A DIALECT OF DONEGAL
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
C. F. CLAY, Manager.
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faeto gork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS.
Bombag ant) Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.
[All Rights reserved.]
A DIALECT OF DONEGAL
BEING THE SPEECH OF MEENAWANNIA
IN THE PARISH OF GLENTIES
PHONOLOGY AND TEXTS
BY
E. C. QUIGGIN,
FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
CAMBRIDGE :
at the University Press
1906
Cambrtogc :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
?3
12.12
PREFACE.
TI^HE present sketch is the first serious attempt at a
-**- scientific description of a northern dialect of Irish.
Phonetic decay seems to have set in all over the Gaelic-
speaking area ; and consequently it is imperative that during
the next ten or fifteen years every effort should be made to
obtain scientific records of the speech of persons born before
the famine who still have a firm grip of the vernacular. As
a general rule the speech of the younger people is of little or
no value to those who are trying to unravel the mysteries of
Old and Middle Irish orthography, and unfortunately, what-
ever the Gaelic League may accomplish, it cannot preserve
the vanishing- sounds and shades of sounds of the older
generation. Indeed I have been forcibly impressed with
the great differences noticeable between speakers of different
ages — a fact which is in large measure responsible for the
publication of the material which I have collected during
the last three years. Within this period I have fortunately
been able to visit Donegal on several occasions ; in addition
to two long summers I have paid three brief visits to the
county, and have thus had the inestimable advantage of
allowing the dialect to strike my ear afresh at frequent
intervals. This, however, does not render the task of de-
scribing a Gaelic dialect any the less formidable. Some of
my statements may be regarded with scepticism by persons
familiar with the Irish of Ulster, who will say perhaps that
129S6CS
VI
this or that characteristic is unknown to them : but I would
reply that there are considerable variations within the
limits of the county and that many peculiarities of Donegal
given by Dinneen, J. C. Ward, and others I have failed to
discover in Meenawannia. Not being a native speaker,
my observations have naturally been restricted to a somewhat
limited number of individuals.
My best thanks are clue to the Cambridge Philological
Society and to the Syndics of the University Press for
their munificence in defraying more than two-thirds of
the cost of this publication. I am also bound to express
my appreciation of the manner in which the staff of the
University Press have overcome the serious typographical
difficulties incident to a work of this nature.
E. C. Q.
June 1906.
CONTENTS.
PACE
Introductory
•
1
A. The
Vowel System ^ 1 — 172
. 5-
-66
(a) The back vowels a, a:, .>, .>:, o, o:, U, ><:,
0> J »
Z-", p: •
. 5-
-31
1.
a §§ 2—14 .
5
2.
a: §§ 15—21
9
3.
a S§ 22—27
11
4.
a; $< 28-35
15
5.
o § 36
16
6.
o: §§ 37—40
17
7.
T §§ 41—43
19
8.
u: §§ 44—53
20
9.
o ^ 54—60
23
10.
Z ; §§ 61-68
26
11.
o: §§ 69—73
29
(b) The front vowels se, s, s:, e, e.
, l, i, i:, I
/ . 31-
-49
1.
x §§ 74—80
31
2.
g §§ 81—85
.
33
3.
s: § 86
.
35
4.
e §§ 87—91 .
.
35
5.
e; §§ 92—95
.
36
6.
i §§ 96—107
38
i §§ 108—115
43
8.
i; §§ 116—124
45
9.
y SS 125-127
•
48
00 '
rhe irrational vowel 9 §§ 128 — 138
49
(d) '
rhe diphthongs ....
. 55-
-64
1.
ai §§ 139—141 ....
55
2.
aw §§ 142—144 .
56
3.
a.i 88 145—146
.
57
Vlll
x:u §§ 147—148 .
oi, o.-i ^ 149—150
U9 § 151
ui % 152
ei § 153
9. £?*(«;) §154.
£d §§ 155—157
ei §§ 158—161
e:i §162
w §§ 163—166
iw § 167
1/9 § 168
aw § 169 .
9j §170
»t g 171
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
(e) Nasal vowels ^ 172
B. The Consonants §§ 173—436
(a) h,j, w §§ 174—202
1. h §§ 174—187 .
2. j §g 188—193 .
3. w % 194—202 .
(b) The liquids and nasals §$ 203 — 308
Note on 1, ni, n and r sounds § 203
L §§ 204—213
/ §§ 214—220
U §§ 221—227
V g§ 228—233
X §§ 234—242
n % 243—248
y §§ 249—259
ri §g 260—264
Note on the r sounds
9. A' §§ 266—268
r §§ 269—281
/ §§ 282—288
m §§ 289—295
m §§ 296—300
7i §g 301—304
^, §§ 305—308
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
265
PAGE
58
58
59
59
60
60
60
61
62
62
63
63
63
63
64
64
66—140
67
- i
— i i
67
72
75
108
77
78
81
82
84
85
88
89
93
94
94
95
99
102
105
106
108
IX
(c) The spirants//', v, X , $, <;. »,/§§ 309—:',
1. /§§ 309— 31 G
2. /' §§ 317—322
3. v §§ 323—327
4. % §§ 328—335
5. ^ §§ 336—339
6. r §§ 340—346
7. s §§ 347—350
8. /§§ 351—356
(d) The labial, dental and guttural stops
§§ 357—436
Note on the stops and s(J') § 357
1. p §§ 358—363
2. p' §§ 364—367
3. b % 368—372
4. b' % 373—377
5. * §§ 378—386
6. t' % 387—393
7. d % 394—399
8. d' §§ 400—408
9. k §§ 409—416
10. # §§ 417—423
11. y §§ 424—429
12. #' §§ 430—436
C. Synthesis §§ 437—494
1. Notes on the Consonants §§ 437 — 439
2. Metathesis SS 440—442
3. Dissimilation §§ 443 — 444 .
4. Loss of Consonant §§ 445 — 447
5. Loss of Vowel §§ 448—450
6. Vowel-shortening § 451
7. Uncertainty of Initial ,§ 45 1>
8. Sandhi §§ 453—472 .
9. Vowel-length i§ 473—476 .
10. Stress §§ 477—478
11. Stress of Compounds §§ 479 — 483
12. Sentence-stress $; 484 — 492
13. Intonation § 493 .
14. Characteristics of Donegal Irish § 494
PAGE
108—121
108
111
112
114
116
117
119
120
122-
-140
122
122
124
125
126
127
129
131
133
134
136
137
139
141—157
141
142
142
143
144
145
145
146
150
152
153
154
156
157
Word-lists .
Old and Middle Irish
Modern Irish
Scotch Gaelic
Manx
Texts .
Seanfhocla .
Riddles
Catches
Aindrias an line
Eamonn Ua Ciorrthais
Eoin Ua Miodhchan agus an Sionnach
Sceal Ghiolla na gCochall Craicionn .
Leadairt na bhfear mor
Na tri daill 7 an Chevalier i mBaile-atha-clfath
Notes on the Texts ......
PAGE
158—191
158
168
190
191
1
94—245
194
196
196
196
200
215
215
237
241
247
ADDENDUM.
p. 55 1. l(i for 'begins' read 'ends in'.
INTRODUCTORY.
A desire to make myself acquainted with spoken Gaelic
led me to think of spending the long vacation in Ireland in
1903. Types of southern and western Irish are already familiar
from the descriptions of Henebry, Finck and Pedersen, and the
hope of finding some closer connection, either in sounds or forms,
between the Gaelic of the north of Ireland on the one hand
and that of Scotland and Man on the other determined me to
endeavour to investigate the form of Irish spoken in Donegal.
Meenawannia is the name of a townland about four miles
from Glenties, running due east from the main road to Donegal.
It contains some seven cottages, and the inhabitants practically
without exception are able to speak Irish. In putting Meena-
wannia ou the title-page of this sketch I do not wish to imply
that the townland has a peculiar dialect of its own or that I
have not associated with speakers from outside, but simply that
the persons to whom I have had most opportunity of listening
are natives of the townland. The speech of this small community
of between 30 and 40 souls is perhaps even less homogeneous
than might otherwise be expected. One of the parents in each
family — usually the mother — must almost of necessity come from
outside, and the speech of the children is therefore a compromise.
Hence in one family cha predominates as the negative, while
another has ni almost exclusively, and variants such as an uile,
gach uile (gx'/wel'd), and amarach, amaireach are similarly
distributed among the various cottages. On the other hand
the difference between the generations is almost incredible.
Meenawannia has so far been practically unaffected by the
efforts of the Gaelic League, though I believe more Irish is
now spoken there than was the case 10 or 15 years ago. The
phonetic decay of the speech of the younger people will be
constantly exemplified in this sketch, but more appalling is the
introduction of English words. Numbers of the people have
Q. 1
been in America or Scotland for longer or shorter periods, and
when they return the Irish they speak is often little better than
a jargon. Examples such as the following may be heard from at
least 80 per cent, of the people — ta se mend-al anois acht ta se
an-bleach-ailte — fail-al mo rye orm — set-aladh an trap — chuala
nie go robh gains ( = biseach) oirthi !
Practically no attempts have been made so far to arrest the
decay of the language. It is true that a society has l'ecently
been formed to preserve Ulster Irish, but some time must elapse
before much can be done. There is little or no temptation for
the people to learn to read Irish at present as, apart from the
excellent little texts published by J. P. Craig, Donegal Irish is
practically unrepresented in literature and the dialect is too far
removed from Munster and Connaught speech for the publications
of the Gaelic League to be intelligible. Even the simple
Connaught tales published by Douglas Hyde are found difficult.
English is the language of the people's devotions, and the school-
masters seldom know sufficient Irish to teach it intelligently.
In one respect they are free from blame, viz. that there is a
dearth of suitable text-books.
As I had never heard any Irish spoken before I first went
over in 1903 my first summer was spent in learning to under-
stand and make myself intelligible. The initial difficulties were
stupendous. I had a fair theoretical knowledge of Connaught
pronunciation which had to be unlearnt, and the vocabulary
was in large measure strange. Worst of all, however, was the
difficulty in getting away from English, a difficulty which has
dogged me all through. That I was able to overcome all these
and other difficulties is due solely to the unfailing kindness of
my host, John Hegarty. J. H. is my chief source of in-
formation, and a word about him may not be out of place. He
was born in 1831, and has spent all his life in Meenawannia,
with the exception of about 18 months. He possesses a far
better knowledge of Donegal Irish than any other person I have
met, and, as far as I can judge, he has been little, if at all,
influenced by book Irish. He has an immense store of tales and
Fenian poems in the vernacular, and it is only a few of the
oldest men and women like himself that are able to speak Irish
in its purity. I take this opportunity of thanking him most
cordially for all his trouble, and for the interest he has taken
in me.
Two courses lay open to me. The one was to rely upon
the language of conversation, jotting down anything of interest.
The other was to take down a large number of stories and poems
from dictation. The latter course I attempted during my first
visit, but abandoned it, as what I took down was frequently
very far removed from the colloquial language, and further I
was often suspicious of Connaught influence. The texts printed
at the end of this volume, however, have all been very carefully
revised, and represent J. H.'s speech as far as lay in my power.
Hence the bulk of my material has had to be collected whilst
herding cows, or chatting at night by the side of a peat fire.
The mode of transcription I have adopted is that of the
Association Phonetique, and the only new symbols are o, o, £,
which represent vowels peculiar to Gaelic. I regret that I have
not always been consistent in writing U, and 10 before consonants.
Finck's Araner Mundart has been freely utilised in the present
sketch, and I am only sorry that Meyer's Contributions to Irish
Lexicography ai*e not further advanced.
Before perusing the texts it is exceedingly important that
the paragraphs on Sandhi should be read.
It should perhaps be observed that in the case of the con-
sonants the term palatalisation is here used to denote palatal
temper or quality and that it therefore does not imply that the
sounds in question are palatalised as opposed to palatal.
1—2
4
WORKS CITED.
Atk.
CI. S.
Craig, Iasg.
D. P.
Di.
Diss.
Finck
G.J.
Henebry
Hogan
Macbain
Meyer
Molloy
Pedersen
Rhys
Sg. Fearn.
Spir. Rose
Atkinson's Glossary to the Passions and Homilies from
Leabhar Breac.
Claidheamh Soluis.
Craig, Iasgaireacht Sheumais Bhig, Dublin 1904.
Derry People.
Dinneen's Dictionary.
Die lautliche Geltung der vortonigen Worter und Silben
in der Book of Leinster Version der Tain bo Cualnge,
Greffswald 1900.
Die Araner Mundart i, ii.
Gaelic Journal.
A contribution to the phonology of Desi-Irish.
Luibhleabhran, Dublin 1900.
Etymological Gaelic Dictionary.
Contributions to Irish Lexicography.
Grammar of the Irish Language, Dublin 1867.
Aspiration i Irsk.
Outlines of Manx Phonology.
Lloyd, Sgeulaidhe Fearn mhuighe.
Spiritual Rose, Monaghan 1825.
SYMBOLS.
Vowels : a, s&, e, e, i, i, o, o, U, u, y, o, 6, j , 9.
Consonants : h, j, w, L, I, N, n, li, r, m, r n ji, f, v, %, p, p,
s, f, p, b, t, d, k, g.
' before a syllable denotes sti-ong stress.
after a consonant denotes that that consonant is palatal
(palatalised),
after a final vowel or consonant is sometimes employed to
indicate marked shortness of the preceding sound.
; after a vowel denotes length,
denotes nasalisation.
A. THE VOWEL SYSTEM.
S 1. We distinguish the following : —
Short vowels : — a, ee, s, e, i, i, o, o, U, o, y, £, 9.
Long vowels : — a:, e:, e:, i:, o:, o:, u:, y:, £:, o:.
Diphthongs : — oci, au, a:i, cc:u, si, su, sd, ei, e:i, id, iu, oi, o:i,
ud, ui, yd, du, 3j.
(a) The back vowels a, a:, o, o:, o, o:, U, o 1 , u:, £, X : > §■'•
1. a.
§ 2. The only a-sound which occurs in Donegal is the a of
French 'ma' (Sweet mid-back-wide-outer). In this book a is
written for purposes of convenience.
§ 3. This sound frequently represents O.Ir. a in accented
syllables before non-palatal consonants, e.g. ardm, 'army',
O.Ir. arm; at, 'swelling', O.Ir. att ; fanayt, 'to stay, remain',
O.Ir. anaim ; kapdL, 'mare', M.Ir. capall ; mak, 'son', O.Ir.
mace; maLayt, 'curse', O.Ir. maldacht; taytuiv, 'to choke',
O.Ir. tachtad ; tart, 'thirst', O.Ir. tart; taruw, 'bull', M.Ir.
tarb.
§ 4. O.Ir. e before non-palatal consonants in accented syl-
lables usually gives a, e.g. ay, 'steed', O.Ir. ech ; ah, 'swan',
M.Ir. ela ; ar t , 'splice, strip', aija%, 'fisherman's net', M.Ir. eng;
d'r'am, 'crowd', M.Ir. dremm ; darog, 'red', O.Ir. derg ; far,
'man', O.Ir. fer ; gal, 'white', M.Ir. gel; k'aytdr, 'either', O.Ir.
cechtar ; L'anuiv, 'child', M.Ir. lenab ; N' ad, 'nest', M.Ir. net;
p'akuw, 'sin', O.Ir. peccad ; Jasuw, 'to stand', M.Ir. sessom ;
t'ay, 'house', O.Ir. tech. The fact that O.Ir. accented e and a
result in the same sound leads to great confusion when they
1 Strictly speaking this is a mixed vowel but it will be convenient to
treat it with the back vowels.
occur initially. Hence the final of the article is frequently
palatal in cases where in O.Ir. the initial was a, not e,
e.g. tx: fe er d N'xsdl = ta se air an asal, ' he's badly drunk ',
M.Ir. assal ; similarly one only hears 9 t'xspd, 'the apostle', O.Ir.
apstal, cp. easbal M c Curtin, Grammar p. 103 ; 9 t'xsrigdr, 'a back-
answer, sharp retort ' < ais-fhreagar. This uncertainty as to the
quality of the old initial we shall have occasion to deal with in
§ 452. In this connection we might mention the curious form
andN in vidr 9 N'andN, kiixndN, 'alike, level, equal', O.Ir. inonn.
We should expect *ond]V but compare ea for io in Co. Monaghan
in ionad, tionntuigh &c. (Gaelic Journal 1896 p. 147 col. 2).
§ 5. Not infrequently a stands for O.Ir. a in accented
syllables followed by a palatal consonant, for which ai is now
written. This is particularly the case before intervocalic h < th,
where the change seems to have occurred already in M. Ir.,
cp. Meyer athaigim < aithigim. aith- > ath- is also a feature of
Desmond Irish, v. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 86.
Examples: kxMuw, 'to spend, wear, throw', O.Ir. caithem (Craig
writes cathadh) ; 9 wxhd l's, 'for the sake of, Di. mar (ar)
mhaithe le, as in 9 wxhd I'eihd hein 9 n'i:s 9 kxt kro:nxn, ' it is
for her own good that the cat purs ', N'i: gd homlxin 9 wxhd
I'ef 9 wUNtxft'd x% wxhd Vef d f'l'eij'u.-r, 'not altogether for the
sake of profit but also for pleasure'; ma, gd L'o:r, 'alright' = maith
go leor (in every other case maith appears as mxig) ; xhdNtds,
' acquaintance ', xhdNtd, ' acquainted ', Di. aitheantas, aitheanta
formed from end, O.Ir. aithgne, pret. dxhin m'd, 'I recognised',
Di. d'aithin ; xhdNtd, 'commandments', Di. aitheanta pi. of
aithne, so O.Ir.; xhiN'd, 'brand', M.Ir. aithinne ; mxhuw, ' to
forgive', O.Ir. mathem ; similarly before r<r in fxrzg'd, 'sea',
O.Ir. fairgge ; fx.rsiN 1 \ 'ample', O.Ir. fairsing ; mxrst'dn, infin.
of mairim, 'I remain, last', Wi. maraim. Further before m, v,
e.g. x.m'fir, 'weather', O.Ir. aimser; txvfd, 'ghost', M.Ir. taidbsiu
(note the phrase 9 r t lxkd tuw ko])xn te: (d)nif? N'i: txvf(d) e:,
' will you take a cup of tea now r ( It would be very acceptable ').
§ 6. In the same way M.Ir. o before palatal consonant
gives x. in x.f'r'dN, ' mass ', Wi. oifrend.
§ 7. We shall find that all long vowels are apt to be
shortened before intervocalic h < th. O.Ir. a appears shortened
in sJVxhdd, 'needle', O.Ir. snathat ; sNx.hdd, siYx.huw, 'to wash
down, spice ', pres. sNx.dhdm, pret. nx:i$, past part. sJYx:t'd, Di.
snathadh ; xlus, 'joy', M.Ir. aithes; txJidr, 'man ist ', M.Ir.
atathar; N'i: oJia/r < nf fhaghthar us in the proverb N'i: a.hdr
sxL' gdn ry.XzyJ, 'lard is not got without buying'; mahxr' ,
'mother', O.Ir. nwithir; dfrah 9 Nam9 j'o, 'about this time' = i
dtrath an ama seo, cp. Craig, Iasg. s. dratha ; LoJiir in 89 Na.m
9 Lahir, 'at the present time', always occurs with a but double
forms seem to have existed in the older language.
§ 8. Shortening before a consonant group takes place in
Navd'd plural of Na:wid' , ' enemy ', O.Ir. ace. pi. naimtea.
§ 9. Irish throughout its history has never been very careful
to distinguish a, and 6 (cp. Wi. bass, boss) and Donegal speech
forms no exception in this respect. In a number of words a
commonly appears instead of o, g. These are: ag9S, 'and', O.Ir.
ocus ; askdL, 'arm-pit', M.Ir. ochsal ; bardb, 'rough', M.Ir. borb ;
bat&L't'd, ' wap of hay ', Di. batailte < Engl., ' bottle ' ; blagod',
'bald patch' if < Meyer's bloc .i. cruinn ; brahan, 'porridge',
Di. Macbain brochan, Meyer brothehan ; b?-aLay, 'breast', Meyer
brollach ; faLcen, 'healthy', Di. follain (cp. Molloy's 13th dialect-
list) ; foLyh, 'parched', Di. fochla (with different meaning) ; faruw,
'roost', M.Ir. forud ; faskuiv, 'shelter', O.Ir. foscad ; kagnuw,
'to chew', M.Ir. cocnam ; ka,L, 'hazel', O.Ir. coll; kxsk»rt' ', 'to
strike, thaw', O.Ir. coscar ; mocguw, 'to mock '< Engl., cp. Louth
mogadh ; sxp, 'wisp', M.Ir. sopp (note fin a sap 9 row 9 t'i9sk
9N, ' das also war des Pudels Kern ') ; skahuiv, ' to wean ', M.Ir.
scothaim ; spxrxn but also S])07'an, 'purse', M.Ir. sporan ; tarsmctn,
' noise ', Wi. Ir. T. iv 1 torman. In other words sometimes a
appears, sometimes o, cp. foskluw, 'to open', fut. N'i: a.skla.yj: .
Cp. further §§ 25, GO.
§ 10. a is also frequent in syllables having secondary stress,
where it most commonly represents an O.Ir. long vowel. Thus
O.Ir. a in the derivative suffix -an gives a, e.g. g'arccn, 'horse',
lit. 'gelding', M.Ir. gerran ; ska.ha.7i, 'mirror', M.Ir. scathan ;
ghi:rdkan, ' numbness ', cp. ta: koLuw ghi:r9ksen 9N ni9 yof, ' my
foot is asleep '. As in O.Ir. there are other substantival termina-
tions which give -dn in Donegal, e.g. -on, -un in mecon, in a
number of words we find hesitation between -an and -dn. Thus
the form just mentioned occurs as m'akdn and m'akan (the word
is used principally of 'carrots' but it is also applied to the roots
of dock and agrimony, Los N9 m'akan, ' fungus, moss '). By the
side of the regular form Lahdn, 'wide', O.Ir. lethau, one also
hears L'ahan. Similarly g'ahtvan, g'ahwdn, ' sparrow ', Dinneen
gealbhan, M.Ir. gelbund ; ruokun, ' cockle ' = Di. ruacan. Adjec-
8
tives are formed from substantives ending in -an by the addition
of -L>, e.g. makaNta, 'civil, decent', lit. ' filial' < O.Ir. maccan,
' puerulus'; 8padaNt9, 'seedy, out of sorts', Di. spadanta ; f'iaNtg,
' wild ' (used of people), Di. fiadhanta ; S.uwlaNt9 i ' foolishly
prating', formed from auwhr, Di. amhloir, M.Ir. obloir.
a similarly arises from a in f'idstxlxy^ ' rush ', Di. fiastalach
(which should be spelt with -a-) ; f ada.lv, 'to whistle ', f'adalax,
'whistling', Di. feadalach ; J'sk'alay, 'conspicuous, remarkable,
handsome'; fadalax, 'slom', Di. fadalach ; oralax 9 ) 'offerings',
plur. of ."•</', Di. ofrail. Further u:has, 'prodigy', M.Ir. uathbas ;
l>rx:ky.s, 'small, deformed person', Di. pracas ; ra:ma.s, 'idle talk';
dr'duwlas, 'licentiousness', d'r'ouwlasa.y, 'licentious', cp. Di.
dreabhlas, drobhlas ; orLar, ' floor ', Di. urlar.
§11. In a number of cases a represents an older 6 (for the
same change in S. Ulster see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 1). The
suffix deuoting the agent -oir appeal's regularly in Donegal as -or',
but when the abstract suffix -ayt is added a appears for o — thus
tixhr , ' thatcher ', Di. tuigheadoir but ti:darayt, ' thatching '.
.Similarly spw&ft'arayt, 'strolling about', Di. spaisteoireacht ;
S';.>Lty.rayt, 'idling', cp. Engl, 'star-gazing', Di. neallad6ireacht.
Here we may also mention fanvma.Nti:, ' preacher ', Di. seannion-
taidhe, cp. Jan&mor', ' sermon '. Just as -oir becomes -or', so the
feminine termination -6g, O.Ir. -6c is reduced to -oy and commonly
to -ay, especially by the younger people, e.g. fiviN'oy, -a.y, ' win-
dow ', M.Ir. fuindeog; fwi.i'xg, 'sea-gull', cp. O.Ir. foilenn ;
kyJV'ay, 'churn-dash', M.Ir. cuindeog. In the plural the o is
perhaps more lirmly rooted, e.g. m'iaLtogy:, ' nudges ' ; asogy:,
' weasels ' ; b'ayogy:, l bees '. In the genitive and dative singular
the vowel is generally ee, er' d NyN'eeg, 'on the window'; ga.lt
b'zyjeg'i), ' the sting of a bee '.
§ 12. O.Ir. e in the terminations -en, -el, -et appears as a.
A similar change seems to have taken place in all the Irish
dialects, cp. Finck i p. 26 ; Henebry p. 29. e first gave sa as
in accented syllables, then ja{:). ea < O.Ir. e is not unknown in
stressed syllables, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 90 and Molloy's 36th
dialect-li^t, where the forms ead, eadail, eadtrom and eagcaoine
are quoted. Examples : Teivoud, 'to watch, look at', also ' to mind '
in kivad <i> yp 89 > 'mind your feet', Di. coimhead, Wi. comet;
k'\n'yj , 'sort, kind', O.Ir. cinel, cenel, Di. cineal, similarly k'iu'aLto,
'kind ' (adj.) ; Ml'an, 'pup', M.Ir. culen ; korN'al, 'corner', Di.
coirneal; kodfamf, 'triumph', M.Ir. caithreim ; divan, 'a scart',
Di. duibhean ('cormorant'), b'arctd, 'cap', Di. bairead has doubt-
less been influenced by some word like b'aruw, M.Ir. berrad, 'to
shave, dress the hair'. In any case the Donegal form h;is kept the
a which we should expect from the Munster form, bearad which
Dinneen gives as the Donegal form should have the length-mark.
Dinneen's sources of information for Donegal forms, J. P. Craig
and J. C. Ward, unfortunately make a practice of omitting the
length-mark in -an, -ail, -6ir &c, which is most reprehensible, as
their manner of spelling gives no clue to the pronunciation.
§ 13. Donegal Irish shews a distinct preference for a before
y in the termination -ach (O.Ir. -ach, -ech), e.g. zLxy, 'cattle',
O.Ir. ellach ; 9ma:rax> 'to-morrow', M.Ir. i mb.irach ; g'ccrocy,
gen. sing, of g'er, 'tallow'; im'ccyj, 'to depart', M.Ir. imthecht;
rapla.'Ya.n, 'rough and ready going fellow', cp. ra.plvhu:td, 'hubbub',
Di. rapla hiita; fejr'ay, 'plough', M.Ir. sessrech ; t'cx-Lay^, 'hearth-
stone', M.Ir. tenlach ; u:hay9, u:kayj>, 'caves', plur. of Hi.
This same fondness for a before y is further seen in accented
syllables in the case of diphthongs, which contain 9 as their
second element, e.g. f'izy, 'crow', O.Ir. f iach ; f'ictyd, 'debts',
also plur. of fid, 'deer', M.Ir. fiad ; fiayxl', 'to try', Wi.
fechaim ; k'sccyt, 'plough' (not common), O.Ir. cecht; p'r'eaytd,
' perished with cold ', Di. preach ta ; uctyz. plur. of mv, ' udder ',
M.Ir. nth ; uc/.yj(d), ' pledge ', Di. udhacht.
§ 14. In proclitics a represents a variety of vowels: fx,
'about', Di. fa (for the form v. § 314); a hein, 'himself, e
fhein ; a N'o,:'Q>iN\ dia dheanf hainn ; d'ct •hi:n'a, ' Friday ', dia
haoine ; a, ' descendant ' (in proper names) a bwi:L', ' O'Boyle ',
the full form is o: ; ma (»ia), ' my ', O.Ir. mo.
2. a:.
§ 15. a: represents in this book the vowel-sound in Fi'ench
' rage ' (= a.:) which is the same sound as the short a but
lengthened. It remains independent of the quality of the fol-
lowing consonant, as in d'a.n, ' ferry ', gen. sing. d'cc:a ; gra.:Nd,
'ugly', comp. gra.:k'd; krarrt, 'sow'.
§ 16. Most frequently a: arises from O.Ir. a in an accented
syllable : fcc.y&l', ' to leave ', Wi. facbaim ; fa:s, ' to grow ', Wi.
as; gra:n, 'disgust, dislike', M.Ir. grain; krx:/'ccy, 'religious',
M.Ir. craibdech ; Loc:n, 'full', O.Ir. Ian.
§ 17. O.Ir. a in accented syllables followed by d, g (Mod.Ir.
dh, gh) preceding *«<O.Ir. m, b gives a;, e.g. a:i/tjct, 'timber',
10
M.Ir. ad mat ; fidl cc:w dgds sstw, 'the descendants of Adam and
Eve', cp. Di. gen. sing. Adhmha, in Atk. Pass, and Horn, the a
has no length-mark; ctrw&r, 'material, cause', M.Ir. adbar ;
$x:n\>, 'woman's name', Mod.Ir. Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb. Similarly
N'i: x:N' fd, 'he does not get', cp. Wi. fagbaim.
§ 18. O.Ir. accented e (not a, see § 70) followed by d, g + a or o
gave y.oa, a as which contracted to a:, e.g. m'cc:ydn, l weight ', Di.
meadhachan, cp. Wi. med ; ma:N Le:, 'mid-day', Wi. medon;
fL'a:n, 'turf-spade', Di. sleaghan, M.Ir. sleg. Occasionally in
monosyllables ending in O.Ii*. in ed, thus fa:, ' fathom ', go.: c/.:,
'2 fathoms', Di. feadb, O.Ir. ed (for the pronunciations fig and
/V cp. §§ 170, 429).
§ 19. O.Ir. accented a, e, followed by th + a result in a: but
here we sometimes find double forms, e.g. ra:p£ fN'a.ytd, ' a drift
of snow ', Dinneen has raithe, plur. rathacha (Derry), according
to J. H. the nom. sing, is masc. but the gen. ra:cd is fern., as
is frequently the case with words not often used, nom. plur.
ra:ydXy: (forms containing a before th may be quoted here as
according to § 7 the long vowel would be shortened) ; sLx:y,
'slush on the sea-shore', also sLcchccy, Di. slathach ; b'a:y, 'beast,
horse', Meyer bethadach, plur. b'a.hi:; bla:y, 'buttermilk', M.Ir.
blathach.
§ 20. The x: in d'amuw, ' to do ', O.Ir. denum, is surprising
and is probably to be attributed to the influence of the preterite
form N'i: Iiy.:rX, where the vowel development is regular.
tcurN'a.'fo 'thunder', M.Ir. toirnech by the side of to:rN'eeJ\ 'a
great noise ', Di. toirneis, is peculiar but may be due to a different
grade in the root.
§ 21. y.: arises regularly by lengthening before certain com-
binations of 1, r, n with another consonant 1 . This occurs before
Lt, e.g. a:Lt, 'cliff', M.Ir. alt; b'a:Ltin'9, 'May', M.Ir.
beltene ; gx:Ltd, ' Protestant ', Di. gallda < M.Ir. gall.
nr, e.g. cc:nri, 'broth', M.Ir. enbruthe ; amro:, 'misery',
M.Ir. andro ; ba:nri:n, 'queen', O.Ir. ban-; kramrv,
'knot in wood, corn on the foot', Di. crannra ; skccmri:,
' scared, frightened ', cp. Di. scannruighim.
rd, e.g. k'c/.:rt9, ' forge ', Wi. cerdcha but there is no lengthen-
ing before it, cp. k'y/rt, ' right ', M.Ir. cert ; kxrtuw, ' to
cleanse', Meyer cartairn ; kartan, 'sheep-louse', Meyer
cart.
1 The short vowel is however often heard in a number of the cases.
11
rd', e.g. ka.:rd'd, 'friends', O.Ir. cairtea ; ky^rd'xy, 'friendly '.
rN, e.g. b'a:rN, 'gap', M.Tr. hern ; d 'a:rN&d, 'flea', Di.
deargnait, M.Ir. dergnat ; N'i: ha:rN, 'did not do',
Wi. derna ; kcc:rN, ' heap ', gen. sing. kx:rN', M.Ir.
earn ; ta:rNa.ytd, ' bare, naked ', Wi. tarr-.
rN', e.g. tonrN'd, ' nail ', Wi. tairnge but not in toirN't', ' to
pull ', Wi. tairrngim.
rL, e.g. pz:rLotn, proper name, M.Ir. Partholon.
R, e.g. bx:r, 'top' but bocrgic, 'a light shower' beside bx:ridL,
'short leather lace'; /'oc:r, 'better', O.Ir. ferr ; ga:ri:,
'garden', Di. garraidhe, M.Ir. garrda ; g'a:r, 'short',
M.Ir. gerr, 9 jix:r ocma, 'in a short time' but in the
meaning of 'moderate' we find g'cer, as in go/rid, 'hare',
Di. gearrf hiadh, g'ccrwoiir, ' pretty good '. In verbal
roots ending in r < R, the long vowel alternates with
the short. Thus g'aruw, ' to cut ', pret. ja.:r m'z>, fut.
g'a.:rd m'd, past part. g'a.:p, imperf. pass. jcc:rti:, g 'a:ra,%9 }
plur. of g'x?'uw, 'cutting pains'; similarly b'wuw, 'to
shear ', pret. vot:r m'd, past part. b'a.:rd. From these
forms it appears that lengthening is the rule before
/• < nth. For this compare cc:ruiv, ' change ' infin. to
M.Ir. aitherraigim ; pcc:ru:s, 'paradise', Di. parrthas,
O.Ir. pardus ; toc:rsel', 'to assist, succour', Di. tarrthail,
cp. M.Ir. tarraid, tarrthatar. Note that there is no
lengthening before r < thr in k'uruw, ' quarter ', Wi.
cethramad.
In t'a(:)mpdL, ' a Protestant church or chapel ' there is hesitation
between a and a:.
3. 0.
§ 22. In this book is used to denote an unrounded form of
the low-back-wide-round English vowel in ' not '. This low-back
is general in the English of the inhabitants of the north-west
of Ireland and suggests to an English ear rather an a than an
o-sound but a and are kept fairly distinct, though a, 0, g
are very close to one another in formation.
§ 23. In stressed syllables usually arises from O.Ir. o be-
fore non-palatal consonants. Unfortunately frequently occurs
under the same conditions and hard and fast rules cannot be
12
established. However o seems to stand principally before certain
sounds, p before others, o appears before
/, e.g. fob, gen. sing, of ficil', ' blood ' ; moluw, ' to praise,
recommend', O.Ir. molad ; obN, 'wool', O.Ir. oland
(but gen. sing. oLd) ; oik, 'bad', O.Ir. olcc ; sobs, 'light',
O.Ir. solus. By the side of dol, 'snare', dol is also
heard.
k, e.g. boka.il, ' toad- stool ', Hogan bocan ; Lokuw, ' to fail,
flinch', Di. locadh ; sok, 'snout', M.Ir. socc ; sokyr, 'at
ease', M.Ir. soccair. But always krok, 'hill', O.Ir.
cnocc. okros, 'hunger', is M.Ir. accorus, occorus.
t, e.g. kotuw, ' bashfulness ', Di. cotughadh ; krotd, ' a lichen
which gives a yellow dye used in the manufacture of
tweeds', Meyer crottal ; potd, 'pot', Di. pota. But sLot,
' wick ' also used to mean ' a weak person ', Manx slut
(not in Cregeen) (]).
y, e.g. boyt, 'poor', O.Ir. bocht ; koy»L, 'scrotum', Wi.
cochull ; koyj>n, 'straw', Di. cochan (this may be formed
from caith, cath, 'chaff', with the usual shortening
before h < th, and h> y, cp. § 178) ; kroyinc, ' to hang',
M.Ir. crochad ; oytdr, '8 persons', M.Ir. ochtar ; spoya.7i,
'poke' (a disease of sheep = scrofula) ; spoyuw, 'to geld',
M.Ir. spochad ; toyjrtuiv, 'to wind up thi-ead ', Di.
tochardadh, M.Ir. tochras (Laws); toyj>s, 'itch', Di.
tochas ; toyt fuil', ' gravel ', Di. tocht + fuail gen. sing.
of fual (this term is not understood, the meaning of fual
is entirely forgotten).
/•, e.g. dordyd, 'dark', O.Ir. dorcha ; doras, 'door', O.Ir.
dorus; fortccy, 'comfort', M.Ir. fortacht ; gorzm, 'blue',
M.Ir. gorm ; govti:wd I's, 'depending on', Di. tortaobh
(cp. §416); (/ortuw, 'to injure', Di. gortughadh ; kor,
koR, 'odd', M.Ir. corr; koRuio l'z, 'upwards of, Di.
corradh ; korddi:, 'to move, stir', Meyer coraigim ;
korccy, 'steep', M.Ir. corrach ; korp, 'corpse', O.Ir. corp ;
l.n-dm, 'level', M.Ir. comthromm; k'l'i'orst'd, 'harrow',
= cliath fhoirste; Lordy, 'track', Wi. lorg ; mornkuw,
'rotting', Di. morgadh (the k is extended from the past
part, mornky:); stwfivi:, 'snort'; tort', 'bulk', M.Ir.
toirt; toruw, 'fruit', O.Ir. torad. But pgrtay, 'bog',
Di. portach.
8, e.g. kosu:V, ' similar ', O.Ir. cosmail ; kros, * cross ', krosdm,
13
'I forbid', Meyer cross, crossaim ; osNo, 'sigh', O.Ir.
osnad; tost, 'silence', M.Ir. tost; trosk, 'cod', Di. trosc.
But Losicl', 'a shallow wooden vessel' (not generally
known), O.Ir. lossat ; LqskdN, 'toad', M.Ir. loscann
doubtless owing to the preceding L.
h < th, e.g. kohuw, 'to feed', Meyer cothaigim ; gohanay,
' touchy ', Di. gothan ; roh,9, ' wheel ', Wi. roth. But q
before y <h in moyuw, ' springing' (cp. § 333).
o only occurs very exceptionally before other non-palatal sounds,
e.g. bobwir ayt, ' roguery ', formed on Engl. ' bob ' ; gonan, ' canine
tooth ', formed from gonaim (?) ; kopan, ' cup ' < Engl. ; kopog,
' clock ', Meyer coppoc.
§ 24. o also occurs before palatal consonants, but chiefly
when the palatal is an essential part of the root-syllable and
not when it only serves as a flexional element, e.g. kor'k'o,
'oats', Meyer coirce ; Lot' ay, 'harmful, injurious', M.Ir. loitim ;
ofir, 'oyster', Macbain oisir, Di. oisre ; ot'ir', 'turf-bank', Di.
oitir ; rojuiv, ' rip up ', O'R. roiseadh ; tot', ' smoke ', Di. toit,
Atk. tutt ; gor'uw, ' to heat, warm ', Di. goruw (cp. the proverb
js fair 9 veL't' o haNuw Na n ami o aor'uw, ' it is better to
tighten the belt than to burn one's cheek'). In other cases o
before a palatal consonant has been prevented from becoming
i, i by the rest of the paradigm, e.g. tol', ' will ', O.Ir. tol ; skol',
'school', M.Ir. scol; kofd, gen. sing, of kos, 'foot', ko/'iayt,
' walking ', Di. coisidheacht ; krofi:n, ' stick with curved handle ',
Di. croisin < cros. But in the majority of monosyllables we 6nd
i, i, cp. brok, ' badger ', gen. sing, brik' and § 98.
§ 25. In § 9 we saw that a number of forms containing o in
O.Ir. at the present day have a. The converse is also true and
some speakers go very far in substituting o for a. This is
principally the case in the neighbourhood of I, L (cp. for
Monaghan G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1) aud J. H. has o in the
following : — boluw, ' dumb ', M.Ir. balb ; gohr, ' disease ', O.Ir.
galar; Losuw, 'to light, kindle', M.Ir. lassaim, Losir, 'blaze',
M.Ir. lassair; mohrt', 'exchange', M.Ir. malairt ; moli:, 'brow,
incline', O.Ir. mala; sohN, 'salt', O.Ir. salami ; bolkuiv beside
balkuw, 'futuere', Di. balcaim, Meyer balccim, cp. bqN balky:,
' a collection made to pay for whiskey &c. at a gathering or dance
on the first Sunday after a wedding '. From younger people one
hears toluw, 'land', O.Ir. talam ; hoL, 'over yonder', oJYoL,
'hither', O.Ir. tall, anall ; smolkuw, 'to smoke vigorously', Di.
14
sinalcadh ; bolk beside balk, bolkaNy: Nd Lu:Nd$Nv, ' August
rains', Di. bale. The hesitation between a and o in the O.Ir.
suffix -6c has been mentioned in § 11 and a number of words
appear with both vowels, e.g. folirm, ' I hide ', 9 wolay, walay,
' in hiding ', M.Ir. folach, pret. dedi: fo, past part. fodi:jt'd ;
a.yruzv, oyruio, an exclamation = ' why, good heavens, I should
just think so', Craig writes achru (Iasg); actsruw, ot9ruw,
'between them', Di. eatortha ; odi:, adi:, 'yon' = adai, Di. lid;
Noyti:, 'stripped, bare' but tocrJUFayti:, 'naked', M.Ir. nocht ;
kdrd'm'iL'd, ' heath-pease ', Di. carra mhilis ; mohuw, ' to feel ',
fut. act. ma.iha.y9 m'», pres. maihi:m, pres. pass, mot' or. ivoko
tuw may be heard by the side of wako tuw, ' did you see 1 ',
boria.yt, ' too much ' for bariayt, Di. barraidheacht. One might
naturally think that this o was spreading into W. Ulster from
Connaught, but in the light of the Monaghan forms quoted by
Lloyd we may assume that o for a occurs sporadically in northern
dialects as well as in the west and south.
§ 26. o represents M.Ir. eo in oyjjr , ' key ', M.Ir. eochuir.
This word has doubtless influenced oyj/r, 'the roe of a fish',
M.Ir. iuchair. We expect *oyjyr'. O.Ir. fliuch, 'wet', is some-
times pronoun cedf'l'oy heside f'l'iy, f'l'dy, f 'I' Uy. d'oy, 'drink'
<O.Ir. deug, gen. sing, dige, on the lines of tech, 'house', gen.
sing, tige, owes its vowel to the u-temper of the final in O.Ir.
§ 27. An O.Ir. 6 is reduced to o in syllables with secondary
stress, e.g. fi:dor\ 'weaver', Di. figheadoir ; spahdor, 'mower';
ti:dor, 'thatcher'; b'r'i^lod', 'dream', Meyer brinngloid ; madod',
' a foolish woman ', Di. malaid ; t'r'ibhd', ' trouble ', Di. triobloid,
M.Ir. treblait ; fk'ibol (fk'ibal), 'barn', Di. sciobol ; smL'or
beside sseL'er, ' evident ', Di. soilleir. N' amort, ' neglect, care-
lessness ', JV'amortay, ' careless ', are peculiar. Dinneen wi-ites
neamhaird. In the Derry People 2 xii '05 p. 2 col. 5, we find
neamart. A remarkable reduction of ud > o before the stress
occurs in Loyjp'i'.N'd, ' a penny woi'th ' < Luoy, Di. luach ; kroy
'eir', ' hay-stack ', < cruach. With this is to be compared sLo: fi:,
' the fairies ', < sluagh. yol 'fod', ' to sing ' (' to sing a song ' is
o:ran 9 ra:(t'), imperative abwir o:ran) < gabhail cheoil, shews
loss of palatalisation in a weakly stressed syllable. The full
form yod' is used to mean 'yeast', Di. gabhail. gol' and gol
are used side by side for ' going ', = ag gabhail and ag dul.
Similarly tort 'dUw, 'giving to me' < to:rt', Di. tabhairt, imper.
lor, t9r -dUw, ' give me ' ; moran, ' many, a quantity of ', Di.
15
moran is the usual form, as the word principally conies before the
stress, but mo:ran, mo:ran are the emphatic forms. Cp. § 451.
4. o:.
§ 28. This is the same sound as the previous one, only long.
§ 29. o: usually represents O.Ir. o in accented syllables, e.g.
bo:, 'cow', O.Ir. bo (but note gen. plur. JYo mo:); o dodouiv,
'always, still', Di. i dtolamh (?) ; do:uw, 'to burn', M.Ir. doud ;
fo:d, 'sod', O.Ir. fot ; g» fo:L', 'still, yet', M.Ir. co foill ; gb.r,
'noise, sound of talking', M.Ir. glor ; ko:r, 'proper, meet', O.Tr.
coir from which ko.r'uw, 'to mend'; ko:p, 'chest', Di. cof ra ,
ko:to, 'coat', Di. cota ; kro: (mwik'j), 'sty', O.Ir. cro ; krouj'c/.n,
' a foot, small heap of peat set up to dry ', kro:g'uw, ' to foot ', Di.
gruaigeadh; o:g, 'young', O.Ir. oc ; o:l, 'drink', O.Ir. 61; o:r,
'gold', O.Ir. or; o:kxd', 'opportunity', Di. ocaid ; plo:d' ort, 'con-
found you' suggests plaigh, 'plague'; po:y, 'kiss', O.Ir. poc ;
po.ko, ' pocket ', Di. poca ; po:suw, ' to marry ', Di. posadh ; po.r,
' seed ', po.ruw, ' to breed ', Di. por ; ro:gdNtd, * roguish ' ; ro:p&,
' rope ' ; skro:ba.n, ' crop of birds ', Di. scroban ; skony in 6a sko:p
Vim & vif buiL't'i), ' it would be beneath my dignity ' ; skoyj', ' neck
of a bottle ', Di. scoig ; sm?:lay^ ' thrush ', Di. smolach ; no: in
8o(:)$r'et'9, ' credible ' ; 8o(:)hikfi:, ' intelligible ' (similarly do: in
do:rocJYo, 'hard to deal with'); so:kd, 'ease', Keating socamhal
(cp. Deny People 30 v '04, ionnus nach robh suaimhneas na
socal aici) ; sto:k%y^ ' lad ', Di. stocach ; sto:l, ' stool ' ; stro:kuw,
' to tear ', Di. strocadh ; sro.fay, ' sneezing ', O'R. srofurtach ;
tro:kir'o, 'mercy', O.Ir. trocaire.
It is perhaps worth while noting that, when o: comes to
be flanked by palatal consonants, no change occurs, e.g. k'o.i',
gen. sing, of k'o.l, ' music, song ' ; d'o:r, ' tear, drop ', gen. sing.
d'o:r'o.
§ 30. o: occurs in syllables with both chief and secondary
stress as the result of o (6) followed by dh, gh, which have
become quiescent, e.g. so:, ' happiness ', Di. sogh, cp. the proverb
ffi'i: f'juw so: Na.y wiL'anuw a.:nro:, ' no contentment is worth
anything that will not weather adversity ' ; don-iN'a-y, ' severe,
distressing', Keating doghraingeach but fo:wor, 'autumn', cp.
§ 38 ; /ado:, ' to kindle, make into a blaze ', M.Ir. fatod. This
termination -o: has been extended to several other words, solo:,
' flee, escape ', Wi. elud ; t'soLto:, ' saunter ', Di. tealtogh ; ma\o:,
'interruption, delay', Di. has meathlodh s. meathladh; L'saro:,
' glimmer of sight ' (1).
16
§ 31. o: arises from o by lengthening before R, r, rN, rt, rd,
e.g. do:rN, 'fist', Wi. dorn, but nom. plur. dirN' ; do:rtuw, 'spill',
M.Ir. dortad ; o No:vi:r, 'the day after to-morrow', Di. oirthear,
Wi. oirthir, airthir ; o:rd, 'sledge-hammer', M.Ir. ord, but nom.
plur. ord', ird' ; o:rdag, ' thumb ', Wi. ordu ; sko:rNay, ' throat ',
Di. scornach, Macbain sgornan ; to:ruw, 'funeral', Di. torramh,
Wi. torroma ; to:ri:s, ' number at birth ', Wi. torrchius ; to:rJ¥'aef,
' big noise, row ', Di. toirneis.
§ 32. O.Ir. eu, eo give o: by shifting of the stress in odcty,
'acquainted, experienced', cp. O.Ir. eola ; o:rNd, 'barley', M.Ir.
eorna ; go do:, ' for ever ', cp. Wi. deod ; d'r'odcm, ' wren ', Di.
dreolan; f'jod', 'flesh', O.Ir. f eoil ; k'o:, 'mist', M.Ir. ceo; gs
L'o.r, 'sufficient, plenty', Wi. leor; L'ouw, 'to heckle', Di.
leodhaim, Wi. leo ; fod, 'sail', O.Ir. seol ; t'o:, comp. of t'e, 'hot',
cp. Wi. teou s. tee. do:?', 'tear, drop' is M.Ir. der for which see
Strachan Bezz. Beitr. xx 6 n.
§ 33. Occasionally o: is the result of contraction, e.g. ko:yo
mo, fut. of kohuiv, 'to feed', Meyer cothaigim ; ko:r < comhair in
N'i: ra^f fi: a X 0:r > ' sne wou ^ not S° near ^ m \ X 0:r ^ 9
Lu:NdsNd, ' approaching August ', yp:r a him jsog, ' nearly 11',
tx: J's yo:r mctruw, ' he is almost dead ' (yo:r is further reduced
to ypr in ypr 9 vo, 'almost'); o:n, 'Owen', M.Ir. Eogan, t'i:r
'o:n, ' Tyrone '.
§ 34. Before the chief stress we sometimes find o: for ud, cp.
Ijoy -p'i:N'd §27. This occurs in sLo: -fi:, 'the fairies', sluagh
aidhe, plur. sLod'o; ro: -b'iN', 'brown hawk', ruadh beinne, cp.
Di. ruadhan alia, 'sparrow-hawk', o:, 'grandchild', O.Ir. haue,
M.Ir. 6a, ixa, common in the phrase toe: fiod klxN os o:, 'they
are second cousins '. In family names it is reduced to %. In
this connection we may note the Anglo-Irish 'borach' (bo:rscy)
where in Irish one hears bwj:rxy, Di. buarach and cp. further
§151.
§ 35. In a few cases we find o: where we should naturally
expect o:, e.g. orrccu, 'song', Meyer am ran ; go:Ltos, 'farm', Di.
gabhaltas; go:h, gen. sing, of god', 'yeast', Di. gabhail but god,
'groin', godecyzs, 'springing' (of horses), go:m = gabhaim, v. § 40.
5. o.
§ 36. A close short o is heard in a few words in the vicinity
of labials instead of o. Examples: brow, 'blade of grass',
17
Meyer brobh, brod ; boh, 'sod-house, still-house', O.lr. both but
bohog; bomwit'a, 'minute', but more commonly with o, Di. moimid;
inohuw, ' to feel ', Di. mothughadh ; row, enclitic form for ' was ',
= raba < robdi. In kohard, ' sign ', Wi. comartha we have trans-
position of the h < th and consequent shortening.
6. o:.
§ 37. This is a very close long o-sound like the German
vowel in 'Sohn' or the Anglo-Irish o in 'home'. When nasalised
it is slightly more open as is the case in French (Vietor, Elemente
der Phonetik 5 p. 158). In the use of o: Monaghan seems to
agree with Donegal (cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146).
§ 38. o: arises from O.lr. 6 chiefly in the vicinity of nasals
and labials. It is interesting to note that under these circum
stances the dialect described by Henebry has u:, whilst Donegal
o: corresponds to o: in the Decies (Henebry p. 31). Examples :
bro:n, 'sorrow', O.lr. bron ; kro:, 'nut', M.Ir. cn6, O.lr. cnu ;
Lo.n, 'store, provision', O.lr. loun, loon; mo:, 'more', O.lr. moo,
m.6 ; mo:d'd, 'vow', M.Ir. moit ; mom, 'peat', M.Ir. moin ;
mo:rtds, 'boasting', *mordatas, cp. M.Ir. mordatu ; mo.ficcm, 'irri-
tation', Di. moisiam < Engl, 'commotion' (?) ; JYo:s, 'habit', M.Ir.
n6s; o:N'fa.yj, 'hussy', Di. oinseach ; ro:n, 'seal', M.Ir. ron ;
sro:n, ' nose ', O.lr. sron ; torn, ' bottom ', M.Ir. ton. so:mds,
' ease ', is peculiar, as Dinneen and O'Reilly have samhas, Wi.
sam. It should be stated that, although the distinction between
d: and o; seems to be pretty generally observed, there are sur-
prising deviations, e.g. one may hear gd L'o:r, ' sufficient ', for
gd L'o:r. Why to:g, imper. ' lift ', Wi. tocbaim has o: I am quite
unable to say. M.Ir. eo, eoi also give o: before a nasal, e.g.
L'o:nuw, ' to sprain ', Keating leonaim ; doc lo:Ntid' hein, ' of his
own accord ', Di. gives leointe as Munster and d'a leontuighil fein
as the Donegal form. The forms seem to go back to M.Ir. de6in,
which is preserved in N'aujom, 'in spite of (reig' fd m'd N'. a
d'a:rN m'd a wdihds do:, ' he left me in spite of all the good I did
for him'), here M.Ir. i n-umde6n has been transformed into
neamh-dheoin. Cp. further N'o:ni:ri, 'daisy', for No:ni:n, Di.
n6inin.
§ 39. In a few cases o: is the result of lengthening before
n + another consonant, e.g. so:Nta.%, ' innocent, simple ', Di.
sonntach ; somrutv, 'notice', Di. sonnrughadh, so:nria.% ' re "
markable', both from O.lr. sainreth, sainred.
Q. 2
18
§ 40. Very frequently o: arises in stressed syllables containing
O.Ir. e, a or o followed by bh or e, o followed by nib. Tbe sound
represented by bh, mh was a bilabial w which coalesced with the
aw au(w) ou o:
preceding vowel, the stages being . , . , . In some
r ow ccu(tv) ou(w) o:
cases the older stage an has been preserved. Thus in doiwudn,
'world', an alternative pronunciation to do:n, O.Ir. domun,
which is perhaps more general, cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146 ; dcmwi:,
'vat', M.Ir. dabach ; d'auivi:, 'nagging', O.Ir. debaid. (a) Ex-
amples of o: < O.Ir. om, dd:ncty, 'Sunday', M.Ir. domnach ;
domdL, ' Donald ', M.Ir. Domnall ; do:ri ', ' deep ', O.Ir. domain ;
ko:gdr, 'tool'(?); ko:h, 'door-valve', M.Ir. comla ; ko:nl, 'dwell',
M.Ir. comnaide; ko:r, 'partnership' (a go:r fa, 'sharing'), Meyer
comar ; ko:rsd, ' neighbour ', Meyer comarsa ; kb:ra:, ' converse ',
M.Ir. comrad ; ko:rL'd, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; to:s, 'measure,
guess', O.Ir. tomus. For ko:nir', 'coffin', Meyer comra see § 442.
Here we may also mention the forms ro:m, ro:d, ro:N', ro:v <
romham, romhad ifec. < rem-. (b) Examples of o: < O.Ir. ab,
ffo:r, 'goat', O.Ir. gabor ; god, 'groin', O.Ir. gabul (this word is
practically forgotten in the meaning of ' fork ', for which the
English word is used. J. H. however has it but pronounces
it gauwdl), cp. ta: god maic, bivxN'd sg' 9 tvo: fin, ' that cow has
a good bag of milk ', vs:ra rrid kick so aod qyd ' , said by boys,
goday&s, 'springing' (of a horse), cp. Macbain gobhlachan, 'person
sitting astride'; go:m, imper. go:, O.Ir. gabimm [in the meaning
of ' take ' glakuw is now used. The present go:m is chiefly heard
in go:m pa:rdu:n did', ' excuse me ', the imperative is used to
mean ' go ', also ' come ' as go: [d)ft!a.y^, ' come in ', go: dNaL,
' come over here '. The infln., past part, and passive forms are
used in the sense of 'arrest', note also N't: veiN' gUt'd I'ef,
' I would not be bothered with it '] ; o:N', ' river ', cp. Meyer aba,
gen. sing, aband ; to:rt', ' to give ', O.Ir. tabairt (frequently
shortened to tort'), toirtdnay^ f% N'c/:r, ' observant ', to.rt'ccy,
'liberal', torrtdtids, 'offering, gift', xY'i: ho:r'd ma (foil: f 9), 'I shall
not give', Craig writes ni thabharfaidh but this I have not heard ;
Lo.rt', 'speak', O.Ir. labraim ; sLo:k, 'viscid kind of sea- weed ',
Hogan slabhacan, comes from English ' sloke '. (c) Examples of
o:<O.Ir. ob, go:, 'smith', O.Ir. goba ; ko.r', 'relief, O.Ir. cobir;
ro:rtd, 'spring-tide', O.Ir. robarti ; ro:ivd, ro:uw, 'warning', M.Ir.
robad. (d) Examples of o: < O.Ir. eb, f'jo.s, ' excellence ', M.Ir.
febas ; L'o:r, ' book ', O.Ir. lebor, also in the asseveration formed
from this word, JJo:yd, i.e., by the book ' > 'indeed'; m'jo:r',
19
'mind', O.Ir. mebuir ; fo:k, 'hawk', M.Ir. sebac ; t'r'ouw, 'to
plough', pres. ind. t!r'o:pm, M.Ir. trebaim ; jo: m'&, fut. of jevam,
'I get', Keatiug do-gheabha, fut. pass. ju:har. (e) In d'o.n,
'demon', O.Ir. demun o: arises from O.Ir. em but the case is
isolated, cp. J'L'5:mvin, 'slippery', M.Ir. slemon.
Two other forms containing o: by contraction may be men-
tioned here, ffcwar, 'harvest, autumn', O.Ir. fogamur; m'jo:n,
'means', which seems to go back to O.Ir. medon, though the
latter generally appears as m'a:n in m'a.:nl:(9, 'midnigbt',
ma:NLe:, 'mid-day'. This m'jo:n only occurs in the plural
like Engl. ' means '. Dinneen gives meodhan as a by-form of
meadhon.
7. U.
§ 41. This is a sound which does not occur in many words,
but there are several varieties, which makes analysis difficult.
One form of the sound is certainly the high-back-wide-round
vowel in standard Engl. ' put ', only differing from it in having
under-rounding. U is found most frequently in monosyllables
before w.
§ 42. O.Ir. u in stressed monosyllables followed by b, g, th
gives U, e.g. dl/w, 'black', O.Ir. dub (also dl/w, 'to me', O.Ir.
dom) ; grUw {grU bwia), ' biestings ', Wi. gruth ; gUw, ' voice ',
O.Ir. guth ; krUw, 'form, shape', O.Ir. cruth ; srllw, 'stream',
srlfw dNuds, 'down-drops, rain coming through the roof, O.Ir.
smth. In cases like t'Uw, 'thick', M.Ir. tiug (Craig Iasg. tiuth)
and t'r'Uw, 'hooping-cough', Di. triuch, the glide developed
before a < O.Ir. g has ousted the original vowel.
It may be gathered from these examples that Donegal Irish
shews a distinct tendency to make a short accented monosyllable
ending in a vowel or w or j terminate in breath. Thus the w in
the above instances is unvoiced and this is more clearly seen in
dN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu. Cp. further deh, 'from him', O.Ir.
de, Scotch Gaelic dheth and §g 91, 202. When another syllable
is added to these forms in w, we find h, e.g. krUhi:m, ' I prove ',
Di. cruthuighim ; srUhocn, 'a sti'eam ' but also arUipa/n.
§ 43. U occurs in some words where we might expect p or i,
as in hUfk'r'a.'y, ' reeds ', O'Don. Suppl. cuiscreach ; fUgiN' < seo
chugainn ; bUksj, 'box'; kUfL'd, 'vein, pulse', O.Ir. cuisle,
kll/'L'xn dd hzluw, 'a strip of land'; kUjWa.%, 'very rainy
sleet', Di. cuisne ; LXlhd, past part, of Louw, 'to rot', O.Ir.
2—2
20
lobad ; LUyser, 'rejoicing', M.Ir. luthgair but Lfchdr, 'vigorous,
nimble', M.Ir. liithmar ; Uyjtrt', 'to wallow', uchairt Claidheamh
Soluis 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5 (cp. § 335). One may also hear U for
q in milk, 'pig'; mULccy, 'top'; gUgan, 'piggin'; s> dUk/'i:,
da dtugfidhe ; bUNtse/t'd, 'advantage'; rUt'i:, imperf. pass, of
t'r'outv, 'to plough', also rot'i:, fit'i: ; gUt'd past part, of go:m,
O.Ir. gabimm (but gyt's from gyd', 'to steal', M.Ir. gait), pres.
pass. gUt'dr &c. ; kUmpla.sk, 'build of a man' < Engl, 'complexion ' ;
Ubicir, 'work'; f'l'Uy, ' wet ' beside /Ti % , fl'oy.
8. u:.
§ 44. There are several varieties of w:-sounds in Donegal.
The normal u: I regard as a lowered variety with underround-
ing. The absence of well-marked lip-rounding explains how ud
can pass into j^ :, id (infra § 66) and further how the same vowel
can be reduced to o:, a in a syllable before the chief stress (§ 34).
In the neighbourhood of palatal consonants u: is often like the
vowel in German 'gut' (high-back-narrow-round), u: tends to
pass off into a bilabial tv which, however, does not appear before
consonants.
§ 45. u: commonly corresponds to O.Ir. u, e.g. bru:t'd, past
part, of bruiam, 'I mash, press down', M.Ir. bruim, bru:t'i:n,
'mashed potatoes', Di. briiightm ; d'r'u.yja, 'dew', M.Tr. driicht ;
ku:l, 'back', O.Ir. ciil ; ku.ramay, 'careful', Di. curamach ; kuw,
'hound', O.Ir. cii ; k'l'uw, ' fame ' for *kluw, O.Ir. clu ; Lu.buw,
'to bend', M.Ir. lupaim ; LCc/m; 'nimble', M.Ir. liithmar ; mu:n,
'urine', M.Ir. mun ; plu:ydm, 'I smother', cp. O.Ir. muchaim ;
su.l', 'eye', O.Ir. siiil ; tu:rtog, 'hillock', spelt tiirtog Derry
People 21 xi '03 p. 3 col. 3, Di. turtdg ; tu:rJV's, 'spinning-wheel',
Di. tuirne s. turna ; u.-dalotn, 'swivel', Macbain udalan < O.Ir.
utmall ; u:r, 'fresh', M.Ir. ur ; uw, 'udder', O.Ir. uth. ku:?-'iccLtd,
'neat' has u:, cp. Claidheamh Soluis 29 viii '03 p. 2 col. 5
curaidhealta, against Di., O'R. cuirealta.
u: also occurs in syllables with secondary stress, e.g. gxsuir,
' little boy ', Di. gastir seemingly by form-association with gas
from garsun < Fr. gallon ; gpru:n, ' haunch ', Di. gurrun ; jidrdg-
nuw, 'annoyance', Di. iarghno ; kocsu:r, 'hammer', Meyer casiir;
mi:ft!u:rd, ' unruly ' ; iia:rdu:n, ' pardon ' ; pa:ru:s, ' paradise ',
O.Ir. pardus by analogy with words in u:s < Engl, 'house' as
Meyer bacus, toNu:s, ' tannery ', perhaps also with p'inu.s,
'penance', Di. pfonus ; fs:fu:r, 'season', Di. seasiir; tx:L'u:r,
' tailor '.
21
§ 46. O.Ir. ua, uai are frequently contracted to u:, e.g. u:n,
'lamb', plur. u:n (cp. Molloy's 33rd dialect- list), O.Ir. lian ;
u:ha.s, ' prodigy ', M.Ir. uathbas ; u:ha.y9, u:kccy?, plur. of ui,
'cave', O.Ir. nam ; Mu:n', 'aftermath, meadow, allurement',
M.Ir. cliiain; ku:n' } gen. sing, of hum, 'harbour', M.Ir. cuan;
d'a. 'Lu.n, 'Monday', Wi. Man; Nuw, 'new', O.Ir. mie, nua ;
ruwog, ' cobbler's cord ', Di. ruadhog ; sUfuw, ' complexion ', Wi.
sniiad. bu:r'uw, ' blood mixed with matter ', cp. Meyer buar,
' diarrhoea '.
§ 47. O.Ir. b < Idg. u after r, 1 gives uw, e.g. garuw, 'rough',
O.Ir. garb; maruw, 'dead', O.Ir. marb ; faruw, 'bitter', O.Ir.
serb ; taruw, ' bull ', O.Ir. tarb. Similarly a final b or m when
not originally followed by a palatal vowel gave a bilabial w and
was later vocalised to uw, e.g. g'r'hiw, 'deed', O.Ir. gnim ; kliiw,
'plumage', M.Ir. cliim. Where possible a, e or o preceding the
b or m became 9 and the resulting combination dw also gave uw,
e.g. k'l'iuw, 'basket, creel', O.Ir. cliab ; L'anuw, 'infant', M.Ir.
lenab ; J'L'iuw, 'mountain', O.Ir. sliab. In syllables with secondary
stress — ctJYuw, 'seldom', Wi. andam ; cc:r'uw, 'count', O.Ir. arani ;
b'r'ehuw, 'judge', b'r'ehumss, 'judgment', O.Ir. brithem ; d'a:nuw,
' to do ', O.Ir. denom ; fivi:fuw, ' improvement ', Di. faoiseamh,
M.Ir. foessam ; ka.hu w, 'to wear, throw, spend', O.Ir. caithem ;
ku:nuw, 'assistance', O.Ir. congnam ; fiLuiv, 'syllable', O.Ir.
sillab.
§ 48. In syllables with secondary stress O.Ir. b, m gave to
which coalesced with the vowel of the syllable and produced
u:(w). In this case w is frequently heard before r, I, n, s. The
adjective termination -mar appears as -u:r, e.g. szdu:?*, 'jealous ',
Di. eadmhar; fasku:r, 'sheltered' < *foscad-mar ; didnuir, 'water-
tight', Di. di'onmhar ; gj^:lu:r, 'related', Di. gaolmhar. The
infinitive termination -(a)main, -(a)maint gives -ti:n', -u:N't', e.g.
L'a.nu:N't', ' to follow ', Wi. lenmain ; el'u:n, ' to rear ', Wi.
ailemain s. alaim ; g'a.Lu:N't', ' to promise ', Di. geallamhain ;
ka.nu:N't ', speech, language', Di. canamhain ; gyL'u:N't', 'to
affect, trouble sorely ', Di. goilleamhain(t). Similarly La.:nii:u',
'couple', M.Ir. lanamain ; mahu:n9S, 'forgiveness', Di. maith-
eainhnas, Wi. mathem ; b'ihu:Ntd, ' rascally ', Di. bitheamhanta.
The adjective termination -(a)mail is -u:l' (-91'), e.g. kosud', 'like',
O.Ir. cosmail ; d'l'i:hu:l', 'lawful', Di. dlightheamhail ; gra:n'u:l',
' loathsome, disgusting ', Di. graineamhail. Other examples—
oiku:N', 'strength, endurance', M.Ir. aecmaing; a.nu:N, ' infirm ',
22
Meyer anfand; 'ae.nyu:J^'Jh, ' monster '< an-chuimse (?) ; diL'u.r,
'foliage', Di. duilleabhar ; d'in'u:r, 'set of 10', O.Ir. deichenbor ;
kggu:s, ' roof of the mouth, hard palate ', which is pronounced the
same as the word for 'conscience' (O.Ir. cocubus), Di. has
cogansach ; m'iru:L't'ay, ' marvellous ', Di. miorbhaileach, mior-
bhailteach.
It is only rarely that om, ab become u: in stressed syl-
lables. This is chiefly in the pi-efix ku:-, O.Ir. com-, as in
•ku:-/j : iN'uw, 'gathering', Di. c6mhchruinniughadh • ku^xrftL't'd,
'bound together, connected', Di. coimhcheanglaim ; kuandN,
' alike, even ', Di. coimhiouann ; kCcjas, ' ambidexter ', Di.
coimhdheas. Note also f'iurds beside f'idurds, 'fever', M.Ir.
fiabhrus ; d'u.l, ' devil ', may be heard in oaths, O.Ir. diabul ;
d'iun'ds, 'celibacy', arises through suppression of the vowel of
the middle syllable and vocalisation of the w in d'i:wi:n, 'single',
M.Ir. dimain. ugrk for auwdrk, 'sight', Meyer amarc, I have heard
from a very old woman. The future N'i: hu:r'd ni9, ' I shall not
give ', beside N'i: ho:r'd m'& (§ 40) is altogether irregular.
§ 49. The infinitive terminations -ad, -ed, -ud all give uw, i.e.
9 a (preserved in Scotch Gaelic, cp. ZCP. iv 510) > dw > mv. There
is no difference in the ending between bwj^ :luw, ' striking ',
bualadh, and b'aNuw, 'blessing', beannughadh, which accounts
for the hopeless confusion of the two conjugations. The ending
-ed, -ad in the thii'd sing, of imperf. and condit. active and the
preterite passive is also pronounced -mm; (for exceptions see § 391),
e.g. po:sicw dN'iri i:, 'she was married last year', -uw < -ad also
occurs in bonuw, 'people', lit. 'stock', Meyer bunad ; bgnu.s,
' the greater part', tc: a mpnu:s er dfk'zdl z>wa.:n, 'they almost all
tell the same tale', ise an sgeul ceadna ata aca uilig bunus (Deny
People 6 viii '04 p. 3 col. 6), very common in the phrase bgnu.s
Wig/ 1 , ' almost all ', Di. bunadhas, Meyer bunadas ; v wa.ru:>> vidr,
'in comparison with', Di. i bhf harradh ; in the ordinals k'ocruw,
'fourth', O.Ir. cethramad ; ku:y'uw, 'fifth', O.Ir. coiced, cuiced.
§ 50. O.Ir. u followed by g (Mod.Ir. gh) in accented
syllables gives u: : uw, ' top cross-beam in house ', O'Don. Suppl.
uga, 'pin of wood'(l); u:muw, 'to harness', u:m', 'harness',
Di. ughmughadh, ughaim, cp. Macbain uidheam ; u:djr, 'author',
M.Ir. ugtar; Lu:NdsNv, 'August', M.Ir. liignasad ; Luw, 'less',
O.Ir. lugu ; mu:rNc/.n, 'ankle', Macbain mugharn, Di. mudharlan ;
8uw, 'juice', O.Ir. sug. Similarly we find lengthening before th
followed by another consonant in d/cyjjs, 'hereditary right', M.Ir.
duthchus.
23
§ 51. u: arises in stressed syllables by contraction of w
arising from O.Ir. b, m with the surrounding vowels: k'u.'S,
'edge, border', M.Tr. cimas ; kv.glay, 'strait of the sea', Di.
cumhanglach, cp. ku:N t 'narrow', O.Ir. cunning; ku:g',j mu.rt,
'Munster', M.Ir. Muman ; u:(w)l, 'supple, lithe', O.Ir. umal,
u:(w)luw, 'obedience', Di. umhlughadh ; u:(w)L, 'apple', Wi.
uball, ubull.
§ 52. g'u:s, 'fir', kicg', 'five' and ku:J] 'case', O.Ir. coic, cois
are exceptional. The first shews shifting of the stress fu > ju, cp.
M.Ir. gius, which also occurs in d'u.i gy:hd, 'draught', d'ud,
'sucking', M.Ir. diul dat. of del, 'teat', and in the obscure
d'u:Ltuiv, 'to refuse', O.Ir. diltud. Finck ascribes the u: in
ku:g', ku:f to the influence of the following palatal sounds
(i 32) but this will not hold good for Donegal. One might
compare ku:- < O.Ir. com- and hu:nuw < O.Ir. congnam.
§ 53. The pronunciation of ao as u: which occurs in the
Rosses and other parts of the north I have never heard round
Glenties except in fa. -dti.-widj, ' concerning ', = fa dtaobh de (for
fa see § 311). A rounding of j\ - would give u: and this is pro-
bably what has taken place. For fa. 'du:wid9 cp. G. J. 1892
p. 145 col. 2 where it is spelt fadu d'e (again 1893 p. 208 col. 1).
For ao = u: in Scotch Gaelic see Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. It
may be noted that in Anglo-Irish ' a hornless cow ' (maoilin) is
locally called a mu:L'i:n\ which seems to shew that this pro-
nunciation of ao has been wide- spread.
9. o.
§ 54. We use this symbol to denote the characteristically
Irish vowel-sound in the pronunciation of English words like
' sir '. Sweet analyses it as low-in-mixed-narrow. It is a very
troublesome sound to acquire and must be attempted by lowering
the tongue from the mid-mixed position, o frequently interchanges
with & and i (cp. § 103).
§ 55. o represents an O.Ir. o before certain consonants.
These are —
L, e.g. poL, 'hole', M.Ir. poll; NoLik', 'Christmas', Wi.
notlaic, nodlaig ; boLsir'd, ' crier in court ', Di. bollsaire ;
koLuw, 'sleep', O.Ir. cotlud; toL, 'bulging out after
being pressed in' of wool, feathers &c., M.Tr. toll;
stoldr'9, 'rough, heavy girl', Di. stollaire.
24
X, e.g. boX, 'sole', M.Ir. bond; dgX, 'brown ', M.Ir. donn ;
kgX-j.yt, ' Connaugbt ', M.Ir. Connacht ; kgNy:, ' tame ',
M.Ir. cendaid ; kgJYLxy, ' stubble ', Di. coinleaeh s. cun-
lach ; koNuw, 'fuel', Meyer con nud ; hoNdai, 'county';
LoIfdUuf, 'blackbird', Di. londubh, O.Ir. Ion; skgNsa,
'dyke', Di. sconnsa ; tgJY, 'wave', O.Ir. tonn.
?n, e.g. dgmlds, 'gall', M.Ir. domblas; dgmasxy, 'moss',
Di. domasach ; kgm, ' covering, waist ', Meyer conim ;
kgmwiL't', ' to rub ', Meyer comailt s. conmelim ; krgm,
'bent', O.Ir. cromm ; Lorn, 'bare', M.Ir. lornni ; lorn,
'bush', M.Ir. tomm ; trom, 'heavy', O.Ir. tromm,
troman, ' dwarf-elder ', Di. troman.
n, e.g. dona, ' unfortunate ', M.Ir. dona ; kgjiafay, ' irritable ',
Meyer confadach ; kgndmar, 'fragment', Meyer con-mir ;
kgnart', ' hounds ', Meyer conart.
b, e.g. gob, ' beak ', Wi. gop ; pgbol, ' congregation ', Wi.
popul ; tgbdN, 'sudden', M.Ir. opond ; tobdr, 'well',
O.Ir. topur.
g, e.g. bog, ' soft ', O.Ir. boc ; klog, ' bell ' (usually = ' clock '),
O.Ir. cloc ; klogdd, 'helmet', Meyer cloc-at ; kogdr,
'whisper', Meyer cocur ; koguw, 'war', O.Ir. cocad ;
kogu:s, 'conscience', O.Ir. cocubus ; kqgd, 'tares', Meyer
cocal ; mggdl, ' husk, mesh of net, eyelid ', Wi. mocol
(kor •mogil , ' bridling on thatch ') ; prggg:, ' call to a
calf, sucky ' ; tggd, ' strap on flail ' (?).
d, e.g. bgd, 'penis', Meyer bot, bgdzy, 'churl', Meyer botach,
bgdz.lct.7i, 'gay spark'; kgdccy, gen. sing, of kyd', 'share',
Wi. cuit; stgd, 'pouter, peevish fellow', Di. stod ; trgdv
(trida), gen. sing, of trid', 'tight', M.Ir. troit.
r„ e.g. Lgr t , 'ship', M.Ir. long; spgrfc, 'tinder', Di. sponnc,
M.Ir. sponge.
From this it will be seen that o only represents O.Ir. o before
voiced sounds, o seems to stand before I, r, s, h, p, t, k, y, while
g precedes L, N, n, m, b, d, g.
§ 56. g is further the regular representative of O.Ir. u
in stressed syllables before non-palatal consonants and is the
sound locally associated in English with the letter u, cp. Craig,
Grammar 2 p. 6. Examples — bgn, 'foot', O.Ir. bun; fg?-ccyds,
'watching', Oil. furachas, Di. fuireachas, cp. Wi. furachair,
f urachrus ; /grant, 'easy', Wi. urussa ; glgg, 'noise of wet foot
25
in shoe or of a rotten egg', Di. glug ; ggrayvs fa. N' t'in'i,
' cuddling round the fire ', ggr in to.: n rark er ggr, ' the hen
is wanting to sit', Macbain gur, Di. gor; ggru:n, 'haunch', Di.
gumin ; ggs, 'vigour', M.Ir. gus ; hog, 'gave', cp. tuccaini ;
klopivid'v, 'crease, depression', Meyer culpait (Di. cluipide) ;
kgLccy, 'boar', O.Ir. cullach, callach, caullach ; kgNtds, 'count',
Di. cunntas ; kgr, 'to rain' ('to put' is either kgr or kgr'), Di.
cur with analogical u for older cor; Lorsg9, 'shin', M.Ir. lurga ;
Los, 'herb', M.Ir. lus ; Lqyt, 'people', O.Ir. lucht ; Loyog,
'mouse', Wi. Inch; 'ku:g' oluw, 'Province of Ulster', M.Ir.
coiced Ulad ; giVsd, 'ounce'; oyt, chiefly in oaths ds gyt d'e:, Wi.
ucht ; jmNdN, 'sheaf, M.Ir. punnann ; pgJYtccn, 'spindle in lower
mill-stone', Di. puntan ; pos, 'lip', Di. pus; sLogdm, 'I swallow',
M.Ir. slocim, sluccim ; smog, 'snot', Di. Macbain smug; smoh-
gadoun, 'shoulder-bone', Di. smulgadan ; stgka.11, 'cone on hill',
Di. stiican ; tor, ' dry ' (said of eating potatoes &c. alone), Di.
tur, Wi. tar, tair, toruw, 'dry weather', M.Ir. turud ; tqrskdr,
'refuse', Wi. turrscar ; tords, 'station', M.Ir. turas.
§ 57. The O.Ir. prefix variously spelt ir-, er-, aur- (now
written ur-) is pronounced or. The common spelling with au
was probably intended to denote some sound like o, cp. O'Donovan,
Grammar p. 17. Medieval scribes seem to have been at a loss to
represent this sound. The frequent appearance of e for o, cp.
terns = turas RC. vii 296, terad for turud Wi. p. 818, finds
a parallel in the interchange of g and i in Donegal, cp. § 103.
Examples: orayjsk, 'injection', Di. urchosc ; orayod', 'harm',
M.Ir. erchoit, irchoit; ordydr, 'shot', M.Ir. erchor, am-chor,
irchor, urchor ; orLccr, ' floor ', Wi. orlar ; grJYy:, ' prayer ', M.Ir.
ernaigthe, airnaigthe ; orydL, 'cricket', Di. urchuil ; ovs.j, 'jamb',
M.Ir. irsa, ursa; grLd, 'eaves, fringe', M.Ir. urla ; orX'aej',
'furniture', Meyer airneis ; orLuiv, 'speech, eloquence', O.Ir.
erlabra, aurlabra (see § 444). Note i>:rLi>, 'vomit', Di. orlughcan,
urlacan with o:. *gi-b&L, 'tail', M.Ir. erball has become robaL as
elsewhere.
§ 58. In words beginning in O.Ir. with i followed by a
non-palatal consonant we expect i but o invariably occurs, e.g.
ghr, 'eagle', M.Ir. ilur; omdd, a N'gmdd, 'a great number' also
9 N'gmdtd, O.Ir. imbed; gmdrivcti, 'contention', M.Ir. innuarbag;
gmdrkd, 'overplus', M.Ir. imarcraid ; gmlccn, 'all, entirety', M.Ir.
imlan ; gmpar, 'carry', M.Ir. immchuiiim ; gmra:, 'mention,
report', Atk. imrad s. imradud ; gmiui:, 'many', O.Ir. imda ;
qmunr 1 oiyd, ' furrows ', M.Ir. immaire.
26
§ 59. As the reduction of o: we get o in olkuw, 'to bury',
M.Ir. adlaeaim < adnacim ; Nonu:r, 'set of nine ', O.Ir. nonbor
(also N'inu:r through association with d'i)/ti:r) ; rod, ' thing ',
O.Ir. ret, the depalatalisation of initial *B' caused e to become o:
(v. § 73) and when the word was used enclitically p; was reduced
to o, it is the enclitic form of the word which has survived ;
similarly ordd, 'amount', a;/ ordd, 'at all', O.Ir. airet, eret. Di.
writes oiread, Macbain uiread but also Sc. G. urad, cp. Waifs
and Strays of Celtic Tradition vol. iii p. 43, Finck er'dd, er'id, so
that the depalatalisation is peculiar. Craig usually writes urad,
ach urad (Derry People 30 iv '04 p. 3 col. 4). Perhaps the r
is due to association with rod.
§ 60. In a few words o has taken the place of other vowels.
This is the case in korsxn, ' wheezing ', Di. carsan, Macbain
carrasan ; kropuw, 'to shrink', Meyer crapaim but also criipan;
Log, 'weak', M.Ir. lac perhaps influenced by bog, 'soft'; torrid L(t)
beside ta.mdL(f), 'a while', Di. tamall ; sronuw, 'to scatter, spread ',
Di. sreathuighim, srathuighiin, srathnuighim. o occurs excep-
tionally before r < *K' in ord'd, ' height ', Wi. arde, airde, cp.
.Manx yijey but in phi-ases we find ct:rd'd, as in er kos it Na.:rd'd,
'galloping', Di. cos i n-airde ; also a:rd ', 'point of the sky', M.Ir.
aird but the comparative of a:rd, ' high ' is ord'd (the inflected
forms of a.:rd follow the nominative, gen. sing. fem. a:rd'd).
Further ord', nom. plur. of o:rd, ' sledge-hammer ', M.Ir. ord.
10. A :.
§61. This symbol is here used to denote the peculiar sound
given to the digraph ao, which appears to be similar to the
corresponding sound in Scotch Gaelic and on Aran, though
1 cannot say whether they are identical. The Donegal sound
is the unrounded form of close u: in German ' gut ' and is there-
fore high-back-narrow. j^: is always long except when shortening
occurs before h < th, as in sj^hw, 'labour', O.Ir. saithar and in
rj[h, 'run', O.Ir. rith, where ^ is due to the depalatalisation of
*R'. The younger people as a general rule have not got this
sound and substitute for it {.• and y:, cp. Craig's statement
(Grammar 2 p. 4) "ao is pronounced like ee in heel". High-
front articulation has also taken the place of high-back in some
dialects of Scotch Gaelic, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. That this
pronunciation of ao has been pretty general in Ulster may be
gathered from notes by J. H. Lloyd in the Gaelic Journal, e.g.
27
G. J. 1892 p. 204 col. 2, a propos of j[: in Armagh he says:
"In the Irish still surviving in Oirghialla (Cuailnge) and also in
Tyrone, ao has a very strange sound, somewhat like oo, which
appears to be intermediate between (Irish) li and the French u,
but is very distinct from both. Oidh- of oidhche and choidhche
has the same sound ". Native grammarians are at a loss to
describe this sound and equate^: with German b in bbse, which
they have probably never heard, e.g. Lloyd, G. J. 1896 p. 146
col. 1. O'Dono van's description of the sound (Grammar p. 16)
on the other hand is pretty accurate.
§ 62. j[: represents O.Ir. be, bi, e.g. blj[:sk, 'shell', Meyer
blaesc (gen. sing. bljf.fk'j); brj[:n, 'drop', O.Ir. brben ; dj.l,
'beetle', M.Ir. dbel, dael ; dj:r } 'dear', O.Ir. dbir (comp. JV'i.s
di:r'd); ./^{'%, 'heather', O.Ir. froich but k'ark ri:, 'grouse';
/crjwv, 'gullet', O.Ir. crois ; kj[:l, 'narrow', O.Ir. coil; Lj^:,
'calf, M.Ir. lbeg (only in bo: <>N Lj^:, 'cow in calf, Los Nd Lj^:,
'calfdeek'); mivj[:, 'pliable', O.Ir. mbith, mw]^:s in kyr ,>
mwj[:s, 'to steep', Di. maos, mw£:yan, 'to soften, steep'; sj^.r,
'free', O.Ir. sbir, sber; tj[:wuw I's, 'to side with', Di. taobhughadh
< O.Ir. tbib (cp. the proverb ds mwxr'ig' 9 h^ :w9s Vef Nd mra.:) ;
^:Nti:m, 'I consent', Di. aontuighim, cp. O.Ir. bentu.
§ 63. j_: is further the regular representative of O.Ir. ai,
e.g. btvj[:, 'foolish', O.Ir. baith, bw^:ySfa,v, 'extravagant', Di.
baothchaithmheach (note the comparative N'i:s bwi:hi:), biv^.s,
'folly', M.Ir. baes; bwj^:l, 'clanger', O.Ir. baigul ; fw^.'^pg,
'limpet', Wi. faechbg ; glj:, 'call', *glaid, O.Ir. adgladur, cp.
Macbain glaodh (this is regarded as a Connaught word, skart' being
used instead); y^:, 'wind', O.Ir. gaid ; yj:l, 'relationship', M.Ir.
gael; gj[:nacn, 'nostril' (wanting in dictionaries, Craig gaothsan, Sg.
Fearn. p. 100); gj[:w9r, 'proximity', Di. gaobhar; k^:nxy, 'moss',
Meyer caennach ; k^ :nwccray, ' careless ', cp. O'R. cunabhaireas,
' slothf ulness ' ; kj^:r, 'berry', O.Ir. caer; kj^:rocn, 'moor', Craig
caoran, Di. caoran, 'fragment of dry peat'< Meyer caer, 'a clod'(?);
kj^:r9, 'sheep', cp. O.Ir. cairchuide, ' ovinus ' ; kj^:ra.yd, plur. of
ki.r, 'blaze', M.Ir. caer; k^:pN, 'mountain-ash', M.Ir. caer-
thann ; kj^-y ttiv, 'to wink', Di. caochaim, caogaim, O.Ir. caich ;
^A'X.1 'hero', M.Ir. laech ; mwj^d, 'bald, hornless', O.Ir. mael ;
sk u {:h<:r. 'frightened, timid', Di. scaollmhar; S£:l, 'life', O.Ir.
saigul ; ^{-'//i IdN'ij] 'sudden attack of illness', Di. Macbain
taorn ; tj^.s, 'dough', O.Ir. tais (gen. sing. ti:f); ^[.st9, ' old ' <
O.Ir. ais.
28
There is a curious phrase containing j\-, hui fo er a d^.ri:,
' he went raving mad ', cp. Craig, Claim Uisnigh s. daoraidh. It
suggests Meyer's andiaraid. focrj^.r, 'alas' always seems to
have /• in spite of Di. fairior, Keating fbirior, Wi. forir. The
word is probably a disguised oath formula and may contain d'is,
' God', which is countenanced by the accentuation. For the initial
syllable cp. M.Ir. fae < Norse vei. Other such disguised formulas
are $idkeef with the initial syllable recalling a. hizrNd, ' O Lord ' ;
ga myj-amds tuw, ' I warrant you ', also gd mocram, which may
contain mavwm, ' my soul ', cp. piarilTa ma.namwid'. The name of
the deity is commonly avoided in ordinary speech, cp. ta.:s eg' f'iv,
i God knows ', v. Di. fiadha ; fcc:gdm I's d'r'u:ytd, ' I swear ' ; fwi:
n ri:, ' in the name of Goodness ' is very frequent and for this
again fwi: Ns:r, faoi an aer is commonly heard.
§ 64. In j\- air's, 'shepherd, keeper', j[; goes back to O.Ir.
au, O.Ir. augaire.
§ 65. When ao interchanges with aoi in inflexional forms
the latter appears either as i: (3/:) or j\\ According to Lloyd,
G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2 the same two pronunciations are
current in Orrery. There seems to be no fixed rule but i: is
much more frequent. In words which are in common use i:
is perhaps the rule, whilst others which only occur but seldom
have j;: in order to preserve the connexion with the nominative
forms, e.g. mwj[:r, 'keeper', mwj^:r 'kyL'iiw, Book of Deer mair,
gen. sing. m.WT.'r' ; mwi:l'i:ri, 'hornless cow', Di. maoilin <mwj_:l
but niwj L :L't'a.r l y:, 'speaking thickly'; j^:f, 'age', O.Ir. ais appears
also as y:j\ i:f. kiky:J\ ' fortnight ' is heard by the side of kik[ :/.
For further examples see § 124.
§ 66. The O.Ir. diphthong ua when preceded by a labial
sound appears in many words as j^: due to unrounding of the
first element. The younger generation as usual substitute a
high-front vowel id (y*>)- Molloy quotes an instance of this
change for Sligo in his loth dialect-list (braoch for bruach).
j_ : for v/d is regular in the following words — brj^ :y, ' bank ',
<).lr. bruach, gen. sing, bri: ; bwj^duiv, 'to beat', M.Ir. bualad ;
bwj^.n, 'everlasting', bv)j^:nfds, 'duration', Di. buanmhas, buan-
fas, M.Ir. biian (abstract bwi:n'z, Meyer buane) ; bwj:ra.y, ' rope
to put round the neck of cattle, borach ', Meyer biiarach ; bwjf.p,
'troubled', M.Tr. biiadartha ; bwj:r'udjVy: (bwj_:r'ia.yj»), plur. of
buir'uw, btoi:r'uw, 'trouble', M.Ir. biiadred; bwj.yjL', 'servant-
man, lad', M.Ir. biiachaill ; fw£ :%aw (fwi:%9m), 'hole in potato',
29
Di. has fuachais, 'hole, den'; exceptionally in kl \:tiqyrt, 'a place-
name near Gweebarra' if < Cluanghort ; sp [ :kay9, plur. of spuikf,
spyeik', 'blister', Di.Macbain spuaic ; wj^.m, 'from me', O.Tr.
uaim (with m instead of in' by analogy with orm &c), tints, tv\if,
xoiv, 'from him', O.Tr. uad.
§ 67. In a few words beginning with fua- the ud is frequently
retained when the / is not aspirated. Examples — -fudgruw, ' to
declare, announce', M.Ir. focaraim, fiiacraim, pret. dyagar sd,
dj^dgir ni9, imperf. pass. dj[9gri:sti: \ fudruw, 'to cool', pret.
dj:ri: fa, w' j^:ri: f&7. The word for 'cold' itself is (fudr)
fwyar, fwi:r, compar. fwi:r'd, fu:r'd, abstract fiviayt ; M.Ir.
fiiath, 'hatred', I have generally heard nsfwya. For a somewhat
similar treatment of O.Ir. ua in Manx see Rhys pp. 14, 20.
However when O.Ir. ua is preceded by other than labial sounds,
it remains, e.g. yuali:, 'heard', O.Ir. ciiala; Lua, 'early', M.Ir.
liiath.
£: occurs exceptionally by contraction in bw£:gccn, 'yolk',
Di. buidheacan. simv^.-lxy, 'cinders' is surprising, as it cor-
responds to Di. smal, smol, Macbain smal. j^iNto.'V, 'wonderful',
M.Ir. ingnathach is due to contraction. For the form see § 303
and for the j^: cp. Molloy's 15th dialect-list.
§ 68. j: sometimes interchanges with o: particularly before
n, e.g. r'odaya, rj^daya, cp. § 72. j^:Ltranas, 'adultery', cp. Meyer
adaltair, adaltrach should have p: but I have only heard the form
with ^ :. Similarly i :nxn, ' Adamnan '.
11. p:.
§ 69. In Donegal there is a further unrounded back sound
which seems to have no parallel in Scotland or Connaught. We
described j; : as an unrounded close u:. If we unround the u:
described in § 44 which occurs in words like u:r, Luay, we obtain
a peculiar sound which we here denote by o:. o: would therefore
be high-back-lowered. In a number of words j_: and p; seem to be
interchangeable but that they are two absolutely distinct sounds
is shewn by the fact that for j;; the younger people substitute y:,
i:, whilst for p one hears sa, ea, e:. Craig again following the
younger generation says : "adha, agha are pronounced like ay in
day ", i.e. e:, Grammar 2 p. 14. This p: always seems to me to be a
kind of vocalised a, which is accounted for by its origin and
there is nearly always a suspicion of friction in the production of
the vowel. It also appears to exist in the Monaghan dialect
30
described by Lloyd (G. J. 1896 p. 146), who states that " adh,
agh appear to have three sounds, viz. that of eu in French, 6 in
German, or that commonly given to ae ". Lloyd evidently did
not know the French and German sounds he mentions but one of
his three sounds is doubtless my o: . The last mentioned pro-
nunciation is that of the younger people in Donegal, for a descrip-
tion of which see § 95. O'Donovan in his Grammar p. 9 makes
o: and {: identical in North Ulster, whilst for South Ulster and
Meath he gives the pronunciation of o: as ed. It may be noted
that both £: and p: have the same sound in some dialects of
Scotch Gaelic though in this case it is a low-front and not a
high-back sound (ZCP. iv 99).
§ 70. o: arises chiefly from O.Ir. accented a preceding d, g
(Mod.Ir. dh, gh), except when w follows (§ 17). A following
vowel is absorbed. This only occurs in stressed syllables. Else-
where final -ad might be expected to give o: but it was rounded
to -utv. Examples — go:?; 'hound', M.Ir. gadar; kioir'd (khir'd,
kleir'd) has not a bad meaning in Donegal but is used like Engl.
' my fine fellow ', Meyer cladaire ; Lo:duw, ' to lessen ', Di.
laghdughadh, cp. Atk. lagatus ; Lo:y, ' handsome ', Di. laghach,
the younger generation has Ls»y, compar. Lois ; Lo.r, ' toe ',
M.Ir. ladar, gen. sing. L'orr'd; 'mo:r, 'sprat', Di. maghar, Macbain
maghar, Cormac magar 1 ; o:rk, 'horn', O.Ir. adarc (younger
generation edfk), gen. sing, eir'k'a, dat. sing, eir'k' ; slo:dxn, 'a
cold ', O'R. slaighdean, Di. slaodan (also sLaidan, sLe:dxn) ; so:,
'tang of a pitch-fork <fcc.', O'R. sadh, 'a long knife or dagger',
Macbain saidh, ' a handle or the part of a blade in the handle ',
Di. has only samhthach, 'helve'; so:d, 'a flint', i.e. *saghad < Di.
saighead, Wi. saiget (note the interesting change of meaning,
?ti'e:rag is the term now applied to the flints shot by the fairies at
cattle); to:g, 'Thady', M.Ir. Tadg ; ro:rk, 'sight', Wi. radarc,
rodarc.
o: also occurs in so:rkxn, 'primrose', Wi. sobarche (Craig
writes samharcan but wrongly as the vowel is not nasalised) ;
o:Ntds, 'wonder', o.N'txy, 'wonderful', M.Ir. ingnathach, see § 303.
1 Cp. the verse —
t'r'i: wo:r sa(:)i(j a skadan',
t'r'i: skadmn' sa(:)i(; d wradsen',
t'r'i: bradmri $a(:)ig 3 ro:n',
t'r'i: ro:Nti: sa(:)ig Nd mwik'd mar?,
t'r'i: inokj mard sa(:)it} 3 vi:V ico:r',
t'r'i: m'idLtd mo:rd sa(:)ig 3 x ra 'J aL ^ xn ' X r0:n ' (^ e great Krakenn).
31
§ 71. The forms of* the verb 'to choose' have q:, though we
should expect an o-sound. Writers of Ulster Irish print raogha,
rae (Craig, Lloyd, G. J. vi 14G, Di. re) which represent the pro-
nunciation of the younger people. It would seem that a took
the place of o in these forms, i.e. that M.Ir. togaim became
tagaim whence tg:m, 'I choose', pret. Ji'q: m'd, infin. t'ouw. Simi-
larly ro:, 'choice', O.Ir. rogu, from which is formed ro:nahas,
' choice ' ; to:n9, ' select, recherche '. The past part, of touw is
tit'd.
§ 72. p.- takes the place of £ : before a following n in several
words, thus o:n beside £:n, 'one', O.Ir. oin (also i:n) ; sro:n,
'together', Di. araon ; klo:n, 'inclination', klo:mitv, 'to incline',
O.Ii\ cloin ; tromd, 'corn-crake', also trsana, Di.Macbain traona ;
kro:rzk, kro:r, ' light-red ', Di. craorac < caor-dhearg. One may
also hear ko:r9, 'sheep'; ko:rccn, 'moor'; so:l, 'life'.
§ 73. The depalatalisation of initial *B' may completely
change the character of the following vowel. Under these cir-
cumstances O.Ir. la (i.e. i?) becomes o:. Lloyd gives two instances
of this change for Monaghan, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1. Ex-
amples — rod, 'rule', O.Ir. riagul ; roiruw (rj_:ruw), 'to look
after' (er), Di. riarughadh, 80rg:r9, 'easily satisfied', Di. soiriartha
from ro:r, O.Ir. riar, whence also dr'eir, 'according to', do reir
but note to.: fin gloikij: dr'6:r Nd b'l'idNd, ' that is taken by the
year'; r'o:sknn (redskdn), 'a rough, untilled piece of ground', Di.
riasc, whence ku:lr'6:ska,'X j , ' backward, out of the world ', also
ro:ska.Kti), 'wild, rough'; rfrytends, 'need', M.Ir. riachtanus
(also rj^-.ytdwds); ro:wa.y, 'brindled', M.Ir. riabach, Lzhz Nd
r'o:wi:, ' borrowing-days ', see Dinneen s. mi.
(b) The front vowels se, s, s:, e, e:, i 1 , i, i:, y.
1. x.
§ 74. This is the symbol for the low-front-wide vowel in
English ' man ', ' cat '. It usually appears taking the place of a
before all consonants with palatal (palatalised) articulation except
the labials, i.e. before L', I', N', n, r, ji, t', d', k', g', f. In
place of at a vowel intermediate between this sound and a is
sometimes heard.
1 Strictly speaking i' should be treated with o and a under mixed vowels,
but it will be most convenient to deal with it in connection with the front
vowels.
32
§ 75. ee corresponds to O.Ir. a in accented syllables standing
before any palatal consonant except a labial, e.g. azyvNtay,
'jolly, merry', cp. O.Ir. aicned (proverb n'i: d'oy waic din'9
eeg'dXtzy); &L'f&, 'cancer', M.Ir. allse ; eejidl, 'angel', O.Ir.
angel ; aejik'al, ' irritability ', M.Ir. ancel ; eer'v, ' care ', O.Ir. aire,
eer'iocy, ' caretaker, shepherd ', Di. airigheach ; eer'i: in bweer'i:
er 9, 'he was worthy of it', Macbain airidh < O.Ir. aire (the
Donegal use of the word seems rather to suggest M.Ir. airigid)
ivr'i:, 'regret, penance', O.Ir. aithirge, asr'ayss, 'repentance, com
punction ', M.Ir. aithrechus ; x/hk, 'to restore', M.Ir. aissec
eet'dnoty, 'furze', M.Ir. aittenn ; geel'd, 'stomach, appetite', M.Ir
gaile; hser, 'over, across', O.Ir. tar; keeJV't', 'talk', Meyer caint
mivsed'd, 'stick', M.Ir. maite ; mweed'in, 'morning', O.Ir. matin
(ace); mweel'k', 'soreness from riding bare-back ' (?) ; prae/Val,
' two handfuls of potatoes for roasting ', Di. pruisteal, praisteal ;
pweed'ir, 'prayer', M.Ir. pater; seeL', 'fat, grease', M.Ir. saill ;
sksed', '23rd grain given to the miller' (now usually called mu:tdr),
Di. scaid (with different meaning) ; skxr'dv, ' sandy shore of a
river', Di. scairbh ; sLeed', 'robbery', M.Ir. slat; steer-', 'history',
Di. stair; tserovir, imper. 'hand over, deliver', M.Ir. tairbrim ;
taef, 'dam])', ta&fL 'ay\, 'wet weather', M.Ir. tais. a frequently
becomes ee in sandhi, cp. §§ 453 ff., as in g'al, ' white ' but ko g'seL'
L'ef, ' as white as it ' ; L'a.Nan, ' paramour ' but L'aNeeN' fi:, ' a
fairy lover '.
In some forms ee, often becomes s or even e. Thus one hears
bweel'v beside bwel'9 and bwel'd. For further examples see §§ 83,
89. When r' and f become r, s respectively a preceding ee changes
to a, e.g. er' sef or ef, ' back, returned ', but asrigsr, ' a back
answer, sharp reply '< eef + f'r'igdr ; mwser'dm (mwer'dm), infin.
marst'wi. In the preterite however we frequently find wsr s».
§76. O.Ir. accented o often gives ee under the same circum-
stances as O.Ir. a in the last paragraph, e.g. deel'i:, ' difficult ',
M.Ir. dolig ; geeft'd, 'trap, snare', O.Ir. goiste ; keefk'dtn, 'step',
Meyer cossceinim ; kleeg'dN, 'skull', M.Ir. cloccenn ; kreek'dN,
' skin ', O.Ir. crocenn ; 9 hxr'dvd, 'on account of, O.Ir. *de thorbe ;
mwser'ig', 'woe', O.Ir. moircc.
§ 77. In syllables with secondary stress ee stands for
an O.Ir. long vowel (a, 6) before the palatal consonants men-
tioned in § 74. Thus ee represents an older a in the infinitive
termination -ml' or with excrescent t' -eeL't', e.g. fa:geel', 'leaving',
O.Ir. facbail ; k'r'ed'veeJJt', 'to believe', Di. creidmheailt, this
33
word seems to have influenced the word fur 'to confess', xd'vseL't',
pres. ind. ;r</'!:>n (Spir. Rose p. G aidvimuid) : balesel', 'hindering',
Mejerbaca.il; ka.:rdxl', ' to card ', J>i. cardail; socwxl', 'to save',
syjincL't'xy, 'of a saving disposition'. Similarly in zddael',
' benefit, boon ', M.lr. etail ; d'&wxl', 'want, need', < ). I r. digbailj
ri:j';vL't\>, ' wizened ' (?). Also in the plural of substantives
ending in -an, O.Tr. -an, skoLuween', 'lungs', M.lr. seaman. Other
instances — f'ixn', 'wild', formed from M.lr. f l'ad ; kaJwer', 'city',
O.Ir. cathir (the terms for 'city' and 'chair' have been confused) ;
o:kxd', 'opportunity', Di. ocaid ; parxjfs, 'parish', Di. parraiste,
parroiste ; u.seed', ' use ', 1 >i. lisaid. For set' < a:t' in < Nxt' i:n'y.-y
see § 451.
>5 78. O.Ir. 6 gives as under the same circumstances as O.Ir.
a in the preceding paragraph, e.g. korxn', 'crown', M.lr. coroin,
gen. sing, korarw ) o:ttiir;vd'y.-/,, 'meek', Di. omoideach ; u:mdlxd',
Di. umhloid, O.Ir. umaldoit (the word is used in the sense of
'capacity of vessels', as to.: ir.mAivd wo:r eg' dN tcdhay^ Jin',
' that vessel holds a good deal ', J. H. says it is a Rosses word,
u:wluw is used for 'obedience'); ka,u(w)laed' , 'noisy talk', Di.
colloid, calloid (^ 143).
£ 79. In a few instances <e is the result of the reduction
of O.Tr. e before palatal consonants, e.g. cf.rN'xf {y.:rN'ef),
'stock', also used humourously of 'lice', Meyer airneis ; hindf'&ri,
hyji<>f'iru', ' already ' < O.Tr. cena + fein ; plocm'xd', ' planet,
weather ', Di. plaineid ; strct:m'aed', ' stroke with a stick ', Di.
straimead, stramaid. It is noteworthy that the terminations
-eir, -oir give -ser' in Orrery and Meath (G. J. 1896 p. 147).
§ 80. Before r we sometimes find a; where we do not expect
it, i.e. there has been a confusion of the endings -air, -air, e.g. in
ahser', 'father', O.Ir. athair ; malmr, 'mother', O.Ir. mathir ;
d'a.:nvr, 'brother', O.Ir. derbrathir ; Lahser', 'presence', M.lr.
lathair. It should however be stated that this is not the only
pronunciation, as one also hears -ir', srzhser, srochir', gen. sing, of
srechsr, ' straddle '. -ir' is the general ending in the oblique cas«\s
of substantives in -w, cp. nizdir, plur. of m'adw, 'a small wooden
vessel ', Di. meadar.
The word for 'jaundice' is bwiayin against Dinneen's
buidheachain.
2. g.
§ 81. This symbol denotes the Northern English e-sound in
such words as 'men', 'get' (Sweet low-front-narrow). This :-
Q. 3
34
may arise from various sources and interchanges with e. Indi-
vidual speakei's differ very considerably in the employment of the
e-sounds and hard and fast rules cannot be established. Indeed
it is characteristic of Donegal Trish that most of the short vowels
can vary within considerable limits, the on- and off-glides of the
neighbouring consonants being so to speak of greater importance
for the listener than exactness of vowel timbre. Finck makes no
attempt to distinguish between the various e-sounds but it seems
to me advisable to attempt to differentiate the Donegal varieties.
§ 82. e often represents O.Ir. accented e before a consonant
with palatal temper, e.g. f'ek'cd, ' to see ', Wi. feccim ; jsv fa,
' he gets ', Wi. ni fogeib s. fo-gabim ; L'sf't'cm, ' flat-foot ', Di.
leiftean ; L'sk'a, gen. sing, of L'cck, 'flag', M.Ir. lee; jn'sL'og,
' curb, wattle of a cock', according to Macbain < O.Ir. bel ; m'shdl,
'party of labourers ', M.Ir. methel (but gen. sing, meld); J'svt'uw,
'to shift '< Engl, k'erd', 'trade, profession', O.Ir. ceird (ace.)
shews retention of g before r <r (note d'anuw k'srd'd, 'futuere').
Not infrequently an older e (now written ei) is shortened to
s, thus before h < th in L'thccrcyt, 'reading', Di. leightheoireacht ;
in a syllable with medium stress, a csl'a, 'each other', O.Ir. cele,
Manx chelley, the form with unreduced vowel ceil'd occurs in
poems, cp. p. 194 1. 37. edir', 'between', O.Ir. eter, etir seems
due to confusion with oudsr- in yxhraia, 'intercession', Wi. etar-.
§ 83. Owing to palatalisation O.Ir. accented a, o followed by
a palatal consonant sometimes give s, e.g. sg', sg'a, sk'i, O.Ir.
oc, oca, aci ; avJV'ayj, plur. of o:K', 'river', M.Ir. abann, plur.
aibne ; gsn'jv, 'sand', M.Ir. gainim (dat.) ; gsn'an, 'gannet'(?).
s<i n'r', 'rich', M.Ir. saidbir commonly has ei but ssvir is also
heard, which is probably due to the comparative N'i:s ssvr'd and
the substantive szvt-'js, ' riches ', where the shortening is regular
before a group of consonants. Here we may mention Lzhd, plur.
of La: } ' day ', O. Ir. lathi, lathe.
§ 84. In a few instances we find £ where we least expect it,
corresponding to an older e before a non-palatal consonant, e.g.
b'eri:, plur. of b'o.ra.-/, ' heifer ', Di. bearach ; k'sdi.-u'd, ' Wed-
nesday', with s for i, cp. § 105 ; lJihay, 'sea-weed used as manure',
Di. leathach, horan L'ehi:, ' a hook for cutting sea- weed ' ; L'smog,
'nip', Di. h'omog. d'erzmwid', M.Ir. Diarmait, is peculiar.
£ 85. In syllables with secondary stress s occurs in a:vef,
'ocean', Di. aibheis, instead of x in a.TiV'e/*(§ 79).
35
3. :-:.
§ 86. s: is the long vowel corresponding to s which occurs in
Engl, 'air', 'care', g: is principally found side by side with the
diphthong £9 which has developed out of it, and goes back to
O.Ir. e by compensatory lengthening, when standing before a
non-palatal consonant. Thus ,-: occurs regularly before /•, e.g.
l/s:rL>, 'English', O.Ir. belre; b's:ri:, vs:ri:, futures to b'<r',mi,
vrr',mi\ g'e.r, 'sharp', O.Ir. ger, compar. N'i:s g'eir'g; m's:r,
'finger', O.Tr. mer; sm's.-r, 'blackberry', M.Ir. smer. Similarly
before r < r' preceding f in k'e.-rsax, 'hen black-bird', Di. ceir-
seach, Meyer ceirsech. Also in e;r, 'air', O.Tr. tier. In some
words s: seems to be preferred to s9 as in fe:m98, 'James"; fe:su:r,
'season ' and this is particularly the case; in words of more than
two syllables, e.g. s:do^98, 'despair', Di. eadochas, s.'doyssav,
' despairing '.
s; also occurs by the side of ei before m'. This is J. H.'s
pronunciation but the younger people prefer ei, e.g. L'am'n'i:,
'leaping', O.Ir. leimm ; f's.-vri, l use ', f's:m'u:l', 'useful', M.Ir.
feidra. Parallel forms also exist in the present of the verb 'to
go', t's:m, 'I go', hs: micid' or hei mu-id', 'we go' (also AeailT,
t'ssN nneid'). The imperative is t'e: or t'ei. These forms are all
based on O.Tr. teit which appears as heid'. rs:wog f 'hen-lark,
laverock ', is peculiar, as it is doubtless connected with riabhach.
Di. has riabhog, also reabhog. One might expect rs.wog from the
younger people (§ 73) but J. H. should have o:.
4. e.
§ 87. By this symbol we denote a close e similar to French e
in ete. The sound varies between mid-front-wide and mid-front-
narrow and occurs before the following palatal consonants — L',
V, N\ n, r, t', d', c, /
§ 88. e is the regular representative of O.Ir. accented e
before a consonant with palatal temper, e.g. d'er', 'says', O.Ir.
atbeir (but d'er 89, 'he says') ; d'er'uw, 'end', O.Tr. dered ; d'efedan,
'crown of the head', M.Ir. dessel ; H'a.g, 'wing', O.Ir. ette ; et'ir'd,
'furrow', M.Ir. etre ; g'er', 'tallow', M.Ir. geir ; k'er'i.n, 'plaster',
Meyer ceirin ; fel'dv, 'possession', M.Ir. selb; fel'ig', 'hunt,
chase', O.Ir. selg; fef&r, 'six persons', O.Ir. seser. Before f, v
both s and r may stand, e.g. d'ef'r'd, 'haste', M.Ir. dethbire ;
dUvdS, 'shears', M.Tr. deraess; g'evr'uw, 'winter', M.Ir. gem red.
d'er, 'ten', O.Ir. deich, when followed by a substantive becomes
d'i. c occurs before // in L'eh&d\ 'like', M.Ir. lethet.
3- 2
36
c occurs in syllables with secondary stress only in soL'er
(sxL'er'), ' evident, plain ', Di. soilleir. In a few cases p:, ei are
shortened to e before h < th, e.g. t'r'efia.%, ' excellent ', Di. treith-
each ; k'l'eha.y9, plur. of k'l'ia, 'hurdle', M.Ir. cli'atli.
£ 89. In a number of cases e arises from a palatalisation
of O.Ir. a, o before a palatal consonant. This change seems to
be general, cp. Henebry p. 45; Finck i 17 ; Dottin, RC. xiv 114
and for S. Ulster G. J. 1896 p. 146. In Donegal it is commonest
before n and r, cp. Craig, Grammar 2 p. 4. Examples — bwer'i:n,
' spancel ' < bo-arach + in ; dregdd, 'bridge', O.Ir. drochet ; eb'r'an,
' April ', Meyer apreil (ZCP. i 358) ; ed's, ' instructor ', ed'as,
'instruction', M.Ir. aite ; el'an, 'island', M.Ir. ailen; el'&, 'other',
O.Ir. aile; en'sm', 'name', O.Ir. ainm ; eridmsa^, 'ignorant',
M.Ir. anfiss ; en'dvi:, ' animal ', M.Ir. anmide ; en'i:m, 'I recog-
nise', Meyer aithgninim (Craig, Grammar 2 p. 156 gives the pro-
nunciation as ennh-, i.e. eN'-, cp. § 249) ; er, ' upon ', cp. O.Ir.
aire, fair (it may be noted that all consciousness of the old form
ar has been lost, as when followed by s or f er' becomes sr) ;
er ' y.yhix, ' sojourn ', Meyer airrecht ; evl'acg, ' live coal ', M.Ir.
oibell \ icer', pret. of mwer'9?n, mwxr'am, O.Ir. i - o mair; heit'ik',
'came', <tainic with aspiration by analogy; Ner , ' when ' < in
liair ; sel'oy, 'willow', M.Ir. sail; </<> ser'svi: n ri: huw, 'may
God prosper you', M.Ir. soirb ; /er', 'eastwards', O.Ir. sair (/by
analogy with fidr, cp. Rhys p. 53).
§ 90. This e not infrequently interchanges with i, i, e.g. d'ef,
dlif < d'ef 9, Di. deis, 'neatness, order'; el' 9, il'd, 'wall of peat-
stack', M.Ir. aile (Meyer, O'Don. Suppl.) perhaps = Di. fail ; in
parts of el'u:u', ' to rear ', pret. dil' m'd, Wi. ailemain ; k'r'et'd,
k'r'it'd past part, of k'r'ed'dm, 'I believe'; krev, kriv, 'paw', M.Ir.
crob ; L'efk'rA, L'ifk'&l, ' excuse ', Di. leithsceal ; L'evr'i:n',
I. i rr'im, 'a foolish person'; kord m'eL'9, m'iL'd, 'heath pease',
Di. carra mhilis. Similarly we find e, s alternating in L'shccy,
' sea-weed ', gen. sing. L'ehi:. Further e, ei before c, L'ec, L'eic,
'half, also 'a fluke', Di. leith, gen. sing. L'ehd.
S 91. e occurs as the final of a few monosyllables, e.g. de,
'from him', O.Ir. de ; t'e\ 'hot', M.Ir. te; b'r'e\ 'to bring forth',
M.Ir. breith. But these and similar words tend to end in
breath, cp. § 42.
5. e:.
§ 92. A very close long e as in German ' see ' is a frequent
37
.sound arising from various sources. When nasalised it is more
open than otherwise.
§ 93. e: corresponds to O.Ir. e as the final of monosyllables,
e.g. d'e:, gen. sing, of d'h, 'God', O.Tr. de; g'r'e:, 'good appear-
ance', O.lr. gne ; nJY'e:, 'yesterday', O.Ir. inde. Also frequently
in the prefix d'e:, O.Ir. deg, 'good', e.g. cFedo.-ra,)^, ' eloquent ' ;
d'i':j/-'i:ti\>ri:, 'good deeds' ; d'e:smwi:t'i:, 'good thoughts' ; d'e:vr'i9-
ray^ 'sweet spoken'; d'e:woluw } 'sweet smell'. d'&: is sometimes
heard in these forms beside d'e:.
§ 94. e: occasionally represents O.Ir. accented e before a
consonant, e.g. f'r'e:ivayv, plur. of f'r'eiv, ' root ', we expect
f'r'a:ivzyji but the e: is due to the influence of the vowel of the
singular; g'e:, 'goose', M.Ir. ged but plur. g'sct.yj>; m'e:, 'fat',
M.Ir. meth ; J'k'e:v, 'beautiful appearance', Di. sceiinh < O.Ir.
sciam ; sre:ri, gen. sing, of srs<*n, ' bridle ', O.Ir. srian. This e:
also occurs in English loan-words as in tre:n, ' train ' ; te:, ' tea '.
gre:hd, ' business, affairs ', greiharv. ' busy ' are peculiar. Dinneen
only has gno, gnothach. The Donegal forms rather point to O.Ir.
gnethech with gr and not g'r' due to association with gro:h<m, ' to
gain ', Di. gnothuighim.
,§ 95. There is a variety of e: which occurs when the
preceding consonant is not palatal. In modern Irish ae is
written to denote this sound but no special symbol is employed
in this book. It may be regarded as an unrounded form of the
German 6 in ' bose ' and differs from the ordinary e: in two
particulars. The latter is formed with the corners of the mouth
spread, whilst in the case of this variety the lips are in a neutral
position (approximately that of Engl, si in 'day') and at the
same time the fore part of the tongue is slightly lowered and
retracted. Henebry describes his E (p. 6) in such ambiguous
terms that it is impossible to make out whether the sound given
to the diagraph ao in Minister is similar to this Donegal variety
of e:. Examples — Le:, gen. sing, of La.:, ' day '< O.Ir. lathi,
lathe; re.', 'time', O.Ir. re (r<*B'); ge:(g)l, gen. sing, ged'
(with the ordinary e:), ' Gael, Catholic ', O.Ir. Goedel, gedxy,
'Catholic' but generally ge:l'ik\ 'Irish, Gaelic', with the ordinary
<■:. The younger people substitute this sound and also the ordin-
ary e: for the o: of the older folk, who themselves use both in a
number of words, thus touw, teuw, 'to choose '< O.Ir. togu ; ro:,
re:, 'choice', O.Ir. rogu. This e: further appears shortened in the
diphthong ei in rei, 'ready', O.Ir. reid (often /•■>!).
38
$ 96. We have already seen that considerable uncertainty
prevails with regard to the e-sounds in Donegal and the same
applies equally to the i-sounds. By the symbol i we denote a
high-mixed-wide vowel. However in several of the cases to be
mentioned below various shades are heard ranging between i and
a high-front-wide vowel. Under these circumstances J. H. inclines
more to i whilst the younger folk pronounce a distinct i. This i
seems to me to be one of the peculiar characteristics of Donegal
speech both English and Irish and at first gave me the impression
of an e-sound. The tongue-position for the Donegal irrational
vowel approaches very nearly to that of i, indeed 2 may be
regarded as a lowered i, and the two sounds not infrequently
interchange. Very remarkable also is the common substitution
of i for and vice versa.
J$ 97. i represents an O.Ir. i preceded by a palatal con-
sonant and followed by one of different quality, e.g. b'ihr, 'cress',
M.Ir. biror ; g'ibog, 'a little bit', Di. giobog ; g'uhlay, 'foolishly
conceited', Di. giodalach; g'it, g'ilka.^, 'early grass, fog'; g'iLxy],
'work about the house' (cp. N'i: liiy' I'im obwir' er big o ja:nuw
Sd N's:r gdd'i: N'ei am d'i:N'y.rc> I' a wHl i> jiLoiyt l's d'a:nuw 9g»m,
' I cannot get to work in the hay until after dinner on account of
all the things I have to do about the house'), cp. Di. giollaidheacht ;
g'ima.na.'Y, 'livery-servant, coachman', Di. giomanach, geamanach ;
g'it9, 'bit, piece', Di. giota ; g'l'ima.%, 'lobster', Di. gliomach ;
i^ly.'/j ' tingling in the fingers ', Di. ionglach, eanglach ; k'imy.y,
' clout ', also ' a good-for-nothing fellow ', Di. ciomach ; k'iNti:,
'cause, occasion', Di. cionnta <: O.Ir. cin ; k'itag, 'left-hand', Di.
ciotog; L'ilhjr, 'hanging-lip', Di. liobar ; m'itan, 'small, useless
hand', I >i. miotan ; p'ibruw, 'rousing to fight'; p'ikod', 'a pick',
Di. piocoid ; p'r'is, ' cupboard ', Engl. ' press ' ; file, ' frost ', Di.
sioc ; fikyr', ' cause ', Di. siocair, also fokyr' ; f'iLuw, ' syllable ',
O.Ir. sillab; j'is/J,, 'to heckle', Di. siostal ; J'k'r'is, 'destruction',
M.Tr. scris (gen. sing, fk'r'i/)', fL'ignuw, 'good appearance of
work'(?): xm'iudgyr, 'small fragments', Di. smionagar ; sp'l'itd,
'splinter': ft'iguw, 'to die', Di. stiogadh ; t'imsuw, 'gather in,
garner', M.Ir. timsugad ; t'iNta,:r siv, 'weed, a kind of milk-
fever' (?); t'r'iblod'a.'y, 'troublesome', Di. triobloideach.
For O.Ir. initial i before a non-palatal consonant see § 58.
£ 98. When in a stressed syllable the consonant following
39
the vowel is palatal but the initial consonant is not, the pala-
talisation in the majority of cases has affected the vowel which
usually appears as i, for exceptions see £ 24. We find i notably
in the inflected forms of monosyllables containing a, o, u, e.g.
a — glocs, 'green', compar. gtif9\ ka/m, 'bent', compar. kim'd)
MxN, ' children ', dat. kliN'.
o — bo:r } 'deaf, compar. h'ivr'n; horn, 'waist', gen. sing, kim ;
trom, 'heavy', compar. trim's; sole, 'snout', gen. sing. sik'.
u — dU>r, ' black ', compar. divd ; kllvr'ccy, ' feathers ', L%bwi:
ylivr'i:, 'feather bed', Di. cluimhreach < M.Ir. chim.
In the same way i is occasionally the result of the palatalisation
of O.Ir. e, e.g. N'\v, N'lf, 'poison', O.Ir. neim, ep. £ 111.
Further examples — divan, 'cormorant', Di. duibhean ; s9d\vn'9,
'shallowness', Di. eadoimhin ; givn'9, plur. of go:, 'smith '; kif'olan,
'knot of people', O.Ir. comthinol ; kivxd, 'watch', O.Ir. comet;
kivn'ay, 'mindful', O.Ir. cuiinnech ; k'ivr'dN, 'plot of ground for
crops', M.Ir. comraind ; krirf Wfe, 'wheat', M.Ir. cruithnecht ;
krip'9, 'button', Di. cnaipe ; ril'ig', 'churchyard', M.Ir. relicc ;
fiiV, 'share, deal', Di. roinn ; rit',>, 'steep', Di. ruidhte ; nvd,
rip'i:, ' before him, her ', cp. Wi. remi, roime, rempi p. 733 ; riyj,
'state', O.Ir. richt ; sim', 'consideration', Di. suim, N'S.vhiia u :l\
'careless'; sLiN'uw, 'family name', M.Ir. slondiud ; tig dm,
'I understand', O. [r. tucciin.
This i also occurs initially, e.g. ib'r'i:, 'workman', cp. M.Ir.
oibriugad ; U'9, ' the wall round a stack of peat ', Meyer aile ;
iv, if, ' egg ', uibh (Craig), O.Ir. og. In a few words in which
i comes from o or u, a slight rounding is to be observed, e.g. in
glin',>, 'glass', M.Ir. glaine, gloine but not in glin'n, 'purity',
M.Ir. glaine (so according to J. H. but doubtful) ; Miiicnn,
'I hear', O.Ir. ro-cluin-ethar ; il'k', O.Ir. uilec, gen. sing, of oik,
'bad'; iL'd (ml: N9 KiL'9), ' July ' ; iM'9, 'June'; iL'i'jm,
' William '.
i; 99. Strange to say there seems to be an increasing tendency
to employ i (= O.Ir. e, i) at the expense of i between two palatal
consonants. J. H. inclines more to i but the younger people
prefer i in a large number of words, e.g. b'r'iL'fk'ir'ccyt, 'light-
headedness', Di. breillsce ; d'il', 'lathe', M.Ir. deil ; /"il'9, 'poet',
O.Ir. fili; g*ib'9, gen. sing, of g"ib, 'bit', Di. giob ; k'in'ccl, 'kind',
(also k'iny.J) O.Ir. cencl (but generally g.x: firial); k'if, 'piece
of repaired path, spot to bo mended', Di. ceis ; m'in, 'meal',
O.Ir. men; mil', 'honey', O.Ir. mil; m'il'if, 'sweet', O.Ir.
40
milis: iri'ifo, 'me, I', <>.lr. messe, meisse; p'il'i>p'i:ri, 'plover',
Di. pilibin; p'l'if, 'puddle', also p'l'gf; f'il'ag, 'spittle', M.lr.
seile, saile: fil'uw, 'matter, pus' (fiky: fs fa. hil'un; 'it will
gather) also 'to distil, drop', M.lr. silim ; fim'p'l'i:, 'foolish,
simple ', Di. simplidhe.
§ 100. In modern Irish hi is written for io in some cases
before ch but the pronunciation is i, e.g. f'iyuw, 'to boil', M.lr.
ticliim : ./"Vi%, 'wet', O.Ir. flinch (the latter is also heard as
rr, z , fvu x ).
% 101. Before m initial i is always i, e.g. iW, 'butter', O.Ir.
imb: im'y.yj, 'to depart', O.Ir. immthecht (according to Rhys
p. 7 Manx immeeaght has a short open i) ; im'sL, 'edge',' O.Ir.
imbel; im'rrt', 'to play', M.lr. imirt ; im'n'i:, 'care', O.Ir. imned ;
\ni pi:, 'prayer', O.Ir. impide. But O.Ir. initial i before a
non-palatal consonant is usually o (§ 58). However one hears
inypp, 'tit to wrestle with, a match for', cp. ionchurtha CI. 8.
25 vi '04 p. G col. 1.
.^ 102. Before /■ < r preceding s, t' &c. O.Ir. e, i is frequently
represented by i, though this is in large measure due to analogy,
e.g. irso.yy, plur. of ir'if, 'hanger', Di. iris; %a%, 'guilty', Di.
coirtheach< kyr, 'crime', plur. kip, M.lr. cair ; k'irt'9, compar.
of k'art, 'right' (also N'i:s k'artd)', firN'ayd> plur. of fwir'dN,
'crew' (/ Lyjio, bx:d'); b'irt', 'a pair', Di. beirt ; (irszy, 'tired',
O.Ir. torsech. One would naturally expect to find o under these
circumstances after a non-palatal initial (cp. toe: m's kor fol ro:nj,
'my nose is bleeding ', fol <fzuil') and it does occur, e.g. in yor
83<chuir se, hop, ' buried '< cuirthe : dop, 'bulled', Di. dortha
from dx:r\ pres. pass, dirt'ar; men-Wax, 'pleasant, agreeable',
M.lr. muirnech. But even in these cases there is hesitation,
thus dip may be heard by the side of dop and b"ip, ' born ', is
the regular participle of beirim, imperf. pass. viri:.
§ 103. Apart from the cases mentioned in the preceding
paragraph i not infrequently appears where we should expect o
and vice versa, cp. Craig, Grammar- p. 9 note at foot, where
some words are needlessly spelt with iu instead of io. The word
for 'priest' I have usually heard pronounced sigwt though
I believe the form sogwt also occurs (with the latter cp. Molloy's
sogart iu his 33rd dialect-list and see also § 00). The Donegal
form is possibly due to association with some word like iglif,
'church, the clergy'. We further find r\bcL, 'tail', M.lr. erball,
kiky:f 'a fortnight', M.lr. coicdigis (Craig writes cucaois) by the
41
side of rgbvL, koky:f. Similarly ,> N'iri:, 'last year', 0. Ir. inn-
uraid ; gtidi:, 'effeminate, soft person' (?) ; rid, 'thing', £ 59;
Vom beside tint, 'with ine ' ; his<>, 'you', O.Ir. tussu, huso. 'L'liis
uncertainty seems to have existed long ago in the case of the
prefix which we find variously spelt aur-, ur-, ar-, er-, ir-, cp. ursa,
aursa, irsa Wi. p. 8G8.
§ 104. i may interchange with e in some words, e.g. dib.rr s-/,
'he worked' but past part. f>b'r'i:/'t'<> ; f'il'dV, fd'&o, 'possession';
gir'idf, ger'id', 'short'; f'l'inuv), 'sleet', Di. nichne, nichshneachta.
Cp. further § 90.
§ 105. i occurs sporadically as the reduction of a long vowel.
d'iwsel (d'9ivael'), 'want, need of, O.Ir. di'gbail ; d'imwit'd, 'apart
from, besides', cp. Derry People 9 ix '05 p. 2 col. 7, nach
maith is cuinihneach linn Doinhnall is Diarmuid, Paidin agus
Seamuisin ; Eibhlin is Anna ; Grainne agus Sighle ; agus go leor
dioinaoite diobhtha seo. This form seems to contain the privative
prefix di- followed by mwi:t'd, ' belonging to, dependent on ', cp.
sonas afjus seun dhuit fhein a<ms do each duine a bhfuil maoidhte
ort (from letter written by J. J. Ward of Tory Island), see also
CI. S. 25 vi '04 p. col. 1. The shortening in both d'iweel' and
d'lmwit'd is probably due to the fact that they commonly stand
before the chief stress. O.Ir. cet, 'first', seems to have become
<;'u>d < k'z<td, which has given rid. The reason for the shortening
is not clear in this case as the word always has the stress. The
same applies to J'k'in, 'knife', gen. sing, fk'in'9, dat. sing. fk'in\
M.Tr. scian, Craig writes sgean ; fk'irduw, 'to move quickly, slip
off, slip up', Di. sciordaim ; d'itiBS, 'diligence', d'in,9Sav, 'diligent',
O'K. dionasach, Di. deanasach. i9ri:, M.Ir. iarraid, when preceded
by ag frequently becomes iri:, \Ri: as in N'i:L' J'j ay ^ y '\rl: <> vd
b'jo:, a frequent answer to an enquiry after a person's health,
'he's only just getting along'. N'inu:r, 'set of nine', O.Ir.
nonbur has perhaps been influenced by d'i/j'a.r (Lloyd gives a
similar pronunciation for Monaghan and Meath G. J. 189G
p. 147 col. 2). In verb stems the stressed vowel is lengthened
by a following gh, but when this gh comes to stand before t' the
vowel remains short and appears generally as i, e.g. tome, ' to
choose ', pret. ho: m',>, pres. pass, tit'dr, imperf. pass, h'it'i:, past
part. fit'. i (also used as adj. = ' choice, select, capital '), cp. < >. I p.
togu ; X'i,>, 'to wash', M.Ir. nige, pres. pass. N'it'dr, imperf. pass.
n'it'i:, past part. X'it',> but fut. act. N'i:hd m'd. t'r'ouw, 'to
plough ', M.Ir. trebaim, is treated in the same way, past part.
t'r'it'rK
42
§ 106. In Donegal O.Ir. accented e appears as i (i.e. 1) before
<j whether arising from O.Ir. e or d, g (i.e. Mod.Ir. dh, gh).
Examples — b'ig, 'small', O.Ir. becc ; b'l'igdn, 'to milk', M.Ir.
blegon (Finck gives Man as the Aran pronunciation); fig, '»
fathom', M.Ir. ed (also /'a:, /'df), er' fig, 'throughout'; fig,
' rush ', Di. feog, feag ; figan, ' the rim of a spinning wheel ',
O.Ir. fedan (1) ; fl'ig, ' chickweed ', Hogan fliodh, fligh, Di. flich ;
fr"igr9, 'answer', O.Ir. frecre; ig, 'notch', Di. eag s. feag and
neagaim, Macbain eag, Wi. fee (?), from this word two names of
diseases seem to come, viz. igj g.Un; 'black hives', igdjardg, 'red
hives': igh, 'fear', O.Ir. ecla ; \gV\J\ 'church, clergy', O.Ir.
eclais, ighsccy, 'clergyman', Di. eaglaiseach ; ignz, 'shrewd',
O.Ir. ecne ; h'r'ig, 'crag', Meyer crec ; L'igvn, 'overthrow',
Keating leagadh ; I'L'ig, 'spear', M.Ir. sleg (cp. § 170). Further
in one pronunciation of the word for ' arrears ', rigra&ft'd, the
formation of which is obscure (cp. § 170). a has not passed into
g in t'la.dy.*/, 'family', O.Ir. teglach. In this connection we might
mention ia9ri:m, 'I adore', O.Ir. adraim (but see also § 170);
i"\Q.tfiy.yt, 'likeness, picture ', M.Ir. tiguir.
This change of O.Ir. e to i has doubtless been wide-spread,
witness the frequency with which it appears for ea in writers of
the seventeenth century, cp. O'Donovan, Grammar p. 18 and
compare the pronunciation of the word for ' bed ' in Antrim
and Farney written liubaidh, G. J. 1895 p. 109, ib. p. 141, Sg.
Fearn. pp. 23, 97. In S. Ulster ea before d, g, s, dh and gh is
pronounced e (G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2), which corresponds very
closely to the state of affairs in Donegal.
§ 107. i '.< O.Ir. e occurs before u in liindfxn, 'already'
< cheana-fein but this is only one of several pronunciations of
the word (Craig writes henifin) ; h'in, 'affection', M.Ir. cen.
k'iX, ' head ' is probably due to the oblique cases (O.Ir. dat.
ciunn), as g'1'a.N, m'a.Na/n &c. have retained the x. In an isolated
form we get the form k'y.X, viz. in the name of a flower (a kind
of orchid ?), Wa.N&mat,N dUyosay^ the first part of which is
evidently Hogan's ceannbhan. ih/;>, 'loathing' is obscure.
Dinneen has ealaraim, ' I salt, pickle ', which may be connected.
A word which has had a peculiar history is fgruw ti&, 'household
furniture '. This is evidently M. fr. errad, eirred, Di. earradh,
which first became iruw and then oruw. All consciousness that
the word originally had a palatal initial was lost and f was
prefixed. It might be noted that Di. fionnan, 'a kind of rough
glass' is in Donegal called fcuNcm.
4:*
7. i.
§ 10cS. By i we denote several shades of i-sounds varying
from a middle to a close i. In the neighbourhood of non-
palatal consonants i undergoes certain modifications which will
be mentioned under y in >} 125.
§ 109. i commonly represents an O.Ir. accented i between
two palatal consonants, e.g. b'ig', gen. sing, of b'ig, 'little';
b'iN', 'melodious', O.Tr. bind; g'iji, 'wedge', M.Tr. geind :
p'ifi:ri, 'kitten', Di. pisin s. piscin ; t'i:N', 'poorly, ill', M.Ir.
tind. Initially i can only occur before palatal consonants (cp.
§ 58), e.g. iN'fd, 'to relate', M.Ir. innissim, indissim ; in'ig'iL't',
'grazing, pasture', Di. ingheilt; ir'i/] 'hanger', Di. iris; ir'is,
'a contract', O'E. iris, 'assignation', cp. to.: ir'is po:stc> idir ma.:r'
dgds fs:m98, ' Mary and James are engaged to be married ',
O.Ir. iress.
The line between i and i is not very sharply defined, i some-
times appears for i especially after r', e.g. in y'r'ibzy, 'bustle ', cp.
CI. 8. 6 ix 02 p. 432 col. 2, Macbain has griobhag, M.Ir. grip
(the word is used especially of a melee at carnman, e.g. vi: y'r'ibz.y
mo:r er j N'gmiv&N' fin', 'it was a rough game', vi: y'r'ib'xy
mo:r er' X :na X ° ^:tvir' Ner' v vi: No. tir'iv 9 yor dinar/, 'there
was great confusion at the harvest-fair when the bulls were being
taken out'); y'r'is.r/', 'drubbing, slashing', Di. griosail.
§ 110. Before palatal consonants i appears instead of i in
accented syllables containing a, o, u. Examples —
O.Ir. a — dir'», ' Derry ', O.Ir. daire ; diL', gen. sing, of dc.L,
'blind', M.Ir. dall ; y'a'vvd, compar. of garuw, 'rough',
O.Ir. garb; yi^V'j, compar. oi ga.N, 'scarce', O.Ir. gand;
tjiX'jstit, ' unawares '< gan fhios ; yir'im, 'call', M.Ir.
gairni ; ir'im, nom. plur. of axdm, 'army', O.Ir. arm;
siN't', 'avarice', Di. sainnt < O.Ir. sant ; t'i/'iX't', 'to
shew', M.Ir. taisfenad, cp. Pedersen p. 163 f.
O.Ir. o — brim', 'crepitus ventris ', M.Ir. broimm ; dir"d>\
' a water-worm living at the bottom of pools, when
swallowed by cattle it causes a disease which only
the Cassidy's can cure', Di. doirbh ; yir'inid, compar.
of y.ir.mi, 'blue', M.Ir. gorni ; i/bil', 'game', -cos, 'deer'
+ feoil; klig', gen. sing, of kloy, 'bell", O.Ir. clocc;
krik', nom. plur. of krqk, 'hill', O.Ir. cnocc; Lin, dat.
of Lot), 'ship'; mtuiL't', nom. plur. of moLt, 'wether',
O.Ir. molt. Note also the new gen. sing, kyr'im' formed
from kopm, 'even, level', M.Ir. comthrom.
44
O.Ir. w.—diL'a.g, 'leaf', Di. duilleog, M.Ir. duille; din's,
'man', O.Ir. duine ; gir'i:n', 'pimple', M.Ir. gur, 'pus';
k'ocrk Qi/r, 'a sitting hen', Di. gor ; %L' <>, 'elbow', M.Ir.
ule ; i/ccg, ' lark ', Macbain uiseag, Manx ushag, Di.
fuiseog ; kli?9, 'game', M.Ir. cluche ; krihayj), plur. of
krC'i; 'horseshoe', Wi. cni ; krit', 'hump', krit'i:n'a,y i ,
'humpback', M.Ir. crot, cruit ; mwir, 'sea', O.Ir. muir.
£ 111. In the same way O.Ir. e before palatal consonants
has frequently become i, e.g. d'in'u:r, ' party of ten ', O.Ir.
deichenbor; f'ir'ig's, gen. sing, of f'ardg, 'anger', O.Ir. fere,
ferg ; g'r'iml, 'morsel, grip', O.Ir. greiinm ; k'irik'i:/, 'Whitsun-
tide', M.Ir. cengciges ; k'i/uii, 'basket', Meyer cess; L'ig'^n,
'to let, allow', Wi. lecun ; m'in'ik', 'frequent', O.Ir. menicc ;
m'ir'ig', 'rust', O.Ir. meirg; m'i/k's, 'intoxication', M.Ir. mesce;
j"LV',Mi, 'playing an instrument', M.Ir. senim ; sm'ig', 'chin',
M.Ir. smech ; t'in'i, 'tire', O.Ir. tene.
^112. In § 105 we saw that i occurs in a few verbs ending
in dh, gh before t'. Similarly i: is shortened to i in verb forms
before /' and h < fh or th. Henebry mentions this shortening for
Waterford (p. 13) but it must be remembered that there is a
tendency to shorten all long vowels before h < th in Donegal.
Examples — vl'i(:) m'd, 'I milked', infin. b'l'ii but past part, b'lit'j,
fut. act. b'/'ih<> m'9, pres. pass, b'l'it'sr, cond. pass, vl'ihi:, O.Ir.
mligiin ; gi: (g//:), 'to beseech', past part, yit'<>, O.Ir. gude ; fid^
' to weave ', pres. pass, f'it'dr, imperf. d'it'i:, past part, /'it's ; t'i:
)\>, ' he sees ', pres. pass, t'ihw dUw, ' it seems to me '. This
shortening is also found in other words, as in ;/j:, 'wind', gen.
sing, gifts; sih&r (sj hsr), 'labour', O.Ir. saithar; tihi>, 'houses',
I>i. tighthe; d'l'iigsl, 'lawful', Di. dlightheamhail ; vinyl!, 'royal',
< *rioghthamhail. In syllables with secondary stress i is common
for i: in the participial ending -i:j'io (see § 356) as in b'ahift ' j,
b'ijij'l'.i, srinift'9 ; also in dimwit' j, 'besides' ($ 105). Tn the
preterite of tin; verbs si:, 'to sit', O.Ir. suide ; Li: (Ly:), 'to lie',
O.Ir. lige and similar verbs a short or half long i appears instead
of i:, y: before the personal pronouns, e.g. I'i tuw, Vi jl>, him'9.
>; 113. i is frequent in unstressed syllables in place of <>
before palatal consonants independent of the quality of the pre-
ceding consonant, e.g. x:rin', Aran, il'an. a:r,nt. r ), Aran Island ;
If.r/jin'y.yt, 'poverty', Di. bochtaineacht ; d'i>Lid', 'saddle', M.Ir.
diallait; 9giN', 'with us', O.Ir. ocaind ; //«% yjzpwiL ', 'wasp',
beach chapaill ; kgr'ini ', gen. sing, of k.u;nn, M.Ir. comthrom ;
■it'ir, 'turf-bank', l)i. Macbain oitir.
45
§ 111. Tn the same way i takes place of a as svarabhakti
vowel between palatal combinations such as r'g', r'v, l'g' «fcc.
(cp. Finck i p. 35). Examples — bwil'ig'og, 'bubble', O.Ir.
bolg, bole, gen. sing, buile ; haer'ig', 'offered', M.Ir. taircim ;
k'el'ig', 'deceit', M.Ir. celg ; m'ir'iy', 'rust/, (). I r. meirgj /inr.ir't)/',
'woe', O.Ir. mairg ; j'ii-'ir>, compar. of J'aruw, 'bitter', O.Ir.
serb. La:r'ik', 'thigh', beside Macbain lairig, O.Ir. loarcc shews
that the k' is analogical and comes in from the plural, as no
svarabhakti vowel is introduced between r, /•' and k, k' (§ 138).
Similarly the final a of i:n r 9, 'Friday', becomes % in i:ni -rz.tst,),
' Good Friday ' ; tui $oJid, ' rainbow ', = tuagh cheatha.
§115. After /•' before o: the off-glide sometimes developes
into I, as in b'r'io:t'9, 'sickly, delicate', intin. b'r'iouw, Di.
breodhaim, Meyer breoaim, ' I burn '.
8. i:.
§ 116. When standing between palatal consonants i: has
a very close sound but in other positions it is slightly more open.
It is liable to be modified by non-palatal consonants for which
see under y (§ 125) and is frequent both in syllables with chief
and secondary stress.
§ 117. i: represents O.Ir. f between palatal consonants,
e.g. in d'i:g', dat. sing, of d'i.g (with open vowel, also d'hg),
'gutter'; fim'uw (fi:N'uiv), 'stretch', O.Ir. sinim ; d'i:J\ 'a
couple ', cp. dis dat. of dias Wi. ; k'i:r'd, gen. sing, of k'i:r,
'comb', O.Ir. cir ; f'r'i:, ' flesh- worm ', O'R. frith, Di. frigh.
Similarly in i:, 'fat', llaphoe Pastoral 1904 igh, Macbain igh,
M.Ir. ith and in the diminutive termination -i:u', ksel'i:n, 'girl'.
When the final of a monosyllable which contains id becomes
palatal, ia becomes %:, thus dridn, 'blackthorn', O.Ir. draigen,
gen. sing. dri:n.
§ 118. O.Ir. i in words of more than one syllable before
non-palatal consonants gives i: (in monosyllables we usually
find is), e.g. d'l:wi:ii, 'unmarried', O.Ir. dimain ; k'i.krccy,
'ravenous', Meyer ciccarach ; k'i:mwxl', 'to worry, contend',
O'R. ciomaim, Macbain, Di. ciom ; karsj 'k'r'i:st9, ' sponsor ',
Meyer cairdes Crist s. cairddes ; 7ni:sj, gen. sing, of m'i:, 'month '.
§ 119. Sometimes O.Ir. fa (i.e. is) loses its second element
and becomes i: . This is particularly the case before h < th and
is therefore parallel to the shortening of long vowels before the
same sound. Examples — b'r'idizr, 'woi'd, speech', O.Ir. briatharj
46
k'l i:hxn, 'the front of tlie chest', k'l'i:han<x%, 'narrow-chested',
l»i. cliathao : k'r'i:h >r, 'sieve', O.Ir. criathar : j'i.utsi, 'pastime 7 ,
Di. siamsa.
§ 120. With many speakers the close e: and d tend to
become i:, as in m'l: hi:n' = m6 fhein ; gri.hxy, 'busy' (^ 94);
/./•'/.= eirigh. Regularly in grl:, 'good looks', gnn-J', 'hand-
some', O.Ir. gne ; fk'i •aitk'i/, 'quinsy', Di. sceith aingcis ; b'l'iog,
' effeminate fellow ', cp. Di. bleitheachan ; analogically in the
inflected forms of d'i.m, O.Ir. dian, gen. sing. fern. d'i:n'd.
§ 121. A palatal O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) gave j
which combined with a preceding vowel to form i: both in
stressed and unstressed syllables, (a) in stressed syllables — bwi:,
'yellow', O.Tr. bude, bwi:gan, 'yolk of an egg': brim, 'contest,
brawl', Meyer brnden (Craig wrongly writes braoghan) ; b'i:%oi:,
'mischievous', < *bidbaide, Meyer bibdaide ; al:, pret. of gfo,
gy.j, 'to beseech', O.Ir. gude ; l:$d, 'night', O.Ir. aidche, oidche ;
i-l:n\ 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; ti:dor, ' thatcher ', Di. tuigheadoir,
m >r wa:r dri:L'», 'to cap all', Di. dramhfhuigheall, drabhfhuigheal,
dramhghail, drabhghail. (/<) in unstressed syllables — oJeli:, 'pli-
able, soft', Di. aclaidhe ; kiki.s (Mky:f), 'fortnight', M.Ir. coic-
digis : k'ijd'i:/, 'Whitsuntide', M.Ir. cengciges ; my.Xti:V, 'to
mumble, talk indistinctly ', mantuighil ; mwiriim' , 'confidence',
M.Ir. muinigin ; mtcir'i.n', 'a large family', Di. muirighean,
Macbain muirichinn. The genitive of words ending in -uw <-adh,
-amh is usually -!:, so boluw, ' smell ', O.Ir. bolad, gen. sing, boll: ;
b'r'ehuw, 'judge', O.Ir. brithem, gen. sing, b'r'ehi:. Between
r (=r) and j a svarabhakti vowel was developed, hence M.Ir.
suirge became *sir'ijrj and finally sir'i (generally with short vowel);
similarly O.Ir. eirge gave eir'i:.
A number of substantives (mainly feminine) which ended in
-ad in the older language have formed a new nominative -i: < -aid
from the oblique cases, as indeed there is a general tendency
in Donegal to make feminine substantives end in a palatal
sound, e.g. gen'Zv, 'sand', O.Ir. ganem. Examples: — a,:ri:, 'main
cross-beam in roof, Di. araidhe, M.Ir. arad ; had:, 'grief,
Meyer cuma, dat. cumaid ; L'abtoi:, 'bed', has already in M.Ir.
two forms lepad, lepuid ; m'ani:, 'awl', M.Ir. menad ; moli:, 'brow,
steep incline', Wi. malaig (dat.); saMwi:, 'sorrel', Di. samhadh,
Macbain samh. Cp. further t'in'i, ' fire ', < tenid (dat.); t'ocrjf/:,
' tontrue ', O.Ir. tense. Other words seem to have been influenced
by these examples, as k'iiV/i:, 'cause', Di. cionnta formed from
47
O.Ir. cin, 'guilt', M.Ir. cintach, 'guilty' ;in<l T am inclined to
think that the -i: in ga:ri:, 'garden, small enclosure', M.Ir. garda
and omwi:, ' many a ', O.Ir. immda, is also due to analogy; for
the latter form cp. Derry People 24 x '03 p. 3 — siomaidh sgeul
ata innisiste fa daobh dd. Henebry (p. 05) states that "gh broad
or slender after 1, n, r contracts w or y with the svar. thrown
out by the liquid and becomes u or i " and quotes as instances
feadghaile, murrghach. Pedersen (p. 15) says of Mod.Ir. gardha,
"the word is now pronounced garl on Arran with a regular change
of dh >j, development of svarabhakti vowel and change of 9J9> I ;
Scotch garradh ". Pedersen unfortunately fails to give us any
further instances of the change of non-palatal dh>j and this
sound-law has certainly not operated in Donegal, where Mod.Ir.
dh after r, m disappears, as far as can be seen'. Thus M.Ir.
gruamda appeal's as gruamd) a N'i»L9S, M.Ir. Mac Niallguis
( Fergus and Oengus unfortunately appear as /' 'ardgds and NJ :s) ;
*mdrdhachas, cp. Di. mordhacht, gives moRa.yd8 with assimilation
of rd > R and shortening of the preceding vowel ; faur9, 'eclipse'
is obscure, but it may be mentioned here as it represents
urdhubhadh. Further in a number of trisyllabic adjectives in
-rdha the result is -?v, e.g. k'y.yjirs, 'miserly', Meyer cecharda ;
danar9, 'cruel', Di. danardha ; similarly Aa/p^/v (Meyer corporda),
m'asitra, mwiN't'dn, fajskwrd.
§ 122. However in the case of O.Ir. palatal g after I', r
the svai'abhakti i +j + vowel invariably gives I:, e.g. dael'iss,
' difficulty ', Keating doilgheas ; N'fon, ' daughter ' < in'ijdn (the
loss of the initial i is due to the word being frequently used
proclitically) O.Ir. ingen. In a few cases a post-consonantic
palatal ch is treated as if it were g (Mod.Ir. gh), only the
preceding consonant must be voiceless, e.g. fwxt'i:s, ' timidity ',
M.Ir. faitches ; to:ri:s, 'number at birth, parturition' (rog fi:
t'r'u:r d jsdN to:ri:s, ' she had triplets '),' Di. toircheas, M.Ir.
torrchius.
§ 123. By shifting of stress fair', 'got', O.Ir. fuair, becomes
/'//•/./•'. smwi:t'tiw, 'to think', represents M.Ir. smiiainim, cp.
£443. For bwi:r'wr, 'trouble', see § 66. For i:, i.) < O.Ir. ua
see forms with y j$j 66, 67.
£ 124. But one of the most frequent sources of i: is O.Ir. ai,
6i, now written aoi, e.g. fwi:/uw, 'improvement', Di. faoiseamh
1 <xU:ri, 'art', M.Ir. elathain, eladain (dat.), has arisen by way of
alsain' >ahin'.
48
< ZVr.Ir. foessam ; i:l 'a%, 'dung', O.Tr. ailedn ; i;n'9, 'Friday',
O.Ir. oine ; i:v waip, dro%i:v, 'good, bad appearance', O.Tr. oiph :
i:viN', 'agreeable', O.Tr. aibind, oibind ; i.voL, ' starting of cattle
with heat ', l>i. aoibhill ; ki:n'uw (ky:n'uw), 'to cry', O.Ir. cainiud
(Craig writes caonadh but I have only heard the form with it') ;
//./•' hin'uw, 'blazing tire', Di. caor, cp. ki.r' hin'uw ort, 'the
curse of blazes upon you', O.Ir. cair ; kri:v9, gen. sing, of hryuw,
' branch ' ; mwi:l', ' superabundance, top ' (proverb os m'in'ik' o
trin' 9 kivad my.tr ,t wi:V ddN tobdft'9, 'a stitch in times saves
nine'), Di. maoil ; mwi.v, 'to grudge', O.Ir. moidem, cp. N'i.L'
l',i ,m trt.t'd ort, ' it is not to be grudged you ' ; J'id'om, ' I think ',
M.Ir. sailim (/" for s, cp. § 354). In other than syllables with
chief stress — o.yli:, 'relapse in illness', = ath + claoidh, Di.
claoidhim ; kasi:d', 'complaint', O.Ir. cossoit. In the inflected
forms of words containing { :, ki:l'd, compar. of &{ :l, ' narrow ',
O.Ir. coel ; ki:ca, gen. sing. fern, of kji : '/j 'blind', O.Ir. caich.
In a number of cases we find i: and y: side by side. For the
younger people's pronunciation of j: as y:, i: see .^61. In a few
words i: is the only sound one hears, e.g. fi.-w&r, 'edge', O.Ir.
faibur; tri:, 'to subside' (ta: N tat 9 tri:, 'the pain is subsiding')
< traogh, Di. traochadh, Macbain traogh, M.Ir. tragud. This
word has been differentiated from tra.:uw, ' to ebb ', which cm-re-
sponds exactly to the M.Ir. form, tri: has followed the inflected
forms of the verb, e.g. pret. ri:. (/or -ti:wc> l's, 'to depend on'
(ta: m's gov -tiiwo I 'at fan rod ota: 9 ji:r or9m, 'I am relying on
you for what I want') Di. i dtortaoibh s. taobh (§ 416), but the
simple word occui*s both as tiutv and tytiw, O.Ir. toib.
9. y.
§ 125. This symbol represents a modified form of i due to
the influence of certain non-palatal consonants. Most commonly
y is an unrounded form of German ii in Giite, i.e. the fore
part of the tongue is slightly lowered from the i position and is
moreover retracted. This y (y:) appeal's instead of i, i after L, N,
k, g, y, a and arises under the same conditions as these vowels.
Examples — gyd', plur. of gad, ' switch ' ; qyd' mo, ' I stole ', Di.
goidim ; (jyj\ gen. sing, of gos, 'vigour', M.Ir. gus; kyfog, 'windle-
straw ', Di. cuiseog ; kyt'ag, ' lob- worm ', Craig cuiteog ; yjjr mo,
'I put', M.Ir. ro chuir; Nyuw, 'saint', O.Ir. noib; sNy:, 'bier',
( ) 'It. snaoi ; sKy:m, 'knot', M.Ir. snaidm. In other than syllables
with chief stress — o.msky:, 'untidy', Di. amscaoidheach ; 9 Naiky:,
'gratis', M.Ir. ascid ; d'z.rkyy.y, 'scrutinising, attentive '< dear-
49
caiglitheach ; a/rt a k'aLy:, 'Art O'Kelly ' ; k'o.Ny.m, 'I buy',
M.Ir. cendaigim.
§ 12(5. After other non-palatal consonants than those men-
tioned in the preceding paragraph the characteristic features of
y are not so strongly marked and we get a sound between y
and i, now approaching more nearly to the one, now to the other.
This is the case after w, p, t, d, s, e.g. in tyN'a, gen. sing, of tqN,
'wave'; sy:, 'to sit', O.Ir. sude ; sy:, 'sage', O.Ir. sui ; i:nuw,
1 wonder ' but N'irr' wy:nmv } ' it was no wonder '.
§ 127. We have seen that y:, i: frequently take the place of
j[: especially with the younger people but even J. H. has y: in a
number of words such as fymv, 'side', O.Ir. toib ; kryuiv, 'branch',
M.Ir. ci'oeb, craeb, gen. sing. kri:v9, plur. kry.woiyd. In the case
of aoi great uncertainty prevails. J. H. sometimes has y: in y:f,
'age', O.Ir. ais ; y:V, gen. sing, of j\7, 'lime', O.Ir. ael and
frequently in inflected forms like sy:r', gen. sing, of s^:r, 'free,
cheap '. But the tendency with the younger generations is to
introduce i: everywhere.
(c) The irrational vowel 9.
% 128. The so-called irrational vowel in Donegal seems to lie
between the mid-mixed 9 in German Gabe (narrow according to
Sweet) and my i with which it often appears to interchange. It
may be regarded as a lowered i and it is interesting to find that
Craig writes : " in the following a is obscure (i.e. unstressed), and
is pronounced like i in mist (= i) : — asam, asat &c." (Grammar 2
p. 3). In this book I have chosen to write a before I, n, r, m &c.
instead of/, n, r, m, as the quality of the vowel seems to me to
be generally retained, cp. Finck's remarks i pp. 34, 35. 9 may
represent the reduction of any O.Ir. short vowel in syllables not
bearing the chief stress, except in the case of the termination
-ach. Before palatal consonants i takes the place of 9 (§ 113).
§ 129. Examples of a as the reduction of O.Ir. short vowels
in unstressed syllables — (a) O.Ir. a, ochbdna.^, 'Scotch, Presby-
terian', O.Ir. albanach ; asol, 'ass', M.Ir. assal ; astor (yliN'9),
' labour ', Meyer astar ; duwdrk, ' sight ', M. Ir. amarc ; a.:m,9cl,
'timber', M.Ir. admat ; bxiwLtri), 'nurse', M.Ir. banaltru ; bxtz,
'stick', M.Ir. bata ; ga.Nt9n98, 'scarcity', Di. gauntanas ; Aa/v-
Aa;£, ' loving ', Meyer carthanach ; ru9m,9n N9 gyN'dl, ' daddy
long-legs', cp. Di. ruaim, 'a long hair', O'R. ruaghmhar, 'whisker'
Q. 4
50
(the creature is also called ru:r'i:). (b) O.Ir. e, ornwros, ' doubt ',
O.Ir. amiress ; sepal, 'angel', O.Ir. aingel ; serdg'dd, 'money',
O.Ir. arget ; Invin'dN, ' female ', Meyer boinenn; daion, 'firm',
O.Ir. daingen ; d 'a.r9mdd, 'forget', O.Ir. dermet; d'Sws, 'shears',
M.Ir. demess; drcycl, 'bridge', M.Ir. drochet ; f'ikz, '20', O.Ir.
fiche ; f'ir'oN, 'male', M.Ir. firend ; fr'igrs, 'answer', O.Ir.
frecre; im<>L, 'edge', M.Ir. imbel ; mehd, 'gang of labourers',
M.Ir. methel; mivil'dN, 'mill', O.Ir. mulenn ; miviN't'drd,
'related', M.Ir. muinterda ; ordd, 'amount', O.Ir. eret ; skxt'd,
'dislocated', Di. scaithte ; t%9, 'thatch', M.Ir. tuge ; t'iN'98,
'illness', M.Ir. tinnes. (c) O.Ir. i, in the ending of 1st pers.
sing, of the pres. ind. m has become m by analogy with
prepositional pronouns like orm, hence the termination is -9m,
fx.-gom, 'I leave'; gen'dv, 'sand', Di. gainimh. (d) O.Ir. o, u,
ardwdr, 'corn', Meyer arbor; a:r9S, 'dwelling', M.Ir. aros {N'i:L'
t'ay Na a:r9S 9g9m, ' I have neither house nor home ') ; bc/M9Ltr9,
'nurse', Meyer banal tru ; b'ihr, 'water-cress', M.Ir. biror ;
b'l'igsn, ' milking', M.Ir. blegon ; doMtmn (do:n), 'world', O.Ir.
domun ; dords, 'door', O.Ir. dorus ; do:y9s, 'hope', M.Ir. dochus ;
d'dWcil, 'devil', O.Ir. diabul ; e:drdm, 'light', O.Ir. etromm; dgds,
ag9S, 'and', O.Ir. ocus ; fi:w9r, 'edge', O.Ir. faibur; karam,
'even', M.Ir. comthromm ; L'igan, 'to overthrow', for the ending
cp. M.Ir. lecun ; mo:rt9S, ' boasting' -c *mordatus, M.Ir. mordatu ;
morL9s, 'mackerel', Di. murlus; m'ukdn in Los N9 m'akdn,
'fungus', O.Ir. mecon ; omar, 'trough', Meyer ambor; sofas,
'light', M.Ir. solus; tofoJY, 'sudden', M.Ir. opond ; tgUr, 'well',
O.Ir. topur.
^ 130. 9 occurs further as the reduction of certain long
vowels in rapid speech. Thus for instance in the preterite of
verbs of the second conjugation, when followed by a pronominal
subject, the ending -i: often becomes -9. I have heard it in the
following — v}uL<9 m'd, ' I cursed ', Di. malluighim ; war9 m'9,
'I killed', = mharbhuigh; wo:r9 m'9, 'I deafened', Di. bodhruighim;
wa.:nd m'9, ' I grew pale ', Di. banuighim ; va.Nd m'9, ' I greeted ',
Di. beannuighim ; vah m'd, 'I greased', Di. bealuighim ; vr'a/j9
m'&, 'I expected', Di. breath nuighim ; hidl/rd tuw, 'you descended',
Di. siolruighim ; heefk'9 m'9, 'I stored up', Di. taiscighim ; l'oMwn9
tuv), 'you slipped', Di. sleamhnuighim ; I3,:w9 tnwid', 'we handled',
I >i. lamhuighim ; yj>>'<> m'9, 'I moved', Di. corruighim ; yprN9
in' 9, 'I coiled, rolled up', Di. cornaim ; yu:d9 m'9, 'I covered',
Di. eumhduighim ; ron9 m'9, ' I scattered ', Di. srathnuighim ;
jz9V9 m'9, 'I sharpened', Di. gearuighim ; <1a:r9 m'9, 'I altered',
51
Di. athruighim ; <h:rLo m'o, ' I vomited ', O'R. orlughadh ; dgr t g9
tuw, ' you anointed ', Di. ungaim.
Before j's, fi:, J'iv, fiod this 9 tends to become i,
§ 131. A similar reduction takes place in the future active
before the subject pronoun, see Craig, Grammar 2 p. 105 note.
But in pausa forms and when the subject is a noun the full
ending -i: is heard, e.g. vzk'd m'd ,>tny.:rccy huwl t'i.f'i:, = (an)
bhfeicfidh me amarach thu? titidh ; t'iknaivid' J'iN' wj[:n y
No:ri:r av N't: hiki: fx:n = tiocfaidh muid sinne araon an
oirthear acht ni thiocfaidh Seaghan. Likewise in the present
subjunctive, e.g. go: 0ft' x% go d'i: go No:h tuiv kopaJV te:, 'go
(come) in and drink a cup of tea'. »
§ 132. Very exceptionally the infinitive and substantival
termination -adh appears as -9. In most of the cases -adh is
preceded by w, as in foluwo, ' to empty ', Di. folmhughadh ;
govti:wo I's, 'depending on', Di. tortaobhadh ; ga:w0, 'jeopardy',
Di. gabhadh; marow9, 'to kill', Di. marbhuighim ; ro:wa, 'warn-
ing', Di. rabhadh. Further in o:rLo, 'to vomit', O'R, orlughadh ;
osNo, 'sigh', O.Ir. osnacl (osna Sg. Fearn. p. 97); Lu:NosNo,
' Lammas, August ', < lugnasad. In words standing before the
chief stress in koLo -glu.-rakxri, ' numbness in the feet ', = codladh ;
rgboL o ivado rui, ' the fox's tail ', = ruball an mhadaidh ruaidh.
Cp. also the following description of lucifer matches when they
were first introduced — k'ip'im'i: b'igo ray 9 I's hin'i 1 .
§ 133. Similar reductions occur sporadically in si:w9l\
' strange, queer ', Di. saoitheamhail ; grl:wdl', ' handsome ', Di.
gnaoidheamhail ; so:koJ, ' ease ', Keating socamhal, cp. Derry
People 30 v '04, ionnus nach rabh suaimhneas na socal aici,
also so:koh.y, luigh mise go socalach, ib. 21 xi '03 p. 3 col. 3;
do:kol, Di. docamhal in toe: do:kd mo.r t'iN'if 9r 9 Notr so, ' this
man shews signs of being in great pain'. Further dccst9 m'd
beside dzsto: m'9, ' I hired ', Di. fastoghadh ; L'ingdzy, ' linen ',
Di. lin-eadach.
§ 134. 9 sometimes makes its appearance in stressed syllables
instead of i, e.g. in f'l'oy, 'wet'; lav, 'plant, weed', O.Ir.
luib. Further in d'sw9l {d'iwal), 'devil', O.Ir. diabul ; d'owsd',
'want' (§ 105); fowid' < seo dhuid ; oni9W9, 'astray, wrong', Wi.
immada; moivil', 'quiet', Di. modhamhail ; 9N, 'in, there', 9Njih,
'in me'. The form i n- in cases like 9 Na.:t'oty9 has been identified
1 What is the reason for the aspiration in the phrase x Ui J e i>€ hin'i, ' it
took fire ' ?
4—2
52
with »N = ann with the result that the latter has largely driven
out the older form. Before a consonant initial a double form
'.V- is commonly used, e.g. ,>N> moreen okuw, 'in many of them',
dN9 rriigoun Lshd, 'in a few days', 9N9 f'ipd, 'in a shop'. For a
similar developement in Farney see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 2.
§ 135. A number of words ending in a consonant in O.Ir.
have been extended by the addition of y, cp. Finck i p. 37.
Such are cc:wo, 'Adam'; drihetyja, 'sorcery', M.Ir. druidecht;
d'eir'k's, 'alms', O.Ir. deircc ; d'r'u:yt9, 'dew', M.Ir. driicht ;
(a) giN'dstd dUw, 'unknown to me', = gan fhios; ig9 qUw, jetr9g,
'black, red hives', Di. feag, Wi. fee (?) ; kaJw, 'battle', O.Ir. cath
(the usual term for 'battle' now-a-days is b'r'ifuw); hrSL:b'd,
'hemp', Meyer cnaip ; kr'ia 'ayt9, 'wheat', M.Ir. cruthnecht;
ma:s9, 'thigh', M.Ir. mass; mo:d'd, 'vow', M.Ir. moit ; m'sdWd,
M.Ir. Medb ; rihayfo, ' kingdom ', Di. rioghacht ; sa.:w9, Mod.Ir.
Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb ; uccyts, 'pledge', Di. udhacht.
§ 136. In pretonic syllables all vowels whether short or long
and diphthongs may be reduced to 9. os in 9s k'iN, 'above', Wi.
os chind, os a cind. do, de become dd, 9, e.g. ta: m'd 9 md yu:nsel ',
' I am perishing with cold '. Similarly dia in tec: fin 9 ptvseX 9
vd d'a:Nt9, 'that requires to be done', =dia dhioghbhail. But
dia just as often appears as a, N'i:r $r'id' No, di:n'i: fr.rL9s a.y^
tec: fc ol QiN't'uw dN'Uw, 'people did not believe Charles but
he is proving it to-day ', = dia chinntiughadh. There is a very
peculiar phrase in which this 9 < dia seems to occur, viz. N'i:V 9
m'ij't'9 I'im, ' I don't mind, I should very much like '. With this
is to be compared Craig's dheamhan a miste liom (Iasg.), from
which it would seem that N'i:V has been substituted for d : 9W9l,
'devil', dia, 'if, also appears as 9, a, 9 m'eiN'fd, 'if I were',
ar is reduced to 9 in the phrase 9 wSJw l's, ' for the sake of, Di.
mar (ar) mhaithe le. O.Ir. far has been lost except in a couple
of phrases as in 9r du:s, 'at first'. But this is an accident as O.Ir.
far, ar and for have been confused and ar alone has survived in
the form er' (cp. Scotch G. air) which still causes eclipse in 9r
du:s, er' gu:l, ' back ', but not in er fa.:V which is used as the past
participle of jsv9m. aon, ' one, a single, any ' when not stressed
becomes 9n, 9, e.g. N'i:!' 9 aah 9 wiL' or9m = ni'l aon dhath de
mhoill orm, 'there is nothing to hinder me', cp. Craig, Deny
People 30 iv '04 p. 3 col. 4, cha rabh a dhath a mhaith di sin a
dheanadh ach urad ; N'i:V z-Nyri9 9N, ' there is not any one
there' but N'i: row 'ss'Nyn' 9stic, 'there was not a soul inside'.
53
In tec: f& i>j%L er'a/m <> vtiN't' 98, 'he wants fco waste time', N'i:V
m'y 9 jy.L er', ' I do not like it ', N'i:l' m'a y j%L er y aoL' fer',
'I do not want to go over' we seem to have Dinneen's ni'l aon
gheall aige air, 'lie has no regard for it' (s. geall) construed
personally.
§ 137. The frequent occurrence of this ,> before verbs ami
substantives, the origin of which is often forgotten, has led to
its extension in cases where it has no historical foundation. As
an instance of this we may regard the relative pronoun y, cp.
Finek ii p. 269. Similarly 9 yjJ :r '>, 'ever', M.Ir. caidche, coidche ;
i"/-' ,> hxyt 9 wel'a dUw, 'after coining home', = iar dteacht ; er y
aoL' fi:$ do:, ' after he had gone down ', = iar ndul ; a.%?'di:u)id9 )
' about, concerning ', < fa gach taoibh de, where however the a.yj
may stand for gach aon. The d is transported from the shorter
phrase fx di:widj, for which see §§ 314, 395. It is also possible
to regard x.yydi:ivido as standing for gach fa dtaoibh de with a
superfluous gach prefixed as seems to be the case in the curious
phrase ayjday^rXj la:, 'every other day'. By the side of this
peculiar conglomeration (g) ayjda.ro La: is also used. The chief
difficulty lies in the position of the stress, else the phrase might
be resolved into gach gach darna la.
§ 138. A number of non-palatal consonant-groups have
developed a svarabhakti vowel 9. Between palatal consonants
i takes the place of y, cp. §114. The chief cases are the fol-
lowing : —
(a) I + cons.
lb, e.g. alobonay, 'Scotchman, Presbyterian', O.lr. albanach ;
da.hb9, ' bold, forward ', Di. dalba. Between I and p
there is no 9, as in adpan, ' lump, bit ', Meyer alp, but
kolopay, ' stirk ', Meyer colpthach.
Ig, e.g. bolog, 'belly', M.Ir. bolg ; bologom, 'a sup', Meyer
bolgani ; d'alog, 'thorn', M.Ir. delg ; kolog, 'awn', Meyer
eolgg; k'ahguw, 'lull to sleep, lullaby', M.Ir. celg;
pgrogod', 'purgative', Di. purgoid ; smohgddan, 'shoulder-
bone', Di. smulgadan; fahg9 i gen. sing, of fel'ig',
'chase'. Between I and k the svarabhakti vowel only
occurs when k = gth, e.g. stolkos, ' matter, water and
blood emitted by a sick beast ' j stolkir'o, 'man hunting
with dog and gun", Di. stalcaire ; but k'oddkv m'o, 'I
shall lull to sleep ', fut. of k'ahguw.
Im, e.g. kalonto, 'brave', M.Ir. calma.
54
ho, e.g. aldwa, ' clove for dressing lint ' ; bohtvan, ' deaf and
dumb person', Di. balbhan ; g'cdswgn, 'sparrow', Di.
gealbhan ; kohiva, 'bed-stock', M.Ir. colba ; sww sahicrn,
' a mountain berry ', = sugh solmhan.
(b) r + cons.
rb, e.g. bovjb, 'rough', O.Ir. borp; fa/rdban, 'crowfoot', Di.
fearban ; g'arsb, ' scab ', Di. gearb ; kardbdd, ' chariot ',
M.Ir. carpat.
rg, e.g. d'a/rdg, 'red', O.Ir. derc; jidrdgnuw, ' annoyance',
Di. iargb.no; jisr9gu:l, 'wilderness', Di. iargciiil ; koragas,
' Lent ', M.Ir. corgas ; Lorzg, ' track ', O.Ir. lore ; Loragd,
'shin', M.Ir. lurga ; mardguw, 'market, bargain', M.Ir.
marcad, margad ; tusr9gy:ri, 'slashing', O.Ir. tuarcon
with suffix influenced by sdgy:n', ' to complain '. Before
k there is no y as in ark, ' lizard ', Di. earc ; d' arkot.11,
'thistle', Di. dearcan ; d'arkmv, 'consider', Di. deaicaim ;
ma.rka.%, 'horseman', O.Ir. marcach. But before &<gth
in Lordkayj), plur. of Lordga ; mardkyayv, plur. of
marzgmv; da.rok<> m'd, fut. of daroguw, 'to light', Di.
deargadh. Hence mordkuw, 'to decay', O'R. morcuighim
must go back to Dinneen's morgaim, Keating morgu-
ghadh. The k in the Donegal form was probably
extended from the past part, mar^kj. It may be noted
that targir'ayt, 'prophesying', cp. O.Ir. tairngire, has
no y. The developement of arjkij] y Nardkif, 'towards
him ', Meyer airchess, is not clear.
rm, e.g. anm, 'army', O.Ir. arm; dardimd, 'forget', O.Ir.
dermet; orsm, 'on me'; tardman, 'noise', M.Ir. torman.
rw, e.g. ardivor, 'corn', Meyer arbor; d'antwi.m, 'I assert',
M.Ir. derbaim (cp. dardfd < dearbhtha) ; mar9tm:m, ' I
kill', M.Ir. marbaim (cp. marvfay, 'slaughter'); morjivan,
' a kind of large whelk ' ; JarvwaN du:i: (2 sylls.), ' ink-
bottle '.
r X> e, S' Q Ti >yj> T i 'shot', M.Ir. aurchor; orvyod' , 'harm',
M.Ir. irchoit; orzya: (k? l ik', sLuit fi:), 'stroke (apoplectic,
paralytic) ', 0. g'r'ehbd, 'sunstroke', v. § 444. Note that
there is no y in myjiL, ' cricket ', Di. ur-chuil.
(c) n + cons.
run, e.g. /cmvmaJVti:, ' preacher ', O'R. seanmantaidhe ;
/anamor', 'sermon', Di. seanmoir; kaNvmxN dUyosay
(§ 293).
55
ny, e.g. focndyjsk, 'chat, talk, story-telling ', O.Ir. senchas.
nj\ e.g. kmiq/'ay, ' irritable ', Meyer confadach.
As v, m are not included among the palatal consonants mentioned
in § 7 1, they may be preceded by 9, e.g. d'el'w, 'form', M.Tr.
deilb (ace); eu'dvi:, 'animal', Meyer anmide ; en'avisccy, 'ignorant',
Meyer anfiss ; 9 N'iu'ov, 'in a tit state to do a thing', in'9v alone
is used in the sense of ' vigour ', as in Ner d fuir m'd b'i/c.y N'i:
ro vn'dv dNdm, ' when I recovered, there was no strength in me '.
This is doubtless the same word as inme, ' wealth ' (Laws), Di.
inmhe, ' estate or patrimony '. Further L'in'&v, gen. sing, of
L'a/nuw, 'child'; skxr'jv, 'sandy shore of a river', Di. scairbh;
I'el'dv, ' possession ', M.Ir. seilb (ace). For examples of o with at;
^l see § 338. Sometimes we find 9 where we might expect i, as
in xr'sg'id, ' money '.
A svarabhakti vowel may also be heard between two words
when the h'rst begins and the second commences with a consonant,
as in k'iL'd 'yocp, ' Kilcar ' (this is J. H.'s invariable pronuncia-
tion) ; i>N mioj^ :J'd Jb, ' in my time ' ; &g' ma. hi:vnfo, ' at my side '.
(d) The diphthongs.
1. cci.
§ 139. cci usually represents O.Ir. a followed by palatal
th, e.g. mcci<;, 'good', O.Ir. maith ; aih9rs, 'short cut', Meyer
aith-gerre ; jiccihif, 'heaven' < O.Ir. Haitli ; dig 'o:Nd, 'colt's foot',
Hogan aithinn; f'ilw.N sodg, 'red hives'; b'ocihay, 'lively',
Craig (lasg.) beaitheach ; skxi<;, 'the best of as in riN' J'e skxic.
Le: N'Uw, from an oblique case of M.Ir. scoth. In words of the
form a, o + h + i: (■«') there is a distinct tendency to introduce the
palatal vowel of the second syllable into the h'rst, thus producing
xi. Hence athair may become aithir, Chr. Bros. Aids to Pron. of
Irish p. 86, similarly maithir for mathair in Glencolumbkille, G. J.
1891 ]). 79. Examples — kccilii:, 'temptation', also kahi:, spelt
cathaidh in Litir an Chorgais of diocese of Raphoe 1904 and
Spir. Rose p. 20, plur. kccihidJYi/:, kaihior', 'tempter', Di. cath-
uighim, M.Ir. cathaigim. Similarly kaihir', 'chair', Di. cathaoir,
M.Ir. cathair, Sg. Fearn. caithir p. 63 ; kocir'ior , 'citizen', kociijocyy,
plur. of koilhser, M.Ir. cathir (cathair and cathir have been confused
in Donegal). Lzir, 'mud', M.Ir. lathach, scarcely belongs here.
The word probably followed the declension of l>h,:y, bfo.:if9.
Hence gen. sing. Lcci$j from which a new nominative was formed.
Infinitives of the form x + ahuw might have in the preterite
56
either x + cap oi' x + oih but the former has been generalised
and oii has been introduced into the present system, e.g. skcchuw,
' to wean ', M.Ir. scothaim, pres. skaihum, pret. skccir. Similarly
kraikdm, 'I shake', M.Ir. crothaim ; braihdm, 'I betray', Meyer
brathaigim. Before ?•', t' oci becomes x (§ 75).
§ 140. cci represents O.Ir. o before a palatal consonant in
ka.iy'iL't', 'raking the fire', M.Ir. coiclim. Also in the parts of
mohmv, ' to feel, hear ', f ut. maihxyd m'd, pret. woiihi: raid.
§ 141. In syllables with secondary stress %i represents
an older a before O.Ir. palatal g as in i:ivo.ic, 'image', Wi.
imaig, Atk. imagin ; g?n9rwa.i\ 'contention', M.Ir. immarbaig
(dat.). du:ry„i, 'foundation', is evidently O'R.'s diirtheach, Wi.
durthech, daurthech but the formation is by no means plain.
Di. has duthrach.
In dsasn, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen, we have a triphthong but the
whole only counts as one syllable, compar. N'i:s dairid. In
mctiftir, ' master ', cd is due to contraction of aji to cd.
2. au.
§ 142. au arises from O.Ir. accented a, e, (o) followed by b
(Mod.Ir. bh) + another non-palatal consonant. Before r, 1, n
xu ends in the bilabial spirant w, which we often denote in
writing. Examples — ccuwri:, 'Jew', M.Ir. ebraide, ccuwri/]
' Hebrew (language) ', also toy ccuwri ; ctuwiL', ' orchard ', Meyer
aball ; zuivLct, 'cluster of nuts ' (?) ; csmwLj, 'wafer', O.Ir. obla;
c/MwLor, 'a foolish prater', M.Ir. obloir; mi: auwrd, 'February',
Di. feabbra ; fauwri:, ' eye-lashes ', M.Ir. abra, fabra ; ficmwrds
(f'idiiwrzs), ' fever ', Keating fiabhras ; grcmwdr, ' loose dry turf-
mould ', Di. grabhar ; hccuwlccy, ' fleet ', M.Ir. coblach ; kcciisz,
' pathway through boggy land ' < Engl. ' catxseway ' ; fLxuwruw,
'chain', M.Ir. slabrad. An obscure word is fa.uwr9 t 'eclipse',
herii m'd fauwr er 9 jccH: reir\ 'I saw an eclipse of the moon last
night '. This is evidently the same as Dinneen's urdhubhadh
and Finck's ors> (ii p. 207) the existence of which Pedersen
unnecessarily doubts (ib. p. 288). In Donegal the word is masc,
nom. plur. fauwri:, fauwrioiyv. It may well be that it has been
influenced by the word for 'eye-lashes'.
§ 143. The normal pronunciation of O.Ir. eba, aba may be
regarded as o:, see § 40, but in a few cases we find the older stage
xuv;& preserved, e.g. in ccuwzk, 'dwarf, M.Ir. abacc ; dauwi:, 'vat',
gen. sing, dy.uyj, nom. plur. dzuwccyi:, M.Ir. dabach ; d'ctmvi:,
57
1 urging, nagging ', e.g. kyN'zxj m',> d'zumi: Vat gn di: <j<> ro
fin d'a.:Nf r >, 'I shall keep on worrying you until that is done',
M.Ir. debaid ; kcwwdl khyj>, 'heap of stones', Di. cobhail, cabhai],
cabhal (with different meaning); L'a.uv&N, 'half-sale', Di. leath-
bhonn; Jh'r'amvog, 'impudent little girl', cp. 194 1. 20; tzuvmiv, 'to
earn, deserve', tx: a fa:jd tot.uivi:(j't'j) e<j'<>, 'he has earned his
wages', Di. tamhuighim, hut J.H. does not nasalise, O'R. gives
tabhuighim, 'I profit, exact, collect', hence the word seems to be
a deverbative from M.Ir. tobach infin. of do-bongim. ky.uivkvd',
' the noisy talk of a number of people ', kxnwlsed 'a;/, ' noisy ', cp.
M.Ir. callaire, may be due to Connaught influence, cp. Finck i p. 41.
S 144. om arises from O.Ir. am, em, (om). Before r, 1, n a
bilabial w is clearly heard and at the end of monosyllables the
spirant loses its voice. Examples — xugw, 'distress', Di. Meyer
amhgar ; oiuwli:, 'thus', M.Ir. amlaid ; cluwrds, 'doubt', O.Ir.
arn-iress; oiuw&rk, 'sight', Meyer amarc ; autp, 'insipid', M.Ir. om;
goiuwin, 'calf, M.Ir. gamuin ; gaMuma.%, 'a stripper', M.Ir.
gamnach; g'oiuwdr, 'young corn', Di. geamhar; MoLuwwt', 'nibbling,
gnawing', kloiuwotn, 'a spot where there is little grazing for cattle ',
cp. Di. glamaim; klausan, 'murmuring, grumbling', Di. clamhsan;
k'1'a.uwni:, 'son-in-law', Meyer cliamain ; k'roiuy), 'garlic', M.Ir.
crem ; L'5.uivan, 'elm', M.Ir. lem ; L'auw, 'silly', M.Ir. lem ;
roiuw&r, 'fat', M.Ir. remor; sccuwi:, 'sorrel', Di. samhadh; saiciviL't',
' to imagine ', Di. samhluighim, cp. N'i: akd m'd 9 soiuwiL't' dd wri:,
'I never saw such a woman', N'i:r' hauwiL' Jb bwiJV't^ dUn; 'he
did not even as much as touch me ' ; scLmvuds, ' loathing, nausea ',
Di. samhnas ; sxutoruw, 'summer', M.Ir. samrad; sctmviii, 'All
Hallows, November', M.Ir. samuin ; skSiuwa&n', 'lungs', Di.
scamhan ; sklxiw; 'snarl', Di. sclaiuh ; fL'SLuwin\ 'smooth,
slippery', M.Ir. slemon.
3. ocd.
§ 145. <x:i usually represents O.Ir. accented a followed by
a palatal th, d, g, e.g. a:i, gen. sing, of a:, 'luck', M.Ir. ag ;
oLiirj, oi:ie id, ' lime-kiln ', Meyer aithe ; fa:i, ' prophet ', O.Ir.
faith; grcc:i, gen. sing, of gra.:, 'love'; yrot.:i, pret. of kra:, 'to
torment', M.Ir. craidim ; omra.:i, gen. sing, of omra:, 'report',
M.Ir. imrad (Atk. p. 762); sz:ih,nn, 'I thrust', M.Ir. sathud,
pret. hct:i Did ; scc:ir, ' sufficiency ', M.Ir. saith ; trx:i, ' shore ',
M.Ir. trag, traig. When a syllable is added to a form ending in
a.:i i becomes j, as in fa.:pNy:, 'prophets', plur. of fa:i. When
O.Ir. a is followed by any other palatal consonant we simply
\
58
find a:, though before p, r a kind of j on-glide is heard. Thus
tx:jmv, ' to weld ', Di. tathaim, pret. ha:i m'v but f ut. £a:pa m'9 ;
sz:huw, pres. pass. $cc:t'd>; imperf. ha.:t'i: ; a.:r'i:J't'v, ' reckoned,
calculated, reputed', past part, of a,:r'i:m t 'I count', O.Ir. airmiin
(a:r'uw is used principally of counting sprats, kale &c. in threes) ;
niy.:r\i, ' Mary ' ; cc:l\ gen. sing, of a.:/, ' litter ', Meyer al ; ra:g9 }
'quarter of a year', M.Ir. rathe; gourd, 'laugh' (subst.), M.Ir.
gaire ; or ch.rr', 'bulling', M.Ir. dair (note the pres. pass. da.:rt'or).
§ 146. In several instances a.:i arises by the contraction of
two syllables caused by the quiescence of intervocalic th, bh, gh,
dh, e.g. brcc:i, 'hostage, prisoner', M.Ir. brage (this word is also
used to mean 'unfilled ears of corn') but brccxl', 'throat', from
the oblique cases of O.Ir. brage, cp. kyt wrct:d', 'king's evil';
bh.:iiy, gen. sing, of blz:y, 'butter-milk', M.Ir. blathach, dat.
sing, blad ; va:i m'j, 'I weighed' (fut. m'a:ihj m'd) < mheadhaigh
me, Di. meadhaiui, Donegal ma:pm, past part. m'a:t'9, imperf.
pass. vy.:t'i:.
4. a:u.
§ 147. a.:u occurs under the same conditions as oc:i in the
preceding paragraph. For the w in which the diphthong is liable
to end see § 142. Examples — (j?-a:mv, 'to love', Atk. gradaigim ;
tra.nw, 'to ebb', M.Ir. tragud.
§ 148. S,:u represents O.Ir. accented a followed by final m
(Mod.Ir. nib), e.g. kraruw, gen. plur. of kra,:v, 'bone', O.Ir. cnaim,
p'i&n Nd gra,:uw, 'rheumatism'; La.uw, 'hand', O.Ir. lam;
sNoltuw, 'swimming', M.Ir. snarn ; tuvni' tx:mv, 'idle rumour',
for tudin see § 383. When a syllable beginning with a vowel is
added a becomes w, thus la:wd fi:, 'she handled', from La:uw,
' hand '.
*
5. oi, o:i.
§ 149. A diphthong oi occurs in a few words before r, h
< O.Ir. th. Hence the second element of oi is really the on-
glide of the following palatal sound. Examples — boiha.%, ' byre ',
Meyer bo- thech; doirjL, 'shyness (of horses)', Di. doicheall ;
khir, dat. sing, of khy, 'stone'; koifd, 'blast, whirlwind',
connected with Di. cobhthach, coifeach ; koiha.ii, 'torch', O'R.
gaithean(?j. Occasionally oi may be heard in secondary syllables,
as in b'a.yo'uj o also b'ayjvy'o, gen. sing, of b'ayog, ' bee '. For
woihi:, pret. of mcihi./u, ' I feel, perceive ', Di. mothuighim see
59
£§139, 140. By contraction we get forms such as edloim, 'I
escape ', which is a new formation from the intin. c .)h:, M.Ir. elud,
claim. kloig9, Loi may be heard by the side of kldiQV, Lot for
Jclv-i), ' game ', Li/:, ' to lie '.
§ 150. Occasionally we find o:i as a diphthong, e.g. do:i,
'way', O.Ir. doig ; do:iud', 'handsome', Di. doigheamhail ;
d's9lo:i fa, ' he escaped ', intin. sdo:.
6. U9.
§ 151. The first element of this diphthong is the open v,
described in $ 44. u<> usually represents O.Ir. ua < o, e.g. in
kru9 , y, 'stack', M.Ir. criiach ; ku9%, 'coil, ringlet, cuckoo', M.Ir.
ciiaeh ; ku9n, 'harbour', M.Ir. ciian; Lu9, 'early', M.Ir. luath ;
Lu9%, 'price', O.Ir. liiach ; Lttaskcmzy, 'speedy', Di. luascanach;
r a «j , >»/, 'I put to flight', M.Ir. ruaic; sxl'yudy, 'violet', Di.
sail-chuach ; su,nt, ' a doze, sleep ', M.Ir. siian ; tru9 } 'wretched',
O.Ir. triiag ; tu9, 'axe', M.Ir. tuag ; tuarastal, 'wages', M.Ir.
tuarustul ; udzy, ' burden ', M.Ir. ualach. Note also the con-
tracted forms kru9y?n, ' hardening ' < cruadhachan ; kru9gy:,
'liver' (§ 415). The first element of this diphthong seems to
have been very open throughout Ireland as Irish words containing
the sound are spelt in English with oa, e.g. Croagh Patrick,
borach = buarach, Straoughter — Srath-uachtar, Oughterard &c.
Cp. also bdchaill for buachaill Sg. Fearn. p. 101.
7. ui.
§ 152. ui contains the same u as ua and represents O.Ir. ui,
uai. Examples — buiL'l'ayas, ' summer grazing in the mountains',
Meyer biialtechas, buiL't'a, ' a summer pasture ' ; buiL't'i.n', ' the
striking wattle on a Mail', Di. buailtin ; buir'mv, 'trouble', M.Ir.
buadred, buaidred ; bui, ' obligation ', O.Ir. buaid ; fuifk'n'uw,
'shudder' (?) ; gluif, 'move', M.Ir. gluaisim ; grui, 'cheek', Di.
gruaidh < O.Ir. gruad ; hui, 'north', M.Ir. thuaid ; krui, 'hard',
M.Ir. criiaid ; Lui, 'ashes', M.Ir. luaith (ace); Luvj, 'lead',
M.Ir. luaide ; skidd', 'cow-dung'; uiL', 'wild talk', Di. uaill,
M.Ir. nail. ui arises by contraction in Jdui/l'd, 'feathered,
fledged', < cliimhaiste ; Luixyt, 'benefit', M.Ir. logidecht. ui
frequently becomes 09, 09 in yuoli:, ' heard ' ; yud, ' went '.
The cases where u: occurs for ui have been enumerated in
§46. Forms like kii:i:, 'grief, sorrow', do not belong here, as
they are dissyllables.
GO
8. ei.
§ 153. The greatest uncertainty prevails when e forms the
first and i the second element of a diphthong. When ei stands
before any other palatal consonant than those mentioned in
§ 74, J. H. usually has si whilst the younger people prefer ei, e.g.
k'l'siv, gen. sing, of k'l'iuic, 'basket'; L sipm, 'I read, melt', but
past part. L'eit'<>, imperf. pass. I'eit'i: ; did'siom, 'I digest', M.Ir.
dilegim, ji:l'ai m'a, ' I digested ' ; k'l'sivv, ' sword ', plur. k'l'lifayy.
Before m, si, ei and even sit are heard, thus L'sim', 'spring,
jump', M.Ir. leimm ; k'sim, 'dignity', M.Ir. ceimm. Hence si
usually arises from O.Ir. e followed by a palatal consonant and
sometimes from O.Ir. accented e followed by palatal g (Mod.
Ir. gh).
9. su(w).
§ 154. This diphthong occurs in a few infinitives, where an
intervocalic gh, dh have become silent before the termination -uw,
as in L'suw, 'to read, melt', Di. leigheadh, O.Ir. legad ('to melt');
t'suw, 'to heat', Di. teidheadh but t'eiji: fo, 'he warms'; sp'r'suw,
' to scatter ', Di. spreidheadh, also in sp'r'suw ort, ' bad cess to
you' written spreadh, spreamh CI. S. 18 vii '03 p. 3 col. 2. The
infinitive of d'i:l'si&m, 'I digest', is d'id'sxuw.
10. sd.
§ 155. This diphthong may be regarded as the regular
Donegal representative of O.Ir. accented e by compensatory
lengthening, when standing before a non-palatal consonant.
Before r and occasionally before other sounds more especially as
the initial of trisyllables, we find s: for sd, cp. § 86. Examples —
cl'sdd, 'row of teeth ' ; O.Ir. det ; sod, 'jealousy', O.Ir. et ; sdn,
'bird', O.Ir. en; sddo:n', 'shallow', Di. eadoimhin ; sddrdin,
'light', M.Ir. etromtn ; fsvdvm, 'I may', M.Ir. fetaim (this verb
is also used idiomatically in the sense of Eng. 'need', locally
'might', N'i: si/dijJV tuw ko?'uw, 'you need not stir'); f'sdsog,
'beard', M.Tr. fesoc ; N'sdl, 'cloud', O.Ir. nel (gen. sing. F'eil);
ir'sdii, 'strong', O.Ir. tren. Also in the late loan-words f'sdsto,
' feast ', Di. feasta ; rs9su:n, ' reason ', Di. reasun.
§ 15G. sit also arises in a few instances through contraction
owing to the quiescence of intervocalic d, g. Examples — b ' r'sn,
'fine', Meyer bregda; d'sduxy^, 'last', O.Ir. dedenach; sdn, 'ivy',
M.Ir. edenn ; 9m sawas 9gsm = da mbeidheadh fhios again; L'sdN,
61
'learning', O.Ir. legend; L'ess, 'to chip, healing', M.Ir. leges.
The younger people substitute sn sometimes for '(>: of the older
folks, as in e9rk, 'horn'. The word for 'corncrake' occurs as
tn.m,i and tr'<j:n>, Di. traona. t's9m, an abbreviated form for
'wive me', is commonly stated to have come in from Connaught
but its developement is not clear and it is also found in Farney,
Sg. Fearn. p. 50. P>y the side of t'sdm ta.i&m is also heard. O.Ir.
ia preceded by r < r, R' gives o:, a> in ro:yJ r /ujs, rsdytends, ' need ' ;
srsdn, 'bridle', M.Ir. srian, cp. § 73. The word for 'one', O.Ir.
din, has a variety of pronunciations. j:tt, o:u, i:n stand for 'one'
in counting &c. whilst sdn means 'a single one, any', w e9n '$iN
9-u>cl:>i', ' not a single one ', further reduced to sn, for which see
§ 136.
§ 1 57. O.Ir. accented e + d + cons, gives zd in L'&db, 'strip of
cloth, land', Di. leadhb, Macbain le6b, M.Ir. ledb; vi'smj, 'whey',
M.Ir. medg ; m'sdwd, M.Ir. Medb ; bxnsdmatay, 'housekeeper',
Di. feadhmannta.
11. ei.
§ 158. ei represents O.Ir. accented e before a palatal con-
sonant and therefore frequently corresponds to ad before other
consonants. Examples — b'eil', gen. sing, of b'ad, ' mouth ' ; b'l'ein,
'groin', M.Ir. bleu, but plur. b'l'ejNLcyd ; eil'uio, 'to claim'
(commonly used of animals clamouring for food, locally 'to crave'),
M.Ir. cliugud ; eir', gen. sing, of s:r, 'air', O.Ir. aer ; ei/'k', gen.
sing, of iask, 'fish'; eift'ayj, 'listen', M.Ir. eitsecht; sm'eir'd, gen.
sing, of sm's:r, ' blackberry ' ; sp'eir', ' sky ', Di. speir ; J'eid'uiv,
' to blow ', O.Ir. setiud ; j'L'eivt'd, plur. of fL'iuw, ' mountain ',
O.Ir. sliab (g9 Lol: iT t'l'eivd, 'till Doomsday', cp. CI. S. 20 viii
'04 p. 6 col. 1).
§ 159. ei may arise by contraction owing to the quiescence
of intervocalic g, d (Mod.Ir. gh, dh), e.g. in L'eiN', gen. sing, of
L'sdN, 'learning', O.Ir. legend; L'eif, gen. sing, of L'sas, 'healing,
cure', M.Ir. leges. For L'eipm, 'I read, melt', see § 153.
§ 160. ei arises sporadically in a few cases whei'e an accented
ai, oi is followed by g, d, e.g. eir' 9, 'ice', b'irsNy: eir'oy'j, 'icicles',
M.Ir. aigred, oigred ; eir'd, 'heir', Atk. oigir; seivir, 'rich',
M.Ir. saidbir; L'ei, 'a leech, doctor', plur. L'eiji:, L'eipNy:,
O.Ir. liaig. eil'i:n, ' a brood of chickens ', and eil'og, ' a young
chicken', are altogether anomalous. They are perhaps due to
confusion between x:l, ' litter ' and eir'og, ' a pullet ', Di. eireog,
M.Ir. eirin.
62
§ 161. A clipped ei (ei) occurs before c in eic, plur. of ay,
'steed', O.Ir. ech; feiga^ 'hide', M.Ir. seche (L'sefecd, L'et'e^d, 'a
half-hide ') ; L'eir, ' half '.
12. e:i.
§ 162. In a very few cases e:i occurs. These are d'e:i, md
je.i, 'behind me', O.Ir. dead, diaid, degaid; t'e:i, iraper. of t'suw,
'to heat', Di. teidheadh, pret. he:i, past part. t'e:it'd, but forms
with ei are also frequent, e.g. from sp'r'euw beside the pret. sp'r'e:i
m'd the future sp'r'eicd m'd occurs, past part, sp'r'eit'd.
13. id.
§ 163. This diphthong frequently represents O.Ir. ia, fa of
whatever origin, e.g. idri:, 'to ask', M.Ir. iarraid; m'idn, 'desire',
O.Ir. mian but bd vi:N' L'im (§ 457); p'idn, 'pain', O.Ir. pian ;
li'idLdNy:, 'black fast', Di. cealacan, ciallacan. O.Ir. ia is often
followed by d, th which are now quiescent, e.g. b'id, 'food', O.Ir.
biad, Vfotcuy, 'inn-keeper', M.Ir. biatach ; b'l'isn, gen. plur. of
b'l'iin, 'year'; k'l'id, 'harrow', O.Ir. cliath ; L'id, 'gray', O.Ir.
liath ; Jwbuw, 'to sweep away', Macbain siab, Manx sheebey.
§ 164. O.Ir. accented i before a non-palatal consonant be-
came over-long and developed into the diphthong id, e.g. idyter,
'bottom', O.Ir. fclitar ; idtd, 'thirst' (not common), O.Ir. itu ;
k'idy, 'breast', O.Ir. cich ; k'ridNd, 'wise, prudent', O.Ir. crin;
L'idnuw, 'to fill', O.Ir. h'nad ; m'idl, 'louse', M.Ir. mil; pidyan,
' hoarseness ', Macbain piochan, Di. piocan, spiocan, O'R. spiochan,
Fournier ceochan ; Jwl, 'seed', O.Ir. sil. In J'idla:, 'to strain
(milk), to ebb away, die', M.Ir. sithlaim, fidla/n, 'strainer', Di.
siothlan, we have a case of id < i: by lengthening before th.
§ 165. In a few cases id arises by contraction of two vowels
due to the quiescence of dh, gh, e.g. dridn, ' blackthorn ', O.Ir.
draigen ; Hid, 'fence', Di. claitlhe, M.Ir. claide infin. of claidim
(for the meaning cp. Engl, 'dyke'); N'idti, ' daughter ' (§ 122);
L'id, 'to lick', Di. lighe. In a secondary syllable— &'i.-Mn9iV2ai,
' roguish ' < b'i:tvi:, Meyer bibdaide.
In all these cases as soon as id comes to stand before a
palatal consonant, it passes into i:, thus N'idn, gen. sing.
N'i:n'd, dat. sing. N'i:u' ; f'idr, ' true ', but f'i:r' waif, ' very
good' (§ 285).
§ 166. With some speakers zd tends to become i& as infk'idl,
' story ', b' rid, ' fine '. This change which is characteristic of
63
many Scotch dialects (ZCP. iv 92 IT.), occurs in other parts
of Ulster. For Monaghan see G. J. 1S96 p. 146 col. 1. h is
regular in k'L'X.i, 'same', O.Tr. cetne and must have existed
in the case of pic?, 'first' (§ 105). Occasionally we find ia for id,
as in uii/'iccLtr), 'wild-looking', Di. uaith-bhcalta, cp. M.Tr. oibela ;
f'iajv beside /"^'X, imper. of f'ic/.yjii', 'to try', M.Ir. fechaim,
cp. § 13.
14. iu.
§ 167. In a very few cases i is followed by uw arising from
O.Ir. m but iuw only forms one syllable, e.g. g'r'iuw, 'deed',
O.Ir. gnim ; fN'iuw, 'to spin', M.Ir. sni'm. The substantive
formed from d'i:wi:n', 'single, unmarried', is d'iu(f)rids, M.Tr.
dimain.
15. yd.
§ 168. yd appears instead of ud in a few words which begin
with f. This is more particularly the case when the initial
disappears by aspiration, e.g. ta: « <;ej't' dsel'i: ydskluw, 'the ques-
tion is hard t<> answer'; fioyyr, 'cold' (^ 66). Further in parts
of the verb for 'to sew', in fin. fuoyal, Di. fuaghail, pres. Jwzjdm,
Wi. fiiagaim, pret. dyai, N'i:r' yvi, imperf. pass, dydt'i:, condit.
pass, dyeif'i:. Similarly in fwya, 'hatred'; dysgir' ml 9, pret. of
fudgruiv, 'to announce'.
16. 9U.
§ 169. I have only heard this diphthong in futay, 'not
right', cp. CI. S. 20 viii '04 p. 6 col. 1, Di. f'abhtach ; mnuwh,
compar. of mstoil', 'quiet', Di. modhamhail.
17. 9 A .
§ 170. This most peculiar diphthong occurs in a few mono-
syllables ending in -eadh, -eagh and in one or two other words.
The diphthong is always clipped and there is generally a suspicion
of a a glide at the finish. For a long time I was at a loss to
analyse the sounds, more especially as there is always an alterna-
tive pronunciation with ig (§ 106) and yj is confined to the
oldest people. The sound occurs in fL'dj^, 'spear', M.Ir. sleg ;
f'sj, 'fathom', Di. feadh, O.Ir. ed ; f'9j_, fig, 'rush', Di. flag;
/,'y{ according to J. H. is a Rosses pronunciation of fa,, O.Ir. is
ed. Further in 9jri:m, iasri.m, 'I adore', Spir. Rose p. 6
G4
aoghraigh muid, O.Ir. adraim ; f'd^ria.yt, f'iqdriayt, 'counten-
ance, face', cp. Di. fioghruighim ; f'o^ri:, proper name ' Fewry ' ;
rsj^rxft's, rigre&ft'd, 'arrears', Di. riaraiste; t'r'djqauwnay,
t'r'eQa.uwna.%, -furry-farry, cow going 2 years without calving',
spelt trao-ghamhanach ZCP. iv 258. J. H. has dj dm as an old
form of dgnin but the latter is the one he generally uses. It is
well known that Glencolumbkille substitutes di in this and other
words, whilst from an old man in the Croaghs I have once heard
audm.
18. di.
§ 171. This diphthong has probably the same sound as
Henebry's i (p. 7) which arises under similar conditions. In
stressed syllables it commonly represents O.Ir. accented a followed
by palatal g (Mod.Ir. gh). Examples — di (oi), 'face', O.Ir.
aged (aid may also be heard from younger people) ; ku:g'i: Ididn,
'Leinster', M.Ir. coiced Laigen ; mwoid'dn, 'Virgin', maighden
(Four Masters); soid'u:r', 'soldier', M.Ir. saigdeoir; sdin'een,
'aurora borealis', M.Ir. saignen, cp. Henebry p. 33.
di occurs further in several cases representing ai, oi, ei usually
before O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) which are now quiescent, di,
'liver of fish i-oasted to obtain oil', plur. djd, Meyer ae, O.Ir. 6a;
aw'di, avr'dit'ay, 'rough (of land), cross- tempered', M.Ir. amreid ;
orAr, 'last night', M.Ir. irrair ; bivseN't'r'di, gen. sing, of
btveeJY't'r'ay, ' widow ' ; fwoid'd, ' patience ', fwdid'ay, ' patient ',
O.Ir. foditiu ; sdihay, 'vessel', M.Ir. soithech ; b'alocy f'di,
' Ballybofey ' = bealach feich, also d N'dic — an eich, gen. sing, of
O.Ir. ech ; faxhi, imper. of /ado:, 'to blaze up, kindle', Di.
faduighim, fadoghadh, M.Ir. atud, fatod, past part, faddift'd
(Jadoij't'd) ; J'astdi (-a.i, -oi), past part, of Di. fasdoghadh, M.Ir.
astud, fastud. di may also be heard in b'di for b'ei = beidh (this
is the pausa form in replies, the allegro form is commonly b's).
(«•') Nasal Vowels.
§ 172. Tn Donegal any vowel sound is liable to be nasalised
in the vicinity of a nasal but there are various degrees. The
speech of the older people is altogether somewhat nasal in
character and it is therefore not always easy to be certain
whether a vowel is nasalised or not. The younger people on
the other hand seem to be giving up nasalisation entirely, a
state of affairs which according to Pedersen also exists on Aran
b\5
(|>. 17). A vowel immediately preceding or following an m or
n sound is generally nasalised (denoted by writing ~ over the
vowel), e.g. ku:nuw, 'assistance', M.Ir. congnam ; mwj[:, 'pli-
able', O.Ir. nioith ; m'jbrr, 'mind', O.Ir. mebuir. A few words
with vocalic initial are nasalised from being used with the article
(Pedersen p. 6. r >), thus i:p, 'night'; a:if i:f, ' lime-kiln '. Ac-
cording to J. H. a:, 'ford', M.Ir. ath, is distinguished from a;,
' luck ', M.Ir. ag, by nasalisation. Similarly N'l: he: = m h-e.
It should however be observed that, although in this book we
write the mark of nasalisation over the vowel, the nasalisation
is inherent in the n, m. Thus if we take the word dd:na.y,
'Sunday', O.Ir. domnach, and divide it into syllables, we get
do:-?lxy, not do:-na.y Jt i.e. there is not a trace of nasalisation until
the n starts, but when the syllables are pronounced together the
velum is lowered during the pronunciation of the preceding
vowel, thus anticipating the nasal. A v or w arising from
aspirated m is commonly nasalised in a stressed syllable but
more rarely in other positions. The ~ of Mod.Ir. mh is however
more frequently preserved when the w, v are post-vocalic. When
mh is initial the nasalisation is only regular when h or c, follows
the vowel. Examples — Siuwr98, ' doubt ', O.Ir. amiress ; uuw,
'insipid', M.Ir. om ; a. vlk', '0 son'; a woJixr ', 'his mother';
gdn wciiq, ' without profit, useless ' ; da.:v, ' fondness ', Di. daimh ;
dNd ro:v9, 'to Rome', M.Ir. Roim (ace); mahuw, 'to forgive',
O.Ir. mathem ; hoihuw, 'to spend, throw', M.Ir. caithem (in this
verb the nasalisation which is only correct in the infinitive has
been extended to the other forms, e.g. imper. kxig) ; d'oc:nuw,
' to do ', on account of the n but fasuiv, ' to stand ', M.Ir. sessom ;
a:r'ttw, 'number', O.Ir. aram. The prefix ko:-, ku:-, O.Ir. com-,
cum-, is generally nasalised but the connection has been forgotten
in koiym, 'even, level', M.Ir. comthromm ; kosu:!', 'similar',
O.Ir. cosmail. The suffixes -u:r < -mar, -u:V < -mail, -email are
only nasalised if there is another nasal in the word. In a number
of forms where the cause of the nasalisation has entirely dis-
appeared ~ is still retained, e.g. 5.:liJ\ 'milk and water', Meyer
anglas (englas) ; daidn, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen ; du:i:, 'rabbit-
warren', M.Ir. duraa ; Mate, 'down', M.Ir. clum ; kfi:i:, 'sorrow,
grief, Meyer cuma ; kfu.'S, 'edge', M.Ir. cimas ; wl:, 'mane',
M.Ir. muing (dat., the pausa form has been entirely forgotten) ;
ku:gdf, plur. ku:gdfi:, 'remedy, medicine', Di. coguisidhe, Macleod
has cungaidh leighis under 'medicine', 'remedy', Macbain
cungaidh, cungaisidh, [r. cunghas, cungnaighim, cungnamh ; N'i:s
66
kH:c/i>, compar. of ku:If, 'narrow', O.Ir. cumung, kiJ.-t/lcty^, 'strait
of the sea', Di. cumhanglach for cumhangrach, Macleod cunglach.
Here we may mention the cases where n has become r, e.g. gri:,
'good looks', Di. gnaoi ; <jr?:]i,>, 'business', Di. gno ; lero:, 'nut',
O.Ir. cmi. On the other hand several words such as k'r'adi:,
' to pant, groan ', Meyer cnetaigim and k'r'otsuw, ' to heal ', Meyer
cnessaigim, have given up the nasal. dru:J\ ' lechery ', Atk.
driiis, doubtless owes its " to some word like gniiis. The nasal
in this word seems to be general, cp. O'Donovan, Grammar p. 37,
Pedersen p. 66. But whence the nasal in kWwv, klsidv, 'sword',
O.Ir. claideb 1 ? For so:ruw, 'to observe', Craig somhrughadh,
beside the more frequent sornruw and other cases of loss of nasal
see § 443.
B. THE CONSONANTS.
§ 173. Corresponding to the two main vowel-divisions, back
and front, we find the consonants grouped into palatal (palatalised)
and non-palatal (non-palatalised) consonants, so that to every
non-palatal sound there answers one of the other group 1 . In
some cases separate symbols are used to denote the palatal sound
as in the case of j, v, n, e, f\ but in the majority of cases the
palatal sound is represented by writing ' after the consonant, thus
t'. It will be seen later that strictly speaking it is incorrect to
call Donegal p , b', m palatal sounds, but as they correspond to
the palatal forms of the other consonants it will be convenient
to include them among the latter. We propose to deal with the
consonants in the following order :
(a) h, j, w.
(h) the liquids and nasals L, I, L', V ; N, n, N', ri ; R, r,
/; vi, rri; r t ,ji.
(c) the spirants /, /', v ; %, p, g ; 8, f.
(d) the labial, dental and guttural stops p, p, b, b' ; t, t',
d, d'; k, k', g, g'.
1 Nearly all the Irish sounds which are usually termed palatalised are
palatal hut for purposes of convenience the same symbol is used for both
indiscriminately in this book. The palatal articulation has of course
developed out of palatalisation.
67
(a) h, j, w.
1. h.
§ 174. Id Donegal the aspirate corresponds in sound to an
English h and except in stressed syllables is not pronounced very
forcibly. When standing between vowels at the end of a stressed
syllable it is often very faint, cp. Jespersen, Lehrbuch der
Phonetik pp. 94, 95 and footnote. In monosyllables a clipped h
occurs very frequently after short vowels, for the formation cp.
Jespersen 1. c. p. 100. After palatal vowels r frequently appears
instead of h.
§ 175. Most frequently h represents a written th. When th
is immediately preceded or followed by a voiced consonant, it
makes that consonant voiceless. In the case of voiceless con-
sonants h < th under these circumstances can produce no change
as k, t, {>, * are already aspirated. It will be convenient to deal
with cases of loss of voice caused by h < th whilst we are treating
of h. Examples of It, < th — athuir', ' a second time ', Di. ath-uair ;
b'othd, 'life', O.Ir. bethu ; ba:huw, 'to drown', M.Ir. bathad
beside older badud (see Rhys p. 86 note); bohoy, ' hut', Di. bothog,
boh, 'hut', M.Ir. both; boihoty, 'byre', Meyer bo-thech ; broth,
'to look upon', O.Ir. mrath ; driiho, ' druids, wizards', Di.
draoithe, from this is formed drihotyta, 'sorcery', which further
seems to have influenced rihaytd, ' kingdom ', Di. rioghacht ; (hit,
'colour', M.Ir. dath ; fr'ihir', 'sore', Di. frithir ; f r'r.ho,
'through her', cp. M.Ir. trethi ; hothiiw, 'to throw, spend',
M.Ir. caithem ; kahd, 'battle', O.Ir. cath ; k'ah&rJVzy, 'small,
impudent person ', Di. ceatharnach, cp. trid' bodi: J's k'ahzrNy.y^,
' the fight of a mouse and a lion ' ; kohuw, ' to feed ', Meyer
cothaigim ; mahoM, 'muscle', cp. O'R. mathan, 'sucker of a
tree' (?); m'ihid', 'due time', M.Ir. mithich, mithig, there is also
a substantive in use which does not occur in books, viz. mihds as
in hen'i /a s> vihds do: aol, ' the time came for him to go ' = de
mhitheas; maihi:m, ' I perceive ', M.Ir. mothaigim ; N'ihy.yjm,
'washing', Di. nigheachan (for the tendency to introduce a
hiatus-filling// cp. rilwyte supra); rrhiru'ctyj, 'ramming', Di.
has reitheachas ; sa.huw, 'to thrust', M.Ir. sathud ; srahdr,
'straddle', O.Ir. srathar ; tiolul, 'balancing rind in quern ', <
*tuathal.
§ 17G. Initially h occurs as the aspirated form of /, t', 8, /',
e.g. I's dv hoi', ' with your leave', le do thoil ; m<> hud', 'my eye',
5—2
68
mo shiiil. Else in pausa forms only in the case of a few adverbs
and the pronouns huw, his* (Pedersen, KZ. xxxv 331 f.), hy.L,
'yonder', O.Ir. tall; hvds, 'aloft', O.Tr. tiias ; hui, n/wi, 'in the
north, to the north', O.Ir. fa thuaith ; her', 'in the east', hi>r,
'in the west', M.Ir. tair, ti'ar ; hser', hard, ' j>ast, beyond' (prep.),
O.Ir. tar, dar. The h as initial of held' fit, 'he will go', is due to
the loss of the pretonic syllable < do-theit, which has doubtless
influenced hig' Jb, 'he comes', M.Ir. tic (future t'ikij:). The
reason for the constant aspiration of the intin. ha.yt, O.Ir. techt
as also of aol, 'to go', is not plain. The h of hen'ik', 'came',
O.Ir. tanicc is due to the analogy of other preterites.
§ 177. h arises sometimes in combinations like ghth, bhth,
thmh, as in N'i: aJiar — m. fhaghthar ; L'sharccyJ, 'reading', Di.
leightheoireacht ; tihd, 'houses', Di. tighthe ; dachiri m'd, 'I
recognised ', < aithgeuin ; N'3.ujl'i:hu:l' (-jl'iuwl'), ' unlawful ', Di.
neamh-dhlightheamhuil ; LUh&, 'rotten', < lobhtha ; Lu:hi>r,
' vigorous, active ', Di. luthmhai\
§ 178. y has a tendency to give up its spirant character
and become It. This seems to be general in Ulster, cp. O' Donovan,
Grammar p. 48 ; G.J. 1S96 p. 146 col. 2. See also Rhys p. 71.
Initially we find h for y in hy.nik', hen'ik', ' saw ', — chonnaic ;
hogdd, 'to you', Mod.Ir. chugad (Spir. Hose p. 5 spelt thugad) ;
hui, 'went', O.Ir. docuaid ; hask&r sd, 'it thawed', cp. M.Ir.
coscrad ; ku.g'i: hoNy.ytj, 'Province of Connaught', M.Ir. coiced
Connacht; Aa(.), 'not', < ni co (the distribution of ni and cha as
negatives in Donegal is discussed by Lloyd in Seachran Chairn
tSiadhail p. 124. I can only say that in Meenawannia cha is
generally confined to emphatic answers and here principally in hx
•ml', ha. row being much rarer. Further east round Ballinamore
cha seems to be much more frequent). Medially h may be heai'd
in aJiasan, 'reviling', Di. achmhusan, Meyer athchomsan; brxho.n,
'porridge', O.Ir. brothchan; f'l'xhuiv, 'to starve', fVeet 'a, 'perished
with cold', .M.Ir. flechud. .See further § 333.
§ 179. In a few words h arises from c, cp. Finck i p. 85.
This is the case in hinzf'&u', 'already', Mod.Ir. cheana, O.Ir.
cena + fein ; f'ih9, 'twenty', O.Ir. fiche ; l:hd, 'night', O.Ir.
aidche.
£ 180. In certain stress-groups initial f when standing after
a word which does not aspirate tends to become h. This is also
the case with medial fr. Compare Rhys pp. 72, 165; Pedersen
69
p. 19. With the different sources of this f we need not trouble
ourselves here. Examples— m'g heiri, 'myself, O.Ir. fein but
f'eiriccy, ' selfish ' ; N'i:s a:r, ' better ', sa:r = is fearr (the h is not
heard after s, cp. § 175), Manx share but also N'i:s fct:r, cp.
Pedersen, KZ. xxxv p. 319; N'i: hgrdst, 'it is not easy' but
forest, Wi. ur-ussa ; orael', ' offertory ', gen. sing. Nv horcch, plur.
oioJxyd, Di. ofrail, cp. Manx oural ; ko:iy, 'chest', Di. cofra.
ifr'dN. 'hell'; afr'oN, 'mass' and fisfri:, 'to ask', retain f in
Donegal but other dialects shew the normal developement,
cp. ZCP. v 98 and Ohr. Bros. Aids to Irish Pron. p. 15. Cp.
Manx fer-oik, 'officer', oic < oitic, Rhys p. 182.
The f of the future (O.Ir. b, f) has given h which is not heard
after voiceless sounds such as p, t, k, s &c. but which unvoices 6,
g, d, w, r, I, m, n &c. Examples — boguw, ' to stir ', Di. bogadh,
fut. bok.9 7)i9; brid'uw, 1. 'to nudge', Di. broidighim, 2. 'to
smart, ache ', intin. brid'urNy:, subst. brid' jrNo.y, ' smarting ', fut.
brit'i: /<> ; fi#buiv, ' to sweep away ', Di. siabhadh, Manx sheebey,
fut. fidptoi: /s ; t'r'ouw, 'to plough ', M.Ir. trebad, fut. t!r'o:u\> m'<>.
As instances of stems ending in a vowel (in the spoken language)
L'eiha m'a, ' I shall read ', infin. L'atitv ; Lo:hi: < Loutv, ' to rot ' ;
to:hd m'dy te:hd vi'j, 'I shall choose' < touw ; N'i:hd nid <N'i:{d),
' to wash '. In the conditional passive forms with f alternate
with forms with h, as vs:ri:, vs:rf'i: from b'er'9m, O.Ir. beirimm ;
J'9:ky:, fo:hf'i: from po.guw, ' to kiss '. The future passive in-
variably has -hdr. Apart from the conditional passive the f is
only preserved in two instances, viz. in the case of the verbs for
' to run ' and ' to see ', rafd m'd beside rips m'd, ' I shall run ', infin.
r £Pt rahi:, rocytxl' ; t'irf'd m'd, 'I shall see', M.Ir. 2nd sing,
atcife (Atk.).
§ 181. The enclitic forms of the verb d'amuiv, 'to do', are
peculiar, as they contain forms with h where we should expect j,
e.g. N'i: ha:ndm, 'I do not do', interr. d'a:ndm,N'i: ha:rJY, 'I did
not do ', interr. (a) d'a:rN, fut. jctutd m'd, ' I will do ' but neg.
N'i: ha:i o id m'd, interr. a N'ot:ud m'd. Dinneen p. 796 says "the
Dependent, Perfect, and Future and Conditional begin with a t
in Ulster". Cp. Lloyd, Seachran Chairn tSiadhail p. 150, ni
theanaim. The question is how did this state of affairs arise.
I suspect that the above forms with h for j may be due to
analogy with some of the parts of the verb ' to go '. The 3rd
sing. pres. ind. of this verb is heid', O.Ir. do-teit, to which the
perfect is N'i: hayi:, interr. d'xyj:, O.Ir. -dechuid, with h for j
from the present. From these forms the h has been introduced
70
into the corresponding tenses of d'a:nuw. Monaghan dialect has
gone a step further and makes the infinitive teananih, G. J. 1896
p. 1-1-7 col. 2. If the h were due to any other cause we should
expect to find it making its appearance in the paradigms of the
verb for ' to say ', but J. H. always has d'er'mi — N'i: er'dm, pret.
du:rt' m'a — N'i: u:rt' m'd (N'i:/ u:rt'), interr. 9r' u:rt' m'd, fut.
d's:r9 m'd — N'i: c:r r t m'd. interr. Nd Nay N'a:rj m'd. From the
younger people one may however hear N'i: hs:rd m'd.
The h in hobwir', 'almost', hobwir' gv d'it'iN', '1 almost fell',
is very peculiar, hobwir' represents a preterite dh'fhuabair, Wi.
fobairim, but it is possible that fobairim became *tobairim in
Donegal just as fuaim, till appear as tuaim, till (§ 383).
$ 182. As we have seen above, Donegal Irish retains inter-
vocalic h to a much greater extent than Connaught or Munster,
but even in the north h < th disappears under well-defined
conditions. Although h < th is retained in monosyllables after
a short vowel, it invariably disappears after a long vowel or
diphthong, e.g. a:, 'ford', M.Ir. ath (plur. a,:Ny:) ; bla:, 'flower',
M.Ir. blath (plur. bla.:h'S); bwj^:, 'foolish', O.Ir. baith ; dluw,
'warp of a web', Di. dluth ; fee:, 'reason', M.Ir. fath, fad; g^:,
'wind', O.Ir. gaith (gen. sing. gj:hd, g£:<;<>) ; i:, 'fat', M.Ir. ith ;
tiVw, 'harrow', O.Ir. cliath (plur. k'l'ehayd) ; Luw, 'vigour',
M.Ir. luth ; mwj[:, 'pliable', O.Ir. moith ; sr ska.:, 'for the sake
of, sr ska: d rvil' d ji:g er , 'for all that it wants', Di. scath, O.Ir.
scaath ; sNa:, 'bundle of thread', M.Ir. snath; Ira:, 'meal',
M Ir. trath (plur. tra:Ny:), cp. trac'nd:nd, ' afternoon, evening '.
§ 183. In dissyllables of the type cons. + athach we commonly
find loss of Ji and contraction, e.g. b/a:y, 'buttermilk', M.Ir.
blathach ; gra:y, ' usual ', M.Ir. gnathach ; sa:y, 'sated person'
(proverb N'i: hig'dN 9 sa:y 9 far h 'the sated person does not
understand the starved '), Wi. sathech, saithech, sathach ; sLa:y,
also sLa.ha.y, 'slush on the sea-shore', Di. slathach (gen. sing.
sLa:i or sLahi:). This same contraction occurs sometimes when
the first vowel is short, e.g. b'a:y, 'beast', Meyer bethadaeh
(plur. b'ahi:, b'shi:); fa:y, 'giant', more commonly faihay, Meyer
athech, aithech, cp. Molloy's 33rd dialect-list where fach and
faithiach are given ; aXtra:y, 'untimely', Di. antrathach. Simi-
larly 8u:L Nd ha.:, 'the eye of the kiln', siiil na hatha. The
form k'arN in k'arN ■yjjL'uw, 'outlaw', may here be mentioned.
k'ccrN stands for k'a.:rN with shortening before the chief stress
< Meyer cethern if the word has not come in from another
71
dialed. For ta,:juw, |to weld, Bolder', M.Ir. tathad see § 190.
Further grouw, 'to gain', Di. gnothughadh.
§ 184. In unstressed syllables ghth is always silent, e.g.
kohivr pres. pass, of kohuw, ' to feed, fatten ', Meyer cothaigim ;
VxNy:, ' blessed ', I >i. beannuighte (note t'iN'vs b'xNy:, ' epilepsy ').
§ 185. rth, 1th in inflected forms of substantives and verbs
in unstressed syllables appear as r, I instead of r, I, with which
compare the loss of h in unaccented syllables in Welsh. Ex-
amples — am ajdsrd, ' milking-time ', cp. Di. eadarshudh, dd:nav
JTa N'a.ddrxyy, Di. Domhnach na n-eadarshuidhe q.v. ; g'r'l:w<*ri:,
'deeds', Keating gniomhartha ; JcoNdrd, gen. sing, of kgwruw,
'bargain', Atk. cundrad, gen. sing, cundartha ; La.: kaakvrv, 'a
thawing day ', blok kxskdrd, ' a block for splitting wood upon ' =
coscartha, gen. sing, of Di. coscairt, Meyer coscrad ; vi: mioid' d
biv^duw it wa'j't'dri>, 'we were churning', cp. Di. maistreadh, gen.
sing, maisteartha ; t'sdgvrc/.yj 'snug', Di. teagarthach. Also
in the future of verbs with dissyllabic stem, e.g. g'r'isali J\>, ' he
will drul)'; rb:ivi>ri> m'd, 'I shall dig', Di. romhar ; %a:wal9 m'd,
' I shall save ', Di. sabhail ; t'efa/rid m'd, ' I shall shew ', infin.
t'ifiN't', Di. taisbeaint. Similarly g'l'sds im'ars, ' articles for
amusement, dice, cards &c.', Di. imeartha, gen. sing, of imirt.
§ 186. In a number of words the voiceless sound has given
way to the voiced without any apparent reason. Examples —
bl<x:ndd, ' the female of the weasel ', Meyer blathnait ; d'xlaN
da.TB, ' an ember from the fire made on St John's eve which
is thrown at a cow to make her bear ', = dealan dartha, here
the genitive seems to have followed the nominative ; du:rai,
' foundation ', Di. diithrach, in Donegal the word is feminine ;
im'ccyt, 'to depart', O.Ir. immthecht ; k'er'd, 'four', M.Ir. cethri
but always k'acrdr, O.Ir. cethrar [k'er'd has probably arisen through
being used before the chief stress in such combinations as k'er'd
k'iN' 'd'&g)) reeN'oty^, 'fern', more commonly rsen'xy, M.Ir.
raithnech. The prefix ath-, 're-', seems not to unvoice a following
I', e.g. eel' as, ' second manure ', = ath-leas ; xl'iguw, ' a relapse of
sickness', = ath-leagadh. But cavil', 'change of appearance',
= ath-bhuil.
§ 187. Rarely does it happen that Donegal has a voiceless
sound where the other dialects have the voiced. This is the case
in b'oduw, 'grease', Di. bealadh, Meyer belad ; d'hidsccy, 'diligent',
O'R. dionasach, Di. deanasach ; el'id', 'fawn', M.Ir. edit; k'er'i:n,
'plaster', Di. ceirin, Meyer ceiri'n ; plu:nxd', ph.in 'xd', 'state of
7 2
the atmosphere, climate ', Di. plaineid. It may also be noted
that before the ending -ocyy (fern. plur. of nouns and fut. act. of
the second conjugation) there is a distinct tendency to unvoice a
preceding media, e.g. d'ardkay? m'a from d'arsguw, 'to light',
Di. deargadh ; d'artfay? m ' 9 i ' I shall assert ', from d'ccrdwi:vi, Di.
dearbhuighim ; d'i.'kay?, plur. of d'i:rj, ' dyke, trench ', Di. diog,
plur. diogacha.
The plural bcch, 'cows', <bet, M.Ir. ba (ace), is due to the
tendency to make a short final accented vowel end in breath
(§ 42). Words which in Donegal have come to end in r- in the
singular sometimes have h in the plural, e.g. l:iva.ir, 'image',
M.Ir. imaig, plur. l:wSiihdNy: .
2- j-
§ 188. This symbol denotes the y sound in Engl, 'yes' but
the organs are tense dui"ing the production of the Irish sound
and the middle of the tongue is raised much higher towards the
hard palate. As is the case with all palatal (palatalised) sounds
in Donegal the tip of the tongue is pressed more or less firmly
against the lower teeth.
§ 189. Most commonly j represents an aspirated initial d or
g before O.Ir. e, i, e.g. a, jis, '0 God'; md je:i, 'behind me';
jr'as m'd, 'I drove away', Di. dreasuighim ; J'wi: j7:vas, 'scorned,
despised', = faoi dhimheas; jid'si m9, 'I digested', Di. dileaghaim;
ty.iv o jas, ' south side ' ; 9 jin, ' the wedge ', = an ghing ; a jalocy,
' the moon ' ; joc:r ra'y, ' I cut ' ; bod a jsrtd, ' blast of wind ', = bod
an ghiorta, cp. Di. giorraide, giorta ; aig9T9 n yjyt' f'r'id y jr'i:si:
— aithghiorra an chait frid an ghri'osaigh, i.e. trying to take a
short cut and coming to grief, cp. also L'eim vN' t'in'i dN<>
g'r'i.suv), ' from Scylla into Chary bdis ' ; jr'ad, pret. of g'r'aduw,
' to thrash ' ; parte/i'v jl'iiV'j, 'Parish of Glen(columkille)'.
§ 190. Medially we sometimes find j arising from dh = O.Ir.
d before e, i. This is the case after a long vowel in ka.jay^,
'filthy', Keat. caidheach ; prajiN 'ocy, 'diligent', O'R. praid-
hineach, Di. praidhneach. Further in b& 'je:, budh e, bn 'jo.,
budh eadh, cp. Henebry p. 61, KZ. xxxv 325. But note the
proclitic form in bwi an mctduw i> riN' 9, 'it was the dog that did
it'. m'y.:j-nn, 'I weigh', Di. meadhaim, is a new formation to the
pret. vd/.l < *mheadliuigh and has become the model for other
verbs whose stems end in a long vowel, such as te:jjm, 'I choose ',
from t'ouw, Di. toghadh ; t'r'o:J9m, ' plough ', Di. treabhaim ;
73
sp'r'rijjm, 'I spread', F)i. spreidhiiu ; hruij.im, 'T harden', Di.
cruadhuighim, but this may come direct from krui, 'hard',
krwJ9, 'steel', Di. cruaidhe. .Similarly ta:jpm, 'I weld, solder',
Di. taithim, tathaim ; gro:pm } ' I gain ', Di. gnothuighim, mfin.
grouw.
j is lost in m'i:r'dN, ' discord ', Di. mi'ghreann.
§ 191. The prepositions do, de are frequently reduced to o
and when standing before a substantive with vocalic initial, a j
or a is inserted according as the O.Tr. initial was palatal or not.
This 9 j- (<> a) is usually explained as being a reduplication of the
do, de and the j(a) is written dh' (Henebry pp. 60, 61). In
many cases the j(a) were originally doubtless nothing more than
glides, cp. the insertion of w § 199. In parts of Munster this
reduplication of do has even been extended to the preterites of
verbs, e.g. do dhol se for d'61 se (Molloy, 25th dialect-list).
Examples — hu:si: fdd <) jompur, ' they started carrying ' ; Lec.n »
?leiv 9 jeifk ', 'the basket full of fish ' j x I'ehad^ dd jeer, 'such a
man'; JV'i.s mo: d jigfa, 'greater fear'; tec: J'& gol j jim'e/.yj, 'he is
going to go away ' ; tec: fin 9 jiN'tUN' 9g9m, ' that is my in-
tention ' ; hog J'b bo: 9N9 wel'j 9 jin'ig'iL't', ' he brought a cow
home to graze ' ; omtvi? 89 ti:w jecs d9 jeir'iN' , ' down in the
south of Ireland ' ; hu:si: fi: 9 jig9 set'jni:, ' she started eating
furze'; 9 jsdNto:y%:s, 'at one birth'; tec: j'e j'uyj'wi: Oram, ' it is
incumbent upon me', =de fhiachaibh, v. Dinneen ; 9 jasWxri
(g9), ' although ', v. Di. aimhdheoin.
§ 192. f, m, b' before accented 9:, o: are followed by j , cp.
Henebry p. 40, Dottin, RC. xiv 107. Examples — bjo:, 'alive',
O.Ir. bed-; bjoir, 'beer', Meyer bedir ; f'jo:hm', 'to learn', O.Ir.
foglaimm (§ 321); f'jo:V, 'flesh, meat', M.Ir. feoil ; f'p'-yyn,
'seasoning, drying', Di. feochadh ; f'jo:t'9, 'seasoned', Di. feoidhte;
f'joyan, 'breeze, puff' (1) ; f'jo:,s, 'excellence', M.Ir. febas ;
m'jo:n, ' means '(§ 40) ; m'jd.r', 'mind', O.Ir. mebuir. O.Ir. eo
became jo:, eba gave jo: but in the case of all consonants except
/', m, b' the j coalesced with the preceding palatal consonant.
The labials as such can only be palatalised by raising the tongue
into the j position simultaneously with the loosening of the lip-
contact. This renders the assumption necessary that Donegal,
the Decies (Henebry p. 40) and N. Oonnaught (RC. xiv 107)
have given up palatalised labials before other vowels than those
mentioned in this paragraph. This I believe to be the case.
The Aran dialect and Scotch Gaelic have preserved the j, cp.
74
Fiuck i 13; Henderson, ZCP. iv 251 tf. This loss uf j in Donegal
may be compared with the substitution of palatal for palatalised
articulation in the other consonants, cp. § 173. That the j
forms part and parcel of the labial is shewn by its disappear-
ance with f when the latter is aspirated, e.g. 6'a:y 9 o:s 9 —
beathadhach da fheabhas e, ' however excellent a beast it may
be '. Before u: we find f'j by stress-shifting in f'juw, ' worthy ',
( >.l r. fiu ; J"ju:NtdS in rLV /a f'ju:Ntds mu.r l"im, ' he treated me
very decently ', Di. iiiintas. Similarly b'iuw 3rd sing, imper. of
tx: in rapid speech becomes b'juw as in b'jutv yy.L <j,> m'z Jb 9Nso
ivel'o rvo 9 Siyy, 'I bet you he will be home before night'.
§ 193. When standing initially the diphthong to tends to
become jio, e.g. jiwsgnuio, ' annoyance ', Di. iarghno ; jisrvgu.'l,
' wilderness ', Di. iargciiil, jidr9gu:Ltd, ' timid, uncouth ', jidra-
<j<i:Lly.yJ, 'remote, wild place'; god'e: vi: J't jiori: (jiri:), 'what
was he wanting ', = dia iarraidh.
3. w.
§ 194. This symbol denotes a bilabial w which however
does not become confused with v as on Aran (Finck i 66).
The difference between Donegal w and English w is clearly heard
in final -uiv. In English who (Jmw) the lips glide into the w
position but no friction is audible whilst it is very evident in a
word like kuw, ' hound '. Those speakers who substitute labio-
dental for bilabial v in pronouncing w draw back the lower lip
towards the edge of the upper teeth without necessarily touching
them and friction is thus set up.
§ 195. w occurs initially as the aspirated form of non-
palatal b, m, e.g. vid woc.d, 'my boat'; 1:qo ivog, 'a wet
night ' ; fa:V wa:f, ' dying ' ; wa&ft'd mo, ' I baptised ' ; wraig in 9,
'I betrayed'; wlwj'mo, 'I tasted'; a tvSJtxr, 'O mother'; waL,9
m9, 'I cursed'; ivoihi: mo, 'I felt, perceived'; wl:v vi'&, 'I be-
grudged ' ; 9 weed'in, ' since morning ' ; 9S moid 9 d'v.d fin 9rs iN'
d'r'o:lan Ner 9 wu:N' fo so JHfarag's = is moide diod sin, arsa'n
dreolan, nuair do mhun se san fhairge.
w therefore never stands initially in pausa forms except in
cases like wj[:m, 'from me', infra § 199. wseg'9 in asseverations,
wxg'9 nne/9 heiri sta:, ' well indeed it is to be sure ', is a distortion
of the name of the Virgin. In the case of vfi:, 'mane', a word
not in common use, the original initial has been forgotten, cp.
bhardail, mhardul in Molloy's 30th dialect-list.
75
io is also the eclipsed form of initial J\ e.g. 9 wa,:N'/9 dha
bhfaghainnse ; ^ iw/j/ys rfy, ' near to', = i bhfogus. 2\T'i; w<'.- wi'»,
'1 shall not get', cp. M.Ir. fuigbe, probably owes its w to the
preterite N'i: wuir, for which see § 199, and cp. ;.■<•(-->) i:r, 'a eold
ni'dit'. But this is nut certain as I have no exact parallel.
ij 196. Except when joining with a vowel and becoming
vocalised (§§ 40, 48) w is the regular representative of O.Ir.
intervocalic m, b before a, o, u, e.g. b'i.whNu, 'slyly, mischievous',
Meyer bibdaide ; d'dwsd', 'want, lack', O.Ir. digbail ; </' i.wi.n',
•single, unmarried', M.Ir. dfmain ; l.'Waic, 'image', M.Ir. imaig;
k'l'uwau, 'cradle', Meyer cliaban ; kn'r/oy, 'maggot', Di. crumh-
6g; hrci:ivd, 'bones', M.Ir. cnama; LcLiwavfo 'tiring', Di.
lamhach ; La:ivdkau, 'moving on all fours', Di. lamhacan ;
Na.wid', 'enemy', O.Ir. namait (ace.); ra:w9L'i:, 'raving, being
in a state of delirium ', Di. ramhailligh ; sNa.:wdm, ' I swim ', Di.
snamhaim ; fk'?-'i:wc>m, '1 write', O.Ir. scribaim; J'N'i:w<jm,
'I spin', Di. sniomhaiin, M.Ir. snim ; ta,:wa.yj, 'industry', Di.
tabhacht. Between u{:) and a w drops out, e.g. duan, ' hook,
kidney', Di. dubhan, duan a.Ly:, 'spider'; dicay, 'ink', Di.
dubhach ; suay, ' merry ', M.Ir. subach. ba:w9n, ' enclosure ',
is obscure. Dinneen writes badhbhdhun, Meyer badun, O'Brien
babhun. In La: V •cc.wsg'd, ' St Swithin's day ', we have w for v.
The saint is Dabeoc who is commemorated on July 24. It may
be noted that Ware speaks of "lectulus vel circulus Abogi".
§ 197. Post-consonantic w disappears in a.hasan, 'reviling',
< Di. achmhusan < Meyer athchomsan ; a:nri, ' broth ', M.Ir.
enbruthe; /a:gssl', 'to leave', M.Ir. facbail ; j'y.yjiu', 'week',
M.Ir. sechtmain (ace), I am given to understand that further
north the form fayturn' occurs; ty.rLay^ ' Toirdhealbhach ' ;
uxldan, 'swivel ', O.Ir. utmall. On the other hand w is retained
in aytcir'k', 'heat in horses', Di. eachmairt ; x:nvay, 'slaughter',
arbhach ; aswi:, 'want', M.Ir. esbuid, cp. Pedersen p. 104;
b'adway, 'bridle-bit', Meyer belbach ; f'jo:hvayi:, 'different
kinds of meat', Di. feolmhach, feolbhach ; k'artcay, 'gamester',
Di. cearrbhach ; t'as/cay, 'heat', Di. teasbhach.
§ 198. For w as the second element of uw in syllables with
chief and secondary stress see §§ 47, 49.
§ 199. In a few instances we find w prefixed to words
beginning with u, e.g. wuid', 'from you', O.Ii\ uait, wuv, wj[9,
'from him', O.Ir. uad ; N'i: wuir =ni fhuair where the w seems
76
to be hiatus-filling, as is also the case in 9 wuvytw, 'from above',
cp. 9 jiaytctr, ' from below '. In </y yyr'i d'w N ta.:w ort (— go
gcuiridh Dia an t-adh ort) we seem to have a w-glide.
ui < uai becomes wi: by stress-shifting in smwi:t'uw, 'to
think ', Di. smuaintigheadh, M.Ir. smuained (§ 443) ; fwi:r m'z,
' I got', <fuir m'<>. Further in ftvi.r <fwj^:r, 'cold', M.Ir. fiiar.
U9 < ua becomes wet before y in f'iNwctyt, ' coolness ', Di. fionn-
fhuacht.
§ 200. All non-palatal labials tend to develope a w before
a following vowel, i.e. at the moment when the contact is
loosened the tongue is in the position for u. For the lip-action
see § 289. This w is heard most clearly before front vowels and
[ : and in this book is regularly written in these cases, e.g. before
<t in J'wcer'ct, ' wake ' ; mweed'd, ' stick ' ; mweel'k' ', ' soreness from
riding bareback ' ; mwxr'ig, ' woe ' ; mweer'sm, 'I remain'; mwx-
jl'i:n, ' mastiff' (as term of abuse) ; y mimN'eeri, ' in spite of me ';
mwseft'ruw, ' to churn ' ; pwaed'ir, ' prayer ' ; smwa&L't'd, past part,
of smoduw, ' to wither '. Before i in bwiL'd, ' blow ' ; bwi:d'o.y,
' small ' ; d'r'apwir'a.yt, ' climbing ' ; Jrfopwid'v, ' dip in land,
wrinkle in cloth'; k'ocptvir f 9, 'slice of bread and butter'; L'abwi:,
'bed'; mwiL'd, compar. of maL, 'late'; sptvink'j, gen. sing, of
sporfc, ' tinder ' ; tapwi:, ' quick '. Before j : in mw^ :r, ' keeper ' ;
mw\ :, ' pliable ' ; mivj^ :l, ' bald, blunt '. Before i in mwig'l'i:,
' mild, modest'. This w may also be clearly heard if the labial is
the final of one word and the next begins with a front vowel, as
in toe: t'r'i: foNt ygmi wer' = ta trf phunta agam air ; t'i.m wi: — tim
l. In the case of initial f the w is lost on aspiration, thus fw'il',
' blood' hut fa Nil', 'concerning the blood'.
§ 201. A voiceless w (w) arising from various sources is very
frequent in Donegal. It is found regularly when aspirated b, m
are followed by h < th, fh or preceded by h < th, e.g. otwil',
' change of appearance ', Di. athbhuil ; roww = rabhthar. In
futures and past participles, sNa.:w& m'y, ' I shall swim ' ; j'N'iuiw
7h,j, ' 1 shall spin ', past part. j'N'iuwd, imperf. pass, n'iuwi:. By
contraction in si:urd', 'odd', Di. saoitheamhail (similarly riwdl',
' royal ') ; lY'dujlL-n-A', ' unlawful ', Di. neamh-dhlightheamhail ;
m'i:w9r, 'ugly', Craig (Tasg.) miofuar seems to be mio-(th)uathmhar.
toi:uw, 'doze', Di. tamh, M.Ir. tarn, td:wir' ccyj, 'dozing', have
been influenced by some word or other, whilst taMWi>N(t), ' barking',
M.Ir. toffund contains w < sv. As to the difficulty in distinguish-
ing betweeny'and w see § 309.
77
§ 202. Tn monosyllables with short root-vowel followed by
aspirated '», cu, the w arising from the latter loses its voice in
accordance with the Donegal Fondness for breath-endings in short
syllables, cp. ij 12. At the same time the back of the tongue
seems to be raised from the M-position towards the soft palate,
thus producing in addition a slight y sound. When the next
word begins with a consonant, the w usually disappears, thus
row rabh, hut l's ro l's d'ocnuw sg'j. Examples — brow, 'blade',
Meyer brobb, brod ; dauw, 'ox', O.Tr. dam; dUw, 'black', O.Ir.
dub; duw, 'tome', O.Tr. dom ; Jc'voluw, 'garlic', Meyer crem ;
sklauw, 'snarl' Di. sclamh ; N'cLuw, 'heaven', O.Ir. nem. N'auw
is now rarely heard except in the Lord's Prayer and in N'&dLti:
N'ivu, ' very high clouds '. Cp. »r N'auw No w techno N'i:
aJc98 ,i lehdd'. TJw is also the result of cons. + u + th in
grUiy (grU bwid), 'biestings', M.Ir. gruth ; gUw, 'voice', O.Tr.
guth ; krUw, ' form', O.Tr. cruth; srUw, 'stream', O.Ir. sruth,
also srUwan. Similarly t'r'Uw, 'hooping-cough', Di. triuch.
In these cases w passes sporadically into j\ cp. the Scotch Gaelic-
spelling stuth < Engl, stuff, puth < puff, and duf, 'black', uf,
'egg', quoted for Sligo in Molloy's 29th dialect-list. A few other
words shew a dislike for the ending U\ e.g. t ' Uir, 'thick, frequent ',
M.Ir. tiug; qN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu, Spir. Rose p. 8 anuth.
The words for 'horse-shoe' and 'dowry', M.Ir. cro, have been
influenced by cruth, 'form', as they are both krUw, krU kccpwW,
'horse-shoe'. The genitive of the word for 'dowry' I have heard
as krir. tlUtv, 'tongs', Di. tlugh, has further joined this group.
(b) The liquids and nasals.
Note on 1, m, n and r sounds.
§ 203. The first accurate description of the various 1, n
sounds in Irish was given by a writer in the Gaelic Journal
for 1887 (p. 8), who styled himself Claim Chonchobair. More
recently Pedersen in his ' Aspirationen i Irsk ' contributed much
to the elucidation of the puzzling r-sounds. Practically all writers
of Irish Grammars with the exception of Neilson and O'Brien
liave based their observations on the dialects of Munster or
Connaught, whilst the speech of Donegal might long ago have
supplied the key to the most difficult problem of Irish phonetics.
It is now well known that L and I, L' and /', N and n, N' and n
differ from one another in the matter of articulation but in
Donegal they also differ from one another in the matter of length.
78
This is most clearly heard when these sounds occur as the finals
of monosyllables after a short vowel. Compare moL, 'heap',
/, l.V, 'head', boN, 'sole', fin', 'this', with viol, 'mill-shaft',
k"in, 'affection', bgn, 'bottom', fiN', imper. 'play' and the
difference in length is just as striking as the difference in
articulation. /, /', n, ri in this position are perhaps over-short 1 ,
whilst L, L', N, N' are very long sounds. Initially the difference
between the pairs is naturally not quite so marked but it never-
theless exists, whilst in syllables with secondary stress the long
sounds are somewhat reduced, so that confusion easily takes
place. Precisely the same is true of R, r, though the dialect
has not preserved the sounds in their original relations and R'
has been entirely given up. m, vi after short stressed vowels
are invariably long. Donegal Irish, it would seem, is the only
living Irish dialect which preserves in some measure the original
difference between the single and double consonants of O.Ir.
orthography. For the remaining consonants see § 357. From
Henderson one gathers that Scotch Gaelic agrees in a measure
with Donegal, cp. ZCP. v 515 («), 521 (N'), 523 (R).
1. L.
$ 204. This symbol denotes a so-called ambi-dental divided
1 (fan or spread 1), which is formed by pressing the front rim
of the tongue very forcibly against the upper teeth or the edge
of the lower teeth. Henderson (ZCP. v 92) says of Scotch Gaelic
L : " The point of the tongue is spread out like a fan so that the
whole of its rim is brought against the teeth while the back of
the tongue is at the same time slightly raised". In Donegal the
lack of the tongue seems to be raised in producing this sound
but the raising is of no consequence, as it also occurs in the case
of I, i\", n (Pedersen pp. 21, 22). Before /, k and s L is partly
voiceless. /, and N are very thick, heavy sounds and modify
a following i, § 125.
$ 205. L occurs initially representing O.Ir. 1 before a, o, u
when the preceding word is not capable of causing aspiration.
Examples — La.:, 'day', O.Ir. lathe: La.:ww, 'hand', O.Ir. lam;
Lo.rt', 'to speak', M.Ir. labrad; Lu&, 'early', M.Ir. luath; Luw,
'less', O.Ir. lugu ; Lu:kw, 'nimble', M.Ir. luthmar ; Ly:, 'to lie',
O.Ir. lige (influenced by the causative laigirn, Thurneysen, IF.
Anz. vi 4G) ; Lay, 'weak', M.Ir. lac.
1 These sounds are perhaps to be compared with Dauish final consonants,
cp. Jespersen, Fonetik p. 511.
79
§ 206. Medially and finally A corresponds to O.Ir. aon
palatal 11 of whatever origin, e.g. ctLa-x, 'cattle', <>.lr. ellach ;
iLdtt, 'sweat', Meyer alias ; baL, 'spot', O.Ir. ball ; ba.La.ii, 'teat',
Meyer ballan; bxLa, 'wall', <Engl. 'wall'; braLa-x, 'bosom',
M.lr. brollach; b'r'aL, 'glans penis', Meyer brell, whence
b'r'aLan, '.simpleton'; dd:n&L, M.lr. Domnall, do.mL N,> g'ali:,
' the man in the moon'; dNaL, 'hither', O.Ir. anall ; f'aL,
'treachery', M.lr. fell; gaL, 'foreigner, Englishman', M.lr. gall ;
i&L, 'whang, leather boot-lace'. M.lr. iall ; ka,L, 'hazel', M.lr.
coll; ka.La.ri, 'noisy talk", Di.Macbain callan, cp. M.lr. callaire ;
kyriig'dL, 'condition', Meyer coingell ; hoLax, 'boar', O.Ir.
cnllach ; my.L, 'late', O.Tr. mall; m'aLww, 'decoy, deceive',
M.lr. mellaim; poL, 'hole', M.lr. poll.
§ 207. L has arisen in a number of cases from the assimila-
tion of 1 and another consonant, e.g. oLa, gen. sing, of ohN,
'wool', M.lr. oland; koLa, O.Ir. collno, gen. sing, of colinn, cp.
,i tart .> t.>kr<>s agas 9 toyps, t'r'i: Navd'a N& koLd, 'thirst, hunger
and itching are the three enemies of the body ' ; koLuiv, ' sleep ',
O.Ir. cotlud : rri 'e9 Layjy.n, 'corpulent person', <mzdddl, Di.
meadal ; NoLik', 'Christmas', M.lr. notlaic ; t'iaLaky:, 'talents',
Di. tiodhlacadh, M.lr. tidlacira ; t'y.Lxy, 'hearth', M.lr. tenlach.
Furthei' faLxn', ' healthy ', M.lr. follan < fo-slan ; duwLan,
'challenge, defiance', Di. dubhshlan, cp. Craig Iasg. ; awe/.'.
' wafer', O.Ir. obla (the word also means 'a cluster of nuts ').
>5 208. L occurs after s both initially and medially, e.g.
%La:n, 'healthy', M.lr. slan; sLawwruw, 'chain', O.Ir. slabrad
sLat, 'rod', M.lr. slat; sLqidan, 'cold', Di. slaghdan ; sLaytw,
'slaughter', < Engl. ; sLa:y, 'slush', Di. slathach ; sLo:k, 'sloke',
< Engl. ; sLiN'uw, ' surname ', M.lr. slondud ; sLot, ' wick ' ;
sLud, 'host', O.Ir. sliiag ; sLtiasdd, 'shovel', Di. sluasad ; sLoy^m,
'I swallow', M.lr. slocim ; masLnw, 'trouble, tease, worry', Di.
maslughadh, Keat. masla ; brosLuw, 'to incite', < Meyer brostai-
gim.
§ 209. L stands before /, d, iV, s, e.g. alt, 'cliff', M.lr. alt;
xLtuw, 'grace', M.[r. altugud < atlugud ; d'u:Ltwiv, 'to refuse',
O.Ir. diltud ; ga:Lt9, 'Protestant', Di. gal Ida ; ktcluLtj, 'back-
ward, retiring', Di. ciithaltas, Meyer cuthal ; k'a.yjLtan, 'parcel',
Di. ceangaltan ; moLt, 'wether', M.lr. molt; m'aLtd, 'deceived',
M.lr. mellaim. For L before / in sandhi cp. § 459. L can only
occur before (/ in late loan-words, as O.Ir. Id gave L. My only
example is gqlddr, 'roar', Craig Iasg. guldar. LX is only found
80
in sandhi (§ 459) as O.Ir. In became L, supra § 207. Examples of
L before s — boLsir'a, 'a crier', Di. bollsaire; facLsa, 'idle', Di.
fallsa : f'aLsky: y 'burning grass or heather off the ground '.
.^ 210. L stands after r, e.g. b's:rLa, 'English', M.Ir. berla <
belre; hecrLy:, 'happened', M.Ir. tarla ; korLay, 'small remainder',
Di. corrluach : men-Las, ' mackerel ', Di. murlus : o:rLa, 'to vomit',
O'R. orlughadh ; o.-rLocy, 'inch', M.Ir. ordlach ; orLd, 'eaves',
M.Ir. urla ; orLuw, 'speech, eloquence', M.Ir. erlabra ; tarrLay,
' Toirdhealbhach '.
§ 211. After m w 1 frequently has the thick sound of L in
words like omlan, ' whole, entire ' ; efomLdr ', ' example ', Di.
eisiomplair. It may be noted that Finck states that L occurs
after w, v on Aran (i 72, 73) and cp. Molloy's comlain whatever
the word may be (quoted by Pedersen p. 30).
?; 21 2. L occurs in a number of forms where we should expect
to find /. Finck notes that the descendant of O.Ir. tempul has
L on Aran (i 73) and this is also the case in Donegal, = t'a(:\mp9L.
There is a considerable amount of hesitation between L and /, as
in y.skdL, 'arm-pit' (p'zt(a) xskiL'd, 'mother's darling, spoilt child
or beast', sky.rt' ccskiL'n, 'a boil under the arm-pit'), Craig only
writes one 1 and great uncertainty is observable in older stages of
the language, cp. Meyer ascall, ochsal, axall, axal ; d'&u&l, 'devil',
O.Ir. diabu], Craig diabhall : kccuwlsed', 'noisy talk', Di. colloid,
calloid (.^ 113); may J, 'husk, mesh, eyelid ', Di. mogall ; tudf'dL,
'a whirl, the wrong way', M.Ir. tuaithbel. moL, 'a heap, pile',
Di.O'R. mol, may have been influenced by the plur. moLtri: to
differentiate it from mol, 'shaft of a mill-wheel', M.Ir. mol, with
which it is l-eally identical. In uicLi>, 'apples', and rn'ormvLan,
'giddiness, tit of dizziness', Di. mearbhlan, the L has been
transferred from wrL, 'apple', M.Ir. uball, and Di. mearbhall.
§ 213. A voiceless L with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in the future of verbs whose stem euds in L, e.g. f'y-Li> rn'd, ' I
shall betray ' ; (/'c.L,> m'j, ' I shall promise ' ; m'aLd m'», ' I shall
deceive'; poLa ma from poLuw used of catching hares &c. in
gins, of bulls goring persons &c.; toLi: fut. of toZnw, cp. toL
§ 55. Further pa:rLan, ' Partholon '. For the articulation of L
and other voiceless liquids and nasals see Jespersen's remarks on
tin- corresponding Welsh sounds (Lehrbuch der Phonetik p. 80).
81
2. I.
§ 214. This sound seems to me to correspond pretty nearly
to the ordinary English 1, though the point of the tongue rests
just above the upper teeth and not against the arch-rim. The
raising of the back of the tongue gives this I, when standing at
the end of a syllable other than a clipped one, the same dull
sound that is so characteristic of Engl. 1. In other positions this
quality is not so noticeable.
§ 215. I corresponds to O.Ir. 1 before original a, o, u whether
preserved or lost in any position except initially and apart from
the special cases mentioned in §§ 207 — 210. Examples — odd,
'swan', M.Ir. ela ; odpocn, 'lump, bit', Meyer alp; %hbd, 'Scotland',
M.Ir. Alba; a:luw, 'sudden grip', M.Ir. alad ; a:hj\ 'mixture of
milk and water', Meyer anglas, englas ; bias, 'taste', O.Ir. mlass;
boluw, ' smell ', M.Ir. bolad ; bolog, 'belly', M.Ir. bolg ; k'arfl,
'trying', M.Ir. cengal ; m'edddl, 'paunch', Di. meadal ; m'itdl,
'metal, mettle', Di. miotal ; o:l, 'drink', M.Ir. 61; fid, 'seed',
O.Ir. sil.
§ 216. I stands before r (=r, /•'), although Ir must once have
been LR, L'R', e.g. bdriocy, ' scenting ' (of a blood-hound) ; gcdri:,
'diseases'; ku:l/ro:ska. , x i , 'backward', Di. ciiilriascmhar ; k'ilrixn,
'Kilraine', = Cill Riain ; olruw, 'shouting', cp. ulfairt(?); fidruiv,
Di. siolrughadh. For Ir in sandhi see § 460.
§ 217. It might be expected that we should find L following
t, d as it always precedes these sounds. But such is not the
case, for tl, dl like most Irish combinations of consonants do not
coalesce (§ 437). The off-glide of the t, d is clearly heard as the
tongue moves into the position for I. This off-glide is so distinct
that Finck actually inserts a vowel and writes ddlu = dluth,
'warp' (ii p. 266). Examples — dli:, 'lock, wisp of straw', dli: d
woLy:, 'top-stopple, the thatch on the top of a cottage', M.Ir.
dlai ; tlvw, ' tongs ', Di. thigh (rare, the usual term is imvsed'd
b'r'i/h) ; 9 tlui — an tsluaigh (gen. sing.); a tludsdd, 'the shovel',
an tsluasad ; er 9 tlamvruw = air an tslabhradh.
§ 218. In those cases where other consonants are aspirated
initially, I takes the place of L. This only happens however in
the speech of the older people. The younger folk make no
distinction between L and I initially, cp. Finck i p. 76; Henderson,
ZOP. v 90. Examples — 9 far d lo:r Vim, ' the man who spoke
to me'; hi:b rrid, 'I bent'; l'6:di m'd, 'I lessened'; lot' in 9, 'I
Q. 6
82
wounded ' ; lok md yri:, ' my heart failed me ' ; ir t d lo:r', ' toe-
nail'; d'e:lo:p, 'eloquent'; ku:g'i:hidn, 'the province of Leinster';
b'l'iin lud, 'an early year'; g'araen' h.:d'iv9, 'strong horses';
tromli:, ' nightmare ' ; don van log, ' to the weak woman ' ; sv
wx:d lx.:n, ' in the full boat ' ; tx: fe dN xr wo:r lx:d'ir, ' he's a
big strong man'. L is however never aspirated after the article
or fid, 'first', e.g. a Lqyog, 'the mouse'; a £id La.:, 'the first day'.
The same holds good for L', N, N'.
The aspiration of initial sL which should be L is L, cp.
Pederseu p. 23, e.g. dd lx:N't'd, 'your health'; h.:ni, pret. of
sLx:miw, ' to redeem ' ; kx UN'uw huw, ' what's your name
(surname) 1 '
L is not aspirated after r, e.g. y'arLx:dir', ' middling strong' ;
f'idrLog, ' very weak ' ; fir Lx:d'ir'd, ' strong men '. Similarly
after er, ' upon ', as in wr Lx:r, ' down, on the ground '.
§ 219. In gol -god', 'singing', <gabhail cheoil, the palatal
quality is often given up in the syllable preceding the stress, cp.
9 fax sdn, 'that man' and Zimmer, Untersuchungen iiber den
Satzaccent des Altirischen p. 4.
§ 220. An unvoiced I with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in futures and a few substantives, e.g. d'wh ni9, ' I shall sell ' ;
d'udi fd, ' he will suck ' ; mold m'd, ' I shall praise ' ; o:h m'd,
'I shall drink', b'aluw, 'grease', Di. bealadh, Meyer belad ;
m'odo:, 'interruption, delay', Di. meathladh ; fidx:, 'strain', cp.
Di. siothlaclh, M.Ir. sithlaim, fidlan, ' strainer ', Di. siothlan.
3. L'.
§ 221. This symbol denotes a palatal 1 followed by a j-sound.
For the formation cp. Jespersen p. 129. Of L' and N' Pedersen
says (p. 21) : " L' and N' are much more strongly palatalised (i.e.
than V and ri), so strongly, that in the transition from these
sounds to a (back-) vowel one seems to hear a ./-glide (which is
not the case with I' and n) ". This ./-glide is also clearly heard
before palatal vowels. Dottin writes (RC. xiv 107) : " L'l et l'n
devant une voyelle palatale ne sont pas exactement le 1 et le n
mouiile du francais ; l'element palatal n'est pas entierement fondu
avec la consonne". The articulation of L' and indeed of almost all
the palatal consonants (iV', / t', d', k', </) resembles that of L.
The front rim of the tongue is pressed firmly against the lower
teeth whilst the front of the tongue covers the greater part of
the hard palate. Cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 19.
83
It may bo noted that i always appears for a in unstressed syllables
before L' and N'.
$ 222. L' represents O.Ir. initial 1 before e, i, e.g. L'd , 'half,
O.Ir. leth ; L'ahsn, 'broad', O.Ir. lethan ; L'ak, 'flag', M.Ir.
lee; L'a.nu:N't', 'to follow', O.Ir. leu main ; L'a/r in tec: L'ccr e/,
'he's wrong in his head', M.Ir. ler ; L'szN, 'learning', O.Ir.
legend; L'ess, 'healing', M.Ir. leges; L'u>, 'grey', M.Ir. hath ;
L'imuw, 'to fill', O.Ir. linath ; L'it'ir, 'letter', O.Ir. liter; L'o:r,
'book', O.Ir. lebor.
§ 223. Medially and finally IJ arises from O.Ir. 11 before
original e, i whether retained or lost, e.g. bwiL'<>, 'blow', M.Ir.
bulle ; f'iL' m'<>, ' I returned ', M.Ir. fillim (i.e. phill me); LrL'zy,
'hag', O.Ir. cailleeh ; kxL'am, 'I lose', M.Ir. eoillim ; k'iL',
'churchyard', M.Ir. cill (dat.) ; m'iL'uw, 'to spoil', M.Ir. inilliud ;
8xL', 'grease, fat', M.Ir. saill ; t'iL'uw, 'addition', O.Ir. tuilled.
§ 224. Medially L may arise by assimilation, e.g. guiL'ayd,
'shoulders', plur. of yudliN' ; brssL'im', 'sheet', Di. braitlinn ;
kyL'y.yi m'9, 'I shall sleep', < coidleachaidh me; Jwi:L'ay,
' leavings ', furi:L'i:, 'February', not 'January' as Dinneen has
under fuighle, cp.
Gaoth Faoilighe mharbhas caoiridhe
Gaoth Mharta mharbhas daoine. G.J. 1891 p. 96.
See further Wi. fuidell.
§ 225. L' comes to stand before JY' in modern contracted
forms, e.g. Jk'iL'iN', 'shilling', plur. fk'iL'N'9; fwiL'N'i:m, 'I
endure', pret. diViN' (diL'iN'), fut. fwiL' N' a-/d m'z, Di. fuilingim,
O.Ir. foloing.
L' stands further before /J t', e.g. xL'Jb, 'cancer', Meyer allse;
b'r'iL'fk'v, 'light-headed, half-witted fellow', Di. breillsce ; miL'fo,
'sweeter', M.Ir. millsiu ; soL'fiuv, 'to shine', M.Ir. soillsiugad ;
t'r'iL'fcm, ' plaited rush, wick ', Di. trilsean, earlier trilsen. iL't',
plur. of aLt, 'cliff'; k'eL't', 'to conceal', Di. ceilt ; toL't'dnas,
'consent', Di. toilteanas. For L before d' I have no examples.
§ 226. r (< *W) and J' require to be followed by L', e.g.
ko:rL'i>, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; i:/'L'uiv, 'to lower', Di. l'sliu-
ghadh ; k&fL'cm, ' castle ', Meyer caslen ; J'L'x:n, ' turf-spade ' ;
t:vj'L'oL-/j 'wet weather', Di. taisleach, cp./'/'iylccy. For rL', J'L'
in sandhi see ^ 455, 459.
i; 227. A voiceless L with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
principally in futures, e.g. gyL'i:, future of Di. goillim ; g'eiL'9
m'd, 'I shall yield'; kseL's m'd, 'I shall lose'; rriiL'g m'j, 'I shall
6—2
84
spoil'; s&L'd m'd, 'I shall pickle, salt'. k'arL'i:n', 'ball of string,
wool', <k'art'Vi:n which may also be heard, Meyer certle. J. H.
has a further form, k'erL'i.n, which he says means ' a lifeless or
awk\vax*d mass '.
4. V.
§ 228. By V we denote a clear alveolar 1 like that in German
' hell ' but slightly palatalised. The palatalisation is most clearly
heard when V is final after ee. The younger generation largely
substitute L' for V, see infra § 231 and Finck i 76.
§ 229. V represents O.Ii\ medial and final 1 before e, i
whether retained or lost and also 1 standing before or after
other palatal consonants than those mentioned in §§ 225, 226.
Examples — bwel'd, 'townland', M.Ir. baile ; bwid'sel', 'bottles';
f'idkil', 'tooth', O.Ir. fiacail ; f'p:V, 'flesh', O.Ir. fetal; had'k',
'chalk', M.Ir. cailc ; k'ar/iV, imper. 'bind'; nuvsel'k', 'soreness
from riding bareback ' ; p'il'gp'vnf, ' plover ', Di. pilibin ; fel'ig',
'chase', O.Ir. seilgg (ace); fel'og, 'willow', M.Ir. sail; f'il'ag,
'saliva', Di. seile < M.Ir. saile. d'l'iuw, 'law', O.Ir. dliged ;
f'l'iX, 'wet', O.Ir. fliuch; t'l'iy'dn, 'vomit', < M.Ir. teilcim,
t'l'ik'd N ba:f, ' sentenced to death '.
§ 230. Except in the case of the preposition Ve together with
the pronominal forms Vim, Vat &c. V can only stand initially as
the aspirated form of L', f'V, e.g. Van mwid', ' we followed ' ;
I'asi fiz>d, ' they improved ' ; I'edS tuw, ' you healed ' ; Vei Jb, ' he
read, melted'; Vidn m'd, 'I filled'; IT m'd, 'I licked'; V'ig m'd,
' I overthrow ' ; Vox m'd, ' I heckled ' ; Vo:n m'd, ' I sprained '. Vz
md I'iN', ' in my time ' ; t'r'i: Vit'ir, ' three letters ' ; g'arl'o:r,
' a moderate book ' ; g'zirV anu:N'V , ' pei'secution ' ; g'arVidNtd,
'fairly well filled'; %:Q9 Viy^, 'a wet night'. One may hear
sd L'dyla.y, ' in the wet weather ' but this is to be attributed
to the younger generation.
L' generally remains after the preposition er, e.g. dr L'ahu:V,
'one-eyed'; dr L'abwi:, 'on a bed'; dr L'ar, 'in a fix, astray'
lit. ' at sea ', Wi. ler, also vi: Lpy amwip dr L'ar, ' there was a
ship lyint; out at anchor'. But I have heard dr V ayprsen , 'for
half a-crown ' from J. H. Similarly after the article, e.g. k'iN d
L'in'dv, ' the infant's head '.
The aspiration of words beginning with fL' is V , never V. It
is interesting to note that when J. H. imitates Connaught speech,
he pronounces koNdai Vig'i:, 'County Sligo ', whereas his own
pronunciation is always k. lig'i:. Examples — N'i:V m'd dN a. Vi:,
85
'I am not beholden to him' (slige) ; kctsaen I'oiuwnd, 'slippery
paths'; askdN 1'a.uwin, 'a slippery eel'; 1'a.uwnd tuw, 'you
slipped'; I'i.k Jb, 'he stroked, smoothed'; u:r I'eiva, 'sage',
Hogan iubhar sleibhe.
§ 231. The younger generation have given up the aspiration
of L' and in a number of words L' is substituted for I'. The
inflected forms of iL'j, 'elbow', Wi. ule, have 11 already in M.Ir.
8ta:wi:l', 'stumbling', occurs beside sta:tvdL'i:, Di. stablighail ;
kor hudf'iL', 'whirlpool', Di. cor tuaithbil. I have usually
heard gz fo:L\ 'yet' but Craig writes go foil.
§ 232. A voiceless V with strongly breathed off-glide is
frequent in futures, e.g. el'd m'd, 'I shall rear'; gild m'd, 'I shall
boil ' ; gyl'd m'&, ' I shall weep ' ; k'el'd m'd, ' I shall conceal ' ;
m'el'd mid, 'I shall grind'. In substantives < thl, 1th, e.g.
I'ig' m'd, ' vomited ', Di. tligim ; kriVog, ' stalk of barley ', cp.
Meyer crothal (?); el'id', 'fawn', M.Ir. eilit ; fa,:Vi:, 'shy'; ril'otn,
' wheel in spindle ', Di. roithlean. Also frequently in wiV in
questions = an bhfuil 1
In the case of kyl'ad, ' knave at cards ', /' seems to have arisen
out of ?•', Di. cuireat.
§ 233. sp'ijik', ' precipice ', seems to have lost an /', cp. Di.
spinnc, splinnc.
5. N.
§ 234. N denotes a thick ambi-dental n similar in formation
to L (§ 204). In the production of the Irish nasals the resonance
in the nose is much greater than is the case in English and in
consequence all vowels flanking an n or m sound are liable to be
nasalised, more particularly in stressed syllables (§ 172). This
nasalisation of vowels in the neighbourhood of n, m sometimes
leads to the insertion of a nasal as in mxi:NLd, ' a mould, a kind
of button ' < Engl. ' mould ', cp. Manx cronk (Pedersen p. 23).
Lu:N9sNd, 'Lammas, August', M.Ir. lugnasad, owes its second N
to an attempt to make the unstressed syllables alike.
§ 235. N stands initially as the representative of O.Ir. n
preceding a, o, u, e.g. JVcc:wid', ' enemy ', O.Ir. name ; Ncc:r'd,
'share', M.Ir. mire; Noyddin, 'I lay bare ', Wi. nochtaim ; No:s,
'custom', M.Ir. nos ; NoLik', 'Christmas', M.Ir. notlaic; Ninu:r,
'set of nine', O.Ir. nonbur; Nmv, 'new', O.Ir. nue ; Nyuw,
'saint', O.Ir. noib ; Nj^:skdN, 'snipe', Di. naosca.
86
The n of the article (as also the eclipse n of a, ' their ', er,
' our ', msr, ' your ', da, ' if ') before a vocalic initial or aspirated
f is treated as if it belonged to the following word and is therefore
N before a substantive or verb beginning in O.Ir. with a, o, u,
e.g. 9 NohN, 'the wool'; a Nasal, 'their donkey' or 'from the
donkey ' ; sg' 9 Nser'd, ' at the wake ' (faire) ; er' 9 N[ :nay, ' at
the fair ' ; S9 No:w9r, ' in the autumn ' ; m9 hayj Nan9tn d,9 hud',
fe: clu.rt' 9 hat Vef 9 N'i9sk = mo sheacht n-anam do shiiil, se
dubhairt an cat leis an iasc. Compare the spellings Mac a nathar,
cuid a nfir censured by Donlevy (quoted by O'Donovan, Grammar
p. lxxvi) and the proper names Naul, Navan < an Aill, an Emain.
The conjunction an uair, ' when ', is similarly Ner. Parallel to
these cases are the adverbs 9Nu9s, 9NaL, 9N0N, 9No:ri:r', < aniias,
anall, inonn, i n-airthiur. We might expect N in 9nif, 'now',
but 1 have only heard dnif < *ind f hoiss. 9Noyt is regular < O.Ir.
innocht. The preposition dochum was reduced to chum, chun, 'un
and from those cases where the final n regularly became N as in
the case of the article, the form 9N was generalised, e.g. (pi 9
Nafr'iN', 'going to mass'. Craig's statements about this prepo-
sition are incomplete (Grammar 2 p. 210). Before masculines
with consonantal initial and all feminines the full form 9N9 < 'un
an is perhaps as frequent as the contracted Na, N9. The n after
prepositions before the possessive pronoun a ' his, her, their ', is
also N, I's NaJiser, ' with his father.' According to Pedersen
(p. 123) le n-a ean is pronounced on Aran I'e: N'e:n. In Donegal
this would be I's Ns9n. "We have already seen that the word for
' one ' may be reduced from s9n to dn, n which before a vocalic
initial becomes N, eg. d Nok9l 9wa:n, 'a single word '.
§ 236. Medially and finally N represents O.Ir. 1111, nd, e.g.
xNuw, 'seldom ', M.Ir. andam ; boN, 'sole', M.Ir. bond; b'aNuw,
'to bless', cp. O.Ir. bendacht ; btuin'sN, 'female', Meyer boinend;
foN, 'desire', M.Ir. fonn ; f'iN, 'fair', O.Ir. find; yaN, 'scarce',
O.Ir. gann, gand ; gra:N9, 'ugly, repulsive', M.Ir. granna, grande;
g'l'aN, 'valley', M.Ir. glenn, glend ; koNy:(ft'9), 'tame', M.Ir.
cendaid (§ 416) ; kj^ :pN, 'rowan-tree', Meyer caerthann; k'aNy.m,
'I buy', M.Ir. cennaigim ; k'iN, 'head', O.Ir. cenn ; LoskaN,
'toad', M.Ir. loscann ; L'aNseN' fi:, ' fairy lover ', M.Ir. lennan ;
L'saN, 'learning', O.Ir. legend; m'aNa.n, 'kid', Di. meannan ;
m'\N9, 'oaths', M.Ir. mind; poNaN, 'sheaf, M.Ir. punnann ;
t'aNam, ' I tighten ', O.Ir. tend.
It may be noted that the enclitic ending of the present
indicative is -&N with J. H. I have listened repeatedly and
87
have only heard -dN. Craig writes p6san muid but he is not
reliable for 1 and n sounds.
§ 237. Medial N sometimes arises from assimilation of n
with another consonant, e.g. f'wNif, ' witness ', O.Ir. fiadnisse ;
ftaiVs, 'same', O.Ir. cetne ; Lu:NvsNd, 'Lammas, August', M.Ir.
lugnasad ; v ml'iaNd, ' this year ', cp. O.Ir. gen. sing, bliadne ;
Na, 'than', O.Ir. inda. Similarly the na forms of the article
have N, O.Ir inna. nd > N also occurs in certain stereotyped
compounds, e.g. 'aNin'a, ' ungracious person ', Di. anduine ;
edNyria, 'anybody', Di. aonduine ; faNin'a, 'old man', Di.
seanduine. With these cases we may compare the eclipse n
before initial d which also produces N, e.g. d Na,:n, ' fated, in
store ', Di. i. ndan.
§ 238. N stands before Z, t, d, s, e.g. aNLog, 'very weak';
aNLom, ' very bare ' ; a.NLu:ydr, ' very nimble ' ; b'ccN 'Lyv,
'mistress'; b'l'sdNLayj), plur. of b'l'ein, 'groin', O.Ir. mien;
sdNLai^, 'fowl', M.Ir. enlaith ; to.: fidd a gqbwir ds s9JVLd:v,
' they are hand and glove together'; koJYLay, 'stubble', Meyer
connlach, connlech ; Ny: NLy: = naoi ndlaoi ; sLa.:NLds, ' plan-
tain ', Di. slanlus ; sp'r'iNLd, 'lazy fellow', cp. Di. sprionnlog.
odi:Ntd, 'tricky, artful', Di. ealadhanta ; EdNtids, 'living in the
same house', aontuigheas; g'ccNtrayz, plur. of g'iji, 'wedge';
kaNtdr, pres. pass, of kxndm, ' I speak ' ; L'zNtdr, pres. pass, of
L'anzmi, ' I follow ' ; L'idJVte, ' tilled ' ; maXtd, ' lot, amount ',
< Engl, 'amount'; moiNta.'Y, ' talking indistinctly', Di. manntach ;
so-.Ntc/.y, 'simple', Di. sonntach. For Nt in sandhi see § 465.
According to § 236 Nd can only occur in sandhi, for which see
§ 465. k'aNsnw, ' to pacify ', M.Ir. cendsugud ; oNsuw, ' to face,
make for ', M.Ir. indsaigim ; oNsd, ' ounce ', Di. linsa ; skgNsv,
' fence ', Di. sconnsa.
§ 239. JY follows /• (</i) and s, e.g. Va:rN, 'gap', M.Ir.
hern ; do:rN, 'tist', M.Ir. dorn ; ka:rNacn i:l'i:, 'dunghill';
korrNuw, 'to roll up', Di. cornaim ; k'zhzrNay, 'small, impudent
person ', Meyer cethernach ; Lu:bdrXy:, ' wriggling ', Di. liibar-
naighil. In monosyllables ending in rN (rN') the N (A 7 "') is
almost syllabic. ctsNd, 'rib', M.Ir. asna ; brosNd, 'single piece
of firewood ', Meyer brosna ; kvsNuw, ' to cost ' ; osNd, ' sigh ',
O.Ir. osnad ; sNag, 'hiccough', Di. snag; sNahad, 'needle',
O.Ir. snathat ; uNc/.:, 'bundle of thread', sNa:i<;9, 'thread', O.Ir.
snathe; sNa:uw, 'to swim', M.Ir. snam ; sNuw, 'complexion',
M.Ir. sniiad ; sNy:, 'bier', Macbain snaoidh ; xXy:m, 'knot',
M.Ir. suaidin.
88
§ -40. Occasionally there is hesitation between X and n, as
hcuXik' beside hanik' (also hen'ik') — chonnaic, M.Ir. atchonnairc.
o:Xa = abhna, gen. sing., has been iniluenced by the N' of the
nominative o:X', ' river ', = abhainn.
§ 2-41. X arises out of ng in a few instances, e.g. askdX,
'eel', O.Ir. escung; ku:X, 'narrow', O.Ir. cuiuung, cp. Manx
coon, Scotch G. cumhann ; a -^^X LcL:v — i ngach laimh.
§ 242. A voiceless X with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in f'iXtiw, ' hair of animal ', M.Ir. findfad, and in the futures
f'aJXv m'd, ' I shall flay ' ; t'ctXd m's, ' I shall tighten '.
6. n.
£ 243. n is an alveolar nasal sound corresponding in forma-
tion to I and therefore not unlike Engl, n, except that the point
of the tongue is nearer the upper teeth.
§ 244. n represents O.Ir. medial and final n followed or
once followed by a, o, u, or preceding a consonant followed by
these vowels, apart from the special cases mentioned in ^ 236 —
239. Examples — aratn, 'bread', M.Ir. aran ; bct:n, 'white, fair',
O.Ir. ban; b'an, 'woman', O.Ir. ben; bro:n, 'sorrow', O.Ir. bron ;
bxadfc/M, 'sucking pig', M.Ir. banb ; da.niui:m, 'I condemn',
M.Ir. damnaim ; droywumuw, ' bad manners ' ; do. :n, ' world ',
O.Ir. domun ; d'xhyuxy^, ' chicken-pox ' ; ea«, ' bird ', M.Ir. en ;
fanayt, ' to remain ', O.Ir. anaim ; L'anu:N't, ' to follow ', O.Ir.
lenmain; L'anuw, 'child', M.Ir. lenab ; o:n, ' Ow T en ', M.Ir.
Eogan ; fk'in, ' knife ', M.Ir. sci'an.
§ 245. With the older people n is the aspirated form of X,
e.g. ma itx:wid', 'my enemy'; b'an nx.:wdda.y, 'a vicious woman';
ox: 7i£ :skiX', 'two snipe'; noyt in! 9, 'I stripped'. The aspiration
does not take place after the article, e.g. Xay mo:r 9 Xa:r'd gyd'a,
1 is it not a shame for you ? ' ; b'eig'nX du:X' tu:suw aXsd Xuw,
' we had to begin over again '. J. H. aspirates initial X after the
preposition er, e.g. ta: fd z>r no:s yom.9 I'im, ' he's a careless,
indifferent fellow ' ; b'i: sr no:s Xd ku:rt'd, ' do at Rome as Rome
does '.
The aspiration of sX is n, e.g. ni:m tuw, ' you fastened ' ;
a now, 'his complexion'; na:uw tuw, 'you swam'.
§ 246. n occurs before r where once XR (X' W) must have
stood, e.g. cc:nri, 'broth', M.Ir. enbruthe (proverb 9S oik d kil'uy
Xay f'juw x.nri o:l, ' it is a bad cock that is not worth a sup of
89
broth' said of a suitor a girl won't look at); ot.nro:, 'misery',
M.Ir. andro ; bcc:nri:n, 'queen'; ko:nra.yj>, ' coffins ' (§442);
kgnruw, 'bargain', O.Ir. cundrad (gen. sing. koNars); kra.:nr9,
' corn on the foot, knot in wood ', Di. crannra ; L'inrud, ' a
complaint of the stomach ', Di. lionnruadh ; L'inrocy a contracted
form of L'iN'wa.'Xj 'bright', Di. loinneardha; gnrik'v, 'upright',
O.Ir. inricc (I have also heard oNrik'd from younger people);
ska:nruw, ' to frighten ', Di. scannradh ; sm'emrs did', ' it is
fortunate for you ', < M.Ir. mo-genar (also sm'sdra § 443). See
further § 276. But N'r' occurs in tomxyd Nd N'rifay, 'the
bramble-bushes ' (driseog) ; vi: fs a. N'r'asuw, ' he was hunting
them ' (dreasughadh).
§ 247. n represents an older ngn in ku:nuw, ' assistance ',
O.Ir. congnam ; i:nuw, 'wonder', < ingnath, ingnad. n appears
for ri in 9 far s&n, 'that man', owing to lack of stress (§ 219).
Also dcdwn m'd (I) beside dahin' m'd, ' I recognised ', cp. CI. S.
19 ix '03 p. 3 col. 1. andm, 'soul', O.Ir. auim, is a new formation
after the oblique cases, gen. sing, anma, partly due doubtless to a
desire to keep the word separate from ainm, 'name'. kumsd' ,
' perishing with cold ', in to.: m's d md yuinszl ' , Di. cunail, La:
ku:ncday, 'a perishing day', may possibly represent the old infini-
tive cougbail retained in this particular sense. The ordinary
infinitive is kyN'eeL't' .
§ 248. A voiceless n with strongly breathed off-glide is
frequent in futures and substantives, e.g. kccnd m'd, ' I shall talk ' ;
Land m'9, ' I shall follow ' ; L'idiid m'd, ' I shall fill ' ; L'o.nd m'd,
' I shall sprain ' ; mu:nd m'd from mu:n&m, ' mingo '. b'r'anuw,
'expect', Meyer brethnaigim ; krgninn, 'I miss', Di. cruuthuighim,
crothnuighim ; k'r'anuw, ' terror, to terrify ', Di. creathnughadh,
pret. grani:, k'r'aniay, 'terrible', Meyer crithnaigim ; srgnuw,
' to scatter, spread ', Di. srathnuighim.
7. N'.
§ 249. N' is a palatal n corresponding in formation to
L '. The younger generation substitute N' for n particularly
after consonants, e.g. for'dm'N'ifxy^, 'steady'; givN'd, 'smiths';
snivN'ay^, ' at rest '. Craig following the speech of the younger
people writes nn for n in many words, thus bealtainne,
M.Ir. beltene; cluinnim, M.Ir. cluinim, O.Ir. rocluinethar ;
fearthainn, M.Ir. ferthain; gloinne, M.Ir. glaine, gloine; sinneadh,
.M.Ir. sinim. From most speakers one hears forms such as diN'd,
90
'man'; diN'dN, 'bad weather'; hyN'im', 'rabbit'; mwiN'cl,
'neck'; rxN'a.y (= ra-n'zyj, 'fern'; JkyJiF', 'week'; JIN'9,
compar. of Jxn, O.Ir. siniu. As far as can be gathered from
Rhys's description this confusion has taken place in Manx (I.e.
p. 135). For Connaught see Finck i p. 62. On the whole J. H.
and some of the oldest people preserve the difference between N'
and n almost intact.
§ 250. JV' represents an O.Ir. initial n before e, i, e.g. N'otd,
'nest', M.Ir. net; N'ay, 'any one', O.Ir. nech ; N' amort,
'neglect' (§27); N'aNtoug, 'nettle', late M.Ir. nenntog, earlier
nenaid ; JV'art, 'strength', O.Ir. nert ; JY'xrtray, 'rough grass';
Nas, 'near', O.Ir. nessa; N'xskod', 'boil', M.Ir. nescoit ; N'oiu-
hiL'9mwiccy, 'independent', O.Ir. neb-, neph-; N'esl, 'cloud',
O.Ir. nel; N'\v {N"if), 'poison', O.Tr. nem; N'i:, 'not', O.Ir.
ni; Ni:, 'thing', O.Ir. in; N'i:m, 'I wash', M.Ir. nigim ;
N'o:n'i:n, 'daisy', < noinin by assimilation, also N'oiri, 'evening',
cp. ds Bdskyayd N'o:n' Ncl mwsed'in'. O.Ir. ingen has been trans-
formed on the model of the pretonic form ni, M.Ir. ini and N'
has been introduced by analogy.
§ 251. Medially and finally N' arises from O.Ir. nn, nd
before a palatal vowel whether preserved or lost, e.g. biveeN'd,
'milk', O.Ii\ banne ; hwiN'c/.y, 'diarrhoea', Meyer bunnech;
bwiN'cm, ' a young, fresh stalk ', Meyer bunnen, also bwiJV'an
bwi:, some kind of bird; b'iN', 'melodious', O.Ir. bind; b'iN',
'gable, peak', from oblique cases of O.Ir. benn ; dN'e:, 'yesterday',
O.Ir. indhe; vN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu ; fx:N'z, 'ring', O.Ir.
anne ; fwiN'og, 'window', M.Ir. fuindeoc ; f'i:r'ijY'»„ 'truth',
O.Ir. firinne ; iN'osy, 'woof, M.Ir. innech ; iN'zLtd, 'neat',
< M.Ir. indell ; iN'xr, 'anvil', O.Ir. indein ; i//'i:JV, 'brain',
M.Ir. inchinn ; kyN'd, 9s kyN'z, 'opposite', M.Ir. conne; kyN'dl,
'candle', M.Ir. caindel ; miroX'ir, 'sheep-fold', M.Ir. maindir ;
o:N', 'river', from the oblique cases of M.Ir. aba; r'iN', 'dealing',
M.Ir. roinu (dat.) ; sLiN'uw, 'surname', M.Ir. slonniud < O.Ir.
slondud. The forms 9 axN'xn', a mweeN'sen, 'in spite of him,
me ', belong here as they represent Meyer's an-deon, dom-andeoin-
sa, cp. Henebry p. 31. ssN'ols, 'very pretty', may be heard for
xN'd'y.s from some speakers.
§ 252. N' may arise by assimilation of t'n, d'n, but the only
instance I have is mwxN'v, gen. sing, of mwsed'in, 'morning'.
mwxd'in'd is however more frequently heard. ccraJV', plur.
-j/rtX'y.yy, ' stitches, pains ', %rdN'o.yj> bo.:/, ' pains of death ',
91
is probably a case of N' for n, cp. Meyer aradain, gen. sing.
aradna. Cp. tamaoinne < tamuidne D. P. 28 i '05 p. 3 col. 7.
§ 253. The n of the article before O.Ir. e, i gives N', e.g.
I'e/a N'aLax, ' with the cattle' ; o N'ifag, ' the lark ' (§ 452) ; do
N'oil', ' of the flesh ' ; so N's:r, ' in the grass ' ; iN'fer 9 N'ar,
'to the man'; kyr'uw 9N9 N'&std, 'an invitation to the feast';
cp. the common formula of thanks sonos 9g9S feon ort 9g9s daromod
fad d N'sog. Note the difference between 9 N'ar, 'from the man',
and (m'asom go wil' p'ador) oN ar heivir', ' I imagine Peter is a
rich man '. son-, ' a single one ', is often reduced to n, which
before a word beginning with (O.Ir.) e, i, appears as N', e.g.
I'b N'a/r 9wa.:u' oku?v, ' with one single man of them '. Similarly
in the case of 9N9 n-, the lengthened form of o, i, O.Ir. i n-, e.g.
vi: fi: k'arpL't'd suos 9N0 N'sodi: dj:ro, 'she was got up in
expensive clothes'. Other examples of the eclipse n after er,
'our'; mar, 'your'; a, 'their'; go, 'that'; 9, a, da, 'if; o{n),
the interrogative particle before a word beginning in O.Ir. with
e, i or d followed by the same vowels — or N'i:N'ar, ' our dinner ',
mar N'iu'ig'iL'i, ' your grazing ' ; o N'iN't'iN', 'their intention';
d N'sr so, 'does he say 1 ?'; g9 JV'i.sot^ fo, 'that he would eat';
d N'iolot^ fo, ' if he were to pay '. For oN'ior, ' out of the west ',
O.Ir. an-iar; oN'er, 'out of the east', O.Ir. an-air ; oN'i:s, 'from
below ', M.Ir. aiu's, see § 235.
§ 254. N' precedes L ', f, d', f, e.g. x:X'L'og, ' swallow ', Di.
fainleog, ainleog, < O.Ir. fannall ; kyN'L'or, 'candlestick', Di.
coinnleoir ; Los mi:N'L'9, ' white bed-straw ', Hogan lus nn'nle ;
f&N 'L'eim < sean + leini, in b's m9 or ni9 hmN'L'eim' 9mx:ra.%,
' I shall be myself to-morrow ' ; N'i: h<x:N'L"im 9, ' I do not like
it ', O.Ir. an, a phrase that is now only familiar to a few. Note
also ®N' L'zonuir, ' very painful ', an + leanmhar. InviN't', ' to
pull, pluck, cut ' ; kxN't', ' talk ', Di. caint ; k'iN't'uiv, ' to deter-
mine', Di. cinntiughadh ; L'anu:N't', 'to follow'; siN't', 'avarice',
O.Ir. sainte (gen. sing.); tx:JV't'o, 'reported'; tiN't'o, 'stitch',
Di. tuinnte, taoinnte ; sg' &N' t'o:riN', 'at the boundary'. Except
in a very fesv cases such as aeN'd'a.s, 'very pretty' ; sport! viN'd'9,
'milk curdled with rennet' (b'in'id'), N'd' can only occur in
sandhi. btvxN'fo, gen. sing, of bocnif ' wedding ' ; oJV'/in', 9N' fo,
'there, here', M.Ir. andsen, andso ; %N ' fo, 'to relate', M.Ir. do
inuissin ; %N 'fxyos, 'a sheltered place in the mountains for cattle';
kyN'fk'l'o:, ' disturbance ', cp. Meyer cumscle ; o:N' fxy^, ' hussy ',
Di. oinseach ; iX'forom, iN'/brt, ' to me, to you ' < oXsorom,
92
oJVsort = d'ionnsuidhe »rm. The forms with N'f arose in the 3rd
sing, inasc. iNfer < oNser' under the influence of fer', iN'fo.
Craig condemns the forms with N'f (Grammar 2 p. 75) but they
are much more frequently used than those with Ns.
§ 255. N' occurs after / and L', e.g. f'r'ifN'sefacy, 'irritable';
fN'ocyt9, ' suow ', O.Ir. snechta ; fN'iuw, ' to spin ', M.Ir. snfm ;
tarkifN'n, 'contempt, slight', M.Ir. tarcuisne ; focrsN'd < *fseR'fN'd,
compar. of O.Ir. fairsing, cp. farsN'ud, ' abundant ', farsN'ay,
farsJV'a.y9S, 'abundance'. For examples of N' after L' see § 225.
§ 256. t'n' should be assimilated to N' (Pedeisen p. 20) but
I have no examples. In teet'n'i:m, ' I please ', Di. taitnighim,
O.Ir. taituem, the t' has evidently been restored from the pret.
hset'in'. h + n or JV' give JV', e.g. seJVivrt ocy, ' very painful ' ;
fxN'oJidNy:, 'old things'. For sandhi examples see § 456.
§ 257. In a series of words JV' arises from an older ng. JV'
and n are sounds which are very close to one another and are
liable to be confused, cp. the Munster substitution of n for JV' and
for n > JV' see Rhys p. 136. Examples — aku:JV', 'strength,
endurance', Di. acfuinn, M.Ir. accmaing ; dil'iJV' m'y, 'I suffei-ed ',
= d'fhuiling me, Atk. ro-fhnlaing ; do:riJV', ' affliction ', tec: do:riJV'
wo:r (hiJV'if) er ho:g, ' Thady is in great pain', do.-riJV'xy,
'severe', Keat. doghraing ; farsiN', 'plentiful', O.Ir. fairsing;
Jcivl'iJV', ' to emulate, emulation ', Meyer comleng ; kyJV'od,
kyN'&L't', 'to keep', M.Ir. congbail, the forms with JV' < pala-
tal ng arose in cases like the future coingeba ; riJV', ' made ',
M.Ir. doringni < O.Ir. dorigeui (KZ. xxx 62); tzirJV'd, 'nail',
M.Ir. tairnge ; ta.rN't!, 'to pull, draw', M.Ir. tarraing, Manx
tayrn, Scotch G. tarruinn.
§ 258. In the written language when in inflected forms nn
comes to stand after a consonant only one n is written but in
speaking JV' is usually heard before palatal vowels. One does
indeed hear krxk'?i'&, 'skins', but invariably zvJV a.yj>, 'rivers',
plur. of o:JV'; ig'N'ayj, plur. of ig'iJV', 'a ring to put round the
neck of cattle '. This JV' is doubtless due to analogy with the
singular, cp. Pedersen p. 33.
§ 259. A voiceless JV' with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in fiN'<> m'z, future of fiJV'dm, M.Ir. seniin.
93
8. n'.
§ 260. The symbol n denotes a very slightly palatalised
alveolar n. As stated above the younger generation fail to
distinguish ri and N' and in the majority of cases substitute N' .
§ 2G1. n occurs initially in n'i:m, 'I do', O.Ir. dogniu.
Craig gives the pronunciation as nnidhim (Grammar 2 p. 15), i.e.
N'i:m, but here again he is following the younger generation
which does not distinguish this word from N'i:m, 'I wash ', M.Ir.
nigim.
§ 262. n appears further as the aspirated form of initial N'
but only with the older people, e.g. La:r'ik' nivn'ctx, 'a sore
thigh'; N'askojyi n'lvn'ay^ 'a painful boil'; gar n'wn'ay,
' rather painful ' ; t'r'i: n'ad, ' three nests ' ; N'i:r i'N'if m'& a
fk'srf do nay 9 mwer'vJY, 'I did not tell the story to a soul
alive ' ; ta: J's kor n'aytd, ' it is snowing '. 9r N'znw, 'in heaven',
has N' according to J. H.'s pronunciation.
The aspiration of fN' is n\ e.g. n'iuw m'z, 'I span', imperf.
pass, n'iuwi:.
§ 263. n' represents O.Ir. medial or final n before an original
palatal vowel whether preserved or lost, in all positions except
those mentioned in §§ 254, 255, e.g. b'l'iiu', ' year ', O.Ir. bliadain ;
diu'z, 'person', O.Ir. duine ; en'om', 'name', O.Ir. ainm («il'W);
dwa:n', ' only ', M.Ir. amain ; fuifk'riuw, ' shudder ' ; gen'dv,
'sand', M.Ir. ganim (dat.) ; hein', 'self, O.Ir. fein ; in'if,
'island', M.Ir. inis ; kasivu', 'paths', < casain ; ka:n, 'fine',
M.Ir. eaiu ; L'eirii, 'shirt', M.Ir. lene ; mwsen'ser, 'manor,
division of land ', Di. mainear ; N'aujb:ri (gz>), 'although', Meyer
am-deon (§ 38); ri:n, 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; smayt'im', 'mallet',
Di. smaichtin ; faytin, 'week', M.Ir. seclitmain (ace); /askin,
' quagmire ' ; fik'it'd, ' hernia ', Di. seicin, seicne ; fi:n'uw, ' to
stretch', M.Ir. sined ; fL'auwin, 'slippery', M.Ir. slemain ; to:n\
'bottom', M.Ir. toin (dat.); t'in'i, 'fire', O.Ir. tene ; uig'n'ay,
' solitary ', M.Ir. uagnech.
§ 264. A voiceless n with strongly breathed off-glide is
frequent and arises from various sources, (a) in futures, e.g.
bwin'd m'i>, ' I shall reap ' ; gram'd m'd, ' I shall loathe ' (Di.
grainighim); ka:n'd m'd, 'I shall speak ill of; kUn'o m'd 'I shall
hear ' ; ky:n'd m'd, ' I shall weep ' ; murn'd md < mu:n, ' mingere '.
(h) < thn, nth, e.g. en'i:m, 'I recognise', Meyer aithgninim ;
fwxn's, ' wart ', Di. faithne ; ka:n'i:n', ' husk ', Di. caithnin ;
94
krin'ocyja, 'wheat', O.Ir. cruithnecht; k'o: -bring, 'haze portending
heat ', cp. Di. ceobhran ; L'in'd, compar. of L' align, ' broad ' ;
rivn'xy^ rcdn'a.'Xj 'fern', M.Ir. raithnech. (c) < chn, e.g. d"in'u:r,
' set of ten ', Di. deichneabhar, O.Ir. dechenbor ; in'i:N\ ' brain ',
M.Ir. inchind.
Note on the r sounds.
§ 265. Corresponding to the four 1 and four n sounds
described above we expect to find four parallel r sounds (R, r,
R', r), but it would seem that almost everywhere r has been
generalised for R and there are no remains whatsoever of R '. If
any traces of R' had survived we might expect to find them in
such sandhi combinations as N'i:r' r'igdr se, ' he did not answer ' ;
f'ardg 9 N'ir' r'i/N'&fi: ( f'r'ifN'sefa.'/), ' the temper of the
irritable man '. I have tried all imaginable combinations but
have never heard anything but r . It is easy to form a palatal
r with the articulation of L', N\ i.e. with the front rim of the
tongue pressing against the lower teeth, but I cannot conceive
why the sound was given up. Of R on the other hand there are
distinct traces, but not in the initial position where it has become
r. Fortunately Donegal has not lengthened the vowel in eveiy
case before R as Munster and Connaught have done and it is
at the end of monosyllables after a short vowel that we must
look for the sound.
9. R.
§ 266. By this symbol we denote a long, strongly trilled r with
the tongue vibrating against the alveoles just above the upper
teeth. Whether in pronouncing R the point of the tongue
originally acted against the teeth as in the case of L, N, it is now
impossible to say. O'Brien in his Grammar says (p. 11): "It
(viz. r) is sometimes written double, as barrach tow ; earr,
champion ; and is then strongly pronounced, with a longer
dwelling on the sound of r than if it were written singly". Now
O'Brien was according to O'Donovan a native of Meath and it is
quite likely that traces of R were preserved in that district as
they have been in the west of Ulster. Quite unnecessarily
Pedersen remarks (p. 38) that it is inconceivable that rr in
barrach should be long. For traces of R in Scotland see Henderson,
ZCP. iv 523.
95
§ 267. I have heard /.' from J. H. in the following words,
though even he frequently substitutes r — baR<>, plur. of ba.r,
'crop', O.Ir. barr; doR said to a dog to encourage him, Di.
dorrghail; 9 g'iRi: (isri:, see §105), 'asking, seeking'; koR,
'odd', Meyer corr(l); koR (wo:nuw), 'crane', Meyer corr (2),
with which koR, 'a sand-eel', is probably identical. These forms
must be carefully distinguished from kqr, Meyer cor. koR,
'edge', Meyer corr (2) ; koRay, 'quagmire', M.Ir. currech ;
kvRoty, ' steep ', klox %*?-&*%> ' a stone witn man y edges ', Meyer
corrach ; koRan, ' sickle ', Meyer corran ; koRuw I's, 'upwards of;
kocR, ' car ', M.Ir. carr, to be distinguished from ktz.r, ' ugly face,
grin ', Meyer carr (5) ; moRayas, ' superiority ', < mordhachas ;
oRd gVasmyt, 'playmate', Wi. urra ; oRdmay, 'obedient', M.Ir.
urraim ; spoRccy, ' a lanky fellow '.
§ 268. Usually however R is reduced to r, e.g. bargig, ' a
light shower ', = barr-chith ; ba:ridL, ' a leather boot-lace ', = barr-
iall ; bccriayj, ' superabundance ', Di. barraidheacht ; baray,
' tow ', Meyer barrach ; dordcjd, ' cross-looking ', Keat. dorrdha ;
goran, 'rim round snout of pig' (in Westmoreland called 'grin'),
Di. corran, 'jaw'(?); goru:n, 'haunch', Di. gurrun ; g'aran,
'horse', lit. 'gelding' <g'aruw, 'to cut', M.Ir. gerrad, plur.
g'o.:vayj> (§ 21); ka,rid, 'deer', Di. cairrfhiadh ; karik', 'rock',
O.Ir. carric; k'a.rway, 'gamester', Di. cearrbhach ; focray, 'foal',
M.Ir. serrach; ta.ra.yj 'pregnant', M.Ir. torrach; torskdr, 'refuse',
M.Ir. turrscar.
10. r.
§ 269. The ordinary Donegal r is a reduced form of a trilled
r. There is usually only one flip of the point of the tongue
against the alveoles. At the end of monosyllables after a short
vowel r is clipped and very short, e.g. f'ajir, ' man ' ; gor,
'sitting' (of a hen).
§ 270. r represents O.Ir. initial, medial r before a, o, u and
final r when originally followed by a, o, u, e.g. b'ir, 'spit', O.Ir.
bir; dri:, ' druid ', O.Ir. drui ; fr[:y, 'heather', O.Ir. froech ;
fccr^g, 'anger', O.Ir. fere; gru9g, 'hair', Di. grnag ; ma,rawi:m,
'I kill', M.Ir. marbaim ; tree:, 'meal', M.Ir. fcrath; u:r, 'fresh',
M.Ir. ur.
§ 271. r has taken the place of older initial R' and in
consequence the following vowel is frequently affected (§§ !'■'>,
156), e.g. roJidm, 'I run', M.Ir. rethim ; rei (rzi), 'ready', O.Ir.
96
reid; rl; 'king', O.Ir. if; ri:n', 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; riyt,
'strength, state', O.Ir. richt; rounds, 'need, necessity', M.Ir.
riachtanus.
§ 272. Initial r is unaffected by aspirating words. The
aspirated form of fr is r, e.g. k'acrk ri:, 'a moor-hen', cearc
f hraoich ; S9 rsenk', ' in France '.
S 273. Initial sr whether standing before O.Ir. a, o, u, or e, i,
has a sound peculiar to itself. The r is not trilled in this case
and seems to cause the tongue to be retracted from the ordinary
s position. The two sounds coalesce and a kind of modified s is
produced. Cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish (p. 18) :
"The two consonants are often pronounced almost simultaneously,
so that it is difficult to know which consonant is pronounced the
first". Examples — sra, 'holm, field lying by a river', M.Ir.
srath; sra:d', 'street, space round a cottage', M.Ir. srait ; sra:d'og,
'a bed on the floor', Di. sraideog ; srahdr, 'straddle', O.Ir.
srathar; srsdn, 'bridle', M.Ir. srian ; srUhan, 'stream', O.Ir.
sruth. Initially J'E has become sr but medially we find fr'
(§ 283) except in asr'igdr, 'a sharp retort', < ais + freagar.
The aspirated form of initial sr is always r, never r, e.g. ron9
m'd, 'I scattered', Di. srathnuighim ; N'i: rihzyi fa, 'he will not
reach', Di. sroichim; kor fol ro:n9, 'to have nose-bleeding'.
§ 274. r arises from n in the groups en, gn, tn, but the nasal
character of the syllable is generally retained, e.g. krocguw, ' to
strike ', < Engl. ' knock ' • kra.:b'9, ' hemp ', Meyer cnaip ; kroi:v,
'bone', O.Ir. cnaim ; krsp% 'button', M.Ir. cnap ; kro:, 'nut',
O.Ir. cniij krok, 'hill', O.Ir. ouocc; k'r'it'otl, 'to knit', < Engl. ;
gre:Irj, ' business ', Di. gno ; gri:, ' good looks ', Di. gnaoi. I'ef d
trahid', ' with the needle ' ; m'eid' 9 tra:, ' the size of the yarn ' ;
fad 9 trtz.ip, 'the length of the thread'; yUi fidd dmay er' a
tr5.:uw, ' they went out swimming ' ; er' 9 trl:, ' on the bier ' ; er'
9 trl:m, 'on the knot'; er 9 triiiv, 'on the complexion'.
§ 275. Before L, JV, t, d, where r arises from R, and also
before L' , N', t', d', where r represents R\ r is not trilled and in
stressed syllables is perhaps slightly longer than the ordinary
sound. The point of the tongue is raised towards the arch-rim
and then slides along the alveoles into the position for the
following sound. It is unfortunate that Pedersen has not given
us a description of the corresponding sound on Aran 1. c. pp. 28,
G7. After r in the final position N, N', L' are almost syllabic.
97
Examples — hx:rLy:, M.Ir. fcarla. kx:rN, 'heap', M.Ir. earn;
b'x:rN, 'gap', M.Ir. bern; do:rN, 'fist', M.Tr. dorn; k'ahsr Na.%,
'small, impudent person', b'art, 'burden', Meyer liert; k'xrt,
'right', M.Tr. cert. x:r<t, 'high', O.Tr. ard. ko:rL'i>, 'advice',
O.Tr. comairle; kabwUim', 'small, saucy-mouthed person or
animal'; magsrL's, 'testicles', IY1.Tr. macraille ; a,:rN'd, 'sloe',
Meyer airne ; oirN'ol, 'sitting up late', M.Ir. airne ; dirN'im',
'handle', Di. doirnin; hccrJY'fs, 'he drew', M.Ir. tairrngim; kx:rN' ,
gen. sing, of kx:rN, 'heap'; korN'al, 'corner'; IsH'ifm'drN'i:, 'start-
ing up in sleep', I)i. s. clisim ; LoburN'j, aol dN L., ' to go to rack
and ruin'; ma,:rN 'ala/y, 'sailor', Di. mairncalach ; mqrJV'i.-n',
'darling', M.Ir. miiiin, rnuirn ; d'x sxhdrN', 'Saturday', M.Ir. dia
sathairnd ; ta,:rN 'ay, ' thunder ', cp. Wi. tornech ; tx:rli'i», ' nail ',
M.Ir. tairnge; also in txryir ayj, 'prophecy', O.Ir. tairngire. bxydrt',
'to threaten'; yort'oy, ' slight injury, sprain'; ka&fm'wt', 'squabble',
Meyer caismert ; konort', 'hounds', M.Ir. conairt (dat.) ; kn:rt',
'visit', O.Ir. ciiairt ; sport', 'turf that has lain for a year without
being raised ' (also called spaddr), sport' viN'd'd, ' milk curdled
with rennet', Di. spairt ; skxrt', 'a shout', Di. scairt. cn'd'd,
'height', M.Ir. arde ; x:rd', 'point of the sky', M.Ir. aird ; ord',
plur. of o:rd, 'sledge-hammer', M.Ir. ord; also kors/ 'k'r'i.stg,
' sponsor ', Meyer cairdes Crist.
For fardg'd, 'sea', O.Ir. fairggse, foirrce see Pedersen p. 117.
Similarly g'ird, compar. of g'oir, 'short', M.Ir. gerr, ib. p. 24.
£ 276. After n, I < N, L we have perhaps a further trace of
R in that r in this position is strongly trilled which we denote by
writing a small bar under the letter, thus r. nr, Ir are now-a-days
incapable of palatalisation (except in the case mentioned in ^ 246)
and thei-efore represent both earlier NR, LR and N'R, L'R'.
Examples — somruw, 'to notice', so:n?jixy, ' remarkable ', Di.
sonnrughadh, O.Ir. saini'eth, sainred ; kudro:skxy, 'backward', Di.
ciiilriascmhar ; fidlruw, ' to claim descent from ', Di. siolrughadh ;
aw-rifle, 'a fine rifle'; xnrod, 'an excellent thing, a great quantity';
xsdlrixyt, ' performing a spell, enchantment ', Di. asarlaidheacht ;
qNq nrvyjyjxis, 'in a bad plight', nr, Ir are also found in sandhi,
e.g. bon rib'it, ' a sore with hair growing out of it ', Di. bun ribe ;
kor fol ro:n&, ' to have nose-bleeding'.
§ 277. In a few words mainly enclitics r represents an older
1 or n, cp. Diss. pp. TO, T8 and Zinnner, Sitzungsber. d. Berl.
Akad. 6 iv T905 p. 3. Examples — mar, 'as', O.Ir. amal, amail ;
mar, 'unless', O.Ir. mani ; dord, 'second', O.Ir. indala. Similarly
yd mxram, if it contains xw>m, ' soul ', see § 63.
Q. 7
98
§278. Medial r'+f gives rs, e.g. forsmv, 'to harrow', Di.
foirseadh; ir , sa%», plur. of ir'if, 'hanger on creel', Di. iris;
k'sn'scy, 'hen blackbird', Meyer crirsech ; fk'u:rsi:, 'scourges',
Keat. sgiuirse; tirsxy, 'tired', O.Ir. toirsech ; lorny.y, 'threshold',
M.Ir. tairsech. For sandhi instances see § 4G1.
In the groups r' + f+t', r'+f+N' the r' is depalatalised,
whilst the first part of the f is a retracted alveolar s and the
second /. Examples — -farsN's, compar. of fy.rsiX', ' abundant ',
fzrsX'-u:/', fxrsN'cLy, 'abundance'; fo:rst'9, 'harrowed'; fo:rst'dn,
'to suit', fo.-rst'drioLY, 'suitable', Di. foirstineach ; k'l'i -orst'»,
'harrow', Di. cliath fuirste.
r has been further depalatalised in 9 Nardhyf, 'to meet',
Meyer airchess.
§ 279. A voiceless r with strongly breathed off-glide is a
very frequent sound in Donegal. It arises from (a) r + fh in
futures, e.g. b'a.:p m'd, ' I shall shear, clip ' ; g'arrd m'd, ' I shall
cut'; 19 rd m'd, 'I shall ask'. Similarly in ko:r9, 'chest', <cofra
(§ 180). (6) O.Ir. r followed or preceded by th gives r in a large
number of words, e.g. a:ruw, ' change ', M.Ir. aitherraigim ;
b'r'isrd, 'words, speech', M.Ir. briathra ; du:ry.yt, 'zeal, fervour',
O.Ir. diithracht; f'ariN', 'rain', M.Ir. ferthain ; g'y.:rayj>, 'cuts';
korom, ' even, level ', M.Ir. comthrom ; kccynns, ' friendliness ',
Di. carthannas ; k'ccr&r, 'set of four', O.Ir. cethrar; k'ccruw,
'quarter', O.Ir. cethramad ; k'irjm, ' deficiency in some member',
k'iic/mccy, ' maimed, incapacitated ', Macbain ciorram, O'li. cior-
thumach, ciorrumach, Di. eiorrthuimeach, cithreimeach, M.Ir.
cirrim ; L'agayd) 'stirrup-leathers', Di. leathracha ; L'o:ri:,
'books', Craig leabharthai ; pcc:ru:s, ' pai^adise ', Di. parrthas,
O.Ir. pardus ; sj; :ruw, ' to earn ', Atk. saethrugud ; tec: reel', ' to
assist', Di. tarrthail, tz:rcday, 'useful, profitable'; t'i:ri:, 'lands'.
Similarly in past participles, e.g. bwjiu-d, 'troubled', O.Ir. bua-
dartha; tun/y, 'bleached', Di. tuaraim.
§ 280. r' before h <th also gives /•, not /', e.g. cZ'srar (d'srtdr),
pres. pass, of ra:t', 'to say'; kiiy, Di. coirthe, plur. of k;jr ', 'crime',
Meyer cair, kirccy, 'guilty', Di. coirtheach ; kirc/.yd, kgrccvp,
' invitations ', plur. of kyr'uw, Keat. cuireadh ; ori:, ' upon her ',
orutv, ' upon them ', O.Ir. airthiu ; d No:ri:r, ' the day after
to-morrow', Di. la a n-oirthear, Wi. airthear (Ci-aig writes an
orthaidh, for which see § 444). Similarly in past participles —
dor9, 'bulled', from dairim ; yard, 'called', < M.Ir. gairim ; kgr9,
' buiir-<l ', O.Ir. cuirthe.
09
rrch gives r in t.>:ri:s, 'number at birth, parturition', M.Ir.
torrchius.
This is one of the few internal changes which docs not hold
good in sandhi, e.g. hy.r hin'ww ort = caoir theineadh ort.
S 281. r is the aspirated form of initial tr, e.g. i%:yt m's, 'I
discoursed'; rid' fd, 'he fought ' ; rx/L'i: /l>, 'he stumbled', Di.
tnislighim, O.Tr. tuisled ; rosk mo, 'I fasted'. In the case of
initial l'r' the palatalisation seems to me to have been given up
but /• in this case is a sound midway between /■ and /■', e.g. reig'
m'd, 'I abandoned'; rimtoi: f&, 'it dried ',= thriomuigh < thior-
muigh ; a. rim, 'his third'; ro: m'9, 'I ploughed', M.Ir. trebaim;
ro:r9 m'g, 'I led'; a ru:r, 'his three', may sometimes have /'.
At any rate the /• in these cases is very different from the ;•' in
§ 288.
11. r'.
.^ 282. The Donegal palatal r is a very elusive sound and
is perhaps more easy to acquire than to describe. The tip of the
tongue hangs down slightly behind the upper teeth though not in
such exaggerated fashion as in the case of s and /'. The front
of the tongue a little over half an inch from the tip rests against
the arch-rim leaving a narrow horizontal slit through which the
breath rushes. The Aran r as I have heard it from a friend who
has spent some time on the islands has not the same acoustic effect
as the Donegal sound and according to Finck's description the
two must be quite distinct from one another. As far as I am able
to observe the hollowing out of the front of the tongue essential
for the production of s, /'is entirely absent. Perhaps the Desmond
sound described in the Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish
(p. 23) is different. There it is stated that "the slender sound of
r is produced by spreading the tongue and forming a small hollow
in the front portion of it. The point of the tongue is brought
close to the gum just above the upper teeth." When I first heard
the Donegal /, I was reminded of a j-sound formed against the
arch-rim instead of against the hard palate. Cp. Henderson's
remark "in Tiree air 'on' sounds like eigh (eij) 'ice'" (ZCP. iv
523). On the other hand r has a distinct affinity with d and an
Englishman may easily acquire the sound by slightly retracting
the tongue from the edge of the upper teeth and substituting the
contact with the arch-rim. Hence it is very natural to find d
appearing for r in Scotch dialects (Henderson, ZCP. iv 51G). At
7—2
100
the end of a monosyllable with short root-vowel r is always
clipped like /, /', u, n', r, e.g. fir', ' men ' ; hyr*, ' send '.
The r just described is doubtless not the original sound.
According to its articulation it lies between */•' and *R'.
£ 283. r represents O.Ir. medial and final r followed by an
original e, i whether preserved or lost. Initially R has become
r. Examples — ser'd, 'care', O.Ir. aire; ser'ia.y, 'herd, watchman',
Di. airigheach ; deer', ' oak ', M.Ir. dair ; fwxr'd, ' wake of the
dead', M.Ir. faire ; goer's, 'laugh', M.Ir. gaire ; mwxr'dm y 'I
remain ', M.Ir. maraitn ; J'er, ' eastwards ', M.Ir. sair. We may
note that by the side of 9mcc:?'cty, ' to-morrow ', the form 9mcc:r'ay
occurs. The two seem to run according to families and also exist
side by side on Aran, cp. Finck ii p. 253.
r precedes other palatal consonants than L', N', t', d, /,
e.g. ser'dg'id, ' money ', O.Ir. arget ; dir'ib', ' waterworm ', Di.
dairb ; 'im'ir'k'd, 'removing', M.Ir. immirge, immirce ; ir'im',
' armies ', M.Ir. airni ; kvr'k'd, ' oats ', Meyer coirce ; kyr'p',
'coi*pses', M.Ir. cuirp ; %yr'f'i:, condit. pass, of hyr 1 , 'to put'.
Following b', d', /', g', j, k', r, ni , p', e.g. b'r'sv, ' fine ', Meyer
bregda ; d'r'eim'ir'9, 'ladder', M.Ir. dremire ; f'r'igrs, 'answer',
O.Ir. frecre; g'r'hn, 'sun', O.Ir. grian ; tec: dd jr'eim' 9 Ncsky:,
'your expectation is vain'; k'r'is, 'girdle', O.Ir. cris ; t'in'i rrccss,
'tinder-box', Meyer s. criss ; kom'r'i:, 'protection', Di. coimrighe,
Meyer comairghe s. commairge (cp. comraighe Sg. Fearn. p. 96) ;
kTJj'k'r'dya.n, 'place covered with reeds', O'Don. Suppl. cuiscreach,
Di. cuise, cuiseag ; p'r'aban sccd'd, ' lifter, patch on the heel of a
boot', Di. preaban; t'r'ouw, ' to plough ', M.Ir. trebad. Initially
/+ r gives sr (§ 273) but medially except in the case of ccsrigdr,
' sharp retort ', fr remains, e.g. kqjr'ik'i:m, kofr'ikdni, ' I conse-
crate ', Meyer coisregadh < cosecrad ; ofr'ay, 'oyster', Di. oisre ;
p'ijr'og, ' incantation ', Di. pisreog ; fe/r'ecy, ' plough ', M.Ir.
sessrech.
§ 284. r' arises from n after t', k', e.g. kor 9 t'r'ayjv, 'fall of
snow'; k'r'xtan, 'asthma', Macleod cneatan < M.Ir. cnett; k'r'ccdi:,
'groan', Di. cneadach ; k'r'asuw, 'cicatrise', M.Ir. cnessugud.
§ 285. A number of proclitic forms ending in r have r' in
Donegal. This is partly due to the influence of the preposition
er', ' upon ', which is strictly speaking a pronominal form arising
from a confusion of O.Ir. aire and fair, er' for ar would further
arise regularly in the interrogative particle ar < in ro before a
preterite with palatal initial, cp. N' < it in the article § 253.
101
From these two eases a fondness arose for / in proclitics, which
Pedersen mentions as existing to some extent on Aran (pp. 25,
~2G). Cp. also tar, tair in Molloy's 27th dialect-list. Examples—
.»•' '),»• 89, 'did he ask?'; er' fo:f ft:, 'did she marry?'; or' eir'i
J j, ' did he get up 1 ' ; or' xuwir'k' /<>, ' did he look % ' ; or kit turv,
'did you fall?' Similarly with the negative forms Nxr', N'i:r',
e.s*. Nor Nser ior so, 'when he did not ask': No Naur 1 im'i:
tuiv, ' did you not go away 1 ' ; Nvr' o.N tuw sd wel'o, ' did you not
stop at home 1 ' ; N'i:r cahg fi: N' L'ccnuw, ' she did not put the
child to sleep ' ; N'i:r cr'id' No. di:n'i 9, ' people did not believe
him '. But N'i:r n'i: mo, ' I did not wash ' ; N'i:r Jo:r m'9,
'I did not speak' (§ 459). g9r < go ro forms the only exception.
In this ease r is never palatal, e.g. yor i rn'o, ' that I ate ' ; gov
eil'i: m'9, 'that I begged'. In like manner O.Ir. ar, 'our', appears
as er in er' in an, 'our lady'; er' m'io, 'our food'. M.Ir. ar,
'quoth', is generally heard as 9TS9 but Dottin gives a form with
palatal r as occurring in N. Connaught (RC. xiv 114). We
expect er'j^:n, 'together', M.Ir. ar oen, but the connection with
the preposition does not seem to be felt. The O.Ir. preposition
tar follows er and becomes Jiaer', e.g. hser'9 No, qol: alu:n, ' beyond
his two knees ' ; tx: fin' hser 1 d jarumv, ' that is beyond doing,
cannot be done'. From this has been differentiated the dar of
oath formulas which in Donegal appears as dir'. O.Ir. eter, etir,
itar appear as sdir , whilst in composition we find the regular
addr-,e.g. in <xd9ray9, 'intercession', Di. eadarghuidhe. The O.Ir.
adjectives fir, 'true, genuine', sir, 'everlasting', when forming
the first member of a compound assume the forms J"i:r', J"v.r , e.g.
fi:r'oJt9S, 'everlasting delight', ep. the proverb a.:w9r gold </<> J"i:r
f'ajriN' 9g9S fi:r q[ :, ' rain and constant wind are verily a cause
for lamentation ' ; f'i:r'i/k\>, ' spring water ' ; J"i:r'w5.ic, ' ex -
ceptionally good'; f'v.r'viy, 'very small'; but f'i:rLog, 'very
weak', f'ier', 'crooked, athwart', M.Ir. fiar, is peculiar.
§ 28G. It is interesting to find isolated traces of initial r as
the aspirated form of R'. It is quite possible that other instances
occur but I have only heard the following from J. H. — rivd re:,
'already', by the side of re:, 'time', O.Ir. ree ; a r'i: No pcc:rt r 9,
' gracious God ', or a r'i: yua.'/ti:, ' Almighty God ', used as
asseverations; hi:n' ■> r'aJi9, 'with difficulty', cp. d'im'i: m'9 er 1 9
tetruw hi:u' 9 r'oJi.i a</<s 9 iro.ro.yj> ho.:/, 'I escaped from the bull
with great difficulty', rog 9 haw ,</ juris hi:n'9 r'oJi9, 'it was with
enough to do that the hound caught a hare'. In the Gaelic Journal
for 1891 p. 94 this is spelt h-aonaireatha and Dinneen says s.
102
torad — "In Teelin, Don., a righin a reatha (either = de righin
an reatha or ar cigin an reatha) = hardly, scarcely ". This is very
unlikely and I always imagined that the phrase contained fi:it'uw,
' to extend ', = de shineadh reatha, which will be found in Dinneen
under smeadh but the s should be aspirated. With him' 9 r'aha
compare ifk'& valid, ' running water ' with r. 9r'eir', ' according
to', <do reir, retains the r', whilst O.Ir. riar has become ro:r
( r A :r )i Di. soi-riartha = sor^ :rd. The r distinguishes this phrase
from 9reir' } 'last night', M.Ir. irrair. With riv9, 'before', we
may compare w'iuw, ' ever ', O.Ir. nam (so also in Monaghan, v.
G. J. 1896 p. 14G col. 2). dr'iuiv has been influenced by er' e)\
'back', =air ais with ar for dar, tar; similarly 9r'i:j't', 'again',
Meyer ari's. m'i:r'iaLt9, ' unruly ', Di. mi-riaghalta, is of interest
when compared with rod, 'rule', O.Ir. riagul, riagol.
§ 287. r is the aspirated form of initial f'r', e.g. &r r'igdr S9,
'did he reply V ; N'i: fordst mwir' 9S trad 9 r' 'astdl = ni furust
muir agus traigh do fhreastal. But even here r is often sub-
stituted, e.g. r'igdr sd, ' he answered '.
§ 288. A voiceless r with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in a few words, (a) r' = r +h<i\\ in futures, e.g. gyr'd m'y, 'I
shall call'; hjr'd m'd, 'I shall put'; Lo:rd m'd, 'I shall speak'.
(6) r =r + r, e.g. bwer'i:n', ' spancel ', < buarach + in ; mwir'i:L'd,
'sleeve', Di. muinchille. (c) /•' = h (< th) + r', e.g. &r<xy», 'fathers';
ser'i:, 'regret, penance', M.Ir. aithrige ; eer' ayjs, 'repentance,
compunction', M.Ir. aithrechus; hair am, 'triumph', M.Ir. caith-
reim ; kairior, ' citizen ', Meyer cathraigtheoir, kairayd, ' cities ' ;
ky:fi>, gen. sing, of ky.r, 'flame'; kyrim', gen. sing, of kopm,
' even, level ', where 9 has come to be regarded as a svarabhakti
vowel, cp. ku:r'im gen. sing, of ku:r9m, 'care'; k'efi:n, 'plaster',
Di. ceirin, Meyer cein'n (§ 187) ; k'edirn 9 Ludfi:, 'Ash Wednes-
day', Di. luaithreach; Luir 'divan, 'ashes', Di. luaithreamhan ;
mairay 9, ' mothers '. (d) r =r' + h< sh in f'ier'ud', ' squint-eye ',
cp. Di. fi'ar-shuileach.
12. m.
% 289. Of the labials in general Henebry writes (p. 49) :
" The upper teeth are not used and so there is freedom for the
production of broad and slender timbre. In regard to distance
from teeth, rounding, or tension, the lips are by anticipation in
position for the following vowel before the contact or approach
for consonant production is made, and so broad and slender
LOS
timbre can be at once distinguished. The former is produced
with rounded, soft, protruded lips (as when one with lips held in
position for u makes the consonant contact for p), the latter \\ iili
lips drawn tight, close to the teeth and inturned (as in the u
position) ". As to the protrusion of the lips the position is
between the neutral and advanced. In forming the non-palatal
labials which are extremely heavy and dull sounds the lips arc
very loose indeed and even initially these sounds give the im-
pression of more than ordinary duration, though they are actually
no longer than the corresponding palatal labials. In addition
to lip-protrusion the tongue is raised towards the w-position which
causes a ?6'-sound to be heard on releasing the lip contact. This
w is always more or less present but is most clearly heard before
the front vowels and j; in which cases it is written in this book.
It is also very noticeable when the labial is final and the next
word begins with a palatal vowel, e.g. a.mwi:Nta.y^ = am eiginteach.
In English as spoken locally both sets of labials occur and it
would almost seem as if the power to discard the non-palatal
sounds were a mark of respectability.
§ 290. At the end of monosyllables containing a short vowel
both m and m are long and thus correspond to L, JV, L', N', IV.
Hence in O.Ir. when they occur alone after short accented
vowels they are written double, cp. Pedersen pp. 101 ff. In other
positions the length is reduced but a short m does not occur
in Donegal. Initially m corresponds to O.Ir. m before a, o, u,
e.g. mxhivr, 'mother', O.Ir. mathir ; maig, 'good', O.Ir. maith ;
ma,ihi:m, 'I forgive', M.Ir. mathim ; marowd, 'to kill', M.Ir.
marbad ; ma.:s9, 'thigh', M.Ir. mass; moluw, 'to praise', O.Ir.
molad ; mol, 'mill-shaft', M.Ir. mol ; iiucrd'j, 'stick', M.Ir.
inaite ; mwaectiri ', 'morning', O.Ir. matin (ace); mwasrig', ' woe',
O.Ir. moircc ; mwxr'dm, 'I remain', M.Ir. maraim ; imoiL',
'delay', Keat. maill ; mwil'dN, 'mill', O.Ir. mulenn ; mimr,
'sea', O.Ir. muir; mwj; 'pliable', O.Ir. moith ; mu-j:!, 'bald',
O.Ir. mael ; mwdid'dn, 'Virgin', M.Ir. maighden.
After particles which eclipse a following word we get m for 6,
e.g. er' mwd'd, ' our townland ' ; m,)V ma.:d, ' your boat ' ; d mo:,
'their cow ' ; <j,> mwin'it^fd, 'that he would reap'.
§ 291. Medially and finally »i represents O.Ir. mm (mb)
before an original a, o, u, whether preserved or lost, e.g. am,
1 It is interesting to note that the native prosody classes 11, nn, it, in
and ng together.
104
'time', M.Ir. am, amm; ocmad, 'timber', M.Ir. adinat; d'r'am,
'crowd, set', M.Ir. dremni; kccm, 'bent', O.Ir. cam in ; h>m,t,
' indifferent ', O.Ir. cnmme ; hrgm, 'bent', M.Ir. cronnn ; k'imay,
'clout, lout', Di.Macbain ciomacli, cp. O.Ir. cimbid ; L[>ui,
'bare', O.Ir. lomm ; omlccn, 'whole', M.Ii\ imlan ; omp9r, 'to
carry', M.Ir. immchor ; torn, 'bush', M.Ir. tornin; trom, 'heavy',
M.Ir. tromm.
m also stands after r and I in ardm, ' army ', O.Ir. arm ;
kcchmj, 'bold, brave', M.Ir. calina ; kohman, 'dove'.
§ 292. In the ending of the first pers. sing, of the pres. ind.
the palatalisation has been given up by analogy with pro-
nominal forms like warn, ' upon me ', Vim, ' with me ', which have
themselves been followed by wj[:m, 'from me', O.Ir. uaimm.
Examples — L'eijam, ' I read ', Wi. legim, also = legaim, ' I melt ' ;
Lo:r'din, ' I speak ', M.Ir. labraiin ; n'i:m, 'I do '. Cp. the Scotch
G. ending -am of the first sing, of the imperative, Gillies, Gaelic
Grammar 2 p. 85.
§ 293. m arises from w in nidr, 'your', O.Ir. bar, cp. G. J.
1891 p. 79. According to Zimmer (Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Akad.
6 iv 1905 p. 4) the m is due to the fact that the form would
frequently be nasalised by the eclipse n. It seems to me more
likely that the preposition dN in phrases of the type tot,: J's dJY o.r
heivir' has given rise to the form with m. Cp. the forms nar for
ar, 'our', in Antrim (G. J. 1892 p. 123), Meath (Duffy, Mion-
chaint na Midhe p. 4) and Manx (Rhys p. 142), and nur for
bhur in Waterford. Also k'uNdrnzn dUyosxyj 'orchid' (?), < Di.
ceannbhan.
§ 294. Sporadically Donegal m corresponds to mh in the other
dialects, e.g. N'a.mort, 'carelessness', Di. neamhaird, Derry People
2 xii '05 p. 2 col. 5 leader has neamart ; so:ni9S, ' pleasant ease ',
Di. samhas, M.Ir. sam, so:nidsay^ 'drowsy'; t'iL'dmwi: in tot.: mt dN
a ML'&mwi:, 'I am in his power, dependent on him', l'iL'9?nwiay,
' dependent ', J\ T 'o\uhiL'c>mwiocy, ' independent ', seems to be con-
nected with Di. tuilleamh, ' wages', M.Ir. tuillem, O'R. tuilleamh-
nach, 'a hireling'; u:m9lxd', ' capacity ', Di. umhloid (§ 78).
Further d'y.rdmdd, ' f'orgetfulness ', O.Ir. dermet = Munster dear-
mhad, Manx jarrood, with m < m with which compare oirwd,
'a number', O.Ir. imbed.
§ 295. A voiceless m with strongly breathed off-glide occurs
in a few words, mainly futures, e.g. komd m'd, ' I shall compose,
invent ' ; krouu m'</, ' I shall bend ' ; Lomivi J'j, ' he will shear,
105
peel'; torn,) m'd, 'T shall <lij>'. w& = mtb occurs in the past
participles of these verbs and also in f'a.niin'd, e a single stalk of
anything pliable', formed from Di. feam ('wrack' is fanina.^,
Di. feamnach).
13. to'.
§ 296. m' like other palatal labials in Donegal is produced
by drawing the lips back very tightly on to the teeth, thus giving
a very sharp, clear m. The position of the tongue is immaterial,
as in the majority of cases the / which accompanies the palatalised
labials in other dialects is wanting (^ 192). m, /', v, p', b' are
very tense sounds and ni, p , b' are sometimes heard from mincing
speakers of English. In the English of many parts of the North
of Ireland these tense labials are regular. At the end of mono-
syllables with short root-vowel m' is invariably long.
§ 297. Initially m! corresponds to O.Ir. m before e, i, e.g.
m'a, 'to fail', M.Ir. meth ; m'cc, 'scale', M.Ir. med ; m'akaeri,
'carrots', O.Ir. mecon ; m'xLuw, 'to decoy', M.Ir. mellad ; m'x:u,
'middle', O.Ir. medon; me:, 'fat', O.Ir. meith (gen. sing.);
m'sdy, 'whey', M.Ir. medg; mid, 'louse', M.Ir. mil; m'ir'ig',
'rust', O.Ir. meirg, meirc ; m'i:, 'mouth', O.Ir. mi; m'il'if,
' sweet ', M.Ir. milis.
Medially and finally before original e, i, whether preserved or
lost, m' represents O.Ir. mm, mb (also before another palatal
consonant), e.g. xm'J'ir, 'weather', O.Ir. amser; brim, 'crepitus
ventris', Meyer broimm ; drim', 'back', O.Ir. druimm ; d'r'eim'ir' ' o,
' ladder ', Di. dreimire, < M.Ii\ dreimm ; J'udm, ' sound ', M.Ir.
fuaimm ; grusm', 'dark look', Di. gruaim; y'r'im', 'morsel,
mouthful', O.Ir. greim ; vmlxyj, 'to depart', O.Ir. imthecht ;
im, ' butter ', O.Ir. imb.
in' also represents O.Ir. m after ti in en'nm, ' name ', O.Ir.
ainm.
§ 298. The oldest people seem to develope m out of v.
I have never observed this in the speech of any of the younger
generation but it cannot be ascribed to faulty articulation, as it
seems pretty wide-spread, cp. Dinneen s. uimhir, and Larminie
in his "West Irish Folktales" (p. 250) writes qimina^x for cuimh-
neach in a story taken down in Glencolumbkille. Molloy in his
33rd dialect-list quotes suiinneach for suaimhneach for Sligo and
Galway. With the older people v is exclusively bilabial and the
breath escapes at the corners of the mouth, the middle part of the
106
lips being closed. The expiration is very feeble and when the v
is nasalised, the weak stream of breath passes through the nose.
Hence we get m for v. It is not clear to me why those younger
people who retain the bilabial v should not substitute m' for this
sound but it should be borne in mind that they are giving up
nasalisation. This ml is common in r'ynid = rivd, 'before'; kimiila,
kini'iiocy — kivn'd, kivn'ay ; im'ir', ivir', ' number ', is a rare word
only known to a few. Perhaps the doublets d'i:m'ots, d'i:va.s,
'disrespect', O.Ir. diniess are to be accounted for in this way, but
the same uncertainty exists in d'i:wu:nuw, d'i:munuw, ' bad
manners '.
y.m'l'uic, 'bad usage, abuse' in No. to:r am'l'uw d» JVaLscy
Vef 9 waduw, ' do not let the dog hound the cattle ', adj. ocm'l'i: is
obscure. Dinneen has amhluadh, amhlat.
§ 299. A voiceless ml occurs in the futures L'eim'i /y, ' he
will jump'; sNy:m'd m'd, ' I shall fasten', also past part. sNy:m'd.
§ 300. md, ' my ', becomes ml before an O.Ir. palatal initial
or before /"', e.g. er m'iN't'iN', ' on my mind ' ; mar, ' my
husband ' ; and even rri'ip', ' my whip ' (fw'ip').
14. r r
§ 301. The sound denoted by this symbol is formed much
further back against the soft palate than is the case with English
or German r r Initially it only occurs as the eclipsed form of g,
e.g. y rfcc:, ' in love ' ; imr r t o:r, ' your goat ' ; er rfi.-r, ' our
hound'; y rjcckil^ /y, 'if he should take'.
§ 302. r t usually corresponds to O.Ir. medial and final ng, as
in otj, 'splice in a shirt', cp. ta: ccrj zvaip tal'iv vgdd, Di. eang (with
different meaning) ; ar t ay, 'fisherman's net', Di. eangach ; b'ar t lan,
'prong', Meyer bengan, benglan ; dror n 'crowd', M.Ir. drong ;
vrp, 'nail', O.Ir. inga ; k'ayhm, 'I tie', M.Ir. cenglaim ; Lor n
'ship', M.Ir. long; m'ar : uw ga:r'd, 'smile', cp. Di. meanghail <
M.Ir. meng; srar n 'band, string', M.Ir. sreng; srarpdi:, 'reaching
over', cp. Di. sreangaim; far h v. § 183, M.Ir. seng; fayon, 'ant',
M.Ir. sengan ; tfayy, 'tongue', O.Ir. tenge.
In one word borrowed from Teutonic and in a number of
obscure forms we find the combination y t g as in English ' finger ',
viz. />a///y, 'ling (a fish)', Norse langa (Macbain) ; ayguw, 'a
festering sore', adj. y^guway, cp. Meyer angbaid-echt ; kordb'i^gd,
'launch ', Di. coragiob, b"ir t guw, 'stagger', cp. wuiL' J\> do:rN mo:r
ji-.jiii a.% X'i:r' wiN' J'o b'ir/jaw 989m, 'he gave me a heavy blow
1()7
with his list but I did not Hindi ', hgbwir' </.> dlit'iN' &Nu98 &a
o yxi<;ir' ay bwin'uw b'irjguw vsvm, 'T almost fell down oil' the
chair but I staggered on to my feet (and saved myself) '. These
two forms look as if they represented M.Ir. bideim but \ am at
a loss to account for the r r b'i^guw may have come in from out-
side. For Yjg cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to Irish Pron. p. 22. Latin
ungere also appears with r/j, infin. or/juw, pres. Qr t gy:m, Atk. ongad.
r t k occurs in mocrfczn, ' a fair for selling stockings ', pzrfc, ' a cow-
market', Di. pane, both ultimately from Engl, 'bank', v. Di.
pancan, bancan ; splzrfc, ' lightning ', Di. splannc ; spgrjk, ' tinder ',
Cormac sponge < Lat. spongia. Before k y is very long.
§ :>03. In parts of Ulster and in Scotch Gaelic (cp. ZCP. iv
f)22) ng is apt to disappear leaving behind as only trace nasalisa-
tion of the vowel in stressed syllables. Lloyd writes (G. J. 1896
p. 146 col. 2) : "In Orrery when medial or final, it is equivalent
to gh, i.e., it is silent and lengthens preceding vowel which is
often nasal, e.g. luing = luigh, ceangal = ceaghal, teanga — teagha,
aingeal = aigheal &c." In Donegal r t (ji) disappears in a number
of instances but only when there is another nasal in the word.
Examples — duim, 'firm, tight', O.Ir. daingen ; i.-JYtocy, y.Ntos/^
o-.Nt&yj ^{.-litccy, 'wonderful, strange', M.Ir. ingantach, i:N~t<>s,
'wonder', cp. Manx yindys ; p'i:N', 'penny', M.Ir. pinginn ; wl:,
'mane', M.Ir. moing (ace), cp. G. J. 1896 p. 185 col. 1 an
mhuigh, and muighe in Molloy's fourth dialect-list. In some cases
r n ji have become g, g', N'i:s ku:g'd, compar. of ku:JV, ' narrow ',
O.Ir. cumung (but also O.Ir. cunice in the compar.); kri.ylcr/j
' strait of the sea ', Dinneen gives cumhanglach as the Donegal
form of cumhangrach, Macleod cunglach ; ku:gds, ' remedy ', Di.
coguisidhe, Macleod cungaidhdeighis under ' medicine ', ' remedy ',
Macbain has cungaidh, cungaisich, Ir. cunghas, cungnaighim,
cungnam. In tot.rgir'<>, 'prophet', targir ayd, 'prophecy', O.Ir.
tairngire, there is no trace of the nasal. Note also the absence
of the svarabhakti vowel between r and g. r y has further dis-
appeared before I in d:lif, 'a mixture of milk and water', Meyer
anglas = englas, Di. eanglais, anglais. kyn'igzL, ' condition ',
Meyer coingell is a late formation and has developed i between
n and g .
% 304. A voiceless r t with strongly breathed off-glide arises
from ng followed by tli, e.g. in g ' z:ra$cvfo ' sharp-tongued ', <g£ar-
theangthach ; srajjaya, pi" 1 "- oi sray, 'band, string', M.Ir. sren
t'arjays, ' tongues ', Di. teangthacha.
a •
- ■
108
15. ji.
% 305. This symbol denotes a palatal ng formed with the
hack of the tongue against the place where the hard and soft
palates meet and is therefore similar to the French gn in ' signe '.
Initially ji can only occur as the eclipsed form of y', as in d jia.:iy
via, ' shall I cut ' ; » jie:, ' their goose ' ; tx: m's i jieivdJV, ' I am
in distress'; k'l'iuiv Nd jil'imay, 'lobster-pot'; A :nx X ^ 9
jil oiXtxy^ ' Glenties fair '. Before k' ji is very long.
§ 306. ji corresponds to O.Ir. ng before an original palatal
vowel which may be preserved or lost, e.g. otyjjjia, ' request ',
M.Ir. athchuingid ; sejik'cd, 'irritability', Meyer an-cel, also adj.
ivjik'xLtd, subst. s&jik' 'ot.Ltds, cp. N'i:l dN dd are:hd a% eejik'cd,
'you can do nothing but complain'; eejidl, 'angel', O.Ir. angel;
eejvjizy, 'given to complaining', cp. Meyer andgid, andgidecht;
kyji, ' bond, obligation ', M.Ir. cuing ; kyjiir, ' team of oxen ', Di.
cuingir (according to J. H. the actual yoke in Donegal is termed
hamwi: < Scotch 'names'); kyjik', 'verdigris', adj. kyjik'ay,
k'ijik'i:j\ 'Whitsuntide', M.Ir. cengciges ; Lyji, dat. sing, of Lor,,
'ship', LyjiiJ] 'ships, fleet', Di. luingeas; 9 nejik', 'France', Di.
Frainnc ; sp'ijik', ' precipice ', Di. spinnc < splinnc ; J'k'% -esjik'if,
'quinsy', Di. sceith-aingcis.
§ 307. In Minister a very natural confusion of N' and ji has
taken place but in Donegal the two sounds are kept rigidly apart.
The only example known to me of ji for N' is g'iji, ' wedge ',
M.Ir. geind, where ji is probably due to assimilation. The plural
is y'y.Xtra.yj>.
§ 30t\ ji does not occur as far as I am aware.
(c) The spirants f\ /", v, y, ^ <;, s, J\
1. f.
§ 301). /' denotes a bilabial f with the lips in the position
described for m in § 289. The normal mode of production seems
to be as follows — the lips meet in the middle and the breath
escapes either on both sides of this point of contact, the corners
being closed, or at the corners of the mouth. For a long time I
doubted the correctness of Henebry's statement that labio-dental
sounds are non-existent in Irish (p. 49). But after repeated
observations I have not been able to discover labio-dental f or v
in people over forty years of age either in Irish or English but
100
persons under that age are rapidly substituting the labio dental
for the bilabial sound. Pinck regards the Aran f, v as labio-
dental (i pp. 04, 77) and it would be interesting to know if any
distribution of the sounds similar to that described above exists
in the west. Dottin (RC. xiv 104) gives /' as labio-dental but is
not explicit on the subject of/, v. For Munster cp. further Chr.
Bros. Grammar p. 9 (probably based on Henebiy). Henderson
(ZCP. v 97) and Rhys (p. 87) both regard labiodental f, v as the
normal sounds in Scotch and Manx Gaelic but I think that if the
following facts are taken into consideration it is impossible to
avoid the conclusion that bilabial f, v were everywhere the
original sounds, i. Irish initial f arose from Idg. u. ii. At the
present day intervocalic f represents bhth, mhth, i.e. an unvoiced
tv. It is frequently impossible to distinguish between w and bi-
labial f, as they are so closely related to one another in formation,
iii. y + w frequently passes into J'w (§ 313). iv. English words
beginning with wh appear in Irish and Anglo-Irish with fw, cp.
the spellings f wenever, fweel.
§ 310. Initial / represents O.Ir. f before a, o, u or before 1,
r followed by the same vowels, e.g. fadd, ' long ' M.Ir. fota ;
fa/ruw, 'roost', M.Ir. forud ; J'arsiJV', 'plentiful', O.Ir. fairsing ;
J'y.h.y, 'hiding', M.Ir. folach ; fa,:, 'cause', M.Ir. fath, fad;
fa,:gxl', 'to leave', M.Ir. facbail ; flaihif (pi.), 'heaven', Di.
flaitheas, O.Ir. flaith ; J'okdJ, 'word', O.Ir. focul; fo:wdr, 'autumn',
M.Ir. fogamur ; ft j :y, 'heather', O.Ir. froech ; fweer'd, 'wake
of the dead', M.Ir. faire ; fumd'a, 'patience', O.Ir. foditiu :
fw\L'N'i:m, 'I suffer', O.Ir. foloing (3rd sing.) ; fwH\ 'blood',
O.Ir. fuil; fwir'ayt, 'to tarry', M.Ir. furecht; fwi:L'i:, 'leavings',
Wi. fuidell; furi.fuw, 'improvement', M.Ir. foessam ; fwi:tv»r,
'edge', M.Ir. faebur; fw£:grd, 'to proclaim', O.Ir. focre; fwj^:ypg,
' limpet ', M.Ir. faechog.
/"also occurs as the aspirated form of initial/?, e.g. S9 fctr&ft'd,
' in the parish ' ; flu:y fd, ' he choked ' ; t'oiy^ d fobwil', ' Roman
Catholic chapel ' ; g.oc: faft'd, ' two children '.
?; 311. Medial/' usually arises from O.Ir. b, m followed by
th or ch. The off-glide is a kind of u- and is clearly audible.
Examples — gc/foN, 'aloes'; kecfri:, ' sowins ', Di. caitb -bhruith ;
LafmN, 'one of the handles of a flail', Di. lamh-chrann ; mxrdfa.y,
'slaughter', cp. Atk. marbthach; Xijiifi, 'sanctified', Di. naomhtha,
Nyvf&r, pres. pass. M.Ir. noemthar. The ending -fd of the pre-
positional pronouns in the third person plural is probably due to
no
a confusion of the O.Ir. dative and accusative forms. The accus.
ending -thu of O.Ir. lethu, trethu, airrthiu was added to the
dative -1>, thus producing -f\> which is now attached to all simple
prepositions ending in a vowel, e.g. I'o.fo, 'with them', di:fd,
• from them ', cfo.fa, ' to them ', wj^ :f&, ' from them ', f'r'i.'fh,
'through them ', fwi:f&, 'under them'. Further in verbs with root
ending in bh, mh we get /'in the future tenses < bh, mh + f (= h),
as in fkYi.fs m'd, 'I shall write'. The only instances in which
the f of the future has been preserved are rafd m'd, t'i.-f'd m'd,
v. ,^ 180. But /"' is more frequent than h in the ending of the
conditional passive.
§ 312. In two instances of loan-words from English f has
been inserted for no evident reason, viz. in y'aft9, ' gate ' ; rccftan,
'rat', < Engl, 'ratten'. k[:Jra.n, 'a dry clod', seems to corre-
spond in meaning to Di. caoran but I am unable to explain the
form.
§ 313. yw sometimes produces^ a change which O'Donovan
only admits for N. Connaught (cp. RC. xiv 115) but which is
very common in parts of Ulster, v. Dinneen s. cuafadh, faofog,
triufanna. I have frequently heard ga fwel'd g.in'd (also gccy
fwel'd ain'd), = gach uile dhuine. In fw'ip' < Engl, 'whip' we
have substitution of fio (Jw) with bilabial w (w) for Engl. w.
§ 314. The O.Ir. preposition fo appears to have split up into
fwi:, 'under' (< 3rd sing, foi), and /a(:), 'around, about'. It is
easy to see from the passages quoted in Windisch how the
meaning of 'around, about' could arise but I am inclined to
think that fa. also represents O.Ir. imm. Cp. M.Ir. ba for
ma = imma Diss. p. 27 and Scotch G. mu, Manx my- in mygeayrt,
my-chione. In Donegal this preposition usually aspirates but we
find it eclipsing in fa. -di.-tvich, ' concerning ', < fa dtaobh de ; fa
du:r'im! in buriL's fa d., 'a guess', but fa Imr'im h'esd, 'about
a hundred '.
§ 315. When aspirated by a preceding word / disappears
together with the w off-glide which accompanies it. Examples —
f///»i fi:, 'she sewed ' ; er d Naruw, 'on the roost'; dNsd No:wdr,
'in the autumn'; m'ip, 'my whip'; efo Nil', 'to the blood';
a VeJwdfi fo 9 <pl', 'such Idood'. In compounds fh has no effect
on a preceding mh or bh, e.g. krcL.-viccy, ' a sea-bird ', Di. cnaimh-
f loach ; bra:vo:d, ' a narrow strip of grass-covered turf between
two cultivated patches', < cnaimh-fhod. Consequently / is fre-
quently wrongly prefixed 1<> words with vocalic initial but in this
Ill
the dialects differ from one another. This prosthetic f appears
already in M.Ir. Examples foji.i:, 'make into a blaze', Meyer
ad-suim ; fanayt, 'to remain', O.Ir. anaim ; fa.:N'i>, 'ring', O.Ir.
anne; fastojam, 'I hire', O.Ir. astaimj j'xihxy, 'giant', O.Ir.
athach ; f<x:s, 'grow', O.Ir. :i.s ; favi:jdm, 'I sew', M.Ir. liagiin ;
fuvr, j'wydr, 'cold', O.Ir. liar; fividyj, 'cold', O.Ir. uacht ; fwy9,
'hatred', M.Ir. liath ; fwiN'og, 'window', <Engl.; f"ig t 'length',
O.Ir. ed. Peculiar to Donegal are faurd, 'eclipse', Di. urdhu-
bhadh, Finck ord (ii p. 207); fair dm, 'I suit', elsewhere oirim ;
foruw tid, 'furniture', Di. iorradh, earradh, OR. urradh, M.Ir.
errad, eirred (cp. LL 268 b 11 ic errad tigi).
On the other hand i/acg, ' lark ', never has f in Donegal
(Macbain uiseag, Di. fuiseog), and x:N'L'og, 'swallow', has lost
its f, O.Tr. fannall.
§ 316. w gives f in beawfecu, 'sucking-pig', < *banbhthan,
Di. banbhan ; m'i.far, ' ugly ', Craig miofuar, also spelt miofar
G. J. Jan. '02 p. 8, CI. S. 27 xii '02 p. 702 col. 2, < mio-uathinhar.
Sporadically with certain speakers at the end of monosyllables,
e.g. dUf for dUw, cp. G. J. 1895 p. 11, ZCP. v 98.
2. /'.
§ 317. This symbol denotes a bilabial f with the lips drawn
back tightly on to the teeth for which the younger people substi-
tute labio-dental fa . The breath escapes in the same way as in
the case of f.
% 318. fa represents O.Ir. initial f before e, i or before r, 1
followed by these vowels. Examples— -fa aL, 'treachery', M.Ir.
fell ; f'amna.%, ' wrack ', M.Ir. femnach ; f'aNdm, ' skin, flay ',
O.Ir. fennaim; far, 'man', O.Ir. fer ; f'arssd, 'spindle', Wi.
fersad ; faarsg, O.Ir. fere ; /'ariJV', 'rain', M.Ir. ferthain ; faa:r,
'better', O.Ir. ferr ; f'e9Sog, 'beard', M.Ir. f esoc ; fas:?; 'grass',
M.Ir. fer; f'eil'd, ' saint's-day ', O.Ir. fele (gen.); faiocy, 'crow',
O.Ir. fiach; f'h, 'weave', M.Ir. fige ; /'Mi/', 'tooth', O.Ir.
fiacail ; faiho, ' twenty ', O.Ir. fiche ; fail's, 'poet', O.Ir. fili ;
f'iN, 'fair', O.Ir. find; f'ir'dN, 'male', M.Ir. firend ; fai:r'iN'v,
'truth', O.Ir. firinne; f'l'ig, 'duckweed ', Di. flich, Hogan fiiodh,
High ; f't'iy, 'wet', O.Ir. flinch ; far'i:, 'flesh-worm', M.Ir. frigde ;
farigro, 'answer', O.Ir. frecre ; /"r'ifJV'x/xy, 'peevish, irritable';
far'ihir, 'sore', Di. frithir.
f is further the aspirated form of initial p, e.g. mo fa,N,
' m y pen ' ; ds j'cdz, ' your pet ' ; a fai:pa, ' his pipe ' ; oa: fai:A",
112
' two pence ' ; cfonf'ifi:n', ' to the kitten ' ; fill fo, ' he returned
(jp'iL'uw).
$ 319. Medially combinations of th or sh with bh, nih produce
/'. (a) bh + th, mh + th, e.g. jsf'zr, pres. pass, of jevdm, 'I get',
cp. N&r' 9 y.r L't'w 9 a j : jsf'dr 9 jas i:, 'when the wind is lost, it
is found in the south ' ; ya.:fzy, ' spongy (of land) ', Di. gaibh-
theach; ki./'ccy, 'bed-fellow', Meyer eomthach ; krafcty, 'devout',
Meyer craibdech. (b) th + bh, th + mh, e.g. d'ef'r'z, ' haste ', cp.
O'Clery deithbireaeh ; kocfay, 'spendthrift', Di. caithmheach ;
MeLif'aux? (kUifayJ), 'swords', cp. M.Ir. claidbiu (ace. plur.);
fif'im, 'bulrush', Wi. sithbe, sithfe ; tttdfgL, 'a whirl, the
wrong way', M.Ir. tuaithbel ; uafiaLte, 'wild-looking', Di.
uaithbhealta (due to a confusion of Wi. oibela with liath, 'terror'),
(c) bh + sh in d'er'dfdr, 'sister', O.Ir. derb + siur. (<1) In t'if'd,
comparative of t'lhv, 'thick, frequent'.
S 320. f is inserted before t' in skaf't'd, ' group, lot, flock ',
spelt sgaifte CI. S. 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5, Di. scata, cp. § 312. f'r
has taken the place of /■' mf'r'i:d', 'through', O.Ir. triit, on Aran
with hr or xr (KZ. xxxv 337).
§ 321. On aspiration f disappears, e.g. mar, 'my husband';
d'pft'i ni9, ' I furnished ', Di. feistighim ; toe: fin 9 jeim ordm, ' I
need that ', Di. feidhm ; a%: izkil', ' two teeth ' ; %:$d V'vfo ' a wet
night '. Consequently as f and f when aspirated give the same
result, confusion is liable to arise as in the case of fjoddm', ' to
learn', <f:hm, O.Ir. foglaim. We have further fast9, 'yet',
< M.Ir. fodesta but fostd, fostat, fstccyj = O.Ir. beus.
§ 322. In monosyllables ending in v there is a tendency with
some speakers to unvoice the final and make it into f (J. H.
always has v), e.g. in Lif, ' weed ', = L'iv, O.Ir. luib ; 9 N"if\
'the egg' (§ 326); N'if, 'poison', M.Ir. neim ; L'efr'imax, also
I J >' >rr i:n o.'/j 'half-witted', subst. L'evr'i:ri, cp. Di. leimhe.
§ 323. The Donegal v is a voiced bilabial sound corresponding
in formation to f. The corners of the mouth seem to be left
open and the portions of the lips on either side of the point of
contact in the middle (§ 309) approach very nearly to one another
and vibrate. Hence when this sound is strongly nasalised and a
large part of the breath passes through the nose, it has a distinct
tendency to develope into m (§ 298). The younger people how-
ever are substituting a labio-dental for the bilabial v.
113
§ 324. v usually represents O.Ir. medial or final b or in which
originally stood before e, i, e.g. a:vff, 'ocean', M.Ir. aibis ; i:v,
'appearance, countenance', O.lr. oiph ; i:viN', 'pleasant', M.lr.
oihind ; Liv, 'weed', O.lr. luib ; seivir, 'rich', M.Ir. saidbir ;
/el'av, 'possession', M.Ir. seilb (dat.); tavfa, 'ghost', O.lr. taidbse.
avr'ai, d Navr'di, ' tangled ', Meyer amreid, awWav, ' contrary,
cross-tempered'; doi:v, 'affection, fondness', from the oblique
cases of M.Ir. dam; d'evds, 'shears', M.Ii\ demess ; kiviocy,
'strange, foreign', M.Ir. comaithchech ; kivl'iN', 'emulate, emu-
lation ', M.Ir. comleng ; kivn'ay, 'mindful', O.Tr. cuninech ;
kivr'afr, ' field for planting ' ; krS.:v, 'bone', O.lr. cnaim ; Navd'd,
'enemies', O.lr. naimtea (ace); N'w, 'poison', M.Ir. neim ;
riv9, 'before', M.Ir. remi.
avxrecy, ' airy, light ', is obscure. It is pronounced the same
as Di. aithbhearach, 'blaming, censorious'.
^ 325. The aspiration of initial b', m is v. In the case of m'
the vowel is usually not nasalised, unless it is followed by an n
or m sound or by It, r ($ 172). Examples — ma van, 'my wife';
a varoud, ' his cap ' ; eg' 9 va:rNy:, ' at the gap ' ; vaNd m'd, ' I
greeted ' ; b'iJY' vig, ' a small gable '.
v is also the eclipsed form of _/', e.g. Ny: vi:dor'i:, '9 weavers';
d vsk'iJY', 'if I were to see.' Medially in endvis, 'ignorance',
M.Ir. anfiss.
§ 326. In the inflected forms of several words containing o:,
u we find v arising after the analogy of go:, ' smith ', plur. givn'd ;
o:N', 'river', plur. svJY'a.yj ; dUw, 'black', gen. sing. div. Such
are b'ivr'9, compar. of bo:r, 'deaf, M.Ir. bodar ; kriv, gen. sing.
of krl/w, ' dowry ' ; iN'e:i 9 Let.: dN'lv, ' after to-day ', which
contains a genitive formed from dN' Uw ; iv, ' egg ', is a new
nominative to a stem *uw- < M. Ir. uora. plur. ugai. The word
is always fern, in Donegal and the palatalisation of the gen. and
dat. sing, has been introduced into the nom. as is commonly the
case with feminines, cp. mivl:v, 'to begrudge', O.lr. moidem,
gen. sing, moidme. dr'l:v, a by-form of er'iuw, ' ever ', may have
been influenced by orLvd, ' before ', as the two are frequently used
together in the phrase jr'iuw <>r\vd.
In fsvt'uw, ' to shift for oneself ', Di. seibhtiughadh, the v is
peculiar, as the word comes from the English.
i; 327. Post-consonantic mh, bh disappear in a:r'i:m, ' I
reckon', O.lr. aiiuniu, but a,:r'i:m strictly speaking is a new
formation from z:r'uu\ which is used of counting sprats, kale &,c.
Q. 8
114
in threes; sed'irm, 'I confess', infin. aed'vsd', M.Ir. 1st sing, atmu,
perhaps by analogy with k'r'ed'dm, ' I believe ', infin. k'r'ed'vsel'
(Spir. Rose p. 6 has aidvimuid) ; b'Um.-nzy, ' rascal ', M.Ir. bith-
binech; d'ervm, 'I say', M.Ir. atberim ; t'ifiN't' , 'to shew',
M.Ir. taisbenad.
4 - %•
§ 328. This symbol denotes the voiceless guttnral spirant
formed with the back of the tongue against the soft palate which
occurs in German but there is much less friction in the production
of the Donegal sound than is the case in German, Scotch or
Welsh. For this reason it sometimes interchanges with /* (§ 178)
and finally it is often so faint especially in the termination -a;/
that at first I did not seem to hear it at all. The feeble articula-
tion of this spirant is perhaps characteristic of Ulster Irish
generally as Lloyd states that in Monaghan " when final it is
silent with compensatory lengthening; before t it is always
silent" (G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2). Cp. the spelling morghat for
mordhacht Spir. Rose pp. 31, 47. Before palatal vowels ;/ as
also a, k, g, being velar sounds cause the tongue to be retracted
which tends to change a following i(:) into y(:), see § 125.
£ 329. Initially y can only occur as the aspirated form of k,
e.g. ma yyd', ' my share ' ; yjeL' ni9, ' I lost '. ko, ' as ', which in
the other dialects always appears with ;/ remains unaspirated in
Donegal. On the other hand (&) yy-TZ, 'ever', M.Ir. caidche,
coidche is always aspirated. Other cases such as fieri ik' m'd, ' I
saw'; ha, 'not', <nocha; yUdirid, 'I went', are merely apparent
as the pretonic syllable has been lost.
§ 330. Medially and finally ;/ is very frequent and represents
an O.Ir. ch before an originally non-palatal vowel or non-palatal
consonant, e.g. aymwi/rtf, ' heat in horses ', Di. eachmairc ;
y.yjnwlr' ', 'ready, quick, smart', achmair CI. S. 1 8 vii '03 p. 3
col. 2, cp. O'R. achmuire, 'readiness', formed from O.Ir. ech (?) ;
Ly.y<>L, 'tress', O.Ir. bachall ; bvytd, 'bank of peat', bachta Craig,
Irish Composition p. 166; boyt, 'poor', O.Ir. bocht ; ba.:yra.n,
'bog-bean', Hogan bacharan, cp. Meyer bachar, 'acorn'; b'aypy,
'bee', diminutive of M.Ir. bech, which occurs in bxy^ 'yapwiL',
'a wasp'; b'y.fo.y, 'road', M.Ir. belach ; rays m'9, 'I shall go',
O.Ir. do-reg ; J'i^r/y./c/.y, ' and so forth ', O.Ir. sech ; J'aynuw, 'to
avoid', Di. seachnadh : w fayran, 'astray', M.Ir. sechran;
fy.yj, ' seven ', O.Ir. secht.
115
In futures /* < f after y coalesces with the spirant, e.g. k\:yy
m'd, ' I shall wink ' ; plu:y9 m'd, ' I shall extinguish '.
§331. y arises from thgh, thch in LUyjvr, 'joy', M.Ir.
luthgair ; zyj/J ld , 'request', M.Ir. athchuinge ; duryps, 'birth-
right', M.Ir. duthchus.
if 332. Donegal has developed a new comparative termination
-ccyj> instead of 9 which is used with adjectives of more than one
syllable ending in a vowel, e.g. dseliay? < d&l'i:, 'difficult';
da.lztbwia.yii < dahbd, ' impudent '. The endings -9 and -a.y9 occur
side by side in other connections, e.g. in the future of verbs and
the plural of fern, nouns and -ayy is evidently used as a com-
parative ending for the sake of distinction. We find something
similar in b'r'sayj the plural form oib'r's9, 'fine', Meyer bregda.
§ 333. We have already seen (§ 178) that ;/ easily passes
into //, and the converse is true for Donegal in isolated cases.
y for h seems to be frequent in Scotch dialects, cp. ZCP. iv 509.
See further Henebry p. 19 (ca shoin). Examples — moyutv,
' springing of cows ', pret. woy, cp. Di. moth, ' the male of any
animal', Cormac moth .i. ball ferda, Stokes-Bezz. *muto- (p. 219),
mgy9san, 'a springing heifer', O'R. motach, 'fruitful', M.Ir.
mothach LL 13b 7 rendered by Hyde 'fertile'. The y in
La/v9rN9 -wa:ra.y, ' to-morrow ' (spelt la thar na bharach CI. S.
22 viii '03. p. 3 col. 2) can hardly be due to O.Ir. lathe. It is
more likely that the preposition /uvr', O.Ir. tar, has been substi-
tuted for iar which is obsolete except in er gu:l, ' back, behind ' ;
9v du.s, 'in front'; er fa.:V, 'found' &c.
ga bra.:y, ' for ever ', can hardly represent co brath, as th
after long vowels disappears, brath may have become brathach
under the influence of 9m,a:ra.y, ' to-morrow '. The spelling co
brach occurs RC. xxiv 371, 373, cp. Manx dy bragh (Rhys's
explanation of the latter I.e. p. 129 will not hold good for
Donegal).
§ 334. It should be noted that y and not p stands before t'.
Henebry pp. 55, 35 says that " the group -cht is unaffected and
always broad. The palatalised boicht of O.Ir. and found also in
Keatynge was merely a symmetrical writing ". This is incorrect.
The t may not be palatal in Waterford but O'Leary quotes a
form with /' for Cork and Finck (i 187) gives b$cc9 as the gen.
sing. fem. of bocht, 'poor'. I have noted the following forms
with -yt' in Donegal, hyt', gen. sing, of boyt, 'poor'; b'ayt'i:,
8—2
116
com par. of b'ayj, 'sensible, shrewd ', M.lr. l>echt; b'jo:yt'9,
com par. of b'jo:, 'alive'; b'r'sctyt'i*, compar. of b'r'sd, 'fine';
eif'zyt', gen. sing, of eif'ayt, ' prodigy ' ; k'sccyt'd, gen. sing, of
k'szyt, 'plough'; smxyt'iru', 'mallet', also 'a rude fellow'.
£ 335. That y has a tendency to pass into f in certain parts
of the north and north-west has been mentioned in § 313. We
may possibly have the converse in the form Uyart', ' wallowing ',
spelt nchairt 01. S. 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5 for Di. ionfairt.
5. j.
§ 336. a represents a voiced velar spirant formed by the
back of the tongue against the soft palate. For the off-glide see
§ 328. As in the case of y there is an absence of the rasping
which accompanies this sound when it is strongly articulated.
Hence it is natural that except in the initial position p should
tend to disappear. Henebry and Finck do not quote a single
instance of a except initially but Donegal offers several examples
of the sound in medial position. The position of the tongue for
a feebly articulated a is very nearly that of my o: and this vowel-
sound always has a suspicion of a spirant nature as might be
expected, seeing that it arises from adh-, agh-. Cp. Lloyd's
statement as to the frequent retention of dli, gh in Orrery in
seadh, feadh and other words G. J. 1896 p. 147. Scotch Gaelic
often keeps final a in the verb ending -adh but in Donegal the
latter may have given s> { or <?o, which with rounding became 9u,
u:, uw.
§ 337. Initially a only occurs as the aspirated form of d, g,
e.g. arit' fo, 'he shut'; k'i(:)b' qUw, 'sedge'; Vef d aohr, 'with
the disease ' ; m& plum, ' my knee ' ; in composition addrqid,
' intercession '. g.a.:, ' two ', and gol, ' going ', are usually aspirated
but da,: appears for y.a: after the article and dgds, as, ' and '.
When preceded by dg aol loses its a. In the pronominal forms
of the preposition do the forms with aspirated d (a) are confined
to the 2nd sing, ayd', 'to you.'
|5 338. Medially q occurs in the following words : f 'hair's,
'huntsman', < M.lr. fiad ; ficfarixyt (also f'djriccyt), 'counte-
nance, face', cp. Di. fioghruighim; ipzrirm, ' I adore,' Di. adhraim,
Meyer adoraim (also 9jn:m); t'igzlccy, 'family', O.Ir. teglach ;
J.pir'i', 'herdsman', O.Ir. augaire ; d'i:ao(:)i, 'the wrong way',
di + doigh.
117
In all other cases a has either disappeared without leaving a
trace or has served to lengthen or modify the preceding vowel.
Between consonants ^ disappears in d'atrNad, 'flea', M.Ir.
dergnat.
£ 339. A hiatus-filling a is inserted between o < do, de,
when they precede an infinitive or substantive which begins or
once began with a non-palatal vowel, cp. £ 191. Examples —
Lx:n gre:p' do ayd'ny, 'a forkful of dung' ; a. Vekddfi fo do Qoc.t',
' such a place as this ' ; N'i: herii jo o aoiuwork Wdm, ' he did not
come to see me'; o qivN'nri, 'in spite of; Jod o qx.m, 'a space
of time ' ; Qh.k fo N'i:s Lmv azm, ' it took less time ' ; soihoty o
puoyjor, 'a vessel of cream'; Lcc.n a. airJY' do ao:r t 'a fistful of
gold'; y'ito aoNso, 'a bit of a fence ',= giota de fhonnsa; hu.si:
m'edd»n 9 qctt, ' my face started to swell '.
6. f.
>j 340. This symbol represents a voiceless spirant formed by
the middle of the tongue against the hard palate near to the edge
of the soft palate, cp. Jespersen p. 49. There is much less friction
than in the case of German r in 'ich', on which account it inter-
changes with h. It is sometimes very difficult to decide whether
one hears r or h after a close i or e.
§ 341. Initially p usually represents an aspirated k', e.g. got
po:l', 'singing'; 9 park, 'the hen'; <;zXy m r 9, 'I bought'; rr'c.y
m'o, ' I ruined ' ; so rl'iuw, ' in the basket '. pisiVs, ' same ', and
rid, ' first ', never appear in the unaspirated form.
§ 342. In a few cases p appears as the aspirated form of initial
j\ cp. Molloy p. 7, Henebry p. 76, Finck i 83. Examples — er'
<;u:l, ' away ', also or sud, rud' mo, ' I walked ', Di. siubhal ;
i;y.:n, gen. sing, of Jx:n, 'John'; rod m'o, 'I sailed'; x ro:rs9,
vocative of forrso, 'George'. But note mo ho.k, 'my hawk'; ras
hccmro, 'my chamber'. This would seem to bear out the ex-
planation given by Pedersen pp. 17 — 18.
According to Rhys pp. 74, 104 f. initial I' when aspirated
gives p in Manx. This does not occur in Donegal except in two
mauled forms of t'iorNo, ' Lord ', as used in asseverations. These
are riorXo ma/rwmvnd ', 'good gracious', see § 63 ; and a rioktrf in
toil' xr'og'id ogodl riokeef he'ut otx:, 'have you any money? I
should just think I have', Craig Iasg. spells chiacais. It is
sometimes written tiarcais.
118
£ 343. Medially and finally p represents O.Ir. ch when
originally followed by e, i, e.g. brccir, ' malt ', Di. braich < O.Ir.
mraich ; d'er, 'ten', O.Ir. deich ; d'iodL, 'one's best', Di. di'cheall;
fo.ii;, 'green', M.Ir. faith che, faidcbe ; fcdgiL', 'care', Di. faith-
chill; ?.v>3, 'night', O.Ir. aidche ; kliro (khi<p), 'game', M.Ir.
cluche ; 9 %y:p3, 'ever', M.Ir. caidche ; /hip, 'hide', M.Ir. seche.
Frequently in the inflected forms of words ending in y, as bla.:%Q9,
gen. sing, of bla:y, 'buttermilk', k'i.-rz, gen. sing, of k'id^, 'breast',
thgh gives p in ewpary, 'short cut', Di. aithghearra; du.-rn, 'landed
property', cp. O.Ii\ duthoig. do(:)i$9, 'likely, probable ', = doiche
Craig Iasg., is a new formation from O.Ir. dochu compar. of
doig, doich after the model of the majority of comparatives with
palatalisation.
§ 344. r tends to become h in some words for which see
§ 179. Finally it disappears after a long vowel or diphthong
except oci\ e.g. k'acrk ri:, ' moor-hen ', — cearc f hraoich ; go,: yrxd,
' two stacks ' ; b'ala.'y f'vi, ' Ballybofey ', = Bealach Feich. Simi-
larly in ?.vv when the final vowel is elided, e.g. T: ixjds La,:, ' night
and day ' ; I: hoiuwns, ' Halloween '. Medially also in k'iristy,
'strange, foreign', M.Ir. comaithchech.
§ 345. By far the most frequent source of p is th after a
palatal vowel particularly at the end of monosyllables with short
root-vowel. In such cases p is often very faint which may be
denoted by writing a small p over the line. Examples : er b'ir,
'at all', ar bith ; kS.i<;, imper. 'throw, spend, smoke'; k'r'ip,
'trembling', M.Ir. crith ; dr L'e' : , 'apart'; modg, 'good', O.Ir.
maith ; skocip, ' the best of anything ', from the oblique cases of
M.Ir. scoth, ' flower ' (the old meaning is preserved in f'iNskodp,
'cornflower'); fk'er, 'vomit', M.Ir. sceith ; wa.(:)ii', pret. of
ba,:huw, ' to drown '. Note further y saio(w)ru>v Jhirart, ' this
last summer', = an samhradh seo thart. This p commonly dis-
appears before another word beginning with a consonant in the
same stress-group, e.g. d's math, ' ten cows ', cp. the spelling deth
in Molloy's 33rd dialect-list; ya, m'v, 'I spent', yse Jb, 'he spent';
d'i m'd, 'I ate', imper. ir.
onuvir, ' outside ', and 98ti$ (jsti:<;), ' inside ', are peculiar, as
in M.Ir. we have immaig, istaig. True we also find i:ioa,if,
'image ', Wi. imaig, and trip, 'foot', O.Ir. traig. But the latter
has been influenced by the plural M.Ir. traigthe and dissyllables
in -aigh usually have -a.% which is equivalent to -air (§ 141). dstic
is all the more surprising as the dative form ti: < M.Ir. taig is
119
frequdnt. <>>nwir, 98tip are possibly extended from jmwi, 98tC,
i.e. they are proclitic forms.
§ 346. ;• also frequently represents a medial th flanked by
palatal vowels, e.g. %<;<>, 'eating', O.Tr. ithe, pret. pass, hi/mw,
kzirir', 'chair', M.Ir. eathair (§ 139) ; Kl'ei$9, gen. sing, of k'l'%9,
'harrow', M.Ir. cliath ; Lu'u;,>, compar. of Lud, 'early'; L'eira,
gen. sing. fern, of L'%9, 'grey'; Vei$9 (I'eihd), 'with her', similarly
fw:<p, ' under her ' ; m'eife, compar. of 7>i< j :, ' fat ', M.Ir. meth ;
? , %:vy, 'quarter of a year', M.Ir. raithe ; sNa.:i$9, 'thread', O.Ir.
snathe; sui<y, 'soot', M.Ir. suithe, O.Ir. suidi. Verbs containing
h < th in the infinitive frequently have r in the present and
preterite, e.g. sudhuw, 'mix together', pres. suir<wt, pret. huir m'<>
but past part, suit' 9 ; skxvy hij, ' I shall wean ', beside skocihd m'a
< skxhuio, M.Ir. scothaim.
Similarly p is frequent in the future of several simple verb-
stems ending in a long vowel or diphthong. These <; futures
usually correspond to a present containing j for which see $ 190.
Examples — bacgs m'9, 'I shall drown'; do:ig9 m r 9, 'I shall burn';
kra:f9 m'j, 'I shall torment'; sp'r'e'vy m'y, 'I shall spread';
ta.:Q9 m'a, 'I shall weld'; t'r'o:rd m<>, 'I shall plough' but pres.
pass. t'r'o:lur. Also bruyy m'j, ' I shall press down ', pret. wrui
/',i, M.Ir. briiim ; su:gijd, 'it will soak up', < sum, M.Ir. siigim.
§ 317. Henderson's description of Scotch Gaelic s applies
equally to the Donegal sound. " The tongue-blade, along the
central line of which the breath is directed, approaches the gums
behind the upper teeth and the breath becomes sibilant owing to
the friction it undergoes in passing between the upper and lower
front teeth. The tip of the tongue may rest against the lower
front teeth. It is usually more forcible than Engl, s, the tongue-
articulation being closer" (ZCP. iv 515). A large number of
speakers tend to widen the nick in the tongue through which the
breath passes, thus producing a lisped s. The curious effect
produced on initial s by a following r has been described in
§ 273. The voiced sound corresponding to s does not occur in
Irish but is regular in the local English and produces a very
peculiar effect. As is the case with the voiceless stops 8 is
commonly aspirated, cp. Sweet, Primer of Phonetics" p. 60.
Hence the h of the future terminations coalesces with a final s
and is not heard as a separate element, e.g. po\S9 m's, ' I shall
120
marry' ; kros& tuw, 'you will forbid'. On this account a number
of verb-stems ending in s prefer the ending of the second con-
jugation, e.g. dr'a.scLyd m'a, 'I shall drive away', pres. d'r'oissm.
For the length of the sound see § 357.
§ 348. s represents O.Ir. initial s before other than palatal
vowels, e.g. seed, 'heel', O.Ir. sal; siN't', ' covetousness ', O.Ir.
sant ; sohN, ' salt ', O.Ir. saland ; su:l', ' eye ', O.Ir. siiil ; su:ft'd,
'flail', M.Ir. sust, suiste < Lat. fustis; 8j[:l, 'life', O.Ir. saigul.
For s before L, N see §§ 208, 239. s further stands before O.Ir.
m, p, c followed by the vowels a, o, u and in a few loan-words
before t under the same conditions, e.g. smwi:l'uw, ' to think ',
M.Ir. smuained ; spoyuw, 'to geld', M.Ir. spochad ; skzuween,
'lungs', M.Tr. seaman; skyd'uw, 'to let loose', M.Ir. scailim ;
stxd, 'to stop', formed on Lat. status; sto:l, 'chair', < O.E. stol.
£ 349. Before m and p s has taken the place of f at the
beginning of a word, e.g. sm'er', ' marrow ', M.Ir. smir ; sm's:r,
'blackberry', M.Ir. smer ; sp'al, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel ; sp'irdd,
'spirit', O.Ir. spirut. Note also (a)sm'e:, ' it is I ', by the side of
J'e:, ' it is he '. For the hesitation between s and f before certain
consonants cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 17 and
O'Donovan, Grammar p. 38. For s before r < r see § 273.
§ 350. Medially and finally s corresponds to O.Ir. ss, s
originally followed by a, o, u and which usually arose from the
assimilation of two consonants, except in the group sk, where
s = Idg. s. Examples — xs, 'out of, O.Ir. ass; bos, 'flat of the
hand', M.Ir. bass, boss; b'ads, 'custom', O.Ir. bes; d'evas, 'shears',
M.Ir. demess ; fa.:s, 'growing', O.Ir. as; ijsk, 'fish', O.Ir. fasc ;
kos, 'leg', O.Ir. coss.
In other cases medial and final s appears in loan-words from
Latin, e.g. <xs9l, 'donkey', M.Ir. assal < Lat. asellus ; kordgds,
'Lent', M.Ir. corgus < Lat. quadragesima.
8. /
S 351. The position of the tongue for /' resembles that for 8.
The tip of the tongue seems to hang down behind the lower front
teeth and may rest against them. The lips are neutral as in
English but the middle part of the tongue is raised towards the
hard palate, thus considerably lengthening the narrowing necessary
for the production of f. The acoustic effect of the Donegal sound
is very different from that of English, French or German f. It
suggests to me s +j and it is interesting to note that Henderson
121
compares N. Inverness f with Danish sj ZCP. iv 516. T am
not familiar with the latter sound but from Jespersen's description
(Fonetik p. 244) it appears to be formed in somewhat similar
manner to Donegal J\
§ 352. f represents O.Tr. initial s before palatal vowels and
before O.Tr. c, 1, n, t followed by the same vowels, e.g. /ocytin,
' week ', O.Ir. sechtman ; fan, ' old ', O.Ir. sen ; J'iJY'im, ' to play
a musical instrument', M.Jr. senim ; Jb:k, 'hawk', M.Ir. sebac ;
j'tel, 'to walk', M.Ir. siubal ; fk'ay, 'hawthorn-bush', M.Ir. see;
J't'ivL, 'strip, stripe', M.Ir. stiall. For examples of fL\ fN'
see §§ 226, 255.
§ 353. Medially and finally f arises from O.Ir. ss, s followed
by e or i. This ss, s generally arose from the assimilation of two
consonants. Examples — ccm'J'ir', 'weather', O.Ir. amser; b'r'i/uw,
'to break', M.Ir. brissiud ; iN'if, imper. 'tell', M.Ir. innissim ;
kh>j] ' furrow ', M.Ir. claiss (dat.). / also stands medially before
//', ^\", /•', m, t', k', e.g. pi/Yog, 'charm', Di. pisreog ; fefr'a.%,
'plough', M.Ir. sesrech ; ksefiri jrt' , 'squabble', Meyer caismert ;
k'l'ifm'drXy:, ' starting up in sleep ', Di. clisim; tas/m's, 'accident',
Di. taisme ; gasft'd, 'trap', O.Ir. goiste ; i/k'd, 'water', O.Ir. usee;
k.T/'k'im', 'step', Meyer coss ceimm. Examples of f before p' do
not occur to my knowledge.
>j 354. As the aspirated form of both s and f is h, confusion
is apt to arise. Hence we get f for s in Jh:rt, ' kind, sort', spelt
seort CI. S. 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5, Craig lasg. < Engl, 'sort';
fil'98tra.Xi 'yellow iris', Di. soileastar, M.Ir. soileastar ; Jilxy,
'spit', Di. seil, O.Ir. saile ; cp. further Macbain seileach with
Di. saileog ; fi.-l'zm, ' I think ', M.Ir. sailim. Conversely su:Nl9,
' seam in quarry ', stands for fu:Ntd = Di. siiinta < Engl, 'joint'.
fer', ' eastwards ', has been influenced by J'idV, ' westwards ', cp.
Rhys p. 53.
$ 355. In loan-words from English f represents Engl, s before
e and i sounds and also Engl, j, e.g. j'z:fu:r, 'season'; Js:m,9S,
' James ' ; fa:u, ' John ' ; fu:kr&, ' sugar '.
£ 356. The past participle of verbs of the second declension
ends in -i: < uighthe or -i(:)j't'd. The latter probably arose in
some word like iN'if. The two conjugations have been hopelessly
confused and we may safely assume that iX'ij't'j and iN'/i:
existed side by side, whence the modern iX'J'i(:)J't'<>.
122
(d) The labial, dental and guttural stops.
Note on the stops and s (/').
>; 357. In the case of 1, m and n sounds and partly in the
case of the r sounds in Donegal we have found that under certain
conditions long consonants appear where double consonants are
now or were formerly written. We further know that in the
majority of cases modern Gaelic labial, dental and guttural stops
together with s go back to originally double consonants which
are commonly so written in O.Irish after short accented vowels,
see Pedersen pp. 84 ft". The question therefore naturally arises :
Are there no traces of these original double stops in the manner
of articulation of the present day 1 I venture to think that this
question may be answered in the affirmative. What strikes an
English ear most in the speech of the north of Ireland is the
way in which final stops are articulated. As was the case with
the liquids and nasals it is chiefly at the end of monosyllables
that differences of length in consonants are most clearly heard.
Now if we compare the pronunciation of far, 'man', with that
of fig, ' length ', we cannot fail to be struck by the difference in
duration of the finals. It may be stated once and for all that
the only short or clipped consonants which Donegal Irish knows
are I, I', it, ri, i; r', <;, w. At the end of stressed monosyllables with
short vowel the stops and s, f are held for a longer time than is
the case with voiced consonants in standard English after a short
vowel, though parallels occur in northern dialects, e.g. in the
Swaledale pronunciation of ' had ', ' bad '. At the same time the
contact is loosened very gradually, so that an off-glide is clearly
heard. I, I', it, it', r, r at the end of stressed monosyllables may
be regarded as over-short, in other positions as short. L, 1J,
X, X', R, vi, vi, the stops and s (_/') at the end of stressed mono-
syllables after short vowels are long. In other positions they are
either long or half-long. Even initially they are dwelt upon and
often seem to be half-long. In all cases the articulation of a
final consonant is finished and the off-glide is invariably heard.
1. p.
i 358. p is formed with the lips slightly protruded in the w
position and is strongly aspirated. On releasing the contact a w
off- glide is heard which is most noticeable before as, s, e, i. For
the lenis p cp. § 438.
123
§ .'359. p occurs initially before a, o, u in loan-words from
Latin ami English, e.g. pwxd'r'im', 'the rosary', Lat. pater noster ;
po:g, 'kiss', Lat. pacem ; po:suw, 'marry', Lat. sponsus ; pobal,
'congregation', Lat. populus ; pla,:i, 'plague', Lat. plaga; pla:naed',
'climate', Lat. planeta ; spohuw, 'to geld', M.Ir. spochad < Lat.
spado. py.:Jt',>, 'child', Engl, page; px.r'k', 'meadow', Engl.
'park'; pota, 'pot'; po:kd, 'pocket', --Engl. ' poke, pocket';
}>{>Xtd, ' pound ' ; potog, ' pudding '. plu:r, ' flour ', has p for f
due to mistaken de-aspiration.
Although originally no genuine Irish words began with p,
this sound is now-a-days a very favourite one in coining new
words the origin of which is frequently obscure, cp. praJcw,
'leavings of potatoes', prx:kxs, 'a small, deformed person', Di.
pracas ; spitik', 'blister', Di. spuaic.
£ 360. In several loan-words p occurs initially where the
language from which they are borrowed has b, e.g. pnXdX, 'sheaf,
< Norse bundin, Engl, bundle; po:nir'd, 'beans', Norse baun,
Ohg. pona ; payk, ' fair for selling stockings ', < Engl. ' bank ' ;
plgk, ' cheek ', < ' block ' ('?). Cp. further Di. praiseach ; Macbain
prais, priobaid, pronnasg. Donegal p also corresponds to b of
the other dialects in pra.:fk'i:n', 'apron', Di. praiscin, Duffy,
Mion-chaint na Midhe has praiscin and braiscin ; proXctm, ' I
present', M.Ir. bronnaim, ]>roXtc>)tc/s, 'present', Meyer bronntanas,
cp. Spir. Rose p. 30 pronn. pos, 'lip', more commonly pwi/'ini, is
M.Ir. bus. Medially we find p for b in xpwi:, 'ripe', Di. abaidh,
Meyer abbuig.
§ 361. Medially and finally p arises from older pp = O. and
M.Ir. pp, p, e.g. krxp, ' lump ', M.Ir. cnapp, < Norse knappr ;
k'apdm, 'I stop, head off', Meyer ceppaim from k'xp, 'shoemaker's
last', Meyer cepp < Lat. cippus, cp. k'xp 3 r y vivkd, 'gum'; sxp,
'wisp', M.Ir. sopp ; txpaw jrt, 'God speed you', M.Ir. tapad.
The relation of kxp^L, 'mare', M.Ir. capull, Welsh ceff'yl and
Lat. cabal lus is obscure.
j) also occurs after /, r, m and 6' in loan-words, e.g. skvJpiuc,
'to snarl', Di. scealpadh (with different meaning), < Engl. skelp(?) ;
korp, 'corpse', O.Ir. corp, < Lat. corpus; xspdk, 'bishop', O.Ir.
espoc ; xspdl, 'apostle', O.Ir. apstal ; tx(:)inpjL, 'Protestant
chapel', O.Ir. tempol. Similarly Jdopwid'd, 'wrinkle in cloth,
dip in land ', = M.Ir. clupait < culpait.
In the latest loan-words from English we find /> = Engl. p,
e.g. kopxu, ' cup ' ; p'i:po, ' pipe ' ; rd:pd, ' rope ' ; fip<>, ' shop ' ;
124
fL'ipwNy:, ' tottering ', < Engl. ' slip '. From Lat. papa, ' pope ',
we expect *px:bs and not poc:pd.
$ 362. b + th gives p in L'apd, gen. sing, of L'ccbwi:, ' bed ',
noni. plur. L'apay?, M.Ir. lepad ; L's9pay9, plur. of L'adb, 'strip',
Di. leadhb. Similarly in futures, e.g. Lu.pwi fo, 'he will bend';
/Lipid />, 'it will blow', p further arises from bh + th in the
adverbs ti:pu9S, 'above', ti.-paL, 'beyond', ti:p'iar, 'to the west
of = taobh-thuas, taobh-thiar, taobh-thall, cp. § 470 and Pedersen
p. 161.
gmpw, 'to carry', occurs by the side of omyjtr, M.Ir. immchor;
kohpj, 'calf of the leg' (not common) = Meyer colptha ; kofopa.%,
' stirk ', = Meyer colpthach. Both the latter seem to go back to
the Teutonic word for ' calf '.
;i 363. In the future forms of stems ending in p the k < f can
cause no change as the p is already aspirated. Hence the present
and future are often the same in form, e.g. k'ccpwi: fa, ' he stops '
or 'will stop'; kropwi: /<>, 'it shrinks' or 'will shrink'.
2. p.
$ 364. j) is formed with the lips tightly drawn back on to
the teeth and may be aspirated. For p as a lenis cp. § 438.
.^ 365. Initial p represents O. and M.Ir. p before e, i. The
words in question are mostly borrowed from Latin or English,
some are late formations modelled on English words, whilst one
or two others such as sp'od, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel, are obscure.
Examples — p'ockuw, 'sin', O.Ir. peccad < Lat. peccatum ; p'o.X,
'pen', M.Ir. penn < Lat. pinna; p'oUff, 'pet', M.Ir. petta;
p'il'dp'i:ri, 'peewit', Di. pilibm, < Philip (?) ; p'inu.s, 'penance',
JDi. piomis, pionos < Lat. poena, with possibly a leaning on Engl.
' punish ' (Mac bain) ; p'ikod', ' pick ' and p'ikuw, ' to pick ', <
Engl.; p'ig'im', 'apiggin'; p'i/i:u', 'kitten'; p'it', ' cunnus ', I)i.
pit < Engl, 'pit' or O.E. pyt ; p'i:N', 'penny', M.Ir. pinginn ;
//<><, 'piece'; p'l'&skuw, 'to burst, crack', founded on Engl.
' flash ' (?) ; p'l'eij'urr, ' pleasure ' ; p'r'aAj, ' potato ' ; p'r'is, ' cup-
board ', <Engl. 'press'; sp'eir', 'sky', < Lat. sphaera; sp'wnuw,
'to tease wool', < Lat. spina; spiral, 'spirit', O.Ir. spirut.
In p'eift' (yy.pidL), ' a black and yellow caterpillar ', we have
p for //, cp. § 360 and .Scotch G. preathal for breitheal.
p'w/y.n, 'hoarseness', seems to be onomatopoeic and exhibits
125
a variety of forms. Macbain has plochan, Fournier ceochan,
O'R. spiochan.
$ 3GG. Medial and final p' occurs only in inflected or deriva-
tive forms of words containing p, e.g. k'ip'i:n', ' small stick ',
dimin. of Jc'xp ; krep'a, 'button', < M.Ir. cnapp. Also in fwip'
Engl. 'whip'.
p arises after m' in t'im'p'hL, 'about', O.Tr. timmchell, cp.
qmpar % 362.
S 367. As p and j" interchange in aspiration, p' is some-
times wrongly substituted for/', e.g. in p'iL'ttw, 'to return',
M.Ir. filliud; p'r'ied', 'to fry', < Engl.
3. b.
$ 368. b is the voiced sound corresponding to p. The off-
glide is w which we write in this book before palatal vowels.
8 369. b occurs initially in a large number of words corre-
sponding to O. and M.Tr. b before a, o, u or 1 and r followed by
these vowels, e.g. badca.%, 'lame', M.Ir. baccach ; bccL, 'spot',
O.Ir. ball; ba:kuw, 'to drown', M.Ir. badud ; blot,:, 'flower',
M.Ir. blath; blcc:y, 'buttermilk', M.Ir. blathach; bra:d', 'throat',
O.Ir. brage; briN', 'womb', M.Ir. broind (dat.) ; bo:, 'cow',
O.Ir. bo; bog, 'soft', M.Ir. bocc ; bwxN'd, 'milk', O.Ir. banne ;
bwa>ft'z>m, 'I baptize', O.Ir. baitsim ; bwel'9," ' townland ', M.Ir.
baile ; bwh, 'yellow', O.Ir. bude ; bioiL'd, 'blow', O.Ir. buille;
bw[.; 'foolish', O.Ir. baith.
b corresponds to O.Ir. m in brarig, 'malt', O.Ir. mraich ; bias,
'taste', O.Ir. mlas ; bmihsm, 'I betray ', cp. M.Ir. mrath.
The eclipsed form of p is b, e.g. a bo:sit (,) fd, ' if he were to
marry'; vi: J'i a bo:gmo, 'she was kissing them'; m&r b%:ft!v,
' your child ' ; Ny: boNdNa.yj>, ' nine sheaves '.
$ 370. Medially and finally b represents an earlier bb which
generally arose by assimilation and which in O. and M.Ir. is
written pp, p, e.g. oJbwir (imper.), 'say', M.Ir. apair with a from
atbeir ; abar, ' mud ', M.Ir. ebor ; gob, ' beak, mouth ', M.Ir. gop ;
g'ibog, 'bit, morsel', cp. O.Ir. gibbne ; hah, 'mouth', kabtvir'a,
'prater', < M.Eugl. gabben ; L'abwi:, 'bed', M.Ir. lepaid, lepad ;
skabuw, 'to scatter', Di. scabaim, scapaim, scaipim ; tgbar, 'well',
O.Ir. topur ; tobaN, ' sudden ', M.Ir. oponn. b corresponds to
M.Ir. b after d in L'sdb, 'strip', M.Ir. ledb. In this case the
group db is not the same as db in M.Ir. Medb, Sadb which are
12G
now pronounced m'sawd, sa:w9. Similarly after I and r in ahbd,
'Scotland', M.Ir. Alba; ka.rdbdd, 'chariot', O.Ir. carpat, Gaulish
carbantia.
§ 371. In earlier loan-words a medial p was received into
Irish as a lenis which gave the same result as bb, e.g. ko.ibd,
' cape ', Meyer capa, < O.Fr. cape ; obwir, ' work ', Lat. opera,
O.Ir. only oipred ; pgbol, 'congregation', Lat. populus ; ])'i9b,
' throat, pipe ', Lat. pipa, from which are formed p'ibdrXy:,
' wheezing ', p'ibruw, 'rousing to fight'; skro:ban, 'crop of birds',
formed on Engl, 'crop' and 'scrape' (?); skuitb, 'besom', M.Ir.
scuap < Lat. scopa ; fk'ibol, 'barn', O.Welsh scipaur, Cornish
scibor, < Lat. *scoparium.
Late loan-words from English have b = Engl, b, e.g. babog,
' doll ', < Engl. ' babe ' ; bobwir <zyt, ' trickery ', < Engl. ' bob ' ;
tobcm, ' tub '. In a few instances we find Engl, w, v appearing
as b on the analogy of bond, 'boat', a wa:d, 'his boat', e.g. bccLd,
' wall ' ; bgXtiejt'j, ' advantage '. Similarly b for m occurs in
bomivit'9, 'minute', < Lat. momentum.
t'r'ibhd', 'trouble', M.Ir. treblait, seems to have been borrowed
during the M.Ir. period from Lat. tribulatio.
§ 372. In several cases Donegal 6 corresponds to bh in the
other dialects, e.g. kru:b, ' paw, hand ', Di. criib, crobh, Macbain
crubh, Meyer crob, criib ; fk'r'i:b, ' scratch, furrow ', M.Ir. scrib,
scripad, Lat. scribo but fk'r'iuw, ' to write ' ; JgbdrXy: (fibdrXy:),
'neglect', gol dN' f.,fibwNa.x C1 - S - 30 v ' 03 P- 1 co1 - l ( usecl of
cattle getting mixed up and going astray), this seems to be the
same word as Di. siabran, -acht, cp. further Di. seabhais, seab-
hoideacht, seabhoidim ; fidbttw, 'to blow', Di. siabhadh, Macbain
siabj siabh, Manx sheebey.
imr bwilJ fd, 'unless he is', scarcely belongs here. The b
doubtless represents the copula inserted from a;/ mw b'z:, ' if it
had not been for him ', in the same way as a meaningless 9S (agus)
is introduced in (pd'e: mdr 9S ta: tuw, ' how are you ] ' from phrases
like JVi.L' fo ho ma.io ds vi: fi, ' he is not as good as he was '.
4. b'.
i 373. b' is formed in the same way as p but is voiced.
i 371. b' corresponds to O.Ir. initial b before e and i or
preceding 1 and r followed by these vowels, e.g. Van, ' woman ',
O.Ir. ben; b'xNc/.yt, 'blessing', O.Ir. bendacht ; b'in'id', 'rennet',
O.Tr. binid; b'i:wi:, 'slyly mischievous', Meyer bibdaide ; b'l'iin,
127
'year', O.Ir. bliadain ; b'r'i:, 'vigour, force', O.Ir. brig; b'r'i:)i.n\
'speech', O.Ir. briathar.
The eclipsed form of initial p' is //, e.g. a 6'ate, 'their pet ' ;
p'i:s» he: I>'i:X', 'a sixpenny bit'.
$ 375. Medial and final V arises from the same sources as b
in §§ 371, 372 before originally palatal vowels, b' is far from
being as frequent as b and a number of words in which it occurs
are somewhat obscure. Examples— k'i:b', ' sedge ', Di. cfb ;
k'l'ib'ini', 'lump of dirt on the legs of a beast, matted hair on a
person', Di. clib, Macbain cliob, cp. J in' san ql'ib'i:n' 9wa,:n',
'that is all one kettle of fish'; r'ib'y, 'hair', Di. ribe, ruibe,
Macbain rib, ribeag < Engl, riban. In foreign words < p in
eb'r'a/n, 'April', Lat. aprilis (see ZCP. i 358); ib'r'uw, 'to work',
ib'r'i:, 'workman', cp. O.Ir. oipred ; p'ib'&r, 'pepper', Lat. piper.
S 37G. V has been analogically substituted for i' in b'ig'W,
'abstinence, vigil', < Lat. vigilia ; b'i:f, 'vice', < Engl. 'vice'.
d'ir'ib', ' the name of a creeping thing that lives at the bottom of
pools and is liable to be swallowed by cattle', - Di. doirbh.
^ 377. sib'dLtd, 'impudent', j-oems to correspond to O'R.
sodalta, Macbain saidealta, cp. Di. sotal.
5. t,
§ 378. t is formed by firmly pressing the front rim of the
tongue against the upper teeth as in the case of L and X. The
compression is very great and as contact is loosened very gradually
a 6 glide is distinctly heard. For t as a lenis see £ 438.
§ 379. Initial t represents O.Ir. t before a, o, u or preceding
r, 1 followed by these vowels, e.g. toduw, 'land', O.Ir. talam ;
targir'9, 'prophet', cp. O.Ir. tairrngire ; taruw, 'bull', O.Ir. tarb ;
fig' dm, 'I understand', O.Ir. tuiccim ; tol', 'will', O.Ir. tol ; toruw,
'fruit', M.Ir. torad ; toigsel ', 'to raise', M.Ir. tocbail ; tui (fcch<>),
'rainbow', O.Ir. tuag ; tyuw, 'side', O.Ir. toib ; tlU/v, 'tongs',
Di. tlugh ; tree:, 'meal', M.Ir. trath ; trad, 'shore', M.Ir. trag,
traig.
t is prefixed in the nominative case to masculine substantives
which began with a, o, u in O.Ir. when preceded by the article,
e.g. 9 taheer, ' the father'. In the case of O.Ir. ais, ois, 'people',
the t has become part and parcel of the word, e.g. ddN ti:s o:g,
' to the young people '. t is further prefixed to a feminine
substantive with initial s followed in O.Ir. by one of the vowels
128
a, o, u or by 1 or r, before the same vowels, when preceded by the
article an, e.g. d tro:n, ' the nose ' ; er' 9 tra:d', ' in the street '.
Also to a masculine substantive under like conditions when
preceded by a preposition and the definite article, e.g. chN figsrt,
' to the priest '.
S 380. 1 after r, I, % in words of native origin goes back to
Idg. t, e.g. a.Lt, 'joint', M.Ir. alt, <*paltos; moLt, 'wether',
cp. Lat. multo; tart, 'thirst', cp. Engl, thirst; fayt, 'seven',
Lat. septem ; 1'y.yJ, 'coming', O.Ir. techt, < *tikta ; boyj, 'poor',
O.Ir. bocht, <*bog-to-; oyt, 'breast', O.Ir. ucht, cp. Lat. pectus;
aXoyJ, 'to-night', O.Ir. innocht, cp. Lat. noct-is; kaftan, 'sheep-
louse', M.Ir. cart; b'a.:Ltirid, 'May', M.Ir. beltene, belltaine;
ga:Lt9, ' Protestant ', Di. gallta, for the ending cp. gast9, ' quick,
smart', M.Ir. gasta. Similarly in loan-words from Latin, e.g.
k'art, 'right', O.Ir. cert < Lat. certus ; siy»rt, 'priest', O.Ir.
sacart, sacardd (why t and not di the form is peculiar in other
respects, cp. § 103) ; b'aNayt, ' blessing, greeting', O.Ir. bendacht
< Lat. benedictio.
S 381. Otherwise medial and final t usually represents an
older tt before original a, o, u (O. and M.Ir. tt, t), e.g. at,
'swelling', O.Ir. att ; bate, 'stick', M.Engl, batte ; brat, 'flag'
(brat maruw, ' shroud '), O.Ir. bratt ; b'vata%, ' hospitaller ', M.Ir.
biattach ; t'irr Nd m'r'atdn, 'Wales', M.Ir. Brettan (gen. plur.),
the word for 'Welshman' is b'r'cuja.y, kat, 'cat', M.Ir. catt ;
p'at9, 'pet', M.Ir. petta (evidently an early borrowing but its
precise origin is not clear) ; sLat, ' rod ', M.Ir. slat.
In late loan-words from English Donegal t = Engl, t, e.g. hat&,
' hat ' ; ko:tc>, ' coat ' ; ru:t9, ' root '. bat&L't'a, ' an armful ', b.
f'eir, ' a wap of hay ', < Engl, bottle (?), may have come in in the
middle period or quite recently, cp. Sg. Fearn. botan p. 100 = O'R.
boitean.
§ 382. t and t' not infrequently interchange as the initial of
substantives, a natural confusion seeing that the aspirated form
of both is h, e.g. tastsel', 'to want', Di. teastuighim, cp. O.Ir.
tessta. The alternation in t'ay^ ' house ', gen. sing, tid, occurs
already in O.Ir. and is due to vowel-gradation.
^ 383. I has in a few cases been prefixed to words beginning
with a vowel or f, cp. 9 ti:s o.y § 379. Examples — tobdN, 'sudden',
M.Ir. opond ; tuvm ta:uw, 'an idle rumour', v. Di. tuaini = fuaim.
Cp. t'iL'uw by the side of f'iL'uw, 'to return', v. Di. tilleadh.
129
S 384. d followed by fh, th or ch gives t, e.g. d'sntiN',
'I might', = d'fheudfainn ; 8toct9 vis, 'I shall stop'; kdlio, 'why',
< cad chuige.
£ 385. Tn the present and imperfect passive the tendency is
to substitute t for th in the ending in order to distinguish
these tenses from the future and conditional in such cases as
k'aptsr, papti:, b'r'oiktdr, plxkti; isrtsr. From d'er'dm, 'I say',
the usual form is d'srtdr, though d'sivr may be heard. For d'srtdr
cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to Pron. of Irish p. 18 : "In Munster the t
in the termination of the autonomous present is usually broad —
e.g. innstear is pronounced fnnstar". In the second conjugation
the termination of the imperfect passive is -i:sti, never -i:ft'i:,
e.g. d'iN'J'i.sti:, ' used to be related '. For the ending cp. the new
past participle termination -i:ft'd.
g 386. A parasitic t is frequently added after y, L, jV, s, I,
e.g. i:N't'a.yt, 'a certain', Di. eiginteach s. eigin (cp. G. J. June
'03 p. 337); tocmdLt, 'a while', Di. tamall ; toiuwdNt, 'barking',
M.Ir. toffund ; forest, ' easy ', M.Ir. urussa ; grcc.st (also gra:std),
1 grace ', Di. gras ; b'r'ist huw, ' a plague on you ' = b'ir' 9S huw.
Also fostzyt, fostoct, ' besides ', <fostd, foist, Di. fos influenced by
f'ocstd, 'yet'.
6. t'.
§ 387. In producing this sound the front rim of the tongue
is pressed against the top teeth or the edge of the lower teeth
whilst the front of the tongue is brought against the front part
of the hard palate. A similar sound is frequent in English in
words like ' ritual ' when not pronounced with Ij. I have not
noticed any tendency in Donegal for t' to pass into tf as in parts
of Connaught, Manx and Scotch Gaelic. The contact for t' is
however broken very gradually and a glide resembling f is heard.
For t' as a leuis see § 438.
§ 388. t' corresponds to O.Ir. initial t before e, i or preceding
r followed by these vowels, e.g. toty, 'house', O.Ir. tech; t'aN,
'tight', O.Ir. tend; tfayy:, 'tongue', O.Ir. tenge ; t'e, 'hot',
M.Ir. teith beside tee, te ; t'idyog, ' chest for meal ', M.Ir. tiach ;
t'in'i, 'fire', O.Ir. tene ; t'iN'ds, 'sickness', M.Ir. tinnes ; t'iNta.,
'to turn', cp. O.Ir. tintuuth ; tV&n, 'strong', M.Ir. tren; t'r'idn,
'third', M.Ir. trian ; t'r'eig'dm, 'I abandon', M.Ir. trecim. t'
precedes I in t'l'ig'm but this is due to a late metathesis (§ 440).
o. 9
130
t' is prefixed to a feminine substantive beginning with /
followed by a vowel or L' , N\ when the article an precedes, and
also to masculine and feminine substantives under similar con-
ditions when preceded by a preposition and the definite article,
e.g. a t'anvocn, ' the old woman ' ; a t'l'if, ' the chip '; er' a t'r'ayja,
' on the snow '. Masculine substantives which in O.Ir began
with e, i take t' after the article in the nominative singular, e.g.
a t'aLay, ' the cattle ', but l'ef& JVocLay, ' with the cattle '. How-
ever the younger generation is beginning to introduce t' in the
latter case also.
§ 389. Medially and finally t' arises from an earlier tt which
originally stood before e or i. In O. and M.Ir. tt, t is written.
Examples — a:t', 'place', M.Ir. ait; set'anax, 'f urze '> M.Ir. aittenn;
et'og, ' wing ', O.Ir. ette. Similarly in the loan-word L'it'ir',
'letter', O.Ir. liter, Welsh llythyr. t! (< t) also occurs after L',
N', r, f in native and borrowed words, e.g. ku:rt', 'visit', O.Ir.
cuairt: k'e/t', 'question', M.Ir. ceist, < Lat. quaestio ; kyN't'iN',
' dispute ', < Lat. contentio ; d'a ma:rt', ' Tuesday ', Lat. Martis ;
sLa:N't'a, 'health', M.Ir. slainte.
§ 390. t and t' frequently interchange initially, see § 383. t'
regularly appears in t'lt'am, 'to fall', M.Ir. tuitim ; t'iL'uw, 'to
deserve, additional amount', M.Ir. tuilled. The Donegal form
of Di. aistear is astar (yliN'a), ' labour '.
§ 391. t' results from i. d' + h (< fh, th) in gyt'a ma, ' I shall
steal ', pres. pass, gyt'ar, past part, gyt'd ; trit'a ma, ' I shall fight ',
imperf. pass, rit'i: ; brit'a m'a, ' I shall nudge ', Di. broidighim ;
feit'i /a, 'it will blow ', Di. seidim. ii. th + sh in L'et'era, 'a half-
hide ', = leath-sheithche (also called L'dfepd), but •L'o:ha.:sta, ' half-
satisfied '. iii. d + ch in t'i:m, 'I see', M.Ir. atchimm. iv. the
third singular termination -adh becomes -\ti'\ d$\ -it' when followed
by one of the pronouns a:,fi:fiad, e.g. ga wi:t' fa, ' that he would
get '. Pedersen maintains that the syllable is -ad and not -it' (p.
161). What I believe I hear is W or a lenis 6"> (see infra § 393).
In ayjnwirt', ' heat in horses ', t' has taken the place of k', cp.
Di. eachmairc.
§ 392. A parasitic t' is frequently added to words ending in
I', 'it, J, e.g. souiviL't' in N'i: o.kd ma a suuwiL't' da wri:, ' I never
saw such a woman ', Di. samhail ; kyN'zeL't', ' to keep ', Di.
congbhail ; fa.:gxL't\ 'to leave', M.Ir. facbail and so with other
infinitives in -id', k'r'ed'vxL't', ivd'vieL't' ; biviN't 1 , 'to pull,
131
pluck, reap', O.Ir. buain ; kxnn:N't', 'speech', Di. canamhain ;
L'xuu:N't\ 'to follow', M.Ir. lenrnain ; fwil'iN't', 'to suffer',
Di. fouling ; txrJV't', ' to pull ', Di. tarraing. On the analogy of
these and other infinitives in t' we get rx:t', 'to say', O.Ir. rad
(cp. foghlainit Sg. Fearn. p. 24). Further j/i.ft', 'again', Di.
arfs ; ev'ej't', 'back', <ar ais ; -mtoift' in the 1st plur. of the
imperfect (J. (J. Ward denies the existence of this ending in
Donegal and it is not admitted by Craig either, but J. H. uses it
regularly), cp. Spir. Rose p. 8 smuadhnamuist.
§ 393. The off-glide mentioned above as accompanying t' is
frequently not heard when another consonant immediately follows.
This we denote by writing < (,) . Examples — taefthii:m, 'I please';
skartM kil'i:, ' cock-crow ' ; d ho:rt^ I'im, ' to bring with me ' ;
to:rt { "> ko:rL'&, ' giving advice ' ; ho:ri^ 8U98, ' giving up ', also
hort suds ; kxN'ft) l"im, ' talking with me '.
An ordinary alveolar t occurs in late loan-words from English
such as te:, ' tea ' ; tre:u, ' train '.
7. d.
§ 394. d corresponds in formation to t, the stop itself and the
off-glide being voiced.
§ 395. Initial d corresponds to O.Ir. d before a, o, u or
preceding 1, r followed by the same vowels, e.g. daidn, 'firm',
O.Ir. daingen; dccL, 'blind', M.Ir. dall ; deel'i:, 'difficult', M.Ir.
doilig ; devr'ds, 'poverty' (not common), cp. M.Ir. daidbre ; din'9,
'man', O.Ir. dune; do:rJV, 'fist', M.Ir. dorn ; dllw, 'black',
M.Ir. dub; du:rctyd, 'zeal', O.Ir. duthracht ; dli:, 'lock of hair,
handful of straw, hay, potatoes &c.\ dli: d woLy:, ' top-stopple in
thatching ', Di. dlaoi ; dre?dd, ' bridge ', M.Ir. drochet.
d also occurs initially as the eclipsed form of t, e.g. 9 daruw,
' their bull ' ; gd docrN'i m'a, ' till I pull ' ; d dxfk'i:, ' put by, in a
place of safety ', cp. M.Ir. taiscim.
fx di.-tvida, 'about it, about', also a.yjz-di:widd is not clear.
The preposition fx usually aspirates as in the toast fx hutr'&ni'
huio d vs sLx:n. Perhaps we may compare Manx mygeayrt,
'about', =O.Ir. imacuairt with stereotyped 3rd plur. form.
§ 396. Medial and final d in native words goes back to an
older dd which arose from various sources. In O. and M.Ir. tt, t
is written. i. For d < Prim. Keltic dd I have no examples,
ii. Prim. Keltic zd occurs in fxdd, 'long', O.Ir. fota ; f'xd,
9—2
182
' a whistle ', M.Tr. fetan, Welsh chwythu ; gad, ' withe ', M.Ir.
gat, Gothic gazdSj Lat. hasta; k'ccd, 'permission', O.Ir. cet;
N'ad, 'nest', M.Ir. net, Ohg. nest. iii. nt gave dd with com-
pensatory lengthening, e.g. d'sdd, 'row of teeth', O.Ir. det, Welsh
dant, Lat. dentem : sdd, 'jealousy', O.Ir. et, Gaulish Iantu-marus ;
feddsm, ' I may ', M.Tr. fetaim ; k'edd, 'hundred ', O.Ir. cet, Welsh
cant, Lat. centum.
After r Prim. Keltic d remains but not after 1, n, e.g. o:rd,
'sledge-hammer', O.Ir. ordd, Welsh ordd ; k'srd' — ceird for ceard,
' trade, profession ', M.Ir. cerd, Welsh cerdd, Gk. Kc'pSos. Similarly
in Lat. loan-words, e.g. o:rd, ' order ', O.Ir. ord, Lat. ordo.
§ 397. In earlier loan-words medial and final d corresponds
to a Romance or Engl, t which was received as a lenis and later
became d. In the earliest borrowings we find th = Lat t, v.
Pedersen p. 170. Examples — bond, 'boat', M.Ir. bat, O.E. bat,
Norse batr ; b' arced, ' cap ', Di. bairead, < Low Lat. birretum ;
klogdd, 'helmet', M.Ir. cloc-att, Norse hattr, Engl, hat; pa:drik',
'Patrick', O.Ir. Patrice, Lat. Patricius ; p'ad»r, 'Peter', Lat.
Petrns; so:d, 'flint', O.Ir. saiget, < Lat. sagitta ; sp'irdd, 'spirit',
O.Ir. spirut, Lat. spiritus ; steed, 'stop', founded on Lat. status;
t'iddl, 'title', Lat. titulus ; u:d9r, 'author', O.Ir. auctor. t pro-
bably became a lenis in pretonic syllables (Pedersen p. 153),
whence the d of dd, ' your ', dd, ' to ' ; dir fid, ' by my faith ', Di.
dar, O.Ir. tar. The pronominal suffix of the second pers. sing, used
after prepositions in Donegal is always d, e.g. f'r'i:d, ' through
you ' ; fu:d, ' below you ' ; ro.d, ' before you ' ; dgdd, ' with you '.
§ 398. In other loan-woi'ds medial or final d corresponds to
Engl, d, e.g. bo-.rdi: er , 'approximately', < Engl, border; m'i:du:n,
'meadow'; pa:rdu:n, 'pardon'; skadan, 'herring', M.Ir. scatan,
< O.E. sceadda, Engl, shad; spa.da.Ntd, 'seedy, exhausted', Lat.
spado ; spa:d, ' spade '.
§ 399. kruddalay^ ' hardy ', Di. cruadhalach, cruadalach, pro-
bably owes its d to fadalay^, ' slow ', = fkd-dalach. 9 N'qnidd,
'great number', gmddud', 'numerous', d N'omdtd — d N'qmdd, go
back to O.Ir. imbed which should give *im'uw. Judging from
the spellings immat, iumat, imat in Atk., imat (Laws), the modern
form with d already occurred in M.Ir. Can the d be due to
form-association with O.Ir. meit, met, which is closely allied in
meaning? dsey'a.n, 'depths', M.Ir. oician has got its d from
do:n , ' deep '.
133
8. d.
$ 400. d 1 corresponds in formation to t' but is voiced. A
somewhat similar sound occurs in such English words as 'in-
dividual ' when not pronounced with d}.
§ 401. Initially d' represents O.Ir. d before e, i, or preceding
r, 1, followed by these vowels, e.g. d'ahg, 'thorn', O.Ir. delg ;
d'a.?'dm,9d, ' forgetfulness ', O.Ir. dermet; d'er'uw, 'end', O.Ir.
dered ; d'iu, 'God', O.Ir. dia ; d'i:wi:n, 'single', M.Ir. dimain ;
d'l'iuw, 'law', O.Ir. dliged ; d'o:r, 'tear', M.Ir. der ; d'r'eim'ir'o,
'ladder', cp. M.Ir. dreimm; d'r'i/'oy, 'briar', O.Ir. driss; d'u:Ltutv,
' refuse ', O.Ir. diltud.
The eclipsed form of t' is also d', e.g. toguw a d'i:r y, ' he was
brought round' (of a sick person); ^a: d'r'idn, 'two thirds';
yJJd miuid' dr d'r'u:r, ' the three of us went '.
^ 402. Medial and final d' in native words ai-ose from an
earlier dd standing before e or i which in O. and M.Ir. was
written tt, t. This dd represents i. Prim. Keltic dd in Wr'ed'dm,
'I believe', O.Ir. cretim, Welsh credu, Sanskrit srad-dha-.
ii. Prim. Keltic nt in m'eid', 'size', O.Ir. meit, Welsh maint ;
fwdid', 'patience', O.Ir. f'oditiu from fo-damim ; b'r'eid'im , 'rag',
M.Ir. breit. iii. Prim. Keltic zd in kyd', 'piece, share', O.Ir.
cuit; mwxd'd, 'stick', cp. M.Ir. maite, matan, Engl, mast;
feid'iiw, ' to blow ', M.Ir. setiin.
$ 403. In earlier loan-words medial and final d' corresponds
to a Romance or English t which was received as a lenis and later
became d', e.g. bivid'od, ' bottle ' ; in'id', in ma.:rt' in'id'd, ' Shrove
Tuesday ', M.Ir. init, Lat. initium ; Lsed'in, ' Latin ', < Latina ;
mwsed'in, 'morning', O.Ir. matin (ace), Lat. matutina ; pwse-
d'r'i.rt, 'rosary', < Lat. pater; sra:d', 'street', M.Ir. srait, Norse
srait. Latin words ending in -atio appear with -od', -sed', e.g.
pgrvgocF, 'purgative', Di. purgoid ; t'r'ibhd', 'trouble', M.Ir.
treblait, < tribulatio ; o:rxd', ' speech ', < Lat. orate, oratio. This
ending was also wrongly abstracted from one or two native words
such as N'askod', ' boil ', M.Ir. nescoit ; ordyj)d', ' harm ', O.Ir.
erchoit and was transferred to English loan-words such as baskod',
1 basket ' ; bokod', ' bucket ' ; p'ikod', ' pick '. b'/ir/od', ' dream ',
Meyer bringloit, perhaps also belongs here.
£ 404. Occasionally there is confusion between d and d! .
M.Ir. driicht generally appears as dJr'u:yJd ; xd'veel', 'to confess',
M.Ir. atmail, has been influenced by k'r'ed'ved' ; glpcc.rdcts, 're-
134
joicing', is the Donegal for Di. iolghairdeas; d'xrdi:n, 'Thursday',
O.Ir. dardoen, has d' by analogy with d'x Lu:n, ' Monday ' &c.
do, 'tuus', and the verbal particle do before an O.Ir. palatal
initial usually appear as d', e.g. d'xr, 'your husband'; d'zzdzn,
' your face ' ; but generally tx: L'efk' orwn det'tuv, ' I am loath to
refuse you'; d'iNifm'd, 'I related'.
§ 405. The relation of m'ihid', ' due time ', to Wi. mithich,
mithig is not clear. Donegal also has a substantive mihds. It
is perhaps worthy of note that m'ihid' is commonly accompanied
by the preposition dj, ' to ', and both *m'ihih and m'ihid' would
appear as m'ihi before dd. bwi:d'x.y, ' tiny ', is perhaps the same
as Scotch G. boiclheach, ' pretty ', < M.Ir. buadech, ' victorious '.
bwi:d'xy is generally used along with b'ig, as in g'itd b'ig bwi:d!xy,
'a tiuy, little bit'. The d' is due to such adjectives as m'ieid'xy,
'impatient'. For the meaning cp. German klein with Engl,
clean.
§ 406. d' disappears after the negative N'i: in the parts of
d'er'dm, ' I say ', e.g. N'i: ersd, ' he does not say ' ; N'i: s:p m'i>,
' I shall not say ' ; N'i: u:rl' m'd, ' I did not say ' (more commonly
N'i:r' u:rt' m'd) ; but mx d'srsd, ' if he says '.
§ 407. The off-glide which accompanies d' is frequently not
heard before a following consonant. This we denote by writing
dl% e.g. vi: bxskod^ I'eihd, d m'sd^ kloy, du:rti"> m'd.
% 408. In d'xhgxji, ' the white of an egg ', d' arises by dis-
similation from g', cp. Di. gealacan, Macleod gealagan.
9. k.
§ 409. The Irish k is formed much further back against the
soft palate than is the case in English or German. This marked
velar quality is not without influence on neighbouring vowels,
thus i(:) commonly becomes retracted to y(:) after k and g. Before
palatal vowels an off-glide resembling a ?osound is clearly heard.
Like p and t k is strongly aspirated and therefore a verb with
stem ending in k may be identical in the present and future,
e.g. d'xrky{:) fd, ' he looks ' or ' will look '. For k as a lenis
see § 438.
§ 410. Initially k corresponds to O.Ir. c before other vowels
than e or i, or preceding 1 and r followed by these vowels, e.g.
kx.m, 'bent', O.Ir. camm ; kxrid', 'friend', O.Ir. cara ; ML' an,
'pup', M.Ir. cuilen; kvhg, 'awn', M.Ir. colg; kosu:l\ 'similar',
136
O.Ir. cosmail ; k<~>:rL',>, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; koLv/w, 'sleep',
O.Ir. cotlucl ; kgLa.%, 'boar', O.Ir. cullach ; ku:rt', 'visit', O.Ir.
euairt; ku.f, 'back', O.Ir. eiiul ; fa/L', 'wood', M.Ir. caill ; klarr,
'board', O.Ir. claar ; kleef, 'furrow', M.Ir. class; kr&KoN, 'skin',
O.Ir. croccenn ; kroi.v, ' bone ', O.Ii\ cnaim.
§411. Medial and final k in native words represents an
older kk which in O.Ir. is written cc, e.g. aJcu:N' 'strength,
endurance', Di. acfuinn, M.Ir. accmaing ; bakcuy, 'lame', M.Ir.
baccach ; ba.ka.n-, ' hook, peg, armful ', O.Ir. bacc (a mon 9 zvak&n,
'staying at home to keep house'); bok, 'he-goat', O.Ir. bocc,
Welsh bwch, Sanskrit bukka ; b'r'ak, 'variegated, a trout', M.Ir.
brecc ; glakuw, 'to take', M.Ir. glaccad ; kak, 'excrement', M.Ir.
cacc, Gk. KaKKr] ; krqk, 'hill', O.Ir. cnocc ; L'akiu', 'cheek',
M.Ir. lecco; mock, 'son', O.Ir. mace; maka&u, 'turnips', O.Ir.
mecon ; okrds, 'hunger', M.Ir. accorus ; tro:kir'9, 'mercy', should
have g but has probably been influenced by O.Ir. carimm, see
Pedersen p. 148.
Latin loan-words with cc also appear with k, e.g. p'akicw,
'sin', O.Ir. peccad, Lat. peccatum ; seek, 'bag, sack', M.Ir. sacc,
O.E. sacc, Lat. saccus ; j'ik, 'frost', M.Ir. sice, < Lat. siccum.
§ 412. After I, r and s Ir. k represents Prim. Keltic k which
in O.Ir. is written cc, c, e.g. oik, ' bad ', O.Ir. olec ; ark fL'eivd,
'lizard', M.Ir. ere; d'arkdm, 'I look', M.Ir. dercaim ; o:rk,
' horn ', O.Ir. adarc.
§ 413. In late loan-words from English k represents Engl, k,
e.g. po:k», 'pocket', < Engl, poke, pocket; stcc:kd, 'stake'; stokj,
' stocking ' ; sLo:k, ' sloke '. Probably also plok, ' cheek ', < Engl,
block; pu:k9, 'a sprite', Norse puki (?) ; Ju:kn>, 'sugar', French
sucre.
§ 414. k sometimes arises from g followed by h < th, e.g.
L"i/c.c), 'overthrown', infin. L'vj&n ; po:k9 m'&, 'I shall kiss', from
po:guw. In fL'i-.kuw, ' to smooth down ', the k of the past part,
and future seems to have been carried through, cp. Di. sh'ogadh.
koki:J\ 'fortnight', has k for k', M.Ir. coicthiges.
§ 415. In a number of words the various Gaelic dialects
hesitate between g and k. Donegal usually has k in these cases,
e.g. kla:bdr, 'mire', Di.Macbain clabar and glaib ; hro:g'uw y
' footing peat ', kro:g'an, ' a foot of peat, a diminutive person ',
Di. cruiceadh, gruaigeadh, grogan, O'R. groigein, Macbain
groigean ; klauwdrt', 'picking where there is no grass' (of cows),
136
cp. Di. glarnaim ; krudgy:, ' liver ', O'R. grubhan, Macbain
gruthan, gruan (for the ending cp. skxuwog) ; koihan, 'torch',
O'R. gaithean, ' a straight branch ' (?) ; kxb, ' the part of the face
between the upper lip and the nose, mouth', kscbccy, 'with gusto',
Di. cab, which Macbain derives from Engl, gap and gab. aspUk,
'bishop', stands for scskdb, ccskUb by metathesis.
§ 416. trudkxA T td, 'wretched', Di. truaghanta, owes its ending
to words like mxko.Ntd. A parasitic k occurs in fa.ndy&sk,
'gossiping, story-telling', M.Ir. senchus. In gorti:tw I'e, 'depend-
ing on', =i gcortaobh le, we probably have the older form of
Di. tortaobh : " P. O'C. says tortaobh = cortaobh ".
k appears instead of k' in koNy:, 'tame', M.Ir. cendaid.
10. k'.
§ 417. By this symbol we denote a palatal k formed with
the middle of the tongue against the hard palate. When final
a /-off-glide is usually heard. Like k k' is aspirated and a follow-
ing th, fh is therefore not heard as a separate sound, e.g. fa:fk f 9r
= faiscthear. For k' as lenis see § 438.
§ 418. Initial k' represents O.Ir. c before e, i, or preceding
1, r followed by these vowels, e.g. k'ccd, 'leave', O.Ir. cet ; k'ayter,
' either ', O.Ir. cechtar ; k'xNsuw, ' to pacify ', O.Ir. cense ; k'ap,
'last', M.Ir. cep; k'xrt, 'right', M.Ir. cert; k'sdsLscy, 'fine wool
on the legs of a sheep, stick for propelling a coracle', Di. ceaslach ;
k'el'vm, 'I hide', O.Ir. celimm ; k'in, 'regard', Meyer cin ; k'hL,
'sense', O.Ir. ciall; k'in'uw, 'surname', M.Ir. ciniud ; k'o:,
'mist', M.Ir. ceo; k'o:l, 'music', M.Ir. ceol ; k'um, 'still', M.Ir.
ciuin; kT/.f, 'edge', Meyer cimas ; k'l'iuiv, 'basket', M.Ir. cliab ;
k'l'auwui:, ' son-in-law ', Meyer cli'amain ; k'r'ay, ' damage, ruin ',
M.Ir. crech; kVtf, 'trembling', M.Ir. crith.
§ 419. Medial and final k' in native words goes back to an
older kk befox*e original e, i whether preserved or lost. In O.Ir.
cc, c is written, e.g. ndin'ik', 'frequent', O.Ir. menicc, Welsh
niynycli. In inflected forms of words ending in k as krok, gen.
sing, krik', sxk, gen. sing, sik! .
In earlier loan-words k' = kk in fteik'a,yj>, ' bowels ', M.Ir.
stsec, Norse stakka (RC. xii 460).
In late borrowings from English k' = Engl, k, e.g. strcc:k' ,
' swath ', < strake.
§ 420. Prim. Keltic (Idg.) k is retained after 1, r, s, e.g.,
137
d'eir'k'd, 'alms', O.Tr. deircej imir'k's, 'removing', M.Ir. immirce,
immirge ; fork's, 'oats', Meyer coirce ; i/Kd, 'water', O.Ir.
uisce.
§ 121. k' appears for </' in Lx:r'ik', 'thigh', Macbain lairig,
M.Ir. laarg, O.Ir. loarcc. Here k' may be due to the plural
form Lx:r ik' xyj>, but this explanation will not hold good in other
cases where Donegal seems to prefer final k' to </. The words in
question are ge.i'ik', 'Irish', M.Ir. goedeilg (in this word the voice-
less sound is wide-spread, e.g. in the Isle of Man and Waterford,
cp. Henebry p. 64); NgLik', 'Christmas', Di. nodlaig (Finck has
k') ; karik', ' rock ', Di.Macbain carraig (Finck has g') ; px.drik',
'Patrick', Padruig (Finck has g) ; hen'ik', 'came', Di. thainig,
partly influenced by hen'ik', ' saw '. kqfr'ik'i:m, ' I consecrate ',
Di. coisreacaim, with k' from tlie participle kofr'dkd which is the
commonest form of the verb used.
§ 422. k' arises in futures and past participles from g + h
(< fh, th), e.g. L'ik'd m'd, ' I shall let ' ; t'r'eik'd, ' abandoned '.
§423. k' appears instead of k in k'l'uw, 'fame', O.Ir. clii,
k'l'u:t'xy, ' famous ', Scotch G. cliii ; k'i:mwad', ' to worry, con-
tend ', Di. ciomaim < Engl. comb.
11. g.
§ 424. This symbol denotes the voiced sound corresponding
to k for which see § 409.
§ 425. Initially <j corresponds to O.Ir. g before the vowels
a, o, u or preceding 1, r, n, followed by these vowels, e.g. gccd,
'switch', M.Ir. gat; ga.:r'd, 'a laugh', M.Ir. gaire ; ga,:wuw,
'jeopardy', M.Ir. gabud ; grr'id', 'short', O.Ir. garit ; ge:l'ik',
'Irish', M.Ir. goedeilg; gohr, 'disease', O.Ir. galar; go:, 'smith',
O.Ir. goba; gj:, 'wind', O.Ir. gaith ; gg:r, 'hound', M.Ir. gagar,
gadar ; gyr'im!, 'call', M.Ir. gairm ; gy:, 'beseech', O.Ir. gude,
guide; glccn, 'clean', O.Ir. glan ; grui, 'cheek', M.Ir. gruad ;
grx:y, 'usual', = gnathach < O.Ir. gnath.
The eclipsed form of k is g, e.g. mdr gyd', ' your share ' ;
9 gxhcrr', 'in a city'; er gu:l, 'back, behind', cp. jidrdgud, 'remote
spot', Di. iargciiil. The prefix con- further causes this change in
old compounds with initial c, e.g. kogdr, 'whisper', M.Ir. cocur =
con-cur; kxgnuiv, 'to chew', M.Ir. cocnam = con-cnam ; kogu:s,
'conscience', O.Ir. cocubus. See also next paragraph.
138
§ 426. Medially and finally g arises from older gg which in
O. and M.Ir. is written cc, c. This gg arises from i. Prim. Keltic
gg hy assimilation in agzs, 'and', O.Ir. ocus, also 9 wogva, 'near',
O.Ir. ocus; bog, 'soft', O.Ir. hocc ; bxgzr, 'threaten', M.Ir.
bacur; Log, 'weak', M.Ir. lac; sLogwrn, 'I swallow', M.Ir.
slucim, slocim ; smog, ' snot ', Di. smug. ii. nk with compensatory
lengthening, e.g. szg, 'death', M.Ir. ec, O.Welsh ancou ; g'&g,
' branch ', M.Ir. gee, Welsh cainc ; sdgszmvjLto, ' prodigious ', cp.
O.Ir. ecsamail <*n + consmmalis. iii. Prim. Keltic zg, e.g. m's9g,
' whey ', M.Ir. medg, Gaulish Lat. mesga ; to:g, ' Thady ', O.Ir.
Tadg, Gaulish Moritascus ; mogdl, 'mesh', O.Ir. mocol <*mozgu-,
but why is there no lengthening of the vowel as in the two
previous cases? The same question arises if we connect b'ig,
'small', O.Ir. becc, with Lat. vescus. iv. O.Ir. assimilation of
th + g, th + c inf'r'igri), 'answer', O.Ir. frecre; t'igdsk, 'teaching',
M.Ir. tecosc < to-aith-cosc.
Prim. Keltic g is preserved after 1, r, e.g. d'ahg, 'thorn',
O.Ir. delg; d'zrzg, 'red', O.Ir. derg ; far vg, 'anger', O.Ir. ferg;
fd'ig' <j'ahg, ' hunting ', O.Ir. selg. Similarly in the loan-word
pordgod', 'purgative'. Donegal also has koragds, 'Lent', M.Ir.
corgus < Lat. quadragesima, but as the other dialects have gh
(Di. corghas, Macbain carghus) the form is to be compared with
the cases mentioned below in § 429.
§ 427. In earlier loan-words Lat. and Norse medial (final) c
entered Irish as a lenis and ultimately gave g. The earliest
borrowings undergo aspiration, e.g. bachall < baculus, laoch
< laicus, for other instances see Pedersen p. 170. Examples —
iglif, 'the clergy', O.Ir. eclais, Lat. ecclesia; bro:g, 'shoe', Meyer
broc, Norse brok ; g'r'cvgay, 'Greek'; mzraguw, 'market', M.Ir.
margad, Norse markadr (RC. xi 494); po:g, 'kiss', O.Ir. poc,
Lat. pacem; s'igdrt, 'priest', O.Ir. sacard, Lat. sacerdos ; figdl,
'rye', M.Ir. secul, Lat. secale ; d'igdnx-y, 'dean', Lat. decanus.
§ 428. g arises from O.Ir. c in pretonic syllables. For ga-v.
O.Ir. each, cech ; gdn, 'without', O.Ir. cen ; go, O.Ir. co ; gd-d'e:,
O.Ir. cate, cote see Diss. pp. 12, 14, 33, 36. k's in k's gd, 'though',
k'e:, 'who', and koc, k'a, 'where', never have g, g'. This also
occurs before the stress in gx'focrawan, 'dandelion', Di. caisear-
bhan ; gx'fa:, ' pant ', cp. casachtach (?). The g of go/t'9, 'jury ',
Di. coiste, cannot be explained in this way. The form is to be
compared with the cases of hesitation between k and g mentioned
in § 415.
139
§ 429. In a number of instances we find O.Ir. d (i.e. dh) occur-
ring in Donegal as y. Monosyllables ending in -eadh, -eagh, -iogh,
regularly appear with -i(/, e.g. /"iff, 'length', O.Ir. ed (commonly
written feag by Donegal writers, cp. D. P. 21 xi '03 p. 3 col. 3,
Craig Iasg.) ; f'l'iff, 'chickweed', Manx flig or flee, Hogan, O'R.
fliodh, fligh, Di. flich ; J'L'iy, 'spear', M.Ir. sleg ; fig, 'rush',
according to J. H. has the alternative pronunciation _/'»,{ and
may therefore represent M.Ii\ *fed but Hogan has flag, Di. feog.
The adjective termination -dha tends to become -ff9 < -gz, cp.
Henebry p. 60, G. J. 1891 p. 79 col. 2, e.g. dordy», 'stern, cross-
looking', Keat. dorrdha, Macbain durga, also dordgd, 'fishing-
line', Di. dorugha, doruighe ; kro:gd, 'valiant', M.Ir. croda ;
further d'idffaNtd, ' pious ', d'idgir'9, ' a pious person ' < *didffd,
Henebry diaga p. GO, O.Ir. diade. Similarly tgg9, 'strap on
flail ' (?). y represents gh in jidrdgnuw, 'annoyance ', Di. iarghno ;
kordffds, 'Lent', Di. corghas, M.Ir. corgus. riffreej't'9 beside
rdj^rxftd, 'ai'rears', Di. riaraiste, seems based on Engl, 'arrears'
but I cannot explain the form.
12. g'.
§ 430. This symbol represents a palatal g similar in forma-
tion to k' but voiced.
$ 431. ff corresponds to O.Ir. initial y followed by e, i or
preceding r, 1, n followed by these vowels, e.g. g'aL, 'promise',
O.Ir. gell ; y'svr'uw, 'winter', M.Ir. geiured ; g's:r, 'sharp', M.Ir.
ger; y'iLd, 'servant', M.Ir. gilla; y'u:s, 'fir', M.Ir. gius ; y'l'xX,
'valley', M.Ir. glend ; g'l'sds, 'means, instrument', M.Ir. gles ;
g'r'sdsccn, 'web', M.Ir. gross; y'r'idti, 'sun', O.Ir. grian.
y also occurs initially as the eclipsed form of k', e.g. a y'ocrt,
'alright', i gceart; bonuw Nd y'aL, 'the people of Killybegs',
bunadh na gCeall. Medially in eig'isL, ' lack of sense ', cp. Di.
eigcialluidhe.
§ 432. Medially and finally g goes back to an older gg
before a palatal vowel (O.Ir. written cc, c), e.g. sm'iy', 'chin',
M.Ir. smeice ; J'L'iy' an, ' shell ', O.Ir. slice. This gg frequently
represents Prim. Kelt, nk, e.g. eiy'dn, 'necessity', O.Ir. ecen,
W. angen ; ku:y , ' five ', O.Ir. coic < *qonqe ; L'ig'&m, ' I let ',
O.Ir. leiccim, cp. Lat. linquo ; t'iy'd7n, 'I come', O.Ir. ticc ;
t'r'eiy'dm, 'I abandon', M.Ir. trecim, W. trancu.
y goes back to a lenis in the loan-word dseg'an, ' depths ',
M.Ir. oician, Lat. oceanus ; also in kleeg'dN, 'skull', Di. cloigeann,
Meyer cloccenn< *cloch-chenn, cp. Pedersen p. 146.
140
§ 433. After r, 1 g goes back to Idg. g, e.g. m'ir'ig', ' rust ',
O.Ir. meirg ; fxrsg'i), 'sea', O.Ii\ fairggse, foirrce ; aer'ag'id, 'money',
O.Ir. arget, W. ariant.
§ 434. g appears for d' in two words. This substitution
seems to take place not infrequently in Sc. Gaelic dialects, cp.
ZCP. iv 507. The words in question are g'r'i:dan, 'dregs',
= Di.Macbain driodar ; g'o:kocn tg'bak9, 'a small lump of tobacco',
Di. geocan and diiican, deocan. The form with d' also occurs in
d'ikxn mind, 'a small quantity of meal'. For k' and g in
kro:g'uw see § 415.
g represents Engl, j in g'itd, Di. giota, 'bit', < Engl. 'jot'.
§435. Occasionally g' is hardened from O.Ir. d, g (= gh),
thus regularly in the imperative second plur. of all verbs, though
it must have arisen in verbs of the second conjugation. The
ending was -ighidh, i.e. iji: which gave -ig'i:, e.g. im'ig'i:, 'depart';
b'i.y'i:, 'be'; d'a:nig'i:, 'do'. Craig (Grammar 2 p. 123) quotes a
form with d (= d') which I have never heard. This is evidently
the same as Manx -jee (Rhys p. 154 where a wrong explanation
is given). We further find g for gh in uig', 'cave' (also Hi)
< uaigh, M.Ir. nag (the words for 'cave' and 'grave' have been
confused), cp. Di. uaig ; in'ig'iL't', ' grazing ', Di. ingheilt ; ig'iN',
'ring to put round the neck of cattle' (not in dictionaries), formed
from M.Ir. id (?).
§ 436. Intervocalic g seems to have a tendency to become a
spirant and to disappear in Donegal. The only instance I find
in Finck is the case of the preposition ag with the pronominal
suffixes (I.e. i p. 127, 9S ogns does not belong here), cp. § 170.
But in the peninsula of Glencolumbkille this treatment of inter-
vocalic g seems to be regular in the word for ' priest ' and the
pronominal forms of ag, see G. J. 1891 p. 79 col. 2. In
Meenawannia g is treated in this way in kalia, 'why', < cad
chuige ; i:X'l.'y.y,, 'a cei'tain ', < eiginteach, lginteach (i:n'ccx a lso
occurs < eig'lii'?.'/), cp. Di. s. eigin.
141
C. SYNTHESIS.
1. Notes on the Consonants.
$ 437. When two consonants immediately follow one another
the articulation of the second is as a rule not anticipated or in
other words the off-glide of the first is distinctly heard as in
French. In combinations such as tl, di, kr, kl, k'r', gl, ;/n, t'r',
b'r' , yl, r,l, mu, vr' and medial sr at first one almost fancies one
hears a slight vowel-sound between the two consonants. For k'r'
cp. Henebry p. 30 and note the spellings in the old Manx Prayer-
book gylaghty = Ir. gcleachdadh ; mynayn now mraane (Rhys
p. 15). In the following combinations, however, where the
articulations are more or less homogeneous the glide is not
heard — Id, Nt, rJY, rN', sL, sN, Ns, NL, initial sr, and the
combinations with s mentioned in the next paragraph.
^ 438. t, k, p normally have strong aspiration but in certain
positions these sounds together with the corresponding palatal
sounds f , k', p are unmistakably lenes and therefore not aspirated.
This is the case when they immediately follow s, J] as in aspdl,
' apostle ' ; asp Uk, ' bishop ' ; d'ei/i'im, ' clenching of the teeth
with pain'; fasto:J9in, 'I hire'; liaskdv S9, 'it thawed'; spod,
' spool ' ; sta>/, ' history '. Similarly t is a lenis after y in oytan,
1 lapful ' ; rxytsel ', 'to run', Di. reach tail. In these cases Modern
Irish orthography somewhat naturally hesitates between the
tenuis and the media. It is quite possible that lenes occur
under other conditions than those just mentioned, as I have
heard the t in bwel'd tcchv, 'a farm of land', distinctly pronounced
in this way.
§ 439. It is perhaps not amiss to point out that the
grammarian's rule of ' caol le caol ' is constantly broken in the
spoken language. This occurs regularly in the case of the
privative prefix an- with uneven stress, e.g. 'ano:li:, ' an ignorant
person ', 'an^day^ ' ignorant ', Di. aineolach ; 'anoW, ' proud flesh ',
Di. ainfheoil. The other prefix an-, 'very', has even stress, e.g.
•an'i:J'd, ' very low ' ; 'an-fatd, ' a great pet '. The ending of the
conditional passive is -f'i:, no matter what the quality of the
preceding consonant is, e.g. d'i:sf'i: from igd, ' to eat ' ; vs:rf'i:
from to.rt', 'to give'; yasf'i: from kasuw, 'to meet'. Similarly
in compounds, e.g. staridkyl', ' projecting tooth ', Di. stairfhiacail,
Macbain starr-fhiacail ; starhri:, 'a stubborn attempt'; dmyiori;
142
'attempt to violate ' ; kccrh, ' stag', Di. cairrfhiadh ; b'r'ifk'alo.-rc/.y,
'lively', Di. brioscghlorach ; kuwa/nsN, ' alike ', Di. coirahionann ;
L'vndda.'y, ' liuen ', Di. lin-eadach.
2. Metathesis.
§ 440. Metathesis is a frequent phenomenon in Gaelic dialects
as will be patent to anyone turning over the leaves of Dinneen's
dictionary. It is scarcely possible to formulate any general
principle but a tendency to place 1 and r sounds before the
stressed vowel is observable in a number of instances (cp.
Henebry p. 75), e.g. klopwid'z, ' wrinkle in cloth, small en-
closure', Di. cluipide < M.Ir. culpait, cp. Meyer clupait; kroydr,
'Connor', M.Ir. Conchobar; kro:rdk } 'light red', Di. craorac
> caor-dhearg ; robdL, 'tail', M.Ir. erball ; trasNd, 'athwart',
M.Ir. tarsnu ; t'r'imuiv, 'drying', Di. tioi'mughadh ; t'l'ig'dn,
' vomiting ', Di. teilgim. Cp. further Di. cruadal < comhluadar.
$ 441. Common to all Gaelic dialects is the substitution of
ft' for t'f in native and old loan-words such as ei/t'ayt, 'to listen',
O.Ir. eitsecht ; bwxft'zm, 'I baptize', O.Ir. baitsim ; as well as
in later borrowings from English, where ft! also represents d},
e.g. kccreejt'd, 'carriage'; k'ij't'anuy, 'kitchen'; Lo:ft'i:n\ 'lodging'.
§ 442. Further instances of metathesis — ocsdWiayt, ' magic,
divination ', Di. asarluidheacht ; zLtutv, ' grace (before meat) ',
O.Ir. atluchur; ask&L, 'arm-pit', M.Ir. ochsal ; ccspul, 'apostle',
O.Ir. apstal ; d'i:J'L'j, gen. sing. fem. of d'id'ij] 'dear', % yri: Nd
d'i:J'L'd, a term of great endearment, cp. CI. S. 18 vi '04 p. 5 col. 4 ;
eN't'd, ' kernel ', Di. eithne, Macbain eite, eitean, M.Ir. ettne ;
kdh$r9, 'sign', Di. comhartha; ko:nir', 'coffin', <comhrainn in-
flected form of comhra, ' chest ', Meyer comra (comhraidh Sg.
Fearn. p. 96); kof'alcm, 'crowd', < M.Ir. comthinol ; kofr'ikdm,
' I consecrate ', Di. coisreacaim, Lat. cousecro ; rsdLt, 'star', M.Ir.
retla.
3. Dissimilation.
§ 443. Dissimilation of two nasals — cc:rN'ccl, 'sitting up late',
Di. airnean < M.Ir. airne ; iN'ser, 'anvil', O.Ir. indein, for the
ending cp. er' m,9 yoN'fxr', ' by my conscience ' ; fcindmor ',
' sermon ', Di. seanmoir, cp. fa.ndma.Nti:, ' preacher ', Di. seanmon-
taidhe ; note also Kilmacrenan = Cill-mac-nenain, Joyce, Irish
Names of Places i 49. One of the nasals may be lost as in
bxrri.n, ' queen ', by the side of bx:nri:ri ; simm:t'tnv, ' to think ',
143
M.Ir. smuained (§ 199); am'swa did', 'it is lucky for you' beside
sm'smrs, Di. meanra, M.li\ mo-genar; by.n-:inxfy.y., 'house-keeper',
cp. Di. f eadhmannta (?). The eases with r p ji have already been
mentioned in ^ 303. The reason for the loss of the nasal in
so:ruw (more commonly so:nruw\ Craig somhrughadh, Di. aonn-
rughadh, is not clear, dogzneil'i), ' Dunkineely ' (the stress and
pronunciation are against the form Dun Congliaile given by
Lloyd in his Postsheanchas).
§ 441. Dissimilation of two liquids — b'ilar, ' water-cress ',
M.Ir. biror; korJY'al, 'corner' from Engl., cp. gairtneal Sg.
Fearu. ; srUhlL', the name of a waterfall, < sruhair, cp. Joyce,
I.e. i p. 48. Loss of /• is not infrequent when another r occurs in
the same word, e.g. Qmwks, ' overplus ', Di. iomarcaidh, Atk.
imarcraid ; orLuiv, 'speech, eloquence', Di. urlabhra, M.Ir.
erlabra ; orava: krik', o. sLud Ji:, 'paralytic or apoplectic stroke',
o. y'r'ein'd, 'sun-stroke', seems to contain Di. urchradh which
may be changed by popular etymology from urchra, orchra, Wi.
erchra; cp. further Craig's an orthaidh, 'the day after to-morrow',
for which J. H. has a No:ri:r' (§ 280).
d'odsgocn, ' the white of an egg ', stands for gealacan, Macleod
gealagan.
4. Loss of Consonant.
§ 445. In a group of three consonants the middle one is apt
to disappear, e.g. domfos, 'gall', M.Ir. domblas ; ef&mlor', 'example',
Di. eisiomplair. This frequently happens when preterite forms
ending in two consonants are followed by the subject pronoun,
e.g. dxuwzr sd, ' he looked ', cp. Sg. Fearn. p. 89 ar amhair' tu
and Larminie p. 245, also autvar s&n, ' look at that ' ; du:r sd, ' he
said'; g9 d'a(:)r sd, 'that he did'; po:r sdd, 'they spilt', =dhoirt.
This also happens to a single final consonant in hctnd tuw, hen'i
fa, 'you, he came', cp. thaineamur in Molloy's 33rd dialect-list
and chunna' mi ZCP. iv 495.
§ 446. Initial n sometimes disappears from a wrong division
of the definite article before the substantive, e.g. cchdr N'wd,
'snake', O.Ir. nathir; asog, 'weasel', O.Ir. ness. Cp. further
Manx ashoon Rhys p. 139 and Sc. Gael, eumhann, 'pearl'.
§ 447. Isolated cases — im'js, 'contending, contention', Di.
imreas, O.Ir. imbresan ; kzri>'fk'r'i:std, 'sponsor', Di. cairdeas
Chriost ; the t of the suffix -uyt as in dxir'izy, 'bulling', cp.
Manx and Farney G. J. 189G p. 148.
144
In proclitics — g of gxy in x.y^ 'daywrNv Lx,, 'every other
day', also xy dara Lx (§ 137), a% il's yyn'o, 'every man',
xy dX Lx:, ' every day ', = gach aon la. Similarly the final t of
xyt, 'but', ep. xy irdd, 'at all' (;< 59). The n of the definite
article ,>n disappears before every consonant, except when the
vowel of the article is elided after another vowel, e.g. er 9 tx.:bh,
• on the table ' but /id: X tx:bld, ' under the table '. The ^ of
*ga(:), ' if ' < dia has disappeared and we find 9, x. Similarly
sporadically in such a case as N'i:r' vx:r o: (> do:, ao.) = nior
bh'fhearr dh6. The disappeai"ance of final c and w before another
consonant has already been mentioned (§§ 202, 345).
5. Loss of Vowel.
.5 448. 9 is lost before a form beginning with a vowel and in
small words it may be lost after a vowel. Where two &'s meet
the first is generally elided, cp. Finck i 125. do, de, dia, a may
be all reduced to 9 and disappear. Examples — his 9g9s ni'1/9,
'you and I'; ju:Lti: fi fo.suw, 'she refused to marry him';
ju:Lti: Jo Di9 wo: rx.Xx.y, 'he refused to bury my cow ' ; l:c i.r, 'a
cold night', =oidhche fhuar; 9s m's heiri 9r' am okuw, 'myself
being one of them ' ; ta m's go/, 'I am going'; k'l'vor/t',*, 'harrow'
(It I' id) ; orszfdii, ' quoth he ' ; iY'i:s fwid'9 Na. hig' I'ims iN'fd,
' further than I can tell ' ; ta,: g'xL kor 9g9in, ' I have laid .a
wager ' ; 9 Nx.rdkyJ\ ' towards him ', = i n-a aracais ; 9NsN9 d's9g 9
vi:L't'9 wuiX', ' in the teens of miles from where we are ' ; fa
Nam j'j lx.:, ' about this time of day ' (the de leaves as only trace
the aspiration of L to I).
Occasionally other vowels, even long ones, disappear after
another long vowel, e.g. La: V pa:drik\ ' St Patrick's day ' ; l:
l'o:n, 'St John's eve' (oidhche fheile Eoin) ; tx,:s 9g9in, 'I know'.
§ 449. In proclitics every vowel may be reduced to 9 and
disappear (j; 136), e.g. dx.kd I'ef, 'as for him', Di. i dtaca ; wzk9
tuw, ' did you see ', an bhfaca tuw ; yor 9 V9, ' almost ', = fa, do
chomhair. The verbal particle do never appears before the
preterite except when the verb commences with a vowel, agus
appears as x.gds, ogos, og9s, 9s, s.
Here we may also mention tokr9s orom, 'I am hungry'; tigh
ordin, ' I am afraid '.
£ 450. In a three syllable word the middle vowel if <?
disappears in a number of cases, e.g. xdruw, Di. eadarshudh ;
xugrx.y, Di. amhgarach, ko:grxy, ' near ', Di. comhgarach ; okros,
M.lr. accorus, occorus.
145
6. Vowel-shortening.
.^ 451. Apart from the reduction of vowels in proclitics every
long vowel in a syllable immediately preceding the stress tends to
become short. Finck states that the short vowel under these
circumstances retains its quality. This is not the case in Donegal.
Examples — tra.'no:n9, 'afternoon', Di. trathnona; aruw 'JN'e:,
' the day before yesterday ', < cc:mw, Di. athrughadh ; go d'ccr so
k'l'iuw, ' that he made a basket ' ; d'anuw g'r'iN' , ' to make fun ' ;
d'aN skart' er', ' call him ' ; ro/s "warn = Roise bhan ; koto mo:r,
'great coat' (ko:t9) ; gol go:l' } 'singing &c.', = gabhail cheoil ; 9
hart Vim, ' to take with me ' ; tort SU9S, ' giving up ' ; for dvw o,
'give it me' (to:r) ; N'i: vs Loy p'i.N'o do r'iN' ogom 1'a.t, 'I won't
have anything to do with you', Loy < Luoy, cp. § 27 ; tug art,
' get up. on with you ' said to a cow = tog ort ; ao No t'r'i: 9
yuorto, 'two or three visits', = dho no 1 tri de chuarta ; N'i: vs fs,
'he will not be', pausa form b'e(:)i, b'oi; o m'sd' im'o, 'the amount
of butter' (m'eid 1 ) ; J's d.) •voiho - se do bheatha ; oc'hei/n,', 'himself ';
k'ib' g.Uw, 'sedge' (k'i:V).
We have already seen that long vowels in stressed syllables
are commonly shortened before h < th (§ 7). This also seems to
have taken place in d'i$dL, 'strenuous effort', Di. dichioll, Wi.
dichill. In other cases we get double forms due to varying
stress, e.g. cc:t', ' place ' but o Nxt' i:n'ay, ' in some place or
other ' ; mo:ran, ' much, many ', but oNo moreen okuw.
7. Uncertainty of Initial.
§ 452. As words beginning in O.Ir. with e followed by a
non-palatal consonant or with u (o) followed by a palatal con-
sonant now begin with a and i respectively there is considerable
hesitation as to whether the final of the article should be palatal
or non-palatal before such forms. Some instances have already
been given in § 4. Further examples — o t'i:voL = an t-aoibheall ;
o tabor, ' the mud ', M.Ir. ebor, beside so N'ccbor, ' in the mud ' ;
I'ef 9 NccLxy, 'with the cattle', O.Ir. ellach ; bocnoN so ka:s, 'it
was just the same', for ocnoN see § 4 ; o N'ifoil', 'the game',
= an uis-fhedil ; o N'ifag, 'the lark', = an uiseag but always o
tifk'o, 'the water'; o t'ed'o, 'the teacher', M.Ir. aite ; o t'eir'o,
1 This no often aspirates a following numeral, e.g. ktt.g'jr No he/br ;
t'r'u:r Na caiyr. This may possibly be a relic of the ancient usage, see
Pedersen, KZ. xxxv 425.
Q. 10
146
' the heir ', Di. oighre ; 9 t'il'o, ' the wall of a turf-stack ', Meyer
aile; I'ef o N'oi, 'with the liver', O.Ir. 6a. Other examples —
9 t'omar, ' the trough ', Wi. ammor ; g.aJi orvS.:n s> go-.Ntzs = aon
dhath amhain de iongantas ; vi: to.-JVtjs anwo.-r, ' the astonish-
ment was very great ' ; kxrtv dv j'il', ' a quart of blood ' but also
a I'shadfi Jo y pi', ' such blood '. With these cases is to be com-
pared the hesitation between t and t' (§ 390) ; and / for s in
fi:l' 9 m (§ 354), /' for / in f'jo:bm' (§ 321).
8. Sandhi.
§ 453. The final consonant of one word and the initial of the
next frequently influence one another in rapid speech in much
the same way as if they occurred medially in one and the same
word. Finck mentions a few cases (i 122 — 124) but the most
important and at the same time most interesting cases he has
practically left untouched. Change in temper of a consonant is
commonly accompanied by a change in the quality of the pre-
ceding vowel. Once and for all it should be stated that when
the same consonant occurs twice in succession only one lon^
consonant is pronounced. This also holds good in cases of
assimilation. The sandhi phenomena may be classed under the
following heads :
i. A non-palatal consonant becomes palatal before a palatal
consonant.
ii. A palatal consonant loses its palatal quality before a
non-palatal consonant.
iii. Some consonants cause others to change their articulation
in other ways than those described under i and ii.
iv. A voiced consonant before an unvoiced consonant loses
its voice.
v. A non-palatal consonant may become palatal before a
palatal vowel.
i.
§ 454. Final L, I, N, n become IJ or N' respectively before
initial J. At the same time the preceding vowel is commonly
affected as only certain sounds can stand before L', JV'. Examples
for L, 1—d'seL' fi> ordm, ' it deceived me, failed me ' (d'fheall) ;
& 8lo:(i)L' Jb, ' this stool ' (stol) ; sd fobwiL' Jo, ' in this congrega-
tion ' (pobal) ; ji:L' J\,, ' he sold ' beside did mo, ' I sold ' ; fwiU
fi>, 'he caught' but foL m's; woL' fo, 'he praised' (molaim);
147
veL' /o, 'he ground', 1st sing, vet m'o; doiL' fd, 'he drank';
cu:L' /&, 'he walked', 1st sing. cu:V m'd ; foyl! f&, 'it bulged out',
infin. toLuw; skxL' fo, 'he scalded', infin. scalladli ; hoL' fd, 'he
consented', 1st sing, hot m'd', fk'iL' /'■>, 'he shelled'; sky.L' fd,
' he set free ', = scaoil.
Examples for N, n — 9/' k'iN' fin' = oa cioun sin; g Lo:yriN'
fill, 'that lamp' (Lo.-yrdN) ; had n kxt d k'iN' fi:s S9 jug, 'the
cat thrust her head down into the jug'; L'aniN' fin dd Nod,
' that comes of drink ' ; edgni:N' fi:, ' she complains ' ; stccdiN' fd,
' he stops ' ; el'iN' fi:, ' she rears ' ; friN' fd, ' he presented '
(phronn se) ; heiN' fd, ' he denied', 1st sing, hsdn m'd ; a krapxN'
/'in, 'that lump', Di. cnapan ; h&N' j'd — theann se ; d'xN' fd,
' he skinned ', = d'fheann ; ds mo:d'd di:dsd fin drs IN' d'rodan
Ner 9 tvu:N' fd sd Nocrdg'd = is moide diodsa sin, ars' an dreolan,
nuair do mhun se anns an fhairrge , sp'i:N' fi:, 'she teased', Di.
spion ; (/dd'e: JY' fo:rt, ' what kind ' ; dNsd jocrseN' fin , ' in that
horse ' ; ta: N sp'eir' Lol:N' fN'a.yt,d, ' the sky is full of snow ' ;
er a. iviN' fin, 'on that account' (son).
J^ 455. Final s becomes f before initial f t ', d', I' (which itself
frequently becomes L), N' , k'. The preceding vowel changes as
in the last paragraph. Examples — 9 kaf fo, 'this case'; kd N'sef
fin, 'so near'; vi.f fin dgdm, 'I knew that'; ylsef fil'd, 'bile',
= glas seile ; dffikir, 'on account of, = as siocair ; yrof fd, 'he
forbade ' ; lof fd, ' it blazed ' ; yjej' fi:, ' she met ' ; da:f fd, ' he
grew ' ; kof t'ir'im, ' a dry foot ' ; blpef d'cts, ' a pleasant taste ' ;
N'i: VdU o:Ntif L'im, ' I should not be surprised ' ; N'i: hid! dm gd
ggN'oiyiW fd kof L'iN', 'I do not think he would keep pace with
us ' (cos linn) ; 9s grocf L'ef, ' he is accustomed ' ; kluif L'id, ' a
grey ear'; dNd crif L'ef, 'in his girdle with him'; fi:f Uim,
' down with me ' ; t'aNuw suif L'ef, ' drawing close to him ' ; kof
N'lvn'a.y^, ' a sore foot ' ; df k'iN' fin, ' above that ', = os cionn ;
kar9fk'r'i:std, ' sponsor ', cairdeas Criosta.
§ 45 G. Final X, /, or N, n, followed by initial I' or n coalesce
with the latter and become L' or N' respectively. For purposes of
convenience we write L' and N' twice although only one L' or X
is heard. Examples — vi: ccsseL' L'ef, ' there was a donkey along
with him', Di. asal ; 9r cu:L' L'iN', 'away with us', air shiubhal ;
vi: sp'seL' L'im, 'I had a scythe with me' (sp'al); o:(i)L L'xt,
' drink on ', = 61 leat ; to:r d gccuw9L' L'cct, ' bring the fork with
you'; ko g'suL' L'ef, 'as bright as it ' ; oNseL L'ef, ' over he came ' ;
= anall leis ; b'ei mwid' mxL' L'o.fd, ' we shall be late with them '.
10—2
148
ghi:N' Nlvricufo ' a sore knee ' ; k'iN' N'ivn'ay, ' a sore head ' ;
riN' fiod o k'iN' N'i:s m'aso, ' they made her head worse '.
§ 457. n + V gives N'L', cp. § 254, e.g. bd vi:N' L'im, 'I should
like' = Iju mhian lioni. Similarly n, N + d' or t' give N'd', N't',
e.g. g.a: riN' d'zog, ' twelve ', am ciN' d'eog, ' eleven ' (k'iN) ; os
k'iN' d'l'i:, 'above law'; oN oN' t'ocy 9w6L:ri, 'in one house',
= i n-aon teach ; tot: mo qiN' t'iN', ' my head is bad '. Further
os k'iN' L'apo, ' above a bed '. In the same manner I + d', 1 + t'
give L'd', L't', e.g. 9 yo:(i)L' «?'»%, ' taking a drink ', = ag 61 deoch ;
9 go:{i)L' t'iL'uw, ' drinking more ', = ag 61 tilleadh.
§ 458. n may become ri before g as in ein pinal dwcl:n, 'a
single kind '.
n.
§ 459. Final r and V become r and L respectively before
initial t, d, N, n, L and /. Examples — fudr ttiw, ' you got ', but
1st sing. /'mV m'd ; dr da:r', 'a-bulling'; pa:/'t' 9r d'iun'ds, 'an
illegitimate child ' ; 9r to:n 9 Ncc:rd'9, ' bottom upwards ' ; toe: Js
9r N9 k'idLdNy: 9N' Uiv, ' he is making a black fast to-day ' ; tyuw
hir di:N', ' to the east of us ' (her') ; b9 yo:r do:, ' he ought ', = bu
choir do; yo:r N9 Lu:NdsN9, 'towards August' (chomhair) ; hir
N9 hidr, ' east or west ' ; N9r Nser' %9rs9 m'9, ' when he did not
ask me ' (Ner) ; hog f9 J'oun97aor do:, ' he gave him a lecture '
(/'acrwmor') ; 9r'e:r do wocrufo, 'according to your opinion' (ar'eir');
ta: fin glaky: 9r'o:r N9 b'l'ioN9, ' that is taken by the year '
(dr'eir) ; odtocr do:son = athair do-san ; mor bwiL tuw, ' unless you
are ' ; yaL tuw, ' you lost ', = chaill tii ; ka. wiL N9 bah, ' where
are the cows 1 ' ; N'i:r lo:r m'9, ' I did not speak '.
r also becomes r before N', n, L', I', e.g. yor N'%9n 9 ri: er
gu:l 9, 'the king's daughter put him off'; ocbor Vim, 'tell me';
N'i:r n'i: m'9, ' I did not wash ' ; N'i:r I'iok m'9, ' I did not
stroke '.
§ 460. r becomes r before initial r, e.g. fir ru9, ' red men ' ;
fir rim's, ' tough men ' ; fir rj^ :Lt9, ' staid men ' ; uor r'iv9 fin ,
' an hour before that ' (uir).
V becomes I before r, e.g. kgr fql ro:n9, 'to have nose-bleeding'.
§ 461. r +/ gives rs, e.g. vsr so, 'he gives'; d'sr S9, 'he says';
du:r so, ' he said ' ; or su:l, ' away ', also er' gu:l ; do.r 89 dtfw, ' it
suited me ' (d'fhoir) ; lo:r S9, ' he spoke '. In two instances r'
149
becomes r but /'remains. These are kor fi:s t'in'i, 'put some fire
on ' ; vr fayran, ' astray '.
Similarly r + y"gives rs as in 9 far S9n, ' that man '.
§ 162. u', N' become N before /, d. Examples — b'iJV ti9,
' gable ' (b'iX') ; fiN taluw gcufeufo ' that is spongy land ' ;
kwn'ay? m'd fiN did', ' I shall remember that of you ' ; riN
two fin' 9S kos d dakd, 'you did that without any provocation',
= rinne tii sin as cos i dtaca, Di. taca (?) ; woN de a yj/d' e9di:,
' he pulled off his clothes ' (bhain).
§ 463. n, N' become n before r, e.g. fayjm rwd hciuwin', ' a
week before All-hallows'; o:n ru&, 'the Red River' (name of a
stream) = abhainn ruadh.
§ 464. t', d' become t, d before t, d, e.g. (jdn boNt do:, 'without
touching it ' (biviN't') ; vi: fs a hefocNt dlJtv, ' he was shewing it
to me ' (t'efxN't') ; cc:l ti<>, ' site for a house ' (a.:?) ; ser'o 9 horl
dtJw, 'to take, care of myself (to:rf) ; Kit tuw, 'you fell' (hit'),
kod de, ' a part of it ' (kyd') ; ds m'ihid did', ' it is high time for
you ' (in'ihid').
iii.
§ 465. n becomes N before L, N, t and d, e.g. dN'ei N La:
We:, ' after yesterday ' ; d'er'uw JV Le:, ' the end of the day ' ; sJV
La: diva:n, ' one day ', = aon la ; fa woN N9 tohyd, ' around the
bottom of the hill ' (bun) ; daN tuw, 'you remained', = d'fhau tii ;
d'aJY dd jipL, ' do your utmost '.
§ 466. r becomes r before L', V, N', e.g. w L'ec, ' apart ' ;
sr L'ar, ' in a fix, astray ' ; k'iN d N'ir I'ei, ' the head of the grey
man ' ; to:r I' at, ' take with you ' ; b'i: obdr I'ofd, ' they require
attention ' (obair) ; N'i:r l's:r Vim d dUw, ' the black was not
clear to me ' ; alwr N'xvd, ' serpent '.
§ 467. V + V gives L', e.g. 9 far 9 cu:L' L'iN', ' the man who
walked with us', = an fear a shiubhail linn ; ta: fin kosu:L' L'ef,
' that is like it '.
Similarly n' + n gives N', e.g. fiN' N'aK9Ny:, 'those are
things...'.
§ 468. n' + r gives N'L', e.g. N'i: ha:N' L'im, 'I do not
like', =ni h-ain Horn, cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2. For other
examples see § 254.
§ 469. I', it +f give L'j] X'f e.g. mi: N& su:L' fur, ' the
150
weeks from July 15 to August 15 ', = mi na siiil siar because the
last year's crop has come to an end (also called mi: Nd su:l'
bwid)\
$ 170. In the case of bh + bh the result in a few cases is b,
e.g. dib'iW, ' Dibbin ' (place name), < dubh-bhinn ; li:bos, ' on
this side ', = taobh 'bhus. The latter form leads to li:b hocL, ' on
the further side', also ti:pa.L, ti:baL ; ti:pvds, 'on the upper side ';
tirp'idr, 'on the west side'. Cp. Pedersen p. 161.
iv.
§ 471. A voiced final loses its voice before the pronouns fd,
fi:, fidd &c, e.g. ayt^ fd, 'he stole'; arit^ fd, 'he closed'; dd
yj/t^ fd, ' your share ' ; idtsdn, ' they ', = iadsan ; da:k tuw, ' you
left ' ; hok fd, ' he took '. Compare sdksamvil', ' wonderful ', Di.
eagsamhail.
§ 472. Proclitics ending in a non-palatal consonant are
frequently affected by an initial palatal vowel, e.g. d'ar, ' your
husband', <do + fhear 2 ; itio.r, 'my husband', <mo + fhear; m'ip,
'my whip' (§ 452); d'xL' f& < do + fheall ; N'i: b'oc:r, 'better',
= ni ba f hearr ; b'omwi: txy Nd moyt d ro tcc.rLxy dN, ' Charles
was in many a poor-house', = bu + iomaidh but N'i: bo:li: — \\i
b'eolaighe ; a,y mdr b'e:, ' had it not been for him ' ; se:, fi:, ' it is
he, she ', but ds me:, ' it is I '. Here the case of the article may
also be mentioned, dd War, ' to the man ' ; d Wi:r'iWd, ' the
truth '.
9. Vowel-length.
§ 473. In Donegal there seem to be four degrees of length in
vowels, viz. short, half-long, long and overlong. Long vowels
occur mostly in syllables with strong stress. When they occur
in other syllables they are very frequently due to contraction.
For the appearance of half-long vowels I can unfortunately give
1 Cp. Lecky, History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century vol. i p. 228 :
"There has always been in Ireland a great increase of real distress during
the summer. Sir C. Lewis thus describes the state of things in the early
years of the present century: 'In the summer, when the stock of old
potatoes is not yet fit for food, the country is covered with swarms of
occasional mendicants ' ".
2 The d of da never loses its voice in Donegal.
151
no rule. They occur in L'%:wa.n, 'porpoise', Di. liomhan greine ;
nsti:<; (also jstir), 'indoors, inside', similarly Qinwi.-r (nmwir),
'outside', Di. istigh, amnigh ; so:, 'tang' (§ 70); to:s, 'to
measure, guess', Di. tomhas. Further in the preterite of certain
verb-forms ending in th, dh, gh, e.g. d'i: m'd, 'I ate', hi: mz,
' I sat', n'i: m'j, ' I washed '; also in the future si:hd m's, 'I shall
sit'. For these forms cp. § 112.
Final short vowels in stressed syllables are very short indeed.
They may be compared with final I, I', n, n', r and r '. To call
attention to this the grave accent is sometimes employed in this
book.
$ 474. Finck quotes a large number of forms for Aran with
overlong vowels and such vowels are frequent in Donegal. In
stressed monosyllables overlong i: may appear instead of h before
a non-palatal consonant (§ 164), e.g. d'i:g, 'dyke', Di. diog but
dat. sing. d'i:g' with ordinary length; f'i:r, 'true', O.Ir. fir but
gen. sing. f'i:r with ordinary length; f'r'irm, 'through me'
(% 320) ; k'i:r, ' comb ', Di. cior but dat. sing. k'i:r with ordinary
length ; p'i:b, ' throat ', beside p'isb, Di. piob ; fix, ' down ' ;
fk'r'i:b, 'furrow', Di. scriob. This may also sometimes be heard
in dissyllables, e.g. sp'l'i:uay^ 'a tough, wizened beast', Di.
sph'onach ; J'L'i:kuw, 'to stroke', Di. sliogaim. Overlong u: -
i. O.Ir. u in glum, 'knee', O.Ir. glun ; rum, 'secret', O.Ir. run ;
d'u:l, ' to suck ' (§ 52). ii. O.Ir. ua, e.g. u:n, ' lamb ', O.Ir. dan ;
ku:>i, 'harbour', M.Ir. ciian. { ; is overlong in £:l, 'lime', Di.
aol. Any vowel tends to be overlong as the final of a stressed
monosyllable, e.g. b'jo:, ' alive '.
§ 475. More frequently however overlong vowels are due to
contraction, e.g. bloc:y, 'buttermilk', Di. blathach ; brim, 'quarrel',
Di. bruighean ; bid:, compar. of biuix% ' thankful ', Di. buidheach
(also gen. sing. masc. and fern.) ; bo:?; 'deaf, Di. bodhar but gen.
sing. bo:r and denominative bo:ri:m with normal length ; b'a:^,
'beast, horse', Di. beathaidheach, but fanva.:*/^ with ordinary
length; ./a/%, 'giant', Di. fathach ; f'i:m, 'I weave', Di. fighim ;
ku:N, ' narrow ', Di. cumhaug ; Lu:hd, gen. sing, of Lui, ' ashes ',
Di. luaith, luatha; L'i:»/, 'I lick', Di. lighim ; ra:y, 'drift of
snow' (§ 19); sLot.y, 'slush', Di. slathach ; sy:m, 'I sit', intin.
sy:, Di. suidhe; su.iv, 'to suck', < sughadh but not in suw,
'juice ', Di. siigh ; fu:l, ' to walk ', Di. siubhal ; ti:dov, ' thatcher ',
Di. tuigheadbir ; trot.:, gen. sing, of trari, ' strand ', Di. traigh,
tragha.
]o2
§ 476. The y: of the plural ending dNy: is generally overlong
as also a preceding long vowel if the 9 is absorbed, e.g. a/.Ny:,
plur. of x:, ' luck ', Di. adh ; eir'i:JVy:, ' Irishmen ' ; f'x:Ny:,
' fathoms ', from fa:, Di. feadh ; gr'&si:Ny:, ' shoemakers ' ;
kro.:Xy:, plur. of hra:, ' torment ', Di. cradh ; kyN'fk'l'd:Ny:,
'disturbances', Di. coinsgleo ; k'o:Ny:, 'mists', Di. ceo ; k'xhgu:Xy:,
'lullabies', Di. cealgadh ; sNu:Ny:, plur. of sNuw, &Nud, 'com-
plexion', Di. snuadh ; fL'i:Ny:, plur. of/X'i:, Di. slighe.
The ending of the first person sing, of the pres. ind. of verbs
of the second conjugation (-i:m) has an overlong i: as m has been
substituted for rri.
10. Stress.
§ 477. Word-stress always falls upon the first syllable of a
simple word, e.g. 'draNtan, 'droning', Di. dranntan, infin.
■drxXta.nxyt ; yor, 'sitting of a hen', Di. gor, -gorayss, 'cuddling
round the fire'; sp'al, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel, •sp'ztethr, 'mower',
'sp 0J.9dcLra.yt, 'mowing'; to:n, ' podex ', •to.ncjca.n, 'a short
stumpy fellow', also the gait of such a person, cp. CI. S. 30
vii '04 p. 5 col. 3. The suffixes -an < -an, -ay, -<zyt < -ach, -acht
have very strong secondary stress as also all syllables containing
long vowels or vowels that were originally long. The relative
stress of syllables may be denoted by figures under the syllables,
1 = chief stress. When we have two syllables with strong second-
ary stress, the first of the two is usually the stronger. Examples —
anas, ' sore straits ', xnxst9, ' distressed ', Macbain has anasta,
12 12
' stormy ', < anfhadh ; arrN'ef, ' furniture ', Di. airneis ; bxtxL't'9,
12 12
' wap ' (ij 9) ; bwix,y9S, 'thankfulness', Di. buidheachas ; bx:t'i:n',
12 12
';t mossy pool of water on a bog', = baitm from M.Ir. badud,
'to drown'; b'xNxyti:, 'blessings', = beannachtai ; b'arad, 'cap',
1 2 * 3 1 2
Di. birread, plur. b'aradi:; b'esUstan, 'big foolish talker',
1 2 :5 1 t
= bealastan; b'r'irjod'xy, 'dreaming' (subst.), cp. Di. briongloid-
l 2 :i
each ; do.ni9Nto.n, damsNtor, ' seducer ', = damantan, -oir ; du:r-
1212 1
xytay, 'earnest, zealous', Di. diithrachtach ; d'i9yxA r t9, 'devout',
2 ' •". J 1 2
Di. diaganta ; d'r'9uvdxj, ' licentiousness ', d'i-'duivlxsx.y, ' licen-
12 1 2 3
tious', DL dreabhlas; idsaytay^ 'given to borrowing', Di. iasach-
1 2 " 3
1 53
tach ; ku:ra:, 'conversation', ko:ra:t'ay, 'conversationalist', Di.
12 12 3"
cdnihradh, comhniidhteach ; kyg'a.1, 'distaff', Di. cuigeal, coigeal ;
l 2
L 'atromay, 'pregnant', Di. leathtromach ; otgana/v, 'rogue', Di.
l 2 3 " l 2 3
bganach ; rid'aga.%, 'a small bush <>n which the Saviour is said to
1 2 3
have been crucified and which in consequence never grows to any
size, wild myrtle (?) ', Di. raideog, Hogan raideog, raite6g. Occa-
sionally however we get 13 2 as in fadcda.%, 'slow', Di. f'adalach ;
132"
La:nu:nayo, 'couples', plur. of La:nu:n', Di. lanamhain.
1 32"
§ 478. The syllables have close stress after a short vowel and
open stress after a long vowel. In forms like dpno, Va.Na.yt,
Varad, batd the syllable-division is in the consonant but after a
long vowel the consonant belongs to the following syllable, e.g.
<h.:-n9, do:-nay. When there are two consonants separating the
vowels the division comes between the two, e.g. mas-Lay, J'it'-r'i:,
ir t -lay. Hence the articulation of the second consonant is not
generally anticipated in the first. See further § 437.
11. Stress of Compounds.
§ 479. In proper compounds as a rule the first element
receives the stress, e.g. 'baiidLtro, 'nurse'; •ifoil', 'game', = oss
+ feoil ; •k'\Nta:rNayJ, ' bareheaded ' ; ■ L'inddayj ' linen ', = lion-
eadach ; •I/'cLsen'om, 'nickname'; L'a.yprsen, 'half-crown '; 'mw£i-
yfiay, ' tender-hearted ' ; w ru9vir'ig', ' iron deposits in water '.
Under this head come the prefixes a-, 're-', O.Ir. ath-; a:rd-,
'arch-', O.Ir. arc! ; d'e:-, 'good', O.Ir. deg- ; so-, do-, O.Ir. so-, do-,
e.g. 'ayagnuw, ' to chew the cud ' ; -ayli:, ' relapse ', = ath +
claoidh ; 'sel'iguw, ' relapse ', = ath + leagadh ; •ccrdaspok, ' arch-
bishop ' ; 'a:rd;rjtj, 'archangel '; 'd'e:lo:rd, ' eloquent ' ; 'deiwoluw,
' sweet smell ' ; 'sopr'efo, ' credible ' ; cp. the proverb Vi: din 9
spud soyo:rL'ay, Vi: din's dqnd •<hyo:rL'ay, ' a lucky man is
easy to counsel, an unlucky man difficult '.
§ 480. When the second member of a compound stands in
genitival relation to the first it receives the stress, e.g. a.har
•N'wo, 'serpent'; ark 'fL'eivd, 'lizard'; bwxL' 'feir'v, 'laughing-
stock ' ; ViN 'tid, ' gable ' ; i:$dN -feU'o, ' the eve of a festival ',
< oidhche cheann feile ; kardf m k'r'i:std, ' sponsor ' ; mak 'aLa,
' echo ' ; mi: •a.uivrd, ' the month of February '.
154
§ 481. Foreign words which retain the foreign stress may
come to be regarded as compounds, e.g. d'i'o:J'i:, 'diocese';
fk'vxjik'if, ' quinsy ', < Engl, squinansy. Several obscure words
with stress on the second syllable were probably once compounds,
e.g. gx'/a:, 'panting 5 (note however the interjection pcc'pa. = 'don't,
don't touch'); nwricyiL', 'scald-crow', O'R. moruadh, moruach,
Di. murthuidlie ; pTei'Jam, 'bother, nuisance ' (?) ; rrfo:r'i:n , 'a
small shower after a squall '.
§ 482. The second member seems to receive the stress in
verb-forms with on-, e.g. owyord, 'a match for', = ionchorrtha
CI. S. 25 vi '04 p. 6 col. 1. ku:y'j -mum, ' Minister ', ku:y'i(:)
'yj)Nayt<>, 'Connaught' and ku:y'i(:) 'Ididn, 'Leinster', are regular
but one generally hears •Jeu:g' oluw, ' Ulster '. Adjectives con-
taining X'zu-, O.Ir. neph-, neb-, have the stress on the second
element, e.g. X'airccswiz.y, ' independent '.
§ 483. Even stress occurs but not exclusively with the
prefixes ctu-, 'very', dray-, 'bad', di:-, ' un-, in-', mi:-, ' un- ',
ro:-, 'too', e.g. •airi:Jbl, 'very low'; •coi'okrds, 'great hunger';
'y.XLii:y<>r, 'very active'; • droywu:uuiv, 'bad manners'; 'droyji:v,
' bad appearance' ; 'd/rov'idri:, 'attempt to violate'; 'd'iyji.'l'sauw,
'indigestion'; "m'iraNtra'.'Y, 'untimely'; 'm'ira.:, 'misfortune';
•mireid'ccy, 'impatient'; ■7n'irhx:stv, 'dissatisfied' (but also
' m iho.:sld) ; 'm'i:r'dN lias uneven stress because the etymology
(rai-gh rearm) is obscured; -rorwccL, 'too late'. Further in y
■jivX'tjfk ', 'on purpose'; 'kCirjy.s, 'ambidexter', Di. coimhdheas.
12. Sentence-stress.
£ 484. In this particular the Gaelic dialects do not seem to
differ very widely, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 264 ff. and Finck i 127ff.
The chief cases have been well summarised by Finck and we
adopt his arrangement. ' before a syllable is employed to denote
strong stress, : medium stress and - weak stress. Where necessary
special emphasis may be denoted by ;.
g 485. A noun as subject is stressed more strongly than the
verb, e.g. :henik' •ma.:r'v, ' Mary came ' ; :roy y 'too:, ' the cow
calved'; :ta: •LUyjer oram, 'I rejoice'; -lokrus ovdm, 'I am
hungry ' ; :N'i:l' -okras orom, ' I am not hungry '. But -tx:s dgdm,
' I know ', •N'iV 9s d<pm, ' I do not know ', N'i: -ro:s dynm, ' I did
not know', y 'm'owos ogom, 'if I had known', cp. further (y)
•y'ifN'isti>, ' unawares '.
155
§ 486. Subject pronouns have much weaker stress than the
verb apart from the forms of the copula js &c, e.g. 'hi:N' f<>, ' he
stretched ' ; 'hen'i m's, ' \ saw '.
§ 487. A dependent genitive or attributive adjective is more
strongly stressed than the substantive, e.g. mx.d,> 'ru9, 'fox';
p'ad&r Ay -b'i:N'ayji, 'Peter of the pence' (the name of a beggar) ;
/•■>/'/ 'wa:n, 'fair Rose'; txlnw "maif, 'good land'.
The numerals however also have strong stress, e.g. 'd's 'boNtg,
' ten pounds ' ; 'ku:g' fi:p&, ' five pipes '. But when d's9g follows
the substantive the latter loses its strong stress, e.g. "oyj^t) b'i:N'
'd'sdff, ' eighteen pence '. Note also • axvyd, ' forty '.
^ 188. Adjectives and substantives used predicatively with
c>s (= is) and the negatives JV'i:, Aa;/ Ac. have stronger stress
than the subject, e.g. ds 'mo:r j fax 9, ' he is a big man ' ; Na.'y
'b'r'a: A Lx.: 9, ' is it not a fine day 1 '
Similarly with tx:, e.g. ta: J'b 'dor9^(9, ' it is dark '. But tx.:
may have the stress in an emphatic reply, e.g. 'ta: ft dor9y?= 'you
are right, it is dark ' (locally ' it's jest dark, 'tis jest, jest ').
§ 489. A substantival object is more strongly stressed than
the governing verb, e.g. du:rs9 'o:ran, 'he sang a song'; kaihdm
to'baJcd, ' I smoke tobacco '.
A pronominal object has weak stress, e.g. 'kraJc9 m'9 huw,
' I shall strike you ' ; t9r -daw 9, ' give it to me '.
§ 490. Adverbs and adverbial expressions have generally
stronger stress than the verbs or adjectives they qualify, e.g.
(jlxk <jd 'sokyr' 9, ' take it easy ' ; JYx kyr ko 't'Uw idd, ' do not set
them so close '.
§ 491. Prepositions, pronouns, conjunctions and the negative
particles have weak stress, e.g. -Ae> - Aa;/ 'tvxkd -tuw -m9, ' did
you not see me 1 ' ; -mas 'mx.i -Vat, ' if you please ' ; gd-d'e: -mar 'tx,:
-tuiv, ' how are you ] '
§ 492. Emphasis is denoted either by the construction with
96* or by stressing a word which would otherwise not have the
strong stress, e.g. 'N'il'as 9g9m 'ha tciL' Jh, ' I do not know where
it is '.
Sentence-stress is marked in the first few lines of the tale
An Chevalier agus na tri daill p. 241.
156
13. Intonation.
i; 193. Donegal intonation does not differ very widely from
that of English and German. The most strongly stressed syllables
frequently have the highest pitch and the tone falls towards the
end of a statement. Whilst fully aware of the impossibility of
accurately representing intervals in speech by the ordinary musical
notation I give the following examples for what they are worth.
The examples represent some of the most ordinary forms of
statement and question, to which I have had to limit myself, as
I do not speak the dialect as a native. I have to thank Dr
Charles Wood for kindly assisting me with my examples.
Statements,
i. ta: m's yd maip.
9 9 9 e -
ii. ds b'r's: N La: 9.
f g g d c$.
iii. La: b'r's.9 (the ordinary salutation on the road).
ft fd.
iv. N'iV m'd gd mai<;.
(*)£// d (sadly).
(b) af f f d (emphatic).
v. toe: L'o:g9.
e g d.
vi. mxfd L'o:(jd heiii 9la:.
9 e f « / fed.
Questions.
i. g9 d'e: m9r ta.: tuwl
e g g f c.
ii. wiL tuw goL JV9 wel'9 1
f f f f dc.
iii. wiL tuw t'iJY' ?
(a) d\? d\? Bl? (expressing sympathy).
(b) d\> s> 4T«k
iv. N r <> Ncvy wiL luw gd metipl
db d\) db c Bt? a (surprise).
v. gdd'e: N fort Le: to.: vN 9N'Uw\
e f d (p c c B.
157
14. Characteristics of Donegal Irish.
$ 491. Lip-articulation in the case of the vowels is not well-
marked. There is slight protrusion in the case of p, b, m, retrac-
tion in ;/, //, in'. Rounded front vowels are entirely absent. The
tongue is advanced and articulates forcibly against the top teeth
(//, A, t, d). In the case of the palatal sounds the tongue rests
against the lower teeth, also in the case of 8. 1 occurs in four
varieties, r in three, the latter is generally slightly rolled. The
consonants, particularly the stops, seem to be much tenser than
the vowels. All consonants occur both voiced and unvoiced
except s, f and p. b, d, g are voiced ; p, t, k, s are aspirated ;
unaspirated p, t, k and p', t', k' occur with lax articulation after
s, )\ v. Nasal resonance is particularly strong. The glottal
catch is altogether wanting. Palatal and non-palatal consonants
are contrasted, the quality of the consonants being apparently of
greater relative importance than vowel-quality. Whilst the
numerous consonant-types are well articulated, many of the
vowels are remarkably ill defined, two vowels being frequently
interchangeable. The back vowels are much better represented
than the front and include peculiar high-back-unrounded sounds.
Low vowels are also represented and every vowel may occur
nasalised. The quality of the vowels often depends on the
environment. There is a tendency to make all short vowels
wide and lowered and all long vowels narrow. Long vowels
in stressed monosyllables are apt to become overlong and
diphthongisation occurs in the case of s; and i: . Long vowels
appear chiefly in syllables with strong stress. In weak syllables
the vowel is generally d but a is not rare and long vowels due to
contraction are often found. Close stress after short vowels.
Assimilation is frequent particularly in sandhi. Most consonants
tend to be long or half-long but I, r, n, V , r, n', r, w are
always short and at the end of stressed monosyllables are clipped
or over-short. There is a great difference between strong and
weak stress. The traditional stress always falls on the first
syllable. Unity stress plays a great part. Pitch much as in
English and German.
WOED-LISTS.
(Old and Middle Irish, Scotch Gaelic and Manx.)
The figures refer to the paragraphs.
Old and Middle Irish.
(Forms having the same spelling in Old and Modern Irish are
omitted from this list.)
aba 40, 251
abacc 143
aball 142
abann 83
abbuig 360
abis 324
abra, fabra 142
accmaing 48, 257, 411
accorus, occorus 23, 411, 450
-ad 49
adaltair, adaltrach 68
Adam 17, 135
adarc 70, 412
adbar 17
adgladur 63
adlacaim, adnacim 59
admat 17, 129, 291
adoraim, adraim 106, 170, 338
adsuim 315
ae 171
be] 111
kg 145, 172, 199
aged 171
aibind v. oibind
aicned 75
aidche 121, 179, 343
ai»red v. oigred
aile 89
aile 90, 98, 452
ailedu 124
ailemain 48, 90
ail6n 89
aimser v. amser
aine 114
aingel 75, 129, 306
ainmide 89, 138
airchess 138, 278
aire, fair 89, 285
airet 59
airigid 75
airmiu 145, 327
airnaigthe 57
airne 275, 443
airrecht 89
airther, airthir, airthiur 31, 235, 280
airthiu 280
ais 63, 65, 127
ais, ois 379
aissec 75
aite 89, 452
aithech v. athech
aitherraigim 21, 279
aithes 7
aithgerre 139
aithgeuin 177, 247
aithgne 5
aithgninim 89, 264
aithigim 5
aithirge, aithrige 75, 288
aithne 5
aithrechus 75, 288
aittenn 75, 389
ulad 215
allse 75, 225
alp 138, 215
altugnd 209
amail, amal 277
amain 263
amarc 48, 129, 144
ambor, ammor, 129, 452
amdeon 38, 263
amiress 129, 144, 172
159
amlaid 141
amran 35
amr6id 171, 324
amser 5, 297, 353
anaim 3, 244, 315
anair 253
ancel 75, 306
andam 47, 236
andeon, andcoin 251
andgid, andgidecht 306
andiarraid 63
andr<5 21, 246
andsen, andso 254
anfand 48
aufiss 89, 138, 325
angbaidecht 197, 302
angel v. aingel
anglas, englas 172, 215, 303
anim 247
anis 253
anmide v. ainmide
iinne 251, 315
apreil 89
apatal 4, 361, 442
ar, aire, fair 89, 218
ar- v. aur-
arad 121
aradaiu 252
arara 47, 172
arbor 129, 138
arde 60, 275
arget 129, 283, 433
ar oen 285
aros 129
as 16, 315, 350
ascid 125
ass 350
assal 4, 129, 350
astaim 315
astar 129
astud, fastud 171
atliaigim 5
atathar 7
atbeir 88, 181, 327, 370
atchi 112, 180, 391
athchomsan 178, 197
atohonnarc 240
athchuingid 306
athech, aithecb 183, 315
atluchur 442
atmail, atmu 327, 404 '
att 3, 381
atud, fatod 171
auctor 397
haue 34
augaire 64, 338
aur- 57, 103
aurchor 57, 138
aurlabra v. erlabra
aursa 57, 103
axall 212
bacc 411
baccach 369, 411
bacbar 330
bacur 426
biklud 175, 369, 177
badun 196
baes 63
baigul 63
baith 63, 182, 369
baitsim 369, 441
balb 25
balccim 25
ban- 21
banaltru 129
banb 244
banne 251, 369
bar 293
barach 13
bass, boss 9, 350
bat 397
bathud v. badud
becc 106, 426
bech 330
becht 334
beirimm 180
belacb 330
belad 187, 220
belbach 197
belre 86, 210
beltene, belltaine 21, 249, 380
ben 244, 374
bendacht 236, 374, 380
bengan, benglan 302
benn 251
bern 21, 239, 275
berrad 12, 21
bert 275
bes 350
betbadacb 19, 183
bethu 175
beus 321
biad 163
bibdaide 121, 165, 196, 374
bidcim 302
bind 109, 251
bir 270
biror 97, 129, 444
bithbinech 327
blaesc 62
blatbuait 186
blegon 106, 129
blen 158
bliadain 237, 263, 374
bloc 9
hoc ^5 ^
bocc 369, 411, 426
bodar 326
boinend 129, 236
bolad 121, 215
bole, bolg, 114, 138, 215
bond 55, 236
borp 9, 138
boss v. bass
bot 55
100
botach 55
botheck 149, 175
brage 146
br&ge 146, 369
bratbaigirn 139
bratt 381
brecc 411
bregda 156, 283, 332
breit 402
brell 206
breoaim 115
bretknaigim 248
Brettan 381
brig 374
bringloit 27, 403
brissiud 353
britkeni 47, 121
brobb, brod 36, 202
broc 427
broen 62
broimm 110, 297
broind 369
brostaigirn 208
brotbckan 9, 178
bruden 121
bruirn 45, 346
buadartka 66, 279
buadech 405
buadred, buaidred 66, 123, 152
buaid 152
buain 392
bualad 66
bualtecbas 152
buane 66
buar 46
bude 121, 369
bulle 223
bunad, bunadas 49
bunnech 251
bunnen 251
bus 360
each 428
cacc 411
caennacli 63
caer 63
caerthann 63, 236
caick 63, 124
caidche 137, 329, 343
caill 410
caillech 223
caiudel 251
cainiud 124
cair 102, 280
cair 124
cairckuide 63
cairdes crist 118, 275
caismert 275, 353
caithem 5, 47, 172, 175
callaire 143, 206
camm 291, 410
capa 371
capull 3, 361
cara 410
carpat 138, 370
carric 268
cart 21, 380
cartaim 21
caslen 226
cath 135, 175
cathaigiin 139
catbair 139, 346
cate, cote 428
cathir 77, 139
catkraigtkeoir 288
catt 381
cech 428
cecharda 121
cecht 13
cechtar 4, 418
ceimm 153
ct^irin 88, 187, 288
ceirsech 86, 278
cele 82
celg 114, 138
celimm 418
cen 107, 428
cena 79, 179
cendaid 55, 236, 416
cendaigim, cennaigim 125, 236
cendsugud 238
cenel 12, 99
cengal 215
cengciges 111, 121, 306
cenglaim 302
cenn 236
cense 418
cepp 361, 418
ceppaim 361
cerd 82, 396
cerdcha 21
cert 21, 275, 380, 418
certle 227
cess 111
cet 396, 418
cet 105, 396
cetkern 183
cethernacb 239
cetne 166, 237
cethramad 21, 49, 279
cethrar 186, 279
cethri 186
cicb 164
ciccarach 118
cimas 51, 172, 418
cimbid 291
cin 97, 121, 418
cinel v. cenel
ciuiud 418
cintach 121
cir 117
cirrirn 279
claar 410
cladaire 70
claide 165
claideb 172
n;i
class 353, 410
clial> 17, lis
cliab&n 11)6
cliamain 144, 418
clocc 55, 110
cloc-att 55, 397
cloccenn 76, 132
cl6in 72
chi 45, 4-23
cluchc 110, 343
ro-cluinethar 98, 249
eliim 47, 98, 172
clupait 56, 361, 440
cnaim 148, 19G, 274, 324, 410
cnaip 135, 274
cnapp 274, 361, 366
cnessaigini 172, 284
cnetaigim 172
enett 284
cnocc 23, 110, 411
cnu 38, 172, 274
co 428
cobir 40
coblach 142
cocad 55
cocal 55
cocnam 9, 425
cocubus 48, 55, 425
cocbull 23
cocur 55, 425
coel, coil 62, 124
coic 52, 432
coicdigis, coicthiges 103, 121, 414
coiced, cuiced 49
coiclim 140
coidche v. caidche
coillim 223
coingell 206, 303
cois 52
coisregad, cosecrad 283
colba 138
colgg 138, 410
colinn 207
com-, cum- 48, 172
comairle 40, 226, 275, 410
comaithcbech 324, 344
comar 40
comarsa 40
comartha, comarde 36
comet 12, 98
comla 40
comleng 257, 324
comm 55
commairge 283
comnaide 40
comra 40, 442
comrad 40
comraind 1)8
comthach 319
comthinol 98, 442
comthromm 23, 110, 113, 129, 172,27!)
conart 55
Concboliar I III
','•
condud 55
confadacb 55, 138
congbail 217, 257
congnani 47, 172, 247
conmir 55
conne 251
coppoc 23
coraigim 23
corgus 138, 350, 426, 42'. i
corporda 121
coscar, coscrad 9, 178, 185
cosmail 23, 48, 172, 410
coss 350
cossceimm 76, 353
cossoit 124
cothaigim 23, 33, 175, 184
cote v. cate
cotlud 55, 207, 410
craibdech 16, 319
craidim 145
crec 106
crech 418
crem 144, 202
cretim 402
crin 164
cris 283
crithnaigim 248
cro 202
crob, crub 90, 372
crocbad 23
croccenn 76, 410
croda 429
croeb, craeb 127
cro is 62
cromm 55, 291
cross, crossaim 23
crot, emit 110
crotbaim 139
crottal 23
era 110
cruaid 152
cruthnecbt 98, 135, 264
cuala 67
cuilen 12, 410
cuimnecb, cumnech 98, 324
cuindedc 11
ro-cbuir 125
cuit 55, 402
culpait v. clupait
cuma 121, 172
cumce 303
cumme 291
cumscle 254
cumung 51, 172, 241
cundrad 185, 246
currech 267
cutbal 209
cuul 410
dabach 40, 143
Dabeoc 196
daidbre 395
daingen 129, 141, 172, 303, 395
11
162
dair 145
daire 110
dam 202
dam 324
dar v. tar
darduen 404
daurthecli v. durthech
dead 102
debaid 40, 143
dechenbor 48, 111, 264
-dechuid 181
dedenach 156
deg- 03, 479
degaid 162
deircc 135
deithbire 88, 319
del 52, 474
delb 138
delg 138, 401, 426
demess 88, 129, 324, 350
deiuun 40
denorn 20, 47, 172, 181
deod 32
deoin 38
der 32, 401
derbaim 138
derbrathir 80
derc, derg 4, 138, 426
dercaim 412
dered 88, 401
dergnat 21, 338
dermet 129, 138, 294, 401
derna 20, 21
dessel 88
det 155, 396
deug 26
dia sathairnd 27-3
diabul 48, 129, 134, 212
diade 429
diaid 162
diallait 113
Diarmait 84
dias 117
dichill 451
digbail 77, 105, 134, 196
dilegim 153
diltud 52, 209, 401
dimain 48, 118, 167, 196, 401
dimess 298
dlai 217
dliged 229, 401
dobongim 143
dochu 343
docuaid 17H
dochum 235
dochus 129
doel, dael 62
dogniu 261
doig 150
doilig, dolig 76, 395
duir 62
dom 42, 202
domain 40
domblas 55, 445
domnach 40, 172
Domnall 40, 206
domun 40, 129, 244
doreg 330
dorigeni, doringni 257
dortad 31
dorus 23, 129
duud 29
draigen 117, 165
dreimni 297, 401
dremire 283
dremm 4, 291
driss 401
drocbet 89, 129, 395
drucht 45, 135, 404
drui 270
druidecht 135
druimm 297
dub 42, 202, 395
duille 110
duma 172
dune 110, 395
durthech 141
duthchus 50, 331
duthoig 343
ebor 370, 452
ebraide 142
ec 426
ech 4, 161, 171
ucen 432
ecla 106
eclais 106, 427
ecne 106
ecsamail 426
ed 18, 106, 170, 315, 429
-ed 49
edenn 156
eilit, elit 187, 232
eirge 121
eirirj 160
eirred v. errad
eitsecht 158, 441
ela 4, 215
elaim, elud 30, 149
elatbain, eladain 121 n.
elit v. eilit
eliugud 158
ellach 13, 206, 452
en 155, 244
enbruthe 21, 197, 246
eng 4
englas v. anglas
enlaith 238
eochuir 26
Eogan 33, 244
eula 32
er- v. aur-
erball 57, 103, 440
ere 412
erchoit 57, 403
erchra 444
1G3
eret 59, 129
erlabra 57, 210, 1 1 I
ernaigthe 57
errad 107, 315
esbuid 11)7
escuog 241
espoc 361
et 155, 396
etail 77
eter, etir 82, 285
etre 88
etronnn 129, 155
ette 88, 389
ettne 442
fabra v. abra
t.uli.ul 16, 77, 197, 310, 392
fad v. fath
fae 63
faebur, faibur 124, 129, 310
faechog 63, 310
fagbaim 17
faidche 343
fair 89, 285
fairggae 5, 275, 433
faitches 122
fanuall 254, 315
farrad 49
fath, fad 182, 310
fatod 30, 171
febas 40, 192
fee 106, 135
fecbaini 13, 166
feccim 82
fedan 106
feidm 86
fele 318
fell 206, 318
femnach 318
fennaim 318
feoil, feuil 192, 229
fer 4, 318
fer 318
fere, ferg 111, 270, 318, 126
Fergus 121
ferr 21, 318
fersad 318
ferthain 249, 279, 318
fesoc 155, 318
fetairn 155, 396
fetan 396
fiad 13, 77, 138, 338
fiadnisse 237
fichim 100
fige 318
figuil 106
fillim 223
filliud 367
find 236, 318
rindfad 242
fir 285, 474
nrend 129, 318
fiaith 139, 310
nechud 178
fobairim 181
fdcaraim 67
focre 310
focul 310
fodesta 321
foditiu 171, 310, 402
foessam 47, 124, 310
fogabim 82
fogamur 40, 310
foglaim 192, 321
foilenu 11
foirrce v. fairggae
follan 9, 207
foloing 225. 257, 310
forir 63
forud 9, 310
fosead 9
fot 29
fota 310, 396
frecre 106, 129, 283, 318, 426
frigde 318
froicb, froech 62, 270, 310
fuacraim v. focaraim
fuagaim 168
fuairnra 297
fuidell 224, 310
fuigbe 195
faindeoc 11, 25?
ro-fhulaing v. foloing
furacbair, furachrus 56
furecbt 310
gabimm 40, 43
gabor 40
g4bud 425
gabul 40
gadar, gagar 70, 425
gael 63
gait 43
gaith 63, 112, 182, 425
gamnach 144
gamuin 144
gand 110, 236
ganem 83, 121, 263
garb 47, 110
garrda 21, 121
garit 425
gat 125, 396, 425
gee 426
ged 94
geiud 109, 307
geir 88
gel 4
gelbund 10
gell 431
gemred 88, 431
ger 86, 431
gerr 21, 275
gerrad 21, 268
gerran 10
gibbue 370
gilla 131
11—2
164
gins 52, 431
glaccad 411
glaine 98
glaine, gloine 98, 249
glend, glenn 236, 431
gles 431
gnatb 425
gne 93, 120
L'lutbech 94
gnim 47, 167
goba 40, 425
goedeilg 421, 425
goedel 95
gop 55, 370
gradaigini 147
grande, granna 230
greimm 111
gress 431
grip 109
gruad 152, 425
giuamda 121
gude 112, 121, 425
i 134, 253
iar 136, 137, 333
iarraid 105, 103
ichtar 164
id 435
ilur 58
imacuairt 395
imaig. imagin 141, 187, 196, 345
imarcraid 58, 444
imat, immat, iuinat v. imbed
imb 101, 297
imbed 58, 294, 399
imbel 129
imbresan 447
imlan 58, 291
imm 314
immada 134
immaig 345
immaire 58
immarbaig 58, 141
immchor 58, 291, 362
immda 58, 121
immirce, immirge 283, 420
immthecht 13, 101, 186, 297
imned 101
impide 101
imrad 58, 145
inchind 264
inda 237
indala 277
inde, indhe 93, 251
indein 251, 443
indell 251
indissim, innissim 109, 254, 353
indiu 42, 202, 251
indsaigim 238
inga 302
ingantach v. ingnuthacb
ingen 122, 250
ingnath, ingnad 247
ingnatbach 67, 70, 303
ini 250
init 403
inme 138
inna 237
innech 251
innocbt 235, 380
innuraid 103
inonn 4, 235
inricc 246
ir- v. aur-
irchoit 138
iress 109
irrair 171, 286
irsa v. aursa
is ed 170
istaig 345
ith 117, 182
itir v. etir
itu 164
iuchair 26
laarg, loarce 114, 421
labrad, labraim 40, 205, 292
lac 60, 205, 426
ladar 70
laech 63
lagatus 70
Laigen 171
lam 148, 205
lanamain 48
lassaim 25
lassair 25
latbach 139
lathe, latbi 83, 95, 205, 333
lebor 40, 222
lee 82, 222
lecco 411
lecun 111, 129
ledb 157, 370
legad 154
legaim 292
legend 156, 159, 222, 236
leges 156, 159, 222
legim 292
leiccim 432
leimni 86, 153
lem 144
lem 144
leuab 4, 47, 244
lenmain 48, 222, 244, 392
lennan 236
leo 32
lepad, lepaid 121, 362, 370
ler 222, 230
leth 222
letban 10, 222
letbet 88
letbu 311
liaig 160
lige 112, 205
linad 164, 222
liter 222, 389
1 &5
loarcc v. laarg
lobad 43
loeg 62
logldecht 152
lonini 55) 291
Ion 55
loon, loan 38
lore 13H
lossat 23
luaide 152
luch 56
hignasad 50, 132, 234, 237
lugu 50, 205
hub 134, 322, 324
lupad 45
luthgair 43, 331
hithmar 43, 45, 205
mace 3, 411
maccan 10
macraille 275
mael 63, 290
magar 70
maighden 171, 290
-mail 48, 172
-main 48
maindir 251
ro mair 89
mair 65
maite 75, 290, 402
mala 25, 121
maldacht 3
mani 277
-mar 48, 172
maraim 5, 283, 290
marb 47
marbad, marbaim 138, 270, 290
margad 138, 427
mass 135, 290
matan 402
mathem 5, 48, 172, 290
maten 75, 290, 403
mathir 7, 80, 290
mebuir 40, 172, 192
mecon 10, 129, 297, 411
med 18, 297
Medb 135, 157, 370
medg 157, 297, 426
medon 18, 40, 297
meit 402
mellad 297
mellaim 206, 209
men 99
menad 121
meng 302
menicc 111, 419
mer 86
mesce 111
messe, meisse 99
meth 94, 297, 346
methel 82, 129
mil 164. 297
milliud 223
millsiu 225
mind 236
niithich, mithig 175, 405
mlass 215, 369
mien 238
mligim 112
mocol 55, 426
mo-genar 246, 443
moidem 124, 326
moircc 76, 114, 290
moit 38, 135
moith 62, 172, 182, 290
molad 23, 290
mong 172, 303
moo 38
mordatu 38, 129
moth, mothach 333
mothaigim 175
mraicb 343, 369
mrath 175, 369
mncc 43
muchaim 45
muinigin 121
muinterda 129
muirn, muirn 275
muirnech 102
mulenn 129, 290
Muman 51
name 8, 196, 235, 324
nare 235
nathir 446
neb-, neph- 250, 482
nech 250
neim 98, 250, 322, 324
nel 155, 250
nem 202
nenaid, nenntog 250
neph- v. neb-
nert 250
nescoit 250, 403
ness 446
nessa 250
net 4, 250, 396
Niallgus 121
ni co 178, 329
nige 105
nigim 250, 261
nocha 329
nocht 25
noemthar 311
noib 125, 235
nonbur 59, 105, 235
notlaic 55, 207, 235
nne 46, 235
6a 34
6a 171, 452
obla 142, 207
obloir 10, 142
oc 83
6c 29
-6c 11
166
ocaiud 113
occorus v. accorus
ochsal 9, 212, 442
ocus 9, 129, 426
ocus 42G
Oengus 121
oentu 62
og, ugai 98, 326
oibela 100, 319
oibell 89
oibind 124, 324
oibriugad 98
oician 399, 432
oi fiend 0, 432
oigir 100
oigred 160
oilemain v. ailemain
oin 72, 150
oine 124
oiph 124, 324
oipred 371, 375
oirthir v. airther
ois v. a is
oland 23, 207
olcc 23, 412
om 144, 172
ongad 302
opond 55, 129, 370, 383
ord 396
ordd 396
ordlach 210
ordu 31
orlar 57
os cbiud 136
osnad 23, 132, 239
pardus 21, 45, 279
pater 75
Patrice 397
peccad 4, 365, 411
perm 365
petta 305, 381
pinginn 303, 305
puc 29, 427
popul 55
rad 392
radarc 70
raithnech 186, 264
rathe 145
ree, re 95, 286
reid 95, 271
relicc 98
remi, reinpi 98, 324
remor 144
remum 40
ret 59
retbim 271
r.'tla 442
riabach 73
riachtanus 73, 271
riagul, riagol 73, 280
riam 286
riar 73
richt 98, 271
rigin 121, 263, 271
robad 40
robarti 40
roboi 36
rogu 71, 95
R6im 172
roth 23
ruaic 151
sacard, sac-art 103, 380, 427
sacc 411
Sadb 17, 135, 370
saethrugud 279
saidbir 83, 100, 324
saigdeoir 171
saiget 70, 397
saignen 171
saigul 03, 348
sail 89, 229
saile 99, 229, 354
sailim 124, 354
sainred, sainreth 39, 270
sair 89, 283
saithar 61, 112
saland 25, 348
sam 38, 294
samrad 144
samuin 144
sant 110, 254, 348
sathech, saithech, sathach 183
sathud 145, 175
scaath 182
scailim 348
seaman 77, 348
scatan 398
see 352
sciam 94
scol 24
scoth 139, 345
scothaim 9, 139, 340
scrib, scripad 372
scribaim 196
scris 97
scuap 371
sebac 40, 352
sech 330
seche 161, 343
sechran 330
secht 330, 380
secbtman 197, 263, 352
sccul 427
seile v. saile
selb 88, 138, 324
selg 88, 229, 426
sen 352
senchas 138, 416
seng, sengan 302
senim 111, 259, 352
serb 47, 114
serrach 268
seser 88
1(>7
sessom 4, 172
sessreeh 13, 283, 353
si'tim, SLtiud 158, 402
sice 411
sil 164 215
silim 99
sillab 47, 97
sined 203
siniin 117, 249
siniu 249
sir 285
sithbe, sithfe 319
sithlaim 164, 220
siubal 352
siur 319
slabrad 142, 208
slat 75
sleg 18, 106, 170, 42!)
slemon 40, 144, 263
sliab 47, 158
slice 432
slige 230
slocim, slnciin 56, 208, 426
slondud, slonniud 98, 208, 251
sluag 208
slucim v. slociiu
smech 111
smeice 432
smer 86, 349
srnir 349
smuained 123, 199, 348, 443
snaidin 125, 239
snam 148, 196, 239
snathat 7, 239
snathe 239, 346
snecbta 255
snim 167, 196, 255
snuad 46, 239
sobarche 70
socc 23
soccair 23
soer, soir 62, 127
soillsiugad 225
soirb 89
soithech 171
sopp 9, 361
spel 349, 365, 477
spirut 349, 365, 397
spochad 23, 348, 359
srait 273, 403
sreng 304
sabacb 196
sude, suide 112, 126
sug 50
sugirn 346
sui 126
suidi 346
suirge 121
suithe 346
sust, suiste 348
tabairt 40
tachtad 3
Tadg 70, 126
taidbsc, tai<lbsiu 5, 321
taig 345
tainic 89, 176
tair 176
tairbrim 75
taircini 114
tairngire 138, 275, 303, 379
tairrngim 21, 275
tais 63
taisbenad 327
taiscim 395
taisfenad 110
taitnem 256
talam
379
tall 25, 176
tam 201
tanicc v. tainic
tapad 361
tar 75, 176, 285, 333, 397
tar, tair 56
tarb 3, 47, 379
tarla 210, 275
tarr- 21
tarraing 21, 257
tarsnu 440
tathad 183
te, tee, te 32, 91, 388
tech 4, 382, 388
tecosc 426
techt 176, 380
teglach 106, 338
teilcim 229
teit, do-theit 86, 176
teith 388
tempol, tempul 212, 361
tend 236, 388
tene 111, 121, 263, 388
tenge 121, 302, 388
tenlach 13, 207
teou 32
tessta 382
tiach 388
tiar 176
ticc 176, 432
tidlacim 207
timmchell 366
timsugad 97
tind 109
tinnes 129, 388
tintuuth 388
tiug 42, 202
tobach 143
tocbail 38, 379
tochras 23
totfund 201, 306
togaim 71
togu 71, 95, 105
toib 62, 124, 127, 379
toirnech, tornech 20, 275
fcoirsech 102, 278
tol 24, 379
tomm 55, 291
168
tomus 40
tuilled 223, 390
ton 38
tuillem 294
fcond 55
tuisled 281
topur 55, 129, 370
fcurud 56
torad 23, 379
tussu, tusao 103, 170
torbe 76
tutt 24
toiinan 9, 138
toirchius 31 122, 280
uacbt 315
torroma 31
uad 66, 199
torsech v. toirsech
uag 435
trag, traig 145, 379
uagim 315
tnigud 124, 147
uagnech 263
traig 345
uaimm 66, 292
trebad 180, 283
iiait 199
trebaim 40, 105, 281
uall 152
fcreblait 27, 371, 403
nam 46
trecim 388, 432
liar 315
tren 155, 388
uath 315
tretbi 175
uathbas 10, 46
trethu 311
uball, ubull 51, 212
triit 320
-ud 49
troit 55
uga 50
tromrn 55, 291
ugai v. og
truag 151
ugtar 50
tuag 151, 379
Ulad 56
thuaid, thuaith 152, 1715
ule 110, 231
tuaitbbel 212, 319
umal 51
tuarcon 13M
umaldoit 78
tuarustul 151
ur- v. aur-
tuas 176
urraim 267
tuccaim 56
urussa 56, 180, 386
tuccim, tuiccim 98, 379
usee 353
tuge 129
utmall 45, 197
Modern Irish.
a 235, 253, 290
abhac 143
abaidh v. apaidb
abhaill 142
abhainn 40, 83, 240, 251, 258, 326,
463
abair 370, 459
abhla 142, 207
abhla 1 12
abhlatita 10
abbloir 142
abhran 35
abhus 470
-ach 13, 477
-acha 332
acf'uinn 48, 257, 411
aclaidhc 121
achmair, achmaire 330
achmhusan J 78, 197
aclm'i 25
acbt 448
-acb(t) 447, 477
-adh 49, 391
adta 145, 172, 199, 176
adai 25
adbaltranas 68
Adhamhnan 68
adharc 70, 156, 412
adbbhar 17
adeirim v. deirim
adblacadb 59
Adhmha 17, 135
adhmad 7, 129, 291
adhra(igh)im 106, 170, 338
ae 171, 452
aer 63, 86, 158
ag 83, 113, 436
aghaidh 171
agam 170
agus 9, 129, 426, 449
aibhearach, aibhbhearacb 324
aibh&s 85, 324
aibhledg 89
aibrean 89, 375
aidbheail(t) 77, 327. 392, 404
aide, aideas 89, 452
aidigbim v. aidbbeailt
aifreann 6, 180
1 69
aigeantach 75
-aighim 176
aile 'JO, 98, 452
aileamhain 48, 90
aillse 75, 225
aimhdheoin 191, 200, 251
aimleadh, aimlidh 298
aimlmidh, aimhieidh teach 171, 324
aimsir 5, 297, 353
ain 254, 468
ainbhfios 89, 325
ainbbfiosach 138
aine61ach 439
ainfheoil 439
aingceal, aingcealta, aingce'altas 75,
306
aingeal 75, 129, 306
aingidheach 306
ainleog 254, 315
ainm 89, 263, 297
ainnihide 89, 138
aird 60, 275
airde 60, 275
aire 75, 283
aireamh 47, 145, 172, 327
airgead 129, 138, 283, 433
airidh 75
airigheach 75, 283
airighim v. aireamh
airne 275
airneal 275, 443
airneis 57, 79, 85, 477
ais, ar ais 75, 286, 392
aisfhreagar 4, 75, 273, 283
aisioc 75
aistear 390
ait 77, 389, 451, 464
aiteanach 75, 389
aith abhna 139
aithe 145, 172, 183
aitbeauta, aitbeantas 5
aithgbiorra 139, 343
aithinn 139
aithinne 5
aithne, aitbeanta 5
aithne 5
aithnighim 5, 89, 247, 264
aitbreachas, aithrigbe 75, 288
al 145
aladh 215
Alba 215, 370
albba 138
albanach 129, 138
alias 206
alpan 138, 215
alt 21, 209, 225, 380
altughadh 209. 412
am 291
amh 144, 172
amhain 263
amarach, amaireach p. 1. 13, 283
amharc 48, 129, 144, 445
ambgar 144
ambgaracb 150
amblaidh 1 1 1
amblat, ambluadb 298
amhloir v. abhl6ir
amhras 129, Ml, 172
atnscaoidh, ainscaoidheacb 125
amugba 13 1
amuigb 315, 473
an (art.) 447, 465, 472
an 253, 449
an- 238, 251, 276, 439, 183
■an 10, 477
an 254
anair v. anoir
anall 25, 206, 235, 456
imam 235, 247
anas, anasta 477
anbbfann 48
anbbruitb 21, 197, 216
anchuinse 48
anduine 237
ane 93, 251
aneolacb, aneiMaidhu 439
angbhadh, angbhadhacb 302
angblais 172, 215, 303
aniar 253
anios 253
aniu 42, 202, 251, 326
ann 134
-ann 236, 454
annanib 47, 236
annsin, auuseo 254
annsorm v. innseorm
anocbt 235, 380
anoir 253
anois 235
anonn 235
anro 21, 246
antrathach 183
anuair v. nuair
anuas 235
anuraidb 103
aoj;haire 64, 338
aoibb 124, 324
aoibbeall 124, 452
aoibbinn 124, 321
aoileacb 124
aoine 114, 124
aoine cbeasta 114
aois 65, 127
aol 127, 474
aon 72, 136, 156, 235, 253, 457,
458, 465
aonach 235
aonduine 2)57
aonlaimb 238
aontaiKbeas 238
aontaigbim 62
aontoisc 483
aos, taos :!7'.'
aosta 63
apaidb 360
ar 285
170
ar, air 80, 245, 459, 461, 466
ar 285, 258, 295, 290
ar, arsa 285
aracais 138, 278, 448
aradhain 252
araidhe 121
Arain 113
aran 244
araon 72, 285
arbhach 197
arbhar 129, 138
ard 60, 275
ard- 479
ardaingeal 479
i'udeaspoc 479
areir 171, 286
ariamh 286, 326
aris(t) 286, 392
arm 3, 110, 138, 283, 291
arus 129
as 350
asal 4, 129, 235, 350, 456
asalraidheacht 276, 442
ascaidk 125
ascall 9, 212, 443
asna 239
aspal 4, 361, 438, 442
astar 129, 390
astuigh 345, 473
at 3, 381
ath 172, 182
ath- 186, 479
athair 80, 139, 288. 379, 459
athair neimbe 446, 466, 480
atbas 7
athbhuil 186, 201
atbchagnamb 479
atbchlaoidh 124, 479
athcbuiuKe 306, 331
athleagadh 186, 479
athleas 186
athrughadh 21, 130, 279, 451
athuair 175
ba 472
bab<fe 371
babhiin 196
bacacb 369, 411
bacail 77
bachall 330, 427
bacan 411
bach(a)ran 330
baclita 330
bad 195, 371, 897
bagar, bagairt 275, 426
bail.' 75, 229. 290, 369
bainne 251, 369
baintreach 171
bair&ad v. bearad
baistim 195, 869, 441
baitin 477
balbh 25
balbhan 138
bale 25
balcadh 25
ball 206, 369
balla 206, 371
ballan 206
ball seire 480
ban 244
banaighim 130
banais 254
banaltra 129, 479
banbh(th)au 244, 316
banfheadhrnanntach 157, 443
banrioghan 21, 246, 443
baoghal 63
baoideach 200, 405
baos 63
baoth 63, 182, 369
baotbehaithmheach 63
barr 21, 267
barrach 268
barraidheach 25, 268
barrchith 21, 268
barriall 21, 268
bascoid 403, 407
bata 129, 381, 478
bathadh 345, 346, 379
batailte 9, 381, 477
beach 113
beachog 11, 149, 330
beacht 334
beag 106, 109, 325, 426
beaitheacb 139
heal 158
bealach 330
Bealach Feich 171, 344
bealastan 477
bealbhacb 197
beal(th)adh 130, 187, 220
bealtaine 21, 249, 380
bean 244, 325, 374
bean-luighe 238
beanglan 302
beannacht 236, 374, 380, 477, 478
beannaighthe 184
beannughadh 49, 130, 325
bearach 84
beanid 12, 325, 397, 477, 478
Bearla 86, 210
beam, bearnaidb 21, 239, 275, 325
bearradh 12, 21, 279
beart 275
beas 350
beatha 175
beathaidbeach 19, 183, 475
bcidh 171, 451
beinn 251, 325
beinn tighe 462, 480
beirini 86, 102, 180
bheirim 86, 439, 461
beirt 102
beirthe 102
beo 192, 334, 474
beuir 192
171
biadh 163
biatach 163, 381
bigil 376
binid 254, 374
binn 109, 251
biodhbhaidhe 121, 165, 374
biodhbhaidheanta 165, 196
biolar 97, 129, 444
biongadh 302
bior 270
bim'ad v. bearad
bis 376
bitli 345
bitheamhanta 4s
bitbeamhnach 327
blagdid 9
blaiseadh 195
blaosc 62
bias 215, 369, 455
Math 182, 369
blathach 19, 146, 183, 343, 369, 475
blathnad 186
bleaghan 106, 129
blein 158, 238
bleitheachan, bleithedg 120
bliadhain 163, 263, 374
i mbliadlma 237
blighe 112
bo 29, 187, 369
bo-iirach 89, 2ms
bobaireacht 23, 371
boc 411
bocan 23
bocbt 23, 330, 334, 380
bochtaiueacht 113
bod 55
bod an ghiorta 189
bodacli 55
bodalan 55
bodhar 98, 326, 475
bodhrughadh 130, 475
bog 55, 369, 426
bogadh 180
boineanii 129, 236
boitheach 149, 175
boitean 381
boladh 121, 215
bolg 138, 215
bolgam 138
bollsaire 55, 209
bolraidheach 216
bonn 25, 55, 203, 236
borb 9, 13H
bordaigh air 398
bos 350
both, bothog 36, 175
botan 381
braghaid 146, 369
braich 343, 369
braighe 146
braiscin 360
braith 369
braithim 139, 195, 369
braitlin 224
braon 62
brat 381
brath 175
brath, brath ach 333
breac 411
breaghdha 156, 166, 283, 332. 334
breall, breallan 206
Breatan 3sl
Breathnaoh 381
breathnughadh 130, 248 •
bividin 402
breillscc 99, 225
breillscireacht 99
bieith 91
brcitheamh 47, 121
breitheamhnas 47
breodhaiui, breoidhte 115
briathar 119, 279, 374
brigh 374
briongloid 27, 403
briongloideach(t) 477
brioscghlorach 439
briost 386
briseadb 135, 353
brobh 36, 202
broc 24
brochan 9, 178
brog 427
broidearnach, bfoidearnaigh ISO
broidiughadh ISO, 391
broim 110, 297
broinn 369
brollacb 9, 206
bron 38, 244
bronnaim 360
bron n tanas 360
broslughadh 208
brosna 239
bruach 66
bruighean 121, 475
bruigbim 45, 346
bruightin 15
buachaill 66
buadhartha 66, 279
buaidh 152
buaidhreadh 66, 123, 152
bnailte, buailteachas, buailtin 152
buainc 66
bnaint 254, 264, 290, 392, 462, 464
buairchin 89, 288
bualadh 49, 66
buan, buanl'as 66
buarach 34, 66
bucoid 403
bucsa 43
budh e, budh eadli 190
buidhe 121, 369
bnidheach 475
buidheachain 80
buidheachas 477
buidhea^an 67, 121
buidcal 229 403
172
builge6g 114
buille 200, 223, 369
buinueach 251
buinnean 2-51
buinnean buidhe 251
buireadh 46
buraaite 36, 371
bun 56, 203, 465
bun ribe 276
bunadh 49
bunadhas 49
buntaiste 43, 371
bbur 290, 293
ca 428
cha p. 1, 178, 329
cab, cabach 370, 415
caba 371
cabaire 370
cabairlin 275
cabhal 143
cabhlach 142
cabhsa 142
cac 411
cad chuige 384, 436
cagnamh 9, 425
caidheach 190
caigilt 140
cailc 229
cailin 117
caill 329
cailleach 223
cailleadh 223, 227, 329, 459
cain 263
caineadh 264
caint 75, 254, 393
cairdeach 21
cairdeas Criosta 118, 275, 447, 455,
480
cairrfhiadh 268, 439
caisearbhan 428
caislean 226
caismirt 275, 353
caith 23
caith-bruith 311
caitheamh 5, 47, 172, 175, 345
caitlur 139, 346
caithrightheoir 139, 288
caithmheacfa 319
caithnin 264
caitbreim 12, 288
callan 206
calloid, calloideach 78, 143, 212
calma 138, 291
cam 98, 291, 410
canaim 238, 248
canamhain(t) 18, 392
caocli 12 1
caochadh 63, 330
caofran 312
caoimhtheacb B19
caoineadh 124, 261
caoir 63, 280, 288
caol 62, 121
caonach 63
caonbharach 63
caor 63, 124
caora 63, 72
caoran 63, 72, 312
caorthann 63, 236
capall 3, 361
cara, caraid 21, 410
caraiste 441
carbad 138, 370
cardail 77
earn 21, 275
carnan 239
carr 267
carr 267
carra mbilis 25, 90
carraic 268, 421
carsan 60
cartadh 21
cartan 21, 380
cartkanach 129
carthanas 279
cas 455
casachtach 428
casadh 439, 455
casan 263
casaoid 124
cascairt 9, 178, 185, 438
casur 45
cat 381
catha 135, 175
cathadh v. caitheamh
cathaidh, cathaighim 139
cathair 77, 139, 288, 425
ce, ce go 428
ceacbardha 121
ceacht 13, 334
ceachtar 4, 418
cead 396, 418
chead 105, 218, 341, 396
ceatlaoine 84
ceadna 166, 237, 341
cealacan 163
cealgadh 138, 476
Cealla 431
Ua Ceallaijdi 125
cean 107, 203
cheanafein 79, 107, 179
ceangal, ceanglaim 215, 229, 302
ceangaltan 209
ceann 107, 203, 236, 454, 456, 457
ceannaidh 236
ceannaighim 125, 236, 341
ceannbhan 107, 138, 293
ceannsughadh 238, 341, 418
ceanntarrnocbt 479
ceap, ceapadh 361, 363, lis
ceapaire 200
cearc 341
ceard v. ceinl
ceaidcha 21
cearrbhach 197, 268
173
ceart 21, 102, 275, 880, 41 H, 431
ceaslacb 418
ceatharn 183
ceatharnaoh 17"), 239, 27 5
ceathramhadh 21, 49, 279
oeathrar 186, 279
cb.'ile 82
ceilg 114
ceilt 225, 232, 418
ceim 153
ceird 82, 396
ceirseacb 80, 278
ceirthin 88, 187, 288
ceirtlin 227
ceis 99
ceist 389
ceithre 186
ceo 32, 418, 470
ce6 braitbne, ce6bhran 204
ceochan v. piocban
ceol 29, 341, 418
cbiacais 03, 342
ciall 418
ciallacan, ciallannai 103
cib 337, 375, 451
cill 223
Cill Chartba 138
Cill-mac-nEnain 443
Cill Riain 216
cineadb 418
cineal (cional) 12, 99
cinealta 12
cingcis 111, 121, 300
cinntiughadb 254
ciocb 104, 343
ciocracb 118
cioia 118
ciornacb 97, 291
ciomail 118, 423
ciomaim 423
cion 418
cioiita, ciontaidb 97, 121
cior 117, 474
ciorthumach, eiorrthuimeach 279
ciotog 97
cipin 300
cisean 111
cisteanach 441
citbreimeach 27i>
cidin 418
ciumhas 51, 172, 418
clabar 415
cladbaire 70
claidhe 165
claidbimb 153, 172, 319
claigionn 76, 432
clais 353, 410
clamhairt 144, 415
elamhau 144
clambsau 144
clann 98
claon, claonadh 72
clar 410
cleamhnaidhe 144, 418
cliabh 47, 153, 341, lis
cliabban 196
oliath 23, 88, 163, 182, 340. 148
oliathan, cliathanacb 119
clibin 875
clismeirnigh 275, 353
cliu 45, 423
cliuiteach 423
clocb 149
clog 55, 110
clogad 55, 397
cluain 46
Cluangbort 66
cluas 455
cluicbe 110, 149, 343
cluimhreacb 98
cluinim 98, 241), 264
eluipide v. clnpaide
dumb 47, 172
clumbaiste 152
olupaide 56, 200, 361, 440
cnagadb 274
cnaibe 135, 274
enaimh 148, 190, 274, 324, 410
cnaimh-fhiach 315
cuaimh-fbod 315
cnaipe 98, 274, 366
cnapan v. crapau
cneadaigh 172, 284
cneasugbadb 172, 284
cneatan 284
cniteal 274
cno 38, 172 ; 274
cuoc 23, 110, 411, 111)
co 329
cobhair 40
cobbtbacb 149
cocball 23
cocban 23
codladb 55, 207, 224, 410
codladh gluracaiu 10, 132
cofra 29, 1*0, 279
cogadh 55
cogal 55
cogansacb 48
cogar 55, 425
cognamh v. cagnamh
coguisidbe v. cugaisidhe
cogus 48, 55, 425
cboidbche 137, 329, 343
coifeacb 149
coigeal v. cuigeal
coigtbigbis v. cucaois
coill 410
coimhcbeangailte 48
coirnbdbeas 48, 483
coimbead 12, 98
coimhiglieach 324, 344
coimbionann 4, 48, 439
coimhlinn 257, 324
coimriglie 283
coimbtbinol 98, 442
174
coingeall 200, 303
coinin 249
coiune 251
coiuneail(t) 247, 257, 392
coinneal 251
coinnleoir 254
coinscleo 254, 476
cointirm 389
coir 102, 280
coir 29, 1 59
coirce 24, 2S3, 420
coiriugbadb 29
coirntal 12, 275, 444
coirtheach 102, 280
coisceim 70, 353
coisidbeacbt 24
coisriceadb 283, 421, 442
coiste 428
coithe 149
coitbean 149, 415
colainn 207
colbha 138
colg 138, 410
coll 9, 20G
colloid v. ealloid
colman 291
colpa 362
colpach 138, 362
com 55, 98
comh- 48, 172
coruailt 55
comhair 33, 449, 459
comhairle 40, 226, 275, 410
comhar 40
comharsa 40
comhartba 36, 442
combcbruinniugbadh 48
comhgar 40
coruhgarach 450
comhla 40
comhnaidhc 40
comhra 40, 246, 442
combnidb 40, 477
comlnaidhteach 477
combtbrom 23, 110, 113, 129, 172,
279, 288
conair v. cornbra
conairt 55, 275
Concbobhar 440
condae 55
confadbach 55, 138
congbbail 392, v. coinneailt
conamar 55
Comiacbt(a) 55, 178, 452
connadb 55
cbonnaic 178, 240, 329
connaidli 55, 236, 416
connlach 55, 238
coiinradh 185, 246
copan 23, 361
copog 23
cor v. cur
cor tbuaitbbhil 231
corabionga, coragiob 302
coradaigb 23
coraighim 130
corghas 138, 350, 426, 429
eornadh 130, 239
coroin 78
corp 23, 283, 361
corpordba 121
corr (odd) 23, 267
corr v. curr
corr mhonadh 267
corra meille 25, 90
corrach 23, 267
corracb 267
corradh 23, 267
corran 84, 267
corrluach 210
cortaobbadb 23, 124, 132, 416
cos 24, 350, 455
coscairt v. cascairt
cosmhail 23, 48, 172, 410, 467
cosnugbadb 239
c6ta 29, 381, 451
cotughadh 23
cotbugbadb 23, 33, 175, 184
cradh 145, 346, 476
craibhtheacb 16, 319
craiceaun 258, 410
crain 15
craitbim 139
crannra 21, 246
craobh 124, 127
craorac 72, 440
craos 62
crap 361
crapadb 60, 363
crapan 454
creach 341, 418
creag 106
creamh 144, 202
creatbnaigheach 248
creatbnugbadh 248
creidim, creidbbeail(t) 77, 90, 327,
392, 402
criathar 119
crionna 164
crios 283, 455
critb 345, 418
cro 29, 202
crobh 372
crocbadh 23
crodba 429
croibb 90
croiceann 76
croigeadb 29, 415
croigean 29, 415
croisin 24
croithleog 232
crom 55, 291
cromadh 295
cros 23
crosadh 23, 347, 455
dotal 23
175
crothal 232
crothnaighim 248
oruaoh 27, 151, 344
cruadliaclian 151
oruadalach, oruadhalaoh 399
oruadhaghadb 190
ornaidh 152, 190
cruaidhe 190
crub 372
crubhogai 151, 415
cnidb 110
crniceadli 415
emit 110
cruitineach 110
cruitbneacht(a) 98, 135, 264
crumh6g 190
crunthaighim 248
cruth 42, 202
cruth (dowry) 202, 320
cruthaighim 42
cu 45, 194
cuach 151
chuaidh 152, 178, 329
cuairt 275, 389, 410
cbualaidb 67, 152
cuan 46, 151, 471
cucaois 05, 103, 121, 414
chugad 178
ciigaisidhe 172, 303
cuibhreann 98, 324
cuid 55, 329, 402, 425, 464, 471
cuig 52, 432
cuigeadh 49
cuigeal 477
cuigidh 482
cuilean 12, 410
cuilriascach, cuilriascmhar 73, 216,
270
cuilthead 232
cuimhne, cuimhneach 98, 298, 321
cuing, cuingir 306
cuingc, cuingceacb 306
cuinneog 11
cuir, cuirim, cur 56, 102, 125, 267,
280, 283, 288, 459, 461
cuireadh 280
cuireat v. cuilthead
cuirialta 45
cuirthe, curtha 102, 280
cuis 52
cuiscreach, cuise 43, 283
cuiseog 125, 280
cuisle, cuislean 43
cuisneach 43
cuiteog 125
ciil 45, 410, 425
ar geul 136
cullach 56, 206, 410
chum, chun, 'un 235
cuma 291
cumadh 295
cumhaidh 121, 152, 172
cumhang 51, 172, 241, 303, 475
cumhanglach, cumhangrach 51, 172,
303
cumhdaighim 130
cumplasc 43
cunabhaireas v. caonbharach
cunail, cumilach 247
cungaisidhe v. ciigaisidhe
cunghas, cungnaighim 172, 303
cungnamh 47, 172, 247
cuntas 50
cur v. cuir
ciiram 288
curamach 45
curr, currach 267
cursan v. carsan
cuthalta, cdthaltas 209
da, dia 14, 235
-dha 429
dha 337
dabhaigh 40, 143
daca v. taca
dha fhichead 487
daidhbhreas 395
daigean 399, 432
daimh 172, 324
daingean 129, 141, 172, 303, 395
flair 283
dair 102, 145, 186, 280, 459
dairb, doirb 110, 283, 376
d/tiiiacht 447
dalba 138, 332
dall 110, 395
darah 202
damantan, damantoir 477
dainna(igh)im 244
dan, i ndan 237
dana 478
danardha 121
daol 62
daor 62
daoraidh 63
dar 285, 397
dara 277
dath 136, 175
de 42, 91, 136, 339, 448
deabhaidh 40, 143
deachaidh 181
dead 155, 396
deag 487
deagh- 93, 479
deaganach 427
deaghbholadh 93, 479
deaghbhriathrach 93
deaghgliniomharthai 93
deaghlabhartha(ch) 93, 218, 479
deaghsrnaoitidh 93
dealagan 444
dealan 186
dealg 138, 401, 426
dealgan 408
dealgnach 244
deamhan 40
176
dean 15
deananih 20, 47, 172, 181, 451, 4G5
deanthasacb, diontbasach 105, 187
dearbha(igh)ira 188, 187
dearbhbbratbair 80
dearcadb 138, 409, 412
dearcaightbeach 125
dearcan 138
dearg 4, 138, 426
deargadh 138, 187
deargnait v. dearnad
dearmad 129, 138, 294, 401
dearn 20, 21, 445, 451
dearnad 21, 338
deas 189
deich 88, 343, 345
deicbneabbar 48, 105, 111, 264
deidheanach 156
deifre 88, 319
deil 99
deilbb 138
deimheas 88, 129, 324, 350
deirbhshiur 319
deirce 135, 420
deireadh 88, 401
deirim 88, 181, 253, 280. 327, 385,
406, 461
deis 90
deisealan 88
deistean 438
deo 32
deocb 26
deocan 434
deor 29, 32, 401
di- 483
dia, da- 14, 93, 136, 253, 447
dia 189, 401
dia (day) 14
diabhal 48, 129, 134, 212
diaga 429
diagaire 429
diaganta 429, 477
diaidb 162, 189
diallaid 113
dian 120
diardaoin 404
Diarmaid 8 1
dicheall 343, 451
didbileaghadh 483
dileighim 153, 154, 189
dilis, dilse 443
dimbeas 189, 298
dinnear 253
diobbtlia 311
dio-dh6igh 338
diog 117, 187, 474
dioghbhail 77, 105, 134, 196
dioisidb 481
diol 220, 253, 454
diomhaoin 48, 118, 196, 401
diombaoineas 48, 167, 459
diomaoite 105
dio-m(h)unadh 298
dionmbar 48
dis 117
diucan 434
dral 52, 220, 474
diultadb 52, 209, 401
dlaoi 217, 238, 395
dligbeadb 229, 401
dlightheamhail 48, 112
dluth 182
do (prep.) 136, 191, 337,339, 397, 448
do (tuns) 397, 404, 472
do 404
do- 479
dho 447
dho 451
dobhtha 311
docambal 133
dochas 129
dochomhairleach 479
doghadh 29, 346
dogbraing, doghrairigeach 30, 257
doiche 343
doiebeall 149
doigh 150
doigheamhail 150
doilgheas 122
doiligh 76, 332, 395
doineann 249
doirb, doirbh v. dairb
Doire 110
doirnin 275
dol 23
domh 42, 202
domhain, doimbin 40
domhan 40, 129, 244
domasach 55
domlas 55, 445
domhnacb 40, 172, 478
Domhnall 40, 206
dona 55, 478
donn 55
doranna 29
doras 23, 129
dorcha 23
dorn 31, 239, 275, 395
dorr 267
dorrdha 268, 429
dorrghail 267
dortha 102, 208
dortadh 31, 445
dorngba, doruigbe 429
drabhfhuigheall, drabhgbail v. dra-
oille
draighean 117, 165
dranntan, dranntanacbt 477
draoi 270
draoille 121
draoitbe, draoitheacht(a) 135, 175
dratha 7
dreabhlas, dreabhlasacb 10, 477
dream 4, 291
dreapaireacbt 200
dreas(ugh)adh 18!) , 246, 347
177
divim 283
dreimire 283, 297, 401
dreolan 32
driodar 134
driseog 240, 401
driuchta 45, 63, 135, 404
droch- 483
drochaoibh 483
drochohaa 276
drochiarraidh 439, 483
drochmhunadh 244, 483
droichead 89, 129, 395
drong 302
druid 337, 471
druim 297
druis 172
dubh 42, 98, 202, 316, 32G, 337. 395
dubhach 196
dubhaivt 406, 407, 445, 461
dubhan 196
Dubh-bheinu 470
dubhshlan 207
duibhfian 12, 98
dhuid 337
duilleabhar 48
duilledg 110
duine 110, 249, 263, 395
duithche 343
dhul 27, 176, 337
dumhaidh 172
durtheach v. dutlirach
duthchas 50, 331
duthrach 141, 186
duthracht 279, 395
duthrachtach 477
c 14, 451
eabar 370, 452
eabhra, eabhiaidh, eabhrais 142
each 4, 161, 171
-each 13
eachmairt 197, 330, 391
ead 155, 396
-eadh, -eagh, -iogh 391, 429
eadh 190
eadail 77
eadair, eadar, eidir 82, 285
eadarghuidhe 82, 285, 337
eadarshudh 185, 450
eadmhar 48
cadochas, £ad6chasach 86
eadoimhin 155
eadoirnhne 98
eadrom 129, 155
eag 106, 135
eaga dhubh, dhearg 106, 135
eag 253, 426
eagcaoin 138, 454
eagla 106, 449
eaglais 106, 427
Eaglaiseach 106
eagna 106
eagsamhail 471
eagsamhalta 426
eala 4, 215
ealadhain 121 n.
ealadhanta 238
ealartha, ealaraira 107
eallach 13, 206, 253, 388, 152
('•al/)dh 30, 149, 150
ean 155, 244
eang 4, 302
eangacli 4, 302
eanglaoh 97, 478
eanghlais v. anghlais
('anlaith 238
earradh 107, 315
earc 138, 412, 480
easbhaidh 197
easconn 241
easog 11, 446
easpoc 361, 415, 438
eatorthu 25
eidhean 156
eifeacht 334
eigciall 431
eigean 432
eigin 386, 436
('iginteach 386, 436
eile 89
eileog 160
eilid 187, 232
eilin 160
eiliughadh 158
eiute 442
Eireannach 476
eireog 160
eirigh 120, 121
eisiomplair 211, 445
eisteacht 158, 441
eiteadh 404
eiteog 88, 389
eitire 88
eithne 442
eochair 26
Eoghan 33, 244
eolach 32, 472
eorna 32
fa 14, 137, 314
fa gach taobh de 395
fa taobh de 53, 137, 395
fa thuairim, fa dtuairim 314, 395
fabhra 121, 142
fabhra 142, 315
fabhtach 169
bhfaca 25
fachla 9
fada 310, 396
fadalach 10, 399, 477
fad6gh 30, 171, 315
fagail 16, 77, 129, 197, 310, 392, 471
faghann 17, 195
faghthar 7, 177
fail 90, 98
fainleog v. ainleog
12
178
fainne 251, 31-5
faire '200, 235, 283, 310
t'airge 5, 275, 433
fairior 63
fairsing 5, 255, 257, 278, 310
fairsneachas 255
fairsneacht 278
fairsneainhail 255, 278
faiscim 417
Ruth 145
faithche 343
t'aitcheas 122
faithehill 343
Eaithlidh 232
faithne 264
fallsa 209
fanacht 3, 244, 315. 465
faobhar 124, 129, 310
t'aobhtha 311
faocbam 66
faochog 63, 310
faoi 314
faoileog 11
faoiseamh 47, 124, 310
faraor v. fairior
bhfarradhas 49
fas 16, 315, 350, 455
fastodh 133, 171, 315, 438
fath 182, 310
fathach, faitheach 183, 315, 475
feabhas 40, 192
feabhra 142, 480
feachail 13, 166
fead 396
feadh Ik, 106, 170, 315. 429, 476
feadaim 155, 384, 396
feadalach 10
feadbmanta 157. 443
feag 106, 135
feagan 106
Feagbraigb 17(1
feall 206, 318
fealladb 213, 454, 472
feallscaidh 209
fearn 295
fearnnacli 295, 318
feamtbaine 295
feannadh 242, 318, 454
feannan 107
fear 4, 269, 318, 321, 460, 466, 472
tear 253, 318
fearban 138
fearg 111, 270, 318, 426
fearr 21, 180, 318, 472
fearsad 318
feartbain 249, 279, 318
teasog 155, 318
feasta 155, 253
feasta 321
feicealach 10
feicim 82, 325
feidhm 86, 321
ftiidbmeamhail 80
feile 318, 448
trin 120, 180, 263
feineach 180
feistigbim 321
feochadb 192
feodum 192
feochan 192
feog 106, 170, 429
feoghlaim 192, 321, 354, 452
feoidbte 192
feoil 32, 192, 229, 253
feolbhach, feolmbach 197
fiabbras 48, 142
fiach 13, 318, 344
de fbiachaibh 191
fiach 13
fiacail 229, 318, 321
fiadh 13
fiadha 63
fiadhain 77
fiadhaire 338
fiadhanta 10
fiadhnais 237
fiafraigh 180
flag v. feog
fiar 285
fiar-shuil 288
fiastalach 10
fiche 129. 179, 318
-ridhe 439
fighe 112, 318, 475
figheadoir 27, 325
file 99, 318
fiochadh 100
fiogbraigheacbt 106, 338
fioghraighim 170, 338
fiolun saith 139
fionn 236, 318
fionuan v. feannan
rionnfliadh 242
fionnfhuacbt 199
fionnscaitb 345
fior 165, 285, 474
fioruisce 285
fios 448, 455, 485
fireann 129, 318
firinne 251, 318
fiu 192
fiuntas 192
flaithis 139, 310
fleachadh 178
fleag v. fliodh
iiicb, High v. fliodh
flichne, flichsbneachta 104
fliodh 106, 318, 429
flinch 26, 43, 100, 134, 229, 230, 318,
321
fliucblach 230
fo 314
focal 310
lochia v. fachla
fod 29
foghlaim v. feoghlaim
170
foghmhar 30, 10, 235, 310, 315
fogua 195, 426
foighde 171, 310, 102
foighdeaoh 171
fV.ill 29, 231
foircann 102
foiiim 315, 461
foirmniseach 249
foirseadh 23, 278
foirste 278
foirstean 278, 4G1
iVii is teanach 278
folach 25, 310
folaighim 25
folli'un 9, 207
folmhughadh 132
foim 236
foradh 9, 310, 315
forradh taighe 107, 315
fortacht 23
fos 386
foscadh 9
foscadhmhar 4h
foscladh 9
fosta, fostat, fostacht 321, 38G
Fraine 272, 306
fraoch 02, 270, 272, 310, 344
freagra 100, 129, 283, 318, 426
freagraim 265, 287
freastal 287
freimh 94
frid 320, 397
frigh 117, 318
friobhtha 311
fiiom 474
t'risneaiseach .255, 265, 318
frithe 175
frithir 175, 318
flmabair 181
fuachais 66
t'uacht 67, 315
fuaghail 168, 315
fuagra 310
fuagradh 67, 168
fuaira 297
fuair 123, 195, 199, 459
fuaiscneamh 152, 263
faar 67, 168, 199, 315, 448
fuarughadh 67
fuascladh 168
fuath 67, 168, 315
bhfuigh 195
fuighle, fuighleach 221, 310
fail (blood) 23, 200, 310, 315, 452, 460
fail shrona 276
fail 232, 315, 372, 459
failingim 225, 257, 310
fuiling(t) 392
fainneog 11, 251, 315
faip 313, 315, 366
fuireacht 310
fuiseog v. uiscog
f'uithe 346
furachas 56
t'uradh taighe v. forradh
I'ui'ust 56, 180, 386
gabha, gaibhne 10, 98, 249, 326, 125
gabhadh 130, 425
gabhail 27, 35, 219, 451
gabhaim 35, 40, 43
gabhal 40, 456
gabhal 35, 40
gabhaltas 35
gabhar 40, 301
gabhlachas 35, 40
gach 241, 428, 447
gach aon 447
gach uile p. 1, 313, 447
gad 125, 396, 425
gadhar 70, 301, 425
gaedheal 95
gaedhealach 95
Gaedhlic 95, 421, 425
gafann 311
gaibhtheach 319, 462
gail 232
gaile 75
gainean 83
gainfhiosta 110, 135, 485
gainimh 83, 121, 129, 263
gaire 145, 283, 425
gairid 104, 425
gairiin, gaiim 110, 288, 425
gairthe 280
gaisea 428, 481
gaisearbhaii 428
gaithean 149, 415
galar 25, 216, 337, 425
gall 21, 206
gallta 21, 209, 380
gamhain 144
gamhnach 144
gan 428
ganfhios v. gaiufhiosta
gann 110, 236
ganntanas 129
gaobhar 63
gaol 63
gaolmhar 48
gaoth 63, 112, 182, 425
gaotbsan 63
garbh 47, 110
garraidh, garrdha 21, 121
gasta 380
gasiu - 45
ge 94, 305
gheabh 40
geafta 312
geag 426
geal 4, 75, 456
gealacan 408, 444
gealach 189
gealbhan 10, 138
geall 136, 431
geallamhaint 48, 213
12—2
ISO
geamanach, giomanach 97
geamhar 144
gear 86, 431
gearb 138
gearleanamhaint 230
gearr 21, 275
gearr 21, 218
gearradh 21, 189, 208, 279, 305
gearnln 10, 268, 454
gearrfhiadh 21
gearrleabhar 230
g£artbeangtbacb 304
gearugbadh 130
geibheanu 305
gheibbim 82, 319
g&llim 227
geirnhreadb 88, 431
geir 13, 88
geocan 434
ging 109, 189, 238, 307
giob 99
giobog 97, 370
giodalacb 97
giol 97
giolcach 97
giolla 431
giollacht 97
giorra 275
giorraide, giorta 189
giota 97, 434
gins 52, 431
glacadh 301, 411
glaib 415
glaine 98
glamaim 415
glan 425
glaodb 63
glas 98
glas seile 455
gleann 107, 189, 236, 431
Gleanntai 305
gleas 431
gliomach 97, 305
gloine 98, 249
glor 29
gluaisim 152
gludaidh 103
glug 56
glun 337, 456, 474
gluracan v. codladh
gnaithc 94, 120, 172, 274
gnaitboach 94, 120
gnaoi 120, 172, 274
gnaoidheamhail 120, 133
gnas 455
gnatbach 183, 425
gn<'- 93
ghnim 261, 292
gniomh 47, 167, 185
gnu 94, 172, 274
gnotbacb 94
gn6thughadh 91, 183, 190
go 428
go 253, 290, 42K
gob 55, 370
goid 43, 125, 391, 471
goide 428
goilleamhaint 4H
goillim 227
goireadh 24
goirteog 275
goiste 76, 353, 428
gonan 23
gor 56, 110, 269, 477
gorachas 56, 477
goran 268
gorm 23, 110
gortugbadh 23
gothan, gotbanach 23
grabbar 142
gradh 145, 301
gradbnghadh 147
grain 16
graineamhail 48
graini(gbi)m 264
granna 15, 236
gra"s, grasta 386
greadadh 189
greagach 427
greasaidh 476
greasan 431
greim 111, 297
grian 283, 431
griobacb 109
griodan 434
griosach 189
griosail 109, 185
grogan, groigein v. croigean
gruag 270
gruaidh 152, 425
gruaigeadh v. croigeadh
gruaim 297
gruamdba 121
grubhan v. crubliogai
gruth 42, 202
gualainn 224
gugan 43
guidhe 112, 121, 425
guil 232
guldar 209
gur, guirin 110, 285
gurrun 45, 56, 268
gus 56, 125
guth 42, 202
bamai 306
hata 381
henifin v. cheanafcin
i 253
iadsan 471
iall 206
iargcuil 138, 193, 425
iargculta, iargcultacbt 193
iarglino 45, 138, 193, 429
iarraidb 105, 163, 193, 267, 279
LSI
iasachtach 477
iasc 158, 350
ifrionn 180
igh 117, 182
-ighidh l:5o
iginn 258, 435
ini 101, 297
imeall 101, 12!)
imirce 283, 120
imirt 101, 185
imnidhu 101
impidhe 101
imreas 447
imtbeacht 13, 101, 186, 297
inchinn 251, 264
inghean 122, v. nighean
ingheilt 109, 253, 435
iuibh 138
inid 403
inigilt v. ingheilt
in is 263
inmhe v. iuibh
inneach 251
iuneain 251, 443
imieair v. iiiiieain
innealta 251
innseorm 254
inse 109, 254, 353, 356
inseachas 254
inteach v. eiginteach
intiun 253
iochtar 1(54
iolar 58
iolghardas, iolghairdeas 404
iolradh 216
iomad 58, 294, 399
iomadamhail 399
iomaidh 58, 121, 472
iomaigh 141, 187, 196, 345
iomaire 58
ioinarbhaigh 58, 141
iomarca 58, 444
iomata 58, 399
iomchor v. ioinpor
iomlan 58, 211, 291
ioinpor 58, 291, 362
iomradh 58, 145
ion- 482
ionann 4, 452
ionchorrtha 101, 482
ionfairt 335
ionga 302
iongantach 67, 70, 303
iongantas 70, 303, 452, 455
ionglach 97, 478
iongnadh 126, 247
ionraice 246
ionsaidhe, ionsughadh 238, 254
iorradh v. earradh
iosfadb 253
-iostaoi 385
iota 164
ireas, irios 109
iris 102, 109, 278
is 349, 172
isliughadh 226
-iste 112, 356
istigh v. astuigh
ithe 345, 346, 439, 473
iubhar shleibhe 230
la 83, 95, 205
labhairim 292
labhairt 40, 205, 218, 288, 459, 461
bulbar 70, 218
lag 60, 205, 218, 238, 426
lagbacb 70
laghdughadh 70, 218
laicb 139
Laidion 403
laidir 218
Laighean 171, 218, 482
lairic 114, 421
bimb 148, 205
lamhach 196
lamhacan 196
lamhchrann 311
lamhugbadb 130, 148
Ian 16, 218
lanamhain 48, 477
langa 302
laocb 63, 427
laogh 62
lasadh 25, 455
lasair 25
lathair 7, 80
le 230
leabaidb 106, 121, 200, 362, 370
leabhar 40, 222, 270
leac 82, 222
leacain 411
leadbb 157, 362, 370
leagadb 106
leagan 106, 129, 230, 414
leamh 144
leamhan 144
leanarabaint 48, 222, 230, 238, 214,
248, 254, 392
leanbh 4, 47, 138, 230, 244
leanmhar 254
leannan sidhe 75, 236
lear 222, 230, 466
learodh 30
leasainm 479
leasugbadh 230
leath 222, 479
leathacb 84, 90
leathair 279
leathan 10, 222, 264
leatbbhoim 143
leatbchoroin 230, 479
leathshasta 391
leatbsheicbe 391
leatbshiiil 230
leathtromach 477
leibbrin 90
182
leifriueach 321
Leiitean 82
l&gbeadb (1) 154, 180, 230
leighcadh (2) 230
leigean 111, 422
leigheann 156, 159, 222, 236
leigheas 1-56, 159, 222, 230, 256
leighini (1) 153, 292
leighini (2) 153
leigim 432
leightheoracht 82, 177
leim 153
leimhe, leimhrmeach 321
leimnidh 86, 299
leine 263
leith 90, 161, 345, 466
leithe 346
leithid 88
leithsce"al 90
leobhtha 311
leodhadh 32, 230
leoga 40
leointe 38
leonadh 38, 230, 248
le6r 32, 38
liaigh 160
liath 163, 222, 346
lighe 165, 230, 475
linn 230
linneardha v. loinneardha
liobar 97
Horn 103, 292, 467
liomhan 473
liomog 84
lionadh 164, 222, 230, 248
lioneadach 133, 439, 479
lionnruadh 216
lionta 238
litir 222, 230, 389
lobhadh 43, 180
lobhtha 43, 177
locadh 23, 218
lochrann 154
loinneardha 246
loistin 441
loiteach 24
loitim 24, 218
lum 55, 238, 291
lomadh 295
I6n 38
londubh 55
long 55, 110, 302, 306
lontuighil .'is
lorg 23, 138
losaid 23
loscann 23, 236
luach 27, 151, 451
luaidh 152
luaidheacht 152
luaith, luatha 152, 475
luaithreaeb, luaithreamban 288
luan 16
luascanach 151
luath 67, 151, 205, 218, 346
hibadh 45, 218, 362
lubairne 275
lubarnaidh 239
luclidg 56, 218
lucht 56
lugha 50, 205
lughnasna 50, 132, 234, 237
luibh 134, 322, 324
luighe 112, 149, 205
luingis 306
lurga 56, 138
Ins 56
lus minle 254
luth 182
luthghair 43, 331
luthmhar 43, 45, 177, 205, 238
mac 3, 172, 411
mac alia 480
macanta 10
magadh 9
magairle 275
maghar 70
maide 75, 200, 290, 402
maide briste 217
maidin 75, 195, 252, 290, 403
maighdean 171, 290
inhaige 195
maighistir 141
-mhail 48, 172
mailo 75, 200, 229
maill 290
-mhain (1) 48
maineair 263
mainnir 251
Mtiire 145
mairg 76, 114, 200, 290
mairim 5, 75, 89, 200, 283, 290
mairnealach 275
Mairt 389
maiseadh 195
maistin 200
maistreadh 185, 200
maitb 5, 139, 172, 290, 345
maithe 5, 136
maitheamh, maithiughadh 5, 172,
290
maitheambnas 48
malaidh 25, 121
malaiit 25
mall 200, 206, 456
mallacht 3
mallugbadli 130, 195
maloid 27
mancan 302
manta 238
mantach 238
mantuighil 121
maoidhimh 124, 195, 326
maoidhtc 105
maoil 124
maoilin 53, 65
183
maoilteangaidh 65
maol 63, 200, 290
niaor 65, 200
niaos 62
maoth 62, 172, 182, 200, 290
maotbcban 62
maothcbroidheach 179
inar 277
mar, mur 277
mar (bhui) 235, 253
-mhar 48, 172
maraim 63, 277
Diavbh 17
marbhtbacb 138, 311
marbh(ugh)adh 130, 132, 138, 270,
290
marcach 138
margadh 138, 427
masa 135, 290
niasla 208
inaslacb 478
maslugbadb 208
mathair 7, 80, 139, 172, 195, 288, 21)0
luatban 175
me 120
meabbair 40, 172, 192
meacau 10, 129, 297, 411
meadh 297
meadbacban 18
meadhaim, meadbaighim 146, 190
meadal 207, 215
meadar 80
Meadhbha 135, 157, 370
meadbg 157, 297, 426
meadlachan 207
meadhon 18, 40, 297
mealladh 206, 209, 213, 297
meanaidb 121
meangadb, meangbail 302
meatman 107, 236
meanra, meara 246, 443
mear 86
mearbball, mearbblan 212
mearog 70
measardba 121
meath 297
meatblodh 30, 220
moid 402, 407, 451
meilleog 82
meilt 232, 454
meirg 111, 114, 297, 433
meisce 111
meitb 94, 297, 346
meitbeal 82, 129
meodhain 40, 192
mi 118, 297
mi- 483
mian 163, 457
mighreann 190, 483
mil 99
milis 99, 225, 297
milleadh 223, 227
mm 99
mini.: Ill, 419
mio-adh 183
mio-antrathach 483
nuodun 398
mio-fboigbdeacb 405, 483
mio-fuar 201, 316
mio-flwatbmnar 201
miol 164, 297
mioltog 11
mionna 236
miorbbailteacb 48
mio-shasta 483
miotal 215
miotan 97
mio-uathmhar v. miot'uar
miriaghalta 286
nii*e 99
miste 136
mistiurtha 45
mitbeas 175, 405
mitbid 175, 405, 464
mo 14, 300, 472
mo 38
modbambail 134, 169
mogadh '.l
mogal, mogall 55, 212, 426
moide 38, 135, 195
mom 38
moisiam 38
mol 203, 212, 290
moladh 23, 220, 290, 454
moll 203, 212
molt 110, 209, 380
mong v. muing
moran 27, 451
morcadh 23, 138
mordbacbas 121, 267
mordhacht 121, 328
morg(agb)adb v. morcadb
mortas 38, 129
moruacb, moruadb v. moiucbaill
morucbaill, murtbuidhe 481
moth, motbadh 23, 333
motbasan 333
motbugbadh 25, 36, 140, 149, 175,
195
rauc 43
mudhainaii 50
muiglidb 200
muileann 129, 290
muiiichille v. muirchillc
muineal 249
muing 172, 195, 303
muinighin 121
muinteardha 121, 129
muir 110, 290
muircbille 288
niuiiighean 121
muirneacb 102
muirnin 275
-muis(t) 392
mullach 43
Mumliau 51, 482
184
muii 45
munaim 195, 248, 264, 454
munla 234
murbban 138
murlus 129, 210
mittar 75
na 237
na 237
naire 235, 245
n.-imbadach 245
nambaid 8, 196, 235, 245, 324
naomh 125, 235
naomhtha 311
naomhughadh 311
naonabhar 59, 105, 235
naosca 235, 245
nar 285
neacb 250, 262
nead 4, 250, 262, 396
neagaini 106
neal 155, 250
nealtoracht 11
neamh 202, 262
neamh- 482
neambaird v. neamort
neamhdheoin 38, 263
neanihdhligbtbeambail 177, 201
neamheasbhaidheach 482
neamort 27, 250, 294
neamhshuimeamhail 98
neanibtbilleamaidbeach 250, 294
neantog 250
neart 250
neartrach 250
neas, 250, 455
neascoid 250, 403
neimh 98, 250, 322, 324
neimhneach 256, 262
neoinin v. noinin
ni p. 1, 250
ni 250
ni 250
nighe 105, 180, 250, 261, 473
nigbeacluin 175
nigbean 122, 165
nior 285, 459, 466
nocbtaightbe 25
nocbtaim 235, 245
nodlaic 55, 207, 235, 421
uoin, noinin 38, 250
nos 38, 235, 245
nua 46, 235, 245
nuair 89, 235, 459
obair 43, 371, 466
6eaid 29, 77
ocras 23, 411, 419, 450
ochtan 438
ochtar 23
ofii'til 10, 180
6g 29
-6g 11
oganacb 477
oibridhe 98, 375
oibriugbadb 104, 375
oidliche 121, 172, 179, 343, 344, 448
oide v. aide
oighre 160, 452
oighre 160
oighreog 160
oileambain 48, 232
oilean 89
oinseacb 38, 254
-oir 11
oireacbtas 89
oiread 59, 129
oirim 315
oirtbi 280
oirthir 31, 235, 280, 444
oisir 24
oisreacb 283
oitir 24, 113
61 29, 215, 220, 454, 456, 457
olann 23, 207, 235
olc 23, 98, 412
omar (iomar) 129, 452
omoideacb 78
or 29
oraid 403
6rd 396
ord 396
ord 31, 60, 275, 396
ordog 31
oilach 210
orlughadh 57, 130, 132, 210
orm 138, 292
orthu 280
os ceann 136, 454, 455
osna 23, 132, 239
Padraic 397, 421
paidir 75, 200
paidrin 359, 403
pairc 359
paiste 310, 359, 369
pane 302, 360
papa 481
papa 361
pardiin 45, 398
parraiste 77, 310
parrthas 21, 45, 279
Parthol<5n 21, 213
peacadh 4, 365, 411
Peadar 397
peann 318, 365
peata 318, 365, 374, 381
peist 305
pian 163
pigin 365
pighinn 303, 318, 365, 371
pilipin 99, 229, 365
pilleadh 223, 318, 367
pillin 223
piob 371, 174
piobar 375
185
piobarnaidb 871
piobradh 97, 371
piocadb 365
pioohan, piocan 164, 365
piocoid 97, 365, 403
pion6s, pionus 45, 365
piopa 318, 361
piosa 305
pisin 109, 318, 365
pisre6<* '283, 353
pit 365
plaigh 359
plain(th)eid 79, 187, 359
plcascadh 365
pleia 99
pluisiam 481
pleisiur 365
ploid 29
pluc 360, 413
plucbadb 45, 310, 330
plur 359
pobal 55, 310, 359, 371, 454
p6ca 359, 413
pog 29, 359, 427
pogadb 180, 369, 414
poll 55, 200
polladh 213, 454
ponaire 360
pur, puradh 29
portacb 23
posadh 29, 347, 359, 369
pota 23, 359
pracar 359
pracas 10, 359
praidbineach 190
praiscin 300
praiseacb 360
praisteal, pruisteal 75
preaban 283
preachta 13
preata 365
priail 367
prios 97, 365
progaidb 55
pronnadb 360, 454
puca 413
puisin 360
puniiann 56, 236, 300, 309
punta 359
puritan 56
purgoid 138, 403, 120
pus 56, 360
putog 359
rabb 36, 202
rabhadh 40, 132
rabbarta 40
rabbthar 201
racbaidb 330
rachtail v. reacbtail
n'ulb v. raidht
radharc 70
rae 95, 286
rafoirin 481
raftan 312
raide6g, raite6g, raideogach 477
raidht 280, 392
raithche v. ratbacb
raithe 145, 340
raithneach 186, 249, 264
ramhailligh 196
ramas 10
raplachan 13
rapla-ln'ita 13
rathacb 19, 475
reabbog 86
reachtail 180, 438
reagraiste 106, 170, 429
realt 442
reamhar 144
reasun 155
reathaigb 180
reatbaim 271
reidb 95, 271
do reir 73, 286, v. riar
reitbeacbas, reithineacht 175
ri 271, 286
riabbach 73, 86
riabhdg v. reabbog
riachtanas 73, 156, 271
riagbal 68, 73, 286
riar 73, 286, 459
riaraiste v. reagraiste
riarugbadh 73
riascan, riascanta 73
ribe 375
rigbin 121, 263, 271
rinne 257, 462
riocbt 98, 271
riogbacbt(a) 135, 175
rioghthambail 112, 201
riseailtc 77
rith 61, 180, 286, 311
ro- 483
rogba 71, 95
rogauta 29
rogbnatbas 71
roilig 98
lloimh 172
roiuibe 98, 298, 324
roimbe re 286
roinn 98, 251
Boise 451
roiseadb 24
roithlean 232
romham 40
rombar 185
ron 38
ropa 29, 301
rotha 23
ruacan 10
luadh 34
ruadh beinne 34
ruadbiubeirg 479
ruadbog 46
ruajHnnbar 129
186
ruaigim 151
maim 129
raaman na gcoinneal 129
mball 57, 103, 440
rud 59, 103
ruibe 375
ruidhte 98
ruiridhe 129
run 474
rata 381
sabhail 77, 185
sabhailteach 77
sabharcan 70
sac 411, 419
sadh 70, 473
Sadbbha 17, 135, 370
saghad 70, 397
sagart 103, 379, 380, 427
saidhbbir 83, 160, 324
saidhbhreas 83
saighdiuir 171
saighead v. saghad
saighnt'aiu 171
sail-chuach 151
saileug 89, 229, 354
saill 75, 223
saillim 227
saint 110, 254, 348
saith 145
saithim 145
sal 348
salann 25, 348
samhaidh 121, 144
sainhail(t) 144, 392
samhain 144, 344
sambas 38, 294
samhnas 144
samhradh 144
saoghal 03, 72, 348
saoi 126
saoilim v. silim
saoitheambail 133, 201
saor 02, 127
saotbar 61, 112
saotbrughadh 279
sathach 183
sathadh 145, 175
sathairn 275
scabadh v. scapadh
scadan 398
scaid 75
scaifte 320
scairbh 75, 138
scant 275, 393
scaith 139, 345
scaithte 129
scalladh 454
scalpadh 361
Bcamhan 77, 144, 348
scannr(ugh)adh 21, 246
scaoileadh 31«, 451
scaollmhar 63
scapadb 370
scait ascaille 212
scath 182
scata v. scaifte
scathadh 9, 139, 346
scathan 10
sceach 352
sceal 166
scealpadh v. scalpadh
scean 105, 244
sceileadh 454
sceimh 94
sceith 345
sceith aingcis 120, 306, 481
sciau v. scean
scillinn 225
sciobol 27, 371
sciordaim 105
sciuirse 278
sclamh 144, 202
scoig 29
scoil 24
sconsa 55, 238
scornach 31
scortha 29
scriob 372, 474
scriobh 196, 311, 372
sciios 97
scroban 29, 371
scuab 371
seuid 152
seabhac 40, 342, 352
seabhais.seabhoideacht v. siobarnach
seach 330
seachnadh 330
seachran 330, 461
seacht 330, 380
seaehtmhain 197, 249, 263, 352, 463
seadh 170
seagal 427
Seaghan 342, 355
Stamas 86, '■>'>'>
sean 249, 352
seanadh 454
seanbhean 388
seanbheathaidheath 475
seanchas(c) 138, 416
seanduine 237
seang 302
seangan 302
seanleim 254
seanm6ir 11, 138, 443, 459
seanmuntaidhe 11, 138, 443
seanneathannai 256
searbh 47. 114
searbban dubaigh 138
searrach 268
seasamh 4, 172
seascain 263
seascartlia 121
seasiir 15, 86, 355
seibhtiughadb 82, 326
seiche 161, 343
187
seicin 263
n in 263
s&deadh L58, 391, 402
seil 354
seilbh 88, 104, 138, 324
seileastrach 354
Beileog 99, '229, 354
seilg 88, 138, 229, 42(5
seine 249
seinm, seinnim 111, 203, 259, 352
seisear 88
seisreach 13, 283, 353
seo chugainn 43
se<5l 32, 342
seomra 342
Seorsa 342
seort 354
siabadh, siabbadh 103, 180, 362, 372
siabran, siabranacht v. siobaniacli
siamsa 119
sifin 319
sileadb 99
silim 124, 354, 452
simplidhe 99
sin 203, 219, 247, 461, 462, 4137
sineadh 117, 241), 263
de shineadh reatha 286
siobarnacb, siobarnaidh 372
sioc 97, 411
siocair 97, 455
siol 164, 215
siollabh 47, 97
siolrugbadh 130, 216, 276
siopa 361
sior 285
sios 455, 461, 474
siostal 97
siotbla 164, 221)
siotblan 164, 220
sitrigh 47S
siubhal 342, 352, 454, 456, 461, 467,
475
siucra 355, 413
siunta 354
slabbac 40, 208, 413
slabbradh 142, 208, 217
slachtar 208
slaghdan 70, 208
slaid 75
slainte 218, 389
slan 208
slanlus 238
slanughadh 218
slaodan v. slaghdan
slat 208, 381
slathach 19, 183, 208, 475
sleagh 106, 170, 429
sleagbiin 18, 2211
sleanihain 40, 144, 230, 263
sleambnugbadh 130, 230
sliabb 47, 158
sligbe 230, 476
sligean 432
Sligigh 230
sliocadh, sliogadb 230, 414, 474
Bliognadh 97
slioparnaidh 361
slis 388
sloinneadh 98, 208, 218, 251
slot 23, 208
sluagb 27, 34, 208, 217
sluasad 208, 217
slugaim 56, 208, 426
sniaichtin 263, 334
smal, sniol 67
smaladh 200
smalcadh 25
smaoitiughadh 123, 199, 348, 443
smaolacb 67
smear 86, 158, 349
smeir 349
sinig 111, 432
srnionagair 97
srnolacb 29
smuaintiughadb v. smaoitiugbadh
srnng 56, 426
smulgadan 56, 138
snag 239
snaidhm 125, 239, 245, 274, 299
snaithe 239, 274, 346
snamh 148, 196, 201, 239, 245, 274
snaoi 125, 239, 274
snath 182, 239, 274
snathad 7, 239, 274
.smithadh 7
sneachta 255, 262, 284, 388
sniomh 167, 196, 200, 255, 262
snnadh 46, 239, 245, 274, 476
so- 479
soc 23, 98
socair 23
socal, socalach 29, 133
socamhal v. socal
sochomhaii'leacb 479
sochreidhte 29, 479
sodalta v. soibealta
sogh 30
soibealta 377
soileastar v. seileastracb
soilMir 27, 88
soillsiughadh 225
soir 89, 283, 354
shoir, tboir 176, 459
soirbhighim 89
soiriartha 73, 286
soitheach 171
solndian v. siigh
solus 23, 129
somas, somasach 38, 294
somhrughadh v. somugbadli
son 454
sonrugbadb 39, 172, 276, 143
sonruigbtbeach 39, 276
sontacb 39, 238
sop 9, 361
sotal v. soibealta
188
sothuiosidh 29
spad 398
spadanta 10, 398
spadar 275
spairt 275
spaisteoracht 11
sparan 9
Bpeal 349, 365, 456, 477
spealadoir 27, 477
spealadoracht 477
speir 158, 365
spine 233, 306
spiochan, spiocan v. piochan
spionadh 365, 454
spiorad 349, 365, 397
splanc 302
spline v. spine
splionacli 474
spliota 97
spochadh 23, 348, 359
spochan 23
spol 438
sponc 55, 200, 302
sporan 9
spreadh, spreidhcadh 154, 162, 190,
346
sprionnla, sprionnlog 238
spuaic 66, 359
spurrach 2(57
Braid 273, 379, 403
snudeog 273
srath 273
srathar 80, 175, 273
srathnughadh 60, 130, 248, 273
sreang 302, 304
sreangadai 302
srian 94, 156, 273
srofach 29
sroichim 273
sron 38, 273, 379
sruth, sruthan 42, 202, 273
Sruthaill, Sruhair 444
stabhghail 231
staca 413
stad 348, 384, 397
stair 75, 438
stairfhiacail 439
stairiarraidh 439
stalcaire 138
steiceacha 419
stiall 352
Btiogadh 97
stoca 413
stocach 29
stod 55
stol 29, 348, 454
Btolcaa 138
stollaire 55
Btorfaidh 23
stride 419
straimrad, straimeaid 79
Btreabhog 143
str6cadh 29
stucan 56
suan 151
suas 455
suathadh 346
subhach 196
siigh 50, 475
sugb solmlian 138
sughadh 346, 475
suiblineach 249
suidhe 112, 126, 473, 475
suil 45, 348, 469
suim 98
suirghe 121
suiste 348
suithche 346
sunta v. siiinta
ta 449
tabhacht 196
tabhairt 27, 40, 48, 393, 451, 464, 466
tabhairteach 40
tabhairteasach 40
tabhartanas 40
tabbthann 201, 386
tabhughadh 143
taca 449, 462
tachtadh 3
Tadhg 70, 426
tae 94, 393
taidhbhse 5, 324
tailliur 45
tbainic 89, 176, 329, 421, 445
tainte 254
tairbhe 76
tairbhix 75
tairgim 114
tairneacb 20, 275
tairnge 21, 257, 275
tairnt, tarraingt 21, 257, 275, 392, 395
tairseacb 278
tais 75
taisbeaint v. teiseint
taiscidb 395
taiscidhim 130
taisleach 75, 226
taisme 353
taitnighim 256, 393
talamb 25, 379
thall 25, 176, 362, 470
tamh 201
tambaigbim v. tabhughadh
tamall 60, 386
tamhthaireacht 201
taobh 124, 127, 379, 470
taobhadh 62
taom 63
taos 63
tapadh 361
tapaidh 200
thar, thair 75, 176, 285, 333
tarbh 3, 47, 379, 395
tarcuisne 255
targaire 303, 379
1N<)
targaheaeht 138, 275, 303
tharlaidh 210, 275
tarman 9, 138
tarrnochttha 21, 25
tarrthail 21, 279
tanthalach 279
thart 345
tart 3, 380
tastail 382
fcathadh, tathaim 145, 183, 190, 346
tathar 7
tchim 112, 180, 311, 391
teach 4, 112, 177, 382, 388
theacht 176, 380
te"agarthach 185
tcagasc 426
teaghlach 106, 338
teallaeh 13, 207
tealtogh 30
team 15(5
tearnpall 21, 212, 301
teangaidh 121, 302, 304, 388
teann 388
teannadh 236, 242, 454
teasbhach 197
teastail v. tastail
theid 176
teidhcadh 86, 154, 162
teilgim v. tligean
teine 111, 121, 263, 388
teiseint 110, 185, 327, 464
teith 32, 91, 388
teo 32
teoraiun 254
tiachog 3ss
thiar 170, 362, 470
tiarcais 342
tighearna 63, 342
tigim, thig 176, 432
tilleadh (1) 223, 390
tilleadh (2) 383
tilleamaidh, tilleamaidheach 294
timcheall, timpiall 366
tinn 109
tinncas 129, 388
tiodal 397
tiodhlacadh 207
tiomsnghadh 97
tionta 388
tionti'tr suibh 97
tiormugbadh 4 40
tir 279, 401
tiugh 42, 202, 319
tligean 229, 232, 388, 440
thigh 202, 217, 379
tobann 55, 129, 370, 383
tobar 55, 129, 370
tochartadh 23
tochas 23
tocht fuail 23
togha 95
toghadh 71, 105, 180, 190
t6gail 38, 379, 451
toghna 71
toil 24, 379
toilcadh 451
toilteanas 225
toin 38, 263, 477
thoir 176, 459
toircheas 31, 122, 280
Toirdhealbhach 197, 210
toiniL'is 20, 31
toiit 23
toit 24
i dtolamh 29
toll 55
tolladh 213, 454
torn 55, 291
tomhas 40, 473
tonacan 477
tonn 55, 126
tonnus 45
toradh 23, 379
torrach 268
torramh 31
tortaoibh, tortaobhadh v. cortaobh
tost 23
trachtadh 281, 393
traeu 94, 393
traghadh 124, 147
traigh 345
traigh 145, 379, 475
traochadh 124
traogh 124
traona 72, 156
trasna 440
trath 7, 182, 270, 379
trathnona 451
treabhadh 40, 43, 105, 180, 190, 281,
283, 346
treaghamhnach 170
treau 155, 388
treigim 281, 388, 422, 432
treitheaeh 88
treorughadh 281
trian 281, 388, 401
trilseau 225
triobloid 27, 371, 403
triobloideach 97
triomughadh 281, 440
triuch 42, 202
trim- 281, 401
trocaire 29, 411
troid 55, 281, 391
trorn 55, 98, 291
troman 55
tromluighe 218
trosc 23
troscadh 281
truacanta 416
truagh 151
truaghanta v. truacanta
truisliughadli 281
tuagh 151
tuagh cheatha 114, 379
thuaidh 152, 176
190
tuaim tamh 148, 383
uchairt 43, 335
tuairim 314, 395
ucht 56, 380
tuaithbheal 212, 231, 31!)
ud v. adai
tuaradh 279
udhacht 13, 135
tuarastal 151
udalan 45, 197
tuargaoin 138
ugh 50
thuas 176, 36'2, 470
ughaim 50
tuathal 175
ughdar 50, 397
tuban 371
ughmughadh 50
thug 43, 56, 471
uibh 98, 322, 326
tuga 55, 429
uile 313
tuighe 129
uille 110
tuigheadoir 11, 27, 121, 475
uille 98, 231
tuigheadoracht 11
Uilliam 98
tuigim 98, 379
uimhir 298
tuilleadh v. tilleadh (1)
uiune 98
tailleamh, tuilleamhuach v. tillea-
uiread v. urad
maidh
uisce 353, 420, 452
tuinte 254
uiseog 110, 253, 315, 452
tuirne 45
uisfheoil 110, 452, 479
tuirseach 102, 278
Uladh 56, 482
tuisliughadh v. truisliughadh
umhal 51
tuitim 390, 464
umhloid 78, 294
tumadh 295
umhlughadh 51, 78
tur 56
ungadh 130, 302
turadh 56, 57
unsa 56, 238
turas 56, 57
ur- 57
turrscar 56, 268
dr 45, 270
turtog 45
ur shleibhe 230
tiis 333
urad 59, 129
ar dtus 136
urchadh 138, 444
thusa 103, 176
urchall, urchuil 57, 138
urchar 57, 138
ua 14, 34
urchoid 57, 138, 403
uabhtha 311
urchosc 57
uachtar 199
urchra, urchradh v. urchadh
uaid, uaidh 66, 199
mdhubhadh 121, 142, 315
uaig, uaigh 13, 46, 435
urla 57, 210
uaigneach 263
urlabh 57, 210, 444
uaill 152
urlabhra v. urlabh
uaim v. uam
urlar 10, 57
uair 235, 460
uruaighe 57
uaithbhealta 166, 319
una chleasaidheacht 267
ualach 151
urradh v. earraidh 315
uam 66, 195, 292
urramach 267
uau 46, 474
ursa 57
uathblnis 10, 46
usaid 77
iibhall 51, 212
uth 13, 45
Scotch Gaelic.
air 136
airidh 75
anasta 477
buidheaeh 405
callan 206
carghus 426
carraig 421
carrasan 60
ciom 118
ciomach 291
eiorram 279
clabar 415
cliob 375
cliu 423
cneatan 284
crubh 372
cumhann 241
cungaidh leighis 172, 303
101
cungaifiidh, cungaisich 17*2, 803
cunglach 172, 303
dheth 12
driodar 134
durga 42'.i
eag 100
eitc, eitonii 4 12
cuiiiliami 446
gealagan 408, 444
glaodh 63
gobhlachan 40
griobhag 101)
groigean 415
gruan, giuthan 415
gur -"><>
igh 117
lairig 114, 421
langa 302
le6b 157
maghar 70
rnu 314
mugharn 50
muirichinn 121
oisir 24
oitir 113
piochan 164, 365
prais 360
preathall 365
priobaid 360
pronnasg 300
rib, ribeag 375
saidh 70
saidealta 377
samh 121
.seileach 354
Bgdrnan 31
siab, siabh 103, 372
smal 67
smug 56
snaoidh 239
spuaic 66
starr-fhiacail 439
taom 63
tarruinn 257
traogh 124
traoghamhanaeh 170
traona 72
udalan 45
uidheain 50
uiread, urad 59
uiseag 110, 315
Manx.
ashoon 440
bragh, dy bragh 333
cbelley 82
coon 241
cronk 234
fer-oik 180
flee, flig 429
immeeaght 101
jarrood 2'.il
-jee 435
mychione 314
mygeayrt 314, 395
oural 180
share 180
sbeebey 163, 180, 372
slut 23
tayrn 257
usbag 110
yindys 303
yrjey 60
TEXTS
Q. 13
194
fanohld.
1. I'ef 9 Nil's icaduiv a yra:v.
2. b'i: 9 qidL hein sg' 9 N'il'9 ayn'd ag9s Jc'idL or L'eg sg' a
N'ar vir'a.
3. N'i: wi:r 9 maduw ru9 t'ayt'ir'a N'i: b'ot.T Na s hein'.
4. maroguio Na ba:ft'i:, L'ig' dl/w, L'ik'o m'9 did'.
5. 9S Na:wid! 9 gird' g9n 9 fjod'dm.
6. fid'i: N' t'soN dUw gdr b'e: son hein' 9 t'son 9S ba:n9 er
b'ig.
7. fk's9l 9 iN'/9 d9 yap9L sd kapoL sr torn 9 Na:rd'a.
8. N'i:r vift'a d9 fador pod.
9. tu:s k'aho k'o:.
10. kriN'i: brow b'art' ocg9s L'i9Nt9r syk' d9 for i:n i: .
11. k>jr'9N su:V ru:t'ay korp N9 k'iL'9 agos mart No Joto.
12. fe: m9r ta: far No hs:nwo:. ta: fs fwi: smayt eg' far 9
da: wo:, ay aN't'e: 9 wil' sg'9 N' fe: No N' fayt, N'i:
a: A 7 ' fs k'art 9 ar 9 Ny:.
13. d'er 9 kat, k'e d'i:g t'iin ? Na mrS.:.
14. sa.r 9 V9 os 9 t'i.r Na 9S Neefian.
15. is golor don ao:r Nor Nay N'ihiN' fs son.
16. b'i: rah 9r raplayaji agos heid' 9 ft'r'auwog amawa.
17. gay^ son mor iL't'or agos N^.skoN so N'abor.
18. N'i: fsvt' or' b'ig vo foluw.
19. 9 streeN'fer' 9 N&k' 9 dseN'fkr' s 9 b'aray fs:ri: 9 Neek'
9N dorif
20. se: mor ta: N 'tano.-li: daL. N'i: alakoN kb:rL'9 wj^a nay
9 mwer'9N. g9n o:los os J 'a:r I'ef 9 ve Na azd'vml' g9
wiL' fa 9 Nenavis.
21. oa: d!r'i9n golir I's hi:ca, ga d'r'ion gy:ca I's kraNov, qa: d'r'ion
fN'ayto I's J'L'eivt'o agos qa.: d'r'ion g'r'ein'9 I's b'aN9.
22. d'if Na,y gyr'aN I's ceil '9, far N9 k'eiL'o ag9S far Na
heig'eiL'9, d9 vr'i: g9 fi:l'9N far N9 heig'eiL'9 gar b'9
hein far Na k'eiL'a.
23. N'i: trim id' 9 d9N Loy Lay.
N'i: trim id' 9 d9 N'ay rson.
N'i: trim id! don y£:ra a holoN
s N'i: tr'im'id'a don yoloN k'iaL.
24. as kosu:L' L's ceil' a an bwxL'feir'a s a jiLa.
195
Seanfhocla.
1. Leis an uile mhadadh a chnaimh.
2. Bidliidh a chiall fhein aig an uile dhuine 7 ciall air leith aig
an fhear mhire.
3. Ni fhuair an madadh ruadh teachtaire ni b'fliearr na e
fhein.
4. Margadh na bpaisti, leig domh, leigfidh me duid.
5. Is namhaid an cheird gan a feoghluim.
6. Saoilidh an t-ean dubh gur b'e a ean fhein an t-ean is
baine air bith.
7. Xceal do innse do chapall 7 an capall air toiri ann airde.
8. Nior mbisde do Pheadar P61.
9. Tus ceatha ceo.
10. Crninnighidh brobh beairt 7 Hon tar saic de phoirini.
11. Cuireann suil thnui teach corp 'un na cille 7 mart 'un an
phota.
12. Is e mar ta fear na h-aon bho. Ta se faoi smacht aig fear
an da, bh6. Aclit an te a bhfuil aige an se no an
seacht, ni fhagliann se ceart o fhear an naoi.
13. Deir an cat, ce d'ith an t-im 1 na nana.
14. Is fhearr do bheith as an tir na as an fhaisiiin.
15. Is galar do'n ghabhar nuair nach n-itheann se eidhean.
16. Bidhidh rath air raplachan 7 theid an streabhog amudha.
17. Gach ean mar oiltear 7 an naoscann san eabar.
18. Ni seibhte air bith do bheith folamh.
19. An strainseair i n-aice an dainseair agns an bearach feai-aigh
i n-aice an dorais.
20. Se mar ta an t-an-e61aidh dall. Ni ghlacann se corahairle
o neach a maireann. Gan eolas is fearr leis do bheith
na aidbheail go bhfnil se i n-ainbhfios.
21. Dha dtrian galair le h-oidhche, gha dtiian gaoithe le
crannaibh, dha dtrian sneachta le sleibhte 7 dha dtrian
greine le beanna.
22. Dis nach gcuireann le cheile, fear na ceille 7 fear na
h-eigceille, de bhrigh go saoileann fear na h-eigceille
gur b'e fhein fear na ceille.
23. Ni truimide do'n loch an lach.
Ni truimide do'n each a shraon (shrian).
Ni truimide do'n chaora a h-olann
7 ni truimide do'n cholann ciall.
24. Is cosamhail le cheile an ball seire 7 a ghiolla.
13—2
196
Riddles.
1. ss Luw Na Loy, 9s qrd'9 Na ay,
9s g'il'o Na g'e:, agos b'i: fs N9 jei fiN dUw.
a:rN'9.
2. b'i: dorsor' karkyr krUi S9 yri: .
N'i: he: fiN do.-son, b'i: fs m?v][:.
fasi: fo S9 doros mar V9U bx:L'i: t'aN.
bwy:L't'9r 9ft' ay e: mdr vsu g'iji.
t'ig'i: n p'iN'or Ve N9 f'xN.
poLy: efin f'r'i:d' o ciN.
fk'irdi: n gadi: s eir'i: n g'r'aN.
stapolan 9 wid'eel'.
3. k'aror N9 rig, k'ardr er' k'r'ig',
b'irt' 3 d'anuw N'o.iif, ag9s Lo:b'i:n 9r d'er'uw.
bo:.
Catches.
1. ifk'9 bog er aob 9 yapiviL' . kgmwil' g9 bog m'i.n gob 9
yapwiL'.
2. 9S bog 9 foxl e.fo fwi: mo qa: ypf N'i: bwig'9 e: Na.: n fo:d
ta: La:v I'ef. fo:d bog sdir' aa: wog. 9s bog S9s bog e:
dn bogo.d.
a:nras 9 N'im'd.
vi: a:nras 9 N'im'd Net yp:ni: 9 mwel' i: 'mfen 9 jd'aN 9 wel'9
tiiv. b9 I'ef bwel' i: mu:n a:t' f'ili9 bo: ag9s taruw l'o:f9. alak 9
fo:Nst9nay nw:r s sr sko:r k'er'9 yrok jsog im 9 ja:nuw er' ihid^
bo: N' t'o:Nst9ni:. Jay ton rivo hoaitvin yUi fo:Nstonayfior agos
fecyj ji'arsen agos p'eir'9 k'l'iuw er Q-Cty g'arocn fa yyN'9 9 yyd'
im'o. d'i9fri Van a.nrsef wo:r d9 aa.nras, gdde: ja:n9 mo ? ta:
N' t'im it' og9d. d'iofri: a:nras, wil' 9r9d im 9g9d 9s ja:nuw fiN'
9N'Uw ? ag9s du.r 'sifo, to.:. Ner 9 d'i: fiod a sa(:)i c , du.rt' 9
fo:Nstonay, a:nrsef, os ko:r did' 9 solar 9 ho:rt -dUw, agos du.rt'
a:nras, N'ioL sola.r or' b'ic' ogom. d'i: m'd e: il'ig'. du.rt' 9
/b:Nstonay, a a:nrsef kyr'i m'9 9N9 f'r'i:su:n huw. ag9S du.rt'
a:nras, Na kyr', ay kyr' hogom N9 f'iJi9 bo: b'l'iin el' 9 agos vs:ri
m'9 m'iNo Nay N'igom 9n jr'im' im'o g9 k'iN b'l'ioN9. riN' fi9d
9 maroguw. hofi: a.nras agos 9 van 9 sa:weel' 9 N'im'9. vi: d's
197
Riddles.
1. Is high nk Inch, is aoirde na each,
is gile na ge\ 7 bidhidh b6 na dhiaidh sin dubh.
Airne.
2. Bidhidh dors6ir carcair cruaidh san chroidhe.
Ni h-esin d6-san, bidhidh ae - maoth.
Seasaidh s^ san dorus mar bheidheadh baillidh teann.
Buailtear asteach e" mar bheidheadh ging.
Tigidh an pinne6ir le n-a pheann.
Pollaidh esean frid a cheann.
Sciordaidh an gadaidhe 7 eirighidh an greann.
Stopalan an bhuideail.
3. Ceathrar na rith, ceathrar air critli,
beirt ag deanadh an e61ais, 7 16ibin air deireadh.
Bo.
Catches.
1. Uisce bog air ghob an chapaill. Cumail go bog min gob an
chapaill.
2. Is bog an f6d e-seo faoi mo dha chois. Ni buige e" na 'n f6d
ta laimh leis. F6d bog eadar dha bhog. Is bug 7 is bug
6 an bogf h6d.
Aindrias an Ime.
Bhi Aindrias an line na chomhnaidhe i mBaile ui Mun i
nGleann an Bhaile Dliuibli. Bu leis Baile ui Mun, ait fiche bo
7 tarbh leobhtha. Ghlac an Se6nstanach Mor e air scor ceithre
chroc dheag ime do dheanadh air fhichid bo an tSeonstanaigh.
Seachtmhain roimhe Shamhain chuaidh an Se6nstanacli siar 7
seacht ngearrain 7 peire cliabh air ghach gearran fa choinne a
chuid ime. D'fhiafraigh bean Aindriais Mhoir de Aindrias, go
de - gheanfaidh me] Ta an t-im ithte agad. D'fhiafraigh Aindrias,
bhfuil oiread ime agad a's gheanfadh sinn aniu ] 7 dubhairt sise,
ta. Nuair d'ith siad a saith, dubhairt an Se6nstanach, a Aindriais,
is e6ir duid an solathar do tliabhairt domh, 7 dubhairt Aindrias,
ni'l solathar air bith again. D'ith me e uilig. Dubhairt an
Se6nstanach, a Aindriais, cuirfidh me 'un an phriosuin thii.
7 dubhairt Aindrias, na cuir, acht cuir chugam na fiche b6
bliadhain eile 7 bhearfaidh m6 mionna nach n-itliim aon ghreim
ime go ceann bliadhna. Rinne siad an margadh. Thoisigh
Aindrias 7 a bhean ag sabhail an ime. Bhi deich mba(th) aig
198
mah sg' a.nras a heiri agas ha:w&L' fa N' t'im! il'ig' ga d'z.r sa oyt
grok agas fiqa er' hqn a da: vl'ian. hen'ik' (hc/.nik') a fo:Nstanay j
a t'aytan nvs hautviri agas k'er'9 g'ars&N' d'sag l'e/] p'eir'a k'l'iuw ar
P^Z 9'< XTa ' n " ho.9 A l' e f a X,yd' im'9. N'i: vs Loy p'i.-N'g da
. riN' agam Vat, arsa y.ury.s. ta: ma ar to.geeV gan an jr'im' im
x.L'c b'l'iiri. kyr'i ma stok bolog hggad er 9 vl'i:N' j'UgiN'. ma
gd L'o.r. r'iN'uw a maraguw. hen'ik' a t'x.Lay^ sko.r ga L'e.
ySti a t'aLay a Nam aN'firi ga d'i: an fd:war. hog a
fo.Nstanay I'efiadga hj^.nay a No:wir' valay fani: a heiri agas
a:nra>f l'e/. ji:L' fa (a) N' t'aLay l'a koNaytay agas du.rt' a
kqNyyfyy, as mo:r a Na-.r'a Nay wil! v-Lay^ N'i:s f'a:r agav Na
ta:. yy N'i:V a:t' a vi: aN mar gyd aLy: Not. aN mar Ny.rii: .
du.rt' a fo:Nsta7iyy ga ro aLay agas di:rii: okuw ko mai f agas
vi: a gqNayta o.gas a c/lykuw a m'ia ko mai f fosta. fl'eid'&l' a
fo:Nstanccy agas a koXyyJyy^ er' fig tamwiL' (tomwilJ) o.gas yor
sad g'c/.L ri: L'ejin'i k'okuw bivjrayiL' a yoNyyji: No bw^ayiL'
a t'o:Nstani: as 'mo: d'i.suw da jitri. hiN'fiuw a fk'saL da a.nras
agas da w^ayiL' a yqNayti: agas du.rt' a virt! gar wai* mar
ha:rLy: ga ro(w) a sa(:)i f okrif oiuw. ylli fad 9ft' ay^ a day a
No.sta. fiafriutv di.fa gad'e: a d'i.sat^fad l's Na gyd' im'9. du.rt'
a virt', aran m'iri -yor'k'a agas p'r'sati:. fw^aras (fwi:ras) f\N
do:fa. fiafriuw di:fa gad'e: n vtcV im'9. du.rt! a.:nras k'aruw
kloca. N'i.r' wada ga ro fin k'r'iayni:. ayr a.nras k'aruw kloc
el 9 da ga.y^ o:n okuw. Ner a hen'ik' a t'im', wuW a:nro.s dorN er
9 tvo:rd agas du:rt! flay ro k'art a ja:nuw l's k'aytar okuw. gar
cart do.fa d'oy a:l'. f'iafriuw gad'e: N'd'oy agas du.rse:, d'oy
im'9. gad'e: n veid' im'a ? L'eijig'i: k'aruw kloca an far du:N.
hzn'ifa L'eit'a agas aNa pa: b'ig'i:ri. do:l. a:nras d'oy agas diarsa
Na jj'r'sati: agas 9 taran ho.rt^ I'o.fa as a yasan, ga wa.t' fa a yyd'
a ja:nuw. rqg fa er o:d da N'im! aNa prN. yor so aNa veil' a.
wiN' fa g'r'im mo.r as. do:iL' fa bolagam as afig'im. po.rt' kod
da N'im' aXuasfr'i.d' 9 N'sasog' wo:r. as oyt d'e:, wo.:ift'ir',fsay
a!\ oN er. N'i: eadam a va b'jo: a gauwark er a va:y halay. dial
a gy.L xg98 a try: ryyamwid' 9 wel'a, i.ka m'9 heiri a l'a!. win'
x.nras a g'y.L x% dy.k fa y.nry.s a N'im'a mar eriam' er ga wuarsa
bx:s.
199
Aindrias e fliein 7 shabhail se an t-im uilig go (learn ae* ocht
gcroc 7 tiche air shon an da bhliadhan. Thainic an Sednstanach
an tseaclitinliain roimhe Shamhain 7 ceithre gearrain ddag leis,
peire cliabh air ghach gearran. Thug se leis a elm id ime. Ni
bheidh luach pingne de roinn agam leat, arsa Aindrias. Ta me
ar t6gail sran aon ghreim ime fhaghail le bliadhain. Cuirfidh me"
stoc bolog cbugad air an bbliadbain seo chugainn. Maith go
le6r. Rinneadh an margadh. Thainic an t-eallacb sc6r go leith.
Chaith an t-eallach a n-am annsin go dti an foghmhar. Thug an
Seonstanach leis iad go h-aonach an fboghinhair Bhealach Seanaidh
e" f hein 7 Aindrias leis. Dhiol s^ an t-eallach le Connachtach 7
dubhairt an Connachtach : is inor an naire nach bhfuil eallach
nios fearr agaibh na ta. Acht ni'l ait an bhidh ann bhur gcuid
eallaigh na ann bhur ndaoini. Dubhairt an Seonstanach go robh
eallach agus daoini ocii co maith 7 bhi i gConnachta agus a
ghlacadh a mbiadh co maith fosta. Phleideail an Seonstanach 7
an Connachtach air feadh tamaill agus chuir siad geall thri leath-
ghuinea cia ocii buachaill an Chonnachtaigh no buachaill an
&
Seonstanaigh is m6 d'iosadh de im. H-innsigheadh an sc^al do
Aindrias agus do bhuachaill an Chonnachtaigh 7 dubhairt an
bheirt gur mhaith mar tharlaidh, go robh a saith ocrais orrthu.
Chuaidh siad isteach i dteach an 6sta. Fiafruigheadh diobhtha
go de d'iosadh siad le n-a gcuid ime. Dubhairt an bheirt : Aran
min choirce agus preatai. Fuai'as sin dobhtha. Fiafraigheadh
diobhtha go de an mheid ime. Dubhairt Aindrias ceathramhadh
cloiche. Nior bhfhada go robh sin criochnaighthe. Ghair
Aindrias ceathramhadh cloiche eile do gach aon ocu. Nuair a
thainic an t-im, bhuail Aindrias dorn air an bhord 7 dubhairt
nach robh ceart dha dheanamh le ceachtar ocii. Gur cheart
d6bhtha deoch fhaghail. Fiafraigheadh go de an deoch 7 dubhairt
s^ : Deoch ime. Go de an mheid ime % Leighigidh ceathramhadh
cloiche an fear duinn. Thainic se leighte 7 ann dha bpigin.
D'61 Aindi'ias deoch 7 d'iarr se na preatai 7 an t-aran do thabhairt
le6bhtha as an chasan, go bhfaghadh se a chuid do dheanamh.
Rug se air f hod de'n im ann a dhorn. Chuir se ann a bheil e.
Bhain se greim m6r as. D'61 se bolgam as an phigiu. Dh6irt
cuid de'n im anuas frid an fheasoig mh6ir. As ocht De, a
mhaighistir ! feach anonn air. Ni fheadaim do bheith be6 ag
amharc air an bheathach shalach. Diol an geall 7 an trath
l'achaidh nmid abhaile iocfaidh m6 fhein a leath. Bhain Aindrias
an geall acht d'f hag se Aindrias an Ime mar ainin air go bhfhuair
se bas.
200
ermdN a 'k'o:rif.
vi: bw&N't'r'ay wra: 9 L'et'ir vik' 9 'wct.rd'. vi: b'irt' tvak
sk'i: — paxlrik' a •k'o.rif 9 far bd fin'o agos s:moN 9 bo.g'o. da:f
fidd SU9S g9 rofiod oNa mwjoyoL'i:. 9N La: 9wa:n du:rt' s:moN
Vs Na ivoLh&r : 9 wodiser', im'ayo m'ifd go viayo in' 9 mortu:n a:V
dtJiyeiri '. ta: Ntaluw b'ig g9 L'o.r sg' mo ja:reer. k'okuw f'a.r
Vat tirt'i:n b'ig 9S mo vaNayt No (irt'i:n mo.r ogos rno waLayt ?
93 f'a:r Vim tirt'i:n b'ig ag9S do vaNayt. jVsos er' agos da:g
b'aNayt sg No wgnuw. hog waheer b'aNayt do:, vi: fo maL
tra'no.no Ner 9 da:kfo 911 bweVo. N'i:V 9N ayt g» wuorso trasNo
q^rb'ara go den'ik' 9 Ni.go agos yodiL'fo Nl:p fin oNso
aaroyjjL '. er hit'im No yoLuw do: hen'ik' iN'J'er' kuw b'ig No
garoyyL'iiw. fs do valid s:mwiN' i: k'o:rif 9rsi:. kyd' 9r L'ec
ag9S kivr'9N agos rod Vs to.rt' iN/or Na kil'sen'. jo: tuw fin , a
yyl&n uosiV . hog dico kyd' or L'ec agos kivr'oN agos rod Vs to.rt'
iN'for Na kitten. s:mwiN' i: k'o:rif orson kuw, ta: m'9 bwiay
dixl. k's b'sr'' b'i f a.:t' 9 m'ei tuw i jieiv9N, d'aN skart' er yuw
b'ig No garoyyL'uw. or mwsed'oN LayorNo~wa:ray go Luo
Luo d'eir'i: agos yUifo er 'cu:l agos cu:l rivo N'i.-sfwid'o Na hig
Vims iN'fo. fa jer'uw tra'no.-no g9 maL hen'i fs ku:rt' agos
ksefL'an mo:r. hen'i fo 9N9 jafto. f'iofriuw de, god'e: vi: fo
jiori: (jiri:). d'iN'if fe do.fo gor bwj^oyiL' vi: g'iri: amfir'o.
N'i: ro mwid' fiN'o oN La: or'iuw Nay ro btvj^ :yiL' jic oriN',
orson g'aftor. god'e: (o)N qbvoir 9 wiL tuw mai'- sg'9. fi.i'om
Nay wil' qbwir' fa N' t'ay Nay d'ig' Vim 9 ja:nuw. god'e: N
tuorostol ota.: tuw jiri: go k'iN La: agos b'l'iin' ? fa:ko m'o fin' sg'
on ri:. k'sb'er' -b'ic tuorostol os J'jtcw m'9 vs:ri fo dUw 0. er
mwsedoN LayorNo'wa.ray hen'i fo moran sp'i.k'i: er' wa:won
agos k'iN dirn'i: or' yyd! okuw. d'iofri: fo, go d'e: ta: m's gol
ja:iiuiv oN'Uw. t'efanuw do: boihay Neer' kartuw Vs J ayt
rn'l'ioNo, a.gos mor m'eit' fo karti: tra'no:no, go gir'f'i: 9 ciN or
sp'i:k'9. fuor so gre:p', agos cid ciN yse fo 9may, fe: on rod 9
hen'ik' fayt g'iS' oft'ay y yse, fo k'iN eVo omay agos hen'ik' k'er'o
k'iN' d'sog oft'y.y. o: t'i:m, orse:, os gir'id' go ro: N t'ay fo
L'ioNl9 agos ra.yi: mo ciNso er sp'i.k'o. ta: me: (0) nroya.t',
orxn:. A i:V iin'ayl er wa:s ogom. orsir' yuolo m'o t'r'i:
skart' wo.ro hi:s oNso jV a N. d'iofri: m'o god'e: bo cioL do:
201
Eanionn Ua Ci6rrthais (?).
Bin baintreabhach mna i Leitir-Mhic-a-Bhaird. Bin beirt
mhac aici— Padraig XJa Ciorrtliais an fear bu sine 7 Eanionn ab
6ige. D'fh&s siad suas go robh siad ann a mbuachailli. Aon
la amhain dubhairt Eamonn le n-a mhathair : A mhathair !
imtheachaidh mise go bhfcachfaidh me m't'hortiin f haghail doinh
fhein. Ta an talainh beag go le6r aig mo dhearbhbhrathair.
Cia ocii lean- leac toirtin beag 7 mo bheannacht no toirtin m6r
7 mo mhallacht? is fearr Horn toirtin beag 7 do bheannacht.
G Ideas air 7 d'f hag beannacht aig n-a bhunadh. Thug a mhathair
a beannacht d6. Bin s^ mall trathnona nuair d'f hag se an baile.
Ni'l ann acht go bhfuair se trasna Ghaoth-Beara go dtainic an
oidhche 7 chodail se an oidhche sin annsan Gharbhchoill. Air thuit-
im 'na chodladh do thainic annsair Cii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh.
S£ do bheatha, a Eamuinn Ui Ciorrtliais, arsi. Cuid air leith 7
coimhreann 7 rud le tabhairt annsair na coileain. Gheobh tii
sin, a choileain uasail ! Thug dithe cuid air leith 7 coimhreann
7 rud le tabhairt annsair na coileain. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrtliais,
arsa 'n cii, ta me buidheach diod. Ce b'air bith ait i mb&dh tii i
ngeibhionn, dean scairt air Chu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Air
maidin la air n-a bharach go luath, luath, d'eirigh 7 chuaidh se
air shiubhal 7 shiubhail roimhe nios fuide na thig liomsa 'innse.
Fa dheireadh trathnona go mall chonnaic se* ciiairt 7 caislean
m6r. Thainic se 'un an geafta. Fiafruigheadh de, go de" bhi se
dha iarraidh. D'innis se dobhtha gur buachaill bhi aig iarraidh
aim sire. Ni robh muid sinne aon la ariamh nach robh buachaill
de dhith orrainn, arsa 'n geaft6ir. Go de an obair a bhfuil tii
maith aige. Saoilim nach bhfuil obair fa 'n teach nach dtig Horn
a dheanadh. Go de 'n tuarastal ata tii dha iarraidh go ceann la
7 bliadhain? Fagfaidh me sin aig an ri. Ce b'air bith tuarastal
is fiii m£, bhearfaidh se doinh e. Air maidin la air na bharach
chonnaic se m6ran spici air an bhadhbhdhun 7 ceann daoini air
chuid ocii. D'fhiafraigh se, go de ta me 'g dul a dheanadh aniu.
Teiseanadh d6 boitheach nar cartadh le seacht mbliadhna, 7 mur
mbeidheadh se cartaighthe trathnona, go gcuirfidhe a cheann air
spice. Fuair se grape, 7 an chead cheann a chaith se aniach, se
an rud a thainic seacht gcinn asteach. Chaith se ceann eile
amach 7 thainic ceithre cinn deag asteach. O tun, arse, is goirul
go robh an teach seo lionta 7 rachaidh mo cheann-sa air an spice.
Ta me i ndrochait, arse. Ni'l imtheacht air an bhas agam.
Areir chuala me' tri scairt mhora thios anns an ghleann.
202
•fin. du.rt' 9 ko.-hir'd Vim gdr t'r'i: fahi: 9 hen'ik' iN'fo 9 j'iri:
N'idti o ri: Vs po.-suiv er' 9 N'ar bd ivo: okuw. Na y9 fk'r'is9t^
/,' 9 rihayto /iid>- wa:t' fo %:. fiN Net far 9 rit'uw d. yor N'idn
9 ri: er' yu.l 9 yo k'iN b'l'idNo yd wa:t' fi; yafk'iay 9 rit'uw 9.
Nay toil' l:c er b'ic Nay L'iy'it^ fidd t'r'i: skart' l's hahds yd ro
fdd %: el'd N'i.-s N'efd ddn fo:suw. onif ta: m'd rdi. N'i.i' im'ayt
er' 9 wa:s oyom. ta: m'd i jieiv9N. riN' fd skart' er yuw b'iy
Nd gawyyL'uw. hen'ifd kuw b'iy Nd yardyyL'uw 9 rahi: iN'fer'.
d'iN'if dip y9d'e: ni9r vi: fd. dqiid huw, 9rsi:. aliwir'k' iN'fo oN
inaskiL' jef fwj^gr S9 yre:p' 'awviy 9Sti: <! 9Na haskiL'. to:r i'at
iyf'iri ag9S tor' yra:n'i:n dd Nid'ay ma.y er 9 dor9s l'eic9. b'i:
hein' 9S 9 yasan. riN' fs fin ag9S hu.-si: Nti.-l'ay 9 y'eir'i: Na.rd'o
ayos t'a.yt omay^ ko t'Uw 9S vi: dN dords a:boLt(o) 9 l'iy'9n 9may.
N'i:r wadd yo ro 9n boihayfoluw. ta: dd hask d'a:Ntd, orson kuw.
f's9d9N tuw fu:l hart yd d'i: Nt:co. f's9d9N tuw ma: fe: dd hoi' 9
fu:l yd vsk'd tuw Na fahi:. yd fs fi.s dNd jl'aNd. er' 9 aoL'
fi:s do: hen'i fd far ta.rNaytd kroyt 9s kraN. yor b'e: d9 va/i9
s.mwiN' i: k'orif orse:. ds tuw a:ivdr d Qafk'i: dsfarr dNsd do.n.
buil' bwiL'd do dd ylaidv er' a gad fo. ta: nid yu:y kj[:V dNsd
N'idn carfdl. ayds L'iy m'ifd dNuds. N'i: wuil'd m'd bwiL'o.
k'sb'er'b'ic or yor suos huiv, L'ig'it' fo dNuds huw. cu:L' L'ef fi:s
9N9 jl'aNo ayds N'i:r wadd ao: yd wakd fd on faiha.y^ d ta.rN't' er.
riN' fo ya.r'd mo.r. ydde: a:wor dd ga:r'd 9rs s:moN ? ta:, yd wiL
dorodsd dd jo:V u:r oyom Is hih-9 oN'Uw. 9S mo.r rim 9N dn
jr'im huw. ds b'iy Vim dNd aa: jr'im' huw, 9rso n fedhwy. N'i:V
iyld orom, ors s-.moN. d'a:N dd jipL. hofi: N trid'. rid' fidd
ydd'i: tra.nb.nd yd maL ayos vi: komuw er 9 Naihay yd m'st' f
•rora.boLtd ay' s:mdN. smwi:t'i: fd ydr aono 9n rod e: 9nfaihay e:
9 wardWd. hoy fd L's:m 9 Na:rd'o. wyiL' f9 9 yo.rdk 9 ciN' ayds
9 win ad' 9. yje, fo n k'iN de yd glan. hog e'hein L's:m' sdir 9
k'iN a.yds yoloN. N'i:r wok di:d, orso N't'a^i: d vi: sd ciN,
wa.:N'fd er' yoliN' 9r'i:f t h'is ayos fir' 9 dd.-ri (fir' o fad'), N'i:
a', ,,' ,1 ,r ,/,' rn'd. dseN' fo iN'fin ydr j^:ri: 9n k'iN ay9s 9 yoloN.
hen'ik' owel'o. lo.r 9 kroyir'o ta.rNayto, s.mwiN' i: k'o:rif, 9
203
D'fhiafraiffh me" «o de bu cliiall do sin. Dubhairt an c6caire
lioin gur tri fathaigfa a thainic annseo do iarraidh nighean an
rfogh lc p6sadh air an fhear l>u mho ocii. No go scriosadh s& a
rioghackta mur bh.fagha.dh se i. Sin no fear a throidfeadh e.
Chuir nighean an riogh ar gciil e go ceann bliadhna go bhfaghadh
si saiscidheach a throidfeadh e. Nach blifuil oidhche air bith
nach leigeadh siad tri scairt le h-athas go robh siad oidhche eile
nios neise do'n phosadh. Anois ta me reidh. Nil imtheacht air
an bhas agam. Ta me i ngeibhionn. Rhine s6 scairt air Chu Beag
na Garbhchoilleadh. Chonnaic se Cu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh
ag reathaidh annsair. D'innis dithe go de mar bhi se. Dona
thu, arsi. Amhairc annseo ami m'ascaill dheis. Fuair se grape
an-bheag astigh aim a h-ascaill. Tabhair leat i sin 7 tabhair
errainin de'n aoileach amach air an dorus leithe. Bi f h^in as an
chasan. Rinne se sin 7 thoisigh an t-aoileach ag eirigh i 11-airde
7 ag teacht amach co tiugh a's bhi an dorus abalta e do leigean
amach. Nior bhfada go robh an boitheach fohinih. Ta do thasc
deanta, arsa '11 cu. Feadann tu siubhal thart go dti an oidhche.
Feadann tu ma's e do thoil e siubhal go bhfeicidh tu na fathaigh.
Chuaidh se sios 'n an gldeanna. Air dhul sios do chonnaic se
fear tarrnoclittha crochta as crann. Gur b'e do blieatha, a
Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais ! arse. Is tu adhbhar an ghaiscidliigh is
fearr aims an domhan. Buail buille de do chlaidhimh air an
ghad seo. Ta 1110 chuig caoil aims an aon cheangal. Agus leig
mise anuas. Ni bhuailtidh me buille. Oe b'air bith ar chuir
suas thii, leigeadh se anuas fchii. Shiubhail leis 'un an ghleanna
7 nior bhfada dho go bhfaca se* an faitheach (fathach) ag tairngt
air. Rinne se gaire mor. Go de adhbhar do gliaire I arsa
Eamonn. Ta, go bhfuil d'oiread-sa do fheoil ur agam le h-ithe
aniu. Is mor Horn ami aon ghreim thii. Is beag Horn aim dha
ghreim thii, ars' an faitheach. Ni'l eagla orm, ars' Eamonn.
Dean do dhithcheall. Thoisigh an troid. Throid siad go dti
trathn6nago mall agus bhi cumadh air an fhaitheach go mbeidheadh
s^ ro-ai>alta aig Eamonn. Smaoitigh se gur dhona an rud e an
faitheach e do mharbhailh. Thug se leim i n-airde. Bhuail se i
gcomhrac a chinn 7 a mhuineail e. Chaith se an ceann de go
glan. Thug e-fhein leim eadar an ceann 7 an cholann. Nior
bhac diod, ars' an teangaidh a bhi sa cheann, dha bhfaghainn-se
air an cholainn aris, thusa 7 fir an domhain (fir faghail), ni
bhainfeadh de me. D'fhau se aniisin gur fhuaraigh an ceann 7
an cholann. Thainic abhaile. Labhair an Crochaire Tarrnoclittha:
A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a dheagh-ghaiscidhigh, mharbhuigh tu
204
jeaafk'i:, wara tuw 9n faihay dN'Uw. bwj^il' bwiL'9 b'ig dd dd
yjaiav 9r' 9 aa.d fo agos L'ig' m'if dNuds. N'i: wuil'i:, drs s:m9N.
ds do:go gdr b'e: d9 aroyjr'i.-wori: •hein 9 dcc:g iN'f'in liuw. k's
b'er'b'v; 9r yqr su9s huw, tggdt' fd aNu9s huw. hen'i fs N9 wel'd.
N'i: row ay aa: skart' 9Ns9 jl'aN 9 Ni:c9 fin'. Lay9rN9'tva:ray
fwj[ :r so t'ccy 9 vi: La:n f'adogy:, L'ig' an amay, sera ho:rt^ do: fa
er fig 9 Le:, agas 9 gr'iN'uw 9ft' ay tra'no.na. Ner 9 sky.L' fa
may Na f'adogy:, d'im'i: fad (9) Nil' 9 ca:rN ag9S N'i: rd~ 's9n 'fiN
I'sf'sk'al sg'9. vi: fs bwj^-.ra agos skart' fa 9ri.fi er yuw b'ig Na
garayyL'uw. dgii9 huw, 9rs9 n kuzv, Nay wil' a:baLta Naf'oAogy:
9 yriN'uw. auwirk' 9N maskiL' gl'i:. da~iwir'k' agas fuar saf'i:d'og
vig aN. Ner 9s mod I' at i9d 9 •yriN'uw fiN' 9r -sin. hiN' fs er'
9 N'i:d'og' ag9s yriN'i: Na f'adogy: 9S ayil'a qa:rN 9 ro fad aft' ay
agas gar arid' fs 9N doras. cu:L' L'ef fi:s aNa jl'aNa ga den'ik' ad
I'ef 9 yroyir'a ha:rNayta. s:mwiN' i: k'o.-rif 9S tuw 9n gsefk'iay
9sf'a:r S9 do:n. wara tuw 9n faihay 9N'e:. yart tuw 9n boihay
9N'e:. yriN'i: tuw Na f'adogy: aft' ay aN'Uw. mwir'i tutv
faihay el' 9 aN'Uw. bnil' bwiL'9 b'ig d9 d9 ylaiav ag9s L'ig' m'if
aNiias. N'i: me: a yqr suas huw agas N'i: me: a I'ik'as aNuas huw,
ars s:maN. cu:L' L'ef fi:s 9N9 jl'aNd. hen'ik' 9 faihay mo:r a
Narakyf a vi: 9 ivo.d N'i:s mo: Nan cid ciN. s:mwiN' i: k'orif 9
a&L't'i:n' vig vadi:. ivar9 tuw mo ja:rser' 9N'e:, ayt vs:ra tuw
dial aN aN' Uw . 9 N'i:d'a r ( iaNa fu9r dd ja.-rser 9N'e:, jo: tisa e:
aN'Uw . hofi: N trid' agas N'i: ro ayt trqmparayt aN gadi: fin.
rid' fiad ga ro fa g'eir'i: doraya. qlok s:maN oyfay a?va:n.
harN' fs a ylaiav. l'ef a vs:m fin wiN' fs n k'iN da Naihay.
hog fs L's:ni sdir 9 k'iN a.gas a yolaN mar riN' fa ar'iva. hen'i
fs owel'9. N'i: ro ay s9N skart' awa:n 89 Ni:ca fin '. er' mwsed'aN
LayarNawa.ray d'eir'i: s:m9N, du:rt' 9 ri: l'ef, ta: Loy^ iN'fo wiL'
t'r'i9n d9 mo au.co foli: sg'a. kotha tuw e: va t^:ma t'ir'im agad eg'
a troMdma. sko.rt' s:m9N er yuw b'ig Na garayyL'uw. ouwir'k'
9sti:c s 9N mo ylidf jef 9rs9n huw. fu9rs9 9N spanog 9 bo Luw
hen'i fs er'iuio. to.g La:n Na spa.nseg'a agas kad fi:s a krqk 9.
N'irr ocn 'eiN' 'N'o.-r 9wd:n 9N. qu:L' L'ef f is Na jl'aNa. fs
da vo.ha, a s.mwiN ', arsan kroyir'a. ta- b'irt' da Na fahi: nxaruw
agad. to.: u%: d'r'ian d& n'iau 9 ri: bwiN't' agad. mwir'i
205
an faitlieach aniu. Buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh air an
ghad seo 7 leig mise anuas. Ni bhuailfidh, arsa Eamonn. Is
doiche gur b'e do dhrochghniombarthai fliein a d'fhag innsin thu.
Ce b'air bith ar chuir suas thii, tugadh se anuas thii. Thainic se
na bbaile. Ni robh acht dha scairt aims an ghleann an oidhche
sin. La air na bharach fuair se teacli a bbi Ian feadogai, a
leigean amach, aire do thabhairt dobhtha air feadh an lae, 7 a
ccruiuniusrhadh asteach trathndna. Nuair a scaoil se amach na
fead6gai, d'imthigh siad an uile chearn 7 ni robh aon cheann le
feiceal aige. bhi se bnaidheartha 7 scairt se arist air Clni Beag
na Garbhuhoilleadh. Dona thu, arsa 'n cu, nach bhfuil abalta na
feadogai do chruinniuehadh. Amhairc ann m'ascaill chli. D'am-
hairc 7 fuair se fide6g blieag ann. Nuair is maith leat iad do
chruinniughadh seinn air sin. Sheinn se air an fhideoig 7
chruinnigh na fead6gai as (g)ach uile chearn a robh siad isteach
gur dhruid se an dorus. Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna go
dtainic fhad leis an Chrochaire Tharrnochttha. A Eamuinn Ui
Ciorrthais, is tii an gaiscidheach is fearr san domhan. Mharbhuigh
tii an faitheach ane. Chart tii an boitheach ane. Chruinnigh
tii na feadogai asteach aniu. Muirfidh tii faitheach eile aniu.
Buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh 7 leig mise anuas. Ni me a
chuir suas thii 7 ni me a leigfeas anuas thu, arsa Eamonn.
Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna. Thainic an faitheach mor
ann a aracais a bhi i bhfad nios mo na'n chead cheann. A
Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a dhailtin bhig, bheadaigh ! Mharbhuigh
tii mo dhearbhbhrathair ane, acht bhearfaidh tii diol ann aniu.
An ide cheadna fuair do dhearbhbhrathair ane, gheobh tnsa e
aniu. Thoisigh an troid 7 ni robh acht trumparacht ann go dti
sin. Throid siad go robh se 'g eirigh dorcha. Ghlac Eamonn
ochtach amhain. Thairrn se a chlaidhimh. Leis an bheim sin
bhain se an ceann de'n fhaitheach. Thug se leim eadar an ceann
7 an cholann mar rinue se aroimhe. Thainic se abhaile. Ni
robh acht aon scairt amhain san oidhche sin. Air maidin la air
n-a bharach d'eirigh Eamonn, dubhairt an ri leis : Ta loch annseo
"bhfuil trian de mo dhuithche folaighthe aige. Caithfidh tii e
'bheith taomtha tirim agad aig an trathnona. Scairt Eamonn air
Chii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Amhairc astigh ann mo chluais
dheis, arsa'n cii. Fuair se an span6g bu lugh chonnaic se ariamh.
T6g Ian na spanoige 7 caith sios an cnoc e. Nior fhan aon dheor
amhain ann. Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna. Se do bheatha,
a Eamuinn, arsa'n Crochaire. Ta beirt de na fathaigh marbh
agad. Ta dha dtrian de nighean an ri bainte agad. Muirfidh
206
Imo on fecihax mo.T oN'Utv. agos buil' bwiL'd b'ig do do ylaiov
or' o gad fo. ds b'ei (b's) mo yyd'uw ogod go bra.:-/. N'i: me:
yen' suos huw agos N'i: me: vs:ros oNuos huw. gu:L' L'ef fi:s 0N0
jVaNo. hen'ik' o faihay mo.r 9 Narokif. vi: fs sok'sauwoLto. a.
snmviN' i: k'o:rif o skla:ivi: waLy:, war9 tuw mo aa: ja:rser' ayt
(o)s gir'id' (ger'id') g9 mwini m'i/9 d9 giN di.d. 9 N'i:d'9 gioNo
fu9r d9 ga: jarrser jo: (\S9. hu:si: N trid' a.g9s N'i:r' vjuw bro
(brow) e: god'i: fin. ho:g s:moN 9 ylaiov I's m'ifN'ay a.g9s
do:yos, wuiV (ivi.i') 9 fa.ihay^ 9 gd:rdk 9 giN' a.g9s 9 win eel', yatr
k'iN 9r' gu:l fad Ny: N'et'ir'o ag9s Ny: N'omwir'o. l's:m a'hein
sdir k'iN ag9s yoloN m9r riN' orivo. hiNtai 9N9 wel'o gdr
yas do: 9n kroyir'o ta:rNayto. s:mwiN' i: k'o.jif orse:, ta: N'ion
9 ri: bwiN't' ogod. la: No t'r'i: faihi: maruw. N'i: sk'o m'if9
N'i.s mo: huiv. sky:V rn'ifd 9f fo. agos ma yyr'om f'arog art 9
yjj'9 9 (yj-'hz) hig' I'at mo gar t ol suos er'ef. ja.:n,9 m'i/h fin, ors
s:moN. wyiV fo bwiL'9 b'ig d9n ylaiov ag9S ja:r so on gad. hit' 9
kr.ryir'9 9Nu9s go taluw. dalitvorso go f'iot9 er' s:moN. wa.ro tuw
mo ru:r d'a:rxr'a.yo ayt mwir'i m'i/9 h\89, 9rson kroyir'o. 9
N'i:d'9 gioNo fwyor d9 yyd^ d'a:f&r'ayo jo: iiso. N'i: f'juw
Vim d9 warowo agos N'i: wir'i mo huw sf'Hcyr' gor ski.L tuw mo.
r Qg fa er' s:moN, woN de yyd' sodi: agos garjl' su9s er yraN
gioNo er ro fs hein. b'omwi: fk'r'ad agos ga:ro krui 9 vi: eg'
e.rnoN. hog kroyir'9 ra:S9. rog fs 9r n'ion 9 ri:. l's:m' fo
9may er 9 dor98 ogos i: l'ef N'i: ro:sfir No fior k'o Na.t' d'ayi:
fs. hen'ik' fer'ovifay do yyd! 9 ri: s:moN kroyt 9s 9 yraN.
glo.k truio e: agos ja.rso n gad. vi: LUyger er s:moN agos riN' fs
d'ef'r'o go t'a.% ri:. vi: bwj^-.r'uw mo.r oN'fin N'ion ri;
im'i: ft'o. ola.k f'arog vjo.r ri:. du.rso gor b'e: s;moN bo
ciNti: o,gos Nay du.r'uw (dorr'uw) rod er' b'ig ay giN yor or
sp'i:k'o sa.suv) do:. d'a:n rod el'o Vim, ors s:moN. hj^rro m'o do
n'ion a/jos waro m'o Na t'r'i: fahi:. onif tor •dUw La: agos b'l'iin
Vs do n'ion 9 ho.rt' 9r'ef mor wa.: m'o i:, t'iko m'o 9 r r'ef ma.: vi:m
bjo: a.gos k'a.d ogod oNfin' mo giN yor er' 9 sp'i:k'o. jcc:n,9 m'o
fin Vat, orson ri:. d'im'i: s:moN agos gu:L' fo mo:ran. fa jer'uw
N'i: ro.s sg'o k'o. ro fs gol. N'i: wuorso s:N tuor'ifk'. trano:n
ovm:ri ajjos e: •a.Ntirsa.y ha.rLy: gor yas do: t 'ay N'im'oL kyL'uw.
207
tii an faitheach mor aniu. 7 buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh
air an ghad seo. A's beidh mo chuideadh agad go brathach. Ni
me chuir suas thii 7 ni me bhearfas anuas thii. Shiubhail leis
sios 'un an ghleanna. Thainic an faitheach mor aim a aracais.
Bin se eagsamhalta. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a sclahhuidhe
mhallaighthe, mharbhuigh tii mo dha dhearbhbhrathair acht is
goirid go mbuinfidh mise do ceann diod. An ide cheadna fuair
do dha dhearbhbhrathair ghe6bh tusa. Thoisigh an troid 7 nior
bhfiu brobh e go dtf sin. Th6g Eamonn a chlaidhimh le meisneach
7 dochas. Bhuail an faitheach i gcomhrac a chinn 7 a mhuineail.
Chaith an ceann air shiubhal fad naoi n-eitire 7 naoi n-iomaire.
Leim e-fhein eadar an ceann 7 an cholann mar rinne aroimhe.
Thiontaigh 'un an bhaile gur chas <\6 an Crochaire Tarrnochttha.
A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, arse, ta nighean an riogli bainte agad.
Ta na tri faithigh marbh. Ni fheicfidh mise nios mo thii. Scaoil
mise as seo. Agus ma chuirim fearg ort a choidhche thig leat
mo cheangal suas air ais. Gheanfaidh mise sin, arsa Eamonn.
Bhuail se buille beag de'n chlaidhimh 7 ghearr s6 an gad. Thuit
an Crochaire anuas go talamh. D'amhairc se go fiata air Eamonn.
Mharbhuigh tii mo thriiir dearbhbhraithreacha acht muirfidh
mise thusa, arsa'n Crochaire. An ide cheadna fuair do chuid
dearbhbhraithreacha ghe6bh tusa. Ni fiu Horn do mharbhughadh
7 ni mhuirtidh me thii as siocair gur scaoil tii me. Rug se air
Eamonn, bhain de a chuid eadaigh 7 cheangail suas e air an
chrann cheadna air a robh se fhein. B'iomdha scread 7 gartha
cruaidh a bhi aig Eamonn. Thug an Crochaire rasa. Rug se
air nighean an riogh. Leim se amach air an doms 7 i leis. Ni
robh fhios soir no siar ce an ait a deachaidh se. Chonnaic
seirbhiseach de chuid an riogh Eamonn crochta as an chrann.
Ghlac truaighe e 7 ghearr se an gad. Bhi liithghair air Eamonn
7 rinne se deifre go teach an riogh. Bhi buaidhreadh mor annsin
nighean an riogh imthighiste. Ghlac fearg mhor an ri. Dubhairt
se gur b'e Eamonn bu chiontaidh 7 nach dtiiibhradh rud air bith
acht a cheann do chur air spice sasughadh do. Dean rud eile
Horn, arsa Eamonn. Shaor(th)aigh me do nighean 7 mharbhuigh
me na tri fathaigh. Anois tabhair domh la 7 bliadhain le do
nighean do thabhairt air ais. Mur bhfaghaidh me i, tiocfaidh me
air ais ma bhidldm beo 7 cead agad annsin mo cheann do chur air
spice. Gheanfaidh me sin leat, arsa an ri. D'imthigh Eamonn 7
shiubhail se moran. Fa dheireadh ni robh fhios aige ca robh se 'g
dul. Ni fhuair se aon tuairisc. Trathnona amhain 7 e an-tuirseach
tharlaidh gur chas do teach i n-imeall coilleadh. Chuaidh se
208
yUi jo ft'xy. N'i: ro 'soNyn oN xyt oN' fxnor dwalrh,'
k'r'i:N'L'io. d'ior so Loft'i:n No hi:go. du:rt' o fxnor go wiuv>
xgos fx:L't'o. deir'i: or mivsed'in go Luo LxyorNo'wx.:rxy.
d'iofri: o Jxnor k'x ro fs got. d'iN'if do: mor hog o kroyir'o
tx:rNxyto Vef N'ion o ri: xgos go ro Jo o guortuw. os truo Nser xN
tuw oNso wel'o, orsiN' fxnor'. N'i: ek'o tuw e: o yjy.co. fud'o m'o
go wx: m'o bx:s, fiN No go wx: m'o N'ion o ri: . mx n'i: tuw fu:l
'xwivo.r, trxno:no t'iko tuw er hxy el'o kosu:L' L'e Jo xgos jo: tuw
Lo.ft'i.n go mivsed'in. ma t'i: tuw go m'oi gre:h ogod Vef o yy:go,
d'xN skxrt' or ho:k jl'xN dx bwi:. riN' fs fin xgos trx'no:no go
maL hxrLy: er' o t'xy xgos yJJi fo fVxy. fwy.r so fxjior kosu:L'
L'efo cid fxnor'. dxn sg'o go mivsed'in. d'iN'if do: b'r'i: x gu.l '.
mx t'i: tuw, orsiN' fxnor', go m'oi gre:h ogod Vef o yy.go, d'xN
skxrt' or' ao.rxn doN Loy o N'u:r . mx. n'i: tuw fu:l mxig b'ei
tuw sg^ d'x:rxr du:so trxno.no go mxL. fiN d'a:rar dUw o ro tuw
sg' oreir'. mor dogy: n f'xr o m'ei tuw eg' oNoyt tuor'ifk' ayd'
N'i: wi: tuw e: or grim' o dxuwin' (do:n). d'im'i: rivo xgos N'i:
fu:l o vi: fo x.y o rxhi:. trxnomo go mxLfuorso N' txy. fwy:rso
b'io xgos L'xbwi: wxXr ( . go Luo or mwsed'in deir'i: xgos d'iN'if
doN' t'x.nor b'r'i: o cu:V xgos god'e: mor ysefe oN dx: %:c el'o sg' oN
dx: hxnor el'o. os truo Vim do fk'sol, orsiN' fxnor', do Vehodso do
WjT.-yiL' vr'so o vo or Vi: o y^seL't'o. N'i: sk'o tuw on kroyir'o
tx:rNxyto o yjj.co xgos os mxi ayd', Nx wir'ot' fo huw. p'iL' No
wel'o. N'i: f'iL'o m'o go mxrofor m'o. fiN No go vsk'o m'o N'ion
o ri:. kyr'i m'ifo git el'o huw, orsiN' fxnor . go: fi:s oNo ylxdi:
xgos mx t'i: into bx:d, go: ft'xy iN't'i:. Nx Lo.r fokol or b'ic\
yUi fs fi:s oNo ylxdi: xgos hen'i fo bx.d b'ig bwi:d'x,y m'itil'.
bw^ryiL' b'ig bwi:d'xy oNso wx:d. mwsed'o ra.wo oNxy La:v
sg'o. yUifs ft'x.y^ oNso wx:d. yUi on bx:d oN fxrog'o. N'i: ro:s
sg'o k'x. d'xyi fi: xy go d'xyi fi: wxd. fx jer'uw wy.L' fi: ft'xy
or' hxluw. cu:L' fs suos o fil'an. hen'i fs fxnysefL'xn mo:r
dUw. yUi fo ft'xy^ xgos hen'i fs oN'fin N'ion o ri:. riN' fi:
fxrowx.:U t! o wo.r rivo. os mxi'' mor hx.rLy:, orsi:. tx: n kroyir'o
tx:rNxyto or gu:l os bwel'o xgos N'i: hiky fo: go k'iN ri: Lx:. yyr'
209
asteach. Ni robh aon duine aim acht ;ion seanoir amhain crion-
liath. D'iarr se loistin na h-oidhche. Dubhairt an sean6ir go
bhfuiglieadh 7 failte. D'eirigh air niaidiu go luath la air na
bharach. D'fhiafraigh an seanoir ca robh se 'g dul. D'innis d<5
mar thug an Crochaire Tarruochttha leis nighean an riogh 7 go
robh se a gciiartughadh. Is truagh nar fhan tu ann.san bhaile,
arsa an seanoir. Ni fheicfidh tu e a choidhche. Siubhailfidh me
go bhfaghaidh me bas, sin no go bhfaghaidh me nighean an riogh.
Ma ni tu siubhal anmhor, trathnona tiocfaidh tu air theach eile
cosanihail leis seo 7 gheobh tu 16istin go maidin. Ma ti tu go
mbeidh graethe agad leis a choidhche, dean scairt air sheabhac
Ghleann Dath Buidhe. Rinne se sin 7 trathnona go mall
tharlaidh air an teach 7 chuaidh se asteach. Fuair se seanoir
cosanihail leis an chead seanoir. D'fhan aige go maidin. D'innis
do brigh a shiubhail. Ma ti tii, arsa an seanoir, go mbeidh
irraethe agad leis a choidhche, dean scairt air dhobhrau donn
Loch an Iubhair. Ma ni tii siubhal maith beidh tii aig dearbh-
bhrathair doinhsa trathnona go mall. Sin dearbhbhrathair domh
a robh tii aige areir. Mur dtugaidh an fear a mbeidh tii aige
anocht tuairisc dhuid ni bhfuigh tu e air dhruim an domhain.
D'im thigh roimhe 7 ni siubhal a bhi se acht ag reathaidh. Trath-
nona go mall fuair se an teach. Fuair se biadh 7 leabaidh
nihaith. Go luath air maidin d'eirigh 7 d'innis do'n tseanoir
brigh a shiubhail 7 go de mar chaith se an da oidhche eile aig an
da sheanoir eile. Is truagh Horn do sceal, arsa an seanoir, do
leitheidsa de bhuachaill bhreagh a bheith air shlighe a chaillte.
Ni fheiciidh tii an Crochaire Tarruochttha a choidche 7 is maith
dhuid, na mhuirfeadh se thu. Pill 'an an bhaile. Ni phillfidh
me go »iarbhfar me. Sin no go bhfeictidh me nighean an riogh.
Cuirtidh mise giota eile thu, arsa an seanoir. Gabh sios 'un an
chladaigh 7 ma ti tii bad, gabh asteach innti. Na labhair focal
air bith. Chuaidh se sios 'un an chladaigh 7 chonnaic se bad
beag baoideach miotail. Buachaill beag baoideach aims an bhad.
Maide ramha i ngach laimh aige. Chuaidh se asteach amis an
bhad. Chuaidh an bad 'un fairge. Ni robh fhios aige ca
deachaidh si acht go deachaidh si i bhfad. Fa dheireadh bhuail
si asteach air thalamh. Shiubhail se suas an t-oilean. Chonnaic
se seanchaislean mor dubh. Chuaidh se asteach 7 chonnaic se
annsiu nighean an riogh. Rinne si fearadhfhailte tnhor roimhe.
Is maith mar tharlaidh, arsi. Ta an Crochaire Tarrnochttha air
shiubhhal as baile 7 ni thiocfaidh se go ceann thri la. Chuir
mise ciil air gan a phosadh go ceann bliadhna. Ta se as baile
o. U
210
m'ifd ku:l er' gon o fo:suw go k'iN b'l'ioNo. fa: fo os bicel'o dnif
agos N'i: hiky: fo gd k'iN ri: La:, b'zmvnd' 9 b'l'eij'u:r 9 tamwiL'
fin hein. sg' k'iN Nd d'r'i: La: du.Ttfi N'ion 9 ri:, kxiho m'ifo
Iiiso cday. ta.: n kroyir'o ta:rNa.yto o t'a-yf dali: fi: s:moN.
hen'ik' o kroyir'o. maih'i:m boluiv o N'eir'dNy: ivrccdi: vi-'sogy:
iNfo, orse:. maifcayd tuw fin', arsi:, ad 9s fa: m'if oN. or'
mwsed'in' g9 Lu9 LaydrNd'wa:ray d'im'i: n kroyir'9 ag9s du:rt^
Na.y m'euzv 9r'efg9 k'iN da: la.:. du:rt' e:mdN l'e N'idn 9 ri: m9r
woc:mwid' plan i:N't'ay ib'r'uw, N'i: wirmwid' bwyi (btvj^i) er 9
yroyir'd g9 do:, gdd'e: ja:nd mwid' '? 9rs9 N'idn 9 ri:. L'ig His
ort, 9vs s:m9N, g9 wil' k'in mo:r og9d er' ccgos g9 wil' bwy:r'uw ori 9
j)o:suiv 9 yor 9/ gu:l. d'a.:n olaa.:rdds tno.r Ner 9 hiky fo ovjel'o.
riN'icw fin' dl'ig '. vi: bro:d mo:r ag9s altos er' 9 yroyir'd agds
dvr.r'se:, om'otvos dgdd f'is 9 N'ir ota.: ogod, vsuw t'iL'uw ahif ort.
911 f'eid'9r d9 wardws ? N'i: hid'dmsd g9 wil' 911 qsfk'ixy 9Ns9
do:n a:boLto do warowd. riN' fs ga:r'd mo:r. t'i:m 9nif g9 wiL
da arx.: bvnN't' ogom. iN'fayd m'9 ayd' gdd'e: wir'uw m'9. N'i:
hig m'ifd wccr9W9, orson kroyir'd, g9 na:rtdr 9 krccN mo:r fk'ay
fa: 97'' iva.rr N9 b'iN'd hi:s eg' 9 Nardg'd. jia:ri: 971 kraN, er 9
liit'im do: I'sm'uw fiNccy mo:r dmay ; 9s 9 wil' 9 yon&rt' oNso
db:n, N'i: wir'dffl fidd 9 J'iNa.y g9 d'ig'uw kuw b'ig No garoyyL'uw
9s eir'iN'. wir'uw kutv b'ig N& garoyyL'uw o. er hit'dm! d9N'
t'iXay, I'sdm'uw Lay oma.y 9S 9 t'iNcty. d'ivi'ayot^ J'i: so sp'eir'.
9 m'eid' fo:k' ota,: so db:n, N'i: wiroft* 1 fod La.y^ ay owa.:n
fo.k jl'ccN dec ivi:. 9 mardfwi: i: vs:r&^ fi: iv 9r la:r N9 fa.rog'o.
9 m'eid' do:rxn ota,: sd db:n, N'i: wi:t^ fo 9 N'iv fin' ay do:ran
doN loy (Loy) 9 N'u:r'. N9 jeifin agos dl'ig' N'i: veiNfo maruw
g9 muiL't'i: d N'if fin er 9 waiL dUw ota,: hi:s or ho:n ma aeel'd.
hu:si: N'idn 9 ri: 9 daus9 l'e hxh,9s ag9S du:rt' g9r wadd VeihPd gd
d'i: La: n fo:std. fa,: m'ifd g'im'a.yt onif drsdn kroyir'd, agos N'i:
hikd m'd dr'ef gdd'i: tranom omocra^ agds dN'f'in' N'i: im'a.yo mo
N'i.-s mo:, d'im'i: fo agos da:gfs sLa:n &y {,) N'ion ri: go b'iL'itf" 1
fo or'ef. hen'ik' s:moN dft'xy ctgds vi: N' fk'eol mo:r zg {,) N'ion
ri: do:. N'i:V x.m er' b'i^ l'z kxL'uw, ors s:moN. kaihomivid'
tu:suw aobwi/r'. J"'y-"' sod ax: Imo. hoj'i: fod jarutv on %?"iil
211
anois 7 ni thiocfaidh se go ceann thri hi. Beidh muid i bph'isiiir
an tamall sin fhein. Aig ceann na dtri la dubhairt nighean an
riogh, caithfidh mise bhusa fholach. Ta an Crochaire Tarrnochttha
ag teacht. D'fholaieh si Eamonn. Thainic an Crochaire.
Mothuighiin boladh an Eireannaigh bhradaigh, bhreagaigh annseo,
arse. Mothachaidh tii sin, arsi, fhad a's ta mise ann. Air maidin
go luath la air n-a bharach d'imthigh an Crochaire 7 dubhairt
nach mbeidheadh air ais go ceann da la. Dubhairt Eamonn le
nighean an riogh : mur bhfaghaidb muid plan eiginteach oibri-
u«diadh, ni bhfuigh muid buaidh air an Chrochaire go deo. Go di'
gheanfaidh muid] arsa nighean an riogh. Leig thusa ort, arsa
Eamonn go bhfuil cion mor agad air 7 go bhfuil buaidhreadli ort
an posadh do chur air gciil. Dean iolghardas mor nuair a
thiocfaidh se abhaile. Rinneadh sin uilig. Bin brod mor 7
athas air an Chrochaire 7 dubhairt se, dha mbeidheadh fhios
agad fios an fhir ata agad, bheidheadh tilleadh athais ort. An
feidir do mharbhughadh 1 Ni shaoilimse go bhfuil aon ghaisci-
dheach aims an domhan abalta do mharbhughadh. Rhine se
gaire mor. Tim anois go bhfuil do ghradh bainte again.
Innseachaidh me dhuid go de mhuirfeadh me. Ni thig mise
do mharbhughadh, arsa an Crochaire, go ngearrtar an crann
mor sceaoh ta air bharr na binne thios aig an fhairge. Dha
ngearrfaoi an crann, air thuitim do leimfeadh sionnach mor
aniach ; a's a bhfuil de chonairt amis an domhan, ni mhuirfeadh
siad an sionnach go dtigeadh Cu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh as
Eirinn. Mhuirfeadh Cii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh e. Air thuitim
do'n tsionnach, leimfeadh lach aniach as an tsionnach. D'im-
theachadh si san speir. An meid seabhaic ata san domhan, m
mhuirfeadh siad an lach acht ainhain seabhac Ghleann Dath
Bhuidhe. Dha marbhfaoi i bhearfadh si uibh air lar na fairge.
An meid dobhrain ata san domhan, ni bhfuigheadh sc an uibh
sin acht Dobhran Donn Loch an Iubhair. Na dhiaidh sin 7
uilig ni bheidhinnse marbh go mbuailti an uibh sin air an bhall
dubh ata thios air thoin mo ghoile. Thusaigh nighean an riogh
ag damhsa le h- athas 7 dubhairt gur bhfada leithe go dti la an
phosta. Ta mise ag imtheacht anois, arsa an Crochaire, 7 ni
thiocfaidh me air ais go dti trathnona aniarach 7 annsin ni
imtheachaidb me nios mo. D'imthigh se 7 d'fhag se slan aig
nighean an riogh go bpillfeadh se air ais. Thainic Eamonn
asteach 7 bhi an sceal mor aig nighean an riogh do. Ni'l am air
bith le cailleadh, arsa Eamonn. Caithfidh muid tiisughadh dh'
obair. Fuair siad dha thuagh. Thoisigh siad do ghearradh an
14—1'
212
go t'lhr yj/,is (jd d'ion. N'i:r' wadd gdr ja.r sod 9 hro.N. er' d
Kit' 9m' don yraN l's:m d J'iNay dmay. short' s:moN dr yuw
b'ig Nd gardyyL'uw. N'i.r Luigo vi: n fohdl ra.:t'd No, hen'i fidd
d huiv dN'ei 9 t'iNy:. fin' d Na:t' a ro d ra:sd ccyds 9 yorio.yt, a.y^
N'i.r' wadd gd umir' 9 kuw g'r'im mwin'eef er agds l's:m' 9
Lay icen 9inay ds 9 t'iNay. d'eir'i: fi: 9 Na.rd'o oNsNo sp'eir'i:.
short' s.-moN or' ho:h jl'aN da. wi:. Vs. p'r'a,buw N9 su:l vi: N'
fo:h I's f'sh'sel' 9N'ei 9 Layd. N'i.r' wad9 g9r wy:V 9 J'o.h 9
Lay9 agds i9d omtuip 9S h'iN N9 farog'o. er' 9 liit'9m' ddN Lay
rog fi: iv agos hit' fi: J'i.s 9r la.r N9 farog'o. short! s:moN dr'
ao.raN doN Loy dN'u:r 9 hayt g9 defray^ ag9S 9 N'iv 9 ho.rt'
iN'fer'. 9Nsd Norn fin hen'i fid 9 kroyir'9 ta.rNayld 9 tor N't'
oruw ag9S vi: fs g'eir'i: Log. 09 Licirg I'ef 9 do.ran 9 ve sg' e:moN
Nan hroyir'o ta.rNayto. vi: vsdl foshiL't'd 9 g'iri: 9 V9 fa:/'
ana.h. rog s:moN or 9 N'iv 9N do.ran. yse fs 9ft 'ay 9 m's9l 9
yroyir'9 i:. hit' fi: J'i.s ag9s wy:L' fi: 9/1 baL dTJiy 9 vi: or ho:n'
9 asel'd. hit' 9 hroyir'9 ta.rNayto maruw. vi: LUyeer' wo.r
er' s:m9N ag9S 9r n'i9n 9 ri: . raypmwid' 9nif dNd wel'd, 9rs s:rti9N.
vi: Lijiif g9 L'o.r 9Ns9 yum. l'i:N' fdd Lor t Lam o:r ag9s ser'dg'id'.
N'i: ro:s ohuw gdd'e: n b'alay 9 raydt^ fdd. hen'i J'idd 9 ba:d
b'ig m'itil' 9 t'ayt 9j't'ay Na.rdg'd wo.r. yUi n virt' 9j't'ay S9
tva:d. yyr 9 bocdor' hru:k9 ivasto dNs9 Lyji a,gds yUi J'9 9N
J'ardg'd. 69 Luicd e: g9 mo.r Na:n a £ : wa.rtd g9 den'i fs fay
fwi: ha.y^ 9 t'r'icuw J'aNyn'o. vi: L Uyjer' wo:r er 9 t'aNyn'o
rijmw. yse fdd 9 Ni:cd fin' sg' 9N' t'a.Nyn'9 I's p'l'eij'u:r.
Layj>rN9'V)a:ray j J'uir 9 JoNyn'd ha.rtdNy: 9/ hyr'uw Ntorr
o.gos 9 tser'dg'id oruw. hog J'idd I'ofd 9N' JaNyn'9. hen'i J'idd
g9 t'ay 9 da.r9 J'aNyn'9. yes J'dd i:g oN'f'in' 9 b'Veifu:r. hog
J'idd I'ofid 9N dard JoNyn'd gd t'ay 9 cid JoNyn'd. yse Jbd %:c
b'l'eifn.r sg'o agos hog J'idd 9 Noi er 9 wel'9 Nd t'r'i: haNyn'd
l.ij'd. Ner 9 hen'i fidd gd hee/L'an 9 ri: bd'je: oN La: d'er'dNay
'/■<//, vl'iin 9. vi: of 'ao.rdos ds h'iN homwif dr 9 ri: rivo No n'idn
agds riv s:moN. b'si mo n'idn dgdd nidr wri: (van) ad ds veij' J'i:
b'jo: agds ds h'iN't'd gor mai<f 9 Ns&r'i: ort i:. riN'uw boMiJ' 9
-ii-pt' fj.yl Ni:v t d agds fayt La:, vi: N La: d'er'dNay ho maic I'ef 9
{fid La.:, to: J'idd hein agds a, gla.N agds d N'idrav dNd sonos a.gds
oNd fsdn.
213
clirainn go thigh 7 go dian. Nior bhfada gur ghearr siad an
ciaini. Air thuitim do'u chrann leim an sionnacli amacli. Scairt
Eanioun air Chu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Nfor luaithe bhi an
focal raidhte na ehonnaic siad an cii i ndiaidh an tsionnaigh. Sin
an ait a robh an rasa 7 an choraidheacht, acht nfor bbfada go
bbfuair an cu greim muineail air 7 lelm an lach fhiadhain amach
.is an tsionnacli. DYiiigh si i n-airde anus na sp«'iri. Scairt
Eamonn air sheabhac Ghleann Dath Bhuidhe. Le preabadh na
siil lilii an seabhac le feiceail i ndiaidh an lacha. Nior blifada erur
bhuail an seabhac an lacha 7 iad amuigh os ceann na fairge. Air
thuitim do'n lach rug si uibh 7 thuit si sios air lar na fairge.
Scairt Eamonn air Dhobhran Donn Loch an Iubhair (do) theacht
go deifreach 7 an uibh do thabhairt annsair. Anns an am sin
ehonnaic siad an Crochairo Tarrnochttha ag tairngt orrthu 7 bhi
se ag eirighe lag. Bu luaithe leis an dobhran do bheith aig
Eamonn na'n Crochaire Tarrnochttha. Bhi a bheal fosiiailte ag
iarraidh do bheith faghail anala. Bug Eamonn air an uibh o'n
dobhran. Ohaith se asteach i mbeal an Chrochaire i. Thuit si
sios 7 bhuail si an ball dubh a bhi air thoin a ghoile. Thuit an
Crochaire Tarrnochttha marbh. Bhi hithghair mhor air Eamonn
7 air nighean an riogh. Rachaidh maid anois 'un an bhaile, arsa
Eamonn. Bhi luingis go leor anns an chuan. Lion siad long-
Ian oir 7 ai rigid. Ni robh fhios ocu go de an bealach a rachadh
siad. Chonnaic siad an bad beag miotail ag teacht asteach o'n
fbairse mhor. Chuaidh an bheirt asteach san bhad. Chuir an
badoir criica i bhfasta anns an luing 7 chuaidh se 'un fairge. Ba
luaithe e go mor na'n ghaoth Mharta go dtainic se asteach faoi
fcheach an tricheadh seanduine. Bhi luthghaire mhor air an
tseanduine rompii. Chaith siad an oidhche sin aig an tseanduine
le pleisiiir. La air n-a bharach fuair an seanduine cartannai ar
cuireadh an tor 7 an t-airgead orrthii. Thug siad leobhtha an
seanduine. Thainic siad go teach an dara seanduine. Chaith
siad oidhche annsin i bpleisiur. Thug siad leobhtha an dara
seanduine go teach an chead seanduine. Chaith siad oidhche i
bpleisiur aige 7 thug siad a n-aghaidh air an bhaile na tri shean-
duine leobhtha. Nuair thainic siad go caislean an riogh bu e an
la deireannach de'n bhliadhain e. Bhi iolghardas os ceann cumais
air an ri roimhe n-a nighean 7 roimhe Eamonn. Beidh mo
nisrhean auad mar mhnaoi fhad a's bheidheas si beo 7 is cinnte
arur maith an airidh ort i. Rinneadh banais a mhair seacht
n-oidhche 7 seacht la. Bhi an la deireannach comh maith leis an
chead la. Ta siad fhcin 7 a gclann 7 a n-iaraimh ann sonas 7
aim sean.
214
o:n' a m!idya,n agds 9 fiNa)(.
ri: u:n a. midyan Na yo:ni: d mwel' i: a:rd 9 wogds ch Na.
k'a.Lo. %:c a:r'it'd agds e: I'ef hein, t'in'i waic" sg'9, li fs su9S 9r
Vabwi: 9 di:tv 9 tid. N'i: ro fa Nd yoLuto ay 9 d'cc.nmv
a.fk'i.ft'd. vi: n yu.h Ng foil fojsky: . vi: Nd Ley ten dNsd t'ccmrd
9 vi: 9 gu:L No t'in'uw. hen'ifs N' fiNo.y sg 9N doros 9 goiiwzrk
9ft' ay. g'iN tamwiL' hen'ifs ft' ay g'it9 b'ig el' 9. dduw9rs9 9r fod
9 ti9. N'i: ro diner' b'v? I's f'sk'a.1 sg'9. hen'i fs. ft'ecy gdr hstf
fd er 9 NqrLar. N'i: ro din er b'iq I's f'sk'al sg'9. vi: doros 9
ru:m foskiL't'o ag9S yUi N' fiNo.y suds 9N9 ru:m. d'eir'i: glo:r
mo:r sg^ N9 Laysen' ag9S idd 9 g's't'oLy: 9 liiuw g9 tiuw dan ru:m.
hog o:n L's.m 9N9 dorif. vi: n are:])' N9 fasuw sg^ ti:tv (ti.v) 9
dqrif rog fs er' 9 are:]/ agds hog fs mo:d'9 No.y rayuw N' fiNay
9mo.y g9 mo.r9W9t^ fd 9. hen'ik' 9 fiNo.y oNuos 9S 9 ru:m ag9s
vi: Jd (9)NoN ag9S 9N0.L f'sdyiN't' g9d'e: 9 t'l'i: 9 tvi:t^ [9 9mo.y^.
ap£ vi: o:n S9 doros ag9S 9 qre:p' sg'9. Ner' 9 hen'ik' 9 fiNay
Nay ivi:t^ fd mo.y, rog fs or v'r'ift'9 o:n 9 vi: er' 9 yaifcir' sg^)
kohw9 Nd L'apd agos harN' fd n b'r'ift'd tra.sNd Nd t'in'uw. hog
o:n m'iN el' 9 Na.y ro.yuw N' fiNo.y^ dmo.y^ gd mcwowoW fefdn 9.
vi: N' fiNo.y^ dN'i:s ccgds fi:s 9 torLo.r 9 k'ivad o:n o.gos 9 dorif
Ner 1 o hen'i fs Neer a.:g 0:11 d dor9s agds vi: n b'r'ift'd do:t'd, rog
fd er 9 tu:fi:n o.gds hofi: da, ha.rN't' dNa t'in'uw. hen'ik' o:n! gd
Noihdt^ fd N't'o.y. hog fs L's:m 9N'i:s 9 Nctrdkif. hog fs j'iri:
ddn gre:p er' o.y^ au:bol' 9 fiNo.y hart agds fwi/:rsd may. vr'if
o:n a. are:p agds vi: d v'r'ift'd do:t'd o.gds dfiNo.y im'i.ft'd.
fk'edl fiLd Nd goydL krseh'dN.
vi: go.vd'i:n go:nd Nd yp:ni: er 9 do.:rNy: sy (,) tiutv Q.Ur r
kan'eil'9. vi: b'irt' wj^:ydL'i: sg'9 d f'p:hm b'sasi: agds t'r's:ro
gsefk'io.yt. N'i: ro n ao: sd db:n ko mo.i I'ef N'i: ro
g&fk'io.y er b'ic k'r'idyni: g9 wo.:t^ fd d yjjd' ir'im o.gas eid'i:
k'r'idyni: sg^ go.vd'i:n g 0:719. vi: dNsd Nam Jo •bo.nf'r'iNs9 o:g da
f'joddm sg'd. bd'je: d bwen'dra dih'd sko.ie ri:dd N'i: wandNo.v.
bd'je: d bweendm ddN' d'if gsefk'iay d vi: sg'd sd Nam ^idN9
k'sdday mak ri: Nd do/o.y ogos LoNdUw mak ri: N9 d'r'odiN'a.
La.: dn;a:ri vi: n woji/'r'iNt>9 o:g d k'idruw d Ic'iN'. daliwir'k'
215
Eoin Ua Mi'odhchan arms an Sionnacli.
Bin Eoin Ua Miodhchati na chomhnuidhe i mbaile Ui Ara i
bhfosus do na Cealla. Oidhche airite 7 e leis fhein, teine mhaith
aicre. lubdi st' suas air leabaidh i dtaobh an titdie. Ni robh se
na chodladh acht ag deanadh a sciste. Bhi an chomhla na se61
fascaidh. Bin nalachain aims an fcseomra a l>hi i gcul nateineadh.
Chonnaic se* an sionnach aigandorus ag amharc asteach. T gceann
taiaaill thainic s<' asteach giota beag eile. D'amhairc se air fad
an tighe. Ni robh duine air bith le feiceal aige. Thainic se
asteach eur sheas se air an urlar. Ni robh duine air bith le
feiceal aige. Bhi dorus an rum foscailte 7 chuaidh an sionnach
suas 'un an riim. D'eirigh glor mor aig na lachain 7 iad ag
eiteallaigb thaobh go taobh de'n rum. Thug Eoin leim 'nn an
dorais. Bhi an ghrape na seasadh aig taobh (taoibh) an dorais.
Rug se air an ghrape 7 thug s<- m6ide nach rachadh an sionnach
amach go marbhadh se e. Thainic an sionnach anuasas an rum 7
bhi se anonn 7 anall ag feachaint go de an tslighe a bhfuigheadh
se amach. Acht bhi Eoin san dorus 7 an ghrape aige. Nuair
chonnaic an sionnacli nach bhfuigheadh se amach, rug se air
bhriste Eoin a bhi air an chathair aig colbha na leapa 7 tliairn se
an bi-iste trasna na teineadh, Thug Eoin raionn eile nach rachadh
an sionnach amach go marbhadh seisean e Bhi an sionnach anios
7 sios an t-urlar ag coimhead Eoin 7 an dorais. Nuair chonnaic se
nar fhag Eoin an dorus 7 bhi an briste doighte, rug se air an
tsiiisin 7 thoisigh da thairnt 'un na teineadh. Chonnaic Eoin go
ndoighfeadh se an teach. Thug se leim anios ann a aracais. Thug
se iarraidh de'n ghrape air acht dhiibail an sionnach thart 7 fuair
s( ; amach. Bhris Eoin a ghrape 7 bhi a bhriste doighte 7 an
sionnach imthighiste.
Sceal Ghiolla na gCochall Oaicionn.
Bhi Gaibhdin Gabhua na chomhnuidhe air an Darnaidh aig
taobh Dhiincaneile. Bhi beirt bhuachailli aige ag feoghluim
beasai 7 treartha gaiscidheacht. Ni robh aon ghobh san domhan
comb maith leis. Ni robh gaiscidheach air bith criochnuigbthe
go bhfaghadh se achuid airm 7 eididh criochnuigbthe aig Gaibhdin
Gabhna. Bhi anus an am seo banphrionnsa 6g d'a feoghluim
ai(*e. Ba e ab ainm dithe Scaith Shioda ni Mhanannan. Ba e ab
ainm do'n die gaiscidheach do bhi aige san am cheadna Ceadach
mac riogh na dTulach 7 Lonndubh mac riogh na Dreolainne. La
amhain bhi an bhanphrionnsa 6g ag cioradh a cinn. D'amhairc
216
LqNdUw ori: ogos riN' J's ga:r'o mo:r. god'e: a:wor do aarr'o?
orso k'soday. bro:d agos alios o yaliwork er' o wa/nf'r'iNs9 o vss No
mri: ogom heiri. os b'ig dd rioL, orso k'soday, agos os b'ig do yod
di<;o. os f'i:r''vig a:rd' sk'i ort. fin a:wor mo wra:so agos ta.:s
sk'i -hem fin. N'i: ?vi: tuw i: goN trid' yrUi. ta: m's sa/.sto
fin o cjlakuw, orso LqNdUw. Ner o vi: fdd gol o g'iN ir'im
henik' gavd'i:n go:no ft' ay. Ner' o yuoli fo fa: No trido, du:r
■se: Nay m'stitv trid' 9r' 'b'if oN ay gs N'amzW fsfon b'r'shumos.
dj_ :Nti fdd dan vr'shu:nos. n'i:mso mo vr'shu:n9s, 9rs9 gavd'i:n'
gd:i%9, g9 wa:k9 m'o fiv vmr d'r'u.r mor fafuw or' orLar md ga:rt9.
ta: t'r'i: dors ori:, doros m'ik' ri: ogos -ro:la% , doros No marky:
ag9s doros No goJ'i.Ny:. oNso Nam Jo vi: n glsef aavl'oNo sg^
gavd'i:n go.no. vi: sLauwruvj eg' ori: I's high rvos wolor. I'ig'uw
N sLauim-uw i: oNuos go krok o tlauwri: ota: sg (n > ti:w ct:rdd'rct:.
k'er'-b'ip 9 fid soihay o yyr'a Jwi: n wo: o b'l'igon, I'ionit^ fi: o,
b'it^Jo b'ig No mo:r, agos fin o m'suw do wse,N' sk'i. k sb 'er -b 'if
din ogov o l'ani fi:, b'i:t ( "> fi: sg'o agos mor L'ani fi: soNin ogov,
N'i: wi: k'a.ytor ogov i: . k's:N doros o rayo tuw may ? 9vso
k'soday. ra.yo mo may or pros m'ik' ri: ogos -ro:lai\ orso
LqNdUw . fe: bo du:yo dUw. rayj> m'ifo may er pros No
gofi:Ny:, orso k'soday. ma I'aniN' fi me: or pros m'ik' ri: Na
•ro:Jy.i\ L'ani fi: me: or pros Na gofi:Ny:. ylli ayo'Nin okuw
er' o pros hein' ogos VseN' fifo k'soday or pros No gofi:Ny:.
heer'ig' gavd'im go:no banif worr o ja:nuw I'o.fo ay ho/'i:
LqNdUw o ja:nuw bro:n ogos bivj:ro. os dono do ya:s, orso
k'soday^, o d'a:nuw bro:n oN'ei mra: Nay ro gra: r'b'ic sk'i
pjd '. N'i.i' N'art ogom er, orso LqNdUw\ agos jo: mo ba:s. rqg
k'soday or harrN'o krUw ogos durrso, ma: I'ig'oN tuw dUw vr sin
o w£:luiv fi:s o drip do yofo, jo: tuw n van gon wiL'o yon qroyor.
ta: me sa.sto, ors9 LqNdUw. yqrso N ta:rN'o f'r'i:d^ No yof I's
bwiL'o b'ig do yasu.-r. yUi ba:r o ta:rN'o oNso NqrLar agos N'i:
henik' Is LqNdUid 9 yos o ho:gsel'. yaih- gavd'im go:no t'anoyor'
yruoy o giri: e: harN't' ogos ha:ri: Jo er o ta:rN' o harN't'.
tarN' J'o dffo, orso LqNdUw I's k'soday. oN stato tuw do do yyd'
du:bro:n'fo n van Nay wil' a:rd' sk'i ort. N'i: eil'ayo m'a go bra.y
i: ay my.: ]tu/) taw hein agos m'ijo o yaho yy:co, go gaiho mif on
rsd wiJJ a:l'. tarN' o tarrN'o. yrqm k'soday fi:s. rqg fs or' o
to.:rN'o Is Na ioklo. harN'e: ogos yaih' o er' o NqrLar. ru:L
217
Lonndubh oirrthi 7 rinne se gaire mor. Go de" adhbhar do ghaire 1
arsa Ceadach. Brod 7 athas ag amharc air an bhanphrionnsa a
bheldheas na muaoi again fhein. Is beag do chiall, arsa Ceadach, 7
is beag do chuid ditlie. Is fiorbheag aird aici orfc. Sin adhbhar
mo mna-sa 7 ta fhios aici fhein sin. Nf bhfuigh tii 1 gan troid
chruaidh. Ta me* s.-istu sin do ghlacadh, arsa Lonndubh. Nuair
do bin siad a« f dul i gceann ainn thainie Gaibbdin Gabhna asteach.
Nuair chuala se fath 11a troda, dubhairt se nach nibeidheadh troid
air bith aim acht go n deanadh seisean breitheamhnas. D'aontaigh
siad do'n bhreitheamhnas. Niin-se mo bhreitheamhnas, arsa
Gaibbdin Gabhna, go bhfagfaidh me sibli bhur dtriiir bliur seasadh
air nrlar mo cheardcha. Ta tri doirse oirrthi, dorus mic riogh 7
rofhlaitli, dorus na marcaigh (mai'cacli) 7 dorus na gcoisidheannai.
Anns an am seo bhi an Glilais Ghaibhleanna aig Gaibbdin Gabhna.
Blii slabhradh aige oirrthi le h-eagla roimhe Bhalar. Leigeadh
an slabhradh i anuas go Cnoc an tSlabhraidh ata aig taobh Ard-
da-ratha. Ce'r bith an chead soitheach a chuirfea faoi an bh6 ag
bleagan, lionfliadh si e, bidheadh se beag no in6r, 7 sin da
mbeidheadh de bhainne aici. Ce b'air bith duine agaibh a lean-
fhaidh si, bidheadh si aige 7 mur leanaidh si aon dhuine agaibh, ni
bhfuigh ceachtar agaibh i. Ce an dorus a rachaidh tu aniach? arsa
Ceadach. Rachaidh me amach air dhorus mic riogh 7 ro-fhlaith,
arsa Lonndubh. Is 6 ba duthcha domh. Rachaidh mise amach air
dhorus na gcoisidheannai, arsa Ceadach. Ma leanann si me air
dhorus mic riogh no ro-fhlaith, leanfliaidh si me air dhorus na
gcoisidheannai. Clmaidh gach aon duine ocii air a dhorus fhein 7
lean sise Ceadach air dhorus na gcoisidheannai. Thairg Gaibbdin
Gabhna banais mhor do dheanadh leobhtha acht thoisigh Lonndubh
ag deanadh broin 7 buaidheartha. Is dona do chas, arsa Ceadach,
ag deanadh broin i ndiaidh nana nach robh gradh air bith aici dhuid.
Ni'l neart agam air, arsa Lonndubh, 7 gheobh me bas. Rug
Ceadach air thairnge crudh 7 dubhairt se, ma leigeann tii domh air
sin do bhualadh sios i dtroigh do choise, gheobh tu an bhean gan
bhuille gan urchar. Ta m^ sasta, arsa Lonndubh. Chuir se an
tairnge frid na chois le buille beag de chasur. Chuaidh barr an
tairnge anns an urlar 7 ni thainic le Lonndubh a chos do thogail.
Chaith Gaibbdin Gabhna teanchoir chruadhach ag iarraidh e do
thairnt 7 sharaigh se air an tairnge do thairnt. Tairng seo as
seo, arsa Lonndubh le Ceadach. An stadfaidh tu de do chuid
dubr6in fa an bhean nach bhfuil aird aici ort. Ni eileacha me go
brathach i acht ma thig tu fhein 7 mise i gcatha choidhche, go
gcaithfidh mise an chead bhuille fhaghail. Tairng an tairnge.
Chroin Ceadach sios. Rug se air an tairnge le n-a fhiacla. Thairng
218
LoNdUw dma.y^ or a doros. N'i:r' a.:g fd fLa:n Na Va.Na.yt
okuiv. gdd'e: jarnd mivid' fiN'd ? drsd k'sdday I'ef a iva.nf'r'iNsd.
k'sb'er'-b'ic as toIJ L'oct. yJJdld m'd, drse:, gd ro f'iN too. ku:L'
dNo aafk'ia.y wo:r, gd ro mo:ran dd asefk'i: maihd fwi: ogos a
hein N& ain't) ira.ic. ray? mwid' yd iaxiwir iN'fer' iN gd
(j£di'j mwid' ta.uidL dN'fin. ma yd L'o.r, drsi: . oluif a virt'
a J"' j'u.T. da.:y sLa:n agds Ha.Na.yt sg^ ga.vd'i:n go:nd. N'i:r
stad fdd yd ro fad 9 d'duwdr Nd ri:. vi: f'iN wo. ku:L' ogds a.
yyd' far dmwif a fel'ig'. N'i: ro sd yjej'L'a.n ayt Nd mra:.
d'iN'if b'a.n iN' vl ku:L' dofd, yd ro f'iN ogds a. h:t'd fa. I'eivt'd
mo:r Nd m'i:. Nay m'eirt" 1 fd dtoel'd yd k'iN yu:y' La.:, a.y a
Nrr'd c.idNd a jo:s m'ifd, joi dd va.Nsd yd b'iL'd tuw er ef, ma:s ma.i
Vat f'iN ck'eel'. da:k fd b'aNa.yt ohuw dyds d'im'i: fd iN'fer iN
agds iN'f'ir Nd f'idNdv. Ner a vi: fd t'ayt a wogos dofd, kasuw
t'a.y sLa.ytir er. yUi fs: ft' ay oyds yo:r'i: a hein Vs krsek'n'd
Nd m'ahi: f'isen. Ner' a hen ik' f'iN e: a tar N't' oruw, d'idfri: fd,
a wj^-.ydL'i:, gdd'e: ta.: f'iv ja:nuw ? ta: imvid' a d'a.:nuw dr
N'i.N'ard, drsd konan. gdd'e: ta: tuw hein' a ja:nuw ? ta: m's
gawvodrk w \ :m. t'i:m o:g'ar k'l'ift'd a tar N't' oriN'. ma:s o yyd'uw
I'iN' dta.: fd, ds f'a:rd'd di:N' agds ma:s dNar'Ndi (djd) dta: fd, ds
m'ift'd di:N'. b'djds dgiN' gdd'e: n k'iri'aL din e: . ma.s a yliN'
m'ik' ri: No. ro:la.i! : a, N'i: lorr'i: fd l's din'd No, din'd I'ef yd d'iy'i
fd dN md lahdrsd ogds gd N'a:ni fd kvhdrd ir.lia.yt ogds oRdrn dUw.
mas a yliN' bgdi: No. din'd vali: a, a rid din'd a d'iky: fe: ad I'ef
f'idfrayi fd, ka wil' a ri: ? N'i:r lo:r k'sdday I's •hsd'Nyn'd Na.
sdNyn'd I'ef gd den'ifd a Lahser iN' vi ku:L '. riN' kohdrd u:\iayt
ogds oRom do:, gdd'e: N din'd huw ? drsd f'iN. bwj_:yiL' dta:
y'iri: a.m'fir'd ta.: iNdm, drsd k'sdday. keen'dm No k'a liN'tuv
huw ? drsd f'iN. N'i: ro m'd sy' dn waift'ir or'iuw, drsd k'sdday,
Na.y durr'it^ fs hein en'drn' ovdm. mifd, d fuir m'ifd ko:r'i: hnw
dNsNd krxWn'd, bweeft'dm g'iLd Nd goyoL krsek'dN ort. N'i:
wuir m'd en'dm N'i: b'a:r dr'iuw, drsd k'edda.y. gdd'e: Nobwir'
wiL tuw maic sg'd ? drsd f'iN ta.: m'd maic a kriN'uw fahgd,
drsd k'sdda.y^ ta.: tuw a jic (ji:c) ordtn gd mo:r, drso f'iN. gdde:
N tudrdstdl dta.: tuw jiri: gd k'iN La: agds b'l'iin'? drsd f'iN. ma
aro:J9m dadi: ayd ', vs:rd tuw hein dUw a m'sd' ds f'juiv m'd.
219
d 7 chaith 6 air an urlar. Shiubhail Lonndubh amach air an dorus.
Nior fhag sd slan na beannacht ocii. Go do gheanfaidh muid
sinne? arsa Ceadach leis an bhanphrionnsa. Ce b'air bith is toil
leat. Chuala me, arsd, go robh Fionn mac Cumhaill arm a
ghaiscidheach mhor, go robh moran de ghaiscidhigh maithe faoi 7
e fhein na (limine mhaith. Racbaidh muid go Teatnhair annsair
Fhionn go gcaithidh muid fcamall annsin. Maith go le6r, arsi.
Ghluais an bheirt 'un siubhail. D'fhag slan 7 beannacht aig
Gaibhdfn Gabhna, Nior stad siad go robb siad i dTeainbair na
riogh. Blii Fionn mac Cumhaill 7 a chuid fear amuigh ag seilg.
Ni robh sail cliaislean acht na 11111a. D'innis bean Fliinn mliic
Cumhaill ddbhtha, go robh Fionn 7 a sluaighte fa shleibhte nior
na Midhe. Nach mbeidheadh se abhaile go ceann chiiig la. Acht
an aire chdadna a gheobhas mise, gheobhaidh do bhean-sa go
bpillidh tii air ais, ma's maith leat Finn do fheiceal. D'fhag se
beannacht ocii 7 d'imthigh se annsair Fhionn 7 annsair na
Fiannaibh. Nuair bhi se teacht i bhfogus dubhtha, casadh teach
slachtair air. Chuaidh se asteach 7 chuirigh e fhein le craicne na
mbeathaigh fiadhain. Nuair chonnaic Fionn e ag tairnt orrthu,
d'fhiafraigh se, A bhuachailli, go de ta sibh da dheanadh 1 Ta
muid ag deanadh ar ndinneara, arsa Conan. Go de ta tu fhein da
dheanadh'? Ta me ag amharc nam. Tim oigfhear cliste ag tairnt
orrainn. Ma's do chuidiughadh linn ata se, is fearrde dinn 7 ma's
ann ar n-aghaidh ata se, is misde dinn. Beidh fhios againn go de
an cineal duine e. Ma's de chlainn mic riogh no ro-fhlaith e, ni
labhairfidh se le duine na duine leisgo dtigidh se ann mo lathair-se
7 go ndeanaidh se comhartha umhluigheacht 7 urram doinh.
Ma's de chlainn bodaigh no duine bheathlaidhe e, an chead duine
a dtiocfaidh se fhad leis, fiafrachaidh se, Ca bhfuil an ri ? Nior
labhair Ceadach le h-aon duine no aon duine leis go dtainic se i
lathair Fhinn mine Cumhaill. Binne comhartha umhluigheacht 7
urram do. Go de an duine thu ? arsa Fionn. Buachaill ata ag
iarraidh aimsire ta ionnam, arsa Ceadach. Cainm no ca shloin-
neadh thu? arsa Fionn. Ni robh me aig aon mhaighistir ariamh,
ai\sa Ceadach, nach dtiubhradh se fhein ainm orm. Maiseadh, o
fuair mise coirighthe thu anns na craicne, baistim Giolla na
gCochall Craicionn ort. Ni bhfuair me ainm ni b'fhearr ariamh,
arsa Ceadach. Go de an obair bhfuil tii maith aige ? arsa Fionn.
Ta me maith ag cruinnighadh sealga, arsa Ceadach. Ta tii de
dith orm go mor, arsa Fionn. Go de an tuai-astal ata tu da
iarraidh go ceann la 7 bliadliain ? arsa Fionn. Ma gbnothaighim
dadai dhuid, bhearfaidh tii fhein domh an moid is fid me. Ta sin
220
te." fin' •o.n'ca.rt, 9rs9 fiX. alui/hd sl'ig' dN' fahg. N'i:r Lui$9
vsuw sdn maruw sg' far Ny. vdiiw b'a.y maruw sg' far el'9. vi:
fod mar sin yd tranb:n9 ag9s vi: tort' bohog'9 sg^ ksoduy vr 9 arvm!
try.iiu.-7i9. ni9 v7-'iohor di.v, y.rov, 9T89 f'iN, go fid'om go w'iV
gsefk'ia.'Y 'awtoahp 9giN'. ta: bro:d og9s y.li9s ordm. ra.yjomtvid' 9
wel'a iX'Je/-' er' gyd' ban go X'y.:nomwid' f's.sto mo:r. vi LUyser
u-orr er' 9 gyd' hyji r'ipuw. x% Ner' 9 heriik' Xo fir 9
wanf i-'xXso o:g sky.ic ci:do X'i: tvy.n9Xy.r1, vi: o:Xtos (j[:Nt98,
i.Xtos) mo:r oruw g9 L'eir' fy. Xy. b'r'sayt'o. do:rdi: fiX 9 fs9st9
9 bo wu: 9 riN' fs 9r'iuw 9 jy.:nuvj. vi: fod t'r'i: ly.: y.gos t'r'i: %:h9
9 g'if-9 og9s 9 god. 9XS9 Xam fin' hit' mo:ran d9 Xa, di:n'i: N9
goLuw. d'eir'i: b'y.n iX' vl ku:L' ogos b'irt^ dc Xd mra: uifL
el's, b'y.n jsroimvid' og9S b'y.n oskyr' 91710% a. X'io hem 9X9 Loy 9
vi: tiuiv hior (tirp'iar) don ysfL'an. hen'ik' Lay oj't'y.y 9X9
y/i:n'. l'z:rii b'irt' y.r ornyy^ 98 9 Lyji. reejbd oN'i:s. rog far
okuw 97- van jeramwid. yyr' er' 9 guv/iX' i: oyos rsejbd fi:s 9X9
Lyno or'ej'. hiXty.i X Lor t 9N9farog9. ag9S N'i:r wy.d9 g9 ro fi:
9S yuwork. hen'ik! b'y.n iX' og9s b'an oskyr' 9 wel'9. d'iN'if gdd'e:
ni9r J'k'ibuw 97*' cn:l 9 ggmry.di: . vi: X9 fioNo Viy' bwj^:r9 oggs
d,'sr»mwid' X'i:s mo: Xa din er b'i$. bo g,e7-'id' g9r liiXty.i n
bwy:r'uw oX fir'ig'9 agos du:rt' f'iN go gaihot^ Jbd i: l'y.nu:X't'
ogos to:rt' er'ef k'eb'er''b'ip a:ffl so do:n 9 ro fi:. du:rt' f'iN go
gyr'iffl J'o fayt gyJi9 X9 feiX'9 da ku9rtuw. du:rt' cVsromwid'
Xyy 9 fin' o k'y.rt a;/ b'igan d9 jy.rgv my.ic" 9 f'ikuw. 9 N'aindW
fod gsefk'iayt gor er vigy.n di:n'i: 9 b9 vam:l e: vo mwid'o. d'iofri:
f'iN k'y. vsod far 9 v's:r9^ Js Vef. du:rt' d'ervmwid' g9 do.j'uw
mo:r hej'or. d'ior f'iN er o Xen'om'n'uw. du:rt' d'zwmwid' f'iN
?ra ku:L' 9 rid dia'o. cVsrvmwid' 9 dy.ro din'9. oskor t'r'iguw
din 9. Lui fa yyX'9 ft'u:ruw N9 Lyjio. No Na% wiL tuio
yol 9 hort {,) Vat g'iLo X9 yoyoL krsek'oX? ta:m k'iX't'o, orso
d'tromwid', ma ta: fs 8a: st 9 (pi. X'i: ruyi Jb, orso skctic ci.do.
ma: Vig' niifo iN'for9v e: Vs fer'ovif 9 janiuw di:v 9 N'eir'iN',
X'i:V rib 9 yoL dy Tig on l"iv dmy.y 9s eir'iX'. I's y'y.Lu:X't'y.yo
mo.ro a d'ig'ot {l) Jbd er'ef 9 %i:p, b'i:t (l) f9 b'jo: Xy. maruw, g9
du:r'it^ fod owel'o fiik'i 9, dj :Xti fi: 9 Vig on Vofo. jl'sos f'iN d
Lot] o b'a.r 9 vi: N'eir'iN'. yorso b'io hayt m'Vion oft'yy er' 9
Lyn y.yos yUi Jbd oN fxrog'o. vi: J'iod t'r'i: ly.: ogos t'r'i: i:p
221
an-cheart, arsa Fionn. Ghluais siad uilig 'un sealg. Nior luaithe
bh&dheadh can marbh aig fear na bheidheadh beathach marbh aig
fear eile. Bin siad mar sin go trathnona 7 bin toirt bothoige aig
Ceadach air ;i dhruim trathnona. Mo bhriathar dibh, a fhearaibh,
arsa Fionn, go Faoilim go bhfuil gaiscidheach an-mhaith againn.
Ta brod 7 athas orm. Racbaidh muid a bhaile annsair ar gcuid
ban go ndeanaidh muid fi'asta mdr. Bhi luthghair mhor air a
gcuid ban rompu. Acht nuair chonnaic na fir an bhanphrionnsa
6g Scaith Shioda ni Mhanannan, bin' iongantas mor orrthu go leir
f;i n-a breaghaichte. D'ordaigh Fionn an feasta bu mho a rinne se
ariamh dodheanadh. Bin siad tri la 7 tri oidhche ag ithe 7 ag 61.
Anns an am sin thuit moran de na daoini na gcodhladh. D'eirigh
bean Fhinn mine Cumhaill 7 beirt de na mna uaisle eile, bean
Dhiarmuid 7 bean Oscair amach da nighe fhein ami loch a bhi
taobh shiar de'n chaislean. Thainic long asteach 'un an chuain.
Leim beirt fhear amach as an luing. Reath siad anios. Rug fear
ocu air bhean Dhiarmuid Chuir air a ghualainn i 7 reath siad
'un na luinge air ais. Thiontaigh an long 'un na fairge. 7 nior
bhfada go robh si as amharc. Thainic bean Fhinn 7 bean Oscair
a bhaile. D'innis go de mar sciobadh air shiubhal a gcomradaidh.
Bhi na Fianna uilig buaidheartha 7 Diarmuid nios mo na duine
air bith. Bu ghoirid gur thiontaigh an buaidhreadh 'un feirge 7
dubhairt Fionn go gcaithfheadh siad i leanamhaint 7 tabhairt air
ais ce b'air bith ait san domhan a robh si. Dubhairt Fionn go
gcuireadh se seacht gcatha na Feinne da cuartughadli. Dubhairt
Diarmuid nach e sin an ceart acht beagan de fhearaibh maith do
phiocadh. Da ndeanadh siad gaiscidheacht gur air bheagan
daoini bu mheasamhla e do bheith maoidhte. D'fhiafraigh Fionn
ca mhead fear dobhearfadh se leis. Dubhairt Diarmuid go
dtiubhradh morl'heisear. D'iarr Fionn air a n-ainmniughadh.
Dubhairt Diarmuid Fionn mac Cumhaill an chead duine.
Diarmuid an dara duine. Oscar an tricheadh duine. Lughaidh
fa choinne stiurughadh na luinge. Na nach bhfuil tu ag dul do
thabhairt leat Giolla na gCochall Craicionn 1 Taim cinnte, arsa
Diarmuid, ma, ta, se sasta do dhul. Ni rachaidh se, arsa Scaith
Shioda. Ma leig mise annsorraibh e le seirbhis do dheanadh dibh
i nEirinn, ni'l me ag dul da leigean libh amach as Eirinn. Le
geallamhainteacha mora da dtigeadh siad air ais a choidhche,
bid head h so beo no marbh, go dtiubhradh siad a bhaile chuicci &,
d'aontaigh si e do leigean leobhtha. Ghleas Fionn an long ab
fhearr do bin i n -Eirinn. Chuir se biadh sheacht mbliadhan
asteach air an luing 7 chuaidh siad 'un fairge. Bhi siad tri la 7
222
fo:Ltxrxyt Ner o jiojri: g'iLo No goyoL krsek'oN, w^:yoL'i:, k'a
wiL' f'iv o gol? du:r siod, k'sb'er'b'ir a:t' o feit'i: n oj: fiN'.
du:rt' (j'iLd No goydL krsek'oN I's Luijo oN Lor t 9 ft'u:ruw or No
hiN'iayo her'. Nay ro: n van •a.N'doiu.'V so do:n Nayor tcai?
l'o:fo vo okuiv. ja:no m'i/h Jin, orso Lui. eo:L' J'od a.m mo:r
/add. La: owx:n d'ior fiN er yy:L't' 9 aol go ba:r 9 'yrscN'J'od' .
riN' ky.L't'o Jin. du:rso go icakoj'o txluic. o N'a:not^ J'od obwir
ivaic gd m'eit^ Jod sg'o I's heir'i: g'r'ein'o. Lx,yorNo'wx:ray yUi
ky:L't'o go bx:r o yrseNfod' (yriN'j'o:l') agos du:rso, t'i:m t'i:r'
vr'so, ku:rt' ogos kseJ'L'an, btvj_ :yoL'i: n wel'o wo:r o g'omwsen or' o
tra(:)i. t'i:m ax.icod Lor h fico k'iN or' Q.ay tiuw don ee: ogos a:t'
k'iN owa:u' otoruw. a luijo, j't'u:ri: do lo^ oj't'ay^ iN'J'id. ja.no
m'ijb Jin, orso Luijo. riN' agos N'i:r' kyr'uiv t'aytir'o 9wa:n on
ri: o jiofri: k'e: iod Itein'. solk o yosudxyt Jo, orso fiN. %N' ,
orso g'iLo No goyoL krxk'oN, kxiho tuw din o yor o yjeN't' I'eJ' o
ri: . N'i: ro N'ar er o Lyji o alakuw er hein o aol o yjseN't^ I'ef
o ri: . boje: o Inoen'om' df>n ri: s:mtviN' -t'rsonwiL'xy. tvaijt'ir',
orso g'iLo No goyoL krsek'oN, rayo m's hein' oNo ysefL'seit.
k'r'ed'om gor tuw os fa:r, orso fiN. yyr' er' o yoli: ir'im ogos
yUi oNo yjejL'sen. wy:L' Jo bwiL'o oNso yUiL'd ko:rik'. hen'ik'
hig'o gaj'k'iay doer' 'iven'om k'i:hay 'krUi'xr'omxy. god'e: ta: tuw
j'iri: ? orse:. •yyr' mo wxij't'ir, fiN rva ku:L' iN' J'o m'o jiri: tio
do: 'hein agos do vigy.it da yyd' far. o N'a:nuw kro: mgk Nx
maduw mai do:, N'i: wi:ffl J'o 9. ayt ta: t'ay auwos hi:s eg' on
ylx.dx.y. Ma: jev f'iv a:Ntios oNo haliwij] b'i:t^ J'z ogov ogos mor
wa(:)i, b'i:g'i: J'oluw. t'ej'anuw t'ay No Nxuivos do:. Ner' o yJJi
fd I't'xy er' o dorss, N'i: ro o Nduivos oNso t'ay Nx.y d'a:rN ga:r'o.
god'e: x:n:or /nor r^.rr'o ? orso g'iLo No goyoL knek'oN. fa dorodso
do jo:l' u:r o vo ogiN'. b'ojos ogov o wolort^ J'iN do J'k'sol. rog fo
i/'r'im' nx: lordgd er o War bo n'ej'o do: a,gos hu:si: J'o dx gxsgort'
I'eJ' o N'a.r son, god'i: go ro d'er'uw mxruw ag'o x.y o N'xr owx:n.
vi: oN tauwos ksel' zy'o god'i: N da: jito vi: oNa (fa: ao:rN sg'o.
y;pf9 No hxjiwij' oii)7.y ogos riN' kx,:rNxn di.fo. yUi er'ej' 9N9
Lyno. tx: t'xy ogiN' iN'Jb, a,y N'il' b'i: er' b'ir. kaxhomwid'
b'io iori: on yjrfLxM. yUi 0N0 ysJ'L'iat ogos du:rt', yyr mo
223
tri oidche tig seoltaracht nuair dh'fhiafruigh Giolla na gCochall
Craicionn, A bhuachailli, c;i bhfuil sibh ag dul? Dubhairt siad ce
b'air bith ait da seidfidh an ghaoth sinn. Dubhairt Giolla na
gCochall Craicionn le Lughaidh an long do stiurughadh air na
h-Indiacha Bhoir. Nach robh aon bhean an-d6igheamhail san
domhan nachar inhaith leobhtha do bheith ocii. Gheanfaidh mise
sin, arsa Lughaidh. Sheol siad am mor fada. La amhain d'iarr
Fiona air Chaoilte do dhul go barr an chraianseoil. Rhine Caoilte
sin. Dubhairt se go bhfacaidh se talanih. Da ndeanadh siad
obair inhaith go mbeidheadh siad aige le h-eirighe greine. La air
na mharach chuaidh Caoilte go barr an chraiaaseoil 7 dubhairt se\
Tim tir bhreagh, cuairt 7 caisleaa, buachailli an bhaile mlioir ag
iomain air an traigh. Tim dha fhichead long, fiche ceann air gach
taobh de'n cheidh 7 ait ceann amhain eatorrii. A Lughaidh,
stiuraiffh do lontr asteach annsiud. Gheanfaidh mise sin, arsa
Lughaidh. Ilinne 7 nior cuireadh teachtaire amhain o'n ri dho
fhiafraigh ce iad fhein. Is olc an chosamhlacht seo, arsa Fiona.
A Fhiaa, arsa Giolla aa gCochall Craicioaa, caithtidh tii duiae do
chur do chaint leis aa ri. Ni robh aoa fhear air aa luiag a
ghlacadh air fhein do dhul do chaiat leis aa ri. Bu e ab aiam
do'n ri Eamonn Treaabhuilleach. A mhaighistir, arsa Giolla na
gCochall Craicionn, rachaidh me fhein 'ua aa chaisleain. Creidim
gar tii is fearr, arsa Fiona. Cbuir air a chulaidh airm 7 chuaidh
'ua aa chaisleain. Bhuail se buille aaas aa chuaille comhraic.
Thaiaic chuitje ^aiscidheach dar bh'ainm Citheach Cruaidhar-
mach. Go de ta tii da iarraidhl arse. Chuir 1110 mhaighistir,
Fionn mac Cumbaill aaaseo me dho iarraidh tuighe do fhein 7 do
bheau;ia da chuid fear. Da adeaaadh cro muc ao madadh maith
do, ni bhfuigheadh se e. Acht ta teach amhas thios aig aa
chladach. Ma gheibh sibh aoatuigheas o aa b-amhais, bidheadh
se agaibh 7 mur bhfaghaidh, bidhidh folamh. Teiseaaadh teach
aa a-amhas do. Nuair chuaidh se asteach air aa dorus, ni robh
aon amhas amis aa teach nach deara gaire. Go de adhbhar bhur
agaire ? ai-sa Giolla ao gCochall Craicionn. Fa d'oiread-sa de
fheoil ur do bheith againn. Beidh fbios agaibh a mhalairt sia de
sceal. Rug se greim dha lurga air an fhear bu aeise do 7 thusaigh
se da gcoscairt leis an fhear sin, go dti go robh deireadh marbh
aige acht aon fhear amhain. Bhi an t-amhas caithte aige go dti
an da ghiota bhi aim a dha dhorn aige. Chaith se aa h-amhais
amach 7 riaae carnaa diobhtha. Chuaidh air ais 'ua aa luiage.
Ta teach agaiaa aaaseo, acht ai'l biadh air bith. Caithfidh muid
biadh iarraidh o'n chaisleaa. Chuaidh 'ua aa chaisleain 7
224
woh/l'ir' f'iN me iN'fo o jiri: b'i: do: -hein ayos do vigan da.
yyd' far. o N'a:nuw spo:L 9wa:ri mail/ do:, N'i: wi:t^ fo e: .
ay ta: taruw er' o NilseN' fo 9 yyN'i: t'r'idN dd NilaN do: hein
Var L'iX'. ma: warowiN' fiv 9 towuw, b'i:t^ fo oyov ayos mor
marowi:, b'v.y'i: foluw. kx wH' d taruw ? arse:, t'efanuiv do:
X tymo do Nila.ii 9 ro X taruw. o La: fo hog fe l'ef konan.
Ner 9 yUi fod o jia.r doN taruw, riN' fa buw'o mo:r ogos hx.rN'
■"'""'■ y$>' yiLo No yoyjoL kreek'oN 9 ylo:kd er o tyuw bo N'efo
d,<X taruw do Narrd. yUi g hein er o tyuiv el'o. yyr' o
taruw o ax: eir'k' (grr'k') f'r'ixV 9 ylo-.ko oyos yo bon oft'ay so
Nawd. I's.-m' y'iLo Xo yoyoL kraek'dX oyos wj_ :V o l's Xa yloiov.
win o k'iX de\ y onsen , orse:, omyrayo m'ijb on yoloN oyos
gmyyr hiss n k'iX. N'i: ro oN ay^ yo ro" konan a:boLto n k'iX o
yoruw. iviL tuw t'ayt? orso y'iLo Xo goyoL krsek'oN. N'iol,
orso konan. fi.i'om yo wil' (wiL') fo worrom oyom. ygrso o
la(:)uw hart, fair y'r'im eir'k'o er o riN ogos or Iqroyo yonsen .
<;u:L' L'ef yor ya% de n b'art'i:n o d'ay No Nauwos. iN', ta: b'i:
Xfo a.y N'iol' t'in'i er b'iif. kalhomwid' y'l'sos brig a:L doX
taruw. d'im'i: oXo ysefL'sen. yyr' mo waift'ir' f'iN me N'fo o
jiri: y'l'aos brico doN taruw. o N'a:nuw n poto sLuw oNso t'ay
maif ayd\ N'i: wi:ha e: ay^ ma: ver o ko.Lir'o k'ad did' spo.L o
yor sofoto, b'iuw oyod, agos mor doyy:, b'oi tuw foluw. yJJi iN'fer
o yoMr'o. du:rt' o ko:kir'o Nay wiuiv k'ad 's:N spo.L o-wa:n
yyr oNso yor'o. rpy fs er 9 y^r'o. ho:g e: may do Nobvnr
kloro. hoy hart o ayos I'ig' ft'aL wow don vrot hart or No ko.kir'i:.
ao(:)i oN batfidd. duwt^ I' s f'iN, ta: t'in'i o ji:? oriN' onif. yUi
oNo ysefL'sen . yyr' mo waift'ir f'iN m's N'fo o jiri: t'in'uw.
o N'a:nuiv sp'l'it owa:n mav do:, N'i: wi:t { "> fo e: . yor so a. pa:
la:v fa:n yuol yoNy:. hog l'ef i: go t'ay No Nauwos. yor t'in'i
i.Y'l'i:. yyr o kor'o ori: agos r'iX' wow doX tarutv oX. d'ifiod
o sa(:)i ogos yodil' o Xi:ro fin', er mwsed'in go Luo du:rt' g'iLo
No goyoL krsek'oN, o jsromwid', os w 2 { :d' o togutv n van. os ort
o hig o cXd trid'. fk'i:ha,n fk'odoXay o hog l'ef do van. os ort
e: rid' oN'uw. o jiLo ji.i'if, orso f'iN, N"W gar d-soNin'o da
wil' iN'fo o aol 9 rid' ay huiv hein. yUi g'iLo No yoyfL kratk'9N
8U9S oNo yjefL'sen. wy.i' bv)iL r 9 S9 yUiL'o ko rik'. d'iN'if d9N'
225
dubhairt, Cluiir mo mhaighistir Fiona me annseo do iarraidh bldh
do fhein 7 do bheagan da chuid fear. Da ndeanadh spolla amhain
maith do, ni bhfuigheadh se e. Acht ta tarbh air an oilean seo a
chuinnighidh trian de'n oilean do fhein le ar linn. Ma mharbhann
sibh an tarbh, bidheadb s6 agaibb 7 mur marbhaidh, bidhidb
folainh. Ca bhfuil an tarbh 1 arse. Teiseanadh do an taobh de'n
oilean i robh an tarbh an la seo. Thug se leis Conan. Nuair
chuaidh siad i ngearr do'n tarbh, rinne se buirthe inor 7 thairng
orrthii. Chuir Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn a chloca air an taobh
bu neise do'n tarbh de'n ard. Chuaidh e fhein air an taobh eile.
Chuir an tarbh a dha adhairc frid an chloca 7 go bun asteach san
ard. Leim Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn 7 bhuail e le na
chlaidhimh. Bhain an ceann de. A Chonain, arse, iomchra-
chaidh mise an cholann 7 iomchuir thusa an ceann. Ni robh aim
acht go robh Conan abalta an ceann do chorrughadh. Bhfuil tii
ag teacht? arsa Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn. Ni'l, arsa Conan.
Saoilim go bhfuil seo ro-throm again. Chuir se a lamh thart.
Fuair greim adhairce air an cheann 7 air lurga Chonain. Shiubhail
leis gur chaith de an beairtin i dteach na n-anihas. A Fhinn, ta
biadh annseo acht ni'l teini air bith. Caithfidh muid gleas
bruithe do fhaghail do'n tarbh. D'imthigh 'un an chaisleain.
Chuir mo mhaighistir Fionn me annseo do iarraidh gleas bruithe
do'n tarbh. Da ndeanadh an pota is high amis an teach maith
dhuid, ni bhiuighthea e acht ma bheir an cocaire cead duid spolla
do chur san phota, bidheadh agad, 7 mur dtugaidh, beidh tii
folamh. Chuaidh annsair an chucaire. Dubhairt an cocaire nach
bhfuigheadh cead aon spolla amhain do chuir anns an choire.
Rug se air an choire. Thog e amach de'n obair cloiche. Thug
thart e 7 leig steall inhor de'n bhroth thart air na cucairi. Dhoigh
'un bais iad. Dubhairt le Fionn, ta teini de dhith orrainn anois.
Chuaidh 'un an chaisleain. Chuir 1110 mhaighistir Fionn me annseo
do iarraidh teineadh. Da ndeauadh spliota amhain maith do, ni
bhfuitiheadh se 6. Chuir se a dha laiuih fa'n chual chonnaidh.
Thu<^ leis i so teach na n-amhas. Chuir teini innti. Chuir an
coire orrthi 7 roinn mhor de'n tarbh ami. D'ith siad a saith 7
chodail an oidhche sin. Air niaidin go luath dubhairt Giolla na
gCoehall Craicionn, A Dhiarmuid, is uaid a tugadh an bhean. Is
ort a thig an chead troid. Sciothan Sceolannacli a thug leis do
bhean. Is ort e do throid aniu. A Ghiolla dhilis, arsa Fionn,
ni'l uar do aon duine da bhfuil annseo do dhul do throid acht
thii fhein. Chuaidh Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn suas 'un an
chaisleain. Bhuail buille san chuaille conihraic. D'innis do'n
a. 15
226
I'yylir'd gg ro trid' a ji:<; er 9 fk'i:han fk'o:hNay. hen'ik'
fk'i:han fk'oihNasfc rid! a. hein agas g'iLa Nd goyaL kr&k'aX a
Q.Uw mwxN'9 <ji dUw i:$9. ivy:V g'iLs bwiL'a a gorrik' 9 ciN'
y.g,>s ,i icineel' er agas win a riX de". hen'ik' iX'fer \N. iN',
k'i.hy.y kruiar&may a geefk'iayasf'a:r aXsa rihayta, kaxha tuw
far <j yor I's Na rid' ama:ray. N'iL din er b'ir iN'fo Vs. Na
rid' mar N'a:na tuw hein a. er mw&d'in gi> Lud yUi giLa Na
gayaL kr&k'aN suds aXa yuj'L'sen'. wy:V biciL'd S9 •vUiL'd korrik'.
d'idr ko:rak ar ri:ha.y yruiaramy.y. ba d'i:ivi:ri e: gad'i: Jin.
ridfi fs hein agas k'i:hay gd tra~no:na. vi dol sg^ g'iLa Xa gayaL
I.rxk'dN er' a.gds r'iX' k'i:hay L'b:n mo:r de hein'. r'iX' g'iLd n rod
k'iaXd y.gas mardiouw k'i:hay. wy:V dr'i:f(t') dXsd yUiL'd kbrrik' .
N'i:r f'r'igriuw e:. gdd'e: ta:mwid' gal a ja:nuw? arse: Ve f'iN.
rayanuvid' a wel'a, arsa f'iX. N'i: rayamivid' a wel'a, arsa g'iLd
Xd g.iyjiL krea,k'dX, gd ioa.:mwid' er' m'an a.gds Lgrag 9r La:va
a:gxV ar X'ei. ta: in ari/iayt a wgy&s don ynfL'au. vs:rdr er'
m'an dX'fin' dX' Uw. my.: jsf'dr i: Jtzy sa Nui, hisa a.gas m'ij'd
agas dwxl' i X'eir'iX', X'i: horr'uw ama.y^ i: . to.: ay.: QQT98 er' a
Nui, dords b'ig agas dords mo:r. kyr'a mwid' d'sramivid' er' a
daras v'ig agas ra.ya m'ij'd er' a daras wo:r. X'i:r' wyxh ' aa: gd
waky: (wokyi) hig'a b'y.u jsr9mwid' ua.rrsag da wra: o:gd Veigo agas
aa:rs9g dd hantura:. rog g'iLd ori: y.gds rog a cavar agas f'i<y
by.it ori:. yai' : g'iLd er a audliX' a icy.Xtry.yt dl'tg. sky.rt' dr'
/ i-'niifid' y.gds f'HJ dXd wel'd iN'fer \N. vi: LifJyser' wo:r oruw
d m'an a V9 dkuw. Jay ry.ydmivld' divel' dnij\ drsd f"\N. N'i:
ry.ydiavnd' divel'd, drsd g'iLd, gd wx:kamwld' Lordg dr La.vd fan
yjijL'y.n. '/Ui dXd yjefL'een. hog I'ofd Ly.std a Lmid dd ao.r
y.gm dd aglwahds y.gds dy.:g a keefL'y.u I's hin'i. ho:g a fo.Lti: yjjds
yUi dXfy.rdg'd. vi: fiad t'r'i: l:g agas t'r'i: ly. ocgas a Xam'far d'y.s.
vi: fad a g'ira y.gas a gad agds i b'l'eifurr ivo.r. X'i row er' /i.ij't'a
X> L;/ji> y.yf'iX y.gas giLa. yjjr g'iLa osXa wo:r as. gad'e: z:u:<r
da W£:r9? drsd f'iX. t'i:m hogam Lor), arsa g'iLd. ta: far dr'
bo.rd ori: 9 wir'ds m'ifa. X'ial, arsa f'\N, Na •zrN'a.r ar' arim' a
do:n' a vzuw a:bdLtd his ■> war9W9. fyrr.r haw, ai'sa g'iLa, X'i:
huf Viiii Ly.(:)uu) o ho:gxV gd marmvi: fa m'a. go: fi:s fwi: luift'a
Xi Lyv.9 y.gas kyr' ori a yjdi: sku:L'u:ni: ata: X'j'iit s X'i:
227
teachtaire go robh troid de dhlth air o Sciothan Sce6launach.
Thainic Sciothan Sceolannach. Tliroid e fhein 7 Giolla 11a
gCochall Craicionn dhubh maidne go dubh oidhche. Bhuail
Giolla buille i gcomhraic ;i chinn 7 a mhuineail air 7 bhain
ji cheann »le. Thainic annsair Phionn. A Fhinn, Citheacb
Cruaidh-armach an gaiscidheach is fearr aims an rioghacht,
caithfidb tii fear do chur le n-a throid amarach. Ni'l duine air
bitb annseo le n-a throid nmr ndeanaidh tii fhein e. Air inaidin
go luath chiiaidh Giolla na gCocball Craicionn suas 'im an
chaisleain. Bhuail buille san chuaille coinhraic. D'iarr comhrac
air Chitbeach Chruaidh-armach. Ba dioniliaoin e "o dti sin.
Tliroid se fhein 7 Citheacb go tratlmona. Bhi dul aig Giolla
na gCochall Craicionn air 7 rinne Citheacb leomhan m6r de
fhein. Rinne Giolla an rud ceadhna 7 mhavbbuigh Citheacb.
Bhuail aria anus an chuaille coinhraic. Nior ffeagraigheadh e.
Go de tamuid ag dul da dheanadh I arse le Fionn. Rachaidh
niuid abbaile, arsa Fionn. Ni rachaidh niuid abhaile, arsa Gioila
na gCochall Craicionn, go bhfaghaidh niuid ar mbean 7 lorg ar
laimhe do fhagail ar ndiaidb. Ta uaigb dbraoitbeachta i bhfogus
do'n cbaislean. Bhearthar ar mbean annsin aniu. Ma gbeiblitbear
i asteach san uaigh, thusa 7 mise 7 a bbfuil i n-Eirinn, ni
thiubhradh (tbabhairfeadb) amach i. Ta dha dhorus air an uaigh,
dorus beag 7 dorus nior. Cuirfidh niuid Diarmuid air an dorus
bheag 7 rachaidh mise air an dorus mbor. Nior bhfada dbo go
bhfacaidh chuige bean Dhiarmuid dha'reag de mhna oga leithe 7
dha'reag de sheanmbna. R"g Giolla orrthi 7 rug an cheathrar 7
ficbe ban orrthi. Chaith Giolla air a ghualainn an bhantracbt
uilig. Scairt air Dhiarmuid 7 phill '1111 an bhaile annsair Fhionn.
Bhi liithghair mbor orrtlni a mbean do bheith ocu. Nacb
rachaidh muid abhaile anois? arsa Fionn. Ni rachaidh muid
abhaile, arsa Giolla, go bbfagfaidh muid lorg ar laimhe fa'n
cbaislean. Chuaidb 'un an chaisleain. Thug leobhtha lasta a
luinge de or 7 de iolmhaitheas 7 d'fhag an caislean le theini.
Thog a seoltai 7 chuaidb 'un fairge. Bhi siad tri oidhche 7 tri la
7 an aimsir deas. Bhi siad ag ithe 7 ag 61 7 i bpleisiiir mhor. Ni
robh air thaiste 11a luinge acht Fionn 7 Giolla. Chuir Giolla osna
mbor as. Go de adhbhar d^> bhuaidheartha 1 arsa Fionn. Tim
chugam long, arsa Giolla. Ta fear air bord orrthi a mbuirfeas
mise. Ni'l, arsa Fionn, na aon fhear air dhruim an donihain a
bheidheadh abalta thusa do mharbhadh. Faraor thii, arsa Giolla,
ni thig Horn lamb do thogail go marbhaidh se me. Gabh sios faoi
thaiste na luinge 7 cuir ort an chulaidh sciiilliiinaigh ata annsin 7
15—2
228
enayifs hinv. o: farj^:r huiv, 9rs9 g'iL&. 9sfa:r 9 Nen 9ta: zg'd
oromso Na, ta: 9g9ts9, ag9s 9s 'ro:'a:r 9 k'art ota: sg' er' . glak m.9
yd:rL r 9, drss fiN. N'i: row dN ay g9 ro fe 9r'eJ\ Ner o vi: N
Lot} yiviay bo:rd w' wo:rd V of. 'sail 'ar 9wa:?i fwi: xr&m ag98
eid'uw 9T hecj't'o No Lyjio. riN' J'e ga:r'o ag9s du.r S9, ta: raN
ogom ayd' —
en'i:m huw a<j9s N'i li9r d'zgday,
ay 9i' d9 rosk g'r's9gay glan.
9S f'i:r S91I ag9s N'i: b'r'zog e:
g9r tuw k'soday mak ri: No dolay.
d rsddi:, wil Jiivn dgdd sr d9 wargguw V'imsd i N'eir'iN' ? la:,
orso k'soday. bwy:V dd loiL'o. Ner' d hen'ik' k'soday gdr b'9
bwiL'o doNdUw o cid wiL'o vsuw bwy:L't'9, wy:L' l\ 9 voiL'9
hein' agds skair gay far okuw 9 k"iN dd N'ar el' 9. hit' gay far
okuw 9r' hecj't'o 9 lino hein agon d'im'i: N Lor : yiviay 9 b'alay 9
den'i J'i: ga bon 9 Neir (Ndir'). skart' fiN er' 9 wonuw, g9
N'anot^ fd bw[:r'uw (bwy:r'uw) mo:r ag9s d'iN'if do:J'o, Nay
din er' b'ic N'i:s Luw Na mak ri: N9 dolay 9 far 9 vi: okuw.
vi: bivy:r'uw -an'wor er \N ag9s er' 9 wonuw fa No wa:s ag9s vi:
dxl'i:s oruw 9 hayt swel'd iN'j'er 9 van a<j9s e: maruw. yo:r'i:
J'i9d 9 yoloN I's sp'i:s9ri: agds harN' J'od er 9 wel'd. 9 NI:q9 fin'
hen'ik' k'o: mo:r, g[ : ag9s din'dN 9 yjjr' i9d da gu:rs9. vi: J'od 9r
J'ayran. N'i: ro:s okuw ka ro J'iod 9 gol or fig mo:ran Lsgo.
hokri: N dinoN ag9s b9 qer'id' (J9 w\ :rs9d 9 hayt 9 wel'9. Ner' 9
hen'ik' skaiQ ci:dd N'i: wandNan 9 far hein maruw, vi: bwy.r'uw
•do'yim'J'i: ori:. vi: bwy.r'uw er \N ag9s er 9 N'eiN' g9 L'eir.
vi: bwy:r'uiv mo:r or jsr9mwid' ag9s er 9 van. du:rt' f\N I't
skaie ci:d<> go zoi:fflfi: a ro: far da rotv i N'eir'iN'. du:rt' skaic:
ri:<l> Nay ro" far 9r' b'if sg'9 9 ja:nuw a:t' 9 fir hein , ay e: Loy
9 ho:rt^ dico go go:r 'ayiffl fi: 9 far 9N9 sp'i:sori:, g9 gy:n9t^ fi: 9
8a(:)i f 9 Nil's la: 9s 9 c\N ag9s g9 uri:tft J'i: ba:s 9Ns9 Lor t cioNo 9
row 9 far. jl'sgs f'iN 9 Lor t 9 b'a:r i N'eiriN' dic9. kyr'uw
ftfct/y oNsj Lyji korp csddi: 9N9 go:ro per'gg'id'. yUi J'i: hein' 9r
bo.rd ojjos b9 yoni9 I'eico god'e: n b'alay^ 9 rayuw N Lqr r N'i: ro:s
ek'i: k'a.:d 9 vi: J'i: er' fa.rog'9 ay^ vi: J'i: waxl, moran b'l'idNtd. fa
jer'uw wj^.l 9 Loyj er' halmv. vi: J'i: tirsay or J'ar9g9. hen'i
J'i: 9r t'irr mo:r. hen'i J'i: knJ'L'an mo:r i jia.r dic9. ru:L' J'i:
229
ni aithneachaidh so fchii. faraor thu, arsa Giolla. Ts fearr an
aithne ata aige ormsa na ta agadsa, 7 is ro-fhearran coart ata aige
air. Glac mo chomairle, arsa Pionn. Ni robh ami aclit go robh
s6 air ais, nuair bin an long choimhightheach boi'd air bhord
leobhtlia. Aon fhear amhain faoi arm 7 eideadh air tliaiste na
luinge. Rinne se gaire 7 dubhairt s6. Ta rami again dliuid —
Aithnighim tlni 7 ni h-air d'eadach,
Acht air do rose greagach glan.
Is fior sin 7 ni breag e
Gur tii Ceadach mac ri na dTulach.
A Cheadaigh, bhfuil cuimhne agad air do mhargadh liomsa i
nEirinn 1 Ta, arsa Ceadach. Buail do bhuille. Nuair chonnaic
Ceadach gur b'e buille Lonndubh an chead bhuille bheidheadh
buailte, bhuail se a bhuille fhein 7 scaith gach fear ocii an ceann
de'n fhear eile. Thuit gach fear ocii air thaiste a luinge fhein 7
d'imthigh an long choimhthigheach an bealach a dtainic si go bun
an aeir. Scairt Fionn air a bhunadh, go ndeanadh siad buaidh-
readh mor 7 d'innis dobhtha, nach duine air bith nios lugh na mac
riogh na dTulach an fear bhi ocii. Bhi buaidhreadh an-mhor air
Fhionn 7 air a bhunadh fa n-a bhas 7 bhi doilghios orrthii do
theacht abhaile annsair a bhean 7 e marbh. Choirigh siad a
cholann le spiosarai 7 thairng siad air an bhaile. An oidhche sin
thainic ceo mor, gaoth 7 doinionn a chuir iad da gciirsa. Bhi
siad air seachran. Ni robh fhios ocii ca robh siad ag dul airfeadh
Imuran laethe. Shocraigh an doinionn 7 bu ghoirid go bhfuair siad
(do) theacht al)haile. Nuair chonnaic Scaith Shioda ni Mhanan-
nan a fear fhein marbh, bhi buaidhreadh dochuimsi orrthi. Bhi
buaidhreadh air Fhionn 7 air an Fheinn go leir. Bhi buaidhreadh
mor air Dhiarmuid 7 air a bhean. Dubhairt Fionn le Scaith Shioda
go bhfhuigheadh si a raogha fear da robh i nEirinn. Dubhairt
Scaith Shioda nach robh fear air bith aige a gheanfadh ait a Mr
fhein, acht e long do thabhairt dithe go gcoireachadh si a fear aim
spiosarai, go gcaoineadh si a saith an uile la os a cheann 7 go
bhfuigheadh si bas amis an long cheadna a robh a fear. Ghleas
Fionn an long ab fhearr i nEirinn dithe. Cuireadh asteach amis
an luing corp Cheadaigh ann gc6fra airigid. Chuaidh si fliein
air bord 7 bu chuma leithe go de an bealach a rachadh an
long. Ni robh fhios aici ca fhad bhi si air fairge acht bhi si i
bhfad, niuran bliadhanta. Fa dheireadh bhuail an long air
thalamh. Bhi si tuirseach air fairge. Thainic si air tir mor.
Chonnaic si caislean mor i ngar (ngearr) dithe. Shiubhail si suas
280
suds dNd yxfL'aen'. N'i: akd fi: din er' b'ir b'jo: . ylli fi: ft'ay.
pu:L' fi: mo:ran fr'ixl' o yjefL'an. fa jer'uw hen'i fi: oNd
fo:mr9 a:r'it' fxnor' 'k'r'i:N''L'i9. dahiN' fi: gd ro fs 9 Nam
i:N't'oiy Na ri: . lo:r si: I'ef agds N'i: ro fs foNu:r Jandyosk er
b'ip 9 ja:nuzv. vi: N tra.'no:n dN. N'i:r wench gd den'ik' dft'ay
t' r'u:r (h acefk'i: o:go g'a:rd, m'iL't'd, Lot'i: agds foli: I's fwil'. yea
di:fa 9 gyd' s9cli: . rog far okuw grim aa: yos er ar el' 9, ha(:)i
fa fi:s 9 mwaer'iL'd 9 vi: gu:l d dorif 9. ItarN' &r'ef e: agds vi: fs
fLx:n, faLeen '. r'iNuiv fin I'ef 9 t'r'u:r agds vi: fod L's9std kd
maip 9s vi: fi/ad er'inw. 9 wjriypL'i:, 9rsi:, 9S kosu:L di:v gd ro
f'iv 9 trid'. vi: mwid 9 trid', drs 9n far hd find, g9cl'e: a:tvdr
mdr dr'ido? &rsi: . Navd'd hen Hi dr' d NilseN' fa, 9rse: . wari
J'i9d m9 wo.heer '. riN' fad kloyo g'ah dar Ny.ni: ag9S dr N'aLy:.
N'iL La: dr' b'ig Nay mardwiN' fiN'd sLuw okuw. b'i: mwid
Lot'i: mdr hen'i tuiv fiN', ay b'idN d sLud b'jo: LayorNd-iva:ray
er' ef fa:r 'gi/N'd. fin' bwser'iL' 'idkla.-N't'd d I'sdsif fiN'd 9
Nih rano:nd. I'ig fi: osNo agds dn:rsi:, vi: far dgdmsd 9 Nam
9wa:n. 9 m'eit^ fa dgdv, yyd'ayitf" 1 fa l"iv. kd wiL' fs ? drsidd.
fa: fa hi:s dNsd L,yj>, dr sifa. kaihd mwid' e: ho:rt' dN'i.s. ja:nd
mwid' fiN'd b'jo: 9 agds ko mair ds vi: fa dr'iuiv. hog fidd oN'i.s
d. yomwiL' fidd 9 N'idMa.'N't's do:, horn fad Sd wser'iL'd e:.
yomwil' bos da hud'o agos durrsd, fid'dm gov yodil' m'd N'sdl.
vi: LUyeer 'an'wo:r er' d van. yrce fi: a a: la:v I'ef. yUi
fad d ygLuw d Ni:ed fin d b'Veifn:r. er mwsed'iri gd Lu9 9r
laydrNd'iva/ray, yJJi t'r'u:r mak d ri: may 9 rid' I'ef 9 tlud agds
k'e&day I'o.fa. er'd hayt do: fa dNd wayir'd, vi: fa La:N di:n'i: fwi:
o.r9m -a.gos fwi: eid'uw. gdd'e: ta: f'iv gol d ja:nnw I'o.fa fa ? orsd
k'sdday. fa: mwid' gol d rid^ I'o.fa agos tra'vo:n» b's fad maruw
dgiN'. N'idl' dN mdr r t re:hd ay tromparayt, drsd k'sdday. jartjd
mwid' a a: I'eir (I'ep) dd Na fir', glakd m'ifa ty:w okuw agds
glakyg'i: flvfa N ty.w el' 9. N'i: row dN ay gd ro b'a:rNy: v'ig
wi:d'ay d'a.:Nt dNsNd fir sg^ klaN d ri:, Ner' d vi: d Vol hein'
maruw £</''> k'sdday. ma: fa: fin 9 doi d n'i: f'iv 9 N'il'd la:, os
N'o/iro:Ntay idd 9 vd si: dN mdr mon. hog fa ritdhdr 9Nd mask
mdr ho:k fr'i:d' s:nay9 agds wari fs N din' 9 d'er'dNay di.fa.
gdd'e: ta: fiv gol 9 jos.nnw dnif o wj_:ydL'i: ? drsd k'sdday. o: ta:
mwid' .i gol owel'd, wsisd. Nd Nay wiL' f'iv gol d Lyr'ay iN'-fo
2:11
'un an chaisleain. Ni fhacaidh si duine air bith bed. Chuaidh si
asteach. Shiubhail si inoran frid an chaislean. Vfi dheireadh
fchainic si ann soonira iiirite seanoir crfon-liath. D'athain si go
robh se aim am eighinteach na ri. Labhair si lcis 7 ni robh se
fonmnliar seanchas(c) air bith do dheanadh. Bhi an trathnona
ann. Nior bhfada go dtainic asteacb triiir do ghaiscidhigh uga
gearrtha, millte, loitighthe 7 folaightho le fail. Ohaith diobhtha
a gcuid eadaigh. Rug fear ocii greim dint clios air fhear eile.
tthaith se sios i mbairille a bhi i gcul an dorais e. Thairng air ais
e 7 blii se slan, follain. Rinneadh sin leis an triiir 7 bhi siad
leigheasta conih niaith agus bhi siad ariamh. A bhuachaillf, arsi,
is cosainhail dibh go robh sibh ag troid. Bhi muid ag troid, arsa
an fear bu sine. Go de adhbhar bhur dtroda 1 arst Naimhde
thainic air an oilean seo, arse. Mharbhaigh siad mo mhathair.
Rinne siad clocha geala d'ar ndaoini 7 ar n-eallaigh. Ni'l la air
bith nach marbhann sinne sluagh ocii. Bidh muid loitighthe mar
chonnaic tii sinn, acht bidlieann an sluagh beo hi air n-a bharach
air ais fa'r gcoinne. Sin bairille iocshlainte a leigheasas sinne an
uile thrathnona. Leig si osna 7 dubhairt si, Bhi fear agamsa ann
am amhain. Da mbeidheadh se agaibh, chnideachadh se libh. Ca
bhfuil se 1 arsiad. Ta se thios aims an luing, arsise. Caithfidh
muid e thabhairt anios. Gheanfaidh muid sinne beo e 7 comh
maith 7 bhi se ariamh. Thug siad anios e. Chumail siad an
iocshlainte do. Thtim siad san bhairille e. Chumail bos da
sluiile 7 dubhairt se, Saoilim gur chodail me neal. Bhi luthghair
an-mhdr air a bhean. Chraith si dha htimh leis. Chuaidh siad
do chodladh an oidhche sin i bpleisiur. Air maidin go luath air
la air n-a bharach, chuaidh triiir mac an riogh amach do throid
leis an tsluagh 7 Ceadach leobhtha. Air theacht dobhtha 'un an
mhachaire, bhi se Ian daoini faoi arm 7 faoi eideadh. Go de ta
sibh air dul da dheanadh leobhtha seo] arsa Ceadach. Ta muid
ag dul do throid leobhtha 7 trathnona beidh siad marbh againn.
Ni'l ann bhur ngraethe acht trumparacht, arsa Ceadach. Ghean-
faidh muid dha leith de na fir. Glacfaidh mise taobh ocii 7
glacaigidh sibhse an taobh eile. Ni robh ann acht go robh
bearnaidh bheag bhaoideach deanta amis na fir aig clann an riogh,
nuair bhi a leath fhein marbh aig Ceadach. Ma's e sin an doigh
a nidh sibh an uile la, is neamhiongantach iad do bheith ag suidhe
aim bhur nibun. Thug se ruathar ann a measg mar sheabhac frid
ganacha 7 mharbhuigh se an duine deireannach diobhtha. Go de
ta sibli ag dul da dheanadh anois, a bhuachailli? arsa Ceadach.
() ta muid ag dul abhaiie, arsiad. Na nach bhfuil sibh ag dul do
232
gd vsk'i fiv gdd'e: ta: da N'a:nuw fo b'jo: 9r'i:f(f). o: N'iol'
•td'Nyn's daer' an Na% ro maruw LxyarX.r/rx.-rxy. N'i: im'aya
in i/<), 9rs9 k'sddx.y, gd vsk'i in' a gdd'e: n'i.s b'jo: iad. yUi klx.X a
ri: dXd wel'd a.gas dan k'saday^ X'i:r' wada do: go waka {woks) fa
fihay^ t'xyt dX'i.s a icr{.y No frag a. pot'i:ri axjds k'l'st'i:n
I'ef yc>rsd n k'l'st'i.-n dXsd fot'irn. dX'f'in yorsd d m'sdl fir' d
agos I'e.m' Xy: Xonu:r okuw Xd fasuw. Xa d'a:N' N'i:s mo: ds
fin', drsd k'sddx.y. hog f rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xonu:r. iv'iX Xd
k'iX' di:fd. o hccrLy: gov irid' ota: ji:c ort, &rs dn fihxy^, jo: tuw
dd hx(:)i< de. hu.si: fs hein xgds o fxihxy^ er d rsl'd. vi: J'i: Xd
rid' ?vo:r. f jer'uiv w£ :L' fs n fa.iha.% x.gas win a g\N de. dx.n
dX'f'in er fig tamwiL'. hen'ik' liig'd dX'i:s a. wrj^:y Xd f.rdg'd
dn yjeL'xy, pot'i:n' a.gas k'l'st'i.-n I'eihd. yyr d k'l'st'i.-n sd
fot'i:n agds d m'sdl d gid ir. d'eir'i: Xy: Nonu:r Nd fasuw. fo:L'
ort d yjeL'i:, drse:. hog rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xomi:r. w'iX Xd k'iX'
di.f ccgos hofi: s'hein a.g9s 9 yseL'a.y^ d ya.skart' d csl'd. bd vols dn
y&L'o.y^ er' gd mo:r Nan f.ihx.y. wy:l' bwiU er' d y&L'i: ccgds
win' d k'iX di$d. dan dX'fin tamaL fccdd. fee jer'uw hen'i fa n
kuw glxs d t'ayt dX'i:s a wrjr :y^ Xd f.rdg'd, pot'irn dXd b'sdl agds
k'l'st'i:n dXd kru:b I'eicd. ygrsi: n k'l'st'i:n dXsd fot'im agos d
m'sdl d ?id ir'. l's:ni Xy: Nonu:r okuw Xd fasuw. stap, d vahi:
arx.:N, drse:. hog rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xonurr x.gas wxruw idd.
hu.si fd hein' agds d kuw er d Qsl'd, ay X'i: row ay g'r'x.X dXa,
are:lv9 gdd'%: fin. X'i: ha:nuw d ylaiai- g'aruw da l'o:d dr'
yrsek'dX d ymv. vi: igld wo:r er' go mwir'uw dn kuw d. hen'i fd
baL b'ig barn dstie fwi: Xd hx.skilJ . hog fs sa:huw da. ylaiav er d
wx.L wx.rn a.gds df fin trx.sXa f'r'ixl' Xd krid. hit' d kuw
maruw. vi: LTJyazr wo.r er. dan iX'j'in' gd mwsed'in' a.gds
N'i: hen'ik' X'i.s mo:. smwi:n'i: (smwi:t!i:) fd, k'sb'er 'b'ip x.:t' d
den'i fiid 98, gd ro t'iL'uw il'k' Xd X'ei. yl r i fs fi:s gd br\:y
Xd f.rdg'd. ni.L' f fi:s sg' bon d NyL'tf. fudrsd ui d gol fi:s
fwi: N tahiw. yUi fs fi:s fidr dXsj Nui. hen'i f hidr 9 kat
fadd kj^:l glas. d Qsddi: ara.:Xd, drsi:, ward tuw md ru.r yliX'd.
nard turn in j yj/d' fc/.i; xy tx: tutv dnif 9 Xa:t' d X'gnidrdi:
dgdm. a. yyt' urx.:X, drse:, d X'i.d'd ridXd d fwy.r d yyd' el'd
dd dd wqnuw, jo: tisd. hofi: s'hein' a.gds d kat er' d geld, ay
X'i: TOW a;/ f/'r'xX ;>Xsd yyil el' a gdd'%: fin'. alok fs oyta.y.
233
ihuireach annseo go bhfeicidh sibh go de ta da ndeanadh seo beo
aris. .() ni'l aon dhuine dar flian nach robh marbh la air n-a
bharach. Ni imtheachaidh mise, arsa Ceadach, go bhfeicidh me
go de nidheas beo iad. Chuaidh claim an riogh 'un an bbaile 7
d'fhan Ceadach. Nior bhfada do go bhfacaidh se faitheach ag
teacht anios o bhruach na fairge poitin 7 cleitin leis. Chuir se
an cleitin amis an phoitin. Annsin chuir se i mbeal fir e 7 leim
naoi naotibhair ocu na seasadh. Na dean nios m6 de sin, arsa
Ceadach. Thug se ruathar air na naoi naonbhair. Bhain na cinn
diobhtha. O tharlaidli gur troid ata de dhith ort, arsa 'n
faitheach, gheobh tu do shaith de. Thusaigh se fhein 7 an
faitheach air a cheile. Bhi si ann a troid mh6r. Fa dheireadh
bhuail se an faitheach 7 bhain a cheann de. D'fhan annsin air
feadh tamaill. Thainic chuige anios air bhruach na fairge an
chailleach, poitin 7 cleitin leithe. Chuir an cleitin san phoitin 7
i mbeal an chead fhir. D'eirigh naoi naonbhair na seasadh.
F6ill ort a chailligh, arse. Thug ruathar air na naoi naonbhair.
Bhain na cinn diobhtha 7 thoisigh e fhein 7 an chailleach do
choscairt a cheile. Bu mheasa an chailleach air go nior na'n
faitheach. Bhuail buille air an chailligh 7 bhain a ceann dithe.
D'fhan annsin tamall fada. Fa dheireadh chonnaic se an cu jrlas
ag teacht anios o bhruach na fairge, poitin ann a beal 7 cleitin
ann a crub leithe. Chuir si an cleitin amis an phoitin 7 i mbeal
an chead fhir. Leim naoi naonbhair ocu na seasadh. Stop, a
bheathaigh ghranda, arse. Thug ruathar air na naoi naonbhair 7
mbarbh iad. Thusaigh se fhein 7 an cu air a cheile, acht ni robh
acht greann ann a ghraethe go dti sin. Ni dheanfadh a chlaidhimh
gearradh da laghad air chraicionn an chu. Bhi eagla nihor air go
muirfeadh an cu e. Chonnaic se ball beag ban astuigh faoi n-a
h-ascaill. Thug se s/ithadh da chlaidhimh air an bhall bhan 7 as
sin trasna frid n-a croidhe. Thuit an cu marbh. Bhi luthghair
mhor air. D'fhan annsin go maidin 7 ni thainic nios 1116.
Smuainigh (smaoitigh) se, ce b'air bith ait a dtainic siad as, go
robh tilleadh uilc na ndiaidh. Chuaidh se sios go bruach na
fairge. Shiubhail se sios aig bun an aillt. Fuair se uaicrh ag dul
sios faoi an talamh. Chuaidh se sios siar anns an uaigh. Chonnaic
se thiar an cat fada caol glas. A Cheadaigh ghranda, arsi,
mharbhaigh tu mo thriiir chloinne. Mharbhaigh tu mo chuid
fear, acht ta tii anois ann ait an iomorduighthe again. A chait
ghranda, arse, an ide cheadna a fuair an chuid eile de dobhunadh,
gheobh tusa. Thoisigh e fhein 7 an cat air a cheile. Acht ni
robh acht greann amis an chuid eile go dti sin, Ghlac se ochtach.
234
liog fs n wiL' 9wa:ri ddn yla%9V agos hog omay kri: y-f/* s krnogy: n
yjft'. vi: i'vja n'lvd 9 rqboL o yyt '. er' o Kitmri don yat with' fi:
e: Vef 9 N'hjQ n'ivo agos hog omay yri: agos 9 yruogy:. hit' 9
virt' ma/ruw :-</ r) ti:w 9 pel's. yf T 9rti: N9 t'r'i: f'r'\Ns9 g9 wy:rs9d
Nfiid. vi: k'soday agos 9 kat mo.r N9 Ly9 maruw. N'i: hen'ik'
Vo:fi ei/o edir' 9 da.: yj'io. m9 l's:N' fiv, 9rs9 skaic ei:do, Nay
Nen'i:N sdir krio krl/i, dansry n yyt' a.gos kr%9 b'ig Na:d9?-9 m'ir
heiri. hok fad l'o:fo 0N0 wel'9 k'soday. yp-.r'i: n kri9 Na:t'
hein! agos ycrnieL do: 9 N'iokla:N't'o. d'eir'i: N9 hasuw ko sLa.n
9s vi: w'iuw. vi: LUyser ioo:r er vocn. vi: LUyser' er' 9 ri:
agds er' 9 ru:r mak. gdd'e: ta: mwid' 9 gol 9 ja:nuw ? 9rs9 skaic
ci.do. No: 9n ro.yomwid otvel'9 ? N'i: rayy:, drs9 k'soday, g9
r :■/>■' 9 m'ifa wiL' fsd fid b'jo: sN'TJw. yUi fid 9N9 wayir'9. vi:
fdd 9l'ig' ma/ruw. yUorti: k's9day ag9s fu9TS9 sLa?t'i:n drika.yto
fi:s 9r trim' No kxL'i:. hog Vef i: agds f'iL' fad 9ivel r 9. vi:
mo:ra,n karik'a.y9 ax/9s kloyjo gla.s agos ba:n. wy:V k'soda.y iod Ve/
9 diet', d'eir'i fad N9 fxsuw fir' a.g9s mra:, a.Lay ag9s ky.r'i:
ag9s ka/pwiV g9 ro bonuw n ri: b'jo: er'ef. vi: LUyser wo:r er 9
ri: . 9S ko.r du:N' onif col owel'o, orso k'soday I's N9 van. N'i:
a:ko tuw m'ij'9 9 yy:co, ors9 n ri. ofL'ai L'a* ma rihayto 9 yy:r9
a.gos mo vaNa.ytso fost9. fa.r\ :>' huw, 9TS9 k'soday, ta: riha.yto
frir'ayt V'imsd N'i:sfa:r No do rihayto I'ig'. N'i: a:r'i:m L'a\
da:k Jo sLa.:n sg on ri: a.gos sg^ No wonuw. vi: bwy:r'uw mo.r
oruw No jei. xP% or'i.ft' oN frog's, ko wil' mwid gol? orso
skaic ci:dd. vi: LoNdUw mak ri: No d'rodiN'o No yomra:di:
iraie ogomso er fig 9iva.d. ta.:s ogom go wiL' fa ko:r'i: I's sp'i:s9?'i:
?//'> Nah&r' . ta: bwid'aL do N'i9kla:N't'o I'imso. ra.yomwid oNo
d'r'odiN'o a.gos IJ&989 mwid LoNdUw . riN' fad mor du:rs9d. vi:
kui wo:r or ri: No d'r'o:liN'9 N'ei loNdllw. N'i: ro La: r
** o
b'ig Nay N ' a.-.nit^fa tamoL mo:r bwj^rro os k'\N vik'. d'ior
k'eoda.y^ k'ad sk'al, gor d;>ktu:r 9 vi: oN. yomwiU fa N'iok-
1 a: N't' o donja.ruw vi: sdir' k"iN so mwin'al. d'eir'i: LoNdUw
No hasuw. ftd'.nn, gov yodil' m'd, orse:. 9s maie ivarud ', orsd
n ri:, a.gos tuw maruw I's fayt m'l'ioNo. cs9di:, vik' ri: No
dola%, do csod m'i:l'a fa,:Ut'o, -jeraxfk'i: alin . yUo m'ifa 0N0
dd:n' her' 9 do warovio. hen'i tiso N'i:s fwid'o I's m'if ja:nu?v
•J.).)
Thug se aon bhuille amhain de'n chlaidhimh 7 thug ainach croidhe
7 crubhogai an cliait. Bin ionga neirahe i ruball an chait. Air
thuitim du'n chat bhuail si e leis an ionga neimhe 7 thug ainach a
chroidhe 7 a chrubhogaf. Thuit an bheirt marbh aig taobh a
cheile. Chuartaigh na tri phrionnsa go bhfuair siad an uaigh.
Bhi Ceadach 7 an cat mor na luighe marbh. Ni thainic leobhtha
aithne eadair an da chroidhe. Mo lean sibh, arsa Scaith Shioda,
nach n-aithnigheann eadair croidhe crnaidh, danardha an chait 7
croidhe beag nadiirtha ni'fhir fhein. Thug siad leobhtha '1111 an
bhaile Ceadach. Choirigh an croidhe ann a ait fhein 7 clnunail
do an iocshlainte. D'eirigh 71a sheasadh comh slan 7 bhi ariainh.
Bhi luthghair mhor air a bhean. Bhi luthghair air an ri 7 air a
thriur mac. Go de ta muid ag dul da dheanadh 1 arsa Scaith
Shioda. No an rachaidh muid abhaile? Ni rachaidh, arsa Ceadach,
go bhfeicidh mise bhfuil siad siud beo aniu. Chuaid siad 'un an
mhachaire. Bhi siad uilig marbh. Chuartaigh Ceadach 7 fuair
se slaitin draoitheachta sios air dhruim na caillighe. Thug leis i
7 phill siad abhaile. Bhi mo ran carraiceacha 7 clocha glas 7 ban.
Bhuail Ceadach iad leis an tslait. D'eirigh siad na seasadh fir 7
nana, eallach 7 caoirigh 7 capaill go robh bunadh an riogh beo air
ais. Bhi luthghair mhor air an ri. Is coir diiinn anois do dhul
abhaile, arsa Ceadach le n-a bhean. Ni fhagiaidh tu mise a
choidche, arsa 'n ri. Is leat leath mo rioghachta a choidhche 7
mo bheannacht-sa fosta. Faraor thu, arsa Ceadach, ta rioghachta
ag fuireacht liomsa nios fearr na do rioghachta uilig. Ni airighim
an leath. D'fhag se slan aig an ri 7 aig n-a bhunadh. Bhi
buaidhreadh mor orrthu na dhiaidh. Chuaidh aris 'un fairge. Ca
bhfuil muid ag dul \ arsa Scaith Shioda. Bhi Lonndubh mac ri na
Dreolainne na chomradaidh mhaith agamsaair feadh i bhfad. Ta.
fnios agam go bhfuil se coirighthe le spiosarai aig n-a athair.
Tc't buideal de'n iocshlainte liomsa. Rachaidh muid 'un na
Dreolainne 7 leigheasfaidh muid Lonndubh. Rinne siad mar
dubhairt siad. Bhi cumhaidh mhor air ri na Dreolainne i ndiaidh
Lonndubh. Ni robh la, air bith nach ndeanadh se tamall mor
buaidheartha os ceann a mhic. D'iarr C6adach cead a fheiceal,
gnr doctuir a bhi ann. Chumail se an iocshlainte do'n ghearradh
a bhi eadair an ceann 7 an muineal. D'eirigh Lonndubh na
sheasadh. Saoilim gur chodail me, arse. Is maith an bharr-
amhail, arsa 'n ri, 7 tu marbh le seacht inbliadhna. A Cheadaigh,
mhic riogh na dTulach, do chead mile failte, a dheaghghaiscidhigh
ghlain. Chuaidh mise 'un an domhain fchoir do do mharbhadh.
Thainic tusa nios fuide le mise do dheanadh boo. Ni scarf aid I) tu
286
b'jo:. X'i: skocra tuw Vim 9 yy-'CO- fuir 9 ri: sj^:l u:r, Xer' 9
hen'i f,> ,< wok b'jo:. da:y k' today sLa:n ohtw ag9s yUi 9r'i:ft'
oX far9y\>. /fo >r\L tuw yol? itrsd skair ri.do. a van, rayd m'if
9nif yo heir'iX', yd vsk'o mivid' f'iN ?va ku:L' a.yos 9 wonuw.
hen'ik' yd heir'iX'. ?-'iX' fiX J"e9st9 morr 9 Xonor ds csada/v
agos da van. Xer 9 vi: n f'sosto hart, durrt' k'eoday, 9S mih9
du:X' 9 gol 9X9 wel'9 g9 vsk'9 mtvid' y9d'e: mar ta: maheer ag9s mo
waJiser' ay9s m9 wonuw Wig'. go:L' fod 9X9 dolay. Xer' 9 hen'ik'
9 fanri: 9 walk agos 9 wanfr'iXso 9Xs 9 wel'9, hobwir y9 wi:&) fo
ba:s d&N LUyxr. r'iX' f9 fs9st9 ay9S banif wo:r Ve X9 wak
ag98 9 ivanf'r"\Xs9. Xer 9 vi: 9n ivanif hart, koraniuiv k's9day
9 rihaytj X9 dolay. yjx, J 9 sj^.l p'l'eifu:r9. ta: iorav 9X9
b'l'eiJu.T ay9S 9 807198 dN'firi ggd'i: X La: 9X'Utv\
L'acfort' Nd var mo:r.
vi: gavd'i:n gd.no X9 yo:ni: er 9 da:rXy: sg^ tiuw aorfaneil'9.
Xi: ro g&J'k'iay or' b'ig 89 rxX'o:rpo k'r'ioyni:, go vja:t^ fo 9
yjjd' ir'im 9 aavd'i:n go:no agos ku:rso fjodamfd. hen'ik' 9X
La.: warn' kuryoliX' iX'fer' g9 wa:t^ jo 9 yu:rs9 geefk'udayt
k'r'ioyni: . X'i: ha:nod, 9rs9 gavd'irn' go:no. hoy bohr Vef o
alsef (javtiXo w^:m l's t'r'soX La:vo. ma: v'ir tuw or'ef 9 alsef
aavl'iXo, jarijo m'ij'9 d9 are: ho. vs:ro m'if i: ere/] 9rs9 kuryoliX'.
d'im'i: g9 tori:, Xa:t' 9 ro kiej'L'an wolir'. Xer' hen'i fo go
br^.y X9 farog'9, ala.k f igh r\v9 wolor a.g9S yo:r'i: hein
X'eid'uxv mra: . yUi fo ftay. d'iX'if do violdr g9r ygmra:di: i:
da u'i:n. ula.k X'%9n wolir e: mor ygmra:di:. vi:tfi Jbd 9 fu:l
a.gos o ko.ra: . bo aer'id' g9 ro:s sg^ X'i9n wodir' g9r far 9 vi:
<>Xj kgmrar.di: . hlffl fi: g9 mo:r 9 tfra: Vef. ayd' X'ion wa.Hr
ag9s kuryoliX' qIxJ acLvV'iNd 9Xs9 Xt:rg ag9s hog oft' ay 9r t'i:r'
mo.r i:. La.y&rNd'wa.wa.'Y yroni: bohr 9 wo:. VeeX' fo kuryoliX'.
t'a.yt oX'i:s X9 roso, hen'i fo ku:ygliX' wad vivo, vi: su:L' X'ivo
sg' bolor. Xer noytot^ f i:, 9 rid rod 9 Ndmwvr'k'ay?ffl fo er' ,
fk'r'is9t^ fo e:. da~iw9rs9 9X'ei yuryqliX' . ay fe: X taluw on
rid rod o hen'i fo. riX' fin 9 taluw d'ar9g ag9s ta: X da fin
er' 9 t'i:r son 'win. Xer 9 hen'ik' ku:yqliX' ad Ve gavd'i:n
237
lioni a choidhche. Fuair an ri saoghal iir, nuair ehonnaic se a
mhac beo. D'fhag Ceadach shin ocu 7 chuaidh arfs 'un fairge. C;i
bhfuil tii ag dul ? arsa Scaith Shioda. A bhean, rachaidh ini.s<'
anois go h-Eirinn go lthfeicfidh niuid Fiona mac Cumhaill 7 a
bhunadh. Thainic go h-Eirinn. Rinne Fionn feasta ni6r ami
onoir do Cheadach 7 da bhean. Nuair bhi an feasta thart,
dubhairt Ceadach, is inithid diiinn do dhul 'un an bliaile go
bhfeicidh niuid go de mar ta m'athair 7 1110 mhathair 7 mo
bhunadh uilig. Sheol siad 'un na dTulach. Nuair ehonnaic
an seanri a mhac 7 an bhanphrionnsa aims an bhaile, dh'fhobair
go bhfuigheadh se b.is de'n luthghair. Rinne se feasta 7 banais
mhor le 11 a mhac 7 an bhanphrionnsa. Nuair bhi an bhanais
thart, coronaigheadh Ceadach i rioghachta na dTulach. Chaith
se saoghal pleisiurdha. Tii a iarraimh aim bpleisiiir 7 i sonas
annsin 2:0 dti an la aniu.
» v
Leadairt na bhfear mor.
Bhi Gaibhdin Gabhna na chomhnuidhe air an Darnai aig
taobh Dhuncaueile. Ni robh gaiscidheach air bith san rann
Eorpa criochnaighthe, go bhfaghadh se a chuid airm o Ghaibhdin
Gabhna 7 ciirsa feoghluime. Thainic aon la amhain Ciichulainn
aunsair go bhfaghadh se a chiirsa gaisceamhlacht criochnaighthe.
Ni gheanfad, arsa Gaibhdin Gabhna. Thug Balar leis an Ghlais
Ghaibhleanna uam le trean laimhe. Ma bheir tii air ais an
Ghlais Ghaibhleanna, gheanfaidh mise do ghraethe. Bhearfaidh
inise i air ais, arsa Ciichulainn. D'imthigh go Toraigh, an ait i
robh caislean Bhalair. Nuair thainic se go bruach na fairge,
ghlac se eagla roimhe Bhalar 7 choirigh e fhein aim eideadh mna.
Chuaidh se asteach. D'innis do Bhalar gur chomradaidhe i da
nighin. Ghlac nighean Bholair e mar chomradaidhe. Bhidheadh
siad ag siubhal 7 ag comhradh. Bu ghoirid go robh fhios aig
nighean Bhalair gur fear bhi ami a comradaidhe. Thuit si go
mor i ngradh leis. Ghuid nighean Bhalair 7 Ciichulainn an
Ghlais Ghaibhleanna aims an oidhche 7 thug asteach air tir
moir i. La air 11-a bharach chrunthaigh Balar a bho. Lean se
Ciichulainn. Ag teacht anios na Rosa, ehonnaic se Cuchulainn
i bhfad roimhe. Bhi suil neimhe aig Balar. Nuair nochtadh
s^ i, an chead rud da n-amhairceachadh se air, scriosfadh se e.
D'amhairc se i ndiaidh Cluichulainn. Acht is e an talamh an
chead rud a ehonnaic se. Rinne sin an talamh dearg 7 ta an
dath sin air an tir siu o shoin. Nuair thainic Ciichulainn fhad
238
go:ua ayas 9 wa: l'ej\ vi: LUyjer' wo:r 9r' <^avd'i:ri a,yas riX' fa
f'sasta mo:r da: hein ayas da yu:yoliX '. eg' d'er'uw N'sasta d'iarsa
er ' yu:yj>JiX' fksal iX'ja do: aX ti:w ojxs. du:rt' ku:yoliX' Nay
d'ikuw l'ef f 'in aja.nuw agas din &r' b'i<; el' 9 va y'eij't'ccy(t). gland
m'ij'.> X' t'xy, i>rsd gavd'i:n. do:rdi J'a mxy^ ro a ai:n'i: sa t'ay.
vi: N'ion nj gccvd'i:ri agos X'i: Jiamay a yJUi J'i ay a wolay a yu:l
a darif. ha/i: ku:yoliN' a jiX'j'a J'k'eil' ayas du:rt' ya den'ik' kwad
ku:n' vjjas kola er aX La: wa:n', ya woky: fa Lgr t a tarX'l' hig'a
(hig'a) as a Xa:rd' Mar. yard -an'veid' aXsa Lyji, a X'ctr awd:n er
bo.rd ayas ya deu'i J'i: ko ya.sta, Xcty ro mai I'ef t'ecuw. l'e:m
fa ma.y^ as a Lyji ayas •baby i'ef vi: n ivalay mo:r ar'eir' a X'ir'
ayas Xa Li/jia. hen'ik' aX'i:s ayas aX kseX't'a l's ku:yoliX'.
d'iaj H: aX' d'ikuw I'ef g'l'eds bripa x:L dan ivahy'. vi: kual yoXy:
hayt m'l'ian ayas kar'a a irririnr Jx.yt mokd, J'ayt mwiL't' ayas
f'J.yt marl'. hefaN do: n yual ynXy:. y[>rsa a ua.: la:v
aya.-di./ridir,/. Jiog I'ef ayas da.y y: X'as dan walay'. hen'ik'
ar'ej ayas rqg er a yor'd. hog I'ef ayas <h.:g a kar'a Xa Ida er a
yual. fylak a ylaxav ayas alan 9 walay ayas yor sa yar' i:. vi: X' .
t'in'i mo:r ayas ba ger'id' ya ro: X'o.i' brit'a. -hi fi:s x.yas hu.si:
jica Xa f'o.ia, yar i fa marau. rog er' q:rk Xa balay'a ayas hu.si:
fa ga:l a tuw. Xer' a <lo:L j'a ho.(:)i<; ayas d'i fa ha(:)ir, yx J'a
v)[aXo:rk. 1tit { "> J'i: ar a vx:r yj^:l ayas yUi J'i: g'itd mo:r a
doluiv. nij\ ars an f'a.r nio.T, tot,: Xa.wid' ma jeisa, far el' a tx.:
</-> mo:r X'i.s mo: Xa m'ifa l's ma woj-awa. a X'a,:/ia kwad dU>e
ayas yau a I'iy'an aram a yyX'asf, yjL'ayiX' X'sal, Xer ata,: ma
hy.(:)ir it' ayani ayas ma ha(:)ir a.Lta, a wa:X' X'sal koLata. X'irr
yj.idW m'a a N's:L' L'a fxyt X y:<;a ayas Jayt La.: agas a far mo:r
ma jei. a wo.:X' X'sal 9 yoLuw, J'i.iam ya m'eiX' a:baLt 9 rid'.
ja.L kn:yohX da: ga g'ivadit^ J'a. ma,: vi:m dazl'i: icoskluw, arse:,
y'a:r a Lg:r viy di:m. hi/S'^J'a Xa yoLuw ayas hi:l'a ya da.rN 'ayat^
fa go,: hy:w a do.n er' a esl'a l's sraXJ'wi: . a k'iX tamiviL' hen'ik'
kmyoliX' 9 Zf?r ; wo:r a t'ayt. X'i: ro Lor) 9 c'id ahi: ay mar va,u
kaj>an a yomortaj' L'ef a Lyji jer'aXy: . yrse. fa nfadia.y. a.y X'i:
hen'ik' l'ef a wosklwe. hxrN' fa a yloiav ayas win a Lo:r via de
l's bvriL'a mo.r. d'eir'i: J'a aXa hocsuw. Xi: row aX ay ga ro J'e
239
If Gaibhdin Gabhna 7 an bho leis, bhi Luthghair mhor air
GhaibhdiD 7 rinne se feasta m<5r dd fheiu 7 do Chuchulainn.
Aig deireadh an fheasta d'iaiT se air Chuchulainn sceal do innse
do o'il taobh o dheas. Dubhairt Cuchulainn oacb dtiocfadh leis
sin do dheanadh 7 duine air bith eile do bheith ag eisteacht.
Glanfaidh mise an teach, arsa Gaibhdin. D'6rdaigh se aniach a
robh de dhaoini san teach. Blii nighean aig Gaibhdin 7 ni
h-araach chuaidh si aclit i bhfolach i gciil an dorais. Thoisiidi
Ciichulainn do innse seeil 7 dubhairt go dtainic coimhead cuain
7 cala air aon hi amhain, go bhfacaidh se long ag tairnt chuigc
as an aircl thiar. Go robh an-mheid amis an luiiur, aon fhear
amhain air b6rd 7 go dtainic si corah gasta, nach robh maith leis
teicheadh. Leim se aniach as an luing 7 bolog leis. Bhi an
bholog mor do reir an fhir 7 na luinge. Thainic anios 7 'mi
cainte le Ciichulainn. D'fhiafraigh an dtiocfadh leis gleas bruithe
do fhaghail do'n hholoig. Bhi cual chonnaidh sheacht mbliadhan
7 coirc a bhruithfeadh seacht muca, seacht muilt 7 seacht mairt.
Theiseain do an chual chonnaidh. Chuir se a dha laimh (g)ach
f;i dtaobh dithe. Thug leis 7 d'fhag i neas do'n hholoig. Thainic
air ais 7 rug air an choire. Thug leis 7 d'fhag an coire na shuidbe
air an chual. Ghlac a chlaidhinih 7 ghlan an bholog 7 chuir san
choire i. Bhi an teini nior 7 bu ghoirid go robh an fheoil
bruithte. Shuidh sios 7 thusaigh d'ithe na feola, gur ith se
nioran. Rug air adharc na boloige 7 thusaigh se do 61 an tsugh.
Nuair d'ol se a shaith 7 d'ith se a shaith, chaith se uadh an adharc.
Thuit si air an bharr chaol 7 chuaidh si giota nior i dtalamh.
Anois, arsa an fear mor, ta nam h aid mo dhiaidh-sa, fear eile ta
go mor nios 1116 na mise le 1110 mharbhadh. Da ndeantlia
coimhead domh 7 gan e do leigean orm a gan fhios(t) choidlea-
cliainn neal, nuair ata mo shaith ithte again 7 mo shaith olta, da
bhfaghainn neal codlata. Nior chodail me aon neal le seacht
n-oidhche 7 seacht la 7 an fear mor mo dhiaidh. Da bhfaghainn
neal do chodladh, saoilim go mbeidhinn abalta do throid. Gheall
Ciichulainn do go gcoiniheadadh se. Ma bhidhim doiligh do
nihuscladh, arse, gearr an ladhar bheag diom. Thuit se na
chodladh 7 shaoilthea go tairngeachadh se dha thaobh an domhain
air a cheile le srannfaoi. Aig ceann tamaill chonnaic Cuchulainn
an long mh6r ag teacht. Ni robh long an chead fhathaigh acht
mar bheidheadh copan i gcomortas leis an luing dheireannaigh.
Chraith se an fathach. Acht ni thainic leis e do nihuscladh.
Thairng se a chlaidhinih 7 bhain an ladhar bheag de le buille
mor. D'eirigh se aim a sheasadh. Ni robh ami acht go robh
240
<^2 hxsuw xyasfwi: xram, Xer' a vi: a fx.y mo.r a Lxhier'. ha:si:
X' L'oufort'. X'i: xkas a Vehad' ar'iuw 9 X'eiriX'. vi: kgmuw ar
9 Xx:y wo.r, yd m'eiW fa -rora&aLt eg' 9 eld xr. vi: X'i.-s mo:
px.v ty ku.yoliX' L'ef 9 rid xr. hxrX' d ylxiav xgas ho/i: 9
W£:luw 9 X'ir wo.r'. X'i: row aN xy^ ya deu'ik' l'ef sriruw <j9
m'ccL 9 yas. mar san hein, vi: J'9 kor fir if 9r' 9 X'xr wo.r.
yorsa hxrt 9 lx{:)uw. fwy.rsa y'r'ini er'. hx(:)i J'9 SU9S fwi: Xa
veL't' 9. vi: f'arag er yu:yoliX' xy9s hu:si: fo jxruw Xa b'eL't'a.
fx jer uw fwy.rsa 9 fxruw. Xer' a y'xruw n veL't!, Kit' ku:yoliX'
aX tx/'iv. X'i: wy:rsa 9X' L'iguw ar'iuw ko mo.r l'ef. vi: X'i.s
mo: fir if er' Xx vi: arlva xy9s vi: j'9 kyr' jiarayni: er 9 X'xr wo.r.
yorsa hxrt 9 ld(:)uw. rog fa er xyds ya. • fo fiar 9 mxyir a. fs
Xx:t' ar' hit { "> fa er wpLxy a riX' fi:s a Xo:rk Xa bohg'a. Xer' 9
yuali: X'iau yxvd'i.X' fa, I'iy fi: ga:r'a mo.r 9 yu:l 9 dorif X'i:
kii:yj>liX' 1)9 yp:r 9 va art sa Xx»i fin', arsi:, xy kuw X9 heir k' a.
ma wa.La.yt art, arsa ku.yoliX', xgas er' wrx: Xa heir'aXa. tx: X'
Jk'zal kxL't'a. vi: t'r'iaX da hxnayask Xa heir'aXa a viaXyxyt,
t'r'ian a fk 'salixyt xyas t'r'ian ar I'xdart' Xa vxr mo.r. Xi: ylin'xr
yj brx.y 9 l'a h'iyla ya gl'infi: ko dona as d'eir'i: dv:sa. keeL'uiv n
yjjd' el'a daX' fk'sal.
Xx t'r'i: diU xyas a fovxli:r a mwsel'ok'l ia.
-tx: :tomaL 'ger'id' :hin ] -vi: ■t'r'i: 'diL' a mwed'x'k'l'ia \
ba:je: •Xobwir' 'gxy 'Lx: \ a :g"iri: Xa 'deir'k'a \\ -Lx: a'wa.:ri
'x:r'it' ' 'yxs dod:cel'a Xx 't'r'i: •bxky: j er 'qreead nvsel'x'k'l'ia |
-vi: -en! -okuw -er a :rel'a \\ -vi: -ko diadxy er a 'well a \ s ya
•dcuik' -l'ef a 'N'il'a -gin' :akuw | 'hxyt aXa -hi: -vig -hein
:troc'no:na \\ -vi: X' 't'r'u:r a :d'xnuw •mwser'iyni: \ er ko 'halk
oug98 ■d'eir'i X -Lx.: d'afa \\ vi: fsvali.r a :gol a 'vodi: \\ •smwi:t'i:
f ga ■X'xnit ( ' ) f> -g'r'xX :oruw \\ -vi: 'en' egW Xa -diL' :er | xgas
as 'm'in'ik' a :hog fa 'ssr'ag'ad :do:fa \\ -d'iafri: f :di:fa ga:d'e: mar
'vi: -fad \\ :du:rsiad ya :ro yd 'hoik \ -Xxy :wu:rsad 'p"iktu:r Xa
'bx:nri:n a'X'Uiv \\ •d'iafri: fa a :X'xnuw 'poNta :mai :do:fa \ -xyas
:du:r :siad ya :X'xijuw 'Xil'a -cin'xl "inxv; || .fo :di:v 'poXt ,>r:se: \\
ylxniy'i: mar 'rg: .rod :l'ef \\ 'hi:n' '.gcny^ '{ :n daX' 't'r'u:r <>mxy
■> 'lx: nit: -x.yrjs :X'i:r :yo_rso 'dxxli: zr 'Ix.v er 'bic || :nif ar:se: j
241
se ann a sheasadh 7 faoi arm, nuair bhi an fathach m6r i lathair.
Thusaigh an leadairt. Ni fhacas a leitheid ariamh i n-Eirinn.
Bhi cumadh air an fhathach mhor, go mbeidheadh se ro-abalta
aig an chead fhear. Bhi nios mo de dhaimh aig Cuchulainn leis
an chead fhear. Thairng a chlaidhimh 7 thoisigh do bhualadh
an fhir mhoir. Ni robh ann acht go dtainic leis sroicheadh go
meall a clios. Mar sin fhein, bin se cur feirge air an fhear mhor.
Chuir se thart a laiuh. Puair se greim air. Shaith se suas faoi
n-a bheilt e. Bhi fearg air Chuchulainn 7 thusaigh se do
ghearradh na beilte. Fa dheireadh fuair se a gearradh. Nuair
gearradb an bheilt, thuit Cuchulainn 'un talaimh. Ni fhuair s6
aon leagadh ariamh comh mor leis. Bhi nios mo feirge air na
bhi aroimhe 7 bhi se cuir iargnuidh air an fhear mhor. Chuir se
thart a h'niih. Rug se air 7 chaith se siar an machaire e. Is e
an ait ar thuit se air mhullach a chinn sios ann adharc na boloige.
Nuair chualaidh nighean Ghaibhdin, leig si gaire mor i gciil an
dorais. Ni Cuchulainn bu choir do bheith ort san am sin, arsi,
acht Cii na h-Adhairce. Mo mhallacht ort, arsa Cuchulainn, 7
air mhna na h-Eireanna. Ta an sceal caillte. Bhi trian de
sheanchas(c) na h-Eireanna i bhfiannaigheacht, trian i scealaigh-
eacht, trian air leadairt na bhfear mor. Ni chluinfear go
brathach e le h-easda jjo sjcluinfidhe comh dona as d'eirigh
dondisa. Cailleadh an chuid eile de'n sceal.
Na tri daill 7 an Chevali&r i niBaile-atha-cliath.
Ta tamall goirid o shoin bhi tri daill i mBaile-atlia-cliath.
Budh e a n-obair gach la ag iarraidh na deirce. La amhain
airite chas da cheile na tri bacaigh air dhroichead Bhaile-atha-
Cliath. Bhi aithne ocu air a cheile. Bhi co heolach air an bhaile
's go dtainic leis an uile dhuine ocu 'theacht 'un a thighe bhig
fhein trathnona. Bhi an trivir ag deanamh mairignigh air co hole
7 d'eirigh an la leobhtha. Bhi chevalier ag dul an bhealaigh.
Smaoitidh se go ndeanfadh se greann orthii. Bhi aithne aig na
daill air 7 is minic a thug se airgead ddbhtha. D'fhiafruigh se
diolihtha goide mar bhi siad. Dubhairt siad go rabh go hole, nach
bhfuair siad pioctur na banrioghan aniu. D'fhiafruigh se an
ndeanfadh punta maith dobhtha 7 dubhairt siad go ndeanfadh an
uile cluneal maith. Seo dibh punta arse. Deanaigidh bhur rogha
rud leis. Shin gach aon de'n triur amach a lamh 7 nior chuir se
dadai air laimh air bith. Anois, arse, deanaigidh bhur rogha rud
Q. 1G
242
rctanig'i: mar -ro: :rod :l'ef -fin' 'cu:L' fs 'Vef ogas 'da:g
:iad 'hi:V :ga.% \\ :n daN' •t'r'u.-r' \ ga -ro N -poNta zg' :din
:i:N'Vay^ 'el' :okuw || yorsad moron pweed'r'o.ya o.gas b'o.No.yti:
Vef ag9S du:rt' gar waic a go:ni: a. yim'o.d fe iad ga vzk'it^ fa
gad'e: jo.:na#\fiad. Ner ato.: n poNt agiN ', arsa for dd Na dilf,
gad'e: ja:ija mwid' Vef? to.: ko:t a jie oramsa, arsa four da No.
diU. to: bro:g a jit; oramsa, arsa for el'a. to: via vr'ikfasta a
ji<; oramsa, arsa N' t'r'icuw do.L. to/, er m'r'ik'fosta a jie oriN'
al'ig'. N'i:r' i mwid' an. jr'ini aN'TJw. den'm'n'i: fiad V o.y a:sta
a wi:ffl fiad a m'r'ikfosta. yui fad ga t'oy a No:sta. d'iN'if ga
ro j)oNt okuw agas b'r'ikfosta mo.ie a hort do.fa. Ner a alok fiad
a m'r'ik'fosta du:rt' far okuw, o. lio.rLy: gar yyr d'ia n poNt
iN'foruw, gar yo:r do.fa gliN' o:l. fuarsad t'r'i: otiN' ifk'a vo.ha
o.gas d'eir'i: n blcef N'i: b ' o.:r er o.gas d'iarsad t'r'u.T ri'a. doiL'
fiad gar hiN'fiuiv do.fa No.y ro N'i.s mo: Vs fo:V, ga ro Luay a
fgNt okuw. d'i:L' fin, arsa far da No. diL ' . d'i:L' fin, arsa
far el'a. d'i:L' fin, arsa N' t'r'iruw far. mav Vef a foNta,
arsa for Na to.:varN'a. to: d'ef'r oramsa, vi: N tonos aN. N'i:
ro n fi:N' Vz fo.:V. vi: fox Na to:varN'a a virig' ' . vi: fa kyr
pu:dir aN o. yyd' fsasog'a ga d'eid^ fa fo. yjjN' an foli:s, ga
gyriffl fa aNa f'r'i:su:n iad. aNsa wqmivit'a hen'ik' a fsvo.li:r
aft'o.y o.gas du:rt' Vef ga ro sigart er a tvel'a vi: d'eir'k'o.y o.gas ga
N'i:lat^ fa N taer'ag'ad er' lion Na mo.ky:. 'ro.ya ma liein Vo.t ogas
Lorr'a ma Vef a tigart. vi: oJiom er o.r Na to:varN'a. ylli a virt'
ga t 'o.y a tigart'. fuarsad fk'zal aN'fin ga ro N sigart a d'oy a
fobwiV. yUi & virt' ga t'o.y^ a fobwiV. vi: N sigart er' a NoLtor' a
gol a l'z:uw of'r'iN'. yfi v fzvo.li:r suas er a No.Ltor' ogas du:rt'
I'ff a tigart ga ro d'ni ,> b'r'za aN'fin o.y ga ro fz t'iN' o. N'oli: ogas
ga den'ifa a jiri: er a tigart orNy: ro.: do:. dn:rV a sigart ga m'zt^
fin' k'o.rt aN'e:i Nofr'iN'. hen'ik' a fsvoli:r aNuas ogas du:rsa,
fo.n his iN'fo ogas jo: tuw da foNt aN'e:i Nofr'iN'. Ner' a vi: N
taf'r'aN ro.:t',i, yraic ,> sigart a vz:r er o.r Na to.:varN'j ho.yt
'.\"i:s. du.rV a sigart — go: ar da qlu:n'a. du:rt' far Na
to.:varN'a — viiL tuw gol a hort duw N tser'ag'id' ? du:rt' a sigart
ar'i.fV — go: ->r da alu:n'a. du:rif far Na toivarN' a—wiL tuw gal
a hart duw u foNta? vi: sLat jal eg' a tigart o.g*s wniL fa far
248
leis sin. Sbiubbail so leis 7 d'fhag iad. Shaoil gacfa aon de'n
triur go rabh an puuta ag duine eiginteach eile ocu. Chuir siad
liHiran piiidn aclia 7 beannachtai leis 7 dubhairt gur mhaitb i
gcomhnaidhe <'•. Choimhead se iad go bhfeicfeadh se guide
dheanfadh siad. Nuair ata an punta againn, arsa fear de na
daill, goide dheanfaidh muid leis ] Ta cota de dhith ormsa, arsa
fear de 1 1 a daill. Ta broga de dhith ormsa, arsa fear eile. Ta 1110
bhricfeasta de dhith ormsa arsa an tricheadh dall. Ta ar mbric-
feasta de dhith orainn uilig. Nior ith muid aon ghreim aniu.
D'ainmnigh siad teach osta i bhfuigheadh siad a mbricfeasta.
Chuaidh siad go teach an osta. D'innis go rabh punta ocu 7
bricfeasta maith do thabhairt dobhtha. Nuair do ghlac siad a
mbricfeasta dubhairt fear ocu, o tharlaidh gur chuir Dia an punta
inseorthu, gur chuir dobhtha gloinne 61. Fhuair siad tri ghloinne
uisce bheatha 7 d'eirigh an bias ni b'fhearr air 7 d'iarr siad triur
eile. D'ol siad gur hinnsigheadh dobhtha nach rabh nios mo le
faghail, go rabh luach an phunta ocu. Diol sin, arsa fear de na
daill. Diol sin, arsa fear eile. Diol sin, arsa an tricheadh fear.
Amach leis an phunta, arsa fear na taibheirne. Ta deifre ormsa.
Bin an t-anas ami. Ni rabh aon phinginn le faghail. Bin fear
na taibheirne i bhfeirg. Bhi se ag cur piidair ann a chuid
feasoige go dteidheadh se fa choinne an pholice, go gcuireadh se
'un an phriosiiin iad. Anns an bhomaite thainic an chevalier'
isteach 7 duljhairt leis go rabh sagart air an bhaile do bin'
deirceach 7 go ndiolfadh se an tairgead air shon na mbacaigh.
Rachaidh me fhein leat 7 labhairfidh me leis an fcsagart. Bin
athas air fhear na taibheirne. Chuaidh an bheirt go teach an
tsagairt. Fuair siad sceala annsin go rabh an sagart i dteach an
pbobail. Chuaidh an bheirt go teach an phobail. Bin' an sagart
air an altoir ag dul do leigheadh aifrinn. Chuaidh an chevalier
suas air an altoir 7 dubhairt leis an tsagart go rabh duine breagh
annsin acht go rabh se tinn o'n ghealaigh 7 go dtainic se do
iarraidh air an tsagart urnaigb radh do. Dubhairt an sagart go
mbeidheadh sin ceart i ndiaidh an aifrinn. Thainic an chevalier
anuas 7 dubhairt se, fan thusa annseo 7 gheobh tii do phunta
i ndiaidh an aifrinn. Nuair do bin' an t-aifreann raidhte, chraith
an sagart a mhear air fhear na taibheirne theacht ani'os. Dubhairt
an sagart — gabh air do ghluine. Dubhairt fear na taibheirne —
bhfuil tii ag dul do thabhairt domh an tairgid ? Dubhairt an
sagart ari'st — gabh air do ghluine. Dubhairt fear na taibheirne —
bhfuil tu ag dul do thabhairt domh an phunta 1 Bin' slat gheal
aig an tsagart 7 bhuail se fear na taibheirne air a bhlagbid 7
244
-A 9 tx:v<>rN'd er x wlxgod' xgos du:rs9 — go: &r (h alu:n snif. hog
J xr Xo ta.:v9rN'd ^l(oi) er a doros xgos rxh <> s'igort go dogdffl fd
r'ef d. a% d'im'i: f'xr Nd tx:vdrN'd. vi: j\ vir'ig' xgos » to:rt!
m\N<) mo:r. Ner 9 herii fd &wel'y, N'i: ro fsvxli:r Nx dxL Nx
baka.% Vs. fx:l' sg'o Nx f'is k'x d'xyj, fdd.
245
dubhairt se — gabh air do ghluine anois. Thug fear na taibheirne
a aghaidh air an dorus 7 reatli an sagart go dtugadh s<' araia e.
Acht d'imthigh fear Da taibheirne. Bhi s< ; i bhfeirg 7 ag tabhairt
mionna mor. Nuair thainic s^ abhaile, 111 rabh chevalier na dall
na bacach le faghail aige na fios ca deachiiiclh siad.
247
NOTES ON THE TEXTS.
Aindrias an Ime (p. 15)0).
J. H. relates this incident as having happened to an ancestor
of his own. J. H.'s father was Andy son of Harry son of
Seaghan the poet son of Aindrias Mor an Tme. Note the local
colouring on p. 198 11. 38, 40 where feuch in the sense of 'look'
and l'oc, 'pay', are both Connaught words.
p. 198 1. 5 Ta me ar togail, locally 'T am a-lif ting ' = ' I am
badly nourished'. The phrase is stated to refer to cattle which
were so weak at the end of winter that they had to be assisted
out of the byre.
Eamonn Ua Ciorrthais (p. 200).
This story seems to be well known throughout Ulster. Lloyd
has published it in his Sgealaidhe Oirghiall under the title of
Aodh Beag O Leabharcha (p. 1).
p. 203 1. 39 fir fagliail. I do not understand this phrase
and J. H. was unable to throw any light upon it.
Sceal Gliiolla na gCochall Craicionn (p. 215).
Some of the episodes of this tale are well known in Scotland
and the north of Ireland. Larminie gives substantially the same
story under the title of 'King Mananaun ' in his 'West Irish
Folk-tales' (p. 64) and there is a story called ' Gille nan Cochla-
Craicinn ' in 'Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition' vol. iii,
'Folk and Hero Talcs from Argyllshire' (p. 42).
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