Features of Mr. Jay's Treaty Alexander James Dallas UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES ROBERT ERNEST COWAN FEATURES ,OF Mr. JATs TREATY. TO WHICH IS ANNEXED A View of the Commerce of the UNITED STATES, AS IT STANDS AT PRESENT, AND AS IT IS FIXED BY Mr. JAT's TREATT. ; PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED FOR MATHEW CAREY, BY LANG & USTICK. J 795- ~ "3. CONTENTS. I. The origin and progrefs of the negotiation for the Treaty , are not calculated to excite confidence 5 II. Nothing is fettled by the Treaty 8 III. The Treaty contains a colourable, but no real Reciprojity itj. IV. The Treaty is an injlrument of Party It V. The Treaty is a violation of the general principles of neutrality, and is in colltfion with the pojitme previous engagements which fubjifl between America and France 14 VI. The Treaty with Great Britain is calculated to injure the United States, in the friendjhip and favour of other foreign nations 1 9 VII. The Treaty with Great Britain is impolitic and pernicious, in refpetl to the dome/lie interejls and happinefs of the United States 2 1 VIII. The Britifh Treaty and the Conjiitution of the United States, are at war with each other 26 VIEW of the commerce of the United States, as itjlands at prefent, and as it is fxed by Mr. Jay's Treaty 4$ Si-s [FROM THE AMERICAN DAILY ADTERTISER.] Meflrs. Dunlap & Claypoole, THE following Sketch of " The Features of Mr. Jay's Treaty," was made, originally, with a view to af cert am, for private fatisfaHion, the principles and operation of an Injlrument, which has excited fitch txtenfive curi'fity, and is calculated to produce fuch important effeds. It is publifbed, however, at the injtance of feveral perfons, who think that the fuljeS Jhould le placed in every pojjible light ; and that no citizen can be jujlifed at this crips, in fupprej/ing his opi- nions, or in withholding his Jhare of information from the common Jlock. But while it is committed to theprefs, I wi/b it to be con- Jidered merely as a text, which may hereafter be extended by com- mentary, or explained by ilhiftrntion ; and though it will give me pleafure (fince my fole olyefl on this occajion is the invejligation of polit'ual truth) to fee it become a fourct of candid animadverfion, / trujl it will not, according to the cujlom of contending parties, be regarded as an injlrument of faQ'ion, nor be made the foundation f Jlander and abuf*. FEATURES O F Mr. jfay's Treaty. I. The origin and progrefs of the negotiation for the Treaty, are not calculated to excite confidence. I. r I ^HE adminiftration of our government have, feemingly at leaft, manifefted a policy favourable to Great Britain, and adverfe to France. 2. But the houfe of reprefentatives of Congrefs, imprefTed with the general ill conduct of Great Britain towards America, were adopting meafures, of a mild, though retaliating nature, to obtain redrefs and indemnification. The injuries complained of were, prin- cipally, I ft. The detention of the weftern polls 2dly. The delay in compenfating for the negroes carried off at the clofe of the war and 3dly, The fpoliations committed on our commerce. The reme- dies propofed, were, principally, ift. The commercial regulations of Mr. Madifon adly. The non-intercourfe propofhion of Mr. Clarke 3dly. The fequeftration motion of Mr. Dayton 4thly. AH embargo and 5thly, Military preparation. 3. Every plan of the legifiature was, however, fufpended, or ra- ther annihilated, by the interpofition of the executive authority ; and Mr. Jay, the chief Juftice of the United States, was taken from his judicial ieat, to negociate with Great Britain, under the influece of 6 FEATURES OF the prevailing fentiment of the people, for the redrefs of our wrongs. Query Are not his commiffion and the execution ot it, at variance? Is any one of our wrongs actually redrefled ? Is not an atonement to Great Britain, for the injuries which me pretends to have fuffered, a preliminary ftipulation ? 4. The political dogma of Mr. Jay are well known ; his predi- lection, in relation to France and Great Britain, has not been dif- guifcd ; and even on the topic of American complaints, his reports, while in the office of fccretary for foreign affairs, and his adjudications while in the office of chief juitice, were not calculated to point him out as the fingle citizen of America, fitted for the fervice in which he was employed. Query Do not perfonal feelings too often dic- tate and govern the public conduct of minifters ? But whatever may have been his perfonal difqualifications, they are abforbed in the more important confideration of the apparent violence committed by Mr. Jay's appointment, on the eflential principles of the conftimtion. That topic, however, has already been difcurTed, and we may pafs to the manner of negociating the treaty in England, which was at once obfcure and illufory. We heard of Mr. Jay's diplomatic ho- nours ; of die royal and miniiterial courtefy which was ftiewn to him, and of the convivial boards to which he was invited : but, no more ! Mr. Jay, enveloped by a dangerous confidence in the intuitive facul- ties of his own mind, or the inexhauftible fund of his diplomatic in- formation, neither poflefled nor wifhed for external aid ; while the Britifh negociator, befides his own acquirements, entered on the points of negociation, fraught with all the auxiliary fagacity of his brother miniUers, and with all the practical knowledge of the moft enlightened merchants of a commercial nation. The refult corre- Iponds with that inaufpicious Itate of things. Mr. Jay was driven from the ground of an injured, to the ground of an agreffing, party ; he made atonement for imaginary wrongs, before he was allowed jufHce for real ones ; he converted the rcfeniments of the American citizens (under the impreflions of which he was avowedly fent to England) into amity and cuncwd ; and fcems to have been fo anxious lo met a commercial chain about the neck of America, that he even lorgot, or difregardtd, a principal item of her own produce, (cotton) in order to make a k erping laci ifice to the infatiable appetite of his maritime antagonifh But the idea of the treaty, given by Mr. Pitt in anfwer to Mr. Fox, who, before he had feen, applauded it as an aft of liberality and julHce towards America, was the firft autho- j native alarm to our intercfts and our feelings. " When the treaty is laid before the parliament (laid the miniiter) you will beft judge whether any improper conceffion has been made to America !" The treaty being fent here for ratification, the Prefident and enate purfue the myrterious plan in which it was negociated. It 5 been intimated, that till die meeting of the fenate, the inftru- ment was not communicated even to the moft confidential officers of ie government : and the firft refolution taken by the fenate, was to P the hps iipd wu-j gf us members agaioft every poffibility of giving MR. JAY's TREATY. 7 r receiving information. Every man, like Mr. Jay, was prefumed to be infpired. In the courfe of the difcuflion, however, fome oc- currences flafhed from beneath the veil of fecrecy ; and it is conjec- tured that the whole treaty was, at one time, in jeopardy. But the rhetoric of aminifler (not remarkable for the volubility of his tongue} who was brought poft-hafte from the country ; the danger of expofing to odium and difgrace the diftinguifhed American characters, who would be affected by a total rejection of the treaty ; and the feeble, but operative, vote of a member tranfported from the languor and imbecility of a fick room, to decide in the fenate a great national queftion, whofe merits he had not heard difcuffed ; triumphed over principle, argument and decorum ! 6. But ftill the treaty remains unratified ; for, unlefs the Britifh government mail affent to fufpend the obnoxious twelfth article, (ia favour of which, however, many patriotic members declared their readinefs to vote) the whole is deftroyed by the terms of the ratifi- cation : and if the Britifli government lhall agree to add an article allowing the fufpenfion, the whole muft return for the reconfidera- tion of the fenate. But the forms of myftery are ftill preferred by Our government ; and attempts to deceive the people have been made abroad, upon a vain prefumption, that the treaty could remain afecrct, till it became obligatory as a law. For inftance, in Fenno's paper of the 25th of June, it is unequi- vocally declared, " the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, was ratified yeflerday by the Senate of the United States ; and, even while he corrects that miftake in the paper of the following day, he commits an error or" a more extraordinary kind (particularly when we confidcr that he is the confidential perfon, who printed the treaty for the ufe of the fenate) by averting, that in the twelfth article, " the United States are prohibited from exporting to Europe from the faid ftates, fugar, coffee, cotton and cocoa, the produce of any of the Weft India ijlands." The fact muft have been known to Mr. Fen no, that the prohibition operates univerfally ; whether the prohibited ar- ticles are the produce of the Weft India iflands, of the Eaft Indies, of the United States, or of any other part of the world. The next eflay to render the envelopements of the treaty ftill more opaque, ap- peared in the American Daily Advertifer, of the 2yth of June. The writer (who is faid to be a member of the Senate) likevviie re- gards the ratification, in his introduction, as a perfect one ; and al- ter giving a glofs to the general texture of the treaty, he afcribcs the obnoxious principle of the twelfth article, to an error which, it appears, has been inadvertently introduced. An error inadvertently introduced into an inftrument, which was under the confideration of the chief juftice of the United States, and the Britim miililler, f? a term of eight months ! and introduced too, into a part of that very article, which is made the fole foundation of the whole commercial fuperftruc- ture ! ! Whenever the twelfth article ceafes, the treaty declares every other article, except the ten firft articles, (hall alfo ceafe ! But the author of that iketch proceeds one ftep further he fays, " that s FEATURES OF every cauft of offence or coll'ifion towards the French, feems to hare been ftudioufly avoided, in the progrefs of the negociation ;" for, no article of the treaty clajbes in the fmallejl degree, with the obliga- tions and engagements contracted with that gallant nation !' Let the treaty fpeak for itfelf it is more to be hoped than expefted, that the Toice of France mould not likewife be heard in oppofition to fo bold n aflertion. II. Nothing is fettled by the Treaty. 1 . The weftern pods are to be given up. 2. The northern boundary of the United States is to be amicably fettled. 3. The river meant by St. Croix river in the treaty, is to be fettled. 4. The payment for fpoliations is to be adjujled and made. 5. The ultimate regulation of the Weft India trade is to depend on a negotiation to be made in the courfe of two years after the termi- nation of the exifting war. 6. The queftion of neutral bottoms making neutral goods is to be confiJercd at the fame time. 7. The articles that may be deemed contraband, are to be fettled at the fame time. 8. The equalization of duties laid by the contracting parties on one another, is to be hereafter treated of. 9. All the commercial articles depend on the exiftence of the twelfth article, which may continue twelve years, if it is fo agreed within two years after the expiration of the war ; but if it is not fo agreed, it expires, and with it all the dependent parts of the treaty. Query Does not the Senate's fufpenfion of the twelfth article bring us to the fame ground ? I o. The whole bufmefs of Mr. Jay's negociation is left open by the twenty -eighth article, for alteration, amendment and addition, by new articles, which, when agreed upon and ratified, Jhall become a part of this treaty. Query Does not the hiftory of treaties prove, that whenever comrrriflioners have been appointed by the parties, to take all the fub- jects of their difpute ad referendum, for the fake of getting rid of an immediate pre/Ture, and patching up a peace, the matter terminates ia treating, not in fettling differences ? III. The Treaty contains a colourable, but no real, Reciprocity. i. The fecond article provides for the furrender of the weftern ports in June, 1796; but it ftip;ilates, that in the meantime, the citizens of the United States (hall not fettle within the precincts and jurifdiftion of thofe polls ; that the Britifh fettlers there mail hold fend enjoy all their property of every kind, real and perfonal ; and that, when the potts are furrendered, fuch ftttlers fliall have an MR. JAY's TREATY. 9 ither to remain Britim fubjects, or to become American citizens. Query Were not the weftern ports, and all their precincts and ju- rifdiction, the abfolute property of the United States by the treaty of peace ? Query What equivalent is given for this ceffion of the terri- tory of the United States to a foreign power ? Query How far do the precincts and jurifdiction of the ports extend ? Query Dos not the treaty give an implied afTent to major Campbell's claim, by adopt- ing its language, as far as the falls of the Miami, and to the northern claim upon the territories of New-York and Vermont ? 2. The third article ftipulates that the two contracting parties may frequent the ports of either party -, on the eaftern banks of the Miffif- fippi. Query What ports has Great Britain on the ealtern banks of the MilEflippi ? 3. The third article likewife opens an amicable intercourfe on the lakes ; but excludes us from their fea-ports, and the limits of the Hudfon's bay company ; and excludes them from navigating our Atlantic rivers, higher than the higheft port of entry in each. Query What are the limits of the Hudfon's bay company ? Query What equivalent do the United States obtain for the general freedom of navigation, portage and paflage ? For it muft be remembered, that the Britim rivers penetrate the heart of the country, but of thofe we can take no advantage ; while Great Britain is in fact admitted to all the advantages of which our Atkntic rivers are fufceptible. 4. The fixth and feventh articles provide for fatisfying every demand which Great Britain has been able, at anv time, to make againft the United States (the payment of the Britim debts due be- fore the war, and the indemnification for veffels captured within our territorial jurifdiction ) but the provifion made for the American claims upon Great Britain, is not equally explicit or efficient in its terms, nor is it co-extenfive with the object. Query Why is the demand for the negroes, carried off by the Britim troops, fupprefTed, waved, or abondoned ? The preamble to the treaty recites an inten- tion to terminate the differences between the nations : was not the affair of the negroes a difference between the nations ? and how has it been terminated ? 5. The ninth article ftipulates, that the fubjecls of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States, reflectively, who now hold lands within the territories of either nation, mail hold the lands in, the fame manner as natives do. Query What is the relative pro- portion of lands fo held ? Query The effect to revive the claims of Britifh fubjects, who, either as traitors or aliens, have forfeited their property within the refpective ftates ? Query The operation of fuch a compact on the internal policy of the union, combined with the folemn recognition of a colony of Britim fubjects, profefling and owing allegiance to the Britim crown, though fettled within the ac- knowledged territory of the United States, by virtue of the fecond article ? 6. The tenth article declares, that neither party fhall fequefler or confifcate the debts or property in the funds, &c. belonging to the I0 FEATURES OF citizens of the other, in cafe of a war, or of national differences. Great Britain has fleets and armies ; America has none. Query- Does not this, fupported by other provifions, which forbid our chang- ing the commercial fituation of Great Britain, or impofmg higher duties on her than cm other nations, deprive the United States of their bed means of retaliation and coercion ? Query Is it not taking from America her only weapon of defence ; but from Great Britain the leall of two weapons which me poflefles ? What is the relative proportion held by the citizens of the contracting nations, refpecliveiy, in the funds, &c. of each other. 7. The twelfth article opens to our veflels, not exceeding feventy tons, an intercourfe with the Britim Weft India iilands, during the prefent war, and for two years after : but it prohibits our exporting from the United States, melafles, fugar, cocoa, coffee, or cotton, to any part of the world, whether thofe articles are brought from Britifh, French, or Spanilh iflands, or even raifed (as cotton is) within our own territory. Query Are veflels of feventy tons equal to maintain the mod bench'cial part of our trade with the Weft Indies, the tranfportation of lumber, Sec.? Query Do we not, in the time ofivar (and the continuance of the privelege, for more than two years after the war depends on the fituation in which his majefty of Great Britain lhall then find himfelf in relation to the ifiands) enjoy a greater pri- vilege, under the temporal y proclamations of the colonial governors, than this article admits ? Query Have not the articles which we are prohibited from exporting, formed, of late, a valuable part of our trade ? Is not cocoa chiefly cultivated by the Spaniards ? Is not cotton a daple of America ? Is our own own confumption equal to our importation or growth of the prohibited articles ? Will not the want of a vent for any furplus quantity, affect the other branches of our commerce, diminifli the demand for fhip building, and injure our agriculture ? If we are now thrown out of this branch of the car- rying trade, (hall we be ever able to recover it ? and, in fhort, will not the lofs be of lading detriment to all our maritime exertions ? 8. The thirteenth article admits us to trade in the Britim fettle- men ts in the Ead Indies : but it excludes us from any mare in the coading trade of that country ; it forbids our penetrating the interior ot the country, or holding an intercourfe with the natives, unlefs under a licenfe from the local Britim government ; and it compels us to land all the articles that are there {hipped, in the United States. Is not China the independent territory of the emperor . ? Is not Canton an open port acceilible to all nations ? Do we not obtain there, and at independent places in the Ead Indies with which we have, at prefcnt, an uninterrupted communication, tea, porcelain, nankeens, {ilk, &c. upon the principles of a free trade ? Does net a very advantageous part of the trade in that quarter of the globe, confid in the exchange of the products and manufactures of the Ead Indies for thofe of China, and vice verfa? Do not our importations of Ead India goods far exceed our confumption ? Is not the trade vhieh we carry on with thofe goods in Europe, highly beneficial i MR. JAY's TREATY. 1 1 Are not fugar and coffee a part of our importations from India, and does not the 1 2th article prohibit our re-exporting them ? Does our trade to Europe, founded on the previous intercourfe with India, depend on the Britifh licence ; and can it be maintained, under the difadvantage cf a double voyage ? Are we not, every voyage, making favourable impreflions on the natives of China ? Do we not partici- pate, at prefent, in the carrying trade of that country ? Does not our interelt in it increafe rapidly ! 9. The feveral articles that regulate the rights and priveleges of die contracting parties within their respective territories, in cafe either of them is engaged in a war, may ceafe in two years after the prefent war is terminated, and cannot be protracted beyond twelve years. Query Are not all thefe advantages, in effect, exclufively favoura- ble to Great Britain, a principal maritime power of Europe ; often engaged in wars ; and interefted to obtain for her mips, her colonies, and herfelf, the ports and fupplies of this extenfive continent ? Is it probable that, during the longeft poffible exigence of this treaty (twelve years) America will be engaged in maritime wars, will want Englifh ports as a refuge for men of war, or as a retreat for prizes ? Or that it will, during that period, be of importance ta her objects, to prevent her enemies from arming in Englifii ports, or felling their prizes there ? i o. The twenty-fecond article provides for fhips of war being hof- pitably treated in the ports of the refpective contracting parties ; and that officers (hall be treated with the refpeet that is due to the corn- millions which they bear. Query Could not the principle of reci- procity, as well as humanity, fugged to Mr. Jay, that fome provi^ fion Jhould be made to protect our citizen failors from the fangs of Britilh prefs-gangs in England ; and from the horrors of their prifon-iliips in the Weft Indies ? Were the commilTions of his Bri- tannic majefty of more regard than the liberties of American freemen ? Or, was it unknown, that thouiands of our failors have been occafion- aliy enflaved by the invprefs tyranny of the Britifh government ? Or, that thoufands have loft their lives in noxious prifons, while their veffels were carried into Britiih ports for " LEGAL ADJUDI- CATION ?" n. The fourteenth article provides fcr a perfect liberty of com- merce and navigation, and for the accommodation of traders ; but fubject always to the laws and ftatutes of the two countries refpectivcly : Query Arc not the laws and fbitutes of England infinitely more rigid, on the Subjects of this article, than the Uws and ihituies or America ? IV. The Treaty is an Injlrument cf Party, I. The difcuilions, duiing the fefiion of Congrefs in which Mr. Juy's miflion was projected, evinced the exigence of two panics, upon the question, whether it was more our intereft to be Allied with the repub- lic of France, than with the mooarchy of Great Briuio. Query-Docs I2 FEATURES OF not the general complexion of the treaty decide the queftion in favour of the alliance with Great Britain ? Query Whether that com- plexion does not manifeiUy arife from the provifions, for admitting a Britifh colony within our territory, in the neighbourhood of the weftern pofts ; for admitting the whole Britifh nation, without an equivalent, into a participation of our territory on the eaftern bank of the Miffiffippi ; for naturalizing all the holders of lands ; for opening a general intercourfe with their traders on the lakes, in the interior of our country, rendering (as it is idly faid) the local advantages of each party common to both ; for regulating the external trade of the two nations with each other ; for admitting citizens to be punifhed as pirates, who take commiflions, &c. from a belligerent power, adverfe to either contrafling party ; for fettering the operations of our treaty with France ; for furrendering criminals, &c. &c. &c. 2. The meafures propofed by one party to retaliate the injuries offered by Great Britain to our territorial, commercial and politi- cal rights, were oppofed by the other, precifely as the treaty oppofes them. For inilance : ( I . ) Mr. Madifon projects a regulation of our commerce with Great Britain, by which the hoftile fpirit of that nation, might be controuled on the footing of its intereft. The treaty legitimifes the oppofition, which was given to the meafure in Congrefs, by declaring in article fifteen, " that no other or higher duties fliall be paid by the (hips or merchandife of the one party, in the ports of the other, than fuch as are paid by the like vefl'els or merchandife of all other nations ; nor (hall any other or higher duty be impofed in one coun- try on the importation of any articles of the growth, produce, or manufactures of the other, than are, or fliall be, payable on the im- portation of the like articles of the growth, &c. of any foreign country. (2.) Mr. Clarke propofes to manifeft and enforce the public re- fentment, by prohibiting all intercourfe between the two nations. The treaty deitroys the very right to attempt thatfpecies of national enunciation, by declaring in the fame article, that no prohibition fliall be unpofed on the exportation or importation of any articles to or from the territories of the two parties refpeftivcly, which mall not tqually extend to all other nations." (3.) But Mr. Dayton moves, and the houfe of reprefentatives fup- t his motion, for the fequeftration of Britifh debts, &c. to enfure a mg the Spoliations committed on our trade. The treaty tthoat regarding the refpefl due to the commiffion which is borne ir members of Congrefs) not only defpoils the government of this want mftmraent to coerce a powerful, yet interefted adverfary ntoadsof juRice but enters likewife into a commentary, which. Cd C" 8 $ C C n t ft f nC f thC bnincheS f Our ^flatur* Grenville, confidently with decorum, could not have exprerTed o H ^ Ml VV 0r the fake of our national dignity, ought no to have adopted The tenth article declares, that "neither the ue frpm mdividuali of the one nation to individual* MR. JAY's TREATY. 13 nor marcs nor monies which they may have in the public funds, or in the public or private banks, {hall ever, in any event of war or na- tional difference, be fequettered or confifcated, /'/ being unjuji and im- politic, that debts and engagements contracted and made by indivi- duals having confidence in each other and in their refpective govern- ments, mould ever be deflroyed or impaired by national authority on account of national differences and difcontents." The terms are very fimilar to thofe that gave Mr. Dayton offence in a fpeech pro- nounced by Mr. Ames ; and certainly it will be deemed no mitiga- tion, that the charge of committing " an unjiijl and impolitic act," has been wantonly engrafted upon the moft folemn of all inrtruments, a public treaty ! Query : Would Lord Grenville have confented to brand his Royal Mailer with the title of Great Sea Robber, if Mr. Jay's urbanity could have permitted him to borrow the epithet from another member of Congrefs, in order to infert it, in the article that relates to the Britifh fpoliations on our trade ? But perhaps, Mr. Jay forgot, that the commentary operated as a reflection on the government of the United States, and only meant it as a reproach to Great Britain, for fequeftering during die late war, and retaining at this moment, the property belonging to Maryland, lying in the bank of England. It might, likewife, be intended as a fatire upon the parliamentary fequeftration of French property in the famous " In- tercourfe Act :" or, perhaps, Mr. Jay anticipated the revolution in Holland, and defigned his commentary as a warning again it the feizing of Dutch property, public and private ; which, however, has fince taken place, in fpite of his folemn admonition. 3. The trials that had occurred relative to the equipment of French privateers in our ports ; and the enliflment of our citizens in the fervice of the republic, had produced fome embarrafiment in the courfe of party purfuits. Thefe are obviated by the treaty. The Britifh nation by which the emprefs of Ruflia has always been {applied with naval officers, and whofe fleets and armies are always crowded with volunteers from other nations, confents that her fubjects mail not ferve againft us ; and ftipulates that our citizens fhall not ferve againlu her. This contract is made with a power actually engnged in a war ; and feldom more than feven years clear of one ; by a power at peace, not liable, from her local pofition, and political conftitu- tion, to be involved in war, and in ftrict alliance with the natiou againft whonv the ftipulation will immediately operate. Captain Barney and the other Americans, who have joined the arms of France, are thus involved in the moft ferious dilemma. If they expatriate themfelves, they may poffibly efcape the vengeance of tha American government ; but will that fave them from the vengeance of Great Britain, whofe conceflions on the doctrine of expatriation are not quite fo liberal ? By the bye, it may here be feafonably repeated, that while Mr. Jay was fo willing to prevent American citizens from entering into the fervice ot France, he might furely have taken fome pains to fccure them from being prejjed into the fer- vice of England. He would have found, on enquiry, that the isv- C , 4 FEATURES OF fiances of the latter kind are infinitely more numerous than of the former. But it is enough that the meafure will be introductory of a law, favourable to the view of a party which reprobates every idea of iiiiiftir.j; the French, and cultivates every means of conciliating the BriMfli. 4. It has, likewife, been thought by feme politicians, that the energies of our executive department require every aid that can be giw. to them, in order more effectually to refill and controul the popular branches of the government. Hence we find the treaty- making power em'-loved in that fervice ; and Congrefs cannot exer- cife a legifiative difcretion on the prohibited points (though it did not participate in making the ceflion of its authority) without a decla- ration of war againit Great Britain. George the third enjoys by the treaty a more complete negative to bind us as dates, than he ever claimed over us as colonies. V. The treaty is a violation of the general principles of neutrality, and is in coUiJion with the po/itiiie previous engagements -which fubfift between America and France. I. It is a general principle of the law of nations, that during the evidence of a war, neutral powers (hall not, by favour or by treaty, fo alter the iituation of one of the belligerent parties, as to enable him more advantageoufly to profecute holtilities agaimt his adverfary. If, likewife, a neutral power mail refufe or evade treating with one of the parties, but eagerly enter into a treaty with the other, it is a partiality, that amounts to a breach of neutrality. Thefe pofitions riav be fupported by the authority of the mod edeemed writers on the fubjcct ; but it will be fufficient in the prefent cafe, to cite the conduct of Great Britain herfelf. Thus, it has been adjudged by Lord MiinsfiJd, " that if a neutral (hip trades to a French colony, with nil the privileges of a French mip, and is thus adopted and rtitnralized, it mud be looked upon as a French (hip, liable to be taken." See Judge Black/tone's nfwfs, I vol. p. 313, 314. Ac- cording to the principle on which this judgment was given, the act of hliiing the memorable orders of the 6th of November, 1793, an d the confequent feizore of ?11 our vefTels, are attempted to be juftified. Great Britain alledges (when it is injurious to France) that trading vith the French iflands, on a footing not allowed before the war, is a breach of neutrality, and caufe of confifcation : and, therefore, Great Britain mull alfo admit, at lead America will not deny, that tradin<* y.:th the Britilh iflands, on a footing not allowed before the war ; or, in different wouls, altering and enlarging the commercial relations of the two coui.ti ics, is equally a breach of our neutrality towards France. \\ hen the fword is found to cut both ways, the party who ufes it, has no right to complain. 2. That we have, on the one hand, evaded the overtures of a treaty with France, and on the other hand, folicited a treaty from Great Britain, are facts public and notorious. Let us enquire, then, MR. JAY's TREATY. 15 what Great Britain has gained on the occafion, to enable her more advantageoufly to profecute her holtilities againit France. ( I ) Great Britain has gained time. As nothing is fettled by the treaty, (he has it in her power to turn all the chances of the war in her favour ; and, in the interim, being relieved from the odium and embarraffinent of adding America to her enemies, the current oi her operations againit France is undivided, and will of courfe flow with greater vigour and certainty. We have been for fo many years fatis- iied with the proinifes of the treaty of peace, that Great Britain has caufe to expert, at lealt, an equal period of credit, for the promifes of the treaty of amity. If, indeed, it is true, that the reafons afligned by .Lord Grenviile to Mr. Jay, for declining an immediate furrender of the ports, were,j?y?, that the Britim traders might have time to arrange their out-ftanding bufinefs ; a privilege that is exprefsly granted by the treaty, and could not therefore, furnilh. a real encufe for delay ; and fecondly, that the Britiih government might be able to afcertain what would be the probable effect of the furrender, on the Indians ; a re- fervation that demonf! rates an intention to be governed by events ; we can very well account for the late extenfive mipment of artillery and ammunition to Canada ; and may eafily calculate the importance of gaining time, ia order to promote the American, as well as European, objects of Great Britain. (2.) Great Britain gains fupplies for her Weft India colonies ; and thai for a period almoft limited to the continuance of the war, under circumftances which incapacitate her from furniihing the colonial fup- plies herfelf ; and, indeed, compel her to invite the aid of all na- tions, in furniihing provifions for her own domeilic fupport. The fupplies may be carried to the iilands either in American bottoms not exceeding feventy tons, or in Britifk bottoms of any tonnage. (3.) Great Britain gains an advantage over France, by prohibiting the exportation offugar, iiTV. in confequence of which the colonies of France muft, in a great meafure, remain unfupplied with provifions, &c. as they can only in general pay for them in thofe articles, whofc nfe is confined to the American conj'umption. It will be remembered, that the produce of the French iflands has of late conftituted a great part of our European remittances. If, therefore, that trade is cut off, and at the fame time, befides employing our own final! craft of fcvcnty tons, Great Britain is allowed, to any extent of tonnage, to be oar Weft India faftor, it is obvious that our confumption of fugar, coffee, &c. Sec. will be abundantly fupplied, without maintaining an intercourfe with the French, or even with the Eaft Indies, to pro- cure any of thofe .articles. Perhaps this method, though lefs bold, will be more effectual to prevent our furniming the French iflands with provifion, than declaring them to be in a ftate of blockade, and feizing the veffels that attempt to vifit them. (4.) // is another important gain to Great Baitain (which might, likewife, have been adverted to under the feature of reciprocity) thai, to any extent of tonnage, her veffels may carry on the Wejl India trade for us, either to fupply our domeftic confum^ tion, or European en- T 6 FEATURES OF gagementS) fubjecl to no other or higher duties than our own vejjels, while our own veflels are reftrifted to a pitiful fize, and circumfcnbed to a particular voyage. But whatever may be thought of the benefit of acquiring for America even this fcanty participation in the Weil India trade, no one (after the rejection of the twelfth article ) will deny that the whole meafure changes the relative fituation of the two countries, avowedly in favour of Great Britain, and operatively injurious to France ; and every fuch change is derogatory to our boaited neutral character. (r.) fhe admijjion of Great Britain to all the commercial advanta- ges of the nwjl favoured nation, and the rejlraints impofed upon our le- gi/lative independence, as ftated in the party feature of the treaty, are proofs of predilection and partiality in the American government, which cannot fail to improve the refources of Great Britain, and to impair the intcrefts, as well as the attachments, of France. ( 6. ) The ajfent to the f azure of all provifion-Jhips, and that, in effect, upon any pretext, at a period when Great Britain is diftrefled for provifions, as well as France; and when the fyitem of fubduing by famine has been adopted by the former againft the latter nation, is clearly changing our pofition, as an independent republic, in a man- ner detrimental to our original ally. That our merchants will be paid a reafonable profit for their cargoes, &c. may render the mea- fure more palatable to us ; even under the lofs of the return cargo, the derangement of the voyage, and the deftruction of the fpirit of commercial enterprife ; but that confideration cannot render it lefs offenfive to France. It may properly be here remarked, that Swe- den and Denmark have obtained, by a fpirited refinance, an actual indemnification for the feizures which have heretofore taken place, and an exemption from all fuch outrages in future ; while America has only nut thofe which are paft, in a train of negotiation, and has given a legitimate effect to thofe which are to come. The order, which, the Englifh gazettes fay, has recently been iflued for fizing American provifion-fhips, on their paflage to France, ought not, therefore, to be complained of, as it is merely an exercife, by an- ticipation, of the right granted by the treaty. (7.) Great Britain has gained the right of preventing our Citizens from being volunteers in the armies or Jbips of France! This is not {imply the grant of a new right to Great Britain, but is, at the fame time, a politive deprivation of a benefit, hitherto enjoyed by France. Neither the laws of nations, nor our municipal constitution and laws, prohibited our citizens from going to another country, and there, either for the fake of honour, reward, or inftruction, ferving in a foreign navy, or army : Colonel OJivald r-nd many others have done it : Captain Barney and many others are doing it. But a proclamation muft iiTue to rccal all fuch volunteers, and punifhrnent muft follow difobediencc, if the twenty-fidt article of the treaty is to be eftedu- ated, as the fupreme law of the land. (8.) Great Britain has gained a right to treat and punifh as pirates, any of our citizens who fhall accept, even while they are in France, any MR. JAY's TREATY. 17 commiflton to arm a privateer, or letter of marque. It is true, that a fimilar provifion is contained in other treaties ; but we are now only confidering the alterations which are made by the treaty under difcuflion, in favour of Great Britain, and injurious to France. How far there exifts a power to define piracy, by treaty, will be remarked in delineating another feature of Mr. Jay's diplomatic off- fpring. (9.) Great Britain has doubly gained) by obtaining in our ports, an afylum for her folps of war, privateers, prizes, &c. Jlipulatlng for an exclujion of thofe of her enemies, other (It is admitted) than France. The twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles of the projected treaty, are nearly copied from the fubfifting treaty with France. It would be curious, however, to reflect on the very different motives, which muit juftify (if the idea of justification could, in the late inftance, be at all admiffible) thefe analogous grants. The conceffion to France was made when we were at Jacobin, Diforganifer, Mifcreant, &c. while men of another hu- mour arrogantly and exclufively afTunr* the titles of FedfraK/tt, Friends to order, &c. &c. ? But let every honeft American reflect feriouily and feafonably, upon the means of promoting tltt interejl and kappinefs of the United States, and he will difdain, as well as dread, to augment, by the adventitious force of treaties, that paramount intereft, which Great Britain has already infidioufly acquired in our commerce, navigation, manvfadtres, territory, arrd government. 2 6 FEATURES OF 6. Bcfides the injury eventually to be apprehended from thefe eaufes, the featy is calculated to impair the interejl and happinefs of the United Suites, by producing an immediate and violent concuffion in the federal atmofphere. For, It ranfacks the archives of our revolutionary transactions ; and re- judges the ft'lemn judgments of our courts of juftice. It condemns individuals to the payment of debts, from which they had previoufly been difcharged by law. It makes the government of the union refponfible for the contracts of private citizens, and the defalcations of bankrupts. It difregards the freedom of our commerce and navigation : and it reitrains the ufe of our (tuple commodities. It does not exact a juft indemnification for the detention of the weftern ports. It does not require the payment, (tipulated by the preceding treaty, for the value of the negroes carried off at the clofe of the war. It does not provide for the freedom and fafety of our feamcn, in their intercourfe with the Britifh dominions. Let any one of thefe propofitions be feparately analyfed, and fuffl- cient caufe will be found to excite and juitify popular difiatisfaction ; but view them combined, and the mind is mocked with an apprehen- ifion, that the ratification of the treaty, may be the death-warrant of the vnion ! VIII. The Britijk Treaty and the Crmjlitution of the United States are at ivar with each other. 1. Self-prefervation is the firft law of fociety, as well as of indivi- duals : It is the radical principle of all political compacts. Nations (fays VaiteY] are bound to guard thdr own prefervation, and to purfue their oivn perfection. We have incefTant opportunities, indeed, of obfjrving the operation of this univerfal rule ; in animals of injllna, as well as in animals of reafon ; in the world of things, as well as in the world of brings. 2. Self-prefervation, however, is a relative idea : it relates to the nature of the animal ; to the constitution of the fociety. A man may lofe his human character, without deftroying his vita! exigence , and a government may be changed in its ejjcnce, without being fub- verted in its forms. 3. So, likewife, without open aflkult or pofitive violence, the fources of animal life may be poifoned, by the imperceptible conta- minations of a luxurious habit : fo, without the aid of terror or force, the legitimate foundations of government may be undermined, by the infidious encroachment of the rulers, and by the fedative acquiefcence of the people. Governments, indeed, have too generally proved to be a kind of political chryfal's, palling, by progreflive tranfmutations, From the grub of pure democracy, to the butterfly of. abfolutc mo- Barchy. Mk. JAY's TREATY. 27 4. But it wil'. r/jt yet be denied in America, that as the people have the folr right to conftitute their government, the rule of felf- preftrvation requires that the government Should be maintained, in practice as well as in theory, fuch as they have conjl'ihited it. To render it, by any confmiction of the written articles of our focial compact, other than a republican government, would be as fatal a fub- verfion, as daring ufurpation, or military conqueSt, could atchieve. For, what real difference does it make to a nation, whether its con- ftitution is feized upon by an enterprizing individual, as in the Swe- diSh revolution of 1770 ; or overthrown by a triumphant warrior, as in the recent extinction of the PoliSh monarchy ; or voted cut of doors, as in the diforganizing edicts of the long parliament of England ? Thus, likewife, for one department of the government to aSfurne the authority of another ; or, by constructive amplifications of its own jurisdiction, fo to monopolize the attributes of government, as to render the other departments ufelefs and inefficient, muft ever be deemed an effectual fubverfion of any conftitution. The mode of distributing and organizing the powers of government, as well as the confideration of the nature and extent of the powers to be delegated, eSTentially belongs to the people ; and in the body politic, as well as in the body natural, whenever any particular member abforbs more than its allotted portion of the aliment, that is deStined to vivify and invigorate the whole, debility and difeafe will infallibly enfue. Af- ter the emperors had ufurped the functions, privileges and powers of the fenate, and of the popular magistrates of Rome, they preferved the formalities of the commonwealth, but they trampled on the liber- ties of the people. Though the parliaments of France had long been deprived of every deliberative faculty, as the representatives of the people, they were fummoned to the laSt, as the ministerial officers of the monarch, for the purpofe of registering his edicts. 5. The government of the United States, being then theoretically a republican government, and with great propriety denominated a go- vernment of departments, let us proceed to examine how far the prin- ciples of filf-prefervation, and the duty of purfuing the perfeciicn of our political fyftem, are involved in the ratification of the projected treaty with Great Britain. The fecond fection of the fccond article of the conftitution fays, that, " The Prefident Shall have power, by and with the advice and confent of the fenate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Se- nators prefent concur." To the exercife of this power no immediate qualification, or reftriction, is attached : but iiuit we therefore fuppofe that the jurif- diction of the Prefident and fenate, like the jurifdiction afcribcd to the Britifh parliament, is omnipotent ? To place the authority cf our Prefident and fenate on the fame footing with the prerogative of the king of Great Britain, will not be commenfurate with the objects to which the treaty extends. It muSt be remembered, that the treaty of peace, by which the rights of fovereignty and foil were ceded by the king of Great Britaifl t the United States, was negocistttd 2 g FEATURES OF and ratified under the pofitive fanction of an ait of prliament : And it is exprcfsly Hated in l r atiel, th;it the king of Great Britain cannot, by treaty, confer the rights of citizenfhip on an alien. B. i.e. 19. f. 214. Now, Mr. Jay's treaty does both thefe things (as will be hereafter demonstrated) without the intervention of the legislative au- tiioiity of the union. 6. The confcquence of admitting this unqualified c'aim to omni- potence, in tranfacting the bufmefs of the nation, would be fo hoflile to the principle and prefervation of our government, that it is an ir.difpenfablc duty (oljta principiis) to controvert and refill it. Whenever the Prefident and two-thirds of the Senate (hall be defi- rous to counteract the conduct of the houfe of reprefentatives ; X whenever they may wifh to enforce a particular point of legislation ; or whenever they (hall be difpofed to circumfcribe the power of a fucceeding Congrefs ; a treaty with a foreign nation, nay, a talk with a favage tribe, affords the ready and effectual inftrument for acconi- plifhing their views ; fince the treaty or the talk will conftitute the lupreme law of the land. That fuch things may happen, let the hif- tory of Mr. Jay's million and negociation teftify. 7. If the extraordinary treaty-making power is paramount to the ordinary legiflative power fupercedes its exercife and embraces all its objects ; let us endeavour to trace whither the propofition will carry us. The fifth article of the coniKtution veils a power in two-thirds of both houfes of Congrefs, to propofe amendments to the conjtitution. Let us fuppofe that a defect in our judiciary, or in any other depart- ment, operated injurioufly to a foreign nation, could the Senate, and Prelident, uniiing with that foreign ration, and excluding the houfe of reprefentatives frt-pofc an amendment upon the fuljccl ? If they could by thefe means originate, might they not by other means efctluate, alterations in the fundamental points of our government ; and make, in fact, a new conftitulion for us ? By the eiglvh fection of the firlt article, Congrefs is empowered to is/row money on the credit of the United States. Suppofe it was deemed expedient to fubfidize Portugal, inftead of building frigates, to keep the Algerines within the (heights of the Mediterranean : Could two-thirds of the Senate and the Prefident, cither borrow, or guarantee a loan for that purpofe by treaty ? The fame fection empowers Congrtfs to ettablim uniform laws on tie fuljeS of bankruptcies. Suppofe Great Britain had remarked, that, as her fubjects were conftantly the creditors of the citizens of the United States, (he was deeply interefted in our fyftem of bankrupt laws : Had die Prefi- dent and two-thirds of the Senate, a right to incorporate fuch a fyf- tem with the projected treaty ? The fame lection empowers Congrefs to coin money> to regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the Jiandards of webfa mnd mecfurrs. MR. JAY's TREATY. 29 Suppofe the Birmingham manufacturers offered, on a cheap plan, to fupply us with coin ? Suppofe Great Britain were pleafed to infill upon our receiving her guineas at their Englifh value, and upon our promifing not to fweat, deface, or clip the.m, according to the cur- rent practice of the union ? Suppofe France were defirous that we fliould adopt the fanciful projedt of that republic, refpedting weights and meafures ? Could all, or any, of thefe propofitions be acceded to and eftablifhed by treaty ? The ninth fedtion of the fame article declares " that the migration or importation of fuch perfons as the dates now exiting {hall think proper to admit, mall not be prohibited by the Congrefs prior to the year eighteen hundred and eight." Suppofe Mr. Wilberforce had negociated on the part of Great Britain, inflead of Lord Grenville, and had made the prohibition of the importation of flaves into the United States, in the year eigh- teen hundred and eight, fine qua ncn: Could the Prefident and two-thirds of the Senate admit and legitimife the ftipulation by treaty ? By the conftitution, Congrefs has the power to con{Htute tribunals inferior to the fupreme court. Suppofe Great Britain defired, for the future, as well as for the pad:, to eftablifh a tribunal of her own judges in America, for de- ciding controverfies between Britiih fubjedts and American citizens : Could this be accomplished through the medium of a treaty ? By the conftitution, Congrefs is endowed with the power of de- , daring war. Suppofe Lord Grenville had infifted, and Mr. Jay had approved, that the treaty mould be an ofFenfive and defenfive alliance ; aru!, that we mould forthwith join Great Britain in her hostilities againft France : Could the President and Senate thus negociate us into a war ? By the conftitution it is declared, " that no perfon holding any office, &c. under the United States, (hall, without the confent of Congrefs, accept of any prefent, emolument, office or title, of any kind whatfoever, from any king, prince, or foreign ftate." Suppofe our envoy had been offered a prefent or a title by the Britim monarch would the confent of the treaty be tantamount to the confent of Congrefs, for the purpofe of approving and juftifying his acceptance ? By the conftitution it is provided, that all bills for raifing revenue';, > {hall originate in the houfe of reprefentatives ; and, that no money fliall be drawn from the treafury, but in coi.fequence of appropria- tions made by law. Suppofe Great Britain had ftipulated, that as foon as ths comnuf- fioncrs had fixed the fum due to her fubjedts for old debts, the : dent mould draw a warrant for the amount, and that the fame fbould be paid out of all public monies, in the treafury of the United States, prior to the payment of any antecedent appropriation by law : Would this be the proper fubjedt for a treaty, 01 for an impedi- ment ? E 3 c FEATURES OF 8. But fatigued and difgufted with difplaying, thus hypothetically the monllrous confequences, which will inevitably flow from the jurifdiffion claimed on behalf of the Prefidcni and Senate, to bind the United Slates by any treaty, and in all cafes whatfoever ; let us parti- cularly examine the numerous and extravagant infractions of the con- ftitution, which the projected treaty aSually commits. Recent as is the clhibliihment of the federal conllitution, it is, indeed, to be lamented, that the pofiibility of violating it, is not a matter of floating and fluc- tuating popular opinion ; but a matter fufceptible of fixed and pofi- tive proof. For, who does not recoiled, that a bill touching the fundamental principle of the government (its reprefentative quality) after having pa/fed both houfes of Congrcfs, was declared by the Preji- titnt to be line. jri/iil utionaJ ; and, therefore, undeferving of his official approbation and fignature? Who can forget, that a law touching the eflential properties of the judicial department of our government, after being n'tifed by every organ of Icgiflative authority (the prefldent, knate, and houfe of reprefentatives) was declared by chief ju/lice 'Jay, and his aj/bciate judges, to be unconstitutional ; and, therefore, incapable of being executed and enforced ? With fuch authoritative precedents (and there are many others that might be adduced from the tranf- a^tions of individual dates) of the poflibility of deviating from the rule and meaning of our conftitution, are we to be damned for poli- tical herefy, merely becaufe we doubt, or deny the infallibility of Mr. Jay's negotiating talents? And muft every man be accurfed (to ufe, for a moment, the intolerant language of the late fecretary of the treafury, in his character of the New York Camillus) who thinks, that the American envoy and the Brit'fo minifter were at leaji as likely to mi/take, or mifconjlrue, the conjlitutional boundaries of the American government, as the prefldent, fenate, and houfe of reprefentatives cf the United States? It is certainly, upon the whole, more candid, and more covincir.g, to put " the defence" of the treaty upon the true trading ground, taken by the New York, chamber of commerce ; 10 wit, " that we have made as good a market c.s fuch pedlc.rs hrd a right to exfeS on the royal exch-nge ; find thut we cunnot iffjrd tojighl, though we muft fubmit to be plundered." 9. Let us proceed, however, in examining the points on which the Britijh treaty is at war with the American conjlitution. (*) ty the confiitulion of the United States, the JUDICIAL porr.FR is vetted in one fupreme court, and in fuch inferior courts as the Congrefs may from time to time eftablifh ; and its jurifdiclion em- braces, among other things, " controverfies between a Jlute, or citi- zens thereof, tnd foreign JL,les, citizens or Jubjetls." By the ire^ty, a tribtin:l other than the fufrtme court, or tny infe- rior cou>t cflalRficd by Corgrefs, is erefted, with a jurifdiftion to tain the amount of any lofles or damages fuftained " by divers B.it'jl merchants and others, his majefty's fubjefls, on account of delis, &c. that ftill remain owing to them by citizens or inhabitants States :" And it is agreed, that in all fuch cafes, 11 compenfauon for fuch lofles and damages cannot, for MR. JAY's TREATY. 3 z whatever reafon, be actually had and received by the faid creditors, in the ordinary courfe of jufHce, the United States will make full and complete compenfatton, for the fame, to the creditors," &c. Rem'iiks. i. It is the right of every independent nation to efta- blifh and maintain a judicial authority, co-extenfive with its territo- rial poiieiTrons. The principle is indifputable, and it is incidentally recognized by Lord Mansfield and other great lawyers, in the cele- brated controverfy between the king of Pruffia and Great Britain, relative to the Silefia Loan. 2. The constitutional tribunals of the United States were adequate to the adminiftration of complete juftice, in the very cafes for which the treaty provides a fpecial tribunal. 3. If it is poffible in any cafe, with any nation, and at any time, to fti- pulate, by treaty, for the erection of a tribunal, in order to afcertain and liquidate debts due from citizens to foreigners, may it not IK* done in every cafe, with every nation, and at every time ? 4. Is not the Court of CommifTioners, in effect, an High Court of Errors and Appeals for the United States with power to rerife and reverfe every judgment, that has been given fince the year 1 7 ft $, either in ofedf-t.-l orjlate court, in every caufe between a Britifh fubject and an Ameri- can citizen? 5. Wherever the recovery of the principal debt has been protracted by the forms of Lew wherever there has been ,-n abatement of inte.-ejl, by the compromife of the parties, or the verdict of a jury wherever the debtor has become infolvent ; this high court of Commiiii- oners may fuflain an appeal, and can award damages for the deten- tion or lofs of the debt. It is true, the treaty adds, that this " provi- iion is to extend to fuch lodes only as have been occasioned by /.;w//.'/ impediments ;" but the extent of the difcretion of the commiflioners, in adjudging what conflitutes a lawful impediment, is without limitation or controul ; and the nature of the evidence, by which their minus are to be informed, is without rule or definition ; lince (in the language of the treaty) it may be " either according to the legal forms now refpectively exifting in the two countries, or in fuch other manner as the faid commiffioners ihall fee caufe to require or allow." Thus, not only erecting a court un- known to our conftitution, but admitting a fpecies of proof, not re- cognized by the legal forms of our country. 6. Let us appeal to Mr. Jay himfeif, upon the conftitutionality of fuch proceedings. By an ait of Congrefs, the judges of the circuit courts were required to take, and report to the fecrctary at war, certain proofs in the cafe of invalids and penfroners. The judges refufed (as we have already noticed) to execute the act, declaring it to be unconJlitution.J, as well, on account of the nature of the duty impofed upon them, as on ac- count of the revifionary power, which was vetted in the fecretary at war. By the treaty, the Prefrdent and Senate will appoint commilii- oners, in conjunction with the king of Great Britain, to hold a court of appeals from every court in the union ; and to determine judicial queitions, upon private controverfies, between Britiih fubiecls and American crtizens. Now, let us afk, whether it is more usiconflitu- tional/or the legijlatu,e to impofe new and extraordinary duties upon a 3 2 FEATURES OF court, exi/ling according to the conjlitution, than for the executive to create a new and extraordinary tribunal, incompatible tuith the conjlitution ; inafmuch as it can only act upon the alienation of the jurifdiction, previou/ly and exclttjively verted in our domeftic courts ; the jurifdic- tion of hearing and deciding judicial queftions, upon private contro- verfies, between Britilh fubjects and American citizens ? 7. But this is not the only infraction of the coniHtution, involved in the arrangement alluded to the obligation of p, ivute contraSs is transfer- red f, om mdi'viduds to the public. The framers of the conftitution, in declaring that " all debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before its adoption, fhall be as valid againft the United States under the conftitution, as under the confederation," could hardly antici- pate, that they charged the treafury of the union with the payment of all the outstanding debts of the individual citizens of America ! And when Congrefs was vetted with a power " to lay and colled taxes, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States;" it certainly was never contemplated, that the government of America became the infurer of every Britim merchant, r.gainft litigious delays, and fraudulent or accidental bankruptcies ! It cannot be fuggefted that Great Britain acts in a fimilar manner upon our complaints of the fpoliations on our trade. For, the injury that we have fuiraincd, originated in an 08 of gave ; ntnent the injur- ed individuals are, in the fi>jl inftance, bound to apply to the Biitijh rw: is of jujlice and the public are only refponfible in the Li the fame any import or duty whatever." Remarks. It is eafy to perceive that the ftipulations, in favour of the Indians, were introduced at the inftance of Great Britain ; and her motives are not even attempted to be difguifed. Her traders will boaft of the favour and fecurity, which fhe has compelled America to grant to the Indians ; and fo engage their confidence and attachment ; while the privilege of free pafTage and the exemption from duties, 34 FEATURES OF will inevitably throw the whole fur-trade into the hands of the Britifh. The furrendcr of the weftern pofts, under fuch circumftances, can produce no lofs to Great Britain, and will certainly be of no advan- tage to America: Itwill not add a (hilling to the profits of our Indian traffic ; nor infure us a moment's fufpenfion of Indian hoftilities ! But, to profecute our covftttvtiaxal enquiry what right is there, by /; eaty, to regulate our commerce with the Indian tribes ? Whenever a treaty of peace and amity has heretofore been concluded with the Indians, it has been the conftitutional practice of the Prefident, to call on Con- grefs to regulate the commerce with them. Such calls were totally unnecelTary, if the fame thing might as well and as lawfully be done by treaty ; and if it could not be done by treaty in the cafe of the In- dians, neither could it be done by treaty in the cafe of a. foreign na- tion : For, both arc exprefled in the fame terms, and included in the fame member of the feclion. " Congrefs fhall have power (fays the conftitution) to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the feveral ftates, and with the Indian tribes." What right is there by treaty to declare that no duly of entry fliall ever be levied by cither party on peltries, sV. (and a fimilar promife is made in cafes that more immediately aiTecl Great Britain) fince Congrefs has the fole power to lay and colled taxes, duties, &c. to pay the debts, and pro- vide for the common defence, and general welfare of the United States ? If we may, negatively, fay, by treaty, that certain duties (hall not be laid,may we not affirmatively fay,j treaty, thai certain other du- ties fhall be laid ? And then what becomes of that part of our coniH- tution, which declares, " that all bills for raifing revenue fliall origi- nate in the houfe of reprefentatives ?" But let us imagine for a mo- ment, that it is in the power of the Prefident and Senate to regulate our commerce with the Indian tribes ; ought not the regulation to be mack 'with the Indians themfelves ? Why fuffer Great Britain to ncgo- ciate and ftipulate for Indians actually refiding within the territory of the United States ? Is fuch a conceflion confident with the dignity and independence of our government with the peace and intereft; of the nation ? Let Mr. Randolph's letter to Mr. Hammond, on the conduct of general Simcoe and major Campbell be referred to, as an anfwer to this queftion. It is not, at prefent, within reach to be quoted ; but its contents were too important to have already efcaped the memory of any reflecting American. ( *i 36 FEATURES OF tain how far any modification of it could be rendered palatable. But, on conftitutional ground., when it is declared, that no duty mall /_; law be laid on articles exported from any ihtte, is it not abfurd, or wicked to fuppofc, that by treaty the exportation of the articles themftlves can be prohibited ? The obvious intention oft&e conjlituiion is -to encou- rage our export trade ; the immediate effect of the treaty is to obftruct and annihilate it. (7.) There are many other points in which a c ollifion occurs be- tween the conjlituiion and the treaty, but to which the fcope and nature of thefe (trictures will not admit a full attention. It may be curforily remarked, however, that zee/Jim of territory, which will, probably, be the confequence of fettling anew the boundaries of the United States, and even the actual ceflion of the precincts of the weftern pofts, though in favour of individuals, are fubjects for ferious reflection. If a part of the United States may be ceded if a whole ftate may be ceded, what becomes of the guarantee of a republican form of go- vernment to every ftate ? The propriety of ptefenting this confidera- tion to the public mind, will be allowed by thofe who know, that, in the courfe of the fe notarial debate, the right of ceding by treaty a whole Jiate, nay, any number of the Jiate.:, Jbort of a majority, as the ultimate teft of political truth ; and to caft ao odium upon the late conventions, in which (according to the language of the confti- tution) " the people were peaceably aiTerabled, to petitiotvthe go- Ternment for the redrefs (or rather the prevention) of a grievance." But let the pardon of the reader be granted for this digreflion ;.3ixt we will return to a delineation of the feature that lies before us. 12. Declining, then, either to create, or to follo\v, a bad exam- ple, let us afcribe the deviation from the principles of our conftitu- tion to an erroneous conftruclion, rather than to a iv'ilful perverfiiji: ; and let us exert our fkill in averting the evil that threatens, rather than indulge our refentment in convicting thofe who labour to pro^ duce it. Our government, therefore, being a government of departments, it is (as we hare already obfcrved) inconiillent with the duty offelf- prefirvation ; or, in other words, it mufl: proceed from an error in conjlruttion ; that one department fhall aflame and exercife all, or any, of the powers, of all, or any, of the other departments. K The departments of government (to adopt the elegant figure ufed by an excellent judge, in a late admirable charge to a Philadelphia jmy) are planets that revolve, each in its appropriate orbit, round the conttitution, as the fun of our political fyftem." Thus, if the legislative, executive, or judicial departments mall encroach, one upon the orbit of the other, the deftruclion of the order, life, and beauty of -the political fyl'tem, murt as inevitably enfue, as the de- itruflion of the order, ufe, and beauty of the planetary fyftem would follow, from a fubverfion of the efTeniial principles of attraction, re- pulfion and gravity. 13. It was necefTary, however, that the power of making treaties ? with foreign nations, fhould be verted in one of the departments of the government : but the power of making treaties is not, in its na- ture, paramount to every other power ; nor does the exercife of thai power naturally demand an exclusive jurifdiftion. A nation may car- ry on its external commerce without the aid of the treaty-waking frnver ; but it cannot manage its dome/lie concerns without the aid of the le- gijlati=ue power : the legiflative power is, confequently, of fuperior importance and rank to the treaty-making power. Again: -The le- gl/lative power exerc'fed conformably to the conftitution, mult be direft, univerfal, and conclufive in its operation and force upon the people ; but the treaty-making power is fcarcely in any ir.tb.nce independent of iegiilative aid to effeduate its efforts, and to render its compacts obli^ gatory on the nation. A memorable occurrence in the Englifh hiftory will ferve to illuflrate both of thefe pofitions : It is the fate of the commercial part of the fanirus treaty of Utrecht, concluded be- tween France and England in the year 1712. " The peace (fays Ruflel in his Hittory of Modern Europe, vol. 4. p. 457) was gene- rally difliked by the people, :md all impartial men reprobated tlie treaty of commerce with France, as loon as the tc' ms were known. Exception was particulaily taken againit the 8th and 9th .ar- ticles, importing " That Great Britain and I'Yiir.ce mould mr.tually 4 o FEATURES OF enjoy all the privileges in trading with each other, which either granted to the mod favoured nation ; that all prohibitions mould be removed, and no higher duties impofed on the French commodities, than on thofe of any other people." The ruinous tendency of thefe articles was perceived by the whole trading part of the kingdom. It was accordingly urged, when a bill was brought into the houfe of commons for confirming them, that the trade with Portugal, the mofl beneficial of any, would be loft, mould the duties on French and Portuguefe wines be made equal, &c. &c. Thefe and limilar arguments induced the more moderate tories to join the whigs, and the bill was rejefled ly a majority of nine votes. In relating the fame tranfaclion, Smolkt's hiflory of England, vol. 2. p. 242, 246, con- tains fome pafTages too remarkable to be omitted on theprefent occa- fion. " Again (I the 8th and 9th articles, (fays the hiflorian) the Portuguefe miniiler prefented a memorial, declaring, that fhould the duties on French wines be lowered to the fame level with thofe that were laid on the wines of Portugal, his mailer would renew the prohibition of the woolen manufactures, and other products of Great Britain. Indeed, all the trading part of the nation exclaimed againft the treaty of commerce, which feems to have been conclu- ded in a hurry, before the miniflers fully undcrflood the nature of the fubjecl. This precipitation was owing to the fe^rs that their en- deavours after peace would mifcarry, from the intrigues of the whig faction, and the obflinate oppofition of the confederates." " Ano- ther bill (continues the fame writer, in a fubiequent page) being brought into the houfe of commons, for rendering the treaty of com- merce effectual, fuch a nuntltr of petitions ivere delivered again/I /'/, and fo many folid arguments -advanced by the merchants, who were ex- amined on the fubjedt, that even a great number of toiy members were convinced of the bad confequence it would prcdacc to trade, and voted againft the minitrer on this occafion." Perhaps there cannot, in the annals of all the nations of the earth, be found two cafes more parallel than the one which is thus recorded in the Englifh hiflory, and the one which at prcfent agitates the American nation. I. All impartial men reprobated both treaties, as foon as the terms were known. 2. The admiflion of the oppofitc contracting party to an unqualified participation in trade, with the moil favoured nation, is, in both cafes, a principal fource of com- plaint. 3. The removal of all prohibitions, and the furrender of the right to impofe higher duties on the commodities of the oppofite COntradmg party, than on thofe of any other people, are, in both cafes, condemned. 4. The good and the intelligent, of all parties, have united their influence, in both cafes, to prevent a confirmation of articles of fo ruinous a tendency. 5. The whole nation, in both cafes, have exclaimed sgainfl the treaty. 6. Both treaties were concluded in a hurry, before the mimfters foHy urderftood the nature the fubjecl. 7. Innumerable petitions (and who will NOW deny the propriety of exercifing the American right to petition ?) were delivered agairfi both treaties. 8. Ar.d the Portul)e8s. Let us afl<, then, by what rule of conftru&ion a power primarily nnd fpecifically given to one body, can be aflumed and exercifed by another, to which, in a fulftquent clanfc, a mere general authority is given ? Upon the common law principles of conftruflion, the fpecific potvers would clearly, in fuch a cafe, be deemed a refervation and exception out of the general grant. But even according to a rule furnifhed by the conftitution itfelf, the fame refult will be produced. Thus, the twelfth ratified amendment declares, " that the powers not delegated to the United States by the conftitution, are referved to the itatcs refpeftively, or to the people." Now, if the general power granted for the purpofe of making treaties, can fet at nought the jurifdiclion fpecifically given to Congrefs for the purpofe of mak- ing laws, may it not, with equal propriety and effect, overleap the boundary thus interpcfcd between popular rights and conftitutod powers . ? In the one c;:ie, the refervation is exprefsly declared in the other, it is necei!ari!y implied. (2. Bat if the delegation of z general pr,-ucr docs, ipfo faSo, con- vey a right to embrace, in the exercife of that power, ^very authority not .incompatible with its objeds, the coflfeqoefice will be, thatutffl- grefs may enter into treaties c.s well as the pnfuhnt and fenate. For, Congrefs is veiled, with a jurifdiction " to make all laws, which fiiall be neceffr.ry and proper for carrying ir.to execution their 42 FEATURES OF own powers :'' and what laws are, in that refpccV, necetfary and proper, they mutt, from the nature of the thing, be the judge. Suppofe, therefore, that Congrefs was defirous of forming an alli- ance, offenfive anil d.fi/i/ive, w':lh France, but could not obtain the conftitutional number of two-thirds of the fenate for accompliming the meafure by treaty, an a8 of Coiignfs, in order to regulate commerce with that nation, would afford as effectual a mode (according to the new doctrine) iince the act, on the pretext of an equivalent for com- mercial advantages, might legtftate us into the coveted alliance. The temptation and facility of proceeding in this way is obvious ; the paffing of a law requiring but a majority of the fenate ; whereas the ratification of a treaty requires the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of that body. (3.) It is not, however, neceffary to mingle and confufe the de- partments of our government, contrary to the firft principles of a free republic ; nor to make a part of our political fyftem equal to the whole, contrary to the foundeft axioms of demon fixative philofophy, in order to give a juft, efficient and falutary effecl to the treaty- making power of the prefidcnt and lenate. For although, In the jirft place, the treaty-making power cannot bind the natioa by a decifion upon any of the fubjefls, which the conftitution exprefsly devolves upon the legijlat'rvc power : Yet, in the fecond place, the treaty-making power may ncgociate conditionally, refpe&ing the fubjecls that conlHtutionally belong to the decifwa of the Ifgijlative power ; And, in the third place, every other fubjetl, proper for the national compaft of a republic, may be negotiated and abfc/tvtely concluded ly the treaty-making power. (4.) That fuch a diftioclion was intended by the framers of our prefent excellent conftitution, the reafons that have been glanced at, muih it is thought, furliciently prove to every ingenuous mind : But let one argument more be adduce^. By the ninth article of the old confederation, it was declared, " That the United States, in Congrefs affembled, mall have the foL' and exclufive right and power of determining on peace and war." By the exifting conilitution of die United States, it is provided, " That Congrefs mall have power to declare war, grant letters of marque and reprifal," &c. Now, it is evident, that by omitting to depofit with Congrefs the power of maLlng peace, in addition to the power of declaring war, the framers of our prefent government, had in full view the divilion of its department, and the correfponding ciftribution of its powers. Congreis, imJer ibe confederation was a finglc body, and therefore, ntceilkrily pofleffed of all the little legiflative, executive, and judicial authority, which the fates had been pleafed to delegate to the union. The government of the United Siates, on the contrary, is a com- pound fyrtem, of which the Congrefs is only the legi/lative department: and, therefore, die executive and judicial fundlior.s are elfewhere to be fought for and exercifed. MR. JAY's TREATY. 43 Hence it is, that although the power of declaring tvar is- (as it ought to be) left with Cor.grsfs, the power of making peace is (as it ought to b^) transferred to the executive; being a natural appendage of the geneial power of mating treaties. This deduction ferves likewife to dcmonftrate, that the fremers of the conftitution, did not intend to leave the powers that urtrfpecifically given to Congrefs, at the mercy of the power that, is generally given to the prefident and fenate. By exprefiing a pofitive jurifdiitipn in favour of the former, it excludes a claim of jurifdiclion in favour of the latter. (5.) Nor is it in the power of making treaties only, that the confti- tution has abridged ihs executive Apartment of its cuftomary attributes, ia order to augment the fources of k$:jir.i'roe jitrifiiici'wn. In Great Britain (for inftance) the executive pofleiles the power of making peace ; of granting letters of marque and reprifal ; of regulat- ing weights and meafures ; of coining money, regulating the value, thereof, and of foreign coins ; of creeling courts of judicature ; of conferring the rights of denizenfhip on aliens, &c. &c. In the United Slates the power for all thofe purpofes is abfolutely vefted in the legiflature. 15. On reviewing the various portions that have been taken ia the courfe of thefe ftridures, a defire is felt to exhibit die corrobo- rative opinions of men who have been ju'lly valued by the public : It will be ufeful to the reader, as well as pleafmg to tin; writer, to indulge the difpofition in a few inftanccs, and in a brief manner. ( I. ) It has been faid, that the power of regulating commerce belong- ed to Cun^refs. The report of Mr. Mafon (a member of the federal convention) en that fubjecT:, was delivered in the cpnvcnrion of Virginia as fol- lows : " With refpecl to commerce and navigation, I will give vou, to the beft of my information, the hiftory of that affair. This bu- (inefs was drfcufled [in the convention] at Philadelphia for four months ; during which time the fubiect of commerce and navigation was often under confideradun ; and, I afTert, that eight out of twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of the members prefent in each houfe to pafs commercial and navigation laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majorrty as it ftands. If I am right, there was a great majority for two-thirds of the ftates in this buiinefs, till a cornpromife took place between the northern and fouthern (rates ; the northern dates agreeing to the temporary importation of Ln c? ; and the foulhern ftates conced-iny, in return, ttiat navigation and corumeicial laws fhould be on tii footing i;i which they now ft and." (2.) It has been faid, that the treaty-waking power ccvlA net cede m part of the union-, nnr fiirr^ndiT a ciijzen to tc putrfceJ as a pirate. The opinion of Mr. Randolph (a member of the f^d-jral conven- tion, and now fecretarv of irate) delivered in the fame convention, tht foilaw-iag paflige : " I conceive, 'Jar neither tlie Ie