LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA FROM THE LIBRARY OF MRS. H. RUSSELL AMORY. GIFT OF HER CHI LDREN R. W. AND NINA PARTRIDGE HISTORY OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES, ILLUSTRATED EV ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. BY FREDERICK VON RAUMER. _ '( TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. IT. LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. MDCCCXXXV. CONTENTS OF VOL. II. LETTER XLVIL Page Naples under Spanish dominion New Imposts. — Insur- rection of July 7, 1647, and Laws Massaniello's Power and Death — Further Disturbances Insurrection of the Students — The other parts of the Kingdom Nobilitv and People — Joseph Palombo. — Excesses Conclusion of Peace — Arrival of the Fleet, and of Don John of Austria. — Infraction of the Peace. — Assassination of the Prince of Massa. — Gennaro Annese. — Transactions at Rome. Guise in Naples — Arrival and Return of the French Fleet. — Letter of Annese. — Departure of the Duke of Arcos Count Ognate, and Don John of Austria. — Reconciliation with Naples. — Flight and Imprisonment of the Duke of Guise I LETTER XLVIIL Account of the occurrences at Naples, by Cerisantes His relations to Guise — Protectorship of the King of France — Guise and Gennaro Annese. — Contentions Arrest of Cerisantes — Further progress of Events 40 LETTER XLIX. Finances and Constitution of Venice 52 VOL. II. b VI CONTENTS. LETTER L. Page Upon Cardinal Wolsey, and his Secretaries, Stephen Gar- diner and Cromwell. — Cromwell and Cardinal Pole. — Anne of Cleves Marriage and Divorce. — Catherine Howard.. 62 LETTER LL Manners of the Enghsh Court Edward VL — Character of the English — Education. — Huntirg — Women — Ser- vants .,...'.'....,., 70 LETTER LIL Trial and execution of the Duke of Somerset. — The Duke of Northumberland ; his Character and Death Characters ._ of the Queens Mary and Elizabeth 76 LETTER LIIL Elizabeth and Mary Stuart Marriage proposals of Charles IX. — Elizabeth's answer in refusal — Leicester's preten- sions and hopes The Archduke Charles. — Mary Stuart and Elizabeth Darnley. — Rizzio's Assassination 84 LETTER LIV. Mary and Darnley — Birth of James Du Croc's diplo- matic reports Murder of Darnley Marriage with Both- well Misery of Mary. — War Imprisonment 98 LETTER LV. Mary's escape — French interposition Cecil and Leices- ter Elizabeth's instruction to her Ambassador Norris, at Paris, upon her relations to Mary Stuart Darnley 's Murder. — Flight. — Process in England. — Marriage with Norfolk. — Grounds of the stricter imprisonment of Mary Instructions for the Ambassador Smith. — Mary's Negocia- tions with Spain and Rome. — Report of the French Am- bassador. — Mary's entreaties to Elizabeth Letter of Eli- zabeth to Henry III. upon Mary Stuart. Vvrri^.'/^r. 7..-; Vi'^lt)6 CONTENTS. vn LETTER LVII. Page Letters of Mary Stuart to her Ambassador, Glasgow, in Paris — Correspondence betAveen Henry IIL, Mary Stuart, Monsieur de Mauvissiere, the Duke of Guise, the Bishop of St. Andrew's, chiefly upon the relations of Queen Eli- zabeth and Mary Stuart 110 LETTER LVIIL Correspondence between Henry HL, Mons. de Chateau- neuf, Mary Stuart, Bernardin di Mendoza, Elizabeth, Messieurs de Courcelles and Bellievres The Duke of Guise, Ompson — Complaints of Mary as to her residence. — Mediation of Henry HI — Relations with Spain. — Bab- ington's conspiracy Mary's Trial James I Scotch and French intercession. — Death of Mary ; her obsequies. — Elizabeth's justification — Ompson and the Duke of Guise 114 LETTER LIX. Elizabeth, France, and Spain — Elizabeth to Henry HL and Henry IV — Earl of Essex 169 LETTER LX. i'' Bouillon upon Elizabeth and England Despatches of the Ambassador, Count Beaumont Nevres, Essex, Biron, .Jesuits — Elizabeth — Earl of Clancarty Ireland Spa- nish War. — Sickness and death of Elizabeth 177 LETTER LXL Characters of James I. and Elizabeth, Englisinnen and Scotsmen — Perversity of James His demeanour towards the fiiir sex — Cecil — Discontent -The Queen Anne Cobham's conspiracy — Gloomy prospects James's love of the chase — Negociations with Spain.— Financial dif- ficulties.— Parliament.— Union of England with Scotland. b2 Ain CONTENTS. Page — The Clergy. — James's love of peace. — Charles I — Rome. — Religious affairs. — The Netherlands. —Disputation in Oxford 190 LETTER LXII. Arabella Stuart. — Betrothal and Marriage of Elizabeth with the Elector Palatine . . . *iii>!.j,i.\i .;.,iij#«siat 224 LETTER LXin. Upon the Earl of Somerset. — Extracts from the reports of the Ambassador Desmarets upon James, his Wife, Villiers, ^Q .A i*;.. i-i ^jx -T J •229 LETTER LXIV. .Tames 1. upon the affairs of Bohemia. — Buckingham. — In- fluence of the Spaniards. — The Puritans. — Discontent. . . . 2.36 LETTER LXV. Diplomatic reports of Tillieres. — James and the Parliament. — Promotions. — Buckingham. — The Electress Palatine Trial of the Attorney- General. — James and the French Hughenots. — Spanish influence in England. — The Palati- nate. — Disorders in the Court. — The Prince of Wales. — Buckingham. — The Parhament. — Divinations into the fu- ture. — Charles L — The Countess Buckingham becomes a Catholic. — James's extravagancies and vices. — The Spanish :».' match 248 LETTER LXVL Vallaresso upon James L — Charles I. — His journey to Spain. — Failure of the marriage scheme. — James's timidity, ^ , -^ ~- Insolence of the Spaniards ^3?i LETTER LXVII. Spanish marriage. — Puritans. — Projects against Spain. — The Parliament, Charles, and Buckingham. — The High CONTENTS. ix Page Treasurer. — Earl of Middlesex. — Marriage engagement of Charles with the French Princess. — Olivarez. — The Papal Court 284 LETTER LXVIII. Accession of Charles I, — Buckingham and the Parliament. — The Catholics and the Puritans. — Official instruction for Mods, de Blainville. — The Queen. — Mons. de Soubise. — The Hughenots. — Court of the Queen. — Alliances. — ivicneiieu ..••*»••••■••«••• . •■ • %.J^J•^•,^f^^ *if>*^iv*i>!i* ^tiv • — "i LETTER LXIX. Reports of Monsieur De Seneterre. — The King and the Queen of England. — The Scotch. — Strafford. — Dissolution of Parliament. — Loans Laud. — Commotions in London. — Disturbances in the Provinces. — Financial Measures. Strafford ., 305 LETTER LXX. Trial of Strafford 323 LETTER LXXL Instruction for the French Ambassador Sahran. — The Queen. — The Prince Palatine. — The Scotch. — Manches- ter and Cromwell. — Laud's death. — Self-denying bill. — Levies. — City of London 326 LETTER LXXIL The Ambassadors, Montreuil and Grignon. — Negociations for peace. — Plan of the King for betaking himself to the Scots. — Proposals of the Independents. — Prince Rupert. Montreuil in Scotland. — Charles in the Scottish Camp. Complaints of breach of Faith. — Negociations. — Surrender of the King. — Agitators. — Cromwell. — Position of France. — Queen Henrietta. — The Independents and the Scotch. X CONTENTS. Page — Scottish Clergy. — Plans of campaign. — Negociations with the King. — Situation of parties. — Defeat of the Scotch. — The Levellers. — The Army and Parliament. — Carrying oft' the King. — The Army in London. — Trial and execu- tion of the King. — New Government 334 'O' LETTER LXXIIL Reports of the Ambassador Bordeaux — War. — Cromwell and the Parliament. — The Army The Anabaptists — Cromwell, Protector Entry into London New Elec- tions Conspiracies. — Violent Proceedings Character and ill condition of Cromwell. — His Sons Restoration of the Monarchy t 383 LETTER LXXIV. Cominges' description of England 393 LETTER LXXV. Military establishment and expenditure of the 16th and 17th century 399 LETTER LXXVL Manners, Usages, Festivals. &c. — Queen Eleanor in Brus- sels. — Feast of the Order of the Golden Fleece. — Feast of Queen Mary of Hungary — Auto da fe at Valladolid. . 402 LETTER LXXVn. Dowries of Princesses in the 13th, 14th, andl5th Centuries. — Ball of Queen Margaret of Valois. — Table of Henry IV. — Articles furnished for the table of Cardinal Aldobrandini. — Festival of Peace at Paris in 1629. — Sentiments of the Clergy upon Dancing 407 LETTER LXXVin. Espousals of Mary of Medicis with Henry IV. — Festivals in Lyons. — Reception of the Queen. — Her disposition. — French music 417 CONTENTS. XI LETTER LXXIX. ."A - • ^*?^ Meeting of Francis I. and Henry VIII. — Tournament and Festival of Queen Elizabeth in England 429 LETTER LXXX. Festivals on the arrival of the Duke of Savoy at Saragossa in 1585, and at the Baptism of the Infant Balthazar, 1629. 435 LETTER LXXXI. Journey of the Great Mogul Jelian, from Agra to Lahore, in September, 1638. MSS. Dupuy 442 LETTERS FROM PARIS. LETTER I. ADDRESSED TO LUDWIG TIECK. To serve as Preface and Dedication — Reasons for the Epistolary form of the Work, and the Scantiness of the Collectanea. — Friendly reception in Paris — Distribution of the Materials. I HAVE then in pursuance of your advice, and that of others, sent the letters of my journey to the press at Leipzick ; I shall, however, without doubt, give offence thereby to many. The pubhcation of my historical researches in Paris requires less considera- tion, although I have been long in doubt as to the best mode and shape of bringing them before the public. For neither was it possible for me to work scattered B 2 LETTER I. and isolated passages into a connected history, nor could I without gi'cat difFuseness and extravagant loss of time, append the necessary supplementary matter. I therefore hit upon the idea of distributing my ma- terials into a series of letters, which, indeed, but half deserve that title, but which present various advan- tages and conveniences. Thus, for example; that I can begin and end just where the relative quantity of my matter indicates, and in writing to you, can ad- dress myself as to a reader well acquainted with his- tory, and competent to understand and classify every thing without notes of explanation. In any case, you will recognize in the act of my dedicating these letters to you, a proof of old and faithful friendship, — though such be unnecessary. With very few exceptions, necessaiy for the con- nection of the work, my communications are ex- tracted from manuscripts totally unknown, especially from those of the Royal Collection at Paris. I found there so remarkable an attention to my wishes, such inexhaustible patience for my troublesome ap- plications, that I must return my heartiest thanks to the gentlemen officially employed in that establish- ment, and especially to Monsiem* Champollion Fie- geac, for having disclosed to me treasures, of the ex- istence of which I was not aware. If, nevertheless, my results be less extensi^^e and LETTER I. 3 important than you, and others perhaps, expected, you must reflect, 1st, that some very illegible MSS. cost much time, and that others disappointed all expect- ation: 2d, that I could not altogether neglect the present times, important as they are : 3rd, that my time of labour during a stay at Paris of only five months, was much shortened by a sickness which threatened to be fatal. — If you take all this into con- sideration, and cast a glance over my letters relating to the present, I ventm-e to hope, you will, on receipt of my last letter upon times gone by, bear me witness, that I have conscientiously distributed and applied my time. With the exception of what I explored which bore eference to the history of the middle ages, and which I am about to use principally for my history of the Hohenstauffens, my researches have been directed to the most memorable passages of the history of the 16th and 17th centuries, I was, however, dependent upon the sources of information which presented themselves, and not in condition to fill up many in- tervals, much to be regi'etted. For the man, however, who (imder the impossibility of discovering anything utterly unheard of in modem history) takes delight in individual transactions, and a more particular unfold- ing of divers occurrences, what I have to communi- B -2 r 4 LETTER I. catc, in spite of its gaps and deficiencies, will I trust have some interest. The order in which I present you with my results, is not unconditionally prescribed by the matter. My object is to place together, as much as possible, pas- sages, which are naturally connected, yet to avoid placing the most valuable in front; that the continu- ation may not fall off in attraction compared with the commencement. LETTEK II. LETTER II. THE ANABAPTISTS IN MUNSTER. I AM entirely agreed with you in opinion that among the professors of each of the great sects of Chris- tianity, noxious excrescences may shoot forth. This happens especially where principles, sound in them- selves, enter into combination with false conclusions, and are pushed forward to extremes ; their assertors looking neither to the right nor left. After such fashion has the Catholic Church often fallen into ty- ranny ; the Protestant sometimes into anarchy. la the one case. Will reigned under the name of Law, in the other, under the ])retext of Liberty. In no in- stance does the latter condition present itself in ruder defoi-mity than in that of the Anabaptists, who, be- ginning with the rejection of forms of lesser import- ance, proceeded step by step, till at last they put forth a damnable phrenzy, and attributed to it all the pretensions of wisdom which was to redeem the world. In the 99th volume of the MSS. of Du- puy, there is a cotemporary letter in the Italian Ian- 6 LETTER II. guage respecting their proceedings at Munster, which appears to me worthy of publication. Although Munster (the letter states) is surrounded by the besieging forces of several princes, the Ana- baptists defend themselves with obstinacy, and their sect increases day by day in Flanders, Holland, Frizeland, and Saxony, in the neighbourhood of Cologne, nay, in all Germany, after such fashion that we must fear the greatest disturbance and revolt. Some eight days after the city was invested, their prophet for the time being, (a tailor by trade,) John of Leyden, declared that he had a commission from heaven to be king of Israel and of righteousness, and to reign after the fashion of King David. At the same time, another Anabaptist, John of Waren- dorf, came forward, and declared, God had com- manded him to be prophet in the room of John of Leyden ; and as such, he predicted that John should go forth with an araiy, destroy and root out all other kings, princes, and authorities without mercy, but reign himself over the whole world. Accordingly, the new king began his sovereignty, appointed his chancellor, marshal, chamberlain, council, and every usual appendage to a court ; kept a table on a large scale, and out of his eight wives, selected one from Holland, (the widow of a prophet who had fallen in battle,) as his queen ; who immediately provided LETTER II. 7 herself with an extraordinary attendance of courtiers. Both, and in Uke manner their attendants, dressed themselves in silks and costly stuffs, mostly taken from the churches and the clergy. When the king rides out, he wears a suit of silver tissue, slashed, and lined with crimson, wliich is held together with buckles of gold. At his right hand, a page beai-s the bible ; at his left, another canies the sword- One of these two is a son of the Bishop of Munster. The king's head is adorned with a triple crown of gold, richly ornamented ; round his neck hangs a golden chain, to which a remarkable piece of mag- nificence is attached. It represents, namely, the ter- restrial globe, over which a small cross of gold is susj)ended ; near this are to be seen two swords, one of gold, the other of silver, and this inscription : — " King of Righteousness over the whole world." The queen Avears a similar ornament. For the purpose of audiences a great scaffold is ei'ected iu the market place, on which the king takes his place. Two steps downward at his feet stand the councillors. Whosoever makes any suit, kneels three times, and then prostrates himself in order to make his address. At the reception of the Holy Sacrament about 4200 persons seated themselves at table in the great squai-e of the Cathedral, and were served with three 8 LETTER II. Jiinds of food. The king and queen partook of certain hard baked pastry of flour, which they broke and distributed with these words : Take and eat, and proclaim the death of the Lord. In like manner they dealt with the wine, and the company passed on what they received, saying: "Brother (or sister) take and eat, and so as Christ has given himself for me, will I give myself for you, and so as this bread is baked of many different grains, and this wine is pressed lirom many different berries, so are we all assembled and bound together." Hereupon followed certain prayers and laudatory psalms. The feast over, the king asked aloud whether all were ready to do the will of the Father, and to suffer for him ? All cried out Yea, Yea ! The new prophet then took up the word saying. His Majesty has com- mand from God to send some of you forth to pro- claim these wonders. The command of God (con- tinued now a younger prophet) goes to this, that His Majesty must send deputies to the four towns of tlie realm. He read out accordingly the names of those appointed to the mission ; six for Hassen-- broek, five for Wai'endorf, eight for Coesfeldt, and others for Soest. To every one the king gave a golden florin of his own coinage, and of the value of nine florins. The same evening they all started on their journey, and cried out every where with a loud LETTER II. 'B voice, " Mend yourselves and do penance, the time is short and the Father merciful ; the axe is laid to the root, and ye shall perish like Sodom and Gomorrah, unless ye believe." Wherever the authorities caused these men to be brought before them, they cast their mantle on the ground, laid upon it one of their geld florins and said, " We ai*e sent by the Father to pro- claim the peace of God." If the inhabitants refused to admit, at their exhortation, a community of goods, these men bitterly reviled them, and said that the refusal was a contempt of their mission. Some of their preachers have been taken, some of whom of their own accord, and others compelled bv torture, have given information as to the fortifications of the town, and also have made disclosures as to their doctrine : according to the witness of the scriptures and all the prophets, those are righteous who hunger and thirst after righteousness with all their might, and are ready to die for it. Now, however, right- eousness has not been preached to the people, and of four prophets two only ai'e righteous, David and the Father; and two unrighteous, the Pope, and Luther worse than the Pope. If they are asked how they would shew their righteousness, since, against their own word, they have driven forth so many in- nocent persons firom Munster, and laid hands on their goods, their wives, and children? they an- b3 10 LETTER II. swer; " Ye understand indeed to judge tlie face of Iiearen, but not the time. The time is come when the meek and tlie pious shall possess the earth, even as the goods of the Egyptians were once made over to the people of Israel." Every one has in Munster from six to eight wives, with whom he lives till they become pregnant. Girls above the age of twelve are compelled to marry. Men who fail to live according to their duty wdth their wives, are beheaded: even the old women seek out husbands who are compelled to look after and pro- vide for them. The Anabaptists destroy churches and cloisters, for such are, in their creed, only the market-places of Baal. They hold, that without prophets, it is impos- sible to understand the scri2:)tures ; they reject the Emperor and all superior authorities except God ; they wish to put to death all sovereigns on account of their unrighteousness; they apply many texts of scripture relating to our Saviour to their king, who occasionally, when he considers people to have of- fended, strikes off their heads. LETTER 111. 11 LETTER III. Granvelle's Remains — John Frederick of Saxony and Phib'p of Hesse — Maurice Investiture of the Milanese Charles V. — Ferdinand I. — Charles in Spain Francis I Eleanor his wife. Among the richest and as yet almost unexplored sources for the history of the 16th centiuy, is to be reckoned the collection of documents left by Cardi- nal Granvelle, and which ai'e now deposited at Be- san^on, to the amount of eighty-four folio volumes*. The learned librarian of that place has the intention of editing: the most remarkable of them in twelve 'O * Viz. twenty-four volumes memoirs, collectanea, letters, state manuscripts, &c., Granvelle. Eight of Morillon. Seven of Hoppers. One of the Embassy of St. Maurice in France. Five of Renard. Eight of Chantonnay. Eight of Champagnay. Three of Belfontaine. Two ofVergey. Two vols, for the History of Riche- lieu. Four Treaties of Peace and Compacts. One, Charles V. and Philip 2nd's Itinerarium by Vandenesse. A faithful summary of these MSS. prepared by the Abbe Boyzot of St. Vincent, is in the Royal Library at Paris. MSS. G. !M. fourteen, two great vols, in folio. 1*2 LETTER III. octavo volumes. Pending the execution of this spe- cially meritorious undertaking, we may be allowed to direct attention towards it by anticipation, and to im- part two extracts out of the instructive journal* which Vandenesse, (a kind of travelling marshal to Charles V.,) composed as an eye-witness. They relate, the first to the meeting which took place between the Emperor and the wife of the Elector of Saxony after the battle of Mulilberg, and the second to the capture of the Landgrave Philip. I. In the year 1547, the 24th May, the Electress received permission from the Emperor to come to him. The Margrave of Brandenburgh and the Arch- duke of Austria betook themselves therefore to Wit- tenberg, to conduct her thence. She appeared in a carriage, in mourning, accompanied by her eldest son, her brother-in-law and his wife, and four car- riages full of women all dressed in black. In the Emperor's tent were his brother, Duke Maurice, the Duke of Alva, the Prince of Camerino, and other princes and lords. As soon as the Electress ap- proached, she threw herself at the feet of the Empe- ror, who however presented her his hand and caused ■f Sommaire des voyages faits par Charles V. depuis I'an 1517 . — 1551, recueillis et mis par ecrit par Jehan de Vandenesse, controleur ayant suivi leur majeste dans tous leurs voyages. LETTER III. 13 his brother to lift her up. After this, one of her council presented her requests, which, among other matters, went to this, that her husband might not be carried away out of the country. Hereupon she was answered: His majesty at present was come to no understanding on these things*. The Electress fell once more on her knees, and prayed the Emperor might have compassion on her and her children. She was then conducted by the Duke of Alva to her husband, with whom she remained for somewhere about half an hour, and then returned to Wittenberg, which city the Emperor, on the next day, inspected within and without, and also visited the Electress at the castle. On the 26th May the Elector was brought to the castle at Wittenberg, to remain there so long as the Emperor should abide in this neighbourhood. Five hundred Spanish arquebuziers under Alonzo Unio did duty as his guard. On the 3rd of June the Elector took leave of wife, children, and the inhabitants, and returned into the camp of the Emperor. His second son accompanied him so far, made his respects to the Emperoi', and excused himself that he had been unable, by reason of sickness, to appear sooner. He commended himself, * Sa Majeste, pour le present, n'entcnclait a ces affaires la. 14 LETTER III. his father, mother, and theh other children to the grace of the Emperor. On the 4th of June, in the presence of the Electors of Brandenburg, the Archduke of Austria, and seve- ral piinces and lords, it was proclaimed, that inas- much as John Frederick, Duke of Saxony, had, on account of misdeed and high treason, forfeited the Electorate, and since his being taken prisoner had, by agi'eement, renounced the same, as well as the town of Wittenberg with its appurtenances, the Em- peror, therefore, makes over the same on various grounds to the Duke Maurice, &c. In his, Maurice's, name, answer was made, that he received the gift with thanks and obedience ; that he had, however, never declared himself against the im- prisoned duke in the view of succeeding to the Electorate, but only to serve the Emperor. Although the prisoner had been guilty of rebellion and disobe- dience against the Emperor and King, yet might the latter have regard to the prisoner's children. He, Maurice, thanked the Em]3eror, that the elect- oral dignity was preserved to the House of Saxony, and that he, the Emperor, had shewn grace to John Frederick, who had well deserved to lose his head. Hereupon the Emperor gave him his hand, and the Elector of Brandenburg pointed out to him his new place. On the following morning the Duchess left LETTER III. 15 Wittenberg, and the new Elector made his entry into the town. II. June 19, 1547.— The Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg had for some days past much entreated the Emperor to have compassion upon the Landgi'ave of Hesse. After Charles had consented, and the points of the treaty had been established, these two conducted the Land- grave, on the 18th of June, to Halle, and on the 19th, in the afternoon at five o'clock, into a great gallery, where the Emperor was seated on his imperial throne, under a golden canopy, and sun'ounded by princes and lords. When the Electors with the Landgrave had approached to within about eight paces from the Emperor, the Landgrave knelt down, with his hands clasped, and his head inclined to the ground. His Chancellor, likewise kneeling, read out the Land- grave's confession of his offence, and how he sur- rendered himself to the hands and pleasure of the Emperor for gi-ace or no grace. When this reading was over, and while both Electors stood beside the Landgrave, the Chancellor Seld made answer : that the Emperor excused him, out of regard for the Elec- tors, and in respect of their intercession, both from capital punishment and perpetual imprisonment, in accordance with the conditions set forth in the treaty. Hereupon was the Landgrave committed to the 10 LETTER III, Duke of Alva, who conducted him to the castle, and entertained him, together with the Electors, at supper* Afterwards they brought him to a chamber under the guard of John of Grenarra, and two companies of Spaniards. From the 19th to the 23rd, the Electors made great intercession with the Emperor for the Landgrave, who complained much of his durance, and after many devices and debates, (devises et parlemens,) the Emperor caused the Electors to come to him and read the whole treaty concluded between himself and the Landgrave. It ran, that he surrendered himself into the hands of his Majesty, to his pleasure and mercy, and that the Emperor excused him the capital punish- ment he had merited, in regard to, and in favour of the Electors, restored to him his confiscated posses- sions, and pardoned and remitted him his perpetual imprisonment, the which sufficiently shewed, that he was to be confined at the pleasure of the Emperor. The Electors acknowledged hereupon the failure of their plea, begged the pardon of his Majesty for what they had spoken, and acknowledged that the fault was on their side, the Emperor had fidfilled the con- ditions, and this they would maintain against who- ever would defend the contrary. Then the Emperor caused also the Duke of Bruns- wick, lately released from confinement, to come before LETTER III. 17 him, and be told how wrongfully he had acted in seeking aid from France, and in speaking and writing unbecomingly of the Emperor. Yet would the Em- peror forgive him all, and restore him to the posses- sion of his property. The renewed contentions into which the Emperor fell with the Electors, on accomit of Philip's pro- longed captivity, are well known. To this period of the contest belong also the difficulties raised by Maurice as to the investiture of Milan *, which the Emperor had made without reference to the States. Charles answers, June 7th, 1552 f;—" After the great exertions and expenses which he had undergone, in order to protect the duchy against the tyranny of the French, it was not necessary to consult the princes." Much of Granvelle's Remains which concern the Records, I shall give later. Other minor particulars I have pointed out in a supplement to this letter ; they are only calculated for the purposes of certain learned researches, and have no claim on the general reader. 1515. — January 15. The States were convened at * Disputed by Charles with France, on the death of Francis Sforza, in 1525, first by negociation, and then by arms. It was finally occupied by Charles, and confirmed to his son Philip by the treaty of Cateau Cambresis in 1559, t Granvelle, iv. p. 128. 18 LETTER III. Brussels, and Cliarles ^^ was declared out of his minority * (emancipe) in the presence of his aunt, the Elector Palatine Frederick, and the Count Felix of Furstcnburgh. The two last were present as plenipotentiai'ies of Maximilian I. 1517. t — Letter of Charles V. to Ximenes and Adrian. Several persons who had given evil advice to tlie Infant Ferdinand, are directed to be removed iJFom him, specially the Commander of Calatrava and tlie Bishop of Astorga. Before his dcpartm*e from Flanders^, Charles made a will. The 17th September, Chai-les embarked with his sister, and several lords and ladies, at Middel- burgh, and reached Villa Viciosa the 29tli September. The Carchnal Croy, who before the embarkation had been consecrated Bishop of Cambrai, received tlie archbishopiick of Toledo ||. November 18, Chailes entered A\alladolid, and remained there till Mai'ch 1518. 1519. — January 19. He journeyed fi'om Sarragossa to Barcelona, and learned, on the way, the death of the Emperor Maximilian. January 25, 1820, he quitted Spain, and reached Cologne on tlie 4th May. • Vandenesse. t Undated. J Granvelle, i. 65. II This appointment was one of the scandalous Flemish jobs ■which led to the dangerous insurrectionary movements in Spain, in the early part of Charles's reign. LETTER III. 19 May 17th began tlie insurrection at Toledo, and they seized the person of the Queen Mother, who however refused to sign what they laid before her. 1521.— April 27. Charles V. came to Dover. At Brussels he had received the King of Denmark, and soon after the Cardinal Wolsey, as a mediator. 1502._July 3. Charles embarked from England, and reached Santander on the 16th. On All Saints' day, the general pardon was proclaimed at Valla- dolid, from which only twelve persons remained ex- cepted. 1525. — The Emperor held, after tlie anival of Fran- cis I. in Spain, a great assembly at Toledo, at which were present, three English envoys, the car- dinal legate, the envoys of Poland, Portugal, Venice, Ragusa, the ItaUan princes, &c. September 18. Charles V. came to Madrid, in order to visit the King (Francis I.) reported by his physi- cians to be very sick. The following day anived the Duchess of Alen^on, whom the Emperor received half way down the stair, and conducted to her brother. Shortly before, the Margrave John of Brandenburgh, Viceroy of Valencia, had died there. 1526.— Febmaiy 18. Charles and Francis met at Torrejon, and remained there till the 20th. As soon as Francis was over the sti-eam which separates France from Spain, the Sieur de Praet besought him 20 LETTER III. to confirm the treaty of Madrid. Francis, however, made difficulties, on account of which his sister was detained at Vittoria. In Seville, the Emperor was informed that the im- prisoned Bishop of Zamora had killed the commander of the place ; the Emperor directed the Alcalde Ron- quillo to proceed thither forthwith and do justice : and Ronquillo had the bishop hanged. From the instant that the king received intelligence of this, {on the 1 1th March,) he forbore to go to church, until he had re- ceived a pardon from Rome. 1542. — At the assembly of the States of Castille, in Valladolid, it was said by them, — their principal prayer to the Emperor was, that he would make no more journeys, or expose his person to such dangers as before Algiers, but that he would remain in Spain. 1545.— March 19.* The Queen of Hungary directs the Ambassador S*" Moris to communicate to the Queen of France her sympathy for the mortifications which she is compelled to undergo at the court. She would advise that the Queen of France should go to the King, shew him every kind of respect, obedience, and love, and pray him to communicate all his com- mands to herself, and not suffer them to reach her through others. * S' Moris, Ambassade. LETTER III. 21 1547. — April 22. Moris communicates the decease of the King of France ; that his consort had little cause to be grieved, for he had treated her very ill. February 21.* — The younger Granvelle writes to his father — " The Emperor has learned, by many re- ports, that the Elector, Joseph Frederick, has with him not more than 8,000 sickly infantry, and 4,000 good cavalry. The King and Maurice have together 19,000 (10,000?) infantry, and 6,000 cavalry. I subjoin certain dates from Vandenesse : 1530. — Febniary 22. Coronation at Monza. 1531. — November 23. Departure of Charles from Augsburgh. 1531. — December 17. In Cologne. 1532. — January 6. Departure from Cologne. January 25. Arrival in Brussels. October 4. Departure from Vienna. November 13. In Bologna. 1533. — April 9. Embarkation at Genoa, 1535. — June 16. Landing in Africa. 1536. — November 15. Departure from Genoa. December 6. Arrival in Barcelona. * Granvelle, iv. 1. 22 LETTER IV. LETTER IV. Charles V. and the States ; Diet of 1550 — Granvelle's Death. — Sickness of the Emperor. — Attempt to procure the elevation of Philip to the Imperial Dignity — French Embassy in Ger- many. ^^'E have often, in our conversations on the subject of Charles V., agreed that his character had been re- presented after a one-sided fashion in some respects, by reason that historians have availed themselves by preference of the inimical narratives of French and Protestant vv^riters. You will, nevertheless, think it natural in me to have exerted myself in Paris to en- rich, out of French sources and manuscripts, my col- lections on the subject of the great Emperor, and the memorable period of his reign. Reports of the French Ambassador, Marillac, of the year 1548 and 49, promised a rich harvest*, but I found them written in so illegible a character, that neither my time nor * Bibl. Roy. MSS. 8625, 8626. Mencken Script. II. 1391, has given some extracts from these. LETTER IV. 23 eye-sight sufficed to decipher them. I found more legible the reports which Marillac (who was Bishop of Rennes, and afterwards Archbishop of Vienne) fmiiished from Geiinariy in 1550*. They concern the relations of the Emperor ^\dth the States, the In- terim, the Elector Maurice, and above all the plan for procuring for Philip II. the sovereignty in Ger- many, in addition to his other dignities. The misunderstanding between Charles and the States fii'st exhibited itself, in that very few of them attended the Diet of Augsburg in 1550 ; yet (says Marillac) he bears everything with wonderful pru- dence f. The King of France (he writes soon after- wards) must use his influence over the Gennan States, that they may not give way to the passions of the Emperor. All Germany appears to have no other hope tlian that of escaping out of all difficulties by the king's assistance. A'arious princes and deputies of the States have openly declared to me, they could not sufficiently congratulate themselves, that the king Avas living in peace with all his neighbours, and had no occasion to direct his thoughts to any other sub- ject than the one how he might best, directly or indi- rectly, thwart the plans of the Emperor, Already, a * MSS. Brienne, 89. t Report of the IGtli and 29tli July, 1 J50. 21 LETTER IV. fortnight earlier, July 5, 1550, the King writes to JNIarillac : — the Duke Maurice has within these few days dispatched some envoys to me, to declare how he had in view to be my servant and entire friend. He has made me so many offers, that I can do no other than set store by them, provided always, they be holy (saintes) and sincere. He appears to wish nothmg so much as to give me proofs of this, and promises to impart to me, through a confidential person, every thing which takes place at the Diet. — Marillac in his answer of July 29, recounts the means which the Emperor has at his disposal, for en- forcing his will in Germany, and adds : Maurice still remains on his side, out of fear of the old Elector of Brandenburgh, who might seize upon Magdeburg for his son. The Duke of Bavaria is son-in-law to King Ferdinand, and possesses no qualities worthy of a prince. His whole merit consists in drinking and dicing. The greater part of the misunderstandings above alluded to sprang out of religious circumstances. The Protestants (Marillac \mtes, June 16) trouble them- selves so httle about the Interim, that they preach and proclaim their doctrine even in Augsburgh. About the same time, (July 5,) Heniy II. infonns him : the Pope, in order to put off a decision on the general meeting of the church, and other matters LETTEE IV. 25 thereto belonging, has sent no legate or nuncio to Geraiany ; but noAv, when he sees that all this serves only to further the interests of the Emperor in Ger- many, he is anxious to send some one into those parts of it, with wliich he has already some intelli- gence. Blank sheets will be given to his agents, to be used by them in matters tending to his purpose, and for the prosecution of many negociations already begun. King Hemy, however, pronounces all this to be mere talk, and gives his belief that in fact the Pope is in an understanding with the Emperor in the whole business. It is certain that the Emperor was favourable to the assembling of the Church, inasmuch as the Protestants were opposed to it, and the French, openly or secretly, placed difficulties in its way. The death of Granvelle was an important loss to the Emperor. This night (writes Marillac, August 28,) died Granvelle, of the effects of age and the dropsy, for which the Emperor has good cause to be very sad, for the deceased was an able servant, and possessed a wonderful dexterity in directing all relations and negociations to the advantage of his master *. The * In the letters of Vergeys, (in tlie collection of Cardinal Granvelle, at Besan^on,) vol. i., 1598, it is related that the Chancellor Granvelle had specially promoted the incorporation of the Netherlands with Germany. Charles V. contended that the consent of the States thereto was necessarv. 23 LETTER IV. Emperor (he goes on in another place) has ordered that Graiivelle's funeral shall be celebrated with the greatest solemnity. All the states of the empire at- tended the funeral mass ; the Duke of Alva conducted the children of the deceased ; and the entire court of Charles, in deep mourning, (woollens alone, and no silks being worn,) joined the procession. The Gemians alone are glad, and think that the Emperor Avill find no minister who will understand to work so dexterously for the diminution of the libei'ties of their country *. Moreover, all the pro- vinces together have not shed as many tears as the Germans have emptied bumpers of wine, accusing, as they do, in justification of their joy, the ambition and cupidity of Granvelle, and designating him as the most venal and unprincipled minister the Emperor ever had in his service. No less is King Ferdinand rejoiced at the death of Granvelle, because the latter had endeavoured to procure the imperial crown for Prince Philip. The Emperor himself was, moreover, at this time of difficulties, so sick, that Marillac writes (September 9, 1550) ; It would be impossible to find a weaker and thinner man ; and the body physician informs theQueen * Philip II. at least found one to answer his description, in the son of the deceased chancellor, as the Netherlands expe- rienced to their cost. LETTER IV. 07 of Hungary, on October 22, that without a miracle Charles cannot survive six months. Some weeks later, (November 4,) Marillac acquaints his sove- reign : — The Emperor has not only lost an uncommon quantity of blood by the haemorrhoids, but the gout has also so attacked him in the hands, feet, shoulders, and other places, that he is obliged to keep his bed, without being able to stir. Public affairs do not ad- vance a step. Soon afterwards, however, the last mentioned evil must have been removed. Marillac writes, at least, Januaiy 27, 1551 : — The Emperordoes not refrain, on account of his sickness of body, from working with his spirit in every thing in which his greatness and the profitable direction of affairs are concerned. No affair at this time was nearer to his heart, than that of procuring for his son, Philip, in addition to the Spanish monarchy, all his German possessions, and the imperial crown. A plan, however, which found wann opponents in King Ferdinand, and his son, Maximilian, and which introduced division into the house of Austria, till the Emperor gave up the attempt. A general view may best be taken of the march of the negociations, by our here inserting extracts from the reports of Marillac, which bear upon the subject, in tl>eir chronological order. c 2 28 LETTER IV. As early as the year 1549, (he remarks,) that Fer- dinand is seeking to gain over the States partly by money *. The Germans believe that the King is en- tirely dependent upon them, seek (like a greedy people) to gain money, and think that the world united against them can do them no injury. The affair was pushed forward more actively in the fol- lowing year. The Emperor, (says Marillac, in a re- port of July 29, 1550,) would fain bequeath all his states to Philip, but Ferdinand makes opposition, and maintains, that the Emperor has promised him never to raise his son to the dignity of King of the Romans. The matter was further discussed ; Ferdi- nand, it was said, should receive Wirtemberg and other indemnifications, and marry his daughter to PhiHp, &c., but he remained obstinate, saying he had ever found in the Emperor so good a brother and lord, that he could give no belief to such insinu- ations. Were Ferdinand even consenting to resign the Romish crown, the Electors would choose, not Philip, but another. August 28, 1550. The Emperor's sister (September 9, 1550) is about to conduct Philip to the Netherlands, in order to make him accustomed to the manners of the country, and to bring about that the inhabitants may find him more to their taste * Sommaire de T Ambassade, de 1549. Dupuy, 743. LETTER IV. 29 than do those of these parts ; for, the truth to speak, they are here so little edified with him, that were any change to take place, they would far rather call in the King of Bohemia and make him their sovereign. Nor would ]\Iaximilian on his part choose to bear the sovereignty of his cousin, or want support for his refusal, for he has the love of the country at large, being a prince of attractive qualities and great reputation ; Philip, on the contrary, is hated by all the Gennans, yea, even by his own subjects and ser- vants. Simultaneously with these political negociations, festivals, and even a species of love intrigue, were earned on. Marillac writes, October 7 : — The Princess of Lorraine is come to Augsburg, in order (as all the world and her own people say) to many the Prince of Spain, who has a great inclination towards her. But as the Emperor altogether refuses his consent, she now finds herself as far from the fulfilment of her wishes, as she appeared, at the period of her depar- ture fi-om Lon-aine, to be near it. Nevertheless, she refiises to espouse the Duke of Holstein, brother to him who kept her father prisoner. Report of October 21 : — The Duchess of Lorraine wished to take her departure eight days since, but the tournament which the Prince of Spain had, out of love for her, set on foot, detained her till to-day, 30 LETTER IV. Philip, accompanied by ten of a colour, tilted with ten of another colour in the great maiket-place, under the windows of the Emperor and princesses. All the ambassadors were invited to attend this festivity ; but, to make the matter short, I must observe that worse lance play, according to the universal judgment, was never seen. Also, on a second occasion, (February 3, 1551,) Philip broke not a single lance, nor even once struck his antagonist. Just as little fortune as at the tournament, for the princess's sake, had Philip in his feasting with the Gennan princes. Marillac writes, October 21 : — According to the challenge of the Car- dinal of Trent, Philip has given a banquet to the Electors here present, and also eat with them : he sought to shew himself in eveiy resi>ect a \\dlling scholar, and drank twice, thrice, as much as he could bear, whereupon the cardinal, as his preceptor, ob- served, he took good hope that, if the prince should persevere in this course, he would in time win the hearts of the Gennans. Since, however, such means of art as these failed to further the great object, they hit upon tlie conception of naming, as in the Romish empire, an emperor with emperors (Philip and Maxi- milian) ; upon which Marillac remarks, (November 27, 1550,) without taking into account that this would make the empire hereditary, the plan is at once im- practicable, on account of the difference in character LETTER IV. 31 of the two princes ; and never would the active and restless King of Bohemia put up with tlie stupidity of the latter. About the time, when the Emperor would so gladly have decided this important question, the party divi- sions of the Church once more disturbed him. Ma- rillac writes, at least, November 9, 1550, and January 6, 1551 : — The Catholic Electors do not choose to attend the assembly of the Church, out of fear that, 4n their absence, a part of their subjects may attach themselves to the Protestants, and put an end to the spiritual rule. The Protestants, meanwhile, detest the interim, w^hich has its origin with the Catholics, and pray for success to the contumacious city of Magdeburgh. It is tioie the Emperor has caused proclamations to be printed and posted against such conduct, but these are in all cases torn down in the night. He is well informed of every thing, but tem- porizes, and bears all with incredible patience, out of apprehension that, by contrary conduct on his part, a gi'eater flame might be lighted in Germany, This pliancy so much the less conduced to the attain- ment of his purpose in the matter of the disposal of the imperial crown, inasmuch as the opposition in his family became more obstinate in proportion as his eagerness increased. January- 20, 1551, Maril- 3ac writes: — The Emperor has had such hot words 32 LETTER IV. with his brother, Ferdiuand, on the subject of the succession to the imperial throne, that his indignation brought on him a fever, and he will hardly see the King of Bohemia ; the Queen of Hungary also con- tended for a long time with her brother, and looked, as she came out of his chamber, so angry and heated, that all the world was aware how irritated she was. King Ferdiuand kept his chamber the whole of the following day, and suffered no one to see him. The King of Bohemia did the same, and gave out that he was ill. The universal report ran, that Philip would forthwith return to Spain ; and the Germans gave out aloud that they would have no Spaniard, while the Spaniards assured, that Philip would suc- ceed his father. The next day, however, contrary to expectation, Ferdinand, Maximilian, and the Queen of Hungary, were observed to be cheerful, and it was thence concluded that the parties must have been reconciled. That this however was not altogether the case, ap- pears from the later reports of Marillac. Ferdinand and Maximilian (he writes, February 29, 1551 *) are * Respecting Maximilian, Seld writes, November 4, 1564, to Granvelle : — He surpasses his father in genius and soundness of judgement. He is skilled in several languages, and understands Italian in particular. His respect for religion also deserves praise. LETTER IV. 33 on the point of departure, the Diet dissolves itself, the Emperor is not likely to find another similar op- portunity for collecting his entire family together, and the King of Bohemia, who has held out with head and heart against this first attack, will for the future be still less inclined to give way in a matter which so nearly concerns him, and which is so important. The Electoi-s of Mentz and Treves are determined to have but one Emperor and one King of the Romans, a third would be out of all rule and superfluous. They reject the Spaniard. Saxony, Brandenburgh, and the Palatine, are ab- sent — a sign that they do not consent, and only wish to withdraw themselves from the instances of the Emperor. Ferdinand (says Marillac, March 3, 1551) seeks to appease his enraged brother ; Maximilian, on the contrary, seems to trouble himself little about the matter. He comes not into his father's company, nor speaks with him, except (March 10, 1551) once in every week, two or three words, when they meet in the Emperor's chamber ; otherwise they see nothing of each other, whether in their houses, or at mass, or the chase, or any where. The Germans observe all this very closely, love the King of Bohemia all the better, devote to him their hearts and affec- c 3 34 LETTER IV. lions, out of fear of ever coming under the sway of another. So far the diplomatic coiTespondence of Marillac of 1550 and 1551. Marillac was sent again to Ger- many with the Marshal Boiu'dillon in 1558, to gain over the States and raise the influence of France *. The instruction given to him runs (characteristically of the French policy) : — He is above all things to gain over the councillors, knights, and servants, since these usually govern the princes; from twenty to twenty-five pensions annually of two hundred dollai's each may be disposed of to fitting persons for this object. The ambassadors, however, found it not ad- ^'isabie to dispose of so much money, and assigned stipends for promises of multifarious services and of secret information, to only three persons, the brother of the Elector of Treves, a member of the Imperial Chamber of Justice, and an obscure doctor attached to the Emperor's court. Sketches, furnished by the ambassadors of indivi- dual princes, would occupy too much room here. I will only mention, that they represent the Elector of Treves as a zealous friend to France ; the Duke of Deuxponts as an astute man, and much respected ; * Bibl. Royale, No. 8628. Fol. LETTEB IV. 35 and that of the Duke of Wiitemberg, it is said, he is timid, lives retired, and wishes for nothing so much as repose, and not to mix himself in the affairs of others. The Germans, it is said in another place, (page 251,) are not so eager in behalf of any thing they may have lost, as to be willing for its sake to set all to hazard. Tliey forget easily, as was said of them two thousand years ago, the good and evil done to them. After mentioning the unhappy and debilitating religious dissensions, and the misun- derstandings between the Emperor and the States, the ambassadors add: — Gennany is in a condition in which it has enough to do to maintain itself, without seeking for business elsewhere. The slow- ness of the people, the complication of their ne- gociations, the length of their Diets, will pennit us to place Metz, and the other cities we have won, in such a condition, that they must aban- don all hope of ever recovering them — a prophecy which, alas, has been but too well confirmed by the event. Even at that time the French were not wanting in these sophistical and flattering speeches, with which they have but too often deluded the short- sighted and credulous Germans. Thus was Ram- 36 LETTER IV. bouillct *, a French ambassador in 1562, directed by his instruction to gain over the German princes, and to remind them how much the friendship and alliance of the French court had contributed to the security and upholding of the ancient and praise- wortliy liberties of Germany. * Brienne MSS., vol. 292. LETTER V, 37 LETTER V. Account of the Venetian Badoer of 1558 Of the Relations of Germany — The Character of the People, the Princes, and the Emperor. Among the Paris MSS. there is a long and very inter- esting report which the Venetian Badoer furnished to his government in 1558, upon the affairs of Germany, the chai'acter of Charles V., the princes. States, &c. I communicate the follo\ving extracts: — The public buildings and the palaces of the princes in Gennany are great and striking to the eye, but not magnificent in respect either of material or work- manship ; the churches are larger in proportion, and so adorned and decorated, that they surpass those of Italy ; the streets are long, broad, straight, and paved, yet so far incommodious, in that the kennels are in the centre. In almost all the numerous and extensive public places are fountains, which contri- bute to convenience and beauty. The soil is fruitful, and produces in superfluity of every thing for the use of man, yet I must speak of their victuals as coarse. No where are more artisans of all kinds to 38 LETTER V. be found, and among them the smiths are particu- larly distinguished and dexterous ; silken wares, how- ever, good hats, and some other articles of manufac- ture, are deficient. The richest merchants dwell in Augsburgh, Nuremberg, Ulm, and Strasburgh, such as the Fuggers, the Balzers, &c. ; these drive a great trade, and conduct the greatest transactions in money and exchanges with kings and princes. In every great town there take place annually two or three fairs ; among these, the most famous is that of Frankfort, where people appear from all parts of Germany, from England, France, Italy, Himgary, Poland, and Russia. Many towns are free of the empire, some for gi-eat services rendered to the Em- peror, some for money which they have paid to the princes, some through their own exertions in shaking off the tyranny of their masters, some by alliance with other powers, who, like themselves, were attached to liberty. In reverse of this, some have lost their liberty through bad measm-es of go- vernment, or the superior power of their neighbours. Upon the whole, the form of their government is popular, yet there are many differences in respect of persons, number, consideration, duration, and kind, in the constitution of the magisti'acies and councils ; so much is clear, that neither the quaUfication of the individuals, nor the adoj^tion of a ]3articular LETTER V. 39 number, nor any other forms considered by them- selves, would be sufficient to make their aliairs prosper, but they manifest, all the while, the greatest solicitude for their liberties. Whence also arise their alliances among the towns, or with individual princes. One cannot do otherwise, with respect to their cri- minal justice, than blame their tortures and cruel modes of capital punishment. We should be com- pelled even to censure the authorities as cruel and hai'd-hearted, if they did not allege in their excuse that the criminals of their nation have no fear of death in itself, but only of its manner and kind. Besides the general code of the empire, every city has its peculiar code, and, faihng both these, they fall back upon the mere imiversal rules of law, — • those, for example, of Saxony; and maintain that such perfect order is established in this matter, that they require no extraneous aid from the laws of any foreign community. Upon the whole, the Geimans have a national in- clination for law and justice, are little disposed to covet the goods of others, and are prompt to keeping private compacts. They appear to be of resolute courage, but are rather to be called daring, and fling themselves sometimes almost with the recklessness of brutes into open dangers, and sometimes again avoid such from fear. They eat much, and drink more, on 40 LETTER V. account of which the Gemian, when he is moderate, is immediately pronounced to be sick. The men are cold in love affairs, hot in quarrels, — the women dis- creet and modest. Covetousness is fi-equently con- sidered in the light of activity in business, rather than as any thing disgi-aceful. Their dress, on which neither men nor women spend much, is of humble guise and ill-fitted, but decent. Every appearance of slavery, the shghtest attempt to disparage or pre- judice their liberties, is insupportable to them. Out of discretion, no simple citizen is accustomed to ride in the town ; this is left to the nobles, or to the old and sick, or such as are in public employments. For a little matter they fall into anger, draw swords, and shed blood ; but even as soon do they become quiet upon a peaceful summons, and drown their wrath in cups of wine. In converse they speak their mind without reflection, not always, it is true, with great courtesy, but without useless words. Towards strangers they are often rough, and in some other respects exhibit themselves as barbarians and inha- bitants of a cold country, from which it follows that they are the less adapted for intellectual pursuits and developement of the understanding, — for which rea- son, also, they by preference addict themselves to works of manual skill, &c. The Elector Augustus of Saxony knows nothing, and chooses to know nothing LETTER V. 41 of war ; he goes eveiy day, yea, it is said, even on nights by torchlight, to the chase, and is also beyond measure addicted to women. Of the Dukes of Po- merania, little is to be said; they are weak, and have never put themselves forward. The Duke Al- bert of Prussia, of the House of Brandenburgh, is a man of great bravery, who has, against the will of the Emperor and King of the Romans, robbed the great master of the Teutonic Order of all power, and made war with effect upon the men of Livonia, because they had sent back his ambassadors. The Duke Albert IV, of Bavaria has never done any thing remarkable, and is only fit for music, drinking, and gaming. The Emperor has, as such, about 2000 florins re- venue, which for the most part he receives by con- tributions of 50, 100, and 200 florins, from the cities and states of the empire. Besides this he receives something for his helmet, as it is called, his sword, his horse, &c. ike. It is incredible, and yet true, that the empire, as such, possesses not a florin of re- venue. After the victory over John Frederick and the Landgrave of Hesse, the Emperor made a pro- position to the Diet, that an imperial contribution should be levied for imperial charges, and a treasure set on foot ; but the business went no further, the States fearing that the Emperor and the King of the 42 LETTER V. Romans, might apply the proceeds to their own ad- vantage, or even to the raising war against the States themselves. The payment of the members of the imperial chamber is almost the only expense to which the empire is subject, and only on extraor- dinary occasions, (that, for example, of a Turkish war,) is a contribution levied, and paid into the mili- tary chest. The Emperor Charles is of the middle size, well grown, and of dignified appearance. A broad fore- head, blue eyes, expressing much intellect, aqui- line nose, fair skin, the under jaw long and broad, on account of which the teeth do not shut well, and the last words of his discourses are the less intel- ligible. His firont teeth are few and jagged; his beard, short and grey. His temperament is phleg- matic, with melancholy at the bottom. The gout has often severely attacked him in the hands, feet, and shoulders ; but more severely ten years since than at the time when he determined to retire to the cloister of St. Justus. In all his discourses and dealings the Emperor shewed the greatest veneration for the Catholic be- lief. He heard mass every day ; was regular at prayers and preachings, caused the Bible to be read to him, communicated four times in the year, gave great alms to the poor, and was wont, before he LETTER V. 43 started on his journeys to Spain, often to hold a cru- cifix in his hand. In the perilous time of the Smal- caldic league, he was seen praying on his knees at midnight before a cmcifix ; — and another time he suggested to the Nuncio, not to release the persons of his court, without veiy satisfactory reasons, from the obhgations imposed by tlie church — for instance, in the matter of fasts. The Emperor has been always a strong man, and one who required variety and high seasoning in his food ; he never kept himself within resti'aint, when he fell in with women, whether of the higher or lower classes. According to the report of his coiurtiers, he was little inclined to make presents ; and it is told of him, as an instance of his penu- riousness, that he caused only 100 gold crowns to be paid to the soldier who brought him the coat of mail and glove of the King of France, his prisoner. Moreover, everj"- soldier who swam the Elbe, before the battle of Muhlberg, received anew suit of clothes* and four crowns ; which many considered too little. The Emperor called gi'eat assemblies of his coun- cillors, but consulted a few men of business. Gran- * This species of reward for military exploits was an ordi- nary one in those times, and there are several instances of it in the Dutch war of independence. [Tr.] 44 LETTER V. velle had great influence ; and after him his son. During a press of affairs, he caused a confidential officer to make short abstracts, which were not, how- ever, always sufficient for a full view of the subjects. In speaking to foreign ministers, he shewed great courtesy and patience, and answered so readily, courteously, and to the point, that he left them no- thing to desire. Affairs were often, however, left en- tirely to the ministers, out of which great evils arose, since they were by no means always wise or disin- terested. LETTER VI. 45 LETTER VI. Spinola Cossacks in the Thirty Years' War. — Bernhard of Weimar — Marsfield Situation of France. — Lower Saxony and Denmark. — Wellenstein's levies. — His letter to Stenbielke. Although Paiis affords by no means such profuse materials for the histoiy of Germany as for that of other countries, and my time did not permit me to seek out all accounts relating to that country, you will nevertheless find a place for some particular re- sults of my researches. A report of Marillac, of Feb. 26, 1551, to the King of France, contains the following accounts of an elder Spinola. There is here, in Augsburgh, a Captain Spinola, who comes from Rhodes, and who is much esteemed for his knowledge in fortifications and engineering. I knew him in former times in the East, where he Avas a slave of Barbarossa, and much esteemed by him. At the time of the Smalcaldic league, he served under the Marquess of Marignan, as captain of ar- tilleiy in the Emperor's service ; he afterwards served in Sicily, and lastly, supplied the methods and means 46 LETTER VI. for the capture of the town Africa. In this in- stance he considered himself not sufficiently reward- ed, in consequence of the jealousy of the Viceroy of Sicily, and was desirous to enter the French service. He promised nothing less than by his accurate know- ledge of the circumstances of Sicily, to place that island in the hands of the king. With respect to artillery, he professes to be able to point out various improvements and savings of expense. In what concerns his compensation, he deals privately with the king, and will not admit of interference; but stipulates, that in the case of any remarkable ser- vice, he may be specially rewarded. In the summer of 1662 *, there anived in the camp of the younger and famous Spinola, 3 or 4000 Cossacks ; of whom Valareso writes, — " Many main- tain they will be more useful to destroy than to fight." May 26, 1624 f. Valareso writes— the Duke of * Brienne's MSS., No. 89. t Bernard, Duke of Saxe Weimar, born 1600, younger brother of Ernest the Pious, Duke of Saxe Gotha. He began his brilliant military career in the campaign of 1621, conducted by the Margrave of Baden Dourlach in behalf of the Elector Palatine. He served under Duke Christian, of Brunswick, against Tilly, in 1623, and when Christian IV., of Denmark, took up arms in 1625, for the Protestant cause, he received from that monarch the command of the cavalry, and shared the LETTER VI. 47 Weimar is arrived these two days since in London reverses of his army. He was reconciled to the Emperor in 1627, by the intervention of Wallenstein; but upon the arrival of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany, immediately joined that great man, and becajne one of liis most distinguished officers. His dissensions with Oxenstiern were the occasion of his being invested with a separate command, and in 1632, he penetrated as far as the Tyrol, and was rapidly proceeding in the conquest of that country, when he was recalled to oppose the advance of Wallenstein. He was again, in the course of the campaign, detached from the main army, and conducted his operations with great abiUty and success. Having once more joined Gus- tavus, he was present at the battle of Lutzen, in which Gus- tavus fell. He then assumed the chief command of the Swedish army, though Oxenstiern, in opposition to the general voice of the soldiers, procured that the appointment should only be provisional. His subsequent exploits are too numerous and too brilliant for such notice as could be inserted here. His last campaign of 1638 was the most successful, and memorable for the defeat of the Imperialists at Rhinfeld, and for the re- duction of that fortress, Fribourgh and Brisach, reputed three of the strongest places in Europe, and for seven victories in the field. His career was cut short by a fever in 1639, in the 36th year of his age. Sweden, Spain, and France were in turn accused of having brought about this premature decease, but without proof or probability. Of the generals of his time he was certainly only second to Gustavus. For chastity and religion he has been compared to Scipio and Bayard. He was 48 LETTER VI. from Calais, and as yet has spoken with none but the envoys of the Palatinate. May 3 and 10. He goes on:— Count Mansfeld* ambitious ; but his talents justified his ambition. — Valareso's Dispatch of July 22, 1622, B. ii. ; see also Schiller for his cha- racter. [Tr.] * This was the famous general, Peter Ernest, Count Mans- feld, who opposed with so much energy and success the am- bitious designs of the House of Austria in Germany ; of whom Schiller says, " He of Halberstadt, That Mansfeld, wanted but a longer life To have marked out with his good sword a lordship That should reward his courage." Coleridge's Wallenstein, Act ii. Sc. xi. He was a natural son of the illustrious German race which takes its name from the Castle of Mansfeld, in Upper Saxony. Educated in the Catholic faith, and legitimized for his military services in Hungary by Rodolph II., but having been, neverthe- less, excluded from his family possessions in the Netherlands, he espoused, in 1610, the religion and the cause of the Protest- ants. In 1618 he commanded the Bohemian insurgents against the Emperor, and fought their battles with various success, but unexampled pertinacity and courage. In 1625, he invaded Germany with an army collected at the expense of France and England, (as adverted to in the text.) and supported by a sys- tem of pillage, which obtained for its leader the name of At- LETTER VI. 4§ lias been received here with great honour *, and inhabits the apartment which was intended for the. Infanta. The people say he wishes to remain in England, and bestow his treasures there. The Spa- niards scoff at him, and think that bad fortune pur- sues him every where. The Venetian ambassador sought to persuade him that a gi'eat alliance would lead to nothing, and that they must put in motion the vacillating King James, but not mix up the French so much in the afiairs of the palatinate. Had Mansfeld remained longer, the difficulties would have increased daily, and what he executed in his affairs did not answer to the splendour of his re- ception. They sent him from Pontius to Pilate, and tila. Defeated by Wallenstein, at Dessau, in 1626, he tra- versed Germany in order to join the Transylvanian leader of insurgents, Bethlen Gabor. Frustrated in this project by the conduct of the latter, he quitted his army, and endeavoured to eiFect his return to England by way of Venice. He was ar- rested by illness near Zara, and djang there, in 1626, in the fortieth year of his age, was buried at Spalatro. He is said to have breathed his lust in full armour, and standing, supported by two of his officers. He was one of the greatest partizan leaders upon record. [Tr.] * Vergey's Letters, Pt. ii. (in Card. Gramelle's Papers) con- tain much respecting Mansfeld's affairs in 1622. It appears that he took money from France, and even negociated with Philip III. about entering Ws service. D 60 LETTER VI. left all at last to the decision of France. The Hol- Janders laid difficulties in his way, the Elector Pala- tine failed to stand by him, (perhaps on account of Brunswick,) the Spaniards worked against him in all ways, and the French ambassador has done him more injury than profit by the mixture of good and evil in his conduct towards him. Upon the dealings of France in relation to the thirty years' war, the following letters of 1624 and 1625 contain some information *. THE KING OF FRANCE TO HIS AMBASSADOR EFFIAT IN LONDON. Oct. 10, 1624. I give the Count Mansfeld 60000 dollars monthly ; Venice gives 40000, Savoy 20000 f. As the whole alliance tends almost exclusively to the advantage of the King of England, he must expect no more from me. So soon, however, as the maniage between the Prince of Wales and the Princess Henrietta shall be actually concluded, I will consult and decide upon all ' Negociations du marriage de la Reine Henriette d'Angle- terre, Vol. XLvm. p. 4. t January 4, 1625. Lomenin, however, complains that Ve- nice and Savoy pay nothing ; and Effiat writes, on the 5th, — Mansfeld is very burthensome to the King of England, on ac- count of the disorders of his soldiers. LETTER VI. 51- these affairs on different principles, as the welfare of Christianity and my allies may require. THE FRENCH MINISTER, VILLEANCLERC TO EFFIAT. Nov. 24, 1624. As much share will be taken in the affairs of the Palatinate and England as the good of France per- mits, who cannot involve herself in open and last- ing war with Spain in a cause where she can look to gain nothing. For all the evil consequences may easily fall upon us, while the most fortunate result can only extend to hindering an increase of power to others. This is in itself important, but not suf- ficiently so that we should venture eveiy thing for it, and convert the House of Austria, the Pope, the Ca- tholic Princes of the League, and the Princes and Republics of Italy into enemies. It is true, some of them wish to weaken the stronger, but are not in- clined to declare themselves openly, and least of all for a Protestant prince. THE KING OF FRANCE TO HIS AMBASSADOR BLAIN- VILLE *, IN LONDON. Oct. 22, 1625. England ought to know that I am no feeble ally, * Blainville's Negociations, Vol. li. p. 117. Chambre du Levant. D 2 52 LETTER Vi. and that 1 have, on her account, stirred up the move- ment in Lower Saxony. For Monsieur Des Hayes, who was in former years at the court of King Christian IV., of Denmark, has moved him to act, and I have promised him 600,000 Uvres up to Easter, and an equal sum for next year, if required. Monsieur de la Picardiere is now with him, in order to confirm him in his resolutions, and to encourage the States of Lower Saxony, as well as the Hanse towns, to come forward in defence of their liberty, and for the restoration of the Elector Palatine. The earliest mention of Wallenstein occurs in a re- port of the French ambassador Pericard *. He writes from Brussels. February 28th, 1619.— The mes- senger from Brussels has brought a proposal to raise 1000 horse t for the Emperor at the cost of the Baron Yon Walstein, without the Emperor, or the King of Spain, or the Archdulce having a share in the trans- action. To this period belongs a letter of Wallenstein, of June 29, 1629, from Gustrow to the Swedish agent in Stralsund, Stenbeilke % . He speaks of the situation * Brasset depesches ecrites durant I'ambassade de Bruxelles de M. de Pericard depuis 1616—1624. S. Germain, No. 1156, fol. t Une levee de mille chevaux. X St. Germain MSS. No. 1134. fol. LETTER VI. 53 of Stralsund, and the sending back of the Swedish ambassadors from the negotiations for peace at Lu- beck. This measure was grounded on the assumption, that any third party might otherwise have been able to prefer similai* demands to those of Sweden ; but in this case, negotiations for peace between two parties only were under discussion, viz., the Emperor and the King of Denmark. These required no mediation, and if the Swedes had any thing to commimicate to the Emperor, their ambassador might apply to him or to Wallen stein, and would receive a befitting an- swer. Neither is there any ground for complaint that the Emperor dismisses some troops wdth which he can dispense, which Anihim, at his discretion, marches to Pnissia, and which take an oath of fidel- ity to the King of Poland. The Emperor and the King of Poland have been, of old, in friendly relation to each other. 54 LETTER VII. LETTER VII. Description of the Diet at Ratisbon. 1G30 *. The Diet at Ratisbon of 1630, was of such im- portance to the poUtical history of Germany, that its negociations and their results are recounted in all historical Avorks which refer to that period. These works, however, contain little or nothing on the manners, usages, festivities, processions, &c., &c., although in other points of view, these are instruct- ive and characteristic. I communicate, therefore, a report of an eye-witness, who seems to have obser\'ed the proceedings with no other view f. The Emperor Ferdinand II. arrived on Wednesday, June 19, 1630, at three of the afternoon, in Ratis- bon. Full two hours sooner, commenced the pro- cession of baggage waggons, and the lower class of people attached to the court, till at last arrived the German and Hungarian carriages of state. With * Held by the Emperor, Ferdinand II., on the occasion of Gustavus Adolphus landing in Germany. [Tr.] t MSS. Dupuy, Vol. x., p. 180, in French. LETTER VII. 55 them came many horsemen, chiefly Hungarian, on white horses, with manes, tails, and feet, painted red. The riders wore long coats of red or blue cloth, fitted close to the body, and fastened in front with buttons and cords, under which appeared a vest of damask, velvet, or satin. Their boots were of red yellow morocco, and the spurs fastened to the sole. The fur caps not turned up, with a long feather standing straight, a quiver hanging over the shoulder, a sabre with a silver guarded hilt, and no other aims. After followed the carriage of the King of Hungary *, drawn by six bay horses, postillion, coachman, hal- berdiers, and servants with heads bare, with cinna- mon coloured coats turned up with red velvet. The pages rode at the side, only one standing behind each caiiiage. Prince Ferdinand is about twenty 'two years of age, slender, a long, lean visage, the lips thick, no beard, hair black, cut short to the head, with two locks af- ter the Spanish fashion on the temples: dressed after the Italian fashion in gold stuff, with a dark ground. At the right hand door of the carriage was the first intendant of the household ; in front, the first chamberlain. Next came the Emperors car- riage, four-cornered, open, resting on four pillars, * Ferdinand, afterwards Emperor. 56 LETTER VII. the roof of red Iccather, lined with red velvet, and drawn by six horses. The guard and household bare- headed, on foot, the pages on horseback. The Em- peror sat forwards, and opjjosite to him the Empress. Both dressed in the Italian fashion, in a kind of sil- ver stuff, with a blue ground and gold trimming. He bears the appearance of a man of fifty -five years, of very moderate stature, short beard, hair red mingled with gray, and somewhat hanging down in the Ger- man fashion. The Empress Eleanor, born Princess of Mantua, is thirty -five years old, fresh, cheerful, full covmtenance, black eyes; hands, teeth, and com- plexion, all excellent. The Emperor's daughters, whose carriage followed, are large, well grown, se-r venteen — eighteen years old, white skin and white hair, after the German fashion. The eldest, Anna Maria, is somewhat browner than the younger, Ce- cilia Renata. Eighty horsemen followed their car- riage on white horses, and another troop of light horsemen, who had more the appearance of soldiers than of gentlemen. The Lutheran magistracy of the city went out to meet the Emperor, dressed in black silk and short German coats: gold chains round the neck, and swords at the side. Six of them carried a yellow baldaquin, in the centre of which was to be seen the Imperial eagle. The Emperor would not, however, LETTER VII. 57 make use of it, either because it rained, or because no Elector was there to accompany him, as was his due. Yet he staid for a while between the two por- tals of the great gate of Austria, pai'tly to be there received by them, and paitly to listen to the music stationed hard by, which struck up when the can- nons of the city ceased to fire. The armed burghers formed two ranks in the street, and it was forbidden to fire off a musket on pain of death. In addition to many decorations of honour with which the streets were adorned, triumphal arches had been erected. The devisers of one of them had availed themselves of the three crowns of the Emperor, with the inscriptions, — legitime certanlihus, — and mihi nnice erit. These three crowns of Germany, Bo- hemia, and Hungary, are also to be found on the hal- berds or partizans of the body guard. On the second arch was represented a great Imperial eagle, whicli also bore on its breast the Austro-Burgundian arms. The inscription related to the Emperor's reception. The Electors also came into the city in good order and pomp, at the head of their men. First, ^Max- imilian of Ba^■aria, about fifty-five years old, his head pretty bald, his beard fuller, but red and griz- zled. He is a very pious and moderate prince, of good knowledge in painting and sculpture ; works himself in these arts, and speaks, besides German, D 3 58 LETTER VII. Italian, Spanish, French, Latin, Hungarian,* and Sclavonic. The Elector, Ferdinand of Cologne, is about fifty, but has as fresh and full an appearance as if he were only forty. His hair is still black, and he is not so low of stature as his brother the Elector of Bavaria. He wears an under vest of damask or light velvet, and over that a mantle of damask or strong taffety. Every elector attended the audience of the Em- peror. The Elector of Treves proceeded from his residence opposite the Lutheran church, to the great place, past the palace of the King of the Romans. At the head of his procession went twenty persons of the nobility, or otherwise of distinction, with heads covered ; next the body guard in hoquetons or cas- socks, part dressed Walloon fashion, in do^e-colom-ed and embroidered coats and mantles. Six pages wore stockings half turned down, coats of velvet bi'oidered with gold, of the colour of the dead rose leaf, and satin hose of the same colour. The cairiage, built Walloon fashion, was of black leather without, and red within, studded with gold nails; the seats of red velvet, and the front curtain of red satin. The gen- tlemen were dressed in the old French or Walloon fashion. The spiritual Electors assert precedence over the layj on which account the Elector of Mentz, al- LETTEE VII. 59 though he arrived only on the 25th, received an au- dience of the Emperor so early as eight o'clock the next morning. He had twenty or thirty gentlemen with him, dressed for the most part in the French fashion, but very warmly for the season, in heavy stuffs, strongly broidered with gold. The follomng of the Elector of Cologne is less than that of his brother the Elector of Bavaria, but he himself shews more urbanity and courtesy. Lodg- ings for five hundred persons are bespoke for him, and it is reckoned that he will spend 400,000 crowns if the Diet last till September. His pages wear black velvet cassocks, (roupilles,) embroidered in blue and white ; blue silk hose embroidered in like manner ; brown mantles turned up with blue, and laced. He has a body guard, the half of which is di'essed Swit- zer fashion, with blue and white pads, open worked stockings, coats of black velvet, mantles of black cloth turned up with blue velvet and adorned with blue satin. The mounted body guard has longer coats, ornamented in the same manner, and cam' a partizan, or hooked battle axe, in the shape of a tongue, or a knife. The carnages are of black lea- ther lined with black velvet. 60 LETTER VIII. LETTER VIII. Thirty years' war — The Elector of Saxony and Tilly.— Battle near Leipzig. — Oxenstiern, and Bernhard of Weimar at Paris. — Marshal Chatillon. — Discipline and rules of war. — Prison- ers — Brienne's Writings.— D'Avaux and Servien.— Traut- niansdorf, I HAVE found no continuous and connected series of accounts relating to the thirty years' war. Some isolated ones I here subjoin. In the extract* of a diary of the campaign of Gustavus Adolphus, is the following. August 28th came three envoys from Tilly; viz., Furstenbergh, Metteniich, and Cratzen, to the Elector of Sax- ony, and submitted to him what follows : He was collecting troops, said they, no one knew with what object. Inasmuch as the Emperor had been ever friendly to him, and disposed to protect him against his enemies, as well as in the possession of his ter- * Extrait d'un Journal des Guerres du Roi de Swede mis par ecrit par un secretaire du Roi depuis 29 Mai, 1 630, jus- qu'en 1632, November 16. Dupuy, Vol. 468. LETTER VIII. 61 ritories, lie ought to declare himself against the ELing of Sweden. The Elector answered : " My prepa- rations are not directed against the Emperor, but against whosoever attempts to disturb me in my ter- ritories. I am, moreover, in nowise bound to give account to the Count Tilly, but will sufficiently jus- tify myself to the Emperor. If he chooses to leave and maintain me in repose, he has nothing to ap- prehend, for I am anued only for the sake of religion and peace ; but certain it is the Emperor has pro- mised me much and perfonned but little." Here- u])on answered Mettemich : He could not believe that this was so. For rather was the Emperor now minded to secure the Elector in the possession of all that belonged to him. The Elector, however, bad him be silent, for that he spoke lies. Later, at table, the Elector drank to the health of Furstenberg and Cratzen, and said: " Your healths 1 can well drink, for you are soldiers and gallant men; but the health of that IMetternich I cannot drink. He is a * * * and a priest's drudge, 'i he priests have stiiTcd up all this mischief, may the devil take them therefore. Metternich' was very impatient at this, and would fain have departed, but his companions persuaded him to remain. As soon as they had departed, a trumpeter of 'J'illy's appear- 62 LETTER VIII. ed and demanded a final and distinct declaration • the orders of the Emperor must otherwise be fulfilled. Respecting the battle near Leipzig, 1 find the fol- lowing, by an anonymous eye-witness *. Tlie battle began between one and two in the af- ternoon, and ended with nightfall. The Saxons, who shewed themselves the most, were also the first attacked; but what with the howl of the Croats, the hailstorm of musketry, and the thunder of the can- nons, they first fell into disorder, and then became disbanded, and fled five good German miles without looking behind them. In the moment when the Saxons were attacked, the same thing happened to the Imperial cavalry, who were charged by the Swedish. After one or two blows, the former were driven from the field. Then Gustavus Adolphus turned upon the Imperial infantry, which had pressed on into the Saxon camp, and with such force, that these brave troops were nearly destroyed. Tilly (who learned too late the defeat of his cavalry) was forced to fly with the loss of cannon, camp, and booty. Never did he find himself in such a party of pleasure. He received three pistol shots, on the right breast, the right side, and in the back, but they only passed * Dupuy, Vol. XXXVI., p. 40, in French. LETTER VIII. 63 through his clothes and sliirt. The balls were, hou'- ever, flattened, and the places of his body injured. He received also several blows with a pistol on the right arm, and the nape of tlie neck, so that the bar- ber who bandaged him, told me, he could hardly get over it. He fled five good leagues away, and then betook himself with the Duke of Saxe Lauen- berg, and the Counts Furstenberg and Ea'onenberg, in a carriage to Halle, but without servants or other attendance. Pappenheim came wounded to Merse- burgh ; on the following day, he and Tilly betook them- selves further towards Halberstadt and Wolfenbilttel, where they think to fortify themselves. The slaugh- ter was great. The killed are estimated at from 10 to 12,000, the prisoners at 7000. ^The Swedes took 88 standai-ds, 35 comets, all the baggage, and 28 cannons; among these, six with the Bavarian arms, and six with those of the Palatinate, 48 pounders, of which each was drawTi by 40 horses. Respecting the residence of Oxenstiem and Bern- hard of Weimar at Paris, a MS. contains the fol- lowing *. April 26, 1635. Oxenstiern had an audience of Louis XIII. He resided in one of the best houses of the city, which had been fitted for him in a costly * Bibl. Royale MSS. No. 9552, fol. 12 and 18. C4 LETTER VIII. manner, and was waited upon by officers of tlie royal household itself, together with his own suite. The king drew a ring worth 12,000 dollars from his finger, and presented it to the Chancellor, and after- wards gave him also a box with his o\^'n portrait, worth 6000 dollars. March 8, 1636. Bernhard of Weimar had his au- dience. The doubt, whether he should remain co- vered or not in the presence, he proceeded to clear up by his own authority, and was on the point of putting on his hat, when the hing, who remarked this, took off" his own in haste, and all remained uncovered. In the writings and memorabilia of the Marshal Chatillon *, there is much vaiious information upon the conduct of wars, discipline, and laws of war. The following are specimens: — April 9, 1635. The king writes to Chatillon: — I hear that the greater part of the regiments which are come out of Picardy, are very weak and therefore not able to perform their duty ; give them to under- stand my displeasure. On the other hand, Chatillon complains of want of means of subsistence, and neg- ligence of commissaries ; the peasants, in conclusion, * Receuil de diverses Lettres, Instructions, et autres Me- moires de 1635—1641. 9 Vol. fol. Bibl. Roy. MSS., 9256_ 9264. LETTER VIII. do complain of the intolerable license of the troops, and that weak regiments cause as much to be supplied to them as if they were at their full complement*. A letter of March 15, 1636, runs: — ^The pea- santry determine, in their despair, to defend them- selves against the military, and say aloud, as soon as they have sown their oats, they will leave every thing, and go where they can. And in truth, the half of the villages in Champagne are so wasted, that neither hay nor oats are to be found in them f . Rob- bers have made themselves masters of several cha- teaux, and make the roads unsafe ; many troops are without officers. Chatillon remarked, not without reason, that in the beginning of a war, and in a rich country-, an army can well enough move without provisions, but not in an exhausted district | ; for which reason, the large anny of Galla, in 1636, after two days' stay in Bur- gundy, suffered the gi-eatest want§. For the winter of 1637, infantry and cavalry were stationed in the walled towns for the maintenance of order, the ex- penses of their quartering were apportioned among all tliose who were liable to taxes, the wants of the * 19th April, 1635. 12th February and 7th March, 1636. t 13th March, 1636; 10th April and 16th May, 1637. t 6th June, 1637. § Vol. 9258. 66 LETTER VIII. soldiers were supplied, and they were forbid to help themselves to any thing. Chatillon's army, after an inspection which took place at St. Germain's in 1638, counted 19,070 in- fantry, and 6,500 cavalry; but on the 1st of May, he found no more than 11,047 infantry and 3,059 ca- valry. Every soldier who quits the army without leave, is to be punished with death, or at least with the galleys *. Only the commander-in-chief can give leave of absence. No absent soldier receives pay, and the carriages appointed for pro- visions, are not to be loaded with the officers' baggage. July 18, 1639. Chatillon writes to the minister Desnoyers f : — I have found great want among the infantry. The pikemen are ill armed, for they have no corslets, and their pikes are weak and short. A third of the army is in general ill clothed, and has more the appearance of blackguards than of soldiers. In a shai-p order respecting discipline, November 29, 1639 1, we find: — The officers and soldiers keep their appointed pay, and receive nothing from their hosts but bed and bedding, room by their fire, and their light ; they may not, under any pretext, demand wood or means of hght, or any thing else in substance • Vol. 9259, p. 27. t Vol. 9260, p. 3—9. J pp. 262, 272. LETTER VIII. 67 or money, from their hosts or other inhabitants, upon pain of the penalties of extortion (concussion) to the officer, and death to the soldier. All this was well and praiseworthy; inasmuch, however, as the pay seldom came in at the appointed time, the towns were compelled to make great ad- vances, else the extortions began again, or the sol- diers disbanded themselves. On this subject, Chatillon ^\Tites to Desnoyers, September 2, 1640*: — Take measures that we be punctually provided for in future, otherwise the sol- diers will absent themselves from the camp in search of provisions, and will be often a prey to the pea- santry or the enemy. The day after the above, September 3, the king communicated the following disposition to Chatil- lon : — As I see that the disbanding is almost uni- versaJ in my aimy, and all the endeavours to watch the roads have hitherto failed to restrain the inso- lence and cowardice of the deserters, I hold the best means to be, to siui-ound the army with posts of cavalry, under orders to arrest every one who absents himself without leave, that he may be punished as a deserter with the full severity of the law, before the whole army. Whoever suffers a deserter to pass, to suffer the same punishment. * Vol. 9262. 68 LETTER VIII. In an order of August 26, 1640, we find:— Not only do the common soldiers desert, but their officers, who ought to set an example against such practices, quit their employments without leave, almost in the instant of their receiving them, as though they could in so short a time have attained the qualities of a true soldier, or escape the shame of having quitted king and country in times of danger, in order to sit quiet at home. On this account, the soldiers who absent themselves are punished with death. The officers who quit the camp without a formal leave of absence, under the hand of the general, lose, if they are noble, rank and nobility for themselves and their descendants, and are brought on the list of persons liable to taxes. If they are roturiers, they lose their situations and come to the galleys, for a period to be fixed by the tribunals. All judges and authorities shall dih gently seek out deserters within the sphere of their authority, upon pain of per- sonal responsibility, and fine at discretion of the courts. All light women to be whipped out of the camp, and those who have to do with them to be cashiered at the head of their regiments. Cursing and blas- phemy to be punished with corporal chastisement, to be meted out by the judges ; in the worst cases, the offender to have his tongue bored with an hot LETTER VIII. 69 iron. — These last regulations were found too severe, and were never reduced to practice. An order of August 1639, upon the exchange of prisoners, settles:— Soldiers and officers of similar ranks shall be exchanged one against the other *. Otherwise — A captain of cavalry pays 80 Spanish pistoles. Do. infantry 60 do. A lieutenant 10 do. A comet 10 do. A private, cavalry or infantry 2 j do. Servants, boys, women and children, are not liable ti) ransom. For his subsistence, a captain pays per diem sixteen, a lieutenant ten sous. Among the Royal MSS. at Paris are eighteen vo- lumes of the letters and state papers of the minister Brienne f, which contain, with respect to the time of 1613, among much that is uninteresting, much also that is attractive. A letter of the Queen Anne, of September 25, 1693, upon the scandalous proceedings and intrigues of the Duche.ss of Chevreuse, and the grounds of her exile. A severe reprimand of August 12, 1644, to D'Avaux and Servien, on account of their indecent disputes. They are admonished to lay them aside at all rates, * Vol. 9260. t Fond. Gaigmeres, vol. 510. 70 LETTER VIII. « and even to forget and obliterate the recollection of them, as becomes men of their rank and condition. Complaints, May C, 1646 : — That the Swedes only seek their junction with the French forces when in want of aid, but at other times resort to excuses. Complaint, June 22, 1646: — That Trautmansdorf turns to the Swedes by preference, grants them many things demanded, but troubles himself not at all about the French. — For further and more accurate perusal I had not time. LETTER IX. 71 LETTER IX. Characteristics of Austrian Commanders and Statesmen.— Prince Charles of Lorraine. — Maximilian of Bavaria.-^Louis of Baden. — The Counts Caprara, Stahrenbergh, CarafFa Prince Eugene of Savoy — Count Zrini. It is known that Louis XIV, obtained, by means of able ambassadors, accurate intelligence respectitig foreign courts. I should conjecture that the follow- ing traits of principal persons who possessed influence at Vienna in 1 689, spring from such a source *. * Bibl. Harleiana, No. 6845, fol. 144. ^ The imperial throne was at this period occupied by Leo- pold L, and that sovereign was emplo}nng all the resources of tlie empire to oppose the ambitious designs of Louis XIV., which, in the ten years subsequent to the peace of Nimeguen, had fully developed themselves in the shape of multifarious insult and aggression on the empire. For this purpose Leopold had, in conjunction with Sweden and the principal members of the Germanic body, formed the league of Augsburgh in 1686. At the period adverted to in the text, the allies had derived recent and great encouragement to their designs from the suc- cess of the Prince of Orange in his invasion of England, and on the 12th May, 1689, the league of Augsburgh was followed up by an offensive alliance between the Emperor and the States- 72 LETTER IX. Tlie Prince Charles of Lon-aine * is a man of General of Holland; England, Spain, Savoy, and Denmark, afterwards joining this great confederacy. The reduction of Mayence and Bonn were the principal fruits of the campaign of 1689, but an inadequate vengeance for the cruel ravage of the Palatinate, perpetrated by the French in the previous year. [Tr.] * Charles V., Duke of Lorraine, born at Vienna in 1643, had passed his earlier years in France, but disagreements with Louis XIV. induced him to quit that country and enter the military service of the Emperor Leopold L He served in the Turkish ^-ar of 1664, and distinguished himself by killing a Turkish officer in single combat, in the presence of the two armies. In 1674, he succeeded his uncle, Charles IV. of Lorraine, in that duchy. He held important commands in most of the campaigns against the French of this period, but his talents and valour did not enable him to recover possession of his hereditary dominions, occupied by France, and he was one of the few parties con- cerned on the side of the empire who did not profit by the treaty of Nimeguen in 1679. The year previous he had mar- ried the emperor's sister, the Archduchess Mary Eleanor, Queen Dowager of Poland. He took an active part in the campaign of 1689, and the reduction of Mayence and Bonn, achieved by him in conjunction with the Elector of Branden- burgh, concluded his military career. He died on his journey back towards Vienna in the spring of the following year. Louis XIV. complimented him with the title of — Le plus sage et le plus genereux de ses ennemis. Other authorities, among them the Prince de Ligne, have borne high testimony to his military talents. [Tr.] LETTER IX. 73 great and natural bravery, who makes notliing of the greatest dangers, and exposes himself to them with- out claiming to be noticed, and neither knows fear nor makes an ostentation of his feai'lessness. He has much judgement, Hstens quietly to every man, and is pleased Avhen people, whom he thinks intelli- gent, say to him what they think. He possesses a spirit of order, but no comprehensive views, and would conduct a battle better than he would draw up the plan of a campaign: very disinterested, of simple manners, averse from all pomp, loyal, pious, and a true and zealous adherent to the Emperor. As, however, no man is perfect, some errors are mixed up with his great and good qualities. He wants fire in his temperament, and is indeed so slow, that, unless very active generals be appointed to act under him, many favourable occasions of injuring the enemy may be lost. From the same cause arise disorders on the march, in the subsistence, the guards, and other particulars, which contribute much to the ruin of an anny. The Prince is finally accused of a faiUng to which devout persons are sometimes sub- ject, that of indulging aversions : by this is explained his persecution of the House of Baden, and the over- throw of the Prince Hennann ; yet, in fact, he gave into these proceedings only out of weakness towards the views of his favourites. E 74 LETTER IX. In command he shews himself hard and severe, and as he does not burthen the officer with many orders, he exacts that those he gives should be punctually executed. He is not eat up with the lust of fame, but loves glory ; he will never fix his constant attention on what may further his interest, or drive great alliances against France, or produce gi'eat plans of war, or procure the means of recover- ing his own dominions, but should others do all these things for him, he is much to be di-eaded at the head of an imperial army. In a word, the Prince of LoiTaine is a dangerous man on a day of battle ; but it would seem not impossible to overtlurow him befoi'e he can tight it. The Elector Maximilian * of Bavaria is naturally * Maximilian Emanuel, born 1662, succeeded his father in 1679. Distinguislied for his services in the memorable defence of Vienna against the Turks, and generally in the campaigns of Austria against Turkey and France. In 1691 he was rewarded with the government of the Austrian Netherlands. His mar- riage with Maria Antonia, daughter of Leopold I., by Margaret, daughter of Philip IV. of Spain, gave him some pretensions to the crown of Spain, and his son, Joseph Ferdinand, prepared to assert them, but was prevented by an early death. Maxi- milian afterwards entered into treasonable negociations for in- troducing the French into the Austrian Netherlands, and securing a portion of that country to himself. He was put under the ban of the empire, and deprived of his Bavarian LETTER IX, 75 very brave, and war would never tire him, if there were fighting every day. Skirmishes are his delight, and he is unwilling to leave them in order to give his orders, as a commander must, in quarters where there is less firing. He would imderstand the art of war if he would apply himself to it, but at present he takes to no part of it but battles, assaults, vic- tories, and their fiuits. All the rest he leaves to his officers, troubles himself about no particulars, takes little care for his soldiers, neither rewards the worthy nor punishes the idle, and knows little of the con- duct and design of a war in a large and general sense. His amusements are preferred by him to every thing ; he fears all employment and exertion ; those amusements are therefore limited to running after a mistress or a stag. He is indifferent about the finances of his states, but careful and watchful of the money which comes into his pocket. In short, he has courage and mind, and might be a gi'eat man if he would — but his will is to be doubted. dominions by Joseph I., Leopold's successor, the battle of Blen- heim having, in the last year of Leopold's reign, placed those dominions at the mercy of Austria. The treaty of Rastadt, which followed the peace of Utrecht in 1/06, restored him to his possessions and he was afterwards so far reconciled with Austria, as to assist that power against the Turks. He died in 1726. [Tr.] E 2 76 LETTER IX. Prince Louis of Baden * is a thorough warrior, lo%'es his calling, and bestows all his energies upon it. Ever ready, active, and in the case of being a great commander, if his aiTogance do not injure him; for he listens to no counsel, and even when com- pelled to follow an)^, he does so late, and never with- out having altered some part of the scheme, that it may be believed to be purely his own device. He aims at the appearance of being easy to live with, but he is the reverse so soon as one ceases to pay him blind deference ; seldom just in praise or blame, distributing both according to his interest, unfitted to conduct himself at court, free spoken, and oifensive to his sovereign. Thus he possesses at once all the qualities for the successful conduct of an amiy, and for taking away from every one all inclination to entrust to him its command. The Count Caprara t has got his military advance- * Louis William I., Margrave of Baden-Baden, born 1655. He was also famous for his share in the repulse of the Turks from Vienna, and for many other campaigns against the Turks, the trophies of which are still to be seen at Rastadt. His services against France were scarcely less distinguished, though less uni- formly successful. He died in 1707, having served in twenty- six campaigns, commanded at twenty-five sieges and thirteen general actions. [Tr.] t Albert, Count of Caprara, born at Bologna 1631, nephew LETTER IX, 77 ment through the interest of his uncle Montecuculi ; and as his fortune could only be made in war, has often shewn the courage which becomes a soldier of fortune. His counsels are always to the purport of risking nothing, and exhibit that degree of caution which belongs to fear. People of this stamp, with- out being themselves aware of the existence of sucli an origin to their motives, get a habit, out of fear and concern for themselves, of considering the most timid resolutions the best. He possesses the intelli- gence which is necessary to maintain him in good terms with the minister, to prevent him from being feared by the latter, or from exciting any general suspicion. It amuses him to see a camp sacked, and he loves to take his share in the. diversion. Count Stahrenberg is very brave, but bravery is a dangerous virtue to a commander when it is alone. He is fieiy, quick to anger, and not more praised for his defence of Vienna, than he is blamed, on the otlier hand, for his bad conduct at the siege of Buda. Caraffa, the leader of the cavalry, counts among his services the cruelties which he practised in Hun- gary, the sums which he extorted from the \ATetches to the famous general Montecuculi. He served the House of Austria in forty-four campaigns against the Turks and French, and was also employed in diplomatic transactions at the peace of Nimeguen and as envoy to Constantinople. [Tr.] 78 LETTER IX. there, and the discovery of conspiracies which, as is said, never took place, but were worked to the profit of the Emperor. lie is behoved to be a man of great abihty in levying contributions ; every one con- cedes to him much wit. . Prince Eugene of Savoy possesses great courage, more good sense than wit, and sufficient instruction. He strives hard to become a good warrior, and is very capable of attaining his object. Love of glory, ambition, and all the sentiments of a man of ele- vation, are peculiarly his own. The Bavarian genei'al, Count Zriny, has, in place of other qualities, much wit and cleverness, espe- cially in forwarding his own objects and elevation. Thus he has foujid means to obtain the command of the Bavarian army, although the Elector does not esteem him ; to draw from the Elector yearly against his will 5000 dollars, and to persuade the Emperor that it is only through him that Bavaria can be held firm to Austria. He lives in close Connection with the Countess Kaunitz, and only takes the field be- cause a general cannot be absent from it when his sovereign is there. He is always ailing, even when with the army. They say he has a great talent for avoiding affairs in the field, without letting others perceive that he does so. LETTER X. 79 LETTER X. Description of Denmark in the time of the Thirty Years' War, by Torquato Pecchia. About the time when a part of the imperial army had pressed forward, during the thirty years' war, to Denmark, Torquato Pecchia, maitre d'hotel to the imperial commander, Torquato Conti *, drew up a description of that country, its constitution, inhabit- ants, customs, &c., and transmitted it to the Prince of San Gregorio. It deserves, on the score of its ori- ginality, to be printed entire ; in the mean time I ex- tract some of the most attractive passages f. In Denmark there are many villages, which, it is true, are not enclosed with walls, but have their own • This officer was more distinguished for pillage than con- quest, and his exploits in the former line obtained him the so- briquet of " the devil." He was the first to discover the talents of Mazarin, when serving under him in a military capacity in 1625; Conti at that time being in command of the Pope's army. [Tr.] t MSS. Bibl. Roy. Vol. x. Relations Itahennes, Chambre du Levant, p. 219, 80 LETTER X. churches and j^astors. If one of the latter die, his widow marries another, who, however, cannot enter on his vocation without the sanction of the king. Such a nomination, or confirmation, is requisite for all ecclesiastics and bishops. At present it is the duty of the General Conti, in the absence of the king*, to perform these acts ; but as he is not inclined so to employ himself, he makes over the task to an of- ficer of artillery. The whole land is thickly peopled, and all seem to be in good condition. For, without reckoning that on festivals they dress themselves very sumptuously, one finds no man so poor as not * At this time Christian IV., who was born in 1377, sue ceeded to the throne in 1588, and concluded one of the longest reigns recorded in history, in 1648. At the age of twenty-two, he made a voyage round the North Cape in order to visit his dominions in Lapland, and provide against the encroachments of the Swedes and Russians in that quarter. His early intimacy with and patronage of Tycho Brahe, his fierce contests with a worthy antagonist, Gustavus Adolphus, and the great part which he afterwards took in the thirty years' war in behalf of the religious liberties of Germany, make him occupy a conspicuous place in history. His efforts, however, in the cause of pro- testantism were unsuccessful. The defeat of Lutter in 1626, cost him the possession of his dominions on the main land, which he only recovered by a disgraceful peace in 1629. It is to the period when the imperial forces were thus in possession of Denmark, that the description in the text refers. [Tr.] LETTER X. 81 to possess silver spoons and a silver cup. They are skilled in building houses of wood, thatched with straw, without using a single iron nail in their con- struction, so fiiTQ and well put together that they last a long time, and are proof against both wind and water. The churches are remarkably handsome, have mostly five aisles, handsome towers, and bells. Many of the towns are on the coast, are well built, paved, provided with squares and fountains, and strongly fortified. Some roads are used only by the king, and those who pay a certain sum of money. The gentry are so large of stature, that I believe St. Christopher came out of this country. The people are generally fair, light-haired, of good capa- city, and addicted to the sciences. There is a preacher there who has a method of making wine out of water ; of which wine I myself have tasted. He is about to go to Rome, to become a catholic, and means to wait upon your highness. There is in Denmark a class of superstitious en- chanters or conjurors, who di'ess themselves in a strange fashion, as appears from the drawings sent herewith. Mo^t of them are at present departed with the king. As the country is very fertile, and within these hundred years has not been ravaged by war, it contains a good deal of wealth. The peasants are E 3 82 LETTER X. obliged now to perform towards the military, services appertaining to the cliace, which they formerly ren- dered to the king; and are compelled to undertake the charge of their dogs. In Holstein there remained some families related to the king, and who connected themselves with their conquerors, but they are poor. The Duke of Gottorp on the other hand, is uncommonl}- wealthy, and possesses more temtory than the Grand Duke, and well built handsome towns. The Imperial sol- diers, however, oppress him and his so excessively, that he writes every day to their general Conti; prays, remonstrates, and begs for mercy; but the dog barks, and the ox grazes on. All the inhabitants ai'e Lutherans, and speak a language which is not entirely German, but mixed. When they speak, it sounds as if they were crying. In the islands of the neighbouring ocean, a, language is spoken which no one understands. From want of wood, they burn dung and a sort of earth brought from the morasses which they call turta, and cut into the shape of tiles. Their victuals are dressed in a great kettle, into which they throw all the various articles, flesh, fish, eggs, &c., &c. In a similar manner they prepare their cheese, which, even when rotten, breeds no maggots. Next tlie skin, men and women wear furs; and LETTER X. 83 the shirt and other garments over these. Their wooden shoes are made with great skill ; the women's dress reaches only to the knee. The horses are wilder than in other countries, and live almost always in the open air. In tinUe of peace one travels post, in carriages, in which, for the sake of greater lightness, there is not a single piece of iron. If one arrives at a morass, the carriage is taken to pieces with the greatest ra- pidity, and afterwards put together again. In the island of Zealand there is a river, over which there is a bridge, and on one side there is a cavern. Every one is at liberty to pass over, but so soon as any one sets foot on the bridge, who intends any thing against the king, or looks to usurp the sovereignty, there rises from the cavern an alarum as though an army were approaching, and the bridge falls in. This has been seen and heard, has happened, and still takes place. In a certain part of the island, there are mice which, like so many devils, fly from the sign of the cross. If a ship approach this coun- try, the mice spring into the water as if they were possessed. .\11 the inhabitants of this country are guilty of an unpardonable offence; they eat calves and other small (ungrown?) animals. The soldiers, men not 84 LETTER X. troubled with consciences, were so well pleased with this custom, that it became necessaiy to forbid the slaughter of calves. When a bride and bridegroom came to be wedded, they both run to a goal, to which a bundle of straw is fastened. Wlioever aiTives first, possessed the so- vereignty of the household, the man becomes the wife, and vice versa. Out of the straw an has- sock is made, on which the parties kneel in the church. When any one dies, they do not weep nor lament, but laugh, eat, drink, and dance round the body, and lay valuables and other things in the grave, ac- cording to their rank and means. Man'ied women, guilty of unchastity, are'severely punished. If a maiden become pregnant, her re- lations receive four dollars, and the king fourteen ; by which process the honour of the party is restored, just as if nothing had happened. In the absence of the king, the General Conti causes these monies to be paid into his own hands. In Norway are things of extraordinary beauty, and extremely worthy of wonder. For example, they have people there, who have thrown themselves into the sea, and found under the water, gardens, palaces, and other splendid things ; and if any one has done LETTER X. 85 the same, thinking that his friend was drowned, he has found him sitting much gratified in a palace. In the same country they sell to ship captains, wind for certain hours in handkerchiefs. The handkerchief is loosened more or less as it is wished the wind should be stronger or weaker. I believe that these are illu- sions of the devil ; but sure it is that what I tell is true. I must give your Highness an account of a very beautiful custom which obtains at the court of the Duke of Gottorp. When in the evening at table, the lights begin to bum dim, a page brings a knife, spits upon it, wets his fingers likewise, lifts the can- dlestick up, trims the light with knife and finger in the presence of the Duke, sets the candlestick in its place, bi'ings the knife back, and thus they manage all through the time of supper. In Norway they travel on sledges, harnessed with rein deer. At starting the driver whispers in the beasts' ear whither he wishes to go, and then they rmi, A^ithout stopping, to the appointed place, and would rather be beat to death than go a step beyond it. The Sieur Torquato Conti governs the conquered country with as great ease as though it were a village, with four hearths. The nobility wait upon him, and 86 LETTER X. tlie greater part have sworn fidelity to the Emperor. Things, however, came under notice which excite compassion; and I have seen soldiers drive the in- habitants like cattle before them, and beat them off the place with sticks. LETTER XI. 87 LETTER XL Hannibal of Sehestedt Frederick III — Gabel — Swaning — Nantsen. When the Count Hannibal of Sehestedt was in Paris in 1666, they endeavoured to obtain from him ac- counts of all the circumstances of Denmark ; and it would appear that Colbert caused the jsarticulars of his verbal communications to be collected in writing. We find at least, in the 11th Vol. of the Melanges de Colbert, a long note on the subject, from which I extract the following. King Frederick III.* is a man of great intelligence, who knows how to unfold all the reasons for and against a measure ; but by this quality is often led to delay the progress of an affair, while he is coming to a conclusion. He is very sensitive in respect of his honour, and would rather suffer and risk any thing than equivocate or put up with any thing incon- * Famous for his defence of Copenhagen against the Swedes in 1658, and for establishing the absolute power of the crown in Denmark. [Tr,] 88 LETTER XI. sistent with his dignity. It is easy to bring him to any thing upon honourable principles, but never on meaner considerations, or by the prospect of money, albeit he is often in want of the latter. He is well insti'ucted, takes pleasure in conver- sation viith able and learned men, is moderate and temperate, equable in prosperity and adversity, sted- fast and brave, an enemy to violence, a friend to jus- tice wherever he recognizes it, very reserved, so that he imparts little of affairs even to the queen and the princes his sons. The most conspicuous of his mi- nisters and the Stadtholder of Copenhagen, is Chris- topher Von Gabel. He was in the king's sendee thirty-five years back, when, as a younger son, the king was forced to content himself with the Arch- bishoprick of Bremen. Gabel loves pleasure, and, as a German, is attached to the mode of life of his coun- try, but is very prudent, silent, and quick in business. He is moderately well acquainted with foreign affairs, and well inclined to the Dutch. He has the art of finding out the inclinations of the king, and attaching himself to tliem. The king listens to him therefore, and loves him tenderly, but follows his owti views in preference to those of his minister. If the affair is balanced, and the king undetermined, Gabel knows in that case how to decide the scale. At times Gabel is disposed to commit the burthen of affairs to others ; he is very sensitive to the honour shewn to him and LETTEE XI. 89 his, and somewhat French in his way of thinking, like the king. He is not in great favour with the queen and the prince. The Bishop Swaning of Zealand is much respected by the clergy, and on that account feared by the king; on the other hand popular, because he has contiibuted much to alterations in the government. He is a zealous Lutheran, and but for him the king would not only have granted hberty of conscience to the Catholics, but for the sake of increasing trade, would have granted freedom of pubUc worship in some towns. Swaning is learned, of good judge- ment, bold, saving, moderately well instnicted in the affairs of other countries, and one of those who are most inclined to an alliance witli France. He might be gained. The President Nantsen is a man without scientific cultivation; much beloved by the citizens of Copen- hagen; much hated by the nobility, as chief pro- moter of the last alterations in the state. Bold, of great and sound understanding, inclined towards the French and Dutch, but without any particular know- ledge of foreign affairs. 90 LETTER XII. LETTER XII. Philip II. — Charles Vth's instructions to him. — His character and habits Character of the Spaniards. — Ruy Gomez de Silva. — Feria, Mendoza, Vargas, Granvelle, Antonio Perez. Escovedo, the Princess Eboli. The accounts of the internal condition of Spain are less copious than could be wished, for the time of Charles V., but they are still more scanty for the later period of Philip II. Under the 3d and 4th Philips, history, indeed, resolves itself into a recital of court intrigues, which would be a small loss if they were suppressed. The period of Philip II., on the contrary, remains very remarkable as a period of transition, and even small notices of that reign and its working, cannot be unwelcome. Charles V. did not allow his son to want for good advice and care- I'ul education; but was unable by these means, to change his original disposition. In one of these in- structions which are preserved among the papers of Granvelle at Besancon, the Emperor recommends LETTER XII. 91 to him *, to fill the places in the Church with learned and moral men, to abide by treaties of peace and promises, to put confidence in the King of the Ro- mans, and in contests with the Pope not to infidnge upon the rights of the latter. " I have always," adds the Emperor, " done my utmost to be well with the French, but never could make friends of them." The following is extracted from another instruc- tion in the Spanish language f: — Support the true faith, suffer no heresy to enter the country, favour llie holy Inquisition, and take care at the same time, that its officers do not abuse their power. In other respects do nothing which can in any way be con- sidered as bearing it prejudice. Do justice without hate or favour, and when you feel - that you have either hate or passion, sanction no decision, espe- cially if it be in a penal matter; for, although justice be the virtue which keeps us upright with regard to every man, yet be mmdful of the great mercies which Jesus Christ shewed to us. Practise and acquire both virtues, so that the one do not destroy the other; for either, pushed to an extreme, would be no longer * Memoires de Granvelle, Vol. IV. p. 29; undated. t Instruction ecrite de la main de Charles V. pour Philip II. 159.3, Bib. royale MSS. Archives des Pays Bas. Gouverne- ment en general. (P. B. 2.) Vol. II., p. 310. 92 LETTER XII. a virtue but a crime. Be in every thing considerate and moderate, sociable and affable. With anger and rashness we can effect nothing. Love the good, guai'd against the wicked; be cautious how you credit the advice of the young, or the complaints of the old. — These follow very useful precepts for the regu- lation of employment and habits of life ; the Emperor warns his son above all things, not to underniine his constitution by debauchery; and takes this occasion to treat the position of a successor to the throne as involving duties of the highest importance, which ought not to be left to chance, but to be undertaken with an union and prepai'ation of all the powers both of mind and body. Let us now listen to some eye-witnesses, upon Philip's habits and character. Michael Suriano * says, the king is of delicate complexion, lives therefore by rule, and eats usually notliing but very strong food, never touching fish, fruit, or things which contain bad juices. He sleeps much, and takes little exercise ; he is more inclined to repose than labour. Although he is like his father in face and speech, in obsei^vance of religion, and in kindness and good faith ; he is, however, unhke him in many other respects, on which the greatness of a • Relatione di Spagna di Michele Suriano. Dupuy, Vol. 136. LETTER XII. 93 sovereign is essentially founded. The Emperor un- derstood warlike affairs well, and took delight in them ; the king knows little about them, and has no inclmation that way. The other loved gi-eat under- takings ; this one avoids them. The other conceived honourable enterprizes, and conducted them in good time, and to his owai great advantage ; this one un- dertakes nothing worthy of his greatness. The other never allowed himself to be forced by tlu'eats or fear to any concession ; this one, on slight suspicion, has given up his states a prey to his enemies. The other ruled in all things after his own views ; this one after the opinion of others ; and yet, again, he has no respect for any nation but the Spanish. Spa- niards negociate, advise, govern, and, contrary to the custom of his father, Philip makes little out of Italians and Flemings, and less than all does he esteem the Gennans. Elsewhere Longlie *, a French ambassador, in- forms us : — The king is still so active, that all affairs go through his hands ; besides this, he attends divine service regularly, goes out to walk with his children in fine weather, attends an hunting or fishing, &c. He prefers his country palaces and gardens to Ma- chid, having in the former more leisure and fewer au- * Vie et occupations de Philippe II. Longlie Ambassades, Vol. 797. S. Germain, p. 109, probably the year 1588. 94 LETTER XII. diences to give, which latter he loves not, and does not, indeed, positively refuse, but willingly post- pones. The Infanta usually keeps him company, without, however, mixing herself in politics, or throwing in a word for any body, if it be not for one of her ladies at the utmost. The following account, by the Venetian Badoer, of an earlier date, is more circumstantial *. King Phi- lip is now thirty years old, of small stature and fine limbed. The forehead high and fair; azure eyes, tolerably lai'ge ; strong eye-brows, not much parted ; well shaped nose, great mouth, with an heavy, some- what disfiguring, mider lip, white and fair beard ; in exterior a Fleming, but in haughty deportment a Spaniard. His temperament is melancholy and phlegmatic ; he suffers fi-om stomach pains, and side stitches, on account of which, by advice of his phy- sicians, he goes much to the chace, as affording the best means of strengthening the body and ridding the spirit of melancholy thoughts. He hears mass daily, and on Sundays, sermon and vespers. He gives alms regulai-ly, or on special occasions. So, for example, last year, in Brussels, when the poor were dying in the streets of cold and hunger, he caused bread, beer, straw, and fire-wood to be given * In the year 1557- LETTER XII. 95 out for 800 persons. They say at court, he asked his confessor whether his having done this could op- press his conscience ; it is certain, at least, that in such cases he has had many consultations with his council *. As nature has made this king of weak body, so has she constituted him also of timorous mind. He eats sometimes too much, particularly pastry, and likes va- riety in his food ; with women he is intemperate, and likes to go about at night in disguise. His expenses in dress, furniture, liveries, &c., are not great. Out of doors he wears a mantle and cap ; often, also, suits cut in the French fashion, or with large buttons, and feathers in his cap. He shews himself rather composed than passion- ate, and tolerates persons and pretensions of unusual and not very befitting description. He speaks some- times vtith sharpness and wit, and loves jesting and nonsense. Yet he shews this disj)Osition lefes at table where buffoons are present, than when in the privacy of his apartment he lets himself loose and is merry. He possesses a good capacity, and one equal to great affairs, but is not active enough to rule over dominions so extensive as his ; yet he may * Badoer relazione. Colb. 5486. Bibl. Roy. 10083, (an eye-witness.) 96 LETTER XII. be said to do quite as much as his weak bodj-^ can endure. Petitions and reports, as they come in, he reads himself, receives them often into his own hand, and Hstens with great attention to every thing that is said to him. While doing so, he commonly avoids looking the speaker in the face, but casts his eyes to the ground, or turns them towards some other quar- ter. He answers quickly and shortly, point by point, but nevertheless does not decide for himself. His dinner lasts but a short time. Before supper he causes reports of the most important occuiTences to be read out to him, and the principal part of their substance to be noted down in the margin. When necessary, he calls the council together, or some of the high law authorities. He makes a point of having always skilful and experienced men in office ; but he is more suspicious of then* fidelity than is seemly. He has no aptitude for warlike affairs, and has given himself no trouble to acquire any skill in them. In laodily exercises, tilts and tourneys, he has practised himself, more because the world and his subjects demanded it of him, than out of any in- clination of his own. With respect to finance, the means of procuring money, and spending it judi- ciously towards a purpose, he is wanting in necessary knowledge. He loves the sciences, reads histor}'-, understands geography pretty well, and something LETTER XII. §7^ of painting and sculpture, in which arts he makes, at times, attempts of his own. He speaks Latin well,' understands Italian and some French. In usual' practice he speaks Spanish, but speaks not much' at any time. Altogether he is a prince in whom one finds much to be praised. His court may amount at present to some 1500 persons, of whom nine-tenths are Spaniards, the rest, Flemings, Burgundians, Enghshmen, Italians, and Germans. At this court, one sees nothing of assas-' sinations, treasons, robberies, and other such Uke good-for-nothing proceedings. In prosperity, the' tone of the court is too elated ; in reverses, too de- pressed. The inmates of the court evidently take more dehght in variety of dishes and wines than in occupation or conversation, above all, however, in love aflfairs ; for except the period of their actual at- tendance on the king, they pass almost all their time- in dalliance ; yet axe they shai*p lookers out for gain,.* and more than tenacious. They dress themselves^ richly, even with too much care, and keep a greats number of servants. The Spaniards, especially' those of humbler origin, are proud, fall into rages on/ account of insignificant things, and think that every thing is true which in their passion they picture to > themselves. Where they see clearly that a lie would .■ stain their honour, they are wont to speak truth.- F 98 LETTER XII. Buffoons, and people who make a profession at the court of amusing others, are much run after. They love their own nation so much, that they cannot en- dure to hear any other praised ; and when a thrust is made at one of them, the others come to his aid : envy, however, hate, and persecution, have sway among them at other times. To the above may be added what Badoer says of the most remarkable persons at Philip's court. Ruy Gomez, a Portuguese, of the noble race of Silva, and brother to the Duke of Eboli. No one, perhaps, has been so great a favourite of his master as he. This affection originated in the circumstances that his mother was nurse to the king, and that he was brought up with the king as a page. Once, as Ruy Gomez was quarrelling with another page, and Philip interposed, Ruy Gomez struck the latter uninten- tionally on the head, and was therefore condemned to death by the Emperor. This sentence, it is true, was remitted at the intercession of Philip, but the culprit was banished from the court. Upon this Philip fell into such a melancholy, that the Emperor was compelled to recal Gomez from exUe. Ruy Gomez is now thirty -nine years old, of mid- dle stature, well shaped, intelligent eyes, rich dark beard, a strong natural constitution, but weakened, as it seems, by incredible exertions, and pale conn- LETTER XII. 99 tenance. He possesses so noble a disposition, that I believe nature has been so liberal to few. He has no taste, however, for science, speaks only Spanish, but understands Italian. He is in all his deportment pleasing, full of courtesy, and endowed with the cer- tain natural gifts which create good will and respect towards the man who possesses them. In experi- ence of affairs he is deficient, or has acquired any such very lately ; but his want of knowledge is sup- plied by the firmness of his purpose and his great abilities. He converses often and tete-d-tete with learned and well informed men, and introduces them to the king, and thus many determinations are made without advice of the rest of the council, and often against their opinion. Eveiy one is vrelcome to him who wishes to serve the king, only they must not at- tempt to supplant himself from his position, like Alva, who sought to draw every thing into his own hands, though Phihp had in his heart no inchnation for him. Ruy Gomez has no turn for war, and has never studied it or made campaigns, but by hearing much of it has learned to converse not badly upon it. He exerts himself in every manner to keep the king at peace with all his neighbours, infidels alone ex- cepted. Ruy Gomez overworks himself in business, an|m' lo il. I'jilircly in IIm" s;nnr sense runs ;i leller ui (lie (^neen ( 'nllierine, oI'IIh' same nM'iilIed, Mnd new ones preji.nc'l, olisliules l.jeing', on one hinnl, nilerposed Ity Ihe :i(lvers!iries of lh(« phni, on the other, the <^>net iTs consent heini'- lather held ont in |)ros|ieel than reall\ Itestowcd. An she (th(> luannseripl pidceeds) w<>nlIien(lcd nothin;-, Iml dl lorlnne iVoni this niarrianv. As .loan, however, made new |no|)osais on Ihe snUjeel ol Ihe mairiag'tN I retpiiied her (proceeds Charles I\.) lo <'onie lo me to actpiaini heisell" with my views; v<>l no hnlher pron'ress has sitice been made, and nothing' wdl l»e eonelnded wilhoni ;ic(piainlini; |1h< IVipe. — The latter, however, raised so nian\ dillienltics, that Ihe allair (hd not advance, and ('harles at last senl .Moms, «le (,'hav i|.;ny lo Ivonu', to set all to rii;hls "*. .Injili ii/ul lirrn |iiiMlli ril In I^iilvr A\'illi,iiii ol' ( 'Icyes, per vnlxi ih' iitirxni/i. l>iii (lir m.uri.iiM' \\:\A Ix-cii i',iih<'1I ill llii- in(;iii Imif, TNliiy l.'l, ir)7"J, liiid ;isrrii(lc(l llic |);i|i:il clinir, (Iciiiiiinlcd, at lllHl, as llir |tli»C i>( his his (lonnnion^ lo llicn |ioss<'HHi(niM and (li|;nili('s. Ilhly. I Ir sli.dl |;r;inl ihr ('niholirs (icd rxcrcisd u( (heir nTi,",i(ni. ritJdy. lie sli.dl innny M;ir|',;ir('(. in Ihr chincli, wilhonl siipprcKsion or .illi r:ilion of IJic (< icmonioN. In Ins iniswrr ('iiiirl(*s l\. poinird onl, lli.it in :iny cmsc idl Ihcsc condilioiiH were nol lo he ohhiinrd, ;nid idlowrd ihr ni.irria^^c; lo lid^r phirr, on An^iisl |H, |.'")7'J, Itd'orc any Inll nndcrslinidinj;- wilh I In I'opr had Itrrn ;ill;iinr(l. 'Ihr Irttor is ntinarKlddr w hi< h ( 'h.irlrs I \., on (hr '24l.li Auf^usl, Ihr d:iy of llir niHHHaciT, (IcMp.ilchrd lo Ihr iiiiihas.sador al. Hoiiir, I'crrjiils. Allrr srvcriil iii- sif^milicanl |)aHHH|j;('M, i( riiiiH *: — I liavo ^nilln ml lidiii y«Mir vhicli we had proposed to ourselves. Four days later Yilleroi declares * : We wish to stand by the German Princes, but only in order to end their con- troversies with a good peace; for if innovations and disturbances were to break out in our kingdom, vre should be compelled to keep back the succours intended for Germany. We wish for peace, al- though without disgrace ; we must prefer our own presentation to the welfare of others. " * May 24 and June 8, 1610. Boderie Ambass. Vol. 44. LETTER XLI. 413 LETTER XLI. Reports of the Nuncio, Ubaldini. — The Princess of Conde Peace or War. — Cleves succession. — Mediation of the Pope. — Death of Henry IV. — Ravaillac. — Regency, and conduct of tiueen Mary. — Concini's Favour. — Sully's Fall Relations to the German Protestants. Among the Paris Manuscripts are the reports, in eight vohimes, Avhich the Nuncio, Ubaldini, fur- nished, from 1608 to 1614, to the couil of the Va- tican from Paris. Ubakhni is a Romish ecclesiastic of the usual stamp, with all the well known, fixed, views, policy, and objects of that class. In no in- .stance does he exhibit any original or animated power of observation, and those characteristic traits are usually wanting in his reports from which one learns most accm'ately the march of events, and the character of the leading persons of the day. Their contents are chiefly devoted to affairs of minor in- terest, and upon the greater he only gives us the su- perficial views which are collected by obscning one .side of the subject. If, however, the results to be 414 LETTER XLT. gathered from his eight thick foHos are not upon the whole very rich, there are yet very interesting and instructive passages to be found in them, e. g., upon the relations of France to Spain, peace or war, the Prince and Princess of Conde, &c.* Ubaldini writes, March 31, IGIO, to the Cardinal Borghese, with re- ference to the latter subject. The Princess will not separate from her husband, and the King is agreed with her on that point. The Queen Mary, on the other hand, finds herself in great embarrassment. Her husband not only desires her to invite the Prin- cess to her coronation, but also to beg the Infanta to permit her journey. She has obstinately refused this, and has said to the King : — " She has wished to put up with his love intrigues with the greatest patience, but will never consent to be herself the go-between, or to appear as such to the world." The King was so incensed ujjon this, that he or- dered the preparations for the coronation to be post- poned, which, (although, after some days of the bit- terest altercation, a reconciliation took place,) under the pretext of being put off till September, may easily go to the wall.f * Colbert, 3307. Bibl. Roy. 9938. a— h. t Andara facilmente a monte. At the prayer of the Queen the coronation was hastened. Report of April 14, 1610. LETTER XLI. 415 In order to avert the breaking out of a war, Ubal- dini and the Spanish ambassador had audiences of Henry IV., upon which Ubaldini reports as follows : April 14, J 610 — The Spanish Ambassador wished to speak at length with the King upon his preparations for war, and asked him in direct terms, why, having no enemies, he was raising so great an army ? Upon the answer of Henry, that he was arming to support his friends, the Ambassador replied, the affairs of Cleves were unimportant in themselves, but if the King were to mix himself up in them they would become of the highest importance, and throw Christendom into great calamities ! " The first to mix himself up in them," rejoined Henry, "had been the King of Spain, in that he supplied the money, by means of which the Archduke Leopold prose- cuted the war." This the ambassador denied, with a loud voice, and said, whoever had given the King that information was a liar. Leopold had only re- ceived from Spain, through Balthazar de Zuuiga, 100,000 dollars for his personal necessities. Philip, however, would defend the Archduke and the In- fanta, in the event of their being attacked. Henry replied : — The Catholic King did well to take the part of his relations, but not well to trouble himself about the relations of others (Conde.) And here- upon he deduced a long string of complaints against 416 LETTER XLI. Spain, beginning from things gone by, till he came down to the civcnmstances of the day, and to the Prince of Conde. The ambassador replied :— His master trusted that he had in no respect done any- thing at variance Nvith his ancient friendship for the Iving. Henry, however, said : — I know with cer- tainty that you wish to avail yourself of the Prince, in order at some future time to wage war upon the Dauphin, With the greatest reluctance the am- bassador replied : — The friendship of my master does not deserve expressions so removed from all good feeling and reason. The King not appearing to be- lieve and approve this, the ambassador took still greater offence. Henry at last asked, why he had sought an audience ? and received for answer — from no other ground than to infomi his Majesty that all which concerns the Archduke and the In- fanta, equally concerns the King, and that the affairs of Cleves will be of consequence or not, according as parties may conduct themselves. As your Ma^ jesty now knows this, you may reflect upon it. The King said upon this — " I have reflected upon it ; " and dismissed the ambassador, -who from this hour held the war to be unavoidable. The Nuncio now sought to turn the King in every possible manner from war and the support of the Protestants, but obtained this answer ^ — "There is LETTER XLi, 41 1 ill this no question of religious matters, but only of political, as the declarations of the Emperor and the Elector of Saxony prove. I am not of opinion that any changes should take place in the matter of re- ligion." The Nuncio replied : — " What his Holiness does for the support of the Catholic religion, your ^Majesty must not consider as a service rendered to the House of Austria. You also maintain, on your part, that the help which you furnish to the Protest- ants, has no reference to the Catholics ; but that, on the contrary, every thing you do is done for the ad- vantage of religion." The King soon came upon the topic of the Prin* cess of Conde, and said : — I demand that she should be given up to her father, since she wishes to be separated from her husband, and all men allo^t that she is justified in doing so, I know well that ill disposed people spread the report that I am in love with her ; but the world will pay more regard to my age, and all the circumstances of the case, than to malicious insinuations. Now, when I am on the point of entering Germany w ith an army, I have other thoughts than those of seeing the Princess. God, to whom alone I owe a reckoning in this mat- ter, knows my conscience, and if all were true of which I am accused, yet it would bring no disgi'ace T 3 418 LETTER XLI< upon me in the eyes of men, who do not grudge a cavalier the love for a fair lady. Ubaldini replied : — What appears of no consequence in ordinary men, becomes of the highest consequence in a king. For my own person, I believe what your Majesty says to me as all grounds confirm it. In order, however, to stop the mouth of every malicious person, it would be consistent with yom* Majesty's prudence, not to mix yourself in this affair, but to make it over, (as a private complaint,) to the Constable Montmorency, (father to the Princess,) who will it is to be hoped content himself with the satisfaction which the Arch- duke is ready to give. He even declares himself in- clined to deliver the Princess to her father, provided only that justice and his honour be not impeached. In spite of these representations the King insisted on his views, and Ubaldini wrote on the following day, April 15,1610, to the Cardinal Borghese: — From hour to hour it becomes more plainly perceptible that it is the King's main object to recover the Princess ; she has, moreover, still further excited him lately by letters in which she calls him her knight, and prays him to free her from confinement. Thence arises the impatience of the King, who does not now intend to prosecute the proceeding for a divorce, as being long and doubtful. If the Archduke do not give her LETTER XLI. 419 up, the war may be considered as certain, and the King will take as his pretext, the Archduke's refusal to permit the passage of the troops. All the minis- ters, and Sully *, (who is now disgusted,) more than all, seek in vain to restrain him, and acknowledge privately to their intimates, that the destruction of the kingdom is unavoidable. The President Jeannin has said to the Flemish plenipotentiaries: — That the public peace is in the hands of the Archduke, and that peace or war hangs on the restoration or detention of the Princess, that the other points are mere jesting. This is confinned by a declaration of the King, who complained to me to-day of the Ambassador's having said that the Princess w^ould be another Helen. He should know, learned man as he is, (added the King,) that Troy was destroyed at last because Helen was not restored. The King often finds himself luiwell, sleeps little and not soundly, falls out with every one, and is feared by his own ministers. The Queen lives in great afHiction. A year since, all France called for war, and the King stood alone in refusing to hear of it; he now alone presses for it, and all others abhor it. It is certain that general depression * This is at variance with Sully's Memoirs. [Tr.] 420 LETTER XLI. prevails, and tlie army will be collected with great difficulty. At the same time the Nuncios at Prague and Co- logne sought to bring about an agreement upon the Cleves succession, and the Emperor confided the necessary powers to the Archduke Leopold. Ac- cording to his account of April 28, IGIO, addressed to the Cardinal Borghese, Ubaldini told the King: — It appears to be useless to press you on the subject of the Cleves succession, as it is plain to be seen that your view is not to assist your friends, but to fall upon the Archduke Albert, and to break with Spain. The King here fell into the discom-se and said: — You are in error j my object is not to do any evil to the Archduke, but to go direct to Juliers. I shall ask him as a friend for a free passage, and shall pledge myself not to hurt a hen-roost by the way. If he, however, refuse me the passage, I am determined to make my o\m way by force. As Ubaldini ob- served:— it must be jesting for the King to maintain that the Archduke had no ground to refuse a pas- sage to a great army. The King reverted to his complaint that he had been insulted, and said in great wrath, there is no other way out of it than to give up the Princess forthwith to her father, and bring back the Prince to obedience to me, or to ex- LETTER XLI. 421 pel him from the dominions of the Catholic King. Ubaldini then put together all the arguments which could persuade to peace: oppressive taxes, internal factions, danger of all kinds of mischances, and even in the case of success, the jealousy of the English and Dutch, who would rather see Flanders in the hands of the Spaniards, weakened as they are, than of the French. The King replied : — I know well that my allies pursue their own interest, and will be guided by it in either joining themselves to me, or sepa- rating themselves from me. I mean therefore to rely uponmyself, andmy own strength alone, and trust that God, who knows my views, will protect and favour me; and this the more inasmuch, as yet, no miracles have been wrought by him *. Ubaldini answered: — I pray God that yom- aim and object may be such that you may justly hope for the continuance of his support, which is usually given to him who has right on his side. The King rejoined again: — I insist upon the libe- ration of the Princess, not because I am in love ^\ ith her, as those calumniously maintain, who wish thereby to excuse their revolt, and also to attack my honour, after having trenched upon my royal rights J but on account of my obligation to her fa- * The sense of this is somewhat obscure in the original. 122 LETTER XLI. llicr, who married his daughter at my exhortation, against her will, to the Prince, and since I cannot, without disgrace, suffer the Archduke (a Prince of less account than myself) to keep prisoner one of the first ladies of my kingdom, against the will of her father and herself. On the same day, (April 28,) Ubaldini wrote in like manner to the Cardinal Lanfranco: — The breach, says he, is unavoidable, in consequence of an attack of passion. I do not speak of Cleves and the Prince, for they are mere pretexts. The King has rejected with scorn the way of justice, (the only method in this emergency, offered by the Archduke, and recom- mended even by the French ministers,) and has chosen the way of arms as the shorter, in the hope that the Archduke will give way out of fear. In- stead of now, when he sees his error, betaking him- self to that path, he acts like a desperate man. I use this exjjression because he said to me yesterday, in that very form of expression, " The Spaniards have brought me into desperation." If the King w^ould yet take counsel, and if Holland, England and Savoy, were to shew their aversion to his pro- jects, he might yet perhaps be kept back. But not all political considerations united, can do so mucli to throw water on the general conflagration as the letters of the Princess do to excite it, such as she LETTER XLI. 423 has lately written to the King, begging for his pro- tection, and swearing to him that no other hope re- mains to her of liberty or life, than God — and him- self. Sillery and Villeroi shrug their shoulders, and give to miderstand, as well as they discreetly can, that the passion of the King frustrates all their ex- ertions. I have pressed the Queen to throw herself on her kness before the King, and implore him for peace. She answered: — I have often already done so with tears, and will again, but it is all in vain. May 12. Ubaldini fm-nishes another report to the Cardinal Borghese; stating, that he had repre- sented to the King in another audience, that the Archbishop of Nazareth was sent by Pope Paul V. with the express commission to mediate a peace. In a courteous answer, Henry imputed all the blame to the Spaniards, and said : — The endeavours of his Holiness could not prevent him from marching to Juliers with his army, the only object of his under- taking. Ubaldini answered: — This was at variance with the requisitions of his own friends, must excite universal suspicion, was favourable to the Protestants, would set enormous military power in motion, and appeared unseasonable ; as an active ncgociation for peace was going on the while in Prague. On these and similar grounds, the King ought to keep quiet, 424 LETTER XLI. otherwise he would demonstrate that he merely wished to break with Spain ! Henry answered: —This Avas not so, he only demanded a passage, which the Archduke would grant him, and if Bran- denburgh and Neuburgh were reconciled, he would be content. Ubaldini answered: — The King was pleased to jest, all depended upon him, and accord- ing to his pleasure would the agreement respecting Cleves be concluded or frustrated. Yet the Nuncio believed that Henry would see with pleasm'e the restoration of the Princess, that he might avail himself of it as an obvious pretext for laying down his arms. On the other side, however, the misunderstanding increased, since the Spaniards spoke undisguisedly against the second marriage of Henry and his children, and in favour of the claims of Conde. The Archduke sought in every way to move the latter to send back his wife, but in vain. He considered it, however, impossible without con- sent of her husband, without instruction of the Church, to deliver up the Prince. The French w^ere moreover prepared in case of a process of divorce to prove scandalous things against the Piince. Precisely at this time, (two days after the despatch of this report,) when the great question of peace and war stood for instant decision, and the King was on the point of starting for the army — he was murdered! LETTER XLI. 4'25 We scarcely know whether (despite the absence of proofs) we should believe in human agency and con- spiracy in this matter, or view in it a deep-laid decision of Providence, which cut off the King's thread of existence at the moment whert he was car- rying into execution plans of foreign conquest. In any case his death was an enormous calamity for France, and any sympathy we might feel'for Spain, is stifled by the knowledge that the despicable per- secution of the Moors, so tembly debilitating to that state, fell out exactly at this j)eriod. With reference to the assassin of Henry IV., Ubaldini writes, May 30 : — Ravaillac persists that he has no accomplices, and that he has been moved by nothing but religious zeal. At last he has con- fessed his folly and guilt, with penitence. God be thanked, who according to his wisdom and pro- vidence has not permitted that more than one per- son should participate in this frightful crime, and that he should be preserved alive, in order to pro- claim to the world the truth of the transaction, and to contradict calumnies out of which endless mis- chief might have proceeded. It is extraordinary, (jDroceeds Ubaldini,) that the Queen should have received private letters from Flanders, wherein mention is made of the King as 42G LETTER XLr. murdered. The Spaniards and Flemings wish to seek out the original copies of this letter *. The Queen Mother, Mary of Medici, led her son Louis XIII, into the Parliament, where he said: — Messieurs, as God has taken my lord and father to himself, I am come here by the counsel of my mother the Queen, to tell you, that I \^dsh to follow your good counsel in the conduct of mv affairs, and hope that God will graciously enable me to profit by the example and the lessons of my father. I pray you, therefore, to give me your counsel, and now to deliberate upon that which my chancellor will lay before you f. These words, says an anonymous re- * Ubaldini seems here to have followed mere report, and speaks in the antecedent of letters, lettere, but in the other sentence oi a. letter, lettera. The last words ; della quale let- tera I Spagnuoli e Fiamminghi vogliono trovar I'originale ; may be so interpreted as if copies only had been laid before the Queen, and as if the Spaniards, &c., did not believe in the existence of originals. Dupuy, Vol. IX., p. 18, contains a MS. collection of what had been written and said upon Henry's death before it took place. But all put together does not suf- fice to afford any proof of further connection among the schemes for his removal. t Memorandum sur le Regne de Louis XIII. Dupuy, Vol. xc, p. 32. LETTER XLI. 427 porter, were heard only by few, partly on account of the noise, paitly because the King spoke with a very weak voice. At the council many precedents of former regen- cies were adduced, and (no one making opposition) the sovereignty was, without hesitation, made over to the Queen mother. She made no use of Ubaldini's good advice, to keep herself in bounds, and to proceed with fore- sight; wherefore he writes, Sept. 29, 1610. — The disproportioned favour which the Queen shows to Concini, is well adapted to ruin every thing m pro- cess of time. In other things also, she manages ill. This people, e. g., has been accustomed, especially by the deceased King, to friendly language and con- descending demeanour. The Queen, on the con- trary, speaks little, and by no means lays herself out to please, as custom and circumstances re- quire. The whole world (proceeds Ubaldini in another place) complains aloud, that Concini has been raised to the title of Marshal d'Ancre and governor of Pe- ronne, at an expense of more than 200,000 scudi. There are several other prevalent rumours no less false than scandalous. It is, however, true that he sells favours of the Queen in a shameless maimer for hard money, and no one dares to gainsay him. Yet 428 LETTER XLI. the Queen answered the Cardinal Joyeuse :— She saw well that the whole court was hostile to Con- cini * ; since however, she had supported him against even the deceased King, she would carry through her purpose against all others. With partiality, equal to the justice with which he decides on the affair of Concini, Ubaldini deals with that of the minister Sully. February 11, 1611, he writes to the Cardinal Borghese :— At last Sully has given up the finances and the Bastille. In this af- fair, the Queen conducted herself well, and all passed without violence. The Chancellor and Villeroi at- tacked him through Conde and Soissons, who also boast that they have carried through the affair to the disgrace of Guise and Epernon, who wished to up- hold the Duke. Meanwhile it was necessary to urge the Queen much, and to fortify her in the project, in which I joined assiduously. Concini also at last put himself on the side of the Princes of the blood, and turned his back on Sully, forgetful of the 50,000 scudi t. It is well known that Mary forthwith gave up * I pass over some reports of Ubaldini upon the Jesuits, the writings of Mariana, and Bellarmine, the restrictions upon the Hughenots, the rights and policy of the Pope, court intrigues, &c. t No further light is thrown upon this allusica. LETTER XLI. ' 429 the political system of Heniy IV., and protected the Catholics in Cleves and Juliers. She said, (accord- ing to Ubaldini*,) — The alliance between the King and the Protestants came to an end with the death of the former, and I have never consented, in spite of the most pressing demands, and the wishes of the King of England, who has allied himself with them, to renew it. * Letter of March 14, 1613. 430 LETTER XLII. LETTER XLII. The Jesuit Cotton upon Louis XIII. The character of Louis XIII., as it unfolded itself in after years, displayed features so unusual and ex- traordinary, that it is interesting to trace out the principles which appear to have governed him in j^outh, and to discover in what direction his earlier education guided him. The following letter, written by the Jesuit Cotton, confessor to Henry IV., to the Father Busiligius, confessor to the Duke of Bavaiia, affords some valuable information on this topic *. As I have not yet fulfilled my promise of writing something upon the King, and upon his sister be- trothed to the Prince of Spain, I will now discharge my obligation, and give you a circumstantial report upon the disposition, capacity, and religious tem- * Extract from the Urbini MSS. in the Vatican. No. 1113, p. G80. Copy in the Paris Library without date. LETTER XLII. 431 perament of bol]i ; all true, upriglil, and without colour. The King has an extraordinary inclination for good and aversion to evil ; so that if any one utter an imprecation or any unbecoming expression in his presence, or beats a dog or other animal, he becomes angry, and can in no manner endure to Avitness the wrong. To the poor whom he falls in vriih he orders alms to be given, and the moment he suspects that his almoner or other officer is giving but little, he orders him to disburse three or four times the sum. When country people bring poultry, pigeons, hares, and such like live animals to mar- ket, the King buys them for ten times their value, partly because he considers the purchase a mode of giving alms, partly because he delights in such ani- mals. He possesses, in fact, in diflercnt places, animals of every kind ; lions, bears, apes, partridges, pheasants, storks, cranes, birds of the east, &c. without number. What he best loves, however, is to hunt with falcons and to shoot birds, of which he lias already killed upwards of a hundred. At first, he had scruples lest God should be offended at this slaughter of his creatures, and asked me, seriously, whether the practice were not a sinful one. Having once been present at a comedy of a rather indecent description, and hearing some of the courtiers praise it, he said : — All would liaAC been 432 LETTER XLII. very fine, if the actors had not done and said what was unbecoming. Another time he imposed silence upon a gentleman, who spoke of things not to be mentioned, and forbad a man of great consequence to enter his bedchamber without permission, be- cause he had had intercourse with ladies of a certain description *. He abhors heretics more than can be expressed, although he wisely conceals this aversion. He takes delight in religious instruction to that degree, that he has learnt nearly all which concerns the orders, ceremonies, sacraments, and even the hierarchy. In this branch of knowledge he is so far beyond his years, (as I shall hereafter relate more in detail,) that this very day, on wdiicli I am writing, during divine service, he enquired what I thought of the Bishop who openly spoke ill of the Pope ? I answered : " The Bishop's character had long been in bad odour with all men," which I never would say of a prelate, or of any other man, if the fact were not well known, and if it did not appear useful that his Majesty should leani to know the bad as well as the good. * He carried these virtues to great excess in after life, as may be observed from his military general orders for the expulsion of light women from his camp, and those against blasphemy and swearing among the soldiers, the severity of which made them impossible of application. [Tr.] LETTER XLII. 433 Hereupon the King said : Therefore, he must be a sinner who made that man a bishop. Has he not also intercourse with women ? And this he repeated several times in the same words. If he knows that any one is pious and good, he takes note of him, and behaves to him in the most friendly manner, but to irrehgious men with the utmost aversion. He is moreover never idle, but in constant activity, while he is awake, follo\^dng, in all respects, the great example of Henry IV. He understands ma- thematics almost intuitively, and loves geography and fortification, drawing plans of the latter after the rules of Euclid. He makes caniages, towers, citadels, birds, &c., very dexterously of wood, wax, paper, and other materials. He draws with the brush or pen without instruction. When still in the arms of his nurse he beat time with his hand on hearing music. He plays much at ball for the strengthening of his limbs. He has a general and accurate knowledge of the rules of grammar, which ensure propriety of ex- pression, and avoids errors, or recognizes and cor- rects them on the instant. He translates very well into French, from the Latin, passages not too diffi- cult. He applies himself to the sciences and re- ligious instruction in the following manner. As soon as he rises he prays, according to the ritual, break- u 434 LETTER XLII. iksts, then proceeds to his lessons, and rej)eats what he has leamt. Then follow dancing and fencing, till the divine service, which is always accompanied with music. Then walking, the chase, ball-play, according to inclination and convenience. He then visits his mother till dinner-time, at which his chief intendant always assists, his preceptor often, and sometimes the confessor, the almoner, or other re- spectable persons. They all converse properly, with- out any timidity. After dinner follow recreation, visits, supper, prayer, &c. Some relate, they have observed, without being themselves seen, how the King raises himself up in his bed, prays on his knees, and sprinkles the spot where he lies with holy water. When he is about to make a country excursion, especially for the pur- pose of hunting, he is the first to wake, rouses his servants, and warns them all, if it be an holiday, not to neglect divine sendee. In his riding and hunting he avoids, as much as possible, injuring the crops. Four times in the year he communicates, and with such reverence as could hardly be expected from his years. This devotional spirit shewed itself remark- ably on the occasion of the coronation at Rheims, when he received the commmiion in both kinds, according to the privilege of the Christian kings, from the hands of the Cardinal Joyeuse. When he tETTER XLII. 435 once, at the age of nine years, met the procession of the Sacrament, he caused his carriage to be stopped, jumped out, and prayed with bended knees, saying to his chief intendant and the others, I have heard from my confessor that the good fortune of the house of Austria springs from this holy practice *. His breviary and the entire service he knows most perfectly, so that scarcely a bishop could be found who could surpass him in repeating every part of it. Next follow pai-ticular relations of all his devo- tional practices, how conversant with and fond of sacred histories he is, &c. It then proceeds : — If an ecclesiastic or other commits an eiTor, he notes and rates him for it immediately. If the corn-tiers jest or babble on sacred occasions he has them re- buked ; if the younger gentlemen who are brought up with him are guilty of it he has them whipped. He has still about him, from the times of his father, some heretic attendants who cannot on account of the evil of the time, be dismissed. These he often warns, or rather exhorts with arguments, to become converts to the Catholic faith. It happened once, (for he is of a sanguine and • This alludes to a well known anecdote of Rodolph of Hapsburgh. [Tr.] u 2 436 J^ETTER XLII. bilious temperament,) that a word fell from liira in anger which displeased his mother. He fell instantly upon his knees in tears, and begged her forgiveness ; not (as he himself said) to avoid punishment, but to expiate the guilt. He then turned to his chief in- tendant and said, " Exhort, rebuke, punish me, for I have deserved it." He loves our society, (the Jesuits,) informs himself much of our mode of life, and he is pleased with hearing us well spoken of After once listening for a long time to an adversary of our order, he repri- manded him, and gave him as he past a thrust with his elbow. His sister Isabelle has a similar disposition, quick intelhgence, active and healthy body. She is always in motion, and at prayers has her attention distracted merely by her vivacity. Cotton, the writer of the above, was nothing less than beloved in general. The pages on one occasion surrounded him, crying, " vielle laine, vielle bourre, viel Cotton,"* and stuck pins into his arms and legs. • Journal de TAmbassadeur Anglais, 1604. Vespasian F. X. I found in the same MS. Bibl. Harl. No. 6895, fol. 143, the fol- lowing passport given by the Jesuits in 1650 for 200,000 florins. Nous, soussignes, protestons et promettons en foi de prestres et de vrais religieux, au nom de notre compagnie a tel efFet suf- fisamment autorises quelle prend maitre Hippolite Braem, licen- tie en droit sous sa protection, et promet de le defendre contre LETTER XLir. 437 They were whipped for it, and some of them dis- missed. toutes puissances infernales qui pourraient attenter sur sa per- sonne, son ame, ses biens, et ses moj'ens, que nous conjurons et conjurerons pour cet effet, employans dans ce cas I'autorite et credit du serenissime Prince notre fondateur pour etre le dit Le Braem par lui presente au bieuheureux chef des apotres, avec autant de fidelite et d'exactitude comme notre dite com- pagnie lui est extremement obligee. En foi de quoi nous avons signe cet, et y appose le cachet de la Compagnie. Donne a Gand le 29 Mars, 1650. Souscris par le recteur Seclin et 'deux pretres Jesuites. 438 LETTER XUII, LETTER XLIII, States Assembly of 1614 — Elections Opening, — Mode and kind of voting Sittings.— Cahiers. — Contest between the Orders — Complaints of the Noblesse and the Clergy against the third Estate. — Reproaches Assembly and Parliament. — Finances — Eloquence. The difficulties which accrued from the bad admi- nistration subsequent upon the death of Henry IV., led finally of necessity to a convocation of the States ; although few persons anticipated from them any sound and politic results for the diminution of exist- ing abuses, or imagined that they covdd be led on and shaped to such a purpose. My communications follow simply the MSS. I liave discovered, omitting as I proceed, what is already known. The elections of deputies com- menced, in accordance with the summons of the court, in the summer of 1614. An anonymous au- thor relates, June 25 *' : The provost of the merchants, • Dupuy, Vol. 91. LETTER XLIII. 439 together with the eschevins, summoned the citizens of Paris to choose ten electors for each quarter of the city ; of whom five were to be officers of the crown, and five merchants or citizens. There appccired, 1st. the clergy who possess residences in Paris, 2. the deputies of the quarters of the city, 3. the members of the parliaments and the upper chamber of ac- counts, who chose two of the city council, one for the church, two for the parhaments, two for the upper chamber of accounts, two for the court of taxes, two citizens not merchants, and three mer- chants. Besides this short account the MS. contains nothing upon the Paris elections ; it is silent upon the pro- ceedings in the provinces ; yet the little it contains evinces that they differed from the former proceedings, and that severe attention was paid to the personal qualifications of the electors and the elected. According to the protocol of the third estate, the first sitting of all three orders was held, October 14, 1614, in the Cloister of the Augustines*. Each order had its separate chamber of assembly, the re- fectoiy being allotted to the third estate. The de- puties took their seats according to their provinces, without prejudice to their respective claims of pre- • Proces verbal du tiers etat. Bibl. Roy. No. 285, 28G. fol. 440 LETTER XLIII. cedence. On the occasion of the choice of the clerks the question often mooted in 1593 again was raised, whether they should follow according to bailliages or according to provinces ? By the latter arrangement the little provinces which contained few bailliages had the advantage, and vice versa. No mention was made of voting by the head. This time the choice fell upon the mode by bailliages, with a provision for taking- more certain resolutions thereafter. Four days later, October 18, the deputies of Bre- tagne and Normandy represented, that although their provinces included many bailliages, (Bretagne had twenty-nine,) these had nevertheless appeared in very small numbers, and they were thus much cur- tailed by the mode adopted. It was answered, that in the election of the officers of the assembly, less depended on the mode of voting than on the mode of making the motions, and they abided for the pre- sent by their arrangement. Some remarked that previous to the verification of their powers no election could hold good. Others replied, that without presidents and clerks, that veri- fication could not be conducted. They, therefore, chose Miron, (councillor to the King, and provost of the merchants,) on account of his personal qualifica- tions, and not in deference to his last mentioned dig- nity, for the president of the third estate. The city .LETTER XLIir. '441 of Paris started objections to this, which were una- nimously overruled. Another protest of the indivi- duals of the class of nobles who had been chosen as deputies of the third estate, against prejudice arising out of this to their other rights, was, on the conti'ary, received. All the deputies swore at once the same oath, and that they would keep secret the delibera- tions. The orders complimented one another through de- puties. Those of the third estate said upon this oc- casion to the clergy : — They approached the latter as the lights of the StAte, and as those to whom God had imparted more than to the other orders, they looked to receive from them the most wholesome coun- sels for the amendment of the State, and the healing of all its maladies. No less eulogy did they lavish upon the nobles, as upon those who had planted the banners of France in the East, had restored re- ligion, and had saved the state from dangers by their valour. The verification of the powers was con ducted according to provinces, and devolved only in cases of controversy upon the full assembly of the third estate. When the King opened the assembly, every one was bound, by a resolution of October 24, to appear in the dress of his rank, yet they yielded to the wishes of some of the merchants and citizens, who u 3 442 LETTER XLIfl* for the sake of decorum, desired to attend in man^ lies, with woollen or camlet caps. October 26.— The deputies went in procession to the church of Notre Dame two and two, and in the order of bailliages, the third estate walking first, then the noblesse, the clergy, the Holy Sacrament, in the hands of the Archbishop of Paris and under a canopy can-ied by four princes, then the King, the Queen and her suite, the parliament and the high authorities, lastly the companies and communities of the city of Paris. Ubaldini relates the following upon the opening of the assembly, October 27: — At three in the afternoon the orders were collected in the great Salle Bourbon. It was royally aiTayed and provided with a scaffold with steps at one end. In the middle sat the King under a canopy, to the right, somewhat lower, his mother, his two sisters, and the Queen Margaret, all on chairs covered with velvet and studded with gold fleur de lis. Four paces further removed were four benches, on which sat the Prince of Conde, the Count of Soissons, the high noblesse, and the officers of the crown. Benches covered with green were placed around in the hall for the deputies, and in the middle for the councillors of state, &c. Contention arising between the noblesse and the clergy for precedence, it was determined that every one might sit where he LETTER XLltl. 44S would, and thus some pressed on to the seats set apart for the councillors. The King, the chancellor, and the orators of the orders spoke m succession, the orator of the third estate however kneeling. I communicate next some accounts of the remark- able sittings of the Assembly in the order of their taking place. Sitting of Novembee 4, 1614. Presidents and clerks are chosen for the provinces, to collect the votes of the bailliages upon the drawing up of the special motions ; and upon the fonnation of the general motion of the province* These motions of the provinces then came into the full assembly of the third estate for deliberation and voting. If the votes of the twelve provinces are divided upon a motion it falls to the ground ; and the same thing occurs if a similar schism takes place in the provin- cial deliberation. The majority of bailliages decides the acceptance or rejection of a proposition *, two deputies for one bailliage have only one vote, which, however, is not counted if they disagree. The city and the bailliage have so much the more determi- nately only one vote, as the King has issued one and * According to the proces verbal of the clergy of December 15, the majority of the provinces had the decision. MSS. of the royal hbrary in Berlin, Vol. 16, fol. 444 LETTER XLIir. the same summons to both (except in the case of Paris only). Out of the motions of the twelve pro- vinces grows the general motion of the third estate. Sitting of November 5. The Assembly will meet every day from eight to eleven, and from two to four. Only Wednesday and Saturday afternoon remain free, unless very urgent affairs arise. For deputations to the other orders, the twelve provinces nominate twelve deputies, six of whom wait on the noblesse, and six on the clergy. If there be question of one deputation only, six be- take themselves to the King, or to the other order, according to the order of the provinces. The six settle among themselves who is to speak for them. Sitting of November 6. The clergy proposes that the three orders shall come to an understanding upon all subjects of com- inon interest, and embody their conclusions together in a report, before they proceed to matters which concern each order in particular, and upon which it is possible to make three separate representations. By this method, time is gained, more importance is given to the proposals, and the King's council is compelled to give an answer. In the chamber of the third estate, some spoke for, others against this pro- XETTER XLIII. 445 ject. The following day, however, November 7, the deputies of all three orders, were summoned to the Louvre, and a royal ordinance laid before them, to the effect: that if all three orders were not agreed upon all points, each should (as formerly) deliver a separate proposal. It was alleged as a reason, the new fonn was too extensive ; it was impossible to define what it was which concerned all three orders, &c. In fact, however, the court feared the weight of demands brought forward by all three orders. Sittings of November 7 and 13, With reference to a special subject, seven provinces contend against five, that the votes shall be taken by provinces. A proposition rejected by the deputies of a bail- liage, cannot be again brought forward by a province. That, however, which has been so rejected, can once more be deliberated upon in the assembly of the whole order; on which occasion the province which rejected it, has again the right of voting. Meanwhile the nobles' chamber has elected pre- sidents and councillors according to provinces *; has • Sittings of the 20th, 21st, 23rd October, and Novembers. Proces verbal de la Noblesse. Bibl. Roy. MSS., No. 283, 446 LETTER XLill. next verified the powers, has invested those present with the power of decision against the absent, has embodied the motions of the bailliages in tweh-e pro- vincial reports, in order out of these, to form the re- port for the entire order. About this time, however, a schism arose between the clergy and the noblesse. In the sitting of No- vember 20, Savaron, a deputy of the third estate, said: — The French have shaken off the yoke of Rome, on account of the insupportable burthens which it imposed on them ; and I wish that I may be a bad and not a true prophet when I say, it is to be feared that the extraordinary burthens of the peo- ple, and the oppression which they suffer from the great and the powerful, may m-ge them in desjDair to throw off their obedience, whereby the State in ge- neral, and every individual in particular, would run great risks. Another time, the Lieutenant Civil, the President de Mesmes, as a deputy of the third estate, said to the noblesse: — France is our common mother, and has given suck to us at a common breast. We are your younger brethren ; treat us as those who are of the same house as yourselves, and we will honour and love you. It is moreover, no new thing that younger brothers should restore to j^rosperity houses which LETTER XLIlI. 447 have been mined by the elder. By the special gi'ace of God, we (the Parliaments) have amved at place and dignity, occupy the judicial seat, and are the administi'ators to families of that peace which it is your business to procure for the kingdom at large. This speech was very ill received by the nobles, and the President on the instant, complained that the third estate wished to establish its brotherhood with the nobility, as though it were of the same blood and equal virtue. Nay, on the day following, the nobles made a solemn complaint of the alleged injuiy to the King, and the President said, among other things : — All history teaches us that birth has given to our order such a precedence, and established such a difference between us and the rest of the na* tion, that the latter can never be brought into com- parison with us. It is by the toil and the exertions of the nobility, that the people enjoy the advantages which follow in the train of peace. Almost without exception, all of that third estate are bound by fief or subjection to the other two orders, and yet they mistake their situation, and forget all their duties, inasmuch as, without the consent of those whom they represent, they wish to compare themselves with us. I am ashamed to repeat to your Majesty the expressions, by the use of which they have in- 448 LETTER XLIII. suited us. They compare, Sire, your State with a family, speak of three brothers, and have ventured on the expression that the younger has sometimes restored what the elder had ruined. To what a wretched condition are we sunken if this be true ? What avail so many distinguished services fi'om time immemorial performed, so much honour and dignity given as an inheritance to the nobility, and merited by their fidelity and devotion — if all this, instead of exalting, has so far humbled us, that we are to be forced into a community with the vulgar, the closest which can take i:)lace among men — that of brother- hood ! ! I cannot find that the King spoke out in this mat- ter, which rather came before the clergy for decision^ upon which, however, many remarked, that it Avas dangerous to submit controversies between two or- ders to the decision of the third. At last the nobility were told that the third estate had no intention of of- fending any body, but begged to be left in peace that it might be able to attend to its duties with as- siduity and without disturbance *. Clermont D'An- tragues, much discontented with this, has said to one * Journal de ce qui s'est negotie et arrete au tiers etat, par le Doux, Lieutenant- General d'Ebreux. Dupuy, Vol. 604, compare Vol, 520 and 286. "LETTER XLIII. 449 of the clergy :— If the third estate do not give a suf- ficient satisfaction, we will make over their president and Savaron to the mercy of our lacqueys. Although several deputies had heard this, it was at last de- termined not to consider the matter, or take it up as one concerning their body. February 4, 1615. Jaques de Chenailiy, deputy of the third estate, going out of the assembly was so beaten by Henri de Bonneval, that the stick broke in two. Neither the motive, nor any consequence of this proceeding is related, but it is clear that it had reference to disputes between the orders. The clergy was thrown into gTcater excitement when the third estate put forward the assertion, that the King possessed all his rights fi-om God alone, and that every officer should affinn this principle upon oath. The Nuncio Ubaldini complains of this in several letters, and writes to the Cardinal Bor- ghese*. You see how far the impiety prevails of those to whom the administration of justice is committed in France. Most of them belong to the third estate, and are inclined to a division in the church. The deputies of Pai'is run before all the rest and drive the others to a resolution so worthy of • Letters of December 18, 30, and 31, 1614. Vol. VI. and VII. 450 LETTER XLIII. abhorrence. This devilish oath (he proceeds in an- other passage) is hke the Enghsh oath, and the Queen must step between it and us with her dignity. The Cardinal du PeiTon has, it is true, gained over the nobihty by his discourse, but has found in the third estate, so much passion, obstinacy, and want of reason, that their president had the audacity to answer him: — This affair concerned the State alone, and not the doctrine or religion, and that they were acting as became good and faithful subjects. They were willing to amend any obscurity or liability to misconstruction in their expressions, but not to alter the substance of their proposition. Cotemporaneous with these controversies between the orders, w^as a doubt which arose as to their re- lations with the Parliament *. The orders declared that their dignity would not permit the Parliament in any manner to take cognizance of any matter treated of by them. While the assembly was in be- ing, the King alone had a right to decide upon the controversies which might arise between themselves, or with the Parliament. The Parliament is an ho- nourable body, but has no jurisdiction over the or- ders; to allow of such, w^ould be to sacrifice the ho- nour and reputation of the assembly. * Proces verbal de la Noblesse. Sitting of February 6, 1615. LETTER XLIII. 451 Meanwhile the reports and proposals of the pro- vinces were carried forward towards the composition of the general motion (cahier) of the third estate, but in the course of this the necessity was unfolded of their obtaining full information of the state of the public finances. The court caused two reports on this subject to be read, but refused to impart them in wiiting, which measures were approved by the clergy, who told the third estate, by their deputies, that the finances were the nerve of the State ; but that, as the nerves are hidden under the skin, so must the strength or weakness of the finances be concealed. When formerly the veil of the Holy of Holie was drawn, no one but the High Priest went in to speak the word Jehovah; all others remained without. The finances are the manna in a golden chest. Nor were the staff and the rod wanting, which, however, were only extended over the poor. Commissaries, namely, were sent out, ordinary and extraordinary, whose only function it was perpetually to demand money. The president of the third estate answered: — As Jesus Christ said, he willed to expose to all people what he had learned from his father, it seemed fitting to move the goodwill of the King to lay the administration of his dominions open to his people. 452 LETTER XLIli. Almost all the speeches of the time, viewed with- out reference to their substance, but only to their form, appear mannered, diffuse, and loaded with useless digressions and false leaniing; in other re- spects, too ceremonious and feeble, rather than pithy or arrogant. Monsieur de Marat, delivering an ora- tion to the nobility in the name of the third estate, said: — It belongs to us to make confession of our own ignorance; in regard of the astonishment into which we have been thrown by the dignified, fair, fine, and grave discourses of those who have been deputed to us on the part of the no- bility. And in truth, the great quantity of re- fined and well selected flowers of rhetoric, employ- ed by them in these discourses, have made us, as it were, lose the substance and intent of the propo- sitions by them made. This might be received for irony, but it was simple earnest, and Murat merely sought to imitate the most famed models, in adducing a quantity of far- fetched comparisons, and in citing Homer, Alex- ander, Cajsar, &c. All these MSS. sources of infonnation confinn the fact, that fixed forms and rights were wanting to these assemblies; there was much ado about nothing. They should have framed or renovated such forms, but not on account of the want of them, have let LETTER XLHI. 453 those which existed fall to the ground. The chas- tisement of this error was apparent not only during the period of the death-like sleep of the States, but also in that final moment when they were, by imperious necessity, roused from that repose. 454 LETTER XLIV. LETTER XLIV. Conde's affairs, his feud and arrest Mary of Medicis Death of the Marechal D'Ancre Louis XIII. and his mother. — Richelieu — D'Ancre's malversations Conduct of the Mare- chale and her son Luynes Disgrace of Vieuville. The States General had been courteously set aside, and the Parliament, which then came forward with various representations and demands, had been re- pulsed with harshness, but the government was fur- ther than ever from its object; the difficulties of the Queen were, on the contraiy, aggravated by the pretensions of the Princes, and finally by the juster claims, but harsher measiu-es, of her son. As early as the 29th January, 1613, Ubaldini says of Prince Henry of Conde : — ^The Queen will not put him in oc- cupation of the fortress which he requires ; but he is full of mischievous talents, and seeks in all ways to throw the kingdom into confusion. They were any thing but agreed at the court, as to how the Prince should be dealt with, and Ubaldini writes, LETTER XLIV. 455 April 22, 1613 : — Conde keeps himself at a distance, and betrays discontent, v\'hicli much emban-asses her Majesty, so that she is meditating how she can, consistently with her dignity, recall him ; yet not in the manner which the Marechal D'Ancre intends. Tlie latter openly declares, that the ministers wish to keep the Prince from the court, and thereby ruin the affairs of the Queen. I have no participation in such a mode of carrying on the government. The Queen was gi-eatly incensed at these avowals, and the Marechal is gone in disgust to Amiens; but his wdfe sets every thing right again. The minister Puysieux writes upon these affairs, July 31, and August 25, 1615, to the French am- bassador in London, Desmarets *. The public good is merely a pretext, but self-interest is the real ground of this tragedy. If any thing really required improvement, it would be fitting to make discreet and secret representations upon the matter, but not thus to drag it into the light and to set to hazard and sacrifice the King's honour and dignity, and the gloiy of France. An open feud ensued first with Conde. then came the agreement of Loudun, then fresh misunderstand- • Dupuy, Vol. 419. 456 LETTER XLIV. ings, and finally his arrest, September 1, 1616.* The report prevailed that he had been killed by the Marshal D'Ancre's people. Hereupon, (as is re^ lated in an anonymous MSS.), the Lacqueys and servants of Conde went to the palace of the marshal, broke in the smaller doors, put the guard to rout, and were supported by the people to such an extent, that from 5 to 6000 men were soon collected, who forced their way in with such fury, that some were pressed to death in the crowd. . The palace was plundered, chests thrown out of the windows, furni- ture and papers carried off, every thing else broken to pieces. They even broke or tore to pieces the carpets, chau's, beds, doors, the wainscoats, and flooring, the lead of the gutters, the marble of the chimneys and wells. All the plants and shrubs of the garden were torn up, and there were no means of preventing these disorders. The marshal, instead of taking warning and fore- sight by this tremendous exhibition of the popular • The King writes September 1, 1616, to Desmarets : — Des personnes mal intentionnees ont voulu persuader le Prince de Conde de se joindre a eux, j'ai ete conseille de m'assurer de sa personne, sans avoir le dessein de lui faire aucun mauvais traitement. Of Vendome it is said, Feb. 6, 1616, II a fait banqueroute a son honneur et devoir. Dupuy, Vol. 419. LETTER XLIV. 457 hate to his person, assailed the King in many ways, for having associated himself with his enemies, and for having commanded that the marshal should be arrested, and in case of resistance killed ; that if he came not to the Louvre, he should be sought out, and if he escaped, pursued on all sides. Informa- tion on all the circumstances of this transaction, is afforded by a MS. which probably is from the pen of a Monsieur du Vau-, one well instructed in all that passed *. It runs thus in substance :-— April 19, 1617, the Queen -mother spoke of the phrensy of the people, and in particular of the Parisians, who let themselves be easily talked over to acts of the greatest folly. They had even loaded herself with an heap of calumnies, and were not ashamed to say that she had taken part with the Duke of Epemon and the Marshal D'Ancre in the mmder of her husband. In the evening, she observed that her women were amusing themselves with a volume of sooth- sayers' predictions, demanded to see it, and found herself adverted to in a sentence which predicted her downfall as a consequence of her conduct. The same night she had so unlucky a dream, that she * Dupuy, Vol.661. 458 LETTER XLIV. woke in a fright, lay in an agony, and could hardly draw her breath. April 23rd, the IsLing caused the Countess of Soissons to be ashed, whether he could trust her and her son, and whether he could mahe use of her house in case of need, as a sure place of refuge for himself and his people ? She answered : — She had no other will but his. This was all in anticipation of the possible failure of the project for flying to Meaux. The marshal came, accompanied by fifty or sixty persons, to the Louvre, and is said, when the order for his arrest was announced to him, to have laid hand on his sword, or as others tell it, to have required that they should first conduct him to his little residence. It is certain that they slaughtered him, without delay, with several pistol shots, and sword thrusts. Two of his pages wished to amuse themselves with weeping over his body, but the others canied away his hat and cloak. As soon as Mary heard of the death of the marshal, she said, " I have reigned seven years, and desire nothing now but a crown in heaven," When a certain La Place asked her, whether she would not take mea- sures to inform the Marechale of the death of her hus- band, she rephed, " I have other things to think of, and if they will not say the news to her, let them sirg it." At last the Marechale learned what had LETTER XLIV. 459 passed, hid her jewels forthwith in a mattress of her bed, and caused the Queen to be asked, through La Place, whether it would be agreeable to her, that she, the Marechale, should come to her, that they might mutually comfort each other, and that she might implore the Queen's protection? La Place found the Queen in the company of some ladies, her hair dishevelled, and wringing her hands. She answered, — she had enough to do with herself, and forbad that any one should speak to her of those people, to whom she had before said, that they should long since have returned to Italy. The King had, at the time of the action, shewn himself at the window, and cried aloud, " Thanks, great thanks to you ; this hour I am a Kingi Sum- mon the old servants of my father, I will govern for the future by their advice." They did as he ordered ; his mother, however, demanded to speak with him. He answered, she should do so another time ; at the moment, he was busy. For the rest she might be satisfied that he would always respect her as his mother ; but, since God had invested him with the kingly office, he was determined for the future to reign, and execute its duties. The Princesses were, meanwhile, forbidden access to the Queen, and Louis said : They have whipped the mules for six years X 2 460 LETTER XLIV. together in the Tuilleries ; it is full time that I should discharge my calling. The Queen's guard was meanwhile disarmed, and the Marechale arrested. The soldiers searched her bed, found the jewels, plundered the furniture, and carried off all her articles of dress, so that she found no stockings when she proceeded to dress herself. She was, therefore, obliged to beg her son, who was aiTested elsewhere, to send her a dollar wherewith to buy a pair. The poor little boy sent her a quarter of a dollar which he found in his pocket, for which, however, nothing better than a pair of linen stockings could be purchased. — In the hope of finding more valuables about her, the sol- diers searched her in an indecent manner, she was obliged even to pull up her gown and shew her drawers*. The King deteraiined to dismiss Barbin, Mangot, and Lugon, (afterwards Cardinal Richelieu,) who la- boured in vain to obtain an audience, and the King's favour. The Bishop of Lu9on determined also to go to the Louvre and try whether he could not manage to make his way to the King with the other secretaries of state. After he had long kept at a * They were red. Vide Bayle, art. Galigai. [Tr.] LETTER XLIV. 461 distance, and had found scaixely any one willing to speak with him, he ventured at last to approach the King, who was standing upon his biUiai-d table, (qui etait sur la table de son billard,) and when he saw him approach, cried : — Well, Lugon, I am at last rid of your tyranny. Richelieu wished to answer, but the King said : — Go, go, take yourself hence ! — At last he sent word to the King :— Your Majesty and every one well knows, that for more than a fortnight I have demanded my dismissal even with tears, because I was aware of the disorders to which people abandoned themselves, and made representa- tion to the Queen, but in vain, that I could not as a gentleman put up with certain speeches of the Marshal d'Ancre. The Queen, however, caused the doors to be shut upon me until I promised to retain my posts. I now wish to know, what are the King's commands ? The King caused answer to be made him: — He might attend the coimcil as a bishop if he pleased, but was released from his office of Secretaiy of State. Richelieu upon this gave up all the papers to V^illeroi, and wished to enter the council, but he never ventured to take his seat, but remained behind the door, where he conversed with M. Miron. Yet a little while, and he only spoke of the marshal as of a scoundrel (pendai'd). The marshal's people were at the same time 462 LETTER XLIV. aiTested, or driven out of the city. On tlie second day his body was dug up, and a lacquey, whom he had discharged from his service with the threat, " he would have him hanged," hung it up by the legs. While the body was thus hanging, which it was for half an hour, that lacquey went round among the spectators with his hat, and asked for a present for him who had hung up the marshal. This was so much approved, that in an instant the hat was en- tirely filled with sous, which every one, the poorest beggars not excepted, threw into it as a meritorious gift. So great was the universal hate against this unhappy man. When the marechale, who, as yet, had not shed a tear, heard that her husband was thus hung up, she manifested great emotion, still, however, without tears. Yet she did not hesitate to say: — My hus- band was a man of pride and pretensions, no mis- fortune has happened to him which he has not deserved, and which 1 have not foretold to him. For three full years he has not slept with me, (he keeps a mistress,) he was an odious man, and I had determined to go to Italy in the spring to escape from him. The archers who guarded the marshal's son opened the A^andows which looked upon the Pont Neuf, in order to shew him his father hanging, that LETTER XLIV. 463 by this honible example he might learn to make a better use of good fortune. The clamour of the mob appearing to come nearer, the boy asked, whe- ther they were coming to destroy him ? Being an- swered, " No, that he was in security ; " he said, " I had rather they killed me than that I should be as unhappy for the rest of my life, as I have been since I knew any thing of myself. I could never go near my father or my mother without, instead of a caress, receiving a box on the ear." Meanwhile, horrible atrocities were perpetrated on the body of the marshal. A man thrust his hand into the breast already opened, drew it out all bloody, in order to suck the blood and to devour a fragment which he had torn away. All this with- out regard to the circumstance that the corpse had been dragged through the kennels, and was full of filth. xVnother found means to tear away the heart and another pail of the body, which he roasted on some coals and eat with vinegar. All this took place in public, with eveiy body looking on from the windows. They sentenced the marechale, though condemned of no crime, to death, and she suffered with great firmness. Her son was at last released from prison., an individual being found to give security for him. The young Queen sent him comfiLs, and some add, 464 LETTER XLIV. she sent for him and told him : — She had heard tliat he danced the Saraband in perfection, and wislied to see it. And thus the poor child was obliged to dance, despite his misery, in order to obtain, per- haps, from the Queen some alleviation of his wretched situation. So far the relation of a well informed man upon the horrors of these days ; who shall excuse them ? And yet, if we consider the enormous riches which D'Ancre left behind him, and his bonds for two millions and a half in value, he cannot (even without reference to other charges) be considered as inno- cent. Unhappily his successor, Luynes, was no better than himself In an official report of January 26, 1619*, sent by an anonymous writer to London, we find : — after Luynes and his brother, by the favour of the King, obtained entrance into the council of state, all the great men and gentlemen withdrew from it, either out of dissatisfaction because they could carry through no measures, or because they were expelled from it with contempt. This has afforded opportunity to the Queen-mother, kept as a prisoner at Blois, for seeking to gain the hearts of the discontented, who willingly attached themselves to her. The King, on the other hand, though • Bibl. Harleiana, 1383, fol. 176. LETTER XLIV. 465 Irightened at first, convened tlie princes, ministers, councillors, &c., and it was determined with so much the more energy to suppress all raisers of disturb- ance, inasmuch as the Protestants immediately de- clared for the existing government *. Luynes meanwhile understood not how to make discreet use of the advantages he had gained, and his successors hardly deserve mention. It was not till Richelieu entered the council of state, and his adversary Vieuville was dismissed, that energy and intelligence were infused into the administration. Upon the dismissal of Vieuville there is a letter of the King to theMarquisd'Effiat, his ambassador in London, of August 13, 1()24 t : — The misconduct of Vieuville J * Letter of the Prince of Piemont, March 11, 1619. The same, fol. 177, 194. t Negociations du mariage d'Angleterre. MSS. Bibl. Roy. Chambre du Levant, No. 47, p. o6. % Charles, Marquis de la Vieuville, one of Louis XIIL's early favourites, having been thrown into that sovereign's society in the chase, in virtue of his office of grand falconer, in which he succeeded his father. He exercised for some time great power, as confidential minister of Louis, especially in the department of the finances, but his endeavours to intro- duce economy by the reduction of pensions and sinecures, raised up an insurrection of the blood-suckers of the state against him, and he sunk before this faction and the enmitj' of x3 466 LETTER XLIV. has compelled me to do violence to my disposition and to dismiss him, for several reasons, of which the lightest would justify this treatment. He took upon himself to alter resolutions which had been adopted in my presence and by my command ; he negociated without orders with foreign ambassadors, and attributed to me the ill turns which out of his own malice and revenge he did to several persons of my court. He put in my way crafty persons, who were instructed to give me evil impressions of those in whom I placed confidence, hoping by this means to insinuate himself into my favour, and make him- self necessary. In short, he has neglected no way of injuring others in order to derive advantage Richelieu, whose introduction into the council he had pro- moted. After his dismissal in 1624, adverted to in the text, Louis sent for and took an affectionate farewell of him. On leaving the royal presence, however, he was arrested and thrown into a dungeon, from which he escaped at the end of a year, and took refuge out of France. In 1626, he was par- doned, and allowed to return, but the enmity of Richelieu made his residence in France unsafe, and in 1631 he again fled to Brussels. In 1632 he was condemned to death par coutumace. On the deaths of Louis XIII. and Richeheu he returned, and was restored to favour in the administration of the finances under Mazarin, but he died within two years, in 1653. He left behind him an honourable reputation for talent, and still more for integrity. [Tr.] LETTER XLIV. 467 himself, and has thought to find his own security in his audacity. I have borne this for a long time, in order to obtain more certain information of the facts, and thereafter to give him to understand, he was conducting himself unbecomingly, by which I might hope to bring him back to the right path. At last, however, he has exhausted my patience, and I have been compelled to apply severer methods, as his pride and folly undermined all confidence, and his passion might easily do secret injury to my affairs. On this account I have been obliged in his case to add arrest to dismissal, without instituting stricter investigation into his administration, which, by itself, whatever it might have been, would not have drawn upon him the measure of his arrest. 468 LETTER XLV. LETTER XLV. Process of Chalais and Marillac Return of Mary of Medicis. Assembly of the Notables of 1626. I HAVE found but little relating to Richelieu's govern- ment, and that relates to the process of Chalais and Marillac, and the dealings with the Queen-mother. The tribunal appointed for the trial of Chalais * * Henri de Talleyrand, Comte de Chalais, another early fa- vourite of Louis XIII., and attached also to the younger brother of Louis Gaston, Duke of Orleans. His love for Mademoiselle de Chevreuse is said to have led him into intrigues against Richelieu, and he warmly opposed the plan of that minister for the marriage of Gaston with Mademoiselte de Montpensier. He is said to have undertaken the assassination of Richelieu. For this and other alleged oiFences he was brought to trial by Richelieu, who, by a promise of mercy, ex- torted from him a confession, and brought him to the scaffold in 1626, aged 26 years. His friends had procured the evasion of the executioner, and that functionary's place was supplied by a malefactor, who hacked off his head with a carpenter's hatchet with thirty-nine blows. [Tr.] LETTER XLV. 469 consisted of the keeper of the great seal, two presi- dents, and six councillors of the parliament of Bre- tagne, and three Maistres des Requetes *. Chalais, says a contemporary reporter of Nantes, was brought here, August 18, 1626 f, condemned to death and executed on the 20th. He displayed great firmness, and said : " I am very unfortunate to have ill served the best of princes." He caused his mother to be told, " he died well contented," since he deserved a greater punishment than tliat which he was about to undergo." The commission, which conducted the enquiry against the Marshal INIarillac |, was composed of six councillors of state, two presidents and thirteen coun- cillors of the parliament of Dijon, and three other councillors. When his fate came to the vote (according to a different enumeration of the members) there voted against his death three Maitres des Requestes, and * Relation du proces de Chalais. Dupuy, Vol. 480. t Dupuy, Vol. 9.3. X Marillac, Marshal of France, had earned that dignity by his valour in the field. Engaging with his brother, the garde des sceaux, Michel de Marillac, and the Queen-mother, in intrigues against Richelieu, he found his rank no protection against the Capdinal's vengeance, and at the moment of apparent success ■was brought to trial for peculation, and executed in 1632. [Tr.] 470 LETTER XLV. seven comicillovs of the parliament*. For his death, both the authors of these reports, viz. a councillor of parliament, and a Maitre des Requestes, three other Maitres des Requestes, five councillors of parliament, two councillors of state, and the keeper of the gi'eat seal. I have sought to trace out the proceeding in de- tail in my history of Louis XIII. The Queen-mother, Mary of Medicis, caused pro- posals to be made through Charles I. for her return to France. Charles was answered, this was a family affair. It was wished that the Queen should go to Florence, and that the King of England should not receive her in his dominions. In another letter Charles endeavoured to confute this, and concluded with these words f. However the case may be, the King of Great Britain is determined to remain free, and cannot suffer any to prescribe to him what he is to do, and how he is to govern in his dominions. Louis XIII., or rather Richelieu in his name, an- swered upon this : " The answer to the King of England's letter upon the return of the Queen-mother to France is very easy to indite, as it consists in the * Proces de Marillac. Chambre du Levant. Vol. 193, 194. MSS. de la Bibl. Roy. I. p. 51, 54, 222. t St. Germain MSS. Vol. 741. Apparently of 1637. LETTER XLV. 471 last words of that letter itself," however the case may be, &c. &c. This is so just that no one ever thought of laying down contrary doctrine, knowing, as we all do, how jealous kings should be of their dignity. On the same grounds, however, the King of France wishes that the decision upon the case of his mother should be left to him alone, in which matter he will, according to the goodness of his nature, weigh what is due to her and to the kingdom. In any case he will grant her every thing which can reasonably be demanded. There are two sjjecial causes which fonn objection to her return. The King is aware that the Spaniards, after discovering that they cannot turn her personal presence in Spain to the account they expected, wish for nothing more anxiously than to effect her re-estab- lishment in France, in order to try whether they cannot the better, through her assistance, carry through their hostile schemes *. The King would betray an utter lack of judgment if, in the present posture of public affairs, he did not secure himself against so palpable a machination of the Spaniards. If, how- • Dupuy, Vol. 49, contains a detailed correspondence be- tween Mary and the King, the reports of the Commissaires, &c. 472 LETTER XLV. ever, the Queen, as is alleged, have no other object than to free herself from then* hands, she can choose no more honourable place of refuge than that of her birth, where the King will, in his kindness, contribute annually a greater sum for her satisfaction than she now receives from Spain. A MS. upon the Assembly of the Notables in 1626 * relates, that there were summoned : the Cardinal La Valette, two marshals, five archbishops, seven bishops, several liuights of orders, councillors .of state, of parliament, taxes and accounts, the Procureur, and the provost of the merchants ; but not the magis- trates of other towns. Those convened received daily thirty francs, the Cardinal sixty. Richelieu consulted them first upon all subjects of administra- tion, and the questions and answers are recorded in detail. In the name of the noblesse many requests were preferred: privileges in the filhng up of all places : establishment and endowment of a new order for the support of the poorer noblesse, prevention of the purchase of noble landed property by the rotu- riers, permission for the nobility to pursue commerce without prejudice to their privileges. These and similar views and requests sickened a • Dupuy, 287. LETTER XLV. 473 man of Richelieu's superior intelligence, of seeking infonnation or advice from sucli sources. The advice he got was partial, inasmuch as the formal constitu- tion of the assembly was partial, and totally void of the necessary balance. 474 LETTER XLVI. LETTER XLYI. Mazarin on the Fronde and the King's Journey from Paris. — Negocia Conde. Negociations at Ruel. — Pretended Attack on the Prince of The times of the Ligue and the Fronde present great analogies and dissimilarities which it is the province of the historian to unfold. Daring both these periods of disturbance, we meet with days of Barricades, biit the latter not so dangerous as the earlier. The mi- nister Brienne, at least in his letters to Grignon, French ambassador in London, represents the affair as unimportant, and the people as disinclined to follow their leaders. The conditions, received at first with joy, were afterwards found unsatisfactory, and the court therefore left the capital, January 6, 1649. Upon the course and the justification of this often impeached proceeding, Mazarin wrote, January 23, 1649, the following remarkable letter to the above- named Grignon. You already know from the letters LETTER XLVI. 475 of Monsieur de Brienne, that the Queen has been compelled to leave Paris, and to seciu'e the person of the King against certain sowers of dissension in the parliament. They purposed, (as we have discovered,) to make themselves masters of his person, by intelli- gences which they maintain with the enemies of the state, and at the same time by secret dealings with the people, all which has been further confirmed by subsequent events. In order then to cut off all means of injury from these raisers of disturbance, the King removed the parliament, but the younger advo- cates have hurried on the older against their will to disobedience, and to so open rebellion, that they levy forces, excite the people to revolt, and place the King under the disagreeable necessity of reducing the in- habitants of Paris to obedience by force. There is not a good Frenchman whose heart does not bleed for so gross an attack upon the royal power, and that three or four seditious men should for their own advantage, bring the state from its high prosperity, to the verge of a precipice, unless God, who has hitherto protected the innocent King, should take him now under protection and avert so great a calamity. Yet this we may hope for from his good- ness, from the military power at our disjiosal, as also from the union of the royal family ; although some princes and other great personages have embraced 476 LETTER XLVI. on grounds of personal discontent, the party of the rebels. Thus, e. g., the Duke of Longueville because Havre, the Duke of Elbceuf because Montreuil, the Duke of Bouillon because Sedan were not respect- ively made over to them, the Coadjutor de Retz be- cause he was not permitted to deal at his pleasure with Monsieur de Montbazon with respect to the government of Paris. The pretext of the parliament is, as it always is, derived from the ministry, but I hope without presumption that all good Frenchmen will think the persecution (of himself) highly unjust. The sei*vices rendered by me are so great and recent, that my enemies cannot deny them. I have, more- over, shewn myself so disinterested, that for six years during which I have occupied the place of fost minister, I have taken nothing for myself or my rela- tions, although the Queen wished to give me distin- guished marks of her generosity, and the whole royal family sought to persuade me that I should not re- fuse them. After all, God grant that my fall might contribute, if but a little, to the service of the King, as well as to the welfare and peace of the state. I would be the first to promote it with joy, and to see my profit in doing so, for I have hitherto sought after nothing ^ut a little glory which I could obtain sooner this vay than any other. LETTER XLVI. 477 Wliat wounds the hearts of their Majesties is that, they must turn their weapons against Frenchmen, and that the enemy gains by our disorders, nay, may, perhaps, obtain all the advantages of a long and glorious campaign. Then would the eifusiori of so much French blood and the expenditure of so much treasure be entirely useless, and we should be unable to conclude any peace with Spain wMch should ensure the integiity of our provinces anc the old boundary of the Rhine. Further on, Mazarin proceeds : — We hops that these commotions will soon terminate one way or another, and I would shed my blood for tha: object if this were possible, in fact, without prejudice to the King's dignity. No less am I willing i'om my heart to forgive all those who have persecuted me, although they know as well as I, that this has been carried on by the passion of a few men, with whose extravagant demands I have been unable to comply. Yet I must bear testimony to the Parliament of Paris, that it contains men of gi'eat prudence, zea- lously attached to the King, who sacrificed every thing to see him loved and respected. I will add but two observations to this letter. 1st. It is not proved that they wished in Paris to seize the King's person ; yet there are many grounds in excuse of the suspicion and apprehension of that 478 LETTER XLVI. attempt, inasmuch as in England they at this time brought their King to the scaffbld. 2nd. Mazarin was certainly less self-interested in these times than later, when he accumulated pro- iigious wealth, yet no consideration induced him to sacrifice that which he considered the true interest of nis master. March, 1619. The negociation at Ruel took place, which ended in a reconciliation of parties. When the deputies of the Parliament proceeded to attend the conference, they were detained at the gate cf St. Honore by the citizens, and strictly searched *. Towards the close of the year new disturbances arose, and there is a MS. relation extant of what happened in Paris from December 11, 1649, to January 22, 1650 f. I extract the following pas- sages, which place in a new light the murderous attack upon Conde which ensued, and which sepa- rated him from Retz. December 11, at eight in the evening, two bands of wool-spinners collected on the Pont Neuf, and fired upon one another with pistols. The residents * Relation de I'audience du 5 Mars 1649, fait par Amelot, President des Aides. Dupuy, 754. t Dupuy, 733. LETTER XLVI, 479 of the Place du Dauphin and the neighbouring^ quays had a bell in the interior of that place for the prevention of robberies in that quarter, which bell they sounded on the first alarm of disturbance. Upon this occasion they seized their weapons in great haste in order to restore peace. It happened, however, at this period, that the carriage of the Prince of Conde drove by, just as the citizens were charging the wool-spinners and the mob. The latter thmst themselves, for their own safety, behind the carnage ; and out of respect for the Prince, the citizens let it pass on undisturbed. In the carnage of the Marquis de Duras, which followed, was a lacquey, who let his legs dangle out at the door, and kept thrusting a lighted flambeau in the faces of the passers by. As he did this to a young citizen, the latter wounded him with a pistol shot. Two days afterwards another servant of Monsieur dc Duras died, and they tried to pass him off for the one who had been wounded. In fact, however, the deceased had been wounded in quite another fray four days before, which he had provoked, after his habit. The lieutenant criminel has gone round the Place Dauphin, house by house, in order to procure reports favourable to those who have devised and conducted this mighty historj-. He found, however, the Burghers so unanimous in their report, that he 480 LETTER XLVI. refused to take clown their ev^idence in writing, as being useless for his purpose, but dismissed them all as ignorant of the facts *. * March 28, 1833. Upon the later history of France want of time prevented me from instituting enquiries. I, nevertheless, give the following from the diary of Hurel (Bachelier prieur de Montant). Bibl. Roy. 10356. Baluze 853. February, 1689. Fifty unconverted Hughenots were ar- rested in the Vivarais for having attended an assembly. Who- soever was detected in the actual commission of such an of- fence, was usually executed ; any one convicted on subsequent evidence was sent to the galleys for life. April 10, 1690, died the Dauphiness, a Bavarian princess. Inasmuch as she had been haughty to every one and tolerably , avaricious, she was neither missed nor lamented by any one but the persons of her court, who lost their situations by her death. END OF PART I. O. Wijoafall, Printer, Angel Court, S^Uinner Street, London. 5 ■ ? !• THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. RETURI'lD JUN3 1983 Pi f ;'"■ ^ ^ ME?^l^%m^^ fv \ nr) ft 1 1Q ^ 1^ 3 1205 00534 3122 A A 000 288 601 ;^.•>: