_E n& raved fy S,> An Sartor Phil LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC IN THE DAYS OF THE TYRANTS; OR, CIVILIZATION AND BARBARISM. FROM THE SPANISH OF DOMINGO F. SARMIENTO, LL.D., MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC TO THE UNITED STATES. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OE THE AUTHOE, BY MRS. HORACE MANN. First American from the third Spanish Edition. NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY KURD AND HOUGHTON. 1868. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1868, by MART MANN, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York. S3/ PREFACE. SINCE the translation of this work by Colonel Sar- miento was begun, the tide of events has carried its author to the proudest position before his country which any man since San Martin, the hero of its independence and of the independence of some of its sister Republics, has ever occupied. It is true that cir- cumstances of even a trivial nature, and still more fre- quently of a corrupt nature, often bring a man to the chieftainship of his country, whether the office is elec- tive or otherwise ; but in this instance such circum- stances have been singularly wanting. Colonel Sarmif ento, after an absence of seven years from his coun-^ try, without any political party, without any pledges of policy given or required, without any of the machinery that is generally used to set in motion such important measures, has by an almost unanimous movement been made the candidate par excellence for the Presidency! of the Argentine Republic, and the returns are already 99*7 IV PREFACE. known from the province of Buenos Ayres, which contains one third of the population of the whole Republic, and is by far the wealthiest, most cultivated, 1 and most influential part of it. In this province his election has been complete and unanimous, and the A voice of many other provinces has long been heard through their daily organs, so that doubtless before these pages see the light, the favorable result will be confirmed. Colonel Sarmiento has resisted all the entreaties of his friends to return to his country to aid . the interests of his election. He has chosen to wait until elected by the unbiassed will of his countrymen, and for wise as well as self-respecting reasons. All who have followed the golden thread of his life through ' the chaotic changes that have harassed the life of the Republic, so determined to be free and progressive, in spite of all the temporary reactions of the barbaric element which has its seat in the peculiar composition of its society, feel with him that it is only by apprecia- tion of his motives, sympathy with his aims,' and confi- dence in his ability to save them from the present threatened anarchy, that he can have any assurance of doing good from the high position now assigned him. He has never flattered his countrymen ; he has always recognized the barbarian tendencies which have so often overpowered the equally persistent but vitally * permanent influences of civilization, and he has been PREFACE. V equally assiduous in his endeavors to arouse them from the apathy inherent, as it were, in a Spanish and at the same time priest-ridden community ; but even Cordova, the " city of priests," anchored in conserva- tism by the very character of its extraordinary univer- sity culture, looks to him now as the only salvation for the nation. Although a man of decided military ability, as has been proved at various times when patriotism has called him into the field, Colonel Sarmiento is eminently a man of peace, and during a long exile of twenty years, as well as in his subsequent brilliant career as Chief of the Department of Schools, Senator, Minister of State, and Governor of his native province, in his diplomatic missions to Chili, Peru, and the United States, has had but one watchword : " The Education of the People." To his countrymen he is the very ideal type of the SCHOOLMASTER, which he has eVer considered his proudest title. By persistently keeping this idea uppermost, and op- posing it to all the adverse tendencies of -a community that could make money enough without it, and con- stantly predicting the disasters that would from time to time overwhelm it if this element' of freedom were not cherished as the very ark of its liberties, he 1 made an impression which in the hour of peril ripened quickly into a conviction, and to use an oft-repeated expression vi PREFACE. of the daily journals of the present period in South America, " his name surged spontaneously from the lips of his countrymen, and was shouted across the Cordilleras and the pampas from either border, from the eastern provinces intelligently, from the western as a cry of hope born of despair and terror, and from the interior where his 'beneficent labors have already borne fruit and given birth to unlimited hopes of the future." It is characteristic of that imaginative and poetical people to be powerfully swayed by a daring ( spirit, and a man must have self-reliance to kindle them. Colonel Sarmiento's self-reliance is founded in the nature of the principles he advocates ; and his per- sonal courage in opposing every form of tyranny and barbarism, united with a self-respect which has pre- vented him from ever asking for an office or a public favor, now commands an appreciation which perhaps his countrymen would be incapable of rendering under a less powerful intellectual stimulus than that given by their present danger. The stucjy of education also led him to the study of legislation at home and abroad, and in those -two paths he has been of incalculable benefit to his country, not only convincing its most advanced men that public education is the only basis of a republic, but aiding them essentially in modeling their government upon that of the United States, which is their prototype, and PREFACE. vii to which they now look, rather than to Europe, for light and knowledge. Colonel Sarmiento, in this work offered to the English and American public, gives no intimation of his personal relations with the tyrants, but as his whole life and much of the life of the Republic is connected with these relations, it is proposed to give a short ac- count of its many " dramatic situations," incurred, by his love and utterance of truth. These will be better understood after than before the perusal of the main work. A complete life of Colonel Sarmiento,- with all its interesting romantic and historical episodes, would fill two such volumes, but it is hoped that enough has been left untouched by the iron rules of publication to make him known, and to show that his present un- sought triumph is one that a truly great man may be proud of. Constantly, from his earliest entrance into life, sacrificing all personal considerations, rather than swerve one io*ta from his principles, or deny himself the frank utterance of his convictions, he has proved con- clusively to those who 'have studied his career, that, he is incapable of any mere personal ambition, though no one appreciates better the sympathy of his fellow- men. It is the cultivated cities of the Argentine Republic, where Europeans find themselves at home in all that constitutes civilized society, and where the high culture viii PREFACE. of_th_fe.JSLis painfully contrasted with the utter want 4 of it in the body of the people, that constitute its difference from the other South American Republics, Chili^ jexceptfid^^in which certain influences have brought about certain elements of progress, Colonel Sarmiento being the chief of these favorable influences. If the chances of elections, or in this case rather the brute prowess of the reactionary chieftains, has defeated his election (which took place on the 12th of April), he will return to his country and take his seat in the Senate, to which he has of late been again chosen. He hopes by his influence in either position to increase the importance of his country's relations with the * United States, whose great ideas he wishes to see planted in that hemisphere. The sources of informa- "* tion from which the details of his life have been gath* ered, are two or three small biographies, written in Chili, Peru, and Geneva ; a short memoir in Rhode Island, the public documents of the Argentine Repub- lic, the " Journal of the Sessions of the Legislature," the " Journal of the Constitutional Convention," and many periodical works, all containing remarkable speeches upon various subjects. The reports of the Chilian government on " Popular Education " may be added to these, and a little book entitled " Recollec- tions of a Province," which is partly an autobiography written in 1850, while still in exile, under peculiar PREFACE. 1*X circumstances best described in his own preface to it. |J T shall give as copious extracts from this little book as my space will allow, for it is impossible, as I have proved by repeated efforts, to convey the same im- pression by any method of condensation within the reach of a compiler, which is the only character in which I have the presumption to call myself Colonel Sarmiento's biographer, a task which even his coun- trymen are too modest to assume at this moment of so much importance to their interests. My own interest in the subject has risen both from a personal one that grew out of his peculiar relations with my husband, in whose name Colonel Sarmiento introduced the boon of Common School Education into Chili and the Argen- tine Republic, making the name of Horace Mann a household word with all whom he imbued with his own views upon that sujbject, and from a deep inter- est in the nation whose highest aspirations rather than whose actual condition he represents. I wish the.re- fore to place before the public, the series of pictures that give it a marked individuality, and that have in* the course of a few years made" me cognizant of its history, so obscured to the general eye by the repeated reactions it has suffered since the days of its hardly- won independence. The work called originally " Civilization and Bar- barism," but in the American translation entitled X PREFACE. " Life in the Argentine Republic," was written in Chili, during the author's exile, in order to make known there the policy of Rosas. It found its way to France, and was so favorably received in the " Revue des deux Mondes," that the influence reacted upon his own country, as well as gave to European publicists an explanation of the struggle in the Argentine Re- public. A work called " Rosas and the Questions of the La Plata," and many other European publications, were based upon its data and its standpoint. Rosas felt that it gave a mortal blow to his policy, yet during five years of anathemas hurled at the author by the ".Gaceta Mercantil," which was his organ, the- book was not named. All the author's books were pro- scribed, but the name of this one carefully suppressed, yet no book was more sought or more read in the Re- public. It was handed about secretly, hidden away in drawers, and read at every man's peril. The " Revue des deux Mondes " says of it : " During his residence in Santiago, which preceded his travels in Europe, Senor Sarmiento published this work full of attraction and novelty, instructive as history, interest- ing as a romance, brilliant with imagery and coloring. ' Civilization and Barbarism ' is not only one of those rare testimonials which come to us of the intellectual life of South America, but it is an invaluable docu- ment. Doubtless passion dictated many of its vigor- PREFACE. . x i ous pages, but even when exalted by passion, there, is internal evidence of a fund of impartiality which cannot fail to be recognized, and by whose light true characteristics are given to persons, and a natural coloring to events. . . . It is no less interesting to analyze South % than North America. This can only be done by the philosopher, the traveller, the poet, the historian, the painter of manners and customs, the pub- licist. Senor Sarmiento has succeeded in realizing this object in this work, which he has published in Chili, and which proves that* if civilization has enemies in those regions it also has eloquent champions." This work and other productions of his pen, secured to Senor Sarmiento in Europe, which he subsequently visited, the acquaintance of many prominent men : M., Guizot, M. Thiers, Cobden, then ambassador in Spain, Alexander Dumas, Gil de Zarate, Breton de los Her- reros, Ventina de la Vega, Aribou, and other literary Spaniards ; Baron Humboldt, and many others. Pope Pius IX., then in the meridian of his glory, sent for him as cousin of the Bishops Cuyo, Oro, and Sarmi- ento, whom he had known in South America. All institutions of education were thrown open to his study in the portions of Europe which he visited, and to .so well-prepared a mind, everything was full of signifi- cance, even failures, both educational and political. Dr. Wappaus; Professor of Geography and Statistics in xii PREFACE. the University of Gottingen, afterwards translated and published in German Senor Sarmiento's " Memoir upon German Emigration to the La Plata," and ac- companied it with one hundred and sixty-nine pages of notes and comments of his own. When R. W. Emerson read the book, he told Colonel Sarmiento that if he would write thus for our public, he would be read ; and Mr. Longfellow sug- gested writing a romantic poem called the " Red Ribbon," which might be made as striking though it is to be hoped an even more exceptional picture of the peculiar customs of the country than the native poet Echevarria's " Captive," so descriptive of gaucho life. Buenos Ayres was founded in 1535, by Don Pedro Mendoza, and in 1536 Don Juan de Aloyas, the lieu- tenant of Mendoza, ascended the Parana and the Paraguay, which Sebastian Cabot had visited in 1530, and founded the city of Asonoption in memory of a victory gained over the Indians. This city, now the capital of Paraguay, was then the capital of the Span- ish possessions in La Plata. In 1537, while Mendoza was absent in Spain, Buenos Ayres was reduced to the last extremity by the Querandi Indians. The Timbues (Indians) destroyed it entirely in 1539. It was rehabilitated in J542, again destroyed in 1559. ~ In 1580, Juan de Garay, lieutenant of the Governor PREFACE. xiii of Paraguay, descended the river from Asomption, and on the llth of June planted the Spanish flag on the old site. He endeavored to people this city with Gruarani Indians, massacred the Querandis who had revolted against him, and died in 1584. Don Francisco de Zarate, chevalier of the Order of Santiago, and governor of Buenos Ayres, confirmed the foundation of the city by an act of the 10th of February, 1594, and began to construct the fortifications which are now seen on the bank of the river. In 1620, the govern- ment of Asomption was reduced in Paraguay^ and Buenos Ayres became the chief city of the second government established in La Plata. In 1629, a royal decree united into a single viceroyalty the hitherto separate governments of Buenos Ayres, of Asomption, and the provinces of Charcas, Potosi, and Cochabamba. In 1640, the Portuguese carried their arms into the La Plata, but after many contests, stretching over many years, a treaty was made in 1785, by which the domain came into the possession of Spain definitively. Until the eighteenth century there ^was but one viceroyalty in South America, that of Peru, which extended from the western to the eastern shore, but on account of the inconveniences of so large v a ter- ritory, Spain created another in New Grenada in 1718, a capi.tancy in Caraccas in 1734, another in xiv PREFACE. Chili at the same time, and the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, including the provinces of Upper Peru. The viceroy was the representative of the King and his court, and he maintained the pomp and luxury of the court of Madrid. The viceroyalty united the civil and military power with no other counterpoise than the distant dependency of the Council of the Indies, and the near but indirect inspection of the audiencia, a court of appeal for all cases not exceed- ing 10,000 dollars in gold. The viceroy was ex officio its president. His sanction, assisted by an as- sessor, was necessary to promulgate any sentence. The salary of the viceroyalty, GQjfiQQ dollars in gold in Mexico and Peru, and 40,000 in Buenos Ayres and New Grenada, sufficed to sustain the li^x- ury prescribed by the royal ordinances. It generally lasted five years, and was then obliged to render an account of its administration, and the viceroy pre- sented himself in person to answer to any charges made against him. Other high functionaries were obliged to do the same. The members of the audi- encia were not paid ; they must be natives of Spain, and could not form marriage ties in South America ; they were even recommended not to contract intimate social relations with the residents of the country ; but an exception was made in favor of Creoles. The officials of this body were a regent, three auditors, PREFACE. XV and two fiscals, and they took command of everything but of declaring war. The functions of subdelegates (corregidores) were the same as in the peninsula. The institution of municipalities was the best guarantee against abuses, and these are still existent and of great import. Although the individuals of these corporations wre not elected popularly, they were considered by the people as their own representatives. The ecclesiastical hierarchy formed another part of the colonial system. Ten viceroys in succession occu- pied Buenos Ayres from 1777 to 1806. The Marquis of Sobremonte was the King's representative in 1806, when the English invaded La Plata. . The viceroy abandoned the capital on the 27th of June that year, leaving it to the occupation of General Beresford, and fled to Cordova, where he obliged the people to re- ceive him with all the pomp due to his rank. The Governor of Montevideo, Ruiz Huidobro, and the cabildo * and population of that city, prepared to re- conquer Buenos Ayres. While the expedition was in 1 The cabildo was a popular assembly with officials answering to mayors and aldermen ; their attributes and prerogatives were very great, especially after the downfall of the viceroyalty. This form of govern- ment was originally taken from the peninsular government, with the idea of opposing a barrier to the exactions of the territorial lords. Rivadavia, when President in 1825, suppressed this body and substituted for it the municipality which still exists. XVI PREFACE. preparation, Santiago Liniers, captain of a vessel, a Frenchman in the employ of Spain, arrived at Monte- video with the same purpose. The forces were con- fided to his command, and he retook Buenos Ayres on the 14th pf August. The next day the principal inhabitants formed themselves into a junta which invested Liniers with the command, and created civic forces to defend the territory which was threatened with a new invasion. Sobremonte was obliged to bend before the will of the people. He confirmed Liniers in the military command, delegated his politi- cal and administrative powers to 4 the audiencia, and retired to Montevideo. In 1807, Sir Samuel Auchmuchty with five thou- sand English soldiers, took Montevideo by assault. The cabildo and the civic corps demanded the im- prisonment of Sobremonte, and the audiencia, after resisting for a time, yielded to the will of the people, and took part in a second junta which decreed the arrest of the viceroy and the seizure of his papers. Another English force under General Whitlocke, laid siege to Buenos Ayres, but was beaten in the streets of the city on the 3d of July, capitulated, and was obliged to evacuate the whole territory of La Plata. The court of Spain confirmed Liniers in the , post of viceroy, and nominated Don Francesco Javier Elio governor per interim of Montevideo. PREFACE. xvji But from the time Sobromente was deposed, the prestige of the viceroyalty was lost, never to be restored. At this period arose two rival parties, the European and the American. Ferdinand VII. was at that time dethroned ; and this trouble in Spain, added to the ideas suggested by the French revolution, increased the difficulties in South America. The 1st of January, 1809, a conspiracy, supported by the Euro- peans, presented themselves in the public square of Buenos Ayres, and demanded the deposition of the viceroy and the establishment of a governmental junta for the whole viceroyalty. This met with opposition, of course, but the idea of independence had taken possession of the people, and the result was that a junta was formed, and three persons were put in power. After the fall of this junta, and the establish- ment of other similar ones, the government was placed in 1814, in the hands of a single person, called. Su- preme Director of the United Provinces of the La Plata. From the beginning of this supreme directory, especially after the return of Ferdinand VII. to the throne, there was supposed to be a strong tendency in Buenos Ayres towards submitting to the royal author- ity. But if this desire had existed in any force among those who directed affairs, or guided public opinion, no opportunity or pretext could have offered more favor- able to it than the incessant solicitations and proposi- xviii PREFACE. tions of the Princess Carlota, who asked to reign there independently, but which in effect were always utterly powerless in Buenos Ayres. General Alvear, appointed Director in 1815, had already made sub- mission to the King, but this reaction caused a revolu- tion in April, at the head of which stood the cabildo. fn& assembly was dissolved, and the Director dis- placeol and exiled. On the 24th of March, 1816, a general congress opened its sessfons at Tucuman. It declared the independence of the provinces on the 9th of July, since observed in the Republic as the 4th of July in North America, and Don Juan Martin Puyrre- don was appointed Director. He assumed the power on the 29th of July. Three years after, General Jlondeau was appointed Director in Puyrredon's place. 1 i When Colonel Sarmiento was in France, in 1867, at the awarding of prizes in the Exposition, the Argentine Minister to France, who is the son-in-law of General San Martin, the most remarkable Argentine hero of independence, gave an official banquet to the legation, on which occa- sion Colonel Sarmiento had the pleasure of relating an historic fact, until then unknown, namely : that General San Martin, by his counsels to the Congress of Tucuman in 1816, at which time Independence was declared, was the moving spirit of that act of the Congress, for which the Deputies were not at that time prepared. To Colonel Sarmiento, also, the public is indebted for the details of the famous interview between San Martin and Bolivar in Guayaquil, which resulted in San Martin's noble self-abnega- tion and renunciation, not only of his place in the activity of that period, but in the lifelong misunderstanding of his contemporaries, all of which Colonel Sarmiento took from the lips of the grand old man when he PREFACE. xix In the mean time, the province of Montevideo had rebelled, and the place had been ta^en by General Alvear on the 23d of June, 1814. General Artigas, one of the country commandants, who cooperated in the siege, had early given tokens of insubordination, and General Alvear undertook to pursue him with the, forces that had occupied Montevideo. Master of the Banda Oriental, and of all its resources, Artigafc dis- played his resentment towards Buenos Ayres. He not only took the Oriental province from the Argen- tine community, but his personal influence and that of- his system, extended over Corrientes, Entrerios, Santa;' Fe*, and Cordova. No treaties were accepted by ' either side. One of the effects of his influence was the invasion of the province of Buenos Ayres by the troops of Santa F6 and Entrerios, and in February 1820, the Director Rondeau was beaten at La Canada de Cepeda. The conquerors entered Buenos Ayres with their troops, dissolved the Congress and the Di- rectory, and reduced its power to Buenos Ayres alone. Some authors, in speaking of the revolution of 1810, have attributed to the landed proprietors considered as a class, an influence, an ambition, and political views which never had an existence. They declared them- visited him in his self-imposed exile at Grandbourg in France, in 1846. Party passions had obscured the subject till that revelation was made from so authentic a source. xx PREFACE. selves for their country, as many other classes did, purely from a sentiment of patriotism, and nothing more. During the first ten years of the revolution, when the existence of the Federal and Unitario par- * ties was an old story, the rural districts of most of the provinces, and that of Buenos Ayres particularly, 'were indifferent and even strangers to those questions and those parties. That multitude of changes in the -government which Jook place in the cities in favor of one or the other party, were of no importance or interest in the campagna. It was not till 1815 that it was called upon to give its opinion, conjointly with that of the city, not only upon the validity of a gov- ernment, but even upon the proposed reform of a provisory State, which was never realized. The rural districts never made a movement which revealed ^ political ideaj and they never misunderstood^ any gov- ernment. It is true that the gauchos, a peculiar race of men that is seen in the pampas, and holds a middle place between the European and the aboriginal inhab- itant, followed certain partisans of that epoch, but it was because those partisans were the immediate au- thority which they recognized ; they followed them from personal affection and from the habit of obe- dience, but from no political conviction, nor from any desire to make any system prevail for their interest as a class. The chieftainship (caudillage) did not ap- PREFACE. XXI pear till 1829. The rural districts, passively obedient, knew neither " Unitarian ism " nor " Federalism." If the Congress of 1826 had proclaimed a federation, the chiefs that then represented the federation would ha.ve cried unity ; the opposition was against men, not against things, which were but a pretext. In 1820, in the absence of the Governor of the Province, Don Manuel Dorrego, who had offended and gone to fight the Governor of Sante Fe, Don Martin Rodriguez was put in his place. The cabildo pro- tested against this ; the city was thrown into agita- tion, and Rodriguez had to flee to the country. He -returned to the city with Juan Manuel Rosas, com- mander of the militia or country forces, called the Colorados (or red soldiers) of La Conchas a man of a Buenos Ayres family, but who, rejecting education, had gone into the country to enjoy more license for his vices than the customs of the city would allow. By the help of Rosas, Rodriguez was reestablished. Hap- pily, Rodriguez chose Rivadavia for his prime minis- ter, and the country appeared to breathe a free br&ath under the wise and enlightened administration of this truly great man. When the Revolution of Independence began, the grand fractions of the viceroyalty, now its separate States, proposed to separate and form private govern- ments. When the struggle with Spain ended, this was xxii PREFACE. effected. Rivadavia, who was the chief of the Uni- tarios, began by introducing into Buenos Ayres the complete system of a Republic for this province alone, with legislature, government, revenues, etc., like the North American States, and advised the other prov- inces to do the same, each for itself. This was Uni- tarianism. The foundations of federal system were thus unconsciously laid by the Unitarios themselves, though at that time they opposed federation. What Rivadavia wished at that moment was to give to the actual governments regular form ; but he, San Martin and Bolivar, had the same horror of the idea of federa- tion that the French had in the time of the Girondines. Rodriguez was succeeded in 1824 by General Don Juan Gregorio las Heras. Under his administration a general Congress was convoked, which created a gen- eral government under a President, independent of the government of Buenos Ayres. The seat of both the provincial and general governments was the city of Buenos Ayres, and grave inconveniences were the consequence. The provincial government and its rep- resentatives were dissolved, and Rivadavia was made ..President-General on the 8th of February, 1826. He kept that office but one year. The opposition to him * in Congress was in the majority, and he resigned. Dr. Dt>n, Vicente Lopez was put in his place. When Con- gress dissolved, the representatives, the majority of PREFACE. xxiii whom were Federals, nominated Don Manuel Dorrego, who began to rule in August, 1827. He was driven out by Juan Lavalle in December of this year. Dorrego fled to the country, but was beaten and shot by La- valle. Rosas, partisan of Dorrego, fled to Santa F, from whence he returned with Lopez, jts governor. Lavalle was beaten by Lopez^ at the^Puente del Mar- ques, in 1828. Don J. Jose* Viemont was appointed Governor, and in 1829 was succeeded by Rosas. The Unitari9 forces, who, with their leaders, had emigrated from Buenos Ayres, occupied the Province of Cor- doba, under the orders of General Paz, who was caught by a lasso at the head of his army, and thus made prisoner. Facundo Quiroga triumphed over Castillo, another Unitario chief, and this was the Occa- sion of his appearing on the general scene of ^action. He was the most celebrated of all those chiefs, repre- senting no party, but a gaucho of gauchos ; his char- acteristics brought him an influence, baleful though it was, which made him aspire to the first place in the Republic. Rosas, whose most distinguishing traits were his atrocious cruelty and malice, was jealous of him, and caused his assassination at Barranca-yaco. All the accomplices of the crime were subsequently ar- rested and executed. Lopez died soon after under cir- cumstances that pointed almost unmistakably to poison. Cullen, Governor of Santa Fe*, who had bathed his XXIV PREFACE. hands in the conspiracy against Quiroga, and who had letters in his possession that would have compromised Rosas, was shot by Rosas' order at the Arroyo del Medio, a little river between the Provinces of Buenos Ayres and Santa Fe, to which place he was trans- ported for that purpose. The character of Rosas was as stupidly misunderstood abroad, at the time of his supremacy, as that of Lopez of Paraguay at the pres- ent time. Wheg. he was appointed Governor by the Congress, he was crowned by the women ; the city x was illuminated, bands of music paraded, the people were in a state of exultation, and the universal cry was " Death to the Unitarios ! " On the 18th day of the same month the House of Representatives, " in order to reward the worthy citizen, Don Juan Manuel Rosas, and his country companions, for having stifled the scandalous military insurrection of the lst_of De- cember, 1828," voted for a law declaring all publica- tions printed since the 1st of December, 1828, against the former governor, Dorrego, or Colonel Rosas, or 'the provincial governors and respectable patriots who had served the cause of order, to be infamous libels, and ^graceful to public morals and honor. It also declared him " the restorer of the laws and insti- tutions of the Province of Buenos Ayres. The rank of Brigadier-General of this province shall be given him, and the legislature charges itself with PREFACE. - XXV . making him known in this character throughout ^he Republic. He shall be decorated with a sword and a golden medal ornamented with the symbols of law, justice, and courage ; the medal shall be garnished N with brilliants on one side, and shall have a crown of laurels and an olive branch as an emblem of gratitude, with these words : Buenos Ayres to the Restorer of the Laws. The reverse shall have his bust in cement, with . utensils of agriculture and trophies of war, and the device : He cultivated his fields and defended his coun- try." But their hopes were sadly disappointed. For more than twenty years he held them in abject terror, such as Colonel Sarmiento has described. The rigor of his rule deceived the world, which gives the meed to'suc- cess rather than to merit. When Celonel Sarmiento visited the United States in 1847, and saw the work-' ing of federal institutions, his views of government underwent a great change. He had been a Unitario from education, and antagonism of ideas to Rosas 'and the caudilloS) or country chiefs, and 'from 1827 had taken arms against the Federal party, which was iden- tified with them. Forty years of separation of the provinces, during which each had had its own govern- ment, had broken every national tie, and they could not easily unite under a federal government, such as ^ t the caudillos had proposed in opposition to Rivadavia. - XXVI * PREFACE. * Rosas had continued to triumph over all the forces "which the Republic had united to free itself from his "horrible tyranny, and the Unitario chiefs and emigrants . were driven into Montevideo, where Rosas besieged them*. In 1848, while still in Chili, Colonel Sarmiento i established a periodical called " The Cronica," and ad- ; vocated a federal government, like that of the United , Stales, as the only means of continuing the Republic. In this manner he could attract the provinces to their party, accepting the federation, which existed, in fact. After he had established that semi-annual peri- odical, he founded another weekly one, called " Sud Amercia," which lasted till 1850, in which he unfolded the constituent principles of federation, and promoted the free navigation of the rivers in order to give sea- ports to the provinces. Another object of it was to encourage emigration. His .endeavors were crowned with the most complete success. In 1850, he wrote a - pamphlet proposing a Congress, and preparing the way to fp^m a union and alliance of the Unitario chiefs and the Federal caudillos. This pamphlet was called " Ar- , giropolis," and his plan was to found another capital in the island of Martin Crarcia. This pamphlet was very effective, and ruined Rosas among his own sup- porters. Bompland, the celebrated naturalist, the com- panion of Humboldt, presented himself before Urquiza, the principal chieftain under Rosas, and refused o'bedi- PREFACE. XXVn ence to the latter, and proposed a federaL constitution and the alliance of the Unitarios, who had collected for mutual defense at Montevideo. This plan was ac- cepted. Colonel Sarmiento, the present President Mitre*, and General Paunero, now candidate for the Vice-Presidency, left Chili 'and went to Buenos Ayres, round Cape Horn, to join Urquiza. They conquered Rosas at Caseros. Thus the Unitarian party itself agreed to give the country a federal constitution. Colonel Sarmiento began the movement alone, but was finally joined by his friends. But General Ur- quiza proved incapable, through his ignorance and his gaucho habits, of comprehending the significance of the thing he had done himself, and endeavored to con- tinue the old arbitrary rule. The biographical sketch in this volume recounts the self-banishment of Colonel Sarmiento at this time, and his subsequent return and labors in the Province of Buenos Ayres in a private capacity. Buenos Ayres succeeded in resisting Ur- quiza at this time, and constituted itself again v a separate State while Urquiza governed the provinces. When Colonel Sarmiento was elected Deputy to the legislature of Buenos Ayres, before his release from Chili in 1855, he refused the office, and addressed a letter to the electors, reproaching them for having separated from the Republic. He was then appointed w Deputy from Tucuman, and refused that also, because XXV111 PREFACE. Tucuman had constituted itself independent of Buenos Ayres. When he went to Buenos Ayres in 1856, all his efforts and writings had for their object the Union. His oration at that time over the ashes of Rivadavia, which he gave at the request of the municipality when they we^e received from Europe at the port of Buenos Ayres, was an appeal to the national sentiment for this Union. In 1859, the Convention, called at the in- stigation of himself and friends, met at Buenos Ayres to amend the Constitution, and Colonel Sarmiento pro- posed such amendments as made it resemble that of the United States, and in the National Convention was chiefly instrumental in ratifying these and bringing about the Union which now exists. When Governor of San Juan, he labored to amend the State government, but was opposed by his Uni- tario friends,, who feared that he would give the prov- inces loo much power. The disastrous history of the last few years has proved that he was in the right, and his countrymen, by the light of the conflagration of civil war, have at last seen that he was their best guide, and *the only prominent man that has clearly mastered the situation. Their wild cry of agony now summons him to their aid. 4 MARY MANN. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PHYSICAL CONTENTS OF THE REPUBLIC. PAGE Physical Conditions 3, 4 Rivers without Commerce 5 An Unbroken Country 7 The Rule of the Strongest 9 Native Indolence 11 Civilization by Cities 13 American Bedouins .15 Social Aspects 17 Religious Aspects . .19 Gaucho Traits 21 Sources of Wealth > 23 CHAPTER II. ORIGINALITY AND PECULIARITIES OF THE PEOPLE. Poetic Character 25-29 Musical Character . . . . . . . . . 29-31 Rastreador, the Track-Finder 32-35 Baqueano, or Path-Finder 35-39 The Gaucho Outlaw . . ' . 39-41 The Cantor, or Minstrel . . 41-45 * - CHAPTER III. ASSOCIATION. Pastoral Society 47 The Gaucho's Knife 49, A Centaur Sovereignty . 51 The Country Commandant . 53 The Montonera . ..... ... 55 XXX CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE REVOLUTION OF 1810. PAGE The Beginning of the Revolution .57 The Middle Party 59 The Montonera's Savagery . . 61 The Violent Death of Cities 63 Rioja 64-66 San Juan . 67-70 The Rodriguez 71 CHAPTER V. LIFE OF FACUNDO QUIROGA. His Infancy and Youth 73 The Tiger 75 Quiroga's Education 77 Habits of Life 79 The Gaucho's Revenge ' 81 Rebellious ^Spirit 82 Domestic Character 83 Facundo in Prison 85 Characteristics 87 Facundo as a Diviner 89 CHAPTER VI. LA RIOJA. Feud between Ocampos and Davilas 93 Facundo as Commandant 97 Davila made Governor . 99 Blanco made Governor . 101 Facundo as Financier ......... 103 Facundo's Avarice 105 Mining Fever 107 Gambling 109 Consequences of Facundo's Government Ill CHAPTER VII. SOCIAL LIFE. Transition Period 113 Cordova 114-120 Buenos Ayres 121-127 Unitarios 128 CONTENTS. XXXI PAOE The Two Parties. Progress and Reaction 129 Consolidation Inevitable 131 Facundo's Individuality 132 CHAPTER VIII. EXPERIMENTS. Congress 134 Colonel Madrid's Mission 135 Significance of the Color " Red " ....... 137 Effects of Freedom of Thought . . ... . . 139 The Red Ribbon .141 Facundo and the Federals 143 Toleration ..144 The Black Flag 145 The Catholic Party and Religion 147 An Easy Way of Paying Debts . 149 Rivadavia Resigns 151 CHAPTER IX. CIVIL, WAR. TABLADA. Dorrego and the Unitarios 153-155 The Execution of Dorrego by Lavalle 157 The Coming Campaign 159 Battle of Tablada 160 Tablada and Cordova 161 General Paz 163 Liberal Element in Cordova 165 Treaty of Lopez of Santa Fe 167 CHAPTER X. CIVIL WAR. The Murderer Barcena 169 The Story of Severa Villafane 171 Ransoms 173 Terror 174 A Spark of Humanity 175 Oncativo 177 CHAPTER XI. SOCIAL WAR. Chacon 179 Buenos Ayres in 1840 . . 181 XXXll CONTENTS. PAGE Capture qf Rio Quarto . .183 Castillo's Blunders 185 Castillo's Civilizing Work 187 Introduction of the Silk-Worm 189 Facundo at his Old Ways . . .191 Death of Villafane 192 Navarro ............ 193 Villafane , 195 Facundo's Discipline 197 Terror a Power 199 CHAPTER XII. SOCIAL WAR. Ciudadela . . .201 Tucuman 202 Facundo's Cruelty 209 Tyranny 211 River Navigation 213 Persecution . . . . . . . . . . . 214 CHAPTER XIII. BARRANCA- YACO ! ! ! Idea of Government . . . . . . . ' . . .216 Rosas Governor of Buenos Ayres 219 Rosas and Facundo 221 Facundo at Buenos Ayres . 223 Facundo's New Plans 225 Facundo's Secret Opposition to Rosas 227 Facundo's Presentiments 229 Facundo's Obstinacy . . . . . . . . . 231 Facundo's Individuality 233 Facundo's Death 234 Santos Perez ........... 235 CHAPTER XIV. FRIAR JOSE FELIX ALDAO, BRIGADIER-GENERAL AND GOVERNOR. Lieutenant Jose" Aldao . . 237 The Catholic Party and Religioa 239 Aldao Captain under San Martin 241 Aldao at Mendoza . 243 The Aldao Triumvirate . 245 CONTENTS. XXX111 PAGE Future Destiny of the Republic 247 Barcala, the Educated Slave 249 Facundo's Palace 251 Tablada 253 El Filar 255 Aldao and Facundo 259 Petition of Mendoza ,261 General Paz Lassoed 261 Card-playing 263 Rodriguez the Soldier .265 Brizuela 266 Acha 267 Rodeo del Medio 269 Aldao's Harem 271 Death of Aldao 273 What Mendoza gained from Aldao's Government .... 274 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR. Genealogy 276 Don Jose" de Oro 277 Preface to the Recollections of a Province 279 The History of my Mother 280 Vision of his Mother's Death 281 Don Jose" Castro 284 Characteristics of " My Mother " 285 "My Father" 287 The Fiesta of St. Peter 289 The Paternal Hearth 290 The Homestead . 291 Home Influences 293 La Toribia and Na Cleme 294 Colonial Life .295 Works of Art ; 297 The Sentence of Saints and Fig-tree 299 Changes 300 Early Education 301 Boyish Tastes 303 War of 1810 305 School of La Patria 306 Don Ignacio Rodriguez ......... 307 Don Antonio Aberastain 309 XXXIV CONTEXTS. PAGE Sarmiento School - . . . . 309-314 Education after leaving School 315 Readings 317 Public Life 318-321 Heroic Enthusiasm . . . . . . . . . . 321 Perils of Civil War 322 _ The Mastery of Languages 323 Mayorflomo of Copiapo Mines ........ 324 A Community of Students 325 Progress of Mind 326 'LaZonda 327 Political Difficulties 328 Interview with Benavides 329 Second Summons from Benavides 330 , Reasoning with an Ignorant Tyrant .' 331 Official Force in San Juan 332 Arrest by Benavides ; 333 Seventeenth of November 333 Face to Face with Death 335 In Prison 337 , Exile 339 Literary Labor in Chili 340, 341 Rout of La Madrid's Army 343 Fugitives in the Mountains 344, 345 Second Exile 345 ' Resumption of Literary Labors in Chili 346 Normal School in Chili 347, 348 Editor of Periodicals 349 Trials in Chili 350-352 Biographies 352 ^European Tour ' 353 Interview with Cobden 354-357 Acquaintance with Mr. Horace Mann 357 jLa Cronica and other Writings 358 Return to Buenos Ayres and Conquest over Rosas .... 359 Voluntary Exile to Chili 359 More Literary Labors 360 Residence in Buenos Ayres 360 Letter to Juana Manso 361 Senator 362 Cepeda 363 Eighth of November 364 Conventions to Reform Constitution Debates of Congress . . 365 CONTENTS. XXXV PAGE Minister and Chief of Staff Eight Years of Educational Labor . 367 Educational Works 368 Political and Moral Influence 369 Land Surveys 371 Chivilcoi 372 Isles of the Parana 373,374 Railroad from San Fernando to Buenos Ayres 375 Benavides, Rosas, Urquiza ........ 375 Virasero Death of Dr. Aberastain 376 Battle of Pavon Reception at San Juan 377 Made Governor of San Juan 378 Sarmiento School 379 Mining Interests 380, 381 ElChacho 382 Clavero 384 Diplomatic Missions 385> Admiral Pinzon Chincha Islands 386 Disinterested Political Action 387 South American Congress 387 Remarkable Predictions 388, 389 Writings in North America 389, 390 Ambas Americas 391 La Seiiora Juana Manso 392 French Exposition 393 Men of South America 393 Appreciation by his Countrymen 395 Appendix 297 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. CHAPTER I. PHYSICAL ASPECT OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, AND THE FORMS OF CHARACTER, HABITS, AND IDEAS INDUCED BY IT. " The extent of the Pampas is so prodigious that they are hounded on the north by groves of palm-trees and on the south by eternal snows." Head. THE Continent of America ends at the south in a point, with the Strait of Magellan at its southern ex- tremity. Upon the west, the Chilian Andes run par- allel to the coast at a short distance from the Pacific. Between that range of mountains and the Atlantic is a country whose boundary follows the River Plata up the course of the Uruguay into the interior, which was formerly known as the United Provinces of the River Plata, but where blood is still shed to determine whether its name shall be the Argentine Republic or the Argentine Confederation. On the north lie Para- guay, the Gran Chaco, and Bolivia, its assumed boun- daries. The vast tract which occupies its extremities is alto- gether uninhabited, and possesses navigable rivers as yet unfurrowed even by a frail canoe. Its own extent 1 2 LIFE IX THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. is the evil from which the Argentine Republic suffers ; the desert encompasses it on every side and penetrates its ver^ heart ; wastes containing no human dwelling, (are, generally speaking, the unmistakable bounda- ries between its several provinces. Immensity is the universal characteristic^. Jthfi-couiiiry,;. the plains, the woods, the rivers, are all immense ; and the horizon is always undefined, always lost in haze and delicate vapors which forbid the eye to mark the point in the distant perspective, where the land ends and the sky begins. On the south and on the north are savages ,ever on the watch, who take advantage of the moonlight nights to fall like packs of hyenas upon the herds in their pastures, and upon the defenseless settlements. When the solitary caravan of wagons, as it sluggishly traverses, the pampas, halts for a short period of rest, the men in cnarge of it, grouped around their scanty fire, turn their eyes mechanically toward the south upon the faintest whisper of the wind among the dry grass, and gaze into the deep darkness of the night, in search of the sinister visages of the savage horde, which, at any moment, approaching unperceived, may surprise them. If no sound reaches their ears, if their sight fails to pierce the gloomy veil which covers the silent wilder- ness, they direct their eyes, before entirely dismissing their apprehensions, to the ears of any horse standing within the firelight, to see if they are pricked up or turned carelessly backwards. Then they resume their interrupted conversation, or put into their mouths the half-scorched pieces of dried beef on which they subsist. When not fearful of the approach of the savage, the PHYSICAL CONDITIONS. 3 plainsman has equal cause to dread the keen eyes of the tiger, or the viper beneath his feet. This constantjnjse- ^^yjjLJjfe outsit t-hg- towns, .in my opinion, stamps upon the Argentine character a certain stojcaj^esig- natkm to death by violence, which is regarded as one of the inevitable probabilities of existence. Perhaps this is the reason why they inflict death or submit to it with so much indifference, and why such events make no deep or lasting impression upon the survivors. The inhabited portion of this country a country unusually favored by nature, and embracing all varie- ties of climates may be divided into three sections""^ possessing distinct characteristics, which cause differ- ' I ences of character among the inhabitants, growing out / of the necessity of their adapting themselves to x the , physical conditions which surround them. , In the__northj an extensive forest, reaching to the Chaco, covers with its impenetrable mass of boughs a space whose extent would seem incredible if there could be any marvel too great for the colossal types of Nature in America. In the centraLzone, lying parallel to the former, the plain and the forest long contend with each other for the possession of the soil ; the trees prevail for some distance, but gradually dwindle into stunted and thorny bushes, only reappearing in belts of forest along the banks of the streams, until finally in the south, the vic- tory remains with the plain, which displays its smooth, velvet-like surface unbounded and unbroken. It is the image of the sea upon the land ; the earth as it appears upon the map the earth yet waiting for the command 4 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. to bring forth every herb yielding seed after its kind. We may indicate, as a noteworthy feature in the con- figuration of this country, the aggregation of navigable^, rivers, which come together in the east, from all points K of the horizon, to form the Plata by their union, and thus worthily to present their mighty tribute to the Ocean, which receives it, not without visible marks of disturbance and respect. But these immense canals, excavated by the careful hand of Nature, introduce no change into the national customs. The sons of the Spanish adventurers who colonized the country hate to travel by water, feeling themselves imprisoned when within the narrow limits of a boat or a pinnace. When their path is crossed by a great river, they strip them- selves unconcernedly, prepare their horses for swim- ming, anH plunging in, make for some island visibledn the distance, where horse and horseman take breath, and by thus continuing their course from isle to isle, finally effect their crossing. Thus is the greatest blessing which Providence .bestows upon any people disdained by the Argentine gaucho, who regards it rather as an obstacle opposed jgJlJg_T"nv'ftmft"t-s, tlianjas_ the most powerful means of jfoftilitating them ; thus the fountain of national growth,^, the origin of the early celebrity of Egypt, the cause of Holland's greatness, and of the rapid development of North America, the navigation of rivers, or the use of canals, remains a latent power, unappreciated by the inhabitants of the banks of the Bermejo, Pilcomayo^ Parana, and Paraguay. A few small vessels, manned by Italians and adventurers, sail up stream from the RIVERS WITHOUT COMMERCE. 5 Plata, but after ascending a few leagues, even this navigation entirely ceases. The instinct of the sailor, which the Saxon colonists of the north possess in so high a degree, was not bestowed upon the Spaniard. Another spirit is needed to stir these arteries in which, a nation's life-blood now lies stagnant. Of all these rivers which should bear civilization, power, and wealth, to the most hidden recesses of the continent, and make of Santa Fe, Entre Rios, Corrientes, Cordova, Saltas, Tucuman, and Jujui, rich and populous states, the Plata alone, which at last unites them all, bestows its benefits upon the inhabitants of its banks. At its mouth stand two cities, Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, which at present reap alternately the advantages of their enviable position. Buenos Ayres is dpstin^d to be some day the most gigantic c^ty of either'America. Under a benignant climate, mistress of the navigation of a hundred rivers flowing past her feet, covering a vast area, and surrounded by inland provinces which know no other outlet for their products, she would ere / now have become the Babylon of America, if the spirit of the Pampa had not breathed upon her, and left un- developed the rich offerings which the rivers and prov- inces should unceasingly bring. She is the pnly city in the vast Argentine territory which is in communica- tion with European nations ; she alone can avail her- self of the advantages of foreign commerce ; she alone has power and revenue. Vainly have the provinces ^ asked to receive through her, civilization, industry, and , European population ; a senseless coldnial policy made ~ herMeaf to these cries. But the provinces had their revenge when they sent to her in Rosas the climax of their own barbarism. 6 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Heavily enough have those who uttered it, paid for the saying, " The Argentine Republic ends at the Arroyo del Medio." It now reaches from the Andes to the sea, while barbarism and violence have sunk Buenos Ayres below the level of the provinces. We ought not to complain of Buenos Ayres that she is great and will be greater, for this is her destiny. This would be to complain of Providence and call upon it to alter physical outlines. This being impossible, let us accept as well done what has been done by the Master's hand. Let us rather blame the ignorance of that brutal power which makes the gifts lavished by Nature upon an erring people of no avail for itself or fdr the provinces. Buenos Ayres, instead of sending to the interior, light, wealth, and prosperity, sends only chains, exterminating hordes, and petty subaltern ty- rants. She, too, takes her revenge for the evil inflicted upon her by the provinces when they prepared for her a^Rpsas ! I have indicated the circumstance that the position of Buenos Ayres favors monopoly, in order to show that the configuration of the country so tends to cen- tr^lization and consolidation, that even if Rosas had uttered his cry of " Confederation or Death ! " in good faith, he would have ended with the consolidated sys- tem which is now established. Our desire, however, should be for union in civilization, and in liberty^ while there has been given us only union in barbarism and in slavery. But a time will come when business will take its legitimate course. What it now concerns is something in the wilds of the Argentine territory which brings to mind the wilds of Asia ; the imagina- tion discovers a likeness between the pampa and the plains lying between the Euphrates and the Tigris ; some affinity between the lonely line of wagons which crosses our wastes, arriving at Buenos Ayres after a ' . journey lasting for months, and the caravan of camels * which takes its way toward Bagdad or Smyrna. The wagons which make such journeys among us, consti- THE RULE OF THE STRONGEST. 9 tute, so to speak, squadrons of little barks, the crews of which have a peculiar dress, dialect, and set of customs, which distinguish them from . their fellow-countrymen, g'ust as the sailor differs from the landsman. The head of each party is a military leader, like the chief of an Asiatic caravan ; this position can be filled only by a man of iron will, and daring to the verge of rashness, that he may hold in check the audacity and turbulence of the land pirates who are to be directed and ruled by himself alone, for no help can be summoned in the desert. On the least symptom of insubordination, the captain raises his iron chicote, and delivers upon thq mutineer blows which make contusions and wounds ; if the resistance is prolonged, before resorting to his pistols, the help of which he generally scorns, he leaps from his horse, grasps his formidable knife, and quickly reestablishes his authority by his superior skill in handling it. If any one loses his life under such disci- pline, the leader is not answerable for the assassination, which is regarded as an exercise of legitimate authprity. From these characteristics arises in the life of the Argentine people the reign of brute force, the suprem- acy of the strongest, the absolute and irresponsible authority of rulers, the administration of justice with- out formalities or discussion. The caravan of wagons is provided, moreover, with one or two guns to each wagon, and sometimes the leading one has a small piece of artillery on a swivel. If the train is attacked by the savages, the wagons are tied together in a ring, and a successful resistance is almost always opposed to the blood-thirsty and rapacious plunder of the assail- ants. Defenseless droves of pack-mules often fall into 10 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. the hands of these American Bedouins, and muleteers rarely escape with their lives. ' In these long journeys, the 'lower classes of the Argentine population acquire the habit of living far from society, of struggling single- "faanded with nature, of disregarding privation, and of depending for protection against the dangers ever im- minent upon no other resources than personal strength and skill. > The people who inhabit these extensive districts, belong to two different races, the Spanish and the nativej the combinations of which form a series of-im- psrceptible gradations. The pure Spanish race pre- dominates in the rural districts of Cordova and San Luis, where it is common to 'meet young shepherdesses fair and rosy, and as beautiful as the belles of a capital could wish to be. In Santiago del Estero, the bulk of the rural population still speaks the Quichua. .dialect, which plainly shows its Indian origin. The country people of Corrientes use a very pretty Spanish dialect. " Dame, general, una chiripa," said his soldiers to La- valle. The Andalusian soldier may still be recog- nized in the rural districts of Buenos Ayres ; and in the city foreign surnames are the most numerous. The negro race, by this time nearly extinct (except in Buenos Ayres), has left, in its zambos and mulattoes, ;a lin-k which connects civilized man with the denizen of the woods. This race mostly inhabiting cities, has a tendency to become civilized, and possesses talent and the finest instincts of progress. With these reservations, a homogeneous whole has resulted from the fusion of the three above-named . families. It is characterized by love of idleness and NATIVE INDOLENCE. 11 incapacity for industry, except when education and the exigencies of a social position succeed in spurring it out of its customary pace. To a great extent, this unfor- tunate result is owing to the incorporation of the native tribes, effected, by the process of colonization. The American- aborigine^ live in idleness, and show them- selves incapable, even under compulsion, of hard and protracted labor. This suggested the idea of introdu- cing negroes into America, which has produced such fatal results. But the Spanish race has not shown itself more energetic than the aborigines, when it has been left to its own instincts in the wilds of America. Pity and shame are excited by the comparison of one of the Gtrmanj>r Scotch colonies in the southern part of Buenos Ayres and some towns of the interior of the Argentine Republic ; in the former the cottages, are painted, the front-yards always neatly kept and adorned with flowers and pretty shrubs ; the furniture simple but complete ; copper or tin utensils always bright and clean ; nicely curtained beds ; and the occupants of ^he dwelling are always industriously at work. Some such families have retired to enjoy the conveniences of city* life, with great fortunes gained by their previous labors in milking their cows, and making butter and cheese. The towjX-jnhabited by natives _of the country, pre- sents a picture entirely the reverse. There., dirty and fagged-eliildiien live, with a menagerie of dogs ; there, men lie about in utter idleness ; neglect and poverty prevail everywhere ; a table and some baskets are the only furniture of wretched huts remarkable * for their general aspect of barbarism and carelessness. This wretched manner of life of a people already on 12 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. the decrease, and belonging to the pastoral districts, doubtless gave rise to the words which spite and the humiliation of the English arms drew from Sir Walter . Scott: " The vast plains of Buenos Ayres," he says, *' are inhabited only by Christian savages known as v Guachos " (gauchos, he should have said), " whose furniture, is chiefly composed of horses' skulls, whose food is raw beef and water, and whose favorite pastime is running horses to death. Unfortunately," adds the good foreigner, " they prefer their national independ- ence to our cottons and muslins." 1 - It would be well to ask England to say at a venture how many yards of linen and pieces of muslin she wouM give to own these plains of Buenos Ayres I Upon the boundless expanse above described stan4 scattered here and there fourteen cities, each the capi- tal of a province. The obvious method of arranging their names would be to classify them according to their geographical position : Buenos Ayres, Santa Fe* r Entfe Rios, and Corrientes, on the banks of the Para- na ; Mendoza, San Juan, Rioja, Catamarca, Tucuman, Salta, and Jujui, being on a line nearly parallel to the Chilian Andes ; with Santiago, San Luis, and Cor- dova, in the centre. But this manner of enumerating the Argentine towns has no connection with any of the social results which I have in view. A classification adapted to my purpose must originate in the ways of .life pursued by the country people, for it is this which determines their character and spirit. I have stated above that the proximity of the rivers makes no differ- v _ence in this respect, because the extent to which they , ! Life, of Napoleon Bonaparte, vol. ii., chap. 1. CIVILIZATION BY CITIES. 15 . are navigated is so trifling as to be without in/niding upon the people. Vre-* All the Argentine provinces, except San Juan.ane Mehdoza, depend on the products of pastoral _lifej . Tucuman avails itself of agriculture also, and Buenos Ayres, besides raising millions of cattle and sheep, de- votes itself to the numerous and diversified occupations of civilized life. The Argentina cities, like almost all the cities of , South America, have an appearance of regularity. Their streets are laid out at right angles, and their ^population scattered over a wide surface, except in Cordova, which occupies a narrow and confined posi- - tion, and presents all the appearance of a European city, the resemblance being increased by the multitude of towers and domes attached to its numerous and magnificent churches. All civilization, whether native, Spanish, or European, centres in the cities, where are to be found the manufactories, the shops, the schools and colleges, and other characteristics of civilized na- tions. Elegance oLstyle, articles of luxury, dress-coats, and frock-coats, with other European garments, oc- cupy their appropriate place in these towns. I mention these small matters designedly. It is sometimes the case that the only city of a pastoral province is its cap- ital, and occasionally the land is uncultivated up to its very streets. The encircling desert besets such cities at a greater or less distance, and bears heavily upon them, and they are thus small oases of civilization sur-" rounded by an un tilled plain, hundreds of square miles in extent, the surface of which is but rarely interrupted by any settlement of consequence. .iFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. , cities of Buenos Ay res and Cordova haxe suc- *ed better than the others in establishing about them subordinate towns to serve as new foci of civilization and municipal interests ; a fact Which deserves notice. ( The inhabitanj^_of_the city wear the European dre.ss, live in a civilized manner, and possess laws, ideas of progress, means of instruction, some municipal organi- zation, regular forms of government, etc. Beyond tHe t precincts of the city everything assumes a new aspect; the country people wear a different dress, which I will call South American, as it is common to all districts ; - their habits of life are different, their wants' peculiar and limited. The people composing these two distinct forms of society, do not seem to belong to the same , nation. Moreover, the countryman, far from attempt- ing to imitate the customs of the city, rejects with dis- * dain its luxury and refinement ; and it is unsafe for the costume of the city people, their coats, their cloaks, their saddles, or anything European, to show them- selves in the country. Everything civilized which the , city contains is blockaded there, proscribed beyond its , limits-; and any one who should dare to appear in the rural districts in a frock-coat, for example, or mounted on an English saddle, would bring ridicule and brutal assaults upon himself. 'The whole remaining population inhabit the open country, which, whether wooded or destitute of the larger plants, is generally level, and almost everywhere occupied by pastures, in some places of such abun- dance- and exceH"ence7^that the grass of an artificial meadow would not surpass them. Mendoza, and especially San Juan, are exceptions to this general AMERICAN BEDOUINS., ' 15 absence of tilled fields, the people here depending * chiefly .on the products of agriculture. Everywhere else, pasturage being plenty, the means of subsistence of the inhabitants for we cannot call it their occu- pation is stock-rajsnvg. Pastoral-life reminds us of ^ 7 the Asiatic plains, which imagination covers with Kalmuck, Cossack, or Arab tents. The primitive life 7 of nations a life essentially barbarous and unpro- / Digressive the life of Abraham, which is that of the Bedouin of to-day, prevails in the Argentine plains, although modified in a peculiar manner by civilization. , The Arab tribe which wanders through the wilds of . Asia, is united under the rule of one of its elders or of a warrior chief; society exists, although not fixed in any determined locality. Its religious opinions, im- * memorial traditions, unchanging customs, and its sen- timent of respect for the aged, make altogether a code ^ . of laws and a form of government which preserves morality, as it is there understood, as well as order and the association of the tribe. But progress is ippossi- ^ ble, because there can be no progress without perma- . /nent possession of the soil, or without cities, which are - the means of developing the capacity of man for the processes of industry, and which enable him to extend his acquisitions. Nomad tribes do not exist in the Argentine plaini ; the stock-raiser is a proprietor, living upon his own land ; but this condition renders association impossible, and tends to scatter separate families over an immense ^ extent of surface. Imagine an expanse of two thou- sand square leagues, inhabited throughout, but where the dwellings are usually four or even eight leagues * 16 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. apart, and two leagues, at least, separate the nearest neighbors. The production of movable property is not impossible, the enjoyments of luxury are not wholly incompatible with this isolation ; wealth can raise a superb edifice in the desert. But the incentive is. wanting ; no example is near ; the inducements for making a great display which exist in a city, are not known in that isolation and solitude. Inevitable pri- vations justify natural indolence ; a dearth of all the amenities of life induces all the externals of barbarism. Society has altogether disappeared. There is but the isolated self-concentrated feudal family. Since there is no collected society, no government is possible ; there is neither municipal nor executive power, and civil justice has no means of reaching criminals. I doubt if the modern world presents any other form of associ- ation so monstrous as this. It is the exact opposite of the Roman municipality, where all the population were assembled within an inclosed space, and went from it to cultivate the surrounding fields. The consequence of this was a strong social organization, the good results of which have prepared the way for modern civiliza- tion. The Argentine system resembles the old Slavo- nic Sloboda, with the difference that the latter was agricultural, and therefore more susceptible of govern- ment, while the dispersion of the population was not so great as in South America. It differs from the nomad tribes in admitting of no social reunion, and in a permanent occupation of the soil. Lastly, it has something in common with the feudal system of the Middle Ages, when the barons lived in their strong-, holds, and thence made war on the cities, and laid SOCIAL ASPECTS. 17 waste the country in the vicinity ; but the baron and the feudal castle are wanting. If power starts up in the country, it lasts only for a moment, and is demo- cratic ; it is not inherited, nor can it maintain itself, for want of mountains and strong positions. It follows from this, that even the savage tribe of the pampas is better organized for moral development than are our country districts. But the remarkable feature of this society, viewed in its social aspect, is its affinity to the life of the an- cients ::::r toThe life of the Spartans or Romans ; but again a radical dissimilarity appears when the. subject is considered from another side. The free citizen of Sparta or of Rome threw upon his slaves the weight of material life, the care of providing for his subsist- ence, while he lived, free from such cares, in the forum or in the public place of assembly, exclusively occupied with the interests of the State peace, war, and party contests. The stock-raiser has his share of the same advantages, and his herds fulfill the degrading office .of the ancient Helot. Their spontaneous multiplication constitutes and indefinitely augments his fortune ; the help of man is superfluous ; his labor, his intelligence, . his time, are not needed to the preservation and in- crease of the means of life. But though he needs none of these forces for the supply of his physical wants, he is unable to make use of them, when thus saved, as the Roman did. He has no city, no municipality, no intimate associations, and thus the basis of all social development is wanting. As the land-owners are not brought together, they have no public wants' to satisfy ; in a word, there is no res publica. 18 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. NTINl Moral progress, tid the cultivation of the intellect, are here not only neglected, as in/ the Arab or Tartar tribe, but impossible. Where can a school be placed, for the instruction of children living ten leagues apart in all directions ? Thus, consequently, civilization can in no way be brought about. Barbarism is the normal 'condition, 1 and it is fortunate if domestic customs pre- serve a small germ of morality. Religion feels the consequences of this want of social organization. The offices of the pastor are nominal, the pulpit has no Audience, the Driest flees from the deserted chapel, or allows his character to deteriorate in inactivity and solitude. Vice, simony, and the prevalent barbarism penetrate his cell, and change his moral superiority t into the means of gratifying his avarice or ambition, and he ends by becoming a party leader. I once wit- nessed a scene of rural life worthy of the primitive ages of the world, which preceded the institution of the priesthood. In 1838 I happened to be in the Sierra de San Luis, at the house of a proprietor whose 'two favorite occupations were saying prayers and gambling. He had built a chapel where he used to pray through the rosary on Sunday afternoons, to supply the want of a priest, and of the public divine service of which the place had been destitute for many years. It was a Homeric picture : the sun declining to the west'; the sheep returning to the fold, and rend- ing the air with their confused bleatings ; the service conducted by the master of the house, a man of sixty, 1 In 1826, during a year's residence at the Sierra de San Luis, I taught the art of reading to six young people of good families, the youngest of whom was twenty-two years old. KELIGIOUS ASPECTS. 19 % with a noble countenance, in which the pure European race was evident in the white skin, blue eyes, and wide and open forehead ; while the o^sponses were made by a dozen women and some young men, whose imper- fectly broken horses were fastened near the door of the chapel. After finishing the rosary, he fervently offered up his own petitions. I never heard a voice fuller of pious feeling, nor a prayer of purer warmth, of firmer faith, of greater beauty, or better adapted to the cir- cumstances, than that which he uttered. In this prayer he besought God to grant rain for the fields, fruitfulness for the herds and flocks, peace for the Re- public, and safety for all wayfarers. I readily shed tears, and wept even with sobs, for the religious senti- ment had been awakened in my soul to intensity, arid like an unknown sensation, for I never witnessed a more religious scene. I seemed to be living in the times of Abraham, in his presence, in that of God, and ' of the nature which reveals Him. The voice of that sincere and pure-minded man made all my nerves vi- brate, and penetrated to my inmost soul. To this, that is, to natural religion, is all religion reduced in the pastoral districts. Christianity exists, like the Spanish idioms, as a tradition which is perpet- uated, but corrupted ; colored by gross superstitions and unaided by instruction, rites, or convictions. It is the case" in almost all the districts which are remote from the cities, that when traders from San Juan or Mendoza arrive there, three or four children, some months or a year old, are presented to them for bap- tism, confidence being felt that their good education will enable them to administer the rite in a valid man- 20 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. ner ; and on the arrival of a priest, young men old enough to break a colt, present themselves to him to be anointed and have baptism sub conditione adminis- -tered to them. In the absence of all the means of civilization and , progress, which can only be developed among men 'collected into societies of many individuals, the educa- , tion of the country people is as follows: The women look after the house, get the meals ready, shear the sheep, milk the cows, make the cheese, and weave the coarse cloth used for garments. All domestic occupations are r ^ performed by women ; on them rests the burden of all the labor, and it is an exceptional favor when some of the men' undertake the cultivation of a little maize, bread not being in use as an ordinary article of diet. The boys exercise their strength and amuse themselves by gaining skill in the use of the lasso and the bolas, with which they constantly harass and pursue the calves and goats. When they can ride, which is as" soon as they have learned to walk, they perform some small services on horseback. When they become stronger, they race over the country, falling off their horses and getting up again, tumbling on purpose into rabbit 1 burrows, scrambling over precipices, and prac-, ticing feats of horsemanship. On reaching puberty, they take to breaking wild colts, and death is the least ' penalty that awaits them if their strength or courage fails them for a moment. With early manhood comes complete independence and idleness. ., * Now begins the public life of the gaucho, as I may say, since his education is by this time at an end,, * 1 Viscachas. < GAUCHO TRAITS. mplants These men, Spaniards only in their language ;sibility the confused religious notions preserved among ion, it 7 must, be seen, before a right estimate can be made of" the indomitable and haughty character which grows out of this struggle of isolated man with untamed . nature, of the rational being with the brute. It is necessary to see their visages bristling with beards, . their countenances as grave and serious as those of the Arabs of Asia, to appreciate the pitying scorn with' which they look upon the sedentary denizen of the city, who may have read many books, but who cannot overthrow and slay a fierce bull, who could not pro- vide himself with a horse from the pampas, who has never met a tiger alone, and received him with a dag- ger in one hand and a poncho rolled up in the other, to be thrust into the animal's mouth, while he trans- fixes his heart with his dagger. This habit of triumphing over resistance, of con^ stantly showing a superiority to Nature, of defying and subduing her, prodigiously develops the consciousness of individual consequence and superior prowess. The / Argentine people of every class, civilized and ignorant alike, have a high opinion of their national importance/ All the other people of South America throw this vanity of theirs in their teeth, and take offense at their presumption and arrogance. I believe the charge not , to be wholly unfounded, but I do not object to the trait. Alas, for the nation without faith in itself! Great things were not made for such a people. To ^ what 'extent may not the independence of that part of America be due to the arrogance of these Argentine - gaudhos, -who have never seen anything beneath the LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. < perior to themselves in wisdom or in power? European is in their eyes the most contemptible or all men, for a horse 'gets the better of him in a couple of plunges. 1 If the origin of this national vanity -among the lower classes is despicable, it has none the less on that ac- couijt some noble results ; as the water of a river is no less pure for tlje mire and pollution of its sources. Im- placable is the hatred which these people feel for men of refinement, whose garments, manners, and customs, they regard with invincible repugnance. Such is the material of the Argentine soldiery, and it may easily be imagined what valor and endurance in war are the con- sequences of the habits described above. We may add that these soldiers have been used to slaughtering cattle from their childhood, and that this act of neces- sary cruelty makes them familiar with bloodshed, and hardens their hearts against the groans of their vic- tims. Country life, then, has developed all the physical but none of the intellectual powers of the gaucho. His moral character is of the quality to be expected from his habit of triumphing over the obstacles and the forces of nature ; it is strong, haughty, and energetic. Without instruction, and indeed without need of any, without means of support as without wants, he is happy in the midst of his poverty and privations, which are not such to one who never knew nor wished for greater pleasures than are his already. Thus if the disorgani- , ! General Mansilla said, in a public meeting during the French block- ade, " What have we to apprehend from those Europeans, who are not equal to one night's gallop? " and the vast plebeian audience drowned the speaker's voice with thunders of applause. SOURCES OF WEALTH. zation of society among the gauchos deeply implants barbarism in their natures, through the impossibility and uselessness of moral and intellectual education, it , has, too, its attractive side to him. The gaucho does not labor ; he finds his food and raiment ready to his hand. If he is a proprietor, his own flocks yield him both ; if he possesses nothing himself, he finds them in the house of a patron or a relation. The necessary care of the herds is reduced to excursions and pleasure parties ; the branding, which is like the harvesting of farmers, is a festival^ the arrival of which is received with trans- ~~poffs of joy, being the occasion of the assembling of all the men for twenty leagues around, and the oppor- tunity for displaying incredible skill with the lasso. The gaucho arrives at the spot on his best steed, riding at a slow and measured pace ; he halts at a little dis- tance and puts his leg over his horse's neck to enjoy the sight leisurely. If enthusiasm seizes him, he slowly dismounts, uncoils his lasso, and flings it at some bull, passing like a flash of lightning forty paces from him ; ' he catches him by one hoof, as he intended, and quietly v coils his leather cord again. CHAPTER II. ORIGINALITY AND PECULIARITIES OF THE ARGENTINE PEOPLE. " Ainsi que 1' ocean, les Steppes remplessent 1'esprit du sentiment de 1'infini." Humboldt. " Like the ocean, the Pampas fill the mind with the impression of the in- finite." Humboldt. IF from the conditions of pastoral life, such as colo- nization and neglect have constituted it, rise serious obstacles in the way of creating any political organiza-'' tion, and much more for the introduction of European civilization and institutions, as well as their natural results, wealth, and liberty, it cannot be denied, on the other hand, that this state of things has its poetic side, and possesses aspects worthy of the pen of the romancer. If any form of national literature shall appear in these new American societies, it must result from the description of the mighty scenes of nature, and still more from the illustration of the struggle between European civilization and native barbarism, between mind and matter a struggle of imposing magnitude in South America, and which suggests scenes so peculiar, so characteristic, and so far outside the circle of ideas in which the European mind has been educated, that their dramatic relations would be unrecognized machinery, except in the country in which they are found. POETIC CHARACTER. 25 The only North American novelist who has gained a European reputation is Fenimore Cooper, and he succeeded in doing so by removing the scene of the events he described from the settled portion of the country to the border land between civilized life and that of the savage, the theatre of the war for the pos- session of the soil waged against each other, by the native tribes and the Saxon race. It was in this manner that our young poet Eche- varria succeeded in attracting the attention of the literary world of Spain by his poem entitled " The Captive." The subjects of " Dido and Argea " which his predecessors the Varelas had treated with classic art and poetic fire, but without success and ineffect- ively, because they added nothing to the stock of European ideas, were abandoned by this Argentine bard, who turned his eyes to the desert. In its immeasurable and boundless spaces, in its wastes traversed by wandering savages, in the distant belt of flame which the traveller sees approaching when a fire has broken out upon the plains, he found the in- spiration derived by the imagination from the sight of such natural scenery as is solemn, imposing, unusual, and mysterious ; and from this the echo of his verses resounded, and was applauded even in the Spanish Peninsula. A fact which explains many of the social phenom- ena of nations deserves a passing notice. The natural peculiarities of any region give rise to customs and practices of a corresponding peculiarity, so that where the same circumstances reappear, we find the same means of controlling them invented by different nations. 26 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Thus, in my opinion, is to be explained the use of bows and arrows among all savage nations, whatever may be their race, their origin, and their geographical position. When I came to the passage in Cooper's " Last of the Mohicans," where Hawkeye and Uncas lose the trail of the Mingos in a brook, I said to myself: "They will dam up the brook." When the trapper in " The Prairie " waits in irresolute anxiety while the fire is threatening him and his companions, an Argentine would have recommended the same plan which the trapper finally proposes, that of clearing a space for immediate protection, and setting a new fire, so as to be able to retire upon the ground over which it had passed beyond the reach of the approaching flames. Such is the practice of those who cross the pampa when they are in danger from fires in the grass. When the fugitives in " The Prairie " arrive at a river, and Cooper describes the mysterious way in which the Pawnee gathers together the buffalo's hide, " he is making a pelota" said I to myself, " it is a pity there is no woman to tow it," for among us it is the women who tow pelotas across rivers with lassos held between their teeth. The way in which a buffalo's head is roasted in the desert is the same which we use for cooking J a cow's head or a loin of veal. I omit many other facts which prove the truth that analogies in the soil bring with them analogous customs, resources, and expedients. This explains our finding in Cooper's works accounts of practices and customs which seem plagiarized from the pampa ; thus, too, we find repro- duced among American herdsmen, the serious coun- 1 Batear. POETIC CHARACTER. 27 tenance, the hospitality, and the very garments of the Arab. The country consequently derives a fund of poetry from its natural circumstances and the special customs resulting from them. To arouse the poetic sense (which, like religious feeling, is a faculty of the human mind), we need the sight of beauty, of terrible power, of immensity of extent, of something vague and in- comprehensible ; for the fables of the imagination, the ideal world, begin only where the actual and the com- monplace end. Now, I inquire, what impressions must be made upon the inhabitant of the Argentine Republic by the simple act of fixing his eyes upon the horizon, and see- ing nothing ? for the deeper his gaze sinks into that shifting, hazy, undefined horizon, the further it with- draws from him, the more it fascinates and confuses him, and plunges him in contemplation and doubt. What is the end of that world which he vainly seeks to penetrate ? He knows not ! What is there be- yond wjiat he sees? The wilderness, danger, the savage, death ! Here is poetry already ; he who moves among such scenes is assailed by fantastic doubts and fears, by dreams which possess his waking hours. Hence it follows that the disposition and nature of the Argentine people are poetic. How can such feel- ings fail to exist, when a black storm-cloud rises, no one knows whence, in the midst of a calm, pleasant afternoon, and spreads over the sky before a word can be uttered ? The traveller shudders as the crashing thunder announces the tempest, and holds his breath 28 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. in the fear of bringing upon himself one of the thousand bolts which flash around him. The light is followed by thick darkness ; death is on every side ; a fearful and irresistible power has instantaneously driven the soul back upon itself, and made it feel its nothingness in the midst of angry nature ; made it feel God him- self in the terrible magnificence of his works. What more coloring could the brush of fancy need ? Masses of darkness which obscure the sun ; masses of tremu- lous livid light which shine through the darkness for an instant and bring to view far distant portions of the pampa, across which suddenly dart vivid lightnings, symbols of irresistible power. These images must remain deeply engraved on the soul. When the storm passes by, it leaves the gaucho sad, thoughtful, and serious, and the alternation of light and darkness con- tinues in his imagination, as the disk of the sun long remains upon the retina after we have been looking at it fixedly. Ask the gaucho, " Whom does the lightning prefer to ^kill ? " and he will lead you into a world of moral and religious fancies, mingled with ill-understood facts of nature, and with superstitious and vulgar traditions. We may add that if it is certain that the electric fluid enters into the economy of human life and is the same as the so-called nervous fluid, the excitement of which rouses the passions and kindles enthusiasm, imagina- tive exertion ought to be well suited to the temper of a people living under an atmosphere so highly charged with electricity that one's clothes sparkle when rubbed, like a cat's fur stroked the wrong way. POETIC CHARACTER. 29 How can he be otherwise than a poet who witnesses these impressive scenes ? " Jira en vano, reconcentra Su inmensidad, i no encuentra La vista en su vivo anhelo Do fijar su fugaz vuelo, Como 'el pajaro en la mar. Doquier campo i heredades Del ave i bruto guaridas; Doquier cielo i soledades De Dios solo conocidas, Que 1 solo puede sondear." Echevarria. Or he who thus sees Nature in her gala dress ? " De las entranas de America Dos raudales se desatan; El Parana, faz de perlas, I el Uruguai, faz de nacar. Los dos entre bosques corren entre floridas barrancas, Como dos grandes espejos Entre marcos de esmeraldas. Saludanlos en su paso La melancolica pava, El picaflor i jilguero, El zorzal i la torcaza. Como ante reyes se inclinan Ante ellos seibos i palmas, 1 le arrojan flor del aire, Aroma i flor de naranja. Luego en el Guazii se encuentran I reuniendo sus aguas, Mezclando nacar i perlas, Se derraman en el Plata." Dominguez. But this is cultivated poetry, the poetry of the city. > There is another poetry which echoes over the solitary plains the popular, natural, and irregular poetry of the gaucho. Mftsic, too, is found among our people. It is a ^.national taste recognized by all our neighbors. When 30 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. an Argentine is first introduced to a Christian family, they at once invite him to the piano, or hand him a guitar, and if he excuses himself on the ground that "hlflloes not know how to play, they express wonder and incredulity, saying, " An Argentine, and not understand music ! " This general supposition bears witness to our national habits. It is the fact, that the young city people of the better classes, play the piano, flute, violin, or guitar: the half-breeds devote themselves almost wholly to music, and many skillful composers and players have sprung up among them. Guitars are constantly heard at the shop-doors on summer even- ings ; and late in the night, one's sleep is pleasantly disturbed by serenades and peripatetic concerts. The country people have songs peculiar to them- selves. The " Ariste," prevalent among the people of the northern districts, is a fugue melody expressive of lamentation, such as Rousseau considers natural to man in his primitive state of barbarism. The " Vidalita " is a popular song with a chorus, accompanied by the guitar and tabor, in the refrain of which the bystanders join, and the number and volume of the voices increase. I suppose this melody origi- nated with the aborigines, for I once heard it at an Indian festival at Copiapo, held to celebrate Candle- mas. As a religious song it must be very old, and the Indians of Chili can hardly have adopted it from the Spaniards of the Argentine Republic. The " Vidalita " is the popular measure for songs about the topics of the day, or for warlike odes ; the gauchos compose the words which they sing, and trust to the associations which the song arouses, to make MUSICAL CHARACTER. 31 them understood v by the people. Thus, then, amidst the rudeness of the national customs, two arts which embellish civilized life and give vent to many generous passions, are honored and favored, even by the lowest classes, who exercise their uncultured genius in lyrical and poetic composition. In 1840, Echevarria, then a young man, lived some months in the country, where the fame of his verses upon the pampa had already preceded him ; the gau- chos surrounded him with respect and affection, and when a new-comer showed symptoms of the scorn he felt for the little minstrel, 1 some one whispered, " He is a poet," and that word dispelled every prejudice. It is well known that the guitar is the popular in- strument of the Spanish race ; it is also common in South America. The majo or troubadour, the type of a large class of Spaniards, is still found there, and in Buenos Ayres especially. He is discoverable in the gaucho of the country, and in the townsman of the same class. The cielito^ the dance of the pampas, is animated by the same spirit as the Spanish jaleo, the dance of Andalusia ; the dancer makes castanets of his fingers ; all his movements disclose the majo ; the action of his shoulders, his gestures, all his ways, from that in which he puts on his hat, to his style of spitting through his teeth, all are of the pure Andalusian type. From these general customs and tastes are developed remarkable peculiarities, which will hereafter embellish the national dramas and romances, and give them an original shade of color. I propose at present only to notice a few of these special developments, in order to 1 Cajeteija, little musical box. 32 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. complete the idea of the customs of the country, and so to explain subsequently the nature, causes, and effects of its civil wars. / t^^ THE RASTREADOR. ^ fr/X The most conspicuous and extraordinary of the oc- cupations to be described, is that of the Rastreador, or JracJ&rfmder. All the gauchos of the interior are Ras- treadores. In such extensive plains, where paths and lines of travel cross each other in all directions, and where the pastures in which the herds feed are un- fenced, it is necessary often to follow the tracks of an animal, and to distinguish them among a thousand others, and to know whether it was going at an easy or a rapid pace, at liberty or led, laden or carrying no weight. This is a generally understood branch of household knowledge. I once happened to turn out of a by-way into the Buenos Ay res road, and my guide, following the usual practice, cast a look at the ground. " There was a very nice little Moorish mule in that train," said he, directly. " D. N. Zapata's it was she is good for the saddle, and it is very plain she was sad- dled this time ; they went by yesterday." The man was travelling from the Sierra de San Luis, while the train had passed on its way from Buenos Ayres, and it was a year since he had seen the Moorish mule, whose track was mixed up with those of a whole train in a path two feet wide. And this seemingly in- credible tale only illustrates the common degree of skill ; the guide was a mere herdsman, and no pro- fessional Rastreador. THE RASTREADOR. 33 The Rastreador proper is a grave, circumspect per- sonage, whose declarations are considered conclusive evidence in the inferior courts. Consciousness of the knowledge he possesses, gives him a certain reserved and mysterious dignity. Every one treats him with respect ; the poor man because he fears to offend one who might injure him by a slander or an accusation ; and the proprietor because of the possible value of his testimony. A theft has been committed during the night ; no one knows anything of it ; the victims of it hasten to look for one of the robber's footprints, and on finding it, they cover it with something to keep the wind from disturbing it. They then send for the Rasr treador, who detects the track and follows it, only occa- sionally looking at the ground as if his eyes saw in full relief the footsteps invisible to others. He follows the course of the streets, crosses gardens, enters a house, and pointing to a man whom he finds there, says, coldly, " That is he ! " The crime is proved, and the criminal seldom denies the charge. In his estimation, even more than in that of the judge, the Rastreador's deposition is a positive demonstration ; it would be ridiculous and absurd to dispute it. The culprit ac- cordingly yields to a witness whom he regards as the finger of God pointing him out. I have had some acquaintance myself with Calibar, who has practiced his profession for forty consecutive years in one prov- ince. He is now about eighty years old, and of vener- able and dignified appearance, though bowed down by age. When his fabulous reputation is mentioned to him, he replies, " I am good for nothing now ; there are the boys." The " boys," who have studied under 3 84 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. so famous a master, are his sons. The story is that his best horse-trappings were once stolen while he was absent on a. journey to Buenos Ayres. His wife cov- ered one of the thief's footprints with a tray. Two months afterwards Calibar returned, looked at the foot- print, which by that time had become blurred, and could not have been made out by other eyes, after which he spoke no more of the circumstance. A year and a half later, Calibar might have been seen walking through a street in the outskirts of the town with his eyes on the ground. He turned into a house, where he found his trappings, by that time blackened by use and nearly worn out. He had come upon the trail of the thief nearly two years after the robbery. In 1830, a criminal under sentence of death 'having escaped from prison, Calibar was employed to search for him. The unhappy man, aware that he would be tracked, had taken all the precautions suggested to him by the image of the scaffold, but they were taken in vain. Perhaps they only assured his destruction ; for as Calibar's reputation was hazarded, his jealous self-esteem made him ardent in accomplishing a task which would demonstrate the wonderful sharpness of his sight, though it insured the destruction of another man. The fugitive had left as few traces as the nature of the ground would permit ; he had crossed whole squares on tiptoe ; afterwards he had leaped upon low walls ; he had turned back after crossing one place ; but Calibar followed without losing the trail. If he missed the way for a moment, he found it again, ex- claiming, " Where are you ? " Finally, the trail entered a water-course in the suburbs, in which the THE BAQUEANO. 35 fugitive had sought to elude the Rastreador. In vain ! Calibar went along the bank without uneasiness or hesitation. At last he stops, examines some plants, and says, " He came out here ; there are no footprints, but these drops of water on the herbage are the sign ! " On coming to a vineyard, Calibar reconnoitered the Sfc^mud walls around it, and said, " He is in there." The party of soldiers looked till they were tired, and came back to report the failure of the search. " He has not come out," was the only answer of the Rastreador, who would not even take the trouble to make a second investigation. In fact, he had not come out, but he * ^ was taken and executed the next day. In 1831, some political prisoners were planning an escape ; all was ready, and outside help had been se- cured. On the point of making the attempt, " What shall be done about Calibar ? " said one. " To be sure, Calibar ! " said the others, in dismay. Their relations prevailed upon Calibar to be ill for four full days after the escape, which was thus without difficulty effected. What a mystery is this of the Rastreador ! What microscopic power is developed in the visual organs of these men ! How sublime a creature is that which God made in his image and likeness ! THE BAQUEANO, OR PATH-FINDER. Next to the Rastreador comes the Baqueanp, a per- sonage of distinction, and one who controls the fate of individuals and of provinces. The Baqueano is a grave and reserved gaucho, who knows every span of twenty thousand square leagues of plain, wood, and 36 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. mountain ! He is the most thorough topographer, the < only map which a general consults in directing the movements of his campaign. The Baqueano is always at his side. Modest and mute as a garden-wall, he is* in possession of every secret of the campaign ; the fate of the army, the issue of a battle, the conquest of a province, all depend upon him. The Baqueano almost always discharges his duty with fidelity, but. the general does not place full confidence in him. Conceive the situation of a commander condemned to be attended by a traitor, from whom he has to obtain the information without which he cannot suc- ceed. A Baqueano finds a little path crossing the road which he is following ; he knows to what distant watering-place it leads. If he finds a thousand such paths, some of them even a hundred leagues apart, he is acquainted with each, and knows whence it comes and whither it goes. He knows the hidden fords of a hundred rivers and streams, above or below the ordi- nary places of crossing. He can point out a convenient path through a hundred distinct and extensive swamps. In the deepest darkness of the night, surrounded by boundless plains or by forests, while his companions rare astray and at a loss, he rides round them inspect- ing the trees ; if there are none, he dismounts and stoops to examine the shrubs, and satisfies himself ef his points of compass. He then mounts, and reassures his party by saying, " We are in a straight line from such a place, so many leagues from the houses ; we must travel southwards." And he sets out in the direc- tion he has indicated, without uneasiness, without hurrying to confirm his judgment by arriving at the THE BAQUEANO. 37 town, and without answering the objections suggested to the others by fear or bewilderment. If even this is insufficient, or if he finds himself upon the pampa in impenetrable darkness, he pulls up herbs from different places, smells their roots and the earth about them, chews their foliage, and by often repeating A this proceeding, assures himself of the neighborhood of 7 some lake or stream, either of salt or of fresh water, of which he avails himself, upon finding it, to set him- self exactly right. It is said that General Rosas knows the pasturage of every estate in the south ofBuenos v " Ayres by its taste. If the Baqueano belongs to the pampa, where no roads exist, and a traveller asks him to show the way straight to a place fifty leagues off, he pauses a moment, reconnoitres the horizon, examines the ground, fixes his eyes upon some point, and gallops off straight as an arrow, until he changes his course for reasons known only to himself, and keeps up his gallop day and night till he arrives at the place named. The Baqueano also announces the approach of the enemy ; that is, that they are within ten leagues ; and he also detects the direction in which they are approach- ing by means of the movements of the ostriches, deer, and guanacos, which fly in certain directions. At shorter distances he notices the clouds of dust, and es- timates the number of the hostile force by their density. " They have two thousand men," he says ; " five hun- dred," "two hundred;" and the commander acts upon this assumption, which is almost always infallible. If the condors and crows are wheeling in circles through the air, he can tell whether there are troops hidden 38 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. thereabouts, or whether a recently abandoned camp, or simply a dead animal is the attractive object. The Baqueano knows how far one place is from another, the number of days and hours which the journey re- quires, and besides, some unknown by-way through which the passage may be' made in half the time, so as to end in a surprise ; and expeditions for the surprise of towns fifty leagues away are thus undertaken, and generally with success, by parties of peasants. This may be thought an exaggeration. No ! General Ri- vera, of the Banda Oriental, is a simple Baqueano, who knows every tree that grows anywhere in the Republic of Uruguay. The Brazilians would not have occupied that country if he had not aided them ; nor, but for him, would the Argentines have set it free. This man, at once general and Baqueano, over- powered Oribe, who was supported by Rosas, after a contest of three years ; and at the present da}% were he in the field against it, the whole power of Buenos Ayres, with its numerous armies, which are spread all over Uruguay, might gradually fade away by means of a surprise to-day, by a post cut off to-morrow, by some victory which he could turn to his own advantage bv his knowledge of some route to the enemy's rear, or by some other unnoticed or trifling circumstance. General Rivera began his study of the ground in 1804, when making war upon the government as an outlaw ; afterwards he waged war upon the outlaws as a government officer ; next, upon the king as a patriot ; and -later upon the patriots as a peasant; upon the Argentines as a Brazilian chieftain ; and upon the Brazilians, as an Argentine general ; upon Lavalleja, THE GAUCHO OUTLAW. 39 as President ; upon President Oribe, as a proscribed chieftain ; and, finally, upon Rosas, the ally of Oribe, as a general of Uruguay ; in all which positions he has had abundance of time to learn something of the art of the Baqueano. THE GAUCHO OUTLAW. The example of this type of character, to be found in certain places, is an outlaw, a squatter, a kind o^ misanthrope. He is Cooper's Hawkeye or Trapper, with all the knowledge of the wilderness possessed by the latter ; and with all his aversion to the settlements of the whites, but without his natural jnorality or his friendly relations with the savages. The name of gaucho outlaw is not applied to him wholly as an un- complimentary epithet. The law has been for many years in pursuit of him. His name is dreaded spoken under the breath, but not in hate, and almost respectfully. He is a mysterious personage ; his abode is the pampa ; his lodgings are the thistle fields ; he lives on partridges and hedgehogs, and whenever he is disposed to regale himself upon a tongue, he lassos a cow, throws her without assistance, kills her, takes his favorite morsel, and leaves the rest for the carrion - birds. The gaucho outlaw will make his appearance in a place just left by soldiers, will talk in a friendly way with the admiring group of good gauchos around him ; provide himself with tobacco, yerba mate", which makes a refreshing beverage, and if he discovers the soldiers, he mounts his horse quietly and directs his steps leisurely to the wilderness, not even deigning to look back. He is seldom pursued ; that would be 40 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, killing horses to ho purpose, for the beast of the gaucho outlaw is a bay courser, as noted in his own way as his master. If he ever happens to fall unawares into the hands of the soldiers, he sets upon the densest masses of his assailants, and breaks through them, with the help of a few slashes left by his knife upon the faces or bodies of his opponents ; and lying along the ridge of his horse's back to avoid the bullets sent after him, he hastens towards the wilderness, until, having left his pursuers at a convenient distance, he pulls up and travels at his ease. The poets of the vicinity add this new exploit to the biography of the desert hero, and his renown flies through all the vast region around. Sometimes he appears before the scene of a rustic fes- tival with a young woman whom he has carried off', and takes a place in the dance with his partner, goes through the figures of the cielito, and disappears, un- noticed. Another day he brings the girl he has seduced, to the house of her offended family, sets her down from his horse's croup, and reckless of the parents' curses by which he is followed, quietly betakes himself to his boundless abode. This white-skinned savage, at war with society and proscribed by the laws, is no more depraved at heart /than the inhabitants of the settlements. The reckless outlaw who attacks a whole troop, does no harm to the traveller. The gaucho outlaw is no bandit, or high- wayman ; murderous assaults do not suit his temper, as robbery would not suit the character of the churri- ador (sheep-stealer). , To be sure, he steals ; but this is his profession, his trade, his science. He steals horses. He arrives, for instance, at the camp of a train from the THE CANTOR. interior ; its master offers to buy of him a horse of som> unusual color, of a particular shape and quality, with a white star on the shoulder. The gaucho collects his thoughts, considers a moment, and replies, after a short silence : " There is no such horse alive." What thoughts have been passing through the gaucho's mind ? In that moment his memory has traversed a thousand estates upon the pampa ; has seen and ex- amined every horse in the province, with its marks, color, and special traits, and he has convinced himself that not one of them has a star on its shoulder ; some have one on their foreheads, others have white spots on their haunches. Is this power of memory amazing ? No ! Napoleon knew two hundred thousand soldiers by name, and remembered, when he saw any one of them, all the facts relating to him. Therefore, if nothing im- possible is required of him, the gaucho will deliver upon a designated day and spot, just such a horse as has been asked for, and with no less punctuality if he has been paid in advance. His honor is as sensitive upon this point as that of a gambler about his debts. Sometimes he travels to the country about Cordova or Santa Fe*. Then he may be seen crossing the pampa behind a small body of horses ; if any one meets him, he follows his course without approaching the new comer unless he is requested to do so. THE CANTOR (THE MINSTREL). And now we have the idealization of this life of resistance, civilization, barbarism, and danger. The gaucho Cantor corresponds to the singer, bard, or trou- badour of the Middle Ages, and moves in the same LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. .enes, amidst the struggles of the cities with provin- cial feudalism, between the life which is passing away and the new life gradually arising. The Cantor -goes from one settlement to another "de tapera en galpon," singing the deeds of the heroes of the pampa whom the law persecutes, the lament of the widow whose sons have been taken off by the Indians in a recent raid, the defeat and death of the brave Ranch, the final overthrow of Facundo Quiroga, and the fate of Santos Perez. The Cantor is performing in his simple way the same labor of recording customs, history, and biogra- phy, which was performed by the mediaeval bard, and his verses would hereafter be collected as documents and authorities for the future historian, but that there stands beside him another more cultivated form of soci- ety with a knowledge of events superior to that dis- played by this less favored chronicler in his artless rhapsodies. Two distinct forms of civilization meet upon a common ground in the Argentine Republic : one, still in its infancy, which, ignorant of that so far above it, goes on repeating the crude efforts of the Middle Ages ; the other, disregarding what lies at its feet, while it strives to realize in itself the latest results of European civilization ; the nineteenth and twelfth centuries dwell together one inside the cities, the other without them. The Cantor has no fixed abode ; he lodges where night surprises him ; his fortune consists in his verses and in his voice. Wherever the wild mazes of the cielito are threaded, wherever there is a glass of wine to drink, the Cantor has his place and his particular THE CANTOR. 43 part in the festival. The Argentine gaucho only drinks when excited by music and verse, 1 and every grocery has its guitar ready for the hands of the Cantor who perceives from afar where the help of his "gay science " is needed, by the group of horses about the door. The Cantor intersperses his heroic songs with the tale of his own exploits. Unluckily his profession of Argentine bard does not shield him from the law. He can tell of a couple of stabs he has dealt, of one or two misfortunes (homicides !) of his, and of some horse or girl he has carried off. In 1840, a Cantor was sitting on the ground, cross- legged, on the banks of the majestic Parana, in the midst of a group of gauchos whom he was keeping in eager suspense by the long and animated tale of his labors and adventures. He had already related the abduction of his love, with the difficulties overcome on the occasion ; also his misfortune and the dispute that led to it; and was relating his encounter with the soldiery, and the stabs with which he defended himself, when the noisy advance and the shouts of a body of troops made him aware that this time he was sur- 1 Without wandering from our subject, we may here call to mind the noteworthy resemblance between the Argentines and the Arabs. In Al- giers, Oran, Mascara, and the desert encampments, I constantly saw the Arabs collected in coffee-shops strong drink being forbidden them, closely crowded about the singer, or more usually two singers, who ac- company themselves with guitars in a duet, and recite national songs of a mournful character like our tristes before mentioned. The Arabian bridle is of plaited leather thongs, continued into a whip-lash like ours; the bit which we use is that of the Arabs, and many of our customs show the intercourse of our ancestors with the Moors of Andalusia. I have met some Arabs whom I could have sworn I had seen in my own country. 44 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. rounded. The troops had, in fact> closed up in the form of a horseshoe, open towards the Parana, the steep banks of which rose twenty yards above the water. The Cantor, undismayed by the outcry, was mounted in an instant, and after casting a searching look at the ring of soldiers and their ready pieces, he wheeled his horse towards the river's bank, covered the animal's eyes with his poncho, and drove his spurs into him. A few moments after, the horse, freed from his bit so that he could swim more easily, emerged from the depths of the Parana, the minstrel holding him by the tail, and looking back to the scene on shore which he had quitted, as composedly as if he had been in an eight-oared boat. Some shots fired by the troops did not hinder him from arriving safe and sound at the first island in sight. To conclude, the original poetry of the minstrel is clumsy, monotonous, and irregular, when he resigns himself to the inspiration of the moment. It is occu- pied rather with narration than with the expression of feeling, and is replete with imagery relating to the open country, to the horse, and to the scenes of the wilderness, which makes it metaphorical and grandiose. When he is describing his own exploits or those of some renowned evil-doer, he resembles the Neapolitan improvisatore, his style being unfettered, commonly prosaic, but occasionally rising to the poetic level for some moments, to sink again into dull and scarcely metrical recitation. The Cantor possesses, moreover, a repertory of popular poems in octosyllabic lines vari- ously combined into stanzas of five lines, of ten, or of eight. Among them are many compositions of merit which show some inspiration and feeling. THE CANTOR. 45 To these original types might be added many others of equal peculiarity, but they would not, like the former, illustrate the national customs, a knowledge of which is necessary for the right comprehension of our political personages and of the primitive and Ameri- can nature of the bloody strife which distracts the Argentine Republic. In the course of this narrative the reader will himself discover where are to be met the Track-viewer, Path-finder, Gaucho-outlaw, and Minstrel. He will see in the chieftains whose fame has passed the Argentine frontiers, and even in those who have filled the world with the horror of their names, the vivid reflection of the internal condition, customs, and organization of the country. CHAPTER III. ASSOCIATION. "The gaucho lives on privations, but his luxury is freedom. Proud of an unrestricted independence, his feelings, though wild as his life, are yet noble and good.". Head. LA PULPERIA (THE COUNTRY STORE). \ IN the first chapter we left the Argentine rustic, at the moment of his arrival at maturity, in the possession of such a character as had resulted from the natural circumstances about him, and from his want of any true society. We have seen that he is a man inde- pendent of every want, under no control, with no notion of government, all regular and systematic order being wholly impossible among such people. With these habits of heedlessness and independence he enters on another step of rural life, which, common- place as it is, is the starting-point of all the great events which we are shortly to describe. It is to be remembered that I am speaking of the essentially pastoral part of the people, and that I select for consideration only their fundamental charac- teristics, neglecting the accidental modifications they receive, the partial effects of which will be indicated separately. I am speaking of the combination of landed proprietaries which cover the surface of a province, four leagues, more or less, being occupied by each. PASTORAL SOCIETY. The society of the agricultural districts is also much subdivided and dispersed, but on a smaller scale. One laborer assists another, and the implements of tillage, the numerous tools, stores, and animals employed, the variety of products and the various arts which agri- culture calls to its aid, establish necessary relations between the inhabitants of a valley and make it indis- pensable for them to have a rudiment of a town to serve as a centre. Moreover, the cares and occupa- tions of a^ncjilture^rjeo^uire such, a number of hands that idleness becomes impossible, and the men of an estate are compelled to remain within its limits. The exact contrary takes place in the singular society we are describing. The bounds of ownership are un- marked ; the more numerous the flocks and herds the fewer hands_^,ra-rquired ; upon the women devolve all the domestic duties and manufactures ; the men are left without occupations, pleasures, ideas, or the neces- sity of application. Home life is wearisome and even repulsive to them. They need, then, factitious society to remedy this radical want of association. Their early acquired habit of riding gives them an additional incentive to leave their houses. It is the children's business to drive the horses to the corral before the sun has quite risen ; and all the men, even the lads, saddle their horses, even when they have no object in view. The horse is an integral part of the Argentine rustic; it is for him what the cravat is to an inhabitant of the city. In 1841, El Chacho, a chieftain of the Llanos, emigrated to Chili. "How are you getting on, friend?" somebody asked him. " How should I be getting on ? " returned he, in LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. .ones of distress and melancholy. " Bound to Chili, and on foot ! " Only an Argentine gaucho can appre- ciate all the misfortune and distress which these two phrases express. \ Here again we have the life of the Arab or Tartar. The following words of Victor Hugo might have been written in the pampas : " He cannot fight on foot ; he and his horse are but one per- son. He lives on horseback ; he trades, buys, and sells on horse- back ; drinks, eats, sleeps, and dreams on horseback." Le Rhin. The men then set forth without exactly knowing where they are going. A turn around the herds, a visit to a breeding-pen or to the haunt of a favorite horse, takes up a small part of the day ; the rest is consumed in a rendezvous at a tavern or grocery store. There assemble inhabitants of the neighboring par- ishes ; there are given and received bits of information about animals that have gone astray ; the traces of the cattle are described upon the ground ; intelligence of ,the hunting-ground of the tiger or of the place where the tiger's tracks have been seen, is communicated. There, in short, is the Cantor ; there the men frater- nize while the glass goes round at the expense of those who have the means as well as the disposition to pay for it. In a life so void of emotion, gambling exercises the enervated mind, and liquor arouses the dormant imagi- nation. This accidental reunion becomes by its daily ' repetition a society more contracted than that from which each of its individual members came; yet in this assembly, without public aim, without social inter- est, are first formed the elements of those characters THE GAUCHO'S KNIFE. 49 which are to appear later on the political stage. We shall see how. The gaucho esteems_skilj_in_. horseman- ship and physical strength, and especially courage, above all other things, as we have said before. This meeting, this daily club, is a real Olympic circus where each man's merit is tested and assayed. The 1 gaucho is always armed with the knife in- herited from the Spaniard. More fully even than in Spain is here realized that peninsular peculiarity, that cry, characteristic of Saragossa war to the knife. The knife, besides being a weapon, is a tool used for all purposes ; without it, life cannot go on. It is like the elephant's trunk, arm, hand, finger, and all. The gaucho boasts of his valor like a trooper, and every little while his knife glitters through the air in circles, upon the least provocation, or with none at all, for the simple purpose of comparing a stranger's prowess with his own ; he plays at stabbing as he would play at dice. So deeply and intimately have these pugnacious habits entered the life of the Argentine gaucho that custom has created a code of honor and a fencing system which protect life. The rowdy of other lands takes to his knife for the purpose of killing, and he kills ; the Argentine gaucho unsheathes his to fight, and he only wounds. To attempt the life of his adversary he must be very drunk, or his instincts must be really wicked, or his rancor very deep. His aim is only to mark his opponent, to give him a slash in the face, to leave an indelible token upon him. The numerous scars to be seen upon these gauchos, accord- ingly, are seldom deep. A fight is begun, then, for the sake of shining, for the glory of victory, for the love 50 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. of fame. A close ring is made around the combatants, and excited and eager eyes follow the glitter of the knives which do not cease to move. When blood flows in torrents the spectators feel obliged to stop the fight. If a misfortune has resulted, the sympathies are with the survivor; the best horse is available for his escape to a distant place where he is received with respect or pity. If the law overtakes him he often shows fight, and if he rushes through soldiers and escapes, he has from that time a wide-spread renown. Time passes, the judge in place has been succeeded by another, and he may again show himself in the town- ship without further molestation : he has a full dis- charge. Homicide is but' a misfortune, unless the deed has been so often repeated that the perpetrator has gained the reputation of an assassin. The landed proprietor, Don Juan Manuel Rosas, before being a public man, had made his residence a sort of asylum for homicides without ever extending his protection to robbers ; a preference which would easily be explained by his character of gaucho proprietor, if his subsequent con- duct had not disclosed affinities with evil which have filled the world with terror. With respect to equestrian sports, it will suffice to point out one of the many which are practiced, that the reader may judge what daring is required of those who engage in them. A gaucho rides at full speed before his comrades. One of them flings a set of bolas at him so as to shackle the horse in the midst of his career. Issuing from the whirlwind of dust raised by his fall, appears the rider at a run, followed by the A CENTAUR SOVEREIGNTY. 5tf horse, the latter carried on by the impulse of his inter- rupted career according to the laws of physics. In this pastime, life is staked, and sometimes lost. Will it be believed that these displays of valor or skill and boldness in horsemanship are the basis of the great exploits which have filled the Argentine Repub- lic with their name and changed the face of the coun- try ? Nothing is more certain, however. I do not mean to assert that assassination and crime have always been a ladder by which men have risen. Thousands of daring men have remained in the position of obscure bandits ; but those who owe their position to such deeds are to be counted by larger numbers than hundreds. In all despotic societies, great natural gifts tend to lose themselves in crime ; the Roman genius which could conquer the world is to-day the terror of the Pontine Marshes, and the Spanish Zumalacarreguis and Minas are to be met by hundreds in Sierra Morena. Man's need of developing his strength, capacity, and ambition, requires him, upon the failure of legitimate means, to frame a world, with its own morality and laws, where he shows complacently that he was born to be a Napo- leon or a Caesar. In this society, then, where mental culture is useless or impossible, where no municipal affairs exist, where, as there is no public, the public good is a meaningless word, the man of unusual gifts, striving to exert his faculties, takes with that design the means and the paths which are at hand. The gaucho will be a male- factor or a military chief, according to the course which things are taking at the moment when he attains celebrity. 02 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Such, customs need vigorous methods of repression, and to restrain hardened men, judges still more hard- ened are required. What I said at the outset, of the captain of the freight-carts, is exactly applicable to the country justice. He wants bravery more than any- thing else ; the terror of his name is more powerful than the punishments he inflicts. The justice is .natu- rally some one of former notoriety recalled to orderly life by old age and his family ties. Of course, the law he administers is altogether arbitrary ; his conscience or his passions determine it, and his decrees are final. Sometimes justices officiate during their whole lives, and are remembered with respect. But the conscious- ness of these methods of administration and the arbi- trary nature of the attendant penalties, produce among the people ideas of judicial authority which will have their effects hereafter. The justice secures obedience . Jby his reputation for formidable boldness, by his force of character, his informal decisions, his decree, the announcement " such are my commands," and the forms of punishment which he invents himself. From this disorder, perhaps long since inevitable, it follows that the military commander who reaches distinction during rebellions possesses a sway, undisputed and un- questioned by his followers, equal to the wide and terri- ble power now only to be found among the nations of Asia. - The Argentine chieftain is a Mohammed who might change the prevailing religion, if such were his whim, and contrive another. He has power in all its forms ; his injustice is a misfortune for his victim, but no abuse on his part ; for he may be unjust, still more, he must be unjust, for he has been a lawless man all his life. THE COUNTRY COMMANDANT. 53 These remarks are also applicable to the country commandant. This personage is of more importance than the former, and requires in a higher degree the combination of the reputation and antecedents which distinguish him. Far from being lessened, the evil is even aggravated by an additional circumstance. The title of country commandant is conferred by the rulers of the cities ; but as the city is destitute of power, influence, and supporters in the country, the adminis- tration lays hold of the men it most fears, and confers this office upon them in order to retain their obedi- ence a well known procedure of all weak govern- ments, which put off the evil of the moment only to allow it to appear later in colossal dimensions. Thus the Papal government has dealings with banditti, to whom it gives offices in Rome, encouraging brigand- age by this means, and making its continuance certain ; thus did the Sultan grant Mehemet Ali the rank of Pacha of Egypt, having afterwards to purchase the continuance of his own reign by recognizing his vas- sal's title to an hereditary throne. It is singular that all the chieftains of the Argentine revolutionary move- ment were country commandants : Lopez and Ibarra, Artigas and Guemes, Facundo and Rosas. This is the constant starting-point of ambition. When Rosas v had made himself master of the city, he exterminated all the commandants to whom he owed his elevation, intrusting with this influential position commonplace men, who could only follow the path he had traced. Pajarito, Celarragan, Arbolito, Pancho el nato, Molina, were among the commandants of whom Rosas cleared the country. 54 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. I assign so much importance to these lesser points, because they will . serve to explain all our social^ phe- nomena, and the revolution which has been taking v place in the Argentine Republic. The features of this revolution are distorted because described in words from the political dictionary, which disguise and hide them by the mistaken ideas they call up. In the same way that of the Spaniards gave familiar European names to the new animals they encountered upon land- ing in America ; saluting with the terrible name of .lion, which calls up the notion of the magnanimity and strength of the king of beasts, a wretched cat ' called the puma, which runs at the sight of the dogs, and naming the jaguar of our woods the tiger. Evi- dence will soon be brought to show the firm and in- destructible nature of the foundations upon which I assert the civil war to be based, however unstable and ignoble they may appear. The life of the Argentine country people as I have exhibited it is not a mere accident ; it is the order of things, a characteristic, normal, and in my judgment unparalleled system of association, and in itself affords a full explanation of our revolution. Before 1810, two distinct, rival, and incompatible forms of society, two differing kinds of civilization ex- isted in the Argentine Republic : one being Spanish, European, and cultivated, the other barbarous, Amer- ican, and almost wholly of native growth. The revo- lution which occurred in the cities acted only as the cause, the impulse, which set these two distinct forms A of national existence face to face, and gave occasion for a contest between them, to be ended, after lasting many years, by the absorption of one into the other. " MONTONERAS. 57 I have pointed out the normal form of association, qr want of association, of the country people, a form worse, a thousand times, ^than that of the nomad tribe. I have described the artificial associations formed in idleness, and the sources of fame among the gauchos bravery, daring, violence, and opposition to regular law, to the civil law, that is, of the city. These phenomena of social organization existed in 1810, and still exist, modified in many points, slowly changing in others, and yet untouched in several more. These foci, about which were gathered the brave, ignorant, free, and unemployed peasantry, were found by thou- sands through the country. The revolution of 1810 carried everywhere commotion and the sound of arms. .Public. Jife, previously wanting in this Arabico-Roman society, made its appearance in all the taverns, and the revolutionary movement finally brought about provin- cial, warlike associations, called montoneras, legitimate offspring of the tavern and the field, hostile to the city and to the army of revolutionary patriots. As events succeed each other, we shall see the pro vincial_ mon- toneras headed by their chiefs ; the final triumph, in Facundo Quiroga, of the country over the cities throughout the land ; and by their subjugation in spirit, government, and civilization, the final formation of the eentral consolidated despotic government' of the landed proprietor, Don Juan Manuel Rosas, who applied the knife of the gaucho to the culture of Buenos Ayres, and destroyed the work of centuries of civilization, law, and liberty. CHAPTER IV. THE REVOLUTION OF 1810. " When the battle opens, the Tartar utters a terrible cry, closes, vanishes, and returns like a flash of lightning." Victor Hugo. I HAVE been obliged to traverse the whole of the route hitherto pursued, in order to reach the point at which our drama begins. It is needless to consider at length the character, object, and end, of the Revolu- tion of Independence. They were the same throughout America, and sprang from the same source, namely, the progress of Euro- pean ideas. South America pursued that course be- cause all other nations were pursuing it. Books, events, > and the impulses given by these, induced South Amer- ica to take part in the movement imparted to France by North American demands for liberty, and to Spain by her own and by French writers. But what my object requires me to notice, is, that the revolution except in its external symbolic independence of the "king was interesting and intelligible only to the Argentine cities, but foreign and unmeaning to the rural districts. Books, ideas, municipal spirit, courts, laws, statutes, education, all the points of contact and union existing between us and the people of Europe, were to be found in the cities, where there was a basis of organization, incomplete and comparatively evil," THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. 57 perhaps, for the very reason it was incomplete, and had not attained the elevation which it felt itself capable of reaching, but it entered into the revolution with enthu- siasm. Outside the cities, the revolution was a problem r atical affair, and so far as shaking off the king's author- ity was shaking off judical authority, it was acceptable. The pastoral districts could only regard the question from this point of view. Liberty^ responsibility of power, and all the questions which the revolution was ta-*ehne, were foreign to their mode of life and to their needs. But they derived this advantage from the revolution, that it tended to confer an object and an occupation upon the excess of vital force, the presence of which among them has been pointed out, and was. to add a broader base of union than that to which ' throughout the country districts the men daily resorted. v These Spartan constitutions, that warlike nature hith- erto ill-satisfied by the free use of the dagger, that . Roman-like idleness which could only be exchanged for the activity of a battle-field, that utter impatience of judicial control, were all to have at last a fit sphere of action in the world. Revolutionary movements then began in Buenos Ayres, and the call met with a decided response from all the interior cities. The pastoral districts became unsettled and joined in the movement. Tolerably dis- ciplined armies were raised in Buenos Ayres to be sent to Upper Peru and Montevideo, where the Spanish forces under General Vigodet were stationed'. Gen- eral Rondeau laid siege to Montevideo with a disci- plined army, and Artigas, a noted chieftain, took parjt in the siege with some thousands of gauchos. Artigas LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. had been a formidable outlaw till 1804, when the civil authorities of Buenos Ayres succeeded in bringing him over and inducing him to undertake the duties of country commandant, as a supporter of the same au- thorities upon whom he had, till then, made war. If the reader has not forgotten the baqueano, and the general requisites of a country commandant, he will readily understand the character and feelings of Arti- gas. After a time, Artigas and his gauchos withdrew from General Rondeau, and began to make war upon him. The latter's position was the same as Oribe's when he conducted the siege of Montevideo while taking care of another enemy at his rear. The only difference - between the cases is that Artigas was hostile at once ,to patriats and royalists. It is not my purpose to de- termine with precision the causes or pretexts which occasioned this rupture, and I am as little disposed to apply to it any designation from the language of poli-' tics, for none such would be appropriate. When a nation engages in a revolution, it is begun by the con- flict of two opposing interests, the__ry^lu^naEy and the conservative ; among us the names of patriots and royalists were applied to the corresponding parties. It is natural for the victors, after their triumph, to sepa- rate into moderate and extreme factions, one set wish- ing to carry out all the consequences of the revolution, while their opponents seek to restrain it within certain bounds. It is also characteristic of revolutions for the originally conquered party to renew its organization, and to. find a means of success in the dissensions of its conquerors. But when one of the parties called to THE MIDDLE PARTY. 59 the aid of a revolution, immediately loses its connection with the others, forms a third entity, and shows hos- tility indiscriminately to both combatants (royalists and patriots), this detached party is heterogeneous, not having been conscious of existence until that time, the revolution having served to develop it and make it known. This was the element set in motion by the renowned Artigas. It was a blind tool, but a tool full of life and of instincts hostile to European civilization and to all regular organization ; opposed to monarchy as to re- publicanism, because both came from the city and pos- sessed already order and reverence for authority. This tool was employed by the various parties, prin- cipally by that least revolutionary, in the civilized cities, until in the course of time the very men who had summoned it to their aid, yielded to it ; and with them fell the city, its ideas, its literature, its colleges, its tribunals, its civilization ! This spontaneous movement of the pastoral districts was so ingenuous in its first manifestations, so full of genius and expression in its spirit and tendencies, that its adoption and baptism by the parties of the cities, with the political names which divided them, makes the sincerity of the latter appear in the most unfavor- able light. The force which supported Artigas in Entre Rios, did the same for Lopez in Santa Fe*, for Ibarra in Santiago, for Facundo in the Llanos. Its essence was individual action ; its exclusive weapon, the horse ; its stage, the vast pampas. The Bedouin hordes which in our day disturb the Algerian frontier by their war-cries and depredations, gives an exact idea 60 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. of the Argentine montonera, which has been made use of by men of sagacity, as well as by noted despera- does. In Africa, at the present day, there exists the same struggle between civilization and barbarism ; the t goom and the montonera are distinguished by the same characters, the same spirit, the same undisciplined strategy. Immense masses of horsemen wander in " each case over the wilderness, offering battle to the disciplined forces of the cities, if they feel themselves the stronger party ; dispersing in all directions like clouds of Cossacks, if the fight is even, to unite again ; and fall unexpectedly upon their sleeping foes, snatch away their horses, and kill their laggards and advanced ^parties. Ever at hand, but too much scattered to be successfully attacked, impotent in battle, but powerful and invincible in an extensive region, they finally decimate and* overpower an organized force by means of skirmishes, surprises, fatigues, and privations. The montonera, as it appeared under the command of Artigas in the early days of the Republic, already showed that character of brutal ferocity and the prom- ise of a reign of terror, which it was reserved for the / immortal bandit, the Buenos Ayres land-owner, to convert into a legislative system applied to a civilized society, and to present to the contemplation of Europe, to the shame and disgrace of America. Rosas invent- ed nothing ; his talent was only that of copying his predecessors and combining the brutal instincts of the ignorant masses into a coolly planned system. The thongs made of Colonel Maciel's skin, and by command of Rosas converted into a pair of manacles, have been actually seen by foreign officials, an outrage THE MONTONEKA'S SAVAGERY. 63 not without its precedent, under the rule of Artigas and the other barbarous and Tartaric chiefs of the time. The montonera of Artigas waistcoated its ene- mies ; that is, sewed them up in an envelope of raw hide, and left them in the fields in this condition. The reader may imagine all the horrors of this slow death, and this horrible punishment was repeated in 1836, in the case of a colonel in the army. The in- ' fliction of death by cutting the throat with a knife instead of by shooting, is the result of the butcherly instinct which led Rosas to encourage cruelty, to give -executions a more barbarous form which he thought would give pleasure to the assassins; in other words, he changed the legal punishments recognized by civil society, for others which he called American, and in the name of which he invited his fellow-Americans to come forward in his defense when the sufferings -of Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay invoked the aid of the European powers to assist in their liberation from the cannibal, who was even then overrunning them with > his sanguinary hordes. It is impossible to maintain the calmness needed to investigate historic truth when we 'are forced to remember at every step that America and Europe have been so long successfully deluded by a system of assassination and cruelty, scarcely tolerated v in the African provinces of Ashantee or Dahomey. Such is the character presented by the montonera from its first appearance ; a singular kind of warfare and civil polity, unprecedented except among the tribes of the Asiatic plains, and not to be confounded with the habits, ideas, and customs of the Argentine cities, which were, like all South American cities, a continua- UK!. LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPDB don of European civilization, and especially that of Spain. The only explanation of the montonera is to be dis- covered by the examination of the society from which it proceeded. Artigas, the baqueano and outlaw, at war with the authorities of the city, but bought over as provincial commandant and chief of equestrian bands, presents a type reproduced with little change in each provincial commandant who came to be a partisan leader. Like all civil wars in which deep differences of education, belief, and motives divide the parties engaged in them, the internal warfare of the Argen- tine Republic was long and obstinate, until one of the elements of the strife was victorious. The Argentine Revolutionary War was twofold: 1st, a civilized war- fare of the cities against Spain ; 2d, a war against the \ cities on the part of the country chieftains with the view of shaking off all political subjection and satisfy- ing their hatred of civilization. The cities overcame the Spaniards, and were in their turn overcome by the country districts. This is the explanation of the Argentine Revolution, the first shot of which was fired in 1810, and the last is still to be heard. I will not enter into all the details of this contest. The struggle was of various duration in different places ; some cities yielded at first, others later. The life of Facundo Quiroga will afford us an opportunity of dis- playing this strife in all its naked deformity. What I have now to notice is that the triumph of these chiefs involved the disappearance of all civil order, even as it existed among the Spaniards. In some places it has totally disappeared ; in others only in part, but it THE VIOLENT DEATH OF CITIES. 63 is clearly on its way to destruction. The mass of men are incapable of distinctly comparing one epoch with another ; the present moment is the only one embraced by their observation ; and for this reason no one has yet observed this destruction and decadence of the cities ; just as the visible progress of the people of the interior to total barbarism escapes notice. Buenos Ayres has so many of the elements of European civili- zation that it will end by educating Rosas and repress- ing his bloody and barbarous instincts. The high position which he occupies, his relations with European governments, the necessity of respecting strangers and of denying through the press the atrocities he has com- mitted, in order to escape universal reprobation, all ' combine to check his outrages, a perceptible advan- tage. Four cities have already been annihilated by the rule of the partisan supporters of Rosas : Santa Fe\ Santiago del Estero, San Luis, and La Rioja. Santa FC*, situated at the junction of the Parana and another navigable river, the mouth of which is close by the town, is one of the most favored spots of South Amer- ica, and yet contains less than two thousand souls; San Luis, the capital of a province with a population of fifty thousand, in which it is the only city, contains less than fifteen hundred. To make the ruin and decadence of civilization and the rapid progress of barbarism perceptible to the read- er, I must select two cities one already annihilated, the other insensibly proceeding towards barbarism La Rioja and San Juan. LaJRipja was formerly a city of some account, but its own sons would fail to 64 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. recognize it in its present condition. When the revo- lution of 1810 began, it contained a large number of capitalists, and men of note, who have figured in a distinguished manner in arms, at the bar, on the bench, or in the pulpit. From Rioja came Dr. Castro Barros, deputy to the Congress of Tucuman, and a celebrated divine ; General Davila, who freed Copiapo from the Spanish power in 1817 ; Gabriel Ocampo, one of the most noted members of the Argentine bar ; and a large number of advocates of the families Ocampo, Davila, and Garcia, at present scattered over the Chil- ian territory, as well as various priests of much learn- ing, among whom is Dr. Gordillo, actual curate of Huasco. ; The ability of a province to produce in a 7 given fcpoch so many eminent and illustrious men, proves the diffusion of learning among a greater number of indi- viduals, and that it was respected and desired. If such was the case in the early days of the revolution, what an increase of enlightenment, wealth, and population, might we not expect to find now, if a fearful retro-j gression towards barbarism had not checked the devel| opment of that unfortunate people ! What Chilian city, however insignificant, is there, in which no prog- ress has been made during a period of ten years, in enlightenment, wealth, and elegance, even if we include among these such as have been destroyed by earth- quakes ? Let us now look at the condition of La Rioja, as exhibited by the answers given to one of the many in- quiries I have instituted for the purpose of gaining a thorough knowledge of the facts on which I base my RIOJA. 65 theories. These are the statements of a reliable per- son, who was unacquainted with my object in investi- gating his memory of matters which must have been fresh in his mind, for it was only four months before that he left Rioja. 1 1. What is about the actual amount of the popula- tion of Rioja city ? Ans. About fifteen hundred souls. It is said that only fifteen adult males reside in the city. 2. How many persons of note live in it ? Ans. Six or eight in the city. 3. How many lawyers' offices are open there ? Ans. None. 4. How many men wear dress-coats ? Ans. None. 5. How many young men from La Rioja are study- ing at Cordova or Buenos Ayres ? Ans. I know of only one. 6. How many schools are there, and how many children attend them ? Ans. None. 7. Are there any public charitable institutions ? Ans. None, nor any means for the simplest instruc- tion. The only Franciscan ecclesiastic of the place has given instruction to some children. 8. How many of the churches are in ruins ? . Ans. Five ; the Matriz is the only one at all ser- viceable. 9. Are new houses building ? 1 Dr. Don Manuel Ignacio Castro Barros, canon of the Cordova Ca- thedral. 5 66 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.. / Ans. Not one, nor are people making any of 'the needed repairs. 10. Are the existing houses going to ruins ? Ans. Almost all, owing to the frequency with .which the streets are flooded. 11. How many priests in orders are there ? Ans. Only two young men in the city : one is a secular curate, the other an ecclesiastic of Catamarca. There are four others in the province. 12. Are there any fortunes of fifty thousand dol- lars ? and how many of twenty thousand ? Ans. ^"one ; all the people are extremely poor. 13. Has the population increased or diminished ? Ans. It has diminished by more than one half. 14. Is there any feeling of terror prevalent among the people ? Ans. A very strong one ; there is a fear of uttering even harmless words. 15. Is the money coined of full value ? Ans. That of the province is debased. These facts speak with all their sad and fearful severity. The only example of so rapid a decline towards barbarism is presented by the history of the Mohammedan conquests of Greece. And this happens in America, and in the ^flJejte^njtlxjiejQtury, and is the work of but twenty years ! What is true of La Rioja is equally so of Santa F, San Luis, and Santiago del Estero, which have become skeletons of cities, decrepit and devastated, mere apolo- gies for towns. In San Luis there has been but one priest for ten years past, and for the same period it has contained no school, nor any person who wears a dress- : r SAN JUAN. 67 coat. But let us 'judge by San Juan the fate of the cities which have escaped destruction, but in which barbarism is insensibly increasing. San Juan is an exclusively agricultural and com- mercial province. Its want of open country has long kept it free from the rule of the provincial chieftains. Whatever party was in power, its governor and offi- cials were tak.enJc.Qin the educated part of its population until 1833, when Facundo Quiroga placed a man of the lowef class in possession of the government. This person, unable to avoid the influence of the civilized usages, went over to the party of culture and yielded to their dictations, until he was overthrown by Bri- zuela, chief of La Rioja. Brizuela was succeeded by General Benavides, whose power has lasted nine years, and has come to seem rather his own property than a magistracy held for a term. San Juan has grown in population, owing to the progress^oilagriculture there, and to the emigrants driven by hunger and wretched- 1 ness from La Rioja and San Luis, and its buildings have sensibly increased in number ; facts which prove the natural wealth of the region, and the progress that might be made under a government which cared to foster education and culture, the sola methods of ele- vating a nation. The despotism of Benavides is mild and pacific, so that men's minds are kept quiet and calm. He is the only subordinate of Rosas who has not reveled in blood ; but this does not lessen the tendency to bar- barism inherent in the ^resent system. f All the courts are held by men destitute of the slight- eat knowledge of law, worthless in every sense. There 68 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. J is no military man who has served in regular armies outside the Republic. 1 Is it credible that such an in- ferior position is naturally that of a city of the interior ? No', the past proves the contrary. Twenty years ago San Juan was one of the most civilized towns of the interior ; and what must be the decline and prostration of a South American city which has to look back twenty years for its time of prosperity ! ' In 1831 two hundred heads of families, youths, edu- cated men, advocates, soldiers, and other of its citizens, emigrated to Chili, Copiapo, Coquimbo, Valparaiso ; and other parts of that Republic are still full of these noble victims of proscription, among whom are capital- ists, intelligent miners, merchants, farmers, lawyers, and physicians. As at the Babylonian dispersion, none of them have yet been able to return to see the prom- ised land. A second set of emigrants left the city in 1840, never to return. ' San Juan had been, before these days, rich enough in distinguished men to give to the celebrated Congress of Tucuman a President of the capacity and rank of Dr. Laprida, who was afterwards assassinated by the Aldaos ; a prior to the Recoleta Dominica of Chili, in the person of the distinguished sage and patriot Oro, 1 From 1845, when this book was written, to the present date, a salutary reaction occurred in the province of San Juan. It now contains one male and one female academy, and the Honorable House of Representatives has just proclaimed primary education for both sexes a public institution of the province. More than twenty youths are studying in Buenos Ayres, Cordova, and Chili, for the professions of law or medicine. Music and drawing have become quite frequent accomplishments for both sexes, and the artisans and other grades of society dress by preference in civilized costume, which is a sign of a satisfactory direction of the public mind to the improvement of its condition. SAN JUAN. H9 afterwards Bishop of San Juan. An illustrious patriot, Don Ignacio de fa Rosa, who, in conjunction with San Martin, prepared the expedition to aid Chili, and who scattered through his country the seeds of the equality of classes promised by the Revolution, was also a citi- zen of San Juan ; as were a minister of the govern- ment of Rivadavia, Dr. Carril ; a minister of the Argen- Jtine Legation, Don Domingo Oro, whose diplomatic talents are yet insufficiently appreciated ; a deputy to the Congress of 1826, the enlightened priest Vera ; a deputy to the convention of Santa FC*, in the presbyter Oro, an orator of note ; one to that of Cordova, Don Rudecindo Rojo, as eminent for his talents and genius for industrial pursuits as for his great learning ; and, among others, General Rojo, a soldier in the army, who saved two provinces by suppressing conspiracies, which he did solely by his quiet determination of char- acter, and of whom General Paz, a competent judge of such matters, said, that he bade fair to be one of the first generals of the Republic. San Juan then possessed a theatre and a permanent company of actors. There are still in existence the remains of six or seven private libraries, which comprised the most valu- ableTbboks of the eighteenth century, and translations of the best Greek and Latin works. I had no other instruction up to 1836 than that afforded me by these rich, though partially destroyed libraries. San Juan had so many illustrious men in 1825 that the House of Representatives contained six noted orators. Let the wretched peasants who now 1 disgrace the House of Representatives of San Juan, within which have been 1 1845. 70 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.* . heard such eloquent speeches and such elevated senti- ments, turn from the record of those times and flee abashed at the profanation of that august sanctuary by their diatribes ! The judicial chairs and the administrative offices were then occupied by educated men, and a sufficient i number remained to plead the causes of others. The elegance of manners, the refinement of cus- toms, the cultivation of literature, the great commer- cial interests, the public spirit which animated the people, all announced to foreigners the existence o a society of culture advancing rapidly to the attainment of a distinguished rank, and justified the following esti- mate of San Juan given to America and Europe through the London press : " They are showing the strongest inclination to advance in civilization, and this city is regarded at present as only second to Buenos Ayres in the progress of social reform. Various insti- tutions lately established in Buenos Ayres have been adopted at San Juan on a scale proportionate to its size, and the people have made extraordinary progress in ecclesiastical reform, incorporat- ing all the monastic orders with the secular clergy, and suppress- ing the convents of the latter." t But the state of primary education will give the be^t idea of the culture of the period we are considering., No portion of the Argentine Republic has been more distinguished by its anxiety for the diffusion of knowl- edge than San Juan, nor have more complete results been obtained elsewhere. The government, not satis- fied with the capacity of the men of the- province for the fulfillment of so important a duty, sent in 1815 for a person uniting competent learning and high morals THE RODRIGUEZ. 71 from Buenos Ayres. Some gentlemen of the name of t 'Rodriguez accordingly came to San Juan. These were three brothers worthy of ranking with the first families of the - country, with whom they became connected, such was their merit, and such were the many excel- lent qualities they possessed. My present profession as superintendent of primary education, and my study of such subjects, enable me to say that if ever any parallel to the celebrated Dutch schools described by .- M. Cousin, occurred in Spanish America, it was in the school of San Juan. The moral and religious instruc- tion was perhaps superior to the elementary teaching given there ; and to this cause I attribute the small number of crimes committed in San Juan, and the moderate conduct of Benavides himself, who like most of the present citizens of San Juan, was educated in that famous school, where the pupils were indoctrinated into the precepts of morality with special care. If these pages reach the hands of Don Ignacio and Don Roque Rodriguez, I trust they will accept this feeble homage, due, as I believe, to the eminent ser- vice done to the culture and morality of a whole city, in connection with their late brother, Don Jose*. 1 Such is the history of the Argentine cities. They can all claim past glory, civilization, and distinction. For the present they are borne down to the level of barbarism, and this barbarism of the interior has suc- ceeded in penetrating even to the streets of Buenos Ayres. 1 A detailed account of the system and organization of this public edu- cational establishment will be found in Popular Education, a special work devoted to that subject, and the fruit of my journey to Europe and the United States, undertaken by order of the Chilian government. 72 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. From 1810 to 1840 the provinces which contained such civilized cities, were yet sufficiently barbarous to , destroy by their propensities the colossal work of the Revglution of Independence ! Now tha,t nothing is left of what men, enlightenment, and institutions they once held, what will become of them ? Ignorance and its consequence, poverty, are waiting like^carrioh birds for the last gasp of the cities of the interior to devour their prey, and to convert them into fields and pastures. Buenos Ayres may again become what it Vas ; for there European civilization has such strength" that it must maintain itself in spite of the brutality of *the government. Bat what can the provinces depend "upon ? Two centuries will not suffice for their restor- >tion to the path they have abandoned, if the present generation shall educate their children in the barbarism which they have reached. Are we now asked for what we are contending? We are contending for the res- toration of their former life, and the promise of im- * provenaent to the cities. CHAPTER V. * LIFE OF JUAN FACUNDO QUIROGA. " Moreover these traits belong to the original character of the human race. The man of nature who has not yet learned to restrain or disguise his passions, displays them in all their energy, and gives himself up to their impetuosity." Alex. His- tory of the Ottoman Empire. HIS INFANCY AND YOUTH. BETWEEN the cities of San Luis and San Juan, lies an extensive desert, called the Travesia, a word which signifies want of water. The aspect of that waste is mostly gloomy and unpromising, and the traveller com- ing from the east does not fail to provide his chifles with a sufficient quantity of water at the last cistern which he passes as he approaches it. This Travesia once witnessed the following strange scene. The con- sequences of some of the encounters with knives so common among our gauchos had driven one of them in haste from the city of San Luis and forced him to escape to the Travesia on foot, and with his riding gear on his shoulder, in order to avoid the pursuit of the law. Two comrades were to join him as soon as they could steal horses for all three. Hunger and thirst were not the only dangers which at that time awaited him in the desert ; a tiger that had already tasted human flesh had been following the track of those who crossed it for a year, and more than eight persons had already been the victims of this preference. 74 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. In these regions, where man must contend with this animal for dominion over nature, the former sometimes falls a victim, upon which the tiger begins to acquire a preference for the taste of human flesh, and when it has once devoted itself to this novel form of chase, the pur- suit of mankind, it gets the name of man-eater. The provincial justice nearest the scene of his depredations calls out the huntsmen of his district, who join, under his authority and guidance, in the pursuit of the beast, which seldom escapes the consequences of its outlawry. When our fugitive had proceeded some six leagues, he thought he heard the distant roar of the animal, and a shudder ran through him. The roar of the tiger resem- bles the screech of the hog, but is prolonged, sharp, and piercing, and even when there is no occasion for fear, causes an involuntary tremor of the nerves as if the flesh shuddered consciously at the menace of death. The roaring was heard clearer and nearer. The tiger was al- ready upon the trail of the man, who saw no refuge but a small carob-tree at a great distance. He had to quicken his pace, and finally to run, for the roars behind him began to follow each other more rapidly, and each was clearer and more ringing than the last. At length, flinging his riding gear to one side of the path, the gaucho turned to the tree which he had noticed, and in spite of the weakness of its trunk, happily quite a tall one, he succeeded in clambering to its top, and keeping him- self half concealed among its boughs which oscillated violently. Thence he could see the swift approach of the tiger, sniffing the soil and roaring more frequently in proportion to its increasing perception of the near- ness of its prey. Passing beyond the spot where our THE TIGER. 75 traveller had left the path, it lost the track, and becom- ing enraged, rapidly circled about until it discovered the riding gear, which it dashed to fragments by a single blow. Still more furious from this failure, it re- sumed its search for the trail, and at last found out the direction in which it led. It soon discerned its prey, under whose weight the slight tree was swaying like a reed upon the summit of which a bird has alighted. The tiger now sprang forward, and in the twinkling of an eye, its monstrous fore-paws were resting on the slender trunk two yards from the ground, and were imparting to the tree a convulsive trembling calculated to act upon the nerves of the gaucho, whose position was far from secure. The beast exerted its strength in an ineffectual leap ; it circled around the tree, measuring the elevation with eyes reddened by the thirst for blood, and at length, roaring with rage, it crouched down, beating the ground frantically with its tail, its eyes fixed on its prey, its parched mouth half open. This horrible scene had lasted for nearly two mortal hours ; the gaucho's constrained attitude, and the fear- ful fascination exercised over him by the fixed and bloodthirsty stare of the tiger, which irresistibly at- tracted and retained his own glances, had begun to di- minish his strength, and he already perceived that the moment was at hand when his exhausted body would fall into the capacious mouth of his pursuer. But at this moment the distant sound of the feet of horses on a rapid gallop gave him hope of rescue. His friends had indeed seen the tiger's foot-prints, and were hastening on, though without hope of saving him. The scattered fragments of the saddle directed them to the scene of 76 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. action, and it was the work of a moment for them to reach it, to uncoil their lassoes, and to fling them over the tiger, now blinded by rage. The beast, drawn in opposite directions by the two lassos, could not evade the swift stabs by which its destined victim took his re- venge for his prolonged torments. " On that occasion I knew what it was to be afraid," was the expression of Don Juan Facundo Quiroga, as he related this inci- dent to a group of officers. He too was called " the tiger of the Llanos," a title which did not ill befit him. There are, in fact, as is proved by phrenology and comparative anatomy, rela- tions between external forms and moral qualities, be- tween the countenance of a man and that of some ani- mal whose disposition resembles his own. Facundo, as he was long called in the interior, or, General Don Facundo Quiroga, as he afterwards became, when society had received him into its bosom and victory had crowned him with laurels, was a stoutly built man of low stature, whose short neck and broad shoulders supported a well-shaped head, covered with a profusion of black and closely curling hair. His somewhat oval face was half buried in this mass of hair and an equally thick black, curly beard, rising to his cheek-bones, which by their prominence evinced a firm and tenacious will. His black and fiery eyes, shadowed by thick eyebrows, occasioned an involuntary sense of terror in those on whom they chanced to fall, for Facundo's glance was never direct, whether from habit or intention. With the design of making himself always formidable, he al- ways kept his head bent down, to look at one from under his eyebrows, like the AH Pacha of Monovoisin. QUIROGA'S EDUCATION. 77 image of Quiroga is recalled to me by the Cain repre- sented by the famous Ravel troupe, setting aside the ar- tistic and statuesque attitudes, which do not correspond to his. To conclude, his features were regular, and the pale olive of his complexion harmonized well with the dense shadows which surrounded it. The formation of his head showed, notwithstanding this shaggy covering, the peculiar organization of a man born to rule. Quiroga possessed those natural qualities which converted the student of Brienne into the genius of France, and the obscure Mameluke who fought with the French at the Pyramids, into the Viceroy of Egypt. Such natures develop according to the society in which they originate, and are either noble leaders who hold the highest place in history, ever forwarding the prog- ress of civilization, or the cruel and vicious tyrants who become the scourges of their race and time. ~ Facundo Quiroga was the son of an inhabitant of San Juan, who had settled in the Llanos of La Rioja, and there had accpiij^d--a -fortune^ in- -pastoral pursuits. In 1779, Facundo was sent to his father's native province to receive the limitedLedupation, con- sisting only of the arts of reading and writing, which he could acquire in its schools. After a man has come to employ the hundred trumpets of fame with the noise of his deeds, curiosity or the spirit of investigation is carried to such an extent as to scent out the insignificant history of the child, in order to connect it with the biog- raphy of the hero ; and it is not seldom that the rudi- ments of the traits characteristic of the historical per- sonage are met amid fables invented by flattery. The young Alcibiades is said to have lain down at full 78 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. length upon the pavement of the street where he was playing, in order to insist that the driver of an ap- proaching vehicle should yield the way to avoid run- ning over him. Napoleon is reported to have ruled over his fellow-students, and to have entrenched him- self in his study to resist an apprehended insult. Many anecdotes are now in circulation relating to Facundo, many of which reveal his true nature. In the house where he lodged, he could never be induced to take his s^at at the family table ; in school he was haughty, re- se^yed, and unsocial ; he never joined the other boys except to head their rebellious proceedings or to beat them. The master, tired of contending with so un- tamable a disposition, on one occasion provided himself with a new and stiff strap, and said to the frightened boys, as he showed it to them, " This is to be made supple upon Facundo." Facundo, then eleven years old, heard this threat, and the next day he tested its value. Without having learned his lesson, he asked the head-master to hear it himself, because, as he said, the^ assistant was unfriendly to him. The master com- plied with the request. Facundo made one mistake, then two, three, and four ; upon which the master used his strap upon him. Facundo, who had calculated every- thing, down to the weakness of the chair in which the master was seated, gave him a buffet, upset him on his back, and, taking to the street in the confusion created by this scene, hid himself among some wild vines where they could not get him out for three days. Was not such a boy the embryo chieftain who would afterwards defy society at large ? In early manhood his character took a more decided HABITS OF LIFE. 79 cast, constantly becoming more gloomy, imperious, and wild. From the age of fifteen years he was irresist- ibly controlled by the passion for_garoblmg, as is often the case with such natures, which need strong excite- ment to awaken their dormant energies. This made him notorious in the city, and intolerable in the house which afforded him its hospitality ; and finally under this influence, by a shot fired atone George Pena, he. shed the first rill of blood which went to make up tile wide torrent that marked his way through life. On his becoming an adult, the thread of his life dis- appears in an intricate labyrinth of bouts and broils among the people of the surrounding region. Some- times lying hid, always pursued, he passed his time in gambliDg, working as a common laborer, domineering over everybody around him, and distributing his stabs among them. On the Godoy farm in San Juan are shown to thfs day mud-walls of Quiroga's treading ; there are others in Fiambola, in La Rioja, made by him. He* himself pointed out others in Mendoza, in the very place where one afternoon he had twenty-six of the officers who surrendered at Chacon dragged from their houses and shot to avenge Villifane. He also showed some monuments of his wandering life of labor in the v country districts of Buenos Ayes. What motives in- duced this man, brought up in a respectable family, son of a man of means and creditable life, to descend to a hireling's position, and moreover to select the dull- est and most brutish kind of work, needing only bodily strength and endurance ? Was it because the labor of building these mud-walls is recompensed with double 80 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. wages, and that he was in haste to get together a little money ? The most connected account of this obscure and roaming part of his life that I can procure is as fol- lows : Towards 1806, he went to Chili with a consign- ment of grain on his parent's account. This he gam- bled away, as well as the animals, which had brought /it, and the family slaves who had accompanied him. He often took to San Juan and Mendoza droves of the stock on his father's estate, and these always shared the same fate ; for with Facundo, gambling was a fierce and burning passion which aroused the deepest instincts of his nature. These successive gains and losses of his must have worn out his father's generosity, for at last he broke off all amicable relations with his family. When he had become the terror of the Republic, he was once asked by one of his parasites, " What was the largest bet you ever made in your life, General ? " " Seventy dollars," replied Quiroga, carelessly, and yet he had just won two hundred dollars at one stake. He afterwards explained that once when a young man, having only seventy dollars, he had lost them all at one throw. But this fact has its characteristic history. Facundo had been at work for a year as a laborer upon the farm of a lady, situated in the Plumerillo, and had made himself conspicuous by his punctuality in going to work, and by the influence and authority ) which he exercised over the other laborers. When they wanted a holiday to get drunk in, they used to apply to Facundo, who informed the lady, and gave her his word, which was always fulfilled, to have all THE GAUCHO'S REVENGE. 81 the men at work the next day. On this account the laborers called him the father. At the end of a year of steady work, Facundo asked for his wages, which amounted to seventy dollars, and mounted his horse without knowing where he was bound, but seeing a collection of people at a grocery store, he alighted, and reaching over the group around the card-dealer, bet his seventy dollars on one card. He lost them, and remounting, went on his way, careless in what direc- tion, until after a little time a justice, Toledo by name, who happened to be passing, stopped him to ask for his passport. Facundo rode up as if about to give it to him, pretended to be feeling for something in his pocket, and stretched the justice on the ground with a stab. Was he taking his revenge upon the judge for his recent loss at play ? or was it his purpose to satisfy the irritation against civil authority natural to a gaucho outlaw, and increase, by this new deed, the splendor of his rising fame ? Both are true explanations. This mode of revenging himself for misfortunes upon what- ever first offered itself, had many examples in his life. When he was addressed as General, and had colonels at his orders, he had two hundred lashes given one of them in his house at San Juan, for having, as he said, cheated at play. He ordered two hundred lashes to be given to a young man for having allowed himself a jest at a time when jests were not to his taste ; and two hundred lashes was the penalty inflicted on a woman in Mendoza for having said to him as he passed, " Farewell, General," when he was going off in a rage at not having succeeded in intimidating a 82 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. neighbor of his, who was as peaceable and judicious as Facundo was rash and gaucho-like. Facundo reappears later in Buenos Ayres, where he was enrolled in 1810 as a recruit in the regiment of ) Arribeiios, which was commanded by General Ocampo, a native of his own province, and afterwards president of Charcas. The glorious career of arms opened before him with the first rays of the sun of May ; and doubt- less, endowed with such capacity as his, and with his de- structive and sanguinary instincts, Facundo, could he have been disciplined to submit to civil authority and ennobled in the sublimity of the object of the strife, might some day have returned from Peru, Chili, or Bolivia, as a General of the Argentine Republic, like so many other brave gauchos who began their careers in the humble position of a private soldier. But Quiroga's rebellious spirit could not endure the yoke of discipline, the order of the barrack, or the delay of promotion. He felt his destiny to be to rule, to rise at a single leap, to create for himself, without assistance, and in spite of a hostile and civilized society, a career of his own, combining bravery and crime, government and disorganization. He was subsequently recruited into the army of the Andes, and enrolled in the Mounted Grenadiers. A lieutenant named Garcia , took him for an assistant, and very soon desertion left, a vacant place in those glorious files. Quiroga, like . Rosas, like all the vipers that have thriven under the shade of their country's laurels, made himself notori- -. ous in after-life by his hatred for the soldiers of Inde- pendence, among whom both the men above named made horrible slaughter. DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 83 Facundo, after desertingjrom_iienos Ayres, set out for the interior with three comrades. A squad of soldiery overtook him ; he faced the pursuers and engaged in a real battle with them, which remained undecided for awhile, until, after having killed four or five men, he was at liberty to continue his journey, constantly cutting his way through detachments of troops which here and there opposed his progress, until he arrived at San Luis. He was, at a later day, to traverse the same route with a handful of men, to dis- perse armies instead of detachments, and proceed to the famous citadel of Tucuman to blot out the last remains of Republicanism and civil order. Facundo now reappears in the Llanos, at his father's house. At this period occurred an event which is well attested. Yet one of the writers whose manuscripts I am using, replies to an inquiry about the matter, "that to the extent of his knowledge Quiroga never attempted forcibly to deprive his parents of money," and I could wish to adopt this statement, irreconcilable as it is with unvarying tradition and general consent. The con- trary is shocking to relate. It is said that on his father's refusal to give him a sum of money which he had demanded, he watched for the time when both parents were taking an afternoon nap to fasten the door of the room they occupied, and to set iire to the straw roof, which was the usual covering of the build- ings of the Llanos ! l But what is certain in the matter is that his father 1 The author afterwards learned that Facundo related this story to a company of ladies, and one of his own early acquaintances testified to his having given his father a blow on one occasion. 84 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. once requested the governor of La Rioja to arrest him in order to check his excesses, and that Facundo, be- fore taking flight from the Llanos, went to the city of La Rioja, \where that official was to be found at the time, and coming upon him by surprise, gave him a blow, saying as he did so, " You have sent, sir, to have me arrested. There, have me arrested now ! " On which he 'mounted his horse and set off for the open country at a gallop. At the end of a year he again showed himself at his father's house, threw him- self at the feet of the old man whom he had used so ill, and succeeded amid the sobs of both, and the son's assurances of his reform in reply to the father's recrim- inati6ns, in reestablishing peace, although on a very uncertain basis. But no change occurred in his character and dis- orderly habits ; races, gambling parties, and expedi- tions into the country were the occasions of new acts of violence, stabbings, and assaults on his part, until he at length made himself intolerable to all, and ren- dered his own position very unsafe. Then a great thought which he announced without shame, got hold of his mind. The deserter from the Arribenos regi- ment, the mounted grenadier who refused to make him- self immortal at Chacabuco or Maipu, determined to join the montonera of Ramirez, the offshoot from that led by Artigas,. whose renown for crime and hatred for the cities on which it was making war, had reached the Llanos, and held the provincial government" in dread. Facundo set forth to join those buccaneers of the pampa. But perhaps the knowledge of his charaC* ter, and of the importance of the aid which he would FACUNDO IN PRISON. 85 give to the destroyers, alarmed his fellow provincials, for they informed the authorities of San Luis, through which he was to pass, of his infernal design. Dupuis, then (1818) governor, arrested him, and for sometime he remained unnoticed among the criminals confined in the prison. This prison of San Luis, however, was to be the first step in his ascent to the elevation which he subsequently attained. San Martin had sent to San Luis a great number of Spanish officers of all ranks/ from among the prisoners taken in Chili. Irritated by their humiliations and sufferings, or thinking it possible that the Spanish forces might be assembled again, this party of prisoners rose one day and opened the door? of the cells of the common criminals, to obtain theii aid in a general escape. Facundo was one of these criminals, and as soon as he found himself free from prison, he seized an iron bar of his fetters, split the skull of the very Spaniard who had released him, and passing through the group of insurgents, left a wide path strewn with the dead. Some say that the weapon he employed was a bayonet, and that only three men were killed by it. Quiroga, however, always talked of the iron bar of the fetters, and of fourteen dead men. This^may be one of the fictions with which the poetic imagination of the people adorns the types of brute force they so much admire ; perhaps the tale of the iron -bar is an Argentine version of the jaw-bone of Samson, the Hebrew Hercules. But Facundo looked upon it as a crown of glory, in accordance with his i 'idea of excellence, and whether by bar or bayonet, he- succeeded, aided by other soldiers and prisoners whom y hls example encouraged, in suppressing the insurrec- 86 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. tion and reconciling society to himself by this act of bravery, and placing himself under his country's pro- tection. Thus his name spread everywhere, ennobled' and cleansed, though with blood, from the stains whicb had tarnished it. Facundo returned to La Rioja covered with glory, his country's creditor ; and with testimonials of his conduct, to show in the Llanos, among gauchos, the new titles which justified the terror his name began to inspire ; for there is something imposing, something which subjugates and controls others in the man who is rewarded for the assassination of fourteen men at one time. Something still remains to be noticed of the previ- ous character and temper of this pillar of the Confed- eration. An illiterate man, one of Quiroga's compan- ions in childhood and youth, who has supplied me with many of the above facts, sends me the following curi- ous statements in a manuscript describing Quiroga's early years : " His public career was not preceded by the practice of theft ; he never committed robbery even in his most pressing necessities. He was not only fond of fighting, but would pay for an opportunity, or for a chance to insult the most renowned champion in* any company. He had a great aversion to respectable men. He never drank. He was very reserved from his youth, and desired to inspire others with awe as well as with fear, for which purpose he gave his confi- dants to understand that he had' the gift of prophecy, in short was a soothsayer. He treated all connected with him as slaves. He never went to confession, prayed, or heard mass ; I saw him once at mass after he be- CHARACTERISTICS. 89 came a general. He said of himself that he behind in nothing." The frankness with which these wora. are written, prove their truth. And here ends the private life of Quiroga, in which I have omitted a long series of deeds which only show his evil nature, his bad education, and his fierce and bloody instincts. The facts stated appear to me to sum up the whole public life of Quiroga. I see in them ' J the great man, the man of genius, in spite of himself and unknown to himself; a Caesar, Tamerlane, or Mohammed. The fault is not his that thus he was born. In order to contend with, rule, and control the .power .of J;he city, and the judicial authority, he is willingjx) descend to anything. If he is offered a place in the army, he disdains it, because his impatience cannot wait for promotion. Such a position demands submis- sion, and places fetters upon individual independence ; the soldier's coat oppresses his body, and military tac- tics control his steps, all of which are insufferable ! His equestrian life, a life of danger and of strong ex- citements, has steeled his spirit and hardened his heart. He feels an unconquerable and instinctive hatred for the laws which have pursued him, for the judges who have condemned him, and for the whole society and organism from which he has felt himself withdrawn from his childhood, and which regards him with suspi- cion and contempt. With these remarks is connected by imperceptible links the motto of this chapter, tfc He is the natural man, as yet unused either to repress or disguise his passions ; he does not restrain their energy, but gives free rein to their impetuosity. This is the character of the human race." And thus it appears LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, f / + ' rural districts of the Argentine Republic. Fa- i-ando is a type of primitive barbarism. He recognized 1 no form of subjection. His rage was that of a wild beast. The locks of his crisp black hair, which fell in meshes over his brow and eyes, resembled the snakes of Medusa's head. Anger made his voice hoarse, and turned his glances into dragons. In a fit of passion he kicked out the brains of a man with whom he had quarreled at play. He tore off both the ears of a woman he had lived with, and had promised to marry, upon her asking him for thirty dollars for the celebra- tion of the wedding ; and laid open his son John's head with an axe, because he could not make him hold his tongue. He violently beat a beautiful young lady at Tucuman, whom he had failed either to seduce or to subdue, and exhibited in all his actions a low and brutal yet not a stupid nature, or one wholly without lofty aims. Incapable of commanding noble admir-a/ tion, he delighted in exciting fear j* and this pleasure was exclusive and dominant with him to the arranging all his actions so as to produce terror in those around him, whether it was society in general, the victim on his way to execution, or his own wife and children. Wanting ability to manage the machinery of civil gov- v eminent, he substituted terror for patriotism and self- sacrifice. Destitute of learning, he surrounded himself with mysteries, and pretended to a foreknowledge of events which gave him prestige and reputation among the commonalty, supporting his claims by an air of impenetrability, by natural sagacity, an uncommon . > power of observation, and the advantage he derived , - from vulgar credulity. FACUNDO AS A DIVINER. 89 'jL\ The repertory of anecdotes relating to Quiroga, and ^ with which the popular memory is replete, is inexhaust- ible ; his sayings, his expedients, bear the stamp of an originality which gives them a certain Eastern aspect, a certain tint of Solomonic wisdom in the conception of the vulgar. Indeed, how does Solomon's advice for discovering the true mother of the disputed child differ I from Facundo's method of detecting a thief in the fol- L lowing instances : *% An article had been stolen from a band, and all endeavors to discover the thief had proved fruitless. Quiroga drew up the troops and gave orders for the cutting of as many small wands of equal length as there were soldiers ; then, having had these wands distrib- uted one to each man, he said in a confident voice, " The man whose wand will be longer than the others to-morrow morning is the thief." Next day the troops was again paraded, and Quiroga proceeded to inspect the >,wands. There was one whose wand was, not longer -but shorter than the others. " Wretch ! " cried Facundo, in a voice which overpowered the man with dismay, "it is thou ! " And so it was ; the culprit's confusion was proof of the fact. The expedient was a simple one ; the credulous gaucho, fearing that his wand would really grow, had cut off a piece of it. ^ut to avail>one's self of such means, a man must be supe- rior in intellect to those about him, and must at least have some knowledge of human nature. Some portions of a soldier's accoutrements having been stolen and all inquiries having failed to detect the thief, Quiroga had the troops paraded and marched past him as he stood with crossed arms and a fixed, piercing, and terrible gaze. He had previously said, 90 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. " I know the man," with an air of assurance not to be questioned. The review began ; many men had passed, and Quiroga still remained motionless, like the statue of Jupiter Tonans or the God of the Last Judg- ment. All at once he descended upon one man, and said in a curt and dry voice, " Where is the saddle ? " " Yonder, sir," replied the other, pointing, to a thicket. " Ho ! four fusileers ! " cried Quiroga. What revela- tion was this ? that of terror and guilt made to a man of sagacity. On another occasion, when a gaucho was answering to charges of theft which had been brought against him, Facundo interrupted him with the words, " This rogue has begun to lie. Ho, there ! a hundred lashes ! " When the criminal had been taken away, Quiroga said to some one present, " Look you, my master, when a gaucho moves his foot while talking, it is a sign he is telling lies." The lashes extorted from the gaucho the confession that he had stolen a yoke of oxen. At another time he was in need of a man of resolu- tion and boldness to whom he could intrust a danger- ous mission. When a man was brought to him for this purpose, Quiroga was writing ; he raised his head after the man's presence had been repeatedly an- nounced, looked at him and returned to his writing with the remark, " Pooh ! that is a wretched creature. I want a brave man and a venturesome one ! " It turned out to be true that the fellow was actually good for nothing. Hundreds of such stories of Facundo's life, which show the man of superior ability, served effectually to give him a mysterious fame among the vulgar, who even attribute superior powers to him. CHAPTER VI. LA RIOJA. " The sides of the mountain enlarge and assume an aspect at once more grand and more barren. By little and little, the scanty vegetation languishes and dies ; and mosses disappear, and a red burning hue succeeds." Roussee's Palestine. THE COUNTRY COMMANDANT. IN a document dating as far back as 1560, I have seen recorded the name of Mendoza of the valley of La Rioja. But La Rioja proper is an Argentine prov- ince lying north of San Juan, from which it is separ- ated by several strips of desert, although these are broken by some inhabited valleys. Its western portion is intersected in parallel lines by spurs branching off from the Andes and including in their valleys los Pue- blos and Little Chili, as it was called by the Chilian miners, who frequented the rich and renowned mines of Famatina. Further to the east stretches a sandy, barren, and sun-scorched plain, at the northern extremity of which, and near a mountain covered to its summit with rank and lofty vegetation, lies the skeleton of La Rioja, a lonely city with no suburbs, and withered away, as it were, like Jerusalem at the foot of the Mount of Olives. This sandy plain is bounded, far towards the south, by the Colorados, mountains of hardened clay, whose regular outlines take the most picturesque and fantastic forms ; f d2 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. sometimes resembling a smooth wall with projecting bas- tions ; sometimes suggesting to the eye massive towers and the battlements of ruined castles. Lastly, in the southeast and surrounded by extensive wastes, lie the Llanos, a broken and hilly region, in spite of its name, forming an oasis of pasturage which formerly main- tained thousands of flocks. The general aspect of the country is desolate, its climate torrid, its soil parched and destitute of running streams. Reservoirs called represas are constructed by the peasantry to collect rain-water for the supply of their animals. I have always been disposed to think that the general aspect of Palestine resembles that of La Rioja, in the reddish or ochreous tints of the soil, the dryness of some regions and their cisterns ; also the orange-trees, vines, and fig-trees bearing exquisite and enormous fruits, which are raised along the* course of some turbid and confined Jordan. There is a strange combination of mountain and plain, fruitfulness and aridity, parched and bristling heights, and hills covered with dark green forests as lofty as the cedars of Leba^ non. What chiefly brings these reminiscences of the East before my imagination is the truly patriarchal appear- ance of the country people of La Rioja. Thanks to caprices of fashion, there is now nothing unusual in seeing men with full beards, according to the immemo- rial practice of Eastern nations ; but yet this fact would -not wholly prevent the surprise naturally occasioned by the sight of a Spanish-speaking population among whom full beards, frequently descending to the chest, are, and always have been worn ; a populatio of mel- FEUD BETWEEN OCAMPOS AND DAVILAS. 93 ancholy, silent, sedate, and crafty demeanor ; of Arabic aj)pearance, riding upon asses, and sometimes clothed in goat-skins, like the hermit of En-gedi. There are places where the people live exclusively on wild honey and the fruit of the carob-tree, as St. John did on lo- custs in the desert. The Llanista himself is alone un- conscious of being the most unfortunate, wretched, and barbarous of mortals, and thanks to this ignorance, he lives contentedly and happily when hunger does not trouble him. I have already said that there are in Rioja some red- dish mountains which bear at a distance a resem- blance to towers and feudal castles in ruins ; and still other medieval characteristics are mingled with the Oriental resemblances above referred to, for in Rioja there has been a contest of a century between two hostile families, whose enmity, rank, and celebrity find an accurate parallel among the Ursini, Colonnas, and Medici of Italian feuds. The whole history, .of_. the civilized inhabitants of La Rioja is that of the conten- tions of the Ocampos and Davilas. These families, alike ancient, rich, and noble, long strove with each other for supremacy, and, even long before the Revo- lution of Independence, had divided the population into parties like those of the Guelphs and Ghibellines. A great number of the members of these two families have distinguished themselves in arms, at the bar, and in industrial pursuits ; for the Davilas and the Ocampos were ever attempting to surpass each other by every method of acquiring power recognized by civilization. The extinction of this hereditary animosity was often an object of the policy of the patriots of Buenos Ayres. 94 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. The two families were induced by the logic of Lautaro to unite an Ocampo with a lady of the Davila family in order to promote a reconciliation. All know that such was the Italian practice ; but on this occasion the Romeo and Juliet were more fortunate. Towards 1817 the government of Buenos Ayres, also with the view of ending the hostility of these families, sent the province a governor from without, Barnachea by name, who fell ere long under the influence of the Ddvila party, de- pendent upon the support of Don Prudencio Quiroga, a man much beloved by the inhabitants of the Llanos where he lived ; he had been summoned to the city and appointed Treasurer and Alcalde. The rural districts were just beginning, although in a legitimate and noble manner, in Don Prudencio Quiroga, Facundo's father, to come into play as a political element among the civil parties. The Llanos I have stated, consist of a hilly oasis of pasture land in the midst of an extensive desert (tra- vesia) ; their inhabitants, exclusively shepherds, lead that patriarchal and primitive life which its isolation preserves in all its purity and hostility to the cities. Hospitality is in that region a duty of general obliga- tion. The laborer defends his master from all kinds of danger, even at the risk of his own life. These customs will of themselves furnish a partial explanation of the phenomena we are to witness. After the event that occurred in his favor at San Luis, Facundo made his appearance on the Llanos in- vested with the prestige of his recent exploit, and for- tified with a recommendation from the government. The parties dividing La Rioja were not slow to solicit the adhesion of a man regarded by all with the respect 1 ALDAO AND CORRO. 95 and dread always felt for deeds of unusual daring. The Ocampos, who came into power in 1820, gave him the title of Sergeant Major of the Militia of the Llanos, with the influence and authority of Commandant. The beginring of his public career starts from this moment. The pastoral and barbaric element of La Rioja, the same with that third . force which appears with Artigas at the siege of Montevideo, is now to pre- sent itself at La Rioja with Quiroga, upon whom one of the parties of the city had called for support. The moment of such an action is a solemn and critical one in the history of all the pastoral states ^ of the Argentine Republic ; in each there comes a day when a man of audacity is made country commandant either because he is already dreaded, or because foreign aid is needed. Such a man is a Grecian horse like that which the Trojans made haste to bring into the city. - At this time occurred at San Juan the unfortunate insurrection of the first regiment of the Andes, which had returned from Chili for reorganization. Francisco Aldao and Corro, foiled in the objects of the rebellion, undertook a calamitous retreat towards the north to join Giiemes, a partisan chieftain of Salta. General Ocampo, Governor of La Rioja, took measures to bar their passage, and for that purpose called out all the forces of the province and made ready for a battle. Facundo was at hand with his Llanistas [men of the plains]. The action began, and a few minutes were enough to show that the First Regiment had, by rebel- lion, lost none of their ancient lustre on fields of battle. Corro and Aldao moved upon the city, and their scat- , tered antagonists betook themselves for reorganization 96 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. to the Llanos, where they could await the arrival pf the troops from San Juan and Mendoza who were in: pursuit of the fugitives. Facundo meanwhile, aban- doning the point of reunion, fell upon the rear-guard of the victors, skirmishing with and harassing them, and killing or capturing their stragglers. Facundo was the only man endowed with a life of his own, waiting" for no orders, wholly influenced by the motive power 'within himself. He had felt himself called to action, and waited for no impulse from without. Yet more ; he spoke scornfully of the government and of the General, and declared his intention of overthrowing it and acting henceforward as his judgment might dic- tate. It is said that a council of the chief officers of the army urged upon General Ocampo his arrest, trial, and execution ; but the General declined, perhaps less from moderation than from a feeling that Quiroga was now less a subordinate officer than a formidable ally. A definite agreement between Aldao and the gov- ernment decided that the former should return to San Luis, it not being his wish to follow Corro, and the government engaging to provide means for his passage through its territory by a route across the Llanos. Facundo was charged with the performance of this part of the stipulation, and returned with Aldao to the Llanos. Quiroga by this time was conscious of his power ; and when he turned his back on La Rioja, he might have taken leave of it with the saying, " Woe to thee, O city ! Verily I say unto thee that yet a little while, and there shall not be left of thee one stone upon another." Aldao, upon his arrival at the Llanos, offered Qui- FACUNDO AS COMMANDANT. 97 roga, with whose discontent he had become acquainted, A a hundred drilled soldiers, to enable him to make him- self master of La Rioja, in exchange for his aid in fu- ture enterprises. Quiroga eagerly assented, set out for . ' the city, took ?t, captured the officers of the government, sent them confessors, and orders to prepare themselves for death. What object had he in this revolution? None. Feeling himself powerful and stretching out his arms, he overthrew the city. Is it his fault ? Old Chilian patriots doubtless still remember the prowess of Sergeant Araya of the Mounted Grenadiers ; for among those veterans the halo of glory frequently rested upon the common soldier. The priest Men- ses has informed me that, after the rout of Cancha Ra- yada, Sergeant Araya and seven grenadiers went to Mendoza. It was heart-breaking to the patriots to see the bravest soldiers of their army passing and repass- "ing the Andes while Las Heras still had forces at his command to face the Spaniards. The detention of Sergeant Araya was projected ; but a difficulty pre- sented itself. Who was to approach him ? A detach- ment of seventy militia-men was at hand ; but all the soldiers knew that the fugitive was Sergeant Araya, and they would have been a thousand times more ready to attack the Spaniards than this lion of the grenadiers. Upon this, Don Jose* Maria Mene*ses, alone and un- armed, followed and overtook Araya, and, intercepting him on his way, reminded him of his past glories and of the disgrace of an. objectless flight. Araya was not deaf to this appeal, and yielded unresistingly to the entreaties and commands of the good neighbor. He then became enthusiastic, hastened to stop other 98 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. squads of grenadiers who had preceded him in flight, and his diligence and reputation enabled him to join the army again with seventy comrades in arms, who cleared their laurels at Maipu of the momentary stain which had rested on them. This Sergeant Araya and a man named Lorca, alsp- known in Chili by his bravery, commanded the force , placed by Aldao under Facundo's orders. The pris- oners at La Rioja who were under sentence of death,' among them Dr. Don Gabriel Ocampo, a former min- ister of government, entreated Lorca to protect them by his intercession. Facundo, feeling yet insecure in his momentary elevation, consented to grant their lives ; but this limit set to his power made him aware that he must have full control of this veteran force, in order to avoid future opposition. Returning to the Llanos, he came to an understand- - ing with Araya, and in pursuance of their agreement, they fell upon the rest of Aldao's force by surprise, and Facundo then found himself at the head of four hun- dred regulars, from whose ranks were afterwards drawn the officers of his first armies. Remembering that Don Nicholas Davila was in exile at'Tucuman, he summoned him to take charge of the annoying details of the government of La Rioja, himself retaining the real supremacy, which followed him to the Llanos. The breach between him and men like the Ocampos and Davilas was too wide, and the change from their government to his, too sudden, to be effected at a blow ; the spirit of the city was still too powerful for that of the country to control openly ; a Doctor of Laws was still thought to make a better government official than any laborer. But all this was afterwards changed. DAVILA MADE GOVERNOR. 99 Davila undertook the government under Facundo, and for the time all occasion for trouble seemed over. The possessions and estates of the Davilas were situ- ated near Chilecito, and there, consequently, in the kinsmen and friends of the family, was concentrated the physical and moral force likely to sustain the new governor. As the population of Chilecito increased with the profitable working of the mines, and as large fortunes had been amassed there, the government es- tablished a provincial bank in this small town, to which ' it transferred its residence, either to carry out the un- dertaking or to withdraw itself from the Llanos and the disagreeable subjection in which Quiroga was dis- posed to keep that region. Before long, Davila pro- ceeded from these purely defensive measures to more decided action. Availing himself of Facundo's tempo- rary absence at San Juan, he laid plans with Captain Araya to have him arrested on his return. Facundo learned what awaited him, and, secretly entering the Llanos, had Araya assassinated. The government v^hose authority had been thus contemptuously defied, sum- moned him to answer to the charge of assassination. Ridiculous parody ! But there was no other means of appealing to arms and of kindling civil war between the government and Qiiiroga, between the city and the Llanos. Facundo, in his turn, sent commissioners to the Representative Assembly, to request the deposition of Davila. The Assembly had urgently called upon the governor to invade the Llanos and with the support of all the citizens, to disarm Quiroga. The members had a local interest in the matter, which was the transfer df the bank to the city of La Rioja ; but as Davila per- 100 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. sisted in residing at Chilecito, the Assembly yielded to Facundo's solicitations and declared Davila deposed. Governor Davila had assembled many of Aldao's soldiers under the command of Don Miguel Davila. He had a good supply of military equipments, many adherents desirous of preserving the province from the rule of the chieftain who was strengthening himself in, the Llanos, and also several regular officers to lead his troops. Preparations for war were begun, then, with equal zeal, in Chilecito and in the Llanos. Ru- mors of these unhappy events reached San Juan and, Mendbza, the government of which sent a commis- sion to attempt to make an arrangement between the belligerents, who, by that time, were on the point of actual conflict. Corbalan, the same now serving in Rosas' ordnance corps, visited Quiroga's camp to at- .tempt the mediation for which he had been sent, and which the chieftain accepted ; he next went to the op- posing camp, where he met the same cordial reception ; and finally returned to the camp of Quiroga to arrange the exact terms of agreement, but Quiroga, leaving him there, marched hastily against his enemy, whose forces he easily routed and dispersed, owing to the .negligence into which the deluded envoy's assurances had caused them to fall. Don Miguel Davila, collect- ing some of his men, resolutely attacked Quiroga, and succeeded in wounding him in one thigh before being himself disabled by a shot in the wrist ; he was after- wards surrounded and killed by Quiroga's soldiers. A fact very characteristic of the gaucho spirit is connected with this incident. A soldier takes pleasure in show- ing his wounds ; the gaucho hides such as he has re- BLANCO MADE GOVERNOR. 101 ceived in close combat, and avoids having their exist-! ence known, because they attest a want of skill on his part. Facundo, faithful to these notions of honor, never mentioned the wound which Davila had given him. Here ends the history of the Ocampos and Davilas, and with it that of La Rioja. What follows is the his- tory of Quiroga. That day of evil omen corresponds to April of 1835 in the history of Buenos Ayres when its country com- t mandant, its desert hero, made himself master of the city. I ought not to omit, since it is to Quiroga's honor, a curious fact which (1823) occurred at this time. The feeblest gleam of light is not to be disregarded in the blackness of that night. Facundo, upon his triumphant entry into La Rioja, stopped the ringing of the bells, and after sending a mes- sage of condolence to the widow of the slain General, directed his ashes to be honored with a stately funeral. He appointed for governor one Blanco, a Spaniard of low rank, and with him began the new order of affairs which was to realize the best ideal of government, as conceived by Facundo Quiroga ; for, in his long career among the various cities which he conquered, he never took upon himself the charge of organizing goyern- v ments; he always left that task to others. The moment of the grasp of power over the destinies of a commonwealth by a vigorous hand is ever an im- ' portant one and deserves attention. Old institutions are strengthened, or give place to others, newer and more productive of good results, or better adapted to prevailing ideas. From such a focus often diverge the threads which, as time weaves them together, change the web of history. 102 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. It is otherwise when the prevailing force is one for- eign to civilization, when an Attila obtains possession of Rome, or a Tamerlane traverses the plains of Asia ; old forms remain, but the hand of philosophy would afterwards vainly remove them with the view of find- ing beneath them plants which had gained vigor from the human blood given them for nourishment. Fa- cundo, a man imbued with the genius of barbarism, gets control of his country ; the traditions of govern- ment disappear, established forms deteriorate, the law is a plaything in vile hands ; and nothing is maintained, nothing established, amid the destruction thus accom- plished by the trampling feet of horses. Freedom from restraint, occupation, and care, is the supreme good of the gaucho. If La Rioja had contained statues, as it contained doctors, they would have had horses tied to them, but they would have served no other purpose. Facundo wanted to have means at his command, and, as he was incapable of creating a revenue system, he re- sorted to the ordinary proceeding of dull or weak govern- ments ; but in this case the monopoly bears the stamp of South American pastoral life, spoliation, and violence. The tithes of La Rioja were, at this time farmed out at ten thousand piastres a year ; this was the average rate. Facundo made his appearance at the board, and his pres- ence overawed the shepherds. " I offer two thousand piastres a year," said he, " and one more than the best bid." The committee repeated the proposal three times ; no one made a bid ; all present left, one by one, reading in Quiroga's sinister glance that it was the last one he would allow. The next year he contented him- self with sending to the board the following note : FACUNDO AS FINANCIER. 103 -" I give two thousand dollars and one more than the best bid. " FACUNDO QUIROGA." The third year the ceremony of adjudication was omitted, and in 1831, Quiroga again sent to La Rioja the sum of two thousand dollars, his estimate for the tithes. But to make his tithes bring in a hundred for one, another step was required, and, after the second year, Facundo refused to receive the tribute of animals oth- erwise than by giving his mark among the proprietors, so that they might brand with it the animals set apart for the tithe and keep them on the place until he called for them. The creatures multiplied, their number was constantly .augmented by new tithes, and, after ten years, it might be reckoned that half the stock of a whole pastoral province belonged to the commanding general of the forces, and bore his mark. It was the immemorial custom in La Rioja that the estrays, or the animals that were not marked at a cer- tain age, should become the lawful property of the treas- ury, which sent its agents to collect these gleanings, and derived no contemptible revenue from them, but the annoyance to the proprietors was intolerable. Fa- cundo demanded the adjudication to himself of these animals, to meet the expenses he had incurred for the invasion of the city ; expenses which were reducible to the summons of irregular forces, who assembled, mounted on horses of their own, and lived constantly on what came in their way. Already the proprietor of herds which brought him six thousand bullocks a year, he sent his agents to supply the city markets, and woe to any competitor who should appear ! This 104 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. business of supplying meat for the markets was one which he carried on wherever he ruled, in San Juan, Mendoza, or Tucuman ; and he was always careful to secure the monopoly of it by proclamation or simple notification. It is with shame and disgust that I men- tion these disgraceful transactions, but the truth must be told. \ The general's first order, after a bloody battle which had laid a city open to him, was that no one should supply the markets with meat ! In Tucuman he learned that a resident of the place was killing cattle in his house, in spite of this order. The general of the army of the An^es, the conqueror of the Citadel, thought the investigation of so dreadful a crime should be en- trusted only to himself. He went in person, and knocked lustily at the door of the house, which refused to yield, and which the inmates, taken by surprise, did not open. A kick from the illustrious general broke it 'in, and exposed to his view a dead ox, whose hide was in process of removal by the master of the house, who also fell dead in his turn at the terrible sight of the offended general ! l 1 In consequence of the present law, the government of the province has obtained the assent of His Excellencj 1 - General Don Juan Facundo Quiroga, to the following stipulations, agreeably to his note of September 14, 1833. 1. That he will make good to the Most Excellent Government of Buenos Ay res the sum invested by it in the said property. 2. That he will supply the province without incumbrance to the revenue, with five thousand pesos, to meet the difficulty of filling its contingent ; three thousand pesos in cash and the remainder in the produce of live stock: for the payment of which only the members of the trade of butcher- ing shall be responsible. 3. That he is to have the exclusive right of supplying the markets, sell- ing to the public at the rate of five reals the arroba of meat, which now FACUNDO'S AVARICE. I do not intentionally dwell upon these ti. many I omit ! How many misdeeds I pass silence which are fully proved and known to all l I am writing the history of government by barbarian and I am forced to state its methods. Mehemet Ali, who became master of Egypt by means identical with those of Facundo, delivers him- self up to a rapacity unexampled even in Turkey ; he establishes monopolies in every occupation and turns them to his own profit ; but Mehemet Ali, though he^ springs from a barbarous nation, rises above liis con- dition so far as to wish to acquire European civiliza- tion for himself and for the people he qppresses. Fa- cundo, on the contrary, not only rejects all recognized civilization, but destroys and disorganizes. Facundo, who does not govern, because any government implies labor for others' good, gives himself up to the instincts of an immoderate and unscrupulous avarice. Selfish- ness is the foundation of almost all the great characters of history; selfishness is the chief spring of all great deeds. Quiroga had this political gift in an eminent degree and made everything around him contribute to his advantage; wealth, power, authority, all centred iri him ; whatever he could not acquire, polish, learn- ing, true respectability, he hated and persecuted in all those who possessed them. costs six, and is of bad quality; and to the state at three reals without raising the current price of the article. 4. That his cattle are to be slaughtered gratis, from the 18th of the pres- ent month to the 10th of January inclusive, and to have pasture at the pub- lic expense for two reals a month for every head he shall provide from the 1st of October next. Ruiz. VICENTO ATIEKZO. Official Register of the Province, of San Juan. SAN JUAN, September 13, 1833. ^ THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. ility to the respectable classes and to the jilt of the cities was every day more percepti- .nd the governor of La Rioja, whom he had him- >i appointed, finally was forced, by daily annoyances, to resign his place. One day, Quiroga, feeling in- clined to pleasantry, was amusing himself with a young man as a cat sports with a frightened mouse ; he liked to play at killing ; the terror of the victim was so ludicrous, tfilit the executioner was highly diverted, and laughed immoderately, contrary to his habit. He must have sympathy in his mirth, and he at once ordered the general l to be beat throughout the city of Rioja, which called out the citizens under arms. Facundo, who had given -the summons for diversion's sake, drew up the inhabitants in the principal square at eleven o'clock, at night, dismissed the populace and retained only the well-to-do householders and the young men who still had some appearance of culture. All night he kept them marching and countermarching, halting, forming line, marching by front or by flank. It was like a drill-sergeant teaching recruits, and the sergeant's stick travelled over the heads of the stupid, and the chests of those who were out of line ; " What would you have ? this is the way to teach ! " Morning came, and the pallor, weariness, and exhaustion of the re- cruits showed what a night they had passed. Their instructor finally sent them to rest, and extended his generosity to the purchase and distribution of pastry, each recipient made in haste to eat his share, for that was part of the sport. Lessons of such a kind are not lost upon cities, and 1 A certain call to arms. MINING FEVER. 107 the skillful politician who has raised similar proceedings to a system in Buenos Ayres, has refined upon them and made them wonderfully effective. For example : during the periods between 1835 and 1840 almost the whole population of Buenos Ayres has passed through the prisons. Sometimes a hundred and fifty citizens would be imprisoned for two or three months, to be then replaced by two hundred who would be kept, per- haps half the year. Wherefore? What "had they done ? What had they said ? Idiots ! Do you not see that this is good discipline for the city ? Do you not remember the saying of Rosas to Quiroga, that no republic could be established because the people were not prepared for it ! .This is his way of teaching the city how to obey ; he will finish his work, and in 1844, he will be able to show the world a people with but one thought, one opinion, one voice, and thafa bound- less enthusiasm for the person and will of Rosas ! Then, indeed, they will be ready for a republic ! But we will return to La Rioja. A feverish ex- citement on the subject of investments in the mines of the new States of Spanish America had arisen in Eng- land ; powerful companies were proposing to draw profit from those of Mexico and Peru ; and Rivadavia, who was then residing in London, urged speculators to invest their capital in the Argentine Republic. The mines of Famatina offered an opening for a great enter- prise. At the same time, speculators from Buenos Ayres obtained the exclusive right to work these mines, meaning to sell it for ah enormous sum to the English companies. These two speculations, one started in England and the other in Buenos Ayres, conflicted 108 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC- with each other, and were irreconcilable. Finally, a bargain was made with another English house, which was to supply funds, and in fact, sent out English super- intendents and miners. Later, a speculation was got up to establish a bank at La Rioja, which was to be sold at a high price to the national government when it should be organized. On being solicited, Facundo took a large number of shares, making payment with tile Jesuits' College, which had been assigned to him, on his demand, in payment of his salary as general. A party of Buenos Ayres stockholders came to La Rioja to carry out the project, and soon asked to be presented to Quiroga, whose name had begun to exercise every- where a mysterious and terrific power. Facundo received them in his lodgings, in very fine silk stock- ings, ill-made pantaloons, and a common linen poncho. The grotesque appearance of this figure was not pro- vocative of any smiles from the elegant citizens of Buenos Ayres. They were too sagacious not to read the riddle. The man before them meant to humiliate his polished guests, and show them what account he made of their European dresses. ' The administrative system established in his province Wa's finally completed by exorbitant duties on the ex- portation of cattle which did not belong to him. But in addition to these direct methods of acquiring wealth, he had one which embraced his whole public career, gambling ! He had a rage for play as some men have for strong drink, and others for tobacco. His mind, though a powerful one, had not the capacity of embra- cing a large sphere of ideas, and stood in need of this factitious occupation, in which a passion of the soul is GAMBLING. 109 in constant exercise, as it is crossed, appeased, pro- voked, excited, and kept upon the rack. I have always thought that the passion for gambling was some useful faculty that organized society has perverted or left in inaction. The will, self-control, and steadfastness which it requires, are the same which advance the fortunes- krf. the enterprising merchant, the banker, and the con- queror who plays for empires with battles. Facundo '" had habitually gambled since his childhood ; play had been the only pleasure, the only relaxation of his life. But what an agreeable partner he must be who con- trols the terrors and the lives of the whole party ! 'Kb one can conceive such a state of things without having had it before his eyes for twenty years. Facundo played unfairly, say his enemies. I do riot believe the charge, for cheating at play was unnecessary in his case, and he had been known to pursue to the death, others who were guilty of it. But he played with un- limited means ; he never let any one carry from the table the money he used for stakes ; the game could not be stopped till he chose ; he would play forty hours or more at a. time ; he feared no one, and if* his fellow gamblers annoyed him, he could have them whipped or shot at pleasure. This was the secret of his good luck. Few men ever won much money from him, al- though, at some periods of the game, heaps of coin lost by him lay upon the table ; the game would go on," for the winner did not dare to rise, and in the end he would have nothing but the glory of reckoning that his winnings, afterwards lost, had once been so large. Gambling, then, was to Quiroga a system of plunder \ as well as a favorite amusement. No one in La Rioja 110 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. received money from him, no one possessed any, with- out being at once invited to a game, or, in other words, to leave his funds in the chieftain's hands. Most of the tradesmen of La Rioja failed and vanished, their money having taken up its quarters in the general's purse ; and it was not for want of lessons in prudence from him. A young man had won four thousand dollars from Facundo, and Facundo declined to play longer. His opponent thought that a snare was in readiness for him, and that his life was in danger. Facundo repeated that he had finished playing ; the stupid fel- low insisted on another game, and Facundo, complying with the demand, won the four thousand dollars from the other, who then received two hundred lashes for his uncivil pertinacity. I am weary of reading the accounts of infamous acts in which all the manuscripts I am consulting agree. I . suppress them out of respect to my vanity as an author, and to the literary pretensions of my work. By saying more I should make my pictures appear too highly colored, coarse, and repulsive. This terminates one period of the life of the country commandant after he had abolished and suppressed the city. Hitherto Facundo was what Rosas was in his own domain, although not so far degraded before reach- ing power, either by gambling or by the brutal gratifi- - Nation of various passions. But he is to enter upon a new sphere, and we are soon to follow him over the whole Republic and seek him on battle fields. What consequences to La Rioja were occasioned by the destruction of all civil order? Reasonings and discussions are here out of place. A visit to the scene CONSEQUENCES OF FACUNDO'S GOVERNMENT. Ill of these occurrences will be sufficient to answer the query. The Llanos of La Rioja are now deserted ; their population has emigrated to San Juan ; the cis- terns are dry which once gave drink to thousands of flocks. Those Llanos which fed those flocks twenty years ago, are now the home of the tiger who has re- conquered his former empire, and of a few families of beggars who live upon the fruit of the carob-tree. This is the retribution the Llanos have suffered for the evils which they let loose upon the Republic. " Woe to ye, Bethsaida and Chorazin ! Verily I say unto you, that the lot of Sodom and Gomorrah was more tolerable than that which was reserved for you ! " CHAPTER VII. SOCIAL LIFE. 11 Society in the Middle Ages was composed of the wrecks of a thousand other societies. All the forms of liberty and servitude were found in it ; the monarchical liberty of the king, the individual liberty of the priest, the privileged liberty of kings, the representative liberty of the nation, Roman slavery, barbarian serfage, and the servitude of escheatage (aubane)." Chateaubriand. is now in possession of La Rioja, its um- pire and absolute master ; no other voice is heard there, no other interest than his exists there. As there is no literature, there are no opposing opinions. La .Rioja is a military machine which will move as it is moved. Thus far, however, Facundo has done noth- ing new ;"Dr. Francia, Ibarra, Lopez, and Bustos, had done the same ; and Guemes and Araos had attempted it in the North ; that is, to destroy all existing rights for the purpose of strengthening their own. But be- yond La Rioja lay an agitated world of ideas and of contradictory interests, whence came to Quiroga's resi- dence in the Llanos the distant sounds of the contro- versies of the press and of political parties. Again his rise to pwer was necessarily attended by the spread of the clamor resulting from his-overthrow of the edi- fice of civilization, and by his becoming an object of attention to the neighboring commonwealths. His name had passed the frontiers of La Rioja ; Rivadavia was inviting him to assist in the organization of the Republic ; Bustos and Lopez wished him to oppose it ; TRANSITION PERIOD. 113 the government of San Juan complacently reckoned him among its friends, and strangers came to the Llanos to pay him their respects and to ask support in behalf of one party or another. At that time the Argentine Republic presented an animated and interesting picture. All interests, all ideas, all passions, met together to create agitation and tumult. Here, was a chief who would have nought to do with the rest of the Republic ; there, a commu- nity whose only desire was to emerge from its isolation ; yonder, a government engaged in bringing Europe over to America ; elsewhere, another to which the very name of civilization was odious ; the Holy Tribunal of the' Inquisition was reviving in some places ; in others, lib- erty of conscience was proclaimed the first of humdii rights ; the cry of one party was for confederation ; of others for a central government ; while each different combination was backed by strong and unconquerable passions. I must clear up the chaos a little, to show the role which it fell to Quiroga to enact, and the great work he was to bring to pass. In order to de- pict the provincial commandant who took possession of the city and annulled its constitution, I have found it necessary to describe the face of nature in the Argen- tine Republic, with the habits induced and the forms of character developed by it. And to describe Quiroga extending his power beyond his own province and pro- claiming a principle, an idea, and carrying it every- where at the point of the bayonet, I must likewise sketch the geographical distributions of the ideas and interests which were agitated in the cities. With this object, it is requisite for me to examine two cities un- ' 114 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. der the sway of opposite ideas. These cities are Cor- dova and Buenos Ayres, as they existed in 1825, and previously. CORDOVA. Cordova, though somewhat in the grave old Spanish style, is the most charming city in South America in its first aspect. It is situated in a hollow formed in an elevated region called the Altos. So closely are its /symmetrical buildings crowded together for want of space, that it may be said to be folded back upon itself^ The sky is remarkably clear, the winter season dry and bracing, the summers hot and stormy. Towards the east it has a promenade of singular beauty, the capri- cious outlines of which strike the eye with magical effect. It consists of a square pond surrounded by^a very broad walk, shaded by ancient willow-trees of colossal size. Each side is of the length of a cuadra, 1 and the inclosure is of wrought iron grating, with^ enormous doors in the centre of each of the four sides, so that the promenade is an enchanted prison, within which its inmates circulate around a beautiful temple of Greek architecture. In the chief square stands the ' magnificent cathedral, of Gothic construction, with its immense dome carved in arabesques, the only model of mediaeval architecture, so far as I know, existing in South America. Another square is occupied by the church and convent of the Society of Jesus, in the presbytery of which is a trap-door communicating with excavations which extend to some distance below the i Eighty-five yards in Montevideo, one hundred and twenty-seven in >Buenos Avres. CORDOVA. city, which are at present but imperfectly explore- dungeons have also been discovered where the Socie -j buried its criminals alive. If any one wishes to be- come acquainted with monuments of the Middle Ages, and to examine into the power and the constitution of that celebrated religious order above referred to, Cor- dova is the place where one of its greatest central establishments was situated. In every square of that compact city stands a superb convent, a monastery, or a house for unprofessional nuns, or for the performance of specific religious exer- cises. In former times every family included a priest, a monk, a nun, or a chorister ; the poorer classes con- tenting themselves with having among them a hermit, a lay brother, a sacristan, or an acolyte. Each convent or monastery possessed a set of ad- joining out-buildings, where lived and multiplied eight hundred slaves of the Order, negroes, zamboes, mulat- toes, and quadroons, with blue eyes, fair and waving hair, limbs as polished as marble, genuine Circassians ' adorned with every grace, but showing their African origin by their teeth, serving for bait to the passions of man, all for the greater honor and profit of the con- vent to which these houris belonged. 1 . Here is also the celebrated University of Cordova, founded as long ago as the year 1613, and in whose gloomy cloisters eight generations of medicine and divinity, both branches of law, illustrious writers, commentators, and scholars have passed their youth. Let us hear the description given by the celebrated Dean Funes of the course of instruction and the spirit 1 A similar order of things exists to this day in the city of Havana. LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. 'this famous university, which has for tw6 centuries provided a great part of South America with theologians and doctors. " The course of theology lasted for five years and a half. Theology had come to share in the * corruption of philosophy. The Aristotelian philosophy applied to theology had resulted in a mixture of the profane with the spiritual. Mere human reasonings, deceptive subtleties and sophisms, frivolous and mis- placed inquiries such were the conditions under which* * the ruling taste of these schools had been formed." If you would look a little deeper into the spirit of lib- erty likely to be the result of such teaching, listen a little longer to Dean Funes : " This university wa, ".originated and established wholly by Jesuits, who founded it in their college of the city of Cordova, called Maximo." Very distinguished advocates have k proceeded from this institution, but no man of letters- who has not also been educated at Buenos Ayres with modern books. This learned city has never yet had a public theatre, nor become acquainted with the opera. It is still with- out journals, and typography is a branch of industry which has failed to take root in it. The spirit of Cor- dova up to 1829 was monastic and scholastic ; the con- versation of its society always turned on processions, the saints' days, university examinations, taking the vail, and reception of the doctor's " tassels." How far these circumstances tended to influence the temper of a population occupied with such ideas for two centuries, cannot be determined ; but some influ- ence they must have had, as is plain at a glance. The inhabitant of Cordova does not look beyond his own CORDOVA. 117 ' horizon ; that horizon is four blocks distant from his own. When he takes his afternoon stroll, instead of going and returning thpough a spacious avenue of poplars as long as the Paseo of Santiago, which expands and animates the mind, he follows an artificial lake of motionless and lifeless water, in the centre of which stands a structure of magnificent proportions, immov- able and stationary. The city is a cloister surrounded v by ravines; the promenade is a cloister with iron grates ; every square of houses has a cloister of nuns or friars } the colleges are cloisters; the jurisprudence taught there, the theology, all the mediseval scholastic learn- v ing of the place, is a mental cloister within which the intellect is walled up and fortified against every departure from text and commentary. Cordova knows not that aught besides Cordova exists on earth ; it has, indeed, heard that there is such a place as Buenos Ayres, but if it believes this, which it does not always, it asks : " Has it a university ? but it must be an affair of yesterday. How many convents has it ? Has it such a promenade as this ? If not, it amounts to nothing." " Whose work on jurisprudence do you study ? " inquired the grave Doctor Gijena, of a young man from Buenos Ayres. " Bentham's." " Whose, sir, do you say ? Little Bentham's ? " 1 in- dicating with his finger the size of the duodecimo in which Bentham's work is published. ..." That wretched little Bentham's ! There is more sense in one of my writings than in all those wind-bags. What a university, and what contemptible doctors ! " 1 Benthancito, the termination expressing derision. 118 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. " And you," said the other, " whose book do you study? What!" " Cardinal Lucques." " What say you, sir ? seventeen folio volumes ? " It is a fact that as a traveller approaches Cordova, he looks along the horizon without discovering the sanctimonious and mysterious city, the city which wears the doctor's cap and tassels. At last his guide says, " Look there, it is down there among the bushes." And in reality, as he fixes his gaze upon the ground at a short distance in advance, there appear one, two, three, ten crosses, followed by domes and towers, be- longing to the many churches which adorn this Pom- peii of 'mediaeval Spain. \ To conclude, the mechanics shared the spirit of the upper classes : a master-shoemaker put on the airs of a doctor in shoemaking, and would level a Latin apho- rism at a man as he gravely took his measure ; the ergo of the scholar might be heard in the kitchens, and every dispute between a couple of porters took the sound and shape of philosophical demonstrations. We may add, that throughout the revolution, Cordova was the asylum of all fugitive Spaniards. What impression would the revolution of 1810 be likely to make upon a, population educated by Jesuits, and secluded thus by nature, by teaching, and by art ? Had revolutionary ideas, such as are found in Rous- seau, Mably, and Voltaire, happened to spread over the pampas and descend into this Spanish catacomb, if we may so speak, what response would they have been likely to find from those brains disciplined by the Aristotelian system to reject all new ideas, those CORDOVA. ' 119 intellects which, like their own promenade, had an im- movable idea in their centre, unapproachaWe through a stagnant lake ? Toward 1816 the illustrious and liberal Dean Funes succeeded in introducing into the ancient university of the city the studies previously so much contemned : mathematics, living languages, public law, physics, drawing, and music. From that time the youth of Cordova began to direct their ideas into new channels which, ere long, led them to consequences of which'' we will speak hereafter. At present, I am describing^*- the old traditional spirit of the place, which was thfe dominant one. The Revolution of 1810 found the ears of Cordova' closed to it at the very time when all the provinces ^ were at once responding to the cry of "To arms-! Liberty ! " It was in Cordova that Liniers began to raise armies to put down the revolution in Buenos Ayrjes. It was to Cordova that the Junta sent one of its mem- bers and its troops to decapitate Spain. It was Cor- dova, which, offended by this outrage, and looking for vengeance and reparation, wrote, with the learned hand of the University, and in the idiom of the breviary and the commentators, that celebrated acros- tic l which pointed out to those who passed the spot the tomb of the first royalists who were sacrificed upon the altars of the state. In 1820, a force stationed in Arequete revolted, and General Bustos, its leader, abandoning the banners of i C L A M R 2. & 1 I Z M I I 120 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. his country, established himself quietly at Cordova, which congratulated itself for having thus robbed the nation of one of its armies. Bustos created an irre- sponsible colonial government, introduced court eti-^ quette and the perennial torpor of Spain, and thus prepared, Cordova entered upon the year 1828, when the question before the country was the organization of the Republic and the establishment of the revolu- / tionary system with all its consequences. 1 1 On going over the pages of this first historical essay, the author regrets certain defects which cannot be expunged without recasting the whole work, for it would thus be impossible to preserve the thread of the ideas. The heat of the early years of exile, the impossibility of verifying details in such circumstances, and the prejudices of party feeling, have left some indelible traces. The description of Cordova is stained with this capital vice, and the author would willingly expunge it, if it did not contain a certain malicious exaggeration which make striking the contrast of the modern spirit which characterized Buenos Ayres in 1825. But the author owes to the friendly frankness of Dr. Alsina, corrections upon this and several other points, which as a point of honor as well as an excuse, he submits to the examination of the reader, thus making every possible reparation for error without destroying the spirit of the original text. " I seem to see," he says in these notes, " a capital defect in this book, that of exaggeration, independent of a certain vivacity, if not in the ideas, in their allocution. If you do not propose to write a romance or an epic, but a veritable history, political, social, and military, your rule must be not to depart from rigid historical exactness, and exaggeration is inconsistent with this. You show & penchant for systems, and in social science, systems do not constitute the best means of arriving at the truth. When the mind is occupied with a previous idea, and proposes to make that triumph in its demonstration of it, it exposes itself to original errors without being aware of it. Then instead of proceeding analytically, instead of examin- ing each fact in itself, to see what can be deduced from it, and from these collected deductions and observations, to bring out a general deduction or result, instead of proceeding thus, a writer uses synthesis, that is to say, he poses a certain leading idea, reviews whatever facts present themselves, not to examine them philosophically and in detail, but to make them prove his favorite idea, and to construct by their means the edifice of his sj'stem. The natural result of this is, that when he meets with a fact which sup- portg his idea, he exaggerates and amplifies it, and when he finds another BUENOS AYRES. 121 BUENOS AYRES. Let us now turn our attention to Buenos Ayres. Its first struggle was with the aborigines by whom it was / which does not square well with his system, or which contradicts it, he presents only one aspect of it, disfigures it, or interprets it in his own way; hence forced analogies and applications, inexact or partial judgments of men or events, and the generalizations with which a writer deduces a rule or a doctrine from an individual, and often accidental fact, perhaps insignificant in itself. All this is a necessity of systems. It is necessary to sacrifice a great deal to them. You propose to show the active strug- gle between civilization and barbarism, a struggle where germs began to move toward development long years ago, and which during years blindly excited the struggle between country and city, in which by a necessary law and almost by fatality, the latter triumphed, and ought to have triumphed. I think there may be truth at the bottom of this idea, although it has not any in my humble opinion. " You treat with undeserved harshness that poor city of Cordora. You do not cite facts that justify your general assertion, made so strongly and severely. To recall the crime of Bustos in 1820 would be inopportune, that crime proves something else, but not that. That Leniers and other distinguished men, almost all Spaniards, acted like Spaniards in 1810, is not astonishing, and their rencontre at Cordova should not be imputed to a love of royalty in the people any more than the appearance of that kind of acrostic which you copy, and which might have been the work of an individual, should be imputed to the same thing. These proofs go out of the limits of the circumspection of history to justify an accusation so positive and so general. There were families of the Spanish party there as in all the provinces, without excluding that of Buenos Ayres, and this was natural. After it was delivered from Liniers and his associates, what fact reveals the opposition or dissent of Cordova to the revolution? What does Cordova do less than any other of the provinces where the Spanish armies did not go? What more have the others done than Cordova? It received with decision the first patriotic army, and contributed what it could to it. From 1810 it furnished many soldiers; from 1810 it furnished many men and young men who became excellent officers; it gave Valey, who died gloriously at Desaguadero; also Leeva, Bustos, Julian, and Jos Maria Paz, J. G. Echevarria, who died for liberty in 1831, as you say further on ; it gave my client Colonel Rojas, who made his debut at Dehesa, and others whose names I do not now remember. Cordova sent its deputies to the first Junta, and has since sent them to all the national bodies. In what other way would you have a province take part in the revolution ? In what manner have others taken part in it? 14 ALSINA." 122 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. swept from the face of the earth. It recovered itself more than once, until in 1620 it figured in the Spanish dominions sufficiently to be erected into a district governed by a Captain-general, and to be separated from Paraguay, under whose government it had pre- viously existed. In 1777, Buenos Ayres had already . become very conspicuous, so much so, indeed, that it was "necessary to remould the administrative geogra- phy of the colonies, and to make Buenos Ayres the chief section. A viceroyal government was express- ly created for it. In 1800, the attention of English speculators was turned to South America, and especially attracted to Buenos Ayres by its river, and its probable future. In 1810, Buenos Ayres was filled with partisans of the i revolution, bitterly hostile to anything originating in Spain or any part of Europe. A germ of progress, then, was still alive west of the La Plata. The Spanish colo- nies cared nothing for commerce or navigation. The 'Rio de la Plata was of small importance to them. The Spanish disdained it and its banks. As time went on, the river proved to have deposited its sediment of wealth upon those banks, but very little of Spanish spirit or Spanish modes of government. Commercial activity had brought thither the spirit and the general ideas of Europe ; the vessels which frequented the waters of the port brought books from all quarters, and news of all the political events of the world. It is to be observed that Spain had no other commercial city upon the Atlantic coast. The war with England hastened the emancipation of men's minds and awakened among them a sense of their own importance as a state. Buenos BUENOS AYRES. 123 Ayres was like a child, which, having conquered a giant,/ fondly deems itself a hero, and is ready to undertake greater adventures. The Social Contract flew from hand x to hand. Mably and Raynal were the oracles of the T press ; Robespierre and the Convention the approved models. Buenos Ayres thought itself a continuation of< Europe, and if it did not frankly confess that its spirit and tendencies were French and North American, it " denied its Spanish origin on the ground that the Span- ish Government had patronized it only after it was full grown. The revolution brought with it armies and glory, triumphs and reverses, revolts and seditions. But Buenos Ayres, amidst all these fluctuations, displayed the revolutionary energy with which it is endowed. Bo- livar was everything ; Venezuela was but the pedestal for that colossal figure. Buenos Ayres was a whole city of revolutionists Belgrano, Rondeau, San Martin, Alvear ; and the hundred generals in command of its armies were its instruments ; its arms, not its head nor its trunk. It cannot be said in the Argentine Republic that such a general was the liberator of the country ; but only that the Assembly, Directory, Congress, or government of such or such a period, sent a given gen- eral to do this thing or that. Communication with all the, European nations was ever, even from the outset, more complete here than in any other part of Spanish America ; and now, in ten years' time (but only, be it understood, in Buenos Ayres), there comes to pass ^ radical replacement of the Spanish by the European spirit. We have only to take a list of the residents in and about Buenos Ayres to see how many natives of* the country bear English, French, German, or Italian 124 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. surnames. The organization of society, in accordance with the new ideas with which it was impregnated, began in 1820 ; and the movement continued until Rivadavia was placed at the head of the government. Hitherto Rodriguez and Las Heras had been laying the usual foundations of free governments. Amnesty laws, individual security, respect for property, the re- sponsibility of civil authority, equilibrium of powers, public education, everything, in fine, was in peaceful course of establishment when Rivadavia came from Europe, brought Europe as it were, but Europe was yet undervalued. Buenos Ayres and that means, of course, the Argentine Republic was to realize what republican France could not realize, what the English aristocracy did not even wish for, what despotic Europe wanted still less. This was not an illusion of Riva- davia's ; it was the general thought of the city, its spirit, and its tendency. Parties were divided, not by ideas essentially opposed to each other, but by the greater or less extent of their aims. And how else could it have been with a people which in only fourteen years had given England a lesson, overrun half the continent, equipped ten armies, fought a hundred pitched battles, been everywhere victorious, taken part in all events, set at nought all traditions, tested all theories, ventured upon everything and succeeded in everything ; which was still vigorous, growing rich, progressing in civilization ? What was to ensue, when the basis of government, the political creeds received from Europe, were vitiated by errors, absurd and deceptive theories, and unsound principles ? for the native politicians who were as yet without any BUENOS AYRES. 125 definite knowledge of political organization, could not be expected to know more than the great men of l Europe. I desire to call attention to the significance of this fact. The study of constitutions, races, and ' creeds, in short, history, has now diffused a certain amount of practical knowledge which warns us against the glitter of theories based upon a priori conceptions ; - but previous to 1820, nothing of that had transpired in jthe European world. France was roused into insur- rection by the paradoxes of the Social Contract ; Buenos Ayres was similarly roused ; Montesquieu designated three powers, and immediately we had three ; Benja- min Constant and Bentham annulled power ; here they declared it originally null; Say and Smith preached free-trade ; " commercial liberty," we repeated ; Buenos Ayres confessed and believed all that the learned world of Europe believed and confessed. Not till after the revolution of 1830 in France, and its in- complete results, did the Social Sciences take a new direction and illusions begin to be dispelled. From that time European books began to come to us, which demonstrated that Voltaire had not much reason, and that Rousseau was a sophist, and Mably and Raynal anarchists ; that there were no three powers, nor any Social Contract, etc. From that time we learned some- thing of races, of tendencies, of national habits, of his- N torical antecedents. Tocqueville revealed to us for the first time the secret of North America ; Sismondi laid bare the emptiness of constitutions ; Thierry, Michelet, and Guizot, gave us the spirit of history ; the revolu- tion of 1830, all the hollowness of the constitutionalism of Benjamin Constant ; the Spanish revolution, all that 126 LfFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. ' 5s incomplete and behindhand in our own race. Of what then were Rivadavia and Buenos Ayres accused ? Of not knowing more than the European savans who were their guides ? On the other side, how was it possible not to embrace with ardor the general ideas of a people who had contributed so much and so well to make the revolution general ? How bridle the imagina- tions of the inhabitants of an illimitable plain bordered by a river whose opposite bank could not be seen a step from Europe, not knowing even its own traditions, , ' indeed without having them in reality ; a new, sud- denly improvised people, which from the very^ cradle . had heard itself called great ? Thus elevated, and hitherto flattered by fortune, Buenos Ayres set about making a constitution for itself and the Republic, just as it had undertaken to ," liberate itself and all South America : that is, eagerly, uncompromisingly, and without regard to obstacles. Rivadavia was the personification of this poetical, Uto- pian spirit which prevailed. He therefore continued the work of Las Heras upon the large scale necessary for a great American State a republic. He brought over from Europe men of learning for the press and for the professor's chair, colonies for the deserts, ships for the rivers, freedom for all creeds, credit and the nation- p\ bank to encourage trade, and all the great social theories of the day for the formation of his government. ^In a word, he brought a second Europe, which was to be established in America, and to accomplish in ten years what elsewhere had required centuries. Nor was this project altogether chimerical; all his administrative creations still exist, except those which the barbarism of ~ BUENOS AYRES. 127 Rosas found in its way. Freedom of conscience^advo cated by the chief clergy of Buenos Ayres, has not been repressed; the European population is scattered ori- farms throughout the country, and takes arms of its own accord to resist the only obstacle in the way of the wealth offered by the soil. The rivers only need to be freed from governmental restrictions to become naviga- ble, and the national bank, then firmly established, has saved the people from the poverty to which the tyrant would have brought them. And, above all, however fanciful and impracticable that great system of govern- ment may have been, it was at least easy and endura- ble .for the people ; and, notwithstanding the assertions of misinformed men, Rivadavia never shed a drop of blood, nor destroyed the property of any one ; but * voluntarily descended from the Presidency to poverty and exile. Rosas, by whom he was so calumniated; might easily have been drowned in the blood of his own victims ; and the forty millions of dollars from the national treasury, with the fifty millions from private fortunes which were consumed in ten years of tfie long- war provoked by his brutalities, would have been em- ployed by the "fool the dreamer Rivadavia," iij building canals, cities, and useful public buildings. Then let this man, who died for his country, have the glory of representing the highest aspirations of Euro- pean civilization, and leave to his adversaries that of displaying South American barbarism in its most odious light. For Rosas and Rivadavia are the two extremes O -____-,_ . . - of the Argentine Republic, connecting it with savages through the pampas, and with Europe through the f River La Plata. * * 128 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. y I am not making the eulogy, but the apotheosis of Rivadavia and his party, which has ceased to exist as a pohtical element of the Argentine Republic, though Rosas persists in calling his present enemies " Unita- rios" The old union party, like that of the Giron- dists, disbanded many years ago ; but with all its im- possibilities and fanciful illusions it had much that was noble and great to which the succeeding generation should do justice. Many "of those 4nen are still among 1 us, though no longer as an organized party ; they are ; the remains of the Argentine Republic, as noble and as venerable as those of Napoleon's empire. These Unitarips of th^year 1825 form a distinct class of -men, recognized by their manners, tone of voice, and opinions. A Unitario would be known among a thou- sand by his stately bearing, his somewhat haughty manner of speaking, and his positive gestures ; on the eve of a battle he will pause to discuss a question logi- cally, or to establish some new legal formality ; for legal formulas are the outward worship which he offers to his idols the Constitution and individual rights. His religion is the future of the Republic, whose image, sublime and colossal, is ever before him, covered with the mantleiof its past glory. Never was there a genera- tion so enterprising, so gifted with reasoning and de- ductive powers, and so wanting in practical common sense. A Unitario will not believe in the evident success of his enemies. He has such faith in the great- ness of his cause, that neither exile, nor poverty, nor lapse of years can weaken his enthusiasm ; and in calmness of mind and in energy of soul he is infinitely superior to the present generation. These men also THE TWO PARTIES. 129 excel us in ceremonious politeness and refinement of manner ; for conventionalities are more and more 'dis- . regarded among us as democracy progresses, and it 'is- now difficult to realize the culture and refinement of society in Buenos Ayres before 1828. Europeans who went there found themselves, as it were,,still in Europe, in the saloons of Paris ; nothing was wanting, not even * the insolence of the Parisian tlegant, which was wefr imitated by the same class of young men in Btoenos Ayres. I have been particular in mentioning these little things in order to give an idea of the period when the Republic was in the process of formation, and of its different elements struggling for precedence. On one side Cordova, Spanish in education, in literature, and ' in religion, conservative and strongly opposed to all innovations ; and on the other, Buenos Ayres, revolu- tionary by nature, ready for any change and progress. These were the types of the two parties that divided every city ; and I doubt if there is another such phe- nomenon in America ; that is, two parties*, conserva- tive and revolutionary, retrograde and progressive, each represented by a city having its own peculiar form of civilization, and receiving opinions from entirely different sources : Cordova, from Spain, the Councils, the Commentators, the Digest ; Buenos Ayres, from Bentham, Rousseau, Montesquieu, and French litera- ture in general. -To these elements of antagonism must be added another not less important, namely, the want of any national bond after the provinces became independent' of Spain. When government authority is removech 130 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, i from one centre to another, time is necessary for its firm establishment. The " Republican " recently declared that " govern- ment is no more than a compact between the governors -- and the governed." Evidently there are still many Unitarios among us ! Government is in reality founded upon, the unpremeditated consent which a nation gives to a permanent fact. Where there is deliberation, there is no authority. This transition state is calledji_cpn- fedefatkm. Out of each revolution and consequent- change of government, different nations derive their * ideas and modes of confederation. I will explain myself. When Ferdinand VII. was driven from Spain, government that permanent fact ceased to exist ; and Spain was formed into provin- cial assemblies which denied the authority of those who governed in the name of the king. This was the Spanish Confederation. When the news reached*" America, the South American provinces revolted from Spain, and being divided into sections, formed the South American Confederation. From Buenos Ayres came at the end of the contest, four states, Bolivia, Paraguay, Banda Oriental, and the Argentine Repub- t lie.; these formed the Confederation of the Viceroy ally. Finally, the Argentine Republic was divided, not as formerly into districts, but according to its cities, and so became a confederation of cities. , It is not that the word confederation signifies sepa- ration, but that when separation has already taken place, it expresses the union of the different parts. The Argentine Republic was at this crisis social, and many persons of note in the cities believed that, for mere CONSOLIDATION INEVITABLE. 131 convenience, or whenever an individual or a commu- nity felt no respect for the nominal government, a new confederation might be formed. Here then was another apple of discord in the Republic, and the two parties, after having been called " Royalists " and " Patriots," " Congresistas " and " Kxecutivistas," "T^onseTva:- tives," and "Liberals," now bore the names of " Fed- s erales " and " Unitarios." 1 Perhaps, to finish the list, I should give the name bestowed upon the latter party by Don Juan Manuel Rosas, that is, " salvajes inmundos Ifnitarios" But the Argentine Republic is so situated geograph- ically, that it is destined to a consolidation, whatever Rosas may say to the contrary. Its continuous plain, its rivers confined to one outlet, and therefore to one port, force it inevitably to be "one. and indivisible" Rivadavia, who well understood the necessities of the country, advised the provinces to unite under a common constitution, and to make a national port of Buenos Ayres. Aguero, his supporter in Congress, said to tjie citizens of Buenos Ayres, " Let us voluntarily -give to the provinces what, sooner or later, they will claim by force." The prophecy failed in one respect ; the prov- inces did not claim the port of Buenos Ayres by force of arms, but by force of the barbarism which they sent upon her in Facundo and Rosas. Buenos Ayres feels all the effects of the barbarism, while the port has been of no use to the provinces. I have been obliged to explain all these antecedents r 1 Federahs, those who held to a confederation of the old provinces, or a. union of states. Unitarios, those who advocated a consolidated central government. 132 LIFE/IN THE 'ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. in order to continue the life of Juan Facundo Quiroga ; for, though it seems ridiculous to say it, Facundo was* the riv~al of Rivadavia. Everything disconnected with these men was of little importance, and left no imptres- ^ sion. There were in the Republic two parties : one in Buenos Ayres, supported by the "Liberals in the provinces ; the other originating in the provinces an& supported by the provincial commanders who had ob-, tained possession of cities. One of these powers .was < civilized, constitutional, European ; the other barba -., rous, arbitrary, South American. , These two parties had reached their full develop- ment, and only needed a word to begin the contest ;^ , one, as the revolutionary party, was already called a Unj|ftario," the opposite party assumed the name of " FedeTalT' "without well understanding it. But that barbarian party or power was scattered X^\ throughout the Republic, in the provinces, and in the Indian territories, and a strong arm was needed to establish it firmly in a compact form, and Quiroga offered his for the work. Though the Argentine gaucho has some qualities common to all shepherds, he has strong local attach- ments. Whether he belongs in Buenos Ayres, Santa FC*, Cordova, or the Llanos, all his aspirations are con- fined to his own province ; and he is an enemy or a I stranger to all the others. These provinces are like different tribes ready to make war upon one another. Lopez, as governor of Santa Fe", cared nothing for what \ was passing around him, except occasionally when obliged to drive out troublesome intruders from his territory. But as these provinces had points of FACUNDO'S INDIVIDUALITY.^ 133 tact, nothing could prevent them from finally joining in A common interest, thus bringing about that consol- idation which they had so struggled against. "^ - As I have already said, Quiroga's wandering lifk in youth gave rise to his future ambition ; for, though a gaucho, he was troubled with no local attachment. He was 'born in Rioja, but educated in San Juan, and lived afterwards both in Mendoza and Buenos Ayresr He 1 was acquainted with the whole Republic, and his ajn- bition had no narrow limits. Master of Rioja, he f delighted to present himsslf clothed with authority in that town, where he had learned to read ; in another city, which was the scene of his boyish escapadas ; and, in another still, where he had distinguished himself by his prison exploit. If it was for his interest to leave a province, he was not detained by his affections ; and, ' unlike Lopez or Ibarra, who only cared to defend their own possessions, he was fond of attacking his neighbor's territory and taking it into his own hands. CHAPTER VIII. EXPERIMENTS. How long are the days now ? for to-morrow I wish to gallop ten leagues over a field sown with corpses. SkaJcespeare. THE political condition of the Republic was such as we have described in 1825, when the governor of Bue- nos Ayres 1 invited the provinces to unite in a congress and assume the form of a general government. This idea was everywhere favorably received, either because every military commander expected to be made gover- nor of his own province, or because the glory of Bue- A nos Ayres dazzled all eyes. The governor of Buenos Ayres has been blamed for proposing this question, the -solution of which was to be so unfortunate for himself ^and for the civilization of the country. Facundo, in behalf of La Rioja, eagerly accepted the, invitation, perhaps on account of the sympathy which all highly gifted minds have for good plans I In 1825 the Republic prepared for the Brazilian war by calling upon each province to raise a regiment fpr the army. Colonel Madrid went to Tucuman for this purpose, and im^tfent to obtain the reluctant recruits and other necessaries for his company, did not hesitate to set aside the slow authorities and to take things into his own hands in order to expedite the 1 Rivadavia. COLONEL MADRID. 135 necessary decrees. This act of subversion placed the governor of Buenos Ayres in a very delicate position ; for there was already some distrust among the govern- ments, arising from provincial jealousies, and the com- ing of Colonel Madrid from Buenos Ayres, and his interference with provincial authorities, were regarded as acts instigated by the governor himself. To remove this suspicion, Facundo was sent to Tu- cuman for the purpose of reestablishing the local authorities. Madrid explained to the governor the real motive certainly a very insufficient one whicji had actuated him, and professed sincere devotion to^ the cause. But it was too late, Facundo was already on his way, and he could only prepare to resist him., Madrid had at his disposal a company which was pass- ing through Salta ; but not wishing to aggravate the charges already made against him, contented himself with fifty guns and as many swords; enough, as he thought, to meet the invading force. This Colonel Madrid belonged to a class t>f men essentially Argentine by birth and spirit. At the age of fourteen he began to fight the Spaniards, and the stories of his romantic valor are numerous and often .incredible. He was said to have been in a hundred and fifty encounters, his sword always bearing marks of much service ; the very smell of powder and neigh- ing of the horses so excited him, that cavalry, artillery, infantry, everything that came in his way, fell before his mad energy. Besides his love of fighting, he had the gift of the Argentine cantor, and animated his soldiers with war-songs, such as have already been described. Unfortunately, he was not a well-balanced 136 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. general, such as Napoleon liked ; his bravery predom- inated over the other qualities desirable in a general in the proportion of a hundred to one, a fact well proved by the event at Tucuman. Though able to call in a sufficient force, he persisted in giving battle with only a handful of men, accompanied by Colonel Dias- velez, who was not less brave than himself. Facundo had with him two hundred of infantry and his own Red Cavalry ; Madrid had fifty-foot soldiers and a few squadrons of militia. At the beginning of the contest, Facundo and his cavalry were routed, and he himself did not return to the field of battle until all was over. Meanwhile the body of infantry stood firm ; Madrid ordered his men to charge upon them, but not being obeyed, he actually rushed upon them alone. He was thrown from his horse, but, recovering himself, charged about him, slaying on the right, on the left, and before him, until horse and horseman fell pierced with balls and bayonets, and victory was decided in favor of the infantry. Facundo now came back to recover his black flag which had been lost, and found his victory gained, and Madrid dead, actually dead. His equipments were there, sword, horse, and all, but his body could not be recognized among the stripped and mutilated corpses that lay upon the field. Colonel Diasvelez, who was a prisoner, said that his ally had a bayonet wound in his leg, and no body was found with such a wound. Madrid had dragged himself under some bushes where his aid found him raving deliriously about the battle ; and at the sound of approaching footsteps, he SIGNIFICANCE OF THE COLOR "RED." 137 cried, u I do not surrender ! " Never until then had Colonel Madrid surrendered. This was the famous fight at Tala, the first exploit of Quiroga beyond the limits of his province. He had conquered " the bravest of the brave," and kept his sword as a trophy of the victory. Will he stop there ? But let us see the force which sustained itself against the colonel of the 13th regiment, who overthrew a government to equip his company. Facundo raised at Tala a flag which was not Argentine, but of his own' X invention; namely, a black ground with a skull and cross-bones in the centre. This was the flag which he had lost early in the engagement, and which he in- tended to recover, as he said to his routed soldiers, even at the mouth of hell. Terror, death, hell, were represented on the banner and in the proclamations of this general of the Llanos. And there was still another revelation of the Arab- Tartar spirit of that power which was to destroy the cities. The Argentine colors are blue and white ; the clear sky of a fair day, and the bright light of the disk of the sun : " peace and justice for all." In our hatred of tyranny and violence, we reject on our national flag war- like devices. Two hands, as a sign of union, support the Phrygian cap of Liberty. " The United Cities " says this symbol, " will sustain their acquired liberty." The sun begins to illumine the background of this device, while the darkness of night is disappearing. The armies of the Republic, which were to spread over the whole country to enforce the coming of that promised light, wear a uniform of dark blue. But now, in the very heart of the Republic, the color red 138 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. appears on the national banners, in the dress of the soldiers, and in the cockade which every native Argen- > tine must wear under pain of death. Let us look up x the significance of the color red. I have before me a picture of all the national flags of the world. In civ- ilized Europe there is but one in which this color prevails, notwithstanding the barbaric origin of its ban- tiers. The red ones are : Algiers, a red flag with skull f and cross-bones ; Tunis, a red flag ; Mongolia, the same ; Turkey, a red flag with a crescent ; Morocco ; Japan, red with the exterminating knife ; Siam has the same. I remember that travellers in the interior of Africa provide themselves with red cloth for the negro princes. " The king of Elve," say the brothers Lander, " wore a Spanish coat of red cloth and pantaloons of the same color." I remember that the presents sent by the govern- ment of Chili to the caciques of Aranco, were red cloaks and coats, because savages liked this color especially. The royal robes of the barbarian kings of Europe were always red. The royal edict of Genoa declared that the senators must wear a red toga, and especially in pronouncing judgment on criminals, that they might inspire the prisoners with terror. Until within the last century it was the custom in all the countries of Europe for the executioner to be dressed in red. The armies of Rosas wore a red uni-\ form ; his likeness is stamped on a red ribbon. What remarkable connection is there between these facts ? Is it chance that Algiers, Tunis, Japan, Turkey, EFFECTS OF FREEDOM OF THOUGHT. 139 Siam, the Africans, the savages, the Roman Neros, the barbarian kings, the hangmen, and Rosas, should be clothed in a color now proscribed by Christian and, civilized communities? No, it is because p rjed_is_the- symbol of violence, blood, and barbarisjn^- If not, why ' "This antagonism ? The Argentine revolution of independence was sym- bolized by two blue stripes and one white one ; signi- fying, justice, peace, justice. The amendment made by Facundo and approved'tyy Rosas, was a red band, signifying terror, blood, barba- rism. In all ages this significance has been given to the color purple or red ; study the history of those nations,, who have hoisted this color, and you will always' find a Rosas and a Facundo terror, barbarism, and blood always prevailing. In Morocco, the emperor has the singular prerogative of killing criminals with his own hand. Each phase of civilization is expressed in its garments, and every style of apparel is indicative of an entire system of ideas. Why do we wear beards at the present day ? Because of the researches recently made in medieval history ; the direction given to romantic literature is reflected in the fashions of the day. And why are these constantly changing ? Be- cause of the freedom of thought in Europe ; let thought be stationary, enslaved, and the costume will remain unchanged. Thus in Asia, where men live under such governments as that of Rosas, the same style of dress has been worn since the time of Abra- ham. And still further ; every form of civilization has had 140 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. its style of apparel, and every revolution of institutions has produced a change of costume. The Roman civil- ization had one style of dress ; the Middle Ages an- other ; the frock-coat was not worn in Europe until after the revival of letters. It is ever the most civilized na- tion that imposes its fashions on the rest of the world. All Christian nations now wear the coat, and when the Sultan of Turkey, Abdul-Medjid, desired to introduce European civilization into his dominions, he laid aside ' the turban and caftan for the frock-coat, pantaloons, and cravat. The Argentine people know the violent opposition to civilized costume made by both Rosas and Facundo. One night, in the year 1840, a couple of mazorqueros l were dodging around the streets of Buenos Ayres in pursuit of a man who wore a coat, and at last he was seized by the throat, when he exclaimed, " I am Simon Pereira ! " " Pardon, sir," said the men, " but you expose yourself by wearing this coat." " That is just , why I wear it ; who else wears a coat ? I do it to be known at^ distance." This Simon was the purveyor and agent of Rosas. But to finish the illustration of the spirit of the civil war by its symbols, I must refer to the history of the " red ribbon " of quite extensive notoriety. In 1820, Rosas appeared in Buenos Ayres with his , Colorado^ de las Conchas. 2 Twenty years afterwards, he colored the whole city with red ; houses, doors, paper-hangings, tapestry, etc. ; but finally he conse- crated the color to official purposes, and made it a test of loyalty to the state. 1 Mazwqueros, agents of Rosas, employed in cases of secret vengeance. 2 A company of provincial militia, dressed in red. THE RED RIBBON. 143 The history of the red ribbon is rather singular, /of first it was adopted only by party enthusiasts ; then it was ordered that every one should wear it as a proof i of unanimity of opinion. If there was no intentional disobedience, but in changing the dress the badge was forgotten, the police came to the assistance of memory. Mazorqueros were stationed in all the streets, and par- ticularly at the doors of the churches, and when the ladies came out, slashes with a cowhide were distrib- uted without mercy. There were yet stricter regula- tions. If the ribbon was carelessly tied : " Stripes ! the fellow must be a Unitario." If the ribbon was too short : " Stripes for the Unitario ! " And if a man did not wear it at all, he was put to death for con- tempt of the laws. The care of the governor for the public education did not stop here. It was not enough to be a Federal and to wear the red ribbon ; the likeness of the illustrious Restaurador must be stamped upon it, with the motto, " Death to the dirty^ savages, Unitarios," and it must be worn near the heart in token of deep love. It might be thought that the work of debasing a cultivated people and destroying all per- sonal dignity, was now ended. But they were not y^t sufficiently disciplined. One morning a ridiculous figure painted on paper, with a streamer of red ribbon half a yard long, appeared at the corner of a street in Buenos Ayres. . The first person who saw it rushed back, terrified, and gave the alarm. Immediately every one hurried to the shops and soon appeared wearing half a yard of ribbon. A few days after, a slight alteration in the ribbon or the painted figure was followed by the same result. If any ladies happened LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. lts forget the red knots prescribed for them instead of the ribbon, the police would most likely furnish them, one gratis of melted tar ! Thus was uniformity of opinion secured, and not a person was to be found who was not a Federal, or did not imagine himself one. It frequently happened that some one coming out of his house found the end of the street swept, and in less than a half hour the whole street was swept, the im- pression having become general that there was a police order to that effect. One day a grocer put out a small flag to attract customers ; the example was followed from house to house, from street to street, until banners floated over the whole city ; and the officials thought that some great news had come, unknown to them. And this was the people who once forced eleven thousand Eng- lish to surrender in the streets, and who afterward sent five armies against the Spaniards ! he fact is, that terror is a mental disease which attacks a people like cholera, small-pox, or scarlet fever.' Every one is liable to the contagion, and when the in- oculation has been going on for ten years, it is doubtful if even the vaccinated escape. Do not laugh then at the sight of so much degradation. Remember that you are Spaniards, and that the Inquisition educated Spain ! We bear this disease in our blood. Let us now resume the thread of our history. Fa- cundo entered Tucuman in triumph, where he passed several days without committing any remarkable acts of violence, and without imposing taxes ; for the con- stitutional course of Rivadavia had given the people an amount of knowledge which could not at once be ig- ^hve attac { FACUNDO AND THE FEDERALS. 143 nored. Facundo then returned to Rioja, inimical tof the Presidency, though not knowing what motive to^ give for this opposition, for he could not have explained it to himself. " I am not a Federal," he always said, " I am not such a fool." " Do you know," he said once, to Don Dalmacio Velez, " why I went to war ? For this," showing, as he spoke, an ounce of gold. This was not true. At other times he said, " Carril, governor of San Juan, treated me very badly in paying no attention to my recommendation of Carita, and for this I put my- v self in opposition to the Congress." This also was false. His enemies said, that he owned many shares in the bank, and proposed to sell them to the national government for three hundred thousand dollars. Riva- davia rejected this proposition as a scandalous theft, and from that time Facundo enlisted among his ene- mies. This was true as a fact, but it was not his motive.' It was believed that he yielded to the suggestions of Bustos and Ibarra in joining the opposition party ; bu$* there is a document which proves the contrary. In a letter which he wrote in 1832 to General Madrid, he said, " When I was invited by those two low fellows, Bustos and Ibarra, I did not consider them capable of making a successful opposition to that despot, President Don Bemadino Rivadavia, and refused to join them ; but having been informed by Colonel Manuel del Cas- tillo, aide-de-camp of Bustos, that you were engaged in this affair, and much interested in it, I did not hesitate a moment in deciding to join unconditionally ; counting upon your sword alone for success What was my misfortune," etc. 144 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. So he considered it a fool's part to be a Federal ! . Was it necessary then to be as ignorant as a country commandant to know what form of government was 'most suitable for the Republic ? Was the least edu- cated man most capable of judging of difficult political questions ? Were such thinkers as Lopez, Ibarra, and Facundo, with their great historical, social, geographi- cal, philosophical, and legal information to solve the problem of the proper organization for a state ? Ah ! ' let us lay aside the vain words that have deceived so many. Facundo turned against the government by which he was sent to Tucuman, for the same reason that he turned against Aldao who sent him to Rioja. He found himself with the power and the will for ac- ^ tion ; and, impelled by a blind, vague instinct, he obeyed it. He was commander of a company, a , g audio-outlaw, an enemy of civil justice, of civil order, of educated men, of savans, of the frock-coat, in a word, * of the city. He was ordained for the destruction of -*- these by Providence, and must needs fulfill his mission. At this time a singular question arose to complicate affairs. In Buenos Ay res, the seaport and residence of/ / sixteen thousand foreigners, the governor granted these foreigners liberty of conscience ; and the higher clergy approved of and sustained this law. Convents of dif- ferent orders had been already suppressed, and the priests provided for. In Buenos Ayres this matter gave no trouble, for all were agreed upon necessity ofj toleration. The question of liberty of conscience is in South America a question of political economy, foiv it implies European emigration and population. This \ was so fully recognized in Buenos Ayres that even ' . THE BLACK FLAG. Rosas did not dare to revoke the law of freedom ; and that thing must be impossible, indeed, which Rosas, would not attempt. r In the provinces, however, this was a question*^/ / religion, of salvation, and of eternal damnation. Imag- / ine how it would be considered in Cordova ! In Cor- jdova, an inquisition was established. In San Juan, there was a Catholic insurrection, so called to distin- guish its party from the Liberalistas, their enemies'. This revolution having been suppressed in San Jqan, they found one day that Facundo was at the gates 'of the city with a black flag, bearing a red cross, and the device " RELIGION OR DEATH ! " - As the reader will remember, I have quoted from a manuscript that Facundo never went to confession, nor heard mass, nor prayed, and that he himself said he believed in nothing. And yet party spirit led a cele- brated preacher to call him one sent by God, to induce many to follow his banner. When the eyes of this same priest were opened, and he withdrew from the wicked crusade which he had preached, Facundo said he was only sorry that he did not have him at hand to give him six hundred lashes. On his arrival at San Juan, the chief men of the city, the magistrates who had not fled, and the priests grateful for this divine aid, went out to meet him, forming two long files in the streets. Facundo passed through without looking at them. They followed at a distance, mortified, and exchanging glances in their common humiliation, until they reached a clover pas- ture, which this shepherd-general, this modern hicso, chose for his quarters, and preferred to the fine edifices 10 .-o LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. .of the city. A negress, who had nursed him in his \~infancy, came to see her boy Facundo. He seated her by his side and conversed affectionately with her, while the priests and dignitaries of the city stood un- accosted, the chief not even deigning to dismiss them. The Catholics must have been somewhat doubtful of the importance and divinity of the aid which came to them in such an unexpected form. A few days after, learning that the Cur6 of the Conception was in favor of free worship, Facundo caused him to be arrested, thrown into prison, and sentenced to death. My Chilian readers must know that there were in San Juan at this time, priests, cure's, and monks, who be- lieved in freedom of conscience, and belonged to the , party of the President. Among others the presbyter^ Centeno, well-known in Santiago, together with sixi others, was very zealous in the ecclesiastical reform. But something must be done in the cause of religion, to* justify the device of the flag. With this laudable aim, Facundo wrote to a priest of his party, asking his ad-** vice about the resolution he had formed to shoot all the city authorities for not having decreed the restitution -* of the secular revenues of the clergy. The good priest, who had not foreseen the conse- quences of arming crime in the name of God, felt some scruple about such a mode of reparation, and advisecl that the officials should be commanded to make the necessary decrees. Was there any real question of religion in the Argen- tine Republic ? I should deny it utterly if I did not ( know that the more barbarous and irreligious a people , is, the more liable it is to prejudice and fanaticism. THE CATHOLIC PARTY AND RELIGION. 147 But the masses did not move of their own accord, and it is plain that those who adopted this device, Fa- . cundo, Lopez, Bustos, etc., were completely indiffer-' ent. The religious wars of the fifteenth century in Europe were maintained on both sides by sincere believers, fanatical and devoted even to martyrdom, without political aims, and without ambition. The Puritans read the Bible at the moment of going into battle, prayed, and observed fasts and penances. Tfie spirit of a party is evidently sincere, when after tri- umph it accomplishes all and even more than it prom- ised before the contest. When this result is wanting, there is a deception in terms. When the so-called Catholic party had triumphed in the Argentine Repub- lic, what did it do for religion or the interests of the priesthood ? As far as I know, it only drove out the Jesuits, ' beheaded four respectable priests in Santos Lugare's, after having flayed their heads and hands, and carried in procession the host and the portrait of Rosas side by side, under a canopy. Did the Liberal party ever com- mit such horrible profanations ? But enough of this. While at San Juan, Facundo occupied his time in gambling ; leaving to the author- * ities the care of providing him with the sums necessary to defray the expenses incurred in the defense of re- ligion. All the time that he remained there he livei in a tent on the clover field, ostentatiously dressed fn the chiripd, an intentional insult to a city where mast of the inhabitants used English saddles, and wnere / ' the barbarous dress and habits of the gaucl^os were especially disliked, San Juan being an exclusive!^ agricultural province. 148 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. One more campaign against General Madrid at Tucuman, completed the debut of this new emir of shepherds. General Madrid had resumed the govern-\ ment of Tucuman, sustained by the whole province, and Facundo thought it .his duty to dislodge him. There was a new expedition, a new battle, and a new victory. I omit the details with the exception of one characteristic' anecdote. Madrid had in the battle of Rincon one hundred and ten infantry ; and when the combat ended, there were sixty dead, while of the remaining fifty all except one were wounded. On the following day Madrid declared himself again ready for battle, but Quiroga sent one of his aides to say that the action would begin by shooting the fifty prisoners already kneeling to receive their fate. Madrid aban- doned all further attempt at resistance. In these three expeditions, in which Facundo tested his power, there was no unusual effusion of blood and but few outrages. It is true that in Tucuman he seized upon some flocks and hides, and imposed heavy taxes upon them, but as yet there was no cowhiding of the citizens, no outrages upon the women ; there were the evils of conquest, but none of its horrors. The pas- toral system had not yet developed that brutality and entire absence of restraint which afterwards character- ized it. What part had the legitimate governor of Rioja in these expeditions ? The government only existed nominally ; all the real power was in the hands of the "Provincial Commander." Blanco resigned the . \ office, overwhelmed with humiliations; and Aguero assumed the government. One day, however, Qui- AN EASY WAY OF PAYING DEBTS. 149 roga rode up to his door and said to him, " Sir, I came to inform you that I have encamped with my escort two miles from here." It is hardly necessary to say that Aguero resigned. A new governor was now to be chosen, and at the petition of the people, Qui- roga condescended to nominate Galvan, who accepted . the office, but was assaulted the same night by a troop of soldiers, and fled. Quiroga enjoyed the adventurfc excessively. It is well to mention that the assembly of representatives was composed of men who did not" know how to read. Facundo needed money for his first expedition to Tucuman, and demanded of the treasurer of the bank eight thousand dollars on account of his shares for which he had never paid. In Tucuman, he demanded twenty-five thousand dollars to pay his soldiers, who received none of it ; and some time after sent a bill of eighteen thousand dollars to Dorr ego to pay the cost of the expedition made by order of the governor of Buenos Ayres. Dorrego did not hesitate to satisfy so just a demand. This sum was shared with Moral, the governor of Rioja, who had suggested the idea. Six years after, in Mendoza, he gave this same Moral seven fmndred lashes for his ingratitude. While Blanco was governor, there was a dispute about a game of /cards, and Facundo, seizing his opposer by the hair, shook him until his neck was broken. The body was buried, and the man declared to have died a natural death. When about to leave Tucuman, he sent a party of soldiers to the house of one Sarate, who was shot at his own door and left for his widow to bury ; the victim 150 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. was a man of property and a peaceable citizen, but well known for his bravery and contempt of Quiroga. On his return from the expedition, Facundo happened to meet with Gutierrez, ex-governor of Catamarca, whom he persuaded to go and live at Rioja. There they were quite intimate for some time, but seeing Gutierrez surrounded one day by some gaucho friends, Facundo had him arrested and sentenced to death, to the terror of all Rioja, for Gutierrez was much re- spected, and had gained the affections of every one. The presbyter, Dr. Colina, and several other clergy- men of high standing, petitioned that the miserable man might at least have time to arrange his affairs and con- fess his sins. " I see," answered Facundo, " that he ha^s many partisans here. Ho! there! .Take these men to prison and let them be shot instead of Gutierrez." They attempted to flee, and two escaped; one lost his life, and the others were imprisoned ; but Facundo laughed loudly when he heard the adventure, and ordered them to be set at liberty. Such scenes as this were frequent between the priests and their aid " sent by God" In San Juan he had a negro dressed up as a priest, and made him walk through the streets. In Cordova, he refused to receive any one except Dr. Castro Bar- ros, with whom he had an account to arrange. In Mendoza, he walked to the place of execution by the side of a priest whom he had condemned to death ; he did the same with the cur6 of Alguia and the prior of Tucurnan. It is true that in these cases he did not go, so far as to have the sentence actually executed, bjnt it was a great terror and humiliation to the clergy- men ; yet in spite of all this, the old people and bigots . RIVADAVIA RESIGNS. still offered prayers to heaven for the success of his arms. But the story of Gutierrez is not quite ended yet. Fifteen days later he received a sentence of exile, and an escort was to conduct him beyond the boundaries. The party having encamped for the night, a fire was made to cook supper, and while Gutierrez was stooping to blow the scarcely lighted sticks, the chief official struck him on the head with a staff, and blows from others followed, until his brains were literally knocked . out. These were some of the events which took place in Facundo's first attempt at union in the Republic, for these were but attempts ; the time had not yet come for the alliance of the pastoral powers by which the Republic was to be reorganized. Rosas was already famous in the province of Buenos Ayres, though he bore no titles as yet ; nevertheless he was busy in his own cause. The constitution proposed by Congress was rejected wherever the provincial commanders had any influence. When the government deputy pre- sented himself in Santiago del Estero, in his official dress, Ibarra received him in shirt-sleeves and chiripd. VRivadavia resigned the presidency because the prov- inces were opposed to him, " but barbaris.m.-WJll_soon be dowri ugonjis," he added, after his farewell, fie - did well to resign. Rivadavia's mission was to present before us the constitutionalism of Benjamin Constant' with all its empty words, its deceptions, and absu^jdi* ties. Rjvadavia did not know that when the civiliza- tion and liberty of a people are in question, a ruler -haj great responsibilities both to God and future genera* ^52 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. tions ; and that there is neither charity nor compassion in abandoning a nation for thirty years to the devasta- tion of the first ruthless sword that offers. Communi- ties in their infancy are like children who foresee nothing and understand nothing, and need men of knowledge and foresight to guide them. CHAPTER XL CIVIL WAR. TABLADA, A CITY. There is a fourth element coming ; they are the barbarians, new hordes who come to throw themselves upon the old society with complete freshness of manners, soul and spirit, and who have as yet done nothing, but are ready to receive every- thing with the aptitude of the most suave and naive ignorance. Cherminier. THE presidency had -fallen amid the hissings and rejoicings of its enemies. Dorrego, the able leader of the opposition in Buenos Ayres, was the friend of the governors of the interior, who were his abettors and supporters in the Provincial Congress in which he was triumphant. Victory was no longer with the Re- public in its foreign wars ; and, though its arms had met with no disasters in Brazil, the necessity for peace was everywhere felt. The opposition of the provincial leaders had weakened the army by destroying regi- ments, or refusing to furnish recruits. An apparent tranquillity reigned in the interior, but the earth trem- bled ; strange rumors were afloat. The newspapers of Buenos Ayres were filled with gloomy prophecies. Threats came alike from the government and the oppo- sition. The administration of Dorrego began to show a want of strength, because the party of the city, called Federal, which had established it, had not the power to sustain itself with honor after the fall of the presidency. , The new administration, far from resolving any of the 154 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. questions which divided the Republic, showed, on the contrary, all the weakness o Federalism. Dorrego '' was essentially Buenos Ayrean in his sympathies, and . t had little regard for the fate of the provinces. He had , promised the provincial leaders and communities to da* all he could to favor the interests of the former and , to insure the rights of the latter ; but, having once obtained the government, he said to his immediate ' friends, " What is it to us if the petty tyrants carry - things with a high hand ? What are the four thousand"" dollars' salary to Lopez, or the eighteen thousand to Quiroga, to us who control the seaport, and a custom- house that brings us in a million and a half, which that stupid Rivadavia wished to convert into national rev- enue ? " Let us not forget that the motto of egotism is - always " Each for himself." Dorrego and his party did not foresee that the provinces would come some day to punish Buenos Ayres for having refused them its civilizing influence ; and that, because of the indiffer- ence to their ignorance and barbarism, this very igno- rance and barbarism would penetrate into the streets of Buenos Ayres and take up its quarters even in the fort. But Dorrego might have seen it, if he or his party had had better eyes. Here were the provinces at the gates of the city, only waiting an occasion to invade it. From the time of the fall of the presidency the de- crees of the civil authorities could not be enforced - beyond the suburbs of the city. Dorrego had em- ployed, as an instrument of opposition, this outside resistance ; and, when his party triumphed, he be,- stowed upon his ally beyond the walls the title of corn- man der-in-chief of the provinces. What logic of the DORREGO AND THE UNITARIOS. 155 sword is it that makes the rank of commander-in-chief of the provinces a necessary step in the elevation of a military leader ? Where this rank does not exist, as was then the case in Buenos Ayres, it is created ex- pressly ; as if, before letting the wolf into the fold, 'it was necessary to expose him to general observation. Dorrego afterward found that the provincial com- mander, who had caused the presidency to totter, arid had contributed so powerfully to overthrow it, was a lever perpetually applied to the government ; and that when Rivadavia had fallen, and Dorrego was in his place, the lever still continued its action. Dorrego and Rosas were -face to face, each watching and threatening the other. Dorrego's friends recall his favorite phrase, " The gaucho-rogue ! Let him be as troublesome as Jie -pleases ; and when he is least expecting it, I will shoot him." This was just what the Ocampos said when they first felt Quiroga's heavy arm upon them. Indifferent to the people of the interior, not in high favor with the Federal party of the city, and already in antagonism with the provincial power which he had called to his aid, Dorrego, who had obtained the government through parliamentary opposition, now tried to win the Unitarios, whom he had conquered ; but parties have neither charity nor foresight. "The Unitarios laughed in their sleeves, and said among themselves, u He totters, let him fall." The Unitarios did not understand that with Dorrego would fall those who might have interposed between them and the provinces ; or that the monster whom they feared was not seeking Dorrego, but the city, the civil institutions, of which they themselves were the exponents. 156 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Things were in this condition when peace was con- cluded 'with Brazil, and the first division of the army, commanded by Lavalle, was disbanded. Dorrego ; knew well the spirit of these veterans of the War of Independence, who, covered with wounds, and grown gray in the service, had obtained only the rank of colonels, majors, or captains ; two or three, perhaps, becoming generals ; while in the interior of the Re- public, without ever having passed the frontiers, were dozens of leaders, who, in four years, had been raised from the rank of gaucho-outlaws to that of command- ers ; from commanders to generals, and from generals to absolute masters of provinces. Need we look for any other motive for the implacable hatred of the ? veterans for these men ? What had they to anticipate, now that the new order of things had taken from them thk hope of entering the capital of Brazil as conquer- ors ? On the 1st of December, two companies of regulars were drawn up in Victoria Square. Governor Dorrego had fled to the country, and the Unitarios filled the air with shouts of triumph. A few days afterward, seven hundred cuirassiers, commanded by general officers, went out through Peru Street toward the pampas to meet several thousand gauchos and Indians, together with a few soldiers, commanded by Dorrego. For a moment the field of Navarro was covered with the dead, and the following day an officer, now in the service of Chili, brought in Dorrego as prisoner. An hour later, the body of Dorrego lay pierced with balls. The officer who had ordered his execution an- nounced it to the city in the following terms : THE EXECUTION OF DORREGO. 157 " I have the honor of informing the deputy-governor that Colo- nel Manuel Dorrego has just been shot by my order, in front of the regiments which compose this division. History will judge impartially whether Senor Dorrego should have lived or died ; or whether in sacrificing him for the peace of a city, brought to grief by him, I could have had any other motive than that of the public good. Let the people of Buenos Ayres be persuaded that the death of Colonel Dorrego is the greatest sacrifice that I could make for them. " I salute, Seiior, the minister with all due consideration. " JUAN LAVALLE." Was Lavalle wrong? It is needless to add another affirmative in support of those who, after seeing the consequences, assumed the easy task of criticizing his motives. If an evil exists, it is in tilings not in persons. When Cassar was assassinated, he re-lived more terrible than ever in Octavius. Lavalle did not then know that in killing the body he could not kill the spirit ; and that political personages take their character and ex- istence from the ideas, interests, and ends of the party they represent. If Lavalle had shot Rosas instead of Dorrego, perhaps he would have saved the world from a great scandal, humanity from a great opprobrium, and the Republic from much blood and many tears ; but, even if Rosas had been shot, the provinces would still have had representatives ; and there would have been only the change of one historical picture for another. But what people pretend to ignore to-day, is, that not- withstanding the purely personal responsibility of the deed, as far as Lavalle is concerned the death of Dor- rego was a necessary consequence of the prevailing ideas of v the time ; and that by this act the soldier who was brave enough to defy history, only accomplished s 158 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. the avowed wish of the citizens. What had interfered with the proclamation of the Constitution of 1826 but the hostility of Ibarra, Lopez, Bustos, Quiroga, Ortiz, and the Aldaos, each of whom ruled a province, and some of whom influenced the others ? Now, what would appear so reasonable at that time, and to those .men who reasoned a priori, as to get rid of what they considered the only obstacle to the desired organization the Republic ? " These political errors which belonged to the time rather than to the men, are yet worthy of considera- tion, for upon them depend the explanation of many social phenomena. Lavalle in shooting Dorrego, just 'as he would have shot Bustos, Lopez, Facundo, and others of that class, only fulfilled the requirements of his time and party. Even in 1834 there were still men in France who believed that if they could get rid of Louis Philippe, the French Republic would revive in all the greatness and glory of the past ! Perhaps also the death of Dorrego was one of those fated events which form the nucleus of history, without which it would be incomplete and unmeaning. Civil war had been long threatening the Republic. Rivadavia had foreseen it with all its horrors ; Facundo had uncon- sciously kept his hordes on the slopes of the Andes in waiting for this event ; and Rosas' private life had been a ten years' preparation towards the same end. , Dorrego was in the way of all parties : of the Unitarios, for they despised him ; of the provincial leaders, for he had proved useless to them ; and in that of Rosas, be- "' cause he was impatient of keeping under the shadow of the city parties, and eager to obtain the government, - THE COMING CAMPAIGN. JL<, or in other words, to become what he was not, and- could never be, that is, a Federal, in the strict sense of the term. He represented the third social element, ' which from Artigas to Facundo .had been eagr to show itself without disguise, and to measure its strength with that of European civilization. If Dorrego had not died, it does not follow that the craving thirst of Facundo would have been quieted, or that Rosas would have failed to represent the provinces in the struggle - which had begun long before 1820. No, Lavalle only lighted the match which was to fire the mine long ago prepared by both Unitarios and Federals. From this moment there was nothing for the timid but to stop their ears and shut their eyes. All others everywhere rushed to arms ; the tread of horsemen was heard over the pampas, and the cannon's black mouth was seen at the gates of the cities. We must now leave Buenos Ayres to see what is passing in the other provinces. It must be mentioned, by the way, that Lopez, having been beaten in several encounters, sued in vain for reasonable terms of peace ; and that Rosas had serious thoughts of going over to the side of Brazil. Lavalle refused to share in any of the transactions, and was soon put down ; here was the i true Unitario disdain of the gaucho, and faith in the final triumph of the " city." If Lavalle had adopted another line of conduct and kept the seaport in thq hands of the citizens, might not the cruel Pampas Gov- ernment have been prevented ? Facundo was in his element. A campaign was about to begin ; expresses rushed to and fro ; the feudal system of independence was to become a confederation of war. j.00 LIFE IK THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Everything was put in requisition for the corning cam- paign, and it was found unnecessary to go to the banks . of the La Plata for a good battle-field. General Paz, s * with eight hundred veterans, had gone to Cordova, fought and conquered Bustos, and taken possession of the city, which was but a step from the Llanos, and within reach of the cries from the " montoneras " of the Sierra Cordova. Facundo hastened his preparations ; he longed for a personal encounter with a one-armed general who could not manage a lance or flourish a sword. What could Paz hope for in an encounter with the conqueror of Colonel Madrid ? Facundo was to be joined by Don Felix Aldao, a friar general from Mendoza, with a regiment of trained auxiliaries equipped entirely in red ; and without waiting for a force of seven hun- dred regulars from San Juan, he set out for Cordova with four thousand men, eager to measure arms with the cuirassiers of the second division and their officers. The battle of Tablada is so well known that details are" unnecessary. It has been brilliantly described in the " Revue des deux Mondes ; " but there is one fact jvorth remembering. Facundo attacked the city with all his army, and was repulsed for a day and night by one hundred young clerks, thirty mechanics, and seven sick soldiers, from behind slight breastworks defended by only four pieces of artillery. And it was only when he announced his intention of burning the beautiful city, that they consented to surrender the place. Know- ing that Paz was approaching, he left his infantry as useless, and went out to meet him with a cavalry force at least three times as large as the army of his oppo- TABLADA AND CORDOVA. 161 nent ; then came hard fighting, and the cavalry charged again and again, but in vain. That mass of horsemen, .though surrounding the eight hundred veterans, were driven back every moment, and compelled to return to the charge. The lance of Quiroga forcing back his own retreating men, caused as much terror in the rear of his army as the guns and swords of the enemy in front. But all was in vain ; it was like the raging billows of the sea beating against a rough, motionless rock ; sometimes, indeed, it is engulfed by the angry waves, but its black summit presently reappears firm and unshaken. Of the eight hundred auxiliaries only sixty survived, and of the six hundred red cavalry, not a third were living ; the numerous other companies lost all discipline, and fled in every direction. Facundo retreated to the city, and the next day lay with his guns and infantry like a tiger in ambush : but all was soon over, and fifteen hundred dead bodies proved how obstinate the contest had been on both sides. 'The battles of Tablada and Cordov_a_were trials of strength between the provincial and city forces under their great leaders, Facundo and Paz, worthy repre- sentatives of the two powers which were struggling for dominion in the Republic. Facundo, ignorant, barba- / rous, for the greater part of his life an outlaw, and fa- . mous only for his acts of desperation ; brave to rash- ness, endowed with herculean strength, always upon his horse, which he managed skillfully through terrpr\ . and violence, knowing no other power than that bf brute force, had no faith but in his horse, and dependent for success upon bravery, the lance, and the terrrole charges of his cavalry. In all the Argentine Republic % 11 162 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. there was not a more perfect specimen of the " gauclio malo" PaZjOn the contrary, was a true son of the city, and representative of the power of civilization. Lavalle, Madrid, and others like them, were native Argentines ; 'cavalry officers, as brilliant as Murat, perhaps, but the , cuirass and epaulets could not hide the gaucho nature* But Paz was a European soldier, and only believed in . (bravery as subordinate to tactics, strategy, and disci- pline. He hardly knew how to ride, and having only 'one hand, could not use a lance. A very large army was unwieldy and troublesome to him ; what he liked, was a small number of soldiers thoroughly disciplined. A regiment of his training was sure to be perfect of its kind, and could he have selected his own battle-fields, the fate of the Republic would have been secure. He was in spirit a European soldier, even to the arms he used ; he was an artillery officer, and therefore math- ematical and scientific. A battle was a problem which he could solve by equations, and foretell the unknown quantity that is, the victory. General Paz was not a genius, but an able officer, who employed science where others made use of brute force ; in a word, he was the representative of European civilization, which was in a fair way to die out in our country. Unfortu- nate General Paz ! Honor be to thee in thy repeated disasters ! With thee are the household gods of the Republic ! Destiny has not yet decided between thee and Rosas, between the cities and the pampas, be- tween the blue stripe and the red ribbon ! Thou hast the only quality of mind that in the end conquers brute force, the quality in which lay the power of the old GENERAL PAZ. ? 163 martyrs ! Thou hast faith. Faith has saved thee, and in thee is the only hope of the Republic. There is certainly a destiny about this man. He* alone, in the ill-advised revolution of the first of De- cernber, was able to justify it 'by victory. Taken t at ^ <^last from the head of his army by the irresistible power of the gaucho, he was kept ten years in prison, Rosas, . even, not daring to kill him, as if a guardian angel watched over his life. He escaped almost miracu- lously one stormy night, and through the rough waters of the La Plata, reached the eastern bank. Repulsed at one place, and disappointed at another, he at last obtained command of the few remaining forces of a province which had seen three armies successively destroyed. From such remnants he again gathered with much care and patience means of resistance, and when the armies of Rosas had triumphed everywhere, and carried terror throughout the Republic, the one- armed general called aloud from the marshes of Cagu- azu, " The Republic still lives ! " Afterwards, de- spoiled of his laurels by those he had served, and igno- miniously taken from the head of his army, he sought refuge among his enemies in Entre Rios, where the very elements seemed to protect him, and even the gauchos of the forest Montiel did not have it in their hearts to kill the one-armed man who harmed no one. .At last he reached Montevideo, and learned that Ri- bera had been defeated, probably because he was not there to take the enemy in his own snares. The whole city was in consternation, and hurried to the poor lodging of the fugitive to beg for advice and comfort. ." If I can only have twenty days, they will not take 364 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. the city," was the only answer, given, not with enthu- siasm, but with mathematical certainty. Oribe gave . Paz all he asked for, and three years have passed since that day of terror at Montevideo. When he had secured the place well, and accustomed the garrison' to fight daily as a matter of course, he went to Brazil and remained longer than was agreeable to his friends, and when Rosas was hoping to hear of him in the hands of the imperial police, he learned that he was at Cor- rientes training six thousand men ; that he had formed an alliance with Paraguay, and also that Brazil had invited France and England to take part in the con- test ; so that the question between the provinces and the cities had now become a struggle between the one-armed, scientific Paz and the gaucho barbarian Rosas ; between the Pampas on one side and Para- guay, Uruguay, Brazil, England, and France on the ^ other. It was especially to the honor of General Paz that even the enemies he had fought with neither hated nor > feared him personally. The " Gaceta "- of Rosas, so prodigal of its calumniations, never succeeded in abus- ing him thoroughly, a proof that he inspired his very' detractors with respect. Many of the followers of Rosas in their hearts admired Paz, and the old Federals never forgot that he had always protected them from the fury x ' of the old Unitarios. Who knows if Providence, which , holds in its hand the fate of nations, has not preserved'' this man through many dangers to aid in the recon- struction of the Republic under laws which permit liberty without license, and do not need to be enforced by violence. Paz is a provincial by birth, a guarantee LIBERAL ELEMENT IN CORDOVA. ". .-165 that he would never sacrifice the provinces to Buenes Ay res and the port, as Rosas has done to obtain mill- - ions while he impoverishes the people of the interior ; just what the Federals had accused the Congress of 1826 of wishing to do. The conquest of Tablada was the beginning of a new era for the city of Cordova, which, until then, according to the message of General Paz to the pro- vincial representatives, " had occupied the lowest place among the Argentine cities, constantly opposing effort towards the construction of a jconstifeutioiL- for the nation, or for its own province, either under the rule of Federals or Unitarios." However, Cordova, like all the Argentine cities, con- tained its liberal element, but kept under until then by an absolute and conservative government like that of - JBustos. From the moment that Paz entered the city, this element appeared openly, and showed how much it had strengthened during nine years of that Spanish government. I have before described Cordova as antagonistic in spirit to Buenos Ayres ; there is one circumstance in favor of its future development. The inhabitants have the greatest possible respect for learning, an effect pro- duced by the university of two centuries standing. The love of learning presupposes a certain degree of civilization, so that notwithstanding the conservative nature and direction of the studies, there must be in v Cordova a large number in favor of progressive* cul- ture and intelligence. This respect for learning, ex- - tends even to the lower classes of society, and Jthis explains why the masses embraced the revolution with 166 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. an ardor which ten years have not abated, and which has furnished many victims for the vengeance of the Ma*orqueros. Paz brought with him an interpreter who should explain his ideas and objects to the common people Barcala, the negro colonel, who had so gloriously dis- tinguished himself in Brazil, and was on an equality with the chief officers of the army : Barcala the freed- man, who had devoted himself to the task of interest- ing the working classes in a revolution which regarded neither color nor class in rewarding true merit. This Barcala was, as far as possible, to make the change of ideas and aims popular among the citizens ; and he succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectations. jThe middle classes of Cordova were from that time in favor of civil order and progressive civilization. The young men of Cordova were distinguished in the war for their disinterested devotion to the cause'; many fell on the field of battle, or under the knife of the assassin, and still more were condemned to the pains of exile. In the battles of San Juan, the bodies of Cordovian " doctors " lay piled in the streets, ob- structing the artillery that they were carrying against the enemy. On the other hand, the clergy, who had encouraged the opposition to Congress and the constitution, had had time to measure the abyss to which civilization would be brought by such defenders of the faith as Facundo, Lopez, etc., and did not hesitate to declare in favor of General Paz. Thus the " doctors " and young men, the clergy as well as the masses, were now of one opinion, and ready TREATY WITH LOPEZ OF SANTA FE. 167 to uphold the principles implied in the new order of ' things ; and Paz could at once begin to reorganize the province and to establish friendly relations with others. A treaty was confirmed with Lopez of Santa Fe*, who * , was induced, by Don Domingo de Oro 1 to join Paz. 2 ,/ Salta and Tucuman had already submitted, and only the western provinces remained hostile. 1 Domingo de Oro was a noble patriot, wh where arms and money were to be had, and com- smenced a useless and interminable war. The generajs, ^ therefore, went to Cordova, and the infantry and offi- cers of Mendoza came to terms the next day. -*The ~~ Unitarios of San Juan emigrated to Coquimbo, to tne ' , number of two hundred, and Quiroga remained, hi peaceful possession of Cuyo and Rioja. These two - cities had never suffered from all the evils Quiroga ha$l hitherto brought upon them, as they did now from the interruption of business caused by such a large emigra- tion of the wealthiest inhabitants. But I must especially remark upon the still greater harm done to the spirit of civilization. Considering < the inland situation of Mendoza, it had been a highly civilized city, with a spirit of enterprise and progress greater than any city of the Republic ; it was the-JBar- celona of the interior. The spirit of progress had attained its height under the administration of Videla Castillo. Two forts had been built towards the seuth ' ., with the double advantage of extending the boundary ries of the province, and of securing it permanently from the savages. The swamps had been drained, the city ornamented, societies of agriculture, industry,*"" mines, and of public education had been formed, and directed by intelligent, enthusiastic, and enterprising men ; a manufactory of woollen and flax had been v established which furnished clothing for the troops, and an armory for the making of swords, cuirasses, lances, and bayonets, with none of the work imported . except some parts of the cannon. A French chemist, by the name of Charron, had put up a machine for moulding bullets, and types for the printing-press, and 188 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. investigated the metals of the province. It is impos-'' sible to conceive of a more rapid development. These things would not have attracted so much attention in o Chili or Buenos Ayres, but in an inland province with only the aid of native workmen, the progress was pro- digious, and in ten years it might have been one of the most remarkable places in the country ; but Facundo's . army crushed this promising civilization, and the monk * Alclao passed his plough over it and watered the earth with blood for ten years. What could remain ? < But the progress of ideas was not entirely stopped ^ with the occupation of Quiroga ; the members of the mining society, who emigrated to Chili, there gave themselves up to the study of chemistry, mineralogy, and metallurgy. Godoi Cruz, Correa, Villanueva, Doncel, and many others, looked up all books treating of the subject, and made a large collection of different N -metals from all parts of South America ; they also ex- aim/ied the Chilian archives for information about the mines of Uspallata, and with much labor succeeded in establishing modes of operation by which these mines have become profitable, notwithstanding the scarcity of metal. From that time dates the new and profitable working of the mines of Mendoza. The Argentine miners, not satisfied with these results, scattered them- selves throughout Chili, which afforded a rich field for the experiments of their science, and they have accom- plished much at Copiapo and other places by the intro- duction of new machinery and tools. Godoi Cruz had another object in his researches : he endeavored, by introducing the cultivation of the^ white mulberry, to solve the problem of the possible INTRODUCTION OF THE SILKWORM. 189 * x future of San Juan and Mendoza, which depends upon the discovery of some production of great value, yet of jsmall compass. Silk answers this condition, imposed u upon these inland cities by their great distance from the seaports, and the high price of transportation. Godoi, not satisfied with publishing at Santiago a long and complete treatise on the cultivation of the mul- berry, and the care of the silkworm and cochineal, had it distributed through the provinces free of cost, kept -the question of the mulberry constantly before the pub- lic for ten years, urging its cultivation, and setting forth its advantages, while he carried on a correspondence ^ with Europe, learning the current prices, and sending over specimens of the silk he had himself obtained, thus discovering the failings or excellences in quality, and ^ .also the best methods of spinning. The results of - this great, patriotic labor, were all that he could hope fbr ; now there are already some thousands of mul- /t)erry-trees, and the silk gathered by the quintal Was spun, twisted, dyed, and sold in Buenos Ayres and Santiago, for f;he European market, at the rate of six , or seven dollars a pound ; for the silk of Mendoza ' was as glossy as that of the best quality in Spain or ^ Italy. The old man finally returned to his native place to rejoice in the sight of a whole city succeeding in a profitable change of employment, hoping that he might live to see a caravan depart for Buenos Ayres, bearing the valuable production which made the wealth of China for so many years, and for precedence in which the manufactories of Lyons, Barcelona, Paris, and all 190 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. Italy still dispute. 1 Mendoza preceded all Spanish* America in developing this useful branch of industry. Have Facundo or Rosas ever done the least thing for the public good, or been interested in any useful object ? No. From them come nothing but blood and crimes, * I have given .these details at length, because in the midst of horrors such as I am obliged to describe, it is T comforting to pause on the few progressive impulses which revive again and again after being apparently crushed by savage barbarians. Civilization will, how-j: ever feeble its present resistance, one day resume its place. There is a new world about to unfold itself,' and it only awaits some fortunate general to put aside' the iron heel which has so long crushed it. Besides, history should not be considered merely a tissue of crimes, and for this reason it is desirable to bring be- fore the mind of a subjugated people a remembrance of past epochs. If they desire for their posterity a better record than they themselves have, let them not hope for it because the cannibal, of Buenos Ayres is just now tired of shedding blood, and permits exiles to return ,to their homes. This fact is of no import in the prog- ress of a people. The great evil to be dreaded is a government which fears the influence of thoughtful and enlightened men, and must either exile or kill them. This evil results from a system which gives one man such absolute power that there can be no lib- erty of thought or action, no public spirit the desire <>f self-preservation outweighing all interest for others. 1 The final result did not justify these flattering expectations. The cultivation of silk died out in Mendoza for want of encouragement. FACUNDO AT HIS OLD WAYS. 191 Every one for himself, and the executioner for- all without discrimination, this is the resume of the life and government of an enslaved people. Facundo, once more master of Mendoza, adopted his old methods of raising money and soldiers. One even- ing his agents were all over the city arresting the. officers who had capitulated at Chacon ; for what pur- pose it was not known, but the officers felt no great fear, confiding as they did in the good faith of the treaty. Nevertheless, a number of priests were also brought in and ordered to hear the confessions of the officers, who were then placed in a line and shot, one after another, under the direction of Facundo ; the ex- ecution lasting about an hour. He afterwards gave as an excuse for this horrible violation of faith, that the Unitarios had killed General Villafane. There was some foundation for the charge, but the revenge was monstrous. At another time he said, " Paz shot nine of my officers, but I have shot ninety-six of his." Paz, however, was not responsible for that deed, which he deeply lamented, and which was also an act of retalia- tion. But the system of giving no quarter, so tenaciously followed by Rosas, and the constant violation of all customary forms, treaties, capitulations, etc., are the result of causes not depending on the personal charac- ter of the provincial leaders. Acknowledgment of individual rights which lessons the horrors of war, is the result of centuries of civilization, and was not to be expected among the semi-barbarians of the pampas^ The savage kills his prisoner, and respects no compact when he has occasion to violate it. v 192 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. The death of Villafane had happened in Chili, and had already been avenged " eye for eye, tooth for tooth," in accordance with the lex talionis. The per- petrator of this deed was a remarkable specimen of the class of men I have been endeavoring to describe, and is therefore worthy of mention. Among the San Juan emigrants who went to Coquimbo, there was a Major NiivajT&_from the army of General Paz. This man, who came of a distinguished family of San Juan, was small in size, with a thin, flexible body, and celebrated in the army for a rash courage. At the age of eighteen he mounted guard as lieutenant of militia on the night when (in 1820) the battalions of the first division of the army of the Andes revolted, and, forming in four companies before the guard-house, ordered the city militia to surrender. Navarro alone remained in the guard-house, and defended the entrance ; and then, holding one hand over three wounds in his thigh, cov- ering with the other arm five wounds in his breast, and blinded by the blood streaming from his head, made his way home, where he was six months recov- ering his strength ; a cure altogether unhoped for and well-nigh miraculous. Thrown out of his place by the disbanding of the militia, he devoted himself to trade, but a trade accompanied with dangers and adventures. At first he was engaged in introducing contraband goods into Cordova ; afterwards he carried on a trade with the Indians, and finally married the daughter of a cacique, lived with her faithfully, took part in the wars of the savages, and accustomed himself to eat raw meat, until, in the course of three years, he became a thorough savage. While there he heard that the war NAVARRO. 193 with Brazil was about to commence, and leaving' his beloved savages, entered the army with his old rank of lieutenant, where his bravery was so conspicuous that he soon became a captain and brevet major, and one of Lavalle's chosen men. At Marquez the whole army was astonished at his daring. After these expeditions he remained at Buenos Ayres with Lavalle's other officers, Arbolito, Pancho el nate, and other chiefs, who displayed their bravery in coffee-houses and hotels. The animosity against the officers of the army became greater every day, and on one occasion they were drinking to the death of Lavalle, when Navarro heard them, and stepping up, poured out a glass and drank, saying in a loud voice, " To the health of Lavalle." A duel followed on the spot, and Navarro, who killed his man, fled from the city, and overtook the army before it reached Cordova. Before re entering the service, he went in the interior to see his family, and learned with regret the death of his wife* Taking leave of his friends, he went back to the army accompanied by two young men his cousin and nephew. In the battle of Chacon he got a shot in his breast which burned off his beard, and blackened his face with powder; and in this condition he emigrated to Co- q. limbo, still accompanied by his young relatives ; but every day he felt a strong desire to go back, and could hardly be prevented from doing so. " I am a true son of the army," he would say, " and war is my ele- ment ; the first drop of blood shed in the civil war was from my veins ; and from them should come the last." At other times he said, "I cannot go a step farther; I am getting farther and farther from the epaulets of a 13 194 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. general. What would my friends say if they knew that Major Navarro was treading a foreign soil without a squad behind him ? " The day they crossed the boundary ridge, there was quite a pathetic scene. They were obliged to give up their arms, and the Indians could not conceive of a country where one was not permitted to go about lance in hand. Navarro explained in their own language, while two great tears rolled down his cheeks ; they then laid their arms upon the ground, with much emo- tion, and even after starting on, went back and rode slowly around them as if bidding them farewell. It was in this state of mind that Major Navarro passed into Chili, and took up his lodging at Guanda, a place situated at the beginning of the road which leads to the cordillera. There he learned that General Villafane was going back to join Facundo, and openly announced his intention of killing him. The emigrants, who knew what these words meant coming from Na- varro, left the neighborhood, after trying in vain to dissuade him from his purpose. Villafane was warned beforehand, and asked protection from the public au- thorities, who gave him some militia, by whom he was abandoned as soon as they learned what was the trou- ble. But Villafane was well armed, and accompanied by six natives of Rioja. Just as he was passing through Guanda, Navarro appeared before him, with only a brook between them, gravely declared his intention, and then returned quietly into the house where he was breakfasting. That night Villafane was so imprudent as to lodge at Tilo, a place only about four leagues off. In 'the night Navarro armed himself and took with him Y VILLAFAtfE. 195 a company of nine men, whom he left at a convenient place near Tilo. He then approached by moonlight, entered the court-yard, and called out to Villafane, who was sleeping with his men in the corridor, " Villafane, arise ! those who have enemies should not sleep." Vil- lafane seized his lance, but Navarro attacking him with his sword, ran him through the body. He then fired off a pistol, the signal agreed upon with his companions, who came up and falling upon Villafane's men, killed or dispersed them. They then took horses and equip- ments and set out for the Argentine Republic to join the army. Mistaking the road, they found themselves after a while at Rio Quarto, where they encountered Colonel Echevarria, who was pursued by enemies. Na- varro hastened to his aid, and the horse of his friend falling at that moment, begged him to get up behind himself; but Echevarria would not consent, and Na- varro, determined not to fly without him, dismounted, shot his own horse, and both men soon shared the same fate. It was three years before his family knew what had become of him, the story being told by the men who had killed him, and who, by way of proof, dug up the skeletons of the two friends. During Major Navarro's short absence, events had taken place which entirely changed the condition of public affairs. The famous capture of General Paz^ who was caught at the head of his army by a lasso, decided the fate of the Republic. It may be said that the constitution failed to be established at that time through a singular accident ; for Paz with an army of*" four thousand trained men, and a wisely arranged plair of operations, was sure of conquering the army of Bue- 196 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. nos Ay res. Those who have since seen him triumph- ing in every direction, can judge if he was very pre- suming to take this conquest for granted. We might chime in with the moralists who so often attribute the fall of empires to the merest accidents ; but if it was an accident to catch a great general with a lasso, it was not accidental that the men who did it should have used such means, being as they were of true gaucho nature, though converted into a political element. Facundo, having so cruelly revenged the death of General Villafane, marched upon San Juan to prepare f an expedition against Tucuman, where the army had / retired after the loss of its general had destroyed all hope of accomplishing anything. On his arrival, all the Federal citizens went out to receive him as they ! had done in 1827 ; but Facundo was not fond of repe- titions. He therefore sent one company in advance of the assembled citizens, and another behind them ; then entered the city himself by a different route, leaving his officious hosts prisoners in the street, where they passed the whole day and night, lying down among the horses' feet if overpowered with sleep. When he reached the public square, he stopped his carriage, put an end to the noise of the bells, and or- dered all the furniture of the house provided for him by the city, to be thrown into the street, carpets, cur- tains, chairs, tables, mirrors, all heaped in confusion in the middle of the square ; nor would he go in until sure that nothing remained but the bare walls, a little table, a single chair, and a bed. While this was going on, he called a child who was passing by his carriage, and asked him what his name was, and when he an- FACUNDO'S DISCIPLINE. 197 swered " Roza," said, " Your father, Don Ignacio Roza, was a great man ; give my compliments to your mother." The next day a bench was prepared for the shooting of his usual victims. Who were they to be this time? The Unitarios had fled in great numbers, and many timid people not Unitarios. But Facundo began ,to impose contributions upon the women whose husbands, fathers, or brothers were absent, and the results were quite satisfactory, and accompanied by the usual cir- cumstances, sobs and cries of women threatened with the lash, some actually whipped, two or three men shot, one lady compelled to cook for the soldiers, and other nameless outrages. There was one especial day of horror to be remembered ; it was when Facundo was about to depart for Tucuman ; the divisions were filing off one after another, and the muleteers were taking care of the baggage, when a mule broke loose, and in trying to get away ran into the church of Santa Anna. Facundo ordered them to catch it ; the mule- teer went in for this purpose, and at the same moment an officer, by command of Quiroga, entered on horse- back, tied both man and mule, and brought them bound together, the unfortunate muleteer suifering from the kicks of the animal. Just then it appeared that some- thing was not quite ready for the departure, and Fa- cundo ordered the negligent authorities before him. His Excellency the Governor and Captain General of the Province received a buffet, the chief of police nar- rowly escaped a bullet as he ran, and all reached their offices as quickly as possible to give the neglected orders. 198 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. I A little later, Facundo, seeing an officer strike two ' soldiers who were fighting, with the flat of his sword, called him up and attacked him with his lance ; the officer used his own for the defense of his life, and presently disarmed Quiroga, whose lance he Jhen picked up and returned respectfully. Quiroga again attacked him ; there was another encounter, and. he was again disarmed. He then called six men, had the officer seized, and stretched across the window-frame with his hands and feet tied fast, and ran him through with a lance again and again, until life was entirely extinct. His rage was without bounds ; General Hu- idobro, his second, was also threatened with his lance, and prepared to defend his life. And yet Facundo was not cruel or blood-thirsty in comparison with other barbarians ; he was only a bar- barian, who did not know how to restrain his passions, and these once aroused were without limit, without restraint; he was a terrorist who, on entering a city, shoots one, and perhaps lashes another, but for *a . reason. The person shot is blind, or paralyzed ; the unhappy victim of the lash is a respectable citizen, a young man of one of the first families. His brutalities to women come from a want of delicacy ; the humilia- tions imposed upon the citizens from the coarse desire to ill-treat and to mortify the self-respect of those by whom he feels himself to be despised. It is the same motive which makes terror a means of government. What would Rosas have done without it in a society like that of Buenos Ayres ? How else could he have commanded from an intelligent people that respect which they never willingly show for persons who are TERROR A POWER. - 199 in themselves low and contemptible ? It is incredible' what an accumulation of atrocities is necessary to per- vert a people, and nobody knows the amount of close < observation and sagacity employed by Don Manuel Rosas in order to subject the city to that magical influ- * ence which destroyed in six years all knowledge of the just and the good ; which broke the bravest spirits and . put them under the yoke. Terror in France in 1793 was an effect and not a x means. Robespierre did not guillotine nobles and priests to create a reputation, nor to elevate himself upon the heaps of the slain. He was a stern man, who believed that he must remove from France all her aristocratic members to insure the object of the rebel- lion. " Our names," said Dan ton, " will be execrated by posterity, but we shall have saved the Republic." With us, terror is a method of government invented to crush out knowledge, and force men to recognize as a thinking head, the feet which are upon their necks ; it is the compensation an ignorant man in power takes for the contempt which he knows his insignificance inspires in a people infinitely superior to him. This is why we have in our times a repetition of the extrava- gances of Caligula, who caused himself to be wor- shipped as a god, and associated his horse with him in the government. Caligula knew that he was the very* lowest of those Romans whom he nevertheless held under his foot. Rosas caused his sacred likeness to be placed in the churches, and borne through the streets* . on a car, to which were harnessed officers and evn ladies, for the purpose of giving celebrity to his name. But Facundo was only cruel when in a passion. His. 200 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. deliberate acts were limited to shooting or lashing a man. Rosas, on the contrary, was never in a passion. He made his plans in his closet, and gave his orders to his emissaries. CHAPTER XII. SOCIAL WAR. " Les habitarits de Tucuman finissent leurs journees par reunions champltres, ou, a 1'ombre de beaux arbres, ils improvisent, au son d'une guitare rustique, des chants alternatifs dans le genre de ceux que Th6ocrite et Virgile ont embellis. Tout, jusqu' aux prenoms grecs, rappelle au voyageur etonne 1'antique Arcadie." Malte-Brun. CIUDADELA. THE expedition departed, and the people of San Juan breathed once more as if awakening from a horrible nightmare. Facundo displayed in this campaign a spirit of order and a rapidity of march which showed how much he had learned from past disasters. In twenty-four days he passed over with his army about three hundred leagues ; so that he came near surprising some squadrons of the enemy which only became aware of his approach when he took up his quarters at Ciuda- dela, an old encampment of the patriot armies under Belgrano. It would be inconceivable how such an army as that commanded by Madrid, at Tucuman, with brave officers and experienced soldiers, could be conquered, if moral causes and prejudices against strat- egy did not solve the enigma. General Madrid, commander-in-chief, had under him Colonel Lopez, a provincial leader from Tucuman, who was personally opposed to him ; and, besides that, a retreat demoralizes troops. General Madrid was not the man to govern inferior officers. The army went into 202 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. battle half-federal and half-montonero in spirit, while that of Facundo had the unity produced by terror andi obedience to a leader who is not a cause but a person,! and who on this account overcomes free-will and de- stroys individuality. Rosas triumphed over his enemies by that power, which made all his satellites passive in- struments and blind executors of his supreme will. The evening before the battle, Colonel Balmaceda asked of the general-in-chief permission to make the first charge. If it had been allowable for a battle to begin with a cavalry charge, or for an inferior officer to take the liberty of suggesting it, the battle would have been gained ; for nothing in Brazil or the Argen- tine Republic had ever been able to withstand the charges of the second regiment of cuirassiers. The General acceded to the demand of the commander of the second ; but Colonel Lopez declared that this would take away some of his best men ; for to him the select troops had been given in charge, which, according to rule, form the reserve ; therefore the general-in-chief, not having sufficient authority to stop these disputes, sent back to the reserve the invincible battalion, and the brave officer commanding it. Facundo deployed his men at such a distance as to shelter them from the infantry commanded by Barcala, and to weaken the effect of eight pieces of artillery directed by the intelligent Arengreen. Could Quiroga have foreseen what his enemies were first doing ? In a previous battle he had shot his own victorious officer for not pursuing with an inferior force the defeated enemy. From one end to the other of Quiroga's line the TUCUMAN. 203 soldiers trembled with terror, not of the enemy, butu of their chief, who walked up and down behind the line, brandishing his lance. They could only hope to escape from this oppressive terror by throwing them- selves upon the enemy. They rushed forward, broke the line of bayonets merely to put something between them and the image of Facundo, which pursued them like a phantom. Thus on one side reigned terror, and on the other anarchy. At the first attempt to charge, the cavalry of Madrid gave way, the reserve followed, and there only remained five officers, with the artillery, whose discharges became fainter and fainter, and the infantry, which rushed to a hand-in-hand fight with the enemy. But why say more ? The victor should give the details of a battle. Consternation reigned in Tucuman ; immense num- bers emigrated, for this was Facundo's third visit. The following day a contribution was levied. Quiroga, knowing that there were valuables hidden in a church, questioned the sacristan, who, being a silly fellow, an- swered with a laugh, for which he was shot on the spot. The chests of the general were soon filled with gold ; therefore it is not strange that the guardian of San Francisco and the priest Colombres, were the next victims of the lash. Facundo then visited the prison- ers, counted out the officers, and retired to rest after his fatigue, leaving orders for them to be shot. Tucuman is a tropical country, where Nature has displayed its greatest pomp ; it is the Eden of Amer- ica, and without a rival on the surface of the earth. Imagine the Andes covered with a most luxuriant vegetation, from which escape twelve rivers at equal 204 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. distances, flowing parallel to each other, until they converge and form a navigable stream, which reaches to the heart of South America. The country watered by these branches comprises more than fifty leagues. Primeval forests cover the surface, and unite the gor- geousness of India with the beauties of Greece. The walnut interlaces its long branches with the mahogany and ebony ; the cedar and the classic laurel grow side by side, and beneath these the myrtle con- secrated to Venus ; still leaving space for the fragrant spikenard and the white lily. A belt of odoriferous cedar allows a passage through the forest, which is everywhere else impassable because of the thick and thorny rose-bushes. The old trunks are covered with various species of flowering mosses, and the bindweed and other vines festoon and entwine all these different trees. Over all this vegetation, which defies the brush of fancy in combination and richness of coloring, fly myri- ads of golden butterflies, brilliant humming-birds, green parrots, blue magpies, and orange-colored toucans. The sound of these noisy birds greets one all day long like the roar of a cataract. Major Andrews, an English traveller, who has de- voted many pages to the description of these beauties, relates that he used to go out every morning to enjoy the sight of this magnificent vegetation, and that he often penetrated far into the thick, aromatic forests, so enraptured that only after his return home did he know that his clothes were torn, and his face scratched and bleeding. The city is surrounded for many leagues by a forest of orange-trees, rounded to about the same TUCUMAN. 205 height, so as to form a vast canopy supported by millions of smooth columns. The rays of the torrid sun have never shone upon the scenes which are enacted under this immense roof. The young girls of Tucuman pass the Sundays there, each group choosing a convenient place. According to the season, they gather fruit or scatter blossoms under the feet of the dancers, who are intoxicated with the rich perfume and the melodious sounds of the guitar. Perhaps one might believe this description to be taken from the " Thousand and One Nights," or other Eastern fairy tale ; but I cannot half describe the voluptuous beauty of these damsels, daugh- ters of the tropics, as they recline for their siesta beneath the shade of the myrtles and laurels, enjoying such odors as would bring asphyxia upon one unaccustomed to the atmosphere. Facundo went into one of these recesses formed by shady branches, perhaps to consider what he should do to the poor city fallen into his hands, like a squirrel into the paw of a lion. Presently a deputation of young girls, radiant with youth and beauty, approached the place where Facundo was lying upon his poncho. The bravest and most eager led the way, hesitating from time to time. Those who followed urged her forward; then all paused, seized with fear. They glanced at one another for encouragement ; then, ad- vancing timidly, stood before him. Facundo received them kindly, made them sit down around him, and asked the object of their visit. They came to beg for the lives of the officers who were to be shot. Sobs, smiles, all the little fascinations of women were put in requisition to obtain their charitable end. Facundo 206 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. seemed deeply interested, and smiled benignantly ; he wished to hear from each one, of their families, their homes, a thousand details which seemed to please him ; and thus passed an hour of expectation and hope. At last he said to them, with the greatest complacency, " Do you hear those guns ? It is too late : they are v, shot." -A cry of horror arose, like that which escapes from a flock of doves pursued by a falcon. They had indeed been shot and how ? Thirty-three officers, from the rank of colonel upwards, received the fatal balls* entirely naked. Two brothers, sons of one of the first families of Buenos Ayers, embraced each other at the last moment, so that the body of one prevented the ball from reaching the other. The latter cried, " I am saved." A mistake, unfortunate one ! How much he would have given to live. While confessing, he had taken a ring from his mouth, where it was concealed, and had charged the priest to give it to his betrothed ; /.who, on receiving it, lost her reason, and never again recovered it. The cavalry took charge of the corpses, and dragged them to the cemetery ; so that bits of brain, arms, and legs remained on the square of Tucuman, and served as food for the dogs. How many victories are thus tarnished ! Don Juan Manuel Rosas had killed in the same manner and almost at the same time, at St. Nicholas de los Arroyos, twenty-eight officers, not to speak of more than a hundred assassinations. If anything can ' add to these horrors, it is the fate of Colonel Arraya, the father of eight children, and a prisoner, witk three lance wounds in his shoulder. He was forced to enter TUCUMAN. 207 Tucuman on foot, naked, bleeding, and loaded with eight guns. Exhausted with fatigue, a bed was allowed him in a private house. At the hour appointed for his execution, which was to take place on the public square, some musketeers forced their way into the house and pierced him with balls in his bed ; leaving him to die in the flames of the burning sheets. Colonel Barcala, the celebrated negro, was the only chief saved from this butchery. He was the ruling spirit of Cordova and Mendoza, and the civic guard idolized him. He was an instrument that they migh^ preserve for the future. On the following day a process was commenced throughout the city, called sequestration. It consisted in placing sentinels at the doors of all the shops, ware- houses, leather and tobacco stores, tanneries, indeed everywhere, for there were no Federals. Federalism is a plant which grew there only after the soil was " three times watered with blood by Quiroga, and once ; more by Oribe. Now it is said there are some Federals, as is proved by their ribbon, upon which is written, " Death to the savage Unitarios." All movable property^^iML thejflocksjiid herds, were claimed by Facundo. Two hundred and fifty carts^ each loaded with sixteen beeves, were sent to Buenos Ayres. The European goods were gathered to be sold at auction by the commanders. Everything was " offered for a low price. Facundo himself sold shirts,, women's skirts, and children's clothes, unfolding and showing them to the crowd; any bid was received ;> the sale was soon finished ; the affair was a success, the crowd was dense. 208 LIFE IN THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. After a few days, however, purchasers were scarce, and embroidered handkerchiefs were offered in vain for four reales there was nobody to buy. What had happened ? Did the people repent ? Not at all ; but there was no longer any money in circulation. The contributions on one hand, sequestration on the other, the auction finally, had taken the last medio in the province. If indeed a few still remained in the hands of the officials, the gaming-table emptied their purses. Leather bags filled with money were piled in front of the general's house, and remained there all night un- guarded ; for the passers-by did not even dare to look at them. And yet the city had not been abandoned to pillage, nor had the soldiers had that immense booty. Quiro- ga used to say to his friends in Buenos Ayres that he never permitted his men to pillage, because of the im- morality of the thing. A farmer once complained to him that some soldiers had stolen his fruit, and order- ing the regiment before him, he discovered the guilty ones, who each received six hundred lashes ; the terri- fied old man begged that the victims might be spared, and was threatened with a share of the punishment. This is the gaucho nature : he kills because his leader commands him to kill, and does not steal because he is not commanded to steal. It might seem strange that' these men should not rebel and throw off the dominion 'of one who gave them nothing in exchange for their valor or their lives, did we not know from Don Juan Manuel Rosas how much terror can do, not only with the poor gaucho, but with the illustrious general and the proud, wealthy citizen. As I have already said,' terror produces greater results than patriotism. FACUNDO'S CRUELTY. 209 A colonel of the army of Chili, Don Manuel Grego- rio Quiroga, Federal ex-governor of San Juan, and, at that time, a major-general in Quiroga's army, perceived that this booty of half a million was destined for the general alone, who would not hesitate to box the ears of an officer for keeping a few reales from the sale of a handkerchief. He therefore conceived the idea of ob- taining his pay by abstracting several valuable rings from the general stock. But Facundo found out the theft, and had him tied to a post to be publicly humili- ated ; and when the army returned to San Juan, the major-general went on foot over almost impassable ground yoked with a bull. The companion of the bull expired at Catamarca without attracting any notice.. At another time Facundo, having found out that a young man by the name of Rodriguez, of high standing in Tucuman, had received letters from the exiles, had him arrested, conducted him to the square himself, tied him up, and ordered him to receive six hundred lashes. But the soldiers did not administer the pun- ishment skillfully enough, and Quiroga took the leather straps used for the purpose, and swinging them through the air with his mighty arm, gave fifty lashes by way of example. At the end of the performance he him- self poured salt water over the back, and picked off the bits of skin from the wounds. This done, he went home and read the intercepted letters, in which were messages from husbands to wives, charges not to be uneasy about them, together with receipted bills for merchants, etc., but not a word of politics. Quiroga then asked for Rodriguez, but hearing that he was dying, sat