SIE EICHAED CHUECH 
 
 C.B., G.C.H. 
 
 COMMANDEK- IN -CHIEF OF THE GREEKS 
 IN THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE • 
 
 BY 
 
 STANLEY LANE-POOLE 
 
 AUTHOB OF 'THE LIFE OF VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE 
 
 WITH TWO PLANS 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16 th STREET 
 1890 
 
PBIKTKD UY 
 
 BI'OITISWUODB AND CO., KKW-STRKR SyUAUB 
 LONDON 
 
 LOAN STACK 
 
ess 
 
 MA/aJ 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 This sketch of the military adventures of General Sir Richard 
 
 Church is reprinted by permission from the English Historical 
 
 Review. Its composition has been greatly assisted by the notes 
 
 and suggestions of the Rev. C. M. Church, who also placed at the 
 
 writer's disposition a large number of unpublished letters and 
 
 other documents illustrative of his uncle's career. 
 
 S. L.-P. 
 Ballaigues, Vaud : 
 August 1890. 
 
 916 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAOH 
 
 The Expedition to Egypt, 1801 t ••..... 3 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 The Army in Sicily, 1802-6 ... 10 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Defence of Capri, 1806-8 17 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Ionian Islands, 1809-14 24 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Army of Italy, 1813-16 31 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Brigands of Apulia, 1817-20 38 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 The War of Independence, 1826-7 45 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Campaign in Western Greece, 1827-9 ........ 59 
 
SIR RICHARD CHURCH. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 
 1801. 
 
 THE War of Independence left Athens a heap of ruins : not the 
 battered fragments of her imperishable art alone, but unsightly 
 wrecks of modern houses, overthrown by Eeshid's artillery. Even 
 in the year of revolutions, the ominous epoch of 1848, when twenty 
 years and more had passed since the surrender of the Acropolis, 
 little had been done to repair the ravages of the war. Four streets 
 of mean-looking houses crossed one another at right angles ; above, 
 on Constitution Place, rose the bald white outline of the palace ; 
 and miserable twisting lanes, with neither lighting nor pavement, 
 bordered for the most part by wretched cabins or high garden walls, 
 extended on either side of the main thoroughfares. One such lane, 
 called ' the Street of Hadrian,' ran below the old wall at the north- 
 east angle of the Acropolis, and in it stood a house familiar to every 
 resident in Athens. It was built round an open court, in eastern 
 fashion, with a cypress and a pepper-tree for shade and fragrance. 
 One side was formed by a three-storied tower, a relic of the Turkish 
 domination, still kept in a state of defence with a view to possible 
 revolutions. On another side stairs led up to a gallery out of which 
 three sitting-rooms opened. Beneath were the offices and dwellings 
 of the trusty Palicari who formed the voluntary garrison of the 
 house in all Greece least likely to need defence. 
 
 Its master was sure to be found, in the forenoon, in his corner 
 of the divan in the reception-room, where a motley crowd of visitors 
 was commonly assembled, smoking the long chibuk and speculating 
 on the turns of politics — senators and deputies of the opposition, 
 
 B 2 
 
4 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 
 
 Suliots of Albania, nomarchs of the islands, chiefs of western 
 Greece attired in Jloccata, embroidered vest, and fustanella, save 
 where the sense of fashion had prescribed the unsightly dress of 
 the West. There sat Makrijanni, Monarchides, Argyropoulos, and 
 Demozelio, the * white devil ' of Acarnania, his aides Mostras of Arta, 
 Theagenes of Thebes— men who had given their all (such as it was) 
 for their country. They were discussing the immensi evenimenti, 
 the sequels of the Paris revolution of February 1848, the prospects 
 of their friends in the Boule and Gerousia, the raids of the brigand 
 bands of Papacosta or Velenza, and all the news of the hour. The 
 master talks freely, genially, humorously with his friends in French 
 or Italian, and more seldom in Greek, his clear blue eyes flashing 
 now and again as he denounces some treachery of the powers that 
 be, or moistening with the warmth of enthusiasm as he recalls some 
 golden deed ; for age has not availed to quench the generous pas- 
 sion of his youth. His slight figure bears the stamp of the man of 
 action, and his eager glance confirms it. All who surround him, 
 Englishmen, Greeks, be they who they may, evidently revere him. 
 For the master is Sir Eichard Church, formerly commander-in-chief 
 of the Hellenes in the war of independence, and still and for always 
 the best-beloved Englishman in Greece. 
 
 In 1848 he was approaching his threescore years and five, and 
 had sheathed his sword for many a long day. But few men had 
 seen more service — more responsible and adventurous service — than 
 Bichard Church. His early commands went back to the days of the 
 great French war ; he had served under Abercromby and Stuart, 
 Kempt and Hudson Lowe, and had met the armies of Menou, 
 Massena, and Murat, in the days of the consulate and empire. 
 He had seen the birth of the modern English army ; and a handful 
 of raw undermanned regiments had grown before his eyes into the 
 victorious legions of Wellington. He had taken a foremost part in 
 the long battle which England, and England alone, waged in the 
 Mediterranean against the Napoleonic dream of eastern empire ; 
 Alexandria, Maida, Capri, Zante, Santa Maura, all these had viewed 
 him at his post ; and the man who landed at Aboukir in the open- 
 ing year of the century, who had fired a salute in honour of Trafal- 
 gar, had conversed with dolosissima Caroline, queen of Sicily, and 
 had passed through countless perils and faced a thousand ventures 
 since then, lived to hear of France and Germany fighting on the 
 Rhine. The soldier who fought against the first Napoleon, before he 
 
1800 THE EXPEDITION TO EGYPT 5 
 
 was emperor, survived to witness the fall of the Second Empire at 
 Sedan. 
 
 It speaks well for the Society of Friends that so sturdy a fighter 
 as Eichard Church should have been born a quaker. He was the 
 second son of Matthew Church, a merchant of Cork, and Anne 
 Dearman, his wife, and was born in 1784. His school career was 
 cut short by an adventure which was to be predicted in the son of 
 such peaceable parents. Eichard ran away, and took the king's 
 shilling before he was sixteen. His father wisely abandoned the 
 attempt to make a quaker of a son of war, and, instead of reproach- 
 ing him, purchased a commission in the 13th (Somersetshire) light 
 infantry. Eichard was never a big man, but when he was gazetted 
 ensign (3 July 1800) he was unusually small for his age, and 
 apparently ill-prepared to battle with the hardships and privations 
 of an eastern campaign. 
 
 Nevertheless to Egypt he went, when the 13th was despatched 
 in the autumn of 1800 to join Major-General Cradock's brigade in the 
 Mediterranean, on the most important service that England at that 
 time had to demand of her little army. We find him in February 1801 
 on board the transport ' Adventure ' in the harbour of Marmarice, 
 on the Karamanian coast, where Sir Ealph Abercromby and Lord 
 Keith had found refuge from the winter storms — rather, indeed, to 
 their own surprise, for even their pilots were not aware of the exist- 
 ence of this opportune haven. The general, thus unexpectedly pre- 
 served from shipwreck, was busily collecting information, drilling 
 his raw army, negotiating through Sir John Moore with our allies 
 the Turks, and gathering horses and transports, with very dispro- 
 portionate results ; meanwhile the men were being practised in dis- 
 embarking and landing under the imaginary guns of the enemy. 
 From this scene of deferred expectation, Church wrote to his sister 
 (10 Feb. 1801) :— 
 
 We have been here about six weeks, but expect to leave it for our 
 final destination in about a week more. It is the most savage country 
 imaginable. You see nothing from the ship but the most tremendous 
 mountains all round which form the harbour. 
 
 He was not favourably impressed with either the town of Mar- 
 marice or the people : the former was ' filthy,' and we quite believe 
 it ; ' the inhabitants are the most ferocious as well as the most indo- 
 lent in the world ' — a more questionable statement, since they once 
 formed the best oarsmen in the Turkish galleys. Pashas then were 
 
6 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1801 
 
 much as they are now, but more splendid in dress, and at least 
 equally addicted to coffee and pipes. Thunder-storms accompanied 
 by heavy hail, and the nightly approach of wild beasts, added to the 
 inconvenience of the camp, and even in February the heat and 
 effluvia were distressing. The letter continues : — 
 
 We are about two or three days from Alexandria, where the French 
 have their chief army and where we expect the greatest resistance. It is 
 reported that they have received a reinforcement of 1,800 men. . . . We 
 have here Le Tigre and Sir Sydney Smith ; he is to command a battalion 
 of marines and seamen and act on shore :— with him there must be suc- 
 cess. His dress is curious, a large pair of mustachios, a long blue cloak 
 lined with ermine, gold epaulets, and a large sabre. . . . 
 
 Shocking idea ! five paras— a coin of this country worth only one 
 halfpenny — is the inducement held out to these wretches, the Turks, for 
 the head of a Frenchman, and wonderfully well it succeeds ; but it matters 
 not whether French or English, so they have an opportunity of murdering 
 him ; his head goes to the Grand Vizir, and the assassin receives his 
 paras. The Greeks, who are slaves to the Turks and are Christians, are 
 as opposite a people as possible, a brave, honest, open, generous people, 
 continually making us presents of fruit. If they make any money by 
 trade, when it pleases the Turk he takes it from him, and if he murmurs, 
 death is his redresser. Oh, how I hate the Turks ! . . . 
 
 We, the army, certainly go through more than any people in fatigue, 
 hardship, dreadful living, and storms : living on salt pork, towed three 
 days astern of the ship, and still so full of salt you eat it with the greatest 
 difficulty ; foul water, maggotty biscuit : such living is common to us, 
 and happened no less than four times riding at anchor, twice before 
 enemy's towns — Vigo and Cadiz — and twice in Tetuan Bay. I felt that 
 I never knew the real sweets of home, and how many dangers, hardships, 
 and fatigues would I now go through, and smile at, for the happiness of 
 a return home to my dear parents, sisters, and brothers. 
 
 General Abercromby sailed from Marmarice on 22 Feb. and 
 anchored in Aboukir Bay on 2 March. For the third time Aboukir 
 was to be the scene of a battle. Here Nelson had destroyed the 
 French fleet in 1798, and here Buonaparte cut the Turkish army to 
 pieces in 1799. The bay was now filled with English transports, 
 bringing some 14,000 men to dislodge the French who defended the 
 beach with all arms, including fifteen cannon on the sandhills. 
 Stormy weather delayed the encounter, but on the 8th General 
 Moore took his division ashore in open boats under the enemy's fire, 
 and, forming on the beach, carried the French battery at a rush, 
 seized four guns, and drove their two battalions from the field. 
 
1801 SIEGE OF ALEXANDRIA 7 
 
 General Oakes with the other division repulsed the attack of cavalry 
 and infantry, and sent the enemy flying over the sandhills with 
 the loss of three guns. The whole position was brilliantly stormed, 
 and *he French took refuge within their lines at Alexandria. 2 
 
 The 13th foot was not in the front at the landing, but it had its full 
 share of work afterwards. Cradock's brigade, to which it belonged, 
 formed part of the centre column in the advance of 13 March, and 
 was exposed to a most destructive fire ; and in the victorious battle 
 of the 21st, when Abercromby fell, it held a critical position on the 
 left of the British line resting on Lake Mareotis. It also took part 
 in the capture of Eosetta and forced the surrender of Cairo, escorted 
 the French army down to its embarkation in July, and witnessed 
 the fall of Alexandria in August. Contemporary documents relating 
 to the expedition are very scarce, and the following letter from 
 Church to his mother (written, he says, upon * the only sheet of 
 paper in the camp ') is therefore valuable. 
 
 Egypt, 7 Sept. 1801. 
 
 The two letters [not preserved] I wrote from Eosetta, my dear parents, 
 must have long ere this arrived. We then were prepared to march to 
 the siege of Alexandria, which was to be stormed on all sides, and would 
 undoubtedly have been taken with a tremendous loss to both parties. 
 Fate ordained it otherwise. General Menou, having often tried the 
 valour of the British troops in the field, and dreading the dreadful 
 slaughter which would be made by the Turks on every armed as well as 
 unarmed person (more particularly the latter), the evening [26 Aug.] 
 previous to the assault sent into our camp his aide-de-camp with a flag 
 of truce to ask for a cessation of arms for six-and-thirty hours, to con- 
 sider the terms we had offered. Our commander-in-chief [General Sir 
 John Hely Hutchinson] agreed to an armistice, in the course of which 
 time General Menou thought fit to capitulate, to the great joy of both 
 French and English. Thus has the campaign in Egypt finished to the 
 great glory of the British army. The 2nd of September 1801 was the 
 memorable day when the grenadiers of the whole British army, under 
 the command of Major- General Cradock, took possession of the heights 
 and fortifications of Alexandria, and hoisted the British flag in place of 
 that of the French Eepublic. The terms are the most honourable on our 
 part. The French are allowed six pieces of cannon, six-pounders, and 
 their private property, and small arms only ; and without sacrificing one 
 soldier we have possession of the whole of the transports which brought 
 out the whole of Buonaparte's army, besides six new frigates (two sixty- 
 four's), and a vast number of vessels of different sizes, upwards of 600 
 
 1 See Sir H. Bunbury's Passages in the Great War, pp. 93 ff. 
 
8 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1801 
 
 pieces of ordnance, principally brass, besides thousands of all descriptions 
 of stores, and granaries full of wheat and rice. 
 
 The taking of Kosetta, Aboukir, Cairo, and Alexandria, with a number 
 of small forts and castles all through the country, afforded us a vast deal 
 of trouble, and is expected to yield us some prize money. We landed in 
 this country 14,000 men to attack 22,000 French bayonets (from the 
 French returns for embarkation), and before the arrival of any troops 
 from Europe three battles were fought between us, in every one of which 
 we were victorious. The landing on 8 March gave us a footing in the 
 country ; the action of the 13th insured that footing to us by driving 
 that enemy from the heights they occupied, and the glorious battle of 
 the 21st sealed, with the death of our noble commander-in-chief, the 
 entire possession of the country to our arms. M6nou shut himself up in 
 Alexandria, and Belliard retreated to Cairo in the greatest precipitation. 
 We followed up the blow, leaving a sufficient force to guard the heights 
 in front of Alexandria. The remainder of the army marched for Cairo, 
 and on their march reduced Fort Julian, a strong fort at the mouth of 
 the Nile, took Kosetta and a fort on the bank, and encamped before 
 Gizeh, a town at the opposite side of the river from Cairo. We were 
 hardly arrived ere the French sent in an offer to surrender on the terms 
 which they should propose. With some alterations we agreed to them ; 
 their private property and some pieces of ordnance were no object to us. 
 Our numbers at the greatest calculation amounted to about 5,000, and 
 theifs" at the smallest weae 9,500 fighting men. A few days were allowed 
 them to get ready ; they marched to Eosetta to embark, French in one 
 column, English in another, and they embarked at Aboukir to the amount 
 of 20,000 persons of every description. 
 
 Once the French under General Belliard embarked, the general lost 
 no time. We proceeded to Alexandria and invested it on all sides. 
 General Coote with a division of the army landed to the westward ; we 
 on the eastward made a false attack, which deceived the enemy ; they 
 turned their attention to us ; in the meantime General Coote surprised 
 the castle of Marabout and landed his army to the westward without the 
 loss of a man. On our side we were equally fortunate. It was the dead 
 of the night, and so dark that we got, without being perceived, within 
 the range of the guns on the batteries ; the guns had no effect, their 
 whole line appeared one blaze and one continued roar of thunder, all to 
 no purpose ; we gained our own line with the trifling loss of a few horses. 
 The next night we cut off the whole of their picquets, took seven officers 
 and a hundred and twenty men ; our loss was trifling. Our works to the 
 eastward approached every day ; from our trenches we picked their artil- 
 lerymen from the guns, our friends the Turks were excellent at that : 
 they would lie the whole day behind anything that would conceal them, 
 purposely to pick off the men on the front lines or any other situation. 
 They are the greatest cowards in the world ; they never once fought with 
 
1801 IMPRESSIONS OF EGYPT 9 
 
 us in the field. At last our force on their right, the sea to their left, an 
 army in front, and an army in their rear, cut off every chance of supply ; 
 we harassed them day and night. The ' heroes of Italy ' were obliged to 
 surrender to the paid troops they despised so much on hearing of their 
 arrival in Aboukir Bay. . . . 
 
 Impressions of Egypt — ' this infamous country ' — follow, such 
 as might be expected from a young ensign with little opportunity 
 for close observation. He has seen ' everything worth seeing — the 
 Pyramids, Pompey's Pillar, Sphinx, Cairo, Eosetta, and Alexandria, 
 the Delta, and the country all along the banks of the Nile ; ' he has 
 encountered ' reptiles of all sorts, a dreadful scorching sun, deserts 
 without a drop of water,' and sums up Egypt as a country with 
 1 some good qualities, though but very few.' The principal amuse- 
 ment of the inhabitants appeared to be smoking, and though there 
 were Christians at Eosetta, it was hard to distinguish between them 
 and the Turks, when it came to cheating. Like all Englishmen, 
 Church admired the Mamluks, but even at this early period the 
 Turks excited his utmost scorn and detestation. 
 
 We had at Cairo the Grand Vizir and his army. We have here the 
 Captain Pacha and his also — such a set of villains never were seen before ; 
 they go loaded with arms to molest every one they meet, yet are the 
 greatest cowards in the world. The greater the rank the greater the 
 rascal ! From seven months' residence in the country I know so much 
 of the Arabic language as to be able to converse with the Arabs ; the 
 French speak it fluently. I must now conclude about Egypt, only add, 
 once out of it I would never wish to see it again. 
 
 A soldier could hardly begin his career better than in the 
 Egyptian expedition of 1801. It was commanded by officers of ex- 
 ceptional ability and character, and its success effected a signal 
 change in the position of the English army. Before 1801 we were 
 discredited, and it was believed, not only abroad but at home, that 
 our officers could never cope with Buonaparte's * heroes of Italy ' 
 and of Germany. Alexandria restored our confidence, and Eng- 
 land began to recover her faith in her generals. Eichard Church 
 shared in this revival of hope, and it was his good fortune to bear 
 a hand also in the next triumph of the British arms : Alexandria 
 and Maida were the prelude to Talavera, Vittoria, and Waterloo. 
 
10 
 
 CHAPTEK II. 
 
 THE ARMY IN SICILY. 
 
 1802-1806. 
 
 The illusive peace of Amiens in 1802 interposed a brief truce in 
 the war between England and France, but in 1804 Eichard Church 
 shared in the patriotic fervour which lined our southern coast with 
 hundreds of thousands of troops, militia, and volunteers, eager to 
 repel the invasion of ' the common enemy of Europe.' Buonaparte's 
 vast preparations for the conquest of London, his thousand trans- 
 ports at Boulogne, and the splendid troops which were massed on 
 shore ready for instant embarkation, had roused England to strenuous 
 exertions, and recruits and reserves mustered so rapidly that the 
 regular infantry, which in 1803 was reckoned at 40,000 (and this 
 figure exaggerated the effective strength of the thinned and worn- 
 out battalions) sprang at a leap in 1804 to 75,000, besides 80,000 
 militia and no less than 343,000 volunteers. Never had the nation 
 more heartily responded to the call of the crown. To present any- 
 thing like a practical opposition to Buonaparte's veterans, however, 
 these large bodies of raw recruits and volunteers needed constant 
 drilling ; camps of instruction were forthwith established along the 
 Essex, Kentish, and Sussex coasts, and Sir John Moore at Hythe 
 set that model of discipline which, emulated by the other camps, 
 served more than anything else to prepare our soldiers for the long 
 trials and triumphs of the Peninsular campaign. 
 
 In one of these camps at Hailsham — * a paltry place, but still 
 on the coast (sic), and an advanced post, which is the only satisfac- 
 tion we have to enable us to bear it ' — Church and his new regiment, 
 the 39th, into which he had exchanged, were stationed, and here 
 he had the time and opportunity of learning those lessons in the art 
 of war which the brief campaign in Egypt could scarcely have 
 taught him. But he was not long forced to endure the rustic 
 monotony of Hailsham, lighted up, as it was from time to time, by 
 rumours of the approach of that hated enemy whose ships lay 
 
1805 EXPEDITION TO MALTA ir 
 
 almost in sight across the narrow strait. The 39th were on their 
 way to the Mediterranean in the spring of 1805, though what they 
 were going for they knew not. That they were going to fight ' Bony ' 
 somewhere was enough. 
 
 Few people take much interest in the minor efforts of the great 
 French war ; yet they sometimes presented features of romance 
 and opportunities for daring and resource such as the movements 
 of great armies rarely afford. Nor were they without their due 
 effect upon the main struggle. The unremitting attacks of our 
 small forces in the Mediterranean upon every possible vantage- 
 ground of the enemy drew off large detachments of the French 
 armies from more vital spots, and, while depriving Buonaparte of 
 many important depots for arms and supplies, effected what was at 
 least equally important, by raising the credit of the British army 
 wherever it landed, and showing Europe that, if we could not turn 
 out vast numbers of troops, at least those who did battle for us 
 knew how to fight. The dash and vigour of our onslaughts upon 
 the French positions in the Mediterranean, from Alexandria to the 
 islands of the Adriatic and the bay of Naples, did much to restore 
 that prestige which the triumphant course of French successes had 
 impaired. 
 
 The expedition with which Church sailed, on 19 April 1805, 
 consisted of about 7,000 men under the command of Sir James 
 Gibson Craig, who was to proceed to Malta and thence carry on 
 operations, of what description the government had no precise idea, 
 except that they would be against the French in Italy or Sicily, or 
 perhaps Sardinia or Minorca, according as circumstances and 
 instructions should dictate. The principal object, however, was to 
 keep the treacherous court of Naples out of the arms of the French, 
 and for this purpose to land in Italy, in company with a large force 
 of Bussians, then at Corfu, and to endeavour jointly to protect the 
 Neapolitan capital from invasion. It was a curious plan, and with 
 such allies was bound to fail ; but at least it did not lack able officers. 
 Craig,. Sir John Stuart, Fox, and Sir John Moore successively held 
 the chief command in Sicily, and they were admirably seconded by 
 men who afterwards made their mark in greater fields, such as 
 Lowry Cole, Hudson Lowe, Boss of Bladensburg, Kempt, and Sir 
 Henry Bunbury, who has ably recorded his recollections of the 
 military operations of the time. 
 
 The expedition did not reach Malta till July. Alarms of the 
 French fleet and a long detention at Gibraltar, where it had to 
 
12 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1805 
 
 wait for further orders, delayed it ; but to one at least of the officers 
 the interval of leisure was not unwelcome. Church was for his 
 age an ardent student, and took a keen delight in French and still 
 more in Italian literature. At Gibraltar, when there was no 
 Spanish gunboat to be attacked or avoided, he spent his time 
 * reading the few books I have, amusing myself with fortifica- 
 tion, as usual, occasionally taking a row about the fleet, bathing. 
 Ossian, Ariosto, and Plutarch's Lives are my chief authors, and one 
 constantly relieves the other.' He was very romantic, and his 
 letters are full of poetical quotations, varied by metrical outbursts 
 of his own. 
 
 At Malta the young lieutenant of the 39th received unexpected 
 promotion. He was made adjutant of the light battalion then 
 being formed under Colonel Kempt. Writing from Valetta, 5 Oct., 
 he says : — 
 
 The several light companies (Chasseurs) are embodied and made for 
 the time being one regiment, to act, when in service, as sharpshooters, 
 riflemen, &c, and to form invariably the advanced guard of the army. 
 We consist of 890 select men, from all the British regiments on the 
 island, and placed under the command of Colonel Kempt, a very excellent 
 officer, who was military secretary to Sir R. Abercromby in Egypt and 
 in all his campaigns elsewhere. I am placed on the staff as adjutant to 
 the light infantry battalion. Believe me that I am sensible that there 
 are many officers whose abilities make them more fit for the situation. 
 There were no less than fifteen applications made by different officers, 
 and all strongly recommended by their commanding officers, and I 
 am really astonished to find that I succeeded in obtaining what I so 
 little deserved or expected. It is of all others the most advantageous 
 situation an officer of my rank could obtain, and to me the most flattering. 
 You know that I am devoted to the life of a soldier and can relish no 
 other, so I have at least that to urge in my favour ; inclination will not 
 be wanting in doing my duty, whatever may be the case with the abilities. 
 I have at last stepped out of the common track in the army, and I sin- 
 cerely hope never to return into it again. — We sail to-day [he adds, 8 Nov.], 
 supposed for Naples, and it is believed we shall proceed 200 or 300 miles 
 in Italy without having any affair with the French. A great many regi- 
 ments who served in Egypt are with us, and if we meet the ■ invincible 
 army of Italy,' I hope grenadiers and light infantry of the British will be 
 able to give a good account of them. — The last cannon from the fleet has 
 fired. 
 
 It was a fine sight to view the flotilla of more than a hundred ships 
 making out of Malta harbour, and finer still when nine Russian- 
 
1805 THE ENGLISH AT NAPLES 13 
 
 ships of the line and eighty-five transports joined them off Syra- 
 cuse ; and the fact that all this brave array was bound on a bootless 
 i rrand did not at the moment diminish its imposing effect. Ten days 
 they tacked in sight of Etna, and at last weathering the western 
 point of Sicily — for the fleet was too large to risk the passage of 
 Scylla and Charybdis, — they began to disembark at Castelamare on 
 20 November. Here Church's duties as adjutant began in earnest, 
 though indeed the beginning seemed more like play. There was a 
 grand review of the troops before the king of Naples, and exultant 
 volleys were fired by the British when at length the tidings reached 
 them of Trafalgar and ' the glorious 21st of October.' Then up the 
 country they all marched, and occupied the defiles of Itri and Fondi, 
 and other strong positions. They little knew then what was going 
 on beyond the distant Alps, but the disastrous news travelled fast. 
 Mack had capitulated at Ulm ; the fatal field of Austerlitz had been 
 fought and lost ; the French were advancing in overwhelming force 
 upon Naples ; and the perfidious court of Ferdinand had already 
 submitted to the demands of Buonaparte. There was nothing for 
 it but to beat as dignified a retreat as circumstances permitted. 
 General Craig on his own responsibility, and in spite of the remon- 
 strances of our minister, Mr. Hugh Elliot, re-embarked his army 
 on 20 Jan. 1806, and set sail for Messina. 3 He was only just in 
 time. "What happened in the next three weeks may be told in the 
 words of the contemporary Neapolitan historian Coletta : — 
 
 The king, queen, and the royal family flying, the Princes Leopold 
 and Francis retreating with the army through the Calabrias, a timid and 
 inexperienced regency in Naples, the kingdom laid open to hostile armies, 
 the city undefended, the partisans of the king fugitives or hiding, the mob 
 fluctuating between lust of plunder and fear of chastisement, the honest 
 with arms in their hands for the defence of their own lines and for the 
 maintenance of order in the city : — such was the state of Naples in the 
 first days of February 1806, while at the same time 50,000 French under 
 Marshal Massena were conducting to his throne Joseph Buonaparte, with 
 the name of lieutenant of the Emperor Napoleon. 4 
 
 Sicily now assumed a double importance in the eyes of England. 
 It was her advanced outpost against the enemy, and must be held 
 at any cost against the army which General Begnier was leading 
 into Calabria with the express design of reducing the remnant of 
 
 " See Mr. Oscar Browning's article on * Hugh Elliot at Naples,' in the English 
 Historical Bevieic, No. 14, April 1889. 
 4 Storia di Napoli, ii. 10. 
 
M 
 
 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1806 
 
 the Bourbon kingdom, which Buonaparte had declared to be extinct. 
 The Neapolitan court, piqued at our retreat, had at first forbidden 
 a single English soldier to land at Messina ; but no sooner had the 
 queen taken refuge at Palermo than fear got the better of resent- 
 ment, and General Craig was invited to disembark his troops for the 
 protection of Sicily. It was a welcome bidding, for four weeks in 
 transports had not improved the health or temper of the men. The 
 English army, numbering about 7,500, was now posted with its centre 
 at Messina, the left fortified at Milazzo, and the right stretching 
 towards Taormina and Cape Passaro. An active flotilla of Sicilian 
 boats scoured the straits, and a corp of natives was raised in our 
 service. Church was zealous in his duties as adjutant of the light 
 division ; he was at the taking of the fort of Scylla, which guarded 
 the straits on the opposite shore ; and his familiarity with Italian 
 brought him into useful intercourse with the Sicilians, among 
 whom he mentions * about 1,000 friars and monks, the apothecaries 
 and parsons in the six parishes around our cantonments, many of 
 whose names I do not know, and all the fishermen from Messina 
 to Scarletta, whose names I do know, because I have them regis- 
 tered.' 
 
 He was already beginning to exercise that influence over foreign 
 peoples which afterwards became the chief pride and delight of his 
 life. In the same letter he records his first experiences of an earth- 
 quake, and its different effects upon the English soldiers and the 
 Sicilians : — 
 
 A battle is nothing to it ; it was a most deplorable scene to see 
 the whole of the inhabitants on their knees, in the middle of the 
 street, in the most dreadful rain. The villagers were surprised and en- 
 raged to see us performing all the duties of the regiment as if nothing had 
 happened, and in a great degree they attribute this event to our being in 
 the country. 
 
 The daily sight of the French encampments across the narrow 
 straits irritated our men beyond measure, and in the summer plans 
 were matured for anticipating the threatened French invasion by a 
 landing upon the Calabrian coast. Church had gained credit by 
 the zeal of his service, and in the arrangements for the advance he 
 was attached as brigade major to Colonel Kempt's division. 
 
 His zeal and attachment to the duties of his profession [wrote Sir J. 
 Stuart, the hero of Maida, to the Horse Guards] were conspicuous in a 
 series of services that occurred within my own observations. I hardly. 
 
1806 THE BATTLE OF MAI DA 15 
 
 know a more promising young man, or professionally a more deserving 
 one. I gave him to Kempt as brigade major at Maida, and he always 
 fully appreciated him. 
 
 The battle of Maida is the best known of the military operations 
 during the occupation of Sicily. 5 It was in effect a successful 
 sortie of the British garrison against the advanced position of the 
 French army on the Calabrian coast. The English to the number 
 of 5,000 landed on 1 July in the bay of St. Eufemia ; the battle was 
 fought on the 4th. The marshy plain of the river Lamato, which 
 lay between the forest of St. Eufemia and the hill of Maida, where 
 the French were posted, formed a most unhealthy camping-ground, 
 and had the French left us alone the battle might never have been 
 won. 
 
 The English army, massed on the heated sands of that desert beach, 
 struck during the day by the burning rays of the July sun, and by night 
 breathing in the pestilential vapours of the neighbouring marshes, were 
 sickening and on the point of abandoning the enterprise, when Regnier, 
 longing for revenge, flung himself upon their camp ; he who had fought 
 unsuccessfully against Stuart in Egypt hoped a return of fortunes in 
 Calabria. 6 
 
 In vain : he was completely routed ; Kempt's light brigade broke 
 the attack, and pushed the enemy relentlessly over the plain 
 to the slopes of Maida ; the guns and stores collected for the invasion 
 of Sicily fell into our hands ; Lower Calabria was cleared for a time 
 of the French ; the victory broke their prestige, and raised the 
 spirits of our army. The pity was that it was not followed up. 
 
 In August of the same year, Church was entrusted with a 
 mission which called forth to the full those qualities which after- 
 wards proved so valuable against the secret societies of Apulia. At 
 this time the Sicilian authorities, aided by Sir Sydney Smith, were 
 encouraging by every means in their power the numerous bands of 
 masse, or banditti, which the barbarities of the French army had 
 fostered among the miserable population of Calabria. No weapon 
 against the enemy could be neglected, and war, as well as adversity, 
 sometimes makes strange bedfellows. To investigate the doings of 
 these disreputable allies, and to discover the strength and position 
 of the French troops, became a matter of necessity ; and the task 
 demanded not only considerable courage and presence of mind, but 
 
 5 The best account of this and other military operations in the Mediterranean 
 during the great French war is to be found in Sir H. Bunbury's Passages. 
 " Coletta, vi. 14. 
 
16 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1806 
 
 a familiarity with Italian. Church was in a manner marked out 
 for the work, and he hastened to volunteer. The risk was so great 
 that his colonel, the Hon. Lowry Cole, hesitated for a whole day 
 and, even when he had consented, knew no peace of mind till he 
 saw the young officer safe back again. Accompanied by only twelve 
 Neapolitan cavalry, Church pushed his reconnaissance to Nicastro, 
 where he found matters in a critical state. The brigands were 
 pouring into the town to the number of 1,500, murdering the in- 
 habitants in the streets and making targets of the syndic and other 
 notables. It was then that Church displayed that cool mastery 
 over lawless ruffians which so often, in after years, stood him in 
 good stead. With his twelve men he not only drove the masse out 
 of a house which they had attacked, but ordered the chiefs to leave 
 the town, an order which, strange to say, was for the most part 
 obeyed. All night, however, his little company had to patrol the 
 streets, and it was not till morning that he felt he could safely leave 
 Nicastro, restored by his efforts to comparative tranquillity. 
 
 For this service, and for his detailed report on the movements and 
 positions of the French, he received the thanks of Generals Stuart 
 and Fox, and was shortly promoted to the rank of captain in the 
 Corsican Eangers. But the chief reward to one of his chivalrous 
 nature was the thought of the rescue of hundreds of women and 
 children from the tender mercies of the brigands. He had resolved 
 to * perish rather than leave the helpless people in the hands of 
 assassins,' and a sentence in a letter to his mother shows us the 
 generous humanity which was ever his characteristic : — 
 
 I feel more real pleasure at having been the sole instrument in the 
 salvation of these hundreds than in having assisted in the destruction of 
 the thousands of our abominable and treacherous enemies at Maida. 
 
1/ 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE DEFENCE OF CAPRI. 
 1806-1808. 
 
 A month before the battle of Maicla, Church had written home 
 (10 June 1806), ' Sir S. Smith sails this day. On his way here 
 from Gaeta he took the island of Capri in the bay of Naples. 
 Colonel Lowe with five companies of the Royal Corsican Chasseurs 
 sailed four days ago to garrison the island, as an attack from the 
 French is daily expected." Capri now formed a sort of vedette of 
 the Sicilian garrison, whence a sharp look-out could be kept upon 
 the enemy's doings in Naples, and communications established 
 between the English army and the continent. It was a post for 
 bold and venturesome men, and the authorities instinctively sent 
 Church to the point of danger as captain of the Corsican rangers. 
 For two years, from October 1806 to September 1808, he com- 
 manded the upper town of Ana Capri, which looks down eastward 
 from its lofty terrace of lava over rugged precipices to the Marina 
 and Lower Capri, and on the west hangs steeply over the blue 
 waters of the Mediterranean. Colonel Hudson Lowe in the nether 
 town placed entire confidence in his lieutenant above ; and, unlike 
 some others, Church always entertained a warm esteem and affec- 
 tion for his commanding officer, who, whatever his faults, was at 
 least a gallant soldier. 
 
 At first the novelty of the situation, and the delight of flaunting 
 the flag of England in the very eyes of Joseph Buonaparte over 
 the way at Naples, were pleasurable enough, but after a while the 
 monotony of the place and the association with none but foreigners 
 began to weary him. He describes his life in a series of letters to 
 his sister : — 
 
 14 Oct. 1806. 
 
 How fast is the scene changed ! A twelvemonth has not yet passed 
 and I have written you from Malta, from various part? of Italy, from 
 
 c 
 
18 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1806 
 
 Sicily, from Calabria, from Sicily again, from Capri. I have been re- 
 peatedly changed on duty from one of these places to another ; served an 
 unsuccessful campaign allied with the Russians against the French in 
 Italy ; and been on a most glorious expedition against the same enemy in 
 Calabria. I have been under arms three times to be reviewed by two 
 crowned heads— twice for the king of Naples, once for the king of Sardinia. 
 I have witnessed an earthquake ; scarcely been, even for a week, out of sight 
 of Mount Etna, Vesuvius, or Stromboli. I formed a party with the army 
 selected to besiege Scylla, and was at the taking of it ; and have had the 
 good luck to have been actually shipwrecked at Charybdis ; and have been 
 no less than seven times embarked, and as often landed, . . . mixed up 
 alternately with Russian and Neapolitan troops, Calabrese, Sicilians, and 
 French. ... I have served in the various capacities of lieutenant, ad- 
 jutant, brigade-major, and captain, and have had no less than four different 
 commanding officers in that space of time. To conclude this history, I am 
 now, through the great favour of my present commanding officer, Colonel 
 Lowe, duly installed captain-commandant of Ana Capri. . . . 
 
 From Capri you have the most beautiful view imaginable of Naples 
 and Vesuvius, as well as of Baiae, Pozzuoli, the Elysian fields, Portici, 
 the palace of La Favorita, and all the towns in the bay of Naples towards 
 Castellamare, . . . the islands of Ischia and Procida, and Ponza in the bay 
 of Gaeta, and on a very fine day, with a glass, Gaeta itself. You have a fine 
 view of the Apennines and the highlands in the Neapolitan territory for 
 many miles. From the back of the island you command a prospect of 
 the gulf of Salerno and the various towns on its shores. So much for the 
 views : now for the island itself. It is about 5^ [3g] miles in length, and 
 perhaps its greatest breadth is not above two. It is divided in two 
 parts, Capri and Ana Capri, and has three towns, or rather villages, 
 S3veral convents, and a bishop, and several remarkable ruins of palaces, 
 &c, built by Tiberius when that wretch made the island his place of 
 residence. The whole island is a perfect garden, is covered with vines, 
 figs, &c. Capri is the chief town and port, and has a castle ; it is the 
 seat of government and headquarters of the regiment, and has about 
 3,000 inhabitants ; the roads are all very hilly, narrow, and, for the 
 most part, in steps. Ana Capri is above two-thirds of the island, and 
 once up, a level terrace abounding in fruit, wine, and oil ; it has no place 
 of anchorage for shipping, but several creeks and small bays where an 
 enemy may attempt a landing. The only road from Capri here is (do not 
 be surprised at an absolute fact) up a rock, cut into 600 [535] perpen- 
 dicular steps, and this is the only communication between the two places. 
 . . . Fancy my leading a high-spirited Arabian horse up these steps, 
 which I have done, and he is the only horse in this part of the island. 
 . . . My residence is in the Palazzo, a delightful house, one of those 
 belonging to the many Neapolitan nobility who formerly spent a month 
 or two of each year here previous to the French occupation. 
 
i8o6 ANA CAPRI 19 
 
 I am sole governor here, civil and military ; my military force con- 
 sists of two companies, besides an officer's detachment of forty men, 
 making my regular troops about 200, and two four-pounders. Besides 
 these I have about sixty militia, and some few of the king of Naples' 
 gamekeepers. I am at the advance post, the first to be attacked when 
 King Giuseppe shall be that way inclined. I am totally independent of 
 the commanding officer, except what relates to the regiment, and com- 
 municate with him by telegraphic and night signals. The population 
 consists of about 900 people, not one of whom can go down to Capri 
 without my passport. There is here a convent of nuns and a college for 
 ecclesiastical education. I am on great terms with the abbadessa, a most 
 respectable old lady, who was obliged to fly from Naples by the French, 
 and is much attached to the English. We correspond almost daily, and 
 as often as possible I make her a present of fish, fresh butter, hams, and 
 anything else that I accidentally pick up. . . . 
 
 On 3 Nov. 1806 Church writes to his mother : — 
 
 My time is at present occupied in entrenching this part of the island, 
 making a harbour, building towers of defence, making roads — any- 
 thing whatsoever that renders my post so strong as to be able with a very 
 few men to defend the place against whatever number of men King Joseph 
 may think proper to attack me with. . . . These works, and exercising 
 the men, signing passes from this to Capri for the country people, and 
 now and then a ride or walk round my whole territory, or a game of 
 rackets, fully occupy the morning from daylight, at which I invariably rise, 
 until dinner, 5 o'clock. It is in the evening that ennui becomes a guest, 
 for there is no society except of the few officers composing the detachment, 
 for instance, a German, a Piedmontese, a Corsican, &c. 
 
 So long have I been accustomed to foreigners [he adds in another 
 letter] that my native language seems of little use— French and Italian 
 are our only languages now. I shall soon forget my native tongue. 
 Would I could have some lessons in it from you ! 
 
 I am absolutely remarkable in the regiment for the number and the 
 length of the letters I write, and also for various translations from foreign 
 papers. 
 
 His copious note-books full of poetry, and many extracts from 
 books of history, bear witness to his love of reading. 
 
 Since I last wrote [this to his brother in April 1807] we have been on 
 the point of attack. ... On 1 March a division of about 2,500 or 3,000 
 French troops under General Merlin embarked . . . from Baiae and were 
 half-way across, when a tempest arose which obliged them to put back. 
 . . . We had only at most 700 men, and it requires 2,000 to guard all the 
 landing-places, but I do not think we should have lost the island. We have 
 worked night and day to increase our strength. ... I often wished for 
 
 c 2 
 
20 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1807 
 
 practice in fortification ; I have now plenty of it, as Colonel Lowe has made 
 me chief engineer and inspector of the coast, and I have the whole of the 
 fortifications for Ana Capri to design and complete with my own resources 
 and according to my own ideas. Since we heard of M. Merlin's intentions 
 we have considerably increased our ammunition. . . . By offering rewards 
 for the balls fired by the British ships into the island when the place 
 was taken, and which were to be found in the vineyards, I have recruited 
 as far as 500 extra rounds ; . . . since that we have received from 
 Messina a large supply of ammunition and provisions, and we only wish 
 to see our friends [the French]. 
 
 Lowe manages so well that in spite of precautions we have almost 
 daily correspondence with Naples, and are informed of everything going 
 on there. 
 
 Italy is like a barrel of gunpowder, and only wants a match to blow it 
 all up : that match is an English army of 20,000 men under Moore. 
 
 If the English at Capri managed to get wind of the enemy's 
 movements, the scent of English doings at Capri was at least 
 equally burning at the Court of Naples, and the intrigues of the 
 French and of Queen Caroline of Sicily compelled the garrison to 
 keep a strict watch on the inhabitants. ' This is a rascally island,' 
 wrote Church in 1807, * as you will see by this report of mine to 
 Colonel Lowe. I have arrested some priests detected in correspond- 
 ence with the French. This is a nuisance, for we are now obliged 
 to fortify against the inhabitants on shore as well as against the 
 enemy at sea.' The island seems to have been left by our com- 
 mander-in-chief strangely unprotected at sea, considering its 
 advanced and exposed position. 
 
 Six months without a ship- of- war of any sort, our greatest distance from 
 the enemy's head-quarters being only eighteen miles, nearest two miles. 
 My detachment and myself have had the hardest duty I ever experienced — 
 watching and patrolling night after night, and working in the day-time : 
 an enemy without, treason within, is enough to keep one on the alert. 
 Enough of this vile island. 
 
 During 1808 the monotony of his island service was relieved by 
 employment on expeditions along the Calabrian coast, watching and 
 gaining information of the enemy's movements. He even seems to 
 have been to Naples, doubtless in disguise, and to have been im- 
 prisoned there for four days on account of a dispute with a French 
 officer ; and he was sent with despatches to Messina to the com- 
 mander-in-chief with a report of the affair. 
 
 So long as Church commanded at Ana Capri the rock w T as safe. 
 But two events happened in the course of 1808 which materially 
 
1 808 THE FRENCH A TTA CK 2 1 
 
 affected the issues of the contest. Joseph Buonaparte was suc- 
 ceeded by Murat, and those who knew the two men were aware 
 that this meant a complete change in the conduct of the war — a 
 change from languor to masterly activity. The other event was 
 the reinforcement of the garrison of Capri by the royal regiment 
 of Malta — an increase merely in numbers, for the Maltese were not 
 fit to stand in the shoes of the Corsicans, and the issue demon- 
 strated the blunder of placing such troops at the post of danger. 
 One important effect of the change was to transfer the command of 
 Ana Capri to Major Hamill, who now occupied the advanced position 
 with the Malta regiment, while Church and his Corsicans joined 
 Hudson Lowe in Capri. The relief took place on 10 September, 
 and the French were not slow to turn it to their own advantage. 
 Church had been longing for an attack, though he knew that if the 
 island were taken * I should get into such a passion as to fight to 
 the last rather than let the monsieurs have it without paying for it 
 more than it is worth.' But now he had lost hope of a scrimmage. 
 ' There is no chance of our being attacked,' he wrote, ' as at present 
 we have two regiments here ; I kept the place for two years with 
 one ' '(26 September) . Only a week after this confident assertion a 
 large flotilla sailed from Naples with 3,000 men under Lamarque. 
 The French attacked the island on all sides (4 October), but were 
 vigorously repulsed by Hudson Lowe from the lower town. Ana 
 Capri was less fortunate, and less well defended. Church and his 
 Corsicans were ordered up to support the Maltese, but these had 
 already allowed the enemy to land, under cover of the guns of a 
 considerable flotilla, including a frigate, sloop-of-war, mortar vessel, 
 and twenty-four gun-boats, which kept up a perpetual cannonade 
 against the heights, under which their men ascended to the summit. 
 In spite of their superior numbers the French were four times 
 driven back with loss, and at sunset they had apparently made up 
 their minds to return on board, for they were seen hiding among 
 the rocks at the landing-place. In the evening, however, they were 
 reinforced by other troops, who had been repulsed from Lower 
 Capri, and as the moon rose Church saw three formidable columns 
 advancing over the plain of Orico upon the town of Ana Capri. 
 He kept up a brisk fire on their flank, but could not pursue as he 
 found another body of the enemy threatening his right. The 
 Malta regiment precipitately retired, the French passed through 
 the lines, Church and his company of Corsicans were separated 
 from the two other companies of his regiment ; defence of Ana 
 
22 SIR RICHARD CHURCH iSoS 
 
 Capri was already hopeless, and the enemy's guns could be heard 
 in the town. All that remained was a perilous retreat. Church 
 flung his guns into the sea, and guided his men through vineyards 
 and narrow tracks towards Capo di Monte, whence a descent by 
 steps led to Capri. On his road, to his intense surprise, for he had 
 imagined the French at some distance, he suddenly fell in with a 
 strong division of the enemy, and was instantly challenged. With 
 prompt presence of mind he answered in French that his party 
 were French troops pushing on to the town, and was allowed to 
 proceed, the Corsicans actually brushing the enemy as they passed. 
 Some of the Malta regiment in the rear, however, by their red 
 uniforms betrayed the deception, and the result was a brisk fire, 
 which pursued them for a mile. At last Church got his men, 
 closely followed by the enemy, to Capo di Monte, and thence to 
 Monte Salaro, picking up the two missing companies on the way. 
 Here a letter from Hudson Lowe determined him to continue his 
 retreat to Capri. 
 
 The adventures of the night were not yet over. To reach Lower 
 Capri, where Lowe held his ground, was impossible unless the 
 cliffs, some 150 feet high, and nearly perpendicular, were scaled. 
 His local knowledge served him well in this emergency. The or- 
 dinary step-road was held by the French, but he knew of a path, 
 scarcely practicable indeed, save to mountaineers, but such as 
 Corsicans might compass ; and down went the whole regiment, man 
 by man, ammunition, guns, and all, in the blackness of night. 
 It was a perilous descent, but only one man missed his footing ; the 
 rest with their officers joined Colonel Lowe at Capri the same 
 night. 
 
 The French had won the day by a surprise, largely due to the 
 supineness of the Malta regiment, but Church and the Corsicans 
 enjoyed the full measure of praise for their daring. ' Captain 
 Church's exertions,' reported Hudson Lowe, c were peculiarly con- 
 spicuous. The orderly retreat of this detachment, through parties 
 of the enemy and down precipices heretofore deemed impracticable, 
 forms the highest eulogium on the officers who guided it. They 
 had been twenty hours under arms and in constant movement.' 
 
 For a fortnight the garrison in Lower Capri held out against 
 the slow siege of the French, who did not venture on an assault. 
 For twelve nights and days the garrison was perpetually under 
 arms. The reinforcements despatched by Sir John Stuart from 
 Sicily were impeded by calms or dispersed by gales, and meanwhile 
 
1808 SURRENDER OF CAPRI 23 
 
 ammunition ran short and a successful assault became imminent. 
 When the enemy offered honourable terms of capitulation, Colonel 
 Lowe had no alternative but to accept them (18 Oct.), and to with- 
 draw his force to Sicily. 7 It was a severe blow to the British fame, 
 and grievously weakened the effect of Maida. The French had 
 enjoyed every advantage : an English frigate had retired before 
 them, no sufficient succour had been attempted, the weather had 
 been unprecedentedly calm for the time of year and had allowed 
 a singularly easy disembarkation of troops and guns, and then 
 changing to a gale prevented the arrival of British reinforcements ; 
 while the regiment at the point of attack had proved unequal to its 
 duties. Nevertheless it was a calamity which the English burned 
 to retrieve. 
 
 Church had been wounded in the head by a splinter from the 
 last shot fired by the enemy (15 Oct.), while he was leading the 
 sharp-shooters of Capri, and was put on board ship in a disabled 
 state. On his arrival in Sicily he became the hero of the hour, 
 and was warmly welcomed by the Commander-in-Chief and recom- 
 mended for the majority in the Malta regiment, vacant by Major 
 HamhTs death. He never joined the regiment, however, for he 
 was soon well enough to ride across the island to Messina, where 
 he was placed under Bunbury as assistant-quartermaster-general. 
 
 7 See Papers presented to the House of Commons relating to the capture of the Isle 
 of Capri by the French Forces. (Ordered to be printed March 29, 1809.) 
 
24 
 
 CHAPTEK IV. 
 
 THE IONIAN ISLANDS. 
 
 1809-1814. 
 
 How to retrieve the loss of Capri was the anxious thought of 
 the British commanders in the Mediterranean, and especially 
 of Lord Collingwood, who had succeeded Nelson in the com- 
 mand of the fleet. An expedition was despatched in the summer 
 of 1809 to the Bay of Naples to make a reconnaissance ' for a par- 
 ticular object,' 8 but though Ischia and Procida were taken, and 
 many of Murat's gun-boats captured, the movement was apparently 
 a feint to deceive the enemy as to our real intentions. Church, 
 who was honourably selected (27 June) to accompany the recon- 
 naissance on board the Canopus, was sorely disappointed that no 
 attempt was made to recover Capri, but subsequent proceedings 
 restored his equanimity. In September the fleet sailed again from 
 Sicily under sealed orders, the purport of which was unknown even 
 to him (he was now assistant -quartermaster-general and chief of 
 the staff to General Oswald, who commanded the troops of the 
 expedition), and, instead of carrying on the usual operations agains', 
 the Italian coasts, boldly sailed for the Adriatic and attacked the 
 Ionian islands, then occupied by the French. The islanders had 
 already sent urgent appeals to Collingwood and Stuart for English 
 aid, and the result was the despatch of the 35th regiment, the 
 Corsican rangers under Hudson Lowe, two companies of the 44th, 
 a few dragoons, and a company of artillery, with the co-operation 
 of H.M.S. Warrior (Captain Spranger) and other vessels. The first 
 point of attack was Zante, where the French, taken completely by 
 surprise, capitulated on the spot. Church conducted the landing, 
 and drew up the terms of surrender (2 Oct.). Thenceforward, until 
 the cession of Corfu by the French in 1814, Zante was the head- 
 quarters of the British government in the islands. Cephalonia 
 
 8 Despatch from Lt.-Col. Coffin, D.Q.M.G., to Capt. Church, June 27, 1800. 
 
1810 THE IONIAN ISLANDS 25 
 
 fell two days later to the onslaught of Colonel Lowe, and the re- 
 duction of Ithaca, in which Church himself commanded (supported 
 by Captain Crawley of the Philomel) and ' made the French com- 
 mander surrender unconditionally,' and of Cerigo, which had long 
 been a nest of privateers, speedily followed, each in a single day. 9 
 
 For five years the young officer's life (he was only twenty-six) 
 was spent in active employment in the Ionian islands. It was 
 work that was in every way suited to his special capacity ; it tended 
 more than any other experience to confirm the high opinion which 
 he had, from the very first contact, formed of the Greeks, and which 
 moulded the whole course of his later life. His genius lay in the 
 command and discipline of native regiments ; he seemed to possess 
 a potent charm which gave him ascendency over rough and un- 
 tutored ragamuffins, whom none but he could convert into some- 
 thing like orderly troops. Hardly had he arrived on the shores of 
 Greece when he began to prepare for the levy of native regiments. 
 His zealous enterprise in anticipating the requirements of his 
 government led him immediately to prosecute a series of inquiries 
 into the condition and resources of the Ionian islands and the adja- 
 cent mainland, and to report the results, illustrated by plans and 
 maps of Corfu, Zante, Santa Maura, &c, to General Coffin at 
 Messina. The information was especially welcome just then, for 
 there were rumours, as an intercepted letter from the Morea to 
 Buonaparte afterwards disclosed, that England contemplated the 
 occupation of the Peloponnesus as a place d'armes against France ; 
 and a despatch from General Coffin (16 Jan. 1810), commending 
 Church's zeal and discretion, emphasised the importance of his 
 continuing to furnish reports, especially on the resources and dis- 
 position of the Moreotes, and the possibility of defending the 
 isthmus of Corinth. The detailed report did not come in till many 
 months later, and meanwhile the idea of an occupation had been 
 abandoned ; but it is full of minute information as to the propor- 
 tions of Turks and Greeks in the Morea, and the probable number 
 of fighting men, all of which proved of the utmost service to Church 
 in his later dealings with the Greeks. 
 
 His observations of the qualities of the Greeks soon streng- 
 thened his estimate of their capabilities as soldiers, and in 
 1810-11 he was hard at work raising a force of 950 men. The 
 first regiment of the duke of York's Greek light infantry was soon 
 
 9 Despatches from Brig.-Gen. Oswald and Capt. Church, A.Q.M.G., in London 
 Gazette, 16322, Dec. 5-9, 1809. 
 
26 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1811 
 
 placed upon its trial. For three months the army in the Ionian 
 islands was left without a word of instructions from head-quarters 
 at Messina, and did not know what to do next : a delay, wrote 
 Church, ' characteristic of the manner in which we generally carry 
 on military matters.' In March 1811, however, it was decided to 
 attack the island of Santa Maura, and Church led his Greek 
 recruits to the assault of 'that diabolical castle seated like a 
 magician's fortress in the middle of the sea.' The new regiment 
 behaved with great steadiness and pluck, and the fort was taken ; 
 but in the moment of victory Church's sabre was smashed by 
 grape, and his left arm was at the same instant shattered by a 
 bullet. 10 For two months he was seriously ill, for the bone was 
 divided, but a sound constitution and a skilful surgeon pulled him 
 through, and in the summer of 1811 he was allowed to go on leave 
 for a tour through Greece to Turkey and Asia Minor. With two 
 companions he rode through Northern Greece, Thessaly, and Mace- 
 donia, visiting Delphi, Chaeroneia, Thermopylae, Pharsalia, Philippi, 
 and other homes of classical associations ; at Constantinople he 
 found a hospitable welcome at the embassy, and began a life- 
 long friendship with Stratford Canning, the twenty-four-year-old 
 minister at the Porte ; while a row up the Bosphorus to the mur- 
 muring rocks of Jason, and an excursion to Smyrna and Magnesia, 
 completed a tour replete with intense interest to Church's romantic 
 imagination. 
 
 On his return he devoted himself again to the duties of his 
 Greek infantry. He had been appointed major commanding the 
 rpgiment early in 1810 by Sir John Stuart, for whom he always 
 testified a warm admiration and esteem : ' I look up to him as a 
 father,' he wrote home (12 Nov. 1811), ' (a sacred name not to be 
 adopted without good cause) ; it is difficult to conceive the affection 
 he has for me ; believe me, mother, it was a cordial to my grateful 
 heart to receive his unlimited approbation to my exertions on his 
 reviewing my regiment, which he did some time ago whilst on a 
 tour to these islands.' It remained to be seen, however, whether 
 Sir John's appointment would be ratified by the Horse Guards : 
 f Sir D. Dundas,' said Church, ■ may have some of the MacSyco- 
 phant family to provide for, whose campaigns in England may 
 
 10 What was thought at the Horse Guards of this exploit may be judged from a 
 letter from Sir H. E. Bunbury to Church, Aug. 9, 1810, in which he hoped his arm 
 was mending and that he might ' be able to enjoy the high credit you have so nobly 
 gained, without any alloy of sickness.' 
 
i8ii THE GREEK LIGHT INFANTRY 27 
 
 entitle them to promotion prior to those sons of St. Patrick whose 
 services are confined to the Mediterranean.' He was not fond of 
 Scotsmen, and made unfavourable comments on the Highland regi- 
 ments in Sicily. His fears, however, were groundless, and in 
 November 1811 he was able to write, ' I am now full and approved 
 major in His Majesty's service, and commanding a regiment 
 originally raised, organised, and disciplined by myself,' where he 
 had gained ' the warm approbation of my superiors, and the decided 
 love and attachment of those placed under my command. My 
 constant prayer is that I may be allowed to be of service to man- 
 kind and particularly to my country.' His letters are full of 
 patriotic fervour, strong family love, and simple unaffected piety. 
 
 The command of the regiment taxed Church's powers to the 
 utmost. He was far from well ; his wound was still open, after a 
 year and a half ; and his visit to Turkey had been followed by a 
 severe and distressing fever. Moreover, the management of raw 
 Greek levies was a very different matter from a parade in Welling- 
 ton Barracks. 
 
 You will conceive [he told his mother, 12 Nov. 1811] that my charge 
 is no light one — that of a thousand men — and that my mind is continually 
 occupied with the cares, the necessary attendants of so heavy a trust ; 
 for do not conceive that I have the easy task of an officer in command of 
 an English regiment where all is clock-work, and where the men are 
 accustomed to the rules of discipline. Far different has been my task, 
 and through the Almighty's assistance I have been enabled to reduce to 
 obedience and military discipline men whom English, Kussians, or French, 
 could never in any way discipline or civilise. To you, mother, I do not 
 boast ; but I have now, thank God, divested those men of prejudices rooted 
 by ages, and converted them from the most lawless of mankind, not only 
 into good soldiers, but also into praiseworthy members of civilised society. 
 These men, who once knew no law but their sword, are now the admira- 
 tion of the inhabitants for their correct, quiet, and obedient conduct. 
 My maxim has been to treat them with mildness and humanity, and by 
 that means I have succeeded in gaining the love of these people beyond 
 what can be imagined. The number of recruits that flock to me from 
 all parts of Greece is really extraordinary. . . . Should government wish 
 fcr men, I will answer from my character alone in this country to raise 
 G,000 or 8,000 men in as many months. The regiment is now regularly 
 approved of by government, and will enjoy the same advantages as all 
 other in His Majesty's service. 
 
 General Oswald was much impressed with the ability displayed 
 by his chief of the staff in recruiting the regiment. ' The first 
 
28 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1812 
 
 embodiment of the Greeks in our service,' he wrote, 21 Aug. 1811, 
 ' was one of those delicate experiments demanding a rare and un- 
 usual combination of conciliation and firmness, and indeed of that 
 enthusiasm by which great difficulties alone can be overcome. No 
 one,' he added, * was so capable of embodying and disciplining 
 people whose love and respect you had by the most valid titles 
 acquired,' and he not only assured Church that the regiment would 
 remain under his command, but that he might look forward to the 
 formation of a second regiment of the same kind which would also 
 be placed under his orders as lieutenant-colonel. ' For my own 
 part,' said the general, * I am convinced that our corps is but the 
 commencement of a great plan for engaging numbers of Greeks in 
 our service.' 
 
 The wheels of government roll slowly, and it was not at once 
 that these predictions were realised. Church, however, lost no time 
 in making preparations for embodying another Greek regiment so 
 soon as permission should arrive from home. Considerable enthu- 
 siasm had been aroused in the Morea by the success of the first 
 experiment, and numerous offers of assistance came in from the 
 chiefs, insomuch that the Turkish authorities took alarm, and 
 complained of what they imagined might be construed as an in- 
 fraction of their neutrality towards France. Volunteers wrote 
 from all parts of Greece, and their letters possess a singular interest 
 in view of later events. They show that the Greeks were already 
 looking to England as their champion against the misrule of the 
 Turks, and they also bear witness to the eagerness of the Greeks 
 to profit by the advantages of English discipline, which they plainly 
 foresaw would turn to their profit in the deadly struggle which was 
 already flashing upon their horizon. The Greek regiments raised 
 by Church in the Ionian Islands took no small part in the War 
 of Independence ; the names of Colocotroni, Valaeti, Vlacopoulo, 
 Htratto, and other prominent leaders in the revolution, figure 
 among his recruits at Zante ; and his influence over the men was 
 the direct cause of their eager desire to serve under him again in 
 their effort for freedom in 1827. They had grown to love him in 
 the earlier years at Zante, when they served as mercenaries of a 
 foreign power, and would have no other leader when they fought 
 for their own homes. 
 
 How strong and beloved that influence was, may be gathered 
 from the memorial (24 July 1812) which the first regiment of 
 Greek light infantry presented to their major on his departure for 
 
1814 GREEK VOLUNTEERS 29 
 
 England on sick-leave, for his wound still troubled him. They 
 recited their experience of three years' service under his orders, and 
 spoke of his success as a ' zealous, benevolent, and mild ' com- 
 mander, who had ' won them by affection from their own country 
 to learn military science ' under his direction, and had even con- 
 verted those who had always maintained that the Greeks were in- 
 capable of discipline. Among those who signed this memorial 
 were names conspicuous under the same leader in the War of 
 Independence. 
 
 There was no doubt that the experiment had succeeded ; and 
 even the Horse Guards, after a period of bewildered surprise, were 
 free to express their entire satisfaction with the zeal and enthu- 
 siasm of the young major, who was now pleading his cause in 
 person at Whitehall. All the authorities concurred in admiration 
 of his energy and tact ; the duke of York, commander-in-chief, 
 was ' fully impressed with the judicious and zealous conduct he 
 had invariably manifested in the command and organisation of the 
 Greek light infantry; ' " and the recommendations of Sir J. Stuart, 
 Generals Campbell and Airey, and Colonels Bunbury and Torrens, 
 induced the home authorities to waive the objection of his youth and 
 brief period of service, and to create a special second lieutenant- 
 colonelcy expressly for him in the 1st Greek light infantry. 12 
 Moreover, the commander-in-chief, alive to the importance of 
 Colonel Church's recruiting abilities, favourably entertained and. 
 supported his memorial and offer to raise a second corps like the 
 first. 13 A despatch from Lord Palmerston to Church (W^ar Office, 
 29 June, 1813) gave the necessary permission and regulations for 
 the new regiment, which was to be officered by Greeks, with the 
 exception of the lieutenant-colonel and one British captain. The 
 men of Sparta, Elis, Epirus, Arcadia, Aetolia, Messene, Acar- 
 nania, and the Islands, came forward with enthusiasm, and the 
 regiment was speedily embodied at Cephalonia to the permitted 
 strength — first of 450, and subsequently of 580 men, with English 
 staff and field officers. The corps was engaged for five years and 
 for service in any part of Europe, but the only action in which it 
 took part was the capture of Paxo on 14 Feb. 1814 ; when, by skil- 
 ful combination with Captain Taylor of the Apollo, Church and 
 
 11 Despatch from H. Torrens to K. Church, Feb. 26, 1813. 
 
 12 H. Torrens to K. Church, Horse Guards, Nov. 25, 1812. 
 
 u Despatch from Frederick, Comm.-in-Chief, to Lt.-Col. Church, March 9, 1813 
 and from the same to Earl Bathurst, April 27, 1813. 
 
30 STR RICHARD CHURCH 1814 
 
 Arata surprised the citadel. 14 A garrison order of 8 July, 1814, 
 gives a very favourable report of the steadiness and soldierlike 
 bearing of the 2nd Greek light infantry, and its good conduct 
 throughout its year of service ; but its work was now over. The 
 general peace put an end to all military operations in the Mediter- 
 ranean : the Greek regiments were disbanded 15 in October, partly 
 in deference to the representations of Turkey ; 16 and the men 
 returned quietly and in excellent spirits to their homes. 17 To 
 Church personally the disbanding was a severe pecuniary loss ; he 
 had spent considerable sums in recruiting, and lost his pay and 
 appointments after a single year's tenure. 
 
 The Septinsular Eepublic was now revived under the protection 
 of Great Britain, and the officer who had taken so large a share in 
 its recovery and organisation was summoned to Vienna to lay before 
 the Congress of Europe a report on the conditions and resources ot 
 the islands. The report is an excellent summary of the strategical 
 and commercial importance of Corfu as a possession of Great 
 Britain, and upon it the Ionian treaty was largely founded. This 
 closed th^ fourth period of Colonel Church's services. His con- 
 nexion with the Ionian Islands terminated amid the cordial congratu- 
 lations of the comma nder-in-chief, the general in command, and all 
 others in authority. He had played an important part in the 
 organisation of the Septinsular Eepublic, which for half a century 
 formed a valuable and legitimate field for British influence in the 
 Mediterranean. 
 
 1 ' Lt.-Col. Church to Lt.-Gen. J. Campbell, Paxo, Feb. 15, 1814. 
 13 General Order, Corfu, Sept. 14, 1814. 
 
 18 Lt.-Gen. J. Campbell to Lt.-Col. Church, Zante, Nov. 8, 1818. 
 17 General Orders, Argostoli, Oct. 1 ; Corfu, Oct. 25, 11'. 
 
3i 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ARMY OF ITALY. 
 1813-1816. 
 
 From 1814 to 1820 Church's energies were diverted into a new 
 channel, where he found even more scope for his passion for 
 adventure than in the hazards of Capri or the training of Greek 
 brigands. Had he pursued the ordinary course of service in the 
 English army, there can be no doubt that he would have % risen to 
 high command ; but his nature was altogether opposed to such 
 monotonous advance. He loved peril and adventure ; he delighted 
 in feeling his power over undisciplined mountaineers, and seeing 
 raw recruits of the most unpromising appearance grow under his 
 keen yet sympathetic eye into orderly and steady troops. The 
 command of the Corsican Eangers had accustomed him to dealing 
 with such materials, and the levy of the Greek regiment at Zante 
 had perfected his experience. To give up such exciting and re- 
 sponsible work for the routine of an English parade-ground, now 
 that the Peninsular war was over, was repugnant to his energetic 
 nature ; and so we find him taking service where there was plenty 
 to be done and seen, and where he soon had an opportunity of ex- 
 tending his experience in managing men who lived in open con- 
 tempt of all authority. The particular direction now taken was 
 due in a large measure to a new influence which had come upon 
 him, and which for many years reigned over his enthusiastic and 
 loyal disposition. This influence belonged to Count Nugent, an 
 English officer attached first to the Austrian and then to the 
 Neapolitan service, who seems to have been the Prince Rupert of 
 the southern campaigns against Buonaparte — a man of high mettle, 
 beloved by his comrades, eager for battle, and carrying with him 
 that good fortune which often accompanies brilliant audacity. 
 
 Church was already intimately acquainted with Nugent when 
 he joined him at Vienna in 1813. On his way back to the Ionian 
 
32 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1813 
 
 Islands after his absence on leave in England, the young lieutenant- 
 colonel of Greek light infantry was entrusted by Lord Castlereagh 1S 
 with a political mission to Constantinople, with orders to go by way 
 of Vienna and on his road to visit the chief armies of the allies. 
 He had begun with Sweden, where he travelled from Gottenburg to 
 Ystad ; and then, crossing to Stralsund, met his old friend Sir 
 Hudson Lowe, and Sir Charles (afterwards Lord) Stewart, Lord 
 Castlereagh's brother, in whose company he witnessed a review of 
 Arenschild's Kusso-German legion, and drank a bumper to Wel- 
 lington for his triumph at Vittoria. Passing through Berlin, he 
 arrived at Vienna in August, where Lord Cathcart received him 
 very graciously, and gave him a commission as flattering as it was 
 agreeable, though it practically superseded his original route to 
 Constantinople. ' He has directed me,' wrote Church to Colonel 
 Bunbury (11 Aug. 1813), ' to proceed to join General Nugent, with 
 whom I am at present here. We leave to-day for Agram, and the 
 corps under his command is destined to open the communication 
 with the Adriatic. After the communication is opened I shall pro- 
 ceed to Zante, and return from thence to the continent, bringing 
 with me such troops as General Campbell may spare, together with 
 my own men, and also leaving proper officers for the recruiting of 
 the regiment and the forwarding them to us as speedily as possible ; 
 and I reckon upon good service from them even in an undisciplined 
 state.' This was just the sort of vigorous work he enjoyed, and he 
 looked forward with his usual sanguine hopefulness to a brilliant 
 campaign under the man for whom he had already conceived a 
 strong affection. As usual, too, he spent what he could in aiding 
 the public cause. ' I am likely to be the first British officer em- 
 ployed actively in this service, adding also my inconsiderable means 
 to it. I am sanguine enough to trust that my exertions will not 
 fail to gain me credit in the field.' He had not, however, advanced 
 far into Croatia when matters began to assume a less rosy hue. He 
 wrote to Colonel Bunbury from Carlstadt (20 Aug. 1813), ' I confess 
 I am thunderstruck with the appearance and system of the Austrian 
 generals whom I have seen, nor can I augur anything favourable 
 from their proceedings. If those in Bohemia are not better than 
 the gentlemen I have seen hitherto, I candidly confess I have no 
 wish to serve with them. I believe our friend General Nugent 
 feels these things as much as I do, and sees them in the same light. 
 
 ,8 ' Lord Castlereagh to Lieut.-Col. Church, 1 Aug. 1813. 
 
1814 WITH THE AUSTRIAN ARMY 
 
 33 
 
 ... If he extricates himself altogether from their hands, something 
 may be done, but as long as he remains under their orders nothing 
 brilliant can possibly take place. ... I have never suffered so 
 much ennui in my life as since I have mixed with and become a 
 companion of the Austrian officers. I could say a great deal about 
 everybody, but I dare not. . . . Having nothing to do, I am more 
 like a spectator, a situation the most abominable of all others. . . . 
 The Austrian army amounts to '260,000 men, neither more nor less. 
 The soldiers and people are enthusiastic, and bitter enemies of the 
 French ; but how they will be conducted by their chief, God knows ! ' 
 As it happened, none of the things he dreaded came to pass. 
 The Austrians under Nugent, by a series of rapid marches and 
 brilliant surprises, drove the enemy from before Carlstadt, oc- 
 cupied Fiume (26 Aug.) with only 1,500 men, and opened com- 
 munications with the British fleet under Admiral Fremantle in 
 the Adriatic. 19 Church then left for Zante to draw off a contingent 
 of troops for the Italian campaign, but men could not be spared. 20 
 The 2nd Greek regiment, however, as we have seen, 21 was raised 
 and placed under his command, Paxo was taken, and then came the 
 general peace, and the services of the Ionian regiments were no 
 longer needed. On the conclusion of an armistice with Murat in 
 February Church was sent to Naples 22 to negotiate on the situation 
 of Corfu, which was shortly afterwards surrendered to Great Britain ; 
 and after disbanding the Greek regiments he was summoned by 
 Lord Cathcart in November 1814 to make his report on the Ionian 
 Islands to the Congress of Vienna. He was still there when the 
 news of Buonaparte's escape from Elba, in the spring of 1815, 
 dropped like a bomb in the midst of the stately ceremonies of that 
 portentous conclave. Among the various hurried dispositions 
 which ensued, the influence of Nugent made itself felt in Church's 
 destination. At the count's special request he was appointed to 
 accompany him as British military resident with the Austrian army 
 during the campaign against Murat in Italy, and subsequently 
 against the army of Provence. His reports from head-quarters to 
 Lord Stewart at Vienna 23 have been preserved, and form a con- 
 
 19 Church to Lord Cathcart, Carlstadt, 20 Aug., Fiume, 27 Aug. 1813 ; to Lord W. 
 Bentinck, Zante, 23 Sept. 1813. 
 
 20 Church to Lord W. Bentinck, Zante, 23 Sept. 1813. 21 Supra, p. 29. 
 
 22 Lieut.-General J. Campbell to Church, Zante, 9 Feb. 1814. 
 
 23 To Lord Stewart, head- quarters, Mantua, 23 April ; Serravalle, 30 April ; Home, 
 3, 5, 9, and 11 May; Arce, 15 May; San Germano, 17 May; Caijanello, 18 May; 
 Aversa, 21 May ; Naples, 22 May, 1815. 
 
 D 
 
34 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1815 
 
 nected narrative of a short, little-known campaign, in which (April- 
 May 1815) Murat's army was driven from Mantua all the way to 
 Naples. When he arrived on the scene of action he found Bianchi's 
 and Neyperg's divisions of the imperial army of Italy, under 
 Frimont as commander-in-chief, already in the thick of the fray. 
 Marat and the Neapolitan troops had been defeated on the Tanaro, 
 and forced to abandon the whole line of the Po. Nugent, com- 
 manding Bianchi's advance guard, was pursuing Murat with his 
 usual dash towards Kimini. Step by step the Austrians and 
 Tuscans, in a series of small engagements, pressed ' King Joachim ' 
 southward, while Nugent and Church, marching, with their cus- 
 tomary rapidity, 100 miles in three days, occupied Borne and pre- 
 pared for the advance upon Naples. The usurper's army was 
 gradually melting away; 400,000 had dwindled to 10,000, and 
 when Nugent with but a tenth of their numbers forced battle on the 
 Neapolitans at Miguano, near San Germano, hardly 700 escaped 
 to announce the destruction of the ■ Army of the Interior.' The 
 remnant capitulated at Capua ; Murat took to flight ; and the im- 
 perial army escorted Prince Leopold of Sicily into Naples amidst 
 the plaudits of the fickle inhabitants (22 May 1815). The cam- 
 paign had been full of interest and excitement, and Church had 
 himself specially contributed to its success by raising 5,000 recruits 
 in Borne, where he enjoyed the curious distinction of being sole 
 military commander for over a fortnight. His conduct received the 
 unqualified approval of the general commanding the forces in Sicily, 
 and the thanks of the king ; he was decorated with the order of 
 the Fleur de Lys; and created a maresciallo di campo (major- 
 general) by his restored Neapolitan majesty, Ferdinand IV. 
 
 Hardly was this business over when Bianchi and Nugent were 
 sent to Provence to put down the remains of Buonapartism there, 
 and to moderate the excesses of the royalists, who were exacting 
 sanguinary reprisals from the vanquished. Church accompanied 
 the army in the same capacity as before, from July to November 
 1815. Landing at Nice, he found the whole country roused to 
 indignation by the barbarities of the Buonapartists under Marshal 
 Brune, the same who was said to have exhibited the head of the 
 beautiful and unfortunate princesse de Lamballe to Marie Antoinette 
 on the point of a pike at the window of her prison in the Temple. 
 Church confirmed the story of his atrocities, 24 and no one seems 
 
 24 Despatch to Lord Burghersh, head-quarters, Nice, 21 July 1815. 
 
"1815 IN PROVENCE 35 
 
 to have been very sorry when Brune was lynched by the people of 
 Avignon. 
 
 Little of importance marked the occupation of the south of 
 France. 25 The garrison of Antibes was composed of staunch Buona- 
 partists, who refused to surrender. They were the same men who 
 had lately erected a monument on the shore of the bay of Jouan, 
 hard by, to commemorate the spot where Buonaparte had landed 
 on his return from Elba. Bianchi besieged the garrison, and 
 Church razed the monument. Under it was found a box containing 
 a report of the commemorative ceremony, signed by all the officers 
 of the 87th and 106th regiments (who thereby solemnly pledged 
 themselves to the emperor's cause), together with coins, stars, and 
 eagles of the Legion of Honour. The copper tablet on the monu- 
 ment, which was given to Church, and is still in the possession of 
 the family, bore this inscription, rudely cut : 
 
 NAPOLEON TRAHI S'ELOIGNA DU TRONE 
 ET SE RETIRA A L'lLE D'ELBE. 
 RAPPELE PAR LES VCEUX DE LA NATION, 
 C'EST ICI qu'il DEBARQUA LE l Ea MARS 1815. 
 LE 87 EME REGIMENT LUI ERIGEA CE MONUMENT. 25 
 
 Provence was then overrun by foreign troops. Sir Hudson Lowe 
 commanded the British land force at Marseilles ; Lord Exmouth 
 and the Mediterranean squadron co-operated with Bianchi along 
 the coast ; the latter's advance guard under Nugent was already 
 within the French border. Church perceived, with that ready 
 sympathy for the unfortunate which was one of his leading charac- 
 teristics, that the luckless Provencaux, most of whom were loyal to 
 the old order, were driven to the brink of ruin by the successive 
 incursions of Buonapartist and royalist armies, and he immediately 
 despatched vigorous remonstrances to Lord Castlereagh at Paris, 
 urging him to have Bianchi's orders cancelled and the Austrian 
 army stopped at the frontier. What success he had at head- 
 quarters is uncertain ; but his direct appeal to Bianchi had the de- 
 
 25 Despatches to Lord Burghersh, Cannes, 24 July ; to Lord Castlereagh, Cannes, 
 25 July; Marseilles, 28 July ; Aix, 1 Aug. ; Marseilles, 4, 5, 12, 16 Aug. ; Aix, 27 Aug. ; 
 Avignon, 29 Aug. ; Nismes, 30, 31 Aug. ; to Lord Exmouth, Avignon, 31 Aug. ; to the 
 senior officer of the fleet, Avignon, 1 Sept. ; to Lord Castlereagh, Avignon, 2 Sept. ; 
 to Colonel Burrows, Avignon, 8 Sept. ; to Lord Exmouth, Avignon, 14 Sept. ; to Lord 
 Castlereagh, Avignon, 15, 18, 19 Sept., 4, 15 Oct. ; to J. Planta, Marseilles, 20 Oct.; 
 to Lord Castlereagh, Marseilles, 24, 29 Oct. 1815. 
 
 26 To Lord Castlereagh, Cannes, 25 July 1815. 
 
 d 2 
 
36 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1815 
 
 sired effect : the order to advance was recalled, and Provence was 
 saved from further exactions. 
 
 Before this, in August, he and Nugent accompanied Lord 
 Exmouth on a visit of inspection to the French arsenal at Toulon. 
 They saw twenty-four ships of the line, and twelve or fourteen 
 frigates ; 'not one of which is in a state to go to sea,' 27 since only 
 one of them had any rigging. Nor were there many guns ; in fact, 
 ' the arsenal seems to me almost destitute of the means of equipping 
 a squadron of three or four sail of the line.' Soon after this visit 
 Nugent left France to take command of the Austrian troops at 
 Naples, and, as Bianchi's army also evacuated Avignon, Church's 
 commission came to an end. A letter from Lord Castlereagh (18 Oct. 
 1815) conveyed permission to return to England, and the Prince 
 Kegent's ' entire approbation of the manner in which he had per- 
 formed the duties of the missions with which he had been entrusted.' 
 He had shortly before received the decoration of a Companion of the 
 Bath, in common with a few other distinguished officers, who had 
 been similarly employed as residents with the continental armies 
 — among them Sir H. (afterwards viscount) Hardinge and Colonel 
 Leake, well known as the topographer of Greece. 
 
 What Church was doing during the next year or two can only 
 be gathered from a few letters. He was still at Marseilles in 
 November 1815, for there he received a very friendly note from 
 Lord Exmouth, strongly advising him to stick to Naples, ' under 
 Nugent's wing,' and thus to keep his name before the Austrian 
 authorities, who were sure to hold the predominant influence in 
 Italy for some time at least ; and proposing a meeting at Leghorn 
 and a month together at Home. But a call from his general drew 
 him now to Naples, where he had already received the title of 
 major-general in the Neapolitan army. A letter at this time from 
 his old colonel, Hudson Lowe, mentions the consent of the Horse 
 Guards to Church's Neapolitan appointment : he adds, ' I am going 
 out to St. Helena — wide as the poles asunder ! I hope, however, 
 not for any long period.' Church was evidently attracted by Lord 
 Exmouth's impetuous character, and must have sought to share 
 in the vigorous action taken by the admiral in the spring of 
 1816 for the suppression of slavery in the Barbary states. It was 
 just the work he would have relished, and, in sending home more 
 than 1,100 Sicilian and Neapolitan slaves, Lord Exmouth wrote 
 to him as to a trusted sympathiser — 
 
 27 To Lord Burghersh, Marseilles, 12 Aug. 1815. 
 
1816 LORD EXMOUTH yj 
 
 Boyne, off Lampedosa : 1 May 1816. 
 My dear Church, — I will not permit the transport with the last of the 
 slaves from Tripoli to proceed to Naples without giving you my farewell 
 from the Mediterranean for old England. I have to call only at Algiers, 
 where I should rejoice to give them a lesson from the sides of the old 
 Boyne. If I dare act, as I wish, my only hope is of meeting some orders 
 from home which may allow me to go further than I have done. I am 
 sure there is but one feeling amongst us all, from the flag to the keel. 
 We have obtained from Tunis and Tripoli signed declarations that they 
 will make, or rather keep, no more slaves, but, in case of war, exchange 
 prisoners and treat them with humanity and in the same manner as 
 European nations. I think we have released about twenty-four or twenty- 
 five hundred, and shipped them off at once. . . . You will laugh when I 
 tell you the Bey of Tripoli, who has murdered his father and brother with 
 some half-score cousins, absolutely cried like a child the morning his 
 slaves embarked. We had four who slept in his room for years from 
 fear : for you must know that his conscience troubles him in his dreams. 
 God bless you ! I repeat no offers of friendship, having done so in my 
 last, and I wish you to believe me sincere, and that I am, my dear Church, 
 with great truth and regard, 
 
 Your faithful friend and servant, 
 
 Exmouth. 
 
 The admiral's desires about Algiers were soon gratified, and in 
 August came the famous bombardment which ought to have put an 
 end for ever to slavery in the deylik. Church must have been 
 greatly disappointed that he was not with Lord Exmouth at the 
 time ; for by a despatch from the marquis de Circello, dated 
 13 Aug. 1816, he was appointed on a special mission for the king 
 of Naples to accompany the English admiral, and to recover the 
 Neapolitan prisoners then in confinement, and obtain certain ad- 
 vantages for the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It sounds very strange 
 to us now that the Neapolitan government were bound by ancient 
 treaty to pay to the dey of Algiers 20,000 dollars annually ; but it 
 is notorious that all the maritime powers of Europe had been in the 
 habit of paying black-mail to the Barbary States ever since the 
 days of Ochiali and the battle of Lepanto. 28 There were besides 
 600 or 700 Neapolitan slaves, for whom the ransom of 1,000 dollars 
 a head was demanded. But Lord Exmouth's cannon had blown up 
 existing treaties, and Church could not have been in time to join his 
 friend in the deliverance of the prisoners, nor does it appear that 
 he accepted the mission. 
 
 28 See the writer's Barbary Ccrsairs, (1890), ch. xix. 
 
38 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE BKIGANDS OF APULIA. 
 
 1817-20. 
 
 A new and arduous field of work now opened before him. The 
 recovery of the crown by Ferdinand IV, or I of the Two Sicilies, 
 had not been attended with propitious consequences. The king's 
 treachery in the matter of the constitution, the jealousy of Murat's 
 old officers, and the rivalries of Italians and Austrians, tended 
 to paralyse the government and breed discontent throughout the 
 provinces. Moreover the policy of encouraging secret societies 
 in their war against the French now bore fruit ; what had been 
 used as a tool against Buonaparte now became a weapon against all 
 constituted authority. The country was overrun by brigands of 
 the most desperate character. Communications were interrupted ; 
 the roads were perilous to the last degree ; government specie was 
 intercepted ; and, in spite of the deterrent effect of highwaymen's 
 heads stuck up in the valley of Bovino, few travellers ventured to 
 thread that gloomy pass to the Apulias. Canosa's foundation of the 
 Calderari as a counterpoise to the Carbonari had done more harm 
 than good ; the new society only irritated the people and intimidated 
 the magistrates, who found themselves surrounded by a new body 
 of spies quite as dangerous as the ' good cousins ' who levied black- 
 mail on all the respectable inhabitants. 29 
 
 In 1817 affairs had grown to a crisis. The secret societies were 
 supreme in the land. Besides the Carbonari, who were sometimes 
 honest politicians — like Gabriele Bossetti, the poet's father — and 
 sometimes ruffians, there were such sects as the 'European Patriots ' 
 and the ■ Philadelphia in themselves comparatively innocent of 
 
 29 The materials for most of the facts related in this chapter are found in General 
 Church's manuscript memoirs on the state of the Apulias, and in Baron Bertholdi's 
 anonymous Memoirs of the Carbonari (Murray, 1821). 
 
18 1 7 THE DECISI 39 
 
 crime, though their members often belonged to more guilty associa- 
 tions. Worst of all was the company of the ' Decisi,' or ' Order 
 of Jupiter Tonans,' a species of nihilists, vowed to the destruction 
 of all existing institutions and the assassination of all obstructors. 
 The records of this society, which were afterwards seized by Church, 
 proved that their immediate objects were murder and plunder. No 
 one could join unless he could boast of two murders committed 
 with his own hand, and every member was pledged to assassinate 
 any person whom the order might choose to condemn. If it was 
 desired to get a rival or a creditor out of the way, all that was 
 necessary was to apply to the Decisi, and pay a sufficient fee, when 
 the man's life was not worth a week's purchase. The villains did 
 their work neatly and with becoming solemnity, and, as at some 
 sacred rite, accompanied by the blare of trumpets, plunged their 
 daggers into their victim's heart con vero entusiasmo. Threatening 
 letters formed part of their method, and lands and property of all 
 sorts were annexed at the point of the dagger. Four dots added 
 to a threatening letter secured instant obedience : for they signified 
 death. As a symbol of their sanguinary character the diplomas 
 of membership were written in blood. 
 
 The president of this dreaded society was the abbate Ciro 
 Annichiarico, a priest of Grottaglie, who had begun his ecclesias- 
 tical career with the extermination of a neighbouring family, and 
 had revenged himself for his consequent imprisonment by vowing 
 war against all authority, human and divine, for the rest of his 
 unnatural life. Ciro was one of those dazzling scoundrels whose 
 daring and address are apt for the moment to make one forget their 
 crimes. He was a splendid horseman and unerring shot; no danger 
 cowed him, no risk was too great to be run. His fertility in disguise 
 and marvellous adroitness in escape gave him the reputation of an 
 enchanter, so that folk hardly dared to whisper his name for fear 
 his imps should seize them ; and true to his character, like Claver- 
 house, he is said to have met his death at last by the silver bullet. 
 Women adored him, and he had a mistress in every town and 
 village in the wide circuit of his depredations, who loved him none 
 the less that he was an assassin of a dye as black as history or 
 romance has ever painted. 
 
 He was now a man of forty, and for eighteen years had been 
 the scourge of the Apulias — or the Terra di Bari and Terra di 
 Otranto, to give them their modern names — when General Church 
 was appointed, first to inquire into the state of the provinces, and 
 
4 o SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1817 
 
 then to take over the supreme command (1817). At that time 
 there were at least 30,000 members of secret societies in the 
 Apulias, many of whom, however, belonged more from fear tha^ 
 inclination ; for it was well known that he who was not for the 
 Decisi was counted as against them, and such did not dare to cros;, 
 their own thresholds, lest they should meet the poniard. From 
 twenty to twenty-five murders were taking place every week, many 
 of them accompanied by details of a revolting nature. A beautiful 
 girl, a princess, whose youth and beauty and total lack cf protection 
 should have been defence enough, was brutally murdered, and 
 worse, in her own chamber, out of mere greed of gold. A band c 
 ruffians was disguised as policinelli, and attended the village 
 merrymakings, only to plunge their steel into their unsuspecting 
 partners or boon fellows at the dance or evening carouse. 
 
 So far all efforts to suppress these terrible associations had been 
 fruitless. The fault did not lie with the central government, which 
 was for the moment exceptionally able. Canosa's successor, Dom 
 Luigi de' Medicis, the leading minister, was a man of talent, a 
 scholar, and a gentleman ; old Danero, the minister of the navy , 
 ' who slept every night of his life in his red pantaloons with his 
 sword by his side,' ready for emergencies, and who lived to be 103, 
 was the type of an honest if somewhat antique officer ; Count 
 Nugent was captain-general, and had immense influence with the 
 king; and Church was inspector-general and commander of th( 
 foreign troops. All these were unaffectedly eager t j restore order 
 and Nugent and Church worked together in perfect trust and sym • 
 pathy. Moreover, but for their jealousies and distrust of the king and 
 government, the officers of the army were efficient and apparently 
 trustworthy, and good materials for recruiting were at hand ; while 
 the gendarmerie proved themselves brave and steady under a leader 
 who inspired confidence. But the local authorities were either the 
 accomplices or the tools of the secret societies, who held their lives 
 in their hands, and such of them as were really honest dared not 
 stand forth without some better guarantee of protection than was 
 then offered. 
 
 Towards the close of 1817 Church left Naples to take command 
 of the terror-stricken provinces. He was furnished with a force of 
 Neapolitan troops, of various nationalities, which was soon supple- 
 mented by a corps of his favourite Greeks ; and early in 1818 he 
 was granted the alter ego, or royal prerogative of life and death . 
 by autograph letter from the king and upon the unanimous recom • 
 
1817 THE ABBATE DON CIRO 41 
 
 mendation of the council of ministers. 30 At first people only- 
 thought that a new do-nothing had come among them ; they had 
 seen many generals, and none had yet proved a match for Don 
 Ciro. But Church soon showed them that he was not made of 
 Neapolitan stuff. His physique, though not commanding, gave an 
 impression of great energy. He was described in 1820 as ' below 
 the middle height, extremely well built, spare, sinewy, and active, 
 with a well-proportioned head, sharp piercing eyes, rather aquiline 
 nose, and a closely compressed mouth, denoting great firmness and 
 resolution.' 31 But his perfect dauntlessness was perhaps the chief 
 argument in his favour among a frightened population. They 
 knew he carried his life in his hand every day, but he seemed to 
 care as little for danger as if he had been dipped in Styx. Again 
 and again he stood the brigands' fire with a smile of amusement ; 
 he ventured almost unattended into places noted as the ambushes 
 of the outlaws, and fearlessly accepted the hospitality of persons 
 who, he was warned, were the secret accomplices of Ciro and quite 
 capable of mixing poison in his wine. Once he was surprised by a 
 strong party of the Yardarelli, a body of brigands and political 
 assassins, who boasted that they were the real sovereigns of the 
 country, and nothing but his perfect sang-froid and contempt of 
 danger carried him safely and even amicably through an inter- 
 view which seemed fated to a bloody end. The people began to 
 understand that they had a new sort of governor to deal with, 
 and Annichiarico himself bit his thumb with spite, and swore, in 
 his rather ambiguous slang, ■ I have pooped lots of generals, 
 French, Italian, and Neapolitan, but this fellow will end by 
 pooping me ! ' The process took less time than the reverend 
 outlaw imagined. One by one the authorities of the towns and 
 villages threw off their allegiance to the secret societies and joined 
 the cause of order ; step by step Church narrowed the circle which 
 he had drawn with his troops round the district affected by Ciro 
 and his followers ; one after the other the ruffians were caught and 
 executed, and at last the desperate remnant of the gang and their 
 leader were run to earth. The chase and capture of Ciro Annichia- 
 rico would fill a lively chapter. Brought at last before the court 
 martial without which Church suffered no prisoner to be condemned, 
 the felon was asked how many murders he had committed. ' Sixty 
 
 30 Count Nugent to Church, Naples, 20 Feb. 1818. 
 
 31 Sir J. Iiennie, Autobiography, p. 55. The author was Church's guest at Lccce 
 in 1820. 
 
42 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1818 
 
 or seventy,' he answered carelessly, E chi lo sa? saranno tra 
 sessanta e settanta. A priest offered him the last consolations, 
 but Ciro laughed : Lasciate queste chiacchiere ; siamo delV istessa 
 professions non ci burliamo fra noi. Then on 8 Feb. 1818 he 
 was led out to execution at Francavilla, in the presence of 40,000 
 people, and placed, like other malefactors, back to the firing party. 
 Twenty-one shots took effect, and still he breathed ; then, ' seeing 
 that he was enchanted,' the soldiers gravely loaded his own gun 
 with a silver ball, and the spell was immediately broken. 
 
 The spell was broken indeed throughout the provinces. As 
 soon as the centre and soul of the organisation had paid the forfeit, 
 his subordinates hastily submitted. * A few months were sufficient,' 
 said Church, ' to totally destroy the assassins and brigands, and to 
 break up the different revolutionary societies, to receive the sub- 
 mission of their chiefs and the surrender of their arms.' How 
 complete was the suppression may be gathered from the fact that, 
 during the two years that Church continued to govern the Apulias 
 after this decisive stroke, not a single instance of murder or 
 brigandage occurred in a population of three-quarters of a million. 
 The grateful people held solemn services of thanksgiving in every 
 church in the provinces ; a commemorative column was erected at 
 Lecce, and the freedom of the city and the sword of honour were 
 presented by the citizens to their deliverer. ' You seem to have 
 come out most triumphantly,' wrote Sir W. A'Court (the English 
 minister at Naples, afterwards Lord Heytesbury) to Church (Naples, 
 16 Sept. 1818), 'from a most delicate and perilous situation, and I 
 can assure you that your merits in the exercise of the powers in- 
 trusted to you are fully appreciated here. I have reason to know 
 that the king as well as the whole of his administration are in the 
 highest degree sensible of the prudence and vigour which you have 
 displayed.' 
 
 Impressed with the value of his services, the government of 
 Naples resolved to keep a tight hold on him, and his requests for 
 leave of absence to England were met by De' Medicis with affec- 
 tionate assurances that, so far as his power went, he would not 
 suffer Church to quit the kingdom, where his services were indis- 
 pensable. In 1820 a fresh mark of the royal esteem towards him 
 was shown in his appointment as governor of the district of Palermo 
 and commander-in-chief of the army in Sicily, with the rank of 
 lieutenant-general. Je me flatte, wrote De' Medicis, 22 March, 
 que vous verrez dans la nouuelle charge que le Roi vient de vous 
 
i82o REVOLUTION IN SICILY 43 
 
 confier une preuve eclatante de la bienveillance de S.M. et de sa satis- 
 faction pour le service que vous ne cessez de rendre avec un zele et un 
 empressement tout particuliers. The appointment, however, did not 
 prove auspicious : his career under the Neapolitan government was 
 destined to end as suddenly and disastrously as its beginning had 
 been rapid and triumphant. The shiftiness of the king and the 
 intrigues of the Carbonari had allowed the germs of revolution 
 to ferment. Church found the troops at Palermo radically dis- 
 affected, and either themselves Carbonari or fraternising with the 
 sectaries. The garrison was altogether inadequate and quite un- 
 trustworthy ; military discipline appeared to be unknown, and the 
 soldiers wore the badges of the Carbonari in the streets. His own 
 antecedents, as a resolute suppressor of secret societies, deprived 
 him of all hold over the mass of the population. Hardly had the new 
 commander arrived when news came of the revolution at Naples 
 and the king's forced promulgation of the ' constitution of Spain.' 
 The effect upon the Sicilians was instantaneous. Soldiers and 
 civilians alike broke into open revolt, cheered the constitution, 
 derided the king, and shouted for ' Kobespierre' and the ' inde- 
 pendence of Sicily.' A courageous attempt to restore order ended 
 in threats against the general's life. Church was mobbed by armed 
 fanatics, and when at last he entered a carriage and drove away, 
 two aides-de-camp with drawn swords hardly availed to keep off 
 the infuriated crowd, who pressed about the carriage, throwing 
 stones, brandishing daggers, and shouting Mori ! mori ! Church 
 himself was stunned by a stone, and an officer by his side was 
 stabbed, before they effected their escape to the coast. All attempts 
 to return to the scene of action proved futile and fraught with 
 peril, and at length, with much reluctance, the general gave orders 
 to sail for Naples, there to give an account of his proceedings to 
 whatever authority he might find in power. 32 
 
 He knew he was running into the lion's jaws, but he hardly 
 realised how voraciously they would snap upon him. When he 
 reached Naples he found the ministry overturned by the Carbonari 
 and the king a prisoner. The royal flag was struck down as soon 
 as the vessel was boarded by the officials, and Church was hurried 
 away to the Castello dell' Ovo without being informed of any charge 
 to be brought against him. He had verily fallen among thieves. 
 ' The parliament,' wrote Sir W. A'Court, ' is composed of a set of 
 
 32 General Sir Kicharcl Church's ' Personal Narrative of the Revolution at Palermo,' 
 in Monthly Magazine, Feb. -March 182G. 
 
44 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1S21 
 
 Carbonari scoundrels, over whom neither the prince nor his ministers 
 have any more influence than you or I.' Indeed Church's return 
 was exactly the Quixotic act of a chivalrous nature winch might 
 have been expected of him. ' I admire,' wrote A' Court again, ' the 
 spirit of rectitude which brought you here, however I may lament 
 the imprudence of your committing yourself into the hands of your 
 enemies, and that in a moment of revolution, when reason and 
 justice are hushed and nothing but the most malevolent passions in 
 play. Why did you not go on board the frigate in the bay ? . . . 
 What can I do for you ? How can I serve you ? Eemember I have 
 no power now, no influence at all. . . I wish you had gone to 
 Gaeta, as the prince proposed, but General Eamsay tells me you 
 would not hear of it. .. It is an infamous business altogether. 
 Campochiaro himself says he is ashamed of it.' 
 
 For six months the general who had deserved so well of Italy 
 suffered the misery of a Neapolitan prison. In vain the British 
 minister presented official remonstrances ; in vain the English resi- 
 dents, including Lords Ruthven, Clarina, and Colchester, and other 
 well-known names, petitioned (Sept. 1820) for his release. The 
 only mitigation he was offered was to go out on parole, on condition 
 of appearing at any moment before the commission which was to 
 try his unknown crime, and this he indignantly refused. At length 
 he was put upon a sort of trial, which ended in his acquittal (Jan. 
 1821) of whatever he was charged with, and it is not to be wondered 
 that he shook off the dust of Naples from his feet in disgust and 
 returned to England. 
 
 He lost his property in the revolution at Palermo and Naples, 
 and received no recompense from the constitutional government. 
 But amidst all the intrigues of parties he had upheld the English 
 name by his straightforward honesty and simplicity of character, 
 and it was no slight satisfaction to him, on his return to England, 
 to receive from his own government a mark of their approbation. 
 On 3 March 1822 he was made Knight Commander of the Roya* 
 Hanoverian Guelphic Order, ■ in consideration of distinguished 
 services, and in particular those which you have rendered in 
 Germany and Italy since the year 1813, when appointed to attend 
 the allied armies on the continent.' 
 
45 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 1826-1827. 
 
 To students of history Sir Richard Church's name is chiefly 
 known in connexion with the operations of the Greek army during 
 the closing years of the War of Independence. His interest in the 
 Greeks was, as has been shown, no new sentiment. He had sym- 
 pathised with their humiliation as early as 1801, when a boy-soldier 
 in Abercromby's army, and his later command of Greek levies in 
 the Ionian islands and the Peloponnesus had induced him not only 
 to form a high opinion of their military capabilities, but also to 
 cherish a sincere attachment to their character as displayed in 
 many of his comrades in arms. On their side, the Greeks, who 
 came in contact with him in the light infantry regiments which he 
 had raised, were irresistibly drawn towards his frank and sympa- 
 thetic nature, and would have done any service to merit his appro- 
 bation and win his esteem. It was natural, in these mutual 
 relations, that the War of Independence which broke out in 1821 
 should excite the deepest sympathy in one whose military and 
 patriotic teaching had directly contributed to the insurrection. 
 The only matter of surprise is that Church did not at once throw 
 his lot in with his old officers and place his sword at the service of 
 the Hellenic nation. The reasons are doubtless to be found in the 
 weariness and disgust which attended his late experience in Palermo 
 and Naples ; in the reluctance of a British officer to risk his rank 
 in his own service by volunteering in a cause which could not be 
 countenanced by the Horse Guards ; and in the natural desire, after 
 so many years of exile and hard fighting, to settle awhile at home, 
 among friends and in civilised society, and to take such pleasure 
 and advancement as might be in store for him. Even so genuine 
 an enthusiast as Sir Richard Church might well reflect before he 
 sacrificed rank, fortune, ease, and prospects, in a cause which from 
 the outset seemed absolutely desperate. 
 
46 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 18(26 
 
 But as the war went on, and Greece grew weaker and weaker, 
 he found his thoughts incessantly engrossed in her fate ; and at 
 length he could no longer resist the impulse to throw himself into 
 the fight. In 1825 he was in frequent communication with Mr. 
 Canning on the subject of the future of Greece, and soon after- 
 wards the Greek deputies in London were soliciting his aid ; but 
 misunderstanding his character they coupled their invitation with 
 inducements of high pay, and of course received an indignant 
 refusal. 33 If he went at all, he said, it should be without the sus- 
 picion of self-interest or the hope of reward. In this frame of 
 mind he wrote to his friend Blaquiere, the well-known Philhellene : 
 
 15 Feb. 1826. 
 
 The cause is a sacred one, and Heaven will not abandon it in its hour 
 of need. What do the Greeks wish me to do ? Do they wish me to go ? 
 Do they wish that I shou'd not go ? They must be explicit. I have no 
 bargain to make with them, and this they clearly understand. I am ready 
 to sacrifice everything to the cause, and this they know full well. ... It 
 is the feeling of my heart, and one that years has cherished. But I will 
 not go as an Adventurer, no, never. What I have done for the Greeks, 
 they themselves well know ; if I have not done more, it is their fault and 
 not mine. But this state of uncertainty must have an end — it kills me 
 by inches. ... Do the Greeks wish me to go, or not ? It is for them 
 to determine. If they think my services can be of use to their cause, let 
 them say so, let them invite me. I ask no more, and I will with as little 
 delay as possible add one more individual to the number of warriors 
 fighting for Greece and freedom. 
 
 At length the official invitation was issued. Like the ' man of 
 Macedonia,' the administrative commission of Greece sent forth 
 the appeal : ' Come over and help us.' The formal request, written 
 in Greek (with translations in French and English), is dated 
 Napoli di Komania, 30 August, 1826 (O.S.) :— 
 
 Excellency, — Your well-known military experience, joined to your 
 noble sentiments and love of liberty, were calculated to draw towards you 
 the attention of the Greek government, and the more so as it is suffi- 
 ciently convinced of the warmth of your wishes for the success of the 
 sacred struggle of Greece. The government has long desired and wished 
 to see your excellency connected with the struggle of Greece for her holy 
 rights ; this would be considered a most fortunate event for our country, 
 which would rightly expect from your talents great and pre-eminent ad- 
 
 33 Finlay's imputation of ' mercenary ' service (vi. 416, 417) is, like many other of 
 his statements and inferences, the reverse of the truth. 
 
iS26 APPEAL OF THE GREEKS 47 
 
 vantages. The government, therefore, founding its hopes on your sincere 
 love of Greece, and on your desire of real glory, invites your excellency 
 expressly by these presents, and requests you to hasten to Greece, that you 
 may take a principal part in her contest, and one conformable to your 
 rank and character, and that you may employ your distinguished talents 
 for the benefit of the Greek nation. The government confidently trusts 
 that you will readily accept this invitation. It awaits with impatience 
 your arrival, which it hopes will not be delayed, since the present critical 
 position of Greece renders it most desirable. 
 
 Among the signatories to this document were the president, 
 Andreas Zaemes, P. Mavromichales, A. Deliyannes, A. Monarchides, 
 J. Vlachos, and other well-known names. 
 
 More impetuous was the personal letter which soon followed 34 
 from Church's former officer, and most typical of Klephts, Koloko- 
 trones. Though parted for eight years, he tells the general — 
 
 My soul has never been absent from you. . . . We, your old com- 
 panions in arms ... are fighting for our country — Greece, so dear to 
 you ! — that we may obtain our rights, as men and as a people, and our 
 liberty. . . . How has your soul been able to remain from us ? ... I 
 know your love for [Greece] increases in the same proportion as the 
 respect and esteem of your old companions increases with regard to your- 
 self. They all salute you most cordially, and hope even now soon to 
 obtain your co-operation. Come ! Come ! and take up arms for Greece, 
 or assist her with your talents, your virtues, and your abilities, that you 
 may claim her eternal gratitude ! 
 
 It is easy to imagine Church's reply to such an appeal. Yet he 
 accepted in full cognisance of all the difficulties in his path. Per- 
 sonal sacrifices were nothing to him ; even his recent marriage (in 
 July) to a sister of Sir Eobert Wilmot Horton (who was under- 
 secretary for the colonies in Canning's ministry and afterwards 
 governor of Ceylon) did not weigh in the balance against what he 
 felt to be the call of duty. He knew the perilous uncertainty of 
 the enterprise, and it is characteristic of his generous nature that, 
 whilst freely devoting his all to the cause, he resolutely refused to 
 have to answer to any friend for leading him into possible disaster. 
 His letters to the officers who volunteered to accompany him are 
 full -of considerate balancing of risks. ' Count the cost ' was his 
 invariable advice. Nor was he blind to the jealousies and dissen- 
 sions which paralysed the action of the Greeks, or to the lack 
 of funds and provisions, which was enough to damp the ardour 
 
 ,4 Napoli di Komania, H September 182G. 
 
48 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 of better troops than the undisciplined levies of Karaiskakes and 
 Gordon. 
 
 In spite of all this he went, and November found him at Naples, 
 successfully negotiating with his old ally Luigi De' Medicis for the 
 opening of the ports of Apulia to Greek provision ships. He was 
 at Leghorn in January 1827, and arrived in Argolis, on the eastern 
 coast of the Peloponnesus, in March, a few days before Lord 
 Cochrane' s yacht made its appearance. The state of Greece was 
 then well-nigh desperate. Ibrahim Pasha, son of the viceroy of 
 Egypt, held the western side of the Peloponnesus with an army of 
 nearly 50,000 men of all arms. His troops were strongly posted from 
 Navarino to Patras, and he was receiving, so far, ample supplies 
 from Alexandria. His personal ferocity, the raids of the Egyptians 
 into central Peloponnesus, and the looting of helpless villages, had 
 crushed the spirit of the inhabitants in many districts, insomuch 
 that the Greeks on the west coast were beginning to submit to his 
 yoke. Towards the eastern coast the people were still in arms — 
 perhaps to the number of 10,000 ; the Maniats, the men of Sparta, 
 of Monemvasia, and Corinth, were still able to harass the enemy ; 
 but it was hardly possible that they could repel him if he attempted 
 to advance on Nauplia or Hydra. In continental Greece matters 
 were even worse. Mesolonghi had fallen ; the Turks he ] d the 
 northern shore of the gulf of Corinth with numerous garrisons, 
 and kept their communications open for supplies and reinforcements 
 with Larissa, Monastir, Arta, Preve»a, and Joannina ; whilst 
 Reshid Pasha Kiutahi dominated Attica with 40,000 men. Athens 
 itself had fallen, but the Acropolis, garrisoned by over a thousand 
 volunteers, and a small force of regulars under Colonel Eabvier, 
 still withstood the pasha's siege. Between these two fires— Eeshid 
 in Attica and Ibrahim in the Peloponnesus — stood what remained 
 of the Greek army. About 4,000 men under Karaiskakes were 
 posted at Keratsina, near Port Phoron opposite Salamis, and 
 Colonel Gordon had established a brigade on the heights of the 
 Phalerum. Whatever good these small forces might have effected 
 if properly employed was for the time frustrated by the dissensions 
 of the Greek leaders. Two distinct assemblies, each styling itself 
 the national assembly, were sitting, the one at Aegina, the other 
 at Hermione (Kastri) : the former advocated moderate measures, 
 under the guidance of President Notaras ; the latter was overruled 
 by the turbulent spirit of Kolokotrones. Each rendered the other 
 futile, and hampered the efforts of the provisional government, 
 
1827 COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 49 
 
 which was then led by the temperate counsels of President 
 Zaemes. 
 
 Such was the depressing condition of the Greeks when Sir 
 Eichard Church landed near Kastri on 13 March, 1827. He was 
 received with enthusiasm as an old friend by Kolokotrones, and 
 with esteem by a staunch Philhellene, Captain Hamilton, of H.M.S. 
 Cambrian, who described him as ' certainly a fine fellow, but a 
 complete Irishman, with their great virtues and little faults. 35 
 Kara'iskakes sent him a warm letter of welcome, and begged the 
 assembly to make him commander-in-chief. The government at 
 Aegina, to whom he immediately reported himself, was equally 
 sanguine as to the good influence he would bring to bear upon the 
 distracted nation. Church took neither part in the dispute between 
 the assemblies, but established himself at Poros to consider the 
 situation. Here he received invitations from both sides to mediate 
 between them ; and so successful were his arguments that all differ- 
 ences were rapidly smoothed away, and a combined assembly, 
 uniting all parties, was appointed to meet at Troezene (Damala). 36 
 This new body proceeded to the election of chief officers in April, 
 and appointed Count John Capodistrias 37 president of Greece, Lord 
 Cochrane high admiral, and Sir K. Church archistrategos or com- 
 mander-in-chief of the land forces. 38 He took the oaths on sword 
 and book, 15 April. 
 
 The new generalissimo's first anxiety was of course to relieve 
 the Acropolis of Athens, but without men, money, ammunition, or 
 food, how was this to be done ? Church's opinion was strongly in 
 favour of a diversion in continental Greece, which, by raising the 
 Albanians, Epirots, Akarnanians, and others, should draw off the 
 attention of the besiegers from the Acropolis ; but he was fully 
 aware of the hazards of this plan. There was a pressing want of 
 
 35 Hamilton to Stratford Canning, Poros, 19 April, 1827. 
 
 36 A letter from Kolokotrones to Church, 24 March (5 April), distinctly ascribes 
 this happy result to Sir Richard's mediation, and the same conviction is stated by 
 Capt. Fallon, A.D.C. (letter to Sir K. Wilmot Horton, 14 Nov. 1828), who adds : ' No 
 other person could have effected the herculean task of accommodating and reconciling 
 hitherto inimical parties.' Kolokotrones concluded his letter with the deprecatory 
 sentence : 01 "EWrjves %vai clkS/xtj edj/os vi]mou, kcu vr]inudri ra 'EWrjuiKa, '6dev fii] dv<ra- 
 peffTr,<r&e ovras eu/coAws 5' avrd. 
 
 37 Finlay regards this appointment as made in opposition to the two Cannings 
 vi. 421 and note) : the fact is that Sir Stratford Canning was consulted and approved 
 it (Life of Sir Stratford Canning, i. 443). 
 
 38 The appointment was not solicited (or ' obtained,' in Finlay's suggestive word), 
 but freely offered. 
 
 E 
 
5 o S/R RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 money and transports, the northern Greeks might not rise at his 
 summons, the Turkish garrisons on the gulf of Corinth were 
 numerous, and meanwhile the Acropolis might fall. Another plan 
 he recommended was an expedition to Negropont, to cut off the 
 Turkish supplies and communications. The council of war did not 
 support either project. 39 Lord Cochrane had from the outset 
 strenuously insisted on an immediate advance on Athens, in order 
 at all costs to bring out the garrison; but this proposal was 
 equally combated by the Greek generals, and could not prudently 
 be attempted unless a strong contingent were sent to reinforce the 
 army in Attica. Such a force could only be drawn from the 
 Peloponnesus, which would consequently be exposed to imminent 
 danger from Ibrahim's army ; and every position that could be 
 maintained between the forces of Ibrahim and Eeshid naturally 
 lessened the serious risk of a junction being effected between the 
 Turks and the Egyptians. 
 
 Nevertheless, it was resolved that Karaiskakes' army at Ports 
 Phoron and Phalerum must be reinforced, whatever might subse- 
 quently be decided with regard to an immediate advance upon 
 Athens. In three days Church had made his preparations for 
 transporting 4,500 men from the eastern coasts of the Peloponnesus 
 to Attica ; and on 18 April he proceeded on Cochrane's schooner to 
 the port of the Phalerum to reconnoitre the positions of the two 
 armies. Sailing along the coast, the Turks' principal batteries on 
 the Philopappus (near the Museum) could be seen shelling the 
 Acropolis ; they held most of the plain beneath, were strongly 
 posted in the great olive wood, and had a series of redoubts opposite 
 the Greek camp at Phoron, which they cut off from the force on 
 the Phalerum by retaining a garrison at the monastery of St. 
 Spiridion on the neck of land between the Peiraeus and the port of 
 Munychia. The armies were thus curiously intersected, and 
 Turkish forces separated the three Greek divisions in a menacing 
 manner. 40 The chief hope lay in the free communication which 
 existed between the two camps on the coast and the fleet under 
 Lord Cochrane in the Peiraeus. 
 
 On the 19th Church went ashore at Port Phoron (' Harbour of 
 Thieves ' once, and perhaps not yet quite purified), under a some- 
 
 39 'Church's plan ftr taking possession of all the posts and passes in rear of 
 Athens, for the purpose of cutting off the Turkish supplies, was strongly combated ' 
 (Capt. Fallon's Diary). 
 
 «° Capt. Fallon's Diary, 18 April 1827. 
 
1 827 ST SPIRIDION 51 
 
 what embarrassing salute of ball cartridges, and was received by 
 Karaiskakes in great state, in spite of the misery of his camp, 
 where there was no bread, hardly any meat, no stores, and only 
 fifty-three boxes of cartridges. 
 
 The next few days were spent in bringing over the reinforce- 
 ments to the Phalerum, 25 April ; in moving Karaiskakes, after 
 much remonstrance, from Phoron to a better position on the 
 Peiraeus 26 April ; in reconnoitring the enemy's outposts, and 
 taking a few of the nearest tambours or breastworks. 
 
 The small skirmishes of the week may be passed over ; but 
 a word must be said of the slaughter of the majority (170) of the 
 garrison of St. Spiridion, after their surrender on terms of safe 
 conduct on 28 April. Church felt the dishonour so keenly that he 
 resigned his command, and for a day nothing could appease his 
 indignation ; but as the evidence came before him in detail, he con- 
 vinced himself that the massacre of the Turks was the result of an 
 accidental quarrel, and was not premeditated ; and that Karaiskakes 
 and Zavellas, who commanded the Greek escort, believed they had 
 taken every precaution against an outbreak of illwill, and when 
 the disturbance began used their utmost endeavours (according to 
 their own statements) at some personal risk to quell it and save 
 the garrison. Church himself could in no way be held responsible, 
 since he was waiting at his head- quarters at the old arsenal of 
 the Peiraeus for Karaiskakes to return and report the result of 
 his mission to the monastery, and had no suspicion that the 
 Greek general would march the garrison out then and there ; and 
 when the march began, there was of course no time to do anything 
 but look on in helpless horror from the opposite shore. 
 
 Meanwhile circumstances were driving the general more and 
 more irresistibly towards the premature advance which he so much 
 deprecated. Lord Cochrane had urgently pressed this course from 
 the first, and a despatch from the garrison at the Acropolis left 
 little room for any alternative. In this despatch (April J-J), 
 after reproaching the Greek commanders with want of good faith 
 in not sooner coming to their rescue, the leaders of the garrison 
 concluded : 
 
 This is our last letter ; we will wait five days longer, and we can hold 
 out no more. . . . Our nature is like that of all men ; we can suffer no 
 more than others. We are neither angels nor workers of miracles to 
 raise the dead or do impossible things. If any evil should happen, we 
 are not to blame, nor has God to condemn us in anything. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 The document was signed by seven ' patriots' and confirmed by 
 Colonel Fabvier. It was afterwards proved that these statements 
 were false : 41 that there were food and powder enough to last for 
 months ; but this could not of course be known at the time to 
 either Church or Cochrane, though the Greek generals evidently 
 had their suspicions. The admiral naturally redoubled his endea- 
 vours in favour of an immediate march to save the beleaguered 
 garrison. His letters from the arrival of this despatch to the 
 ill-fated battle of 6 May display his well-known impetuosity ; his 
 utter (and not unwarranted) distrust of the Greek leaders, whom 
 he could neither understand nor manage ; and his determination 
 to force an action at any cost. On 23 April he wrote to Church : 
 
 1 People on the Phalere will not advance into the centre of the plain, 
 being, as they are, unbelievers in the advance of the army on Athens.' On 
 the 24th : * Forty-eight hours, and the question of relieving Athens is at a 
 close. I have told Kariaskaky [sic] what I think of the state of affairs, 
 and I have made up my mind to act accordingly — taking upon me all the 
 responsibility of not looking longer on at insignificant tambour disputes, 
 whilst it seems resolved by the Greeks themselves not to march to the 
 relief of Athens.' 
 
 For the next few days his lordship found a safety-valve for his zeal 
 in forcing the Greeks to remove their camp, as has been stated, 
 from Phoron to the Peiraeus, and then in razing the monastery 
 of St. Spiridion ; but as soon as these matters were arranged he 
 returned to the attack (28 April) : 
 
 ' Pray let me know if the army will or will not advance, and if that 
 advance will take place before to-morrow evening.' 29th : ' A direct march 
 on Athens and return by another road is the only means of averting total 
 destruction to the garrison and to Greece.' 
 
 At 8 on the followiug evening, 30 April, the admiral despatched 
 the following ultimatum to the commander-in-chief: '1 leave this 
 to-morrow: — 1st, if the army will not march, on a false attach 
 being made elsewhere by the squadron ; 2ndly, if 2,000 men, in lieu 
 thereof, do not embark and proceed direct to Athens,- Srdly, if no 
 other reasonable plan is to be adopted and to be put in execution before 
 the morning of 2 May. And this I shall do as certainly as I live to 
 put my determination in execution. 1 
 
 The last extract is here printed in italics, because so extraordi- 
 
 41 This is fully confirmed by Finlay (vi. 409, 432)., who ascribes the disasters at 
 Athens largely to Fabvier's unscrupulous resolution to get out of the Acropolis after 
 Church's appointment to the command-in-chief. 
 
1827 LORD COCHRANE 53 
 
 nary an interference of an admiral in military strategy ought to 
 be signalised, and also because the passionate gallantry which dic- 
 tated it was the main cause of the disaster that befell the Greeks 
 a week later. Church was no coward, nor no Fabius neither, but 
 he saw the hopelessness of the hasty admiral's tactics, and, sup- 
 ported by all the Greek commanders, he tried to wait for his op- 
 portunity, instead of forcing fortune. But Cochrane was resolute ; 
 let them act, he said, or off he would instantly sail 42 and leave the 
 whole force of nearly 10,000 men to starve or be massacred ; and 
 thus it happened that at two councils of war, held in the early days 
 of May, the fatal forward movement was planned and agreed to. 
 It was against Church's judgment; but even the Greek generals 
 had given in, and as they were to arrange the details the archi- 
 strategos considered himself bound to stand aside. 
 
 At this juncture Karaiskakes was killed in a skirmish (4 May), 
 and this threw a new responsibility upon the chief. So long as 
 this officer lived, Church had been considerately deferent to his 
 views and susceptibilities, and had done his utmost to conciliate a 
 man naturally jealous and difficult to manage. He had left him 
 this rank as commander-in-chief in Attica ; and so great was his 
 desire for unity and conciliation, that the Greek soldier, in con- 
 sideration of his undoubted services and military talents, had far 
 more than his due weight in the councils of war. It was to this 
 that Lord Cochrane referred when he wrote to Church (30 April), 
 * Nothing will be done by the army, so long as Kariaskaki com- 
 mands it in reality.' There can be little doubt that part, at least, 
 of the ill success of the war in Attica was due to the generalissimo's 
 exaggerated deference to Karaiskakes. Divided commands seldom 
 succeed; and with Karaiskakes arguing one way, and Cochrane 
 another, it must have appeared obvious to every spectator that the 
 Greeks needed one head, and that head ashore. Church had an 
 opportunity of assuming the complete and direct command after 
 the massacre of the garrison of St. Spiridion, which afforded an 
 ample pretext for depriving Karaiskakes of any post requiring 
 caution and forethought ; but his kindly nature restrained him. 
 Now that the Greek general was dead, he at length took the actual 
 command ; but it was too late to rouse a new spirit in the army, 
 
 42 Diary of C. Fallon, A.D.C., 6 May. Tricoupi, iv. 66, signalises the arrogance 
 with which Cochrane forced his rash scheme upon the council, and his habitual 
 rejoinder to every argument, ' that he would take off ships and money and leave 
 Greece to perish.' 
 
54 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 as he might have done had he taken his rightful place from the 
 beginning. It needed every prompting of enthusiastic patriotism 
 to induce a few thousand ill-fed and worse-armed Greeks to march 
 against ten times their number of Turks ; yet this was what had 
 to be done, in cold blood, and without a spark of enthusiasm, three 
 days later. 
 
 On the day after the death of Karaiskakes, preparations were 
 pressed forward for the attack on the rear of the besiegers, advanc- 
 ing from the south, in accordance with Lord Cochrane's plan. The 
 choice of the ground and the disposition of the troops were entirely 
 in the hands of the Greek commanders, who said that they were 
 the best judges of the country and position, and who declined to go 
 into action on any other terms. Every detail had previously been 
 drawn up by Karaiskakes and his colleagues at two councils of war. 
 At sunset on 5 May, the embarkation began, but it was not till 3 
 in the morning that the landing on the coast beyond Cape Kolias, 
 famous for the wrecking of the Persian fleet after Salamis, could 
 be commenced, and daylight overtook them before the expedition 
 of 3,000 infantry (with no cavalry, and only two or three small 
 mountain guns) was ashore. As the sun rose, Captain Fallon went 
 forward and reconnoitred the position. He found the first line of 
 the Greeks pushed forward in the plain, to within about a mile of 
 Athens ; the reserves, about three-quarters of a mile to the rear; 
 and between them, a line of badly connected tambours. 43 Already 
 he could perceive the Turkish cavalry massing in the distance. 
 
 It was clear that as a surprise — a rush by night to the relief of 
 the Acropolis — the expedition was already a failure. Even if there 
 had been the least chance of success so near daybreak, that chance 
 had been thrown away and the brief moments wasted in throwing 
 up ineffectual earthworks, instead of pressing forward at all 
 hazards. What remained to be done did not rest with General 
 Church ; it had been pre-arranged by the council of war under the 
 direction of Karaiskakes. The Greeks were to take to the rocky 
 ground to the south and south-west of the Acropolis, and hold the 
 position till night, when they and the 7,000 troops left on the 
 Phalerum, and the 1,300 men in the Acropolis (who had been duly 
 informed of the movement), would make a simultaneous desperate 
 onslaught upon the Turks from all sides. In accordance with 
 these orders, the Greeks strengthened their works (if slight mounds, 
 thrown up with a totally inadequate supply of engineering tools, 
 
 <s Diary, 6 May. See the accompanying Plan, drawn at the time by an eyewitness. 
 
Plan de la 
 
 PLAINE ET DES PORTS d'aTHENES 
 
 et Esquisse de Operations des Armees 
 
 GRECQUE ET TURQUE 
 
 dans le Mois de Avril,Mai et Juin deTAnnee 1827 
 
 PAR LE CAPITAINE. JOCHMUS . 
 
 j. Exp li c atio xlb 
 
 _L Quartier general de SirRichnrd, ChurctvGeneralissime des Grecs . 
 p 2 Quartier ge'neral aeMechjLd,Mehemed.Pacha Roumelie Valissi , 
 
 commandant en. chxefdes Times 
 ■■■ Division grecque au. camp du Port Phoron. 
 mmm Arme'e grecque le 6 Mai, 1827. 
 £mm Corps grecque dans VAcropole (VAthenes. 
 
 I I Division turque, bloquantle camp dxtport de Phoron.. 
 
 I 1 Dxfantxrie turq-ue, le 6Mai,lB27. 
 
 ^3 Cax'alerie turque, id id . 
 
 _A. ArtiJJLerie turque , id. id. . 
 
 1 . Liant de circonvaJlation. turque . 
 
 2 . Hvnchees turques contr* VAcropole ■ 
 S. Lignes qrecques au Fhalere . 
 
 Pi, A. Premier et second. Camp du. general, 
 Saraiscaty. 
 b. PosiZwn des baWn/ens sous Lord. Cochrane, 
 CranaUAmiraldeGrece a Vattaque du. 
 convent duPiree. 
 C . Jiatimens sous Lord Cochrane, le S Mai. 
 
 JJOOOpiedsangl. 
 
1827 THE BATTLE OF ATHENS 55 
 
 deserve the name) to some extent, but do not appear to have taken 
 up higher ground ; they remained in the same positions till past 
 noon. All this time the Turkish cavalry was gathering in force, 
 and their infantry was also on the march. Church quickly saw 
 that it was hopeless to try to hold his ground unaided, and he sent 
 repeated orders 44 to General Zavellas, who was in command of the 
 7,000 men left at the Phalerum, to advance to the attack from the 
 other side. This was evidently what the Turkish general expected : 
 he would not have spared Church's exposed and inadequate force of 
 3,000 men so long unless he had regarded their movement as a feint 
 to mask a general action. But Zavellas was deaf to the requests of 
 the commander-in-chief, and blind to the necessities of the situa- 
 tion. No movement was made from the Phalerum, and the Turks 
 advanced with increased confidence upon the Greek positions on 
 the Museum hill within two hours after noon. The patriots, with 
 few exceptions, made no manner of stand : General Vasso was the 
 first to take to his heels, and Costa Botzaris seems to have been 
 little bolder ; 45 some companies ran without firing, others fired 
 wildly and then ran, others got rid of their ammunition safely 
 before the enemy had come within double musket range ; all save 
 a few Suliots were speedily in full flight, and two out of every three 
 were overtaken and slain. Such was the ' battle of Athens ' of 
 6 May, 1827. 
 
 Church had viewed the scene, and given such orders as were 
 possible, from a small redoubt at the church of St. George of the 
 Tris Pyrgi near the shore. Cochrane stayed there with him until 
 all was over, and the flight of the Greeks summoned him to his 
 ships to assist and protect the embarkation. At last the general- 
 issimo was forced to leave too ; those of his troops who had escaped 
 the scimetar were on the beach or among the rocks, where the 
 Turks could not easily reach them, and the lives of the general 
 staff were in imminent peril from the presence of bodies of Turkish 
 cavalry in close proximity to their slender shelter. There was 
 nothing for it but to retire. The fugitives were skilfully taken 
 on board the ships under the fire of the Turks without the 
 loss of a single man ; the dejected expedition sailed back to the 
 Phalerum ; and here ended the first period of Sir E. Church's 
 campaign in Greece. 
 
 44 No mention is made of these orders in Finlay's history, but Tricoupi, iv. 66, 
 comments on Zavellas's gross insubordination. 
 
 45 Fallon's Diary. 
 
56 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 So far it had been remarkable chiefly for a great disaster. Yet on 
 Church's behalf it may fairly be urged that what success there 
 was, was his doing, and what failure there was cannot be set down 
 to his discredit. He had succeeded in uniting the rival parties in 
 Greece ; he had strengthened the army in Attica ; and after the 
 defeat of 6 May he had brought off the remainder of his troops 
 without loss under the enemy's fire. 46 
 
 The battle of Athens was not of his choosing, nor were the dis- 
 positions of the troops his : the battle was forced on by Cochrane, 
 and the dispositions were arranged by Karaiskakes, in the council of 
 war. The only criticism that can fairly be put upon General 
 Church is that under the conditions he should not have accepted 
 the command. He should have been chief in action as well as in 
 name, or never chief at all. The divided power, the independence 
 of Karaiskakes (which formed a precedent for Zavellas's subsequent 
 disobedience of orders), the interference of the high admiral — 
 these were causes enough to paralyse the energies of any man ; and 
 Church, for his own name's sake, ought never to have exposed him- 
 self to the trial. But the general was one of those men who do not 
 think of themselves, but of a great cause. To him, the libera- 
 tion of Greece was a holy war, and he felt that to withdraw from it, 
 even temporarily and under extreme provocation, might be doing 
 an injury hard to be endured in that time of disaster and despair. 
 So he had held on, despite the opposition and foolhardy policy of 
 others, the blame of which would surely fall upon himself, and so 
 he would continue to hold on for the sake of Greece. 
 
 It was after the disastrous battle of. Athens that Church's re- 
 markable qualities as a leader of undisciplined troops came into full 
 play. 47 So far he had felt himself compelled for the general good to 
 take almost a secondary part, while Cochrane and Karaiskakes prac- 
 tically guided the councils of war. But now the jealous Greek 
 commander was dead, and the admiral had sailed away to concentrate 
 
 46 This account of Church's conduct of the war in Attica is derived from his own 
 narrative and letters, and from his A.D.C., Fallon's Diary. It differs seriously from 
 Finlay's version, which can hardly be acquitted of the charge of unfairness. 
 
 47 The authorities for this period of General Church's career are too numerous to 
 be as a rule individually cited. They consist in a voluminous correspondence with 
 the principal leaders in Greece at the time, besides the Philhellene Committees out- 
 side Greece ; in Church's own memoirs and narratives ; and in various letters and 
 reports from most of the chief actors in the revolutionary movement. A special 
 debt of gratitude must be acknowledged to Canon Church's notes and analysis of cor- 
 respondence, and to his article ' The Greek Frontier, how it was won in 1829,' in the 
 New Quarterly Magazine, July 1879. 
 
1827 RETREAT OF THE GREEKS 57 
 
 his ships, in view of a possible approach of the Turkish fleet, leaving 
 Church to do the best he could to ' prevail on the dastardly gang to 
 hold the Phalerum,' or if not, to * get away from the scene of their 
 disgrace.' This was the usual tone of impatient Philhellenes, who 
 tried to work miracles with a handful of disorganised volunteers, 
 and then reviled them because the miracles were not worked. Such 
 was not Church's way. He had every cause to be disheartened by 
 his first few weeks' experience, but he was not the man to lose 
 courage at the first reverse, or to despair of the cause to which he 
 was pledged because the instruments he had to use were imperfect. 
 The bad workman proverbially complains of his tools : Church pre- 
 ferred to make the best of them ; and if it cannot be averred that 
 he ever produced a perfect edge, at least no one but him succeeded 
 in keeping them from rusting altogether. 
 
 After the retreat on 6 May, a scene of panic and despair pre- 
 vailed throughout the camp, and taxed to the utmost the general's 
 powers of persuasion and control. Many of the Peloponnesians 
 deserted ; the rest could not be induced at first to touch a spade or a 
 musket ; and the fleet had sailed away, leaving hardly more than 
 3,000 disheartened half-starved Greeks exposed to the inclemency 
 of the elements (for they had no tents on the heights of the 
 Phalerum), and to the assaults of at least 30,000 Turks, who could 
 probably drive them bodily into the sea at any moment. Amid 
 the murmurs of the chiefs and the open rebellion of the men, the 
 general alone retained his coolness and cheerful confidence. He 
 possessed no military authority over troops who were mere volun- 
 teers, neither enrolled nor regularly paid by the government, and 
 scarcely even fed ; he had to trust only to his personal ascendency 
 and the respect and enthusiasm which his well-known courage, his 
 devotion to Greece, and his invincible patience and kindliness 
 inspired in his followers. So great, however, was this influence, 
 that he- contrived to keep his dejected little army in position on the 
 Phalerum (or Munychia) for three weeks, without pay or adequate 
 provisions, and in presence of an overwhelming force of the enemy ; 
 and at last he only drew oif his men because they were running 
 short of water, and were doing no real good in their cramped 
 situation. 
 
 When he had resolved to make a move, he took a farewell 
 survey of the scene. 
 
 Early on the morning of 27 May [to quote his own narrative], the 
 general-in-chief walked round the entrenchments of the Phalerum, and 
 
58 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 when on the summit of this renowned hill, once an impregnable fortress, 
 the glorious surrounding scenery impressed his mind with the most 
 powerful sensations: Athens on one side, closely blockaded by a barbarous 
 multitude incessantly occupied in discharging ponderous volleys of heavy 
 artillery against the Acropolis, shells bursting over the Parthenon ; in 
 front of the Phalerum the long line of the Turkish camp stretching from 
 the sea near Cape Kolias to the Peiraeus, forming almost a semicircle, 
 in order the better to envelop the few Greek troops posted in their front ; 
 the immense number of standards and of tents of all colours, the plain 
 covered with horses, mules, camels, and sheep ; on the other side, the 
 island of Salamis, always ready to receive the Greeks when driven out of 
 Attica ; further off the mighty Geraneion and Mount Oenion, the bulwarks 
 of Peloponnesus ; and Aegina directly in front, whence came Aristides to 
 aid his immortal rival in their efforts for the salvation of their country on 
 the awful night preceding the battle of Salamis. 
 
 The Greeks who accompanied their general were evidently im- 
 pressed with the scene and its associations, and it was with a sore 
 sense of the contrast between the past and the present that they 
 retraced their steps, and prepared to leave the historic soil of 
 Attica. 
 
 On the same night all was in readiness, and at daybreak on 
 the 28th the embarkation was in rapid progress. By the time the 
 Turks, who had early become aware of the movement, were on the 
 heights of the Phalerum, three-fourths of the Greeks were on 
 board the Ipsariot flotilla, which Church had managed to procure 
 from Aegina; and so skilfully had all the arrangements been 
 planned, and so well directed was the covering fire of the Greeks 
 among the rocks, that the whole army was safely embarked without 
 the loss of a single man, in spite of the efforts of a strong and 
 exasperated force of the enemy under Eeshid Pasha in person. The 
 troops were landed at Salamis, and Church established his head- 
 quarters at Aegina. 
 
 One of his aides-de-camp, who had been with him throughout 
 the campaign, wrote not long afterwards 48 that 
 
 considering the measures he has adopted, the incredible difficulties he has 
 had to overcome, particularly in the total want of pay and provisions for 
 his troops, he has effected more than any other person could have done 
 under similar circumstances, through the extraordinary firmness of 
 character he possesses, and the popular feeling, particularly of the army, 
 in his favour ; which has enabled him to perform the almost incredible 
 task of keeping an armed force together without pay or subsistence. 
 
 " C. Fallon, A.D.C., to Rt. Hon. R. Wilmot Horton, Rome, 14 Nov. 1828. 
 
59 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN GREECE. 
 
 1827-1829. 
 
 During the next few months matters remained very much in 
 statu quo. The Turks were to a great extent paralysed by the 
 action of the allies. England, France, and Kussia signed the 
 Treaty of London for the pacification of Greece, 6 July, and sent 
 their fleets to the Levant to put pressure upon the Turks and 
 Egyptians. Further, they declared an armistice to exist between 
 the belligerents, which the Greeks accepted and the Turks refused. 
 Nevertheless, when Captain Hastings, acting for the Greeks, de- 
 stroyed a Turkish flotilla at Salona, it was not regarded as a breach 
 of the armistice which the Greeks had accepted ; but when Ibrahim 
 Pasha, who had rejected it, sent a squadron to the gulf of Corinth to 
 punish Hastings, it was turned back by the allies : such were the 
 principles of this singular neutrality. Meanwhile, on shore both 
 sides were inactive. Ibrahim took a few forts, but struck no 
 decisive blow ; and the Greeks, without money, and short of ammu- 
 nition and food, either tendered a temporary submission, or gathered 
 in disorderly bands under their favourite chiefs, and indulged in 
 local depredations for their private behoof. There was no unity, 
 no organisation, and little public spirit. The executive government 
 was weak and divided ; the treasury was empty. The better sort 
 of patriots awaited anxiously the long-delayed arrival of the new 
 president, Count John Capodistrias. 
 
 Under such circumstances Church, with all his energy and 
 influence, could effect little to good purpose. He had not, however, 
 been idle. Before leaving Attica he had taken three measures, 
 each of which showed remarkable foresight and was fraught with 
 important issues. The first was the establishment of a Greek camp 
 at the Great Derven on Mount GeraDeion, which effectually pre- 
 vented the entrance of Eeshid Pasha's army into the Peloponnesus 
 
60 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 and his junction with Ibrahim after the surrender of the Acropolis on 
 5 June. The second was the despatch of most of his Peloponnesian 
 volunteers back to their homes, where they were instructed to en- 
 courage their neighbours, and prepare for a general rising. The 
 third was the result of a long-considered plan. From the beginning, 
 as has been seen, Church had anxiously debated where he could 
 best create a diversion to draw off the Turks from Attica. Two 
 ideas occurred to him : one was a descent upon eastern Greece 
 and Negropont, with the view to attacking Eeshid in the rear, and 
 cutting off his supplies both by sea and land; the other was a 
 landing in Akarnania, where the western provinces could be raised, 
 the Albanians' disaffection to the Turks fomented into an alliance 
 with the Greeks, and the Ottoman garrisons starved into surrender. 
 Neither of these plans was approved at first by the Greek govern- 
 ment, and it may be doubted whether in the spring of 1827 trans- 
 ports or money could have been pro\ided for any considerable 
 expedition, or whether political events had yet created a favourable 
 opportunity for such movements as Church contemplated. Still, 
 he never lost sight of his design, and when he began to take steps 
 for abandoning the position on the Phalerum one of his first pro- 
 ceedings was to prepare for a descent upon western Greece by 
 sending a few men to stir up the people of Akarnania. 
 
 The result of this small mission was the seizure by Demozelio 
 of an island in the lake of Lessini, near the Achelous (Aspropotamos), 
 which he defended so well (partly with guns which had belonged to 
 Byron and been buried on the island) that six months later Church 
 found him in full possession, despite a long Turkish blockade ; and 
 the same creditable defence was maintained by Demetrius Makri 
 at the neighbouring Mount Zygos. Such was the insignificant 
 beginning of a movement which led to the liberation of western 
 Greece and the .eventual enlargement of the boundaries of the 
 emancipated kingdom. 
 
 This first small step could not be immediately followed up. 
 Church's task after his retreat from Attica was diplomatic rather 
 than military : he had to reconcile as best he could rival chiefs, 
 inspire a better and more disinterested public spirit, and try every 
 resource for the replenishment of the treasury and the commis- 
 sariat. It was uphill work enough, in the divided state of parties and 
 the jealous clan-spirit of the insubordinate military chiefs ; but his 
 tact and conciliatory manner, his genial treatment of his old 
 followers — rather as a father over a pack of unruly children than 
 
1827 NAVARINO 6r 
 
 as a commanding officer — his strong moral influence, probably 
 effected all that was possible under the circumstances. It may be 
 questioned whether he made his authority sufficiently feared ; but 
 he certainly gained the love and respect of his men, and retained 
 their devotion when all other commanders despaired of keeping any 
 force together. To him was chiefly due the maintenance of the 
 important camp a,t Mount Geraneion and the support of the 
 garrisons at Acrocorinthus, Salamis, Megara, and elsewhere. Even 
 with all his efforts a steady advance of Turks and Egyptians must 
 infallibly have overwhelmed the Greeks ; and to their inactivity and 
 the English policy which culminated in the battle of Navarino, 
 Greece owed her freedom. 
 
 The plan of an expedition to eastern Greece and the Negro- 
 pont was again proposed in July, but fell through for want of 
 money and provisions. The descent upon Akarnania remained to 
 be tried. The Turks and Egyptians were so busy in devastating 
 Attica and the Peloponnesus that their regular troops had almost 
 deserted western continental Greece ; and Cochrane told Church 
 in August (with his usual reckless exaggeration) that the whole 
 country between Prevesa and Mesolonghi was up in arms, and added, 
 * Were you present, the Turks would soon be driven from all their 
 possessions on the northern shore of the gulf of Corinth.' The 
 admiral accordingly urged Church to carry out * your first plan ; ' 
 forgetting doubtless how strenuously he had opposed that plan at 
 the outset. In the existing state of affairs, political, financial, and 
 military, it was impossible to muster an army for western Greece at 
 a week's notice ; but throughout the autumn measures were care- 
 fully matured with a view to that expedition. Provision had first 
 to be made for the defence of the Greek positions in the 
 Peloponnesus; the jealousies of the military leaders had to be 
 appeased ; nrpoa-Kwov/jusvoi, or Greeks who had paid forced sub- 
 mission to the enemy, had if possible to be drawn over to the 
 patriotic side and protected from the revenge of the Egyptians and 
 the resentment of stronger-minded patriots ; the universal lust of 
 pillage had to be mitigated ; and in all these matters Church, as 
 commander-in-chief, was the prime arbiter and referee. So dis- 
 tressing to his upright nature were the petty squabbles and dis- 
 honesties of the chiefs, that he declared bitterly that he would 
 rather meet a column of Turks than a petition of contumacious 
 Greeks. At last the news of the battle of Navarino (20 Oct.) 
 brought matters to a crisis. The disaster to the Turks, and the 
 
62 
 
 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 
 
 1827 
 
 obvious sympathy of the great powers with the Greeks, revived the 
 national spirit in all parts of Hellas. Now, said Cochrane, was 
 the moment to act ; and his words found a welcoming echo in the 
 heart of General Church. He at once took measures for the long- 
 desired expedition ; wrote (^ Nov.) to Captain Hastings to bring 
 his flotilla out of the gulf of Corinth to Cape Papas, at the 
 extreme west of Achaia, and prepare to transport a force across the 
 gulf of Lepanto to Akarnania. He could not fix a day for the 
 
 WESTERN GREECE 
 
 AFTER LEAKE ^t 
 
 Scale of En«l.6h Miles f ^"* 
 
 O 6 .£ 15 20 \ \ 
 
 ^39 J 93 £ - 
 
 ,Patra 
 
 (Patrsej 
 
 rendezvous, 49 he said, because a large force of the enemy's cavalry 
 was reported to command the plains of Elis, but he would start 
 immediately. Delayed by the necessity of manoeuvring to avoid 
 the cavalry, by want of money and ammunition, and by heavy 
 rains, he did not reach Cape Papas till 28 Nov. The march across, 
 through the mountains of Achaia, had been difficult and perilous, 
 and the ravines of Mount Olonos had become almost impassable 
 
 49 Finlay's implied reproach (vii. 22) for delay is vitiated by Church's having 
 forewarned Hastings of his inability to fix a date for their meeting. 
 
£827 LANDING AT DRAGOMESTRE 63 
 
 with their swollen torrents. Food was often hard to procure, for 
 the wretched villagers knew not at first which was their worse 
 enemy, the Egyptians or the palikari, and it needed all Church's 
 patience and kindness to convince them of his goodwill. On the 
 26th he arrived at the convent of Philokali, overlooking the plain of 
 the Kamenitza, and here he dismissed the Peloponnesians, whom 
 (for want of necessary supplies) he did not intend to take over with 
 him, to the number of 4,000 or 5,000, and keeping only the 1,200 
 Kumeliots led by Botzaris he marched across the Elian plain, 
 through heavy swamps in which the men sank almost to their 
 shoulders, to Cape Papas at the very moment when Ahmed Pasha 
 was bringing his cavalry over the Kamenitza. 
 
 Then [on 29 Nov.] with a force which he had gradually sifted, like 
 Gideon's host, till he retained with him only 1,000 men, the number which 
 Hastings undertook to carry across, he made a landing at Dragomestre 
 [Astakos] on the Akarnanian coast in two divisions of 500 men, [the second 
 crossing on 6 Dec] His purpose was to raise the country on both sides 
 of the Aspropotamos, and to occupy the gulf of Arta and the range of 
 Makrinoros, certain that by so doing he should cut the communication 
 with Mesolonghi and the gulf of Lepanto, and force the garrisons to sur- 
 render. And, beyond that, he hoped, if sufficiently supported, to throw a 
 force upon the northern coast of Epirus, to distract the attention of the 
 Turks at Joannina by giving encouragement to the disaffected northern 
 Albanians, or at least to raise the districts of Parga, Souli, and Arta, 
 and to threaten Prevesa by land, while a naval force co-operated in the 
 attack. 50 
 
 At this time the Turks were undisputed masters of continental 
 Greece. Cochrane's enthusiastic report of the rising of the whole 
 western country was not confirmed by Church's personal observa- 
 tion. On the contrary, most of the Greek chiefs who had submitted 
 to the Turks after the fall of Mesolonghi still remained in their 
 service, and in many cases their patriotism was narrowed to a 
 cautious balancing of the chances of success : they would join the 
 winning side, but were not disposed to espouse the national cause 
 hastily, lest worse evils should befall them even than those they 
 had already suffered. The chances of success seemed very small 
 for the little force at Dragomestre. Operating from Joannina, 
 Arta, and Prevesa, the Turks held a chain of fortified posts — whether 
 loopholed khans, walled monasteries, or mere villages and breast- 
 
 50 C. M. Church, New Quarterly Review, July 1879, pp. 9, 10. The accompanying 
 map will illustrate the positions occupied by the Greeks. 
 
64 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1827 
 
 works commanding the mountain tracks — all the way from their 
 garrisons at Mesolonghi and Anatolico on the gulf of Lepanto to 
 the forts of Vonitza and Kervasara on the gulf of Arta, and then 
 across the Makrinoros range to Kombotti and Prevesa. Had they 
 attacked Church's small force at once, there could hardly have 
 been a doubt of their success. But their regular troops were 
 considerably diminished, probably in view of the coming war 
 with Eussia, and the rivalries of their chief commanders destroyed 
 all unity of action. Church was accordingly allowed to land 
 unopposed, and once established on shore it did not take him long 
 to convert Dragomestre into a sort of humble Torres Vedras — a 
 base of operations against the Turks in western Greece. In this 
 he was favoured by the natural position of the place. The land 
 approach, across mountain passes, marshes, and dense forests, 
 offered every obstacle to an enemy ; the rocky bays and inlets of 
 the coast presented dangers to a naval attack ; and the Paleo 
 Castro and monastery of St. Elia possessed the elements of strong 
 forts. Church lost no time in improving these advantages. He 
 quickly constructed breastworks and redoubts of the ordinary 
 native sort (loopholed walls of loose stone, surrounded by abattis 
 of trees and brushwood), strengthened the monastery and castro, 
 and formed an entrenched camp, armed with a few guns. He 
 wrote to the government (14 Dec.) : 
 
 We have worked incessantly in throwing up field-works and in 
 strengthening our position, as far as is in our power to do so. I have 
 bought some prize guns — six, nine, and twelve pounders, — iron guns, from 
 Captain Hastings, with which it is my intention to arm some excellent 
 boats acting with the army under brave and patriotic captains and crews. 
 It is my intention, as far as it is in my power, to make this place, 
 Dragomestre, a base d' operations for western Greece, from whence to 
 proceed, with God's aid, to the recovery of the whole of this beautiful 
 province from the Turkish domination. This must be effected by the 
 patriotic and energetic co-operation with me of its warlike Greek popula- 
 tion, by my having a flotilla in the gulf of Arta, and by my being pro- 
 vided with provisions. 
 
 Having made Dragomestre as safe as he could, Church began 
 to reconnoitre the country, intercept Turkish convoys and mes- 
 sengers (sometimes with striking success), and raise the Greek 
 chiefs of the neighbourhood. Foremost of all came in the valiant 
 Demozelio, who had held the island of Lessini unsupported for 
 six months, but was now relieved by the retreat of the blockading 
 
1 828 RISING OF THE CHIEFS 65 
 
 Turks upon the news of Church's landing. To induce the other 
 chiefs to join demanded tact and resolution. They must be taught 
 that this new expedition was no filibustering raid, and therefore 
 the camp must be kept in order and no depredations permitted. 
 They must be convinced that the expedition was destined to triumph, 
 and therefore no chance must be given to the Turks of the smallest 
 success. Fortunately for these objects, the troops behaved well, 
 and the Turks retired instead of advancing. The consequence was 
 the speedy adhesion of various Greek chieftains who had not 
 hitherto ventured to throw off their Turkish yoke, or who had hidden 
 themselves in the mountains in despair of ever again striking 
 a blow for independence. 
 
 Staicos raised the Greek standard on his castled crag of Vlochos 
 (Thermos), the Aetolian capital, which commanded the plains of Vrachori, 
 and cut off convoys and detachments passing to and from Mesolonglii. 
 Makres of Apokoros and Makriyannes of Zygos brought up their men to 
 join Staicos. Zonga, a large sheepmaster, whose possessions lay round 
 Vonitza and the peninsula of Actium, came in with 500 followers. Varna- 
 kiottes, the chief man of Xeromeros, the western district of Akarnania, led 
 300 of his men by night through the Turkish position, and joined the 
 camp [now formed by Church] at Mitika [on the north-west coast, near 
 the gulf of Arta]. Andreas Iskos, chief of Valtos, who held the passes 
 of Makrinoros, made promises of coming over as soon as the Greek force 
 was strong enough to make it safe for him to leave the Turks. 51 
 
 Church had now something like 3,000 men under his command, 
 not indeed regular soldiers, but still hardy mountaineers who could 
 be employed with effect in a guerilla warfare such as was in 
 contemplation. ' It is an army of volunteers,' he wrote to the 
 president, 18 Feb., ' and every man serves under the chief he likes 
 best, being neither enlisted, enrolled, nor subject to articles of war, 
 nor has the general legal right to command or punish ; so it must 
 be while they are not regularly paid, fed, nor clothed by the govern- 
 ment — such is the nature of the army. I have had to struggle 
 with the Turks for the liberation of Greece, and the difficulties I 
 have had to encounter are incredible ; but I must say in justice to 
 those brave men, that I have rarely had to find fault with them, 
 and they have followed me under the most trying circumstances.' 
 A second force of 1,200 men had also under his instructions effected 
 a landing within the gulf of Lepanto, opposite the little island of 
 Trisognia. 52 The main difficulty was to provision the troops. The 
 
 si C. M. Church, I.e. 10. " Sir R. Church to Captain Hastings, 28 Dec. 1827 
 
 F 
 
66 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1828 
 
 government had little money, or at all events sent little ; the country 
 around Dragomestre could not supply the wants of the army and 
 of the numerous families who took refuge under Church's protection ; 
 and for the pay of the troops recourse was had to the Philhellenic 
 commission at Corfu, whose funds, however, were much smaller than 
 rumour asserted. It may be stated, once for all, that from the begin- 
 ning to the end of the campaign Church's army was never adequately 
 provisioned or paid ; that the money, clothes, tents, supplies, and 
 reinforcements repeatedly promised by the government of Aegina, 
 in response to the general's urgent remonstrances, never arrived, 
 or only came in miserable driblets ; and that again and again the 
 whole expedition was threatened with total collapse in consequence 
 of the negligence and incapacity of the central authorities. These 
 charges could be proved in all their miserable details, were the 
 proof worth the space. 53 
 
 In spite of these hindrances, Church resolved on a forward 
 movement. And here he again encountered the vexation of a 
 divided command. His plan of seizing the gulf of Arta and the 
 Makrinoros required naval co-operation. 54 Captain Hastings, how- 
 ever, had other views for his flotilla— he took possession 55 of the 
 island of Vasiladi in the lagune of Mesolonghi, and wished to reduce 
 the fortress of Anatolico. In spite of his better judgment, Church 
 deferred to his colleague's desire, postponed his own design, and 
 assisted in an expedition against Anatolico, which, owing to a 
 fatal miscalculation of the defences, 56 was unsuccessful. Upon 
 this, Hastings hurriedly retreated to Dragomestre, whither, after 
 providing for the defence of Vasiladi, Church followed. The 
 failure was embittered by a misunderstanding between the two 
 commanders, which, though afterwards corrected, deprived the 
 army of Hastings's co-operation for a while. 57 Whatever differences 
 
 53 E.g. in January 1,000 Kumeliots were promised, but never came ; in May 1,200 
 Peloponnesians, never came ; in June 2,000 men with artillery, never came ; in July 
 3,000 men countermanded, to lie idle at Megara, and only 250 arrived in the following 
 April, &g. As to money, all the president sent was 14,000 francs, 20,000 dollars, and 
 150,000 piastres— say 7.000Z. — with which to keep and pay 3,000 officers and men for 
 more than a year. In January 1828 the pay of the men had been in arrears since 
 March 1827. In November 1828, again, they had been four months without pay. 
 
 54 Sir R. Church to Captain Hastings, 12 Dec. 1827. Reports to President, 
 18 and 22 February. 
 
 65 Captain Hastings to Sir R. Church, 21 Dec. 1827. 
 
 56 Captain Hastings to Sir R. Church, 4 Jan. 1828. 
 
 57 • Captain Hastings, who possessed the noblest qualities of the head and heart, 
 had unfortunately a hastiness of temper and manner which at times rendered co- 
 operation with him difficult. At Vasiladi a misunderstanding took place between him 
 
•i828 CAPTAIN HASTINGS 67 
 
 may have subsisted between them, the general and Hastings loyally 
 co-operated in the second fruitless attack upon Anatolico, made at 
 the president's urgent solicitation, when the gallant seaman received 
 the mortal wound (25 May) which broke up the siege. 
 
 During the summer of 1828 little was done by the small army in 
 western Greece, which had indeed enough to do to keep itself alive 
 at all, so dire was its distress for lack of food, clothes, and shelter. 
 It was now stationed at the entrenched camp of Mitika, as being 
 more convenient than Dragomestre for the movements now in con- 
 templation against Prevesa and the gulf of Arta. The roadstead 
 was good, and the neighbourhood of the Ionian island of Kalamo, 
 where many Greek families had taken refuge, was an advantage. 
 Church established various positions in the mountains and harassed 
 the communications of the enemy. The Turks held their line of 
 fortified posts from Arta to Mesolonghi, and, though more than 
 once threatening to advance, never ventured upon a serious attack, 
 in which they could hardly have failed of success. The Greek 
 army was suffered, as Church wrote, to ■ take root ; ' and rooted 
 it remained on the coast until reinforcements and a flotilla should 
 render more active measures practicable. President Capodistrias 
 visited the camp in person in July, reviewed the troops with 
 apparent satisfaction, approved (15 July) the general's plan of 
 occupying the gulf of Arta and the Makrinoros, and promised the 
 
 and the general-in-chief which led to a disagreeable correspondence between them and 
 probably to the want of success of the operation attempted against Anatolico on this 
 occasion. The misunderstanding arose in the first instance on the general expressing 
 surprise at being invited by Captain Hastings to pay him 2,000 dollars after the reduc- 
 tion of Vasiladi, as a remuneration to the crews of the vessels employed against that 
 place ; in the next place, on a question of sending boats for some troops. The com- 
 mander of the naval forces conceived that the general was interfering with his 
 department, and expressed himself to that effect in a way which produced a quick 
 reply. Both officers having the good of the service at heart, this unpleasant affair 
 was soon terminated amicably. It must be said to the honour of Captain Hastings 
 that he had put himself to great inconvenience for a considerable time past in provid- 
 ing resources from his own funds for paying the crew of the steam-vessel under his 
 orders, and he was at this moment so far disgusted with the little attention paid to 
 his wants by the provisional government, that it had affected his mind considerably ; 
 and to this feeling must be attributed his intemperate conduct at Vasiladi.' There 
 were no funds wherewith to meet Hastings's demand for 2,000 dollars. This is 
 Church's own account of the quarrel. It is clear, however, from Hastings's letter 
 (printed in Finlay, History of Greece, vii. 344-5) that other disputes occurred, arising 
 from the dishonesty of some of the Greek chiefs, who appear to have sold their 
 rations at a time when every ounce of flour was precious. That Church countenanced 
 such proceedings is of course impossible to believe, but it is far from unlikely that 
 his trustful nature was imposed upon by the proverbial duplicity of the Greeks. 
 
 r 2 
 
68 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1828 
 
 reinforcements necessary to raise the army to 6,000 men. 58 Yet it 
 was not until 16 September that the long-expected flotilla arrived, 
 and even then ■ not a soldier or a gun was sent to the land force, 
 though more than 8,000 men were being drilled and paraded in 
 the camp at Megara.' 
 
 Church resolved to wait no longer for reinforcements that would 
 apparently never come, and in defiance of the president's order to 
 postpone all military operations pending the conferences of the 
 allies then being held at Poros, he opened the campaign with his 
 2,000 half-starved soldiers and four field-pieces, early in October. 
 Moving upon the gulf of Arta in two divisions (the second com- 
 manded by Baron Dentzel) , and valiantly supported by the flotilla 
 of two steamers, a gunboat, and some Hydriot mistikos, which 
 forced the entrance to the gulf, under the fire of the batteries of 
 Prevesa and Punta, and defeated or captured the Turkish gunboats, 
 Church seized and garrisoned Koronisi, beat back two assaults of 
 the Turks of Arta, and made himself master of the gulf. Dentzel 
 and Zavellas then struck inland, drove the Turks out of the 
 provinces of Apokoros and Kravari, and seized the mountain road 
 which crosses the Pindus to Trikkala ; but were recalled by the 
 president, whose orders were peremptory that no further advance 
 should be made beyond the line of the Makrinoros. Meanwhile 
 Church laid siege to Vonitza, an important post commanding the 
 way from Prevesa to Akarnania : 
 
 On Christmas Day an order of the day was given out fixing the assault 
 for the next day, and forbidding plunder of the town or ill-treatment of 
 defenceless inhabitants, and an unanimous promise was made by the 
 soldiery to that effect. On the 27th the assault was made by the soldiers 
 in three divisions, and by the seamen from the boats : the fighting was 
 hot ; but the town was taken, and the Albanian garrison was driven out 
 and shut up in the castle. After the capture, the troops faithfully kept 
 
 58 It is not necessary here to review the conduct and policy of Capodistrias ; but, 
 while there can be no doubt that he neglected to support Church and repeatedly broke 
 his promises of supplies and reinforcement it is only fair to add that the president 
 was in n extremely difficult position, and his conduct was often guided by the hard 
 dictates of necessity. Especially awkward was it for him to have to discuss measures 
 for the pacification of Greece with the ambassadors of the three allies at Poros, when 
 an armistice was supposed to exist and the French army was peaceably expelling the 
 Egyptians from the Peloponnesus, and at the same time to have to support, or appear 
 to support, the generalissimo of the Greek army, who was bent upon active hostilities, 
 despite all armistices and all diplomatic negotiations. There is no doubt, moreover, 
 that his visit to Church's camp in July had impressed him with a strong feeling 
 against the wild disorganised bands of palikari who passed there as soldiers. 
 
1 829 ADVANCE ON THE MACRINOROS 69 
 
 their promise, the evacuation of the town was carried out under the pro- 
 tection of the soldiers and sailors, and the garrison of the castle abstained 
 from firing until the evacuation was complete. But the castle of Vonitza 
 still held out in hopes of the promised relief from Prevesa. Lines were 
 drawn across the promontory of Actium, and manned and armed by the 
 Greek soldiers to meet the threatened attack of the Seraskier. He made 
 two attempts in February, by sea and land, but was driven back upon 
 Punta, and finally repulsed he retired to Prevesa. The castle capitulated 
 on honourable terms, on 17 March, 1829, and the Albanian garrison of 
 300 men was conducted safely to Punta. 
 
 As soon as this important post was gained, the general directed all 
 his efforts to an immediate advance upon the Makrinoros. The Makri- 
 noros is the range of mountains and forest wedged in between the head 
 of the gulf of Arta and the deep-sunk bed of the Aspropotamos on the 
 east, falling down on the north-west side to Kombotti and the plain of 
 Arta, and running up north to join Mount Djumerka and the Epirote 
 chain ; overlooking on the south the lakes of Ambrakia, and Ozeros, and 
 the Aspropotamos. The castle of Kervasara, lying at the foot of the 
 mountain, and in the south-eastern angle of the gulf, is the gate to the 
 mountain passes from Akarnania and the south. A road at the foot of 
 the cliffs, rough and precipitous, ' forms a pass like that of the Syrian 
 Gates, at the head of the bay of Scanderoon,' and winds along for a day's 
 journey by Menidhi to Kombotti on the plain of Arta ; other roads cross 
 the mountain to Arta, and to Agrafa, and the Aspropotamos. Informa- 
 tion had reached the general that a convoy was at Kombotti, waiting for 
 an escort to cross the mountain to Kervasara. Leaving a garrison 
 in Vonitza, and some men to threaten Kervasara, he embarked by night, 
 25 March, with a detachment from Lutraki in the boats of the flotilla, 
 landed at Menidhi, midway on the cliff road, and seized the stations on the 
 road, while the boats went back to fetch another detachment. The men 
 climbing the western ravines during the night, surprised at daybreak a 
 Turkish outpost on the heights and drove them into the fortified post on the 
 plateau, the Paleo Castro of Makrinoros. Another body had been ordered 
 to make a circuit round Kervasara, and to advance as skirmishers up the 
 southern face of the mountain ; these finding the lower posts unoccupied, 
 pressed onwards to the ridge and closed round the Paleo Castro on the south 
 side. Through the course of the night and next morning the boats brought 
 over fresh men from Lutraki, and with these the general occupied the 
 heads of the ravines leading down to the plain of Arta, and sent forward a 
 division to occupy the plateau of Langadha, which commands the eastern 
 slopes to the valley of the Aspropotamos. . . . The Turks had been com- 
 pletely surprised by the rapidity of the movement. That very day a convoy 
 of provisions and money for Kervasara and Mesolonghi was to have crossed 
 the mountains, and troops from Kervasara had come up to the fortified 
 post on the ridge to meet the escort on its way, and to conduct it. But 
 
7 o SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1829 
 
 the roads on both sides of the mountain had been seized by the Greeks, 
 and the Turks found their way barred, without having means of knowing 
 what was the strength of the enemy which was on their road. The 
 Greeks, increasing in numbers as the boats brought up fresh men from 
 Lutraki, blockaded the garrison in the tower ; guns were brought up, the 
 tower bombarded by heavy guns from the gunboats, and on 29 March 
 the garrison surrendered on promise of safe-conduct. 
 
 The way over the mountain being secured, and all supplies cut 
 off from the garrisons on the south side, their surrender was merely 
 a question of time. The Turks at Prevesa made no effort to save 
 them, and Kervasara, the gate of the province of Valtos, capitulated 
 on 7 April. The general then pushed forward along the ridges 
 between Kervasara and the fords of the Aspropotamos, and a 
 division was ordered to prepare to march on Mesolonghi, while he 
 himself returned to protect his position on the Makrinoros from a 
 probable attack of the Turks in Arta. As the result of these 
 measures Lepanto surrendered on 30 April, 1829, and Mesolonghi 
 and Anatolico on 17 May ; when 
 
 the last body of Turkish troops was escorted by Varnakiotti and a 
 division of General Church's army through Akarnania to the gulf of 
 Arta and Prevesa, on their return to Albania. The evacuation of 
 Akarnania and Aetolia was now complete ; and the Greeks held actual 
 possession by the force of their own arms of the natural frontiers of the 
 western provinces — the gulf of Arta and the Makrinoros denies. 
 
 In June Sir Richard Church entered Mesolonghi as the true 
 liberator of western Greece. 
 
 His work was done. He had marked out for himself, two years before, 
 a plan of operations. He had tenaciously adhered to his purpose, and 
 successfully carried it out amidst discouragement, and opposition, and 
 countless difficulties. For eighteen months he had been at the head of 
 his bands of Rumeliot palikari, sharing their rough camp life, never 
 complaining, except for the wants of his men ; making the best of them, 
 keeping them together, and leading them to success ; settling their 
 quarrels, and restraining their lawlessness by the justice and integrity 
 and chivalrous bearing of an English officer. It was no slight mark of 
 the influence he had acquired over his men that, after their savage war- 
 fare of years with the Turks, he was able to make them humane and 
 generous in their treatment of enemies. Bounties were given for Turkish 
 prisoners instead of Turkish heads; cattle taken from Greeks on the 
 Turkish side were restored or paid for ; respect towards the enemy was 
 enforced in all communications and interviews that passed between the 
 camps ; the most generous treatment of the Albanian officers and men 
 
1 829 LIBERATION OF WESTERN GREECE 71 
 
 was shown after capitulation, and in each case the garrisons were con- 
 ducted in safety through the Greek camp without molestation or insult. 59 
 
 His final triumph was somewhat marred by the petty jealousy 
 of the president, who seized the moment of Church's success to 
 appoint his own brother Agostino Capodistrias — who can only be 
 described as a contemptible fool — lieutenant plenipotentiary in 
 western Greece. Agostino was at the time ornamentally parading at 
 Lepanto a large force of troops which was sorely needed to guard 
 the frontier ; and so it happened that the man who received the 
 capitulation of Mesolonghi was not that * liege lord of Philhellenes } 
 (to use Finlay's phrase) who had toiled and conquered, but the puny 
 nonentity who happened to be the brother of John Capodistrias. 
 The general protested against the insult, but no slight would have 
 induced him to abandon his duty. His work, however, was accom- 
 plished; western Greece was practically freed from the Turkish 
 domination, though he had to wait some time before he saw the 
 fruits of his successful struggle. With a clear conscience he attended 
 the National Assembly at Argos, 25 August 1829, and there re- 
 signed the command which had been conferred upon him two years 
 before, ■ with an indignant protest against the way in which the 
 government of Capodistrias had neglected the army and thwarted 
 military operations/ 
 
 If it be asked, what was the result of Church's liberation of 
 western Greece ? the answer may be given in the wor<ds of one who, 
 in his * History of Greece,' has striven his utmost to discredit Sir 
 Richard's services. Finlay was not always so grudging of appre- 
 ciation, and about 1840 he wrote to the general : 
 
 I well recollect the landing at Dragomestre, which at the time I 
 thought a desperate and even hopeless attempt with the small force you 
 had. I have long, however, seen that it was to that desperate step that 
 Greece owes the extension of her frontier. The 500 men induced Romeli 
 to take arms, and prevented Capodistrias making the Morea Greece. You 
 gave him Romeli in spite of himself, and you made Agostino a hero. 
 
 In other words, had western Greece not been Greek when the 
 frontier was being mapped out by the allies, the kingdom of 
 Greece would have been limited (as Lord Aberdeen and Capo- 
 distrias desired) to the Peloponnesus. The protocol of 3 Feb. 
 1830, * in deference to the desire expressed by the Porte,' had 
 surrendered these very provinces which he had conquered, and by 
 
 59 C. M. Church, I.e. 13-16. 
 
72 SIR RICHARD CHURCH 1830 
 
 the frontier line then drawn had excluded from free Greece the men 
 of Akarnania and Aetolia. This called forth from Church, in April 
 1830, an indignant letter, which was published in England with 
 a preface by Wilmot Horton, who described it as * the simple 
 protest of a soldier who, in this breathing time of nations, has 
 pursued an unnoticed but not less brilliant career with a firmness 
 and self-devotion worthy of the brightest periods of European 
 history.' 60 He could not keep silence. His recollections were too 
 fresh, as he said, of the efforts which had been made by the men 
 under his command to emancipate these provinces from the Turkish 
 yoke. They had given back to Greece her glorious Mesolonghi. He 
 had witnessed their joy at liberation — the happy meeting of women 
 and children restored to their fathers, husbands, brothers, and to 
 their homes, after nine years of desolation. He had heard their 
 solemn and hearty thanks offered up to the Almighty, and seen 
 the fierce Albanians, on leaving the country in which they had 
 been fairly overcome, partaking of the bread of their conquerors, 
 embracing them gratefully for the good treatment they had received 
 at their hands, and declaring that the Greeks had a right to enjoy 
 the country they had won. So he recorded his solemn protest : 
 
 It is impossible [he wrote] to describe the despair of the people of this 
 country on the intimation that the limits of Greece, according to the new 
 protocol, would exclude the whole of Akarnania and apart of Aetolia. . . . 
 I cannot believe that the generous interference of the allied powers is to be 
 brought to a conclusion by entailing upon Greece disasters of the most 
 serious nature— that, instead of giving her a frontier, they are about 
 to take one from her. . . . Lulled into a fatal security by the protocol of 
 22 March, the Greeks were unanimous in their gratitude to the allied 
 powers, and saw before them a fair prospect of becoming an independent 
 country, in the supposition that their frontier would be that of the line 
 from Volo to Arta. . . . This line and, far beyond it, the cantons of Agrafa 
 and the province of Aspropotamos are in the peaceable possession of the 
 Greeks ; and, before I left the camp of Makrinoros, we had fortified its 
 passes on the highroads leading from Trikkala, Arta, Prevesa, and Joan- 
 nina, to Vonitza, Mesolonghi, Lepanto, Salona, &c. 
 
 Are these people to be again given up to the Turks after having 
 fought for their liberty for nine years, and being ever the foremost in 
 every glorious exertion for the general emancipation of their country and 
 of Greece in general ? Will they submit to the Turks as their masters ? 
 From the knowledge that I have of their characters, and from what they 
 have suffered, I think they never will. Can the other Greeks, or ought 
 
 •° Observations on an Eligible Line of Frontier for Greece. Ridgway, 1830. 
 
1 873 EPITAPH 73 
 
 the other Greeks, to abandon them to their miserable fate ? I doubt it ; 
 and what may not be apprehended from the desperate resolution of some 
 thousands of determined and veteran soldiers ? Blood will doubtless 
 flow before these men give up their country, their families, and their 
 honour into the hands of the Turks. 
 
 The frontier for which he pleaded was granted to Greece two 
 years afterwards. The frontier imposed in 1830 was rectified in 
 1832 by the efforts of Lord Palmerston and Sir Stratford Canning ; 
 the boundaries from the gulf of Volo to the gulf of Arta were then 
 laid down, and the provinces which Church had won for the 
 Greeks were finally restored to them. 
 
 Here the military career of Sir Richard Church comes to a 
 worthy end. For forty years more he lived at Athens, beloved and 
 respected by all who reverenced a loyal and upright character ; 
 and there he died in 1873, in his ninetieth year, the centre of 
 a wide circle of friends, who delighted in being honoured with the 
 confidence of ' the liege lord of Philhellenes.' The recollections of 
 his self-sacrificing and chivalrous career, stories of his justice, 
 integrity, and kindness, his hardihood and endurance, long lingered 
 among his Greek soldiers and contemporaries. To later genera- 
 tions the epitaph on his monument raised by the Greek nation 
 in the cemetery at Athens will be his abiding memorial : 
 
 BICHABD CHUKCH, 
 
 GENERAL, 
 
 WHO, HAVING GIVEN HIMSELF AND ALL THAT HE HAD 
 
 TO RESCUE A CHRISTIAN RACE 
 
 FROM OPPRESSION, 
 
 AND TO MAKE GREECE A NATION, 
 
 LIVED FOR HER SERVICE, 
 
 AND DIED AMONGST HER PEOPLE, 
 
 RESTS HERE IN PEACE AND FAITH. 
 
 1873. 
 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
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