If some
god shall undertake to declare its condition, the
truth will be infallibly known :\ but till that
happens, conjecture, founded on probability, is
all that man can hope to attain
Another instance drawn from the Pheedo>
beautifully proves how little certainty was
supposed to belong to this philosophy.
Socrates had employed some of his choicest
* 'Eav apa juT/^evog %TTOV vdpe^fjieda EIKOTCLQ (Xoyee) aya-
Trav XPH lienvnu&ov wg 6 Xeywv, vfi^ig TE ol /cptral, Qvtriv av-
dpwTrivrii' e^opev' w<? Trepi rurwv TOV etKOTO. fjivdov aTro^e^o^teva ;
7rp7Tt fjujSiv eri ?repa ^reiv. In Tim. p. 1047.
f Ta fj,ev uv TTtpt rrjc i^v^c, oaov Svnrbv e^ei KOI oaov
Kal OTTTI, KO.I JU0' toV, KCLL CL CL }( W P'C (fKlffdlJ, TO fJ.CV
(ac eip^rav) $ ^u/z0jjffavro^, t&r &v UTW HOVWQ
LQa' ro ye fjirjv eiKog rjfuv elpnadat* KOL vvv Kal eft
v avaffKOTrSfft %iaKivlvvf.VTeov (fxivai, KCLI ire<pa.ffd(t). ib. p.
1075.
This is the manner of Plato, and it ought to be carefully
observed by all his readers. His account of the sublimest and
most abstruse subjects is circumstantial and positive. The only
guard against too implicit a credit in it is to be found in these
incidental warnings.
338 PAGANISM AND
reasoning on the immortality of the soul, and
apparently convinced his friends by arguments
derived from the necessary succession of life to
death, from the nature and powers of memory,
and from the soul's essential simplicity. But
one of them ventures to express a fear, lest the
soul may perish when the body is dissolved, just
as harmony perishes when the lyre is broken.*
To this another adds, that though the soul may
not perish immediately, yet probably it will not
continue for ever. When the first body is
dead, it may return to animate another and
another; but after several generations, it will
itself expire. A succession of vestments will
wear out the body, which decays before the
last is threadbare. And in the same manner, a
succession of bodies will perhaps wear out the
soul, though, in its own nature, the soul be
more durable than a single body.
These little objections are sufficient to re-
move all the impression which the ingenuity of
* 'Ei BV rvyxftvri f) ^v^ *<*> apfiovia rce, SrjXov on orav
^aXaady ro a&fjia. r/^iwv ci/ierpu>, i] tTTiradfj virb voarwv, Kal
aXXwv jca/cwv, rriv /uev ^v\^v avayKij ivdvg vTrap^ct aTroXwXe-
vai (jcatVep <rav Seiorar^v) w^Trep *cai at aXXcu apjjiovia.i, at T*
cv roiq />6oyyoi icat kv TOig T&V ^/zcpyw>/ epyotg 7ra<r*. In
Phaedon. p. 65.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 339
Socrates had made on his hearers;* and in a
moment the strong fears of nature in their
bosoms triumph over a reasoning confessedly
uncertain, and drawing its best support from
probability alone. Cicero, who frequently em-
ploys a sentiment of Plato in a manner of his
own, seems to have remembered this passage
in the first book of the Tusculan Questions.
When he exhorts his friend to read the Phsedo,
if he wishes to obtain a knowledge of the im-
mortality of the soul; " I have frequently read
it," replies he; " but I know not how it hap-
pens; while I read, the arguments of Plato
have my concurrence; but when I lay down
the book and revolve the subject in my mind,
my late assent is presently withdrawn, and all
my disbelief returns. "| This is the genuine
EITTOVT&V O.VTWV, arj^wg
wg v^epov IXeyo/iei/ Trpog aXX?)Xg, ort VTTO ru ^7rpo<r0fv Xoy
<r^>o)pa TreTTEiff/jLEVtiQ /juae 7ra'Xiv &>C8j> avarapdcu KOI etc
aTTtTtav *rara/3aXe7j/, w \IQVOV rolg Trpoffp^eVoie Xoyoig, aXXa
KOI elg TO. v?pa p.e\\ovra prjdriffEffdai, pri uhvog aioi eir)fj,i/
icpirai, ri KCLI ra Trpay/nara avra atri^a y. ib. p. 66.
f Evolve diligenter ejus eum librum qui est de Animo.
Amplius quod desideves, nihil erit. Feci mehercul^, et quidem
saepius j sed nesico quo modo, dum lego, assentior -, cum posui
librum, et mecum ipse de immortal itate animorum co3pi cogi-
tare, assensio omnis ilia elabitur. Tusc. Qusest. lib. i. c. 11.
z2
340 PAGANISM AN!*
voice of nature confessing her fears under the
want of sufficient evidence concerning a future
state.
This too, I believe, is the meaning of Virgil,
when he closes his description of the nether
world, and dismisses ./Eneas through the ivory
gate :
Sunt geminae somni portae ; quarum altera fertur
Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris :
Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto :
Sed falsa ad ccelum mittunt insomnia manes.
His ibi turn natum Anchises unaque Sybillam
Prosequitur dictis, portaque emittit eburna.
It was, as we have seen, the character of the
philosophy, from which Virgil has borrowed so
many of the incidents of this book, to confess
its want of confidence in the speculations which
it indulged on the nature and future condition
of the soul. He remembers this caution, and
will not dismiss his description without it. To
the imagery, therefore, which he adopts from
Homer, he adds another purpose;* and the
* Nothing can be more natural than the use of this imagery
by Penelope relating her dream, Odyss. lib. 19. In Virgil, it
appears forced, unless some other purpose can be coupled with
it. i Cicero takes eare to state the customary precaution before
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 341
ivory gate may be regarded as a poetic con-
' veyance of the uncertainty confessed by Plato
concerning the " life to come."
he enters on a subject so difficult, and remote from the com-
mon knowledge of mankind. Ea quae vis, ut potero, explicabo:
nee tamen, quasi Pythius Apollo, certa ut sint, et fixa quae
dixeroj sed ut homunculus unus e multis, probabilia conjec-
tura sequens. Ultra enim quo progrediar, quam ut verisimilia
videam, non habeo. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 9.
In the text, the question is concerning the sentiments of
Plato on the subject of God and the soul. A general view of
the absurd and contradictory sentiments of the Pagan schools
at large, on these important points, is given in the neat and
pleasing treatise of Hermias Aiao-vpjuoe - or Irrisio Philoso-
phorum. He begins with the soul, but is utterly at a loss
what to determine concerning it from the definitions of the
philosophers ; whether it be fire, air, or motion, whether it
be intelligence, or nothing but an exhalation. Some describe
it as a power derived from the stars ; and some call it an
additional essence, the result of the four elements compounded,
One calls it harmony, one, the blood, one, the breath of
man, and another, a monad. These contests concerning
the nature of the soul are a sure pledge of differences as to its
duration. " For a moment, (says he,) I fancy myself im-
mortal j but this illusion is presently dissolved by one who
maintains, that my soul is as subject to death as my body.
Another is determined to preserve its existence during 3000
years. I pass into other bodies, and become a beast or a fish;
por is it possible for me to call myself by any determinate
|iame. I arn a wolf, a bird, a serpent, a chirnsera. I swim,.
342 PAGANISM AND
I fly, I er^ep, I run, I sit still, and am made to partake of
all opposite conditions in rotation." He indulges the same
vein of humour on the disputes about God and nature 5 and
describes the fluctuation of his mind under the successive
tuition of a number of Pagan masters, each teaching him a
different lesson. " Anaxagoras tells me that all things are
derived from an intelligent mind, the cause of order, motion,
and beauty. In this I should acquiesce, if Melissus and Par-
menides did not object, who contend both in verse and prose,
that the universe is ONE, self-subsisting, eternal, infinite,, im-
moveable, and unchangeable. Awed therefore, by this double
authority, I begin to drop my attachment to Anaxagoras.
Yet neither do I rest with Melissus and Parmenidesj for
Anaximenes now proves to me that all things are produced
from air. I begin, therefore, to lean towards his philosophy;
but on a sudden I hear a voice calling to me out of Etna,
and commanding me to believe that the system of the world
arose from the collision of love and hatred, by whose opera-
tion alone can be satisfactorily explained the existence of
things similar and dissimilar, finite and infinite. Thanks to
you, Empedocles, and in gratitude for so important a discovery,
I am ready to follow you, even into the crater of your vol-
canoj" &c. He passes rapidly through a number of other
systems, the heat and cold of Archelaus, the god, matter,
and ideas of Plato, the active and passive principles of
Aristotle, the aether, earth, and time of Pherecydes, the
atoms of Leucippus, the existence and non-existence, the
plenum and vacuum of Democritus, the fire of Heraclitus,
and the numbers of Pythagoras. Imitating too, the well-
known sentiment of Anacreon, he declares, that his enumera-
tion is yet imperfect, and that other multitudes of names rush
upon him from Libya, &c. Hermias is placed by Cave in
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 343
the second century. His style (with the exception of a few
mutilated passages) is neat, perspicuous, and pointed 5 and
his humour is more pure and temperate than that of Lucian.
This little piece is printed at the end of Worth's edition of
Tatian; Oxford, 1700.
344 PAGANISM AND
CHAPTER VIH.
SUMMUM BONUM OF PAGANISM ... IMMORTALITY NO PART
OF IT... SYSTEM OF EPICURUS ,. .THE STOICS... OLD
ACADEMY . . . YARROWS ESTIMATE OF ALL POSSIBLE SECTS
... CONCLUDING REMARKS.
THE pretensions of Paganism to the rewards of
the " life to come," have been thus far refuted
by an appeal to some of the most celebrated
systems of antient theology: and it has ap-
peared, that the best philosophy of nature rose
no higher than to an uncertainty on the great
subject of God and the soul.
This perhaps might have sufficed : but the
argument will be more complete and satisfac-
tory, if we also inquire into the principal opi-
nions which were entertained by the Heathen
world, concerning human happiness. In the
lecture which included some notice of the Ethics,
of Plato, provision was made for this branch of
the subject;* and it was promised, that a larger
yiew should be taken of the opinions of the
* P. 238,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 345
Pagans concerning the Summum Bonum, the
proper aim and end of all the counsels and ac-
tions of man. Indeed, such an inquiry must
be, in the highest degree, convincing. For, if
the doctrine of immortality was discovered by
the light of nature, we shall not fail to observe
it in those systems which professed to teach
the summum bonum. But, if it made no part
of those systems, and if the summum bonum
was nothing more than the advantage arising
from the best mode of conducting common life,
the former conclusion is fully established. That
insight into futurity, which has been fondly at-
tributed to certain philosophers, is disproved
by the interpretation of their followers. The
sects which contended for the discovery of
happiness, looked not beyond the present scene
pf things ; and from their degraded hopes and
narrow views, we safely conclude that Pagan-
ism had nothing to teach, on which the mind
of man could rely, concerning an existence in
another world.
It has been justly remarked by Augustin
that the mode of argument adopted by Socrates,
in his encounters with the sophists, laid the
foundation of those moral dissensions which
distracted his immediate successors in philoso-
346 PAGANISM AND
phy, and were spread, by their animosity,
through the world at large.* For the most
part, he had contented himself with the pleasure
of refutation : and the same caution which di-
rected the force of his sagacity to the detection
of error in others, restrained him from the em-
ployment of positive and dogmatical doctrine
in his own person. He might have prescribed
with superior authority, (if indeed Grecian
vanity and Grecian loquaciousness were to be
overawed by any authority,) what was the sum
of human happiness, and what the mode in
which it might best be discovered and attained.
But, satisfied with destroying the fabrics of
others, he erected no new system in their room.
The failure of this precaution gave a free indul-
gence to the passion and prejudice which now
burst forth. Paradox and dogmatism, no longer
confined within bounds by the rule of a master,
* Tarn praeclard igitur vitae mortisque fama Socrates reliquit
plurimos suae philosophise sectatores, quorum eertatim studium
fuit in qusestione moralium disceptatione versari, ubi agitur
de Summo Bono, sine quo fieri homo beatus esse non potest.
Quod in Socratis disputationibus, dum omnia movet, destruit,
quoniam non evidenter apparuit, quod cuique placuit, ind&
sumpserunt, et ubi cuique visum est, constituerunt finem boni.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 347
tumultuously rushed abroad to disturb the
peace of mankind.
-velut agmine facto,
data porta, ruunt, et terras turbine perflant.*
The final object of human life was darkened
and overwhelmed in the storm of conflicting
opinions; and sects, blustering at each other,
yet conspiring for the destruction of the com-
mon welfare, issued from the same parent-
school. A restless innovation became the dis-
tinguishing mark of philosophy. Those who
could not invent for themselves, were able at
least to disfigure the inventions of others.
Some, therefore, made partial selections, and
subsisted upon mixed opinions. Some, again,
delighted in opposites. Aristippus placed the
happiness of man in pleasure; and Antisthenes
in virtue !f
The view which is to be laid before you, of
these debates concerning the Summum Bonum,
* J&n. i.
f Sic autem diversas inter se Socratici de isto fine sententias
habuerunt, ut (quod vix credibile est, unius magistri potuisse
facere sectatores) quidam summum bonum esse dicerent Volup-
tateni, sicut Aristippus j quidam Virtutem, sicut Antisthenes.
Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3.
348 PAGANISM AND
shall be drawn principally from two eminent
writers of antiquity. They have treated the
subject in different manners, but perhaps with
nearly equal powers. Cicero has described
the principal sects which existed in his age, and
endeavoured to ascertain the merits of each :
and we may conclude, that his object in forming
such a collection of the doctrines of the Grecian
schools, was to insinuate into the minds of his
countrymen, those which he deemed most wor>
thy of philosophy, or most conducive to the
welfare of man.
Varro, favouring the same common cause
with his friend, has taken a more curious and
extensive range. He has enumerated, not the
sects which actually existed, but those which,
in the possible variety of opinions, might exist;
and has indulged his imagination in the first
instance, that no escape might be pleaded from
the preference which he finally gives to the
philosophy of the old academy. These shall be
considered in their order. A summary shall,
therefore, first be given of the leading parts of
Cicero's treatise " on the ends of good and,
evil." It consists of five books. The first and
third contain a statement of the Epicurean and
Stoical doctrines concerning happiness. The
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 349
second and fourth are employed in the refuta-
tion of both. The positive part of his own
sentiments (if indeed a comparison of this with
some of his other works, will allow us to attri-
bute to him any fixed opinion*) is reserved for
the last book. Yet this is not done without
some disguise, and a peculiarity of management
which betrays his imitation of Plato. He
scruples to deliver his doctrine in his own per-
son. His representative is Piso, who, on this
occasion, may be regarded as the Socrates of
Cicero.
The philosophy of Epicurus is divided by
Cicero into three branches. In Physics, he
adopted generally the system of Democritus.
* That he is not always in the same mind, is evident. In
the third book of the Offices, he reasons according to the Stoical
formula, because it seemed to have something more splendid
and heroic on the subject of virtue, than that of the Old
Academy. At the same time, he takes for himself the licence
of disputing, which belonged to a follower of the New Aca-
demy: Erit autem haec formula, Stoicorum rationi discipli-
liaeque maxime consentanea ; quam quidem in his libris, prop-
terea sequimur, quod splendidius hasc ab eis disseruntur,
quibus quicquid honestum est, idem utile videturj nee utile
quidquam, quod non honestum. Nobis autem nostra academia
magnam licentiani dat, ut quodcunque maxime probabile oc-
currat, id nostro jure liceat defendere* C* 4.
350 PAGANISM AND
Something, indeed, he added, and something
he altered. However, his alterations were not
regarded by others as necessary amendments.
On the contrary, he was thought to have cor-
rupted what he attempted to correct.* In logic,
he was confessedly inferior to most of those
who succeeded in forming schools ;f and his
open neglect of an art,' which was in so much
request throughout Greece, brought upon him
no small share of resentment and abuse. The
particular object of our present inquiry is his
morals. In this branch of his doctrine he
unhappily adopted the maxim of Aristippus ;
and thus (strange as it may appear) through a
scholar of Socrates, was derived a philosophy
without elevation of character, or dignity of
object ;J a philosophy which, in every age,
* Democrito adjicit perpauca mutans, sed ita, ut quae corri-
gere vult, mihi quidem depravare videatur. Cic. de Fin. lib. i.
c. 6. Bayle blames him for depriving his atoms of the soul
which had been given to them by Democritus. Diet, in voc.
Epicure.
[ Jam in altera philosophise parte, quae est quaerendi ac dis-
serendi, quae Xoyt/o) dicitur, ille vester plane, ut mihi quidem
videtur, inermis ac nudus est. De Fin. lib i. c. 7.
J In terti vero parte, quae est de vita et moribus, in consti-
tutione finis, nil generosum sapit atque magnificum. Confirmat
illud vel maxime, quod ipsa natura, ut ait ilie, adsciscat et re-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 351
has furnished an apology to the idle and the
dissolute, and excited, with a few exceptions,*
the shame and regret of every sober and vir-
tuous mind!
The enthusiasm of the followers of Epicurus,
however, was not to be abated by any reproof;
and their attachment to him was shewn in
modes of zeal peculiar to themselves. They
not only adorned their apartments with his
portrait, but wore it on their rings. In their
festivities too, he was characteristically remem-
bered, and their drinking cups presented the
resemblances of the great master of pleasure.f
To these displays of zeal they were embold-
ened by their growing numbers; for Laertius,
who defends his character, gives him such a
multitude of friends, that they could hardly
probet, id est voluptatem et dolorem. Ad haec, et quae sequa-
mur, et quae fugiamus, refert omnia. Quod quanquam Aristippi
est, a Cyrenaicisque melius liberiusque defenditur ; tamen ejus-
modi esse judico, ut nihil homine videatur indignius. ib.
* Bayle is strongly inclined to protect Epicurus, and quotes
some treatises, the object of which was to prove that he be-
lieved and taught some of the higher parts of religion. Bayle
is a fertile, and ingenious, but too frequently, a misleading
writer.
f Cujus imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares,
sed etiam in poculis et in annulis habent. De Fin. lib. v. c. 1.
352 PAGANISM AN0
be counted even by whole cities.* From the
nature of their habitual pursuits^ therefore, and
the necessity of perpetual defence against the
attacks, to which they were exposed from the
better part of the world, arose those mixed and
discordant features by which the Epicureans
were distinguished. Cicero hated them; and
in many parts of his works has contributed to
the picture of the sect. Indulging an unusual
complacence among themselves, they were su-
percilious and arrogant in their treatment of
others.t Though lax in principle, they were
* Ot re <j)i\ot, roffuroi TO TrX^Oog, ug jj.r)& av
ai (JvvdaQai. In vit. Epic. His doctrine seems to
have been particularly acceptable to the common people.
Nescio quomodo (is, qui auctoritatem minimam habet, vim
maximam) populus cum illis facit. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 14.
f Turn Velleius fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tarn verens,
quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur; tanquam modo ex
Deorum concilio, et ex Epicuri intermundiis descendisset.
De Natur. Deor. lib. i. c. 8. Torquatus is equally disdainful
of all pursuits but those of Epicurus. Poetry, he affirms, is
the delight only of children j and the sciences to which Plato
addicted himself, are built upon false principles. Even if they
were true, they contributed nothing to the art of life, the dis-
covery of which was reserved for Epicurus. De Fin. lib. i. e.
21. Lucretius has carried this arrogance to its greatest height.
The benefits conferred on the world by Epicurus, are greater
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 353
strenuous and dogmatical in doctrine. With
softness of mind they joined an insolence of
manner. They lived with delicacy, and dis-
puted with vehemence ; and, engaged in the
continual pursuit of pleasure, they talked with
confidence of their exclusive possession of truth
and virtue ! These pretensions increased with
the hatred which pursued them from the rest
of mankind; and they learnt to interpret the
aversion which they could not but feel, in a
manner the most flattering to their self-love.
Epicurus had purposely used a simplicity of
language,* not often found in the compositions
of that age. To this circumstance, therefore,
they pretended to refer the disgust which pre-
vailed against them, and the preference which
was commonly shewn by the men of letters for
other masters, especially for Plato, Aristotle,
than those of Ceres, Bacchus and Hercules ; and he is more
deservedly a god than they :
Quo magis hie merito nobis DEUS esse videtur:
Ex quo nunc etiam per magnas didita gentes,
Dulcia permulcent animos solatia vitae.
Lib. v.
* Laertius notices this, and the rage of the grammarians
about it: fjv (Xe^tv) on i^twranj esiv, Api<ro0aV^e o
>e curtartu. In Vit. Epic.
A A
354 PAGANISM A;NP
and Theophrastus.* But in return, they ex-
tolled the fruitfulness and originality of genius
which distinguished their master, qualities
amply manifested in the three hundred volumest
of his composition. They maintained too, that
the substance of his doctrine was incontrover-
tible. He was the great discoverer of truth, the
sole architect of human happiness.^:
The truth and happiness thus asserted, were
contained in a single word Pleasure. This
* Sed existimo te minds eo delectarr, quod ista Platonis,
Aristotelis, Theophrasti orationis ornamenta neglexerit. De
Fin. lib. i. c. 5.
t Laertius calls them cylinders: Kv\w$poi JJ.EV yap Trpog
THQ TptaKOffidQ tlffi. Of late, an important discovery is said to
have been made. According to advice from Mr. Hayter, two
of the thirty-seven books Trepi $v<rewe (the 2d and 14th) have
been ascertained among the Herculanean MSS. Mr. Walpole
mentions also from Palermo the MSS. of some known follow-
ers of Epicurus. 1809. The expectations which had been
raised by the discovery, do not appear to have been fulfilled.
Copies from some of the papyri have been sent to England,
and published at Oxford ; but the fragments of Epicurus which
they exhibit, are too mutilated to be of any real value. The
same is said to be the result of the Neapolitan work on the
Herculanean MSS. Of the followers of Epicurus, no farther
intelligence has been given.
$ Ea ipsa,, quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto
beatae vitae dicta sunt, explicabo. De Fin. lib. i. c. 10.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 355
was pronounced to be the Summum Bonum of
man: and the principle of this decision was
fetched from the philosophy of nature. From
its birth, every animal is prompted to seek
pleasure, and to avoid pain. In the absence of
pleasure we are uneasy, and do not rest till we
find it. We are then satisfied; and nothing
farther is desired. It was therefore concluded,
that pleasure is the genuine object of life!*
Particular value was also set on the early in-
dications of this propensity. They were said
to flow from the unadulterated fountain of truth,
and to indicate the proper rule of human ac-
tion before prejudices were acquired, and before
the judgment was depraved; as if it were im-
possible, says Cicero, that those natures, which
are not yet depraved by custom, should have a
* From the influence of this propensity, no degree of strength
or courage is exempt. When the flesh of Hercules was con-
sumed by the envenomed shirt, he howled with the pain, till
the Locrian mountains and the promontories of Eubcea re-
sounded :
iv&v' aju0t eP lisevov
T opeioi Trpwvee, 'Ev/3o/ac r aicpa.
Laert. in vit. Epic.
A A 2
356 PAGANISM AND
radical and inbred pravity of their own.* A
wish was indeed expressed by some of the sect,
that these original desires might be sanctioned
by the subsequent testimony of reason, and
that the rest of the world might be convinced,
by the force of argument, concerning the truth
of the principle primarily assumed. But Epicu-
rus was satisfied with the manifest and decided
preference which was given to pleasure, not
only by infants, but by the pure and unsus-
pected testimony of the brutes themselves ;f
and therefore thought, that reason, though co-
incident with nature, could bring no necessary
accession of evidence to its primary and un-
erring suggestions. The warmth of fire, the
whiteness of snow, the sweetness of honey, are
* Quainvis enim depravatae non sint, pravae tainen esse pos-
sunt. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 11 . An important remark, and capa-
ble of a much more serious application than Cicero was aware
of. Socrates seems to have been sensible of the tendency of
nature to moral disobedience : tV r&> yap awrw
(pvTevjJievai ry 4^x3 a * *lSoval Treidnaiv avrrjv
Xen. Mem. lib. i. c. 2. 24.
f Infantes pueri, mutse bestise paene loquuntur, magistra ac
duce Natura; nihil esse prosperum, nisi voluptatem, nihil as-
perum, nisi dolorem; de quibus neque depravate judicant,
neque corrupte. De Fin. lib. i. c. 21.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 357
the immediate discovery of the senses, nor do
they require to be proved by any deductions
of reason. The same, therefore, ought to be
our conclusion concerning pleasure, because it
stands on the same natural foundation.*
A principle thus dangerous to the moral wel-
fare of mankind, was likely to be followed with
suspicion and alarm; and from the defence
which is undertaken by Laertius, we see how
serious and extensive was the censure bestowed
upon Epicurus. Care was, therefore, taken to
guard against wrong interpretations of his doc-
trine, while loud complaints were made, that
the world had conspired to misunderstand or to
misrepresent it. Accordingly, it was argued,
that pleasure, as such, is disliked by none; and
that the pains which it sometimes produces, do
not belong to its nature, but are to be attributed
entirely to the unskilful manner in which plea-
sure is pursued. f Hence the true and intelli-
* Negat opus esse ratione, neque disputat:o.ie, quam ob rem
voluptas expetenda, fugiendus dolor sit. Sentiri hoc putat, ut
calere ignem, nivem esse albam, dulce mel j quorum nihil
oporteret exquisitis rationibus confirmare 5 tantum satis esse
admonere. De Fin. lib. i. c. 9.
f Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem, quia voluptas sit, asper-
mitur, aut odit, aut fugit : sed quia cuiisequuntur magiii do-
358 PAGANISM AND
gent Epicurean professed an hatred and con-
tempt of those who abandoned themselves to a
gross voluptuousness, and who brought discre-
dit on the 5 philosophy of the sect, by a thought-
less and indiscriminate indulgence.* The man
of genuine pleasure was to be a man of judgment.
He was required to employ much nicety and
discretion in the choice of his objects, and the
mode of obtaining them. There might be a sea-
son when pleasure was not to be taken. Some-
times, a present pleasure was to be declined,
and a future one preferred; and sometimes a
small pain was to be endured, that a greater
might be avoided. But when no office of life
imposed the necessity of forbearance, all plea-
sure was to be taken, and all pain to be avoided. f
lores eos, qui ratione voluptatem sequi ncsciunt. De Fin.
lib. i. c. 10.
* At vero eos et accusamus, et justo odio dignissimos duci-
mus, qui, blanditiis praesentium voluptatum deliniti atquc cor-
rupti, quos dolores et quas molestias excepturi sint, occaecati
cupidine non provident, ib.
f Libero tempore, cum solita nobis est eligendi optio, cumque
nihil hnpedit, quo minus id, quod maxime placeat, facere pos-
simus, omnis voluptas assumenda est, omnis dolor depellendus.
Temporibus autem quibusdam, et aut officiis debitis, ant rerum
necessitatibus saepe eveniet, ut et voluptates repudiandae sint et
molestias non recusandse. De Fin. lib. i. c. 10.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 359
This liberty resulted from a standing maxim
of the school, that in no kind of pleasure, con-
sidered in its own nature, could there be any
evil; but that all the evil which might eventu-
ally attach to it, was created by other circum-
stances.* Pleasure, therefore, was both the
beginning and the end of life. To this, as to
their supreme and final object* were all human
actions to be referred; and to enjoy constant
pleasure both of body and mind, with no ex-
perience and no expectation of pain, was the
Summum Bonum of man.f
But nothing had as yet been said of the vir-
tues; and it was unadvisable to construct any
system of morals, without allowing them some
place in it. Prudence was therefore called in
as the preceptress of life ; and her office was to
restrain the rashness of false opinion, to allay
the tumult of desire, and to conduct the votary
* uSepia ijdovri KCL& eavr^v jcain?. This is quoted by Laer-
tius from the authority of Epicurus himself.
f Perspicuum est, omnes rectas res atque laudabiles e&
referri, ut cum voluptate vivatur. Quoniam autem id est vel
summum honum, vel ultimum, vel extremum, quod Graeci
T\OQ Dominant, quod ipsum nullam ad aliam rem, ad id autem
res referuntur omnes : fatendum est, summum essc bonum
jucunde vivere. De Fin. lib. i. c. 12.
360 PAGANISM AND
to real pleasure, by confining him within the
bounds of nature.* And hence it was, that the
system of Epicurus aspired to the character of
Wisdom, and, as Lucretius informs us, obtained
the name itself as descriptive of its appropriate
excellence.! In the same manner was Tempe-
rance employed ; not that it possessed any value
in itself, but that it was promotive of pleasure,
which was secured and increased by its judi-
cious and well-timed restrictions. Fortitude
contributed to the same end; and by the safe-
guard which it furnished to man, rescued him
from the ill effects of fear, both in life and
death. Similar too was the connection of jus-
tice with pleasure; for by its steadiness it tends
to a beneficial tranquillity ; and by that equi-
table distribution which it favours, it gives us
the reasonable assurance, that we shall never
want a proper supply of those things which are
* Sapientia est adhibenda, quae et terroribus cupiditati-
busque detractis, et omnium falsarum opinionum temeritate
direptd, certissimam se nobis ducem praebeat ad voluptatem.
De Fin. lib. i. c. 13.
f Deus ille fuit, Deus, inclute Memmi,
Qui princeps vitas rationem invenit earn, quae
Nunc appellatur Sapientia
Lib. 5.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 361
desired by a nature sound and undepraved.
However, while thus associated with pleasure,
it is to be observed, that the virtues had only a
secondary and subordinate station. In them-
selves they were of no esteem; nor had they
any farther value than as they were assistant to
Pleasure, and promotive of her objects. Such,
as Laertius confesses, was the settled judgment
of Epicurus himself.*
It was not to be expected that his enemies
would fail to take their advantage of so de-
grading a principle ; and Cicero has mentioned
the picture which Cleanthes used to draw, for
the benefit of his scholars, of Pleasure attended
by the Virtues as her waiting-maids. | But
Augustin has stated it at greater length, and
proved, in this instance, an useful commentator
on Cicero. Pleasure is seated on a throne,
delicate in her person, and regal in her state.
Beneath, in the habit of servants, stand the
* Aict e rr\v yfiovriv /ecu rag aperag alpeiffOai, ov fit avrag.
Laert. in vit. Epic. '
f Jubebat eos, qui audiebant, secum ipsos cogitare pictam
in tabula Voluptatem pulcherrimo in vestitu et ornatu regali,
in solio sedentem; praesto esse Virtutes, ut ancillulas, quae
nihil aliud agerent., nullum suura officium ducerent, nisi ut
Voluptati ministrarent. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21.
362 PAGANISM AND
Virtues, observant of her gestures, and ready
to execute her will. She issues her commands.
To Prudence it is enjoined, that she ascertain
the methods in which the kingdom of Pleasure
maybe best administered, and that she provide
for its safety** Justice is ordered to make so
skilful a distribution of her good offices, that
they may produce the profitable returns of
friendship, and the supply of those conveniences
which are necessary for the body. She is also
required to abstain from injury to any, lest,
through the disturbance of the laws, Pleasure
be interrupted in the enjoyment of that security
which she loves.f It is the task of Fortitude
to counteract the ill effects of pain by thinking
intensely of her great mistress Pleasure, and
to diminish a present anguish by the remem-
brance of past delights. J Finally, Temperance
* Quae Prudentiae jubeat, tit vigilanter inquirat, quomodo
Voluptas regnet, et salva sit. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 20.
f Justitiae jubeat, ut praestet beneficia quae potest, ad com-*
parandas amicitias corporalibus commodis necessarias $ nulli
faciat injuriam, ne offensis legibus Voluptas vivere secura non
possit. ib.
| Fortitudini jubeat, ut si dolor corpori accident, qui non
compellat in mortem, teneat dominam suam, id est, Voluptatem,
fortiter in animi cogitatione, ut per pristinarum deliciarum
suarum recordationem mitiget praesentis doloris aculeos. ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 363
is commanded to provide for a due moderation
in the use of food, especially of such as causes a
more than usual delight; for noxious humours
are bred by too much indulgence and repletion ;
and soundness of body is ever necessary to the
pleasures of Epicurus.*
After this notice of his moral system, we shall
not be surprised that the whole of his philoso-
phy was accommodated to the senses. To this
primary standard he referred the laws of reason-
ing and of nature.')' All other knowledge was
pronounced to be capricious and uncertain; nor
ought we to admit the truth of any thing which
is not capable of being proved by sensation. By
adhering to this rule, we are delivered from
those superstitions to which men are subjected
by every other kind of philosophy. This is the
great remedy against the fear of death; for,
since death destroys the senses, and therefore
annihilates the man, no ill consequences can
ensue. On the same principle we shall no
* Temperantiae jubeat, ut tantum capiat alimentorum, et si-
qua delectent, ne per immoderationera noxium aliquid valetu-
dinem turbetj et voluptas, quam etiam in corporis sanitate
Epicurei maximam ponunt, graviter offendatur. ib.
^ ITdc Ad-yog drro -rtav aicrdrjffewv ijprrjTat. Laert. irt vit.
Epic.
364 PAGANISM AND
longer be terrified by the suggestions of reli-
gion; for, the senses being the acknowledged
test of every subject, nothing occult or myste-
rious can remain. By the same superior doc-
trine are also removed all slavish apprehensions
of a Deity.* Hence result calmness and de-
liberation of mind ; for, when the nature of
human desires is once satisfactorily explained,
a moderation necessarily follows ;f and when
we have obtained an infallible standard of
judgment, the distinction of truth from false-
hood is plain and obvious, and the great
desideratum of human happiness is at length
discovered.
Some suspicion might perhaps have followed
this free statement of Cicero, pledged as he was
to refute the system which he describes. But
* Ad ea accedit, ut neque divinum numen horreat. De
Fin. lib. i. c. 12.
t Epicurus drew his confidence from the knowledge of phy-
sics, in which he took much pride. In physicis plurimum
posuit. Ed scientid, et verborum vis, et natura orationis, et
consequentium repugnantiumque ratio potest perspici. Om-
nium autem rerum naturd cognitd, levamur superstitione,
liberamur mortis metu, non conturbamur ignoratione rerum,
ex qud ipsa horribiles exsistunt saepe formidines. Denique
etiam morati nielius erimus, cum didicerimus, quae natura
desiderat. De Fin. lib. i. c. 19.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 365
he is amply justified by Epicurus himself, in
whose letters is contained a summary of his
philosophy. There we learn, in perfect con-
formity with the view already taken, that the
great and reigning object of human life, its
beginning and its end, is Pleasure;* yet that
this excludes neither the possession of virtue,
nor a discreet submission to labour, for labour
may be rendered by circumstances more desir-
able than present ease;f that to live pleasantly
is therefore to live prudently ;J for Fortune is
no Deity, as the vulgar suppose, but Prudence
is the mistress of happiness.
Whoever possesses these principles will not
be afraid of death; for he knows, that all good
and all evil reside in sensation alone. Hence
it follows, that death is no concern of man; for,
while we live, death is absent from us; but
elvat
Zfiv. Laert. in vit. Epic.
f "E<rtv ore TroXXae fiSovag V7rep/3cuVo/ze*>, orav TrXetov
TO $va"xepeg tK rwrwv eTrrjTai' KOI 7roXXa aXyri^ovag rjd
peifav r/pv j/cWty irapa.Ko\sdrj ,
vTrofj-dvaai TUQ a\yr)^6vag. ib.
| /c eVtv rfceuQ '(,yv, avev TU ^povt^uwg. ib.
Yldy ayaQov KOL KaKov kv aiffdqaet'
(reiog, o SavaTog. ib.
366 PAGANISM AND
when death comes, we no longer exist.* He,
therefore, who is gifted with health of body,
and tranquillity of mind, is truly happy ;t and
being so, he has no fears now nor hereafter.
Though there be gods, he has nothing to hope
or to dread from them. With life, all his con-
cerns are ended, and the persuasion of this truth
takes from man even the desire of immortality !J
To the portrait of this sect succeeds one of
an opposite nature. Cicero observes, indeed,
that the contention with the Stoics was of a more
noble and exalted kind than that which had
been maintained with the Epicureans. These
were destitute of logic, and possessed neither
acuteness in debate, nor profoundness in learn-
ing. The triumph over them was, therefore,
comparatively easy. The same facility at-
* To 0piKa^?aro> ovv T&V Kaxiav, 6 Savarog, ude
orai/ jj.ev fyt7e dpey, 6 Savarog
OTCLV e 6 SavaroQ irapfj, rod' fyiEtg HK c<r/ucV, ib.
f Tni>i> yap otTrXav^c Seupia. iraaav ai^eaiv KOI
cfv ol^ev ETTL rriy ra awparog vytfi'aj/, KO.L T^V riJQ
. ib.
op0J? r5 prjUy elvat Trpoc rfpdg rov SO.VOLTOV, CLTTO-
\avTov 7rott ro rfjs fays $vr}TOV' UK airopov TrpoffTtdeiffa xpovov,
aXXa rov adavafficiG a^cXo^iEVry iroQov. ib.
Itaque quanquam in eo sermone qui cum Torquato est
habitus, non remissi fuimus ; tamen haec acrior est cum Stoicis
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 367
tended an attack on their principles; and a
summum bonum resolvable into pleasure alone,
had not sufficient dignity to be capable of an
honourable defence. In both these points the
Stoics were manifestly superior. A minute and
anxious attention to logic, was a distinguishing
. mark of that sect. Indeed, Zeno had placed
this science at the head of all philosophy;* and
his scholars were well instructed in the manage-
ment of their reasoning powers, and in every
variety of disputation. They knew the art of
demonstration^ and the proof of things less
certain, by those which were more certain;
when to use with most advantage the cautious
mode, J or that which guards the disputant
from an untimely production of his agreement
or disagreement; the unassenting mode, or
that which stiffly maintains its ground, and
does not too easily yield even to the force of
parata contentio. Quae enira de voluptate dicuntur, ea nee
acutissime nee abscondite disseruntur. Neque enim qui de-
fendunt earn, versuti in disserendo sunt, nee qui contr& dicunt,
causam difficilem repellunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 1.
* "AXXoi e) irp&Tov fjLev TO XoytKOV TaTTUffC SevTfaov fie TO
QvcriKov, KCLI TO'LTOV TO ifiiKov' <Jj> ?i *Li]vuv. Laert. in vit. Zen.
f 'ATTOC)IIC. Laert. in vit. Zen. | 'ATrpOTrrwo-ta. ib.
'Avu*cuor7e. ib.
368 PAGANISM AND
probability; the irrefutable mode,* or that
which preserves the logician from the shame of
self-contradiction ; and the anti-illusive mode,|
or that which is accustomed to bring the out-
ward appearances of things to the test of right
reason, and to pursue every subject to its just
conclusion. But even the fame of Zeno was
surpassed by the transcendant merits of one,
who is supposed to have been his scholar; and
it was shrewdly suspected by most people, that
if the gods made use of any system of logic, it
could be no other than that of Chrysippus.J
But together with their logic, the morals of
the Stoics were of an higher cast than those of
the Epicureans. Their summum bonum was
virtue, or, according to the favourite term of
Cato, the honestum. And in the maintenance
of this principle, they exceeded the Peripatetics
themselves. These indeed gave the supreme
rank to virtue ; and this they asserted in a tone
the most decisive. Yet they allowed, that, in
addition to the goods of the mind and body, the
conjunction of which was indispensable to the
ib. f 'Ayuarator^c- ib.
arw $ kiricofyq EV rolg SiaXeKTiKote eyevcro, wore
OTI el Trapa 3eotQ r)v >/ ^taXemfo), 'K uv i]V a\\rj ij >/
. ib. in vit. Chrysip.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 369
summutn bonum, certain external advantages
were also desirable, in order to leave no rea-
sonable wish of happiness unsatisfied. On the
other hand, the Stoics positively denied, that
either the nature or the name of good was to be
attributed to any thing but the honestum. This
was the sole object of a life directed to a right
end, and in this, without the concurrence of any
other reputed good, consisted the true and
proper happiness of man.*
Thus far the Stoic appears to be superior to
the Epicurean in the choice of his moral prin-
ciple, and in the means of impressing it on the
reason of mankind. But he soon forfeited the
advantages with which he began, through the
unbending and injudicious rigour with which
he employed them. It was the peculiarity of
his sect to push every principle to excess. And
thus it happened, that they eventually injured
the very cause of reason and virtue which they
attempted to promote. The natural result of
* Pugnant Stoi'ci cum Peripateticis. Alteii negant quic-
quam esse bonum, nisi quod honestum sit. "Alteri, plurimum
se, et longe longeque plurimum tribuere honestati, sed tamen
et in corpore, et extra, esse qusedam bona. Et certameri ho-
nestum, et disputatio splendida; omnis est enim de virtutis
dignitate contentio. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21.
B B
370 PAGANISM AND
their study of logic ought to have been such a
lucid arrangement of their doctrines, and such
a restriction of them within the bounds of right
reason, as should convince their adversaries,
and make objection hopeless. But labouring
at demonstration with too much strictness, they
clouded what might have been clear.* Over-
straining the arguments which promised to be
most serviceable to their cause, they deprived
them of their natural evidence ; and feeling, or
affecting to feel, that the terms hitherto em-
ployed in philosophy were not sufficiently ex-
act to express the niceness of their conceptions,
they became unnecessarily technical,! or grew
obscure through an ill-judged attempt at a dis-
crimination which knew not when to be satis-
fied. These were some of the prominent errors
of their dialectics.
* Non mehercule soleo temere contra Stoicos, says Cicero;
non quo illis admodum assentiar; sed pudore impedior; ita
multa dicunt, quae vix intelligam. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 1 . Cato
allows the obscurity, but endeavours to charge it on the sub-
ject. It was well answered, however, that the Peripatetics
spoke intelligibly on the same subjects.
f Cato takes the liberty which Zeno had used cum rem
aliquam invenisset inusitatam, inauditum quoque ei rei nomen
imponere. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 4.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 371
It was still more to be desired, that the mo-
ral principles which they so loftily maintained,
should have been adapted, with temper and
judgment, to the understandings and affections
of mankind. But this salutary application was
prevented by the extravagance, unfortunately
so characteristic of the Stoical school. While
the honestum was pronounced to be the only
object of human pursuit, the needful offices and
tender relations of common life appeared to be
extinguished ; and mankind, instead of being
attracted to goodness thus proclaimed, main-
tained a suspicious distance from it. Gravity
was forced into severity, and constancy into fe-
rociousness. Virtue learnt to clothe herself in
perpetual frowns, and walked abroad for the
terror of the world. Moral duty became at
once narrow and impracticable, refined and in-
tolerant, unintelligible and forbidding. Little
was left to complete this view of the unamiable
temper and habitual gloom of the Stoic ; yet
even this was filled up by the rage and envy of
philosophical party.* Swelling with the arro-
* L/aertius says, that Chrysippus was envious of the fertility
of Epicurus's genius, and determined to write book for book:
' Kadn <j>rjfft Kapj/f CL^IJQ,
BB 2
372 PAGANISM AND
gance of his own sufficiency, he stoutly denied
the possession of wisdom or virtue to the rest of
mankind. Though, in certain points, the sug-
gestions of that reason which is common to all,
produced in his mind an unavoidable concur-
rence with other men, he scorned to confess it.*
And though, on other occasions, he availed him-
self of the labours of a rival school, he loudly
maintained his independence and originality,
and affected to despise the aid of all foreign re-
sources. While he meanly borrowed the sub-
stance of his philosophy, he proudly concealed
it; and clandestinely adopting the doctrines of
the Peripatetics and Academicians, stamped
Tfapaoirov O.VTOV tu>v /3i/3\twv aTro/caXwv* el yap TL ypd\//ae 6
E.7T/fcpoc, 0tXovtm TOffuro ypax^cu 6 XputriTrTroe. In vit Epic.
He seems indeed to have succeeded in his rivalry, and to have
more than doubled the number. However, amidst this shew
of copiousness, he was '* hard-bound 5" for in order to com-
plete the necessary quantity of volumes, he quoted profusely
from other writers, and repeated himself too. It was the praise
of Epicurus, that his numerous writings were his own.
* Quis enim ferre posset ita loquentem eum, qui se auctorem
vitae graviter et sapienter agendas profiteretur, nomina rerum
commutantem ; cumque idem sentiret quod omnes, quibus
eandem vim tribueret, alia nomina imponentem, verba modd
mutantem, de opinionibus nihil detrahentem ? De Fin. lib. iv.
c. 9.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 373
them with a new name, and asserted them as
his own.*
A few specimens, first, of the principles of
the Stoics, and next, of the manner in which
they attempted to deduce their philosophy from
the nature of man, will be necessary to substan-
tiate the character here attributed to them.
Lest a more diffuse discussion should leave their
favourite maxim undefined, and therefore de^
prive it of its cogency, they had recourse to
the point and compression of their much-loved
logic. They stated therefore, in a syllogistic
manner, that whatever is, in its nature, good,
is laudable ; and that whatever is laudable, is
virtuous, or honestum. Hence the conclusion
was drawn, that what is good, must therefore
be virtuous, or honestum.t
It is obvious that this argument was liable to
be combated at the outset, by all those who
counted personal and extrinsic conveniences
* Stoici, cum a Peripateticis et Academicis onmia trans ?
tulissent, norainibus aliis easdem res secuti sunt. De Fin.
lib. v. c. 8.
f* Concluduntur igitur eorum argumenta sic : quod est
bonum, omne laudabile est ; quod autem laudabile est, omne
honestum est: Bonum igitur quod est, honestum est. De
Fin. lib. iii. c. 8.
374 PAGANISM AND
among the goods of life; for, though health,
riches, fame, and other such circumstances,
were by many esteemed to be good, yet by few
were they said to be laudable.* These, there-
fore, were not convertible terms, nor were they
necessarily predicated of the same objects.
However, the Stoics were unmoved, and per-
sisted in their happy discovery, that all possi-
ble good was contained in, and confined to, the
honestum; and hence it was still represented
as the only object of human pursuit, f On the
same principle they determined, that the only
object to be avoided was that which is opposed
to the only object to be pursued. But the con-
trary to virtue, or the honestum, is vice, or, ac-
cording to the favourite term of Cato, the turpe.
It followed, therefore, that as to the real pur-
* Quis tibi ergo istud dabit, praeter Pyrrhonem, Aristonem,
eorumve similes ? quos tu non probas. Aristoteles, Xenocrates,
tota ilia familia, non dabit ; quippe qui valetudinem, vires,
divitias, gloriam, multa alia, bona esse dicunt, laudabilia non
dicant. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 18.
f Many others had determined that virtue was desirable
on its own account. The peculiarity of the Stoics was in the
assertion, that the honestum was the only good, and therefore
the only thing to be desired. Cseteris haec est tuenda sententia,
maxime tamen his Stoicis, qui nihil aliud in bonorum numero,
nisi honestum, esse voluerunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 11.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 375
poses of life, no other than these two classes of
things could properly be said to exist. And
this led to the disregard so strongly shewn by
the Stoics, for all those common and interme-
diate objects which are termed blessings or
evils by the rest of mankind. The goods of
the body, or of fortune, were no part of the
honestum, and were therefore treated as if they
had no being, or were of no serious considera-
tion. And on the same principle, poverty,
pain, deformity, and other such things, were
no part of the turpe, and therefore could not be
considered as evils by the wise man. However,
some indirect notice of these objects was forced
from the Stoics in their own despite. Indeed,
it is obvious that life cannot subsist without the
experience of them in a greater or less degree.
It was therefore reluctantly granted, that some
of those things which are commonly called
good, might indeed be taken by man, if he had
his choice; but they were not to be pursued,
or desired, as if they were of any value in their
own nature.* And in the same manner, those
* Ilia, quae in corpore excellerent, stulte antiques dixisse per
se esse expetenda; et sumenda potius, quam expetenda. De
Fin. lib. iv. c. 8. On this was founded their claim of iv7rd6eiai
376 PAGANISM AND
which were reputed to be evil, might be simply
declined, in case of a free choice; but that
none of them were of sufficient moment to be
dreaded.* In short, all these are of a neutral
character. They have not in themselves the
qualities either of good or evil; but all the good
or evil supposed to be in them, depends entirely
on the use or application which is made of them
by man himself, f Yet though they are cer-
tainly neuter and indifferent in their nature, all
of them may not be equally unimportant with
respect to man. Some may contribute, more
than others, to wisdom or virtue ; and this may
be supposed of certain qualities of the body,
without which the endowments of the mind
for themselves, while other men were subject to the grosser
influence of Trddrj. Civ. Dei, lib. xiv. c. 8.
* Nemo est quin, cum utrumvis liceat, aptas malit et inte-
gras omnes partes corporis, quam eodem usu imminutas aut
detortas habere. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 5.
f Twv $e OVTWV (jxiffi ra HEV (tjaQu. flvaC TO. $e, Kand' ra 3e,
H^erepa' aya0a jueV av rag re aperae, typovriffi
avdpeiav, ffwfypoffvvriVj KCLI ra XoiTra* fca/cci e, ra kvavTia,,
avvr)v, adiKtav, KOI rd Xoi?ra' w^erepa ^e, ocra fi^re w^\t /ir/re
/3\a7rrf olov ^wj/, vyia'a, r^ovr), icaXXoc, iff\VQ, TrXarog, c>oa,
evyeVeia, KOL TO. rerote kvavna, Sdvarog, voaoq, TTOVOQ, al<r)(pe,
aaQivtia, trivia., aSofya, Svaytvtia, KCU ra THTOLQ
Laert. in vit. Zen.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 377
cannot be preserved in their perfection. These,
therefore, may be entitled to a proportional es-
timation relatively considered.* Accordingly,
to these Zeno gave the name of n:^y^v 9 or
things preferred But others are not conducive
to this beneficial purpose, and therefore are of
no estimation : and to these was given the
counter- term of KTroTr^nyptvK, or things rejected.
Other distinctions were still made, whether of
things thus estimable, some might not have
greater reason than others for the preference
shewn to them; and whether, of the things de-
serving no estimation, some might partly carry
in their own nature the causes of their rejection,
and partly not. But into these, and other such
questions, it would be both tedious and trifling
to enter. I will not discuss, with the minute-
ness of Stoical discrimination, what is the pre-
* Quae autem aestimanda essent, eorum in aliis satis esse
causae, quamobrem quibusdam anteponuntur, ut in valetudine,
ut in integritate sensuum, Sec.} alia autem non esse ejusmodi.
Itemque eorum, quae nulla aestimatione digna essent, partina
satis habere causae, quamobrem rejicerentur, ut dolorem, sen-
suum amissionem, &c.j partim non. Itemque hinc esse illud
exortum, quod Zeno Trporjyuevoy, contraque quod aTroTrpo^y/ic-
rov nominavit, cum uteretur in lingua copiosa factis tamen
nominibus ac novis. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 15.
378 PAGANISM AND
cise nature of those circumstances belonging to
the condition of man, which cannot be said to
have any discoverable influence on his mind, or
affect the great purpose of his life. I will not
inquire, in what class we ought to place the
power of extending or contracting a finger; or,
in what sense we are to pronounce it indifferent,
that the hairs of our head should be even or odd.*
Let us pass to points of more importance.
From the rigorous maintenance of their lead-
ing maxim, that the honestum is the sole object
of life, came the extraordinary doctrine of the
equality of all vices. In this agreed their
principal authorities, Chrysippus, Persseus, and
Zeno; for, as it was argued, if that which is
true, cannot have any thing truer than truth;
and if that which is false cannot be exceeded
by any thing more false than falsehood ; neither
can deceit be greater than deceit ; nor is one sin
greater than another; therefore they are equal.
This was supposed to be proved by a familiar
and convincing example. Two men are walk-
ing to Canobus; one of them is a hundred sta-
* "AXXwg e Xeytrcu cidia^opa, rci pifTE opyit^c )U//r d^op^ii/c
t> X et T0 &P T i a G X eLy ^ 7 r ^ G KeQaXrJG rpi\a^ ?/ Treptr-
% iKrelvai TOV acruXo>, ij ffvzeiXai. Laert. in vit. Zen.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 379
dia from it; the other only one; but both of
them are equally not in Canobus.* On the
same principle, therefore, it was concluded,
that those who are guilty of vices, reputed to
be, some of them greater, and some less, are
equally not in the honestum. Their actions
are no part of virtue ; and as there is no me-
dium^ they must all equally belong to the
class of the turpia.
A similar reasoning was employed concerning
that wisdom which belongs to the honestum.
Every man was pronounced to be either wise or
foolish; and each of these cases was to be un-
derstood in a strict and absolute manner. No
gradations were allowed, for here also the exist-
ence of a medium was denied. This too was
supposed to be proved by familiar examples ;
for, as Cato argues, J the whelp which is several
* Kcu yap 6 eKarov <rac)/8e aTfi^wv Kavw/3, jcat o tva, Imi
HK Eifflv kv Kavw/fy. Laert. in vit. Zen.
|* 'Apeoxei ^e avrolc, firj^iv p,Tav elvat aper^e fc-'at
ib.
J Ut enira qui demersi sunt in aqua, nihilo magis respirare
possunt, si non longe absunt a summo, ut jam jamque possint
emergere, qukm si etiam turn essent in profundo : nee catulus
ille, qui jam appropinquat ut videat, plus cerait quam is, qui
raodo est natus ; ita qui processit aliquantum ad virtutis. aditumv,
380 PAGANISM AND
days old, is, with respect to actual sight, on a
par with the whelp which is just born. The
man too, who is immersed in water, whether he-
be near the surface, or at the lowest depth of the
ocean, is equally incapable of respiration. On
the same principle, therefore, it is concluded
that he, who has not completely emerged from
folly, cannot, in any degree, be either wise or
happy! With similar extravagance was it con-
tended by the sect, that he who once became
wise, must always continue so ;* that there was
a chain of connection between the virtues, and
that he who possessed one, necessarily drew the
rest after it, and therefore possessed all;f and
finally, that the man thus gifted, was thence-
forth free from all possibility of vice or error '.J
nihilo minus in miseria est, quam ille, qui nihil processit. De
Fin. lib. iii. c. 14. Cicero connects a constitutional tenderness
for Plato with his reprobation of such principles : ut Plato,
tantus ille vir, si sapiens non fuerit, nihilo melius, quam qulvis
improbissimus, nee beatius vixerit. ib. c. 9.
e avrcTig Kat &a7ravroe %prjffdai TTJ aptrjf' Ava-
yap i^iv, Kal irdvTore Ty ^XH XP^ rcLL ** <7 # TtXeiq. o
Laert. in vit. Zen.
f Tag Se apcrdg Xeyao-tv KaTaKoXudeiv a\\rj\ai, Kal TOV
/ittav f.\pVTa, TraVae e^eiv. ib.
J "Ere Kat aj/a/zapr^rae, r^> A7Tpi7rrwrae elvat
ib.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 381
These are perhaps sufficient specimens of
their principles; and it only remains to see, in
what manner the Stoics deduced their philoso-
phy from the nature of man.
The Stoics, like the Epicureans, took their
view of man from the first stage of life. From
this, however, they drew a different conclusion.
Every animal, they observed, as soon as it is
born, shews a disposition to preserve its being,
and to love whatever is promotive of its wel-
fare.* On the same principle, it dislikes and
avoids whatever appears to have a contrary
tendency. This they pointed out in the actions
of infants, who shew a desire to obtain the things
which are salutary to them, and a dread of the
opposites. But the difference of opinion began
concerning the motive, to which these actions
were to be attributed. The Stoics dreaded to
admit that pleasure was the primary object of
nature, lest an inlet should be given to what
was base in itself, and lest human life should
be degraded by the establishment of so unwor-
* Placet illis, simul atque natum sit animal (hinc enim est
ordiendum) ipsum sibi conciliari et commendari ad se conser-
vandum, et ad suum statum, et ad ea quae conservantia sunt
ejus status, diligenda. Be Fin. lib. iii. c. 5.
382 PAGANISM AND
thy a principle.* They therefore attributed
these early actions of the animal to self-love, as
the only motive, and contended, that this was
previous to any sensation of pleasure. f To
the guardianship of this salutary motive is the
infant committed, till some comprehension of
thingsj is obtained, and some insight is formed
into the arts of life. Hence arises the choice
of things estimable, and the rejection or neglect
of those which are not so. The former are said
to be according to nature; and as the primary
business of life is to preserve the state of nature,
the next concern must be to cherish and adhere
to those things which are agreeable to it. In
this consists the power of a just selection; and
here we see the junction of human duty with
the exertion of a moral preference. Here too
* Ne, si voluptatem natura posuisse in iis rebus videatur,
quaB primae appetuntur, multa turpia sequantur. ib.
*f Id ita esse sic probant, quod, antequam voluptas aut dolor
attigerit, salutaria appetant parvi, aspernenturque contraria;
quod non fieret, nisi statum suuin diligerent, interitum time-
rent, ib. This is the doctrine of Chrysippus : rj/v e Trpwn/v
opfj,rjr <f>a.ffi TO wov 'i<T%eir enl TO Trjpe~iv kciVTO, otmwcnje avrw
riJQ ^v<rewc O-TT ap^rjg. Laert. in vit. Zen.
J KaraX^etc. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 5.
Qua inventd selectione, et item rejectione, sequitur dein-
ceps cum officio selectio. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 6.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 383
are the seeds of the celebrated wisdom of the
Stoics, that wisdom, which, marking the order
of things, and persisting in a right choice, pro-
duces a life in accordance with nature,* and
discovers the true good, or the honestum itself.
And thus at length it appears, why this train
of reasoning was adopted by the Stoics, namely,
that the life of man might not be abandoned
to the blind and vicious impulse of desire, but
might be conducted according to the more cer-
tain selection of wisdom ; for the intelligence
of the difference of things, though subsequent
in time to the primary appetencies of nature,
is prior in importance, and claims all our atten-
tion and regard. f
It might have been sufficiently creditable for
the Stoics to provide in this manner for the
* The high praises bestowed on nature by the Stoics, seem
to be founded on the maxim, that the natures of men are but
parts of the nature of the universe : ^prj yap tiviv at r//*eVfpai
(j>vcreiQ TfJQ T o\u' Stoirep ri\og yiverai TO aKoA0w rfj tyvffei
4?/j>* oVep <ri /car' aperr/y avrw Kal Kara rrjy T&V oAwv. Laert.
in vit. Zen.
t Simul autem cepit intelligentiam, multo earn pluris aesti-
mavit, quana omnia ilia, quae primum dilexerat; atque ita cog-
nitione et ratione collegit, ut statueret, in illo collocatum sum-
mum illud hominis per se laudandum et expetendum bonum.
De Fin. lib. iii, c. 6.
384 PAGANISM AND
wholesome operation of wisdom . But it seemed
to be a decree of their own fate, that whatever
they began with reason, should end in absurdity
and rant; and that a momentary sobriety should
be amply avenged by a return of their con-
stitutional extravagance. The wise man, thus
formed from the first punctum of intelligence,
is preternaturally enlarged, till he fills up all
the view, and hides every other object. With
the qualities thus aggregated in his person, he
is declared to be perpetually fortunate and su-
premely happy. He is safe by prerogative, en-
tire in himself, and free from all those accidents
to which men less highly gifted are always ex-
posed. He is moved by no danger, and hin-
dered by no difficulty/* He is in want of no-
thing, nay, he is in full possession of all things. j~
In short, he is a king, in a truer sense than Tar-
quin;J a dictator, of a larger and higher autho-
* C&m hoc sit extremum, congruenter naturae convenien-
terque vivere, necessario sequitur, omnes sapientes semper feli-
citer, absolute, fortunate vivere, nulla re impetliri, nulla prohi-
beri, nulla egere. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 7.
f Kcu r&v ffoy&v de Trdvra elvcu. Laert. in vit. Zen.
t Rectius enim appellabitur Rex quam Tarquinius, qui nee
se, nee sos regere potuitj rectius magister populi (is enim
est Dictator) quam Sylla, qui trium pestiferorum vitiorum,
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 385
rity, than Sylla. He is wealthy, too, beyond all
the treasures of Crassus, who would not have
marched across the Euphrates without any other
object than that of gain, if he had not been
stung by the sense of want. Beauty, in the
best sense and the highest degree, is also the
property of the wise man ; that beauty of the
mind, which so far surpasses all beauty of the
body. And he is possessed of true liberty; for
he obeys no master from without. He is invin-
cible too; for, though his body be enchained,
his mind is free, and mocks every attempt at
restraint. Nor needs he to wait till death comes,
that it may be determined, whether his life has
been happy or otherwise. He is necessarily
happy in himself, under all circumstances, and
at all times. Finally, death is in his own
power ; for whenever it appears eligible to the
philosophy which he professes, he voluntarily
quits life, that he may shew the perfection of
his wisdom, and the agreement of his mind with
luxuries, avaritise, crudelitatis, magister fuit : rectius dives
quam Crassus, qui nisi eguisset, rmnquam Euphratem nuM
belli caussa transire voluisset. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 22. The list
of magnificent titles and qualities might easily be enlarged
from Laertius; but those which are mentioned in the text
will, perhaps, be deemed sufficient.
C C
386 PAGANISM AND
the supreme rule of nature. Nor is this confined
to the experience of evil fortune, as some sup-
pose. It results entirely from the balance of
circumstances and their weight in the scale of
nature.* If more circumstances, whether ac-
tual or contingent, persuade to life, the Stoic
must continue his existence; if otherwise, he
will end it. And thus it may happen, that the
foolish man may be bound to remain in life,
though surrounded by misery, and the wise
man may be required to die a voluntary death,
though happy, and in the full enjoyment of
prosperity !
Such is the termination of the Stoical wisdom,
and by this absurd and impious jargon was the
detestable practice of suicide connected with
the most arrogant assumption of virtue, and
made an eventual part of the duty of man!
Let us ascend then to the doctrines of those
whom Cicero so often distinguishes by the name
* In quo enim plura sunt, quse secundum naturam sunt,
hujus officium est in vitd manere ; in quo autem aut sunt plura
contraria, aut fore videantur, hujus officium est e vita excedere.
Ex quo apparet, et sapientis esse aliquando officium excedere &
vita, cum beatus sit 5 et stulti manere in vita, cum sit miser.
De Fin. lib. iii. c. 18. To the Epicurean, actual and great
suffering was a sufficient warrant for quitting life.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 387
of the Antients. From the inquiry which has
just been made into the character of some of
the later sects, it appears that they confined
their views to single points, and therefore in-
jured philosophy by narrowing its boundaries.
Nor were there wanting other masters, whose
maxims were selected with similar restrictions.
Hieronymus placed the Summum Bonum in a
freedom from pain; while Herillus determined
that it was to be found in science alone.* But
it had been the characteristic of the Old Aca-
demy, to consider the subject in a more liberal
and extensive manner; and in this sect were
comprehended the followers of two pre-emi-
nent men, the immediate disciples of Plato,
who were distinguished by the name of Acade-
micians; and the Peripatetics, who adhered
to tHe doctrine of Aristotle ; a master, whom
Cicero would have regarded as the first of phi-
losophers, if Plato had never existed, f These,
* Hoc (non dolere) Hieronymus Summum Bonum esse
dixit. Saepe ab Aristotele, & Theophrasto mirabiliter est
laudata per se ipsa rerum scientia. Hoc uno captus, Herillus
scientiam Summum Bonum esse defendit, nee rem ullam aliam
per se esse expetendam. De Fin. lib. v. c. 25.
f Audebo te ab hac Academia nova ad veterem illam vocare j
in qu&, ut dicere Antiochum audiebas, non ii soli numerantur,
cc 2
388 PAGANISM AND
therefore, did not direct mankind to the pursuit
of any single object. They preferred all the
primary objects of nature, collectively taken;
the health, strength, and beauty of the body,
the soundness of its parts, and the constant pre-
servation of the whole ; and the corresponding
goods of the mind, those seeds, from which
the honestas was to spring, those sparks,
from which the flame of virtue was to kindle.*
To pursue virtue, and all those objects in con-
nection with, though in subordination to, her,
was declared to be most agreeable to nature;
and to attain them all, was the Summum Bo-
num of man. This settled doctrine, as Cicero
says, was equally maintained in all their books ;
in those which were prepared for popular in-
struction, and those which were reserved for
qui Academic! vocantur, Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo,
Grantor, caeterique, sed etiam Peripatetic! veteres, quorum
princeps Aristoteles, quern, excepto Platone, baud scio an
recte dixerim principem philosophorum. De Fin. lib. v. c. 3.
The Antiochus here alluded to, had been also the master of
Varro.
* In quibus numerant incolumitatem, conservationemque
omnium partium, valetudinem, sensus integros, doloris vacui-
tatem, vires, pulchritudinem, caeteraque generis ejusdem : quo-
rum similia sunt prima in animis, quasi virtutum igniculi et
semina. ib. v. c. 7.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 389
private use within the pale of the sect. There
was indeed a difference in the style of these
writings, for that of the commentaries was
more exact than that of the exoteric books, and
this sometimes created an appearance of dif-
ference in the doctrine. But it was only an
appearance, and the sense was commonly the
same in both.* Such then being their prin-
ciples, let us attend to the mode of reasoning
adopted by the sect for the purpose of esta-
blishing the superiority which was claimed for
them.
It is to be observed, that all the sects thought
it necessary to refer their inquiries to one com-
mon point. All appealed to nature in the first
instance; and all quarrelled afterwards about
the interpretation of her will. To nature, there-
fore, looked also the old academicians ; and in
order to discover the principles by which, human
life was governed, they went back to its early
stages. They were the inventors of the maxim,
* De Summo Bono, quia duo genera librorum sunt, unum
populariter scriptum, quod efarepiKov appellabant alterum
limatius, quod in commentariis reliquerunt : non semper idem
dicere videntur ; nee in summa tamen ipsa aut varietas est ulla,
apud hos quidem quos nominavi, aut inter ipsos dissentio.
De Fin, lib. v. c. 5 .
390 PAGANISM AND
which, as we have just seen, was adopted by the
Stoics, that the primary motive by which ani-
mals were governed, was self-love; by this they
were prompted to preserve their existence, and
to live in the manner most agreeable to the dic-
tates of nature.* But it was evident that the
same nature is not bestowed on every animal.
In order, therefore, to ascertain the ultimate
object of human pursuits, it was deemed neces-
sary that an inquiry should be previously made
concerning the peculiar constitution of the ani-
mal, MAN.
Hence arose the characteristic doctrine of
the Old Academy. To this, therefore, Piso
steadily looks, and in the gradual and cautious
manner in which he makes his approaches to
the condition of man, we see his anxiety, lest
his conclusion should be exposed to the subse-
quent hazard of contradiction.
There are animals constituted not as man is.
These indeed will also look to the rule of na-
* Ergo institute veterum, quo etiam Stoici utuntur, hinc
capiamus exordium. Omne animal seipsum diligitj et simul
ac ortum est, id agit, ut se conservet, quod hie ei primus ad
omnem vitam tueudam appetitus a natura datur, se ut conser-
vet, atque ita sit affectum, ut optime secundum naturam affec-
tum esse possit. De Fin. lib. v. c. 9.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 391
ture, but the object of their pursuit will be dif-
ferent from that of man : for, the end to be at-
tained is adapted to the peculiarity of being
which distinguishes one animal from another.
There are creatures either entirely destitute of
soul, or, at the utmost, endued with a very slen-
der portion of it. Of these, therefore, the sum-
mum bonurn is properly and characteristically
placed in the body. To this class belong the
swine, an impure and devouring race; and it
has been aptly conjectured, that the gods, in
their wisdom, put into them a low species of
soul, that it might act on their bodies as a salt,
and preserve them from putrefaction.* Some-
what more generous is discoverable in creatures
above these; and better indications of mind
are to be perceived in lions, dogs, and horses,
which may be said to exhibit certain resem-
blances of virtue.f A similar reasoning may
* Etenim omnium rerum, quas creat natura, et tiietur, qua
aut sine ammo, aut non multo secus, earum summum bonum
in corpore est : ut non inscite illud dictum videatur in sue,
animam illi pecudi datam pro sale, ne putresceret. De Fin.
lib. v. c. 13.
t Sunt etiam bestiae quaedam, in quibus inest aliquid simile
virtutis, ut in leonibus, ut in canibus, ut in equis, in quibus
non corpora solum, ut in suibus, sed etiam animorum aliqud
ex parte motus quosdam videmus. ib. c. 14.
392 PAGANISM AND
be employed even concerning inanimate things,
trees, plants, and the like. Indeed, we com-
monly say, that they live, or that they die ; that
they are old or young; that they are vigorous
or weak; and we bestow upon them what may
be termed an education.* These, therefore,
have also their respective objects, which are
adapted to the peculiarity of nature belonging
to each of them in its class of being: and this
is so certain, that if the condition of any were to
receive an alteration, a change of the object to
be pursued must take place in proportion to the
change of condition. Piso thinks this position
of sufficient importance to be illustrated by an
example. The culture of the vine is from with-
out; nor would its own vegetative powers be of
much avail, unless they were improved and di-
rected by the care of man. If then the vine
could speak, and declare its own wishes con-
cerning its actual condition, it would require
just that treatment which the vine-dresser at
* Earum etiam rerum quas terra gignit, educatio quaedam
et perfectio est, non dissimilis animantium : itaque et vivere
vitem et mori dicimus 5 arboremque et novellam, et vetulam 5
et vigere et senescere. Ex quo non est alienum, ut animanti-
bus, sic illis et apta quaedam ad naturam aptare, et aliena. De
Fin. lib. v. c. 14.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 393
present bestows upon it. But if we should
suppose it to be suddenly endued with sense
and appetite, and the power of motion, it would
not be satisfied with this kind of treatment.
It would no longer be subject to the absolute
disposal of the vine-dresser, but would have an
higher object in view, and begin to feel a new
care of its own, adapted to the preservation of
its added faculties. In short, it would now pro-
vide for itself, not as a plant, but as an animal.
If we should suppose it to make yet another ac-
quisition, and to obtain a soul like that of man,
its self-love would accompany its new property,
and increase with its increasing value. Yet,
even in this case, the vine would not abandon
all care of its original nature, notwithstanding
the great value of the additions which had been
made to it. Its principal attention, however,
would be wisely bestowed upon its recent and
most precious endowment, and it would esteem
its mind more than all the qualities which it
before possessed. The conclusion drawn from
this example was therefore, that, in each stage
of its condition, the general end would be the
same; and the vine would aim at the preserva-
tion of itself. The difference introduced would
affect only the mode in which the end was to
394 PAGANISM AND
be attained.* The primary recommendation of
nature is still in force; the change that takes
place will consist in the application of the same
original principle to the varying condition, and
the nearer and nearer approaches which are
made to excellence of being.f
Since then it is thus established, that the
Summum Bonum of every creature is to be
accommodated to its specific nature, and since
those inquiries have been made with no other
view than to discover the Summum Bonum of
man; it is necessary to inquire what his nature
is, and what are the inferences proper to be
drawn from it. The first of these questions is
treated with most minuteness and peculiarity
of manner by Varro ; the second is answered
with most eloquence by Cicero.
Varro elaborately inquires into the composi-
tion of man ; whether his parts be of similar or
dissimilar kinds ; of equal, or unequal powers ;
whether the soul be of such predominance as
* Similis erit finis boni, atque antea fuerat, nee idem tamen.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 14.
f Sic et extremura omnium appetendorum, atque ductum &
primd commend atione naturae, multis gradibus ascendit, ut ad
summum perveniret : quod cumulatur ex integritate corporis,
et ex mentis ratione perfecta. De Fin. lib. v. c. 14.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 395
to be capable of representing the body, together
with itself; whether the body may make repri-
sals, and aspire to represent the soul also; and
whether man may be said to be entire through
the possession of either of these constituent
portions of his nature ?
If the question be first concerning the soul,
whether this, singly considered, may be called
the entire man ; it will appear, that the soul is
to the body, what the horseman is to the horse;*
* Utrum anima sola sit homo, ut ita sit ei corpus tanquam
equus equiti, quaerendum putat. Eques enim non homo et
equus, sed solus homo estj ideo tamen eques dicitur, quod
aliquo modo se habeat ad equum. Apud Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 3. In the early times of the Roman language, eques
seems to have been used for the horse. In proof of this, A.
Gellius quotes a passage from Ennius, which some reciter had
wrongly read in one of the theatres :
Denique vi magna quadrupes equus, atque elephanti
Projiciunt sese
This, it seems, was heard with general applause. One of the
company, however, suspected the error ; and an appeal being
afterwards made to an old and valuable manuscript, eques was
found to have been the original word. Hence, equitatio and
equitare meant also the movement of the horse : and this is
proved by a passage from Lucilius. A. Gell. lib. xviii. c. 5.
The same passages may be seen in the last chapter of Macro-
bius's sixth book. The general elegance of Virgil did not
396 PAGANISM AND
that it performs the office of a governing and
directing power, and therefore that the body is
subject to its management, and different from
its nature. For the horseman, notwithstanding
his compound name, is not both horse and man,
but is so called, because, from his position and
office, he has a certain relation to the horse.
Again, if the question be, whether the body
alone be the entire man, it will appear, that the
body has only that relation to the soul, which
the poculum has to the liquor contained in it.
For though in the licence of poetry, or the lati-
tude of common use, poculum be sometimes
taken for the cup and liquor together, and
sometimes for the liquor alone, exclusively of
the cup; yet, in the proper signification of the
word, it stands for the cup alone; and its name
was derived from the capacity of containing li-
quor.* But, finally, if the question be, whether
prevent him from the occasional employment of this word, in
a sense more familiar to antiquity:
Fraena Pelethronii Lapithae, gyrosque dedere
Impositi dorso, atque equitem docuere sub armis
Insultare solo, et gressus glomerare superbos.
Georg. iii. 117.
* Non enim calix, et potio quam continet calix, simul dici-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 397
man be neither soul alone, nor body alone; but
whether, consisting of these two different parts,
he be called by one collective name; the an-
swer must be, that this is the true supposition.
For, when two horses are harnessed together,
and draw the same carriage, we call them by
the single term bigae. Nor is this applicable
exclusively to the horse on the right hand, or
the horse on the left, though each of them is a
part of the bigae, and each has a certain rela-
tion to the other; but to both at once.*
With this minute and laborious ingenuity did
Varro establish the favourite maxim of the Old
Academy, that the term " man" was used to
convey the notion of a being compounded of a
body and a rational soul. But the inference
drawn by Cicero shews us the purpose for
which the sect took these philosophical pains.
It was concluded, that, being thus constituted,
man was obliged to act according to his twofold
nature; and consequently, that, in his search
tur poculum, sed calk solus j ideo tamen quod potioni continendce
sit accommodatum. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
* Sicut duos equos junctos bigas vocamus, quorum sive
dexter sive sinister pars est bigarum ; unum vero eorum quo-
quo modo se habeat ad alterum, bigas non dicimus, sed ambos
simul. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
398 PAGANISM AND
of happiness, he was to pay a just attention to
both parts of his composition. These therefore
are stated by Piso to be of unequal value as
to each other. But while he pronounces the
body to be inferior to the soul, it is yet an
essential part of man, and therefore not to be
entirely disregarded. Though of less impor-
tance, it is entitled to some attention; and,
from that love of our being which is the primary
impulse of human action, we infer the desire of
nature herself, that the body be as sound and
perfect as possible, that all its functions be per-
formed without imperfection, or interruption;
and that it be free from mutilation, debility,
and disorder.*
But if a certain attention appears to be thus
necessary towards the preservation and welfare
of the body, the conclusion is much stronger
concerning the condition of the soul, the supe-
rior part of man. And this being so, the argu-
ment will apply itself in a more peculiar man-
ner to the mind; for this is the highest and
most excellent part of the soul ; and in it are
* Opus est ea valere et vigere, naturales motus ususque
habere, ut nee absit quid eorum, nee aegrum debilitatumve sit.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 12.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 399
lodged the powers of reason, science, and the
virtues, and that sovereign authority, by which
the whole nature of man is governed.* Yet
neither are the virtues equal among themselves,
though thus subsisting together. There are two
principal sorts; the one, voluntary; the other,
involuntary. Of the latter sort, are memory,
docility, and those inbred qualities, which con-
stitute genius. But of the former, are the
genuine and more lofty virtues prudence, tem-
perance, fortitude, justice, and others connected
with these. t The conclusion therefore is, that
man being impelled by self-love to preserve
and advance his nature, and his nature being
compounded in the manner here described, he
will desire the goods which belong to his com-
ponent parts. But he will regulate this desire
* Deinde id quoque videmus, et ita figuratum corpus, ut
excellat aliis, animumque ita constitutum, ut et sensibus in-
structus sit, et habeat praestantiam mentis, cui tota horainis
natura pareatj in qud sit mirabilis quaedam vis rationis, et
cognitionis, et scientiae, virtutumque omnium, ib.
f Animi autem, et ejus animi partis, quae princeps est,
quaeque mens nominator, plures sunt virtutes, sed duo prima
genera j unum earum, quae ingenerantur suapte naturd, appel-
lanturque non voluntariaej alteram earum, quae, in voluntate
positae, magis proprio nomine appellari solent. De Fin. lib.
v. c. 13.
400 PAGANISM AND
in such a manner as best accords with the rela-
tive dignity of each part. When he judges
therefore concerning his body and soul, he will
not neglect the former, but will decidedly pre-
fer the latter. And of the soul itself he will
prefer the most excellent part, the mind. Of
the virtues too, he will prefer the greater to
the less. To the involuntary ones he will pay
a due regard; but his chief esteem will be
bestowed on those which are voluntary. In
truth, these alone deserve the name of virtues,
for they are the produce of reason; and reason
is the divinest part of man.*
This then is the true doctrine of the Sum-
mum Bonum. It is highly desirable, that a
subject of so much importance should be under-
stood by man as soon as he is born : for thus he
would pursue the great object of life without
loss of time, and without a possibility of error.f
* Ita fiet, tit animi virtus corporis virtuti anteponatur, ani-
mique virtutes non voluntarias vincant virtutes voluntariae ;
quae quidem proprie virtutes appellantur, multumque excellunt,
quod ex ratione gignuntur j qua nihil est in homine divinius.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 13.
f Cum igitur ea sit, quam exposui, forma naturae; si, ut
initio dixi, simul atque ortus esset, se quisque cognoscere judi-
careque posset, quae vis et totius esset naturae et partium singu-
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 401
But the proper designation of nature is at first
hidden from us. We are content with the mere
preservation of the body; and it is long before
we arrive at the more important part of the
knowledge that is necessary for us. By degrees,
however, it is acquired ; and in the actions of
youth, their love of praise, their feelings of
shame, and their pursuit of knowledge and those
ingenuous objects which are adapted to the
growth and enlargement of the mind, we dis-
cover those elements from which virtue at
length arises.* It is the business of philosophy
to cherish and promote the opening desires of
nature. They are the indications of reason,
that god within us ; and, if properly followed,
they lead to happiness, and discover to us that
which we seek, the ultimate good of man.
The beginnings of virtue therefore arise from
the capacity of nature. This is the only thing
which she furnishes in the first instance. The
larum, continue videret quid esset hoc quod quaerimus, omnium
rerum, quas expetimus, summum et ultimum ; nee uM in re
peccare posset, ib. c. 15.
* Non sine causd, eas, quas dixi, in pueris virtutum quasi
scintillulas videmus, e quibus accendi philosopbi ratio debet, ut
earn, quasi Deum, ducem subsequens, ad naturae perveniat ex-
tremum. Be Fin. lib. v. c. 15.
D D
402 PAGANISM AND
product derived from it is the mere effect of
subsequent art;* for virtue is to be considered
as an art, or science. It is indeed of more im-
portance than other arts or sciences ; but it has
this circumstance in common with them; it is
taught; and memory, reason, and similar quali-
ties, must be pre-supposed, as necessary to its
existence; since where learning is impractica-
ble, there virtue cannot be.f
Of all the goods then which belong to the
component parts of man, this is the most pre-
cious. It is the result of learning, and is formed
by a gradual development of the qualities of
the mind, and a skilful application of them to
the discovery of the will of nature. It is indeed
of a later date than the primary objects which
nature desires. These existed when virtue was
not yet formed. But virtue, which is after-
wards acquired, takes a just ascendency, and
wishes to possess them for its own sake. It
* Virtutem ipsam inchoavit ; nihil amplius. Itaque nostrum
est (quod nostrum dico, artis est) ad ea principia, quae accepi-
mus, consequentia exquirere, quoad sit id, quod volumus, ef-
fectum. ib. c. 21.
f Hoc et de memoria dixerim atque ratione, et si quid tale
est in homine. Sunt enim haec et ante doctrinam -, sine his
autem non potest esse uila doctrina; ac per hoc nee virtus,
quae utique discitur. Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 403
desires itself also on the same account; and it
uses both itself and them for the purpose of
complete happiness.* The conclusion arising
therefore from this method of viewing the na-
ture of man was, that he leads an happy life,
who possesses virtue, and those goods of the
body and mind without which virtue cannot
exist. His life is more happy, who to these
adds others, not essential to the subsistence of
virtue, namely, beauty, strength, agility, and
other such qualities; and the happiness of such
a man will be in proportion to the number of
these which he possesses. But the most happy
life is that of him who unites in himself all pos-
sible goods both of body and mind.t Here
then at length we find the true end and object
* Quapropter eadem virtus, id est, ars agendas vitas, dim
acceperit prima naturae, quae sine ilia erant, sed tameu erant,
etiam quando eis doctrina adhuc deerat, omnia propter seipsam
appetit, simulque etiam seipsam ; omnibusque simul, et
seipsa utitur eo fine, ut omnibus delectetur atque perfruatur.
ib. c. 3.
j Haec ergo vita hominis, qua?, virtute et aliis animi et cor-
poris bonis, sine quibus virtus esse non potest, fruitur, beata
esse dicitur. Si vero et aliis, sine quibus esse virtus potest, vel
ullis vel pluribus, beatior. Si autem prorsus omnibus, ut nul-
lum omnino bonum desit, vel animi vel corporis, beatissima.
Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
D D2
404 PAGANISM AND
of our existence. This is the Summum Bonum
worthy to be desired by man. And this Piso
affirms to be intended by the Pythian Apollo,
when he commands us to know ourselves. We
must inquire into our specific nature, ascertain
the component parts of man, and learn the
relative value of each ; for from this knowledge
alone will result a life spent in the enjoyment
of its proper objects.*
However, one difficulty yet remained. While
the old Academicians placed the Summum Bo-
num of man in the goods of the soul and body
taken together, they wished for something
farther, and were unwilling to forego the ad-
vantage of external goods, relations, friends,
neighbours, and their country at large. They
felt, however, that happiness must be exposed
to great uncertainty and danger, if it were
made to depend on circumstances which are
removed from the person itself of man, and
over which therefore he has not a sufficient
control.! On this account, they placed exter-
* Jubet igitur nos Pythius Apollo noscere nosmetipsos.
Cognitio autem hsec est una, ut vim nostri corporis animique
norimus, sequamurque earn vitam quse rebus ipsis perfruatur.
De Fin. lib. v. c. 1 6.
t Nee vero quisquarn Summum Bonum assequi unquam
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 405
nal goods in a secondary class. Yet, while
they carefully abstained from calling these an
essential and necessary part of the Summum
Bonum, they declared them to be highly de-
sirable on account of the pleasure and benefit
which resulted from them, and referable, by
analogy, to the goods of the first class. Nature
herself makes us feel, that, when we discharge
any of the outward offices of friendship, patriot-
ism, and the like, these are among the actions
which are rightly performed. But all actions
which are productive of this sort of approba-
tion must spring from virtue; and virtue was
lately placed at the head of the goods of the first
class in which consisted the Summum Bonum.
The external goods have therefore a secret con-
nection with those which have been already de-
scribed ; and if every right action in the latter,
is to be ranked under some one of the virtues
in the former class, the goods of both have a
certain correspondence, and are, by the will of
nature, allied.*
posset, si oinnia ilia, quae sunt extra, quanquam expetenda,
summo bono continerentur. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23.
* Quo modo igitur, inquies, verum esse poterit, omnia referri
ad Summum Bonum, si amicitiae, si propinquitates, si reliqua
externa summo bono rion continental 1 ? Hac videlicet ratione;
406 PAGANISM AND
Thus then to the other parts of the Academic
philosophy is added social attachment. Cicero
describes it with much eloquence and feeling.*
Springing from the constitution of our nature,
it prompts the affection which binds the parents
to each other, and to their offspring. But, not
satisfied with these objects, it gradually enlarges
quod ea, quae externa sunt, iis tuemur omens, quae oriuntur a
suo cujusque genere virtutis. Nam et amici cultus, et parentis,
et qui officio fungitur, in eo ipso prodest, quod, ita fungi officio,
in recte factis est: quae sunt orta virtutibus ; quae quidem
sapientes sequuntur, utentes tanquam duce natura. De Fin.
lib. v. c. 24.
* In oinni autem honesto, de quo loquimur, nihil est tarn
illustre, nee quod iatius pateat, quam conjunctio inter homines
hominum, et quasi quaedam societas et coinmunicatio utilitatum,
et ipsa caritas generis humani ; quae nata a primo satu, quo a
procreatoribus nati diliguntur, et tota domus conjugio et stirpe
conjungitur, serpit sensim foras cognationibus primum, turn
affinitatibus, deinde amicitiisj post vicinitatibus 5 turn civibus,
et iis qui publici socii atque amici sunt ; deinde totius com-
plexu generis humani. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23. Mr. Pope ex-
presses the Academic sentiment in some pleasing lines :
Self-love but serves the virtuous mind to wake,
As the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake.
The centre mov'd, a circle straight succeeds j
Another still, and still another spreads :
Friend, parent, neighbour, first it will embrace $
His country next ; and next, all human race.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 407
itself in all the tender offices of relationship,
affinity, and friendship. The care of our neigh-
bourhood is next in order. Hence the principle
extends to our whole country, and to those
states also which are connected with it by poli-
tical alliance, and partake in its public interests.
Finally, it becomes general, and embraces the
whole circle of mankind. This might suffice;
but Varro is unwilling that the principle should
be restrained by any limits. He carries it
through the mundane system, and makes it
comprehend those benevolent gods also, who,
from their sethereal abodes, are disposed to shed
a friendly influence on the man of wisdom.*
Such is the philosophy, in favour of which
Cicero has exerted his genius in one of the most
valuable of his works. To assist the statement,
occasional use has been made of the authority
of Varro. But we are now arrived at that part
of the subject, in which he must become our
principal instructor.! To the view therefore
* Sive in toto orbe, ut sunt gentes, quas ei societas humana
conjungit; sive in ipso mimdo, qui censetur nomine cceli et
terrae, sicut esse dicunt Deos, quos volunt amicos esse homini
sapienti. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3.
t Yet the remains of his treatise De Philosophic are scanty.
They are contained in the first three chapters of the 1 9th book
408 PAGANISM AND
of the existing sects, let us add the promised
account of all the possible ones.
It is remarked by Augustin in his introduc-
tion of this subject, that the inquiries of the
men of nature concerning happiness, were ne-
cessarily confined to the boundaries of nature
itself.*" They looked to the component parts
of man, and either selected one of these as the
object of their preference, or joined them to-
gether. It has already appeared, that some
placed the Summum Bonum in the body; some
in the mind; and others, in both. On this
triple division, therefore, Varro proceeded to
found his calculation. It is observable, that
Carneades had not ventured to suppose more
than six simple, and three compound, modes, in
which philosophy might contemplate the Sum-
mum Bonum. But the number of sects ima-
of Augustin' s " City of God." I cannot quite agree with Au-
gustin in his speedy dismissal of the subject, and wish he had
gratified our curiosity by larger extracts.
* Nee tamen eos, quaravis diversis errantes modis, naturae
limes intantum ab itinere veritatis deviare permisit, ut non alii
in ammo, alii in corpore, alii in utroque fines bonorum pone-
rent et malorum. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
f Sex igitur hse sunt simplices de summo bonorum malo-
rumque sententiae : duse sine patrono, quatuor defensae. Junctae
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 409
gined by Varro is no less than two hundred and
eighty-eight.* Here however he stopped ; and
his final opinion was, that the Summum Bo-
num could not be taught by more than that
number of sects ; or, at least, that those which
might be added, must have a reference to them,
and therefore must belong to one of the former
classes.t The mode in which he endeavoured
to establish his position, was the following.
It was first assumed, that virtue, or the art
of life, (for this was the meaning of the term in
the school of the Old Academy,) was not to be
reckoned among the objects of primary desire.
It was learnt like any other art, and was to be
subsequently applied to the management of
those objects, as reason should suggest. The
objects, therefore, to which the appetency of
autem et duplices expositiones summi boni tres omnino fuerunt :
nee vero plures, si penitus rerum naturam videas, esse potue-
runt. De Fin. lib. v. c. 8. Compare c. 6.
* Ex qua tripertita velut generalium distributione sectarum
M. Varro in libro De Philosophia tarn multam dogmatum
varietatem diligenter et subtiliter scrutatus advertit, ut ad
cclxxxviii sectas, non quse jam essent, sed qua? esse possent,
adhibens quasdam differentias, facillime perveniret. Civ. Dei,
lib. xix. c. i.
f Si quae aliae possent similiter adjici. Civ. Dei, lib. xix.
c. 2.
410 PAGANISM AND
man may be supposed to carry him without the
help of any instruction, and by the force of
nature alone, are four in number. First, Plea-
sure, which applies to the senses of the body.
Secondly, Indolence, in its stricter meaning, or
a freedom from bodily pain. Thirdly, the
former objects, or positive and negative plea-
sure, in conjunction; to both of which, thus
considered, Epicurus applied the single term of
pleasure. Fourthly, the primary objects of
nature understood in a large sense, comprehend-
ing the former objects, and adding others to
them, such as the integrity of the body and its
parts, its general health and due conservation,
and the exercise of the mind in a greater or less
degree, according to the proportion of ability
in every man.* In relation therefore to these
objects we must now consider virtue, concerning
which a reservation was originally made: and
* Quatuor esse quaedam, quae homines sine magistro, sine
ullo doctririae adminiculo, sine industria vel arte vivendi, quae
Virtus dicitur, et proculdubio discitur, velut naturaliter appe-
tunt : aut Voluptatem, qua delectabiliter movetur corporis sen-
sus : aut Quietem, qua fit ut nullam molestiam corporis quisque
patiatur ; aut utramque, quam tamen uno nomine Voluptatis
Epicurus appellat ; aut universaliter prim a naturae, in quibus
et haec surit et alia. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1 .
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 411
the first difference of opinion will begin on the
question, Whether virtue, acquired at a later
time, is to be considered as inferior, or superior,
to each of the four classes of objects before enu-
merated ; or whether it is to be connected with
them on a footing of mere equality? If it is
inferior, it will be acquired for the sake of the
former objects, and be treated in subserviency
to them. If superior, the objects will be pos-
sessed not so much for their own sake, as for
the sake of virtue; and virtue, last in time,
will be first in importance. If it is only equal
with the objects, each will be possessed not
for the sake of the other, but on account of
its own value. Now, pleasure is the first of
the four classes. Virtue may therefore be con-
sidered in the three modes here mentioned, as
inferior, superior, or equal, to pleasure. But if
so, it may be considered in the same manner
with respect to each of the remaining classes,
indolence, positive and negative pleasure to-
gether, and the primary objects of nature gene-
rally understood. From the four classes then,
capable of being considered, each of them in
three modes, results the number twelve. Ac-
cordingly, this is the number of sects obtained
in the first stage, from a comparison of virtue
412 PAGANISM AND
which is subsequently attained, with the natural
objects which may be primarily desired.*
But this number will at once be doubled, if
we suppose a single difference of opinion con-
cerning the principle on which each of the
twelve sects is to be followed. Some men
adopt a particular mode of philosophy for their
own sakes; and look no farther than to the
personal pleasure or advantage to be derived
from the profession of it. But some philosophize
with more liberality. These embrace the social
principle ; and in their choice of a school endea-
vour to benefit others together with themselves.
Each of the sects then, already supposed, may
be followed on the first, or second of these
principles; and if twelve are of one opinion,
twelve may be of another. And thus are
twenty-four sects obtained. f
* Haec igitur quatuor, id est, voluptas, quie, utrumque,
prima naturae, ita sunt in nobis, ut vel virtus, quam postea
doctrina inserit, propter hsec appetenda sit; aut ista propter
virtutem, aut utraque propter seipsa. Ac per hoc fiunt duo-
decim sectse : per hanc enim rationem singulae triplicautur.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c, 1.
f Quocirca duodecim sunt eorum, qui propter se tantummodo
unamquamque tenendam putant j at alise duodecim eorum, qui
non solum propter se sic vel sic philosophandum esse decer-
nimt; sed etiam propter alios. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 413
A similar increase will arise from the cer-
tainty or the uncertainty attributed to the
opinions thus supposed. The Stoics attached
an absolute certainty to their maxim, that the
proper and only happiness of man was to be
found in the honestum. In this therefore they
firmly and unalterably persisted, on account of
the undeniable truth and security which was
supposed to belong to it. Nor were the doc-
trines of the Old Academy without a similar
confidence as to the great object of human life.
Speculations concerning GOD and the soul
might be remote and doubtful; but no hesita-
tion was confessed on the ends of good and
evil.* On the other hand, the New Academi-
* De bonorum autem, et e contrario malorum finibus negant
ullo modo esse dubitandum, et hanc inter se et novos Acade-
micos affirmant esse distantiam. ib. c. 3. This at least is the
representation of Antiochus, from whom Varro learnt his phi-
losophy. Augustin observes, that Cicero speaks of him rather
as a Stoic than an Old Academician. It appears indeed, that,
though nominally of the New Academy, he adopted at pleasure
the opinions of other sects, and aimed at the establishment of a
Syncretism: Is alia via incedendum ratus, non oppugnandas,
sed cum Academia conciliandas reliquas sectas esse statuitj
ideoque Stoicam sectam in Academiam transtulit, cum Stoicum
praeceptorem habuisset. Unde veteris Academiae placita re-
414 PAGANISM AND
cians disclaimed all positive determination on
this and other subjects. With them, nothing
was certain. Though they still professed the
pursuit of truth, if by any means it might be
found ; yet the utmost assent to which they suf-
fered themselves to be carried, was that which
was extorted from them by the force of proba-
bility or verisimilitude. They followed truth
therefore as if it were real : they held it as only
apparent; and supposed that, after the keenest
pursuit, the best founded philosophy could pre-
tend to nothing more than the resemblance of
truth. Hence it follows, that the twenty-four
sects, lately obtained, may be chosen on the
first or second of these principles. The maxims
of each sect may be regarded as certain, or un-
certain: and if twenty-four are of one opinion,
twenty-four may be of the other. And thus
are forty-eight sects created.*
But another increase will arise from a differ-
ence of opinion concerning the philosophic
vocando, conspirare ea cum Stoicis et Peripateticis censuit.
Brucker. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. 4. 7.
* A^iginti-quatuor ergo fiunt per eos, qui eas (sectas) velut
certas propter veritatem ; et aliae viginti-quatuor, per eos qui
easdem, quamvis incertas, propter verisimilitudinem sequendas
putant. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 415
dress, in which the sects may choose to main-
tain their opinions. The sect, remarkable above
all others for its outward appearance, was that
of the Cynics. Antisthenes, its founder, was a
scholar of Socrates, and had often heard him
pour his happy ridicule on the affected finery of
the Sophists whom he delighted to expose,
But, either misled by the rigour which he im-
puted to his master, or urged by personal va-
nity* to a singularity of invention, he struck
out a mode of dress at once new and revolting.
The pallium alone was his covering;! and that
* ^Elian says indeed, that Socrates was displeased with
him, and ridiculed his affected rags ; TO litppwyoQ l^aris
ftepoQ. lib. ix. c. 35. It is Laertius who tells the well-known
story of Socrates discovering the vanity of Antisthenes through
the holes of his pallium ; in vit. Antisth.
f The pallium is thus described by Tertullian : Extrinsecus
habitus et ipse quadrangulus ; ab utroque laterum regestus, et
cervicibus circumstrictus, in fibulae morsu humeris acquiescebat,
(De Pallio, c. 1 .) He preferred it to the toga, and wore it on
account of its superior ease and convenience -, pallio nihil ex-
peditius, etiam si duplex, quod Cratetis. Mora nusquam ves-
tiendo cum ponitur : quippe tota molitio ejus operire est solu-
tim. Id ex uno circumjectu licet, equidem nusquam inhumano j
ita omnia hominis simul contegit. ib. c. 5. In this, however,
there seems to have been some enthusiasm. It must have re-
quired some courage too, on account of the dislike which was
shewn to this dress at Carthage. But the pallium had fallen
416 PAGANISM AND
was squalid. His beard was long; and all the
furniture of his person was a pouch, in which
he carried his scraps, and a stick, which served
the double purpose of supporting his steps,
and of bestowing an occasional chastisement on
a negligent or refractory hearer. He walked
about, a disgustful picture of philosophy turned
beggar, and ambition clothed in voluntary
wretchedness. No other sect would submit to
the use of one loose garment which was to serve
the body without the aid of any more clothing.
The very Stoics, the solemn imitators of the Cy-
nics, refused to acquiesce in this point. While
they aped Antisthenes in the rigour of his doc-
into general discredit before that time. The 71st oration of
Dio Chrysostom is employed in inquiring, why the philosophers
were followed by mobs who laughed at them, and plucked
their pallium, while artisans wearing the dresses of their trades,
walked the streets without disturbance. The owl, it seems,
was at first followed by the small birds through mere admira-
tion of her wisdom. So was Diogenes by the people. But
now nothing remains except the wings, the eyes, and the beak
of the philosophical owl, and hence the contempt expressed
by the people: //yuwv EKCL^OQ TYIV ^ttv <roX^v e^ci Trjv ^wKpdrug
KOI Atoyeve' TO c)e fypoveiv, TroAAS ^eo/jcv oyuot elVai rolg
avfydffiv tKtivoig, r; jjfv 6jueKa> avro7e, ij Adysg rotarsc &aAt-
yeo-flat. For the dress of Antisthenes, see Brucker, Hist.
Philos. Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 8. 2.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 417
trine, they revolted from his dress, and added
a tunic, which was worn within the pallium.*
* Habitus Cynicorum eo tantum a reliquorum philosopho-
rum habitu distabat, quod hi tunicam sub pallio non gestarent j
reliqui omnes gestarent. Ideo Juvenalis, qui sectam Cynicam
a Stoi'cd parum diversam, quod ad dogmata videret esse, dixit :
Stoi'ca dogmata tantum
A Cynicis tunica distantia-
quod Stoici cum tunicis sub pallio ambularent, Cynici ver6
a.^iT(jiVf.g essent. Salmas. in Vit. M. Antonin. Hist. Aug. c. 2.
In a note on the same chapter, Casaubon says: Fuere et
propriae singularum sectarum notae, propria gestamina. But it
is not easy to make them out. The distinguishing marks of
the Cynics and Stoics have just been noticed. The Epicureans
probably followed the Cyrenaics; and the studied elegance of
Aristippus, their leader, is well known ; Cultui corporis et
elegantiae atque decori quam maxime studebat, says Brucker.
The Old Academy, and perhaps the New, preserved, probably
for the most part, the manner of Plato, whose dress was grave
and unostentatious j for we cannot suppose that the Peripa-
tetics themselves would adopt the extravagancies of Aristotle.
Julian gives an account of the quarrel between him and Plato,
which was occasioned in great measure by the important article
of the philosophical dress. Aristotle, it seems, was violently
inclined to be a coxcomb ! His clothes (eo-fl^e, perhaps the
outer and body garment) were affectedly fine. So were his
sandals. He cropped his hair, and took a strange pride in wear-
ing a number of rings. He was a great talker; and a great
quizzer too! KCU fjnaicia e TIQ i\v avrS Trcpt TO irpoffUTrov' KCLL
aKaipoQ <za)p,v\ia \a\avrog Karrjyopet KCU avrrj TOV rpotrov avrS f
lib. iii. c. 19. If Plato, who disapproved of these manners,
E E
418 PAGANISM AND
Hence it probably is, that, in this part of his
argument, Varro considers the Cynics on one
side, and all other philosophers in opposition
to them. Those therefore who follow the
opinions of the forty-eight sects last obtained,
may profess their philosophy in the Cynic
habit, or in some dress added to the pallium by
the other schools. But if forty-eight are of one
opinion, forty-eight may be of another. And
thus are formed ninety-six sects.*
There remains another increase; and it is the
last. It was a favourite practice with some of
the most eminent philosophers to write treatises
for the guidance of the public conduct of
others; but to choose a life of retirement for
themselves. Cicero points out this disposition
in Aristotle and Theophrastus; and follows it
with no small praise. Each of them had in-
quired into the true nature and constitution of
indulged some finery about his house,, perhaps he drew some
excuse from the example of Socrates, who is said to have been
somewhat curious about the neatness of his small dwelling, his
low couch, and his domestic slippers, ib. lib. iv. c. 11.
* Unamquamque istarum quadraginta-octo sectarum potest
quisque sequi habitu caeterorum philosophorum, itemque potest
alius habitu Cynicorum. Ex hac etiam differentid duplicantur,
et nonaginta-sex fiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 419
a republic, the duties of those who possessed
the highest stations in it, and the particular
conjunctures in which the skill of government
might best be applied, in order to direct the
current of events as circumstances might re-
quire. Yet a life spent in quiet, and devoted
to contemplative knowledge, was pronounced
by both to be most worthy of the man of wis-
dom. Indeed, it was supposed to have some-
thing divine in it, and to approach nearer than
any other mode of life, to that of the gods.*
It appears therefore, that though some might
apply themselves to the administration of pub-
lic affairs, while they maintained the opinions
of their sects ; and though some might divide
their time between the pursuit of philosophy
and the calls of business, (both which cases
were sufficiently common,) yet there were
* Cumque uterque eorum docuisset, qualem in republic^,
principem esse conveniret ; pluribus praeterek cum scripsisset,
qui esset optimus reipublicae status : hoc amplius Theophrastus,
quae essent in republica inclinationes rerum et momenta tempo-
rum, quibus esset moderandum utcunque res postularet. Vitae
autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis placuit quieta, in
contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum ; quae quia Deorum
erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima. De Fin. lib.
v. c. 4.
EE2
420 PAGANISM AND
others, who, amidst an adherence to their sect,
chose to persist in an indulgence of literary re-
tirement and philosophic contemplation. Hence
the sects, lately supposed, are capable of being
followed in each of the three modes, retirement,
activity, or a mixture of both ; and consequently,
from the multiplication of their sums, or ninety-
six by three, is obtained the total sum of two
hundred and eighty-eight: and this is the num-
ber of sects which it was originally proposed
to discover.*
* Denique, quia earum singulas quasque ita tueri homines
possunt atque sectari, ut aut otiosam diligant vitam, sicut hi
qui tantummodo studiis doctrinae vacare voluerunt ; aut nego-
tiosam, sicut hi, qui cum philosopharentur, tamen administra-
tione reipublicae, regendisque rebus humanis occupatissimi fue-
runt - } aut ex utroque genere temperatam, sicut hi qui partim
erudito otic, partim necessario negotio, alternantia vitae suae tem-
pora tribuerunt; propter has differentias potest etiam triplicari
numerus iste sectarum, et ad ducentas, octoginta-octo perduci.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. After " voluerunt" in the above passage,
Augustin adds, " atque valuerunt." This, and other such jingles,
would betray him (for he is unhappily fond of these contrivances)
even if we had not his own confession, that he has clothed the
arguments of Varro in his own language: Haec de Varronis
libro quantum potui, breviter ac dilucide posui, sententias ejus
meis explicans verbis. ib. This custom was indeed too preva-
lent among the early Christian writers, and gives to their criti-
cisms a laxity which a just taste must condemn.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 421
But this number, the creature of Varro's
fancy, is presently destroyed, with the same
facility with which it had been formed. In-
deed, he does not apply the same principle of
reduction to all the sects thus supposed. Some
he treats as having no substantial foundation on
which to place a difference of opinion concern-
ing happiness. With the rest he argues as sects
legitimately formed. Yet the opinions of these
also he proves to be incompetent to the object
proposed; and comparing them with his own,
he finally establishes the philosophy of the Old
Academy, as that which alone would reward
the pursuit of a wise man intent on the disco-
very of the Summum Bonum.
His principle of reduction is drawn from the
final purpose of Philosophy. The only worthy
and sufficient object for which we philosophize,
is happiness. But that which causes happiness,
is the end itself of good. It is necessary there-
fore to the legitimate existence of a philosophi-
cal sect, that it pursue some object which it
believes to be the very end of good; and it is
farther necessary, that this should be separate
and distinct from any supposed end of good
which is pursued by other sects.* If this fun-
* Neque enim existimat ullam philosophise sectam esse di-
422 PAGANISM AND
damental rule is applied to the increase last
obtained, we shall find, that, when the question
is only concerning the preference to be given to
contemplative retirement, or public activity,
or a mixture of both, the principal point is
omitted: for here the dispute is not concerning
the very end of good, but whether the pursuit
of it be facilitated by one of the three modes
more than by the others.* Happiness is the
end of good ; but that which is adopted only
as preparative of the end of good, cannot be
the end itself. Accordingly, though each of the
three modes may be preferred by various per-
sons, all of these will still be obliged to search
farther for the end of good, which lies beyond
cendam, quae non eo distet & caeteris, quod diversos habeat
fines bonorum et malorum; quandoquidem nulla est homini
causa pbilosophandi, nisi ut beatus sit. Quod autem beatum
facit, ipse est finis boni. Nulla est igitur causa pbilosophandi,
nisi finis boni. Quamobrem, quae nullum boni finem sectatur,
nulla philosophiae secta dicenda est. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
* In tribus quoque illis vitae generibus, uno scilicet non seg-
niter, sed in contemplatione vel inquisitione veritatis otioso,
altero in gerendis rebus humanis negotioso, tertio ex utroque
genere temperate, cum quaeritur quid horum sit potius eligen-
dum, non finis boni habet controversial^ sed quid horum trium
difficultatem vel facilitatem afferat ad consequendum vel rett-
nendum finem boni j id in ista quaestione versatur. Civ. Dei^
lib. xix. c. 2.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 423
the modes. The difference therefore which has
been created by the modes is not sufficiently
substantial for the proper foundation of philo-
sophical sects. They are consequently disal-
lowed. The total number loses two-thirds at
once, and is reduced to ninety-six.*
If a similar reasoning is employed on the
Cynic addition, the result will be similar. For
in this case also, the question is not concerning
the end itself of good ; it applies only to the
external appearance of those who pursue it.
But a distinction thus unsubstantial can be of
no avail towards the attainment of happiness.
The habit of Antisthenes must therefore be dis-
regarded : for not only does it not necessarily
lead to the final good of man, but it has never
had the power of ensuring even an uniformity
of opinion concerning it.f The truth is, that
philosophic principles, discordant with one an-
other, have frequently been maintained amidst
the assumption of the same common habit.
* Nam remote illo tripertito genere vitae, duae partes hujus
numeri detralmntur, et sectae nonaginta-sex remanent. ib. c. 2.
t Denique fuerunt, qui cum diversa sequerentur bona finalia,
alii virtutem, alii voluptatem ; eundem tamen habitum et con-
suetudinem tenebant, ex quo Cynici appellabantur. Civ. Dei,
lib. xix. c. 1.
424 PAGANISM AND
And on the other hand, the habit has also
served to give an outward distinction from
other sects, when a genuine difference of opinion
could hardly be pleaded.* It follows therefore,
that the increase occasioned by the Cynic
claims, must also be disallowed. Hence, from
the number which lately remained, one half is
taken away; and forty-eight sects are left.f
Liable to the same objection is the 'increase
made in favour of the New Academy. For in
the dispute between the followers of that school,
and other philosophers, the end of good has no
place. The question is only, whether the ob-
ject of pursuit be certain or uncertain, whether
it be discoverable by the force of philosophy,
and whether man attain the substance, or only
the resemblance of truth.J But in this case
* Ita illud, quicquid est, unde philosophi Cynici discernun-
tur k cseteris, ad eligendum ac tenendum bonuin, quo beati
fierent, utique nil valebat. Nam si aliquid ad hoc interesset,
profecto idem habitus eundem finem sequi cogeret, et diverstrs
habitus eundem sequi finem non sineret. ib.
f Remota vero differentia ex Cynicis addita, ad dimidium
rediguntur, et quadraginta-octo fiunt. ib, c. 2.
J Item cum quaeritur de Academicis novis, quibus incerta
sunt omnia, utrum ita sint res habendse, in quibus philoso-
phandum est, an sicut aliis philosophis placuit, certas eas habere
debeinus^ non quaeritur quid in boni fine sectandum sit, sed de
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 425
also is a difference of too shadowy a kind to
j ustify the separate establishment of a sect. The
nature of the Suminum Bonum lies beyond the
matter in debate ; for all the anxiety of the dis-
putants is wasted on the circumstances of the
question, on the apparent, or the actual, exist-
ence of good. The pretensions of the New
Academicians must therefore be also rejected;
and of the number to which we lately fell, one
half will be lost. And thus twenty-four sects
will remain.*
But these will be liable to a similar reduc-
tion; the debate concerning the social life of a
philosopher being equally remote from the prin-
cipal subject, with the academic uncertainty.
For neither in this case is the question concern-
ing the end of good; but whether, in the pur-
suit of it, we shall confine our views to our-
selves, or extend them to others.f But a dif-
ipsius boni veritate, quod videtur sectandum, utrum sit, necne,
dubitandum. Civ. Dei, lib xix. c. i.
* Conferamus etiam quod ex Academicis novis adhibitum
est, rursus dimidia pars remanet, id est, viginti quatuor. ib.c. 2^
f Cum ergo quseritur de sociali vitd, utrum sit tenenda sa-
pienti ut Summutn Bonum, quo fit homo beatus, ita velit et
curet amici sui, quemadmodum suum, an suae tantummodo
beatitudinis causd faciat quicquid facit; non de ipso summa
426 PAGANISM AND
ference concerning the mere participation of
good, is not a difference concerning good itself.
The increase therefore which was obtained by
it, cannot be allowed; and the twenty-four
sects must be reduced to twelve.*
Against these, however, the same objection
cannot be urged. They have a right to be con-
sidered as sects; and there may be patrons of
each. Pleasure, a freedom from pain, a con-
junction of both, and the primary goods of na-
ture, may be viewed in connection with virtue.
Each of the classes may be treated as superior,
inferior, or equal to it; and all these opinions
will be entitled respectively to the substantial
character of philosophy.! In the examination
of their merits, therefore, a different method is
to be adopted. All the sects professing these
opinions being allowed to be genuine, it is in~
bono quaestio est, sed de assumendo, vel non assumendo socio
ad hujus participationem boni, propter seipsum, sed propter
eundem socium, ut ejus bono ita gaudeat, sicut gaudet suo.
Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
* De sociali quoque vita quod accesserat, similiter auferatur,
et duodecira sunt reliquae, quas ista differentia, ut viginti-qua-
tuor fierent, duplicaverat. ib. c. 2.
f De his ergo duodecim nihil dici potest, cur sectae non sint
habendae. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 2.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 427
quired, which has the right of priority ; and the
palm is given by Varro to that which joins the
superiority of virtue with the primary goods of
nature. In order to establish this decision, the
four original classes are first compared. But
three are pronounced incompetent, in compari-
son of the other ; for pleasure is involved in the
primary goods of nature; and so is freedom
from pain. Nor will the union of both establish
the claim of the third class; for this is still
exceeded in value by the fourth, which, as has
already appeared, comprehends in itself the
goods of all the former classes, and brings the
beneficial addition of many particulars, which
they do not contain.* Here then the objection
is made to the first three classes, not as they are
considered in their natures, but in their defi-
ciency of provision. They do not extend them-
selves far enough in the region of good; and
* Ex illis autem quatuor rebus Varro tres tollit, voluptatem
scilicet et quietem, et utrumque 5 non quod eas improbet, sed
quod primigenia ilia naturae et voluptatem in se habeant et
quietem. Quid ergo opus est ex his duabus tria quaedam fa-
cere, duo scilicet, cum sigillatim appetuntur voluptas et quies j
et tertiu.m, cum ambae simulj quandoquidem prima naturae,
et ipsas, et praeter ipsas, alia multa contineant ? Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 2.
428 PAGANISM AND
the prima naturae are preferred, because the
class which they compose is more comprehen-
sive in its objects, and therefore more largely
conducive to the welfare of man. Hence too
it appears, that, of the three modes in which the
four classes were considered, that is to be pre-
ferred which asserts the superiority of virtue.
For to subject virtue to either of the classes, is
to reverse the order of nature which is estab-
lished in the constitution of man, and which
has been already described. To attribute to
her a mere equality with either of them, is to
withhold from her that command which is
justly due to her superior value. It remains
then, that virtue govern the class with which
she is connected, and that this be also the class
of primary importance.
From all these considerations it follows, that
the philosophy which alone is worthy to be
pursued by the wise man, terminates in the
junction of the fourth class with the first mode;
or, in the terms of the argument, that the Sum-
mum Bonum consists in the prima naturae, and
the superiority of Virtue. Indeed, it is allowed,
that the primary goods of nature, which are
thus subjected to virtue, are desirable in the
first instance on their own account. But when
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 429
they become connected with virtue, which,
though of subsequent acquirement, is of prior
importance, they fall under her application and
control: for Virtue alone is capable of using
both itself and all other things for the purposes
of happiness.*
Sufficient inquiry has now been made into
the nature of the antient systems of philosophy
concerning the Summum Bonum; and it ap-
pears, how ineffectual were the attempts of rea-
son and genius united, to discover that which
Revelation alone can teach, the proper end of
our being. For the completion of the subject,
therefore, it will be only necessary to add a few
observations arising from the doctrines which
have been reviewed.
1 . Concerning the sect which was first no-
ticed, it may be of importance to remark the
involuntary testimony which it bears to a great
and standing truth, viz. that in the nature of
things, right principles have a genuine ascen-
dency of character, and that Vice itself is com-
pelled to borrow the aid of Virtue for its own
* Omnium autem bonorum vel animi vel corporis, nihil sibi
Virtus omnino praeponit. Haec enim bene utitur et seipsa, et
caeterisj quae hominem faciunt beatum, bonis. Civ. Dei, lib.
xix. c. 3.
430 PAGANISM AND
support. The votaries of pleasure dared not to
propose their philosophy in its own licentious
nakedness. They courted the sanction of some-
thing more dignified ; and it is well observed
by Cicero, that when Torquatus talked of the
virtues, and their connection with the Summum
Bonum of Epicurus, his voice was raised, and all
his gestures shewed his internal feeling of their
superior value. The connection however was
equally degrading to virtue, and unavailing to
Epicurus. While Cato felt, that to join plea-
sure with virtue was to thrust an harlot into the
society of matrons,* he strongly exposed the
real and only purpose of such a philosophy, and
the insignificance of its end, when compared
with the labour employed in the pursuit of it.
Epicurus claimed the possession of wisdom;
and in the pride of physical inquiry, ranged
through the heavens and the earth, the air and
the sea, and formed a comprehensive system of
nature. But what was the purpose of all this
philosophical labour? The attainment of plea-
sure! Xerxes astonished the world with his
* Quid enim necesse est, tanquam meretricem in matrona-
l-urn coetura, sic voluptatem in virtutum concilium adducere ?
De Fin. lib. ii. c. 4.
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 431
warlike preparations. He joined the shores of
the Hellespont, and dug through Athos. He
walked the seas, and navigated the land. If it
had been asked of Xerxes, why he burst upon
Greece with so mighty a force? with equal
reason might he have answered, to fetch honey
from HymettusP
2. On the second of these sects we may re-
mark, what errors await virtue itself, when the
exercise of it is left to the mere direction of
nature! It is the distinguishing excellence of
Christianity, that it brings us to GOD through
the acknowledgment of our natural frailty, and
teaches a reliance on Heaven through a distrust
of ourselves. While it elevates the soul, it
lowers the passions. While it dignifies the
character, it extinguishes self-opinion, and
* Ut, si Xerxes, cum tantis classibus, tantisque equestribus
et pedestribus copiis, Hellesponto juncto, Athene perfosso,
maria ambulavisset, terramque navigasset, si cum tanto impetu
in Graeciam venisset, causam ejus quis ex eo quaereret tantamm
copiarum tantique belli, mel se auferre ex Hymetto voluisse
diceret, certe sine causa videretur tanta conatus 5 sic nos sapi-
entem, pluribus et gravissimis artibus atque virtutibus instruc-
tum et ornatum, non, ut ilium maria pedibus peragrantem,
classibus montes, sed omne coelum totamque cum universe mari
terrain mente complexum, voluptatem petere si dicemus, mellis
causa dicemus tanta molitum. De Fin. lib. ii, c. 34.
432 PAGANISM AND
makes humility the basis of duty. The maxims
of the Stoic were indeed superior to those of
the Epicurean ; but he grew in arrogance as he
improved in doctrine. He looked to no supe-
rior being, but drew his virtue from the powers
of his independent nature. He was completely
wise in himself; and, in his own estimation,
became his own god*
3. From the principles of the Old Academy
results a conclusion equally revolting, or equally
unsatisfactory. The Peripatetic was ready to
proclaim with the Stoic, that intelligence and
action are the two distinguishing features of
man, and that he may be termed a mortal deity.f
Varro too, like Epicurus, has ranged through
all nature in quest of human happiness, and is
equally proud of his discovery. The man pos-
sessed of the virtue of his sect is happy in him-
self, and secure from the stroke of fortune and
the mutability of the world. J He has also the
* 0et8 TE flvaC eytw yap kv kavTOiQ oiovii Seov. Laert.
in vit. Zenon.
f Hominem ad duas res, ut ait Aristoteles, intelligendum
et agendum, esse natum, quasi mortalem Deum. De Fin.
lib. ii. c. 13.
J Jam non dubitabis, quin earum (virtutum) compotes ho-
mines, magno ammo erectoque viventes, semper sint beatij
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 433
high privilege of being free from all doubt
concerning his .principles, and from all error.*
Whence arises this confidence? It is the boast
of the Academic philosophy, that it is not re-
stricted to single points of doctrine, but has a
larger and more secure foundation, and em-
braces both the component parts of our nature.
But what is obtained by this junction of the
concerns of the soul with the condition of the
body? Through the examination which has
been made of the opinions of Plato, we have
already detected the fallacy of the object to
which he directed the hopes of the soul. And,
as to Varro, he is in this, as in his former dis-
quisition, utterly silent concerning an existence
in a future state. Man, mortal man, is the
beginning and the end of his philosophy. To
discover the art by which common life may be
best conducted, is all his concern, the object
of all his virtue. He never turned his views
towards another world for the happiness which
he sought. Probably, his sagacity had taught
qui omnes motus fortune mutationesque rerum et temporimi
leves et imbecilles fore intelligant, si in virtutis certamen ve-
nerint. De Fin. lib. v. c. 24.
* Eamque sectam sicut dubitatione, ita omni errore carere
arbitrator. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1.
F F
434 PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY COMPARED.
him the emptiness of the fancies of Plato. He
formed none for himself; and we must conclude
concerning a genius distinguished at Rome by
his capacity of research, his depth of penetra-
tion, his strong judgment, and extensive learn-
ing, that he indulged no hope of immortality,
and that to his eyes futurity was " one univer-
sal blank."
INDEX.
ACADEMICIANS, Old, the extent of their philosophy, 387.
Followers of Plato and Aristotle, ib. General view of
their principles, 390, &c.
ACADEMICIANS, New, the uncertainty of their opinions, 413,
414.
AHAZ, why he worshipped the Syrian gods, 56.
AJAX in the other world resents his treatment about the armour
of Achilles, 304, note.
ALARIC takes Rome, 1 1 7. His protection of the Christians,
122. Grants an asylum to those who fled to the churches,
141.
ALEXANDRIA, school of, 252.
AMBROSE defends Christianity against Symmachus, 69.
ANAXAGORAS, his philosophy, 230.
ANAXIMANDER, his philosophy, 224.
ANAXIMENES, his philosophy, 224.
ANTONINUS, his rescript in favour of the Christians, 61 .
APOLLO, Pythian, the meaning of his maxim to <e know our-
selves," 404.
APULEIUS, a follower of Plato, 235.
ARNOBIUS refutes the Pagans, 65. His account of the Roman
Stage, 200.
F F 2
436 INDEX.
ATHENAGORAS, his pleading for the Christians, 7. 12. His
cheerfulness under suffering, 28.
AUGUSTIN, character of his " City of God," 79. 82. His mis-
taken view of Plato's theology, 244.
AUGUSTUS revenges himself upon Neptune, 57. His reign
assists the propagation of the Faith, 94.
BACCHUS, by what represented, 211.
B^EREBISTES, a leader of the Getae, 107.
BELLONA offended at Christianity, 137.
BERECYNTHIA, her profligate rites, 205, note.
BREHME, the Indian deity, what supposed to be? 269.
BRENNUS plunders Rome, 136.
BRITAIN, its power connected with true religion, 1 74.
BRUCKER, his view of Plato's philosophy, 238. 246.
BURIAL, antient, solemnity of, 160.
BYZANTIUM, by whom built and improved, 100.
CARTHAGE, its destruction injurious to Rome, 98.
C^SSAR descended from .ZEneas, 125. General viciousness and
tyranny of the Caesars, 96, 97.
CERES, her rites, 205.
CHRYSIPPUS, the gods supposed to make use of his system of
logic, 368.
CICERO, his argument against Fate, 152. His imitation of
Plato, concerning the uncertainty of a future world, 339,
341. note Account of his treatise " De Finibus," 348.
The uncertainty of his opinions, 349. His description of
the social principle, 406.
CLAUDIAN celebrates the defeat of the Goths, 115.
CLAUDIUS, why called Gothicus, 109.
CLUVERIUS, his system concerning the Goths, 105.
INDEX. 437
CONSTANTINE conquers the Goths, 109.
CREATION, proper doctrine of, not taught by Plato, 314. nor
by any Pagan theology, 316.
CYBELE much respected by the Romans, 127. Unable to save
Troy, ib.
CYNICS, their strange and affected dress, 415.
DACI, name of, to whom given, 103.
DEMIURGE, superior to other beings, 270. Will not trouble
himself with the formation of man, or with his concerns, ib.
Eternal life not within his gift, 28 1 .
DEMONS, Platonic, their nature described, 275.
DICJBARCHUS writes against the immortality of the soul, 286.
DOMITIAN, his pretended victories over the Daci, 108.
EGYPT, what Plato learnt there, 247.
EPICURUS adopts part of the doctrine of Democritus, 236.
His threefold philosophy, 349. His numerous followers,
351. Their character, 352. His SummumBonum is plea-
sure, 354. He associates the Virtues with it, 359. Ridicule
of this by Cleanthes and Augustin, 361. The account of
him by Laertius agrees with that of Cicero, 365. Compared
with Xerxes, 430.
EUCHERIUS, his intention to revive Paganism, 121.
FABIUS, his cruelty at Tarentum, 139.
FATE, nature of, 145.
FIMBRIA overthrows the second Troy, 133.
Fuscus, a repast for Dacian vultures, 108.
GERMANICUS, his death revenged upon the Pagan gods, 58.
, situation of, 102. Whether the same with the Goths, ib.
438 INDEX.
GODS, their limited departments, 176.
GOTHS, origin of, 104.
HERMES, his doctrine concerning statues, 210. note.
HERMIAS, his ridicule of the Pagan doctrines concerning God
and the soul of man, 341. note.
HERACLITUS, his philosophy improved by Plato, 234.
HERILLUS, in what he placed the Summum Bonum, 387.
HiERONYMus, in what he placed the Summum Bonum, 387.
HUNS, descend to the Danube, 1 10.
JANUS, door-keeper to the gods, 178. note.
JEWS, hostile to the propagation of Christianity, 18. 23.
Lose their empire through the love of idolatry, 1 70. Reason
of their dispersion, 171.
ILIUM, 131.
IMAGE-WORSHIP, antieiit philosophy of, 210, 211.
INTOLERANCE of Romans to Christians, 9.
JUNO, her hatred to the Trojans, 126. Unable to save Car-
thage, 129. Her rites, 204.
JUPITER unable to save his own Crete, 129. The soul of the
world, 181.
JUSTIN MARTYR, his account of the persecution of the Chris-
tians, 5, 6, 7, 8. His attachment to the Gospel, 28. His
supposition concerning Plato, 249.
LUCAN, his description of the people of Lesbos, 59. His
eulogy on Pompey's soldiers, 1 62.
MARCELLINUS, his description of Roman manners, 78.
MARCELLUS, his cruelty at Syracuse, 139.
MINERVA, her temple, 131. Her image, 134.
INDEX. 439
MINUCIUS FELIX, his belief in the resurrection of the body,
166.
MOSHEIM, his reprehension of Plato, 239.
NIGIDIUS, his experiment of the wheel, 148.
NUMA, simplicity of worship in his time, 168.
OCELLUS LUCANUS, his philosophy of the world, 227.
ORACLE, Delphic, meaning of the address made to it by the
worshippers, 269.
ORIGEN, vindicates the private meetings of Christians, 10.
OROSIUS, character of his history, 80.
OVID, his manner of celebrating the circular philosophy, 335.
PAUL, Saint, his description of the happiness promised by the
Gospel, 1. His labours and sufferings, 3, 4. His happi-
ness notwithstanding these, 24, 25.
PHERECYDES, the earliest writer quoted by Cicero, in favour of
the immortality of the soul, 288.
PHILOSOPHY, the term of, by whom first used, 222.
PHURNUTUS, his opinion concerning Jupiter, 182.
PLATO, his triple providence, 149. Adopts certain doctrines
of Pythagoras, 220. Travels in pursuit of knowledge, 234.
His triple philosophy, 235. His theology, 240. His
uncertainty concerning his own doctrines, 336.
POMPEY, the gods threatened for his defeat, 58.
PROCOPIUS, his account of the merciful acts of the Goths, 142.
PRUDENTIUS refutes Symmachus, 72. celebrates the defeat of
the Goths, 115.
PYTHAGORAS, founder of the Italian school, 225.
REFORMERS of England, compared with the early martyrs, 35.
440 INDEX.
RESURRECTION, antient belief in, 161.
REVELATION, in what different from Paganism, 217.
RHADAGAISUS defeated, 114. An idolater, 121.
ROME, causes of its decay, 86, Its provinces overrun by the
Barbarians, 100. Cruelty of Romans in war, 138. Their
early virtues, 173.
RUFFINUS, guardian qf Arcadius, 1 13.
SALLUST, his false praise of the Romans, 137.
SALVIAN'S view of Roman depravity, 99.
SENECA, his account of the superstitions of the Capitol, 201.
His contradiction of his principles, 207.
SOCRATES, of the Ionic school, 228. His account of his philo-
sophical studies, 229. The object of his doctrines, 233.
An idolater, 273. Refutes others, but teaches no system of
his own, 346. Consequences of this, ib. and 347.
SOUL, three degrees of, 212. Whether body or not, 284.
Plato's account of its immortality, 289. Its pre-existence,
293. Its situation in the body, 298. What becomes of it
after death, 304. Plato's doctrine of, self-contradictory or
impious, 333. Higher doctrine of the Scriptures, 335.
STILICHO, guardian of Honorius, 113.
STOICS, more learned than the Epicureans, 366. Their skill
in logic, 367. Their morals, 368. The faults which ac-
companied both, 369. Character of their philosophy, 370,
371. Their wise man, 384. He may kill himself to shew
his wisdom, 385. Their dress, 417.
SYLLA, his cruelty, 88.
SYMMACHUS, his pleading for the restoration of idolatry, 48.
67.
TATIAN proves Grecian knowledge to be later than the age of
Moses, 13, 14. 16. His attachment to the Scriptures, 31. '
INDEX. 441
TERTULLIAN upbraids the Romans for denying justice to the
Christians, 6.--His mention of the Lord's Supper, 10.
His comparison of the Pagan gods with the mangled Chris-
tians, 29. Argues for the Resurrection, 166.
THALES, founder of the Ionic school, 223. His principles, ib.
THEODOSIUS, his clemency, faith, and valour, 92. Represses
the Goths, 112.
THEOLOGY, fabulous, 194. Civil, 197. Natural, 208.
THEOPHILUS, his system of chronology against the Greeks, 15.
His account of their persecuting temper, 17. His disre-
gard of suffering, 26.
THRACE assigned to the Goths, 111.
TIM^US, the Locrian, his system of the world, 181. 227.
TRANSMIGRATION adopted by Plato from Pythagoras, .226,
TRANSUBSTANTIATION falsely inferred, 1 1 .
TRIUMVIRATES founded in perfidy and blood, 90.
VALENS defeated by the Goths, 112.
VARRO, his opinion of Jupiter, 187. His system of theology,
190 194. Submits to the worship which he despises, 207.
Makes no mention of eternal life, 217. A favourer of the
Old Academy, 348. His inquiry concerning the nature of
man, 390. His view of all possible sects, 409. His reduc-
tion of them to one, 428.
VICTORY, altar of, 67.
VIRGIL, his notion of Jupiter, 182. The probable meaning of
his ivory gate, 340.
ULYSSES, his wisdom in the choice of a second life, 305. note.
XENOPHON, his compliment to the Persians, 162. His account
of the opinions of Socrates, concerning philosophy, 231.
FINIS.
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