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 RECEIVED BY EXCHANGE 
 
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 FOUNDED BV JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 
 
 ANCIENT SINOPE 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 iUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS 
 
 AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 (department of the greek language and literature) 
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID M. ROBINSON 
 
 I906 
 

Hbe xnmversttE ot dbicago 
 
 KOl'NDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLKR 
 
 ANCIENT SINOPE 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ART? 
 
 AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 (DEPARTMENT OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE) 
 
 BY 
 
 DAVID M. ROBINSON 
 
 1906 
 

{Reprinted from American Journal of Philology, Vol. XXVII, No. 2.] 
 
 I.— ANCIENT SINOPE. 
 First Part. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 No monograph on Sinope has been written since 1855. In that year, when 
 interest in the Black Sea towns had been for some time stimulated by the 
 Crimean war, and Sinope had been forced into temporary prominence by a 
 naval battle near the town between the Turks and Russians, appeared W. T. 
 Streuber's historical sketch (Sinope, ein Historisch-Antiquarischer Umriss, 
 Basel, 1855). It was marred by many mistakes, and the author could not avail 
 himself of the numerous inscriptions and coins which have since thrown so 
 much light upon the city's annals. Many of the best histories of Greece and 
 of the Greek colonies, moreover, have been written during the half-century 
 that has elapsed since that time. In 1902, while I was studying as fellow at 
 the American School in Athens, Professor Edward Capps suggested that I use 
 the opportunity to make a thorough investigation of all material connected with 
 ancient Sinope and, if practicable, embody the results in a connected account. 
 Kindly letters from Professor Edward Meyer of Berlin and Professor George 
 Busolt of Gottingen encouraged me to make the attempt. After much prelim- 
 inary study I went in June, 1903, to live in the town itself, made journeys 
 in different directions through the immediate locality and sought to quicken 
 and unify my investigations into a living, historic portrayal. How far I have 
 succeeded the reader must judge for himself. 
 
 The indebtednesses of the author are of course many and varied, as the 
 notes and references indicate. In addition to the geographical works cited on 
 page 126, mention should be made of the brief Sinopicarum Quaestionum 
 Specimen by M. Sengebusch (Berlin, 1846), of the article by Six on coins of 
 Sinope in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1885, of the general histories, and 
 especially of Eduard Meyer, Geschichte des Konigreichs Pontos, and Reinach- 
 Gotz, Mithradates Eupator. The ancient sources and other modern works 
 will be found cited throughout the paper. 
 
 165253 
 
1 20 AMERICAN JO URNAL OF PHIL OLOGY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Site. 
 
 The configuration of the country round Sinope, its geographic 
 position, its products, the security of its double harbor, and the 
 impregnability of its rocky promontory, have conspired to write 
 its name in the annals of war, of commerce, of popular and 
 governmental independence and development, and of biography, 
 literature, and art. 
 
 The northern coast of Asia Minor is like a central mounting 
 billow with a trough on each side. The billow and the two 
 troughs taken together, form the entire southern shore of the 
 Pontus, and the outline is symmetrical, so that the crest of the 
 wave is the middle point of the shore. The crest, however, 
 is somewhat flattened, and just at its eastern edge, before it 
 begins to fall away, it throws out a bold promontory. 1 From 
 the eastern corner of this main promontory 2 juts out in a north- 
 easterly direction the smaller peninsula on whose low landward 
 neck Sinope is built. 3 
 
 The peninsula itself is a promontory, 4 about 600 feet in height, 
 with precipitous sides and a broad level table-land at the top. 
 Its outline somewhat resembles that of a boar's head with the 
 
 1 Called Syrias in Marcian, Epitome Peripli Maris Interni. 9 ; but Lepte 
 in Arrian, Peripl. 21 ; and Syrias Acrulepte in the anonymous Periplus 
 Ponti Euxini 20. Cf. Muller, Geographi Graeci Minores I, pp. 571, 387,406. 
 The modern Turkish name is Indje-burun. 
 
 2 Geographi Minores, pi. XVIII. 
 
 3 Cf. Strabo XII 545 "ιδρυται γαρ έπϊ αΰχένι Χερρονήσου; cf. Polybius IV 56, 
 οικείται δ' επί τίνος Χερρονήσου προτεινουσης εις το πέλαγος, ης τον μεν αυχένα τον 
 σννάπτοντα προς την Άσί'αν, of εστίν ον π/χϊον ύνοϊν σταδίων, η πό?ας επικείμενη 
 διακλείει κυρίως, το δε λοιπόν της Χερρονήσου πρόκειται μεν εις το πέλαγος, έστι 
 δ 1 έπίπεδον και πανευέφοδον επϊ την πάλιν, κύκλω (Σ' έ /c θαλάττης άπότομον mi 
 δυσπροσόρμιστον και παντελώς ολίγας έχον προσβάσεις', Herod. IV 12; Eust. 
 Commentarii 24S, 773. 970'» Plut. Luc. 23. 
 
 4 Several travellers and geographers mention this promontory, which to-day 
 is called Boz-tepe (gray hill), a name which is also applied to the Greek 
 quarter of Sinope, just outside the walls of the Turkish village, itself called 
 Sinub or Sinob or Sinab ; and also to the eastern cape where the modern 
 lighthouse stands: cf. Meletios, Geographie p. 482; Ritter, Kleinasien I, 
 pp. 784, 794;. Hommaire de Hell, Voyage en Turquie et en Perse. II, p. 344 ff; 
 Rottiers, Itineraire de Tiflis a Constantinople, p. 275; Taitbout de Marigny,. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. \2J 
 
 highest point at the snout in the extreme east. It is about two miles 
 in length and one mile in width at the widest part. It appears to 
 have been of volcanic formation and, judging by the cretaceous 
 over the volcanic deposits, to have been at one time below the 
 level of the sea and afterwards heaved up slowly into its present 
 position. The rock is evidently of volcanic nature and is of the 
 same quality with those in eastern Anatolia. In the north central 
 part of the nearly level plateau there still exists a lake which is 
 at present very shallow, but which probably is an old crater. 1 
 Such geologic formation, after decomposition by the weather, 
 has considerable fertility. 2 At the time of my visit cows, horses, 
 and goats were pasturing upon the short grass. There were also 
 abundant wild flowers and shrubbery, including juniper and laurel. 
 Under the conditions of an ancient siege the produce of the entire 
 area might support a considerable army even when all other 
 supplies were cut off. Water also would be abundant. A short 
 distance down the slope by which the promontory descends to 
 the town, 3 there is a cave in which there is an underground stream 
 of cool, drinkable water. 4 Both the inflow and the outflow are 
 secure from pollution. An underground passage-way leads from 
 the cave down to the town. Its date is later than the Greek or 
 Roman period, but the idea of reaching the hidden water in this 
 protected way might have suggested itself at any time. There 
 are springs also on the plateau itself, 5 one of which in the 
 
 Pilote de la Mer Noire et de la Mer d'Azov, p. 159 ; Tozer, Turkish Armenia 
 and Eastern Asia Minor, p. 7. A view of Sinope and Boz-tepe from the 
 southeast is given in Tournefort, Relation d'un Voyage du Levant II. 
 lettre 17, p. 203; Reclus, Nouvelle Geographie Universelle IX, p. 566 
 (with map and photograph of Sinope); Jaubert, Voyage en Armenie et en 
 Perse, p. 394 ; cf. also page 128, note 4 of this paper and Mannert, Geographie 
 6.3. 15. 
 
 1 This is the opinion of Brauns, who wrote a good article on the geology 
 of the peninsula of Sinope, entitled Beobachtungen in Sinope, in the 
 Zeitschrift fiir allgemeine Erdkunde N. F. II (1857), p. 28 ff. He gives a good 
 geological map. 
 
 2 Cf. Strabo XII 545, άνωθεν μέντοι καϊ υπέρ της -ό/.εως είγεώι έστι το έδαφος 
 και άγροκη—ίοις κεκόσαηται πνκνοϊς, ττολν όέ μάλ/.ον τα ττροάστεια. 
 
 3 Cf. Polybius IV 56. 
 
 1 The cave to-day is called ' Byzana' by the Greeks, because the water seems 
 to flow from breasts. A religious ceremony is performed there in the spring- 
 time. Perhaps Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, p. 312, refers to this cave. 
 
 5 The modern town gets its water from the peninsula ; cf. Hamilton, op. 
 cit. p. 312. 
 
128 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 southeasterly portion sends its stream out horizontally from a 
 hillock into a sarcophagus of Roman date bearing a Greek 
 inscription. 1 
 
 While the general outline of the promontory may be compared 
 to a boar's head, its steep bristling sides have caused it to be likened 
 to a petrified hedgehog. 2 The action of the sea against rocks of 
 varying hardness, such as trachyte, black volcanic breccia, red 
 chalky scaglia, also varying greatly in density, shelly limestone, 
 and sandstone, 3 has left a mass of sharp projections around the 
 coast. Down at the water-line, and below the surface, the sea has 
 hollowed out caves and water-filled holes, the " Choenicides" of 
 Strabo.* Upon such a shore 6 it was almost impossible to effect 
 a landing, and still more difficult to reach the easily defended 
 plateau above. 
 
 Descending in a southwesterly direction along the axis of the 
 promontory, we cross through the low neck, narrowed by the 
 double harbor to about a quarter of a mile 6 in width and ascend 
 to the mainland, a region of extraordinary beauty and fertility. 
 Southward the foreground shows scattered areas of wheat, barley, 
 corn, rice, and other grain interspersed with vineyards and 
 orchards of fruit-trees of the widest variety. There are apples, 
 pears, figs, peaches, plums, medlars, apricots and cherries. The 
 last are natives of this southern shore and are believed to have 
 been carried from this place of origin to Italy and thence to other 
 lands. Cerasus, a colony of Sinope on this same shore, 7 got its 
 name from the abundance of its cherry-trees. 8 The olive tree 
 
 1 Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905) p. 315, no. 44. 
 
 2 Cf. Reinach-Gotz, Mithradates Eupator p. 352 and the epithet έχινώδης 
 applied to the rock in Strabo XII 545. Cf. also Sengebusch, op. cit. p. 14. 
 
 3 Cf. the article of Brauns, p. 28 ff. and Hamilton, op. cit. p. 312 for the 
 geology of the promontory of Sinope. 
 
 4 Cf. Strabo XII 545. και κύκλω ό' ή Χεμρόνησος προβέβληται ραχιώδεις άκτάς 
 έχουσας και κοιλάδας τινάς ώσανει βόθρους πέτρινους ους κα?„οϋσι χοινικίδας. πλη~ 
 ροϋνται δε ούτοι μετεωρισθείσης της βαλάττης, ως και δια τούτο ουκ εΰπρόσιτον το 
 χωρίον και δια το πάσαν την της πέτρας έπιφάνειαν έχινώδη και ανεπ'ιβατον είναι 
 γνμνφποδί. For the Choenicides, cf. Hamilton, op. cit. p. 310 and Ritter, 
 Kleinasien I, p. 776. 
 
 5 Orph. Argonautika 757, τρηχνν τ'αγκώνα Σινώπης; Polyb. IV 56, 5 and note 
 4 on this page. 
 
 6 Cf. Polyb. ibid., ου π7.είον όυο'ιν σταδίων. ' Xen. Anab. V 3, 2. 
 
 8 Athen. II 51 a; Plin. N. H. XV 30; Ammianus XXII 8, 16; Steph. s. 
 Κέρασος Eust. II. II 853; Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere, 6 pp. 327, 
 345 f- 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 1 29 
 
 was anciently more abundant than now, 1 and Sinope is its west- 
 ward limit on the Pontus. 2 I saw but few groves, 3 whereas Strabo 
 seems to think of the whole region as covered with them. Further 
 away in the background and to the eastward and westward are 
 noble forests of oak, pine, walnut, chestnut, maple, elm, beech, 
 box, cypress, and other trees, with an undergrowth of shrubs. 
 There are also many of the latter out in the open. In the distance 
 is the purple, waving outline of the mountain rampart, which 
 separated the old Greek civilization of the coast from the barbarian 
 people of the interior, 4 and, in fact, performs a similar function to- 
 day. The mountainous district, however, must not be thought 
 of as rugged and unfertile; for, on the contrary, it is like the 
 maritime plain, richly productive, the mountain slopes and valleys 
 especially possessing a high degree of fertility. 
 
 The exact area of the territory of the state of Sinope 5 cannot 
 now be determined. It was much less than that of the province 
 of Paphlagonia to which it belonged, 6 whether the eastern limit of 
 that province be drawn at the Thermodon, the Iris, or the town 
 of Amisus; 7 for Strabo indicates a separation between the district 
 
 1 Cf. Strabo XII 546, ά—ασα όε και ελαιόώυτός εστίν ή μικρόν ν~ερ τής θα/.άττης 
 γεωργονμένη and 73. r< * ^ τ νζ Σινώπης ττροάστεια και τής Άμισοϋ καΐ τής Φάναροίας 
 το πλέον έ/.αιόόντά 'εστί ; Cf. Eust. II. II 853• 
 
 2 Xen. Anab. VI 4, 6, and Jaubert op. cit. p. 395 " Plus pres de Constan- 
 tinople l'humidite du sol et l'inconstance des vents empechent que cet arbre 
 delicat ne prospere ". Perhaps the southwestern wind that blew from Phrygia, 
 called βερεκνντίας was the cause of the growth of the olives at Sinope ; cf. 
 Aristotle 973 a, 24; frag. 238, 1521 b, 17. 
 
 3 On Boz-tepe just outside the Greek quarter as you go toward the Quarantine 
 Station, Nesi Kieui, there is to-day a grove of olives, and there are some on the 
 mainland, but the tree is not in favor among the present inhabitants. 
 
 4 Cf. Cic. de Rep. 2, 4. 
 
 5 The name of the city itself is Σινώ-η. L. and S. give a short /, but cf. Hero- 
 dian, περί Όρθογραόίας ed. Lentz II 580, 26. Xenophon says also ή Σινωττέων 
 -ό/.ις. The name of the Sinopean district is in Xen. (Anab. V 6, 11) ή Σινωπέων 
 χώρα, in Strabo (XII 546, 561 and elsewhere) ή ΣινωττΊτις or Σινωττίς. Steph. 
 Byz. gives also Σινωπίς and Σινωττικόν. The male inhabitant is Σινωπείς, 
 Herodian, ed. Lentz II 891, 27, or Σινωττίτης (cf. Dion. Orb. Descr. 255 and 
 Herodian, ed. Lentz I 77 ; II 869, 37), in Latin Siriopensis or Sinopeus ; the 
 female inhabitant Σινω-ίς (cf. Herodian II 891, 1). The adjective is Σινω-ικός 
 (Steph. Byz.). Σινω-α'ιος occurs in C. I. G. 7074. 
 
 6 Xen. Anab. VI 1, 15. Σινωττεις δε ο'ικοϋσι μεν εν t?j ϊΐαφλαγονικφ. So also 
 Strabo XII 544 f., Diodorus XIV 31, Pliny Ν. H. VI 2 and Arrian, Peripl. 
 20, 21. 
 
 1 Herodotus I 72 and Strabo XII 1, I ; 3,9, 25 seem to make the Halys 
 the eastern boundary, but Scylax and Marcian, the river Evarchus. In Xeno- 
 
1 30 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHIL OL OGY. 
 
 of Amisus and the district of Sinope at the river Halys, 1 still 
 further to the west. On the other hand it is equally clear that 
 Sinope did not extend its power westward to the Bithynian 
 border. 2 Nature erected a southern limit in the Olgassys moun- 
 tains. 3 Perhaps we should not be far from the truth if we bounded 
 the ancient Sinopean district by the Pontus on the north, the Halys 
 on the east, the Olgassys mountains on the south, and an indefinite 
 line on the west drawn at about the 32nd parallel. 4 
 
 Returning to the town on the neck of the promontory we find 
 upon the site of the ancient city an inner walled enclosure with 
 a Turkish castle and prison, probably the site of the Sinopean 
 acropolis, and outside the wall northeastward, toward the pro- 
 montory, the Greek and Christian quarter. 5 Unhappily there are 
 few certain data for reconstructing the ancient city. Looking 
 down from the height above I tried in vain to make a mental plan 
 which would include the stoas, gymnasium, and market-place, 6 
 the Palace of Mithradates, 7 and the Temple of Serapis. There 
 are no ruins or even any mounded outlines for points of departure. 
 However, we have the two walls across the isthmus which have 
 been built and razed and rebuilt in the same positions and out of 
 the most heterogeneous materials arranged in the most disorderly 
 manner. There are foundation stones from buildings; columns 
 of Roman date whose unfluted sides indicate their previous 
 position in stoas ; 8 pieces of sculpture scattered at random , including 
 a lion built into the top of the wall, in one case, while a similar 
 one lies upon the ground ; 9 and pieces of architraves and of cor- 
 
 phon's time the Thermodon was the boundary. Plin. VI 2 makes Amisus a 
 city in Paphlagonia. Ptolemy makes a mistake when he (V 4 and VIII 17, 26) 
 includes Sinope in Galatia. It belonged later to the Roman province of 
 Bithynia and Pontus, but never to Galatia (cf. on this Cumont, Revue des 
 Etudes Grecques XVI (1903), pp. 25-27. 
 
 1 C(. Strabo, XII 546, 560; Arrian Peripl. 22 ; Anonym. Peripl. 25. 
 
 2 Strabo, XII 546. 3 Strabo, XII 561, 562. 
 
 4 Armene, fifty stadia to the west, was part of Sinope : cf. Άρμτ/νην τ?]ς 
 Σινώπης, Xen. Anab. VI 1, 15 ; Strabo, XII 545. But the district of Sinope 
 certainly extended still further west. 
 
 5 Cf. the geographers and travellers quoted above. 
 
 6 Cf. Strabo XII 546 αυτή δ 1 η πόλις τετείχισται καλώς, και γνμνασίω ήε και 
 αγορά και στοαϊς κεκόσμηται ?„αμπρώς. 
 
 7 What the inhabitants call M the Palace of Mithradates ", a large structure in 
 Boz-tepe with three vaulted chambers and a Byzantine chapel in its midst, is 
 of later date than Mithradates. Hamilton, op. cit. p. 312 refers to it. 
 
 8 Perhaps they come from the stoas mentioned by Strabo. 
 
 8 Cf. Hommaire de Hell, op. cit. p. 346 ; Hamilton, op. cit., p. 309. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 13 1 
 
 nices. Many other pieces of carving have been carried away by 
 individuals or have found their way into museums, especially that 
 at Constantinople. In the wall nearest the mainland, but on the 
 inside, are arches indicating the remains of a Roman aqueduct. 1 
 This part of this wall is better built than the rest and probably 
 goes back to Roman date, whereas the greater portion of it, like 
 the other walls, was built by the Genoese and later by Turks. 
 
 The main factor in the making of Sinope, as in the making of 
 Cyzicus, has been its double harbor commanding the eastward 
 and westward sea and in both ancient and modern times the best 
 on the southern shore of the Pontus. In ancient times the 
 southerly harbor was improved and ruins exist of a mole 8 which 
 seems to be as old as Mithradates the Great. No river flows into 
 either harbor to silt it up, but the northerly harbor has been 
 shallowed by sand deposits and is no longer usable by vessels of 
 modern draft. The deeper water and the lighter draft vessels of 
 the ancient day, however, made it accessible for commercial pur- 
 poses. 4 It may be that even in the time of Pericles and later in 
 the days of Mithradates the northerly harbor was deep enough 
 for their full-sized craft. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Importance of the Site. 
 
 It may well be believed that, however unimportant, through 
 distance and misrule, Sinope may have come to be in the eyes of 
 our western world, the ancient Greeks would hold in high esteem 
 a city-state so fertile, so fortified, and so far-reaching in its 
 natural command of the land and of the sea. An examination 
 
 1 Cf. Hommaire de Hell, op. cit. p. 346 ; Hamilton, op. cit. p. 309 ; Ritter, op. 
 cit. p. 789-790; cf. also Pliny Ep., X 91. 
 
 2 Cf. Strabo XII 545, εκατέρωθεν δε τον ισθμον λιμένες. 
 
 3 Taitbout de Marigny, op. cit. p. 159 ; Hamilton, op. cit. p. 310. 
 
 * In his epitome of the journey of Menippus, Marcian of Heraclea 9 speaks 
 of an island lying off Sinope, κείται δε εττΐ των άκρων νησίον, ο καλείται Σκόπελος, 
 'Έχει δε διέκπλονν τοις ελάττοσι ττλοίοις, τα δε μείζονα περητ?£Ϊν δεϊ και οντω 
 καταίρειν εις την ττόλιν. Έ'ισι δε τοϊς ττεριπλέονσι την νήσον π/,είονς άλλοι στάδίοι μ' 
 (Muller, Geog. Gr. Min. I, p. 571). An anonymous Byzantine writer (Miiller, p. 
 407) of the fifth century uses the same words, doubtless derived from the same 
 source, which is of about the time of Augustus. But the only island existing 
 to-day at Sinope is a small low-lying rock off the promontory, mentioned by 
 Taitbout de Marigny, op. cit. p. 159, the detour of which could not possibly 
 
132 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 of their literature shows that such was the actual fact. Strabo l 
 and Diodorus 2 thought it the most notable and impoitant of all 
 cities on the southern shore of the Pontus. Mela 3 joins it with 
 Amisus as one of the two most famous cities of the whole region. 
 Valerius Flaccus 4 calls it "great and wealthy", Eutropius 6 
 "most noble "and Stephanus of Byzantium 6 and Eustathius 7 
 " most eminent ". Among later writers, Ammianus 8 and 
 Phrantzes 9 class it among important cities of antiquity. 
 
 More significant testimonies, however, are watermarked rather 
 than expressed. Plautus' Curculio (v. 443) sneers at the Una 
 that he, all by himself, within the last twenty days has conquered 
 half of all the nations, including Persians, Paphlagonians, 
 Sinopeans, Arabs, Carians, Cretans, etc. But while his whole 
 long list contains the names of so many nationalities the only 
 city important enough to be included in the sneer is Sinope. 
 
 increase the necessary sailing distance by more than a small fraction of 40 
 stadia. Moreover, the water between this island and the mainland is very 
 deep, and even the«largest modern steamer sails boldly through the passage. 
 The solution of the difficulty seems to lie in the word νησίον. A peninsula 
 was a land island, (χερσόνησος, Halb-insel). The village at the Quarantine 
 station on the promontory to-day is called Nesi Kieui (the island village). 
 The modern Greeks as a matter of fact at present speak of the whole pro- 
 montory as νησί. The confusion between the little island and the promontory 
 has extended to modern writers. Sengebusch, op. cit. p. 15 says, " ante hunc 
 portum insula quaedam sita erat, Σκόπε/ιος vocata. Naviculis per fretum 
 navigare licebat, quod inter illam est et terram continentem, XL vel L stadiorum 
 iter ; magnae naves onerariae Scopelum circumnavigabant per altum mare, 
 LXXX vel LXXXX stadium iter". And even Hitter (Kleinasien, p. 794), 
 following the authority of a Black Sea pilot (Taitbout de Marigny), connects 
 the little island with the Scopelus of Marcian, while in an earlier passage (p. 
 776) he has made the same word of the same passage refer to the promontory. 
 The increased sailing distance of vessels going round the promontory cor- 
 responds quite exactly to the 40 stadia of the writer whom Marcian epitomizes. 
 (Sengebusch wrongly gives 80 or 90 stadia.) And διέκπλουν evidently refers 
 not to sailing between the little island and the mainland, but simply to the 
 passage from the town out through the northerly harbor into the open sea. The 
 true interpretation then, of the original writer whom Marcian epitomizes, is 
 that vessels of light draft could sail directly out from or directly into the 
 northerly harbor, while those drawing more water must circumnavigate the 
 promontory for an extra distance of 40 stadia in order to reach the other 
 harbor. 
 
 1 Cf. XII 545, άξιολογωτάτη των ταύτη πόλεων. 
 
 2 XIV 31 μέγιστον είχεν αξίωμα των περί τους τόπονς. 
 
 3 Ι Ι9• 4 V log. 6 VI 8. 6 Cf. s. ν. Σινώπη. 
 7 Eust. Commentarii 773. 8 XXII 8, 16. 9 I 32; IV 19. 
 
ANCIENT SI Ν OP Ε. 133 
 
 Sinope was also the name of a prominent courtesan at Athens 
 who either took or received the name Sinope in the same fashion 
 as other harlots were called Megara and Cyrene. 1 Nor was she 
 a mere individual, or subordinate character, but rather the mistress 
 of an establishment of some size, the inmates of which included 
 the celebrated Pythionike. 2 The woman also figured in Athenian 
 comedies, 3 and even caused a verbal coinage, σινωπίζ^ιν,* which 
 meant " to be debauched or dissolute ". She seems moreover to 
 have been a marked figure in Athenian life for a long enough 
 period to be called at last Abydos, δια το ypavs rfvai. 5 
 
 Sinope, however, has much more reputable associations than 
 these. The scholiast, on the Odyssey XII 257, mentions one 
 Sinopos as a companion of Odysseus who was engulfed by the 
 whirlpool at Scylla and Charybdis. 6 One of the seven editions 
 of Homer was the Sinopic. 7 One of the cities whose constitution 
 Aristotle thought worthy of a treatise was Sinope. 8 One of the 
 deliberative orations ascribed, however inaccurately, to Isocrates 
 was the Σινωπικός. 9 The earliest Greek writers 10 celebrated the 
 mythology of this town. 
 
 We may note in passing that Sinope was considered to be the 
 headquarters of the Cimmerians, 11 that its fortifications were 
 
 I Sinope was a harlot also in Aegina and Corinth, cf. Athenaeus XIII 595 a ; 
 Suidas, s. 'Έταϊραι Kopiitiiai; Schol. Arist. Plut. 149; Dem. XXII 610 ; LIX 
 1385 ; Athenaeus XIII 594 a. For fact that harlots as slaves were often 
 named after their birth-place, cf. Bechtel, Die Attischen Frauennamen, p. 57 f. 
 (Bechtel omits the names of the harlots Sinope and Cyrene. For Cyrene cf. 
 Arist. Thesm. 98; Frogs 1328. 
 
 2 Cf. Athenaeus XIII 595 a; Droysen, Hellenismus, I 2, p. 239. 
 
 3 Cf. Athenaeus VIII 339 a ; XIII 558 b, 567 f, 586 a. 
 
 4 Cf. Apostol. XV 50 in Leutsch-Schneidewin, Paroemiographi Graeci, II, ρ 
 641 ; and Suidas, Photius, Hesychius, s. v. σινωπίζειν. 
 
 5 Cf. Athenaeus XIII 558 b, 586 a ; cf. Photius, Suidas, Harpocration s. v. 
 Σινώπη, 
 
 6 Cf. Eustathius 1721, 9; Wilamowitz, Phil. Unters VII 167; Maass, 
 (Hermes, XXIII 618) identifies him, rather improbably with Sinon who played 
 an important part in the taking of Troy in the Little Iliad. Cf. Virgil 
 Aeneid II, 29 and also Paus. X 27, 3. 
 
 7 Schol. II. I 298, 423, 435 ; II 258 ; V 461. Wolf's Prolegomena, p. 175; 
 Pauly, Realencyclop. s. v. Homerus ; Ludwich, Aristarchs Horn Text-kritik, 
 I, p. 4• 
 
 8 Schol. Ap. Rhod. II 948 ; Arist. fr. 540, 1567 b23. 9 Cf. Anonym. Vit. Isoc. 
 10 Eumelus of Corinth and Hecataeus of Miletus. Cf. Schol. Ap. Rhod. II 
 
 946 ; Eudocia s. v. Σινώττη and Arist. 1. c. 
 
 II Her. IV 12 ; Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums I, p. 453. 
 
1 34 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGl . 
 
 renowned, 1 and that its fleet dominated the Pontus and even sailed 
 away for contests in other seas. 2 
 
 As a last testimony to the consequence of Sinope, and in order 
 to put it in immediate connection with our discussion of the 
 commerce of the port in the next chapter, we here note that 
 Sinope was a frequent point from which to reckon distances and 
 for elucidating geographical relations. 3 Although Pteria is not 
 near Sinope, as was formerly supposed, but was considerably 
 south of it, as Ramsay shows/ it was nevertheless spoken of as 
 κατά Σιρώπην, 5 or aswe might say, on the same parallel with Sinope. 
 And again, although the narrowest part of Asia Minor was on 
 the line from the gulf of Issus to Amisus, the superior importance 
 of Sinope led Strabo to draw his line of shortest transit to that 
 city and not to Amisus. 6 It was from Sinope that Carusa was 
 distant 150 stadia, 7 Amisus 900 stadia, 8 Phasis 2 or 3 days' journey 9 
 and, in the westerly direction, Armene 40 stadia, 10 Cape Carambis 
 700 stadia, 11 further away Cytorus 1312 stadia, 12 Amastris 1450 
 stadia, 13 Heraclea 2000 stadia 14 and the Hieron of Jupiter Urius at 
 the Thracian Bosporus, 3500 stadia. 15 Many places are said to be 
 situated "near Sinope ", though some of them as a matter of fact 
 are not very near it. Abonutichos 16 is ay χι Σινώπης. The Halys 17 
 and Thermodon 18 are ποταμοί ncpi Σινώπην. Heraclea 19 was a πόλις 
 7rep\ Σινώπην. Corocondame 20 was πλησίον Σινώπης. Strabo calls the 
 
 I Priscianus 751. 2 Strabo XII 545. 
 
 3 Sinope was the Greenwich of antiquity, cf. Bury, History of Greece, p. 236. 
 
 4 Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, p. 33, identifies Pteria with Boghaz- 
 kieui. Cf. also Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans Γ Antiquite, IV 598 ff, 
 Steph. Byz. ΤΙτερία, πόλις Σινώπης. 
 
 5 Her. I 76, ή δε ΙΙτερίη εστί της χώρας ταύτης το ισχνρότατον κατά Σινώπην 
 πόλιν την εν Ένξείνω ΤΙόντφ μάλιστα κτ) κειμένη. There is no reason for conclud- 
 ing from this passage that Herodotus visited Sinope, as Matzat, Hermes VI 
 416, does. Herodotus certainly visited Phasis and probably got his informa- 
 tion from Sinopean merchants there. 
 
 6 Strabo XVI 677. 1 Cf. Arrian Peripl. Pont, Eux. 21. 
 
 8 Cf. Strabo XII 547 ; according to Pliny Ν. H. VI 2, 1040 stadia (130 miles). 
 9 Cf. Strabo XI 498. 
 
 10 Cf. Arrian Peripl. 21 ; Anonym. Peripl. 21 ; Marcian Epitome Peripli 
 Menippei 9. 
 
 II Marcian op. cit. 9; Strabo XII 546 ; Schol. Ap. Rhod. II 945. 
 
 12 Pliny Ν. H. VI 2 says 164 miles. 13 Marcian, op. cit. 9. 
 
 14 Strabo XII 546 ; Marcian op. cit. 9 gives 2040. 
 
 15 Strabo ibid.; Marcian ibid., gives 3570. 
 
 le Lucian Alexander II. « Schol. Apoll. Rh. 2, 366. 
 
 18 Tzetz. Lye. 647. 19 Ibid. 695. 20 Steph. s. v. 
 
ANCIENT SI Ν OP Ε. 135 
 
 southern shore of the Pontus τηνΊ,ινωπψ παραλίαν 1 and Eratosthenes 
 
 Speaks of Παφλαγονίας κα\ των ncp\ Σινώπην. 2 Livy 3 locates Gordium 
 
 as a point equally distant from the Hellespont, the Cilician shore, 
 and the sea at Sinope. Cicero's oratory 4 finds the remotest 
 enemies of Rome with whom Verres had communicated at the 
 Spanish Dianium on the west and at Sinope on the east. Isocrates 5 
 marks the limits of the Greek population in Asia Minor by 
 Cnidus and Cilicia in the west and Sinope in the east. Pliny β 
 puts it in the fifth segment of the world, while Avienus 7 in the 
 fifth century A. D. places it near the confines of the earth. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Commerce of Sinope. 
 
 The ship's prow often found upon the obverse of coins of 
 Sinope is an indication of its commercial instinct. 8 In fact the 
 distances given at the close of the last chapter are in the main 
 commercial, and lead us on to discuss its trade relations which 
 were of the highest importance. To the list of places already 
 mentioned we must add the islands of the Aegean, including 
 Rhodes 9 and Delos, to which votive offerings were shipped, 10 Attica, 
 Greece in general, 11 and even Egypt. 12 Its coastwise trade covered 
 
 I Strabol46; II 74. 2 In Strabo II 134. 3 XXXVIII 18, 12. 
 
 4 Or. against Verres, 2, 1, 34. For the idea cf. also Tusc. Disp. 1, 20. 
 
 5 Philip, 120 ; Panegyricus, 162. fl Ν. H. VI 216. 
 
 7 Descriptio Orbis Terrae, 951 ff (775) = Miiller, op. cit. II, 185 "propter 
 confinia terrae". 
 
 8 Numismatic Chronicle, 1885, pp. 38, 48, pi. II, 15, 19 ; Zeitschrift f. Num. 
 XX p. 273 ; Head, Historia Numorum, p. 434. 
 
 9 Rhodes aided Sinope in its successful resistance of Mithradates II in 220 
 B. C, probably because of commercial friendship ; cf. Polyb. IV 56. For 
 Sinopeans in Rhodes cf. I. G. XII 1. (C. I. G. Ins. I.) 465 ; 466, 467. 
 
 10 Cf. Paus. I 31, 2. 
 
 11 Sinope's trade relations with the Greek world were so important that it 
 adopted the Aeginetan standard for the drachma, Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 41. 
 
 12 The story of the carrying of the image of Serapis to Egypt, told in Tac. 
 Hist. IV 83, 84 and elsewhere shows this. Clemens, Orat. Adhort. p. 20, says 
 Ptolemy relieved Sinope from famine by a supply of corn. Furthermore we 
 know of a Sinopean Demetrius who was a landowner in Egypt, cf. Amherst 
 Papyri II, no. XLII, LV. 
 
I36 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 the entire shore from the Thracian Bosporus 1 to Phasis 2 and in- 
 cluded Heraclea, Cytorus, 3 Carambis, Ionopolis, Amisus, Cotyora, 
 Cerasus, Trapezus,* and many other ports. But I am convinced 
 that the volume of direct trade between the northern shore of the 
 Pontus and Sinope has been underrated. The fact is that ancient 
 navigators could cross the Pontus just at this point without losing 
 sight of land for more than a few hours on ordinary days, and on 
 very clear days without losing sight of it at all. Writers like 
 Reinach 5 assume that the statement of Strabo, 6 that both the 
 promontory Carambis on the Asiatic side and the promontory 
 Criumetopon at the end of the Crimea could be seen from the 
 middle of the sea, is an instance of the underestimating of 
 maritime distances by the ancients. There is no warrant for 
 this criticism, for both promontories can be seen to-day from the 
 middle of the sea. 7 This great advantage was available to the 
 ancient navigator neither in the wider westward nor in the east- 
 ward third of the sea, but only in the central one. To follow the 
 coast multiplied the distance greatly. Hence, when the route was 
 once established the north shore ships would strike boldly out for 
 the central headlands of Asia Minor and for Sinope, the commer- 
 cial metropolis of the region. Their goods would then be 
 transhipped in Sinopean bottoms to points further east or west,, 
 or would proceed in the same vessels without shifting of cargoes. 
 The statement of Pausanias 8 that the first fruits of the Hyper- 
 boreans of the opposite territories were carried by the Sinopeans 
 to Delos indicates a general commercial route direcVly across the 
 Pontus. It is well known that coins of Sinope stamped with the 
 device of the eagle grasping the dolphin have been discovered 
 on the northern shore at Olbia, 9 and I found aUSinope handles 
 of amphoras with the same inscriptions as those found in such 
 
 1 A son of Polydorus, a Sinopean, dwelt in Tomi ; cf. Am. Jour. Arch. IX 
 (1905), p. 331. 
 
 2 Polyb. IV 56 says Sinope was situated on the right of the Pontus παρά Φάσ/ν. 
 
 3 Strabo XII 544 το δε Κντωρον εμπόρων ην ποτέ Σινωπέων. 
 
 4 Cotyora, Cerasus and Trapezus were colonies of Sinope ; cf. Xen. Anab.V. 
 
 5 Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 56. 
 
 «Strabo VII 309, cf. also II 124; Pliny Ν. H. IV 86. 
 
 1 The officers of Black Sea steamers volunteered this information to me. 
 
 8 Paus. I 31, 2. 
 
 9 Sengebusch, op. cit. p. 34 ; Streuber, Sinope (Basel, 1855) p. 60. The same 
 device, borrowed from Sinope probably, occurs also on coins of Olbia itself. 
 Cf. Hirst, The Cults of Olbia, J. H. S. XXII p. 263. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 137 
 
 large quantities at Olbia. 1 Becker 2 assumes from the large number 
 excavated there that it was the centre of their manufacture, but 
 an equally large number might perhaps be found by excavations 
 at Sinope and elsewhere. In any case those that I found still 
 further emphasize the commercial relations of Sinope with Olbia 
 and the northern shore. An additional evidence of close connection 
 between the two shores is found in the similarity of personal 
 names. 3 Even north shore inscriptions in some cases show the 
 names of Sinopean citizens. 4 The general impression made by 
 all this evidence is that vessels proceeded from both east and west 
 coastwise to the central section of the sea where it was so much 
 narrower than elsewhere and then turned directly across it, and 
 that a commercial lane was in this way established for the great 
 volume of Black Sea trade, which would thus pass in and out at 
 the fine harbor of Sinope. 5 
 
 A point from which commercial articles were thus distributed 
 by sea was likewise a point toward which converged the various 
 roads by which the products to be exported were brought in and 
 along which at least a certain amount of goods went back to the 
 interior districts. The great caravan routes from India, 6 and the 
 
 l Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), pp. 294-300. 
 
 2 N. Jahrbiicher fur kl. Phil. Suppl. X, pp. 67, 108 f. 
 
 3 Cf. the Prosopographia Sinopensis (to be published in the second part of 
 this paper) with index IV 3 in Latyschev, Inscriptiones Antiquae Orae Sept. 
 Pont. Eux. 
 
 4 Cf. p. 136, note 1 ; Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca 252, from Panticapaeum. 
 Cf. Latyschev op. cit. I 185, II 298, 299 ; cf. C. I. L. Ill 783 ; Diodorus XX 25 
 and Strabo XI 496 also show a close relation between Sinope and the Cimmerian 
 Bosporus ; cf. Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. pp. 56, 225. The Sinopean historian 
 Theopompus also was acquainted with the region ; cf. Phlegon, Mirab. c. 19. 
 Sengebusch op. cit. p. 34, says ' alio titulo Olbiano mentio facta est Theogiti 
 Sinopensium astynomi '. The inscription is on a vase handle C. I. G. 2085 b 
 θεογείτου αστυνόμου ; Σινωττίων. Both Sengebusch and the C. I. G. are in error, for 
 Σινωττίων is the name of the vase-maker ; cf. an identical inscription in Becker, 
 Melanges Greco-romaines I 494, no. 16. For Σινωττίων as a proper name cf. 
 also N. Jahrbiicher f. kl. Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 472, 38, 39 ; Suppl. V, p. 483, 29 ; 
 Suppl. X, p. 31, 4 ; p. 35, 17 ; p. 224, 2. In Streuber op. cit. p. 91 the name of 
 the Sinopean citizen Theocles is wrongly given as Theogeitos. 
 
 This would explain why in Herod. II 34 Sinope is said to be situated oppo- 
 site the mouth of the Ister. A merchant boat going from the Ister to Phasis 
 or vice versa would avoid the open sea as much as possible and sail by way 
 of Sinope. 
 
 6 If goods were not brought all the way to Sinope by land, they were taken 
 to Phasis and shipped to Sinope; cf. Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 216. 
 
I38 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 far east followed such rivers as the Euphrates in the south and 
 theAraxes 1 in the north, but as they approached the heart of 
 Asia Minor, the problem was to get the goods through to the 
 Greek and Roman world. Up to the Roman times there was no 
 good road from the East through western Asia Minor to the 
 Aegean. The old Hittite road, afterwards the Persian postal 
 road, served more as a bond between the different parts of the 
 Persian Empire than as a means of transporting goods to Greece. 
 The well-known Ephesus highway was not yet built. 2 The great 
 eastern system of roads centering in Persia and the great western 
 systems centering in Greece and Rome had no good connecting 
 links at the coast of the Aegean. The solution of the difficulty 
 was in a water route. The best harbor on the southern shore of 
 the Black Sea would become the terminal land point of the great 
 caravans which seem, in sharp contrast to the present, to have 
 contained few, if any, camels. That harbor was Sinope. To this 
 port branch roads were built from the great Persian highways. 
 It is true that Sinope had no good direct connection with the 
 interior, but its shipping facilities were superior and a coastwise 
 road connected it further east with a more favorable point of 
 departure for the interior. Sinope's commerce suffered an inevi- 
 table decline when the Roman roads were built and perfected to 
 the great cities of the eastern coast of the Aegean, but in the 
 earlier times the great Persian net-work of lateral and transverse 3 
 lines of transit in Asia Minor may be considered, so far as through 
 travel is concerned, as in the main converging upon the double 
 harbor of Sinope. 4 
 
 A study of the roads in the more immediate general district 
 serves to complete our picture of it as an isolated and strategic 
 point for interior trade connections, having no good landward 
 approaches along the coast except from Amisus. Hecatonymus, 
 
 1 Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 225. 
 
 2 Cf. Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, p. 28; Strabo XII 540 ; XIV 663. 
 
 3 Such a transverse road was that from the Gulf of Issus to Sinope on which 
 Pteria was probably situated ; cf. Her. I 72; II 34 ; but ' an active man ' could 
 hardly ' cover the distance in five days'. Cf. also Livy XXXVIII 18; Strabo 
 XIV 664 ; Ps. Scylax 102 ; Ps. Scymnus 921 f ; Plin. Ν. H. VI 7, and cf. Athen. 
 Mitt. XXII (1897), p. 3, note 3; Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 226. Macan, 
 Herodotus (bks. IV-VI) App. XIII, p. 293. 
 
 4 Cf. a good article on the roads of the Pontus by Munro in the J. H. S. 
 XXI (1901) pp. 52 ff, pi. IV; cf. also Curtius, Griechische Geschichte, ed. 5, 
 vol. I, pp. 405, 408. 
 
ANCIENT SIN OP Ε. I 39 
 
 the Sinopean, whom Xenophon's Ten Thousand met at Cotyora, 
 warned him that only by going back into the interior and over the 
 difficult mountain roads could he get around into Sinope. 1 His 
 representations were so convincing that Xenophon had his army 
 proceed from Cotyora by water. Similar representations no 
 doubt, at least in part, account for his again taking ship from 
 Sinope westward. 
 
 It is hardly practicable at present to locate the ancient roads 
 close to Sinope. In exploring the back country I found Roman 
 mile-stones at a distance of perhaps 25 or 30 miles in a southeasterly 
 direction from the town, but they were not in situ, nor were others 
 which I found in other directions. 2 Nor is it possible to tell how 
 far the Romans built along the old lines or in new directions. But 
 it is probably safe to say in a general way that there were numerous 
 highways good and bad reaching into the interior. Certainly 
 there must have been bridges at certain points upon the Halys. s 
 
 It is already evident that the goods shipped in vast quantities 
 at Sinope were the products in part of the immediate locality, in 
 part of the remoter portions of Asia Minor, and in part came 
 from the far east. These last, including jewelry, ivory, bronzes 
 and oriental luxuries in general, 4 do not especially concern us 
 here, and in attempting to classify Sinope's exports we shall con- 
 fine ourselves to articles from its immediate neighborhood and 
 from those interior regions of Asia Minor which found their most 
 immediate natural outlet at Sinope. Neglecting numerous minor 
 items such as nuts, 5 hides, 6 grain (small in quantity as compared 
 
 1 Xen. Anab. V 6, 3 ff.; B. C. H. 1901, p. 41 ff. ; Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 
 232 ; Ainsworth, Travels in Asia Minor, vol. I, p. 92. 
 
 2 Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX ( 1905), p. 328 f, nos. 75-79. The beginning of no. 75, 
 can be restored by means of J. H. S. XX (1900), p. 163, no. 7 and C. I. L. 
 Ill, 6895. Read Imp. Caes. C. Aur. Val.] Dioclfetiano P(io) F(elici) Invicto 
 Aug. et Imp. Caes. M. Aur. Val.] M[aximia]n[o. The latter part of no. 75 
 refers to the three sons of Constantine the Great. So in next to bast line read 
 Fl. Co(n)sta(nti) nob(ilissimis) C(aesaribus). In no. 76, in which we have a 
 case of praes(es) used in a technical sense before Diocletian, we should 
 expect in 1. 5 filio eius et j^. Aur. Num(eriano). But the inscription is care- 
 lessly cut. 
 
 3 E. g. the bridge which was regarded as a wonder by the Greeks, Ramsay, 
 op. cit. p. 31 ; Herod. I 75. 
 
 4 Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, V, p. 198. 
 
 5 Athen. II 54 d; Hehn, Kultur-pflanzen und Hausthiere, 6th ed., p. 380. 
 
 6 Cf. Dem. XXXIV 10; Strabo, XI 493. 
 
1 40 A ME RICA Ν JO URN A L OF PHIL Ο LOG Υ 
 
 with the product of the northern shore), honey, wax, 1 stones for 
 gems 2 etc. we mention: 
 
 1. Fish. The tunny was most important. Its great spawning 
 ground was the vast swampy shores of the palus Maeotis. Strabo 3 
 says that, while still exceedingly small, the shoals made their way 
 along the coast in an easterly and southerly direction. By the time 
 they reached Trapezus and Pharnacia they were of considerable 
 size and the first catch was at these points. But those that got 
 round to Sinope, were much larger and the hauls were immense, 
 though neither fish nor catch was so large as at Byzantium. 
 These fish were salted or pickled and sent to Greece, where they 
 were a staple article of diet for the common people. 4 There seems 
 to have been an extraordinary difference in price between Greece 
 and Rome, for, however common and cheap they were in Greece, 
 Diodorus quotes the price of Pontic fish at Rome as 400 drachmae 
 for a small jarful. 5 There is a vast wealth of other edible fish 
 in the Pontus, 6 such as sturgeon, mackerel, turbot, mullet 7 and 
 dolphin. But ancient literature seems to mention only the last 
 two as caught at Sinope and indeed the last only for its oil and 
 the medicinal value of its liver. 
 
 2. Timber. The country around Sinope was covered in ancient 
 times, as it is to-day, with a splendid growth of timber which was 
 utilized for two main purposes, ship-building and the manufacture 
 of furniture. 8 The ship-timber of the Euxine was celebrated 
 among the ancients. 9 If Horace's ship of state were to have the 
 utmost staunchness, it must be Pontica pinus, Silvae filia nobilis 
 
 1 Polyb. IV 38 ; Aristotle, ΤΙερΙ θαυμάσιων ακουσμάτων, 831, c. XVII. 
 
 2 Strabo XII 540 : Plin. XXXVI 12, 45 ; XXXVII 37. For other such articles 
 of export which came mostly from the interior, cf. Sengebusch, op. cit. p. 19 ff. 
 and in general on the exports of Sinope cf. Sengebusch, op. cit. p. 16 ff. and 
 Streuber, op. cit. p. 50; Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 227 f. 
 
 3 Strabo VII 320. Cf. also Arist. Hist. An. 598 f. IX 13 ; Plin. Ν. H. IX 15 
 47-52; Strabo XII 545 πτβαμυδεία θαυμαστά, words still used in Sinope; XII 
 549 ; Aelian IV 9; IX 59 i xv 3. 5 and 10; Ritter, op. cit. p. 794 ff.; Meyer, 
 Geschichte des Altertums, II 345. 
 
 *Cf. Polyb. IV 38; cf. Hermann, Lehrbuch derlSr. Privataltertiimer, ed. 3, 
 p. 227, notes 1 and 2. 
 
 5 Diod. XXXVII 3, 5 : Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 223 wrongly says 300 
 drachmae. 
 
 6 For a list of the fish in the Pontus, cf. Pliny, Ν. H. XXXII 11 ff. 
 1 Cf. Athenaeus III 118 c; VII 307 b for Sinopic mullets (κεστρεϊς). 
 
 8 Strabo XII 546; Theophr. Histor. Plant. IV 5, 5. 
 
 9 Catullus IV 9-13; Verg. Georg. II 437. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 14 1 
 
 (Od. I 14, 11). Great quantities of ship-timber doubtless found 
 their way from the northern shore of the Pontus to Greece by 
 way of Panticapaeum, but there must have been a long period 
 when, as Strabo indicates, the forests of the neighborhood of 
 Sinope sent out through its harbor a large quota of the same 
 material. These heavy exports, however, probably were not made 
 until after the time of Alexander, for according to Thucydides, ■ 
 the store-house of ship-timber seems previously to have been in 
 the much nearer forests of Thrace and Macedonia. 
 
 As the oak and pine were used for the construction of vessels, 
 so the maple and walnut were worked into furniture such as 
 couches, and tables. 2 The maple seems to have been held in 
 peculiarly high estimation, tables made from it being ranked 
 second to the citrus tables only. 3 
 
 3. Olive-oil. Although, as we have stated (p. 129), Sinope was 
 the westward limit of the olive, it nevertheless grew abundantly 
 in the neighborhood of that town itself, 4 and the districts east of 
 it would bring their product thither for export. The exports of 
 Sinope thus competed with those of the more southern countries, 
 such as Greece, 5 in supplying Cappadocia and the western section 
 of the southern shore of the Pontus together with the whole 
 northern coast. 6 
 
 4. Red Earth or Bole. This substance was, in the main at 
 least, iron calcined or oxidized into a soft moist clay. The 
 ancients gave it many names, such as μίλτος and minium. 7 The 
 common appellation, Ί,ινωπίς, shows that Sinope was regarded as the 
 
 1 Thuc. IV 108 ; cf. also Hermann, op. cit. p. 436, note 3. 
 
 2 Cf. Strabo 1. c. ; Eust. Com. 773; Pliny, Ν. H. XII 31; Theophr. Histor. 
 Plant. Ill 3, 1 ; II 1,2; V 3, 3; 7, 6 etc. ; Hor. Sat. 2, 8, 10; Martial 14, 90; 
 Bliimner, Gewerbl. Thatigk. 33, 44, 46, 70, 80. Cf. Ransom, Couches and 
 Beds of the Greeks, Etruscans, and Romans, pp. 39, 55. The same wood is 
 used to-day by the Turks for the same purpose. 
 
 3 Pliny, Ν. H. XVI 26; Cic. Verr. IV 17. 
 
 *Cf. Strabo XII 545, 546; II 71, 73; Eust. II. II 853. 
 ΰ Polyb. IV 38. 
 
 6 Melitene alone in Cappadocia had the olive; cf. Strabo XII 535. For the 
 lack of the olive on the north shore of the Pontus cf. Strabo II 73, 74; for the 
 climate cf. Herod. IV 28 ; Theophr. De Causis Plant. V 12, 11. 
 
 7 Strictly speaking, minium is to be distinguished, for it contains oxide of 
 lead. But μίλτος and minium are often confounded, as by Strabo XII 540 ; cf. 
 also Pliny Ν. H. XXXIII 36 f. 
 
 10 
 
142 A MEKICAN JO URN A L OF PHIL OLOGY. 
 
 main place of export. 1 It is found near Sinope, and in Cappadocia 
 its general abundance stains the Halys so deeply that the Turkish 
 name for that stream is Kizil Irmak (red river). 
 
 This earthy substance existed, of course, in various other 
 localities of the ancient world. Its importance as an article of 
 trade and commerce is evident from the Athenian monopoly of 
 the Cean product, 2 from the sealed packages used for the 
 Lemnian article, 3 and from the care with which different grades 
 of it are enumerated. 4 The most important were the Cean, the 
 Lemnian, and the Sinopean. Theophrastus 5 considers the Cean 
 product better than the others. Pliny 6 ranks the Lemnian and 
 the Sinopean highest, whereas Strabo 7 marks the quality of the 
 latter as finest, and an interesting papyrus 8 gives convincing details 
 of its superiority in weight, rich liver color, moisture, and freedom 
 from grit. The importance of this homely article of Sinopean 
 commerce is indicated by its numerous and heterogeneous uses. 9 
 Its colors varied, but some were intense enough to furnish a kind 
 of red ink. It was used as a mineral paint and as an ingredient 
 in other paints, being applied to houses, ships, and wood-work 
 generally. Its more artistic employments were in decorating 
 furniture, wood-carving, terra-cotta figurines and even statues. 
 It was no unimportant part of the ancient materia medica, being 
 applied externally as a kind of mud-bath and even taken inter- 
 nally for various diseases specifically listed by Pliny. An architect 
 who desired to use the best material would stipulate in his speci- 
 
 1 Strabo, 1. c. ωνομάσβη δε Σινωπική διότι κατάγειν έκεϊσε ειώθεσαν οι έμποροι^ 
 Theophr.De Lapidibus ζ2, κατάγεται εις Σινώπην, Pliny Ν. Η. XXXV 13. 
 Sinopis inventa primum in Ponto est ; inde nomen a Sinope urbe. 
 
 2 1. G. II (CIA II), 546. 3 Pliny, Ν. H. XXXV 14. 
 
 4 Pliny, N. H. XXXV 13. 5 De Lap. 52. 6 L. c. 7 Strabo, XII 540. 
 
 8 Leemans, Papyri Graeci Lugduni-Batavi X 15, n, 12, 15. Ibid. X 311 tells 
 how Sinopis can be mixed with gold, half and half, to double the amount of 
 the latter. 
 
 9 Pliny, N. H. XXXV 12, 13, 17, 24, 32; Vitruv. VII 7; Diosc. V in ; Cels. 
 De Medicina V 6, 6; VI 6, 19; Hesychius s. μ'ώτος; Eust. Com. 1166; Boeckh, 
 Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener II 3 p. 315 f.; Blumner, Technologie und 
 Terminologie IV, p. 480 f. For ships cf. μιλτοπάρψι νήες in Homer; Pliny, 
 N. H. XXXIII 38 ; Herod. Ill 58 ; Hermann, op. cit. p. 489, note 8. For the 
 use of μ'Ο,τος for terra-cottas cf. Lucian Lexiph. 22 ; B. C. H. XIV (1890), p. 
 503, n. 3 ; Monuments Piot IV (1898), p. 214 ; for statues Paus. II 2, 6 ; Plut. 
 Quaest. Roman., 98, p. 287 b; Xen. Oecon. 10, 5; Hermann, op. cit. p. 201 
 n. 3. Ladies used it for painting their faces ; Guhl und Koner, Leben der 
 Griechen und Romer, p. 316. 
 
ANCIENT SI Ν OP Ε. 143 
 
 fications that certain structural lines be drawn with a pigment 
 made of clean oil and Sinopic earth. 1 I noted at Corinth crosses 
 made with Sinopis to indicate the position for columns 2 not now 
 in situ, and lines drawn with it to indicate how far blocks of stone 
 were to overlap the stones in the course below. 3 In excavations 
 at Miletus the separated drums of columns showed that this sub- 
 stance mixed with oil had been used as a cement. 
 
 5. Iron and Steel. At a general distance of about two hundred 
 miles east of Sinope the coast range of mountains draws very- 
 near the sea. The whole district is rich in copper, iron, and, in 
 ancient times, even silver 4 . Here the Sinopeans, doubtless 
 attracted by the rich deposits, founded a prosperous colony. 
 Part of the ore was evidently worked into iron and steel imple- 
 ments at Cotyora. But another part was doubtless shipped to 
 the mother-city Sinope to the manufacturers there ; for Sinopic 
 steel 5 was equally celebrated with the Chalybian, Lydian, and 
 Laconian ; and it was made into carpenters' tools, whereas the 
 Spartan was used for files, augers, dies and stone-cutters' tools, 
 and the Lydian for similar things, including knives and swords. 
 Hamilton 6 thinks he has located the ancient mines of the 
 Chalybians at Unieh. But in any case the steel that passed through 
 the port of Sinope was of the finest quality. 
 
 6. Live Stock. There is abundant evidence that Cappadocia 
 and Paphlagonia itself nourished great numbers of sheep, goats, 
 mules, horses and other domestic animals. 7 If we put with this 
 fact the statement of Polybius that live stock was extensively 
 exported from the Pontus, it becomes evident that shipments of 
 this kind were large at Sinope. The word Polybius 8 uses 
 
 l I. G. VII (I. G. Sept. I), 3073 = Dittenberger Syl. 2 no. 540, 11. 155-160. 
 The price was three or three and a half cbols per στατήρ, cf. I, G. II, 834 b , 
 col. I, 1. 12 (p. 522) and col. II, 1. 48 (p. 526). 
 
 2 As in the long south stoa (Am. J. Arch. VI 1902), Suppl. p. 19. 
 
 3 As in the Greek temple near Pirene, Ibid. pi. XVII, the Greek building 
 with a round end (not yet published), the Old Spring, the round basis above 
 the spring (ibid. pi. VII), and elsewhere. So Sitiopis was used in Greek buil- 
 dings as well as in Roman buildings of the Republic. It was also found used 
 for the same purposes in fourth century buildings at Epidaurus and Lesbos. 
 
 * Strabo XII 549; Virg. Georg. I 58 ; Apoll. Rhod. II 1005 f. 
 
 3 Step. Byz. s. v. Αακεόαίμων, Schol. II. XIII 218; Eustathius 294, 5 on II. 
 II 582 ; Blumner, Gewerbl. Thatigk. p. 4Γ ; Miiller, Frag. Hist. Graec. II 442, 
 9, frag, from Daimachus. For artisans etc. at Sinope cf. Polyaen. VII 21, 2 ; 
 Diog. Laer. VI 20. 
 
 6 Op. cit., pp. 244, 257. ' Strabo XI 525 ; Eust. Com. 970. 8 IV 38. 
 
144 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 (θρέμματα) as employed in the classifications of the Greeks, 
 included slaves (CIG 1709). Lucian (Alex. 9, 15, 17, 45) speaks 
 of slaves as differing only in form from cattle. The Paphla- 
 gonian slave is a frequent figure in the comedies of Aristophanes. 
 The picture of Sinope's commerce must include its traffic in the 
 human species ; droves of captive men and women passed down 
 to its fine harbor and were carried in ships to meet the sneers of 
 the cultivated comic poets of Athens. 
 
 So great a volume of exports implies a certain amount of 
 imports. Salt came from Olbia 1 and from the interior of Asia 
 Minor 2 and wine 3 from Greece, objects of art also such as 
 statues* and vases, and in general such refinements of the west 
 as well as of the east as the somewhat defective Sinopean culture 
 would demand. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Founding of Sinope. 
 
 A city of such impregnability, located in so productive a 
 region, and at the natural gate-way of so vast a commerce, would 
 of course be coveted and fought for. It would have its political 
 vicissitudes, its general culture, and its religious cults. It would 
 develop its great men. It would weave its name into Greek and 
 Latin literature and leave its record in figured coins and in 
 inscriptions on stone. In a word, it would have its history, of 
 which, in this and several succeeding chapters, we aim to give an 
 account. 
 
 The uncertain figures of Assyrians move in the mist of its 
 primitive records. There is a Milesian dawn of Greek colonial 
 light quickly clouded by Cimmerian darkness and then rekindled. 
 Then come the nearly blank annals of some one hundred and 
 eighty years on whose last pages the figure of a barbarian tyrant 
 becomes distinct. The Attic rescue follows and the reinforcement 
 by Pericles' six hundred new colonists. Democratic independence 
 displaces tyrannic subjection at Sinope. Anon its colonial depend- 
 encies are disturbed and excited by Xenophon's Ten Thousand 
 who have forced their way from the heart of Asia to the sea and 
 
 1 Herod. IV 53; Dio Chrysost. XXXVI 437. 
 
 2 Strabo XII 546, 560, 561 ; Eust. Com. 784. 3 Polyb. IV 38. 
 
 * Such as the statue of Autolycus by Sthennis, cf. Plut. Luc. 23. 
 
fERS 
 
 ANCIE NT S/ NOPE. 145 
 
 along its shore. The great cynic matures the fearless powers 
 which Athens admired, ahd the comic poets who woke its 
 laughter, bringing Sinopean culture to its flower in the mother- 
 land, arise. With Rhodian help its fortifications resist the 
 engines of Mithradates II, but fall before the sudden onset of 
 Pharnaces, his son. The power of the Pontic conquerors brings 
 Sinope to the climax of its political strength under Mithradates 
 the Great, whose linguistic acquirements were only second to his 
 great military genius, which baffled the utmost power of Rome 
 for nearly half a century. Then come the days of the inevitable 
 Roman yoke, in passing under which Sinope joins the universal 
 procession. Then the intricate entanglements of the Middle 
 Ages and finally the present Turkish dominion. 
 
 There is no evidence that the early Phoenicians were at Sinope. 
 The whole main course of the Phoenician commercial empire 
 took its way westward. Its northern and southern movements 
 were only short spurs thrown out of the main range. Although 
 there is at present in the north-western portion and outside the 
 walls by the Turkish Hospital and school, Idadie, and near the 
 water a quarter of the city called Φοινικίδα, a late local imagination, 
 thinking of the spot as one to which the Phoenicians would 
 naturally come, may in a fanciful spirit have given it its name. 
 Or the name may be due to the palm tree there. 
 
 The early foundations of Sinope are probably Assyrian. The 
 extreme antiquity of that great power is constantly receiving 
 fresh evidence. The code of Hammurabi is dated ca. 2250 B. c. 
 and it seems evident that more than a millennium later in about 
 1 100 B. C. the Assyrian power swept westward through Asia 
 Minor to the Mediterranean. It is incredible that it should not 
 at more than one point have forced its way through the openings 
 in the coastwise mountains to the shore of the Pontus. Its kings 
 have left no monuments along the sea reciting their personal 
 conquests 1 , but other evidence of the presence of their subjects 
 is not wanting. In later times, in the seventh century according 
 to Noldeke 2 , the Assyrian power still extended beyond Sinope 
 
 1 Gelzer's argument (Zeitschrift f. ag. Sprache 1874, p. 118 f) that Mat-qui 
 (shore-village) which occurs in Assyrian inscriptions, refers to Sinope, is 
 inconclusive, for the word might be intended for almost any coast town in 
 Asia Minor. On p. 119 he goes far astray when he says qui or kui comes 
 from the name of the founder, Κώιος, transposing the lines in Scymnus to suit 
 his theory. 
 
 2 Cf. his article on Άσσί'ρίοζ•, Σίφιος, Σνρος in Hermes V 443 ff. 
 
1 46 A ME RICA Ν JO URN A L OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 and Furtwangler thinks of Sinope, as being at about that time 
 the mediating agent by which Assyrian elements, such as griffins' 
 heads and winged human busts on bronze vessels (cf. Olympia 
 Bd. IV, Die Bronzen) came to Greece. 1 Coming down to later 
 times, we recognize the persistence of its Assyrian origin in 
 Sinopic coins with Aramaic inscriptions ; 2 in Avienus' mention 
 of a " second Syria reaching as far as Sinope" f in Tzetzes' vague 
 statement that "everybody calls Sinope Assyria" ;* in the legends 
 that the nymph Sinope was the mother of Syros from whom the 
 Syrians got their name, and that she was carried off from Assyria ; s 
 in the existence at Sinope even now of a sarcophagus with a 
 Greek inscription indicating that a man named Syrios was buried 
 in it; 6 and in the fact that the promontory mentioned above 
 (page 126) was called Syrias. 
 
 The name Sinope itself evidently antedates Greek settlement, 
 for mythology and tradition indicate, not the colonizing of an 
 uninhabited locality, so much as the taking of the place from 
 previous inhabitants. Strabo 7 says that Autolycus took posses- 
 sion of (κατίσχί) Sinope, a word whose usage generally indicates 
 seizure or capture. Plutarch 8 says outright that Autolycus took 
 the town from the Syrians. Apollonius of Rhodes 9 says that the 
 Argonauts came to the Assyrian land where Zeus had established 
 Sinope, daughter of Asopus, etc. In listing those who in early 
 times inhabited Sinope, Ps. Scymnus 10 speaks of " Sinope, a city 
 named after one of the Amazons, who dwell near by, which 
 formerly the native-born 11 Assyrians inhabited, and afterwards 
 the Greeks who went against the Amazons, Autolycus and 
 
 1 Meyer s. Kappadokien in Ersch und Griiber, Encyclopadie and in his 
 Geschichte des Altertums II, p. 225 says there is no monumental evidence. 
 But Furtwangler holds there is, cf. Die Antiken Gemmen III, p. 68. 
 
 1 Cf. Six, Numismatic Chronicle, 1885 and 1893, p. 7 ; cf. also Head, Hist. 
 Num. and Brit. Mus. Cat. 
 
 3 Miiller, Geogr. Min. II, p. 187, vs. 1153. 
 
 4 Chiliad. 12, 917 την δε Σινώπην σύμπαντες καλονσιν 'Άσσνοίαν, 
 
 5 Eust. in Miiller, Geogr. Min. II, pp. 352-353, §775 f; "Eudocia's Ίωνιά 
 DCCCLXII; Diodorus IV 72, 1, 2; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II 948; Et. Mag. 
 s. Σινώπη. 
 
 6 Cf. Am. J. Aroh. IX (1905), p. 315. 
 
 7 XII 545- 8 Plut. Luc. 23. 
 9 Argonautica II 948 ff ; cf. also Scholium and Herod. II 104. 
 
 10 Vs. 941-952 (Miiller, Geogr. Min. I, p. 236). 
 11 1 adopt Meineke's emendation, εγγενείς. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 1 47 
 
 Deileon and Phlogius, Thessalians ". Scylax 1 in a loose way calls 
 Sinope a place in Assyria. Winckler's 2 conjecture that "Leuco- 
 syri" did not originally mean white Assyrians, as Strabo 3 thinks, 
 but rather incorporates a corruption of M Lukki ", the name of 
 certain Assyrians mentioned in the Tell-El-Amarna tablets, is 
 unlikely. The Assyrians of the north were probably of a lighter 
 complexion than those of the south. 
 
 The derivation of the name Sinope perhaps goes back to the 
 Assyrian deity Sin, the moon-god, whose numerical symbol was 
 thirty, in allusion to the period of the moon, and who was the 
 patron of brick-making and building. The worship of the moon 
 along the southern shore of the Pontus was more important than 
 elsewhere in the Greek world. 4 Assyrians were perpetually 
 compounding the names of towns and persons with the name of the 
 God Sin, and in view of the powerful early influence of Assyria, 
 nothing is more likely than that Sinope would be one more example 
 of such compounds. 
 
 If now we recognize the founding of Sinope as Assyrian 5 it will 
 not seem difficult to dispose of the prominent and persistent myth 
 concerning the nymph Sinope. Greek writers would prefer a 
 Greek to an Assyrian origin of their colony. Although such an 
 etymology has not been mentioned before, I venture to connect 
 the name with σίνομαι, to seize or carry off. This would be the 
 most natural connection of "Sinope" for those who found the 
 word already on the ground and were ignorant of or wished to 
 ignore its Assyrian etymology. On this derivation may have 
 been built up the manifold forms of the rape of the nymph Sinope. 
 Hardly anything is constant in the story except the item of seizure. 
 The God who carries her offis sometimes Zeus, sometimes Apollo, 
 sometimes Poseidon, sometimes the river-God Halys. Her 
 parents are sometimes Asopus and Metope, sometimes Ares and 
 
 1 Scylacis Caryandensis Periplus 89 (Midler, ibid. p. 66). So also Nicephorus 
 (Midler, Geogr. Gr. Min. II, p. 464) and Nicolaus Damascenus (Hist. Graeci 
 Minores ed. Dindorf ) p. 32, 7. 
 
 2 Winckler, Die Thontafeln von Tell-El-Amarna (Schrader, Keilinschrift- 
 liche Bibliothek Bd. V) 28, 10: Winckler, Die Volker Vorderasiens (Der Alte 
 Orient, vol. I), p. 23. 
 
 3 XII 544, XVI 737- 
 
 4 Cf. Roscher s. v. Luna, especially the worship of M^v Φαρνάκον. In one of 
 the inscriptions I discovered at Sinope Selene is mentioned along with Helios 
 and Hermes and other deities, cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 323. 
 
 5 And this is the opinion of Blau, op.cit., Movers, Die Phonizier, and others, 
 though not of most modern scholars. 
 
1 48 AMERICAN JO URNAL OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 Aegina or Parnasse. Sometimes she is carried off from Assyria 
 and sometimes from Boeotia. 1 Sometimes she deceives her cap- 
 tor by exacting a blank promise to give her whatever she should 
 ask and afterwards fills in the blank with her own virginity. Some- 
 times she has children. But she is always seized and carried off. 
 And this unfailing feature seems to show the source of all the 
 stories to be in the already present but misinterpreted name of 
 the town. 2 
 
 To this Assyrian town the enterprising Greeks of Miletus, 
 attracted by the mineral wealth of the eastward shores and led to 
 the location by the advantages of its harbor, penetrated at a very 
 early period. The date is difficult to fix, but may perhaps be 
 approximated in the following fashion. Sinope must have existed 
 before 75ο, 3 for Trapezus, its colony, 4 was founded in that year. 
 Eumelus of Corinth, moreover, in writing up the Argonautic 
 expedition, enriched it with geographical details which included 
 Sinope by name. There is nothing extant of this work of Eume- 
 lus, but his mention of the town is cited by the Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 
 II 946. Now Eumelus wrote in the latter half of the eighth century 
 B. c. Sinope must therefore have been reached by Greeks 
 before that time. Thus again we are pointed to some period in 
 the first half of the eighth century such as Eusebius' date (II 80 e 
 Scheme) for Trapezus indicates, at least thirty or thirty-five years 
 earlier than 756 B. c, 790 or 785 b. c., 5 thus leaving a few years 
 
 1 Probably because the Minyans, with whom the Argonautic expedition was 
 associated, dwelt in Boeotia. 
 
 2 Cf. Plut. Luc. 23; Apoll. Rhod. II 046-967. The scholia to the latter 
 (Muller, Frag. Hist. Graec. II 161 ; 348, 2; III 29, 3), give excerpts about the 
 nymph Sinope from Andron of Halicarnassus, Andron of Teos, Artemidorus, 
 Eumelus, Aristotle, Hecataeus, and Philostephanus. Cf. also V. Flaccus, 
 Argon. V 106-120; Dionysius Per. vs. 772-779 (Muller, Geogr. Gr. Min. II 
 p. 153) ; scholia to Dion. Per. (Muller, ibid. II, p. 453) ; Eust. Com. 772-774 
 (Miiller, ibid. II, p. 351); Nicephorus, Τεωγραφία συνοπτική, 782 f. (Muller, ibid. 
 II, p. 464); Diodorus IV 72, I, 2; Ps. Scymni Periegesis, vs. 941 f. (Muller, 
 ibid. I 236); Avienus, vs. 951 f. (Muller, ibid. II 185); Et. Mag. s. v. Σινώπη; 
 ^.Eudocia's Ίων<ά DCCCLXII, περί Σινώπης. Sometimes Sinope appears as an 
 Amazon and the story is told that she drank much and hence was called Σανάπη, 
 which in the Thracian dialect (which the Amazons spoke) means " drinking 
 much". And Sinope is a corruption of Sanape ; cf. the above references. 
 
 3 Eusebius, Vers. Arm. Ol. 6, 1 ; Hieronymus, Ol. 6, 1. 
 
 *Xen. Anab. IV 8, 22. 
 
 5 Curtius, Gr. Geschichte I,• p. 407, puts the first foundation in 790 B. c. ; 
 Abbott, A History of Greece, I, p. 340 about 770 B. C ; Duncker, Gesch. d. 
 Altert. I, 5 p. 462, 466; V 5 507 and Biirchner, Die Besiedelung der Kusten des 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 149 
 
 of prosperity before the Cimmerian inroad in 782 mentioned by 
 Orosius, 1 in which probably Habrondas, 2 its leader, was killed. 3 
 We must assume that Sinope revived after the destroying nomad 
 tide had swept through in order to account for its founding of 
 Trapezus in 756. What the fortunes of the Greek contingent 
 were for the subsequent century and more, we have no means of 
 knowing. They probably included many vicissitudes connected 
 with the various incursions of the Cimmerians from the northern 
 shore, 4 one of which penetrated even to Sardis, surprising and 
 plundering the town, and another to Magnesia. However, in 635 
 B. C, there seems to have been an extraordinarily strong and 
 powerful body of these barbarians driven down by the still stronger 
 nomad Scythians. This body all but destroyed Sinope, 5 so that 
 its reinforcement in 630 or 629, according as we follow Hieronymus 
 or Eusebius (II 89 η Schone) was looked upon as a second found- 
 ing, and Sinope, like Cyzicus, was said to have been founded 
 twice. 6 
 
 Pontos Euxeinos durch die Milesier, p. 49 and Streuber op. cit. about 785. 
 Grote, History of Greece II- 191, note 64 considers improbable the foundation 
 of a Milesian colony at so early a period. Perhaps the first colony was only a 
 small settlement for trade ; cf. Busolt, Gr. Gesch. I, p. 466 and Reinach-Gotz, 
 op. cit. p. 18. Beloch, Gr. Gesch., says nothing about the first founding; cf. I, 
 p. 192-3 for second founding. Holm, The History of Greece I, p. 275 and Meyer, 
 Gesch. des Altert. I 406 and II 285 give both colonies. There is a great deal 
 of uncertainty about this early period of Greek history and we cannot be sure 
 of dates ; but the evidence, including Scymnus whose source, Demetrius of 
 Callatia, was good, points to a double founding. 
 
 'I 21. 
 
 2 The name of the leader is variously given. Habrondas seems more likely 
 to be correct than Ambron or Abron. Meineke, Step. Byz. (Berlin, 1849), 
 p. 571 made the suggestion. 
 
 3 Ps. Scymnus V 947. 
 
 *For the Cimmerians cf. Herod. IV 11,12; 16,15,16; Strabo, I 1,6; I 
 2, 20; I 3, 61 ; III 2, 149; XI 494; XIV 648. 
 
 5 Herod. IV 12 says Φαίνονται όε οι Κιμμέριοι ώενγοντες ες την Άσίην τυν5 
 Σκί>θας και την Χερσόνησον κτίσαντες, εν τη ννν Σινώττη ττόλις ΈΛ/,άς• οϊκισται. The 
 νυν does not necessarily mean that no Greek city existed when the Cimmerians 
 came, as Grote and Busolt loc. cit. think. There may have been a weak 
 settlement there at the time. 
 
 6 The second founding was by Cretines and Cous (cf. Phlegon in Miiller, 
 Frag. Hist. Graec. Ill 605, 6; Eust. ad Dionys. Com. 772; and Ps. Scymnus 
 v. 949.) Ace. to Ps. Scymnus loc. cit., it took place ήνίκα 6 Κιμμερίων κατέδραμε 
 την Άσίαν στρατός, that is, in the epoch year of the capture of Sardis (657), 
 cf. Rohde, Rhein. Mus. XXXIII 200. If this date is right, then it was not the 
 inroad of the Cimmerians in 635 but an earlier one which settled at Sinope. 
 
150 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The few definite points which we have thus far been able to 
 deduce with anything like certainty, and the dearth of any records 
 at all to cover nearly two succeeding centuries, may naturally 
 occasion scepticism as to there having been any such early found- 
 ing at all by the Greeks. But the extreme antiquity of the stories 
 of the Argonauts and of Heracles' expedition against the Amazons, 
 both of which have for their scenes the shore of the Black Sea, 
 and in both of which Autolycus, the recognized founder of Sinope, 
 and his companions had part, 1 joins with the strong tradition we 
 have been using to assure us that we are dealing with an historic, 
 even if not with a precisely ascertained, founding of the great 
 Euxine trading port. 
 
 CHAPTER V. . 
 
 Dark Ages and Renaissance. 
 
 Even after Sinope's refounding in 630 its records for nearly 
 two centuries are for the most part blank annals. The Lydian 
 monarchy rose, reached the Halys, and fell. But whether its 
 broad lines of display and vanity penetrated the mountain passes 
 and subjected the shore cities is left in doubt. 2 Pteria taken by 
 Croesus lay 150 miles to the south and there are no records 
 of any further northward march. Cyrus broke the Lydian power 
 about 550 B. c. ; but how soon or how decisively the Persian 
 power subdued the Greek cities of the southern coast of the 
 Euxine is unwritten. Xerxes' expedition in 480 B. c. included 
 
 *Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Encyl. II 763 if. Only Strabo, XII 545, (source per- 
 haps Eumelus) makes Autolycus a comrade of Jason. Cf. also Apollod. 1, 9, 
 16, 8. Plut. Luc. 23 says that "Autolycus, son of Deimachus, was on the 
 expedition of Heracles from Thessaly against the Amazons. When he was 
 returning with Demoleon and Phlogius he was shipwrecked at Sinope and 
 took the city away from the Syrians". Appian Mithr. XII 83 says the same. 
 Cf. also Ps. Scymnus v. 944 f; Anon Peripl. Pont. Eux. 22. Apollonius of 
 Rhodes combines the two traditions and (II 948-967) says that the sons of 
 Deimachus, Deileon, Autolycus and Phlogius, comrades of Heracles, were 
 picked up by the Argonauts when they came there. V. Flaccus, V 106-120 and 
 Hyg. Fab. 14 have the same. Phlogius is mentioned in an inscription found 
 at Sinope, cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905) p.306, no. 31. On these heroes cf. Roscher's 
 Lexicon and Burchner, op. cit. p. 58 and on the Argonauts in general the 
 dissertation by Griiger, Die Argonauten-Sage (Breslau, 1889). For Heracles 
 at Sinope cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905) p. 305. 
 
 2 Cf. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums I §487, who thinks not. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOPE. 15 I 
 
 among its total of 1200 ships 80 contributed by the Greeks on 
 the Hellespont and the Pontus. 1 It is natural to suppose that 
 Sinope was represented among the eighty, but there is no 
 written evidence of such a fact. Some few rude 2 coins bearing 
 an eagle and a dolphin and a mere incuse square on the reverse 
 are archaic enough to represent this obscure period of Sinope's 
 story when the great tides of conquest were sweeping to and fro 
 far south of its mountain fences. 
 
 In the fifth century relief expeditions began to be sent to the 
 Greek cities of the Black Sea which were under tribute to Persia. 
 Aristides, about 470, did not get so far as Sinope. But later, 
 probably soon after 444, 3 in the flowering time of Athens, Pericles, 
 with the design of making a display of Athenian power, and in 
 order to relieve the Greek cities on the Euxine from oppression and 
 to stimulate their trade with Attica, led forth an expedition which 
 reached Sinope. Here he left the efficient Lamachus with thir- 
 teen ships and assigned him the task of expelling the tyrant 
 Timesilaus. 4 The man 5 who at Syracuse advised the Athenians to 
 fight at once seems to have performed his task with characteristic 
 promptness, and not long afterwards it was voted at Athens that 
 six hundred volunteer colonists should sail for Sinope to occupy 
 the houses and lands of the defeated tyrant and his following. 
 Lamachus can hardly have remained long at Sinope : we find 
 him in 424 b. c. leading another Black Sea expedition which was 
 
 ^iod. XI 3. 
 
 2 Num. Zeitschrift II, p. 259 ; Six, Num. Chron. 1885, PP• 8, 9, 19, 20. 
 
 3 Abbott, A History of Greece, II, p. 375, says" after 449 B. c". Kohler, Urk. 
 zur Gesch. d. Delisch-Attisch. Bundes., p. 1 14 f. puts the expedition in the year 
 453. Duncker, Des Perikles' Fahrt in den Pontus (Sitzungsberichte der Berl. 
 Acad., XXVII 1885), p. 536, gives the year 444/3 B. C Busolt, Griech. 
 Geschichte II 538 (ed. of 1888), gave the same date but later, in III 585, n. 2, 
 argues against this date and gives 436/5 B. c. Beloch, Gr. Gesch. I 504, gives 
 the same date. Meyer, Gesch. des Alt. IV 430, says after 440. Kirchner, 
 Prosopogr. Att. 11811 gives 437 B. C But I see no conclusive reason for put- 
 ting the expedition so late. Plut. Per. 20, places it immediately after that to 
 the Chersonesus in 447. If we accept the date 436 there are 34 years between 
 the first and second expeditions and only 12 between the second and third. 
 In 415 Lamachus was 50 or 55 years old (cf. Plut. Alcib. 18). That would 
 make him about 25 or 30 years old at the time of the expedition to the Pontus, 
 if it was circ. 440. 
 
 4 Plut. Per. 20. 
 
 5 Cf. Busolt, 1. c, for the identification of Lamachus, who died in 414 before 
 Syracuse, with the man left in Sinope by Pericles. 
 
152 A MEKICAN JO U RATAL OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 wrecked at Heraclea. 1 But from this time Sinope's condition was 
 greatly improved, even its coins showing much finer work- 
 manship. 2 
 
 Between Lamachus' deposition of the tyrant Timesilaus about 
 444 b. c. and the Peace of Antalcidas, which deliberately left the 
 Euxine Greeks at the mercy of Persia, lies Sinope's golden day 
 of autonomous prosperity and power. 3 Not that we possess the 
 direct recital of it, but the indirect evidence is conclusive. When 
 Xenophon's veterans climbed the coast range and saw the sea, it 
 was Trapezus, a colony of Sinope, that lay directly beneath their 
 eye on the coast. 4 Although some 250 miles east of Sinope, it 
 owned allegiance to it and paid tribute in common with Cerasus 
 and Cotyora. 5 That Sinope's colonial arm reached so far may 
 not indeed warrant Perrot and Chipiez 6 in calling Sesamus, Cy- 
 torus, and Ionopolis actual colonies of Sinope, and "multiplied " 
 harbors may be too strong an expression ; but it is evident that 
 Sinope had a firm colonial system covering nearly the whole 
 southern shore of the Euxine. Its compactness is illustrated in 
 the speech made to Xenophon by Hecatonymus, who had come all 
 the way from Sinope to deal with the Ten Thousand when he says 7 
 " These (Cotyorites) and the people of Cerasus and Trapezus bring 
 us an appointed tribute; so that whatever harm you do them, the 
 city of the Sinopeans considers that it suffers it itself". There may 
 have been a lack of Greek unity in the failure of the Cotyorites to 
 receive the Ten Thousand more cordially, but Xenophon's 
 soldiers appear to have behaved somewhat roughly and the 
 colonists may well have been suspicious 8 of so large and powerful 
 
 1 Thuc. IV 75. 2 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 21. 
 
 8 Strabo, XII 546, seems to extend Sinope's autonomous period far onward to 
 the capture of the city by Pharnaces in 183 B. C. But either he wrote in 
 partial ignorance of the results of the Peace of Antalcidas or the autonomy he 
 had in mind was a partial and defective one ; for, not to speak of other evi- 
 dence, the embassy to Darius with which we deal in the next chapter shows a 
 clearly acknowledged general submission to Persia. 
 
 * Xen. Anab. IV 8, 22. 
 
 5 Xen. Anab. V 5, 10. The inhabitants of these two places were later 
 deported by Pharnaces to form Pharnacia, cf. also Diod. XIV 30, 3; Ps. 
 Scymnus 910; Strabo XII 545 f. ; and Biirchner, Die Besiedelung des Pontos 
 Euxeinos durch die Milesier, pp. 56-66. 
 
 • Histoire de Γ Art, V, p. 197. » Xen# 1# c> 
 
 8 A similar feeling may account for Xenophon's ships going a few miles past 
 Sinope to Armene, as though there were an objection to his anchoring, as he 
 naturally would, at that excellent harbor itself. Cf. Xen. Anab. VI 1, 15. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 153 
 
 a force with so adventurous a history back of them. In any case 
 the incident does not affect our view of the unity of Sinope's 
 colonies among themselves. A further evidence of Sinope's 
 independence, may be seen in Xenophon's warning 1 to Heca- 
 tonymus against an alliance of the Sinopeans with the Paphla- 
 gonians. His words presuppose the desire of the Paphlagonians 
 to get possession of Sinope and their inability hitherto to do so. 
 
 The numismatic testimony is interesting. We now for the 
 first time find Sinopean coins bearing the names of magistrates, 2 
 or rather the first letters of the names. The inscription on one 
 is EK, which suggests Hecatonymus 3 , on another XOPH which 
 suggests Χορηγιών and on another λεωμ which probably stands 
 for Aeo)/ie'5a)i/. 4 Their variety, too, points to a democratic form 
 of government. This series comes abruptly to an end a few 
 decades later, and is supplanted by the inferior minting of Data- 
 mes, which itself is followed by a still poorer coinage with 
 Aramaic inscriptions, some specimens of which bear the names 
 of Ariarathes and Abdsasan (not Abdemon). 5 But short-lived 
 as the Greek magistrates' coinage was, it bears mute testimony 
 to Sinope's brief autonomy. 
 
 There is, moreover, a passage of Strabo which, I think, must 
 be referred to this period and discloses in a brief but effective 
 way the sea power of Sinope. Xenophon 6 shows us that Sinope 
 with the help of Heraclea, could upon occasion supply ships 
 enough to transport his large force to westward points. But 
 
 Strabo ' says : κατασκ^νασαμίνη be ναντικον ίπήρχς της cptos Κυανίων 
 θαλάττης, και e£a) 8e πολλών αγώνων μ*τ€Ϊχ€ τοΙς ΈΧλησιν. 
 
 Johns Hopkins University. DAVID Μ. ROBINSON. 
 
 1 Anab. V 5, 23. Cf. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, pp. 40, 260. 
 
 2 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 50 gives a list of them. 
 
 3 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 24. 
 
 *Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), pp. 298, 306, 313. 
 5 Cf. Six, op. cit. p. 25. 6 Anab. V 6 ff. 7 XII 545. 
 
[Reprinted from American Journal of Philology, Vol. XXVII, No. 3.] 
 
 I.— ANCIENT SINOPE. 
 
 Second Part. 
 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 Sinope Under Persian Rule. 
 
 Sparta never had a Black Sea fleet or any great ambitions 
 there. It was easy for her, when the Athenian sea power was 
 broken, to leave Sinope to its fate, and the latter's independence 
 wanes with the waning of Athens. The attack by Datames 1 in 
 370 B. c. shows us Sinope as no longer a Greek city fighting 
 against non-Greeks, but rather as an object of strife between 
 some Persians in possession of it and other Persians seeking to 
 gain possession. If a Persian satrap ruled a long distance from 
 the Great King his loyalty to him was likely to be somewhat 
 loose in those days. Datames was anxious to carve out a little 
 empire for himself in Asia Minor and went beyond his own satrapy 
 of Cappadocia into Paphlagonia. After subduing large portions 
 of it, his ingenuity conceived against Sinope itself a wily scheme 
 which Polyaenus has entered for us in his compilation of strategic 
 operations. 2 Being in need of siege-engines and ships, he tricked 
 the old enmity of the Sinopeans against Sestus into furnishing 
 him with engineers and mechanics to construct them as if for 
 operations against that distant town, but treacherously used them, 
 when completed, for a combined land and sea attack upon Sinope 
 itself. Artaxerxes Mnemon, getting information of the siege, 
 
 1 Cf. Polyaenus VII, 21, 2, 5. 2 Ibid. 
 
246 A MEKICA Ν JO URN A L OF PHIL OLOGY. 
 
 ordered Datames off, and he abandoned the siege and withdrew 
 his ships by night. 1 But we get a glimpse of the perilous position 
 of the city in the statement that the Sinopeans dressed their 
 women as men and led them about the walls in order to create a 
 false idea of numerical strength. 2 From all this we gather the im- 
 pression of a strong Greek element in the population, but of a 
 Persian political preponderance; for Artaxerxes II would scarcely 
 have ordered Datames to raise the siege of an unsubdued auto- 
 nomous Greek city. 
 
 It is probable, however, that Datames renewed the attack and 
 subsequently entered the city. Certainly he succeeded in sub- 
 duing large regions of Paphlagonia, including Amisus, 3 and at 
 some favorable season may afterwards have secured Sinope itself, 
 which he desired for his capital. The evidence is numismatic. 
 The coins with the nymph Sinope on one side and DATA with 
 the eagle and the dolphin on the other must be assigned to 
 Datames, 4 and Six's 5 argument that these pieces of money do 
 not necessarily show that Datames was at any time in power 
 at Sinope, but that they were made for him at the time when his 
 relations with Sinope were friendly enough to secure mechanics 
 and engineers can hardly have much force; for such a personal 
 coinage implies possession of personal authority and ambition, 
 and any appearance of these qualities would have been very 
 carefully avoided by the wily Persian just at that time. The 
 simpler and, as I think, the truer view of these coins and those 
 of Orontobates, Vararanes, Ariarathes, Abdsasan and others 6 is 
 
 1 Beloch, Griechische Geschichte II, p. 185 is in error when, referring to this 
 attack, he says "Sinope fiel nach tapferem Widerstande in Datames' Hand" ; 
 cf. also p. 186, n. I " Uber die Einnahme durch Datames cf. Polyaen. VII, 21, 
 2, 5; Aeneas 40,4". Others as Meyer op. cit. V, 964 appear to make the 
 same mistake, but it is definitely stated in Polyaenus that Datames gave up 
 the siege, and the language of Aeneas implies that Sinope was not captured. 
 Cf, Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien, p. 193 f. 
 
 2 Aeneas 40, 4. 
 
 3 Cf. Polyaen. VII 21, 1; Ps. Arist. Oecon. II 1350 b; cf. also Meyer 
 op. cit., V, 964 and Nepos, Dat. 2-3. 
 
 4 Cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Mtinzen, p. 6, pi. I, 5; Six, Num. 
 Chron. 1885, p. 26, pi. II, 7 ; 1895, p. 169; Head, Historia Numorum, p. 434; 
 Brit. Mus. Cat. of Greek Coins, Pontus. 
 
 5 Num. Chron. 1885. p. 25. 
 
 6 Cf. Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 26 f; 1895, p. 169; Babelon, Perses Ache- 
 menides, p. LXXX f.; Head, Num. Chron. 1892, 253; Macdonald, Greek 
 Coins in the Hunterian Collection, II 236 ; cf. also Head, Hist. Num. and Brit. 
 Mus. Cat. of Greek Coins. 
 
ANCIENT SI NO Ρ Ε. 
 
 that they indicate Persian officials actually in power at Sinope. 1 
 Datames died in 362. We must then assign his acquisition of 
 power in Sinope, if he did acquire it, to some time between this 
 date and his interrupted siege in 370. 
 
 Sinope's isolated position keeps its internal condition from 
 being wholly clear to us except at such times as some great 
 power, being at its zenith, becomes so important as to draw the 
 whole ancient world into its light. One of these epochs was in 
 the time of Pericles; that of Alexander was another. Appian 2 
 tells us that Alexander on his great eastward march incidentally 
 restored to Amisus by edict its freedom and autonomy, and 
 Droysen 3 surmises that the other Greek cities on the Pontus 
 asked him for a similar service,but that their remoteness made him 
 unwilling to deviate so far from the line of his larger movement, 
 or to suffer the delay necessary to detaching troops for the 
 purpose. This would indicate that the Greeks of Sinope were 
 ready at any time for an uprising against Persian authority. But 
 this is not quite in accordance with the clear inference, to be 
 drawn from the definite details of Alexander's meeting with 
 the embassy from Sinope. Among the Mardi, at the immense 
 distance of 1500 miles from their own city, these Sinopean Greeks 
 had come to the Persian court. They came to meet Darius and 
 met Alexander. The great Macedonian did not put them under 
 guard as he did the Lacedaemonian envoys to Darius. He told 
 them that, being subjects of Persia, they had done right in sending 
 ambassadors to its court. He released them on the further and 
 express ground that they had not joined in the Greek league 
 against himself. 4 This incident reveals at least five facts. First, 
 it shows the importance of the Greek element in Sinope, for these 
 ambassadors were not Persians, but Greeks. Secondly, it shows 
 that the Sinopean Greeks were loyal enough to Darius to send 
 an embassy to him. Third, it shows that their acceptance of 
 Persian authority was not sullen but rather willing, loyal, and 
 cooperative. Fourth, the contrast of Alexander's treatment of 
 
 1 Cf. Reinach, Trois Royaumes de l'Asie Mineure, p. 10, whose language 
 seems to imply a similar view. Cf. also Reinach-Gotz, op. cit., p. 21. 
 Abdsasan is right. Head, Six, Num. Chron. 1885, and others give Abdemon. 
 But in Num. Chron. 1893, p. 7, Six gives also Abdsasan. 
 
 2 Appian, Mithr. 8, 83. 
 
 3 Hellenismus I 1, 247. He cites the case of Heraclea; cf. Memnon (Phot. 
 223, 40, c. 4). 
 
 4 Cf. Arrian, Anabasis, III 24, 4; Curtius, Hist. Alex. VI 5, 6. 
 
248 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHIL Ο LOG Y. 
 
 them with his treatment of the Lacedaemonians shows that they 
 had had no active part in the alliance of the other Greeks against 
 him. And fifth, it shows that they were so isolated from the 
 affairs of the Aegean Greeks as to be practically neutral, so that 
 Alexander could afford to consider them, although envoys to 
 Persia, as friends of his own cause. 
 
 The vicissitudes of Sinope under the divided rule of the 
 Diadochi cannot be known. 1 Not unlikely anarchy alternated 
 with order ; for at the close of this period we find the tyrant 
 Scydrothemis in power. The name has a barbarian, perhaps a 
 Paphlagonian, sound and Tacitus gives him the title of king, 
 which is in fact more accurately descriptive than tyrant. Yet on 
 the occasion of the mission of Ptolemy to obtain the statue of 
 Serapis he calls an assembly of the people, who feel free to oppose 
 his plans, and there is no suggestion of any use of troops or other 
 force to put them down. We may infer from all this a vague 
 general theoretic subjection to the Diadochi, but a practical 
 autonomy with considerable democratic liberty and appeal to 
 public assemblies. 2 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Sinope and the Pontic Kings. 
 
 The practical autonomy of Sinope was one of the results of 
 that division among the successors of Alexander which made 
 their Empire fall back from its previous limits. Ground was thus 
 cleared for the rise of the Pontic kingdom. And we must now 
 see in the third century a descent of these barbarians upon the 
 Sinopean civilization. The movement, though it is on a smaller 
 scale, suggests the barbarian inroads of the Middle Ages. There 
 is the same final outward defeat and the same victorious inward 
 and permanent invasion of the minds and thoughts of the con- 
 querors by the civilizing and organizing genius of the conquered. 
 The tradition that when Mithradates, the subsequent founder 
 of the Pontic kingdom, was serving with Antigonus, the ruler 
 of the Syrian kingdom, the latter dreamed that he sowed gold in 
 a field and that Mithradates ran away with the harvest, sufficiently 
 
 1 Diod. XVIII 3 tells us that Paphlagonia was given to Eumenes, but 
 nothing is said with regard to Sinope itself. 
 2 Cf. Tac. Hist. IV 83, 84. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOPE. 249 
 
 suggests the young man's rapid and ambitious appropriation of 
 knowledge and power which brought him under suspicion and 
 led to his flight into Cappadocia, where he made a realm for 
 himself and ruled over it and even as far as the eastward coast 
 of the Euxine. 1 Westward, however, the mountain rampart 
 behind Sinope again secured its immunity from direct attack 
 until the unsuccessful attempt of Mithradates II in 220 B. C. 2 
 
 The intervening epoch shows the Hellenic civilization of Sinope 
 in close relations with the rest of Greece. Significant in this 
 connection are the coins which the Sinopeans struck of the Attic 
 standard of weight and fineness and bearing a head of Athena 
 closely conformed to the Attic type. 3 Such uniformity in money 
 clearly indicates intimate commercial intercourse. The silver 
 coins of the Seleucid kings of Syria 4 also circulated at Sinope 
 between about the middle of the third century and 190. These 
 two silver coinages in successive circulation at Sinope testify to 
 her continuous freedom from the domination of the Pontic kings, 
 whose fiat bronze money of the same type as that in other Pontic 
 villages 5 was immediately forced upon Sinope as the sole medium 
 of exchange when Pharnaces finally took the town in 183 B. C. 
 To the numismatic evidence I am glad to be able to add that 
 among the inscriptions which Dr. Wilhelm has copied and 
 studied there is one of this period from Histiaea in Euboea. 
 The inscription is long and much mutilated, but clearly states 
 that the Histiaeans extended to ambassadors from Sinope the 
 privileges of proxeny and granted άσφάλ^α, ασυλία, tVoreXcia and 
 other honors to Sinopeans who came to Histiaea. 6 There are 
 at Athens, moreover, numerous inscriptions which mention the 
 names of Sinopeans, 7 some of them doubtless of this period. 
 These are an excellent though very general indication of transit 
 between Sinope and Attica. And, finally, the prompt, generous, 
 and effective assistance which Rhodes gave to Sinope when 
 attacked by Mithradates II throws a strong light backward and 
 
 1 Appian, Mithr. 9; Plut. Demetrius 4; On Mithradates Ktistes cf. also 
 Diod. XIX 40; XX in. 
 
 2 Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 297. 3 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 43. 
 4 Ibid., pp. 48-49. 5 Ibid., p. 49. 
 
 6 Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 333. For the first two lines of the inscription 
 not given there cf. Wilhelm, Proxenenliste aus Histiaia, in the Arch. Epigr. 
 Mitt, aus Oester. 1892, p. 114. 
 
 7 cf. ι. α (c.i. a.) 113,3339-3353. 
 
250 A ME RICA Ν JO URN A L OF PHIL 0L0GY 
 
 discloses the previous friendly and trading relations between the 
 two peoples. 
 
 That attack itself, though unsuccessful, was the beginning of 
 the end of Sinope's independence, 1 for it marks the practical 
 recognition by the Pontic kings of the strategic importance of the 
 town and of its natural destiny as the capital of the Pontic empire 
 At the same time it revealed the resourceful energy of the 
 Sinopeans. They promptly built palisades at every point in 
 the entire circuit of the promontory at which, in case of a sea 
 attack, a possible landing could be made. Their colonies rendered 
 efficient help. They also dispatched, as has been indicated above, 
 an embassy to Rhodes appealing for help. The Rhodians re- 
 sponded at once by making three of their number a committee 
 to purchase the needed arms, bow-strings, and engines of war, 
 which the Sinopeans took home along with an amount of money. 
 They also gave them wine, to the extent of 10.000 amphoras. 2 We 
 get evidence of the military strength of Sinope from the fact that, 
 with this help, the great power of the Pontic kingdom could not 
 capture it. 
 
 When indeed it did finally fall, it was by a sudden and unex- 
 pected attack, perhaps in time of peace and through treachery 3 ; 
 for details of the capture by Pharnaces in 183 Β. are significantly 
 absent. And there is no evidence of other hostilities at the 
 time. Nor does Sinope ever appear to have been taken by a 
 protracted siege. It was naturally so nearly impregnable that 
 surprise and perfidy were the only available means of capturing 
 it. Sinope's colonies fell with it. Pharnaces deported the in- 
 habitants of Cotyora and Cerasus to a spot not far from Cerasus 
 and there formed a new colony named after himself, Pharnacea. 4 
 The Rhodians again showed their sympathy for Sinope 5 by 
 sending ambassadors to Rome to complain of the fate of Sinope 
 
 1 Polybius IV 56, και τις οων αρχή τότε καΐ πρόφασις έγένετο της επι το τέλος 
 αχβείσης ατυχίας Σινωπεϋσιν. 
 
 2 Cf. Polyb. 1. c. For an amphora-handle with the name of a Rhodian 
 month on it, which I found at Sinope, cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (IQ05), pp. 296, 297. 
 
 3 Strabo, XII, 545; Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 34; Bevan, The House of 
 Seleucus II, 122. 
 
 4 Arrian Peripl. 24 is speaking only in a general way when he says αυτή 
 Φαρνάκεια πάλαι Κεράσους εκαλειτο Σινωπέων και αυτή άποικος. Cf. Hamilton, 
 op. cit. 
 
 5 Polyb. XXIV, 10: Livy XL. 2, 20. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 25 I 
 
 but failed to push the matter. 1 Pharnaces also sent ambassadors, 
 but in the meanwhile prosecuted his campaign against Paph- 
 lagonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. The Romans sent envoys 
 to examine into the situation, but they accomplished nothing. 
 However, in 178 B. c. peace was made and Pharnaces retired in 
 the main from the districts named, but retained Sinope itself. 2 
 About this time he removed his capital from Amasia to Sinope. 
 At Amasia below the citadel in the smoothed rock are still to be 
 seen the five tombs of the Pontic kings. 3 The fifth one is in an 
 unfinished state and the conjecture of Perrot 4 is interesting, that 
 this was Pharnaces' 5 own sepulchre, the work upon which was 
 abandoned for the construction of a new one at Sinope when he 
 removed his seat of government to that place. But there are 
 no monumental remains at Sinope to testify to the embellishment 
 of the new capital by Pharnaces or even by Mithradates the 
 Great. 9 
 
 Although Pharnaces' successor, Mithradates III, 7 did so much 
 for Sinope that he was called Euergetes, his large-hearted and 
 enterprising figure appears but briefly on its stage. He sent 
 Dorylaus to Crete for mercenary troops and while there the latter 
 helped the Gnossians against the Gortynians. 8 Mithradates III 
 also had a share in the third Punic war 9 by sending ships to assist 
 the Roman fleet, but he was suddenly murdered in his capital, 10 
 leaving behind him a wife and two boys, the older of whom 
 became Mithradates the Great. 11 The limits of the present study 
 prevent us from entering into the career of this strange and typical 
 
 1 This was undoubtedly due, as Meyer (Gesch. des Konigreichs Pontus p. 72) 
 suggests, to the fear of injuring their commercial relations with the Pontus. 
 
 2 Cf. Polyb. XXVI 6. 
 
 3 Appian, Mithr. 113 ; Hamilton, op. cit. I 339 ff.; Ritter, Kleinasien XVIII 
 154 ff.; Meyer, op. cit. p. 69; Strabo, XII 501 ; Anderson, Studia Pontica, 
 p. 48. 
 
 4 Perrot, Guillaume, et Delbet, Exploration Arch, de la Galatie, Bithynie, 
 Mysie, Phrygie, Carie, et du Pont, I 371 (cf. pi. 80). Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. 
 p. 288, thinks the fifth grave was for the successor of Pharnaces. This seems 
 to me unlikely. Cf. next note. 
 
 5 Meyer, op. cit. p. 56 makes Pharnaces the fifth Pontic King. He would 
 naturally have the fifth grave. 
 
 6 Cf. Lydia Paschkow, Tour du Monde (1889), p. 404. 
 
 7 Reinach-Gotz, op. cit. p. 27. 
 
 8 Strabo, X 477. 9 Appian, Mithr. 10. 10 Cf. Strabo, 1. c. 
 
 11 The epithet " Great" does not occur at all in official documents and only 
 rarely elsewhere (cf. Suet. Caes. 35 and Eutrop. VI 22). 
 
252 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 combination of Oriental cruelty and despotism with Greek culture 
 and comprehensiveness. Indeed Reinach's monograph, which 
 tells us of the Greek playmates of his boyhood and of the 
 twenty-two languages he could talk and familiarizes us with his 
 empire 2500 miles in length and reaching from Greece itself to 
 the land of the Colchians, has made such entrance wholly un- 
 necessary. We need only note for Sinope's honor that it was 
 his birth-place; 1 that he made it his capital, 2 improved its double 
 harbor, fortified it and put it in condition to resist the Romans, 
 and embellished it with a market-place, stoas, and a gymnasium; 3 
 that his phil-hellenic appreciation 4 led him to make Greek his 
 official language, 5 and to use Greek models in designing his coins, 
 and to make the Sinopean Greek Diophantus his chief-general, 
 through whom he freed the Greeks of the Tauric Chersonesus 
 from the Scythian tyranny, as is shown by their grateful inscription 
 discovered at Olbia. 6 The lustre of his character is the lustre 
 of Sinopic Hellenism, while his barbarities may reasonably be 
 charged to the Pontic and Persian blood which he claimed to 
 have in his veins. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SlNOPE UNDER THE ROMANS. 
 
 Sinope does not figure in the first war between Mithradates 
 and the Romans. In the course of the second Murena intended, 
 following the best advice available, to besiege Sinope as the key 
 to the whole country 7 ; but, while still far distant from this strategic 
 point, he was defeated at the Halys by the energy of Mithradates. 8 
 In the third war, however, Sinope is the scene of several im- 
 portant events. When Mithradates was forced by Lucullus to 
 raise the siege of Cyzicus, he hastened away from the Propontis 
 
 1 Head, Hist. Numorum, p. 423, says Amasia was his birth-place. But Strabo, 
 who was related to Mithradates and himself came from Amasia, and hence 
 would have known if Mith. had been born there, says (XII 545) 6 όε Ένπάτωρ 
 και εγεννήθη εκεί (Sinope) και έτμάφη, διαφερόντως όε ετίμησεν αυτήν μητρόπολίν τε 
 της βασιλείας υπέλαβεν. 
 
 2 Cf. Strabo, 1. c. and Cic. De Imp. Cn. Pomp. 21(8). For his palace at 
 Sinope cf. Diod. XIV 31. 
 
 3 Strabo. 1. c. 4 Bevan, op. cit. I, p. 153. 
 
 6 Reinach-Gotz, op. cit., p. 30. 6 Cf. Dittenberger Sylloge 2 326. 
 
 7 Cf. Memnon 36 (Muller F. H. G. Ill, p. 544). 
 8 Appian, Mithr. 65. 
 
ANCIENT SI Ν OP Ε. 2$$ 
 
 into the Euxine ; but a storm destroyed most of his fleet and he 
 was obliged to flee in a pirate's boat to Sinope. 1 Thence he 
 sailed to Amisus, leaving Sinope under the control of pirates, led 
 by Leonippus. 2 Meanwhile Lucullus pushed on and finally came 
 to Amisus, forced Mithradates to flee into Armenia, and turned 
 his forces against the Pontic kingdom in general, taking such 
 places as Heraclea. At last in 70 B. c. he appeared before Sinope. 3 
 
 He found the pirates in full possession and confident in their 
 sea power, for they had but lately defeated in a decisive battle 
 fifteen triremes sent by the Romans under command of Cen- 
 sorinus. 4 The leaders of the pirates were Leonippus, Cleochares 
 and Seleucus. Dissensions existed among them, and Leonippus 
 had previously, sometime before the naval attack by Censorinus, 
 undertaken to negotiate with the Romans for the betrayal of the 
 city to them. But the other two members of the triumvirate 
 of pirates had discovered the plot, called an assembly of the 
 Sinopeans, and disclosed the treachery of Leonippus. He, how- 
 ever, enjoyed the confidence not only of Mithradates but also 
 of the people of Sinope and Cleochares and Seleucus were obliged 
 to resort to assassination to get rid of him. Soon after this deed 
 came the defeat of the Roman fleet by that of the pirates. 
 
 After the victory over the Romans the pirates ruled Sinope 
 with a high hand. The insecurity of their position caused Se- 
 leucus to propose to Cleochares the delivery of the city to the 
 Romans. Cleochares, who favored continued resistance to the 
 Romans, objected to the plan, perhaps because it involved the 
 massacre of the people. Finally the two men shipped their 
 goods to Machares at Colchis at the eastern end of the Pontus, 
 intending to follow later themselves. But Machares entered into 
 friendly communication with Lucullus. Lucullus agreed to an 
 alliance provided Machares would send no provisions to the 
 Sinopeans. Machares not only agreed to the proposal but went 
 so far as to divert to Lucullus supplies intended for the army 
 of Mithradates. Under these circumstances Cleochares himself 
 despaired of success against the Romans. He and his followers 
 
 1 Appian, Mithr. 78. Memnon 42 also mentions the storm but is silent 
 about Mithradates' escape in a pirate's boat. 
 
 2 Memnon 53 (Muller.F. H. G. Ill, 554) Αεόνιππος δε 6 συν Κλεοχάρει παρά 
 Μιθριόάτον την Σινώπην επιτραπείς. Strabo, XII 546 ό γαρ εγκατασταθείς υπό 
 τον βασι/Λως φρούραρχος Βακχίδης. 
 
 3 Appian, Mithr. 82, 83. 
 
 *Οη the name Censorinus at Sinope cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (IQ05) p. 310. 
 
254 A ME RICA Ν JO URN A L OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 seized what valuables they could, gave their soldiers liberty to 
 plunder the town, and fled in their lighter ships by night to the 
 eastern end of the Pontus. Before starting, to avoid pursuit, 
 they set fire to the remaining ships which were heavier and also 
 (according to Plutarch) to the town. The sight of the flames 
 apprised Lucullus of the situation. He ordered his scaling 
 ladders against the walls, took the town, put 8000 of the pirates 
 and their adherents to the sword, and then by a sudden change 
 of plan stayed the slaughter, restored to the inhabitants their 
 property, gave the city its freedom, and promoted its welfare. 
 
 The cause of the change was a statue which Lucullus saw 
 lying upon the shore or being carried along by the citizens. It 
 was wrapped up in linen and bound with ropes. But when un- 
 covered at his command it proved to be the statue of Autolycus 
 which the final haste of the pirates had prevented them from 
 carrying away and which seemed to him to be the exact likeness 
 of a figure which had appeared to him in a dream the very night 
 before and had said to him " Go on a little further, Lucullus ; for 
 Autolycus is coming to see thee ". The coincidence seemed to 
 him a divine call to care for the city whose deity had so favorably 
 appeared to him. 1 Thus Sinope passed into the power of the 
 Romans and the story of its capture reveals one more phase in 
 its strange, eventful history, and to almost every other possible 
 form of government Sinope has now added a government by 
 pirates. The transition to Roman rule marked an epoch in its 
 history and a new era was dated from it, stamped on coins as the 
 era of Lucullus. 2 
 
 Some years of Roman order and organization, of Roman favor 
 and Roman rebuilding, succeeded the anarchic violence of the 
 piratical regime. 3 But the next striking scene on Sinope's streets 
 was the pomp and splendor of the funeral procession of Mithra- 
 dates the Great. His own son, the worthless Pharnaces II, was 
 in power in the Cimmerian Bosporus on the northern shore of 
 
 1 On the capture cf. Plut. Luc. 23 ; Appian, Mithr. 83, and Memnon's detailed 
 account c. 53, 54 (source Nymphis of Heraclea, 3rd cent. B. c); cf. also Cic. 
 pro lege Manil. VIII 21 ; Oros. VI 3 ; Strabo XII 546, Eutrop. VI 8; Reinach- 
 Gotz, Mithr., pp. 352, 353. 
 
 2 Cf. Eckel, Doctrina Numorum II 1, 394; Six, Num. Chron. 1885 ; Head, 
 Hist. Num. 
 
 3 Plut. Luc. 23 της πόλεως επεμελήθη. Appian, op. cit.; Memnon, op. cit. 
 Cic, De lege agr. II 20, 353 shows that Sinope was under the Roman rule in 
 the time of Pompey, who succeeded Lucullus in 66 B. c. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 2 ζ 5 
 
 the Euxine. Thither the father, defeated by Pompey, had fled. 
 But he met with an unfriendly reception and in despair ended 
 his own life with poison and the sword. 1 To win the favor of 
 Pompey, who was now at Sinope, Pharnaces sent the mutilated 
 and all but unrecognizable corpse across the sea to him. But 
 that large-hearted conqueror, whose own body, by a strange in- 
 justice of history, was to lie upon the Egyptian shore, decapitated, 
 mutilated, dishonored and unburied, gave at his own expense 
 a magnificent interment to his barbarian enemy. He viewed the 
 body with emotion and averted eye and had it laid with marching 
 and flute music in the royal tomb at Sinope. 2 
 
 For going over to Rome Pharnaces received as his reward 
 a kingdom on the northern shore; but it was too narrow for his 
 ambitions, and while Pompey was absent in his western war with 
 Julius Caesar, Pharnaces crossed the sea and took Sinope from 
 Calvinus, who had been given charge of Pompey's territory. 
 There are no details of the capture, but in 47 B. c. Caesar, after 
 conquering Pompey at Pharsalus and pursuing him to Egypt, 
 marched rapidly against Pharnaces and quickly overthrew him 
 in the " veni, vidi, vici" battle of Zela. Pharnaces fled to Sinope 
 by way of the Amisus road, made his ignoble agreement there 
 with Calvinus that if allowed to depart in safety, he would remain 
 upon the northern shore, whither he went to end his career by 
 dying in battle, wounded by a personal enemy. 3 
 
 Beginning with Pompey, Bithynia and Pontus were formed 
 into one province. 4 He endeavored to improve the condition of 
 the cities he captured by giving them better laws and regulations, 5 
 and we cannot doubt that after his visit to the place Sinope ex- 
 perienced the beneficial effects of his attentions. But the im- 
 portant event in the city's improvement was a considerable influx 
 of new blood in the colony sent by Julius Caesar about 45 B. c. 6 
 
 1 Appian, Mithr. 111,112; Dio Cass. XXXVII 3,11-13; Plut. Pomp. 41 ; 
 Oros. VI 5 ; Eutrop. VI 12. 
 
 2 Plut. Pomp. 42; Appian, Mithr. 113; Dio Cass. XXXVII 14. 
 
 3 Appian, Mithr. 120 ; Dio Cass. XLII 46-8 ; Appian, Bell. Civ. II 91, 92 ; 
 Plut. Caes. 50 ; Suet., Jul. Caes. 35, 37 ; J. H. S. 1901, p. 59. 
 
 4 Strabo, XII 541 ; J. H. S. 1901, p. 60 ; and Schoenemann, De Bithynia et 
 Ponto, Provincia Romana (Gottingen 1855) ; cf. also Marquardt, Romische 
 Staatsverwaltung, vol. I, p. 351. 
 
 5 Appian, Mithr., 115. 
 
 6 Cf. Strabo XII 546; Pliny, Epist. X 91 »' coloniam Sinopensem " ; Pliny, 
 N. H. VI 2 " colonia Sinope " ; Appian, Mithr. 120, 121. 
 
256 AMERICAN JO URNAL OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 Another chronological era dates from this time. 1 It marks a new 
 era of prosperity also. The evidence of an imperial coinage is 
 always perfunctory, and in the C. I. F. or C. R. I. F. S. or C. I. 
 F. S. (Colonia Julia Felix Sinope) 2 which now makes its ap- 
 pearance on the city's coins 3 and in inscriptions on stone 4 the 
 u Felix " is not necessarily descriptive, and indeed shows itself 
 with almost monotonous continuity down to the time of Gallienus. 
 Even the λαμπρότατη' on a sarcophagus is tainted with a kind of 
 municipal cant. But, as a matter of fact, becoming a Roman 
 colony included very tangible municipal privileges as well as a 
 strong addition to the population. The new colonists were not 
 distributed throughout the city but occupied a separate quarter 
 by themselves, 6 while the remaining territory was occupied by 
 the earlier inhabitants who had survived the fire and sword of the 
 Mithradatic wars. 
 
 The history of Sinope being thus merged in the world-em- 
 bracing history of Rome, its separate annals are largely lost to 
 view. Almost the only mention of it at this time is found in 
 Josephus who speaks of Marcus Agrippa's warm greeting of 
 Herod there and the departure of the two in 16 B. c. upon an 
 expedition to the Cimmerian Bosporus. 7 The same old natural 
 sources of commercial prosperity continued. The fish still appears 
 on the coins and the figure of Ceres and the plough. 8 Strabo 9 
 writes of the beauty of the city and its surroundings in words 
 to which we have referred in an earlier chapter. Roman mile- 
 
 1 Eckel, Doctr. Num. II, 391 f.; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung I 357; 
 Schoenemann, op. cit. p. 96 ; Head, Hist. Num. p. 435. 
 
 2 C. I. A. S. or C. A. S. (colonia Augusta Sinope) also occurs. It is not 
 surprising to find Augustus' name on the coins. He was regarded as a king 
 in Paphlagonia, temples were built to him, and his cult established, cf. Revue 
 d. Etudes Gr. 1901, pp. 26-45. 
 
 3 Mionnet, Descr. de Medailles Antiques II 400 f.; IV 575 f.; Eckel, Doctr. 
 Num. II 1,389 f.; Rasche, Lex. Num. IV 2, 11051".; Cohen, Description 
 historique des monnaies V, pp. 123, 174, 324, 474; Imhoof-Blumer, Klein- 
 asiatische Mlinzen, pp. 6-10, p. 231, pi. I ; Macdonald, Greek Coins in the 
 Hunterian Collection II, p. 238; Brit. Mus. Cat.; Six, Num. Chron. 1885; 
 Head, Hist. Num.; Schoenemann, op. cit. p. 96. 
 
 4 Cf. C. I. L. Ill 239,6978. 
 
 5 Cf. λαμπρότατη κο?.ωνεία in Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 314. 
 
 6 Strabo XII 546, vwi δε και 'Ρωμαίων άποικίαν δέδεκται και μέρος της πόλεως 
 και της χωράς εκείνων εστί. 
 
 7 Josephus, Arch. XVI 21 ; Dio Cass. LIV 24. 
 
 8 Cf. Mionnet, etc., as cited above ; Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. p. 7, 4 ; pi. I 7. 
 9X11545,546. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 2$γ 
 
 stones were set up in the vicinity and a multitude of inscriptions, 1 
 honoring Germanicus, Tiberius, Agrippina, Hadrian, Antoninus 
 Pius, Marcus Aurelius and other lesser Romans testify, if the 
 testimony were needed, how completely Sinope had become 
 merged in Rome. 
 
 And yet in a general way it seems permissible to indicate 
 certain ascending stages by which the city's prosperity and honor 
 were increased. Whatever the general welfare of Sinope under 
 the Roman Republic, it nevertheless had to suffer from the self- 
 seeking ambitions of its governors, who regarded their provinces 
 as prizes to be exploited in their own interests. A better day 
 came under the more solid government of the Empire, for there 
 was at least some sense of responsibility felt by the proconsuls 
 to the authorities at Rome. In the time of Augustus, however, 
 Bithynia and Pontus were not an imperial province but were 
 under the Senate. 2 Her proconsuls were appointed for a year 
 at a time. Their characters doubtless varied very greatly and 
 continuous plans for the improvement of the city, stretching over 
 a considerable period, were unlikely to be made. But under 
 Trajan Bithynia and Pontus became an Imperial province and its 
 governor was obliged to consult the Emperor even upon matters 
 of detail and to be responsible to him for his administration, so 
 that an Imperial province, at least under such an Emperor as 
 Trajan, was better off than a senatorial one. In the younger 
 Pliny Sinope had a governor of unusually excellent personal 
 qualities. His construction of an aqueduct, by which a much 
 needed supply of pure water was brought from a distance of 
 sixteen miles in the interior, testifies to his care for the physical 
 well-being of the inhabitants, while his thoughtful and discrimi- 
 nating report in regard to the new superstition, Christianity, 
 shows a similar consideration of mental and spiritual welfare. 3 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 The Civilization of Sinope. 
 
 " To high Sinope's distant realms 
 
 Whence cynics rail'd at human pride". 
 
 Tennyson, Persia. 
 
 The external history of ancient Sinope, as we have now studied 
 it, interests us by its striking vicissitudes. But more important 
 
 1 Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), pp. 310, 327-329. 
 
 2 DioCass. LIII 12; Strabo XVII 840; Suet. Aug. 47 ; Tac. Ann. I 74. 
 
 3 Pliny, Ep. X 90, 91. On the aqueduct cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 131. 
 
258 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 than battles, captures, recaptures, autonomies and successive sub- 
 jections is the internal history of its people, the instruction their 
 annals give in the development of the race in character and 
 culture, government, occupation, literature, and art. 
 
 Sinope's position on the borderland between Orient and Oc- 
 cident gave it a strange and cosmopolitan mixture of nationalities. 
 The Assyrian element was in force down to the fourth century. 
 The native Paphlagonian was there. The subtle and finished 
 Greek, with his peculiar power of communicating his civilization, 
 the wily and treacherous Persian, and the resolute Roman suc- 
 cessively found their way to the chief Pontic sea-port and despite 
 depopulations and municipal tragedies of all sorts, Sinopean 
 civilization must, in its rude frontier fashion, have acquired 
 something of that universal character which Rome had in its 
 larger and more magnificent way, when in its hour of power the 
 different elements of the world were poured into it. There must 
 have been, at first successive and afterwards synchronous, many 
 different costumes and complexions, many languages spoken, 
 many cults observed, many conflicting ideas of honor and dis- 
 honor and many individual acts both brave and base. 
 
 What the characteristic spirit and temper of the people of this 
 frontier sea-port were is a question of profound interest. What 
 mental and intellectual qualities did Sinope's able men nourish 
 and develop? An answer seems obtainable and is what would 
 naturally be expected. Life at the limit line of civilization is 
 perpetually bringing forward sharp contrasts between the rude 
 and the cultured, the cowardly and the brave, the blunt-minded 
 and the keen. Constant hardship and privation teach such men 
 to scorn delights and luxuries, to increase the catalogue of things 
 they can go without and to write the articles of necessity in the 
 fewest lines. The temper of mind becomes independent, brave, 
 terse, and cynical. That this was the characteristic Sinopean 
 spirit is evident from the quality of literary genius her men de- 
 veloped after being transferred to the congenial soil of Athens. 
 The Sinopean product there was the keen laconic contempt of 
 Diogenes (412-323) and in the new comedy ludicrous scenes 
 drawn from the realism of life and executed with a fine scorn 
 extending in Diphilus even to the chronology which makes Hip- 
 ponax and Archilochus suitors of Sappho. 1 Not that Sinope 
 
 'Athen.XIII 599 d. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 2$g 
 
 produced no historians or geographers, 1 for our appendix of 
 Sinopeans will show that she did; but scarcely a line from them 
 has survived and chroniclers seldom mention their names, while 
 the apophthegms of Diogenes and the jests of Dionysius and of 
 the brothers Diodorus and Diphilus 2 are repeatedly found in 
 quotations and fragments which have had too much life in them 
 to be allowed to die; and when the authors themselves passed 
 away their honored names were cut into Athenian gravestones. 
 The tradition that Diogenes fled with his father to Athens because 
 the latter had been detected in forging or adulterating coins, the 
 entrance of the young man into the school of Antisthenes, indeed 
 the whole career of this remarkable cynic are not to be cited in 
 this connection. 3 Nor need the multiplied jests which Athenaeus 
 and Stobaeus quote be exploited; but the individual courage 
 amounting to recklessness which made Diogenes ask Alexander 
 to get from between him and the sun, the casting aside of the 
 wooden bowl after he saw the lad drink from the hollow of his 
 hand, the reduction of his living quarters to a pithos, together 
 with the coarse fun of the comic poets, perpetually directed 
 against the irksome embarrassments of the parasitic temper, 
 which cannot live from its own resources but eats the bread of 
 belittling dependence upon the wealthy, may serve to reflect that 
 ready individual courage of man against man. that cheerful ac- 
 ceptance of hardships in matters of food and shelter and especially 
 that rough humor and biting scorn of everything soft and 
 effeminate, which is continually putting itself in evidence all 
 along the line of adventurous colonial life. The fully developed 
 form of Sinope's peculiar talent, the only talent of which she 
 gives any great literary evidence, coming to flower when trans- 
 planted to the favoring soil of Athens in such instances as 
 that of Diogenes; 4 of the brilliant slave Cynic, Menippus, 5 whose 
 skilful combination of prose and poetry led the Roman Varro 
 
 l E. g. Baton, Diophantus, and Theopompus. 
 
 2 Cf. Prosopographia Sinopensis. 
 
 3 Cf. Diog. Laer. Vitae Phil. VI; cf. Zeitschrift fur Numismatik XXIII 
 (igoi), p. 138; and Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 50, for coins with ΔΙΟ and 
 ' Ικεσίον on them ; cf. also C.LG. 7074. 
 
 4 What time these men went to Athens it is impossible to tell, but probably 
 it was early in their career, because they seem to have imbibed the spirit of 
 Athenian life so deeply. Their fragments show no explicit references to their 
 native town. 
 
 5 Cf. Prosopographia Sinopensis. 
 
200 A MERICAN JO URN A L OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 into imitation; 1 of Hegesaeus the Cynic, 2 and of the line of comic 
 poets which I have indicated, clearly points back to its hardy 
 beginnings in its indigenous Sinopean soil. 
 
 The scenic character of Sinope must always have tended to 
 induce in its people a spirit of boldness and freedom. The 
 mountains lay behind them and their lofty promontory com- 
 manded a far-reaching view of the sea. The combination of 
 mountain and sea, together with their geographic isolation, must 
 have helped them to that boldness and freedom of spirit and that 
 individualism and enterprise for whose presence in the Greeks of 
 the motherland so much credit is given to the similar features of 
 her natural scenery. Such people have the travelling instinct and 
 we are not surprised to find great numbers of them at Athens. 3 
 A stronger testimony is the inscription of their names as πρόξενοι 
 at Delphi, 4 at Histiaea in Euboea 5 and, more remarkably still, at 
 the secluded interior town of Cleitor in Arcadia. 6 
 
 Material for constructing the history of the governmental devel- 
 opment of Sinope is meagre. The tantalizing numismatic list of 
 magistrates 7 belonging to the autonomous period yields the 
 names of no specific offices. The names of only two tyrants 8 are 
 known and the mention of public assemblies is bare of details. 
 From an inscription at Sinope (Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 312, 
 No. 40) we know that in the Macedonian epoch there were pry- 
 tanies as at Athens. We have a list of fourteen πρυτάνεις of whom 
 one is επιστάτη* της βουλής and another γραμματεύς. Even in Roman 
 times details of the method of the city's government are lacking. 
 The municipal functions of the priestly ποντάρχης are hardly evident 
 beyond the obligation to give public games at his own expense. 9 
 From Roman mile-stones we learn the name of Aur. Priscianus 
 who was praeses pr(ovinciae) P(onti) and that praeses was used 
 
 1 Λ good specimen of the Menippean satire is Seneca's Apocolocyntosis of 
 Claudius. Cf. Bucheler's Petronius. 
 
 2 Pupil of Diogenes, cf. Diog. L., VI 84. An inscription from Sinope makes 
 even Perseus a Cynic, because he too carries a pouch and the αρπη, the equiva- 
 lent of the Cynic's βάκτρον, cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), pp. 320-322. The harlot 
 Sinope, who took her name from her native town, should also be cited, cf A. J. P. 
 XXVII, p. 133• 
 
 3 Cf. Prosopographia Sinopensis. 4 Cf. Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 330. 
 5 Cf. Ibid., pp. 332, 333. 6 Cf. Ibid. p. 330. 
 
 7 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, p. 50. 8 Timesilaus and Scydrothemis. 
 
 9 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c, pp. 311, 312; J. H. S., 1900, p. 154; Revue des 
 Etudes Anc, 1901, p. 138. 
 
ANCIENT SIN ΟΡΕ. 201 
 
 in a technical sense before the time of Diocletian. The change 
 to praesides was made by Probus or Carus, not by Severus or 
 Aurelian, as has generally been supposed (cf. Mommsen, Rom. 
 Staatsrecht, pp. 240, 263; Am. J. Arch. 1. c. pp. 328, 329; A. J. P. 
 XXVII, p. 139, n. 2). But Sinope's early constitutional history 
 must go unwritten by moderns until the discovery of the ancient 
 one which Aristotle composed. 
 
 We know more about the occupations of the people. The 
 fish, the plough, the ship, are on the city's coins. 1 The maker of 
 amphoras and other pottery, 2 the weaver of nets, the forger of 
 steel implements of good repute, 3 the wood-cutters who felled the 
 trees for the timber-exports, 4 the skilful Greek engineers and ship- 
 builders, 5 were all there. The slave was there, though only two 
 are known by name, 6 the physician 7 also and the priest and 
 priestess, 8 the soldier, and the sailor, always in evidence at such 
 a sea-port. The lyre held by Apollo on coins 9 reminds us of the 
 presence of musicians. And for the hours of recreation there 
 were athletic contests and, at least in Roman days, though no 
 remains of any amphitheatre are to be found, bull-fights and 
 hunting exhibitions. 10 
 
 The early settlement of Sinope by the Milesian Greeks guaran- 
 teed its people a continuous course in physical culture. One ot 
 them took the prize for boxing in the contest ayeveiovs πνγμήν at 
 the Amphiaraia at Oropus about 350 B. c. 11 An Attic inscription 
 gives us the list of victories won by the Sinopean Valerius 
 Eclectus in 248 a. d. 12 Still another, Damostratus, won six 
 
 1 For the fish cf. Head op. cit. ; Six, Num. Chron., 1885 ; Brit. Mus. Cat.; for 
 the plough cf. Imhoof-Blumer, op. cit. p. 7, no. 4, pi. I 7 ; for the ship's prow 
 cf. A.J. P. XXVII, p. 135. 
 
 2 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c. pp. 294-302. 3 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 143. 
 4 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, pp. 140, 141. 
 
 5 Cf. p. 245 and Polyaen. VII 21, 2, 5 who says the Sinopeans had a multitude 
 αρχιτεκτόνων, τεχνιτών, τεκτόνων, ναυπηγών. 
 
 6 Manes : cf. Aelian V. Η. 13, 28 ; Diog. Laert. VI 55; Seneca, De Tranq. 
 Animi VIII 5 ; Strabo VII 304; Strabo XII 553; Menippus : cf. Prosopogr. 
 Sinopensis. Cf. also Plaut. Cure. 443. 
 
 7 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c.,.p. 315, no. 44. 
 
 8 Cf. Ibid., p. 312, no. 39; p. 322, no. 63. 
 
 9 Six, Num. Chron. 1885, pi. II 18, 19; J. H. S. IX. p. 300. 
 
 10 Cf. Am. J. Arch. Lc.,p. 3"• 
 
 11 Cf. Hestiaeus in Prosopogr. Sinopensis, also Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 330. 
 
 12 Cf. Prosopogr. Sinopensis. 
 
202 AMERICAN JO URN A L OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 wrestling contests at the Isthmian games. 1 I may add that there 
 is at Sinope itself at least one evidence of athletic glory. I found 
 there an inscription of which only one word remains, but that 
 word is παράδοξος, a victor in the πάλη and παγκράτιον. 2 All these 
 evidences point to a multitude of other successful Sinopean con- 
 testants and to a still larger multitude of unsuccessful ones. This 
 love of athletics would, of course, be self-evident in Roman times, 
 even without Strabo's mention of the gymnasium 3 and without 
 the inscription which gives the name of its director, Claudius 
 Potelius. 4 
 
 Ancient Greece had one great literary focus at which, unless 
 hindered by some special civic enmity, as in Pindar's case, all 
 literary genius centred. The literary element in Sinope's civili- 
 zation, therefore, must not be judged by the works published 
 within her walls ; for no such publications, unless possibly it be 
 the editing of her edition of Homer, 5 can be proved. She must 
 be judged rather by the product of her citizens after they had 
 migrated to the motherland. That product included the long list 
 of Baton's histories, the work on earthquakes by Theopompus, 
 who is sometimes considered a geographer and sometimes an 
 historian, and the writings of Diophantus, who was historian as 
 well as general ; it included the Cynic philosophies of Diogenes, 
 Menippus and Hegesaeus, and the Epicurean of Timotheus of the 
 first century b. C. ; it included the comedies of Dionysius, Diphilus, 
 and Diodorus, and the epigrams of Heracleides. 6 In the field of 
 oratory, in fine, we must not forget Xenophon's critical estimate 
 of Hecatonymus as dui>6s Xeyeiv. 1 On a previous page I have 
 already indicated the field in which men of Sinopean origin said 
 their best remembered words. But the list of names we have just 
 recited shows that their general literary activity was not in- 
 considerable. 
 
 Sinope cannot boast with certainty of any painter or sculptor. 8 
 Doubtless she had paintings which, like those ο the rest of the 
 Greek world, have perished. In any case, her streets and squares 
 and shrines were not devoid of statues. Those of her great 
 Cynic 9 may possibly have been carved in Sinope itself, but the 
 
 1 Anth. Plan. 3, 25. 2 Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 324. 
 
 3 Strabo XII 545. 4 Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 311. 
 
 5 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 133. 6 Cf. Prosopogr. Sinopensis. 
 
 7 Cf. Xen. Anab. V, 5, 7. . 
 
 8 Χρησστός is simply a λιθονργός of late date, cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 331. 
 9 Diog. Laert. VI 78. 
 
ANCIENT SI NOP Ε. 26$ 
 
 celebrated figure of Autolycus, which probably had its shrine, 
 for he was consulted as an oracle, was the work of the Olynthian 
 Sthennis in the fourth century. 1 As to the sculptor of the storied 
 statue of Serapis, which according to Tacitus and others was 
 carried off to Egypt, we are not informed. 2 And as to the precise 
 nature of the " sphere" of the astronomer Billarus we are equally 
 left in the dark. 3 In later years statues of the emperors would 
 multiply and doubtless the cylindrical stone, now there, whose 
 top is hollowed out into a mortar for grinding corn, and which 
 bears an inscription to Marcus Aurelius 4 was the pedestal of a 
 statue set up in his honor. No doubt many pieces of sculpture 
 have been carried off to other lands. There is, for example, in the 
 Museum at Constantinople an excellent sarcophagus from Sinope 
 with sculptures of boys bearing grapes. Many of plainer type 
 are still to be seen in Sinope. We have already had occasion 5 to 
 mention the archaic coins of the fifth century bearing a head with 
 bulging eyes, high cheek-bones and typical smile, and on the 
 reverse the simple incuse square, and we have noted the finer 
 coins that were minted after Athenian influences had come with 
 Pericles, after 444 B. c. 6 The relief of Hera with a nymph be- 
 fore her mentioned in the Syllogos 7 I could not find ; but I 
 discovered a " Funeral Banquet" relief of Roman date, which 
 has not been published. The execution is not of high order but 
 the design is worthy of mention because it is the only specimen, 
 so far as I know, which depicts so many pieces of armor together. 
 Usually there is only a shield or a helmet, but in this one there 
 are helmet, shield, greaves, and spear represented as hanging on 
 the wall. It is about 0.31 high by 0.35m. in width. Perhaps one 
 should not omit the two lions of inferior Roman workmanship, 
 one built into the wall, the other lying on the ground. These 
 and the "Funeral Banquet" relief just mentioned are the only 
 objects of ancient art I noticed in Sinope, aside from a few terra- 
 cotta figurines. The disfigured bust thought by the inhabitants 
 to represent Autolycus has been carried off from its niche in the 
 wall of the Byzantine tower. 8 Meagre as these materials are, they 
 
 1 Strabo XII 546; Appian, Mith. 83; Plut. Luc. 23; Lowy, Inschriften 
 Griech. Bildhauer 103» , 481, 541 ; Sthennis of Olynthus is identical with 
 Ί,θέννις 'Ήροδώρον 'Αθηναίος ; cf. also Ο verbeck , Antike Schriftquellen , 1 343-1 349. 
 
 2 Cf. Chap. X init. 3 Strabo XII 546. 
 
 *C. I. L. Ill 239,6978. 5 Cf. A.J. P. XXVII, p. 151. 
 
 6 Cf. ibid, p. 153. 7 Syllogos κζ' 1900, pp. 263-264. 
 
 8 Cf. Hommaire de Hell, op. cit., p. 346. 
 
204 AMERICAN JO URNAL OF PHIL Ο LOG Y. 
 
 enable us to think of Sinope as having some satisfactions, perhaps 
 much more numerous than we can now conceive, for the constant 
 human desire to fix the forms of men and living things in stone. 
 Of the architecture of ancient Sinope, its art as carried into 
 building, no more can be said than of its other art. Notwith- 
 standing the care 1 with which the city was built, the old structures 
 have perished. The only possible trace I could find of the 
 aqueduct is in the arches against which part of the city wall is 
 built. 2 The wall also contains, as before noted, 3 pieces of archi- 
 traves with inscriptions and columns. Two of these inscriptions 
 testify to a building, or at least parts of a building, having been 
 erected at the expense of certain individuals. 4 We know that 
 different men did sometimes put their means together to erect a 
 structure, while at other times the whole building was finished at 
 the expense of one person. 5 Either supposition may have been 
 the fact in regard to these fragments. Quarries still exist out on 
 the promontory. 6 The finest of Mithradates' palaces was at 
 Sinope 7 but all its adornments, together with the stoas, gym- 
 nasium, and market-place of later times, have disappeared and 
 left no trace. 8 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Cults at Sinope. 
 
 Many deities were worshipped at Sinope. The literary evi- 
 dence, which consists of Strabo's account of an oracle of Autolycus 9 
 and of what Tacitus, Plutarch, Macrobius and Clement of Alex- 
 andria say about Ptolemy's securing the image of Serapis from 
 Sinope, is scant. 10 But the inscriptions upon altars and upon other 
 stones, together with the legends and figures on coins, afford a 
 considerable bulk of testimony. By collating this we find at 
 Sinope cults of seven gods out of the Great Twelve : Zeus, Apollo, 
 
 1 Strabo XII 545- 2 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 131. 
 
 3 Cf. ibid. * Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 306, no. 33 ; p. 307, no. 34. 
 
 6 Cf. ibid. p. 307. 6 Hamilton, op. cit., p. 312. 
 
 7 Reinach-Gotz op. cit., p. 287; Diod. XIV 31 ; Cic. De Imp. Cn. Pomp. 
 21(8). 
 
 8 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 130. 9 Strabo XII 546. 
 
 10 Tac. Hist. IV 83, 84; Plut. de Iside et Osir. c. 28, 362a (source Manetho) ; 
 De Sollertia Animalium 36, 984 ; Eust. ad. Dionys. Per. 255 ; Steph. Byz. s. v: 
 Clem. Protrept. IV, 48 (26 ed. Sylburg) ; Macrob. Saturn. I 4 ; Cyrill. Jul. p. 13 
 
ANCIENT SIN OP Ε. 265 
 
 Athena, Hermes, Ares, Poseidon, and Demeter; 1 of five of the 
 later importations: Dionysus, Asclepius, the Dioscuri, Serapis, 
 and Isis; 2 of four mythical heroes : Autolycus, Phlogius, Perseus, 
 and Heracles; 3 of four astral divinities: Helios, Selene, Hydra- 
 choos, and Sirius; 4 and of six of the abstract or generalized con- 
 ceptions : Nemesis, Themis, Eros, Nike, Hygieia, and Fortuna. 5 
 I found there also an altar 0«ώ μίγάλω νψίστω. 6 Lanaras had pre- 
 viously discovered one Be$ νψίστω. Ί There are no large altars. 
 That such existed we may argue from the presence of the great 
 statues of Autolycus and Serapis, but the iconoclasm of the 
 Christian and of the Mohammedan has left no trace of them. 
 Those to be seen at Sinope, numerous as they are, are small. 
 The largest one stands in a field and is only 91 cm. in height, 
 including the rough portion of 17 cm. which was under ground. 8 
 Two others about 50 cm. high have been carried into an apothe- 
 cary shop. 9 Another, 58 cm. high, stands in a back yard, 10 and 
 another, 49 cm. high, supports the wooden post of a porch. 11 All 
 have the same general form, with projecting bases and tops, and 
 
 1 Ζειτ όικαιόσννος μέγας, Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 302 ; Ζενς ήλιος νανδαμηνος 
 έτζήκοος, Ibid. p. 303 ; for a similar epithet of Zeus, ευρνδαμηνός, cf. Revue 
 Arch. 1888, II, p. 223; Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition, no. 589; J. H. S. XVIII, 
 p. 96 ; Ramsay, CI. Review, 1905, pp. 417, 419. The Sinope inscription does 
 not favor Ramsay's connection of the epithet with Men, the moon-god. The 
 epithet is probably local. Hermes, Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 323 ; on Poseidon 
 cf. below. All seven appear on coins, cf. works on coins as cited, p. 256, 
 note 3. 
 
 2 Asclepius, Am. J. Arch. IX (1905), p. 306; Serapis, Ibid. pp. 315, 331 ; Isis, 
 Ibid. p. 312; for Dionysus, the Dioscuri, Serapis, and Isis cf. works on coins 
 as cited, p. 256, note 3. 
 
 3 Autolycus, Strabo XII 546; Appian, Mithr. 83; Phlogius, Am. J. Arch. IX 
 (1905), p. 306 ; Perseus, Ibid. pp. 320-322. Heracles, Ibid. p. 305, also on coins, 
 cf. Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies Grecques p. 230, no. 13; Num. Chron. 1885, pi. II, 
 18 ; for Heracles and Perseus cf. also the works on coins cited. For Perseus at 
 the neighboring town of Amisus cf. Cumont, Revue Archeologique V (1905), pp. 
 i8of. Perseus was the mythical ancestor of the Achaemenidae with whom 
 Mithradates the Great, born at Sinope, claimed relationship. 
 
 4 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 323. For the head of Helios on coins of Sinope 
 cf. Mionnet, op. cit. suppl. IV, p. 574, 131 ; British Museum Catalogue of 
 Greek Coins, Pontus, pi. XXII, 15. De Koehne, Description du musee de 
 M. le prince Kotschoubey p. 59 thinks that the cult of Helios was introduced 
 into Olbia from Sinope. Cf. Hirst, The Cults of Olbia, J. H. S. XXII, p. 43. 
 
 5 Hygieia, Am. J. Arch. 1. c, p. 306 ; Themis, Ibid. p. 323 ; for the others cf. 
 works on coins as cited above. 
 
 6 Ibid. p. 304. 7 Ibid. p. 306. 8 Ibid. p. 303. 
 9 Ibid. p. 306, nos. 28, 29. 10 Ibid. p. 305. n Ibid. p. 304. 
 
266 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 inscriptions occupying the smooth space between. The inscrip- 
 tions are upon one side only and have the same general wording, 
 conveying the name of the dedicator, the god to whom set up, 
 and a general votive expression. 
 
 The statue and the shrine of Autolycus imply a temple where 
 those who consulted the oracle of the city's founder might meet. 1 
 The two-columned portico in which Nemesis stands on many 
 imperial coins is proof that a temple of that goddess existed at 
 Sinope. 2 Another temple appears from the expression of the 
 woman Rheipane, who declared herself honored because she 
 dwelt "near pure Serapis", i. e., near to his temple. 3 If we 
 receive the stories which relate the carrying off of Serapis to 
 Alexandria their mention of a colossal statue and of the worship 
 of the god at Sinope are another indication of the existence of his 
 temple there. Other temples there doubtless were to other gods 
 named in the lists already given, but these three are reasonably 
 certain. 
 
 The sea-girt peninsula would not long be without some worship 
 of Poseidon. 4 On coins 5 the figure of the god appears both seated 
 and standing and in both cases with the familiar dolphin and 
 trident, one in one hand, the other in the other. The prominence 
 of this cult at Sinope appears from a decree giving valuable per- 
 quisites to the priest of Poseidon Heliconius. 6 He is to be exempt 
 from military duty. At public contests he is to have a wreath 
 and wine. In certain months he is to have the right leg, the loins, 
 and the tongue of public sacrifices, and of private sacrifices the 
 loins or shoulder-blade and breast. The worship of this god would 
 naturally begin at an early date, and we find his image on many 
 pre-imperial coins as well as upon those of the later emperors. 
 
 1 Cf. Strabo XII 546; Appian, Mithr. 83. 
 
 3 Cf. coins of Trajan, Caracalla, Maximinus, Gordianus, Philippus Junior, 
 also Faustina, Tranquillinus in works cited, p. 256, note 3. 
 
 3 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 315. The temple undoubtedly stood in the Greek 
 Quarter where this inscription and Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 312, no. 40 were found, 
 not at the narrowest part of the isthmus just outside the walls to the south- 
 west, where a Byzantine church was excavated, as is stated in Parnassos 
 VI 869. 
 
 4 Cf. the name Poseidonius on vase-handles from Sinope, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. 
 pp. 300, 301. ΤΙοσείόεών occurs as the name of one of the months, cf. Dit- 
 tenberger, Sylloge 2 , 603. 
 
 6 Cf. Head, Hist. Num. p. 435 and other works on coins as cited, p. 256, note 3. 
 6 Cf. Dittenberger 1. c Am. J. Arch. 1. c p. 331, no. 87, also shows worship 
 of Poseidon. 
 
ANCIENT SI NO Ρ Ε. 20y 
 
 The significance of Sinope's worship of Apollo is somewhat 
 obscure. He was regarded as the founder of Miletus, 1 and 
 Sinope was founded by the Milesians who naturally would pro- 
 mote the worship of their home-god at the new settlement. The 
 migration of the god from the west is further indicated in those 
 forms of the story of the rape of Sinope which spoke of her as 
 being brought from Boeotia by Apollo. 2 The representations on 
 coins are various. One is an archaic figure standing near a tripod, 
 with laurel branch in one hand and an ointment vase in the other. 
 Another represents him with laurel wreath, seated on the om- 
 phalos, with lyre in hand. 3 
 
 The most prominent Sinopean deity was Serapis. From the 
 time of Hadrian on by far the most frequent figure on her coins 
 was Serapis," and if we go back to the fourth century B. C. the 
 testimony of the great Cynic is decisive in the same direction. 
 The Athenians declared Alexander to be Dionysus. 5 "Then call 
 me Serapis" said Diogenes, implying of course that that was the 
 important local god of his native city. 
 
 The worship of the heavenly bodies was always prominent at 
 Sinope. Its name was probably connected with Sin, the Assyrian 
 moon-god and its early Assyrian settlers doubtless brought that 
 worship with them. 6 There has heretofore been no known 
 Sinopean inscription with Selene expressly mentioned nor even 
 any representation of Selene on coins; but a new inscription con- 
 tains the names of six deities, one of which is Selene. 7 This is 
 one more testimony to the persistence of the moon cult. It is 
 worth noting that three of the other names, Helios, Hydrachoos, 
 and Sirius, also belong to heavenly bodies, the remaining two 
 being Themis and Hermes. 
 
 The Sinopeans hearing of Serapis in Egypt, a combination of 
 Osiris, the sun-god, and Apis, 8 identified him with their own native 
 god, Zeus Helios, and the Egyptians in turn hearing of the 
 Sinopean deity, Zeus Hades, who Reinach thinks was none other 
 
 1 Curtius, Gr. Geschichte I 493. 2 Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, pp. 147, 148. 
 
 3 Cf. Head, Hist. Num. p. 435 and other works cited, p. 256, note 3. 
 * Num. Zeit. XXI (1889), pp. 2 f., 385 f. A table I made shows that Serapis 
 is the most frequent figure on imperial coins. Nemesis is second. 
 
 5 Diog. Laert. VI 63. 6 Cf. chap. IV (A. J. P. XXVII, p. 144 f.) 
 
 7 Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 323. 
 
 8 Wilcken, Sarapis und Osiris-Apis (Archiv III, p. 249 f.) objects to the 
 derivation of Serapis from Osiris and Apis. But cf. Lehmanns, Sarapis contra 
 Oserapis, Beitr. z. alt. Geschichte IV (1904), p. 396. 
 
268 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 than the hellenized national god of the Paphlagonians, 1 identified 
 him with their Serapis, giving him attributes not Egyptian. Some- 
 thing like this, I think, is the explanation of the story that arose 
 about Ptolemy Soter having the colossal statue of the god of 
 Sinope brought to Alexandria. 2 In any case Helios and Serapis 
 were practically identified even in Egypt, just as we know them 
 to have been in Sinope. 3 
 
 Along with the worship of Serapis naturally goes that of Isis, 
 whose head occurs on coins. A priestess of Isis is known from 
 an inscription found at Sinope. 4 
 
 The cult of the emperors, which in the provinces was so strong 
 as a political and social unifying force, flourished in Paphlagonia, 
 where we know there was, for example, a temple and cult of 
 Augustus. 5 A similar worship doubtless existed in Sinope. 
 Perhaps the inscription to Marcus Aurelius found there indicates 
 divine honors paid to him. The strongest evidence of emperor 
 worship in Sinope is the head of Augustus or some other emperor 
 on what we may call the divine side of coins, that is, the side 
 where the figures of deities were usually placed, and the name 
 of some other as yet undeified emperor on the other side. 
 
 Finally came Christianity, which placed the cross 6 upon tomb- 
 stones and churches and for a time caused the pagan temples to 
 
 1 Reinach-Gotz, op. cit., p. 232; Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums II 291. 
 Otto, Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Aegypten, p. n f. thinks Serapis 
 is a ehthonic deity native to Egypt and not originally an oriental god as 
 believes Preuschen in his Monchtum und Sarapiskult. So also Bouche- 
 Leclercq, Revue de l'histoire des religions XLVI (1902), p. 1 f. On Serapis- 
 cult at Alexandria cf. also Lafaye, Histoire des divinites d'Alexandrie p. 16 f.; 
 Gruppe, Griechische Mythologie, p. 1576 f. (Von Miiller's Handbuch der kl. 
 Alt. V, 2, 2, 3) ; Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 72 ; The Silver Age of the 
 Greek World p. 401. 
 
 2 Zoega, Nummi Aegyptii, p. 133, no. 309, thinks a coin of Hadrian repre- 
 sents the Sinopean statue being taken on board ship. On the whole mooted 
 question cf. Wilkinson, The Ancient Egyptians III, p. 95 f. ; Plew, de Sara- 
 pide (Konigsberg 1868), p. 20, who takes the name of the mountain near 
 Memphis, Sinopion, to be a mere fiction to connect the Sinopean tradition with 
 that of Memphis, and rightly I think, cf. also J. H. S. VI (1885), p. 289 f.; 
 Jahrbuch des arch.deut. Inst., 1 897, Anzeiger, p. 169 ; 1898, pp. 1 54, 166 f., I72f. 
 Representations of Serapis in art always follow the Greek type probably 
 created by Bryaxis, cf. Reinach, Le moulage des statues et le Serapis de 
 Bryaxis, Revue Arch. XXXIX (1902), p. 5 f. 
 
 3 C. I. G., 4683 f. ; Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 306, no. 30. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 312. 5 Cf. p. 256, note 2. 
 6 Cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c, pp. 311, 322, 325, 326, 329. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 269 
 
 be all but deserted and nearly ruined the market for sacrificial 
 animals. Many of the Christians, about whom Pliny the younger 
 wrote in his famous letter 1 to Trajan, must have lived in Sinope, 
 for the "contagion of this superstition" "seized upon the cities", 
 of which Sinope was an important one. "The Christians were 
 wont to meet together on a stated day, before it was light, and to 
 sing among themselves alternately a hymn to Christ as to God and 
 bind themselves by an oath, not to the commission of any wicked- 
 ness, but not to be guilty of theft or robbery or adultery, never to 
 falsify their word, nor to deny a pledge committed to them when 
 called upon to return it". A fuller discussion of the Christian 
 worship of this district as referred to in Pliny's letter belongs to 
 the domain of Church History rather than to this paper. Yet 
 any account of Sinopean cults would be incomplete without 
 this much. 
 
 Prosopographia Sinopensis. 2 
 
 Άγαθόδωρος, φροντιστής, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. IX, (1905), 
 p. 322, no. 61. 
 
 'AyLeXtJSas Βαβύττου, πρύτανις, ibid. p. 3 1 3. 
 
 'Αθηναίος Άντιάνδρου Σινώπης grave-Stone, I. G. (C I. A.) II, 3, 
 3339- 
 
 Άθηνί(ύ[ν] Αιοννσίο[ν~] Σΐί>ωπ[ψ[?], grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) 
 Π, 3> 3340. 
 Αϊβούτιο[ς] Μά[ξ]ιμο[ς~\ , grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 3 1 8, no. 53. 
 Αιμιλιανός ΌφιλλιΌυ ΚονρΙωνος, grave-stone, ibid. p. 318, no. 52. 
 Αισχίνης, vase-fabricant, ibid. p. 301, no. 20. 
 
 Ακύλας. Cf. ibid. p. 324, no. 68 Φλ]αμιν[ί]ου Ακύλα. 
 Άμφίλοχος Evy[evi8ov], ibid. p. 320. 
 
 Ά[ο]υ€Γτον, φοράρις (forarius), dedicator to Helioserapis, ibid. p. 
 306, no. 30. Cf. Cagnat, Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas 
 Pertinentes III, 1, no. 93. 
 
 Άπατούριος, vase-fabricant, ibid. p. 299, no. 11. 
 
 1 Απημαϊ\ντος , αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 3OI, ΠΟ. 15. 
 Απολλωνίδης Ποσειδωνίου, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 3OO, ΠΟ. 12; p. 3OI, 
 
 nos. 16, 17. 
 
 Απολλώνιος Μίνάνδρου Σινωπϊύς, grave-stone in Athens, cf. Robinson, 
 Berl. Phil. Woch., 1904, no. 49, cols. 1566 f. 
 
 ^lin.Ep. X96. 
 
 2 This list includes all names noted in inscriptions from Sinope and those 
 of Sinopeans found elsewhere. Father's names are as a rule not listed 
 separately. 
 
270 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Άρία IIpet /ζα. Cf. S. V. "Ερμων. 
 
 Άρι'στ[αρ]χ[ο]ί• [Άρ]ιστά[ρ^]ο[υ], πρύτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C, p. 
 313• 
 
 Άρτξ]μί8ωρος, vase-maker, ibid. p. 301, no. 15. 
 
 Α]σκ[λ]^7τιόδωρο$' ' Ολύμπου, πρύτανις, ibid, p. 2>^3' 
 "Ατταλος, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 302, ΠΟ. 22. 
 Αφροδίσιος Αφροδισίου, πρύτανις, ibid. p. 3*3• 
 
 Αφροδίσιος Ευπόρου Σινωπ^ύς, (φηβος, I. G. (C. Ι. Α.) II, 4^7• **** 
 also S. V. Εύπορος. 
 
 Βάκχιος Μνησιος, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 319, no. 54. 
 
 Βάτων Σινωπζύς, ρητωρ and historian; Strabo XII, 546; Athenaeus 
 VI, 251 e; X, 436; XIV, 639 d; Plut., Agis 15; Susemihl, 
 Gesch. der Gr. Lit. der Alexandrinerzeit I, 635 f.; Schwartz in 
 Pauly-Wissowa, Encyclopadie s. v. Baton; Miiller, Frag. Hist. 
 Gr. IV, pp. 347-350. Date, third cent. b. c. Cf. also s. v. 
 Menippus. 
 
 Βίλλαρος, astronomer, possibly a Sinopean. Cf. Strabo XII, 546. 
 
 Βόηθος Αυσιμάχου Σινώπης, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 334I. 
 
 Β]οΐσκος Μοναι . . . , dedicator, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 306, no. 32. 
 
 Τά(ΐς Άπολλωνί[δου] Σινωπί [ύς], grave-Stone, I. G. (C I. A.) Ill, 
 2, 2907. 
 
 Γλαυκίας, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 301, no. 21. 
 
 Γλ?7ρι$ Αίμβίου, πρύτανις, ibid. p. 3 1 3• 
 
 Ααμόστματος Σινωπεύς, athlete who won six times in the πάλη at 
 the Isthmian games, epigram. Cf. Anth. Plan. Ill, 25. 
 
 Δημήτριος Φίντιος, πρύτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 3 1 3. 
 
 Δημήτριος Σινωπ^ύς, cavalry soldier and land-owner in Egypt. 
 Cf. Grenfell and Hunt, Amherst Papyri, part II, nos. XLII and 
 LV. Date, first half of second cent. B. c. 
 
 Αημόστρατος ΙΙρομηθίωνος, πρύτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C p. 3 1 3. 
 AioyeVqy, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 297, ΠΟ. 6. 
 Αι]ογ€νης, φιλόσοφος, ibid. p. 308. 
 
 Αιογίνης 6 Σινωπεύς, the famous Cynic philosopher (414-323 B.C.); 
 cf. Strabo XII, 546; Diog. L. Vita Diog.; epigram in Preger, 
 Inscr. Gr. Metricae no. 166. Possibly a tragedian also ; cf. 
 Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica, no. 3804 and Pauly-Wissowa, 
 Encyclopadie s. Diogenes. C. I. G. IV, 7074 Αιογίνης Ιασίου 
 Σινωπαϊος is probably a forgery. 
 
 Αιόδωρος Σινωπζύς = Αιόδωρος Αιώνος Σημαχίδης in I. G. (C. I. A.) 
 
 Π, 3. 3343• Comic poet; cf. Athenaeus VI, 235 e, 239 b; X, 
 431 c; Preuner, Ein Delphisches Weihgeschenk p. 72; Meineke, 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 27 1 
 
 Hist. Crit. pp. 418-419; Frag. Com. Graec. Ill, pp. 543-546. 
 Meineke and Kaibel in Pauly-Wissowa op. cit. and A. Miiller 
 (Philologus LXIII,p. 354) classed him under the Middle Comedy, 
 but Capps (Am. J. Arch. IV (1900) p. 83) has shown that he is a 
 poet of the New Comedy. He took part in the comic contests at 
 Delos in the years 284 and 280 B. c. (B. C. H. VII, pp. 105, 107. 
 The dates given are those of Homolle, Archives de l'lntendance 
 sacree pp. 58, 127, which are two years later than in the B. C. H.). 
 Diodorus was also second and third at the Lenaea in Athens in 
 288 with the plays Νεκρός and Μαινόμενο*. Diodorus was granted 
 Athenian citizenship and is called an Athenian in Auctor Lex. 
 Hermann, p. 324. His deme is given in I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3343 
 on the family tomb-stone on which the name of Diphilus also 
 occurs. For the inscription, which Wilhelm has rediscovered, cf. 
 Wilhelm, Urkunden Dramatischer Auffiihrungen in Athen (Son- 
 derschriften des Oest. Arch. Inst, in Wien, Band VI), p. 60. The 
 identification of Diodorus and Diphilus as comic poets is due 
 to Kumanudes, but he thought that Diodorus, father of Dion, 
 was the comic poet. Capps (1. c.) with the aid of I. G. (C. I. A.) 
 II, 972 proves that the comic poet was the son of Dion and 
 flourished about 300 B. C. Kirchner, op. cit. 3959, thinks the 
 Διόδωρος ΆθψαΙος of Β. C. Η. VII, p. 105 is not a different poet, 
 wrongly citing Capps. This Diodorus must be different from the 
 
 Διόδωρο? Σινωπ(νς, whose name follows that of Διόδωρος Άθηναΐος 
 
 among the κωμωιδοί. The ethnicon Ζινωπςύς is used in the Delian 
 inscriptions (B. C. H. VII, pp. 105, 107) because Diodorus of 
 Sinope did not receive Athenian citizenship till after 282 B. c. or 
 because he preferred to be known in Delos as a Sinopean to dis- 
 tinguish him from an Athenian of the same name who was' 
 performing at the same time in Delos. There is no reason for 
 Wilhelm's suggestion (op. cit., p. 61) that Διόδωρος Αθηναίος was 
 also from Sinope and Διόδωρο? Σινώπης was his nephew, son of 
 Diphilus. A comic actor by the name of Diodorus occurs also 
 in B. C. H. IX, p. 134. Diodorus should not be read in G. D. I. 
 2565, 1. 42 as restored by Kirchner Pros. 3934, cf. Wilhelm, op. 
 cit. p. 245. 
 
 Διονύσιος Απολλώνιου Σινωπίύς, grave-Stone, 1. G. (C. I. A.) II, 
 
 3, 3342. 
 
 Διονύσιο? Σινωπεύς, poet of the New Comedy; cf. Pauly-Wissowa 
 s. Dionysius (105) ; cf. Meineke, Hist. Crit. I, p. 419; Frag. Com. 
 Graec. Ill, 546-555; Athenaeus XI, 467 d, 497 c; XIV, 615 e. 
 
272 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 In the last passage Athenaeus quotes the play of Dionysius 
 called 'Ομώνυμοι; cf. also IX, 381 c. This led astray both Senge- 
 busch, op. cit. p. 13 and Streuber, op. cit. p. 90, who say there 
 was a grammarian Dionysius from Sinope who wrote nepl 'Ομωνύ- 
 μων. In I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 977 m, 1. 2 the name Dionysius 
 should be read, cf. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 128 f., 135, 180. 
 
 Διονύσιο? Σινωπίύς, grave-stone in Rhodes, I. G. (I. G. Ins.) XII, 
 1, 465• 
 
 Διονύσιος, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 3ΟΙ, no. 1 8. 
 
 Διονύσιος Άρχίππου, επιστάτης της βουλής and πρυτανις, ibid. ρ. 3 Ι 3• 
 
 Διονύσιος Τίροκλίους Σινωπβύς, Kumanudes, 'Αττικής Έπιγραφαί Επι- 
 τύμβιοι no. 2396; Έφ. Άρχ. 1852-1855, ρ• 9 2Ι > η °• ^οδ• This 
 inscription is omitted in the Corpus. For Πρόκλο? cf. infra. 
 
 Διόφαντος Άσκλαπιοδώρου Σινωπ€ύς, general of Mithradates the 
 Great, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 331, no. 85. Perhaps to be identified 
 with the author of the Ίστορίαι Ποντικαί (cf. Miiller, Frag. Η ist. Gr. I V, 
 p. 396). Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa Encycl. s. v. Diophantus 
 gives the third cent. B. c. as the date of the historian Diophantus, 
 but I see no reason for placing him so early. Agatharchides 
 who quotes him belongs to the end of the second cent. B. c. 
 (cf. Niese, Gesch. der Gr. und Mak. Staaten I, p. 12). Diophantus* 
 victory over the Scythians was about 1 10 B. c. and he may have 
 written the Ποντικά before then. A man who knew all about the 
 Pontus would be just the one to send on such an expedition : 
 Niese, Rhein. Mus. XLII, p. 569 makes the identification. 
 
 Διόφαντος Έύλαμπίχου, πρύτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 3 1 3. 
 
 Δίφιλος Δίωνος Σινωπ€ύς, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3343, poet of the 
 
 New Comedy, brother of the comic poet Diodorus, cf. supra ; 
 cf. Meineke, Hist. Crit. I, 446 f., Frag. Com. Graec. IV, 375-430; 
 Strabo XII, 546; Anonym, de Com. XXX, XXXI; Susemihl, 
 Gesch. der Gr. Lit. in der Alexandrinerzeit I, 260 f. Floruit 
 about 320, cf. I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 977 g and Capps, Am. J. Arch. 
 IV (1900) p. 83, note. Cf. Pauly-Wissowa op. cit. s. Diphilus 
 and Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 123, 132. 
 
 Δίων Διόδωρου Σινωπ€ύς, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3343, father of 
 
 Diphilus and Diodorus. 
 
 Δωρος Διοσκουρίδου Σινωπίύς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 2, 
 
 2908. 
 
 Δωρος, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 295, no. 1. 
 
 Σ^ςξτος Έγνάτιος Έγνατίου ό υιός, ibid. p. 3*8, no. 5Ι• 
 
 Είδαν, vase-maker, ibid. p. 301, no. 16. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 273 
 
 Έκατώνυμος, δανός Xeyeiu, Sinopean ambassador to Xenophon's 
 Ten Thousand at Cotyora, Xen. Anab. V, 5, 7; Six, Num. Chron. 
 1885, p. 23. 
 
 Ούαλίριος *ΕκΧ(κτος Σινωπςύς, βουλευτής and athlete, I. G. (C. I. A.) 
 
 Ill, 1, 129. 
 
 "Ενδημος, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 298, ΠΟ. 8. 
 Έπίδημος ΈτΓ[ι]ί'[λ]^[ου], νομοφυΧαξ, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 3 1 3. 
 Έπάλπος, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 295, no. 3. 
 
 Έπιχάρης θ€αρίωνος, Sinopean ambassador, made πρόξενος of Histi- 
 aea, ibid. p. 333, no. 96. 
 
 L. E[r]en[n]ius Pompeianus, sarcophagus ibid. p. 326, no. 72. 
 
 Έρμαΐος Σινωπίύς. See Φαίδριον below. 
 
 "Ερμων. Inscription 1 found near Sinope, letters 0.03 m. high. 
 
 Έστιαΐος Σινωπεύς, athlete who WOn in the άγενύους πυγμήν at the 
 
 Amphiaraia at Oropus, I. G. VII (C. I. G. S., I) 414. 
 
 ΕυκΧης, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 299, no. 10; p. 300, 
 no. 12; p. 301, nos. 14, 17. 
 
 ΕύΧάΧιος, epigram, ibid. p. 311. 
 
 Εΰνους Βιο'του Σινωπενς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 2, 2909. 
 
 Ευξίνη Σινω[πίς], grave-stone, I. G. II, pars V (C. I. A. IV, 2), 
 
 3343 b. 
 
 Εΰπ[ορος], sarcophagus, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 314, no. 41. 
 
 Γ. Καιο? Ευ [τυχια~\ν6ς, ναύκΧαρος, πρόξενος, Latyschev, InSCr. Ant. 
 
 Orae Sept. Ponti Eux. IV, no. 72. 
 
 ζόη, wife of M. Haterius Maximus, sarcophagus, Am. J. Arch. 
 1. c. p. 315, no. 44. 
 
 Ήγησαΐος Σινωπίνς ό Κλοιό? (πίκΧην, Cynic philosopher, pupil of 
 
 Diogenes; cf. Diog. L. VI, 84. The name Hegesaeus occurs also 
 as that of a δούΧος τοΰ θ€οΰ in a Greek inscription of the year 1781 
 A. D., still to be seen over the gate-way of Sinope and published 
 by Hommaire de Hell, op. cit. II, pp. 351, 352; IV, pi. XII, 4. 
 
 Ήγησίθ€μις Ήρ«κλ«'δβω Σινωπίος, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 
 
 3, 3344- 
 
 ΉδίΧη, member of the family of Dion, Diodorus, and Diphilus, 
 grave-stone; cf. I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3343. 
 
 Ηρακλείδης, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 295, no. 2. 
 
 ^GPMCONOCX 
 ΑΡΙΑπΡΘΙΜΑε 
 CIOY ■ ΑΜΦ. 
 
 — ε "Έιψωνος χ{ρηστε χαίρε. \ ή σνμβιος αντον] Άρία Πρεϊμα ε\αντής άνόρι | 
 σίου Άμ<ρ[ι-ο/.είτΐ}. 
 
274 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Ηρακλείδης Μί[κρ]ιου, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 3OI, ΠΟ. Ιβ• 
 
 Ηρακλείδης Σινωπεύς, writer of epigrams; cf. Anth. Pal. VII, 28 1, 
 392, 465• 
 
 Ήψαίστιος Έξηκέστου, πρύτανίς, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 3 1 3. 
 
 θεριστής Νύμφ[ω]νος, grave-stone, ibid. p. 322, no. 60. 
 
 θέογνις Σινωπεύς, ibid. p. 332, no. 93, epigram attributed to Simon- 
 ides. 
 
 θ€07το/χ7Γο? Σινωπεΰς, wrote ncp\ Σεισμών; cf. Phlegon of Tralles in 
 Miiller, Frag. Hist. Graec. Ill, p. 622, 48. 
 
 θεύδωρος, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 295, no. 3. 
 
 θρασωνίδης, rhapsode, cf. p. 279. 
 
 Ικεσίας Αντιπάτρου, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 298, no. 9; p. 299, no. IO. 
 
 Ικεσίας, father of Diogenes the Cynic, Diog. L. VI, 20. 
 Ίουκοΰνδος, dedicator of altar to Heracles, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. 
 p. 305, no. 27. 
 
 Ιστιαίος, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 294, ΠΟ. I. 
 
 Αικιννία Καισελλια, grave-stone, ibid. p. 317, no. 50. 
 
 [Καλλικράτης] Μητριός, Σινωπεΰς, πρόξενος of Delphi ibid. p. 330. 
 Γάϊος Μάρκιος Κηνσωρΐνος, πρεσβευτής Καίσαρος, κηδεμων της πόλεως, 
 
 ibid. pp. 309, 310. 
 
 Κίττος Διονυσίου Σινωπεύς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. Ι. Α.) Π, 3, 3345* 
 
 Rangabe\ Antiquites Hell6niques II, p. 903, no, 1867 reads Σίττος. 
 Κλεαίνετος, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 302, no. 23. 
 κλεοχάρης, pirate and prefect of Sinope; cf. p. 253. 
 
 Κορνουτίων Σινωπεύς, child who died abroad (Rome), θρεπτός of 
 
 Diodorus, Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca 702 ; I. G. (I. G. S., I.) 
 XIV, 1787; Cagnat, Inscr. Gr. ad Res Rom. Pert. I, 293. 
 Κτησων, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 299, no. 9. 
 
 Αάμαχος Χορηγίωνος, γραμματεύς της βουλής, ibid. ρ. 3 Χ 3• Also 
 πρυτανις. 
 
 Αάμαχος' Άντίφου, grave-stone, ibid. p. 319» η °• 54• 
 Αεόνιππος, pirate and prefect of Sinope, cf. p. 253. 
 
 Αε~]ωμεδων ' Άρια των α[κ~\τος, dedicator tO PhloglUS, ibid. p. 306, 
 
 no. 31. 
 
 Αεων Σινωπεύς, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3346. Grave-stele with 
 relief of lion. 
 
 Κ. Αικίννιος Φρουγις } προξενητης, sarcophagus, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. 
 
 p. 315, no. 45. 
 
 Αικίνιος Χρυσάγονος Όλυ , ibid. p. 306, no. 33. 
 
 L. Licinnius Fr(u)gi, an enormous grave-stone, ibid. p. 327, 
 no. 73. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 27$ 
 
 Ποπίλλιος Αουτατιαρος νίός Ποπ(ιλλι'ου) Ονφικιαροΰ δις άρχκρίως και 
 "Σηστίας Μαρκιανης 'κμζίας μςγάλης Άθηράς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. Ι. Α.) 
 
 III, 2, 1450. 
 
 Olcinius Macrinus, C. I. L. Ill, i4402. b 
 
 Μάης 2αροάι>δου, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 316, no. 49. 
 
 Σίουήρος Μύ«ρ, dedicator to Zeus Hypsistos, ibid. p. 306, no. 29. 
 
 M. I ... aripiot Μάξιμος, physician, sarcophagus, ibid. p. 315, 
 no. 44. 
 
 Μ(γαλημ(ρος, χαλκούς, ibid. p. 322, ΠΟ. 62. 
 
 MeViTTTTos Σινωπ^ΰς, Cynic philosopher, cf. Diog. L. VI, 95. In all 
 the handbooks Menippus, from whom the Menippean satires took 
 their name, is spoken of as coming from Gadara in Syria. Strabo 
 XVI, 759, followed by Steph. Byz. s. v. Gadara, is the only 
 authority for this ; and Diogenes Laertius' statement in VI, 99, 
 that Menippus was in origin a Phoenician, is interpreted to mean 
 that he came from Gadara, for Gadara was in Coele-Syria, a part 
 of Phoenicia. But Diog. Laert. VI, 95 mentions a Menippus 
 from Sinope who became επιφανής among the pupils of Metrocles. 
 Diog. L. then gives the life of Hipparchia, which is followed (VI, 
 99) by the life of Menippus. The probability is that this Menippus 
 is the same as the one in VI, 95, especially since the*Sinopean is 
 not included among the Menippi in sec. 101. Diog. L. makes 
 the blunder of calling him a contemporary of Meleager whose 
 date is the first half of the first century B. c. The fact that 
 Meleager of Gadara wrote Menippean Satires is probably ac- 
 countable for Diogenes' statement and led Strabo to say that both 
 came from Gadara. Menippus probably lived in the third century 
 B. c, cf. Probus ad. Verg. Eel. VI, 31, Varro qui sit Menippeus 
 non a magistro cuius aetas longe praecesserat. This is certainly 
 true if we identify the Menippus of Diog. L. VI, 99, who wrote 
 nothing σ -novhaiov and is undoubtedly the Cynic whom Varro 
 imitated in his Satirae Menippeae or Cynicae, with the Cynic 
 from Sinope who was a pupil of Metrocles (floruit about 270 
 Β. a). Zeller, Phil, der Griechen II, 1, p. 286, n. 3 identifies the 
 two. It is possible to go further. Diodes, who had made a special 
 study of the lives of the philosophers and, therefore, ought to be 
 followed in preference to Strabo, says (apud. Diog. L. VI, 99) 
 that Baton from the Pontus was the master of Menippus. This 
 may be the Sinopean βητωρ and historian, whose date falls also in 
 the third century (cf. Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa, s. v. Baton and 
 Susemihl, op. cit. I, 635 f.). That Menippus was a slave, as 
 
2? 6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Diogenes says, we know also from A. Gellius II, 18, 7 and Ma- 
 crobius I, 11, 42. Of course it is possible that Menippus was 
 born in Gadara and went to Sinope where he lived with his master 
 Baton (so Susemihl, op. cit. I, p. 44 f. who gives the literature on 
 Menippus) but Sinope had enough slaves of its own without im- 
 porting any. Menippus is an example of the characteristic 
 Sinopean temper referred to above in c. IX. 
 
 Μ^νίσκος Μηνιδος Σινώπης, I. G. II, pars V (C. I. A. IV, 2), 3346 b. 
 
 Μίνων Σινωπζίς, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3348. 
 
 Μηνόδωρο: 'Απολλώνιου Σινώπη; Comptes Rendus 1877, p. 277, 
 
 Roman inscription found at Kertch. 
 
 Μηνοφίλα Μάου Σινώπισσα, I. G. (C I. A.) Ill, 2, 2910. 
 Μήτρις [κ]αλλ ι κράτους, πρυτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 345^ ->' 
 Μητρις Νικάνδρου Σινωπζύς, Athen. Mith. XIII (1888), p. 429. On 
 
 name Μήτρις cf. Am. J. Arch. 1. c p. 330, no. 82. 
 
 Mf ? r [p]o[3t]oy (?) Α^ινίου, Sinopean ambassador, πρό&νος of Histi- 
 aea, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 333. 
 
 Μιθραδάτης Σινώπης, the Great, cf. Strabo XII, 545 and p. 252, 
 η. 1 supra. 
 
 Μιθραδάτης, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 298, no. 7. 
 
 Νάννα Αιονυσοιο, ibid. p. 319, ΠΟ. 55. 
 
 Ναυπων Καλλισθένους, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 302, ΠΟ. 23. 
 
 Αούκιος Φώικλάνιος NeVo)? Σινωπ€ύς, lived to be more than a hundred 
 years old, cf. Phlegon, Macrobioi (Miiller, Frag. Hist. Graec. Ill, 
 p. 609, 1). 
 
 Νικίας Φι[λ<:Όυ?] Σινώπης, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3348. 
 
 Νίκο Πλουτ«[ρ λ ου] 2u/|V]7r[6Ur], I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 2, 29II. 
 
 } Ονησιμος Όνησίππου Σινωπενς, I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 2, 29 1 2. 
 Όνησίχα Μ€ν[ω]νος Σινω[π€ω]ς [γυνή], I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3349• 
 
 Πά]μφιλος Σινωπ€υς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3350. 
 Published in the Rhein. Mus. 1866, p. 513, no. 308 among the un- 
 edited inscriptions. The inscription, Πάμφιλος Σινωτπυς, published 
 in the Bolletino dell' Instituto 1864, 48 has been overlooked. 
 This is probably the same inscription and the Πα has become 
 obliterated since the first publication. 
 
 Ώασιχάρης Δημητρίου, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 295, no. 2. 
 
 κ[ληυδία] Παύλα, priestess of Isis, ibid. p. 312, no. 39. Cf. Cagnat, 
 op. cit. Ill, 1, no. 95. 
 
 Όφίλλιος Πολύκαρπος, dedicator to Asclepius and Hygieia, Am. 
 J. Arch. 1. c. p. 306, no. 28. Cf. Αιμιλιανός supra. 
 
 Αιλιο? θρςπτίων Ποντιανός, dedicator tO θ(6ς ύψιστος, ibid. p. 306,. 
 
 no. 29. 
 
ANCIENT SINOPE. 2fJ 
 
 Ποντικός [θ]άλλου, sarcophagus, ibid. p. 314, no. 42. 
 C. Ael[ius?] Pontius, ibid. p. 327, no. 74. 
 
 Π]οσ€ΐδώνιος Mct[dtoi/], πρύτανις, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 313. 
 
 Unaidelos [θ]ίη[ρι]ωΐΌ9, αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 3 OI > no * '9• 
 
 Κλαύδιος Ποτί[λιος], γυμνασίαρχος, άρχων τον πρ€σβυτικοΰ, ποντάρχης, 
 
 etc., ibid. p. 312, no. 39. Cf. Cagnat, op. cit. Ill, 1, no. 95. 
 
 Αρια Πρώιμα. Cf. S. V. "Ερμων. 
 
 Aur(elius) Priscianus, pr(aeses) pr(ovinciae) P(onti) d(evo- 
 tus) n(umini) m(ajestati) q(ue) eorum, A. J. P. XXVII, p. 139, 
 n. 2 ; p. 260 f. 
 
 Πρόκλος Σινώπης, renders thanks to Nymphs and Poseidon for 
 being cured, Am. J. Arch. p. 331, no. 87. 
 
 Πρωταγόρας Αντισθένους Σινωπ(ύς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 
 
 3, 3351• 
 
 Πρωταγόρας Κυνίσκου, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 299, no. II ; 
 
 p. 301, no. 14. 
 
 Πύθης Αιονυσίου, dedicator tO Zfvy δικαιόσυνος μέγας, ibid. p. 302, 
 
 no. 24. 
 
 Πυθοκλης αστυνόμος, ibid. p. 3OI, no. 21. 
 
 Πυρρίας Σινω-πςύς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3352. 
 
 'Ρΐΐπάνη, γάτων καθαροϊο Σαράπώος, daughter of a pious and virtuous 
 father, ibid. p. 315, no. 48. Cagnat, op. cit. Ill, 1, no. 96 wrongly 
 reads τ^ιτιανή. 
 
 'Ρουφεϊνα, joint-dedicator with her husband of an altar to &ό* 
 
 μίγας ύψιστος, ibid. p. 304. 
 
 Σαιονύνιος, sarcophagus, ibid. p. 314, no. 43. 
 Salvius, vir n(obilis) m(emoriae), unpublished grave-stone in 
 church at Ortoi, one hour from Sinope. 1 
 
 Σέλευκος, pirate and prefect of Sinope; cf. p. 253. 
 
 sjAXioy, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 324, no. 68. 
 
 Tij3. κλ. Σίουήρος, Σινωιτεύς, cured at Epidaurus, dedicator to 
 
 Άττόλλω»' Μαλίάτας and Σωτηρ Άσκλάπιος, I. G. IV (C. I. P., I), 956. 
 
 λούκιος Σ€[πτί]κιος Άπόλαυστος, dedicator of altar to Ζευς "Ηλιος 
 ναυ\_δα]μηνος έπήκοος, ibid. p. 3^3• 
 
 Σίραπ'ιων Ηφαιστίωνος Σινωπζύς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C I. A.) Ill, 
 2, 3633• 
 
 1 Large marble slab with gable at the top, 1.16 m. high, 0.74 m. wide, 0.12 m. 
 thick. Letters vary from 0.08 m. to 0.10 m. in height. 
 
 VISEIIIALI 
 IINGIONII 
 SALVIVS VIRNM 
 SIT 
 
278 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHIL Ο LOGY. 
 
 Σινώπη, wife of Midias; cf. I. G. Ill, 3349 and Bechtel, Die 
 Griechischen Frauennamen, p. 60. Cf. also Sinopis, daughter 
 of Dionysius, wife of Diophantus in C. I. G., IV, 6991. 
 
 Σινώπη, a harlot named after her native town, who lived in the 
 first half of the fourth cent. B. C. Cf. A. J. P. XXVII, p. 133. 
 Add to references there Schol. Dem. XXIV, 762, 4 and Leutsch- 
 Schneidewin, Paroemiographi Graeci I, p. 451 (σινωπίσαι iw\ τον 
 
 άσχημονήσαι από ίταίρας τίνος €K Σινώπης). 
 
 Σκυδρόθίμις, tyrant and king of Sinope, Tac. Hist. IV, 83. 
 
 Σοφοκλής Δημητρίου Σινωπςύς, grave-Stone, I. G. II, 3, 3353• 
 
 Σοφοκλής Σινωπ(ύς, grave-stone, I. G. XII (Inscr. Gr. Ins.), i, 
 466 (Rhodes). 
 
 Σπόρος Σινωπ^ύς. See Σωτηρίς below. 
 
 Στρατοκλης Διονύσοιο, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 319, no. 55. 
 2upt[o]s, sarcophagus, ibid. p. 315, no. 46. 
 
 Σφοδρίας Ώυθαγγίλου Σινωπεύς, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 
 
 3354• 
 
 ΣωτηρΙς Σπόρου Σινωπίως, θυγάτηρ Νικομήδου Αντιοχέως γυνή, I. G. 
 
 (C. Ι. Α.) II, 3,3355• 
 
 Ύ(ύθρας θυμοχάρους, κεράμους, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 296, no. 4. 
 
 Ύιβ."Αρακτος, ibid. p. 324, no. 67. 
 Ύψησίλ^ως, tyrant; cf. A. J. P. XXVII, pp. 151-2. 
 Τιμόθεος Σινωπ^ύς, Epicurean philosopher, Strabo XII, 546. 
 Τιμών Σινωπεύς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3356. 
 Τι]μώριος, vase-maker, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p, 298, no. 8. 
 
 Φαίδρυον Έρμαιου Σινωπίως θυγάτηρ, grave-Stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 
 2, 2913. 
 
 Φαρνάκης Φαρνάκου Σινωπΐυς, died abroad, epigram, Kaibel, op. cit. 
 
 252. 
 
 φζίλητίων Σινωπ^ύς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) Ill, 2, 2914. 
 
 Φημιος Άντίφου, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 319, no. 54. 
 
 Φιλ^[σιο$•, grave-stone, ibid. p. 319, no. 54. 
 
 Φιλοκράτης, vase-maker, ibid. p. 302, no. 22. 
 
 Φίλων Σινωπύς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3357. 
 
 Φίλων Διονυσίου Σινωττ^υ?, grave-StOlie, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3358. 
 
 Φορμίων Συνημονος, grave-stone, Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 319, no. 54. 
 
 Μάνιοί Φούλβιος Ώακάτος, grave-Stone, same family as Αικιννία 
 
 Καισελλία and the following name, ibid. p. 317. 
 
 Φούλβιος Πραιτωρΐΐνος, υΙός οί the preceding man, ibid. 
 Φρύνη Σινωπίς, grave-stone, I. G. (C. I. A.) II, 3, 3359. 
 
ANCIENT SI NO Ρ Ε. 279 
 
 Χαίρι: Άφΐναϊος Φά\(ρ(ς = Αθηναίος Φα\ηρ(ύς perhaps, Am. J. 
 
 Arch. 1. c. p. 319, no. 56. 
 Χαρμόσυνα Σινωπίε, grave-stone, I. G. XII (Inscr. Gr. Ins.), 1, 
 
 467. 
 
 Χορηγιών Α^ωμίδοντος, αστυνόμος, Am. J. Arch. 1. C. p. 298, no. 7. 
 Cf. also S. V. Αάμαχος and Αζωμίδων SUpra. 
 
 Χρησστος Σινωπ^ύς, λιθουργός, ibid. p. 33 1, no. Sj. 1 
 
 Incomplete names are here added. 
 
 . . αλλιος, vase-maker (?), ibid, p. 297. 
 
 . . . ai/ira[y], Christian tombstone, ibid. p. 322, no. 59. 
 
 α (?) Μάρκου, ibid. p. 324, no. 68 and no. 66. 
 
 ~17Γ7Γογ Aape Σινωπ€υς, πρό&νος of Cleitor, Athen. Mitt. 
 
 VI (1881), p. 303 and Beilage 2. 
 
 ν θρασωνίδου Σινωπεύς, ραχ^ωιδός ; cf. CollitZ, Gr. Dialekt- 
 
 Inschriften II, p. 742, no. 2564, 1. 11. 
 
 .... W, dedicator with his wife 'Ρουφζΐνα tO βίος μέγας ύψιστος, 
 
 Am. J. Arch. 1. c. p. 304. 
 
 .... off Κα\λισθ€νο[υς~\, πρύτανις, ibid. p. 3*3* Cf. Ναύπων Καλλι- 
 
 σθ4νους supra. 
 
 .... os πο\υδώ\_ρου~\, Σινωπςύς, dedicator to Serapis, ibid. p. 331, 
 no. 84. 
 
 ff ΦιλίτττΓΟϋ, Σινώπης, πρό&νος of Cleitor, Athen. Mitt. VI 
 
 (1881), p. 303 and Beilage 2. 
 
 Johns Hopkins University. DAVID M. ROBINSON. 
 
 1 Since this article was paged, I have received copies of three more unpub- 
 lished inscriptions on grave-stones found last August on the isthmus of 
 Sinope. These I hope to publish in the near future. They marked the 
 graves of Ιούλιος Καλπεικός(ϊ), ναυκληρος ; of Μάνης, the name also of Diogenes' 
 slave (cf. p. 261, n. 6) ; and of Νάρκισσος. 
 
American Srijool 
 of Classical Studies 
 at $Mjens 
 
 CxREEK AND LATIN INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 
 AND ENVIRONS 1 
 
 The inscriptions the numbers of which are given in heavy- 
 faced type (Nos. 1-12, 24-27, 35, 36, 49, 50, 59, 64-79) I 
 discovered in Sinope and its environs during my stay there 
 in June, 1903, and publish here from squeezes and copies. 
 The others have already been edited but are added, with 
 corrections, for the sake of completeness. 
 
 VASE-HANDLES 
 
 In the apothecary shop of Mr. Hadji- Anestis in Sinope 
 there are several handles of amphoras stamped with inscrip- 
 tions, all found in the same place in Boz-tep^ near the Greek 
 quarter. Nos. 13-23 come from the same spot, which seems 
 to have been a dumping place for ancient amphoras. Exca- 
 vations here would prove fruitful. 
 
 1. An oblong stamp: length, 0.043 m. ; width, 0.015 m. 
 Letters, 0.003 m. in height. To the right a dolphin in the 
 claws of an eagle, the symbol which occurs on coins of Sinope 
 (cf . Brit. Mus. Cat. of Coins, Pontus, etc. pi. xxi, 15, 16, 17 ; 
 pi. xxii, 1-7; Head, Historia Numorum, pp. 434 f.). 
 
 I %. Τ I A I • Ίστιαί[ου 
 
 A^TY αστυ[νόμου 
 
 ΔΩΡΟ Δώρο\_υ or ? 
 
 1 1 desire to express my thanks to His Excellency Hamdy Bey, Director of 
 the Imperial Museum in Constantinople, and to Dr. Wiegand, who assisted me 
 greatly in my visit to Sinope. Mr. Myrodes of Sinope also did me great practical 
 service, and I am under obligations to Dr. Wilhelm and especially to Professor 
 Capps for various suggestions. 
 
 American Journal of Archaeology, Second Series. Journal of the 294 
 
 Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. IX (1905), No. 3. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 295 
 
 The same inscription with the same symbol is found on an 
 amphora-handle from Kertch (cf . Becker, N. Jahrb. f. hi. Phil. 
 Suppl. X, p. 34, no. 12). The name Histiaeus as astynomus 
 occurs on other vase-handles from Kertch, some with the same 
 symbol (cf. Becker, N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. V, p. 502, nos. 
 28, 29; ibid. Suppl. X, p. 28, nos. 15 a, 15 δ and p. 34, no. 
 11). The name Dorus as that of a Sinopean occurs in 
 I.a. (C.I.A.) 111,2,2908. 
 
 2. An oblong stamp : length, 0.06 m.; width, 0.02 m. Let- 
 ters, 0.005 m. in height. 
 
 [αστυνόμου] 
 PA2>IXAP°Y τΐασιχάρου 
 
 Τ°ΥΔΗΜΗΤΡΙ του Αημητρί[ου 
 
 Ρ Α Κ Λ Ε Η Ζ ( Η] Ρ ακ\€[ί8-]ης 
 
 The name Pasichares, genitive sometimes ΙΙασι,χάρους, some- 
 times ΤΙασιχάρου, occurs as that of astynomus on vase-handles 
 from Kertch and Olbia (cf. Becker, ibid. Suppl. IV, p. 471, 
 no. 34; p. 477, no. 10; p. 482, nos. 36, 37; Suppl. V, p. 507, 
 nos. 43, 44 ; Suppl. X, p. 28, no. 17, and Becker, Melanges 
 Greco-Ro mains, I, p. 493, no. 8). Heracleides as the name of 
 the potter occurs on a Thasian vase-handle (cf. Becker, ibid. 
 Suppl. X, p. 20, no. 6, from Kertch and references given there 
 in note 17) ; but this is the first time the combination of these 
 two names occurs, so far as I know. For a Sinopean named 
 Heracleides, who wrote epigrams, cf. Anth. Pal. VII, 281, 
 392, 465. For Demetrius as a Sinopean name, cf. No. 40 and 
 Amherst Papyri II, nos. 42, 55. 
 
 3. An oblong stamp: length, 0.06 m. ; width, 0.02 m. 
 Letters, 0.005 m. in height. To the right a bunch of grapes 
 as symbol. 
 
 Ε Γ Ι Ε Λ Γ Ο Υ ΈτΓΐβΧττου 
 
 Α ^ Τ Υ Ν ° άστυνό[μου 
 
 ΘΕΥΔΩΡΟΥ ΦευΒώρου 
 
 A vase-handle from Olbia (Becker, ibid, Suppl. IV, p. 478, 
 no. 16) is identical. It is not possible to decide whether we 
 
296 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 should read eVt Έλπου or Έττίβλττου. Neither name is to 
 be found in Pape-Benseler, G-riechische Eigennamen, or Fick- 
 Bechtel, G-riechische Personennamen. Elpus might be a Kose- 
 name for Elpinicus (for iirl, cf. Becker, ibid. Suppl. X, 
 pp. 113, 230). But the name Έ7τ4λ7το9 occurs in an inscrip- 
 tion from Sinope (cf. No. 40). Έττίελπου αστυνόμου occurs 
 in N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 478, no. 17 ; V, p. 498, 
 no. 14; and X, p. 26, no. 7. The form <&€υδώρου instead of 
 the Ionic Θεοδώρου, which we should expect in a Milesian 
 colony, shows that the manufacturer was of Doric extrac- 
 tion. The same form appears ibid. IV, p. 483, no. 39 ; p. 484, 
 no. 45 ; X, p. 31, no. 3 ; in Dumont, Inscriptions Ceramiques 
 de Grece, VIII, p. 317, nos. 121, 122. The Ionic form occurs 
 on vase-handles, N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 469, no. 23, 
 and Athen. Mitt, xxi, p. 177, no. 11. 
 
 4. An oblong stamp: length, 0.04 m.; width, 0.02 m. Let- 
 ters, 0.003 m. in height. 
 
 Κ Ε Ρ Α Μ Ι κ€ραμ€[ως 
 
 TFYGPATOY Ύεύθρα του 
 
 ΘΥΜΟΧΑΡ°Υ3 Φυμοχάρους 
 
 κβραμβω? is not a proper name, but refers to the proprietor of 
 the establishment (cf. Becker, JV. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. V, 
 p. 487, no. 47). The name of the f abricant ' Ύβύθρας occurs 
 ibid. IV, p. 478, no. 14 (Ύ€υθρα[ντο^) ; V, p. 477, no. 6 ; 
 p. 497, nos. 12, 13; p. 498, no. 14; p. 499, no. 16; X, p. 225, 
 no. 9. The usual form of the genitive is Ύβύθραντος. Here 
 we have Ύεύθρα (for two forms of gen. cf. No. 2). 
 
 5. An oblong stamp: length, 0.04 m.; width, 0.015 m. 
 Letters, 0.003 m. in height. 
 
 t II I eVi 
 
 Α Γ Ε Μ A Χ ° Υ >Α Ί €μάχου. 
 
 Δ Α Λ Ε Ι ° Υ Ααλβίου 
 
 The same inscription is found on Rhodian vase-handles from 
 Olbia (cf. ibid. IV, p. 454, no. 2) and from Pergamum (cf. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 297 
 
 Friinkel, Die Insehriften von Pergamum, II, p. 436, no. 781). 
 The magistrate's name Άγβμαχος occurs frequently on Rhodian 
 vase-handles (cf. C.I.G. Ill, pref. nos. 10-12: Becker, Me- 
 langes Greeo-Romains, I, p. 420, nos. 3-7 ; I.G. XII, 1 (J. G. 
 Ins. ) 1065, 1, 2, 3 ; Athen. Mitt. XXIII, p. 232 ; on an ainphora- 
 handle found at Pergamum, Athen. Mitt. XXVII, p. 147). 
 ΔαΧίου is the usual form for the genitive of the Rhodian 
 month, but here ei is carelessly used for t, due perhaps to the 
 form Kapveiov, also a month in. the Rhodian calendar (for simi- 
 lar mistakes cf. Κ Jahrb. f. hi. Phil. Suppl. X, p. 87). It is 
 not surprising to find vase-handles of Rhodian fabric in Sinope, 
 which was on friendly terms with Rhodes. In fact we learn 
 from Polybius (IV, 56} that, when Sinope was attacked by 
 Mithradates II, an appeal for help was made to Rhodes, and 
 the Rhodians sent besides other things ten thousand κεράμια 
 οϊνου. Perhaps we have the handle of one of these κεράμια. 
 (Streuber, Sinope, Ein Historisch-Antiquarischer Umriss, pp. 
 81-84, gives the right year for this attack, 220 B.C., but thinks 
 the besieger was Mithradates IV ; I follow Meyer, Gesch. des 
 Kdnigreich* Pontus, pp. 52, 06, and Reinach, Mithradate 
 Eupator, p. 40.) 
 
 6. An oblong stamp: length, 0.03 m.; width, 0.015 m. 
 Letters, 0.003 m. in height. 
 
 [eVl] 
 ΔΙΟΓΕΝΗ Διογένη 
 
 Α Λ Λ Ι Ο Υ . . aXXtov 
 
 The magistrate's name Διογένης occurs frequently on vase- 
 lmndles. (Cf. C.I. G. Ill, pref. xiv, nos. 50-57. Dumont, 
 Insc. Cer. de Greee, p. 176, nos. 206-220; p. 282, no. 60; 
 N. Jahrb. f. H. Phil. Suppl. XVII, p. 294, nos. 26, 27; 
 Athen. Mitt. XXI, pp. 147 f., nos. 67-76.) For the genitive 
 in η. cf. Meisterhans 3 , Gram, der att. Inscr. p. 120, 9. 
 
 7. An oblong stamp: length, 0.07 in.; width, 0.02 m. Let- 
 ters, 0.003 m. in height. To the right a Nike driving a quad- 
 riga, as symbol. 
 
298 DAVID Μ. B0BINS01V 
 
 A^TYN°M°YNT°^ αστυνο μουντός 
 
 χορ -|ΩΝ°^Τ°Υ Xo/)[i/7]tWo9 του 
 
 ΛΕΩ ΕΔ°ΝΤ°3 Λ€ω[/*]βδοντο5 
 
 ΜΙΘΡΑΔΑΤΗ3 Μιθραδάτη? 
 
 Ύ^ορηηίων as αστυνόμος occurs in Ν, Jahrb. f. hi. Phil. Suppl. 
 V, p. 491, no. 59, and ^Κορη^ίων του ΑβωμβΒοντος ibid. no. 60, 
 which has the same symbol as our vase-handle, the name of 
 the fabricant being Έύαίνετος. ΜιθραΒάτης as the name of 
 the fabricant occurs in Becker, Melanges G-reco-Romains, I, 
 p. 485, no. 14 ; 1ST. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 465, nos. 4, 5 ; 
 p. 466, no. 12; p. 480, no. 26 a; ibid. Suppl. V, p. 478, no. 11. 
 The combination of these two names has not previously been 
 found, so far as I know. But all three names were known in 
 Sinope (cf. Nos. 31, 40, and Strabo XII, 545). Hence it may 
 be we have here the stamp of a Sinopean manufacturer. 
 
 8. An oblong stamp: length, 0.05 m.; width, 0.015 m. 
 Letters, 0.004 m. in height. To the right a dolphin in the 
 claws of an eagle, the same symbol as in No. 1. 
 
 Ε Γ Ι Ε Ν Δ h inl ΈνΒή[μου 
 
 Μ Ω Ρ Ι Ο Ύ ι] μώρων 
 
 Ν. Jahrb. f. Η. Phil. Suppl. V, p. 478, no. 13, from Olbia, and 
 ibid. Suppl. X, p. 27, no. 9, from Kertch, are identical. The 
 symbol is also the same, but we can draw no argument from 
 that, since it occurs on coins of Olbia as well as of Sinope. 
 For the omission of αστυνόμου see Becker, ibid. Suppl. V, p. 478. 
 In JV". Jahrb. Suppl. X, p. 26, no. 8, and p. 220, no. 4, we have 
 ΈπΙ Ίϊνδήμου αστυνόμου. In the cases cited above and ibid. 
 Suppl. V, p. 479, no. 14, and Suppl. X, p. 219, no. 3, αστυνό- 
 μου is omitted after Ένδήμου. The fabricant Ύιμώρως is 
 known also from ibid. Suppl. IV, p. 474, no. 11 a ; Suppl. X, 
 p. 28, no. 17 ; Compte-Rendu (1859), p. 142, no. 21. 
 
 9. An oblong stamp: length, 0.05 m.; width, 0.025 m. 
 Letters, 0.004 m. in height. To the right a herm as symbol. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 299 
 
 N°M°Y άστυ]νόμου 
 
 ρ ^I°YT°Y Ίκ€~\σίου τοΐ> 
 
 ΑΝΤΙ,.ΑΤΡ°Υ Άντι[τΓ'] άτρου 
 ΚΤΗΝΩΝ Κτήσων 
 
 Hicesias the son of Antipater as αστυνόμος occurs also in N. 
 Jahrb. Suppl. V, p. 481, no. 24, from Olbia, with a statue of 
 Hermes as symbol, and also on a vase-handle from Athens with 
 the same symbol as our example (cf. Athen. Mitt. XXI, p. 178, 
 no. 14). Hicesias was the name of the father of Diogenes the 
 Cynic (C.LG-. 7074 and Diog. L. VI, 20) and so is a good 
 Sinopean name. Have we not here and in the following per- 
 haps a stamp of Sinopean manufacture ? For the fabricant 
 Κτήσων cf. Becker, Melanges Greco-Romaim, p. 486, no. 19 ; 
 p. 487, no. 29 ; p. 488, no. 31 ; p. 489, no. 41 ; N. Jahrb. f. hi. 
 Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 466, no. 13 ; p. 471, no. 29 ; V, p. 488, 
 no. 48 ; X, p. 30, no. 27. 
 
 10. An oblong stamp : length, 0.045 m. ; width, 0.02 m. Let- 
 ters, 0.004 m. in height. Same symbol as in the preceding stamp. 
 
 :>TYN°M°YN α]στυνομοΰν[το<; 
 
 TOY l I ES I°Y του [Ιασίου 
 
 Τ°ΥΑΝΤΙΠΑΤΡ°Υ του Αντιπάτρου 
 Ε Υ Κ Λ Η Ζ ΕύκΧψ 
 
 For the fabricant Έύκ\ψ cf . Becker, op. cit. p. 487, nos. 26, 30 ; 
 p. 488, no. 32 ; N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. IV, p. 470, no. 25, 
 and Nos. 14, 17 of this article. 
 
 11. An oblong stamp: length, 0.05 m.; width, 0.03 m. 
 Letters, 0.003 m. in height. To the right a Xike as symbol. 
 
 [αστυνόμου] 
 A P°Y Πρωτ]α[γο>]οι; 
 
 T°YKYNI^K°Y του Κυνίσκου 
 
 APAT°YPI°3 Άττατούριος 
 
 The fabricant "Άπατούρως is found in Becker, Melanges, I, 
 p. 486, no. 20; p. 489, nos. 43, 44; JV. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. 
 
300 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 Suppl. V, p. 476, no. 1 ; p. 485, no. 38 ; p. 490, no. 57. The 
 same astynomus Protagoras, son of Cyniscus, and the same 
 symbol, are found in Becker, Melanges, I, p. 488, nos. 36, 37 ; 
 N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. V, p. 489, no. 51. We have the 
 same astynomus in another vase-handle from Sinope (No. 14). 
 Yerakis reads Τίρωταγόρου [του Αα~\μίσκου, a name unknown 
 on vase-handles. He probably mistook Ν for M. We should 
 read Κυνίσκου. For Protagoras as the name of a Sinopean cf. 
 Ι. σ. (O.I. A.) II, 3, 3351. 
 
 12. An oblong stamp: length, 0.06 m.j width, 0.03 m. 
 Letters, 0.004 m. in height. To the right a heart as symbol. 
 
 ASTYN°M°YNT°2> αστυνο μουντός 
 
 ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΔ°Υ ΆττοΧΧωνίΒου 
 
 Τ°ΥΠ°^ΙΔΩΝΙ°Υ του Ποσώωνίου 
 Ε Υ Κ Λ Η Ζ ΕύκΧής 
 
 The same astynomus occurs in JV. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. 
 V, p. 477, no. 5. An identical vase-handle from Sinope (No. 
 17) is in the possession of Mr. Symeonidis. For Posidonius 
 cf. No. 40. 
 
 Dumont (Insc. Cor. de Grrece, p. 141) concluded that vase- 
 handles on which αστυνόμος occurs are of Cnidian origin. But 
 Becker (N. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. X, pp. 67 and 108) showed 
 that such vase-handles come from a city on the Pontus, and 
 named Olbia as the place of manufacture. The fact that so 
 many names found among Sinopeans (Choregion, Demetrius, 
 Diogenes, Dorus, Heracleides, Hicesias, Leomedon, Mithradates, 
 Posidonius, and Protagoras) occur on our vase-handles leads 
 me to doubt if all with an αστυνόμος inscription were made in 
 Olbia. Sinope may also have manufactured amphoras, and 
 exported them to the northern shore where so many handles 
 similar to ours have been found. 
 
 Nos. 13-17 were published by Yerakis, Revue des Etudes 
 Anciennes, 1901, pp. 352, 353. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SIN OPE 301 
 
 13. άστυνομούντος] \ Ήρακλα'δου | του Μί[κρ~\ίου 
 
 Yerakis reads Μι[μ~\ίου\ but no such name occurs on vase- 
 handles. For Ήρακλβιδης του Μικρίου cf. Ν. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. 
 Suppl. IV, p. 462, no. 21 ; V, p. 480, no. 17 ; X, p. 27, nos. 
 11, 12 ; p. 220, no. 6. 
 
 14. αστυνομοΰντος | ΤΙρωταγόρου \ [του Κυ~\νίσκου | \_Εύκ~\λής 
 Yerakis reads του Αα~\μίσκου, but cf. remarks on No. 11. 
 
 Ιδ. άστ~]υνομοΰ[ντος~\ | Άπημά~\ ντου | [' Apre] μώώρου 
 
 Yerakis reads f ΐ7Τ7τολ] ύτου in the second line. For Άττημάν- 
 του cf. JV. Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. V, p. 477, no. 8. 
 
 16. άστυνο μουντός \ ' Απόλλων ίΒου \ του ΤΙοσεώωνίου | Είδα? 
 
 17. άστυνο μουντός \ Άπολλωνίδου | του ΐΙοσιΒωνίου | [Εύ]- 
 
 κλής 
 
 Cf. No. 12. Άπολλωνίδϊΐς του ΪΙοσβώωνίου occurs in iV. 
 Jahrb. f. kl. Phil. Suppl. ΛΛ, p. 477, no. 5 a 
 
 18. Parnassos, VI, p. 869. 
 
 αστυνόμου Διονυσίου 
 
 19. Έλλ. φίλ. Σύλλογος iv Κωνστ. (1880-81), ΙΕ', παρ- 
 άρτημα, ρ. 47, no. 8 α. 
 
 αστυνόμου Πο[σί] δε/ου του [Θ]6α[/η]ωι/ο? 
 
 Mordtmann in the Syllogos reads του Έάμωνος, but no such 
 name is known on vase-handles. The Θ escaped his e}'e, and 
 he mistook PI for M. For Ποσίδεΐο? του Θβαρίωνος cf. JV. Jahrb. 
 f. kl. Phil. Suppl. V, p. 486, no. 45 ; p. 488, no. 48. For 
 Θβαρίων cf. ibid. V, pp. 499, 500, and No. 96 of this article. 
 
 20. Syllogos, ibid. 8 β. 
 
 αστυνόμου | | Αίσχίνου 
 
 21. Syllogos, ibid. 8 y. 
 
 αστυνόμου | Ιϊυθοκλβους | Τλαυκία 
 
302 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 22. Annali del. But. XIX (1847), p. 342. 
 αστυνόμου | 'Αττάλου | Φι\οκράτου\β 
 
 23. Ibid. 
 
 αστυνόμου j Ναύπωνος \ Κα\\ισθβνου\_<ζ~\ | KXeatWro? 
 
 The reading in the Annali is NatmWo? ; but cf . JV. Jahrb. f. 
 hi. Phil. Suppl. V, pp. 485, 493, 506. 
 
 DEDICATIONS 
 
 24. In a district called Φοΰ\α, near Gherzeh, the ancient 
 Karousa (cf. Arrian, Peripl.^), six hours east of Sinope, a 
 very large block of native stone, 1.14 m. long; 0.73 m. high; 
 0.22 m. thick. The inscription is in the upper left-hand corner, 
 0.22 m. high, 0.43 m. long. Letters, 0.03 m. high, well cut. 
 
 ΔΙΙΔΙΚΆΙΟΣΥΝΩ1 ... , 
 
 * All όίκαωσυνω 
 
 ΜΕΓΑΛΩΙ μ^άΧφ 
 
 ΠΥΘΗΣΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΟΥ π ^ Αιονυσ '° υ 
 ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΏ. Ν 
 ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ 
 
 στρατηγών 
 χαριστήριον 
 
 Αικαωσυνος as an epithet of Zeus is known, though rare (cf. 
 Bekker, Anecd. 34, 11 ; Eust. 918, 48 ; Schol. Horn. II. 13, 29 ; 
 Kock, C.A.F. Ill, Adesp. 752). Kock says, "videtur epithe- 
 ton a comico fictum," but its occurrence in an inscription 
 brings new evidence against him. Dionysius is known as a 
 name for Sinopeans, but this is the first instance of that of 
 Pythes at Sinope. χαριστήρων is common in inscriptions after 
 the time of Alexander and of the Roman Age. It is fore- 
 shadowed in old Attic inscriptions by σοϊ χάριν άντιΒώούζ or 
 the like; cf. 7.(7. (C.I.A.) I, 397 and I.G. IX, 1 (C.IG.S. 
 Ill), 390. Rouse QG-reek Votive Offerings, p. 329) gives a 
 list of inscriptions in which χαριστήριον occurs. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM BINOPB 
 
 303 
 
 25. At Lala in the Oretzan χωράφι (farm), about four hours 
 east of Sinope, a rectangular native-stone altar, with projection 
 at top and bottom and hole, 0.07 m. square, in top. The lower 
 part is rough, showing that it was meant to be set in the 
 ground. Total height, 0.91 m.; width, 0.35 m.; thickness, 
 0.32 m. Inscription, 0.305 m. high. Letters, 0.03 m. 
 
 ΑΓΑΘΗΤΥ 
 AEIHAIQNA> 
 MHNQZni-IKOc 
 ΛΟΥΚΙΟΣΣΙΓ, 
 <ΙΟΣΑΠΟΛΛΥ 
 ΣΤΟΣ ΕΥΧΗΣ 
 ΧΑΡΙΝ 
 
 ayaOrj τύ[χτ) 
 Ael Ήλίω να[υ§α- 
 μηνω €πηκό\_ω 
 Αον/αος Σε7τ[τι 
 κιος ΆποΧαυ 
 στος ευχής 
 χάριν 
 
 On Zeus Helios cf. Robert-Preller, Griechische Mythologies 
 p. 136, note 1 ; Farnell, Greek Cults, I, p. 44 ; Roscher, Lex. Myth, 
 s. Juppiter. Zeus Helios at Sinope would be identical with 
 Serapis (cf. Nos. 30, 64). No such epithet as να.,.μήνω is 
 given either in Robert's index or Bruchmann's Epitheta Deorum 
 
304 
 
 DAVID Μ. Β OB IN SON 
 
 or in the article ; Jupiter ' in Daremberg et Saglio. Perhaps 
 va [vha] μήνω is to be read. Traces of Υ appear on the stone. 
 A somewhat similar epithet of Zeus is ΈύρυΒάμηνος (cf. J.H.S. 
 XVIII (1898), p. 96). Έπήκοος also is wanting in the lists 
 of Robert and Bruchmann, but it occurs in inscriptions from 
 the Pontus (cf. B.C.H. XXV [1901], p. 28; Latyschev, Insc. 
 Ant. Orae Sept. Pont. Eux. II, nos. 438, 446-448, 454, 455, 
 457 ; Dittenberger, Orient. Graec. Insc. 28 ; 72, note 2 ; C.I. G. 
 2290; J.H.S. XVIII [1898], p. 311, no. 13). On the inter- 
 change of e and l as in Ael cf. Meisterhans 3 , Gram, der att. Insc. 
 § 10. Δε[1] is found in J.H.S. XIX (1899), p. 77, no. 35. 
 
 26. In the district Giousouphlou, in the Χωρώ ΈμριΧή near 
 Chalabde, where No. 27 was found, a marble altar upside 
 down, used as the base for a post of the porch of a house. It 
 has a round hole cut through from front to back, connecting 
 with a similar hole from the bottom. Height, 0.49 m.; width. 
 0.36 m.; thickness, 0.30 m. Letters, 0.035 m. 
 
 v fMuSiTTT v ' f 
 
 keL Hoc 
 
 Ϊ-Ε' 
 
 r 
 
 Λ IS 
 
 θεώ μεγαλ[ω 
 νψίστω €ΐ)χ^[?] 
 %a[piv ανέχθη- 
 κε [λ] ο? 
 
 μετά [ττ)? ηυ\ναι- 
 /c]o? 'νου\_φ^\εί[νης 
 
 In an inscription from Sinope already published (No. 29) 
 θεός ύψιστος occurs, on which cf. Farnell, Greek Cults, I, 
 pp. 51, 151, 155; Robert-Preller, op. cit. p. 116, 11; p. 159, 2; 
 p. 866: B.C.H. VIII, p. 456 and XXV, p. 25. For the name 
 'Έουφείνη cf. J.H.S. XIX (1899), p. 129, no. 152, and B.C.H 
 XXV (1901), p. 88. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SIN OPE 
 
 305 
 
 27. l In Chalabde, two hours from Ajandik, which is twelve 
 hours west from Sinope, a marble altar, 0.58 m. high, 0.265 m. 
 wide, 0.28 m. thick. Letters, 0.025 m. in height, except in 
 first line, where they are 0.015 m. high. 
 
 ΑΓΑ ΘΗΙΤ YX HI 
 
 ΘΕΠΗΡΑΚΛΕ1 
 
 1°ΎΚ°ΥΝΔ°Σ 
 
 ΕΎΧΗΣΧΑΡΙΝ 
 
 T°NBilM°N 
 
 ΑΜΕΘΗΚΕ 
 
 αηαθτι τύχτ} 
 θεω ΊίρακΧεΐ 
 
 Ί 
 
 ουκουνόος 
 
 ευχής χάριν 
 τον βωμον 
 άνεθηκε 
 
 This inscription was very poorly published (Revue des ffiudes 
 Anciennes, 1901, p. 357, no. 17) by Yerakis, who had not seen 
 the altar at all. He reads τω θεω ΉρακΧεΙ | τόνΒε βωμον | Ίερο- 
 κόνΒος | ευχής χάριν | άνεθηκε. I give the correct text from 
 my copy and squeeze. It is not surprising to find a cult of 
 Heracles at Sinope, for Autolycus, its mythical founder, was 
 a member of the expedition of Heracles against the Amazons 
 (Plut. Luc. 23; Appian, Mithr. 83; Apoll. Rhod. II, 959; 
 Val. Flaccus, V, 116 ; Hyginus, Fab. XIV). And it was 
 Heracles who took Sinope and established Greeks in it, cf. 
 
 i.a. xiv (i.a.s.i.), 1293 a, 1. 101. 
 
 1 Since this article was written I have noticed that Gustave Mendel also has 
 published Nos. 26 and 27 in B.C.H. XXVII, p. 333. In No. 27 he omits the 
 first line and fails to mention Yerakis. 
 
306 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 28. Syllogos, ibid. p. 45, no. 2; B.C.H. XIII, p. 304, no. 8, 
 an altar. 
 
 ΆσκΧηττιω | Σωτήρι καϊ \ 'Tyieia τον | βωμον Όφί\\\ίο<ζ 
 ΤΙο\ν\καρ7Γθζ €υ\χήν. 
 
 The name Ophillius occurs in an inscription from the neigh- 
 boring Karousa (cf. O.I.Gl•. 4166, our No. 52). 
 
 29. Syllogos, ibid. p. 45, no. 3; B.C.H. XIII, p. 304, no. 7. 
 
 θβω νψίστω | ΑΓλίο? Θρβτττίων | Πο^τΎα^ό? ΣεοιΊ^/30? Μακε/> 
 οι Ι άδβΧφοϊ βύξάμβνοί 
 
 30. Syllogos, ibid. p. 44, no. 1. 
 
 #βω Ι Ήλίοσα|/οα7Γ€£ | Ά [ο] υεΖτο [?] | Φοράρι[ς'] \ €υ[χήν 
 
 31. C.I. G. 4162 ; Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, A pp., 
 
 no. 60. -/'»'- ", 
 
 Α€~\ωμβόων Άριστώνα [κ] to? Φλογιω 
 
 Αβωμβδων is known as a Sinopean name. Αωμεδων or Αωμεδων 
 is not. Phlogius was a companion of Autolycus, the mythical 
 founder of Sinope (cf. Plut. Luc. 23 ; Apoll. Rhod. II, 956 ; 
 Val. Flaccus, V, 115 ; Hyginus, Fab. XIV ; Anon. Peri pi. 
 Pont. Eux. sec. 22 = Miiller, Geogr. G-raec. Min. I, p. 407 ; 
 Ps. Scymnus, Orbis Beseriptio, 945 = Miiller, op. cit. p. 236). 
 
 32. Syllogos, ibid. p. 47. Fragment of architrave built into 
 wall of the acropolis near No. 33. 
 
 BJoiWo? MoWt .... 
 
 The name is probably to be restored as Βοΐσκος, which occurs 
 in oriental inscriptions (cf. Dittenberger, Orient. Gr. Insc. 20, 
 26, 27, 29). 
 
 33. Syllogos, ibid. p. 47; Le Bas et Waddington, Voyage 
 Arch. Ill, 1814; Hommaire de Hell, Voyage en Turquie et en 
 Perse, IV, p. 350, pi. xii, 2. 
 
 ov etc των Ιδίων άνβθηκβν καϊ τή 
 πατρί8[ι~\ δ[ίά τοΰ~\ τρο[φβ]ως αυτού Αικινίου 
 Χ/ουσογοΪΌΐ» Όλυ 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 307 
 
 34. Built into the north wall, near No. 36, an architrave upside 
 down, with the following inscription. Length, 1.85 m.; width, 
 0.58 m. Letters, 0.06 m. in height. Broken at both ends. 
 
 .{ΙΟΝΚΑΙΑΥΤΟΥΣΜΕΤΑΤΩΝΣΠΕΙΡΟΚΙ 
 
 6 δεϊνα άνεθηκε τους κίονας εις το περιστυλίων, καϊ αυτούς μετά 
 των σπειροκ[εφάΧων Χιθίνους κατεσκεύασεν\ 
 
 The recent destruction of the hospital brought to light this 
 inscription as well as No. 36. It was first published in 1829 
 by Rottiers, Itineraire de Tiflis a Constantinople, p. 283, who 
 made a very careless copy, reading μετά ων σπειροσ-. It was 
 not seen by Hamilton, who visited Sinope in 1836. Some ten 
 years later Le Bas published a correct copy of the stone (Hom- 
 maire de Hell, Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, 1846-48, IV, 
 p. 346 and pi. xi, 2), but he gives no credit to Rottiers for its 
 discovery. Both Rottiers and Le Bas say that the inscription 
 is built into the south wall, whereas it is in the north wall. 
 The inscription is also found in C.I.Gr. Ill, p. 1114, Add. et 
 Corr. 4158. There it is taken to be the " residua ex praescrip- 
 tis " of the epigram C.I. G-. 4158, and the idea is given that it is 
 on the same stone. The form of the alpha is wrong. It is in 
 every case A, not A. In fact, the inscription is on an architrave, 
 while C.I.Gr. 4158 is on a rectangular block, also built into the 
 north wall, but some distance away, and is perhaps to be con- 
 nected with the similar inscriptions on architraves at Sinope 
 (cf. No. 33). In C.I.Gr. 3148, 1. 19, occurs the phrase κείονα 
 συν σπειροκεφάΧω. and ibid. 1. 29 κείονας συν σπειροκεφάΧοις. So 
 the likelihood is that αυτούς is equivalent to κίονας and that the 
 columns for some structure, perhaps a περιστύΧων, have just 
 been mentioned. Le Bas takes αυτούς to be " chapiteaux," and 
 σττειροκ\_εφάΧων'], " les volutes." But the word comes from 
 σπείρα, the base of an Ionic column (cf. Pollux, Onomasticon, 
 VII, c. 27, sec. 121), and κεφαΧή, the capital of a column. It 
 therefore means "base and capital." In imperial times it was 
 
308 
 
 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 the custom for people of wealth to share the expense of a 
 building (cf. for example, O.I.G-. 2713, 2714 = Le Bas and 
 Waddington, Voyage Arch. Ill, nos. 313-318). One paid for 
 the columns, another for the entablature. In the case of the 
 inscription from Sin ope one man paid for the columns, in- 
 cluding base and capital. 
 
 35. Built into the wall of a house in the Turkish quarter, 
 a stone, broken on all sides, 0.26 m. by 0.26 m., with the fol- 
 lowing inscription. Letters, 0.05 m. in height. 
 
 νΟΕΟΦο 
 EKYREI 
 
 Αί~\ογβνη [τον 
 φι~\\όσοφο\ν 6 8ήμ- 
 o?] Σκυρβί[ων τον αυ- 
 τών] €υερ^4[την 
 
 One is tempted at first sight to restore Αιογβνη τον φιΧόσο- 
 φον, and this may be right ; but the form of the sigma dates 
 the inscription much later than the time of Diogenes the Cynic 
 from Sinope, of whom statues were erected (cf. Diog. Laer. VI, 
 78). It might be a later Diogenes, who lived in the time of 
 Vespasian (cf. Dio Cassius, LXVI, 15). Still the restoration 
 is uncertain. The name might be Athenogenes or Protogenes, 
 or the like. For the practice of decreeing honors and even 
 statues in the provinces, cf. Mommsen, Bom. Gesch. V, p. 266, 
 and Plin}% Up. X, 58 and 60, where the case concerns a philos- 
 opher. For a representing short ι cf. Meisterhans 3 , Gram. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 
 
 309 
 
 der att. Inse. § 15, 27. The earliest datable example pre- 
 viously reported is I.G. (C.I.A.) Ill, 694, 4 (after 98 A.D.). 
 Ours would be still earlier. 
 
 36. Built into the north wall near the main central gateway, 
 where the hospital formerly stood, a large block of grayish 
 marble: height, 0.98 m.; width, 0.49 m.; height of letters, 
 0.03 m. The inscription begins 0.20 m. below the top of the 
 stone and ends 0.41 m. above the bottom. 
 
 ΓΑΙΟΝΜΑΡΚΙΟΝ 
 ΚΗΝΣΩΡ1ΝΟΝ 
 
 ΓΡΕΣ&ΕΥΤΗΝ ' 
 ΚΛΙΣΑΡΟΣΤΟΝ 
 KH ΛΕΜΟΝΑΤΗΣ 
 ΠΟΛΕΩΣ ΟΔΗΜΟΣ 
 
 Ταϊον NlapKLOV 
 Κηνσωρϊνον 
 ττρβσβευτην 
 Καίσαρος τον 
 κηδεμόνα της 
 πόλεως 6 Βήμος 
 
310 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 This Censorinus is undoubtedly the C. Marcius Censorinus l 
 Λvho was consul in the year 8 B.C. along with C. Asinius 
 Gallus, and proconsul in Asia and died there about the year 
 2 a.d. (Velleius, II, 102). He was praised by the Jews of 
 Asia (cf. Josephus, Ant. 16, 6, 2), and is called by Velleius 
 (loc. cit.) a "vir demerendis hominibus genitus," which sug- 
 gests the epithet κηΒβμόνα της ττόλβως which is applied to him 
 in this inscription. He is honored in inscriptions from Perga- 
 mum 2 and Mylasa (C.I.Gr. 2698 b). One might be tempted to 
 identify him with the Censorinus, the commander of the Roman 
 fleet which was defeated by Cleochares and Seleucus, tyrants 
 of Sinope, shortly before the capture of the city by Lucullus in 
 70 B.C. (cf. Memnon, 53 and 54 = Frag. Hist. Gr. Ill, pp. 
 554 if.). But it is unlikely that a man who was old enough to 
 be commander of the fleet then should live till the year 2 a.d. 
 Furthermore, Horace in an ode to Gains Marcius Censorinus 
 (Od. IV, 8), who is probably the same man, includes him among 
 his sodales, and from this we are justified in assuming that 
 Gaius Marcius Censorinus was born about the same time as 
 Horace (65 B.C.). κηΒβμών της ττόλβως occurs already in Plat. 
 Rep. Ill, 412 c. 
 
 37. B.C.H. XIII, p. 302, no. 3; Syllogos, ibid. p. 47, no. 5. 
 Built into the wall of the Kepheli-Djami. 
 
 'AypL7T7reivav Τ€ρ\μανικον Καίσαρος \ 6 δήμος 
 
 38. Kaibel, Epigrammata G-raeca ex Lapidibus, no. 907 ; 
 C.I.G. 4158; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 58; Hommaire de Hell, 
 op. cit. IV, p. 347, pi. XI, 4 ; Le Bas et Waddington, op. cit. 
 Ill, no. 1812. Large stone, 0.86 m. wide, 1.50 m. high, and 
 0.85 m. thick, now built into a square tower of the north 
 wall. Letters, 0.04 m. high. Three Christian crosses at the 
 top of the inscription. 
 
 1 Cf. Dessau, Prosopographia Imperii Romani, II, s. * C. Marcius Censori- 
 nus' ; cf. also Pauly-Wissowa, Encyclopddie, s. 'Censorinus,' no. 2. 
 
 2 Frankel, Die Inschriften von Pergamum, no. 422. 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 311 
 
 I add a reproduction from a photograph to show clearly the 
 forms of the letters and the division of the verses. It should 
 be noted that the pentameter begins further in than the hex- 
 ameter, and that the second half of each verse has a somewhat 
 deeper indentation than the beginnings of the pentameters. 
 Line 4 begins where the hexameters do because it is 
 longer than the others. The hexameters and pentameters are 
 divided at the caesura. This inscription shows probably the 
 Alexandrian method of writing elegiac verse. Neither ΕύΧά- 
 volo nor Έύδάμοίο nor Έ,νΧάμοιο is the correct reading in line 5. 
 ΕύΧαΧίοιο is clear on the stone. 
 
 39. C.I.G-. 4157. Yerakis, Revue des Etudes Anciennes* 
 1901, p. 357, no. 16, gives a poorer copy than the C.I.Gr. and 
 publishes the inscription as if it were unknown. 
 
 .... o?. [7]e^[oyu]e[^oy γυ/χ- 
 ν~\ασίαργον, άρχοντα του 
 7τρ~^€σβ\_υτ^ικ\_ον, πο~\ντάργ7]\ν. έτητβ- 
 Χέσαντα ταυροκα^θάψια 
 
 \ / \ Γ€υω -ι 
 
 και tcvvjjyeaiov και . . Ι 
 
312 DAVID Μ. BOB IN SON - 
 
 χίαν /*[e7]aXo[7r]/>e[7r]a?, e/cyovov 
 ΚΧανΒίον ΐΙοτ€[Χων 
 ahe\<f>[6v δ]β [τ?}]? κρα[τ£στης 
 σνγκΧητίκής Κ[λαυδια? 
 Παύλ^?, iepetas [θβάς 
 ΕΓ[σ]έδ[ο?, ο^ί συνιτροσ\τάταί 
 και 6 συν€φορ(ο^ [e]7r' εύνοια ττ; et? αυ 
 του?. 
 The reading in line 7, Κλαυδίου Hore[\Lov, is not given in 
 the C.I.G., but is clear on the stone. 
 
 40. Yerakis, Revue des Etudes A?iciennes, 1901, pp. 354, 355. 
 Stone 0.56 m. high, 0.31 m. wide, 0.08 m. thick. Letters very 
 indistinct. Inscription of the Macedonian epoch. 
 
 Ν f oMAAKo NT £ΠΓ'ΔΗΜοΥΤο 
 ΕΓ'~\Ρ, ΓΡΥΤΑΝΕΙ ΕΝΤλ I 
 
 L • AN Η/ ΜΗ Τ f £ΤΙΑΙΓΡΥ NEIA 
 ΑΡΚΤ Χ ί KIA ο 
 MHTP1C AMIKPAToY 
 ΔΙ ON ι iloCAPX/fTW 
 
 ΛΑΜΑΧ < 
 
 ο^ΚΑΑΛΙ^ΘΕΝο 
 ΝΉΜΗΤΡΙο^ΦΙΝΤΚ 
 
 οζΕΙΔΛΝ/ο^ΜΕΙ/ 
 ΔΙοΦΑΝΤοΧΕΥΑΑΜΠΧοΥ 
 ΑΓ ΆΞ BAB ΥΤ ΤοΥ 
 ΓΛΗΡΙΞΑΕΜΒΙοΥ 
 ΑΦ ΡοΔΚΙ ο£ ΑΦΡ οΔί^/οΥ 
 
 η*αι^:τιο2: e^hkes:toy 
 
 S»' ΗΓίοΛ-Ω-Ρο^ο/ r"MPoY 
 ΔΗΜ ο ^ΤΡΑΤοζ ΓΡοΜΗΟΙλΝο^ 
 οΥΛΗ^ ΕΠΖΤ ΕΥοΝΤοΣ,ΑΙοΝΥίο 
 οΥΑΡΧΙΓΓοΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΥοΝΤοζ 
 ΛΑΜΑΧ ΟΥ ΤοΥΧοΡΗΠΛΝοζ 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 313 
 
 ζ/[ο]μοφυλα/<:[οί}]ι/τ[ο]? Έπιδήμου το[υ~] 'E7r[t]e[\]7r[ou] 
 πρ υτάνει[ς ol] εν τώι | [Π]αι;??[μωί] μη\νΥ\ τ\_ήι Έ~\στίαι 
 πρυ[τα]νεία[ι] Ά/9ΐστ[α]ρχ[ο]<? [Ά/ψστα[/3χ]ο[ι/| | Μήτρις 
 
 [Κ]αλλί«:/3ατου[?] | Διονύσιος Άρχίππου | Αάμαχος | ο? 
 
 Ka\\^#eVo[f?] ! Δημήτριος | Φα/τίο? | [Π]οσ€*δώι>ίο? Μ«[δκ>υ] | 
 Διόφαντος ΕύΧαμπίχου | Άγ[€λιδ]α? Βαβύττου | Γλτ)/3ί? Αεμβίου | 
 'Αφροδίσιος 'Αφροδισίου | Ήφαιστ^ο? Έξηκε'στου | [ , Α]σ/ί[λ]τ;- 
 πιόδωρος Όλύ/Αττου | Δημόστρατος ΐΐρομηθίωνος | [/3]οι/λτ)? 
 €7Γίστ[ατ]€υο^το? Δίθ^υσιο[υ τ]ο0 ' Αρχίππου * ηραμματεύοντος \ 
 Ααμάχου τον Ιίορηγιώνος. 
 
 Yerakis' copy of this inscription is unsatisfactory. In the 
 first three lines he made out only the word δήμου, and thought 
 Ave had a list of proxenoi or epheboi or founders or benefactors 
 of the temple of Serapis. The reading is, however, as I have 
 given it, and the list of names contains the πρυτάνεις for the 
 month ΤΙάνημος. It is interesting to know the number of the 
 πρυτάνεις in Sinope, and to learn that the office was about 
 the same as in Athens. Out of the fifty πρυτάνεις in Athens 
 one was chosen as president (επιστάτης των πρυτάνεων) and 
 presided at the βουΧή (cf. Arist. Ά0. Πολ. c. 44 f.). A 
 secretary (γραμματεύς) was also appointed. So in Sinope 
 one of the fourteen πρυτάνεις (Διονύσιος Άρχίππου) was επι- 
 στάτης βουΧής and another (Αάμαχος) was γραμματεύς. In 
 1. 7 the name Lamachus is written in large letters and 
 the father's name, given in the last line, omitted. For the 
 number of the πρυτάνεις in places other than Athens cf. 
 Swoboda, Griechische Volksbeschliisse, pp. 71, 88, 94, 200. For 
 a postscript being used instead of a prescript, cf. Swoboda, 
 op. cit. pp. 225 ff. For 'Εστία πρυτανεία, to whom the list is 
 dedicated, cf. C.I.Gl•. 2347, k 11 (p. 1059). Έπίδημος (1. 1) 
 is formed similarly to the name "Ενδημος, which occurs on a 
 vase-handle found at Sinope (above, No. 8). The name Έπί- 
 εΧπος (1. 2) occurs also on vase-handles (above, No. 3). We 
 already knew that the Ionic calendar was used at Sinope. In 
 an inscription from there (below, No. 63) we have the months 
 
314 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 Ύανρεών and ΐϊοσειΒεών. In 1. 3 of this inscription occurs 
 ΪΙάνημος. In 1. 4 Yerakis omits the father's name. In 1. 6 
 
 he reads AKN Αρχιππα. The stone gives Διονύσιος Ά/ο- 
 
 γίππου. In 1. 7 he reads ΝΑΥΛ, but ΛΑΜΑΧΟΣ in large letters 
 is clear on the stone. In 1. 12 he reads AM for ΑΓ, in 1. 18 
 επιτροπεύοντος for επιστ^ατ^εύοντος. In 1. 2 there is a vacant 
 space of two or three letters before πρυτάνεις, and in the post- 
 script, 1. 19, before ηραμματεύοντος. Yerakis fails to note this 
 and other minor matters. 
 
 SARCOPHAGI 
 
 41. C.I.a. 4160 ; Hommaire de Hell, op. cit. IV, p. 344, pi. 
 x, 5 ; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 61. Sarcophagus, 2.10 m. long; 
 0.71 m. wide; 0.67 m. high. Letters, 0.04 m. in height. 
 
 L Υ Ι Γ Γ ΕΝΘΑ Εύπορος] ενθά- 
 
 ΔΕΚΕΙΜΑΙΕΤΩΝ 8ε κείμαι ετών 
 
 Κ Θ κθ' 
 
 The reading in the C.I.Cr. is. Εύι/[ομ]ι[αΐΌ'?, but an examina- 
 tion of the sarcophagus itself and of a squeeze from it shows 
 that there is not room enough for that name. The reading of 
 Le Bas (in Hommaire de Hell, op. cit.) Εύπορος has been over- 
 looked, but is undoubtedly right. For the name Εύπορος cf. 
 I. a. (C.I.A.), II, 467, 1. 154. 
 
 42. C.I.G-. 4163; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 56; Hommaire de 
 Hell, op. cit. IV, p. 345, pi. x, 6. 
 
 ΐϊοντικος | [S^aXXov ετών νη | ενθ(ά)8ε κείω 
 
 The reading on the sarcophagus is CAAAOY. The a in 
 ενθάΒε is omitted on the sarcophagus. 
 
 43. C.I.a. 4164; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 62. 
 
 Σαιονείνιος όπΧότερος ώνησάμην 
 την πύεΧον εμαυτώ κα\ ουδείς έτερος ανοίξει 
 μετά το εμε κατατεθήναι, επεί τοι Βώσει rrj 
 Χαμπροτάττ) κοΧωνεία -Χ- αφ' 
 
INSCRIPTIOyS FROM SINOPE 315 
 
 The reading of Hamilton and the C.I.Gr. in 1. 1 is Σαιουβίνιος 
 6 [ye(i)r]epo^, but there are no traces of the letters νεωτ. The 
 letters are 2ΑΙ0ΥΕΙΝΙ020ΝΛ0ΓΕ. #- is the sign for δηνάρια. 
 
 44. C.I.Gr. 4165; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 59; Hommaire de 
 Hell, op. cit. IV, p. 350, pi. xii, 3. A sarcophagus at Nesi Kieui. 
 
 Μ . I . . .Ατέριος Μάξιμος Ιατρός βθηκα 
 
 τη\_ν σ^ορον eavra καϊ Zorj ττ} yvvai/CL μου • χαίρετε 
 
 There is no need of changing εαυτω to εμαυτω as is done in 
 the C.I.Gr. The third person reflexive is often used in inscrip- 
 tions of late date for the first person. 
 
 45. Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 353, no. 6. Sar- 
 cophagus used as a watering-trough near the Turkish Hospital. 
 
 Κ. Αικίννως Φρουγίς \ προξενητης ενθάΒε | κείται βιώσας κα- 
 λώ? | ετών μη 
 
 46. B.C.H. XIII, 304, no. 9. Sarcophagus used as a water- 
 ing-trough at Kapou. 
 
 Σύ/3ί[ο]<? ενθάΒε κείμαι ετών | κθ' 
 
 47. C.I.Gr. 4161 ; Hamilton, op. cit. no. 57; Le Bas et Wad- 
 dington, op. cit. Ill, no. 1813. 
 
 Ύί^βεριον) Κ\αύΒίο[ν~\ 
 
 ( νη^βΙ[νον\ 
 
 ΤΙ ET 
 
 OT 
 
 48. C.I.Gr. 4159 ; Hommaire de Hell, op. cit. p. 348, pi. xi, 5. 
 
 ΟυΒεν άψαυρότερος χ[ρυ~\σοΰ Χίθος ε\_ύκ~]\ε'ο[ς~\ ανθεί 
 τταρθενίης aiBol ιτεττυκασ μένος. €\1μ\\ Βε ηείτων 
 'Ρειττάνη καθαροϊο Σαράπι,Βος, ένθα με βου\[η~\ 
 θήκε γαρισσαμενη apery πατρός^ ον περί πάντων 
 τίμησαν βασιΧήες ε\_π'] εν[σ~\ε\_βία~\ βιότοιο, 
 μά~\ρτνρι πιστενσαντες [επιστασ^ίην ' Κμίσοιο 
 . . . άπαιΒείησι [?] 
 
316 
 
 DAVID Μ. BOB IN SON 
 
 GRA\ r ESTONES 
 
 49. In an Armenian village or farm (χωρώ) owned by Con- 
 stantinos Balasides, near the village where No. 50 is, stone 
 built into the hearth of a house, 0.65 m. long; 0.27 m. wide at 
 the bottom, at top 0.25 m. ; 0.075 m. thick. Letters, 0.03 m. 
 high. 
 
 Μάης 
 ΣαροάνΒου 
 χαΐρβ 
 
 For MaV as a Sinopean name ef. I. a. (CI. Α.), III, 2, 2910, 
 ΜηνόψίΧα Μάου Σινώπι,σσα. Maes is a name which occurs in 
 the mother-town Miletus (I.G. [C.I.A.], III, 2, 2746) and on 
 the north side of the Pontus (cf. Latyschev, op. cit. I, no. 86 ; 
 II, nos. 172, 427, 452; cf. also Dittenberger, Orientis Grraeci 
 Inscriptiones, no. 375, and B.C.H. XVIII (1894), p. 532, 
 no. 2. Strabo, XII, 553, informs us that Μάνης is a Paphia- 
 
ί\ S< -HIPTIONS FROM -LXOPE 
 
 317 
 
 gonian name, and perhaps Μ «7/9 is also. ΣαροάνΒης is a bar- 
 barian name. It reminds one of such Persian names as 
 ΆροάνΒης (cf. Dittenberger, op. cit. nos. 264, 390, 391, 392, 
 393). 
 
 50. In an Armenian village, Pachar Oglou Akel, about three 
 hours east of Sinope, large marble slab with moulding at the 
 sides and broken gable at the top, 0.80 m. high, 0.54 m. wide, 
 0.08 m. thick. Height of inscription, 0.30 m.; width, 0.30 m. 
 Height of letters, which are beautifully cut, 0.025 m. 
 
 HANI02 φΟΥΛΒΙΟΣ 
 ΠΑΚΑΤ02ΕΤΩΝ-Ξ 
 §0ΥΑΒΙ02ΠΡΑ1ΤΩΡΕ1 
 Ν02ΥΙ02ΕΤΩΝ-Κ- 
 
 ΕΝΘΑΔΕΚΕΙΝΤΑΙ 
 ΛΙΚΙΝΝΙΑΚΑΤΣΕΛΛΙΑ3 
 
 ΕΝθΑΔΕΚΕΙΤΑΙ- 
 ETQN^N^ 
 
 MaVto? ΦούΧβιος 
 ΤΙακάτος ετών ζ ' . 
 ΦούΧβιος ΤΙραιτωρεΐ- 
 νος υίος Ιτων κ 
 evOahe κείνται : 
 Χικιννία Κ,αίσβΧλία 
 ivOahe κβΐται 
 ετών ν 
 
 As might easily be the case on a family tombstone the last 
 three lines seem to have been added later. They contain marks 
 of punctuation which are lacking in the first five. Moreover 
 the form of the θ is different, being in the last three lines Θ, in 
 the first five Θ. The form of the ω also differs. 
 
318 
 
 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 51. Inscription on gravestone built into the εκκλησία των 
 ταξίαρχων at Karousa, 0.32 m. high, 0.33 m. long, broken on 
 all sides. Letters, 0.03 m. Built into the same church are 
 Nos. 52, 53. 
 
 rzTOcerN 
 
 £ΓΝΑΤΙ0Ύ ι 
 JTHCCneiPHC 
 VBL1LI/VVKB 
 
 FGN 
 
 Σ^βξτος Έγν^άτιος 
 'JLyvaTi'ov 6 . . . 
 7Γ/θ]ο της σττείρης 
 P]iMilia. Urb. 
 Egn. 
 
 This inscription has already been published by Demitsas in 
 the Athen. Mitt. XIV (1889), p. 210, but his copy was incom- 
 plete. Larfeld, Griechische Epigraphik (1888-94), p. 285, 
 mentions it as a gravestone. The combination of Greek and 
 Latin in an inscription of Roman date is not surprising. For 
 the repetition of a name or signum at the end, cf. Mommsen, 
 Hermes, 1902, pp. 443 f., and Wilhelm, Wiener Studien, XXIV 
 (1902), pp. 596 f. The cognomen Sextus forbids us to identify 
 this man with the Egnatius who was consul of Bithynia and 
 Pontus in the time of Augustus (cf. Dessau, Prosopographia 
 Imp. Rom. s. 'Egnatius,' no. 29). 
 
 52. C.I.a. 4166; Hamilton, op. at. 50. Stone built into 
 same church at Karousa. 
 
 Αιμιλιανός Όφιλλίον Κονρίωνος και . . . 
 
 53. C.l.Gr. 4167; Hamilton, op. cit. 51. Also at Karousa. 
 λΙβούτιο\ς~\ Μα[£]ίμο[?] 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 
 
 319 
 
 54. Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 356, no. 14. 
 
 AAMArX 
 ΑΝΤΙ **OY 
 
 Φ°ΡΜΙ^-ΝΙ 
 
 φΗΜ+^Ι Ε 
 ΑΝΤίφογ 
 
 BA^Xl^-1 
 ΜΝΗΞ.ΙΟΞ 
 ΨΐΑ' ' " ' ' 
 
 Ααμάγ^ω 
 
 Άντίφου 
 
 Φορμίωνι 
 
 Έυνημονος 
 
 Φημίω e 
 
 Άντίφου 
 
 Έακχίω 
 
 Μνήσιος 
 
 Φί\ησ[ίω 
 
 Yerakis, ibid., reads ΛΑΜΑΙΛ, but the I is the upper part of 
 the φ in the next line, and Λ is not λ but the lower part of X. 
 Yerakis' reading in the last line also is wrong. He reads Φ I Ν . 
 He gives the form of the ω as UJ, but it is Ω. In 1. 5 the Ε 
 perhaps indicates that it is 1. 5. 
 
 bu. Parnassos, VI, 869; Neologos, 1882; B.C.H. XIII, p. 
 304, no. 10. 
 
 NaWa | Διόνυσο ίο \ ΈτρατοκΧής | Διόνυσο ίο 
 
 56. Syllogos, ibid. p. 46, no. 6. 
 
 Χαίρις | Άφβναϊος \ φαλβρβς (?) = Αθηναίος ΦαΧηρβύς 
 
 57. Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 353, no. 7. A met- 
 rical inscription on a large stone built into the north wall to the 
 right of a gateway. Yerakis (ibid.') gives an incomplete copy, 
 and makes no attempt to divide into words, to restore, or to 
 interpret the verses. 
 
320 
 
 DAVID Μ. Β OB I Ν SON 
 
 1 ο] ι/το? [tol τάφος ά]ι>[δρ]ο? ον αν σοφίης νποφήτην 
 
 2 ου] δ' άνέφν^σε] 7roX[t? .^Γ.]ο? ΤΙερσήος ομηρον 
 
 3 ovvetca 6 τττ€ροί[ης^\ τιν ίττωννμον αν e 6ν[ησβ 
 
 4 o~\vve/ca καϊ πτεροίης δΥ ήερος Έλλάδο? ayoi (?) 
 
 5 ουτο? καϊ irp[ovoeT\ Τϊερσβύς κννικής έττινοίης 
 
 6 o\ttl φ€ρ\_€~\ί κίβισιν β\άκ\τρω(ι) άρττην ίσόμοιρον 
 
 After the first six verses is a space ; and then follow at least 
 three more verses, so badly mutilated that only a few letters 
 can be read. 
 
 οΛ g oNEP°C titsT 
 TDM ΐφΙΛ OXwEYT 
 
 ό φθονερός 
 
 τω ΆμφιΧόχω Έύγ^βνίδον ? 
 
 -φβνωι ο[.^τοχος α? 
 
 "Behold, this is the tomb of a man the like of whom, once more, a 
 prophet of wisdom, not even the (divine) state of Perseus caused to spring 
 up as her hostage, because that winged one in turn benefited a namesake, for 
 that he too on wings led the way through the air of Hellas. This Perseus 
 also is mindful of the Cynic philosophy, because he carries a wallet and, as 
 the equivalent of the staff, the scimitar." 
 
 In 1. 3 τττεροίης is to be read as in 1. 4, where it is clear on 
 the stone. We should expect πτερόβπ. In 1. 3, at the end, we 
 have AYEON or AYCON. Perhaps we can restore av e 6ν[ησε, 
 in which case I equals αντον, or iov[rja€. In 1. 4 the reading of 
 Yerakis, ΑΓ0Ν, can hardly be right, since the alpha is short. 
 But there is the same objection to αηοι. The Γ might be 
 L (sigma). On the stone Ν is not visible, only I. In 1. 5 
 
INSCRIPTIOXS FROM BIN OPE 321 
 
 nrp [ovoel just fills the space. The letters often are not close 
 together. The El of (frepei in 1. 6 takes the space of three 
 letters. In 1. 2 there is an empty space between Ώβρσήος and 
 ομηρον; and in 1. 4 it seems as if the stonecutter intended to 
 join the Η and C of τττβροίης, but did not carry out his inten- 
 tion, and left a space between the two letters. The stone 
 reads H" C. In 1. 6 after BAKTPUU (not BATTUU, as Yerakis 
 reads) occurs W, which is clearly an error of the stonecutter. 
 He cut A, the first letter of APTTHN, and then realized that he 
 had omitted an I. He tried to add the I before the A, 1A. Then 
 he crossed out the A thus, W, and began again the word άρπην. 
 The clew to the interpretation of this inscription in dactylic 
 hexameters is in the sixth verse. Yerakis reads * * Ι Κ Ι Β Ι Ε I Ν 
 as if it were the infinitive of some verb. But read C for E, 
 making κίβισιν, the wallet which Perseus wore (cf. Hesiod, 
 Scut. 224; Pherecyd. frag. 26). The άρττη (1. 6) also sug- 
 gests the mythical Perseus, whose cult at Sinope is attested 
 by many coins (cf. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 435; Knatz, 
 Quomodo Persei fabulam artifices tractaverint, pp. 34 f.; Roscher, 
 Lex. Myth. s. 'Perseus')• There was a legend that Perseus went 
 to the Hyperboreans (Pindar, Pyth. X, 45 f., and XII), and 
 perhaps the Greeks would think that his route was via Sinope 
 (cf. Paus. I, 31, 2). The characteristic temper of mind of the 
 frontier town, Sinope, seems to have been cynical. Thence 
 came the three comic poets, — Dionysius (Athenaeus, XI, 467 D, 
 497 c? XIV, 615 e), Diodorus (Athenaeus, VI, 235 E, 239 B; 
 X, 431 c; B.C.H. VII, pp. 105, 107 ; Am. J. Arch. IV [1900], 
 p. 83), Diphilus (Strabo, XII, 546; I.G. II [CI. A. II], 3, 
 3343). Thence came the cynic philosophers, Diogenes (Strabo, 
 I.e.; Diog. L. Vita Diog.} and Hegesaeus (Diog. L. VI, 84). 
 Menippus, whose skilful combination of prose and poetry led 
 the Roman Varro into imitation, was perhaps born in Gadara 
 (Strabo, XVI, 759; Steph. Byz. s.v. Gadara), but he must 
 have lived at some time in Sinope, since he is called Σίνωπβνς 
 bv Diog. L. VI, 95 (cf. Susemihl, G-eschiehte der Gr. Lit. in 
 der Alexandrinerzeit, I, pp. 44 f.). Perhaps, then, our inscrip- 
 
322 DAVID Μ. BOBINSON 
 
 tion refers to some cynic philosopher, possibly named Per- 
 seus (cf. 1. 3, εττώννμον), who is likened to the mythical Per- 
 seus. In the κυνυκψ επινοίης of 1. 5 there is possibly a hint at 
 the "Αώο? κννεη which Perseus wore (cf. Hesiod, op. cit. 226). 
 Just as Perseus carries his wallet (κίβισπ) and his scimitar 
 (άρττη) and flies through the air, so the cynic has his pouch 
 and staff (βάκτρον) and feeds on air (Diog. L. VI, 2, 76). 
 
 58. B.C.H. XIII, 305, no. 12; Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 
 1901, p. 356, no. 15. 
 
 καϊ κτερίσματα κτερίσ\αντα\ 
 
 ήδη ττΧηρώσαντα, ττεριττΧο μένων ενιαυτων, 
 πεντήκοντα ετη, καϊ τεΧεσαντα χρόνον 
 
 59. Built into the wall of a house in Sinope, a block of mar- 
 ble, 0.25 m. long, 0.20 m. wide, and 0.13 m. thick. Letters, 
 0.03 m. in height. A Christian tombstone like Nos. 60-62. 
 
 eelfcic 
 
 MOTT^Pv 
 
 60. B.C.H. XIII, p. 305, no. 11. In the Tchetlambouk- 
 
 mezarlik. ~ χ Τ ^ 
 
 j- θεσι,ς | Θεμιστον | τον Ννμφ\\_ω^νο<; 
 
 61. Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, 354, no. 8. 
 
 f θέσις | Άγαθο\$ώρου | φροντιστοΰ 
 
 62. Ibid. no. 9. 
 
 f θεσις \ ΜεγαΧη | μερον | χαρκε\ ου 
 χαρκεον is another form for χαΧκεως. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS 
 
 63. Dittenberger, Sylloge\ 603; Michel, Recueil, 734. De- 
 cree telling what parts of the sacrifices and what privileges the 
 priest of Poseidon Heliconius is to receive. Poseidon occurs 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 323 
 
 as early as the first half of the third century on coins of Sinope ; 
 cf. Num. Ohron. 1885, p. 17, pi. ii ; Head, Historia Numorum, 
 p. 435. 
 
 64. liuilt into the north wall of the Acropolis near the 
 entrance to the prison, a block of native stone, 0.36 m. by 
 0.38 m. Height of letters, 0.03 in. Stone much weathered. 
 Near it another inscription, which is no longer legible. 
 
 Ήλίο? 
 Ίελήνη 
 Έρμης 
 
 06MIC ■ 
 HAIOC 
 
 CeAHNH 
 
 •~ ρ Κ/1 \\ /"Ν 'Ύ&ρηχόο* 
 
 ill ' * — ' leipioi 
 
 YAPHXOOC 
 
 c eiPioc 
 
 The cult of Helios, with whom Serapis is often identified, we 
 knew already from inscriptions found in Sinope (Nos. 30, 48), 
 and we could infer from names of Sinopeans like Menippus, 
 Meniscus. Menodorus, Menophila, Menon, that there was a cult 
 of Selene in Sinope. In fact, the very word Sinope may be 
 derived from the Assyrian moon-god, Sin. For the cult of the 
 moon-god Men Pharnakou on the Pontus, cf. Roscher, Lex. 
 Myth. IT. 2. p. 2690, s. 'Men.' Hermes occurs on coins of 
 Sinope (cf. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 435 ; Catalogue of 
 Greek Coins in the British Museum, Pontus, etc., p. 98, no. 31, 
 and p. 99, no. 36). In Trapezus, which was founded by Sinope, 
 there was a temple and a statue of Hermes (Arrian, Peripl. Pont. 
 Eu.v. 3 = Midler, Geog. Gr. Min. I, p. 370). But here for the 
 first time we meet Themis, Hydrachous, and Sirius in Sinope. 
 
324 
 
 DAVID Μ. BOB IN SON 
 
 65. Built into the wall of the house of Had ji-Pho tides in 
 the Greek quarter, a block of marble, broken at both sides, 
 0.34 m. long, 0.16 m. wide. Letters, large and well cut, 
 0.08 m. in height. 
 
 νΡΑΔ°Ξ° 
 
 7τ]α/9αδο|ο[? 
 
 Here Ave have an athlete who conquered in the πάλη and 
 παηκράτιον on the same day. Whether the shorter form παρά- 
 δοξος or the longer form παραΒοξονίκης is to be restored we have 
 no means of knowing. Both occur often in grave-inscriptions. 
 For the latter cf. also Plut. Comp. Cim. c. Lucull. 2 ; for the 
 former cf. Arr. JEpict. 2, 18, 22; Dio Cass. 77, 11. 
 
 66. Built into the wall of the same house, a broken block 
 of marble, 0.43 m. long, 0.28 m. high, and 0.13 m. thick. 
 Letters, 0.05 m. in height. 
 
 I AM APK 
 
 67. Syllogos, ibid. p. 47, no. 7. 
 
 Ύιβ. "Αρακτος 
 
 68. In the Greek quarter, in the house of Mr. Alexandros, 
 marble slab, 0.19 m. high, 0.18 m. broad, 0.07 m. thick. Let- 
 ters, 0.02 m. in height. 
 
 -"NT. 
 
 e/eUJNr°kcift 
 
 ΈΛΛ10Υ 
 AMAPKOY IB 
 
 Φλ~]αμίν[(-~\ 
 ου Άκύ\α -Χ- φο if 
 e €ων τόκο [<? . 
 Σ]€λλιου 
 Μάρκου 
 
 *% 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SIN OPE 325 
 
 This is a business account of some kind on which interest 
 (τόκο?) is paid. Perhaps if (16) is the rate per cent, and 
 ■Ητφοε (575 denarii) is the total of interest on -* A (1000 
 denarii). The time would be something over three years. 
 For ' Ακύλας (Aquila) cf. Dittenberger, Or. Gr. Insc. nos. 206, 
 533. Ibid. no. 544, 1. 9, occurs another form of the genitive 
 (ΆκνΧον). 
 
 69. In Tinkilar, in the blacksmith's shop of Chrestos Michael, 
 on the high-road, six hours from Sinope, stone with cross in 
 the middle and the following inscription around it. Height, 
 0.20 m.; width, 0.25 to.; thickness, 0.06 m. Letters, 0.025 m. 
 high. Found originally in the ruins of a mediaeval church in 
 the neighboring mountains. 
 
 GOVOeOTOKO 0]eoi), θβοτόκον 
 
 70. Nos. 70 and 71 were found in a place called Προφήτης 
 'Ηλίας, two hours from Sinope, by Mr. Myrodes, who was kind 
 enough to send me squeezes of the inscriptions. They are two 
 of the boundary stones of some precinct, renewed in the time 
 of Justinian. The inscriptions are the same, but the lines are 
 differently divided, and in No. 71 σ is omitted in τταραφανστον. 
 
 + ANG NGCu 9HC A t a*wi6Va[> 
 
 oiopoierriTOYev o/^&riw^ 
 
 C G Β G CTATO Υ Κ A Ι φ Ι σβββστάτον καΐ φι- 
 
 ΛΟΧΡ ICTOYHMUJ Ν Χοχρίστον ημών 
 
 BACIAGu^C IOYCTI /wxeW 'w<™- 
 
 N Ι Α Ν Ο V Τ Ο Υ A Ι ^ Μ Ι νιάνου τον αίωνί- 
 
 Ο YAVrOYCT°VK ΑΙ ™ Αύγουστοι; καϊ 
 
 AV T°KPATOPoC αντοκράτορος 
 
 ΠΑΡ Αφ AYC ΤΟ Υ ΤΟΥ τταραφανστου τον 
 
 6 Ν Δ°1 ° Τ ΑΤΟΥ Ι Λ €ν8οξοτάτον IX- 
 
 AOYCTPlOY-t -γ\ Χονστρίονϊ 
 
326 
 
 DAVID Μ. B0B1NS0S 
 
 «■ +AN6, AN 
 
 oiopoieniTOYGY 
 
 CGB€CTAT0Y1<AI 
 φίΛΟχΡΚ τον 
 Η μ^Ν&Α(ΐ| 
 
 Ae^ciovcTiN 
 
 lANOYTOYAlcuN! 
 ΟΥΑΓΟΥΟΤΟΥ 
 Κ ΛΙΑγτΟΚΡΑΤο 
 ροςΠΑΡΑφΑγτ 
 ΟΥ ΤΟ Υ£ Ν Δ ο 
 
 |θΤΛΤογΐΛΛ° 
 ^C ΤΡ|θγ + 
 
 οι οροί €7γΙ τον ευ- 
 σεβέστατου και 
 φι\οχρίστου 
 ημών βασι- 
 λβω? Ιουστιν- 
 ιανού του αιωνί- 
 ου Άγούστου 
 και αύτοκράτο- 
 ρος παραφαύ'σ~)τ- 
 ου του ενδο- 
 ξότατου ίΧλο- 
 υστρίου f 
 
 UNPUBLISHED LATIN INSCRIPTIONS 
 
 72. In the village Koumpeti, one hour and a half east of 
 Sinope, a sarcophagus, 1.96 m. long, 0.68 m. wide, 0.64 m. 
 high. Part where inscription is, 0.50 in. by 0.81 m. Letters, 
 0.04 in. in height. 
 
 Η 
 
 LE. EN, ,IV5 
 POMPEIANVS 
 ANNXXVI 
 
 Vi 
 
 A 
 
 n 
 
 L. E[r\en[n]iu9 
 Pompeianus 
 ann. XX I 7 
 
 About L. Ilerennius Pompeianus we know nothing. 
 
 73. At Ephrem Pogasi, about two hours cast of Sinope, only 
 a few feet from the sea, several huge adjoining stones, at least 
 seven in number. The one in the middle, 1.02 m. high, 1.62 in. 
 long, 0.42 m. thick, bears the following inscription. The in- 
 
niPTioxs fi:om 
 
 21 
 
 L. Licin- 
 
 Fr. 
 
 ai. 
 
 H. S. 
 
 scription begins 0.15 in. below the top and 0.81 m. from the 
 side. Letters. 0.135 m. in height, some 0.14 m. This 
 would be a good place for excavations. 
 
 ■L' LI G I Ν 
 
 NIVS-FR 
 GI 
 
 Ή* -S 
 
 This is perhaps L. Licinius, who was praefectus frumenti dandi 
 and proconsul of Bithynia (cf. Dessau, Prosopographia Imp. /,' 
 s. 'Licinius." and Ruggiero, Dizionario Epigrafico di Antiehitd 
 'mentarius. vol. Ill, p. 252). FR. is an abbrevia- 
 tion iorfnunentarius and the inscription is in Bithynia, and deals 
 with an important man, as is shown by the size of the stone and 
 the letters. Φροιτ/ίς (Xo. 45) might suggest Frugi here, but 
 no line after R or V before G was ever cut on the stone. For 
 name Licinius cf. also No. 33. 
 
 74. On the farm of Hamil Kegia, about two hours and a half 
 east of Sinope, a block of native stone, broken and mutilated. 
 Height, 0.54 m.; width, 0.44 m.; thickness, 0.39 m. Letters, 
 0.03 m. high. Probably the dedication of a servus. 
 
 Imp\era\tori 
 
 Cae[sari 
 Pontius . . . 
 jS. Sacerd. 
 Sacrum 
 
 75. In Kiren Tsoukourou, seven hours southeast from Sinope 
 by the only good high-road out of Sinope, a Roman milestone, 
 
328 
 
 DAVID Μ. BOB IN SOy 
 
 used as a post for a porch, 0.92 m. in circumference at the top, 
 1.04: m. at bottom. Height, 1.35 m. Letters vary, 0.03 m. to 
 0.06 m. The natives told me that this column and No. 76 
 were brought from the mountains near by. 
 
 DIO'L 
 
 HVA / 
 
 . Diocl\_etiano~\ 
 
 ΪΛ Ν 
 
 PFINVIQTOM/C ET 
 
 FLVALCON5TANTI0ET 
 
 CAlVALMAXiniANO 
 
 NOBILLCAE 
 
 MIL ι 
 
 AvRPR'JTlAlMV 
 PRPRPDNHQEORVrA 
 
 XXXv 
 
 DNinPCAeSVAieRlOUCINNlANO 
 UClNNlOPFINVICTOAVf 
 
 Frico/ ΓΑΝΤΙΝΟ 
 Fl VLCON5TAK1TIO 
 f TF^COSTANOBBC 
 ONTIV5 
 
 P.F. invicto Aug. et 
 Fl. Vol. Constantio et 
 Gal. Veil. Maximiano 
 nobill. Cae. 
 Mil. I 
 Aur. Priscianu[s 
 Pr.Pr.P.D^N.M.Q. eorum 
 
 XXX Γ 
 D.N. Imp. Caes. Valerio Licinniano 
 Licinnio P.F. invicto Aug. 
 Cae. 
 
 On other side 
 
 Fl. CI. Constantino 
 et~] Fl. [ZJwJ. Constantio 
 et Fl. Costano (?) B.B. C. 
 P]ontius 
 
 76. In same place as No. 75 another milestone, also used for 
 supporting the same porch. Height, 0.78 m.; circumference 
 at top, 1.02 m.; at bottom, 1.08 m. 
 
 IHPCAESARI 
 HAVRE! 
 
 GAROPFINVICTOAYG, 
 ETHAYREZCARINO 
 PttlpE'YS-EMAYQriht 
 NOBIZZOCAESARIZZ 
 VPPRAES 
 
 Imp. Caesari 
 
 M. Aurel 
 
 Caro P.F. invicto Aug. 
 
 et M. Aurel. Carino 
 
 ? 
 Nobillo Caesari L.L. 
 V. P. Praes. 
 
I\*CRIPTIOA> FROM SINOPE 
 
 I have failed to find in C.LL. Ill a milestone from the Roman 
 province of Pontus and Bithynia or Helenopontus, which be- 
 longs to Cams or CarLius. This may be the first one known. 
 
 77. In Erikli Djami near the village where Nos. To and 76 
 were found, a milestone with a much mutilated inscription. 
 
 I Μ PC"/ SAR 7 "V'• Caeiar 
 
 VESPASI ANVS AVQ n va *ianv» m,. 
 
 PONTMAXTRPOT Pont.Mu-. t,•. p«t.\yim\. 
 
 CO DESICN Co i g - VIIII ~\ det v• ί ΙΧ 1 
 
 IMPAVC "" COS DE5 ^ J »". <k *' 
 
 RIOCkEIM 
 
 For a similar milestone from Bithynia, cf. B.C.H. XXV, 
 p. 39 f. 
 
 78. In the fields near Chalabde (fourteen hours west of 
 Sinope), a Roman milestone, 1.68 m. in length; circumference 
 at bottom, 0.95 m. ; at top, 0.78 m. 
 
 Ρ R Ο Β p r oho 
 
 PFINVICTOAVGPO P.P. invkto Aug. Po[nt. 
 
 MAXTRIBPOTMIIPR Max. Trib. Pot. IIIL P.P. 
 
 PROCASINOPBMP PRO. Casino P. Β JI.P. 
 
 CASINO Casino 
 
 ..NOVPRPRP PR.PR.P. 
 
 79. In the same place as No. 78 another Roman milestone, 
 1.49 m. long. Circumference at bottom 0.96 m. ; at top, 0.82 m. 
 Two Christian crosses at the end of the inscription. I failed to 
 make an accurate copy of this. The inscription is about the 
 same as No. 78 and contains the name of the emperor Casinus. 
 
 The published Latin inscriptions from Sinope are C.I.L. Ill, 
 238,6977,12219: 239. 6978; 210, 6981; 6979; 6980; 12220; 
 12221: 12222; 14102 5; 14102 c. 
 
330 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 . 
 INSCRIPTIONS FROM OTHER PLACES WHICH MENTION 
 SINOPEANS ι 
 
 80. Athen. Mitt. VI (1881), p. 303 and Beilage 2. Inscription 
 from Cleitor, giving a list of proxenoi. Date, before the time of 
 the Achaean League. The part relating to Sinope is as follows : 
 
 Σινωπβϊς 
 Ι \~ ίππος Δαμ,ε 
 
 -? Φιλίππου 
 και e/cyovoi 
 
 81. Έφ.Ά/οχ. Ill (1884), p. 128, no. 5 ; I.G. VII (C.I.G.S. I), 
 I, 414. Date, between the years 366 and 338 B.C. Inscription 
 giving list of those who won in τα μβηάλα Άμφιαράϊα at Oropus. 
 
 1. 24. άγβνβίους πυημήν 
 1. 25. Έστίαΐο? Σι\νωπεύς 
 
 82. B.C.H. VI (1882), ρ. 225, no. 58; Jahrbuch, 42, 629; 
 Collitz, Samml. der griech. Dialekt-Insehr. II, 2624. Date, 240- 
 200 B.C. Decree by the Delphians to grant προξενιά to a 
 Sinopean, son of Μήτρις. Μήτρις is the right name, not Αήμη- 
 τρις or Δημήτριος ; cf. Wilhelm, Arch. Epigr. Mitt. XX, p. 73. 
 For name Μήτρις cf. Dittenberger, Inscr. Orient. Gr. no. 299 ; 
 Collitz, op. cit.^ 3029, 38; Latyschev, Pontische Insehriften, 
 p. 67, col. δ, 1. 10. Attention has not been called to the in- 
 scription found in Athens and published in the Athen. Mitt. 
 XIII (1888), p. 429, Μήτρις ΝικάνΒρου Έινωπεύς, which confirms 
 the name Μήτρις in the Delphian decree. Bourguet (Revue des 
 Etudes Grecques, XVI, 1903, p. 96) would read [Καλλικράτει] 
 Μητριός in the Delphian decree. (Cf. No. 40, 1. 5.) 
 
 83. C.I. G. II, 2059. Decree of the Olbians to crown Θεο- 
 κλβα Σατύρου ήρωα. Σινώπη stands at the' end of the list of 
 those who have already crowned him. 
 
 1 1 omit inscriptions which give only*the man's name, his father's name, and 
 ethnikon. These will all he included in the Prosopographia Sinopensis which 
 the author expects soon to publish. 
 
1NSCRIPTI0XS FROM SINOPE 331 
 
 84. Syllogos, ΙΓ', παράρτημα, p. 65, no. 6. Inscription 
 found in Tomi. 
 
 Έαραπίδ\_ί ]ος Πολυδώρου] κατά οναρ Έινωπεύς 
 
 85. Dittenberger, Sylloge 2 , 326; Michel, Recueil, p. 258, no. 
 338. Found near Chersonesus. Date about 110 B.C. Decree to 
 crown Diophantus, son of Asclapiodorus, the Sinopean and gen- 
 eral of Mithradates the Great, for his many services in the wars 
 against the Scythians. A bronze statue of him is to be set up. 
 
 86. Latyschev (1901), Lnscriptiones Antiquae Orae Sept. Ponti 
 Euxini, IV, no. 72. Fragment which fits C.LG. II, 2134 5. 
 Proxeny decree in honor of Γ. Καίος Έντυχίανος ΝαύκΧαρος 
 Σίνωττβνς. In O.I. G. ibid, read KcuW for Ka[p]oy. 
 
 87. Cumont in Revue des Etudes G-recques, XV (1902), pp. 
 332-333, no. 51. Found near Kavsa, now in Mersivan. 
 
 ΤΙρόκΧος Έινω^πεικ ύγί^βίνας €υχαρι[στώ ταϊς] | Νύ(μ.)φαί? 
 καϊ Πο[σ€ίδώ^ί] | τω παντωφ(€~)\\_ίμω . .] | κάπτ(έ)ιν πρ€π(έ)ι, 
 [7τοδα? ίά^θη δε καϊ.. | αυτού συνφόρο\υς. Χρησστος Έ.ινω- 
 [rrei)?] | Χίθουρ'γος eiroiei 
 
 88. C.I.G. 897 ; LG. (CJjL) HI, 2, 1450. Found in Athens. 
 Ποττί'λλίΟ? Ι \_Α~\ουτατιαν6<; | Σινωττενς, νιος ΤΙοπζίΧλ.ίου') Ού- 
 
 φικιανού | δΐ? άρχιβρέως καϊ \ Σηστίας Μαρκιανής \ lepeias μεγα- 
 λ?;ς Αθηνάς, \ ενθάδβ κατάκβιται | ετών κβ' 
 
 89. LG. (C.I.A.) III, 1, 129. Date, 248 a.d. List of 
 victories won by OvaXepios "ΕκΧεκτος Σινωττενς, βουΧευτής. 
 
 90. LG. IV {CLP. L), 956. Found at Epidaurus. Date, 
 224 a.d. Dedication by Tiberius Claudius Severus (Τιβ. Κλ. 
 Σεουήρος Σινωπενς), who had been cured at Epidaurus, to 
 Apollo Maleates and Asclepius. 
 
 I add here five epigrams in honor of Sinopeans. 
 
 91. Kaibel, Epigrammata Graeca, 252. Found in Pantica- 
 paeum. Relief of a man with a boy standing beside him. 
 
332 DAVID Μ. ROBINSON 
 
 Pharnaces, son of Pharnaces, a Sinopean, died abroad and a 
 cenotaph was set up for him at home. 
 
 92. Kaibel, op. cit. 702. Found at Rome. Κορνουτίων died 
 away from home at the age of two years, two months, and two 
 weeks. 
 
 93. Simonides, 101 (174). 
 
 Σήμα Θεογ^ίδο? βιμϊ Σινωπεος, ω μ' έπεθηκβν 
 ΤΧαΰκος βταιρβίης αντί πολύχρονου 
 
 94. Anth. Plan. Ill, 25. Epigram in honor of Damostratus 
 the Sinopean, who won six times at the Isthmian games. 
 
 95. Compte Bendu, 1877, p. 277. Epigram in honor of 
 Menodorus, son of Apollonius, the Sinopean. 
 
 96. Of the following inscription Dr. Wilhelm, secretary of 
 the Austrian archaeological school in Athens, with much diffi- 
 culty made a squeeze and a copy. With great generosity and 
 kindness he has allowed me to give his copy here. The in- 
 scription consists of thirty-four lines of more than sixty letters 
 of very small size. It shows the relations between Sinope and 
 Histiaea in the third century B.C. According to Dr. Wilhelm, 
 the date of the inscription is the first half or middle of the 
 third century B.C. For the first lines cf. Wilhelm, Pine Proxe- 
 nenliste an Histiaia, in the Arch.-Epigr. Mitt, aus Oester. 1891. 
 
 βδοξβν | ζ τωι δημωΐ' έπβιδη ^ινωπβϊς άποικοι . . . being on good 
 terms with the Histiaeans and the Χοιποϊ "ΈΧΧηνβς have sent 
 an embassy to renew the old friendship. 1. 7, συν[αί~\ \~tiol 
 yeye^vrai σωτηρίας. 1. 11, και οτι Άρμοξβνωι ποΧίτ€ΐ ήμβτβρωι 
 ... [βδωκ€νΊ~\ | 12 ο δήμος δωρεάν τάΧαντον πβριποιού μένος την 
 προς τον όημον των ϊστιαιβων yapiv, και Ι 1ό την προυπαρχουσαν 
 φιΧίαν ταϊς πόΧεσιν ανανεούνται κ. τ. Χ. the ambassadors ask to 
 set aside a υπόμνημα δι(α)φόρωςΊ | ^ηζηραμμενον καθεΧεϊν, τα 
 φιΧάνθρωπα διαφυΧάττοντβς κ.τ.Χ. In 11. 16/17 we have the 
 well-known formula όπως \ αν οΰν et'S^ ό δήμος 6 των Σινωπβων 
 οτι επίσταται κ.τ.Χ. (that the demos of Histiaea is always grate- 
 
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SINOPE 333 
 
 fill to its friends for τά κοινά ευεργετήματα and taking care καΐ 
 κοινήι της πόΧεως καϊ ίΒίαι των άφικνου μένων \_είς Ίστί'αιαΐ']). In 
 1. 20 begins the answer given to the ambassadors of Sinope, 
 άποκρίνασθαι | 2l μεν τοις πρεσβευταΐς ότι ή πόΧις ου μόνον προς 
 [τοιλ εαυτή~\ς γείτονας οίκείως διάκειται άΧΧά | [*:α]1 [toZJ? Έινω- 
 πε[υ]σιν εκ παΧαιού φίΧοις καϊ άΒεΧφοϊς ... continues friendly, 
 etc. After such phrases in lines 21-26, the decree runs as 
 follows, 1. 27 — ορίσθαι εξ ίσου τά τε δίκαια καϊ τα φιΧάνθρωττα 
 
 τοις παραγενομενοις | ^^.ινωπεων καθάττερ τοις ιδίοις πο- 
 
 Χίταις καϊ είναι άσφάΧειαν καϊ άσυΧίαν τοις άφι^κνουμενοις 
 Έινωπεων εις την ττόΧιν ή εις το εμ\πόρ]ιο[ν ο Ιχ€4?Ί 6 Βημος άπο 
 Ίστιαιεων | 30 κα\ των ενοικουντων • υπάρ'χειν Βε Έ,ινωπεΰσιν και 
 τά Χοιπά φιΧάν ?Λ θρωττα τταρά του δήμου ων αν γ^ρείαν ε'χωσιη 
 καϊ πρόσοΒον προς την βουΧην και τον | 82 Βήμον μετά τά ιερά και 
 ίσοτεΧειαν καθάπερ καϊ Ίστιαιεϋσιν εν Σινώπηι• καΧεϊν | ^Βε και 
 όταν τά Σωτήρια θύηι ή πόΧις επί ξένια Σινωπεων τους εν-επιΒη- 
 μουντας, | Μ είναι Βε καϊ τους πρεσβευτάς ~Μ.ητ[ρ~\ό[βι~]ον? Αει- 
 νίου (the first name is not sure), Έπιχάρην Θεαρίωνος προξένους 
 . . . the rest is lost. 
 
 David M. Robinson. 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
 iEORNl^ 
 
CORRIGENDA. 
 
 Page 130, 1. 3 of the notes. For 'belonged' read 'belonged'. 
 
 " 139, note 2, 1. 8. For * N.' read ' M.' 
 
 " 146, n. 5 and p. 148, n. 2. Before ' Eudocia ' read ' Ps. ' 
 
 " 276,1.13. For 343 read 313. 
 
 " 299, 1. 5 ; p. 300, 11. 21, 28. For αστυνόμος read αστυνόμος. 
 
 " 3θΐ, 1. 3• For Έρακ?.είδης read 'Ηρακλείδης. 
 
 " 303, 1. 3 of transcription ; 1. 2 from foot ; p. 304, 1. 2. For να[νδα~\μήνφ 
 read να[νδα]μ//νφ. 
 
 Page 303, 1. II. For ' λττο/.ανστος read ' 'Από/ 'χωστός. 
 
 " 304, 1. 3. For Ei -ρνδάμηνος read ενρνδαμηνός. 
 
 " 304, 1. 2 from foot. For 'Ρονφείνη read Ύονφεϊνα. 
 
 " 305, 1. 6 of facsimile. The second letter should be N. 
 
 " 313, 1. 10. For Χορηγιώνος read Χορηγίωνος. 
 
 " 315, No. 45 and p. 327. For Φρονγϊς read Φρονγις. 
 
 " 3i6, last line. Omit sentence beginning ' Strabo', etc. 
 
 " 317, No. 50. For ΤΙακάτος read ΤΙακάτος. 
 
 " 319, No. 54. For Φι?.ησ[ίω read Φι?.ησ[ίω. 
 
 " 319, No. 55. For Αιοννσοίο read Αωννσοιο. 
 
 " 319, No. 56. For Χαίρις read Χαϊρις. 
 
 14 32θ, 1. 15 from foot. For Άμ<ρι?Λχω read ' Αμφιλόχω. 
 
 " 323. Omit the last half of the first sentence after the inscription. 
 
 " 323. At end add "In 'The Siege of Sinope', a tragedy by Mrs. 
 Brooke, acted in London in 1781 and based on the Italian Opera of ' Phar- 
 naces', Act. V, scene 4 f. is at the temple of Themis in Sinope". 
 
 Page 325, No. 70 and p. 326, No. 71. For τταραοανστου read παρά Φαύστου. 
 
 " 327, No. 73. Transcribe L. Licin|nius Fr(u)|giJ h(ic) s(itus). Cf. 
 p. 274. 
 
 Page 328, at end of first inscription. For ' Cae ' read [Μ]ΛΘ. For the 
 restoration of this inscription (No. 75) and the correction of next to last line, 
 cf. p. 139, n. 2. 
 
 Page 32S, No. 76. For line 5 cf. p. 139, n. 2. In place of the second Μ 
 read N. 
 
 Page 329, Nos. 77 and 78. For my corrected transcription cf. my article 
 in Am. J. Arch. X (1906), No. 4 " Mr. Van Buren's Notes on Inscriptions from 
 Sinope." In 1. 4 of the facsimile of No. 77 read IX for N. In 1. 4 of No. 78 
 read Proc. A. Sinope M. P. and at end AB. In 1. 3 for R. read P. and in 11. 5, 6 
 read cu]rante Ael. Casino A | tiano, v(iro) p(erfectissimo) pr(aeside) p(ro- 
 vinciae) P(onti). 
 
 Page 329. No. 79 will be published in A. J. P. XXVII, 4. For ' Emperor 
 Casinus' read 'Praises Casinus'. 
 
 Page 331, 1. 3. For Σαρα~ίδ[ί read Σαράπιδ[ι. 
 
 u " No. 86. For Καίος read Κάως, for Καίον Κάιον. 
 
 " 332, No. 96. The correct reference to Wilhelm will be found on 
 p. 249, note 6. 
 
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