4 
 
 I 
 
 PAGANISM 
 
 AND 
 
 CHRISTIANITY 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY C. ROWOKTH, BELL YARD, 
 TEMPLE BAR. 
 
PAGANISM 
 
 r 
 
 AND 
 
 CHRISTIANITY 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 IN A COURSE OF LECTURES 
 
 TO THE KING'S SCHOLARS, AT WESTMINSTER, 
 IN THE YEARS 1806-7-8. 
 
 BY JOHN IRELAND, D.D. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 MDCCCXXV. 
 
\ J ( \ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IHE preparation of the following course of 
 Lectures devolved on me by an accident, with 
 which it is not necessary to trouble the Reader. 
 Whether the performance be entitled to any 
 degree of public esteem, must be left to the 
 determination of others . For the motives which 
 suggested it, I can decidedly answer. I was 
 desirous of being useful to the Institution which 
 I was called to serve; of shewing a mark of 
 attachment to the Church to which I have the 
 honour to belong; and of presenting to the 
 Young Men, whom it became my province to 
 instruct, something which might tend to the 
 formation of the CHRISTIAN SCHOLAR. 
 
 But, unacquainted with the mode of address 
 which my office might require, it was necessary 
 to obtain some better direction. On such an 
 occasion, it was impossible to apply to an higher 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 authority than the DEAN of Westminster. 
 With that attachment to the welfare of the 
 School, which so strongly marks Dr. VINCENT, 
 he entered into my wishes, and described what 
 would be most calculated to fix attention and 
 do good. History, literature, occasional criti- 
 cism, were desirable for the first purpose; and 
 the second would be answered, if these were 
 united with Religion. 
 
 In conformity with these suggestions, was 
 planned the following composition. As it ad- 
 vanced, a large portion of it was submitted to 
 his private inspection. He has uniformly encou- 
 raged me to proceed, by contributing his ad- 
 vice, and the benefit of his occasional remarks ; 
 and when at length a determination was taken 
 to print the Lectures, he signified his cordial 
 concurrence and approbation, in terms too flat- 
 tering to me to be repeated to the Public'. 
 
 The subject is chiefly historical, and divides 
 itself into two parts. The event which serves as 
 the foundation of the whole, is the capture of 
 Rome by Alaric, in the beginning of the fifth 
 century. Out of this arises, in the first part, a 
 defence of the Character of the Church against 
 the slanders of Paganism. The true causes of 
 the decay of the Empire are contrasted with the 
 
PREFACE. Vli 
 
 false; the impotence of the Heathen deities, to 
 whom the prosperity of Rome had been attri- 
 buted, is exposed in the arguments employed 
 by the ancient apologists of the Faith ; and the 
 beneficial tendency of the Gospel is asserted, 
 in its connection with the condition of Man in 
 the present life. This part may therefore be 
 called a Vindication of the civil Character of 
 Christianity in the Roman empire, during the 
 first four centuries. 
 
 The second part is employed in discussing the 
 opinions of the Pagans concerning the Worship 
 of a Deity, and the pursuit of Happiness, as it 
 was prescribed by the Philosophical sects. It 
 may be termed a view of mythological and mo- 
 ral notions, as they are opposed to the everlast- 
 ing promises of the Gospel ; and it contains an 
 examination of some of the more eminent Sys- 
 tems of Theology, and the Summum Bonum, 
 which prevailed in the Heathen world.* 
 
 * In some parts of this examination, I have crossed the 
 path of Leland. But whoever will take the trouble of a com- 
 parison, will soon be satisfied that _our methods are very dif- 
 ferent. I am happy, indeed, in agreeing with that excellent 
 man in his fundamental principle of the superiority of Revela- 
 tion to all the efforts of natural wisdom -, and the necessity of 
 it to the welfare of mankind. His style wants compression 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 With these are interwoven occasional ap- 
 peals to the superior doctrines of the Scriptures ; 
 and to this purpose is also dedicated the first, 
 or introductory, chapter; which presents a ge- 
 neral statement of the blessings annexed to the 
 sincere profession of Christianity, in the " life 
 which now is, and in that which is to come." 
 
 Some perhaps may wish, that a larger and 
 more regular plan of Revelation had been pre- 
 pared, in contrast with the vain search after 
 God and Happiness by the efforts of Philoso- 
 phy, This indeed was once intended. But, 
 on a revision, it appeared, that many notices, 
 tending to this purpose, were interspersed 
 through the body of the work, as immediate 
 correctives of the Heathen doctrines which had 
 been described in the lectures of each term; 
 that, to remove them from their present places, 
 would be injurious to the subjects amidst which 
 they stand ; and that, to repeat them in a gene- 
 ral statement, would be tedious and superfluous. 
 
 and force; his taste is not delicate 5 and he appears to me to 
 employ several of his quotations in a manner which betrays 
 too much dependence upon the collections of others. But his 
 views are generally accurate j his learning is respectable ; and 
 his genuine piety throws a sacred charm over all his other at- 
 tainments. 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 However, lest it should still be objected, that 
 only half my task is accomplished, and that 
 the refutation of Paganism is not the proof of 
 Revelation; ne quisquam nos aliena tantiim 
 redarguisse, non autem nostra asseruisse repre- 
 hendat;* a determination has been already 
 taken to begin another course of Lectures 
 which shall look to this as their principal ob- 
 ject ; describe, in a regular manner, the scheme 
 of Revelation; and impress more fully on the 
 young hearers its doctrines and its duties. 
 
 It is hoped that this will be accepted as an 
 apology for the attempt which has been made 
 in the subject now presented to the public. 
 There are, however, certain classes of persons, 
 to whom this mode of treating it may be in 
 want of farther vindication. 
 
 The fanatic, a portion of whose spirit has 
 been lately reviving amongst us, seems to value 
 religion, in proportion to the ruggedness of its 
 appearance. He indulges his own barbarous 
 and repulsive jargon, and rejects the assistance 
 of profane learning, as if it tended to impair the 
 character of Evangelical truth. To him I 
 would suggest, that he entirely mistakes the 
 
 * August. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43. 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 nature and influence of that literature which is 
 taught in our schools. Our faith is not injured 
 by the accession of classical taste. Mythology 
 neither taints the purity of the Gospel, nor en- 
 dangers our salvation. Indeed, it suggests new 
 methods of defending Revelation, the superiority 
 of which is rightly inferred from an exposure 
 of the weakness of the religion of nature. We 
 dwell for a while in classic ground. In our 
 more mature judgment, we compare the imagi- 
 nations of men with Divine truth. We turn 
 our collections to Christian profit, and offer the 
 fruits of our studies on the altar of GOD. 
 
 On the other hand, the too fastidious scholar 
 would for ever confine his attention to those 
 writings which exhibit the purest classical lan- 
 guage. He turns, therefore, with disgust and 
 disdain from ruder models, and shuns the less 
 polished phraseology of declining taste. This 
 is an antient feeling. Eusebius mentions a re- 
 port concerning Tatian, that his literary nicety 
 led him to correct the compositions of St. Paul.* 
 And when the eloquent Triphyllius was re- 
 
 * Ta c aTTOToXs fyaal ToXpfjffdi rivets avrov 
 
 fylOVCLQ, b)Q STTldlOpO&HEVOV CiVTWV TTfV T7jf 
 
 Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 29. 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 quested to preach on a solemn occasion, and 
 had chosen one of the miracles of Christ for 
 his subject, he altered a term in his text which 
 appeared too homely for his use.* 
 
 Something may be pardoned to those, who, 
 in an early age of the Church, had to surrender 
 the prejudices of an Heathen education, and the 
 philosophy in which they were bred. They 
 lingered for a while within the borders of the 
 schools, and their opinions concerning the doc- 
 trines of the Gospel were sometimes marked 
 with errors and imperfections, which the charity 
 of criticism will readily excuse. The same in- 
 dulgence, however, cannot be extended to the 
 scholar of the present day: to him we must 
 urge the sacred nature of Ecclesiastical truth, 
 and the duty of pursuing it wherever it may be 
 found ; the peculiar interest which attends the 
 warfare of the Church with the early race of in- 
 fidels, and its importance to the history of our 
 Faith. We may also urge, in favour of the Chris- 
 tian writers, that, at the least, they are as wor- 
 
 * Cum in solenni Episcoporum conventu rogatus esset Tri- 
 phyllius ut ad populum concionem haberet, et dictum illud 
 Salvatoris in medium proferret, "Apov a TO Kpafifiarov KOI 
 i, vice r jcpaj8/3ar, quasi vocabuli minus elegantis, 
 a substituit. Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Triph. 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 thy of perusal, for the sake of style alone, as the 
 Pagan authors who, in the same age, opposed the 
 Gospel. Perhaps no literary specimen can be 
 produced from Heathenism, of so humble a cast 
 as the instructions of Commodianus. But Her- 
 mias is as neat as Lucian.* Symmachus is sur- 
 passed by Ambrose. Lactantius writes with 
 far more taste and elegance than Am. Marcelli- 
 nus; and in his own times, whatever be his 
 defects, Augustin is without a rival. After the 
 revival of literature, much narrowness prevailed 
 on this subject, and the captious critic was 
 ready to prove the force of his taste by snarling 
 at the latinity of the antients themselves.'f But 
 sober learning, and sound piety, triumphed over 
 the efforts of spleen and affectation ; nor ought 
 we to acquiesce in any attempt to revive a 
 spirit, which, while it professes an extraordi- 
 nary reverence for letters, tends to circumscribe 
 their influence, undervalues the materials of 
 Ecclesiastical History, and sacrifices truth to 
 sound. 
 
 * See the concluding note to chap. 7. 
 
 f De summorum virorum laudibus ob imam alteramque 
 vocem minus puram, adeo detractasse constat, ut GRAMMATICI 
 CANIS nomen communi suffragio retulerit (Scioppius). Mo- 
 sheim. Preface to Folieta. 
 
PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 It only remains to mention the statute which 
 appoints the Lecturer in Theology; to explain 
 the reasons on which the present course has 
 been prepared, and to state what has been 
 offered to the public by my predecessors in 
 this office. ^ 
 
 " Est illud in omni re atque negotio qu6 
 omnes actiones nostrae consiliaque spectare de- 
 bent, ut Omnipotentis Dei regnum quaeratur, 
 hominum mentes recte instituantur et infor- 
 mentur, omne'sque ad veram salutis cognitionem 
 perveniant, quae non aliunde quam ex verbo 
 Dei haurienda petendaque est. Proinde sta- 
 tuimus et ordinamus ut sit in Ecclesia nostra 
 praedicta Theologiae Lector per Decanum et 
 Capitulum eligendus, qui sit sanctae et ortho- 
 doxae Fidei, bonae famae, et ab omni non solum 
 haeresi, sed ha3rese6s etiam suspicione alienus; 
 nee doctus mod6 et eruditus, sed Doctrinae 
 praeterea titulo insignitus, hoc est, Sacrae The- 
 ologiae Professor Baccalaureusve, aut saltern in 
 Artibus Magister. Lectoris munus et officium 
 erit Sacram Scripturam ad plebis et auditorum 
 aedificationem, modo et tempore in Statuto de 
 cultu Dei inferius praescriptis, lingua verna- 
 cula, in Choro Ecclesiae nostrae, interpretari; 
 cujus Lectionibus intersint administri et pau- 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 peres, presbyteri, clerici caeterique Ecclesiae 
 sub poena pecuniaria judicio Decani aut Prode- 
 cani infligenda." 
 
 If it should be objected, that the following 
 Lectures are not prepared with the simplicity 
 supposed by the Statute, the only answer is, that 
 I have acted according to circumstances. At 
 present, there is no audience except the school. 
 To young men therefore, in a train of education 
 for the Universities, the Lecturer is at liberty 
 to address himself in a literary manner, and to 
 recommend a religious subject by the attractions 
 of their scholastic studies. If it should be said 
 that much of the subject is beyond the present 
 powers of the young men, I would suggest, that 
 their capacity is greater than the objection sup- 
 poses; and that, upon a private inquiry con- 
 cerning their comprehension of the argument, 
 the result, generally speaking, has been satis- 
 factory. Perhaps a few points have been less 
 obvious than others; and this may be supposed 
 chiefly of the doctrines of the Platonic school, 
 discussed in the sixth and seventh chapters. 
 But in an extensive subject, all the parts will 
 not be alike; and some may be so abstruse or 
 complicated in their nature, as to bid defiance 
 to the simplification which is demanded. 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 Into others, by way of compensation, I have 
 thrown as much amusement as was consistent 
 with the nature of my subject; and some rea- 
 ders perhaps may accuse me of having occa- 
 sionally indulged too light a vein of narration 
 and argument. 
 
 The Institution has produced few printed 
 works. In 1749, Dr. Heylin published his In- 
 terpretation of the Four Gospels, with Lectures 
 on select parts of St. Matthew. The book is 
 well known, and maintains its place in Eccle- 
 siastical collections. In 1785, appeared the 
 Lectures of Dr. John Blair on the Canon of the 
 Scriptures; a work creditable to the ability of 
 the writer, though certainly not calculated to 
 attract much attention from a youthful audience. 
 The subject is not complete; and the volume 
 was published by his family, after his death. 
 I am not acquainted with any other publica- 
 tion. What rank may be assigned to the pre- 
 sent volume by some succeeding Lecturer, I 
 know not. I would only beg to suggest to 
 him, that it was produced amidst the calls of 
 other business; that I am engaged in the dis- 
 charge of professional duties, in a large and 
 populous parish;* and that the Lectures were 
 
 * Croydon in Surrey. 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 prepared, from time to time, as the intervals of 
 local employments allowed, or as the approach 
 of Term compelled me. 
 
 Such as the work is, I offer it to the School, 
 with a zealous attachment to its welfare, a sin- 
 cere admiration of its literature and discipline, 
 and a fervent prayer that it may always pre- 
 serve the union of Religion and Learning. 
 
 WESTMINSTER, 
 February 1st, 1809. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE NEW EDITION. 
 
 IN the original Preface it was stated, that the 
 preparation of this work devolved on me by an 
 " accident," with which it was not then deemed 
 necessary to trouble the reader. At present, 
 however, when the controversy concerning the 
 state of religious instruction, in our great pub- 
 lic schools, appears to be at rest, \Vhen some 
 of the combatants are in their graves, and 
 when the angry feelings of the survivors, it may 
 be hoped, are calmed by time and more mature 
 reflection, it may be allowed me to say, that 
 the following course of Lectures sprung from 
 that controversy. 
 
 It is well known, that Dr. Vincent undertook 
 to vindicate the character of the school of West- 
 minster, and incidentally, of the other great 
 schools of England, against certain writers, who 
 
 b 
 
XV111 PREFACE. 
 
 had stigmatised them, as conducted without 
 Christian principles, and on a system which 
 might almost be called exclusively Pagan. 
 While society yet resounded with this warfare, 
 I became acquainted with him, having suc- 
 ceeded him in his Prebendal stall, in the year 
 1802, when he was raised to the Deanery of 
 Westminster. Not long after this, with an ex- 
 press reference to the recent controversy, he 
 opened his mind to me concerning the theo- 
 logical Lecture founded in the Church of West- 
 minster by the Statutes of Queen Elizabeth. 
 His earnest desire was, to support the honour 
 of the foundation, and to offer to the school a 
 course of Lectures which should unite the at- 
 tractions of Literature with the principles and 
 feelings of Christianity; and he informed me, 
 that the office of Lecturer would be vacant for 
 me, as soon as I should consent to accept it. 
 For a while, I endeavoured to excuse myself, 
 engaged as I was in the service of a very large 
 and populous parish. He returned however to 
 the subject, and urged his wishes with increased 
 earnestness. By this time, his frank disposition 
 and honesty of mind had begun to excite in me 
 a feeling of sincere friendship towards him. It 
 gave me pain to continue the refusal of his re- 
 
PREFACE. XIX 
 
 peated requests in such a cause ; .and under the 
 united influence of a personal regard for him- 
 self, and a duty to the establishment to which 
 I belonged, I finally acquiesced. After some 
 deliberation on a proper subject, I began a 
 course of Lectures, which did not terminate 
 with those that are contained in the present 
 volume, and were first printed in 1809, but ex- 
 tended to another and larger subject, and was 
 not finally dropped till the summer of the year 
 1812. 
 
 Such were the motives which led to the 
 formation of the present volume. Whether 
 these details have any interest for the general 
 reader, I know not. To myself, at least, they 
 are pleasing, as they bring to my recollection a 
 long and happy intercourse with a person whom 
 I so much esteemed, and exhibit him acting 
 under the influence of an honourable anxiety 
 for the establishment over which he then pre- 
 sided, and in the service of which he had passed 
 the chief part of his life. To those perhaps 
 who wish to trace the origin of any literary at- 
 tempt, it may not be unacceptable to observe, 
 how great is the effect of the kindly feelings of 
 the heart. While the cold, the selfish, and un- 
 generous temper damps all ardour, and discou- 
 
 b2 
 
XX PREFACE. 
 
 rages all exertion, the more open and attractive 
 disposition inspires confidence, and is able to 
 excite even the doubtful to action. 
 
 If it is inquired, why the present Edition is 
 offered to the public, the answer is plain. Ap- 
 plication having been made to Mr. Murray for 
 a copy of the Lectures, his reply was, that 
 " not a single one was left." This led to other 
 questions ; and he farther informs me, that, for 
 some time past, more inquiry than usual has 
 been made for the Volume, and that it might be 
 useful to reprint it. Such a statement was suf- 
 ficient to persuade me to a new Edition. 
 
 As to the favour thus shewn to the volume, 
 it can be attributed only to the happy influence 
 which Religion has lately acquired in society, 
 and which now displays itself more openly in 
 our literature. It is of peculiar importance, 
 that this union of sacred and secular know- 
 ledge should not only grow in our public 
 schools, but receive the full sanction of our 
 Universities. Oxford already acts on the 
 principle, that a knowledge of the Gospel 
 shall be an indispensable qualification for the 
 first degree, and that no other acquirements, 
 in literature or science, shall be deemed to 
 compensate for the want of it. A grateful 
 
PREFACE. XXI 
 
 nation acknowledges the salutary effects of this 
 high principle; and we pray for the divine 
 blessing on all the studies of a place, which 
 makes Religion its primary attainment, and * 
 solemnly proclaims, that the admission to the 
 temple of its honours shall be only through the 
 portal of the Church of Christ. Gifted and 
 honoured seat! " Excellent things are spoken 
 of thee." Thou hast dedicated thyself to God. 
 On the " forefront" of thy Diadem thou hast 
 engraven " HOLINESS TO THE LORD."* Pursue 
 thy great career! accomplish the benefits which 
 Providence calls thee to administer; and receive 
 the blessings of a world, at once enlightened 
 and sanctified by thy cares! 
 
 With this tribute of feeling I would willingly 
 end; but to a numerous class of inquirers I am 
 bound to give an explicit account of the result 
 of the promise which was made in the Preface 
 to the first Edition. It was there said, " a de- 
 " termination has been already taken to begin 
 " another course of Lectures, which shall de- 
 " scribe, in a regular manner, the scheme of 
 " Revelation, and impress more fully on the 
 " young hearers, its doctrines and its duties." 
 
 * Exod. xxxix. 30. Lev. viii. 9. 
 
XX11 PREFACE. 
 
 This promise was performed. I have already 
 intimated, that my services did not terminate 
 when the present Volume first appeared, but 
 were continued till the year 1812. The sub- 
 ject of the second course of Lectures was, " The 
 History and Principles of Revelation." It 
 forms a much larger work than the present 
 Volume. However, I had never promised to 
 print it, as has been kindly supposed. The 
 pledge given was only, that I would describe 
 the scheme of Revelation, for the benefit of the 
 school; and this pledge, as I have said, was 
 redeemed. Whether the second work should 
 follow the original Volume to the press, was to 
 be left entirely to circumstances. And unfor- 
 tunately for its farther progress, about the time 
 mentioned, some private events occurred which 
 severely affected my mind and health, and took 
 from me all inclination, while their influence 
 lasted, to continue my theological labours at 
 Westminster, or to accept the office of Professor 
 of Divinity at Oxford, which was offered to me 
 in the year 1813, when Dr. Howley was pro- 
 moted from thence to the see of London. The 
 Lectures in question remain therefore as they 
 dropped from my hands at that moment. 
 What has been stated will be sufficient per- 
 
PREFACE. XX111 
 
 haps to account for the re-appearance of the 
 Volume first published in 1809. Since that 
 time, what an unexpected event has happened 
 to myself! I date this second Preface from the 
 House to which my excellent Predecessor once 
 invited me for the purpose of obtaining my 
 promise of the original work ! I cannot express 
 the gratitude which I must always feel for the 
 honour thus conferred on me by the Royal 
 condescension. What remains of my Life will 
 be dedicated to the watchful care of an esta- 
 blishment, over which I am appointed to pre- 
 side; and when that last moment comes, 
 which cannot be very distant, I can only pray, 
 that a successor may be selected, whose zeal 
 and qualifications may repair any defect or 
 error, from which the foundation may have suf- 
 fered, during my superintendance, either in its 
 temporal concerns, or its sacred services. 
 
 DEANERY, WESTMINSTER, 
 April 7th, 1825. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PROMISES of the Gospel. . .Persecution of it by Romans, 
 Greeks, and Jews. . .Faith and patience of the primi- 
 tive Christians ... Parallel from our Reformation... 
 General happiness of believers . . . Rival pretensions 
 of Paganism Page I 46 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Two classes of Pagan worshippers . . . Claim of tempo- 
 ral happiness by the first class . . . Grounds of it ... 
 Refuted by an appeal to the general temper of Pa- 
 ganism . . . Specimens from Eusebius, Arnobius, Am- 
 brose, Prudentius ... Cause of the Gospel farther 
 vindicated by Orosius and Augustin ... Their Cha- 
 racters Page 46 85 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The real causes which disposed the Empire to its fall, 
 traced to its Heathen depravity ... Goths ... Their 
 capture of the City prepared by earlier successes 
 while the Empire was Pagan . . . Vindication of the 
 Gospel . Page 85 US 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Disastrous origin of the Romans. ..Their Gods twice 
 
 c 
 
XXVI CONTENTS. 
 
 vanquished at Troy . . . Impotent guardians of Italy 
 ...Fate not more serviceable to the Romans than 
 their Gods . . . Better faith of Christians . . . Inference 
 that Paganism does not confer temporal good . . . 
 Conclusion of the first part. . . Page 123 175 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Pretension of Paganism to the promise of the " Life 
 to come". . . Disproved through the insignificance of 
 the Heathen Gods . . . Inquiry into the nature of Ju- 
 piter... Soul of the World... Analysis of the The- 
 ology of Varro . . . Remarks. . . Page 175219 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Plato supposed to teach higher doctrines than* other 
 Pagans . . . Indiscreet admiration of him . . . School of 
 Alexandria . . . His doctrine concerning the Deity . . . 
 Secondary Gods . . . Demons . . . From none of these 
 could eternal life be derived. . . Page 219283 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Plato continued. . .His principle of the immortality of the 
 Soul... His History of the Soul... Inferences from 
 the whole ... False creation ascribed to his Deity... 
 False immortality to the Soul. . Page 283344 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Summum Bonum of Paganism ... Immortality no part 
 of it ... System of Epicurus . . . The Stoics . . . Old 
 Academy . . . Varro's estimate of all possible sects . . . 
 Concluding Remarks Page 344 434 
 
AND 
 
 CHRISTIANITY 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PROMISES OF THE GOSPEL. .. PERSECUTION OF IT BY 
 ROMANS, GREEKS, AND JEWS... FAITH AND PA- 
 TIENCE OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. . .PARALLEL 
 FROM OUR REFORMATION... GENERAL HAPPINESS 
 OF BELIEVERS. ..RIVAL PRETENSIONS OF PAGANISM. 
 
 ST. PAUL has affirmed concerning the god- 
 liness of which he was an inspired teacher, 
 that it "is profitable to all things, having the 
 promise of the life that now is, and of that 
 which is to come."* His immediate intention 
 was to refute an erroneous notion, whether 
 ascribed to certain heretics of the early ages, 
 or more prospectively to the Romish Church, 
 
 * 1 Ep. Tim. ch. iv. ver. 8. 
 B 
 
2 PAGANISM AND 
 
 that the profession of the faith of Christ was 
 incompatible with the usual connections and 
 supports of common life. But his declaration 
 extends beyond the controversy itself, and as- 
 serts, in universal terms, the happy condition 
 of believers under the Gospel. The " bodily 
 exercises," the unbidden austerities and mor- 
 tifications, against which he argues, have little 
 influence in promoting the welfare of man : 
 but true Christianity comprehends all good. 
 It unites the blessings of this world and the 
 next. In the present life it allows to us 
 whatever can be desired with innocence, or 
 used with thanksgiving .to God; and in the 
 life to come, it offers that transcendent hap- 
 piness which is promised, in a more eminent 
 manner, through Jesus Christ. In this sense 
 the passage is interpreted by Vatablus, " lis, 
 qui pium Dei cultum amplexi fuerint, pro- 
 mittitur hie vita diutina et beata, et tandem 
 seterna."* 
 
 It is impossible not to be struck with ad- 
 miration, when we consider this assertion, 
 and compare it with the outward circum- 
 stances of the Christian church in the age in 
 
 * Crit. Sacr. in loc. 
 
 I 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 3 
 
 which the apostle wrote. The Saviour had 
 prepared the minds of his disciples for the 
 trials which awaited them in the execution of 
 their sacred commission " Behold I send 
 you forth as lambs among wolves;"* and 
 those who conspire to hinder the propaga- 
 tion of your doctrine, " will deliver you up to 
 the councils, and they will scourge you in 
 their synagogues. Ye shall be brought be- 
 fore governors and kings for my sake, for a 
 testimony against them and the Gentiles ; 
 and ye shall be hated of all men for my 
 
 sake."t 
 
 These denunciations were dreadfully veri- 
 fied. Disastrous indeed was the condition 
 of the Gospel, not only while it was confined 
 within the borders of Judaea and Samaria, 
 but after it was announced to the world at 
 large. The propagators of the faith had to 
 make the melancholy confession, that dis- 
 tresses of every kind were prepared for them 
 by the ready malice of their enemies. They 
 were openly punished, and privately defamed. 
 They suffered both " hunger and thirst, were 
 naked and buffeted, and had no certain 
 
 * Luke x. 3. f St. Matt. x. 17, 18. 
 
 B2 
 
4 PAGANISM AND 
 
 dwelling-place."* For himself in particular, 
 St. Paul states his more abundant labours, 
 his frequent imprisonments, his various and 
 unceasing perils by sea and land, from his own 
 countrymen and from the heathen,t and the 
 " bonds and afflictions which awaited him in 
 every city."J Yet amid circumstances so 
 unusually discouraging arose the steady as- 
 sertion of the apostle ; and the Gospel, thus 
 persecuted and apparently forlorn, was still 
 declared to have the promise of the life that 
 now is, as well as of that which is to come ! 
 
 Let us extend this view beyond the limits 
 of the apostolic age, and follow the Gospel in 
 its afflictions and its joys, its persecutions 
 and its determined triumphs. The con- 
 tinued sufferings of the propagators of the 
 faith are abundantly proved in the descrip- 
 tions which other writers have given us of the 
 hostile conduct of the Gentiles and Jews. In 
 the early defences of Christianity, nothing is 
 more frequent than the complaint, that the 
 mere confession of the faith was deemed suf- 
 ficient ground of condemnation by the hea- 
 then tribunals. 
 
 * 1 Cor. iv. 11. t 2 Cor. xi. 26. | Acts xx. 23. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. O 
 
 Justin Martyr, in his first apology,* relates 
 the cases of those who were summarily pu- 
 nished on this account, and the conversations 
 which were held concerning them in the 
 Roman courts . of justice. Ptolemseus, a 
 convert, had been seized and thrown into 
 prison, upon information that he was a Chris- 
 tian. When he was brought before Urbicius, 
 the prsefect of the city, the only question 
 asked of him was, whether he professed the 
 faith of Christ ?f This being acknowledged, 
 he was instantly ordered to be led away to 
 death. Among those who stood by, was 
 Lucius, another convert, who, in the bold- 
 ness of innocence, asked the prsefect, on 
 what grounds he condemned a man proved 
 guilty of no crime. Art thou also a Christian ? 
 demanded Urbicius. This was not denied ; 
 
 * I quote it as it is commonly printed, and as it appears 
 in the edition which I use 5 Frankfort, 1686. Perhaps, it 
 was only an appendix to the first j and in this case it was 
 addressed chiefly to Antoninus Pius. If it be a second 
 apology, the emperor is Marcus Antoninus. After having 
 maintained the latter opinion, Grabe appeared to be per- 
 suaded that the piece in question is rather an appendix than 
 a separate work . 
 
 f TSro JJLOVOV ifyiraffOri , el tir) Xpi=ria>/oe ; Ib. p. 42. 
 
D PAGANISM AND 
 
 and the same punishment was adjudged to 
 both.* 
 
 In the. time of Tertullian, no farther atten- 
 tion seems to have been expected by the 
 Christians from the heathen tribunals. He 
 opens his spirited and argumentative apology 
 with the declaration that the door of justice 
 was shut to the cause of Christianity alone ; 
 and therefore nothing but the testimony of 
 private writing remained for those who were 
 not allowed to be heard in their defence, t 
 
 While these advocates of the faith justly 
 demand, that their lives and characters be 
 made the subjects of enquiry, before sentence 
 is passed upon them ; they boldly declare, 
 that they refuse not to die, if wickedness be 
 proved against them ; and they complain with 
 
 * Aw/ade rtg, Kal avrog &v XpiTiai'oc, opwv TTJV 
 
 evoijif.vr}v Kpiaiv, irpog TOV 'OvpfliKiov e(j>rj' 
 aiTia, rS yur/re yuoi^ov, jiijTE Tropvov, p,r)T av^potyovov, 
 \(i)Tro3vrr}v, fJiriTE apTraya, firire aTrXwg a^iKrjfia. n 
 
 TOV av0pw7TOv rarov eKO\dff(i) ; Kal og, ov^iv aX\o cnroKpivd- 
 Kal TrpOQ TOV Awfctov t'^r/, SOKEIQ JJ-OL Kal av eivai TO&- 
 Kat rw AS/CIH <pr]ffavrog, p,d\i~a, Tra'Xtv Kal CLVTOV 
 ijvaL iKeXevarev. Ib. p. 43. 
 f Liceat veritati vel occulta vid tacitarum literarum ad 
 aures vestras pcrvenire. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. / 
 
 peculiar force of argument to a Roman ear, 
 that they have not the usual lot of subjects, 
 for whose prosperity the empire professed a 
 common and undiscriminating care. " If we 
 are guilty of any wickedness, (says Athena- 
 goras in his address to the Emperors M. Au- 
 relius and Commodus,) we do not refuse to be 
 punished ; nay, we call for the worst of pu- 
 nishment. But if our only guilt be the name 
 of Christians, it is your duty to protect us 
 from the injuries which we suffer."* 
 
 Justin Martyr indulges the same complaint 
 in his second apology. " Other men acknow- 
 ledge what gods they will, and you hinder 
 them not." Then, alluding to the Egyptian 
 worship, always deemed the opprobrium of 
 Paganism, and reprobating the senseless, 
 trifling, and disgusting objects of it, he points 
 out the differences of opinion concerning the 
 
 Kcu el 
 
 , Ko\aeffdat 7rapcur6/i0a, aXXa KCU r 
 KCU avr)\f] Tipwpia, VTTE-^EIV aitt/*ev' et 
 r/ fcarTjyopia (eig yuv rriv affpepov rjplpav a Trept rjpCJv \oyo- 
 , f] KOLVYI Kai cifcptrog rwv dv0pw7rwv (j>rj[Ji.r)' KOI ^ete 
 XptTiavog tX^XeykTcu) vjtxwv f;c^r/ epyov rwv ^ueyiTWV 
 Kal (jtikavdpwTrwv ical 0iXo/Lta0eoTctrw>/ /SaonXeW, curoffKEvdffat 
 
 VU\Uf TV\V eTTYlpEiaV. - p. 3. 
 
8 PAGANISM AND 
 
 worshippers themselves.* " Yet, even to 
 these sects, bigoted to their several deities, 
 and hostile to each other on their account, 
 you, Romans, shew an equal clemency, and 
 allow their discordant practices. To Chris- 
 tians alone you object, that they worship not 
 the same gods with yourselves ; and you de- 
 vote us to death, because we do not adore 
 dead men, and propitiate them by sacrifices, 
 and garlands placed upon their altars." 
 
 The arm of violence, thus uplifted against 
 the followers of Christ, was assisted by the 
 tongue of slander; and every evil was im- 
 puted to those, against whom nothing could 
 be proved. To mark this with more horror, 
 their most sacred rites were selected as the 
 objects of the worst of defamation. Not only 
 were the believers accused of atheism, but of 
 
 * "AXXwy aXXa)(5 /ecu fievdpa ere/jojutvwv, KCU TrorayuHe, /cat 
 PVG, /ecu cuXp8f, KCU KpoKoCeiXuQ, /ecu T&V aXoywv 4wwv TO. 
 
 TToXXd' KCU T&V aVT&V VTTO TfaVTUV TifJ-iii^if.VWV) CtXXtt ttXXwj' 
 
 aXXa^oere, wV eivcu. affefieig aX\ri\oiQ TTCLVTCLQ &a TO pj TO. 
 avra fftfieiv. p. 68. Ed. Frankfort, printed as 2d Apology. 
 If Bishop Warburton had remembered this passage, he 
 would hardly have said, that the quarrel between the Om- 
 bites and Tentyrites of Juvenal was not, which of them wor- 
 shipped a phantom, and which a god, bat whose god was the 
 tutelar deity of the place. Div. Leg. B. 2, 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 9 
 
 the renovation of the cruel feasts of Thyestes, 
 and the indulgence of personal impurity at 
 their religious meetings. It is impossible to 
 read, without emotion, the refutation of these 
 heinous charges in the embassy of Athena- 
 goras. He disproves, at length, and with 
 much animation and dignity, the charge of 
 atheism. The Christian adores a God sepa- 
 rate from matter;* and the charge itself 
 seems to have arisen from this circumstance, 
 and the consequent refusal to worship the 
 statues of deified men. He mentions the 
 other imputations with an horror which will 
 not allow so circumstantial a vindication. He 
 justly supposes that the establishment of the 
 first point is sufficient for his purpose. They 
 who believed that none but the pure should 
 see God, could not allow themselves the 
 habits of pollution. They, whose conscience 
 forbade them even to look upon the exhi- 
 bitions of gladiators, could not be supposed 
 to delight in feasts of human flesh : and the 
 persuasion, that the will of an holy and just 
 
 O.TTO rrjz vXriQ TOV 0ov, /ecu 
 \iiv TI elvai n)v v\r]v, tiXXo t)e TOV Oeov (JL^TI UK aXo- 
 ro riJQ afleorfjrog ETriKaXsatv o^o^ia. p 5. 
 
10 PAGANISM AND 
 
 God ought to be the sole rule of their lives, 
 was an equal security against sensuality and 
 cruelty, the guard not only of their actions, 
 but of their most secret thoughts.* But 
 these accusations were suggested by the 
 grossest ignorance, and the foulest malice. 
 In the first ages of the Gospel, the weekly 
 celebration of the Lord's supper took place 
 in the night; partly through fear of the pagan 
 persecutor,! and partly for the sake of a more 
 strict observance of the time when our Sa- 
 viour took his last supper with the disciples, J 
 before his suffering. This circumstance, to- 
 gether with a perversion of the principal 
 passage in that solemnity, " Take, eat, this 
 is my body ;" probably gave rise to the horrid 
 imputation of secret infanticide. Nor is it 
 
 * OTg 6 /3tog we Trpoe Tctfyur/i/ rov Qeov KCLVOVI^ETCLI, o 
 ctWTroViog fccu avemXrjTrrog A:aV fyuwj' avflpWTroe dvrw 
 yevoiro, ITC rrc /*T?C>' 15 evvoiav TTOTE ru /3pax^rar tXevao- 
 P.EVHQ a^aprfyuaroe. p. 35. 
 
 t This is observed by Origen, in his answer to the first 
 charge of Celsus, that the Christians were fond of nightly 
 meetings H juarrjv rSro 7roiS<riv, are dttaQ&pEVOi TYJV eTrrjpTrj- 
 [iivi}v avrolg diKrjv TH davdrs. Lib. 1. p. 5. Ed. Spenc. 
 
 | Dominica ccena k nostris majoribus eadem fere hora 
 qua Christus cum discipulis novissime cosnavit, ex ejus mo- 
 nitis celebrabatur. Not. in Tert. Apol. c. 7. Ed. Basil. 1550. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 1 1 
 
 all creditable to the critical sagacity of the 
 Romish church, to have adopted a literal 
 sense for this passage, and thus to remind us 
 of the strange notion of the Pagans, utterly 
 careless as to the meaning of the religion 
 which they persecuted.* As to the remain- 
 ing imputation of licentiousness, it evidently 
 arose from those outward marks of Christian 
 love, which were so visible in the conduct of 
 believers towards one another ; a spiritual 
 affection in the family of Christ, which was 
 beyond the understanding of the men of na- 
 ture. They therefore viewed these mutual 
 tokens of charity, with the eye of impurity, 
 and traduced them with the tongue of defa- 
 mation.')' 
 
 * The same carelessness continued, with the same spirit of 
 persecution, to the time 'of Arnobius : Quae omnia vos gesta ne- 
 que scitis, neque scire voluistis,neque unquamvobis necessaria 
 judicdstis. Lib. 2, p. 50, Ed. Lugd. Bat. 1621. The Ro- 
 manists, who draw arguments for transubstantiation from the 
 literal interpretation of the Pagans, ought to have observed, 
 that while the Christian writers disclaim, with every mark of 
 horror, the imputation of an human sacrifice, they make no 
 attempt to explain the passage in question^ as if it still meant 
 the substantial eating of the flesh of Christ, though under 
 cover of the accident of bread. 
 
 f Sed ejusmodi vel maxime dilectionis operatic notam 
 nobis inurit penes quosdam. Vide, inquiunt, ut se invicem 
 diligant ! Tert. Apol. c. 39. 
 
12 PAGANISM AND 
 
 As the Gospel extended itself, these charges 
 were multiplied by the growing hatred of 
 Paganism. Others are mentioned in the 
 curious and interesting dialogue of Minucius 
 Felix, in the apology of Tertullian, and in 
 many controversial writings of the fathers : 
 but it will be sufficient for the present pur- 
 pose, to have named those which are refuted 
 by Athenagoras.* 
 
 Concerning the enmity of the Greeks to 
 the Gospel, and the consequences of it to the 
 harassed Christians, we have some curious 
 particulars from sacred antiquity. It may be 
 observed in general, that, all power being in 
 Roman hands, the Christians pleaded with 
 them chiefly for liberty, property, and life it- 
 self. With the Greeks, their disputes were 
 commonly of a philosophical nature. Some- 
 times, indeed, the arguments are mingled ; 
 but if those which were chiefly calculated 
 for the latter people, are occasionally addres- 
 sed to the former, it is for the sake of coun- 
 teracting the influence which Grecian preju- 
 
 * Tpto. tTntyrin'ifeaiv fijuv tyfcXi/yuara, 
 
 'OicWoc)e pe. p. 4. The terms employed 
 against the Christians are drawn from the early fables of the 
 poets, or the subjects which the stage had made familiar. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 13 
 
 dices might have, when conveyed through 
 Grecian literature, upon the Roman tribunals. 
 It would appear, from the manner in which 
 Tatian conducts his oration against the Greeks, 
 that one of the principal causes of their hos- 
 tility to the Gospel, was the injury supposed 
 to be done by Revelation to their philosophy. 
 By a strange vanity, which had long distin- 
 guished that people, and which no calamities 
 or disgraces of their own could extirpate, 
 they had imagined themselves to be the first 
 of men,* the original possessors of their soil, 
 perhaps the produce of it : and they fondly 
 cherished the notion, that from their genius 
 flowed, or ought to flow, to the rest of man- 
 kind, the knowledge of all art and science. 
 This pretension was completely overthrown 
 by the superior claim of the Scriptures, which 
 therefore became the object of their hatred and 
 detraction. No argument is more common 
 with the defenders of the faith, than that its 
 origin ascended beyond the highest historical 
 
 * This is the grave decision of Laertius, after noticing 
 the claims made by some in favour of the Barbarians 
 \a.vOdvscn ' avrug ret T&V 'EAXj/j'toV KaropOwpaTCt, a(j)' <Jj> 
 jjirj on ye ^uAocro^t'a, aAXa Kal yevoz rtvflpwTrwj' ?'/p, /3ap/3a- 
 poiQ 7rpoo-a7rroj'r. Proem. 
 
14 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ages of Greece. In order to strengthen this 
 assertion, they point out the foreign deriva- 
 tion of Grecian knowledge, both civil and 
 mythological. Which of your arts arid insti- 
 tutions, says Tatian, has not taken its rise 
 among the Barbarians whom you so much 
 despise?* Athenagoras, too, well knowing 
 the influence of the Grecian pretensions on 
 those whom he addressed,f triumphantly 
 quotes the testimony of Herodotus, who con- 
 fesses that Hesiod and Homer, not more than 
 four hundred years before his time, were the 
 first who sung the genealogy of their Gods,, 
 assigned to them their names, honours, and 
 characteristic employments, and described 
 their sexes and figures."^: As to the statues, 
 they were the late produce of time and acci- 
 
 * Hoiov yap CTrir^cJfvjua Trap' vyulv, rijv ffv^airiv B/C airo 
 /3ap/3apwv EKTrjffaro ; Orat. ad Grsec. c. 1. 
 
 f Having given to M. Aurelius and Commodus, the titles 
 of Apij.Evia.KoiQ and 2ap/,temKoi, he carefully adds, TO de 
 
 'H<7/o<W yap Krai 'O/zr/pov ^Xi/arjv TErpaKoaioic; 
 
 EW TTQEffftvreQfiQ jU yEVEffOdl KOI OV TrKilOffL, TUQ KOt ji 
 
 Kai ov6p.a.TCi covTdQ' &TOI tie kiffiv ol TTOvrjacLVTEQ Qf.oyovii]v 
 "EX\r/<rt, KOL rolffi QeolaL TCLQ ETTMyvpiag SOVTEQ, KOL rifidg TE 
 Kal TE^VUQ SifXovrtQ, Ka\ E'L^EO. O.VT&V ar)fji,riva.vTEQ. Leg. 
 pro Christ, p. 16. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 15 
 
 dent ; and the Gods who were to be moulded, 
 or painted, or chiselled for the adoration of 
 men, were obliged to wait* till Saurias of 
 Sainos, Crato of Sicyon, and Clean thes and 
 Core of Corinth were born, and had learnt 
 or invented their arts. And in opposition to 
 the supercilious charge, that the Scriptures 
 were the produce of yesterday, f the Christian 
 writers are particularly earnest and success- 
 ful in establishing the priority of the claim 
 of Moses, both in point of time and of reli- 
 gious authority. This argument, concerning 
 antiquity, was urged by many ; by Irenseus, 
 Clement of Alexandria, Cyprian, Arnobius, 
 and Lactantius. Theophilus was, perhaps, 
 the first who attempted a complete view of 
 the chronology of the world, in opposition to 
 the assumptions of Grecian vanity, and pre- 
 pared the way for the labours of Eusebius. 
 
 At & EIKOVEQ, /^'XP 4 /^""fti 7rXa<rto; KCU ypa^i/o) KOL av- 
 
 fi 7iffav, se ivofii^ovTO. Ib. 
 f 'H/itv de <TVju/3aXwv, 'In \rjpov ?/y?/ rvyyave.iv TOV Xoyov 
 TJJQ aXjjfemg, owfJ-svoQ Trpoo^aYse Kal vewrfptfcac eivat rag 
 Trap' r/pv ypa^ag. Theoph. lib. 3. p. 1 1 7. Arnobius puts 
 the same objection in the mouth of his opponents Sed an- 
 tiquiora, inquitis, nostra sunt, ac per hoc fidei et veritatis 
 plenissima. Lib. 1. p. 34. 
 
16 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Having therefore the advantage of this supe- 
 rior antiquity, they are frequent in the men- 
 tion of an opinion which must have been 
 particularly galling to the Greeks ; that cer- 
 tain parts of their knowledge had been de- 
 rived to them from the Hebrews, that the 
 writings of Moses were the source from which 
 they had drawn their higher philosophy, and 
 that their sophists secretly availed them- 
 selves of an assistance which they affected 
 to disown, and which they did not always 
 understand. They wished to reconcile ori- 
 ginality w T ith their plagiarism ; they therefore 
 called in the ornaments of rhetoric and fable, 
 and sought to disguise what they had sub- 
 stantially borrowed.* This supposition, which 
 was very prevalent in the early church, was 
 calculated to increase the enmity of the 
 Greeks to the Gospel : and never did wound- 
 ed vanity shew a more implacable resent- 
 
 * IloXXot yap 01 /car' avrug ffotyital Kyjpr\nivoi 
 TCI ova Trept T&V Kara. Mwoia, cai T&V opoiiac avrw <j)i\OffO- 
 <j)&vTit)v eyvwffctv, a KCU TrapavapaYrsiv 7ripaff8i/crav* Trpwrov 
 juev, iVa n \eyetv 'idiov vo^i^VTaC cteurepov If., OTTWC ra 6<ra 
 fjir] avvUffav, Sia TIVOQ 7ri7rXar pr)TO\oyiaQ Trapa.Ka\V7TTOi>- 
 TZG, TOIS fjivdoXoyiaie TYJV d\r]diav TrapaTrpecr/^evwo't. Tat. 
 Orat. cont. Graecos, c. 61. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 17 
 
 ment. The persecutions which they excited 
 against the Christians were so considerable 
 as to furnish Dodwell with an argument for 
 altering the age of Theophilus, who records 
 them ; for bringing him down to the third 
 century, and placing him under the intolerant 
 reign of Severus.* But, whatever the Greeks 
 could not accomplish by the sword, they en- 
 deavoured to effect by the force of impious 
 language ; and such was the madness with 
 which they were inflamed, that they proposed 
 rewards and honours to such of their poets 
 and sophists as should write with most wit 
 and elegance in opposition to the one, true 
 and incorruptible God,t from whom descend- 
 
 * "Ert fj-riv teal rte <re/3o)UV8C dvrbv (Oeov) eftiufydv, KOI TO 
 KO.& ripepav SiMKuffiv. Lib. iii. p. 140. Cave rightly con- 
 tends against Dodwell, that these expressions do not neces- 
 sarily refer to a persecution like that of Severus. Poterant 
 esse persecutiones roTruccu KO.L /tepu-cu, hinc, inde excitatae, 
 quarum in historia ecclesiastica non pauca habentur exem- 
 pla. In voc. Theophil. This well agrees with the sentiment 
 of the text, which alludes rather to the effects of local ma- 
 lice, harassing the professors of the faith, than to one of the 
 general persecutions. 
 
 -f 8 p,Yjv d\\a xal TOIC, f.vtyu)vii)Q vfipi&ffi TOV Qfov, aO\a 
 nSeanri. Theopb. lib. 3. p. 140. 
 C 
 
18 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ed to mankind the gift of eternal happiness, 
 through Jesus Christ. 
 
 As to the Jews, they present to us a picture 
 of persecution more disgusting, if possible, 
 than that of the Pagans. Their temple over- 
 thrown ; their ancient polity finally dissolved; 
 their nation scattered abroad ; their persons 
 despised ; and their very name abhorred by 
 the people among whom they dwelt ; they 
 yet drew a malignant satisfaction from the 
 hatred with which they pursued the believers 
 of the Gospel. They had crucified the author 
 of the faith, and driven the faith itself beyond 
 the borders of their country. Still they saw 
 with envy and alarm, the progress which the 
 Gospel was making, under distresses and 
 persecutions of every sort ; for " the work 
 was of God, and men could not bring it to 
 nought/' Indeed, it is highly probable, from a 
 passage of Justin Martyr's dialogue, that they 
 sometimes obtained from the Roman govern- 
 ment, the liberty of destroying Christians, or 
 that they destroyed them with impunity.* But 
 
 'Avr TE eKElVS (XplT) KOI T(Ji)V EIQ EKEIVOV 7Tl<ZEv6vr(i)V 
 
 KOI birorav E^saiav e%r)re t avaipelre. Dial, cum 
 Tryph. p. 323. This can hardly be confined to the cruci- 
 fixion of Christ ; but if it involves the occasional destruction 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 19 
 
 in general, they could only excite others to 
 the work of death ; and this was done with too 
 fatal a success. " Ye pour out curses in 
 your assemblies on all who believe in Christ," 
 adds Justin ; " and other nations, giving a 
 deadly effect to your imprecations, destroy 
 those who merely confess his name."* 
 
 But there is one instance of Jewish per- 
 secution, which goes beyond the rest; and 
 the manner in which Justin mentions it, 
 throws no small light on certain passages of 
 Scripture. St. Matthew says, c. 28, 15, that, 
 after the astonishment occasioned by the re- 
 surrection of Christ, the chief priests gave 
 money to the soldiers to report, that he was 
 stolen away by his disciples, " while they 
 
 of his followers by Jewish hands, the Roman government 
 was grown more lavish of Christian blood than in the time 
 of St. Paul. 
 
 * 'Tattle yap kv ralg crvvaywyalg vfjiivv Karapaffde TTCIVTMV 
 
 T&V 0.7T EKELVa yVO)UJ'WJ> XptTlCtVWV, KOL TO. ttXXtt 0|/l/ (this 
 
 is an evident allusion to the Romans) a KOI evspyfj rriv Kara- 
 par pyaov7-ai, avaipuvrai rc povov 6/i6Xoy3vrac eavr^c 
 Etvai Xpi=rtav. Dial, cum Tryph. p. 323. That the 
 Jews were willing assistants at the execution of Christians 
 by the Gentile persecutors, we see in the Epistle of the 
 Church of Smyrna, concerning the martyrdom of Polycarp 
 paXi^a 'Ivtiaiwv 7rpo6i/Ltwc, 'ft! "E0O2 'AYTOI2, etg 
 ravra VTrnpynvTur . C. 13, Patr. Apostol. Ed. Cotel. 
 
 c2 
 
20 PAGANISM AND 
 
 slept." In his reference to this fact, Justin 
 grafts upon it another of far greater extent, 
 an universal mission for the express purpose 
 of counteracting the propagation of the faith 
 of Christ ! Having dwelt on the denuncia- 
 tions of Jonah against the impenitence of 
 Nineveh, a type of the vengeance threatened 
 by Christ to Jerusalem, " but you, O Jews," 
 says he, " though ye knew these things, did 
 not repent, notwithstanding the mercy of God, 
 who would have accepted your return to him. 
 But after the resurrection of Christ, you ap- 
 pointed chosen men of your own, and sent 
 them into all the world,* with a declaration 
 
 * "AvSpag xetporovfoavTES EK\KTt>Q, etc iraffav rrjv OIKH- 
 7r7re^v//are. Dial, cum Tryph. p, 335. The charge 
 of Atheism was sufficiently strange in the Pagans. From 
 the Jews it was by no means to be expected. Yet there 
 are several ways in which it may be explained. Perhaps 
 the term was used in order to accommodate the prejudices 
 of the Gentiles, to whom the Jewish mission was partly 
 sent. There were also heretical Christians, who rejected so 
 much of the essential doctrines of the Gospel, that Justin 
 himself calls them adeug KCU affefieig atpeo-iwra^. The or- 
 thodox therefore might be conveniently branded with the ill 
 character of these sectaries. But the most probable cause 
 of this charge was, the strange persuasion of the Jews, that 
 the Christians had forsaken God, and put their trust in man, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 21 
 
 that an atheistical and lawless heresy had 
 been excited by Jesus, a Galilean impostor ; 
 that you had crucified him, but that his dis- 
 ciples stole him by night from the tomb, and 
 deceived mankind with the fiction that he 
 had risen from the dead, and ascended into 
 Heaven." In a subsequent passage, he states 
 the same fact, that the high priests and 
 teachers of the people had caused the name 
 of Christ to be profaned and blasphemed, 
 through all the earth.* Indeed, he frequent- 
 ly upbraids Trypho with it ; and he speaks 
 of the Anti- Christian mission, as if the effects 
 of it were felt in his time. 
 
 With this mention of the Jewish embassy, 
 he couples the character of the converts made 
 by it, and reminds us of another passage of 
 
 because they confessed the divinity of Christ ! This appears 
 from the insulting question of Trypho raraXiToVri e TOV 
 Qeuv, Kai etc,' avdpuTrov eXTr/o-ajri, Troia tri TrepiXenrercu 
 aiorrpia ; ib. p. 226. 
 
 * 6 TO ovofjia flepr)\(s)dfivat KCird Trdffar TYJV yr\v Kai j3\aa- 
 fyrj/jLeirrdai ol dp%iepei r Xaw vpt&v Kai SiSdffKaXoi eipydffavro 
 ib. p. 345. In the Quaestiones ad Orthod. the passage 
 of St. Matthew is quoted without any mention of the cir- 
 cumstances so often stated in the dialogue. This may be 
 one internal mark, among many others, that the work is not 
 Justin's. 
 
22 PAGANISM AND 
 
 St. Matthew, c. 23, 15. There our Lord had 
 denounced the Scribes and Pharisees, whose 
 proselytes were " twofold more the children 
 of Hell than themselves." In the following 
 century, Justin described the actual circum- 
 stances of the Jews and Christians. " Your 
 proselytes," says he to Trypho, " not only 
 do not believe in Christ, but blaspheme his 
 name with twofold more virulence than your- 
 selves. They are ready to shew their mali- 
 cious zeal against us ; and, to obtain merit 
 in your eyes, wish to us reproach, and tor- 
 ment, and death."* Our Lord's denuncia- 
 tion must therefore be regarded as in a great 
 degree prophetical : and the conduct of the 
 Jews in the following age was one part of its 
 accomplishment-^ 
 
 If the increased wickedness of the Jewish 
 proselytes is thus proved through the intem- 
 perate blasphemy poured forth against the 
 name of Christ; the pains taken by those 
 
 * Ot 5e TrpoarjXvTOi juovov H 7ri^Evsoriv t d\\d 
 vfjiwv (3\aff(j)rjpS(Tiv ELQ TO ovo/xa aura, KCU finds rag iQ IKEIVOV 
 TTtTfvovrae KOI (povevftv KOI diKlfci? /3Xovrat. ib. p. 350. 
 
 t Justin brings it home to the Jews of his own age, NYN 
 c tWXorcpov viol yf.ivvi\s, we dvrbg t7r, yivtaQe ib. p. 
 350. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 23 
 
 who " compassed sea and land," to make 
 one such proselyte, receive an illustration 
 from the fact already adduced. Grotius in- 
 terprets this as a proverbial expression, de- 
 noting a certain degree of labour, and anxious 
 search.* But it is something more. In its 
 reference to the event so particularly pointed 
 out by Justin, it is entitled to a stricter jnter- 
 pretation. The Anti- Christian mission was, 
 as we have seen, actually sent throughout 
 the extent of the Roman empire; and " seas 
 and lands" were literally " compassed," in 
 order to make proselytes, and to defeat the 
 propagation of the Gospel. 
 
 Such were the early miseries which the 
 Gospel suffered from the various enmity of 
 Romans, Greeks, and Jews. Such were th 
 distresses and persecutions, amidst which 
 the propagators of the faith went forth to an- 
 nounce to the world the glad tidings of sal- 
 vation ; and such the fearful exactness with 
 which the denunciations of Christ were ful- 
 
 * Sollicitum inquirendi laborem significans. Apud Crit. 
 Sacr. He observes the similarity between the passage of 
 Justin and that of St. Matthew, but does not interpret the 
 latter with all the force, of which it appears to be capable. 
 
PAGANISM AND 
 
 filled in the experience of his followers. 
 Having paused for a moment, -to look back 
 on the affecting scene, let us change the view. 
 We have accompanied our religion in its early 
 difficulties and dangers. Let us now exult 
 with it in its patience and its triumphs. 
 
 It is very observable, that the Pagan su- 
 perstition, which had been employed, with 
 so fatal an industry, in harassing the religion 
 of Christ, was itself unable to bear the pres- 
 sure of calamity. It is the characteristic of 
 idolatry to shrink from the touch of misfor- 
 tune. Teaching no rational confidence in 
 God, it leaves the miserable worshipper with- 
 out resignation, and without courage, in the 
 hour of trial. This shall hereafter be more 
 particularly shewn. At present, let us attend 
 to the Gospel, and consider how patiently it 
 endured, how victoriously it surmounted the 
 distresses and difficulties which conspired to 
 hinder its progress. 
 
 We have heard the statement which St. 
 Paul made of his extraordinary sufferings. 
 Let us also hear his fortitude and his triumph. 
 " Blessed be God, even the Father of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, 
 and the God of all comfort ; who comforteth 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 25 
 
 us in all our tribulation, that we may be able 
 to comfort them which are in any trouble, 
 by the comfort wherewith we ourselves are 
 comforted of God. For as the sufferings of 
 Christ abound in us, so our consolation also 
 aboundeth by Christ."* If troubled on every 
 side, "he is not distressed;" if " perplexed, 
 he is not in despair;" if persecuted, he is 
 "not forsaken;" if " cast down, he is not 
 destroyed."! And notwithstanding the pri- 
 vations under which he labours, he boldly 
 and truly maintains, that the faith of Christ, 
 destitute as it may sometimes appear, has the 
 promise even of the present life, as well as 
 of that which is to come. The Christian has 
 peculiar consolations in adversity itself. The 
 very pressure of evil promotes the immediate 
 good of his soul, and augments the sense of 
 that future happiness, of which the present 
 supports of the Spirit of God, and the testi- 
 mony of conscience are the sure and anima- 
 ting pledges. 
 
 The Bishop of Antioch had to complain, 
 that his profession of Christianity had 
 estranged from him the former friend of his 
 
 * 2 Cor. i. 35. f 2 Cor. iv: 8, 9. 
 
26 PAGANISM AND 
 
 bosom. " Thou still extollest thy idols," 
 says he to Autolycus, " and upbraidest me 
 with the name of Christian which I bear, as 
 if it were something evil." Yet he glories 
 in this new title, and determines to forsake 
 every other for it. "I bear with all joy a 
 name dear to God, though odious to the 
 world, wishing only that I may become ac- 
 ceptable to Heaven through the goodness 
 which my religion teaches."* 
 
 Justin Martyr has amply stated the strange 
 and various persecutions to which the Gospel 
 was subjected by the Roman government in 
 his age. But it is remarkable, that those 
 very persecutions were the means of his con- 
 
 * "En e/e 0f e /xf, KOI XpiTiavoi' w KCLKOV 
 'Eyw u.tv &v ojuoXoya) elvat XpiTtavog, KOL <^opu> TO 
 
 OVOfJLO. TUTO, i\iri%to)V V^pf]^Og flvOLL T(t> 0W. Theopll. lib. 1. 
 
 p. 69. Some of the early writers, either wishing to accom- 
 modate themselves to the practice of the Pagans, who ge- 
 nerally wrote the name of Christ, Chrestus j or, intent per- 
 haps on disputing successfully with them on their own terms, 
 derived the word Christian from xprjzog. This is the foun- 
 dation of the pious expression of Theophilus. This too is 
 the meaning of Justin Martyr, XjOtTtavoi- yap Itvai icanjyo- 
 p//0a' TO e Xpjj<?ov fjucreiffdat & ociodcoy. Apol. 2. p. 55. 
 His argument is, that the accusers proved their own hatred 
 of goodness through their persecution of Christianity. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 27 
 
 version ; for the manner in which he saw 
 others bear them, gave to his mind the first 
 impulse of esteem for Christianity. " I, a 
 zealous follower of Plato," says he, " could 
 not look upon the fearless manner in which 
 the followers of the Gospel bore death, and 
 whatever was most terrible to human nature, 
 without the firmest persuasion of the inno- 
 cence of their lives, and their superiority to 
 all vicious indulgence. For what man of 
 pleasure, what lover of intemperance, what 
 banquetter on human flesh, could so cheer- 
 fully embrace death, and deprive himself of 
 all which he esteemed valuable ? Instead of 
 freely meeting destruction, would he not take 
 every method to escape the punishment 
 threatened by the magistrate, and to preserve 
 his life and its enjoyments ?"* Under the 
 
 Kai yap dvroQ yw rote 
 
 TOV, KO.L irdvTO, rd (aXXa) vofj.i6p,eva. tyofispd, ivtvouv d^vva- 
 TOV Itvai iv Katcta teal <l)i\q$oviq. V7ra'p)(tv a'ur&e' fig yap 
 , tf oxpcLTiiGf * c " drdpVTrivwv oapKuv /3opaV dyaQov 
 .Tov a.ff7rdfcffOa.i, otftag T&V avre 
 ' dXX' UK etc TTO.VTOQ rjv (/*>) act rrjv evOd 
 
 ^ovrag 7retpdro' w^'on y 
 KaTi'iyy\\ yovevBriffoiJitvov j Apol. I. p. 50. 
 
28 PAGANISM AND 
 
 influence of this persuasion, he became a 
 Christian, and gloried in the name, whatever 
 was the derision or the danger which pur- 
 sued it. And he sealed his testimony with 
 his blood. He fell a joyful victim to the 
 hatred of that philosophy which he had re- 
 nounced for the sake of the Gospel. 
 
 In the pleading of Athenagoras are related 
 the losses, the reproaches, the torments en- 
 dured for the sake of the faith. But the 
 grief which alone affects him, arises from the 
 inj ury done to the religion of Christ through 
 the imputations falsely laid against its pro- 
 fessors. " It is not personal insult which 
 moves us ; for we have learned, that, if smit- 
 ten on one cheek, we should turn the other 
 also. It is not the forfeiture of the goods of 
 this world, in which other men place their 
 happiness; for we have learned, that, if a 
 man take our cloak, we should give him our 
 coat. But when we have surrendered all 
 we possess, we are still the objects of their 
 relentless hatred ; and they heap upon us 
 the charges of crimes the very thought of 
 which is forbidden by our religion, and which 
 can only be found in the practices of their 
 own idolatry."* 
 
 f "Orav aireiTrttffjLEV roig xpt'ifjiaffiv, iwipuXtvucrtv r^ur, 
 
 K- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 29 
 
 The apology of Tertullian is a mixture of 
 indignation, strong reasoning, and irony. He 
 is generally serious, though sometimes spor- 
 tive, and while he repels the calumnies of 
 the enemies of the faith, he can indulge a 
 vein of pleasantry. 
 
 He declares his belief with much force 
 and dignity. " Mangled by your cruelty, 
 and covered with our own blood, we still 
 proclaim aloud We worship God through 
 Christ. Persist in your own opinion, and 
 deem him a mere man. Yet through him 
 God makes himself known; in him he will 
 be worshipped. But rather ought ye to en- 
 quire, whether the divinity of Christ be not 
 the true divinity, the knowledge of which 
 leads the worshipper to all goodness, and 
 therefore compels him to reject the lying- 
 pretensions of your idols."* Again, he spor- 
 
 , TOIQ CE ao\<7)(B<Tl KOI Tbj EKeivtliV TTpOffE'Zl jivt. 
 
 Leg. pro Christ, p. 3. 
 
 * Dicimus, et palam dicimus, et vobis torquentibus. 
 Lacerati et cruenti vociferamur, Deum colimus per Chris- 
 tum. Ilium hominem putate. Per euni, et in eo, se cognosci 
 vult Dens, et coli. Quaerite ergo, si vera est ista divinitas 
 Christi. Si ea est, qua, cognita ad bonum quis reformatur, 
 sequitur, ut falsa renubcietur quaevis aliacontrariacomperta: 
 
30 PAGANISM AND 
 
 lively compares the idols themselves with 
 the mangled bodies of the Christians. " You 
 place us upon a cross, or the stump of some 
 tree ; and on a frame of the like shape, you 
 fashion your gods of clay. You lacerate our 
 sides with hooks of iron ; with similar labour 
 do you employ axes, and saws, and augers 
 on your gods of wood. You throw us into 
 the fire; and in the fire you cast your gods 
 of metal. Or perhaps you send us to the 
 mines; but from thence come your best di- 
 vinities. We are therefore under the like 
 circumstances with them ; and if divinity is 
 produced by hewing and mangling, our tor- 
 tures are our consecration, and we are fit 
 objects of your worship."* 
 
 in primis ilia, quae delitescens sub nominibus et imaginibus 
 mortuorum, quibusdam signis et miraculis et oraculis fidem 
 divinitatis operatur. C. 21. 
 
 * Crucibus et stipitibus imponitis Christianos. Quod 
 simulachrum non prius argilla deformat cruci et stipiti su- 
 perstructa? In patibulo primum corpus Dei vestri dedicatur. 
 Ungulis deraditis latera Cbristianorum. At in Deos vestros 
 per omnia membra validius incumbunt asciae, et runcinae, et 
 scobinae. Ignibus urimur. Hoc et illi a prima quidem 
 massa. In metalla damnamur. Inde censentur Dii vestri. 
 Si per haec constat divinitas aliqua; ergo qui puniuntur, 
 consecrantur, et numina erunt dicenda supplicia. C. 12 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. .31 
 
 
 
 Finally, Tatian shall bear his testimony, 
 a testimony which, notwithstanding his other 
 failings, is the more precious on account of 
 his intimate knowledge of Grecian learning. 
 " In vain do you advise me to consult my 
 personal safety. That knowledge of God 
 which the Scriptures have given me, I will 
 not conceal. That contempt of death which 
 you affect to derive from human philosophy, 
 I will truly shew through the profession of 
 my Christian faith. The Scriptures are more 
 worthy of my regard than the philosophy in 
 which I was bred. They are superior to it 
 in all things ; in antiquity, if we consider 
 the late origin of Grecian knowledge ; in au- 
 thority, if we look at its errors. I am cap- 
 tivated by their style, free from Grecian in- 
 flation; the artless simplicity of the writers, 
 the satisfactory account of creation, the im- 
 pressiveness of the prophecies, the loftiness 
 of the precepts, and the general government 
 of God."* And in proportion to this zeal in 
 
 The modes in which the Christians were tortured, are fre- 
 quently pointed out hy him in this indirect way. 
 
 * TlepivoSvTi %e pot TCI mrulaia, avvl(3r} ypatyaig nmv 
 kvrvyfiv fiapfiapiKcug, Trpeaj^vrlpaiQ per, we irpog TO, 'EAAr/- 
 
 ir\a.vi\v' 
 
32 PAGANISM AND 
 
 * 
 
 the propagators of the faith, this sacred con- 
 tempt of danger and death itself for the sake 
 of Jesus Christ, was the actual extension of 
 the Gospel. Justin Martyr states the over- 
 throw of Jerusalem, and the growing con- 
 version of the Gentiles from all nations, as 
 the accomplishments of prophecy witnessed 
 by that age.* These conversions are again 
 mentioned in the dialogue, in which he la- 
 bours to prove, that the benediction of Joseph 
 by Moses was then fulfilling itself in the ra- 
 pid abandonment of those idolatrous practices 
 with which Satan had hitherto enslaved the 
 Heathen nations. | This went on with in- 
 creasing success ; 'till, through the force of 
 the impression made on the government by 
 these private conversions, and the irresistible 
 
 Kai pot TTEicrQrjvai ravraig ffvvifir], diet re T&V A^-ewv TO arv- 
 tyov, Kai T&V etirovTWV TO CLVETTLT^EVTOV, Kai T^Q r TravTog 
 7roii]ff(i) TO ivKaTaXrjTTTOV, Kai T&V ^E\\6vTii)v TO Trpoyvwrt- 
 KOV, Kai r&v 7raoayye\p.aT(i)v TO ifaiaior, Kai TWV oXwv TO 
 P.OVCL^IKOV. Orat. cont. Graecos. C. 46. 
 
 * Kai aVwc yevo/ieva opwjuev, y^g JJLEV 'le^a/wv ep^/iWffiv, 
 
 KCL\ TUQ CtTTO TTCLVTOQ f.QvH ardpW7T(i)V $ICI TYJQ TTttptt T&V O.7TO- 
 
 oroXwv aurs ^t^a^r}Q rfeiffOlvTCtg. Apol. 2. p. 88. 
 
 f 'Eic Travrwv TMV kQvwv Pici TUTU TV fiv^rjois etc T^V $O- 
 (Tf.fif.itiv Tpcnrr](Tav CLTTO T&V juaraiwj-' et^wXwv Kai Oat^ioVwv. 
 Dial, cum Tryph. ib. p. 318. Compare Dent, xxxiii. 17. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 ~*^^^N 
 
 credit obtained for the Gospel, the empi 
 was induced formally to accept the faith; 
 and, as Christ had foretold, the world be- 
 lieved on him.* 
 
 Such again were the triumphs of the Gos- 
 pel, in its early encounter with the hostility 
 of the world. Nor let it be imagined, that it 
 was an imitation of the Heathen schools, and 
 the vanity of maintaining a novelty of doctrine 
 which led those martyrs and confessors to 
 brave the established Paganism by the con- 
 fession of the faith of Christ. On the con- 
 trary, they exposed the unworthy motives of 
 those who pretended to despise danger for 
 the sake of philosophical opinions. There 
 were some sophists, who in a trembling imi- 
 tation of Anaxarchus,')' affected to maintain, 
 that death was not an evil to be feared. 
 Against the hollow pretensions of these men 
 the Christian writers successfully argued, 
 and either convicted them of secret cowardice 
 under the show of magnanimity, or called 
 
 * Totum orbem sibi crediturum esse praedixit; et totus 
 orbis, sicut praedictum est, credidit. Aug. de Civ. Dei, 
 lib. 12. c. 10. 
 
 f. rov 'Avaap)8 $V\CLKOV 
 Laert. in vit. Anax. lib. 9. 
 D 
 
34 PAGANISM AND 
 
 upon them to die in a cause which alone 
 could justify it. Tatian naturally infers the 
 real fear of death in Crescens (one of these 
 philosophists, and as impure as he was cow- 
 ardly) from his attempts against the life of 
 Justin and himself; since he must have re- 
 garded that as an evil which he wished to 
 inflict on those whom he hated. On the 
 other hand, it was justly concluded by him, 
 that philosophical vanity is a miserable rea- 
 son for the abandonment of life ; and hence 
 the Greeks were exhorted to that true forti- 
 tude which has its only foundation in the 
 knowledge of God.* The conduct of the 
 early Christians therefore was far removed 
 from that of the Heathen schools. Indeed, 
 our own history presents to us a brilliant 
 proof of the same conscientious fidelity, the 
 same " resistance unto blood," in an age 
 when such motives had no existence, when 
 the question was not, whether a new faith 
 should be introduced into the world, but 
 whether the pure and primitive doctrines of 
 
 Et j)a.T juiy celv Stdievai TUV Sq.va.TOv, KOLVIOVOVVT(.Q fyuwv 
 IQ loyf.ia.ffL, /*/) Ota r)]v avdpWTrtvrjv co^rip.aviav, w'g Aj/a- 
 a PX e > o.7roQvf]ffKere' X a V lv ^ r ^ TO ^ v yvwatuq, rov 
 a'a'r Rrara^povifrai yerevQe. Orat. cout. Graec. C. 32. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 35 
 
 the Gospel should be asserted and restored to 
 the church of Christ, or whether they should 
 remain for ever buried under the accumula- 
 tions of that superstition which disfigured 
 their beauty, and destroyed their salutary 
 influence,* Nor were the labours and con- 
 stancy of our reformers at all inferior to those 
 of the early propagators of the Gospel. Who- 
 ever has admired the faith and heroic suffer- 
 ings of Ignatius or Polycarp, must look with 
 no less satisfaction on those of Ridley, Lati- 
 mer, Cranmer, and Hooper. And whoever 
 will sit down to the serious perusal of their 
 history, must, I think, rise up the better 
 Christian ; better prepared to meet the com- 
 mon evils of life with resignation, and to sur- 
 
 * Quod si docemus sacrosanctum Dei Evangelitim, et 
 veteres Episcopos, atque Ecclesiam primitivam nobiscum 
 facere, nosque non sine justa causa, et ab istis discessisse, 
 et ad Apostolos, veteresque Catholicos patres rediisse, idque 
 non obscure aut vafre, sed bond fide coram Deo, vere, in- 
 genue, dilucide, et perspicue facimus ; si illi ipsi qui nostram 
 doctrinam fugiunt, et sese Catholicos dici volunt, aperte 
 videbunt omnes illos titulos antiquitatis, de quibus tant- 
 opere gloriantur, sibi excuti de manibus, et in nostra causa 
 plus nervorum fuisse quam putarint, speramus, neminem 
 illorum ita negligentem fore salutis suse, quin velit aliquando 
 cogitationem suscipere, ad utros potius se adjungat. Bp. 
 Jewel's Apology, p. 28. 
 
36 PAGANISM AND 
 
 render life itself with joyfulness into the 
 hands of God who gave it. It is impossible 
 not to venerate their glowing piety, their 
 profound humility, their patience under suf- 
 ferings, their praises of God under distresses 
 and privations of every kind, their prayers 
 for their persecutors, their exemplary and tri- 
 umphant death. And whoever has any feel- 
 ing for learning and the powers of reason, 
 must be particularly affected, when he sees 
 them exerted under circumstances the most 
 disastrous, the most calculated to depress 
 courage and to crush the resources of genius ; 
 when books were withheld from the impri- 
 soned saint, when the memory alone was to 
 supply its stores for the appointed debate, 
 and when the removal to the place of dis- 
 putation was but the first and certain step 
 to the expecting flames !* 
 
 * Latimer complained at the Oxford Disputation, that 
 in prison he had been permitted to have " neither pen nor 
 ink, nor yet any book, but only the New Testament there 
 in his hand, which he had read over seven times." Ridley 
 too had demanded time and books for the preparation of his 
 answer to the articles presented to him. This was pro- 
 mised, but not granted ; and when the articles were sent, 
 he was informed that his answer must be drawn up the 
 same night. In the preface to his answer, he reminds his 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 37 
 
 It is true, that, in a certain sense, none of 
 these evils were necessary ; they might have 
 been avoided, in the one case, by disavowing 
 the name itself of Christian; and in the other, 
 by a base surrender of the vital doctrines of 
 Christianity to the demands of superstition 
 armed with power. And thus the profession 
 of the Gospel is the immediate and only 
 cause of its own sufferings. But, instead of 
 affording an imputation against Christianity, 
 as the timid or the worldly man is apt to 
 reason, this adds to its lustre and credit. 
 For what is it which prompts the professor 
 of the Faith to this intrepid encounter of 
 danger and death; this cheerful submission 
 to evils which appal all other men ? what but 
 the strong testimony of conscience resting on 
 the word of God, and more valuable in itself 
 than all the goods of life ? what but the feel- 
 ing of the Divine support, which lifts the 
 soul above the pains of the body? what but 
 the joyful anticipation of that happiness to 
 
 judges of this harshness. Et quoniam gravis causa est, 
 quam agimus, et ad earn peragendam qukm shims nunc in- 
 expediti, temporis nimirum angusti^ et librorum inopia op- 
 pressi, vobis omnibus ignotum esse non potest. G. Ridley's 
 Life of Ridley, pp. 492 and 675. 
 
38 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which the martyr passes, through his brief, 
 though sharp, torment, when faith discovers 
 visions of approaching glory, and exclaims 
 from the scaffold and the stake, " Behold, I 
 see the heavens opened, and the Son of Man," 
 who, through sufferings, went before to pre- 
 pare a place for his true followers, "sitting 
 at the right hand of God ?"* 
 
 These are the extreme cases of human suf- 
 fering ; and in providing for these in the tri- 
 umphant manner here displayed, the Gospel 
 establishes, by consequence, in the hearts of 
 believers an effectual influence against the 
 common evils of life. The unbeliever, under 
 trials of the same sort with those which the 
 Christian- well knows how to bear, has no 
 reasonable support for his mind. He suffers 
 therefore with sullenness and an inward re- 
 sentment against the hand that afflicts him ; 
 or with open rage and undisguised profane- 
 ness he " curses God and dies/'f 
 
 Nor is the superiority of the Christian seen 
 only in the better principles through which 
 he bears the unavoidable evils of life. He has 
 a present happiness surpassing that of other 
 men. The Saviour had promised to the meek, 
 
 * Ads vii. ,")(. I .lob ii. 9. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 39 
 
 that they " should possess the earth/"* This 
 expression was meant to point out the advan- 
 tages resulting from a Christian use of this 
 world ; the coutentedness with which we 
 receive what God sees to be necessary or 
 convenient to our being, the happy freedom 
 from those malignant and destructive passions 
 which poison the enjoyments of other men, 
 the mildness of temper with which we sooth 
 every occurrence of life, and that lofty tran- 
 quillity concerning the objects of the world, 
 which is the blessed effect of our sincere re- 
 liance on the Divine providence. This, then, 
 is the foundation on which St. Paul grounds 
 his assertion, that the Christian has the pro- 
 mise of '" the life that now is." Sometimes 
 indeed this promise has been misunderstood 
 or misrepresented. In a former age of our 
 country, a puritanical profession of faith was 
 interpreted into a lawful claim to exercise 
 the powers of civil government ; and it re- 
 quired time and argument to convince an 
 ambitious sainthood, that the grace of God 
 was not the necessary foundation of the do- 
 minion of the world. On the other hand, 
 impiety has entered the lists with hypoc : 
 
 5 M 
 
40 PAGANISM AND 
 
 and endeavoured to wrest this promise to it- 
 self. The laxity of morals which prevailed in 
 an early part of the last century, occasioned 
 a dispute which involved this question, To 
 whom fell the largest share of the common 
 enjoyments of life; to the man of religious 
 sobriety, or to the man of pleasure, the 
 glutton, the drunkard, and the sensualist? 
 The better cause was defended against the 
 false philosophy of the times by the acute 
 and pious Bishop Berkeley, in a part of his 
 Alciphron.* His chief argument is against 
 the strange notion of Mandeville and his 
 followers, who represented private vices as 
 public benefits ; and he infers, that before 
 they can be such, they must benefit the indi- 
 viduals who practise them. But this being 
 false, the other cannot be true. Hence he 
 
 * Dialogue 2d. The notion, that present indulgence led 
 to happiness., had distinguished most of the Epicureans. This 
 too was well combated by the author of Anti-Lucretius, 
 who maintains, that the virtuous reserve and spiritual hopes 
 of the Christian give him a decided advantage over the man 
 of pleasure, even in the present life. 
 
 Ut videas, vel dum in terris hoc ducitur aevum, 
 
 Naturae donis potiora occurrere dona ; 
 
 Cultorcsque Dei jam te magis esse beatos. 
 
 Lib. i. 1018. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 41 
 
 satisfactorily demonstrates the superior ad- 
 vantages possessed by the man of temperance. 
 His life is proved to be generally longer than 
 that of the reveller ; his enjoyments are more 
 perfect; and therefore his portion of the 
 blessings of this world is larger, while the 
 satisfaction which he draws from them is of 
 a more exquisite nature, and more delightful 
 to himself. 
 
 Nothing therefore is withheld from the 
 Christian; nothing but sin. Meanwhile, 
 pleasures the most ample, the most satisfac- 
 tory which human life can admit, are his 
 portion and his recompense, the pleasures 
 of innocence, of temperance, of thankfulness 
 to God, who deprives us of nothing which 
 does not also tend to deprive us of himself. 
 The free use of this world is permitted to us, 
 while God is the supreme object of our 
 thoughts and affections ; while we have that 
 love towards the Author of our happiness, 
 which transcends the love of all other things ; 
 and while we so " pass through things tem- 
 poral, as not to lose the things eternal." 
 
 In all cases then it appears, that godli- 
 ness has the promise of happiness. In the 
 common progress of human affairs, amidst 
 
42 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which we generally pass the longest part of 
 life, the believer has an advantage over other 
 men. He receives with gratitude the good 
 which the opened hand of God pours upon 
 him ; he uses it with religious sobriety ; and 
 thus the effect of the blessing is increased, 
 while the use itself is prolonged. Under the 
 common evils of life, he experiences comforts 
 and supports unknown to other men. His 
 persuasion of a providence teaches him, that 
 whatever befalls him, is according to the 
 Divine will. In the hands of God are the 
 "issues" of all things, because from him they 
 had their beginning. He may " take away," 
 because he hath first " given," whatever we 
 possess. He may ."kill," because he hath 
 first " made alive."* His name therefore is 
 to be equally the subject of our " blessing," 
 under evil and under good ; in the moment 
 of death, as in the midst of life itself. And 
 that which thus invigorates the Christian, is 
 the happy influence of the spirit of God. 
 Hence he draws those private supports and 
 invisible consolations which prevent him from 
 sinking under the burden of evil. They si- 
 
 * 1 Sam. ii. 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 43 
 
 lently and gradually raise his soul from its 
 dejection; they dispose him to religious tran- 
 quillity, and at length impress upon him that 
 settled rest and godly satisfaction, against 
 which the " changes and the chances of this 
 mortal life" shall never more prevail. But 
 under the pressure of extraordinary dangers 
 and distresses arising from the maintenance 
 of the Faith, the influence of faith is still 
 superior to the evils which k draws upon 
 itself. The evidence of Christian hope rises 
 as persecutions increase. The immediate 
 evil may indeed be avoided by the violation 
 of conscience ; but the believer prefers the 
 suffering of the body with the peace of the 
 soul. His affliction, which is " but for a 
 moment, is not to be compared with the glory 
 which shall be revealed in him hereafter." 
 He therefore joyfully lays down this mortal 
 life, in the sure and certain hope of the resur- 
 rection to eternal happiness through Jesus 
 Christ. 
 
 These we deem the peculiar privileges, 
 this the distinctive honour of Christian god- 
 liness. It has the " promise of the life that 
 now is, and of that which is to come." But 
 the Gospel has not been without a rival in 
 
44 PAGANISM AND 
 
 these pretensions. Paganism, the early 
 enemy of Christianity, has laid claim to the 
 same advantages ! A more full examination 
 therefore of the history and nature of this 
 claim, and a free exposure of the character, 
 temper, -and doctrines of Paganism, shall be 
 the subject of the following course of lectures. 
 Nor perhaps can I discharge my duty in this 
 place, in a manner more proper for myself, or 
 more consonant with the peculiar studies of 
 my audience, than by the discussion of such a 
 question. The inquiry will carry us into 
 the midst of those subjects which ancient 
 history and mythology have made familiar to 
 every scholar ; and it will exhibit a curious 
 and interesting picture of Christian literature 
 combating with Paganism, and maintaining 
 the superiority of its doctrines during the 
 early ages of the Gospel. The cause of 
 Christianity will thus be promoted through 
 the meanness and insufficiency of the heathen 
 superstitions. That species of learning which 
 some regard as noxious in its nature, and 
 others, as at least useless in its tendency, 
 will be made to administer to our Christian 
 benefit. From the futility of the inventions 
 of nature, we shall learn to reverence still 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 45 
 
 more the Divine wisdom, which exhibited 
 Paganism in competition with the faith of 
 Christ, and finally convinced the world, that 
 the success of the Gospel was due to the 
 heavenly power which directed it, and to the 
 solid and ever-growing reason on which it 
 was founded. 
 
46 PAGANISM AND 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 TWO CLASSES OF PAGAN WORSHIPPERS. ..CLAIM OF TEM- 
 PORAL HAPPINESS BY THE FIRST CLASS. ..GROUNDS OF 
 IT...REFUTED BY AN APPEAL TO THE GENERAL TEM- 
 PER OF PAGANISM . . . SPECIMENS FROM EUSEBIUS, 
 ARNOBIUS, AMBROSE, PRUDENTIUS . . . CAUSE OF THE 
 GOSPEL FARTHER VINDICATED BY OROSIUS AND AU- 
 GUSTIN . . .THEIR CHARACTERS. 
 
 FOR our knowledge of the rivalship which 
 Paganism affected to maintain with the Gos- 
 pel in the promise of happiness to its vota- 
 ries, we are chiefly indebted to the early 
 Christian writers. In their disputations 
 with the enemies of the Faith, they have 
 stated the claims of idolatry with more full- 
 ness and perspicuity than the idolaters them- 
 selves. They have given form and consistency 
 to the desultory and uncertain notions of 
 Heathenism ; and with that fearlessness which 
 marks the conscious defence of truth, placed 
 the arguments of their opponents in a clearer 
 and more intelligible view, that they might 
 refute them in a more triumphant and con- 
 vincing manner. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 47 
 
 The inquiries of the Pagans into the effi- 
 cacy of their own superstitions were directed 
 principally to the following points ; whether 
 any good was to be expected from the wor- 
 ship of the gods ? and, a good being admit- 
 ted, of what nature it was? The first of 
 these questions needs not to be discussed on 
 the present occasion. We know, indeed, 
 that many of the antients, while they com- 
 plied with the outward institutions of their 
 country, discarded the belief of the existence, 
 or the providence of any gods, and conse- 
 quently, the. hope of any recompense to be 
 derived from the acknowledgement of them. 
 But it was the profession of the heathen 
 world in general, that to the practice of ido- 
 latry some benefit was attached. The great 
 difference took place therefore on the other 
 question, of what nature this benefit was ? 
 On this point, two parties were formed, 
 whose motives are stated, and whose argu- 
 ments are fully and circumstantially confuted 
 by Augustin. 
 
 1. It is probable that the blind and igno- 
 rant superstition of the vulgar Pagans ex- 
 cluded nothing from their belief; and that, 
 without thought or inquiry, they expected 
 
. 48 
 
 PAGANISM AND 
 
 every kind of good as the result of their ad- 
 herence to the customary worship of the gods. 
 But into their gross and undistinguishing no- 
 tions it is not intended to enter. The present 
 question is concerning those who aspired to 
 defend the cause of idolatry by some show of 
 reason and argument. The first of these par- 
 ties, therefore, sufficiently raised above the 
 vulgar to despise their gross notions of futu- 
 rity, yet so uninstructed or so sensual as to be 
 fully satisfied with the gratifications which 
 worldly objects could impart, professed to 
 serve their idols with no other view than that 
 of present prosperity.* This comprehended 
 both public and private welfare. Success in 
 war, indulgence in peace, wealth, beauty, 
 genius, honour, fame, and length of life, were 
 therefore the only motives of their prayers. 
 This description is confirmed in each of its 
 branches by the testimony of the Pagan wri- 
 ters. What were the public benefits supposed 
 to be derived to the state from the practice of 
 idolatry, we see in the pleading of Symmachus 
 for the restoration of the ancient rites. He 
 
 * Res humanas ita prosperari volunt, ut ad hoc multo- 
 rum Deorum cultum,, quos Pagani colere consueverunt, 
 necessarium esse arbitrentur. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 49 
 
 argues that, as souls are allotted to the indi- 
 vidual bodies of men, separate genii are ap- 
 pointed to preside over civil communities.* 
 On their fostering care therefore depends the 
 welfare of the state ; and consequently, the 
 beings, whose care is thus necessary to the 
 existence of empire, are to be rendered pro- 
 pitious by outward acknowledgments of 
 their protection. This argument will by-and- 
 by be stated at greater length. At present, 
 it will be sufficient to notice the persuasion, 
 that to the long- continued favour of the 
 deities collectively worshipped by the super- 
 stition of Rome, was to be ascribed her pos- 
 session of the sovereignty of the world. f 
 Again, what were the private advantages 
 aimed at in the prayers of individuals, we are 
 sufficiently informed through the satire of 
 
 * Ut aniraae nascentibus, ita populis fatales genii divi- 
 duntur. Pro Sacr. Patr. apud Prudent. 
 
 T Hie cultus in leges meas orbem redegit. ib. It is 
 Rome that speaks. From Tertullian's refutation, we see 
 how strong was the persuasion in his time, that Roman 
 greatness had arisen from piety to the Roman gods : Ro- 
 manos pro merito religiositatis diligentissimae in tantnm 
 sublimitatis elatos. Apol. c. 25. Zosimus is rancorously 
 full of this notion. 
 
50 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Juvenal, who has enumerated the objects of 
 desire commonly named in the temples of 
 the gods,* and has pronounced of some, that 
 they are superfluous, and of others, that they 
 are pernicious. 
 
 Such were the sentiments of the first class 
 of idolaters mentioned by Augustin. To ob- 
 tain worldly good, and to avoid worldly evil, 
 both in public and private life, were the 
 objects of their prayers.f Of this class of 
 
 * Honores, divitiae, eloquium, fama, bellorum 
 exuviae, spatium vitie, forma. Sat. 1 0. 
 
 f The folly of importuning the gods for these purposes 
 was indeed pointed out by men of superior name. But 
 one general observation may be made on the very best rules 
 which Pagan wisdom has prescribed to the piety of men. 
 Particular requests for riches, power, and such things, are 
 sometimes forbidden, not through a genuine principle of 
 self-denial, or moral reserve ; not through a virtuous dis- 
 trust of the objects themselves, and a fear of their seductive 
 influence on the heart j but because the gods best know 
 whether they are suitable to our circumstances, and when 
 they should be bestowed. It is concluded therefore., that 
 the gods are to be complimented with the selection of the 
 objects, and the fortunate moment of applying them ; nor is 
 it safe to urge Heaven with importunate petitions, lest, in 
 a vein of malignant indulgence, it should resolve to ruin its 
 short-sighted worshippers by granting the very objects of 
 their desire. 
 
 This is the amount of the celebrated prayer of Socrates him- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 51 
 
 worshippers therefore it must be supposed, 
 that from the disappointment of their san- 
 guine hopes of present good, impatience and 
 indignation would commonly arise. And 
 these passions we shall hereafter find to have 
 been most strongly excited in the latter and 
 more disastrous age of the western empire. 
 Alarmed and irritated at the prevalence of 
 the common misfortunes, the natural and 
 necessary consequences of their inveterate 
 
 self : ev^ETO ^e irpog rc 08 o.7rAw<; r' ayaOa 
 S'eye icaXXcora el^ora^ oTrola ayada tanv. Memor. lib. 1. 
 c. 3. In the first book of the Cyropsedia is a passage which in 
 principle agrees with this : "H ye dvdpwn-ivr) trotyia ceV /za\- 
 Xov 0Ic) TO iiptarov dipeiffQai, r) ei K\rjp&fjLevoc o,n 
 
 TUTO TIQ TTpCLTTOl, df.01 ^ CUft OVTEQ, TTCLVTa. 'iffCLffl TO. 
 
 IJiiva, KCU TO. ovra, Kal "oj-i i'l- efjaors avrwr cnroj3f)ffTai. In 
 both passages the meaning is, that they are unwise who pray 
 expressly for riches, power, &c. because they are ignorant of 
 the temporal consequences whicli such objects may produce, 
 and which may, operate as a revenge upon success itself. In 
 this sense, the thought of Socrates is expressly applied by 
 Juvenal : 
 
 Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus, quid 
 Conveniat nobis, rebusque sit utile nostris. 
 On these and similar passages we sometimes look with a 
 Christian eye, and give them a borrowed sanctity. In order 
 to discover their real value, we must bring them to their 
 own standard, and interpret them upon principles strictly 
 Pagan. 
 
 E2 
 
52 PAGANISM AND 
 
 vices, the Pagans sought their own excuse in 
 the crimination of the Christians. To that dis- 
 countenance of idolatry, therefore, which was 
 the unavoidable result of the civil establish- 
 ment of the Gospel, they imputed the decay 
 of the state, and all those evils from which 
 Rome was said to have been hitherto pre- 
 served by the vigilance and power of its pro- 
 tecting deities. 
 
 2. But there was a second class of per- 
 sons, whose observation of the world, whose 
 knowledge of history, and whose freedom 
 from the more common prejudices, enabled 
 them to discover, and emboldened them to 
 confess, that these evils were not the exclu- 
 sive produce of their own days. They knew 
 that disasters, both public and private, had 
 occurred in former ages ; and such was the 
 nature of men and things, that temporal evils 
 would always exist, in a greater or less 
 degree, as times, and places, and persons, 
 might conspire to produce them.* These 
 
 * Fatentur haec mala nee defuisse unquam, nee defutura 
 raortalibus j et ea nunc magna, nunc parva, locis, tempori- 
 bus, personisque variari ; scd Deorum multorum cultum, 
 quo eis sacrificatur, propter vitam post mortem futuram esse 
 ill i 1cm disputant. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 53 
 
 men therefore approached the shrines of the 
 gods through other motives. They had ob- 
 served, that security from present sufferings 
 was not the necessary consequence of their 
 prayers ; and as they still presumed, that 
 their worship was entitled to some recom- 
 pense, nothing remained but to profess, that 
 they expected a benefit, however unknown 
 or undefined, in another state of things that 
 might succeed the present life. 
 
 These then were the two principal doc- 
 trines of the Gentile superstition, as they are 
 described to us in the zealous and eloquent 
 refutations of them by the Christian writers. 
 The parties differed in opinion concerning 
 the nature of the benefits supposed to result 
 from the worship offered to their common 
 idols ; but between them both, they claimed 
 the same advantages which had been singly 
 attributed by the apostle to that "godliness" 
 which he taught. The first class professed 
 to gain the advantages of the " life that now 
 is ;" the second looked to the rewards of 
 " that which is to come." Against both 
 these false claims was successfully raised 
 the voice of Christian antiquity; and to botli 
 we will ufive attention in their order. 
 
54 PAGANISM AND 
 
 I. Paganism asserted the power of reward- 
 ing its votaries with temporal prosperity. 
 This pretension is too extravagant to have 
 arisen from a dispassionate view of the na- 
 ture of idolatry : it was rather created by 
 fortuitous circumstances, and increased in 
 proportion to the decline of the empire, and 
 the growth of those evils under which it 
 finally sunk. Accordingly we find, that the 
 events which gave the greater and more plau- 
 sible encouragement to the claim in favour of 
 the gods, were the invasions of Italy, and the 
 capture of Rome, in the beginning of the 
 fifth century, by the Barbarians under Alaric,* 
 The impatient temper of idolatry was now 
 particularly excited ; and a spirit of revenge 
 arose, the consequence of mortified pride 
 and baffled superstition. Expiring Paganism 
 invidiously lamented the loss of qualities 
 which it never possessed ; and Christianity 
 was charged with mischiefs not its own. 
 
 * Roma Gothorum irruptione, ageiitium sub rege Alarico, 
 atque itnpetu magnae cladis eversa est ; cujus eversionem 
 deorum falsorum multorumque cultores, quos usitato nomine 
 Paganos vocamus, in Christianam religionem referre co- 
 nantes, solito acerbius et amaritis Deum verum blasphemare 
 cceperunt. Aug. Retract, lib. ii. c. 43. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 55 
 
 That the truth of this statement may ap- 
 pear, it will be necessary, in the first pla6e, 
 to take a general view of the temper of 
 Heathenism. While this contrasts with the 
 mildness and resignation of the Gospel, it 
 will furnish us with a convincing inference. 
 If Heathenism was prone to impatience and 
 outrage against its own deities, before the 
 propagation of the faith of Christ; and if 
 this turbulent spirit was turned against the 
 professors of the faith before the civil esta- 
 blishment of the Gospel, the complaint con- 
 cerning the adverse influence of Christianity, 
 possessed of power, will be thus far refuted, 
 and, together with that, the claim in favour 
 of the temporal prosperity said to have been 
 conferred by the gods of Rome. 
 
 The temper of Paganism has been always 
 the same. Versatile in- its views, because 
 possessed of no rational confidence in a Su- 
 preme Power ; and inflamed with resentment 
 at the pressure of unexpected misfortune, it 
 has been ready, in every age and country, to 
 transfer its interested worship from one idol 
 to another, as outward circumstances have 
 suggested. Sometimes, in expectation of 
 better treatment, the worshippers have 
 
56 PAGANISM AND 
 
 adopted the gods of more prosperous nations. 
 Upon this principle we are to interpret the 
 admission, from time to time, of the deities 
 or sacred rites of other countries, which the 
 Roman history describes : for, until the lust 
 of dominion swallowed up every other 1 mo- 
 tive, these incorporations were the mere effect 
 of some public calamity, which was to be 
 averted or removed by additional help from 
 new gods inscribed on the ritual. And hence 
 came, among others, the Epidaurian serpent 
 and the conic stone of jEsculapius, recom- 
 mended by the Sibylline books.* The Scrip- 
 ture itself furnishes an instance of a similar 
 disposition in Ahaz, an idolatrous king of 
 Jerusalem. " In the time of his distress 
 did he trespass yet more against the Lord : 
 for he sacrificed unto the gods of Damascus 
 which smote him ; and he said, Because the 
 gods of the kings of Syria help them, there- 
 fore will I sacrifice to them, that they may 
 
 * This was a feature of Paganism carefully marked by the 
 Christian writers. Tanta ac tarn intolerabilis pestilentia 
 corripuit civitatem, ut propter earn quacunque ratione sedan- 
 dam libros Sibyllinos consulendos putarint, horrendunique 
 ilium Epidaurium colubrum, cum ipso ^Esculapii lapide 
 advexerint 3 quasi vero pestilentia aut ante- sedata non sit, 
 aut post orta non fuerit. Oros. Hist. lib. iii. c. 22, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 57 
 
 help me."* Sometimes, these adoptions have 
 been made, to the utter abandonment of the 
 gods hitherto worshipped ;t and of this we 
 have well-accredited instances, in the history 
 of certain Pagan nations at the present day. J 
 But when the former deities were retained* 
 notwithstanding the occurrence of misfortune, 
 they were commonly subjected to chastise- 
 ment and insult on account of the failure of 
 protection to their worshippers. 
 
 When Augustus, during the Sicilian war, 
 lost two of his fleets by storms, he is said to 
 have taken his revenge upon Neptune, by not 
 suffering him to be carried in procession with 
 
 * 2 Chron. xxviii. 22. 
 
 f The Persians had no new god to offer to Julian. But 
 it appears, that, when the omens were unfavourable to his 
 progress, he vowed never more to sacrifice to his own Mars. 
 Quibus visis, exclamavit indignatus acriter Julianus, Jo- 
 vcmque testatus est, nulla Marti jam sacra facturum : nee 
 resecravit, celeri morte praereptus. Amm. Marcell. lib. 
 xxiv. c. 6. 
 
 I Captain Cook found that the natives of the Society 
 Islands disregarded their gods, if they did not give them 
 success 5 and the inhabitants of one of the islands having 
 been fortunate in war, their neighbours adopted their god, 
 to the exclusion of their own, in hopes of equal victory. 
 
58 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the other gods at the Circensian games.* 
 And when the beloved Germanicus died, the 
 people of Rome were so much enraged, that 
 they stoned the very temples of the gods, 
 and overthrew their altars ; while some flung 
 their household divinities into the streets, t 
 Lucan draws a striking picture of the rage 
 
 * Alii dictum factumque ejus criminantur, quasi, classi- 
 bus tempestate perditis, exclamaverit, etiam invito Neptuno, 
 victoriam se adepturum : ac die Circensium proximo solenni 
 pompa simulachrum Dei detraxerit. Sueton. Aug. c. 16. 
 Probably this piece of spleen was intended as a convenient 
 insult to the family of the Pompeys too. They affected a 
 connection with Neptune; and after the destruction of 
 Augustus's ships, Sextus shewed a grateful attention to his 
 great relation by wearing a vest of a cccrukan colour! 
 
 f* Quo defunctus est die, lapidata sunt templa, subversae 
 Deum arae, Lares a quibusdam familiares in publicum ab- 
 jecti. Sueton. Calig. c. 5. I see no reason to doubt the 
 chains, the golden cup, &c. which Xerxes, in his different 
 moods, threw into the Hellespont. Herodot. 7. 35. 54. 
 He mentions another instance which has not been so much 
 noticed. Cyrus, in his way to Babylon, had lost one of the 
 white horses, sacred to the sun, in the river Gyndes. He 
 threatened the river, that, from that time, the women should 
 walk through it and not wet their knees ! lib. i. 119. We 
 read of similar instances of impatience in modern Paganism. 
 Knox and others say, that the people of Ceylon revile their 
 deities, and trample them under foot, when their prayers do 
 not succeed, or when they have runs of bad luck, &c. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 59 
 
 of the people of Lesbos against Heaven, on 
 account of the defeat of their favourite Pom- 
 pey: 
 
 littore toto 
 
 Plangitur; infestae tenduntur in aethera dextrae. 
 
 Lib. viii. 149. 
 
 And our great poet Milton has, with the 
 utmost propriety, given the invention of these 
 attitudes of disappointment and rage to the 
 vanquished followers of Satan, the parent of 
 all idolatrous worship : 
 
 highly they rag'd 
 
 Against the Highest, and fierce with grasped arms 
 Clash'd on their sounding shields the din of war, 
 Hurling defiance toward the vault of heaven. 
 
 Book i. 663. 
 
 These instances will be sufficient to shew 
 the impatience and resentment inherent in 
 the temper of Paganism. Such then was the 
 disposition, at once superstitious and vindic- 
 tive, which Christianity had to encounter, at 
 its first appearance in the Roman empire. 
 The persecutions, which have been already 
 related, were doubtless intended to prevent 
 the propagation of a faith which refused an 
 alliance with idolatry, and called upon man- 
 kind to renounce these vanities for the " ser- 
 
60 PAGANISM AND 
 
 vice of the living God."* Through the sup- 
 port of Divine power, however, the sacred 
 work rapidly advanced, and the Gospel was 
 widely diffused. This unexpected success 
 sharpened anew the hatred of the Pagans, 
 who now found the Gospel to be an object, 
 on which every misfortune might be conve* 
 niently charged. Accordingly, to the persons 
 of the believers was transferred all the exas- 
 peration which had been commonly produced 
 by the adversities of the state, and which had 
 been occasionally directed against the temples 
 and statues of the gods themselves. Idolatry 
 was no longer answerable for untoward events, 
 whether public or private. On the contrary, 
 its character was maliciously extolled. It was 
 declared to be the only and proper source of 
 worldly happiness ; and therefore all civil 
 disasters, and all natural evils were to be 
 
 * The persecutions are charged by Tertullian to an unjust 
 hatred of the Gospel, and a wilful ignorance of its doc- 
 trines : Hanc itaque primam causam apud vos collocamus, 
 iniquitatis odium erga nomen Christiamnn. Quam iniqui- 
 tatem idem titulus et onerat et revincit, qui videtur excusare ; 
 ignorantia scilicet. Ita utrumque ex alterutro redarguimus, 
 et ignorare illos dum oderunt, et injuste odisse dum ignorant. 
 Apol. c. i. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 61 
 
 attributed to the pernicious introduction of 
 the faith of Christ. The gods retained their 
 power of protecting and rewarding their vo- 
 taries ; but, as the influence of the Gospel 
 extended itself, a discredit was thrown upon 
 the ancient worship ; and the subjects of 
 Rome were withdrawn from the proper ac- 
 knowledgment of the beings who had hitherto 
 watched over them, and prospered their 
 country. In consequence of this growing 
 defection, the Deities were offended, gradu- 
 ally withdrew themselves from their accus- 
 tomed care of mortal interests, and manifested 
 their displeasure in various temporal cala- 
 mities !* 
 
 Among many other proofs of this species 
 of complaint, there is one which is found 
 among the early records of the empire, and 
 which appears to combine a public calamity 
 with the profession of the Gospel. It occurs 
 in the rescript attributed to Antoninus Pius, 
 and preserved by Justin Martyr and Euse- 
 
 * Postquam esse in mimdo Christiana gens coepit, terrarum 
 orbem perisse, multiformibus malis affecfum esse genus hu- 
 manum ; ipsos etiam coelites, derelictis curis solennibus, 
 quibus quondam solebant invisere res nostras, terrarum ab 
 regionibus exterminates, Arnob. adv. Gentes, lib. i. 
 
62 PAGANISM AND 
 
 bius ;* from which we collect, that the Chris- 
 tians of Asia, who had been suffering perse- 
 cution on other accounts, were also exposed 
 to suspicion and ill treatment in consequence 
 of certain earthquakes which had happened 
 in that part of the empire ! t 
 
 * Doubts have been entertained concerning the emperor 
 who issued this rescript. Many have assigned it to M. Au- 
 relius, whose name indeed is prefixed to it by Eusebius, 
 Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 13 j though in the preceding chapter 
 he gives it to Antoninus. This may have contributed in 
 some measure to the doubts concerning its authenticity. 
 The complimentary parts appear to be overstrained, and 
 have the air of being not genuine. But the repetition of 
 the earthquakes is supported by history ; and the recent, or 
 actual existence of the calamity on which it dwells, is a 
 circumstance not likely to have been so distinctly pointed 
 out in a later age. 
 
 f A great earthquake which affected Bithynia and the 
 neighbourhood of the Hellespont, is attributed by Xiphili- 
 nus to the time of Antoninus Pius. Anothe'r, not less ter- 
 rible, destroyed Smyrna in the reign of M. Aurelius. By the 
 former, the large and beautiful temple of Cyzicus was over- 
 thrown. Both these events however are supposed by some 
 to have happened under the same emperor, M. Aurelius. 
 Dio. Cass. lib. Ixx. c. 3. It is remarkable, that the God of 
 Earthquakes was unknown. The propitiation was offered 
 at hazard j Si Deo, si Deae ; idque ex decreto pontificum. 
 observatum esse M. Varro dicit j quoniam et qua vi, et per 
 quern Deorum Dearumve terra tremeret, incertum esset. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 63 
 
 
 
 The prince directs the community to which 
 he writes, not to take their own vengeance 
 on those who refused to worship the gods, but 
 rather to leave the offenders to the chastise- 
 ment of Heaven ; especially, since no good 
 effects were to be expected from the punish- 
 ments inflicted upon them, and death itself 
 seemed to be more acceptable than the aban- 
 donment of their faith. He then cautions 
 the Pagans concerning their own behaviour 
 under these calamities ;* and bids them not 
 
 A. Gellius, lib. ii. c. 28. The authority of Varro (as we 
 shall hereafter see) was supreme at Rome on the subject of 
 rites and ceremonies. Compare lib. xvii. c. 7. of Am. Mar- 
 cellinus, in whose time the secret had not yet been disco- 
 vered. 
 
 * Ilept e T&V (reicr/J-MV ra>v yeyovorw KAI FINOMENftN, 
 UK CLTOTTOV v/zag VTrorjvrjffat, ddvfjLsrrag pev or ay Trep wort, ira- 
 pa/3a\Xovrae $t ra rjfjLerepa ?rpo ra eKaVwv.Euseb. Hist. lib .iv. 
 c. 13. There is a considerable difference between this letter, 
 and that which stands at the end of Justin's Apology : and 
 some of the commentators, changing j^tcrcpa into v/zcrepa, 
 and new modelling the punctuation, make the emperor invite 
 the Asiatics to a comparison of their worship with that of 
 the Christians. Perhaps, the passage is best understood in 
 the sense given in the text, as it is expressive of the common 
 spirit of Paganism, unwilling to suffer the presence of any 
 religion different from its own, and imputing to it whatever 
 mischief may happen. Through this motive, the Egyptians 
 
64 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to fall into despair, or to draw revengeful 
 comparisons between their own worship and 
 that of the Christians ; but to increase their 
 attention to the gods. He enforces therefore 
 the injunction which had been given by 
 others before him, namely, that the faith of 
 the Christians was not, in itself, a sufficient 
 ground of persecution ; and that an offence 
 against the state was the only crime, of which 
 the tribunals could properly take cognizance. 
 If this order is disobeyed, he directs, that 
 the punishment intended for the Christian 
 who was needlessly accused, shall be inflicted 
 upon the informer. 
 
 From this time, however, notwithstanding 
 occasional checks of the vulgar violence by 
 better minds, we meet with the continued 
 and increasing alarms expressed by the Pa- 
 gans concerning the dangerous nature of 
 Christianity; and Cyprian, Tertullian, Origen, 
 
 are said by Diodorus to have sent strangers out of their 
 country, kav pr[ rag aXXo^vXsg /wera<rn/<rwi'rai j Kpiaiv w/c 
 eeeffdai r&v KCLKWV. Frag. 1. 40. vol. 2. ed. Wesseling. It 
 is well known that the Mahometans, and Roman Catholics 
 of our own days, imitate the Pagans in this fanatical per- 
 suasion, and that it sometimes leads to violence towards 
 strangers. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 65 
 
 Clemens Alexandrinus, and others, afford ample 
 testimony, that any calamity incident to man 
 was deemed a sufficient reason of accusation 
 against the followers of the Gospel. Arnobius, 
 who wrote his disputations about the end of the 
 third century, an age which resounded with 
 these complaints, has made them the express 
 object of his attack. The Pagan reasoners of 
 his days dated the origin of the disasters of the 
 empire from the inauspicious birth of Christi- 
 anity. Bellona became averse from her once 
 favourite people, and engaged them in hostilities 
 longer and more bloody than before.* The ele- 
 ments themselves partook in promoting the 
 Divine resentment, and either lost their whole- 
 some qualities, or purposely confounded them. 
 
 * This is a strange complaint on the part of a restless and 
 blood-thirsty people, whose temple of Janus was shut no more 
 than twice from the foundation of Rome to the reign of Au- 
 gustus ! Oros. Hist. lib. iv. c. 12. It is highly probable that 
 the worship so zealously offered to Bellona by Julian, was in- 
 tended in some measure to pacify her wrath, and to regain for 
 the empire the favours which had been unhappily interrupted 
 by Christianity ! Before his profession of idolatry, he attended 
 the service of the church, lest he should disgust the army j 
 but even then, as Am. Marcellinus tells us, he offered private 
 worship to Bellona, placata ritu secretiore Bellona ; lib. xxi. 
 c. 5. 
 
66 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Nay, the minutest creatures capable of destroy- 
 ing or infesting the means of human subsistence, 
 were secretly instigated to a rival mischief, that 
 revenge might be more variously and convin- 
 cingly taken on the contemners of the gods ! 
 All evil, says Arnobius, is supposed to come in 
 the train of the Gospel ; and inordinate blood- 
 shed, pestilence, drought, famine, and tempests, 
 to be its proper consequences. Christianity 
 invited the swarms of locusts. Christianity en- 
 couraged the late depredations of the vermin.* 
 
 This gives us a view of the sentiments of the 
 Pagans just before the civil establishment of 
 Christianity. After that event, the hatred of 
 those who yet stood aloof from the faith, was 
 probably increased, while the outward expres- 
 sion of it was restrained. Of this a specimen 
 
 * Pestilentias, inquiunt, et siccitates, bella, frugum inopiam, 
 locustas, mures, et grandines, resque alias noxias, quibus ne- 
 gotia incursantur huraana, Dii nobis important,, injuriis vestris 
 exasperati. Adv. Gentes, lib. i. Of the same tendency is the 
 well-known passage of Tertullian 3 Adversum sanguinem in- 
 nocentium conclamant, pretexentes sane ad odii defensionem, 
 illam quoque vanitatem, quod existiment omnis publicae cladis, 
 omnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis 
 ascendit ad moenia; si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si coelum 
 stetit, si terra movit ; si fames, si lues, statim Christianos 
 ad leonem. Apol. c. 40. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. G7 
 
 is afforded in the pleading of Symmachus, to 
 which allusion has already been made, for the 
 public restoration of the antient idolatry. 
 
 The Gentile superstition was now falling into 
 discredit and decay, under the mild ascendancy 
 of the Gospel, when, towards the close of the 
 fourth century, a circumstance occurred which 
 revived some of the ancient attachment to it, 
 and led to a solemn discussion of its nature and 
 efficacy. An altar of Victory, which had stood 
 in the vestibule of the Senate-house, to receive 
 the incense offered to it on behalf of the Sena- 
 tors, and to witness their vows for the observ- 
 ance of the laws and the welfare of the state, 
 had been removed* after the empire became 
 Christian. Internal faction now threatened the 
 public peace ; and the Barbarians, who, as we 
 shall hereafter more particularly see, had been 
 long formidable to the empire, were also pre- 
 paring new incursions. Of the apprehension 
 
 * It seems to have been removed by Constantius; Con- 
 stantius, augustse memorise, nondum sacris initiatus mysteriis, 
 contaminari se putavit, si aram illam videret. Jussit auferri; 
 non jussit reponi. Ambr. Ep. 18. class. 1. Perhaps it was 
 restored by Julian; for we find it again removed by Gratian : 
 liaec Romae a Gratiano snblata sunt, et datis antiquata rescrip 
 tis. Ep. 17. ib. 
 
 F2 
 
68 PAGANISM AND 
 
 occasioned by this coincidence, an apprehension 
 strengthened by the youth and inexperience of 
 the second Valentinian, advantage was taken 
 by the Pagans of Rome ; and Symmachus, the 
 preefect of the city, allowed by all parties to be 
 possessed of superior eloquence, was deputed* 
 by the Gentile part of the senate, to support 
 the cause of idolatry with the emperor, to re- 
 quest the restoration of the altar of Victory, 
 
 * Symmachus points out his repeated commission 5 Iterwn 
 me querelarum suarum jussit (Senatus) esse legatum. And 
 Ambrose, in a private letter to Valentinian, (in which he desires 
 a copy of Symmachus's petition, and advises that a reference 
 should be made to the opinion of Theodosius,) mentions a simi- 
 lar attempt two years before ; ante biennium ferine, cum hsec 
 facere tentarent. It would appear, that, in both these instances, 
 the resolution was partial. In the former, there was a counter- 
 petition from the Christian part of the senate, disclaiming all 
 participation in the affair; and in the latter, the act of a few 
 was imposingly stated as that of the senate at large: Absit ut 
 hoc Senatus petisse dicatur : pauci Gentiles communi utiintur 
 nomine. Ambr. Ep. 18. In another part of the answer to 
 Symmachus, he points out the majority of the Christian sena- 
 tors: Hujus aram strui in urbis Romae curia petunt, hoc est, 
 quo plurcs comeniunt Christiani. The letter to Eugenius men- 
 tions two attempts made in the reign of Valentinian, Ep. 57. ib. 
 and in the " Consolation" which Ambrose wrote on his death, 
 there is an earnest and affectionate remembrance of his Chris- 
 tian constancy, amidst the solicitations of the Pagans both in 
 public and private. De Ob. Val. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 69 
 
 and the general re-establishment of the antient 
 superstition. His expostulation, inflated and 
 weak, affected and querulous, is to be found 
 among his letters, and in the works of Ambrose, 
 bishop of Milan, who was appointed to answer 
 him ; and is refuted, sentence by sentence, in 
 the second book of Prudentius against Symma- 
 chus. In a strain of false sentiment and vulgar 
 reasoning, the orator expatiates on the suppres- 
 sion of the ancient rites, which had been so 
 beneficial to the state, and on the growing 
 rigour of the new establishment. The privi- 
 leges of the Vestal virgins were now discon- 
 tinued : and the expenses of the sacred cere- 
 monies at the Pagan altars were no longer 
 furnished by the state. The anger of the gods 
 was justly due to this parsimony, and the pri- 
 vation of their honours. Accordingly, a famine 
 had ensued, of a nature unknown to the empire 
 before the suppression of the antient worship !* 
 Lest his own remonstrance should fail of effect, 
 
 * Quid tale provinciae pertulerunt, quum religionum minis- 
 tros honor publicus pasceret? Non sunt hsec vitia ten-arum; 
 nihii imputemus austris ; nee rubigo segetibus obfuit, nee avena 
 fruges necavit ; sacrilegio annus exaruit ; necesse enirn fuit 
 perire omnibus, quod religionibus negabatur. Sym. pro Patr. 
 Sacr. 
 
70 PAGANISM AND 
 
 he introduces Rome herself regretting the glo- 
 ries of her Paganism, and lamenting her recent 
 wrongs; and finally represents the deified pa- 
 rent of the young sovereign looking from the 
 clouds with commiseration on the tears of the 
 priests, now deprived of the privileges which 
 his beneficence had continued to them. 
 
 The arguments of Ambrose in answer to this 
 scenic declamation are directed against the 
 three principal points maintained by his adver- 
 sary.* He denies that the Pagan rites were at 
 any time effectual to the welfare of the state. 
 Italy and Rome itself had fallen into the hands 
 of the enemy, while idolatry was in its full esta- 
 blishment ; and events had shewn, that, instead 
 of protecting their votaries, the gods had often 
 been indebted to them for their own safety. 
 Against the claim, that the antient privileges 
 and immunities of the priests and vestals ought 
 to be restored, he argues with equal success : 
 When did a Pagan sovereign rear an altar to 
 
 * Tria igitur in relatione sua vir clarissimus praefectus urbis 
 proposuit, quse valida putavit : quod Roma veteres, ut ait, suos 
 cultus requirat ; et quod sacerdotibus suis virginibusque Vesta- 
 libus emolumenta tribuenda sint j et quod emoluments sacer- 
 dotuni negatis, fames sequuta publica sit. Ambr. Ep. 18. 
 class. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 71 
 
 Christ? what had been the constant treatment 
 of the believers of the Gospel at their hands, but 
 contempt, and stripes, and death? We, more 
 mild and tolerant, withhold from Paganism, 
 only that which cannot be granted to it without 
 sin. The Gentiles yet sacrifice in their own 
 temples ; and the statues of gods and heroes 
 are permitted to adorn their baths and porti- 
 coes.* Let this suffice. A Christian senator 
 must not be constrained to witness an Heathen 
 sacrifice; nor can a Christian sovereign, con- 
 sistently with his faith and salvation, do honour 
 to any other than a Christian altar. Lastly, he 
 bestows deserved ridicule on the assertion, that 
 the refusal of the stipends to the Pagan offici- 
 ators was the cause of the famine. The gods 
 have taken several years to consider of their 
 vengeance. The late scarcity too was only 
 partial; and the present year, in which the 
 preposterous complaint is uttered, is a season 
 of unusual plenty !f He concludes with an 
 
 * The prohibitory law of Theodosius was yet wanting for 
 the suppression of these practices. Leg. 12 de Paganis. 
 
 f Upon this he asks, Si superiore anno Deorum suorum 
 injufias vindicatas putant, cur prasenti anno contemptui 
 fuere? ib. 
 
72 PAGANISM AND 
 
 earnest adjuration, that the prince will not con- 
 nive at those idolatrous practices in others, of 
 which he cannot himself partake. He infers 
 the necessity of a purer faith to the more ma- 
 ture age of the empire, points out the unhappy 
 end of the most illustrious among the Pagan 
 sovereigns and commanders, declares the inno- 
 cence of his own views in the debate, and ex- 
 horts his young sovereign to persevere in the 
 faith, to complete the work which the first Va- 
 lentinian had left imperfect, and not to swerve 
 from the path which the good example of Gra- 
 tian had prescribed to him. 
 
 Prudentius employs some of the same argu- 
 ments in his two books against Symmachus. 
 A few specimens of these shall also be given, 
 in order to convey some notion of his manner. 
 In the first book he lays the foundation of his 
 Christian cause in an exposure of the meanness 
 and pollutions of the Heathen superstition. He 
 draws portraits of the older gods, sometimes 
 with the stateliness and point of Claudian; 
 and exposes their lewd and immoral exploits, 
 as recorded by the Pagan poets. He then 
 passes to the later deifications of the genius of 
 Rome itself; of its emperors, and their impure 
 connections ; to the elements represented as 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 73 
 
 gods, and the demons worshipped with cruelty 
 and blood.* 
 
 Having thus prepared his argument, he more 
 particularly replies to Symmachus : When did 
 the statue of Victory procure victory ? Roman 
 valour was the antient cause of Roman triumph. 
 The public welfare therefore depends not on 
 imaginary protectors. The Heathen gods are 
 helpless in themselves, and cannot give assis- 
 tance to others. He is the only Almighty who 
 is able to punish the wicked in soul and body, 
 who can reward them that obey him with the 
 blessings of the " life that now is, and of that 
 which is to come."t In him Rome now hap- 
 pily believes. Nor does she abandon her 
 maxims of government by placing her present 
 faith in him. Her practice has ever been to 
 
 * Respice terrifici scelerata sacraria Ditis, 
 Cui cadit infausta fusus Gladiator arend : 
 
 Has sunt deliciae Jovis Infernalisj 
 
 Lib. i. 
 
 -j- bona non tantum praesentia donat, 
 
 Sed ventura etiam j 
 
 He contrasts the true God with the pagan deities, as if they 
 professed to give only temporal good. 
 
 ^Eterna JEternus tribuit, mortalia confert 
 Mortalis, divina Deus, peritura caducus. 
 
 Lib. ii. 
 
74 PAGANISM AND 
 
 adopt new gods in the extension of her empire.* 
 Well then may she at length acknowledge the 
 great and good Being who alone can protect and 
 bless her. Here, he introduces the true God 
 declaring his own supreme properties, and 
 asserting, in opposition to the character of the 
 Heathen idols, his self-existence, and the free 
 and absolute exercise of his sole and undivided 
 power. He imitates also the manner of his 
 antagonist. Rome, now Christian, is therefore 
 called in to refute the superior prerogatives 
 falsely claimed for her antient Paganism. She 
 blames the restless spirit which formerly 
 prompted her to incessant war against the sur- 
 rounding nations, and piously wishes to live 
 hereafter in peace. But, if the enemy will not 
 permit her to be at rest, she is yet able to avenge 
 her wrongs, through the Almighty Power which 
 supports her. In her Pagan times she had suf- 
 fered repeated disasters in the field, and the 
 
 * spoliis sibimet nova numina fecit, 
 
 Numina, quae patriis cum moenibus eruta, nullum 
 Presidium potuere suis afferre sacellis. 
 
 Ib. 
 
 This is one of the accommodating arguments which are so fre- 
 quent in the early Christian writers, and which were extorted 
 from them by the peculiar circumstances of the times. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 75 
 
 Gauls had possessed themselves of her Capitol. 
 But now she can repel her foes at a distance ; 
 and the recent defeat of the Gothic invaders 
 proves that military triumphs divinely wait upon 
 her Christian arms. 
 
 The hostility of spirit which had called forth 
 these replies from the Christian writers, was the 
 more ready to appear as the public danger 
 increased. The last instance of it which re- 
 quires to be mentioned, previously to the cap- 
 ture of Rome by Alaric, occurs in the invasion 
 of Italy by the barbarian Rhadagaisus. He 
 was represented as particularly formidable to a 
 Christian state, on account of his open and fer- 
 vent attachment to the worship of the gods. 
 They had been unjustly proscribed at Rome. 
 They had felt the affront which had been offered 
 to them, and were now openly preparing to 
 revenge it. The city resounded with these 
 outcries as the enemy advanced towards it.* 
 
 * Hoc igitur Romanis arcibus imminente, fit omnium Paga- 
 norum concursus, hostem adesse cum utique virium copia, turn 
 maxime praesidio Deorum potentem ; urbem autem ideo desti- 
 tutam, et mature perituram, quia Deos et sacra perdiderit. 
 Magnis querelis ubique agitur, et continue de sacris repetendis 
 celebrandisque tractatur. Fervent tota urbe blasphemies ; vulgo 
 nomen Christi, tanquam lues aliqua praesentium temporum, 
 opprobriis gravatur. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37. 
 
76 PAGANISM AND 
 
 The Pagans were every where in commotion, 
 and vehemently demanded the restoration of 
 idolatry, as the only means of their security. 
 The name of Christ was openly blasphemed ; 
 and his followers were reviled as the authors of 
 all the dangers which threatened the empire. 
 In a contest with a Pagan enemy, no safety 
 was to be expected for the state, unless it were 
 defended by the gods its antient protectors : 
 they were therefore to be again acknowledged 
 ere the hostile armies should make their appear- 
 ance before the walls. The vanity of these 
 reasonings was soon proved by the event. The 
 dreaded invader, as we shall hereafter see, was 
 easily defeated ; and Rome stood secure, not- 
 withstanding the displeasure of the gods at the 
 establishment of Christianity. 
 
 With such a disposition in the very nature of 
 Paganism to impute the misfortunes of the 
 times to the profession of the faith of Christ, 
 and to justify its own violence through its self- 
 opinion, it was not to be expected, that so 
 afflicting an event as the actual capture of the 
 " eternal city," (so she was fondly called,) should 
 be unproductive of calumny. Indeed we find, 
 that the passions of the Pagan party were in- 
 flamed by it in an unusual manner. From 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 77 
 
 numberless passages in the writings produced 
 by that catastrophe, it appears, that society was 
 long embittered with complaints and reproaches, 
 and that the idolaters engaged in eager dis- 
 putes with the Christians concerning the com- 
 mon calamity, whenever business or accident 
 furnished them with an opportunity of remon- 
 strance. That these personal criminations were 
 successfully refuted at the moment, we cannot 
 doubt ; but their frequency and violence made 
 something more than a private vindication 
 necessary to the character of the Gospel itself. 
 This necessity was also increased by the gross 
 ignorance of their own history which marked 
 the Roman people. They knew nothing of 
 past events, and were, therefore, ready to receive 
 the most perverse impressions, from those which 
 happened in their own times. We find too, 
 that the better instructed dissembled their 
 knowledge, and purposely abstained from ap- 
 plying any correction to the popular prejudices : 
 and thus was the Gospel equally calumniated 
 through ignorance, and the malicious silence 
 of intelligence itself.* 
 
 * Sunt qui eorum studiis liberalibus instituti amanthistoriam, 
 quit facillime ista noverunt. Sed ut nobis ineruditonim turbas 
 infestissimas reddant, se nosse dissimulant, atque hoc apud 
 
78 
 
 PAGANISM AXD 
 
 The representations thus made by the Chris- 
 tian writers of the ignorance which prevailed 
 among the people of Rome, are confirmed by 
 the testimony of the Pagans. On account of 
 the dearness and scarcity of manuscripts, there 
 was very little reading, and consequently, but a 
 small portion of liberal knowledge. This state 
 of the public mind was accompanied, as it gene- 
 rally is, with pursuits of the most debased and 
 profligate kinds. Ammianus Marcellinus, in 
 his description of the manners of Rome in the 
 latter part of the fourth century, informs us, 
 that some, even of the first quality in the state, 
 hated learning as if it were poison ;* and that 
 
 viilgus nituntur, clades quibus per certa intervalla locorum et 
 temporum genus himianum oportet affligi, causa accidere nomi- 
 nis Christian!. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 3. Orosius, in his 
 dedication to Augustin, states the same cause as impelling him 
 to write : Cum prseterita aut obliviscantur ant nesciant, prse- 
 sentia tantum tempora veluti malis extra solitum infestissima, 
 ob hoc sol-urn, quod crcditur Christus et colitur Deus, idola 
 autem minus coluntur, infamant. 
 
 * Quidam detestantes ut venena doctrinas, Juvenalem et 
 Marium Maximum cnratiore studio legunt, nulla volumina 
 praeter heec in profundo otio contrectantes. Lib. xxviii. c. 4. 
 M. Maximus is mentioned by Spartian, in the life of Adrian. 
 He lived in the reign of Macrinus, by whom he was made 
 pvasfect of the city. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 79 
 
 their whole reading, when vanity or even idle- 
 ness suggested it, was confined to Juvenal, and 
 Marius Maximus, who wrote the lives of he 
 Caesars. In general the higher classes were 
 given up to sloth, effeminacy, pride, and selfish- 
 ness. And as to the common people, they 
 seemed to live only for the brutal purposes of 
 quarrelling, gaming, drunkenness, debauchery, 
 and, above all, for the amusements of the Circus,* 
 their temple, their home, their only place of as- 
 sembly, the sole object of their desires. 
 
 In public refutation, therefore, of the false 
 and blasphemous accusations promoted, by these 
 and other causes, against the Gospel, the zeal 
 of Augustinf planned the memorable treatise 
 " Of the City of God;" one of the most va- 
 luable works which the piety and literature of 
 the early Christian writers have transmitted to 
 us. He had now published the first ten books,:}: 
 
 * Hi omne quod vivunt vino et tesseris impendunt, et lus- 
 tris, et voluptatibus, et spectaculis j iisque templum, et habita- 
 culuni; et concio, et cupitorum spes omnis Circus est Maximus. 
 Ainm. Marcell. ib. 
 
 f Ego exardescens zelo domus Dei adversus eorum blasphe- 
 mias vel errores, libros de Civitate Dei scribere institui. Aug. 
 Retract, lib. ii. c. 43. 
 
 I Quorum jam decem orientes radii toto orbi fulserunt. 
 Oros. Dedic. ad Aug. The books were published separately, as 
 we find from several passages. 
 
80 PAGANISM AND 
 
 when judging the Presbyter Orosius a fit as- 
 sistant in his purpose, he enjoined him to form 
 his collection of History against the Pagans. 
 The object of this work was to compile* from all 
 former histories and annals, whatever calami- 
 ties, common or extraordinary, natural or civil, 
 were recorded in the experience of mankind. 
 Nor was this undertaken through the melan- 
 choly love of contemplating a mass of human 
 evils ; but for the sake of convincing the 
 Roman people, that the disasters, of which they 
 complained as unexampled in their nature, or 
 brought upon their own age and nation by the 
 malignant influence of Christianity, were long 
 since familiar, not only to the rest of the world, 
 but to themselves. 
 
 One circumstance attending this work must 
 have struck the Pagans with novelty and sur- 
 prise. The Gentile writers had commonly be- 
 gun their histories from Ninus,t as if the earlier 
 
 * Praeceperas ergo ut ex omnibus historiarum atque anna- 
 lium fastis, quaecunque aut bellis gravia, aut corrupta morbis, 
 aut fame tristia, aut terrarum motibus terribilia, aut inundatio- 
 nibus aquarum insolita, aut eruptionibus ignium metuenda, aut 
 ictibus fulminum plagisque grandinum saeva, vel etiam parrici- 
 diis flagitiisque misera per transacta retro saecula reperissem, 
 ordinato breviter voluminis textu explicarem. Oros. ib. 
 
 f Omnes propemodftm, tain apud Graecos quam apud Lati- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 81 
 
 state of man were unknown to them, or were 
 utterly unworthy of research or record ; as if 
 the human race had no discoverable origin, or 
 had hitherto lived on an equality with the brutes 
 of the field, and had not attained civilization 
 sufficient for notice, till Ninus presented to 
 the world the first specimen of orderly and ra- 
 tional government. 
 
 Orosius detects the fallacy of these opinions, 
 points out the comparatively recent establish- 
 ment of the too celebrated Assyrian empire, 
 the long lapse of time previous to it, and the 
 nature of the more ancient governments. He 
 carries the minds of his Pagan readers to the 
 Divine creation of man, and endeavours to im- 
 press upon them the fall of Adam, as the point 
 from which began to flow the miseries of the 
 world ; the first chastisements of sin. Hence 
 he infers the continual superintendanee of a 
 Providence which acts by judgments as well as 
 
 nos, studiosi ad scribendum viri, initium scribendi k NINO, 
 Beli filio, rege Assyriorum, fecere j qui cum opinione caec4 
 inimdi originem creaturamque hominum sine initio credi velint, 
 coepisse ab hoc regna belldque definiunt ; quasi vero catenas 
 humanum genus ritu pecudum vixerit, et tune primum veluti 
 ad novam providentiam concussum suscitatumque evigilarit. 
 Oros. Hist. lib. i. c. 1. 
 
 a 
 
82 PAGANISM AND 
 
 mercies, and executes its everlasting purposes 
 on the sons of men, under all the circumstances 
 of life. Finally, he turns their attention to 
 Christ, the Saviour of the world, and exhorts 
 them to look by faith towards Him, in whom 
 alone the sin of Adam could find its remedy ; 
 and to repent of the evils which the impious 
 persecution of his church upon earth had 
 brought upon the Roman empire, through the 
 righteous vengeance of Heaven. 
 
 Augustin is a writer of an higher order.* 
 While he reverts to the former history of Rome, 
 and of the world at large, he encounters the 
 Pagans with an animated and interesting dis- 
 cussion of the radical meanness and viciousness 
 of polytheism ; the equal folly of the popular 
 mythology, and the philosophic religion of the 
 Romans. This he accomplishes, with perfect 
 success, in the first ten books. In the twelve 
 which follow, he proceeds to raise his Christian 
 superstructure on the ruins of Paganism. Be- 
 ginning, therefore, from the situation of man in 
 
 * Let not this observation deprive Orosius of the reputation 
 so justly due to him. Mosheim calls him a writer in primis 
 aetatis suae erudito. Dissert. Ecclesiast. vol. i. p. 138. But he 
 is inferior to Augustin, in originality and comprehensiveness of 
 mind. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 83 
 
 Paradise, he traces the progress of Revelation 
 through the succeeding ages, its continued ex- 
 istence, notwithstanding occasional restrictions 
 of its extent, till the appearance of Christ, in 
 whom the world was to believe. 
 
 From the accomplishment of the purposes of 
 God upon earth, he passes to the final judgment 
 of mankind at the last day ; describes the con- 
 demnation and punishment of the enemies of 
 God, and expatiates on the everlasting happi- 
 ness of the blessed; when Christ shall have 
 given up the kingdom of his mediatorship to the 
 Father, and God shall be " all in all." 
 
 But it is only the first part of the work which 
 applies to the subject before us. And, without 
 entering into any of those opinions which nar- 
 row or degrade the Christian system of Augus- 
 tin ; in no writer, can we find a more copious, 
 or more interesting account of the state of 
 Paganism in the age in which he lived. 
 
 This account is the more curious, as it shows 
 us the opinions and practices of polytheism 
 after the civil establishment of Christianity in 
 Rome ; and holds up to our eyes a picture of 
 idolatry, when now declining, and indeed fast 
 verging to its extinction. 
 
 The religion of Christ had obtained its gra- 
 
 G2 
 
 
84 PAGANISM AND 
 
 dual success through an invincible "patience 
 in well doing," and through sufferings of every 
 kind. Paganism lost its ancient hold of em- 
 pire, and with that its principal means of sub- 
 sistence. It was now expiring under the power- 
 ful ascendancy of reason and faith. Yet it re- 
 tained its characteristic fierceness. Like one 
 of its profligate and audacious sons described 
 by Sallust, it cast a malignant frown at the 
 hand which smote it, and impotently threat- 
 ened revenge amid the struggles of death itself 
 - paulum etiam spirans, ferociamque animi, quam 
 habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 85 
 
 THE REAL CAUSES WHICH DISPOSED THE EMPIRE TO ITS 
 FALL, TRACED TO ITS HEATHEN DEPRAVITY. . .GOTHS ... 
 THEIR CAPTURE OF THE CITY PREPARED BY EARLIER 
 SUCCESSES WHILE THE EMPIRE WAS PAGAN . ..VINDICA- 
 TION OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 THE subject has been hitherto discussed 
 through a reference to the character and tem- 
 per of Paganism. We have seen, that its pre- 
 tension to reward its votaries with temporal 
 prosperity, was the united effect of superstition 
 and malice ; superstition, enamoured of its own 
 gods, and malice, enraged at the successful pro- 
 pagation of the Gospel. Hence it has appeared, 
 that the argument so passionately urged against 
 the faith of Christ, on account of the capture of 
 Rome by the Barbarians, was unfounded. A 
 similar spirit of animosity and crimination had 
 prevailed in earlier times ; and turbulence and 
 intolerance were the common features of ido^ 
 latry. The success of Alaric, therefore, was not 
 to be imputed to the recent establishment of 
 Christianity. 
 
86 PAGANISM AND 
 
 It will now be proper to ascertain the real 
 causes of those temporal evils which ended in 
 the overthrow of the Western empire, and 
 which were falsely attributed to our holy reli- 
 
 gion. 
 
 For this purpose it is necessary to refer to 
 the Roman history. This will teach us, that the 
 seeds of the public misfortunes were sown by 
 Rome herself, in a state of heathenism; and 
 that, notwithstanding appearances, the strength 
 of the empire was effectually broken before the 
 government became Christian. 
 
 I intend, therefore, to lay before you some of 
 those circumstances which predisposed the em- 
 pire to its fall ; and some of those earlier suc- 
 cesses of the Gothic nations, which naturally 
 led to their final possession of Italy. 
 
 When Christ began his ministry upon earth, 
 the power of the empire seemed to be at its 
 height. Its boundaries had been fixed by Au- 
 gustus, at a triumphant extent : its internal 
 troubles were appeased ; and its supreme domi- 
 nion was fully acknowledged by the subject 
 nations. To these appearances of prosperity 
 nothing was wanting but permanence ; and this 
 the Pagans fondly promised themselves from 
 the supposed power of their gods, whose past 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 87 
 
 protection of their country was habitually as- 
 sumed as a certain pledge of the happiness 
 which awaited it in ages yet to come. 
 
 But a secret blow had been given to the 
 power of Rome, the consequences of which 
 might be disguised, but could not be averted. 
 That relaxation of principle which began before 
 the third Punic war, increased with a fatal ra- 
 pidity, after the too prosperous conclusion of it. 
 Sallust, who seems to confess the existence of 
 an earlier tendency to depravity, dates the ex- 
 traordinary growth of the civil disasters of the 
 state, from the overthrow of Carthage.* A ra- 
 pacious pursuit of wealth now took place ; and 
 the success with which it was unhappily at- 
 tended, soon led to a profuse indulgence of 
 vicious pleasures. This never ceased, but pro- 
 fligately grew in proportion to the decay of 
 the empire, to which indeed it materially con- 
 tributed. 
 
 From private degeneracy, necessarily arose 
 public corruption. The unprincipled acquisi- 
 tion of immoderate riches was followed by the 
 mad and insatiable love of power ; and the com- 
 
 * Discordia, et avaritia, atque ambitio, et caetera secundis 
 rebus oriri sueta mala, post Carthaginis excidium maxime secuta 
 sunt. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 18. 
 
PAGANISM AND 
 
 mon tranquillity was sacrificed to the desperate 
 efforts of ambitious chiefs contending for the so- 
 vereignty of their country. Concord, says Au- 
 gustin,* could not consist with a corrupt pro- 
 sperity, and the extinction of an enemy which 
 had so long exercised the patience and the va- 
 lour of Rome. Seditions began, which were 
 soon increased to civil wars. .And now it ap- 
 peared that the loss of principle was more de- 
 structive than foreign hostility. They who had 
 hitherto feared mischief only from the enemy, 
 were suddenly overwhelmed by the conten- 
 tions of their fellow citizens. The vicious love 
 of dominion which had hitherto actuated the 
 people at large, seemed now to centre in the 
 
 * Deleta Carthagine, magno scilicet terrore Romanse Rei- 
 publicae repulso et extincto, tanta de rebus prosperis orta mala 
 continue) subseqimta sunt, ut, corrupta diruptaque concordia, 
 priiis saevis cruentisque seditionibus, deinde mox, malarum con- 
 nexione causarum, bellis etiam civilibus tantae strages ederentur, 
 tantus sanguis eftunderetur, tanta cupiditate proscriptionum ac 
 rapinarum, ferveret immanitas, ut Rornani illi, qui, vita inte- 
 griore, mala metuebant ab hostibus, perdita integritate vitae, 
 crudeliora paterentur a civibus ; eaque ipsa libido dominandi, 
 quae inter vitia generis humani immoderatior inerat universo 
 R. P. posteaquam in paucis potentioribus vicit, obtritos fatiga- 
 tosque caeteros etiam jugo servitutis oppressit. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 
 c. 30. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. ' 89 
 
 inflamed bosoms of a few aspiring chiefs ; and 
 the fatal success of these was the subjugation 
 of all other men. 
 
 Cruelty, disdainful of every restraint on its 
 sanguinary purposes, and regardless of the 
 common welfare in its determined execution of 
 them, was the natural attendant on these strug- 
 gles for political ascendancy; and no safety 
 was supposed to be attained, till every oppo- 
 nent was cut off, by poison or the sword, 
 by open violence or secret treachery. Nay, 
 power, no longer disputed by a rival, indulged a 
 wantonness of rage, and drew a savage delight 
 from the blood of friends and foes sacrificed 
 together. We are informed by Valerius Max- 
 imus, that the ears, and the hearts of the people 
 of Rome, were pierced at once by the expiring 
 cries of the four legions,* which had thrown 
 themselves on the mercy of Sylla, and were, in 
 consequence, deliberately murdered. To these 
 Orosius adds some thousands of other victims, 
 not only of the quiet and unoffending citizens, 
 but even of the party of Sylla himself !| Such 
 
 * Quarum lamentabiles quiritatus trepidse civitatis aures re- 
 ceperunt. Lib. ix. c. 2. In the epitome of Livy, lib. 88, the 
 number is said to have been eight thousand. 
 
 t Plurimi tune quoque, ut non dicam innocentes, sed etiam 
 
90 PAGANISM AND 
 
 indeed was the indiscriminate ferociousness of 
 this monster, whom Plutarch occasionally fa- 
 vours on account of his attachment to Grecian 
 literature ; and whom Valerius Maximus, though 
 he sometimes brands him with the name of 
 Hannibal, yet compliments with the virtues 
 of a Scipio, that one of his principal friends* 
 openly reproached him with a disposition which 
 would leave no difference between peace and 
 war, and which threatened the utter extinction 
 of society. 
 
 But the circumstance chiefly to be observed, 
 is, that these ruinous consequences did not flow 
 from the contentions alone ; the accommodations 
 were almost equally destructive with the dis- 
 putes ! It was the common character of both 
 the triumvirates, that they were founded alike 
 in perfidy and blood. In the first, Caesar pro- 
 moted the reconciliation of his colleagues, that 
 he might more effectually ruin those friends 
 whom they basely abandoned to his vengeance. 
 
 ipsius Sullanae partis occisi sunt, quos fuisse plusquam novem 
 niillia ferunt. Hist. lib. v. c. 21. 
 
 * Igitur cunctis jam, quod singuli timebant, aperte fremen- 
 tibus, Q. Catulus (Plutarch says it was C. Metellus) palam 
 Sullae dixit, Cum quibus tandem victuri sumus, si in bello ar- 
 matos, in pace inernies occidimus ? Ores. Hist. lib. v. c. 21. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 91 
 
 In the second, this profligacy was more openly 
 avowed. With the scorn of every motive but 
 the love of power, Anthony* placed on the same 
 roll of condemnation, Cicero his enemy, and L. 
 Caesar his uncle ; and this during the life of his 
 own mother ! Lepidus, perhaps, surpassed him 
 in this bloody infamy; and, actuated by the 
 same motives, was content to throw the name 
 of Paullus his brother, into the common list of 
 proscription and death ! These were the new 
 features of malignity engendered by the civil 
 wars; and not only were common justice and 
 humanity sacrificed, but friendship, hatred, af- 
 fection, and consanguinity, were all confounded 
 in the insane pursuit of lawless and unhallowed 
 power. 
 
 In a subsequent age, when the mild spirit of 
 Christianity had softened the asperity of civil 
 contentions, and shortened their duration, these 
 horrors were advantageously remembered; and 
 Augustin, in his refutation of the calumnies of 
 the Pagans, has well contrasted the successes 
 
 * Ibi Antonius Tullium Ciceronem, iniinicum suum 3 ibi 
 L. Caesarem, avunculum suum ; et (quod exaggerando sceleri 
 accessit) viva matre, proscripserat : ibi Lepidus et Paullum 
 fratrem suum in eundem proscriptorum gregem conjecerat. 
 Oros. Hist. lib. vi. c. 18. 
 
92 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of Theodosius, with those of the sanguinary and 
 revengeful leaders now mentioned. With that 
 great captain, equally distinguished by his va- 
 lour and his faith, victory was the certain ter- 
 mination of all hostility. The children even of 
 his Pagan enemies, that had fled for refuge to 
 the churches, he piously preserved.* Instead 
 of offering them up the victims of ambition or 
 cruelty, he converted them to Christianity. He 
 caused them to be baptized in the name of the 
 Lord Jesus ; and protected with his power those 
 whom he had saved by his charity. This was 
 a conduct far above the chiefs of Heathen 
 Rome ; and it was the characteristic of Cinna 
 and Marius, and others engaged, like them, 
 in public contentions, to destroy with fury, or 
 betray with treachery, to confound all the dis- 
 tinctions of nature and society, and to continue 
 the effects of hostility amid the professions of 
 peace and friendship ! 
 
 Out of these circumstances of horror and de- 
 solation, naturally grew that form of govern- 
 
 * Inimicorum etiam filios, quos non ipsius jussus sed belli 
 abstulerat impetus, etiam nondum Christianos ad ecclesiaui 
 confugientes, Christianos hac occasione fieri voluit, et Christi- 
 ana cbaritate dilexit ; nee privavit rebus, sed auxit honoribus. 
 Civ, Dei, lib. v. c. 26, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 93 
 
 ment which was established in Rome at the 
 time chosen by Divine wisdom for the appear- 
 ance of our Saviour upon earth. The people 
 anxiously looked for a tranquillity which had 
 been so long denied to them, and were willing 
 to believe that they had recovered their happi- 
 ness in the imperial authority recently imposed 
 upon them. But vice had now made too long 
 and desolating a progress in public and private ; 
 and a government wholly depending on the 
 personal qualities of the emperor, could offer 
 little chance of benefit to subjects themselves 
 corrupted. Accordingly, it was soon found, 
 that the new despotism did but derive an in- 
 creased malignity from the extinction of the 
 efficacy of all restrictive institutions; and the 
 people were confined to the helpless endurance 
 of those evils which are sure to flow from ty- 
 ranny, and to revenge the folly and depravity 
 which gave it birth. 
 
 But though the people of Rome had to la- 
 ment the failure of their expectations, the pur- 
 pose of the Gospel was answered. This is a 
 circumstance, on which the Christian writers 
 fondly dwell. The long and successful labours 
 of kings and consuls were finally vested in the 
 
94 PAGANISM AND 
 
 sole and undisputed sway of Augustus ;* and 
 in the settlement of the empire, and the wide 
 extent of its territory, they hail the preparations 
 divinely permitted in the kingdom of the earth, 
 for the more free and effectual agency of the 
 faith of Christ. It has been already observed, 
 that a general controul was exercised by the 
 government of Rome over the Greeks and Jews, 
 and that these nations were not at liberty to act 
 against the Gospel at all times, as their malice 
 suggested. Generally speaking, licence for per- 
 secution was to be obtained from the sovereign 
 power, which often checked them, and rescued 
 the Christians from their violence. If, there- 
 fore, the neighbouring states had preserved 
 their independence, and with that the liberty of 
 opposing the progress of the Gospel, without 
 respect to the will of a superior, greater impe- 
 diments might yet have awaited the propagation 
 
 * Hoc (imperium) per reges et consules did provectum, 
 postquam Asiae, Afiicae, atque Europae potitum est, ad unum 
 Imperatorem congessit (Deus) ; ut in magno silentio ac pace 
 latissim& novi nominis gloria, et adnuntiatse salutis velox fama 
 percurreret ; vel etiam, ut discipulis ejus, per diversas gentes 
 euntibus, ultroque per cunctos salutis dona offerentibus, obeundi 
 ac disserendi, quippe Romanis civibus, inter cives Romanos, 
 esset tnta libertas. Oros. Hist, lib, vi. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 95 
 
 of it. But these obstacles were removed by the 
 universal ascendancy of Rome. Its subjects, 
 converted to the faith, had a larger space in 
 which to display their zeal for the conversion of 
 others. They had also a freer course ; and a 
 path was now opened to them through nations, 
 which, however discordant from each other in 
 language and modes of religion, acknowledged 
 the sway of one common government, and were 
 to embrace one common faith.* The privilege 
 of citizenship was now also rapidly extending 
 itself, and must have been favourable to the 
 extension of the Gospel. And the Roman name 
 itself was some security to the teachers of the 
 new doctrine. This we learn from the example 
 
 * Prudentius dwells on this as one of the purposes grafted 
 by Providence on the prosperity which had attended the Roman 
 arms. 
 
 Vis dicam, quae causa tuos, Romane, labores 
 
 In tantum extulerit ? 
 
 Discordes linguis populos, et dissona cultu 
 Regna volens sociare Deus, subjungier uni 
 Imperio, quicquid tractabile moribus esset, 
 Concordique jugo retinacula mollia ferre 
 Constituit, quo corda hominum conjuncta teneret 
 Relligionis amor ; nee enim fit copula Christo 
 Digna, nisi implicitas societ mens imica gentes. 
 
 Lib. ii. cont. Sym. 
 
96 PAGANISM AXD 
 
 of St. Paul; for the officer, who had bound 
 him at Jerusalem, was " afraid, after he knew 
 that he was a Roman."* These then were some 
 of the secular circumstances, which, under the 
 blessing of Providence, facilitated the extension 
 of the Gospel, within a short time, to the most 
 distant parts of the empire. Fearful indeed, as 
 we have already seen, were the trials to which 
 the faith was exposed, notwithstanding these 
 preparations. Yet it was destined to succeed ; 
 and its influence, finally reaching the seat of 
 sovereignty, was to be the seal of the Christian 
 triumph over the world at large. 
 
 Meanwhile, the imperial authority went on, 
 unconscious of the sacred purposes attached to 
 it by the Divine hand, and accomplishing on its 
 subjects those civil evils which resulted from 
 its own constitution. The foundation of the 
 miseries of the empire was laid in the adopted 
 house of Augustus ; and the inquiry into the 
 early causes of its degradation and ruin might 
 perhaps stop at the character of Nero, the last of 
 that fatal family. But, though the succession 
 was broken, the same mischief continued. Most 
 of the Roman or Italian Caesars (I gladly except 
 
 * Acts xxii. 29. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 97 
 
 Vespasian and Titus) were worthy to administer 
 a government which had dropped from the 
 hands of Nero ; and rarely have the annals of 
 mankind furnished the view of a viciousness 
 more loathsome, or a tyranny more insupport- 
 able, than in the line which ended with Do- 
 mitian. 
 
 After the extinction of the first twelve Caesars, 
 a few instances of virtue and vigour appeared, 
 for the consolation of the empire, in the persons 
 of Nerva, Adrian, Trajan, and some others. It 
 is observed, however, by Aurelius Victor, who 
 marks the Cretan extraction of the former of 
 these sovereigns, that Rome had derived its 
 principal benefit from the virtues of those who 
 were born beyond her walls.* But, notwith- 
 standing the outward lustre which adorned it, 
 a lustre never more dazzling than in the reign 
 of Trajan, the real strength of the state was 
 secretly enfeebled. This soon appeared in the 
 disastrous fortunes of his successors. Such 
 indeed was the general debasement of principle, 
 that the occasional interposition of better sen- 
 timents and sounder plans of policy served ra- 
 
 * Mihi audienti multa legentique plane compertum est, urbem 
 Romam externorum' virtute, atque insitivis artibus praecipuk 
 crevisse. In Domit. 
 
 H 
 
98 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ther to excite revenge, than to produce reform. 
 In vain would Pertinax* revive the stricter 
 morals of the ancient Romans, and appear the 
 rival of the Curii and Fabricii. In vain did 
 Severus-f attempt the restoration of 'military 
 discipline. In vain did AurelianJ strengthen 
 the walls of Rome, while he enlarged their 
 circuit, and maintain with honour the distant 
 interests of the empire. The virtue and courage 
 of these princes outran the qualities of the age. 
 They were fatal to their possessors ; and murder 
 was ever at hand to revenge the cause of law- 
 lessness and rapine. 
 
 From the general weakness and wickedness 
 which infected the government and the people, 
 necessarily resulted the neglect and injury of 
 the provinces. This mischief began indeed from 
 the destruction of Carthage, and raged with 
 
 * Hie doctrinae omnis ac moribus antiquissimis, immodice 
 parcus, Curios aequaverat Fabriciosque. Eum milites, quibtls, 
 exhausto jam perditoque orbe, satis videtur nihil, foede jugula- 
 vere. A. Victor in Pert. 
 
 } Tumultuantes legionum plerasque constantissime abjecit, 
 quod in praesens gloriae, mox exitio datum. Id. in Sev. 
 
 J His tot tantisque prosper^ gestis, ne unquam quae per Gal- 
 lienum evenerant, acciderent, muris urbem quam validissimis 
 laxiore ambitu circumsepsit : ministri scelere circumventus 
 interiit. Id. in Aurel. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 99 
 
 great violence during the latter age of the re- 
 public. But as yet the power of Rome was 
 not openly affected by it ; nor were the oppres- 
 sions of the proconsuls immediately followed 
 by the 'attempts of the enemy. At length, 
 however, this took place. Plundered and tor- 
 tured by the hand from which they had justly 
 expected protection, the provinces became the 
 easier prey of the invader ; and the common 
 safety was exposed to continual and increasing 
 dangers from the enemies of the empire. The 
 extortions not only of the proconsuls, but of 
 their wives and attendants ; the compelled ser- 
 vices of the unhappy subjects, and the jealous 
 system of information which was established 
 through the most distant parts of the state, 
 excited disaffection and revolt. What the de- 
 clamation of Cicero had exposed in Verres ; 
 what the satire of Juvenal had lashed in the 
 profligate rapacity of Marius ; now became 
 common history. Salvian, who lived to see and 
 record the dreadful effects of this corrupt policy, 
 affords the best commentary on the alarm and 
 indignation of those writers. He presents us 
 with alternate pictures of the depravity of the 
 Romans, and the just successes of the Barba- 
 rians. The rapine and cruelty of the governors 
 
 H2 
 
100 PAGANISM AND 
 
 were the true causes of the rebellion of the 
 provinces ; and the Goths and Vandals owed 
 their easy possession of Gaul and Africa, to the 
 injustice and inhumanity of Rome.* 
 
 But before these dangers reached their ex- 
 tremity, one favourable circumstance occurred, 
 which deserves particular notice. Byzantium, 
 which had been built by a Spartan king, when 
 Rome was in its infancy, was destined to protect 
 its declining years, to revive its glory under 
 another name, and amidst the acknowledgment 
 of a better faith. The seat of empire was 
 
 * Inter haec vastantur pauperes, viduae gemunt, orphan! pro- 
 culcantur. Itaque passim vel ad Gothos, vel ad Bagaudas, vel 
 ad alios ubique dominalites barbaros migrant, et migrasse non 
 pcenitet. Of the Bagaudae themselves he says ; Vocamus re- 
 belles, vocamiis perditos, quos esse compulimus criminosos. 
 Quibus enim aliis rebus Bagaudae facti sunt nisi iniquitatibus 
 nostris, nisi improbitatibus judicum, nisi eorum proscription- 
 ibus et rapinis, qui exactionis publicae nomen in quaestus proprii 
 emolumenta verterunt, et indictiones tributarias praedas suas 
 esse fecerunt ? De Gub. Dei, lib. v. Such facts as these make 
 us remember, with increased interest and admiration, the warn- 
 ing given by Juvenal to bis country : 
 
 Curandum imprimis, nc magna injuria fiat 
 Fortibus et miseris. Tollas licet omne, quod usquam est 
 Auri, atque argenti j scutum, gladiumque relinques, 
 Et jacula, et galeam ; spoliatis arma sitpersunt. 
 
 Sat. 8. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 101 
 
 opportunely removed to this place, augmented 
 and beautified, and now called Constantinople.* 
 A rescue was thus obtained for at least one 
 branch of Roman power ; and it is the just de- 
 light of the Christian writers to extol the felicity 
 bestowed by Providence on a foundation better 
 and more pure than that of the Pagan capital.t 
 They point out the rapid growth of the new 
 city, equal to Rome in her splendour, but with- 
 out the experience of her crimes and miseries ; 
 and they dwell with rapture on the praises of 
 a daughter establishment freed from the super- 
 stitions and pollutions of its corrupted mother ; 
 an establishment wholly dedicated to the true 
 God, where no temple arose for the worship of 
 the demons, no statue obtained a place to the 
 impious honour of deified mortals. J 
 
 * Haec autem Byzantium, quondam a Pausania, rege Spar- 
 tanorum, condita, post autem a Constantino, Christiano Prin- 
 cipe, in majus aucta, et Constantinopolis dicta, gloriosissimi nunc 
 imperil sedes et caput totius Orientis est. Oros. Hist. lib. iii. 
 c. 13. A. Marcellinus calls it an Attic Colony ; lib. xxii. c. 8. 
 
 t Quae sola expers idolorum, ad hoc, brevissimo tempore, 
 condita a Christiano Imperatore, provecta est, ut sola Romse, 
 tot saeculis miseriisque provectae, formd et potential merito possit 
 aequari. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 28. 
 
 % Cui etiam (Constantino) condere civitatem Romano Imperio 
 sociam, velut ipsius Romae filiam, sed sine aliquo Daemonum 
 
102 PAGANISM AND 
 
 But meanwhile, the fate of the antient city 
 could not be averted or delayed ; and the Bar- 
 barians, who had long since made successful 
 inroads into the distant parts of the empire, 
 were now preparing to pour into Italy, and to 
 seize upon Rome itself. Let us attend to their 
 history, endeavour briefly to ascertain their 
 situation, name, and origin, and point out some 
 of those early successes which prepared the way 
 for their final occupation of the West. 
 
 The situation of the Getae is said by Strabo,* 
 and other geographers, to have been in that 
 part of Europe beyond the Ister, which was 
 included between the Euxine Sea, the River 
 Tyras to the North, and the Pathissus to the 
 West. W^e are informed too, not only by poets, 
 
 templo simulacroque concessit (Deus). Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. v. 
 c. 25. His great qualities were acknowledged by Pagans as 
 well as Christians. This appears from the general lamentation 
 for his death quod sane P. R. aegerrime tulit, quippe cujus 
 armis, legibus, dementi imperio, quasi novatam urbem Roma- 
 nam arbitrarentur. A. Victor in Const. 
 
 ri T&V YETMV eprjpia Trpomrai. lib, vii. p. 21 1 . Cluverius states this 
 as the common opinion concerning the Getse ; Quorum sedem 
 ultra Danubium fuisse, inter Pathissum amnem atque mare 
 Ponticum, ex adverse Parmoniae Mcesiaeque, satis e Strabone,, 
 Ptoltmseo, atque aliis, in aperto est. Germ. Autiq. lib. iii. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 103 
 
 but historians and divines, whose attention was 
 particularly directed to the history of the Gothic 
 invaders of the empire, that they were the same 
 people to whom the Greeks had given the earlier 
 name of Getee. This appears from the testi- 
 mony of Claudian and Ausonius, and from a 
 number of passages in Spartian, Jerom, Orosius, 
 Procopius, and others. 
 
 The Romans, however, generally gave the 
 name of Daci to the Barbarians beyond the 
 lower Danube, whether from the observation 
 that the Daci were of the family of the Getae,* 
 or that they both used the same language.f 
 But the Greeks, as we have just seen, placed 
 the Getae towards the mouths of the Ister, while 
 the Daci were removed to the West. Different 
 names were also given to the river, according 
 to the difference of these settlements. Where 
 the Daci had possession of the banks, it was 
 called Danubius ; where it washed, or per- 
 
 * Daci soboles Getarum sunt. Justin. Hist. 32. 3. 
 
 f This is also observed by Strabo 6/idy\wrroi & eiarlv oi 
 Terat rolg Actfrtue. lib. vii. p. 211. Procopius marks the same 
 language in all the Gothic tribes that invaded the Roman em- 
 pire 0wv) TE avTolg i?l pa, TordiK^ Xeyo/ueVr;. De Bell. Vand. 
 lib. i. c. 2. He thinks that they were all of the same stock, 
 and obtained different names from their generals or chiefs. 
 
104 PAGANISM AND 
 
 vaded the seat of the Getae, it had the name of 
 Ister.* 
 
 The origin of the Goths has also given rise to 
 much difference of opinion. Strabo states the 
 persuasion of the Greeks, that the Getae were 
 a Thracian people. He says too, that they and 
 the Mysians, who had the same origin, were 
 formerly inhabitants of both sides of the Ister .f 
 At the time however of the expedition of Alex- 
 ander against the Thracians beyond the Hoamus, 
 they were no longer on the south of the river : 
 for, being unable to make an impression on the 
 island Peuce, to which the leaders of the Tri- 
 balli had fled for refuge, yet willing to leave 
 behind him some terror of his name, he passed 
 the Ister, and made a short incursion into the 
 territory of the Getae. On the other hand, 
 
 * Kcu yap TB 7rora/iS ra fjiiv avii) Kal irpoQ Taig 7r//ycu 
 
 v a aXi 
 
 Terag, KoX&oriv "Lrpoj/. Strab. lib. vii. p. 211. 
 t Ot Toivvv "EXXrjvec, rc Ferae, 0paKae VT 
 c 1 ty tKarepa T "I-rpy KOL rot, KOI ol Mv<rot, QpaKeg OVTZQ KOI 
 l, Kal G viiv Mvorac naXSair. lib. vii. p. 204. 
 
 6 $tXt7T7r, icara rr\v ETTL 0pa^ae rwc i/Trtp rw 
 aXwv tig Tpt/3aXXe, bp&v ptXP 1 T & "I^pw *.'a- 
 Kal r^c tv CLVTM viiau T\EVKT]Q, ra Trlpav ce. Tirac 
 
 al er 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 105 
 
 the later ecclesiastical waiters generally call 
 the Goths a Scythian race.* But Cluverius 
 wages war against all the testimony which 
 would identify the Goths with the Getae. He 
 asserts therefore, that the Goths of the later 
 authors were the Gotones mentioned by Taci- 
 tus, and the Guttones of Pliny. He fixes their 
 original seat ^ towards the mouths of the Vis- 
 tula,! in which place they are last noticed by 
 Tacitus. After that time, in the reign of M. 
 Aurelius, he makes them remove to the lake 
 Mseotis, and from thence to the Borysthenes 
 and the Euxine, and the borders of the Getae. 
 Here at length they settled, and, according to 
 their places of abode, obtained the subsequent 
 
 ri Svvarrdai ffTravtt Trkouav' eKelae yap 
 rov T&V Tpi/3aAAwv fiacrikla Supjuov, cLVTivyfiv Trpog rr\v tT 
 priaiv' EIQ tie T&G Ferae c)ia/3avra, eXetj/ r//v aurwv TroXiv, Kal 
 ava^pevl/ou Cia ra^ewv eig rr\v oliceiaj/. Strab. lib. vii. p. 208. 
 
 * Scythas eos adpellans (Jornandes) quernadmodum et Isi- 
 dorus in Chronico Gothorum. Cluv. Germ. Antiq. lib. iii. 
 c. 34. 
 
 f The system of Jornandes brings them here too, but from 
 Scandinavia. Hence they remove to the Euxine j arid from 
 the Borysthenes descend to the Danube. However, their pro- 
 per origin is still supposed in poetry to be the neighbourhood of 
 Maeotis, which they first leave, under Odin, to repair to Scandi- 
 navia ! 
 
106 PAGANISM AND 
 
 distinction of Ostrogoths and Westrogoths. It 
 follows from this supposition, that the Goths were 
 German ; but the Getee were never reckoned 
 among the German nations. In the conduct of 
 this argument, Cluverius professes to follow 
 truth alone ; but he evidently labours under a 
 wish of claiming the conquest of the Western 
 empire for his countrymen ; and he congratu- 
 lates them on the success of his discovery.* 
 But whatever may have been the disputes con- 
 cerning the history of these Barbarians, we 
 will, for the present purpose, rest in the con- 
 clusion, that the Goths were the Getoe, and that 
 the place from which they issued for the pur- 
 pose of conquest or plunder, was that which 
 has been already described. 
 
 Let us now attend to the transactions of the 
 GetaB with the Romans. 
 
 Strabo dates the commencement of that good 
 fortune which attended them in their enter- 
 prises against the empire, from the appointment 
 of a man of much talent and activity to be their 
 
 * Quos (Gothos) vera, Germanaque origine hactenus per tot 
 saeculorum spatium abalienatos, suis tandem restituisse sedibus, 
 mini gaudeoj communi vero patriae gratulor. Germ. Antiq. lib. 
 iii. c. 34. Cluverius was born at Dantzick. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 107 
 
 leader. This was Boerebistes.* He gave to 
 the nation a vigour and consistency unknown 
 before. Under him therefore, having subdued 
 several of the neighbouring tribes, they fear- 
 lessly passed the Ister, and laid waste Thrace 
 to the borders of Macedonia and Illyricum ; nor 
 was it till after the death of this commander, 
 and the division of the force of the country 
 among several chieftains, that the Romans suc- 
 ceeded in repressing them. They were still 
 numerous and formidable ; but it was soon 
 found, that their strength wanted direction ; 
 and Augustus seems to have greatly reduced, if 
 not to have nearly subjugated them all.f But 
 their warlike spirit, and particularly their se- 
 cret connection with the German tribes;}; ever 
 
 * Boipe/3tVae avrjp Ferris, e7ri<rae ITTI rriv TV 'iQvuQ kin^aaiav, 
 
 roffSrov iiriipEV (tV) affKtiffei KOL vij^et, Kal raj irpoffe^eiv roig 
 7rpa.yp.aff tv, &ffr oXiyiov ir&v fj.ya\rjv ap^v Kare^rj ffa.ro, Kal 
 rS)V bfjiopwv rc 7rXire vTrirafa rolg Tlraig' ijdri fie Kal 'JPw/m/oiff 
 3 ^ta/3atvwv acJtaie rov"I<rpoy, Kal rrjvQpdKrjv \ErjKa- 
 Ma/C^oi/me KOI rfjg iXXvpt^oe. Lib. vii. p. 210. 
 
 t One word of Strabo marks the recent time of the expedition 
 against them : KOI ^>) Kal NTN iivtKa (.irei^ev iir Q.VTUQ <rpa- 
 reiav o 2e/3aToc Kataap, &c. ib. 
 
 J "OvTrw 3' fifflv V7roxeiptoi rfXlwg, Sta rag eK rtiv Tepuavuiv 
 i\Tricas, TroXepW OVTUV rote 'Pupaiois. Lib. vii. p. 211. This 
 
108 PAGANISM AND 
 
 hostile to the Roman name, preserved them 
 from final submission ; and in the time of Domi- 
 tian 1 they seem to have recovered their strength 
 and importance. The war which they waged 
 with him in Mcesia occasioned great and just 
 terror at Rome. Dio* describes the affected 
 pomp with which he endeavoured to conceal 
 his disgraces; and Juvenal assists in the history 
 of his defeat by the sarcastic mention of Fuscus, 
 whose entrails were reserved for the repast of 
 Dacian vultures. J" However, they were again 
 triumphantly repressed by Trajan and Cara- 
 calla. The former was perhaps the only com- 
 mander who, at that time, had carried the Ro- 
 man arms beyond the Ister,J and subdued 
 
 remark of Strabo on the hopes which the Getae and Daci (for 
 he joins them together) had from the Germans,, throws light on 
 the observation of Dio Cassius, that the Quadi and Marco- 
 manni refused to give Domitian any assistance in his Dacian 
 war j the very circumstance, we find, which led to his with- 
 drawing from it. 
 
 * Lib. 67. 7. In compliance with the Roman custom, he 
 calls these enemies of Domitian Dacians, though certain Greeks 
 gave them the name of Getae HK ayvo&v on 'EAAjjvwv rivee 
 Ferae avrsg Xeyseriv, t'tr' opOwe tire pr) \iyovrf. g. ib. 6. 
 
 f vulturibus servabat viscera Dacis 
 
 Fuscus Sat. 4. 
 
 \ Primus, aut solus etiam, vires Romanas trans Istrum pro- 
 pagavit, domitis in provinciam Dacorum pileatis Sacisque 
 nationibus, Decebalo rege. Aur. Victor in Traj. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 109 
 
 these Barbarians on their own ground. But 
 this impression was soon removed ; and the 
 struggle recommenced with various success 
 under the older and younger Gordian. In the 
 time of Philip, they easily repassed the river, 
 and possessed themselves of Mcesia ; nor were 
 his immediate successors able to make them 
 return. At length, a composition was settled 
 with them by Gallus and Volusian. This how- 
 ever was soon dissolved by the incapacity of 
 Gallienus ; and while the more western tribes 
 of Barbarians were bursting through Gaul to 
 Spain and Italy itself, the Goths spread without 
 difficulty over Thrace and Macedonia. Yet 
 signal victories were afterwards obtained over 
 them by Claudius, who devoted himself, ano- 
 ther Decius, and acquired the title of Gothi- 
 cus;* by Aurelian, and finally by Constantine. 
 
 * Aur. Victor sufficiently conveys the formidable intimacy 
 which the Goths had now acquired with the empire ; quos 
 diuturnitas nimis validos, ne prope incolas eftecerat. In Claud. 
 How great a relief to the fears of Rome were the victories of 
 Claudius, may be seen in this as well as other passages of Treb. 
 Pollio. Pugnatum in diversis regionibus, et ubique auspiciis 
 Claudianis victi sunt Gotthi, prorsus ut jam tune Constantio 
 Coesari nepoti futuro videretur Claudius sccuram parare Rem- 
 pnblicam. Apud Hist. Aug. in Div. Claud. 
 
1 10 PAGANISM AND 
 
 He revived what had been the peculiar glory of 
 Trajan. He passed the Ister, and pursued the 
 Barbarians into Sarmatia ; and we may reason- 
 ably suppose, that this is one of the circum- 
 stances which have obtained for him so much 
 applause from the Christian writers.* In their 
 arguments with the Pagans, who maliciously 
 insinuated that the establishment of Christianity 
 was the decay of military glory, they success- 
 fully appeal to his great deeds in arms, and 
 sometimes call him a second Trajan. 
 
 These were some of the principal actions of 
 the Goths with the Romans, while they sub- 
 sisted as a people, and could be said to have a 
 country of their own. Not long after this, they 
 were compelled to quit their settlements by a 
 more strange and savage race which suddenly 
 descended upon them from the wilds of Sar- 
 matia and the borders of the Tanais. The 
 causes which impelled the Huns forward from 
 their remoter regions to the banks of the Ister, 
 are not satisfactorily ascertained ; but the terror 
 of their name had preceded their arrival. t They 
 
 * Gothorum fortissimas et copiosissimas gentes in ipso bar- 
 barici soli sinu, hoc est, in Sarmatarum regione, delevit. Oros. 
 Hist. lib. vii. c. 28. 
 
 f Fama late serpente per Gothorum reliquas gentes, quod 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. Ill 
 
 were represented as a raging whirlwind, issuing 
 from a quarter wholly unknown, and sweeping 
 away every thing which opposed their course. 
 In order to escape from the tempest which 
 threatened them, the chief part of the Gothic 
 nation sought an asylum within the borders of 
 the empire. An agreement was made; and 
 Thrace and Moesia, which they had so often 
 plundered as enemies, were assigned to them 
 as suppliants. They had voluntarily offered to 
 Valens, as a condition of the grant, that they 
 would live peaceably, and assist in the defence 
 of the empire.* To this they added a proposal 
 of embracing Christianity, and requested that 
 bishops might be sent to instruct them in the 
 doctrines, and train them in the duties of the 
 Gospel.f But an accommodation, thus prac- 
 ticable and beneficial, was soon overthrown. 
 
 inusitatum antehac hominum genus modo ruens, lit turbo mon- 
 tibus celsis, ex abdito sinu coortum opposita quseque convellit 
 et corrumpit -, populi pars major quaeritabat domicilium remo- 
 tum ab omni notitia barbarorum. Am. Marcell. lib. xxxi. c. 3. 
 
 * Missis oratoribus ad Valentem, suscipi se humili prece 
 poscebant, et quiete victuros se pollicentes, et daturos, si res 
 flagit&sset, auxilia. ib. c. 4. 
 
 f Gothi per legates supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episcopi, 
 a quibus regulam Christian fidei discerent, mitterentur. Oros. 
 Hist. lib. vii. c. 33. 
 
112 PAGANISM AND 
 
 The Roman commissaries, appointed to assign 
 the lands, and to establish the settlers in them, 
 drove the barbarians to despair by their cruelties 
 and exactions > A war ensued within the empire 
 itself; and Valens, who marched in person 
 against the Goths, was defeated, taken prisoner, 
 and burnt alive ; a calamity which, as Marcel- 
 linns reports, was pointed out by omens and 
 presages, of a strange and alarming nature.* 
 Inflamed with this success, they quickly spread 
 over the neighbouring provinces ; and, under the 
 temptation of a common plunder, were joined 
 by some of their late enemies, the Huns ! They 
 were not effectually repressed, till the distresses 
 of the state induced Gratian .to associate with 
 him in the government the great Theodosius, 
 one of the most eminent of Christian sovereigns 
 and commanders. 
 
 While he lived, the Goths were kept in per- 
 fect submission, and cheerfully fought for the 
 common safety under the Roman ensigns. But 
 at his death, the Eastern and Western empires 
 descended to his sons Arcadius and Honor ius. 
 
 * Interea et Fortunae volucris rota, adversa prosperis semper 
 alternans, Bellonam furlis in societatem adscitis armabat, moes- 
 tosque transtulit eventus, quo.s adventare prsesagiorum fides clara 
 monebat et portentorum. Lib. xxxi. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 113 
 
 On account of their tender age, they were un- 
 happily left under the guardianship of Ruffinus 
 and Stilicho. These men, very unequal in 
 talents, were yet jealous of each other. The 
 name and actions of the latter might have 
 shielded him from reproach ; yet both he and 
 his rival were accused of nourishing ambitious 
 hopes of sovereignty either for themselves or 
 their families ; and of secretly exciting the 
 Goths to take up arms,* that they might the 
 better promote their own interested views amid 
 the public confusion. Encouraged by these and 
 other hopes, two Barbarian chiefs successively 
 penetrated into Italy, the famous Alaric and 
 Rhadagaisus. The name of the latter is men- 
 tioned with equal terror and exultation by the 
 Christian writers. f Orosius rates the number 
 of his army, on a moderate calculation, J at two 
 hundred thousand men, and Augustin is careful 
 
 * Cum alius sibi, alius filio suo adfectans regale fastigium, 
 ut rebus repente turbatis, necessitas reipublicae scelus ambitus 
 tegeret, barbaros gentes ille immisit, hie fovit. Oros. Hist, 
 lib. vii. c. 37. 
 
 f Rhadagaisus omnium antiquorum praesentiumque hostium 
 longe immanissimus, repentino impetu totam inundavit Italiam. 
 Oros. ib. 
 
 J Secundum eos qui parcissime referunt. ib. Zosimus 
 doubles it. 
 
 I 
 
114 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to point out the ferociousness which distin- 
 guished it.* But this terror was speedily and 
 unexpectedly dissipated. The unskilled Barba- 
 rian, having advanced into Etruria, and alarmed 
 Rome for its own safety, chose an unfavourable 
 position for his camp, among the hills of Fiesole.f 
 It was surrounded, or harassed and deprived of 
 supplies ; and the mighty force which rilled it, 
 was rather consumed by famine, than destroyed 
 by the sword. Alaric was not thus easily 
 checked. His approach had been watched with 
 anxiety, though the moment of his final success 
 was not yet arrived. J Many battles were fought ; 
 and he did not retreat towards the Alps, till he 
 had exercised the valour, and wasted the force 
 of Rome. 
 
 These successes of the declining empire were 
 sung by the Pagan and Christian poets, with 
 
 * Agmine ingenti et immani. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23. 
 
 f In Faesulanos monies cogit (Deus.) Oros. lib. vii. c. 37. 
 
 \ Tentavit Geticus nuper delere tyrannus 
 Italiam, patrio veniens juratus ab Istro 
 Has arces aequare solo, tecta aurea flammis 
 Solvere, mastrucis proceres vestire togatos : 
 Jamque ruens Venetos turmis protriverat agros, 
 Et Ligurum vastarat opes, et amoena profundi 
 Rura Padi, Thusciimque solum victo amne premebat. 
 
 Prudent, contr. Syrani. lib. ii. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 115 
 
 similar joy, but very different motives. Claudian 
 extols the courage of Stilicho, which defeated 
 the invaders, and his prudence which permitted 
 the escape of his enemies, rather than expose 
 the welfare of the state to the consequences of 
 their desperation;* and he depends on the 
 watchful care of Jupiter, which will always 
 preserve the temple of Numa, one of the great 
 parents of the Pagan rites, the antient seat of 
 Quirinus, and the dread arcanum of Rome, 
 perhaps its palladium, from the profanation 
 even of barbarous eyes.f 
 
 On the other hand, it is the exultation of 
 Prudentius, that so many victories were ob- 
 tained under ensigns no longer profane. From 
 the pious offering of their prayers at the altar 
 
 * This, if we may trust Orosius, is no other than a compliment 
 to cover his treachery. Taceo (says Orosius) de Alarico rege 
 cum Gothis suis ssepe victo, ssepe concluso, semperque dimisso. 
 Lib. vii. c. 37. 
 
 procul arceat altus 
 
 Jupiter, ut delubra Numae, sedemque Quirini 
 Barbaries oculis saltern temerare profanis 
 Possit, et arcanum tanti deprendere regni. 
 
 DeBell. Get. 100. 
 
 Symmachus has a similar persuasion, when he is pleading for 
 the restoration of the altar of Victory multa victoriae debet 
 aeternitas vestra, et adhuc plura debebit, 
 
 i 2 
 
116 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of the true God, the commanders went to the 
 encounter of the Barbarians ; and those who 
 revenged at Pollentia, the ravages which had 
 desolated Pannonia during thirty years, were 
 the soldiers not only of Rome but of Christ.* 
 In the speech which he attributes to Rome, 
 exulting in her recent triumphs, she compares 
 Stilicho with those great commanders who had 
 defended her against her antient enemies. If 
 she confessed a just gratitude to the brave 
 Camillus, who had rescued her from the long 
 possession of the Gauls, what thanks were due 
 to the conqueror of the Goths, an enemy de- 
 feated ere they had yet been able to view the 
 walls of the city! " Mount, therefore, thy tri- 
 umphal chariot;^ bring hither thy spoils, and 
 
 * Hujus adoratis altaribus, et cruce front! 
 
 Inscripta, cecinere tubae : prima hasta Draconis 
 Praecurrit, quae Christ! apicem sublimior effert. 
 lllic terdenis gens exitiabilis annis 
 Pannoniae poenas tandem deleta pependit. 
 
 Cont. Sym. lib. ii. 
 
 The thirty years here alluded to, are mentioned more frequently 
 and pointedly by Claudian. Both poets seem to date the ravage 
 of Pannonia from that settlement within the Ister which was 
 almost immediately followed by the defeat and death of Valens. 
 f Scande triumph alem currumj spoliisque receptis, 
 Hue, Christo comitante, veni; * Prud. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 117 
 
 the captives rescued from Barbaric hands ; 
 bring them in the power of Christ, whose fa- 
 vour has conferred them on the worshippers of 
 his name." 
 
 But unavailing were the fond visions of per- 
 manent safety for Rome, thus lately triumphant. 
 After a short interval, Alaric again made his 
 a*ppearance. Either dissatisfied with the new 
 settlement which he had obtained by treaty, or 
 harassed and deceived by the arts of Stilicho, 
 he once more took up arms, and with better 
 success. He penetrated into Italy, directed his 
 march against Rome, and, after repeated at- 
 tempts, took it by stratagem* in the year 1164, 
 from the foundation of the city, and in the year 
 410 of the Christian aera. This is the great 
 event, from which the present subject has 
 arisen.')* To this the Pagans confidently ap- 
 pealed, for the purpose of imputing the disas- 
 ters of the state to the civil establishment of 
 the Gospel, and of asserting the efficacy of the 
 antient idolatry in the promotion of temporal 
 welfare. The Western empire did indeed re- 
 cover from this calamity for a while, and was 
 
 * Procop. de Bell. Vandal, lib. i.e. 2. 
 . .f See p. 54. 
 
118 PAGANISM AND 
 
 not extinguished till about sixty years after. 
 But the Barbarians had now found their way 
 to the capitol, nor did they cease till they had 
 fully established themselves in it. 
 
 From the history thus presented to you it is 
 necessary to draw a few inferences. 
 
 1 . It is of particular importance to observe, 
 that the foundation of the public evils of Rome 
 was laid before the ministry of Christ began. 
 To establish this point, was the object of the 
 Christian advocates ; for hence it results, that 
 the Gospel is free from the charge brought 
 against it by the Pagans : it was not the cause 
 of the overthrow of the empire. The princi- 
 ples of sound government were previously lost ; 
 and with them, the proper support of sove- 
 reignty. Such is the punishment which, in the 
 divine order of things, is commonly annexed to 
 the violation of the rules of reason and virtue, 
 in public as well as private life ; and the nume- 
 rous instances which have been adduced of the 
 growing wickedness and weakness of Rome, 
 and the gradual and alarming successes of the 
 Barbarians against it, must convince us, that 
 there is a natural connection between vice and 
 misfortune, a strong -and unavoidable tendency 
 of public profligacy, to the loss of national 
 power. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 119 
 
 2. In the same events we may also observe a 
 judicial punishment acting for a more peculiar 
 purpose. After the church of Christ had risen 
 within the empire, it suffered those long and 
 dreadful persecutions which have been already 
 related. In the diminution of the power of 
 Rome, the Christian writers have, therefore, 
 piously acknowledged the just visitation of 
 Heaven. They have carefully compared the 
 calamities of the empire, with the intolerance 
 of the Pagan sovereigns ; and they point out to 
 us the marks of divine vengeance, in the tem- 
 poral chastisements which followed each per- 
 secution of the faith, from the time of Nero to 
 the conversion of Constantine ; and the last of 
 the ten plagues directed against the cruelties 
 of Heathen Rome, was the public suppression 
 of its beloved, but guilty, idolatry, the cause of 
 all the evils which had been inflicted on the 
 believers of the Gospel.* 
 
 3. Hence too we see the general subserviency 
 of the temporal power of Rome to the wants 
 of the church of Christ. The extent of the 
 empire, and the authority which it exercised, 
 
 * Novissima pcena est omnium idolorum perditio, quae pri- 
 mitiis facta in priniis amabant. * Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 27. 
 
120 PAGANISM AND 
 
 were, without its intention, indeed, without its 
 knowledge, the means of a wider and more 
 effectual propagation of the Gospel ; nor did 
 its outward decline take place till the interests 
 of the Faith were, in some measure, secured. 
 Nay, in the events which befel it after the so- 
 vereigns became Christian, a similar purpose 
 is still discoverable. It was the standing policy 
 of the empire to convert to Christianity all the 
 Barbarians who were received within the bor- 
 ders, or over whom, the influence of civilization 
 could be in any manner exerted ; * and it is the 
 grateful observation of Orosius, that the very 
 decay of the civil power wrought the increase 
 bf the church of Christ.f There is yet another 
 indication of the same Divine purpose. Euche- 
 j the son of Stilicho, for whom he designed 
 
 * Procopius makes the observation, and says of the Heruli, 
 that they became milder men and better subjects in consequence 
 of their conversion: TYJV tiiaurav tin TO fyupwrepoi> yura/3a- 
 Xdvrec, TOIQ XpiTicu/aiv VOJJLOIQ eVl TrXetTOV Trpoo^wptii/ eyvaxrav, 
 KCIL 'PwfJiaioiG Kara TO ^vfj.pa-)(iKov TO. TroXXa fVt rwg iroXepiug 
 IvvTOLffffovTai. De Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 14. j 
 
 f Si ob hoc solum Barbari Romanis finibus immissi forent, 
 quod vulgo per Orientem et Occidentem ecclesiae Christi Hun- 
 nis et Suevis, Vandalis et Burgundionibus, diversisque et innu- 
 meris credenti um populis replentur, laudanda et adtollenda Dei 
 miserieordia videretur. Hist. lib. vii. c. 41. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 121 
 
 the empire of the West, was secretly connected 
 with the Pagan party within the walls of Rome. 
 We are distinctly informed, that, from his early 
 years, he had seen with dislike the public 
 change of the faith of the empire, and medi- 
 tated the ruin of the Christians;* and a re- 
 vengeful pledge was said to have been given to 
 the enemies of the Gospel, that his attainment 
 of the imperial power should be the restoration 
 of the temples of the gods, and the overthrow 
 of the Christian churches.t This wickedness 
 was frustrated by his own death, and that of 
 his father. Nor was Paganism promoted by the 
 success of the Barbarians themselves. Rhada- 
 gaisus was an idolater ;J and in his march to- 
 wards the city, offered daily sacrifices to the 
 gods, his protectors. When Rome fell, it sub- 
 mitted to an enemy, who, though imperfectly 
 instructed in the faith, was the least hostile to it. 
 
 * Jam inde Christianorum persecutionem a puero privatoque 
 meditantem. Oros. lib. vii. c. 38. 
 
 f Occisus est et Eucberius, qui ad conciliandum sibi favorem 
 Paganorum, restitutione templorum et eversione ecclesiarum 
 imbuturum se regni priraordia minabatur. Oros. ib. 
 
 I Paganus et Scytha erat. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 37. 
 
 Quotidianis sacrificiis placabat atque invitabat Deos. Aug. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 23. 
 
122 PAGANISM: AND 
 
 Alaric was himself a professor of Christianity,* 
 and the protector of it in others. The civil po- 
 lity had performed its temporary office, and was 
 dissolved. The religion of Christ is eternal, and 
 amidst the destruction of all other authority, 
 the Gospel was yet respected and maintained. 
 
 * Duo tune Gothorum populi cum duobus potentissimis re- 
 gibus suis 3 quorum imus Christianus, propiorque Romano ; 
 alms Paganus, Barbaras, et ver Scytha. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. 
 c. 37. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 123 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DISASTROUS ORIGIN OF THE ROMANS . . .THEIR GODS TWICE 
 VANQUISHED AT TROY... IMPOTENT GUARDIANS OF ITALY 
 . . .FATE NOT MORE SERVICEABLE TO THE ROMANS THAN 
 THEIR GODS...BETTER FAITH OF CHRISTIANS. ..INFERENCE 
 THAT PAGANISM DOES NOT CONFER TEMPORAL GOOD . . . 
 CONCLUSION OF THE FIRST PART. 
 
 THE argument that the Deities of Pagan Rome 
 were the bestowers of temporal happiness, and 
 that the calamities which befel the empire in 
 its later age, were occasioned by the civil esta- 
 blishment of Christianity, has been refuted by 
 an appeal to history. The veil which covered 
 from the eyes of the people the earlier disasters 
 of the state, was removed by the advocates of 
 the Gospel. From their diligence and zeal, 
 therefore, came the description of the vices 
 and growing miseries of Rome, while yet idol- 
 atrous; while, as Augustin remarks, her super- 
 stitions were in their fullest maintenance; while 
 her priesthood was publicly honoured, and the 
 mingled odours of garlands and Sabean frank- 
 incense ascended from the altars of her gods.* 
 
 * Quando ilia mala fiebant, calcbant arae numinum Sabaeo 
 
124 PAGANISM AND 
 
 This perhaps might be deemed sufficient for 
 the vindication of the Gospel. But, not con- 
 tent with this, the Christian writers laboured 
 to expose the general inefficacy of the Heathen 
 worship. They ascended to the origin of the 
 Roman deities, and proved them to have been 
 equally helpless in Asia and in Italy: they de- 
 scribed the miseries which ambition had in- 
 flicted on the world amid the acknowledgement 
 of so corrupt a mythology, and concluded, that 
 the dominion of Rome had been derived from 
 other causes, and conferred for other purposes. 
 Of this part of the literary warfare with idola- 
 try, some specimens shall therefore be given. 
 
 The criticism of our own days may indeed 
 deem such contention unimportant, and the 
 statement of it superfluous. But our researches 
 into the transactions of other ages must be 
 regulated by the circumstances of the times 
 to which they belong. We do not want to be 
 convinced of the folly of polytheism. But, in a 
 contest between two great parties of Christians 
 and Pagans, the question was justly regarded 
 as of great moment. To suppress it, therefore, 
 
 thure sertisque recentibus halabant : clarebant sacerclotia, fana 
 renidebant ; sacrificabatur, ludebatur, furebatur in templb. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 31. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 would be to mutilate historic truth, and to cast 
 away one great feature from the portrait of the 
 age which we delineate. 
 
 Nothing was more flattering to the Romans, 
 than the mention of their Trojan origin. Ac- 
 cordingly, it is every where insisted upon in 
 their histories. Livy* describes the progress of 
 ^Eneas and Antenor from the captured city 
 their arrival in different parts of Italy, with no 
 other means of empire than their arms and ves- 
 sels ; and the fond revival of the name of Troy 
 in a double settlement. 
 
 Nor was this descent from a vanquished race 
 unacknowledged by the greatest or the most 
 fortunate of the Romans. It was the pride of 
 Julius Caesar to deduce his name from lulus. f 
 And so powerful was the remembrance of the 
 origin of his family in the mind of Augustus, 
 that he is supposed by some critics to have 
 entertained the design of transferring his new 
 sovereignty to its antient cradle, and of reviving 
 the Trojan empire by the force of Roman hands. 
 
 *Lib. i. c. 1. 
 
 t Ol $e 'PwfjLaiot rov r 'AtWiav ap^yerJ/v fjyuvTCti' ETretTd re 
 'IwXtog O.TTO 'IwXs nvog rS)v Trpoyovwv. efcetvog c)' euro 'IA rj)v 
 Trpoffwvv/ut'av 'icr)(. Tavrrjy, T&V ditoyovuv lig &v r&v CLTTO ' 
 Strab. lib. 13. p. 409. 
 
126 PAGANISM AND 
 
 With a view to this rumoured intention, it has 
 been conjectured, that Horace wrote the third 
 ode of his third book. Juno, the original enemy 
 of Troy, is employed to declare the renewal of 
 her vengeance, if the hated city shall be rebuilt. 
 She will allow the posterity of the exiles to 
 attain greatness and glory in a distant country, 
 and to extend their dominion at pleasure to the 
 frozen or the burning zone. But the herds of 
 the field must continue to graze where Paris lies ; 
 and the tomb of Priam must still be the haunt 
 of the wild beasts. Should a mistaken piety 
 seek to restore the fated town ; though Apollo 
 should thrice rear the brazen wall, thrice should 
 it be overthrown by her victorious Greeks ; and 
 thrice should the captive matron bewail her 
 slaughtered husband and extinguished family.* 
 It appears then, that some of the deities which 
 afterwards obtained the chief honours of Pagan 
 Rome, and were now supposed to contribute 
 to its possession of the empire of the world, 
 had been the principal instruments of the de- 
 struction of its parent city! Nor was their 
 
 * Ter si resurgat mums aheneus, 
 Auctore Phcebo, ter pereat raeis 
 Excisus Argivis ; ter uxor 
 Capta, virum puerosque ploret. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 127 
 
 anger transient or local. They pursue the fu- 
 gitives, and are irreconcilable in their hatred to 
 the race itself of Troy. Augustin informs us, 
 that, in his age, Virgil was commonly taught 
 to the Roman children.* And what, he asks, 
 did they learn from this model of taste and 
 mythology, concerning their ancestors? The 
 rooted enmity of Juno to the boasted parent of 
 Rome, and her extended plan of destruction 
 against him and his followers. 
 
 Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum navigat aequor, 
 Ilium in Italiam portans, victosque Penates. 
 
 On the other hand, Cybele was the friend of 
 Troy, which she could not protect against the 
 Greeks. Yet she too was honoured at Rome, 
 as one of its chief defenders. Tertullian had 
 witnessed this fervour of devotion towards her, 
 and expressed his contempt of it.f These 
 
 * Quern propterek parvuli legunt, ut poeta magnus, omnium- 
 que praeclarissimus atque optimus, terieris ebibitus anilis, non 
 facile obliviorie possit aboleri. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 3. For the 
 particulars which follow in the text, consult this chapter of 
 Augustin, and the 25th chap, of Tertullian's apology. 
 
 'j* Apol. c. 25. He mentions a notion which probably was 
 entertained by some zealous devotee of Cybele, that she allowed 
 the fall of Troy, knowing the vengeance that would be taken 
 for it in the future subjugation of Greece ! In return, he tells 
 a story not very creditable to the prescience of the goddess, . 
 
128 PAGANISM AND 
 
 guardian deities, therefore, were imported into 
 Italy, some of them hostile to the welfare of the 
 race of Rome, and others already vanquished. 
 ^Eneas himself declares the mortifying truth, 
 and describes the priest of Apollo escaping in 
 distraction from a temple no longer to be de- 
 fended, and carrying in his hands the helpless 
 and fugitive deities. 
 
 Pantheus Othryades arcis Phcebique sacerdos, 
 Sacra maim, victosque Deos, parvumque nepotem 
 Ipse trahit, cursuque amens ad littora tendit. 
 
 And, that no doubt may remain of the impo- 
 tence of these protectors of empire, the shade 
 of Hector makes its appearance, and solemnly 
 recommends them to the superior care of 
 JEneas. 
 
 Sacra, suosque sibi commendat Troja Penates. 
 
 Nay, those deities who succeeded in their war- 
 fare against Troy were condemned to witness, 
 in their turn, the overthrow of their own fa- 
 vourite cities. Juno, so powerful in Phrygia, 
 
 whose priest shed some of his own blood on the altar at Sir- 
 mium for the life of M. Aurelius, who had now been seven days 
 dead ! He desires her to obtain better intelligence hereafter, 
 lest she and her agents should fall into disgrace. O nuncios 
 tardos, quorum vitio excessum imperatoris non ante Cybele cog- 
 novit. Nae talem Deum riderent Christiani. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 129 
 
 was utterly helpless at Carthage.* She loved 
 it, even to the neglect of Samos. She medi- 
 tated perpetual empire for it; but the fates 
 interposed with superior force, and destroyed 
 her fondest hopes. 
 
 hie illius arma, 
 
 Hie CUITUS fuit, hie regnum Dea gentibus esse, 
 Si qua fata sinant, jam turn tenditque fovetque. 
 
 Indeed, the greatest of the gods was equally 
 impotent. Jupiter himself could not preserve 
 his own Crete, though it contained his own 
 tomb, from the Roman arms ; and Tertullianf 
 well observes that he too was indebted to the 
 fates for any power which he might have. 
 
 fato stat Juppiter ipse. 
 
 Are these then the gods, through whose inter- 
 ference Rome was to have been preserved from 
 
 * Juno et deorum quisquis amicior 
 Afris, inulta cesserat impotens 
 
 Tellure. Hor. Carm. lib. ii. od. 1. 
 
 f Apol. c. 25. He reverts with much force and spirit to this 
 subject in the 29th chapter which refutes the charge, that the 
 Christians showed a disaffection to the emperor in their con- 
 tempt of the gods. He claims a just precedence for the emperor. 
 The gods belong to him : they were fabricated from his mines, 
 and, together with their temples, are at his disposal. The gods 
 therefore do not protect Caesar. He is a protector to them; 
 yet not always : for Caesar is sometimes displeased, and many 
 of them have felt the effects of his ill humour. Multi Dii 
 
 K 
 
130 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the fury of Alaric ? Is it to their ineffectual 
 displeasure that the fall of the city is to be 
 ascribed ? And is it for the sake of regaining 
 the assistance of such miserable defenders of 
 empire, that Christianity is to be rejected, and 
 the Pagan worship restored ? That they con- 
 tinued during so many ages in possession of 
 their temples and altars, is due to the worship- 
 pers alone. The gods never preserved Rome. 
 Rome has maintained them in their places by 
 its valour and its superstition. 
 
 Such was the unhappy fate of the Trojan 
 gods before their banishment to Italy. But the 
 ill-protected Troy was again overthrown after 
 its connection with the Roman fortunes, and 
 amid the guardianship of their common deities. 
 The perjury of Lao'medon,* and the injuries 
 offered to Menelaiis were urged as sufficient 
 causes of the former abandonment of the city 
 by the gods, the lovers of justice. But what 
 were the crimes to be revenged, when it fell 
 once more under the fury of the conqueror ? 
 
 babuerunt Caesarem iratum. Ita qui sunt in Caesaris potestate, 
 cujus et toti sunt, quomodo habebunt salutem Caesaris in potes- 
 tate ? Compare pp. 57, 58. 
 
 * Priamo, inquiunt, sunt reddita Laornedontea paterna per- 
 jnria. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 2. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 131 
 
 The inhabitants of Ilium, in Strabo's time, 
 were disposed to maintain, with some show of 
 vanity, that their town stood upon the site of 
 the ancient Troy.* But he places the second 
 Ilium at the distance of about thirty stadia from 
 the first. f It was an humble village ; and its 
 only boast was a temple of Minerva, small and 
 of plain construction. But the curiosity of 
 Alexander having drawn him thither after the 
 battle of Granicus, he made devotional offer- 
 ings to the goddess, repaired and somewhat 
 enlarged the place, and honoured it with the 
 name of a city. He promised further favours, 
 which he did not live to bestow, but which 
 were remembered by some of his successors in 
 that branch of the Macedonian empire. When 
 the Romans made their first appearance in Asia, 
 in the war against Antiochus the Great, they 
 found it a town of a moderate size, but fallen 
 into such poverty, that, according to the testi- 
 
 O( f) V\)V 'IXtf7 (j>l\0(?OtpVT Kal $i\OVTQ ELVCLL TCtVTrjV 
 
 iav (TroXiv) 7rapo-^//K:a<Ti \6yov TOIQ EK Tfjg 'Qprjpu Trot^ 
 
 6v yap otK'v avrr] ivai,fi Kad"'Ofir]()Ov. Strab. 
 lib. xiii. p. 408. 
 
 f yap evTctvQa 7^pvff (lA.ce) Tjiyv Tro'Xiv oVa vvv e^iv' aXXa 
 
 Knl rijv Aap^av/rtv, Kara rt)r vvv Ka\sfj,evrjv 'I\twr /ca^ujjy. ib. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 PAGANISM AND 
 
 mony of an eye-witness, the houses had not 
 even the luxury of tile coverings. Through the 
 kindness of Rome, however, it soon received 
 much enlargement and beauty. And in this 
 improved and happy condition it was found by 
 Fimbria in the Mithridatic war. The writers 
 who attempt to describe the character of this 
 ferocious partisan of Cinna, seem almost at a 
 loss for words to express it.* He went out as 
 lieutenant or friend, with V. Flaccus the consul, 
 whom, at length, he murdered, with no ordinary 
 marks of cruelty :f and it w r as with the army, 
 of which he had obtained the command by this 
 act of treachery and blood, that he assaulted 
 Ilium which had reserved itself for Sylla, and 
 refused to admit Fimbria within its walls. 
 The innocent city was now treated with far 
 
 * In the Epitome of Livy, lib. Ixxxii. he is called a man 
 ultimae audacise. And by Augustin he is branded with the 
 just distinction of viro spurcissimo Romanorum. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. iii. c. 7. 
 
 t Appian thus mentions the event : 6 ce Otju/3pme avrov 
 EKTELVEV, VTTCLTOV re OVTO. 'PupaiuVj *cat <rpar?7yoj> re 
 IWTTJQ CIVTOQ wv, Koi a (f)i\<*) K\VOVft avye\r]\v6u}Q' 
 CE TYIV Ke(j>a\rjv avru, pe&rJKev ig SaXaaffav, KOL TO 
 \oitrbv arafyov e/cpt^/ae, CLVTOV avro^rpdropa drre^j/ve r <rpar5. 
 De Bell. Mithrid. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 133 
 
 more cruelty than by the Greeks of old.* We 
 are distinctly informed, that before he entered 
 the place, Fimbria proclaimed his inhuman re- 
 solution that nothing should be spared :| and 
 the manner in which he proceeded to execute 
 his vengeance is circumstantially related by 
 Appian. He slew all whom he met, and burnt 
 the city itself. On those who were concerned 
 in sending the offer of its services to Sylla, he 
 inflicted various torments. Not even the altars 
 of the gods were spared ; and those who had 
 fled for refuge to the temple of Minerva, 
 perished in the fire which consumed the temple 
 itself. The very walls were overthrown, and 
 on the day following the execution, Fimbria 
 made a circuit round the ruins, in order to ob- 
 tain with his own eyes the dreadful satisfaction 
 that nothing was left standing.^ 
 
 * Quid miserum commiserat Ilium, ut a Fimbria Mariana- 
 rum partium homine pessimo everteretur, multo ferocius atque 
 crudelius quam olim & Grsecis ? Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 7. 
 The same is the observation of Appian : ?/ JJ.EV &/, ^c'tpova 
 Ta>y eirl 'AyajLje/.u'ovt 7ra0S<ra VTTO av-yyev&G, tioAwAet' /ecu OLKOTTL- 
 cov ev avrrJQ, KC>' ttpov,, 3' aynX/za en i)v. De Bell. Mithrid. 
 
 j* Fimbria prius edictum proposuit ne cui parceretur j atque 
 urbem totam, cunctosque in ea homines incendio concremavit. 
 Aug. ib. 
 
 + Appian supposes indeed that Fimbria took a treacherous 
 
134 PAGANISM AND 
 
 It had been zealously contended by the Pa- 
 gans in excuse of the gods, who had protected 
 the first Troy, that the town was not destroyed 
 till they had quitted their stations in it. 
 
 Excessere crimes, adytis arisque relictis, 
 Di, quibus imperium hoc steterat 
 
 But the second Ilium fell while all its deities 
 remained within the walls. The antient city 
 was lost because the Palladium was removed f 
 but Augustin informs us, on the authority of 
 Livy, whose words time has not spared to us, 
 that the image of Minerva alone kept its place, 
 while every other was overthrown ; and that it 
 was afterwards found erect and entire, under 
 the ruins of her own temple !* 
 
 vengeance, after he had requested admission as a relation : 
 If. re tv irocrl TravTCLQ tKTELVf, KOI Trurra eveiripTrpr), KCU 
 avTag EQ rbv 2vXXav tXvyucuVcro TroiKi'Xwe, are rStv 
 iep&v tystdopevoQ, are r&v eg rov VEWV r>/c AQrjvag KarafyvyovTuv , 
 H'C VLVTW TO> Vf.& KdTtTrprjffe' Karf.aKa.TTTE e KOI TO. TEI^T), Kai Ttjg 
 ETTi&ffrjg ijpevva Trepitwv, /zr) rl avvf^KE rfjg TroXewc trr. DeBell. 
 Mithrid. 
 
 * Eversis quippe et incensis omnibus cum oppido simula- 
 chris, solum Minen r ae simulachrum, sub tauta ruind templi 
 illius, ut scribit Livius, integrum stetisse perhibetur. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. iii. c. 7. Appian cannot refrain from hinting, that this 
 might have been the Palladium deposited there by Diomede 
 and Ulysses ! Perhaps the posture in which it was found, may 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 135 
 
 Such, retorted the Christian writers, are the 
 fortunes of the twice vanquished Troy. It 
 equally suffers, whether its gods be present or 
 absent ; from the enmity of the Greeks, and 
 the alliance of the Romans its friends, its pro- 
 tectors and kindred.* It was therefore altoge- 
 ther unadvisable to trust the guardianship of 
 Rome to deities which had so shamefully failed 
 at the first Troy. Nor indeed did they succeed 
 better in protecting the establishments com- 
 mitted to their care, after their arrival in Italy. 
 Augustin reminds us, that Lavinium, which had 
 kindly received them fugitive and forlorn, was 
 soon abandoned for Alba ; and that Alba, the 
 nearer parent of Rome, was deserted and de- 
 stroyed for the sake of Rome itself, t Nor was 
 
 serve to determine the dispute about its antiquity. Homer's 
 Minerva was sitting. This is remarked by Strabo, who adds, 
 that such was her antient attitude in several places : IloXAa 
 c T&V cLpyautiv TTJQ '\.Qr\va.Q fydvwv Kadrjfj.Eva SsiKvvrai, Ka6a- 
 ?Tp iv $wKcua, MeffffaXi'^, 'Pw/z?/, Xta>, teal a\\aiQ Tr\iiOffLv, &c. 
 lib. xiiiip. 413. 
 
 * 'E/ce'Xtuo-e e KOI avrov, ovra 'Pw/zator, Eiffd) ce^eadaC KCL- 
 ripwvu<Ta^voe TI Kal rfj ffvyyeveiaz riJQ H<n? ' Pupa in Q 
 '\\itvffiv. App. de Bell. Mitbrid. 
 
 f Alba subversa est, ubi post Ilium, quod Grasci everterunt, 
 et post Lavinium, ubi rex Latinus eum regern, peregnnum 
 atque fugitivurn, constituerat, tertio loco habitaverunt mmiina 
 ilia Trojana. Civ. Dei, lib. iii. c. 14. 
 
136 
 
 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Rome more secure, through their assistance, 
 than the places from which the gods were 
 already driven. The victorious Gauls repeat- 
 edly exhibited before the descendants of the 
 Trojans that picture of desolation which had 
 been presented to the eyes of their ancestors by 
 the vengeance of the Greeks ; and Livy con- 
 fesses that the guardian powers of Rome which 
 could not be removed from the fury of Brennus, 
 were buried in the earth by their worshippers,* 
 and that the temples and houses were plundered 
 and burnt by the conqueror. 
 
 From the inauspicious descent therefore of 
 the Roman gods, and the repeated failure of 
 protection to their votaries, it was safely con- 
 cluded, that the evils which befel the city 
 through the hostility of Alaric, were not occa- 
 sioned by the establishment of Christianity, and 
 the consequent displeasure of the neglected 
 idols. Long before the appearance of Christ 
 upon earth, they were equally unable to defend 
 their worshippers, at Troy, the parent and the 
 daughter of Rome, and at Rome itself. 
 
 With this argument was connected another 
 which proved the superior sufferings of the 
 
 * Optimum ducunt, condita in doliolis defodere. Lib. v. 
 c. 40. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 137 
 
 Pagans in a state of war. We have heard their 
 complaint, that the favour of Bellona was re- 
 cently withdrawn from them, and that the hos- 
 tilities in which the empire now engaged, were 
 more destructive than before. This was well 
 refuted by contrasting the influence of idolatry 
 and the Gospel under the same circumstances, 
 and by appealing to the merciful conduct of 
 Alaric. 
 
 Sallust has somewhere said, that the Romans 
 were a people naturally just.* Indeed, nothing 
 is more extolled by their writers than their love 
 of equity, their mildness and forbearance, and 
 their disposition to pardon injuries rather than 
 revenge them by unnecessary war. And from 
 this spirit of flattery came the celebrated com- 
 pliment of Virgil which was so long remem- 
 bered, and so fondly quoted at Rome as the 
 proper characteristic of its temper and genius. 
 To excel in arts, in oratory, or science, might 
 be allowed to the Greek ; the proper business 
 of the Roman was imperial ; to extend his go- 
 vernment over the world, and to prescribe the 
 laws of peace ; to quell resistance, but never to 
 withhold mercy from the suppliant ; to cherish 
 
 * Jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam natura 
 valebat. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ii. c. 18. 
 
138 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the submissive, and to chastise only those who 
 presumed to rise up against his rightful and 
 universal dominion.* But what was the mili- 
 tary practice of a people thus naturally just, 
 thus prone to forgiveness ? The same Sallust 
 too well informs us in the description which 
 Caesar gives of the cruelties of Catiline and the 
 conspirators : " Murder, conflagration, chil- 
 dren torn from the embraces of their parents ; 
 the parents themselves slain, or made the vic- 
 tims of the conqueror's will ; houses and tem- 
 ples plundered, arms and dead bodies lying in 
 promiscuous heaps, every place disfigured with 
 blood and resounding with lamentation !"| Are 
 these only the sanguinary excesses of civil 
 rage ? Look then to the usual effects of their 
 unrelenting hostilities against every nation. 
 
 It is a dreadful fact in the history of the Ro- 
 mans, that, when the town of an enemy was 
 
 * Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 
 (Hae tibi erunt artes,) pacisque imponere morem ; 
 Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos. 
 f Rapi virgines, puerosj divelli liberos a parentum am- 
 plexu, matres-familiarum pati .quse victoribus collibuisset, fana 
 atque domos spoliari, caedem et incendia fieri ; postremo arrnis, 
 cadaveribus, cruore, atque luctu omnia compleri. Apud Aug. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 5. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 139 
 
 taken, no protection was publicly allowed. In 
 the wars which their desolating ambition waged 
 during so many ages of Paganism, it was no 
 part of their system to show mercy to man or 
 piety to the gods, by abstaining from blood in 
 places the most sacred. They sternly pursued 
 their destructive object, and sacrificed their 
 helpless victims in the temples and at the very 
 altars.* Augustin boldly refers his opponents 
 to the conduct of those commanders whose 
 clemency and piety had been most extolled. 
 Marcellus is represented by the Roman writers 
 at the siege of Syracuse with all the amiable- 
 ness which national flattery could bestow on 
 him ; and they carefully mention the tears 
 which he shed at the thoughts of the misery 
 which the city was about to suffer at his hands. 
 But Marcellus, deceitfully humane, proclaimed 
 no asylum for the wretched inhabitants. The 
 custom of Roman war took its fatal course ; 
 and we read of no mercy experienced by the 
 vanquished, of no shrine that was spared! The 
 piety of Fabius at Tarentum was equal to this 
 
 * Quando tot tantasque urbes, lit late dominarentur, ex- 
 pugnatas captasque everterunt, legatur nobis, quae templa exci- 
 pere solebant, ut ad ea qujsquis confugisset, liberaretur ? Civ. 
 Dei, lib. i. c. 6. 
 
 
140 PAGANISM AND 
 
 boasted humanity. He sacked the town, and 
 made a promiscuous slaughter of the citizens. 
 He rifled the temples, and took prisoners the 
 gods themselves.* But these lessons of atrocity 
 had been taught long since to their ancestors at 
 Troy. The Greeks had ravaged the temples of 
 all the gods. The shrine of Juno herself was 
 made the depository of the images and holy 
 vessels collected from her kindred deities ; and 
 instead of restraining an impious plunder, she 
 was compelled to preserve it.f Indeed, some 
 of the most affecting poetry of Virgil is em- 
 ployed in describing the slaughter of the aged 
 and feeble Priam at the very altar of Jupiter 
 Hercseus. 
 
 * The gods which he did not carry away, he left with a 
 sneer : Cum ei scriba suggessisset, quid de signis Decrnrn, 
 quae multa capta fuerunt, fieri juberet, continentiara suam etiain 
 jocando condivit. Quaesivit enim, cujusmodi essent ; et cum ei 
 non solum multa grandia, verum etiam renunciarentur armata ; 
 Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis Deos iratos. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 
 c. 6. For the boasted mercy of jEmilius Paullus, the 
 seventy towns in Epirus given up to plunder, and 150,000 of 
 the inhabitants sold for slaves, see Livy, lib. xlv. 34. 
 f- Custodes lecti Phoenix et dirus Ulysses 
 
 Praedam asservabant : hue undique Tro'i'a gaza 
 
 Incensis erepta adytis, mensaeque Deorum, 
 
 Crateresque auro solidi, captivaque vestis 
 
 Congeritur. ^En. ii. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 141 
 
 From this disgusting picture of ambition 
 urging its way through every obstacle, let us 
 turn to the better practice of the Barbarians. 
 Even the imperfect notions of Christianity 
 which had been entertained by Alaric, pro- 
 duced consequences more merciful than were 
 ever furnished by the boasted, but sophistical 
 humanity of Pagan Rome. The trembling city 
 expected nothing but destruction at his hands ; 
 but when his army was on the point of enter- 
 ing it, two proclamations were issued,* that 
 unnecessary slaughter should be avoided ; and 
 that inviolable protection should be granted to 
 all who took refuge in the churches, and par- 
 ticularly in those which were dedicated to the 
 apostles St. Peter and St. Paul. We know, 
 that this was religiously observed. The holy 
 places were filled with a mixed multitude of 
 fugitives who sought the promised safety, and 
 who found it there. Within that sanctuary, 
 the arm of violence was not lifted against the 
 
 * Adest Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet, turbat, irrumpit. 
 Dato tamen praecepto prius, ut si qui in sancta loca, praeci- 
 pueque in sanctorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli basilicas con- 
 fugissent, hos in primis inviolatos securosque esse sinerent. 
 Turn delude, in quantum possent, praedae inhiantes, a sanguine 
 temperarcnt. Oros. Hist. lib. vii. c. 39. 
 
142 PAGANISM AA r D 
 
 suppliant; from those altars no captive was 
 dragged to death or slavery ; nay, we read, 
 that the pitying enemy, of his own accord, 
 placed within the Christian asyla,* those Pa- 
 gans whom he might have slain, and who, by 
 the practice of Roman warfare, would have 
 been considered just objects of vengeance within 
 the temples of their own false deities. Shall 
 the infidelity of our own days, an infidelity 
 worse than Pagan, insinuate a malicious doubt 
 of the mercy of Alaric ? It might be amply 
 illustrated from the records of the military 
 transactions of those barbarians, who, in a sub- 
 sequent age, contended for the possession of 
 Italy against the arms of the Eastern empire. 
 If the zeal of Augustin or Orosius be repre- 
 sented as receiving, with too much readiness, 
 a testimony flattering to the cause of Christi- 
 anity, who shall attribute such a bias to the 
 mind of Procopius ? Yet, whoever peruses his 
 account of the Gothic war, will meet with more 
 instances of genuine mercy, continence, and 
 generosity, on the part of the barbarians alone, 
 
 * Ibi accipiebat limitem tmcidatoris furor : illuc duceban- 
 tur a miserantibus hostibus, quibus etiam extra ipsa loca pe- 
 percerant, ne in eos incurrerent, qui similem misericordiam 
 non habebant. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 143 
 
 than can be furnished by the entire military 
 history of Pagan Rome.* 
 
 It appears then, that the sufferings of the 
 city from the hands of Alaric, could not, at the 
 utmost, be greater than the custom of Roman 
 
 * In another siege of Rome, the Goths would not injure the 
 church of St Paul, which stood without the walls, and was 
 connected with it by a long colonnade, though their own 
 operations were impeded by it : but divine service was ad- 
 ministered there as usual. The same reverence was shown 
 to the church of St. Peter. "E<ri c)e TIQ KO.I aiS&g Trpog ravra $f) 
 rd lepd TO~IQ FdrOote' ucsrepov yuv rdlv cnr6^o\oiv vtiav, Trapd 
 
 TTCLVTCL TOV T& TToXeyUS KCLLpOV, CL^Clpl Tl TTpOQ dvTWV ytyOVEV '. 
 
 Be Bell. Goth. lib. ii. c. 4. When Totilas afterwards went 
 to the siege of the city, he treated the inhabitants of the coun- 
 try with great mildness, and when he had taken Rome, having 
 gone to pray in the church of St. Peter, he issued orders to 
 stop all further effusion of blood, ib. lib. iii. c. 13 20. The 
 conduct of the same barbarian at the capture of Naples had 
 been singularly humane. The inhabitants having been nearly 
 famished during the siege, he himself prescribed, that a moderate 
 quantity of food should at first be given to each of them. He 
 accustomed them gradually to the use of sustenance so long 
 withheld, and prevented the mischiefs which would have re- 
 sulted from a sudden and voracious indulgence. When he had 
 saved their lives, he set them at liberty, not excepting even the 
 garrison. Procopius is so struck with this extraordinary hu- 
 manity, that he seems to doubt the credibility of it in an enemy 
 and a barbarian: (piXavdpwTriav eg re //Aw/corae C7re/aro, 
 are 7ro\fjiiy f re fiapfidpo) drtpl iroE^tarar. lib. iii. C. 8. 
 
144 PAGANISM AND 
 
 war allowed ; but that the new features of hu- 
 manity were the immediate and happy effects 
 of the religion of Christ.* Yet, says Augustin, 
 the Pagans persist in attributing their misfor- 
 tunes to the civil establishment of the Gospel ! 
 In the moment of danger, they abjured their 
 useless gods ; and in order to conciliate the 
 barbarian soldier, tremblingly pronounced the 
 name of Christ. The danger being removed, 
 they now return to their heathen impiety, and 
 again blaspheme that sacred Name to which 
 they owe their unmerited safety. The common 
 evils which have attended the capture of the 
 city they perversely impute to our holy reli- 
 gion : the benefits which they have unexpect- 
 edly experienced, they arrogantly ascribe to 
 their own FATE ! f 
 
 * Quicquid igitur vastationis, trucidationis, depraedationis 
 in ista recentissima Romana clade commissum est, fecit hoc con- 
 suetudo bellorum. Quod auteni more novo factum est, ut am- 
 plissimae, basilicas implendae populo cui parceretur, eligerentur 
 et decernerentur, ubi nemo feriretur, unde nemo raperetur, quo 
 liberandi multi a miserantibus hostibus ducerentur, unde capti- 
 vandi null.i nee a crudelibus hostibus abducerentur ; hoc Christi 
 nomini, hoc Christiano tempori tribuendum, quisquis non videt, 
 caecus ; quisquis videt, nee laudat, ingratus 5 quisquis laudanti 
 reluctatur, insanus est. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 7. 
 
 f Sic evaserunt multi, qui nunc Christianis temporibus de- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 145 
 
 Had then the fate of the Romans that influ- 
 ence in their preservation which the gods did 
 not possess ? 
 
 Augustin gives us a view of the notions 
 which were entertained in his time concerning 
 the influence of fate, and that consequent 
 knowledge of events which might be obtained 
 from the practice of astrology. It was stren- 
 uously maintained by some, that the stars had 
 a certain virtue of their own,* and that they 
 portended what they pleased through their po- 
 sition, a position exclusive of the will of the 
 gods, or at least superior to it. This had been 
 noticed by Cicero as a doctrine which had many 
 followers in his age ; and a decisive influence 
 over the birth and fortunes of individuals was 
 superstitiously attributed to the zodiac, f It is 
 evident, that the tendency of such an opinion 
 was to destroy the belief, or the worship, of the 
 
 trahunt -, et mala, quae ilia civitas pertulit, Christo imputant j 
 bona vero quae in eos ut viverent, propter Christi honorem facta 
 sunt, non imputant CHRISTO nostro, sedfato suo. ib. lib. 1. c. 1. 
 * Aliqui intelligunt vim positionis siderum, qualis est 
 quando quis nascitur, sive concipitur, quod aliqui alienant a 
 Dei voluntate. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 1 . 
 
 f Vim quandam esse aiunt signifero in orbe, qui Grco 
 c dicitur. De Divinat. lib. ii. c. 42. 
 L 
 
146 PAGANISM AND 
 
 gods altogether :* for all rational supplication 
 is directed to an object of supposed power ; but 
 if the gods had only a subordinate and permit- 
 ted direction of events, their altars must soon 
 be deserted for those of their superiors. This 
 inconvenient consequence was perceived by 
 another class of persons, who therefore at- 
 tempted to preserve the credit of the stars and 
 the gods together. Their argument was, that 
 although human events were immediately indi- 
 cated by the position and aspect of the stars, 
 yet the real directors of these appearances 
 were the gods from their remoter situations. t 
 They impressed certain impulses on the face of 
 the heavens ; and these were communicated to 
 mortals through the observation of the stars. 
 In this sense therefore, the stars were only a 
 convenient medium of the will of the gods, the 
 instruments of their sovereign pleasure. But 
 here again it is evident, that, if all human ac- 
 
 * This was also the conclusion of Eusebius, or rather of 
 Origen, from whom he quotes : ki yap jcan/vayfca^at ra7e rivd 
 t, teal ol aWpee iroiufftv, ev ^e irapd TYJV TUTWV Trpoc 
 
 Prsep. Evang. lib. vi. c. 1 1 . 
 f Dicuntur stellae significare potius ista quani facere. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. v. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 147. 
 
 tions are determined by the will of the gods, 
 the gods are chargeable with all the crimes and 
 calamities of mankind ; an opinion, from which 
 Plato shrunk with so much horror, that he pur- 
 posely committed the formation of mortals to 
 the lesser gods, lest his Demiurge should suffer 
 a just reproach from the moral irregularities 
 which might follow.* But indeed the whole 
 language of Roman astrology was equally ad- 
 verse to this interpretation ; and the terms of 
 the Mathematici, as they were called, asserted 
 in the strongest manner, that events were for- 
 tunate or otherwise, and actions were good or 
 evil, by the positive determination of the 
 stars. t Upon this, as well as every other 
 branch of divination practised at Rome, Cicero 
 poured all the force of his ridicule. And in- 
 deed, the absurdity inherent in the art itself, 
 was often found to be highly embarrassing to 
 the professors. One of these perplexities we 
 see in the account of Nigidius, a man deemed 
 of sufficient genius and learning to be named 
 
 * ti'a rrJQ eTreiTa eirf KaKiae l/ca-rw dvcurtoe. Plutarch. De 
 Fato, c. 9. 
 
 f Non quidem ita solent loqui Mathematici, lit dicant, Mars 
 ita positus homicidam signiftcat, sed homicidam facit. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. v. c. 1. 
 
 L2 
 
148 PAGANISM AND 
 
 together with Varro.* He was driven to a 
 strange method of maintaining the credit of his 
 opinions. In order to explain the different 
 fates of twin brothers, he exhibited the notable 
 experiment of the wheel, from which he ob- 
 tained the name of Figulus. As the wheel 
 turned rapidly round, he marked it with ink, 
 at two quick strokes. When the wheel stop- 
 ped, the marks were found at almost the oppo- 
 site parts of the circle. " Thus it is," said he, 
 " with the rotation of the circle of the heavens. 
 This also is so rapid, that children born, as it 
 were, at the same moment, have very different 
 parts of the heavens presented to them ; and 
 thus is their dissimilarity explained !"f 
 
 * A. Gellius, lib. xix. c. 14. Lucan speaks of him; as 
 might be expected, with much reverence. 
 At Figulus, cui cura Deos, secretaque coeli 
 Nosse fuit, quern non stellarum ^Egyptia Memphis 
 uEquaret visu, numerisque moventibus astra. 
 Aut hie errat (ait) nulla cum lege per aevum 
 Mundus, et incerto discurrunt sidera motu 5 
 Aut, si fata movent, orbi, generique paratur 
 
 Humano matura lues Lib. i. v. 639. 
 
 t Sic, inquit, in tanta coeli rapacitate, etiam si alter post 
 alterum, tanta celeritate nascatur, quanta rotam bis ipse per- 
 cussi, in coeli spatio plurimum est. Hinc sunt, inquit, quae- 
 cunque dissimillima perhibentur in moribus, casibusque gemi- 
 norum. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 3. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 149 
 
 The same uncertainty and contradiction is 
 found in all the systems of the Pagans concern- 
 ing fate, providence, and the events of human 
 life. Some appeared to exclude a providence 
 by the establishment of fate ; and others, giving 
 the supreme rank to providence, made fate 
 consequential to it, and dependent upon it. 
 This, the more lofty of the opinions of antiquity, 
 was taught by Plato. According to the view 
 taken of this part of his philosophy by Plutarch, 
 he establishes a triple providence. The first* 
 consists in an union of the intelligence and 
 beneficence of the prime Deity, and the appli- 
 cation of these qualities to the beauty, order, 
 and perfection of every thing divine. The next 
 resides in the secondary gods. These make 
 their progress through the heavens indeed ; but 
 their office is to preserve the order assigned to 
 mortal affairs, and to provide for the safety and 
 continuance of things in their kinds. The last 
 providence is that which is exerted by the De- 
 
 * "E?iv v Trpovoia, rj juev'Avwrarw KOI Ilpwrry, r Trpwra 0f5 
 yorjfftg, eire Kal ftaXrjfftQ ora, evepyeTig a7ravra>v , KO.& i\v Trpwrwc 
 eV'a^a T&V Qeiwv ciairavTOQ api<ra TE KCU KaXXi<ra K/co<r/i;rcu. *H 
 de Atvrepa, cevrt'pwv Se&v T&V KO.T dvpavov 'tovrwy, *ca0' r\v TO. re 
 S'vi/ra yivETCn. 7rayjLtvwj Kal otro. Trpoc ^id^iovrjr /cat ffwr^ptav 
 TWV yev&v. Tpirrj 5* civ ci/con prjdeiri Trpovoia' re KCU Trpo- 
 r&v oaoi 7Tpi -/v\v ^aifj,oveg rera-yfjievot TUIV 
 
 rt Knl (.iriaKOicoi ttffiv. De Fato, c. 9. 
 
150 PAGANISM AND 
 
 mons. To these is committed the inspection 
 of the actions of individuals ; and, for the more 
 convenient discharge of this office, they are 
 placed near to the earth, and around it. Fate 
 therefore is here subjected to the primary pro- 
 vidence, or the result of it. And this conclusion 
 is drawn from the doctrine expressed by Timasus 
 concerning the formation of the world. For, 
 when the Demiurge had extracted the present 
 order of things from the confusion in which 
 they lay, he taught to the souls which were 
 next provided, and placed in the stars, the 
 nature of all things, and the law which they 
 were to follow. And in these settled injunc- 
 tions consists the declaration of fate. But it 
 would be unprofitable, and indeed endless, to 
 pursue the opinions of the most enlightened of 
 the Heathens concerning a supreme will and 
 the consequent nature of human events. Some 
 maintained, that those things only were possible, 
 which were certainly to take place hereafter, 
 while others asserted the possibility, though 
 the things should never happen. Some, as we 
 have seen, could not understand the condition 
 of man without calling in the controul of fate ; 
 while others contended, that what might be 
 satisfactorily explained through the laws of 
 nature and the accidents of fortune, ought to 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 151 
 
 exclude the interference of fate. Some affirmed 
 all past events to have been necessary, and 
 thence concluded, that future events connected 
 with those must be necessary also. Other 
 philosophers denied both positions.* There is 
 only one more of these notions which shall be 
 noticed, on account of the part which the 
 Christian writers took in the refutation of it. 
 It was the system of those, who, abandoning 
 the agency of the stars, asserted a physical fate 
 in an eternal series and concatenation of causes 
 and effects. f This, however, they still referred 
 to the will of the gods ; and thus was produced 
 a necessity in mortal affairs through a divine 
 predestination, notwithstanding the distinctions 
 invented by Chrysippus,^: in order to rescue 
 his doctrine from that reproach. 
 
 * These and many other notions of the same kind, are to 
 be found in the fragment of Cicero De Fato. This with the 
 two books of Divination, and the Treatise of the Nature of the 
 Gods, will give a good view of the opinions of the antients on 
 the subjects in question. 
 
 f Qui non astrorum constitutionem, sed omnium connexio- 
 nem seriemque causarum qua fit omne quod fit, Fati nomine 
 appellant. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 8. 
 
 J Chrysippus autem, cum et necessitatem improbaret, et 
 nihil vellet sine prsepositis causis evenire, causarum genera dis- 
 tinguit, ut et necessitatem effugiat, et retineat fatum. Cic, de 
 
152 PAGANISM AND 
 
 This opinion had been encountered by Cicero; 
 and in one part of his argument against the 
 Stoics he is supported by Augustin. Cicero 
 maintained the freedom of human will ; and it 
 was in defence of this favourite position, that 
 he denied the power of foretelling future events, 
 the point which his brother Quintus was so 
 anxious to prove.* Augustin concurs with him 
 in the assertion of the free will of man, but 
 corrects his imperfect notions of the prescience 
 of God.t Cicero seems to have feared that 
 future events could not be foreseen, except 
 through the supposition of a fate. While there- 
 fore he reprobated the doctrine of a fate, and, 
 at the same time, the knowledge of futurity, he 
 destroyed the perfections of the Deity. But 
 Augustin informs him, that God, by his nature, 
 necessarily knows whatever will be done, yet 
 that man is subject to no fate. The Divine 
 prescience has no influence on human actions ; 
 and man himself, not knowing future events, 
 labours to produce them with the full freedom 
 
 Fato. This distinction was between proximate and principal, 
 efficient and antecedent causes, &c. 
 
 * Cic. De Divinat. 
 
 f This important point is carefully discussed in the 9th and 
 10th Chapters of the 5th Book of Civ. Dei. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 153 
 
 of his will. Nor is this freedom violated be- 
 cause the order of things is foreseen. Our wills 
 are themselves a part of that order ; and though 
 the actions flow from them, and are their fore- 
 seen effects, they are, as to man, substantially 
 and properly free.* 
 
 This appeal then to the assistance of fate, 
 whether separate from Providence, or in con- 
 currence with it, is proved to be of no avail to 
 the cause of Paganism; and the question is 
 brought round to the point from which it 
 began ; namely, the protection afforded to the 
 empire by the gods of Rome. That these were 
 unable to support the state, was first proved ; 
 and when, for the sake of an escape, recourse 
 was had to the supposition of a fate, this has 
 also appeared to be nugatory. Cicero deter- 
 mined against the Stoics, the nullity of fate ; 
 and while he refuted others, he was himself 
 corrected by Augustin, who, having maintained 
 with him the freedom of human actions, esta- 
 
 * Non est autern consequens, ut si Deo certus est omnium 
 ordo causarum, ideo nihil sit in nostrae voluntatis arbitrio. Et, 
 ipsae quippe nostrae voluntates in causarum ordine sunt, qui 
 certus est Deo, ejusque praescientia continetur : quoniam et 
 humanae voluntates humanorum operum causae sunt. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. v. c. 9. 
 
154 PAGANISM AND 
 
 blished against him the compatibility of the 
 Divine prescience with our moral liberty.* The 
 result is, therefore, that those Pagans who were 
 preserved at the capture of Rome, had no more 
 obligation to their fate, than the empire at large 
 owed to its gods. What the rest of the inha- 
 bitants suffered at the hands of Alaric, was the 
 usual treatment of war, or the proper punish- 
 ment of their sins. Still there were a few cir- 
 cumstances connected with the fall of the city, 
 from which the vindictive disposition of Hea- 
 
 * This is the subject of one of Boethius's conversations ; 
 and the result is similar j Haec igitur etiam praecognita liberos 
 habent eventus. De Consolat. Philos. lib. v. Pros. 4. The 
 same conclusion had been drawn by Origen : TO rriv trpvyvdiaiv 
 rS 0ew ^117 eivat KaravayKa^iKi^v TWV irpoeyvwfffJLivtov Travrwe. 
 The question is treated at length in the 6th Book of Eusebius's 
 Preparation. See particularly c. 6 and 1 1 . Milton endeavours 
 to give the highest authority to this doctrine, by ascribing it 
 to the Almighty, concerning the fallen angels. 
 
 they themselves decreed 
 
 Their own revolt, not 1 j if I foreknew, 
 Foreknowledge had no influence on their fault, 
 Which had no less prov'd certain, unforeknown. 
 So without least impulse or shadow of fate, 
 Or aught by me immutably foreseen, 
 They trespass, authors to themselves in all, 
 Both what they judge and what they choose. 
 
 Book iii. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 155 
 
 thenism drew a malignant satisfaction ; and they 
 shall here be noticed, chiefly for the sake of 
 pointing out the sentiments of the early writers 
 of the Church, on one of the most important 
 articles of our religion. 
 
 There were two classes of persons who rea- 
 soned in this hostile manner. Some, as was 
 lately observed, had been saved from instant 
 death by the influence of the name of Christ. 
 Hence was drawn an argument of singular per- 
 verseness, that to preserve an enemy was un- 
 worthy of the Deity ; and that, in an indulgence 
 granted in common to the believers of Christ, 
 and the haters of his name, a want was betrayed 
 either of sagacity to perceive a just distinction, 
 or of power to enforce it!* To these blasphe- 
 mers it was answered, that they wholly mis- 
 took the moral government of God upon earth, 
 and that they ought to view it in analogy with 
 his natural Providence. " He maketh the sun 
 to shine upon the evil and the good ; and send- 
 eth rain on the just and on the unjust."! Of 
 the civil blessings, therefore, which are poured, 
 in so liberal a manner, from the opened hand of 
 
 * Cur ergo ista divina misericordia etiahi ad impios ingra- 
 tosque pt-rvenit? Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8. 
 f St. Matt. v. 45. 
 
156 PAGANISM AND 
 
 God, a portion falls on the evil and undeserving. 
 But this goodness is not the effect of weakness 
 or imprudence in the great Author of it. His 
 object is, to soften the hearts of those who share 
 his bounty, and to bring them to repentance.* 
 And it is pleasing to observe, that, while so 
 many Pagans hardened themselves against the 
 experience of Divine mercy, and became more 
 obnoxious to punishment in another world, 
 some of them were effectually touched with re- 
 morse by their unexpected deliverance. They 
 repented of their past sins, forsook the worship 
 of their idols, were converted to the faith, and 
 openly justified the preservation which had 
 been extended to their persons.f 
 
 The other class dwelt on an accusation of a 
 different kind, which led, without their inten- 
 tion, to the most satisfactory defence of the 
 Gospel. The idolater, unable to vindicate his 
 own deities, whose helplessness was proved by 
 so many convincing instances, thought that 
 
 * The same thought is applied by the apostle to the Divine 
 purpose, in the revelation of his will. " Despisest thou the 
 riches of his goodness, not knowing that the goodness of God 
 leadeth thee to repentance?" Rom. ii. 4. 
 
 f Quidam eorum ista cogitantes, pcenitendo ab impietate se 
 corrigunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 8. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 157 
 
 their honour might yet be preserved, if he 
 could implicate the God of the Christians in 
 the same failure of protection. It was retorted 
 therefore, with much appearance of triumph, 
 that during the siege, and in the assault of the 
 city, the Christian inhabitants had suffered to- 
 gether with the worshippers of the false gods. 
 They had been wasted with the common famine, 
 and many were slain in the contest, or had fallen 
 into the hands of the Barbarians.* To these 
 objectors, it was replied with equal force of 
 truth, that the sufferings of the Christian are 
 to him no cause of despondency, no proof either 
 of the weakness or malevolence of the Deity 
 whom he serves. The Providence of God has 
 placed him in this world as a candidate for 
 greater happiness in another and eternal state : 
 and knowing that this high reward is reserved 
 for him, he does not expect a present exemp- 
 tion from the evils of life; he patiently waits 
 for that final judgment which shall separate the 
 servants of God, from those that obey him not;f 
 
 * Multos,, inquiunt, etiam Christianos fames diuturna vasta- 
 vit, multi etiam interfecti sunt, multi etiam captivi ducti 
 sunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 1114. 
 
 f This had also been the argument of Tertullian against 
 those, who, in his time, objected to the Christians, that their 
 
158 PAGANISM AND 
 
 and meanwhile makes his very trials conducive 
 to his future happiness. They correct his er- 
 rors, sober his passions, purify his heart, and 
 tend to preserve him in the fear and favour of 
 God. While, therefore, he joyfully acknow- 
 ledges blessings, which excite his best gratitude 
 to Heaven, and surpass all the impure enjoy- 
 ments of wicked men ; while he is thankful for 
 the supports and consolations of his daily life, 
 for the testimony of his conscience, and the 
 animating certainty of his Christian hopes, he 
 also confesses, that the very disasters which are 
 allowed to befall him, however misinterpreted 
 by the profane observer, are equally designed 
 for his benefit. His welfare is promoted by 
 the experience of evil, as well as of good ; and 
 his superior fortitude arises from his faith. To 
 the insulting question, therefore, " Where is 
 thy God?"* he triumphantly replies " My 
 
 God made no visible distinction between them and the Pagans, 
 in the common events of life; qui enim semel aeternum judi- 
 cium destinavit, post saeculi finem, non praecipitat discretionem, 
 quae est conditio judicii, ante saeculi finem. Apol. c. 41. 
 
 * Illi probation! ejus insultant, eique dicunt, cum forte in 
 aliqua temporalia mala devenerit, Ubi est Deus tuus? Deus 
 meus ubique praesens est, ubique totus, nusquam inclusus, qui 
 possit adesse secretus, abesse non motus. Ille cum me adver- 
 sis rebus exagitat, aut merita examinat, aut peccata castigat, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 159 
 
 God, different in all his attributes from the 
 false and impotent gods of the Heathen, is to 
 be found wherever his worshippers are. If I 
 am carried into captivity, his consolations shall 
 yet reach me; if I lose the possessions of this 
 life, my precious faith shall still supply their 
 want ; and if I die, not as the suffering Heathen 
 dies, by his own impatient and impious hand, 
 but, in obedience to the will of God,* my great 
 reward begins ; I shall enter upon a life which 
 will never more be taken from me ; and thence- 
 forth all tears shall be wiped from my eyes." 
 Such is the superiority of the Christian under 
 the worst of present evils. The Pagan wor- 
 ships his gods for the sake of temporal good. 
 When, therefore, he falls into calamity, he 
 misses the great object of his prayers^ And 
 hence comes his complaint of the want of Pro- 
 vidence, and his profligate attempt to confound 
 
 mercedemque mihi aeternam pro toleratis pie malis temporali- 
 bus servat. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 29. See also c. 10. 
 
 * This was a triumphant argument with the primitive 
 writers. Some of the greatest and wisest of the Pagans had 
 fled to suicide, as a remedy of evil allowed and dictated by 
 philosophy itself, and were followed with profligate or unthink- 
 ing admiration. The Christian bore all sufferings through the 
 support of faith; and the inviolable rule was, that life should 
 never be quitted till God called for it in his due time. 
 
160 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the cause of the Almighty with the worship of 
 his own helpless idols. 
 
 And here occurs the circumstance, to which 
 particular allusion was just now made. In the 
 tumult and distress which followed the capture 
 of the city, not only were many Christians 
 slain, but the usual respect could not be paid 
 to the dead ; and the bodies of the faithful had 
 wanted burial.* The Pagans had long observed 
 the religious attention with which the mortal 
 remains of believers were interred. From the 
 recent privation of these pious ceremonies, 
 therefore, they drew an argument of additional 
 insult, and inferred, that the God of the Chris- 
 tians was indifferent to the protection of his 
 followers, in death as well as in life. 
 
 The piety of Christian antiquity has conveyed 
 to us the motives from which proceeded a reli- 
 gious attention to the dead bodies of believers. 
 While living, these had been the temples of the 
 Holy Spirit; and through his guidance, they 
 were impelled to the performance of works ac- 
 ceptable to God. In this sense was interpreted 
 the expostulation of St. Paul to the Corinthians, 
 
 * At enim in tantd strage cadaverum, nee sepeliri potuerunt. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 12. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 161 
 
 " Know ye not, that your body is the temple 
 of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye 
 have of God, and ye are not your own?"* 
 Those members, therefore, which had been 
 employed as the instruments of the Divine will 
 upon earth, were, though mortal in their na- 
 ture, to be treated with signal respect, on ac- 
 count of the reverence due to that sacred Guest 
 which had deigned to inhabit, and direct them 
 to the purposes of salvation. | Yet consolation 
 was not wanting to believers, though the desired 
 burial could not be procurech And this resulted 
 from the sure and certain hope of the resurrec- 
 tion of the body to eternal life.J They might, 
 and they did, successfully argue with the Pa- 
 
 * 1 Cor. vi. 19. 
 
 f Nee ideo contemnenda et abjicienda sunt corpora defunc- 
 torum, maximeque justorum atque fideliiim, quibus tanquam 
 organis et vasis ad omnia bona opera Sanctus usus est Spiritus. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13. Augustin interprets the words of the 
 Saviour concerning the woman who anointed him, as involving 
 a recommendation of this case. " Why trouble ye the woman ? 
 For she hath wrought a good work upon ms! for in that she 
 hath poured this ointment on my body, she did it for my 
 burial." Matt. 26. 10. 
 
 \ Ad Dei providentiam, cui placent talia pietatis officia, 
 corpora mortuorum pertinere significant, propter fidem resur- 
 rectionis adstruendam. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13. 
 
 M 
 
162 PAGANISM AND 
 
 gans on inferior principles; and, in a manner 
 which is characteristic of the writings of those 
 ages, they adapted their reasonings to the mo- 
 tives which they knew to be more familiar to 
 the men of nature, than the sublime discoveries 
 of the Gospel. 
 
 Much praise had been bestowed on the sen- 
 timent of Lucan, that the soldiers of Pompey 
 who lay neglected in the plain of Pharsalia, 
 and whose ashes wanted an urn, had the nobler 
 vault of Heaven for a covering.* Lucan had 
 been preceded in this imagery by the magnifi- 
 cent eulogium, which Xenophon bestowed, with 
 so much art, upon the military life of the Per- 
 sians, whose house was the earth and the sky, 
 and whose places of repose were the ground 
 which nature abundantly supplied.! This was 
 the admired reasoning of a patriotic philosophy ; 
 
 * Libera Fortunae mors est : capit omnia tellus 
 Quse genuitj Ccelo tegitur qui non habet urnam. 
 
 Lib. vii. 
 
 \- Gobrias being asked by Cyrus, whether the Persians or 
 his own people had most beds, tents, houses, &c. ? is made to 
 convey a skilful compliment to the former: vplv, rfj TOV Af, 
 ev o!<T OTI Kctl ^pufjuLara TrXetw e<sl KOI K\ivai, Kal oiKia ye TTO\I) 
 fjLti^v rj vfieTepa rrjg f>7' ' 1 7 oiKig. ntv xprjade yy re Kal 
 ovpaj'w, K\ivat & vpiv elmv oiroaai ykvoivr av evval em yrjq. 
 Cyrop. lib. v. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 and armies were taught to look forward wi 
 magnanimity to fatigues and dangers during 
 life, and to the abandonment of their bodies 
 after death, through the force of motives merely 
 political.* How superior is the privilege of the 
 Christian! Though his mortal part should re- 
 main unburied, though it should become the 
 prey of beasts, or though its particles should be 
 scattered through all the elements; yet he re- 
 tains his sure and certain hope of the resurrec- 
 tion through Jesus Christ. He knows that God 
 is faithful, who hath promised to restore him at 
 the last day ; and from the bosom of the earth, 
 from the distant regions of the air, and the most 
 secret recesses of all nature, shall his Almighty 
 power once more collect the parts so long dis- 
 severed. The man shall, in a moment of time, 
 be formed anew, and substantially stand before 
 
 * Sepulturse curam etiam eorum philosophi contempserunt : 
 et saepe universi exercitus, dum pro terrena patria morerentur, 
 ubi postea jacerent, vel quibus bestiis esca fierent, noil curave- 
 runt. Licuitque de hdc re poetis plausibiliter dicere, " Ccelo 
 tegitur qui non habet urnam." Quanto minus debent de cor- 
 poribus insepultis insultare Christianis, quibus et ipsius carnis 
 et membrorum omnium reformatio non solum ex terra, verum 
 etiam ex aliorum elementorum secretissimo sinu, quo dilapsa 
 cadavera recesserunt, in temporis puncto reddenda, et redinte- 
 granda promittitur? Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 12. 
 
 M2 
 
164 PAGANISM AND 
 
 his Maker, to receive the eternal reward of his 
 faith and obedience. 
 
 It will be of importance to remark in this 
 place, that the same fundamental doctrine which 
 was thus supported by Augustin, had been 
 asserted against the objections of unbelievers, 
 from the first age of Christianity. In the ar- 
 gument of Tatian against the Greeks, who re- 
 garded the belief of the resurrection as no 
 more than the fond dream of a mistaken piety, 
 he compares the -restoration of the body for 
 future judgment, with the wonderful production 
 of the race of mankind out of their original 
 nothing, and argues that the power of God is 
 equally capable of both operations. You may 
 burn this body; and, by depriving it of the 
 burial which we desire, attempt to scatter its 
 particles beyond the reach of Divine Provi- 
 dence. But you cannot send them beyond the 
 limits of the world itself; and the world belongs 
 to God, and all that it contains, Although, 
 therefore, I should be consumed with fire, or 
 wasted with floods, or torn in pieces by the 
 wild beasts which you may let loose against 
 me, my remains are still laid up in the REPOSI- 
 TORY OF GOD. They cannot escape his sight, 
 though they should lie hid from every human 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 16S 
 
 eye ; and in his own appointed time he will re- 
 store them to that connexion and unity, which 
 you impiously labour to dissolve.* 
 
 Athenagoras, in his treatise of the Resurrec- 
 tion, united with the authority of Scripture, 
 such philosophy as his age could furnish, in 
 order to prove that the body would be restored 
 to the soul, and that both would exist together 
 in a state of future rewards and punishments. 
 And he drew his reasoning alternately from the 
 constitution of man, from ibe evident purpose 
 
 O.V TO 
 
 TTO.V 
 
 K$V virb Styplw SiaffTraffdat, TAMEIOI2 
 Ketpai TrXucriu leairoTti' KOI 6 HEV TTTIO^OQ Koi aQeoQ ic ot$e TCI 
 cnroKeiiieva. 0eoc ^ o /3a<rtXfwwVj ore /3Xercu, Ttjv oparr}^ 
 avrw p.6vo) viro-aaiv aTro/cara^r/o-ei Trpoc ro ap^ato^. Contr. 
 Graec. c. 9, 10. This, among many other instances, will 
 serve to suggest the sense in which we are to understand 
 the burning of the early Christians by their Pagan persecutors. 
 Death was inflicted in a manner, which conveyed a defiance of 
 the doctrine of the resurrection of the body. One of the most 
 striking examples of this anti-Christian enmity is seen in the 
 account which Eusebius gives of the martyrdom of Polycarp. 
 The fire not readily consuming him, he was stabbed at the 
 stake. His friends now earnestly begged the body; but the 
 Centurion, instigated also by the Jews, resolved to burn it. 
 Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 15. Compare St. Paul's supposition, 1 
 Cor. xiii. 3. 
 
166 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of his existence in this life, and from the power 
 and the will of God. This too was the doc- 
 trine of Minucius Felix and Tertullian. The 
 former makes Csecilius caution his opponent 
 against the vulgar notion, that things not capa- 
 ble of being seen by man, do not appear to the 
 eye of God; for whatever is dispersed, passes 
 into the elements, and these are all subject to 
 the Divine inspection and controul.* The lat- 
 ter, in several parts of his Apology, argues with 
 the Gentiles on the ground of their philosophy, 
 and upbraids them with a ready reception of 
 every improbability taught by their own so- 
 phists, and an obstinate disbelief of the great 
 and salutary truths of the Scriptures, j" He well 
 knew the perverse spirit of Paganism. The 
 time had been, when he indulged against Chris- 
 
 * Tu perire et Deo credis, si quid oculis nostris hebetibus 
 subtrabitur? Corpus omne, sive arescit in pulverem, sive in 
 humorem solvitur, vel in cinerem comprimitur, vel in ardorem 
 tenuatur, subducitur nobis; sed Deo, elementorum custodi, re- 
 servatur. Dial. p. 326. 
 
 f Si cjuis philosophus affirmet, ut ait Laberius de sententia 
 Pythagorae, hominem fieri ex mulo nonne consessum movebit, 
 et fidem infiget, etiam ab animalibtis abstinendi? At enim 
 Cbristiamis, si de homine hominem,, ipsumque de Caio Caium 
 reducere promittat, lapidibus magis, nee saltern c-aestibus a po- 
 pulo exigetur. C. 48. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 167 
 
 f ianity the same profaneness which marked the 
 Heathen with whom he lived ; and he peniten- 
 tially confesses, that the doctrine of the Resur- 
 rection was one of the objects of his scorn.* 
 But his heart was gradually subdued by the 
 influence of the religion which he hated. He 
 was converted to the faith, and maintained, 
 with a zeal which might atone for his former 
 infidelity, that God, who raised the world out 
 of nothing, is equally able to restore any part 
 of his creation which he has suffered to perish ; 
 that he will call from the earth, the sea, and 
 every part of nature, the bodies of all who have 
 existed from the beginning of the world, and 
 render to every man according to his works, 
 whether they have been good or evil. It is 
 pleasing to see the passions of men unsuspect- 
 ingly compelled to advance the will of God. 
 The malice of the Pagans thought only of grati- 
 fying itself in the wounds which it inflicted on 
 the feelings of those Christians who survived 
 the capture of Rome; and this led Augustin, 
 in conformity with the doctrine of the earlier 
 
 * These instances are curious, and throw light on the treat- 
 ment of St. Paul at Athens : " When they heard of the resur- 
 rection of the dead, some mocked." Acts xvii. 32. 
 
168 PAGANISM AND 
 
 fathers, to a solemn and circumstantial declara- 
 tion of the firm belief of the Church in the re- 
 surrection of the body! The objections, there- 
 fore, which were drawn from the sufferings of 
 the Christians, as an excuse for the declared 
 impotence of the Heathen deities, were not 
 only unavailing to the Pagan cause, but tended 
 to the more triumphant vindication of the Gos- 
 pel. The gods were left in their former dis- 
 credit; and nothing could be more evidently 
 proved, than that the Romans owed neither 
 their personal welfare, nor the establishment 
 of their empire to such protectors. The claim 
 then of temporal benefits arising from the wor- 
 ship of idols, is at end. They did not confer on 
 their votaries the benefits of the " life that now 
 is;" and the first part of our argument is ac- 
 complished. Indeed, nothing is more frequently 
 and pointedly asserted by the early vindicators 
 of the Gospel, than that the Romans had ob- 
 tained their empire before they were possessed 
 of their gods. In the time of Numa, says Ter- 
 tullian,* their religion was simple, without a 
 
 * Frugi relligio, et puuperes ritus,, et rwlla capitolia certan- 
 tia coeloj sed teraeraria de cespite altaria, et vasa adhuc Samia, 
 et nidor ex illis, et Deus ipse misquam. Nondum enim tune 
 ingenia Graecorum atque Tuscovurn fingendis simulachris urbem 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 169 
 
 pompous worship or a lofty capitol. The altars 
 were occasional, and of turf, the vessels of Sa- 
 mian clay, and the Grecian and Tuscan artists 
 had not yet overwhelmed the city with the 
 images of the gods. And it is allowed that 
 this simplicity continued till the conquest of 
 Asia. The dominion of the Romans, therefore, 
 was not the effect, but the cause of their super- 
 stitions ; and the new gods of other countries 
 followed in the train of victory.f That nothing 
 might be wanting to the success of their argu- 
 ment, the Christian writers farther reminded 
 their adversaries, that long prosperity and ex- 
 tended dominion had been granted to nations 
 which had never respected or acknowledged 
 the gods of Rome. The Assyrian empire, of 
 which the Romans had heard and written so 
 
 inundaverant. Ergo non ante relligiosi Romani quam magni ; 
 ideoque non ob hoc magni, quia relligiosi. Apol. c. 25. 
 
 f Undique hospites Deos quaerunt, et suos faciunt: sic 
 dam universarimi gentium sacra suscipiunt, etiam regna merue- 
 runt. Min. Felix, Dial. p. 53. If the assertion of a Christian 
 writer is not allowed, the confession of the Pagans themselves 
 must be conclusive. 
 
 Nos in templa tuam Romana accepimus Isin : 
 Semideosque canes, et sistra jubentia luctus, 
 Et quern tu plangens hominem testaris Osirin. 
 
 Lucan. lib. viii. 
 
170 PAGANISM AND 
 
 much, was established without any aid from the 
 Trojan or Italian mythology.* The Persians 
 were celebrated for conquest, amid the profes- 
 sion of an idolatry not only different from that 
 of Rome, but hostile to it.-)* The Jews too, 
 who alone possessed the knowledge of the one 
 true God, were, through his signal protection, 
 blessed with great temporal prosperity ; and 
 this they forfeited through a criminal attach- 
 ment to polytheism,^ on which the Romans 
 credulously relied, as the only means of empire ! 
 
 * Constat regnum Assyriorum h Nino rege longe lateque 
 porrectum. Si nullo Deorum adjutorio magnum hoc regnum 
 et prolixum fuit, quare Diis Romanis tribuitur Romanum im- 
 perium? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 7. 
 
 f Si proprios Deos habuerunt Assyrii, quasi peritiores fabros 
 imperii construendi atque servandi, nunquidnam mortui sunt, 
 quando et ipsi imperium perdiderunt? Aut mercede non sibi 
 reddita (a passing blow at Laomedon and bis hireling gods) 
 vel alia promissd majore, ad Medos transire maluerunt, atque 
 inde rursus ad Persas, Cyro invitante, et aliquid commodius 
 pollicente? ib. 
 
 J Si non in eum peccassent impia curiositate, tanquam ma- 
 gicis artibus seducti ad alienos Deos et idola defluendo, et 
 postremo Christum occidendo, in eodum regno inansissent. 
 Et nunc quod per omnes fere terras gentesque dispersi sunt, 
 illius unius veri Dei providentia est ; ut quod Deorum falsorum 
 usquequaque simulachra, arae, luci, templa evertuntur, et sacri- 
 ficia prohibentur, de codicibus eorum probetur. ib. c. 34. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 171 
 
 They are now dispersed over the earth; and 
 one of the reasons of their dispersion was, that, 
 while they were driven from the territory which 
 God, in his kindness, had conferred on them, 
 they might be compelled to witness the pro- 
 phesied destruction of their sinful idolatry, and 
 the increasing honours of the name of Christ, 
 whom they had impiously crucified. 
 
 By whom then was empire conferred on the 
 Romans? and to whom are to be attributed 
 the evils which attended its progress? 
 
 The first of these questions is briefly an- 
 swered by Tertullian; the second by Augustin. 
 " He is the dispenser of kingdoms, to whom 
 belongs the world which is governed, and man 
 himself who governs it. The changes of secu- 
 lar dominion which arise at different periods of 
 time, are ordained by Him who was before all 
 time : and the rise and fall of states must be re- 
 ferred to Him alone, who existed before human 
 society began."* Yet not to Him are we to 
 ascribe the abuse of power, and the unprin- 
 
 * Videte igitur ne ille regna dispenset, cujus est et orbis qui 
 regnatur, et homo ipse qui regnat; ne ille vices dorainationurn 
 ipsis temporibus in saeculo ordinaverit, qui ante omne tempus 
 fuit, et saeculum corpus temporum fecit : ne ille civitates ex- 
 tollat aut deprimat, sub quo fuit aliquando sine civitatibus gens 
 hominum. Tert. Apol. c. 26. 
 
172 PAGANISM AND 
 
 cipled enlargement of dominion. " God is the 
 creator of every nature, and the bestower of 
 every power. But the abuse of the divine gifts 
 arises from the depravity of the will of man: 
 and this is contrary to nature, and the will of 
 God."* The means, therefore, which are fur- 
 nished by the Deity, are liable to evil appli- 
 cation, through human perverseness. Hence, 
 while the power of Rome is acknowledged to 
 have been derived from Him, his blessed name 
 is free from the imputation of having autho- 
 rized the extension of its empire, by blood and 
 treachery. 
 
 But the time had been, when the Romans 
 were swayed by better motives : arid here oc- 
 curs a distinguished sentiment of Augustin, 
 with which I shall close this part of the subject. 
 
 * Sicut enim omnium naturarum creator est, ita omnium 
 potestatum dator, non voluntatum. Malae quippe voluntates 
 ab illo non sunt; quoniam contra naturam sunt, quae ab illo 
 est. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 11. This is not a remembrance of 
 Manicheism, but is to be referred to Scripture ; St. James, c. i. 
 13, 14. Augustin adapts the whole of the discussion concern- 
 ing free-will and fate to the purpose of his argument on the 
 temporal prosperity of the empire. Deus itaque summus et 
 verus, cum Verbo suo et Spiritu Sancto, quae tria unum sunt, 
 nullo modo est credendus regna hominum eorumque domina- 
 tiones et servitutes, ^ suse Providentiae legibus alienas esse 
 voluisse. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 173 
 
 In the earlier ages of the state, before the 
 love of unlimited power possessed the Romans, 
 they had felt the spirit of true patriotism, and 
 acted on genuine views of civil liberty. They 
 loved their country, and not themselves; and 
 while their private lives were free from offence 
 against the laws, and governed by the rules of 
 decency and temperance, they magnanimously 
 laboured to promote the public good.* This 
 was the foundation of their greatness and their 
 fame. These were their civil virtues; and Pro- 
 vidence, which is ever benevolent towards the 
 faintest and most imperfect efforts on the side 
 of goodness, bestowed on courage, disinterest- 
 edness, and patriotic principle, the characteris- 
 tic reward of temporal prosperity. 
 
 Let not this animating thought be lost to 
 ourselves. The Roman virtues were of this 
 world; and the consequence annexed to them 
 was a dominion of this world. " Verily, they 
 
 * Isti privatas res suas pro re communi, hoc est, republica, 
 et pro ejus aerario, contempserunt, avaritiae restiterunt, consu- 
 luerunt patriae consilio liberoj neque clelicto secundum suas 
 leges, neque libidini obnoxiij hodieque literis et historia glo- 
 riosi sunt paene in omnibus gentibus. Non est quod de sumnii 
 et veri Dei justitia conquerantur. " Perceperunt mercedem 
 snam." Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 15. 
 
174 PAGANISM AND 
 
 have their reward." We have calls to patriot- 
 ism, which the Pagans never knew: and on an 
 authority superior to all their legislators, we 
 have received those principles which are the 
 foundation of private happiness, and public 
 greatness. The power of Britain does not ter- 
 minate in civil objects; it is connected with a 
 loftier and more sacred purpose. We are the 
 happy inhabitants of a country which exhibits 
 the profession of the purest Christianity, in 
 conjunction with the soundest of civil govern- 
 ments. Our patriotism, therefore, is exalted 
 by our faith ; and we may reasonably hope, 
 that the Divine blessing will descend, in a lar- 
 ger degree, and in a more distinguished man- 
 ner, on that public spirit which is sanctioned 
 by true religion, and which, through the main- 
 tenance of empire, promotes the will of Heaven. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 175 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PRETENSION OF PAGANISM TO THE PROMISE OF THE "LIFE 
 TO COME". . . DISPROVED THROUGH THE INSIGNIFICANCE 
 OF THE HEATHEN GODS .. .INQUIRY INTO THE NATURE 
 OF JUPITER . . . SOUL OF THE WORLD . . . ANALYSIS OF THE 
 THEOLOGY OF VARRO . . . REMARKS. 
 
 IT has been fully proved, that to bestow tem- 
 poral prosperity was beyond the power of the 
 Pagan deities, and that the boasted greatness 
 of the Roman empire was derived from causes, 
 on which they had no influence. It remains to 
 be seen, whether the same gods, who were 
 worshipped in vain for the sake of inferior 
 blessings, had in reserve for their votaries, the 
 choicest privileges of Heaven ; whether they, 
 who could not direct the events of this world, 
 were the dispensers of happiness in a future 
 state ; whether the soul of man were the object 
 of their care, though his bodily protection might 
 be beneath their dignity, or beyond their ca- 
 pacity. 
 
 Augustin, in an early view of his subject, 
 seems to have apprehended, that this would be 
 
176 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the loftiest and most laborious part of his task.* 
 But, notwithstanding the extraordinary reputa- 
 tion of one branch of the philosophy, against 
 which he thought it necessary to rouse the 
 higher powers of his mind ; notwithstanding 
 the near approaches which it was once sup- 
 posed to make towards some of the more im- 
 portant truths of scripture, we shall be con- 
 vinced, by an easier inquiry than was suggested 
 by the fears of Augustin, that the claims of 
 human wisdom are as fallacious as they are ar- 
 rogant, and that Christian " godliness" alone 
 "hath the promise of the life which is to 
 
 come." 
 
 The refutation of these higher pretensions of 
 the Pagan philosophy began with an exposure 
 of the common opinion concerning the various 
 employments of the gods. The divisions of 
 their power were supposed to be as numerous 
 as the appearances of nature, or the events of 
 human life. From his earliest moments, man 
 was destined to pass through the successive 
 protection of a multitude of deities, each of 
 
 * Quse, nisi fallor, quaestio multo erit operosior, et subli- 
 miori disputatione dignior, lit et contra philosophos in ea dis- 
 seratur, non quoslibet, sed et qui apud illos exeellentissinici 
 gloria clari sunt, et nobiscwn multa sentiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. i. 
 c. 3C. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 177 
 
 them exercising an exclusive and jealous au- 
 thority, in his limited department. Nay, this 
 separate influence over him was supposed to 
 exist even before the birth of the infant. Lu- 
 cina was the proper deity to be invoked in his 
 favour.* Diespiter must show him the light ; 
 and Opis alone has the privilege of receiving 
 him at his first entrance into the world. He 
 cannot cry till Vaticanus compassionately opens 
 his mouth for the expression of his wants. 
 Levana raises him in her arms from the ground, 
 on which he is duly placed in acknowledgment 
 of the original rights of Tellus. Educa supplies 
 him with meat, Potina with drink. It is the 
 express employment of Rumina to watch over 
 the salubrity of his milk, and Cunina attends 
 him in the agitation of his cradle. His fate, the 
 fixed portion of his life, is sung, at the begin- 
 ning of his days, by the Carmentes ;f and For- 
 
 * Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. The instances stated in the 
 text, are a small part of those which this chapter would have 
 afforded. But it is sufficient for the present purpose to -name a 
 few deities of each class. 
 
 t If Ovid is right, only one of these two sisters lookecMnto 
 futurity. 
 
 Altera, quod porro fuerat, cecinisse putatur ; 
 Altera, versurum postmodoquicquid erat. 
 
 Fast. lib. i. 635. 
 X 
 
178 PAGANISM AND 
 
 tune is permitted to sport with all those events 
 which are not determined by their superior au- 
 thority. 
 
 Nor is it the misfortune of the smaller deities 
 alone to be thus circumscribed in office and au- 
 thority. The great and select gods are them- 
 selves subjected to similar disgrace. Apollo 
 was to be exclusively consulted for the know- 
 ledge of future events. Mercury was the pro- 
 per genius of gain. From Janus* was the mere 
 initiation of human affairs ; for it was the pri- 
 vilege of Terminus, that in him alone was their 
 conclusion. 
 
 The heaven, the earth and the sea, were also 
 
 * This god was of much importance to the Pagans ; for the 
 prayers addressed to the other deities were to pass through the 
 gate kept by him ; and therefore he was to be propitiated in the 
 first instance. This is the answer which Ovid makes him give, 
 when questioned about the custom by the worshipper : 
 Ut possis aditum per me, qui limina servo, 
 Ad quoscunque velim prorsus, habere Deos. 
 
 Fast. lib. i. 170. 
 
 We find the same persuasion concerning him in the time of 
 Arnobius. Quern in cunctis anteponitis precibus, et viam 
 vobis pandere Deorum ad audientiam creditis. Lib. iii. Au- 
 gustin takes no small satisfaction in arguing, that this prime 
 god was inferior to the little TERMINUS, upon the principle, 
 that a thing ended is better than a thing begun. Unhappy 
 Janus t 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 179 
 
 parcelled out into separate governments. Some- 
 times, indeed, the same deity was called to pre- 
 side over different things, with a new official 
 name. But it happened, on the other hand, 
 that all the parts, even of the same element, 
 were not subject to the same deity. While 
 the remoter sky acknowledged its Jupiter, the 
 region of the air below it was possessed by 
 Juno. Two goddesses shared with Neptune 
 the management of the sea. Its depths and 
 recesses were the province of Salacia, while the 
 waves which continually came to the shore, 
 were conducted by Venilia. Proserpine right- 
 fully took from Pluto the inferior portion of the 
 earth ; and though the blaze of the smith be- 
 longed to Vulcan, the domestic flame was 
 reserved for the more gentle administration of 
 Vesta!* 
 
 Hence arose the first question urged by the 
 Christian advocates against the lofty pretensions 
 of their antagonists. From gods like these, 
 what transcendant blessings can be reasonably 
 expected by their votaries ? How shall beings, 
 whose utmost effort it is to direct some unim- 
 
 * Ignem mundi leviorem, qui pertinet ad usus hominum 
 faciles, non violentiorem, qualis Vulcani est, ei deputandam esse 
 crediderunt. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 16. 
 
180 PAGANISM AND 
 
 portant business upon earth, be themselves 
 possessed of immortality ? How shall they, 
 whose widest government is but a limited de- 
 partment of the world, be able to bestow the 
 immeasurable rewards, the infinite happiness 
 of the "life to come?"* 
 
 These minute distinctions, however, were dis- 
 allowed or disregarded by the graver and more 
 philosophical Pagans. It was their profession, 
 that the different employments assigned to the 
 deities, whether the inventions of the poets, or 
 the superstitions of the vulgar, had always been 
 understood by the wise in another and an higher 
 sense. The numerous deities fancied by the 
 people were but portions of the universal Ju- 
 piter. He was the original god, and contained 
 in himself the whole catalogue of celestial 
 beings, which were, in truth, no other than his 
 virtues, and properties, wrongly attributed to a 
 multiplicity of supposed persons, and expressed 
 by different names. But if we inquire of what 
 nature was the Jupiter, thus sagaciously disco- 
 vered, and loftily proclaimed ; the same persons 
 .who had so easily disposed of the other deities 
 
 * Quis ferat dici atque contend!,, Deos illos, quibus rerum 
 exigiiarum singulis singula distribuuntur officia, vitam seternam 
 cuiquam praestare ? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 181 
 
 in his favour, are compelled to confess, that he 
 was the SOUL OF THE WORLD. 
 
 This opinion seems to have arisen either from 
 a partial adoption of the doctrine of Timgeus 
 the Locrian, or from a persuasion that notwith- 
 standing better appearances, his doctrine was 
 finally reducible to it. According to the terms 
 of his system, the world was an animal, endued 
 not only with life, but with intelligence.* It 
 was immortal and indestructible, except by 
 him who first set it in order ; it was happy, 
 and in a certain sense a deity. f The seat of 
 its soul was the centre. From thence it was 
 extended to the outer parts, and pervaded and 
 protected the whole by its informing and vivi- 
 fying qualities.^ The leading principles of this 
 treatise were adopted and expanded by Plato 
 in his dialogue distinguished by the name of 
 Timeeus. But the later cosmoloists seem to 
 
 * Ae7 \lyetv, rovcf. TOV Koffpov u;oj> jip^v^ov evvovvre. Plat. 
 Tim. p. 1048. 
 
 t Troj> irroiei Qebv yevvarov, OVTTOKCI ^daprjcrofjiEvoy VTT' 
 ctXXw atria, efo rw CLVTOV avrTeraypeva) 0ew, e'tTTOKa <5r/Xero 
 O.VTOV CiaXveiv. AiayutVEi cipa, roioacf. &v, afydapTOg KCU avut- 
 \edpoc Kal juarapioc. Tim. Locr. Opusc. Mythol. Gale, p. 546. 
 
 | Tav de TV Koff/jM ^v^hv /ue*ro0ev c^a^ac eiroyay** 1 t^uj, 
 ib. p. 548. 
 
182 PAGANISM AXD 
 
 have been perfectly satisfied with the divinity 
 bestowed on the world, whose properties were 
 deemed so high and absolute, that the demiurge, 
 from whom they w r ere said to come, was either 
 excluded as an unnecessary being, or was in- 
 corporated with the world as its animating 
 principle. It is the persuasion of some of the 
 minor Greek mythologists, that the world is 
 governed, like the body of man, by a soul ; and 
 this is called Jupiter : that the name is derived 
 from the cause of life, or its preservation ; and 
 that in this sense Jupiter is said to reign over 
 the universe.* 
 
 Thus too he is the father of gods and men ; 
 that is, the nature of the world is the cause of 
 their hypostasis, as parents are the authors of 
 being to their children.! In the same age, 
 perhaps, with Phurnutus, Virgil had become 
 
 "fi<T7T p C ?/jUtC <*7TO '^ V X^^ ClOlK&jJizda, OVTO) KOI 6 
 
 avve-xuffut' avrov' ital avTrj JcaXelrat Zevg' 
 eta TO ffw&tra Kai atria ovcra ro7c &ffi r* yv, Cia TUTO (3a.ffi\tvEiv 
 o Zii> \eyt-ai r&v 6'Xwr, r/ a>c ur KCI iv ijfuv ?/ '^v-^j /cat j; (pvffiQ 
 rin&v /Sao-iXfwtti/ pi/0/q. Phuraut. de Nat. Deorum, c. 2. 
 Opusc. Mythol. Gale. 
 
 f 'O ZevQ 7rar//p Xtytrat VEWV KCU av0pa7rwv eivat cia rfjv T& 
 
 curiav yeyoi'lvut r/7grru>v i/TTOTao'twc^ wg ol 
 ra rit:va. ib. c. 9. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 183 
 
 the patron of the same doctrine, and identified 
 Jupiter with the soul of the world : 
 
 Deum nanique ire per oranes 
 
 Terrasque tractusque maris, coelumque profundum. 
 
 Georg. iv. 221. 
 
 Indeed, that the gravest authority may not be 
 wanting to this doctrine, he makes Anchises 
 deliver it to ^Eneas in the shades, where the 
 secrets of the mundane system are understood 
 without a chance of error. 
 
 Principle coelum ac terras, camposque liquentes, 
 Lucentemque globum lunae, Titaniaque astra 
 Spiritus intus alit, totarnque infusa per artus 
 Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet. 
 
 JEn. 6. 
 
 This then is the opinion which we find to have 
 been so prevalent among many of the great and 
 the learned Pagans in the time of Augustin.* 
 By these the existence of a deity, governing all 
 things by his supreme power, was disallowed ; 
 and Jupiter, as was lately remarked, was swal- 
 lowed up in the soul of the world. 
 
 * Haec omnia quae dixi, et quaecunque non dixi, (non enim 
 omnia dicenda arbitratus sum 5 ) hi omnes Dii Deaeque sit unus 
 Jupiter; sive sint, ut quidam volunt, oinnia ista partes ejus, 
 sive virtutes ejus, sicut eis videtur, quibus eum placet esse mundi 
 animum, quas sententia relut magnorum raultorumque doc- 
 torum est. Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. 
 
184 PAGANISM AXD 
 
 But, though maintained with much apparent 
 authority, this philosophy was attended with 
 still greater absurdity than the superstition, or 
 the levity, which it affected to correct. For if 
 the minor deities were independent of one 
 another, and often at variance (a case commonly 
 supposed), and if they were no more than parts 
 of the same Jupiter ; Jupiter, in his nature and 
 properties, must be at variance with himself. 
 Again, if every thing was traced to Jupiter, he 
 was to be worshipped in every thing ; and it 
 was a received doctrine, that a failure in the 
 services due to him, was a just cause of his dis- 
 pleasure. But by the same philosophers, the 
 constellations were said to be parts of Jupiter, 
 and to be endued with life and rational souls; 
 yet it is certain, that at Rome few altars were 
 erected to them.* Jupiter, therefore, obtained 
 but a partial attention ; and while he was 
 pleased that some of his qualities were duly 
 honoured, he must have resented the neglect 
 which was shown to the rest. Nor was this 
 system less impious, than it was absurd. For 
 
 * Qiuis (aras) tamen paucissimis siderum statuendas esseputa- 
 verunt, et singillatim sacrificandum. Si igitur irascuntur qui 
 non singiliatira coluntur, 11011 metuunt, paucis placatis, toto coelo 
 irak> vivcrc : Civ. Pel, lib. iv. c. 1J. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 185 
 
 if Jupiter is the soul of the world, the world 
 itself is pronounced by the same authority to be 
 his visible body. Every object, therefore, which 
 we see and touch, is a part of him, and he is 
 perpetually subject to the controul and disposal 
 of man. Some, indeed, were aware of this 
 mortifying consequence, and endeavoured to 
 obviate it. They, therefore, excluded beasts, 
 and the inanimate parts of nature from any 
 participation in him, and confined this privilege 
 to rational creatures. But little or nothing 
 was gained by this precaution ; for if Jupiter is 
 mankind, he is still exposed to many sorts of 
 injury and indignity. He suffers whatever 
 man suffers ; he is affected by pain, disgrace, 
 and labour ; he dies in men ; and, as Augustin 
 condescends to remark, is whipt in boys!* 
 Notwithstanding these attempts therefore to 
 
 * Quid infelicius credi potest, quam Jovis partem vapulare, 
 cum puer vapulat ? Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 11. No writer, with 
 whom I am acquainted,, talks with so much horror of his early 
 sufferings, as Augustin. Horace could smile at the calamities 
 inflicted upon him by the too vehement hand of Orbilius. 
 Augustin never remembers his treatment but with sighs and 
 tears. In one place he intimates, that if it were proposed to 
 him to begin life again, he would refuse the offer and chiefly 
 on account of the early miseries of learning ! 
 
186 PAGANISM AND 
 
 compound all the deities into Jupiter, and to 
 establish a god sufficiently dignified to provide 
 for the eternal welfare of mankind, the system 
 of the philosophers is compelled, by the force 
 of superior absurdity, to return to the opinion 
 of the vulgar, to the divided agency of "gods 
 many, and lords many;"* and this is the light 
 in which the principle of idolatry was constantly 
 and truly viewed by the inspired writers, and 
 the advocates of the early Christian church. 
 
 This conclusion is strengthened by another 
 circumstance, curious in itself, as well as im- 
 portant to the subject. It is remarkable, that 
 some of those, whose philosophy was most de- 
 cidedly pledged to the maintenance of the sole 
 prerogative of Jupiter, yet joined in upholding 
 a civil polytheism, however contrary to their 
 favourite doctrine, and were very careful in 
 ascertaining the provinces, and separating the 
 respective employments commonly attributed 
 to the other deities ! 
 
 * Whitby, in conjunction with most of the commentators, 
 properly maintains,, that this passage, 1 Cor. viii. 5. refers to 
 the gods, or idols of the Heathen. Le Clerc had fancied, that 
 by "gods in heaven," are meant God and the angels ; and by 
 " gods in the earth," magistrates, who are also called " the 
 lords of the world !" 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 187 
 
 It was the declared opinion of Varro, that 
 Jupiter was the soul of the world.* Nay, so 
 exalted was his notion of Jupiter, understood in 
 this sense, that, by an error common to other 
 Heathen writers, he supposed that deity to be 
 the real object of worship to the Jews, who 
 adored him without an image, but under ano- 
 ther name ! | Yet Varro, thus adverse to the 
 popular claims in favour of any deity beneath 
 Jupiter, employs his extraordinary learning 
 and acuteness in describing the duties of his 
 fellow-citizens to the entire establishment of 
 Roman gods ! He professes to take this care, 
 upon a patriotic principle, more serviceable 
 than that which influenced the conduct of Me- 
 
 * Varro apertissime dicit, Deum se arbitrari esse animarn 
 mundi, et Imnc ipsum mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. 
 c. 9. 
 
 f Hunc Varro credit etiam ab his coli, qui uimm Deum 
 solum sine simulacro colunt, sed alio nomine nuncupari. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. iv. c. 9. In the same spirit, Tacitus interprets the 
 institution of the Sabbath into a respect for Saturn. Hist. 
 lib. v. c. 4. He finds also the Roman gods in the religious 
 worship of the Germans. The Gauls furnished a similar inter- 
 pretation to Caesar, lib. vi. And in the Isis and Osiris of 
 Plutarch, the names of persons and things belonging to the 
 Jewish history are incorporated into the Egyptian fables : iiffl 
 Karafirj\ot ra *Ia*ita vrapeXfcovrec elc rov [.ivdov. c. 31. 
 
188 PAGANISM AND 
 
 tellus and JEneas. The former rescued the 
 sacred utensils of Vesta from her flaming* tem- 
 ple ; the latter piously preserved the Penates 
 from the conflagration of Troy. But Varro 
 undertakes the protection of the deities from 
 the injurious effects of time rather than from 
 the incursions of an enemy ; nor will he allow 
 the rites of deities so long respected and sanc- 
 tioned by the state, to fall into neglect and ob- 
 livion.* He therefore interposes in favour of 
 those whom he knows at the same time to be 
 without authority or existence, and prescribes, 
 with a laboriousness and anxiety which would 
 appear to be the result of a settled conviction, 
 the religious services to which each divinity is 
 entitled from the gratitude of Rome ! He rea- 
 sons on his design, as if the effects of it were, 
 in the highest degree, important and beneficial. 
 It is not sufficient, that we allow the general 
 power of the gods. We must know the de- 
 partments over which they respectively preside. 
 
 * In eo ipso opere dixit se timere ne pereant (Dii), non in- 
 curst! hostili, sed civium negligentia, de qua illos velut ruina 
 liberari a se elicit, et in memorid bonorum per hujusmodi libros 
 recondi atque servari iitiliore curd quam Metellus de incendio 
 sacra Vestalia, et Jineas de Trojano excidio penates liberasse 
 praedicatur. Civ. Dei., lib. vi. c. 2. 
 
CIIRTSTIAXTTY COMPARED. 189 
 
 jEsculapius therefore is to be remembered in 
 his particular character as the god of Medicine ; 
 otherwise we shall be ignorant of the proper 
 objects for which we are to petition him. And 
 so of the rest ; for, the want of this specific in- 
 formation will expose us to a thousand absurdi- 
 ties in our prayers ; and we shall be in danger 
 of doing that, with religious seriousness, which 
 we see practised for the sake of pastime, by the 
 mimi on the stage ; we shall ask water from 
 Bacchus, and wine from the Lymphse ! * 
 
 Varro therefore, after the open expression of 
 a philosophical opinion hostile to the common 
 superstition, is again the patron of a system 
 which he had wished to explode ; and he la- 
 bours to re-establish the same division of power 
 and office among the gods, which yet he had 
 confidently resolved into Jupiter alone ! But it 
 has already appeared, that deities thus nume- 
 rous and weak were wholly incompetent to 
 satisfy the expectation of their votaries. Their 
 own controul was narrow and unimportant ; 
 and they could not confer on others the bless- 
 
 * Ex eo enim poterimus, inquit, scire quern, cujusque rei 
 causa, Deum advocare atque invocare debeamus j ne faciamus 
 ut mimi solent, et optenms a Libero aquam, a Lymphis vinum. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 22. 
 
190 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ings of eternity which were beyond the limits 
 of their jurisdiction, or exceeded the powers of 
 their nature. 
 
 Such then is the dilemma with which the 
 patrons of idolatry were harassed by the 
 Christian writers. If the gods are supposed 
 to exist, the meanness of their nature, the in- 
 significance of their employments, and the mu- 
 tual checks resulting from an authority thus 
 various and divided, sufficiently show how in- 
 capable they are of bestowing the great re- 
 wards of the life to come. On the other hand, 
 if all the gods are resolved into Jupiter, and if 
 Jupiter himself is resolved into the soul of the 
 world, the deity becomes a mere physical prin- 
 ciple. There is no longer a Providence ; and 
 consequently, the expectation of a future retri- 
 bution is at an end. 
 
 A nearer and more particular view of the 
 system of Varro will inform us, what was the 
 real nature of the Roman theology. Besides 
 the classical amusement which it may produce, 
 and its illustration of the principles of those 
 books with which you are daily conversant, it 
 will convince us all, that the efforts of natural 
 wisdom were totally incompetent to the disco- 
 very of religious truth ; that the Pagan worship 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 191 
 
 was a mixture of ignorance, superstition, and 
 duplicity ; that it was unworthy of the deity, 
 and therefore falsely aspired to the privilege 
 which was claimed for it, of bestowing eternal 
 happiness. 
 
 The " Antiquities" of Varro are unfortunately 
 lost. However, from the notices of this work 
 which remain in other writers,* we are to infer 
 that it was one of the choicest monuments of 
 genius and patriotism, of which antient Rome 
 had to boast. For the principal knowledge 
 which we have of this Pagan treatise, we are 
 indebted to Christianity; and from the minute 
 statement of its plan by Augustin alone we are 
 enabled to collect both its object and its cha- 
 racter. 
 
 The whole work consisted of forty-one books, 
 which were divided into two unequal parts/)* 
 The first of these treated " Of things human;" 
 the second, " Of things divine." On the 
 former argument were employed twenty-four 
 
 * In tbe edition of Varro which I use Durdrechti 1619, the 
 fragments are copious. They might yet be increased. 
 
 f Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 3. The sentences of Augustin are 
 frequently long and involved j and, in order to give perspicuity 
 and briskness to his statement, it is necessary to take it to 
 pieces, and set it up again in a more convenient form. 
 
192 PAGANISM AND 
 
 books, to which was also prefixed an introduc- 
 tory book, explanatory of the general nature of 
 that division of the subject. But it is with the 
 second part that we are principally concerned. 
 To this also was prefixed, in one book, a dis- 
 course concerning the subject that remained to 
 be treated. In the distribution of the subject 
 itself, the same order was observed, which had 
 been established in the former portion of the 
 work ; and from persons, who were first con- 
 sidered, the discussion proceeded to places, 
 times, and things. In this fourfold division 
 therefore were described the officiators in the 
 solemnities of the gods ; the temples, or spots, 
 in which any religious rites were performed ; the 
 festival-days set apart for divine celebrations, 
 and the sacred rites themselves, whether of a 
 public or a private nature ; and to each divi- 
 sion were allotted three books.* But the de- 
 scription of a pompous and circumstantial 
 worship, without a statement of the objects for 
 the sake of which it was instituted, would have 
 been of little value. We know too, from the 
 confession of Varro, that what the Romans 
 most desired, was, some information concerning 
 
 * In the former part, each division contained six hooks. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 193 
 
 the gods themselves.* In order therefore to 
 gratify this curiosity, he added a fifth division, 
 containing also three books. In the first, were 
 enumerated the known gods ; in the second, 
 the unknown ; or, as the term seems to be ex- 
 plained in another place, those gods, concerning 
 whose authority, or whose proper manner of 
 worship, doubts were entertained. | In the last, 
 were described the principal and select deities. 
 
 * Quia oportebat dicere, et maxinue id expectabatur, quibus 
 exhibeant, de ipsis quoque Diis tres conscripsit extremes. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. vi. c. 3. 
 
 f These uncertain gods of Varro necessarily remind us of 
 " the unknown God" of the Athenians. The power of the Pagan 
 deities was split into departments ; and sometimes an event 
 occurred which could not be attributed with certainty to any 
 department. In such cases, they made their acknowledgments 
 at large to the god or goddess within whose presidency it might 
 be. See note to p. 62. Augustin justly triumphs over Varro' s 
 indifference even towards the known gods : Cum in hoc 
 libello (the second book of his fifth division) dubias de Diis 
 opiniones posuero, reprehendi non debeo. Qui enim putabit 
 judicari oportere et posse, cum audierit, faciet ipse. Ego 
 citius perduci possum, ut in primo libro quae dixi, in dubitati- 
 onem revocem, quam in hoc quae praescribam, oninia ut ad 
 aliquam dirigam summam. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 17. The true 
 theological principle is, not to surrender what we know, be- 
 cause some things remain unknown. Varro reverses this ; and 
 is ready to doubt even his known gods, rather than speak, with 
 any positiveness, about the unknown. 
 
 O 
 
194 PAGANISM AND 
 
 And hence were formed sixteen books, on the 
 gods, and the worship due to them by the 
 Romans. 
 
 The theology thus taught by Varro is divided 
 into three branches, the mythic, or fabulous ; 
 the civil ; and the natural. The first he confines 
 to the poets, and pronounces it to be best 
 adapted to the entertainments of the theatre. 
 In this part of Pagan theology too, he is com- 
 pelled to confess, as others did, that there were 
 many things unworthy of the gods, and deserv- 
 ing the severest reprehension : and it is observ- 
 able, that in the explanations of their system, 
 the Heathen mythologists refused to allow the 
 validity of any arguments brought against them 
 from this branch of their superstition. One 
 deity is supposed to spring from the head of 
 Jupiter, and another from his thigh. Some of 
 the celestials are celebrated as accomplished 
 thieves in their own persons, and the patrons 
 of thieving in others. Some are represented 
 as descending from their dignity for some base 
 or immoral purpose, or engaged in the menial 
 service of their very worshippers ;* and most 
 
 * In eo (it is Varro who speaks of the fabulous theology) 
 sunt multa contra dignitatem et naturam immortalium ficta. 
 In hoc enim est, ut Deus alius ex capite, alius ex femore sit j 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 195 
 
 of them have their acts of lewdness and pro- 
 fligacy recorded in all the wanton ornament of 
 verse. It was attempted indeed, by some 
 writers, who were either zealous for the honour 
 of the gods, or anxious to discover a philosophy 
 hidden under the veil of licentiousness, to inter- 
 pret these descriptions in a manner that should 
 be less offensive to decency and common sense.* 
 Accordingly, Varro himself, in aid of his repro- 
 bation of such histories, solves that of Saturn 
 into the philosophy of the earth. Saturn swal- 
 lowed his own children; but the meaning of 
 the fable is, that the earth receives again into 
 its bosom those seeds which it had previously 
 
 in hoc, ut Dii furati sint, ut adulteraverint, ut servierint homini. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5. 
 
 * After the successful propagation of Christianity, these 
 stones were allegorized by the later Platonics through another 
 motive. Their literal meaning would prove the Heathen gods 
 to have been the worst of men ; and this was one of the strong 
 arguments of the early writers of the Church against the prac- 
 tice of idolatry. Porphyry therefore and Proems, in their 
 interpretations of the secret meaning of Homer, drew a code 
 of morals from the wanderings of Ulysses, and a system of 
 rational theology from his tales of the gods. Plotinus bestowed 
 the same decent industry on the worship of Venus, and made 
 her outward rites to signify much hidden sanctity ; priscorum 
 de Venere fabulas fere onmes ad res sanctas et morales ingeniosfe 
 trahit. Mosheim, Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 141. 
 
 o2 
 
196 PAGANISM AND 
 
 produced.* Yet, notwithstanding his occa- 
 sional attempts to cover the deformity of this 
 part of the Heathen theology, he is content to 
 abandon it to the scorn which it so justly 
 deserved, and from which he was conscious 
 that it could not be rescued by any contrivance. 
 Accordingly, the poets were left to indulge 
 their imaginations as they pleased ; and no vin- 
 dication of the Pagan superstition was seriously 
 thought of by Varro within their licentious de- 
 partment.f 
 
 The ostensible support which he gave was 
 to the second, the civil branch. This, as he 
 acknowledges, had for its object the benefit of 
 the state; and indeed it is obvious, not only 
 from the subject itself, but from the manner in 
 which he treated it, that his patronage of this 
 description of religious ceremonies sprung from 
 no settled belief in their efficacy towards the 
 future happiness of the soul, but was the effect 
 of political motives only. He saw that the 
 people could not be controlled without some- 
 
 * Opinatur Varro, quod pertineat Saturnus ad semina, quae 
 in terram, de qua oriuntur, iterum recidunt. Itemque alii alio 
 modo et similiter caetera. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 8. 
 
 t Loquebatur de fabulosa (theologia) quam libere a se pu- 
 tavit esse culpandam. ib. c. 5. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 197 
 
 thing which should look like religion, and 
 promise occupation or amusement tb their rest- 
 less minds. Varro therefore joined with other 
 writers of the gravest authority, in securing the 
 public tranquillity through the maintenance of 
 those superstitions which he inwardly despised. 
 Polybius drops a sentiment of this nature 
 amidst the high praises which - he bestows on 
 the religious habits of the Romans ; and Varro 
 confesses, that, if he had been called to legis- 
 late for Rome in its infant state, he would have 
 thought it prudent not to institute the very 
 ceremonies which he openly defends; but he 
 was born in a late age of the republic, and 
 pleaded his justification in the force of the 
 custom which he followed !* 
 
 What then was the nature of the civil theo- 
 logy thus recommended ? It consisted in the 
 knowledge of the deities to be worshipped, of 
 the ceremonies appropriated to them by the 
 
 * Nonne ita confitetur, non se ilia judicio suo sequi, quse 
 civitatem Romanam instituisse commemoratj ut si earn civita- 
 teni novam constituent, ex naturae potius formula Deos nomi- 
 naque Deorum se fuisse dedicaturum, non dubitet confiteri? 
 Civ. Dei, lib. iv. c. 31. This is repeated, lib. vi. c. 4 : ex na- 
 turae formula se scripturum fuisse, si novam ipse conderet civi- 
 tatem : quia vero jam veterem invenerat, non se potuisse nisi 
 ejus consuetudinem sequi. 
 
198 PAGANISM AND 
 
 authority of the state, and of the sacrifices to 
 be offered by the people.* Every citizen there- 
 fore was interested in this intelligence, upon 
 the principle already explained; but to the 
 priests it was of particular importance, for on 
 them rested the public administration of the 
 ceremonies. But who were the gods, to whom 
 these services were appointed by the state? 
 For the most part, they were the same with 
 those already reprobated by Varro. It was the 
 opprobrium of the civil theology, that, whatever 
 distinctions were attempted in its favour, it 
 constantly relapsed into the fabulous.')' The 
 cause of the state was, in fact, the cause of the 
 poets; and if at any time it exhibited rites 
 more particularly its own, they were, if possible, 
 still baser and more licentious than the per- 
 formances which the stage produced for the 
 common amusement of the people. This will 
 appear from a short reference: 1st, to the 
 statues of the gods. 2d, to the scenic games 
 appointed to their honour. And 3d, to some 
 
 * In quo est, quos Deos publice colere, quae sacra et sacri- 
 ficia facere quernque par sit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5. 
 
 t Nee alii Dii ridentur in theatris, quam qui adorantur in 
 templis; nee aliis ludos exhibetis, quam quibus victimas immo- 
 latis. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 199 
 
 of the ceremonies expressly ordered by the 
 senate, and deemed, in a peculiar manner, 
 religious. 
 
 1. The statues, sanctioned by the approba- 
 tion of the pontifices, were in exact agreement 
 with the descriptions of the poets in shape, age, 
 sex, dress, and other circumstances.* The state 
 Jupiter had a beard; and the state Mercury 
 had none. In the same spirit of conformity, 
 adoration was paid to an aged Saturn, and to 
 a youthful Apollo. And so of the rest. Nay, 
 the very nurse of Jupiter had its statue in the 
 Capitol. This was a boldness which equalled 
 all the indiscretion of the poets. Indeed it 
 justified the doctrine of Euhemerus, which had 
 notwithstanding given so much offence to the 
 piety of Rome. It practically allowed what 
 had been so scandalously related by that histo- 
 rian, who affirmed the mortality of all the gods, 
 and gave an account of their births and burials !t 
 
 * Revocatur igitur ad theologiam civilem theologia fabulosa; 
 et haec tota quae merito culpanda et respuenda judicatur, pars 
 hujus est quae colenda atque observanda censetur. Quid enim 
 aliud ostendunt ilia simulachra, forraae, states, sexus, habitus 
 Deorum? Nunquid barbatum Jovem, imberbem Mercurium 
 poetae babent, pontifices non babent? Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7. 
 
 f Quid de ipso Jove senserunt, qui ejus nutvicem in Capitolio 
 
200 PAGANISM AND 
 
 2. Livy tells us, for what purpose scenic 
 games were first appointed at Rome :* and it 
 is too notorious to be dwelt upon, that the most 
 popular stage productions of the poets were 
 frequently performed, by order of the state, 
 either for the sake of averting misfortunes, 
 or of doing honour to some particular deities. 
 Arnobius informs us what subjects were sup- 
 posed to be most acceptable to them. We 
 might be inclined to pardon Hercules, who felt 
 a complacency from the performance of the 
 Trachinise of Sophocles ; or the play, honoured 
 with his own name, by Euripides. But unfor- 
 tunately for the credit of civil theology, Jupiter 
 took a particular satisfaction in the repetition 
 of his own adulterous exploits in the Amphitryo 
 of Plautus ; and if the impure dance of Europa, 
 or Leda, of Ganymede, or Danae, were added, 
 he was effectually soothed, and his worshippers 
 had nothing more to fear from his indignation.! 
 
 posuerunt? Nonne attestati sunt Euemero, qui omnes tales 
 Deos, non fabulosa garrulitate sed historica diligentia, homines 
 fuisse mortalesque conscripsit ? ib. 
 
 * Lib. vii. c. 2. 
 
 f Ponit animos Jupiter, si Amphitryo fuerit actus pronunci- 
 atusque Plautinus ? Aut si Europa, si Leda, Ganymedes fuerit 
 saltatus, aut Danae, iiiotum compescit irarum ? Arnob. lib. 7, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 201 
 
 It needs not to be added, what similar sub- 
 jects were preferred by the other deities whose 
 worship was prescribed by the state. We see 
 enough to convince us, that the civil theology 
 is thus far the same with the fabulous, and 
 therefore liable to the same reprobation. 
 
 3. What were the rites which civil theology 
 might claim, in a more peculiar manner, for its 
 own, may be seen in the practices of the Capi- 
 tol and the services solemnly prescribed for 
 the gods. 
 
 Seneca, in a treatise which is lost, described 
 the superstitious and degrading practices, which 
 prevailed under the sanction of the pontifices.* 
 In comparison of these, he is inclined to ex- 
 cuse the madness of the Egyptians themselves. 
 Osiris was, indeed, periodically lost; lost by 
 
 * In eo libro quern contra superstitiones condidit, multo 
 copiosius atque vehementius reprehendit ipse civilem istam et 
 urbanam theologiam, quam Varro theatricam atque fabulosam. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 10. The whole chapter is very curious. 
 It is important too, as it proves the degrading nature of idolatry. 
 The practices of the Capitol would not elevate the character of 
 the savages of New Zealand. This treatise of Seneca is also 
 alluded to by Tertullian, who draws some advantage to his ar- 
 gument from it: Infrendite, inspumate, iidem estis qui Sene- 
 cam aliquem pluribus ct amarioribus de vestnl superstitione 
 perorantem probatis. Apol. c. 12. 
 
202 PAGANISM AND 
 
 those who never possessed him, and joyfully 
 found again by those who never lost him. This 
 was an annual folly. But look at the daily 
 ones of the Capitol. One officer attends to tell 
 Jupiter what o'clock it is; another is his lictor; 
 and another, by the movement of his arms, 
 seems as if he meant to be his anointer.* Juno 
 also has her female attendants. Some stand at a 
 reverential distance from her statue, and skil- 
 fully twist their fingers, as if they were curling 
 her hair, and had to perform the part of her 
 dressing women. The same attention is shewn 
 to Minerva; and some hold looking-glasses for 
 both. But the gods are waited upon for civil 
 business also. Some come to submit their 
 law-suits to them, offer the pleadings to their 
 inspection, and instruct them in the merits of 
 their cases. Others beg them to become their 
 sureties. Meanwhile, a decrepit old mime, 
 
 * Alius horas Jovi nunciat, alius lictor est, alius unctor, qui 
 vano motu brachiorum imitatur ungentem. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. 
 c. 10. This is preceded by the mention of another office. 
 Alius numina Deo subjicit. Was the superiority of the Capi- 
 toline Jupiter proclaimed aloud at stated times, that the other 
 deities might observe a due distance in their pretensions ? 
 Homer sometimes makes Jupiter assert his rights, as if they 
 were in some danger of being forgotten or contested : 
 
 ^ f,7rti& t Offov itp,t Sewv Kaprvzog airavruv. II, lib. 8. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 203 
 
 now useless for the stage, acts every day before 
 the statues, with such small strength as he 
 has ; as if what had been long since discarded 
 by men, were good enough to be offered to the 
 gods.* 
 
 However, this absurd dedication of useless 
 services is innocent in comparison of what re- 
 mains ; for some women, who fancy themselves 
 the favourites of Jupiter, come to sit near him 
 in the Capitol, notwithstanding the presence of 
 Juno, and her known irritation at these intru- 
 sions upon her prerogative. But vanity over- 
 comes their fear, and they are already to en- 
 counter every danger for the sake of their dear 
 Jupiter ! | 
 
 If to these enormities we add the profligate 
 deifications ordered by the senate, and the im- 
 morality essentially connected with the most 
 solemn of the Roman ceremonies, the character 
 of the civil theology will be concluded, and the 
 cause of the poets amply avenged. 
 
 * Doctus archiraimus senex jam decrepitus, quotidie in 
 Capitolio mimum agebat, quasi Dii libenter spectarent, quern 
 homines desierant. ib. 
 
 f Sedent quaedam in Capitolio, quae se a Jove amari putant, 
 nee Junonis quidem, si credere poetis velis, iracundissimae, re- 
 spectu terrentur. ib. 
 
204 PAGANISM AND 
 
 It is impossible to allude, without shame, to 
 the foul histories of Larentina and Flora, to 
 whom, notwithstanding, divine honours were 
 paid by order of the state.* Augustin justly 
 observes, that if the scandal belonging to these 
 impure deities had been the mere effect of 
 poetic licentiousness, the defenders of Paganism 
 would gladly have availed themselves of so con- 
 venient a refuge ; and enormities, more than 
 usually outrageous, would have been charged 
 to the account, already too great, of the fabu- 
 lous theology.f 
 
 But a similar viciousness belonged to their 
 gravest services. In the sacred rites of Juno, 
 as they were practised in her own Samos, she 
 was supposed to be given in marriage to Jupi- 
 
 * Lactantius gives a fuller view of what he calls proprias 
 Romanomm religiones, in the 20th and 21st chapters of his 
 first book, Instit. The Romans scrupled indeed to sacrifice 
 children to Saturn, as the Carthaginians did : but every other 
 foreign abomination was welcome to the Capitol. Quod ei 
 Pceni suos filios sacrificaverunt, non recepere Romani. At 
 vero ista magna Deorum mater etiam Romanis templis castra- 
 tos intulit, atque istam saevitiam moremque servavit. Aug. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 26. 
 
 f Haec si poetae fingerent, si mimi agerent, ad fabulosam 
 theologiam dicerentur proculdubio pertinere, et a civilis theo- 
 logiae dignitate separanda judicarentur. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 7. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 205 
 
 i 
 
 ter; and the nuptial ceremonies were circum- 
 stantially represented by the priests. 
 
 The worship of Ceres too, renewed the vio- 
 lence done to Proserpine ; and the god Pluto, 
 her uncle, was pursued with lighted torches, in 
 imitation of the fires once borrowed from ^Etna 
 for her discovery. The lamentations for Ado- 
 nis were a principal part of the profligate rites 
 of Venus ; and, above all, the processions of 
 the Galli, and their impure actions in honour 
 of the mother of the gods, exceeded in baseness 
 and ribaldry whatever the poets had loosely 
 written, or the stage, amidst all its pruriency, 
 had ventured to represent.* In his youth, Au- 
 gustin had witnessed these abominable rites, 
 and partaken in the impious celebrations. j" He 
 
 * Vicit Matris magnse oranes Deos filios, non numinis mag- 
 nitude, sed criminis. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c, 26. 
 
 f Veniebamus nos etiam aliquando adolescentes ad specta- 
 cula ludibriaque sacrilegiorum : spectabamus arreptitios, audie- 
 bamus sympho'niacos, ludis turpissimis, qui Diis Deabusque 
 exhibebantur, oblectabamur. Coelesti virgini, et Berecynthias 
 raatri Deorum omnium, ante ejus lecticam, die solenni lavatio- 
 nis ejus, talia per publicum cantitabantur h nequissimis sceni- 
 cis, qualia non dico matrem Deorum, sed matrem qualiumcun- 
 que senatorum, imo vero qualia nee matrem ipsorum scenicorum 
 deceret audire. Civ. Dei, lib- ii. c. 4. Compare the confession 
 of Arnobius : lib. i. Venerabar, O ccecitas ! nuper simulacra 
 
20G PAGANISM AND 
 
 speaks of them, therefore, with equal knowledge 
 and detestation. Nor indeed is any thing more 
 impressive than the manner in which some of 
 the early Christians refer to the practices of 
 their past idolatry. We see at once the shame 
 and triumph of their minds ; and the confession 
 of their Pagan offences borrows an animation 
 from the consciousness that they have now a 
 nearer knowledge of GOD and their duty, and 
 are raised to the hopes of Heaven through the 
 happy acceptance of a purer faith. 
 
 Such were the superstitions publicly sanc- 
 tioned and allowed by the senate of Rome.* 
 We have seen with what bitterness Seneca 
 inveighed against them, and with what zeal 
 they were recommended by Varro. What then 
 were the motives of a conduct thus different ? 
 
 modd ex fornacibus prompta, in incudibus Deos et ex malleis 
 fabricates 5 with his fine apostrophe to the true GOD : O max- 
 ime, O summe rerum invisibilium Procreator ! O ipse invise, 
 et nullis unquam comprehense naturis ! Dignus, dignus es vere, 
 si modo te dignum mortali dicendum est ore, cui spirans omnis 
 intelligensque natura, et habere et agere nunquam desinat gra- 
 tias ; cui tota conveniat vita genu nixo procumbere,, et continua- 
 tis precibus supplicare. ib. 
 
 * Haec dedecora non poetarum, sed populorum 5 non mimo- 
 rum, sed sacrorum j non theatrorum, sed templorum ; id est, 
 non fabulosae, sed civilis theologise. Civ. Dei, lib. vi, c. 7. 
 
-^ 
 
 CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 The intolerance of Paganism compelled Varro 
 to uphold the civil establishment of its gods. 
 With a slavish patriotism, therefore, he enjoined 
 to others a political reverence for the objects 
 of his own contempt, and gave countenance 
 to a system useful only for the purpose of 
 deceit.* 
 
 Seneca was of a different temperament, but 
 finally swayed by the same fears. His dispo- 
 sition to boldness of words led him to indulge 
 his censure of the worship that prevailed around 
 him. But his practice betrays the servile prin- 
 ciple by which he was actuated ; and he closes 
 his courageous invective with the memorable 
 profession, that the impropriety of these rites 
 ought to be no impediment to the performance 
 of them. The public authority has enjoined 
 them, and therefore they are to be received. 
 They may be unworthy of the gods, but they 
 are acceptable to the state, by whose will they 
 are appointed !f 
 
 * Hie certe ubi potuit, ubi ausus est, ubi impunitum putavit, 
 quanta mendacissimis fabulis naturae Deorum fieret injuria, 
 sine caligine ullius ambiguitatis expressit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. 
 c. 5. 
 
 f* Ait enim 3 Quae omnia sapiens servabit tanquam legibus 
 jussa, non tanquam Diis grata. Augustin justly charges him 
 
208 PAGANISM AND 
 
 We come then to the last species of theology, 
 the natural; the object of which was to inquire 
 concerning the gods, who they were, where they 
 resided, their descent and quality, when they 
 began to exist ; whether they were created or 
 eternal; whether they sprung from the fire of 
 Heraclitus, the numbers of Pythagoras, or the 
 atoms of Epicurus ; and other such questions. 
 
 This, Varro believed to be the only true and 
 dignified part of religion ; but judging it unfit 
 for the use of the people at large, he confined 
 the knowledge of it to the philosophers ; to the 
 private opinions of speculative men, or the dis- 
 putations of the schools.* 
 
 His opinion then, in agreement with that of 
 the principal men of letters at Rome, was, that 
 God was the soul of the world, and that the 
 world itself was a God,f compounded of a soul 
 
 with hypocrisy, and the guilt of deceiving the people, who must 
 have thought his worship of the gods sincere. Civ. Dei, lib. 
 
 vi . c. 10. 
 
 * Varro thus briefly expresses the use and application of 
 each branch of his theology : Mythicon appellant, quo maxime 
 
 utuntur poetae j physicon, quo phiiosophi ; civile, quo populi : 
 nihil in hoc genere culpavit, quod physicon vocavit. Remo- 
 vet tamen hoc genus a foro, id est, ci populis 5 scholis vero et 
 
 p arietibus clausit. Civ. Dei, lib. vi. c. 5. 
 
 f Dicit ergo Varro, adhuc de naturali theologia praeloquensj 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 209 
 
 and a body. But having thus bestowed on the 
 universe an apparent unity of existence and de- 
 sign, he proceeds to divide it into two great 
 portions, the heaven and the earth ; and these 
 again are subdivided : the former, into the 
 aether or superior sky, and the air ; the latter 
 into water, and the ground on which we tread. 
 All these divisions are full of souls, which, how- 
 ever, are distinguished in dignity according to 
 the places which they respectively occupy. In 
 the sky and air, are immortal souls ; in the 
 water and on the earth, are mortal ones. The 
 space between the highest vault of heaven, and 
 the circle of the moon, is possessed by constel- 
 lations and stars. These are not only sethe- 
 real souls, but celestial gods : nor are they 
 merely apprehended to be such by the mind, 
 but are clearly seen by the eyes of men. 
 Again, from the circle of the moon to the region 
 of the clouds and winds, are aerial souls. These, 
 on the other hand, do not appear to the eye, 
 but are understood by the mind, and are known 
 by the name of heroes, lares, and genii. 
 
 Deum se arbitrari esse animam mundi, quern Grseci vocant 
 Koajjiov, et hunc ipsura mundum esse Deum. Civ. Dei^ lib. 
 vii. c. 6. Consult this whole chapter for the particulars stated 
 in the text. 
 
 P 
 
210 PAGANISM AND 
 
 With a deity thus defined, and a mundane 
 system thus explained, Varro endeavours to 
 reconcile the civil worship of images. Its prin- 
 ciple, therefore, was pronounced to be entirely 
 physical. The vulgar knew nothing of it ; and 
 in their supplications to the gods, it is probable 
 that they thought only of the statues immedi- 
 ately before their eyes. But those, to whom 
 the secret reasons of the Pagan worship were 
 familiar, well knew the connection between the 
 outward image and the inward principle. The 
 true doctrine therefore was, that while the eye 
 of the worshipper was fixed on the statue, his 
 mind thought of the soul of the world and its 
 parts ; and in this manner were the gods made 
 present to his understanding.* And this he 
 states to have been the real meaning of the first 
 
 * Eas interpretationes sic Varro commendat, ut dicat antiques 
 simulachra Deorum, et insignia, ornatusque confinxisse ; quae 
 cum oculis animadvertissent hi, qui adissent doctrinse mysteria, 
 possent animam mundi ac partes ejus, id est, Deos veros animo 
 videre. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. c. 5. The Egyptian philosophy, if 
 the far-famed Hermes is to be the expounder of it, brought the 
 gods nearer to the worshipper. When the statue was made, it 
 seems that a god immediately came into it by invitation, and 
 dwelt there ! Augustin gives some extracts from a professed 
 work of Hermes, of which a Latin translation was current in 
 the fifth century. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 23, 24, 26. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 211 
 
 inventors of statues. They knew that the ra- 
 tional soul of man comes nearer than any other 
 thing to the nature of an immortal intelligence, 
 or the soul of the world. But it is not visible. 
 Wishing therefore to communicate a fixed im- 
 pression of it, they deemed it proper to repre- 
 sent the outward figure of man. This compre- 
 hends the soul : and thus, the one part, however 
 different in its nature, becomes a sensible indi- 
 cation of the other. This reasoning extends to 
 the gods. The soul of the world, into which all 
 the deities are to be resolved, is equally invi- 
 sible with the soul of man. But it already 
 appears, that an human statue is the indication 
 of an interior human soul. It also appears that 
 the human soul has the nearest resemblance to 
 the soul of the world, or God. Hence it fol- 
 lows, that the worship of statues, though of 
 human shape, is ultimately intended for the 
 Deity ; and the mind of the votary is carried 
 by these intermediate stages to the proper ob- 
 ject of adoration. He illustrates this reasoning 
 by a supposition. If the nature, or function, 
 of each god is to be indicated by a selection of 
 some outward token, what, for the sake of 
 example, would be required by Bacchus ? A 
 flaggon placed upon his altar. This is the 
 
 p2 
 
212 PAGANISM AND 
 
 symbolic representation of wine ; for the thing 
 containing has a comprehensive meaning, and 
 signifies also the thing contained. 1 * And, on 
 the same, principle, does the establishment of 
 images point out the true theology, by ascend- 
 ing to the soul of the world, through the body 
 and soul of man. 
 
 Lest this inference should be doubted, he 
 proceeds to fortify the grounds on which he had 
 placed it. The worship of images was declared 
 to be reasonable, on account of the similitude 
 of the soul of man to the soul of the world. He 
 points out, therefore, in a particular manner, 
 the correspondence of the human body with 
 the material world, and of the human soul with 
 the soul of the universe. 
 
 There are three degrees of soul which extend 
 through all nature, and which are to be dis- 
 cerned by their respective operations.! In man, 
 
 * Tanquam si vasa ponerentur causa notandorum Deorum, 
 et in Liberi aedem oenophorum sisteretur, quod et significant 
 vinum, per id quod continet, id quod continetur j ita per sirau- 
 lachrum, quod formam habet Immanam, significari animam 
 rationalem, quod eo velut vase natura ista soleat contineri, cujus 
 naturae Deum volunt esse, vel Deos. Haec sunt mysteria doc- 
 trinae, in quae iste vir doctissimus penetraverat, unde in lucem 
 ista proferret. Civ. Dei, ib. vii. c. 5. 
 
 t Varro in eodem libra de Diis selectis, tres esse affirmat 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 213 
 
 the lowest degree of it prevails throughout his 
 body, and has only a vegetative power. This 
 shews itself in the formation and growth of the 
 bones, nails, and hair. The parts of the world, 
 correspondent with these, are trees, stones, and 
 those productions of the earth, which have an 
 insensible growth, and may be said to live, in a 
 mode peculiar to themselves. The second de- 
 gree of the soul of man rises to the formation of 
 sense, and terminates in the powers of seeing, 
 hearing, smelling, tasting, and feeling. To 
 this again answers the aether, in which region 
 of the world Varro supposes its sense to dwell. 
 The third and highest degree of the human 
 soul is its intellectual part. This is denomi- 
 nated the genius of man ; and by the possession 
 of this he is distinguished from all other animals. 
 With this too corresponds the highest degree 
 of the soul of the world, which is called God. 
 Shooting through the aether, it reaches the 
 stars, and stamps them gods. Pervading the 
 earth, it forms the goddess Tellus ; and pene- 
 trating the ocean, it produces the divinity of 
 Neptune !* 
 
 animae gradus in oinni universaque natura. Civ. Dei, lib. vii. 
 
 c. 23 . See the whole chapter for the particulars stated in the text. 
 
 * Tertiam poiTo, quam et animam ejus nuncupat, quae scilicet 
 
214 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Thus fanciful and slender was the proof of 
 the internal principle on which idolatry was said 
 to be founded ; thus remote and unimpressive 
 was the interpretation which the best natural 
 wisdom gave to the establishments of natural 
 religion ! It is needless to dwell upon the im- 
 piety and the self-contradiction which prevail 
 in the system that has just been reviewed. We 
 see, that, for the sake of a favourite principle, 
 the soul of man is finally identified with Jupi- 
 ter, or the soul of the world. Both are there- 
 fore to be worshipped, or neither ; man is God, 
 or Jupiter is man! The same gods too are 
 once more produced by the very philosophy 
 which was employed to disprove their existence. 
 The fabulous theology was first reprobated by 
 Varro himself; and the civil, which was equally 
 reprobated by Seneca, was afterwards proved 
 to be the same with the fabulous. But we now 
 see, that the natural theology, whose real object 
 it was to supersede them both, brings us round 
 to them again ! No more, therefore, shall be 
 said of the particular tenets or pretensions of 
 
 pervenit in astra : earn quoque asserit facere Deos ; et per earn 
 quando in terrain permanat, Beam Tellurem ; quod autem inde 
 permeat in mare, atque oceanuni, Deum esse Neptunum. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. vii. c. 23. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 215 
 
 this theology. But from the subject, thus re- 
 presented, a few general inferences may be 
 instructively drawn. 
 
 1. In its religious institutions, Paganism 
 looked to no object beyond political conveni- 
 ence. On this ground alone, Varro supported 
 the civil theology of his country ; and, in the 
 division of his work, professedly treated of 
 Rome before its gods, the latter having derived 
 all their worship from the will of the former.* 
 Revelation is independent of the establishments 
 of men* Through the Divine blessing indeed, 
 it is eminently applicable to the civil condition 
 of the world ; and those nations are the happiest 
 which admit most of its influence into the 
 direction of their policy. Our own country 
 exhibits a glorious example of true religion 
 allied with the state, and of the benefits result- 
 
 * Varronis igitur confitentis ideo se prius de rebus humanis 
 scripsisse, postea de divinis, quia divinae istae ab hominibus 
 institute sunt, haec ratio est : sic ut prior est, inquit, pictor, 
 quam tabula picta j prior faber, quam aedificium ; ita priores 
 sunt civitates, quam ea quae a civitatibus sunt instituta. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. vi. c. 4. He says indeed, that if he were to write of the 
 entire nature of the gods, he would place the gods first. But we 
 have seen enough of his sentiments to be persuaded, that this was 
 only a convenient shelter from the imputation of disrespect to the 
 gods, or a secret preference of his own natural theology to the civil. 
 
216 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ing to both; the state hallowed by religion, 
 religion defended by the state. But whatever 
 be the views of human governments, whether 
 they admit or refuse a connection with it, the 
 Gospel maintains its own character. The ever- 
 lasting word of God is not altered by any autho- 
 rity of man ; and " Jesus Christ is the same 
 yesterday, to-day, and for ever."* 
 
 2. The only theology, to which Varro gave 
 a genuine approbation, he confined to the phi- 
 losophical part of his countrymen. Hence it 
 is evident, that he had discovered in it nothing 
 which tended to the common benefit of the 
 world, nothing which ultimately affected the 
 soul of man. It might amuse curiosity, but 
 did not lead to happiness. How different the 
 religion of Christ ! " Go ye into all the world, 
 and preach the Gospel to every creature."! The 
 common interest is proved by the necessity of a 
 common knowledge. Every soul is the object 
 of God's gracious call ; and it is the charac- 
 teristic of Christianity, not that it addresses only 
 "the wise man after the flesh ;" not that it is con- 
 fined to the "mighty/'orthe " noble ;"J but that 
 " the poor have the Gospel preached to them." 
 
 * Hebrews, xiii. 8. t St. Mark, xvi. 15. 
 
 J 1 Cor. i. 26, St. Matthew, xi. 5. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 217 
 
 3. From the manner in which Varro treats 
 his subject, it is evident that he regarded the 
 gods with no vulgar eye. He did not worship 
 them, as others did, for the sake of the temporal 
 benefits which they were popularly supposed 
 to confer. Yet it is observable, that neither 
 does he look forward to future blessings from 
 their hands. In his whole discussion, mention 
 is no where made of eternal life !* What may 
 we infer from this ? That those Romans who 
 professed the hope of future happiness from 
 their gods, spoke from no settled conviction, 
 but from the obvious disappointment of present 
 expectations. Varro, the great master of Ro- 
 man theology, had held out no promise to the 
 soul, had made no discovery of eternity ; nor 
 can he be supposed to have entertained a hope, 
 of which he gives " no sign." Here then is 
 the great triumph of the GospeU Its charac- 
 teristic is the promise of the life " which is to 
 come," of eternal happiness through faith in 
 Christ, and obedience to his commands. " I 
 go to prepare a place for you, that where I am, 
 
 * In hac tota serie pulcherrimae ac subtilissiraae distributionis, 
 et distinctionis, vitam aeternam frustra quaeri et sperari, facil- 
 limc apparet. Civ. Dei, lib. yi. c. 3. 
 
218 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ye may be also."* And he who gave this pro- 
 mise to the world, shall appear once again for 
 the consummation of it. " The Son of Man 
 shall come in his glory, and all the holy angels 
 with him. He shall sit upon the throne of his 
 glory, and before him shall be gathered all 
 nations, and he shall separate the one from the 
 other. The wicked shall go away into ever- 
 lasting punishment, but the righteous into life 
 eternal. "t 
 
 * St. John, xiv. 2, 3. f St. Matthew, xxv. 46. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 219 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PLATO SUPPOSED TO TEACH HIGHER DOCTRINES THAN 
 OTHER PAGANS. ..INDISCREET ADMIRATION OF HIM... 
 SCHOOL OF ALEXANDRIA. .. HIS DOCTRINE CONCERNING 
 THE DEITY. . .SECONDARY GODS . . .DEMONS. . .FROM NONE 
 OF THESE COULD ETERNAL LIFE BE DERIVED. 
 
 THE system which has just been reviewed, had 
 obtained the admiration of many of the more 
 learned and philosophical Pagans. Ashamed 
 of the grossness of the common worship of the 
 gods, they gladly accepted so creditable an 
 interpretation of it. Varro was therefore sup- 
 posed to have made a discovery of the hidden 
 and substantial wisdom which originally be- 
 longed to the establishment of the popular idol- 
 atry. But the refutation of this branch of 
 Heathen theology, was the smallest part of the 
 labour of Augustin, The spiritual wants of his 
 age called for an higher effort against the extra- 
 ordinary influence of the name of Plato. We 
 find, indeed, that impressions, of a peculiar 
 kind, had been made on the Christian world by 
 the opinions attributed to this eminent man. 
 From the incidental notice already taken of him, 
 
220 PAGANISM AND 
 
 it appears that he adopted and improved with 
 superior eloquence, some of the higher doctrines 
 of the school of Pythagoras, which had been 
 delivered by Timaeus.* He seems not to have 
 been satisfied with the spontaneous formation, 
 the self-derived perfection, or durability as- 
 cribed by some philosophers to the universe. 
 He was therefore supposed to have arrived at 
 the knowledge of the Divine Being, and to have 
 made the great discoveries of Creation and the 
 Unity. From other of his speculations were also 
 derived the hopes of an Immortality to the soul. 
 On account of the credit which he had acquired 
 on these important questions, his philosophy 
 was supposed to be particularly formidable to 
 the Gospel.f Some flattered themselves that, 
 in Plato, they possessed all the instruction 
 which was essential to the duty and the welfare 
 of man. They therefore deemed all farther 
 religious communication to be useless at the 
 least, if not presumptuous and on this account 
 
 * See page 181. 
 
 f We see the extraordinary anxiety of Augustin on this 
 account. Nunc intentiore opus est animo multo quam erat in 
 superiorum solutione quaestionum, et explicatione librorum. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 1 . But it will soon appear, that his alarm 
 was unfounded, and that he drew his information less from 
 Plato himself than from the later Platonic school. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 221 
 
 rejected the faith of Christ. Some, who pro- 
 fessed the faith, and saw with regret the alie- 
 nation from it which was produced by the influ- 
 ence of an admired philosophy, betrayed their 
 weakness in accommodating the Scripture to 
 the doctrines of Plato, and sought to win the 
 Pagans, by the discovery of a resemblance 
 which did not exist : nor is Augustin himself 
 wholly free from this charge. Others, again, 
 took a malicious advantage of these concessions, 
 attacked the Gospel with the weapons furnished 
 by its injudicious friends, and exalted the reli- 
 gion of nature at the expense of Revelation. 
 Some inquiry into the doctrine of Plato was 
 therefore requisite, not only on account of its 
 own character and pretensions, but of its effects 
 on Christianity ;* and it was of particular im- 
 portance to prove, that, though superior to the 
 system of Varro, it was yet far removed from 
 the sublimity of the Gospel ; that in no mode 
 of classical theology, however celebrated, was 
 contained the true happiness of man ; and that 
 Revelation alone could teach the proper know- 
 
 * Mirantur quidam, nobis in Christ! gratid sociati, cilin 
 audiunt, vel legunt, Platonem de Deo ista sensisse, quae multum 
 con^ruerc veritati religionis nostrce agnoscunt. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. 
 c. 11. 
 
222 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ledge of God, and effectually promise the re- 
 wards of the " life which is to come." 
 
 It will assist us in understanding the nature 
 of the claims which have been made in favour 
 of Plato, if we refer to some of the previous 
 systems of philosophy. 
 
 In an early age, wisdom was taught in a 
 simple manner, and without contention. The 
 name itself of philosophy was as yet unknown, 
 or not commonly adopted; and those, whose 
 minds were stored with reflections which might 
 be beneficial to the rest of mankind, uttered 
 them in brief and impressive sentences. And 
 hence came those moral and prudential maxims, 
 some of which are still appended to the names 
 of the " Wise-men."* At length arose two 
 schools, which soon obtained a very high cele- 
 brity, and produced that talent for philosophi- 
 cal disquisition and dispute, by which Greece 
 was afterwards distinguished. Their founders 
 were Thales and Pythagoras. The name of 
 the former occurs indeed among those of the 
 Wise-men ; but not content with this mode of 
 
 * Cum antea Sapientes appellarentur, qui modo qnodam 
 laudabilis vitae aliis praestare videbantur, iste (Pythagoras) 
 i'nterrogatus quid profiteretur, philosophum se esse respondit. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 223 
 
 instruction, he became the parent of the Ionic 
 school.* He seems to have been the first who 
 directed his inquiries into the properties of 
 nature, and the origin and laws of the universe. 
 This soon became a fashionable study, and was 
 indulged in that school with much prejudice to 
 its theology. Thales, either omitting the agency 
 of a deity, or depriving him of his fundamental 
 privilege of creation, J" pronounced, that from 
 one of the elements alone, proceeded the matter 
 employed in the formation of the other parts 
 
 * Ibnici vero generis princeps fuit Thales Milesius, unus 
 illorum septem, qui appellati suut Sapientes. Sed illi sex vitae 
 genere distinguebantur, et quibusdam prseceptis ad bene viven- 
 dum accommodatis. Iste autem Thales, ut successores etiam 
 propagaret, rerum naturam scrutatus, suasque disputationes 
 iiteris mandans, eminuit; maximeque admirabilis extitit, quod, 
 astrologiae numeris comprehensis, defectus solis et lunae etiam 
 praedicere potuit. ib. 
 
 f Cicero does not rescue him from this charge, notwith- 
 standing the introduction of a divine mind. Thales Milesius, 
 (it is Velleius who speaks,) qui primus de talibus rebus quce- 
 sivit, aquam dixit esse initium rerum; Deum autem earn men- 
 tern quae ex aqud cuncta gignerel. Nat. Deorum, lib. i. 
 Cicero is accurate in his representation of this philosophy. The 
 creation of Thales is nothing more than a generation from 
 eternal matter. Augustin, however, understands the principle 
 of water in a strict sense, and supposes that no <leity was em- 
 ployed by Thales. 
 
224 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of the world. One of his successors, fearing, 
 that from this restriction to a single element, a 
 scarcity of effect might ensue, extended to other 
 things that power which Thales had confined 
 to water. He therefore ascribed the multipli- 
 city of mundane objects to an infinity of prin- 
 ciple productive of each of them respectively.* 
 Another was dissatisfied with an unnecessary 
 variety of original subjects, and recurred once 
 more to a single element: but making a differ- 
 ent choice, he was positive in his preference of 
 air,f which afforded a more philosophical origin 
 of the universe than water. Content with this 
 discovery, he abandoned also the agency of the 
 gods ; and thought that, if it were necessary to 
 affirm any thing concerning them, they were 
 only secondary to air, and produced from that 
 infinite cause. Indeed, from Thales to Arche- 
 laus it is impossible to discover the proper 
 doctrine of God or creation. In the hands of 
 
 * Anaximander, non ex und re, sicut Thales ex humore, sed 
 ex suis propriis principiis quasque res nasci putavit. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. viii. c. 2. 
 
 f Anaximenem discipulum et successorem reliquit, qui om- 
 nes rerum causas infinite aeri dedit : nee Deos negavit, aut 
 tacuit, non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex acre 
 ortos credidit. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 225 
 
 these teachers, the Deity lost sometimes his 
 own existence, and always his distinctive right 
 of creative power;* and the leading propensity 
 of the Ionic school was, to dispute concerning 
 the comparative antiquity of the elements ; to 
 inquire, which of them afforded the most con- 
 venient primary matter; and from what subject 
 might begin, with the greatest philosophical 
 propriety, the extraction and formation of other 
 things. 
 
 Pythagoras had travelled into Italy, and 
 taught in a part of it, which, from the extent of 
 the Grecian settlements, obtained the name of 
 Magna Grsecia.t He was therefore the founder 
 of the Italian school. From a few fragments of 
 its writings which are yet preserved, we see, 
 that this school was of a moral and contempla- 
 
 * Anaxagoras himself supposes matter to have been co-ex- 
 istent with the Divine intelligence: TlaVra xpr//iara i\v 6ju6' 
 elra vag e\0wy aura SieKofffjuqcrev. Diog. Laert. in Anaxag. 
 
 f Italicum genus, ex ed parte Italiae, quae quondam Magna 
 Graecia nuncupata est, autorem habuit Pythagoram Samium. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 2. Pliny is inclined to attribute the name 
 of Magna Graecia, not to the extent of their settlements, but 
 to the imposing vanity of the Greeks. He calls them, justly 
 enough, genus in suam gloriam effusissimum ; and affirms, 
 whether justly or not, that their colonies did not occupy more 
 than a thousandth part of Italy. 
 
 Q 
 
226 PAGANISM AND 
 
 tive cast. To the former part of its character 
 is certainly to be referred the doctrine of trans- 
 migration,* which was afterwards adopted by 
 Plato: to the latter perhaps, its preparation 
 for those inquiries into natural truth, and the 
 causes of things by which it was eminently dis- 
 tinguished. But it is difficult at this time to 
 determine, which was its most approved mode 
 of considering the mundane philosophy. Of 
 the two principal treatises which remain, and 
 which, in the opinion of Gale, are drawn from 
 
 * This is expressly stated in the latter part of the curious 
 treatise of the Soul of the World. The scale of transmigra- 
 tion is adapted to the conduct of men; cowards are turned 
 into women, murderers into wild beasts, and voluptuaries into 
 swine ; the rash and giddy into birds j and the idle, the un- 
 learned, and the stupid, into aquatic creatures, as if they were 
 unworthy to breathe the common air. Twi> JJLEV hi\wv, tg 
 , TTO& v(3piv /cio^va* r&v Se fjLiaityovuv, ep 
 irorl Kokaoiv' \a.yvuv ft if av&v ij Kairpwv 
 
 Kal aVpctfcrwv, dfiaBatv re nal avoiiTWV, kg rav rwv ervSpuv teai>. 
 
 p. 566. The other characteristic of the school of Pythagoras 
 
 is prettily expressed by Ovid : 
 
 Cumque animo, et vigili perspexerat omnia cura, 
 In medium discenda dabat ; costumque silentum 
 Dictaque mirantum, magni primordia mundi, 
 Et rerum causas, et quid natura docebat. 
 
 Met. lib. xv. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 227 
 
 the most sacred recesses of the Pythagorean 
 school, one constructs the world from pre-exist- 
 ing matter, employs a deity in its arrangement, 
 and places within it a soul necessary for its 
 animation and direction. And this is the doc- 
 trine of Timseus the Locrian. The other trea- 
 tise excludes all interference of a God, and 
 pronounces the world to be its own master. 
 It was neither created, nor arranged from a 
 Chaos. It had no origin, and shall have no 
 end. It is self-existent, and necessarily eter- 
 nal, and indestructible. And this is the system 
 of Ocellus Lucanus.* He talks indeed, as Ar- 
 chytas, Euryphamus, and other Pythagoreans 
 do, of " a God," and " the Gods;" and he ven- 
 tures to assign a limit, within which reside the 
 natures which are immortal. The region of the 
 moon is the dividing isthmus : above it are the 
 
 * Ao*,-t yap p.01 TO TTCLV avwXf Qoov elvai KCU aytvurov' ael re. yap 
 ty, tat ru. C. 1 . Opusc. Mythol. Ed. Gale. The indestructi- 
 bility of the universe is afterwards attempted to be proved. 
 If its dissolution takes place, it must be either into being, or 
 non-being. If into being, it will still continue to be. If into 
 non-being, an absurdity is affirmed 3 for, as the world could not 
 at first be produced from nothing, (according to the received 
 laws of philosophy,) neither can it become .nothing, after 
 having been something. The conclusion is therefore drawn 
 aoa KOI aj>a\0po> TO irdv. 
 Q2 
 
228 PAGANISM 
 
 gods, while the space beneath is given up to 
 contention and nature, to alternate generation 
 and decay.* But the gods, thus supposed, are 
 merely free from the dissolution which is the 
 portion of man. They are only a physical, 
 though a superior, portion of the universe. 
 They have no absolute and disposing power, 
 but are themselves immortal, on the same prin- 
 ciple which makes the world eternal. 
 
 These were the principal authorities of phi- 
 losophy till the time of Socrates. 
 
 This extraordinary man had been bred in 
 the Ionic school, and was the immediate disci- 
 ple of Archelaus. But the dissensions into 
 which the followers of Thales had fallen, and 
 the unsatisfactory nature of the inquiries in 
 which they were commonly engaged, seem to 
 have given early offence to his discerning mind ; 
 and in the Phaedo he is made to account for 
 his disgust, in a very lively and natural man- 
 ner.f He had a characteristic fondness for the 
 
 yap i*iv dQavaaiag KOL yeveorewe 6 ireol TIJV fft\i]vr]v 
 TO fjiy avuOev i7rep ravrrje nav, KOI TO CTT' avrr/r, -&wv 
 Kari\f.L yivog' TO & vTroKarw o^Xr/v^e, vetKovg KCU fyvatvg' TO per 
 (yap) e^iv iv dvry iaX\ay>) yeyovorwv, ro tie yiveaiQ aVoye- 
 
 . ib. c. 2. 
 'Eyw yap, w Ke/3rjc> viog &v SavfJia^SiQ &Q 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 229 
 
 discovery of truth : and his object was sup- 
 
 posed to be attainable only through an applica- 
 
 tion to the reigning philosophy ; and this was 
 
 termed the history of nature. He applied him- 
 
 self therefore, with great zeal, to the specula- 
 
 tions then prevalent; whether putrescence, 
 
 consequent to the action of heat and cold, were 
 
 capable of producing animals ; where was the 
 
 seat, and what the cause, of intelligence in 
 
 man : whether it were the blood or the brain, 
 
 whether it were fire or air: and other such 
 
 questions. But in these pursuits he became 
 
 bewildered and confounded. At length, how- 
 
 ever, he flattered himself that he should find a 
 
 resting-place for his thoughts. Anaxagoras 
 
 was one of the sublimest masters of the Ionic 
 
 school ; and some person had read to Socrates, 
 
 out of a book of his philosophy, the sentence 
 
 i'\v c:fj 
 
 yap 1*01 edoKet elvai eldevat rag atrtag C/CCITS, &a ri yiyvtrai 
 tKOi^ov, Kal dia. ri otTroXXvrai, Kal dta rl <rV Kal TroXXcme Epa 
 
 UV(i) Kal KO-Td) fJLETfftaXXoVf ffKOTTWV TrpUJTOV TO. TOtCC^C, T Ap' 7 
 
 Tore &} TO, ^uia o-wvrpe^erat ; Kal Trorepov TO alpa i^iv u> (f>po v^v t 
 TJ o arjp, i\ TO nvp' &c. Phaedon. p. 71. Ed. Fie. Part of this 
 passage seems to refer to the physics of Parmenides, who sup- 
 posed the human race to have originally sprung from heat and 
 cold acting upon mud. 
 
230 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which contained a summary of his doctrine ; 
 " There is an intelligence which is the cause of 
 all things, and bestows on them their order and 
 beauty."* Now then he expected to discover 
 what had so long escaped him, the reasons on 
 which was founded the actual constitution of 
 things : and truth being thus ascertained, the 
 detection of error would necessarily follow. 
 He was now about to know with certainty, 
 whether the earth were flat or round ; and 
 either of these figures being determined, the 
 reason was also to appear, why one of them 
 was preferred to the other. The same instruc- 
 tion he expected concerning the sun, moon, 
 and stars ; the reason of their velocities and 
 returns,^ and all other affections incident to 
 their course. With great satisfaction therefore 
 he procured the book, and with great eagerness 
 applied himself to the perusal of it. But notwith- 
 standing the lofty pretensions of Anaxagoras, 
 poor Socrates remained in the same ignorance 
 as before ; and instead of being introduced to 
 the intelligence which was promised, he found 
 that air, and aether, and water were still as- 
 sumed as the causes of things, and that absur- 
 
 * 'He cipa vag i<slv 6 tiiOKOffftiitr TE KOI TTGLVTUV aiTtOf. ib. 
 p. 72. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 231 
 
 dities and improbabilities were made to stand 
 for genuine and primary truths.* This, says 
 he, "is just as if a person, undertaking to state 
 the reason why I sit here, should expatiate on 
 the nature of my bones, and nerves, and flesh, 
 and skin, and prove their aptitude to produce a 
 sitting posture; and meanwhile, wholly omit 
 the real and primary causes, namely, the will 
 of the Athenians, which consigns me to this 
 prison, and my determination to sit in it till I 
 swallow the poison, which they are preparing 
 for me."t These probably were the circum- 
 stances which impelled Socrates, at a mature 
 period of life, to use the language so emphati- 
 cally attributed to him by Xenophon, who in- 
 forms us, that he dissuaded his hearers from 
 any farther attention to geometry, astrology, or 
 astronomy, than might suffice for the common 
 
 * 'Avro Sr) Savpa^rje iXiridog y'xo/^v 0po/J>oe, 
 TTpoiiwy Kal avayivaxrKWV, opw av^pa ry fieV vy B^ 
 c ri'vae ain'ae eVairtw/jevov etc TO ^taKOff^lv Tct Trpa'yjuara, 
 aepac e Kal atdepag KCU v^ara aiTivpevov, KO.I aXXa TroXAci icai 
 aroTra. ib. p. 73. 
 
 rag we a\r)d&Q dtrtag Xcyei^ on CTTft^aV 
 e /3eXnov eivai Efiu KaTa\l/r)<f>iffa.ffdat, ^ta ravra <Srj 
 Kal ifM)l /3eXrtov av StSoKTai ivOdde KaQrjvOai, Kal 
 VTri\eiv rt]v diKrjv r\v civ KtXtvcuittJtv. ib. 
 
232 PAGANISM AND 
 
 purposes of human life.* His youthful ardour 
 for remote or abstruse inquiries concerning 
 natural causes, was now abated by experience ; 
 and he particularly forbade the indulgence of 
 those speculations which vainly affected to dis- 
 cover the secrets of the heavens, and the man- 
 ner in which the Deity contrives the order of 
 things. f Such pursuits are unacceptable to 
 the gods ; nor, whatever may be the preten- 
 sions belonging to them, are they within the 
 limits of human knowledge. He adds the dan- 
 ger of derangement to the mind which should 
 persist in them ; and here again occurs the 
 mention of Anaxagoras, who seems to have 
 grown mad with pride, on his fancied discovery 
 of the mechanism employed in the construction 
 of the world by the wisdom of the gods ! 
 
 This is sufficient perhaps to account for the 
 
 * To 
 
 fj.avda.veiv a-n-E^OKina^Ev' O,TI pV yap w^eXon? ravTa, /c e<f>rj 
 6p<jiv. Mem. lib. iv. c. 7. 
 
 f "OAwe fie rtiv ttpawW, 77 CKa^a o 0eoe /zrj^avarai (ftpo 
 yiyveadai, cnriTpeirEV' are yap ivperd avdpuiroig dvrd 
 elvcu, > "xapifaffdai S^oie av rjyeiTO TOV faruvra, a IK& 
 tratyrivicrai HK: e(3u\r]6r)ffav' Kivlvvevaai & av etyr) Kal irapatypovrj 
 TOV raura p,ptfj,vcJvTa 3 ttdev JITTOV i] 'Araayopae 
 6 fJLeyw; tppovfjffa^ ETTI ru rag Sewv }JLr\-^ava.Q 
 
 Vat. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 233 
 
 disgust of Socrates, without recurring to the 
 benevolent supposition quoted for him by Au- 
 gustin;* that he deemed the mind unfit for the 
 exercise of philosophy, unless it were previously 
 purged from the disabling influence of the pas- 
 sions. In short, the object of this sagacious 
 man seems to have been, to restore to the pro- 
 fession of human wisdom that simplicity which 
 had attended it before the agitation of the ele- 
 mental questions by Thales ; and to confine it 
 as much as possible to the purposes of pru- 
 dence and morality. 
 
 Plato was the scholar of Socrates :f but, not 
 content with the doctrines of one school, nor 
 
 * Non mihi autem videtur posse ad liquidum colligi, utrum 
 Socrates, ut hoc faceret, taedio rerum obscurarum et incerta- 
 rum ad aliquid apertum et certurn reperiendum animum inten- 
 derit j an vero, sicut de illo quidam benevolentius suspicantur, 
 nolebat immundos terrenis cupiditatibus animos se extendcre 
 in divina conari. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3. 
 
 f Socrates huj us (Archelai) discipulus fuisse perhibetur, ma- 
 gister Platonis. ib. c. 2. Laertius adds a dream of Socrates. 
 He held a cygnet in his lap, which suddenly flew away into the 
 air, full-fledged, and singing melodious strains. This was in- 
 terpreted the next day, when Plato was presented to him : 
 TOV Se TUTOV tiTceiv dvai rov opvw. in vit. Plat. I know not if 
 it is worth remarking, that swans are mentioned by Plato with 
 unusual reverence : perhaps he meant to give credit to the 
 notion that Apollo was his father. 
 
234 PAGANISM AND 
 
 governed by the sole authority of the master 
 whom yet he singularly loved, he sought wis- 
 dom wherever it might be found. From Athens 
 therefore, before he had reached his thirtieth 
 year, he repaired to Megara, with some other 
 scholars of Socrates, and heard the dialectics of 
 Euclid. Hence he passed to Gyrene, and con- 
 versed, as Laertius informs us, with Theodorus 
 the mathematician. Afterwards, he proceeded 
 to Italy, where the Pythagorean doctrines were 
 taught by Philolaus and Eurytus ; and finally, 
 to Egypt,* a country which had been in much 
 repute with the more learned Greeks, on ac- 
 count of the recondite wisdom supposed to be 
 possessed by its priests. From these and other 
 sources he drew the knowledge of former ages, 
 and added it to that of his own. He selected 
 from every school the tenets by which it was 
 most distinguished, and improved, or incorpo- 
 rated them with the doctrines taught by him- 
 self. He provided a stability for the natural 
 philosophy of Heraclitus, by communicating 
 
 * "ETreira yevofj-evos OKTW Kal eiKOviv ET&V, eig Meyapa Trpo? 
 'EvcXet'c)i?> (Tvv cat aXXotg rt<ri 2<u*:paru - o7e vire^ujprjffLv' \ 
 etc Kvp^v^v a7T;X0 ?rpoe 0eo^wpov rov /Lta0e^iar/cor* ic^i 
 Etg 'IraXiav Trpoc rwt; JilvdayoptKus, ^tXoXaor cat"Evpvrov' 
 re etg "AiyvTrrov rrapa rfcig Flpo^^rac. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 235 
 
 the substratum of an original and immutable 
 essence to things which, in their own nature, 
 were flux and perishable.* He adopted and 
 enlarged the intellectual system of Pythagoras ; 
 and with the active morality of Socrates he 
 combined the mysticism of his Egyptian teach- 
 ers at Heliopolis. And hence the copiousness 
 and variety, the compound nature, the lofty ob- 
 scurity, and not unfrequent self-contradiction 
 which are to be observed in his writings.! 
 
 The philosophy of Plato was anciently di- 
 vided into three parts, dialectics, ethics, and 
 physics. The latter of these however was sub- 
 divided into two the study of corporeal and 
 incorporeal nature. Metaphysics therefore were 
 considered as a branch of physics. J In this 
 
 * Cum enim ex Heracliti systemate recepisset, omnia fluere, 
 nee per se constare eadem posse, visum illi, necessario addenda 
 esse subjecta aeterna, per se subsistentia, quae iinmutabilem 
 rebus fluxis essentiam largirentur. Brucker de Phil. Graec. 
 lib. ii. c. 6. 
 
 f Not so Apuleius. Quamvis de diversis officinis base ei 
 essent philosophise membra suscepta, naturalis ab Heracliteis, 
 intellectualis h, Pythagoreis, rationalis atque moralis ex ipso 
 Socratis fonte, unum tamen ex omnibus, et quasi proprii partus 
 corpus effecit. De Philos. Natur. But with the zealous Apu- 
 leius, Plato is infallible. 
 
 t Eig rpia SitXovTOQ peprj ra YlXdnovog rov na.vra. rrjg ^ e\o- 
 
236 . PAGANISM AND 
 
 manner the subject was distributed by some of 
 the chief Christian writers, Eusebius and Au- 
 gustin ; as well as by some of the professed 
 followers of Plato ; Apuleius, who gives an ac- 
 count of his philosophy under these divisions ; 
 and Atticus, whom Eusebius calls one of the 
 more illustrious of the Platonic school.* 
 
 The dialectics are extolled by Augustin, as 
 superior to those of the other philosophers 
 whom the Romans had received as their teach- 
 ers. Epicurus is supposed to have borrowed 
 part of his doctrine from the early school of 
 Democritus. His well-known tenet, that the 
 senses were the proper test of truth, appeared 
 to many of the Pagans themselves to stop the 
 
 \6yov, EIQ tyvoiKov, yQiKov, \oyiKov' elr av iraXiv, rov 
 i T r//v r&v aiaQriT&v S'ewpmv, KOL TYJV rwv 
 Ka.Tav6r)<nv' tvpoic oV Kal Trap' 'E/3pcuoie TO rpijj,epeg 
 daffKaXiaG SI$OG. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 1. Compare 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 4. Eusebius pursues his argument with an 
 injudiciousness which was promoted by the circumstances of 
 the age j and is anxious to bring as good logic, and natural 
 philosophy from Moses, as the later Platonic school could boast 
 in their master ! 
 
 * Quoniam tres partes philosophise congruere inter se primus 
 obtinuit, nos quoque separatim de singulis dicemus. Apul. de 
 Philos. Natur. Atticus is called ta0ayj) avtip r&v 
 K&V (bi\off6(j>wv. Praep. Evang. lib. 11. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 237 
 
 progress of all science and sound reasoning.* 
 The early fathers of the church were also loud 
 in condemning it as hostile to religion and its 
 proofs. Nor were the Stoics without their 
 share of reprobation on the same account. 
 Attached as they were to the exercise of the 
 mind in disputation, they maintained the prio- 
 rity of importance due to the experience of the 
 senses, and referred all reasoning to the primary 
 and inchoate intelligences which these afforded. 
 Plato is complimented by Augustin for his 
 freedom from such errors. He did not deny to 
 the senses that influence which was obviously 
 due to them ; but he bestowed his chief atten- 
 tion on the mind, to the exercise of which he 
 attributed the proper criterion of truth. f This 
 
 * Quod autem attinet ad doctrinam, ubi altera pars versatur, 
 quae ab els Logica, id est, rationales vocatur ; absit ut his com- 
 parand! videantur, qui posuerunt judicium virtutis in sensibus 
 corporis, eorumque infidis et fallacibus regulis omnia quae dis- 
 cuntur, metienda esse censuerunt, ut Epicurei, et quicunque alii 
 tales, ut etiain ipsi Stoici. Qui cum vehementer amaverint 
 solertiam disputandi, quam Dialecticam nominant, a corporis 
 sensibus earn ducendam putarunt. Hinc asseverantes animum 
 concipere notiones, quos appellant evvotae, hinc propagari atque 
 connecti totam discendi docendique rationem. Civ. Dei, lib. v. 
 c. 7. 
 
 f Hi autem, quos merito caeteris antepouimus, discreverunt 
 ea quae mente conspiciuntur ab iis quae sensibus attinguntur : 
 
238 PAGANISM AND 
 
 commendation however must not be received 
 without a considerable abatement. It is ob- 
 vious to every reader of Plato, that he indulges 
 an inordinate taste for abstraction; and it is 
 impossible not to notice, what Brucker has 
 justly pointed out, his strong tendency to 
 fanaticism.* 
 
 The ethics of Plato have received much 
 praise for the loftiness of their principle as well 
 as for the extent of their application. While 
 the rule of private conduct was learnt from 
 the Philebus, Euthyphro, and other dialogues; 
 that of public morals was held out to civil 
 communities in the larger treatises of laws, 
 and of a republic. Hereafter, it may not be 
 uninstructive or unamusing to lay before you 
 the various opinions concerning the summum 
 bonum (the proper end of ethics) which pre- 
 
 nec sensibus adimentes quod possunt, nee iis dantes ultra quam 
 possunt. ib. The view which Apuleius gives of this branch of the 
 triple philosophy, proceeds in a technical manner. It does not 
 point out the general principles of reasoning, or inquire from 
 whence they arise, but is almost entirely concerned about the 
 forms of syllogisms. 
 
 * Quod unum dogma (the abstraction of the mind for the 
 purpose of contemplating intelligible things, or ideas) satis 
 prodit, quam fanatica sit Platonis philosophia, et quod tota 
 enthusiasmo faveat. De Philos. Plat. c. 15. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 239 
 
 vailed in the Pagan schools at large. This will 
 furnish a discussion decisive of the general 
 question concerning the pursuit of happiness 
 by the men of nature. At present, it will be 
 sufficient to observe, that, while some placed 
 their chief good in the body, some in the mind, 
 and some in both, or in the outward advantages 
 of life added to these, nothing seemed to be 
 considered beyond man in the present world, 
 and the manner in which he might be benefited 
 by the objects which surrounded him. To 
 Plato however is attributed by Augustin the 
 merit of going farther, and of providing a cer- 
 tain happiness for the mind in the contempla- 
 tion of the Deity.* But here again is a caution 
 to be applied. Mosheim has well observed the 
 pruriency of Plato's disposition, and the want 
 of chastity and modesty which he so often be- 
 trays, j" On the point immediately under our 
 notice, it is impossible not to remark, how ex- 
 
 * Cedant igitur hi omnes illis philosopbis, qui non dixerunt 
 beatum esse hominem fruentem corpore, vel fruentem animo, 
 sed fruentem Deo. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 8. 
 
 f Plato, qui naturd non nimis bene constitutus videtur fuisse, 
 parumque castus et pudicus, quo ipse minori laboraret invidid, 
 Socratem ignominias suae participem esse voluit. Dissert. 
 Eccles. vol. i. p. 198. 
 
240 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ceptionable are some of the means which, under 
 the cover of the name of Socrates, he prescribes 
 for the attainment of his object. The Deity is 
 the K&XOV in the highest degree ; and one mode 
 of exciting our affections towards divine beauty, 
 is to attach ourselves to those resemblances of 
 it which are to be discovered in the most perfect 
 of human forms !* But I will add no more. 
 
 Decipit exemplar vitiis imitabile 
 
 This introduction of the Deity, however de- 
 grading to his nature, brings us to the theology 
 of Plato, which is a part of the physics, and 
 with which indeed we are principally concerned. 
 This then is the manner in which the mind of 
 Plato is supposed to have ascended towards 
 the discovery of the Deity. 
 
 NATURE consists of things animate and inani- 
 mate. But life is superior to matter ; for cor- 
 poreal species are the objects of the senses, 
 while vital species are to be discovered only by 
 the eye of the mind.t Hence it follows, that 
 
 * In the Phaedrus is the dangerous and revolting doctrine 
 here noticed. 
 
 f Consideraverunt enim quicquid est, vel corpus esse, vel 
 vitam, meliusque aliquid vitam esse quam corpus ; specieinque 
 corporis esse sensibilem, intelligibilem vitse. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. 
 c. 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 241 
 
 intelligible are preferable to sensible species. 
 And this preference is established through the 
 power which the mind possesses of judging 
 concerning the beauty and qualities of body. 
 For whether the body indulge repose, or exert 
 itself in action, the mind maintains its superior 
 privilege, and performs its various offices, with- 
 out being constrained by time or place, or any 
 of those exterior circumstances by which bodily 
 operations are affected. The beauty of the 
 mind is therefore of a higher order than that of 
 the body ; and thus is the one distinguished 
 from the other. But the mind, thus evidently 
 superior to body, must next be compared 
 with itself. The same judgment concerning 
 sensible species will not equally result from 
 every mind.* The mind of one man will deter- 
 mine better than that of another, in proportion 
 to the differences of their natural sagacity, or 
 their habits of exertion. Nay, the mind of the 
 same man will determine better or worse con- 
 cerning the same objects, as attention or im- 
 provement may affect its judgments. But 
 hence a mutability ensues. The mind seems 
 
 * Sed ibi quoque nisi mutabilis esset, non alius alio melitis 
 de specie sensibili judicaret j et idem ipse unus ctini proficit, 
 meliils utique postea quam prius. ib. 
 
242 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to partake of some of the imperfections of body, 
 in the alterations of which it is susceptible. 
 That sensible species may lose their character- 
 istic qualities, and finally disappear, is certain. 
 But, if the mind is subject to change, and 
 capable of increase, it is also liable to diminu- 
 tion; and if so, it may be finally lost. And 
 hence it follows, that in searching for the pri- 
 mary species of things ; or that from which the 
 species of other things are derived, it is neces- 
 sary to ascend not only beyond the properties 
 of body, but beyond the mind of man.* The 
 first conclusion therefore concerning the Deity 
 was, that the mind being preferable to body, 
 he was of the superior species, and conse- 
 quently, was not to be looked for in body. The 
 next conclusion was, that the Deity being thus 
 proved to be mind, he must have the additional 
 property of immutability. For the species of 
 things, or those qualities which constitute their 
 respective natures, could not be derived from the 
 perishable things themselves. Nor were they 
 
 * Quod autem recipit majus et minus, sine dubitatione muta- 
 bile est. Unde ingeniosi et docti et in his exercitati homines 
 facile colligerunt, non esse in eis rebus prirnam speciem, ubi 
 mutabile esse convincitur. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 243 
 
 derived from the mind of man, itself mutable. 
 It was necessary therefore to refer them to an 
 immutable principle, or the mind of the Deity.* 
 And hence came the universe, its figure, quali- 
 ties, and movements ; the disposition of the 
 elements, and the bodies which are placed at 
 various distances among them. Hence too 
 came every degree of life, whether vegetative 
 alone, or sensitive and rational combined with 
 it, or any other mode of life possessed by 
 beings beyond the condition of man. 
 
 From this various superiority of the Deity, 
 another point was inferred, 'the comprehen- 
 siveness of his nature. He is not to be esti- 
 mated by the separate properties of animate or 
 inanimate things. In him existence cannot be 
 supposed without life, nor life without intellect, 
 nor intellect without happiness; but life, and 
 intellect, and happiness are together his being; f 
 
 * Viderunt quicquid mutabile esset, non esse summum 
 Deum, et ideo omnem animam mutabilesque spiritus transcen- 
 derunt quaerentes Deum. ib. 
 
 f Quia non aliud illi est esse, aliud vivere, quasi possit esse 
 non vivensj nee aliud illi est vivere, aliud intelligere, quasi 
 possit vivere non intelligens ; nee aliud ilii est intelligere, 
 aliud beatum esse, quasi possit intelligere, et non beatus esse : 
 Sed quod est illi vivere, intelligere, et beatum esse, hoc est illi 
 esse. ib. 
 
 R2 
 
244 PAGANISM AND 
 
 and he exists truly, because he exists unchange- 
 ably. 
 
 Such is the substance of the statement given 
 by Augustin concerning the knowledge which 
 Plato was supposed to have of the Deity. But 
 it is certain, that the theology which is so regu- 
 larly detailed in this Chapter, was drawn, not 
 from Plato himself,* but from some of those 
 who became his zealous commentators after the 
 propagation of the Gospel; or, that Augustin 
 unconsciously applied to certain philosophical 
 terms, that more spiritual meaning which Reve- 
 lation had imparted, and with which his own 
 pious mind was fully possessed. Indeed, am- 
 ple proofs of this assertion are afforded in the 
 Chapter itself. The writer refers for his au- 
 
 * In the Philebus he talks of the chief good of man. This 
 must be perfect. It is not in pleasure alone, nor in science 
 without the perception of pleasure. Both together are prefer- 
 able to each singly; but neithes is the true good in this third 
 class. He passes therefore to a fourth, or the Demiurgic cause. 
 In this is true being ; and the happiness of man is compounded 
 of the best pleasure, and the best science, which is employed 
 on this being : Trepii TO ov Kal TO OVTOJG, Kal TO Kara TCLVTOV ail 
 TcetyvKog, p. 400. Ed. Ficin. From such occasional high fan- 
 cies, though mixed with much grossness and obscurity, the 
 later Platonics endeavoured to raise a system of divinity which 
 might be successfully opposed to Revelation. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 245 
 
 thorities, not to Plato, but to the Platonicians 
 at large, whose conclusions are adopted as if 
 they were those of their master.* Again, when 
 Augustin speaks of that mode of life which is 
 enjoyed by certain beings superior to man, 
 he explains it by the example of the angels. t 
 Their sense and intellect subsist without the 
 necessity of being joined with the lowest degree 
 of life. They are said not to vegetate, and 
 therefore not to require support from nourish- 
 ment. But Mosheim, in his treatise on the 
 imitation of the Christians by the Pagan writers, 
 has carefully ascertained, that the term ayysAo? 
 is used by Plato in its common meaning among 
 the antient Greeks; and that the scriptural 
 sense was artfully communicated to it by the 
 later Platonic school.^ Again, when Augustin 
 
 * Consideraverunt, viderunt isti philosophi, quos caeteris 
 non immerito famd atque glori& praelatos videmus. ib. 
 
 f Quae (vita) nutritorio subsidio non indiget, sed tantura 
 continet, sentit, intelligit, qualis est in angelis. ib. Augustin 
 is one of those theologians whose " common gloss" concern- 
 ing this quality of angels is reproved by Milton. He makes 
 them eat ; and " what redounds, transpires with ease." Farad. 
 Lost, Book 5. 
 
 J Meum si quid valet judicium, putem, nomen ayycXoc 
 apud Flatonem ininistnim, admiimtrum, distributorem, signifi- 
 care ; quo sensu intinitis in locis scriptorum Graecorum occurrit. 
 
246 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ascends to the deity of Plato, and asserts him 
 to be uncreated, he appears to attribute to him 
 the actual creation of all other things.* But 
 this is a doctrine which was never understood 
 by Paganism ; and which, as Brucker has justly 
 observed, no sound interpretation of Plato can 
 possibly allow. However, through these and 
 other causes of misrepresentation, the philoso- 
 phy of Plato obtained an inordinate credit; and 
 
 Quae cum ita sint, equidem Casauboni et aliorum virorum doc- 
 torum seritentiam qui k recentioribus demum Graecorum scrip- 
 toribus sensu Christiano vocabulum hoc usurpatum esse arbi- 
 trantur, anteposuerim opinion! Fabri et Daleni, dum luculenti- 
 oribus testimoniis aliter sentire cogar. Dissert. Eccles. vol. 1 . 
 p. 349. Dacier, however, talks of angels, as if they were as 
 familiar to the writings of Plato as to the Scriptures. Dis- 
 course on Plato. 
 
 * Ibi esse rerum principium recte crediderunt, quod factum 
 non esset, et ex quo facta cuncta essent. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 6. 
 The words here marked would more properly mean, that the 
 matter of the world proceeded from the Deity ; and in this 
 shocking sense Plato was interpreted by many of his later fol- 
 lowers. But Augustin is evidently thinking of the scriptural 
 creation, and attributing to the philosopher that which was 
 not his due. His principles were, as Brucker represents them j. 
 Ex nihilo nihil fieri, (qui enim creationem ex nihilo illi tri- 
 buunt, omnino falluntur;) esse itaque duas causas rerum om- 
 nium j unam, & qua sint omniaj alteram, ex quk sint omnia: 
 illam Deum esse, hanc materiamj et haec quidem principia sibi 
 ab aeterno opponi, nee k se dependere. De Philos. Plat. c. 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 247 
 
 inquiries were anxiously made by the Chris- 
 tians, whence was derived the superior know- 
 ledge which it was supposed to contain ?* 
 
 It was universally allowed, that Plato had 
 travelled to Egypt ; and on this fact some error 
 was grafted. As in that celebrated country 
 Moses had triumphantly demonstrated the 
 power of the one true God over the magic of 
 the idolaters, the doctrine of the Unity was sup- 
 posed to have been preserved in its writings or 
 traditions, and to have been more particularly 
 known to the priests with whom Plato con- 
 versed. Hence then, and from actual conver- 
 sations with Jews resident in Egypt, came, as 
 was imagined, his better sentiments concerning 
 the Deity !| 
 
 * Augustin quotes the opinions of some (which however he 
 disproves by argument and chronology) that Plato had read the 
 Jewish scriptures, or in his travels had personally conversed 
 with the Prophet Jeremiah ! Quapropter in ilia peregrinatione 
 sua Plato nee Hieremiam videre potuit tanto ante defunctum, 
 nee easdem scripturas legere, quae nondum fuerunt in Gracam 
 linguam translatae, qu& ille pollebat. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 11. 
 
 f One of the suppositions of Eusebius is, that Plato might 
 have learnt the doctrine of Moses from certain Hebrews who 
 fled into Egypt after the second conquest of their country by 
 the Persians : avvi^arai Trap' 'AiyvTrmue rtjriKa.ce TO.Q liarpi- 
 /3ac 7T7roif;/iVo, kaO' ov 'E/3pcuoi r>je OIKE/US ctitrtpov atruirt- 
 
248 PAGANISM AffD 
 
 Tliis notion appears to have been fondly enter- 
 tained by the early Christians. It was also 
 zealously promoted by the vanity of the Egyp- 
 tian Jews, with whom indeed Brucker supposes 
 it to have originated. Many of them became 
 enamoured with the Platonic doctrines which 
 were taught in the celebrated school of Alexan- 
 dria. But never abandoning their national pre- 
 dilection, and feeling a certain jealousy amidst 
 their admiration, they represented the Unity to 
 have been accidentally known to the Greeks 
 through the medium of their own history, and 
 patriotically resolved the philosophy of Plato 
 into an imitation of Moses!* An opinion thus 
 
 ffovreg y/jjf, 'AtyvTrr/otg eTre^pla^or, Tlepawv 
 Praep. Evang. lib. 1 1 . c. 8. Compare lib. x. c. 4. Plato could 
 not have begun his travels till about the year 400. We hear 
 indeed of many Jews in Egypt under the Ptolemies. But this 
 is as much too late for the purpose of Eusebius, as the second 
 captivity is too early. The custom indeed of preserving the 
 records of memorable events in the temples of Egypt, is statedjby 
 Plato himself : ova e rj Trap' fjfjuv, r/nj^c, 77 KOI /car' ciXXov roirov 
 ov uKorj 'iff/ner, C/'TTOV TI KaXbv ij fj-iytt yiyovtv, ij /cat TWO. cta^opav 
 x oj/ j Tavra yeypa////va EK TraXeuw, rrjft c<rtv kv TOIQ 
 , KOI or<rw<7/uj/a. In Tim. p. 1043. In this manner Plato 
 might have heard the name of Moses. 
 
 * Tola enim fabula Judaeonmi ^Egyptiacorum superbiae de- 
 betur, cjui cum niaximi Platonicam philosophiam facerent, ejus 
 gloriam gentilibus inviderunt, contenderuntque nieliorem ejus 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 249 
 
 flattering was not likely soon to be forgotten, 
 especially amidst the earnest disputes which 
 ensued with the enemies of the Faith. Justin 
 Martyr seems to be persuaded, that Plato, as 
 well as Pythagoras, had availed himself of the 
 divine wisdom which Moses had left in Egypt.* 
 And hence he supposes him to have drawn the 
 very terms in which he mentions the Deity. He 
 argues, that no proper name could be assigned 
 to a Being who was the only God : for proper 
 names are employed for the purpose of distin- 
 guishing inferior beings from each other. As 
 therefore Moses characterized God by the words 
 " I am," words simply declaratory of his exist- 
 ence ; Plato expressed him by the equivalent 
 phrase, ' ' That which is."f Among the Latins, 
 Ambrose may be selected as entertaining the 
 same opinion. Though not engaged in the 
 subject of the Unity, he finds an opportunity 
 
 partem ex Mose haustam esse. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post, 
 lib. ii. c. 6. s. 3. 
 
 * IlXarwv e, UTroce^aptvoe ptv, WQ toiKtv, rtjv irtpi tviiQ KO.I 
 JJ.GVU 0(5 Mwv<7we /cat rwv aXXwv Trpo^i/rtuv ()i$a.ffKa\ixv, ffv tv 
 'Atyi/Trrw ytv6fj.evoQ syvu), &c. Ad Graec. Cohort, p. 18. 
 
 f Twro a SoKei ev Kal TO.VTOV !vcu, rw ap0pw fjiovy ^taXXarrovj 
 6 per yap Mwv<7f/Cj o &v, etyr)' o ^ellXarwi', ro 6V' tKa.rf.pov It 
 act OVTL 0w irpofffjKttv <f>uiv(.TCii. ib. p. 20. 
 
250 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to introduce his persuasion, that Plato went to 
 Egypt for the express purpose of obtaining an 
 acquaintance with the history and writings of 
 Moses and the Prophets !* The notion indeed 
 became common ; and among other titles be- 
 stowed on him by the growing fondness for 
 his philosophy, he was complimented with 
 those of the " Attic Moses," and the " Rival of 
 Moses !"t The worst species of adulation, how- 
 ever, was reserved for the semi-pagan scholars 
 of a later age. The revival of literature was, 
 for a while, the dishonour of the Gospel. It 
 would be equally tedious and disgraceful to 
 dwell on the indecent manner in which the new 
 studies were pursued. The profane tendency 
 of those times is too openly displayed by Fici- 
 nus, the first interpreter of the works of Plato. 
 His prefaces, commentaries, and addresses to 
 Lorenzo of Medici are marked with a most 
 puerile extacy concerning the wisdom recently 
 
 * Eruditionis gratia in JEgyptum, ut Moysis gesta, legis 
 oracula, prophetarum dicta cognosceret. He is speaking of the 
 punishment of sin and the consolations of the righteous after 
 suffering. In Psalm. 118. Serai. 18. c. 4. 
 
 f This seems to have arisen from the unlucky observation 
 of Numenius, preserved by Eusebius : Ti yap itl IlXarwv, r\ 
 Pnep. Evang. lib. 11. c. 10. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 251 
 
 discovered ; and if revelation is remembered, it 
 is only for the purpose of degrading it by an 
 odious parallel. In one of the Dialogues he 
 discovers the whole of theology. He seems to 
 believe the Parmenides to be drawn from the 
 divine mind, and scarcely to be understood but 
 by the divine suggestion. In the Phaedo, his 
 impious absurdity is carried to the utmost 
 height. In short, he supposes all revelation to 
 be shadowed out in the Pagan philosophy, of 
 which he is the editor. The New Testament 
 is seen in the character of Socrates ; the Old, 
 in the doctrines of Plato : and through this 
 insane persuasion, he is induced to express a 
 wish, that Plato might be read in the churches !* 
 This senseless admiration was revived in a later 
 age ; nor indeed is it wholly extinct even in 
 our own. Mosheim has justly exposed the in- 
 judicious raptures of Andrew Dacier, and the 
 force of that prejudice which led him to repre- 
 sent the lightest fancies as the most solid argu- 
 ments in favour of Plato, whose doctrine he 
 supposed to be hardly inferior to that of Christ 
 
 * Plato seems to have been his private deity. In his bed- 
 room was a statue of Plato, with a lamp always burning before 
 it. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. lib. iii. c. 3. 
 
252 PAGANISM AND 
 
 and his apostles.* Indeed the discourse on 
 Plato, prefixed to the translation of some of the 
 Dialogues, cannot be read without amazement 
 at its absurdity. He insinuates, that Plato began 
 to write about the time when prophecy ceased ; 
 and that this was divinely contrived, in order to 
 prepare the world for the Gospel by an inter- 
 mediate teaching of most of its principles If 
 
 But I will not pursue this lamentable subject. 
 A short view of the establishment and principles 
 of the school of Alexandria will suffice to explain 
 the mistake of the early fathers, and will pre- 
 pare us for a more sound opinion concerning 
 the knowledge which Plato appears to have 
 had of the Deity. 
 
 We are informed by Strabo, that a musaeum, 
 or college of philosophy had been formed at 
 
 * Incredibili doctissimus hicce vir amore Platonis incensus 
 erat, quo saepenumero sic abducitur, ut baud nmltum infra 
 Christum et sanctissimos ejus legates hominem collocare videa- 
 turj qu& re accidit, ut levissimas rationes pro magni mo- 
 menti argumentis interdum haberet. Opusc. De Great. 
 Mund. c. 15. 
 
 f One of bis verbal observations, in support of tbis insane 
 notion is, that Plato used TCLTTELVO^ in the sense of humble. A 
 plain anticipation of the New Testament ! 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 253 
 
 Alexandria in the time of the Ptolemies.* It 
 was erected and endowed by their munificence ; 
 and situated, by ^ signal favour, within the pre- 
 cincts of their own palace. The members lived 
 at a common table, and the whole establishment 
 was placed under the control of a priest, to whom 
 was also committed the administration of the 
 sacred rites. He was appointed to his office 
 by the sovereign ; and when Egypt fell under 
 the power of Rome, the nomination of the 
 president passed to the Caesars. The school 
 obtained much renown. Grammar, rhetoric, 
 poetry, philosophy, astronomy, music, medicine, 
 and every other art and science known in those 
 ages, were taught by professors in each branch ; 
 and the ingenuous youth of all the civilized 
 world resorted to it as to a common place of 
 instruction. 
 
 After a while, however, the antient mode of 
 teaching began to be abandoned. Either 
 through a wish of yielding to the superstitious 
 temper of Egypt, always prone to mix fanati- 
 
 * Tuiv 3e flaffiXet d)v HEQOQ e<?t, KCU TO M&crelov, 
 KOI e$pa>, icat OIKOV /zcyav, kv w TO Gvaainov T&V 
 
 ^iXoXoywr avdpijjv' e<?t 3e TTJ avvo^tj) TO.VTTJ KCU %pr/- 
 KOtva, Kal lepevg 6 eiri T<$ Mso-a'w rfray/^tj/oe, TOTE fj,ev VTTO 
 TU>V (3afft\l<i)v, vvv & VTTO Ka/o-apo^ . Lib. xvii. p. 54G. Compare 
 Cave, Hist. Litt. in voc. Athenagoras. 
 
254 PAGANISM AND 
 
 cism with its literature, or of pleasing by a 
 syncretism the tastes of scholars, brought from 
 different and distant nations ; either through 
 the fatigue of the multiplicity of doctrines, main- 
 tained by so many masters of philosophy, or 
 the ambition of forming a new sect ; an attempt 
 was made to compound the principal opinions 
 of the other schools into one system. The 
 tenets of Pythagoras were blended with those 
 of Plato. The extravagancies of the orientalists 
 were added to the compilation ; and of materials 
 thus discordant it was proposed to establish an 
 uniform and comprehensive scheme of philoso- 
 phy and theology.* When this attempt began, 
 however, does not clearly appear. Mosheim 
 attributes it to Potamon, whom, on the authority 
 of Suidas, he places in the age of Augustus.! 
 
 * Alexandrines, natura superstitiosos, et ad augendas reli- 
 giones pronissimos, philosophiam Pythagorico-Platonicam du- 
 dum apertis amplexibus recepisse, et cum ed omnis generis 
 religionis, itemque varia doctrinarum, maxime Orientalium, 
 capita conflasse in unum, et corpus aliquod theologiae excudisse, 
 quod de Deo et divinis emanationibus multa garriendo, pando- 
 cheum omnium fere religionum esset. Brucker, Per. 2, lib. i. 
 c. 2. Sect. iv. 19. Compare 2. He states tbis as one of 
 the points necessary to be remembered in order to understand 
 tbe Eclectic philosophy which ensued. 
 
 f Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 92. He notices the different 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 But Brucker is inclined to bring him down to a 
 later time, and to make him coeval with Bio- 
 genes Laertius, by whom he is briefly men- 
 tioned. However this may be, it is allowed by 
 both, that a disposition to reconcile the different 
 schools, had been shewn before the formation 
 of the more celebrated Eclectic sect by Ammo- 
 nius, towards the close of the second century.* 
 He became the father of the junior Platonics ; 
 and availing himself of the spirit already excited, 
 he united with his own doctrines, those which 
 pleased him in every other school. That of 
 Epicurus alone was excluded from his plan, 
 which was farther distinguished by two parti- 
 culars of essential importance to our subject. 
 While Ammonius professed to adopt whatever 
 was acceptable in Aristotle, Zeno, and the phi- 
 losophers at large, he gave a marked pre-emi- 
 nence to Plato, from whose confessed svtperi- 
 ority was derived one of the names by which 
 
 opinion of Brucker in another treatise in the same volume. 
 P. 754. 
 
 * Prodit obscuritas Potamonis, exiguam fortunam ejus cona- 
 mina habuisse, et in ipsd herbd fuisse suffocata. Feliciori 
 successu, ut' ampliori quoque consilio rem aggressus est Ammo- 
 nius Alexandrinus, a vitae genere Saccas dictus, qui exspirante 
 saeculo secundo et ineunte tertio vixit. Brucker. ib. 4. 
 
256 BAGANISM AND 
 
 the sect was known. At the same time, an 
 insidious use was made of the Scriptures, which 
 were now every where dispersed, and which, 
 through the force of Divine truth, were draw- 
 ing mankind away from a vain philosophy, to 
 the better knowledge of God and their duty. 
 It was consonant with the plan of Ammonius, 
 to adopt parts of Christianity itself, and to 
 modify them to his own purpose. Such of the 
 doctrines of the Gospel, therefore, as were 
 supposed to be compatible with the philosophy 
 of Plato, were received into the system ; while 
 others were explained away by an artful inter- 
 pretation, or supposed, by a forced similitude 
 of phrase, to be already familiar to the Pagan 
 schools. And thus was the pernicious design 
 accomplished of raising the character of philo- 
 sophy by the secret aid of Christianity ; of giv- 
 ing to the latter the occasional appearance of a 
 derivation from the former, and, in all cases, of 
 exalting Platonism above the Gospel.* For 
 
 * Ctim elegantiora et veriora baud pauca apud Christianos 
 inveniri convictus nosset, metueret autem, n inepte meliora 
 reliquisse videretur, Protei naturam induit, mutando, variando, 
 pingendoque Platoni eos sensus affinxit, qui Christianis pro- 
 piores essent j turn quae praestantiora Christianorum dogmata 
 erant, recocta, et ad sui systematis normam reformata recepit, 
 vel quae recipere non poterat, verborum tamen similitudine 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 257 
 
 this evil work Ammonius was too well prepared. 
 He had been born of Christian parents, and 
 was bred up in the faith. When, therefore, he 
 revolted to Paganism,* he carried with him an 
 acquaintance with .Christianity hitherto un- 
 known to the Heathen schools. And the mis- 
 chief done was in proportion to the superior 
 means which he possessed. 
 
 In imitation of the Pagan school of Alexan- 
 dria, a catechetical school had been formed 
 there by the Christians from the earliest time 
 of the propagation of the Gospel. f This was 
 in high repute when the sect of Ammonius was 
 formed. Some of the Platonics, therefore, 
 
 imitatus est, ut haberet, quae Christianis triumphum acturis 
 opponeret, quaeque in suo solo enata tamen esse gloriaretur 
 Brucker. ib. 21. 
 
 * Is Christianis parentibus natus, et in Christiana religione 
 institutus et educatus erat ; at virilem quum aetatem attigissct, 
 ad avitam religionem et multorum numinum cultum deficiebat. 
 Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 101, &c. 
 
 f Ad hujus gymnasii imitationem (the school founded by the 
 Ptolemies) ab ipsis nascentis ChristSanismi incunabulis schola 
 fidelium sacra a B. Marco Alexandria est instituta, in qua 
 rudiores primis fidei Christianae mysteriis erudirentur, consti- 
 tutis ad id praestantissirflis magistris. Et haec erat celeberrima 
 ilia Karrjxfiafwg schola Alexandrina, cujus frequens apud scrip- 
 tores ecclesiasticos occurrit mentio. Cave, Mist. Lit. in voc. 
 Athenagoras. 
 
 S 
 
258 PAGANISM AND 
 
 embraced Christianity ; and to this they were 
 induced perhaps by those parts of it with which 
 they had been made acquainted through the 
 new philosophy. Nor is it to be wondered, 
 that these persons should,- for a while at least, 
 understand the doctrines of the Gospel in an 
 imperfect manner, or that they should add to 
 their Christian profession, certain interpreta- 
 tions not strictly consonant with it.* To this 
 source we must trace that accommodation of 
 philosophy to faith, which we observe in some 
 of the writings of Athenagoras, who became 
 one of the more distinguished rectors of the 
 catechetical school. f The same prejudice in 
 
 * Utinam semper ita fecissent philosophi Christian!, quem- 
 admodum decebat, nee externd quddam dogmatum et institu- 
 tionum similitudine decepti fuissent, ut pro Christianis habe- 
 rent, quae ad speciem tantum Christiana videbantur. Sed ob- 
 stitit illis partim amor philosophic, partim imperitia et ingenii 
 imbecillitas, ne cuncta rite expenderent : ex quo evenit, ut in 
 Christianam multa transtulerint philosophiam, quae toto genere 
 a discipline, Christian^ dissident. Mosheim,Diss. Eccles. vol. i. 
 p. 97. 
 
 f Non soliitn philosophiam Platonicam publice docuit, sed 
 et scholas Christianorum catecheticae apud Alexandrines prefuit, 
 Christianam religionem in ipso quoque pallio professus. Cave, 
 ib. Compare the mention already made of this tendency of 
 Athenagoras ; ch. iy. p. 165. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 259 
 
 favour of Eclectic principles, strikes us in others 
 of the same school, in Origen,^ and Clement 
 named of Alexandria.* On the other hand, 
 those who, under the protection of the Platonic 
 sect, kept themselves aloof from the Gospel, 
 were its worst and most dangerous enemies. 
 The Christian writers had now exposed, with 
 so much success, the native foulness of Paga- 
 nism, that many were ashamed to follow it. To 
 these the eclectics offered a convenient escape. 
 They held a middle station, and allured to 
 their standard all who were disgusted by the 
 vulgar theology, but yet continued hostile to 
 the Gospel.f 
 
 The success of this fatal sect was rapid and 
 extensive. Another great support of it soon 
 sprung up in Plotinus, whom Augustin so em- 
 phatically mentions as the best interpreter of 
 the mind of Plato. He established a school of 
 high reputation in Italy.J Porphyry laboured 
 
 * Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 95. 
 
 f Eovero potissimtim consilio conditum est, quo res Deorum 
 sensim collabentes servarentur al> interitu, et Christianorum in 
 veteres superstitiones tela confringerentur, ipsaque eorum reli- 
 gio, si fieri posset, extirparetur. Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. 
 p. 108. 
 
 } Hie, quum Romae scholam aperuisset, totam fere Italiam 
 
 s 2 
 
260 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to spread the same doctrines over Sicily.* Plu- 
 tarch (not of Chaeronea) became a professor of 
 them at Athens ;f while from Alexandria itself 
 the system was carried into Syria, and for a 
 while flourished in an extraordinary degree at 
 Antioch,J a city, in which the followers of the 
 faith had been first distinguished by the name 
 of Christians. Its progress was indeed checked 
 by the civil establishment of the Gospel ; but 
 the hopes of the school were soon revived by 
 Julian, himself an Eclectic. After his death, 
 however, it decayed. Its existence was con- 
 tinued till the age of Justinian, by whose firm- 
 ness it was finally suppressed. || 
 
 Ammonii doctrina infecit. He was a scholar of Ammonias. 
 Mosheim, Diss. Eccles. vol. i. p. 112. 
 
 * Is Siciliam et alias provincias Roman! orbis hoc philoso- 
 phiae genere replevit. He was a scholar of Plotinus. ib. 
 
 f In Graeciam Plutarchus quidam, Atheniensis, hanc intulit 
 philosophandi formam. From this school arose Syrianus, Pro- 
 clus, Isidorus, and Darnascius. ib. p. 113. 
 
 J Ex JLgypto, ad finitimos populos, maxime ad Syros, haec 
 secta transiit, multisque in locis, praesertim Antiochiae, quae 
 caput est Syriae, consedit. ib. 
 
 Juliano regnante, qui praeter modum huic doctrines favebat, 
 quam ipsemet complexus erat, parura a summo gloriae et felici- 
 tatis humanae apice distare videbantur Platonici. ib. p. 1 14. 
 
 [| Justinianus imperator aut solum eos vertere, aut ad Chris- 
 tianorum religionem accedere jussit. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 261 
 
 This short history will be sufficient to account 
 for the extraordinary influence of the name of 
 Plato on the Christian world, and the astonish- 
 ment of many at the supposed coincidence of 
 Platonism with Revelation.* It will also ex- 
 plain the false admiration which was entertained 
 for Plato by many of the early writers of the 
 church, while they employed themselves in 
 combating other parts of the Doctrine attributed 
 to him. In fact, the knowledge which they 
 had of Plato, was drawn chiefly from the mixed 
 interpretations of his followers; and it is the 
 decided judgment of Brucker, that the philo- 
 sophy which Augustin so fervently extolled, 
 
 * Not only had some of the later writers imitated the doc- 
 trines of the Gospel, and produced a Trinity unknown to Plato, 
 the illumination of the Spirit, the return of the soul to God, 
 &c. but particular words were now used in a solemn sense, 
 borrowed from the Scriptures. Vocabula, quae de Deo, de 
 animae naturd, de purgatione animse, de misero corrupt! hominis 
 statu, et de aliis rebus adhibent, ejus sunt generis, ut apertum 
 sit, e novi fcederis divinis scriptoribus ea mutuo esse surnpta, 
 minime vero in scholis philosophorum nata. Testes hujus rei 
 omnes illos facio, qui maximi inter ethnicos sunt nominis, 
 philosophos, Plotinum, Jamblichum, Hieroclem, Simplicium, 
 et alios, in quibus nomina <rwr/)p, qvaKalvttffif, iraXiyyeveffia, 
 </>wrirr/zoe, et infinita alia, philosophis olim incognita, utramque 
 faciunt paginam. Mosheim, Dissert. Eccles. vol. i. p. 339. 
 
262 PAGAMSM AND 
 
 before he became acquainted with his error, 
 and had the courage openly to retract it, was 
 not that of Plato, but of Plotinus.* From this 
 view of the false credit assumed for him by the 
 Alexandrian school, let us turn then to Plato 
 himself, and briefly inquire, what is the pro- 
 bable amount of the knowledge which he pos- 
 sessed of the Deity. 
 
 From those passages of Justin Martyr which 
 have been already quoted, it appears, that some 
 of the compliments so zealously paid to Plato 
 in the early ages of the Gospel, arose from the 
 use of certain expressions, to which much so- 
 lemnity was attached, in his physical writings. 
 The Parmenides is supposed to teah the doc- 
 trine of divine things. The Timaeus treats of 
 the knowledge of nature.f But these subjects 
 
 * Ilia enim, quam mire effert, Platonica philosophia non alia 
 est quam Flotiniana. Per. 2. part 2. lib. 1. c. 3. 11. Indeed, 
 he speaks of Plotinus as having the reputation, in that age, of 
 being the best interpreter of the mind of Plato: Plotinus 
 certe, nostrae memoriae vicinus temporibus, Platonem caeteris 
 excellentius inteilixisse laudatur. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 10. It 
 has happened to Plato to be obscured by the growth of his own 
 fame ; and the glosses of his followers have hidden his original 
 meaning. 
 
 f Justin Martyr speaks of it as being also a treatise of 
 theology: iv T<$ iairovcac^iv^ <We[Xoy&> TV/ia/w, tv a kill 
 i. Ad Grsec. Cohort, p. 20. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 263 
 
 are occasionally interchanged, and in the dis- 
 cussion of both, are employed the terms of " the 
 one," and " that which is." In the former of 
 these dialogues, the principal inquiry is con- 
 cerning a metaphysical unity, whether there be 
 one thing, or many. It had been affirmed by 
 Parmenides in his celebrated poem, that " all 
 things were one." The principle of this deci- 
 sion, which was sufficiently obscure in itself, 
 (for the term " one" may be used sometimes 
 concerning that which possesses parts, and 
 sometimes concerning that which is without 
 parts,) was, of course, unknown to the less sci- 
 entific part of mankind: and it appears, that 
 they were disposed to indulge their mirth at 
 the expense of such as maintained the doctrine. 
 Zeno was offended at so gross a liberty. He 
 therefore came to the assistance of Parmenides 
 with another position, differing in words, as 
 Socrates observes, but agreeing in sense, that 
 all things were " not many."* Hence the 
 
 TO TTCIV, KO.I 
 
 ridiv srat, 
 
 Se Kal avTog 7ra/i7roXXa KOI 7ra^^cye0j; Trapt'^rat* ro 
 ovv TOV //>, eV (para i, rov cte, pf) TroXXa, KUI OVTWQ lm 
 \iytiv WTC pr$v T&V avr&v Eipipc&tM ^QKCiV, a\f.c6v TL 
 
264 PAGANISM AND 
 
 reader is introduced to a knowledge of the pro- 
 perties of " one." He finds that it is without 
 parts, and infinite ; that it is comprehended 
 neither in any other, nor in itself; that it is 
 without shape, and in no place. On the same 
 principle, it is subject to no change, and cannot 
 pass into any other condition ; yet it is not, on 
 that account, stationary. It is neither like to 
 itself, nor any other, nor is it different. It has 
 neither equality nor inequality ; and having no 
 connection with time, is neither old nor young : 
 and since no description can be given of that 
 which has no determinate mode of being, it has 
 no name, and cannot be declared in any certain 
 manner.* These and many other things are 
 circumstantially stated ; and the question is 
 discussed in various ways, and on contrary 
 suppositions. It is extremely difficult to con- 
 jecture what may be the tendency of a reasoning 
 thus complicated and abstruse; and perhaps it 
 is this very circumstance which has induced 
 
 ravrct, i/Trep fyuae rfag aAAe, <f>aivTai r^uv ra e/pr/jueVa 
 In Farm. p. 1110. 
 
 * 'Owe)' ovopa^erat lipa, ovde. \lyerai, e o 
 ytyvaxTKETCiC ee rl TWV ovrwv avrS alffddvTUi. The particu- 
 lars selected in the text,, and many more, are mentioned, p. 
 11171120, ed. Ficiu. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMP/UIED. 265 
 
 the Platonic commentators to interpret it into 
 a mystical allusion to the nature of the Deity. 
 With this, however, is also interwoven the 
 doctrine of ideas ; and if it has any reasonable 
 connection with the great position of " one," 
 as understood by the Alexandrian school, the 
 meaning probably is, that the difference in the 
 species of things, constituted according to their 
 respective exemplars, does not destroy the as- 
 sertion concerning the unity of principle.* If 
 therefore, any tolerable conclusion can be drawn 
 
 * Plato is said to have been the first who defined the doctrine 
 of ideas : T)v Trtpi T&V Ict&v Trpwroc eVi^ttpiferae op^ecrQat, 
 Euseb. Prsep. Evang. lib. ii. c. 3. Yet he is by no means 
 consistent wiih himself, sometimes supposing them to be only 
 exemplars, or noetic models of things ; and sometimes repre- 
 senting them as having a positive agency in their formation, 
 and communicating a consistency and stability to matter. 
 Brucker complains besides, that the doctrine of Parmenides is 
 wrested to this ideal system ; and the commentator, in a late 
 edition of Plato, Bipont. 1786, abruptly adandons the argu- 
 ment of the Parmenides, on account of the tedious and unpro- 
 fitable nature of the discussion: equidem haec legens tanto 
 afficior taedio, ut iis referendis immorari prorsus nequeam. In 
 short, none could understand this dialogue, except those mystical 
 commentators who endeavoured to set up the credit of Plato 
 against the Gospel : and these may be understood in their turn, 
 if a more fortunate race of interpreters should arise to explain 
 their explanation. 
 
566 PAGANISM AND 
 
 from a dissertation immoderately perplexed 
 and obscure; and almost equally unintelligible, 
 with, or without the aid of the fanatical inter- 
 pretation which has been bestowed upon it, 
 the doctrine of " one" means either one whole, 
 or, all things essentially flowing from one ; or, 
 having their only subsistence by a participation 
 in the properties of one ! 
 
 The character which Brucker gives of the 
 Eleatic philosophy of Zeno, contains some 
 particulars of resemblance with the doctrine of 
 Plato concerning " one."* His view, also, of 
 the poem of Parmenides, (of which, however, 
 there remain only some obscure fragments,) 
 may in some measure assist the meaning of the 
 dialogue. He seems to have held, that truth, 
 and the essence of things, were not to be found 
 in the mutability of matter, or the uncertainty 
 
 * Nihil ex non-ente exsurgere, et ideo unum tantum ens, 
 nempe Deum esse. Ens hoc esse excellentissimum et sternum 
 et unum, ideoque unum Deum esse et gubernare omnia ; sibi 
 omni ex parte similem esse, rotundutn, neque finitum neque 
 infinitunij et neque moveri posse, neque immobilem esse, neque 
 locum neque motum. Ex quibus patet, dum prsedicata fere 
 omnia de Deo Zeno renioveat, impossible esse in veram ejus 
 mentem penetrare, metaphysicam sibi entis nptionem effingen- 
 tis, et nugis dialecticis cogitata sua obscurantis. Per. 1 . part, 
 post. lib. ii. c. 11, 11. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 267 
 
 of opinion and the senses. Hence a marked 
 distinction was drawn between physical and 
 metaphysical knowledge. 
 
 From the latter, on which alone a reliance 
 may be placed, it appears, that there is only one 
 principle of all things ; that it is immoveable 
 and immutable ; and therefore that the universe 
 is one. It is also eternal, nor had it a begin- 
 ning; and it is of a spherical form, a figure ex- 
 tolled for its superior properties by Plato in his 
 Timseus. The one principle of other things is 
 therefore the only Being ; other things are non- 
 entities; and, in strictness of language, there 
 is no formation of things by generation, no dis- 
 solution of them by corruption, but their out- 
 ward appearances are only illusions.* 
 
 This system, while it appears to do honour 
 to the primary principle, is, however, effect- 
 ually injurious to it : and if Plato is to be 
 judged by such rules, his Deity, which, in the 
 reverential interpretation of Augustin, was lately 
 placed beyond all the objects of sense, is ulti- 
 
 * Esse omne rerum principium unum, immobile et immuta- 
 bile, et ita universum esse unum ; idque aeteruum esse, et ori- 
 ginis expers ac sphserica indutum forma; soliun hoc unurn ens 
 esse, reliqua non-entia, nihil itaque proprifc geiierari vel cor- 
 ruuipi, sed species ejus nobis taiitilm illudere. ib. 8. 
 
268 PAGANISM AND 
 
 mately reduced to a participation in the gross- 
 ness of matter. Either the incorporeal Being 
 is linked in a degrading union with his own 
 eternal world ; and, on this account, the same 
 qualities may be nearly predicated of both, not- 
 withstanding the existence allowed to the one, 
 and denied to the other ; or, this visible world 
 is nothing but an efflux from the Deity ; and in 
 this sense, all things being one, the whole is 
 material together !* 
 
 Some of these notions seem to be still pre- 
 served in the Eastern parts of the world ; and 
 
 * Universa fere juniorum Platonicorum turba sanxit niun- 
 dum ex ipso Deo ab omni aeternitate fluxisse, et Deum idcirco 
 esse omnia. Mosheim, Opusc. p. 200. He justly exclaims on 
 this : Exeat vero a nobis, suasque sibi res solus habeat, cui 
 tam fceda potest placere sententia, quam ego deteriorem illorum 
 esse dogmate arbitror, qui perennem aeterno Deo materiam 
 adjungunt. 
 
 In Milton's address to light, a part of this dangerous philo- 
 sophy seems to be remembered, though with some decent hesi- 
 tation concerning it. 
 
 Hail, holy Light, offspring of Heaven first-born, 
 
 Or of the eternal coeternal beam, 
 
 May I express thee unblamed ? Since GOD is light, 
 
 And never but, in unapproached light 
 
 Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee, 
 
 Bright effluence of bright essence increate. 
 
 Par. Lost, book 3. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 269 
 
 anciently perhaps were better known to the re- 
 ligions of Europe, than they are to the philoso- 
 phical inquiries of the present day. The Indian 
 Brehme is said to be all things, the sky, the 
 earth, and the heaven. He is the sole, irradi- 
 ating power. Sensible objects have no separate 
 being. They are but outward manifestations of 
 him, and in themselves, therefore, are nothing. 
 
 This result of the inquiry concerning the 
 "one," will be sufficient to explain the doctrine 
 in the Timaeus concerning " that which is." 
 Plutarch informs us, in what manner both ex- 
 pressions were understood to have the same 
 meaning. When the worshipper went to con- 
 sult the Delphic oracle, the salutation, directed 
 as it were towards him from the god, was, 
 " Know thyself." To this he was supposed to 
 reply, "Thou art;" or according to the more 
 antient custom, " Thou art one."* Being is 
 therefore unity, for, as he observes, God is not 
 many ;f and whatever differs from him, is no- 
 
 * 'O yap 0oe em<roj> fift&v kvTavQa. iroofnovTci oiov 
 ZtifjievoQ, irooffayoQEvet, TO Yvu)Qi eravrov, o TU %tp &) uc!e 
 <rtv' fipslg de TraXiv a//t/36//yoi TOV eov., Et (j)afjiv r\ KOI vij 
 At'_, tig ivioi T&V TraXaTwv, El ev. De Et Delphico, c. 17 20. 
 
 ~\~ 'Ow yctp TToXXa TO Seiov k^iv AXX' ev eivai csl TO ov, w<T7rfp 
 ov TO ey. ib. The term Et is interpreted in other senses by dif- 
 
270 PAGANISM AND 
 
 thing. On the phrase itself, therefore, I will 
 not dwell, since the doctrine which it contains, 
 is referable to the point already discussed. The 
 leading principles also of this dialogue have been 
 incidentally mentioned ; nor will it be necessary 
 to enter into the mode in which the world was 
 formed, the nature of its exemplar or the pro- 
 perties of its figure, the elements and their pro- 
 portions, the mutable, immutable, and mixed 
 kinds of things from which was compounded 
 the soul of the world, or the production of the 
 gods and inferior animals. For the present 
 purpose it will be sufficient to advert to the 
 speech of the Demiurge, in which he declares 
 his superiority to the other deities, to men, and 
 terrestrial creatures. He reminds the secondary 
 gods, who had been produced by himself, that, 
 though they might conceive themselves to be 
 necessarily immortal on that account,* yet they 
 
 ferent speakers in the dialogue. But Eusebius had selected the 
 meaning given to it by Ammonius, which indeed was best 
 suited to his purpose. Prsep. Evang. lib. xi. c. 1 1 . 
 
 * 'E?rt ovv Trarreg 0001 re TrepnroXovcri tyavep&Q, KCU offoi Qai- 
 vovrai KO.& oaov av edtXwffi $eol, yevfffiv 'irr'^pv, Xtyti Trpog avre 
 o race TO Trav ytwiiGCLQ TU^E, veot Sewv, &v eyw ?;/it8pyoe, 7r<m;p 
 re f'pywv, a $t ju5 yfrojueva, fiXvra, ipS ys. SfXovroQ. In Tim. 
 p. 1054. The evil principle afterwards mentioned, alludes, as 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 271 
 
 were generated, and therefore liable to dissolu- 
 tion. The evil principle has a tendency to de- 
 stroy them ; but he is superior, in this instance, 
 to its malignancy, and pledges himself that 
 their being shall be continued. He then com- 
 missions them to complete the work of the uni- 
 verse, and furnishes them with a part of -the 
 requisite materials. Before the formation of 
 the world, he had provided a soul for it. This 
 he had mixed and tempered in a bowl. The 
 remains of the mixture, yet with some differ- 
 ence in the preparation, he now gives to the 
 gods, and bids them imitate his primary agency. 
 It is beneath his dignity to attend to the forma- 
 tion of terrestrial animals. With the materials, 
 therefore, afforded by the Demiurge for the hu- 
 man soul, and with some inferior matter taken 
 
 I believe, to the perverseness of matter, always crossing the 
 designs of the Deity, and never perfectly subdued by him. Au- 
 gustin has quoted this speech against the later Platonics for the 
 purpose of proving that God may bestow immortality on the 
 bodies as well as the souls of men : Hoc tantum contra 
 istos commemorandum putavi, qui se Platonicos vocari vel esse 
 gloriantur ; et quaerentes quid in doctrind Christiand reprehen- 
 dant, exagitant aeternitatem corporum, tanquam haec sint in- 
 ter se contraria, ut et beatitudinem quaeramus animae, et earn 
 semper esse velimus in corpore velut aerumnoso vinculo colliga- 
 tam. Civ. Dei, lib. xiii. c. 16. 
 
272 PAGANISM AND 
 
 by themselves from the elements, to which it 
 was to be finally restored, the gods compose 
 mankind.* 
 
 These specimens of doctrine are drawn from 
 both parts of what was termed the natural phi- 
 losophy of Plato. But, whatever interpreta- 
 tion be made in his favour, we observe him, in 
 the former instance, establishing a mere meta- 
 physical principle, which is too refined and 
 visionary to have any influence on human con- 
 duct or human happiness ; and in the latter, 
 placing mankind at a careful distance from the 
 Demiurge, who is too dignified to trouble him- 
 self with them or their concerns. 
 
 Hence arose the necessity of admitting the 
 existence of other deities ; and on this doubt- 
 less was founded his own worship of the popu- 
 lar gods. It would be superfluous to point out, 
 at any length, the undoubted idolatry of Plato 
 amidst his supposed discovery of the real Unity, 
 
 * TavT EITTE' KOI TraXo' 7Ti Tov TTpoTCpov KpCLTijpo., EV J TYJV r5 
 og \jjvxfjv Kf.pa.vwQ Efjuvye, TO. T(t)VTrp6aQe.v uTToXonra fcare%e7ro 
 T-pcTTOJ' pev Tiva TOV avrov. ib. vorjoravreQ ol Tralceg Trjv 
 Harpoc TG&jiV, tTretOovro CLVTTJ, KOI XafiovreQ aQavciTOv ap^jv 
 fax, ju^ibfjuevot TOV cr^erefOJ' ^-v/utspyov, Trvpoc KOL yJ/Cr 
 re teal aepoe aVo rS Kocrps (arei^ojuvoL /(opia^ we cnro- 
 a 7rd\tv, dg ravro Xa3avotfra tvyK<j\\iov. ib. 
 p. 10545. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 273 
 
 a doctrine utterly irreconcileable with the prac- 
 tice of polytheism.* He makes Socrates him- 
 self an idolater. When, in his Apology, he 
 speaks of " the God," he commonly means the 
 Delphic Apollo,t in obedience to whose de- 
 claration, he adopted that mode of argument 
 for the conviction of error, on account of which 
 he became so obnoxious to the Athenians. In 
 the Euthyphro he declares the gods to be the 
 bestowers of the only good which can happen to 
 men.J In his private conversation with Crito, 
 as well as in the presence of his judges, he 
 states his belief in them, and swears by them 
 singly and collectively. Nay, he establishes 
 their existence through his assertion of the 
 reality of his own demon. He allows that the 
 demons are not properly gods. They were 
 
 * Another conclusive argument against Plato's supposed dis- 
 covery of the Unity is drawn from the eternity of matter, one 
 of the undoubted results of his philosophy. This is well stated 
 by Mosheim : Quum toties de uno Deo loquatur, haud tamen 
 existimavit, vel vidit, tolli unitatem Dei, si materia seque aeterna 
 censeatur, atqueipse Deus est. Opusc. p. 184. 
 
 t TO.VTO. yap icc\cv/ 6 00. Apol. p. 23. and epoi $ raro, 
 oC lyw ^>7?/Jt, Trpoorerafcrat viro TU 0a Trparrc iv. ib. p. 26. 
 
 + B^ev yap eVtv ?/^itv aya0ov o,rt av /u>) tKtlvoi ctatro'. In 
 Euth. p. 11. 
 
 T 
 
274 PAGANISM AND 
 
 supposed to be the children of the gods by the 
 Nymphs. To affirm a demon, therefore, as 
 Socrates constantly did, was to presuppose the 
 gods.* 
 
 This introduces to our notice another, or 
 mixed race of deities, sprung from gods and 
 mortals. It was a settled maxim of Plato, that 
 the Deity had no communication with man.t 
 At the same time he allowed the existence of 
 demons, invested them with local presidencies, 
 and, on account of their extraordinary pru- 
 dence, quick apprehension, and exact memory, 
 supposed them to know all the thoughts of the 
 human heart.J Hence he conferred on them 
 
 * 'Ei c ay 01 &aifjtovQ ewv 7ra7<^e fieri vodot TLVEQ, r/ EK 
 tyfov, ?/ ktc TIV&V aXXwy, <Jj> &} teal \eyovrat, TLQ av av 
 &ewv /uev Trcu^ae fjyotTO eivaij 6e&Q ^e fi^ j Apol. p. 21. It is 
 needless to say, that Plato ambitiously attributes his own 
 thoughts to Socrates cui etiam, non sibi, scripta sua voluit 
 tribui. Fab. Bib. Grsec. In Plat. 
 
 f Ofoc & avBpwiru H ^iyvvrai. In Conviv. p. 1 194. 
 
 J Merex, ol/ra ^ typovr'iffetjjc; ^avjj.a^iJQ t are yerag ovra ivfj.adaQ 
 TE Kai fjtvrjfjLovoQ, yiyvwffKEiv [lev tyfj-Traffav TIJV rj^erlpav avra 
 Stavoiav \l yujjLEv. InEpinom. p. 1011. This is an important 
 sentence, as it shows us the gross and degrading notions of 
 Paganism concerning Divine omniscience. In the Cratylus, 
 Plato drrives the name of demons from ^ar/fjuttv. But it is 
 remarkable, that, in the same dialogue, he also pronounces a 
 wise man to be a demon opflwe Saipova KaXeiffOat. Here his 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 275 
 
 the office of interpreters, or reporters, of the 
 actions of mankind to the higher deities. Of 
 this part of his mythology much corrupt use 
 was made by his successors, who extracted 
 from it a regular system of mediatorial agency. 
 In the demons were united the different qua- 
 lities of gods and men ; and to these were 
 added, others peculiar to themselves.* Of the 
 latter description were their bodies. These were 
 aerial, and adapted to that middle region which 
 they possessed between heaven and earth. But 
 by the kindness of the superior gods, they were 
 also gifted with immortality, and in this parti- 
 cular, they were similar to the gods themselves. 
 On the other hand, they approached the condi- 
 tion of man. They were of an animal nature ; 
 and with the possession of rational souls, were 
 subject to the influences of passion. They were 
 agitated with some of the worst feelings of mor- 
 
 etymology (in which he is generally unfortunate) is pursued 
 till it injures his mythology. 
 
 * Augustin, who takes much pains in refuting this philo- 
 sophy, states it from Apuleius Daemones esse genere animalia, 
 animo passiva, mente rationalia, corpore a'erea, tempore aeterna. 
 Horum vero quinque, tria priora illis esse nobiscum communia, 
 quartum proprium, quintum eos cum Diis habere commune. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 16. 
 
 T2 
 
276 PAGANISM AND 
 
 tals;* they were irritated with injuries; and 
 again, corruptly open to flattery, they were 
 appeased by attentions, and won by presents. 
 They took a vain and selfish delight in the ho- 
 nours paid to them by those who solicited their 
 intercession with the gods ; and, of course, were 
 grievously offended at the omission or refusal of 
 the expected ceremonies. 
 
 The authority invented for them was adapted 
 to their situation and nature. As they were the 
 middle agents between men and the inaccessible 
 gods ; as they alone were empowered to carry 
 the petitions of mortals to heaven, and to bring 
 from thence the suitable grants or refusals, they 
 had the superintendence of all those arts by 
 which men endeavoured to ascertain the divine 
 intentions. Accordingly, within their depart- 
 ment were placed augurs, aruspices, and sooth- 
 sayers. To them belonged the secret and ter- 
 
 * Eisdem quibus homines animi perturbationibus agitari, 
 irritari injuriis, obsequiis donisque placari, gaudere honoribus, 
 diversis sacrorum ritibus oblectari, et in eis si quid neglectum 
 fuerit, commoveri. ib. Plato seems to have given pleasures and 
 pains to his Demons, in order to save his Deity, who must have 
 no disturbance of passion on account of the good or bad con- 
 duct of men : Qebv fj.ev yap $17 rov TeXog e-^ovra T^Q $iag 
 fiolpaQ, tfyi) T&Td)v eli'at, XVTTTJQ Te KOI rj^ov^c. In Epinom. 
 p. 1011. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 277 
 
 rific practices of magic, and the lighter province 
 of dreams and omens. 1 * When Hannibal was 
 about to lose the sight of one of his eyes, it was 
 their business to suggest, in his sleep, the ap- 
 proaching misfortune. They foretold to Flami- 
 nius, by the entrails of the victim, the danger 
 which threatened his fleet. They instigated 
 Attius Neevius to perform the miracle of the 
 whetstone severed by the razor. The tokens 
 which foreran the attainment of empire are also 
 directed by them. They sent the eagle which 
 hovered over Tarquinius Priscus, and lighted 
 up the lambent flame, which plqyed round the 
 head of Servius Tullus.f 
 
 This doctrine is detailed, with much fulness, 
 by Apuleius in his book on the god or demon 
 of Socrates. In a strain of inflated and affected 
 oratory, he states the philosophical grounds of 
 
 * Ad eos pertinere divinationes augurum, aruspicum, vatum, 
 atque somniorum : ab his quoque esse miracula magorum. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. viii. c. 16. 
 
 f Horum etiam munus et opera atque cura est, ut Annibali 
 sorania orbitatem oculi comminarentur : Flaminio extispicia 
 periculum classis praedicerent j Attio Naevio auguria miraculum 
 cotis addicant : ita ut nonnullis regni futuri signa praecurrant j 
 ut Tarquinius Priscus aquila obumbretur ab apice ; Servius 
 Tullus flamma colluminetur a capite. Apuleius de Deo So- 
 cratis. 
 
278 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the opinion expressed by Plato in the Epinomis 
 and other dialogues, concerning the order of 
 demons. The highest heaven is possessed by 
 the chief deity; the aether, by the visible 
 deities, or stars ; and the earth by man. What 
 inhabitants then are allotted to the air ? Only 
 the birds. But these do not fly far above the 
 surface of the earth, certainly never above the 
 top of Olympus, the highest of all mountains ; 
 and, according to the opinion of the most 
 authentic geometricians, Olympus does not 
 exceed ten stadia in perpendicular height.* Is 
 there nothing then between the top of Olympus 
 and the moon ? No tolerable cosmology will 
 allow such a void. Here then at length is ob- 
 tained a convenient situation for the demons, 
 who are invested with the charges already 
 described. These were the efforts of Platonic 
 philosophy in the second century, an age, from 
 which, as we have already seen, the corruptions 
 of that doctrine begin to take their rise.t The 
 
 * Qui aves aeri attribuat, falsum sentenliae meritissimo dix- 
 eris j quippe cum avis nulla ultra Olympi verticem sublimatur. 
 Qui cum excellentissimus omnium perhibetur,tamen altitudinem 
 perpendiculo si metiare, ut geometrae autumant, stadia decem 
 altitude fastigii non aequiparat ; &c. Apul. ib. 
 
 j- For a brief view of the changes which took place in the 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 279 
 
 manner in which Apuleius conducts his subject, 
 is sufficiently puerile and ridiculous ;* but the 
 motive was probably of a more serious nature. 
 He, and more particularly the succeeding Pla- 
 tonics, seem to have enlarged and methodized 
 the system of their leader,! that they might 
 more effectually counteract the growing recep- 
 tion of the Gospel, adulterate its tenets, and 
 weaken the faith, now spreading through the 
 empire, in the one true Mediator between god 
 
 Platonic philosophy, after the general diffusion of the know- 
 ledge of the Gospel, consult Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, 
 Cent. ii. Part 2. He has discussed the subject at greater length 
 in his Ecclesiastical Dissertations. 
 
 * He seems conscious of the opinion which would be enter- 
 tained of him; ne videar poetico ritu incredibilia confingere. 
 ib. But in vain he endeavours to shelter himself. He is what 
 he disclaims. 
 
 f In the Epinomis, the doctrine of Plato concerning the gods 
 and demons is stated with much solemnity j and the mainte- 
 nance of the honours paid to all of them, whether visible or 
 invisible, is defended upon the principle of custom, and the 
 impossibility of getting better intelligence : KCLI fjirjv && uv 6 
 Trarpioe VO^LOQ etpty/ce Trept Svfft&i' a.TroKtt)\vffi (vo/zoflerTje) firj- 
 $e.v TO TrapaTrav etae* uHrirep # ov ^vvarov eifitvai rjjf vi}Ty 
 <f>vffti TWV TOIUTWV Tre'pt. p. 1011. In the Convivium the doctrine 
 delivered by Socrates, concerning the demons, is licentiousness 
 rather than theology. He professes to remember it from the 
 conversation of old Diotima, a soothsaying woman, who in- 
 structed him, when young, in erotic affairs ! p. 1 192. 
 
280 PAGANISM AND 
 
 and man, Jesus Christ.* And hence it is, that 
 Augustin is so copious in this part of his subject, 
 and shews so marked an anxiety to impress the 
 world with a proper sense of the Mediatorial 
 office of the Saviour. 
 
 We have now seen what is the amount of the 
 doctrine of Plato concerning the Deity. Has 
 he supplied the defect which we lately disco- 
 vered in the system of Varro ? If Varro ap- 
 peared to have lost the deity of Plato, is that 
 Deity, when found, more effective than the 
 soul of the world ? Was the precious gift of 
 the " life to come," to be expected from such 
 a being ? And was the eternal welfare of man- 
 kind better secured by the Grecian philosophy, 
 than by the Roman mythology? The god of 
 Plato, from whom all things are said to proceed, 
 is rather an ideal principle than a Supreme Be- 
 ing. He is sometimes called by the equivalent 
 terms of " the world," " Olympus," and the 
 
 * Brucker states this to have been one of the leading fea- 
 tures of the Eclectic philosophy : Spiritus inferiores esse me- 
 diatores inter Deum et homines asserebat (Ammonius); hos 
 colendos ideo esse contendebat, ut ad ineffabile numen aditum 
 pararent. Per. ii. part 1, lib. i. cap. 2. sect. iv. 21. Com- 
 pare 28. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 281 
 
 " heaven" itself,* and appears to be the consti- 
 tution of the universe, instead of its governor. 
 At the utmost, he keeps himself aloof from 
 man, and refuses a communication with him, lest 
 he should be contaminated by the approach.! 
 From such a deity, therefore, whatever be his 
 fancied superiority to the deities of the popular 
 mythology, eternal happiness cannot be ex- 
 pected by mortals. Human concerns are de- 
 volved to the inferior gods. Are these then 
 the bestowers of everlasting life? The highest 
 of them were formed by the Demiurge, and 
 subsist only through him. In their own natures 
 they are liable to dissolution, and are entirely 
 dependent on his pleasure. But, not being im- 
 mortal in their own right, they cannot confer 
 on others a property which they do not them- 
 selves possess. Finally, is future happiness to 
 be expected from the Platonic demons ? Apu- 
 leius, who has expatiated at such length, on 
 the properties of their bodies, is utterly silent 
 
 * Tiva Srj KOI ffejivvvdiv TTOTE Xgyw 0o>$ cr^e^ov itpavov' ov feat 
 <)iKaiorarov, ae ^vfjuravreg aXXot tWjUovce a/fa *at $eol t TI^V 
 re Kai tv^effQai ^ta^epovrwe avrw. In Epinom. p. 1006. 
 
 f Nullus Deus miscetur homini. Hoc praecipuum eorum 
 sublimitatis ait (Apuleius) esse specimen, quod nulld attrecta- 
 tione hominum contaminantur. Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 16. 
 
282 PAGANISM AND 
 
 concerning any goodness to be attributed to 
 their minds ;* and it has already appeared, that 
 they are subject to the same passions which 
 degrade and enslave mankind. They are there- 
 fore wicked beings, and cannot bestow on their 
 votaries the gifts of goodness. Do they then 
 solicit from the superior gods that immortal 
 happiness which is beyond their own ability to 
 grant? The same wickedness still hinders 
 them. They who are thus unfit to bestow 
 eternal life, are equally unfit to convey it ; and 
 the precious reward itself would be polluted, if 
 any god should confer it through the mediation 
 of agents confessedly weak and sinful.f 
 
 * De his universaliter disserens, et tarn multa loquens de 
 acreis eorum corporibus, de virtutibus animorum tacuit. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. ix. c. 3. 
 
 f Quales preces hominum diis bonis per daemones allegari 
 putat, magicas, an licitas ? Si magicas, nolunt tales j si licitas, 
 nolunt per tales. Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 19. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 283 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 PLATO CONTINUED. . . HIS PRINCIPLE OF THE IMMORTALITY 
 OF THE SOUL... HIS HISTORY OF THE SOUL. . .INFEREN- 
 CES FROM THE WHOLE . . . FALSE CREATION ASCRIBED TO 
 HIS DEITY. . . FALSE IMMORTALITY TO THE SOUL. 
 
 WE have seen, that the happiness of the " life 
 to come" was not to be expected from the Pla- 
 tonic ONE, the secondary gods, or the mixed 
 race of demons. The question yet remains, 
 whether this great defect in one of the most 
 celebrated systems of natural religion, were 
 compensated by some other advantage; whe- 
 ther, notwithstanding the incapacity proved 
 against the gods, the soul of man were secure 
 of happiness through any qualities, either de- 
 rived from without, or resulting from its own 
 nature. 
 
 To enumerate all the absurd and contradic- 
 tory opinions of the Pagan schools concerning 
 the soul, would be an unprofitable, if it were 
 not an endless, task. From the time of Thales 
 and Pythagoras, to whom we lately traced 
 some of the earliest attempts in antient theo- 
 
284 PAGANISM AND 
 
 logy, the Greeks disputed concerning the soul 
 and its qualities, whether it might be called 
 body, or not. In the latter case, the question 
 was, whether it were a mere intelligence, en- 
 dued with the privilege of motion, whether 
 this motion were perpetual or voluntary, or 
 whether the thinking faculty were not resolva- 
 ble into the force of self-moving numbers.* 
 In the former, whether it were of an aerial 
 species, or a fiery composition ; or an equal 
 mixture of fire, air, vapour, and another name- 
 less quality, in which consisted its sensation ;f 
 whether it were any thing more than warm 
 air, or the breath, or perhaps an homogeneous 
 substance, consisting of the exhalations of the 
 world and the internal vapours of man himself.f 
 
 rrjv 
 
 a.VTOKtvr)TOV. Tlvdayopag, apidfiov EO.VTOV KIVUVTO.' TOV ft apiQ- 
 fiojf avri TU vS 7rapa\a/t/3a/i. Plutarch, de Plac. Phil, lib.'iv. 
 c. 2. In the first book is stated the correspondence between 
 the four parts of the soul, and the virtues of the number four, 
 the celebrated rerpam/e of Pythagoras. 
 
 j* Oi 3* GLTTO 'Avaayop aepoeidfj fXtyov TE KCU <rw/xa Arjpo- 
 KpiToe, 7Tvpwc>e ffvyfcpijua* 'E?r/fcpoc, Kpa/ta in rtaaaptav, CK 
 
 7TOIW TTVpW^HC, EK 7TOIW Clpw^e, EK 7TO(5 TTVEVpCLTLKS' EK TETCLpTU 
 
 TWOS a/carovo/iaT, o i\v avry dtcrQrjTiKov. ib. c. 3. This is 
 stated at greater length by Lucretius, lib. iii. 232. 
 
 | Oi 2r<M*olj TrvEVfJLa Sep/zov 'HpafXciroc rfiv ($v)$v) iv 
 
1 
 
 CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 285 
 
 These and many more such suppositions may 
 be seen in the treatise which bears the name of 
 Plutarch, (but apparently without authority*) 
 on philosophical opinions. 
 
 What were the systems most known to the 
 Romans, or most approved by them, we learn 
 from the Tusculan Questions of Cicero, who 
 introduces his discussion of the immortality of 
 the soul, with a statement of opinions concern- 
 ing its nature and situation. Some regarded 
 the soul and the body as one and the same 
 thing. Consequently, they denied the doctrine 
 of a separation, and pronounced death to be the 
 termination of the entire man.f The strongest 
 of these opinions is that which pretends to the 
 
 TOIQ (ioig drrb rrjg IKTOQ KOI Tfjg tv O.VTOIQ a.vaQvfjLia.ffE(i)Q 6 t uo- 
 yt.vr\. Plut. ib. c. 3. 
 
 * Wyttenbach calls it " spurium opus. Ratio et oratio 
 prorsus abhorrent a Plutarchi ingenio j in materid si quid sit, 
 de quo non statuo, Plutarchei ; hoc a perditis quibusdam ger- 
 manis libris compilatum sit." 
 
 f Cicero, who adopted the immortality rather through the 
 authority of Plato, than any settled conviction of the truth of 
 the doctrine, yet beautifully points out the uncomfortable nature 
 of the contrary opinion. Praeclarum autem nescio quid adepti 
 sunt, qui didicerunt, se, quum tempus mortis venisset, totos esse 
 perituros. Quod ut sit (nihil etiim pugno) quid habet ista res 
 aut laetabile, aut gloriosum ? Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 21. 
 
286 PAGANISM AND 
 
 greatest antiquity. Dicsearchus wrote, in three 
 books, an account of a disputation supposed to 
 have been holden at Corinth* on this subject. 
 For the sake of a more impressive authority, 
 he employs as his principal orator, an old man 
 said to be descended from the family of Deuca- 
 lion. His doctrine is, that the soul is no more 
 than a name, and therefore, that the use of 
 such terms as animal, and animation, is falla- 
 cious. Neither in man, nor beast, does he 
 allow the existence of a mind, or soul. All our 
 powers of action and feeling are equally diffused 
 through the living body, and are inseparable 
 from it : they grow and are nourished with it, 
 and are the general result of its composition 
 and temperature. t But those who agreed in 
 
 * He seems to have had a perverse zeal on the forlorn side 
 of the question. In the latter part of this book, Cicero men- 
 tions another treatise of Dicaearchus (a favourite writer with 
 him) in proof of the mortality of the soul : Acerrime autem 
 deliciae meae Dicaearchus contra hanc immortalitatem disseruit ; 
 is enim tres libros scripsit, qui Lesbiaci vocantur, quod Mi- 
 tylenis sermo habetur 5 in quibus vult efficere animos esse mor- 
 tales. C. 31. 
 
 t Pherecratem quendam Pthiotam senem, quern ait a Deu- 
 calione ortum, disserentem inducit, nihil esse omnino animum, 
 et hoc esse nomen totum inane, frustraque animalia et ani- 
 mantes appellari : neque in homine inesse animum vel animam, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 287 
 
 this general conclusion were at variance con- 
 cerning the substance of what was popularly 
 termed the soul. By some it was supposed to 
 be no other than the heart;* and hence they 
 accounted for the use of certain words familiar 
 to the Roman language. Thus excordes, ve- 
 cordesy Concordes, and other such terms, were 
 said to convey the true notion of the soul, 
 through the mention of the heart. Some, again, 
 supposed the soul to be not the heart itself, but 
 the blood which was lodged in it; while others 
 were equally positive in favour of the brain, or 
 some interior and choice part of it.f 
 
 On the other hand it was affirmed, that man 
 consisted of a body and a soul ; that these were 
 of different natures, and were separated from 
 
 nee in bestia ; vimque omnem earn, qua vel agamus quid, vel 
 sentiamus, in omnibus corporibus vivis aequabiliter esse fusam, 
 nee separabilem a corpore esse, quippe quae nulla sit, nee sit 
 quidquara nisi corpus unum et simplex, ita figuratum ut tem- 
 peratione naturae vigeat, et sentiat. ib. c. 10. 
 
 * Aliis cor ipsum animus videtur; ex quo excordes, ve- 
 cordes, concordesque dicuntur, et Nasica ille prudens bis con- 
 sul, corculum, et 
 
 Egregie cordatus homo catus MYm Sextus. ib. c. 9. 
 
 f Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suffusum sangui- 
 nem. Aliis pars qucedam cerebri visa est animi principatum 
 tenere. ib. 
 
288 PAGANISM AND 
 
 each other by death. Yet they who agreed in 
 this conclusion were also divided in opinion 
 concerning the duration of the soul. Some 
 supposed the soul to be dissipated soon after its 
 escape from the body, as smoke gradually dis- 
 appears, and is lost in the general air. Some 
 attributed to it a long existence, and main- 
 tained that it did not perish till after a fixed 
 period ; while others bestowed upon it an im- 
 mortality.* According to Cicero, the first of 
 these whose works were then extant, was Phe- 
 recydes.f But he was content with the mere 
 affirmation of his doctrine ; nor did his succes- 
 sors enforce it with any arguments better than 
 those which were drawn from the Pythagorean 
 numbers till Plato appeared. He it was, who 
 first taught the world the reasons, such as the 
 philosophy of nature could teach, from which 
 the soul of man was concluded to be immortal. J 
 
 * Qui discedere aniraum censent, alii statim dissipari, alii 
 diu permanere, alii semper, ib. 
 
 f Quod literis extet, Pherecydes Syrus primum dixit animos 
 hominum esse sempiternos. ib. c. 1 6. 
 
 | Rationem illi sententiae suae non fere, reddebant nisi quid 
 erat numeris, aut descriptionibus explicandum. Platonem fe- 
 runt, ut Pythagoraeos cognosceret, in Italiam venisse, primum- 
 que de animorum aeternitate non solum sensisse idem quod Py- 
 thagoras, sed rationem etiam attulisse. ib. c. 17. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 289 
 
 Let us inquire then, what were the opinions of 
 this chief of philosophers, as Cicero so often 
 calls him, on a question of so much importance 
 to mankind. 
 
 Plato's view of the immortality of the soul 
 may be divided into two parts. 
 
 1. The principle, on which the doctrine of 
 the immortality is founded. 
 
 2. The history of the soul in its three stages 
 of existence, before its entrance into the body, 
 during the possession of it, and after the sepa- 
 ration from it. 
 
 1. The principle of the immortality of the 
 soul, which is mentioned in other parts of Plato, 
 is stated with' most advantage in the Phaedrus. 
 Cicero, who was highly delighted with this 
 doctrine, gave an account of it in the sixth 
 book of his " Republic," a work unfortunately 
 lost. However, he renewed the discussion in 
 the first book of the Tusculan Questions, where 
 the argument is stated in a formal manner. I 
 shall lay before you the substance of it, making 
 only such deviations from the terms themselves, 
 as may be requisite for a more familiar expan- 
 sion of the meaning of Plato. 
 
 The first proof of the immortality of the soul 
 
290 PAGANISM AND 
 
 is drawn from its perpetual motion ;* for that 
 which never ceases to move, never ceases to 
 exist. But, in order to secure this permanence 
 of motion, it is also necessary that the motion 
 be derived from the subject itself which moves; 
 since, if it only receives from another the 
 motion which it exerts or imparts, it must 
 cease to live, as soon as it ceases to be moved 
 from without. It cannot, therefore, be secure 
 against a cessation of its motion, unless it be 
 self-moved; and it is obvious, that a subject, 
 thus independently subsisting, will never with- 
 draw its support from itself, and be the author 
 of its own extinction. Hence it is necessary to 
 the immortality of the soul, that it be not only 
 perpetually, but spontaneously, moved. This 
 being so, it equally follows, that the soul is not 
 only underived, but imperishable. For, that 
 which moves itself, is a principle of motion to 
 other things. But a principle is underived ; 
 
 * Ylaaa ^wxfl atia.va.TOQ' TO yap aeudvrjTov, aQavaTOv. Plat. 
 in Phaedr. 1221. This is the outset of Plato's argument. 
 Cicero reserves the mention of the soul till he has established 
 the general principle, which he then applies. The first part of 
 his version is adopted by Ficinus. In the latter part, he is 
 content with stating the sense in his own manner. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 291 
 
 since, if it were derived from any other, it 
 could not be a principle. If therefore it is not 
 derived from any other, neither can it perish. 
 For, since it is necessary that all things should 
 spring from some principle; if we suppose 
 the principle to be extinct, these two con- 
 sequences must ensue ; neither can the prin- 
 ciple itself be revived by any other thing, nor 
 can any other thing be made to spring from the 
 extinct principle. The principle of motion 
 therefore is that which is self-moved ; and 
 therefore it possesses the double property of 
 being without origin and without end.* Since 
 then, that appears to be immortal which is 
 self-moved, we may without hesitation affirm, 
 that such is the nature of the soul ; for every 
 thing which depends on some external cause 
 for motion, is proved to be inanimate in itself; 
 but that is truly animate, the motion of which 
 is internal and its own. This is the proper 
 quality of the soul ; and since the soul has the 
 
 * This argument is illustrated by the supposition, that, un- 
 less its truth be allowed, the world would perish, the heaven 
 and the earth collapse, and all nature stand still, nor ever again 
 receive an impulse like to that by which it was first set in 
 motion. 
 
 u2 
 
292 PAGANISM AXD 
 
 power of perpetual and spontaneous motion, it 
 is both underived and imperishable. 
 
 Such is the celebrated argument of Plato 
 concerning the principle through which the 
 soul of man is immortal. Cicero admires it so 
 much, that he gives to those who dissent from 
 Plato the opprobrious name of Plebeian philo- 
 sophers.* He challenges all of them to pro- 
 duce an hypothesis of equal elegance with this : 
 and seems to suspect, that they who do not 
 admit it, are hardly capable of comprehending 
 the subtlety and refinement of its doctrine. As 
 to himself, he seems to place the principal 
 strength of it in the consciousness of the soul. 
 It perceives its own motion.f It perceives, 
 
 * Licet concurrent plebeii omnes philosophi (sic, enim ii 
 qui a Platonc et Socrate et ab ilia familia dissident, appellandi 
 viclentur), non modo nihil unquam tarn eleganter explicabunt, 
 sed ne hoc quidem ipsum, quam subtiliter conclusum sit, intel- 
 ligent. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 23. 
 
 f Sentit animus se moveri $ quod cum sentit, illud una sen- 
 tit, se vi sua, non aliena, moveri j nee accidere posse, ut ipse 
 unquam a se deseratur j ex quo efficitur aeternitas : nisi quid 
 babes ad baec. ib. Of course, the auditor is too complaisant to 
 object. All would still have been well, if Cicero had not con- 
 trived to draw from him so much pers'onal flattery. Plato is 
 more cautious in this respect. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 293 
 
 that this motion is derived from itself, and from 
 no external cause. It is sure therefore, that 
 its own existence can never be deserted by its 
 own will ; and hence the conclusion, that it is 
 immortal. 
 
 2. From the principle, on which is said to 
 rest the immortality of the soul, let us pass to 
 its history and condition. The first of the 
 three stages of existence lately mentioned, is 
 that which belongs to the soul before its en- 
 trance into the body. 
 
 In the same dialogue which has furnished us 
 with the argument of immortality, a reference 
 is made to what Plato calls the idea of the 
 soul.* This,, it seems, is of too sublime a na- 
 ture to be described in the manner which would 
 be proper for it. An attempt is therefore made 
 
 * Tlepl (. Trig l^eag avtijg tode XEKTEOV' mov per e^t, iruvTy 
 irdvTb) SdcLQ elvai Kal jueu;pa ^ijjyrjo'ewg' e eotKev, avOpw- 
 irivr]Q TE Kal eXarrovoQ. In Phaedr. p. 1221. There is another 
 such reverential thought in the Republic, lib. x. p. 759. We 
 do not now see the soul in its proper purity. It is clearer and 
 fairer elsewhere than with us. In short, overrun and altered by 
 the contagion of evil, it resembles the body of the marine Glau- 
 cus^part of which is bruised by the rocks, and part washed 
 away by the waves : that which remains is covered with an 
 accretion of shells and sea~weed_, which prevents us from form- 
 ing a right notion of the original shape. 
 
294 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to represent it by inferior images, or similitudes 
 of objects familiar to common life. It is sup- 
 posed then, that for the sake of inspecting the 
 state of the world, the gods leave their seats, 
 and make occasional excursions. These are 
 performed in the celestial chariots of the immor- 
 tals. Jupiter, the great leader in heaven, is 
 foremost in the progress, and drives his winged 
 chariot, taking care, as he goes, of the order 
 and beauty of all things.* He is followed by 
 the host of gods and demons, arranged in eleven 
 divisions ; for Vesta, the twelfth deity, chooses 
 to stay at home alone. Many and happy are 
 the sights which they enjoy during their journey 
 within the heavens :f but at length they proceed 
 to the extremity. Here the immortal beings 
 take a bold and outer station at the back of 
 heaven, and are carried round till the rotation 
 brings them to the same spot again.;}; It is 
 
 * 'O per Sfj piyaQ ^ye^twv iv ovpavy Ztsvz, irrrivbv appa i\av- 
 VMV Trpwroe Tropmlrai, <5iafc:oer^id>j> Tfavra KOI iTripeX&fjievoQ. In 
 
 Phaedr. 1222. 
 
 f IIoAXcu jueV uv teal paKapiat Slat rt Kal ifoc!oi e 
 pavS, ag %f.G)V yivoQ 7ri7p^>6rcu. ib. 
 
 | At pev 7'ap adavaroi *caXw^tvat, ijviKa av 7rpo -cucpq) yi- 
 viavTCti, (.fa TropevOelaai e^ijtray 7rt r<jj r wpavw vwry' l^aaas ct 
 avrag Treptayii tj 7rept0opd' at ^e Oewpuffi TO. tj-fi) TO pav6. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 295 
 
 in the course of this circle that they contem- 
 plate the things which are on the outside of 
 heaven. And this being done in a complete 
 manner, (for they see nature, not in the false or 
 imperfect light in which she appears to us, but 
 in the very truth of her being,) they re-enter 
 heaven, and sit down at the banquet prepared 
 for them. The horses being loosed by the 
 charioteer, they are served with nectar and 
 ambrosia. Such, says Plato, is the life of the 
 gods.* But it is the desire of other souls to 
 imitate the actions of the immortals. Those 
 therefore which are destined to enter afterwards 
 into the bodies of men, mount also their chariots, 
 and endeavour to follow the gods in their ascent, 
 and to perform the circle of the heaven in the 
 station before described. But the horses, which 
 are inferior to those of the gods, and of a mixed 
 race, ill obey this wish ; and one of them is 
 vicious, and inclines downwards to the earth. f 
 
 * Kal r ciXXa wcravrwc TO. OVTWQ OVTCL Oeaaafjevrj (scil. ?/ Sea 
 KCU <ria0t<7a, dvcra 7ra'Xii> EIQ TO e'iffd) rw wpayw, oiKace 
 
 ^Tfo-ac, 7rap/3aXev ctju/3po<nav re KCU CTT' avTrj ytKTftp (.Tru 
 Kat roe fiev ^ew^ /3to. In Plizedr. 1222. 
 
 f 0(i^ /UV V tTTTTOt T Kdl //>IO)OI ITaVTtS, ClVTOl Tt aya.001 
 
 K'ai ZL, ayaQ&v' TO Se TWV aXXwj/ pl^iKTai' fipiOei yap 6 r/c 
 
296 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Some souls indeed obtain their object better 
 than others, and reach the outer spot, and are 
 carried round with the immortals. But even 
 these are kept in constant alarm by their horses, 
 and with difficulty take notice of the real nature 
 of things as they pass.* Some again, through 
 the virtue of the more tractable horse, lift the 
 head aloft, and see somewhat of the truth : but 
 presently they sink again, and lose the prospect. 
 Others too, in the inordinate struggle of all to 
 gain the upper station, press against one an- 
 other, and fall into tumult and danger. Many 
 are maimed ; and many break their wings and 
 are disabled. Thus are all the souls disap- 
 pointed of the desired object. They cannot 
 attain a full view of the reality of things, and 
 are obliged to subsist afterwards upon the un- 
 certainty of opinion instead of truth. f Those 
 
 "nriroQ fJLtTeyuv, tirl yriv peirwv re KCU fiapvviov, tvQa. 
 re Kal uyMv ear^cLTOQ '-^VXTJ Trpo/c'eirai. ib. 1221-2. 
 * 'H fj,ev apt<ra Sewv eTTOfj-evri KOI eLKaffpe.fr] VTrrjpev elg TOV 
 
 TOTTOV Tt]V Ta 1]VIO"^ Ke(pd\^V f KCU <TiyZ7Tf>lJ7V)077 TV 
 
 -Sopv/^wjuevj; VTTO T&V 'iTrirwv, KCU poyig Kadopwffa TO. OVTCL' >/ de 
 
 TOTE p.EV ?}p, TOTe <!) KCU t$V' fiiaZopeVWV C T&V 'iTTTTWy, TO. {Jiiv 
 
 eUe,Ta$ 8. ib. 1222. 
 
 f IloXXcu [lev ^wXtuovrai, TroXXat fie TroXXa ?rrpa SpavovTcu' 
 e TroXuv ^o"ai yovov, arfXfle TYJQ rw OVTOC; Stag cnrep- 
 Kal aTrfXOacrat Tor ^ota^r} tivTat. Ill Phaedr. 1223. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 297 
 
 therefore which are injured, fall down to the 
 earth ; and here, in obedience to an impulse 
 of their nature, betake themselves to some 
 body. 
 
 The principle of this alliance may be sup- 
 posed to arise from the original employment of 
 the soul in the upper regions. We see, that, 
 when engaged in the pursuit which has just 
 been described, its natural appetency was to 
 take care of inanimate things ;* and hence came 
 its attempt to inspect the condition of the world. 
 When fallen to the earth therefore, it still pre- 
 serves the desire of governing matter ; and 
 hence also comes its immediate occupation of 
 an earthly body. In this it dwells for a time ; 
 and man becomes a compound of an immortal 
 
 * 'H \^V^TI 7ra<ra Travrog tTrtjueXfirai re dj/v^a' TraVra fie 
 upavov TTfptTroXfT. TfXea p.e.v vv saa. KOI eVrepw^eV*/ ME- 
 TEHPOnOAEI re Kal cnravra Toy Koapov ILOIKEL. ib. 1221. 
 The word here marked is an important one with Plato, and 
 expresses the highest speculations of the philosophical soul. In 
 the Apology, Socrates remarks, that he is accused of being ra re 
 fj.T<i)pa 0po/rts7/, Kal ra VTTO yr\v Travra ave^rijKwe. In the 
 accusation itself, he is said to be busy in prying into ra re WTTO 
 yJ\v KOI ra eVpavia. . The last term therefore is the meaning 
 of yuerewpa, and accounts for the clouds and basket of Aristo- 
 phanes. In the Pythagorean school, the word was used in a 
 less honourable sense, for rash and airy fancies. 
 
298 PAGANISM AND 
 
 principle and a mortal frame.* What then is 
 the situation of the soul in man? Plato informs 
 us in the minutest manner, and without any 
 hesitation. 
 
 We lately saw, that the inferior gods received 
 from the demiurge the immortal principle of 
 the soul, for the composition of mankind. Nor 
 was it the body alone which they conjoined 
 with this. To the former species of soul they 
 added another which was of a mortal nature, 
 and the seat of many and great passions neces- 
 sary to the condition of man ; pleasure, the 
 incitement to evil ; pain, the enemy of happi- 
 ness ; boldness and fear, each unadvised of 
 counsel; anger, hard to be appeased; hope, 
 easy to be persuaded ; and other such. But it 
 was necessary to provide, that the divine prin- 
 ciple should not be polluted by a commixture 
 with this secondary portion of the soul. The 
 gods therefore placed the former in the head, 
 and the latter in the breast and thorax, keeping 
 them asunder by the dividing isthmus of the 
 neck.f This therefore, which separated their 
 
 * 'H e 7rrepofjpvf]ffacra 0epfrcu, ewg av <?epe5 TIVQQ avriXa- 
 firjTai' ov KaToiKtffdelaa, atifjia ytjivov \u/3Sao, wov TO ^Vfj.- 
 irav eK\r]Qri, \lsv%>) Kal a^pa irftyEv. In Phxdr. 1221. 
 
 f Kai $ia Tttvra Stj fftfiofjievot jjna.ivf.iv TO Stiov, VTI /to) Traoxt 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 299 
 
 respective abodes, became the channel through 
 which reason might send down her mandates 
 on proper occasions, to the passions below. 
 But man had a still baser sort of desires, an 
 impatience to supply his natural cravings, and 
 a vehement propensity to meats and drinks: 
 and for all such appetites a more remote situa- 
 tion was requisite, on account of the importu- 
 nity of their disposition, and the disturbance 
 which they might otherwise give to the opera- 
 tions of reason. They were therefore placed 
 
 avayKri, X^DLQ tKeivu KaTOiKifeaiv elg aXXijv TO 
 
 TO SVTJTOV, IcrOpov Kctt ooov dioiKodofjiriffavTef; Trjg K(j>a\rjg 
 /ecu rS T^Osc;, KCU cLV^iva. fJLEra^v TtQevTC^, Iva. tit] ^wplg' iv &/ 
 Tolg ^rjdefft KOI TV Kci\upf.v<j> SWOCLKI TO Tijg ipvx*?e SvrjTov yivog 
 tv&vv. In Tim. 1073. In Plato's hands anatomy assumes a 
 moral character. The heart sends notices through the veins to 
 the extremities of the body concerning any outward or inward 
 danger which reason has announced from the head 5 and thus 
 prepares the sensitive part of man for submission to whatever 
 she may prescribe. And, as the heart itself, in cases of terror 
 and danger, is apt to swell and palpitate, which is the conse- 
 quence of its fiery nature, the lungs are placed near it for the 
 purpose of affording refreshment and relief to its inordinate 
 heat ! Near to the baser appetites, below the diaphragm, is 
 also placed the liver, for the purpose of reflecting from its 
 smooth surface images of terror, which reason may send down 
 from above, and of keeping the wild beast in a tolerable state 
 of quiet ! There is much more of this in the same dialogue. 
 
300 PAGANISM AND 
 
 in a lower region, beneath the diaphragm, and 
 towards the umbilicus. This part of the body 
 was judged to be the most proper for the 
 nourishment of the whole man. Here then 
 dwelt the inferior portion of the mortal division 
 of the soul, or rather the third species of soul ; 
 and here too it continually fattened, as a con- 
 fined beast, at its crib or manger.* Such is 
 the circumstantial and authentic account which 
 Plato gives of the situation of the soul in man. 
 But notwithstanding the desire felt by the 
 soul to occupy mortal bodies in this manner, 
 we are told that it does not enter into them 
 without due preparation. There are certain 
 laws by which the process is governed ; and it 
 is expressly provided, that when the soul falls 
 to the earth, it shall not be planted in the body 
 of any brute in the first generation. f Its pri- 
 
 * To ^ &) (j'lTWV T Kdi TTOT&V 
 
 oaov eWetctv ta rriv ra c-w/^aroe '^X 
 T&V T typev&v xal rs Trpoe rov opfyaXov ops KartpKtffar, oiov 
 <f>ciTvr]v EV cnravri T&TO) r<jj TOTT^ rrj T& awfjiarog rpofyr) TEKryvd- 
 lievoi, KOI Karedrjffav ^?) ro TO&TOV evrctvda, &Q Spepfta aypiov. 
 In Tim. ib. 
 
 t "Ornv ^c advvarrivarra eTrifnrerrdcn, pj 'idy, /cat rivi avvrv- 
 XW XP^ <TCt / i( ' J/ ^' ^-^^G re KCU Ka.Kia TrXijcrOeiffa fiapvvdy, fiapvv- 
 Qeiaa <& Trrepuppvrjar) TE /,'ai iirl TIIV yr\v -viay, TOTE vopcc TavTijv 
 fjL)j fyvrtvaai tic fj,ricfjiidv^$f)peiov (fjvfftv iv rrj Trptjrrj yev<rti. In 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 301 
 
 mary destination is the person of man; and the 
 value of the allotment which it there obtains, is 
 made to depend upon its own previous achieve- 
 ments in the upper regions of the world, and 
 the success with which it struggled to view the 
 system of nature and the truth of things. A 
 scale of dignity is therefore . drawn by Plato, 
 and the station of the soul in the higher or lower 
 degrees is proportioned to its merits. It is not 
 difficult to conjecture what order of men is 
 placed at the topmost degree of the scale. 
 When a philosopher has to dispense honours, on 
 what shall they be bestowed but philosophy ? 
 
 The soul then which has followed the immor- 
 tals in the best manner, or has seen most of the 
 nature of things, is ordered to pass into the 
 composition of one who is to be a philosopher,* 
 or a lover of the xaXot/. In the next degree is 
 placed a lawful sovereign, or accomplished com- 
 
 Phaedr. 1223. The commentators are fond of interpreting this 
 chariot-scene as denoting only the struggle of the soul while in 
 the body of man. The last part of the above sentence clearly 
 proves that it is descriptive of the condition of the soul before 
 its entrance into any body. 
 
 * Tijv fj,er TiXel^a l^&aav, elg yovrjv av^poe y ev 77*70 ju 6^80 tXo- 
 rrofyu, 77 0t\ok'aX8. In Phaedr. 1223. This too is Indian : the 
 sovereign is placed immediately below the bramin. 
 
302 PAGANISM AND 
 
 mander. To these succeeds a statesman, or the 
 prudent administrator of domestic affairs. To 
 these, the lover of gymnastic labours, or one 
 who is to be occupied in the cure of diseases in- 
 cident to the body. The prophetic life, or that 
 which is concerned with initiations into the 
 mysteries, is next in honour. The sixth rank 
 is allotted to poets. The seventh, to geometri- 
 cians and artificers. The eighth, to sophists, or 
 those who affect popular applause. The lowest 
 degree is reserved for the tyrant. Plato had 
 some reason to take a literary vengeance on 
 the usurpers of the liberties of his country. He 
 studiously degrades them, in comparison with 
 the possessors of lawful sovereignty, who would 
 probably have been placed at the head of the 
 list of dignity, were it not for the homage indis- 
 pensably due to philosophy. 
 
 There are then nine orders of mankind, in 
 which the soul may be primarily placed.* 
 
 * The orders and the years seem to have been invented for 
 each other. The same soul might pass through all the orders, 
 a thousand years being allotted to each j and in the tenth stage 
 return to its first situation, in order to begin again the same 
 course of existence ! The thousand years allotted to the soul 
 after its possession of each order, is also explained by the ten- 
 fold punishment or reward to be received by it after the death 
 of the body. The life of man was therefore taken at an hun- 
 dred years. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 303 
 
 Its subsequent elevation or debasement in other 
 bodies is influenced by its conduct in the first. 
 And to these changes it is subject during ten 
 thousand years, a new life being chosen at the 
 end of every thousand ; after which, it returns 
 to the place whence it originally came. There 
 is indeed one exemption in favour of philosophy. 
 By a law of Adraste, the soul which has made 
 the greatest and best discoveries in the region 
 of truth, is excused from so long a probation. 
 It recovers its wings at the end of the third 
 period of a thousand years, if it has acted with 
 sincerity, and after each thousand, has chosen 
 again the philosophic life.* But common souls 
 are subject to one common fate ; and it re- 
 mains to inquire, what becomes of them after 
 they have quitted the body which they first 
 inhabit. 
 
 The Phaedrus, from which the above account 
 is drawn, alludes only in general terms to the 
 condition of the soul, when it leaves the body. 
 Nor does this subject form any considerable 
 
 * Etc jtieV yp TO UVTO odev iJKei rj ^"X^ ^^ty, v Kaducveirai 
 fpi&V (ov yap TrrepSrat ?rpo rorre XP^ 8 ) 7r ^'7 J/ *1 "** 
 <fri\OffO<f>r]ffCiVTO(; adoXcjQ' avrai $e fpiTr) TTfpto^w TTJ 
 t\<i)VTCii rpte 0e>/ TOV /3iov rfirov, H'TW TTTC pwfcTrrat, 
 fret uire'vTai. In Phaedr. 1223. 
 
304 PAGANISM AND 
 
 part of the vision of the other world granted to 
 the Pamphylian and related in the tenth book of 
 the " Republic." The chief intention of Plato 
 in that curious narrative was to state the man- 
 ner in which the souls are re- assembled for the 
 purpose of returning to other bodies, and 
 choosing new modes of life.* In the Phaedo, 
 
 * The soul of the Pampliylian (who was slain in battle) 
 went to the common place of judgment. There were two 
 chasms towards the lower earth ; and opposite to them two 
 openings which led to heaven. The judges were placed between 
 both, and sent the souls, when tried, either upwards to heaven 
 on the right, or downwards into the earth on the left. These 
 went to the places of their destination by one of the two chasms 
 in the earth, and one of the openings towards heaven. The 
 other chasm and opening were reserved for the passage of the 
 souls which had formerly lived on earth, had accomplished the 
 interval of a thousand years in their respective places of abode, 
 and returned through them to the spot where they were to 
 choose new modes of life. Schemes of every sort of life ra 
 T&vftiuv Trapa^a'y/iara, were spread before them on the ground. 
 Sometimes the motives of their choice were whimsical enough. 
 The soul of Ajax, brooding over the old grievance about the 
 arms of Achilles, chose to pass into a lion, shunning the habita- 
 tions of men who had once injured its feelings by the preference 
 of Ulysses. Orpheus, resenting the treatment of himself by 
 the Thracian women, resolved not to be born again of a female. 
 His soul therefore chose to animate a swan. Thersites, some- 
 what epigramrnatically, became an ape. Ulysses, however, had 
 improved in wisdom. His life was formerly made uneasy by 
 
Wrj 
 | 
 
 CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 305 
 
 the destination of the soul, when dislodged by 
 the death of the body, is described with much 
 minuteness and authority ; and Socrates founds 
 upon it an earnest recommendation of philoso- 
 phy; since, at the moment of separation, the 
 soul begins to perceive the consequences of the 
 neglect or attention with which it has treated 
 the true discipline. 
 
 There are many paths which lead to the 
 shades below; and ./Eschylus mistakes, when, 
 through his Telephus, he asserts, that there is 
 but one, and that this is plain.* Hence the ne- 
 cessity of a guide. The demon therefore, who 
 had the care of the man when living, (for every 
 mortal has a superintending demon, f) is charged 
 
 the troubles which a too conspicuous station occasioned to him. 
 He therefore chose a lot, which had been neglected by the other 
 souls j and became a private man, unconcerned with business : 
 aj>poe i&wrH aTrpa'y/uovoe, Kal jjLoXtQ evpely Keiperov 
 Kal TraprjfjieXrjpevov Wo T&V aXXwv. p. 765. 
 * "E<?i $e apa r/ Trope la 6v% ae 6 'Aio-^uXs Tr)Xe(j)OQ Xe-yeC 
 yap a7rX?/v olyuov fyrjcrlv etc "Ac)a <f>ipeW $ cf ovr 
 aTrXTJf ttr uta <ba,iv(.Tcu uoi ttvac $g yap a.v //yfjuovwv kceC ace 
 yap 7T8 TIQ civ tajuaproi woayzode, p,icLg oca Srrrje. NOv ce eotKE 
 a^iffELQ re *cat Trepio^sc TroXXae e\etv. In Phaedon. 80. The 
 ways are numerous only to the place where the judges are. See 
 the note above. 
 
 f In what sense this superintendency is to be really under- 
 
 X 
 
306 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to conduct the soul to the spot where others 
 are waiting till they can be judged. But there 
 is a difference of behaviour in the souls as they 
 proceed towards the place of their destination. 
 Those which have acted with soberness and 
 propriety while they were in the body, follow 
 their guides in a decent manner, and without 
 reluctance. In other cases, a struggle ensues. 
 The soul which has been too much pleased 
 with its habitation in the body, is unwilling to 
 go, and therefore uses all its artifice to stay 
 behind;* and hence it happens, that it is some- 
 times seen lingering about the earth where it 
 
 stood, we gather from the Timseus : where the superior part of 
 the soul is said to be every man's demon. To 2e &/ Trept rS 
 KvpiWTaru Trap' ijjjiiv t/rt^r/e eidug SiavoeiadaL del rfjde, WQ apa 
 O.VTO caifjiova Seog eca<rw Se(i)K rwro, o drj ^ajuev oiKtiv pev 
 >//Liwx eV a/cpw rw trw/iart. p. 1087. But sometimes the demon 
 is reason, and sometimes a person j and Plato, on this as on 
 many other points, is not to be reconciled with himself. 
 
 * 'H per vv KOfffua TS KOI 0poVi/*oc ^ V X^ r*ai re KCU &K 
 ayvoel ret Trapovra * de CTriOvjucriicwe r <rw/^aroe 'i^saa, Trept 
 f/cftvo TroXvv xpovov errrorfpevr}, KOI Trcpi TOV oparov TOTTOV TroXXa 
 djrtreiVacra KCU TroXXa TraOwtra, fiiq. KCU fjioXiQ VTTO rw 7rpo<rr- 
 rayjuevs daipovoc; ot^crai ayofjilrr]. In Phaedon. p. 80. In 
 short, pleasures are the nails which fasten the soul to the body. 
 At the moment of death, therefore, the soul of the voluptuary 
 does not come clean off j and hence it is sometimes gross and 
 visible ! A moral solution of ghosts. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 307 
 
 had received its gratifications. The demon is 
 therefore obliged to apply force; and at length 
 he succeeds. It happens too, that when a soul, 
 defiled with gross impurities, is brought to the 
 place where other souls are assembled in ex- 
 pectation of their trial, they are struck with 
 horror at its approach, and diligently avoid it.* 
 It therefore wanders about wretched and soli- 
 tary, without companion or guide, till, after a 
 certain period, it is consigned by Necessity! 
 to the place of its destination. But at length 
 all the souls are tried by the judges Minos, 
 Rhadamanthus and others, and sent to their 
 proper places of punishment or reward. It 
 would be trifling and tedious to repeat the de- 
 scription which Socrates so circumstantially 
 gives of these allotments; and it may suffice to 
 say, that the souls which appear to have con- 
 ducted themselves with moderation during their 
 possession of the body, and to be but slightly 
 infected with guilt, are sent off to Acheron. 
 Here they are put into boats and arrive at the 
 
 LEl' CLTTUQ </>Vyl T KCU V7TKTp7Trai, KCU OVT 
 
 OVTE r/yfjuwv ede\ti yiyveaQai. ib. 
 f Necessity is the mother of Lachesis, whose orders to the 
 souls, before they return to the world, are given in the 10th 
 book De Repub. 
 
 x 2 
 
308 PAGANISM AND 
 
 lake, where they reside, and undergo the pur- 
 gation prescribed for them; nor are they dis- 
 missed from thence till they have suffered a 
 proper punishment for every act of injustice, 
 of which they have been guilty. They also 
 receive a due reward for their good actions, 
 as each may appear to deserve.*' The other 
 offending souls are divided into two great 
 classes, the curable and the incurable. The 
 latter, stained with the gross and more abomi- 
 nable sins, sacrileges, unjustifiable murders, 
 and the like, are plunged by avenging fate into 
 Tartarus, whence they never escape. They re- 
 main there in perpetual punishment. f The 
 former have also been guilty of great offences ; 
 but these admit a certain mitigation on account 
 of the circumstances which attend them. Un- 
 der the impulse of anger, they have forgotten the 
 reverence due to parents; but, for the violence 
 
 * Keu ot per av eowor ywewe etwKeat, 7ropeveree e 
 TOV A^epovra, avafiavreg a ^ avroig o^fiftaTa l<?lv, eVt rro>v 
 afyiKvuvTcii eiQ TYJV Xtyuvr/v' KOI em diKUffi re, KCU Ka0atpo'//evot, 
 rH>v re a^t/CTj/iaVwv &&Wee &'/cae, cbroXiWreu, EL rig Tt fidiKrjae' 
 TWV re lvepye<riwv rr/^ac ^e'povreu Kara TY\V afyav fKa^og. In 
 Phaedon. p. 84. 
 
 f Ot ^' av dofoffiv avLciTWQ f.\ELV, ^ta ra jj.eye6ri T&V 
 TtjjJLdrdJV, rre e /; irpoffiiKOVffa /zo7pa jOtTrret etc rov 
 o'0ev ttVore eKfidtvufftv. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 309 
 
 thus committed, they have endeavoured to atone 
 by an increase of attention and respect during 
 the remainder of life ; and this saves them from 
 being finally placed among the incorrigible 
 souls. The same is the case with those who, 
 under an evil influence of a similar nature, 
 have been guilty of homicide, and have after- 
 wards laid a better restraint on the passions. It 
 is necessary indeed that they should be plunged 
 into Tartarus;* but after a year passed in this 
 gulph, (into which run all the rivers of hell, 
 and from which they again issue,) they are cast 
 out by the waves into other streams ; the homi- 
 cides, along the Cocytus ; those who have in- 
 juriously treated their parents, along the Pyri- 
 phlegethon. By these they arrive at the Ache- 
 rusian lake. Here they call aloud on those 
 whom they have slain or injured, and intreat, 
 in a suppliant manner, that they may be per- 
 mitted to advance, and be received into the lake. 
 If this favour is granted, they come forth, and 
 
 * Oi <T CLV 
 
 a/iaprfj/iara, TUTUQ & f.nrffeiv fj.lv etg rov Taprapoy a.va.ytnf 
 avrug, KOI tViaurov Ki ycj/o/zevsg, e/c/3aXXft ro 
 ib. This Tartarus is said by Plato to be the Barathrum 
 of Homer and the poets. 
 
310 PAGANISM AND 
 
 a termination is put to their sufferings. If not, 
 they are hurried back again to Tartarus for a 
 second immersion, and a second ejectment by 
 the same rivers ; nor does the repetition of the 
 punishment cease till they are finally pardoned 
 by those whom they have offended. Such is 
 the determination of their judges.* 
 
 A different fate awaits those who have dis- 
 tinguished themselves in virtue. The earth, 
 whose lower parts are adapted to the punish- 
 ment of the wicked, in the manner just de- 
 scribed, has also its lofty regions, in which the 
 good receive their happiness. We, says Socrates, 
 inhabit a tract from the Phasis to the Pillars of 
 Hercules. This is but a small and sorry space, 
 in which wretched mortals live, as ants in a 
 collection of dirt, or frogs about a lake.f Nor 
 are any other residences of man better than a 
 nest of cavities, into which is poured a conden- 
 sation of water, and mist, and air : and these 
 deprive us of the clear sight of celestial objects. 
 Our condition therefore is at present obscure 
 
 * Kttt TO.VTU. TTCLff^OVTEQ OV TTpOTtpOV TtaVOVTCLl, TTptV O.V 7Tt- 
 
 awatv we ^iKijffav' avrrj yap fj SIKT) VTTO TWV liKa**G)v avrolg 
 Ta\Qr]. ib . 
 
 f 'E/ ff/m-pw TlVl ftopty, OHTTTEp TTtpt TtXfJUt (JLVp^Kaff 
 
 ^8 Trept TV/I/ Stt'Xarrav OIKUVTO.S. ib. p. 8J. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 311 
 
 and deceitful, and resembles that of a person, 
 who, in the abyss of the sea, should fancy that 
 he lives on its' surface ; and seeing the sun and 
 stars through the medium of the water, should 
 take the sea itself for the sky. We too imagine, 
 that, sunk as we are in these depths of earth, 
 we really live upon its surface ;* and therefore 
 erroneously give the name of the heaven itself 
 to the air, through which we confusedly behold 
 the heavenly bodies. Nor are we able to cor- 
 rect these mistakes by rising above the lower 
 air, and viewing things in their own purity. 
 This privilege is reserved for the souls which 
 are adjudged to the places situated immediately 
 under the heaven. There the earth shines forth 
 in all the beauty and variety of colour, purple, 
 and gold, and a whiteness surpassing that of 
 gypsum and snow itself, f All its productions 
 too partake of this perfection ; and its most 
 
 * 'H/zac %v OIKUVTCLQ tv Tolg KoiXoig avTrjg XeXr/fleVcu, Kal 
 o'ieffBai avw fVi Trjg yrjg otKelv' a0"7rep av ei Tig iv yueVw rw 
 TTvfyieVt TU TTfXaysc OIK&V, oioiro re ITTI rrjg SaXcirrj/e ok'ctv, /cat 
 ia T5 vdarog opwv rov ijXioy Kal TO. #XXa a<rpa, rr/v S'aXarrav 
 fiyoiro spavov eivai. ib. 
 
 f Tt/v juev yap, aXovpy^ tlvat, Kal ^avfjLa^v TO fcaXXog' Trfy 
 fie xpvffotidrj' TJJV ^, ocrr) Xev/o), yuip 77 %i6vog 
 ib. 82. 
 
312 PAGANISM AND 
 
 common stones are those which are so rare, and 
 so much prized amongst us, the sardine, jasper, 
 and smaragdus. With these precious substances, 
 and with gold and silver, is the earth every 
 where adorned.* The inhabitants dwell at 
 ease, whether in inland places, or on the coast, 
 which borders there upon air, as ours does 
 upon the sea ; or perhaps on islands projected 
 a little from the continent, and surrounded only 
 by air. In short, air is to them what water is 
 to us ; and what we call air, is with them pure 
 aether. There too the seasons perpetually offer 
 a soft and delightful temperature. f No diseases 
 
 * Trjv ce yr\v O.VTIJV KeKOfffjifjffdai TUTOIQ re aTrafft, Kal tn 
 XP Vff $ re Kal apyvpy, Kal rolg O\\OIQ av TO~IQ roiwrotf. ib. Mil- 
 ton has given a pavement of gold to his heaven ; but he takes 
 care that it shall be admired by none but a bad spirit. 
 Mammon, the least erected spirit, that fell 
 From heaven j for e'en in heaven his looks and thoughts 
 Were always downwards bent, admiring more 
 The riches of heav'n's pavement, trodden gold, 
 Than aught divine or holy else enjoyed 
 In vision beatific. 
 
 t Tag $e wpae CLVTOIQ Kpaffiv t^Eiv TOiavryv, a>? tKeivug 
 
 avoatsQ tivai, Kal yjpovov re r/v TroXv ?rXe/w TU>V evda.Se. In 
 
 Phcsdon. ib. Homer had created this temperature for Olympus. 
 
 -- odi (f>acrl eo 
 
 C OJT ftv^JLOlffl TlVCLOfftTdl, OVTf. HOT O 
 
 Aevcrcu, oure \iwv ETrnriXvaTai' aXXa yua'X' aidprj 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 313 
 
 afflict the happy inhabitants, whose life is there- 
 fore much longer than ours. Their senses too, 
 as well as their knowledge and the qualities of 
 their mind, excel ours as much as our air is 
 excelled by their aether in purity. There also 
 are the groves and temples of the gods ; and 
 in these effectively reside the gods themselves, 
 who by voices, divinations, and sensible tokens 
 of their presence, hold frequent communication 
 with the favoured inhabitants.* These there- 
 fore see the sun, and moon, and stars in their 
 true nature ; and all their happiness is answer- 
 able to this near and more perfect observation 
 of things. To places thus beautiful and thus 
 inhabited, are sent the virtuous souls. They 
 rise above our mortal habitations, which are no 
 other than pits or prisons, and ascend to a purer 
 abode on the true and proper surface of the 
 earth. But a privilege still higher than this 
 awaits the souls which have philosophized in a 
 sufficient manner. They are transplanted to 
 other abodes yet more beautiful, where they 
 
 aiy\r)' 
 
 Tw evt rfpTTOireu pctKapeQ deol j/^ara Tra'vra. Odyss. 6. 
 * Keu &) KCU SEWV aXffr] re KCU itpa avroig tlvaC tv dig rw 
 OVTI oiKrjTag & tivai, KOI (ftrifJtaQ re Kal fj.avTf.iaQ KOI 
 TUV St&v. In Phaedon. ib. 
 
314 PAGANISM AND 
 
 live afterwards without bodies ;* while the rest 
 are doomed to return to the world after the 
 completion of a thousand years. 
 
 The doctrine of Plato has now been reviewed 
 in the manner proposed, f We have seen the 
 nature of his opinions, first, concerning the 
 Deity, and secondly, concerning the immortality 
 of the soul. 
 
 The inferences proper to be drawn from both 
 these points shall be laid before you in the 
 same order. 
 
 1 . In the course of the first argument it was 
 incidentally stated, that the agency of the de- 
 miurge, which some have incautiously termed a 
 Creation, was no more than a formation of prae- 
 existing and eternal matter. This is a point, 
 which, on account of its great importance, 
 deserves the particular attention of those who 
 compare the theology of Paganism with Reve- 
 lation. The Platonic world could not be pro- 
 duced without the concurrence of three separate 
 principles, a labouring deity, eternal, reluc- 
 tant, and untractable matter, and rational and 
 
 Tarwv ^ avrwv ol fyiXoaofyiq. t/caj/we ea0>/pa/ivoi, avtv TE 
 
 vfftro TrapaTrav elg TOV eTreira ^povov, KOI tg oiKii 
 en TUTWV KoXXiovg cKfHKvuvrat. ib. p. 84. 
 f Page 221. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 315 
 
 self-subsisting ideas, or original exemplars, 
 according to which, things were to be framed, 
 and from which they were also to derive their 
 essence.* The task of the deity was therefore 
 a difficult one. The blind and brute irregula- 
 rity inherent in the nature of matter, crossed 
 his designs, frustrated much of the good which 
 he intended for the universe, and was the cause 
 of evil.t And this probably is the circumstance 
 which led Plato to observe, though in a man- 
 ner neither pious nor philosophical, the elation 
 of mind which was felt by his demiurge, when 
 
 * Sequitur per ideas, non abstractions mentis nostrae, vel 
 notiones imiversales intelligences esse, sed entia intelligibilia, 
 in Deo radicata, sive ratione divina, velut mundo suo, compre- 
 hensa, quae per se existunt, et materiae modificatae non cbaracteres 
 tantum essentiales, sed ipsam quoque essentiam largiuntur. 
 Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. I. 15. 
 
 f Inesse materiae necessarian! et innatam cupiditatem, sive 
 brutam et caecam vim quandam, quae inordinate earn moveat, 
 quaeque in causa sit, ut nee optima omnia Deus facere potuerit, 
 et mala inde omnia oriantur. ib. 1 4. 
 
 { Augustin compares this with the sentence of Moses, 
 " God saw that it was good ;" and observes that the Creator 
 merely declares the excellence of his work. He is not obliged 
 to wait for its completion till he can ascertain his success ; 
 Docet bonum esse, non discit. Plato quidem plus ausus est 
 dicere, elatum esse scilicet Deum gaudio, mundi universitate 
 perfect! Civ. Dei, lib. xi. c. 2L 
 
316 PAGANISM AND 
 
 he saw his labours followed with so much suc- 
 cess in the beautiful appearance of things. In 
 short, we see his deity operate, as a mortal of 
 extraordinary genius, on the materials which 
 are at hand. He is an Archimedes, of an higher 
 class. 
 
 But the imperfection which thus attaches to 
 the theology of Plato, is chargeable to Paga- 
 nism in general. This has been ascertained with 
 equal research and judgment by the learned 
 Mosheim in his treatise on the " Creation of 
 the World from Nothing :" of which, some short 
 notice may be useful. 
 
 His purpose is then, not to inquire, whether 
 the doctrine of a proper creation be discover- 
 able by the force of human reason. He does 
 not ask, whether the happy application of an 
 extraordinary sagacity might arrive at such a 
 conclusion. Indeed, it is remarkable, that 
 some of the highest names in philosophy have 
 deemed the strictest notion of creation to contain 
 nothing repugnant to right reason. Such has 
 been the judgment of Sir Isaac Newton and 
 Mr. Locke.* But the question is, whether the 
 
 * Eximii duo viri, quibus nihil majus est inter philosopbos 
 stalls nostrae, Jo. Lockius et Is. Newtonus, non modo negant, 
 creationem raundi rationi purgatae adversari, sed etiam fieri 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 317 
 
 doctrine be really taught in any of the books 
 which have descended to us from the Pagan 
 ages. This is determined by Mosheim in the 
 negative. In the first part of his treatise he 
 states the argument, and examines certain pas- 
 sages of Aristotle, Empedocles, and Seneca, 
 which have been supposed to convey the doc- 
 trine : and those who are ready to ascribe a 
 proper creation to the Gods of heathenism, on 
 account of a few strong expressions which will 
 be occasionally found in Pagan writers even of 
 the laxest character, will do well to study this 
 part of the treatise with attention. They will 
 not fail to see, how little strictness of meaning- 
 may belong to phrases of great apparent force, 
 and on how many occasions the sense that has 
 been hastily attributed to particular words is 
 weakened or destroyed by the general nature of 
 the reasoning amidst which they are found. He 
 next examines the early systems of the Grecian 
 sects and sages, and finds in those which are 
 
 posse contendunt, ut modum ejus comprehendamus aliqud 
 ratione, si vulgarium sententiarum vinculis nos expedire cone- 
 mur. C. 5. This may afford another proof, that certain truths of 
 Revelation may be found not unacceptable to that reason which 
 would have been wholly incompetent to make the first discovery 
 of them. 
 
318 PAGANISM AND 
 
 supposed to precede the age of Plato, no higher 
 meaning, than that order and beauty were pro- 
 duced out of matter which before had been 
 subject to no rules. Of the poems of Orpheus* 
 (the supposed Father of the Grecian theology) 
 he justly pronounces, that the doctrine is not 
 only not that of the Scriptures, but that it is of 
 a low and impious character. Its real meaning 
 is, that the deity is the universe,t and that this 
 proceeds from him in such a manner, that the 
 parts of the universe are no other than parts of 
 the Divine nature, the limbs, as it were, of the 
 great body of Deity. And this is little else 
 than the flagitious doctrine which so long 
 
 * It is generally allowed that the antient Orpheus did not 
 write the poems to which his name is affixed : Antiquum 
 ilium Orpheum nihil horum scripsisse, cum plerisque scio. This 
 is the confession of his editor and admirer Eschenbachius, who 
 seems however to take no small pride in having studied these 
 venerable and mysterious writings by night ! Silente mundo, 
 sol is vigilantibus astris et lund. While some have extolled the 
 poems as an invaluable treasure of theology, others have pro- 
 nounced them to be the " liturgy of Satan." 
 
 f Deum esse omnia canit, et a Deo ita fluxisse omnia putat, 
 ut partes hujus universitatis membra tantum et partes divinae 
 naturae non desinant esse. Tantum abest, ut Orpheus ille, 
 quisquis demum fuerit, cum Christianis sensisse putandus sit, 
 ut potius a Spinosae flagitiis exiguo aut nullo intervallo remotus 
 fuisse videatur. De Great. Mund. c. 10. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 319 
 
 afterwards shocked mankind in the system of 
 Spinosa. 
 
 The well-known passage of Hesiod is next 
 produced, in which, according to the general 
 sense of the commentators, is stated the original 
 existence of a Chaos.* But this also has been 
 supposed to teach the doctrine of creation ; and 
 Hesiod, as well as Plato, is supposed by some 
 to have drawn this great truth from Egypt. 
 But it is well observed, that, whatever may 
 be fondly attributed to a single expression, the 
 general meanness of Hesiod's theology is against 
 so favourable an interpretation. His highest 
 god is Jupiter, of whom he has no objection to 
 relate the degrading stories commonly received 
 by Paganism : nor can it be reasonably con- 
 cluded that, with such a being for his prime 
 deity, his meaning on the point in question is, 
 in any respect, superior to that of Ovid. From 
 Pythagoras descended some of the philosophy 
 which was adopted by Plato ; but for him also 
 was invented by his admirers, the detestable 
 
 * "Hnu pev TTjOwriTa Xaoe yivtT' Ecquis est, qui sibi per- 
 suadere queat, vatem aperte adverstis Deum impium, et tarn 
 puerili religione imbutum, ut hominem ex Saturno et Rhea 
 genitum omnibus praeficeret, de materiae initio et creatione pie 
 ac sapienter sensisse ? ib. c. 11. 
 
320 PAGANISM AND 
 
 doctrine, that singularity, or the Deity, passed 
 into duality, or matter, and produced the world ! 
 Thus, while they endeavoured to prove, that 
 the Deity was the author of matter, they made 
 the Deity and matter to be the same substance, 
 or to have the same properties !* 
 
 We need not dwell on the judgment which 
 Mosheim passes on Plato himself, since the 
 substance of this has already appeared, nor on 
 his rejection of the claims which have been 
 made in favour of the barbarous nations.f The 
 most curious part of the treatise perhaps is the 
 last, in which he relates the gradual corruption 
 of the doctrine of Plato by the sophistries of 
 the Alexandrian school. 
 
 Plato, intent on providing for the being of 
 One, denied existence, in a proper sense, to 
 other things. To all matter therefore, whether 
 devoid of qualities in itself, or endued with 
 them and formed into visible bodies, he gave the 
 name of NOTHING ; in which extensive sense he 
 
 * Scilicet aperte confitentur, qui sic sentiunt, mundum esse 
 Deum, nee prater mundum et materiam divinum aliquid esse. 
 ib.c. 13. 
 
 f The Egyptians, Chinese, Japanese, Indians, Phoenicians, 
 Persians, and Etruscans. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 321 
 
 is interpreted by Cicero.* On this the junior 
 Platonics grafted their refinements, for the sake 
 of producing a doctrine which should look like 
 that of the Scriptures. They therefore restricted 
 the name of " Nothing" to that abstract or ideal 
 matter which possessed neither forms nor quali- 
 ties, f And hence they affirmed that the world 
 was formed by the demiurge from nothing; 
 that is, from darkness, or that visionary matter 
 which was regarded as nothing. Again, Plato 
 had openly taught the eternity of the world, 
 and, by consequence, had degraded his deity. 
 This therefore was understood by the junior" 
 Platonics in a metaphysical sense which was to 
 protect Plato and his deity together. Hence it 
 became one of the leading maxims of the school 
 to resolve the eternity of the world into the 
 mind of the Deity, to connect the universe with 
 him by an eternal flux of generation, and to 
 make it derive all its contrivance from that 
 process, x^ccordingly, it was argued, that as 
 
 * Nihil Plato putat esse quod oriatur et intereat, idque solum 
 esse, quod semper tale sit, qualem ideam appellat ille, nos spe- 
 ciem. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 24. 
 
 f Plotinus de materia hac informi, quam sola niens videt ac 
 contemplatur : v\rj, inquit, p} ov av IIKUTWQ XeyoiTo. De Great. 
 Mund. c. 19. 
 
 y 
 
322 PAGANISM AND 
 
 body is the cause of the shade which falls from 
 it, so the eternity of the Deity is the cause of 
 the eternity of the world. The shade is equal 
 with the body in point of time, though not of 
 honour. In the same manner, the world follows 
 the Deity. Though caused by him, and there- 
 fore in that sense not of equal dignity, yet it is 
 co-eternal with him. It is an eternal effect from 
 an eternal cause, an eternal ray from an eternal 
 sun,* the primitive footstep of the primitive 
 foot. By such subtleties as these was it at- 
 tempted to rescue Platonism from the imputa- 
 tions cast upon it by the orthodox Christians^ 
 and thus was a forced reconciliation effected 
 between two opinions which must be for ever 
 opposite, the eternity of the world, and the 
 creation of it from nothing ! 
 
 From the Scriptures alone then is the doc- 
 trine of a proper creation to be learnt, a 
 creation, as Eusebius observes, not only of the 
 form which is impressed upon bodies, but of 
 the primary matter of their composition, or the 
 
 * Itaque cum mimdum aequk negant Platonic! aeternum esse, 
 atque Deum, hue eorum unice redit sententia : " Mundum ex 
 omni aetcrnitate sine ullo principio de Deo tanquam de causa 
 et de auctore suo fluxisse, quemadmodum de seterno corpore 
 aetenia umbra, aut de perenni sole perennis radius." ib. c. 31. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 323 
 
 of the Greeks.* This, he says, is the head 
 and fountain of the true theology * ' In the be- 
 ginning God created the heaven and the earth." 
 Nor is the truth of this doctrine made to rest 
 on the force of any single expression ; it is the 
 obvious and incontrovertible meaning of Reve- 
 lation at large ; and our common reason is vio- 
 lated by any attempt to dispute it. For a more 
 ample proof of this important point, I would 
 refer you to the twelfth sermon of Barrow on 
 the Apostles' Creed. For our present purpose, a 
 very few passages of Scripture will suffice. In 
 this absolute sense, the prophet Jeremiah con- 
 trasts the power of the God of Israel with the 
 false pretensions of the idols of the Heathen. 
 " The gods that have not made the heaven and 
 the earth, even they shall perish from the earth, 
 and under these heavens. HE hath made the 
 earth by his power; HE hath established the 
 world by his wisdom, and hath stretched out 
 the heaven by his discretion."! The same is the 
 language of other prophets : and it is worth 
 
 f Twv 'E/3pcuKwt/ coy^arwy "iftiov i\v y TO eva TOJV CLTTCLVTUV 
 TrotrjTrjr rofii^effOai TOV eirl TTCLVTUV Szuv, avrJ/c T r?/e V 
 fjLevrjg TO~IQ mofjiciaiv uffiag, i]v "YX^v Trpoffayopev&ffi 
 Praep. Evang. lib. vii. c. 18. Compare ib. c. 11. 
 t C. x. 11, 12. 
 
 Y2 
 
324 PAGANISM AtfD 
 
 our while to observe, from a passage in one of 
 the books of Maccabees, that,* after inspiration 
 had ceased, the Jewish people retained the ori- 
 ginal meaning of creation " I beseech thee, 
 my son, look upon the heaven, and the earth, 
 and all that is therein, and consider, that God 
 made them of things that were not ; and so was 
 mankind made likewise." In this sense is the 
 doctrine of creation constantly mentioned in the 
 Gospel ; and in the same manner was it inter- 
 preted by the general agreement of the early 
 Church, into which none were admitted who 
 did not openly profess it.| " By him (says 
 St. Paul) were all things created, that are in 
 heaven, and that are in earth, visible and invi- 
 sible." And not only does he affirm them to 
 
 * 2 Mace. vii. 28. 
 
 f Viguit praeceptum hoc in ipso statim Christianas Hbertatis- 
 exordio, nee in coetum sanctiorem receptus turn fuit aliquis, 
 nisi qui publiee profiteretur, Deum unicuin rerum omnium, et 
 ipsius etiam materiae ex qu& constant omnia, parentem et con- 
 ditoreui esse. De Great. Mund. c. 1 . The last circumstance 
 was insisted upon in opposition to the false creation of the 
 Greeks. Indeed, our Creeds are in a great measure defensive. 
 Much of them has arisen from the necessity of counteracting 
 the doctrines of philosophy and heresy ; and these articles may 
 sometimes be usefully traced up to the errors which they were 
 originally intended to correct. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 325 
 
 be created " by him," but " for him ;"* and 
 hence, God is the final disposer, because he is 
 the original Creator, of all things. With the 
 same great and fundamental truth begins the 
 Apostles' Creed " I believe in GOD the Father 
 ALMIGHTY, maker of heaven and earth." Om- 
 nipotence being first asserted in a strict sense, 
 creation is its proper consequence, and must 
 have been supposed, even if it were not formally 
 expressed. Such then is the full and exact 
 meaning which we are required to affix to this 
 sentence whenever we repeat it; a meaning 
 which was never taught by any of the loftiest 
 religions of nature, and is utterly irreconcile- 
 able with the imperfect powers of the deity of 
 Plato. And such is the decision of the judicious 
 and sagacious Barrow. " From these premises 
 we may conclude, against those philosophers, 
 who, destitute of the light of revelation, did 
 conceit otherwise, and against those Christians, 
 who have followed the philosophers (as Hermo- 
 genes of old, and Volkelius of late, together 
 with the sectators of their opinions) that God 
 did create (in the most strict and scholastical 
 sense of that word, did create) that is, either 
 
 * Col. i. 16. 
 
326 PAGANISM AND 
 
 immediately, or mediately did produce out 
 of nothing, or did bestow entirely a new exis- 
 tence upon every thing which is, not excepting 
 any one. And that is the sense of the words, 
 having made heaven and earth; or of the title, 
 Maker of heaven and earth, ascribed unto God."* 
 
 * Sermon 12. ib. The early belief of the Church in this 
 point is seen even in the erroneous supposition of some Chris- 
 tian writers, that the antient Heathens had taught it too. What 
 excuse may be made for those modern critics who have favoured 
 the orthodoxy of the Pagan cosmologists, I know not. The 
 mistake of the early writers of the Church arose in a great 
 measure from their Christian zeal. Eager to win the fastidious 
 find infidel Greeks to the Gospel, they endeavoured to prove to 
 them, that the sentiments of their ancestors came near to the 
 standard of Scripture; and hence the forced and injudicious 
 attempts to reconcile things so dissimilar; and to extract from 
 the idolatrous books the doctrine of a proper creation and the 
 Unity of the Deity. Who, for instance, would suppose, that 
 proofs of these points were to be sought for in Sophocles, 
 ^Eschylus, Philemon, or Menander? Yet the treatise of Justin 
 Martyr " De Monarchia" abounds with them. The following 
 lines are quoted from Sophocles, though they do not occur in 
 any of the plays that are extant, nor is it easy to suppose that 
 they were written by him: 
 
 Elg rale aXrjdeiaiffif, e t<iiv 0O, 
 
 "Of HpCtVOV T ETEvfy, K'CU ycClCLV ^tCUv'paj', 
 
 Ilovrs re ^apOTrov otfyta, K(fvijj.(i)r fliag. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 327 
 
 I have dwelt the longer on this, because it is 
 the cardinal point of all religion: for, from a 
 strict and absolute creation by an Almighty 
 Being, properly flow the Divine dominion over 
 the world, the present dispensations of Provi- 
 dence and the future judgment of men. And 
 from the necessary reference of all these powers 
 to the same Being, our Creator, Preserver, and 
 Judge, results the necessity of the sole worship 
 of the Godhead. This leads us to another im- 
 portant point. 
 
 That there must be an independent and pri- 
 mary cause of things, and that it must have an 
 existence essential and peculiar to itself; that 
 this Being is both eternal and infinite, and is 
 necessarily perfect; that there can be only one 
 Being possessed of those peculiar properties, 
 and that all other things depend on him for 
 
 "H 
 
 re r6rot, KOI KoXag 
 , &TWQ tvatfiiiv 
 
 Just. Mart. ib. 
 
 The observations of Potter on this passage, which are in Hut- 
 chins' s edition of Justin's treatise, maybe corapaied with those 
 of Bentley and Jortin 5 Remarks onEccl. History, vol. i. p. 330. 
 Ed. 1805. 
 
328 PAGANISM AND 
 
 their existence; that this Being is God; that 
 God is a Spirit; that therefore the Universe, or 
 general sum of things, cannot share any portion 
 of divinity with him ; and that he is the proper 
 and sole object of worship; these, I say, are 
 discoveries which the common reason of man 
 has been supposed capable of making by its 
 own efforts, and without the suggestion of Di- 
 vine revelation. But we may now securely ask, 
 in the practice of what Pagan nation is this sup- 
 position to be proved? In the doctrines of what 
 Pagan philosopher can its truth be clearly 
 established? We have seen, that, in consequence 
 of the imperfection of the deity of Plato, his 
 original want of creative power, and the failure 
 of his providence which necessarily resulted 
 from it, the inferior deities were also the objects 
 of worship in the system of that philosopher. 
 Notwithstanding this, a regular attempt to 
 prove the claims of natural religion has been 
 made by our own Wollaston. Yet it is not his 
 object to discredit Revelation. He rather pro- 
 fesses to recommend it by a preparatory state- 
 ment of favourable conclusions drawn from the 
 human understanding. His fundamental prin- 
 ciple is truth; from a conformity or disagree- 
 ment with which, springs moral good or evil. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 329 
 
 Coincident with truth are reason and happiness; 
 and subservient to it is sense, or reason, or both. 
 Hence he professes to deduce the law of nature, 
 which contains the knowledge of the truths 
 relating to God, to ourselves, and to the rest of 
 mankind. But, notwithstanding all his efforts 
 on the side of unassisted reason, Wollaston could 
 not descend to the level of nature. He was too 
 well instructed by Christianity not to feel its 
 influence even against his own purpose. He 
 endeavours to exclude a light which continues 
 to shine inwardly on his mind. In vain he 
 professes " only to shew, what a heathen phi- 
 losopher, without any other help and almost 
 uvToMfoMTos may be supposed to think."* The 
 suggestions of his reason are tinged with reve- 
 lation, and the standard which he establishes 
 for the religion of nature is of an height which 
 Plato never reached. 
 
 From the creation of man then, properly un- 
 derstood, results the exclusion of secondary 
 Deities, and the necessary worship of God alone. 
 Hence too is derived another important conclu- 
 sion. Man is not abandoned by the Deity; nor 
 Jeft the sport of mediating demons. His redemp- 
 
 * Religion of Nature delineated. Sect. 9. 
 
330 PAGANISM AND 
 
 tion is the work of the same God. The Plato- 
 nic philosophy is too apt to mix itself with 
 those descriptions which some of the early 
 fathers have given of certain doctrines of the 
 Scripture; but the following statement by Au- 
 gustin may be sufficient to shew his notion of 
 the principle of the mediation of Christ, the 
 highest act of Providence towards mankind. 
 " Man, as he is mortal, is miserable. In order, 
 therefore, to raise him to that immortality which 
 he cannot attain by his nature, a mediator is re- 
 quired. He must be both God and man : but 
 being God, and submitting to the condition of 
 man, he cannot forfeit any portion of his proper 
 and inherent divinity. Neither can he continue 
 mortal. On this plan, therefore, was effected 
 an union of the divine and human natures in the 
 person of Jesus Christ. His temporary mor- 
 tality connected him with the creatures whom 
 he came to save. His everlasting godhead gave 
 effect to his assumed manhood. His conde- 
 scension is transitory: but the consequences of 
 it to man are eternal. The resurrection of Christ 
 from the dead is the first fruit of his mediation, 
 and the pledge of immortality, both in body and 
 soul, to those who, without it, must have re- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 331 
 
 mained the victims of eternal death."* It is 
 evident, that the terms employed in this state- 
 ment are partly direct, and partly allusive to 
 that false and incongruous mediation of the Pla- 
 tonic demons, which has been already described. 
 Our redemption is defined both by what it is, 
 and what it is not : but the aim of the whole is, 
 to reconcile the natural mortality of man with 
 the promise of the " life that is to come," and 
 to direct our religious gratitude to its proper 
 object, the mercy of God, and his free grace to 
 us in Jesus Christ. 
 
 2. This promise leads us to a reflection on 
 
 * Si omnes homines, quamdiu mortales sunt, etiam niiseri 
 sint necesse est, quaerendus est medius, qui non solum homo, 
 verum etiam Deus sit : ut homines ex mortali miseria ad 
 beatam immortal itatem hujus medii beata mortalitas interveni- 
 endo perducat; quern neque non fieri mortalem oportebat, 
 neque permanere mortalem. Mortalis quippe factus est, non 
 infirmata VERBI divinitate, sed carnis infirmitate suscepta. 
 Non autem permansit in ipsa carne mortalis, qaam resuscitavit 
 a mortnis ; quoniam ipse fructus est mediationis ejus, ut nee 
 ipsi, propter quos liberandos mediator effectus est, in perpetua 
 vel carnis morte remanerent. Proinde MEDIATOREM inter nos 
 et Deum, et mortalitatem habere oportuit transeuntem, et bea- 
 titudinem permanentenij ut per id quod transit, congrueret 
 morituris, et ad id quod permanet, transferret ex raortuis. Civ. 
 Dei, lib. ix. c. 15. 
 
332 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the second part of the doctrine of Plato. With 
 him, the body was not deemed worthy of any 
 consideration. It was, as we have seen, bor- 
 rowed for a while by the inferior deities from the 
 elements, and was to be restored to them again. 
 The immortality, of which he speaks, is attri- 
 buted only to the soul. A few words will be 
 sufficient to shew the folly, or the malice of 
 those who have so zealously extolled this doc- 
 trine, as maintaining a rivalship with that of 
 Revelation. 
 
 It appears, that the world was the primary 
 object of solicitude to the Demiurge: and that 
 man was no more than one of its component 
 parts.* He was made, not after the image of 
 God, but after the pattern of the world; and 
 hence he has been termed a microcosm. Ac- 
 cordingly, when the Demiurge gave to the in- 
 ferior gods the soul which was to be placed in 
 man, he took it from the residuum of the soul of 
 the world : it is therefore secondary to this both in 
 time and importance. Yet we find Piato assert- 
 ing, that the soul of man is an original principle, 
 
 * riavra TCLVTO. (i. e. the Chaotic mass) Trpwroi/ SiEKo 
 
 ' 7rWV TTCIV TO?* l^VL^fjarO) &OV f.V } 
 
 iv O.VTW. In Tim. p. 1073. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 333 
 
 and that it is possessed of an eternity essential 
 to itself. Here then no reference is made to the 
 will of any superior power ; but the soul is de- 
 clared to have the high and distinctive privilege 
 of self-motion; and hence is inferred its self- 
 existence. It follows, therefore, either that 
 Plato does not, in fact, acknowledge a deity, 
 but makes the soul the first principle of all 
 things ; or that his deity, and the soul of man 
 are one and the same thing ! In either case the 
 doctrine is vicious; it is self-contradictory, or 
 impious; or both. 
 
 But let us wave this imputation, and inquire 
 of what nature is the immortality which Plato 
 attributes to the soul. Contraries, says Socrates, 
 spring from each other;* and both are produced 
 by a continual interchange of intermediate pro- 
 perties. The bond between these contraries is 
 increase and decay; and by means of this 
 agency, are effected separation and mixture, 
 heat and cold, and the like. This is applicable 
 to the condition of the soul. The opposite of 
 death is life, as waking is of sleep. That death 
 succeeds to life is most evident. In like man- 
 
 ro, on TTCLVTCL sr 
 TO. ivavria Trpay/iara. In PhEedon. p. 53. 
 
334 PAGANISM ANt) 
 
 ner, therefore, it is to be concluded that life 
 succeeds also to death. The soul, therefore, 
 exists somewhere, and expects its return to 
 another body, from which it is again to be 
 dislodged by dissolution! But it is obvious, 
 that this is no more than a physical round of 
 eternity; and if the soul is immortal, it is so on 
 the same principle with the elements, or the 
 material substances of nature, which are gradu- 
 ally decomposed, and formed again. The change 
 of things is perpetual; but the sum of them 
 remains. Augustin has bestowed a just repro- 
 bation on the baseness of that theology wljich 
 will not allow the soul to continue in the happi- 
 ness once bestowed upon it;* which delivers it 
 
 * He pities the soul euntem sine cessatione ad falsam 
 beatitudinem, et ad veram miseriam sine cessatione redeuntem. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. xii. c. 13. Compare c. 20. Augustin informs 
 us too, that Porphyry, one of the most celebrated followers of 
 Plato, was offended with this doctrine, and expressly disavowed 
 it : De istis circumitibus et sine cessatione alternantibus 
 itionibus et reditionibus animarum, Porphyrius Platonicus suo- 
 rum opinionem sequi noluit, sive ipsius rei vanitate permotus, 
 sive jam tempora Christiana reveritus. ib. In another curious 
 passage, which he quotes from Varro, some who cast nativities 
 at Rome, are said to have maintained that it was necessary for 
 the same soul and the same body to meet again upon earth, 
 and to live as they had before; and that this would actually 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 335 
 
 from the body, only to subject it to a repetition 
 of the same constraint and misery after a cer- 
 tain interval. But Ovid, who never troubles 
 himself with objections to any principles, has 
 sung this circular philosophy in his most happy 
 manner: 
 
 Nee pent in tanto quicquam, mihi credite, mundo ; 
 Sed variat, faciemque novat; nascique vocatur 
 Incipere esse aliud, quam quod fuit ante 5 morique 
 Desinere illud idem: cum sint hue forsitan ilia, 
 Haec translata illuc ; summa tamen OMNIA constant. 
 
 Met. lib. 15. 
 
 How different the language of Revelation! 
 The body and the soul of man are equally the 
 creation of God. They are together governed 
 by his Providence, and together subject to his 
 future judgment. The soul is immortal, not 
 through any independent or self-subsisting pro- 
 take place after an interval of 440 years i Genethliaci quidem 
 scripserunt, esse in renascendis hominibus quum appellant 
 TraXiyyivtaicLv Graeci : bane scripserunt confici in annis numero 
 quadringentis quadraginta, ut idem corpus et eadem anima, 
 *quae fuerant conjuncta in homine aliquando, eadem rursus 
 redeant in conjunctionem. ib. lib. xxii. c. 28. In tbe same 
 chapter he exposes the absurdity of those who upon loose hints 
 pf this nature founded an argument, that the Pagans had an- 
 ticipated the doctrine of the Resurrection. 
 
336 PAGANISM AND 
 
 perties, but through the nature conferred upon 
 it by its Maker, and continued by his preserving 
 power. It is placed in the body, which it guides 
 in righteousness, according to the suggestions of 
 the Holy Spirit. When the body dies, the soul 
 does not sleep with it in the dust of the earth, 
 but returns to God who gave it. At the last 
 day, it shall be finally joined again with its 
 body. This was mortal, but is now glorified for 
 eternity by that Power, which is " able to sub- 
 due all things to itself;" and both together 
 shall receive the reward of immortal happiness, 
 promised to the faith and obedience of man 
 through Jesus Christ. 
 
 I will add no more to this part of the subject, 
 but will close the whole with an observation 
 which may be applied to a very large portion of 
 the Pagan writings. 
 
 Plato, who has had so many followers ready 
 to answer for the truth of his doctrine, would 
 not answer for it himself. When Timaeus is 
 about to deliver his opinion concerning the De- 
 miurge, and the production of the world, he 
 remarks the various and contradictory opinions 
 which were entertained on those important sub- 
 jects, and the impossibility of ascertaining the 
 truth with exactness. For himself, therefore, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 337 
 
 he claims no higher credit, than that his system 
 is perhaps as probable as that of any other.* 
 This reservation is strongly applauded by So- 
 crates. It is repeatedly expressed, and finally 
 applied to the doctrine of the soul. If some 
 god shall undertake to declare its condition, the 
 truth will be infallibly known :\ but till that 
 happens, conjecture, founded on probability, is 
 all that man can hope to attain 
 
 Another instance drawn from the Pheedo> 
 beautifully proves how little certainty was 
 supposed to belong to this philosophy. 
 
 Socrates had employed some of his choicest 
 
 * 'Eav apa juT/^evog %TTOV vdpe^fjieda EIKOTCLQ (Xoyee) aya- 
 Trav XPH lienvnu&ov wg 6 Xeywv, vfi^ig TE ol /cptral, Qvtriv av- 
 dpwTrivrii' e^opev' w<? Trepi rurwv TOV etKOTO. fjivdov aTro^e^o^teva ; 
 7rp7Tt fjujSiv eri ?repa ^reiv. In Tim. p. 1047. 
 
 f Ta fj,ev uv TTtpt rrjc i^v^c, oaov Svnrbv e^ei KOI oaov 
 
 Kal OTTTI, KO.I JU0' toV, KCLL CL CL }( W P'C (fKlffdlJ, TO fJ.CV 
 
 (ac eip^rav) $ ^u/z0jjffavro^, t&r &v UTW HOVWQ 
 LQa' ro ye fjirjv eiKog rjfuv elpnadat* KOL vvv Kal eft 
 v avaffKOTrSfft %iaKivlvvf.VTeov (fxivai, KCLI ire<pa.ffd(t). ib. p. 
 1075. 
 
 This is the manner of Plato, and it ought to be carefully 
 observed by all his readers. His account of the sublimest and 
 most abstruse subjects is circumstantial and positive. The only 
 guard against too implicit a credit in it is to be found in these 
 incidental warnings. 
 
338 PAGANISM AND 
 
 reasoning on the immortality of the soul, and 
 apparently convinced his friends by arguments 
 derived from the necessary succession of life to 
 death, from the nature and powers of memory, 
 and from the soul's essential simplicity. But 
 one of them ventures to express a fear, lest the 
 soul may perish when the body is dissolved, just 
 as harmony perishes when the lyre is broken.* 
 To this another adds, that though the soul may 
 not perish immediately, yet probably it will not 
 continue for ever. When the first body is 
 dead, it may return to animate another and 
 another; but after several generations, it will 
 itself expire. A succession of vestments will 
 wear out the body, which decays before the 
 last is threadbare. And in the same manner, a 
 succession of bodies will perhaps wear out the 
 soul, though, in its own nature, the soul be 
 more durable than a single body. 
 
 These little objections are sufficient to re- 
 move all the impression which the ingenuity of 
 
 * 'Ei BV rvyxftvri f) ^v^ *<*> apfiovia rce, SrjXov on orav 
 ^aXaady ro a&fjia. r/^iwv ci/ierpu>, i] tTTiradfj virb voarwv, Kal 
 aXXwv jca/cwv, rriv /uev ^v\^v avayKij ivdvg vTrap^ct aTroXwXe- 
 vai (jcatVep <rav Seiorar^v) w^Trep *cai at aXXcu apjjiovia.i, at T* 
 cv roiq />6oyyoi icat kv TOig T&V ^/zcpyw>/ epyotg 7ra<r*. In 
 Phaedon. p. 65. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 339 
 
 Socrates had made on his hearers;* and in a 
 moment the strong fears of nature in their 
 bosoms triumph over a reasoning confessedly 
 uncertain, and drawing its best support from 
 probability alone. Cicero, who frequently em- 
 ploys a sentiment of Plato in a manner of his 
 own, seems to have remembered this passage 
 in the first book of the Tusculan Questions. 
 When he exhorts his friend to read the Phsedo, 
 if he wishes to obtain a knowledge of the im- 
 mortality of the soul; " I have frequently read 
 it," replies he; " but I know not how it hap- 
 pens; while I read, the arguments of Plato 
 have my concurrence; but when I lay down 
 the book and revolve the subject in my mind, 
 my late assent is presently withdrawn, and all 
 my disbelief returns. "| This is the genuine 
 
 EITTOVT&V O.VTWV, arj^wg 
 wg v^epov IXeyo/iei/ Trpog aXX?)Xg, ort VTTO ru ^7rpo<r0fv Xoy 
 <r^>o)pa TreTTEiff/jLEVtiQ /juae 7ra'Xiv &>C8j> avarapdcu KOI etc 
 aTTtTtav *rara/3aXe7j/, w \IQVOV rolg Trpoffp^eVoie Xoyoig, aXXa 
 KOI elg TO. v?pa p.e\\ovra prjdriffEffdai, pri uhvog aioi eir)fj,i/ 
 icpirai, ri KCLI ra Trpay/nara avra atri^a y. ib. p. 66. 
 
 f Evolve diligenter ejus eum librum qui est de Animo. 
 Amplius quod desideves, nihil erit. Feci mehercul^, et quidem 
 saepius j sed nesico quo modo, dum lego, assentior -, cum posui 
 librum, et mecum ipse de immortal itate animorum co3pi cogi- 
 tare, assensio omnis ilia elabitur. Tusc. Qusest. lib. i. c. 11. 
 
 z2 
 
340 PAGANISM AN!* 
 
 voice of nature confessing her fears under the 
 want of sufficient evidence concerning a future 
 state. 
 
 This too, I believe, is the meaning of Virgil, 
 when he closes his description of the nether 
 world, and dismisses ./Eneas through the ivory 
 gate : 
 
 Sunt geminae somni portae ; quarum altera fertur 
 Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris : 
 Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto : 
 Sed falsa ad ccelum mittunt insomnia manes. 
 His ibi turn natum Anchises unaque Sybillam 
 Prosequitur dictis, portaque emittit eburna. 
 
 It was, as we have seen, the character of the 
 philosophy, from which Virgil has borrowed so 
 many of the incidents of this book, to confess 
 its want of confidence in the speculations which 
 it indulged on the nature and future condition 
 of the soul. He remembers this caution, and 
 will not dismiss his description without it. To 
 the imagery, therefore, which he adopts from 
 Homer, he adds another purpose;* and the 
 
 * Nothing can be more natural than the use of this imagery 
 by Penelope relating her dream, Odyss. lib. 19. In Virgil, it 
 appears forced, unless some other purpose can be coupled with 
 it. i Cicero takes eare to state the customary precaution before 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 341 
 
 ivory gate may be regarded as a poetic con- 
 ' veyance of the uncertainty confessed by Plato 
 concerning the " life to come." 
 
 he enters on a subject so difficult, and remote from the com- 
 mon knowledge of mankind. Ea quae vis, ut potero, explicabo: 
 nee tamen, quasi Pythius Apollo, certa ut sint, et fixa quae 
 dixeroj sed ut homunculus unus e multis, probabilia conjec- 
 tura sequens. Ultra enim quo progrediar, quam ut verisimilia 
 videam, non habeo. Tusc. Quaest. lib. i. c. 9. 
 
 In the text, the question is concerning the sentiments of 
 Plato on the subject of God and the soul. A general view of 
 the absurd and contradictory sentiments of the Pagan schools 
 at large, on these important points, is given in the neat and 
 pleasing treatise of Hermias Aiao-vpjuoe - or Irrisio Philoso- 
 phorum. He begins with the soul, but is utterly at a loss 
 what to determine concerning it from the definitions of the 
 philosophers ; whether it be fire, air, or motion, whether it 
 be intelligence, or nothing but an exhalation. Some describe 
 it as a power derived from the stars ; and some call it an 
 additional essence, the result of the four elements compounded, 
 One calls it harmony, one, the blood, one, the breath of 
 man, and another, a monad. These contests concerning 
 the nature of the soul are a sure pledge of differences as to its 
 duration. " For a moment, (says he,) I fancy myself im- 
 mortal j but this illusion is presently dissolved by one who 
 maintains, that my soul is as subject to death as my body. 
 Another is determined to preserve its existence during 3000 
 years. I pass into other bodies, and become a beast or a fish; 
 por is it possible for me to call myself by any determinate 
 |iame. I arn a wolf, a bird, a serpent, a chirnsera. I swim,. 
 
342 PAGANISM AND 
 
 I fly, I er^ep, I run, I sit still, and am made to partake of 
 all opposite conditions in rotation." He indulges the same 
 vein of humour on the disputes about God and nature 5 and 
 describes the fluctuation of his mind under the successive 
 tuition of a number of Pagan masters, each teaching him a 
 different lesson. " Anaxagoras tells me that all things are 
 derived from an intelligent mind, the cause of order, motion, 
 and beauty. In this I should acquiesce, if Melissus and Par- 
 menides did not object, who contend both in verse and prose, 
 that the universe is ONE, self-subsisting, eternal, infinite,, im- 
 moveable, and unchangeable. Awed therefore, by this double 
 authority, I begin to drop my attachment to Anaxagoras. 
 Yet neither do I rest with Melissus and Parmenidesj for 
 Anaximenes now proves to me that all things are produced 
 from air. I begin, therefore, to lean towards his philosophy; 
 but on a sudden I hear a voice calling to me out of Etna, 
 and commanding me to believe that the system of the world 
 arose from the collision of love and hatred, by whose opera- 
 tion alone can be satisfactorily explained the existence of 
 things similar and dissimilar, finite and infinite. Thanks to 
 you, Empedocles, and in gratitude for so important a discovery, 
 I am ready to follow you, even into the crater of your vol- 
 canoj" &c. He passes rapidly through a number of other 
 systems, the heat and cold of Archelaus, the god, matter, 
 and ideas of Plato, the active and passive principles of 
 Aristotle, the aether, earth, and time of Pherecydes, the 
 atoms of Leucippus, the existence and non-existence, the 
 plenum and vacuum of Democritus, the fire of Heraclitus, 
 and the numbers of Pythagoras. Imitating too, the well- 
 known sentiment of Anacreon, he declares, that his enumera- 
 tion is yet imperfect, and that other multitudes of names rush 
 upon him from Libya, &c. Hermias is placed by Cave in 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 343 
 
 the second century. His style (with the exception of a few 
 mutilated passages) is neat, perspicuous, and pointed 5 and 
 his humour is more pure and temperate than that of Lucian. 
 This little piece is printed at the end of Worth's edition of 
 Tatian; Oxford, 1700. 
 
344 PAGANISM AND 
 
 CHAPTER VIH. 
 
 SUMMUM BONUM OF PAGANISM ... IMMORTALITY NO PART 
 OF IT... SYSTEM OF EPICURUS ,. .THE STOICS... OLD 
 ACADEMY . . . YARROWS ESTIMATE OF ALL POSSIBLE SECTS 
 ... CONCLUDING REMARKS. 
 
 THE pretensions of Paganism to the rewards of 
 the " life to come," have been thus far refuted 
 by an appeal to some of the most celebrated 
 systems of antient theology: and it has ap- 
 peared, that the best philosophy of nature rose 
 no higher than to an uncertainty on the great 
 subject of God and the soul. 
 
 This perhaps might have sufficed : but the 
 argument will be more complete and satisfac- 
 tory, if we also inquire into the principal opi- 
 nions which were entertained by the Heathen 
 world, concerning human happiness. In the 
 lecture which included some notice of the Ethics, 
 of Plato, provision was made for this branch of 
 the subject;* and it was promised, that a larger 
 yiew should be taken of the opinions of the 
 
 * P. 238, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 345 
 
 Pagans concerning the Summum Bonum, the 
 proper aim and end of all the counsels and ac- 
 tions of man. Indeed, such an inquiry must 
 be, in the highest degree, convincing. For, if 
 the doctrine of immortality was discovered by 
 the light of nature, we shall not fail to observe 
 it in those systems which professed to teach 
 the summum bonum. But, if it made no part 
 of those systems, and if the summum bonum 
 was nothing more than the advantage arising 
 from the best mode of conducting common life, 
 the former conclusion is fully established. That 
 insight into futurity, which has been fondly at- 
 tributed to certain philosophers, is disproved 
 by the interpretation of their followers. The 
 sects which contended for the discovery of 
 happiness, looked not beyond the present scene 
 pf things ; and from their degraded hopes and 
 narrow views, we safely conclude that Pagan- 
 ism had nothing to teach, on which the mind 
 of man could rely, concerning an existence in 
 another world. 
 
 It has been justly remarked by Augustin 
 that the mode of argument adopted by Socrates, 
 in his encounters with the sophists, laid the 
 foundation of those moral dissensions which 
 distracted his immediate successors in philoso- 
 
346 PAGANISM AND 
 
 phy, and were spread, by their animosity, 
 through the world at large.* For the most 
 part, he had contented himself with the pleasure 
 of refutation : and the same caution which di- 
 rected the force of his sagacity to the detection 
 of error in others, restrained him from the em- 
 ployment of positive and dogmatical doctrine 
 in his own person. He might have prescribed 
 with superior authority, (if indeed Grecian 
 vanity and Grecian loquaciousness were to be 
 overawed by any authority,) what was the sum 
 of human happiness, and what the mode in 
 which it might best be discovered and attained. 
 But, satisfied with destroying the fabrics of 
 others, he erected no new system in their room. 
 The failure of this precaution gave a free indul- 
 gence to the passion and prejudice which now 
 burst forth. Paradox and dogmatism, no longer 
 confined within bounds by the rule of a master, 
 
 * Tarn praeclard igitur vitae mortisque fama Socrates reliquit 
 plurimos suae philosophise sectatores, quorum eertatim studium 
 fuit in qusestione moralium disceptatione versari, ubi agitur 
 de Summo Bono, sine quo fieri homo beatus esse non potest. 
 Quod in Socratis disputationibus, dum omnia movet, destruit, 
 quoniam non evidenter apparuit, quod cuique placuit, ind& 
 sumpserunt, et ubi cuique visum est, constituerunt finem boni. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 347 
 
 tumultuously rushed abroad to disturb the 
 peace of mankind. 
 
 -velut agmine facto, 
 
 data porta, ruunt, et terras turbine perflant.* 
 
 The final object of human life was darkened 
 and overwhelmed in the storm of conflicting 
 opinions; and sects, blustering at each other, 
 yet conspiring for the destruction of the com- 
 mon welfare, issued from the same parent- 
 school. A restless innovation became the dis- 
 tinguishing mark of philosophy. Those who 
 could not invent for themselves, were able at 
 least to disfigure the inventions of others. 
 Some, therefore, made partial selections, and 
 subsisted upon mixed opinions. Some, again, 
 delighted in opposites. Aristippus placed the 
 happiness of man in pleasure; and Antisthenes 
 in virtue !f 
 
 The view which is to be laid before you, of 
 these debates concerning the Summum Bonum, 
 
 * J&n. i. 
 
 f Sic autem diversas inter se Socratici de isto fine sententias 
 habuerunt, ut (quod vix credibile est, unius magistri potuisse 
 facere sectatores) quidam summum bonum esse dicerent Volup- 
 tateni, sicut Aristippus j quidam Virtutem, sicut Antisthenes. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. viii. c. 3. 
 
348 PAGANISM AND 
 
 shall be drawn principally from two eminent 
 writers of antiquity. They have treated the 
 subject in different manners, but perhaps with 
 nearly equal powers. Cicero has described 
 the principal sects which existed in his age, and 
 endeavoured to ascertain the merits of each : 
 and we may conclude, that his object in forming 
 such a collection of the doctrines of the Grecian 
 schools, was to insinuate into the minds of his 
 countrymen, those which he deemed most wor> 
 thy of philosophy, or most conducive to the 
 welfare of man. 
 
 Varro, favouring the same common cause 
 with his friend, has taken a more curious and 
 extensive range. He has enumerated, not the 
 sects which actually existed, but those which, 
 in the possible variety of opinions, might exist; 
 and has indulged his imagination in the first 
 instance, that no escape might be pleaded from 
 the preference which he finally gives to the 
 philosophy of the old academy. These shall be 
 considered in their order. A summary shall, 
 therefore, first be given of the leading parts of 
 Cicero's treatise " on the ends of good and, 
 evil." It consists of five books. The first and 
 third contain a statement of the Epicurean and 
 Stoical doctrines concerning happiness. The 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 349 
 
 second and fourth are employed in the refuta- 
 tion of both. The positive part of his own 
 sentiments (if indeed a comparison of this with 
 some of his other works, will allow us to attri- 
 bute to him any fixed opinion*) is reserved for 
 the last book. Yet this is not done without 
 some disguise, and a peculiarity of management 
 which betrays his imitation of Plato. He 
 scruples to deliver his doctrine in his own per- 
 son. His representative is Piso, who, on this 
 occasion, may be regarded as the Socrates of 
 Cicero. 
 
 The philosophy of Epicurus is divided by 
 Cicero into three branches. In Physics, he 
 adopted generally the system of Democritus. 
 
 * That he is not always in the same mind, is evident. In 
 the third book of the Offices, he reasons according to the Stoical 
 formula, because it seemed to have something more splendid 
 and heroic on the subject of virtue, than that of the Old 
 Academy. At the same time, he takes for himself the licence 
 of disputing, which belonged to a follower of the New Aca- 
 demy: Erit autem haec formula, Stoicorum rationi discipli- 
 liaeque maxime consentanea ; quam quidem in his libris, prop- 
 terea sequimur, quod splendidius hasc ab eis disseruntur, 
 quibus quicquid honestum est, idem utile videturj nee utile 
 quidquam, quod non honestum. Nobis autem nostra academia 
 magnam licentiani dat, ut quodcunque maxime probabile oc- 
 currat, id nostro jure liceat defendere* C* 4. 
 
350 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Something, indeed, he added, and something 
 he altered. However, his alterations were not 
 regarded by others as necessary amendments. 
 On the contrary, he was thought to have cor- 
 rupted what he attempted to correct.* In logic, 
 he was confessedly inferior to most of those 
 who succeeded in forming schools ;f and his 
 open neglect of an art,' which was in so much 
 request throughout Greece, brought upon him 
 no small share of resentment and abuse. The 
 particular object of our present inquiry is his 
 morals. In this branch of his doctrine he 
 unhappily adopted the maxim of Aristippus ; 
 and thus (strange as it may appear) through a 
 scholar of Socrates, was derived a philosophy 
 without elevation of character, or dignity of 
 object ;J a philosophy which, in every age, 
 
 * Democrito adjicit perpauca mutans, sed ita, ut quae corri- 
 gere vult, mihi quidem depravare videatur. Cic. de Fin. lib. i. 
 c. 6. Bayle blames him for depriving his atoms of the soul 
 which had been given to them by Democritus. Diet, in voc. 
 Epicure. 
 
 [ Jam in altera philosophise parte, quae est quaerendi ac dis- 
 serendi, quae Xoyt/o) dicitur, ille vester plane, ut mihi quidem 
 videtur, inermis ac nudus est. De Fin. lib i. c. 7. 
 
 J In terti vero parte, quae est de vita et moribus, in consti- 
 tutione finis, nil generosum sapit atque magnificum. Confirmat 
 illud vel maxime, quod ipsa natura, ut ait ilie, adsciscat et re- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 351 
 
 has furnished an apology to the idle and the 
 dissolute, and excited, with a few exceptions,* 
 the shame and regret of every sober and vir- 
 tuous mind! 
 
 The enthusiasm of the followers of Epicurus, 
 however, was not to be abated by any reproof; 
 and their attachment to him was shewn in 
 modes of zeal peculiar to themselves. They 
 not only adorned their apartments with his 
 portrait, but wore it on their rings. In their 
 festivities too, he was characteristically remem- 
 bered, and their drinking cups presented the 
 resemblances of the great master of pleasure.f 
 To these displays of zeal they were embold- 
 ened by their growing numbers; for Laertius, 
 who defends his character, gives him such a 
 multitude of friends, that they could hardly 
 
 probet, id est voluptatem et dolorem. Ad haec, et quae sequa- 
 mur, et quae fugiamus, refert omnia. Quod quanquam Aristippi 
 est, a Cyrenaicisque melius liberiusque defenditur ; tamen ejus- 
 modi esse judico, ut nihil homine videatur indignius. ib. 
 
 * Bayle is strongly inclined to protect Epicurus, and quotes 
 some treatises, the object of which was to prove that he be- 
 lieved and taught some of the higher parts of religion. Bayle 
 is a fertile, and ingenious, but too frequently, a misleading 
 writer. 
 
 f Cujus imaginem non modo in tabulis nostri familiares, 
 sed etiam in poculis et in annulis habent. De Fin. lib. v. c. 1. 
 
352 PAGANISM AN0 
 
 be counted even by whole cities.* From the 
 nature of their habitual pursuits^ therefore, and 
 the necessity of perpetual defence against the 
 attacks, to which they were exposed from the 
 better part of the world, arose those mixed and 
 discordant features by which the Epicureans 
 were distinguished. Cicero hated them; and 
 in many parts of his works has contributed to 
 the picture of the sect. Indulging an unusual 
 complacence among themselves, they were su- 
 percilious and arrogant in their treatment of 
 others.t Though lax in principle, they were 
 
 * Ot re <j)i\ot, roffuroi TO TrX^Oog, ug jj.r)& av 
 
 ai (JvvdaQai. In vit. Epic. His doctrine seems to 
 have been particularly acceptable to the common people. 
 Nescio quomodo (is, qui auctoritatem minimam habet, vim 
 maximam) populus cum illis facit. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 14. 
 
 f Turn Velleius fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tarn verens, 
 quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur; tanquam modo ex 
 Deorum concilio, et ex Epicuri intermundiis descendisset. 
 De Natur. Deor. lib. i. c. 8. Torquatus is equally disdainful 
 of all pursuits but those of Epicurus. Poetry, he affirms, is 
 the delight only of children j and the sciences to which Plato 
 addicted himself, are built upon false principles. Even if they 
 were true, they contributed nothing to the art of life, the dis- 
 covery of which was reserved for Epicurus. De Fin. lib. i. e. 
 21. Lucretius has carried this arrogance to its greatest height. 
 The benefits conferred on the world by Epicurus, are greater 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 353 
 
 strenuous and dogmatical in doctrine. With 
 softness of mind they joined an insolence of 
 manner. They lived with delicacy, and dis- 
 puted with vehemence ; and, engaged in the 
 continual pursuit of pleasure, they talked with 
 confidence of their exclusive possession of truth 
 and virtue ! These pretensions increased with 
 the hatred which pursued them from the rest 
 of mankind; and they learnt to interpret the 
 aversion which they could not but feel, in a 
 manner the most flattering to their self-love. 
 Epicurus had purposely used a simplicity of 
 language,* not often found in the compositions 
 of that age. To this circumstance, therefore, 
 they pretended to refer the disgust which pre- 
 vailed against them, and the preference which 
 was commonly shewn by the men of letters for 
 other masters, especially for Plato, Aristotle, 
 
 than those of Ceres, Bacchus and Hercules ; and he is more 
 deservedly a god than they : 
 
 Quo magis hie merito nobis DEUS esse videtur: 
 Ex quo nunc etiam per magnas didita gentes, 
 Dulcia permulcent animos solatia vitae. 
 
 Lib. v. 
 
 * Laertius notices this, and the rage of the grammarians 
 about it: fjv (Xe^tv) on i^twranj esiv, Api<ro0aV^e o 
 >e curtartu. In Vit. Epic. 
 
 A A 
 
354 PAGANISM A;NP 
 
 and Theophrastus.* But in return, they ex- 
 tolled the fruitfulness and originality of genius 
 which distinguished their master, qualities 
 amply manifested in the three hundred volumest 
 of his composition. They maintained too, that 
 the substance of his doctrine was incontrover- 
 tible. He was the great discoverer of truth, the 
 sole architect of human happiness.^: 
 
 The truth and happiness thus asserted, were 
 contained in a single word Pleasure. This 
 
 * Sed existimo te minds eo delectarr, quod ista Platonis, 
 Aristotelis, Theophrasti orationis ornamenta neglexerit. De 
 Fin. lib. i. c. 5. 
 
 t Laertius calls them cylinders: Kv\w$poi JJ.EV yap Trpog 
 THQ TptaKOffidQ tlffi. Of late, an important discovery is said to 
 have been made. According to advice from Mr. Hayter, two 
 of the thirty-seven books Trepi $v<rewe (the 2d and 14th) have 
 been ascertained among the Herculanean MSS. Mr. Walpole 
 mentions also from Palermo the MSS. of some known follow- 
 ers of Epicurus. 1809. The expectations which had been 
 raised by the discovery, do not appear to have been fulfilled. 
 Copies from some of the papyri have been sent to England, 
 and published at Oxford ; but the fragments of Epicurus which 
 they exhibit, are too mutilated to be of any real value. The 
 same is said to be the result of the Neapolitan work on the 
 Herculanean MSS. Of the followers of Epicurus, no farther 
 intelligence has been given. 
 
 $ Ea ipsa,, quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto 
 beatae vitae dicta sunt, explicabo. De Fin. lib. i. c. 10. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 355 
 
 was pronounced to be the Summum Bonum of 
 man: and the principle of this decision was 
 fetched from the philosophy of nature. From 
 its birth, every animal is prompted to seek 
 pleasure, and to avoid pain. In the absence of 
 pleasure we are uneasy, and do not rest till we 
 find it. We are then satisfied; and nothing 
 farther is desired. It was therefore concluded, 
 that pleasure is the genuine object of life!* 
 
 Particular value was also set on the early in- 
 dications of this propensity. They were said 
 to flow from the unadulterated fountain of truth, 
 and to indicate the proper rule of human ac- 
 tion before prejudices were acquired, and before 
 the judgment was depraved; as if it were im- 
 possible, says Cicero, that those natures, which 
 are not yet depraved by custom, should have a 
 
 * From the influence of this propensity, no degree of strength 
 or courage is exempt. When the flesh of Hercules was con- 
 sumed by the envenomed shirt, he howled with the pain, till 
 the Locrian mountains and the promontories of Eubcea re- 
 sounded : 
 
 iv&v' aju0t eP lisevov 
 
 T opeioi Trpwvee, 'Ev/3o/ac r aicpa. 
 
 Laert. in vit. Epic. 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 PAGANISM AND 
 
 radical and inbred pravity of their own.* A 
 wish was indeed expressed by some of the sect, 
 that these original desires might be sanctioned 
 by the subsequent testimony of reason, and 
 that the rest of the world might be convinced, 
 by the force of argument, concerning the truth 
 of the principle primarily assumed. But Epicu- 
 rus was satisfied with the manifest and decided 
 preference which was given to pleasure, not 
 only by infants, but by the pure and unsus- 
 pected testimony of the brutes themselves ;f 
 and therefore thought, that reason, though co- 
 incident with nature, could bring no necessary 
 accession of evidence to its primary and un- 
 erring suggestions. The warmth of fire, the 
 whiteness of snow, the sweetness of honey, are 
 
 * Quainvis enim depravatae non sint, pravae tainen esse pos- 
 sunt. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 11 . An important remark, and capa- 
 ble of a much more serious application than Cicero was aware 
 of. Socrates seems to have been sensible of the tendency of 
 nature to moral disobedience : tV r&> yap awrw 
 (pvTevjJievai ry 4^x3 a * *lSoval Treidnaiv avrrjv 
 Xen. Mem. lib. i. c. 2. 24. 
 
 f Infantes pueri, mutse bestise paene loquuntur, magistra ac 
 duce Natura; nihil esse prosperum, nisi voluptatem, nihil as- 
 perum, nisi dolorem; de quibus neque depravate judicant, 
 neque corrupte. De Fin. lib. i. c. 21. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 357 
 
 the immediate discovery of the senses, nor do 
 they require to be proved by any deductions 
 of reason. The same, therefore, ought to be 
 our conclusion concerning pleasure, because it 
 stands on the same natural foundation.* 
 
 A principle thus dangerous to the moral wel- 
 fare of mankind, was likely to be followed with 
 suspicion and alarm; and from the defence 
 which is undertaken by Laertius, we see how 
 serious and extensive was the censure bestowed 
 upon Epicurus. Care was, therefore, taken to 
 guard against wrong interpretations of his doc- 
 trine, while loud complaints were made, that 
 the world had conspired to misunderstand or to 
 misrepresent it. Accordingly, it was argued, 
 that pleasure, as such, is disliked by none; and 
 that the pains which it sometimes produces, do 
 not belong to its nature, but are to be attributed 
 entirely to the unskilful manner in which plea- 
 sure is pursued. f Hence the true and intelli- 
 
 * Negat opus esse ratione, neque disputat:o.ie, quam ob rem 
 voluptas expetenda, fugiendus dolor sit. Sentiri hoc putat, ut 
 calere ignem, nivem esse albam, dulce mel j quorum nihil 
 oporteret exquisitis rationibus confirmare 5 tantum satis esse 
 admonere. De Fin. lib. i. c. 9. 
 
 f Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem, quia voluptas sit, asper- 
 mitur, aut odit, aut fugit : sed quia cuiisequuntur magiii do- 
 
358 PAGANISM AND 
 
 gent Epicurean professed an hatred and con- 
 tempt of those who abandoned themselves to a 
 gross voluptuousness, and who brought discre- 
 dit on the 5 philosophy of the sect, by a thought- 
 less and indiscriminate indulgence.* The man 
 of genuine pleasure was to be a man of judgment. 
 He was required to employ much nicety and 
 discretion in the choice of his objects, and the 
 mode of obtaining them. There might be a sea- 
 son when pleasure was not to be taken. Some- 
 times, a present pleasure was to be declined, 
 and a future one preferred; and sometimes a 
 small pain was to be endured, that a greater 
 might be avoided. But when no office of life 
 imposed the necessity of forbearance, all plea- 
 sure was to be taken, and all pain to be avoided. f 
 
 lores eos, qui ratione voluptatem sequi ncsciunt. De Fin. 
 lib. i. c. 10. 
 
 * At vero eos et accusamus, et justo odio dignissimos duci- 
 mus, qui, blanditiis praesentium voluptatum deliniti atquc cor- 
 rupti, quos dolores et quas molestias excepturi sint, occaecati 
 cupidine non provident, ib. 
 
 f Libero tempore, cum solita nobis est eligendi optio, cumque 
 nihil hnpedit, quo minus id, quod maxime placeat, facere pos- 
 simus, omnis voluptas assumenda est, omnis dolor depellendus. 
 Temporibus autem quibusdam, et aut officiis debitis, ant rerum 
 necessitatibus saepe eveniet, ut et voluptates repudiandae sint et 
 molestias non recusandse. De Fin. lib. i. c. 10. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 359 
 
 This liberty resulted from a standing maxim 
 of the school, that in no kind of pleasure, con- 
 sidered in its own nature, could there be any 
 evil; but that all the evil which might eventu- 
 ally attach to it, was created by other circum- 
 stances.* Pleasure, therefore, was both the 
 beginning and the end of life. To this, as to 
 their supreme and final object* were all human 
 actions to be referred; and to enjoy constant 
 pleasure both of body and mind, with no ex- 
 perience and no expectation of pain, was the 
 Summum Bonum of man.f 
 
 But nothing had as yet been said of the vir- 
 tues; and it was unadvisable to construct any 
 system of morals, without allowing them some 
 place in it. Prudence was therefore called in 
 as the preceptress of life ; and her office was to 
 restrain the rashness of false opinion, to allay 
 the tumult of desire, and to conduct the votary 
 
 * uSepia ijdovri KCL& eavr^v jcain?. This is quoted by Laer- 
 tius from the authority of Epicurus himself. 
 
 f Perspicuum est, omnes rectas res atque laudabiles e& 
 referri, ut cum voluptate vivatur. Quoniam autem id est vel 
 summum honum, vel ultimum, vel extremum, quod Graeci 
 T\OQ Dominant, quod ipsum nullam ad aliam rem, ad id autem 
 res referuntur omnes : fatendum est, summum essc bonum 
 jucunde vivere. De Fin. lib. i. c. 12. 
 
360 PAGANISM AND 
 
 to real pleasure, by confining him within the 
 bounds of nature.* And hence it was, that the 
 system of Epicurus aspired to the character of 
 Wisdom, and, as Lucretius informs us, obtained 
 the name itself as descriptive of its appropriate 
 excellence.! In the same manner was Tempe- 
 rance employed ; not that it possessed any value 
 in itself, but that it was promotive of pleasure, 
 which was secured and increased by its judi- 
 cious and well-timed restrictions. Fortitude 
 contributed to the same end; and by the safe- 
 guard which it furnished to man, rescued him 
 from the ill effects of fear, both in life and 
 death. Similar too was the connection of jus- 
 tice with pleasure; for by its steadiness it tends 
 to a beneficial tranquillity ; and by that equi- 
 table distribution which it favours, it gives us 
 the reasonable assurance, that we shall never 
 want a proper supply of those things which are 
 
 * Sapientia est adhibenda, quae et terroribus cupiditati- 
 busque detractis, et omnium falsarum opinionum temeritate 
 direptd, certissimam se nobis ducem praebeat ad voluptatem. 
 De Fin. lib. i. c. 13. 
 
 f Deus ille fuit, Deus, inclute Memmi, 
 
 Qui princeps vitas rationem invenit earn, quae 
 
 Nunc appellatur Sapientia 
 
 Lib. 5. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 361 
 
 desired by a nature sound and undepraved. 
 However, while thus associated with pleasure, 
 it is to be observed, that the virtues had only a 
 secondary and subordinate station. In them- 
 selves they were of no esteem; nor had they 
 any farther value than as they were assistant to 
 Pleasure, and promotive of her objects. Such, 
 as Laertius confesses, was the settled judgment 
 of Epicurus himself.* 
 
 It was not to be expected that his enemies 
 would fail to take their advantage of so de- 
 grading a principle ; and Cicero has mentioned 
 the picture which Cleanthes used to draw, for 
 the benefit of his scholars, of Pleasure attended 
 by the Virtues as her waiting-maids. | But 
 Augustin has stated it at greater length, and 
 proved, in this instance, an useful commentator 
 on Cicero. Pleasure is seated on a throne, 
 delicate in her person, and regal in her state. 
 Beneath, in the habit of servants, stand the 
 
 * Aict e rr\v yfiovriv /ecu rag aperag alpeiffOai, ov fit avrag. 
 Laert. in vit. Epic. ' 
 
 f Jubebat eos, qui audiebant, secum ipsos cogitare pictam 
 in tabula Voluptatem pulcherrimo in vestitu et ornatu regali, 
 in solio sedentem; praesto esse Virtutes, ut ancillulas, quae 
 nihil aliud agerent., nullum suura officium ducerent, nisi ut 
 Voluptati ministrarent. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21. 
 
362 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Virtues, observant of her gestures, and ready 
 to execute her will. She issues her commands. 
 To Prudence it is enjoined, that she ascertain 
 the methods in which the kingdom of Pleasure 
 maybe best administered, and that she provide 
 for its safety** Justice is ordered to make so 
 skilful a distribution of her good offices, that 
 they may produce the profitable returns of 
 friendship, and the supply of those conveniences 
 which are necessary for the body. She is also 
 required to abstain from injury to any, lest, 
 through the disturbance of the laws, Pleasure 
 be interrupted in the enjoyment of that security 
 which she loves.f It is the task of Fortitude 
 to counteract the ill effects of pain by thinking 
 intensely of her great mistress Pleasure, and 
 to diminish a present anguish by the remem- 
 brance of past delights. J Finally, Temperance 
 
 * Quae Prudentiae jubeat, tit vigilanter inquirat, quomodo 
 Voluptas regnet, et salva sit. Civ. Dei, lib. v. c. 20. 
 
 f Justitiae jubeat, ut praestet beneficia quae potest, ad com-* 
 parandas amicitias corporalibus commodis necessarias $ nulli 
 faciat injuriam, ne offensis legibus Voluptas vivere secura non 
 possit. ib. 
 
 | Fortitudini jubeat, ut si dolor corpori accident, qui non 
 compellat in mortem, teneat dominam suam, id est, Voluptatem, 
 fortiter in animi cogitatione, ut per pristinarum deliciarum 
 suarum recordationem mitiget praesentis doloris aculeos. ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 363 
 
 is commanded to provide for a due moderation 
 in the use of food, especially of such as causes a 
 more than usual delight; for noxious humours 
 are bred by too much indulgence and repletion ; 
 and soundness of body is ever necessary to the 
 pleasures of Epicurus.* 
 
 After this notice of his moral system, we shall 
 not be surprised that the whole of his philoso- 
 phy was accommodated to the senses. To this 
 primary standard he referred the laws of reason- 
 ing and of nature.')' All other knowledge was 
 pronounced to be capricious and uncertain; nor 
 ought we to admit the truth of any thing which 
 is not capable of being proved by sensation. By 
 adhering to this rule, we are delivered from 
 those superstitions to which men are subjected 
 by every other kind of philosophy. This is the 
 great remedy against the fear of death; for, 
 since death destroys the senses, and therefore 
 annihilates the man, no ill consequences can 
 ensue. On the same principle we shall no 
 
 * Temperantiae jubeat, ut tantum capiat alimentorum, et si- 
 qua delectent, ne per immoderationera noxium aliquid valetu- 
 dinem turbetj et voluptas, quam etiam in corporis sanitate 
 Epicurei maximam ponunt, graviter offendatur. ib. 
 
 ^ ITdc Ad-yog drro -rtav aicrdrjffewv ijprrjTat. Laert. irt vit. 
 Epic. 
 
364 PAGANISM AND 
 
 longer be terrified by the suggestions of reli- 
 gion; for, the senses being the acknowledged 
 test of every subject, nothing occult or myste- 
 rious can remain. By the same superior doc- 
 trine are also removed all slavish apprehensions 
 of a Deity.* Hence result calmness and de- 
 liberation of mind ; for, when the nature of 
 human desires is once satisfactorily explained, 
 a moderation necessarily follows ;f and when 
 we have obtained an infallible standard of 
 judgment, the distinction of truth from false- 
 hood is plain and obvious, and the great 
 desideratum of human happiness is at length 
 discovered. 
 
 Some suspicion might perhaps have followed 
 this free statement of Cicero, pledged as he was 
 to refute the system which he describes. But 
 
 * Ad ea accedit, ut neque divinum numen horreat. De 
 Fin. lib. i. c. 12. 
 
 t Epicurus drew his confidence from the knowledge of phy- 
 sics, in which he took much pride. In physicis plurimum 
 posuit. Ed scientid, et verborum vis, et natura orationis, et 
 consequentium repugnantiumque ratio potest perspici. Om- 
 nium autem rerum naturd cognitd, levamur superstitione, 
 liberamur mortis metu, non conturbamur ignoratione rerum, 
 ex qud ipsa horribiles exsistunt saepe formidines. Denique 
 etiam morati nielius erimus, cum didicerimus, quae natura 
 desiderat. De Fin. lib. i. c. 19. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 365 
 
 he is amply justified by Epicurus himself, in 
 whose letters is contained a summary of his 
 philosophy. There we learn, in perfect con- 
 formity with the view already taken, that the 
 great and reigning object of human life, its 
 beginning and its end, is Pleasure;* yet that 
 this excludes neither the possession of virtue, 
 nor a discreet submission to labour, for labour 
 may be rendered by circumstances more desir- 
 able than present ease;f that to live pleasantly 
 is therefore to live prudently ;J for Fortune is 
 no Deity, as the vulgar suppose, but Prudence 
 is the mistress of happiness. 
 
 Whoever possesses these principles will not 
 be afraid of death; for he knows, that all good 
 and all evil reside in sensation alone. Hence 
 it follows, that death is no concern of man; for, 
 while we live, death is absent from us; but 
 
 elvat 
 
 Zfiv. Laert. in vit. Epic. 
 
 f "E<rtv ore TroXXae fiSovag V7rep/3cuVo/ze*>, orav TrXetov 
 TO $va"xepeg tK rwrwv eTrrjTai' KOI 7roXXa aXyri^ovag rjd 
 
 peifav r/pv j/cWty irapa.Ko\sdrj , 
 vTrofj-dvaai TUQ a\yr)^6vag. ib. 
 | /c eVtv rfceuQ '(,yv, avev TU ^povt^uwg. ib. 
 Yldy ayaQov KOL KaKov kv aiffdqaet' 
 (reiog, o SavaTog. ib. 
 
366 PAGANISM AND 
 
 when death comes, we no longer exist.* He, 
 therefore, who is gifted with health of body, 
 and tranquillity of mind, is truly happy ;t and 
 being so, he has no fears now nor hereafter. 
 Though there be gods, he has nothing to hope 
 or to dread from them. With life, all his con- 
 cerns are ended, and the persuasion of this truth 
 takes from man even the desire of immortality !J 
 To the portrait of this sect succeeds one of 
 an opposite nature. Cicero observes, indeed, 
 that the contention with the Stoics was of a more 
 noble and exalted kind than that which had 
 been maintained with the Epicureans. These 
 were destitute of logic, and possessed neither 
 acuteness in debate, nor profoundness in learn- 
 ing. The triumph over them was, therefore, 
 comparatively easy. The same facility at- 
 
 * To 0piKa^?aro> ovv T&V Kaxiav, 6 Savarog, ude 
 
 orai/ jj.ev fyt7e dpey, 6 Savarog 
 OTCLV e 6 SavaroQ irapfj, rod' fyiEtg HK c<r/ucV, ib. 
 
 f Tni>i> yap otTrXav^c Seupia. iraaav ai^eaiv KOI 
 
 cfv ol^ev ETTL rriy ra awparog vytfi'aj/, KO.L T^V riJQ 
 
 . ib. 
 
 op0J? r5 prjUy elvat Trpoc rfpdg rov SO.VOLTOV, CLTTO- 
 \avTov 7rott ro rfjs fays $vr}TOV' UK airopov TrpoffTtdeiffa xpovov, 
 aXXa rov adavafficiG a^cXo^iEVry iroQov. ib. 
 
 Itaque quanquam in eo sermone qui cum Torquato est 
 habitus, non remissi fuimus ; tamen haec acrior est cum Stoicis 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 367 
 
 tended an attack on their principles; and a 
 summum bonum resolvable into pleasure alone, 
 had not sufficient dignity to be capable of an 
 honourable defence. In both these points the 
 Stoics were manifestly superior. A minute and 
 anxious attention to logic, was a distinguishing 
 . mark of that sect. Indeed, Zeno had placed 
 this science at the head of all philosophy;* and 
 his scholars were well instructed in the manage- 
 ment of their reasoning powers, and in every 
 variety of disputation. They knew the art of 
 demonstration^ and the proof of things less 
 certain, by those which were more certain; 
 when to use with most advantage the cautious 
 mode, J or that which guards the disputant 
 from an untimely production of his agreement 
 or disagreement; the unassenting mode, or 
 that which stiffly maintains its ground, and 
 does not too easily yield even to the force of 
 
 parata contentio. Quae enira de voluptate dicuntur, ea nee 
 acutissime nee abscondite disseruntur. Neque enim qui de- 
 fendunt earn, versuti in disserendo sunt, nee qui contr& dicunt, 
 causam difficilem repellunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 1. 
 
 * "AXXoi e) irp&Tov fjLev TO XoytKOV TaTTUffC SevTfaov fie TO 
 QvcriKov, KCLI TO'LTOV TO ifiiKov' <Jj> ?i *Li]vuv. Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
 f 'ATTOC)IIC. Laert. in vit. Zen. | 'ATrpOTrrwo-ta. ib. 
 
 'Avu*cuor7e. ib. 
 
368 PAGANISM AND 
 
 probability; the irrefutable mode,* or that 
 which preserves the logician from the shame of 
 self-contradiction ; and the anti-illusive mode,| 
 or that which is accustomed to bring the out- 
 ward appearances of things to the test of right 
 reason, and to pursue every subject to its just 
 conclusion. But even the fame of Zeno was 
 surpassed by the transcendant merits of one, 
 who is supposed to have been his scholar; and 
 it was shrewdly suspected by most people, that 
 if the gods made use of any system of logic, it 
 could be no other than that of Chrysippus.J 
 
 But together with their logic, the morals of 
 the Stoics were of an higher cast than those of 
 the Epicureans. Their summum bonum was 
 virtue, or, according to the favourite term of 
 Cato, the honestum. And in the maintenance 
 of this principle, they exceeded the Peripatetics 
 themselves. These indeed gave the supreme 
 rank to virtue ; and this they asserted in a tone 
 the most decisive. Yet they allowed, that, in 
 addition to the goods of the mind and body, the 
 conjunction of which was indispensable to the 
 
 ib. f 'Ayuarator^c- ib. 
 arw $ kiricofyq EV rolg SiaXeKTiKote eyevcro, wore 
 
 OTI el Trapa 3eotQ r)v >/ ^taXemfo), 'K uv i]V a\\rj ij >/ 
 . ib. in vit. Chrysip. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 369 
 
 summutn bonum, certain external advantages 
 were also desirable, in order to leave no rea- 
 sonable wish of happiness unsatisfied. On the 
 other hand, the Stoics positively denied, that 
 either the nature or the name of good was to be 
 attributed to any thing but the honestum. This 
 was the sole object of a life directed to a right 
 end, and in this, without the concurrence of any 
 other reputed good, consisted the true and 
 proper happiness of man.* 
 
 Thus far the Stoic appears to be superior to 
 the Epicurean in the choice of his moral prin- 
 ciple, and in the means of impressing it on the 
 reason of mankind. But he soon forfeited the 
 advantages with which he began, through the 
 unbending and injudicious rigour with which 
 he employed them. It was the peculiarity of 
 his sect to push every principle to excess. And 
 thus it happened, that they eventually injured 
 the very cause of reason and virtue which they 
 attempted to promote. The natural result of 
 
 * Pugnant Stoi'ci cum Peripateticis. Alteii negant quic- 
 quam esse bonum, nisi quod honestum sit. "Alteri, plurimum 
 se, et longe longeque plurimum tribuere honestati, sed tamen 
 et in corpore, et extra, esse qusedam bona. Et certameri ho- 
 nestum, et disputatio splendida; omnis est enim de virtutis 
 dignitate contentio. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 21. 
 
 B B 
 
370 PAGANISM AND 
 
 their study of logic ought to have been such a 
 lucid arrangement of their doctrines, and such 
 a restriction of them within the bounds of right 
 reason, as should convince their adversaries, 
 and make objection hopeless. But labouring 
 at demonstration with too much strictness, they 
 clouded what might have been clear.* Over- 
 straining the arguments which promised to be 
 most serviceable to their cause, they deprived 
 them of their natural evidence ; and feeling, or 
 affecting to feel, that the terms hitherto em- 
 ployed in philosophy were not sufficiently ex- 
 act to express the niceness of their conceptions, 
 they became unnecessarily technical,! or grew 
 obscure through an ill-judged attempt at a dis- 
 crimination which knew not when to be satis- 
 fied. These were some of the prominent errors 
 of their dialectics. 
 
 * Non mehercule soleo temere contra Stoicos, says Cicero; 
 non quo illis admodum assentiar; sed pudore impedior; ita 
 multa dicunt, quae vix intelligam. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 1 . Cato 
 allows the obscurity, but endeavours to charge it on the sub- 
 ject. It was well answered, however, that the Peripatetics 
 spoke intelligibly on the same subjects. 
 
 f Cato takes the liberty which Zeno had used cum rem 
 aliquam invenisset inusitatam, inauditum quoque ei rei nomen 
 imponere. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 4. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 371 
 
 It was still more to be desired, that the mo- 
 
 ral principles which they so loftily maintained, 
 
 should have been adapted, with temper and 
 
 judgment, to the understandings and affections 
 
 of mankind. But this salutary application was 
 
 prevented by the extravagance, unfortunately 
 
 so characteristic of the Stoical school. While 
 
 the honestum was pronounced to be the only 
 
 object of human pursuit, the needful offices and 
 
 tender relations of common life appeared to be 
 
 extinguished ; and mankind, instead of being 
 
 attracted to goodness thus proclaimed, main- 
 
 tained a suspicious distance from it. Gravity 
 
 was forced into severity, and constancy into fe- 
 
 rociousness. Virtue learnt to clothe herself in 
 
 perpetual frowns, and walked abroad for the 
 
 terror of the world. Moral duty became at 
 
 once narrow and impracticable, refined and in- 
 
 tolerant, unintelligible and forbidding. Little 
 
 was left to complete this view of the unamiable 
 
 temper and habitual gloom of the Stoic ; yet 
 
 even this was filled up by the rage and envy of 
 
 philosophical party.* Swelling with the arro- 
 
 * L/aertius says, that Chrysippus was envious of the fertility 
 of Epicurus's genius, and determined to write book for book: 
 
 ' Kadn <j>rjfft Kapj/f CL^IJQ, 
 BB 2 
 
372 PAGANISM AND 
 
 gance of his own sufficiency, he stoutly denied 
 the possession of wisdom or virtue to the rest of 
 mankind. Though, in certain points, the sug- 
 gestions of that reason which is common to all, 
 produced in his mind an unavoidable concur- 
 rence with other men, he scorned to confess it.* 
 And though, on other occasions, he availed him- 
 self of the labours of a rival school, he loudly 
 maintained his independence and originality, 
 and affected to despise the aid of all foreign re- 
 sources. While he meanly borrowed the sub- 
 stance of his philosophy, he proudly concealed 
 it; and clandestinely adopting the doctrines of 
 the Peripatetics and Academicians, stamped 
 
 Tfapaoirov O.VTOV tu>v /3i/3\twv aTro/caXwv* el yap TL ypd\//ae 6 
 E.7T/fcpoc, 0tXovtm TOffuro ypax^cu 6 XputriTrTroe. In vit Epic. 
 He seems indeed to have succeeded in his rivalry, and to have 
 more than doubled the number. However, amidst this shew 
 of copiousness, he was '* hard-bound 5" for in order to com- 
 plete the necessary quantity of volumes, he quoted profusely 
 from other writers, and repeated himself too. It was the praise 
 of Epicurus, that his numerous writings were his own. 
 
 * Quis enim ferre posset ita loquentem eum, qui se auctorem 
 vitae graviter et sapienter agendas profiteretur, nomina rerum 
 commutantem ; cumque idem sentiret quod omnes, quibus 
 eandem vim tribueret, alia nomina imponentem, verba modd 
 mutantem, de opinionibus nihil detrahentem ? De Fin. lib. iv. 
 c. 9. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 373 
 
 them with a new name, and asserted them as 
 his own.* 
 
 A few specimens, first, of the principles of 
 the Stoics, and next, of the manner in which 
 they attempted to deduce their philosophy from 
 the nature of man, will be necessary to substan- 
 tiate the character here attributed to them. 
 Lest a more diffuse discussion should leave their 
 favourite maxim undefined, and therefore de^ 
 prive it of its cogency, they had recourse to 
 the point and compression of their much-loved 
 logic. They stated therefore, in a syllogistic 
 manner, that whatever is, in its nature, good, 
 is laudable ; and that whatever is laudable, is 
 virtuous, or honestum. Hence the conclusion 
 was drawn, that what is good, must therefore 
 be virtuous, or honestum.t 
 
 It is obvious that this argument was liable to 
 be combated at the outset, by all those who 
 counted personal and extrinsic conveniences 
 
 * Stoici, cum a Peripateticis et Academicis onmia trans ? 
 tulissent, norainibus aliis easdem res secuti sunt. De Fin. 
 lib. v. c. 8. 
 
 f* Concluduntur igitur eorum argumenta sic : quod est 
 bonum, omne laudabile est ; quod autem laudabile est, omne 
 honestum est: Bonum igitur quod est, honestum est. De 
 Fin. lib. iii. c. 8. 
 
374 PAGANISM AND 
 
 among the goods of life; for, though health, 
 riches, fame, and other such circumstances, 
 were by many esteemed to be good, yet by few 
 were they said to be laudable.* These, there- 
 fore, were not convertible terms, nor were they 
 necessarily predicated of the same objects. 
 However, the Stoics were unmoved, and per- 
 sisted in their happy discovery, that all possi- 
 ble good was contained in, and confined to, the 
 honestum; and hence it was still represented 
 as the only object of human pursuit, f On the 
 same principle they determined, that the only 
 object to be avoided was that which is opposed 
 to the only object to be pursued. But the con- 
 trary to virtue, or the honestum, is vice, or, ac- 
 cording to the favourite term of Cato, the turpe. 
 It followed, therefore, that as to the real pur- 
 
 * Quis tibi ergo istud dabit, praeter Pyrrhonem, Aristonem, 
 eorumve similes ? quos tu non probas. Aristoteles, Xenocrates, 
 tota ilia familia, non dabit ; quippe qui valetudinem, vires, 
 divitias, gloriam, multa alia, bona esse dicunt, laudabilia non 
 dicant. De Fin. lib. iv. c. 18. 
 
 f Many others had determined that virtue was desirable 
 on its own account. The peculiarity of the Stoics was in the 
 assertion, that the honestum was the only good, and therefore 
 the only thing to be desired. Cseteris haec est tuenda sententia, 
 maxime tamen his Stoicis, qui nihil aliud in bonorum numero, 
 nisi honestum, esse voluerunt. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 11. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 375 
 
 poses of life, no other than these two classes of 
 things could properly be said to exist. And 
 this led to the disregard so strongly shewn by 
 the Stoics, for all those common and interme- 
 diate objects which are termed blessings or 
 evils by the rest of mankind. The goods of 
 the body, or of fortune, were no part of the 
 honestum, and were therefore treated as if they 
 had no being, or were of no serious considera- 
 tion. And on the same principle, poverty, 
 pain, deformity, and other such things, were 
 no part of the turpe, and therefore could not be 
 considered as evils by the wise man. However, 
 some indirect notice of these objects was forced 
 from the Stoics in their own despite. Indeed, 
 it is obvious that life cannot subsist without the 
 experience of them in a greater or less degree. 
 It was therefore reluctantly granted, that some 
 of those things which are commonly called 
 good, might indeed be taken by man, if he had 
 his choice; but they were not to be pursued, 
 or desired, as if they were of any value in their 
 own nature.* And in the same manner, those 
 
 * Ilia, quae in corpore excellerent, stulte antiques dixisse per 
 se esse expetenda; et sumenda potius, quam expetenda. De 
 Fin. lib. iv. c. 8. On this was founded their claim of iv7rd6eiai 
 
376 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which were reputed to be evil, might be simply 
 declined, in case of a free choice; but that 
 none of them were of sufficient moment to be 
 dreaded.* In short, all these are of a neutral 
 character. They have not in themselves the 
 qualities either of good or evil; but all the good 
 or evil supposed to be in them, depends entirely 
 on the use or application which is made of them 
 by man himself, f Yet though they are cer- 
 tainly neuter and indifferent in their nature, all 
 of them may not be equally unimportant with 
 respect to man. Some may contribute, more 
 than others, to wisdom or virtue ; and this may 
 be supposed of certain qualities of the body, 
 without which the endowments of the mind 
 
 for themselves, while other men were subject to the grosser 
 influence of Trddrj. Civ. Dei, lib. xiv. c. 8. 
 
 * Nemo est quin, cum utrumvis liceat, aptas malit et inte- 
 gras omnes partes corporis, quam eodem usu imminutas aut 
 detortas habere. De Fin. lib. ii. c. 5. 
 
 f Twv $e OVTWV (jxiffi ra HEV (tjaQu. flvaC TO. $e, Kand' ra 3e, 
 H^erepa' aya0a jueV av rag re aperae, typovriffi 
 avdpeiav, ffwfypoffvvriVj KCLI ra XoiTra* fca/cci e, ra kvavTia,, 
 avvr)v, adiKtav, KOI rd Xoi?ra' w^erepa ^e, ocra fi^re w^\t /ir/re 
 /3\a7rrf olov ^wj/, vyia'a, r^ovr), icaXXoc, iff\VQ, TrXarog, c>oa, 
 evyeVeia, KOL TO. rerote kvavna, Sdvarog, voaoq, TTOVOQ, al<r)(pe, 
 aaQivtia, trivia., aSofya, Svaytvtia, KCU ra THTOLQ 
 Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 377 
 
 cannot be preserved in their perfection. These, 
 therefore, may be entitled to a proportional es- 
 timation relatively considered.* Accordingly, 
 to these Zeno gave the name of n:^y^v 9 or 
 things preferred But others are not conducive 
 to this beneficial purpose, and therefore are of 
 no estimation : and to these was given the 
 counter- term of KTroTr^nyptvK, or things rejected. 
 Other distinctions were still made, whether of 
 things thus estimable, some might not have 
 greater reason than others for the preference 
 shewn to them; and whether, of the things de- 
 serving no estimation, some might partly carry 
 in their own nature the causes of their rejection, 
 and partly not. But into these, and other such 
 questions, it would be both tedious and trifling 
 to enter. I will not discuss, with the minute- 
 ness of Stoical discrimination, what is the pre- 
 
 * Quae autem aestimanda essent, eorum in aliis satis esse 
 causae, quamobrem quibusdam anteponuntur, ut in valetudine, 
 ut in integritate sensuum, Sec.} alia autem non esse ejusmodi. 
 Itemque eorum, quae nulla aestimatione digna essent, partina 
 satis habere causae, quamobrem rejicerentur, ut dolorem, sen- 
 suum amissionem, &c.j partim non. Itemque hinc esse illud 
 exortum, quod Zeno Trporjyuevoy, contraque quod aTroTrpo^y/ic- 
 rov nominavit, cum uteretur in lingua copiosa factis tamen 
 nominibus ac novis. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 15. 
 
378 PAGANISM AND 
 
 cise nature of those circumstances belonging to 
 the condition of man, which cannot be said to 
 have any discoverable influence on his mind, or 
 affect the great purpose of his life. I will not 
 inquire, in what class we ought to place the 
 power of extending or contracting a finger; or, 
 in what sense we are to pronounce it indifferent, 
 that the hairs of our head should be even or odd.* 
 Let us pass to points of more importance. 
 
 From the rigorous maintenance of their lead- 
 ing maxim, that the honestum is the sole object 
 of life, came the extraordinary doctrine of the 
 equality of all vices. In this agreed their 
 principal authorities, Chrysippus, Persseus, and 
 Zeno; for, as it was argued, if that which is 
 true, cannot have any thing truer than truth; 
 and if that which is false cannot be exceeded 
 by any thing more false than falsehood ; neither 
 can deceit be greater than deceit ; nor is one sin 
 greater than another; therefore they are equal. 
 This was supposed to be proved by a familiar 
 and convincing example. Two men are walk- 
 ing to Canobus; one of them is a hundred sta- 
 
 * "AXXwg e Xeytrcu cidia^opa, rci pifTE opyit^c )U//r d^op^ii/c 
 t> X et T0 &P T i a G X eLy ^ 7 r ^ G KeQaXrJG rpi\a^ ?/ Treptr- 
 % iKrelvai TOV acruXo>, ij ffvzeiXai. Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 379 
 
 dia from it; the other only one; but both of 
 them are equally not in Canobus.* On the 
 same principle, therefore, it was concluded, 
 that those who are guilty of vices, reputed to 
 be, some of them greater, and some less, are 
 equally not in the honestum. Their actions 
 are no part of virtue ; and as there is no me- 
 dium^ they must all equally belong to the 
 class of the turpia. 
 
 A similar reasoning was employed concerning 
 that wisdom which belongs to the honestum. 
 Every man was pronounced to be either wise or 
 foolish; and each of these cases was to be un- 
 derstood in a strict and absolute manner. No 
 gradations were allowed, for here also the exist- 
 ence of a medium was denied. This too was 
 supposed to be proved by familiar examples ; 
 for, as Cato argues, J the whelp which is several 
 
 * Kcu yap 6 eKarov <rac)/8e aTfi^wv Kavw/3, jcat o tva, Imi 
 HK Eifflv kv Kavw/fy. Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
 |* 'Apeoxei ^e avrolc, firj^iv p,Tav elvat aper^e fc-'at 
 ib. 
 
 J Ut enira qui demersi sunt in aqua, nihilo magis respirare 
 possunt, si non longe absunt a summo, ut jam jamque possint 
 emergere, qukm si etiam turn essent in profundo : nee catulus 
 ille, qui jam appropinquat ut videat, plus cerait quam is, qui 
 raodo est natus ; ita qui processit aliquantum ad virtutis. aditumv, 
 
380 PAGANISM AND 
 
 days old, is, with respect to actual sight, on a 
 par with the whelp which is just born. The 
 man too, who is immersed in water, whether he- 
 be near the surface, or at the lowest depth of the 
 ocean, is equally incapable of respiration. On 
 the same principle, therefore, it is concluded 
 that he, who has not completely emerged from 
 folly, cannot, in any degree, be either wise or 
 happy! With similar extravagance was it con- 
 tended by the sect, that he who once became 
 wise, must always continue so ;* that there was 
 a chain of connection between the virtues, and 
 that he who possessed one, necessarily drew the 
 rest after it, and therefore possessed all;f and 
 finally, that the man thus gifted, was thence- 
 forth free from all possibility of vice or error '.J 
 
 nihilo minus in miseria est, quam ille, qui nihil processit. De 
 Fin. lib. iii. c. 14. Cicero connects a constitutional tenderness 
 for Plato with his reprobation of such principles : ut Plato, 
 tantus ille vir, si sapiens non fuerit, nihilo melius, quam qulvis 
 improbissimus, nee beatius vixerit. ib. c. 9. 
 
 e avrcTig Kat &a7ravroe %prjffdai TTJ aptrjf' Ava- 
 yap i^iv, Kal irdvTore Ty ^XH XP^ rcLL ** <7 # TtXeiq. o 
 
 Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 f Tag Se apcrdg Xeyao-tv KaTaKoXudeiv a\\rj\ai, Kal TOV 
 /ittav f.\pVTa, TraVae e^eiv. ib. 
 
 J "Ere Kat aj/a/zapr^rae, r^> A7Tpi7rrwrae elvat 
 ib. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 381 
 
 These are perhaps sufficient specimens of 
 their principles; and it only remains to see, in 
 what manner the Stoics deduced their philoso- 
 phy from the nature of man. 
 
 The Stoics, like the Epicureans, took their 
 view of man from the first stage of life. From 
 this, however, they drew a different conclusion. 
 Every animal, they observed, as soon as it is 
 born, shews a disposition to preserve its being, 
 and to love whatever is promotive of its wel- 
 fare.* On the same principle, it dislikes and 
 avoids whatever appears to have a contrary 
 tendency. This they pointed out in the actions 
 of infants, who shew a desire to obtain the things 
 which are salutary to them, and a dread of the 
 opposites. But the difference of opinion began 
 concerning the motive, to which these actions 
 were to be attributed. The Stoics dreaded to 
 admit that pleasure was the primary object of 
 nature, lest an inlet should be given to what 
 was base in itself, and lest human life should 
 be degraded by the establishment of so unwor- 
 
 * Placet illis, simul atque natum sit animal (hinc enim est 
 ordiendum) ipsum sibi conciliari et commendari ad se conser- 
 vandum, et ad suum statum, et ad ea quae conservantia sunt 
 ejus status, diligenda. Be Fin. lib. iii. c. 5. 
 
382 PAGANISM AND 
 
 thy a principle.* They therefore attributed 
 these early actions of the animal to self-love, as 
 the only motive, and contended, that this was 
 previous to any sensation of pleasure. f To 
 the guardianship of this salutary motive is the 
 infant committed, till some comprehension of 
 thingsj is obtained, and some insight is formed 
 into the arts of life. Hence arises the choice 
 of things estimable, and the rejection or neglect 
 of those which are not so. The former are said 
 to be according to nature; and as the primary 
 business of life is to preserve the state of nature, 
 the next concern must be to cherish and adhere 
 to those things which are agreeable to it. In 
 this consists the power of a just selection; and 
 here we see the junction of human duty with 
 the exertion of a moral preference. Here too 
 
 * Ne, si voluptatem natura posuisse in iis rebus videatur, 
 quaB primae appetuntur, multa turpia sequantur. ib. 
 
 *f Id ita esse sic probant, quod, antequam voluptas aut dolor 
 attigerit, salutaria appetant parvi, aspernenturque contraria; 
 quod non fieret, nisi statum suuin diligerent, interitum time- 
 rent, ib. This is the doctrine of Chrysippus : rj/v e Trpwn/v 
 opfj,rjr <f>a.ffi TO wov 'i<T%eir enl TO Trjpe~iv kciVTO, otmwcnje avrw 
 riJQ ^v<rewc O-TT ap^rjg. Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
 J KaraX^etc. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 5. 
 
 Qua inventd selectione, et item rejectione, sequitur dein- 
 ceps cum officio selectio. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 6. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 383 
 
 are the seeds of the celebrated wisdom of the 
 Stoics, that wisdom, which, marking the order 
 of things, and persisting in a right choice, pro- 
 duces a life in accordance with nature,* and 
 discovers the true good, or the honestum itself. 
 And thus at length it appears, why this train 
 of reasoning was adopted by the Stoics, namely, 
 that the life of man might not be abandoned 
 to the blind and vicious impulse of desire, but 
 might be conducted according to the more cer- 
 tain selection of wisdom ; for the intelligence 
 of the difference of things, though subsequent 
 in time to the primary appetencies of nature, 
 is prior in importance, and claims all our atten- 
 tion and regard. f 
 
 It might have been sufficiently creditable for 
 the Stoics to provide in this manner for the 
 
 * The high praises bestowed on nature by the Stoics, seem 
 to be founded on the maxim, that the natures of men are but 
 parts of the nature of the universe : ^prj yap tiviv at r//*eVfpai 
 (j>vcreiQ TfJQ T o\u' Stoirep ri\og yiverai TO aKoA0w rfj tyvffei 
 4?/j>* oVep <ri /car' aperr/y avrw Kal Kara rrjy T&V oAwv. Laert. 
 in vit. Zen. 
 
 t Simul autem cepit intelligentiam, multo earn pluris aesti- 
 mavit, quana omnia ilia, quae primum dilexerat; atque ita cog- 
 nitione et ratione collegit, ut statueret, in illo collocatum sum- 
 mum illud hominis per se laudandum et expetendum bonum. 
 De Fin. lib. iii, c. 6. 
 
384 PAGANISM AND 
 
 wholesome operation of wisdom . But it seemed 
 to be a decree of their own fate, that whatever 
 they began with reason, should end in absurdity 
 and rant; and that a momentary sobriety should 
 be amply avenged by a return of their con- 
 stitutional extravagance. The wise man, thus 
 formed from the first punctum of intelligence, 
 is preternaturally enlarged, till he fills up all 
 the view, and hides every other object. With 
 the qualities thus aggregated in his person, he 
 is declared to be perpetually fortunate and su- 
 premely happy. He is safe by prerogative, en- 
 tire in himself, and free from all those accidents 
 to which men less highly gifted are always ex- 
 posed. He is moved by no danger, and hin- 
 dered by no difficulty/* He is in want of no- 
 thing, nay, he is in full possession of all things. j~ 
 In short, he is a king, in a truer sense than Tar- 
 quin;J a dictator, of a larger and higher autho- 
 
 * C&m hoc sit extremum, congruenter naturae convenien- 
 terque vivere, necessario sequitur, omnes sapientes semper feli- 
 citer, absolute, fortunate vivere, nulla re impetliri, nulla prohi- 
 beri, nulla egere. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 7. 
 
 f Kcu r&v ffoy&v de Trdvra elvcu. Laert. in vit. Zen. 
 
 t Rectius enim appellabitur Rex quam Tarquinius, qui nee 
 se, nee sos regere potuitj rectius magister populi (is enim 
 est Dictator) quam Sylla, qui trium pestiferorum vitiorum, 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 385 
 
 rity, than Sylla. He is wealthy, too, beyond all 
 the treasures of Crassus, who would not have 
 marched across the Euphrates without any other 
 object than that of gain, if he had not been 
 stung by the sense of want. Beauty, in the 
 best sense and the highest degree, is also the 
 property of the wise man ; that beauty of the 
 mind, which so far surpasses all beauty of the 
 body. And he is possessed of true liberty; for 
 he obeys no master from without. He is invin- 
 cible too; for, though his body be enchained, 
 his mind is free, and mocks every attempt at 
 restraint. Nor needs he to wait till death comes, 
 that it may be determined, whether his life has 
 been happy or otherwise. He is necessarily 
 happy in himself, under all circumstances, and 
 at all times. Finally, death is in his own 
 power ; for whenever it appears eligible to the 
 philosophy which he professes, he voluntarily 
 quits life, that he may shew the perfection of 
 his wisdom, and the agreement of his mind with 
 
 luxuries, avaritise, crudelitatis, magister fuit : rectius dives 
 quam Crassus, qui nisi eguisset, rmnquam Euphratem nuM 
 belli caussa transire voluisset. De Fin. lib. iii. c. 22. The list 
 of magnificent titles and qualities might easily be enlarged 
 from Laertius; but those which are mentioned in the text 
 will, perhaps, be deemed sufficient. 
 
 C C 
 
386 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the supreme rule of nature. Nor is this confined 
 to the experience of evil fortune, as some sup- 
 pose. It results entirely from the balance of 
 circumstances and their weight in the scale of 
 nature.* If more circumstances, whether ac- 
 tual or contingent, persuade to life, the Stoic 
 must continue his existence; if otherwise, he 
 will end it. And thus it may happen, that the 
 foolish man may be bound to remain in life, 
 though surrounded by misery, and the wise 
 man may be required to die a voluntary death, 
 though happy, and in the full enjoyment of 
 prosperity ! 
 
 Such is the termination of the Stoical wisdom, 
 and by this absurd and impious jargon was the 
 detestable practice of suicide connected with 
 the most arrogant assumption of virtue, and 
 made an eventual part of the duty of man! 
 
 Let us ascend then to the doctrines of those 
 whom Cicero so often distinguishes by the name 
 
 * In quo enim plura sunt, quse secundum naturam sunt, 
 hujus officium est in vitd manere ; in quo autem aut sunt plura 
 contraria, aut fore videantur, hujus officium est e vita excedere. 
 Ex quo apparet, et sapientis esse aliquando officium excedere & 
 vita, cum beatus sit 5 et stulti manere in vita, cum sit miser. 
 De Fin. lib. iii. c. 18. To the Epicurean, actual and great 
 suffering was a sufficient warrant for quitting life. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 387 
 
 of the Antients. From the inquiry which has 
 just been made into the character of some of 
 the later sects, it appears that they confined 
 their views to single points, and therefore in- 
 jured philosophy by narrowing its boundaries. 
 Nor were there wanting other masters, whose 
 maxims were selected with similar restrictions. 
 Hieronymus placed the Summum Bonum in a 
 freedom from pain; while Herillus determined 
 that it was to be found in science alone.* But 
 it had been the characteristic of the Old Aca- 
 demy, to consider the subject in a more liberal 
 and extensive manner; and in this sect were 
 comprehended the followers of two pre-emi- 
 nent men, the immediate disciples of Plato, 
 who were distinguished by the name of Acade- 
 micians; and the Peripatetics, who adhered 
 to tHe doctrine of Aristotle ; a master, whom 
 Cicero would have regarded as the first of phi- 
 losophers, if Plato had never existed, f These, 
 
 * Hoc (non dolere) Hieronymus Summum Bonum esse 
 dixit. Saepe ab Aristotele, & Theophrasto mirabiliter est 
 laudata per se ipsa rerum scientia. Hoc uno captus, Herillus 
 scientiam Summum Bonum esse defendit, nee rem ullam aliam 
 per se esse expetendam. De Fin. lib. v. c. 25. 
 
 f Audebo te ab hac Academia nova ad veterem illam vocare j 
 in qu&, ut dicere Antiochum audiebas, non ii soli numerantur, 
 
 cc 2 
 
388 PAGANISM AND 
 
 therefore, did not direct mankind to the pursuit 
 of any single object. They preferred all the 
 primary objects of nature, collectively taken; 
 the health, strength, and beauty of the body, 
 the soundness of its parts, and the constant pre- 
 servation of the whole ; and the corresponding 
 goods of the mind, those seeds, from which 
 the honestas was to spring, those sparks, 
 from which the flame of virtue was to kindle.* 
 To pursue virtue, and all those objects in con- 
 nection with, though in subordination to, her, 
 was declared to be most agreeable to nature; 
 and to attain them all, was the Summum Bo- 
 num of man. This settled doctrine, as Cicero 
 says, was equally maintained in all their books ; 
 in those which were prepared for popular in- 
 struction, and those which were reserved for 
 
 qui Academic! vocantur, Speusippus, Xenocrates, Polemo, 
 Grantor, caeterique, sed etiam Peripatetic! veteres, quorum 
 princeps Aristoteles, quern, excepto Platone, baud scio an 
 recte dixerim principem philosophorum. De Fin. lib. v. c. 3. 
 The Antiochus here alluded to, had been also the master of 
 Varro. 
 
 * In quibus numerant incolumitatem, conservationemque 
 omnium partium, valetudinem, sensus integros, doloris vacui- 
 tatem, vires, pulchritudinem, caeteraque generis ejusdem : quo- 
 rum similia sunt prima in animis, quasi virtutum igniculi et 
 semina. ib. v. c. 7. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 389 
 
 private use within the pale of the sect. There 
 was indeed a difference in the style of these 
 writings, for that of the commentaries was 
 more exact than that of the exoteric books, and 
 this sometimes created an appearance of dif- 
 ference in the doctrine. But it was only an 
 appearance, and the sense was commonly the 
 same in both.* Such then being their prin- 
 ciples, let us attend to the mode of reasoning 
 adopted by the sect for the purpose of esta- 
 blishing the superiority which was claimed for 
 them. 
 
 It is to be observed, that all the sects thought 
 it necessary to refer their inquiries to one com- 
 mon point. All appealed to nature in the first 
 instance; and all quarrelled afterwards about 
 the interpretation of her will. To nature, there- 
 fore, looked also the old academicians ; and in 
 order to discover the principles by which, human 
 life was governed, they went back to its early 
 stages. They were the inventors of the maxim, 
 
 * De Summo Bono, quia duo genera librorum sunt, unum 
 populariter scriptum, quod efarepiKov appellabant alterum 
 limatius, quod in commentariis reliquerunt : non semper idem 
 dicere videntur ; nee in summa tamen ipsa aut varietas est ulla, 
 apud hos quidem quos nominavi, aut inter ipsos dissentio. 
 De Fin, lib. v. c. 5 . 
 
390 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which, as we have just seen, was adopted by the 
 Stoics, that the primary motive by which ani- 
 mals were governed, was self-love; by this they 
 were prompted to preserve their existence, and 
 to live in the manner most agreeable to the dic- 
 tates of nature.* But it was evident that the 
 same nature is not bestowed on every animal. 
 In order, therefore, to ascertain the ultimate 
 object of human pursuits, it was deemed neces- 
 sary that an inquiry should be previously made 
 concerning the peculiar constitution of the ani- 
 mal, MAN. 
 
 Hence arose the characteristic doctrine of 
 the Old Academy. To this, therefore, Piso 
 steadily looks, and in the gradual and cautious 
 manner in which he makes his approaches to 
 the condition of man, we see his anxiety, lest 
 his conclusion should be exposed to the subse- 
 quent hazard of contradiction. 
 
 There are animals constituted not as man is. 
 These indeed will also look to the rule of na- 
 
 * Ergo institute veterum, quo etiam Stoici utuntur, hinc 
 capiamus exordium. Omne animal seipsum diligitj et simul 
 ac ortum est, id agit, ut se conservet, quod hie ei primus ad 
 omnem vitam tueudam appetitus a natura datur, se ut conser- 
 vet, atque ita sit affectum, ut optime secundum naturam affec- 
 tum esse possit. De Fin. lib. v. c. 9. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 391 
 
 ture, but the object of their pursuit will be dif- 
 ferent from that of man : for, the end to be at- 
 tained is adapted to the peculiarity of being 
 which distinguishes one animal from another. 
 There are creatures either entirely destitute of 
 soul, or, at the utmost, endued with a very slen- 
 der portion of it. Of these, therefore, the sum- 
 mum bonurn is properly and characteristically 
 placed in the body. To this class belong the 
 swine, an impure and devouring race; and it 
 has been aptly conjectured, that the gods, in 
 their wisdom, put into them a low species of 
 soul, that it might act on their bodies as a salt, 
 and preserve them from putrefaction.* Some- 
 what more generous is discoverable in creatures 
 above these; and better indications of mind 
 are to be perceived in lions, dogs, and horses, 
 which may be said to exhibit certain resem- 
 blances of virtue.f A similar reasoning may 
 
 * Etenim omnium rerum, quas creat natura, et tiietur, qua 
 aut sine ammo, aut non multo secus, earum summum bonum 
 in corpore est : ut non inscite illud dictum videatur in sue, 
 animam illi pecudi datam pro sale, ne putresceret. De Fin. 
 lib. v. c. 13. 
 
 t Sunt etiam bestiae quaedam, in quibus inest aliquid simile 
 virtutis, ut in leonibus, ut in canibus, ut in equis, in quibus 
 non corpora solum, ut in suibus, sed etiam animorum aliqud 
 ex parte motus quosdam videmus. ib. c. 14. 
 
392 PAGANISM AND 
 
 be employed even concerning inanimate things, 
 trees, plants, and the like. Indeed, we com- 
 monly say, that they live, or that they die ; that 
 they are old or young; that they are vigorous 
 or weak; and we bestow upon them what may 
 be termed an education.* These, therefore, 
 have also their respective objects, which are 
 adapted to the peculiarity of nature belonging 
 to each of them in its class of being: and this 
 is so certain, that if the condition of any were to 
 receive an alteration, a change of the object to 
 be pursued must take place in proportion to the 
 change of condition. Piso thinks this position 
 of sufficient importance to be illustrated by an 
 example. The culture of the vine is from with- 
 out; nor would its own vegetative powers be of 
 much avail, unless they were improved and di- 
 rected by the care of man. If then the vine 
 could speak, and declare its own wishes con- 
 cerning its actual condition, it would require 
 just that treatment which the vine-dresser at 
 
 * Earum etiam rerum quas terra gignit, educatio quaedam 
 et perfectio est, non dissimilis animantium : itaque et vivere 
 vitem et mori dicimus 5 arboremque et novellam, et vetulam 5 
 et vigere et senescere. Ex quo non est alienum, ut animanti- 
 bus, sic illis et apta quaedam ad naturam aptare, et aliena. De 
 Fin. lib. v. c. 14. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 393 
 
 present bestows upon it. But if we should 
 suppose it to be suddenly endued with sense 
 and appetite, and the power of motion, it would 
 not be satisfied with this kind of treatment. 
 It would no longer be subject to the absolute 
 disposal of the vine-dresser, but would have an 
 higher object in view, and begin to feel a new 
 care of its own, adapted to the preservation of 
 its added faculties. In short, it would now pro- 
 vide for itself, not as a plant, but as an animal. 
 If we should suppose it to make yet another ac- 
 quisition, and to obtain a soul like that of man, 
 its self-love would accompany its new property, 
 and increase with its increasing value. Yet, 
 even in this case, the vine would not abandon 
 all care of its original nature, notwithstanding 
 the great value of the additions which had been 
 made to it. Its principal attention, however, 
 would be wisely bestowed upon its recent and 
 most precious endowment, and it would esteem 
 its mind more than all the qualities which it 
 before possessed. The conclusion drawn from 
 this example was therefore, that, in each stage 
 of its condition, the general end would be the 
 same; and the vine would aim at the preserva- 
 tion of itself. The difference introduced would 
 affect only the mode in which the end was to 
 
394 PAGANISM AND 
 
 be attained.* The primary recommendation of 
 nature is still in force; the change that takes 
 place will consist in the application of the same 
 original principle to the varying condition, and 
 the nearer and nearer approaches which are 
 made to excellence of being.f 
 
 Since then it is thus established, that the 
 Summum Bonum of every creature is to be 
 accommodated to its specific nature, and since 
 those inquiries have been made with no other 
 view than to discover the Summum Bonum of 
 man; it is necessary to inquire what his nature 
 is, and what are the inferences proper to be 
 drawn from it. The first of these questions is 
 treated with most minuteness and peculiarity 
 of manner by Varro ; the second is answered 
 with most eloquence by Cicero. 
 
 Varro elaborately inquires into the composi- 
 tion of man ; whether his parts be of similar or 
 dissimilar kinds ; of equal, or unequal powers ; 
 whether the soul be of such predominance as 
 
 * Similis erit finis boni, atque antea fuerat, nee idem tamen. 
 De Fin. lib. v. c. 14. 
 
 f Sic et extremura omnium appetendorum, atque ductum & 
 primd commend atione naturae, multis gradibus ascendit, ut ad 
 summum perveniret : quod cumulatur ex integritate corporis, 
 et ex mentis ratione perfecta. De Fin. lib. v. c. 14. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 395 
 
 to be capable of representing the body, together 
 with itself; whether the body may make repri- 
 sals, and aspire to represent the soul also; and 
 whether man may be said to be entire through 
 the possession of either of these constituent 
 portions of his nature ? 
 
 If the question be first concerning the soul, 
 whether this, singly considered, may be called 
 the entire man ; it will appear, that the soul is 
 to the body, what the horseman is to the horse;* 
 
 * Utrum anima sola sit homo, ut ita sit ei corpus tanquam 
 equus equiti, quaerendum putat. Eques enim non homo et 
 equus, sed solus homo estj ideo tamen eques dicitur, quod 
 aliquo modo se habeat ad equum. Apud Aug. de Civ. Dei, lib. 
 xix. c. 3. In the early times of the Roman language, eques 
 seems to have been used for the horse. In proof of this, A. 
 Gellius quotes a passage from Ennius, which some reciter had 
 wrongly read in one of the theatres : 
 
 Denique vi magna quadrupes equus, atque elephanti 
 
 Projiciunt sese 
 
 This, it seems, was heard with general applause. One of the 
 company, however, suspected the error ; and an appeal being 
 afterwards made to an old and valuable manuscript, eques was 
 found to have been the original word. Hence, equitatio and 
 equitare meant also the movement of the horse : and this is 
 proved by a passage from Lucilius. A. Gell. lib. xviii. c. 5. 
 The same passages may be seen in the last chapter of Macro- 
 bius's sixth book. The general elegance of Virgil did not 
 
396 PAGANISM AND 
 
 that it performs the office of a governing and 
 directing power, and therefore that the body is 
 subject to its management, and different from 
 its nature. For the horseman, notwithstanding 
 his compound name, is not both horse and man, 
 but is so called, because, from his position and 
 office, he has a certain relation to the horse. 
 Again, if the question be, whether the body 
 alone be the entire man, it will appear, that the 
 body has only that relation to the soul, which 
 the poculum has to the liquor contained in it. 
 For though in the licence of poetry, or the lati- 
 tude of common use, poculum be sometimes 
 taken for the cup and liquor together, and 
 sometimes for the liquor alone, exclusively of 
 the cup; yet, in the proper signification of the 
 word, it stands for the cup alone; and its name 
 was derived from the capacity of containing li- 
 quor.* But, finally, if the question be, whether 
 
 prevent him from the occasional employment of this word, in 
 a sense more familiar to antiquity: 
 
 Fraena Pelethronii Lapithae, gyrosque dedere 
 Impositi dorso, atque equitem docuere sub armis 
 Insultare solo, et gressus glomerare superbos. 
 
 Georg. iii. 117. 
 * Non enim calix, et potio quam continet calix, simul dici- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 397 
 
 man be neither soul alone, nor body alone; but 
 whether, consisting of these two different parts, 
 he be called by one collective name; the an- 
 swer must be, that this is the true supposition. 
 For, when two horses are harnessed together, 
 and draw the same carriage, we call them by 
 the single term bigae. Nor is this applicable 
 exclusively to the horse on the right hand, or 
 the horse on the left, though each of them is a 
 part of the bigae, and each has a certain rela- 
 tion to the other; but to both at once.* 
 
 With this minute and laborious ingenuity did 
 Varro establish the favourite maxim of the Old 
 Academy, that the term " man" was used to 
 convey the notion of a being compounded of a 
 body and a rational soul. But the inference 
 drawn by Cicero shews us the purpose for 
 which the sect took these philosophical pains. 
 It was concluded, that, being thus constituted, 
 man was obliged to act according to his twofold 
 nature; and consequently, that, in his search 
 
 tur poculum, sed calk solus j ideo tamen quod potioni continendce 
 sit accommodatum. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3. 
 
 * Sicut duos equos junctos bigas vocamus, quorum sive 
 dexter sive sinister pars est bigarum ; unum vero eorum quo- 
 quo modo se habeat ad alterum, bigas non dicimus, sed ambos 
 simul. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3. 
 
398 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of happiness, he was to pay a just attention to 
 both parts of his composition. These therefore 
 are stated by Piso to be of unequal value as 
 to each other. But while he pronounces the 
 body to be inferior to the soul, it is yet an 
 essential part of man, and therefore not to be 
 entirely disregarded. Though of less impor- 
 tance, it is entitled to some attention; and, 
 from that love of our being which is the primary 
 impulse of human action, we infer the desire of 
 nature herself, that the body be as sound and 
 perfect as possible, that all its functions be per- 
 formed without imperfection, or interruption; 
 and that it be free from mutilation, debility, 
 and disorder.* 
 
 But if a certain attention appears to be thus 
 necessary towards the preservation and welfare 
 of the body, the conclusion is much stronger 
 concerning the condition of the soul, the supe- 
 rior part of man. And this being so, the argu- 
 ment will apply itself in a more peculiar man- 
 ner to the mind; for this is the highest and 
 most excellent part of the soul ; and in it are 
 
 * Opus est ea valere et vigere, naturales motus ususque 
 habere, ut nee absit quid eorum, nee aegrum debilitatumve sit. 
 De Fin. lib. v. c. 12. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 399 
 
 lodged the powers of reason, science, and the 
 virtues, and that sovereign authority, by which 
 the whole nature of man is governed.* Yet 
 neither are the virtues equal among themselves, 
 though thus subsisting together. There are two 
 principal sorts; the one, voluntary; the other, 
 involuntary. Of the latter sort, are memory, 
 docility, and those inbred qualities, which con- 
 stitute genius. But of the former, are the 
 genuine and more lofty virtues prudence, tem- 
 perance, fortitude, justice, and others connected 
 with these. t The conclusion therefore is, that 
 man being impelled by self-love to preserve 
 and advance his nature, and his nature being 
 compounded in the manner here described, he 
 will desire the goods which belong to his com- 
 ponent parts. But he will regulate this desire 
 
 * Deinde id quoque videmus, et ita figuratum corpus, ut 
 excellat aliis, animumque ita constitutum, ut et sensibus in- 
 structus sit, et habeat praestantiam mentis, cui tota horainis 
 natura pareatj in qud sit mirabilis quaedam vis rationis, et 
 cognitionis, et scientiae, virtutumque omnium, ib. 
 
 f Animi autem, et ejus animi partis, quae princeps est, 
 quaeque mens nominator, plures sunt virtutes, sed duo prima 
 genera j unum earum, quae ingenerantur suapte naturd, appel- 
 lanturque non voluntariaej alteram earum, quae, in voluntate 
 positae, magis proprio nomine appellari solent. De Fin. lib. 
 v. c. 13. 
 
400 PAGANISM AND 
 
 in such a manner as best accords with the rela- 
 tive dignity of each part. When he judges 
 therefore concerning his body and soul, he will 
 not neglect the former, but will decidedly pre- 
 fer the latter. And of the soul itself he will 
 prefer the most excellent part, the mind. Of 
 the virtues too, he will prefer the greater to 
 the less. To the involuntary ones he will pay 
 a due regard; but his chief esteem will be 
 bestowed on those which are voluntary. In 
 truth, these alone deserve the name of virtues, 
 for they are the produce of reason; and reason 
 is the divinest part of man.* 
 
 This then is the true doctrine of the Sum- 
 mum Bonum. It is highly desirable, that a 
 subject of so much importance should be under- 
 stood by man as soon as he is born : for thus he 
 would pursue the great object of life without 
 loss of time, and without a possibility of error.f 
 
 * Ita fiet, tit animi virtus corporis virtuti anteponatur, ani- 
 mique virtutes non voluntarias vincant virtutes voluntariae ; 
 quae quidem proprie virtutes appellantur, multumque excellunt, 
 quod ex ratione gignuntur j qua nihil est in homine divinius. 
 De Fin. lib. v. c. 13. 
 
 f Cum igitur ea sit, quam exposui, forma naturae; si, ut 
 initio dixi, simul atque ortus esset, se quisque cognoscere judi- 
 careque posset, quae vis et totius esset naturae et partium singu- 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 401 
 
 But the proper designation of nature is at first 
 hidden from us. We are content with the mere 
 preservation of the body; and it is long before 
 we arrive at the more important part of the 
 knowledge that is necessary for us. By degrees, 
 however, it is acquired ; and in the actions of 
 youth, their love of praise, their feelings of 
 shame, and their pursuit of knowledge and those 
 ingenuous objects which are adapted to the 
 growth and enlargement of the mind, we dis- 
 cover those elements from which virtue at 
 length arises.* It is the business of philosophy 
 to cherish and promote the opening desires of 
 nature. They are the indications of reason, 
 that god within us ; and, if properly followed, 
 they lead to happiness, and discover to us that 
 which we seek, the ultimate good of man. 
 The beginnings of virtue therefore arise from 
 the capacity of nature. This is the only thing 
 which she furnishes in the first instance. The 
 
 larum, continue videret quid esset hoc quod quaerimus, omnium 
 rerum, quas expetimus, summum et ultimum ; nee uM in re 
 peccare posset, ib. c. 15. 
 
 * Non sine causd, eas, quas dixi, in pueris virtutum quasi 
 scintillulas videmus, e quibus accendi philosopbi ratio debet, ut 
 earn, quasi Deum, ducem subsequens, ad naturae perveniat ex- 
 tremum. Be Fin. lib. v. c. 15. 
 
 D D 
 
402 PAGANISM AND 
 
 product derived from it is the mere effect of 
 subsequent art;* for virtue is to be considered 
 as an art, or science. It is indeed of more im- 
 portance than other arts or sciences ; but it has 
 this circumstance in common with them; it is 
 taught; and memory, reason, and similar quali- 
 ties, must be pre-supposed, as necessary to its 
 existence; since where learning is impractica- 
 ble, there virtue cannot be.f 
 
 Of all the goods then which belong to the 
 component parts of man, this is the most pre- 
 cious. It is the result of learning, and is formed 
 by a gradual development of the qualities of 
 the mind, and a skilful application of them to 
 the discovery of the will of nature. It is indeed 
 of a later date than the primary objects which 
 nature desires. These existed when virtue was 
 not yet formed. But virtue, which is after- 
 wards acquired, takes a just ascendency, and 
 wishes to possess them for its own sake. It 
 
 * Virtutem ipsam inchoavit ; nihil amplius. Itaque nostrum 
 est (quod nostrum dico, artis est) ad ea principia, quae accepi- 
 mus, consequentia exquirere, quoad sit id, quod volumus, ef- 
 fectum. ib. c. 21. 
 
 f Hoc et de memoria dixerim atque ratione, et si quid tale 
 est in homine. Sunt enim haec et ante doctrinam -, sine his 
 autem non potest esse uila doctrina; ac per hoc nee virtus, 
 quae utique discitur. Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 403 
 
 desires itself also on the same account; and it 
 uses both itself and them for the purpose of 
 complete happiness.* The conclusion arising 
 therefore from this method of viewing the na- 
 ture of man was, that he leads an happy life, 
 who possesses virtue, and those goods of the 
 body and mind without which virtue cannot 
 exist. His life is more happy, who to these 
 adds others, not essential to the subsistence of 
 virtue, namely, beauty, strength, agility, and 
 other such qualities; and the happiness of such 
 a man will be in proportion to the number of 
 these which he possesses. But the most happy 
 life is that of him who unites in himself all pos- 
 sible goods both of body and mind.t Here 
 then at length we find the true end and object 
 
 * Quapropter eadem virtus, id est, ars agendas vitas, dim 
 acceperit prima naturae, quae sine ilia erant, sed tameu erant, 
 etiam quando eis doctrina adhuc deerat, omnia propter seipsam 
 appetit, simulque etiam seipsam ; omnibusque simul, et 
 seipsa utitur eo fine, ut omnibus delectetur atque perfruatur. 
 ib. c. 3. 
 
 j Haec ergo vita hominis, qua?, virtute et aliis animi et cor- 
 poris bonis, sine quibus virtus esse non potest, fruitur, beata 
 esse dicitur. Si vero et aliis, sine quibus esse virtus potest, vel 
 ullis vel pluribus, beatior. Si autem prorsus omnibus, ut nul- 
 lum omnino bonum desit, vel animi vel corporis, beatissima. 
 Varro, apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3. 
 D D2 
 
404 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of our existence. This is the Summum Bonum 
 worthy to be desired by man. And this Piso 
 affirms to be intended by the Pythian Apollo, 
 when he commands us to know ourselves. We 
 must inquire into our specific nature, ascertain 
 the component parts of man, and learn the 
 relative value of each ; for from this knowledge 
 alone will result a life spent in the enjoyment 
 of its proper objects.* 
 
 However, one difficulty yet remained. While 
 the old Academicians placed the Summum Bo- 
 num of man in the goods of the soul and body 
 taken together, they wished for something 
 farther, and were unwilling to forego the ad- 
 vantage of external goods, relations, friends, 
 neighbours, and their country at large. They 
 felt, however, that happiness must be exposed 
 to great uncertainty and danger, if it were 
 made to depend on circumstances which are 
 removed from the person itself of man, and 
 over which therefore he has not a sufficient 
 control.! On this account, they placed exter- 
 
 * Jubet igitur nos Pythius Apollo noscere nosmetipsos. 
 Cognitio autem hsec est una, ut vim nostri corporis animique 
 norimus, sequamurque earn vitam quse rebus ipsis perfruatur. 
 De Fin. lib. v. c. 1 6. 
 
 t Nee vero quisquarn Summum Bonum assequi unquam 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 405 
 
 nal goods in a secondary class. Yet, while 
 they carefully abstained from calling these an 
 essential and necessary part of the Summum 
 Bonum, they declared them to be highly de- 
 sirable on account of the pleasure and benefit 
 which resulted from them, and referable, by 
 analogy, to the goods of the first class. Nature 
 herself makes us feel, that, when we discharge 
 any of the outward offices of friendship, patriot- 
 ism, and the like, these are among the actions 
 which are rightly performed. But all actions 
 which are productive of this sort of approba- 
 tion must spring from virtue; and virtue was 
 lately placed at the head of the goods of the first 
 class in which consisted the Summum Bonum. 
 The external goods have therefore a secret con- 
 nection with those which have been already de- 
 scribed ; and if every right action in the latter, 
 is to be ranked under some one of the virtues 
 in the former class, the goods of both have a 
 certain correspondence, and are, by the will of 
 nature, allied.* 
 
 posset, si oinnia ilia, quae sunt extra, quanquam expetenda, 
 summo bono continerentur. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23. 
 
 * Quo modo igitur, inquies, verum esse poterit, omnia referri 
 ad Summum Bonum, si amicitiae, si propinquitates, si reliqua 
 externa summo bono rion continental 1 ? Hac videlicet ratione; 
 
406 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Thus then to the other parts of the Academic 
 philosophy is added social attachment. Cicero 
 describes it with much eloquence and feeling.* 
 Springing from the constitution of our nature, 
 it prompts the affection which binds the parents 
 to each other, and to their offspring. But, not 
 satisfied with these objects, it gradually enlarges 
 
 quod ea, quae externa sunt, iis tuemur omens, quae oriuntur a 
 suo cujusque genere virtutis. Nam et amici cultus, et parentis, 
 et qui officio fungitur, in eo ipso prodest, quod, ita fungi officio, 
 in recte factis est: quae sunt orta virtutibus ; quae quidem 
 sapientes sequuntur, utentes tanquam duce natura. De Fin. 
 lib. v. c. 24. 
 
 * In oinni autem honesto, de quo loquimur, nihil est tarn 
 illustre, nee quod iatius pateat, quam conjunctio inter homines 
 hominum, et quasi quaedam societas et coinmunicatio utilitatum, 
 et ipsa caritas generis humani ; quae nata a primo satu, quo a 
 procreatoribus nati diliguntur, et tota domus conjugio et stirpe 
 conjungitur, serpit sensim foras cognationibus primum, turn 
 affinitatibus, deinde amicitiisj post vicinitatibus 5 turn civibus, 
 et iis qui publici socii atque amici sunt ; deinde totius com- 
 plexu generis humani. De Fin. lib. v. c. 23. Mr. Pope ex- 
 presses the Academic sentiment in some pleasing lines : 
 Self-love but serves the virtuous mind to wake, 
 As the small pebble stirs the peaceful lake. 
 The centre mov'd, a circle straight succeeds j 
 Another still, and still another spreads : 
 Friend, parent, neighbour, first it will embrace $ 
 His country next ; and next, all human race. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 407 
 
 itself in all the tender offices of relationship, 
 affinity, and friendship. The care of our neigh- 
 bourhood is next in order. Hence the principle 
 extends to our whole country, and to those 
 states also which are connected with it by poli- 
 tical alliance, and partake in its public interests. 
 Finally, it becomes general, and embraces the 
 whole circle of mankind. This might suffice; 
 but Varro is unwilling that the principle should 
 be restrained by any limits. He carries it 
 through the mundane system, and makes it 
 comprehend those benevolent gods also, who, 
 from their sethereal abodes, are disposed to shed 
 a friendly influence on the man of wisdom.* 
 
 Such is the philosophy, in favour of which 
 Cicero has exerted his genius in one of the most 
 valuable of his works. To assist the statement, 
 occasional use has been made of the authority 
 of Varro. But we are now arrived at that part 
 of the subject, in which he must become our 
 principal instructor.! To the view therefore 
 
 * Sive in toto orbe, ut sunt gentes, quas ei societas humana 
 conjungit; sive in ipso mimdo, qui censetur nomine cceli et 
 terrae, sicut esse dicunt Deos, quos volunt amicos esse homini 
 sapienti. Apud Aug. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 3. 
 
 t Yet the remains of his treatise De Philosophic are scanty. 
 They are contained in the first three chapters of the 1 9th book 
 
408 PAGANISM AND 
 
 of the existing sects, let us add the promised 
 account of all the possible ones. 
 
 It is remarked by Augustin in his introduc- 
 tion of this subject, that the inquiries of the 
 men of nature concerning happiness, were ne- 
 cessarily confined to the boundaries of nature 
 itself.*" They looked to the component parts 
 of man, and either selected one of these as the 
 object of their preference, or joined them to- 
 gether. It has already appeared, that some 
 placed the Summum Bonum in the body; some 
 in the mind; and others, in both. On this 
 triple division, therefore, Varro proceeded to 
 found his calculation. It is observable, that 
 Carneades had not ventured to suppose more 
 than six simple, and three compound, modes, in 
 which philosophy might contemplate the Sum- 
 mum Bonum. But the number of sects ima- 
 
 of Augustin' s " City of God." I cannot quite agree with Au- 
 gustin in his speedy dismissal of the subject, and wish he had 
 gratified our curiosity by larger extracts. 
 
 * Nee tamen eos, quaravis diversis errantes modis, naturae 
 limes intantum ab itinere veritatis deviare permisit, ut non alii 
 in ammo, alii in corpore, alii in utroque fines bonorum pone- 
 rent et malorum. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
 f Sex igitur hse sunt simplices de summo bonorum malo- 
 rumque sententiae : duse sine patrono, quatuor defensae. Junctae 
 

 CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 409 
 
 gined by Varro is no less than two hundred and 
 eighty-eight.* Here however he stopped ; and 
 his final opinion was, that the Summum Bo- 
 num could not be taught by more than that 
 number of sects ; or, at least, that those which 
 might be added, must have a reference to them, 
 and therefore must belong to one of the former 
 classes.t The mode in which he endeavoured 
 to establish his position, was the following. 
 
 It was first assumed, that virtue, or the art 
 of life, (for this was the meaning of the term in 
 the school of the Old Academy,) was not to be 
 reckoned among the objects of primary desire. 
 It was learnt like any other art, and was to be 
 subsequently applied to the management of 
 those objects, as reason should suggest. The 
 objects, therefore, to which the appetency of 
 
 autem et duplices expositiones summi boni tres omnino fuerunt : 
 nee vero plures, si penitus rerum naturam videas, esse potue- 
 runt. De Fin. lib. v. c. 8. Compare c. 6. 
 
 * Ex qua tripertita velut generalium distributione sectarum 
 M. Varro in libro De Philosophia tarn multam dogmatum 
 varietatem diligenter et subtiliter scrutatus advertit, ut ad 
 cclxxxviii sectas, non quse jam essent, sed qua? esse possent, 
 adhibens quasdam differentias, facillime perveniret. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. xix. c. i. 
 
 f Si quae aliae possent similiter adjici. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. 
 c. 2. 
 
410 PAGANISM AND 
 
 man may be supposed to carry him without the 
 help of any instruction, and by the force of 
 nature alone, are four in number. First, Plea- 
 sure, which applies to the senses of the body. 
 Secondly, Indolence, in its stricter meaning, or 
 a freedom from bodily pain. Thirdly, the 
 former objects, or positive and negative plea- 
 sure, in conjunction; to both of which, thus 
 considered, Epicurus applied the single term of 
 pleasure. Fourthly, the primary objects of 
 nature understood in a large sense, comprehend- 
 ing the former objects, and adding others to 
 them, such as the integrity of the body and its 
 parts, its general health and due conservation, 
 and the exercise of the mind in a greater or less 
 degree, according to the proportion of ability 
 in every man.* In relation therefore to these 
 objects we must now consider virtue, concerning 
 which a reservation was originally made: and 
 
 * Quatuor esse quaedam, quae homines sine magistro, sine 
 ullo doctririae adminiculo, sine industria vel arte vivendi, quae 
 Virtus dicitur, et proculdubio discitur, velut naturaliter appe- 
 tunt : aut Voluptatem, qua delectabiliter movetur corporis sen- 
 sus : aut Quietem, qua fit ut nullam molestiam corporis quisque 
 patiatur ; aut utramque, quam tamen uno nomine Voluptatis 
 Epicurus appellat ; aut universaliter prim a naturae, in quibus 
 et haec surit et alia. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1 . 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 411 
 
 the first difference of opinion will begin on the 
 question, Whether virtue, acquired at a later 
 time, is to be considered as inferior, or superior, 
 to each of the four classes of objects before enu- 
 merated ; or whether it is to be connected with 
 them on a footing of mere equality? If it is 
 inferior, it will be acquired for the sake of the 
 former objects, and be treated in subserviency 
 to them. If superior, the objects will be pos- 
 sessed not so much for their own sake, as for 
 the sake of virtue; and virtue, last in time, 
 will be first in importance. If it is only equal 
 with the objects, each will be possessed not 
 for the sake of the other, but on account of 
 its own value. Now, pleasure is the first of 
 the four classes. Virtue may therefore be con- 
 sidered in the three modes here mentioned, as 
 inferior, superior, or equal, to pleasure. But if 
 so, it may be considered in the same manner 
 with respect to each of the remaining classes, 
 indolence, positive and negative pleasure to- 
 gether, and the primary objects of nature gene- 
 rally understood. From the four classes then, 
 capable of being considered, each of them in 
 three modes, results the number twelve. Ac- 
 cordingly, this is the number of sects obtained 
 in the first stage, from a comparison of virtue 
 
412 PAGANISM AND 
 
 which is subsequently attained, with the natural 
 objects which may be primarily desired.* 
 
 But this number will at once be doubled, if 
 we suppose a single difference of opinion con- 
 cerning the principle on which each of the 
 twelve sects is to be followed. Some men 
 adopt a particular mode of philosophy for their 
 own sakes; and look no farther than to the 
 personal pleasure or advantage to be derived 
 from the profession of it. But some philosophize 
 with more liberality. These embrace the social 
 principle ; and in their choice of a school endea- 
 vour to benefit others together with themselves. 
 Each of the sects then, already supposed, may 
 be followed on the first, or second of these 
 principles; and if twelve are of one opinion, 
 twelve may be of another. And thus are 
 twenty-four sects obtained. f 
 
 * Haec igitur quatuor, id est, voluptas, quie, utrumque, 
 prima naturae, ita sunt in nobis, ut vel virtus, quam postea 
 doctrina inserit, propter hsec appetenda sit; aut ista propter 
 virtutem, aut utraque propter seipsa. Ac per hoc fiunt duo- 
 decim sectse : per hanc enim rationem singulae triplicautur. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c, 1. 
 
 f Quocirca duodecim sunt eorum, qui propter se tantummodo 
 unamquamque tenendam putant j at alise duodecim eorum, qui 
 non solum propter se sic vel sic philosophandum esse decer- 
 nimt; sed etiam propter alios. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 413 
 
 A similar increase will arise from the cer- 
 tainty or the uncertainty attributed to the 
 opinions thus supposed. The Stoics attached 
 an absolute certainty to their maxim, that the 
 proper and only happiness of man was to be 
 found in the honestum. In this therefore they 
 firmly and unalterably persisted, on account of 
 the undeniable truth and security which was 
 supposed to belong to it. Nor were the doc- 
 trines of the Old Academy without a similar 
 confidence as to the great object of human life. 
 Speculations concerning GOD and the soul 
 might be remote and doubtful; but no hesita- 
 tion was confessed on the ends of good and 
 evil.* On the other hand, the New Academi- 
 
 * De bonorum autem, et e contrario malorum finibus negant 
 ullo modo esse dubitandum, et hanc inter se et novos Acade- 
 micos affirmant esse distantiam. ib. c. 3. This at least is the 
 representation of Antiochus, from whom Varro learnt his phi- 
 losophy. Augustin observes, that Cicero speaks of him rather 
 as a Stoic than an Old Academician. It appears indeed, that, 
 though nominally of the New Academy, he adopted at pleasure 
 the opinions of other sects, and aimed at the establishment of a 
 Syncretism: Is alia via incedendum ratus, non oppugnandas, 
 sed cum Academia conciliandas reliquas sectas esse statuitj 
 ideoque Stoicam sectam in Academiam transtulit, cum Stoicum 
 praeceptorem habuisset. Unde veteris Academiae placita re- 
 
414 PAGANISM AND 
 
 cians disclaimed all positive determination on 
 this and other subjects. With them, nothing 
 was certain. Though they still professed the 
 pursuit of truth, if by any means it might be 
 found ; yet the utmost assent to which they suf- 
 fered themselves to be carried, was that which 
 was extorted from them by the force of proba- 
 bility or verisimilitude. They followed truth 
 therefore as if it were real : they held it as only 
 apparent; and supposed that, after the keenest 
 pursuit, the best founded philosophy could pre- 
 tend to nothing more than the resemblance of 
 truth. Hence it follows, that the twenty-four 
 sects, lately obtained, may be chosen on the 
 first or second of these principles. The maxims 
 of each sect may be regarded as certain, or un- 
 certain: and if twenty-four are of one opinion, 
 twenty-four may be of the other. And thus 
 are forty-eight sects created.* 
 
 But another increase will arise from a differ- 
 ence of opinion concerning the philosophic 
 
 vocando, conspirare ea cum Stoicis et Peripateticis censuit. 
 Brucker. Hist. Philos. Per. 1 . part. post. lib. ii. c. 6. s. 4. 7. 
 
 * A^iginti-quatuor ergo fiunt per eos, qui eas (sectas) velut 
 certas propter veritatem ; et aliae viginti-quatuor, per eos qui 
 easdem, quamvis incertas, propter verisimilitudinem sequendas 
 putant. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 415 
 
 dress, in which the sects may choose to main- 
 tain their opinions. The sect, remarkable above 
 all others for its outward appearance, was that 
 of the Cynics. Antisthenes, its founder, was a 
 scholar of Socrates, and had often heard him 
 pour his happy ridicule on the affected finery of 
 the Sophists whom he delighted to expose, 
 But, either misled by the rigour which he im- 
 puted to his master, or urged by personal va- 
 nity* to a singularity of invention, he struck 
 out a mode of dress at once new and revolting. 
 The pallium alone was his covering;! and that 
 
 * ^Elian says indeed, that Socrates was displeased with 
 him, and ridiculed his affected rags ; TO litppwyoQ l^aris 
 ftepoQ. lib. ix. c. 35. It is Laertius who tells the well-known 
 story of Socrates discovering the vanity of Antisthenes through 
 the holes of his pallium ; in vit. Antisth. 
 
 f The pallium is thus described by Tertullian : Extrinsecus 
 habitus et ipse quadrangulus ; ab utroque laterum regestus, et 
 cervicibus circumstrictus, in fibulae morsu humeris acquiescebat, 
 (De Pallio, c. 1 .) He preferred it to the toga, and wore it on 
 account of its superior ease and convenience -, pallio nihil ex- 
 peditius, etiam si duplex, quod Cratetis. Mora nusquam ves- 
 tiendo cum ponitur : quippe tota molitio ejus operire est solu- 
 tim. Id ex uno circumjectu licet, equidem nusquam inhumano j 
 ita omnia hominis simul contegit. ib. c. 5. In this, however, 
 there seems to have been some enthusiasm. It must have re- 
 quired some courage too, on account of the dislike which was 
 shewn to this dress at Carthage. But the pallium had fallen 
 
416 PAGANISM AND 
 
 was squalid. His beard was long; and all the 
 furniture of his person was a pouch, in which 
 he carried his scraps, and a stick, which served 
 the double purpose of supporting his steps, 
 and of bestowing an occasional chastisement on 
 a negligent or refractory hearer. He walked 
 about, a disgustful picture of philosophy turned 
 beggar, and ambition clothed in voluntary 
 wretchedness. No other sect would submit to 
 the use of one loose garment which was to serve 
 the body without the aid of any more clothing. 
 The very Stoics, the solemn imitators of the Cy- 
 nics, refused to acquiesce in this point. While 
 they aped Antisthenes in the rigour of his doc- 
 
 into general discredit before that time. The 71st oration of 
 Dio Chrysostom is employed in inquiring, why the philosophers 
 were followed by mobs who laughed at them, and plucked 
 their pallium, while artisans wearing the dresses of their trades, 
 walked the streets without disturbance. The owl, it seems, 
 was at first followed by the small birds through mere admira- 
 tion of her wisdom. So was Diogenes by the people. But 
 now nothing remains except the wings, the eyes, and the beak 
 of the philosophical owl, and hence the contempt expressed 
 by the people: //yuwv EKCL^OQ TYIV ^ttv <roX^v e^ci Trjv ^wKpdrug 
 KOI Atoyeve' TO c)e fypoveiv, TroAAS ^eo/jcv oyuot elVai rolg 
 avfydffiv tKtivoig, r; jjfv 6jueKa> avro7e, ij Adysg rotarsc &aAt- 
 yeo-flat. For the dress of Antisthenes, see Brucker, Hist. 
 Philos. Per. 1. part. post. lib. ii. c. 8. 2. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 417 
 
 trine, they revolted from his dress, and added 
 a tunic, which was worn within the pallium.* 
 
 * Habitus Cynicorum eo tantum a reliquorum philosopho- 
 
 rum habitu distabat, quod hi tunicam sub pallio non gestarent j 
 
 reliqui omnes gestarent. Ideo Juvenalis, qui sectam Cynicam 
 
 a Stoi'cd parum diversam, quod ad dogmata videret esse, dixit : 
 
 Stoi'ca dogmata tantum 
 
 A Cynicis tunica distantia- 
 
 quod Stoici cum tunicis sub pallio ambularent, Cynici ver6 
 a.^iT(jiVf.g essent. Salmas. in Vit. M. Antonin. Hist. Aug. c. 2. 
 In a note on the same chapter, Casaubon says: Fuere et 
 propriae singularum sectarum notae, propria gestamina. But it 
 is not easy to make them out. The distinguishing marks of 
 the Cynics and Stoics have just been noticed. The Epicureans 
 probably followed the Cyrenaics; and the studied elegance of 
 Aristippus, their leader, is well known ; Cultui corporis et 
 elegantiae atque decori quam maxime studebat, says Brucker. 
 The Old Academy, and perhaps the New, preserved, probably 
 for the most part, the manner of Plato, whose dress was grave 
 and unostentatious j for we cannot suppose that the Peripa- 
 tetics themselves would adopt the extravagancies of Aristotle. 
 Julian gives an account of the quarrel between him and Plato, 
 which was occasioned in great measure by the important article 
 of the philosophical dress. Aristotle, it seems, was violently 
 inclined to be a coxcomb ! His clothes (eo-fl^e, perhaps the 
 outer and body garment) were affectedly fine. So were his 
 sandals. He cropped his hair, and took a strange pride in wear- 
 ing a number of rings. He was a great talker; and a great 
 quizzer too! KCU fjnaicia e TIQ i\v avrS Trcpt TO irpoffUTrov' KCLL 
 aKaipoQ <za)p,v\ia \a\avrog Karrjyopet KCU avrrj TOV rpotrov avrS f 
 lib. iii. c. 19. If Plato, who disapproved of these manners, 
 
 E E 
 
418 PAGANISM AND 
 
 Hence it probably is, that, in this part of his 
 argument, Varro considers the Cynics on one 
 side, and all other philosophers in opposition 
 to them. Those therefore who follow the 
 opinions of the forty-eight sects last obtained, 
 may profess their philosophy in the Cynic 
 habit, or in some dress added to the pallium by 
 the other schools. But if forty-eight are of one 
 opinion, forty-eight may be of another. And 
 thus are formed ninety-six sects.* 
 
 There remains another increase; and it is the 
 last. It was a favourite practice with some of 
 the most eminent philosophers to write treatises 
 for the guidance of the public conduct of 
 others; but to choose a life of retirement for 
 themselves. Cicero points out this disposition 
 in Aristotle and Theophrastus; and follows it 
 with no small praise. Each of them had in- 
 quired into the true nature and constitution of 
 
 indulged some finery about his house,, perhaps he drew some 
 excuse from the example of Socrates, who is said to have been 
 somewhat curious about the neatness of his small dwelling, his 
 low couch, and his domestic slippers, ib. lib. iv. c. 11. 
 
 * Unamquamque istarum quadraginta-octo sectarum potest 
 quisque sequi habitu caeterorum philosophorum, itemque potest 
 alius habitu Cynicorum. Ex hac etiam differentid duplicantur, 
 et nonaginta-sex fiunt. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 419 
 
 a republic, the duties of those who possessed 
 the highest stations in it, and the particular 
 conjunctures in which the skill of government 
 might best be applied, in order to direct the 
 current of events as circumstances might re- 
 quire. Yet a life spent in quiet, and devoted 
 to contemplative knowledge, was pronounced 
 by both to be most worthy of the man of wis- 
 dom. Indeed, it was supposed to have some- 
 thing divine in it, and to approach nearer than 
 any other mode of life, to that of the gods.* 
 It appears therefore, that though some might 
 apply themselves to the administration of pub- 
 lic affairs, while they maintained the opinions 
 of their sects ; and though some might divide 
 their time between the pursuit of philosophy 
 and the calls of business, (both which cases 
 were sufficiently common,) yet there were 
 
 * Cumque uterque eorum docuisset, qualem in republic^, 
 principem esse conveniret ; pluribus praeterek cum scripsisset, 
 qui esset optimus reipublicae status : hoc amplius Theophrastus, 
 quae essent in republica inclinationes rerum et momenta tempo- 
 rum, quibus esset moderandum utcunque res postularet. Vitae 
 autem degendae ratio maxime quidem illis placuit quieta, in 
 contemplatione et cognitione posita rerum ; quae quia Deorum 
 erat vitae simillima, sapiente visa est dignissima. De Fin. lib. 
 v. c. 4. 
 
 EE2 
 
420 PAGANISM AND 
 
 others, who, amidst an adherence to their sect, 
 chose to persist in an indulgence of literary re- 
 tirement and philosophic contemplation. Hence 
 the sects, lately supposed, are capable of being 
 followed in each of the three modes, retirement, 
 activity, or a mixture of both ; and consequently, 
 from the multiplication of their sums, or ninety- 
 six by three, is obtained the total sum of two 
 hundred and eighty-eight: and this is the num- 
 ber of sects which it was originally proposed 
 to discover.* 
 
 * Denique, quia earum singulas quasque ita tueri homines 
 possunt atque sectari, ut aut otiosam diligant vitam, sicut hi 
 qui tantummodo studiis doctrinae vacare voluerunt ; aut nego- 
 tiosam, sicut hi, qui cum philosopharentur, tamen administra- 
 tione reipublicae, regendisque rebus humanis occupatissimi fue- 
 runt - } aut ex utroque genere temperatam, sicut hi qui partim 
 erudito otic, partim necessario negotio, alternantia vitae suae tem- 
 pora tribuerunt; propter has differentias potest etiam triplicari 
 numerus iste sectarum, et ad ducentas, octoginta-octo perduci. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. After " voluerunt" in the above passage, 
 Augustin adds, " atque valuerunt." This, and other such jingles, 
 would betray him (for he is unhappily fond of these contrivances) 
 even if we had not his own confession, that he has clothed the 
 arguments of Varro in his own language: Haec de Varronis 
 libro quantum potui, breviter ac dilucide posui, sententias ejus 
 meis explicans verbis. ib. This custom was indeed too preva- 
 lent among the early Christian writers, and gives to their criti- 
 cisms a laxity which a just taste must condemn. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 421 
 
 But this number, the creature of Varro's 
 fancy, is presently destroyed, with the same 
 facility with which it had been formed. In- 
 deed, he does not apply the same principle of 
 reduction to all the sects thus supposed. Some 
 he treats as having no substantial foundation on 
 which to place a difference of opinion concern- 
 ing happiness. With the rest he argues as sects 
 legitimately formed. Yet the opinions of these 
 also he proves to be incompetent to the object 
 proposed; and comparing them with his own, 
 he finally establishes the philosophy of the Old 
 Academy, as that which alone would reward 
 the pursuit of a wise man intent on the disco- 
 very of the Summum Bonum. 
 
 His principle of reduction is drawn from the 
 final purpose of Philosophy. The only worthy 
 and sufficient object for which we philosophize, 
 is happiness. But that which causes happiness, 
 is the end itself of good. It is necessary there- 
 fore to the legitimate existence of a philosophi- 
 cal sect, that it pursue some object which it 
 believes to be the very end of good; and it is 
 farther necessary, that this should be separate 
 and distinct from any supposed end of good 
 which is pursued by other sects.* If this fun- 
 
 * Neque enim existimat ullam philosophise sectam esse di- 
 
422 PAGANISM AND 
 
 damental rule is applied to the increase last 
 obtained, we shall find, that, when the question 
 is only concerning the preference to be given to 
 contemplative retirement, or public activity, 
 or a mixture of both, the principal point is 
 omitted: for here the dispute is not concerning 
 the very end of good, but whether the pursuit 
 of it be facilitated by one of the three modes 
 more than by the others.* Happiness is the 
 end of good ; but that which is adopted only 
 as preparative of the end of good, cannot be 
 the end itself. Accordingly, though each of the 
 three modes may be preferred by various per- 
 sons, all of these will still be obliged to search 
 farther for the end of good, which lies beyond 
 
 cendam, quae non eo distet & caeteris, quod diversos habeat 
 fines bonorum et malorum; quandoquidem nulla est homini 
 causa pbilosophandi, nisi ut beatus sit. Quod autem beatum 
 facit, ipse est finis boni. Nulla est igitur causa pbilosophandi, 
 nisi finis boni. Quamobrem, quae nullum boni finem sectatur, 
 nulla philosophiae secta dicenda est. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
 * In tribus quoque illis vitae generibus, uno scilicet non seg- 
 niter, sed in contemplatione vel inquisitione veritatis otioso, 
 altero in gerendis rebus humanis negotioso, tertio ex utroque 
 genere temperate, cum quaeritur quid horum sit potius eligen- 
 dum, non finis boni habet controversial^ sed quid horum trium 
 difficultatem vel facilitatem afferat ad consequendum vel rett- 
 nendum finem boni j id in ista quaestione versatur. Civ. Dei^ 
 lib. xix. c. 2. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 423 
 
 the modes. The difference therefore which has 
 been created by the modes is not sufficiently 
 substantial for the proper foundation of philo- 
 sophical sects. They are consequently disal- 
 lowed. The total number loses two-thirds at 
 once, and is reduced to ninety-six.* 
 
 If a similar reasoning is employed on the 
 Cynic addition, the result will be similar. For 
 in this case also, the question is not concerning 
 the end itself of good ; it applies only to the 
 external appearance of those who pursue it. 
 But a distinction thus unsubstantial can be of 
 no avail towards the attainment of happiness. 
 The habit of Antisthenes must therefore be dis- 
 regarded : for not only does it not necessarily 
 lead to the final good of man, but it has never 
 had the power of ensuring even an uniformity 
 of opinion concerning it.f The truth is, that 
 philosophic principles, discordant with one an- 
 other, have frequently been maintained amidst 
 the assumption of the same common habit. 
 
 * Nam remote illo tripertito genere vitae, duae partes hujus 
 numeri detralmntur, et sectae nonaginta-sex remanent. ib. c. 2. 
 
 t Denique fuerunt, qui cum diversa sequerentur bona finalia, 
 alii virtutem, alii voluptatem ; eundem tamen habitum et con- 
 suetudinem tenebant, ex quo Cynici appellabantur. Civ. Dei, 
 lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
424 PAGANISM AND 
 
 And on the other hand, the habit has also 
 served to give an outward distinction from 
 other sects, when a genuine difference of opinion 
 could hardly be pleaded.* It follows therefore, 
 that the increase occasioned by the Cynic 
 claims, must also be disallowed. Hence, from 
 the number which lately remained, one half is 
 taken away; and forty-eight sects are left.f 
 
 Liable to the same objection is the 'increase 
 made in favour of the New Academy. For in 
 the dispute between the followers of that school, 
 and other philosophers, the end of good has no 
 place. The question is only, whether the ob- 
 ject of pursuit be certain or uncertain, whether 
 it be discoverable by the force of philosophy, 
 and whether man attain the substance, or only 
 the resemblance of truth.J But in this case 
 
 * Ita illud, quicquid est, unde philosophi Cynici discernun- 
 tur k cseteris, ad eligendum ac tenendum bonuin, quo beati 
 fierent, utique nil valebat. Nam si aliquid ad hoc interesset, 
 profecto idem habitus eundem finem sequi cogeret, et diverstrs 
 habitus eundem sequi finem non sineret. ib. 
 
 f Remota vero differentia ex Cynicis addita, ad dimidium 
 rediguntur, et quadraginta-octo fiunt. ib, c. 2. 
 
 J Item cum quaeritur de Academicis novis, quibus incerta 
 sunt omnia, utrum ita sint res habendse, in quibus philoso- 
 phandum est, an sicut aliis philosophis placuit, certas eas habere 
 debeinus^ non quaeritur quid in boni fine sectandum sit, sed de 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED, 425 
 
 also is a difference of too shadowy a kind to 
 j ustify the separate establishment of a sect. The 
 nature of the Suminum Bonum lies beyond the 
 matter in debate ; for all the anxiety of the dis- 
 putants is wasted on the circumstances of the 
 question, on the apparent, or the actual, exist- 
 ence of good. The pretensions of the New 
 Academicians must therefore be also rejected; 
 and of the number to which we lately fell, one 
 half will be lost. And thus twenty-four sects 
 will remain.* 
 
 But these will be liable to a similar reduc- 
 tion; the debate concerning the social life of a 
 philosopher being equally remote from the prin- 
 cipal subject, with the academic uncertainty. 
 For neither in this case is the question concern- 
 ing the end of good; but whether, in the pur- 
 suit of it, we shall confine our views to our- 
 selves, or extend them to others.f But a dif- 
 
 ipsius boni veritate, quod videtur sectandum, utrum sit, necne, 
 dubitandum. Civ. Dei, lib xix. c. i. 
 
 * Conferamus etiam quod ex Academicis novis adhibitum 
 est, rursus dimidia pars remanet, id est, viginti quatuor. ib.c. 2^ 
 
 f Cum ergo quseritur de sociali vitd, utrum sit tenenda sa- 
 pienti ut Summutn Bonum, quo fit homo beatus, ita velit et 
 curet amici sui, quemadmodum suum, an suae tantummodo 
 beatitudinis causd faciat quicquid facit; non de ipso summa 
 
426 PAGANISM AND 
 
 ference concerning the mere participation of 
 good, is not a difference concerning good itself. 
 The increase therefore which was obtained by 
 it, cannot be allowed; and the twenty-four 
 sects must be reduced to twelve.* 
 
 Against these, however, the same objection 
 cannot be urged. They have a right to be con- 
 sidered as sects; and there may be patrons of 
 each. Pleasure, a freedom from pain, a con- 
 junction of both, and the primary goods of na- 
 ture, may be viewed in connection with virtue. 
 Each of the classes may be treated as superior, 
 inferior, or equal to it; and all these opinions 
 will be entitled respectively to the substantial 
 character of philosophy.! In the examination 
 of their merits, therefore, a different method is 
 to be adopted. All the sects professing these 
 opinions being allowed to be genuine, it is in~ 
 
 bono quaestio est, sed de assumendo, vel non assumendo socio 
 ad hujus participationem boni, propter seipsum, sed propter 
 eundem socium, ut ejus bono ita gaudeat, sicut gaudet suo. 
 Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
 * De sociali quoque vita quod accesserat, similiter auferatur, 
 et duodecira sunt reliquae, quas ista differentia, ut viginti-qua- 
 tuor fierent, duplicaverat. ib. c. 2. 
 
 f De his ergo duodecim nihil dici potest, cur sectae non sint 
 habendae. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 2. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 427 
 
 quired, which has the right of priority ; and the 
 palm is given by Varro to that which joins the 
 superiority of virtue with the primary goods of 
 nature. In order to establish this decision, the 
 four original classes are first compared. But 
 three are pronounced incompetent, in compari- 
 son of the other ; for pleasure is involved in the 
 primary goods of nature; and so is freedom 
 from pain. Nor will the union of both establish 
 the claim of the third class; for this is still 
 exceeded in value by the fourth, which, as has 
 already appeared, comprehends in itself the 
 goods of all the former classes, and brings the 
 beneficial addition of many particulars, which 
 they do not contain.* Here then the objection 
 is made to the first three classes, not as they are 
 considered in their natures, but in their defi- 
 ciency of provision. They do not extend them- 
 selves far enough in the region of good; and 
 
 * Ex illis autem quatuor rebus Varro tres tollit, voluptatem 
 scilicet et quietem, et utrumque 5 non quod eas improbet, sed 
 quod primigenia ilia naturae et voluptatem in se habeant et 
 quietem. Quid ergo opus est ex his duabus tria quaedam fa- 
 cere, duo scilicet, cum sigillatim appetuntur voluptas et quies j 
 et tertiu.m, cum ambae simulj quandoquidem prima naturae, 
 et ipsas, et praeter ipsas, alia multa contineant ? Civ. Dei, lib. 
 xix. c. 2. 
 
428 PAGANISM AND 
 
 the prima naturae are preferred, because the 
 class which they compose is more comprehen- 
 sive in its objects, and therefore more largely 
 conducive to the welfare of man. Hence too 
 it appears, that, of the three modes in which the 
 four classes were considered, that is to be pre- 
 ferred which asserts the superiority of virtue. 
 For to subject virtue to either of the classes, is 
 to reverse the order of nature which is estab- 
 lished in the constitution of man, and which 
 has been already described. To attribute to 
 her a mere equality with either of them, is to 
 withhold from her that command which is 
 justly due to her superior value. It remains 
 then, that virtue govern the class with which 
 she is connected, and that this be also the class 
 of primary importance. 
 
 From all these considerations it follows, that 
 the philosophy which alone is worthy to be 
 pursued by the wise man, terminates in the 
 junction of the fourth class with the first mode; 
 or, in the terms of the argument, that the Sum- 
 mum Bonum consists in the prima naturae, and 
 the superiority of Virtue. Indeed, it is allowed, 
 that the primary goods of nature, which are 
 thus subjected to virtue, are desirable in the 
 first instance on their own account. But when 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 429 
 
 they become connected with virtue, which, 
 though of subsequent acquirement, is of prior 
 importance, they fall under her application and 
 control: for Virtue alone is capable of using 
 both itself and all other things for the purposes 
 of happiness.* 
 
 Sufficient inquiry has now been made into 
 the nature of the antient systems of philosophy 
 concerning the Summum Bonum; and it ap- 
 pears, how ineffectual were the attempts of rea- 
 son and genius united, to discover that which 
 Revelation alone can teach, the proper end of 
 our being. For the completion of the subject, 
 therefore, it will be only necessary to add a few 
 observations arising from the doctrines which 
 have been reviewed. 
 
 1 . Concerning the sect which was first no- 
 ticed, it may be of importance to remark the 
 involuntary testimony which it bears to a great 
 and standing truth, viz. that in the nature of 
 things, right principles have a genuine ascen- 
 dency of character, and that Vice itself is com- 
 pelled to borrow the aid of Virtue for its own 
 
 * Omnium autem bonorum vel animi vel corporis, nihil sibi 
 Virtus omnino praeponit. Haec enim bene utitur et seipsa, et 
 caeterisj quae hominem faciunt beatum, bonis. Civ. Dei, lib. 
 xix. c. 3. 
 
430 PAGANISM AND 
 
 support. The votaries of pleasure dared not to 
 propose their philosophy in its own licentious 
 nakedness. They courted the sanction of some- 
 thing more dignified ; and it is well observed 
 by Cicero, that when Torquatus talked of the 
 virtues, and their connection with the Summum 
 Bonum of Epicurus, his voice was raised, and all 
 his gestures shewed his internal feeling of their 
 superior value. The connection however was 
 equally degrading to virtue, and unavailing to 
 Epicurus. While Cato felt, that to join plea- 
 sure with virtue was to thrust an harlot into the 
 society of matrons,* he strongly exposed the 
 real and only purpose of such a philosophy, and 
 the insignificance of its end, when compared 
 with the labour employed in the pursuit of it. 
 Epicurus claimed the possession of wisdom; 
 and in the pride of physical inquiry, ranged 
 through the heavens and the earth, the air and 
 the sea, and formed a comprehensive system of 
 nature. But what was the purpose of all this 
 philosophical labour? The attainment of plea- 
 sure! Xerxes astonished the world with his 
 
 * Quid enim necesse est, tanquam meretricem in matrona- 
 l-urn coetura, sic voluptatem in virtutum concilium adducere ? 
 De Fin. lib. ii. c. 4. 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 431 
 
 warlike preparations. He joined the shores of 
 the Hellespont, and dug through Athos. He 
 walked the seas, and navigated the land. If it 
 had been asked of Xerxes, why he burst upon 
 Greece with so mighty a force? with equal 
 reason might he have answered, to fetch honey 
 from HymettusP 
 
 2. On the second of these sects we may re- 
 mark, what errors await virtue itself, when the 
 exercise of it is left to the mere direction of 
 nature! It is the distinguishing excellence of 
 Christianity, that it brings us to GOD through 
 the acknowledgment of our natural frailty, and 
 teaches a reliance on Heaven through a distrust 
 of ourselves. While it elevates the soul, it 
 lowers the passions. While it dignifies the 
 character, it extinguishes self-opinion, and 
 
 * Ut, si Xerxes, cum tantis classibus, tantisque equestribus 
 et pedestribus copiis, Hellesponto juncto, Athene perfosso, 
 maria ambulavisset, terramque navigasset, si cum tanto impetu 
 in Graeciam venisset, causam ejus quis ex eo quaereret tantamm 
 copiarum tantique belli, mel se auferre ex Hymetto voluisse 
 diceret, certe sine causa videretur tanta conatus 5 sic nos sapi- 
 entem, pluribus et gravissimis artibus atque virtutibus instruc- 
 tum et ornatum, non, ut ilium maria pedibus peragrantem, 
 classibus montes, sed omne coelum totamque cum universe mari 
 terrain mente complexum, voluptatem petere si dicemus, mellis 
 causa dicemus tanta molitum. De Fin. lib. ii, c. 34. 
 
432 PAGANISM AND 
 
 makes humility the basis of duty. The maxims 
 of the Stoic were indeed superior to those of 
 the Epicurean ; but he grew in arrogance as he 
 improved in doctrine. He looked to no supe- 
 rior being, but drew his virtue from the powers 
 of his independent nature. He was completely 
 wise in himself; and, in his own estimation, 
 became his own god* 
 
 3. From the principles of the Old Academy 
 results a conclusion equally revolting, or equally 
 unsatisfactory. The Peripatetic was ready to 
 proclaim with the Stoic, that intelligence and 
 action are the two distinguishing features of 
 man, and that he may be termed a mortal deity.f 
 Varro too, like Epicurus, has ranged through 
 all nature in quest of human happiness, and is 
 equally proud of his discovery. The man pos- 
 sessed of the virtue of his sect is happy in him- 
 self, and secure from the stroke of fortune and 
 the mutability of the world. J He has also the 
 
 * 0et8 TE flvaC eytw yap kv kavTOiQ oiovii Seov. Laert. 
 in vit. Zenon. 
 
 f Hominem ad duas res, ut ait Aristoteles, intelligendum 
 et agendum, esse natum, quasi mortalem Deum. De Fin. 
 lib. ii. c. 13. 
 
 J Jam non dubitabis, quin earum (virtutum) compotes ho- 
 mines, magno ammo erectoque viventes, semper sint beatij 
 
CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 433 
 
 high privilege of being free from all doubt 
 concerning his .principles, and from all error.* 
 Whence arises this confidence? It is the boast 
 of the Academic philosophy, that it is not re- 
 stricted to single points of doctrine, but has a 
 larger and more secure foundation, and em- 
 braces both the component parts of our nature. 
 But what is obtained by this junction of the 
 concerns of the soul with the condition of the 
 body? Through the examination which has 
 been made of the opinions of Plato, we have 
 already detected the fallacy of the object to 
 which he directed the hopes of the soul. And, 
 as to Varro, he is in this, as in his former dis- 
 quisition, utterly silent concerning an existence 
 in a future state. Man, mortal man, is the 
 beginning and the end of his philosophy. To 
 discover the art by which common life may be 
 best conducted, is all his concern, the object 
 of all his virtue. He never turned his views 
 towards another world for the happiness which 
 he sought. Probably, his sagacity had taught 
 
 qui omnes motus fortune mutationesque rerum et temporimi 
 leves et imbecilles fore intelligant, si in virtutis certamen ve- 
 nerint. De Fin. lib. v. c. 24. 
 
 * Eamque sectam sicut dubitatione, ita omni errore carere 
 arbitrator. Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 1. 
 
 F F 
 
434 PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY COMPARED. 
 
 him the emptiness of the fancies of Plato. He 
 formed none for himself; and we must conclude 
 concerning a genius distinguished at Rome by 
 his capacity of research, his depth of penetra- 
 tion, his strong judgment, and extensive learn- 
 ing, that he indulged no hope of immortality, 
 and that to his eyes futurity was " one univer- 
 sal blank." 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ACADEMICIANS, Old, the extent of their philosophy, 387. 
 
 Followers of Plato and Aristotle, ib. General view of 
 
 their principles, 390, &c. 
 ACADEMICIANS, New, the uncertainty of their opinions, 413, 
 
 414. 
 
 AHAZ, why he worshipped the Syrian gods, 56. 
 AJAX in the other world resents his treatment about the armour 
 
 of Achilles, 304, note. 
 ALARIC takes Rome, 1 1 7. His protection of the Christians, 
 
 122. Grants an asylum to those who fled to the churches, 
 
 141. 
 
 ALEXANDRIA, school of, 252. 
 
 AMBROSE defends Christianity against Symmachus, 69. 
 ANAXAGORAS, his philosophy, 230. 
 ANAXIMANDER, his philosophy, 224. 
 ANAXIMENES, his philosophy, 224. 
 ANTONINUS, his rescript in favour of the Christians, 61 . 
 APOLLO, Pythian, the meaning of his maxim to <e know our- 
 selves," 404. 
 
 APULEIUS, a follower of Plato, 235. 
 ARNOBIUS refutes the Pagans, 65. His account of the Roman 
 
 Stage, 200. 
 
 F F 2 
 
436 INDEX. 
 
 ATHENAGORAS, his pleading for the Christians, 7. 12. His 
 cheerfulness under suffering, 28. 
 
 AUGUSTIN, character of his " City of God," 79. 82. His mis- 
 taken view of Plato's theology, 244. 
 
 AUGUSTUS revenges himself upon Neptune, 57. His reign 
 assists the propagation of the Faith, 94. 
 
 BACCHUS, by what represented, 211. 
 
 B^EREBISTES, a leader of the Getae, 107. 
 
 BELLONA offended at Christianity, 137. 
 
 BERECYNTHIA, her profligate rites, 205, note. 
 
 BREHME, the Indian deity, what supposed to be? 269. 
 
 BRENNUS plunders Rome, 136. 
 
 BRITAIN, its power connected with true religion, 1 74. 
 
 BRUCKER, his view of Plato's philosophy, 238. 246. 
 
 BURIAL, antient, solemnity of, 160. 
 
 BYZANTIUM, by whom built and improved, 100. 
 
 CARTHAGE, its destruction injurious to Rome, 98. 
 
 C^SSAR descended from .ZEneas, 125. General viciousness and 
 tyranny of the Caesars, 96, 97. 
 
 CERES, her rites, 205. 
 
 CHRYSIPPUS, the gods supposed to make use of his system of 
 logic, 368. 
 
 CICERO, his argument against Fate, 152. His imitation of 
 Plato, concerning the uncertainty of a future world, 339, 
 341. note Account of his treatise " De Finibus," 348. 
 The uncertainty of his opinions, 349. His description of 
 the social principle, 406. 
 
 CLAUDIAN celebrates the defeat of the Goths, 115. 
 
 CLAUDIUS, why called Gothicus, 109. 
 
 CLUVERIUS, his system concerning the Goths, 105. 
 
INDEX. 437 
 
 CONSTANTINE conquers the Goths, 109. 
 
 CREATION, proper doctrine of, not taught by Plato, 314. nor 
 
 by any Pagan theology, 316. 
 CYBELE much respected by the Romans, 127. Unable to save 
 
 Troy, ib. 
 CYNICS, their strange and affected dress, 415. 
 
 DACI, name of, to whom given, 103. 
 
 DEMIURGE, superior to other beings, 270. Will not trouble 
 
 himself with the formation of man, or with his concerns, ib. 
 
 Eternal life not within his gift, 28 1 . 
 DEMONS, Platonic, their nature described, 275. 
 DICJBARCHUS writes against the immortality of the soul, 286. 
 DOMITIAN, his pretended victories over the Daci, 108. 
 
 EGYPT, what Plato learnt there, 247. 
 
 EPICURUS adopts part of the doctrine of Democritus, 236. 
 His threefold philosophy, 349. His numerous followers, 
 351. Their character, 352. His SummumBonum is plea- 
 sure, 354. He associates the Virtues with it, 359. Ridicule 
 of this by Cleanthes and Augustin, 361. The account of 
 him by Laertius agrees with that of Cicero, 365. Compared 
 with Xerxes, 430. 
 
 EUCHERIUS, his intention to revive Paganism, 121. 
 
 FABIUS, his cruelty at Tarentum, 139. 
 FATE, nature of, 145. 
 
 FIMBRIA overthrows the second Troy, 133. 
 Fuscus, a repast for Dacian vultures, 108. 
 
 GERMANICUS, his death revenged upon the Pagan gods, 58. 
 , situation of, 102. Whether the same with the Goths, ib. 
 
438 INDEX. 
 
 GODS, their limited departments, 176. 
 GOTHS, origin of, 104. 
 
 HERMES, his doctrine concerning statues, 210. note. 
 HERMIAS, his ridicule of the Pagan doctrines concerning God 
 
 and the soul of man, 341. note. 
 
 HERACLITUS, his philosophy improved by Plato, 234. 
 HERILLUS, in what he placed the Summum Bonum, 387. 
 HiERONYMus, in what he placed the Summum Bonum, 387. 
 HUNS, descend to the Danube, 1 10. 
 
 JANUS, door-keeper to the gods, 178. note. 
 
 JEWS, hostile to the propagation of Christianity, 18. 23. 
 Lose their empire through the love of idolatry, 1 70. Reason 
 of their dispersion, 171. 
 
 ILIUM, 131. 
 
 IMAGE-WORSHIP, antieiit philosophy of, 210, 211. 
 
 INTOLERANCE of Romans to Christians, 9. 
 
 JUNO, her hatred to the Trojans, 126. Unable to save Car- 
 thage, 129. Her rites, 204. 
 
 JUPITER unable to save his own Crete, 129. The soul of the 
 world, 181. 
 
 JUSTIN MARTYR, his account of the persecution of the Chris- 
 tians, 5, 6, 7, 8. His attachment to the Gospel, 28. His 
 supposition concerning Plato, 249. 
 
 LUCAN, his description of the people of Lesbos, 59. His 
 eulogy on Pompey's soldiers, 1 62. 
 
 MARCELLINUS, his description of Roman manners, 78. 
 MARCELLUS, his cruelty at Syracuse, 139. 
 MINERVA, her temple, 131. Her image, 134. 
 
INDEX. 439 
 
 MINUCIUS FELIX, his belief in the resurrection of the body, 
 
 166. 
 MOSHEIM, his reprehension of Plato, 239. 
 
 NIGIDIUS, his experiment of the wheel, 148. 
 NUMA, simplicity of worship in his time, 168. 
 
 OCELLUS LUCANUS, his philosophy of the world, 227. 
 ORACLE, Delphic, meaning of the address made to it by the 
 
 worshippers, 269. 
 
 ORIGEN, vindicates the private meetings of Christians, 10. 
 OROSIUS, character of his history, 80. 
 OVID, his manner of celebrating the circular philosophy, 335. 
 
 PAUL, Saint, his description of the happiness promised by the 
 Gospel, 1. His labours and sufferings, 3, 4. His happi- 
 ness notwithstanding these, 24, 25. 
 
 PHERECYDES, the earliest writer quoted by Cicero, in favour of 
 the immortality of the soul, 288. 
 
 PHILOSOPHY, the term of, by whom first used, 222. 
 
 PHURNUTUS, his opinion concerning Jupiter, 182. 
 
 PLATO, his triple providence, 149. Adopts certain doctrines 
 of Pythagoras, 220. Travels in pursuit of knowledge, 234. 
 His triple philosophy, 235. His theology, 240. His 
 uncertainty concerning his own doctrines, 336. 
 
 POMPEY, the gods threatened for his defeat, 58. 
 
 PROCOPIUS, his account of the merciful acts of the Goths, 142. 
 
 PRUDENTIUS refutes Symmachus, 72. celebrates the defeat of 
 the Goths, 115. 
 
 PYTHAGORAS, founder of the Italian school, 225. 
 
 REFORMERS of England, compared with the early martyrs, 35. 
 
440 INDEX. 
 
 RESURRECTION, antient belief in, 161. 
 
 REVELATION, in what different from Paganism, 217. 
 
 RHADAGAISUS defeated, 114. An idolater, 121. 
 
 ROME, causes of its decay, 86, Its provinces overrun by the 
 
 Barbarians, 100. Cruelty of Romans in war, 138. Their 
 
 early virtues, 173. 
 RUFFINUS, guardian qf Arcadius, 1 13. 
 
 SALLUST, his false praise of the Romans, 137. 
 
 SALVIAN'S view of Roman depravity, 99. 
 
 SENECA, his account of the superstitions of the Capitol, 201. 
 His contradiction of his principles, 207. 
 
 SOCRATES, of the Ionic school, 228. His account of his philo- 
 sophical studies, 229. The object of his doctrines, 233. 
 An idolater, 273. Refutes others, but teaches no system of 
 his own, 346. Consequences of this, ib. and 347. 
 
 SOUL, three degrees of, 212. Whether body or not, 284. 
 Plato's account of its immortality, 289. Its pre-existence, 
 293. Its situation in the body, 298. What becomes of it 
 after death, 304. Plato's doctrine of, self-contradictory or 
 impious, 333. Higher doctrine of the Scriptures, 335. 
 
 STILICHO, guardian of Honorius, 113. 
 
 STOICS, more learned than the Epicureans, 366. Their skill 
 in logic, 367. Their morals, 368. The faults which ac- 
 companied both, 369. Character of their philosophy, 370, 
 371. Their wise man, 384. He may kill himself to shew 
 his wisdom, 385. Their dress, 417. 
 
 SYLLA, his cruelty, 88. 
 
 SYMMACHUS, his pleading for the restoration of idolatry, 48. 
 67. 
 
 TATIAN proves Grecian knowledge to be later than the age of 
 Moses, 13, 14. 16. His attachment to the Scriptures, 31. ' 
 
INDEX. 441 
 
 TERTULLIAN upbraids the Romans for denying justice to the 
 Christians, 6.--His mention of the Lord's Supper, 10. 
 His comparison of the Pagan gods with the mangled Chris- 
 tians, 29. Argues for the Resurrection, 166. 
 
 THALES, founder of the Ionic school, 223. His principles, ib. 
 
 THEODOSIUS, his clemency, faith, and valour, 92. Represses 
 the Goths, 112. 
 
 THEOLOGY, fabulous, 194. Civil, 197. Natural, 208. 
 
 THEOPHILUS, his system of chronology against the Greeks, 15. 
 His account of their persecuting temper, 17. His disre- 
 gard of suffering, 26. 
 
 THRACE assigned to the Goths, 111. 
 
 TIM^US, the Locrian, his system of the world, 181. 227. 
 
 TRANSMIGRATION adopted by Plato from Pythagoras, .226, 
 
 TRANSUBSTANTIATION falsely inferred, 1 1 . 
 
 TRIUMVIRATES founded in perfidy and blood, 90. 
 
 VALENS defeated by the Goths, 112. 
 
 VARRO, his opinion of Jupiter, 187. His system of theology, 
 190 194. Submits to the worship which he despises, 207. 
 Makes no mention of eternal life, 217. A favourer of the 
 Old Academy, 348. His inquiry concerning the nature of 
 man, 390. His view of all possible sects, 409. His reduc- 
 tion of them to one, 428. 
 
 VICTORY, altar of, 67. 
 
 VIRGIL, his notion of Jupiter, 182. The probable meaning of 
 his ivory gate, 340. 
 
 ULYSSES, his wisdom in the choice of a second life, 305. note. 
 
 XENOPHON, his compliment to the Persians, 162. His account 
 of the opinions of Socrates, concerning philosophy, 231. 
 
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