A DIALECT OF DONEGAL CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, C. F. CLAY, Manager. ILonfcon : FETTEB LANE, E.C. ©lasgoto: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. ILctpitg: F. A. BROCKHAUS. faeto gork: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. Bombag ant) Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. [All Rights reserved.] A DIALECT OF DONEGAL BEING THE SPEECH OF MEENAWANNIA IN THE PARISH OF GLENTIES PHONOLOGY AND TEXTS BY E. C. QUIGGIN, FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE CAMBRIDGE : at the University Press 1906 Cambrtogc : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. ?3 12.12 PREFACE. TI^HE present sketch is the first serious attempt at a -**- scientific description of a northern dialect of Irish. Phonetic decay seems to have set in all over the Gaelic- speaking area ; and consequently it is imperative that during the next ten or fifteen years every effort should be made to obtain scientific records of the speech of persons born before the famine who still have a firm grip of the vernacular. As a general rule the speech of the younger people is of little or no value to those who are trying to unravel the mysteries of Old and Middle Irish orthography, and unfortunately, what- ever the Gaelic League may accomplish, it cannot preserve the vanishing- sounds and shades of sounds of the older generation. Indeed I have been forcibly impressed with the great differences noticeable between speakers of different ages — a fact which is in large measure responsible for the publication of the material which I have collected during the last three years. Within this period I have fortunately been able to visit Donegal on several occasions ; in addition to two long summers I have paid three brief visits to the county, and have thus had the inestimable advantage of allowing the dialect to strike my ear afresh at frequent intervals. This, however, does not render the task of de- scribing a Gaelic dialect any the less formidable. Some of my statements may be regarded with scepticism by persons familiar with the Irish of Ulster, who will say perhaps that 129S6CS VI this or that characteristic is unknown to them : but I would reply that there are considerable variations within the limits of the county and that many peculiarities of Donegal given by Dinneen, J. C. Ward, and others I have failed to discover in Meenawannia. Not being a native speaker, my observations have naturally been restricted to a somewhat limited number of individuals. My best thanks are clue to the Cambridge Philological Society and to the Syndics of the University Press for their munificence in defraying more than two-thirds of the cost of this publication. I am also bound to express my appreciation of the manner in which the staff of the University Press have overcome the serious typographical difficulties incident to a work of this nature. E. C. Q. June 1906. CONTENTS. PACE Introductory • 1 A. The Vowel System ^ 1 — 172 . 5- -66 (a) The back vowels a, a:, .>, .>:, o, o:, U, ><:, 0> J » Z-", p: • . 5- -31 1. a §§ 2—14 . 5 2. a: §§ 15—21 9 3. a S§ 22—27 11 4. a; $< 28-35 15 5. o § 36 16 6. o: §§ 37—40 17 7. T §§ 41—43 19 8. u: §§ 44—53 20 9. o ^ 54—60 23 10. Z ; §§ 61-68 26 11. o: §§ 69—73 29 (b) The front vowels se, s, s:, e, e. , l, i, i:, I / . 31- -49 1. x §§ 74—80 31 2. g §§ 81—85 . 33 3. s: § 86 . 35 4. e §§ 87—91 . . 35 5. e; §§ 92—95 . 36 6. i §§ 96—107 38 i §§ 108—115 43 8. i; §§ 116—124 45 9. y SS 125-127 • 48 00 ' rhe irrational vowel 9 §§ 128 — 138 49 (d) ' rhe diphthongs .... . 55- -64 1. ai §§ 139—141 .... 55 2. aw §§ 142—144 . 56 3. a.i 88 145—146 . 57 Vlll x:u §§ 147—148 . oi, o.-i ^ 149—150 U9 § 151 ui % 152 ei § 153 9. £?*(«;) §154. £d §§ 155—157 ei §§ 158—161 e:i §162 w §§ 163—166 iw § 167 1/9 § 168 aw § 169 . 9j §170 »t g 171 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. (e) Nasal vowels ^ 172 B. The Consonants §§ 173—436 (a) h,j, w §§ 174—202 1. h §§ 174—187 . 2. j §g 188—193 . 3. w % 194—202 . (b) The liquids and nasals §$ 203 — 308 Note on 1, ni, n and r sounds § 203 L §§ 204—213 / §§ 214—220 U §§ 221—227 V g§ 228—233 X §§ 234—242 n % 243—248 y §§ 249—259 ri §g 260—264 Note on the r sounds 9. A' §§ 266—268 r §§ 269—281 / §§ 282—288 m §§ 289—295 m §§ 296—300 7i §g 301—304 ^, §§ 305—308 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 265 PAGE 58 58 59 59 60 60 60 61 62 62 63 63 63 63 64 64 66—140 67 - i — i i 67 72 75 108 77 78 81 82 84 85 88 89 93 94 94 95 99 102 105 106 108 IX (c) The spirants//', v, X , $, <;. »,/§§ 309—:', 1. /§§ 309— 31 G 2. /' §§ 317—322 3. v §§ 323—327 4. % §§ 328—335 5. ^ §§ 336—339 6. r §§ 340—346 7. s §§ 347—350 8. /§§ 351—356 (d) The labial, dental and guttural stops §§ 357—436 Note on the stops and s(J') § 357 1. p §§ 358—363 2. p' §§ 364—367 3. b % 368—372 4. b' % 373—377 5. * §§ 378—386 6. t' % 387—393 7. d % 394—399 8. d' §§ 400—408 9. k §§ 409—416 10. # §§ 417—423 11. y §§ 424—429 12. #' §§ 430—436 C. Synthesis §§ 437—494 1. Notes on the Consonants §§ 437 — 439 2. Metathesis SS 440—442 3. Dissimilation §§ 443 — 444 . 4. Loss of Consonant §§ 445 — 447 5. Loss of Vowel §§ 448—450 6. Vowel-shortening § 451 7. Uncertainty of Initial ,§ 45 1> 8. Sandhi §§ 453—472 . 9. Vowel-length i§ 473—476 . 10. Stress §§ 477—478 11. Stress of Compounds §§ 479 — 483 12. Sentence-stress $; 484 — 492 13. Intonation § 493 . 14. Characteristics of Donegal Irish § 494 PAGE 108—121 108 111 112 114 116 117 119 120 122- -140 122 122 124 125 126 127 129 131 133 134 136 137 139 141—157 141 142 142 143 144 145 145 146 150 152 153 154 156 157 Word-lists . Old and Middle Irish Modern Irish Scotch Gaelic Manx Texts . Seanfhocla . Riddles Catches Aindrias an line Eamonn Ua Ciorrthais Eoin Ua Miodhchan agus an Sionnach Sceal Ghiolla na gCochall Craicionn . Leadairt na bhfear mor Na tri daill 7 an Chevalier i mBaile-atha-clfath Notes on the Texts ...... PAGE 158—191 158 168 190 191 1 94—245 194 196 196 196 200 215 215 237 241 247 ADDENDUM. p. 55 1. l(i for 'begins' read 'ends in'. INTRODUCTORY. A desire to make myself acquainted with spoken Gaelic led me to think of spending the long vacation in Ireland in 1903. Types of southern and western Irish are already familiar from the descriptions of Henebry, Finck and Pedersen, and the hope of finding some closer connection, either in sounds or forms, between the Gaelic of the north of Ireland on the one hand and that of Scotland and Man on the other determined me to endeavour to investigate the form of Irish spoken in Donegal. Meenawannia is the name of a townland about four miles from Glenties, running due east from the main road to Donegal. It contains some seven cottages, and the inhabitants practically without exception are able to speak Irish. In putting Meena- wannia ou the title-page of this sketch I do not wish to imply that the townland has a peculiar dialect of its own or that I have not associated with speakers from outside, but simply that the persons to whom I have had most opportunity of listening are natives of the townland. The speech of this small community of between 30 and 40 souls is perhaps even less homogeneous than might otherwise be expected. One of the parents in each family — usually the mother — must almost of necessity come from outside, and the speech of the children is therefore a compromise. Hence in one family cha predominates as the negative, while another has ni almost exclusively, and variants such as an uile, gach uile (gx'/wel'd), and amarach, amaireach are similarly distributed among the various cottages. On the other hand the difference between the generations is almost incredible. Meenawannia has so far been practically unaffected by the efforts of the Gaelic League, though I believe more Irish is now spoken there than was the case 10 or 15 years ago. The phonetic decay of the speech of the younger people will be constantly exemplified in this sketch, but more appalling is the introduction of English words. Numbers of the people have Q. 1 been in America or Scotland for longer or shorter periods, and when they return the Irish they speak is often little better than a jargon. Examples such as the following may be heard from at least 80 per cent, of the people — ta se mend-al anois acht ta se an-bleach-ailte — fail-al mo rye orm — set-aladh an trap — chuala nie go robh gains ( = biseach) oirthi ! Practically no attempts have been made so far to arrest the decay of the language. It is true that a society has l'ecently been formed to preserve Ulster Irish, but some time must elapse before much can be done. There is little or no temptation for the people to learn to read Irish at present as, apart from the excellent little texts published by J. P. Craig, Donegal Irish is practically unrepresented in literature and the dialect is too far removed from Munster and Connaught speech for the publications of the Gaelic League to be intelligible. Even the simple Connaught tales published by Douglas Hyde are found difficult. English is the language of the people's devotions, and the school- masters seldom know sufficient Irish to teach it intelligently. In one respect they are free from blame, viz. that there is a dearth of suitable text-books. As I had never heard any Irish spoken before I first went over in 1903 my first summer was spent in learning to under- stand and make myself intelligible. The initial difficulties were stupendous. I had a fair theoretical knowledge of Connaught pronunciation which had to be unlearnt, and the vocabulary was in large measure strange. Worst of all, however, was the difficulty in getting away from English, a difficulty which has dogged me all through. That I was able to overcome all these and other difficulties is due solely to the unfailing kindness of my host, John Hegarty. J. H. is my chief source of in- formation, and a word about him may not be out of place. He was born in 1831, and has spent all his life in Meenawannia, with the exception of about 18 months. He possesses a far better knowledge of Donegal Irish than any other person I have met, and, as far as I can judge, he has been little, if at all, influenced by book Irish. He has an immense store of tales and Fenian poems in the vernacular, and it is only a few of the oldest men and women like himself that are able to speak Irish in its purity. I take this opportunity of thanking him most cordially for all his trouble, and for the interest he has taken in me. Two courses lay open to me. The one was to rely upon the language of conversation, jotting down anything of interest. The other was to take down a large number of stories and poems from dictation. The latter course I attempted during my first visit, but abandoned it, as what I took down was frequently very far removed from the colloquial language, and further I was often suspicious of Connaught influence. The texts printed at the end of this volume, however, have all been very carefully revised, and represent J. H.'s speech as far as lay in my power. Hence the bulk of my material has had to be collected whilst herding cows, or chatting at night by the side of a peat fire. The mode of transcription I have adopted is that of the Association Phonetique, and the only new symbols are o, o, £, which represent vowels peculiar to Gaelic. I regret that I have not always been consistent in writing U, and 10 before consonants. Finck's Araner Mundart has been freely utilised in the present sketch, and I am only sorry that Meyer's Contributions to Irish Lexicography ai*e not further advanced. Before perusing the texts it is exceedingly important that the paragraphs on Sandhi should be read. It should perhaps be observed that in the case of the con- sonants the term palatalisation is here used to denote palatal temper or quality and that it therefore does not imply that the sounds in question are palatalised as opposed to palatal. 1—2 4 WORKS CITED. Atk. CI. S. Craig, Iasg. D. P. Di. Diss. Finck G.J. Henebry Hogan Macbain Meyer Molloy Pedersen Rhys Sg. Fearn. Spir. Rose Atkinson's Glossary to the Passions and Homilies from Leabhar Breac. Claidheamh Soluis. Craig, Iasgaireacht Sheumais Bhig, Dublin 1904. Derry People. Dinneen's Dictionary. Die lautliche Geltung der vortonigen Worter und Silben in der Book of Leinster Version der Tain bo Cualnge, Greffswald 1900. Die Araner Mundart i, ii. Gaelic Journal. A contribution to the phonology of Desi-Irish. Luibhleabhran, Dublin 1900. Etymological Gaelic Dictionary. Contributions to Irish Lexicography. Grammar of the Irish Language, Dublin 1867. Aspiration i Irsk. Outlines of Manx Phonology. Lloyd, Sgeulaidhe Fearn mhuighe. Spiritual Rose, Monaghan 1825. SYMBOLS. Vowels : a, s&, e, e, i, i, o, o, U, u, y, o, 6, j , 9. Consonants : h, j, w, L, I, N, n, li, r, m, r n ji, f, v, %, p, p, s, f, p, b, t, d, k, g. ' before a syllable denotes sti-ong stress. after a consonant denotes that that consonant is palatal (palatalised), after a final vowel or consonant is sometimes employed to indicate marked shortness of the preceding sound. ; after a vowel denotes length, denotes nasalisation. A. THE VOWEL SYSTEM. S 1. We distinguish the following : — Short vowels : — a, ee, s, e, i, i, o, o, U, o, y, £, 9. Long vowels : — a:, e:, e:, i:, o:, o:, u:, y:, £:, o:. Diphthongs : — oci, au, a:i, cc:u, si, su, sd, ei, e:i, id, iu, oi, o:i, ud, ui, yd, du, 3j. (a) The back vowels a, a:, o, o:, o, o:, U, o 1 , u:, £, X : > §■'• 1. a. § 2. The only a-sound which occurs in Donegal is the a of French 'ma' (Sweet mid-back-wide-outer). In this book a is written for purposes of convenience. § 3. This sound frequently represents O.Ir. a in accented syllables before non-palatal consonants, e.g. ardm, 'army', O.Ir. arm; at, 'swelling', O.Ir. att ; fanayt, 'to stay, remain', O.Ir. anaim ; kapdL, 'mare', M.Ir. capall ; mak, 'son', O.Ir. mace; maLayt, 'curse', O.Ir. maldacht; taytuiv, 'to choke', O.Ir. tachtad ; tart, 'thirst', O.Ir. tart; taruw, 'bull', M.Ir. tarb. § 4. O.Ir. e before non-palatal consonants in accented syl- lables usually gives a, e.g. ay, 'steed', O.Ir. ech ; ah, 'swan', M.Ir. ela ; ar t , 'splice, strip', aija%, 'fisherman's net', M.Ir. eng; d'r'am, 'crowd', M.Ir. dremm ; darog, 'red', O.Ir. derg ; far, 'man', O.Ir. fer ; gal, 'white', M.Ir. gel; k'aytdr, 'either', O.Ir. cechtar ; L'anuiv, 'child', M.Ir. lenab ; N' ad, 'nest', M.Ir. net; p'akuw, 'sin', O.Ir. peccad ; Jasuw, 'to stand', M.Ir. sessom ; t'ay, 'house', O.Ir. tech. The fact that O.Ir. accented e and a result in the same sound leads to great confusion when they 1 Strictly speaking this is a mixed vowel but it will be convenient to treat it with the back vowels. occur initially. Hence the final of the article is frequently palatal in cases where in O.Ir. the initial was a, not e, e.g. tx: fe er d N'xsdl = ta se air an asal, ' he's badly drunk ', M.Ir. assal ; similarly one only hears 9 t'xspd, 'the apostle', O.Ir. apstal, cp. easbal M c Curtin, Grammar p. 103 ; 9 t'xsrigdr, 'a back- answer, sharp retort ' < ais-fhreagar. This uncertainty as to the quality of the old initial we shall have occasion to deal with in § 452. In this connection we might mention the curious form andN in vidr 9 N'andN, kiixndN, 'alike, level, equal', O.Ir. inonn. We should expect *ond]V but compare ea for io in Co. Monaghan in ionad, tionntuigh &c. (Gaelic Journal 1896 p. 147 col. 2). § 5. Not infrequently a stands for O.Ir. a in accented syllables followed by a palatal consonant, for which ai is now written. This is particularly the case before intervocalic h < th, where the change seems to have occurred already in M. Ir., cp. Meyer athaigim < aithigim. aith- > ath- is also a feature of Desmond Irish, v. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 86. Examples: kxMuw, 'to spend, wear, throw', O.Ir. caithem (Craig writes cathadh) ; 9 wxhd l's, 'for the sake of, Di. mar (ar) mhaithe le, as in 9 wxhd I'eihd hein 9 n'i:s 9 kxt kro:nxn, ' it is for her own good that the cat purs ', N'i: gd homlxin 9 wxhd I'ef 9 wUNtxft'd x% wxhd Vef d f'l'eij'u.-r, 'not altogether for the sake of profit but also for pleasure'; ma, gd L'o:r, 'alright' = maith go leor (in every other case maith appears as mxig) ; xhdNtds, ' acquaintance ', xhdNtd, ' acquainted ', Di. aitheantas, aitheanta formed from end, O.Ir. aithgne, pret. dxhin m'd, 'I recognised', Di. d'aithin ; xhdNtd, 'commandments', Di. aitheanta pi. of aithne, so O.Ir.; xhiN'd, 'brand', M.Ir. aithinne ; mxhuw, ' to forgive', O.Ir. mathem ; similarly before r, e.g. makaNta, 'civil, decent', lit. ' filial' < O.Ir. maccan, ' puerulus'; 8padaNt9, 'seedy, out of sorts', Di. spadanta ; f'iaNtg, ' wild ' (used of people), Di. fiadhanta ; S.uwlaNt9 i ' foolishly prating', formed from auwhr, Di. amhloir, M.Ir. obloir. a similarly arises from a in f'idstxlxy^ ' rush ', Di. fiastalach (which should be spelt with -a-) ; f ada.lv, 'to whistle ', f'adalax, 'whistling', Di. feadalach ; J'sk'alay, 'conspicuous, remarkable, handsome'; fadalax, 'slom', Di. fadalach ; oralax 9 ) 'offerings', plur. of ."•rx:ky.s, 'small, deformed person', Di. pracas ; ra:ma.s, 'idle talk'; dr'duwlas, 'licentiousness', d'r'ouwlasa.y, 'licentious', cp. Di. dreabhlas, drobhlas ; orLar, ' floor ', Di. urlar. §11. In a number of cases a represents an older 6 (for the same change in S. Ulster see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 1). The suffix deuoting the agent -oir appeal's regularly in Donegal as -or', but when the abstract suffix -ayt is added a appears for o — thus tixhr , ' thatcher ', Di. tuigheadoir but ti:darayt, ' thatching '. .Similarly spw&ft'arayt, 'strolling about', Di. spaisteoireacht ; S';.>Lty.rayt, 'idling', cp. Engl, 'star-gazing', Di. neallad6ireacht. Here we may also mention fanvma.Nti:, ' preacher ', Di. seannion- taidhe, cp. Jan&mor', ' sermon '. Just as -oir becomes -or', so the feminine termination -6g, O.Ir. -6c is reduced to -oy and commonly to -ay, especially by the younger people, e.g. fiviN'oy, -a.y, ' win- dow ', M.Ir. fuindeog; fwi.i'xg, 'sea-gull', cp. O.Ir. foilenn ; kyJV'ay, 'churn-dash', M.Ir. cuindeog. In the plural the o is perhaps more lirmly rooted, e.g. m'iaLtogy:, ' nudges ' ; asogy:, ' weasels ' ; b'ayogy:, l bees '. In the genitive and dative singular the vowel is generally ee, er' d NyN'eeg, 'on the window'; ga.lt b'zyjeg'i), ' the sting of a bee '. § 12. O.Ir. e in the terminations -en, -el, -et appears as a. A similar change seems to have taken place in all the Irish dialects, cp. Finck i p. 26 ; Henebry p. 29. e first gave sa as in accented syllables, then ja{:). ea < O.Ir. e is not unknown in stressed syllables, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 90 and Molloy's 36th dialect-li^t, where the forms ead, eadail, eadtrom and eagcaoine are quoted. Examples : Teivoud, 'to watch, look at', also ' to mind ' in kivad yp 89 > 'mind your feet', Di. coimhead, Wi. comet; k'\n'yj , 'sort, kind', O.Ir. cinel, cenel, Di. cineal, similarly k'iu'aLto, 'kind ' (adj.) ; Ml'an, 'pup', M.Ir. culen ; korN'al, 'corner', Di. coirneal; kodfamf, 'triumph', M.Ir. caithreim ; divan, 'a scart', Di. duibhean ('cormorant'), b'arctd, 'cap', Di. bairead has doubt- less been influenced by some word like b'aruw, M.Ir. berrad, 'to shave, dress the hair'. In any case the Donegal form h;is kept the a which we should expect from the Munster form, bearad which Dinneen gives as the Donegal form should have the length-mark. Dinneen's sources of information for Donegal forms, J. P. Craig and J. C. Ward, unfortunately make a practice of omitting the length-mark in -an, -ail, -6ir &c, which is most reprehensible, as their manner of spelling gives no clue to the pronunciation. § 13. Donegal Irish shews a distinct preference for a before y in the termination -ach (O.Ir. -ach, -ech), e.g. zLxy, 'cattle', O.Ir. ellach ; 9ma:rax> 'to-morrow', M.Ir. i mb.irach ; g'ccrocy, gen. sing, of g'er, 'tallow'; im'ccyj, 'to depart', M.Ir. imthecht; rapla.'Ya.n, 'rough and ready going fellow', cp. ra.plvhu:td, 'hubbub', Di. rapla hiita; fejr'ay, 'plough', M.Ir. sessrech ; t'cx-Lay^, 'hearth- stone', M.Ir. tenlach ; u:hay9, u:kayj>, 'caves', plur. of Hi. This same fondness for a before y is further seen in accented syllables in the case of diphthongs, which contain 9 as their second element, e.g. f'izy, 'crow', O.Ir. f iach ; f'ictyd, 'debts', also plur. of fid, 'deer', M.Ir. fiad ; fiayxl', 'to try', Wi. fechaim ; k'sccyt, 'plough' (not common), O.Ir. cecht; p'r'eaytd, ' perished with cold ', Di. preach ta ; uctyz. plur. of mv, ' udder ', M.Ir. nth ; uc/.yj(d), ' pledge ', Di. udhacht. § 14. In proclitics a represents a variety of vowels: fx, 'about', Di. fa (for the form v. § 314); a hein, 'himself, e fhein ; a N'o,:'Q>iN\ dia dheanf hainn ; d'ct •hi:n'a, ' Friday ', dia haoine ; a, ' descendant ' (in proper names) a bwi:L', ' O'Boyle ', the full form is o: ; ma (»ia), ' my ', O.Ir. mo. 2. a:. § 15. a: represents in this book the vowel-sound in Fi'ench ' rage ' (= a.:) which is the same sound as the short a but lengthened. It remains independent of the quality of the fol- lowing consonant, as in d'a.n, ' ferry ', gen. sing. d'cc:a ; gra.:Nd, 'ugly', comp. gra.:k'd; krarrt, 'sow'. § 16. Most frequently a: arises from O.Ir. a in an accented syllable : fcc.y&l', ' to leave ', Wi. facbaim ; fa:s, ' to grow ', Wi. as; gra:n, 'disgust, dislike', M.Ir. grain; krx:/'ccy, 'religious', M.Ir. craibdech ; Loc:n, 'full', O.Ir. Ian. § 17. O.Ir. a in accented syllables followed by d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) preceding *«, 'woman's name', Mod.Ir. Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb. Similarly N'i: x:N' fd, 'he does not get', cp. Wi. fagbaim. § 18. O.Ir. accented e (not a, see § 70) followed by d, g + a or o gave y.oa, a as which contracted to a:, e.g. m'cc:ydn, l weight ', Di. meadhachan, cp. Wi. med ; ma:N Le:, 'mid-day', Wi. medon; fL'a:n, 'turf-spade', Di. sleaghan, M.Ir. sleg. Occasionally in monosyllables ending in O.Ii*. in ed, thus fa:, ' fathom ', go.: c/.:, '2 fathoms', Di. feadb, O.Ir. ed (for the pronunciations fig and /V cp. §§ 170, 429). § 19. O.Ir. accented a, e, followed by th + a result in a: but here we sometimes find double forms, e.g. ra:p£ fN'a.ytd, ' a drift of snow ', Dinneen has raithe, plur. rathacha (Derry), according to J. H. the nom. sing, is masc. but the gen. ra:cd is fern., as is frequently the case with words not often used, nom. plur. ra:ydXy: (forms containing a before th may be quoted here as according to § 7 the long vowel would be shortened) ; sLx:y, 'slush on the sea-shore', also sLcchccy, Di. slathach ; b'a:y, 'beast, horse', Meyer bethadach, plur. b'a.hi:; bla:y, 'buttermilk', M.Ir. blathach. § 20. The x: in d'amuw, ' to do ', O.Ir. denum, is surprising and is probably to be attributed to the influence of the preterite form N'i: Iiy.:rX, where the vowel development is regular. tcurN'a.'fo 'thunder', M.Ir. toirnech by the side of to:rN'eeJ\ 'a great noise ', Di. toirneis, is peculiar but may be due to a different grade in the root. § 21. y.: arises regularly by lengthening before certain com- binations of 1, r, n with another consonant 1 . This occurs before Lt, e.g. a:Lt, 'cliff', M.Ir. alt; b'a:Ltin'9, 'May', M.Ir. beltene ; gx:Ltd, ' Protestant ', Di. gallda < M.Ir. gall. nr, e.g. cc:nri, 'broth', M.Ir. enbruthe ; amro:, 'misery', M.Ir. andro ; ba:nri:n, 'queen', O.Ir. ban-; kramrv, 'knot in wood, corn on the foot', Di. crannra ; skccmri:, ' scared, frightened ', cp. Di. scannruighim. rd, e.g. k'c/.:rt9, ' forge ', Wi. cerdcha but there is no lengthen- ing before it, cp. k'y/rt, ' right ', M.Ir. cert ; kxrtuw, ' to cleanse', Meyer cartairn ; kartan, 'sheep-louse', Meyer cart. 1 The short vowel is however often heard in a number of the cases. 11 rd', e.g. ka.:rd'd, 'friends', O.Ir. cairtea ; ky^rd'xy, 'friendly '. rN, e.g. b'a:rN, 'gap', M.Tr. hern ; d 'a:rN&d, 'flea', Di. deargnait, M.Ir. dergnat ; N'i: ha:rN, 'did not do', Wi. derna ; kcc:rN, ' heap ', gen. sing. kx:rN', M.Ir. earn ; ta:rNa.ytd, ' bare, naked ', Wi. tarr-. rN', e.g. tonrN'd, ' nail ', Wi. tairnge but not in toirN't', ' to pull ', Wi. tairrngim. rL, e.g. pz:rLotn, proper name, M.Ir. Partholon. R, e.g. bx:r, 'top' but bocrgic, 'a light shower' beside bx:ridL, 'short leather lace'; /'oc:r, 'better', O.Ir. ferr ; ga:ri:, 'garden', Di. garraidhe, M.Ir. garrda ; g'a:r, 'short', M.Ir. gerr, 9 jix:r ocma, 'in a short time' but in the meaning of 'moderate' we find g'cer, as in go/rid, 'hare', Di. gearrf hiadh, g'ccrwoiir, ' pretty good '. In verbal roots ending in r < R, the long vowel alternates with the short. Thus g'aruw, ' to cut ', pret. ja.:r m'z>, fut. g'a.:rd m'd, past part. g'a.:p, imperf. pass. jcc:rti:, g 'a:ra,%9 } plur. of g'x?'uw, 'cutting pains'; similarly b'wuw, 'to shear ', pret. vot:r m'd, past part. b'a.:rd. From these forms it appears that lengthening is the rule before /• < nth. For this compare cc:ruiv, ' change ' infin. to M.Ir. aitherraigim ; pcc:ru:s, 'paradise', Di. parrthas, O.Ir. pardus ; toc:rsel', 'to assist, succour', Di. tarrthail, cp. M.Ir. tarraid, tarrthatar. Note that there is no lengthening before r < thr in k'uruw, ' quarter ', Wi. cethramad. In t'a(:)mpdL, ' a Protestant church or chapel ' there is hesitation between a and a:. 3. 0. § 22. In this book is used to denote an unrounded form of the low-back-wide-round English vowel in ' not '. This low-back is general in the English of the inhabitants of the north-west of Ireland and suggests to an English ear rather an a than an o-sound but a and are kept fairly distinct, though a, 0, g are very close to one another in formation. § 23. In stressed syllables usually arises from O.Ir. o be- fore non-palatal consonants. Unfortunately frequently occurs under the same conditions and hard and fast rules cannot be 12 established. However o seems to stand principally before certain sounds, p before others, o appears before /, e.g. fob, gen. sing, of ficil', ' blood ' ; moluw, ' to praise, recommend', O.Ir. molad ; obN, 'wool', O.Ir. oland (but gen. sing. oLd) ; oik, 'bad', O.Ir. olcc ; sobs, 'light', O.Ir. solus. By the side of dol, 'snare', dol is also heard. k, e.g. boka.il, ' toad- stool ', Hogan bocan ; Lokuw, ' to fail, flinch', Di. locadh ; sok, 'snout', M.Ir. socc ; sokyr, 'at ease', M.Ir. soccair. But always krok, 'hill', O.Ir. cnocc. okros, 'hunger', is M.Ir. accorus, occorus. t, e.g. kotuw, ' bashfulness ', Di. cotughadh ; krotd, ' a lichen which gives a yellow dye used in the manufacture of tweeds', Meyer crottal ; potd, 'pot', Di. pota. But sLot, ' wick ' also used to mean ' a weak person ', Manx slut (not in Cregeen) (]). y, e.g. boyt, 'poor', O.Ir. bocht ; koy»L, 'scrotum', Wi. cochull ; koyj>n, 'straw', Di. cochan (this may be formed from caith, cath, 'chaff', with the usual shortening before h < th, and h> y, cp. § 178) ; kroyinc, ' to hang', M.Ir. crochad ; oytdr, '8 persons', M.Ir. ochtar ; spoya.7i, 'poke' (a disease of sheep = scrofula) ; spoyuw, 'to geld', M.Ir. spochad ; toyjrtuiv, 'to wind up thi-ead ', Di. tochardadh, M.Ir. tochras (Laws); toyj>s, 'itch', Di. tochas ; toyt fuil', ' gravel ', Di. tocht + fuail gen. sing. of fual (this term is not understood, the meaning of fual is entirely forgotten). /•, e.g. dordyd, 'dark', O.Ir. dorcha ; doras, 'door', O.Ir. dorus; fortccy, 'comfort', M.Ir. fortacht ; gorzm, 'blue', M.Ir. gorm ; govti:wd I's, 'depending on', Di. tortaobh (cp. §416); (/ortuw, 'to injure', Di. gortughadh ; kor, koR, 'odd', M.Ir. corr; koRuio l'z, 'upwards of, Di. corradh ; korddi:, 'to move, stir', Meyer coraigim ; korccy, 'steep', M.Ir. corrach ; korp, 'corpse', O.Ir. corp ; l.n-dm, 'level', M.Ir. comthromm; k'l'i'orst'd, 'harrow', = cliath fhoirste; Lordy, 'track', Wi. lorg ; mornkuw, 'rotting', Di. morgadh (the k is extended from the past part, mornky:); stwfivi:, 'snort'; tort', 'bulk', M.Ir. toirt; toruw, 'fruit', O.Ir. torad. But pgrtay, 'bog', Di. portach. 8, e.g. kosu:V, ' similar ', O.Ir. cosmail ; kros, * cross ', krosdm, 13 'I forbid', Meyer cross, crossaim ; osNo, 'sigh', O.Ir. osnad; tost, 'silence', M.Ir. tost; trosk, 'cod', Di. trosc. But Losicl', 'a shallow wooden vessel' (not generally known), O.Ir. lossat ; LqskdN, 'toad', M.Ir. loscann doubtless owing to the preceding L. h < th, e.g. kohuw, 'to feed', Meyer cothaigim ; gohanay, ' touchy ', Di. gothan ; roh,9, ' wheel ', Wi. roth. But q before y o before the stress occurs in Loyjp'i'.N'd, ' a penny woi'th ' < Luoy, Di. luach ; kroy 'eir', ' hay-stack ', < cruach. With this is to be compared sLo: fi:, ' the fairies ', < sluagh. yol 'fod', ' to sing ' (' to sing a song ' is o:ran 9 ra:(t'), imperative abwir o:ran) < gabhail cheoil, shews loss of palatalisation in a weakly stressed syllable. The full form yod' is used to mean 'yeast', Di. gabhail. gol' and gol are used side by side for ' going ', = ag gabhail and ag dul. Similarly tort 'dUw, 'giving to me' < to:rt', Di. tabhairt, imper. lor, t9r -dUw, ' give me ' ; moran, ' many, a quantity of ', Di. 15 moran is the usual form, as the word principally conies before the stress, but mo:ran, mo:ran are the emphatic forms. Cp. § 451. 4. o:. § 28. This is the same sound as the previous one, only long. § 29. o: usually represents O.Ir. o in accented syllables, e.g. bo:, 'cow', O.Ir. bo (but note gen. plur. JYo mo:); o dodouiv, 'always, still', Di. i dtolamh (?) ; do:uw, 'to burn', M.Ir. doud ; fo:d, 'sod', O.Ir. fot ; g» fo:L', 'still, yet', M.Ir. co foill ; gb.r, 'noise, sound of talking', M.Ir. glor ; ko:r, 'proper, meet', O.Tr. coir from which ko.r'uw, 'to mend'; ko:p, 'chest', Di. cof ra , ko:to, 'coat', Di. cota ; kro: (mwik'j), 'sty', O.Ir. cro ; krouj'c/.n, ' a foot, small heap of peat set up to dry ', kro:g'uw, ' to foot ', Di. gruaigeadh; o:g, 'young', O.Ir. oc ; o:l, 'drink', O.Ir. 61; o:r, 'gold', O.Ir. or; o:kxd', 'opportunity', Di. ocaid ; plo:d' ort, 'con- found you' suggests plaigh, 'plague'; po:y, 'kiss', O.Ir. poc ; po.ko, ' pocket ', Di. poca ; po:suw, ' to marry ', Di. posadh ; po.r, ' seed ', po.ruw, ' to breed ', Di. por ; ro:gdNtd, * roguish ' ; ro:p&, ' rope ' ; skro:ba.n, ' crop of birds ', Di. scroban ; skony in 6a sko:p Vim & vif buiL't'i), ' it would be beneath my dignity ' ; skoyj', ' neck of a bottle ', Di. scoig ; sm?:lay^ ' thrush ', Di. smolach ; no: in 8o(:)$r'et'9, ' credible ' ; 8o(:)hikfi:, ' intelligible ' (similarly do: in do:rocJYo, 'hard to deal with'); so:kd, 'ease', Keating socamhal (cp. Deny People 30 v '04, ionnus nach robh suaimhneas na socal aici) ; sto:k%y^ ' lad ', Di. stocach ; sto:l, ' stool ' ; stro:kuw, ' to tear ', Di. strocadh ; sro.fay, ' sneezing ', O'R. srofurtach ; tro:kir'o, 'mercy', O.Ir. trocaire. It is perhaps worth while noting that, when o: comes to be flanked by palatal consonants, no change occurs, e.g. k'o.i', gen. sing, of k'o.l, ' music, song ' ; d'o:r, ' tear, drop ', gen. sing. d'o:r'o. § 30. o: occurs in syllables with both chief and secondary stress as the result of o (6) followed by dh, gh, which have become quiescent, e.g. so:, ' happiness ', Di. sogh, cp. the proverb ffi'i: f'juw so: Na.y wiL'anuw a.:nro:, ' no contentment is worth anything that will not weather adversity ' ; don-iN'a-y, ' severe, distressing', Keating doghraingeach but fo:wor, 'autumn', cp. § 38 ; /ado:, ' to kindle, make into a blaze ', M.Ir. fatod. This termination -o: has been extended to several other words, solo:, ' flee, escape ', Wi. elud ; t'soLto:, ' saunter ', Di. tealtogh ; ma\o:, 'interruption, delay', Di. has meathlodh s. meathladh; L'saro:, ' glimmer of sight ' (1). 16 § 31. o: arises from o by lengthening before R, r, rN, rt, rd, e.g. do:rN, 'fist', Wi. dorn, but nom. plur. dirN' ; do:rtuw, 'spill', M.Ir. dortad ; o No:vi:r, 'the day after to-morrow', Di. oirthear, Wi. oirthir, airthir ; o:rd, 'sledge-hammer', M.Ir. ord, but nom. plur. ord', ird' ; o:rdag, ' thumb ', Wi. ordu ; sko:rNay, ' throat ', Di. scornach, Macbain sgornan ; to:ruw, 'funeral', Di. torramh, Wi. torroma ; to:ri:s, ' number at birth ', Wi. torrchius ; to:rJ¥'aef, ' big noise, row ', Di. toirneis. § 32. O.Ir. eu, eo give o: by shifting of the stress in odcty, 'acquainted, experienced', cp. O.Ir. eola ; o:rNd, 'barley', M.Ir. eorna ; go do:, ' for ever ', cp. Wi. deod ; d'r'odcm, ' wren ', Di. dreolan; f'jod', 'flesh', O.Ir. f eoil ; k'o:, 'mist', M.Ir. ceo; gs L'o.r, 'sufficient, plenty', Wi. leor; L'ouw, 'to heckle', Di. leodhaim, Wi. leo ; fod, 'sail', O.Ir. seol ; t'o:, comp. of t'e, 'hot', cp. Wi. teou s. tee. do:?', 'tear, drop' is M.Ir. der for which see Strachan Bezz. Beitr. xx 6 n. § 33. Occasionally o: is the result of contraction, e.g. ko:yo mo, fut. of kohuiv, 'to feed', Meyer cothaigim ; ko:r < comhair in N'i: ra^f fi: a X 0:r > ' sne wou ^ not S° near ^ m \ X 0:r ^ 9 Lu:NdsNd, ' approaching August ', yp:r a him jsog, ' nearly 11', tx: J's yo:r mctruw, ' he is almost dead ' (yo:r is further reduced to ypr in ypr 9 vo, 'almost'); o:n, 'Owen', M.Ir. Eogan, t'i:r 'o:n, ' Tyrone '. § 34. Before the chief stress we sometimes find o: for ud, cp. Ijoy -p'i:N'd §27. This occurs in sLo: -fi:, 'the fairies', sluagh aidhe, plur. sLod'o; ro: -b'iN', 'brown hawk', ruadh beinne, cp. Di. ruadhan alia, 'sparrow-hawk', o:, 'grandchild', O.Ir. haue, M.Ir. 6a, ixa, common in the phrase toe: fiod klxN os o:, 'they are second cousins '. In family names it is reduced to %. In this connection we may note the Anglo-Irish 'borach' (bo:rscy) where in Irish one hears bwj:rxy, Di. buarach and cp. further §151. § 35. In a few cases we find o: where we should naturally expect o:, e.g. orrccu, 'song', Meyer am ran ; go:Ltos, 'farm', Di. gabhaltas; go:h, gen. sing, of god', 'yeast', Di. gabhail but god, 'groin', godecyzs, 'springing' (of horses), go:m = gabhaim, v. § 40. 5. o. § 36. A close short o is heard in a few words in the vicinity of labials instead of o. Examples: brow, 'blade of grass', 17 Meyer brobh, brod ; boh, 'sod-house, still-house', O.lr. both but bohog; bomwit'a, 'minute', but more commonly with o, Di. moimid; inohuw, ' to feel ', Di. mothughadh ; row, enclitic form for ' was ', = raba < robdi. In kohard, ' sign ', Wi. comartha we have trans- position of the h < th and consequent shortening. 6. o:. § 37. This is a very close long o-sound like the German vowel in 'Sohn' or the Anglo-Irish o in 'home'. When nasalised it is slightly more open as is the case in French (Vietor, Elemente der Phonetik 5 p. 158). In the use of o: Monaghan seems to agree with Donegal (cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146). § 38. o: arises from O.lr. 6 chiefly in the vicinity of nasals and labials. It is interesting to note that under these circum stances the dialect described by Henebry has u:, whilst Donegal o: corresponds to o: in the Decies (Henebry p. 31). Examples : bro:n, 'sorrow', O.lr. bron ; kro:, 'nut', M.Ir. cn6, O.lr. cnu ; Lo.n, 'store, provision', O.lr. loun, loon; mo:, 'more', O.lr. moo, m.6 ; mo:d'd, 'vow', M.Ir. moit ; mom, 'peat', M.Ir. moin ; mo:rtds, 'boasting', *mordatas, cp. M.Ir. mordatu ; mo.ficcm, 'irri- tation', Di. moisiam < Engl, 'commotion' (?) ; JYo:s, 'habit', M.Ir. n6s; o:N'fa.yj, 'hussy', Di. oinseach ; ro:n, 'seal', M.Ir. ron ; sro:n, ' nose ', O.lr. sron ; torn, ' bottom ', M.Ir. ton. so:mds, ' ease ', is peculiar, as Dinneen and O'Reilly have samhas, Wi. sam. It should be stated that, although the distinction between d: and o; seems to be pretty generally observed, there are sur- prising deviations, e.g. one may hear gd L'o:r, ' sufficient ', for gd L'o:r. Why to:g, imper. ' lift ', Wi. tocbaim has o: I am quite unable to say. M.Ir. eo, eoi also give o: before a nasal, e.g. L'o:nuw, ' to sprain ', Keating leonaim ; doc lo:Ntid' hein, ' of his own accord ', Di. gives leointe as Munster and d'a leontuighil fein as the Donegal form. The forms seem to go back to M.Ir. de6in, which is preserved in N'aujom, 'in spite of (reig' fd m'd N'. a d'a:rN m'd a wdihds do:, ' he left me in spite of all the good I did for him'), here M.Ir. i n-umde6n has been transformed into neamh-dheoin. Cp. further N'o:ni:ri, 'daisy', for No:ni:n, Di. n6inin. § 39. In a few cases o: is the result of lengthening before n + another consonant, e.g. so:Nta.%, ' innocent, simple ', Di. sonntach ; somrutv, 'notice', Di. sonnrughadh, so:nria.% ' re " markable', both from O.lr. sainreth, sainred. Q. 2 18 § 40. Very frequently o: arises in stressed syllables containing O.Ir. e, a or o followed by bh or e, o followed by nib. Tbe sound represented by bh, mh was a bilabial w which coalesced with the aw au(w) ou o: preceding vowel, the stages being . , . , . In some r ow ccu(tv) ou(w) o: cases the older stage an has been preserved. Thus in doiwudn, 'world', an alternative pronunciation to do:n, O.Ir. domun, which is perhaps more general, cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146 ; dcmwi:, 'vat', M.Ir. dabach ; d'auivi:, 'nagging', O.Ir. debaid. (a) Ex- amples of o: < O.Ir. om, dd:ncty, 'Sunday', M.Ir. domnach ; domdL, ' Donald ', M.Ir. Domnall ; do:ri ', ' deep ', O.Ir. domain ; ko:gdr, 'tool'(?); ko:h, 'door-valve', M.Ir. comla ; ko:nl, 'dwell', M.Ir. comnaide; ko:r, 'partnership' (a go:r fa, 'sharing'), Meyer comar ; ko:rsd, ' neighbour ', Meyer comarsa ; kb:ra:, ' converse ', M.Ir. comrad ; ko:rL'd, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; to:s, 'measure, guess', O.Ir. tomus. For ko:nir', 'coffin', Meyer comra see § 442. Here we may also mention the forms ro:m, ro:d, ro:N', ro:v < romham, romhad ifec. < rem-. (b) Examples of o: < O.Ir. ab, ffo:r, 'goat', O.Ir. gabor ; god, 'groin', O.Ir. gabul (this word is practically forgotten in the meaning of ' fork ', for which the English word is used. J. H. however has it but pronounces it gauwdl), cp. ta: god maic, bivxN'd sg' 9 tvo: fin, ' that cow has a good bag of milk ', vs:ra rrid kick so aod qyd ' , said by boys, goday&s, 'springing' (of a horse), cp. Macbain gobhlachan, 'person sitting astride'; go:m, imper. go:, O.Ir. gabimm [in the meaning of ' take ' glakuw is now used. The present go:m is chiefly heard in go:m pa:rdu:n did', ' excuse me ', the imperative is used to mean ' go ', also ' come ' as go: [d)ft!a.y^, ' come in ', go: dNaL, ' come over here '. The infln., past part, and passive forms are used in the sense of 'arrest', note also N't: veiN' gUt'd I'ef, ' I would not be bothered with it '] ; o:N', ' river ', cp. Meyer aba, gen. sing, aband ; to:rt', ' to give ', O.Ir. tabairt (frequently shortened to tort'), toirtdnay^ f% N'c/:r, ' observant ', to.rt'ccy, 'liberal', torrtdtids, 'offering, gift', xY'i: ho:r'd ma (foil: f 9), 'I shall not give', Craig writes ni thabharfaidh but this I have not heard ; Lo.rt', 'speak', O.Ir. labraim ; sLo:k, 'viscid kind of sea- weed ', Hogan slabhacan, comes from English ' sloke '. (c) Examples of o: 'indeed'; m'jo:r', 19 'mind', O.Ir. mebuir ; fo:k, 'hawk', M.Ir. sebac ; t'r'ouw, 'to plough', pres. ind. t!r'o:pm, M.Ir. trebaim ; jo: m'&, fut. of jevam, 'I get', Keatiug do-gheabha, fut. pass. ju:har. (e) In d'o.n, 'demon', O.Ir. demun o: arises from O.Ir. em but the case is isolated, cp. J'L'5:mvin, 'slippery', M.Ir. slemon. Two other forms containing o: by contraction may be men- tioned here, ffcwar, 'harvest, autumn', O.Ir. fogamur; m'jo:n, 'means', which seems to go back to O.Ir. medon, though the latter generally appears as m'a:n in m'a.:nl:(9, 'midnigbt', ma:NLe:, 'mid-day'. This m'jo:n only occurs in the plural like Engl. ' means '. Dinneen gives meodhan as a by-form of meadhon. 7. U. § 41. This is a sound which does not occur in many words, but there are several varieties, which makes analysis difficult. One form of the sound is certainly the high-back-wide-round vowel in standard Engl. ' put ', only differing from it in having under-rounding. U is found most frequently in monosyllables before w. § 42. O.Ir. u in stressed monosyllables followed by b, g, th gives U, e.g. dl/w, 'black', O.Ir. dub (also dl/w, 'to me', O.Ir. dom) ; grUw {grU bwia), ' biestings ', Wi. gruth ; gUw, ' voice ', O.Ir. guth ; krUw, 'form, shape', O.Ir. cruth ; srllw, 'stream', srlfw dNuds, 'down-drops, rain coming through the roof, O.Ir. smth. In cases like t'Uw, 'thick', M.Ir. tiug (Craig Iasg. tiuth) and t'r'Uw, 'hooping-cough', Di. triuch, the glide developed before a < O.Ir. g has ousted the original vowel. It may be gathered from these examples that Donegal Irish shews a distinct tendency to make a short accented monosyllable ending in a vowel or w or j terminate in breath. Thus the w in the above instances is unvoiced and this is more clearly seen in dN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu. Cp. further deh, 'from him', O.Ir. de, Scotch Gaelic dheth and §g 91, 202. When another syllable is added to these forms in w, we find h, e.g. krUhi:m, ' I prove ', Di. cruthuighim ; srUhocn, 'a sti'eam ' but also arUipa/n. § 43. U occurs in some words where we might expect p or i, as in hUfk'r'a.'y, ' reeds ', O'Don. Suppl. cuiscreach ; fUgiN' < seo chugainn ; bUksj, 'box'; kUfL'd, 'vein, pulse', O.Ir. cuisle, kll/'L'xn dd hzluw, 'a strip of land'; kUjWa.%, 'very rainy sleet', Di. cuisne ; LXlhd, past part, of Louw, 'to rot', O.Ir. 2—2 20 lobad ; LUyser, 'rejoicing', M.Ir. luthgair but Lfchdr, 'vigorous, nimble', M.Ir. liithmar ; Uyjtrt', 'to wallow', uchairt Claidheamh Soluis 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5 (cp. § 335). One may also hear U for q in milk, 'pig'; mULccy, 'top'; gUgan, 'piggin'; s> dUk/'i:, da dtugfidhe ; bUNtse/t'd, 'advantage'; rUt'i:, imperf. pass, of t'r'outv, 'to plough', also rot'i:, fit'i: ; gUt'd past part, of go:m, O.Ir. gabimm (but gyt's from gyd', 'to steal', M.Ir. gait), pres. pass. gUt'dr &c. ; kUmpla.sk, 'build of a man' < Engl, 'complexion ' ; Ubicir, 'work'; f'l'Uy, ' wet ' beside /Ti % , fl'oy. 8. u:. § 44. There are several varieties of w:-sounds in Donegal. The normal u: I regard as a lowered variety with underround- ing. The absence of well-marked lip-rounding explains how ud can pass into j^ :, id (infra § 66) and further how the same vowel can be reduced to o:, a in a syllable before the chief stress (§ 34). In the neighbourhood of palatal consonants u: is often like the vowel in German 'gut' (high-back-narrow-round), u: tends to pass off into a bilabial tv which, however, does not appear before consonants. § 45. u: commonly corresponds to O.Ir. u, e.g. bru:t'd, past part, of bruiam, 'I mash, press down', M.Ir. bruim, bru:t'i:n, 'mashed potatoes', Di. briiightm ; d'r'u.yja, 'dew', M.Tr. driicht ; ku:l, 'back', O.Ir. ciil ; ku.ramay, 'careful', Di. curamach ; kuw, 'hound', O.Ir. cii ; k'l'uw, ' fame ' for *kluw, O.Ir. clu ; Lu.buw, 'to bend', M.Ir. lupaim ; LCc/m; 'nimble', M.Ir. liithmar ; mu:n, 'urine', M.Ir. mun ; plu:ydm, 'I smother', cp. O.Ir. muchaim ; su.l', 'eye', O.Ir. siiil ; tu:rtog, 'hillock', spelt tiirtog Derry People 21 xi '03 p. 3 col. 3, Di. turtdg ; tu:rJV's, 'spinning-wheel', Di. tuirne s. turna ; u.-dalotn, 'swivel', Macbain udalan < O.Ir. utmall ; u:r, 'fresh', M.Ir. ur ; uw, 'udder', O.Ir. uth. ku:?-'iccLtd, 'neat' has u:, cp. Claidheamh Soluis 29 viii '03 p. 2 col. 5 curaidhealta, against Di., O'R. cuirealta. u: also occurs in syllables with secondary stress, e.g. gxsuir, ' little boy ', Di. gastir seemingly by form-association with gas from garsun < Fr. gallon ; gpru:n, ' haunch ', Di. gurrun ; jidrdg- nuw, 'annoyance', Di. iarghno ; kocsu:r, 'hammer', Meyer casiir; mi:ft!u:rd, ' unruly ' ; iia:rdu:n, ' pardon ' ; pa:ru:s, ' paradise ', O.Ir. pardus by analogy with words in u:s < Engl, 'house' as Meyer bacus, toNu:s, ' tannery ', perhaps also with p'inu.s, 'penance', Di. pfonus ; fs:fu:r, 'season', Di. seasiir; tx:L'u:r, ' tailor '. 21 § 46. O.Ir. ua, uai are frequently contracted to u:, e.g. u:n, 'lamb', plur. u:n (cp. Molloy's 33rd dialect- list), O.Ir. lian ; u:ha.s, ' prodigy ', M.Ir. uathbas ; u:ha.y9, u:kccy?, plur. of ui, 'cave', O.Ir. nam ; Mu:n', 'aftermath, meadow, allurement', M.Ir. cliiain; ku:n' } gen. sing, of hum, 'harbour', M.Ir. cuan; d'a. 'Lu.n, 'Monday', Wi. Man; Nuw, 'new', O.Ir. mie, nua ; ruwog, ' cobbler's cord ', Di. ruadhog ; sUfuw, ' complexion ', Wi. sniiad. bu:r'uw, ' blood mixed with matter ', cp. Meyer buar, ' diarrhoea '. § 47. O.Ir. b < Idg. u after r, 1 gives uw, e.g. garuw, 'rough', O.Ir. garb; maruw, 'dead', O.Ir. marb ; faruw, 'bitter', O.Ir. serb ; taruw, ' bull ', O.Ir. tarb. Similarly a final b or m when not originally followed by a palatal vowel gave a bilabial w and was later vocalised to uw, e.g. g'r'hiw, 'deed', O.Ir. gnim ; kliiw, 'plumage', M.Ir. cliim. Where possible a, e or o preceding the b or m became 9 and the resulting combination dw also gave uw, e.g. k'l'iuw, 'basket, creel', O.Ir. cliab ; L'anuw, 'infant', M.Ir. lenab ; J'L'iuw, 'mountain', O.Ir. sliab. In syllables with secondary stress — ctJYuw, 'seldom', Wi. andam ; cc:r'uw, 'count', O.Ir. arani ; b'r'ehuw, 'judge', b'r'ehumss, 'judgment', O.Ir. brithem ; d'a:nuw, ' to do ', O.Ir. denom ; fivi:fuw, ' improvement ', Di. faoiseamh, M.Ir. foessam ; ka.hu w, 'to wear, throw, spend', O.Ir. caithem ; ku:nuw, 'assistance', O.Ir. congnam ; fiLuiv, 'syllable', O.Ir. sillab. § 48. In syllables with secondary stress O.Ir. b, m gave to which coalesced with the vowel of the syllable and produced u:(w). In this case w is frequently heard before r, I, n, s. The adjective termination -mar appears as -u:r, e.g. szdu:?*, 'jealous ', Di. eadmhar; fasku:r, 'sheltered' < *foscad-mar ; didnuir, 'water- tight', Di. di'onmhar ; gj^:lu:r, 'related', Di. gaolmhar. The infinitive termination -(a)main, -(a)maint gives -ti:n', -u:N't', e.g. L'a.nu:N't', ' to follow ', Wi. lenmain ; el'u:n, ' to rear ', Wi. ailemain s. alaim ; g'a.Lu:N't', ' to promise ', Di. geallamhain ; ka.nu:N't ', speech, language', Di. canamhain ; gyL'u:N't', 'to affect, trouble sorely ', Di. goilleamhain(t). Similarly La.:nii:u', 'couple', M.Ir. lanamain ; mahu:n9S, 'forgiveness', Di. maith- eainhnas, Wi. mathem ; b'ihu:Ntd, ' rascally ', Di. bitheamhanta. The adjective termination -(a)mail is -u:l' (-91'), e.g. kosud', 'like', O.Ir. cosmail ; d'l'i:hu:l', 'lawful', Di. dlightheamhail ; gra:n'u:l', ' loathsome, disgusting ', Di. graineamhail. Other examples— oiku:N', 'strength, endurance', M.Ir. aecmaing; a.nu:N, ' infirm ', 22 Meyer anfand; 'ae.nyu:J^'Jh, ' monster '< an-chuimse (?) ; diL'u.r, 'foliage', Di. duilleabhar ; d'in'u:r, 'set of 10', O.Ir. deichenbor ; kggu:s, ' roof of the mouth, hard palate ', which is pronounced the same as the word for 'conscience' (O.Ir. cocubus), Di. has cogansach ; m'iru:L't'ay, ' marvellous ', Di. miorbhaileach, mior- bhailteach. It is only rarely that om, ab become u: in stressed syl- lables. This is chiefly in the pi-efix ku:-, O.Ir. com-, as in •ku:-/j : iN'uw, 'gathering', Di. c6mhchruinniughadh • ku^xrftL't'd, 'bound together, connected', Di. coimhcheanglaim ; kuandN, ' alike, even ', Di. coimhiouann ; kCcjas, ' ambidexter ', Di. coimhdheas. Note also f'iurds beside f'idurds, 'fever', M.Ir. fiabhrus ; d'u.l, ' devil ', may be heard in oaths, O.Ir. diabul ; d'iun'ds, 'celibacy', arises through suppression of the vowel of the middle syllable and vocalisation of the w in d'i:wi:n, 'single', M.Ir. dimain. ugrk for auwdrk, 'sight', Meyer amarc, I have heard from a very old woman. The future N'i: hu:r'd ni9, ' I shall not give ', beside N'i: ho:r'd m'& (§ 40) is altogether irregular. § 49. The infinitive terminations -ad, -ed, -ud all give uw, i.e. 9 a (preserved in Scotch Gaelic, cp. ZCP. iv 510) > dw > mv. There is no difference in the ending between bwj^ :luw, ' striking ', bualadh, and b'aNuw, 'blessing', beannughadh, which accounts for the hopeless confusion of the two conjugations. The ending -ed, -ad in the thii'd sing, of imperf. and condit. active and the preterite passive is also pronounced -mm; (for exceptions see § 391), e.g. po:sicw dN'iri i:, 'she was married last year', -uw < -ad also occurs in bonuw, 'people', lit. 'stock', Meyer bunad ; bgnu.s, ' the greater part', tc: a mpnu:s er dfk'zdl z>wa.:n, 'they almost all tell the same tale', ise an sgeul ceadna ata aca uilig bunus (Deny People 6 viii '04 p. 3 col. 6), very common in the phrase bgnu.s Wig/ 1 , ' almost all ', Di. bunadhas, Meyer bunadas ; v wa.ru:>> vidr, 'in comparison with', Di. i bhf harradh ; in the ordinals k'ocruw, 'fourth', O.Ir. cethramad ; ku:y'uw, 'fifth', O.Ir. coiced, cuiced. § 50. O.Ir. u followed by g (Mod.Ir. gh) in accented syllables gives u: : uw, ' top cross-beam in house ', O'Don. Suppl. uga, 'pin of wood'(l); u:muw, 'to harness', u:m', 'harness', Di. ughmughadh, ughaim, cp. Macbain uidheam ; u:djr, 'author', M.Ir. ugtar; Lu:NdsNv, 'August', M.Ir. liignasad ; Luw, 'less', O.Ir. lugu ; mu:rNc/.n, 'ankle', Macbain mugharn, Di. mudharlan ; 8uw, 'juice', O.Ir. sug. Similarly we find lengthening before th followed by another consonant in d/cyjjs, 'hereditary right', M.Ir. duthchus. 23 § 51. u: arises in stressed syllables by contraction of w arising from O.Ir. b, m with the surrounding vowels: k'u.'S, 'edge, border', M.Tr. cimas ; kv.glay, 'strait of the sea', Di. cumhanglach, cp. ku:N t 'narrow', O.Ir. cunning; ku:g',j mu.rt, 'Munster', M.Ir. Muman ; u:(w)l, 'supple, lithe', O.Ir. umal, u:(w)luw, 'obedience', Di. umhlughadh ; u:(w)L, 'apple', Wi. uball, ubull. § 52. g'u:s, 'fir', kicg', 'five' and ku:J] 'case', O.Ir. coic, cois are exceptional. The first shews shifting of the stress fu > ju, cp. M.Ir. gius, which also occurs in d'u.i gy:hd, 'draught', d'ud, 'sucking', M.Ir. diul dat. of del, 'teat', and in the obscure d'u:Ltuiv, 'to refuse', O.Ir. diltud. Finck ascribes the u: in ku:g', ku:f to the influence of the following palatal sounds (i 32) but this will not hold good for Donegal. One might compare ku:- < O.Ir. com- and hu:nuw < O.Ir. congnam. § 53. The pronunciation of ao as u: which occurs in the Rosses and other parts of the north I have never heard round Glenties except in fa. -dti.-widj, ' concerning ', = fa dtaobh de (for fa see § 311). A rounding of j\ - would give u: and this is pro- bably what has taken place. For fa. 'du:wid9 cp. G. J. 1892 p. 145 col. 2 where it is spelt fadu d'e (again 1893 p. 208 col. 1). For ao = u: in Scotch Gaelic see Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. It may be noted that in Anglo-Irish ' a hornless cow ' (maoilin) is locally called a mu:L'i:n\ which seems to shew that this pro- nunciation of ao has been wide- spread. 9. o. § 54. We use this symbol to denote the characteristically Irish vowel-sound in the pronunciation of English words like ' sir '. Sweet analyses it as low-in-mixed-narrow. It is a very troublesome sound to acquire and must be attempted by lowering the tongue from the mid-mixed position, o frequently interchanges with & and i (cp. § 103). § 55. o represents an O.Ir. o before certain consonants. These are — L, e.g. poL, 'hole', M.Ir. poll; NoLik', 'Christmas', Wi. notlaic, nodlaig ; boLsir'd, ' crier in court ', Di. bollsaire ; koLuw, 'sleep', O.Ir. cotlud; toL, 'bulging out after being pressed in' of wool, feathers &c., M.Tr. toll; stoldr'9, 'rough, heavy girl', Di. stollaire. 24 X, e.g. boX, 'sole', M.Ir. bond; dgX, 'brown ', M.Ir. donn ; kgX-j.yt, ' Connaugbt ', M.Ir. Connacht ; kgNy:, ' tame ', M.Ir. cendaid ; kgJYLxy, ' stubble ', Di. coinleaeh s. cun- lach ; koNuw, 'fuel', Meyer con nud ; hoNdai, 'county'; LoIfdUuf, 'blackbird', Di. londubh, O.Ir. Ion; skgNsa, 'dyke', Di. sconnsa ; tgJY, 'wave', O.Ir. tonn. ?n, e.g. dgmlds, 'gall', M.Ir. domblas; dgmasxy, 'moss', Di. domasach ; kgm, ' covering, waist ', Meyer conim ; kgmwiL't', ' to rub ', Meyer comailt s. conmelim ; krgm, 'bent', O.Ir. cromm ; Lorn, 'bare', M.Ir. lornni ; lorn, 'bush', M.Ir. tomm ; trom, 'heavy', O.Ir. tromm, troman, ' dwarf-elder ', Di. troman. n, e.g. dona, ' unfortunate ', M.Ir. dona ; kgjiafay, ' irritable ', Meyer confadach ; kgndmar, 'fragment', Meyer con-mir ; kgnart', ' hounds ', Meyer conart. b, e.g. gob, ' beak ', Wi. gop ; pgbol, ' congregation ', Wi. popul ; tgbdN, 'sudden', M.Ir. opond ; tobdr, 'well', O.Ir. topur. g, e.g. bog, ' soft ', O.Ir. boc ; klog, ' bell ' (usually = ' clock '), O.Ir. cloc ; klogdd, 'helmet', Meyer cloc-at ; kogdr, 'whisper', Meyer cocur ; koguw, 'war', O.Ir. cocad ; kogu:s, 'conscience', O.Ir. cocubus ; kqgd, 'tares', Meyer cocal ; mggdl, ' husk, mesh of net, eyelid ', Wi. mocol (kor •mogil , ' bridling on thatch ') ; prggg:, ' call to a calf, sucky ' ; tggd, ' strap on flail ' (?). d, e.g. bgd, 'penis', Meyer bot, bgdzy, 'churl', Meyer botach, bgdz.lct.7i, 'gay spark'; kgdccy, gen. sing, of kyd', 'share', Wi. cuit; stgd, 'pouter, peevish fellow', Di. stod ; trgdv (trida), gen. sing, of trid', 'tight', M.Ir. troit. r„ e.g. Lgr t , 'ship', M.Ir. long; spgrfc, 'tinder', Di. sponnc, M.Ir. sponge. From this it will be seen that o only represents O.Ir. o before voiced sounds, o seems to stand before I, r, s, h, p, t, k, y, while g precedes L, N, n, m, b, d, g. § 56. g is further the regular representative of O.Ir. u in stressed syllables before non-palatal consonants and is the sound locally associated in English with the letter u, cp. Craig, Grammar 2 p. 6. Examples — bgn, 'foot', O.Ir. bun; fg?-ccyds, 'watching', Oil. furachas, Di. fuireachas, cp. Wi. furachair, f urachrus ; /grant, 'easy', Wi. urussa ; glgg, 'noise of wet foot 25 in shoe or of a rotten egg', Di. glug ; ggrayvs fa. N' t'in'i, ' cuddling round the fire ', ggr in to.: n rark er ggr, ' the hen is wanting to sit', Macbain gur, Di. gor; ggru:n, 'haunch', Di. gumin ; ggs, 'vigour', M.Ir. gus ; hog, 'gave', cp. tuccaini ; klopivid'v, 'crease, depression', Meyer culpait (Di. cluipide) ; kgLccy, 'boar', O.Ir. cullach, callach, caullach ; kgNtds, 'count', Di. cunntas ; kgr, 'to rain' ('to put' is either kgr or kgr'), Di. cur with analogical u for older cor; Lorsg9, 'shin', M.Ir. lurga ; Los, 'herb', M.Ir. lus ; Lqyt, 'people', O.Ir. lucht ; Loyog, 'mouse', Wi. Inch; 'ku:g' oluw, 'Province of Ulster', M.Ir. coiced Ulad ; giVsd, 'ounce'; oyt, chiefly in oaths ds gyt d'e:, Wi. ucht ; jmNdN, 'sheaf, M.Ir. punnann ; pgJYtccn, 'spindle in lower mill-stone', Di. puntan ; pos, 'lip', Di. pus; sLogdm, 'I swallow', M.Ir. slocim, sluccim ; smog, 'snot', Di. Macbain smug; smoh- gadoun, 'shoulder-bone', Di. smulgadan ; stgka.11, 'cone on hill', Di. stiican ; tor, ' dry ' (said of eating potatoes &c. alone), Di. tur, Wi. tar, tair, toruw, 'dry weather', M.Ir. turud ; tqrskdr, 'refuse', Wi. turrscar ; tords, 'station', M.Ir. turas. § 57. The O.Ir. prefix variously spelt ir-, er-, aur- (now written ur-) is pronounced or. The common spelling with au was probably intended to denote some sound like o, cp. O'Donovan, Grammar p. 17. Medieval scribes seem to have been at a loss to represent this sound. The frequent appearance of e for o, cp. terns = turas RC. vii 296, terad for turud Wi. p. 818, finds a parallel in the interchange of g and i in Donegal, cp. § 103. Examples: orayjsk, 'injection', Di. urchosc ; orayod', 'harm', M.Ir. erchoit, irchoit; ordydr, 'shot', M.Ir. erchor, am-chor, irchor, urchor ; orLccr, ' floor ', Wi. orlar ; grJYy:, ' prayer ', M.Ir. ernaigthe, airnaigthe ; orydL, 'cricket', Di. urchuil ; ovs.j, 'jamb', M.Ir. irsa, ursa; grLd, 'eaves, fringe', M.Ir. urla ; orX'aej', 'furniture', Meyer airneis ; orLuiv, 'speech, eloquence', O.Ir. erlabra, aurlabra (see § 444). Note i>:rLi>, 'vomit', Di. orlughcan, urlacan with o:. *gi-b&L, 'tail', M.Ir. erball has become robaL as elsewhere. § 58. In words beginning in O.Ir. with i followed by a non-palatal consonant we expect i but o invariably occurs, e.g. ghr, 'eagle', M.Ir. ilur; omdd, a N'gmdd, 'a great number' also 9 N'gmdtd, O.Ir. imbed; gmdrivcti, 'contention', M.Ir. innuarbag; gmdrkd, 'overplus', M.Ir. imarcraid ; gmlccn, 'all, entirety', M.Ir. imlan ; gmpar, 'carry', M.Ir. immchuiiim ; gmra:, 'mention, report', Atk. imrad s. imradud ; gmiui:, 'many', O.Ir. imda ; qmunr 1 oiyd, ' furrows ', M.Ir. immaire. 26 § 59. As the reduction of o: we get o in olkuw, 'to bury', M.Ir. adlaeaim < adnacim ; Nonu:r, 'set of nine ', O.Ir. nonbor (also N'inu:r through association with d'i)/ti:r) ; rod, ' thing ', O.Ir. ret, the depalatalisation of initial *B' caused e to become o: (v. § 73) and when the word was used enclitically p; was reduced to o, it is the enclitic form of the word which has survived ; similarly ordd, 'amount', a;/ ordd, 'at all', O.Ir. airet, eret. Di. writes oiread, Macbain uiread but also Sc. G. urad, cp. Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition vol. iii p. 43, Finck er'dd, er'id, so that the depalatalisation is peculiar. Craig usually writes urad, ach urad (Derry People 30 iv '04 p. 3 col. 4). Perhaps the r is due to association with rod. § 60. In a few words o has taken the place of other vowels. This is the case in korsxn, ' wheezing ', Di. carsan, Macbain carrasan ; kropuw, 'to shrink', Meyer crapaim but also criipan; Log, 'weak', M.Ir. lac perhaps influenced by bog, 'soft'; torrid L(t) beside ta.mdL(f), 'a while', Di. tamall ; sronuw, 'to scatter, spread ', Di. sreathuighim, srathuighiin, srathnuighim. o occurs excep- tionally before r < *K' in ord'd, ' height ', Wi. arde, airde, cp. .Manx yijey but in phi-ases we find ct:rd'd, as in er kos it Na.:rd'd, 'galloping', Di. cos i n-airde ; also a:rd ', 'point of the sky', M.Ir. aird but the comparative of a:rd, ' high ' is ord'd (the inflected forms of a.:rd follow the nominative, gen. sing. fem. a:rd'd). Further ord', nom. plur. of o:rd, ' sledge-hammer ', M.Ir. ord. 10. A :. §61. This symbol is here used to denote the peculiar sound given to the digraph ao, which appears to be similar to the corresponding sound in Scotch Gaelic and on Aran, though 1 cannot say whether they are identical. The Donegal sound is the unrounded form of close u: in German ' gut ' and is there- fore high-back-narrow. j^: is always long except when shortening occurs before h < th, as in sj^hw, 'labour', O.Ir. saithar and in rj[h, 'run', O.Ir. rith, where ^ is due to the depalatalisation of *R'. The younger people as a general rule have not got this sound and substitute for it {.• and y:, cp. Craig's statement (Grammar 2 p. 4) "ao is pronounced like ee in heel". High- front articulation has also taken the place of high-back in some dialects of Scotch Gaelic, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. That this pronunciation of ao has been pretty general in Ulster may be gathered from notes by J. H. Lloyd in the Gaelic Journal, e.g. 27 G. J. 1892 p. 204 col. 2, a propos of j[: in Armagh he says: "In the Irish still surviving in Oirghialla (Cuailnge) and also in Tyrone, ao has a very strange sound, somewhat like oo, which appears to be intermediate between (Irish) li and the French u, but is very distinct from both. Oidh- of oidhche and choidhche has the same sound ". Native grammarians are at a loss to describe this sound and equate^: with German b in bbse, which they have probably never heard, e.g. Lloyd, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1. O'Dono van's description of the sound (Grammar p. 16) on the other hand is pretty accurate. § 62. j[: represents O.Ir. be, bi, e.g. blj[:sk, 'shell', Meyer blaesc (gen. sing. bljf.fk'j); brj[:n, 'drop', O.Ir. brben ; dj.l, 'beetle', M.Ir. dbel, dael ; dj:r } 'dear', O.Ir. dbir (comp. JV'i.s di:r'd); ./^{'%, 'heather', O.Ir. froich but k'ark ri:, 'grouse'; /crjwv, 'gullet', O.Ir. crois ; kj[:l, 'narrow', O.Ir. coil; Lj^:, 'calf, M.Ir. lbeg (only in bo: <>N Lj^:, 'cow in calf, Los Nd Lj^:, 'calfdeek'); mivj[:, 'pliable', O.Ir. mbith, mw]^:s in kyr ,> mwj[:s, 'to steep', Di. maos, mw£:yan, 'to soften, steep'; sj^.r, 'free', O.Ir. sbir, sber; tj[:wuw I's, 'to side with', Di. taobhughadh < O.Ir. tbib (cp. the proverb ds mwxr'ig' 9 h^ :w9s Vef Nd mra.:) ; ^:Nti:m, 'I consent', Di. aontuighim, cp. O.Ir. bentu. § 63. j_: is further the regular representative of O.Ir. ai, e.g. btvj[:, 'foolish', O.Ir. baith, bw^:ySfa,v, 'extravagant', Di. baothchaithmheach (note the comparative N'i:s bwi:hi:), biv^.s, 'folly', M.Ir. baes; bwj^:l, 'clanger', O.Ir. baigul ; fw^.'^pg, 'limpet', Wi. faechbg ; glj:, 'call', *glaid, O.Ir. adgladur, cp. Macbain glaodh (this is regarded as a Connaught word, skart' being used instead); y^:, 'wind', O.Ir. gaid ; yj:l, 'relationship', M.Ir. gael; gj[:nacn, 'nostril' (wanting in dictionaries, Craig gaothsan, Sg. Fearn. p. 100); gj[:w9r, 'proximity', Di. gaobhar; k^:nxy, 'moss', Meyer caennach ; k^ :nwccray, ' careless ', cp. O'R. cunabhaireas, ' slothf ulness ' ; kj^:r, 'berry', O.Ir. caer; kj^:rocn, 'moor', Craig caoran, Di. caoran, 'fragment of dry peat'< Meyer caer, 'a clod'(?); kj^:r9, 'sheep', cp. O.Ir. cairchuide, ' ovinus ' ; kj^:ra.yd, plur. of ki.r, 'blaze', M.Ir. caer; k^:pN, 'mountain-ash', M.Ir. caer- thann ; kj^-y ttiv, 'to wink', Di. caochaim, caogaim, O.Ir. caich ; ^A'X.1 'hero', M.Ir. laech ; mwj^d, 'bald, hornless', O.Ir. mael ; sk u {:h<:r. 'frightened, timid', Di. scaollmhar; S£:l, 'life', O.Ir. saigul ; ^{-'//i IdN'ij] 'sudden attack of illness', Di. Macbain taorn ; tj^.s, 'dough', O.Ir. tais (gen. sing. ti:f); ^[.st9, ' old ' < O.Ir. ais. 28 There is a curious phrase containing j\-, hui fo er a d^.ri:, ' he went raving mad ', cp. Craig, Claim Uisnigh s. daoraidh. It suggests Meyer's andiaraid. focrj^.r, 'alas' always seems to have /• in spite of Di. fairior, Keating fbirior, Wi. forir. The word is probably a disguised oath formula and may contain d'is, ' God', which is countenanced by the accentuation. For the initial syllable cp. M.Ir. fae < Norse vei. Other such disguised formulas are $idkeef with the initial syllable recalling a. hizrNd, ' O Lord ' ; ga myj-amds tuw, ' I warrant you ', also gd mocram, which may contain mavwm, ' my soul ', cp. piarilTa ma.namwid'. The name of the deity is commonly avoided in ordinary speech, cp. ta.:s eg' f'iv, i God knows ', v. Di. fiadha ; fcc:gdm I's d'r'u:ytd, ' I swear ' ; fwi: n ri:, ' in the name of Goodness ' is very frequent and for this again fwi: Ns:r, faoi an aer is commonly heard. § 64. In j\- air's, 'shepherd, keeper', j[; goes back to O.Ir. au, O.Ir. augaire. § 65. When ao interchanges with aoi in inflexional forms the latter appears either as i: (3/:) or j\\ According to Lloyd, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2 the same two pronunciations are current in Orrery. There seems to be no fixed rule but i: is much more frequent. In words which are in common use i: is perhaps the rule, whilst others which only occur but seldom have j;: in order to preserve the connexion with the nominative forms, e.g. mwj[:r, 'keeper', mwj^:r 'kyL'iiw, Book of Deer mair, gen. sing. m.WT.'r' ; mwi:l'i:ri, 'hornless cow', Di. maoilin )- Molloy quotes an instance of this change for Sligo in his loth dialect-list (braoch for bruach). j_ : for v/d is regular in the following words — brj^ :y, ' bank ', <).lr. bruach, gen. sing, bri: ; bwj^duiv, 'to beat', M.Ir. bualad ; bwj^.n, 'everlasting', bv)j^:nfds, 'duration', Di. buanmhas, buan- fas, M.Ir. biian (abstract bwi:n'z, Meyer buane) ; bwj:ra.y, ' rope to put round the neck of cattle, borach ', Meyer biiarach ; bwjf.p, 'troubled', M.Tr. biiadartha ; bwj:r'udjVy: (bwj_:r'ia.yj»), plur. of buir'uw, btoi:r'uw, 'trouble', M.Ir. biiadred; bwj.yjL', 'servant- man, lad', M.Ir. biiachaill ; fw£ :%aw (fwi:%9m), 'hole in potato', 29 Di. has fuachais, 'hole, den'; exceptionally in kl \:tiqyrt, 'a place- name near Gweebarra' if < Cluanghort ; sp [ :kay9, plur. of spuikf, spyeik', 'blister', Di.Macbain spuaic ; wj^.m, 'from me', O.Tr. uaim (with m instead of in' by analogy with orm &c), tints, tv\if, xoiv, 'from him', O.Tr. uad. § 67. In a few words beginning with fua- the ud is frequently retained when the / is not aspirated. Examples — -fudgruw, ' to declare, announce', M.Ir. focaraim, fiiacraim, pret. dyagar sd, dj^dgir ni9, imperf. pass. dj[9gri:sti: \ fudruw, 'to cool', pret. dj:ri: fa, w' j^:ri: f&7. The word for 'cold' itself is (fudr) fwyar, fwi:r, compar. fwi:r'd, fu:r'd, abstract fiviayt ; M.Ir. fiiath, 'hatred', I have generally heard nsfwya. For a somewhat similar treatment of O.Ir. ua in Manx see Rhys pp. 14, 20. However when O.Ir. ua is preceded by other than labial sounds, it remains, e.g. yuali:, 'heard', O.Ir. ciiala; Lua, 'early', M.Ir. liiath. £: occurs exceptionally by contraction in bw£:gccn, 'yolk', Di. buidheacan. simv^.-lxy, 'cinders' is surprising, as it cor- responds to Di. smal, smol, Macbain smal. j^iNto.'V, 'wonderful', M.Ir. ingnathach is due to contraction. For the form see § 303 and for the j^: cp. Molloy's 15th dialect-list. § 68. j: sometimes interchanges with o: particularly before n, e.g. r'odaya, rj^daya, cp. § 72. j^:Ltranas, 'adultery', cp. Meyer adaltair, adaltrach should have p: but I have only heard the form with ^ :. Similarly i :nxn, ' Adamnan '. 11. p:. § 69. In Donegal there is a further unrounded back sound which seems to have no parallel in Scotland or Connaught. We described j; : as an unrounded close u:. If we unround the u: described in § 44 which occurs in words like u:r, Luay, we obtain a peculiar sound which we here denote by o:. o: would therefore be high-back-lowered. In a number of words j_: and p; seem to be interchangeable but that they are two absolutely distinct sounds is shewn by the fact that for j;; the younger people substitute y:, i:, whilst for p one hears sa, ea, e:. Craig again following the younger generation says : "adha, agha are pronounced like ay in day ", i.e. e:, Grammar 2 p. 14. This p: always seems to me to be a kind of vocalised a, which is accounted for by its origin and there is nearly always a suspicion of friction in the production of the vowel. It also appears to exist in the Monaghan dialect 30 described by Lloyd (G. J. 1896 p. 146), who states that " adh, agh appear to have three sounds, viz. that of eu in French, 6 in German, or that commonly given to ae ". Lloyd evidently did not know the French and German sounds he mentions but one of his three sounds is doubtless my o: . The last mentioned pro- nunciation is that of the younger people in Donegal, for a descrip- tion of which see § 95. O'Donovan in his Grammar p. 9 makes o: and {: identical in North Ulster, whilst for South Ulster and Meath he gives the pronunciation of o: as ed. It may be noted that both £: and p: have the same sound in some dialects of Scotch Gaelic though in this case it is a low-front and not a high-back sound (ZCP. iv 99). § 70. o: arises chiefly from O.Ir. accented a preceding d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh), except when w follows (§ 17). A following vowel is absorbed. This only occurs in stressed syllables. Else- where final -ad might be expected to give o: but it was rounded to -utv. Examples — go:?; 'hound', M.Ir. gadar; kioir'd (khir'd, kleir'd) has not a bad meaning in Donegal but is used like Engl. ' my fine fellow ', Meyer cladaire ; Lo:duw, ' to lessen ', Di. laghdughadh, cp. Atk. lagatus ; Lo:y, ' handsome ', Di. laghach, the younger generation has Ls»y, compar. Lois ; Lo.r, ' toe ', M.Ir. ladar, gen. sing. L'orr'd; 'mo:r, 'sprat', Di. maghar, Macbain maghar, Cormac magar 1 ; o:rk, 'horn', O.Ir. adarc (younger generation edfk), gen. sing, eir'k'a, dat. sing, eir'k' ; slo:dxn, 'a cold ', O'R. slaighdean, Di. slaodan (also sLaidan, sLe:dxn) ; so:, 'tang of a pitch-fork n (Spir. Rose p. G aidvimuid) : balesel', 'hindering', Mejerbaca.il; ka.:rdxl', ' to card ', J>i. cardail; socwxl', 'to save', syjincL't'xy, 'of a saving disposition'. Similarly in zddael', ' benefit, boon ', M.lr. etail ; d'&wxl', 'want, need', < ). I r. digbailj ri:j';vL't\>, ' wizened ' (?). Also in the plural of substantives ending in -an, O.Tr. -an, skoLuween', 'lungs', M.lr. seaman. Other instances — f'ixn', 'wild', formed from M.lr. f l'ad ; kaJwer', 'city', O.Ir. cathir (the terms for 'city' and 'chair' have been confused) ; o:kxd', 'opportunity', Di. ocaid ; parxjfs, 'parish', Di. parraiste, parroiste ; u.seed', ' use ', 1 >i. lisaid. For set' < a:t' in < Nxt' i:n'y.-y see § 451. >5 78. O.Ir. 6 gives as under the same circumstances as O.Ir. a in the preceding paragraph, e.g. korxn', 'crown', M.lr. coroin, gen. sing, korarw ) o:ttiir;vd'y.-/,, 'meek', Di. omoideach ; u:mdlxd', Di. umhloid, O.Ir. umaldoit (the word is used in the sense of 'capacity of vessels', as to.: ir.mAivd wo:r eg' dN tcdhay^ Jin', ' that vessel holds a good deal ', J. H. says it is a Rosses word, u:wluw is used for 'obedience'); ka,u(w)laed' , 'noisy talk', Di. colloid, calloid (^ 143). £ 79. In a few instances f'iru', ' already ' < O.Tr. cena + fein ; plocm'xd', ' planet, weather ', Di. plaineid ; strct:m'aed', ' stroke with a stick ', Di. straimead, stramaid. It is noteworthy that the terminations -eir, -oir give -ser' in Orrery and Meath (G. J. 1896 p. 147). § 80. Before r we sometimes find a; where we do not expect it, i.e. there has been a confusion of the endings -air, -air, e.g. in ahser', 'father', O.Ir. athair ; malmr, 'mother', O.Ir. mathir ; d'a.:nvr, 'brother', O.Ir. derbrathir ; Lahser', 'presence', M.lr. lathair. It should however be stated that this is not the only pronunciation, as one also hears -ir', srzhser, srochir', gen. sing, of srechsr, ' straddle '. -ir' is the general ending in the oblique cas«\s of substantives in -w, cp. nizdir, plur. of m'adw, 'a small wooden vessel ', Di. meadar. The word for 'jaundice' is bwiayin against Dinneen's buidheachain. 2. g. § 81. This symbol denotes the Northern English e-sound in such words as 'men', 'get' (Sweet low-front-narrow). This :- Q. 3 34 may arise from various sources and interchanges with e. Indi- vidual speakei's differ very considerably in the employment of the e-sounds and hard and fast rules cannot be established. Indeed it is characteristic of Donegal Trish that most of the short vowels can vary within considerable limits, the on- and off-glides of the neighbouring consonants being so to speak of greater importance for the listener than exactness of vowel timbre. Finck makes no attempt to distinguish between the various e-sounds but it seems to me advisable to attempt to differentiate the Donegal varieties. § 82. e often represents O.Ir. accented e before a consonant with palatal temper, e.g. f'ek'cd, ' to see ', Wi. feccim ; jsv fa, ' he gets ', Wi. ni fogeib s. fo-gabim ; L'sf't'cm, ' flat-foot ', Di. leiftean ; L'sk'a, gen. sing, of L'cck, 'flag', M.Ir. lee; jn'sL'og, ' curb, wattle of a cock', according to Macbain < O.Ir. bel ; m'shdl, 'party of labourers ', M.Ir. methel (but gen. sing, meld); J'svt'uw, 'to shift '< Engl, k'erd', 'trade, profession', O.Ir. ceird (ace.) shews retention of g before r , 'English', O.Ir. belre; b's:ri:, vs:ri:, futures to b' ser'svi: n ri: huw, 'may God prosper you', M.Ir. soirb ; /er', 'eastwards', O.Ir. sair (/by analogy with fidr, cp. Rhys p. 53). § 90. This e not infrequently interchanges with i, i, e.g. d'ef, dlif < d'ef 9, Di. deis, 'neatness, order'; el' 9, il'd, 'wall of peat- stack', M.Ir. aile (Meyer, O'Don. Suppl.) perhaps = Di. fail ; in parts of el'u:u', ' to rear ', pret. dil' m'd, Wi. ailemain ; k'r'et'd, k'r'it'd past part, of k'r'ed'dm, 'I believe'; krev, kriv, 'paw', M.Ir. crob ; L'efk'rA, L'ifk'&l, ' excuse ', Di. leithsceal ; L'evr'i:n', I. i rr'im, 'a foolish person'; kord m'eL'9, m'iL'd, 'heath pease', Di. carra mhilis. Similarly we find e, s alternating in L'shccy, ' sea-weed ', gen. sing. L'ehi:. Further e, ei before c, L'ec, L'eic, 'half, also 'a fluke', Di. leith, gen. sing. L'ehd. S 91. e occurs as the final of a few monosyllables, e.g. de, 'from him', O.Ir. de ; t'e\ 'hot', M.Ir. te; b'r'e\ 'to bring forth', M.Ir. breith. But these and similar words tend to end in breath, cp. § 42. 5. e:. § 92. A very close long e as in German ' see ' is a frequent 37 .sound arising from various sources. When nasalised it is more open than otherwise. § 93. e: corresponds to O.Ir. e as the final of monosyllables, e.g. d'e:, gen. sing, of d'h, 'God', O.Tr. de; g'r'e:, 'good appear- ance', O.lr. gne ; nJY'e:, 'yesterday', O.Ir. inde. Also frequently in the prefix d'e:, O.Ir. deg, 'good', e.g. cFedo.-ra,)^, ' eloquent ' ; d'i':j/-'i:ti\>ri:, 'good deeds' ; d'e:smwi:t'i:, 'good thoughts' ; d'e:vr'i9- ray^ 'sweet spoken'; d'e:woluw } 'sweet smell'. d'&: is sometimes heard in these forms beside d'e:. § 94. e: occasionally represents O.Ir. accented e before a consonant, e.g. f'r'e:ivayv, plur. of f'r'eiv, ' root ', we expect f'r'a:ivzyji but the e: is due to the influence of the vowel of the singular; g'e:, 'goose', M.Ir. ged but plur. g'sct.yj>; m'e:, 'fat', M.Ir. meth ; J'k'e:v, 'beautiful appearance', Di. sceiinh < O.Ir. sciam ; sre:ri, gen. sing, of srs<*n, ' bridle ', O.Ir. srian. This e: also occurs in English loan-words as in tre:n, ' train ' ; te:, ' tea '. gre:hd, ' business, affairs ', greiharv. ' busy ' are peculiar. Dinneen only has gno, gnothach. The Donegal forms rather point to O.Ir. gnethech with gr and not g'r' due to association with gro:h!). 38 $ 96. We have already seen that considerable uncertainty prevails with regard to the e-sounds in Donegal and the same applies equally to the i-sounds. By the symbol i we denote a high-mixed-wide vowel. However in several of the cases to be mentioned below various shades are heard ranging between i and a high-front-wide vowel. Under these circumstances J. H. inclines more to i whilst the younger folk pronounce a distinct i. This i seems to me to be one of the peculiar characteristics of Donegal speech both English and Irish and at first gave me the impression of an e-sound. The tongue-position for the Donegal irrational vowel approaches very nearly to that of i, indeed 2 may be regarded as a lowered i, and the two sounds not infrequently interchange. Very remarkable also is the common substitution of i for and vice versa. J$ 97. i represents an O.Ir. i preceded by a palatal con- sonant and followed by one of different quality, e.g. b'ihr, 'cress', M.Ir. biror ; g'ibog, 'a little bit', Di. giobog ; g'uhlay, 'foolishly conceited', Di. giodalach; g'it, g'ilka.^, 'early grass, fog'; g'iLxy], 'work about the house' (cp. N'i: liiy' I'im obwir' er big o ja:nuw Sd N's:r gdd'i: N'ei am d'i:N'y.rc> I' a wHl i> jiLoiyt l's d'a:nuw 9g»m, ' I cannot get to work in the hay until after dinner on account of all the things I have to do about the house'), cp. Di. giollaidheacht ; g'ima.na.'Y, 'livery-servant, coachman', Di. giomanach, geamanach ; g'it9, 'bit, piece', Di. giota ; g'l'ima.%, 'lobster', Di. gliomach ; i^ly.'/j ' tingling in the fingers ', Di. ionglach, eanglach ; k'imy.y, ' clout ', also ' a good-for-nothing fellow ', Di. ciomach ; k'iNti:, 'cause, occasion', Di. cionnta <: O.Ir. cin ; k'itag, 'left-hand', Di. ciotog; L'ilhjr, 'hanging-lip', Di. liobar ; m'itan, 'small, useless hand', I >i. miotan ; p'ibruw, 'rousing to fight'; p'ikod', 'a pick', Di. piocoid ; p'r'is, ' cupboard ', Engl. ' press ' ; file, ' frost ', Di. sioc ; fikyr', ' cause ', Di. siocair, also fokyr' ; f'iLuw, ' syllable ', O.Ir. sillab; j'is/J,, 'to heckle', Di. siostal ; J'k'r'is, 'destruction', M.Tr. scris (gen. sing, fk'r'i/)', fL'ignuw, 'good appearance of work'(?): xm'iudgyr, 'small fragments', Di. smionagar ; sp'l'itd, 'splinter': ft'iguw, 'to die', Di. stiogadh ; t'imsuw, 'gather in, garner', M.Ir. timsugad ; t'iNta,:r siv, 'weed, a kind of milk- fever' (?); t'r'iblod'a.'y, 'troublesome', Di. triobloideach. For O.Ir. initial i before a non-palatal consonant see § 58. £ 98. When in a stressed syllable the consonant following 39 the vowel is palatal but the initial consonant is not, the pala- talisation in the majority of cases has affected the vowel which usually appears as i, for exceptions see £ 24. We find i notably in the inflected forms of monosyllables containing a, o, u, e.g. a — glocs, 'green', compar. gtif9\ ka/m, 'bent', compar. kim'd) MxN, ' children ', dat. kliN'. o — bo:r } 'deaf, compar. h'ivr'n; horn, 'waist', gen. sing, kim ; trom, 'heavy', compar. trim's; sole, 'snout', gen. sing. sik'. u — dU>r, ' black ', compar. divd ; kllvr'ccy, ' feathers ', L%bwi: ylivr'i:, 'feather bed', Di. cluimhreach < M.Ir. chim. In the same way i is occasionally the result of the palatalisation of O.Ir. e, e.g. N'\v, N'lf, 'poison', O.Ir. neim, ep. £ 111. Further examples — divan, 'cormorant', Di. duibhean ; s9d\vn'9, 'shallowness', Di. eadoimhin ; givn'9, plur. of go:, 'smith '; kif'olan, 'knot of people', O.Ir. comthinol ; kivxd, 'watch', O.Ir. comet; kivn'ay, 'mindful', O.Ir. cuiinnech ; k'ivr'dN, 'plot of ground for crops', M.Ir. comraind ; krirf Wfe, 'wheat', M.Ir. cruithnecht ; krip'9, 'button', Di. cnaipe ; ril'ig', 'churchyard', M.Ir. relicc ; fiiV, 'share, deal', Di. roinn ; rit',>, 'steep', Di. ruidhte ; nvd, rip'i:, ' before him, her ', cp. Wi. remi, roime, rempi p. 733 ; riyj, 'state', O.Ir. richt ; sim', 'consideration', Di. suim, N'S.vhiia u :l\ 'careless'; sLiN'uw, 'family name', M.Ir. slondiud ; tig dm, 'I understand', O. [r. tucciin. This i also occurs initially, e.g. ib'r'i:, 'workman', cp. M.Ir. oibriugad ; U'9, ' the wall round a stack of peat ', Meyer aile ; iv, if, ' egg ', uibh (Craig), O.Ir. og. In a few words in which i comes from o or u, a slight rounding is to be observed, e.g. in glin',>, 'glass', M.Ir. glaine, gloine but not in glin'n, 'purity', M.Ir. glaine (so according to J. H. but doubtful) ; Miiicnn, 'I hear', O.Ir. ro-cluin-ethar ; il'k', O.Ir. uilec, gen. sing, of oik, 'bad'; iL'd (ml: N9 KiL'9), ' July ' ; iM'9, 'June'; iL'i'jm, ' William '. i; 99. Strange to say there seems to be an increasing tendency to employ i (= O.Ir. e, i) at the expense of i between two palatal consonants. J. H. inclines more to i but the younger people prefer i in a large number of words, e.g. b'r'iL'fk'ir'ccyt, 'light- headedness', Di. breillsce ; d'il', 'lathe', M.Ir. deil ; /"il'9, 'poet', O.Ir. fili; g*ib'9, gen. sing, of g"ib, 'bit', Di. giob ; k'in'ccl, 'kind', (also k'iny.J) O.Ir. cencl (but generally g.x: firial); k'if, 'piece of repaired path, spot to bo mended', Di. ceis ; m'in, 'meal', O.Ir. men; mil', 'honey', O.Ir. mil; m'il'if, 'sweet', O.Ir. 40 milis: iri'ifo, 'me, I', <>.lr. messe, meisse; p'il'i>p'i:ri, 'plover', Di. pilibin; p'l'if, 'puddle', also p'l'gf; f'il'ag, 'spittle', M.lr. seile, saile: fil'uw, 'matter, pus' (fiky: fs fa. hil'un; 'it will gather) also 'to distil, drop', M.lr. silim ; fim'p'l'i:, 'foolish, simple ', Di. simplidhe. § 100. In modern Irish hi is written for io in some cases before ch but the pronunciation is i, e.g. f'iyuw, 'to boil', M.lr. ticliim : ./"Vi%, 'wet', O.Ir. flinch (the latter is also heard as rr, z , fvu x ). % 101. Before m initial i is always i, e.g. iW, 'butter', O.Ir. imb: im'y.yj, 'to depart', O.Ir. immthecht (according to Rhys p. 7 Manx immeeaght has a short open i) ; im'sL, 'edge',' O.Ir. imbel; im'rrt', 'to play', M.lr. imirt ; im'n'i:, 'care', O.Ir. imned ; \ni pi:, 'prayer', O.Ir. impide. But O.Ir. initial i before a non-palatal consonant is usually o (§ 58). However one hears inypp, 'tit to wrestle with, a match for', cp. ionchurtha CI. 8. 25 vi '04 p. G col. 1. .^ 102. Before /■ < r preceding s, t' &c. O.Ir. e, i is frequently represented by i, though this is in large measure due to analogy, e.g. irso.yy, plur. of ir'if, 'hanger', Di. iris; %a%, 'guilty', Di. coirtheach< kyr, 'crime', plur. kip, M.lr. cair ; k'irt'9, compar. of k'art, 'right' (also N'i:s k'artd)', firN'ayd> plur. of fwir'dN, 'crew' (/ Lyjio, bx:d'); b'irt', 'a pair', Di. beirt ; (irszy, 'tired', O.Ir. torsech. One would naturally expect to find o under these circumstances after a non-palatal initial (cp. toe: m's kor fol ro:nj, 'my nose is bleeding ', fol N'iri:, 'last year', 0. Ir. inn- uraid ; gtidi:, 'effeminate, soft person' (?) ; rid, 'thing', £ 59; Vom beside tint, 'with ine ' ; his<>, 'you', O.Ir. tussu, huso. 'L'liis uncertainty seems to have existed long ago in the case of the prefix which we find variously spelt aur-, ur-, ar-, er-, ir-, cp. ursa, aursa, irsa Wi. p. 8G8. § 104. i may interchange with e in some words, e.g. dib.rr s-/, 'he worked' but past part. f>b'r'i:/'t'<> ; f'il'dV, fd'&o, 'possession'; gir'idf, ger'id', 'short'; f'l'inuv), 'sleet', Di. nichne, nichshneachta. Cp. further § 90. § 105. i occurs sporadically as the reduction of a long vowel. d'iwsel (d'9ivael'), 'want, need of, O.Ir. di'gbail ; d'imwit'd, 'apart from, besides', cp. Derry People 9 ix '05 p. 2 col. 7, nach maith is cuinihneach linn Doinhnall is Diarmuid, Paidin agus Seamuisin ; Eibhlin is Anna ; Grainne agus Sighle ; agus go leor dioinaoite diobhtha seo. This form seems to contain the privative prefix di- followed by mwi:t'd, ' belonging to, dependent on ', cp. sonas afjus seun dhuit fhein ad < k'z vd b'jo:, a frequent answer to an enquiry after a person's health, 'he's only just getting along'. N'inu:r, 'set of nine', O.Ir. nonbur has perhaps been influenced by d'i/j'a.r (Lloyd gives a similar pronunciation for Monaghan and Meath G. J. 189G p. 147 col. 2). In verb stems the stressed vowel is lengthened by a following gh, but when this gh comes to stand before t' the vowel remains short and appears generally as i, e.g. tome, ' to choose ', pret. ho: m',>, pres. pass, tit'dr, imperf. pass, h'it'i:, past part. fit'. i (also used as adj. = ' choice, select, capital '), cp. < >. I p. togu ; X'i,>, 'to wash', M.Ir. nige, pres. pass. N'it'dr, imperf. pass. n'it'i:, past part. X'it',> but fut. act. N'i:hd m'd. t'r'ouw, 'to plough ', M.Ir. trebaim, is treated in the same way, past part. t'r'it'rK 42 § 106. In Donegal O.Ir. accented e appears as i (i.e. 1) before , 'loathing' is obscure. Dinneen has ealaraim, ' I salt, pickle ', which may be connected. A word which has had a peculiar history is fgruw ti&, 'household furniture '. This is evidently M. fr. errad, eirred, Di. earradh, which first became iruw and then oruw. All consciousness that the word originally had a palatal initial was lost and f was prefixed. It might be noted that Di. fionnan, 'a kind of rough glass' is in Donegal called fcuNcm. 4:* 7. i. § 10cS. By i we denote several shades of i-sounds varying from a middle to a close i. In the neighbourhood of non- palatal consonants i undergoes certain modifications which will be mentioned under y in >} 125. § 109. i commonly represents an O.Ir. accented i between two palatal consonants, e.g. b'ig', gen. sing, of b'ig, 'little'; b'iN', 'melodious', O.Tr. bind; g'iji, 'wedge', M.Tr. geind : p'ifi:ri, 'kitten', Di. pisin s. piscin ; t'i:N', 'poorly, ill', M.Ir. tind. Initially i can only occur before palatal consonants (cp. § 58), e.g. iN'fd, 'to relate', M.Ir. innissim, indissim ; in'ig'iL't', 'grazing, pasture', Di. ingheilt; ir'i/] 'hanger', Di. iris; ir'is, 'a contract', O'E. iris, 'assignation', cp. to.: ir'is po:stc> idir ma.:r' dgds fs:m98, ' Mary and James are engaged to be married ', O.Ir. iress. The line between i and i is not very sharply defined, i some- times appears for i especially after r', e.g. in y'r'ibzy, 'bustle ', cp. CI. 8. 6 ix 02 p. 432 col. 2, Macbain has griobhag, M.Ir. grip (the word is used especially of a melee at carnman, e.g. vi: y'r'ibz.y mo:r er j N'gmiv&N' fin', 'it was a rough game', vi: y'r'ib'xy mo:r er' X :na X ° ^:tvir' Ner' v vi: No. tir'iv 9 yor dinar/, 'there was great confusion at the harvest-fair when the bulls were being taken out'); y'r'is.r/', 'drubbing, slashing', Di. griosail. § 110. Before palatal consonants i appears instead of i in accented syllables containing a, o, u. Examples — O.Ir. a — dir'», ' Derry ', O.Ir. daire ; diL', gen. sing, of dc.L, 'blind', M.Ir. dall ; y'a'vvd, compar. of garuw, 'rough', O.Ir. garb; yi^V'j, compar. oi ga.N, 'scarce', O.Ir. gand; tjiX'jstit, ' unawares '< gan fhios ; yir'im, 'call', M.Ir. gairni ; ir'im, nom. plur. of axdm, 'army', O.Ir. arm; siN't', 'avarice', Di. sainnt < O.Ir. sant ; t'i/'iX't', 'to shew', M.Ir. taisfenad, cp. Pedersen p. 163 f. O.Ir. o — brim', 'crepitus ventris ', M.Ir. broimm ; dir"d>\ ' a water-worm living at the bottom of pools, when swallowed by cattle it causes a disease which only the Cassidy's can cure', Di. doirbh ; yir'inid, compar. of y.ir.mi, 'blue', M.Ir. gorni ; i/bil', 'game', -cos, 'deer' + feoil; klig', gen. sing, of kloy, 'bell", O.Ir. clocc; krik', nom. plur. of krqk, 'hill', O.Ir. cnocc; Lin, dat. of Lot), 'ship'; mtuiL't', nom. plur. of moLt, 'wether', O.Ir. molt. Note also the new gen. sing, kyr'im' formed from kopm, 'even, level', M.Ir. comthrom. 44 O.Ir. w.—diL'a.g, 'leaf', Di. duilleog, M.Ir. duille; din's, 'man', O.Ir. duine ; gir'i:n', 'pimple', M.Ir. gur, 'pus'; k'ocrk Qi/r, 'a sitting hen', Di. gor ; %L' <>, 'elbow', M.Ir. ule ; i/ccg, ' lark ', Macbain uiseag, Manx ushag, Di. fuiseog ; kli?9, 'game', M.Ir. cluche ; krihayj), plur. of krC'i; 'horseshoe', Wi. cni ; krit', 'hump', krit'i:n'a,y i , 'humpback', M.Ir. crot, cruit ; mwir, 'sea', O.Ir. muir. £ 111. In the same way O.Ir. e before palatal consonants has frequently become i, e.g. d'in'u:r, ' party of ten ', O.Ir. deichenbor; f'ir'ig's, gen. sing, of f'ardg, 'anger', O.Ir. fere, ferg ; g'r'iml, 'morsel, grip', O.Ir. greiinm ; k'irik'i:/, 'Whitsun- tide', M.Ir. cengciges ; k'i/uii, 'basket', Meyer cess; L'ig'^n, 'to let, allow', Wi. lecun ; m'in'ik', 'frequent', O.Ir. menicc ; m'ir'ig', 'rust', O.Ir. meirg; m'i/k's, 'intoxication', M.Ir. mesce; j"LV',Mi, 'playing an instrument', M.Ir. senim ; sm'ig', 'chin', M.Ir. smech ; t'in'i, 'tire', O.Ir. tene. ^112. In § 105 we saw that i occurs in a few verbs ending in dh, gh before t'. Similarly i: is shortened to i in verb forms before /' and h < fh or th. Henebry mentions this shortening for Waterford (p. 13) but it must be remembered that there is a tendency to shorten all long vowels before h < th in Donegal. Examples — vl'i(:) m'd, 'I milked', infin. b'l'ii but past part, b'lit'j, fut. act. b'/'ih<> m'9, pres. pass, b'l'it'sr, cond. pass, vl'ihi:, O.Ir. mligiin ; gi: (g//:), 'to beseech', past part, yit'<>, O.Ir. gude ; fid^ ' to weave ', pres. pass, f'it'dr, imperf. d'it'i:, past part, /'it's ; t'i: )\>, ' he sees ', pres. pass, t'ihw dUw, ' it seems to me '. This shortening is also found in other words, as in ;/j:, 'wind', gen. sing, gifts; sih&r (sj hsr), 'labour', O.Ir. saithar; tihi>, 'houses', I>i. tighthe; d'l'iigsl, 'lawful', Di. dlightheamhail ; vinyl!, 'royal', < *rioghthamhail. In syllables with secondary stress i is common for i: in the participial ending -i:j'io (see § 356) as in b'ahift ' j, b'ijij'l'.i, srinift'9 ; also in dimwit' j, 'besides' ($ 105). Tn the preterite of tin; verbs si:, 'to sit', O.Ir. suide ; Li: (Ly:), 'to lie', O.Ir. lige and similar verbs a short or half long i appears instead of i:, y: before the personal pronouns, e.g. I'i tuw, Vi jl>, him'9. >; 113. i is frequent in unstressed syllables in place of <> before palatal consonants independent of the quality of the pre- ceding consonant, e.g. x:rin', Aran, il'an. a:r,nt. r ), Aran Island ; If.r/jin'y.yt, 'poverty', Di. bochtaineacht ; d'i>Lid', 'saddle', M.Ir. diallait; 9giN', 'with us', O.Ir. ocaind ; //«% yjzpwiL ', 'wasp', beach chapaill ; kgr'ini ', gen. sing, of k.u;nn, M.Ir. comthrom ; ■it'ir, 'turf-bank', l)i. Macbain oitir. 45 § 111. Tn the same way i takes place of a as svarabhakti vowel between palatal combinations such as r'g', r'v, l'g' «fcc. (cp. Finck i p. 35). Examples — bwil'ig'og, 'bubble', O.Ir. bolg, bole, gen. sing, buile ; haer'ig', 'offered', M.Ir. taircim ; k'el'ig', 'deceit', M.Ir. celg ; m'ir'iy', 'rust/, (). I r. meirgj /inr.ir't)/', 'woe', O.Ir. mairg ; j'ii-'ir>, compar. of J'aruw, 'bitter', O.Ir. serb. La:r'ik', 'thigh', beside Macbain lairig, O.Ir. loarcc shews that the k' is analogical and comes in from the plural, as no svarabhakti vowel is introduced between r, /•' and k, k' (§ 138). Similarly the final a of i:n r 9, 'Friday', becomes % in i:ni -rz.tst,), ' Good Friday ' ; tui $oJid, ' rainbow ', = tuagh cheatha. §115. After /•' before o: the off-glide sometimes developes into I, as in b'r'io:t'9, 'sickly, delicate', intin. b'r'iouw, Di. breodhaim, Meyer breoaim, ' I burn '. 8. i:. § 116. When standing between palatal consonants i: has a very close sound but in other positions it is slightly more open. It is liable to be modified by non-palatal consonants for which see under y (§ 125) and is frequent both in syllables with chief and secondary stress. § 117. i: represents O.Ir. f between palatal consonants, e.g. in d'i:g', dat. sing, of d'i.g (with open vowel, also d'hg), 'gutter'; fim'uw (fi:N'uiv), 'stretch', O.Ir. sinim ; d'i:J\ 'a couple ', cp. dis dat. of dias Wi. ; k'i:r'd, gen. sing, of k'i:r, 'comb', O.Ir. cir ; f'r'i:, ' flesh- worm ', O'R. frith, Di. frigh. Similarly in i:, 'fat', llaphoe Pastoral 1904 igh, Macbain igh, M.Ir. ith and in the diminutive termination -i:u', ksel'i:n, 'girl'. When the final of a monosyllable which contains id becomes palatal, ia becomes %:, thus dridn, 'blackthorn', O.Ir. draigen, gen. sing. dri:n. § 118. O.Ir. i in words of more than one syllable before non-palatal consonants gives i: (in monosyllables we usually find is), e.g. d'l:wi:ii, 'unmarried', O.Ir. dimain ; k'i.krccy, 'ravenous', Meyer ciccarach ; k'i:mwxl', 'to worry, contend', O'R. ciomaim, Macbain, Di. ciom ; karsj 'k'r'i:st9, ' sponsor ', Meyer cairdes Crist s. cairddes ; 7ni:sj, gen. sing, of m'i:, 'month '. § 119. Sometimes O.Ir. fa (i.e. is) loses its second element and becomes i: . This is particularly the case before h < th and is therefore parallel to the shortening of long vowels before the same sound. Examples — b'r'idizr, 'woi'd, speech', O.Ir. briatharj 46 k'l i:hxn, 'the front of tlie chest', k'l'i:hanr, 'sieve', O.Ir. criathar : j'i.utsi, 'pastime 7 , Di. siamsa. § 120. With many speakers the close e: and d tend to become i:, as in m'l: hi:n' = m6 fhein ; gri.hxy, 'busy' (^ 94); /./•'/.= eirigh. Regularly in grl:, 'good looks', gnn-J', 'hand- some', O.Ir. gne ; fk'i •aitk'i/, 'quinsy', Di. sceith aingcis ; b'l'iog, ' effeminate fellow ', cp. Di. bleitheachan ; analogically in the inflected forms of d'i.m, O.Ir. dian, gen. sing. fern. d'i:n'd. § 121. A palatal O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) gave j which combined with a preceding vowel to form i: both in stressed and unstressed syllables, (a) in stressed syllables — bwi:, 'yellow', O.Tr. bude, bwi:gan, 'yolk of an egg': brim, 'contest, brawl', Meyer brnden (Craig wrongly writes braoghan) ; b'i:%oi:, 'mischievous', < *bidbaide, Meyer bibdaide ; al:, pret. of gfo, gy.j, 'to beseech', O.Ir. gude ; l:$d, 'night', O.Ir. aidche, oidche ; i-l:n\ 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; ti:dor, ' thatcher ', Di. tuigheadoir, m >r wa:r dri:L'», 'to cap all', Di. dramhfhuigheall, drabhfhuigheal, dramhghail, drabhghail. (/<) in unstressed syllables — oJeli:, 'pli- able, soft', Di. aclaidhe ; kiki.s (Mky:f), 'fortnight', M.Ir. coic- digis : k'ijd'i:/, 'Whitsuntide', M.Ir. cengciges ; my.Xti:V, 'to mumble, talk indistinctly ', mantuighil ; mwiriim' , 'confidence', M.Ir. muinigin ; mtcir'i.n', 'a large family', Di. muirighean, Macbain muirichinn. The genitive of words ending in -uw <-adh, -amh is usually -!:, so boluw, ' smell ', O.Ir. bolad, gen. sing, boll: ; b'r'ehuw, 'judge', O.Ir. brithem, gen. sing, b'r'ehi:. Between r (=r) and j a svarabhakti vowel was developed, hence M.Ir. suirge became *sir'ijrj and finally sir'i (generally with short vowel); similarly O.Ir. eirge gave eir'i:. A number of substantives (mainly feminine) which ended in -ad in the older language have formed a new nominative -i: < -aid from the oblique cases, as indeed there is a general tendency in Donegal to make feminine substantives end in a palatal sound, e.g. gen'Zv, 'sand', O.Ir. ganem. Examples: — a,:ri:, 'main cross-beam in roof, Di. araidhe, M.Ir. arad ; had:, 'grief, Meyer cuma, dat. cumaid ; L'abtoi:, 'bed', has already in M.Ir. two forms lepad, lepuid ; m'ani:, 'awl', M.Ir. menad ; moli:, 'brow, steep incline', Wi. malaig (dat.); saMwi:, 'sorrel', Di. samhadh, Macbain samh. Cp. further t'in'i, ' fire ', < tenid (dat.); t'ocrjf/:, ' tontrue ', O.Ir. tense. Other words seem to have been influenced by these examples, as k'iiV/i:, 'cause', Di. cionnta formed from 47 O.Ir. cin, 'guilt', M.Ir. cintach, 'guilty' ;inj, development of svarabhakti vowel and change of 9J9> I ; Scotch garradh ". Pedersen unfortunately fails to give us any further instances of the change of non-palatal dh>j and this sound-law has certainly not operated in Donegal, where Mod.Ir. dh after r, m disappears, as far as can be seen'. Thus M.Ir. gruamda appeal's as gruamd) a N'i»L9S, M.Ir. Mac Niallguis ( Fergus and Oengus unfortunately appear as /' 'ardgds and NJ :s) ; *mdrdhachas, cp. Di. mordhacht, gives moRa.yd8 with assimilation of rd > R and shortening of the preceding vowel ; faur9, 'eclipse' is obscure, but it may be mentioned here as it represents urdhubhadh. Further in a number of trisyllabic adjectives in -rdha the result is -?v, e.g. k'y.yjirs, 'miserly', Meyer cecharda ; danar9, 'cruel', Di. danardha ; similarly Aa/p^/v (Meyer corporda), m'asitra, mwiN't'dn, fajskwrd. § 122. However in the case of O.Ir. palatal g after I', r the svai'abhakti i +j + vowel invariably gives I:, e.g. dael'iss, ' difficulty ', Keating doilgheas ; N'fon, ' daughter ' < in'ijdn (the loss of the initial i is due to the word being frequently used proclitically) O.Ir. ingen. In a few cases a post-consonantic palatal ch is treated as if it were g (Mod.Ir. gh), only the preceding consonant must be voiceless, e.g. fwxt'i:s, ' timidity ', M.Ir. faitches ; to:ri:s, 'number at birth, parturition' (rog fi: t'r'u:r d jsdN to:ri:s, ' she had triplets '),' Di. toircheas, M.Ir. torrchius. § 123. By shifting of stress fair', 'got', O.Ir. fuair, becomes /'//•/./•'. smwi:t'tiw, 'to think', represents M.Ir. smiiainim, cp. £443. For bwi:r'wr, 'trouble', see § 66. For i:, i.) < O.Ir. ua see forms with y j$j 66, 67. £ 124. But one of the most frequent sources of i: is O.Ir. ai, 6i, now written aoi, e.g. fwi:/uw, 'improvement', Di. faoiseamh 1 ahin'. 48 < ZVr.Ir. foessam ; i:l 'a%, 'dung', O.Tr. ailedn ; i;n'9, 'Friday', O.Ir. oine ; i:v waip, dro%i:v, 'good, bad appearance', O.Tr. oiph : i:viN', 'agreeable', O.Tr. aibind, oibind ; i.voL, ' starting of cattle with heat ', l>i. aoibhill ; ki:n'uw (ky:n'uw), 'to cry', O.Ir. cainiud (Craig writes caonadh but I have only heard the form with it') ; //./•' hin'uw, 'blazing tire', Di. caor, cp. ki.r' hin'uw ort, 'the curse of blazes upon you', O.Ir. cair ; kri:v9, gen. sing, of hryuw, ' branch ' ; mwi:l', ' superabundance, top ' (proverb os m'in'ik' o trin' 9 kivad my.tr ,t wi:V ddN tobdft'9, 'a stitch in times saves nine'), Di. maoil ; mwi.v, 'to grudge', O.Ir. moidem, cp. N'i.L' l',i ,m trt.t'd ort, ' it is not to be grudged you ' ; J'id'om, ' I think ', M.Ir. sailim (/" for s, cp. § 354). In other than syllables with chief stress — o.yli:, 'relapse in illness', = ath + claoidh, Di. claoidhim ; kasi:d', 'complaint', O.Ir. cossoit. In the inflected forms of words containing { :, ki:l'd, compar. of &{ :l, ' narrow ', O.Ir. coel ; ki:ca, gen. sing. fern, of kji : '/j 'blind', O.Ir. caich. In a number of cases we find i: and y: side by side. For the younger people's pronunciation of j: as y:, i: see .^61. In a few words i: is the only sound one hears, e.g. fi.-w&r, 'edge', O.Ir. faibur; tri:, 'to subside' (ta: N tat 9 tri:, 'the pain is subsiding') < traogh, Di. traochadh, Macbain traogh, M.Ir. tragud. This word has been differentiated from tra.:uw, ' to ebb ', which cm-re- sponds exactly to the M.Ir. form, tri: has followed the inflected forms of the verb, e.g. pret. ri:. (/or -ti:wc> l's, 'to depend on' (ta: m's gov -tiiwo I 'at fan rod ota: 9 ji:r or9m, 'I am relying on you for what I want') Di. i dtortaoibh s. taobh (§ 416), but the simple word occui*s both as tiutv and tytiw, O.Ir. toib. 9. y. § 125. This symbol represents a modified form of i due to the influence of certain non-palatal consonants. Most commonly y is an unrounded form of German ii in Giite, i.e. the fore part of the tongue is slightly lowered from the i position and is moreover retracted. This y (y:) appeal's instead of i, i after L, N, k, g, y, a and arises under the same conditions as these vowels. Examples — gyd', plur. of gad, ' switch ' ; qyd' mo, ' I stole ', Di. goidim ; (jyj\ gen. sing, of gos, 'vigour', M.Ir. gus; kyfog, 'windle- straw ', Di. cuiseog ; kyt'ag, ' lob- worm ', Craig cuiteog ; yjjr mo, 'I put', M.Ir. ro chuir; Nyuw, 'saint', O.Ir. noib; sNy:, 'bier', ( ) 'It. snaoi ; sKy:m, 'knot', M.Ir. snaidm. In other than syllables with chief stress — o.msky:, 'untidy', Di. amscaoidheach ; 9 Naiky:, 'gratis', M.Ir. ascid ; d'z.rkyy.y, 'scrutinising, attentive '< dear- 49 caiglitheach ; a/rt a k'aLy:, 'Art O'Kelly ' ; k'o.Ny.m, 'I buy', M.Ir. cendaigim. § 12(5. After other non-palatal consonants than those men- tioned in the preceding paragraph the characteristic features of y are not so strongly marked and we get a sound between y and i, now approaching more nearly to the one, now to the other. This is the case after w, p, t, d, s, e.g. in tyN'a, gen. sing, of tqN, 'wave'; sy:, 'to sit', O.Ir. sude ; sy:, 'sage', O.Ir. sui ; i:nuw, 1 wonder ' but N'irr' wy:nmv } ' it was no wonder '. § 127. We have seen that y:, i: frequently take the place of j[: especially with the younger people but even J. H. has y: in a number of words such as fymv, 'side', O.Ir. toib ; kryuiv, 'branch', M.Ir. ci'oeb, craeb, gen. sing. kri:v9, plur. kry.woiyd. In the case of aoi great uncertainty prevails. J. H. sometimes has y: in y:f, 'age', O.Ir. ais ; y:V, gen. sing, of j\7, 'lime', O.Ir. ael and frequently in inflected forms like sy:r', gen. sing, of s^:r, 'free, cheap '. But the tendency with the younger generations is to introduce i: everywhere. (c) The irrational vowel 9. % 128. The so-called irrational vowel in Donegal seems to lie between the mid-mixed 9 in German Gabe (narrow according to Sweet) and my i with which it often appears to interchange. It may be regarded as a lowered i and it is interesting to find that Craig writes : " in the following a is obscure (i.e. unstressed), and is pronounced like i in mist (= i) : — asam, asat &c." (Grammar 2 p. 3). In this book I have chosen to write a before I, n, r, m &c. instead of/, n, r, m, as the quality of the vowel seems to me to be generally retained, cp. Finck's remarks i pp. 34, 35. 9 may represent the reduction of any O.Ir. short vowel in syllables not bearing the chief stress, except in the case of the termination -ach. Before palatal consonants i takes the place of 9 (§ 113). § 129. Examples of a as the reduction of O.Ir. short vowels in unstressed syllables — (a) O.Ir. a, ochbdna.^, 'Scotch, Presby- terian', O.Ir. albanach ; asol, 'ass', M.Ir. assal ; astor (yliN'9), ' labour ', Meyer astar ; duwdrk, ' sight ', M. Ir. amarc ; a.:m,9cl, 'timber', M.Ir. admat ; bxiwLtri), 'nurse', M.Ir. banaltru ; bxtz, 'stick', M.Ir. bata ; ga.Nt9n98, 'scarcity', Di. gauntanas ; Aa/v- Aa;£, ' loving ', Meyer carthanach ; ru9m,9n N9 gyN'dl, ' daddy long-legs', cp. Di. ruaim, 'a long hair', O'R. ruaghmhar, 'whisker' Q. 4 50 (the creature is also called ru:r'i:). (b) O.Ir. e, ornwros, ' doubt ', O.Ir. amiress ; sepal, 'angel', O.Ir. aingel ; serdg'dd, 'money', O.Ir. arget ; Invin'dN, ' female ', Meyer boinenn; daion, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen ; d 'a.r9mdd, 'forget', O.Ir. dermet; d'Sws, 'shears', M.Ir. demess; drcycl, 'bridge', M.Ir. drochet ; f'ikz, '20', O.Ir. fiche ; f'ir'oN, 'male', M.Ir. firend ; fr'igrs, 'answer', O.Ir. frecre; im<>L, 'edge', M.Ir. imbel ; mehd, 'gang of labourers', M.Ir. methel; mivil'dN, 'mill', O.Ir. mulenn ; miviN't'drd, 'related', M.Ir. muinterda ; ordd, 'amount', O.Ir. eret ; skxt'd, 'dislocated', Di. scaithte ; t%9, 'thatch', M.Ir. tuge ; t'iN'98, 'illness', M.Ir. tinnes. (c) O.Ir. i, in the ending of 1st pers. sing, of the pres. ind. m has become m by analogy with prepositional pronouns like orm, hence the termination is -9m, fx.-gom, 'I leave'; gen'dv, 'sand', Di. gainimh. (d) O.Ir. o, u, ardwdr, 'corn', Meyer arbor; a:r9S, 'dwelling', M.Ir. aros {N'i:L' t'ay Na a:r9S 9g9m, ' I have neither house nor home ') ; bc/M9Ltr9, 'nurse', Meyer banal tru ; b'ihr, 'water-cress', M.Ir. biror ; b'l'igsn, ' milking', M.Ir. blegon ; doMtmn (do:n), 'world', O.Ir. domun ; dords, 'door', O.Ir. dorus ; do:y9s, 'hope', M.Ir. dochus ; d'dWcil, 'devil', O.Ir. diabul ; e:drdm, 'light', O.Ir. etromm; dgds, ag9S, 'and', O.Ir. ocus ; fi:w9r, 'edge', O.Ir. faibur; karam, 'even', M.Ir. comthromm ; L'igan, 'to overthrow', for the ending cp. M.Ir. lecun ; mo:rt9S, ' boasting' -c *mordatus, M.Ir. mordatu ; morL9s, 'mackerel', Di. murlus; m'ukdn in Los N9 m'akdn, 'fungus', O.Ir. mecon ; omar, 'trough', Meyer ambor; sofas, 'light', M.Ir. solus; tofoJY, 'sudden', M.Ir. opond ; tgUr, 'well', O.Ir. topur. ^ 130. 9 occurs further as the reduction of certain long vowels in rapid speech. Thus for instance in the preterite of verbs of the second conjugation, when followed by a pronominal subject, the ending -i: often becomes -9. I have heard it in the following — v}uL<9 m'd, ' I cursed ', Di. malluighim ; war9 m'9, 'I killed', = mharbhuigh; wo:r9 m'9, 'I deafened', Di. bodhruighim; wa.:nd m'9, ' I grew pale ', Di. banuighim ; va.Nd m'9, ' I greeted ', Di. beannuighim ; vah m'd, 'I greased', Di. bealuighim ; vr'a/j9 m'&, 'I expected', Di. breath nuighim ; hidl/rd tuw, 'you descended', Di. siolruighim ; heefk'9 m'9, 'I stored up', Di. taiscighim ; l'oMwn9 tuv), 'you slipped', Di. sleamhnuighim ; I3,:w9 tnwid', 'we handled', I >i. lamhuighim ; yj>>'<> m'9, 'I moved', Di. corruighim ; yprN9 in' 9, 'I coiled, rolled up', Di. cornaim ; yu:d9 m'9, 'I covered', Di. eumhduighim ; ron9 m'9, ' I scattered ', Di. srathnuighim ; jz9V9 m'9, 'I sharpened', Di. gearuighim ; <1a:r9 m'9, 'I altered', 51 Di. athruighim ; tny.:rccy huwl t'i.f'i:, = (an) bhfeicfidh me amarach thu? titidh ; t'iknaivid' J'iN' wj[:n y No:ri:r av N't: hiki: fx:n = tiocfaidh muid sinne araon an oirthear acht ni thiocfaidh Seaghan. Likewise in the present subjunctive, e.g. go: 0ft' x% go d'i: go No:h tuiv kopaJV te:, 'go (come) in and drink a cup of tea'. » § 132. Very exceptionally the infinitive and substantival termination -adh appears as -9. In most of the cases -adh is preceded by w, as in foluwo, ' to empty ', Di. folmhughadh ; govti:wo I's, 'depending on', Di. tortaobhadh ; ga:w0, 'jeopardy', Di. gabhadh; marow9, 'to kill', Di. marbhuighim ; ro:wa, 'warn- ing', Di. rabhadh. Further in o:rLo, 'to vomit', O'R, orlughadh ; osNo, 'sigh', O.Ir. osnacl (osna Sg. Fearn. p. 97); Lu:NosNo, ' Lammas, August ', < lugnasad. In words standing before the chief stress in koLo -glu.-rakxri, ' numbness in the feet ', = codladh ; rgboL o ivado rui, ' the fox's tail ', = ruball an mhadaidh ruaidh. Cp. also the following description of lucifer matches when they were first introduced — k'ip'im'i: b'igo ray 9 I's hin'i 1 . § 133. Similar reductions occur sporadically in si:w9l\ ' strange, queer ', Di. saoitheamhail ; grl:wdl', ' handsome ', Di. gnaoidheamhail ; so:koJ, ' ease ', Keating socamhal, cp. Derry People 30 v '04, ionnus nach rabh suaimhneas na socal aici, also so:koh.y, luigh mise go socalach, ib. 21 xi '03 p. 3 col. 3; do:kol, Di. docamhal in toe: do:kd mo.r t'iN'if 9r 9 Notr so, ' this man shews signs of being in great pain'. Further dccst9 m'd beside dzsto: m'9, ' I hired ', Di. fastoghadh ; L'ingdzy, ' linen ', Di. lin-eadach. § 134. 9 sometimes makes its appearance in stressed syllables instead of i, e.g. in f'l'oy, 'wet'; lav, 'plant, weed', O.Ir. luib. Further in d'sw9l {d'iwal), 'devil', O.Ir. diabul ; d'owsd', 'want' (§ 105); fowid' < seo dhuid ; oni9W9, 'astray, wrong', Wi. immada; moivil', 'quiet', Di. modhamhail ; 9N, 'in, there', 9Njih, 'in me'. The form i n- in cases like 9 Na.:t'oty9 has been identified 1 What is the reason for the aspiration in the phrase x Ui J e i>€ hin'i, ' it took fire ' ? 4—2 52 with »N = ann with the result that the latter has largely driven out the older form. Before a consonant initial a double form '.V- is commonly used, e.g. ,>N> moreen okuw, 'in many of them', dN9 rriigoun Lshd, 'in a few days', 9N9 f'ipd, 'in a shop'. For a similar developement in Farney see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 2. § 135. A number of words ending in a consonant in O.Ir. have been extended by the addition of y, cp. Finck i p. 37. Such are cc:wo, 'Adam'; drihetyja, 'sorcery', M.Ir. druidecht; d'eir'k's, 'alms', O.Ir. deircc ; d'r'u:yt9, 'dew', M.Ir. driicht ; (a) giN'dstd dUw, 'unknown to me', = gan fhios; ig9 qUw, jetr9g, 'black, red hives', Di. feag, Wi. fee (?) ; kaJw, 'battle', O.Ir. cath (the usual term for 'battle' now-a-days is b'r'ifuw); hrSL:b'd, 'hemp', Meyer cnaip ; kr'ia 'ayt9, 'wheat', M.Ir. cruthnecht; ma:s9, 'thigh', M.Ir. mass; mo:d'd, 'vow', M.Ir. moit ; m'sdWd, M.Ir. Medb ; rihayfo, ' kingdom ', Di. rioghacht ; sa.:w9, Mod.Ir. Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb ; uccyts, 'pledge', Di. udhacht. § 136. In pretonic syllables all vowels whether short or long and diphthongs may be reduced to 9. os in 9s k'iN, 'above', Wi. os chind, os a cind. do, de become dd, 9, e.g. ta: m'd 9 md yu:nsel ', ' I am perishing with cold '. Similarly dia in tec: fin 9 ptvseX 9 vd d'a:Nt9, 'that requires to be done', =dia dhioghbhail. But dia just as often appears as a, N'i:r $r'id' No, di:n'i: fr.rL9s a.y^ tec: fc ol QiN't'uw dN'Uw, 'people did not believe Charles but he is proving it to-day ', = dia chinntiughadh. There is a very peculiar phrase in which this 9 < dia seems to occur, viz. N'i:V 9 m'ij't'9 I'im, ' I don't mind, I should very much like '. With this is to be compared Craig's dheamhan a miste liom (Iasg.), from which it would seem that N'i:V has been substituted for d : 9W9l, 'devil', dia, 'if, also appears as 9, a, 9 m'eiN'fd, 'if I were', ar is reduced to 9 in the phrase 9 wSJw l's, ' for the sake of, Di. mar (ar) mhaithe le. O.Ir. far has been lost except in a couple of phrases as in 9r du:s, 'at first'. But this is an accident as O.Ir. far, ar and for have been confused and ar alone has survived in the form er' (cp. Scotch G. air) which still causes eclipse in 9r du:s, er' gu:l, ' back ', but not in er fa.:V which is used as the past participle of jsv9m. aon, ' one, a single, any ' when not stressed becomes 9n, 9, e.g. N'i:!' 9 aah 9 wiL' or9m = ni'l aon dhath de mhoill orm, 'there is nothing to hinder me', cp. Craig, Deny People 30 iv '04 p. 3 col. 4, cha rabh a dhath a mhaith di sin a dheanadh ach urad ; N'i:V z-Nyri9 9N, ' there is not any one there' but N'i: row 'ss'Nyn' 9stic, 'there was not a soul inside'. 53 In tec: f& i>j%L er'a/m <> vtiN't' 98, 'he wants fco waste time', N'i:V m'y 9 jy.L er', ' I do not like it ', N'i:l' m'a y j%L er y aoL' fer', 'I do not want to go over' we seem to have Dinneen's ni'l aon gheall aige air, 'lie has no regard for it' (s. geall) construed personally. § 137. The frequent occurrence of this ,> before verbs ami substantives, the origin of which is often forgotten, has led to its extension in cases where it has no historical foundation. As an instance of this we may regard the relative pronoun y, cp. Finek ii p. 269. Similarly 9 yjJ :r '>, 'ever', M.Ir. caidche, coidche ; i"/-' ,> hxyt 9 wel'a dUw, 'after coining home', = iar dteacht ; er y aoL' fi:$ do:, ' after he had gone down ', = iar ndul ; a.%?'di:u)id9 ) ' about, concerning ', < fa gach taoibh de, where however the a.yj may stand for gach aon. The d is transported from the shorter phrase fx di:widj, for which see §§ 314, 395. It is also possible to regard x.yydi:ivido as standing for gach fa dtaoibh de with a superfluous gach prefixed as seems to be the case in the curious phrase ayjday^rXj la:, 'every other day'. By the side of this peculiar conglomeration (g) ayjda.ro La: is also used. The chief difficulty lies in the position of the stress, else the phrase might be resolved into gach gach darna la. § 138. A number of non-palatal consonant-groups have developed a svarabhakti vowel 9. Between palatal consonants i takes the place of y, cp. §114. The chief cases are the fol- lowing : — (a) I + cons. lb, e.g. alobonay, 'Scotchman, Presbyterian', O.lr. albanach ; da.hb9, ' bold, forward ', Di. dalba. Between I and p there is no 9, as in adpan, ' lump, bit ', Meyer alp, but kolopay, ' stirk ', Meyer colpthach. Ig, e.g. bolog, 'belly', M.Ir. bolg ; bologom, 'a sup', Meyer bolgani ; d'alog, 'thorn', M.Ir. delg ; kolog, 'awn', Meyer eolgg; k'ahguw, 'lull to sleep, lullaby', M.Ir. celg; pgrogod', 'purgative', Di. purgoid ; smohgddan, 'shoulder- bone', Di. smulgadan; fahg9 i gen. sing, of fel'ig', 'chase'. Between I and k the svarabhakti vowel only occurs when k = gth, e.g. stolkos, ' matter, water and blood emitted by a sick beast ' j stolkir'o, 'man hunting with dog and gun", Di. stalcaire ; but k'oddkv m'o, 'I shall lull to sleep ', fut. of k'ahguw. Im, e.g. kalonto, 'brave', M.Ir. calma. 54 ho, e.g. aldwa, ' clove for dressing lint ' ; bohtvan, ' deaf and dumb person', Di. balbhan ; g'cdswgn, 'sparrow', Di. gealbhan ; kohiva, 'bed-stock', M.Ir. colba ; sww sahicrn, ' a mountain berry ', = sugh solmhan. (b) r + cons. rb, e.g. bovjb, 'rough', O.Ir. borp; fa/rdban, 'crowfoot', Di. fearban ; g'arsb, ' scab ', Di. gearb ; kardbdd, ' chariot ', M.Ir. carpat. rg, e.g. d'a/rdg, 'red', O.Ir. derc; jidrdgnuw, ' annoyance', Di. iargb.no; jisr9gu:l, 'wilderness', Di. iargciiil ; koragas, ' Lent ', M.Ir. corgas ; Lorzg, ' track ', O.Ir. lore ; Loragd, 'shin', M.Ir. lurga ; mardguw, 'market, bargain', M.Ir. marcad, margad ; tusr9gy:ri, 'slashing', O.Ir. tuarcon with suffix influenced by sdgy:n', ' to complain '. Before k there is no y as in ark, ' lizard ', Di. earc ; d' arkot.11, 'thistle', Di. dearcan ; d'arkmv, 'consider', Di. deaicaim ; ma.rka.%, 'horseman', O.Ir. marcach. But before & m'd, fut. of daroguw, 'to light', Di. deargadh. Hence mordkuw, 'to decay', O'R. morcuighim must go back to Dinneen's morgaim, Keating morgu- ghadh. The k in the Donegal form was probably extended from the past part, mar^kj. It may be noted that targir'ayt, 'prophesying', cp. O.Ir. tairngire, has no y. The developement of arjkij] y Nardkif, 'towards him ', Meyer airchess, is not clear. rm, e.g. anm, 'army', O.Ir. arm; dardimd, 'forget', O.Ir. dermet; orsm, 'on me'; tardman, 'noise', M.Ir. torman. rw, e.g. ardivor, 'corn', Meyer arbor; d'antwi.m, 'I assert', M.Ir. derbaim (cp. dardfd < dearbhtha) ; mar9tm:m, ' I kill', M.Ir. marbaim (cp. marvfay, 'slaughter'); morjivan, ' a kind of large whelk ' ; JarvwaN du:i: (2 sylls.), ' ink- bottle '. r X> e, S' Q Ti >yj> T i 'shot', M.Ir. aurchor; orvyod' , 'harm', M.Ir. irchoit; orzya: (k? l ik', sLuit fi:), 'stroke (apoplectic, paralytic) ', 0. g'r'ehbd, 'sunstroke', v. § 444. Note that there is no y in myjiL, ' cricket ', Di. ur-chuil. (c) n + cons. run, e.g. /cmvmaJVti:, ' preacher ', O'R. seanmantaidhe ; /anamor', 'sermon', Di. seanmoir; kaNvmxN dUyosay (§ 293). 55 ny, e.g. focndyjsk, 'chat, talk, story-telling ', O.Ir. senchas. nj\ e.g. kmiq/'ay, ' irritable ', Meyer confadach. As v, m are not included among the palatal consonants mentioned in § 7 1, they may be preceded by 9, e.g. d'el'w, 'form', M.Tr. deilb (ace); eu'dvi:, 'animal', Meyer anmide ; en'avisccy, 'ignorant', Meyer anfiss ; 9 N'iu'ov, 'in a tit state to do a thing', in'9v alone is used in the sense of ' vigour ', as in Ner d fuir m'd b'i/c.y N'i: ro vn'dv dNdm, ' when I recovered, there was no strength in me '. This is doubtless the same word as inme, ' wealth ' (Laws), Di. inmhe, ' estate or patrimony '. Further L'in'&v, gen. sing, of L'a/nuw, 'child'; skxr'jv, 'sandy shore of a river', Di. scairbh; I'el'dv, ' possession ', M.Ir. seilb (ace). For examples of o with at; ^l see § 338. Sometimes we find 9 where we might expect i, as in xr'sg'id, ' money '. A svarabhakti vowel may also be heard between two words when the h'rst begins and the second commences with a consonant, as in k'iL'd 'yocp, ' Kilcar ' (this is J. H.'s invariable pronuncia- tion) ; i>N mioj^ :J'd Jb, ' in my time ' ; &g' ma. hi:vnfo, ' at my side '. (d) The diphthongs. 1. cci. § 139. cci usually represents O.Ir. a followed by palatal th, e.g. mcci<;, 'good', O.Ir. maith ; aih9rs, 'short cut', Meyer aith-gerre ; jiccihif, 'heaven' < O.Ir. Haitli ; dig 'o:Nd, 'colt's foot', Hogan aithinn; f'ilw.N sodg, 'red hives'; b'ocihay, 'lively', Craig (lasg.) beaitheach ; skxi<;, 'the best of as in riN' J'e skxic. Le: N'Uw, from an oblique case of M.Ir. scoth. In words of the form a, o + h + i: (■«') there is a distinct tendency to introduce the palatal vowel of the second syllable into the h'rst, thus producing xi. Hence athair may become aithir, Chr. Bros. Aids to Pron. of Irish p. 86, similarly maithir for mathair in Glencolumbkille, G. J. 1891 ]). 79. Examples — kccilii:, 'temptation', also kahi:, spelt cathaidh in Litir an Chorgais of diocese of Raphoe 1904 and Spir. Rose p. 20, plur. kccihidJYi/:, kaihior', 'tempter', Di. cath- uighim, M.Ir. cathaigim. Similarly kaihir', 'chair', Di. cathaoir, M.Ir. cathair, Sg. Fearn. caithir p. 63 ; kocir'ior , 'citizen', kociijocyy, plur. of koilhser, M.Ir. cathir (cathair and cathir have been confused in Donegal). Lzir, 'mud', M.Ir. lathach, scarcely belongs here. The word probably followed the declension of l>h,:y, bfo.:if9. Hence gen. sing. Lcci$j from which a new nominative was formed. Infinitives of the form x + ahuw might have in the preterite 56 either x + cap oi' x + oih but the former has been generalised and oii has been introduced into the present system, e.g. skcchuw, ' to wean ', M.Ir. scothaim, pres. skaihum, pret. skccir. Similarly kraikdm, 'I shake', M.Ir. crothaim ; braihdm, 'I betray', Meyer brathaigim. Before ?•', t' oci becomes x (§ 75). § 140. cci represents O.Ir. o before a palatal consonant in ka.iy'iL't', 'raking the fire', M.Ir. coiclim. Also in the parts of mohmv, ' to feel, hear ', f ut. maihxyd m'd, pret. woiihi: raid. § 141. In syllables with secondary stress %i represents an older a before O.Ir. palatal g as in i:ivo.ic, 'image', Wi. imaig, Atk. imagin ; g?n9rwa.i\ 'contention', M.Ir. immarbaig (dat.). du:ry„i, 'foundation', is evidently O'R.'s diirtheach, Wi. durthech, daurthech but the formation is by no means plain. Di. has duthrach. In dsasn, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen, we have a triphthong but the whole only counts as one syllable, compar. N'i:s dairid. In mctiftir, ' master ', cd is due to contraction of aji to cd. 2. au. § 142. au arises from O.Ir. accented a, e, (o) followed by b (Mod.Ir. bh) + another non-palatal consonant. Before r, 1, n xu ends in the bilabial spirant w, which we often denote in writing. Examples — ccuwri:, 'Jew', M.Ir. ebraide, ccuwri/] ' Hebrew (language) ', also toy ccuwri ; ctuwiL', ' orchard ', Meyer aball ; zuivLct, 'cluster of nuts ' (?) ; csmwLj, 'wafer', O.Ir. obla; c/MwLor, 'a foolish prater', M.Ir. obloir; mi: auwrd, 'February', Di. feabbra ; fauwri:, ' eye-lashes ', M.Ir. abra, fabra ; ficmwrds (f'idiiwrzs), ' fever ', Keating fiabhras ; grcmwdr, ' loose dry turf- mould ', Di. grabhar ; hccuwlccy, ' fleet ', M.Ir. coblach ; kcciisz, ' pathway through boggy land ' < Engl. ' catxseway ' ; fLxuwruw, 'chain', M.Ir. slabrad. An obscure word is fa.uwr9 t 'eclipse', herii m'd fauwr er 9 jccH: reir\ 'I saw an eclipse of the moon last night '. This is evidently the same as Dinneen's urdhubhadh and Finck's ors> (ii p. 207) the existence of which Pedersen unnecessarily doubts (ib. p. 288). In Donegal the word is masc, nom. plur. fauwri:, fauwrioiyv. It may well be that it has been influenced by the word for 'eye-lashes'. § 143. The normal pronunciation of O.Ir. eba, aba may be regarded as o:, see § 40, but in a few cases we find the older stage xuv;& preserved, e.g. in ccuwzk, 'dwarf, M.Ir. abacc ; dauwi:, 'vat', gen. sing, dy.uyj, nom. plur. dzuwccyi:, M.Ir. dabach ; d'ctmvi:, 57 1 urging, nagging ', e.g. kyN'zxj m',> d'zumi: Vat gn di: ro fin d'a.:Nf r >, 'I shall keep on worrying you until that is done', M.Ir. debaid ; kcwwdl khyj>, 'heap of stones', Di. cobhail, cabhai], cabhal (with different meaning); L'a.uv&N, 'half-sale', Di. leath- bhonn; Jh'r'amvog, 'impudent little girl', cp. 194 1. 20; tzuvmiv, 'to earn, deserve', tx: a fa:jd tot.uivi:(j't'j) e, 'he has earned his wages', Di. tamhuighim, hut J.H. does not nasalise, O'R. gives tabhuighim, 'I profit, exact, collect', hence the word seems to be a deverbative from M.Ir. tobach infin. of do-bongim. ky.uivkvd', ' the noisy talk of a number of people ', kxnwlsed 'a;/, ' noisy ', cp. M.Ir. callaire, may be due to Connaught influence, cp. Finck i p. 41. S 144. om arises from O.Ir. am, em, (om). Before r, 1, n a bilabial w is clearly heard and at the end of monosyllables the spirant loses its voice. Examples — xugw, 'distress', Di. Meyer amhgar ; oiuwli:, 'thus', M.Ir. amlaid ; cluwrds, 'doubt', O.Ir. arn-iress; oiuw&rk, 'sight', Meyer amarc ; autp, 'insipid', M.Ir. om; goiuwin, 'calf, M.Ir. gamuin ; gaMuma.%, 'a stripper', M.Ir. gamnach; g'oiuwdr, 'young corn', Di. geamhar; MoLuwwt', 'nibbling, gnawing', kloiuwotn, 'a spot where there is little grazing for cattle ', cp. Di. glamaim; klausan, 'murmuring, grumbling', Di. clamhsan; k'1'a.uwni:, 'son-in-law', Meyer cliamain ; k'roiuy), 'garlic', M.Ir. crem ; L'5.uivan, 'elm', M.Ir. lem ; L'auw, 'silly', M.Ir. lem ; roiuw&r, 'fat', M.Ir. remor; sccuwi:, 'sorrel', Di. samhadh; saiciviL't', ' to imagine ', Di. samhluighim, cp. N'i: akd m'd 9 soiuwiL't' dd wri:, 'I never saw such a woman', N'i:r' hauwiL' Jb bwiJV't^ dUn; 'he did not even as much as touch me ' ; scLmvuds, ' loathing, nausea ', Di. samhnas ; sxutoruw, 'summer', M.Ir. samrad; sctmviii, 'All Hallows, November', M.Ir. samuin ; skSiuwa&n', 'lungs', Di. scamhan ; sklxiw; 'snarl', Di. sclaiuh ; fL'SLuwin\ 'smooth, slippery', M.Ir. slemon. 3. ocd. § 145. ; imperf. ha.:t'i: ; a.:r'i:J't'v, ' reckoned, calculated, reputed', past part, of a,:r'i:m t 'I count', O.Ir. airmiin (a:r'uw is used principally of counting sprats, kale &c. in threes) ; niy.:r\i, ' Mary ' ; cc:l\ gen. sing, of a.:/, ' litter ', Meyer al ; ra:g9 } 'quarter of a year', M.Ir. rathe; gourd, 'laugh' (subst.), M.Ir. gaire ; or ch.rr', 'bulling', M.Ir. dair (note the pres. pass. da.:rt'or). § 146. In several instances a.:i arises by the contraction of two syllables caused by the quiescence of intervocalic th, bh, gh, dh, e.g. brcc:i, 'hostage, prisoner', M.Ir. brage (this word is also used to mean 'unfilled ears of corn') but brccxl', 'throat', from the oblique cases of O.Ir. brage, cp. kyt wrct:d', 'king's evil'; bh.:iiy, gen. sing, of blz:y, 'butter-milk', M.Ir. blathach, dat. sing, blad ; va:i m'j, 'I weighed' (fut. m'a:ihj m'd) < mheadhaigh me, Di. meadhaiui, Donegal ma:pm, past part. m'a:t'9, imperf. pass. vy.:t'i:. 4. a:u. § 147. a.:u occurs under the same conditions as oc:i in the preceding paragraph. For the w in which the diphthong is liable to end see § 142. Examples — (j?-a:mv, 'to love', Atk. gradaigim ; tra.nw, 'to ebb', M.Ir. tragud. § 148. S,:u represents O.Ir. accented a followed by final m (Mod.Ir. nib), e.g. kraruw, gen. plur. of kra,:v, 'bone', O.Ir. cnaim, p'i&n Nd gra,:uw, 'rheumatism'; La.uw, 'hand', O.Ir. lam; sNoltuw, 'swimming', M.Ir. snarn ; tuvni' tx:mv, 'idle rumour', for tudin see § 383. When a syllable beginning with a vowel is added a becomes w, thus la:wd fi:, 'she handled', from La:uw, ' hand '. * 5. oi, o:i. § 149. A diphthong oi occurs in a few words before r, h < O.Ir. th. Hence the second element of oi is really the on- glide of the following palatal sound. Examples — boiha.%, ' byre ', Meyer bo- thech; doirjL, 'shyness (of horses)', Di. doicheall ; khir, dat. sing, of khy, 'stone'; koifd, 'blast, whirlwind', connected with Di. cobhthach, coifeach ; koiha.ii, 'torch', O'R. gaithean(?j. Occasionally oi may be heard in secondary syllables, as in b'a.yo'uj o also b'ayjvy'o, gen. sing, of b'ayog, ' bee '. For woihi:, pret. of mcihi./u, ' I feel, perceive ', Di. mothuighim see 59 £§139, 140. By contraction we get forms such as edloim, 'I escape ', which is a new formation from the intin. c .)h:, M.Ir. elud, claim. kloig9, Loi may be heard by the side of kldiQV, Lot for Jclv-i), ' game ', Li/:, ' to lie '. § 150. Occasionally we find o:i as a diphthong, e.g. do:i, 'way', O.Ir. doig ; do:iud', 'handsome', Di. doigheamhail ; d's9lo:i fa, ' he escaped ', intin. sdo:. 6. U9. § 151. The first element of this diphthong is the open v, described in $ 44. u<> usually represents O.Ir. ua < o, e.g. in kru9 , y, 'stack', M.Ir. criiach ; ku9%, 'coil, ringlet, cuckoo', M.Ir. ciiaeh ; ku9n, 'harbour', M.Ir. ciian; Lu9, 'early', M.Ir. luath ; Lu9%, 'price', O.Ir. liiach ; Lttaskcmzy, 'speedy', Di. luascanach; r a «j , >»/, 'I put to flight', M.Ir. ruaic; sxl'yudy, 'violet', Di. sail-chuach ; su,nt, ' a doze, sleep ', M.Ir. siian ; tru9 } 'wretched', O.Ir. triiag ; tu9, 'axe', M.Ir. tuag ; tuarastal, 'wages', M.Ir. tuarustul ; udzy, ' burden ', M.Ir. ualach. Note also the con- tracted forms kru9y?n, ' hardening ' < cruadhachan ; kru9gy:, 'liver' (§ 415). The first element of this diphthong seems to have been very open throughout Ireland as Irish words containing the sound are spelt in English with oa, e.g. Croagh Patrick, borach = buarach, Straoughter — Srath-uachtar, Oughterard &c. Cp. also bdchaill for buachaill Sg. Fearn. p. 101. 7. ui. § 152. ui contains the same u as ua and represents O.Ir. ui, uai. Examples — buiL'l'ayas, ' summer grazing in the mountains', Meyer biialtechas, buiL't'a, ' a summer pasture ' ; buiL't'i.n', ' the striking wattle on a Mail', Di. buailtin ; buir'mv, 'trouble', M.Ir. buadred, buaidred ; bui, ' obligation ', O.Ir. buaid ; fuifk'n'uw, 'shudder' (?) ; gluif, 'move', M.Ir. gluaisim ; grui, 'cheek', Di. gruaidh < O.Ir. gruad ; hui, 'north', M.Ir. thuaid ; krui, 'hard', M.Ir. criiaid ; Lui, 'ashes', M.Ir. luaith (ace); Luvj, 'lead', M.Ir. luaide ; skidd', 'cow-dung'; uiL', 'wild talk', Di. uaill, M.Ir. nail. ui arises by contraction in Jdui/l'd, 'feathered, fledged', < cliimhaiste ; Luixyt, 'benefit', M.Ir. logidecht. ui frequently becomes 09, 09 in yuoli:, ' heard ' ; yud, ' went '. The cases where u: occurs for ui have been enumerated in §46. Forms like kii:i:, 'grief, sorrow', do not belong here, as they are dissyllables. GO 8. ei. § 153. The greatest uncertainty prevails when e forms the first and i the second element of a diphthong. When ei stands before any other palatal consonant than those mentioned in § 74, J. H. usually has si whilst the younger people prefer ei, e.g. k'l'siv, gen. sing, of k'l'iuic, 'basket'; L sipm, 'I read, melt', but past part. L'eit'<>, imperf. pass. I'eit'i: ; did'siom, 'I digest', M.Ir. dilegim, ji:l'ai m'a, ' I digested ' ; k'l'sivv, ' sword ', plur. k'l'lifayy. Before m, si, ei and even sit are heard, thus L'sim', 'spring, jump', M.Ir. leimm ; k'sim, 'dignity', M.Ir. ceimm. Hence si usually arises from O.Ir. e followed by a palatal consonant and sometimes from O.Ir. accented e followed by palatal g (Mod. Ir. gh). 9. su(w). § 154. This diphthong occurs in a few infinitives, where an intervocalic gh, dh have become silent before the termination -uw, as in L'suw, 'to read, melt', Di. leigheadh, O.Ir. legad ('to melt'); t'suw, 'to heat', Di. teidheadh but t'eiji: fo, 'he warms'; sp'r'suw, ' to scatter ', Di. spreidheadh, also in sp'r'suw ort, ' bad cess to you' written spreadh, spreamh CI. S. 18 vii '03 p. 3 col. 2. The infinitive of d'i:l'si&m, 'I digest', is d'id'sxuw. 10. sd. § 155. This diphthong may be regarded as the regular Donegal representative of O.Ir. accented e by compensatory lengthening, when standing before a non-palatal consonant. Before r and occasionally before other sounds more especially as the initial of trisyllables, we find s: for sd, cp. § 86. Examples — cl'sdd, 'row of teeth ' ; O.Ir. det ; sod, 'jealousy', O.Ir. et ; sdn, 'bird', O.Ir. en; sddo:n', 'shallow', Di. eadoimhin ; sddrdin, 'light', M.Ir. etromtn ; fsvdvm, 'I may', M.Ir. fetaim (this verb is also used idiomatically in the sense of Eng. 'need', locally 'might', N'i: si/dijJV tuw ko?'uw, 'you need not stir'); f'sdsog, 'beard', M.Tr. fesoc ; N'sdl, 'cloud', O.Ir. nel (gen. sing. F'eil); ir'sdii, 'strong', O.Ir. tren. Also in the late loan-words f'sdsto, ' feast ', Di. feasta ; rs9su:n, ' reason ', Di. reasun. § 15G. sit also arises in a few instances through contraction owing to the quiescence of intervocalic d, g. Examples — b ' r'sn, 'fine', Meyer bregda; d'sduxy^, 'last', O.Ir. dedenach; sdn, 'ivy', M.Ir. edenn ; 9m sawas 9gsm = da mbeidheadh fhios again; L'sdN, 61 'learning', O.Ir. legend; L'ess, 'to chip, healing', M.Ir. leges. The younger people substitute sn sometimes for '(>: of the older folks, as in e9rk, 'horn'. The word for 'corncrake' occurs as tn.m,i and tr', Di. traona. t's9m, an abbreviated form for 'wive me', is commonly stated to have come in from Connaught but its developement is not clear and it is also found in Farney, Sg. Fearn. p. 50. P>y the side of t'sdm ta.i&m is also heard. O.Ir. ia preceded by r < r, R' gives o:, a> in ro:yJ r /ujs, rsdytends, ' need ' ; srsdn, 'bridle', M.Ir. srian, cp. § 73. The word for 'one', O.Ir. din, has a variety of pronunciations. j:tt, o:u, i:n stand for 'one' in counting &c. whilst sdn means 'a single one, any', w e9n '$iN 9-u>cl:>i', ' not a single one ', further reduced to sn, for which see § 136. § 1 57. O.Ir. accented e + d + cons, gives zd in L'&db, 'strip of cloth, land', Di. leadhb, Macbain le6b, M.Ir. ledb; vi'smj, 'whey', M.Ir. medg ; m'sdwd, M.Ir. Medb ; bxnsdmatay, 'housekeeper', Di. feadhmannta. 11. ei. § 158. ei represents O.Ir. accented e before a palatal con- sonant and therefore frequently corresponds to ad before other consonants. Examples — b'eil', gen. sing, of b'ad, ' mouth ' ; b'l'ein, 'groin', M.Ir. bleu, but plur. b'l'ejNLcyd ; eil'uio, 'to claim' (commonly used of animals clamouring for food, locally 'to crave'), M.Ir. cliugud ; eir', gen. sing, of s:r, 'air', O.Ir. aer ; ei/'k', gen. sing, of iask, 'fish'; eift'ayj, 'listen', M.Ir. eitsecht; sm'eir'd, gen. sing, of sm's:r, ' blackberry ' ; sp'eir', ' sky ', Di. speir ; J'eid'uiv, ' to blow ', O.Ir. setiud ; j'L'eivt'd, plur. of fL'iuw, ' mountain ', O.Ir. sliab (g9 Lol: iT t'l'eivd, 'till Doomsday', cp. CI. S. 20 viii '04 p. 6 col. 1). § 159. ei may arise by contraction owing to the quiescence of intervocalic g, d (Mod.Ir. gh, dh), e.g. in L'eiN', gen. sing, of L'sdN, 'learning', O.Ir. legend; L'eif, gen. sing, of L'sas, 'healing, cure', M.Ir. leges. For L'eipm, 'I read, melt', see § 153. § 160. ei arises sporadically in a few cases whei'e an accented ai, oi is followed by g, d, e.g. eir' 9, 'ice', b'irsNy: eir'oy'j, 'icicles', M.Ir. aigred, oigred ; eir'd, 'heir', Atk. oigir; seivir, 'rich', M.Ir. saidbir; L'ei, 'a leech, doctor', plur. L'eiji:, L'eipNy:, O.Ir. liaig. eil'i:n, ' a brood of chickens ', and eil'og, ' a young chicken', are altogether anomalous. They are perhaps due to confusion between x:l, ' litter ' and eir'og, ' a pullet ', Di. eireog, M.Ir. eirin. 62 § 161. A clipped ei (ei) occurs before c in eic, plur. of ay, 'steed', O.Ir. ech; feiga^ 'hide', M.Ir. seche (L'sefecd, L'et'e^d, 'a half-hide ') ; L'eir, ' half '. 12. e:i. § 162. In a very few cases e:i occurs. These are d'e:i, md je.i, 'behind me', O.Ir. dead, diaid, degaid; t'e:i, iraper. of t'suw, 'to heat', Di. teidheadh, pret. he:i, past part. t'e:it'd, but forms with ei are also frequent, e.g. from sp'r'euw beside the pret. sp'r'e:i m'd the future sp'r'eicd m'd occurs, past part, sp'r'eit'd. 13. id. § 163. This diphthong frequently represents O.Ir. ia, fa of whatever origin, e.g. idri:, 'to ask', M.Ir. iarraid; m'idn, 'desire', O.Ir. mian but bd vi:N' L'im (§ 457); p'idn, 'pain', O.Ir. pian ; li'idLdNy:, 'black fast', Di. cealacan, ciallacan. O.Ir. ia is often followed by d, th which are now quiescent, e.g. b'id, 'food', O.Ir. biad, Vfotcuy, 'inn-keeper', M.Ir. biatach ; b'l'isn, gen. plur. of b'l'iin, 'year'; k'l'id, 'harrow', O.Ir. cliath ; L'id, 'gray', O.Ir. liath ; Jwbuw, 'to sweep away', Macbain siab, Manx sheebey. § 164. O.Ir. accented i before a non-palatal consonant be- came over-long and developed into the diphthong id, e.g. idyter, 'bottom', O.Ir. fclitar ; idtd, 'thirst' (not common), O.Ir. itu ; k'idy, 'breast', O.Ir. cich ; k'ridNd, 'wise, prudent', O.Ir. crin; L'idnuw, 'to fill', O.Ir. h'nad ; m'idl, 'louse', M.Ir. mil; pidyan, ' hoarseness ', Macbain piochan, Di. piocan, spiocan, O'R. spiochan, Fournier ceochan ; Jwl, 'seed', O.Ir. sil. In J'idla:, 'to strain (milk), to ebb away, die', M.Ir. sithlaim, fidla/n, 'strainer', Di. siothlan, we have a case of id < i: by lengthening before th. § 165. In a few cases id arises by contraction of two vowels due to the quiescence of dh, gh, e.g. dridn, ' blackthorn ', O.Ir. draigen ; Hid, 'fence', Di. claitlhe, M.Ir. claide infin. of claidim (for the meaning cp. Engl, 'dyke'); N'idti, ' daughter ' (§ 122); L'id, 'to lick', Di. lighe. In a secondary syllable— &'i.-Mn9iV2ai, ' roguish ' < b'i:tvi:, Meyer bibdaide. In all these cases as soon as id comes to stand before a palatal consonant, it passes into i:, thus N'idn, gen. sing. N'i:n'd, dat. sing. N'i:u' ; f'idr, ' true ', but f'i:r' waif, ' very good' (§ 285). § 166. With some speakers zd tends to become i& as infk'idl, ' story ', b' rid, ' fine '. This change which is characteristic of 63 many Scotch dialects (ZCP. iv 92 IT.), occurs in other parts of Ulster. For Monaghan see G. J. 1S96 p. 146 col. 1. h is regular in k'L'X.i, 'same', O.Tr. cetne and must have existed in the case of pic?, 'first' (§ 105). Occasionally we find ia for id, as in uii/'iccLtr), 'wild-looking', Di. uaith-bhcalta, cp. M.Tr. oibela ; f'iajv beside /"^'X, imper. of f'ic/.yjii', 'to try', M.Ir. fechaim, cp. § 13. 14. iu. § 167. In a very few cases i is followed by uw arising from O.Ir. m but iuw only forms one syllable, e.g. g'r'iuw, 'deed', O.Ir. gnim ; fN'iuw, 'to spin', M.Ir. sni'm. The substantive formed from d'i:wi:n', 'single, unmarried', is d'iu(f)rids, M.Tr. dimain. 15. yd. § 168. yd appears instead of ud in a few words which begin with f. This is more particularly the case when the initial disappears by aspiration, e.g. ta: « <;ej't' dsel'i: ydskluw, 'the ques- tion is hard t<> answer'; fioyyr, 'cold' (^ 66). Further in parts of the verb for 'to sew', in fin. fuoyal, Di. fuaghail, pres. Jwzjdm, Wi. fiiagaim, pret. dyai, N'i:r' yvi, imperf. pass, dydt'i:, condit. pass, dyeif'i:. Similarly in fwya, 'hatred'; dysgir' ml 9, pret. of fudgruiv, 'to announce'. 16. 9U. § 169. I have only heard this diphthong in futay, 'not right', cp. CI. S. 20 viii '04 p. 6 col. 1, Di. f'abhtach ; mnuwh, compar. of mstoil', 'quiet', Di. modhamhail. 17. 9 A . § 170. This most peculiar diphthong occurs in a few mono- syllables ending in -eadh, -eagh and in one or two other words. The diphthong is always clipped and there is generally a suspicion of a a glide at the finish. For a long time I was at a loss to analyse the sounds, more especially as there is always an alterna- tive pronunciation with ig (§ 106) and yj is confined to the oldest people. The sound occurs in fL'dj^, 'spear', M.Ir. sleg ; f'sj, 'fathom', Di. feadh, O.Ir. ed ; f'9j_, fig, 'rush', Di. flag; /,'y{ according to J. H. is a Rosses pronunciation of fa,, O.Ir. is ed. Further in 9jri:m, iasri.m, 'I adore', Spir. Rose p. 6 G4 aoghraigh muid, O.Ir. adraim ; f'd^ria.yt, f'iqdriayt, 'counten- ance, face', cp. Di. fioghruighim ; f'o^ri:, proper name ' Fewry ' ; rsj^rxft's, rigre&ft'd, 'arrears', Di. riaraiste; t'r'djqauwnay, t'r'eQa.uwna.%, -furry-farry, cow going 2 years without calving', spelt trao-ghamhanach ZCP. iv 258. J. H. has dj dm as an old form of dgnin but the latter is the one he generally uses. It is well known that Glencolumbkille substitutes di in this and other words, whilst from an old man in the Croaghs I have once heard audm. 18. di. § 171. This diphthong has probably the same sound as Henebry's i (p. 7) which arises under similar conditions. In stressed syllables it commonly represents O.Ir. accented a followed by palatal g (Mod.Ir. gh). Examples — di (oi), 'face', O.Ir. aged (aid may also be heard from younger people) ; ku:g'i: Ididn, 'Leinster', M.Ir. coiced Laigen ; mwoid'dn, 'Virgin', maighden (Four Masters); soid'u:r', 'soldier', M.Ir. saigdeoir; sdin'een, 'aurora borealis', M.Ir. saignen, cp. Henebry p. 33. di occurs further in several cases representing ai, oi, ei usually before O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) which are now quiescent, di, 'liver of fish i-oasted to obtain oil', plur. djd, Meyer ae, O.Ir. 6a; aw'di, avr'dit'ay, 'rough (of land), cross- tempered', M.Ir. amreid ; orAr, 'last night', M.Ir. irrair ; bivseN't'r'di, gen. sing, of btveeJY't'r'ay, ' widow ' ; fwoid'd, ' patience ', fwdid'ay, ' patient ', O.Ir. foditiu ; sdihay, 'vessel', M.Ir. soithech ; b'alocy f'di, ' Ballybofey ' = bealach feich, also d N'dic — an eich, gen. sing, of O.Ir. ech ; faxhi, imper. of /ado:, 'to blaze up, kindle', Di. faduighim, fadoghadh, M.Ir. atud, fatod, past part, faddift'd (Jadoij't'd) ; J'astdi (-a.i, -oi), past part, of Di. fasdoghadh, M.Ir. astud, fastud. di may also be heard in b'di for b'ei = beidh (this is the pausa form in replies, the allegro form is commonly b's). («•') Nasal Vowels. § 172. Tn Donegal any vowel sound is liable to be nasalised in the vicinity of a nasal but there are various degrees. The speech of the older people is altogether somewhat nasal in character and it is therefore not always easy to be certain whether a vowel is nasalised or not. The younger people on the other hand seem to be giving up nasalisation entirely, a state of affairs which according to Pedersen also exists on Aran b\5 (|>. 17). A vowel immediately preceding or following an m or n sound is generally nasalised (denoted by writing ~ over the vowel), e.g. ku:nuw, 'assistance', M.Ir. congnam ; mwj[:, 'pli- able', O.Ir. nioith ; m'jbrr, 'mind', O.Ir. mebuir. A few words with vocalic initial are nasalised from being used with the article (Pedersen p. 6. r >), thus i:p, 'night'; a:if i:f, ' lime-kiln '. Ac- cording to J. H. a:, 'ford', M.Ir. ath, is distinguished from a;, ' luck ', M.Ir. ag, by nasalisation. Similarly N'l: he: = m h-e. It should however be observed that, although in this book we write the mark of nasalisation over the vowel, the nasalisation is inherent in the n, m. Thus if we take the word dd:na.y, 'Sunday', O.Ir. domnach, and divide it into syllables, we get do:-?lxy, not do:-na.y Jt i.e. there is not a trace of nasalisation until the n starts, but when the syllables are pronounced together the velum is lowered during the pronunciation of the preceding vowel, thus anticipating the nasal. A v or w arising from aspirated m is commonly nasalised in a stressed syllable but more rarely in other positions. The ~ of Mod.Ir. mh is however more frequently preserved when the w, v are post-vocalic. When mh is initial the nasalisation is only regular when h or c, follows the vowel. Examples — Siuwr98, ' doubt ', O.Ir. amiress ; uuw, 'insipid', M.Ir. om ; a. vlk', '0 son'; a woJixr ', 'his mother'; gdn wciiq, ' without profit, useless ' ; da.:v, ' fondness ', Di. daimh ; dNd ro:v9, 'to Rome', M.Ir. Roim (ace); mahuw, 'to forgive', O.Ir. mathem ; hoihuw, 'to spend, throw', M.Ir. caithem (in this verb the nasalisation which is only correct in the infinitive has been extended to the other forms, e.g. imper. kxig) ; d'oc:nuw, ' to do ', on account of the n but fasuiv, ' to stand ', M.Ir. sessom ; a:r'ttw, 'number', O.Ir. aram. The prefix ko:-, ku:-, O.Ir. com-, cum-, is generally nasalised but the connection has been forgotten in koiym, 'even, level', M.Ir. comthromm ; kosu:!', 'similar', O.Ir. cosmail. The suffixes -u:r < -mar, -u:V < -mail, -email are only nasalised if there is another nasal in the word. In a number of forms where the cause of the nasalisation has entirely dis- appeared ~ is still retained, e.g. 5.:liJ\ 'milk and water', Meyer anglas (englas) ; daidn, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen ; du:i:, 'rabbit- warren', M.Ir. duraa ; Mate, 'down', M.Ir. clum ; kfi:i:, 'sorrow, grief, Meyer cuma ; kfu.'S, 'edge', M.Ir. cimas ; wl:, 'mane', M.Ir. muing (dat., the pausa form has been entirely forgotten) ; ku:gdf, plur. ku:gdfi:, 'remedy, medicine', Di. coguisidhe, Macleod has cungaidh leighis under 'medicine', 'remedy', Macbain cungaidh, cungaisidh, [r. cunghas, cungnaighim, cungnamh ; N'i:s 66 kH:c/i>, compar. of ku:If, 'narrow', O.Ir. cumung, kiJ.-t/lcty^, 'strait of the sea', Di. cumhanglach for cumhangrach, Macleod cunglach. Here we may mention the cases where n has become r, e.g. gri:, 'good looks', Di. gnaoi ; , 'business', Di. gno ; lero:, 'nut', O.Ir. cmi. On the other hand several words such as k'r'adi:, ' to pant, groan ', Meyer cnetaigim and k'r'otsuw, ' to heal ', Meyer cnessaigim, have given up the nasal. dru:J\ ' lechery ', Atk. driiis, doubtless owes its " to some word like gniiis. The nasal in this word seems to be general, cp. O'Donovan, Grammar p. 37, Pedersen p. 66. But whence the nasal in kWwv, klsidv, 'sword', O.Ir. claideb 1 ? For so:ruw, 'to observe', Craig somhrughadh, beside the more frequent sornruw and other cases of loss of nasal see § 443. B. THE CONSONANTS. § 173. Corresponding to the two main vowel-divisions, back and front, we find the consonants grouped into palatal (palatalised) and non-palatal (non-palatalised) consonants, so that to every non-palatal sound there answers one of the other group 1 . In some cases separate symbols are used to denote the palatal sound as in the case of j, v, n, e, f\ but in the majority of cases the palatal sound is represented by writing ' after the consonant, thus t'. It will be seen later that strictly speaking it is incorrect to call Donegal p , b', m palatal sounds, but as they correspond to the palatal forms of the other consonants it will be convenient to include them among the latter. We propose to deal with the consonants in the following order : (a) h, j, w. (h) the liquids and nasals L, I, L', V ; N, n, N', ri ; R, r, /; vi, rri; r t ,ji. (c) the spirants /, /', v ; %, p, g ; 8, f. (d) the labial, dental and guttural stops p, p, b, b' ; t, t', d, d'; k, k', g, g'. 1 Nearly all the Irish sounds which are usually termed palatalised are palatal hut for purposes of convenience the same symbol is used for both indiscriminately in this book. The palatal articulation has of course developed out of palatalisation. 67 (a) h, j, w. 1. h. § 174. Id Donegal the aspirate corresponds in sound to an English h and except in stressed syllables is not pronounced very forcibly. When standing between vowels at the end of a stressed syllable it is often very faint, cp. Jespersen, Lehrbuch der Phonetik pp. 94, 95 and footnote. In monosyllables a clipped h occurs very frequently after short vowels, for the formation cp. Jespersen 1. c. p. 100. After palatal vowels r frequently appears instead of h. § 175. Most frequently h represents a written th. When th is immediately preceded or followed by a voiced consonant, it makes that consonant voiceless. In the case of voiceless con- sonants h < th under these circumstances can produce no change as k, t, {>, * are already aspirated. It will be convenient to deal with cases of loss of voice caused by h < th whilst we are treating of h. Examples of It, < th — athuir', ' a second time ', Di. ath-uair ; b'othd, 'life', O.Ir. bethu ; ba:huw, 'to drown', M.Ir. bathad beside older badud (see Rhys p. 86 note); bohoy, ' hut', Di. bothog, boh, 'hut', M.Ir. both; boihoty, 'byre', Meyer bo-thech ; broth, 'to look upon', O.Ir. mrath ; driiho, ' druids, wizards', Di. draoithe, from this is formed drihotyta, 'sorcery', which further seems to have influenced rihaytd, ' kingdom ', Di. rioghacht ; (hit, 'colour', M.Ir. dath ; fr'ihir', 'sore', Di. frithir ; f r'r.ho, 'through her', cp. M.Ir. trethi ; hothiiw, 'to throw, spend', M.Ir. caithem ; kahd, 'battle', O.Ir. cath ; k'ah&rJVzy, 'small, impudent person ', Di. ceatharnach, cp. trid' bodi: J's k'ahzrNy.y^, ' the fight of a mouse and a lion ' ; kohuw, ' to feed ', Meyer cothaigim ; mahoM, 'muscle', cp. O'R. mathan, 'sucker of a tree' (?); m'ihid', 'due time', M.Ir. mithich, mithig, there is also a substantive in use which does not occur in books, viz. mihds as in hen'i /a s> vihds do: aol, ' the time came for him to go ' = de mhitheas; maihi:m, ' I perceive ', M.Ir. mothaigim ; N'ihy.yjm, 'washing', Di. nigheachan (for the tendency to introduce a hiatus-filling// cp. rilwyte supra); rrhiru'ctyj, 'ramming', Di. has reitheachas ; sa.huw, 'to thrust', M.Ir. sathud ; srahdr, 'straddle', O.Ir. srathar ; tiolul, 'balancing rind in quern ', < *tuathal. § 17G. Initially h occurs as the aspirated form of /, t', 8, /', e.g. I's dv hoi', ' with your leave', le do thoil ; m<> hud', 'my eye', 5—2 68 mo shiiil. Else in pausa forms only in the case of a few adverbs and the pronouns huw, his* (Pedersen, KZ. xxxv 331 f.), hy.L, 'yonder', O.Ir. tall; hvds, 'aloft', O.Tr. tiias ; hui, n/wi, 'in the north, to the north', O.Ir. fa thuaith ; her', 'in the east', hi>r, 'in the west', M.Ir. tair, ti'ar ; hser', hard, ' j>ast, beyond' (prep.), O.Ir. tar, dar. The h as initial of held' fit, 'he will go', is due to the loss of the pretonic syllable < do-theit, which has doubtless influenced hig' Jb, 'he comes', M.Ir. tic (future t'ikij:). The reason for the constant aspiration of the intin. ha.yt, O.Ir. techt as also of aol, 'to go', is not plain. The h of hen'ik', 'came', O.Ir. tanicc is due to the analogy of other preterites. § 177. h arises sometimes in combinations like ghth, bhth, thmh, as in N'i: aJiar — m. fhaghthar ; L'sharccyJ, 'reading', Di. leightheoireacht ; tihd, 'houses', Di. tighthe ; dachiri m'd, 'I recognised ', < aithgeuin ; N'3.ujl'i:hu:l' (-jl'iuwl'), ' unlawful ', Di. neamh-dhlightheamhuil ; LUh&, 'rotten', < lobhtha ; Lu:hi>r, ' vigorous, active ', Di. luthmhai\ § 178. y has a tendency to give up its spirant character and become It. This seems to be general in Ulster, cp. O' Donovan, Grammar p. 48 ; G.J. 1S96 p. 146 col. 2. See also Rhys p. 71. Initially we find h for y in hy.nik', hen'ik', ' saw ', — chonnaic ; hogdd, 'to you', Mod.Ir. chugad (Spir. Hose p. 5 spelt thugad) ; hui, 'went', O.Ir. docuaid ; hask&r sd, 'it thawed', cp. M.Ir. coscrad ; ku.g'i: hoNy.ytj, 'Province of Connaught', M.Ir. coiced Connacht; Aa(.), 'not', < ni co (the distribution of ni and cha as negatives in Donegal is discussed by Lloyd in Seachran Chairn tSiadhail p. 124. I can only say that in Meenawannia cha is generally confined to emphatic answers and here principally in hx •ml', ha. row being much rarer. Further east round Ballinamore cha seems to be much more frequent). Medially h may be heai'd in aJiasan, 'reviling', Di. achmhusan, Meyer athchomsan; brxho.n, 'porridge', O.Ir. brothchan; f'l'xhuiv, 'to starve', fVeet 'a, 'perished with cold', .M.Ir. flechud. .See further § 333. § 179. In a few words h arises from c, cp. Finck i p. 85. This is the case in hinzf'&u', 'already', Mod.Ir. cheana, O.Ir. cena + fein ; f'ih9, 'twenty', O.Ir. fiche ; l:hd, 'night', O.Ir. aidche. £ 180. In certain stress-groups initial f when standing after a word which does not aspirate tends to become h. This is also the case with medial fr. Compare Rhys pp. 72, 165; Pedersen 69 p. 19. With the different sources of this f we need not trouble ourselves here. Examples— m'g heiri, 'myself, O.Ir. fein but f'eiriccy, ' selfish ' ; N'i:s a:r, ' better ', sa:r = is fearr (the h is not heard after s, cp. § 175), Manx share but also N'i:s fct:r, cp. Pedersen, KZ. xxxv p. 319; N'i: hgrdst, 'it is not easy' but forest, Wi. ur-ussa ; orael', ' offertory ', gen. sing. Nv horcch, plur. oioJxyd, Di. ofrail, cp. Manx oural ; ko:iy, 'chest', Di. cofra. ifr'dN. 'hell'; afr'oN, 'mass' and fisfri:, 'to ask', retain f in Donegal but other dialects shew the normal developement, cp. ZCP. v 98 and Ohr. Bros. Aids to Irish Pron. p. 15. Cp. Manx fer-oik, 'officer', oic < oitic, Rhys p. 182. The f of the future (O.Ir. b, f) has given h which is not heard after voiceless sounds such as p, t, k, s &c. but which unvoices 6, g, d, w, r, I, m, n &c. Examples — boguw, ' to stir ', Di. bogadh, fut. bok.9 7)i9; brid'uw, 1. 'to nudge', Di. broidighim, 2. 'to smart, ache ', intin. brid'urNy:, subst. brid' jrNo.y, ' smarting ', fut. brit'i: /<> ; fi#buiv, ' to sweep away ', Di. siabhadh, Manx sheebey, fut. fidptoi: /s ; t'r'ouw, 'to plough ', M.Ir. trebad, fut. t!r'o:u\> m'<>. As instances of stems ending in a vowel (in the spoken language) L'eiha m'a, ' I shall read ', infin. L'atitv ; Lo:hi: < Loutv, ' to rot ' ; to:hd m'dy te:hd vi'j, 'I shall choose' < touw ; N'i:hd nid ) ; i:, 'fat', M.Ir. ith ; tiVw, 'harrow', O.Ir. cliath (plur. k'l'ehayd) ; Luw, 'vigour', M.Ir. luth ; mwj[:, 'pliable', O.Ir. moith ; sr ska.:, 'for the sake of, sr ska: d rvil' d ji:g er , 'for all that it wants', Di. scath, O.Ir. scaath ; sNa:, 'bundle of thread', M.Ir. snath; Ira:, 'meal', M Ir. trath (plur. tra:Ny:), cp. trac'nd:nd, ' afternoon, evening '. § 183. In dissyllables of the type cons. + athach we commonly find loss of Ji and contraction, e.g. b/a:y, 'buttermilk', M.Ir. blathach ; gra:y, ' usual ', M.Ir. gnathach ; sa:y, 'sated person' (proverb N'i: hig'dN 9 sa:y 9 far h 'the sated person does not understand the starved '), Wi. sathech, saithech, sathach ; sLa:y, also sLa.ha.y, 'slush on the sea-shore', Di. slathach (gen. sing. sLa:i or sLahi:). This same contraction occurs sometimes when the first vowel is short, e.g. b'a:y, 'beast', Meyer bethadaeh (plur. b'ahi:, b'shi:); fa:y, 'giant', more commonly faihay, Meyer athech, aithech, cp. Molloy's 33rd dialect-list where fach and faithiach are given ; aXtra:y, 'untimely', Di. antrathach. Simi- larly 8u:L Nd ha.:, 'the eye of the kiln', siiil na hatha. The form k'arN in k'arN ■yjjL'uw, 'outlaw', may here be mentioned. k'ccrN stands for k'a.:rN with shortening before the chief stress < Meyer cethern if the word has not come in from another 71 dialed. For ta,:juw, |to weld, Bolder', M.Ir. tathad see § 190. Further grouw, 'to gain', Di. gnothughadh. § 184. In unstressed syllables ghth is always silent, e.g. kohivr pres. pass, of kohuw, ' to feed, fatten ', Meyer cothaigim ; VxNy:, ' blessed ', I >i. beannuighte (note t'iN'vs b'xNy:, ' epilepsy '). § 185. rth, 1th in inflected forms of substantives and verbs in unstressed syllables appear as r, I instead of r, I, with which compare the loss of h in unaccented syllables in Welsh. Ex- amples — am ajdsrd, ' milking-time ', cp. Di. eadarshudh, dd:nav JTa N'a.ddrxyy, Di. Domhnach na n-eadarshuidhe q.v. ; g'r'l:w<*ri:, 'deeds', Keating gniomhartha ; JcoNdrd, gen. sing, of kgwruw, 'bargain', Atk. cundrad, gen. sing, cundartha ; La.: kaakvrv, 'a thawing day ', blok kxskdrd, ' a block for splitting wood upon ' = coscartha, gen. sing, of Di. coscairt, Meyer coscrad ; vi: mioid' d biv^duw it wa'j't'dri>, 'we were churning', cp. Di. maistreadh, gen. sing, maisteartha ; t'sdgvrc/.yj 'snug', Di. teagarthach. Also in the future of verbs with dissyllabic stem, e.g. g'r'isali J\>, ' he will drul)'; rb:ivi>ri> m'd, 'I shall dig', Di. romhar ; %a:wal9 m'd, ' I shall save ', Di. sabhail ; t'efa/rid m'd, ' I shall shew ', infin. t'ifiN't', Di. taisbeaint. Similarly g'l'sds im'ars, ' articles for amusement, dice, cards &c.', Di. imeartha, gen. sing, of imirt. § 186. In a number of words the voiceless sound has given way to the voiced without any apparent reason. Examples — bl g'r'i.suv), ' from Scylla into Chary bdis ' ; jr'ad, pret. of g'r'aduw, ' to thrash ' ; parte/i'v jl'iiV'j, 'Parish of Glen(columkille)'. § 190. Medially we sometimes find j arising from dh = O.Ir. d before e, i. This is the case after a long vowel in ka.jay^, 'filthy', Keat. caidheach ; prajiN 'ocy, 'diligent', O'R. praid- hineach, Di. praidhneach. Further in b& 'je:, budh e, bn 'jo., budh eadh, cp. Henebry p. 61, KZ. xxxv 325. But note the proclitic form in bwi an mctduw i> riN' 9, 'it was the dog that did it'. m'y.:j-nn, 'I weigh', Di. meadhaim, is a new formation to the pret. vd/.l < *mheadliuigh and has become the model for other verbs whose stems end in a long vowel, such as te:jjm, 'I choose ', from t'ouw, Di. toghadh ; t'r'o:J9m, ' plough ', Di. treabhaim ; 73 sp'r'rijjm, 'I spread', F)i. spreidhiiu ; hruij.im, 'T harden', Di. cruadhuighim, but this may come direct from krui, 'hard', krwJ9, 'steel', Di. cruaidhe. .Similarly ta:jpm, 'I weld, solder', Di. taithim, tathaim ; gro:pm } ' I gain ', Di. gnothuighim, mfin. grouw. j is lost in m'i:r'dN, ' discord ', Di. mi'ghreann. § 191. The prepositions do, de are frequently reduced to o and when standing before a substantive with vocalic initial, a j or a is inserted according as the O.Tr. initial was palatal or not. This 9 j- (<> a) is usually explained as being a reduplication of the do, de and the j(a) is written dh' (Henebry pp. 60, 61). In many cases the j(a) were originally doubtless nothing more than glides, cp. the insertion of w § 199. In parts of Munster this reduplication of do has even been extended to the preterites of verbs, e.g. do dhol se for d'61 se (Molloy, 25th dialect-list). Examples — hu:si: fdd <) jompur, ' they started carrying ' ; Lec.n » ?leiv 9 jeifk ', 'the basket full of fish ' j x I'ehad^ dd jeer, 'such a man'; JV'i.s mo: d jigfa, 'greater fear'; tec: J'& gol j jim'e/.yj, 'he is going to go away ' ; tec: fin 9 jiN'tUN' 9g9m, ' that is my in- tention ' ; hog J'b bo: 9N9 wel'j 9 jin'ig'iL't', ' he brought a cow home to graze ' ; omtvi? 89 ti:w jecs d9 jeir'iN' , ' down in the south of Ireland ' ; hu:si: fi: 9 jig9 set'jni:, ' she started eating furze'; 9 jsdNto:y%:s, 'at one birth'; tec: j'e j'uyj'wi: Oram, ' it is incumbent upon me', =de fhiachaibh, v. Dinneen ; 9 jasWxri (g9), ' although ', v. Di. aimhdheoin. § 192. f, m, b' before accented 9:, o: are followed by j , cp. Henebry p. 40, Dottin, RC. xiv 107. Examples — bjo:, 'alive', O.Ir. bed-; bjoir, 'beer', Meyer bedir ; f'jo:hm', 'to learn', O.Ir. foglaimm (§ 321); f'jo:V, 'flesh, meat', M.Ir. feoil ; f'p'-yyn, 'seasoning, drying', Di. feochadh ; f'jo:t'9, 'seasoned', Di. feoidhte; f'joyan, 'breeze, puff' (1) ; f'jo:,s, 'excellence', M.Ir. febas ; m'jo:n, ' means '(§ 40) ; m'jd.r', 'mind', O.Ir. mebuir. O.Ir. eo became jo:, eba gave jo: but in the case of all consonants except /', m, b' the j coalesced with the preceding palatal consonant. The labials as such can only be palatalised by raising the tongue into the j position simultaneously with the loosening of the lip- contact. This renders the assumption necessary that Donegal, the Decies (Henebry p. 40) and N. Oonnaught (RC. xiv 107) have given up palatalised labials before other vowels than those mentioned in this paragraph. This I believe to be the case. The Aran dialect and Scotch Gaelic have preserved the j, cp. 74 Fiuck i 13; Henderson, ZCP. iv 251 tf. This loss uf j in Donegal may be compared with the substitution of palatal for palatalised articulation in the other consonants, cp. § 173. That the j forms part and parcel of the labial is shewn by its disappear- ance with f when the latter is aspirated, e.g. 6'a:y 9 o:s 9 — beathadhach da fheabhas e, ' however excellent a beast it may be '. Before u: we find f'j by stress-shifting in f'juw, ' worthy ', ( >.l r. fiu ; J"ju:NtdS in rLV /a f'ju:Ntds mu.r l"im, ' he treated me very decently ', Di. iiiintas. Similarly b'iuw 3rd sing, imper. of tx: in rapid speech becomes b'juw as in b'jutv yy.L m'z Jb 9Nso ivel'o rvo 9 Siyy, 'I bet you he will be home before night'. § 193. When standing initially the diphthong to tends to become jio, e.g. jiwsgnuio, ' annoyance ', Di. iarghno ; jisrvgu.'l, ' wilderness ', Di. iargciiil, jidr9gu:Ltd, ' timid, uncouth ', jidra- ) i:r, 'a eold ni'dit'. But this is nut certain as I have no exact parallel. ij 196. Except when joining with a vowel and becoming vocalised (§§ 40, 48) w is the regular representative of O.Ir. intervocalic m, b before a, o, u, e.g. b'i.whNu, 'slyly, mischievous', Meyer bibdaide ; d'dwsd', 'want, lack', O.Ir. digbail ; m, '1 write', O.Ir. scribaim; J'N'i:w. Further in ftvi.r N(t), ' barking', M.Ir. toffund contains w < sv. As to the difficulty in distinguish- ing betweeny'and w see § 309. 77 § 202. Tn monosyllables with short root-vowel followed by aspirated '», cu, the w arising from the latter loses its voice in accordance with the Donegal Fondness for breath-endings in short syllables, cp. ij 12. At the same time the back of the tongue seems to be raised from the M-position towards the soft palate, thus producing in addition a slight y sound. When the next word begins with a consonant, the w usually disappears, thus row rabh, hut l's ro l's d'ocnuw sg'j. Examples — brow, 'blade', Meyer brobb, brod ; dauw, 'ox', O.Tr. dam; dUw, 'black', O.Ir. dub; duw, 'tome', O.Tr. dom ; Jc'voluw, 'garlic', Meyer crem ; sklauw, 'snarl' Di. sclamh ; N'cLuw, 'heaven', O.Ir. nem. N'auw is now rarely heard except in the Lord's Prayer and in N'&dLti: N'ivu, ' very high clouds '. Cp. »r N'auw No w techno N'i: aJc98 ,i lehdd'. TJw is also the result of cons. + u + th in grUiy (grU bwid), 'biestings', M.Ir. gruth ; gUw, 'voice', O.Tr. guth ; krUw, ' form', O.Tr. cruth; srUw, 'stream', O.Ir. sruth, also srUwan. Similarly t'r'Uw, 'hooping-cough', Di. triuch. In these cases w passes sporadically into j\ cp. the Scotch Gaelic- spelling stuth < Engl, stuff, puth < puff, and duf, 'black', uf, 'egg', quoted for Sligo in Molloy's 29th dialect-list. A few other words shew a dislike for the ending U\ e.g. t ' Uir, 'thick, frequent ', M.Ir. tiug; qN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu, Spir. Rose p. 8 anuth. The words for 'horse-shoe' and 'dowry', M.Ir. cro, have been influenced by cruth, 'form', as they are both krUw, krU kccpwW, 'horse-shoe'. The genitive of the word for 'dowry' I have heard as krir. tlUtv, 'tongs', Di. tlugh, has further joined this group. (b) The liquids and nasals. Note on 1, m, n and r sounds. § 203. The first accurate description of the various 1, n sounds in Irish was given by a writer in the Gaelic Journal for 1887 (p. 8), who styled himself Claim Chonchobair. More recently Pedersen in his ' Aspirationen i Irsk ' contributed much to the elucidation of the puzzling r-sounds. Practically all writers of Irish Grammars with the exception of Neilson and O'Brien liave based their observations on the dialects of Munster or Connaught, whilst the speech of Donegal might long ago have supplied the key to the most difficult problem of Irish phonetics. It is now well known that L and I, L' and /', N and n, N' and n differ from one another in the matter of articulation but in Donegal they also differ from one another in the matter of length. 78 This is most clearly heard when these sounds occur as the finals of monosyllables after a short vowel. Compare moL, 'heap', /, l.V, 'head', boN, 'sole', fin', 'this', with viol, 'mill-shaft', k"in, 'affection', bgn, 'bottom', fiN', imper. 'play' and the difference in length is just as striking as the difference in articulation. /, /', n, ri in this position are perhaps over-short 1 , whilst L, L', N, N' are very long sounds. Initially the difference between the pairs is naturally not quite so marked but it never- theless exists, whilst in syllables with secondary stress the long sounds are somewhat reduced, so that confusion easily takes place. Precisely the same is true of R, r, though the dialect has not preserved the sounds in their original relations and R' has been entirely given up. m, vi after short stressed vowels are invariably long. Donegal Irish, it would seem, is the only living Irish dialect which preserves in some measure the original difference between the single and double consonants of O.Ir. orthography. For the remaining consonants see § 357. From Henderson one gathers that Scotch Gaelic agrees in a measure with Donegal, cp. ZCP. v 515 («), 521 (N'), 523 (R). 1. L. $ 204. This symbol denotes a so-called ambi-dental divided 1 (fan or spread 1), which is formed by pressing the front rim of the tongue very forcibly against the upper teeth or the edge of the lower teeth. Henderson (ZCP. v 92) says of Scotch Gaelic L : " The point of the tongue is spread out like a fan so that the whole of its rim is brought against the teeth while the back of the tongue is at the same time slightly raised". In Donegal the lack of the tongue seems to be raised in producing this sound but the raising is of no consequence, as it also occurs in the case of I, i\", n (Pedersen pp. 21, 22). Before /, k and s L is partly voiceless. /, and N are very thick, heavy sounds and modify a following i, § 125. $ 205. L occurs initially representing O.Ir. 1 before a, o, u when the preceding word is not capable of causing aspiration. Examples — La.:, 'day', O.Ir. lathe: La.:ww, 'hand', O.Ir. lam; Lo.rt', 'to speak', M.Ir. labrad; Lu&, 'early', M.Ir. luath; Luw, 'less', O.Ir. lugu ; Lu:kw, 'nimble', M.Ir. luthmar ; Ly:, 'to lie', O.Ir. lige (influenced by the causative laigirn, Thurneysen, IF. Anz. vi 4G) ; Lay, 'weak', M.Ir. lac. 1 These sounds are perhaps to be compared with Dauish final consonants, cp. Jespersen, Fonetik p. 511. 79 § 206. Medially and finally A corresponds to O.Ir. aon palatal 11 of whatever origin, e.g. ctLa-x, 'cattle', <>.lr. ellach ; iLdtt, 'sweat', Meyer alias ; baL, 'spot', O.Ir. ball ; ba.La.ii, 'teat', Meyer ballan; bxLa, 'wall', g'ali:, ' the man in the moon'; dNaL, 'hither', O.Ir. anall ; f'aL, 'treachery', M.lr. fell; gaL, 'foreigner, Englishman', M.lr. gall ; i&L, 'whang, leather boot-lace'. M.lr. iall ; ka,L, 'hazel', M.lr. coll; ka.La.ri, 'noisy talk", Di.Macbain callan, cp. M.lr. callaire ; kyriig'dL, 'condition', Meyer coingell ; hoLax, 'boar', O.Ir. cnllach ; my.L, 'late', O.Tr. mall; m'aLww, 'decoy, deceive', M.lr. mellaim; poL, 'hole', M.lr. poll. § 207. L has arisen in a number of cases from the assimila- tion of 1 and another consonant, e.g. oLa, gen. sing, of ohN, 'wool', M.lr. oland; koLa, O.Ir. collno, gen. sing, of colinn, cp. ,i tart .> t.>kr<>s agas 9 toyps, t'r'i: Navd'a N& koLd, 'thirst, hunger and itching are the three enemies of the body ' ; koLuiv, ' sleep ', O.Ir. cotlud : rri 'e9 Layjy.n, 'corpulent person', 5 208. L occurs after s both initially and medially, e.g. %La:n, 'healthy', M.lr. slan; sLawwruw, 'chain', O.Ir. slabrad sLat, 'rod', M.lr. slat; sLqidan, 'cold', Di. slaghdan ; sLaytw, 'slaughter', < Engl. ; sLa:y, 'slush', Di. slathach ; sLo:k, 'sloke', < Engl. ; sLiN'uw, ' surname ', M.lr. slondud ; sLot, ' wick ' ; sLud, 'host', O.Ir. sliiag ; sLtiasdd, 'shovel', Di. sluasad ; sLoy^m, 'I swallow', M.lr. slocim ; masLnw, 'trouble, tease, worry', Di. maslughadh, Keat. masla ; brosLuw, 'to incite', < Meyer brostai- gim. § 209. L stands before /, d, iV, s, e.g. alt, 'cliff', M.lr. alt; xLtuw, 'grace', M.[r. altugud < atlugud ; d'u:Ltwiv, 'to refuse', O.Ir. diltud ; ga:Lt9, 'Protestant', Di. gal Ida ; ktcluLtj, 'back- ward, retiring', Di. ciithaltas, Meyer cuthal ; k'a.yjLtan, 'parcel', Di. ceangaltan ; moLt, 'wether', M.lr. molt; m'aLtd, 'deceived', M.lr. mellaim. For L before / in sandhi cp. § 459. L can only occur before (/ in late loan-words, as O.Ir. Id gave L. My only example is gqlddr, 'roar', Craig Iasg. guldar. LX is only found 80 in sandhi (§ 459) as O.Ir. In became L, supra § 207. Examples of L before s — boLsir'a, 'a crier', Di. bollsaire; facLsa, 'idle', Di. fallsa : f'aLsky: y 'burning grass or heather off the ground '. .^ 210. L stands after r, e.g. b's:rLa, 'English', M.Ir. berla < belre; hecrLy:, 'happened', M.Ir. tarla ; korLay, 'small remainder', Di. corrluach : men-Las, ' mackerel ', Di. murlus : o:rLa, 'to vomit', O'R. orlughadh ; o.-rLocy, 'inch', M.Ir. ordlach ; orLd, 'eaves', M.Ir. urla ; orLuw, 'speech, eloquence', M.Ir. erlabra ; tarrLay, ' Toirdhealbhach '. § 211. After m w 1 frequently has the thick sound of L in words like omlan, ' whole, entire ' ; efomLdr ', ' example ', Di. eisiomplair. It may be noted that Finck states that L occurs after w, v on Aran (i 72, 73) and cp. Molloy's comlain whatever the word may be (quoted by Pedersen p. 30). ?; 21 2. L occurs in a number of forms where we should expect to find /. Finck notes that the descendant of O.Ir. tempul has L on Aran (i 73) and this is also the case in Donegal, = t'a(:\mp9L. There is a considerable amount of hesitation between L and /, as in y.skdL, 'arm-pit' (p'zt(a) xskiL'd, 'mother's darling, spoilt child or beast', sky.rt' ccskiL'n, 'a boil under the arm-pit'), Craig only writes one 1 and great uncertainty is observable in older stages of the language, cp. Meyer ascall, ochsal, axall, axal ; d'&u&l, 'devil', O.Ir. diabu], Craig diabhall : kccuwlsed', 'noisy talk', Di. colloid, calloid (.^ 113); may J, 'husk, mesh, eyelid ', Di. mogall ; tudf'dL, 'a whirl, the wrong way', M.Ir. tuaithbel. moL, 'a heap, pile', Di.O'R. mol, may have been influenced by the plur. moLtri: to differentiate it from mol, 'shaft of a mill-wheel', M.Ir. mol, with which it is l-eally identical. In uicLi>, 'apples', and rn'ormvLan, 'giddiness, tit of dizziness', Di. mearbhlan, the L has been transferred from wrL, 'apple', M.Ir. uball, and Di. mearbhall. § 213. A voiceless L with strongly breathed off-glide occurs in the future of verbs whose stem euds in L, e.g. f'y-Li> rn'd, ' I shall betray ' ; (/'c.L,> m'j, ' I shall promise ' ; m'aLd m'», ' I shall deceive'; poLa ma from poLuw used of catching hares &c. in gins, of bulls goring persons &c.; toLi: fut. of toZnw, cp. toL § 55. Further pa:rLan, ' Partholon '. For the articulation of L and other voiceless liquids and nasals see Jespersen's remarks on tin- corresponding Welsh sounds (Lehrbuch der Phonetik p. 80). 81 2. I. § 214. This sound seems to me to correspond pretty nearly to the ordinary English 1, though the point of the tongue rests just above the upper teeth and not against the arch-rim. The raising of the back of the tongue gives this I, when standing at the end of a syllable other than a clipped one, the same dull sound that is so characteristic of Engl. 1. In other positions this quality is not so noticeable. § 215. I corresponds to O.Ir. 1 before original a, o, u whether preserved or lost in any position except initially and apart from the special cases mentioned in §§ 207 — 210. Examples — odd, 'swan', M.Ir. ela ; odpocn, 'lump, bit', Meyer alp; %hbd, 'Scotland', M.Ir. Alba; a:luw, 'sudden grip', M.Ir. alad ; a:hj\ 'mixture of milk and water', Meyer anglas, englas ; bias, 'taste', O.Ir. mlass; boluw, ' smell ', M.Ir. bolad ; bolog, 'belly', M.Ir. bolg ; k'arfl, 'trying', M.Ir. cengal ; m'edddl, 'paunch', Di. meadal ; m'itdl, 'metal, mettle', Di. miotal ; o:l, 'drink', M.Ir. 61; fid, 'seed', O.Ir. sil. § 216. I stands before r (=r, /•'), although Ir must once have been LR, L'R', e.g. bdriocy, ' scenting ' (of a blood-hound) ; gcdri:, 'diseases'; ku:l/ro:ska. , x i , 'backward', Di. ciiilriascmhar ; k'ilrixn, 'Kilraine', = Cill Riain ; olruw, 'shouting', cp. ulfairt(?); fidruiv, Di. siolrughadh. For Ir in sandhi see § 460. § 217. It might be expected that we should find L following t, d as it always precedes these sounds. But such is not the case, for tl, dl like most Irish combinations of consonants do not coalesce (§ 437). The off-glide of the t, d is clearly heard as the tongue moves into the position for I. This off-glide is so distinct that Finck actually inserts a vowel and writes ddlu = dluth, 'warp' (ii p. 266). Examples — dli:, 'lock, wisp of straw', dli: d woLy:, 'top-stopple, the thatch on the top of a cottage', M.Ir. dlai ; tlvw, ' tongs ', Di. thigh (rare, the usual term is imvsed'd b'r'i/h) ; 9 tlui — an tsluaigh (gen. sing.); a tludsdd, 'the shovel', an tsluasad ; er 9 tlamvruw = air an tslabhradh. § 218. In those cases where other consonants are aspirated initially, I takes the place of L. This only happens however in the speech of the older people. The younger folk make no distinction between L and I initially, cp. Finck i p. 76; Henderson, ZOP. v 90. Examples — 9 far d lo:r Vim, ' the man who spoke to me'; hi:b rrid, 'I bent'; l'6:di m'd, 'I lessened'; lot' in 9, 'I Q. 6 82 wounded ' ; lok md yri:, ' my heart failed me ' ; ir t d lo:r', ' toe- nail'; d'e:lo:p, 'eloquent'; ku:g'i:hidn, 'the province of Leinster'; b'l'iin lud, 'an early year'; g'araen' h.:d'iv9, 'strong horses'; tromli:, ' nightmare ' ; don van log, ' to the weak woman ' ; sv wx:d lx.:n, ' in the full boat ' ; tx: fe dN xr wo:r lx:d'ir, ' he's a big strong man'. L is however never aspirated after the article or fid, 'first', e.g. a Lqyog, 'the mouse'; a £id La.:, 'the first day'. The same holds good for L', N, N'. The aspiration of initial sL which should be L is L, cp. Pederseu p. 23, e.g. dd lx:N't'd, 'your health'; h.:ni, pret. of sLx:miw, ' to redeem ' ; kx UN'uw huw, ' what's your name (surname) 1 ' L is not aspirated after r, e.g. y'arLx:dir', ' middling strong' ; f'idrLog, ' very weak ' ; fir Lx:d'ir'd, ' strong men '. Similarly after er, ' upon ', as in wr Lx:r, ' down, on the ground '. § 219. In gol -god', 'singing', , 'grey', M.Ir. hath ; L'imuw, 'to fill', O.Ir. linath ; L'it'ir, 'letter', O.Ir. liter; L'o:r, 'book', O.Ir. lebor. § 223. Medially and finally IJ arises from O.Ir. 11 before original e, i whether retained or lost, e.g. bwiL'<>, 'blow', M.Ir. bulle ; f'iL' m'<>, ' I returned ', M.Ir. fillim (i.e. phill me); LrL'zy, 'hag', O.Ir. cailleeh ; kxL'am, 'I lose', M.Ir. eoillim ; k'iL', 'churchyard', M.Ir. cill (dat.) ; m'iL'uw, 'to spoil', M.Ir. inilliud ; 8xL', 'grease, fat', M.Ir. saill ; t'iL'uw, 'addition', O.Ir. tuilled. § 224. Medially L may arise by assimilation, e.g. guiL'ayd, 'shoulders', plur. of yudliN' ; brssL'im', 'sheet', Di. braitlinn ; kyL'y.yi m'9, 'I shall sleep', < coidleachaidh me; Jwi:L'ay, ' leavings ', furi:L'i:, 'February', not 'January' as Dinneen has under fuighle, cp. Gaoth Faoilighe mharbhas caoiridhe Gaoth Mharta mharbhas daoine. G.J. 1891 p. 96. See further Wi. fuidell. § 225. L' comes to stand before JY' in modern contracted forms, e.g. Jk'iL'iN', 'shilling', plur. fk'iL'N'9; fwiL'N'i:m, 'I endure', pret. diViN' (diL'iN'), fut. fwiL' N' a-/d m'z, Di. fuilingim, O.Ir. foloing. L' stands further before /J t', e.g. xL'Jb, 'cancer', Meyer allse; b'r'iL'fk'v, 'light-headed, half-witted fellow', Di. breillsce ; miL'fo, 'sweeter', M.Ir. millsiu ; soL'fiuv, 'to shine', M.Ir. soillsiugad ; t'r'iL'fcm, ' plaited rush, wick ', Di. trilsean, earlier trilsen. iL't', plur. of aLt, 'cliff'; k'eL't', 'to conceal', Di. ceilt ; toL't'dnas, 'consent', Di. toilteanas. For L before d' I have no examples. § 226. r (< *W) and J' require to be followed by L', e.g. ko:rL'i>, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; i:/'L'uiv, 'to lower', Di. l'sliu- ghadh ; k&fL'cm, ' castle ', Meyer caslen ; J'L'x:n, ' turf-spade ' ; t:vj'L'oL-/j 'wet weather', Di. taisleach, cp./'/'iylccy. For rL', J'L' in sandhi see ^ 455, 459. i; 227. A voiceless L with strongly breathed off-glide occurs principally in futures, e.g. gyL'i:, future of Di. goillim ; g'eiL'9 m'd, 'I shall yield'; kseL's m'd, 'I shall lose'; rriiL'g m'j, 'I shall 6—2 84 spoil'; s&L'd m'd, 'I shall pickle, salt'. k'arL'i:n', 'ball of string, wool', d, ' they improved ' ; I'edS tuw, ' you healed ' ; Vei Jb, ' he read, melted'; Vidn m'd, 'I filled'; IT m'd, 'I licked'; V'ig m'd, ' I overthrow ' ; Vox m'd, ' I heckled ' ; Vo:n m'd, ' I sprained '. Vz md I'iN', ' in my time ' ; t'r'i: Vit'ir, ' three letters ' ; g'arl'o:r, ' a moderate book ' ; g'zirV anu:N'V , ' pei'secution ' ; g'arVidNtd, 'fairly well filled'; %:Q9 Viy^, 'a wet night'. One may hear sd L'dyla.y, ' in the wet weather ' but this is to be attributed to the younger generation. L' generally remains after the preposition er, e.g. dr L'ahu:V, 'one-eyed'; dr L'abwi:, 'on a bed'; dr L'ar, 'in a fix, astray' lit. ' at sea ', Wi. ler, also vi: Lpy amwip dr L'ar, ' there was a ship lyint; out at anchor'. But I have heard dr V ayprsen , 'for half a-crown ' from J. H. Similarly after the article, e.g. k'iN d L'in'dv, ' the infant's head '. The aspiration of words beginning with fL' is V , never V. It is interesting to note that when J. H. imitates Connaught speech, he pronounces koNdai Vig'i:, 'County Sligo ', whereas his own pronunciation is always k. lig'i:. Examples — N'i:V m'd dN a. Vi:, 85 'I am not beholden to him' (slige) ; kctsaen I'oiuwnd, 'slippery paths'; askdN 1'a.uwin, 'a slippery eel'; 1'a.uwnd tuw, 'you slipped'; I'i.k Jb, 'he stroked, smoothed'; u:r I'eiva, 'sage', Hogan iubhar sleibhe. § 231. The younger generation have given up the aspiration of L' and in a number of words L' is substituted for I'. The inflected forms of iL'j, 'elbow', Wi. ule, have 11 already in M.Ir. 8ta:wi:l', 'stumbling', occurs beside sta:tvdL'i:, Di. stablighail ; kor hudf'iL', 'whirlpool', Di. cor tuaithbil. I have usually heard gz fo:L\ 'yet' but Craig writes go foil. § 232. A voiceless V with strongly breathed off-glide is frequent in futures, e.g. el'd m'd, 'I shall rear'; gild m'd, 'I shall boil ' ; gyl'd m'&, ' I shall weep ' ; k'el'd m'd, ' I shall conceal ' ; m'el'd mid, 'I shall grind'. In substantives < thl, 1th, e.g. I'ig' m'd, ' vomited ', Di. tligim ; kriVog, ' stalk of barley ', cp. Meyer crothal (?); el'id', 'fawn', M.Ir. eilit ; fa,:Vi:, 'shy'; ril'otn, ' wheel in spindle ', Di. roithlean. Also frequently in wiV in questions = an bhfuil 1 In the case of kyl'ad, ' knave at cards ', /' seems to have arisen out of ?•', Di. cuireat. § 233. sp'ijik', ' precipice ', seems to have lost an /', cp. Di. spinnc, splinnc. 5. N. § 234. N denotes a thick ambi-dental n similar in formation to L (§ 204). In the production of the Irish nasals the resonance in the nose is much greater than is the case in English and in consequence all vowels flanking an n or m sound are liable to be nasalised, more particularly in stressed syllables (§ 172). This nasalisation of vowels in the neighbourhood of n, m sometimes leads to the insertion of a nasal as in mxi:NLd, ' a mould, a kind of button ' < Engl. ' mould ', cp. Manx cronk (Pedersen p. 23). Lu:N9sNd, 'Lammas, August', M.Ir. lugnasad, owes its second N to an attempt to make the unstressed syllables alike. § 235. N stands initially as the representative of O.Ir. n preceding a, o, u, e.g. JVcc:wid', ' enemy ', O.Ir. name ; Ncc:r'd, 'share', M.Ir. mire; Noyddin, 'I lay bare ', Wi. nochtaim ; No:s, 'custom', M.Ir. nos ; NoLik', 'Christmas', M.Ir. notlaic; Ninu:r, 'set of nine', O.Ir. nonbur; Nmv, 'new', O.Ir. nue ; Nyuw, 'saint', O.Ir. noib ; Nj^:skdN, 'snipe', Di. naosca. 86 The n of the article (as also the eclipse n of a, ' their ', er, ' our ', msr, ' your ', da, ' if ') before a vocalic initial or aspirated f is treated as if it belonged to the following word and is therefore N before a substantive or verb beginning in O.Ir. with a, o, u, e.g. 9 NohN, 'the wool'; a Nasal, 'their donkey' or 'from the donkey ' ; sg' 9 Nser'd, ' at the wake ' (faire) ; er' 9 N[ :nay, ' at the fair ' ; S9 No:w9r, ' in the autumn ' ; m9 hayj Nan9tn d,9 hud', fe: clu.rt' 9 hat Vef 9 N'i9sk = mo sheacht n-anam do shiiil, se dubhairt an cat leis an iasc. Compare the spellings Mac a nathar, cuid a nfir censured by Donlevy (quoted by O'Donovan, Grammar p. lxxvi) and the proper names Naul, Navan < an Aill, an Emain. The conjunction an uair, ' when ', is similarly Ner. Parallel to these cases are the adverbs 9Nu9s, 9NaL, 9N0N, 9No:ri:r', < aniias, anall, inonn, i n-airthiur. We might expect N in 9nif, 'now', but 1 have only heard dnif < *ind f hoiss. 9Noyt is regular < O.Ir. innocht. The preposition dochum was reduced to chum, chun, 'un and from those cases where the final n regularly became N as in the case of the article, the form 9N was generalised, e.g. (pi 9 Nafr'iN', 'going to mass'. Craig's statements about this prepo- sition are incomplete (Grammar 2 p. 210). Before masculines with consonantal initial and all feminines the full form 9N9 < 'un an is perhaps as frequent as the contracted Na, N9. The n after prepositions before the possessive pronoun a ' his, her, their ', is also N, I's NaJiser, ' with his father.' According to Pedersen (p. 123) le n-a ean is pronounced on Aran I'e: N'e:n. In Donegal this would be I's Ns9n. "We have already seen that the word for ' one ' may be reduced from s9n to dn, n which before a vocalic initial becomes N, eg. d Nok9l 9wa:n, 'a single word '. § 236. Medially and finally N represents O.Ir. 1111, nd, e.g. xNuw, 'seldom ', M.Ir. andam ; boN, 'sole', M.Ir. bond; b'aNuw, 'to bless', cp. O.Ir. bendacht ; btuin'sN, 'female', Meyer boinend; foN, 'desire', M.Ir. fonn ; f'iN, 'fair', O.Ir. find; yaN, 'scarce', O.Ir. gann, gand ; gra:N9, 'ugly, repulsive', M.Ir. granna, grande; g'l'aN, 'valley', M.Ir. glenn, glend ; koNy:(ft'9), 'tame', M.Ir. cendaid (§ 416) ; kj^ :pN, 'rowan-tree', Meyer caerthann; k'aNy.m, 'I buy', M.Ir. cennaigim ; k'iN, 'head', O.Ir. cenn ; LoskaN, 'toad', M.Ir. loscann ; L'aNseN' fi:, ' fairy lover ', M.Ir. lennan ; L'saN, 'learning', O.Ir. legend; m'aNa.n, 'kid', Di. meannan ; m'\N9, 'oaths', M.Ir. mind; poNaN, 'sheaf, M.Ir. punnann ; t'aNam, ' I tighten ', O.Ir. tend. It may be noted that the enclitic ending of the present indicative is -&N with J. H. I have listened repeatedly and 87 have only heard -dN. Craig writes p6san muid but he is not reliable for 1 and n sounds. § 237. Medial N sometimes arises from assimilation of n with another consonant, e.g. f'wNif, ' witness ', O.Ir. fiadnisse ; ftaiVs, 'same', O.Ir. cetne ; Lu:NvsNd, 'Lammas, August', M.Ir. lugnasad ; v ml'iaNd, ' this year ', cp. O.Ir. gen. sing, bliadne ; Na, 'than', O.Ir. inda. Similarly the na forms of the article have N, O.Ir inna. nd > N also occurs in certain stereotyped compounds, e.g. 'aNin'a, ' ungracious person ', Di. anduine ; edNyria, 'anybody', Di. aonduine ; faNin'a, 'old man', Di. seanduine. With these cases we may compare the eclipse n before initial d which also produces N, e.g. d Na,:n, ' fated, in store ', Di. i. ndan. § 238. N stands before Z, t, d, s, e.g. aNLog, 'very weak'; aNLom, ' very bare ' ; a.NLu:ydr, ' very nimble ' ; b'ccN 'Lyv, 'mistress'; b'l'sdNLayj), plur. of b'l'ein, 'groin', O.Ir. mien; sdNLai^, 'fowl', M.Ir. enlaith ; to.: fidd a gqbwir ds s9JVLd:v, ' they are hand and glove together'; koJYLay, 'stubble', Meyer connlach, connlech ; Ny: NLy: = naoi ndlaoi ; sLa.:NLds, ' plan- tain ', Di. slanlus ; sp'r'iNLd, 'lazy fellow', cp. Di. sprionnlog. odi:Ntd, 'tricky, artful', Di. ealadhanta ; EdNtids, 'living in the same house', aontuigheas; g'ccNtrayz, plur. of g'iji, 'wedge'; kaNtdr, pres. pass, of kxndm, ' I speak ' ; L'zNtdr, pres. pass, of L'anzmi, ' I follow ' ; L'idJVte, ' tilled ' ; maXtd, ' lot, amount ', < Engl, 'amount'; moiNta.'Y, ' talking indistinctly', Di. manntach ; so-.Ntc/.y, 'simple', Di. sonntach. For Nt in sandhi see § 465. According to § 236 Nd can only occur in sandhi, for which see § 465. k'aNsnw, ' to pacify ', M.Ir. cendsugud ; oNsuw, ' to face, make for ', M.Ir. indsaigim ; oNsd, ' ounce ', Di. linsa ; skgNsv, ' fence ', Di. sconnsa. § 239. JY follows /• (r no:s yom.9 I'im, ' he's a careless, indifferent fellow ' ; b'i: sr no:s Xd ku:rt'd, ' do at Rome as Rome does '. The aspiration of sX is n, e.g. ni:m tuw, ' you fastened ' ; a now, 'his complexion'; na:uw tuw, 'you swam'. § 246. n occurs before r where once XR (X' W) must have stood, e.g. cc:nri, 'broth', M.Ir. enbruthe (proverb 9S oik d kil'uy Xay f'juw x.nri o:l, ' it is a bad cock that is not worth a sup of 89 broth' said of a suitor a girl won't look at); ot.nro:, 'misery', M.Ir. andro ; bcc:nri:n, 'queen'; ko:nra.yj>, ' coffins ' (§442); kgnruw, 'bargain', O.Ir. cundrad (gen. sing. koNars); kra.:nr9, ' corn on the foot, knot in wood ', Di. crannra ; L'inrud, ' a complaint of the stomach ', Di. lionnruadh ; L'inrocy a contracted form of L'iN'wa.'Xj 'bright', Di. loinneardha; gnrik'v, 'upright', O.Ir. inricc (I have also heard oNrik'd from younger people); ska:nruw, ' to frighten ', Di. scannradh ; sm'emrs did', ' it is fortunate for you ', < M.Ir. mo-genar (also sm'sdra § 443). See further § 276. But N'r' occurs in tomxyd Nd N'rifay, 'the bramble-bushes ' (driseog) ; vi: fs a. N'r'asuw, ' he was hunting them ' (dreasughadh). § 247. n represents an older ngn in ku:nuw, ' assistance ', O.Ir. congnam ; i:nuw, 'wonder', < ingnath, ingnad. n appears for ri in 9 far s&n, 'that man', owing to lack of stress (§ 219). Also dcdwn m'd (I) beside dahin' m'd, ' I recognised ', cp. CI. S. 19 ix '03 p. 3 col. 1. andm, 'soul', O.Ir. auim, is a new formation after the oblique cases, gen. sing, anma, partly due doubtless to a desire to keep the word separate from ainm, 'name'. kumsd' , ' perishing with cold ', in to.: m's d md yuinszl ' , Di. cunail, La: ku:ncday, 'a perishing day', may possibly represent the old infini- tive cougbail retained in this particular sense. The ordinary infinitive is kyN'eeL't' . § 248. A voiceless n with strongly breathed off-glide is frequent in futures and substantives, e.g. kccnd m'd, ' I shall talk ' ; Land m'9, ' I shall follow ' ; L'idiid m'd, ' I shall fill ' ; L'o.nd m'd, ' I shall sprain ' ; mu:nd m'd from mu:n&m, ' mingo '. b'r'anuw, 'expect', Meyer brethnaigim ; krgninn, 'I miss', Di. cruuthuighim, crothnuighim ; k'r'anuw, ' terror, to terrify ', Di. creathnughadh, pret. grani:, k'r'aniay, 'terrible', Meyer crithnaigim ; srgnuw, ' to scatter, spread ', Di. srathnuighim. 7. N'. § 249. N' is a palatal n corresponding in formation to L '. The younger generation substitute N' for n particularly after consonants, e.g. for'dm'N'ifxy^, 'steady'; givN'd, 'smiths'; snivN'ay^, ' at rest '. Craig following the speech of the younger people writes nn for n in many words, thus bealtainne, M.Ir. beltene; cluinnim, M.Ir. cluinim, O.Ir. rocluinethar ; fearthainn, M.Ir. ferthain; gloinne, M.Ir. glaine, gloine; sinneadh, .M.Ir. sinim. From most speakers one hears forms such as diN'd, 90 'man'; diN'dN, 'bad weather'; hyN'im', 'rabbit'; mwiN'cl, 'neck'; rxN'a.y (= ra-n'zyj, 'fern'; JkyJiF', 'week'; JIN'9, compar. of Jxn, O.Ir. siniu. As far as can be gathered from Rhys's description this confusion has taken place in Manx (I.e. p. 135). For Connaught see Finck i p. 62. On the whole J. H. and some of the oldest people preserve the difference between N' and n almost intact. § 250. JV' represents an O.Ir. initial n before e, i, e.g. N'otd, 'nest', M.Ir. net; N'ay, 'any one', O.Ir. nech ; N' amort, 'neglect' (§27); N'aNtoug, 'nettle', late M.Ir. nenntog, earlier nenaid ; JV'art, 'strength', O.Ir. nert ; JY'xrtray, 'rough grass'; Nas, 'near', O.Ir. nessa; N'xskod', 'boil', M.Ir. nescoit ; N'oiu- hiL'9mwiccy, 'independent', O.Ir. neb-, neph-; N'esl, 'cloud', O.Ir. nel; N'\v {N"if), 'poison', O.Tr. nem; N'i:, 'not', O.Ir. ni; Ni:, 'thing', O.Ir. in; N'i:m, 'I wash', M.Ir. nigim ; N'o:n'i:n, 'daisy', < noinin by assimilation, also N'oiri, 'evening', cp. ds Bdskyayd N'o:n' Ncl mwsed'in'. O.Ir. ingen has been trans- formed on the model of the pretonic form ni, M.Ir. ini and N' has been introduced by analogy. § 251. Medially and finally N' arises from O.Ir. nn, nd before a palatal vowel whether preserved or lost, e.g. biveeN'd, 'milk', O.Ii\ banne ; hwiN'c/.y, 'diarrhoea', Meyer bunnech; bwiN'cm, ' a young, fresh stalk ', Meyer bunnen, also bwiJV'an bwi:, some kind of bird; b'iN', 'melodious', O.Ir. bind; b'iN', 'gable, peak', from oblique cases of O.Ir. benn ; dN'e:, 'yesterday', O.Ir. indhe; vN'Uw, 'to-day', O.Ir. indiu ; fx:N'z, 'ring', O.Ir. anne ; fwiN'og, 'window', M.Ir. fuindeoc ; f'i:r'ijY'»„ 'truth', O.Ir. firinne ; iN'osy, 'woof, M.Ir. innech ; iN'zLtd, 'neat', < M.Ir. indell ; iN'xr, 'anvil', O.Ir. indein ; i//'i:JV, 'brain', M.Ir. inchinn ; kyN'd, 9s kyN'z, 'opposite', M.Ir. conne; kyN'dl, 'candle', M.Ir. caindel ; miroX'ir, 'sheep-fold', M.Ir. maindir ; o:N', 'river', from the oblique cases of M.Ir. aba; r'iN', 'dealing', M.Ir. roinu (dat.) ; sLiN'uw, 'surname', M.Ir. slonniud < O.Ir. slondud. The forms 9 axN'xn', a mweeN'sen, 'in spite of him, me ', belong here as they represent Meyer's an-deon, dom-andeoin- sa, cp. Henebry p. 31. ssN'ols, 'very pretty', may be heard for xN'd'y.s from some speakers. § 252. N' may arise by assimilation of t'n, d'n, but the only instance I have is mwxN'v, gen. sing, of mwsed'in, 'morning'. mwxd'in'd is however more frequently heard. ccraJV', plur. -j/rtX'y.yy, ' stitches, pains ', %rdN'o.yj> bo.:/, ' pains of death ', 91 is probably a case of N' for n, cp. Meyer aradain, gen. sing. aradna. Cp. tamaoinne < tamuidne D. P. 28 i '05 p. 3 col. 7. § 253. The n of the article before O.Ir. e, i gives N', e.g. I'e/a N'aLax, ' with the cattle' ; o N'ifag, ' the lark ' (§ 452) ; do N'oil', ' of the flesh ' ; so N's:r, ' in the grass ' ; iN'fer 9 N'ar, 'to the man'; kyr'uw 9N9 N'&std, 'an invitation to the feast'; cp. the common formula of thanks sonos 9g9S feon ort 9g9s daromod fad d N'sog. Note the difference between 9 N'ar, 'from the man', and (m'asom go wil' p'ador) oN ar heivir', ' I imagine Peter is a rich man '. son-, ' a single one ', is often reduced to n, which before a word beginning with (O.Ir.) e, i, appears as N', e.g. I'b N'a/r 9wa.:u' oku?v, ' with one single man of them '. Similarly in the case of 9N9 n-, the lengthened form of o, i, O.Ir. i n-, e.g. vi: fi: k'arpL't'd suos 9N0 N'sodi: dj:ro, 'she was got up in expensive clothes'. Other examples of the eclipse n after er, 'our'; mar, 'your'; a, 'their'; go, 'that'; 9, a, da, 'if; o{n), the interrogative particle before a word beginning in O.Ir. with e, i or d followed by the same vowels — or N'i:N'ar, ' our dinner ', mar N'iu'ig'iL'i, ' your grazing ' ; o N'iN't'iN', 'their intention'; d N'sr so, 'does he say 1 ?'; g9 JV'i.sot^ fo, 'that he would eat'; d N'iolot^ fo, ' if he were to pay '. For oN'ior, ' out of the west ', O.Ir. an-iar; oN'er, 'out of the east', O.Ir. an-air ; oN'i:s, 'from below ', M.Ir. aiu's, see § 235. § 254. N' precedes L ', f, d', f, e.g. x:X'L'og, ' swallow ', Di. fainleog, ainleog, < O.Ir. fannall ; kyN'L'or, 'candlestick', Di. coinnleoir ; Los mi:N'L'9, ' white bed-straw ', Hogan lus nn'nle ; f&N 'L'eim < sean + leini, in b's m9 or ni9 hmN'L'eim' 9mx:ra.%, ' I shall be myself to-morrow ' ; N'i: h JV' see Rhys p. 136. Examples — aku:JV', 'strength, endurance', Di. acfuinn, M.Ir. accmaing ; dil'iJV' m'y, 'I suffei-ed ', = d'fhuiling me, Atk. ro-fhnlaing ; do:riJV', ' affliction ', tec: do:riJV' wo:r (hiJV'if) er ho:g, ' Thady is in great pain', do.-riJV'xy, 'severe', Keat. doghraing ; farsiN', 'plentiful', O.Ir. fairsing; Jcivl'iJV', ' to emulate, emulation ', Meyer comleng ; kyJV'od, kyN'&L't', 'to keep', M.Ir. congbail, the forms with JV' < pala- tal ng arose in cases like the future coingeba ; riJV', ' made ', M.Ir. doringni < O.Ir. dorigeui (KZ. xxx 62); tzirJV'd, 'nail', M.Ir. tairnge ; ta.rN't!, 'to pull, draw', M.Ir. tarraing, Manx tayrn, Scotch G. tarruinn. § 258. In the written language when in inflected forms nn comes to stand after a consonant only one n is written but in speaking JV' is usually heard before palatal vowels. One does indeed hear krxk'?i'&, 'skins', but invariably zvJV a.yj>, 'rivers', plur. of o:JV'; ig'N'ayj, plur. of ig'iJV', 'a ring to put round the neck of cattle '. This JV' is doubtless due to analogy with the singular, cp. Pedersen p. 33. § 259. A voiceless JV' with strongly breathed off-glide occurs in fiN'<> m'z, future of fiJV'dm, M.Ir. seniin. 93 8. n'. § 260. The symbol n denotes a very slightly palatalised alveolar n. As stated above the younger generation fail to distinguish ri and N' and in the majority of cases substitute N' . § 2G1. n occurs initially in n'i:m, 'I do', O.Ir. dogniu. Craig gives the pronunciation as nnidhim (Grammar 2 p. 15), i.e. N'i:m, but here again he is following the younger generation which does not distinguish this word from N'i:m, 'I wash ', M.Ir. nigim. § 262. n appears further as the aspirated form of initial N' but only with the older people, e.g. La:r'ik' nivn'ctx, 'a sore thigh'; N'askojyi n'lvn'ay^ 'a painful boil'; gar n'wn'ay, ' rather painful ' ; t'r'i: n'ad, ' three nests ' ; N'i:r i'N'if m'& a fk'srf do nay 9 mwer'vJY, 'I did not tell the story to a soul alive ' ; ta: J's kor n'aytd, ' it is snowing '. 9r N'znw, 'in heaven', has N' according to J. H.'s pronunciation. The aspiration of fN' is n\ e.g. n'iuw m'z, 'I span', imperf. pass, n'iuwi:. § 263. n' represents O.Ir. medial or final n before an original palatal vowel whether preserved or lost, in all positions except those mentioned in §§ 254, 255, e.g. b'l'iiu', ' year ', O.Ir. bliadain ; diu'z, 'person', O.Ir. duine ; en'om', 'name', O.Ir. ainm («il'W); dwa:n', ' only ', M.Ir. amain ; fuifk'riuw, ' shudder ' ; gen'dv, 'sand', M.Ir. ganim (dat.) ; hein', 'self, O.Ir. fein ; in'if, 'island', M.Ir. inis ; kasivu', 'paths', < casain ; ka:n, 'fine', M.Ir. eaiu ; L'eirii, 'shirt', M.Ir. lene ; mwsen'ser, 'manor, division of land ', Di. mainear ; N'aujb:ri (gz>), 'although', Meyer am-deon (§ 38); ri:n, 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; smayt'im', 'mallet', Di. smaichtin ; faytin, 'week', M.Ir. seclitmain (ace); /askin, ' quagmire ' ; fik'it'd, ' hernia ', Di. seicin, seicne ; fi:n'uw, ' to stretch', M.Ir. sined ; fL'auwin, 'slippery', M.Ir. slemain ; to:n\ 'bottom', M.Ir. toin (dat.); t'in'i, 'fire', O.Ir. tene ; uig'n'ay, ' solitary ', M.Ir. uagnech. § 264. A voiceless n with strongly breathed off-glide is frequent and arises from various sources, (a) in futures, e.g. bwin'd m'i>, ' I shall reap ' ; gram'd m'd, ' I shall loathe ' (Di. grainighim); ka:n'd m'd, 'I shall speak ill of; kUn'o m'd 'I shall hear ' ; ky:n'd m'd, ' I shall weep ' ; murn'd md < mu:n, ' mingere '. (h) < thn, nth, e.g. en'i:m, 'I recognise', Meyer aithgninim ; fwxn's, ' wart ', Di. faithne ; ka:n'i:n', ' husk ', Di. caithnin ; 94 krin'ocyja, 'wheat', O.Ir. cruithnecht; k'o: -bring, 'haze portending heat ', cp. Di. ceobhran ; L'in'd, compar. of L' align, ' broad ' ; rivn'xy^ rcdn'a.'Xj 'fern', M.Ir. raithnech. (c) < chn, e.g. d"in'u:r, ' set of ten ', Di. deichneabhar, O.Ir. dechenbor ; in'i:N\ ' brain ', M.Ir. inchind. Note on the r sounds. § 265. Corresponding to the four 1 and four n sounds described above we expect to find four parallel r sounds (R, r, R', r), but it would seem that almost everywhere r has been generalised for R and there are no remains whatsoever of R '. If any traces of R' had survived we might expect to find them in such sandhi combinations as N'i:r' r'igdr se, ' he did not answer ' ; f'ardg 9 N'ir' r'i/N'&fi: ( f'r'ifN'sefa.'/), ' the temper of the irritable man '. I have tried all imaginable combinations but have never heard anything but r . It is easy to form a palatal r with the articulation of L', N\ i.e. with the front rim of the tongue pressing against the lower teeth, but I cannot conceive why the sound was given up. Of R on the other hand there are distinct traces, but not in the initial position where it has become r. Fortunately Donegal has not lengthened the vowel in eveiy case before R as Munster and Connaught have done and it is at the end of monosyllables after a short vowel that we must look for the sound. 9. R. § 266. By this symbol we denote a long, strongly trilled r with the tongue vibrating against the alveoles just above the upper teeth. Whether in pronouncing R the point of the tongue originally acted against the teeth as in the case of L, N, it is now impossible to say. O'Brien in his Grammar says (p. 11): "It (viz. r) is sometimes written double, as barrach tow ; earr, champion ; and is then strongly pronounced, with a longer dwelling on the sound of r than if it were written singly". Now O'Brien was according to O'Donovan a native of Meath and it is quite likely that traces of R were preserved in that district as they have been in the west of Ulster. Quite unnecessarily Pedersen remarks (p. 38) that it is inconceivable that rr in barrach should be long. For traces of R in Scotland see Henderson, ZCP. iv 523. 95 § 267. I have heard /.' from J. H. in the following words, though even he frequently substitutes r — baR<>, plur. of ba.r, 'crop', O.Ir. barr; doR said to a dog to encourage him, Di. dorrghail; 9 g'iRi: (isri:, see §105), 'asking, seeking'; koR, 'odd', Meyer corr(l); koR (wo:nuw), 'crane', Meyer corr (2), with which koR, 'a sand-eel', is probably identical. These forms must be carefully distinguished from kqr, Meyer cor. koR, 'edge', Meyer corr (2) ; koRay, 'quagmire', M.Ir. currech ; kvRoty, ' steep ', klox %*?-&*%> ' a stone witn man y edges ', Meyer corrach ; koRan, ' sickle ', Meyer corran ; koRuw I's, 'upwards of; kocR, ' car ', M.Ir. carr, to be distinguished from ktz.r, ' ugly face, grin ', Meyer carr (5) ; moRayas, ' superiority ', < mordhachas ; oRd gVasmyt, 'playmate', Wi. urra ; oRdmay, 'obedient', M.Ir. urraim ; spoRccy, ' a lanky fellow '. § 268. Usually however R is reduced to r, e.g. bargig, ' a light shower ', = barr-chith ; ba:ridL, ' a leather boot-lace ', = barr- iall ; bccriayj, ' superabundance ', Di. barraidheacht ; baray, ' tow ', Meyer barrach ; dordcjd, ' cross-looking ', Keat. dorrdha ; goran, 'rim round snout of pig' (in Westmoreland called 'grin'), Di. corran, 'jaw'(?); goru:n, 'haunch', Di. gurrun ; g'aran, 'horse', lit. 'gelding' (§ 21); ka,rid, 'deer', Di. cairrfhiadh ; karik', 'rock', O.Ir. carric; k'a.rway, 'gamester', Di. cearrbhach ; focray, 'foal', M.Ir. serrach; ta.ra.yj 'pregnant', M.Ir. torrach; torskdr, 'refuse', M.Ir. turrscar. 10. r. § 269. The ordinary Donegal r is a reduced form of a trilled r. There is usually only one flip of the point of the tongue against the alveoles. At the end of monosyllables after a short vowel r is clipped and very short, e.g. f'ajir, ' man ' ; gor, 'sitting' (of a hen). § 270. r represents O.Ir. initial, medial r before a, o, u and final r when originally followed by a, o, u, e.g. b'ir, 'spit', O.Ir. bir; dri:, ' druid ', O.Ir. drui ; fr[:y, 'heather', O.Ir. froech ; fccr^g, 'anger', O.Ir. fere; gru9g, 'hair', Di. grnag ; ma,rawi:m, 'I kill', M.Ir. marbaim ; tree:, 'meal', M.Ir. fcrath; u:r, 'fresh', M.Ir. ur. § 271. r has taken the place of older initial R' and in consequence the following vowel is frequently affected (§§ !'■'>, 156), e.g. roJidm, 'I run', M.Ir. rethim ; rei (rzi), 'ready', O.Ir. 96 reid; rl; 'king', O.Ir. if; ri:n', 'tough', M.Ir. rigin ; riyt, 'strength, state', O.Ir. richt; rounds, 'need, necessity', M.Ir. riachtanus. § 272. Initial r is unaffected by aspirating words. The aspirated form of fr is r, e.g. k'acrk ri:, 'a moor-hen', cearc f hraoich ; S9 rsenk', ' in France '. S 273. Initial sr whether standing before O.Ir. a, o, u, or e, i, has a sound peculiar to itself. The r is not trilled in this case and seems to cause the tongue to be retracted from the ordinary s position. The two sounds coalesce and a kind of modified s is produced. Cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish (p. 18) : "The two consonants are often pronounced almost simultaneously, so that it is difficult to know which consonant is pronounced the first". Examples — sra, 'holm, field lying by a river', M.Ir. srath; sra:d', 'street, space round a cottage', M.Ir. srait ; sra:d'og, 'a bed on the floor', Di. sraideog ; srahdr, 'straddle', O.Ir. srathar; srsdn, 'bridle', M.Ir. srian ; srUhan, 'stream', O.Ir. sruth. Initially J'E has become sr but medially we find fr' (§ 283) except in asr'igdr, 'a sharp retort', < ais + freagar. The aspirated form of initial sr is always r, never r, e.g. ron9 m'd, 'I scattered', Di. srathnuighim ; N'i: rihzyi fa, 'he will not reach', Di. sroichim; kor fol ro:n9, 'to have nose-bleeding'. § 274. r arises from n in the groups en, gn, tn, but the nasal character of the syllable is generally retained, e.g. krocguw, ' to strike ', < Engl. ' knock ' • kra.:b'9, ' hemp ', Meyer cnaip ; kroi:v, 'bone', O.Ir. cnaim ; krsp% 'button', M.Ir. cnap ; kro:, 'nut', O.Ir. cniij krok, 'hill', O.Ir. ouocc; k'r'it'otl, 'to knit', < Engl. ; gre:Irj, ' business ', Di. gno ; gri:, ' good looks ', Di. gnaoi. I'ef d trahid', ' with the needle ' ; m'eid' 9 tra:, ' the size of the yarn ' ; fad 9 trtz.ip, 'the length of the thread'; yUi fidd dmay er' a tr5.:uw, ' they went out swimming ' ; er' 9 trl:, ' on the bier ' ; er' 9 trl:m, 'on the knot'; er 9 triiiv, 'on the complexion'. § 275. Before L, JV, t, d, where r arises from R, and also before L' , N', t', d', where r represents R\ r is not trilled and in stressed syllables is perhaps slightly longer than the ordinary sound. The point of the tongue is raised towards the arch-rim and then slides along the alveoles into the position for the following sound. It is unfortunate that Pedersen has not given us a description of the corresponding sound on Aran 1. c. pp. 28, G7. After r in the final position N, N', L' are almost syllabic. 97 Examples — hx:rLy:, M.Ir. fcarla. kx:rN, 'heap', M.Ir. earn; b'x:rN, 'gap', M.Ir. bern; do:rN, 'fist', M.Tr. dorn; k'ahsr Na.%, 'small, impudent person', b'art, 'burden', Meyer liert; k'xrt, 'right', M.Tr. cert. x:r, 'advice', O.Tr. comairle; kabwUim', 'small, saucy-mouthed person or animal'; magsrL's, 'testicles', IY1.Tr. macraille ; a,:rN'd, 'sloe', Meyer airne ; oirN'ol, 'sitting up late', M.Ir. airne ; dirN'im', 'handle', Di. doirnin; hccrJY'fs, 'he drew', M.Ir. tairrngim; kx:rN' , gen. sing, of kx:rN, 'heap'; korN'al, 'corner'; IsH'ifm'drN'i:, 'start- ing up in sleep', I)i. s. clisim ; LoburN'j, aol dN L., ' to go to rack and ruin'; ma,:rN 'ala/y, 'sailor', Di. mairncalach ; mqrJV'i.-n', 'darling', M.Ir. miiiin, rnuirn ; d'x sxhdrN', 'Saturday', M.Ir. dia sathairnd ; ta,:rN 'ay, ' thunder ', cp. Wi. tornech ; tx:rli'i», ' nail ', M.Ir. tairnge; also in txryir ayj, 'prophecy', O.Ir. tairngire. bxydrt', 'to threaten'; yort'oy, ' slight injury, sprain'; ka&fm'wt', 'squabble', Meyer caismert ; konort', 'hounds', M.Ir. conairt (dat.) ; kn:rt', 'visit', O.Ir. ciiairt ; sport', 'turf that has lain for a year without being raised ' (also called spaddr), sport' viN'd'd, ' milk curdled with rennet', Di. spairt ; skxrt', 'a shout', Di. scairt. cn'd'd, 'height', M.Ir. arde ; x:rd', 'point of the sky', M.Ir. aird ; ord', plur. of o:rd, 'sledge-hammer', M.Ir. ord; also kors/ 'k'r'i.stg, ' sponsor ', Meyer cairdes Crist. For fardg'd, 'sea', O.Ir. fairggse, foirrce see Pedersen p. 117. Similarly g'ird, compar. of g'oir, 'short', M.Ir. gerr, ib. p. 24. £ 276. After n, I < N, L we have perhaps a further trace of R in that r in this position is strongly trilled which we denote by writing a small bar under the letter, thus r. nr, Ir are now-a-days incapable of palatalisation (except in the case mentioned in ^ 246) and thei-efore represent both earlier NR, LR and N'R, L'R'. Examples — somruw, 'to notice', so:n?jixy, ' remarkable ', Di. sonnrughadh, O.Ir. saini'eth, sainred ; kudro:skxy, 'backward', Di. ciiilriascmhar ; fidlruw, ' to claim descent from ', Di. siolrughadh ; aw-rifle, 'a fine rifle'; xnrod, 'an excellent thing, a great quantity'; xsdlrixyt, ' performing a spell, enchantment ', Di. asarlaidheacht ; qNq nrvyjyjxis, 'in a bad plight', nr, Ir are also found in sandhi, e.g. bon rib'it, ' a sore with hair growing out of it ', Di. bun ribe ; kor fol ro:n&, ' to have nose-bleeding'. § 277. In a few words mainly enclitics r represents an older 1 or n, cp. Diss. pp. TO, T8 and Zinnner, Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Akad. 6 iv T905 p. 3. Examples — mar, 'as', O.Ir. amal, amail ; mar, 'unless', O.Ir. mani ; dord, 'second', O.Ir. indala. Similarly yd mxram, if it contains xw>m, ' soul ', see § 63. Q. 7 98 §278. Medial r'+f gives rs, e.g. forsmv, 'to harrow', Di. foirseadh; ir , sa%», plur. of ir'if, 'hanger on creel', Di. iris; k'sn'scy, 'hen blackbird', Meyer crirsech ; fk'u:rsi:, 'scourges', Keat. sgiuirse; tirsxy, 'tired', O.Ir. toirsech ; lorny.y, 'threshold', M.Ir. tairsech. For sandhi instances see § 4G1. In the groups r' + f+t', r'+f+N' the r' is depalatalised, whilst the first part of the f is a retracted alveolar s and the second /. Examples — -farsN's, compar. of fy.rsiX', ' abundant ', fzrsX'-u:/', fxrsN'cLy, 'abundance'; fo:rst'9, 'harrowed'; fo:rst'dn, 'to suit', fo.-rst'drioLY, 'suitable', Di. foirstineach ; k'l'i -orst'», 'harrow', Di. cliath fuirste. r has been further depalatalised in 9 Nardhyf, 'to meet', Meyer airchess. § 279. A voiceless r with strongly breathed off-glide is a very frequent sound in Donegal. It arises from (a) r + fh in futures, e.g. b'a.:p m'd, ' I shall shear, clip ' ; g'arrd m'd, ' I shall cut'; 19 rd m'd, 'I shall ask'. Similarly in ko:r9, 'chest', , 'cuts'; korom, ' even, level ', M.Ir. comthrom ; kccynns, ' friendliness ', Di. carthannas ; k'ccr&r, 'set of four', O.Ir. cethrar; k'ccruw, 'quarter', O.Ir. cethramad ; k'irjm, ' deficiency in some member', k'iic/mccy, ' maimed, incapacitated ', Macbain ciorram, O'li. cior- thumach, ciorrumach, Di. eiorrthuimeach, cithreimeach, M.Ir. cirrim ; L'agayd) 'stirrup-leathers', Di. leathracha ; L'o:ri:, 'books', Craig leabharthai ; pcc:ru:s, ' pai^adise ', Di. parrthas, O.Ir. pardus ; sj; :ruw, ' to earn ', Atk. saethrugud ; tec: reel', ' to assist', Di. tarrthail, tz:rcday, 'useful, profitable'; t'i:ri:, 'lands'. Similarly in past participles, e.g. bwjiu-d, 'troubled', O.Ir. bua- dartha; tun/y, 'bleached', Di. tuaraim. § 280. r' before h :ri:s, 'number at birth, parturition', M.Ir. torrchius. This is one of the few internal changes which docs not hold good in sandhi, e.g. hy.r hin'ww ort = caoir theineadh ort. S 281. r is the aspirated form of initial tr, e.g. i%:yt m's, 'I discoursed'; rid' fd, 'he fought ' ; rx/L'i: /l>, 'he stumbled', Di. tnislighim, O.Tr. tuisled ; rosk mo, 'I fasted'. In the case of initial l'r' the palatalisation seems to me to have been given up but /• in this case is a sound midway between /■ and /■', e.g. reig' m'd, 'I abandoned'; rimtoi: f&, 'it dried ',= thriomuigh < thior- muigh ; a. rim, 'his third'; ro: m'9, 'I ploughed', M.Ir. trebaim; ro:r9 m'g, 'I led'; a ru:r, 'his three', may sometimes have /'. At any rate the /• in these cases is very different from the ;•' in § 288. 11. r'. .^ 282. The Donegal palatal r is a very elusive sound and is perhaps more easy to acquire than to describe. The tip of the tongue hangs down slightly behind the upper teeth though not in such exaggerated fashion as in the case of s and /'. The front of the tongue a little over half an inch from the tip rests against the arch-rim leaving a narrow horizontal slit through which the breath rushes. The Aran r as I have heard it from a friend who has spent some time on the islands has not the same acoustic effect as the Donegal sound and according to Finck's description the two must be quite distinct from one another. As far as I am able to observe the hollowing out of the front of the tongue essential for the production of s, /'is entirely absent. Perhaps the Desmond sound described in the Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish (p. 23) is different. There it is stated that "the slender sound of r is produced by spreading the tongue and forming a small hollow in the front portion of it. The point of the tongue is brought close to the gum just above the upper teeth." When I first heard the Donegal /, I was reminded of a j-sound formed against the arch-rim instead of against the hard palate. Cp. Henderson's remark "in Tiree air 'on' sounds like eigh (eij) 'ice'" (ZCP. iv 523). On the other hand r has a distinct affinity with d and an Englishman may easily acquire the sound by slightly retracting the tongue from the edge of the upper teeth and substituting the contact with the arch-rim. Hence it is very natural to find d appearing for r in Scotch dialects (Henderson, ZCP. iv 51G). At 7—2 100 the end of a monosyllable with short root-vowel r is always clipped like /, /', u, n', r, e.g. fir', ' men ' ; hyr*, ' send '. The r just described is doubtless not the original sound. According to its articulation it lies between */•' and *R'. £ 283. r represents O.Ir. medial and final r followed by an original e, i whether preserved or lost. Initially R has become r. Examples — ser'd, 'care', O.Ir. aire; ser'ia.y, 'herd, watchman', Di. airigheach ; deer', ' oak ', M.Ir. dair ; fwxr'd, ' wake of the dead', M.Ir. faire ; goer's, 'laugh', M.Ir. gaire ; mwxr'dm y 'I remain ', M.Ir. maraitn ; J'er, ' eastwards ', M.Ir. sair. We may note that by the side of 9mcc:?'cty, ' to-morrow ', the form 9mcc:r'ay occurs. The two seem to run according to families and also exist side by side on Aran, cp. Finck ii p. 253. r precedes other palatal consonants than L', N', t', d, /, e.g. ser'dg'id, ' money ', O.Ir. arget ; dir'ib', ' waterworm ', Di. dairb ; 'im'ir'k'd, 'removing', M.Ir. immirge, immirce ; ir'im', ' armies ', M.Ir. airni ; kvr'k'd, ' oats ', Meyer coirce ; kyr'p', 'coi*pses', M.Ir. cuirp ; %yr'f'i:, condit. pass, of hyr 1 , 'to put'. Following b', d', /', g', j, k', r, ni , p', e.g. b'r'sv, ' fine ', Meyer bregda ; d'r'eim'ir'9, 'ladder', M.Ir. dremire ; f'r'igrs, 'answer', O.Ir. frecre; g'r'hn, 'sun', O.Ir. grian ; tec: dd jr'eim' 9 Ncsky:, 'your expectation is vain'; k'r'is, 'girdle', O.Ir. cris ; t'in'i rrccss, 'tinder-box', Meyer s. criss ; kom'r'i:, 'protection', Di. coimrighe, Meyer comairghe s. commairge (cp. comraighe Sg. Fearn. p. 96) ; kTJj'k'r'dya.n, 'place covered with reeds', O'Don. Suppl. cuiscreach, Di. cuise, cuiseag ; p'r'aban sccd'd, ' lifter, patch on the heel of a boot', Di. preaban; t'r'ouw, ' to plough ', M.Ir. trebad. Initially /+ r gives sr (§ 273) but medially except in the case of ccsrigdr, ' sharp retort ', fr remains, e.g. kqjr'ik'i:m, kofr'ikdni, ' I conse- crate ', Meyer coisregadh < cosecrad ; ofr'ay, 'oyster', Di. oisre ; p'ijr'og, ' incantation ', Di. pisreog ; fe/r'ecy, ' plough ', M.Ir. sessrech. § 284. r' arises from n after t', k', e.g. kor 9 t'r'ayjv, 'fall of snow'; k'r'xtan, 'asthma', Macleod cneatan < M.Ir. cnett; k'r'ccdi:, 'groan', Di. cneadach ; k'r'asuw, 'cicatrise', M.Ir. cnessugud. § 285. A number of proclitic forms ending in r have r' in Donegal. This is partly due to the influence of the preposition er', ' upon ', which is strictly speaking a pronominal form arising from a confusion of O.Ir. aire and fair, er' for ar would further arise regularly in the interrogative particle ar < in ro before a preterite with palatal initial, cp. N' < it in the article § 253. 101 From these two eases a fondness arose for / in proclitics, which Pedersen mentions as existing to some extent on Aran (pp. 25, ~2G). Cp. also tar, tair in Molloy's 27th dialect-list. Examples— .»•' '),»• 89, 'did he ask?'; er' fo:f ft:, 'did she marry?'; or' eir'i J j, ' did he get up 1 ' ; or' xuwir'k' /<>, ' did he look % ' ; or kit turv, 'did you fall?' Similarly with the negative forms Nxr', N'i:r', e.s*. Nor Nser ior so, 'when he did not ask': No Naur 1 im'i: tuiv, ' did you not go away 1 ' ; Nvr' o.N tuw sd wel'o, ' did you not stop at home 1 ' ; N'i:r cahg fi: N' L'ccnuw, ' she did not put the child to sleep ' ; N'i:r cr'id' No. di:n'i 9, ' people did not believe him '. But N'i:r n'i: mo, ' I did not wash ' ; N'i:r Jo:r m'9, 'I did not speak' (§ 459). g9r < go ro forms the only exception. In this ease r is never palatal, e.g. yor i rn'o, ' that I ate ' ; gov eil'i: m'9, 'that I begged'. In like manner O.Ir. ar, 'our', appears as er in er' in an, 'our lady'; er' m'io, 'our food'. M.Ir. ar, 'quoth', is generally heard as 9TS9 but Dottin gives a form with palatal r as occurring in N. Connaught (RC. xiv 114). We expect er'j^:n, 'together', M.Ir. ar oen, but the connection with the preposition does not seem to be felt. The O.Ir. preposition tar follows er and becomes Jiaer', e.g. hser'9 No, qol: alu:n, ' beyond his two knees ' ; tx: fin' hser 1 d jarumv, ' that is beyond doing, cannot be done'. From this has been differentiated the dar of oath formulas which in Donegal appears as dir'. O.Ir. eter, etir, itar appear as sdir , whilst in composition we find the regular addr-,e.g. in J"i:r f'ajriN' 9g9S fi:r q[ :, ' rain and constant wind are verily a cause for lamentation ' ; f'i:r'i/k\>, ' spring water ' ; J"i:r'w5.ic, ' ex - ceptionally good'; f'v.r'viy, 'very small'; but f'i:rLog, 'very weak', f'ier', 'crooked, athwart', M.Ir. fiar, is peculiar. § 28G. It is interesting to find isolated traces of initial r as the aspirated form of R'. It is quite possible that other instances occur but I have only heard the following from J. H. — rivd re:, 'already', by the side of re:, 'time', O.Ir. ree ; a r'i: No pcc:rt r 9, ' gracious God ', or a r'i: yua.'/ti:, ' Almighty God ', used as asseverations; hi:n' ■> r'aJi9, 'with difficulty', cp. d'im'i: m'9 er 1 9 tetruw hi:u' 9 r'oJi.i a ho.:/, 'I escaped from the bull with great difficulty', rog 9 haw ,, gen. sing, of ky.r, 'flame'; kyrim', gen. sing, of kopm, ' even, level ', where 9 has come to be regarded as a svarabhakti vowel, cp. ku:r'im gen. sing, of ku:r9m, 'care'; k'efi:n, 'plaster', Di. ceirin, Meyer cein'n (§ 187) ; k'edirn 9 Ludfi:, 'Ash Wednes- day', Di. luaithreach; Luir 'divan, 'ashes', Di. luaithreamhan ; mairay 9, ' mothers '. (d) r =r' + h< sh in f'ier'ud', ' squint-eye ', cp. Di. fi'ar-shuileach. 12. m. % 289. Of the labials in general Henebry writes (p. 49) : " The upper teeth are not used and so there is freedom for the production of broad and slender timbre. In regard to distance from teeth, rounding, or tension, the lips are by anticipation in position for the following vowel before the contact or approach for consonant production is made, and so broad and slender LOS timbre can be at once distinguished. The former is produced with rounded, soft, protruded lips (as when one with lips held in position for u makes the consonant contact for p), the latter \\ iili lips drawn tight, close to the teeth and inturned (as in the u position) ". As to the protrusion of the lips the position is between the neutral and advanced. In forming the non-palatal labials which are extremely heavy and dull sounds the lips arc very loose indeed and even initially these sounds give the im- pression of more than ordinary duration, though they are actually no longer than the corresponding palatal labials. In addition to lip-protrusion the tongue is raised towards the w-position which causes a ?6'-sound to be heard on releasing the lip contact. This w is always more or less present but is most clearly heard before the front vowels and j; in which cases it is written in this book. It is also very noticeable when the labial is final and the next word begins with a palatal vowel, e.g. a.mwi:Nta.y^ = am eiginteach. In English as spoken locally both sets of labials occur and it would almost seem as if the power to discard the non-palatal sounds were a mark of respectability. § 290. At the end of monosyllables containing a short vowel both m and m are long and thus correspond to L, JV, L', N', IV. Hence in O.Ir. when they occur alone after short accented vowels they are written double, cp. Pedersen pp. 101 ff. In other positions the length is reduced but a short m does not occur in Donegal. Initially m corresponds to O.Ir. m before a, o, u, e.g. mxhivr, 'mother', O.Ir. mathir ; maig, 'good', O.Ir. maith ; ma,ihi:m, 'I forgive', M.Ir. mathim ; marowd, 'to kill', M.Ir. marbad ; ma.:s9, 'thigh', M.Ir. mass; moluw, 'to praise', O.Ir. molad ; mol, 'mill-shaft', M.Ir. mol ; iiucrd'j, 'stick', M.Ir. inaite ; mwaectiri ', 'morning', O.Ir. matin (ace); mwasrig', ' woe', O.Ir. moircc ; mwxr'dm, 'I remain', M.Ir. maraim ; imoiL', 'delay', Keat. maill ; mwil'dN, 'mill', O.Ir. mulenn ; mimr, 'sea', O.Ir. muir; mwj; 'pliable', O.Ir. moith ; mu-j:!, 'bald', O.Ir. mael ; mwdid'dn, 'Virgin', M.Ir. maighden. After particles which eclipse a following word we get m for 6, e.g. er' mwd'd, ' our townland ' ; m,)V ma.:d, ' your boat ' ; d mo:, 'their cow ' ; mwin'it^fd, 'that he would reap'. § 291. Medially and finally »i represents O.Ir. mm (mb) before an original a, o, u, whether preserved or lost, e.g. am, 1 It is interesting to note that the native prosody classes 11, nn, it, in and ng together. 104 'time', M.Ir. am, amm; ocmad, 'timber', M.Ir. adinat; d'r'am, 'crowd, set', M.Ir. dremni; kccm, 'bent', O.Ir. cam in ; h>m,t, ' indifferent ', O.Ir. cnmme ; hrgm, 'bent', M.Ir. cronnn ; k'imay, 'clout, lout', Di.Macbain ciomacli, cp. O.Ir. cimbid ; L[>ui, 'bare', O.Ir. lomm ; omlccn, 'whole', M.Ii\ imlan ; omp9r, 'to carry', M.Ir. immchor ; torn, 'bush', M.Ir. tornin; trom, 'heavy', M.Ir. tromm. m also stands after r and I in ardm, ' army ', O.Ir. arm ; kcchmj, 'bold, brave', M.Ir. calina ; kohman, 'dove'. § 292. In the ending of the first pers. sing, of the pres. ind. the palatalisation has been given up by analogy with pro- nominal forms like warn, ' upon me ', Vim, ' with me ', which have themselves been followed by wj[:m, 'from me', O.Ir. uaimm. Examples — L'eijam, ' I read ', Wi. legim, also = legaim, ' I melt ' ; Lo:r'din, ' I speak ', M.Ir. labraiin ; n'i:m, 'I do '. Cp. the Scotch G. ending -am of the first sing, of the imperative, Gillies, Gaelic Grammar 2 p. 85. § 293. m arises from w in nidr, 'your', O.Ir. bar, cp. G. J. 1891 p. 79. According to Zimmer (Sitzungsber. d. Berl. Akad. 6 iv 1905 p. 4) the m is due to the fact that the form would frequently be nasalised by the eclipse n. It seems to me more likely that the preposition dN in phrases of the type tot,: J's dJY o.r heivir' has given rise to the form with m. Cp. the forms nar for ar, 'our', in Antrim (G. J. 1892 p. 123), Meath (Duffy, Mion- chaint na Midhe p. 4) and Manx (Rhys p. 142), and nur for bhur in Waterford. Also k'uNdrnzn dUyosxyj 'orchid' (?), < Di. ceannbhan. § 294. Sporadically Donegal m corresponds to mh in the other dialects, e.g. N'a.mort, 'carelessness', Di. neamhaird, Derry People 2 xii '05 p. 2 col. 5 leader has neamart ; so:ni9S, ' pleasant ease ', Di. samhas, M.Ir. sam, so:nidsay^ 'drowsy'; t'iL'dmwi: in tot.: mt dN a ML'&mwi:, 'I am in his power, dependent on him', l'iL'9?nwiay, ' dependent ', J\ T 'o\uhiL'c>mwiocy, ' independent ', seems to be con- nected with Di. tuilleamh, ' wages', M.Ir. tuillem, O'R. tuilleamh- nach, 'a hireling'; u:m9lxd', ' capacity ', Di. umhloid (§ 78). Further d'y.rdmdd, ' f'orgetfulness ', O.Ir. dermet = Munster dear- mhad, Manx jarrood, with m < m with which compare oirwd, 'a number', O.Ir. imbed. § 295. A voiceless m with strongly breathed off-glide occurs in a few words, mainly futures, e.g. komd m'd, ' I shall compose, invent ' ; krouu m''. w& = mtb occurs in the past participles of these verbs and also in f'a.niin'd, e a single stalk of anything pliable', formed from Di. feam ('wrack' is fanina.^, Di. feamnach). 13. to'. § 296. m' like other palatal labials in Donegal is produced by drawing the lips back very tightly on to the teeth, thus giving a very sharp, clear m. The position of the tongue is immaterial, as in the majority of cases the / which accompanies the palatalised labials in other dialects is wanting (^ 192). m, /', v, p', b' are very tense sounds and ni, p , b' are sometimes heard from mincing speakers of English. In the English of many parts of the North of Ireland these tense labials are regular. At the end of mono- syllables with short root-vowel m' is invariably long. § 297. Initially m! corresponds to O.Ir. m before e, i, e.g. m'a, 'to fail', M.Ir. meth ; m'cc, 'scale', M.Ir. med ; m'akaeri, 'carrots', O.Ir. mecon ; m'xLuw, 'to decoy', M.Ir. mellad ; m'x:u, 'middle', O.Ir. medon; me:, 'fat', O.Ir. meith (gen. sing.); m'sdy, 'whey', M.Ir. medg; mid, 'louse', M.Ir. mil; m'ir'ig', 'rust', O.Ir. meirg, meirc ; m'i:, 'mouth', O.Ir. mi; m'il'if, ' sweet ', M.Ir. milis. Medially and finally before original e, i, whether preserved or lost, m' represents O.Ir. mm, mb (also before another palatal consonant), e.g. xm'J'ir, 'weather', O.Ir. amser; brim, 'crepitus ventris', Meyer broimm ; drim', 'back', O.Ir. druimm ; d'r'eim'ir' ' o, ' ladder ', Di. dreimire, < M.Ii\ dreimm ; J'udm, ' sound ', M.Ir. fuaimm ; grusm', 'dark look', Di. gruaim; y'r'im', 'morsel, mouthful', O.Ir. greim ; vmlxyj, 'to depart', O.Ir. imthecht ; im, ' butter ', O.Ir. imb. in' also represents O.Ir. m after ti in en'nm, ' name ', O.Ir. ainm. § 298. The oldest people seem to develope m out of v. I have never observed this in the speech of any of the younger generation but it cannot be ascribed to faulty articulation, as it seems pretty wide-spread, cp. Dinneen s. uimhir, and Larminie in his "West Irish Folktales" (p. 250) writes qimina^x for cuimh- neach in a story taken down in Glencolumbkille. Molloy in his 33rd dialect-list quotes suiinneach for suaimhneach for Sligo and Galway. With the older people v is exclusively bilabial and the breath escapes at the corners of the mouth, the middle part of the 106 lips being closed. The expiration is very feeble and when the v is nasalised, the weak stream of breath passes through the nose. Hence we get m for v. It is not clear to me why those younger people who retain the bilabial v should not substitute m' for this sound but it should be borne in mind that they are giving up nasalisation. This ml is common in r'ynid = rivd, 'before'; kimiila, kini'iiocy — kivn'd, kivn'ay ; im'ir', ivir', ' number ', is a rare word only known to a few. Perhaps the doublets d'i:m'ots, d'i:va.s, 'disrespect', O.Ir. diniess are to be accounted for in this way, but the same uncertainty exists in d'i:wu:nuw, d'i:munuw, ' bad manners '. y.m'l'uic, 'bad usage, abuse' in No. to:r am'l'uw d» JVaLscy Vef 9 waduw, ' do not let the dog hound the cattle ', adj. ocm'l'i: is obscure. Dinneen has amhluadh, amhlat. § 299. A voiceless ml occurs in the futures L'eim'i /y, ' he will jump'; sNy:m'd m'd, ' I shall fasten', also past part. sNy:m'd. § 300. md, ' my ', becomes ml before an O.Ir. palatal initial or before /"', e.g. er m'iN't'iN', ' on my mind ' ; mar, ' my husband ' ; and even rri'ip', ' my whip ' (fw'ip'). 14. r r § 301. The sound denoted by this symbol is formed much further back against the soft palate than is the case with English or German r r Initially it only occurs as the eclipsed form of g, e.g. y rfcc:, ' in love ' ; imr r t o:r, ' your goat ' ; er rfi.-r, ' our hound'; y rjcckil^ /y, 'if he should take'. § 302. r t usually corresponds to O.Ir. medial and final ng, as in otj, 'splice in a shirt', cp. ta: ccrj zvaip tal'iv vgdd, Di. eang (with different meaning) ; ar t ay, 'fisherman's net', Di. eangach ; b'ar t lan, 'prong', Meyer bengan, benglan ; dror n 'crowd', M.Ir. drong ; vrp, 'nail', O.Ir. inga ; k'ayhm, 'I tie', M.Ir. cenglaim ; Lor n 'ship', M.Ir. long; m'ar : uw ga:r'd, 'smile', cp. Di. meanghail < M.Ir. meng; srar n 'band, string', M.Ir. sreng; srarpdi:, 'reaching over', cp. Di. sreangaim; far h v. § 183, M.Ir. seng; fayon, 'ant', M.Ir. sengan ; tfayy, 'tongue', O.Ir. tenge. In one word borrowed from Teutonic and in a number of obscure forms we find the combination y t g as in English ' finger ', viz. />a///y, 'ling (a fish)', Norse langa (Macbain) ; ayguw, 'a festering sore', adj. y^guway, cp. Meyer angbaid-echt ; kordb'i^gd, 'launch ', Di. coragiob, b"ir t guw, 'stagger', cp. wuiL' J\> do:rN mo:r ji-.jiii a.% X'i:r' wiN' J'o b'ir/jaw 989m, 'he gave me a heavy blow 1()7 with his list but I did not Hindi ', hgbwir' dlit'iN' &Nu98 &a o yxi<;ir' ay bwin'uw b'irjguw vsvm, 'T almost fell down oil' the chair but I staggered on to my feet (and saved myself) '. These two forms look as if they represented M.Ir. bideim but \ am at a loss to account for the r r b'i^guw may have come in from out- side. For Yjg cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to Irish Pron. p. 22. Latin ungere also appears with r/j, infin. or/juw, pres. Qr t gy:m, Atk. ongad. r t k occurs in mocrfczn, ' a fair for selling stockings ', pzrfc, ' a cow- market', Di. pane, both ultimately from Engl, 'bank', v. Di. pancan, bancan ; splzrfc, ' lightning ', Di. splannc ; spgrjk, ' tinder ', Cormac sponge < Lat. spongia. Before k y is very long. § :>03. In parts of Ulster and in Scotch Gaelic (cp. ZCP. iv f)22) ng is apt to disappear leaving behind as only trace nasalisa- tion of the vowel in stressed syllables. Lloyd writes (G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2) : "In Orrery when medial or final, it is equivalent to gh, i.e., it is silent and lengthens preceding vowel which is often nasal, e.g. luing = luigh, ceangal = ceaghal, teanga — teagha, aingeal = aigheal &c." In Donegal r t (ji) disappears in a number of instances but only when there is another nasal in the word. Examples — duim, 'firm, tight', O.Ir. daingen ; i.-JYtocy, y.Ntos/^ o-.Nt&yj ^{.-litccy, 'wonderful, strange', M.Ir. ingantach, i:N~t<>s, 'wonder', cp. Manx yindys ; p'i:N', 'penny', M.Ir. pinginn ; wl:, 'mane', M.Ir. moing (ace), cp. G. J. 1896 p. 185 col. 1 an mhuigh, and muighe in Molloy's fourth dialect-list. In some cases r n ji have become g, g', N'i:s ku:g'd, compar. of ku:JV, ' narrow ', O.Ir. cumung (but also O.Ir. cunice in the compar.); kri.ylcr/j ' strait of the sea ', Dinneen gives cumhanglach as the Donegal form of cumhangrach, Macleod cunglach ; ku:gds, ' remedy ', Di. coguisidhe, Macleod cungaidhdeighis under ' medicine ', ' remedy ', Macbain has cungaidh, cungaisich, Ir. cunghas, cungnaighim, cungnam. In tot.rgir'<>, 'prophet', targir ayd, 'prophecy', O.Ir. tairngire, there is no trace of the nasal. Note also the absence of the svarabhakti vowel between r and g. r y has further dis- appeared before I in d:lif, 'a mixture of milk and water', Meyer anglas = englas, Di. eanglais, anglais. kyn'igzL, ' condition ', Meyer coingell is a late formation and has developed i between n and g . % 304. A voiceless r t with strongly breathed off-glide arises from ng followed by tli, e.g. in g ' z:ra$cvfo ' sharp-tongued ', . § 30t\ ji does not occur as far as I am aware. (c) The spirants f\ /", v, y, ^ <;, s, J\ 1. f. § 301). /' denotes a bilabial f with the lips in the position described for m in § 289. The normal mode of production seems to be as follows — the lips meet in the middle and the breath escapes either on both sides of this point of contact, the corners being closed, or at the corners of the mouth. For a long time I doubted the correctness of Henebry's statement that labio-dental sounds are non-existent in Irish (p. 49). But after repeated observations I have not been able to discover labio-dental f or v in people over forty years of age either in Irish or English but 100 persons under that age are rapidly substituting the labio dental for the bilabial sound. Pinck regards the Aran f, v as labio- dental (i pp. 04, 77) and it would be interesting to know if any distribution of the sounds similar to that described above exists in the west. Dottin (RC. xiv 104) gives /' as labio-dental but is not explicit on the subject of/, v. For Munster cp. further Chr. Bros. Grammar p. 9 (probably based on Henebiy). Henderson (ZCP. v 97) and Rhys (p. 87) both regard labiodental f, v as the normal sounds in Scotch and Manx Gaelic but I think that if the following facts are taken into consideration it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that bilabial f, v were everywhere the original sounds, i. Irish initial f arose from Idg. u. ii. At the present day intervocalic f represents bhth, mhth, i.e. an unvoiced tv. It is frequently impossible to distinguish between w and bi- labial f, as they are so closely related to one another in formation, iii. y + w frequently passes into J'w (§ 313). iv. English words beginning with wh appear in Irish and Anglo-Irish with fw, cp. the spellings f wenever, fweel. § 310. Initial / represents O.Ir. f before a, o, u or before 1, r followed by the same vowels, e.g. fadd, ' long ' M.Ir. fota ; fa/ruw, 'roost', M.Ir. forud ; J'arsiJV', 'plentiful', O.Ir. fairsing ; J'y.h.y, 'hiding', M.Ir. folach ; fa,:, 'cause', M.Ir. fath, fad; fa,:gxl', 'to leave', M.Ir. facbail ; flaihif (pi.), 'heaven', Di. flaitheas, O.Ir. flaith ; J'okdJ, 'word', O.Ir. focul; fo:wdr, 'autumn', M.Ir. fogamur ; ft j :y, 'heather', O.Ir. froech ; fweer'd, 'wake of the dead', M.Ir. faire ; fumd'a, 'patience', O.Ir. foditiu : fw\L'N'i:m, 'I suffer', O.Ir. foloing (3rd sing.) ; fwH\ 'blood', O.Ir. fuil; fwir'ayt, 'to tarry', M.Ir. furecht; fwi:L'i:, 'leavings', Wi. fuidell; furi.fuw, 'improvement', M.Ir. foessam ; fwi:tv»r, 'edge', M.Ir. faebur; fw£:grd, 'to proclaim', O.Ir. focre; fwj^:ypg, ' limpet ', M.Ir. faechog. /"also occurs as the aspirated form of initial/?, e.g. S9 fctr&ft'd, ' in the parish ' ; flu:y fd, ' he choked ' ; t'oiy^ d fobwil', ' Roman Catholic chapel ' ; g.oc: faft'd, ' two children '. ?; 311. Medial/' usually arises from O.Ir. b, m followed by th or ch. The off-glide is a kind of u- and is clearly audible. Examples — gc/foN, 'aloes'; kecfri:, ' sowins ', Di. caitb -bhruith ; LafmN, 'one of the handles of a flail', Di. lamh-chrann ; mxrdfa.y, 'slaughter', cp. Atk. marbthach; Xijiifi, 'sanctified', Di. naomhtha, Nyvf&r, pres. pass. M.Ir. noemthar. The ending -fd of the pre- positional pronouns in the third person plural is probably due to no a confusion of the O.Ir. dative and accusative forms. The accus. ending -thu of O.Ir. lethu, trethu, airrthiu was added to the dative -1>, thus producing -f\> which is now attached to all simple prepositions ending in a vowel, e.g. I'o.fo, 'with them', di:fd, • from them ', cfo.fa, ' to them ', wj^ :f&, ' from them ', f'r'i.'fh, 'through them ', fwi:f&, 'under them'. Further in verbs with root ending in bh, mh we get /'in the future tenses < bh, mh + f (= h), as in fkYi.fs m'd, 'I shall write'. The only instances in which the f of the future has been preserved are rafd m'd, t'i.-f'd m'd, v. ,^ 180. But /"' is more frequent than h in the ending of the conditional passive. § 312. In two instances of loan-words from English f has been inserted for no evident reason, viz. in y'aft9, ' gate ' ; rccftan, 'rat', < Engl, 'ratten'. k[:Jra.n, 'a dry clod', seems to corre- spond in meaning to Di. caoran but I am unable to explain the form. § 313. yw sometimes produces^ a change which O'Donovan only admits for N. Connaught (cp. RC. xiv 115) but which is very common in parts of Ulster, v. Dinneen s. cuafadh, faofog, triufanna. I have frequently heard ga fwel'd g.in'd (also gccy fwel'd ain'd), = gach uile dhuine. In fw'ip' < Engl, 'whip' we have substitution of fio (Jw) with bilabial w (w) for Engl. w. § 314. The O.Ir. preposition fo appears to have split up into fwi:, 'under' (< 3rd sing, foi), and /a(:), 'around, about'. It is easy to see from the passages quoted in Windisch how the meaning of 'around, about' could arise but I am inclined to think that fa. also represents O.Ir. imm. Cp. M.Ir. ba for ma = imma Diss. p. 27 and Scotch G. mu, Manx my- in mygeayrt, my-chione. In Donegal this preposition usually aspirates but we find it eclipsing in fa. -di.-tvich, ' concerning ', < fa dtaobh de ; fa du:r'im! in buriL's fa d., 'a guess', but fa Imr'im h'esd, 'about a hundred '. § 315. When aspirated by a preceding word / disappears together with the w off-glide which accompanies it. Examples — f///»i fi:, 'she sewed ' ; er d Naruw, 'on the roost'; dNsd No:wdr, 'in the autumn'; m'ip, 'my whip'; efo Nil', 'to the blood'; a VeJwdfi fo 9 words with vocalic initial but in this Ill the dialects differ from one another. This prosthetic f appears already in M.Ir. Examples foji.i:, 'make into a blaze', Meyer ad-suim ; fanayt, 'to remain', O.Ir. anaim ; fa.:N'i>, 'ring', O.Ir. anne; fastojam, 'I hire', O.Ir. astaimj j'xihxy, 'giant', O.Ir. athach ; f' >rr i:n o.'/j 'half-witted', subst. L'evr'i:ri, cp. Di. leimhe. § 323. The Donegal v is a voiced bilabial sound corresponding in formation to f. The corners of the mouth seem to be left open and the portions of the lips on either side of the point of contact in the middle (§ 309) approach very nearly to one another and vibrate. Hence when this sound is strongly nasalised and a large part of the breath passes through the nose, it has a distinct tendency to develope into m (§ 298). The younger people how- ever are substituting a labio-dental for the bilabial v. 113 § 324. v usually represents O.Ir. medial or final b or in which originally stood before e, i, e.g. a:vff, 'ocean', M.Ir. aibis ; i:v, 'appearance, countenance', O.lr. oiph ; i:viN', 'pleasant', M.lr. oihind ; Liv, 'weed', O.lr. luib ; seivir, 'rich', M.Ir. saidbir ; /el'av, 'possession', M.Ir. seilb (dat.); tavfa, 'ghost', O.lr. taidbse. avr'ai, d Navr'di, ' tangled ', Meyer amreid, awWav, ' contrary, cross-tempered'; doi:v, 'affection, fondness', from the oblique cases of M.Ir. dam; d'evds, 'shears', M.Ii\ demess ; kiviocy, 'strange, foreign', M.Ir. comaithchech ; kivl'iN', 'emulate, emu- lation ', M.Ir. comleng ; kivn'ay, 'mindful', O.Tr. cuninech ; kivr'afr, ' field for planting ' ; krS.:v, 'bone', O.lr. cnaim ; Navd'd, 'enemies', O.lr. naimtea (ace); N'w, 'poison', M.Ir. neim ; riv9, 'before', M.Ir. remi. avxrecy, ' airy, light ', is obscure. It is pronounced the same as Di. aithbhearach, 'blaming, censorious'. ^ 325. The aspiration of initial b', m is v. In the case of m' the vowel is usually not nasalised, unless it is followed by an n or m sound or by It, r ($ 172). Examples — ma van, 'my wife'; a varoud, ' his cap ' ; eg' 9 va:rNy:, ' at the gap ' ; vaNd m'd, ' I greeted ' ; b'iJY' vig, ' a small gable '. v is also the eclipsed form of _/', e.g. Ny: vi:dor'i:, '9 weavers'; d vsk'iJY', 'if I were to see.' Medially in endvis, 'ignorance', M.Ir. anfiss. § 326. In the inflected forms of several words containing o:, u we find v arising after the analogy of go:, ' smith ', plur. givn'd ; o:N', 'river', plur. svJY'a.yj ; dUw, 'black', gen. sing. div. Such are b'ivr'9, compar. of bo:r, 'deaf, M.Ir. bodar ; kriv, gen. sing. of krl/w, ' dowry ' ; iN'e:i 9 Let.: dN'lv, ' after to-day ', which contains a genitive formed from dN' Uw ; iv, ' egg ', is a new nominative to a stem *uw- < M. Ir. uora. plur. ugai. The word is always fern, in Donegal and the palatalisation of the gen. and dat. sing, has been introduced into the nom. as is commonly the case with feminines, cp. mivl:v, 'to begrudge', O.lr. moidem, gen. sing, moidme. dr'l:v, a by-form of er'iuw, ' ever ', may have been influenced by orLvd, ' before ', as the two are frequently used together in the phrase jr'iuw <>r\vd. In fsvt'uw, ' to shift for oneself ', Di. seibhtiughadh, the v is peculiar, as the word comes from the English. i; 327. Post-consonantic mh, bh disappear in a:r'i:m, ' I reckon', O.lr. aiiuniu, but a,:r'i:m strictly speaking is a new formation from z:r'uu\ which is used of counting sprats, kale &,c. Q. 8 114 in threes; sed'irm, 'I confess', infin. aed'vsd', M.Ir. 1st sing, atmu, perhaps by analogy with k'r'ed'dm, ' I believe ', infin. k'r'ed'vsel' (Spir. Rose p. 6 has aidvimuid) ; b'Um.-nzy, ' rascal ', M.Ir. bith- binech; d'ervm, 'I say', M.Ir. atberim ; t'ifiN't' , 'to shew', M.Ir. taisbenad. 4 - %• § 328. This symbol denotes the voiceless guttnral spirant formed with the back of the tongue against the soft palate which occurs in German but there is much less friction in the production of the Donegal sound than is the case in German, Scotch or Welsh. For this reason it sometimes interchanges with /* (§ 178) and finally it is often so faint especially in the termination -a;/ that at first I did not seem to hear it at all. The feeble articula- tion of this spirant is perhaps characteristic of Ulster Irish generally as Lloyd states that in Monaghan " when final it is silent with compensatory lengthening; before t it is always silent" (G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2). Cp. the spelling morghat for mordhacht Spir. Rose pp. 31, 47. Before palatal vowels ;/ as also a, k, g, being velar sounds cause the tongue to be retracted which tends to change a following i(:) into y(:), see § 125. £ 329. Initially y can only occur as the aspirated form of k, e.g. ma yyd', ' my share ' ; yjeL' ni9, ' I lost '. ko, ' as ', which in the other dialects always appears with ;/ remains unaspirated in Donegal. On the other hand (&) yy-TZ, 'ever', M.Ir. caidche, coidche is always aspirated. Other cases such as fieri ik' m'd, ' I saw'; ha, 'not', L, 'tress', O.Ir. bachall ; bvytd, 'bank of peat', bachta Craig, Irish Composition p. 166; boyt, 'poor', O.Ir. bocht ; ba.:yra.n, 'bog-bean', Hogan bacharan, cp. Meyer bachar, 'acorn'; b'aypy, 'bee', diminutive of M.Ir. bech, which occurs in bxy^ 'yapwiL', 'a wasp'; b'y.fo.y, 'road', M.Ir. belach ; rays m'9, 'I shall go', O.Ir. do-reg ; J'i^r/y./c/.y, ' and so forth ', O.Ir. sech ; J'aynuw, 'to avoid', Di. seachnadh : w fayran, 'astray', M.Ir. sechran; fy.yj, ' seven ', O.Ir. secht. 115 In futures /* < f after y coalesces with the spirant, e.g. k\:yy m'd, ' I shall wink ' ; plu:y9 m'd, ' I shall extinguish '. §331. y arises from thgh, thch in LUyjvr, 'joy', M.Ir. luthgair ; zyj/J ld , 'request', M.Ir. athchuinge ; duryps, 'birth- right', M.Ir. duthchus. if 332. Donegal has developed a new comparative termination -ccyj> instead of 9 which is used with adjectives of more than one syllable ending in a vowel, e.g. dseliay? < d&l'i:, 'difficult'; da.lztbwia.yii < dahbd, ' impudent '. The endings -9 and -a.y9 occur side by side in other connections, e.g. in the future of verbs and the plural of fern, nouns and -ayy is evidently used as a com- parative ending for the sake of distinction. We find something similar in b'r'sayj the plural form oib'r's9, 'fine', Meyer bregda. § 333. We have already seen (§ 178) that ;/ easily passes into //, and the converse is true for Donegal in isolated cases. y for h seems to be frequent in Scotch dialects, cp. ZCP. iv 509. See further Henebry p. 19 (ca shoin). Examples — moyutv, ' springing of cows ', pret. woy, cp. Di. moth, ' the male of any animal', Cormac moth .i. ball ferda, Stokes-Bezz. *muto- (p. 219), mgy9san, 'a springing heifer', O'R. motach, 'fruitful', M.Ir. mothach LL 13b 7 rendered by Hyde 'fertile'. The y in La/v9rN9 -wa:ra.y, ' to-morrow ' (spelt la thar na bharach CI. S. 22 viii '03. p. 3 col. 2) can hardly be due to O.Ir. lathe. It is more likely that the preposition /uvr', O.Ir. tar, has been substi- tuted for iar which is obsolete except in er gu:l, ' back, behind ' ; 9v du.s, 'in front'; er fa.:V, 'found' &c. ga bra.:y, ' for ever ', can hardly represent co brath, as th after long vowels disappears, brath may have become brathach under the influence of 9m,a:ra.y, ' to-morrow '. The spelling co brach occurs RC. xxiv 371, 373, cp. Manx dy bragh (Rhys's explanation of the latter I.e. p. 129 will not hold good for Donegal). § 334. It should be noted that y and not p stands before t'. Henebry pp. 55, 35 says that " the group -cht is unaffected and always broad. The palatalised boicht of O.Ir. and found also in Keatynge was merely a symmetrical writing ". This is incorrect. The t may not be palatal in Waterford but O'Leary quotes a form with /' for Cork and Finck (i 187) gives b$cc9 as the gen. sing. fem. of bocht, 'poor'. I have noted the following forms with -yt' in Donegal, hyt', gen. sing, of boyt, 'poor'; b'ayt'i:, 8—2 116 com par. of b'ayj, 'sensible, shrewd ', M.lr. l>echt; b'jo:yt'9, com par. of b'jo:, 'alive'; b'r'sctyt'i*, compar. of b'r'sd, 'fine'; eif'zyt', gen. sing, of eif'ayt, ' prodigy ' ; k'sccyt'd, gen. sing, of k'szyt, 'plough'; smxyt'iru', 'mallet', also 'a rude fellow'. £ 335. That y has a tendency to pass into f in certain parts of the north and north-west has been mentioned in § 313. We may possibly have the converse in the form Uyart', ' wallowing ', spelt nchairt 01. S. 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5 for Di. ionfairt. 5. j. § 336. a represents a voiced velar spirant formed by the back of the tongue against the soft palate. For the off-glide see § 328. As in the case of y there is an absence of the rasping which accompanies this sound when it is strongly articulated. Hence it is natural that except in the initial position p should tend to disappear. Henebry and Finck do not quote a single instance of a except initially but Donegal offers several examples of the sound in medial position. The position of the tongue for a feebly articulated a is very nearly that of my o: and this vowel- sound always has a suspicion of a spirant nature as might be expected, seeing that it arises from adh-, agh-. Cp. Lloyd's statement as to the frequent retention of dli, gh in Orrery in seadh, feadh and other words G. J. 1896 p. 147. Scotch Gaelic often keeps final a in the verb ending -adh but in Donegal the latter may have given s> { or j 340. This symbol represents a voiceless spirant formed by the middle of the tongue against the hard palate near to the edge of the soft palate, cp. Jespersen p. 49. There is much less friction than in the case of German r in 'ich', on which account it inter- changes with h. It is sometimes very difficult to decide whether one hears r or h after a close i or e. § 341. Initially p usually represents an aspirated k', e.g. got po:l', 'singing'; 9 park, 'the hen'; <;zXy m r 9, 'I bought'; rr'c.y m'o, ' I ruined ' ; so rl'iuw, ' in the basket '. pisiVs, ' same ', and rid, ' first ', never appear in the unaspirated form. § 342. In a few cases p appears as the aspirated form of initial j\ cp. Molloy p. 7, Henebry p. 76, Finck i 83. Examples — er' <;u:l, ' away ', also or sud, rud' mo, ' I walked ', Di. siubhal ; i;y.:n, gen. sing, of Jx:n, 'John'; rod m'o, 'I sailed'; x ro:rs9, vocative of forrso, 'George'. But note mo ho.k, 'my hawk'; ras hccmro, 'my chamber'. This would seem to bear out the ex- planation given by Pedersen pp. 17 — 18. According to Rhys pp. 74, 104 f. initial I' when aspirated gives p in Manx. This does not occur in Donegal except in two mauled forms of t'iorNo, ' Lord ', as used in asseverations. These are riorXo ma/rwmvnd ', 'good gracious', see § 63 ; and a rioktrf in toil' xr'og'id ogodl riokeef he'ut otx:, 'have you any money? I should just think I have', Craig Iasg. spells chiacais. It is sometimes written tiarcais. 118 £ 343. Medially and finally p represents O.Ir. ch when originally followed by e, i, e.g. brccir, ' malt ', Di. braich < O.Ir. mraich ; d'er, 'ten', O.Ir. deich ; d'iodL, 'one's best', Di. di'cheall; fo.ii;, 'green', M.Ir. faith che, faidcbe ; fcdgiL', 'care', Di. faith- chill; ?.v>3, 'night', O.Ir. aidche ; kliro (khiv Jhirart, ' this last summer', = an samhradh seo thart. This p commonly dis- appears before another word beginning with a consonant in the same stress-group, e.g. d's math, ' ten cows ', cp. the spelling deth in Molloy's 33rd dialect-list; ya, m'v, 'I spent', yse Jb, 'he spent'; d'i m'd, 'I ate', imper. ir. onuvir, ' outside ', and 98ti$ (jsti:<;), ' inside ', are peculiar, as in M.Ir. we have immaig, istaig. True we also find i:ioa,if, 'image ', Wi. imaig, and trip, 'foot', O.Ir. traig. But the latter has been influenced by the plural M.Ir. traigthe and dissyllables in -aigh usually have -a.% which is equivalent to -air (§ 141). dstic is all the more surprising as the dative form ti: < M.Ir. taig is 119 frequdnt. <>>nwir, 98tip are possibly extended from jmwi, 98tC, i.e. they are proclitic forms. § 346. ;• also frequently represents a medial th flanked by palatal vowels, e.g. %<;<>, 'eating', O.Tr. ithe, pret. pass, hi/mw, kzirir', 'chair', M.Ir. eathair (§ 139) ; Kl'ei$9, gen. sing, of k'l'%9, 'harrow', M.Ir. cliath ; Lu'u;,>, compar. of Lud, 'early'; L'eira, gen. sing. fern, of L'%9, 'grey'; Vei$9 (I'eihd), 'with her', similarly fw:i< j :, ' fat ', M.Ir. meth ; ? , %:vy, 'quarter of a year', M.Ir. raithe ; sNa.:i$9, 'thread', O.Ir. snathe; sui but past part, suit' 9 ; skxvy hij, ' I shall wean ', beside skocihd m'a < skxhuio, M.Ir. scothaim. Similarly p is frequent in the future of several simple verb- stems ending in a long vowel or diphthong. These <; futures usually correspond to a present containing j for which see $ 190. Examples — bacgs m'9, 'I shall drown'; do:ig9 m r 9, 'I shall burn'; kra:f9 m'j, 'I shall torment'; sp'r'e'vy m'y, 'I shall spread'; ta.:Q9 m'a, 'I shall weld'; t'r'o:rd m<>, 'I shall plough' but pres. pass. t'r'o:lur. Also bruyy m'j, ' I shall press down ', pret. wrui /',i, M.Ir. briiim ; su:gijd, 'it will soak up', < sum, M.Ir. siigim. § 317. Henderson's description of Scotch Gaelic s applies equally to the Donegal sound. " The tongue-blade, along the central line of which the breath is directed, approaches the gums behind the upper teeth and the breath becomes sibilant owing to the friction it undergoes in passing between the upper and lower front teeth. The tip of the tongue may rest against the lower front teeth. It is usually more forcible than Engl, s, the tongue- articulation being closer" (ZCP. iv 515). A large number of speakers tend to widen the nick in the tongue through which the breath passes, thus producing a lisped s. The curious effect produced on initial s by a following r has been described in § 273. The voiced sound corresponding to s does not occur in Irish but is regular in the local English and produces a very peculiar effect. As is the case with the voiceless stops 8 is commonly aspirated, cp. Sweet, Primer of Phonetics" p. 60. Hence the h of the future terminations coalesces with a final s and is not heard as a separate element, e.g. po\S9 m's, ' I shall 120 marry' ; kros& tuw, 'you will forbid'. On this account a number of verb-stems ending in s prefer the ending of the second con- jugation, e.g. dr'a.scLyd m'a, 'I shall drive away', pres. d'r'oissm. For the length of the sound see § 357. § 348. s represents O.Ir. initial s before other than palatal vowels, e.g. seed, 'heel', O.Ir. sal; siN't', ' covetousness ', O.Ir. sant ; sohN, ' salt ', O.Ir. saland ; su:l', ' eye ', O.Ir. siiil ; su:ft'd, 'flail', M.Ir. sust, suiste < Lat. fustis; 8j[:l, 'life', O.Ir. saigul. For s before L, N see §§ 208, 239. s further stands before O.Ir. m, p, c followed by the vowels a, o, u and in a few loan-words before t under the same conditions, e.g. smwi:l'uw, ' to think ', M.Ir. smuained ; spoyuw, 'to geld', M.Ir. spochad ; skzuween, 'lungs', M.Tr. seaman; skyd'uw, 'to let loose', M.Ir. scailim ; stxd, 'to stop', formed on Lat. status; sto:l, 'chair', < O.E. stol. £ 349. Before m and p s has taken the place of f at the beginning of a word, e.g. sm'er', ' marrow ', M.Ir. smir ; sm's:r, 'blackberry', M.Ir. smer ; sp'al, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel ; sp'irdd, 'spirit', O.Ir. spirut. Note also (a)sm'e:, ' it is I ', by the side of J'e:, ' it is he '. For the hesitation between s and f before certain consonants cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 17 and O'Donovan, Grammar p. 38. For s before r < r see § 273. § 350. Medially and finally s corresponds to O.Ir. ss, s originally followed by a, o, u and which usually arose from the assimilation of two consonants, except in the group sk, where s = Idg. s. Examples — xs, 'out of, O.Ir. ass; bos, 'flat of the hand', M.Ir. bass, boss; b'ads, 'custom', O.Ir. bes; d'evas, 'shears', M.Ir. demess ; fa.:s, 'growing', O.Ir. as; ijsk, 'fish', O.Ir. fasc ; kos, 'leg', O.Ir. coss. In other cases medial and final s appears in loan-words from Latin, e.g. j] ' furrow ', M.Ir. claiss (dat.). / also stands medially before //', ^\", /•', m, t', k', e.g. pi/Yog, 'charm', Di. pisreog ; fefr'a.%, 'plough', M.Ir. sesrech ; ksefiri jrt' , 'squabble', Meyer caismert ; k'l'ifm'drXy:, ' starting up in sleep ', Di. clisim; tas/m's, 'accident', Di. taisme ; gasft'd, 'trap', O.Ir. goiste ; i/k'd, 'water', O.Ir. usee; k.T/'k'im', 'step', Meyer coss ceimm. Examples of f before p' do not occur to my knowledge. >j 354. As the aspirated form of both s and f is h, confusion is apt to arise. Hence we get f for s in Jh:rt, ' kind, sort', spelt seort CI. S. 10 x '03 p. 3 col. 5, Craig lasg. < Engl, 'sort'; fil'98tra.Xi 'yellow iris', Di. soileastar, M.Ir. soileastar ; Jilxy, 'spit', Di. seil, O.Ir. saile ; cp. further Macbain seileach with Di. saileog ; fi.-l'zm, ' I think ', M.Ir. sailim. Conversely su:Nl9, ' seam in quarry ', stands for fu:Ntd = Di. siiinta < Engl, 'joint'. fer', ' eastwards ', has been influenced by J'idV, ' westwards ', cp. Rhys p. 53. $ 355. In loan-words from English f represents Engl, s before e and i sounds and also Engl, j, e.g. j'z:fu:r, 'season'; Js:m,9S, ' James ' ; fa:u, ' John ' ; fu:kr&, ' sugar '. £ 356. The past participle of verbs of the second declension ends in -i: < uighthe or -i(:)j't'd. The latter probably arose in some word like iN'if. The two conjugations have been hopelessly confused and we may safely assume that iX'ij't'j and iN'/i: existed side by side, whence the modern iX'J'i(:)J't'<>. 122 (d) The labial, dental and guttural stops. Note on the stops and s (/'). >; 357. In the case of 1, m and n sounds and partly in the case of the r sounds in Donegal we have found that under certain conditions long consonants appear where double consonants are now or were formerly written. We further know that in the majority of cases modern Gaelic labial, dental and guttural stops together with s go back to originally double consonants which are commonly so written in O.Irish after short accented vowels, see Pedersen pp. 84 ft". The question therefore naturally arises : Are there no traces of these original double stops in the manner of articulation of the present day 1 I venture to think that this question may be answered in the affirmative. What strikes an English ear most in the speech of the north of Ireland is the way in which final stops are articulated. As was the case with the liquids and nasals it is chiefly at the end of monosyllables that differences of length in consonants are most clearly heard. Now if we compare the pronunciation of far, 'man', with that of fig, ' length ', we cannot fail to be struck by the difference in duration of the finals. It may be stated once and for all that the only short or clipped consonants which Donegal Irish knows are I, I', it, ri, i; r', <;, w. At the end of stressed monosyllables with short vowel the stops and s, f are held for a longer time than is the case with voiced consonants in standard English after a short vowel, though parallels occur in northern dialects, e.g. in the Swaledale pronunciation of ' had ', ' bad '. At the same time the contact is loosened very gradually, so that an off-glide is clearly heard. I, I', it, it', r, r at the end of stressed monosyllables may be regarded as over-short, in other positions as short. L, 1J, X, X', R, vi, vi, the stops and s (_/') at the end of stressed mono- syllables after short vowels are long. In other positions they are either long or half-long. Even initially they are dwelt upon and often seem to be half-long. In all cases the articulation of a final consonant is finished and the off-glide is invariably heard. 1. p. i 358. p is formed with the lips slightly protruded in the w position and is strongly aspirated. On releasing the contact a w off- glide is heard which is most noticeable before as, s, e, i. For the lenis p cp. § 438. 123 § .'359. p occurs initially before a, o, u in loan-words from Latin ami English, e.g. pwxd'r'im', 'the rosary', Lat. pater noster ; po:g, 'kiss', Lat. pacem ; po:suw, 'marry', Lat. sponsus ; pobal, 'congregation', Lat. populus ; pla,:i, 'plague', Lat. plaga; pla:naed', 'climate', Lat. planeta ; spohuw, 'to geld', M.Ir. spochad < Lat. spado. py.:Jt',>, 'child', Engl, page; px.r'k', 'meadow', Engl. 'park'; pota, 'pot'; po:kd, 'pocket', --Engl. ' poke, pocket'; }>{>Xtd, ' pound ' ; potog, ' pudding '. plu:r, ' flour ', has p for f due to mistaken de-aspiration. Although originally no genuine Irish words began with p, this sound is now-a-days a very favourite one in coining new words the origin of which is frequently obscure, cp. praJcw, 'leavings of potatoes', prx:kxs, 'a small, deformed person', Di. pracas ; spitik', 'blister', Di. spuaic. £ 360. In several loan-words p occurs initially where the language from which they are borrowed has b, e.g. pnXdX, 'sheaf, < Norse bundin, Engl, bundle; po:nir'd, 'beans', Norse baun, Ohg. pona ; payk, ' fair for selling stockings ', < Engl. ' bank ' ; plgk, ' cheek ', < ' block ' ('?). Cp. further Di. praiseach ; Macbain prais, priobaid, pronnasg. Donegal p also corresponds to b of the other dialects in pra.:fk'i:n', 'apron', Di. praiscin, Duffy, Mion-chaint na Midhe has praiscin and braiscin ; proXctm, ' I present', M.Ir. bronnaim, ]>roXtc>)tc/s, 'present', Meyer bronntanas, cp. Spir. Rose p. 30 pronn. pos, 'lip', more commonly pwi/'ini, is M.Ir. bus. Medially we find p for b in xpwi:, 'ripe', Di. abaidh, Meyer abbuig. § 361. Medially and finally p arises from older pp = O. and M.Ir. pp, p, e.g. krxp, ' lump ', M.Ir. cnapp, < Norse knappr ; k'apdm, 'I stop, head off', Meyer ceppaim from k'xp, 'shoemaker's last', Meyer cepp < Lat. cippus, cp. k'xp 3 r y vivkd, 'gum'; sxp, 'wisp', M.Ir. sopp ; txpaw jrt, 'God speed you', M.Ir. tapad. The relation of kxp^L, 'mare', M.Ir. capull, Welsh ceff'yl and Lat. cabal lus is obscure. j) also occurs after /, r, m and 6' in loan-words, e.g. skvJpiuc, 'to snarl', Di. scealpadh (with different meaning), < Engl. skelp(?) ; korp, 'corpse', O.Ir. corp, < Lat. corpus; xspdk, 'bishop', O.Ir. espoc ; xspdl, 'apostle', O.Ir. apstal ; tx(:)inpjL, 'Protestant chapel', O.Ir. tempol. Similarly Jdopwid'd, 'wrinkle in cloth, dip in land ', = M.Ir. clupait < culpait. In the latest loan-words from English we find /> = Engl. p, e.g. kopxu, ' cup ' ; p'i:po, ' pipe ' ; rd:pd, ' rope ' ; fip<>, ' shop ' ; 124 fL'ipwNy:, ' tottering ', < Engl. ' slip '. From Lat. papa, ' pope ', we expect *px:bs and not poc:pd. $ 362. b + th gives p in L'apd, gen. sing, of L'ccbwi:, ' bed ', noni. plur. L'apay?, M.Ir. lepad ; L's9pay9, plur. of L'adb, 'strip', Di. leadhb. Similarly in futures, e.g. Lu.pwi fo, 'he will bend'; /Lipid />, 'it will blow', p further arises from bh + th in the adverbs ti:pu9S, 'above', ti.-paL, 'beyond', ti:p'iar, 'to the west of = taobh-thuas, taobh-thiar, taobh-thall, cp. § 470 and Pedersen p. 161. gmpw, 'to carry', occurs by the side of omyjtr, M.Ir. immchor; kohpj, 'calf of the leg' (not common) = Meyer colptha ; kofopa.%, ' stirk ', = Meyer colpthach. Both the latter seem to go back to the Teutonic word for ' calf '. ;i 363. In the future forms of stems ending in p the k < f can cause no change as the p is already aspirated. Hence the present and future are often the same in form, e.g. k'ccpwi: fa, ' he stops ' or 'will stop'; kropwi: /<>, 'it shrinks' or 'will shrink'. 2. p. $ 364. j) is formed with the lips tightly drawn back on to the teeth and may be aspirated. For p as a lenis cp. § 438. .^ 365. Initial p represents O. and M.Ir. p before e, i. The words in question are mostly borrowed from Latin or English, some are late formations modelled on English words, whilst one or two others such as sp'od, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel, are obscure. Examples — p'ockuw, 'sin', O.Ir. peccad < Lat. peccatum ; p'o.X, 'pen', M.Ir. penn < Lat. pinna; p'oUff, 'pet', M.Ir. petta; p'il'dp'i:ri, 'peewit', Di. pilibm, < Philip (?) ; p'inu.s, 'penance', JDi. piomis, pionos < Lat. poena, with possibly a leaning on Engl. ' punish ' (Mac bain) ; p'ikod', ' pick ' and p'ikuw, ' to pick ', < Engl.; p'ig'im', 'apiggin'; p'i/i:u', 'kitten'; p'it', ' cunnus ', I)i. pit < Engl, 'pit' or O.E. pyt ; p'i:N', 'penny', M.Ir. pinginn ; //<><, 'piece'; p'l'&skuw, 'to burst, crack', founded on Engl. ' flash ' (?) ; p'l'eij'urr, ' pleasure ' ; p'r'aAj, ' potato ' ; p'r'is, ' cup- board ', ft'z>m, 'I baptize', O.Ir. baitsim ; bwel'9," ' townland ', M.Ir. baile ; bwh, 'yellow', O.Ir. bude ; bioiL'd, 'blow', O.Ir. buille; bw[.; 'foolish', O.Ir. baith. b corresponds to O.Ir. m in brarig, 'malt', O.Ir. mraich ; bias, 'taste', O.Ir. mlas ; bmihsm, 'I betray ', cp. M.Ir. mrath. The eclipsed form of p is b, e.g. a bo:sit (,) fd, ' if he were to marry'; vi: J'i a bo:gmo, 'she was kissing them'; m&r b%:ft!v, ' your child ' ; Ny: boNdNa.yj>, ' nine sheaves '. $ 370. Medially and finally b represents an earlier bb which generally arose by assimilation and which in O. and M.Ir. is written pp, p, e.g. oJbwir (imper.), 'say', M.Ir. apair with a from atbeir ; abar, ' mud ', M.Ir. ebor ; gob, ' beak, mouth ', M.Ir. gop ; g'ibog, 'bit, morsel', cp. O.Ir. gibbne ; hah, 'mouth', kabtvir'a, 'prater', < M.Eugl. gabben ; L'abwi:, 'bed', M.Ir. lepaid, lepad ; skabuw, 'to scatter', Di. scabaim, scapaim, scaipim ; tgbar, 'well', O.Ir. topur ; tobaN, ' sudden ', M.Ir. oponn. b corresponds to M.Ir. b after d in L'sdb, 'strip', M.Ir. ledb. In this case the group db is not the same as db in M.Ir. Medb, Sadb which are 12G now pronounced m'sawd, sa:w9. Similarly after I and r in ahbd, 'Scotland', M.Ir. Alba; ka.rdbdd, 'chariot', O.Ir. carpat, Gaulish carbantia. § 371. In earlier loan-words a medial p was received into Irish as a lenis which gave the same result as bb, e.g. ko.ibd, ' cape ', Meyer capa, < O.Fr. cape ; obwir, ' work ', Lat. opera, O.Ir. only oipred ; pgbol, 'congregation', Lat. populus ; ])'i9b, ' throat, pipe ', Lat. pipa, from which are formed p'ibdrXy:, ' wheezing ', p'ibruw, 'rousing to fight'; skro:ban, 'crop of birds', formed on Engl, 'crop' and 'scrape' (?); skuitb, 'besom', M.Ir. scuap < Lat. scopa ; fk'ibol, 'barn', O.Welsh scipaur, Cornish scibor, < Lat. *scoparium. Late loan-words from English have b = Engl, b, e.g. babog, ' doll ', < Engl. ' babe ' ; bobwir 'i:X', 'a sixpenny bit'. $ 375. Medial and final V arises from the same sources as b in §§ 371, 372 before originally palatal vowels, b' is far from being as frequent as b and a number of words in which it occurs are somewhat obscure. Examples— k'i:b', ' sedge ', Di. cfb ; k'l'ib'ini', 'lump of dirt on the legs of a beast, matted hair on a person', Di. clib, Macbain cliob, cp. J in' san ql'ib'i:n' 9wa,:n', 'that is all one kettle of fish'; r'ib'y, 'hair', Di. ribe, ruibe, Macbain rib, ribeag < Engl, riban. In foreign words < p in eb'r'a/n, 'April', Lat. aprilis (see ZCP. i 358); ib'r'uw, 'to work', ib'r'i:, 'workman', cp. O.Ir. oipred ; p'ib'&r, 'pepper', Lat. piper. S 37G. V has been analogically substituted for i' in b'ig'W, 'abstinence, vigil', < Lat. vigilia ; b'i:f, 'vice', < Engl. 'vice'. d'ir'ib', ' the name of a creeping thing that lives at the bottom of pools and is liable to be swallowed by cattle', - Di. doirbh. ^ 377. sib'dLtd, 'impudent', j-oems to correspond to O'R. sodalta, Macbain saidealta, cp. Di. sotal. 5. t, § 378. t is formed by firmly pressing the front rim of the tongue against the upper teeth as in the case of L and X. The compression is very great and as contact is loosened very gradually a 6 glide is distinctly heard. For t as a lenis see £ 438. § 379. Initial t represents O.Ir. t before a, o, u or preceding r, 1 followed by these vowels, e.g. toduw, 'land', O.Ir. talam ; targir'9, 'prophet', cp. O.Ir. tairrngire ; taruw, 'bull', O.Ir. tarb ; fig' dm, 'I understand', O.Ir. tuiccim ; tol', 'will', O.Ir. tol ; toruw, 'fruit', M.Ir. torad ; toigsel ', 'to raise', M.Ir. tocbail ; tui (fcch<>), 'rainbow', O.Ir. tuag ; tyuw, 'side', O.Ir. toib ; tlU/v, 'tongs', Di. tlugh ; tree:, 'meal', M.Ir. trath ; trad, 'shore', M.Ir. trag, traig. t is prefixed in the nominative case to masculine substantives which began with a, o, u in O.Ir. when preceded by the article, e.g. 9 taheer, ' the father'. In the case of O.Ir. ais, ois, 'people', the t has become part and parcel of the word, e.g. ddN ti:s o:g, ' to the young people '. t is further prefixed to a feminine substantive with initial s followed in O.Ir. by one of the vowels 128 a, o, u or by 1 or r, before the same vowels, when preceded by the article an, e.g. d tro:n, ' the nose ' ; er' 9 tra:d', ' in the street '. Also to a masculine substantive under like conditions when preceded by a preposition and the definite article, e.g. chN figsrt, ' to the priest '. S 380. 1 after r, I, % in words of native origin goes back to Idg. t, e.g. a.Lt, 'joint', M.Ir. alt, <*paltos; moLt, 'wether', cp. Lat. multo; tart, 'thirst', cp. Engl, thirst; fayt, 'seven', Lat. septem ; 1'y.yJ, 'coming', O.Ir. techt, < *tikta ; boyj, 'poor', O.Ir. bocht, <*bog-to-; oyt, 'breast', O.Ir. ucht, cp. Lat. pectus; aXoyJ, 'to-night', O.Ir. innocht, cp. Lat. noct-is; kaftan, 'sheep- louse', M.Ir. cart; b'a.:Ltirid, 'May', M.Ir. beltene, belltaine; ga:Lt9, ' Protestant ', Di. gallta, for the ending cp. gast9, ' quick, smart', M.Ir. gasta. Similarly in loan-words from Latin, e.g. k'art, 'right', O.Ir. cert < Lat. certus ; siy»rt, 'priest', O.Ir. sacart, sacardd (why t and not di the form is peculiar in other respects, cp. § 103) ; b'aNayt, ' blessing, greeting', O.Ir. bendacht < Lat. benedictio. S 381. Otherwise medial and final t usually represents an older tt before original a, o, u (O. and M.Ir. tt, t), e.g. at, 'swelling', O.Ir. att ; bate, 'stick', M.Engl, batte ; brat, 'flag' (brat maruw, ' shroud '), O.Ir. bratt ; b'vata%, ' hospitaller ', M.Ir. biattach ; t'irr Nd m'r'atdn, 'Wales', M.Ir. Brettan (gen. plur.), the word for 'Welshman' is b'r'cuja.y, kat, 'cat', M.Ir. catt ; p'at9, 'pet', M.Ir. petta (evidently an early borrowing but its precise origin is not clear) ; sLat, ' rod ', M.Ir. slat. In late loan-words from English Donegal t = Engl, t, e.g. hat&, ' hat ' ; ko:tc>, ' coat ' ; ru:t9, ' root '. bat&L't'a, ' an armful ', b. f'eir, ' a wap of hay ', < Engl, bottle (?), may have come in in the middle period or quite recently, cp. Sg. Fearn. botan p. 100 = O'R. boitean. § 382. t and t' not infrequently interchange as the initial of substantives, a natural confusion seeing that the aspirated form of both is h, e.g. tastsel', 'to want', Di. teastuighim, cp. O.Ir. tessta. The alternation in t'ay^ ' house ', gen. sing, tid, occurs already in O.Ir. and is due to vowel-gradation. ^ 383. I has in a few cases been prefixed to words beginning with a vowel or f, cp. 9 ti:s o.y § 379. Examples — tobdN, 'sudden', M.Ir. opond ; tuvm ta:uw, 'an idle rumour', v. Di. tuaini = fuaim. Cp. t'iL'uw by the side of f'iL'uw, 'to return', v. Di. tilleadh. 129 S 384. d followed by fh, th or ch gives t, e.g. d'sntiN', 'I might', = d'fheudfainn ; 8toct9 vis, 'I shall stop'; kdlio, 'why', < cad chuige. £ 385. Tn the present and imperfect passive the tendency is to substitute t for th in the ending in order to distinguish these tenses from the future and conditional in such cases as k'aptsr, papti:, b'r'oiktdr, plxkti; isrtsr. From d'er'dm, 'I say', the usual form is d'srtdr, though d'sivr may be heard. For d'srtdr cp. Chr. Bros. Aids to Pron. of Irish p. 18 : "In Munster the t in the termination of the autonomous present is usually broad — e.g. innstear is pronounced fnnstar". In the second conjugation the termination of the imperfect passive is -i:sti, never -i:ft'i:, e.g. d'iN'J'i.sti:, ' used to be related '. For the ending cp. the new past participle termination -i:ft'd. g 386. A parasitic t is frequently added after y, L, jV, s, I, e.g. i:N't'a.yt, 'a certain', Di. eiginteach s. eigin (cp. G. J. June '03 p. 337); tocmdLt, 'a while', Di. tamall ; toiuwdNt, 'barking', M.Ir. toffund ; forest, ' easy ', M.Ir. urussa ; grcc.st (also gra:std), 1 grace ', Di. gras ; b'r'ist huw, ' a plague on you ' = b'ir' 9S huw. Also fostzyt, fostoct, ' besides ', M.Ir. aittenn; et'og, ' wing ', O.Ir. ette. Similarly in the loan-word L'it'ir', 'letter', O.Ir. liter, Welsh llythyr. t! (< t) also occurs after L', N', r, f in native and borrowed words, e.g. ku:rt', 'visit', O.Ir. cuairt: k'e/t', 'question', M.Ir. ceist, < Lat. quaestio ; kyN't'iN', ' dispute ', < Lat. contentio ; d'a ma:rt', ' Tuesday ', Lat. Martis ; sLa:N't'a, 'health', M.Ir. slainte. § 390. t and t' frequently interchange initially, see § 383. t' regularly appears in t'lt'am, 'to fall', M.Ir. tuitim ; t'iL'uw, 'to deserve, additional amount', M.Ir. tuilled. The Donegal form of Di. aistear is astar (yliN'a), ' labour '. § 391. t' results from i. d' + h (< fh, th) in gyt'a ma, ' I shall steal ', pres. pass, gyt'ar, past part, gyt'd ; trit'a ma, ' I shall fight ', imperf. pass, rit'i: ; brit'a m'a, ' I shall nudge ', Di. broidighim ; feit'i /a, 'it will blow ', Di. seidim. ii. th + sh in L'et'era, 'a half- hide ', = leath-sheithche (also called L'dfepd), but •L'o:ha.:sta, ' half- satisfied '. iii. d + ch in t'i:m, 'I see', M.Ir. atchimm. iv. the third singular termination -adh becomes -\ti'\ d$\ -it' when followed by one of the pronouns a:,fi:fiad, e.g. ga wi:t' fa, ' that he would get '. Pedersen maintains that the syllable is -ad and not -it' (p. 161). What I believe I hear is W or a lenis 6"> (see infra § 393). In ayjnwirt', ' heat in horses ', t' has taken the place of k', cp. Di. eachmairc. § 392. A parasitic t' is frequently added to words ending in I', 'it, J, e.g. souiviL't' in N'i: o.kd ma a suuwiL't' da wri:, ' I never saw such a woman ', Di. samhail ; kyN'zeL't', ' to keep ', Di. congbhail ; fa.:gxL't\ 'to leave', M.Ir. facbail and so with other infinitives in -id', k'r'ed'vxL't', ivd'vieL't' ; biviN't 1 , 'to pull, 131 pluck, reap', O.Ir. buain ; kxnn:N't', 'speech', Di. canamhain ; L'xuu:N't\ 'to follow', M.Ir. lenrnain ; fwil'iN't', 'to suffer', Di. fouling ; txrJV't', ' to pull ', Di. tarraing. On the analogy of these and other infinitives in t' we get rx:t', 'to say', O.Ir. rad (cp. foghlainit Sg. Fearn. p. 24). Further j/i.ft', 'again', Di. arfs ; ev'ej't', 'back', ko:rL'&, ' giving advice ' ; ho:ri^ 8U98, ' giving up ', also hort suds ; kxN'ft) l"im, ' talking with me '. An ordinary alveolar t occurs in late loan-words from English such as te:, ' tea ' ; tre:u, ' train '. 7. d. § 394. d corresponds in formation to t, the stop itself and the off-glide being voiced. § 395. Initial d corresponds to O.Ir. d before a, o, u or preceding 1, r followed by the same vowels, e.g. daidn, 'firm', O.Ir. daingen; dccL, 'blind', M.Ir. dall ; deel'i:, 'difficult', M.Ir. doilig ; devr'ds, 'poverty' (not common), cp. M.Ir. daidbre ; din'9, 'man', O.Ir. dune; do:rJV, 'fist', M.Ir. dorn ; dllw, 'black', M.Ir. dub; du:rctyd, 'zeal', O.Ir. duthracht ; dli:, 'lock of hair, handful of straw, hay, potatoes &c.\ dli: d woLy:, ' top-stopple in thatching ', Di. dlaoi ; dre?dd, ' bridge ', M.Ir. drochet. d also occurs initially as the eclipsed form of t, e.g. 9 daruw, ' their bull ' ; gd docrN'i m'a, ' till I pull ' ; d dxfk'i:, ' put by, in a place of safety ', cp. M.Ir. taiscim. fx di.-tvida, 'about it, about', also a.yjz-di:widd is not clear. The preposition fx usually aspirates as in the toast fx hutr'&ni' huio d vs sLx:n. Perhaps we may compare Manx mygeayrt, 'about', =O.Ir. imacuairt with stereotyped 3rd plur. form. § 396. Medial and final d in native words goes back to an older dd which arose from various sources. In O. and M.Ir. tt, t is written. i. For d < Prim. Keltic dd I have no examples, ii. Prim. Keltic zd occurs in fxdd, 'long', O.Ir. fota ; f'xd, 9—2 182 ' a whistle ', M.Tr. fetan, Welsh chwythu ; gad, ' withe ', M.Ir. gat, Gothic gazdSj Lat. hasta; k'ccd, 'permission', O.Ir. cet; N'ad, 'nest', M.Ir. net, Ohg. nest. iii. nt gave dd with com- pensatory lengthening, e.g. d'sdd, 'row of teeth', O.Ir. det, Welsh dant, Lat. dentem : sdd, 'jealousy', O.Ir. et, Gaulish Iantu-marus ; feddsm, ' I may ', M.Tr. fetaim ; k'edd, 'hundred ', O.Ir. cet, Welsh cant, Lat. centum. After r Prim. Keltic d remains but not after 1, n, e.g. o:rd, 'sledge-hammer', O.Ir. ordd, Welsh ordd ; k'srd' — ceird for ceard, ' trade, profession ', M.Ir. cerd, Welsh cerdd, Gk. Kc'pSos. Similarly in Lat. loan-words, e.g. o:rd, ' order ', O.Ir. ord, Lat. ordo. § 397. In earlier loan-words medial and final d corresponds to a Romance or Engl, t which was received as a lenis and later became d. In the earliest borrowings we find th = Lat t, v. Pedersen p. 170. Examples — bond, 'boat', M.Ir. bat, O.E. bat, Norse batr ; b' arced, ' cap ', Di. bairead, < Low Lat. birretum ; klogdd, 'helmet', M.Ir. cloc-att, Norse hattr, Engl, hat; pa:drik', 'Patrick', O.Ir. Patrice, Lat. Patricius ; p'ad»r, 'Peter', Lat. Petrns; so:d, 'flint', O.Ir. saiget, < Lat. sagitta ; sp'irdd, 'spirit', O.Ir. spirut, Lat. spiritus ; steed, 'stop', founded on Lat. status; t'iddl, 'title', Lat. titulus ; u:d9r, 'author', O.Ir. auctor. t pro- bably became a lenis in pretonic syllables (Pedersen p. 153), whence the d of dd, ' your ', dd, ' to ' ; dir fid, ' by my faith ', Di. dar, O.Ir. tar. The pronominal suffix of the second pers. sing, used after prepositions in Donegal is always d, e.g. f'r'i:d, ' through you ' ; fu:d, ' below you ' ; ro.d, ' before you ' ; dgdd, ' with you '. § 398. In other loan-woi'ds medial or final d corresponds to Engl, d, e.g. bo-.rdi: er , 'approximately', < Engl, border; m'i:du:n, 'meadow'; pa:rdu:n, 'pardon'; skadan, 'herring', M.Ir. scatan, < O.E. sceadda, Engl, shad; spa.da.Ntd, 'seedy, exhausted', Lat. spado ; spa:d, ' spade '. § 399. kruddalay^ ' hardy ', Di. cruadhalach, cruadalach, pro- bably owes its d to fadalay^, ' slow ', = fkd-dalach. 9 N'qnidd, 'great number', gmddud', 'numerous', d N'omdtd — d N'qmdd, go back to O.Ir. imbed which should give *im'uw. Judging from the spellings immat, iumat, imat in Atk., imat (Laws), the modern form with d already occurred in M.Ir. Can the d be due to form-association with O.Ir. meit, met, which is closely allied in meaning? dsey'a.n, 'depths', M.Ir. oician has got its d from do:n , ' deep '. 133 8. d. $ 400. d 1 corresponds in formation to t' but is voiced. A somewhat similar sound occurs in such English words as 'in- dividual ' when not pronounced with d}. § 401. Initially d' represents O.Ir. d before e, i, or preceding r, 1, followed by these vowels, e.g. d'ahg, 'thorn', O.Ir. delg ; d'a.?'dm,9d, ' forgetfulness ', O.Ir. dermet; d'er'uw, 'end', O.Ir. dered ; d'iu, 'God', O.Ir. dia ; d'i:wi:n, 'single', M.Ir. dimain ; d'l'iuw, 'law', O.Ir. dliged ; d'o:r, 'tear', M.Ir. der ; d'r'eim'ir'o, 'ladder', cp. M.Ir. dreimm; d'r'i/'oy, 'briar', O.Ir. driss; d'u:Ltutv, ' refuse ', O.Ir. diltud. The eclipsed form of t' is also d', e.g. toguw a d'i:r y, ' he was brought round' (of a sick person); ^a: d'r'idn, 'two thirds'; yJJd miuid' dr d'r'u:r, ' the three of us went '. ^ 402. Medial and final d' in native words ai-ose from an earlier dd standing before e or i which in O. and M.Ir. was written tt, t. This dd represents i. Prim. Keltic dd in Wr'ed'dm, 'I believe', O.Ir. cretim, Welsh credu, Sanskrit srad-dha-. ii. Prim. Keltic nt in m'eid', 'size', O.Ir. meit, Welsh maint ; fwdid', 'patience', O.Ir. f'oditiu from fo-damim ; b'r'eid'im , 'rag', M.Ir. breit. iii. Prim. Keltic zd in kyd', 'piece, share', O.Ir. cuit; mwxd'd, 'stick', cp. M.Ir. maite, matan, Engl, mast; feid'iiw, ' to blow ', M.Ir. setiin. $ 403. In earlier loan-words medial and final d' corresponds to a Romance or English t which was received as a lenis and later became d', e.g. bivid'od, ' bottle ' ; in'id', in ma.:rt' in'id'd, ' Shrove Tuesday ', M.Ir. init, Lat. initium ; Lsed'in, ' Latin ', < Latina ; mwsed'in, 'morning', O.Ir. matin (ace), Lat. matutina ; pwse- d'r'i.rt, 'rosary', < Lat. pater; sra:d', 'street', M.Ir. srait, Norse srait. Latin words ending in -atio appear with -od', -sed', e.g. pgrvgocF, 'purgative', Di. purgoid ; t'r'ibhd', 'trouble', M.Ir. treblait, < tribulatio ; o:rxd', ' speech ', < Lat. orate, oratio. This ending was also wrongly abstracted from one or two native words such as N'askod', ' boil ', M.Ir. nescoit ; ordyj)d', ' harm ', O.Ir. erchoit and was transferred to English loan-words such as baskod', 1 basket ' ; bokod', ' bucket ' ; p'ikod', ' pick '. b'/ir/od', ' dream ', Meyer bringloit, perhaps also belongs here. £ 404. Occasionally there is confusion between d and d! . M.Ir. driicht generally appears as dJr'u:yJd ; xd'veel', 'to confess', M.Ir. atmail, has been influenced by k'r'ed'ved' ; glpcc.rdcts, 're- 134 joicing', is the Donegal for Di. iolghairdeas; d'xrdi:n, 'Thursday', O.Ir. dardoen, has d' by analogy with d'x Lu:n, ' Monday ' &c. do, 'tuus', and the verbal particle do before an O.Ir. palatal initial usually appear as d', e.g. d'xr, 'your husband'; d'zzdzn, ' your face ' ; but generally tx: L'efk' orwn det'tuv, ' I am loath to refuse you'; d'iNifm'd, 'I related'. § 405. The relation of m'ihid', ' due time ', to Wi. mithich, mithig is not clear. Donegal also has a substantive mihds. It is perhaps worthy of note that m'ihid' is commonly accompanied by the preposition dj, ' to ', and both *m'ihih and m'ihid' would appear as m'ihi before dd. bwi:d'x.y, ' tiny ', is perhaps the same as Scotch G. boiclheach, ' pretty ', < M.Ir. buadech, ' victorious '. bwi:d'xy is generally used along with b'ig, as in g'itd b'ig bwi:d!xy, 'a tiuy, little bit'. The d' is due to such adjectives as m'ieid'xy, 'impatient'. For the meaning cp. German klein with Engl, clean. § 406. d' disappears after the negative N'i: in the parts of d'er'dm, ' I say ', e.g. N'i: ersd, ' he does not say ' ; N'i: s:p m'i>, ' I shall not say ' ; N'i: u:rl' m'd, ' I did not say ' (more commonly N'i:r' u:rt' m'd) ; but mx d'srsd, ' if he says '. § 407. The off-glide which accompanies d' is frequently not heard before a following consonant. This we denote by writing dl% e.g. vi: bxskod^ I'eihd, d m'sd^ kloy, du:rti"> m'd. % 408. In d'xhgxji, ' the white of an egg ', d' arises by dis- similation from g', cp. Di. gealacan, Macleod gealagan. 9. k. § 409. The Irish k is formed much further back against the soft palate than is the case in English or German. This marked velar quality is not without influence on neighbouring vowels, thus i(:) commonly becomes retracted to y(:) after k and g. Before palatal vowels an off-glide resembling a ?osound is clearly heard. Like p and t k is strongly aspirated and therefore a verb with stem ending in k may be identical in the present and future, e.g. d'xrky{:) fd, ' he looks ' or ' will look '. For k as a lenis see § 438. § 410. Initially k corresponds to O.Ir. c before other vowels than e or i, or preceding 1 and r followed by these vowels, e.g. kx.m, 'bent', O.Ir. camm ; kxrid', 'friend', O.Ir. cara ; ML' an, 'pup', M.Ir. cuilen; kvhg, 'awn', M.Ir. colg; kosu:l\ 'similar', 136 O.Ir. cosmail ; k<~>:rL',>, 'advice', O.Ir. comairle ; koLv/w, 'sleep', O.Ir. cotlucl ; kgLa.%, 'boar', O.Ir. cullach ; ku:rt', 'visit', O.Ir. euairt; ku.f, 'back', O.Ir. eiiul ; fa/L', 'wood', M.Ir. caill ; klarr, 'board', O.Ir. claar ; kleef, 'furrow', M.Ir. class; kr&KoN, 'skin', O.Ir. croccenn ; kroi.v, ' bone ', O.Ii\ cnaim. §411. Medial and final k in native words represents an older kk which in O.Ir. is written cc, e.g. aJcu:N' 'strength, endurance', Di. acfuinn, M.Ir. accmaing ; bakcuy, 'lame', M.Ir. baccach ; ba.ka.n-, ' hook, peg, armful ', O.Ir. bacc (a mon 9 zvak&n, 'staying at home to keep house'); bok, 'he-goat', O.Ir. bocc, Welsh bwch, Sanskrit bukka ; b'r'ak, 'variegated, a trout', M.Ir. brecc ; glakuw, 'to take', M.Ir. glaccad ; kak, 'excrement', M.Ir. cacc, Gk. KaKKr] ; krqk, 'hill', O.Ir. cnocc ; L'akiu', 'cheek', M.Ir. lecco; mock, 'son', O.Ir. mace; maka&u, 'turnips', O.Ir. mecon ; okrds, 'hunger', M.Ir. accorus ; tro:kir'9, 'mercy', should have g but has probably been influenced by O.Ir. carimm, see Pedersen p. 148. Latin loan-words with cc also appear with k, e.g. p'akicw, 'sin', O.Ir. peccad, Lat. peccatum ; seek, 'bag, sack', M.Ir. sacc, O.E. sacc, Lat. saccus ; j'ik, 'frost', M.Ir. sice, < Lat. siccum. § 412. After I, r and s Ir. k represents Prim. Keltic k which in O.Ir. is written cc, c, e.g. oik, ' bad ', O.Ir. olec ; ark fL'eivd, 'lizard', M.Ir. ere; d'arkdm, 'I look', M.Ir. dercaim ; o:rk, ' horn ', O.Ir. adarc. § 413. In late loan-words from English k represents Engl, k, e.g. po:k», 'pocket', < Engl, poke, pocket; stcc:kd, 'stake'; stokj, ' stocking ' ; sLo:k, ' sloke '. Probably also plok, ' cheek ', < Engl, block; pu:k9, 'a sprite', Norse puki (?) ; Ju:kn>, 'sugar', French sucre. § 414. k sometimes arises from g followed by h < th, e.g. L"i/c.c), 'overthrown', infin. L'vj&n ; po:k9 m'&, 'I shall kiss', from po:guw. In fL'i-.kuw, ' to smooth down ', the k of the past part, and future seems to have been carried through, cp. Di. sh'ogadh. koki:J\ 'fortnight', has k for k', M.Ir. coicthiges. § 415. In a number of words the various Gaelic dialects hesitate between g and k. Donegal usually has k in these cases, e.g. kla:bdr, 'mire', Di.Macbain clabar and glaib ; hro:g'uw y ' footing peat ', kro:g'an, ' a foot of peat, a diminutive person ', Di. cruiceadh, gruaigeadh, grogan, O'R. groigein, Macbain groigean ; klauwdrt', 'picking where there is no grass' (of cows), 136 cp. Di. glarnaim ; krudgy:, ' liver ', O'R. grubhan, Macbain gruthan, gruan (for the ending cp. skxuwog) ; koihan, 'torch', O'R. gaithean, ' a straight branch ' (?) ; kxb, ' the part of the face between the upper lip and the nose, mouth', kscbccy, 'with gusto', Di. cab, which Macbain derives from Engl, gap and gab. aspUk, 'bishop', stands for scskdb, ccskUb by metathesis. § 416. trudkxA T td, 'wretched', Di. truaghanta, owes its ending to words like mxko.Ntd. A parasitic k occurs in fa.ndy&sk, 'gossiping, story-telling', M.Ir. senchus. In gorti:tw I'e, 'depend- ing on', =i gcortaobh le, we probably have the older form of Di. tortaobh : " P. O'C. says tortaobh = cortaobh ". k appears instead of k' in koNy:, 'tame', M.Ir. cendaid. 10. k'. § 417. By this symbol we denote a palatal k formed with the middle of the tongue against the hard palate. When final a /-off-glide is usually heard. Like k k' is aspirated and a follow- ing th, fh is therefore not heard as a separate sound, e.g. fa:fk f 9r = faiscthear. For k' as lenis see § 438. § 418. Initial k' represents O.Ir. c before e, i, or preceding 1, r followed by these vowels, e.g. k'ccd, 'leave', O.Ir. cet ; k'ayter, ' either ', O.Ir. cechtar ; k'xNsuw, ' to pacify ', O.Ir. cense ; k'ap, 'last', M.Ir. cep; k'xrt, 'right', M.Ir. cert; k'sdsLscy, 'fine wool on the legs of a sheep, stick for propelling a coracle', Di. ceaslach ; k'el'vm, 'I hide', O.Ir. celimm ; k'in, 'regard', Meyer cin ; k'hL, 'sense', O.Ir. ciall; k'in'uw, 'surname', M.Ir. ciniud ; k'o:, 'mist', M.Ir. ceo; k'o:l, 'music', M.Ir. ceol ; k'um, 'still', M.Ir. ciuin; kT/.f, 'edge', Meyer cimas ; k'l'iuiv, 'basket', M.Ir. cliab ; k'l'auwui:, ' son-in-law ', Meyer cli'amain ; k'r'ay, ' damage, ruin ', M.Ir. crech; kVtf, 'trembling', M.Ir. crith. § 419. Medial and final k' in native words goes back to an older kk befox*e original e, i whether preserved or lost. In O.Ir. cc, c is written, e.g. ndin'ik', 'frequent', O.Ir. menicc, Welsh niynycli. In inflected forms of words ending in k as krok, gen. sing, krik', sxk, gen. sing, sik! . In earlier loan-words k' = kk in fteik'a,yj>, ' bowels ', M.Ir. stsec, Norse stakka (RC. xii 460). In late borrowings from English k' = Engl, k, e.g. strcc:k' , ' swath ', < strake. § 420. Prim. Keltic (Idg.) k is retained after 1, r, s, e.g., 137 d'eir'k'd, 'alms', O.Tr. deircej imir'k's, 'removing', M.Ir. immirce, immirge ; fork's, 'oats', Meyer coirce ; i/Kd, 'water', O.Ir. uisce. § 121. k' appears for , but this explanation will not hold good in other cases where Donegal seems to prefer final k' to /, ' history '. Similarly t is a lenis after y in oytan, 1 lapful ' ; rxytsel ', 'to run', Di. reach tail. In these cases Modern Irish orthography somewhat naturally hesitates between the tenuis and the media. It is quite possible that lenes occur under other conditions than those just mentioned, as I have heard the t in bwel'd tcchv, 'a farm of land', distinctly pronounced in this way. § 439. It is perhaps not amiss to point out that the grammarian's rule of ' caol le caol ' is constantly broken in the spoken language. This occurs regularly in the case of the privative prefix an- with uneven stress, e.g. 'ano:li:, ' an ignorant person ', 'an^day^ ' ignorant ', Di. aineolach ; 'anoW, ' proud flesh ', Di. ainfheoil. The other prefix an-, 'very', has even stress, e.g. •an'i:J'd, ' very low ' ; 'an-fatd, ' a great pet '. The ending of the conditional passive is -f'i:, no matter what the quality of the preceding consonant is, e.g. d'i:sf'i: from igd, ' to eat ' ; vs:rf'i: from to.rt', 'to give'; yasf'i: from kasuw, 'to meet'. Similarly in compounds, e.g. staridkyl', ' projecting tooth ', Di. stairfhiacail, Macbain starr-fhiacail ; starhri:, 'a stubborn attempt'; dmyiori; 142 'attempt to violate ' ; kccrh, ' stag', Di. cairrfhiadh ; b'r'ifk'alo.-rc/.y, 'lively', Di. brioscghlorach ; kuwa/nsN, ' alike ', Di. coirahionann ; L'vndda.'y, ' liuen ', Di. lin-eadach. 2. Metathesis. § 440. Metathesis is a frequent phenomenon in Gaelic dialects as will be patent to anyone turning over the leaves of Dinneen's dictionary. It is scarcely possible to formulate any general principle but a tendency to place 1 and r sounds before the stressed vowel is observable in a number of instances (cp. Henebry p. 75), e.g. klopwid'z, ' wrinkle in cloth, small en- closure', Di. cluipide < M.Ir. culpait, cp. Meyer clupait; kroydr, 'Connor', M.Ir. Conchobar; kro:rdk } 'light red', Di. craorac > caor-dhearg ; robdL, 'tail', M.Ir. erball ; trasNd, 'athwart', M.Ir. tarsnu ; t'r'imuiv, 'drying', Di. tioi'mughadh ; t'l'ig'dn, ' vomiting ', Di. teilgim. Cp. further Di. cruadal < comhluadar. $ 441. Common to all Gaelic dialects is the substitution of ft' for t'f in native and old loan-words such as ei/t'ayt, 'to listen', O.Ir. eitsecht ; bwxft'zm, 'I baptize', O.Ir. baitsim ; as well as in later borrowings from English, where ft! also represents d}, e.g. kccreejt'd, 'carriage'; k'ij't'anuy, 'kitchen'; Lo:ft'i:n\ 'lodging'. § 442. Further instances of metathesis — ocsdWiayt, ' magic, divination ', Di. asarluidheacht ; zLtutv, ' grace (before meat) ', O.Ir. atluchur; ask&L, 'arm-pit', M.Ir. ochsal ; ccspul, 'apostle', O.Ir. apstal ; d'i:J'L'j, gen. sing. fem. of d'id'ij] 'dear', % yri: Nd d'i:J'L'd, a term of great endearment, cp. CI. S. 18 vi '04 p. 5 col. 4 ; eN't'd, ' kernel ', Di. eithne, Macbain eite, eitean, M.Ir. ettne ; kdh$r9, 'sign', Di. comhartha; ko:nir', 'coffin', 'fk'r'i:std, 'sponsor', Di. cairdeas Chriost ; the t of the suffix -uyt as in dxir'izy, 'bulling', cp. Manx and Farney G. J. 189G p. 148. 144 In proclitics — g of gxy in x.y^ 'daywrNv Lx,, 'every other day', also xy dara Lx (§ 137), a% il's yyn'o, 'every man', xy dX Lx:, ' every day ', = gach aon la. Similarly the final t of xyt, 'but', ep. xy irdd, 'at all' (;< 59). The n of the definite article ,>n disappears before every consonant, except when the vowel of the article is elided after another vowel, e.g. er 9 tx.:bh, • on the table ' but /id: X tx:bld, ' under the table '. The ^ of *ga(:), ' if ' < dia has disappeared and we find 9, x. Similarly sporadically in such a case as N'i:r' vx:r o: (> do:, ao.) = nior bh'fhearr dh6. The disappeai"ance of final c and w before another consonant has already been mentioned (§§ 202, 345). 5. Loss of Vowel. .5 448. 9 is lost before a form beginning with a vowel and in small words it may be lost after a vowel. Where two &'s meet the first is generally elided, cp. Finck i 125. do, de, dia, a may be all reduced to 9 and disappear. Examples — his 9g9s ni'1/9, 'you and I'; ju:Lti: fi fo.suw, 'she refused to marry him'; ju:Lti: Jo Di9 wo: rx.Xx.y, 'he refused to bury my cow ' ; l:c i.r, 'a cold night', =oidhche fhuar; 9s m's heiri 9r' am okuw, 'myself being one of them ' ; ta m's go/, 'I am going'; k'l'vor/t',*, 'harrow' (It I' id) ; orszfdii, ' quoth he ' ; iY'i:s fwid'9 Na. hig' I'ims iN'fd, ' further than I can tell ' ; ta,: g'xL kor 9g9in, ' I have laid .a wager ' ; 9 Nx.rdkyJ\ ' towards him ', = i n-a aracais ; 9NsN9 d's9g 9 vi:L't'9 wuiX', ' in the teens of miles from where we are ' ; fa Nam j'j lx.:, ' about this time of day ' (the de leaves as only trace the aspiration of L to I). Occasionally other vowels, even long ones, disappear after another long vowel, e.g. La: V pa:drik\ ' St Patrick's day ' ; l: l'o:n, 'St John's eve' (oidhche fheile Eoin) ; tx,:s 9g9in, 'I know'. § 449. In proclitics every vowel may be reduced to 9 and disappear (j; 136), e.g. dx.kd I'ef, 'as for him', Di. i dtaca ; wzk9 tuw, ' did you see ', an bhfaca tuw ; yor 9 V9, ' almost ', = fa, do chomhair. The verbal particle do never appears before the preterite except when the verb commences with a vowel, agus appears as x.gds, ogos, og9s, 9s, s. Here we may also mention tokr9s orom, 'I am hungry'; tigh ordin, ' I am afraid '. £ 450. In a three syllable word the middle vowel if go-.Ntzs = aon dhath amhain de iongantas ; vi: to.-JVtjs anwo.-r, ' the astonish- ment was very great ' ; kxrtv dv j'il', ' a quart of blood ' but also a I'shadfi Jo y pi', ' such blood '. With these cases is to be com- pared the hesitation between t and t' (§ 390) ; and / for s in fi:l' 9 m (§ 354), /' for / in f'jo:bm' (§ 321). 8. Sandhi. § 453. The final consonant of one word and the initial of the next frequently influence one another in rapid speech in much the same way as if they occurred medially in one and the same word. Finck mentions a few cases (i 122 — 124) but the most important and at the same time most interesting cases he has practically left untouched. Change in temper of a consonant is commonly accompanied by a change in the quality of the pre- ceding vowel. Once and for all it should be stated that when the same consonant occurs twice in succession only one lon^ consonant is pronounced. This also holds good in cases of assimilation. The sandhi phenomena may be classed under the following heads : i. A non-palatal consonant becomes palatal before a palatal consonant. ii. A palatal consonant loses its palatal quality before a non-palatal consonant. iii. Some consonants cause others to change their articulation in other ways than those described under i and ii. iv. A voiced consonant before an unvoiced consonant loses its voice. v. A non-palatal consonant may become palatal before a palatal vowel. i. § 454. Final L, I, N, n become IJ or N' respectively before initial J. At the same time the preceding vowel is commonly affected as only certain sounds can stand before L', JV'. Examples for L, 1—d'seL' fi> ordm, ' it deceived me, failed me ' (d'fheall) ; & 8lo:(i)L' Jb, ' this stool ' (stol) ; sd fobwiL' Jo, ' in this congrega- tion ' (pobal) ; ji:L' J\,, ' he sold ' beside did mo, ' I sold ' ; fwiU fi>, 'he caught' but foL m's; woL' fo, 'he praised' (molaim); 147 veL' /o, 'he ground', 1st sing, vet m'o; doiL' fd, 'he drank'; cu:L' /&, 'he walked', 1st sing. cu:V m'd ; foyl! f&, 'it bulged out', infin. toLuw; skxL' fo, 'he scalded', infin. scalladli ; hoL' fd, 'he consented', 1st sing, hot m'd', fk'iL' /'■>, 'he shelled'; sky.L' fd, ' he set free ', = scaoil. Examples for N, n — 9/' k'iN' fin' = oa cioun sin; g Lo:yriN' fill, 'that lamp' (Lo.-yrdN) ; had n kxt d k'iN' fi:s S9 jug, 'the cat thrust her head down into the jug'; L'aniN' fin dd Nod, ' that comes of drink ' ; edgni:N' fi:, ' she complains ' ; stccdiN' fd, ' he stops ' ; el'iN' fi:, ' she rears ' ; friN' fd, ' he presented ' (phronn se) ; heiN' fd, ' he denied', 1st sing, hsdn m'd ; a krapxN' /'in, 'that lump', Di. cnapan ; h&N' j'd — theann se ; d'xN' fd, ' he skinned ', = d'fheann ; ds mo:d'd di:dsd fin drs IN' d'rodan Ner 9 tvu:N' fd sd Nocrdg'd = is moide diodsa sin, ars' an dreolan, nuair do mhun se anns an fhairrge , sp'i:N' fi:, 'she teased', Di. spion ; (/dd'e: JY' fo:rt, ' what kind ' ; dNsd jocrseN' fin , ' in that horse ' ; ta: N sp'eir' Lol:N' fN'a.yt,d, ' the sky is full of snow ' ; er a. iviN' fin, 'on that account' (son). J^ 455. Final s becomes f before initial f t ', d', I' (which itself frequently becomes L), N' , k'. The preceding vowel changes as in the last paragraph. Examples — 9 kaf fo, 'this case'; kd N'sef fin, 'so near'; vi.f fin dgdm, 'I knew that'; ylsef fil'd, 'bile', = glas seile ; dffikir, 'on account of, = as siocair ; yrof fd, 'he forbade ' ; lof fd, ' it blazed ' ; yjej' fi:, ' she met ' ; da:f fd, ' he grew ' ; kof t'ir'im, ' a dry foot ' ; blpef d'cts, ' a pleasant taste ' ; N'i: VdU o:Ntif L'im, ' I should not be surprised ' ; N'i: hid! dm gd ggN'oiyiW fd kof L'iN', 'I do not think he would keep pace with us ' (cos linn) ; 9s grocf L'ef, ' he is accustomed ' ; kluif L'id, ' a grey ear'; dNd crif L'ef, 'in his girdle with him'; fi:f Uim, ' down with me ' ; t'aNuw suif L'ef, ' drawing close to him ' ; kof N'lvn'a.y^, ' a sore foot ' ; df k'iN' fin, ' above that ', = os cionn ; kar9fk'r'i:std, ' sponsor ', cairdeas Criosta. § 45 G. Final X, /, or N, n, followed by initial I' or n coalesce with the latter and become L' or N' respectively. For purposes of convenience we write L' and N' twice although only one L' or X is heard. Examples — vi: ccsseL' L'ef, ' there was a donkey along with him', Di. asal ; 9r cu:L' L'iN', 'away with us', air shiubhal ; vi: sp'seL' L'im, 'I had a scythe with me' (sp'al); o:(i)L L'xt, ' drink on ', = 61 leat ; to:r d gccuw9L' L'cct, ' bring the fork with you'; ko g'suL' L'ef, 'as bright as it ' ; oNseL L'ef, ' over he came ' ; = anall leis ; b'ei mwid' mxL' L'o.fd, ' we shall be late with them '. 10—2 148 ghi:N' Nlvricufo ' a sore knee ' ; k'iN' N'ivn'ay, ' a sore head ' ; riN' fiod o k'iN' N'i:s m'aso, ' they made her head worse '. § 457. n + V gives N'L', cp. § 254, e.g. bd vi:N' L'im, 'I should like' = Iju mhian lioni. Similarly n, N + d' or t' give N'd', N't', e.g. g.a: riN' d'zog, ' twelve ', am ciN' d'eog, ' eleven ' (k'iN) ; os k'iN' d'l'i:, 'above law'; oN oN' t'ocy 9w6L:ri, 'in one house', = i n-aon teach ; tot: mo qiN' t'iN', ' my head is bad '. Further os k'iN' L'apo, ' above a bed '. In the same manner I + d', 1 + t' give L'd', L't', e.g. 9 yo:(i)L' «?'»%, ' taking a drink ', = ag 61 deoch ; 9 go:{i)L' t'iL'uw, ' drinking more ', = ag 61 tilleadh. § 458. n may become ri before g as in ein pinal dwcl:n, 'a single kind '. n. § 459. Final r and V become r and L respectively before initial t, d, N, n, L and /. Examples — fudr ttiw, ' you got ', but 1st sing. /'mV m'd ; dr da:r', 'a-bulling'; pa:/'t' 9r d'iun'ds, 'an illegitimate child ' ; 9r to:n 9 Ncc:rd'9, ' bottom upwards ' ; toe: Js 9r N9 k'idLdNy: 9N' Uiv, ' he is making a black fast to-day ' ; tyuw hir di:N', ' to the east of us ' (her') ; b9 yo:r do:, ' he ought ', = bu choir do; yo:r N9 Lu:NdsN9, 'towards August' (chomhair) ; hir N9 hidr, ' east or west ' ; N9r Nser' %9rs9 m'9, ' when he did not ask me ' (Ner) ; hog f9 J'oun97aor do:, ' he gave him a lecture ' (/'acrwmor') ; 9r'e:r do wocrufo, 'according to your opinion' (ar'eir'); ta: fin glaky: 9r'o:r N9 b'l'ioN9, ' that is taken by the year ' (dr'eir) ; odtocr do:son = athair do-san ; mor bwiL tuw, ' unless you are ' ; yaL tuw, ' you lost ', = chaill tii ; ka. wiL N9 bah, ' where are the cows 1 ' ; N'i:r lo:r m'9, ' I did not speak '. r also becomes r before N', n, L', I', e.g. yor N'%9n 9 ri: er gu:l 9, 'the king's daughter put him off'; ocbor Vim, 'tell me'; N'i:r n'i: m'9, ' I did not wash ' ; N'i:r I'iok m'9, ' I did not stroke '. § 460. r becomes r before initial r, e.g. fir ru9, ' red men ' ; fir rim's, ' tough men ' ; fir rj^ :Lt9, ' staid men ' ; uor r'iv9 fin , ' an hour before that ' (uir). V becomes I before r, e.g. kgr fql ro:n9, 'to have nose-bleeding'. § 461. r +/ gives rs, e.g. vsr so, 'he gives'; d'sr S9, 'he says'; du:r so, ' he said ' ; or su:l, ' away ', also er' gu:l ; do.r 89 dtfw, ' it suited me ' (d'fhoir) ; lo:r S9, ' he spoke '. In two instances r' 149 becomes r but /'remains. These are kor fi:s t'in'i, 'put some fire on ' ; vr fayran, ' astray '. Similarly r + y"gives rs as in 9 far S9n, ' that man '. § 162. u', N' become N before /, d. Examples — b'iJV ti9, ' gable ' (b'iX') ; fiN taluw gcufeufo ' that is spongy land ' ; kwn'ay? m'd fiN did', ' I shall remember that of you ' ; riN two fin' 9S kos d dakd, 'you did that without any provocation', = rinne tii sin as cos i dtaca, Di. taca (?) ; woN de a yj/d' e9di:, ' he pulled off his clothes ' (bhain). § 463. n, N' become n before r, e.g. fayjm rwd hciuwin', ' a week before All-hallows'; o:n ru&, 'the Red River' (name of a stream) = abhainn ruadh. § 464. t', d' become t, d before t, d, e.g. (jdn boNt do:, 'without touching it ' (biviN't') ; vi: fs a hefocNt dlJtv, ' he was shewing it to me ' (t'efxN't') ; cc:l ti<>, ' site for a house ' (a.:?) ; ser'o 9 horl dtJw, 'to take, care of myself (to:rf) ; Kit tuw, 'you fell' (hit'), kod de, ' a part of it ' (kyd') ; ds m'ihid did', ' it is high time for you ' (in'ihid'). iii. § 465. n becomes N before L, N, t and d, e.g. dN'ei N La: We:, ' after yesterday ' ; d'er'uw JV Le:, ' the end of the day ' ; sJV La: diva:n, ' one day ', = aon la ; fa woN N9 tohyd, ' around the bottom of the hill ' (bun) ; daN tuw, 'you remained', = d'fhau tii ; d'aJY dd jipL, ' do your utmost '. § 466. r becomes r before L', V, N', e.g. w L'ec, ' apart ' ; sr L'ar, ' in a fix, astray ' ; k'iN d N'ir I'ei, ' the head of the grey man ' ; to:r I' at, ' take with you ' ; b'i: obdr I'ofd, ' they require attention ' (obair) ; N'i:r l's:r Vim d dUw, ' the black was not clear to me ' ; alwr N'xvd, ' serpent '. § 467. V + V gives L', e.g. 9 far 9 cu:L' L'iN', ' the man who walked with us', = an fear a shiubhail linn ; ta: fin kosu:L' L'ef, ' that is like it '. Similarly n' + n gives N', e.g. fiN' N'aK9Ny:, 'those are things...'. § 468. n' + r gives N'L', e.g. N'i: ha:N' L'im, 'I do not like', =ni h-ain Horn, cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2. For other examples see § 254. § 469. I', it +f give L'j] X'f e.g. mi: N& su:L' fur, ' the 150 weeks from July 15 to August 15 ', = mi na siiil siar because the last year's crop has come to an end (also called mi: Nd su:l' bwid)\ $ 170. In the case of bh + bh the result in a few cases is b, e.g. dib'iW, ' Dibbin ' (place name), < dubh-bhinn ; li:bos, ' on this side ', = taobh 'bhus. The latter form leads to li:b hocL, ' on the further side', also ti:pa.L, ti:baL ; ti:pvds, 'on the upper side '; tirp'idr, 'on the west side'. Cp. Pedersen p. 161. iv. § 471. A voiced final loses its voice before the pronouns fd, fi:, fidd &c, e.g. ayt^ fd, 'he stole'; arit^ fd, 'he closed'; dd yj/t^ fd, ' your share ' ; idtsdn, ' they ', = iadsan ; da:k tuw, ' you left ' ; hok fd, ' he took '. Compare sdksamvil', ' wonderful ', Di. eagsamhail. § 472. Proclitics ending in a non-palatal consonant are frequently affected by an initial palatal vowel, e.g. d'ar, ' your husband', i, 'harbour', M.Ir. ciian. { ; is overlong in £:l, 'lime', Di. aol. Any vowel tends to be overlong as the final of a stressed monosyllable, e.g. b'jo:, ' alive '. § 475. More frequently however overlong vowels are due to contraction, e.g. bloc:y, 'buttermilk', Di. blathach ; brim, 'quarrel', Di. bruighean ; bid:, compar. of biuix% ' thankful ', Di. buidheach (also gen. sing. masc. and fern.) ; bo:?; 'deaf, Di. bodhar but gen. sing. bo:r and denominative bo:ri:m with normal length ; b'a:^, 'beast, horse', Di. beathaidheach, but fanva.:*/^ with ordinary length; ./a/%, 'giant', Di. fathach ; f'i:m, 'I weave', Di. fighim ; ku:N, ' narrow ', Di. cumhaug ; Lu:hd, gen. sing, of Lui, ' ashes ', Di. luaith, luatha; L'i:»/, 'I lick', Di. lighim ; ra:y, 'drift of snow' (§ 19); sLot.y, 'slush', Di. slathach ; sy:m, 'I sit', intin. sy:, Di. suidhe; su.iv, 'to suck', < sughadh but not in suw, 'juice ', Di. siigh ; fu:l, ' to walk ', Di. siubhal ; ti:dov, ' thatcher ', Di. tuigheadbir ; trot.:, gen. sing, of trari, ' strand ', Di. traigh, tragha. ]o2 § 476. The y: of the plural ending dNy: is generally overlong as also a preceding long vowel if the 9 is absorbed, e.g. a/.Ny:, plur. of x:, ' luck ', Di. adh ; eir'i:JVy:, ' Irishmen ' ; f'x:Ny:, ' fathoms ', from fa:, Di. feadh ; gr'&si:Ny:, ' shoemakers ' ; kro.:Xy:, plur. of hra:, ' torment ', Di. cradh ; kyN'fk'l'd:Ny:, 'disturbances', Di. coinsgleo ; k'o:Ny:, 'mists', Di. ceo ; k'xhgu:Xy:, 'lullabies', Di. cealgadh ; sNu:Ny:, plur. of sNuw, &Nud, 'com- plexion', Di. snuadh ; fL'i:Ny:, plur. of/X'i:, Di. slighe. The ending of the first person sing, of the pres. ind. of verbs of the second conjugation (-i:m) has an overlong i: as m has been substituted for rri. 10. Stress. § 477. Word-stress always falls upon the first syllable of a simple word, e.g. 'draNtan, 'droning', Di. dranntan, infin. ■drxXta.nxyt ; yor, 'sitting of a hen', Di. gor, -gorayss, 'cuddling round the fire'; sp'al, 'scythe', M.Ir. spel, •sp'ztethr, 'mower', 'sp 0J.9dcLra.yt, 'mowing'; to:n, ' podex ', •to.ncjca.n, 'a short stumpy fellow', also the gait of such a person, cp. CI. S. 30 vii '04 p. 5 col. 3. The suffixes -an < -an, -ay, -n which the Saviour is said to 1 2 3 have been crucified and which in consequence never grows to any size, wild myrtle (?) ', Di. raideog, Hogan raideog, raite6g. Occa- sionally however we get 13 2 as in fadcda.%, 'slow', Di. f'adalach ; 132" La:nu:nayo, 'couples', plur. of La:nu:n', Di. lanamhain. 1 32" § 478. The syllables have close stress after a short vowel and open stress after a long vowel. In forms like dpno, Va.Na.yt, Varad, batd the syllable-division is in the consonant but after a long vowel the consonant belongs to the following syllable, e.g. , 'Connaught' and ku:y'i(:) 'Ididn, 'Leinster', are regular but one generally hears •Jeu:g' oluw, ' Ulster '. Adjectives con- taining X'zu-, O.Ir. neph-, neb-, have the stress on the second element, e.g. X'airccswiz.y, ' independent '. § 483. Even stress occurs but not exclusively with the prefixes ctu-, 'very', dray-, 'bad', di:-, ' un-, in-', mi:-, ' un- ', ro:-, 'too', e.g. •airi:Jbl, 'very low'; •coi'okrds, 'great hunger'; 'y.XLii:y<>r, 'very active'; • droywu:uuiv, 'bad manners'; 'droyji:v, ' bad appearance' ; 'd/rov'idri:, 'attempt to violate'; 'd'iyji.'l'sauw, 'indigestion'; "m'iraNtra'.'Y, 'untimely'; 'm'ira.:, 'misfortune'; •mireid'ccy, 'impatient'; ■7n'irhx:stv, 'dissatisfied' (but also ' m iho.:sld) ; 'm'i:r'dN lias uneven stress because the etymology (rai-gh rearm) is obscured; -rorwccL, 'too late'. Further in y ■jivX'tjfk ', 'on purpose'; 'kCirjy.s, 'ambidexter', Di. coimhdheas. 12. Sentence-stress. £ 484. In this particular the Gaelic dialects do not seem to differ very widely, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 264 ff. and Finck i 127ff. The chief cases have been well summarised by Finck and we adopt his arrangement. ' before a syllable is employed to denote strong stress, : medium stress and - weak stress. Where necessary special emphasis may be denoted by ;. g 485. A noun as subject is stressed more strongly than the verb, e.g. :henik' •ma.:r'v, ' Mary came ' ; :roy y 'too:, ' the cow calved'; :ta: •LUyjer oram, 'I rejoice'; -lokrus ovdm, 'I am hungry ' ; :N'i:l' -okras orom, ' I am not hungry '. But -tx:s dgdm, ' I know ', •N'iV 9s d, ' unawares '. 155 § 486. Subject pronouns have much weaker stress than the verb apart from the forms of the copula js &c, e.g. 'hi:N' f<>, ' he stretched ' ; 'hen'i m's, ' \ saw '. § 487. A dependent genitive or attributive adjective is more strongly stressed than the substantive, e.g. mx.d,> 'ru9, 'fox'; p'ad&r Ay -b'i:N'ayji, 'Peter of the pence' (the name of a beggar) ; /•■>/'/ 'wa:n, 'fair Rose'; txlnw "maif, 'good land'. The numerals however also have strong stress, e.g. 'd's 'boNtg, ' ten pounds ' ; 'ku:g' fi:p&, ' five pipes '. But when d's9g follows the substantive the latter loses its strong stress, e.g. "oyj^t) b'i:N' 'd'sdff, ' eighteen pence '. Note also • axvyd, ' forty '. ^ 188. Adjectives and substantives used predicatively with c>s (= is) and the negatives JV'i:, Aa;/ Ac. have stronger stress than the subject, e.g. ds 'mo:r j fax 9, ' he is a big man ' ; Na.'y 'b'r'a: A Lx.: 9, ' is it not a fine day 1 ' Similarly with tx:, e.g. ta: J'b 'dor9^(9, ' it is dark '. But tx.: may have the stress in an emphatic reply, e.g. 'ta: ft dor9y?= 'you are right, it is dark ' (locally ' it's jest dark, 'tis jest, jest '). § 489. A substantival object is more strongly stressed than the governing verb, e.g. du:rs9 'o:ran, 'he sang a song'; kaihdm to'baJcd, ' I smoke tobacco '. A pronominal object has weak stress, e.g. 'kraJc9 m'9 huw, ' I shall strike you ' ; t9r -daw 9, ' give it to me '. § 490. Adverbs and adverbial expressions have generally stronger stress than the verbs or adjectives they qualify, e.g. (jlxk - Aa;/ 'tvxkd -tuw -m9, ' did you not see me 1 ' ; -mas 'mx.i -Vat, ' if you please ' ; gd-d'e: -mar 'tx,: -tuiv, ' how are you ] ' § 492. Emphasis is denoted either by the construction with 96* or by stressing a word which would otherwise not have the strong stress, e.g. 'N'il'as 9g9m 'ha tciL' Jh, ' I do not know where it is '. Sentence-stress is marked in the first few lines of the tale An Chevalier agus na tri daill p. 241. 156 13. Intonation. i; 193. Donegal intonation does not differ very widely from that of English and German. The most strongly stressed syllables frequently have the highest pitch and the tone falls towards the end of a statement. Whilst fully aware of the impossibility of accurately representing intervals in speech by the ordinary musical notation I give the following examples for what they are worth. The examples represent some of the most ordinary forms of statement and question, to which I have had to limit myself, as I do not speak the dialect as a native. I have to thank Dr Charles Wood for kindly assisting me with my examples. Statements, i. ta: m's yd maip. 9 9 9 e - ii. ds b'r's: N La: 9. f g g d c$. iii. La: b'r's.9 (the ordinary salutation on the road). ft fd. iv. N'iV m'd gd mai<;. (*)£// d (sadly). (b) af f f d (emphatic). v. toe: L'o:g9. e g d. vi. mxfd L'o:(jd heiii 9la:. 9 e f « / fed. Questions. i. g9 d'e: m9r ta.: tuwl e g g f c. ii. wiL tuw goL JV9 wel'9 1 f f f f dc. iii. wiL tuw t'iJY' ? (a) d\? d\? Bl? (expressing sympathy). (b) d\> s> 4T«k iv. N r <> Ncvy wiL luw gd metipl db d\) db c Bt? a (surprise). v. gdd'e: N fort Le: to.: vN 9N'Uw\ e f d (p c c B. 157 14. Characteristics of Donegal Irish. $ 491. Lip-articulation in the case of the vowels is not well- marked. There is slight protrusion in the case of p, b, m, retrac- tion in ;/, //, in'. Rounded front vowels are entirely absent. The tongue is advanced and articulates forcibly against the top teeth (//, A, t, d). In the case of the palatal sounds the tongue rests against the lower teeth, also in the case of 8. 1 occurs in four varieties, r in three, the latter is generally slightly rolled. The consonants, particularly the stops, seem to be much tenser than the vowels. All consonants occur both voiced and unvoiced except s, f and p. b, d, g are voiced ; p, t, k, s are aspirated ; unaspirated p, t, k and p', t', k' occur with lax articulation after s, )\ v. Nasal resonance is particularly strong. The glottal catch is altogether wanting. Palatal and non-palatal consonants are contrasted, the quality of the consonants being apparently of greater relative importance than vowel-quality. Whilst the numerous consonant-types are well articulated, many of the vowels are remarkably ill defined, two vowels being frequently interchangeable. The back vowels are much better represented than the front and include peculiar high-back-unrounded sounds. Low vowels are also represented and every vowel may occur nasalised. The quality of the vowels often depends on the environment. There is a tendency to make all short vowels wide and lowered and all long vowels narrow. Long vowels in stressed monosyllables are apt to become overlong and diphthongisation occurs in the case of s; and i: . Long vowels appear chiefly in syllables with strong stress. In weak syllables the vowel is generally d but a is not rare and long vowels due to contraction are often found. Close stress after short vowels. Assimilation is frequent particularly in sandhi. Most consonants tend to be long or half-long but I, r, n, V , r, n', r, w are always short and at the end of stressed monosyllables are clipped or over-short. There is a great difference between strong and weak stress. The traditional stress always falls on the first syllable. Unity stress plays a great part. Pitch much as in English and German. WOED-LISTS. (Old and Middle Irish, Scotch Gaelic and Manx.) The figures refer to the paragraphs. Old and Middle Irish. (Forms having the same spelling in Old and Modern Irish are omitted from this list.) aba 40, 251 abacc 143 aball 142 abann 83 abbuig 360 abis 324 abra, fabra 142 accmaing 48, 257, 411 accorus, occorus 23, 411, 450 -ad 49 adaltair, adaltrach 68 Adam 17, 135 adarc 70, 412 adbar 17 adgladur 63 adlacaim, adnacim 59 admat 17, 129, 291 adoraim, adraim 106, 170, 338 adsuim 315 ae 171 be] 111 kg 145, 172, 199 aged 171 aibind v. oibind aicned 75 aidche 121, 179, 343 ai»red v. oigred aile 89 aile 90, 98, 452 ailedu 124 ailemain 48, 90 ail6n 89 aimser v. amser aine 114 aingel 75, 129, 306 ainmide 89, 138 airchess 138, 278 aire, fair 89, 285 airet 59 airigid 75 airmiu 145, 327 airnaigthe 57 airne 275, 443 airrecht 89 airther, airthir, airthiur 31, 235, 280 airthiu 280 ais 63, 65, 127 ais, ois 379 aissec 75 aite 89, 452 aithech v. athech aitherraigim 21, 279 aithes 7 aithgerre 139 aithgeuin 177, 247 aithgne 5 aithgninim 89, 264 aithigim 5 aithirge, aithrige 75, 288 aithne 5 aithrechus 75, 288 aittenn 75, 389 ulad 215 allse 75, 225 alp 138, 215 altugnd 209 amail, amal 277 amain 263 amarc 48, 129, 144 ambor, ammor, 129, 452 amdeon 38, 263 amiress 129, 144, 172 159 amlaid 141 amran 35 amr6id 171, 324 amser 5, 297, 353 anaim 3, 244, 315 anair 253 ancel 75, 306 andam 47, 236 andeon, andcoin 251 andgid, andgidecht 306 andiarraid 63 andr<5 21, 246 andsen, andso 254 anfand 48 aufiss 89, 138, 325 angbaidecht 197, 302 angel v. aingel anglas, englas 172, 215, 303 anim 247 anis 253 anmide v. ainmide iinne 251, 315 apreil 89 apatal 4, 361, 442 ar, aire, fair 89, 218 ar- v. aur- arad 121 aradaiu 252 arara 47, 172 arbor 129, 138 arde 60, 275 arget 129, 283, 433 ar oen 285 aros 129 as 16, 315, 350 ascid 125 ass 350 assal 4, 129, 350 astaim 315 astar 129 astud, fastud 171 atliaigim 5 atathar 7 atbeir 88, 181, 327, 370 atchi 112, 180, 391 athchomsan 178, 197 atohonnarc 240 athchuingid 306 athech, aithecb 183, 315 atluchur 442 atmail, atmu 327, 404 ' att 3, 381 atud, fatod 171 auctor 397 haue 34 augaire 64, 338 aur- 57, 103 aurchor 57, 138 aurlabra v. erlabra aursa 57, 103 axall 212 bacc 411 baccach 369, 411 bacbar 330 bacur 426 biklud 175, 369, 177 badun 196 baes 63 baigul 63 baith 63, 182, 369 baitsim 369, 441 balb 25 balccim 25 ban- 21 banaltru 129 banb 244 banne 251, 369 bar 293 barach 13 bass, boss 9, 350 bat 397 bathud v. badud becc 106, 426 bech 330 becht 334 beirimm 180 belacb 330 belad 187, 220 belbach 197 belre 86, 210 beltene, belltaine 21, 249, 380 ben 244, 374 bendacht 236, 374, 380 bengan, benglan 302 benn 251 bern 21, 239, 275 berrad 12, 21 bert 275 bes 350 betbadacb 19, 183 bethu 175 beus 321 biad 163 bibdaide 121, 165, 196, 374 bidcim 302 bind 109, 251 bir 270 biror 97, 129, 444 bithbinech 327 blaesc 62 blatbuait 186 blegon 106, 129 blen 158 bliadain 237, 263, 374 bloc 9 hoc ^5 ^ bocc 369, 411, 426 bodar 326 boinend 129, 236 bolad 121, 215 bole, bolg, 114, 138, 215 bond 55, 236 borp 9, 138 boss v. bass bot 55 100 botach 55 botheck 149, 175 brage 146 br&ge 146, 369 bratbaigirn 139 bratt 381 brecc 411 bregda 156, 283, 332 breit 402 brell 206 breoaim 115 bretknaigim 248 Brettan 381 brig 374 bringloit 27, 403 brissiud 353 britkeni 47, 121 brobb, brod 36, 202 broc 427 broen 62 broimm 110, 297 broind 369 brostaigirn 208 brotbckan 9, 178 bruden 121 bruirn 45, 346 buadartka 66, 279 buadech 405 buadred, buaidred 66, 123, 152 buaid 152 buain 392 bualad 66 bualtecbas 152 buane 66 buar 46 bude 121, 369 bulle 223 bunad, bunadas 49 bunnech 251 bunnen 251 bus 360 each 428 cacc 411 caennacli 63 caer 63 caerthann 63, 236 caick 63, 124 caidche 137, 329, 343 caill 410 caillech 223 caiudel 251 cainiud 124 cair 102, 280 cair 124 cairckuide 63 cairdes crist 118, 275 caismert 275, 353 caithem 5, 47, 172, 175 callaire 143, 206 camm 291, 410 capa 371 capull 3, 361 cara 410 carpat 138, 370 carric 268 cart 21, 380 cartaim 21 caslen 226 cath 135, 175 cathaigiin 139 catbair 139, 346 cate, cote 428 cathir 77, 139 catkraigtkeoir 288 catt 381 cech 428 cecharda 121 cecht 13 cechtar 4, 418 ceimm 153 ct^irin 88, 187, 288 ceirsech 86, 278 cele 82 celg 114, 138 celimm 418 cen 107, 428 cena 79, 179 cendaid 55, 236, 416 cendaigim, cennaigim 125, 236 cendsugud 238 cenel 12, 99 cengal 215 cengciges 111, 121, 306 cenglaim 302 cenn 236 cense 418 cepp 361, 418 ceppaim 361 cerd 82, 396 cerdcha 21 cert 21, 275, 380, 418 certle 227 cess 111 cet 396, 418 cet 105, 396 cetkern 183 cethernacb 239 cetne 166, 237 cethramad 21, 49, 279 cethrar 186, 279 cethri 186 cicb 164 ciccarach 118 cimas 51, 172, 418 cimbid 291 cin 97, 121, 418 cinel v. cenel ciuiud 418 cintach 121 cir 117 cirrirn 279 claar 410 cladaire 70 claide 165 claideb 172 n;i class 353, 410 clial> 17, lis cliab&n 11)6 cliamain 144, 418 clocc 55, 110 cloc-att 55, 397 cloccenn 76, 132 cl6in 72 chi 45, 4-23 cluchc 110, 343 ro-cluinethar 98, 249 eliim 47, 98, 172 clupait 56, 361, 440 cnaim 148, 19G, 274, 324, 410 cnaip 135, 274 cnapp 274, 361, 366 cnessaigini 172, 284 cnetaigim 172 enett 284 cnocc 23, 110, 411 cnu 38, 172, 274 co 428 cobir 40 coblach 142 cocad 55 cocal 55 cocnam 9, 425 cocubus 48, 55, 425 cocbull 23 cocur 55, 425 coel, coil 62, 124 coic 52, 432 coicdigis, coicthiges 103, 121, 414 coiced, cuiced 49 coiclim 140 coidche v. caidche coillim 223 coingell 206, 303 cois 52 coisregad, cosecrad 283 colba 138 colgg 138, 410 colinn 207 com-, cum- 48, 172 comairle 40, 226, 275, 410 comaithcbech 324, 344 comar 40 comarsa 40 comartha, comarde 36 comet 12, 98 comla 40 comleng 257, 324 comm 55 commairge 283 comnaide 40 comra 40, 442 comrad 40 comraind 1)8 comthach 319 comthinol 98, 442 comthromm 23, 110, 113, 129, 172,27!) conart 55 Concboliar I III ','• condud 55 confadacb 55, 138 congbail 217, 257 congnani 47, 172, 247 conmir 55 conne 251 coppoc 23 coraigim 23 corgus 138, 350, 426, 42'. i corporda 121 coscar, coscrad 9, 178, 185 cosmail 23, 48, 172, 410 coss 350 cossceimm 76, 353 cossoit 124 cothaigim 23, 33, 175, 184 cote v. cate cotlud 55, 207, 410 craibdech 16, 319 craidim 145 crec 106 crech 418 crem 144, 202 cretim 402 crin 164 cris 283 crithnaigim 248 cro 202 crob, crub 90, 372 crocbad 23 croccenn 76, 410 croda 429 croeb, craeb 127 cro is 62 cromm 55, 291 cross, crossaim 23 crot, emit 110 crotbaim 139 crottal 23 era 110 cruaid 152 cruthnecbt 98, 135, 264 cuala 67 cuilen 12, 410 cuimnecb, cumnech 98, 324 cuindedc 11 ro-cbuir 125 cuit 55, 402 culpait v. clupait cuma 121, 172 cumce 303 cumme 291 cumscle 254 cumung 51, 172, 241 cundrad 185, 246 currech 267 cutbal 209 cuul 410 dabach 40, 143 Dabeoc 196 daidbre 395 daingen 129, 141, 172, 303, 395 11 162 dair 145 daire 110 dam 202 dam 324 dar v. tar darduen 404 daurthecli v. durthech dead 102 debaid 40, 143 dechenbor 48, 111, 264 -dechuid 181 dedenach 156 deg- 03, 479 degaid 162 deircc 135 deithbire 88, 319 del 52, 474 delb 138 delg 138, 401, 426 demess 88, 129, 324, 350 deiuun 40 denorn 20, 47, 172, 181 deod 32 deoin 38 der 32, 401 derbaim 138 derbrathir 80 derc, derg 4, 138, 426 dercaim 412 dered 88, 401 dergnat 21, 338 dermet 129, 138, 294, 401 derna 20, 21 dessel 88 det 155, 396 deug 26 dia sathairnd 27-3 diabul 48, 129, 134, 212 diade 429 diaid 162 diallait 113 Diarmait 84 dias 117 dichill 451 digbail 77, 105, 134, 196 dilegim 153 diltud 52, 209, 401 dimain 48, 118, 167, 196, 401 dimess 298 dlai 217 dliged 229, 401 dobongim 143 dochu 343 docuaid 17H dochum 235 dochus 129 doel, dael 62 dogniu 261 doig 150 doilig, dolig 76, 395 duir 62 dom 42, 202 domain 40 domblas 55, 445 domnach 40, 172 Domnall 40, 206 domun 40, 129, 244 doreg 330 dorigeni, doringni 257 dortad 31 dorus 23, 129 duud 29 draigen 117, 165 dreimni 297, 401 dremire 283 dremm 4, 291 driss 401 drocbet 89, 129, 395 drucht 45, 135, 404 drui 270 druidecht 135 druimm 297 dub 42, 202, 395 duille 110 duma 172 dune 110, 395 durthech 141 duthchus 50, 331 duthoig 343 ebor 370, 452 ebraide 142 ec 426 ech 4, 161, 171 ucen 432 ecla 106 eclais 106, 427 ecne 106 ecsamail 426 ed 18, 106, 170, 315, 429 -ed 49 edenn 156 eilit, elit 187, 232 eirge 121 eirirj 160 eirred v. errad eitsecht 158, 441 ela 4, 215 elaim, elud 30, 149 elatbain, eladain 121 n. elit v. eilit eliugud 158 ellach 13, 206, 452 en 155, 244 enbruthe 21, 197, 246 eng 4 englas v. anglas enlaith 238 eochuir 26 Eogan 33, 244 eula 32 er- v. aur- erball 57, 103, 440 ere 412 erchoit 57, 403 erchra 444 1G3 eret 59, 129 erlabra 57, 210, 1 1 I ernaigthe 57 errad 107, 315 esbuid 11)7 escuog 241 espoc 361 et 155, 396 etail 77 eter, etir 82, 285 etre 88 etronnn 129, 155 ette 88, 389 ettne 442 fabra v. abra t.uli.ul 16, 77, 197, 310, 392 fad v. fath fae 63 faebur, faibur 124, 129, 310 faechog 63, 310 fagbaim 17 faidche 343 fair 89, 285 fairggae 5, 275, 433 faitches 122 fanuall 254, 315 farrad 49 fath, fad 182, 310 fatod 30, 171 febas 40, 192 fee 106, 135 fecbaini 13, 166 feccim 82 fedan 106 feidm 86 fele 318 fell 206, 318 femnach 318 fennaim 318 feoil, feuil 192, 229 fer 4, 318 fer 318 fere, ferg 111, 270, 318, 126 Fergus 121 ferr 21, 318 fersad 318 ferthain 249, 279, 318 fesoc 155, 318 fetairn 155, 396 fetan 396 fiad 13, 77, 138, 338 fiadnisse 237 fichim 100 fige 318 figuil 106 fillim 223 filliud 367 find 236, 318 rindfad 242 fir 285, 474 nrend 129, 318 fiaith 139, 310 nechud 178 fobairim 181 fdcaraim 67 focre 310 focul 310 fodesta 321 foditiu 171, 310, 402 foessam 47, 124, 310 fogabim 82 fogamur 40, 310 foglaim 192, 321 foilenu 11 foirrce v. fairggae follan 9, 207 foloing 225. 257, 310 forir 63 forud 9, 310 fosead 9 fot 29 fota 310, 396 frecre 106, 129, 283, 318, 426 frigde 318 froicb, froech 62, 270, 310 fuacraim v. focaraim fuagaim 168 fuairnra 297 fuidell 224, 310 fuigbe 195 faindeoc 11, 25? ro-fhulaing v. foloing furacbair, furachrus 56 furecbt 310 gabimm 40, 43 gabor 40 g4bud 425 gabul 40 gadar, gagar 70, 425 gael 63 gait 43 gaith 63, 112, 182, 425 gamnach 144 gamuin 144 gand 110, 236 ganem 83, 121, 263 garb 47, 110 garrda 21, 121 garit 425 gat 125, 396, 425 gee 426 ged 94 geiud 109, 307 geir 88 gel 4 gelbund 10 gell 431 gemred 88, 431 ger 86, 431 gerr 21, 275 gerrad 21, 268 gerran 10 gibbue 370 gilla 131 11—2 164 gins 52, 431 glaccad 411 glaine 98 glaine, gloine 98, 249 glend, glenn 236, 431 gles 431 gnatb 425 gne 93, 120 L'lutbech 94 gnim 47, 167 goba 40, 425 goedeilg 421, 425 goedel 95 gop 55, 370 gradaigini 147 grande, granna 230 greimm 111 gress 431 grip 109 gruad 152, 425 giuamda 121 gude 112, 121, 425 i 134, 253 iar 136, 137, 333 iarraid 105, 103 ichtar 164 id 435 ilur 58 imacuairt 395 imaig. imagin 141, 187, 196, 345 imarcraid 58, 444 imat, immat, iuinat v. imbed imb 101, 297 imbed 58, 294, 399 imbel 129 imbresan 447 imlan 58, 291 imm 314 immada 134 immaig 345 immaire 58 immarbaig 58, 141 immchor 58, 291, 362 immda 58, 121 immirce, immirge 283, 420 immthecht 13, 101, 186, 297 imned 101 impide 101 imrad 58, 145 inchind 264 inda 237 indala 277 inde, indhe 93, 251 indein 251, 443 indell 251 indissim, innissim 109, 254, 353 indiu 42, 202, 251 indsaigim 238 inga 302 ingantach v. ingnuthacb ingen 122, 250 ingnath, ingnad 247 ingnatbach 67, 70, 303 ini 250 init 403 inme 138 inna 237 innech 251 innocbt 235, 380 innuraid 103 inonn 4, 235 inricc 246 ir- v. aur- irchoit 138 iress 109 irrair 171, 286 irsa v. aursa is ed 170 istaig 345 ith 117, 182 itir v. etir itu 164 iuchair 26 laarg, loarce 114, 421 labrad, labraim 40, 205, 292 lac 60, 205, 426 ladar 70 laech 63 lagatus 70 Laigen 171 lam 148, 205 lanamain 48 lassaim 25 lassair 25 latbach 139 lathe, latbi 83, 95, 205, 333 lebor 40, 222 lee 82, 222 lecco 411 lecun 111, 129 ledb 157, 370 legad 154 legaim 292 legend 156, 159, 222, 236 leges 156, 159, 222 legim 292 leiccim 432 leimni 86, 153 lem 144 lem 144 leuab 4, 47, 244 lenmain 48, 222, 244, 392 lennan 236 leo 32 lepad, lepaid 121, 362, 370 ler 222, 230 leth 222 letban 10, 222 letbet 88 letbu 311 liaig 160 lige 112, 205 linad 164, 222 liter 222, 389 1 &5 loarcc v. laarg lobad 43 loeg 62 logldecht 152 lonini 55) 291 Ion 55 loon, loan 38 lore 13H lossat 23 luaide 152 luch 56 hignasad 50, 132, 234, 237 lugu 50, 205 hub 134, 322, 324 lupad 45 luthgair 43, 331 hithmar 43, 45, 205 mace 3, 411 maccan 10 macraille 275 mael 63, 290 magar 70 maighden 171, 290 -mail 48, 172 -main 48 maindir 251 ro mair 89 mair 65 maite 75, 290, 402 mala 25, 121 maldacht 3 mani 277 -mar 48, 172 maraim 5, 283, 290 marb 47 marbad, marbaim 138, 270, 290 margad 138, 427 mass 135, 290 matan 402 mathem 5, 48, 172, 290 maten 75, 290, 403 mathir 7, 80, 290 mebuir 40, 172, 192 mecon 10, 129, 297, 411 med 18, 297 Medb 135, 157, 370 medg 157, 297, 426 medon 18, 40, 297 meit 402 mellad 297 mellaim 206, 209 men 99 menad 121 meng 302 menicc 111, 419 mer 86 mesce 111 messe, meisse 99 meth 94, 297, 346 methel 82, 129 mil 164. 297 milliud 223 millsiu 225 mind 236 niithich, mithig 175, 405 mlass 215, 369 mien 238 mligim 112 mocol 55, 426 mo-genar 246, 443 moidem 124, 326 moircc 76, 114, 290 moit 38, 135 moith 62, 172, 182, 290 molad 23, 290 mong 172, 303 moo 38 mordatu 38, 129 moth, mothach 333 mothaigim 175 mraicb 343, 369 mrath 175, 369 mncc 43 muchaim 45 muinigin 121 muinterda 129 muirn, muirn 275 muirnech 102 mulenn 129, 290 Muman 51 name 8, 196, 235, 324 nare 235 nathir 446 neb-, neph- 250, 482 nech 250 neim 98, 250, 322, 324 nel 155, 250 nem 202 nenaid, nenntog 250 neph- v. neb- nert 250 nescoit 250, 403 ness 446 nessa 250 net 4, 250, 396 Niallgus 121 ni co 178, 329 nige 105 nigim 250, 261 nocha 329 nocht 25 noemthar 311 noib 125, 235 nonbur 59, 105, 235 notlaic 55, 207, 235 nne 46, 235 6a 34 6a 171, 452 obla 142, 207 obloir 10, 142 oc 83 6c 29 -6c 11 166 ocaiud 113 occorus v. accorus ochsal 9, 212, 442 ocus 9, 129, 426 ocus 42G Oengus 121 oentu 62 og, ugai 98, 326 oibela 100, 319 oibell 89 oibind 124, 324 oibriugad 98 oician 399, 432 oi fiend 0, 432 oigir 100 oigred 160 oilemain v. ailemain oin 72, 150 oine 124 oiph 124, 324 oipred 371, 375 oirthir v. airther ois v. a is oland 23, 207 olcc 23, 412 om 144, 172 ongad 302 opond 55, 129, 370, 383 ord 396 ordd 396 ordlach 210 ordu 31 orlar 57 os cbiud 136 osnad 23, 132, 239 pardus 21, 45, 279 pater 75 Patrice 397 peccad 4, 365, 411 perm 365 petta 305, 381 pinginn 303, 305 puc 29, 427 popul 55 rad 392 radarc 70 raithnech 186, 264 rathe 145 ree, re 95, 286 reid 95, 271 relicc 98 remi, reinpi 98, 324 remor 144 remum 40 ret 59 retbim 271 r.'tla 442 riabach 73 riachtanus 73, 271 riagul, riagol 73, 280 riam 286 riar 73 richt 98, 271 rigin 121, 263, 271 robad 40 robarti 40 roboi 36 rogu 71, 95 R6im 172 roth 23 ruaic 151 sacard, sac-art 103, 380, 427 sacc 411 Sadb 17, 135, 370 saethrugud 279 saidbir 83, 100, 324 saigdeoir 171 saiget 70, 397 saignen 171 saigul 03, 348 sail 89, 229 saile 99, 229, 354 sailim 124, 354 sainred, sainreth 39, 270 sair 89, 283 saithar 61, 112 saland 25, 348 sam 38, 294 samrad 144 samuin 144 sant 110, 254, 348 sathech, saithech, sathach 183 sathud 145, 175 scaath 182 scailim 348 seaman 77, 348 scatan 398 see 352 sciam 94 scol 24 scoth 139, 345 scothaim 9, 139, 340 scrib, scripad 372 scribaim 196 scris 97 scuap 371 sebac 40, 352 sech 330 seche 161, 343 sechran 330 secht 330, 380 secbtman 197, 263, 352 sccul 427 seile v. saile selb 88, 138, 324 selg 88, 229, 426 sen 352 senchas 138, 416 seng, sengan 302 senim 111, 259, 352 serb 47, 114 serrach 268 seser 88 1(>7 sessom 4, 172 sessreeh 13, 283, 353 si'tim, SLtiud 158, 402 sice 411 sil 164 215 silim 99 sillab 47, 97 sined 203 siniin 117, 249 siniu 249 sir 285 sithbe, sithfe 319 sithlaim 164, 220 siubal 352 siur 319 slabrad 142, 208 slat 75 sleg 18, 106, 170, 42!) slemon 40, 144, 263 sliab 47, 158 slice 432 slige 230 slocim, slnciin 56, 208, 426 slondud, slonniud 98, 208, 251 sluag 208 slucim v. slociiu smech 111 smeice 432 smer 86, 349 srnir 349 smuained 123, 199, 348, 443 snaidin 125, 239 snam 148, 196, 239 snathat 7, 239 snathe 239, 346 snecbta 255 snim 167, 196, 255 snuad 46, 239 sobarche 70 socc 23 soccair 23 soer, soir 62, 127 soillsiugad 225 soirb 89 soithech 171 sopp 9, 361 spel 349, 365, 477 spirut 349, 365, 397 spochad 23, 348, 359 srait 273, 403 sreng 304 sabacb 196 sude, suide 112, 126 sug 50 sugirn 346 sui 126 suidi 346 suirge 121 suithe 346 sust, suiste 348 tabairt 40 tachtad 3 Tadg 70, 126 taidbsc, tai cidin 418 ciumhas 51, 172, 418 clabar 415 cladbaire 70 claidhe 165 claidbimb 153, 172, 319 claigionn 76, 432 clais 353, 410 clamhairt 144, 415 elamhau 144 clambsau 144 clann 98 claon, claonadh 72 clar 410 cleamhnaidhe 144, 418 cliabh 47, 153, 341, lis cliabban 196 oliath 23, 88, 163, 182, 340. 148 oliathan, cliathanacb 119 clibin 875 clismeirnigh 275, 353 cliu 45, 423 cliuiteach 423 clocb 149 clog 55, 110 clogad 55, 397 cluain 46 Cluangbort 66 cluas 455 cluicbe 110, 149, 343 cluimhreacb 98 cluinim 98, 241), 264 eluipide v. clnpaide dumb 47, 172 clumbaiste 152 olupaide 56, 200, 361, 440 cnagadb 274 cnaibe 135, 274 enaimh 148, 190, 274, 324, 410 cnaimh-fhiach 315 cuaimh-fbod 315 cnaipe 98, 274, 366 cnapan v. crapau cneadaigh 172, 284 cneasugbadb 172, 284 cneatan 284 cniteal 274 cno 38, 172 ; 274 cuoc 23, 110, 411, 111) co 329 cobhair 40 cobbtbacb 149 cocball 23 cocban 23 codladb 55, 207, 224, 410 codladh gluracaiu 10, 132 cofra 29, 1*0, 279 cogadh 55 cogal 55 cogansacb 48 cogar 55, 425 cognamh v. cagnamh coguisidbe v. cugaisidhe cogus 48, 55, 425 cboidbche 137, 329, 343 coifeacb 149 coigeal v. cuigeal coigtbigbis v. cucaois coill 410 coimhcbeangailte 48 coirnbdbeas 48, 483 coimbead 12, 98 coimhiglieach 324, 344 coimbionann 4, 48, 439 coimhlinn 257, 324 coimriglie 283 coimbtbinol 98, 442 174 coingeall 200, 303 coinin 249 coiune 251 coiuneail(t) 247, 257, 392 coinneal 251 coinnleoir 254 coinscleo 254, 476 cointirm 389 coir 102, 280 coir 29, 1 59 coirce 24, 2S3, 420 coiriugbadb 29 coirntal 12, 275, 444 coirtheach 102, 280 coisceim 70, 353 coisidbeacbt 24 coisriceadb 283, 421, 442 coiste 428 coithe 149 coitbean 149, 415 colainn 207 colbha 138 colg 138, 410 coll 9, 20G colloid v. ealloid colman 291 colpa 362 colpach 138, 362 com 55, 98 comh- 48, 172 coruailt 55 comhair 33, 449, 459 comhairle 40, 226, 275, 410 comhar 40 comharsa 40 comhartba 36, 442 combcbruinniugbadh 48 comhgar 40 coruhgarach 450 comhla 40 comhnaidhc 40 comhra 40, 246, 442 combnidb 40, 477 comlnaidhteach 477 combtbrom 23, 110, 113, 129, 172, 279, 288 conair v. cornbra conairt 55, 275 Concbobhar 440 condae 55 confadbach 55, 138 congbbail 392, v. coinneailt conamar 55 Comiacbt(a) 55, 178, 452 connadb 55 cbonnaic 178, 240, 329 connaidli 55, 236, 416 connlach 55, 238 coiinradh 185, 246 copan 23, 361 copog 23 cor v. cur cor tbuaitbbhil 231 corabionga, coragiob 302 coradaigb 23 coraighim 130 corghas 138, 350, 426, 429 eornadh 130, 239 coroin 78 corp 23, 283, 361 corpordba 121 corr (odd) 23, 267 corr v. curr corr mhonadh 267 corra meille 25, 90 corrach 23, 267 corracb 267 corradh 23, 267 corran 84, 267 corrluach 210 cortaobbadb 23, 124, 132, 416 cos 24, 350, 455 coscairt v. cascairt cosmhail 23, 48, 172, 410, 467 cosnugbadb 239 c6ta 29, 381, 451 cotughadh 23 cotbugbadb 23, 33, 175, 184 cradh 145, 346, 476 craibhtheacb 16, 319 craiceaun 258, 410 crain 15 craitbim 139 crannra 21, 246 craobh 124, 127 craorac 72, 440 craos 62 crap 361 crapadb 60, 363 crapan 454 creach 341, 418 creag 106 creamh 144, 202 creatbnaigheach 248 creatbnugbadh 248 creidim, creidbbeail(t) 77, 90, 327, 392, 402 criathar 119 crionna 164 crios 283, 455 critb 345, 418 cro 29, 202 crobh 372 crocbadh 23 crodba 429 croibb 90 croiceann 76 croigeadb 29, 415 croigean 29, 415 croisin 24 croithleog 232 crom 55, 291 cromadh 295 cros 23 crosadh 23, 347, 455 dotal 23 175 crothal 232 crothnaighim 248 oruaoh 27, 151, 344 cruadliaclian 151 oruadalach, oruadhalaoh 399 oruadhaghadb 190 ornaidh 152, 190 cruaidhe 190 crub 372 crubhogai 151, 415 cnidb 110 crniceadli 415 emit 110 cruitineach 110 cruitbneacht(a) 98, 135, 264 crumh6g 190 crunthaighim 248 cruth 42, 202 cruth (dowry) 202, 320 cruthaighim 42 cu 45, 194 cuach 151 chuaidh 152, 178, 329 cuairt 275, 389, 410 cbualaidb 67, 152 cuan 46, 151, 471 cucaois 05, 103, 121, 414 chugad 178 ciigaisidhe 172, 303 cuibhreann 98, 324 cuid 55, 329, 402, 425, 464, 471 cuig 52, 432 cuigeadh 49 cuigeal 477 cuigidh 482 cuilean 12, 410 cuilriascach, cuilriascmhar 73, 216, 270 cuilthead 232 cuimhne, cuimhneach 98, 298, 321 cuing, cuingir 306 cuingc, cuingceacb 306 cuinneog 11 cuir, cuirim, cur 56, 102, 125, 267, 280, 283, 288, 459, 461 cuireadh 280 cuireat v. cuilthead cuirialta 45 cuirthe, curtha 102, 280 cuis 52 cuiscreach, cuise 43, 283 cuiseog 125, 280 cuisle, cuislean 43 cuisneach 43 cuiteog 125 ciil 45, 410, 425 ar geul 136 cullach 56, 206, 410 chum, chun, 'un 235 cuma 291 cumadh 295 cumhaidh 121, 152, 172 cumhang 51, 172, 241, 303, 475 cumhanglach, cumhangrach 51, 172, 303 cumhdaighim 130 cumplasc 43 cunabhaireas v. caonbharach cunail, cumilach 247 cungaisidhe v. ciigaisidhe cunghas, cungnaighim 172, 303 cungnamh 47, 172, 247 cuntas 50 cur v. cuir ciiram 288 curamach 45 curr, currach 267 cursan v. carsan cuthalta, cdthaltas 209 da, dia 14, 235 -dha 429 dha 337 dabhaigh 40, 143 daca v. taca dha fhichead 487 daidhbhreas 395 daigean 399, 432 daimh 172, 324 daingean 129, 141, 172, 303, 395 flair 283 dair 102, 145, 186, 280, 459 dairb, doirb 110, 283, 376 d/tiiiacht 447 dalba 138, 332 dall 110, 395 darah 202 damantan, damantoir 477 dainna(igh)im 244 dan, i ndan 237 dana 478 danardha 121 daol 62 daor 62 daoraidh 63 dar 285, 397 dara 277 dath 136, 175 de 42, 91, 136, 339, 448 deabhaidh 40, 143 deachaidh 181 dead 155, 396 deag 487 deagh- 93, 479 deaganach 427 deaghbholadh 93, 479 deaghbhriathrach 93 deaghgliniomharthai 93 deaghlabhartha(ch) 93, 218, 479 deaghsrnaoitidh 93 dealagan 444 dealan 186 dealg 138, 401, 426 dealgan 408 dealgnach 244 deamhan 40 176 dean 15 deananih 20, 47, 172, 181, 451, 4G5 deanthasacb, diontbasach 105, 187 dearbha(igh)ira 188, 187 dearbhbbratbair 80 dearcadb 138, 409, 412 dearcaightbeach 125 dearcan 138 dearg 4, 138, 426 deargadh 138, 187 deargnait v. dearnad dearmad 129, 138, 294, 401 dearn 20, 21, 445, 451 dearnad 21, 338 deas 189 deich 88, 343, 345 deicbneabbar 48, 105, 111, 264 deidheanach 156 deifre 88, 319 deil 99 deilbb 138 deimheas 88, 129, 324, 350 deirbhshiur 319 deirce 135, 420 deireadh 88, 401 deirim 88, 181, 253, 280. 327, 385, 406, 461 deis 90 deisealan 88 deistean 438 deo 32 deocb 26 deocan 434 deor 29, 32, 401 di- 483 dia, da- 14, 93, 136, 253, 447 dia 189, 401 dia (day) 14 diabhal 48, 129, 134, 212 diaga 429 diagaire 429 diaganta 429, 477 diaidb 162, 189 diallaid 113 dian 120 diardaoin 404 Diarmaid 8 1 dicheall 343, 451 didbileaghadh 483 dileighim 153, 154, 189 dilis, dilse 443 dimbeas 189, 298 dinnear 253 diobbtlia 311 dio-dh6igh 338 diog 117, 187, 474 dioghbhail 77, 105, 134, 196 dioisidb 481 diol 220, 253, 454 diomhaoin 48, 118, 196, 401 diombaoineas 48, 167, 459 diomaoite 105 dio-m(h)unadh 298 dionmbar 48 dis 117 diucan 434 dral 52, 220, 474 diultadb 52, 209, 401 dlaoi 217, 238, 395 dligbeadb 229, 401 dlightheamhail 48, 112 dluth 182 do (prep.) 136, 191, 337,339, 397, 448 do (tuns) 397, 404, 472 do 404 do- 479 dho 447 dho 451 dobhtha 311 docambal 133 dochas 129 dochomhairleach 479 doghadh 29, 346 dogbraing, doghrairigeach 30, 257 doiche 343 doiebeall 149 doigh 150 doigheamhail 150 doilgheas 122 doiligh 76, 332, 395 doineann 249 doirb, doirbh v. dairb Doire 110 doirnin 275 dol 23 domh 42, 202 domhain, doimbin 40 domhan 40, 129, 244 domasach 55 domlas 55, 445 domhnacb 40, 172, 478 Domhnall 40, 206 dona 55, 478 donn 55 doranna 29 doras 23, 129 dorcha 23 dorn 31, 239, 275, 395 dorr 267 dorrdha 268, 429 dorrghail 267 dortha 102, 208 dortadh 31, 445 dorngba, doruigbe 429 drabhfhuigheall, drabhgbail v. dra- oille draighean 117, 165 dranntan, dranntanacbt 477 draoi 270 draoille 121 draoitbe, draoitheacht(a) 135, 175 dratha 7 dreabhlas, dreabhlasacb 10, 477 dream 4, 291 dreapaireacbt 200 dreas(ugh)adh 18!) , 246, 347 177 divim 283 dreimire 283, 297, 401 dreolan 32 driodar 134 driseog 240, 401 driuchta 45, 63, 135, 404 droch- 483 drochaoibh 483 drochohaa 276 drochiarraidh 439, 483 drochmhunadh 244, 483 droichead 89, 129, 395 drong 302 druid 337, 471 druim 297 druis 172 dubh 42, 98, 202, 316, 32G, 337. 395 dubhach 196 dubhaivt 406, 407, 445, 461 dubhan 196 Dubh-bheinu 470 dubhshlan 207 duibhfian 12, 98 dhuid 337 duilleabhar 48 duilledg 110 duine 110, 249, 263, 395 duithche 343 dhul 27, 176, 337 dumhaidh 172 durtheach v. dutlirach duthchas 50, 331 duthrach 141, 186 duthracht 279, 395 duthrachtach 477 c 14, 451 eabar 370, 452 eabhra, eabhiaidh, eabhrais 142 each 4, 161, 171 -each 13 eachmairt 197, 330, 391 ead 155, 396 -eadh, -eagh, -iogh 391, 429 eadh 190 eadail 77 eadair, eadar, eidir 82, 285 eadarghuidhe 82, 285, 337 eadarshudh 185, 450 eadmhar 48 cadochas, £ad6chasach 86 eadoimhin 155 eadoirnhne 98 eadrom 129, 155 eag 106, 135 eaga dhubh, dhearg 106, 135 eag 253, 426 eagcaoin 138, 454 eagla 106, 449 eaglais 106, 427 Eaglaiseach 106 eagna 106 eagsamhail 471 eagsamhalta 426 eala 4, 215 ealadhain 121 n. ealadhanta 238 ealartha, ealaraira 107 eallach 13, 206, 253, 388, 152 ('•al/)dh 30, 149, 150 ean 155, 244 eang 4, 302 eangacli 4, 302 eanglaoh 97, 478 eanghlais v. anghlais ('anlaith 238 earradh 107, 315 earc 138, 412, 480 easbhaidh 197 easconn 241 easog 11, 446 easpoc 361, 415, 438 eatorthu 25 eidhean 156 eifeacht 334 eigciall 431 eigean 432 eigin 386, 436 ('iginteach 386, 436 eile 89 eileog 160 eilid 187, 232 eilin 160 eiliughadh 158 eiute 442 Eireannach 476 eireog 160 eirigh 120, 121 eisiomplair 211, 445 eisteacht 158, 441 eiteadh 404 eiteog 88, 389 eitire 88 eithne 442 eochair 26 Eoghan 33, 244 eolach 32, 472 eorna 32 fa 14, 137, 314 fa gach taobh de 395 fa taobh de 53, 137, 395 fa thuairim, fa dtuairim 314, 395 fabhra 121, 142 fabhra 142, 315 fabhtach 169 bhfaca 25 fachla 9 fada 310, 396 fadalach 10, 399, 477 fad6gh 30, 171, 315 fagail 16, 77, 129, 197, 310, 392, 471 faghann 17, 195 faghthar 7, 177 fail 90, 98 fainleog v. ainleog 12 178 fainne 251, 31-5 faire '200, 235, 283, 310 t'airge 5, 275, 433 fairior 63 fairsing 5, 255, 257, 278, 310 fairsneachas 255 fairsneacht 278 fairsneainhail 255, 278 faiscim 417 Ruth 145 faithche 343 t'aitcheas 122 faithehill 343 Eaithlidh 232 faithne 264 fallsa 209 fanacht 3, 244, 315. 465 faobhar 124, 129, 310 t'aobhtha 311 faocbam 66 faochog 63, 310 faoi 314 faoileog 11 faoiseamh 47, 124, 310 faraor v. fairior bhfarradhas 49 fas 16, 315, 350, 455 fastodh 133, 171, 315, 438 fath 182, 310 fathach, faitheach 183, 315, 475 feabhas 40, 192 feabhra 142, 480 feachail 13, 166 fead 396 feadh Ik, 106, 170, 315. 429, 476 feadaim 155, 384, 396 feadalach 10 feadbmanta 157. 443 feag 106, 135 feagan 106 Feagbraigb 17(1 feall 206, 318 fealladb 213, 454, 472 feallscaidh 209 fearn 295 fearnnacli 295, 318 feamtbaine 295 feannadh 242, 318, 454 feannan 107 fear 4, 269, 318, 321, 460, 466, 472 tear 253, 318 fearban 138 fearg 111, 270, 318, 426 fearr 21, 180, 318, 472 fearsad 318 feartbain 249, 279, 318 teasog 155, 318 feasta 155, 253 feasta 321 feicealach 10 feicim 82, 325 feidhm 86, 321 ftiidbmeamhail 80 feile 318, 448 trin 120, 180, 263 feineach 180 feistigbim 321 feochadb 192 feodum 192 feochan 192 feog 106, 170, 429 feoghlaim 192, 321, 354, 452 feoidbte 192 feoil 32, 192, 229, 253 feolbhach, feolmbach 197 fiabbras 48, 142 fiach 13, 318, 344 de fbiachaibh 191 fiach 13 fiacail 229, 318, 321 fiadh 13 fiadha 63 fiadhain 77 fiadhaire 338 fiadhanta 10 fiadhnais 237 fiafraigh 180 flag v. feog fiar 285 fiar-shuil 288 fiastalach 10 fiche 129. 179, 318 -ridhe 439 fighe 112, 318, 475 figheadoir 27, 325 file 99, 318 fiochadh 100 fiogbraigheacbt 106, 338 fioghraighim 170, 338 fiolun saith 139 fionn 236, 318 fionuan v. feannan rionnfliadh 242 fionnfhuacbt 199 fionnscaitb 345 fior 165, 285, 474 fioruisce 285 fios 448, 455, 485 fireann 129, 318 firinne 251, 318 fiu 192 fiuntas 192 flaithis 139, 310 fleachadh 178 fleag v. fliodh iiicb, High v. fliodh flichne, flichsbneachta 104 fliodh 106, 318, 429 flinch 26, 43, 100, 134, 229, 230, 318, 321 fliucblach 230 fo 314 focal 310 lochia v. fachla fod 29 foghlaim v. feoghlaim 170 foghmhar 30, 10, 235, 310, 315 fogua 195, 426 foighde 171, 310, 102 foighdeaoh 171 fV.ill 29, 231 foircann 102 foiiim 315, 461 foirmniseach 249 foirseadh 23, 278 foirste 278 foirstean 278, 4G1 iVii is teanach 278 folach 25, 310 folaighim 25 folli'un 9, 207 folmhughadh 132 foim 236 foradh 9, 310, 315 forradh taighe 107, 315 fortacht 23 fos 386 foscadh 9 foscadhmhar 4h foscladh 9 fosta, fostat, fostacht 321, 38G Fraine 272, 306 fraoch 02, 270, 272, 310, 344 freagra 100, 129, 283, 318, 426 freagraim 265, 287 freastal 287 freimh 94 frid 320, 397 frigh 117, 318 friobhtha 311 fiiom 474 t'risneaiseach .255, 265, 318 frithe 175 frithir 175, 318 flmabair 181 fuachais 66 t'uacht 67, 315 fuaghail 168, 315 fuagra 310 fuagradh 67, 168 fuaira 297 fuair 123, 195, 199, 459 fuaiscneamh 152, 263 faar 67, 168, 199, 315, 448 fuarughadh 67 fuascladh 168 fuath 67, 168, 315 bhfuigh 195 fuighle, fuighleach 221, 310 fail (blood) 23, 200, 310, 315, 452, 460 fail shrona 276 fail 232, 315, 372, 459 failingim 225, 257, 310 fuiling(t) 392 fainneog 11, 251, 315 faip 313, 315, 366 fuireacht 310 fuiseog v. uiscog f'uithe 346 furachas 56 t'uradh taighe v. forradh I'ui'ust 56, 180, 386 gabha, gaibhne 10, 98, 249, 326, 125 gabhadh 130, 425 gabhail 27, 35, 219, 451 gabhaim 35, 40, 43 gabhal 40, 456 gabhal 35, 40 gabhaltas 35 gabhar 40, 301 gabhlachas 35, 40 gach 241, 428, 447 gach aon 447 gach uile p. 1, 313, 447 gad 125, 396, 425 gadhar 70, 301, 425 gaedheal 95 gaedhealach 95 Gaedhlic 95, 421, 425 gafann 311 gaibhtheach 319, 462 gail 232 gaile 75 gainean 83 gainfhiosta 110, 135, 485 gainimh 83, 121, 129, 263 gaire 145, 283, 425 gairid 104, 425 gairiin, gaiim 110, 288, 425 gairthe 280 gaisea 428, 481 gaisearbhaii 428 gaithean 149, 415 galar 25, 216, 337, 425 gall 21, 206 gallta 21, 209, 380 gamhain 144 gamhnach 144 gan 428 ganfhios v. gaiufhiosta gann 110, 236 ganntanas 129 gaobhar 63 gaol 63 gaolmhar 48 gaoth 63, 112, 182, 425 gaotbsan 63 garbh 47, 110 garraidh, garrdha 21, 121 gasta 380 gasiu - 45 ge 94, 305 gheabh 40 geafta 312 geag 426 geal 4, 75, 456 gealacan 408, 444 gealach 189 gealbhan 10, 138 geall 136, 431 geallamhaint 48, 213 12—2 ISO geamanach, giomanach 97 geamhar 144 gear 86, 431 gearb 138 gearleanamhaint 230 gearr 21, 275 gearr 21, 218 gearradh 21, 189, 208, 279, 305 gearnln 10, 268, 454 gearrfhiadh 21 gearrleabhar 230 g£artbeangtbacb 304 gearugbadh 130 geibheanu 305 gheibbim 82, 319 g&llim 227 geirnhreadb 88, 431 geir 13, 88 geocan 434 ging 109, 189, 238, 307 giob 99 giobog 97, 370 giodalacb 97 giol 97 giolcach 97 giolla 431 giollacht 97 giorra 275 giorraide, giorta 189 giota 97, 434 gins 52, 431 glacadh 301, 411 glaib 415 glaine 98 glamaim 415 glan 425 glaodb 63 glas 98 glas seile 455 gleann 107, 189, 236, 431 Gleanntai 305 gleas 431 gliomach 97, 305 gloine 98, 249 glor 29 gluaisim 152 gludaidh 103 glug 56 glun 337, 456, 474 gluracan v. codladh gnaithc 94, 120, 172, 274 gnaitboach 94, 120 gnaoi 120, 172, 274 gnaoidheamhail 120, 133 gnas 455 gnatbach 183, 425 gn<'- 93 ghnim 261, 292 gniomh 47, 167, 185 gnu 94, 172, 274 gnotbacb 94 gn6thughadh 91, 183, 190 go 428 go 253, 290, 42K gob 55, 370 goid 43, 125, 391, 471 goide 428 goilleamhaint 4H goillim 227 goireadh 24 goirteog 275 goiste 76, 353, 428 gonan 23 gor 56, 110, 269, 477 gorachas 56, 477 goran 268 gorm 23, 110 gortugbadh 23 gothan, gotbanach 23 grabbar 142 gradh 145, 301 gradbnghadh 147 grain 16 graineamhail 48 graini(gbi)m 264 granna 15, 236 gra"s, grasta 386 greadadh 189 greagach 427 greasaidh 476 greasan 431 greim 111, 297 grian 283, 431 griobacb 109 griodan 434 griosach 189 griosail 109, 185 grogan, groigein v. croigean gruag 270 gruaidh 152, 425 gruaigeadh v. croigeadh gruaim 297 gruamdba 121 grubhan v. crubliogai gruth 42, 202 gualainn 224 gugan 43 guidhe 112, 121, 425 guil 232 guldar 209 gur, guirin 110, 285 gurrun 45, 56, 268 gus 56, 125 guth 42, 202 bamai 306 hata 381 henifin v. cheanafcin i 253 iadsan 471 iall 206 iargcuil 138, 193, 425 iargculta, iargcultacbt 193 iarglino 45, 138, 193, 429 iarraidb 105, 163, 193, 267, 279 LSI iasachtach 477 iasc 158, 350 ifrionn 180 igh 117, 182 -ighidh l:5o iginn 258, 435 ini 101, 297 imeall 101, 12!) imirce 283, 120 imirt 101, 185 imnidhu 101 impidhe 101 imreas 447 imtbeacht 13, 101, 186, 297 inchinn 251, 264 inghean 122, v. nighean ingheilt 109, 253, 435 iuibh 138 inid 403 inigilt v. ingheilt in is 263 inmhe v. iuibh inneach 251 iuneain 251, 443 imieair v. iiiiieain innealta 251 innseorm 254 inse 109, 254, 353, 356 inseachas 254 inteach v. eiginteach intiun 253 iochtar 1(54 iolar 58 iolghardas, iolghairdeas 404 iolradh 216 iomad 58, 294, 399 iomadamhail 399 iomaidh 58, 121, 472 iomaigh 141, 187, 196, 345 iomaire 58 ioinarbhaigh 58, 141 iomarca 58, 444 iomata 58, 399 iomchor v. ioinpor iomlan 58, 211, 291 ioinpor 58, 291, 362 iomradh 58, 145 ion- 482 ionann 4, 452 ionchorrtha 101, 482 ionfairt 335 ionga 302 iongantach 67, 70, 303 iongantas 70, 303, 452, 455 ionglach 97, 478 iongnadh 126, 247 ionraice 246 ionsaidhe, ionsughadh 238, 254 iorradh v. earradh iosfadb 253 -iostaoi 385 iota 164 ireas, irios 109 iris 102, 109, 278 is 349, 172 isliughadh 226 -iste 112, 356 istigh v. astuigh ithe 345, 346, 439, 473 iubhar shleibhe 230 la 83, 95, 205 labhairim 292 labhairt 40, 205, 218, 288, 459, 461 bulbar 70, 218 lag 60, 205, 218, 238, 426 lagbacb 70 laghdughadh 70, 218 laicb 139 Laidion 403 laidir 218 Laighean 171, 218, 482 lairic 114, 421 bimb 148, 205 lamhach 196 lamhacan 196 lamhchrann 311 lamhugbadb 130, 148 Ian 16, 218 lanamhain 48, 477 langa 302 laocb 63, 427 laogh 62 lasadh 25, 455 lasair 25 lathair 7, 80 le 230 leabaidb 106, 121, 200, 362, 370 leabhar 40, 222, 270 leac 82, 222 leacain 411 leadbb 157, 362, 370 leagadb 106 leagan 106, 129, 230, 414 leamh 144 leamhan 144 leanarabaint 48, 222, 230, 238, 214, 248, 254, 392 leanbh 4, 47, 138, 230, 244 leanmhar 254 leannan sidhe 75, 236 lear 222, 230, 466 learodh 30 leasainm 479 leasugbadh 230 leath 222, 479 leathacb 84, 90 leathair 279 leathan 10, 222, 264 leatbbhoim 143 leatbchoroin 230, 479 leathshasta 391 leatbsheicbe 391 leatbshiiil 230 leathtromach 477 leibbrin 90 182 leifriueach 321 Leiitean 82 l&gbeadb (1) 154, 180, 230 leighcadh (2) 230 leigean 111, 422 leigheann 156, 159, 222, 236 leigheas 1-56, 159, 222, 230, 256 leighini (1) 153, 292 leighini (2) 153 leigim 432 leightheoracht 82, 177 leim 153 leimhe, leimhrmeach 321 leimnidh 86, 299 leine 263 leith 90, 161, 345, 466 leithe 346 leithid 88 leithsce"al 90 leobhtha 311 leodhadh 32, 230 leoga 40 leointe 38 leonadh 38, 230, 248 le6r 32, 38 liaigh 160 liath 163, 222, 346 lighe 165, 230, 475 linn 230 linneardha v. loinneardha liobar 97 Horn 103, 292, 467 liomhan 473 liomog 84 lionadh 164, 222, 230, 248 lioneadach 133, 439, 479 lionnruadh 216 lionta 238 litir 222, 230, 389 lobhadh 43, 180 lobhtha 43, 177 locadh 23, 218 lochrann 154 loinneardha 246 loistin 441 loiteach 24 loitim 24, 218 lum 55, 238, 291 lomadh 295 I6n 38 londubh 55 long 55, 110, 302, 306 lontuighil .'is lorg 23, 138 losaid 23 loscann 23, 236 luach 27, 151, 451 luaidh 152 luaidheacht 152 luaith, luatha 152, 475 luaithreaeb, luaithreamban 288 luan 16 luascanach 151 luath 67, 151, 205, 218, 346 hibadh 45, 218, 362 lubairne 275 lubarnaidh 239 luclidg 56, 218 lucht 56 lugha 50, 205 lughnasna 50, 132, 234, 237 luibh 134, 322, 324 luighe 112, 149, 205 luingis 306 lurga 56, 138 Ins 56 lus minle 254 luth 182 luthghair 43, 331 luthmhar 43, 45, 177, 205, 238 mac 3, 172, 411 mac alia 480 macanta 10 magadh 9 magairle 275 maghar 70 maide 75, 200, 290, 402 maide briste 217 maidin 75, 195, 252, 290, 403 maighdean 171, 290 inhaige 195 maighistir 141 -mhail 48, 172 mailo 75, 200, 229 maill 290 -mhain (1) 48 maineair 263 mainnir 251 Mtiire 145 mairg 76, 114, 200, 290 mairim 5, 75, 89, 200, 283, 290 mairnealach 275 Mairt 389 maiseadh 195 maistin 200 maistreadh 185, 200 maitb 5, 139, 172, 290, 345 maithe 5, 136 maitheamh, maithiughadh 5, 172, 290 maitheambnas 48 malaidh 25, 121 malaiit 25 mall 200, 206, 456 mallacht 3 mallugbadli 130, 195 maloid 27 mancan 302 manta 238 mantach 238 mantuighil 121 maoidhimh 124, 195, 326 maoidhtc 105 maoil 124 maoilin 53, 65 183 maoilteangaidh 65 maol 63, 200, 290 niaor 65, 200 niaos 62 maoth 62, 172, 182, 200, 290 maotbcban 62 maothcbroidheach 179 inar 277 mar, mur 277 mar (bhui) 235, 253 -mhar 48, 172 maraim 63, 277 Diavbh 17 marbhtbacb 138, 311 marbh(ugh)adh 130, 132, 138, 270, 290 marcach 138 margadh 138, 427 masa 135, 290 niasla 208 inaslacb 478 maslugbadb 208 mathair 7, 80, 139, 172, 195, 288, 21)0 luatban 175 me 120 meabbair 40, 172, 192 meacau 10, 129, 297, 411 meadh 297 meadbacban 18 meadhaim, meadbaighim 146, 190 meadal 207, 215 meadar 80 Meadhbha 135, 157, 370 meadbg 157, 297, 426 meadlachan 207 meadhon 18, 40, 297 mealladh 206, 209, 213, 297 meanaidb 121 meangadb, meangbail 302 meatman 107, 236 meanra, meara 246, 443 mear 86 mearbball, mearbblan 212 mearog 70 measardba 121 meath 297 meatblodh 30, 220 moid 402, 407, 451 meilleog 82 meilt 232, 454 meirg 111, 114, 297, 433 meisce 111 meitb 94, 297, 346 meitbeal 82, 129 meodhain 40, 192 mi 118, 297 mi- 483 mian 163, 457 mighreann 190, 483 mil 99 milis 99, 225, 297 milleadh 223, 227 mm 99 mini.: Ill, 419 mio-adh 183 mio-antrathach 483 nuodun 398 mio-fboigbdeacb 405, 483 mio-fuar 201, 316 mio-flwatbmnar 201 miol 164, 297 mioltog 11 mionna 236 miorbbailteacb 48 mio-shasta 483 miotal 215 miotan 97 mio-uathmhar v. miot'uar miriaghalta 286 nii*e 99 miste 136 mistiurtha 45 mitbeas 175, 405 mitbid 175, 405, 464 mo 14, 300, 472 mo 38 modbambail 134, 169 mogadh '.l mogal, mogall 55, 212, 426 moide 38, 135, 195 mom 38 moisiam 38 mol 203, 212, 290 moladh 23, 220, 290, 454 moll 203, 212 molt 110, 209, 380 mong v. muing moran 27, 451 morcadh 23, 138 mordbacbas 121, 267 mordhacht 121, 328 morg(agb)adb v. morcadb mortas 38, 129 moruacb, moruadb v. moiucbaill morucbaill, murtbuidhe 481 moth, motbadh 23, 333 motbasan 333 motbugbadh 25, 36, 140, 149, 175, 195 rauc 43 mudhainaii 50 muiglidb 200 muileann 129, 290 muiiichille v. muirchillc muineal 249 muing 172, 195, 303 muinighin 121 muinteardha 121, 129 muir 110, 290 muircbille 288 niuiiighean 121 muirneacb 102 muirnin 275 -muis(t) 392 mullach 43 Mumliau 51, 482 184 muii 45 munaim 195, 248, 264, 454 munla 234 murbban 138 murlus 129, 210 mittar 75 na 237 na 237 naire 235, 245 n.-imbadach 245 nambaid 8, 196, 235, 245, 324 naomh 125, 235 naomhtha 311 naomhughadh 311 naonabhar 59, 105, 235 naosca 235, 245 nar 285 neacb 250, 262 nead 4, 250, 262, 396 neagaini 106 neal 155, 250 nealtoracht 11 neamh 202, 262 neamh- 482 neambaird v. neamort neamhdheoin 38, 263 neanihdhligbtbeambail 177, 201 neamheasbhaidheach 482 neamort 27, 250, 294 neamhshuimeamhail 98 neanibtbilleamaidbeach 250, 294 neantog 250 neart 250 neartrach 250 neas, 250, 455 neascoid 250, 403 neimh 98, 250, 322, 324 neimhneach 256, 262 neoinin v. noinin ni p. 1, 250 ni 250 ni 250 nighe 105, 180, 250, 261, 473 nigbeacluin 175 nigbean 122, 165 nior 285, 459, 466 nocbtaightbe 25 nocbtaim 235, 245 nodlaic 55, 207, 235, 421 uoin, noinin 38, 250 nos 38, 235, 245 nua 46, 235, 245 nuair 89, 235, 459 obair 43, 371, 466 6eaid 29, 77 ocras 23, 411, 419, 450 ochtan 438 ochtar 23 ofii'til 10, 180 6g 29 -6g 11 oganacb 477 oibridhe 98, 375 oibriugbadb 104, 375 oidliche 121, 172, 179, 343, 344, 448 oide v. aide oighre 160, 452 oighre 160 oighreog 160 oileambain 48, 232 oilean 89 oinseacb 38, 254 -oir 11 oireacbtas 89 oiread 59, 129 oirim 315 oirtbi 280 oirthir 31, 235, 280, 444 oisir 24 oisreacb 283 oitir 24, 113 61 29, 215, 220, 454, 456, 457 olann 23, 207, 235 olc 23, 98, 412 omar (iomar) 129, 452 omoideacb 78 or 29 oraid 403 6rd 396 ord 396 ord 31, 60, 275, 396 ordog 31 oilach 210 orlughadh 57, 130, 132, 210 orm 138, 292 orthu 280 os ceann 136, 454, 455 osna 23, 132, 239 Padraic 397, 421 paidir 75, 200 paidrin 359, 403 pairc 359 paiste 310, 359, 369 pane 302, 360 papa 481 papa 361 pardiin 45, 398 parraiste 77, 310 parrthas 21, 45, 279 Parthol<5n 21, 213 peacadh 4, 365, 411 Peadar 397 peann 318, 365 peata 318, 365, 374, 381 peist 305 pian 163 pigin 365 pighinn 303, 318, 365, 371 pilipin 99, 229, 365 pilleadh 223, 318, 367 pillin 223 piob 371, 174 piobar 375 185 piobarnaidb 871 piobradh 97, 371 piocadb 365 pioohan, piocan 164, 365 piocoid 97, 365, 403 pion6s, pionus 45, 365 piopa 318, 361 piosa 305 pisin 109, 318, 365 pisre6<* '283, 353 pit 365 plaigh 359 plain(th)eid 79, 187, 359 plcascadh 365 pleia 99 pluisiam 481 pleisiur 365 ploid 29 pluc 360, 413 plucbadb 45, 310, 330 plur 359 pobal 55, 310, 359, 371, 454 p6ca 359, 413 pog 29, 359, 427 pogadb 180, 369, 414 poll 55, 200 polladh 213, 454 ponaire 360 pur, puradh 29 portacb 23 posadh 29, 347, 359, 369 pota 23, 359 pracar 359 pracas 10, 359 praidbineach 190 praiscin 300 praiseacb 360 praisteal, pruisteal 75 preaban 283 preachta 13 preata 365 priail 367 prios 97, 365 progaidb 55 pronnadb 360, 454 puca 413 puisin 360 puniiann 56, 236, 300, 309 punta 359 puritan 56 purgoid 138, 403, 120 pus 56, 360 putog 359 rabb 36, 202 rabhadh 40, 132 rabbarta 40 rabbthar 201 racbaidb 330 rachtail v. reacbtail n'ulb v. raidht radharc 70 rae 95, 286 rafoirin 481 raftan 312 raide6g, raite6g, raideogach 477 raidht 280, 392 raithche v. ratbacb raithe 145, 340 raithneach 186, 249, 264 ramhailligh 196 ramas 10 raplachan 13 rapla-ln'ita 13 rathacb 19, 475 reabbog 86 reachtail 180, 438 reagraiste 106, 170, 429 realt 442 reamhar 144 reasun 155 reathaigb 180 reatbaim 271 reidb 95, 271 do reir 73, 286, v. riar reitbeacbas, reithineacht 175 ri 271, 286 riabbach 73, 86 riabhdg v. reabbog riachtanas 73, 156, 271 riagbal 68, 73, 286 riar 73, 286, 459 riaraiste v. reagraiste riarugbadh 73 riascan, riascanta 73 ribe 375 rigbin 121, 263, 271 rinne 257, 462 riocbt 98, 271 riogbacbt(a) 135, 175 rioghthambail 112, 201 riseailtc 77 rith 61, 180, 286, 311 ro- 483 rogba 71, 95 rogauta 29 rogbnatbas 71 roilig 98 lloimh 172 roiuibe 98, 298, 324 roimbe re 286 roinn 98, 251 Boise 451 roiseadb 24 roithlean 232 romham 40 rombar 185 ron 38 ropa 29, 301 rotha 23 ruacan 10 luadh 34 ruadh beinne 34 ruadbiubeirg 479 ruadbog 46 ruajHnnbar 129 186 ruaigim 151 maim 129 raaman na gcoinneal 129 mball 57, 103, 440 rud 59, 103 ruibe 375 ruidhte 98 ruiridhe 129 run 474 rata 381 sabhail 77, 185 sabhailteach 77 sabharcan 70 sac 411, 419 sadh 70, 473 Sadbbha 17, 135, 370 saghad 70, 397 sagart 103, 379, 380, 427 saidhbbir 83, 160, 324 saidhbhreas 83 saighdiuir 171 saighead v. saghad saighnt'aiu 171 sail-chuach 151 saileug 89, 229, 354 saill 75, 223 saillim 227 saint 110, 254, 348 saith 145 saithim 145 sal 348 salann 25, 348 samhaidh 121, 144 sainhail(t) 144, 392 samhain 144, 344 sambas 38, 294 samhnas 144 samhradh 144 saoghal 03, 72, 348 saoi 126 saoilim v. silim saoitheambail 133, 201 saor 02, 127 saotbar 61, 112 saotbrughadh 279 sathach 183 sathadh 145, 175 sathairn 275 scabadh v. scapadh scadan 398 scaid 75 scaifte 320 scairbh 75, 138 scant 275, 393 scaith 139, 345 scaithte 129 scalladh 454 scalpadh 361 Bcamhan 77, 144, 348 scannr(ugh)adh 21, 246 scaoileadh 31«, 451 scaollmhar 63 scapadb 370 scait ascaille 212 scath 182 scata v. scaifte scathadh 9, 139, 346 scathan 10 sceach 352 sceal 166 scealpadh v. scalpadh scean 105, 244 sceileadh 454 sceimh 94 sceith 345 sceith aingcis 120, 306, 481 sciau v. scean scillinn 225 sciobol 27, 371 sciordaim 105 sciuirse 278 sclamh 144, 202 scoig 29 scoil 24 sconsa 55, 238 scornach 31 scortha 29 scriob 372, 474 scriobh 196, 311, 372 sciios 97 scroban 29, 371 scuab 371 seuid 152 seabhac 40, 342, 352 seabhais.seabhoideacht v. siobarnach seach 330 seachnadh 330 seachran 330, 461 seacht 330, 380 seaehtmhain 197, 249, 263, 352, 463 seadh 170 seagal 427 Seaghan 342, 355 Stamas 86, '■>'>'> sean 249, 352 seanadh 454 seanbhean 388 seanbheathaidheath 475 seanchas(c) 138, 416 seanduine 237 seang 302 seangan 302 seanleim 254 seanm6ir 11, 138, 443, 459 seanmuntaidhe 11, 138, 443 seanneathannai 256 searbh 47. 114 searbban dubaigh 138 searrach 268 seasamh 4, 172 seascain 263 seascartlia 121 seasiir 15, 86, 355 seibhtiughadb 82, 326 seiche 161, 343 187 seicin 263 n in 263 s&deadh L58, 391, 402 seil 354 seilbh 88, 104, 138, 324 seileastrach 354 Beileog 99, '229, 354 seilg 88, 138, 229, 42(5 seine 249 seinm, seinnim 111, 203, 259, 352 seisear 88 seisreach 13, 283, 353 seo chugainn 43 se<5l 32, 342 seomra 342 Seorsa 342 seort 354 siabadh, siabbadh 103, 180, 362, 372 siabran, siabranacht v. siobaniacli siamsa 119 sifin 319 sileadb 99 silim 124, 354, 452 simplidhe 99 sin 203, 219, 247, 461, 462, 4137 sineadh 117, 241), 263 de shineadh reatha 286 siobarnacb, siobarnaidh 372 sioc 97, 411 siocair 97, 455 siol 164, 215 siollabh 47, 97 siolrugbadh 130, 216, 276 siopa 361 sior 285 sios 455, 461, 474 siostal 97 siotbla 164, 221) siotblan 164, 220 sitrigh 47S siubhal 342, 352, 454, 456, 461, 467, 475 siucra 355, 413 siunta 354 slabbac 40, 208, 413 slabbradh 142, 208, 217 slachtar 208 slaghdan 70, 208 slaid 75 slainte 218, 389 slan 208 slanlus 238 slanughadh 218 slaodan v. slaghdan slat 208, 381 slathach 19, 183, 208, 475 sleagh 106, 170, 429 sleagbiin 18, 2211 sleanihain 40, 144, 230, 263 sleambnugbadh 130, 230 sliabb 47, 158 sligbe 230, 476 sligean 432 Sligigh 230 sliocadh, sliogadb 230, 414, 474 Bliognadh 97 slioparnaidh 361 slis 388 sloinneadh 98, 208, 218, 251 slot 23, 208 sluagb 27, 34, 208, 217 sluasad 208, 217 slugaim 56, 208, 426 sniaichtin 263, 334 smal, sniol 67 smaladh 200 smalcadh 25 smaoitiughadh 123, 199, 348, 443 smaolacb 67 smear 86, 158, 349 smeir 349 sinig 111, 432 srnionagair 97 srnolacb 29 smuaintiughadb v. smaoitiugbadh srnng 56, 426 smulgadan 56, 138 snag 239 snaidhm 125, 239, 245, 274, 299 snaithe 239, 274, 346 snamh 148, 196, 201, 239, 245, 274 snaoi 125, 239, 274 snath 182, 239, 274 snathad 7, 239, 274 .smithadh 7 sneachta 255, 262, 284, 388 sniomh 167, 196, 200, 255, 262 snnadh 46, 239, 245, 274, 476 so- 479 soc 23, 98 socair 23 socal, socalach 29, 133 socamhal v. socal sochomhaii'leacb 479 sochreidhte 29, 479 sodalta v. soibealta sogh 30 soibealta 377 soileastar v. seileastracb soilMir 27, 88 soillsiughadh 225 soir 89, 283, 354 shoir, tboir 176, 459 soirbhighim 89 soiriartha 73, 286 soitheach 171 solndian v. siigh solus 23, 129 somas, somasach 38, 294 somhrughadh v. somugbadli son 454 sonrugbadb 39, 172, 276, 143 sonruigbtbeach 39, 276 sontacb 39, 238 sop 9, 361 sotal v. soibealta 188 sothuiosidh 29 spad 398 spadanta 10, 398 spadar 275 spairt 275 spaisteoracht 11 sparan 9 Bpeal 349, 365, 456, 477 spealadoir 27, 477 spealadoracht 477 speir 158, 365 spine 233, 306 spiochan, spiocan v. piochan spionadh 365, 454 spiorad 349, 365, 397 splanc 302 spline v. spine splionacli 474 spliota 97 spochadh 23, 348, 359 spochan 23 spol 438 sponc 55, 200, 302 sporan 9 spreadh, spreidhcadh 154, 162, 190, 346 sprionnla, sprionnlog 238 spuaic 66, 359 spurrach 2(57 Braid 273, 379, 403 snudeog 273 srath 273 srathar 80, 175, 273 srathnughadh 60, 130, 248, 273 sreang 302, 304 sreangadai 302 srian 94, 156, 273 srofach 29 sroichim 273 sron 38, 273, 379 sruth, sruthan 42, 202, 273 Sruthaill, Sruhair 444 stabhghail 231 staca 413 stad 348, 384, 397 stair 75, 438 stairfhiacail 439 stairiarraidh 439 stalcaire 138 steiceacha 419 stiall 352 Btiogadh 97 stoca 413 stocach 29 stod 55 stol 29, 348, 454 Btolcaa 138 stollaire 55 Btorfaidh 23 stride 419 straimrad, straimeaid 79 Btreabhog 143 str6cadh 29 stucan 56 suan 151 suas 455 suathadh 346 subhach 196 siigh 50, 475 sugb solmlian 138 sughadh 346, 475 suiblineach 249 suidhe 112, 126, 473, 475 suil 45, 348, 469 suim 98 suirghe 121 suiste 348 suithche 346 sunta v. siiinta ta 449 tabhacht 196 tabhairt 27, 40, 48, 393, 451, 464, 466 tabhairteach 40 tabhairteasach 40 tabhartanas 40 tabbthann 201, 386 tabhughadh 143 taca 449, 462 tachtadh 3 Tadhg 70, 426 tae 94, 393 taidhbhse 5, 324 tailliur 45 tbainic 89, 176, 329, 421, 445 tainte 254 tairbhe 76 tairbhix 75 tairgim 114 tairneacb 20, 275 tairnge 21, 257, 275 tairnt, tarraingt 21, 257, 275, 392, 395 tairseacb 278 tais 75 taisbeaint v. teiseint taiscidb 395 taiscidhim 130 taisleach 75, 226 taisme 353 taitnighim 256, 393 talamb 25, 379 thall 25, 176, 362, 470 tamh 201 tambaigbim v. tabhughadh tamall 60, 386 tamhthaireacht 201 taobh 124, 127, 379, 470 taobhadh 62 taom 63 taos 63 tapadh 361 tapaidh 200 thar, thair 75, 176, 285, 333 tarbh 3, 47, 379, 395 tarcuisne 255 targaire 303, 379 1N<) targaheaeht 138, 275, 303 tharlaidh 210, 275 tarman 9, 138 tarrnochttha 21, 25 tarrthail 21, 279 tanthalach 279 thart 345 tart 3, 380 tastail 382 fcathadh, tathaim 145, 183, 190, 346 tathar 7 tchim 112, 180, 311, 391 teach 4, 112, 177, 382, 388 theacht 176, 380 te"agarthach 185 tcagasc 426 teaghlach 106, 338 teallaeh 13, 207 tealtogh 30 team 15(5 tearnpall 21, 212, 301 teangaidh 121, 302, 304, 388 teann 388 teannadh 236, 242, 454 teasbhach 197 teastail v. tastail theid 176 teidhcadh 86, 154, 162 teilgim v. tligean teine 111, 121, 263, 388 teiseint 110, 185, 327, 464 teith 32, 91, 388 teo 32 teoraiun 254 tiachog 3ss thiar 170, 362, 470 tiarcais 342 tighearna 63, 342 tigim, thig 176, 432 tilleadh (1) 223, 390 tilleadh (2) 383 tilleamaidh, tilleamaidheach 294 timcheall, timpiall 366 tinn 109 tinncas 129, 388 tiodal 397 tiodhlacadh 207 tiomsnghadh 97 tionta 388 tionti'tr suibh 97 tiormugbadh 4 40 tir 279, 401 tiugh 42, 202, 319 tligean 229, 232, 388, 440 thigh 202, 217, 379 tobann 55, 129, 370, 383 tobar 55, 129, 370 tochartadh 23 tochas 23 tocht fuail 23 togha 95 toghadh 71, 105, 180, 190 t6gail 38, 379, 451 toghna 71 toil 24, 379 toilcadh 451 toilteanas 225 toin 38, 263, 477 thoir 176, 459 toircheas 31, 122, 280 Toirdhealbhach 197, 210 toiniL'is 20, 31 toiit 23 toit 24 i dtolamh 29 toll 55 tolladh 213, 454 torn 55, 291 tomhas 40, 473 tonacan 477 tonn 55, 126 tonnus 45 toradh 23, 379 torrach 268 torramh 31 tortaoibh, tortaobhadh v. cortaobh tost 23 trachtadh 281, 393 traeu 94, 393 traghadh 124, 147 traigh 345 traigh 145, 379, 475 traochadh 124 traogh 124 traona 72, 156 trasna 440 trath 7, 182, 270, 379 trathnona 451 treabhadh 40, 43, 105, 180, 190, 281, 283, 346 treaghamhnach 170 treau 155, 388 treigim 281, 388, 422, 432 treitheaeh 88 treorughadh 281 trian 281, 388, 401 trilseau 225 triobloid 27, 371, 403 triobloideach 97 triomughadh 281, 440 triuch 42, 202 trim- 281, 401 trocaire 29, 411 troid 55, 281, 391 trorn 55, 98, 291 troman 55 tromluighe 218 trosc 23 troscadh 281 truacanta 416 truagh 151 truaghanta v. truacanta truisliughadli 281 tuagh 151 tuagh cheatha 114, 379 thuaidh 152, 176 190 tuaim tamh 148, 383 uchairt 43, 335 tuairim 314, 395 ucht 56, 380 tuaithbheal 212, 231, 31!) ud v. adai tuaradh 279 udhacht 13, 135 tuarastal 151 udalan 45, 197 tuargaoin 138 ugh 50 thuas 176, 36'2, 470 ughaim 50 tuathal 175 ughdar 50, 397 tuban 371 ughmughadh 50 thug 43, 56, 471 uibh 98, 322, 326 tuga 55, 429 uile 313 tuighe 129 uille 110 tuigheadoir 11, 27, 121, 475 uille 98, 231 tuigheadoracht 11 Uilliam 98 tuigim 98, 379 uimhir 298 tuilleadh v. tilleadh (1) uiune 98 tailleamh, tuilleamhuach v. tillea- uiread v. urad maidh uisce 353, 420, 452 tuinte 254 uiseog 110, 253, 315, 452 tuirne 45 uisfheoil 110, 452, 479 tuirseach 102, 278 Uladh 56, 482 tuisliughadh v. truisliughadh umhal 51 tuitim 390, 464 umhloid 78, 294 tumadh 295 umhlughadh 51, 78 tur 56 ungadh 130, 302 turadh 56, 57 unsa 56, 238 turas 56, 57 ur- 57 turrscar 56, 268 dr 45, 270 turtog 45 ur shleibhe 230 tiis 333 urad 59, 129 ar dtus 136 urchadh 138, 444 thusa 103, 176 urchall, urchuil 57, 138 urchar 57, 138 ua 14, 34 urchoid 57, 138, 403 uabhtha 311 urchosc 57 uachtar 199 urchra, urchradh v. urchadh uaid, uaidh 66, 199 mdhubhadh 121, 142, 315 uaig, uaigh 13, 46, 435 urla 57, 210 uaigneach 263 urlabh 57, 210, 444 uaill 152 urlabhra v. urlabh uaim v. uam urlar 10, 57 uair 235, 460 uruaighe 57 uaithbhealta 166, 319 una chleasaidheacht 267 ualach 151 urradh v. earraidh 315 uam 66, 195, 292 urramach 267 uau 46, 474 ursa 57 uathblnis 10, 46 usaid 77 iibhall 51, 212 uth 13, 45 Scotch Gaelic. air 136 airidh 75 anasta 477 buidheaeh 405 callan 206 carghus 426 carraig 421 carrasan 60 ciom 118 ciomach 291 eiorram 279 clabar 415 cliob 375 cliu 423 cneatan 284 crubh 372 cumhann 241 cungaidh leighis 172, 303 101 cungaifiidh, cungaisich 17*2, 803 cunglach 172, 303 dheth 12 driodar 134 durga 42'.i eag 100 eitc, eitonii 4 12 cuiiiliami 446 gealagan 408, 444 glaodh 63 gobhlachan 40 griobhag 101) groigean 415 gruan, giuthan 415 gur -"><> igh 117 lairig 114, 421 langa 302 le6b 157 maghar 70 rnu 314 mugharn 50 muirichinn 121 oisir 24 oitir 113 piochan 164, 365 prais 360 preathall 365 priobaid 360 pronnasg 300 rib, ribeag 375 saidh 70 saidealta 377 samh 121 .seileach 354 Bgdrnan 31 siab, siabh 103, 372 smal 67 smug 56 snaoidh 239 spuaic 66 starr-fhiacail 439 taom 63 tarruinn 257 traogh 124 traoghamhanaeh 170 traona 72 udalan 45 uidheain 50 uiread, urad 59 uiseag 110, 315 Manx. ashoon 440 bragh, dy bragh 333 cbelley 82 coon 241 cronk 234 fer-oik 180 flee, flig 429 immeeaght 101 jarrood 2'.il -jee 435 mychione 314 mygeayrt 314, 395 oural 180 share 180 sbeebey 163, 180, 372 slut 23 tayrn 257 usbag 110 yindys 303 yrjey 60 TEXTS Q. 13 194 fanohld. 1. I'ef 9 Nil's icaduiv a yra:v. 2. b'i: 9 qidL hein sg' 9 N'il'9 ayn'd ag9s Jc'idL or L'eg sg' a N'ar vir'a. 3. N'i: wi:r 9 maduw ru9 t'ayt'ir'a N'i: b'ot.T Na s hein'. 4. maroguio Na ba:ft'i:, L'ig' dl/w, L'ik'o m'9 did'. 5. 9S Na:wid! 9 gird' g9n 9 fjod'dm. 6. fid'i: N' t'soN dUw gdr b'e: son hein' 9 t'son 9S ba:n9 er b'ig. 7. fk's9l 9 iN'/9 d9 yap9L sd kapoL sr torn 9 Na:rd'a. 8. N'i:r vift'a d9 fador pod. 9. tu:s k'aho k'o:. 10. kriN'i: brow b'art' ocg9s L'i9Nt9r syk' d9 for i:n i: . 11. k>jr'9N su:V ru:t'ay korp N9 k'iL'9 agos mart No Joto. 12. fe: m9r ta: far No hs:nwo:. ta: fs fwi: smayt eg' far 9 da: wo:, ay aN't'e: 9 wil' sg'9 N' fe: No N' fayt, N'i: a: A 7 ' fs k'art 9 ar 9 Ny:. 13. d'er 9 kat, k'e d'i:g t'iin ? Na mrS.:. 14. sa.r 9 V9 os 9 t'i.r Na 9S Neefian. 15. is golor don ao:r Nor Nay N'ihiN' fs son. 16. b'i: rah 9r raplayaji agos heid' 9 ft'r'auwog amawa. 17. gay^ son mor iL't'or agos N^.skoN so N'abor. 18. N'i: fsvt' or' b'ig vo foluw. 19. 9 streeN'fer' 9 N&k' 9 dseN'fkr' s 9 b'aray fs:ri: 9 Neek' 9N dorif 20. se: mor ta: N 'tano.-li: daL. N'i: alakoN kb:rL'9 wj^a nay 9 mwer'9N. g9n o:los os J 'a:r I'ef 9 ve Na azd'vml' g9 wiL' fa 9 Nenavis. 21. oa: d!r'i9n golir I's hi:ca, ga d'r'ion gy:ca I's kraNov, qa: d'r'ion fN'ayto I's J'L'eivt'o agos qa.: d'r'ion g'r'ein'9 I's b'aN9. 22. d'if Na,y gyr'aN I's ceil '9, far N9 k'eiL'o ag9S far Na heig'eiL'9, d9 vr'i: g9 fi:l'9N far N9 heig'eiL'9 gar b'9 hein far Na k'eiL'a. 23. N'i: trim id' 9 d9N Loy Lay. N'i: trim id' 9 d9 N'ay rson. N'i: trim id! don y£:ra a holoN s N'i: tr'im'id'a don yoloN k'iaL. 24. as kosu:L' L's ceil' a an bwxL'feir'a s a jiLa. 195 Seanfhocla. 1. Leis an uile mhadadh a chnaimh. 2. Bidliidh a chiall fhein aig an uile dhuine 7 ciall air leith aig an fhear mhire. 3. Ni fhuair an madadh ruadh teachtaire ni b'fliearr na e fhein. 4. Margadh na bpaisti, leig domh, leigfidh me duid. 5. Is namhaid an cheird gan a feoghluim. 6. Saoilidh an t-ean dubh gur b'e a ean fhein an t-ean is baine air bith. 7. Xceal do innse do chapall 7 an capall air toiri ann airde. 8. Nior mbisde do Pheadar P61. 9. Tus ceatha ceo. 10. Crninnighidh brobh beairt 7 Hon tar saic de phoirini. 11. Cuireann suil thnui teach corp 'un na cille 7 mart 'un an phota. 12. Is e mar ta fear na h-aon bho. Ta se faoi smacht aig fear an da, bh6. Aclit an te a bhfuil aige an se no an seacht, ni fhagliann se ceart o fhear an naoi. 13. Deir an cat, ce d'ith an t-im 1 na nana. 14. Is fhearr do bheith as an tir na as an fhaisiiin. 15. Is galar do'n ghabhar nuair nach n-itheann se eidhean. 16. Bidhidh rath air raplachan 7 theid an streabhog amudha. 17. Gach ean mar oiltear 7 an naoscann san eabar. 18. Ni seibhte air bith do bheith folamh. 19. An strainseair i n-aice an dainseair agns an bearach feai-aigh i n-aice an dorais. 20. Se mar ta an t-an-e61aidh dall. Ni ghlacann se corahairle o neach a maireann. Gan eolas is fearr leis do bheith na aidbheail go bhfnil se i n-ainbhfios. 21. Dha dtrian galair le h-oidhche, gha dtiian gaoithe le crannaibh, dha dtrian sneachta le sleibhte 7 dha dtrian greine le beanna. 22. Dis nach gcuireann le cheile, fear na ceille 7 fear na h-eigceille, de bhrigh go saoileann fear na h-eigceille gur b'e fhein fear na ceille. 23. Ni truimide do'n loch an lach. Ni truimide do'n each a shraon (shrian). Ni truimide do'n chaora a h-olann 7 ni truimide do'n cholann ciall. 24. Is cosamhail le cheile an ball seire 7 a ghiolla. 13—2 196 Riddles. 1. ss Luw Na Loy, 9s qrd'9 Na ay, 9s g'il'o Na g'e:, agos b'i: fs N9 jei fiN dUw. a:rN'9. 2. b'i: dorsor' karkyr krUi S9 yri: . N'i: he: fiN do.-son, b'i: fs m?v][:. fasi: fo S9 doros mar V9U bx:L'i: t'aN. bwy:L't'9r 9ft' ay e: mdr vsu g'iji. t'ig'i: n p'iN'or Ve N9 f'xN. poLy: efin f'r'i:d' o ciN. fk'irdi: n gadi: s eir'i: n g'r'aN. stapolan 9 wid'eel'. 3. k'aror N9 rig, k'ardr er' k'r'ig', b'irt' 3 d'anuw N'o.iif, ag9s Lo:b'i:n 9r d'er'uw. bo:. Catches. 1. ifk'9 bog er aob 9 yapiviL' . kgmwil' g9 bog m'i.n gob 9 yapwiL'. 2. 9S bog 9 foxl e.fo fwi: mo qa: ypf N'i: bwig'9 e: Na.: n fo:d ta: La:v I'ef. fo:d bog sdir' aa: wog. 9s bog S9s bog e: dn bogo.d. a:nras 9 N'im'd. vi: a:nras 9 N'im'd Net yp:ni: 9 mwel' i: 'mfen 9 jd'aN 9 wel'9 tiiv. b9 I'ef bwel' i: mu:n a:t' f'ili9 bo: ag9s taruw l'o:f9. alak 9 fo:Nst9nay nw:r s sr sko:r k'er'9 yrok jsog im 9 ja:nuw er' ihid^ bo: N' t'o:Nst9ni:. Jay ton rivo hoaitvin yUi fo:Nstonayfior agos fecyj ji'arsen agos p'eir'9 k'l'iuw er Q-Cty g'arocn fa yyN'9 9 yyd' im'o. d'i9fri Van a.nrsef wo:r d9 aa.nras, gdde: ja:n9 mo ? ta: N' t'im it' og9d. d'iofri: a:nras, wil' 9r9d im 9g9d 9s ja:nuw fiN' 9N'Uw ? ag9s du.r 'sifo, to.:. Ner 9 d'i: fiod a sa(:)i c , du.rt' 9 fo:Nstonay, a:nrsef, os ko:r did' 9 solar 9 ho:rt -dUw, agos du.rt' a:nras, N'ioL sola.r or' b'ic' ogom. d'i: m'd e: il'ig'. du.rt' 9 /b:Nstonay, a a:nrsef kyr'i m'9 9N9 f'r'i:su:n huw. ag9S du.rt' a:nras, Na kyr', ay kyr' hogom N9 f'iJi9 bo: b'l'iin el' 9 agos vs:ri m'9 m'iNo Nay N'igom 9n jr'im' im'o g9 k'iN b'l'ioN9. riN' fi9d 9 maroguw. hofi: a.nras agos 9 van 9 sa:weel' 9 N'im'9. vi: d's 197 Riddles. 1. Is high nk Inch, is aoirde na each, is gile na ge\ 7 bidhidh b6 na dhiaidh sin dubh. Airne. 2. Bidhidh dors6ir carcair cruaidh san chroidhe. Ni h-esin d6-san, bidhidh ae - maoth. Seasaidh s^ san dorus mar bheidheadh baillidh teann. Buailtear asteach e" mar bheidheadh ging. Tigidh an pinne6ir le n-a pheann. Pollaidh esean frid a cheann. Sciordaidh an gadaidhe 7 eirighidh an greann. Stopalan an bhuideail. 3. Ceathrar na rith, ceathrar air critli, beirt ag deanadh an e61ais, 7 16ibin air deireadh. Bo. Catches. 1. Uisce bog air ghob an chapaill. Cumail go bog min gob an chapaill. 2. Is bog an f6d e-seo faoi mo dha chois. Ni buige e" na 'n f6d ta laimh leis. F6d bog eadar dha bhog. Is bug 7 is bug 6 an bogf h6d. Aindrias an Ime. Bhi Aindrias an line na chomhnaidhe i mBaile ui Mun i nGleann an Bhaile Dliuibli. Bu leis Baile ui Mun, ait fiche bo 7 tarbh leobhtha. Ghlac an Se6nstanach Mor e air scor ceithre chroc dheag ime do dheanadh air fhichid bo an tSeonstanaigh. Seachtmhain roimhe Shamhain chuaidh an Se6nstanacli siar 7 seacht ngearrain 7 peire cliabh air ghach gearran fa choinne a chuid ime. D'fhiafraigh bean Aindriais Mhoir de Aindrias, go de - gheanfaidh me] Ta an t-im ithte agad. D'fhiafraigh Aindrias, bhfuil oiread ime agad a's gheanfadh sinn aniu ] 7 dubhairt sise, ta. Nuair d'ith siad a saith, dubhairt an Se6nstanach, a Aindriais, is e6ir duid an solathar do tliabhairt domh, 7 dubhairt Aindrias, ni'l solathar air bith again. D'ith me e uilig. Dubhairt an Se6nstanach, a Aindriais, cuirfidh me 'un an phriosuin thii. 7 dubhairt Aindrias, na cuir, acht cuir chugam na fiche b6 bliadhain eile 7 bhearfaidh m6 mionna nach n-itliim aon ghreim ime go ceann bliadhna. Rinne siad an margadh. Thoisigh Aindrias 7 a bhean ag sabhail an ime. Bhi deich mba(th) aig 198 mah sg' a.nras a heiri agas ha:w&L' fa N' t'im! il'ig' ga d'z.r sa oyt grok agas fiqa er' hqn a da: vl'ian. hen'ik' (hc/.nik') a fo:Nstanay j a t'aytan nvs hautviri agas k'er'9 g'ars&N' d'sag l'e/] p'eir'a k'l'iuw ar P^Z 9'< XTa ' n " ho.9 A l' e f a X,yd' im'9. N'i: vs Loy p'i.-N'g da . riN' agam Vat, arsa y.ury.s. ta: ma ar to.geeV gan an jr'im' im x.L'c b'l'iiri. kyr'i ma stok bolog hggad er 9 vl'i:N' j'UgiN'. ma gd L'o.r. r'iN'uw a maraguw. hen'ik' a t'x.Lay^ sko.r ga L'e. ySti a t'aLay a Nam aN'firi ga d'i: an fd:war. hog a fo.Nstanay I'efiadga hj^.nay a No:wir' valay fani: a heiri agas a:nra>f l'e/. ji:L' fa (a) N' t'aLay l'a koNaytay agas du.rt' a kqNyyfyy, as mo:r a Na-.r'a Nay wil! v-Lay^ N'i:s f'a:r agav Na ta:. yy N'i:V a:t' a vi: aN mar gyd aLy: Not. aN mar Ny.rii: . du.rt' a fo:Nsta7iyy ga ro aLay agas di:rii: okuw ko mai f agas vi: a gqNayta o.gas a c/lykuw a m'ia ko mai f fosta. fl'eid'&l' a fo:Nstanccy agas a koXyyJyy^ er' fig tamwiL' (tomwilJ) o.gas yor sad g'c/.L ri: L'ejin'i k'okuw bivjrayiL' a yoNyyji: No bw^ayiL' a t'o:Nstani: as 'mo: d'i.suw da jitri. hiN'fiuw a fk'saL da a.nras agas da w^ayiL' a yqNayti: agas du.rt' a virt! gar wai* mar ha:rLy: ga ro(w) a sa(:)i f okrif oiuw. ylli fad 9ft' ay^ a day a No.sta. fiafriutv di.fa gad'e: a d'i.sat^fad l's Na gyd' im'9. du.rt' a virt', aran m'iri -yor'k'a agas p'r'sati:. fw^aras (fwi:ras) f\N do:fa. fiafriuw di:fa gad'e: n vtcV im'9. du.rt! a.:nras k'aruw kloca. N'i.r' wada ga ro fin k'r'iayni:. ayr a.nras k'aruw kloc el 9 da ga.y^ o:n okuw. Ner a hen'ik' a t'im', wuW a:nro.s dorN er 9 tvo:rd agas du:rt! flay ro k'art a ja:nuw l's k'aytar okuw. gar cart do.fa d'oy a:l'. f'iafriuw gad'e: N'd'oy agas du.rse:, d'oy im'9. gad'e: n veid' im'a ? L'eijig'i: k'aruw kloca an far du:N. hzn'ifa L'eit'a agas aNa pa: b'ig'i:ri. do:l. a:nras d'oy agas diarsa Na jj'r'sati: agas 9 taran ho.rt^ I'o.fa as a yasan, ga wa.t' fa a yyd' a ja:nuw. rqg fa er o:d da N'im! aNa prN. yor so aNa veil' a. wiN' fa g'r'im mo.r as. do:iL' fa bolagam as afig'im. po.rt' kod da N'im' aXuasfr'i.d' 9 N'sasog' wo:r. as oyt d'e:, wo.:ift'ir',fsay a!\ oN er. N'i: eadam a va b'jo: a gauwark er a va:y halay. dial a gy.L xg98 a try: ryyamwid' 9 wel'a, i.ka m'9 heiri a l'a!. win' x.nras a g'y.L x% dy.k fa y.nry.s a N'im'a mar eriam' er ga wuarsa bx:s. 199 Aindrias e fliein 7 shabhail se an t-im uilig go (learn ae* ocht gcroc 7 tiche air shon an da bhliadhan. Thainic an Sednstanach an tseaclitinliain roimhe Shamhain 7 ceithre gearrain ddag leis, peire cliabh air ghach gearran. Thug se leis a elm id ime. Ni bheidh luach pingne de roinn agam leat, arsa Aindrias. Ta me ar t6gail sran aon ghreim ime fhaghail le bliadhain. Cuirfidh me" stoc bolog cbugad air an bbliadbain seo chugainn. Maith go le6r. Rinneadh an margadh. Thainic an t-eallacb sc6r go leith. Chaith an t-eallach a n-am annsin go dti an foghmhar. Thug an Seonstanach leis iad go h-aonach an fboghinhair Bhealach Seanaidh e" f hein 7 Aindrias leis. Dhiol s^ an t-eallach le Connachtach 7 dubhairt an Connachtach : is inor an naire nach bhfuil eallach nios fearr agaibh na ta. Acht ni'l ait an bhidh ann bhur gcuid eallaigh na ann bhur ndaoini. Dubhairt an Seonstanach go robh eallach agus daoini ocii co maith 7 bhi i gConnachta agus a ghlacadh a mbiadh co maith fosta. Phleideail an Seonstanach 7 an Connachtach air feadh tamaill agus chuir siad geall thri leath- ghuinea cia ocii buachaill an Chonnachtaigh no buachaill an & Seonstanaigh is m6 d'iosadh de im. H-innsigheadh an sc^al do Aindrias agus do bhuachaill an Chonnachtaigh 7 dubhairt an bheirt gur mhaith mar tharlaidh, go robh a saith ocrais orrthu. Chuaidh siad isteach i dteach an 6sta. Fiafruigheadh diobhtha go de d'iosadh siad le n-a gcuid ime. Dubhairt an bheirt : Aran min choirce agus preatai. Fuai'as sin dobhtha. Fiafraigheadh diobhtha go de an mheid ime. Dubhairt Aindrias ceathramhadh cloiche. Nior bhfhada go robh sin criochnaighthe. Ghair Aindrias ceathramhadh cloiche eile do gach aon ocu. Nuair a thainic an t-im, bhuail Aindrias dorn air an bhord 7 dubhairt nach robh ceart dha dheanamh le ceachtar ocii. Gur cheart d6bhtha deoch fhaghail. Fiafraigheadh go de an deoch 7 dubhairt s^ : Deoch ime. Go de an mheid ime % Leighigidh ceathramhadh cloiche an fear duinn. Thainic se leighte 7 ann dha bpigin. D'61 Aindi'ias deoch 7 d'iarr se na preatai 7 an t-aran do thabhairt le6bhtha as an chasan, go bhfaghadh se a chuid do dheanamh. Rug se air f hod de'n im ann a dhorn. Chuir se ann a bheil e. Bhain se greim m6r as. D'61 se bolgam as an phigiu. Dh6irt cuid de'n im anuas frid an fheasoig mh6ir. As ocht De, a mhaighistir ! feach anonn air. Ni fheadaim do bheith be6 ag amharc air an bheathach shalach. Diol an geall 7 an trath l'achaidh nmid abhaile iocfaidh m6 fhein a leath. Bhain Aindrias an geall acht d'f hag se Aindrias an Ime mar ainin air go bhfhuair se bas. 200 ermdN a 'k'o:rif. vi: bw&N't'r'ay wra: 9 L'et'ir vik' 9 'wct.rd'. vi: b'irt' tvak sk'i: — paxlrik' a •k'o.rif 9 far bd fin'o agos s:moN 9 bo.g'o. da:f fidd SU9S g9 rofiod oNa mwjoyoL'i:. 9N La: 9wa:n du:rt' s:moN Vs Na ivoLh&r : 9 wodiser', im'ayo m'ifd go viayo in' 9 mortu:n a:V dtJiyeiri '. ta: Ntaluw b'ig g9 L'o.r sg' mo ja:reer. k'okuw f'a.r Vat tirt'i:n b'ig 9S mo vaNayt No (irt'i:n mo.r ogos rno waLayt ? 93 f'a:r Vim tirt'i:n b'ig ag9S do vaNayt. jVsos er' agos da:g b'aNayt sg No wgnuw. hog waheer b'aNayt do:, vi: fo maL tra'no.no Ner 9 da:kfo 911 bweVo. N'i:V 9N ayt g» wuorso trasNo q^rb'ara go den'ik' 9 Ni.go agos yodiL'fo Nl:p fin oNso aaroyjjL '. er hit'im No yoLuw do: hen'ik' iN'J'er' kuw b'ig No garoyyL'iiw. fs do valid s:mwiN' i: k'o:rif 9rsi:. kyd' 9r L'ec ag9S kivr'9N agos rod Vs to.rt' iN/or Na kil'sen'. jo: tuw fin , a yyl&n uosiV . hog dico kyd' or L'ec agos kivr'oN agos rod Vs to.rt' iN'for Na kitten. s:mwiN' i: k'o:rif orson kuw, ta: m'9 bwiay dixl. k's b'sr'' b'i f a.:t' 9 m'ei tuw i jieiv9N, d'aN skart' er yuw b'ig No garoyyL'uw. or mwsed'oN LayorNo~wa:ray go Luo Luo d'eir'i: agos yUifo er 'cu:l agos cu:l rivo N'i.-sfwid'o Na hig Vims iN'fo. fa jer'uw tra'no.-no g9 maL hen'i fs ku:rt' agos ksefL'an mo:r. hen'i fo 9N9 jafto. f'iofriuw de, god'e: vi: fo jiori: (jiri:). d'iN'if fe do.fo gor bwj^oyiL' vi: g'iri: amfir'o. N'i: ro mwid' fiN'o oN La: or'iuw Nay ro btvj^ :yiL' jic oriN', orson g'aftor. god'e: (o)N qbvoir 9 wiL tuw mai'- sg'9. fi.i'om Nay wil' qbwir' fa N' t'ay Nay d'ig' Vim 9 ja:nuw. god'e: N tuorostol ota.: tuw jiri: go k'iN La: agos b'l'iin' ? fa:ko m'o fin' sg' on ri:. k'sb'er' -b'ic tuorostol os J'jtcw m'9 vs:ri fo dUw 0. er mwsedoN LayorNo'wa.ray hen'i fo moran sp'i.k'i: er' wa:won agos k'iN dirn'i: or' yyd! okuw. d'iofri: fo, go d'e: ta: m's gol ja:iiuiv oN'Uw. t'efanuw do: boihay Neer' kartuw Vs J ayt rn'l'ioNo, a.gos mor m'eit' fo karti: tra'no:no, go gir'f'i: 9 ciN or sp'i:k'9. fuor so gre:p', agos cid ciN yse fo 9may, fe: on rod 9 hen'ik' fayt g'iS' oft'ay y yse, fo k'iN eVo omay agos hen'ik' k'er'o k'iN' d'sog oft'y.y. o: t'i:m, orse:, os gir'id' go ro: N t'ay fo L'ioNl9 agos ra.yi: mo ciNso er sp'i.k'o. ta: me: (0) nroya.t', orxn:. A i:V iin'ayl er wa:s ogom. orsir' yuolo m'o t'r'i: skart' wo.ro hi:s oNso jV a N. d'iofri: m'o god'e: bo cioL do: 201 Eanionn Ua Ci6rrthais (?). Bin baintreabhach mna i Leitir-Mhic-a-Bhaird. Bin beirt mhac aici— Padraig XJa Ciorrtliais an fear bu sine 7 Eanionn ab 6ige. D'fh&s siad suas go robh siad ann a mbuachailli. Aon la amhain dubhairt Eamonn le n-a mhathair : A mhathair ! imtheachaidh mise go bhfcachfaidh me m't'hortiin f haghail doinh fhein. Ta an talainh beag go le6r aig mo dhearbhbhrathair. Cia ocii lean- leac toirtin beag 7 mo bheannacht no toirtin m6r 7 mo mhallacht? is fearr Horn toirtin beag 7 do bheannacht. G Ideas air 7 d'f hag beannacht aig n-a bhunadh. Thug a mhathair a beannacht d6. Bin s^ mall trathnona nuair d'f hag se an baile. Ni'l ann acht go bhfuair se trasna Ghaoth-Beara go dtainic an oidhche 7 chodail se an oidhche sin annsan Gharbhchoill. Air thuit- im 'na chodladh do thainic annsair Cii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. S£ do bheatha, a Eamuinn Ui Ciorrtliais, arsi. Cuid air leith 7 coimhreann 7 rud le tabhairt annsair na coileain. Gheobh tii sin, a choileain uasail ! Thug dithe cuid air leith 7 coimhreann 7 rud le tabhairt annsair na coileain. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrtliais, arsa 'n cii, ta me buidheach diod. Ce b'air bith ait i mb&dh tii i ngeibhionn, dean scairt air Chu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Air maidin la air n-a bharach go luath, luath, d'eirigh 7 chuaidh se air shiubhal 7 shiubhail roimhe nios fuide na thig liomsa 'innse. Fa dheireadh trathnona go mall chonnaic se* ciiairt 7 caislean m6r. Thainic se 'un an geafta. Fiafruigheadh de, go de" bhi se dha iarraidh. D'innis se dobhtha gur buachaill bhi aig iarraidh aim sire. Ni robh muid sinne aon la ariamh nach robh buachaill de dhith orrainn, arsa 'n geaft6ir. Go de an obair a bhfuil tii maith aige. Saoilim nach bhfuil obair fa 'n teach nach dtig Horn a dheanadh. Go de 'n tuarastal ata tii dha iarraidh go ceann la 7 bliadhain? Fagfaidh me sin aig an ri. Ce b'air bith tuarastal is fiii m£, bhearfaidh se doinh e. Air maidin la air na bharach chonnaic se m6ran spici air an bhadhbhdhun 7 ceann daoini air chuid ocii. D'fhiafraigh se, go de ta me 'g dul a dheanadh aniu. Teiseanadh d6 boitheach nar cartadh le seacht mbliadhna, 7 mur mbeidheadh se cartaighthe trathnona, go gcuirfidhe a cheann air spice. Fuair se grape, 7 an chead cheann a chaith se aniach, se an rud a thainic seacht gcinn asteach. Chaith se ceann eile amach 7 thainic ceithre cinn deag asteach. O tun, arse, is goirul go robh an teach seo lionta 7 rachaidh mo cheann-sa air an spice. Ta me i ndrochait, arse. Ni'l imtheacht air an bhas agam. Areir chuala me' tri scairt mhora thios anns an ghleann. 202 •fin. du.rt' 9 ko.-hir'd Vim gdr t'r'i: fahi: 9 hen'ik' iN'fo 9 j'iri: N'idti o ri: Vs po.-suiv er' 9 N'ar bd ivo: okuw. Na y9 fk'r'is9t^ /,' 9 rihayto /iid>- wa:t' fo %:. fiN Net far 9 rit'uw d. yor N'idn 9 ri: er' yu.l 9 yo k'iN b'l'idNo yd wa:t' fi; yafk'iay 9 rit'uw 9. Nay toil' l:c er b'ic Nay L'iy'it^ fidd t'r'i: skart' l's hahds yd ro fdd %: el'd N'i.-s N'efd ddn fo:suw. onif ta: m'd rdi. N'i.i' im'ayt er' 9 wa:s oyom. ta: m'd i jieiv9N. riN' fd skart' er yuw b'iy Nd gawyyL'uw. hen'ifd kuw b'iy Nd yardyyL'uw 9 rahi: iN'fer'. d'iN'if dip y9d'e: ni9r vi: fd. dqiid huw, 9rsi:. aliwir'k' iN'fo oN inaskiL' jef fwj^gr S9 yre:p' 'awviy 9Sti: u mho ocii. No go scriosadh s& a rioghackta mur bh.fagha.dh se i. Sin no fear a throidfeadh e. Chuir nighean an riogh ar gciil e go ceann bliadhna go bhfaghadh si saiscidheach a throidfeadh e. Nach blifuil oidhche air bith nach leigeadh siad tri scairt le h-athas go robh siad oidhche eile nios neise do'n phosadh. Anois ta me reidh. Nil imtheacht air an bhas agam. Ta me i ngeibhionn. Rhine s6 scairt air Chu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Chonnaic se Cu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh ag reathaidh annsair. D'innis dithe go de mar bhi se. Dona thu, arsi. Amhairc annseo ami m'ascaill dheis. Fuair se grape an-bheag astigh aim a h-ascaill. Tabhair leat i sin 7 tabhair errainin de'n aoileach amach air an dorus leithe. Bi f h^in as an chasan. Rinne se sin 7 thoisigh an t-aoileach ag eirigh i 11-airde 7 ag teacht amach co tiugh a's bhi an dorus abalta e do leigean amach. Nior bhfada go robh an boitheach fohinih. Ta do thasc deanta, arsa '11 cu. Feadann tu siubhal thart go dti an oidhche. Feadann tu ma's e do thoil e siubhal go bhfeicidh tu na fathaigh. Chuaidh se sios 'n an gldeanna. Air dhul sios do chonnaic se fear tarrnoclittha crochta as crann. Gur b'e do blieatha, a Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais ! arse. Is tu adhbhar an ghaiscidliigh is fearr aims an domhan. Buail buille de do chlaidhimh air an ghad seo. Ta 1110 chuig caoil aims an aon cheangal. Agus leig mise anuas. Ni bhuailtidh me buille. Oe b'air bith ar chuir suas thii, leigeadh se anuas fchii. Shiubhail leis 'un an ghleanna 7 nior bhfada dho go bhfaca se* an faitheach (fathach) ag tairngt air. Rinne se gaire mor. Go de adhbhar do gliaire I arsa Eamonn. Ta, go bhfuil d'oiread-sa do fheoil ur agam le h-ithe aniu. Is mor Horn ami aon ghreim thii. Is beag Horn aim dha ghreim thii, ars' an faitheach. Ni'l eagla orm, ars' Eamonn. Dean do dhithcheall. Thoisigh an troid. Throid siad go dti trathn6nago mall agus bhi cumadh air an fhaitheach go mbeidheadh s^ ro-ai>alta aig Eamonn. Smaoitigh se gur dhona an rud e an faitheach e do mharbhailh. Thug se leim i n-airde. Bhuail se i gcomhrac a chinn 7 a mhuineail e. Chaith se an ceann de go glan. Thug e-fhein leim eadar an ceann 7 an cholann. Nior bhac diod, ars' an teangaidh a bhi sa cheann, dha bhfaghainn-se air an cholainn aris, thusa 7 fir an domhain (fir faghail), ni bhainfeadh de me. D'fhau se aniisin gur fhuaraigh an ceann 7 an cholann. Thainic abhaile. Labhair an Crochaire Tarrnoclittha: A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a dheagh-ghaiscidhigh, mharbhuigh tu 204 jeaafk'i:, wara tuw 9n faihay dN'Uw. bwj^il' bwiL'9 b'ig dd dd yjaiav 9r' 9 aa.d fo agos L'ig' m'if dNuds. N'i: wuil'i:, drs s:m9N. ds do:go gdr b'e: d9 aroyjr'i.-wori: •hein 9 dcc:g iN'f'in liuw. k's b'er'b'v; 9r yqr su9s huw, tggdt' fd aNu9s huw. hen'i fs N9 wel'd. N'i: row ay aa: skart' 9Ns9 jl'aN 9 Ni:c9 fin'. Lay9rN9'tva:ray fwj[ :r so t'ccy 9 vi: La:n f'adogy:, L'ig' an amay, sera ho:rt^ do: fa er fig 9 Le:, agas 9 gr'iN'uw 9ft' ay tra'no.na. Ner 9 sky.L' fa may Na f'adogy:, d'im'i: fad (9) Nil' 9 ca:rN ag9S N'i: rd~ 's9n 'fiN I'sf'sk'al sg'9. vi: fs bwj^-.ra agos skart' fa 9ri.fi er yuw b'ig Na garayyL'uw. dgii9 huw, 9rs9 n kuzv, Nay wil' a:baLta Naf'oAogy: 9 yriN'uw. auwirk' 9N maskiL' gl'i:. da~iwir'k' agas fuar saf'i:d'og vig aN. Ner 9s mod I' at i9d 9 •yriN'uw fiN' 9r -sin. hiN' fs er' 9 N'i:d'og' ag9s yriN'i: Na f'adogy: 9S ayil'a qa:rN 9 ro fad aft' ay agas gar arid' fs 9N doras. cu:L' L'ef fi:s aNa jl'aNa ga den'ik' ad I'ef 9 yroyir'a ha:rNayta. s:mwiN' i: k'o.-rif 9S tuw 9n gsefk'iay 9sf'a:r S9 do:n. wara tuw 9n faihay 9N'e:. yart tuw 9n boihay 9N'e:. yriN'i: tuw Na f'adogy: aft' ay aN'Uw. mwir'i tutv faihay el' 9 aN'Uw. bnil' bwiL'9 b'ig d9 d9 ylaiav ag9s L'ig' m'if aNiias. N'i: me: a yqr suas huw agas N'i: me: a I'ik'as aNuas huw, ars s:maN. cu:L' L'ef fi:s 9N9 jl'aNd. hen'ik' 9 faihay mo:r a Narakyf a vi: 9 ivo.d N'i:s mo: Nan cid ciN. s:mwiN' i: k'orif 9 a&L't'i:n' vig vadi:. ivar9 tuw mo ja:rser' 9N'e:, ayt vs:ra tuw dial aN aN' Uw . 9 N'i:d'a r ( iaNa fu9r dd ja.-rser 9N'e:, jo: tisa e: aN'Uw . hofi: N trid' agas N'i: ro ayt trqmparayt aN gadi: fin. rid' fiad ga ro fa g'eir'i: doraya. qlok s:maN oyfay a?va:n. harN' fs a ylaiav. l'ef a vs:m fin wiN' fs n k'iN da Naihay. hog fs L's:ni sdir 9 k'iN a.gas a yolaN mar riN' fa ar'iva. hen'i fs owel'9. N'i: ro ay s9N skart' awa:n 89 Ni:ca fin '. er' mwsed'aN LayarNawa.ray d'eir'i: s:m9N, du:rt' 9 ri: l'ef, ta: Loy^ iN'fo wiL' t'r'i9n d9 mo au.co foli: sg'a. kotha tuw e: va t^:ma t'ir'im agad eg' a troMdma. sko.rt' s:m9N er yuw b'ig Na garayyL'uw. ouwir'k' 9sti:c s 9N mo ylidf jef 9rs9n huw. fu9rs9 9N spanog 9 bo Luw hen'i fs er'iuio. to.g La:n Na spa.nseg'a agas kad fi:s a krqk 9. N'irr ocn 'eiN' 'N'o.-r 9wd:n 9N. qu:L' L'ef f is Na jl'aNa. fs da vo.ha, a s.mwiN ', arsan kroyir'a. ta- b'irt' da Na fahi: nxaruw agad. to.: u%: d'r'ian d& n'iau 9 ri: bwiN't' agad. mwir'i 205 an faitlieach aniu. Buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh air an ghad seo 7 leig mise anuas. Ni bhuailfidh, arsa Eamonn. Is doiche gur b'e do dhrochghniombarthai fliein a d'fhag innsin thu. Ce b'air bith ar chuir suas thii, tugadh se anuas thii. Thainic se na bbaile. Ni robh acht dha scairt aims an ghleann an oidhche sin. La air na bharach fuair se teacli a bbi Ian feadogai, a leigean amach, aire do thabhairt dobhtha air feadh an lae, 7 a ccruiuniusrhadh asteach trathndna. Nuair a scaoil se amach na fead6gai, d'imthigh siad an uile chearn 7 ni robh aon cheann le feiceal aige. bhi se bnaidheartha 7 scairt se arist air Clni Beag na Garbhuhoilleadh. Dona thu, arsa 'n cu, nach bhfuil abalta na feadogai do chruinniuehadh. Amhairc ann m'ascaill chli. D'am- hairc 7 fuair se fide6g blieag ann. Nuair is maith leat iad do chruinniughadh seinn air sin. Sheinn se air an fhideoig 7 chruinnigh na fead6gai as (g)ach uile chearn a robh siad isteach gur dhruid se an dorus. Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna go dtainic fhad leis an Chrochaire Tharrnochttha. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, is tii an gaiscidheach is fearr san domhan. Mharbhuigh tii an faitheach ane. Chart tii an boitheach ane. Chruinnigh tii na feadogai asteach aniu. Muirfidh tii faitheach eile aniu. Buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh 7 leig mise anuas. Ni me a chuir suas thii 7 ni me a leigfeas anuas thu, arsa Eamonn. Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna. Thainic an faitheach mor ann a aracais a bhi i bhfad nios mo na'n chead cheann. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a dhailtin bhig, bheadaigh ! Mharbhuigh tii mo dhearbhbhrathair ane, acht bhearfaidh tii diol ann aniu. An ide cheadna fuair do dhearbhbhrathair ane, gheobh tnsa e aniu. Thoisigh an troid 7 ni robh acht trumparacht ann go dti sin. Throid siad go robh se 'g eirigh dorcha. Ghlac Eamonn ochtach amhain. Thairrn se a chlaidhimh. Leis an bheim sin bhain se an ceann de'n fhaitheach. Thug se leim eadar an ceann 7 an cholann mar rinue se aroimhe. Thainic se abhaile. Ni robh acht aon scairt amhain san oidhche sin. Air maidin la air n-a bharach d'eirigh Eamonn, dubhairt an ri leis : Ta loch annseo "bhfuil trian de mo dhuithche folaighthe aige. Caithfidh tii e 'bheith taomtha tirim agad aig an trathnona. Scairt Eamonn air Chii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh. Amhairc astigh ann mo chluais dheis, arsa'n cii. Fuair se an span6g bu lugh chonnaic se ariamh. T6g Ian na spanoige 7 caith sios an cnoc e. Nior fhan aon dheor amhain ann. Sliiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna. Se do bheatha, a Eamuinn, arsa'n Crochaire. Ta beirt de na fathaigh marbh agad. Ta dha dtrian de nighean an ri bainte agad. Muirfidh 206 Imo on fecihax mo.T oN'Utv. agos buil' bwiL'd b'ig do do ylaiov or' o gad fo. ds b'ei (b's) mo yyd'uw ogod go bra.:-/. N'i: me: yen' suos huw agos N'i: me: vs:ros oNuos huw. gu:L' L'ef fi:s 0N0 jVaNo. hen'ik' o faihay mo.r 9 Narokif. vi: fs sok'sauwoLto. a. snmviN' i: k'o:rif o skla:ivi: waLy:, war9 tuw mo aa: ja:rser' ayt (o)s gir'id' (ger'id') g9 mwini m'i/9 d9 giN di.d. 9 N'i:d'9 gioNo fu9r d9 ga: jarrser jo: (\S9. hu:si: N trid' a.g9s N'i:r' vjuw bro (brow) e: god'i: fin. ho:g s:moN 9 ylaiov I's m'ifN'ay a.g9s do:yos, wuiV (ivi.i') 9 fa.ihay^ 9 gd:rdk 9 giN' a.g9s 9 win eel', yatr k'iN 9r' gu:l fad Ny: N'et'ir'o ag9s Ny: N'omwir'o. l's:m a'hein sdir k'iN ag9s yoloN m9r riN' orivo. hiNtai 9N9 wel'o gdr yas do: 9n kroyir'o ta:rNayto. s:mwiN' i: k'o.jif orse:, ta: N'ion 9 ri: bwiN't' ogod. la: No t'r'i: faihi: maruw. N'i: sk'o m'if9 N'i.s mo: huiv. sky:V rn'ifd 9f fo. agos ma yyr'om f'arog art 9 yjj'9 9 (yj-'hz) hig' I'at mo gar t ol suos er'ef. ja.:n,9 m'i/h fin, ors s:moN. wyiV fo bwiL'9 b'ig d9n ylaiov ag9S ja:r so on gad. hit' 9 kr.ryir'9 9Nu9s go taluw. dalitvorso go f'iot9 er' s:moN. wa.ro tuw mo ru:r d'a:rxr'a.yo ayt mwir'i m'i/9 h\89, 9rson kroyir'o. 9 N'i:d'9 gioNo fwyor d9 yyd^ d'a:f&r'ayo jo: iiso. N'i: f'juw Vim d9 warowo agos N'i: wir'i mo huw sf'Hcyr' gor ski.L tuw mo. r Qg fa er' s:moN, woN de yyd' sodi: agos garjl' su9s er yraN gioNo er ro fs hein. b'omwi: fk'r'ad agos ga:ro krui 9 vi: eg' e.rnoN. hog kroyir'9 ra:S9. rog fs 9r n'ion 9 ri:. l's:m' fo 9may er 9 dor98 ogos i: l'ef N'i: ro:sfir No fior k'o Na.t' d'ayi: fs. hen'ik' fer'ovifay do yyd! 9 ri: s:moN kroyt 9s 9 yraN. glo.k truio e: agos ja.rso n gad. vi: LUyger er s:moN agos riN' fs d'ef'r'o go t'a.% ri:. vi: bwj^-.r'uw mo.r oN'fin N'ion ri; im'i: ft'o. ola.k f'arog vjo.r ri:. du.rso gor b'e: s;moN bo ciNti: o,gos Nay du.r'uw (dorr'uw) rod er' b'ig ay giN yor or sp'i:k'o sa.suv) do:. d'a:n rod el'o Vim, ors s:moN. hj^rro m'o do n'ion a/jos waro m'o Na t'r'i: fahi:. onif tor •dUw La: agos b'l'iin Vs do n'ion 9 ho.rt' 9r'ef mor wa.: m'o i:, t'iko m'o 9 r r'ef ma.: vi:m bjo: a.gos k'a.d ogod oNfin' mo giN yor er' 9 sp'i:k'o. jcc:n,9 m'o fin Vat, orson ri:. d'im'i: s:moN agos gu:L' fo mo:ran. fa jer'uw N'i: ro.s sg'o k'o. ro fs gol. N'i: wuorso s:N tuor'ifk'. trano:n ovm:ri ajjos e: •a.Ntirsa.y ha.rLy: gor yas do: t 'ay N'im'oL kyL'uw. 207 tii an faitheach mor aniu. 7 buail buille beag de do chlaidhimh air an ghad seo. A's beidh mo chuideadh agad go brathach. Ni me chuir suas thii 7 ni me bhearfas anuas thii. Shiubhail leis sios 'un an ghleanna. Thainic an faitheach mor aim a aracais. Bin se eagsamhalta. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, a sclahhuidhe mhallaighthe, mharbhuigh tii mo dha dhearbhbhrathair acht is goirid go mbuinfidh mise do ceann diod. An ide cheadna fuair do dha dhearbhbhrathair ghe6bh tusa. Thoisigh an troid 7 nior bhfiu brobh e go dtf sin. Th6g Eamonn a chlaidhimh le meisneach 7 dochas. Bhuail an faitheach i gcomhrac a chinn 7 a mhuineail. Chaith an ceann air shiubhal fad naoi n-eitire 7 naoi n-iomaire. Leim e-fhein eadar an ceann 7 an cholann mar rinne aroimhe. Thiontaigh 'un an bhaile gur chas <\6 an Crochaire Tarrnochttha. A Eamuinn Ui Ciorrthais, arse, ta nighean an riogli bainte agad. Ta na tri faithigh marbh. Ni fheicfidh mise nios mo thii. Scaoil mise as seo. Agus ma chuirim fearg ort a choidhche thig leat mo cheangal suas air ais. Gheanfaidh mise sin, arsa Eamonn. Bhuail se buille beag de'n chlaidhimh 7 ghearr s6 an gad. Thuit an Crochaire anuas go talamh. D'amhairc se go fiata air Eamonn. Mharbhuigh tii mo thriiir dearbhbhraithreacha acht muirfidh mise thusa, arsa'n Crochaire. An ide cheadna fuair do chuid dearbhbhraithreacha ghe6bh tusa. Ni fiu Horn do mharbhughadh 7 ni mhuirtidh me thii as siocair gur scaoil tii me. Rug se air Eamonn, bhain de a chuid eadaigh 7 cheangail suas e air an chrann cheadna air a robh se fhein. B'iomdha scread 7 gartha cruaidh a bhi aig Eamonn. Thug an Crochaire rasa. Rug se air nighean an riogh. Leim se amach air an doms 7 i leis. Ni robh fhios soir no siar ce an ait a deachaidh se. Chonnaic seirbhiseach de chuid an riogh Eamonn crochta as an chrann. Ghlac truaighe e 7 ghearr se an gad. Bhi liithghair air Eamonn 7 rinne se deifre go teach an riogh. Bhi buaidhreadh mor annsin nighean an riogh imthighiste. Ghlac fearg mhor an ri. Dubhairt se gur b'e Eamonn bu chiontaidh 7 nach dtiiibhradh rud air bith acht a cheann do chur air spice sasughadh do. Dean rud eile Horn, arsa Eamonn. Shaor(th)aigh me do nighean 7 mharbhuigh me na tri fathaigh. Anois tabhair domh la 7 bliadhain le do nighean do thabhairt air ais. Mur bhfaghaidh me i, tiocfaidh me air ais ma bhidldm beo 7 cead agad annsin mo cheann do chur air spice. Gheanfaidh me sin leat, arsa an ri. D'imthigh Eamonn 7 shiubhail se moran. Fa dheireadh ni robh fhios aige ca robh se 'g dul. Ni fhuair se aon tuairisc. Trathnona amhain 7 e an-tuirseach tharlaidh gur chas do teach i n-imeall coilleadh. Chuaidh se 208 yUi jo ft'xy. N'i: ro 'soNyn oN xyt oN' fxnor dwalrh,' k'r'i:N'L'io. d'ior so Loft'i:n No hi:go. du:rt' o fxnor go wiuv> xgos fx:L't'o. deir'i: or mivsed'in go Luo LxyorNo'wx.:rxy. d'iofri: o Jxnor k'x ro fs got. d'iN'if do: mor hog o kroyir'o tx:rNxyto Vef N'ion o ri: xgos go ro Jo o guortuw. os truo Nser xN tuw oNso wel'o, orsiN' fxnor'. N'i: ek'o tuw e: o yjy.co. fud'o m'o go wx: m'o bx:s, fiN No go wx: m'o N'ion o ri: . mx n'i: tuw fu:l 'xwivo.r, trxno:no t'iko tuw er hxy el'o kosu:L' L'e Jo xgos jo: tuw Lo.ft'i.n go mivsed'in. ma t'i: tuw go m'oi gre:h ogod Vef o yy:go, d'xN skxrt' or ho:k jl'xN dx bwi:. riN' fs fin xgos trx'no:no go maL hxrLy: er' o t'xy xgos yJJi fo fVxy. fwy.r so fxjior kosu:L' L'efo cid fxnor'. dxn sg'o go mivsed'in. d'iN'if do: b'r'i: x gu.l '. mx t'i: tuw, orsiN' fxnor', go m'oi gre:h ogod Vef o yy.go, d'xN skxrt' or' ao.rxn doN Loy o N'u:r . mx. n'i: tuw fu:l mxig b'ei tuw sg^ d'x:rxr du:so trxno.no go mxL. fiN d'a:rar dUw o ro tuw sg' oreir'. mor dogy: n f'xr o m'ei tuw eg' oNoyt tuor'ifk' ayd' N'i: wi: tuw e: or grim' o dxuwin' (do:n). d'im'i: rivo xgos N'i: fu:l o vi: fo x.y o rxhi:. trxnomo go mxLfuorso N' txy. fwy:rso b'io xgos L'xbwi: wxXr ( . go Luo or mwsed'in deir'i: xgos d'iN'if doN' t'x.nor b'r'i: o cu:V xgos god'e: mor ysefe oN dx: %:c el'o sg' oN dx: hxnor el'o. os truo Vim do fk'sol, orsiN' fxnor', do Vehodso do WjT.-yiL' vr'so o vo or Vi: o y^seL't'o. N'i: sk'o tuw on kroyir'o tx:rNxyto o yjj.co xgos os mxi ayd', Nx wir'ot' fo huw. p'iL' No wel'o. N'i: f'iL'o m'o go mxrofor m'o. fiN No go vsk'o m'o N'ion o ri:. kyr'i m'ifo git el'o huw, orsiN' fxnor . go: fi:s oNo ylxdi: xgos mx t'i: into bx:d, go: ft'xy iN't'i:. Nx Lo.r fokol or b'ic\ yUi fs fi:s oNo ylxdi: xgos hen'i fo bx.d b'ig bwi:d'x,y m'itil'. bw^ryiL' b'ig bwi:d'xy oNso wx:d. mwsed'o ra.wo oNxy La:v sg'o. yUifs ft'x.y^ oNso wx:d. yUi on bx:d oN fxrog'o. N'i: ro:s sg'o k'x. d'xyi fi: xy go d'xyi fi: wxd. fx jer'uw wy.L' fi: ft'xy or' hxluw. cu:L' fs suos o fil'an. hen'i fs fxnysefL'xn mo:r dUw. yUi fo ft'xy^ xgos hen'i fs oN'fin N'ion o ri:. riN' fi: fxrowx.:U t! o wo.r rivo. os mxi'' mor hx.rLy:, orsi:. tx: n kroyir'o tx:rNxyto or gu:l os bwel'o xgos N'i: hiky fo: go k'iN ri: Lx:. yyr' 209 asteach. Ni robh aon duine aim acht ;ion seanoir amhain crion- liath. D'iarr se loistin na h-oidhche. Dubhairt an sean6ir go bhfuiglieadh 7 failte. D'eirigh air niaidiu go luath la air na bharach. D'fhiafraigh an seanoir ca robh se 'g dul. D'innis d<5 mar thug an Crochaire Tarruochttha leis nighean an riogh 7 go robh se a gciiartughadh. Is truagh nar fhan tu ann.san bhaile, arsa an seanoir. Ni fheicfidh tu e a choidhche. Siubhailfidh me go bhfaghaidh me bas, sin no go bhfaghaidh me nighean an riogh. Ma ni tu siubhal anmhor, trathnona tiocfaidh tu air theach eile cosanihail leis seo 7 gheobh tu 16istin go maidin. Ma ti tu go mbeidh graethe agad leis a choidhche, dean scairt air sheabhac Ghleann Dath Buidhe. Rinne se sin 7 trathnona go mall tharlaidh air an teach 7 chuaidh se asteach. Fuair se seanoir cosanihail leis an chead seanoir. D'fhan aige go maidin. D'innis do brigh a shiubhail. Ma ti tii, arsa an seanoir, go mbeidh irraethe agad leis a choidhche, dean scairt air dhobhrau donn Loch an Iubhair. Ma ni tii siubhal maith beidh tii aig dearbh- bhrathair doinhsa trathnona go mall. Sin dearbhbhrathair domh a robh tii aige areir. Mur dtugaidh an fear a mbeidh tii aige anocht tuairisc dhuid ni bhfuigh tu e air dhruim an domhain. D'im thigh roimhe 7 ni siubhal a bhi se acht ag reathaidh. Trath- nona go mall fuair se an teach. Fuair se biadh 7 leabaidh nihaith. Go luath air maidin d'eirigh 7 d'innis do'n tseanoir brigh a shiubhail 7 go de mar chaith se an da oidhche eile aig an da sheanoir eile. Is truagh Horn do sceal, arsa an seanoir, do leitheidsa de bhuachaill bhreagh a bheith air shlighe a chaillte. Ni fheiciidh tii an Crochaire Tarruochttha a choidche 7 is maith dhuid, na mhuirfeadh se thu. Pill 'an an bhaile. Ni phillfidh me go »iarbhfar me. Sin no go bhfeictidh me nighean an riogh. Cuirtidh mise giota eile thu, arsa an seanoir. Gabh sios 'un an chladaigh 7 ma ti tii bad, gabh asteach innti. Na labhair focal air bith. Chuaidh se sios 'un an chladaigh 7 chonnaic se bad beag baoideach miotail. Buachaill beag baoideach aims an bhad. Maide ramha i ngach laimh aige. Chuaidh se asteach amis an bhad. Chuaidh an bad 'un fairge. Ni robh fhios aige ca deachaidh si acht go deachaidh si i bhfad. Fa dheireadh bhuail si asteach air thalamh. Shiubhail se suas an t-oilean. Chonnaic se seanchaislean mor dubh. Chuaidh se asteach 7 chonnaic se annsiu nighean an riogh. Rinne si fearadhfhailte tnhor roimhe. Is maith mar tharlaidh, arsi. Ta an Crochaire Tarrnochttha air shiubhhal as baile 7 ni thiocfaidh se go ceann thri la. Chuir mise ciil air gan a phosadh go ceann bliadhna. Ta se as baile o. U 210 m'ifd ku:l er' gon o fo:suw go k'iN b'l'ioNo. fa: fo os bicel'o dnif agos N'i: hiky: fo gd k'iN ri: La:, b'zmvnd' 9 b'l'eij'u:r 9 tamwiL' fin hein. sg' k'iN Nd d'r'i: La: du.Ttfi N'ion 9 ri:, kxiho m'ifo Iiiso cday. ta.: n kroyir'o ta:rNa.yto o t'a-yf dali: fi: s:moN. hen'ik' o kroyir'o. maih'i:m boluiv o N'eir'dNy: ivrccdi: vi-'sogy: iNfo, orse:. maifcayd tuw fin', arsi:, ad 9s fa: m'if oN. or' mwsed'in' g9 Lu9 LaydrNd'wa:ray d'im'i: n kroyir'9 ag9s du:rt^ Na.y m'euzv 9r'efg9 k'iN da: la.:. du:rt' e:mdN l'e N'idn 9 ri: m9r woc:mwid' plan i:N't'ay ib'r'uw, N'i: wirmwid' bwyi (btvj^i) er 9 yroyir'd g9 do:, gdd'e: ja:nd mwid' '? 9rs9 N'idn 9 ri:. L'ig His ort, 9vs s:m9N, g9 wil' k'in mo:r og9d er' ccgos g9 wil' bwy:r'uw ori 9 j)o:suiv 9 yor 9/ gu:l. d'a.:n olaa.:rdds tno.r Ner 9 hiky fo ovjel'o. riN'icw fin' dl'ig '. vi: bro:d mo:r ag9s altos er' 9 yroyir'd agds dvr.r'se:, om'otvos dgdd f'is 9 N'ir ota.: ogod, vsuw t'iL'uw ahif ort. 911 f'eid'9r d9 wardws ? N'i: hid'dmsd g9 wil' 911 qsfk'ixy 9Ns9 do:n a:boLto do warowd. riN' fs ga:r'd mo:r. t'i:m 9nif g9 wiL da arx.: bvnN't' ogom. iN'fayd m'9 ayd' gdd'e: wir'uw m'9. N'i: hig m'ifd wccr9W9, orson kroyir'd, g9 na:rtdr 9 krccN mo:r fk'ay fa: 97'' iva.rr N9 b'iN'd hi:s eg' 9 Nardg'd. jia:ri: 971 kraN, er 9 liit'im do: I'sm'uw fiNccy mo:r dmay ; 9s 9 wil' 9 yon&rt' oNso db:n, N'i: wir'dffl fidd 9 J'iNa.y g9 d'ig'uw kuw b'ig No garoyyL'uw 9s eir'iN'. wir'uw kutv b'ig N& garoyyL'uw o. er hit'dm! d9N' t'iXay, I'sdm'uw Lay oma.y 9S 9 t'iNcty. d'ivi'ayot^ J'i: so sp'eir'. 9 m'eid' fo:k' ota,: so db:n, N'i: wiroft* 1 fod La.y^ ay owa.:n fo.k jl'ccN dec ivi:. 9 mardfwi: i: vs:r&^ fi: iv 9r la:r N9 fa.rog'o. 9 m'eid' do:rxn ota,: sd db:n, N'i: wi:t^ fo 9 N'iv fin' ay do:ran doN loy (Loy) 9 N'u:r'. N9 jeifin agos dl'ig' N'i: veiNfo maruw g9 muiL't'i: d N'if fin er 9 waiL dUw ota,: hi:s or ho:n ma aeel'd. hu:si: N'idn 9 ri: 9 daus9 l'e hxh,9s ag9S du:rt' g9r wadd VeihPd gd d'i: La: n fo:std. fa,: m'ifd g'im'a.yt onif drsdn kroyir'd, agos N'i: hikd m'd dr'ef gdd'i: tranom omocra^ agds dN'f'in' N'i: im'a.yo mo N'i.-s mo:, d'im'i: fo agos da:gfs sLa:n &y {,) N'ion ri: go b'iL'itf" 1 fo or'ef. hen'ik' s:moN dft'xy ctgds vi: N' fk'eol mo:r zg {,) N'ion ri: do:. N'i:V x.m er' b'i^ l'z kxL'uw, ors s:moN. kaihomivid' tu:suw aobwi/r'. J"'y-"' sod ax: Imo. hoj'i: fod jarutv on %?"iil 211 anois 7 ni thiocfaidh se go ceann thri hi. Beidh muid i bph'isiiir an tamall sin fhein. Aig ceann na dtri la dubhairt nighean an riogh, caithfidh mise bhusa fholach. Ta an Crochaire Tarrnochttha ag teacht. D'fholaieh si Eamonn. Thainic an Crochaire. Mothuighiin boladh an Eireannaigh bhradaigh, bhreagaigh annseo, arse. Mothachaidh tii sin, arsi, fhad a's ta mise ann. Air maidin go luath la air n-a bharach d'imthigh an Crochaire 7 dubhairt nach mbeidheadh air ais go ceann da la. Dubhairt Eamonn le nighean an riogh : mur bhfaghaidb muid plan eiginteach oibri- u«diadh, ni bhfuigh muid buaidh air an Chrochaire go deo. Go di' gheanfaidh muid] arsa nighean an riogh. Leig thusa ort, arsa Eamonn go bhfuil cion mor agad air 7 go bhfuil buaidhreadli ort an posadh do chur air gciil. Dean iolghardas mor nuair a thiocfaidh se abhaile. Rinneadh sin uilig. Bin brod mor 7 athas air an Chrochaire 7 dubhairt se, dha mbeidheadh fhios agad fios an fhir ata agad, bheidheadh tilleadh athais ort. An feidir do mharbhughadh 1 Ni shaoilimse go bhfuil aon ghaisci- dheach aims an domhan abalta do mharbhughadh. Rhine se gaire mor. Tim anois go bhfuil do ghradh bainte again. Innseachaidh me dhuid go de mhuirfeadh me. Ni thig mise do mharbhughadh, arsa an Crochaire, go ngearrtar an crann mor sceaoh ta air bharr na binne thios aig an fhairge. Dha ngearrfaoi an crann, air thuitim do leimfeadh sionnach mor aniach ; a's a bhfuil de chonairt amis an domhan, ni mhuirfeadh siad an sionnach go dtigeadh Cu Beag na Garbhchoilleadh as Eirinn. Mhuirfeadh Cii Beag na Garbhchoilleadh e. Air thuitim do'n tsionnach, leimfeadh lach aniach as an tsionnach. D'im- theachadh si san speir. An meid seabhaic ata san domhan, m mhuirfeadh siad an lach acht ainhain seabhac Ghleann Dath Bhuidhe. Dha marbhfaoi i bhearfadh si uibh air lar na fairge. An meid dobhrain ata san domhan, ni bhfuigheadh sc an uibh sin acht Dobhran Donn Loch an Iubhair. Na dhiaidh sin 7 uilig ni bheidhinnse marbh go mbuailti an uibh sin air an bhall dubh ata thios air thoin mo ghoile. Thusaigh nighean an riogh ag damhsa le h- athas 7 dubhairt gur bhfada leithe go dti la an phosta. Ta mise ag imtheacht anois, arsa an Crochaire, 7 ni thiocfaidh me air ais go dti trathnona aniarach 7 annsin ni imtheachaidb me nios mo. D'imthigh se 7 d'fhag se slan aig nighean an riogh go bpillfeadh se air ais. Thainic Eamonn asteach 7 bhi an sceal mor aig nighean an riogh do. Ni'l am air bith le cailleadh, arsa Eamonn. Caithfidh muid tiisughadh dh' obair. Fuair siad dha thuagh. Thoisigh siad do ghearradh an 14—1' 212 go t'lhr yj/,is (jd d'ion. N'i:r' wadd gdr ja.r sod 9 hro.N. er' d Kit' 9m' don yraN l's:m d J'iNay dmay. short' s:moN dr yuw b'ig Nd gardyyL'uw. N'i.r Luigo vi: n fohdl ra.:t'd No, hen'i fidd d huiv dN'ei 9 t'iNy:. fin' d Na:t' a ro d ra:sd ccyds 9 yorio.yt, a.y^ N'i.r' wadd gd umir' 9 kuw g'r'im mwin'eef er agds l's:m' 9 Lay icen 9inay ds 9 t'iNay. d'eir'i: fi: 9 Na.rd'o oNsNo sp'eir'i:. short' s.-moN or' ho:h jl'aN da. wi:. Vs. p'r'a,buw N9 su:l vi: N' fo:h I's f'sh'sel' 9N'ei 9 Layd. N'i.r' wad9 g9r wy:V 9 J'o.h 9 Lay9 agds i9d omtuip 9S h'iN N9 farog'o. er' 9 liit'9m' ddN Lay rog fi: iv agos hit' fi: J'i.s 9r la.r N9 farog'o. short! s:moN dr' ao.raN doN Loy dN'u:r 9 hayt g9 defray^ ag9S 9 N'iv 9 ho.rt' iN'fer'. 9Nsd Norn fin hen'i fid 9 kroyir'9 ta.rNayld 9 tor N't' oruw ag9S vi: fs g'eir'i: Log. 09 Licirg I'ef 9 do.ran 9 ve sg' e:moN Nan hroyir'o ta.rNayto. vi: vsdl foshiL't'd 9 g'iri: 9 V9 fa:/' ana.h. rog s:moN or 9 N'iv 9N do.ran. yse fs 9ft 'ay 9 m's9l 9 yroyir'9 i:. hit' fi: J'i.s ag9s wy:L' fi: 9/1 baL dTJiy 9 vi: or ho:n' 9 asel'd. hit' 9 hroyir'9 ta.rNayto maruw. vi: LUyeer' wo.r er' s:m9N ag9S 9r n'i9n 9 ri: . raypmwid' 9nif dNd wel'd, 9rs s:rti9N. vi: Lijiif g9 L'o.r 9Ns9 yum. l'i:N' fdd Lor t Lam o:r ag9s ser'dg'id'. N'i: ro:s ohuw gdd'e: n b'alay 9 raydt^ fdd. hen'i J'idd 9 ba:d b'ig m'itil' 9 t'ayt 9j't'ay Na.rdg'd wo.r. yUi n virt' 9j't'ay S9 tva:d. yyr 9 bocdor' hru:k9 ivasto dNs9 Lyji a,gds yUi J'9 9N J'ardg'd. 69 Luicd e: g9 mo.r Na:n a £ : wa.rtd g9 den'i fs fay fwi: ha.y^ 9 t'r'icuw J'aNyn'o. vi: L Uyjer' wo:r er 9 t'aNyn'o rijmw. yse fdd 9 Ni:cd fin' sg' 9N' t'a.Nyn'9 I's p'l'eij'u:r. Layj>rN9'V)a:ray j J'uir 9 JoNyn'd ha.rtdNy: 9/ hyr'uw Ntorr o.gos 9 tser'dg'id oruw. hog J'idd I'ofd 9N' JaNyn'9. hen'i J'idd g9 t'ay 9 da.r9 J'aNyn'9. yes J'dd i:g oN'f'in' 9 b'Veifu:r. hog J'idd I'ofid 9N dard JoNyn'd gd t'ay 9 cid JoNyn'd. yse Jbd %:c b'l'eifn.r sg'o agos hog J'idd 9 Noi er 9 wel'9 Nd t'r'i: haNyn'd l.ij'd. Ner 9 hen'i fidd gd hee/L'an 9 ri: bd'je: oN La: d'er'dNay '/■9 o:g d k'idruw d Ic'iN'. daliwir'k' 215 Eoin Ua Mi'odhchan arms an Sionnacli. Bin Eoin Ua Miodhchati na chomhnuidhe i mbaile Ui Ara i bhfosus do na Cealla. Oidhche airite 7 e leis fhein, teine mhaith aicre. lubdi st' suas air leabaidh i dtaobh an titdie. Ni robh se na chodladh acht ag deanadh a sciste. Bhi an chomhla na se61 fascaidh. Bin nalachain aims an fcseomra a l>hi i gcul nateineadh. Chonnaic se* an sionnach aigandorus ag amharc asteach. T gceann taiaaill thainic s<' asteach giota beag eile. D'amhairc se air fad an tighe. Ni robh duine air bith le feiceal aige. Thainic se asteach eur sheas se air an urlar. Ni robh duine air bith le feiceal aige. Bhi dorus an rum foscailte 7 chuaidh an sionnach suas 'un an riim. D'eirigh glor mor aig na lachain 7 iad ag eiteallaigb thaobh go taobh de'n rum. Thug Eoin leim 'nn an dorais. Bhi an ghrape na seasadh aig taobh (taoibh) an dorais. Rug se air an ghrape 7 thug s<- m6ide nach rachadh an sionnach amach go marbhadh se e. Thainic an sionnach anuasas an rum 7 bhi se anonn 7 anall ag feachaint go de an tslighe a bhfuigheadh se amach. Acht bhi Eoin san dorus 7 an ghrape aige. Nuair chonnaic an sionnacli nach bhfuigheadh se amach, rug se air bhriste Eoin a bhi air an chathair aig colbha na leapa 7 tliairn se an bi-iste trasna na teineadh, Thug Eoin raionn eile nach rachadh an sionnach amach go marbhadh seisean e Bhi an sionnach anios 7 sios an t-urlar ag coimhead Eoin 7 an dorais. Nuair chonnaic se nar fhag Eoin an dorus 7 bhi an briste doighte, rug se air an tsiiisin 7 thoisigh da thairnt 'un na teineadh. Chonnaic Eoin go ndoighfeadh se an teach. Thug se leim anios ann a aracais. Thug se iarraidh de'n ghrape air acht dhiibail an sionnach thart 7 fuair s( ; amach. Bhris Eoin a ghrape 7 bhi a bhriste doighte 7 an sionnach imthighiste. Sceal Ghiolla na gCochall Oaicionn. Bhi Gaibhdin Gabhua na chomhnuidhe air an Darnaidh aig taobh Dhiincaneile. Bhi beirt bhuachailli aige ag feoghluim beasai 7 treartha gaiscidheacht. Ni robh aon ghobh san domhan comb maith leis. Ni robh gaiscidheach air bith criochnuigbthe go bhfaghadh se achuid airm 7 eididh criochnuigbthe aig Gaibhdin Gabhna. Bhi anus an am seo banphrionnsa 6g d'a feoghluim ai(*e. Ba e ab ainm dithe Scaith Shioda ni Mhanannan. Ba e ab ainm do'n die gaiscidheach do bhi aige san am cheadna Ceadach mac riogh na dTulach 7 Lonndubh mac riogh na Dreolainne. La amhain bhi an bhanphrionnsa 6g ag cioradh a cinn. D'amhairc 216 LqNdUw ori: ogos riN' J's ga:r'o mo:r. god'e: a:wor do aarr'o? orso k'soday. bro:d agos alios o yaliwork er' o wa/nf'r'iNs9 o vss No mri: ogom heiri. os b'ig dd rioL, orso k'soday, agos os b'ig do yod di<;o. os f'i:r''vig a:rd' sk'i ort. fin a:wor mo wra:so agos ta.:s sk'i -hem fin. N'i: ?vi: tuw i: goN trid' yrUi. ta: m's sa/.sto fin o cjlakuw, orso LqNdUw. Ner o vi: fdd gol o g'iN ir'im henik' gavd'i:n go:no ft' ay. Ner' o yuoli fo fa: No trido, du:r ■se: Nay m'stitv trid' 9r' 'b'if oN ay gs N'amzW fsfon b'r'shumos. dj_ :Nti fdd dan vr'shu:nos. n'i:mso mo vr'shu:n9s, 9rs9 gavd'i:n' gd:i%9, g9 wa:k9 m'o fiv vmr d'r'u.r mor fafuw or' orLar md ga:rt9. ta: t'r'i: dors ori:, doros m'ik' ri: ogos -ro:la% , doros No marky: ag9s doros No goJ'i.Ny:. oNso Nam Jo vi: n glsef aavl'oNo sg^ gavd'i:n go.no. vi: sLauwruvj eg' ori: I's high rvos wolor. I'ig'uw N sLauim-uw i: oNuos go krok o tlauwri: ota: sg (n > ti:w ct:rdd'rct:. k'er'-b'ip 9 fid soihay o yyr'a Jwi: n wo: o b'l'igon, I'ionit^ fi: o, b'it^Jo b'ig No mo:r, agos fin o m'suw do wse,N' sk'i. k sb 'er -b 'if din ogov o l'ani fi:, b'i:t ( "> fi: sg'o agos mor L'ani fi: soNin ogov, N'i: wi: k'a.ytor ogov i: . k's:N doros o rayo tuw may ? 9vso k'soday. ra.yo mo may or pros m'ik' ri: ogos -ro:lai\ orso LqNdUw . fe: bo du:yo dUw. rayj> m'ifo may er pros No gofi:Ny:, orso k'soday. ma I'aniN' fi me: or pros m'ik' ri: Na •ro:Jy.i\ L'ani fi: me: or pros Na gofi:Ny:. ylli ayo'Nin okuw er' o pros hein' ogos VseN' fifo k'soday or pros No gofi:Ny:. heer'ig' gavd'im go:no banif worr o ja:nuw I'o.fo ay ho/'i: LqNdUw o ja:nuw bro:n ogos bivj:ro. os dono do ya:s, orso k'soday^, o d'a:nuw bro:n oN'ei mra: Nay ro gra: r'b'ic sk'i pjd '. N'i.i' N'art ogom er, orso LqNdUw\ agos jo: mo ba:s. rqg k'soday or harrN'o krUw ogos durrso, ma: I'ig'oN tuw dUw vr sin o w£:luiv fi:s o drip do yofo, jo: tuw n van gon wiL'o yon qroyor. ta: me sa.sto, ors9 LqNdUw. yqrso N ta:rN'o f'r'i:d^ No yof I's bwiL'o b'ig do yasu.-r. yUi ba:r o ta:rN'o oNso NqrLar agos N'i: henik' Is LqNdUid 9 yos o ho:gsel'. yaih- gavd'im go:no t'anoyor' yruoy o giri: e: harN't' ogos ha:ri: Jo er o ta:rN' o harN't'. tarN' J'o dffo, orso LqNdUw I's k'soday. oN stato tuw do do yyd' du:bro:n'fo n van Nay wil' a:rd' sk'i ort. N'i: eil'ayo m'a go bra.y i: ay my.: ]tu/) taw hein agos m'ijo o yaho yy:co, go gaiho mif on rsd wiJJ a:l'. tarN' o tarrN'o. yrqm k'soday fi:s. rqg fs or' o to.:rN'o Is Na ioklo. harN'e: ogos yaih' o er' o NqrLar. ru:L 217 Lonndubh oirrthi 7 rinne se gaire mor. Go de" adhbhar do ghaire 1 arsa Ceadach. Brod 7 athas ag amharc air an bhanphrionnsa a bheldheas na muaoi again fhein. Is beag do chiall, arsa Ceadach, 7 is beag do chuid ditlie. Is fiorbheag aird aici orfc. Sin adhbhar mo mna-sa 7 ta fhios aici fhein sin. Nf bhfuigh tii 1 gan troid chruaidh. Ta me* s.-istu sin do ghlacadh, arsa Lonndubh. Nuair do bin siad a« f dul i gceann ainn thainie Gaibbdin Gabhna asteach. Nuair chuala se fath 11a troda, dubhairt se nach nibeidheadh troid air bith aim acht go n deanadh seisean breitheamhnas. D'aontaigh siad do'n bhreitheamhnas. Niin-se mo bhreitheamhnas, arsa Gaibbdin Gabhna, go bhfagfaidh me sibli bhur dtriiir bliur seasadh air nrlar mo cheardcha. Ta tri doirse oirrthi, dorus mic riogh 7 rofhlaitli, dorus na marcaigh (mai'cacli) 7 dorus na gcoisidheannai. Anns an am seo bhi an Glilais Ghaibhleanna aig Gaibbdin Gabhna. Blii slabhradh aige oirrthi le h-eagla roimhe Bhalar. Leigeadh an slabhradh i anuas go Cnoc an tSlabhraidh ata aig taobh Ard- da-ratha. Ce'r bith an chead soitheach a chuirfea faoi an bh6 ag bleagan, lionfliadh si e, bidheadh se beag no in6r, 7 sin da mbeidheadh de bhainne aici. Ce b'air bith duine agaibh a lean- fhaidh si, bidheadh si aige 7 mur leanaidh si aon dhuine agaibh, ni bhfuigh ceachtar agaibh i. Ce an dorus a rachaidh tu aniach? arsa Ceadach. Rachaidh me amach air dhorus mic riogh 7 ro-fhlaith, arsa Lonndubh. Is 6 ba duthcha domh. Rachaidh mise amach air dhorus na gcoisidheannai, arsa Ceadach. Ma leanann si me air dhorus mic riogh no ro-fhlaith, leanfliaidh si me air dhorus na gcoisidheannai. Clmaidh gach aon duine ocii air a dhorus fhein 7 lean sise Ceadach air dhorus na gcoisidheannai. Thairg Gaibbdin Gabhna banais mhor do dheanadh leobhtha acht thoisigh Lonndubh ag deanadh broin 7 buaidheartha. Is dona do chas, arsa Ceadach, ag deanadh broin i ndiaidh nana nach robh gradh air bith aici dhuid. Ni'l neart agam air, arsa Lonndubh, 7 gheobh me bas. Rug Ceadach air thairnge crudh 7 dubhairt se, ma leigeann tii domh air sin do bhualadh sios i dtroigh do choise, gheobh tu an bhean gan bhuille gan urchar. Ta m^ sasta, arsa Lonndubh. Chuir se an tairnge frid na chois le buille beag de chasur. Chuaidh barr an tairnge anns an urlar 7 ni thainic le Lonndubh a chos do thogail. Chaith Gaibbdin Gabhna teanchoir chruadhach ag iarraidh e do thairnt 7 sharaigh se air an tairnge do thairnt. Tairng seo as seo, arsa Lonndubh le Ceadach. An stadfaidh tu de do chuid dubr6in fa an bhean nach bhfuil aird aici ort. Ni eileacha me go brathach i acht ma thig tu fhein 7 mise i gcatha choidhche, go gcaithfidh mise an chead bhuille fhaghail. Tairng an tairnge. Chroin Ceadach sios. Rug se air an tairnge le n-a fhiacla. Thairng 218 LoNdUw dma.y^ or a doros. N'i:r' a.:g fd fLa:n Na Va.Na.yt okuiv. gdd'e: jarnd mivid' fiN'd ? drsd k'sdday I'ef a iva.nf'r'iNsd. k'sb'er'-b'ic as toIJ L'oct. yJJdld m'd, drse:, gd ro f'iN too. ku:L' dNo aafk'ia.y wo:r, gd ro mo:ran dd asefk'i: maihd fwi: ogos a hein N& ain't) ira.ic. ray? mwid' yd iaxiwir iN'fer' iN gd (j£di'j mwid' ta.uidL dN'fin. ma yd L'o.r, drsi: . oluif a virt' a J"' j'u.T. da.:y sLa:n agds Ha.Na.yt sg^ ga.vd'i:n go:nd. N'i:r stad fdd yd ro fad 9 d'duwdr Nd ri:. vi: f'iN wo. ku:L' ogds a. yyd' far dmwif a fel'ig'. N'i: ro sd yjej'L'a.n ayt Nd mra:. d'iN'if b'a.n iN' vl ku:L' dofd, yd ro f'iN ogds a. h:t'd fa. I'eivt'd mo:r Nd m'i:. Nay m'eirt" 1 fd dtoel'd yd k'iN yu:y' La.:, a.y a Nrr'd c.idNd a jo:s m'ifd, joi dd va.Nsd yd b'iL'd tuw er ef, ma:s ma.i Vat f'iN ck'eel'. da:k fd b'aNa.yt ohuw dyds d'im'i: fd iN'fer iN agds iN'f'ir Nd f'idNdv. Ner a vi: fd t'ayt a wogos dofd, kasuw t'a.y sLa.ytir er. yUi fs: ft' ay oyds yo:r'i: a hein Vs krsek'n'd Nd m'ahi: f'isen. Ner' a hen ik' f'iN e: a tar N't' oruw, d'idfri: fd, a wj^-.ydL'i:, gdd'e: ta.: f'iv ja:nuw ? ta: imvid' a d'a.:nuw dr N'i.N'ard, drsd konan. gdd'e: ta: tuw hein' a ja:nuw ? ta: m's gawvodrk w \ :m. t'i:m o:g'ar k'l'ift'd a tar N't' oriN'. ma:s o yyd'uw I'iN' dta.: fd, ds f'a:rd'd di:N' agds ma:s dNar'Ndi (djd) dta: fd, ds m'ift'd di:N'. b'djds dgiN' gdd'e: n k'iri'aL din e: . ma.s a yliN' m'ik' ri: No. ro:la.i! : a, N'i: lorr'i: fd l's din'd No, din'd I'ef yd d'iy'i fd dN md lahdrsd ogds gd N'a:ni fd kvhdrd ir.lia.yt ogds oRdrn dUw. mas a yliN' bgdi: No. din'd vali: a, a rid din'd a d'iky: fe: ad I'ef f'idfrayi fd, ka wil' a ri: ? N'i:r lo:r k'sdday I's •hsd'Nyn'd Na. sdNyn'd I'ef gd den'ifd a Lahser iN' vi ku:L '. riN' kohdrd u:\iayt ogds oRom do:, gdd'e: N din'd huw ? drsd f'iN. bwj_:yiL' dta: y'iri: a.m'fir'd ta.: iNdm, drsd k'sdday. keen'dm No k'a liN'tuv huw ? drsd f'iN. N'i: ro m'd sy' dn waift'ir or'iuw, drsd k'sdday, Na.y durr'it^ fs hein en'drn' ovdm. mifd, d fuir m'ifd ko:r'i: hnw dNsNd krxWn'd, bweeft'dm g'iLd Nd goyoL krsek'dN ort. N'i: wuir m'd en'dm N'i: b'a:r dr'iuw, drsd k'edda.y. gdd'e: Nobwir' wiL tuw maic sg'd ? drsd f'iN ta.: m'd maic a kriN'uw fahgd, drsd k'sdda.y^ ta.: tuw a jic (ji:c) ordtn gd mo:r, drso f'iN. gdde: N tudrdstdl dta.: tuw jiri: gd k'iN La: agds b'l'iin'? drsd f'iN. ma aro:J9m dadi: ayd ', vs:rd tuw hein dUw a m'sd' ds f'juiv m'd. 219 d 7 chaith 6 air an urlar. Shiubhail Lonndubh amach air an dorus. Nior fhag sd slan na beannacht ocii. Go do gheanfaidh muid sinne? arsa Ceadach leis an bhanphrionnsa. Ce b'air bith is toil leat. Chuala me, arsd, go robh Fionn mac Cumhaill arm a ghaiscidheach mhor, go robh moran de ghaiscidhigh maithe faoi 7 e fhein na (limine mhaith. Racbaidh muid go Teatnhair annsair Fhionn go gcaithidh muid fcamall annsin. Maith go le6r, arsi. Ghluais an bheirt 'un siubhail. D'fhag slan 7 beannacht aig Gaibhdfn Gabhna, Nior stad siad go robb siad i dTeainbair na riogh. Blii Fionn mac Cumhaill 7 a chuid fear amuigh ag seilg. Ni robh sail cliaislean acht na 11111a. D'innis bean Fliinn mliic Cumhaill ddbhtha, go robh Fionn 7 a sluaighte fa shleibhte nior na Midhe. Nach mbeidheadh se abhaile go ceann chiiig la. Acht an aire chdadna a gheobhas mise, gheobhaidh do bhean-sa go bpillidh tii air ais, ma's maith leat Finn do fheiceal. D'fhag se beannacht ocii 7 d'imthigh se annsair Fhionn 7 annsair na Fiannaibh. Nuair bhi se teacht i bhfogus dubhtha, casadh teach slachtair air. Chuaidh se asteach 7 chuirigh e fhein le craicne na mbeathaigh fiadhain. Nuair chonnaic Fionn e ag tairnt orrthu, d'fhiafraigh se, A bhuachailli, go de ta sibh da dheanadh 1 Ta muid ag deanadh ar ndinneara, arsa Conan. Go de ta tu fhein da dheanadh'? Ta me ag amharc nam. Tim oigfhear cliste ag tairnt orrainn. Ma's do chuidiughadh linn ata se, is fearrde dinn 7 ma's ann ar n-aghaidh ata se, is misde dinn. Beidh fhios againn go de an cineal duine e. Ma's de chlainn mic riogh no ro-fhlaith e, ni labhairfidh se le duine na duine leisgo dtigidh se ann mo lathair-se 7 go ndeanaidh se comhartha umhluigheacht 7 urram doinh. Ma's de chlainn bodaigh no duine bheathlaidhe e, an chead duine a dtiocfaidh se fhad leis, fiafrachaidh se, Ca bhfuil an ri ? Nior labhair Ceadach le h-aon duine no aon duine leis go dtainic se i lathair Fhinn mine Cumhaill. Binne comhartha umhluigheacht 7 urram do. Go de an duine thu ? arsa Fionn. Buachaill ata ag iarraidh aimsire ta ionnam, arsa Ceadach. Cainm no ca shloin- neadh thu? arsa Fionn. Ni robh me aig aon mhaighistir ariamh, ai\sa Ceadach, nach dtiubhradh se fhein ainm orm. Maiseadh, o fuair mise coirighthe thu anns na craicne, baistim Giolla na gCochall Craicionn ort. Ni bhfuair me ainm ni b'fhearr ariamh, arsa Ceadach. Go de an obair bhfuil tii maith aige ? arsa Fionn. Ta me maith ag cruinnighadh sealga, arsa Ceadach. Ta tii de dith orm go mor, arsa Fionn. Go de an tuai-astal ata tu da iarraidh go ceann la 7 bliadliain ? arsa Fionn. Ma gbnothaighim dadai dhuid, bhearfaidh tii fhein domh an moid is fid me. Ta sin 220 te." fin' •o.n'ca.rt, 9rs9 fiX. alui/hd sl'ig' dN' fahg. N'i:r Lui$9 vsuw sdn maruw sg' far Ny. vdiiw b'a.y maruw sg' far el'9. vi: fod mar sin yd tranb:n9 ag9s vi: tort' bohog'9 sg^ ksoduy vr 9 arvm! try.iiu.-7i9. ni9 v7-'iohor di.v, y.rov, 9T89 f'iN, go fid'om go w'iV gsefk'ia.'Y 'awtoahp 9giN'. ta: bro:d og9s y.li9s ordm. ra.yjomtvid' 9 wel'a iX'Je/-' er' gyd' ban go X'y.:nomwid' f's.sto mo:r. vi LUyser u-orr er' 9 gyd' hyji r'ipuw. x% Ner' 9 heriik' Xo fir 9 wanf i-'xXso o:g sky.ic ci:do X'i: tvy.n9Xy.r1, vi: o:Xtos (j[:Nt98, i.Xtos) mo:r oruw g9 L'eir' fy. Xy. b'r'sayt'o. do:rdi: fiX 9 fs9st9 9 bo wu: 9 riN' fs 9r'iuw 9 jy.:nuvj. vi: fod t'r'i: ly.: y.gos t'r'i: %:h9 9 g'if-9 og9s 9 god. 9XS9 Xam fin' hit' mo:ran d9 Xa, di:n'i: N9 goLuw. d'eir'i: b'y.n iX' vl ku:L' ogos b'irt^ dc Xd mra: uifL el's, b'y.n jsroimvid' og9S b'y.n oskyr' 91710% a. X'io hem 9X9 Loy 9 vi: tiuiv hior (tirp'iar) don ysfL'an. hen'ik' Lay oj't'y.y 9X9 y/i:n'. l'z:rii b'irt' y.r ornyy^ 98 9 Lyji. reejbd oN'i:s. rog far okuw 97- van jeramwid. yyr' er' 9 guv/iX' i: oyos rsejbd fi:s 9X9 Lyno or'ej'. hiXty.i X Lor t 9N9farog9. ag9S N'i:r wy.d9 g9 ro fi: 9S yuwork. hen'ik! b'y.n iX' og9s b'an oskyr' 9 wel'9. d'iN'if gdd'e: ni9r J'k'ibuw 97*' cn:l 9 ggmry.di: . vi: X9 fioNo Viy' bwj^:r9 oggs d,'sr»mwid' X'i:s mo: Xa din er b'i$. bo g,e7-'id' g9r liiXty.i n bwy:r'uw oX fir'ig'9 agos du:rt' f'iN go gaihot^ Jbd i: l'y.nu:X't' ogos to:rt' er'ef k'eb'er''b'ip a:ffl so do:n 9 ro fi:. du:rt' f'iN go gyr'iffl J'o fayt gyJi9 X9 feiX'9 da ku9rtuw. du:rt' cVsromwid' Xyy 9 fin' o k'y.rt a;/ b'igan d9 jy.rgv my.ic" 9 f'ikuw. 9 N'aindW fod gsefk'iayt gor er vigy.n di:n'i: 9 b9 vam:l e: vo mwid'o. d'iofri: f'iN k'y. vsod far 9 v's:r9^ Js Vef. du:rt' d'ervmwid' g9 do.j'uw mo:r hej'or. d'ior f'iN er o Xen'om'n'uw. du:rt' d'zwmwid' f'iN ?ra ku:L' 9 rid dia'o. cVsrvmwid' 9 dy.ro din'9. oskor t'r'iguw din 9. Lui fa yyX'9 ft'u:ruw N9 Lyjio. No Na% wiL tuio yol 9 hort {,) Vat g'iLo X9 yoyoL krsek'oX? ta:m k'iX't'o, orso d'tromwid', ma ta: fs 8a: st 9 (pi. X'i: ruyi Jb, orso skctic ci.do. ma: Vig' niifo iN'for9v e: Vs fer'ovif 9 janiuw di:v 9 N'eir'iN', X'i:V rib 9 yoL dy Tig on l"iv dmy.y 9s eir'iX'. I's y'y.Lu:X't'y.yo mo.ro a d'ig'ot {l) Jbd er'ef 9 %i:p, b'i:t (l) f9 b'jo: Xy. maruw, g9 du:r'it^ fod owel'o fiik'i 9, dj :Xti fi: 9 Vig on Vofo. jl'sos f'iN d Lot] o b'a.r 9 vi: N'eir'iN'. yorso b'io hayt m'Vion oft'yy er' 9 Lyn y.yos yUi Jbd oN fxrog'o. vi: J'iod t'r'i: ly.: ogos t'r'i: i:p 221 an-cheart, arsa Fionn. Ghluais siad uilig 'un sealg. Nior luaithe bh&dheadh can marbh aig fear na bheidheadh beathach marbh aig fear eile. Bin siad mar sin go trathnona 7 bin toirt bothoige aig Ceadach air ;i dhruim trathnona. Mo bhriathar dibh, a fhearaibh, arsa Fionn, go Faoilim go bhfuil gaiscidheach an-mhaith againn. Ta brod 7 athas orm. Racbaidh muid a bhaile annsair ar gcuid ban go ndeanaidh muid fi'asta mdr. Bhi luthghair mhor air a gcuid ban rompu. Acht nuair chonnaic na fir an bhanphrionnsa 6g Scaith Shioda ni Mhanannan, bin' iongantas mor orrthu go leir f;i n-a breaghaichte. D'ordaigh Fionn an feasta bu mho a rinne se ariamh dodheanadh. Bin siad tri la 7 tri oidhche ag ithe 7 ag 61. Anns an am sin thuit moran de na daoini na gcodhladh. D'eirigh bean Fhinn mine Cumhaill 7 beirt de na mna uaisle eile, bean Dhiarmuid 7 bean Oscair amach da nighe fhein ami loch a bhi taobh shiar de'n chaislean. Thainic long asteach 'un an chuain. Leim beirt fhear amach as an luing. Reath siad anios. Rug fear ocu air bhean Dhiarmuid Chuir air a ghualainn i 7 reath siad 'un na luinge air ais. Thiontaigh an long 'un na fairge. 7 nior bhfada go robh si as amharc. Thainic bean Fhinn 7 bean Oscair a bhaile. D'innis go de mar sciobadh air shiubhal a gcomradaidh. Bhi na Fianna uilig buaidheartha 7 Diarmuid nios mo na duine air bith. Bu ghoirid gur thiontaigh an buaidhreadh 'un feirge 7 dubhairt Fionn go gcaithfheadh siad i leanamhaint 7 tabhairt air ais ce b'air bith ait san domhan a robh si. Dubhairt Fionn go gcuireadh se seacht gcatha na Feinne da cuartughadli. Dubhairt Diarmuid nach e sin an ceart acht beagan de fhearaibh maith do phiocadh. Da ndeanadh siad gaiscidheacht gur air bheagan daoini bu mheasamhla e do bheith maoidhte. D'fhiafraigh Fionn ca mhead fear dobhearfadh se leis. Dubhairt Diarmuid go dtiubhradh morl'heisear. D'iarr Fionn air a n-ainmniughadh. Dubhairt Diarmuid Fionn mac Cumhaill an chead duine. Diarmuid an dara duine. Oscar an tricheadh duine. Lughaidh fa choinne stiurughadh na luinge. Na nach bhfuil tu ag dul do thabhairt leat Giolla na gCochall Craicionn 1 Taim cinnte, arsa Diarmuid, ma, ta, se sasta do dhul. Ni rachaidh se, arsa Scaith Shioda. Ma leig mise annsorraibh e le seirbhis do dheanadh dibh i nEirinn, ni'l me ag dul da leigean libh amach as Eirinn. Le geallamhainteacha mora da dtigeadh siad air ais a choidhche, bid head h so beo no marbh, go dtiubhradh siad a bhaile chuicci &, d'aontaigh si e do leigean leobhtha. Ghleas Fionn an long ab fhearr do bin i n -Eirinn. Chuir se biadh sheacht mbliadhan asteach air an luing 7 chuaidh siad 'un fairge. Bhi siad tri la 7 222 fo:Ltxrxyt Ner o jiojri: g'iLo No goyoL krsek'oN, w^:yoL'i:, k'a wiL' f'iv o gol? du:r siod, k'sb'er'b'ir a:t' o feit'i: n oj: fiN'. du:rt' (j'iLd No goydL krsek'oN I's Luijo oN Lor t 9 ft'u:ruw or No hiN'iayo her'. Nay ro: n van •a.N'doiu.'V so do:n Nayor tcai? l'o:fo vo okuiv. ja:no m'i/h Jin, orso Lui. eo:L' J'od a.m mo:r /add. La: owx:n d'ior fiN er yy:L't' 9 aol go ba:r 9 'yrscN'J'od' . riN' ky.L't'o Jin. du:rso go icakoj'o txluic. o N'a:not^ J'od obwir ivaic gd m'eit^ Jod sg'o I's heir'i: g'r'ein'o. Lx,yorNo'wx:ray yUi ky:L't'o go bx:r o yrseNfod' (yriN'j'o:l') agos du:rso, t'i:m t'i:r' vr'so, ku:rt' ogos kseJ'L'an, btvj_ :yoL'i: n wel'o wo:r o g'omwsen or' o tra(:)i. t'i:m ax.icod Lor h fico k'iN or' Q.ay tiuw don ee: ogos a:t' k'iN owa:u' otoruw. a luijo, j't'u:ri: do lo^ oj't'ay^ iN'J'id. ja.no m'ijb Jin, orso Luijo. riN' agos N'i:r' kyr'uiv t'aytir'o 9wa:n on ri: o jiofri: k'e: iod Itein'. solk o yosudxyt Jo, orso fiN. %N' , orso g'iLo No goyoL krxk'oN, kxiho tuw din o yor o yjeN't' I'eJ' o ri: . N'i: ro N'ar er o Lyji o alakuw er hein o aol o yjseN't^ I'ef o ri: . boje: o Inoen'om' df>n ri: s:mtviN' -t'rsonwiL'xy. tvaijt'ir', orso g'iLo No goyoL krsek'oN, rayo m's hein' oNo ysefL'seit. k'r'ed'om gor tuw os fa:r, orso fiN. yyr' er' o yoli: ir'im ogos yUi oNo yjejL'sen. wy:L' Jo bwiL'o oNso yUiL'd ko:rik'. hen'ik' hig'o gaj'k'iay doer' 'iven'om k'i:hay 'krUi'xr'omxy. god'e: ta: tuw j'iri: ? orse:. •yyr' mo wxij't'ir, fiN rva ku:L' iN' J'o m'o jiri: tio do: 'hein agos do vigy.it da yyd' far. o N'a:nuw kro: mgk Nx maduw mai do:, N'i: wi:ffl J'o 9. ayt ta: t'ay auwos hi:s eg' on ylx.dx.y. Ma: jev f'iv a:Ntios oNo haliwij] b'i:t^ J'z ogov ogos mor wa(:)i, b'i:g'i: J'oluw. t'ej'anuw t'ay No Nxuivos do:. Ner' o yJJi fd I't'xy er' o dorss, N'i: ro o Nduivos oNso t'ay Nx.y d'a:rN ga:r'o. god'e: x:n:or /nor r^.rr'o ? orso g'iLo No goyoL knek'oN. fa dorodso do jo:l' u:r o vo ogiN'. b'ojos ogov o wolort^ J'iN do J'k'sol. rog fo i/'r'im' nx: lordgd er o War bo n'ej'o do: a,gos hu:si: J'o dx gxsgort' I'eJ' o N'a.r son, god'i: go ro d'er'uw mxruw ag'o x.y o N'xr owx:n. vi: oN tauwos ksel' zy'o god'i: N da: jito vi: oNa (fa: ao:rN sg'o. y;pf9 No hxjiwij' oii)7.y ogos riN' kx,:rNxn di.fo. yUi er'ej' 9N9 Lyno. tx: t'xy ogiN' iN'Jb, a,y N'il' b'i: er' b'ir. kaxhomwid' b'io iori: on yjrfLxM. yUi 0N0 ysJ'L'iat ogos du:rt', yyr mo 223 tri oidche tig seoltaracht nuair dh'fhiafruigh Giolla na gCochall Craicionn, A bhuachailli, c;i bhfuil sibh ag dul? Dubhairt siad ce b'air bith ait da seidfidh an ghaoth sinn. Dubhairt Giolla na gCochall Craicionn le Lughaidh an long do stiurughadh air na h-Indiacha Bhoir. Nach robh aon bhean an-d6igheamhail san domhan nachar inhaith leobhtha do bheith ocii. Gheanfaidh mise sin, arsa Lughaidh. Sheol siad am mor fada. La amhain d'iarr Fiona air Chaoilte do dhul go barr an chraianseoil. Rhine Caoilte sin. Dubhairt se go bhfacaidh se talanih. Da ndeanadh siad obair inhaith go mbeidheadh siad aige le h-eirighe greine. La air na mharach chuaidh Caoilte go barr an chraiaaseoil 7 dubhairt se\ Tim tir bhreagh, cuairt 7 caisleaa, buachailli an bhaile mlioir ag iomain air an traigh. Tim dha fhichead long, fiche ceann air gach taobh de'n cheidh 7 ait ceann amhain eatorrii. A Lughaidh, stiuraiffh do lontr asteach annsiud. Gheanfaidh mise sin, arsa Lughaidh. Ilinne 7 nior cuireadh teachtaire amhain o'n ri dho fhiafraigh ce iad fhein. Is olc an chosamhlacht seo, arsa Fiona. A Fhiaa, arsa Giolla aa gCochall Craicioaa, caithtidh tii duiae do chur do chaint leis aa ri. Ni robh aoa fhear air aa luiag a ghlacadh air fhein do dhul do chaiat leis aa ri. Bu e ab aiam do'n ri Eamonn Treaabhuilleach. A mhaighistir, arsa Giolla na gCochall Craicionn, rachaidh me fhein 'ua aa chaisleain. Creidim gar tii is fearr, arsa Fiona. Cbuir air a chulaidh airm 7 chuaidh 'ua aa chaisleain. Bhuail se buille aaas aa chuaille comhraic. Thaiaic chuitje ^aiscidheach dar bh'ainm Citheach Cruaidhar- mach. Go de ta tii da iarraidhl arse. Chuir 1110 mhaighistir, Fionn mac Cumbaill aaaseo me dho iarraidh tuighe do fhein 7 do bheau;ia da chuid fear. Da adeaaadh cro muc ao madadh maith do, ni bhfuigheadh se e. Acht ta teach amhas thios aig aa chladach. Ma gheibh sibh aoatuigheas o aa b-amhais, bidheadh se agaibh 7 mur bhfaghaidh, bidhidh folamh. Teiseaaadh teach aa a-amhas do. Nuair chuaidh se asteach air aa dorus, ni robh aon amhas amis aa teach nach deara gaire. Go de adhbhar bhur agaire ? ai-sa Giolla ao gCochall Craicionn. Fa d'oiread-sa de fheoil ur do bheith againn. Beidh fbios agaibh a mhalairt sia de sceal. Rug se greim dha lurga air an fhear bu aeise do 7 thusaigh se da gcoscairt leis an fhear sin, go dti go robh deireadh marbh aige acht aon fhear amhain. Bhi an t-amhas caithte aige go dti an da ghiota bhi aim a dha dhorn aige. Chaith se aa h-amhais amach 7 riaae carnaa diobhtha. Chuaidh air ais 'ua aa luiage. Ta teach agaiaa aaaseo, acht ai'l biadh air bith. Caithfidh muid biadh iarraidh o'n chaisleaa. Chuaidh 'ua aa chaisleain 7 224 woh/l'ir' f'iN me iN'fo o jiri: b'i: do: -hein ayos do vigan da. yyd' far. o N'a:nuw spo:L 9wa:ri mail/ do:, N'i: wi:t^ fo e: . ay ta: taruw er' o NilseN' fo 9 yyN'i: t'r'idN dd NilaN do: hein Var L'iX'. ma: warowiN' fiv 9 towuw, b'i:t^ fo oyov ayos mor marowi:, b'v.y'i: foluw. kx wH' d taruw ? arse:, t'efanuiv do: X tymo do Nila.ii 9 ro X taruw. o La: fo hog fe l'ef konan. Ner 9 yUi fod o jia.r doN taruw, riN' fa buw'o mo:r ogos hx.rN' ■"'""'■ y$>' yiLo No yoyjoL kreek'oN 9 ylo:kd er o tyuw bo N'efo d, fo e: . yor so a. pa: la:v fa:n yuol yoNy:. hog l'ef i: go t'ay No Nauwos. yor t'in'i i.Y'l'i:. yyr o kor'o ori: agos r'iX' wow doX tarutv oX. d'ifiod o sa(:)i ogos yodil' o Xi:ro fin', er mwsed'in go Luo du:rt' g'iLo No goyoL krsek'oN, o jsromwid', os w 2 { :d' o togutv n van. os ort o hig o cXd trid'. fk'i:ha,n fk'odoXay o hog l'ef do van. os ort e: rid' oN'uw. o jiLo ji.i'if, orso f'iN, N"W gar d-soNin'o da wil' iN'fo o aol 9 rid' ay huiv hein. yUi g'iLo No yoyfL kratk'9N 8U9S oNo yjefL'sen. wy.i' bv)iL r 9 S9 yUiL'o ko rik'. d'iN'if d9N' 225 dubhairt, Cluiir mo mhaighistir Fiona me annseo do iarraidh bldh do fhein 7 do bheagan da chuid fear. Da ndeanadh spolla amhain maith do, ni bhfuigheadh se e. Acht ta tarbh air an oilean seo a chuinnighidh trian de'n oilean do fhein le ar linn. Ma mharbhann sibh an tarbh, bidheadb s6 agaibb 7 mur marbhaidh, bidhidb folainh. Ca bhfuil an tarbh 1 arse. Teiseanadh do an taobh de'n oilean i robh an tarbh an la seo. Thug se leis Conan. Nuair chuaidh siad i ngearr do'n tarbh, rinne se buirthe inor 7 thairng orrthii. Chuir Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn a chloca air an taobh bu neise do'n tarbh de'n ard. Chuaidh e fhein air an taobh eile. Chuir an tarbh a dha adhairc frid an chloca 7 go bun asteach san ard. Leim Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn 7 bhuail e le na chlaidhimh. Bhain an ceann de. A Chonain, arse, iomchra- chaidh mise an cholann 7 iomchuir thusa an ceann. Ni robh aim acht go robh Conan abalta an ceann do chorrughadh. Bhfuil tii ag teacht? arsa Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn. Ni'l, arsa Conan. Saoilim go bhfuil seo ro-throm again. Chuir se a lamh thart. Fuair greim adhairce air an cheann 7 air lurga Chonain. Shiubhail leis gur chaith de an beairtin i dteach na n-anihas. A Fhinn, ta biadh annseo acht ni'l teini air bith. Caithfidh muid gleas bruithe do fhaghail do'n tarbh. D'imthigh 'un an chaisleain. Chuir mo mhaighistir Fionn me annseo do iarraidh gleas bruithe do'n tarbh. Da ndeanadh an pota is high amis an teach maith dhuid, ni bhiuighthea e acht ma bheir an cocaire cead duid spolla do chur san phota, bidheadh agad, 7 mur dtugaidh, beidh tii folamh. Chuaidh annsair an chucaire. Dubhairt an cocaire nach bhfuigheadh cead aon spolla amhain do chuir anns an choire. Rug se air an choire. Thog e amach de'n obair cloiche. Thug thart e 7 leig steall inhor de'n bhroth thart air na cucairi. Dhoigh 'un bais iad. Dubhairt le Fionn, ta teini de dhith orrainn anois. Chuaidh 'un an chaisleain. Chuir 1110 mhaighistir Fionn me annseo do iarraidh teineadh. Da ndeauadh spliota amhain maith do, ni bhfuitiheadh se 6. Chuir se a dha laiuih fa'n chual chonnaidh. Thu<^ leis i so teach na n-amhas. Chuir teini innti. Chuir an coire orrthi 7 roinn mhor de'n tarbh ami. D'ith siad a saith 7 chodail an oidhche sin. Air niaidin go luath dubhairt Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn, A Dhiarmuid, is uaid a tugadh an bhean. Is ort a thig an chead troid. Sciothan Sceolannacli a thug leis do bhean. Is ort e do throid aniu. A Ghiolla dhilis, arsa Fionn, ni'l uar do aon duine da bhfuil annseo do dhul do throid acht thii fhein. Chuaidh Giolla na gCoehall Craicionn suas 'un an chaisleain. Bhuail buille san chuaille conihraic. D'innis do'n a. 15 226 I'yylir'd gg ro trid' a ji:<; er 9 fk'i:han fk'o:hNay. hen'ik' fk'i:han fk'oihNasfc rid! a. hein agas g'iLa Nd goyaL kr&k'aX a Q.Uw mwxN'9 s ,i icineel' er agas win a riX de". hen'ik' iX'fer \N. iN', k'i.hy.y kruiar&may a geefk'iayasf'a:r aXsa rihayta, kaxha tuw far Lud yUi giLa Na gayaL kr&k'aN suds aXa yuj'L'sen'. wy:V biciL'd S9 •vUiL'd korrik'. d'idr ko:rak ar ri:ha.y yruiaramy.y. ba d'i:ivi:ri e: gad'i: Jin. ridfi fs hein agas k'i:hay gd tra~no:na. vi dol sg^ g'iLa Xa gayaL I.rxk'dN er' a.gds r'iX' k'i:hay L'b:n mo:r de hein'. r'iX' g'iLd n rod k'iaXd y.gas mardiouw k'i:hay. wy:V dr'i:f(t') dXsd yUiL'd kbrrik' . N'i:r f'r'igriuw e:. gdd'e: ta:mwid' gal a ja:nuw? arse: Ve f'iN. rayanuvid' a wel'a, arsa f'iX. N'i: rayamivid' a wel'a, arsa g'iLd Xd g.iyjiL krea,k'dX, gd ioa.:mwid' er' m'an a.gds Lgrag 9r La:va a:gxV ar X'ei. ta: in ari/iayt a wgy&s don ynfL'au. vs:rdr er' m'an dX'fin' dX' Uw. my.: jsf'dr i: Jtzy sa Nui, hisa a.gas m'ij'd agas dwxl' i X'eir'iX', X'i: horr'uw ama.y^ i: . to.: ay.: QQT98 er' a Nui, dords b'ig agas dords mo:r. kyr'a mwid' d'sramivid' er' a daras v'ig agas ra.ya m'ij'd er' a daras wo:r. X'i:r' wyxh ' aa: gd waky: (wokyi) hig'a b'y.u jsr9mwid' ua.rrsag da wra: o:gd Veigo agas aa:rs9g dd hantura:. rog g'iLd ori: y.gds rog a cavar agas f'i L;/ji> y.yf'iX y.gas giLa. yjjr g'iLa osXa wo:r as. gad'e: z:u: war9W9. fyrr.r haw, ai'sa g'iLa, X'i: huf Viiii Ly.(:)uu) o ho:gxV gd marmvi: fa m'a. go: fi:s fwi: luift'a Xi Lyv.9 y.gas kyr' ori a yjdi: sku:L'u:ni: ata: X'j'iit s X'i: 227 teachtaire go robh troid de dhlth air o Sciothan Sce6launach. Thainic Sciothan Sceolannach. Tliroid e fhein 7 Giolla 11a gCochall Craicionn dhubh maidne go dubh oidhche. Bhuail Giolla buille i gcomhraic ;i chinn 7 a mhuineail air 7 bhain ji cheann »le. Thainic annsair Phionn. A Fhinn, Citheacb Cruaidh-armach an gaiscidheach is fearr aims an rioghacht, caithfidb tii fear do chur le n-a throid amarach. Ni'l duine air bitb annseo le n-a throid nmr ndeanaidh tii fhein e. Air inaidin go luath chiiaidh Giolla na gCocball Craicionn suas 'im an chaisleain. Bhuail buille san chuaille coinhraic. D'iarr comhrac air Chitbeach Chruaidh-armach. Ba dioniliaoin e "o dti sin. Tliroid se fhein 7 Citheacb go tratlmona. Bhi dul aig Giolla na gCochall Craicionn air 7 rinne Citheacb leomhan m6r de fhein. Rinne Giolla an rud ceadhna 7 mhavbbuigh Citheacb. Bhuail aria anus an chuaille coinhraic. Nior ffeagraigheadh e. Go de tamuid ag dul da dheanadh I arse le Fionn. Rachaidh niuid abbaile, arsa Fionn. Ni rachaidh niuid abhaile, arsa Gioila na gCochall Craicionn, go bhfaghaidh niuid ar mbean 7 lorg ar laimhe do fhagail ar ndiaidb. Ta uaigb dbraoitbeachta i bhfogus do'n cbaislean. Bhearthar ar mbean annsin aniu. Ma gbeiblitbear i asteach san uaigh, thusa 7 mise 7 a bbfuil i n-Eirinn, ni thiubhradh (tbabhairfeadb) amach i. Ta dha dhorus air an uaigh, dorus beag 7 dorus nior. Cuirfidh niuid Diarmuid air an dorus bheag 7 rachaidh mise air an dorus mbor. Nior bhfada dbo go bhfacaidh chuige bean Dhiarmuid dha'reag de mhna oga leithe 7 dha'reag de sheanmbna. R"g Giolla orrthi 7 rug an cheathrar 7 ficbe ban orrthi. Chaith Giolla air a ghualainn an bhantracbt uilig. Scairt air Dhiarmuid 7 phill '1111 an bhaile annsair Fhionn. Bhi liithghair mbor orrtlni a mbean do bheith ocu. Nacb rachaidh muid abhaile anois? arsa Fionn. Ni rachaidh muid abhaile, arsa Giolla, go bbfagfaidh muid lorg ar laimhe fa'n cbaislean. Chuaidb 'un an chaisleain. Thug leobhtha lasta a luinge de or 7 de iolmhaitheas 7 d'fhag an caislean le theini. Thog a seoltai 7 chuaidb 'un fairge. Bhi siad tri oidhche 7 tri la 7 an aimsir deas. Bhi siad ag ithe 7 ag 61 7 i bpleisiiir mhor. Ni robh air thaiste 11a luinge acht Fionn 7 Giolla. Chuir Giolla osna mbor as. Go de adhbhar d^> bhuaidheartha 1 arsa Fionn. Tim chugam long, arsa Giolla. Ta fear air bord orrthi a mbuirfeas mise. Ni'l, arsa Fionn, na aon fhear air dhruim an donihain a bheidheadh abalta thusa do mharbhadh. Faraor thii, arsa Giolla, ni thig Horn lamb do thogail go marbhaidh se me. Gabh sios faoi thaiste na luinge 7 cuir ort an chulaidh sciiilliiinaigh ata annsin 7 15—2 228 enayifs hinv. o: farj^:r huiv, 9rs9 g'iL&. 9sfa:r 9 Nen 9ta: zg'd oromso Na, ta: 9g9ts9, ag9s 9s 'ro:'a:r 9 k'art ota: sg' er' . glak m.9 yd:rL r 9, drss fiN. N'i: row dN ay g9 ro fe 9r'eJ\ Ner o vi: N Lot} yiviay bo:rd w' wo:rd V of. 'sail 'ar 9wa:?i fwi: xr&m ag98 eid'uw 9T hecj't'o No Lyjio. riN' J'e ga:r'o ag9s du.r S9, ta: raN ogom ayd' — en'i:m huw a go zoi:fflfi: a ro: far da rotv i N'eir'iN'. du:rt' skaic: ri: Nay ro" far 9r' b'if sg'9 9 ja:nuw a:t' 9 fir hein , ay e: Loy 9 ho:rt^ dico go go:r 'ayiffl fi: 9 far 9N9 sp'i:sori:, g9 gy:n9t^ fi: 9 8a(:)i f 9 Nil's la: 9s 9 c\N ag9s g9 uri:tft J'i: ba:s 9Ns9 Lor t cioNo 9 row 9 far. jl'sgs f'iN 9 Lor t 9 b'a:r i N'eiriN' dic9. kyr'uw ftfct/y oNsj Lyji korp csddi: 9N9 go:ro per'gg'id'. yUi J'i: hein' 9r bo.rd ojjos b9 yoni9 I'eico god'e: n b'alay^ 9 rayuw N Lqr r N'i: ro:s ek'i: k'a.:d 9 vi: J'i: er' fa.rog'9 ay^ vi: J'i: waxl, moran b'l'idNtd. fa jer'uw wj^.l 9 Loyj er' halmv. vi: J'i: tirsay or J'ar9g9. hen'i J'i: 9r t'irr mo:r. hen'i J'i: knJ'L'an mo:r i jia.r dic9. ru:L' J'i: 229 ni aithneachaidh so fchii. faraor thu, arsa Giolla. Ts fearr an aithne ata aige ormsa na ta agadsa, 7 is ro-fhearran coart ata aige air. Glac mo chomairle, arsa Pionn. Ni robh ami aclit go robh s6 air ais, nuair bin an long choimhightheach boi'd air bhord leobhtlia. Aon fhear amhain faoi arm 7 eideadh air tliaiste na luinge. Rinne se gaire 7 dubhairt s6. Ta rami again dliuid — Aithnighim tlni 7 ni h-air d'eadach, Acht air do rose greagach glan. Is fior sin 7 ni breag e Gur tii Ceadach mac ri na dTulach. A Cheadaigh, bhfuil cuimhne agad air do mhargadh liomsa i nEirinn 1 Ta, arsa Ceadach. Buail do bhuille. Nuair chonnaic Ceadach gur b'e buille Lonndubh an chead bhuille bheidheadh buailte, bhuail se a bhuille fhein 7 scaith gach fear ocii an ceann de'n fhear eile. Thuit gach fear ocii air thaiste a luinge fhein 7 d'imthigh an long choimhthigheach an bealach a dtainic si go bun an aeir. Scairt Fionn air a bhunadh, go ndeanadh siad buaidh- readh mor 7 d'innis dobhtha, nach duine air bith nios lugh na mac riogh na dTulach an fear bhi ocii. Bhi buaidhreadh an-mhor air Fhionn 7 air a bhunadh fa n-a bhas 7 bhi doilghios orrthii do theacht abhaile annsair a bhean 7 e marbh. Choirigh siad a cholann le spiosarai 7 thairng siad air an bhaile. An oidhche sin thainic ceo mor, gaoth 7 doinionn a chuir iad da gciirsa. Bhi siad air seachran. Ni robh fhios ocii ca robh siad ag dul airfeadh Imuran laethe. Shocraigh an doinionn 7 bu ghoirid go bhfuair siad (do) theacht al)haile. Nuair chonnaic Scaith Shioda ni Mhanan- nan a fear fhein marbh, bhi buaidhreadh dochuimsi orrthi. Bhi buaidhreadh air Fhionn 7 air an Fheinn go leir. Bhi buaidhreadh mor air Dhiarmuid 7 air a bhean. Dubhairt Fionn le Scaith Shioda go bhfhuigheadh si a raogha fear da robh i nEirinn. Dubhairt Scaith Shioda nach robh fear air bith aige a gheanfadh ait a Mr fhein, acht e long do thabhairt dithe go gcoireachadh si a fear aim spiosarai, go gcaoineadh si a saith an uile la os a cheann 7 go bhfuigheadh si bas amis an long cheadna a robh a fear. Ghleas Fionn an long ab fhearr i nEirinn dithe. Cuireadh asteach amis an luing corp Cheadaigh ann gc6fra airigid. Chuaidh si fliein air bord 7 bu chuma leithe go de an bealach a rachadh an long. Ni robh fhios aici ca fhad bhi si air fairge acht bhi si i bhfad, niuran bliadhanta. Fa dheireadh bhuail an long air thalamh. Bhi si tuirseach air fairge. Thainic si air tir mor. Chonnaic si caislean mor i ngar (ngearr) dithe. Shiubhail si suas 280 suds dNd yxfL'aen'. N'i: akd fi: din er' b'ir b'jo: . ylli fi: ft'ay. pu:L' fi: mo:ran fr'ixl' o yjefL'an. fa jer'uw hen'i fi: oNd fo:mr9 a:r'it' fxnor' 'k'r'i:N''L'i9. dahiN' fi: gd ro fs 9 Nam i:N't'oiy Na ri: . lo:r si: I'ef agds N'i: ro fs foNu:r Jandyosk er b'ip 9 ja:nuzv. vi: N tra.'no:n dN. N'i:r wench gd den'ik' dft'ay t' r'u:r (h acefk'i: o:go g'a:rd, m'iL't'd, Lot'i: agds foli: I's fwil'. yea di:fa 9 gyd' s9cli: . rog far okuw grim aa: yos er ar el' 9, ha(:)i fa fi:s 9 mwaer'iL'd 9 vi: gu:l d dorif 9. ItarN' &r'ef e: agds vi: fs fLx:n, faLeen '. r'iNuiv fin I'ef 9 t'r'u:r agds vi: fod L's9std kd maip 9s vi: fi/ad er'inw. 9 wjriypL'i:, 9rsi:, 9S kosu:L di:v gd ro f'iv 9 trid'. vi: mwid 9 trid', drs 9n far hd find, g9cl'e: a:tvdr mdr dr'ido? &rsi: . Navd'd hen Hi dr' d NilseN' fa, 9rse: . wari J'i9d m9 wo.heer '. riN' fad kloyo g'ah dar Ny.ni: ag9S dr N'aLy:. N'iL La: dr' b'ig Nay mardwiN' fiN'd sLuw okuw. b'i: mwid Lot'i: mdr hen'i tuiv fiN', ay b'idN d sLud b'jo: LayorNd-iva:ray er' ef fa:r 'gi/N'd. fin' bwser'iL' 'idkla.-N't'd d I'sdsif fiN'd 9 Nih rano:nd. I'ig fi: osNo agds dn:rsi:, vi: far dgdmsd 9 Nam 9wa:n. 9 m'eit^ fa dgdv, yyd'ayitf" 1 fa l"iv. kd wiL' fs ? drsidd. fa: fa hi:s dNsd L,yj>, dr sifa. kaihd mwid' e: ho:rt' dN'i.s. ja:nd mwid' fiN'd b'jo: 9 agds ko mair ds vi: fa dr'iuiv. hog fidd oN'i.s d. yomwiL' fidd 9 N'idMa.'N't's do:, horn fad Sd wser'iL'd e:. yomwil' bos da hud'o agos durrsd, fid'dm gov yodil' m'd N'sdl. vi: LUyeer 'an'wo:r er' d van. yrce fi: a a: la:v I'ef. yUi fad d ygLuw d Ni:ed fin d b'Veifn:r. er mwsed'iri gd Lu9 9r laydrNd'iva/ray, yJJi t'r'u:r mak d ri: may 9 rid' I'ef 9 tlud agds k'e&day I'o.fa. er'd hayt do: fa dNd wayir'd, vi: fa La:N di:n'i: fwi: o.r9m -a.gos fwi: eid'uw. gdd'e: ta: f'iv gol d ja:nnw I'o.fa fa ? orsd k'sdday. fa: mwid' gol d rid^ I'o.fa agos tra'vo:n» b's fad maruw dgiN'. N'idl' dN mdr r t re:hd ay tromparayt, drsd k'sdday. jartjd mwid' a a: I'eir (I'ep) dd Na fir', glakd m'ifa ty:w okuw agds glakyg'i: flvfa N ty.w el' 9. N'i: row dN ay gd ro b'a:rNy: v'ig wi:d'ay d'a.:Nt dNsNd fir sg^ klaN d ri:, Ner' d vi: d Vol hein' maruw £ k'sdday. ma: fa: fin 9 doi d n'i: f'iv 9 N'il'd la:, os N'o/iro:Ntay idd 9 vd si: dN mdr mon. hog fa ritdhdr 9Nd mask mdr ho:k fr'i:d' s:nay9 agds wari fs N din' 9 d'er'dNay di.fa. gdd'e: ta: fiv gol 9 jos.nnw dnif o wj_:ydL'i: ? drsd k'sdday. o: ta: mwid' .i gol owel'd, wsisd. Nd Nay wiL' f'iv gol d Lyr'ay iN'-fo 2:11 'un an chaisleain. Ni fhacaidh si duine air bith bed. Chuaidh si asteach. Shiubhail si inoran frid an chaislean. Vfi dheireadh fchainic si ann soonira iiirite seanoir crfon-liath. D'athain si go robh se aim am eighinteach na ri. Labhair si lcis 7 ni robh se fonmnliar seanchas(c) air bith do dheanadh. Bhi an trathnona ann. Nior bhfada go dtainic asteacb triiir do ghaiscidhigh uga gearrtha, millte, loitighthe 7 folaightho le fail. Ohaith diobhtha a gcuid eadaigh. Rug fear ocii greim dint clios air fhear eile. tthaith se sios i mbairille a bhi i gcul an dorais e. Thairng air ais e 7 blii se slan, follain. Rinneadh sin leis an triiir 7 bhi siad leigheasta conih niaith agus bhi siad ariamh. A bhuachaillf, arsi, is cosainhail dibh go robh sibh ag troid. Bhi muid ag troid, arsa an fear bu sine. Go de adhbhar bhur dtroda 1 arst Naimhde thainic air an oilean seo, arse. Mharbhaigh siad mo mhathair. Rinne siad clocha geala d'ar ndaoini 7 ar n-eallaigh. Ni'l la air bith nach marbhann sinne sluagh ocii. Bidh muid loitighthe mar chonnaic tii sinn, acht bidlieann an sluagh beo hi air n-a bharach air ais fa'r gcoinne. Sin bairille iocshlainte a leigheasas sinne an uile thrathnona. Leig si osna 7 dubhairt si, Bhi fear agamsa ann am amhain. Da mbeidheadh se agaibh, chnideachadh se libh. Ca bhfuil se 1 arsiad. Ta se thios aims an luing, arsise. Caithfidh muid e thabhairt anios. Gheanfaidh muid sinne beo e 7 comh maith 7 bhi se ariamh. Thug siad anios e. Chumail siad an iocshlainte do. Thtim siad san bhairille e. Chumail bos da sluiile 7 dubhairt se, Saoilim gur chodail me neal. Bhi luthghair an-mhdr air a bhean. Chraith si dha htimh leis. Chuaidh siad do chodladh an oidhche sin i bpleisiur. Air maidin go luath air la air n-a bharach, chuaidh triiir mac an riogh amach do throid leis an tsluagh 7 Ceadach leobhtha. Air theacht dobhtha 'un an mhachaire, bhi se Ian daoini faoi arm 7 faoi eideadh. Go de ta sibh air dul da dheanadh leobhtha seo] arsa Ceadach. Ta muid ag dul do throid leobhtha 7 trathnona beidh siad marbh againn. Ni'l ann bhur ngraethe acht trumparacht, arsa Ceadach. Ghean- faidh muid dha leith de na fir. Glacfaidh mise taobh ocii 7 glacaigidh sibhse an taobh eile. Ni robh ann acht go robh bearnaidh bheag bhaoideach deanta amis na fir aig clann an riogh, nuair bhi a leath fhein marbh aig Ceadach. Ma's e sin an doigh a nidh sibh an uile la, is neamhiongantach iad do bheith ag suidhe aim bhur nibun. Thug se ruathar ann a measg mar sheabhac frid ganacha 7 mharbhuigh se an duine deireannach diobhtha. Go de ta sibli ag dul da dheanadh anois, a bhuachailli? arsa Ceadach. () ta muid ag dul abhaiie, arsiad. Na nach bhfuil sibh ag dul do 232 gd vsk'i fiv gdd'e: ta: da N'a:nuw fo b'jo: 9r'i:f(f). o: N'iol' •td'Nyn's daer' an Na% ro maruw LxyarX.r/rx.-rxy. N'i: im'aya in i/<), 9rs9 k'sddx.y, gd vsk'i in' a gdd'e: n'i.s b'jo: iad. yUi klx.X a ri: dXd wel'd a.gas dan k'saday^ X'i:r' wada do: go waka {woks) fa fihay^ t'xyt dX'i.s a icr{.y No frag a. pot'i:ri axjds k'l'st'i:n I'ef yc>rsd n k'l'st'i.-n dXsd fot'irn. dX'f'in yorsd d m'sdl fir' d agos I'e.m' Xy: Xonu:r okuw Xd fasuw. Xa d'a:N' N'i:s mo: ds fin', drsd k'sddx.y. hog f rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xonu:r. iv'iX Xd k'iX' di:fd. o hccrLy: gov irid' ota: ji:c ort, &rs dn fihxy^, jo: tuw dd hx(:)i< de. hu.si: fs hein xgds o fxihxy^ er d rsl'd. vi: J'i: Xd rid' ?vo:r. f jer'uiv w£ :L' fs n fa.iha.% x.gas win a g\N de. dx.n dX'f'in er fig tamwiL'. hen'ik' liig'd dX'i:s a. wrj^:y Xd f.rdg'd dn yjeL'xy, pot'i:n' a.gas k'l'st'i.-n I'eihd. yyr d k'l'st'i.-n sd fot'i:n agds d m'sdl d gid ir. d'eir'i: Xy: Nonu:r Nd fasuw. fo:L' ort d yjeL'i:, drse:. hog rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xomi:r. w'iX Xd k'iX' di.f ccgos hofi: s'hein a.g9s 9 yseL'a.y^ d ya.skart' d csl'd. bd vols dn y&L'o.y^ er' gd mo:r Nan f.ihx.y. wy:l' bwiU er' d y&L'i: ccgds win' d k'iX di$d. dan dX'fin tamaL fccdd. fee jer'uw hen'i fa n kuw glxs d t'ayt dX'i:s a wrjr :y^ Xd f.rdg'd, pot'irn dXd b'sdl agds k'l'st'i:n dXd kru:b I'eicd. ygrsi: n k'l'st'i:n dXsd fot'im agos d m'sdl d ?id ir'. l's:ni Xy: Nonu:r okuw Xd fasuw. stap, d vahi: arx.:N, drse:. hog rudhdr dr Xd Xy: Xonurr x.gas wxruw idd. hu.si fd hein' agds d kuw er d Qsl'd, ay X'i: row ay g'r'x.X dXa, are:lv9 gdd'%: fin. X'i: ha:nuw d ylaiai- g'aruw da l'o:d dr' yrsek'dX d ymv. vi: igld wo:r er' go mwir'uw dn kuw d. hen'i fd baL b'ig barn dstie fwi: Xd hx.skilJ . hog fs sa:huw da. ylaiav er d wx.L wx.rn a.gds df fin trx.sXa f'r'ixl' Xd krid. hit' d kuw maruw. vi: LTJyazr wo.r er. dan iX'j'in' gd mwsed'in' a.gds N'i: hen'ik' X'i.s mo:. smwi:n'i: (smwi:t!i:) fd, k'sb'er 'b'ip x.:t' d den'i fiid 98, gd ro t'iL'uw il'k' Xd X'ei. yl r i fs fi:s gd br\:y Xd f.rdg'd. ni.L' f fi:s sg' bon d NyL'tf. fudrsd ui d gol fi:s fwi: N tahiw. yUi fs fi:s fidr dXsj Nui. hen'i f hidr 9 kat fadd kj^:l glas. d Qsddi: ara.:Xd, drsi:, ward tuw md ru.r yliX'd. nard turn in j yj/d' fc/.i; xy tx: tutv dnif 9 Xa:t' d X'gnidrdi: dgdm. a. yyt' urx.:X, drse:, d X'i.d'd ridXd d fwy.r d yyd' el'd dd dd wqnuw, jo: tisd. hofi: s'hein' a.gds d kat er' d geld, ay X'i: TOW a;/ f/'r'xX ;>Xsd yyil el' a gdd'%: fin'. alok fs oyta.y. 233 ihuireach annseo go bhfeicidh sibh go de ta da ndeanadh seo beo aris. .() ni'l aon dhuine dar flian nach robh marbh la air n-a bharach. Ni imtheachaidh mise, arsa Ceadach, go bhfeicidh me go de nidheas beo iad. Chuaidh claim an riogh 'un an bbaile 7 d'fhan Ceadach. Nior bhfada do go bhfacaidh se faitheach ag teacht anios o bhruach na fairge poitin 7 cleitin leis. Chuir se an cleitin amis an phoitin. Annsin chuir se i mbeal fir e 7 leim naoi naotibhair ocu na seasadh. Na dean nios m6 de sin, arsa Ceadach. Thug se ruathar air na naoi naonbhair. Bhain na cinn diobhtha. O tharlaidli gur troid ata de dhith ort, arsa 'n faitheach, gheobh tu do shaith de. Thusaigh se fhein 7 an faitheach air a cheile. Bhi si ann a troid mh6r. Fa dheireadh bhuail se an faitheach 7 bhain a cheann de. D'fhan annsin air feadh tamaill. Thainic chuige anios air bhruach na fairge an chailleach, poitin 7 cleitin leithe. Chuir an cleitin san phoitin 7 i mbeal an chead fhir. D'eirigh naoi naonbhair na seasadh. F6ill ort a chailligh, arse. Thug ruathar air na naoi naonbhair. Bhain na cinn diobhtha 7 thoisigh e fhein 7 an chailleach do choscairt a cheile. Bu mheasa an chailleach air go nior na'n faitheach. Bhuail buille air an chailligh 7 bhain a ceann dithe. D'fhan annsin tamall fada. Fa dheireadh chonnaic se an cu jrlas ag teacht anios o bhruach na fairge, poitin ann a beal 7 cleitin ann a crub leithe. Chuir si an cleitin amis an phoitin 7 i mbeal an chead fhir. Leim naoi naonbhair ocu na seasadh. Stop, a bheathaigh ghranda, arse. Thug ruathar air na naoi naonbhair 7 mbarbh iad. Thusaigh se fhein 7 an cu air a cheile, acht ni robh acht greann ann a ghraethe go dti sin. Ni dheanfadh a chlaidhimh gearradh da laghad air chraicionn an chu. Bhi eagla nihor air go muirfeadh an cu e. Chonnaic se ball beag ban astuigh faoi n-a h-ascaill. Thug se s/ithadh da chlaidhimh air an bhall bhan 7 as sin trasna frid n-a croidhe. Thuit an cu marbh. Bhi luthghair mhor air. D'fhan annsin go maidin 7 ni thainic nios 1116. Smuainigh (smaoitigh) se, ce b'air bith ait a dtainic siad as, go robh tilleadh uilc na ndiaidh. Chuaidh se sios go bruach na fairge. Shiubhail se sios aig bun an aillt. Fuair se uaicrh ag dul sios faoi an talamh. Chuaidh se sios siar anns an uaigh. Chonnaic se thiar an cat fada caol glas. A Cheadaigh ghranda, arsi, mharbhaigh tu mo thriiir chloinne. Mharbhaigh tu mo chuid fear, acht ta tii anois ann ait an iomorduighthe again. A chait ghranda, arse, an ide cheadna a fuair an chuid eile de dobhunadh, gheobh tusa. Thoisigh e fhein 7 an cat air a cheile. Acht ni robh acht greann amis an chuid eile go dti sin, Ghlac se ochtach. 234 liog fs n wiL' 9wa:ri ddn yla%9V agos hog omay kri: y-f/* s krnogy: n yjft'. vi: i'vja n'lvd 9 rqboL o yyt '. er' o Kitmri don yat with' fi: e: Vef 9 N'hjQ n'ivo agos hog omay yri: agos 9 yruogy:. hit' 9 virt' ma/ruw :-■' 9 m'ifa wiL' fsd fid b'jo: sN'TJw. yUi fid 9N9 wayir'9. vi: fdd 9l'ig' ma/ruw. yUorti: k's9day ag9s fu9TS9 sLa?t'i:n drika.yto fi:s 9r trim' No kxL'i:. hog Vef i: agds f'iL' fad 9ivel r 9. vi: mo:ra,n karik'a.y9 ax/9s kloyjo gla.s agos ba:n. wy:V k'soda.y iod Ve/ 9 diet', d'eir'i fad N9 fxsuw fir' a.g9s mra:, a.Lay ag9s ky.r'i: ag9s ka/pwiV g9 ro bonuw n ri: b'jo: er'ef. vi: LUyser wo:r er 9 ri: . 9S ko.r du:N' onif col owel'o, orso k'soday I's N9 van. N'i: a:ko tuw m'ij'9 9 yy:co, ors9 n ri. ofL'ai L'a* ma rihayto 9 yy:r9 a.gos mo vaNa.ytso fost9. fa.r\ :>' huw, 9TS9 k'soday, ta: riha.yto frir'ayt V'imsd N'i:sfa:r No do rihayto I'ig'. N'i: a:r'i:m L'a\ da:k Jo sLa.:n sg on ri: a.gos sg^ No wonuw. vi: bwy:r'uw mo.r oruw No jei. xP% or'i.ft' oN frog's, ko wil' mwid gol? orso skaic ci:dd. vi: LoNdUw mak ri: No d'rodiN'o No yomra:di: iraie ogomso er fig 9iva.d. ta.:s ogom go wiL' fa ko:r'i: I's sp'i:s9?'i: ?//'> Nah&r' . ta: bwid'aL do N'i9kla:N't'o I'imso. ra.yomwid oNo d'r'odiN'o a.gos IJ&989 mwid LoNdUw . riN' fad mor du:rs9d. vi: kui wo:r or ri: No d'r'o:liN'9 N'ei loNdllw. N'i: ro La: r ** o b'ig Nay N ' a.-.nit^fa tamoL mo:r bwj^rro os k'\N vik'. d'ior k'eoda.y^ k'ad sk'al, gor d;>ktu:r 9 vi: oN. yomwiU fa N'iok- 1 a: N't' o donja.ruw vi: sdir' k"iN so mwin'al. d'eir'i: LoNdUw No hasuw. ftd'.nn, gov yodil' m'd, orse:. 9s maie ivarud ', orsd n ri:, a.gos tuw maruw I's fayt m'l'ioNo. cs9di:, vik' ri: No dola%, do csod m'i:l'a fa,:Ut'o, -jeraxfk'i: alin . yUo m'ifa 0N0 dd:n' her' 9 do warovio. hen'i tiso N'i:s fwid'o I's m'if ja:nu?v •J.).) Thug se aon bhuille amhain de'n chlaidhimh 7 thug ainach croidhe 7 crubhogai an cliait. Bin ionga neirahe i ruball an chait. Air thuitim du'n chat bhuail si e leis an ionga neimhe 7 thug ainach a chroidhe 7 a chrubhogaf. Thuit an bheirt marbh aig taobh a cheile. Chuartaigh na tri phrionnsa go bhfuair siad an uaigh. Bhi Ceadach 7 an cat mor na luighe marbh. Ni thainic leobhtha aithne eadair an da chroidhe. Mo lean sibh, arsa Scaith Shioda, nach n-aithnigheann eadair croidhe crnaidh, danardha an chait 7 croidhe beag nadiirtha ni'fhir fhein. Thug siad leobhtha '1111 an bhaile Ceadach. Choirigh an croidhe ann a ait fhein 7 clnunail do an iocshlainte. D'eirigh 71a sheasadh comh slan 7 bhi ariainh. Bhi luthghair mhor air a bhean. Bhi luthghair air an ri 7 air a thriur mac. Go de ta muid ag dul da dheanadh 1 arsa Scaith Shioda. No an rachaidh muid abhaile? Ni rachaidh, arsa Ceadach, go bhfeicidh mise bhfuil siad siud beo aniu. Chuaid siad 'un an mhachaire. Bhi siad uilig marbh. Chuartaigh Ceadach 7 fuair se slaitin draoitheachta sios air dhruim na caillighe. Thug leis i 7 phill siad abhaile. Bhi mo ran carraiceacha 7 clocha glas 7 ban. Bhuail Ceadach iad leis an tslait. D'eirigh siad na seasadh fir 7 nana, eallach 7 caoirigh 7 capaill go robh bunadh an riogh beo air ais. Bhi luthghair mhor air an ri. Is coir diiinn anois do dhul abhaile, arsa Ceadach le n-a bhean. Ni fhagiaidh tu mise a choidche, arsa 'n ri. Is leat leath mo rioghachta a choidhche 7 mo bheannacht-sa fosta. Faraor thu, arsa Ceadach, ta rioghachta ag fuireacht liomsa nios fearr na do rioghachta uilig. Ni airighim an leath. D'fhag se slan aig an ri 7 aig n-a bhunadh. Bhi buaidhreadh mor orrthu na dhiaidh. Chuaidh aris 'un fairge. Ca bhfuil muid ag dul \ arsa Scaith Shioda. Bhi Lonndubh mac ri na Dreolainne na chomradaidh mhaith agamsaair feadh i bhfad. Ta. fnios agam go bhfuil se coirighthe le spiosarai aig n-a athair. Tc't buideal de'n iocshlainte liomsa. Rachaidh muid 'un na Dreolainne 7 leigheasfaidh muid Lonndubh. Rinne siad mar dubhairt siad. Bhi cumhaidh mhor air ri na Dreolainne i ndiaidh Lonndubh. Ni robh la, air bith nach ndeanadh se tamall mor buaidheartha os ceann a mhic. D'iarr C6adach cead a fheiceal, gnr doctuir a bhi ann. Chumail se an iocshlainte do'n ghearradh a bhi eadair an ceann 7 an muineal. D'eirigh Lonndubh na sheasadh. Saoilim gur chodail me, arse. Is maith an bharr- amhail, arsa 'n ri, 7 tu marbh le seacht inbliadhna. A Cheadaigh, mhic riogh na dTulach, do chead mile failte, a dheaghghaiscidhigh ghlain. Chuaidh mise 'un an domhain fchoir do do mharbhadh. Thainic tusa nios fuide le mise do dheanadh boo. Ni scarf aid I) tu 286 b'jo:. X'i: skocra tuw Vim 9 yy-'CO- fuir 9 ri: sj^:l u:r, Xer' 9 hen'i f,> ,< wok b'jo:. da:y k' today sLa:n ohtw ag9s yUi 9r'i:ft' oX far9y\>. /fo >r\L tuw yol? itrsd skair ri.do. a van, rayd m'if 9nif yo heir'iX', yd vsk'o mivid' f'iN ?va ku:L' a.yos 9 wonuw. hen'ik' yd heir'iX'. ?-'iX' fiX J"e9st9 morr 9 Xonor ds csada/v agos da van. Xer 9 vi: n f'sosto hart, durrt' k'eoday, 9S mih9 du:X' 9 gol 9X9 wel'9 g9 vsk'9 mtvid' y9d'e: mar ta: maheer ag9s mo waJiser' ay9s m9 wonuw Wig'. go:L' fod 9X9 dolay. Xer' 9 hen'ik' 9 fanri: 9 walk agos 9 wanfr'iXso 9Xs 9 wel'9, hobwir y9 wi:&) fo ba:s d&N LUyxr. r'iX' f9 fs9st9 ay9S banif wo:r Ve X9 wak ag98 9 ivanf'r"\Xs9. Xer 9 vi: 9n ivanif hart, koraniuiv k's9day 9 rihaytj X9 dolay. yjx, J 9 sj^.l p'l'eifu:r9. ta: iorav 9X9 b'l'eiJu.T ay9S 9 807198 dN'firi ggd'i: X La: 9X'Utv\ L'acfort' Nd var mo:r. vi: gavd'i:n gd.no X9 yo:ni: er 9 da:rXy: sg^ tiuw aorfaneil'9. Xi: ro g&J'k'iay or' b'ig 89 rxX'o:rpo k'r'ioyni:, go vja:t^ fo 9 yjjd' ir'im 9 aavd'i:n go:no agos ku:rso fjodamfd. hen'ik' 9X La.: warn' kuryoliX' iX'fer' g9 wa:t^ jo 9 yu:rs9 geefk'udayt k'r'ioyni: . X'i: ha:nod, 9rs9 gavd'irn' go:no. hoy bohr Vef o alsef (javtiXo w^:m l's t'r'soX La:vo. ma: v'ir tuw or'ef 9 alsef aavl'iXo, jarijo m'ij'9 d9 are: ho. vs:ro m'if i: ere/] 9rs9 kuryoliX'. d'im'i: g9 tori:, Xa:t' 9 ro kiej'L'an wolir'. Xer' hen'i fo go br^.y X9 farog'9, ala.k f igh r\v9 wolor a.g9S yo:r'i: hein X'eid'uxv mra: . yUi fo ftay. d'iX'if do violdr g9r ygmra:di: i: da u'i:n. ula.k X'%9n wolir e: mor ygmra:di:. vi:tfi Jbd 9 fu:l a.gos o ko.ra: . bo aer'id' g9 ro:s sg^ X'i9n wodir' g9r far 9 vi: <>Xj kgmrar.di: . hlffl fi: g9 mo:r 9 tfra: Vef. ayd' X'ion wa.Hr ag9s kuryoliX' qIxJ acLvV'iNd 9Xs9 Xt:rg ag9s hog oft' ay 9r t'i:r' mo.r i:. La.y&rNd'wa.wa.'Y yroni: bohr 9 wo:. VeeX' fo kuryoliX'. t'a.yt oX'i:s X9 roso, hen'i fo ku:ygliX' wad vivo, vi: su:L' X'ivo sg' bolor. Xer noytot^ f i:, 9 rid rod 9 Ndmwvr'k'ay?ffl fo er' , fk'r'is9t^ fo e:. da~iw9rs9 9X'ei yuryqliX' . ay fe: X taluw on rid rod o hen'i fo. riX' fin 9 taluw d'ar9g ag9s ta: X da fin er' 9 t'i:r son 'win. Xer 9 hen'ik' ku:yqliX' ad Ve gavd'i:n 237 lioni a choidhche. Fuair an ri saoghal iir, nuair ehonnaic se a mhac beo. D'fhag Ceadach shin ocu 7 chuaidh arfs 'un fairge. C;i bhfuil tii ag dul ? arsa Scaith Shioda. A bhean, rachaidh ini.s<' anois go h-Eirinn go lthfeicfidh niuid Fiona mac Cumhaill 7 a bhunadh. Thainic go h-Eirinn. Rinne Fionn feasta ni6r ami onoir do Cheadach 7 da bhean. Nuair bhi an feasta thart, dubhairt Ceadach, is inithid diiinn do dhul 'un an bliaile go bhfeicidh niuid go de mar ta m'athair 7 1110 mhathair 7 mo bhunadh uilig. Sheol siad 'un na dTulach. Nuair ehonnaic an seanri a mhac 7 an bhanphrionnsa aims an bhaile, dh'fhobair go bhfuigheadh se b.is de'n luthghair. Rinne se feasta 7 banais mhor le 11 a mhac 7 an bhanphrionnsa. Nuair bhi an bhanais thart, coronaigheadh Ceadach i rioghachta na dTulach. Chaith se saoghal pleisiurdha. Tii a iarraimh aim bpleisiiir 7 i sonas annsin 2:0 dti an la aniu. » v Leadairt na bhfear mor. Bhi Gaibhdin Gabhna na chomhnuidhe air an Darnai aig taobh Dhuncaueile. Ni robh gaiscidheach air bith san rann Eorpa criochnaighthe, go bhfaghadh se a chuid airm o Ghaibhdin Gabhna 7 ciirsa feoghluime. Thainic aon la amhain Ciichulainn aunsair go bhfaghadh se a chiirsa gaisceamhlacht criochnaighthe. Ni gheanfad, arsa Gaibhdin Gabhna. Thug Balar leis an Ghlais Ghaibhleanna uam le trean laimhe. Ma bheir tii air ais an Ghlais Ghaibhleanna, gheanfaidh mise do ghraethe. Bhearfaidh inise i air ais, arsa Ciichulainn. D'imthigh go Toraigh, an ait i robh caislean Bhalair. Nuair thainic se go bruach na fairge, ghlac se eagla roimhe Bhalar 7 choirigh e fhein aim eideadh mna. Chuaidh se asteach. D'innis do Bhalar gur chomradaidhe i da nighin. Ghlac nighean Bholair e mar chomradaidhe. Bhidheadh siad ag siubhal 7 ag comhradh. Bu ghoirid go robh fhios aig nighean Bhalair gur fear bhi ami a comradaidhe. Thuit si go mor i ngradh leis. Ghuid nighean Bhalair 7 Ciichulainn an Ghlais Ghaibhleanna aims an oidhche 7 thug asteach air tir moir i. La air 11-a bharach chrunthaigh Balar a bho. Lean se Ciichulainn. Ag teacht anios na Rosa, ehonnaic se Cuchulainn i bhfad roimhe. Bhi suil neimhe aig Balar. Nuair nochtadh s^ i, an chead rud da n-amhairceachadh se air, scriosfadh se e. D'amhairc se i ndiaidh Cluichulainn. Acht is e an talamh an chead rud a ehonnaic se. Rinne sin an talamh dearg 7 ta an dath sin air an tir siu o shoin. Nuair thainic Ciichulainn fhad 238 go:ua ayas 9 wa: l'ej\ vi: LUyjer' wo:r 9r' <^avd'i:ri a,yas riX' fa f'sasta mo:r da: hein ayas da yu:yoliX '. eg' d'er'uw N'sasta d'iarsa er ' yu:yj>JiX' fksal iX'ja do: aX ti:w ojxs. du:rt' ku:yoliX' Nay d'ikuw l'ef f 'in aja.nuw agas din &r' b'i<; el' 9 va y'eij't'ccy(t). gland m'ij'.> X' t'xy, i>rsd gavd'i:n. do:rdi J'a mxy^ ro a ai:n'i: sa t'ay. vi: N'ion nj gccvd'i:ri agos X'i: Jiamay a yJUi J'i ay a wolay a yu:l a darif. ha/i: ku:yoliN' a jiX'j'a J'k'eil' ayas du:rt' ya den'ik' kwad ku:n' vjjas kola er aX La: wa:n', ya woky: fa Lgr t a tarX'l' hig'a (hig'a) as a Xa:rd' Mar. yard -an'veid' aXsa Lyji, a X'ctr awd:n er bo.rd ayas ya deu'i J'i: ko ya.sta, Xcty ro mai I'ef t'ecuw. l'e:m fa ma.y^ as a Lyji ayas •baby i'ef vi: n ivalay mo:r ar'eir' a X'ir' ayas Xa Li/jia. hen'ik' aX'i:s ayas aX kseX't'a l's ku:yoliX'. d'iaj H: aX' d'ikuw I'ef g'l'eds bripa x:L dan ivahy'. vi: kual yoXy: hayt m'l'ian ayas kar'a a irririnr Jx.yt mokd, J'ayt mwiL't' ayas f'J.yt marl'. hefaN do: n yual ynXy:. y[>rsa a ua.: la:v aya.-di./ridir,/. Jiog I'ef ayas da.y y: X'as dan walay'. hen'ik' ar'ej ayas rqg er a yor'd. hog I'ef ayas J'i: ar a vx:r yj^:l ayas yUi J'i: g'itd mo:r a doluiv. nij\ ars an f'a.r nio.T, tot,: Xa.wid' ma jeisa, far el' a tx.: mo:r X'i.s mo: Xa m'ifa l's ma woj-awa. a X'a,:/ia kwad dU>e ayas yau a I'iy'an aram a yyX'asf, yjL'ayiX' X'sal, Xer ata,: ma hy.(:)ir it' ayani ayas ma ha(:)ir a.Lta, a wa:X' X'sal koLata. X'irr yj.idW m'a a N's:L' L'a fxyt X y:<;a ayas Jayt La.: agas a far mo:r ma jei. a wo.:X' X'sal 9 yoLuw, J'i.iam ya m'eiX' a:baLt 9 rid'. ja.L kn:yohX da: ga g'ivadit^ J'a. ma,: vi:m dazl'i: icoskluw, arse:, y'a:r a Lg:r viy di:m. hi/S'^J'a Xa yoLuw ayas hi:l'a ya da.rN 'ayat^ fa go,: hy:w a do.n er' a esl'a l's sraXJ'wi: . a k'iX tamiviL' hen'ik' kmyoliX' 9 Zf?r ; wo:r a t'ayt. X'i: ro Lor) 9 c'id ahi: ay mar va,u kaj>an a yomortaj' L'ef a Lyji jer'aXy: . yrse. fa nfadia.y. a.y X'i: hen'ik' l'ef a wosklwe. hxrN' fa a yloiav ayas win a Lo:r via de l's bvriL'a mo.r. d'eir'i: J'a aXa hocsuw. Xi: row aX ay ga ro J'e 239 If Gaibhdin Gabhna 7 an bho leis, bhi Luthghair mhor air GhaibhdiD 7 rinne se feasta m<5r dd fheiu 7 do Chuchulainn. Aig deireadh an fheasta d'iaiT se air Chuchulainn sceal do innse do o'il taobh o dheas. Dubhairt Cuchulainn oacb dtiocfadh leis sin do dheanadh 7 duine air bith eile do bheith ag eisteacht. Glanfaidh mise an teach, arsa Gaibhdin. D'6rdaigh se aniach a robh de dhaoini san teach. Blii nighean aig Gaibhdin 7 ni h-araach chuaidh si aclit i bhfolach i gciil an dorais. Thoisiidi Ciichulainn do innse seeil 7 dubhairt go dtainic coimhead cuain 7 cala air aon hi amhain, go bhfacaidh se long ag tairnt chuigc as an aircl thiar. Go robh an-mheid amis an luiiur, aon fhear amhain air b6rd 7 go dtainic si corah gasta, nach robh maith leis teicheadh. Leim se aniach as an luing 7 bolog leis. Bhi an bholog mor do reir an fhir 7 na luinge. Thainic anios 7 'mi cainte le Ciichulainn. D'fhiafraigh an dtiocfadh leis gleas bruithe do fhaghail do'n hholoig. Bhi cual chonnaidh sheacht mbliadhan 7 coirc a bhruithfeadh seacht muca, seacht muilt 7 seacht mairt. Theiseain do an chual chonnaidh. Chuir se a dha laimh (g)ach f;i dtaobh dithe. Thug leis 7 d'fhag i neas do'n hholoig. Thainic air ais 7 rug air an choire. Thug leis 7 d'fhag an coire na shuidbe air an chual. Ghlac a chlaidhinih 7 ghlan an bholog 7 chuir san choire i. Bhi an teini nior 7 bu ghoirid go robh an fheoil bruithte. Shuidh sios 7 thusaigh d'ithe na feola, gur ith se nioran. Rug air adharc na boloige 7 thusaigh se do 61 an tsugh. Nuair d'ol se a shaith 7 d'ith se a shaith, chaith se uadh an adharc. Thuit si air an bharr chaol 7 chuaidh si giota nior i dtalamh. Anois, arsa an fear mor, ta nam h aid mo dhiaidh-sa, fear eile ta go mor nios 1116 na mise le 1110 mharbhadh. Da ndeantlia coimhead domh 7 gan e do leigean orm a gan fhios(t) choidlea- cliainn neal, nuair ata mo shaith ithte again 7 mo shaith olta, da bhfaghainn neal codlata. Nior chodail me aon neal le seacht n-oidhche 7 seacht la 7 an fear mor mo dhiaidh. Da bhfaghainn neal do chodladh, saoilim go mbeidhinn abalta do throid. Gheall Ciichulainn do go gcoiniheadadh se. Ma bhidhim doiligh do nihuscladh, arse, gearr an ladhar bheag diom. Thuit se na chodladh 7 shaoilthea go tairngeachadh se dha thaobh an domhain air a cheile le srannfaoi. Aig ceann tamaill chonnaic Cuchulainn an long mh6r ag teacht. Ni robh long an chead fhathaigh acht mar bheidheadh copan i gcomortas leis an luing dheireannaigh. Chraith se an fathach. Acht ni thainic leis e do nihuscladh. Thairng se a chlaidhinih 7 bhain an ladhar bheag de le buille mor. D'eirigh se aim a sheasadh. Ni robh ami acht go robh 240 <^2 hxsuw xyasfwi: xram, Xer' a vi: a fx.y mo.r a Lxhier'. ha:si: X' L'oufort'. X'i: xkas a Vehad' ar'iuw 9 X'eiriX'. vi: kgmuw ar 9 Xx:y wo.r, yd m'eiW fa -rora&aLt eg' 9 eld xr. vi: X'i.-s mo: px.v ty ku.yoliX' L'ef 9 rid xr. hxrX' d ylxiav xgas ho/i: 9 W£:luw 9 X'ir wo.r'. X'i: row aN xy^ ya deu'ik' l'ef sriruw fa er wpLxy a riX' fi:s a Xo:rk Xa bohg'a. Xer' 9 yuali: X'iau yxvd'i.X' fa, I'iy fi: ga:r'a mo.r 9 yu:l 9 dorif X'i: kii:yj>liX' 1)9 yp:r 9 va art sa Xx»i fin', arsi:, xy kuw X9 heir k' a. ma wa.La.yt art, arsa ku.yoliX', xgas er' wrx: Xa heir'aXa. tx: X' Jk'zal kxL't'a. vi: t'r'iaX da hxnayask Xa heir'aXa a viaXyxyt, t'r'ian a fk 'salixyt xyas t'r'ian ar I'xdart' Xa vxr mo.r. Xi: ylin'xr yj brx.y 9 l'a h'iyla ya gl'infi: ko dona as d'eir'i: dv:sa. keeL'uiv n yjjd' el'a daX' fk'sal. Xx t'r'i: diU xyas a fovxli:r a mwsel'ok'l ia. -tx: :tomaL 'ger'id' :hin ] -vi: ■t'r'i: 'diL' a mwed'x'k'l'ia \ ba:je: •Xobwir' 'gxy 'Lx: \ a :g"iri: Xa 'deir'k'a \\ -Lx: a'wa.:ri 'x:r'it' ' 'yxs dod:cel'a Xx 't'r'i: •bxky: j er 'qreead nvsel'x'k'l'ia | -vi: -en! -okuw -er a :rel'a \\ -vi: -ko diadxy er a 'well a \ s ya •dcuik' -l'ef a 'N'il'a -gin' :akuw | 'hxyt aXa -hi: -vig -hein :troc'no:na \\ -vi: X' 't'r'u:r a :d'xnuw •mwser'iyni: \ er ko 'halk oug98 ■d'eir'i X -Lx.: d'afa \\ vi: fsvali.r a :gol a 'vodi: \\ •smwi:t'i: f ga ■X'xnit ( ' ) f> -g'r'xX :oruw \\ -vi: 'en' egW Xa -diL' :er | xgas as 'm'in'ik' a :hog fa 'ssr'ag'ad :do:fa \\ -d'iafri: f :di:fa ga:d'e: mar 'vi: -fad \\ :du:rsiad ya :ro yd 'hoik \ -Xxy :wu:rsad 'p"iktu:r Xa 'bx:nri:n a'X'Uiv \\ •d'iafri: fa a :X'xnuw 'poNta :mai :do:fa \ -xyas :du:r :siad ya :X'xijuw 'Xil'a -cin'xl "inxv; || .fo :di:v 'poXt ,>r:se: \\ ylxniy'i: mar 'rg: .rod :l'ef \\ 'hi:n' '.gcny^ '{ :n daX' 't'r'u:r <>mxy ■> 'lx: nit: -x.yrjs :X'i:r :yo_rso 'dxxli: zr 'Ix.v er 'bic || :nif ar:se: j 241 se ann a sheasadh 7 faoi arm, nuair bhi an fathach m6r i lathair. Thusaigh an leadairt. Ni fhacas a leitheid ariamh i n-Eirinn. Bhi cumadh air an fhathach mhor, go mbeidheadh se ro-abalta aig an chead fhear. Bhi nios mo de dhaimh aig Cuchulainn leis an chead fhear. Thairng a chlaidhimh 7 thoisigh do bhualadh an fhir mhoir. Ni robh ann acht go dtainic leis sroicheadh go meall a clios. Mar sin fhein, bin se cur feirge air an fhear mhor. Chuir se thart a laiuh. Puair se greim air. Shaith se suas faoi n-a bheilt e. Bhi fearg air Chuchulainn 7 thusaigh se do ghearradh na beilte. Fa dheireadh fuair se a gearradh. Nuair gearradb an bheilt, thuit Cuchulainn 'un talaimh. Ni fhuair s6 aon leagadh ariamh comh mor leis. Bhi nios mo feirge air na bhi aroimhe 7 bhi se cuir iargnuidh air an fhear mhor. Chuir se thart a h'niih. Rug se air 7 chaith se siar an machaire e. Is e an ait ar thuit se air mhullach a chinn sios ann adharc na boloige. Nuair chualaidh nighean Ghaibhdin, leig si gaire mor i gciil an dorais. Ni Cuchulainn bu choir do bheith ort san am sin, arsi, acht Cii na h-Adhairce. Mo mhallacht ort, arsa Cuchulainn, 7 air mhna na h-Eireanna. Ta an sceal caillte. Bhi trian de sheanchas(c) na h-Eireanna i bhfiannaigheacht, trian i scealaigh- eacht, trian air leadairt na bhfear mor. Ni chluinfear go brathach e le h-easda jjo sjcluinfidhe comh dona as d'eirigh dondisa. Cailleadh an chuid eile de'n sceal. Na tri daill 7 an Chevali&r i niBaile-atha-cliath. Ta tamall goirid o shoin bhi tri daill i mBaile-atlia-cliath. Budh e a n-obair gach la ag iarraidh na deirce. La amhain airite chas da cheile na tri bacaigh air dhroichead Bhaile-atha- Cliath. Bhi aithne ocu air a cheile. Bhi co heolach air an bhaile 's go dtainic leis an uile dhuine ocu 'theacht 'un a thighe bhig fhein trathnona. Bhi an trivir ag deanamh mairignigh air co hole 7 d'eirigh an la leobhtha. Bhi chevalier ag dul an bhealaigh. Smaoitidh se go ndeanfadh se greann orthii. Bhi aithne aig na daill air 7 is minic a thug se airgead ddbhtha. D'fhiafruigh se diolihtha goide mar bhi siad. Dubhairt siad go rabh go hole, nach bhfuair siad pioctur na banrioghan aniu. D'fhiafruigh se an ndeanfadh punta maith dobhtha 7 dubhairt siad go ndeanfadh an uile cluneal maith. Seo dibh punta arse. Deanaigidh bhur rogha rud leis. Shin gach aon de'n triur amach a lamh 7 nior chuir se dadai air laimh air bith. Anois, arse, deanaigidh bhur rogha rud Q. 1G 242 rctanig'i: mar -ro: :rod :l'ef -fin' 'cu:L' fs 'Vef ogas 'da:g :iad 'hi:V :ga.% \\ :n daN' •t'r'u.-r' \ ga -ro N -poNta zg' :din :i:N'Vay^ 'el' :okuw || yorsad moron pweed'r'o.ya o.gas b'o.No.yti: Vef ag9S du:rt' gar waic a go:ni: a. yim'o.d fe iad ga vzk'it^ fa gad'e: jo.:na#\fiad. Ner ato.: n poNt agiN ', arsa for dd Na dilf, gad'e: ja:ija mwid' Vef? to.: ko:t a jie oramsa, arsa four da No. diU. to: bro:g a jit; oramsa, arsa for el'a. to: via vr'ikfasta a ji<; oramsa, arsa N' t'r'icuw do.L. to/, er m'r'ik'fosta a jie oriN' al'ig'. N'i:r' i mwid' an. jr'ini aN'TJw. den'm'n'i: fiad V o.y a:sta a wi:ffl fiad a m'r'ikfosta. yui fad ga t'oy a No:sta. d'iN'if ga ro j)oNt okuw agas b'r'ikfosta mo.ie a hort do.fa. Ner a alok fiad a m'r'ik'fosta du:rt' far okuw, o. lio.rLy: gar yyr d'ia n poNt iN'foruw, gar yo:r do.fa gliN' o:l. fuarsad t'r'i: otiN' ifk'a vo.ha o.gas d'eir'i: n blcef N'i: b ' o.:r er o.gas d'iarsad t'r'u.T ri'a. doiL' fiad gar hiN'fiuiv do.fa No.y ro N'i.s mo: Vs fo:V, ga ro Luay a fgNt okuw. d'i:L' fin, arsa far da No. diL ' . d'i:L' fin, arsa far el'a. d'i:L' fin, arsa N' t'r'iruw far. mav Vef a foNta, arsa for Na to.:varN'a. to: d'ef'r oramsa, vi: N tonos aN. N'i: ro n fi:N' Vz fo.:V. vi: fox Na to:varN'a a virig' ' . vi: fa kyr pu:dir aN o. yyd' fsasog'a ga d'eid^ fa fo. yjjN' an foli:s, ga gyriffl fa aNa f'r'i:su:n iad. aNsa wqmivit'a hen'ik' a fsvo.li:r aft'o.y o.gas du:rt' Vef ga ro sigart er a tvel'a vi: d'eir'k'o.y o.gas ga N'i:lat^ fa N taer'ag'ad er' lion Na mo.ky:. 'ro.ya ma liein Vo.t ogas Lorr'a ma Vef a tigart. vi: oJiom er o.r Na to:varN'a. ylli a virt' ga t 'o.y a tigart'. fuarsad fk'zal aN'fin ga ro N sigart a d'oy a fobwiV. yUi & virt' ga t'o.y^ a fobwiV. vi: N sigart er' a NoLtor' a gol a l'z:uw of'r'iN'. yfi v fzvo.li:r suas er a No.Ltor' ogas du:rt' I'ff a tigart ga ro d'ni ,> b'r'za aN'fin o.y ga ro fz t'iN' o. N'oli: ogas ga den'ifa a jiri: er a tigart orNy: ro.: do:. dn:rV a sigart ga m'zt^ fin' k'o.rt aN'e:i Nofr'iN'. hen'ik' a fsvoli:r aNuas ogas du:rsa, fo.n his iN'fo ogas jo: tuw da foNt aN'e:i Nofr'iN'. Ner' a vi: N taf'r'aN ro.:t',i, yraic ,> sigart a vz:r er o.r Na to.:varN'j ho.yt '.\"i:s. du.rV a sigart — go: ar da qlu:n'a. du:rt' far Na to.:varN'a — viiL tuw gol a hort duw N tser'ag'id' ? du:rt' a sigart ar'i.fV — go: ->r da alu:n'a. du:rif far Na toivarN' a—wiL tuw gal a hart duw u foNta? vi: sLat jal eg' a tigart o.g*s wniL fa far 248 leis sin. Sbiubbail so leis 7 d'fhag iad. Shaoil gacfa aon de'n triur go rabh an puuta ag duine eiginteach eile ocu. Chuir siad liHiran piiidn aclia 7 beannachtai leis 7 dubhairt gur mhaitb i gcomhnaidhe <'•. Choimhead se iad go bhfeicfeadh se guide dheanfadh siad. Nuair ata an punta againn, arsa fear de na daill, goide dheanfaidh muid leis ] Ta cota de dhith ormsa, arsa fear de 1 1 a daill. Ta broga de dhith ormsa, arsa fear eile. Ta 1110 bhricfeasta de dhith ormsa arsa an tricheadh dall. Ta ar mbric- feasta de dhith orainn uilig. Nior ith muid aon ghreim aniu. D'ainmnigh siad teach osta i bhfuigheadh siad a mbricfeasta. Chuaidh siad go teach an osta. D'innis go rabh punta ocu 7 bricfeasta maith do thabhairt dobhtha. Nuair do ghlac siad a mbricfeasta dubhairt fear ocu, o tharlaidh gur chuir Dia an punta inseorthu, gur chuir dobhtha gloinne 61. Fhuair siad tri ghloinne uisce bheatha 7 d'eirigh an bias ni b'fhearr air 7 d'iarr siad triur eile. D'ol siad gur hinnsigheadh dobhtha nach rabh nios mo le faghail, go rabh luach an phunta ocu. Diol sin, arsa fear de na daill. Diol sin, arsa fear eile. Diol sin, arsa an tricheadh fear. Amach leis an phunta, arsa fear na taibheirne. Ta deifre ormsa. Bin an t-anas ami. Ni rabh aon phinginn le faghail. Bin fear na taibheirne i bhfeirg. Bhi se ag cur piidair ann a chuid feasoige go dteidheadh se fa choinne an pholice, go gcuireadh se 'un an phriosiiin iad. Anns an bhomaite thainic an chevalier' isteach 7 duljhairt leis go rabh sagart air an bhaile do bin' deirceach 7 go ndiolfadh se an tairgead air shon na mbacaigh. Rachaidh me fhein leat 7 labhairfidh me leis an fcsagart. Bin athas air fhear na taibheirne. Chuaidh an bheirt go teach an tsagairt. Fuair siad sceala annsin go rabh an sagart i dteach an pbobail. Chuaidh an bheirt go teach an phobail. Bin' an sagart air an altoir ag dul do leigheadh aifrinn. Chuaidh an chevalier suas air an altoir 7 dubhairt leis an tsagart go rabh duine breagh annsin acht go rabh se tinn o'n ghealaigh 7 go dtainic se do iarraidh air an tsagart urnaigb radh do. Dubhairt an sagart go mbeidheadh sin ceart i ndiaidh an aifrinn. Thainic an chevalier anuas 7 dubhairt se, fan thusa annseo 7 gheobh tii do phunta i ndiaidh an aifrinn. Nuair do bin' an t-aifreann raidhte, chraith an sagart a mhear air fhear na taibheirne theacht ani'os. Dubhairt an sagart — gabh air do ghluine. Dubhairt fear na taibheirne — bhfuil tii ag dul do thabhairt domh an tairgid ? Dubhairt an sagart ari'st — gabh air do ghluine. Dubhairt fear na taibheirne — bhfuil tu ag dul do thabhairt domh an phunta 1 Bin' slat gheal aig an tsagart 7 bhuail se fear na taibheirne air a bhlagbid 7 244 -A 9 tx:v<>rN'd er x wlxgod' xgos du:rs9 — go: &r (h alu:n snif. hog J xr Xo ta.:v9rN'd ^l(oi) er a doros xgos rxh <> s'igort go dogdffl fd r'ef d. a% d'im'i: f'xr Nd tx:vdrN'd. vi: j\ vir'ig' xgos » to:rt! m\N<) mo:r. Ner 9 herii fd &wel'y, N'i: ro fsvxli:r Nx dxL Nx baka.% Vs. fx:l' sg'o Nx f'is k'x d'xyj, fdd. 245 dubhairt se — gabh air do ghluine anois. Thug fear na taibheirne a aghaidh air an dorus 7 reatli an sagart go dtugadh s<' araia e. Acht d'imthigh fear Da taibheirne. Bhi s< ; i bhfeirg 7 ag tabhairt mionna mor. Nuair thainic s^ abhaile, 111 rabh chevalier na dall na bacach le faghail aige na fios ca deachiiiclh siad. 247 NOTES ON THE TEXTS. Aindrias an Ime (p. 15)0). J. H. relates this incident as having happened to an ancestor of his own. J. H.'s father was Andy son of Harry son of Seaghan the poet son of Aindrias Mor an Tme. Note the local colouring on p. 198 11. 38, 40 where feuch in the sense of 'look' and l'oc, 'pay', are both Connaught words. p. 198 1. 5 Ta me ar togail, locally 'T am a-lif ting ' = ' I am badly nourished'. The phrase is stated to refer to cattle which were so weak at the end of winter that they had to be assisted out of the byre. Eamonn Ua Ciorrthais (p. 200). This story seems to be well known throughout Ulster. Lloyd has published it in his Sgealaidhe Oirghiall under the title of Aodh Beag O Leabharcha (p. 1). p. 203 1. 39 fir fagliail. I do not understand this phrase and J. H. was unable to throw any light upon it. Sceal Gliiolla na gCochall Craicionn (p. 215). Some of the episodes of this tale are well known in Scotland and the north of Ireland. Larminie gives substantially the same story under the title of 'King Mananaun ' in his 'West Irish Folk-tales' (p. 64) and there is a story called ' Gille nan Cochla- Craicinn ' in 'Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition' vol. iii, 'Folk and Hero Talcs from Argyllshire' (p. 42). CAMBRIDGE; PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRE8S. University of California SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. Form ill 3 1158 60474 9288 | U i5?ih?« THERN REG,0fJAL LIBRARY FACILITY A A 000 414 214 7 PB 1298 D6Q*f