Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT OF u; Ha . '-. m .y'.-i.. -\. ELISABETH FAENESE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS ELISABETH FARNESE "THE TEEMAGANT OF SPAIN" EDWARD ARMSTRONG, M.A. FELLOW OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE, OXFORD ' Torino. Sevie If., vol. ix. INTRODUCTION. XIX Kcinigsegg, and the widening breach leading to the war of 1733. An admirable monograph on the Quad- ruple Alliance was published by 0. Weber in 1887. Carutti has lavished the documentary treasures at his disposal upon his Storia della diplomazia della Corte di Sawia, which is indispensable for an undertaking of the important relations between the Courts of Madrid and Turin. The first volume of Baudrillart's Philippe V. et la cow de France has appeared within the last year. 1 It deals at present with but one year of Elisa- beth's reign, but it is doubtless destined to be the standard authority upon Philip V. Had it appeared earlier, I should have hesitated to undertake the present task ; it is perhaps equally difficult to precede or to follow such a work. It is almost unnecessary to state that the eloquent and readable general history of Spain, by Lafuente, has been a constant companion. I have thought it hardly necessary to enumerate all English authors who are of utility for this period, though it may be worth while to point to the running commen- tary furnished by the Annual Register and the Gentle- man's Magazine, both which sprang into existence within its first few years. The harvest stored by Coxe in his Kings of Spain, and in his memoirs of Lord Walpole and Sir E. Walpole, is at once to be admired and grudged by a gleaner in the same field. It was originally intended that this volume should be accompanied by a history of Maria Theresa from another hand. Apart, therefore, from the failure of the English ambassadors' reports, the years succeeding the death of the Emperor Charles VI. have been intention- 1 The second volume appeared in 1891, since the MS. left my hands. I have therefore been able to make but slight use of it. XX INTRODUCTION. ally treated on a slighter scale, inasmuch as the empress queen becomes the more prominent figure in European history. My efforts have accordingly been chiefly limited to pointing out the diversity of the views of the Spanish queen and the French minister with regard to the future of Italy. I must express my sincere gratitude to Miss F. Armstrong, my indus- trious fellow- worker in the Record Office and at Naples, to Mr. H. Brown and Mr. F. D. Swift for the services already mentioned, to Count Ugo Balzani for much valuable information and advice, aud to the Commendatore Capasso for unceasing kindness during researches in the Archivio di Stato at Naples, over which he presides with so much ability. The officials of the Literary Search Room in the Record Office must be weary of hearing that, in attention to their visitors' needs, they set up a model of all that a Public Office should be. November 1, 1890. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction, vii.-xx. CHAPTER I., 1692-1714. Elisabeth's Ancestry Childhood, Early Letters and Education Parma during the War of Succession Prospects and Suitors, . 1-7 CHAPTER II., 1714. Character of Philip V. Influence of Mine, des Ursins Proposals for the King's Ee-marriage Alberoni suggests the Princess of Parma He Wins Mme. des Ursins Elisabeth becomes Queen of Spain Alberoni's advice as to her Future Conduct Growing Jealousy of Mme. des Ursins Elisabeth's Journey to Spain Her Meeting with Alberoni The Chaplain Maggiali The In- terview with Mme. des Ursins Elisabeth Meets her Husband Mme. des Ursins is Expelled from Spain, .... 8-33 CHAPTER III., 1715. Effects of the War of Succession upon Spain Possibilities of Re- organisation Elisabeth's Mastery over her Husband Alberoni's Criticisms upon Elisabeth The Love Affair of Maggiali Arrival of Laura Pescatori Elisabeth's Character and Daily Life Re- lations of Spain to France and to Italy Changes in the Govern- ment The French Court and Alberoni Philip and the French Succession Prospects of War with England Death of Louis XIV., 34-57 CHAPTER IV., 1715-16. Philip and the French Regency Rising Power of Alberoni Influence of the Duke of Parma Elisabeth's Italian Ambitions Condition of Italy Hostility of Spain to the Emperor Prospects of Spanish Intervention in Italy A Spanish Squadron at, Corfu Louville's Mission to Madrid Commercial Treaty with England Treaty of Westminster Reconciliation of Spain and the Papacy, 58-83 xxil TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTEK V., 1717-18. PAGE Arrest of Molines Conquest of Sardinia Its Value to Spam Policy of Lord Stanhope The Triple Alliance Attempts at Mediation Policy of the Regent and of the King of Sicily Alberoni's Reforms His Relations with Russia, Sweden, and Turkey The King's Illness, 84-109 CHAPTER VI., 1718-19. Invasion of Sicily Battle of Cape Passaro Rupture with England, France and the Papacy French Invasion of Spain The Fall of Alberoni, 110-125 CHAPTER VII., 1720-23. fficulties of Peace Proposed Cession of Gibraltar Treaties with England and France The French Marriages French Influence at Madrid Philip's Abdication, 126-337 CHAPTER VIII., 1720-23. Increased Influence of Elisabeth S. Simon's Mission to Spain His Description of the Court Daily Life of the King and Queen Elisabeth's Character Her Unpopularity The Italian Party at Madrid The Spanish Adherents of the Queen, .... 138-158 CHAPTER IX., 1724. Reasons of Philip's Abdication The Royal Retreat at S. Ildefonso Government of King Luis Character of the Young King and Queen Death of Luis Philip and Elisabeth Resume the Government, 159-168 CHAPTER X., 1724-26. "umours of Alberoni's Recall Elisabeth Leans towards an Imperial Alliance Rise of Ripperda His Mission to Vienna The In- fanta's Betrothal Annulled -Breach with France Treaty of Vienna Hostility to France and England Alliance of Hanover The Secret Articles of Vienna Return of Ripperda Intrigues with the Pretender Alliance with Russia Administration of Ripperda His Disgrace, 169-199 CHAPTER XI., 1726-28. Babeth and her Ministers Ascendancy of Konigsegg The King's Confessors Rupture with England Blockade of Porto Bello and Siege of Gibraltar The Spanish Party in France Mission of Montgon to Paris The Preliminaries of Vienna Elisabeth's Hostility to England Convention of the Pardo, .... 200-221 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxin CHAPTER XII., 1728-29. PAGE Congress of Soissons Proposals for Cession of Gibraltar Elisabeth's Disappointment with regard to the Imperial Marriages Her Coolness towards the Court of Vienna Negotiations with France and England Rise of Patifio Treaty of Seville, . 222-239 CHAPTER XIII., 1729-31. Recall of Konigsegg Delay in the Execution of the Treaty of Seville Differences between France and England Spain Hampers English Commerce and Threatens Gibraltar Death of the Duke of Parma Don Carlos' Succession to the Italian Duchies The Second Treaty of Vienna Don Carlos Sails to Italy Elisabeth's Success, 240-258 CHAPTER XIV., 1726-31. Philip's Illness Dangerof his Abdication The Portuguese Marriages The Court in the South of Spain, 259-270 CHAPTER XV., 1732. Don Carlos in Italy Threatened Rupture with the Emperor The Expedition to Oran Diplomatic Struggle between England and France Prospects of Alliance between Spain and France Commercial Disputes with England The Commission of Claims Philip's Malady, 271-294 CHAPTER XVI., 1733-34. The Polish Succession Imperial Administration in Italy Alliance of Spain and France Treaty of the Escurial Alliance of France and Sardinia Treaty of Turin Ill-feeling between Spain and Sardinia Conquest of Naples and Sicily by Don Carlos Siege of Mantua The Preliminaries of Vienna, ..... 295-306 CHAPTER XVII., 1733-35. Diplomacy during the War Separate Negotiations of Spain with the Emperor Preliminaries of Vienna between the Emperor and France Indignation of the Spanish Court Rupture with the Pope and with Portugal Autocracy of Elisabeth Administra- tion of Patifio, 307-326 CHAPTER XVIII., 1736-37. Spain Assents to the Preliminaries of Vienna Death of Patifio Ministry of La Quadra Advances towards England The Court at S. Ildefonso Arrival of Farinclli Betrothal of Don Carlos to Maria Amelia of Saxony, 327-344 xxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIX., 1738-39. PAOE Commercial Relations with England Colonial Activity of Spain Agitation in England The Right of Search The Convention respecting Claims Its Rejection by the Opposition in England Declaration of War The Spanish-French Marriages Aversion of Spaniards to the Rupture with England Events of the War The Policy of Fleury and the Opinions of D'Argenson, . . 34-5-300 CHAPTEK XX., 1740-46. Death of the Emperor Charles VI. Claims of Philip and Elisabeth War of Austrian Succession The Spaniards in Italy Effects of Fleury's Death upon the War Treaty of Worms Family Compact of Fontainebleau Gallo-Spanish Campaigns in Italy Disaccord between French and Spanish Courts Vaur^al's Embassy to Madrid His Character of Elisabeth D'Argenson's Policy in Italy Separate Convention between France and Sar- dinia Indignation in Spain Mission of Noailles Death of Philip V., 361-387 CHAPTER XXI., 1746-66. Accession of Ferdinand VI. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle Parma and Piacenza are awarded to Don Philip Elisabeth's Retirement at S. lldefouso Her Intrigues at the French and Spanish Courts Death of Ferdinand VI. Elisabeth's Regency Arrival of Charles III. in Spain Final Withdrawal of Elisabeth from Court Her Death, 388-390 CONCLUSION. Estimate of the Historical Importance of Elisabeth's Career, . . 397-399 ELISABETH FARNESE. CHAPTEK I. 1692-1714. ELISABETH'S ANCESTEY CHILDHOOD, EARLY LETTERS AND EDUCATION PARMA DURING THE WAR OF SUCCESSION PROSPECTS AND SUITORS. ILLUSTRIOUS blood flowed in the veins of Elisabeth Farnese, for Europe's highest dignitaries, both spiritual and temporal, had contributed to her existence. She was the descendant of the last European emperor and the last Renaissance pope. But the fount heads of the race were not unpolluted. The Farnesi owed their fortunes to the marriage of a bastard daughter of Charles V. to a son of the bastard of Paul III. Their territory of Parma and Piacenza had been in its origin, and had again latterly become, a buffer state between Papacy and Empire. It was indeed recognised as a Papal fief, but it had been detached from that group of municipalities, which had been crystallised into a state under the rule of the Dukes of Milan. It was therefore always liable to the revival of imperial claims. Alexander of Parma had alone, perhaps, personally added lustre to the family. The race had been chiefly remarkable for its domestic tragedies ; and in later days for its abnormal fatness and its peculiar marriages. Elisabeth's grandfather had married two sister princesses of Modena ; her mother 2 ELISABETH'S ANCESTRY. wedded two brother princes of Parma. The arguments for marriage with a .deceased wife's sister were equally applic- able to union with a dead husband's brother. The future Queen of Spain was the child of the first of these two husbands, Odoardo, eldest son of Duke Banuccio II. Her mother was Dorothea Sophia, daughter of Philip William, Elector Palatine, and sister of the widowed queen of Charles II. of Spain, and of the mother of the Emperors Joseph and Charles. The child was born on October 25, 1692, and was chris- tened Elisabetta. In the following year her little brother was buried from his cradle, and within a short space she also lost her father. " He ceased to live," writes Poggiali, the historian of Piacenza, " on the morning of September 6, stifled so to speak by his own weight, and suffocated by his extraordinary fatness. He was bewailed by all and especially by his wife, who loved him with a depth and tender- ness uncommon in any class, and certainly not easily to be found in princely married life." S. Simon's description of his daughter's more pleasing traits recalls the father's character as related to Poggiali by one who knew him intimately. He possessed gifts which were in the highest degree calculated to win hearts. Among these were a peculiar friendliness in general intercourse, and a ready wit. He was marvellously sprightly in his jokes and repartees. Little as is known of Elisabeth's early life, the short accounts of the Court of Parma throw light upon her future character. She seems to have combined some of the characteristics of all her near relatives. The great Duke Ranuccio died when she was two years old, but his name must have been a household word throughout her girlhood. He too was bright and fond of amusement, devoted to music and the theatre, never weary of welcome to actors and musicians. Yet he was untainted by the irreligion and impropriety of his age. No word that was immodest or profane was heard upon the boards at Parma. It may have been from him that his grand-daughter inherited her boasted EARLY LETTERS. 3 propriety, her passion for building, her interest in manu- factures, and her patronage of religious orders. Ranuccio was regarded as the ideal Padre di Famiglia. His son Francesco on his succession was barely seventeen, but was serious and old for his age. In 1696 he married his brother's widow, who was eight years his senior. The wedding was naturally quiet. It was thought a pity that Dorothea, with her influential relations and her substantial dowry, should leave the family. It was hoped that she would give an heir to the Farnesi ; but, notwithstanding the aid of the baths of S. Maurizio, she lived with her husband thirty years and was childless. The duchess was a lady of religious tendencies and serious tastes. The duke was eager to propitiate her ; for she shared with her sister of Spain an unrivalled and un- tiring capacity for nagging. Her temper, moreover, was not reliable ; and in later years, during the stormy negotiations for succession to the duchy, Benjamin Keene speaks of her as proving herself to be the genuine mother of her daughter. Strained relations between girls and their mothers are not peculiar to the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Elisa- beth entertained for the duchess, at most, a decorous regard. During her early years in Spain, the Duke of Parma con- stantly entreated Alberoni, his envoy at Madrid, to induce the queen to write more often to her mother and to resist the temptation of what schoolboys call a score. For her step-father Elisabeth had a constant and unbounded affec- tion, which was not without its influence upon European politics. Alberoni more than once says that he was the only living person for whom she cared. She would ask him to show her a miniature of the duke which he possessed, and her eyes would fill with tears. It was he that received and preserved the little girl's childish letters, from which the sand still falls which she had sprinkled. Her first literary effort is dated December 12, 1698, when she was six years old. A heroine's first letter is perhaps always worth transcribing, even if the composition be not quite original. 4 EDUCATION. " My Most Serene Lord and most respected uncle, " I cannot better employ the first fruits of my pen than in wishing your Highness happiness at the Holy Christmas- tide. May it please your Highness to accept my duty and to give me the proof of it by presenting me with many op- portunities of serving you, professing myself to be your Highness' " Most affectionate niece and servant, "ELISABETTA FARNESE. " Parma, December 12, 1698." * It is gratifying to find that such Christmas letters were more substantially acknowledged by the tender-hearted uncle. Two years later the child's style is more natural,. and it is she that has a gift to offer to her uncle. ' ' My Most Serene Lord and most respected uncle, " To give your Highness a proof of my respect, I present your Highness with one of my teeth, as being the dearest part of myself, begging your Highness to give in exchange for the gift the favour of your commands, and to believe me your Highness' "Most affectionate niece and servant, " ELISABETTA FARNESE. ' ' Parma, July 6, 1700." 2 Elisabeth's handwriting in early youth was peculiarly clear and legible, but deteriorated in after-life. The question of her intellectual attainments is somewhat difficult. Pog- giali eulogises the sprightliness of her intellect and the extra- ordinary directness of her thought. She could speak and write Latin, French, and German. After studying grammar,, rhetoric, philosophy, and the use of the globes, she would spend many hours a day over her books, religious, historical or biographical. Her step-father speaks of her great abilities 1 Arch. Nap., C. F. 3G1. - Hid. THE WAR OF SUCCESSION. 5 in his confidential letters to Alberoni. It is possible, how- ever, that she was over-educated, for the latter complains of her indolence and lack of interests. S. Simon's evidence on this point is perhaps conclusive. Her education he repre- sents as being that of a pensionnaire from an inferior pension ; she possessed no intellectual tastes and never acquired them. She resembled the schoolboy who knew nothing and never wanted to know more. Her reading in after-life was limited to religious books. Her total ignorance of politics was of great disadvantage to her throughout her career, and she lacked the industry to acquire a knowledge of the details of government. Great pains, however, had been bestowed upon accomplishments. She had been most fortunate in her dancing master, a Frenchman ; she had been taught paint- ing by Pierantonio Avanzini. Music was always a delight to her ; but her favourite employment was embroidery. The girl was strictly brought up, confined, says S. Simon, to an attic in the palace of Parma. It would be pleasant to connect her early years with the villa in the sleepy, old- fashioned garden across the river, dear to the tourist tired with Correggio and Toschi. The enlargement of this villa into a palace was due to a later date, and the Court seems more often to have resided at Piacenza, in the great, square, red palace just beyond the town, now redolent with bar- rack smells and strident with neophyte buglers, its stately gardens trampled into dust by the goose-step of generations of recruits. In Italy a "military centre" is the monoto- nous modern fate of the great royal arid religious houses of the past. With the accession of Francesco and the outbreak of the War of Spanish Succession, Court life became less gay if more eventful. The musicians and buffoons were discharged, the ducal revenues, or such as were left after imperial exactions, were lavished on blue uniforms for the Irish Horse Guards and on visits of ceremony to the princes and generals who were brought by the war to Italy. Among these was Elisabeth's future husband, who, in April, 1702, invited her step-father to half-an-hour at cards. Shortly before her C THE WAR OF SUCCESSION. marriage she must have danced with another relation of the future, Frederick Augustus of Saxony, who was entertained at a splendid ball, that being his favourite pastime. It was noticed that though still a Protestant he was accompanied by able instructors in the true faith. The towns of Parma and Piacenza were saved from the worst horrors of war partly by the prudent hedging of their duke, partly by the protection afforded by the Papal stan- dards. Yet the French and imperial armies were constantly marching through the territory and lived at free quarters on the inhabitants. Italy did not at first sight appreciate her modern ally, the Pomeranian grenadier. In 1711 the duchy groaned beneath 6000 Prussian soldiers, to whom quarters were assigned by the uncompromising Daun. These, writes Poggiali, were "the most turbulent, undisciplined, and bestial people that Italy had seen for a long time, loathed to the last degree by the Italians, who had fatal experience of their licentiousness and barbarism". 1 Shortly before this event, during a quarrel between Church and Empire, the duke was ordered to receive the investiture of his dominions as an imperial fief, an appurten- ance of the Duchy of Milan. A peace was patched up be- tween the litigants, and the matter was referred to a sleeping commission, to become in after years a subject of no slight importance to Elisabeth Farnese. Notwithstanding the duke's game of cards with Philip of Anjou, he was ultimately forced to take the imperial side, and all intercourse was sus- pended between the Courts of Spain and Parma. Alberoni, however, represented to Philip that the duke was acting under the immediate compulsion of the German soldiery and against his will, and the Spanish charge d'affaires was suffered to remain at Parma, though without official character. It was for this service that Alberoni received the title of count. The fact is of moment, as showing his belief in anti-Austrian sympathies in Italy, on which his future policy was based. The young princess also, notwithstanding her 1 Poggiali, x. 264. ELISABETH'S SUITORS. 7 imperial connections, must have longed for the liberation of Italy from the barbarian, and many of her future diatribes are the echo of these early troubles. Sickness followed in the wake of war. Elisabeth escaped the plague, but was attacked by small-pox of so virulent a type that, notwithstanding her strong constitution, she ran grave peril of death, and her face remained notably scarred. The malady which marred her beauty went nigh to mar her matrimonial prospects. But she was not void of substantial attractions, and, therefore, not without her suitors. Her uncle Antonio was developing the family fatness in celibate comfort. Steps had been taken to induce the Pope to pro- vide for succession to the duchy in the female line, and there were prospects slightly more remote of the reversion of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. The Prince of Piedmont and her cousin, the heir of the Duke of Modena, were said to be both negotiating for her hand. Had the former match been realised much future history might have been forestalled. A marriage seems at one time to have been actually arranged with the Prince Pio della Mirandola, a collateral descendant of the Phoenix Pico. The prince, however, might well be regarded as a detrimental, for he had been robbed of his principality by the Austrian Government, and was a mere officer in Spanish service. For him Elisabeth always enter- tained a warm regard, which she generously extended to his wife. More need not be said of the early life of the young princess, before the King of Spain's unexpected proposal was disclosed to her in her twenty-second year. CHAPTEE II. 1714. CHARACTER OF PHILIP V. INFLUENCE OF MMK. DES URSINS PROPOSALS FOR THE KING'S RE-MARRIAGE ALBERONI SUGGESTS THE PRINCESS OF PARMA HE WINS MME. DBS URSINS ELISABETH BECOMES QUEEN OF SPAIN ALBERONl'S ADVICE AS TO HER FUTURE CONDUCT GROWING JEALOUSY OF MME. DES URSINS ELISABETH'S JOURNEY TO SPAIN HER MEETING WITH ALBERONI THE CHAPLAIN MAGGIALI THE INTERVIEW WITH MME. DES URSINS ELISABETH MEETS HER HUSBAND MME. DES URSINS IS EXPELLED FROM SPAIN. PHILIP V. had won his kingdom at the cost of his brave Savoyard queen. Peace came too late to save the poor little warrior. Danger and fatigue and the exigencies of the'most affectionate and least considerate of husbands had worn out a system naturally frail. She died on February 14, 1714, in her twenty-sixth year. Yet she had lived too long. Her subservience to Mine, des Ursins had cooled the enthusiasm of the Spaniards. She had spent herself for Spain, and was said to be ready to sell Spain to Savoy. She was more regretted at Paris than Madrid. The story is told that as her remains were being carried to the Escurial the procession passed near Philip and his hunt. He followed the funeral train with his eyes until it was out of sight, and then turned to pursue the chase. Well might S. Simon believe that princes are not made like other folk. The king was ex- tremely touched, " mais un peu a la royale ". (8) INFLUENCE OF M* 1 *- DES URSINS. 9 Philip's re-marriage became at once the subject of European speculation. It occurred to no one that, as the king had three sons, the alternative of widowerhood was open to him and that an immediate marriage was neither necessary nor decent. It was accepted on all sides that a wife must be found, and that at once. On this head his doctor and his confessor were at accord with the man in the street. The subject is not savoury, but even biography must at times surrender the impressionist standard and capitulate to realism. Upon Philip's uxorious proclivities depends the story of Elisabeth Farnese and the history of Europe for many years. His contemporaries marked with wonder that the grandson of the great king could be content with nothing less than marriage. His conscience was unconvinced by his grandfather's example that the strictest principles may be mitigated by a somewhat easy practice. Philip combined with a character incredibly sensuous a conscience abnormally scrupulous. This combination was the tragedy of his life and of that of others. His first separation from his wife during his Italian campaign had caused those black vapours which modern medical men would dub hysteria, and laymen madness. It is a topic at once to be remembered and for- gotten. This much, however, may be said, that Philip's devotion to another was but a form of his self-love ; he loved his queen because he was ill at ease without her. He was by nature the tyrant and the slave of woman. However many wives had died he would have married more, and would have been a model of troublesome attachment to all in turn. Of sentiment there was little, of self-sacrifice none. His affection, as his courage, has been called a mere brute instinct. Yet all honour to a tender conscience in an age of thick-skinned morals ! Philip's peculiarities being well known, the match-making parents of Europe w r ere at once upon the alert. But beati sunt possidentes ; Mme. des Ursins being in full possession seemed likely to be the happy woman of the king's choice. She took him to the Medina Celi Palace and occupied her- self the adjoining house. Spaniards were scandalised by 10 PHILIPS RE-MARRIAGE. seeing a corridor hastily erected on a Sunday between the two buildings. No Spaniards were allowed to see him ; the gentlemen of his bed-chamber loudly complained of their ex- clusion. She appointed " recreators " to watch his move- ments and distract his mind. " I heard from the princess this morning," wrote Alberoni 1 on April 9, "that the king will not go to form the siege of Barcelona. In one word, she is not willing to lose sight of him." 2 Such a marriage seemed not impossible. Philip was the creature of habit, and he had been for years accustomed to obey the princess. In early days he had made Telemaque his ideal, and when he went to Spain the Duchess of Orleans had prophesied that he would soon find his Minerva. The princess had indeed acted as his brain. She was old, but with her back to the light she did not look her years. Her figure was well preserved, her features assisted by the resources of art. Although clever, she was also agreeable. Gossips at Paris said that the mysterious mission of Cardinal del Giudice to Paris was preliminary to the announcement of the marriages of Mme. de Maintenon and her friend to the Kings of France and Spain. 3 But Philip probably had other views. The story may be true that when his confessor told him the news from Paris of his intended marriage he replied: "No, not quite that," and turned brusquely away. As to the inten- tions of the princess, Alberoni was probably correct when he wrote : " This lady governs the king despotically, and will not let him marry unless she sees an absolute necessity, and if she lets him marry it will be with whom she chooses and with whom she believes that her hold on the government will be more secure". 4 Of other candidates there was no lack. 5 The Duke of 1 Alberoni, after the death of his patron Vend6me, resided at Madrid as agent for the Duke of Parma. - Arch. Nap., C. F. 54. 3 Perrone to King of Sicily, July 12, 1714. Eel. Dip. Sav., p. 189. 4 Arch. Nap.,C.F. 54. s Perrone wrote from Paris to the Duke of Savoy, on February 26, that a marriage with a French or Bavarian princess was already discussed. ALBERONI SUGGESTS ELISABETH. 11 Parma was early in the field. In his first letter after the queen's death, he asked his agent to tell him whether the king was inclined to marry again, and if so, what princesses were proposed and what considerations would determine the result. Alberoni replied that from the first instant of the queen's death he had been upon the watch to further with all his ability any inclinations which might seem favourable. He had already descanted on the actual charms and the probable gratitude of his young mistress, and had pressed that a small portrait might immediately be sent by post, and that a larger one should follow. His letters confirm the general truth of Poggiali's anecdote that the first mention of the Princess of Parma was made on the day of the queen's funeral. Mme. des Ursins and Alberoni were watching the procession from a window. They discussed the necessity of marrying the king at once. The princess named almost every suitable parti in Europe, but Alberoni, who had already made his choice, found exception to each in turn ; the new queen must, he said, be quiet and docile, disinclined to in- terfere in government, and incapable of taking umbrage at the authority which the princess enjoyed. Asked where such a princess could be found, the existence of Elisabeth Farnese seemed suddenly to occur to him. He mentioned her name coldly and between his lips, adding that she was a good- natured Lombard girl, fattened on butter and Parmesan cheese, brought up in homely fashion, and had heard no- thing talked about but trimmings, embroidery, and linen. It is to this not very refined remark that Elisabeth, perhaps, owed her fortunes ; Alberoni's own had been due to a yet broader and coarser touch. 1 The precise sequence of events is traced by Alberoni's own hand. The first conversation on the subject was certainly 1 Filippo Bellardi, who in matters relating to Alberoni seems to have curiously detailed information, tells much the same tale, adding that the sentence to this effect was afterwards repeated by the king to his young wife in Alberoni's presence. He states that Philip's marriage was discussed on the day following the queen's death, and that on the ensuing Friday Alberoni proposed Elisabeth Farnese. Sbozzo della vita del Card. Alberoni. Am- brosiana MS., 173 sup. 12 ALBERONI WINS M*- DES URSINS. considerably previous to April 9, and in the last week of July success was assured. The removal of rival candidates was due as much to the jealousy of Mme. des Ursins as to the ability and insinuations of Alberoni. A princess of Portugal was proposed, and this would have pleased the Pan-Iberian sentiments of the Spaniards. But it was understood that she was a young lady who had her own opinions, and it would be moreover impossible to exclude Portuguese servants and favourites from the Court. The daughter of the wid- owed Queen of Poland offered insufficient advantages, and was debarred by her relationship to the royal house of France. Extreme jealousy of French influence proved an obstacle to the prospects of Mile, de Clermont, sister of the Duke of Bourbon. A most dangerous rival, however, was the daughter of the Elector of Bavaria. Louis XIV. wrote to the duke asking for a description of his daughter. He, naturally, replied that she had a pretty complexion, a most beautiful neck and an excellent education a collocation of characteristics which, mutatis mutandis, recalls the qualifica- tions of an All Souls' fellow in olden days. Mme. des Ursins, however, assured Alberoiii that she was very ugly, and this he capped by informing her, on medical authority, that she was ill-formed and unlikely to bear children. Nevertheless, the Bavarian ambassador, ' ' a most solemn Tyrolese and as sly as the devil," was in constant intercourse with Mme. des Ursins ; and the Spaniards, seeing which way the wind was setting, paid him unremitting attention. The princess, how- ever, assured the Parmesan agent that she could not bear the man. Moreover, she feared that the duke might exchange his dominions for Flanders, which would form a bar to her ambitions. 1 It remained to press the claims of the Princess of Parma. Alberoni felt sure of the support of those who were in closest contact with the king his confessor, his doctor, his first equerry, the Cardinal Giudice. If the matter were discussed at Council, his ally, the Marquis of Bedmar, would carry 1 She was at this time hoping for a principality in the Netherlands as her reward for consenting to the general pacification. ALBERONI WINS MME. UES URSINS. 13 every vote for Elisabeth Farnese. But this general favour among the Spaniards was likely to excite the jealousy of the princess ; and she was king and queen at once : if she could not single-handed make a marriage, she could single-handed mar it. On her, therefore, Alberoiii lavished his attentions. He paid constant visits to the Pardo ; her retinue, when in Madrid, could rely upon a place at Alberoni's table, and rarely left without a present. From the first the princess seemed not disinclined to the choice of Elisabeth. On May 7 Alberoni wrote that she had been questioning him with great curiosity as to the person and accomplishments of the Princess of Parma. " She told me that she had heard that she was red-haired. I replied that the picture which I had at home represented her as having fair hair. She asked if she could dance and whether she knew modern languages. I said that she might feel sure that she possessed both accom- plishments, as I knew that she had had masters from her earliest years, and that her dancing master was a French- man. She asked particularly if the marks left by the small- pox were deep or superficial, and whether they had caused any little uiisightliness. After all this talk, she repeated that she wished to be fully informed for the sake of any emer- gency that might occur, but that I must not draw any con- clusions from it." 1 On another occasion the princess in- quired as to the reversionary claims of the Princess of Parma upon Portugal ; Alberoni replied that he believed that the two claimants w r ere the King of Spain and his mistress, and that the latter was descended from the elder line. But the essential point was to prove that Elisabeth Farnese would serve the ambitions and bow to the authority of Mme. des Ursins. She alone would recognise, urged Alberoni, that she owed her throne to the princess and no other. She alone, in accordance with the most affectionate of hearts and the sweetest of dispositions, would cause the princess to end her days with lustre and respect, with authority and tran- quillity of mind ; she might rest assured that she would I * Arch. Nap., C. F. 54. 14 ELISABETH'S PICTURE. come to Spain unaccompanied, and that the influence of the princess would be undivided ; the Duke of Parma would con- sent to any conditions which she might suggest. On June 25 Alberoni was able to send satisfactory intelligence. " The lady still seems disposed to believe that the Princess of Parma is the one who is likely to suit her own convenience best, and this is the nail on which I hammered at the first and on which I ceaselessly continue to hammer ; for I can assure your Highness that it is useless to introduce any other motive. I have depicted her as a good-natured Lombard girl, devoid of temper, all heart, of a character naturally sweet and manageable just such, in fact, as she desires ; and who, apart from the gratitude which she would owe, would be under the absolute necessity of abandoning herself entirely to her guidance. Your Highness must believe that, with the perfect and intimate knowledge which I possess of the lady's character, I have not neglected to win her by all the means which would gratify her sensibilities and conduce to bringing about a good result ; to do the rest is in God's hands." l At the very last moment Alberoni feared that his pro- ject would be wrecked by the arrival of the French envoy, d'Aubigny, who had great influence over Mme. des Ursins, and might prove a most formidable opponent to the marriage ; for there was no sum big enough to buy him, nor any other means of winning him. Fortunately, the picture of the Italian girl preceded the person of the French nobleman. Yet this was subject to a mishap. The curiosity of the cus- tom-house officials was such that they barbarously tore off the sheets of paper, which had stuck to the picture, and thus removed some of the colour, especially on the face. Such a disaster could not, indeed, alter the noble and majestic air of the physiognomy of the princess, but it marred the effect of the picture. The duke was requested to send one or two more, not through France but by way of Alicante, and the address of the Court of Parma should not appear, for it was 1 Arch. Xap., C. F. 54. ELISABETH BECOMES QUEEN OF SPAIN. 1.5 this that excited suspicion ; the picture might be packed in a box of eatables, for in that case, the custom-house officers would just open it, receive their bribe, and go away. The princess advised butter, rather than oil, as keeping the paper wet and as being less apt to stick. Nevertheless, the " geo- graphical outlines " were found pleasing, and this injured por- trait seemed to complete the success of Alberoni's diplomacy. Alberoni might, however, probably have spared himself the anxiety of the last month. The Prince of Chalais, nephew of Mme. des Ursins, had already been sent to Paris to consult Louis XIV., who gave a somewhat grudging con- sent ; and early in July a Spanish courier was sent direct from Paris to Home, to induce Cardinal Acquaviva to ex- pedite negotiations. The Papacy was by no means loath to regain touch with Spain. Its suzerainty of Parma and Pia- cenza was still threatened by the emperor; a connection between the houses of Bourbon and Farnese would render the fief secure. The cardinal visited Parma on July 30 ; the settlements were drawn, among the clauses being a stringent provision that the queen should bring no attendant into Spain. On September 16 Cardinal Gozzadini, as legatus a latere, performed the marriage ceremony, and afterwards presented the queen with the golden rose. It was intended that she should come by sea to Valentia or Alicante, at one of which ports Mme. des Ursins would meet her. Philip calculated that travelling with ordinary speed she would reach Spain by the middle of October. He was burning with impatience to see his bride ; yet the jealousy of Mme. des Ursins kept him in such subjection that he dared not talk to Alberoni, as much he desired, upon a topic so agree- able. Whenever he could steal an interview, he would ask a thousand questions in undertones about his queen's per- sonal attractions. It was in vain that Alberoni assured him that it was years since he had seen the princess, and referred him to her picture. The correspondence between Alberoni and the Duke of Parma is of extreme interest. Here it is possible to read the riddle of the queen's short and stormy conflict with her 16 JEALOUSY OF MME. fj^S UESINS. would-be mistress, and of her permanent, deliberate domina- tion of the king. At first the abbe is under the old spell: he is ready to cajole and deceive the princess ; but, as yet, he dare not openly resist her. She had no sooner made the match than she repented. Her hand had been forced by the haunting fear that intrigues were on foot at Paris for the king's marriage. Alberoni showed her letters proving the existence of such designs, and persuaded her that delay might be fatal. But he by no means regarded her power as being shaken. " It must be laid down as a fixed point," he wrote on July 30, " that we are under an absolute necessity of resigning ourselves to the lady, for she is most indispen- sable to the queen in many essential matters, until she has acquired knowledge of the king's character and possession of his affections ; of these, I feel sure, she will make herself the mistress very shortly. As for the rest many things are set straight by time. ... It will be well, therefore, at first that the queen should try to please the lady, especially in such matters as might excite her jealousy. But let her remember that non est abbreviata manus Domini ; in a few hours she will render herself mistress of the king's heart, and then, without any stain of ingratitude, she will be able to take her fill of that of which it is both necessary and politic to deprive herself at present." The future, he continued, was with the queen. Every woman in the palace was indeed the creature of the princess, and all the ministers night and day hedged in the king ; yet, let the young queen but come, and she w r ould find men of honour who would make themselves her servants ; and of these in good time the queen would have need. Let her but take good measures, and, with the character which the king possessed, she might make herself the most renowned of queens that had ever sat upon the throne of Spain. The Duke of Parma was urged that it was in the highest degree important that the queen should not allow herself to be prejudiced against the Spaniards, nor to listen to the suggestions of universal distrust which ren- dered the poor dead queen so ill-liked at the close of her reign. Control over the king was represented as a matter of JEALOUSY OF MMS. DES URSINS. 17 necessity, not of choice. " The king wishes to be governed ; the queen will govern him if she will nay, more, she must perforce govern him, otherwise, if she lets him be governed by others in the manner and on the principles actually practised, I repeat plainly that she will be the most un- happy queen that has ever been in Spain ; and your High- ness will have no credit in this Court. Bear in mind that she comes to be the step-mother of three princes, the eldest of whom is extremely high-spirited, and is, by anticipation, the idol of the Spaniard, believed to be their saviour and redeemer from the oppression in which they are held down by the French ministry." a On attention to the Prince of Asturias, he repeated in his next despatch, depended the queen's peace of mind ; she had every opportunity of win- ning the affection of the Spaniards ; they regarded the ex- clusion of her waiting- women as brutal and barbarous ; they complained that every lady-in-waiting was French or Irish, and that measures were already taken to reduce the queen to the condition of the Savoyard ; forgetting, however, the fact that the latter had been brought up from baby- hood by the princess, that diffidence and self-effacement had become a habit, and that she hardly suffered from the unhappy life which she led. With a queen of ripe knowledge and good understanding this would be impossible ; she had but to win her husband the work of a few hours and she would soon reduce the princess to a reasonable and befitting attitude. At present, however, it was necessary to swallow the bitter draught and to make a show of its being sweet and tasty, bearing in mind the maxim : " Regnare est dissimulare ". Patience and dissimulation must be the mainspring of the queen's conduct ; for at least a year she must show herself averse to the business of government. 2 Gradually, however, Alberoni's tone began to alter ; he was forced to realise that even a temporary modus vivendi would be with difficulty attained. Mme. des Ursins was 1 Arch. Nap., C. P. 54, Aug. 6 and 20, 1714. Ibid., Aug. 27, 1714. 18 JEALOUSY OF MM* DES URSINS. busily employed in working out her own destruction. The visit of d'Aubigny had had the anticipated result ; he was strongly opposed to the marriage, and had he come a month sooner it would never have taken place. The princess was in a state of painful agitation. She wished to meet the bride at the port in order to forestall other influences, but she dared not leave the king, who might slip from her con- trol. Women seemed more dangerous than men. She carefully selected the lady who was to receive the queen. The Marquesa d'Aitona was virtuous, but of slender under- standing : "an image who could not articulate two words ". It was to the astonishment of all that Alberoni was allowed to meet the queen. She apparently hoped to rule the queen through him. In her quarrels with Vendome the abbe had contrived to retain her friendship while not surrendering his master's interests. Her irritation, however, was such that she could not control her tongue ; she satirised the princess of the petty Court of Parma, who, to be Queen of Spain, would not discard three wretched servant maids. She gave out that the queen was ugly, and that Alberoni's fair visions had little substance, for her uncle Antonio was about to marry the widow of the Cardinal Medici, and raise up seed to the Farnesi. At table she publicly announced that the king would never again inhabit the palace in which his wife had died, for his love for her was as great as ever, and that he would never have re-married had he been able to live without a wife. The meanness of the preparations made for the queen's reception at Alicante appeared to be intended as a deliberate insult, which the sensitive Spaniards keenly felt. The queen, wrote Alberoni, must console herself with the memory of the magnificence of her marriage feast at Parma. Her retinue would be obliged to bring their own cuisine ashore. " No queen has ever been received in a manner so unbecoming ; she will have to put up with a carriage which was used to convey the late queen in her illness from Sara- gossa to Madrid the cortege of the princess will be very different." 1 Above all, Alberoni feared that he himself had 1 Arch. Nap., C. F. 54, Oct. 21, 1714. ALBERONI'S ADVICE. 19 already incurred jealousy, and that, if access to the queen were denied to him, there was none else to guide her in her difficult path. He thought it essential that she should invent a pretext for staying three or four days at Alicante, for when once the queen had joined the king confidential intercourse was at an end. This indeed would be refused ven to her husband, for Mme. des Ursins had so arranged her apartments that the king and queen could not communicate without her knowledge. In Alberoni's letter of October 21 there is every mark of genuine feeling. It was written from Alicante, whither he had gone to meet the queen, though suffering from fever and quite unfit to travel. " I foresee, as does your Highness, the stumbling-blocks and grave difficulties which the queen will encounter in her wish to provide for the king's honour and the preservation of a monarchy crushed to the ground, because governed for fourteen years past by ruinous people, whose only aim has been to plunder it and to make themselves the tools of those who would destroy it. I know also that the queen has to deal with one of the most knavish women in the world, who has little religious principle, and that all the delicate attentions that the queen may practise will avail nothing, unless she leaves her sole mistress of the government, and is content to live under her in total self-effacement and obedience. I have said on another occasion that the late- poor queen did not dare, until she thought herself dying, to call a confessor in whom she could confide ; and this was, according to her own phrase, the solitary comfort which she ever had throughout her life. I know, moreover, and have told your Highness, that the remedy for troubles so great can only be applied with time, with the greatest caution and skill, and by the adoption of well-considered measures." The one consolation to which the abbe could point was that any resolute act would redound to the queen's popularity and glory. Every- thing depended on the view which Elisabeth might take ; if she believed that the evil could be cured by palliatives she would find that they merely aggravated the disease. She 20 ELISABETH'S JOURNEY TO SPAIN. was urged to make herself clearly understood at the outset, for if he were removed she would be kept in a state of mise- rable ignorance, no one daring to approach her or speak a word to her. During the short stay at Alicante, Alberoni could not hope to give the queen the necessary lights ; the presentation of a large amount of undigested matter would only confuse her brain and depress her spirits. His sugges- tion, therefore, would be made little by little as time and occasion served. " In my first conversation I shall give her Majesty a life-like portrait of the king, who will have no will but that of his wife, or whatever other woman may be near him. I shall describe the weaknesses by which he may be caught, and I shall conclude by telling her the artifices by which the lady has contrived to be the despot, removing every one else from the king's side, and fostering in him a horrible mistrust of his vassals, maintaining herself in authority by placing the government of the whole monarchy in the hands 'of two men, Orri and Macanaz, without ability, without knowledge, void of law and faith and honour, looking only to their own foul interests, while rendering themselves the tools of the limitless ambitions of the lady. As for myself, I see and that not without mature reflection that I am sailing out into the high seas. Everywhere I see rocks ahead and the peril of shipwreck, unless I have to deal with a queen of a great heart ; and even in that case I see that I shall never be free of mental and moral anxiety, and that I shall be en- tangled in the meshes of Court life, repugnant to my nature and to my ideal of retiring after having obtained full know- ledge of its character. All my pains, however, and all my labours, I shall consider well spent if I see the possibility of their contributing to her Majesty's glory, for the situation is such that she may make herself the most glorious and most famous queen that has ever sat upon the throne of Spain." l Elisabeth Farnese never came to Alicante, nor did she meet her husband in October. She left Parma on September 1 Arch. Nap., C. F. 54, Oct. 21, 1714. ELISABETH'S JOURNEY TO SPAIN. 21 ^'2. The Austrian Government was known to be indignant at her marriage, and it was thought judicious to avoid imperial territory. Her step-father, her mother, and the Cardinal Acquaviva accompanied her to Monte Cento Croci, where she was joined by the Princess of Piombino and the Marquis Scotti, both of whom were to play considerable parts in her future life. Hence she crossed the mountains, and reached the sea at the Genoese port of Sestri Levante, whence she took ship to San Pier d'Arena, a suburb of Genoa. This short passage changed her plans, and possibly her fortunes. The weather was stormy, and sea-sickness is no respecter either of brides or queens. She refused to con- tinue her journey by sea, and it was resolved to proceed by land and enter Spain by the Pyrenees. This change of pur- pose was attributed to deep-laid schemes, and to the sugges- tions of the widowed Queen of Spain. But Elisabeth Farnese was not the first nor the last whose plans have been altered by sea-sickness, and Scotfci's bulletins, written from day to day, make it probable that the alleged reason was the real. At Genoa her headache was so distressing that she was sent to bed and kept there, and the doctors thought it dangerous at such a crisis of her life to subject her to further discomfort. Elisabeth's progress along the Riviera and through Southern France was watched with the greatest interest. Here her "retinue was joined by agents from France and Spain, the latter of whom were suspected not without reason to be Mme. des Ursin's spies sent to watch " her first actions and her every breath ". Different accounts, wrote Mme. de Maintenon, reached France from every halting place. The most flattering picture is that of the Prince of Monaco, which singularly confirms the later and more detailed description of S. Simon. " She is of medium height," he wrote to Torcy, " and has a good figure : the face long, rather than oval, much marked with small-pox; there are even some scars, but all that is not disagreeably prominent. Her head is nobly set on her shoulders ; she has blue eyes, 1 which, without being large, are as sparkling as 22 ELISABETH AND THE QUEEN-DOWAGER. can be ; she can say everything with them. The mouth is rather large, beautified by admirable teeth, which are often disclosed by the pleasantest of smiles. Her voice is charm- ing. Her conversation with every one is gracious, and is said to be prompted by the heart. She is passionately fond of music ; sings and paints very prettily ; can ride and hunt ; Spanish is the only language which she does not know. Lombard heart and Florentine head ; her will is extremely strong." 1 The latter characteristic was confirmed from other sources. The head of her household, the Marquis de los Balbazes, could do nothing with her, and declared that it was impossible to make her change her mind when she had once expressed her wishes. The French ambassador, the Duke of S. Aignan, wrote that she had a very determined will and much pride. He believed that it would be possible to govern her ; but, if so, it would only be through servants for whom she might take a fancy. 2 The duke had met her on November 27 bringing the wed- ding presents of the King of France, his miniature, which she at once put on, and, to her great delight, a mother-of- pearl snuff-box, a gift to her at once useful and ornamental. Two days afterwards the queen-dowager met her niece at Pau. The widow of Charles II. lived in exile and in abject poverty at Bayoime ; but the poor are always generous, and she brought as an offering, or, possibly, as an investment, pearls and diamonds and a magnificent carriage. The two queens spent a pleasant twelve days together. They hunted and they danced, they slept in the same room at uncomfor- tably close quarters ; the old queen would sing, while her niece played the clavecin. The political situation was, no doubt, discussed ; and the dowager is not likely to have pressed the claims of Mine, des Ursins, who had induced Philip to refuse his grandfather's request that she should be allowed to return to Spain. She accompanied the queen to S. Jean Pied-de-Port, and, according to the Duke of Parma, 1 Baudrillart, Philippe V., i. 603. 2 Ibid., i. 606. ELISABETH MEETS ALBERONI. 23 would fain have gone further, had not her niece used some skill to break away from her. 1 The young queen was expected to exchange her Italian for her Spanish retinue at S. Jean Pied-de-Port, but she flatly refused to do so, and continued her journey by ex- tremely slow stages to Pamplona. It was already clear that a storm was brewing, and the Spaniards were eagerly antici- pating the downfall of the French ministry. It was not only Mme. des Ursins that felt alarm at this deliberate neglect of the king's wishes. Alberoni defended the queen in public, but confided his anxieties to the Duke of Parma. He re- presented that the immoderate length of the visit to the queen-dowager showed little regard for a king so desirous of seeing his bride ; and the friendship with a person of her character, who had shown no affection for her husband and who had always deceived him and humiliated him in his subjects' eyes, was regarded as disastrous to Philip's interests. The public were ridiculing the young queen's in- dolence, seeing her start on her journey at mid-day, halt for dinner two hours afterwards, and arrive at her quarters two hours before midnight, and that on bad and dangerous roads. If the king were capable of entertaining bad impressions, such reports might strike home, were the queen to continue her present mode of life, rising at mid-day, dining at 3 p.m., and going to bed at 2 a.m. ; it w T ould be a proof of unwilling- ness to conform to the king's tastes, for he was accustomed to dine at mid-day, then to devote himself to his favourite occupation of hunting, to sup early and retire at 10'30 p.m., 1 Elisabeth Farnese has been criticised for not allowing her aunt to return to Spain. Leave was more than once granted, and, according to the custom, certain towns were assigned as a residence. But she was never satisfied with the suggestions of others, and was one of those unhappy, middle-aged ladies whom nobody wants. Each relation would gladly foist her upon another. Between Elisabeth, her mother, and her aunt there was much acrimonious correspondence upon the subject, and the Duke of Parma is pathetic in his terror at her design of retiring to his capital. The widow of Charles II. had not borne a good name in Spain ; and she seems ultimately to have consoled her- self by marrying secretly a French commercial traveller. Yet she was a kindly soul and a hospitable, thoughtfully entertaining S. Simon with the fish dinners for which he had vainly craved in Spain. 24 THE CHAPLAIN MAGGIALI. in order to be able to rise early next day. The king was by nature a most affectionate husband, yet he was mistrustful, and, at times, if he got an idea into his head, extremely obstinate ; he was indolent, averse to business of any kind, and, therefore, inclined to leave everything to his ministry ; yet he was jealous of his authority and resented the idea that he was governed. Alberoiii's anxiety reached its culminat- ing point on his introduction to the queen. He had hoped to be at once admitted into her most intimate confidence, but she received him with extreme coldness ; she had evi- dently conceived the strongest prejudice against him. 1 He discovered that he had been represented as the dme damnte of Mine, des Ursins. The secret of the queen's extraordinary conduct was only confided to her step-father after her marriage, and has since been discreetly kept. She was naturally unwilling to exchange her Italian for her Spanish household. She would cling until the last moment to the ladies and the servants whom she had known from her childhood. But there was more than this. The journey from Genoa was responsible for the one flirtation of the queen's life ; it was only natural that she should defer its termination. It is a mistake to believe that the cult of the curate is confined to Protestant circles. The young ecclesiastic has his charms whatever be his creed. One Maggiali has been attached to the queen's retinue as chaplain. He was a vain and empty-headed per- son, with a tendency to brag of his bonnes fortunes. But solidity and reticence are not the avenues to a girl's heart, whither there is little doubt that the vapid chaplain found his way. It was to this that the Princess Piombino and the Marquis de los Balbazes attributed the queen's delay. The four hours before mid-day which the queen spent in bed were occupied in "chattering" with Maggiali. The Countess So- maglia, a mutual friend, kept the door, and from time to 1 Alberoni's appearance was not prepossessing, for he was short and round and had an enormous head and face. On further acquaintance it was realised that he had a noble glance, while his conversation was sparkling and there was irresistible witchery in his voice. THE INTERVIEW WITH M**- DES URSINS. 25 time the " old, and stolid " Camilla was seen to pass in and out. The consequences might be disastrous. The first equerry, the Marquis of Santa Cruz, .had observed the intimacy, and he was a notorious gossip. Alberoni, how- ever, was not the man to be excluded by a chaplain. He represented to the Marquis Scotti that his reception showed little consideration for the duke, their common master. Alberoni well knew the soft spot in the queen's heart her step-father was still dearer than her chaplain, and his reception on the following day was cordial and con- fidential. From this moment to his fall the queen's life is well-nigh absorbed in that of Alberoni. From Pamplona the queen and her new suite pressed more rapidly forward, and at 8 p.m. on December 23 arrived at the little township of Jadraque. Philip had remained hard by at Guadalajara. Mme. des Ursins had left him to receive her mistress in her capacity as chief lady-in-waiting. There is little doubt that she intended to master the young queen before she could influence her husband. The princess was at supper when the queen arrived ; she left the table and their meeting took place upon the stairs. The sequel has remained one of the mysteries of history. The queen called in a loud voice for her captain of the guards and ordered him to remove that mad woman. She is said even with her own hands to have pushed the princess through the door. As by magic a coach and an escort of horse guards appeared, and the old princess was sent off across the winter snows of the bleakest, most desolate uplands of Europe, in full Court dress, without a cloak, without a change of linen, without those creature comforts with which the humblest traveller was provided in a country where inns could furnish neither food nor bedding. The princess had been for years the absolute mistress of Spain. She had bearded and beaten the great French king himself. Single-handed she had delayed, the conclusion of the Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt because her private interests were not sufficiently consulted. Her total rout at the first encounter by an untried girl fresh from school, whom she 26 THE INTERVIEW WITH MME. T)ES URSINS. herself bad drawn from the privacy of a petty Italian Court, was a European sensation of the first magnitude. A new actress had stepped upon the stage, the pensionnaire of Parma had made her first appearance in the character of the termagant of Spain. It is important, therefore, that it should be ascertained whether the queen's action was due to temper or to deliberate design, how far she acted on her own impulse, and how far she was prompted by other enemies of the princess. Every detail of the quarrel was differently de- scribed. It was not even determined whether the queen or the princess arrived first, whether the latter descended the stairs or awaited her mistress on the landing, whether the first words were cordial or the reverse, whether the offensive was taken by the older or the younger woman. Nobody in Europe believed that the untrained girl acted on her own responsibility. The rapidity, the clumsiness, the causeless- ness, and the efficacy of this querelle d'allemagne all pointed to pre-arrangement. S. Simon attributed it to the influence of the French king, offended at the princess's supposed ambi- tion toward the throne, and by the secrecy and independence with which Philip's marriage had been arranged. It was, in fact, but the second volume to the story of Mme. des Ursins' first expulsion from Spain. Now, as then, Philip could not be trusted to be present ; he knew the scheme and accepted the result ; he even gave such written orders as were necessary. This alone, thinks S. Simon, would explain the indifference with which he heard the event, and the im- perturbable calm with which Elisabeth advanced to meet her husband. But it is certain that both French and Spanish kings were taken by surprise. Neither knew whether the other were concerned in the princess's fall, which both un- doubtedly at first regretted. Louis XIV., when asked whether Philip's consent had been obtained, coldly replied : " I hope so ". In his first letter to his grandson he wrote : " I confess that, knowing the zeal of the Princess des Ursins for you and your confidence in her, I cannot but deplore her misfortune in incurring so rapidly the queen's displeasure ". Philip, on hearing the news, ordered the princess's carriage THE INTERVIEW WITH M.MS. DES URSINS. 27 to be stopped, and wrote to her that he had heard, with as much astonishment as pain, all that had passed between the queen and herself ; he begged her to have patience and to rely that he would do everything in his power to heal the breach. She might rely entirely on his esteem and friendship. With more reason, both in Italy and at Paris, the queen's action was ascribed to the promptings of the queen- dowager and the Cardinal Giudice. The latter had been quite recently disgraced, and, being forbidden to return to Spain, was at this moment residing at Bayonne. Both were personally interested in the disgrace of the princess ; to both it probably implied return to Spain and to political influence. The dowager, it was believed, had persuaded her niece to make a pretext for the change of route, and it was between Pau and S. Jean Pied-de-Port that the scheme assumed shape. It is extremely probable that the queen-dowager did indeed urge the downfall of the princess upon willing ears, and there is no question that Elisabeth arrived at Pam- plona with strong feelings against her would-be ruler. The idea that Alberoni was a creature of the princess caused, as has been seen, his cold reception. S. Simon heard in after years from the Duchess of S. Pierre, the queen's intimate friend, that Elisabeth confessed to having gone to Jadraque with the fixed idea of dismissing the princess, but that the words to which she gave utterance were the first that came into her head. But the prime mover in the affair was neither king nor queen nor cardinal, but the watchful agent of the Duke of Parma. Alberoni's private letters to his master make it certain that he planned every detail of the scheme. These letters were written immediately after the event. He enclosed a letter from the queen which would have corrected his statements had they been false. He had long pressed upon the duke the necessity of patience and delay ; in this policy the duke had fully concurred ; the letters, therefore, contained an apology for a change of plan, which he feared might not find favour. In his first letter he briefly stated the events, and expressed a fear that his 28 THE INTERVIEW WITH MME. DES URSINS. master would conceive. the queen's action to be too bold and perilous, but that it was, in fact, the sole remedy for her trouble, and that he had the consolation of seeing her released from misery. When the journey was over he wrote more fully. 1 He recapitulated the offences of the princess. She had publicly described the queen as thin-necked and con- sumptive, had dwelt upon the king's abiding love for his late wife, and on the necessity of excluding the new queen from any share in government. She savagely criticised the slowness of the queen's journey, saying that it would serve her right if the king left her for three months at Guadalajara without seeing her. She surrounded the queen with spies. She wrote to the governors of Beam and Languedoc asking for a schedule of the thefts of the queen's Italian retinue ; and when the Princess of Piombino's evidence was adduced she said that she had always been the protectress of bad charac- ters. The king had been deliberately prejudiced against his bride ; he had been persuaded that the queen would blindly follow the interests of Rome. Every measure had been taken to deprive her of all succour, human and divine. Above all, Alberoni was to be excluded from the queen's presence. The secretary, Grimaldo, without the knowledge of the princess, had imparted the king's wish that the queen should join him on Christmas Eve. This arrangement Mme. des Ursins attempted to upset ; the queen, she urged, would require more time to dress herself as became her, and to rest after her fatigue. It was pre-arranged between the queen and Alberoni that the princess should be kindly and cordially received, and that every effort should be made to gain time and avoid a public rupture. Alberoni reached Jadraque three hours before the queen, and found the princess quite unable to control herself. She broke out into reproaches at the queen's resolution of proceeding to Guada- lajara in her present ridiculous costume; it was like a country wench to ride post haste to find a husband. All the queen's actions were absurd, and even her unladylike " l Arch. Nap.,C. F. 54, Dec. 31, 1714. THE INTERVIEW WITH M^s. Z)ES URSINS. 29 appetite showed the lightness of her character and the poverty of her intellect. Alberoni, feeling certain that the princess would forget herself in the queen's presence, then ordered two officers of the guards to be ready at the door in case the queen should have need of their services. The queen at length arrived. The princess only advanced to the middle of the stairs, but was received with the greatest dis- tinction and kindness with some sacrifice, indeed, as by- standers thought, of royal dignity. Scarcely had they entered the room when the princess burst into abuse, and in some measure into threats, thinking perhaps that she would do well to intimidate the young queen, who, however, was compelled to show her just resentment in defence of her own honour and that of the king outraged in her person. Yet more conclusive, however, is Alberoni's final letter 1 on the subject, which proves that the queen's resolution was taken only shortly before the event, and that the time and manner of its execution were due entirely to his suggestion. " I fully believed," he wrote, " as does the queen, that at the first news your Highness must have been much surprised ; but, pray, do not cease to be convinced that on this one stroke depended the entire salvation of the queen. Your Highness was not wrong in supposing that the resolution was not only taken with my acquiescence but at my suggestion, as will be seen. But without the express command of your Highness and that of the queen I should never have made such a con- fession, being most anxious that all the good results of this measure should be attributed to her, that she should receive the glory and the applause, and that the idea should gain ground, so necessary especially at the outset, that her actions are neither suggested nor directed by any one." After dwelling on the increasing jealousy of the princess, he continued that he believed that she would forget her duty, and, intoxicated with her absolute authority over the weak mind of the king, would probably at the first meeting act with an air of insolent authority, for the express purpose of intimidating 1 Arch. Nap. , C. P. 58, Feb. 3, 1715. 30 THE INTERVIEW WITH MME. DBS URSINS. the young bride. This would give a plausible pretext for executing the resolution at which he had arrived after mature reflection, and which alone, he believed, would give security to the queen's life. At Pamplona he had two interviews with the queen, the second of which lasted for nearly four hours. From the moment of leaving Pamplona, until the last halt before Jadraque, he was closeted for four hours with the queen every evening. At dinner next morn- ing she would prettily remark that, as she could not go to bed early, she made Alberoni the victim of her late habits. Two consecutive evenings he went resolved to divulge his proposal, but his courage failed him. Finally, with God's help, the evening before arriving at Jadraque, which they both regarded as their last interview, he unburdened his mind. The queen was sitting near a little table, and he, kneeling on one knee and leaning on the table for support, told her his tale with his eyes filled with tears. In their many long interviews, he said, he had represented to her the hell that gaped before her ; he had shown her the rocks, the hurricanes, the inevitable shipwreck. Remedial measures were useless ; there was but one specific, which he had not yet dared to propose, and she would probably regard as violent and fraught w r ith danger. " All that you tell me I have seen to be true," she replied ; " but you are quite at liberty to say all that you please without fear that it will frighten me or confuse my brain." Alberoni then advised that, at the first opening which the princess's rudeness was certain to give, the queen should reprove her for an insolent message delivered by her relative Count d'Albert. Meanwhile he would stay by the door talking on casual topics to two officers of the guards who were his friends. The household of the princess should be secured, the postmaster ordered to grant no horses, and no one allowed to pass along the road to Guadalajara. He then drafted the letter for the king and the order for the captain of the guard, that the queen might at once write it out with her own hand when the occasion came, as indeed she subsequently did, with a dignity and presence of mind that delighted every one. The queen THE INTERVIEW WITH MMS. DEB URSINS. 31 looked the abbe straight in the eyes, and replied that his proposal was certainly bold, but that she believed her salva- tion to depend upon its execution. She asked how the king would take it. He replied that he expected her to raise this difficulty, but that his perfect knowledge of the king's cha- racter was the sole foundation and express motive for the proposal of such an expedient. She might rest assured that the king would approve the act when done, but not if it were previously communicated to him. To make him fail to approve it would require God's help to change his whole nature. The queen retired to bed, promising to give the matter full thought. Early in the morning before starting for Jadraque he appeared at her bedside. She roused her- self, and said : " Well, now, I will tell you that I have not slept all night ; but I am unchangeably resolved to carry out all the measures upon which we agreed last night. Let us both commend ourselves to the Lord God that He may assist us in our enterprise." Her resolution was not taken lightly nor in hot haste, but with a full realisation of the difficulties and on mature reflection. In proof of this, she afterwards confessed to him that all that night and the following day she had need of all the spirit that she could command to beat down the difficulties that constantly kept occurring to her thoughts. This recital bears every stamp of truth, and is confirmed by the first and most accurate information which reached Torcy at Paris, and which was communicated by the Duke of Savoy's agent to his master. Much sympathy has naturally been expended upon the disgraced princess in her cold and miserable drive, but some is also due to the young girl, who for a whole night and day was pondering over a step which no one in Europe had yet had the courage to take, but on which her future happiness alone depended. It was not so easy to play the termagant to a Mme. des Ursins. That victory remained with the younger woman is not marvellous. The young are more violent, wrote Machiavelli, and fortune favours violence. Young girls have not unfrequently a direct and deadly thrust which breaks down the guard of 32 MMB. DES URSINS IS EXPELLED FROM SPAIN. more experienced fencers. It is, moreover, no slight advan- tage to have two officers of the guards outside the door and a troop of horse prepared to saddle in the courtyard. Alberoni was correct in his estimate of the king's character. He set off in person at midnight for Alcala, bear- ing a letter from the queen, and in a long and lively inter- view persuaded Philip that he must approve and support the queen's action. He even extracted a letter expressing the royal satisfaction. But no sooner had Alberoni left the room than Orri and the confessor entered, and persuaded him that it was rash to allow such independence in a queen scarcely yet upon the throne, and orders were despatched to stop Mme. des Ursins' carriage. But for Alberoni's representa- tions the princess would have been ordered to return. On the following day, Christmas Eve, the queen arrived at Guadalajara towards 3 p.m. She alighted amid loud cheers at the palace of the Duke of Infantado. She ran up the steps with surprising agility, and at the door of the first room recognised the king. She fell on her knees and kissed his hand. He raised her up, and strained her tenderly to his breast. He then kissed her, and led her by her left hand into the great hall, where the religious functions were cele- brated by the Patriarch of the Indies. Even at this supreme moment of her life Elisabeth did not forget Alberoni's lesson. She welcomed the Prince of Asturias with all the affection of a mother. But the king was impatient to be alone with his bride. The part which she had rehearsed with the abbe was not yet played out, and the result of this first interview with her husband was an order that the prin- cess should continue her journey into France. As she passed the mountains the Pyrenees recovered their existence, ; and Spain and France were separate. A curiously graphic account of the scene at Jadraque is given in the MS. of Bellardi. He is in full accord with Alberoni as to his first interview with Elisabeth, and as to her treating him as the anima damnata of the princess, adding that the widowed queen had not been sparing in her abuse of Mme. des Ursins. Alberoni, after suggesting that if the princess was disagreeable the king would get rid of her, reached Jadraque three hours before the queen. URSINS IS EXPELLED FROM SPAIN. 33 "Well!" cried the princess, "when is the queen going to arrive ? . . . She treats the king very cavalierly, making him wait like this, tramping by night like a prostitute. . . . You represented her to me as a heroine, but upon my word she is a poor creature, from her appetite downwards. I am told that she eats nothing but garlic and hard-boiled eggs." Pretending to have swollen legs, the princess stood at the top of the stairs, without descending a step. She led the queen into her room, while Alberoni listened at the door, and said: "You have treated the king, madame, very cavalierly, for you have shown little attention to his impatient desire to see you ". Then taking the queen by the waist, and turning her round like a marionette, she said : " My word, madame, you are very badly made ". Then the queen, without answering a word, cried out indignantly : " Count Alberoni, take this mad woman away ". The prin- cess left the room in astonishment, and Alberoni, in silence, accompanied her to her chamber, and stationed sentinels there, as also over the Princess Piombino, ordering the officer not to allow any one to approach either lady. When the princess received orders to prepare to leave, she refused to do so without the king's order, whereupon it was explained that force would be used. Ambrosiana, 173 sup. CHAPTER III. 1715. EFFECTS OF THE WAR OF SUCCESSION UPON SPAIN POSSI- BILITIES OF REORGANISATION ELISABETH'S MASTERY OVER HER HUSBAND ALBERONl'S CRITICISMS UPON ELISABETH THE LOVE AFFAIR OF MAGGIALI ARRIVAL OF LAURA ;PESCATORI ELISABETH'S CHARACTER AND DAILY LIFE RELATIONS OF SPAIN TO FRANCE AND TO ITALY CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT THE FRENCH COURT AND ALBERONI PHILIP AND THE FRENCH SUC- CESSION PROSPECTS OF WAR WITH ENGLAND DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. ELISABETH was in after-life credited with restless energy and unlimited ambition. The condition of Spain and of Europe offered ample material for the enterprise of such a character. Spain seemed to wait for the artist's hand to mould her. Institutions, privileges, local distinctions, had been levelled by war and by fourteen years of French bureau- cratic absolutism. Spain, however powerful were her early Hapsburg kings, had never before known the monarchical centralisation which in France attracted and dispensed the nation's material and spiritual forces. Royal action had been everywhere checked by provincial separatism and trammelled by administrative complexity. Etiquette had stood in the place of a constitution ; both are, after all, but the summing up of precedent. Whereas in France organic changes were the work of a day and a sheet of paper, in Spain the simplest measure had been tossed from Council to Council till it fell flattened to the ground. The king wielded the force of the Inquisition, but the sword had become too heavy for his (34) EFFECTS OF THE WAR OF SUCCESSION UPON SPAIN. 35 feeble arm. The nobility, bribed by title and pension to become a Court nobility, had not indeed resisted, but had con- trolled the Crown. A conservative respect for family and office had stifled, perhaps, the expansive powers of the nation, but had tempered the technical absolutism of the monarchy, and had proved an obstacle to the predominance of persons. The War of Succession had shaken the official hierarchy. Men of action had thrust aside men of title ; the system was too cumbrous, too deficient in mobility for a condition of internal war, and for the changes which were its consequence. The grandees were humbled. Many had followed Austrian fortunes, and were now in exile ; their greatest, the Duke of Medina Celi, had lost liberty and life. Their lack of popu- larity deprived their discontent of danger. New pensions and titles tied them to the Court. Mme. des Ursins had completed the ruin of the old fabric ; Alberoni did little more than refrain from its re-creation. Opposition took the form of sullen abstention, which was, indeed, not uncommon throughout the reign. The councils that remained were but constitutional ghosts. Membership of the Council of State had formerly been the goal of all ambition, the coping-stone of fortune. It now merely conferred the title of Excellence and the privi- lege of riding in a sedan chair, with a coach to follow. Of the arbiter of the monarchy, wrote Bragadin, the Venetian minister, there remained now but the name. It was super- seded by the Despacho, an informal body, which met in the king's apartment, and had none of the prestige of precedent. The Council of Castile, which was the judicial court for the chief part of the monarchy, had arrogated with more success than its kindred institution, the Parliament of Paris, wide political functions, but it no longer acted as a check upon the Crown. The area of its jurisdiction was indeed increased, but it lost the strength of corporate unity. Its five chambers no longer gave their decisions in common ; distinct depart- ments were assigned to each. Yet it still presented its weekly report to the king, and its president was an official of some importance. The presidency of the Council of Orders, 36 EFFECTS OF THE WAR OF SUCCESSION UPON SPAIN. which administered the estates of the great military orders absorbed by the Crown, entailed some work and bestowed some consideration, both of which were during S. Simon's visit increased by the character of its occupant, the Marquis of Bedmar, who had served with high distinction in Italy and the Netherlands, and in both the French and Spanish armies. The Councils of Marine and the Indies, of Finance, and of War were giving place to a departmental system. Since the late queen's death Mme. des Ursins had hastened the change by instituting four secretariates on the French model. The Secretaries of State, War, Marine and the Indies, and Finance, may be considered as forming a ministry. All reports, however, were usually presented to the Secretary of State, who became the chief if not the sole medium of communication with the king. 1 The constitutions of Aragoii and Valencia had ceased to exist ; these provinces were governed by Castilian clerks, and held down by Castilian garrisons. Notwithstanding the remedial measures which Alberoni shortly introduced dis- content was rife, and until late in the century travellers speak of the disaffection in Catalonia, where the imperial eagle was still the favourite emblem. Almost excluded from State employment and forbidden to wear arms, the Catalans turned with increased vigour to trade, and made their strip of coast land the most flourishing and civilised district of Spain. Gallican principles were as prevalent in the Church as in the State. The resistance of the Cardinal del Giudice, while at Paris, to the fiscal claims set forth by Macanaz had led to his disgrace. The members of the Council of Castile and of the Inquisition, who opposed the royal theory, had been dismissed. Although the young queen and Alberoni professedly favoured an ultramontane reaction, Alberoni 's coming breach with the Papacy was to prove that the Church was no longer a check upon the Crown. 1 " These four secretaryships may be called one, for everything is referred to the Secretaryship of State, in which resided up till my departure the whole authority of the government." Bragadin, 1725. THE POSSIBILITIES OF REORGANISATION. 37 In France absolutism had been modified by satire and the salon, to which, since the death of Louis XIV., might be added public opinion, the bourse, the journal, the cafe, and the influence of women. The Spanish monarchy was free from any such encumbrances. In Madrid there were two journals which were practically official ; there were no oppo- sition writers to be interned or bribed. There was no political need for the monarchy to confine literature within the channel of royal institutions. The Royal Academy of History is indeed due to Philip's reign, but, unlike the French Academy, its foundation had no political significance. Spanish ladies were grossly ignorant, and the contempt with which Mme. des Ursins and Elisabeth Farnese regarded them was not wholly undeserved. 1 There was, perhaps, a well-founded belief in the lack of capable Spaniards for military, religious, and civil employ, and the fact that most important governorships and embassies were in the hands of foreigners was favourable to the absolutism of which it was partly the result. On the other hand, there was good material for a creative genius. Under the later Hapsburgs the Spanish armies had shrunk to a handful of tattered ragamuffins, whose officers begged charity in their garrison towns. But in the War of Succession, when the French had confessed themselves beaten, native forces had succeeded and had driven English and Germans from the country. Shoes, it is true, were often wanting, and pay always, and the officers of the Catalonian a The following description by Mme. des Ursins is confirmed by other writers. ' ' These ladies cannot appear at the palace before five. They get up at eleven or twelve, dine at two or three, and then take their siesta. When they come into the queen's room . . . they take low seats, the wives of the grandees on cushions, and the others on the floor. If her Majesty and I do not keep up the conversation with real effort it would quite come to an end. We ask if there are none among them who dance, who sing, who play, who like to go out walking, or who are fond of cards. They answer ' No '. . . . What they really can do wonderfully well is to ask for favours for themselves, their friends, or their servants. . . . Some of them wear rosaries round their necks, agnus upon their shoulders, and hold little crosses, relics and chaplets in their hands. Their customs, madame. may have their merits, but it must be ad- mitted they are not amusing." Miss Bowles, Mme. de Maintenon. 88 THE POSSIBILITIES OF REORGANISATION. army of occupation still owed their subsistence to the monas- teries. Castelar, Minister of War, a little later clamoured for war, because the Minister of Finance would not pay the troops in time of peace. Spain had ceased to be a rich or a commercial country. The French had exploited and ruined the American trade. French resident merchants, endowed with all privileges and freed from all liabilities, had undersold the native traders. The woollens of the northern towns had been driven from the market by French imports. French contraband had stifled the yet more flourishing silk trade of the centre and south. Seville had shrunk to a quarter of its former popula- tion. French finance had been in fashion, and its merit was gauged by the taxation which it could raise, and not by that which it could remit. When Amelot and Orri simplified finance they systematised extortion. Spain, Alberoni had said, which was not ruined by war, would be ruined by peace if Orri stayed. English and even French criticism was equally severe. Marshal Berwick believed that French financiers and contractors were more dangerous enemies than Catalonian miquelets. Methuen bore witness to the poverty to which Spain had been reduced by her French allies. The rich had been ruined by the extinction of the Juros 1 and by extraordinary taxation, which fell so heavily on the poorer sort that many sold their houses, their goods, and their very beds, and w r ere then forced to run away and leave their families to starve. But much, he confessed, was due to Spanish indolence ; their sowing and reaping was done by labourers from Languedoc and Auvergne, who tool: their wages across the mountains to be taxed in France. 2 The task of financial and commercial reorganisation was 1 The extinction of the Juros amounted to a measure of repudiation. They were annual charges upon the royal domains of revenues in considera- tion of capital advanced or services rendered. 2 Gaspard de Saulx had early in the seventeenth century laid stress upon this weak spot in Spanish economy. Were the annual migration of 8000 or 10,000 French labourers prohibited, Spain, he writes, would be helpless. Mhnoircs, i. 97, ed. Petitot. ELISABETH'S POPULARITY. 39 therefore still before the monarchy, and it did not seem hopeless, for there was no debt, and the regular supply of precious metals gave it an advantage for immediate needs which no other Power possessed. l Peace and the creation of a fleet appeared to be the essential requisites of success. Such was the condition of the country which it was now Elisabeth's task to govern. Much depended on the cha- racter of her ministers, something on that of her personal surroundings. A consideration of the latter may be deferred until the Court circle has defined itself, and until it has been pictured for posterity by the magic lantern of S. Simon's observation. The treatment of Mme. des Ursins by Elisabeth may have been brutal, but it was undeniably popular. The new queen was greeted with enthusiasm at Guadalajara. Even in Paris her spirit w T as admired, though its probable consequences caused alarm. Gallantry appreciated the triumph of a young and shapely queen over an old, however well-preserved, princess. Alberoni bade his master thank his Maker for the heaven-sent stroke which had secured his daughter's peace and won the applause and the affection of the Spaniards, who now saw their beloved and venerated king released from a barbarous servitude ; the heroine could hear in the public streets the acclamations, not only of the masses, but of men of rank, who greeted her as the lifter-up and restorer of the nation, as their David who had slain her ten thousands. Elisabeth seemed to be striving to please the Spaniards. In her house- hold she was intending to replace by young ladies of family the married women, whose love affairs and tale-bearing were a public scandal. In her receptions she distinguished the grandees from the other nobility. It was rumoured that the Council of State would be restored to its former authority, 1 " No monarchy has the resources which Spain enjoys," says Bragadin. He adds that these were largely increased by Alberoni's discovery of quick- silver in Andalusia, whereas this material so necessary for the Mexican mines had previously been purchased in Sweden, France, and England. The two quick-silver ships brought to the royal chest an annual revenue of 800,000 pieces of eight. 40 ELISABETH'S MASTERY OVER HER HUSBAND. and the other councils reorganised on conservative lines. Within a week the queen had acquired complete mastery of her husband. She showed no inclination to interfere in government, persuading him that he was now absolute master of his own will, whereas he had been the innocent victim of the passions of others ; her only desire was to see him powerful and glorious. Every day the king thanked God for his deliverance from the tyrant. Finding himself alone with his wife, in cosy conversation after dinner, he ex- claimed : "Eh! well, my queen, if the lady had been here we could not have enjoyed these happy moments ". l He added that he well knew the character of the princess, but that he should never have dared to displease her, and that, had she remained, there would have been hell in the house. He was beside himself with joy at his bride's enthu- siasm for hunting. Her indolent habits were no more : she would rise at daybreak. The king was extremely gracious. With his accustomed phlegm he would correct her eagerness to fire. Yet she was no mean shot, as the Court News could vouch : " On Thursday last the queen in gentleman's attire went a-hunting, and killed two stags and a boar, and shot from horseback at a rabbit running, leaving it stone dead, to the admiration of the king and bystanders on seeing her Majesty's extraordinary agility and skill".' 2 Though Elisa- beth had won her husband, she treated him as though he were still to win, which threw the poor king into ecstasies of delight. At every moment he would say to Alberoni a thousand things expressive of his pleasure, concluding always with the sentence that it was God who had made him the precious gift of so lovable a queen. But pleasure should always prepare for business. Alberoni hinted that, without being inquisitive, the queen might tell her husband that, if he wished to hold the Despacho in her apartment, it was at his service. On the following day Orri and his followers were summoned to the queen's rooms, and observed that, though she sat at a distance with her crochet, she listened to 1 Arch. Xap., C. F. 58, Jan. 7, 1715. - Ibid. ALBERONPS CRITICISMS ON ELISABETH. 41 all that was being said. After this experience she told Alberoni that during her drive with the king she had talked of nothing but Orri's dismissal, and believed that she had persuaded him. Alberoni could scarcely believe that she had not studied politics all her life ; he praised her curiosity for knowledge, her docility in accepting advice, and the courage with which she formed her resolutions. If she were granted life and health the king could soon say that he had in her a good prime minister. The Duke of Parma was assured that his daughter was as well as she w r as happy ; if Mme. des Ursins could see her she would withdraw her satirical remarks on her angularity of outline. She was growing fat ; the shifts supplied in her trousseau were already too narrow. Her appetite was excel- lent. Elisabeth Farnese, indeed, like her distant relation Catherine di Medici, ate largely, and was not ashamed. She was dissatisfied with the royal table and with Spanish fare. The late queen, she said, was a Piedmontese, and ate nothing; she herself was Lombard, and her people ate double and more. For long she made requisitions on Alberoni's kitchen for beans a la Lombarde, and the post from Parma rarely failed to bring Italian delicacies. In the first days of Feb- ruary she confided to Alberoni, much to his confusion, that she believed herself to be enceinte. The king, enchanted, ordered him to write the joyful news to the Court of Parma. But there were shadows to the picture, and Alberoni was too realistic to omit them. The first hint of disquietude appears in a letter of January 14, 1715. He already per- ceived that the character of his mistress would depend upon her company. " The whole fate of this great soul depends upon her being in good hands, in her having trust in men of honour, void of self-love, and devoted only to her interests, for her noble generosity and good nature cause her to throw herself into the arms of any one who has the honour to enjoy her confidence. Thank God, she has made no false step at present ! " Three months later he found her good nature and familiarity out of keeping with royal dignity, and confessed himself astounded when he reflected that she had been edu- 42 THE LOVE AFFAIR OF MAGGIALI. cated in the Court of Parma. Her invincible indolence and dislike of business gave the abbe yet more concern. In vain he appealed to her conscience, telling her that her husband thought only of her and of his gun, and that if she persisted in her neglect of business the government would fall into the hands of ministers and there remain, and that she would be discredited and despised. Her boasted vivacity required the spur rather than the rein. It became clear that in her vigorous resolutions there was a large element of fear, and Alberoni was reminded of his beloved patron Vendome, always indolent until he found himself in grave predicaments from which he was perforce obliged to find an exit. The long and earnest discussions on the situation were at an end. " Our conversations begin to be on indifferent topics and merely to pass the time, for I recognise to my very great grief that it begins to bore her to talk of business. I observe her to be indolent in society, and yet more indolent in soli- tude." 1 He felt that if any accident should remove him from her side this aversion to work would become incurable. For hours the over-worked minister would sit talking twaddle, and retailing jokes, partly to relieve her fits of melancholy, partly to throw in a few words on State affairs of import. He had, he said, to " take her on the wing ". She would act on no fixed rule or principle, forgetting and neglecting to do things which would make her popular. She would not talk seriously for a quarter of an hour together. Advice had to be given in the smallest doses and in the most digestible form. Nor was the queen so docile as at first appeared. Alberoni represented that among the Spaniards she had to live and die, but after her first reception she for long refused to bestow upon them any mark of favour. The Duke of Parma, to whom alone she did not show indifference, pressed that she should write to Mine, de Maintenon who had absolute and despotic power over the King of France, for a reason that was an open secret ; to write need not humiliate the queen. Yet she told Alberoni that she would kiss the 1 Arch. X"ap., C. F. 58, March 4, 1715. ALBERONrS ANXIETY. 43 feet of the King of France if her uncle wished, but would not write to the old woman. Her extravagance, moreover, was likely to lead to trouble. She spent largely upon herself, upon jewellery and dress, and still more largely upon others. She burdened her income with lavish charges in favour of her ladies-in-waiting, or charitable and religious objects. But, above all, Alberoni was haunted by the fear of Maggiali. It was long before the queen lost her penchant for the chap- lain, though whether it were an incipient passion or merely a craving for some closer tie with her old home it is hard to say. She had promised to summon him to Spain. He had set on foot a correspondence with the queen's first equerry and sent letters under cover to the queen. Her chief friend at Parma, the Countess Somaglia, secretly forwarded others. Some of these Alberoni intercepted and despatched to the Duke of Parma. They may still be read, little miniature billets doux, exquisitely written, folded and sealed with lov- ing care, their purport the constant craving to be called to Spain. Alberoni repeatedly urged upon the queen and her uncle that such a call would be to her eternal dishonour. He spoke to the former of the gratitude and love which she owed to her husband, whose adoration for her was pure and holy, and was the sole delight of his melancholy life ; her character not only ought to be, but must perforce be, without stain, lest her step-sons might some day seize upon this pre- text to attack her, for the nation, dissolute itself, was prudish in the extreme with regard to its queens ; even the saintly life of the mother of Charles II. had not saved her from suspicion. He told her that Mme. des Ursins was on the alert for the slightest sign of weakness, that she had sent two young relations of her own to flirt with her and mar her fair name ; she had publicly stigmatised her as a coquette. This, he was pleased to see, had a great effect, and the queen treated these young gentlemen with cold reserve. The abbe assured the queen that towards ladies of private station he was no unbending Cato, but that such leniency could not be applied to one set upon the candlestick of the throne, not one of whose actions could be hidden. Her best protection was 44 ELISABETH'S AFFECTION FOR PHILIP. her growing affection for her husband. Alberoni wrote on April 28 that the queen was now quite in love with her hus- band and unable to live a minute without him. She told the abbe that previously her friendship was based on esteem and gratitude, but did not proceed from the heart. He could hardly believe that such an unsought confidence was employed to blind him, for her melancholy fits had ceased. She was enchanted with the king's incessant attentions, the effect of which Alberoni increased by telling her that such had never been lavished on her predecessor, adding that such mutual love would delight the Spaniards and the most Christian king, and that her conduct to her husband was the merit of merits before God and before the world. The queen showed Alberoni Maggiali's letter and her reply, in which she explained that it would be difficult to let him come to Spain. " Yet this ought not to lull us to sleep," he continued; "and make us 'believe that a great flame is extinct, which with the least fresh fuel might kindle a gigantic blaze, all the more that I know her Majesty to be tenacious in her affections and extremely wily and capable of profiting by a good opportunity and gulling her husband, of whom she is absolute mistress, without his entertaining the slightest suspicion." 1 Long after his description of the mutual love of the royal pair his anxieties were still acute. " I am preparing to speak plainly to her and to make her see that to invite Maggiali to Spain would lead to her com- plete dishonour and ruin inevitable without a hope of ever rising again, whereas, by a miracle of Providence, and with little exertion to herself, she is surrounded by a halo of glory. I assure her that such a visitor would force me to leave Spain." ; The danger by no means ceased with the first year of Elisabeth's married life, but it is unnecessary to dwell further upon the subject. A page or two may well be spared for the first and last love episode of the heroine of a tale. It proved that the queen was not devoid, as was sometimes thought, of natural affections, and that she was subject to the 1 Arch. y. O. $., 155. - Alberoni, Sept. 30 and Oct. 7, 1715. Arch. Xap., G. F. 58. 74 ADJUSTMENT WITH ENGLAND. Stanhope replied that the money had certainly been paid. Alberoni assured him that in that case it had stuck to the fingers of Ripperda and Bubb, and Lord Stanhope, who was far from credulous, believed that Bubb had been duped by Ripperda. 1 There was, in point of fact, little need for corruption. Al- beroni would, indeed, have preferred to rely on the friendship of the States-General. Eipperda had suggested that his govern- ment would provide ships with which the Spaniards might drive both French and English from the Indies ; Holland wished for no exclusive privileges for herself; payment for the ships sold was left to Alberoni's discretion. The Pen- sionary Heinsius was represented as being extremely jealous of the English monopoly of commerce, and no friend of the Hanoverian dynasty. Though not believing in the Preten- der's success, he instructed his ambassador to act according to circumstances, and confessed to Alberoni that it might some day be necessary to restore the Stuarts. But Alberoni early realised that the friendship of either England or France was indispensable, and that of France was for the moment the less valuable and the less obtainable. It was equally important for England to arrive at an adjustment. Spain now and hereafter held a great advantage. She could tempt England by the bribe of commercial privilege, or ter- rorise her by threats of the Pretender. Thus, while Alberoni was expressing confidence in a favourable conclusion to his negotiations, support was still given to the Jacobites. As late as December money was sent to Cellamare for their cause, and Alberoni expressed regret that he could not send a few ships and troops. 2 The Duke of Parma was delighted at the help accorded ; it would please God, and also get rid of a German devoted to the emperor's party. He urged Alberoni to use all endeavour to secure the return of the Tories to power. 3 1 Lord Stanhope to Craggs, Aug. 15, 1716. A>. 0. S., 162. 2 Alberoni, Dec. 2, 1715. Arch. Nap., C. F. 58. Dec. 20, 1715. Ibid. COMMKRCIAL TREATY WITH ENGLAND. 75 But the English Treaty was signed before the close of the year, though only after a thousand wranglings. Whatever was settled with the king in the morning Giudice and his party undid at night. The English minister ascribed the merit to Bipperda and Alberoni, and advised Lord Stanhope that any message from the king or from himself to the latter would be well taken, and might be of service. 1 His own pro- posals had been accepted, and were put into Latin " the worst piece of Latin that ever appeared since the monks 1 time". The terms were better than the scholarship. The explanatory articles, by which Philip had sworn to his late wife to abide, were virtually withdrawn. Duties were re- duced to the rate payable in the time of Charles II., and the privileges then enjoyed were restored. Exports and imports were subjected to the same scale of payment by sea and by land. English ships were allowed to obtain salt from the Tortugas. Bubb's most sanguine hopes were realised, and Lord Stanhope was anxious to make yet another treaty for the South Sea Company by the same expeditious method. The English Government was informed that Spain was pre- pared to drive the French from the Indies, 2 and that the king had now no dependence upon a change of dynasty in Eng- land, and that he gave ear to a minister who would lead him in the right way. 3 He had already shown such marked dis- pleasure with the French that S. Aignan was pressing for his recall. Alberoni found little difficulty in persuading the British envoy that the unbridled ambition of the emperor for the absolute dominion of Italy would be prejudicial to England, and the German princes. By acting in favour of Spain England could permanently divide the Bourbon Crowns, and highly oblige the queen, who was absolute. If George I. would go a step farther and guarantee the reversion of Tuscany to the queen and her heirs, the Spanish Court would grant the most favourable conditions for English 1 Bubb to Stanhope, Dec. 9, 1715. R. 0. S., 155. 2 Bubb to Stanhope, Dec. 23, 1715. Ibid. 3 Holzendorff to Stanhope, Dec. 30, 1715. Ibid. 76 ENGLISH GIFTS TO THE QUEEN. commerce, and security for the Hanoverian succession ; the Court was disposed to treat the French as the King of Eng- land might wish. England, wrote Bubb, could not make Alberoni too great, for his greatness would imply wider in- fluence in Spain than England had ever yet possessed. He suggested that England should sell ships to the Spanish Government through the medium of the South Sea Com- pany. Nor was the queen forgotten. Alberoni mentioned that she had talked much about English horses, for the Spanish mounts were too fiery for a lady, and she had lately been in danger of being thrown. A present of two or three, wrote Bubb, would be taken as a compliment, and would certainly keep her a friend more than was to be imagined from such a trifle. Seven English horses were 'accordingly sent to Madrid with English grooms. Two of these were rendered unfit by sea sickness for a royal present. The others were trotted out beneath the palace windows by Bubb and Alberoni, the queen being prevented by her confinement from at once trying their paces. " Without the queen," wrote the envoy, " we should never have done anything here, and when she desists from supporting our interests we may take our leave of Spain. I am fully persuaded that she is hearty for them now, and a sworn enemy to France, and I believe his Majesty may keep her so as long as he pleases." 1 Support was no longer accorded to the Pretender. Alberoni believed that notwithstanding his landing in Scotland he would have to retire unless assisted by some foreign power, or backed by a general rising ; if well advised he would not play a desperate game, for he might be sure that if he did not succeed to-day he might win to-morrow, for there could not fail ultimately to be some power who would find it its own interest to strike such a blow at England ; meanwhile Spain must take no false step and close her ears to the Stuart queen's request for arms and for the Irish troops in Spanish service.' 2 In March the Pretender was refused per- 1 Bubb to Stanhope, June 3, 1716. . 0. S., 156. 2 Alberoni, Feb. 3, 1716. Arch. Nap., C. F. 58. ASSIENTO TREATY. 77 mission to visit Spain, and no aid was given to his beggared followers. Yet it was not found easy to arrive at a final adjustment. Partly this was due to Spanish methods of business. " There is no making them do business," Bubb complained, " unless one is perpetually dunning them." l Both parties, the French and the Spanish, proved an obstacle to British interests. The Spaniards opposed everything because it was not proposed by themselves. The grandees were disposed to treat Philip as a cypher, but this the queen would by no means permit, however willing the king might be. The French party was more active, and Giudice was its leader. He still controlled the Committee for Foreign Affairs, and when British in- terests had been favourably dealt with in other councils they were thwarted here. He had now little active power, but his negative influence was considerable, and the English minister therefore pressed Alberoni to publicly undertake the administration. It was expected that Giudice's fall would be followed by a defensive alliance between Spain and Eng- land, and this impression gained ground when Louville was dismissed without a hearing. Alberoni, however, expected a quid pro quo. He had protested that the delay was due to the fact that he was not yet entirely master, and that neither he nor the queen had a single person on whom they could rely ; the queen was forced to take her measures and go on little by little. He added, truly enough, that he could not always get her to apply herself so much as he could wish, and that it was difficult to engage a lady to think of matters of trade. 2 But to the Duke of Parma he confessed that he had delayed the conclusion of the Assiento Treaty in order to see whether it would facilitate other matters ; if he could succeed in making a stroke in the Indies, without which Spain could never make anything of the wealth of that great world, he would give King George matter for reflection. Meanwhile the scarecrow that lived at Avignon might ' * March 30, 1716. Arch. Nap., C. F. 58. 2 Bubb to Stanhope, May 24, 1716. Ji. 0. S., 156. 78 THE A TY OF WESTMINSTER. frighten him. 1 Nevertheless, in August the treaty was signed, and it only remained to draw up a code of rules for the decision of grievances, a vast sea, which Alberoni con- fessed to be above his knowledge, and which he would gladly have avoided. He recommended that a commission of merchants from both nations should consult with the Eng- lish minister. 2 This early sunshine of Spanish and English friendship was soon clouded. As early as April Kipperda con- fided to Bubb that the reason of all difficulties was the information received by the Spanish Court of an offensive alliance between the emperor, England and the States- General. The king had reproached Alberoni with the con- cessions which he had made ; he had never been known before to be so angry. Bubb assured Alberoni that this information was incredible, and that it was a machination of Monteleone to bring the English into disfavour. 3 He pressed for Monteleone's recall from London ; he was in the in- terests of Erance and of the Pretender ; it was not wise that the ambassador of Spain should receive his instructions from Paris ; he was, moreover, no friend of Alberoni, with whom the French were likewise discontented. Alberoni, however, believed that the Whig government would find difficulty in breaking with the emperor ; his hope was that the nation might be won by commercial concessions. " I have always thought," he wrote, "that the union of interests between the emperor and the King of England would keep them at accord, but in the above-named adjustment, and in the Assiento which will follow, my aim has been to gain the nation and consequently the parliament, as one does not know what may happen." Alberoni believed, not unnaturally, that the English people were Jacobite at heart, and that the national interests were 1 April 20, 1716. Arch. Nap., G. F. 58. 2 Aug. 3, 1716. Ibid. 3 Yet in March the arrangements were complete. English action was prompted by the desire to retain Bremen and Verden and by the danger in Mecklenburg, where the Russians, called in by the duke against his estates, were in occupation of the duchy. TREATY OF WESTMINSTER. 79 concerned in commercial friendship with Spain. He therefore suggested a defensive treaty with England and the States- General. It was understood that the two latter powers would prefer a treaty both offensive and defensive, but such would be virtually aimed against France, and the suggestion could not be entertained. Lord Stanhope, however, admitted the necessity of checking the advance of the emperor in Italy by a fresh guarantee of its neutrality. He confessed that the English nation would do more but for the German ministers of George I., who urged the king not to lose the opportunity of profiting by the spoils of the luckless King of Sweden. The emperor's friendship was necessary for the retention of Bremen and Verden by the Electorate of Hanover. 1 If some chance did not arise to bind England closer to Spain it was becoming clear that Hanoverian influence would predominate. At the end of April, Lord Stanhope confessed that England and the States-General were negotia- ting a treaty with the emperor, though Eipperda swore solemnly that he knew nothing of it. To propitiate the Queen of Spain both England and France offered to ratify afresh the Treaty of Utrecht. It was believed, however, that the regent was prompted only by his desire for a guarantee of his claims to the succession, while a renewal of the provisions relating to the neutrality of Italy was thought to be rather prejudicial than advantageous to Spain. The emperor had committed breaches of his engagements which would enable Spain to profit by the first opportunity, which was impossible if these were condoned by a fresh treaty. The maritime powers could under no circumstances allow the emperor to touch Tuscany, and it might therefore be advantageous to Spain if he were given rope. In June Alberoni was able to send to Parma a copy of the terms arranged between England and the emperor, which were embodied in the treaty of June 5, and of a proposed treaty with France and the States-General. Yet it was after this that the Assiento was conceded, and Alberoni expressed 1 Alberoni, April 6, 1716. Arch. Nap., C. F. 58. 80 ASSIENTO TREATY. neither surprise nor indignation. He would give, he said, fine words to Stanhope, whom, of course, he could not trust, but his intimacy was useful, and if he offered an alliance it should be accepted if only to cause jealousy to the emperor. He admitted that it was with reason that the English com- plained of commercial grievances which the Spanish ministers would not regulate, and feared that he should have difficulty in satisfying the English nation, with which it was not to the interest of Spain to quarrel. These griev- ances meanwhile were causing increasing anxiety to the British minister at Madrid. Spanish irritation was on the rise, and British merchants were harshly treated. Alberoni told Bubb that he could do no more, and that the queen had made him promise not to lay further complaints before the king. In this there was probably exaggeration, for Alberoni, at the close of the year, wrote to the Duke of Parma that the king and queen regarded the leagues which were being formed with the greatest calmness ; the Catholic king was courted like a beautiful woman, and so far kept giving fair words to suitors, but was coy in bestowing further favours ; all wished to be his friends, and reserve was the best method of preserving their friendship ; both England and the States-General would fain make a league with Spain, but wished to be pulled by the ears in order to obtain better terms ; meanwhile their Majesties were engaged in re- organising the Departments of Finance and Marine, and consequently the trade of the Indies on which all depended. 1 The repulse of Louville at Madrid had been followed by the gradual rapprochement of France to England. The French proposals, coolly received at first, had been made palatable by the ability of Dubois. The result was the treaty of November 28, 1716, which the accession of the States-General converted into the Triple Alliance of January 14, 1717. By the two systems of alliance Spain appeared completely isolated. Nevertheless, the early months of 1717 were singularly calm. England was offering her mediation 1 Dec. 14, 1746. Arch. Nap., C. F. 58. RECONCILIATION WITH THE PAPACY. 81 between the emperor and Spain ; but Spain, thought Alber- oni, could never make a treaty with the emperor without security as to Tuscany, and this could not long exist while the emperor was in Italy, and especially at Mantua. This calm was probably in great measure due to the desire to propitiate the Papacy. Alberoni had, in concert with Daubenton, taken up the negotiations which, under the auspices of Louis XIV., had been begun at Paris. Giudice had been forced from the field. Macanaz, who, while still in exile, boldly protested in favour of an extreme view of royal prerogative, was silenced by the threats of the Inquisi- tion, and Alberoni found no difficulty in arranging terms with the Papal envoy, Aldrovandi. The latter was de- spatched to Borne to bring the question to a conclusion. The Pope, however, raised unexpected difficulties ; he modified Aldrovandi's draft, and above all hesitated to confer the cardinalate on Alberoni. The latter was naturally indignant. He had risked the odium of an arrangement which the Spaniards thought prejudicial to the monarchy. He had alone resisted the wish of the Councils of Castile and of State to refer the matter to a council. The terms which he had offered v^ere better than those which the Spanish monarchy had ever deigned to accept. The Pope had failed to answer a letter written by the queen's hand, in which she had urged this favour for her faithful servant in terms so strong that they could be no stronger were she praying for Paradise. The Pope, however, was under the emperor's control ; he was mocking Spain, and taking every measure to frustrate Alberoni's intentions. The latter felt sure that unless Aldrovandi brought with him from Borne the car- dinars hat he would not be permitted by the queen to enter Spain, and it was this that at last brought the Pope to reason. Aldrovandi was stopped upon the frontier, and the negotiations began afresh. Alberoni was careful to suggest that the hat should be given for services rendered against the Turk and not for an adjustment which might bring un- popularity upon the queen. In a Consistory, held June 17, the cardinalate was conferred upon Alberoni ; and on June G 82 RECONCILIATION WITH THE PAPACY. 26 the Spanish Government declared its dispute with the Papacy to be at an end. The original demands of the Spanish Government were by no means satisfied. It had required that the right of subjecting the clergy to the Millones, a tax upon the chief articles of consumption, which was renewed by the Papacy every five years, should be granted in perpetuity, that the clergy should be subject to the tax on sales and purchases termed Alcabala, and to an annual charge 011 its estates in compensation for the loss of revenue on lands held in Mort- main. So also lands and revenues made over to ecclesiasti- cal members of a family were required to contribute to taxa- tion. The imperial sympathies of the Papal government or the pressure exercised upon it by imperial armies had been a cause of annoyance and danger. Bulls had been refused to the bishops appointed by the king, and the Pope had nominated to the sees in his gift persons absolutely disloyal to the reigning dynasty. It was demanded that the Pope should make his nomination from a list presented by the king, and that the king's nominees should enjoy their temporaries from the moment of nomination, and not from that of the receipt of the bulls. The Papacy was required to withdraw its right of imposing charges upon benefices, though a fixed sum levied equally on all benefices was sug- gested by way of compensation. Finally, the abuse of the episcopal courts caused a demand that a judge should be deputed by the Pope to try ecclesiastical delinquents, and that great restrictions should be placed on the rights of sanctuary. It is clear that some of these articles went beyond any concessions hitherto accorded to Catholic monarchs, and that they could have given almost complete independence to the Spanish Church. If reconciliation with Spain were desirable to the Papacy with a view to a counter- poise to the growth of imperial power, the favour of the Pope was even more essential to the success of Elisabeth Farnese and Alberoni. The terms, therefore, ultimately arranged receded considerably from the high-water mark of the original demands. The Pope agreed to despatch, as usual, RECONCILIATION WITH THE PAPACY. 83 the briefs for the Cruzada, 1 and the Millones and other taxes ; to grant a tenth on ecclesiastical revenues in Spain and the Indies. The tribunals of the Dataria and the Nunciatura were reopened, and relations between the two courts resumed. The Papacy had refused to abandon any principle, though it made pecuniary concessions which it could withdraw. Ecclesiastical independence was sacri- ficed to the needs of temporal alliance in Italy. Spaniards were naturally indignant at the Italian queen and her ministers, who had surrendered to ultramontanism for their personal ends. 2 This surrender and the commercial conces- sions made to England are the chief charges laid against Alberoni by Spanish writers. 1 The Bull of the Cruzada granted plenary indulgence to those who served personally against the infidels or paid an annual composition of about one shilling. The proceeds of this composition were granted to the Crown, nominally for the defence of Ceuta. It amounted to a general tax, for all persons were obliged to buy the indulgence before confessing or com- municating. - Belando, Hist. Civil, p. iv. c. 15, speaks of this arrangement as the sacrifice of the rights and the regalian profits of the monarchy. CHAPTER V. 1717-18. AEREST OF MOLINES CONQUEST OF SARDINIA ITS VALUE TO SPAIN POLICY OF LORD STANHOPE THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE ATTEMPTS AT MEDIATION POLICY OF THE REGENT AND OF THE KING OF SICILY ALBERONl'S REFORMS HIS RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA, SWEDEN, AND TURKEY THE KING'S ILLNESS. IT was from a sky comparatively clear that issued the thunder- clap which ushered in a new cycle of storms for Europe. At midnight on June 7 despatches arrived from the Duke of Parma and the Marquis S. Felipe communicating the out- rage committed by the Imperialists upon Molines, the newly- appointed inquisitor-general, who was on his way back to Spain. The circumstances were peculiarly aggravating. At the Pope's instance he had been furnished with some sort of safe conduct from the imperial minister at Rome. In spite of this, he was arrested by the governor of Milan, and lodged in the castle under the charge of the Spanish refugee Col- mero. Here he shortly afterwards died. Seldom has a series of wars found its occasion in so feeble an old gentleman. Molines was appointed on Giudice's dis- grace. A curious letter exists in which Aldrovandi begs that his nomination may be withdrawn. He could not walk, and had to be lifted into his litter. He could hardly write, had almost lost the use of his voice, and had a delicate chest. He could not perform his duties at Rome, much less could (84) ARREST OF MOLINES. 85 he act as an efficient inquisitor-general. The Spanish Court, however, insisted, to its cost. It was not easy to find a Spaniard fit for the post. Molines had shown courage in the long campaign which he had conducted at Borne against the Papacy. In Spain he was held in high esteem, which Alberoni, however, did not share. The minister's letter, written immediately after receiving the startling news, indi- cates extreme irritation : " It is a barbarous outrage ; but it was madness on the part of that wretched Molines to cross the State of Milan. He is one of those people who has passed with this nation for an oracle, while it seems to me that throughout his embassy he has shown nothing but eccentricity and irregularity." l The opportunity for action in Italy had indeed come a little too early, and for this very reason the rupture had per- haps been provoked by the imperial government. No more effectual measure could have been taken to provoke the queen, anxious for an opportunity of interference in Italy, and desirous, also, of completing the reactionary religious policy in Spain. The king was peculiarly sensitive to such an outrage on his dignity. But the reconciliation with Rome was not yet complete, and therefore, though the Spanish squadron was ready for sea, no immediate action was taken. The Duke of Parma, in the letter which conveyed the news of the arrest of Molines, suggested prompt measures : " You will be able to consider whether this might not be a favour- able opportunity for changing the course of your squadron to these waters, and for replying to the outrage by some demon- stration of resentment. However, such a matter requires much reflection, and we rely entirely on your prudence." - Alberoni, in reply, besought his master, for heaven's sake, to be prudent, and not to give the emperor the slightest ground for picking a quarrel, which was what he sought. Spanish money was sent to Italy to prepare against emergencies, but the duke was told that it would be highly imprudent to levy soldiers. The duke returned to the charge. It could 1 June 8, 1717. Arch. Nap., C. F. 59. - May 27, 1717. Jbi,l. 86 EXPEDITION TO SARDINIA. not be right, he urged, to abandon Italy ; its possession by the emperor would enable him to destroy the peace of the Spanish monarchy, which would be never secure if it neglected to apply in good time the strongest remedies ; a tardy repentance would avail nothing ; stringent orders had come from Vienna with regard to the succession of Tuscany, and it was believed that the Pope's family could be bribed by the promise of a Tuscan principality. 1 This letter was followed by a long memorial,' 2 under the assumed name of a Neapolitan nobleman, urging the con- quest of Naples, and proving that that kingdom was ripe for revolt. When the latter letter arrived the Spanish fleet had already sailed. The slip of paper which announced the opening of the coming wars may still be read. " The squadron you wot of will leave the port of Barcelona on the 17th instant, and will proceed to the conquest of Sardinia, as being the easiest to preserve, this being the sole motive which has dissuaded that of Naples. The latter would per- haps force the emperor to make peace with the Turk, and descend into Italy with all his forces. Secrecy is recom- mended." 3 The secrecy which had been observed was in- deed commendable to the Spanish Government. Yet the general intention of the armament, and even its imme- diate destination, were not unsuspected. Eighteen months before, Bubb had informed his government that the force given to the Pope against the Turk was intended to act against the emperor. 4 It was, in fact, the result of the imperial occupation of Novi. The idea of the conquest of Sardinia was even earlier than this. On August 26, 1715, the Duke of Parma stated his supposition that the dis- missal of the French troops implied that the conquest of Majorca would not be followed by that of Sardinia. In his despatches of June 5 and 19 Bubb warned his government that the Spanish armament was intended for Sardinia, and 1 June 2, 1717. Arch. Nap., C. F. 59. - July 25, 1717. Hid. ' J Alberoni, no date. Ibid. 4 Bubb to Stanhope, Feb. 1 * c8 o -J) 3 o I v "3 - s o a c3 M CD ,*-! <1 . cS &D 3 = S CD CD 1-3 -Q cS IB-J '312 s C 3 gH O Q of J ^^3 '-3 a> c3 *S2 gS t- ^^5 -*e PH o 2 ^- > .& IS PLH 'S C8 O 5 3 O J8 2 - - .-H CD is . 5Q ^- -u> C APPENDIX". 403 Barbara Portuga Maria Antonia Fernanda, >o 00 t- TH O5 f CM t 1 08 .g 02 _H P-I o> a o c3 S O 1 CO a i vi-c c3 > CO "o D CO "2 cS . CO d --S^ .^ ; o ^rs S ^o .g|g S o^l c3 ^- ^.^ PI ^>g ^-s^ o H t-H '3 i O t -*3 ^ PH O t-i ^H 5r lj rg i ^ ^ O ^ ^H .2 o - O - rj ^T p2 1-1 c3 ^ F ^ FH SH !zi S^ x s O i H ^ ""ffj CN C CM a o PR a H -CO r^ -^ CD h O ^ .&-H ^^^S PH go hH 00 H-l 00 I I t^ O C3 O 3 o ^2 cc INDEX INDEX. A. Academy of History, 37. Acquaviva, Cardinal, 15, 21, 320. Aix-la-Chapelle peace, 352 note, 353 note, 390. Alberoni, Cardinal, 3 to 183 passim, 188, 193, 200, 201, 214, 263, 273, 323, 328, 329, 330, 331, 333, 358, 375. Alcabala, Tax of, 82-303. Alcala de Henares, 32. Aldrovandi, Cardinal, 81, 84, 117, 167. Algarotti, 363 note. Altamira, Duchess of, 143. Alva, Duchess of, 157. Amalia, Queen, see Maria Amalia. Amelot, 38. Anne, Princess of England, 133. Anson, Commodore, 360. Aranjuez, Palace of, 48, 150, 155 note, 263, 298, 325. Arco, Duke of, 142, 145, 147, 158, 276, 293, 294. Armandi, Abbe, 384. Amida, Bishop of, 196. Arneth, von, 176, 187 note. Arriaza, 204. Assiento, 77, 79, 197, 223, 239, 279, 300. Asti, 371, 383, 384. Asturias, Prince of (Luis), see Luis. Asturias, Prince of (Ferdinand), see Ferdinand VI. Asturias, Princess of, see Montpensier, Mile. de. Asturias, Princess of, see Barbara, Princess of Portugal. Atri, Duke of, 375. Avanzini, Pier Antonio, 5. B. Badajoz, 264. Baden Treaty, 50, 95, 99, 132, 180. Balbazes, de los, Marquis, 22, 24. Balsain, Palace of, 150, 155 note. Barbara of Portugal, Princess of As- turias and Queen of Spain, 181, 265, 267, 322, 389. Barcelona, Siege of, 10, 56 note, 72, 103. Barrenechea, 223. Bassignano, Battle of, 371, 379. Bavaria, Elector of, 12, 227, 290, 304, 327, 342. Beaujolais, Mile, de, 135, 178, 292, 293. Bedmar, Marquis of, 12. Belando, 137 note, 141 note, 181, 195. Belgrad, Capture of, 93, 99, 105. Bellardi, Filippo, 32 note. Belmonte, Don Cabral de, 321. Bermudez, 167, 172, 203, 205. Berri, Duke of, 55. Berwick, Duke of, 38, 57, 119, 120, 142, 190, 304. Bineham, 270 note. Biscay, Rising in, 115. Bitonto, Battle of, 304. Blondel, 239. Bolingbroke, Viscount, 89, 90. Bolognesa, 282. Borgia, Cardinal, 145, 146, 149. Bourbon, Duke of, 12, 177, 183, 184, 192, 193, 210-214, 261. Bournonville, Duke of, 167, 216, 223, 245, 246, 311, 313, 386. Bragadin, 35, 39 note, 103 note, 166, 173, 183 note, 275. 408 INDEX. Brancas, Marquis of, 226, 231-238, 244, 245, 251, 267, 392. Brazil, Princess of, see Maria Anna. Brazil, Prince of, 377. Breslau, Treaty of, 365. Bristol, Earl of, 395. Bruninx, 132. Bubb, afterwards Bubb-Dodington, 58, 72-80, 86, 87, 89, 93. Buen Retiro, Palace of, 61, 120, 148, 394. Buol, Count, 176 note. Burke, Chevalier, 61, 152. Bussy, 250. Byng, Admiral, 112, 189 note, 350. c. Cadiz, Elisabeth's Visit to, 265. Cagliari, Capture of, 88. Cambrai, Congress of, 132, 219, 222. Camilla, 25, 124. Cammock, Admiral, 136, 159, 189. Campeachy Bay, 249, 285. Campillo, 357, 362. Campo Florido, 325,- 328, 335, 358, 372, 378. Campo Raso, 295 note. Cantillo, 310 note. Capua, Siege of, 304. Caraccioli, Abbe, 216, 324. Carlos, Don (Prince of Parma, King of Naples, King of Spain), 122, 132, 135, 136, 166, 171, 176, 178 note, 179, 180, 186, 187 note, 206 note, 226-258, 271, 272, 273, 277, 280, 282, 283, 291, 292, 295 note, 296, 298, 303-327, 334, 342, 343, 368, 369, 371, 377, 380, 393, 394. Caroline, England, Queen of, 342. Carthagena, 360, 363. Carvajal, Marquis, 390, 391. Casale, 371. Castelar, Marquis of, 38, 103, 163, 196, 204, 208, 226, 243, 250, 251, 254, 256, 262, 277, 279, 281, 283, 291, 292, 315, 323, 330. Castel, Vetrano, 121. Castres, Consul General, 351. Castro, 132. Catalonia, Disaffection in, 36, 60, 102, 207. Catherine I., Czarina. Cayley, Consul, 249, 267, 268. Cazalla, Visit to, 268. Cellamare, Prince of, 46, 56, 59, 74, 94, 103, 105, 115, 116, 157. Cerdagne, 187, 206 note. Cervi, 108, 328, 333. Ceuta, 275, 286. Chalais, Prince of, 15. Champeaux, 381. Charles II., King of Spain, 2, 22, 72, 75, 249, 323, 346. Charles VI., Emperor, 2, 90, 227, 228, 232, 240, 296, 361, 362. Charles VII., Emperor, 371. Charles XII., King of Sweden, 106, 107, 114, 118. Charles Edward, Chevalier S. George, 310, 371. Charles Emauuel, King of Sardinia, 290, 296, 301, 302, 304, 313, 314, 315, 316, 319, 320, 327, 334, 362-387, 398. Chateauroux, Madame de, 372. Chauvelin, 224, 244, 256, 279, 281, 282, 286, 316, 318, 319, 320, 335, 367, 380. Chavigni, 291. Chesterfield, Earl of, 232. Chitty, Mr., 285. Cienfuegos, Cardinal, 320. Clarke, Dr., 390, 396. Clarke, Father, 203, 207, 216, 323. Clement XL, Pope, 117, 123. Clermont, Mile, de, 12. Cobham, Lord, 121. Codogno, 387. Coigny, 305. Colinero, 84. Cologne, Elector of, 173. Commercial Treaty with England, 75. 175. Conti, Prince of, 119. Cordero, 99, 100. Corfu, Siege of, 68. INDEX. 409 Correr, 356. Council of Castile, 35. Council of Finance, 36. Council of the Indies, 36. Council of Marine, 36. Council of Orders, 35. Coxe, 206 note. Cruzada, Bull of, 83. Cuba, 360. Cucurani, Count, 146, 319. Culloden, Battle of, 384. Czar, see Peter the Great. Czar, see Peter II. Czarina, see Catherine I. D. D'Aitona, Marquis, 18. D'Albert, Count, 30. D'Argenson, Marquis, 308 note, 319, 332, 343, 353, 357-361 note, 365, 366, 372, 375, 376, 378, 379, 380, 381, 384, 385, 386, 387 note, 390, 391, 398. Dataria, Tribunal of, 83. Daubenton, 52, 60, 69, 81, 113, 121, 122, 130, 133, 135 note, 136, 137, 169, 175, 213. D'Aubigne, 14, 18. Daun, Marshal, 6, 114, 272, 273. Dauphin, see Louis XV. and Louis. Dauphine, see Maria Theresa. De Court, Admiral, 369. Delafaye, 218 note, 251, 286, 290. Departmental System, 36. De Pez, 135. Despacho, 35. Donativo, The, 72. Donaudi, 95, 98. Dresden, Treaty of, 383. Dubois, Cardinal, 80, 114, 115, 116, 120, 121, 132, 134, 136, 193. Duclos, 217. Duran, 123. Duras, 392, 393. De Buys, 192. E. Elector Palatine, see Frederick Wil- liam. Electress Palatine, 255, 397. Elisabeth Farnese, passim. Empress, 179, 230, 315, 343. Ensenada, Marquis, 194, 357, 388, 391-394. Erizzo, 158 note. Escalona, Duke of, 122. Escurial, Palace of, 150, 155 note, 396. Escurial, Treaty of, see Family Com- pact. Essex, Earl oi, 320. Eugene, Prince, 93, 99, 105, 175, 177, 186, 187 note, 198, 202, 206, 209, 216, 225, 226, 228, 229, 237, 238, 240, 250, 255, 261, 263, 291, 305. F. Falari, Madame de, 137. Family, Compact of the Escurial, 276, 299, 300, 301, 302, 307, 308, 315. Fandino, 348. Farinelli, Carlo Broschi, 338, 339, 344, 389. Farnese, Antonio, Duke of Parma, 7, 18, 50, 230, 237, 250. Farnese, Francesco, see Parma, Duke of, 3, 5, 11, 15, 16, 22, 23, 27, 41, 42, 45, 47, 50, 53, 54, 56, 59, 60, 64-68, 74, 77, 84, 85, 86, 93, 94, 98, 105, 107, 108, 117, 122, 123, 127, 132, 170, 230. Farnese, Odoardo, 2. Farnese, Ranuccio II., Duke of Parma, 2. Farnese, Dorothea Sophia, Duchess of Parma, 2, 3, 252, 255. Farnese, Henrietta, of Modena, Duchess of Parma, 230, 253, 256. Farnesi, The, 1-7. Ferdinand VI., King of Spain, 132, 166, 167, 169, 176, 181, 204, 213. 254, 260, 263, 265, 267, 270, 280, 288, 292, 311, 322, 340, 343, 369, 388, 389, 390, 392, 393. Ferrol, 194. 410 INDEX. Fleury, Cardinal, 122, 157, 193, 203, 210-245, 250, 253, 256, 261, 281, 282, 283, 296, 297, 301, 304, 309, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 327, 343, 353, 354, 357, 358. 359, 362, 363, 365, 366, 367. Florence, Treaty of, 255. Florida, Blanca, 194. Fontainebleau, Treaty of, 368, 371, 276, 377, 378, 382, 384. Franca Villa, 121. Frederick Augustus I., Elector of Saxony, King of Poland, 295, 297, 348. Frederick Augustus II., Elector of Saxony, King of Poland, 6, 365 note. Frederick William I., King of Prussia, 186, 191, 205, 210. Frederick II., King of Prussia, 362, 363 note, 365, 366, 370, 371, 377. Frederickshall, 114. Fuenclara, Count of, 315, 334, 335, 340. Fuenclara, Countess of, 330. Fuenterrabia, Siege of, 118, 119, 120. G. Gaeta, 304. Gages, General, 367, 370, 379, 384, 387, 389. Galuzzi, 258, 397, 398. Gavi, 370. Gastaneta, Admiral, 112. Genoa, Relief of, 389. George I. of England, 71, 75, 77, 78, 88, 97, 104, 129, 132, 173, 178, 180, 182, 204, 205, 216, 219. George II. of England, 251, 302, 314, 318, 350, 359. Georgia, Colony of, 337, 350. Geraldino, Don (alias Sir Thos. Fitz- gerald), 345, 350, 351, 353, 354. Gerona, 123. Gibraltar, 72, 92, 97, 114, 121, 128, 129, 136, 171, 174, 180, 182, 183- 187, 193, 195, 198, 206, 208, 209, 215 note, 216, 218, 219, 220, 223, 225, 226, 234, 239, 249, 250, 252, 259, 263, 273, 274, 286, 300, 307 note, 308 note, 309, 311, 318, 368. Girgenti, 112. Giron, Don Gaspar, 143. Giudice, Cardinal, 10, 12, 27, 51, 52, 55, 56, 59, 69, 72, 75, 77, 81, 84, 122. Goertz, 106, 114. Gozzadini, Cardinal, 15. Grammont, Duke of, 54. Granada, Elisabeth's Visit to, 268. Grimaldi, 384, 395. Grimaldo, 28, 60, 93, 130, 134, 135, 136, 138, 145, 149, 159, 162, 163, 172, 175, 176, 181, 183, 184, 188, 196, 203. Guadalajara, 28, 30, 39, 175. Guastalla, 305. Guerra, De, 163. Guevara, 113. Guipuscoa, 115-119. Gyllenborg, 106. H. Haddock, Admiral, 353, 355, 363. Hanover, Elector of, see George 1. Hanover, Treaty of, 186, 188, 192. Harrington, Earl of, 302, 349. Hasfeld, Marshal, 119. Hasse, 344 note. Havana, 337. Havrech, Prince of, 102. Heinsius, Pensionary, 74. Hercules, The, 265. Hermione, The, 360. Higgins, Dr., 245 note. Holstein, Duke of, 191. Holzendorf, 161, 189, 192. Hosier, Admiral, 195, 206. Huesca, Duke of, 382. Hulin, 245. Huraldi, 355. Huxelles, De Marshal, 119, 210. Hyeres, Battle of, 369. I. Incendio, Mutiny on the, 268. Indies, President of, 163. Infanta, see Maria Anna and Maria Theresa. Influenza. The, 268. Ischia, 303. INDEX. 411 J. Jadraque, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32 note. Jamaica, 183, 147. Jenkins, 247, 348. Joseph I., Emperor, 2, 132, 342. Juros, The, 38 note. K. Kaimo, 396. Keene, Sir Benjamin, 3, 163, 185, 189, 199 note, 206 note, 217-352, 353, 354, 355, 366, 389, 392. Konigsegg, Marshal, 87, 197, 198, 201-240, 259, 261, 263, 305, 316. L. La Baume, 320. La Fare, 135. La Mancha, 142. La Marck, 372. La Mina, 357, 358, 389. La Quadra, 300, 331, 335, 336, 337, 345, 347, 350, 352, 354. Landi, Beretti, 103, 114, 127. Lascaris, 99. Lasci, General, 381. Las Nieves, Marchioness, 333. Law, John, 131. Lawless, 178. Lede, Marquis of, 88, 103, 121, 157, 163. Lerida, 123. Lestock, 369. Lezze, Da, 267. Liria, Duke of, 119, 143, 190, 204, 206, 250, 255, 256, 268 note, 276, 293, 295. Livry, Abbe, 177, 178. Lobkowitz, 369, 370. London, Treaty of, 132, 180. Lorraine, Prince of, Charles, 380. Lorraine, Prince of, Francis, 180, 312, 371. Lorraine, Princess of, 319. Louis XIV., 71, 73, 174. Louis XV., 134, 160, 177, 206 note, 209, 211, 213, 214, 216, 260, 269, 371, 382. Louis, Dauphin, 292, 319, 343. Louisa Isabella, Mile, de Montpensier, Queen of Spain, 134, 164, 168, 178 vote. Louville, Marquis of, 69, 70, 80. Luis Ferdinand I., King of Spain, 17, 32, 49, 51, 58, 108, 131 note, 133, 134, 146, 148, 162, 164, 165 note, 166, 169, 172. Luis Antonio, Don, 216, 321, 393, 396. M. Macanaz, 20, 36, 51, 60, 81, 124, 137 note, 223, 347, 390. Madame, see Orleans, Duchess of, 54, 168 note. Madrid, Palace of, 322 note. Maffei, 87, 89, 110, 111. Maggiali, Abbe, 24, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 107, 150. Maillebois, Marshal, 370, 379, 381, 383, 384, 387. Maine, Duke and Duchess of, 116. Maintenon, Madame de, 10, 21, 42, 47, 174. Majorca, Conquest of, 56, 60, 86. Mantua, Siege of, 305. Mari, Marquis, 66, 103, 113, 336. Maria Amalia of Saxony, Queen of Naples, Queen of Spain, 342, 394, 395. Maria Anna of Neuburg, Dowager Queen of Spain, 2, 22, 23 note. Maria Anna, Infanta of Spain, Prin- cess of Brazil, 134, 177, 178 notr, 179, 210, 264, 321. Maria Theresa, Infanta of Spain, Dauphine of France, 319, 343, 372, 387. Maria Theresa, Archduchess, 176, 179, 181, 186, 187 note, 226, 227, 229, 254, 292, 312, 361, 362, 363, 365, 367, 368, 371, 390. Marie Louise Elizabeth of France, Princess of Parma, 343. Marischal, Lord, 120, 130, 136. Maro, Del, 99, 152 note. Martin, Commodore, 365. 412 INDEX. Matthews, Admiral, 365, 369. Massa, Occupation of, 303. Maulevrier, 135. Medici, Cardinal, 18. Medina Celi, Palace of, 9. Melarede, 98. Melazzo, 114, 121. Merci, 121, 305. Messina, Capture of, 114. Methuen, 38, 56, 72, 73. Minorca, 132, 174, 186. Mirandola, Duke of, 156. Mirandola, Occupation of, 303, 364. Miseno, Occupation of, 303. Modena, Capture of, 364. Modena, Duke of, 7, 364. Modena, Henrietta, Princess of, see Parma, Duchess of. Molina, Archbishop, 323. Molines, Cardinal, 84, 85. Monaco, Prince of, 372. Monteleone, 78, 183, 203, 272. Montemar, Duke of, 123, 275, 276, 299, 304, 305, 317, 319, 335, 337, 362, 364, 365, 367. Montgon, Abbe, 196, 206 note, 211- 216, 224, 227, 250 note, 260. Monti, Marquis, 96. Montijo, Count of, 158, 291, 314, 320, 328, 337, 347, 358, 372, 375. Montpensier, Mile, de, see Louisa Isabella. Morgan, Capt., 189. Morosini, 388, 390, 392. Morville, 192, 212, 213, 224. Muley, Abdelah, 199 note. N. Nancre, Marquis of, 96, 97, 113, 114. Naples, Occupation of, 303, 304. Navarre, Lower, 187, 206 note. Newcastle, Duke of, 205 note, 243, 276, 291, 349. Newfoundland, Fisheries of, 132. Noailles, Duke of, 306, 320, 372, 373, 384-387, 391. Norris, Admiral, 321. Novi, 370. Nunciatura, Tribunal of, 83. 0. Oran, 272-277, 386, 290. Orbitello, Landing at, 362. Orendayn, 163, 183, 187 note, 188, 191, 192, 197, 202, 203, 207, 216, 262, 293. Orleans, Duchess of, 10, 54, 168 note. Orleans, Duke of, Regent, 54, 56, 59, 65, 68, 71, 91, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 104, 108, 115, 116, 128, 129, 133, 134, 137, 147, 171, 174. Orleans, Duke of, 177, 192, 193, 242. Ormea, 291, 363. Ormond, Duke of, 120, 121, 130, 136, 157, 189, 190, 191, 208, 210. Orri, 20, 32, 38, 40, 41, 50, 52, 53, 60, 347. Ossorio, 302, 367. Ossuna, Duke of, 98, 99. Ostend Company, 172, 173, 177, 180, 186, 195, 209, 216, 226, 239. P. Palermo, Capture of, 110-112, 121. Palm, Count, 187 note, 205. Panama, 360. Pardo, The, 13, 48, 155 note, 259. Pardo, Convention of, 221. Parma, Duchess of, see Farnese, Dorothea. Parma, Duchess of, see Farnese, Henrietta. Parma, Duke of, see Farnese, An- tonio. Parma, Duke of, see Farnese, Francesco. Parma, Duke of, see Farnese, Ra- nuccio II. -Parma, Occupation of, 257. Parma, Palace of, 5. Pasajes, 118. Passaro, Cape, Battle of, 112, 113, 132. Passarowitz, Peace of, 105, 114. INDEX. 418 Patifio, Don Jose", 103, 113, 136, 174, 187 note, 194, 196, 204, 205, 208, 215, 221, 223, 226, 228, 233, 234, 235-330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 336, 337, 354, 357, 358, 391. Paul III., Pope, 1. Paz, Marquis de la, 202, 220, 226, 229, 230, 234, 235, 236, 239, 283, 293, 323. Pellegrina, La, 266, 325, 326, 333. Pensacola, 128. Percival, Lord, 168 note. Perlas, 177. Pescatori, Laura, 45, 46, 101, 107, 121, 135, 146, 319, 328, 333. Peter the Great, Czar, 106, 107, 114, 169. Peter II., Czar, 206, 264, 276 note. Peterborough, Lord, 122. Peterwardein, 68. Phastenburg, 176 note. Philip III., 362. Philip V. , passim. Philip, Don, Prince of Parma, 181, 186, 226, 295, 340, 342, 343, 344, 353, 354, 361-371, 377, 379, 380, 382, 389. Philippines, The, 195, 284, 287. Philip, William, Elector Palatine, 2. Piacenza, Palace of, 5. Piedmont, Prince of, 7. Pio della Mirandola, Prince, 7, 120. Piombino, Occupation of, 303. Piombino, Princess of, 21, 24, 28, 33 note. Pizarro, 357. Platania, Abbe, 216, 324. Poggiali, 2, 4, 6, 11. Poland, ex-King of, see Stanislaus I. Poland, King of, see Frederick I. and Augustus II. Polignac, Cardinal, 116. Pompadour. Marquis of, 116. Popoli, Duke of, 156. Port Mahon, 72, 87, 92, 121, 128, 185, 187, 274, 309, 368. Porto Bello, 195, 206, 359. Porto-Carrero, Abbe, 116. Porto Longone, 88, 98. Portugal, King of, 330. Portugal, Princess of, see Barbara. Poyntz, 225, 239. Pragmatic Sanction, 186, 242, 251, 254, 255, 281, 282, 287, 291, 292, 314, 316, 343, 361. Pretender, The, 57, 71, 72, 74, 76, 78, 90, 106, 107, 120, 130, 136, 170, 183, 187 note, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 204, 205 note, 206 note, 210, 216, 335. Prie, Mde. de, 193. Prince Frederick, The, 216, 218, 219, 220. Procida, Occupation of, 303. Prussia, King of, see Frederick William I. and Frederick II. Puerto Rico, 337. Puntal, Arsenal of, 265. Q. Quadruple Alliance, 91, 96, 113, 115, 119, 130, 224, 233, 237, 241, 255, . 299, 361 note. Quintana, 346. R. Ragotsky, Prince, 105. Rastadt, Treaty of, 25. Rebecca, The, 247. Regnier, Abbe, 376. Regent, see Orleans. Resolution, The, 136. Rialp, 62. Richelieu, Duke of, 116, 177 note, 178 note, 195, 196, 198 note, 207, 216, 238 note, 372. Ripperda, 60, 73, 74, 75, 78, 139, 169, 170, 174, 176, 177, 179-204, 210, 216, 238, 259, 263, 282, 328. Robin, 135. Robinet, 51. Robinson, 250, 282. Rochford, Earl of, 395. Ronciglione, 132, 368. Rothembourg, Count, 217-220, 226, 251, 254, 256, 277, 278, 279, 281, 289, 291, 293, 299, 308 note, 317. INDEX. Roussillon, 187, 206 note. Royal Caroline, The, 286. Rubi, Viceroy of Sardinia, 88. Rumbello, Abbe, 320. Ruzini, 392. S. S. Aignan, Duke of, 22, 52, 54, 55, 68, 75, 115. S. Bias, Duke of, 275. Santo Buono, Prince of, 157. Santa Cruz, Marquis of, 142, 145, 158, 179, 223, 275, 276. San Felipe, Marquis, 84, 88, 104, 124. S. George, Chevalier, see Charles Edward. S. Gil, 30a S. Jean, Pied de Port, 179. S. Ildefonso, 161-164, 263, 266, 390- 396. S. Pierre, Duke of, 157. S. Pierre, Duchess of, 27, 157, 165, 266, 333. S. Saphorin, 91, 176 note, 182, 206. S. Simon, Duke of, 2, 5, 8, 23 note, 26, 27, 59, 127, 134, 135, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145 note, 148, 150-155, 162, 164, 168 note, 178, 179, 236, 325, 372. Sabine, General, 208 note, 249, 286. Sacramento, 321. Salazar, 156. Sandwich, Earl of, 353 note. Santofia, 121. Sardinia, Conquest of, 86-89, 93, 94. Sardinia, King of, see Charles Emanuel. Sardinia, King of, see Vittorio Amadeo. Sartine, Intendant, 52. Savoy, Duke of, see Vittorio Amadeo. Saxe, Marshal, 371. Saxony, Elector of, see Frederick Augustus I. and II. Schaub, Sir Luke, 91, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 133. Scotti, Marquis, 21, 25, 121, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 135, 138, 159, 160, 163, 166, 169, 170, 186, 266, 328, 333, 372, 375, 378. Seaforth, Lord, 120. Sestri Levante, 21, 123. Seville, 265, 269, 297. Seville, Treaty of, 224, 239, 240, 241, 242, 244, 246, 249, 250, 251, 279, 281. Sicily, Invasion of, 110. Sicily, King of, see Vittorio Amadeo. Sicily, Occupation of, 304. Sinzendorf , 176 note, 182, 186, 216. Soissons, Congress of, 222, 223, 300, 245. Solferino, Duke of, 157. Solway, The, 285. Somaglia, Countess, 24, 43, 46. Somodevilla, see Ensenada. South Sea Company, 76, 217, 247, 286, 346, 350, 351, 352. Spinola, 243. Stair, Earl of, 114. Stalpart, 192. Stampa, Count, 272. Stanhope, Colonel, Earl of Harring- ton, 93, 96, 104, 118. 120, 131, 134, 135, 136, 161, 178-210, 238, 239. Stanhope, Earl of, 60, 73, 74, 75, 79, 80, 91, 92, 113, 114, 121, 225. Stanislaus, King of Poland, 209. Stewart, Admiral, 248, 285, 286. Sweden, King of, see Charles XII. Syracuse, 114. T. Tallard, 210. Tess^, Marquis de, 159, 162, 165, 166, 177. Theodore, King of Corsica, 199 note. Tinachero, Duke of, 53. Toledo, Archbishop of, 163. Torcy, Marquis of, 21, 31, 53, 54, 55, 57, 61, 157. Torres, Count de las, 208, 209. Torrenueva, Marquis of, 332, 347. Tortugas, The, 75. Townshend, Lord, 181, 185, 188, 190, 225, 241, 242. Trapani, 114, 304. Traun, 369. INDEX. 415 Triple Alliance, 80, 89, 90, 99. Tullibardine, Lord, 120. Turin, Treaty of, 299, 301, 315, 319, 320. Tuscany, Cosimo III., Grand Duke of, 62, 67, 136. Tuscany, John Gaston, Grand Duke of, 237, 240, 253, 255, 271, 272, 273, 283, 316, 336. Tuscany, Leonora, Princess of, 315. u. Urgel, Siege of, 120, 126. Ursins, Mme. des, 8-33, 35, 37, 39, 41, 43, 47, 48, 49, 51, 54, 59, 139, 144, 155, 158. Ustariz, 347. Utrecht, Treaty of, 25, 71, 79, 88, 92, 99, 131, 132, 180, 258, 368, 397, 398. V. Valenza, 371. Vandermeer, 191, 197, 209, 231, 241, 284, 300, 314. Vaulgrenant, 291, 298, 318, 328, 334, 342. Vaurdal, Bishop, 372, 375, 377, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384, 385, 390. Vienna, Treaty of, 180, 181, 186, 187, 192, 205, 206 note, 213, 226, 239, 359. Vienna, Second Treaty of, 246, 254, 255, 256, 259, 281, 282, 313, 359, 361. Vienna, Preliminaries of, 216, 221. Velletri, 321, 369. Vendome, Duke of, 10 note, 18, 53, 54, 59. Venier, 309 note, 322, 323. Veraguas, Duke of, 53, 115. Villarias, 372, 388, 389, 390. Villars, Duke of, 116, 119, 134, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 216, 220, 231, 235, 242, 266, 276, 278, 281, 283, 289, 290, 292, 293, 297, 298, 302, 303, 304. Vigo, 121. Vittorio Amadeo, 64, 67, 68, 87, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 111, 114, 135, 237, 239, 240, 269, 280, 290, 294, 398. w. Wager, Sir Charles, 206, 256. Waldegrave, Earl of, 277, 292, 357. Waleff, Baron, 120. Wales, Princess of, 132. Walker, Consul, 131. Wall, Don Bicardo, 392, 395. Wall, alias Savery, 336. Walpole, Horace, afterwards Lord Walpole, 205 note, 206 note. Walpole, Horace, 353 note. Walpole, Sir Robert, 191, 211, 225, 302, 330, 347, 350, 352 note, 356, 357, 366. Wassenaer, 386. Weber, Dr., 89. Westminster, Treaty of, 88, 90, 99. Wharton, Duke of, 189, 190, 208 note. Wightman, General, 120. Windischgratz, 180. Worms, Treaty of, 367. Wiisterhausen, Treaty of, 191 note. y. Yaci, Prince, 394. z. Zuminghen, 121. ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS. H Classified Catalogue OF WORKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE PUBLISHED BY LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. gi AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, AND 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY. CONTENTS. BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE). -o BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- MOIRS, &c. 7 CHILDREN'S BOOKS - 26 CLASSICAL LITERATURE TRANS- LATIONS, ETC. - 18 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- MENT, &c. 28 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, &c. 17 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - - - 21 FUR AND FEATHER SERIES - 12 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - - 3 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND SCIENCE OF 16 LONGMANS' SERIES OF BOOKS FOR GIRLS 26 MANUALS OF CATHOLIC PHIL- OSOPHY 16 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 14 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL WORKS 29 MISCELLANEOUS THEOLOGICAL WORKS 31 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - - 18 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- NOMICS 16 POPULAR SCIENCE - 24 SILVER LIBRARY (THE) - - 27 SPORT AND PASTIME - 10 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE COLONIES, &c. .... 8 VETERINARY MEDICINE, &c. - g WORKS OF REFERENCE- - - 25 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. Page Page Page Page Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 1 8 Bacon - - - 7, 14 Boedder (B.) - - 16 Cholmondeley-Pennell (T. K.) - - 14, 15 Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3 Bolland (W. E.) - 14 (H.) ... ii (E. 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