THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 |ei
 
 \
 
 A 
 
 HISTORY _ 
 
 ^ r\ 3 r ■ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ISLAND OF MADAGASCAR, 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 A POLITICAL ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND, 
 THE RELIGION, MANNERS, AND CUSTOMS OF ITS INHABITANTS, 
 
 AND 
 
 ITS NATURAL PRODUCTIONS: 
 
 WITH 
 
 CONTAINING A HISTORY OF THE SEVERAL ATTEMPTS TO INTRODUCE 
 CHRISTIANITY INTO THE ISLAND. 
 
 By SAMUEL COPLAND. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 Printed by R. Clay, Devonshire-street, Bishopsgate ; 
 
 FOR BURTON AND SMITH, 156, LEADEN HALL-STREET 
 
 SOLD ALSO BY SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL, STATIONERS' COURT; 
 AND D, WALTHER, ERYDGES STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 
 
 1822.
 
 
 TO 
 
 WILLIAM ALERS HANKEY, ESQ. 
 
 THE BENEVOLENT TREASURER OF THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE ZEALOUS PROMOTER 
 OF CHRISTIANITY AND CIVILIZATION, 
 THE FOLLOWING PAGES 
 
 ARE, 
 WITH SENTIMENTS OF UNFEIGNED RESPECT, 
 
 INSCRIBED 
 
 BY HIS OBEDIENT, 
 AND MOST HUMBLE SERVANT, 
 
 S. COPLAND. 
 
 1188796
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The Author of the following pages is 
 sensible that the practice of writing a long 
 Preface is obsolete, and would gladly avail 
 himself of the example of most modern writers 
 in this respect ; but the novelty of the sub- 
 ject, and the nature of the information con- 
 tained in his Work, render it necessary for 
 him to give some account of the authorities 
 from which it is derived. 
 
 The principal original Works which he 
 has had occasion to consult in the compila- 
 tion, are, FlacourV s History of Madagascar ; 
 M. de V.^s Voyage to Madagascar ; Voyages 
 of the Dutch East-India Comjjany ; Drurys 
 Narrative ; Rochon^s Voyage; Senyowsky^ s 
 Memoirs; Wadstrom^s Essay on Cotoni%a- 
 tion; and the Missionary Accounts. Many 
 others have been consulted; but as the above 
 contain the body of information, he thinks it 
 necessary to speak particularly of them only. 
 
 Flacourt's History is considered authentic, 
 and is quoted by all who have written on the
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 subject since his time. His account of the 
 natives is nevertheless contradictory ; for 
 when he speaks of them abstractedly , he 
 praises them as highly as possible, and assures 
 his reader they possess every natural good 
 quality : but when in connection with his 
 own transactions, he represents them as the 
 most treacherous and bloody savages on earth. 
 The only conclusion the writer can draw 
 from it, is, that in the latter case he seeks 
 to justify the barbarous atrocities that were 
 committed upon the natives by his order. 
 
 "The Voyage," by Monsieur de V., an 
 anonymous writer, was published at Paris, 
 in 1722, but contains an ample account of 
 the transactions at Madagascar, from the 
 year 1660, during the time Chamargou was 
 governor. It is authenticated by the French 
 government of the time when published 
 
 Drury's narrative of his own stay on the 
 island was published in 1727- It was long a 
 subject of doubt, whether his account was to 
 be depended on. But besides the broad sim- 
 plicity of his style, and the artless manner in 
 which he tells his own tale, without going a 
 step out of the way, his account corresponds 
 in many particulars, with French authors 
 whose works it was impossible for him to be 
 acquainted with. The names, also, of places, 
 and other objects he has occasion to men-
 
 PREFACE. Vll 
 
 tion, are spelt according to the English ortho- 
 graphy, but having the French pronunciation. 
 There is, therefore, no just ground to ques- 
 tion his veracity. 
 
 Of Rochon's Work the writer wishes to 
 say but little : — he has made considerable 
 use of it ; at the same time it is not an au- 
 thority from which he would seek to form cor- 
 rect opinions. It was written at a period and 
 in a country replete with false philosophy, 
 which Rochon appears to have deeply im- 
 bibed; and he was also intimately connected 
 with some of the leading characters at the 
 Isle of France, whose cause he has of course 
 espoused. 
 
 Benyowsky's Memoirs, and Wadstrom's 
 Essay, may be placed together, as the latter 
 illustrates and confirms the former. The 
 Author has given his opinion of Benyowsky's 
 Work, in that part which relates to him, 
 and therefore it is unnecessary to repeat it 
 here. Dr. Wadstrom's Essay he found of 
 great use in forming that opinion, as that 
 gentleman was cotemporary with the Count, 
 and was but too well acquainted with the 
 bad treatment he received from the French 
 government. 
 
 Of the authenticity of the Missionary Ac- 
 counts, it is unnecessary to say a word. The
 
 Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 transactions since 1818, both in the body of 
 the Work, and in the Appendix, are extracted 
 from them. They will be found highly inter- 
 esting as historical facts, and also as present- 
 ing a view of human nature under a new and 
 unexpected form. 
 
 The Map may be depended on for the fide- 
 lity of its outline and its bearings, and also of 
 the 7'elative situation of the provinces, having 
 been corrected by one in the possession of 
 the Missionary Society, lately drawn from 
 actual survey. The writer cannot speak so 
 confidently to the accuracy of the statistical 
 boundaries, which were originally marked out 
 by Flacourt, since whose time nothing of the 
 kind has been attempted. 
 
 The circumstances which gave birth to the 
 publication of this Volume are well known 
 to the religious public ; namely, the occur- 
 rences at the Missionary Meeting in May 
 1821. The design of the Author is to render 
 permanent the impression which was then 
 felt, by presenting a faithful picture of the 
 nation who have placed themselves under 
 the protection (or rather tuition) of Great 
 Britain*; and also, by an impartial account 
 of the transactions of the London Missionary 
 Society, in reference to Madagascar, to re- 
 present the claims of that Institution upon
 
 PREFACE. IX 
 
 the support of the Christian world. In the 
 fulfihiient of this task, he has neither mis- 
 represented nor exaggerated any facts. 
 
 No little difficulty has been experienced in 
 collecting materials to complete the chain 
 of historical events — nothing on the subject 
 having been published, in a separate form, 
 since Rochon's Voyage: but by obtaining 
 access to several of the literary institutions 
 in town, he has fully accomplished his pur- 
 pose. The compilation, under even these 
 circumstances, has been attended with consi- 
 derable labour; but if the reader's pleasure 
 and profit from the perusal be in any de- 
 gree equal to that of the writer, he will 
 consider himself amply compensated for his 
 trouble. 
 
 He would feel himself deficient in gratitude, 
 were he to omit expressing his acknowledg- 
 ments to those gentlemen who preside over 
 the Institutions referred to, for the hand- 
 some manner in which they have assisted him 
 in the collection of the materials ; without 
 which assistance, the Work must have been 
 published in an incomplete form. He also 
 acknowledges similar obligations to several 
 private friends, who have kindly rendered 
 their aid in the progress of the Work; and 
 he can with confidence assure the reader that
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 it contains the substance of all the correct 
 information that can at present be collected 
 on the subject. 
 
 Stepney Green, Jan. 10, 1822.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. T. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introductory Description of the Island —its Discovery — 
 Extent — Geographical Situation — and general Features, 1 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Divisions of the Island — Descriptive Account of the prin- 
 cipal Provinces, and their Productions 7 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Soil — Air and Climate — Agriculture — Towns — Buildings, 20 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Description of the Natives — Dress — Population—^ Cha- 
 racter in regard to foreign Relations — Conduct of the 
 French — Introduction of the Slave-Trade — Its Influ- 
 ence — Domestic Character . 31 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the different Classes — The Zafe Rahimini — Their 
 Subdivisions — Origin — Indigenous Blacks — Subdivisions 
 — Origin of the Aborigines 49 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Religion — Object of Faith — Belief in one God — In a 
 World of Spirits — Immortality of the Soul — Notion of 
 the Sun — Creation of the World — A Day of Rest al- 
 lowed — Mode of Worship — Sacrifices in Sickness— -In 
 cases of Derangement — Burial of the Dead — Circum- 
 cision — Exposing Children to Destruction. — Conclusion 63 
 
 [N. B. By a mistake, Chap. VII. was numbered VIII., which was not per- 
 ceived until the Work was nearly completed.]
 
 Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 General Characteristic — Mode of Living — Furniture — 
 Musical Instruments — Dancing — Social Habits — Diver- 
 sions — Hunting Buffaloes, Wild Boars, and Alligators — 
 Fishing — Treatment of Run-away Slaves — Riches — As- 
 tronomy — Language — Ombiasses — Mode of Reckoning . 79 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of War — Its Incitements — divided into Three Kinds — 
 Provincial Wars — General Wars — Numbers engaged — 
 Weapons — Generallisimo chosen — Magicians consulted — 
 Mode of Attack — Foreign Wars — Method of suing for 
 Peace 92 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Civil Arts — Iron Foundry — Goldsmiths — Carpenters — 
 Potteries — Weaving — Making of Wines — Indigo — 
 Paper — Ink — Pens---' Trade carried on by Barter — 
 Weights and Measures — Articles of Commerce — Re- 
 sources — Foreign Trade — Future Prospects — Reflec- 
 tions on the Failure of the French to establish Colonies 
 in Madagascar 102 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Ancient Form of Government — Ampansacabe, or Sovereign 
 — HisPrivileges — Present Constitution— Kings — Chiefs 
 — Filoubeis — Republics — Voadziri — General Code of 
 Laws 113 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Re/lections on the History of barbarous Nations — Portu- 
 guese Settlements — Pronis appointed Governor by the 
 East-India Company — Suspended for his Cruelty — Fla- 
 court succeeds him — Returns to France and obtains a 
 fresh Commission — Perishes with his Associates in re- 
 turning to Madagascar — French Influence declines — 
 Fort Dauphin burnt 122
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Histwy continued — Chamargou appointed Governor — Ac- 
 count of La Case — His Marriage ivith Dian Nong, and 
 Accession to the Sovereignty — Conduct of Chamargou — 
 Cause of the War with Dian Manangue — Conse- 
 quences — Colony saved by La Case — Appointment of 
 Mondevergue — He returns to France — Of La Haye — 
 He abandons the Island — Death of La Case and Cha- 
 margou — Bretesche takes the Command — Abandons the 
 the Island — Massacre of the French 132 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Account of the Pirates-^ Their daring Transactions— Pre- 
 parations for attacking them — Their Fleet destroyed — 
 Gain Favour and Consequence with the Natives — In- 
 troduce the Slave-Trade — Consequences to themselves . . 151 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Attempt to Establish a Colony at St. Marys Isle and Foule 
 Point — Monsieur Gosse, assisted by the Princess Betie, 
 takes Possessio7i — Accused of Sacrilege — Massacre of the 
 French — Government of the Isle of France retaliates — 
 Peace restored by Betie and Bigorne — Celebrated Ca- 
 bar to establish a Treaty of Commerce at Foule Point- 
 Speech of Rabejin — Treaty agreed on — Sacrifice— Bi- 
 gorne appointed Commissioner of Trade — Makes War on 
 John Harre— 'Recalled and disgraced — Death of John 
 Harre, and Return of Bigorne to Madagascar 158 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Maudave appointed to establish a Colony at Fort Dauphin 
 — His Views on the subject — Design relinquished — Pro- 
 bable Reasons — Proposal made to Count de Benyowsky 
 — Sketch of his Life — Arrives in France — Receives an 
 Application from the French Government respecting a 
 Colony at Madagascar — Appointed Governor — Conduct 
 of the Governor and Commissary at the Isle of France — 
 Arrives in Madagascar 176
 
 XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 State of the Colony on its Arrival— Hostility of the Natives 
 — Conspiracy of the Officers — Distresses of the Colony 
 — Ravages of the Fever — Want of necessary Supplies — 
 Report respecting the Governor's Origin — Invited to act 
 as Mediator — Offers of Service from the Sambarives — 
 War with the Seclaves — Their complete Defeat 190 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Difficulties of the Colony — Supplied with Clothes and other 
 Necessaries—Combination of the Chiefs of the Seclaves 
 —Preparations for the War— Account of the Campaign 
 — Defeat of the Seclaves — Arrival of Despatches from 
 Europe— 'The Governor returns to Louishourg— 'Propo- 
 sals of Peace from the Seclaves — Benyowsky invited to 
 take the Title of Ampansacabe — Proceedings in conse- 
 quence-^ Arrival of the Commissioners to inspect the 
 Colony— Benyowsky resigns — National Assembly to elect 
 him Ampansacabe— Proceedings — Establishes a Consti- 
 tution and Government — Sets sail for Europe .... 210 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Benyowsky s Arrival in France — Proposal to the British 
 Government — Sails to America, and from thence returns 
 to Madagascar — Lands at Antangara Bay-^ Attacks the 
 French Posts— The Government of the Isle of France 
 despatch a Vessel to secure him^-His Death — Summary 
 of his Character 239 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Lescallier's Visit to Madagascar — His Object and Opinion 
 —European Influence in Madagascar — Bory de St. 
 Vincent's Visit — His Opinion on the Colonization of 
 Madagascar — Reflections thereon— Attempts of the Brit- 
 ish to reduce the Mauritius— fail at first — but ultimately 
 succeed — Governor Farquhar takes possession of Mada- 
 gascar'— Gives timbrage to the French — English Settle- 
 ment at Port Louquez — Massacre of the Colony— Mur- 
 derers executed — Fresh Settlers sent 248
 
 CONTENTS. XV 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Two Native Chiefs sent to the Mauritius for Education—' 
 Character of Radama, King of Ova—His zeal for the 
 Civilization of his People — Proclaims the Abolition of 
 the Slave Trade — Not obeyed — Embassy of Mr. Hastie 
 for the purpose of treating with Radamafor the Aboli- 
 tion — Arrival of the Deputation at Tamatave — Journey 
 to Ova — Public Reception — Various Conferences on the 
 Subject of the Abolition — Firmness of the King in de- 
 manding Instruction for his People, and the prudent 
 Conduct of Mr. Hastie — The Abolition finally deter- 
 mined on, and the Proclamation published — Joy of the 
 Natives — Important Consequences — Concluding Reflec- 
 tions 263 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the Natural History of 3Iadagascar—0xen — Sheep and 
 Goats — Hogs — Porcupines — Beasts of Prey — Monkey 
 Tribes — Cats — Rousette — Of Birds — Domestic Foivls 
 — Pheasants, SfC. — Eagles — Wild Fowl — Various Birds 
 — Insects — Breast Leaper — Syiakes — Scorpions, Sfc. — 
 Flies — Silk-worms — Fishes — Whales, SfC. SfC. — Sea 
 Boar — Various 287 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Description of Grains and Roots — Fruits, Trees, Shrubs, 
 and Flowers — Botanical List 303 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Honey — Oils — Gums and Resins — Metals — Minerals and 
 Mineral Waters — Precious Stones 331 
 
 Appendix 339
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF MADAGASCAR. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Introductory Description of the Island — its Discovery — 
 Extent — Geographical Situation — and general Fea- 
 tures. 
 
 J. HE Island of Madagascar is one of the largest 
 in the world, being nine hundred miles long from 
 north to south, and three hundred broad, in its widest 
 part from east to west. It was first discovered by 
 Europeans in the year 1506", when Lawrence Al- 
 meida, son of the first Portuguese Viceroy sent to 
 the East Indies, touched at it. It does not appear 
 to have been noticed at all by Vasco de Gama, who 
 first opened the passage to India, which is rather re- 
 markable, and can only be accounted for from his 
 having kept close to the African shore, both going and 
 returning. Its name, in the language of the country, 
 is indistinctly pronounced Madecasse, or Malegash. 
 The Portuguese called it Isle of St. Lawrence;
 
 whether from the name of its discoverer, or the day 
 on which it was discovered, is not known : some of 
 our best geographers have supposed the latter, as it 
 is a prevailing custom with the Portuguese, to call 
 their new possessions after the name of the Saint on 
 whose festival they were acquired. 
 
 The supposition that this island was known to 
 the ancients, and spoken of by Pliny, under the 
 name of Lerne, and by Ptolemy, under that of 
 Menuthias, appears to be erroneous, it being certain 
 that they had no knowledge of any country south of 
 Sierra Leone. The Arabs and the Moors have 
 frequented the island from time immemorial, and 
 called it Serandib. The latter, in sailing from the 
 ports of the Red Sea, followed the coast of Abyssinia, 
 and entering the channel of Mosambique, traded 
 alternately with the Africans and Malegashes ; using, 
 in their commerce with the latter, the ports of Vin- 
 gara and Bombetoque. The Arabs to this day 
 carry on an extensive trade with some of the pro- 
 vinces, particularly that of Boyana, the country of 
 the Seclaves, where they have a factory. 
 
 This island extends from 12^ to 25°. 40'. south lati- 
 tude, and from 43°. 4 1. to 50°. 30'. east longitude, meri- 
 dian of London. It is six hundred and seventy 
 leagues from the Cape of Good Hope, one hundred 
 and eighty-six from the Isle of France, and one 
 hundred and fifty from that of Bourbon. Its nearest 
 point to the coast of Africa, is Cape Manambaugh, 
 which lies opposite to Mosambique, at the distance
 
 3 
 
 of about eighty-seven leagues. The channel between 
 is exceedingly dangerous for ships, on account of 
 the rapidity of the current, and an immense bank of 
 sand called the Bank of Pracel, which extends nearly 
 half across the channel. Notwithstanding this, most 
 of our East -India ships pass through it, unless 
 forced into other courses by storms. The eastern 
 coast of Madagascar, from Cape Itapore, in 25"*. 6. 
 latitude, to the Bay of Antongil, runs north north- 
 east, and south south-west; and from thence to the 
 extremity of the island nearly north by west. From 
 Cape Itapore, to the country of Caremboule, it ex- 
 tends westward, forming a quarter of a circle. From 
 thence to the mouth of the river Sacabiti, it runs 
 north-west, then north by east, and north by west, to 
 the seventeenth degree of latitude; and from thence to 
 the extremity of the island again, north-east by north. 
 The coast is throughout divided by rivers, many of 
 them navigable a considerable way up their channels ; 
 and the bays and gulfs are numerous, forming excel- 
 lent roads and harbours. The southern extremity of 
 the island was formerly in the possession of the 
 French, who were exterminated several times by the 
 natives, through their bad conduct and mismanage- 
 ment. 
 
 This immense island is estimated to contain two 
 hundred millions of acres of land, watered, with the 
 exception of one or two provinces, by innumerable 
 rivers, streams, and torrents, which flow from the 
 mountains and hills. Many parts of it are marshy, 
 
 B 2
 
 but in general the face of the country exhibits all 
 that is pleasing to the eye and to the imagination. 
 Nature here seems to have done her utmost, and to 
 have lavished her stores in a boundless profusion. 
 The European traveller, who has hitherto been unac- 
 quainted with the scenery of tropical countries, is 
 lost in astonishment, when traversing tlie vast plains 
 and forests of Madagascar ; the former, clothed with 
 eternal verdure, and covered with numerous herds of 
 cattle ; while the latter, overhanging the sides of the 
 mountains, whose summits seem to vie with the 
 clouds in height, present a scene of gloomy sublimity 
 which strikes the mind with awe, heightened by the 
 eftect of the stupendous cataracts, which tumble over 
 the craggy precipices with a roaring that is heard for 
 miles round. 
 
 These forests are composed of trees of every 
 description, and adapted to every purpose, both of 
 the useful and ornamental kinds. Some are of an 
 extraordinary bulk and height, and seem almost 
 coeval with the creation. Many of the woods 
 are of great extent, and all of them are diffi- 
 cult to explore on account of the immense number 
 of climbing and parasitical plants, which crowd 
 around in every direction, and, with the thorny brush- 
 wood, form an impenetrable mass. The future 
 botanist will here enter upon a new and boundless 
 field, hitherto scarcely trodden by the foot of science, 
 but inclosing so great a number of novel subjects 
 for his interesting speculations, that the longest life
 
 would be too short for the task of investigation and 
 
 arrangement. 
 
 The mountains are numerous in most of the pro- 
 vinces, and a chain of them runs nearly through the 
 extent of the island, from south to north, forming 
 natural divisions of it. They abound in mines of 
 iron, steel, and (according to some accounts) silver 
 and copper. Gold also, and abundance of precious 
 stones, are found in the streams that flow from them, 
 some of which are impregnated with the different 
 minerals contained in the bowels of the island, such 
 as brimstone, saltpetre, &c. &c. 
 
 The continuity of the plains is agreeably diver- 
 sified by gently rising grounds, on which the natives 
 build their towns and villages. These are surrounded 
 by plantations of rice, barley, yams, &c., the most 
 fertile spots being selected for that purpose; while 
 the rivers and streams, which intersect the country in 
 every direction, impart beauty and fertility to an 
 inconceivable degree. Abundance of the necessaries 
 of life, and even of its luxuries, spring up sponta- 
 neously ; and the natives want nothing but the art of 
 living at peace among themselves, to render them, as 
 far as natural advantages extend, the richest and 
 happiest people on earth. Fortunate, indeed, was it 
 for Madagascar, that its discovery took place subse- 
 quent to that of the Western Continent, and that the 
 resources, the speculations, and the cupidity of the 
 nations of Europe, were pre-occupied to such an 
 extent, as to leave them no opportunity of exploring
 
 6 
 
 the riches of her provinces, and scarcely to make an 
 attempt upon her integrity as an independent island. 
 It is to this that she owes her safety ; and it is to be 
 hopedj that whatever nation may hereafter seek to 
 reap advantage by an intercourse with her inhabitants, 
 will confine themselves to that liberal and enlightened 
 policy, which alone can establish confidence, and 
 render that intercourse permanent and profitable.
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Divisions of the Island — Descriptive Account of the 
 principal Provinces, atid their Productions. 
 
 Madagascar, like other uncivilized countries, is 
 divided into provinces, each having its distinct inde- 
 pendence as a nation. This appears to be the most 
 ancient form of government, and doubtless arose in 
 the early ages of the world, from every family consti- 
 tuting a separate tribe. Their wants were few, and 
 easily supplied ; and it was not till civilization 
 extended itself, and luxury increased, — when the arts 
 of civil life, and reciprocal wants and dangers, taught 
 mankind their mutual dependence,— that the importance 
 and advantages of political union were discovered. * 
 
 There are generally reckoned twenty-eight pro- 
 vinces in JMadagascar; but one or two others are 
 added by late historians. Their names are as follow : 
 
 * It is true, history affords exceptions to this general rule ; 
 and we need not go beyond our own times, or our own quarter 
 of the globe, to find one. But if, in the present or any past age, 
 a large portion of the uncivilised tribes are found to bend under 
 the despotic sway of an overgTown autocrat, we make no hesi- 
 tation in asserting — however miVc?/?/ the power may be exercised — 
 that the discordant materials are drawn and kept together by 
 the iron hand of military despotism, rather than a consciousness 
 of any blessings arising from such a confederacy.
 
 8 
 
 Anossi, or Carcanossi, Manatengha, the Valley of 
 Amboule, Vohitsbang, Itoniampo, Icondre, Vatema- 
 nahou, Anachimoussi, Eringdrane, Vohitz-Anghombe, 
 Manacarongha, Matataiie, Antavare, Ghalemboule, 
 Tametavi, Sahaveh, Voolou-Voolou, Andoufoutchi, 
 Manghabei, Adcimoutchi, Mandrerei, Ampatre, Ca- 
 ramboule, Mahafalle, Houlouve, Sivah, Ivandrhou, 
 Machicore, Boyana, and Bohemare, or Vohemare. 
 All these provinces are very fertile, and abound in 
 cattle and pasturage. Their geographical situations 
 may be seen by referring to the map ; but as many of 
 them are very small, and some of them uninhabited, 
 in consequence of being devastated by intestine wars, 
 we shall give a description only of those most de- 
 serving of notice. 
 
 Anossi. — This province is situated between 23". 18'. 
 and Q6°. of latitude. It is nearly two hundred miles 
 long, and was the principal theatre of the operations 
 of the French in most of their attempts to establish 
 themselves on the island. The principal settlement 
 was at Fort Dauphin, which stands on the penin- 
 sula of Tholangari, in 25°. 10. latitude*. The 
 country is rich and watered by many rivers, the 
 principal of which are the Franchere and the Man- 
 ghasia; most of the rest run into the Franchere, 
 which rises on Mount Man^hage, and falls into the 
 sea about two leagues south of Fort Dauphin. A 
 
 * The latitude is always to be considered south, as the island 
 lies wholly south of the equator.
 
 9 
 
 lake is formed at its mouth, about half a league 
 wide, and deep enough for any ship, but its entrance 
 is Hable to be closed by a sand bank. There are 
 many considerable villages on its banks, which be- 
 long to the chief of the country. The Manghasia 
 rises on Mount Siliva, and runs across the bay of 
 the same name : it is navigable for many miles. 
 
 i\nossi is exceedingly rich and fertile, abounding 
 with pastures, cattle, and plantations of corn, rice, 
 and fruit-trees. It is surrounded by mountains co- 
 vered with trees and shrubs, and the whole country 
 is diversified with numerous hills and plains. On 
 its coast are several peninsulas, with excellent har- 
 bours and bays ; the chief ones are Dauphin Bay, 
 and the Bay of Louca, or Itapore : the last is very 
 convenient for shipping, which may ride at anchor 
 in perfect safety, notwithstanding the entrance is 
 rocky and dangerous. The Portuguese formerly 
 had a fort on the top of a steep rock, near a vil- 
 lage, about seven leagues from Fort Dauphin; but 
 it was destroyed, and the garrison massacred by the 
 natives. 
 
 This country is inhabited by whites and negroes, 
 which constitute the seven classes of which we shall 
 have occasion to speak hereafter. 
 
 The Vale of Amboule commences at the mouth 
 of the river Manampani, in 23°. 30'. latitude. It is 
 very rich, and produces esculent plants and fruits 
 in abundance. The oxen and cows are extremely 
 fat, having the richest pasturage to rove over. The
 
 10 
 
 large town of Amboule stands in the vale ; near it 
 is a fountain of hot water, which will boil an egg 
 hard ; and it is a specific for the cold gout. Iron 
 and steel are found in plenty on the mountains, 
 and the natives are very expert at forging various 
 instruments from it. The highest mountain is Hiela, 
 which is one of the loftiest on the island. Their 
 chief is called Rabertau, or Great Lord ; he pos- 
 sesses absolute power, and is one of the most con- 
 siderable men on the island. 
 
 The province of Machicore is of great extent, 
 being seventy leagues across from east to west, and 
 fifty from north to south. It was devastated and 
 ruined by wars some years ago, the natives being 
 obliged to conceal themselves in the woods, through 
 fear of their enemies, subsisting upon roots and wild 
 cattle. This, and four adjoining provinces, were for- 
 merly governed by one chief, named Dian Baiuoalen, 
 or Lord of a Hundred Thousand Parks. During his 
 life-time these countries enjoyed profound peace, and 
 flourished in excess of riches and pleasure; but, 
 upon his death, a war broke out between his sons, 
 which was carried on with so much animosity and 
 fury, that it ended in their entire destruction. 
 
 The great river Jonghelaye takes its course on 
 one side of this province, separating it to the north 
 from the province of Ivoronhehoc. This river, 
 which at its mouth is about half a mile broad, is 
 navigable for large ships for many leagues ; it falls 
 into St. Augustine's Bay, very nearly under the Tropic
 
 11 
 
 of Capricorn. This bay is sheltered from the most 
 dangerous winds, but the entrance is rocky and 
 difficult. The French had formerly a strong fort on 
 the south side of it, and the English East-India 
 ships frequently cast anchor there to take in re- 
 freshments, and land their sick men, in order to 
 their recovery. The province of Ivoronhehoc lies 
 on one side of the bay, and that of Houlouve on 
 the other. 
 
 Eringdrane. — This province is very extensive and 
 populous; and its chief can, upon an emergency, 
 raise an army of thirty thousand men. It is ex- 
 tremely fertile, and has large herds of cattle on the 
 sides of the mountains. Several considerable rivers 
 run through, or rise, in this province, most of which 
 run into the Bay of Mansiatre, in 20". latitude. 
 
 The province of Vohitsonghombe is separated from 
 the last-mentioned by the river Mansiatre. It is very 
 populous, and can bring into the field an hundred 
 thousand warriors ; they are generally at war with the 
 Eringdranes : when this is not the case both parties 
 unite occasionally, and make a descent upon the 
 Comoro islands. Indeed all the provinces on the 
 north-west side of the island are given too much to 
 these predatory excursions. The island of Johanna 
 has been of late years the frequent scene of their 
 buccaneering operations, they having been introduced 
 there by Benyowsky, though without any idea of such 
 a result. The master of one of his ships having be- 
 trayed the trust imposed on him, by piratically seizing
 
 12 
 
 the vessel, was suspected of having sailed to Johanna; 
 upon M'hich Benyowsky despatched an open boat, with 
 two Europeans and several natives, bearing letters to 
 the king to detain the vessel. This was the first 
 knowledge the Madagasses acquired of Johanna, and 
 they have not forgotten to take advantage of the event. 
 
 The towns in Vohitson2;hombc are much more 
 picturesque than those of any other quarter of the 
 island, the houses being well built and commodious. 
 The inhabitants are very rich in cattle, rice, iron, and 
 steel. It is bounded on the east by the Ambohitz- 
 mene, or Red Mountains, being two hundred miles 
 long from east to west, and about seventy broad from 
 north to south : the land to the south of the Bay of 
 Mansiatre is called by the Portuguese, Terra del 
 Gada, or Land of Cattle, from the vast herds that are 
 fed there. 
 
 Matatane. — This country is famous for being the 
 principal residence of the race called Zafe Ramini, and 
 Zafe Casimambou, an account of which will be found 
 in another part of this work : they are both descended 
 from one stock; but the former have got the ascen- 
 dancy, by means of mixing with the other natives by 
 marriage, and they treat them as slaves. About a 
 hundred and fifty years ago, they put them all to the 
 sword, except the women and children, who were 
 placed on an island formed by two rivers, which they 
 cultivated. 
 
 This province is flat, but fruitful, abounding in 
 sugar-canes, honey, yams, and cattle. It is watered
 
 13 
 
 by many large rivers, which contain plenty of fish, 
 and some of them are navigable. The sugar-cane is 
 so plentiful, and the quality so productive, that many 
 ships might be annually laden with sugar, if the natives 
 were acquainted with the mode of manufacture, and 
 possessed the necessary implements. 
 
 The district of Ambohitsmene takes its name from 
 the Red Mountains, round which it lies. These 
 mountains, situated in 20". latitude, extend fifteen 
 leagues inland, besides stretching along the coast, 
 and are beheld from a great distance at sea ; the 
 highest of them being elevated eighteen hundred 
 fathoms above its level. In its shape it bears a 
 great resemblance to the Table INIountain, at the 
 Cape of Good Hope ; but the islanders say it is 
 inaccessible to Europeans, on account of the steep 
 rocks and precipices with which it is surrounded. 
 Ambohitsmene, in other respects, is flat and marshy ; 
 and there is a lake fifteen leagues in length, and the 
 same in breadth, containing several small islands. 
 The inhabitants are called Zaferahongs : their rivers 
 produce gold dust, and they are rich in iron, cattle, 
 rice, sugar-canes, yams, silk garments, &c. The bay 
 or gulf of Tametave, called by the French Port-aux- 
 Prunes, or Plum Harbour, belongs to this district. It 
 is situated in 1 8°. 30. latitude, and receives the waters 
 of several rivers, one of which is navigable for ships. 
 
 The province of Voolou-Voolou lies next to the 
 foregoing : in this district is situated the port called 
 by the French Foule Point ; but the natives give it
 
 14 
 
 the same name as the province to which it belongs. 
 This port is the most frequented of any in the north- 
 east part of the island. It has a market well supplied 
 with provisions, which are sold at a low price to the 
 ships which touch there : they consist of rice, yams, 
 bananas, cocoa-nuts, various kinds of fruits, cattle, 
 sheep, poultry, and hogs. Many years ago the 
 inhabitants were forbidden, by one of their sorcerers, 
 to sell the latter : the old man assured them, that if 
 they persisted in it, the most dreadful misfortunes 
 would befal them ; and that the only way effectually 
 to avoid these calamities, was by destroying the whole 
 breed of swine : however, the injunction not extending 
 to Europeans, they undertook to hunt them, and 
 supplied themselves plentifully from the mountains, 
 where they found large droves. 
 
 The harbour of Foule Point is surrounded by a 
 reef of rocks, and is situated in 17°. 40'. 20". latitude, 
 and 50°. longitude. The shores are very bold, and 
 the least depth of water, at low tide, is twenty-three 
 feet. The depth of the basin is fifty fathoms ; and it 
 is capable of containing ten large vessels, anchored 
 alongside each other. The sea never rises or falls 
 more than four or five feet at spring or neap tides. 
 During the latter, the coral rocks, which form the 
 reef that surrounds the harbour, make their appear- 
 ance above the water, covered with abundance of 
 natural curiosities ; such as mosses, marine plants, 
 black coral, madrepores, sea-stars, and a great variety 
 of the most beautiful shells of every shape and colour.
 
 15 
 
 The mouths of the rivers, whicli flow into the hay, 
 are bordered with mangles, the hranches of which are 
 loaded with excellent oysters that adhere to them at 
 high water, presenting a most singular appearance. 
 The neighbourhood of Foule Point is not very popu- 
 lous ; but the villages which are scattered in its 
 vicinity are highly picturesque. They are built on 
 the declivities of little hills, and are defended by 
 pallisades, and shaded by fruit-trees, and the raven^ 
 a kind of palm-tree peculiar to Madagascar. This 
 tree is the most useful they have : the top of it is 
 eaten after being boiled, like the cabbage- palm : its 
 wood is used in building houses ; and the ribs of its 
 leaves, having the solidity of wood, and the pliability 
 of leather, form the walls and partitions, being fastened 
 together in an ingenious manner : the leaves them- 
 selves serve to thatch the houses, and are likewise 
 converted into plates, dishes, cups, and spoons. A 
 gummy substance is found under the membranes 
 which inclose the flower, of an exquisite flavour, 
 which may be termed natural honey. The natives 
 make large planks of this tree, by splitting it from one 
 end to the other, and straightening it immediately, to 
 prevent its warping. 
 
 The lands belonging to Foule Point abound with 
 pastures and cattle, and its rivers with wild fowl and 
 fish. The Ongleby is a beautiful stream, which rises 
 in the Red Mountains, and meanders through the 
 country, receiving many lesser streams and rivulets in 
 its course. On its banks are meadows of the richest
 
 10 
 
 pasturage, enamelled with flowers of every variety, 
 and of the most splendid colours. It is navigable for 
 more than twenty leagues for the piroguas of the 
 natives ; but, what is very remarkable, it entirely 
 disappears in the sand, about four miles from its 
 mouth. Like all the rivers in Madagascar, it is 
 infested with monstrous crocodiles, which renders it 
 dangerous to travel along its banks. Rochon relates 
 that he saw an ox dragged away and devoured by one 
 of those formidable animals. 
 
 Ghalemboule is the next province. Its coast is 
 belted with a forest of lofty trees, two leagues in 
 width, which runs along its whole extent. The bay 
 of Ghalemboule is very extensive, having a good 
 roadstead behind the rocks ; but these, and the 
 violence of the waves, render it dangerous. The 
 village of St. Matthew, called by the natives Ratsi- 
 malone, lies on the coast. The soil of Ghalemboule is 
 rich, and frequent rains preserve the verdure from 
 being parched up. The meadows produce plentiful 
 pasturage, though they have fewer cattle than some 
 other provinces The mountains are peculiarly fruit- 
 ful, and yield in abundance all the necessaries of life, 
 common to other parts of the island. The inhabi- 
 tants of this and the last-mentioned province, as well 
 as those of St. Mary Isle, (called in the language of 
 the country, Nossy Hibrahim), and the bay of 
 Antongil, call themselves Zafe-Hibrahim, or descen- 
 dants of xAbraham, of which we shall speak in another 
 part of this work.
 
 17 
 
 Manghabei, or, as it is now called, the country of 
 the bay of Antongil, is not very extensive ; but it is of 
 great importance, on account of the excellent harbour 
 it possesses. This harbour is six leagues in width, 
 and extends a considerable way towards the north, 
 inland, forming a cape to the eastward, on which 
 stands the fort erected by Count Benyowsky, called 
 Louisbourg. Several fine rivers flow into the bay, 
 which is situated in 15°. latitude. At the end of it 
 lies the little island of Aiguillon, a beautiful spot, 
 which is elevated considerably above the water. It is 
 two leagues in circumference, entirely covered with 
 the most delightful verdure, and produces in abun- 
 dance all sorts of plants, fruits, bananas, fowls, and 
 honey. It affords a most agreeable place of refresh- 
 ment to sailors after a voyage. The Dutch and 
 Portuguese have each of them had a fort near the 
 bay ; that of the former was called Spakenburg, and 
 was erected in 1595, in their first voyage to the East- 
 Indies : it contained in the inclosure about two 
 hundred houses. The other was called St. Angelo, 
 and was built near a large town of the same name. 
 Mangabei properly belongs to the province of Andou- 
 vouch, which extends quite across to the western 
 coast. The population is considerable, and are 
 called Sambarrives : they can, upon emergency, raise 
 a considerable army of warriors. 
 
 The country of Boyana lies on the western coast, 
 between the 14°. and 16". of latitude. It is a flat 
 country, with few woods, but consisting of immense
 
 18 
 
 plains, watered with numerous streams, and covered 
 with thousands of wild oxen, which belong to any 
 one who can catch them. The inhabitants are called 
 Seclaves, and their king is a despotic monarch, having 
 the power of life and death over his subjects, who are 
 no better than slaves. The chiefs are nominated by 
 him ; and he always keeps a numerous standing army 
 on foot, and could at any time raise thirty thousand 
 warriors. There are several excellent harbours on 
 the coast, which are frequented by the natives of the 
 Comoro Islands, Johanna, Mayotto, &c., who have 
 established a factory at Maronvai, the capital of 
 Boyana. The trade, however, is interrupted by the 
 frequent wars which take place between the two 
 parties. The principal articles which the Seclaves 
 receive, are cloths, combs, silver bracelets, gold 
 buckles, razors, knives, glass beads, &c. ; and they 
 give in exchange, skins, incense, gum-benjamin, amber, 
 wax, and wood in planks. 
 
 Vohemaro is the most northern province, extending 
 from the Bay of Antongil to Cape Natal, or Ambre, 
 the extremity of the island. It is an extensive, but 
 mountainous country, and has been very little ex- 
 plored by Europeans, the coast being exceedingly 
 rocky and dangerous. It is reported that great 
 quantities of gold are found in this province ; and, 
 as a confirmation of this report, it is said, all the 
 goldsmiths of Anossi are natives of Vohemaro. 
 
 The Island of St. Mary (or Nossy Hibrahim) being 
 a dependency of Madagascar, requires to be noticed.
 
 19 
 
 Its northern extremity reaches to within a short dis- 
 tance of the Bay of Antongil, from whence it extends 
 along the coasfc, at the distance of two or three 
 leagues, to within eleven leagues of Foule Point. 
 This island formed the principal retreat of the pirates, 
 who, in the 1 7th and beginning of the 1 8th centuries, 
 infested the Indian seas. Here they formed their 
 establishment ; and, by contracting alliances with the 
 natives, assuming their manners, and adopting their 
 customs, gained their confidence and friendship; 
 while the rich prizes they continually sent in, the 
 mode of obtaining which was unknown to the natives, 
 brought so much trade amongst them, that they 
 looked upon them with respect, as benefactors : they 
 therefore acquired consequence; and their descen- 
 dants, to this day, hold the first ranks amongst the 
 Madegasses. 
 
 This island is extremely rich and fertile, and 
 abounds in every necessary of life. The pastures 
 are so excellent, that the Madegasses send cattle 
 over to fatten. The air, however, is, at certain seasons 
 of the year, very unhealthy. The French formed a 
 settlement there about the year 1750; but the mor- 
 tality occasioned by the fevers with which they were 
 attacked, was so great, that they gave the island the 
 name of " The Grave of the French." Benyowsky 
 purchased it of Hiavi, the then sovereign of Foule 
 Point ; but in consequence of the expulsion of the 
 French from Madagascar, it has now returned to its 
 former dependency. 
 
 c 2
 
 20 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Soil — Air and Climate — Agriculture — Towns — 
 Buildings. 
 
 In a country of such extent, and comprehending so 
 many degrees . of latitude as Madagascar, the soil 
 must necessarily be various : nevertheless, in general 
 it consists of a deep rich mould, probably formed by 
 the heavy accumulation of decayed vegetable matter, 
 which is constantly increasing, the productions of 
 nature being forced up by the mild temperature of the 
 air, frequent showers of rain, and the innumerable 
 springs and rivulets which run in every direction. 
 But little artificial help is necessary to render this 
 alluvial soil productive ; and though agriculture is 
 much practised, the only manure used by the natives 
 is wood ashes, which they procure by burning large 
 heaps of bamboo, and other wood. In many of the 
 provinces there are large plains, where the soil is a 
 stiff clay, of a reddish colour, producing abundance of 
 grass. There is found also in some districts a red 
 earth, similar to Bol Armenian, and another sort like 
 that called Terra Sigellata, which is brought from the 
 Isle of Lemnos. A fat clayey kind of marl is found 
 in many parts, as white as chalk, of so soapy a 
 quality, that the natives use it in washing; and it 
 would answer in the bleaching of linen. In the 
 southern districts are some extensive plains, consisting 
 entirely of sand, of an arid quality : these are desti-
 
 21 
 
 tute of springs or rivulets, and produce nothing but a 
 few trees, and the aloe, called tetech, which latter, 
 however, is very plentiful. These tracks are rarely to 
 be met with, and chiefly near the sea-coast. The soil 
 on some of the mountains is shallow, and saturated with 
 mineral waters, which render it steril; but the valleys at 
 the foot of the mountains generally consist of a deep 
 soil, extremely rich and fertile. Many parts of the 
 country are marshy, the inhabitants having not yet 
 learned the art of draining them : these spots produce in 
 abundance a kind of wild cane, bamboos, and reeds. 
 The air is salubrious, except in the rainy season. 
 Frost and snow are unknown there; and the heat 
 during the summer, which lasts about three months, is 
 so tempered by the sea breezes, v^^hich regularly 
 spring up about nine o'clock in the morning, and 
 continue till six or seven in the evening, that it is 
 seldom inconvenient ; and the rest of the y^ar is a 
 continual spring-time, in which the natives do not 
 cease sowing and planting. The bad or rainy season 
 comprehends the months of January and February, 
 at which time the inhabitants of the sea-coasts retire 
 to the interior and mountainous parts of the country, 
 in order to avoid the fevers which prevail, owing to 
 the humidity of the air. * 
 
 * All Europeans are attacked, with more or less violence, 
 by these fevers, which may be ascribed to the marshy and 
 wooded nature of the country, an entire alteration of food, or 
 unadaptation of the climate to the European con stitution ; but 
 most probably all these causes unite.
 
 22 
 
 The vicinity of the marshes, also, is unhealthy, 
 owing to the exhalations which arise from them ; 
 and their effects are greatly promoted by the culti- 
 vation of the red rice, which growing only upon 
 wet lands, the natives use artificial means to pre- 
 pare the plantations, and leave the waters to evaporate 
 spontaneously. 
 
 The south-east and south-west winds prevail from 
 March jto the middle or end of September; after 
 which, the north-east, north, north-west, and west, 
 continue to blow. Storms and hurricanes are un- 
 known at Madagascar ; and, were the cultivation of 
 the land on a more regular and extended scale, the 
 draining of the marshes*, and the clearing of the 
 forests in the vicinity of the towns, to take place, the 
 principal causes of disease would be removed, and 
 the natives at least, whose constitutions are adapted 
 to the climate, would in a great measure be relieved 
 from a scourge which annually carries off great num- 
 bers of them. 
 
 * That the marshes contribute in a large proportion to the se- 
 verity of the attack, was proved to a demonstration by Benyowsky, 
 during his Governor-generalship, at the Bay of Antongil. On 
 his first arrival, his men andhimself were almost instantly seized 
 with the fever in the most violent manner : great numbers died, 
 and amongst them his only son ; himself and his wife narrowly 
 escaping with their lives. But after the marshes round Louis- 
 bourg were drained, and the ground cultivated, the new-comers 
 withstood the action of the climate seventeen months, and then 
 had slight attacks, unaccompanied by those dreadful ravings 
 and convulsions which were experienced in the first instance ; 
 and the mortality was greatly abated.
 
 23 
 
 Agriculture is yet in its infancy in Madagascar, 
 notwithstanding it is extensively practised : they have 
 neither ploughs, harrows, nor working cattle; and 
 the division of labour (the principle which facilitates 
 and expedites every manual employment) is unknown 
 amongst them. The implements made use of are the 
 spade, shovel, pick-axe, and hoe. The former are 
 used in planting yams, potatoes, and other roots of 
 the kind ; and the latter in sowing rice and other 
 grains. The process is simple and unlaborious ; — 
 they make small holes in the ground, at a little dis- 
 tance from each other, with the pick-axe or hoe, into 
 which the children throw a few kernels of rice, or 
 whatever grain they intend it for, and shuffle the 
 mould over it with their feet ; and such is the raging 
 fertility of the soil, that this slight preparation is gene- 
 rally rewarded with a produce of a hundred fold. 
 The red rice, as we have before noticed, grows only 
 on wet lands ; therefore, in situations where the natural 
 moisture is not sufficient to promote its cultivation, 
 they make cuts, in the month of December, to convey 
 the excess of water from the rivers, during the rainy 
 season, upon the lands intended to be sown, which 
 are banked round to retain it. This is suffered to 
 remain until the ground is thoroughly saturated, and 
 has acquired the consistence of a bog, when they turn 
 in a drove of cattle to divide the soil with their feet, 
 which answers the purpose of ploughing, and the rice is 
 sown immediately after : it soon springs up, and, when 
 it gets into the blade, is again covered with water,
 
 24 
 
 which is then left to evaporate by the action of the 
 sun : — the time of planting is the sickly or wet season. 
 The fields or plantations are inclosed with fences 
 of bamboo and other stakes, and the preparation of 
 the soil is generally conducted by slaves. But in the 
 provinces of Ghalemboule and Manghabei, the women 
 and children are employed in this work. It being a 
 season of festivity with them, their manner of con- 
 ducting the operation is extremely entertaining ; — 
 they make a hole in the earth with a stick, amongst 
 the ashes which are strewed on the surface, and throw 
 in two or three grains of rice, which they cover with 
 their feet, singing and dancing all the time in the most 
 cheerful manner. Both men and women in these dis- 
 tricts are very industrious, being employed in the 
 fields from sun-rise to sun-set ; the men in cutting and 
 burning canes for manure, and the women in planting, 
 weeding, or harvesting the rice and other grains. The 
 fields exhibit a very interesting appearance. All 
 kinds of grain grow to a great height ,• the white rice 
 (of which a proportion of three-fourths to one of red is 
 grown) flourishes on the high grounds only, and its 
 cultivation is in no respect similar to that of the red. 
 Besides rice and barley, they grow several kinds of 
 beans and peas, and some maize ; these are sown at 
 different times, and one or two species of rice grow 
 only in winter. Of yams they cultivate several kinds, 
 cutting them for seed as we do potatoes. Some of 
 them grow to a great size, especially the fanghitz, 
 which is as large as a man's body.
 
 25 
 
 The harvest is got in at different times, according 
 as the several kinds of grain ripen. In June the bar- 
 ley arrives at perfection, when it is cut and tied in 
 sheaves, which are carried by the natives on their 
 heads to the vicinity of their dwellings. The rice 
 ripens according to the time it is planted, for they 
 have it at the same period green, in flower, and ripe : 
 this is generally cut singly, or stalk by stalk, and har- 
 vested with great care. The rice barns are built at a 
 little distance from their dwelHngs, and are elevated 
 on strong wooden pillars to preserve them from the 
 rats and other vermin. Many of the Madagascar 
 farmers are very rich both in cattle and grain ; some, 
 in the northern part of the island, know not the num- 
 ber of their oxen by two or three thousand. There 
 is no regular appropriation of the land ; any piece of 
 ground that is clear, is free to the use of the person 
 who chooses to cultivate it, upon paying a small quit- 
 rent to the chief of the district, who is considered as 
 the only rightful lord of the soil : and if the first 
 occupier quits it, any other person may immediately 
 take possession of it ; but no one must infringe upon 
 his neighbour's occupation. The principal enemies 
 the farmers have to contend with (next to their own 
 species), are the wild boars : these come from the 
 woods in droves, both by night and day ; and, if not 
 well watched, make terrible havoc amongst the yams 
 and potatoes. It falls to the lot of the poor negro 
 slaves to keep these sturdy marauders off, and the 
 task is attended with no little difficulty : they have
 
 26 
 
 an active breed of dogs, of the fox kind, with small 
 short ears, long noses, and reddish hair, which are 
 very useful to give the alarm ; but they seldom dare 
 to attack the swine, who are generally headed by 
 an old one of some years standing, and, consequently, 
 with large tusks. A Madagascar farmer never goes 
 out without his musket or spear, that he may be 
 prepared for these savage animals. 
 
 We have before observed, that no other manure 
 than wood ashes is used ; nor is any other necessary. 
 In such a country, where the proportion of good land 
 is so great, compared with the population, it is unne- 
 cessary to occupy one piece of ground many successive 
 years ; so that fresh land, of the finest quality, may 
 be brought into cultivation every year, if requisite. 
 Nor is this all : the great accumulation of vegetable 
 matter, which the warmth of the climate continually 
 throws up, forms a rich manure of itself, (especially 
 if fed off, or trodden down by the large herds of sheep 
 and oxen which rove unconstrained over the country,) 
 and thus furnishes fresh stamina for a new produce. 
 It is well known, that in America, many large tracts 
 of land, which have been cultivated for upw^ards of a 
 century, have never required manure, but year after 
 year produce the most abundant crops.* 
 
 Around the dwellings of the farmers are to be seen 
 fowls of every description, large quantities of which are 
 
 * This appears strange to au Euglish farmer, who, if he 
 neglect to manure his land, for at least every other croi), looks
 
 2f 
 
 hatched and brought up ; great numbers of hogs, also, 
 are fattened in some of the districts, but very few are 
 eaten on the island, except by the lowest classes. The 
 quantity of grain produced in Madagascar, is always 
 in proportion (as near as they can guess) to the con- 
 sumption : and, when the frequent arrival of ships 
 makes it probable that a demand, greater than that of 
 the general average of years, will be made in future, 
 more ground is instantly brought into cultivation. 
 The plenty or scarcity, however, depends, in a great 
 measure, on the internal state of the island. When 
 the natives are at peace, agriculture goes on well, the 
 crops flourish, and the herds graze in security. But 
 civil discord so frequently reigns amongst these hardy 
 warriors, that, instead of a plentiful crop just ready 
 for harvest, it is no unusual thing to find devastated 
 fields, towns and houses in ruins, the inhabitants 
 sculking in the woods, and the cattle driven to some 
 secret recess, or slaughtered and left to putrefy on the 
 plains. Such are the dreadful effects of ambition, 
 avarice, and revenge; and whether in half savage 
 Madagascar, or civilized Europe, the causes and effects 
 remain the same, though differences may exist in 
 their mode of warfare, or the circumstances of their 
 
 in vain for the reward of his toil. But the fact is, that in this 
 country, the proportion of naturally good land is very small, a 
 proof of which is found in the quantity of artificial manure, 
 which is annually required to keep up the fertility of the 
 generality of lands, independent of that which they produce 
 within themselves.
 
 28 
 
 relative situations. Politicians and statesmen may 
 employ their sophistry to justify in the one case what 
 they condemn in the other ; but the principles which 
 lead to such fatal results amongst a tribe of savages, 
 should find no advocate in nations professing to be 
 more enlightened. 
 
 The towns are for the most part built on com- 
 manding eminences, though some stand in retired 
 situations in the woods. They are commonly de- 
 fended by two rows of strong palisades, strengthened 
 by large posts of bamboo, placed at the distance of 
 five feet from each other, and sunk a considerable 
 depth into the ground. The entrance is formed by 
 the two ends of the circle or square, extending be- 
 yond each other three or four yards, leaving a narrow 
 lane or passage between. Within this fence is a 
 parapet of earth four feet in height; and on the 
 outside it is fortified by a ditch ten feet in breadth, 
 and six in depth. A guard of ten or tiventy men is 
 constantly kept near the entrance, and, generally, 
 spies are appointed in certain situations, to give 
 notice of the approach of an enemy. 
 
 The houses have no upper chambers or garrets, 
 nor cellars underneath; they consist of one floor 
 only. The roofs are made shelving, and are covered 
 with the leaves of rates, bamboo, or the raven palm ; 
 the outside walls are generally constructed of two- 
 inch planks, and the inner partitions of a kind of 
 matting, made of the filaments of the raven leaf, 
 joined exceedingly neat and strong; the hearth is
 
 29 
 
 about four feet square, raised from the ground upon 
 sand, with three stones for the cooking utensils ; they 
 have no chimneys, and, as they keep up a tire all the 
 year round, their houses are scarcely habitable by 
 Europeans, on account of the continual smoke. 
 Some of their buildings, however, are constructed of 
 more fragile materials ; but it is only in cases where 
 their civil dissentions render it probable that a sacking 
 will take place, or after such an event has occured, 
 and driven them to seek a temporary residence in 
 some distant and unfrequented spot, On such occa- 
 sions, they run up a hut of the boughs of trees, 
 thatch it with any thing that is at hand, and make 
 the sides close with moss or grass. These huts are 
 built in a conical form, like hay-cocks, and the 
 doors are so low, that the inmates are obliged to 
 stoop almost on their knees in entering. 
 
 The dwelling of the chief is called a Donac; it 
 consists of several buildings well constructed, and 
 surrounded by a strong pallisade, the entrance of 
 which is usually guarded by two or three armed men. 
 The principal house is for the chief himself, and the 
 others for his wife and concubines, though the former 
 has generally better accommodations than the latter. 
 Many of the houses belonging to the Rhoandrians, 
 are built with considerable taste and elegance. No 
 one is permitted to enter the donac but those 
 who are invited, or are known to be friends of the 
 chief; and if a slave were to presume to do it, he 
 would be punished with death.
 
 30 
 
 The houses, for the most part, are surrounded and 
 shaded with fruit and other trees of a thick foliage. 
 Amongst these, the raven palm is the chief favourite, 
 as well on account of its beauty, and the shade it 
 affords, as for its usefulness. These give a pic- 
 turesque and interesting appearance to the towns and 
 villages, some of which are very large and populous, 
 indicating altogether a state of society ready to give 
 way to the most extended civilization as soon as its 
 advantages are represented to them in a proper light, 
 and illustrated by good examples. Experience has 
 shewn, that without the latter, no good can be 
 effected; for though the Madegasses are possessed 
 of good sense, and a capability of reasoning, (as will 
 be seen by perusing the following pages,) they can 
 never be brought to believe that that system, whose 
 votaries practise every species of fraud and violence, 
 is in any degree superior to their own.* 
 
 * "Are there any Spaniards in heaven?" said an indignant 
 chief in the Island of Cuba, to a Spanish monk who was piously 
 endeavouring to convert him to the Catholic faith, that he might 
 afterwards roast him with more satisfaction for having been a 
 heathen ! — " Undoubtedly," replied the holy father, " all good 
 Spaniards go there." — " Then I never will," answered the 
 chief.
 
 31 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Description of the Natives — Dress — Population — Cha- 
 racter in regard to foreign Relations — Conduct of the 
 French — Introduction of the Slave Trade — Its Influ- 
 ence — Domestic Character. 
 
 Xhe natives of Madagascar are above the com- 
 mon stature*, strong limbed, with the most exact 
 symmetry of shape and figure. Their colour in- 
 cludes all the varieties between that of a dingy white, 
 and the jet black of the negro, which is owing to the 
 endless intermixture of the different tribes. By far 
 the greater proportion, however, are of an olive 
 complexion. The blacks have the woolly hair, thick 
 lips, flat noses, and heavy features of the negroes of 
 the coast of Africa, from whom they undoubtedly 
 sprung : those whites who reside in Matatane, 
 and who are all magicians or doctors, are excessively 
 ugly; but the majority of the inhabitants are quite 
 the reverse of this, having the prominent nose and 
 regular features of Europeans. Their countenances 
 are open and placid, bespeaking a contented, frank, 
 
 * During a war against the Seclaves, in which Benyowsky 
 found himself obliged to engage, Hiavi, the chief of Foule 
 Point, sent him twelve hundred and fifty warriors, all young 
 men, not one of whom were less than five feet eight inches and a 
 half in height; these formed the governor's body-guard.
 
 32 
 
 and hospitable disposition. Their hair is long, black, 
 and curling; their eyes quick and penetrating; and 
 their foreheads broad and open, indicating a good 
 share of intellectual capacity. 
 
 The women are, generally speaking, handsome : 
 their shape is slender and delicate, their skin soft and 
 glossy, and their teeth white and regular. The 
 greater part of them have azure eyes, the pupil of 
 which is brown and sparkling. The married women 
 are known by the manner of wearing the hair, which 
 they twist up in form of a bouquet on the top of 
 the head. The unmarried women, and girls, suffer 
 theirs to flow negligently over the shoulders. 
 
 The common dress of the men is simply a garment 
 called a lamba, which is fastened round the middle, 
 and reaches to the knees. This is made either of 
 silk, cotton, or the filaments of the bark of the 
 banana and several other trees. These latter are 
 prepared by beating the bark in the same manner as 
 we do hemp; it is then boiled in lye, and washed 
 clean, and, when dry, twisted on spindles and woven ; 
 it resembles a strong European linen, and is more 
 durable than cotton. They are chiefly worn by 
 slaves. Persons of note amongst them, ornament 
 themselves with gold and silver chains, rings, brace- 
 lets, earrings, necklaces, &c. ; and the dress of the 
 chiefs on public days is splendid. On such occasions, 
 they take great pains in oiling and curling the hair 
 to make it lie close, and often spend as much time 
 with the frizzeur, as one of our Bond-street beaux
 
 33 
 
 would do in preparing for a rout.* Their best 
 lambas are then put on, which are usually very 
 handsome, being made of white cotton, very full, 
 reaching to the feet, and having a deep border of silk, 
 marked with black and red stripes, and trimmed with 
 silk lace of the same colours. A silk cloak, or robe, 
 is thrown over the shoulders, ornamented with chains 
 of gold and beads, with a profusion of other orna- 
 ments, made of pearls, corals, precious stones, &c. 
 
 The dress of the women consists of a lamba, 
 either of silk or cotton, which reaches to the feet. 
 Above this, they wear a close garment that covers all 
 the body from the neck, and is confined at the waist 
 by the lamba. It is generally made of dark silk or 
 cotton, and ornamented with beads, fancifully ranged 
 
 * An East-India ship, having on board a judge who was 
 going to Bengal, touched at Madagascar. The king of the 
 district where they landed, being invited on board, was received 
 in due form, the judge appearing in character with his magnifi- 
 cent wig on. Unfortunately, that splendid and venerable orna- 
 ment attracted the attention of the swarthy monarch, and he 
 peremptorily insisted on having it. Unfortunately too, his 
 lordship had but one wig, and as he was determined not to dis- 
 grace the seat of justice in a night-cap, he resolutely refused to 
 give it up. In this awkward dilemma, the captain hit upon a 
 lucky expedient, and promised his majesty that the (or rather a) 
 wig should be forthcoming the next day. In the meanwhile, he 
 ordered an ingenious sailor to weave, frizzle, and powder a 
 handful of oakum, which was done to so good an imitation, 
 that the next morning it was carried on shore with great solem- 
 nity and state ; and his majesty's pate was covered with the 
 hempen ornament, to the glory and delight of himself, and a 
 large body of his subjects who were convened on the occasion.
 
 34 
 
 in rows crossing each other. The ladies of quahty 
 wear, in addition, a beautiful kind of shawl, called a 
 pagna, made either of silk, cotton, or the filaments 
 of the raven -tree, divided into exceedingly fine 
 threads. Both men and women go bare-headed and 
 bare-footed, except in the province of Manghabei, 
 where the men wear a square cap, and the women a 
 hood, pointed at the top, and hanging down over the 
 shoulders. In the province of Eringdrane, stuffs are 
 manufactured from the banana, very fine and light; 
 equal in beauty to those of silk, and wove in the 
 same manner. The cotton cloths, made in the pro- 
 vince of Anossi, are the most esteemed, being the 
 finest and strongest that are to be found on the 
 island. 
 
 The population of Madagascar is generally com- 
 puted at about four millions ; but Benyowsky, who 
 was better acquainted with the northern provinces 
 than his predecessors, estimates the number of males 
 at two millions five hundred thousand, which, ac- 
 cording to the usual proportions in other countries, 
 makes the population much greater than we have 
 stated. Taking it, however, at the utmost that his 
 estimate will allow, it is very small in proportion to 
 the extent of the island. But the operation of the 
 slave-trade, and, still more, that of the practice of 
 exposing their children, has efibctually kept it down. 
 The latter horrid practice, indeed, must annually 
 have taken off such numbers, that instead of its ex- 
 citing surprise that the inhabitants are so few, it is
 
 35 
 
 more matter of wonder the island has not been 
 entirely depopulated. 
 
 The character of the Madegasses has been so 
 variously described by different authors, that it 
 is no easy task to discriminate between truth and 
 falsehood. Some have assured us that they are 
 the worst of savages, committing the most horrid 
 barbarities on those who unfortunately fall into their 
 power; that they are treacherous, false, libidinous, 
 and quarrelsome; that no faith can be kept with 
 them, or any confidence placed in them ; their word 
 or their oath being equally invalid, whenever their 
 interest or passions render it inconvenient to adhere 
 to them. 
 
 Others, on the contrary, have asserted, that they 
 possess all the amiable qualities of the most civilized 
 people, and at the same time are destitute of their vices ; 
 that they are honest in their dealings, humane in their 
 dispositions, temperate in their habits, constant in 
 their friendship, generous to their enemies, and on no 
 account violating the sanctity of an oath. However, 
 in the history of their transactions with the French, 
 the mystery is unravelled. Upon the first attempts 
 of that people to colonize Madagascar, they found its 
 inhabitants in many respects similar in character to 
 other uncivilized tribes. Free, open, and unsuspect- 
 ing, they received the strangers as brothers; and 
 entertaining a high opinion of their superiority, they 
 thought themselves greatly honoured in being per- 
 mitted to assist them in forming their establishments 
 
 D 2
 
 36 
 
 amongst them. But the settlers were men of bad 
 principles. Instead of acting towards the hospitable 
 and generous natives in such a way as to gain their 
 esteem and respect, they practised every kind of 
 fraud and violence* upon them; and when this was 
 resented, they endeavoured to reduce them by force 
 of arms. Unaccustomed to encounter the regular 
 discipline of European troops, the natives were soon' 
 subdued, and had no other means left to resist the 
 invaders than artifice. Jealous of their liberty, which 
 they plainly saw it was intended to sacrifice, they 
 watched every opportunity of freeing themselves from 
 the yoke, which became more and more insupportable, 
 as the tyranny and ambition of the French led them 
 to commit fresh acts of oppression ; while every in- 
 dication of impatience was punished with the utmost 
 rigour, and the most arbitrary laws were imposed on 
 them, by men who ought themselves to have leaned, 
 at least; to the customs of the country. Thus mis- 
 trust, hatred, and revenge, were engendered, and the 
 French, in the sequel, suffered the severe effects of 
 their folly and baseness. 
 
 But the most important innovation that has taken 
 place in consequence of their intercourse with the 
 French, and which has tended more than anything else 
 to alter and brutalize their character, is the intro- 
 duction of the slave-trade. Painful, indeed, is it to 
 
 * It was no unusual thing for the French ships to fire their 
 cannon upon the natives, when they were at all dilatory in fur- 
 nishing the necessary supplies !
 
 37 
 
 reflect, that nations who possess advantages calculated 
 to raise them, in point of moral excellence, to the 
 highest pitch of human greatness, should, in their 
 intercourse with those, inferior to them in these 
 respects, convert their superiority into the means of 
 oppression and robbery ; and instead of imparting to 
 them those useful branches of knowledge, which 
 would correct the errors of their savage mode of 
 life, and give full effect to the natural advantages 
 they already enjoy, should basely use the influence 
 they have arbitrarily acquired, in exciting them to 
 acts at which humanity shudders, and the better 
 judgment even of savages revolts. 
 
 Several attempts were made by the French to in- 
 troduce the slave-trade, both by force* and argu- 
 
 * Many flagrant instances are recorded by their own 
 writers; two or three shall suffice. 
 
 When Captain Pronis was governor, he treacherously sold a 
 great number of the natives, who had unsuspectingly engaged 
 themselves in the service of the colony, to Vander Mester, the 
 Dutch governor of the Mauritius. On another occasion, a party 
 of free natives had volunteered to serve under the French in the 
 East Indies, during a war there, and were conveyed thither by 
 two French ships, under the command of Bourdounais and 
 Laly. At the close of the contest, the French governor in the 
 East was so well satisfied with their valuable services, that he 
 would by no means part with them, but rewarded them by 
 reducing them to slavery. 
 
 The last instance we shall mention is unparelleled, except in 
 the history of the slave-trade. At the beginning of the 18th 
 century, the crew of a French ship that lay off the coast of 
 Madagascar, invited a great number of the natives to an enter-
 
 38 
 
 ment, but they long failed to produce any effect ; 
 the Madegasses always shrunk back with horror at 
 the idea of expatriating even those who were taken in 
 war, and who, of course, for the time being at 
 least, were considered as their worst enemies. And 
 whenever forcible attempts were made upon their 
 liberty, (of which they are not a little tenacious,) 
 they shewed such a disposition to resist them, as 
 convinced the French the time was not come that 
 they might enslave them as they pleased. What 
 force and argument failed to effect, stratagem accom- 
 plished; and in the sequel, the wily French suc- 
 ceeded in rendering the Madegasses subservient to 
 their own degradation. 
 
 During one of their provincial wars, the combatants 
 on one side had expended their ammunition; and 
 (not reflecting on the consequences of so fatal 
 a precedent) were prevailed on to exchange the 
 prisoners they had taken, with an European captain, 
 whose ship happened to lie at anchor on the coast, for 
 fire-arms and gunpowder. The immediate effects 
 of this step was, that all parties resorted to the same 
 expedient, through the secret instigation of the French, 
 who generally contrived to act as panders to both 
 sides. From that unfortunate period, their domestic 
 dissentions have been more frequent than ever, and 
 
 tainment. A large tent was prepared for the occasion, which 
 was no sooner filled, than the floor sunk under them, and they 
 were ironed and carried off in triumph. Need we ask whicli 
 were the savajres ?
 
 39 
 
 are conducted with a spirit of ferocity and revenge 
 unknown before* ; for such is the horrible nature of 
 the slave-trade, that wherever its operations extend, 
 there is not a valuable quality in the human heart 
 which it does not destroy or debase, — nor is there 
 
 * We have no desire to conceal the fact, that slavery existed 
 previously on the island. The prisoners taken in battle were 
 generally detained in that capacity ; but the treatment they met 
 with was mild ; and in some of the provinces it was usual to 
 adopt them into the family of the master, and no difference of 
 treatment wasmade between them and the other branches of it. In 
 other cases, many circumstances operated to enforce lenient con- 
 duct towards the slaves. The conviction that the fortune of war 
 might possibly (and in point of fact it often did) place the owner 
 of a slave in a state of captivity himself, acted as a principle of 
 self-love, and insured to that slave such treatment, as he him- 
 self would expect, should he unfortunately fall into the hands of 
 his enemies: and besides, from the continual intermarriages 
 between the different tribes, it frequently happened, that a slave 
 could find near relations even amongst his master's friends, who 
 would not fail to interfere, in case he were ill-treated. The 
 hope also of returning to his province, either by escape, re-cap- 
 ture, or exchange, all of which frequently took place, softened 
 the rigour of the servitude, and rendered it supportable. 
 
 But not so the slave-trade. A slave-ship or plantation is a 
 " bourne from whence no traveller returns" — a bottomless pit, 
 where hope never comes — a vortex that has swallowed up myri- 
 ads of victims ; and, we fear, will continue to do so, till civilized 
 Europe has learned the first principles of justice and humanity ! 
 Every feeling mind must rejoice to hear that the enlightened 
 (though swartliy) monarch of Madagascar has determined upon 
 the entire aboUtion of the trade throughout the island. Let 
 Frenchmen blush to find those they call savages more open to 
 conviction, and more ready in the ucknowledgmeut of the claims 
 of humanity, than themselves.
 
 40 
 
 .1 vicious passion that is not thereby called into exercise. 
 It was not possible that the Madegasses should escape 
 the foul contamination : brandy and gunpowder, the 
 principal articles of barter with the slave captains, 
 were liberall}^ supplied, and gave fresh stimulus to 
 their civil discords ; while the vicious examples of the 
 crews of the slave ships, who are generally men of 
 dissolute and depraved habits, produced the most 
 deplorable effects. 
 
 Thus Avas the infamous traffic in human flesh 
 introduced into Madagascar, and ever since has it 
 desolated that beautiful country ; turning a garden 
 into a wilderness, and the habitations of man into a 
 retreat for wild beasts. The cultivation of the land 
 has, in many instances, been entirely neglected, 
 because the cultivators were uncertain whether they 
 would be permitted to enjoy the fruits of their labour. 
 At the same time the bitterest animosities were 
 engendered between men of the same blood, which 
 nothing but extermination was capable of satisfying. 
 Savages have been rendered more savage, by the 
 inculcation of new principles, which have, in their 
 operation, burst asunder the most powerful claims of 
 nature, in order to make room for the exercise of all 
 the bad qualities that are latent in the human breast. 
 
 But a happy change has already been wrought by the 
 partial abolition of this inhuman traffic ; and if it be 
 followed by the introduction of Christianity, and the 
 arts of civil life, we may yet see IMadagascar rising in 
 the scale of nations, and exhibiting to the world in her
 
 41 
 
 renovation, an example equal in moral greatness to 
 that of any civilized country on earth. 
 
 Having thus considered their character, as in- 
 fluenced by their connection with Europeans, we shall 
 now proceed to speak of it as illustrated in their 
 domestic habits. Here every allowance must be 
 made by the reader, for the circumstances in which he 
 finds them ; and if, in some of the relations of domestic 
 life, they fall far short of that pure standard of morals 
 which he knows to be most conducive to the well- 
 being of society, either individually or collectively, he 
 must recollect, that he is reading of a people, who are 
 but just emerging from an obscurity in which they 
 have been involved, probably upwards of three thou- 
 sand years ; during which period they have been 
 wholly shut out from the advantages of civilized life, 
 and, above all, of that revealed religion, which has 
 conferred so many temporal as well as spiritual 
 blessings on mankind : that during this long seclusion, 
 a mass of prejudices and false opinions have been 
 accumulating, to which time has imparted a strength 
 and solidity that Mould for ever bid defiance to such 
 ill-directed efforts, as have hitherto been made to 
 overthrow them ; and that the specimens they have 
 heretofore had, of the moral and civil habits of tliosc 
 foreigners who have visited them, have not been of a 
 stamp to impart so favourable an idea of their supe- 
 riority, as to induce them to relinquish their established 
 usages, and adopt those of their invaders. Makin<»- 
 these allowances, we think the reader will acknowledge,
 
 42 
 
 that if, in some of the relations of life, the Madegasses 
 fall below us, in others we cannot improve them ; 
 and that we owe them but little resentment, if, on 
 some occasions, they have indignantly flung on those 
 who have invaded their rights, the epithet of savages*, 
 and declined all further intercourse with a set of 
 lawless intruders, who, they believed, aimed at nothing 
 less than the utter destruction of their customs and 
 liberty. 
 
 The influence of climate and situation must be 
 allowed to have great weight in the formation of 
 character. In northern countries, where the neces- 
 saries of life are procured at a great expence of 
 labour, we find the inhabitants, in general, active, 
 industrious, and careful. On the other hand, those 
 who live under a milder sky, where Nature bestows her 
 favours with a liberal hand, are supine, indolent, and 
 improvident. Thus it is with the Madegasses. 
 Placed, by an indulgent Providence, in a land literally 
 flowing with milk and honey, where the means of 
 existence, and even the luxuries of life, spring up 
 gratuitously around them, they exhibit an easy, indo- 
 lent disposition j", careless of futurity, and only desirous 
 
 * They long entertained the belief, that the Europeans 
 ate the slaves they purchased, and they looked on them with 
 horror, as canibals. 
 
 f It is evident, however, that this indolence arises rather 
 from absence of occupation, than from sluggishness; for when- 
 ever an occasion for exertion presents itself, they do not shrink 
 from either toil or danger. A celebrated traveller, in describing 
 their character, represents them as " one day sedentar>%
 
 43 
 
 of present gratitication. Circumscribed in their ideas 
 to the circle of relative and domestic concerns, they 
 have but little exercise for reflection ; and, u hen not 
 engaged in husbandry, war, or amusements, they pass 
 the time in sleep. In their habits they are temperate, 
 and even abstemious. Want alone regulates their 
 hours of meals, at which they take only what nature 
 requires, except it be on particular occasions, such as 
 a circumcision, conclusion of a treaty, or any other 
 public affair. Their ordinary food consists of the 
 natural produce of the island, principally rice, dressed 
 in the simplest manner, and seasoned with white pep- 
 per ; and they usually drink hot water, or broth from 
 the boiled meats : wines, of which they make several 
 kinds, are reserved for the entertainment of their 
 friends on occasions of ceremony and festivity. 
 
 Towards those with whom they are in friendship, 
 their conduct is humane, generous, and good-natured ; 
 nor will they attack strangers unprovoked.* Even to 
 their enemies, though cruel in the extreme when en- 
 gaged in the conflict, and their passions are excited,, 
 they sometimes display a whimsical sort of mag- 
 
 the next industrious cultivators of the ground, and the next 
 warriors." 
 
 * " I have frequently travelled," says the late General Burn, 
 '• for a whole day over the hills unarmed, and met them in the 
 woods with their formidable spears, fully persuaded I had no 
 ill treatment to fear. They would shake me by the hand in a 
 familiar manner, jabber a few sentences in their language, and 
 then, when they found we could not understand one another, 
 walk on with' a smile."— ^Hv/i'* Memoirs, vol. ii. |>. 115.
 
 44 
 
 naniiuity and commiseration ; for if it should liappen 
 that one party is suffering through a want of pro- 
 visions, the other will send them a few bullocks, or 
 a quantity of rice, to show that they excel them in 
 generosity. 
 
 They are, notwithstanding, easily provoked, and 
 quick in their resentments upon receiving any slight 
 or injury ; and, on such occasions, they act with pre- 
 cipitation, and giving scope to their passion, frequently 
 commit acts of cruelty, for which they afterwards ex- 
 press regret, and endeavour to atone. 
 
 Polygamy is practised throughout the island, and 
 every man is allowed to keep as many wives as he 
 can maintain ; but the first wife is always considered 
 as superior to the rest, and the marriage ceremonies 
 are observed only in her ease, the others being looked 
 upon as concubines. Contrary to the custom of most 
 uncivilized tribes, the women are treated with great 
 attention and tenderness. Indeed the men seem to 
 enjoy the society of their wives in a high degree, and 
 are always cheerful in their presence. The disposi- 
 tion of the women is easy, cheerful, and captivating ; 
 and the deportment of those who are married, is, 
 generally speaking, marked with modesty and de- 
 corum. Both men and women are allowed to separate 
 at pleasure, and a restitution of dowry takes place 
 on such occasions. Adultery is accounted equal in 
 criminality to theft, and is punished by fining, accord- 
 ing to the quality of the person aggrieved : but if the 
 woman is the wife of a chief or king, the offending
 
 45 
 
 parties are put to death according to their laws. 
 They caution strangers to respect their ^ives, and 
 to avoid treating them with levity or immodesty, 
 but they offer them their daughters. 
 
 Their favourite amusements are singing and danc- 
 ing ; the women practise the former, and are very 
 ready at extempore composition upon the slightest 
 occasions : these songs are generally replete ^^ ith 
 satire or encomium; in the former they stigmatize 
 unworthy actions, and, in the latter, celebrate good 
 ones : the remarkable deeds of their forefathers 
 form the frequent subject of their songs. These 
 amusements, which generally occupy the evening, 
 are conducted with propriety of behaviour, and a 
 freedom from those excesses which too frequently 
 attend those of more polished nations. 
 
 However much they may be addicted to plundering 
 those with whom they are at war, amongst themselves 
 their conduct is marked with a degree of honesty that 
 would reflect honour on the most civilized people. 
 No stronger proof of this can be given, than that they 
 make no use of either bars, bolts, or locks, to their 
 houses. Every precaution is taken to prevent being 
 surprised by an enemy ; and their towns and villages, 
 as we have already observed, are doubly defended 
 and guarded ; but within their intrcnchments, all is 
 security and confidence, no further precaution being 
 necessary than laying a few thorns at the door, or 
 fastening; it on the outside, to prevent the fowls or 
 cattle from cnteriuii.
 
 46 
 
 Their mental powers arc considerable. As far as 
 their information extends, their reasoning is sound 
 and strong, and they are very ready in comprehend- 
 ing any new subject that is proposed to them. Some 
 of their speakers are possessed of considerable elo- 
 quence, as will be evinced by a reference to their 
 speeches, recorded in the historical part of this work. 
 In delivering their sentiments, their periods are short; 
 but their addresses are argumentative and conclusive, 
 and well calculated to enforce conviction on the minds 
 of an audience. 
 
 The sanctity of an oath is universally observed by 
 them, and it is usual to resort to it whenever more 
 than ordinary affirmation is required. The mode of 
 administering it was, as they assure us, prescribed by 
 their forefathers ; and in no case where that form has 
 been adhered to, was it ever known that a native of 
 Madagascar has broken his oath. The treachery 
 which the French settlers complained of, was the 
 natural consequence of the lawless tyranny and op- 
 pression they practised upon them ; they had no other 
 means left to free themselves, and it must not be 
 looked upon as a criterion of their character. That 
 there are bad men in Madagascar, we do not attempt to 
 deny ; but such characters are treated with contempt 
 there, as well as in more civilized countries, and 
 the non-observance of an oath is held in abhor- 
 rence. 
 
 They are much given to superstition, and are great 
 observers of dreams, M'hich they sometimes carry to a
 
 47 
 
 ridiculous length.* Witchcraft is greatly practised, 
 especially in the province of Matatane, where magic 
 is kept up in all its glory. The Ombiasses, or magi- 
 cians, have acquired great influence over the people, 
 who are much afraid of them on account of their sup- 
 posed necromantic powers ; nor dare they dispute 
 their commands or assertions, though contrary to the 
 evidence of their senses and the dictates of the plainest 
 reason. Of this influence they make a very profitable 
 use, by selling a kind of talisman, on slips of paper, 
 written in the Arabic character, which are worn round 
 the neck by the credulous people, who suppose they will 
 preserve them from the influence of every kind of evil. 
 On the whole, we are led to conclude, from the 
 foregoing sketch, that the Madegasses are a sensi- 
 ble and well-disposed people, — easy in their tempers, 
 
 * Druiy mentions a remarkably ludicrous instance of this 
 kind. A young man was ordered by his guardian spirit, in a 
 dream, to go to his brother who was to shoot at him. In obe- 
 dience to this nocturnal injunction, he posted off the next morn- 
 ing to his brother, acquainted him with his errand, and requested 
 him without delay to execute the command. His brother en- 
 deavoured to dissuade him from his ridiculous determination, 
 but to no purpose. " You must shoot at me," said the fanatic, 
 " or worse will come of it." " Well, then, I will shoot towards 
 you, and miss you." Nothing, however, but a hona-fide shoot 
 at him would satisfy the anxious devotee. Thus over-ruled, his 
 brother loaded his piece, and standing about thirty yards ott, 
 fired low ; but with all his care he broke one of his legs, and 
 then reflecting on his own credulity, ran, lamenting, to assist him. 
 In short, with the usual applications, and some magical charms, 
 the leg was healed, but the young man carried the marks of his 
 folly to his grave, in a stiff joint.
 
 48 
 
 and, to their friends, generous, hospitable, and faith- 
 ful. With no other guides than the light, and conse- 
 quently the religion of nature, experience has taught 
 them the necessity of fixed principles, to regulate their 
 conduct and dealings with each other. But in the 
 construction of these principles, no provision was 
 made against the effects of a revengeful spirit ; nor 
 were their foundations sufficiently liberal and extended 
 to meet the exigencies of the situation into which they 
 have been thrown, by the attempts of foreigners to 
 subjugate them. Something more was wanting to 
 enable them to withstand the vicious examples and 
 unprovoked aggressions of the invaders, without imi- 
 tating the one, and revenging the other, by acts of 
 treachery and barbarity. What has not the Christian 
 religion done for mankind ! — there is not a va- 
 luable principle in morals that it has not rendered 
 more stable, nor in social life that it has not refined 
 and softened. It is the oil that allays the stormy 
 passions of the mind — the balm that soothes and 
 attenuates the anxieties of life- — the spring that regu- 
 lates and perpetuates the benevolent feelings of the 
 heart — the power which dispels the illusions of 
 superstition and ignorance — and the barrier that 
 prevents the accesses of vice and depravity. While 
 it does not prohibit us from using the means of self- 
 preservation, it enjoins on us mercy and forgiveness 
 towards our enemies, an humane use of the means of 
 self-defence, and a compassionate forbearance in the 
 hour of victorv.
 
 49 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of the different Classes — The Zafe Rahimini — TJieir 
 Subdivisions — Origin — Indigenous Blacks — Subdivi- 
 sions — Origin of the Aborigines. 
 
 According to the most authentic accounts, the 
 inhabitants of Madagascar consist of three distinct 
 races ; each of which are easily discernible, notwith- 
 standing their continual intermixtures. 
 
 The first is that of the Whites, who inhabit the 
 provinces of Anossi and Matatane, and who assert that 
 they are descended from Imina, the mother of 
 Mahomet, and they are in consequence called Zafe 
 Rahimini.* 
 
 The second, inhabiting the Isle of St. Mary, and 
 the country round Foule Point and the Bay of 
 Antongil, are called Zafe Hibrahim, or descendants 
 of Abraham, who also are whites. 
 
 The third race comprises the Indigenous Blacks, 
 who are to be considered as the aborigines. 
 
 The Zafe Rahimini are of Arabian extraction. 
 
 * Those whites who live ia Matatane are all magicians, 
 and are called Ombiasses. They have public schools for the 
 purpose of teaching necromancy — they are also the writers and 
 historians of Madagascar. They make use of the Arabic 
 character, and teach both reading and writing in that language. 
 
 E
 
 50 
 
 They discovered the island about two hundred and 
 fifty years ago. Upon their arrival, the leader, or 
 chief of the company, married a native woman, upon 
 condition that the offspring of the union should be 
 called Zafe Casimambou, after their father, which was 
 contrary to the custom of the country. Their pro- 
 geny were numerous ; and in a short time they gained 
 an ascendancy over their brethren. Upon the latter 
 attempting to emancipate themselves, about one 
 hundred and fifty years ago, they were all put to the 
 sword, except the women and children, who had a 
 district allotted to them, which they cultivated. These 
 are called Ontampassemaca, or " People from the 
 sandy deserts of Mecca."* 
 
 Those of this race who inhabit Anossi, are divided 
 into three classes, or orders ; — the Rhoandrians, Ana- 
 candrians, and Ontzatsi.t 
 
 * Some writers have made a distinction between the whites 
 of Anossi, and those of Matatane, upon the assumption that 
 they arrived at two different periods ; but the account they give 
 is so confused, and, after all, the times of their arrival are so 
 near to each other, that we have followed a writer of acknow- 
 ledged correctness, and have considered the two as derived 
 from the same stock, but rendered distinct by the marriage above 
 referred to, and the consequent ambition and tyranny of its 
 issue. 
 
 t The following account of the origin of the Zafe Rahimini, 
 is an extract from a book written in the Madegasse language, 
 called Fasiri, which was translated by order of Benyowsky, 
 during the time he resided on the island. 
 
 Rahimini, father of Imina, the mother of Mahomet, had two 
 sons, the elder of whom was named Ramini, and was a great 
 prophet. He went to Mahomet at Mecca, but as he would not
 
 51 
 
 The Rlioandrians are the first and most dis- 
 tinguished order; they are, in fact, the nobles of 
 Madagascar. The kings are always chosen from 
 amongst them, and are called Ampansacabe. They 
 enjoy many privileges, and, amongst others, that of 
 
 eat the flesh of beasts unless he had himself cut the throat of the 
 animal, he irritated the disciples of Mahomet, who intended to 
 spill his blood for introducing a new custom. But Mahomet 
 saved his life by inspiration, and permitted him to cut the throats 
 of the beasts he ate, and sometime afterwards gave him one of 
 his daughters, named Farefatima, in marriage. Ramini then 
 went with his wife to Mangalor, where he spent his life, and 
 was an Ampansacabe. At his death, his son Rehanroad 
 succeeded him, and married his sister: a son was the issue of 
 this match, named Rahadzi, who also succeeded his father ; but 
 having a desire to visit the tombs of his ancestors at Palmir, he 
 set out for that purpose, leaving his brother to supply his place 
 during his absence. The latter proved treacherous, and giving 
 out that his brother was only gone to make an act of profession 
 of the Mahometan faith, gained over all the great men to 
 his cause, and superseded his brother in the sovereignty. Ra- 
 hadzi, being informed of this treachery, took the resolution of 
 sailing in quest of an unknown land, and accordingly arrived at 
 the island of Comoro, from whence he went to Madagascar, and 
 landed at Manghabei, where he was kindly received, and mar- 
 ried the daughter of one of the kings of the island. He had 
 two children by her, the eldest of whom was chosen Ampansa- 
 cabe — and his descendants, each in turn, succeeded him in that 
 exalted office. Ramini Larizon was the last Ampansacabe, he 
 being slain in war, and his two sons massacred on his tomb. 
 There were many of the illegitimate offspring of this race when 
 the French first went to Madagascar, They then had great 
 power, but the French exterminated them all but one, who 
 avenged their death by a general massacre of all the French 
 in the country. 
 
 E 2
 
 52 
 
 killing beasts, a business which is universally honoured 
 among savages who subsist by the chace. 
 
 The Anacandrians are the offspring of a Rhoan- 
 drian and a woman of inferior rank, for which 
 reason they have the privilege of killing beasts ; their 
 hair is long, hanging down in curls, and their com- 
 plexion is of a reddish hue. 
 
 The Ontzatsi constitute the last class of Zafe 
 Rahimini. They enjoy no privilege beyond that of 
 killing a fowl ; they derive their origin from the illegi- 
 timate offspring of the Anacandrians, and the sailors 
 who came over with the Zafe Rahimini. They subsist 
 chiefly by fishing, are accounted brave soldiers, and 
 can fling a stone or a dart with unerring certainty. 
 They also spend great part of their time in dancing 
 and singing, and appear to live an easy careless 
 life. 
 
 The Whites of Foule Point, who call themselves 
 the descendants of Abraham, are sprung partly from 
 the ancient pirates, and partly from the real Zafe 
 Hibrahims ; they enjoy no privileges, and are in some 
 measure distinct from the other classes of society in 
 the island. 
 
 The Indigenous Blacks comprise four classes ; the 
 Voadziri, the Lohavohitz, the Ontzoa, and the 
 Ondeves. The first are said to trace their origin from 
 the ancient sovereigns of the island. Their wealth 
 in slaves and cattle is altogether considerable, and 
 they are allowed the possession of several villages. 
 Although superseded in the sovereignty by the race
 
 53 
 
 of Ramini, it is evident that tlieir descent is noble, 
 since tlie natives still hold them in veneration ; and 
 they have the privilege, in common with the usurpers, 
 of killing the beasts belonging to their subjects, pro- 
 vided they have the good fortune to arrive before a 
 Rhoandrian or Anacandrian.* 
 
 The Lohavohitz have much less power than the 
 last-mentioned. They can never possess more than 
 one village; and how great soever their wealth in 
 slaves and cattle may be, they are not allowed, on any 
 account whatever, to kill the animals that serve as 
 food for themselves and their subjects; but must 
 go and seek a Rhoandrian, be it ever so incon- 
 venient. 
 
 The Ontzoa are nearly related to the former, but 
 they possess no power, authority, or privilege what- 
 ever, except personal freedom. 
 
 The Ondeves are slaves by extraction ; their name, 
 in the Madegasse language, implies " a man un- 
 done !" These are " the hewers of wood and drawers 
 of water" for the higher ranks, and are kept in entire 
 subjection, t 
 
 * This privilege is no empty honour. It is attended with 
 considerable profit; for the noble butcher is allowed to help 
 himself to a part of the ox, or whatever animal he is kil- 
 ling. 
 
 f There is a piece of curious tradition current in Madagas- 
 car, respecting the origin of the several classes, corresponding 
 with the foregoing subdivision. It was first promulgated by the 
 Ombiasses, doubtless with a view to strengthen the power of 
 the Zafe Ramini. 
 
 It
 
 54 
 
 vSuch are the gradations of rank in Madagascar; 
 and in tracing the origin of the Zafe Rahimini, we 
 have hitherto had some guide to direct us ; but with 
 respect to the aborigines, that question is involved in 
 the greatest obscurity, and the opinions concerning it 
 are almost as various as the persons who have written 
 upon the subject: and after all that has been said, 
 the entire absence of either authentic records, or 
 probable tradition, leaves the matter still open to 
 discussion. It is not our province to reconcile the 
 conflicting opinions, much less to make a decision, 
 M'hen others, far better qualified for the task, both by 
 talents and learning, have spoken with diffidence. 
 We shall therefore state the leading opinions, with 
 the arguments in their favour or against them, and 
 then leave the further discussion of the subject for 
 some abler pen. 
 
 The origin of the Madegasses, is, by the generality of 
 
 It asserts, that the Creator of heaven and earth drew from 
 the body of the first man, while he was asleep, seven women, 
 from whom the seven tribes descended. 
 
 The mother of the Rhoandrians was extracted from the brain 
 of the first man. 
 
 That of the Anacandrians from his neck — and the Ontzatsi 
 from his shoulder. 
 
 The Voadziri were derived from her who came out of his 
 right side, while in a deep sleep. 
 
 The mother of the Lohavohitz sprung from the thigh. 
 
 That of the Ontzoa from the calf of the leg. 
 
 The poor Ondeves were, from the beginning, destined to be 
 trodden down by their brethren. Their first mother was ex- 
 tracted from the sole of the foot of the first man ! !
 
 55 
 
 writers, ascribed to the Jews : this idea is founded on 
 the universal practice of circumcision amongst them, 
 and from the title of " Descendants of Abraham" 
 having been assumed by the inhabitants of St. Mary's 
 Isle, and the coast opposite. But these circumstances 
 by no means determine the point, it being well known 
 that many of the eastern nations practise circumcision, 
 who, it is certain, are not of Jewish extraction ; and 
 as to the title of " Descendants of Abraham," it would 
 apply as well to the descendants of any other part of 
 his family, (which was numerous, and all undoubtedly 
 practised circumcision), as to those who sprung from 
 Isaac. 
 
 But, we ask, what period of the Jewish history 
 is assigned as the probable one at which the island 
 was peopled by them? That it could not take 
 place after the dispersion, is, we think, obvious ; for, 
 wherever that people have been found, their charac- 
 teristics are so plain, that they may be distinguished 
 without much difficulty. Believing, as they do, that 
 the promised Messiah has still to make his appear- 
 ance, and that their return to the Holy Land will 
 -precede or accompany his advent, they are found 
 every where to hold themselves distinct from the 
 nations and people around them, — regulated by 
 different customs and laws, — tenacious of their reli- 
 gious rites and ceremonies, — and assuming to them- 
 selves the same high ground, as being exclusively 
 " the people of God." 
 
 The same arguments, with many additional ones,
 
 56 
 
 may be urged against the supposition of such an 
 event taking place, during the residence of the Jews 
 in the land of Canaan. That was the land of pro- 
 mise, to the possession of which their expectations 
 were directed for near five hundred years, with an 
 intenseness and ardour which amounted to enthusiasm. 
 And after they had, with much toil and difficulty, 
 taken possession of it, the happiness they enjoyed 
 there, and the importance they attached to a residence 
 in it, as the appointed theatre for the future fulfilment 
 of prophecy, inspired them with the most enthusiastic 
 patriotism, which was further strengthened, and a 
 charm thrown over the whole, by the influence of a 
 dispensation of religion peculiarly their own : and it 
 is difficult to believe that any of them would abandon 
 such a country, and such expectations, to sail in quest 
 of an unknown land. 
 
 Neither is there any similarity between the religious 
 or civil habits of the IVIadegasses and those of the Jews, 
 except in the practice of circumcision ; — they have 
 neither customs, traditions, rites, nor ceremonies 
 sufficiently analogous to justify us in assigning their 
 origin to that people. It is well known that the 
 JeVi's were greatly addicted to idolatry, notwithstand- 
 ing the theocratic government under which they long 
 lived. The splendour of the Mosaic dispensation 
 held them in awful reverence only until something 
 more pompous and splendid presented itself in the 
 idolatrous rites and ceremonies of the heathen nations 
 around them, which were presently adopted and mixed
 
 57 
 
 up with their own system. But we never hear of their 
 having gone back to natural reHgion, the simpHcity of 
 which aftbrded no charms to their minds, — reflected 
 no glare upon their senses. Whereas, in Madagascar, 
 the reverse is the case ; there the worshippers have 
 neither temples, sabbaths, priests, nor stated religious 
 services; nor have they ever fallen into idolatry, — the 
 Oli, or Teraphim, which they make use of in their 
 prayers, being only the medium of communication. 
 Their worship is confined to one God, and to Him 
 alone their prayers and sacrifices are offered. In the 
 latter, they for the most part offer females ; whereas 
 the Jews, in their burnt offerings, were strictly for- 
 bidden to offer any other than males.* In mourning 
 for the dead, the Madegasses shave their heads ; a 
 practice which also was forbidden to the Jews, who 
 were severely reproved for adopting it. 
 
 There are two or three other circumstances which 
 go far towards deciding the question with respect to 
 the Jews, and, indeed, any other nation contemporary 
 with that people. In their domestic economy the 
 Madegasses make use of no animal to assist them in 
 the labours of husbandry, or in carrying burthens. 
 It is a very striking circumstance, that they should 
 never have thought of using oxen as beasts of bur- 
 then. If at any period of their history the use of 
 them had been known, (which must have been the 
 
 * In the Patriarchal ages there does not appear to have been 
 any prohibition of the use of females in their burnt offerings. — 
 See Gen. viii. 20, and xv. 9.
 
 58 
 
 case if they had descended from the Jews), it would 
 certainly have been perpetuated on the island by the 
 influence of a principle common to all men, namely, 
 a love of ease, and a wish to avoid labour. Neither 
 have they any kind of vehicle going on wheels. These 
 circumstances will, it is presumed, carry their origin 
 back to a much earlier date than the Jewish history, 
 or that of any of the civilized nations of antiquity, 
 will admit of: — and had either of them been known 
 to the original inhabitants, their essential value would 
 have insured their transmission to succeeding gene- 
 rations. The knowledge of letters, too, was unknown 
 till within the last three hundred and fifty years, when 
 it was introduced into some of the provinces by 
 the Arabs, who conquered the island. And, to con- 
 clude this negative evidence, the language which is 
 spoken universally throughout the island (with only a 
 provincial difference), bears no analogy to the Hebrew, 
 but is a " mixture of Arabic and Greek, being agree- 
 able to the latter in the manner of speaking, in the 
 order and conjunction of nouns and verbs active, and 
 in being extremely copious." 
 
 Another opinion that has been advanced, is, that 
 they owe their origin to one of the immediate descen- 
 dants of Ham, the son of Noah ; or, probably, to 
 some part of Abraham's family, which was numerous. 
 This supposition appears to be much better supported 
 than the former, being, in many respects, favoured by 
 the habits and manners of the IVladegasses. Their 
 religion is evidently the most ancient in the world.
 
 59 
 
 and in its simplicity beacs some analogy to that of the 
 Patriarchs, though debased by much superstition. 
 Like them, every man is a priest and a judge in his 
 own house*, where he prepares the sacrifices, and 
 oft'ers up his prayers to " Unghorray," or, " the 
 Most High God ;" a name which corresponds with 
 that given to the Divine Being in Genesis xiv. 18. 
 The pastoral mode of life also, which universally 
 prevails, is similar to that of the Patriarchs : like 
 them, their riches chiefly consist in flocks and herds, 
 there being no circulating medium in the island. 
 
 The recourse had to an oath (not profane swearing) 
 on every extraordinary occasion, the reverence with 
 which these appeals to the Deity are pronounced, and 
 the sacrifice or feast by which it is accompanied or 
 concluded, correspond with the custom in the Patri- 
 archal ages ; a remarkable instance of which occurs 
 in the 31st chapter of Genesis, on occasion of the 
 league between Jacob and Laban ; when Jacob sware, 
 " by the fear of his father, Isaac," not to pass the 
 bounds prescribed ; and the treaty was ratified with 
 a sacrifice, or, as Josephus calls it, a feast. 
 
 The Oli, with which they invoke the spirits of the 
 dead, is, in many respects, similar to the Teraphim 
 used in the early ages after the Flood. It is asserted 
 by some commentators, that the household gods, which 
 
 * On religious occasions, in which the public are concerned, 
 their chiefs invariably perform the priestly offices, which also 
 corresponds with the custom of the Patriarchs, as in the case of 
 Melchizedek. — See Gen. xiv. 18, &c.
 
 60 
 
 Rachael stole from her father Laban, were nothing 
 more than Teraphim, which were kept for the purpose 
 of invoking the guardian spirits, who were supposed 
 to go in the night with messages or petitions to the 
 Divine Being, and bring back answers. This is the 
 use ascribed to them by the Jewish cabalists; and 
 it exactly corresponds with that assigned by the 
 Madegasses to the Oli. The Jews were strictly 
 forbidden to follow the examples of the nations around 
 them (and indeed their own ancestors) in this 
 superstitious practice, which they could not be de- 
 terred from, though frequently reproved by their 
 prophets on account of it. The reader's mind will 
 doubtless recur to the instance of Micah, (see the 
 18th and 19th chapters of Judges,) who had in his 
 house two images, an Epod and a Teraphim, which 
 shews that they did not confine themselves to the use 
 of the two latter, but connected other idolatrous rites, 
 borrowed from the heathen around them. 
 
 The chief difficulty, which presents itself in the way 
 of this opinion, is, the question how the descendants 
 of Ham, or of Abraham, could get to Madagascar at 
 that early period, when the art of ship-building could 
 be but very imperfectly known. But this difficulty 
 will vanish, when it is considered that the ark was in 
 existence in Ham's time, and for many ages after, 
 and consequently his children had a model to work by. 
 It is certain, that the children of Japheth peopled the 
 islands in the Mediterranean, as early as Abraham's 
 time; and the children of Ham also were dispersed
 
 61 
 
 abroad, round the coasts of Africa ; from whence, 
 supposing them to possess the art of ship-building, 
 tliey might easily transport themselves to Madagascar. 
 Their colour, M^hich is similar to that of the Egyptians 
 and Abyssinians, renders it evident, that they came 
 from yVfrica; and the vicinity of the island to the coast 
 of that quarter of the globe, rather than to any other, 
 puts the matter out of doubt; while the foregoing 
 arguments render it extremely probable, that their 
 arrival took place at a very remote period, long before 
 the Israelites were in bondage in Egypt, or any of the 
 polished nations of antiquity were in existence.* 
 
 These are the opinions on this interesting subject, 
 which we have considered as most worthy of notice. 
 And if we admit the latter to be correct, what reflec- 
 tions does the situation of these poor islanders suggest 
 to the mind of a Christian ! We are here introduced 
 to a race of men, who, for nearly four thousand years, 
 have been separated from the rest of the world, and 
 shut up in a state of mental darkness and ignorance ; 
 
 * To the foregoing opinion, the writer would beg leave to 
 add a suggestion on the subject ; namely, whether the Made- 
 gasses do not owe their descent to two sources ? Is it not 
 probable, that while those of an olive complexion, who con- 
 stitute the bulk of the population, may have descended from 
 the family of Ham, those denominated " the descendants of 
 Abraham" were actually his children, descended collaterally 
 with the others ; and having arrived at the island at the same 
 period, separated, as was usual at that early age, in order to 
 constitute different tribes ? It is with this impression the writer 
 has ventured to separate them in this chapter.
 
 62 
 
 whose progenitors, tliougli contemporary witli the 
 founders of true religion, and originally uniting with 
 them in its sacred observances, have not, in their 
 descendants, shared the benefits of its intiuenee ; but, 
 having simply received the knowledge of one God, 
 and adopted the seal of the covenant after the example 
 of the " Father of the Faithful," were from thenceforth 
 cut off from all further intercourse with his collateral 
 descendants, and consigned to the gloomy regions of 
 heathen superstition. On them the glorious revela- 
 tion under the Mosaic, and still more glorious under 
 the Christian dispensation, have never shed their 
 light. To them did not " pertain the adoption, and 
 the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the 
 law, and the service of God, and the promises ;" nor 
 have they been partakers of the blessings of that 
 Gospel, which is " the power of God unto salvation." 
 The thunders of Sinai have never awed their minds 
 into obedience; nor has the persuasive voice of the 
 Redeemer of mankind ever melted their hearts with 
 divine love ; yet, in the midst of an accumulating 
 mass of error and superstition, we find them adhering, 
 with inflexible constancy, to the grand principle on 
 which all true religion is founded — the acknowledg- 
 ment of one God, to the exclusion of idols : their 
 moral state calls aloud for the sympathy of the Chris- 
 tian world ; and we trust no exertions will be spared, 
 to convey to them the knowledge of that religion, 
 which alone can dispel their errors, regulate their con- 
 duct, and reform their hearts.
 
 63 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Religion — Object of Faith — Belief in one God — In a 
 World of Spirits — Immortality of the Soul — Notion 
 of the Sun — Creation of the World — A Day of Rest 
 allowed — Mode of Worship — Sacrifices in Sickness — 
 In cases of Derangement — Burial of the Dead — 
 Circumcision — Exposing Children to Destruction. — 
 Conclusion. 
 
 T'he subject of religion lias, in some degree, been 
 anticipated in the preceding chapter ; and as the 
 Appendix will contain an account of the present state 
 of the island, as it respects the influence their religious 
 sentiments possess over their minds, and the probable 
 effects of the introduction of Christianity ; we shall, 
 in this section, merely give the outline of their faith, 
 and its illustration in their mode of worship, post- 
 poning the further discussion of it till we enter upon 
 that part of the work. 
 
 They acknowledge one only true God, the Creator 
 of heaven and earth, and the Supreme Ruler of the 
 universe. This Great Being they call " Unghorray," 
 or " Zanhar6*," which signifies "the Highest God," 
 
 * The former is the orthography of Drury, who resided many 
 years amongst them; the latter, that of the French writers. 
 Their difference is little more than apparent ; for if the Z be
 
 64 
 
 or " the God above." They believe him to pos- 
 sess infinite power, l)ut consider him too great a 
 Being, and too powerful, to condescend to attend 
 to the concerns of mortals, or to reveal himself to 
 any of his creatures : they therefore suppose, that 
 four inferior spirits are appointed, to whom are 
 delegated the affairs of this world. These are de- 
 nominated the Lords of the North, South, West, 
 and East. The last is supposed to be the dispenser 
 of plagues and miseries to mankind, by the command 
 of the Great God — the other three are employed in 
 the dispensation of benefits. Believing that these 
 four spirits are powerful intermediate beings, pos- 
 sessing great influence with the Deity, they profess a 
 high veneration for them, and recommend themselves 
 to them in their prayers and sacrifices ; but they by 
 no means worship them, or any other being, except 
 the Deity, who alone is the object of their prayers 
 and sacrifices.* 
 
 Besides these four, they have great faith in a world 
 of spirits, and believe that every family has its guar- 
 dian angel, which is generally supposed to be the 
 soul of a particular ancestor : these are considered as 
 
 omitted, or slightly slipped over at the beginning of the French 
 word, they would pronounce -it nearly the same as we pronounce 
 Unghorray ; and the orthography of the latter is more agreeable 
 to that of the Madecasse language in general. 
 
 * This circumstance is worthy of particular notice, as it is, we 
 believe, unparalleled in the history of the heathen world ; and it 
 greatly heightens the interest their present critical situation, with 
 respect to religion, is calculated to excite.
 
 65 
 
 the messengers, who convey their prayers to the four 
 great Lords, as the medium of access to the Deity. 
 These guardian angels are also represented in their 
 domestic worship, by a sort of Teraphim, called 
 Olis*, which are used on almost every occasion in 
 their domestic arrangements, and are frequently worn 
 by the heads of families, as a preservative from evil. 
 
 They believe in the immortality of the soul, and 
 that, after death, it returns to Zanhare ; but they have 
 no idea of future punishment, or that the soul can 
 suffer evil after its separation from the body: they 
 believe that bad men will be punished in this world, 
 by a complication of misfortune ; and that the good 
 will be rewarded by a good state of health, constancy 
 of his friends, increase of fortune, and obedience of 
 children. 
 
 They look upon the sun as a glorious body, and, 
 as some have supposed, as a spiritual being, but 
 created and dependent : they frequently gaze at it 
 with wonder, if not with adoration, but offer no 
 prayers to it. They consider it as the source of all 
 their personal enjoyments ; but ascribe that source to 
 a superior Power, and theiefore address their ascrip- 
 tions of praise to Him alone. 
 
 * The Oli is made of small pieces of wood, neatly joined 
 together, in the form of a half-moon, with the horns downward, 
 and between the points are two alligators' teeth. It is fancifully 
 adorned with beads of different colours, and a sash is fastened 
 to it at the back, for the purpose of tying it round the person 
 who makes use of it.
 
 66 
 
 Their faith, relating to the creation of the world, is 
 in some respects analogous to the Mosaic account, 
 but mingled with much falsehood. They believe 
 that God, having created heaven, earth, and all 
 creatures, placed Adam, whom he formed out of the 
 earth, in Paradise, which they suppose to be in the 
 Sun. Adam, having no necessity, was forbidden to 
 eat and drink. Paradise, they say, was watered by 
 four rivers ; one of milk, another of wine, a third of 
 honey, and a fourth of oil, and abounded with great 
 plenty of all sorts of fruit. The evil spirit, by cun- 
 ning and craft, finding Adam in Paradise, asked the 
 reason why he ate not of those fine fruits and oil, and 
 why he drank not of that fine wine and milk ? Adam 
 answered, he had been prohibited by God, and 
 wanted not nourishment to support life ; upon which 
 the devil retired, and after waiting two hours, returned, 
 and acquainted Adam that he came from God, to 
 give him leave to eat what he pleased. Adam, being 
 thus tempted, ate ; and, upon digestion, was guilty of 
 an impropriety in Paradise. The devil then com- 
 plained to God of his insolence and filthiness, who 
 immediately drove him out of Paradise, and sent him 
 into a country, where an imposthume grew in the calf 
 of his leg, which burst in six months, and produced a 
 girl; whereupon he sent a message to God, to know 
 what he should do ; who answered, that he must 
 bring her up, and marry her when she came to a 
 certain age ; which he did, and called her Rokouna, 
 or Eve. She brought him two sons — Cain and Abel,
 
 67 
 
 who, when grown up, destroyed each other through an 
 artifice of the devil. They add, that Adam had 
 many children, who increased greatly, became wicked, 
 and refused to acknowledge God ; that thereupon he 
 sent a deluge on the earth, after he had commanded 
 Noah to build a ship, and retire to it with his wife 
 and children, relations and domestics, with male and 
 female of every species; that they had no sooner 
 entered, than the earth, with the remaining animals, 
 was buried under the waters of the deluge, excepting 
 the four following mountains : — Zabalicaf in the north, 
 Zabalicatoure in the south, Zabaliraf in the west, and 
 Zabalibazane in the east : no persons, however, could 
 save themselves from death on these mountains. 
 After the deluge, Noah went out of the ship to live 
 at Jerusalem, and from thence to Mecca, where he 
 received from God, writings, containing his law. 
 They have likewise some tradition concerning Jesus 
 Christ ; but these traditional accounts of the histories 
 recorded in Scripture, are confined principally to the 
 Zafe Casimambous and the Ontampassimaca of the 
 province of Matatane and Anossi : it is therefore evi- 
 dent they were introduced by the Mahometans. 
 
 We have seen some accounts which state, that the 
 inhabitants of St. Mary Isle, and the rest of the 
 Zafe Hibrahim, refrain from work on the Sabbath ; 
 believing that otherwise they would be wounded or 
 attacked by sickness : that they also acknowledged 
 Noah, Abraham, Moses, and David ; but have no 
 knowledge of Jesus Christ, or any of the prophets, 
 
 F 2
 
 68 
 
 being, in all other respects, similar to the rest of the 
 islanders. With regard to their observance of the 
 Sabbath, nnost travellers who have written on the 
 subject assure us, that though a remission of labour 
 is universally allowed to their slaves occasionally, no 
 particular day is set apart for it there more than in 
 the other provinces : it rests entirely with the huma- 
 nity of the masters ; and, while some allow one day in 
 each week, others extend it to ten days or a fortnight ; 
 and in no case is the day devoted to religious services, 
 as the Sabbath is amongst Christians and Jews. 
 
 The knowledge they have of Noah and Abraham 
 is obviously accounted for ; and as to that which they 
 profess of Moses and David, they may have derived 
 it (as well as the account of the creation) from the 
 Mahometans, from whom also they have learned to 
 abstain from swine's flesh. Certainly the inference 
 drawn from these circumstances, even if they are cor- 
 rect, is not a necessary one ; namely, that they descend 
 from the Jews. 
 
 The worship, which is founded upon the foregoing 
 system of faith, is purely spontaneous, having neither 
 divine nor moral law, nor even the shadow of revelation 
 to enforce it: nor does it appear that innovations have 
 taken place from their intercourse with other nations ; 
 but that in this particular, as well as in their other cus- 
 toms and manners, they retain the same forms and sen- 
 timents as were practised and entertained by their fore- 
 fathers in ages of remotest antiquity. Their prayers 
 and addresses to the Deity arc confined to periods of
 
 69 
 
 sickness, distress, accidents, and the like ; but appeak 
 are made to Him on all ceremonial occasions, where 
 more than ordinary solemnity is requisite. 
 
 In sickness, frequent prayers are offered up, both 
 by the sufferer and his friends ; and if it be severe or 
 of long continuance, a sacrifice is offered. On such 
 occasions, an ox being procured, is brought to the 
 spot at sun-set, and a sort of altar being erected, the 
 nearest relative of the sick man slays the victim ; the 
 blood is then sprinkled about the altar, the head is 
 placed at the foot of it, and the caul and entrails 
 burnt in the fire upon it. During this ceremony, 
 the sick man sits near, in a supplicating posture, 
 and generally prays with great fervour. The cere- 
 mony is finished by the sacrificer cutting up the 
 ox and distributing it amongst the poor slaves of 
 the sick man, reserving, however, the best pieces for 
 himself. 
 
 If a person is seized with derangement, they imme- 
 diately send for an Ombiasse, who is to fetch Under- 
 standing from the sepulchre (Amounouque) of the 
 patient's forefathers. To this place he repairs by 
 night, opens the monument or tomb, and, placing a 
 cap over the aperture, invokes the soul of the disor- 
 dered person's father or grandfather, and demands 
 understanding for his helpless son. The aperture is 
 instantly closed, and the conjurer returns to the ma- 
 niac, declares his success, and places the cap on his 
 head ; and if he recover, he and his friends are gene- 
 rally weak enough to ascribe his recovery to the great
 
 70 
 
 skill of the impostor, and liberally reward him with 
 presents. 
 
 The burial of the dead is a religious occasion, and 
 is conducted with peculiar ceremonies. Upon the 
 decease of a person, the nearest relatives are invited 
 to the house ; the hair and beards of the men being 
 shaved, and a cap placed on the heads of the women 
 in token of mourning, they first wash the body, and 
 then adorn it with bracelets, rings, and chains of gold, 
 set with coral and other ornaments, wrapping round it 
 several pieces of the finest cloths : then the parents, 
 friends and slaves assemble round the corpse in a body, 
 and bemoan the deceased with great lamentations; the 
 women alternately bewailing and dancing, and the men 
 performing exercises of arms ; while another party, in an 
 adjoining apartment, extol the praises of the deceased, 
 proclaim his public loss, speak to him as if living, and 
 ask the reason of his dying ; — whether he had not 
 gold, silver, iron, cattle, slaves, or riches sufficient? 
 The first day is spent in this tragi-comic interchange 
 of grief and mirth, and the whole company is enter- 
 tained at night. A tree is next selected for the coffin, 
 and, a cow or ox being killed, some of the blood is 
 sprinkled upon the tree, and prayers are ofi*ered up 
 that it may not split, or hurt any one in falling. 
 Being cut about a foot longer than the corpse, 
 it is split down the middle and scooped out, after 
 which it is fit for use ; and the corpse being depo- 
 sited in it, and fastened down, it is carried by six 
 men to the Amounouque, or sepulchre, belonging
 
 71 
 
 to the family of the deceased*, which is generally 
 well fenced in with a palisade of bamboo, and a 
 strong house is erected in the middle, under which 
 the dead are deposited. The corpse being set down 
 on the outside, four fires are made at the four corners 
 of the cemetery ; on these they consume an ox, pre- 
 viously killed for the purpose, sprinkling frankincense 
 on the ashes. The head of the family then goes to 
 the gate of the sepulchre, halloos several times 
 very loud, and calls upon all the dead deposited there, 
 beginning with the first, and ending at the last 
 interred, telling them they have brought a relation to 
 lie amongst them, and hope they will receive him as a 
 friend : two or three persons then go in and dig the 
 grave, and the corpse is instantly interred without 
 further ceremony. In fifteen days, more sacrifices 
 are made, and provisions are sent to the defunct, as 
 if he were yet alive ; the heads of the immolated vic- 
 tims being fixed upon poles, and set round the tomb. 
 They also frequently repair thither in cases of sick- 
 ness or distress, offering prayers and sacrifices ; at 
 the same time invoking the aid of the mouldering 
 inhabitants, exclaiming, " Thou such an one art 
 now in heaven, give us help in this trouble." 
 
 * Every family in Madagascar, of any consequence, has its 
 burying-place, which is held sacred, no person daring to infringe 
 upon or break hito it. The fear of incurring the resentments 
 of the dead and the evil demons, who are supposed to hover 
 around it, is a sufficient safeguard to the sanctity of the 
 sepulchre even of an enemy.
 
 72 
 
 When a j)crson of rank dies at a distance from his 
 own home, the head is cut off, and conveyed thither, 
 and the corpse is buried upon the spot. On the same 
 principle, the bodies of those slain in war are dug up 
 in time of peace, and translated to the tombs of their 
 ancestors, amongst whom they are enrolled in the re- 
 ligious recollections of their relatives : for the memory 
 of the dead is held in the highest veneration, which is 
 manifest on every serious occasion ; and their most 
 solemn oath is to swear by the souls of their an- 
 cestors. 
 
 Circumcision is celebrated with great solemnity, 
 and generally performed in the month of May. The 
 preparations commence some weeks beforehand, in the 
 making of toak (or mead.) Several tubs of this 
 liquor are brewed, and a shed or hut built for its recep- 
 tion. When the day is appointed, notice of it is sent 
 to invite the relations and friends ; and the festival 
 commences a day or two before, with the blowing 
 of horns and beating of drums, which continue night 
 and day. The toak is tapped, and liberally dis- 
 tributed amongst the visitors, who generally drink to 
 excess. All kinds of sports are practised on this 
 occasion ; and the chief of the village gives an enter- 
 tainment, at which those who drink the most are 
 considered to have done the greatest honour to the 
 feast. Two hundred head of cattle are some- 
 times slain for the feast, and eaten, together with 
 their hides. When the day arrives on which the rite 
 is to be performed, a bull and some oxen are driven
 
 73 
 
 to the spot, and their legs being tied, they are thrown 
 on the ground. It is usual for the relations to 
 present an ox or bull for each child ; but if the 
 parents are poor, that is dispensed with. A profound 
 silence is observed, and every person is at his post : 
 the parents are occupied in preparing their children ; 
 the mothers sleeping with them the night before in the 
 lapa, or church, which was built some time previous 
 by the fathers and uncles of the children who are to 
 be circumcised. Being all assembled, the circumciser 
 makes a speech, usually to the following effect: — 
 " I respect thee, my God — ^I unite myself to thee by 
 prayer. I ask thy pardon for my sins ; thou hast 
 created feet and hands ; I prostrate myself before 
 thee; I this day circumcise this child," &c. The 
 children are then dressed up with beads and other 
 trinkets, and a skein of cotton thread, which is used 
 in the ceremony, is laid on its head. No food is 
 taken on the morning of the festival by the parties 
 concerned : and ten o'clock is the hour when every 
 thing is in readiness. They are governed by the 
 shadow of a nuaii, who stands upright before the sun, 
 to observe the critical minute for the execution of the 
 rite. On these occasions they measure by feet, and 
 the precise signal for the circumcision, is, when the 
 shadow is nine feet long: then the drums begin 
 beating, and the circumciser puts on his richest gar- 
 ment. The fathers walk in procession across the 
 lapa, or church, with their children under their arms, 
 entering at the west, and going out at the east door :
 
 74 
 
 they then walk twice round the cattle which are 
 destined for the sacrifice, make the children lie a little 
 on their backs, and touch with their left hand the 
 right horn of each ox or bull, which lie on the ground, 
 with their feet tied, ready to be immolated. The 
 ceremony is performed in silence, it being esteemed 
 holy and sacred by every individual ; but when it is 
 over, the thatch is stripped from the toak-house, and 
 the bulls and oxen are slaughtered for the entertain- 
 ment of the visitors. Before the men begin to drink, 
 their weapons are taken from them for fear of acci- 
 dents, and the most noisy, riotous mirth continues 
 till the liquor is expended, or intoxication has ren- 
 dered the company incapable of further exertion. 
 
 But the most horrid and execrable feature in their 
 ritual, remains to be related ; the observance of which 
 can only be accounted for on the general principle, 
 that man, when left to the dictates of natural reason, 
 is liable to fall into the most dreadful errors. A 
 revelation from God was absolutely necessary to 
 remedy this, and to preserve mankind, not only from 
 the commission of those acts against which reason and 
 conscience cry out ; but also from carrying even 
 their devotional feelings to excess, — from suftering 
 those fears, which are excited by the erroneous view 
 that misguided reason takes of the attributes and 
 perfections of Deity, so far to overcome the judgment, 
 as to suggest the necessity of the most unnatural 
 sacrifices, in order to expiate transgression, and a])- 
 pease the anger of God. Thus, when under their
 
 75 
 
 influence, reason says, " Thou must give thy first- 
 born for thy transgression — the fruit of thy body for 
 the sin of thy soul." Revelation interposes with the 
 injunction — "Thou shalt not kill;" proving, that 
 with such sacrifices God is not well pleased. 
 
 How long the custom of exposing their children to 
 certain destruction has existed in Madagascar, is not 
 recorded * ; but it is the most dreadful of all the evils 
 that superstition has entailed upon that island, and is 
 the true reason why it is so thinly inhabited, although 
 one of the largest and most fertile islands in the world. 
 The condemnation of these little innocents is deter- 
 mined by the Ombiasses, who, for private emolument, 
 contemplate the aspect of the planets at the time of 
 
 * It is, however, hardly a question, we presume, whether the 
 idea of sacrificing children was first suggested by the circum- 
 stance (recorded in the 22d chapter of Genesis) of Abraham's 
 intended sacrifice of Isaac, in obedience to the command of 
 God : but the adoption of it as a precedent, shows how little 
 reason alone can do for us, in discerning the will of God. One 
 great inference to be drawn from that extraordinary history is, that 
 such unnatural sacrifices are totally uncalled for on our part, 
 and are in direct opposition to the divine will. The main object 
 undoubtedly was, to typify the sacrifice of Christ, by shewing that 
 such a sacrifice was necessary, in order to put away siu : — The 
 second object, that it is not the province of man to make such a 
 sacrifice ; and Abraham appears to have referred to this, when 
 he said, "God will provide himself a. IsLinh for a burnt offering:" 
 as if the Almighty had said, " I have now tried thy faith, 
 and found it equal to the most difficult occasion. Behold at 
 hand, an inferior animal for sacrifice; and learn from hence, 
 that while I have created these for thy use, the life of thine own 
 species is not required of thee ; for no sacrifice of thitie, which 
 involves its destruction, is acceptable to me."
 
 76 
 
 their birth ; and, according to the result of their 
 observations, arbitrarily decree their future fate. The 
 unfortunate months are March and April: the eighth 
 day, and last week of every month, are equally in- 
 auspicious : Wednesday and Friday in each week are 
 also unhappy days ; and even hours are influenced by 
 a bad aspect of an unlucky planet. Thus, during 
 nearly half the year, is the race of human beings 
 devoted to destruction, and the population attacked 
 at its very source. The usual methods of accom- 
 plishing the horrid deed, are, exposing them in the 
 woods to the teeth of ferocious animals, and drowning : 
 the former is the most practised. 
 
 Parental affection, however, sometimes gets the 
 better of their superstitious fears, and breaks through 
 the chains with which nature is fettered by a heathen 
 education. In pursuance of its dictates, slaves are 
 often employed to save the children from destruction, 
 by conveying them secretly to some remote spot in 
 the woods, where they are nourished and brought up ; 
 while sacrifices of oxen and fowls are made, in order 
 to take off the malignity of the predominant star, 
 which they believe would follow the child through life, 
 were they to neglect these customary and superstitious 
 practices. 
 
 Such is the religion of the Madegasses ; and such 
 is human nature, when left to the guidance of reason, 
 without the aid of divine revelation. In all countries, 
 and all ages, mankind are the same under similar 
 circumstances ; and whatever superiority we perceive
 
 77 
 
 in one over another, it may be traced to one 
 source — the influence of the Spirit of God upon the 
 heart. 
 
 Conscious of a principle of existence, superior to 
 that of other animals around him, man carries his views 
 beyond this life, the idea of the immortality of the soul 
 being almost a natural consequence of that conscious- 
 ness ; while the belief of a great first cause is the neces- 
 sary result of even a slight reflection on the nature of 
 things, which precludes the possibility of self-creation.* 
 The mind then reverts to the obligations and the 
 reverence due to so great a Being, whose perfections 
 must be infinite; and the appearance of those evils 
 which afiiict the human race being looked upon as 
 indications of his anger, the necessity of sacrifices, 
 in order to avert them, is suggested. 
 
 Such is the process by which the votaries of super- 
 stition arrive at the height of their delusion ; and 
 hence those barbarous rites, which stamp the character 
 of uncivilized nations with ferocity. But the delusion 
 lasts no longer than the darkness which nourishes it. 
 
 * We are apparently arguing upon the presumption, that a 
 people may exist, whose progenitors, at no period of the world, 
 were acquainted, by revelation, with the existence of a first 
 cause. But we cannot believe this possible, if we receive the 
 Old Testament history; and, therefore, we wish to be under- 
 stood, as speaking of a people, who, by the lapse of a long- 
 series of ages, have lost all traces of such a revelation ; and, 
 having no established religion to fetter them, are left entirely to 
 the light of nature, and the guidance of reason; and, by conse- 
 quence, to the oi)erations of their own minds and consciences.
 
 78 
 
 Let but one ray of divine light break in upon the 
 gloom, and the spell that bound them is dissolved. 
 We then see the ancient Britons demolishing their 
 Druidical temples, and foregoing their bloody sacri- 
 fices — the hardy Greenlanders shaking off their frigid 
 indifference — the natives of India renouncing their 
 caste and their penances — and Otaheite burning her 
 gods. And we trust the day is not far distant, when 
 Madagascar too shall be free'd : — when the Unknown 
 God, whom her children ignorantly worship, and 
 the mysteries of redemption, shall be irresistibly re- 
 vealed to them in all their glory. We shall then see 
 plenty crowning their harvests — peace flowing through 
 her like a river — her chiefs respecting the rights of 
 their neighbours— and her mothers no longer the 
 murderers of their tender offspring ; but training them 
 up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Thus 
 will they be again united to that church from which, 
 for so long a series of ages they have been separated, 
 and the glory of God promoted, in the salvation of 
 thousands yet unborn.
 
 79 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 General Characteristic — Mode of Living — Furniture — 
 Musical Instruments — Dancing — Social Habits — Di- 
 versions — Hunting Buffaloes, Wild Boars, and Alli- 
 gators — Fishing — Treatment of Run-away Slaves — 
 Riches — Astronomy — Language — Ombiasses — Mode of 
 Reckoning. 
 
 The characteristic feature in the history of this 
 extraordinary people, whether we consider them in 
 tlieir personal, relative, or domestic habits, is simpli- 
 city. The examples of their forefathers appear to 
 constitute, with them, a sanction of every thing re- 
 lating to their mode of action and living ; and though 
 innovations have crept into some of the provinces, in 
 consequence of their intercourse with the French, it 
 has been rather by constraint than willingly. And 
 even these, instead of imparting their character to 
 the people to the full extent, have been made to 
 assume a portion of the general feature we have 
 just referred to. 
 
 Their manner of living we have before spoken of; 
 the usual hour of dinner is ten o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, and that of supper four in the afternoon. Al- 
 though we have described them as very abstemious, we 
 by no means wish to convey the idea, that they are des-
 
 80 
 
 titute of the knowledge of good eating and drinking. 
 On the contrary, they can (and do) furnish a table with 
 all the luxuries that even a London Alderman could 
 wish for. Good beef and mutton, game of every 
 description, and the most delicious fish, (not except- 
 ing turtle,) are to be had gratis, by those who will 
 take the trouble of catching them. They practise only 
 two methods of cooking : — they either boil their food 
 in earthen pots (which they manufacture in a mas- 
 terly way), or they broil them on the coals. Their 
 dishes are seasoned with pimento, ginger, pepper, 
 saffron, and aromatic herbs, and are served up on the 
 leaves of the raven palm, which are also used as 
 plates : these are always clean, being never used 
 more than once. 
 
 The furniture of their houses, in common, is neither 
 very expensive, nor would an European consider them 
 as sufficiently conducive to his comfort. Their floors 
 are covered with red and yellow rush mats, neatly 
 put together. Those of Manghabei are both soft and 
 strong. On these mats they repose, without bed, 
 bolster, pillow, or covering of any sort; a log of 
 wood is placed under the mat to prevent the incon- 
 venience arising from a termination of blood to the 
 head. Their clothes, girdles, cotton, effects and 
 ornaments, are kept in baskets; and the oils the}' 
 make use of for the hair and body, in earthen pitchers. 
 Their kitchen furniture consists of earthen vessels, 
 (called villangues, louvies, fases, monhonges, and 
 sines,) wooden dishes and spoons, calabashes for
 
 81 
 
 water, knives, gridirons, and forks, mortars for the 
 pounding of rice, troughs and winnowing fans, and 
 larse vessels to hold the different kinds of wines. 
 
 The leaves of rates twelve feet long, and four 
 broad, are used as table-cloths ; these are laid upon 
 the mats spread on the floor, tables and chairs being 
 luxuries that have not yet found their way into the 
 domestic economy, except amongst the higher orders. 
 Some of these have their houses furnished in a very 
 commodious and elegant manner. Our Missionaries, 
 who have recently visited the island, were struck 
 with astonishment, on entering the apartments of 
 the Palace of Radama, at seeing the splendour of the 
 mirrors, which were of steel, and the general elegance 
 and spaciousness of the rooms. 
 
 Their musical instruments are but few in number. 
 A drum, a kind of violin called herraovou, another 
 something like a lyre (valihou), and a nondescript 
 instrument called voule, which is made of bamboos, 
 constitute all the native music of the island. Those 
 who perform on the second are the most esteemed, 
 and receive great applause in their public assem- 
 blies. 
 
 Dancing, as we have before observed, forms a 
 favourite amusement with them. This is conducted 
 by the inhabitants on the coast of Matatane, in a 
 different manner from the rest of the islanders. They 
 observe a cadence and time, dance in pairs, and 
 perform all their evolutions in a pleasing and graceful 
 manner. In times of war, the women keep up con- 
 
 G
 
 82 
 
 tinual dancing, believing that it animates the courage, 
 and increases the strength of their husbands. 
 
 Those who are on friendly terms with each other, 
 are very sociable in their habits. They frequently 
 visit each other, and keep up that kind of intercourse 
 M^hich is calculated to strengthen both parties ; lend- 
 ing and borrowing provisions in times of temporary 
 scarcity, and rendering prompt assistance on every 
 trying occasion. When they meet at each other's 
 houses, their amusements consist in the chase, and in 
 calling upon the neighbouring chiefs ; and when in 
 doors, they recount the deeds of their ancestors, 
 which are handed down from father to son, and form 
 the principal object of their invitation, and fund of 
 conversation. They also consult together, how they 
 shall annoy their enemies, and lay their plans for 
 future expeditions. They entertain each other in a 
 sumptuous manner, if a late war ha^* not desolated 
 the province. On these occasions, their wine is 
 liberally dispensed, and songs, dancing, and merriment, 
 are kept up with great spirit. 
 
 The chiefs never go out without a fowling-piece, 
 and a stick tipped with iron, the other end of which 
 is ornamented with a tuft of cow's hair. They seldom 
 move out for mere exercise or amusement, considering 
 it quite unnecessary to add to the common fatigues of 
 life. The slaves do the chief part of the work, 
 tliough on some occasions, when more haste than 
 ordinary is required, (as is the case after an invasion 
 from a neighbouring enemy, when the rice and corn
 
 83 
 
 grounds are generally demolished,) the masters will 
 set all hands to work, not excepting his own, in order 
 to get ready a piece of ground for a fresh planting 
 or sowing. 
 
 The favourite amusements amongst the men, are 
 hunting and fishing. In practising the former, 
 they pursue the wild oxen and buffaloes, boars, 
 foxes, and other wild animals that inhabit the 
 woods. Their method of hunting the buffaloes is 
 as follows : — They choose a dark night for the occa- 
 sion, and after taking the precaution of washing to 
 cleanse themselves from the smell of smoak or per- 
 spiration, they sally forth in as quiet a manner as 
 possible, those crafty animals being always upon 
 their guard, and listening for an enemy. As soon as 
 the hunters have discovered the herd, to which they 
 are directed by their roaring, they take a circuitous 
 route till they get them to the windward, when they 
 walk towards them as softly as possible, some of the 
 company pulling the tops of the grass in imitation of 
 the cropping of a cow. When, by means of this 
 stratagem, they have got near them, they creep cau- 
 tiously in amongst the herd under cover of the 
 bushes, till getting within reach of one they think 
 fat, they strike a lance into its belly. The wounded 
 animal gives a spring, and bellows as if another of 
 the herd had run its horns against it, which so com- 
 monly happens, that the rest are not alarmed by it. 
 In this manner they strike as many of them as they 
 want, and retire in the same cautious way as they came. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 
 
 It would be dangerous to discover themselves to 
 the herd in the night, as the wounded ones would 
 attack any man they could get at. The next morn- 
 ing they go in quest of their game, which they 
 generally find dead near the spot, being guided to 
 them by their blood. Notwithstanding their ferocity, 
 the natives assert that the cows will stand to have 
 their dugs handled, and have even been milked 
 into a horn in the dark. In some of the provinces 
 these wild oxen and buffaloes are exceedingly nu- 
 merous.* 
 
 The hunting of wild boars also forms a favourite 
 amusement with the chiefs and farmers : these ani- 
 mals take refuge in a thicket, or jungle, which the 
 hunters and their dogs beset round. The passages 
 to the retreat are generally defended by huge boars, 
 very savage and fierce, and who will fight desperately. 
 During the attack, the grunting and squeaking of the 
 swine, the yelping of the dogs, and the cheers of the 
 hunters, raise such a chorus, and make the woods 
 
 * Drury says, that in one of the provinces there were, during 
 the time he was on the island, (which was the beginning of the 
 last century), a breed of wild oxen, called Hattoy's cattle. The 
 tradition concerning their origin, which he relates, is, that these 
 cattle belonged originally to a great man, named Rer Hattoye, 
 who, being of a covetous disposition, would kill none of them, 
 but suffered them to increase and rove about unconstrained. He 
 lived in a forest, but his family and people, after his death, went 
 to reside with a king of an inland province, called Untomaroche, 
 and left their cattle behind. These cattle were similar to our 
 English oxen. — Drury, p. 288.
 
 85 
 
 resound to that degree, that the music of a pack of 
 harriers is not to be compared to it. At length the 
 hunters, with their hatchets, cut a passage behind 
 the thicket, and having perceived the drove, fire in 
 amongst them. Being thus attacked at all points, and 
 a breach made in their line of defence, they have no 
 other resource left than to fight their way through the 
 hunters and dogs, and run for it, with the latter yelp- 
 ing at their heels. A great many are sometimes 
 killed in this way, but it is rather for the sport, and 
 for the sake of destroying them, on account of the 
 injury they sustain by them, than for the value of 
 their carcases ; for they will scarcely ever touch them 
 as food. 
 
 Some of these expeditions occupy many days, and 
 even two or three weeks ; and they go out upon them 
 a long way fi'om home. On these occasions they 
 build temporary huts, and as they can always find 
 plenty of good edible roots, and are well supplied with 
 beef by the chase, this mode of life is by no means 
 unpleasant in that mild climate. Their method of 
 cooking their meat, when upon a hunting expedi- 
 tion, is as follows : — a hole is dug about five feet 
 long, two feet wide, and three deep ; this is filled 
 with dry wood and set fire to : on the top of the 
 fire they put large stones ; when the fire is burnt 
 to embers, they place sticks across to lay the beef 
 on, and the stones, which by this time are red hot, 
 are placed round the sides and at the bottom of 
 the trench. Some more sticks are then placed across.
 
 86 
 
 and a cover, made of the inner bark of a tree, is laid 
 over the whole. The meat thus baked is as well 
 done as if it had been roasted. 
 
 Alligator hunting is also much practised as a di- 
 version. The most usual method of attacking them 
 is with a harpoon. They paddle along the water 
 in their piroguas towards the alligator, who is usually 
 discovered with his nose above the water, like a 
 piece of cow-dung. When they get within ten or 
 twelve yards, he sinks to the bottom, and crawls 
 some distance before he stops ; his path is disco- 
 vered by the bubbles which rise to the surface, and 
 where the last bubble stands, the hunters strike with 
 the harpoon ; for when they are thus approached, 
 they lie flat upon their bellies with their sides pressed 
 out. If the harpoon happen to strike the head, 
 or middle of the back, it makes no entrance. Some- 
 times they take them with a net of ropes, and not 
 unfrequently, with a snare made of rope, and fastened 
 to a spring pole ; these are placed at the mouths of 
 rivulets. 
 
 They fish with well- baskets, harpoons, draw-nets, 
 and hooks, both in the lakes and rivers, and at sea. 
 Great quantities of fish are taken, and either ex- 
 changed for rice, and other necessaries in the 
 neighbouring provinces, or dried for future use. 
 They sometimes go a great way to sea in their ca- 
 noes. They have rope-makers, who manufacture 
 cordage of all lengths and sizes ; some, as much as 
 one hundred and thirty fathoms long : the ropes for
 
 87 
 
 netting are made from the bark of different trees. 
 The women are employed in preparing these for 
 use. 
 
 Though the slaves, as we have before observed, 
 are treated with lenity, a strict guard is kept over 
 them to prevent their running away ; and if any one 
 is suspected of such an intention, an Ombiasse is 
 sent for to lay a spell upon them. This impostor 
 mixes up a dose consisting of scraped roots and 
 other ingredients, during which he keeps muttering 
 his cabalistic expressions. This mixture is put into 
 a calabasl), and the slave is then hung round with 
 roots, one on his breast, one over each eye, his 
 back, and each leg and arm, giving them a name 
 of some demon : a little is then scraped from every 
 root, which the culprit is ordered to swallow, while 
 the magician pronounces his imprecations over him: — 
 " Whenever he thinks of running away, remember, O 
 you such an one (here he names the different demons 
 to whom he has dedicated the roots), how he has 
 eaten what belongs to you ; and, if he offers to go 
 away, arise in his stomach, O you, &c. &c.; make him 
 so sick that he shall not be able to stir : and ye who 
 have guarded his several parts, break his back ; let 
 his breast be tormented with pain, and his legs chained 
 as with parapingoes ; and if he sets forward, join all 
 your powers and break his legs the first time he jumps 
 over any thing in the way." During the time he pro- 
 nounces these curses, he tosses his hands about, and 
 raises and depresses his voice alternately, like a fanatic.
 
 88 
 
 When he has tired himself and his audience, he takes 
 off the charmed roots, and making the slave lick every 
 piece, says — " Now let him go where he pleases; the 
 demons who attend me will soon inform me/' Such 
 is the influence these wretches have over the natives, 
 that this mummery seldom, if ever, fails of its effect in 
 keeping the slave from running away. It is no un- 
 common circumstance, notwithstanding the foregoing 
 account, for them to marry their daughters to their 
 slaves, which is the strongest proof that can be given 
 of the liberal sentiments they entertain respecting 
 them. They evidently look upon them merely as 
 prisoners of war ; and though they make them 
 bear the burthen and heat of the day in the field 
 exercises, they by no means consider them degraded 
 by it.* 
 
 Although they have no circulating medium, many 
 of the Madagascar chiefs are very rich, and their 
 stores contain iron and steel, in bars, hatchets, knives, 
 bills, spades, shovels, wearing apparel, plantations of 
 yams, cattle, and slaves : the latter has been a great 
 article of trade with them, but we trust that recent 
 circumstances will have the effect of preventing it in 
 future. The Zafe Ramini possess great quantities of 
 
 * We are here speaking only of those slaves who have 
 been captured in war. The Ondeves, who, as we have stated, 
 are slaves by extraction, are looked upon as inferior; but the 
 treatment of these is not generally harsh, and their masters 
 are obligated to supply them with the necessaries of life, even 
 in times of bcarcity.
 
 89 
 
 gold, which is carefully preserved from the European 
 observation. They invariably keep a portion of the 
 gold possessed by their forefathers, entertaining for it 
 a great veneration. In the province of Manghabei, 
 the whole of their riches, in this precious article, is 
 deposited in the tombs of their ancestors ; and what- 
 ever gold coin they obtain of Europeans, in exchange 
 for their various produce, is instantly melted down, 
 and either converted into ornaments or added to their 
 store. 
 
 The occult sciences are not unknown to them ; 
 they observe the motions of the heavens, the courses 
 of the stars, and divide the Zodiac into twelve signs. 
 The year is also divided into twelve months, and it 
 begins with the new moon in March ; but they have 
 no other division but that which is naturally suggested 
 by the routine of their domestic concerns. Thus the 
 year commences with the planting season ; and the 
 hot season, the reaping season, and so on, succeed in 
 their several orders. 
 
 » 
 
 They speak but one language throughout the island, 
 with only a difference similar to that which exists be- 
 tween a native of London, and one of the north of 
 England. We have before observed, that it is 
 chiefly Arabic, but agreeable to Greek in the con- 
 struction. The learning of the island is principally 
 confined to the Ombiasses, and the Arabic character 
 is the only one in use with them. These were 
 introduced by the Zafe Ramini, and are twenty-four 
 in number, written from the right to the left, but
 
 90 
 
 the pronunciation of some of them differs from that 
 of the Arabic. 
 
 The Ombiasses are their learned men, and are 
 divided into two orders, the Ombiasses Omparorats, 
 and the Ombiasses Omptisiquili ; the former are 
 writers, teachers of Arabic, physicians, and magicians. 
 They are a very cunning people, and make a great 
 profit by writing small billets, or talismans, which 
 they sell to the people, who believe them to be pre- 
 servatives from the various evils which afflict human 
 nature : and such is the credulity of the latter, amongst 
 the lower classes, that the evidence of their senses 
 weighs nothing against them. Many of the chiefs, 
 however, are superior to this delusion*, and comply 
 with these sorcerers, in order to retain their influence 
 with the people. Thus they are consulted on every 
 occasion, as well public as private, and their decisions 
 are always respected. 
 
 The Omptisiquili are blacks of the Anacandrian 
 race, and also study the art of divination and 
 geomancy; but they do not practise teaching or 
 medicine. 
 
 * They always consult these impostors before they go to 
 war. On one of these occasions it was necessary to fell a 
 tree, and according as it fell to the east or west, the fortune 
 of the war would be decided. Unluckily, by some mistake, 
 it fell the wrong ivay ; upon which the chief who presided, 
 laughed, and said it was a sad blunder : he, however, charged 
 the few who were permitted to attend the ceremony, to say 
 that it fell rif/ht, and accordingly the battle was successful.
 
 91 
 
 The Madegasses are not ignorant of numbers ; 
 they reckon from one to ten, then begin again, and 
 when they get to ten, add it to the first, and so on : 
 in this manner they M'ill readily cast up a great num- 
 ber. The negroes of INIachicore, and the inhabitants 
 of the mountains, having very little to do with com- 
 merce, know nothing of numbers. 
 
 I
 
 92 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Of War — Its Incitements — divided into Three Kinds — 
 Provincial Wars — General Wars — Numbers emjaged 
 — Weapons — Generalissimo chosen — Magicians con- 
 sulted — Mode of Attack — Foreign Wars — Method of 
 suing for Peace. 
 
 The business of war unfortunately occupies a great 
 portion of the time, the talents, and the feelings of the 
 Madegasses. We have before alluded to the circum- 
 stances which operate to occasion this ; namely, the 
 subdivision of the island into a number of petty pro- 
 vinces, which continually creates a jarring of interests; 
 the remembrance of family feuds, which are religi- 
 ously kept up, and impose an indispensable obligation 
 on the descendants to revenge them ; and, above all, 
 the accursed slave-trade, which operates in every 
 possible direction. Being a source of profit, it excites 
 their avarice ; and the slightest pretexts are considered 
 sufficient to justify an attack, which indeed frequently 
 takes place without any pretext at all : thus, the 
 causes of retaliation are multiplied ad infinitum, till 
 the whole island is thrown into one general ferment, 
 and revenge and hatred are, as it were, the breathing 
 element of a large portion of its inhabitants. 
 
 Their warfare may be divided into three kinds — 
 provincial, general, and foreign.
 
 93 
 
 The provincial are those which are excited by 
 private grievances, in which the public interests of the 
 island, or any large portion of it, are not concerned ; 
 and they are generally occasioned, either by some new 
 insult, or old private quarrels between individual 
 chiefs. — As the mode of attack is similar to that of 
 the others, we shall presently describe it. 
 
 Their general wars are those in which the public 
 interests of the island are involved, or in which the 
 original parties possess sufficient influence to engage 
 the neighbouring chiefs in the struggle. The first 
 step is to sound the disposition or intentions of the 
 adjacent states ; and this is done by means of emis- 
 saries, who make a regular canvass ; taking down the 
 numbers each ally engages to furnish, by means of 
 knots on a thong of leather or cord : when once a 
 chief has made an engagement for a certain number 
 of men, and that number is registered on the cord, it 
 is considered an obligation of the most indissoluble 
 kind ; nor has it ever occurred, that a party has failed 
 of his engagement, after this public recognition has 
 taken place. 
 
 In some of these wars, the numbers engaged are 
 very great — from thirty thousand to one hundred thou- 
 sand and upwards. Benyowsky calculates that he had 
 at command one hundred and twenty-three thousand 
 native warriors ; and on one occasion there appeared 
 before him upwards of forty thousand collected to- 
 gether in time of peace. 
 
 Their warlike weapons differ in the different pro-
 
 94 
 
 vinces. In some they use a great dart or spear; 
 carrying also fifteen or twenty Assagayes, which are 
 frequently dipped in poison : the large one is called 
 Rcnefelo, or Mother - dart . From Manghasia to 
 Manghabei, they use a shield and a large spear ; and 
 to the north of that province they always engage in 
 close fight, with a large shield and a short spear. 
 Since the introduction of fire-arms and gunpowder on 
 the island, these weapons are less used than formerly, 
 except in the interior, and among the mountains. 
 The use of cannon has not yet been adopted in their 
 attacks ; nor is it practicable, on account of the bad- 
 ness of the roads, and the hilly nature of the country. 
 But the donacs of many of the chiefs are defended 
 with them. The people of Manamboule are reckoned 
 the stoutest and most resolute soldiers; many of 
 them marching with six large spears stuck in their 
 shields. 
 
 As soon as the several quotas are determined on, a 
 council of war is held by the allied chiefs, at which a 
 generalissimo is chosen, who is usually the most 
 powerful amongst them. They then appoint the time 
 and place of rendezvous, which is kept a profound 
 secret from all, except those who are present. Spies 
 are sent out to observe the situation, condition, 
 strength, and countenance of the enemy ; and also to 
 discover the state of defence of the towns, and the 
 number of the cattle. They then take the precaution 
 of driving their own cattle into some remote spot in a 
 wood, or on tlie mountains, where also their wives
 
 95 
 
 and children are placed, that in case a reverse should 
 happen, they may not be be discovered by the enemy. 
 The last preparatory step, is to consult the 
 Ombiasse respecting the result of it. Spreading 
 some sand (which he has previously charmed) on a 
 board, very smooth, he writes some cabalistic cha- 
 racters on it. A perfectly upright tree is then found, 
 and a bald-face cow being brought to it, is killed, and 
 some of the blood smeared on the tree by the magi- 
 cian,who then invokes the demons and spirits of their 
 forefathers; informing them that their sons, grand- 
 sons, &c. are going to make war upon their old 
 enemy. Two men of equal strength are then ordered 
 to cut down the tree, one to the north, and the other 
 to the south, giving stroke for stroke with each other. 
 If the tree fall to the north, he pronounces an un- 
 favourable issue ; in which case, a new incantation is 
 necessary to counteract it, and work evil upon the 
 enemy. An instrument called an Elodge is made, 
 and being plentifully spell-bound by the sorcerer, is 
 carried at the head of the army. The person who 
 bears this is considered, pro tempore, invulnerable : 
 he walks about two hundred yards before the army, 
 and must brave all dangers : he must first ford the 
 rivers, even if the crocodiles lie with open mouths to 
 devour him ; and he must first pass through the 
 woods, at the hazard, every minute, of receiving an 
 assagayc, or a musket shot from the lurking foe ; and 
 immediately previous to the engagement, he must ad- 
 vance in face of the enemy's ariny, and hurl it at them.
 
 96 
 
 These preparations being over, lliey make a rapid 
 march to the place of rendezvous, and having rested 
 a night, make a sudden attack upon the enemy early 
 the next morning. If they storm a town, they ad- 
 vance towards it with the most dreadful shouts or 
 yells, skipping and leaping with horrid contortions of 
 face and body, and using the most abusive language 
 to the enemy. No rank or order of battle is observed, 
 except that different parties are appointed to attack 
 the town at different places ; in other respects they 
 engage in a tumultuous manner, by hundreds, every 
 one exerting himself individually, and closing with 
 the enemy. If the principal object is the capture of 
 slaves, they spare all who do not resist ; but if 
 some deadly quarrel is the occasion of the war, they 
 seldom give quarter to the men, and therefore the 
 party who are worsted have no other resource than 
 to run. The women and children are made captives, 
 and, if the former please the captors, they take them 
 for wives. The children of the chiefs, however, are 
 usually destroyed, lest they should happen, one time 
 or other, to take it into their heads to revenge the 
 injury, and make reprisals. If the assailants are 
 successful, they burn the towns, and parties are sent 
 to attack the neighbouring villages, which they like- 
 wise reduce to ashes. The cattle they meet with are 
 driven away, or if they fear the enemy will obtain 
 reinforcements, and attack them in turn, they are 
 slaughtered, and left on the spot. The plantations 
 of rice, and other grain and yams, are likewise
 
 97 
 
 laid waste, and the whole country exhibits the 
 most desolate and distressing appearance. They 
 seldom meet with much cattle, as it mostly happens 
 that the enemy has some notice of the intended 
 attack, and take the precaution of conveying them, 
 with their wives and children, to a place of conceal- 
 ment and safety. 
 
 Sometimes they make a sudden attack on a town 
 by night, and surprise the enemy when least expected. 
 In these cases, each man takes a piece of flesh in 
 his hand, and getting into the place in the dead of 
 night, throws the meat to the dogs to prevent their 
 barking. As soon as the whole party are within the 
 enclosure, a musket is fired ; but in other respects 
 the most profound silence is observed : this alarms 
 the inhabitants, who, rising instantly, are stabbed or 
 taken prisoners as they come out of their dwellings : 
 the women and children are spared as usual, the 
 cattle driven off, and the victorious party return home 
 in as private a manner as possible. 
 
 Their foreign wars consist of descents upon the 
 neighbouring islands, or on the coast of Mosambique 
 and Delagoa. These are generally undertaken when 
 they are at peace amongst themselves, and in such 
 cases they raise a formidable army. The Comoro 
 islands have, it appears, been the theatre of these 
 operations for nearly forty years past, as we have 
 before hinted ; and on these occasions, the most 
 systematic arrangement is observed. A number of 
 the leading chiefs take the command, and the usual 
 
 H
 
 98 
 
 mode of canvassing the provinces is resorted to, 
 some port in the north-west part of the island being 
 appointed as a place of rendezvous. The time 
 generally chosen for the expedition, is the month of 
 September, taking advantage of the wind; and the 
 number engaged amounts to many thousands, who 
 set sail in canoes holding about thirty men each : we 
 have seen a recent account, which states, that they 
 could, if necessary, furnish a thousand of these 
 canoes. The first island they make, is Mayotta, 
 whence they are descried at a distance, a continual 
 watch being kept at that time of the year. They 
 pass this island, and sail for Johanna, the inhabi- 
 tants of which place are usually apprized of their 
 approach by a large fire on some hill in the former. 
 The best preparations that the time will admit, are 
 made ; the inhabitants retire to the towns, which are 
 fortified and shut up, and a supply of provisions laid 
 in to sustain a regular siege. As soon as the Made- 
 gasses arrive, part of them form a regular investment, 
 while others are despatched to bring in provisions and 
 plunder, and to seize all the inhabitants who have not 
 been fortunate enough to reach the towns. Some- 
 times the besieged sufi'er a want of provisions, and 
 numbers of them die of hunger and thirst. The 
 siege continues till the assailants have exhausted 
 their supplies, when they return as they came, with 
 their prisoners and plunder : the former are usually 
 sold for slaves ; but those Madegasses who are taken 
 are invariably put to death. We are happy to be
 
 99 
 
 able to state, that througli the intervention of tlie 
 Governor of the Mauritius, these predatory expedi- 
 tions are likely to be put a stop to, he having pre- 
 vailed upon the Madegasse chiefs to dissolve an 
 armament raised for such an undertaking, five 
 years since ; and a proclamation was also issued by 
 Radama, the king of Madagascar, forbidding any 
 such excursions in future. 
 
 When the combatants on one side are tired of war, 
 or find themselves too weak to make a successful oppo- 
 sition, they sue for peace. Their method in such a 
 case is, to send ambassadors M'ith presents, and the 
 necessary preliminaries for an accommodation. If 
 the enemy are disposed to listen favourably to the 
 overtures, they likewise return presents by their 
 envoys, and a day is agreed on for a conference upon 
 the business. These envoys are seldom idle when 
 at the camp or court of their opponents, for they 
 take particular notice of every circumstance relative 
 to the situation and condition of the enemy. On the 
 day appointed, the chiefs repair with their whole armies 
 to the spot fixed on, which is usually the bank of a 
 river. Each party kills a bull, and presents the other 
 with a portion of the liver, which is eaten in presence 
 of the envoys, with earnest protestations and solemn 
 oaths, attended with imprecations that the liver they 
 have eaten may prove poison or burst them, that 
 God would forsake them, and withdraw his hand 
 from amongst them, that they may be destroyed by 
 their enemies, and their race be extinct with them- 
 
 H 2
 
 100 
 
 selves, if they ever break the peace, or carry off each 
 other's cattle, or kill each other's subjects, or have 
 any design of sending witchcraft or poison into the 
 enemy's country. If a chief sue for peace from 
 inability to support himself, he must humble himself 
 before his opponent; and having procured from 
 another chief a protection for the security of his 
 person, must personally acknovj'ledge himself a vassal. 
 In this case, the conqueror presents him with the 
 liver, and he, by eating it, engages to be faithful to 
 him. Wars are concluded, and peace restored in 
 this manner ; but, as it is v/'iih some other countries, 
 the peace lasts just as long as expedience or policy 
 renders it desirable ; and notwithstanding the solem- 
 nity with which it is conducted, they do not feel 
 themselves altogether secure, but remain on their 
 guard as before. 
 
 The contents of this chapter will, we doubt not, 
 excite emotions of pain and disgust in the minds of 
 our readers ; and it is not our desire to repress those 
 feelings, or to extenuate in any degree the practice of 
 the Madegasses, in their barbarous system of war : 
 we would rather strengthen and extend them, by 
 placing the horrors of war, in all cases, in their true 
 colours, and by cautioning the reader against being 
 deceived by names and specious circumstances. For 
 our own part, we cannot discriminate, in point of 
 moral guilt, between a war in Europe and a war in 
 Madagascar — between a scientific bombardment of
 
 101 
 
 the capital of a friendly power, and a predatory 
 attack upon a neighbouring island. It matters not 
 to us, (while the same principle operates in both cases) 
 and if the human race is to be destroyed, whether it 
 be effected in a wholesale way by the sweeping can- 
 non, or individually by the insidious Assagaye — by 
 well-disciplined armies opposed rank to rank, and 
 coolly determined to make all the waste they can of 
 the blood of their fellow-creatures — or by an indis- 
 criminate multitude fighting without order or disci- 
 pline, and murdering all who come within reach : 
 war is war, and the pretexts that are urged in favour 
 of it, will have no weight with us, while the principles 
 in which it originates, are in opposition to those that 
 ought to constitute the basis of national justice; and 
 in passing our finger over the map of the world, we 
 shall continue to inscribe Aceldama on every field 
 without discrimination, that is polluted with the 
 blood of the slain. We long for the period when 
 the nations "shall learn war no more" — when the 
 inhabitants of the world " shall beat their swords into 
 ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks ;" 
 and every step that indicates an approach to such a 
 result, will be hailed by us with more delight; than 
 the largest extention of national glory, acquired at 
 the expense of thousands of lives.
 
 102 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Civil Arts — Iron Foundry — Goldsmiths — Carpenters — 
 Potteries — Weaving — Making of Wines — Indigo — 
 Paper — Ink — Pens — Trade carried on hy Barter — 
 Weights and Measures — Articles of Commerce — 
 Resources — Foreign Trade — Future Prospects — 
 Reflections on the Failure of the French to Establish 
 Colonies in Madagascar. 
 
 1 HE civil arts have not yet made any great progress in 
 Madagascar ; notwithstanding which, they have some 
 artificers who are very expert, especially those who 
 work in iron and steel, which are obtained from their 
 own mines, and are very excellent in quality : their 
 method of working the ore is as follows ; — they first 
 reduce it to powder by burning it upon coals when 
 brought from the mine; they then place it between 
 four large stones, clayed round for the purpose, and, 
 by continual blowing underneath with bellows, made 
 in shape of a gun-barrel, and worked like a common 
 pump, the ore runs in less than an hour ; the metal is 
 afterwards extracted, and, by means of great heat, 
 formed into bars of four or five pounds weight : these 
 are afterwards wrought into the various implements 
 used by the natives, such as hatchets, hammers, 
 shovels, knives, razors, nippers, gridirons, forks, 
 javelins, darts, &c.
 
 103 
 
 The goldsmiths are natives of V'ohemaro; they 
 manufacture ear-rings, bracelets, necklaces, and other 
 gold ornaments, the material of which is extracted 
 from their own mines. They are not acquainted with 
 the use of borax, but solder the gold by dipping it in 
 a mixture, made by pounding a plant of the papi- 
 lionaceous kind (called voame), which they mix with 
 lemon juice. This answers the same purpose as 
 borax. 
 
 Their carpenters are far from being despicable 
 workmen, considering how few tools they possess, 
 which are the plane, hatchet, wedge, rule, and a few 
 others : it does not appear that they use the saw ; 
 their boards are riven from the tree in the first instance, 
 and afterwards reduced to the proper thickness by the 
 hatchet. Many of the houses would not disgrace 
 some of our best builders in the construction and 
 design, though the workmankship is rough. 
 
 The potters are very curious in their wares ; they 
 manufacture great and small plates, pots, and jugs, of 
 a singular description ; these they glaze with a kind 
 of black earth, which sets a high polish on them. 
 
 The process of weaving is tedious and difficult, 
 being performed entirely by iiand : each thread is 
 carefully drawn along the wool, which is fixed to a 
 wooden frame; and the neatness of the workmanship 
 is very surprising. — Some of their shawls are beau- 
 tiful in texture. 
 
 Mats, baskets, and other wares of the kind are made 
 exceedingly neat, particularly the latter, of which they
 
 104 
 
 exchange a great number with the ships that touch at 
 the island. 
 
 They make indigo from a tree called Banghets, by 
 the following process : As soon as the tree is in blos- 
 som, they collect great quantities of it, which they 
 steep in water, together with the stalks and leaves ; 
 which, being well stirred, are decomposed in two or 
 three days. The water, by this infusion, becomes of 
 a violet colour : the stalks and leaves are then cleared 
 from the decoction, which, being mixed and w-ell 
 incorporated with a proportionable quantity of olive 
 oil, is let off from the bottom through a sieve, into a 
 large tub underneath, and the indigo precipitates like 
 dregs, in the course of two or three days. The water 
 is then drawn off, by means of pipes, (or by dipping 
 rags and wringing them out) till nothing but the 
 sediment remains, which, being dried in the shade, is 
 the true indigo. 
 
 They make three sorts of wine. The first is from 
 honey, much in the same way as mead. It is called 
 toak, and is the most common. The second is made 
 of the sugar-cane, and is called toupare, which signifies 
 sugar- wine. It has a bitterish taste, something like 
 strong beer that is well hopped, or apricot kernels. 
 A great deal of this kind is made in the provinces of 
 Manamboule, Matatane, aud Manghabei. The fol- 
 lowing is the process : — The sugar-canes are boiled in 
 water to two-thirds : it is then put into large calabashes, 
 and in three days the wine becomes so strong and 
 corrosive, that it will eat through an egg-shell in a
 
 105 
 
 night's time. The third is made of the banana fruit, 
 boiled four or five hours. This is a pleasant beverage 
 in hot weather, and is not much unlike cider. 
 
 Paper is manufactured in the province of Amboule, 
 from the bark of the real papyrus of Egypt, called by 
 the natives, Sanga-Sanga. Its process is simpler, and 
 the instruments used are fewer, than in the European 
 manufacture. They first separate the inner rind in a 
 skilful manner, and divide it into very thin pieces, 
 which they sprinkle with water, and then lay in various 
 crossings, pressing them down very hard. It is next 
 boiled in a strong lye, made of wood ashes, for a 
 considerable time, till it becomes completely soft 
 and supple, when it is reduced to a paste, in a 
 wooden mortar, and then again washed till perfectly 
 cleansed. Afterwards it is poured upon mats made of 
 exquisitely fine reeds or rushes, twisted and joined 
 together very close, on which it dries and becomes 
 paper, and is then laid on the leaf of the rates, and 
 being sized over with a decoction of rice, to prevent 
 the sinking, is again dried, and then fit for use. 
 This paper is a little yellowish, but if well sized will 
 not blot. 
 
 They make ink of a decoction of the Arandrante 
 wood. The sap is drawn from the tree, reduced to a 
 proper consistence, and a little verdigris put in. It 
 is not quite so black as the European ink, but is 
 more glossy. 
 
 Their writing-pens are made of pieces of bamboo, 
 the size of a quill, and are rendered transparent
 
 106 
 
 and hard in the same manner ; nanjely, by boiling and 
 baking. 
 
 The trade of Madagascar is transacted by barter ; 
 and having no circulating medium, they are but 
 imperfectly qualified to carry it on to any great extent 
 beyond the province they reside in. If a person is 
 in want of any article — cotton for instance, he carries 
 rice, or cattle, or iron^ into the cotton country, and 
 exchanges them for what he wants. The usual 
 medium of exchange, where no specific article is 
 wanted on the one side, is spades, hoes, shovels, and 
 knives, as being the most handy and convenient 
 articles they possess. Sometimes they exchange gold 
 and silver when they have it, but not as com, for they 
 are but little acquainted with the nature of money. 
 They make little use of the immense resources their 
 island contains ; even the manufacture of silk is but 
 slightly attended to, though they wear silk garments 
 chiefly brought from the Indies. 
 
 In w^eighing, they make use of the same weights as 
 high as a drachm, which is denominated sompi. 
 They use these in weighing gold and silver, but other 
 goods are bartered by weight. 
 
 Their measures for rice are the troubahovache, or 
 king's measure ; the zatvee,. which implies one hun- 
 dred, and it contains an hundred voules, or fifty 
 pounds of uncleansed rice ; the monca, a measure of 
 six pounds of cleansed rice ; the voule, a measure of 
 half a pound. Cloths, stuffs, and cordage, are mea- 
 sured by a rcfc, or measure, six feet long. In csti-
 
 107 
 
 mating their horracs, or rice marshes, they do not 
 value them according to the number of acres or roods 
 they contain, but according to the quantity of rice 
 that it requires to seed them. 
 
 The principal articles of foreign commerce which the 
 island possesses, are iron, steel, timber, rice, sugar, 
 honey, indigo, dyeing woods, cotton, silk, oils, gums, 
 resins, mats. The produce of these is capable of being 
 extended almost to any degree, with a moderate share 
 of exertion ; and, were a trade opened with the natives, 
 and a sufficient stimulus set before them, they would 
 soon establish such a market as would abundantly 
 supply the demands of their neighbours. 
 
 In the year 1776, when BenyoMsky was governor, 
 the amount of the subsidies paid to him by the chiefs, 
 was nine hundred and forty thousand livres, notwith- 
 standing he was almost continually at war with one 
 or other of them, (generally the Seclaves). He had 
 laid a foundation for an extensive cultivation of the 
 land, which there is no doubt would have been effected, 
 had he remained to carry his plans into execution. 
 The quality of their produce is of the first rate. The 
 timber is fit for ship or house building, as well as 
 for ornamental work. The dyeing woods and drugs 
 possess a brilliancy of colour far superior to those 
 which Europe produces ; and they extract an acid 
 from the sap of a tree, called the Fig-tree of Adam, 
 (a species of banana), w'hich fixes the colours 
 unalterably. Of silks they have four species, two of 
 which are equal to any brought from the east : and
 
 108 
 
 the Madagascar cotton is none inferior to the Bourbon. 
 Indeed, what is usually called by that name, is prin- 
 cipally sent from the former place, and shipped from 
 thence to Europe. 
 
 Hitherto the Madegasses have been but imper- 
 fectly acquainted with the vast extent and value 
 of the resources of their country. Under any other 
 circumstances than those which have existed, they 
 would long ago have attracted the attention of the 
 commercial nations of Europe. With a superior 
 geographical situation, a climate congenial to the 
 growth of all the vegetables, plants, and trees common 
 to both hemispheres, and every country ; mountains 
 replete with various metals and minerals ; navigable 
 rivers running in every direction ; and excellent gulfs, 
 bays, and harbours distributed around the coast, at 
 short distances from each other, she can boast unpa- 
 ralleled advantages ; and were she in the hands of a 
 civilized people, she could command a trade with the 
 four quarters of the globe. 
 
 At present the commerce of Madagascar, like its 
 agriculture and the arts, is in its infancy ; (and, indeed, 
 we may look upon these as of collateral growth ; for 
 it is seldom that we see them flourish separately.) It 
 is transacted wholly on the island, and is confined 
 chiefly to the Arabians, the Isles of France and 
 Mauritius, and our East-India ships, which usually 
 touch at it to take in a supply of water and provisions. 
 
 But it appears a new era is about to dawn upon 
 her, and tliat the reigning monarch ha:? not only
 
 109 
 
 thoughts of promoting the civilization and liappiness 
 of his subjects, but has in good earnest, and in the 
 most determined manner, set about it. With a pro- 
 found, and, we believe, a sincere respect for the 
 British nation, he has, in a late transaction with them, 
 made it a sine-qua-non, that while he agrees to do his 
 utmost to comply with their request of abolishing the 
 slave-trade throughout the island, they, on their part, 
 shall undertake to instruct a number of his subjects 
 in the civil arts ; and at the same time he invites arti- 
 ficers of every description, to come and settle in 
 his dominions, with the most positive assurances of 
 his protection and support. We may therefore expect 
 to hear more of this long-forgotten place before many 
 years are elapsed ; for unless we have entirely mis- 
 taken the genius and disposition of her people, civili- 
 zation will make a rapid progress amongst them : we 
 are not speaking of a nation who are not alive to the 
 advantages of such a state, or who are indifferent 
 about them ; but of one possessing a mind capacious 
 enough to view them in their fullest extent; — which 
 feels, and is impatient of the want of them, — and 
 which has the power and the resolution to supply that 
 want. After having seen and heard what is going 
 forward amongst the civilized nations of Europe, the 
 Madegasses cannot, like the people in the frozen 
 regions of the north, sit down in their smoaky huts, 
 contented with the superstition and ignorance entailed 
 upon them by their forefathers : nor zvill they, with 
 the enervated inhabitants of the East, and the abori-
 
 110 
 
 gines of the West, meekly bow down their necks for 
 the oppressor to tread on. We see in her a " lion 
 apprized of the pursuit," — past experience having 
 taught her that her welfare, though promoted, en- 
 couraged, and strengthened by an intercourse with 
 foreign nations, must find its basis within her own 
 shores, — must emanate from, and be supported by, 
 her own exertions. 
 
 We do not profess to understand much of the 
 complicated machinery by which the commercial 
 interests of a country are directed ; nor are we suffi- 
 cient politicians to dive into the aflfairs of cabinets, so 
 as to be able to comprehend why an object that is 
 (to all rational appearance) of trivial importance, and 
 doubtful issue, is pursued with unabated ardour; — or, 
 perhaps, inflexible obstinacy, even long after success 
 is hopeless; — while another, which presents unbounded 
 advantages, and which lies within, and is even offered 
 to, the grasp, is either feebly held, or altogether 
 rejected. 
 
 In our view of the subject before us, we have 
 attended to facts rather than abstract reasoning — to 
 practice rather than speculation ; and, under their 
 influence, we confess we have been surprised at the 
 manner in which the French Government have not 
 merely slighted, but abused and insulted the magnifi- 
 cent country of which we are treating. It could not 
 arise from a want of knowing the riches she possessed, 
 because these are clearly pointed out by their earliest 
 writers on the subject ; nor could they be mistaken
 
 Ill 
 
 as to the strength and disposition of her inhabitants ; 
 for the experience of the first few years of their inter- 
 course with them, must have conveyed a tolerably 
 clear intimation of these. The only inference we can 
 draw from the facts which have presented themselves to 
 our observation, is, that the French Government were 
 possessed of every quahfication necessary to insure 
 a failure in their endeavours to colonize Madagascar : 
 to a spirit of intrigue and jealousy, which fettered the 
 hands, and cramped the energies of their colonists, they 
 united a parsimony that starved them, and a domineer- 
 ing and revengeful spirit, that disgusted and incensed 
 their new subjects — not sufficiently despotic and arbi- 
 trary to enforce their wishes with promptness and 
 decision*, but too much so to allow them to treat with 
 the Madegasses on enlightened and liberal principles. 
 It is to these causes we attribute the failures which 
 we shall soon have occasion to relate. Had France, 
 in the first instance, established a colony upon the 
 principles of mutual advantage, and supported it in a 
 manner worthy of a great nation ; — ^had she, instead 
 of sending soldiers to ravage the plains, and massacre 
 the inhabitants, in order to reduce them to obedience, 
 conveyed thither artizans and mechanics, to commu- 
 nicate to them the blessings of civilization, — instead of 
 an inveterate enemy, she would have had a faithful 
 and enlightened ally ; and their combined exertions 
 
 * The reader will recollect, that we are speaking of the times 
 -previous to the French Revolution, and not of those which com- 
 prised tlio reifTn <>f Napoleon.
 
 112 
 
 might have bidden defiance to any European power, 
 to wrest from her her Indian possessions. But, 
 although " knowledge is power," experience con- 
 vinces us, that power is not always knowledge; 
 though wisdom will ever impart greatness to charac- 
 ter, our great men do not always stand pre-eminent for 
 their wisdom. We trust, however, that good will arise 
 out of this evil ; for though the French have suffered 
 the severe effects of the folly and criminality of their 
 rulers, the Madegasses, perhaps, will in future have 
 abundant cause to rejoice at that impolicy, which has 
 thus left them unfettered by any relative obligations, 
 whether of a political, civil, or religious nature.
 
 113 
 
 CHAP. XL 
 
 Ancient Form of Government — Ampansacabe, or Sove- 
 reign — His Privileges — Present Constitution — Kings 
 — Chiefs — Filoubeis — Republics — Voadziri — General 
 Code of Laws. 
 
 Xhe form of government has already been hinted 
 at. The division of the island into a number of 
 petty provinces, necessarily involves an aristocracy. 
 Tradition relates, that the island was formerly divided 
 into four kingdoms, and afterwards into six : but 
 upon the arrival of the race of Ramini, their leader 
 was chosen Ampansacabe, or Sovereign of the whole 
 island, which form of government was continued 
 without intermission through t\\ enty-four generations, 
 ending with Ramini Larizon, who, as we have before 
 mentioned, was slain by the natives in an insurrec- 
 tion, in which they were assisted by the French. 
 Since that period the title has been extinct. 
 
 The privileges attached to the office of Ampansa- 
 cabe were considerable. He had the right of nomi- 
 natincf the Rhoandrians to assist at his cabar or 
 council, at which all those whom he cited were bound 
 to appear ; and upon any question arising of a doubt- 
 ful nature, the judgment of the Ampansacabe was 
 decisive.
 
 114 
 
 Another privilege or prerogative was, that each 
 Rhoandrian was obliged to leave hiin by will, a portion 
 of his property, which however the successors usually 
 redeemed with a slight tribute or fine. 
 
 A third prerogative gave him a right to exact 
 from each Rhoandrian, one tenth of the produce of 
 his land, and a number of horned cattle and slaves, 
 in proportion to the riches of his district. 
 
 The present constitution consists of four kings as 
 formerly, called, according to their respective quar- 
 ters, kings of the North, South, East, and West ; these 
 kings have each of them absolute power over their 
 subjects, and as it respects public matters, the Rho- 
 andrians and chiefs are subject to their controul ; a 
 tribute is paid to them, as formerly to the Ampan- 
 sacabe. They are the generalissimos in times of 
 war, and all negociations and transactions of a public 
 nature are under their direction. Under these four, 
 each province has its prince or chief, called Dian, 
 who is completely independent in his own dominions. 
 He has the power of life and death over his subjects, 
 though this powder is not frequently exercised in a 
 wanton manner. To him belong all the lands of 
 the province over which he presides, and they are 
 appropriated by a grant from him to the individual 
 who wishes to occupy any particular spot, and who 
 pays him a small fine. He has the privilege of 
 nominating a governor over each village in his domi- 
 nions, for the purpose of administering justice: these 
 are called Filoubeis. The chiefs are most of them
 
 115 
 
 Rhoandrians, and are greatly respected and even 
 venerated by the people, >^ho approach them with 
 great reverence, and kneel down before them. Their 
 title is hereditary, and they cannot be dispossessed of 
 it by any means whatever — it ceases only with their 
 lives. 
 
 In the province of Ghalemboule, each town is a 
 distinct republic, governed by its own laws, and pos- 
 sessing the power of administering justice. Their 
 filoubei is chosen from amongst themselves, and is 
 no more than a president. They generally choose 
 the most ancient men amongst them for this office, 
 and his province is to see to the administration of 
 justice, and deciding of all differences amongst the 
 rest. These filoubeis mutually assist each other in 
 times of war, against those of another race ; and if 
 they ever quarrel with each other, and a war threatens 
 to take place, those not implicated interfere as media- 
 tors, and use every means to effect an accommo- 
 dation. If this be refused, the mediators separate, 
 leaving them at full liberty to act as they please. 
 
 In Manatengha, Izame, and the Vale of Amboule, 
 they are governed by a Voadziri, who is called 
 Rabertau, or Great Lord ; these are generally very 
 rich in cattle and other provisions, and rank amongst 
 the most considerable men on the island. They 
 exercise sovereign authority and absolute power; 
 but in times of scarcity, their subjects, knowing that 
 they possess granaries replete with provisions, fre- 
 quently assemble in great numbers, and seize their 
 
 1 2
 
 116 
 
 persons by surprise, threatening them with death if 
 they do not grant them relief. In order to extricate 
 themselves from this dangerous dilemma, they gene- 
 rally issue immediate orders for distributing provisions 
 amongst them. These, however, they do not fail to 
 claim again, with large interest, in the event of a 
 plentiful harvest. 
 
 Each of the kings possesses absolute power in the 
 territory which he governs. His counsellors are 
 chosen by himself, and are selected from the chiefs. 
 He consults them upon every occasion of importance, 
 but, after all, his own will must decide, as from it 
 there is no appeal. His proclamations are promul- 
 gated by means of messengers, in the several districts, 
 being first delivered to the chiefs, who communicate 
 them to the people. 
 
 The military force of the country is very great. 
 We do not know whether any estimate of it has ever 
 been made ; but if we admit Benyowsky's calculation, 
 which gives the number of males at two and a half 
 millions, the number of fighting-men cannot fall far 
 short of half a million, and probably exceeds it, as 
 every one capable of bearing arms is a warrior. They 
 are called together by means of emissaries, and have 
 no other pay than the booty they can obtain ; and 
 even a part of this goes to the king or chiefs. When 
 the expedition is over, they disband, and return with- 
 out any ceremony of dismission. 
 
 At the death of a chief, his subjects are not obliged 
 to subn)it themselves to his successor, but may go and
 
 117 
 
 reside in any part of the island. Indeed, no obliga- 
 tions exist to confine the inhabitants to any particular 
 province, or to exact exclusive fealty to the chief of 
 a single district : every man, as an inhabitant of the 
 island, has a right to take up his abode, or remove, 
 when and where he pleases, provided he submits to 
 the general laws of the island. 
 
 Although they have no written code of laws, they 
 have a regular system for the administration of 
 justice, which is founded upon the principles of 
 nature. These are universally known and under- 
 stood, and the penalties are enforced with prompt- 
 ness and rigour. They are called Massindili, or 
 Law of the Prince — Massinpoh, or Laxv of Pri- 
 vate Persons — and Massintani, or Lazv of the 
 Country. 
 
 The law of the prince is the prince's will, as 
 founded upon reason, and consists in administering 
 justice to every individual, adjusting of differences, 
 and of punishing delinquents in their persons or 
 property. The particular precepts are as follow : — 
 
 1. If one man assault another, maliciously^ and 
 break a leg or arm, he is ^wqA fifteen head of cattle, 
 which accrue to the injured party. 
 
 2. If one man break the head of another, and the 
 wounded party have not returned blow for blow, the 
 fine is three oxen. 
 
 3. If two men quarrel, and one curse the father 
 or mother of the other, (whether they be dead or 
 alive,) and his antagonist retort not the curse against
 
 118 
 
 his father or mother, the offender is fined two 
 oxen. 
 
 4. If a man be detected in robbing his neighbour 
 of an ox or cow, he is obUged to restore ten for it. 
 
 5. If one be found stealing Guinea corn, carra- 
 vances, yams, &c. out of the plantations, he forfeits a 
 cow and calf to the owner, or more, in proportion 
 to the offence. 
 
 6. If the theft be a hive of honey, the fine is three 
 iron shovels. 
 
 7. If one man's cattle break into another man's 
 plantation, he must give an iron shovel for every beast 
 found there. 
 
 8. If a man borrow an ox or cow of his neighbour, 
 and the debt remain a year, he pays him six calves 
 in return for it. If it remain two years, those calves 
 are supposed to be three steers and three heifers, 
 which the lender can demand ; and so, for every year 
 the debt continues uncancelled, the growth and produce 
 of the Jirst years demand is the interest awarded to 
 him : thus, at the expiration of ten years, they calcu- 
 late what the three bull-calves and three cow-calves 
 would have produced in that time, all which belong to 
 the creditor. 
 
 9. If a man be found guilty of adultery with the 
 wife of one who is his superior, he forfeits thirty head 
 of cattle, and a great quantity of beads and shovels. 
 If the parties are of equal rank, the fine is twenty 
 beasts ; but if with the wife of a king or chief, the 
 offending parties are put to death.
 
 11.9 
 
 10. A man may marry tlie wife of his brother or 
 father after their death, provided, in the latter case, 
 the woman is not his own mother. 
 
 1 1 . A man may also marry his father's daughter, 
 if she had not the same mother with himself. 
 
 The penalties we have recounted are inflicted in the 
 most summary manner. Indeed, an injured person, 
 who has suffered considerably, if the case be noto- 
 riously flagrant, may execute justice himself, without 
 sending the criminal to the filoubei, or waiting his 
 sentence. Sometimes, also, a thief, caught in the act, 
 if he be an old offender, is put to death on the spot, 
 without further ceremony. 
 
 Massinpoh relates to the behaviour of private per- 
 sons, in their employments, trades, conversation, 
 support of their families, manner of living, and under- 
 takings. It may, in fact, be called the law of courtesy, 
 as it takes cognizance of offences committed against 
 the rules of good neighbourhood, and regulates the 
 private transactions between man and man. By this 
 law, if a married woman, who is separated from her 
 husband, should have children by another man, the 
 children are the property of the husband, unless she be 
 married again, and^ith his consent, which is seldom 
 obtained, till the tacq, or dowry, which her first husband 
 paid to her father upon their marriage, is returned. 
 
 Massintane is the general and particular custom of 
 the country — the solid foundation and standard of 
 their conduct on all occasions ; as their manner of
 
 120 
 
 planting, sowing, building villages, making war, 
 public rejoicing, dancing, exercise of arms, &c. &c. 
 It includes the whole of theif domestic economy, 
 which is thereby reduced to a system. In this law 
 we find the true cause why the customs of their fore- 
 fathers are kept up, and innovations prevented, their 
 continuance being as firmly provided for, as the 
 punishment of offenders. 
 
 Thus have we described the simple bands by 
 which the state of society in this great island is 
 held together; and whatever moral defects may be 
 found in their composition, the effects produced 
 constrain us to think, either that the structure, which 
 is preserved from falling by such a cement, is placed 
 upon a good foundation, or that the simplicity con- 
 stitutes the strength of the building. We are accus- 
 tomed in our own country, to see laws heaped upon 
 laws, and penalties upon penalties, to protect our 
 persons and properties ; while the effect produced is 
 by no means such as might be expected from such a 
 complicated piece of machinery. Much of this is 
 undoubtedly owing to the height which luxury has 
 attained, the numerous artificial wants thereby created, 
 the manifold and extended nature of property, and 
 the great inequality of circumstances necessarily 
 resulting therefrom. We would not, with the Abbe 
 Rochon, compare the civilized with the savage state, 
 for the sake of drawing an inference in favour of the 
 latter ; nor would we, with him, pronounce the 
 native of Madagascar, with his numerous seraglio.
 
 121 
 
 his buccaneering exploits, and his horrid infanticide, 
 as destitute of either vice or virtue. But we would 
 again return to our first position — that if under 
 disadvantages both of a natural and moral kind, such 
 a large mass of mankind can be kept together in a 
 state of society by a code of laws so simple, and 
 apparently so little calculated to produce such an 
 effect; either there must exist a moral stamina far 
 stronger than we have any idea of, or the simplicity 
 of the laws constitutes their strength, and ensures 
 their observance. 
 
 We will leave the reader to draw his own con- 
 clusions; only remarking, that if Madagascar is to be 
 civilized, and Englishmen are to be the agents and 
 advisers, we trust they will consider well the genius 
 and disposition of the inhabitants : and while they 
 recommend the removal of the moral defects which 
 disfigure the present system, they must be careful 
 not to weaken the obligations which unite them so 
 strongly together, by ingrafting thereon too many of 
 the refinements of civil life.
 
 122 
 
 CHAP. XII. 
 
 Reflections on the History of barbarous Nations — Por- 
 tuguese Settlements — Pronis appointed Governor by 
 the East-India Company — Recalled for his Cruelty — 
 Flacourt succeeds him — Recalled — Justifies himself — 
 Perishes ivith his Associates in returning to Madagas- 
 car — Natives massacre the Garrison, and destroy Fort 
 Dauphin. 
 
 The history of barbarous nations, previous to the 
 period when they became known to those that are 
 civiHzed, is, for obvious reasons, comprised in a .few 
 pages. Destitute of the arts, sciences, and literature, 
 they possess not the means of transmitting to pos- 
 terity the records of past transactions; and with 
 them, ages roll away, leaving behind no recollection 
 or memorial of their former active existence, beyond 
 a few straggling traditionary accounts of the most 
 remarkable events that have t*ken place. Even if 
 the finger of history could trace back an unbroken 
 outline of events, it would present but a dull, mono- 
 tonous, uniform relation of petty wars, bloody mas- 
 sacres, and inglorious victories. 
 
 Notwithstanding this, much instruction as well as 
 amusement may be drawn from the perusal of the 
 history (as far as it goes) of such a people. To 
 contemplate the human character in its rudest form.
 
 123 
 
 and observe the fetters which, in sucli a state, bind 
 down the soul (destined to nobler aims) to the level 
 of the brute creation ; and to reflect on the various 
 gradations through which such a being must neces- 
 sarily pass, before it can arrive at a state of complete 
 civilization, is both a curious and instructive employ- 
 ment; and, if properly pursued, will produce the 
 most beneficial effects upon the mind. 
 
 The foregoing remarks will, we conceive, apply 
 with peculiar force to the nation whose history now lies 
 before us. Placed at a remote distance from polished 
 society, and shut up in the bosom of their own 
 island, the transactions of, probably, thousands of 
 years have sunk into the abyss of oblivion, leaving 
 behind them scarce a vestige of their existence, be- 
 yond the mouldering tombs of the ancestors of the 
 present generation ; and the adherence of the latter to 
 their ancient customs and rites, tell us they once be- 
 longed to, or originated from, a people with whose 
 collateral history our minds have been familiar from 
 earliest infancy. 
 
 The few particulars which have reached us of the 
 history of the island, prior to its discovery by the 
 Portuguese in 1506, have been related in another 
 part of this work. For them we are indebted, not 
 to the Madegasses themselves, but to the Mahometan 
 strangers who conquered the island ; and who, being 
 qualified for the task by the knowledge of letters, 
 have left written memorials of them. 
 
 Madagascar was too considerable and important a
 
 124 
 
 place to be neglected by the Portuguese after they 
 had once found their way thither ; they sailed round 
 it in 1508, and constantly anchored at it afterwards 
 in their voyages to the East Indies. They built a 
 fort in the province of Anossi, on a steep rock, 
 which is situated on the bank of the fine river 
 Franchere. It was near the village of Hatore, and 
 had several large inclosures round it, with buildings 
 on them. These were cultivated by the colony, and 
 supplied them with all sorts of provisions ; but the 
 garrison not being sufficiently strong, and the natives 
 being jealous of such an establishment so far in the 
 interior, they were massacred to a man. 
 
 In their intercourse with the island, they had 
 prevailed on a chief, named Andian Thionban, to 
 send his son Andian Maroarive, to Goa, in order to 
 be instructed in the Christian religion. There he was 
 put under the care of the Jesuits, was baptized, and 
 so far initiated in Catholicism, as to be able to give an 
 account of his faith — and he could also read and 
 write after the European manner. Upon his return 
 to his native country, he assumed the sovereignty, 
 (the office being vacant by death,) and then returned 
 to his former paganism. He reigned some years, and 
 lived on friendly terms with the Portuguese : but was 
 at length killed by the French with a musket shot, 
 when that people attacked the town of Franchere, at 
 which he resided. 
 
 Very little of the interior was discovered by the 
 Portuguese, or by the Dutch, who also made a point
 
 125 
 
 of touching at the island in their route to the Indies. 
 The chief object they appear to have liad in view 
 was, to secure themselves a safe retreat, and a sup- 
 ply of fresh provisions in their voyages ; their whole 
 strength being reserved for the acquisition and sup- 
 port of establishments more to the eastward ; and it 
 was left to the French to follow the example of the 
 Spaniards in South America, and attempt to establish 
 themselves by subduing the inhabitants. 
 
 Their first enterprise was in 1 642, when a patent 
 was granted by Cardinal Richelieu, to Captain Rivault, 
 for the exclusive right of sending ships and forces to 
 Madagascar, and the neighbouring islands, in order 
 to establish a colony, plantation, and commerce. 
 Having obtained this patent, Rivault established a 
 society under the name of the French East-India 
 Company, upon which the period, which at first was 
 only two years, was extended to twelve. 
 
 The new Company sent their first ship in March 
 IG42, under the command of Captain Coquet, who, 
 it seems, was about to sail thither on his own and 
 some private merchants' account, to bring home a 
 cargo of ebony. With him they sent two governors, 
 Pronis and Fouquenberg, and twelve other French- 
 men, who had orders to remain there, and wait the 
 arrival of a ship which was to sail from France in 
 November following. In their passage, they anchored 
 at the islands of Mascarenha, or Isle of Bourbon, 
 and Diego des Rois, and took possession of them in 
 the idng's name. They next made St. Mary's island.
 
 126 
 
 and the Bay of Antongil, of which they also took 
 possession, and ultimately arrived at the port of 
 St. Lucia, or Manghasia, in September, where they 
 immediately established themselves. This place is 
 situated in 24". 30'. latitude, at the northern extremity 
 of the province of Anossi ; and Pronis chose tlie 
 village of Manghasia for his residence, which stands 
 on the banks of a navigable river that rises on Mount 
 Siliva. The neighbourhood round is verv fertile ; the 
 plains abound with cattle, and the woods with excel- 
 lent timber for the dock-yard ; and the harbour 
 is defended from heavy gales, by the Island of 
 St. Lucia. 
 
 The settlement was reinforced in April following, 
 (1643) by the arrival of Captain Resimont, in the 
 ship St. Lawrence, with seventy men. His arrival 
 happened very opportunely ; for Coquet, having gone 
 to Matatane to take in his cargo, the natives, insti- 
 gated by the Portuguese, had meditated an attack 
 upon the settlement ; and it required all the address 
 of Pronis to w'ard off the danger, which he only 
 effected by means of large presents to Dian Ramach, 
 the chief of the district. 
 
 Having thus stifled the treachery of the natives, and 
 received a supply of men, Pronis sent twelve men to 
 establish themselves in the province of Matatane. 
 Upon their arrival, they advanced about eighteen 
 leagues into that province, towards Manzari, to 
 purchase rice and other provisions, and to explore 
 the country ; but six of them were killed in crossing
 
 127 
 
 a river, by the chiefs, who had assembled with their 
 subjects in great numbers, under the command of 
 Zaze Rahimina, a near relative of Dian Ramach, 
 and the other chiefs of Anossi. Resimont's son, and 
 six sailors who vvere employed in collecting a cargo 
 of ebony, in the province of Vohitzbang, were also 
 destroyed. This opposition was effected by the in- 
 trigues of Dian Ramach and the chiefs his neighbours, 
 who, not daring openly to attack the French, secretly 
 instigated those of iVlatatane. With this opposition, 
 Resimont made up his cargo as quickly as possible, 
 and sent six more men to Pronis, into Anossi, where 
 the latter had remained du^ng the absence of the 
 ships. 
 
 They were, however, soon after attacked by an 
 enemy, whom they could neither bribe nor conquer. 
 Owins; to the unhealthiness of the air and situation, 
 Pronis, and nearly all his men, were taken ill with 
 the fever, and in the space of one month, a third part 
 of the garrison died : upon which the remainder, with 
 their leader, retired precipitately to the peninsula of 
 Tholangare, where the air is more healthy. This 
 place is about ten leagues south of St. Lucia. Here 
 they built a fort, whicli they called Dauphin, and 
 which stands in a commanding situation, on the south 
 side of the entrance of the Bay of Tholangare. This 
 spot was well calculated for the establishment of a 
 colony. 
 
 The fort is built one hundred and fifty feet above 
 the level of the sea, and commands the road ; so that
 
 128 
 
 no enemy's ship could escape the fire of the batteries ; 
 and the landing to it is rendered difficult, by a steep 
 declivity. It is of an oblong form, and encotnpassed 
 with good walls of lime and gravel, well cemented. 
 The anchorage in the roadstead is excellent, and the 
 harbour is screened by the Isle of St. Clair from the 
 heavy sea-gales, so that the entrance is convenient at 
 all times for large ships. 
 
 The Bay of Loucar lies at the mouth of the river 
 Itapere, on the north side of Tholangare. On 
 the south is the great river Franchere, which is navi- 
 gable for many miles ; and at a short distance from its 
 mouth is the Lake of Amboule, which is fifteen miles 
 in circumference, and forty feet deep. We have 
 described this place particularly, because it formed 
 the principal settlement of the French, during their 
 attempts to colonize the island ; consequently, its 
 name will frequently occur in this work. 
 
 With these local advantages, and, in addition, a 
 neighbourhood that produced in abundance every 
 necessary of life, the peninsula of Tholangare pre- 
 sented a spot more favourable to the views of the 
 settlers, than "the Vale of Amboule, which adjoins 
 Anossi to the north. Here, therefore, they erected a 
 town, and enclosed a quantity of land, for the cultiva- 
 tion of fruit and vegetables. 
 
 But Pronis does not appear to have been a man 
 calculated to maintain the respectability of such an 
 establishment in the eyes of the natives. He was 
 weak in mind, and indolent in his habits. By these
 
 129 
 
 failings he lost his authority over his troops, who 
 became, in consequence, licentious and refractory. 
 A rebellion was excited against him ; and the settlers, 
 seeing no prospect of his governing the colony with 
 prudence, and fearing the combinations of the native 
 chiefs, arrested and laid him in irons. He remained 
 a captive six months, when he was released by a 
 French ship ; but he had scarcely resumed the com- 
 mand, when he committed an act, which rendered him 
 in the highest degree hateful to the natives — that 
 of selling a number of the natives, who were in the 
 service of the colony, to the governor of the Mauritius ; 
 and amongst these were sixteen women of the Loha- 
 vohitz race, which doubly incensed them. These 
 poor creatures were shipped off in so crowded a state, 
 that the greater part of them died on the passage ; 
 and the remaining few, upon arriving at the Mauritius, 
 fled immediately into the woods, whence they could 
 never after be taken, but subsisted in a wild state. 
 
 As soon as the East- India Company became 
 acquainted with these transactions, Pronis was sus- 
 pended i, and Flacourt appointed to succeed him. 
 This person arrived at Fort Dauphin the latter 
 end of September, 1648, where he was received in 
 a friendly manner by the chiefs ; but his conduct, 
 like that of his predecessors, was not well adapted to 
 promote a conciliatory spirit. He appears rather to 
 have aimed at reducing the whole island to a state of 
 subjection ; for soon after he arrived, upon some 
 slight provocation, he sent a detachment of eighty 
 
 K
 
 130 
 
 men, ' attended by a large number of armed blacks, 
 to lay waste, by fire and sword, the beautiful district 
 of Franchere. Nothing was spared ; the houses and 
 huts of the poorer class, as well as those of the 
 Rhoandrians, with the chief part of their property, 
 was destroyed, and great numbers of their cows and 
 oxen carried away. He sent several parties into the 
 interior, to explore the country, and obtain a know- 
 ledge of the customs and manners of the inhabitants. 
 It is principally to him we are indebted for the ac- 
 counts we are enabled to give of the natives, and of 
 the country; his history being published upon his re- 
 turn to France, which took place in 1655. He went 
 thither in order to ascertain the cause why the East- 
 India Company had not sent him the promised sup- 
 plies. Pronis, w^ho still remained on the island, w here 
 he had married a native woman, was left in command 
 during Flacourt's absence. The latter, when he 
 arrived in France, found that the East-India Com- 
 pany's charter was about to expire, and that the 
 Marshal ]\Ieilleraye was desirous of uniting himself 
 to them in a continuation of the enterprise, at Ma- 
 dagascar. Whether upon the renewal of the charter, 
 this union actually took place, does not appear in 
 Flacourt's work ; he was, however, again appointed 
 governor; and, about the year 1659, set sail with a 
 suitable cargo to resume the command ; but before he 
 could reach Madagascar, a violent storm arose, in 
 which his vessel was wrecked, and himself and the 
 whole of his men perished.
 
 131 
 
 Flacourt appears to have been entirely neglected 
 by the Company during his stay on the island. In 
 the seven years he resided there, he received no 
 supply, either of forces or provisions from France. 
 His great error lay in endeavouring to accomplish by 
 force, that which would probably have been better 
 effected by conciliatory means. But it appears to 
 have been the general practice of that period, to 
 consider every new country, which was not actually 
 appropriated by an European power, as out of " the 
 limits of social relations ;" and therefore to destroy 
 or subdue them, in order to acquire possession of 
 their country, was a matter that followed of course*. 
 
 After the departure of Flacourt, the French in- 
 terest in the island sensibly declined ; they had 
 before lost the affection of the natives, but during 
 his stay, the latter were kept in complete submission 
 to his commands. 
 
 In 1655, Fort Dauphin was burnt down. The 
 manner in which this was effected was never ascer- 
 tained ; but there is much reason to believe it was 
 done by the natives. However this may have been, 
 the French had not spirit to build it again, before the 
 arrival of supplies from France : this did not take 
 place till about the year 1660, an account of which 
 belongs to the following chapter. 
 
 * " The natives of a country are injidels — a subject of some 
 European power is the first Ckristian who sets foot in that coun- 
 try : — ergo, that country belongs to that Christian's king." — 
 Spanish and Portuguese logic of the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- 
 turies. 
 
 K 2
 
 132 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 History continued — Chamargou appointed Governor — 
 Account of La Case — His Marriage with Dian Nong, 
 and Accession to the Sovereignty — Conduct of Cha- 
 margou — Cause of the War with Dian Manangue — 
 Consequences — Colony saved by La Case — Appointment 
 of Mondevergue — He returns to France — Of La Haye 
 — He abandons the Island — Death of La Case and 
 Chamargou — Bretesche takes the Command — Abandons 
 the Island — Massacre of the French. 
 
 Upon the death of Flacourt, the East-India Com- 
 pany appointed Chamargou to succeed him, who 
 arrived there about 1660, and finding the Fort 
 destroyed, he immediately set about rebuilding it. 
 The next enterprise he engaged in, was to send an 
 officer with a detachment of troops to explore the 
 country to the north of Matatane. This officer, 
 whose real name was Le Vacher, was born at 
 Rochelle, and possessed talents which well qualified 
 him for the undertaking in which he had engaged. 
 He went by the name of La Case, and his memory is 
 still held in great respect by the natives. Upon his 
 arrival at Fort Dauphin, the French name was held 
 in detestation amongst the natives. The sums which 
 had been expended in estabHshing the colony were 
 thrown away, or rendered useless, by the impolicy
 
 133 
 
 and injustice of the agents. But La Case, by his 
 valour and prudence, soon restored the reputation of 
 his countrymen, and succeeded so well in every un- 
 dertaking, that he was looked up to with fear and 
 veneration b}"^ the natives, who gave him the name of 
 Dian Pouss, after a celebrated chief, who bad for- 
 merly conquered the whole island, and whose name 
 is still cherished by the natives. Nor was La Case 
 less distinguished for his moderation and good con- 
 duct, than for his valour. By these qualities, he 
 gained so completely the ascendancy over the Made- 
 gasses, that Chamargou, the French governor, became 
 jealous of him. The glory he had acquired, excited 
 his envy, and notwithstanding the eminent services 
 he had rendered to the colony, he refused either to 
 reward or to promote him. Sensible that it was to 
 himself the French were indebted for the recovery of 
 their footing on the island. La Case was both dis- 
 appointed and disgusted at this conduct, which he 
 neither expected nor deserved; and he instantly 
 formed the resolution of withdrawing from Fort 
 Dauphin, which he effected, and with five of his 
 companions in arms, went over to Dian Rassitate, 
 sovereign of the province of Amboule, who took 
 advantage of his dissatisfaction, and made overtures 
 to him. Soon after this, Dian Nong, the daughter 
 of that prince, fell deeply in love with La Case, and 
 offered him her hand with the consent of her father. 
 The old chief, who was declining in years, felt him- 
 self happy at the thoughts of marrying his daughter
 
 134 
 
 to a man who was so well qualified in every respect to 
 promote the welfare and happiness of his subjects, and 
 transferred to him the whole of the rich and fertile 
 province of Amboule. Setting aside her colour, the 
 Princess was possessed of every qualification that 
 could render her husband happy. To great per- 
 sonal charms she united a sweetness of temper and 
 an enterprising spirit; so that La Case found no 
 difficulty in making up his mind on the business. 
 Upon his marriage, so little disposed was he to take 
 an undue advantage of his elevation, that upon 
 the death of Dian Rassitate, which soon took place, 
 he refused the title and honours annexed to the sove- 
 reignty, and his consort was proclaimed sovereign 
 Princess of Amboule, he reserving to himself only 
 the privilege of being considered the first subject of 
 the realm. 
 
 Notwithstanding the harsh and undeserved treat- 
 ment he had received from the governor of Fort 
 Dauphin, La Case appears to have turned his whole 
 attention to the relief of the garrison, who were at 
 this period again reduced to a pitiable situation. 
 Upon his departure, Chamargou had set a price upon 
 his head, and those of the five Frenchmen who accom- 
 panied him, which so incensed the chiefs who resided 
 in the neighbourhood of the fort, and who entertained 
 the highest respect for him, that they entered into a 
 combination, and unanimously refused to supply the 
 colony with provisions. As the garrison were totally 
 unprovided for such an event, the effects were instantly
 
 135 
 
 felt. A famine, and its usual accompaniment, a pes- 
 tilence, were the consequence ; and the colony, in a 
 few days, saw itself reduced to eighty men, with the 
 prospect of being completely annihilated. At this 
 juncture, a French frigate, commanded by Captain 
 Kercadio, made its appearance, and relieved them 
 from the distressing situation in which they were 
 placed. 
 
 Kercadio appears to have been a brave and sensible 
 man. The expedition on which he visited Madagascar, 
 was to endeavour to establish another colony on the 
 island, under the direction of the Marshal Meilleraye, 
 at whose sole expense it was fitted out. But upon 
 their arrival at Madagascar, a great number of the 
 men managed to get on shore, and join the garrison 
 at Fort Dauphin, in order to free themselves from the 
 service they were destined for, being many of them 
 pressed men. At that period it was no unusual cir- 
 cumstance in France, upon such an expedition being 
 about to be fitted out, for families to apply to the 
 government, in case there was a dissolute or depraved 
 character belonging to them, for an authority (called 
 lettres-de-cachet) to transport him to some one of the 
 new colonies. 
 
 Upon learning the cause of the distress in which 
 the garrison at Fort Dauphin was involved, Kercadio, 
 being aware that the relief he could afford them 
 would be but temporary, endeavoured to persuade 
 Chamamou to consult their welfare, and remit the 
 sentence ai^ainst La Case. He represented to him
 
 136 
 
 that that officer, after his marriage M'ith Dian Nong, 
 could no longer be considered as a subject of France, 
 that event having in reality given him the sovereignty 
 of the principal part of the island, as well as the pro- 
 vince of Amboule; and therefore to continue the 
 proscription against him any longer, would soon raise 
 the whole island in opposition to the garrison. No- 
 thing, however, that he could advance, had any effect 
 upon the obstinate prejudices of the governor, and 
 the very existence of tlie colony was on the point of 
 being sacrificed to his resentment. Despairing of his 
 influence, Kercadio applied to a barrister, who, by a 
 singular accident, happened to be on board his vessel. 
 It seems his brother, who was a dissolute character, 
 had so greatly offended his family, that they applied 
 for a lettre-de-cachet to attach him to the expedition 
 to Madagascar. The barrister was to undertake the 
 charge of him to Nantz, and having incautiously been 
 inveigled into a spunging-house, the agent kidnapped 
 him instead of his brother, who, by paying a sum of 
 money, was suffered to make his escape. 
 
 To this gentleman Kercadio applied, and begged of 
 him to use his authority and talents in making the 
 governor sensible of his folly and baseness. For- 
 tunately the barrister had the honour of being known 
 to Marshal Meilleraye, whose name, at that period, 
 was in high reputation ; and who possessed very 
 great influence in France. He therefore represented 
 to Chainargou, that he should consider himself bound 
 in duty to give the Marshal a detailed account of the
 
 137 
 
 distresses of the colony, and probably of the loss of 
 Fort Dauphin also. This menace had the desired 
 effect. Struck with terror at the name of Meilleraye, 
 the governor, who hitherto was proof against reason 
 and argument, and would not suffer even the prospect 
 of death itself to conquer his resentment against La 
 Case, became all at once humble and submissive. In 
 the most abject manner he intreated Kercadio to for- 
 give his obstinacy, and to endeavour to effect a recon- 
 ciliation between himself and La Case. Accordingly, 
 the Captain and his friend the barrister set out for 
 the province of Amboule, and soon completed the 
 negociation with the magnanimous La Case, who 
 instantly burying in oblivion the injuries he had sus- 
 tained from Chamargou, solicited permission from his 
 consort, and the combined chiefs, to go to the relief 
 of his countrymen at the fort. He obtained it, and 
 peace and abundance followed him thither. 
 
 Chamargou was far from imitating the generous 
 conduct of La Case. Although fear had obliged him 
 to stifle, it had not conquered his resentment. During 
 the stay of La Case and his consort at Fort Dauphin, 
 he could but ill conceal his jealousy and hatred. La 
 Case, by his prudent counsels and liberality, which 
 were dictated as well by a thorough knowledge of the 
 character of the Madegasses, as by his own natural 
 goodness of disposition, and that of his consort, had 
 once more brought the colony at Fort Dauphin into a 
 flourishing and happy state. But their own aflairs 
 required their presence in Amboule ; nor was Diun
 
 138 
 
 Nons fond of the residence at the fort. The colonists 
 earnestly intreated thein to prolong their stay, but in 
 these requests the governor did not deign to unite ; 
 and his subsequent conduct appears to have been dic- 
 tated by a spirit of malice, excited by his envy : for 
 no sooner were La Case and his wife departed, than he 
 sent a detachment of two hundred men to levy con- 
 siderable inriposts in the province of Anossi, and to 
 subject them to laws that they had never heard of 
 before. This occasioned a fresh war, the conse- 
 quences of which were rendered more fatal and per- 
 manent by a fresh circumstance which took place, 
 the particulars of which are as follow : — 
 
 Dian Manangue, the sovereign of the province of 
 JNIandrarey, a high spirited and powerful chief, and a 
 faithful ally of the French, had given a most cordial 
 and distinguished reception, in his dorac, to Father 
 Stephen, an ecclesiastic of the order of St. Lazar, and 
 a superior of the mission to jMadagascar. This repre- 
 sentative of infallibility shewed himself but ill qualified 
 for the important concern that was assigned to him. 
 Seeing the good qualities and disposition of the worthy 
 chief, he thought it would be impossible for him to 
 hear his representations of the Catholic faith, without 
 being struck with their propriety, and embracing it. 
 Fully convinced that it was an affair which only 
 wanted introduction, he began, in somewhat of an 
 abrupt manner, by requesting him to repudiate all his 
 wives but one, and then to embrace the Catholic reli- 
 gion. The good chief perceiving what he was aiming
 
 139 
 
 at, and wishing to let him see he entertained a respect 
 for him as a Frenchman, rather than a Catholic priest, 
 gave him to understand at once, that there was not 
 the slightest prospect of success for him. A private 
 hint of the kind was not, however, considered suffi- 
 ciently respectful. He therefore assembled his wives 
 and family, in order to make a public harangue on the 
 occasion, to convince the priest that nothing he could 
 say would induce him to altar his mode of living, or 
 renounce his ancient customs. 
 
 " I pity thy folly," said he, " in wishing, that at my 
 age, I should sacrifice my happiness and the pleasures 
 which surround me in my donac to thy will. I pity 
 thee too, for being deprived of that which soothes the 
 cares of life. You will permit me to live with one 
 woman ; — but if the possession of one woman be a 
 good, why is the possession of a numerous seraglio an 
 evil, when peace and harmony prevail amongst those 
 who compose it? Dost thou see any symptoms of 
 jealousy, or seeds of hatred amongst us ? No ; all 
 my women are good ; they all endeavour to render 
 me happy ; and I am more their slave than their 
 master. 
 
 " But if thy maxims be so useful and necessary, 
 why do not thy countrymen at the Fort follow them ? 
 They ought to know much better than I, the merit 
 and value of thy words. Believe me, my good friend, 
 I will not deceive thee : it is impossible for me to 
 change my customs : I will never quit them but with 
 my life. 1, however, give thee leave to exercise thy
 
 140 
 
 zeal on the people, who are subject to my authority ; 
 and I give thee the same authority over my family 
 and my children. But this permission will be of very 
 little avail, unless thou canst suit thy precepts to our 
 manners and usages 1 " 
 
 There was but little of state policy in this speech ! 
 Dian Manangue must be simple, indeed, to suppose, 
 that by calling a holy father of the church of Rome to 
 account for his folly, he could induce him to desist 
 from his purpose. 
 
 A slight acquaintance with human nature would 
 have induced Father Stephen, at least to alter his 
 mode of attack, and to endeavour, by more gentle 
 means, to remove his prejudices. But it is not the 
 character or the custom of the church of Rome, or 
 her emissaries, to bend to circumstances. The only 
 answer he deigned to make to this artless declaration, 
 was, an absolute and peremptory command, that 
 Dian ]\lanangue should instantly divorce all his wives 
 but one; threatening, at the same time, that if he 
 refused, a party of the French should be despatched 
 to his donac to carry them off by force. 
 
 Such was the surprise and indignation excited by 
 this unexpected and arrogant denunciation, that a 
 general attack was commenced by the women upon 
 the father : they loaded him with blows and impre- 
 cations, and would infallibly have stifled him in their 
 rage, had not Dian Manangue hastened to his assist- 
 ance. Suppressing his own perturbation, he exerted his 
 whole authority to obtain a private interview with the
 
 141 
 
 monk for a few moments; during which, he requested 
 the space of fifteen days, to consider of his proposition 
 respecting his conversion. He then dismissed him 
 with rich presents, and assurances of respect. 
 
 His intention, however, in gaining this delay, was, 
 that he might have an opportunity of withdrawing 
 from the province of IMandrarey, in case the French 
 should attempt to follow up the threat of Father 
 Stephen. As soon as the latter had left him, he set 
 off with his wives and slaves, to seek an asylum in 
 the province of Alachicores, which lies at the distance 
 of about twenty-five leagues from Fort Dauphin. 
 
 Not satisfied with the experience he had already 
 acquired, Father Stephen no sooner heard of his 
 departure, than he resolutely determined to follow 
 him. In vain did Chamargou endeavour to detain 
 him — in vain did La Case represent to him the 
 danger he incurred : furious in his zeal, he took a 
 brother of the same order with himself, another 
 Frenchman, and six domestics loaded with sacerdotal 
 habits, and set out on his dangerous expedition. 
 
 After encountering difficulties and fatigue, that 
 would have been insuperable to any thing short of 
 the most determined perseverance, he overtook Dian 
 Manangue the first week in Lent. The old chief, 
 surprised rather than intimidated at his rashness, 
 received him with the most profound respect, de- 
 claring, at the same time, that his journey would 
 prove fruitless. This had no other effect on the 
 monk, than to make him frantic with zeal. Regardless
 
 142 
 
 of his safety, and that of liis followers, he denounced 
 him as a heretic — tore off the sacred olis — threw 
 them into the fire — and concluded his violence by a 
 declaration of war. 
 
 Hitherto the forbearance and moderation of the 
 chief had been proof against the arrogance of tlie 
 monk; but such accumulated insults were no longer to 
 be borne. He instantly ordered Father Stephen and 
 his attendants to be massacred on the spot, and, at the 
 same time, swore to effect the entire destruction of all 
 the French on the island. In order to put this oath 
 into execution, he sent his son, who had been baptized, 
 to his brother-in-law, La Vantangue, for the purpose 
 of inducing him to unite efforts with him in breaking 
 off the French yoke, whose insidious designs had no 
 other tendency, than to the subversion of the usages, 
 manners, and religion of the country. He assured 
 him that his oli had commanded him to defend these, 
 even at the peril of his life, and that victory was 
 certain on his side, since the French had dared to 
 commit such criminal excesses. He likewise informed 
 him, that Chamargou had sent forty Frenchmen to 
 the western coast, whom he could easily surprise and 
 put to death. " I send my son to thee," said he, at 
 the conclusion of his letter, " whom thou canst put 
 at the head of the army which thou art to despatch, 
 in order to attack and exterminate the French. It is 
 my oli that inspires me ; and thou well knowest the 
 ills that will overwhelm us, if we do not faithfully 
 obey its call. My son will give thee all the particulars
 
 143 
 
 of what has happened, and thou wilt hear indig- 
 nantly the perfidious proceedings of these foreigners 
 towards me, their most faithful ally." 
 
 La Vantangue had scarcely put himself upon his 
 guard, when he felt the advantage of the informa- 
 tion thus communicated to him. Two days after the 
 arrival of his nephew, his spies brought tidings that 
 the French had pitched their camp at the distance of 
 only one league from the village where he resided. 
 
 He instantly despatched a messenger to make them 
 an ofter of provisions, and begged them to make 
 known to him the purpose of their journey. La 
 Forge, who commanded the detachment, returned for 
 answer, that he had orders to subject the country to 
 the French domination. Terrified at such a decla- 
 ration, La Vantangue offered him four hundred 
 bullocks as the price of peace, and represented that 
 his country was too far from Fort Dauphin for him to 
 have done any thing to draw down the resentment of 
 the colony. La Forge spurned at this offer, and fixed 
 the price of peace at twenty thousand bullocks. 
 La Vantangue returned no answer to this demand ; 
 but while the French M'ere ravaging a plantation of 
 sugar-canes, he ordered them to be massacred, which 
 was done. The only person who escaped with his 
 life was a Portuguese. 
 
 This man took refuge in a marshy spot covered 
 with reeds and stagnant water ; here he remained, in 
 concealment, up to the neck in mud and water for 
 two days. At length the islanders, who were afraid
 
 144 
 
 to venture into the water, set fire to the reeds ; this 
 soon 4,wve him out, but taking advantage of the 
 smoke, he eluded them, and by dint of stratagem, 
 succeeded in reaching Fort Dauphin, where he com- 
 municated the sad tidings of the disasters which had 
 befallen his comrades. 
 
 The governor, instead of pursuing a different con- 
 duct in future, which alone could avert the dangers 
 that threatened the colony, resolved to revenge their 
 death by carrying fire and sword into the heart of the 
 country. Putting himself at the head of forty French- 
 men, and a body of Manamboulese, while Father 
 Manner, the only surviving priest, carried the bloody 
 banner, he set out on his barbarous expedition. He 
 spared neither age nor sex ; but murdered without 
 distinction, men, women, and children, and destroyed 
 every village that lay in his way. The deserted 
 donac of Dian Manangue was razed to the ground, 
 and, in short, death and devastation marked the 
 course he took, and the transactions of that campaign 
 have fixed infamy and execration on his character. 
 
 At length a want of provisions obliged him to 
 retreat. The natives, seeing no hope of success- 
 fully opposing his march, took care to remove or 
 destroy every thing that could contribute to the sup- 
 port of the invaders. Thus situated, Chamargou 
 was under the necessity of returning to Fort Dau- 
 phin; but while he was about to pass the river 
 Mandrare, Dian Manangue, who had been watching 
 his motions, aj)peared, wearing the surplice and
 
 145 
 
 square cap of Father Stephen, on the opposite bank, 
 with an army of six thousand men, to dispute his pas- 
 sage. The fate of the colony would have been deter- 
 mined at this juncture, but for the seasonable arrival of 
 La Case, accompanied by ten Frenchmen, and three 
 thousand Androfaces, subjects of Dian Nong, his 
 consort. This brave officer instantly plunged into 
 the river, and attacked Dian Manangue, notwith- 
 standing the disparity of numbers ; and such was the 
 terror his name inspired, that the opposing army was 
 instantly dislodged and put to flight. Dian Manangue 
 himself would have fallen a sacrifice, had not Rabaz6, 
 a courageous chief, who was strongly devoted to his 
 cause, thrown himself in the way, and thus volun- 
 tarily given his own life to save that of his sovereign. 
 Night put an end to the slaughter, and the French 
 thought proper to make the best of their way, under 
 cover of the darkness, to Fort Dauphin. Here they 
 were safe indeed from the attacks of the natives ; but 
 on the other hand, the latter withheld the usual 
 supplies of provisions, and cut off those which were 
 procured from distant posts. At the same time a 
 formidable army was again collected by Dian Ma- 
 nangue, with which he invested Fort Dauphin. The 
 presence of such a body of men would soon have 
 reduced the garrison to a state of starvation had not 
 La Case found means to send them a supply of five 
 thousand bullocks. Thus were they again saved from 
 destruction by that extraordinary man, whose enter- 
 prises were all crowned with success. It is impos- 
 
 L
 
 146 
 
 sible to do justice to his prudence, his courage, and 
 his presence of mind, all which quahties were con- 
 spicuous on every occasion. In one of his expe- 
 ditions, with ten Frenchmen, and two thousand 
 natives, he defeated Dian Raveras, at the head of 
 eighteen thousand men, and took from him twenty 
 thousand bullocks, and made five thousand prisoners. 
 These and his other successes, recommended him so 
 powerfully to the French East-India Company, that 
 finding themselves under the necessity of employing 
 him, they took him into their service, sent him a 
 lieutenant's commission, made him a present of a 
 sword, and congratulated him on his successes. For 
 these marks of confidence and favour. La Case re- 
 turned thanks to the Company, and pledged himself 
 that if they would send him a force of two hundred 
 Frenchmen, he would conquer the whole island, and 
 establish the paramount authority of the French 
 government, — with this single condition, that they 
 should render him answerable to none but themselves 
 for the measures he might think proper to pursue in 
 executing his projects. Fortunately the Company 
 rejected his proposal; from what cause we do not 
 learn, but the offer certainly reflects disgrace upon 
 the memory of La Case. He appears to have had 
 a large share of ambition after he was taken notice of 
 by the East-India Company ; and, as with Cortes in 
 the Western Continent, that one passion bid fair to 
 absorb all his good qualities, and render him a savage 
 rather than a man. The conquest of the whole
 
 147 
 
 island would certainly have placed him in the same 
 rank with the conquerors of America ; but what he 
 would have gained in celebrity, he would have lost 
 in esteem and veneration ; and the proposal alone has 
 left a stain upon his character, which all his good 
 qualities will fail to obliterate. 
 
 In 1666, the French East-India Company, having 
 extended their views, appointed the Marquis de Mon- 
 devergue to the general command of all the French 
 settlements situated beyond the equinoctial line. 
 This, of course, included Madagascar, which place 
 was appointed the seat of his government. Thither 
 he set sail in a frigate of thirty-six guns, followed by 
 a fleet of nine vessels, having on board La Fage and 
 Caron, directors of the East-India trade, an at- 
 torney general, four companies of infantry, ten 
 chiefs of colonies, eight merchants, and thirty -two 
 women. 
 
 The fleet arrived at Fort Dauphin on the 10th of 
 March, 1667, and the Marquis immediately caused 
 himself to be acknowledged admiral and governor- 
 general of the French territories in the East. His 
 first step was to effect a reconciliation with Dian 
 Manangue, who was a chief too powerful to be 
 despised. This was accomplished with the assistance 
 of La Case ; and that chief swore obedience and 
 fidelity to the governor-general. This step insured to 
 the colony a regular supply of provisions, and their 
 future prospects were thus rendered more promising. 
 
 Caron did not remain long on the island ; he sailed
 
 148 
 
 for Surat with the greater part of the fleet, in order 
 to take the management of that settlement. 
 
 La Fage continued at Fort Dauphin ; and in 
 November, 1670, another fleet of ten ships arrived, 
 commanded by Monsieur de la Have, Captain of 
 the Navarre, a vessel of fifty-six guns. All these 
 ships belonged to the king, to whom the East- India 
 Company had now transferred the sovereignty of 
 Madagascar, and were well equipped with the war 
 complement of arms and men. Upon his arrival, 
 La Haye was proclaimed admiral and general, with 
 the authority of vice-roy. Chamargou was ap- 
 pointed second in command, and La Case major of 
 the island. The Marquis Mondevergue, having the 
 option of remaining on the island as governor, or 
 returning to France, chose the latter. From what he 
 saw of La Haye, he appears to have been convinced 
 that harmony could not be expected with him. The 
 wisdom and moderation of his own conduct but ill 
 accorded with the warlike and arbitrary disposition of 
 the other. He therefore chose to retire, and set sail 
 for France in 1671 ; but he had no sooner arrived 
 at Fort Louis, than a commissary demanded of him 
 an account of his conduct. He now found that La 
 Haye had sent home complaints against him, which 
 had induced the Company to take this step. The 
 Marquis defended himself with great spirit, and the 
 public voice was in his favour : but his enemies were 
 too powerful ; he fell a victim to their machinations, 
 and died a prisoner in the castle of Saumur.
 
 149 
 
 Under La Haye, who possessed unlimited authority, 
 the government of the island was conducted in a 
 totally opposite spirit. He determined to get rid of 
 those chiefs who did not acknowledge his authority. 
 His first step was, in conjunction with Chamargou 
 and La Case, to summon Dian Rayiousay to sur- 
 render to the French all the arms in his possession, 
 and, upon a refusal, to prepare for war. Dian 
 Ramousay spurned at this demand with disdain ; 
 upon which La Case and Chamargou were ordered 
 to besiege him in his village. This order they obeyed, 
 and went against him with seven hundred French, and 
 six hundred Madegasses. The attack was, however, 
 unsuccessful. Dian Ramousay made so vigorous 
 and gallant a resistance, that the French were obliged 
 to retire with considerable loss. It was the general 
 opinion, that the treacherous Chamargou, piqued at 
 being second in command in a country where he had 
 hitherto governed alone, and moreover not relish- 
 ing his coalition with La Case, whom he had formerly 
 treated so ill, had contributed to this defeat. Be 
 this as it may, La Haye was so disgusted at the 
 supposed treachery of Chamargou, that he resolved 
 to abandon Fort Dauphin, and to retire with his 
 forces to Surat, first touching at the Mascarenhas, 
 now called Isle de Bourbon. 
 
 His departure was shortly after followed by the 
 death of La Case, whose name alone kept the island 
 in a state of subjection to the French. Their yoke 
 had become odious and insupportable, and the natives
 
 150 
 
 only waited for a favourable opportunity to retaliate 
 upon them the cruelties and injuries they had sustained. 
 Upon the death of Chamargou, which soon followed 
 that of La Case, La Bretesche, his son-in-law, suc- 
 ceeded to the command of the colony. From this 
 period may be dated the extinction of the French 
 power in the South of Madagascar. Destitute of 
 every qualification that commands respect, Bretesche 
 found his authority lessening every day, while the 
 constant bickerings, and increasing animosities, which 
 arose between the French and the natives, involved 
 them in continual wars and trouble. Despairing of 
 success, he embarked with his family in a ship for 
 Surat. Several Missionaries, and some of the French, 
 followed his example ; but no sooner had they left the 
 road, than they perceived a signal of distress from 
 the shore. The Captain immediately sent off his 
 boats, by which he learned that Dian Ramousay, 
 and the neighbouring chiefs, had risen upon the 
 garrison, and massacred nearly the whole of them. 
 The few who escaped were taken on board, leaving 
 the natives once more free from their invaders.
 
 151 
 
 CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Account of the Pirates — Their darhig Transactions — 
 Preparations for attacking them — Their Fleet destroyed 
 — Gain Favour and Consequence with the Natives — 
 Introduce the Slave Trade — Consequences to themselves. 
 
 After the abandonment of Fort Dauphin in the 
 south of Madagascar, by Bretesche, and the con- 
 sequent massacre of the garrison, the intercourse 
 which the inhabitants had with Europeans was 
 merely casual. The East-India ships usually touched 
 there to take in a supply of provisions, but no further 
 attempt was made to establish a colony ; nor did any- 
 thing transpire worthy of notice, until the beginning 
 of the seventeenth century, when the pirates, who, 
 from the time that Vasco de Gama opened the route 
 to India, had infested the Indian seas, formed an 
 establishment at Nossy Hibrahim, (or Isle St. Mary,) 
 situated on the north-east coast of Madagascar. 
 
 These marauders had rendered themselves so for- 
 midable and notorious, by their daring attacks on 
 large ships, and by the valuable prizes which they 
 continually took, that about the year 1722, those 
 nations who were interested in the India trade, began 
 to make preparations for putting a stop to their 
 depredations, which were carried to an astonishing 
 length. In 1721, they had attacked and seized a
 
 152 
 
 large Portuguese man of war, having on board 
 Count Receira, and the Archbishop of Goa — and 
 on the same day had taken another ship carrying 
 thirty guns. These two vessels lay off the Isle of 
 Bourbon, and, it appears, were not captured without 
 some hard fighting on both sides. In consequence of 
 these daring exploits, a combination was formed in 
 Europe, with the determination of scouring the seas 
 of these robbers. 
 
 Alarmed at these preparations, the pirates took 
 refuge in St, Mary's Isle; and seeing a probabi- 
 lity that the time was coming, when all their courage 
 would be of but little avail to them, they began 
 assiduously to cultivate the good will of the natives. 
 By contracting alliances with them, they gained 
 their confidence; and by continually bringing in 
 richly freighted prizes, their mode of obtaining which 
 was totally unknown to the inhabitants, they supplied 
 them with articles that were in great request ; and on 
 the other hand, gave a value to the produce of the 
 island, for which, before that time, the natives could 
 but seldom find a market. They likewise compared 
 the conduct of the pirates with that of some other 
 Europeans, who, on occasionally touching at the 
 island, had committed great depredations upon them, 
 wantonly burning their villages, plundering their 
 plantations, and either murdering or carrying off their 
 wives and children; while the pirates, knowing that 
 their very existence depended upon a good under- 
 standing with the Madegasses, always carried them-
 
 153 
 
 selves in a conciliatory manner towards them, adopted 
 their customs and manners, and treated them at all 
 times with friendship and respect. 
 
 The period soon arrived when they experienced the 
 benefit of this line of conduct. A large armament 
 was fitted out well manned and appointed, which 
 attacked them with a most determined resolution. 
 Accustomed to war and to success, the pirates made 
 long and vigorous resistance, but it was to no pur- 
 pose ; their enemy was too powerful, and having put 
 them to flight, pursued them even to the place of 
 their retreat, insomuch that they were obliged to set 
 fire to their vessels, in order to prevent them falling 
 into their hands. 
 
 Being thus at once deprived of the usual sources 
 of their existence, and knowing that as soon as the 
 stores of merchandize, which they had been enabled 
 to collect by their dangerous mode of life, were ex- 
 hausted, their importance with the natives would 
 sink, they began to reflect upon the means of pre- 
 serving that importance, and at last concerted a plan, 
 which, in the sequel, completely answered their ends. 
 This was nothing less than the introduction of the 
 slave-trade. 
 
 We have before detailed the manner in which the 
 slave-trade was introduced. Numberless attempts 
 had been made to induce the natives to adopt it 
 before, but to no purpose. The French writers arc 
 very much disposed to ascribe the introduction of 
 this horrid traffic entirely to the pirates ; but we are
 
 154 
 
 stmnalv inclined to believe, that if there was not 
 a specific agreement between those people and their 
 countrymen the French, on the subject, it was per- 
 fectly well understood, that if they could induce the 
 natives to begin the trade, it would constitute an 
 ample atonement for all their past transgressions. 
 
 In the year 1722, soon after the destruction of 
 the fleet belonging to the pirates, the Bethali- 
 menes, a people inhabiting the interior, had re- 
 sorted in great numbers to the village, where the 
 pirates had deposited their stores, with the view 
 of purchasing such articles as were useful or con- 
 venient. Those most in request, were India stuffs, 
 Masulepatam handkerchiefs, muslins, and calicoes. 
 The people inhabiting the sea-coasts where the pirates 
 also resided, were the Antivares and Manivoulese. 
 The greatest cordiality subsisted between these people 
 and the Bethalimenes, towards whom they acted with 
 hospitality and friendship, both on their own account 
 and that of the pirates. 
 
 But when the Bethalimenes saw that the source 
 from which the pirates drew their wealth, was dried 
 up by the absolute destruction of their fleet, they 
 began to prepare for returning to their villages with 
 the goods they had purchased. This was the period 
 the pirates chose for their purpose : they represented 
 to the people, amongst whom they resided, that those 
 valuable effects belonged of right to them, as a 
 return for the kindness they themselves had expe- 
 rienced, and that if they suffered them to be taken
 
 155 
 
 away now, they would be lost and dispersed about 
 the country. The respect due to the strangers was 
 long before it could be overcome ; but at length 
 the Antivares and Manivoulese yielded, and at- 
 tacked the Bethalimenes. A bloody war ensued, 
 in which the pirates cautiously avoided interfering 
 in a public manner ; but they secretly encouraged 
 both parties, selling arms to the Antivares, and 
 representing to the others that they had right on 
 their side. At length the latter, who did not 
 come from home prepared for a protracted contest, 
 found their ammunition expended; and at this 
 juncture the pirates advised them to the act of ex- 
 changing their prisoners of war for arms and gun- 
 powder, as we have before related. Being a brave 
 people, the numbers were considerable, and they were 
 enabled, by such a supply as they obtained in ex- 
 change for them, to return home without any further re- 
 sistance on the part of the enemy. The consequences 
 that followed this event, as it respects the Madegasses, 
 are already before the reader ; but we have yet to re- 
 late in what manner the pirates were affected by it. 
 Those men, or rather monsters, who a few months 
 before were the scourge and the curse of the East- 
 India trade, who were looked upon with horror 
 and detestation, and for whose utter destruction 
 many nations (otherwise filled with jealousy of each 
 other) united in forming a powerful armament, be- 
 came all at once of such consequence to their coun- 
 trymen, that their protection was eagerly sought ; and
 
 156 
 
 they \veru employed in the trade as factors or agents, 
 all transactions of this kind, in that quarter of the 
 island, passing through their hands. 
 
 The French writers may endeavour to cast the odium 
 of this transaction on the pirates ; but while we know ' 
 that numerous attempts had been previously made by 
 the French to introduce the traffic in slaves into Mada- 
 gascar, both by treachery and open force — while they 
 had in vain endeavoured by argument to induce them 
 to sell their prisoners and malefactors, — ^and while we 
 read that from the period the pirates succeeded in 
 their nefarious attempts, they rose into notice, and be- 
 came not merely sufferable, but of the first importance 
 to their countrymen, who no longer disdained to seek 
 their friendship ; — we can never believe but that the 
 pirates were secretly instigated to the act by the 
 French merchants, and that afterwards they were by _ 
 no means considered by them, or the French govern- 
 ment, in the same light. 
 
 We wish our o\^ n countrymen were clear from the 
 blood of the IMadegasses ; but the history of that coun- 
 try furnishes too many instances of the large share that 
 England had in the slave transactions, to allow us to 
 exculpate her. As early as the year 1724, when Drury 
 was on the island, British ships were continually arriv- 
 ing, which rendered it necessary for fresh wars to be 
 undertaken in order to supply them. Happily, Eng- 
 land has washed her hands of the trade, and, as far 
 as lies in her power, endeavoured to atone for the 
 miseries that ]\Iadagascar has sutFered through her
 
 157 
 
 means, by efl^ectiiig the abolition of the slave-trade 
 on the island.* But many years must elapse, ere its 
 baneful effects can be entirely removed ; the present, 
 and probably the succeeding generation, must pass 
 away, before the recollection of the unhallowed riches, 
 accruing to her chiefs from the sale of slaves, is obli- 
 terated from their minds. 
 
 * We cannot help exulting in the thought, that our native 
 country has set such an example to other nations as the abolition 
 of the slave-trade. Although her efforts to prevent its continu- 
 ance have failed in too many instances, and some, even amongst 
 us, are found base enough still to engage in the traffic; yet, if 
 our observation has not deceived us, England has been rising in 
 moral greatness from the very period that the act of abolition 
 took place. Like the individual who has overcome a vicious 
 habit, she seems to feel a return of self respect ; her moral insti- 
 tutions have increased and flourished to a degree unknown to 
 former years ; her moral injluence has extended from one end 
 of the earth to the other ; and the most unparalleled exertions 
 have been made, and are still making, to impart to other coun- 
 tries the blessings her people enjoy.
 
 158 
 
 CHAP. XV. 
 
 Attempt to eslahlish a Colony at St. Marys Isle and 
 Foule Point — Monsieur Gosse, assisted by the Princess 
 Betie, takes Possession — Accused of Sacrilege — Mas- 
 sacre of the French — Government of the Isle of France 
 retaliates — Peace restored hy Betie and Bigorne — 
 Celebrated Cabar to establish a Treaty of Commerce 
 at Foule Point — Speech of Rabefn — Treaty agreed on 
 — Sacrifice — Bigorne appointed Commissioner of Trade 
 — Makes War on John Harre — Recalled and dis- 
 graced — Death of John Harre, and Return of Bigorne 
 to Madagascar. 
 
 Setting aside the influence which the pirates had 
 acquired, the island remained free from the domina- 
 tion of foreigners until the year 1745, when the 
 French East-India Company conceived the desire of 
 again trying their fortune in establishing a colony 
 there, and commissioned Monsieur Gosse to go and 
 take possession of the Isle of St. Mary, in the name 
 of the Company. 
 
 John Harre was the chief of Foule Point at that 
 time. This man was the son of Tamsimalo, who 
 was descended from an old pirate and the daughter 
 of a powerful chief, and who seized the sovereign 
 power upon the death of his father. The reign of 
 Tamsimalo was not signalized by any extraordinary
 
 159 
 
 events, but his memory is much venerated by the 
 people. He died in 1745, and was buried in St. 
 Mary's. 
 
 The power of his son, John Harre, was very cir- 
 cumscribed ; and, by his misconduct, he forfeited the 
 esteem of liis subjects. He chose Foule Point for 
 the place of his residence, and left the government of 
 St. Mary to his mother and sister, the latter of whom 
 was known by the name of Betie. This young lady 
 appears to have possessed considerable charms both 
 of person and mind, and she was greatly beloved by 
 the people of St. Mary. 
 
 As soon as Monsieur Gosse arrived at the island, 
 he went round it to take possession of it, in which he 
 was accompanied by Betie, although this honour, 
 according to the custom of the country, belonged to 
 Tamsimalo's widow, instead of the daughter. This 
 lady, \\ho was of a haughty imperious temper, was 
 liighly offended at the neglect of Gosse, and swore to 
 be revenged on him for this neglect and open insult. 
 Gosse seems to have set very light by her anger for 
 some time, and went on to establish the colony upon 
 the best footing it was capable of. Many circum- 
 stances tended to counteract his plans, and, amongst 
 the rest, the old enemy, Jeve?\ made its appearance. 
 The mortality was so great by the latter end of au- 
 tumn, that the directors of the Isle of France were 
 obliged to send fresh recruits ; and this occurred so 
 repeatedly towards the close of the year, that it was 
 tlien called the grave, or church-yard of the French.
 
 160 
 
 Our historian remarks, however, that the directors 
 took special care not to send any person there whose 
 loss would prove at all injurious to society. 
 
 In the mean time Gosse appears to have been very 
 assiduous in his attentions to Betic, who was strongly 
 attached to him. Her mother formed several plots 
 for the destruction of the French, but Betie as often 
 counteracted them, until at length she brought such a 
 heavy accusation against Gosse, that Betie dared no 
 longer to advocate his cause. 
 
 The charge was no less than that of having dared 
 to infringe uj.on the sacredness of her late husband's 
 tomb, for the sake of the riches which it was well 
 known to contain. We know not whether this accu- 
 sation was true or false ; but it raised such a ferment, 
 that the destruction of the French was from that mo- 
 ment determined on. The period fixed was Christ- 
 mas Eve, 1754:, when the islanders rose in a body, fell 
 upon the establishment, and massacred them to a man. 
 
 As soon as this dreadful event was known at the 
 Isle of France, the governor ordered an armed vessel 
 to proceed to St. Mary, and punish the natives with 
 the utmost severity. They performed their task to 
 the very letter. While the troops ravaged the island, 
 burned the villages, and massacred the inhabitants, 
 the vessel got their guns to bear upon the piroguas oi 
 those who attempted to escape to the main land. 
 Some of these, full of natives, were sunk : in one oi 
 them was the widow of Tamsimalo, who had embarked 
 with an intention of getting to the bay of Antongil,
 
 161 
 
 but, in spite of every exertion, a shot reached the boat, 
 by which she, and several of those who accompanied 
 her, were killed : the rest were made prisoners, among 
 whom was Betie. She was immediately carried to 
 the Isle of France, and taken before the supreme 
 council, before whom she justified herself completely, 
 by proving that her mother had been the sole cause 
 of the massacre of the French. She also convinced 
 them that her connection with Gosse had endangered 
 her life, and that it would no longer be safe for her 
 to remain at St. Mary, as her attachment to the 
 French had completely alienated the affections and 
 confidence of the people from her. Convinced of 
 her innocence, the council sent Betie to her brother 
 John Harre, at Foule Point, with considerable pre- 
 sents, requesting -him to employ every means in his 
 power to re-establish peace and harmony between the 
 natives of that district and the French. This was as 
 much for the interest of one party as the other. Tlif 
 people were so terrified at the dreadful havoc made 
 by the French at St. Marj^, that they retired to the 
 interior of the island. Commerce was suspended, 
 and the Isle of France, which drew all its supplies 
 from Madagascar, was in danger of famine, unless 
 confidence could be again restored, and the trade re- 
 vived. Betie, by the influence she possessed over 
 her brother, was considered a proper person to accom- 
 plish this ; and united herself in the task with one 
 Bigorne, an intelligent and active person, who had been 
 a soldier in the serv' \ of the East-India Company. 
 
 ) M
 
 162 
 
 This man had acquired the Madegasse language, 
 and, by his open and steady conduct, gained the 
 affections of the islanders, whom he soon brought to 
 terms with the French ; so that the commerce with 
 them was very speedily renewed. His conduct 
 gained the entire approbation of the government at 
 the Isle of France, who plainly saw of what conse- 
 quence his services w^ere likely to be, on account of 
 his influence over the natives at Foule Point. 
 
 By this man's assiduity and address, the chiefs of 
 Foule Point were persuaded to engage in a treaty of 
 commerce with the emissaries of the French East- 
 India Company ; and a special cabar was appointed 
 to be held on the occasion, at which an immense multi- 
 tude of people, and all the neighbouring chiefs, were 
 present. One of the orators, named Rabefin, was 
 possessed of considerable eloquence ; his speech, 
 which was as follows, is highly interesting. 
 
 The orator, after having saluted all the chiefs, 
 advanced towards the French, and making a profound 
 obeisance, he addressed himself to Bigorne, who per- 
 formed the part of interpreter, and thus began : — 
 
 " You know, O Bigorne ! that for more than eight 
 years, the white men have come hither to trade with 
 the Madegasses ; and can you say, that a w'hite man 
 was ever killed by any of our nation? We have 
 always received you, not only as brothers, but as 
 lords of the country. 
 
 " When the French asked from us oxen and rice, 
 did we ever refuse them r
 
 163 
 
 " When they wished to raise palisades, and con- 
 struct houses, have we not gone to the forests to 
 procure timber for that purpose? 
 
 " Have those who have come hither before you, or 
 those who are here now, ever had any cause of com- 
 plaint against us ? Have they not drawn water from 
 our fountains ? — Have they not cut down the trees of 
 our forests, without any man of Foule Point asking 
 them — ^Why do you so? — The people of the south, 
 and those in the north, and more recently still, those of 
 St. Mary, massacred the French, and made war upon 
 them ; but those of Foule Point never attacked any 
 of them ; on the contrary, they have given them every 
 assistance in their power ; and they have at all times 
 testified their kindness and friendship towards them. 
 
 " Are the chiefs of Foule Point, then, less powerful 
 than their neighbours ? O, Bigorne ! more power- 
 ful they are. Do they fear to carry on war against 
 the whites ? — No ; who dares to make war on John 
 Harre, the illustrious son of Tamsimalo, our sovereign 
 and our father ? 
 
 " What are the white men, who would be rash 
 enough to attack those formidable and invincible 
 chiefs here present — Marouat, Ramisi, and Ramatoa ? 
 Would we not shed even the last drop of our blood in 
 their support ? 
 
 " It is to our friendship, therefore, and to our good- 
 ness of heart alone, that the French are indebted for 
 the kind treatment which they have experienced at 
 Foule Point, since they first frequented that port. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 
 
 " Let us now proceed to examine the conduct of 
 the French towards us. 
 
 " Why, Bigorne, hast thou erected a palisade of 
 large stakes, much more extensive and stronger than 
 that which was erected formerly, without having 
 deigned to ask permission of John Harre and the 
 other chiefs? In this hast thou followed the an- 
 cient usage? Speak — answer! — Hast thou offered 
 them the smallest present? — But you ohserve silence — 
 you blush — ^you are conscious of your guilt — you 
 look towards them — you beg forgiveness. Here, in 
 thy name, I ask pardon of John Harre, our sovereign, 
 who presides over this illustrious assembly, and these 
 generous and invincible chiefs, for thy imprudence. 
 We love thee, Bigorne; but never in future abuse 
 our affection. Swear that thou wilt never commit 
 the like faults. — Such errors will for ever alienate 
 from thee, without hopes of return, the hearts of the 
 inhabitants of Foule Point; and, to preserve them, 
 take the oaths, that our interest and thine shall be 
 hereafter the same. Ask, then, of thy chiefs here 
 assembled, why, since the arrival of the last seven 
 ships, the captains have still neglected to make the 
 usual presents, which serve to promote a good under- 
 standing in those exchanges wliich the whites wish 
 to exist with Madegasses ? Why have not these 
 vessels brought effects to pay the debts contracted by 
 the French above a year ago ? 
 
 " We have sold them, on credit, according to the 
 rules of fair dealing, provisions of every kind, without
 
 165 
 
 any other security than small bits of paper, which 
 contained, as they assured us, a promise of being paid 
 in three moons. Why has this solemn promise 
 remained to the present day unfulfilled? This is 
 compeUing us to give up all commerce with the 
 whites, or at least entirely to withdraw that confi- 
 dence which we formerly had in their words and 
 oaths. 
 
 " A large vessel, which touched here last year, was 
 in the most urgent want of provisions, without having 
 effects to purchase them. The merchants of Foulc 
 Point, however, supplied their crew with oxen and 
 rice, and at the same price at which they could have 
 bought them for ready money. 
 
 " They promised to send us payment by the first 
 vessel which should come from the Isle of France. — 
 Since that period txvelve have arrived ; but they all 
 refused to discharge this just debt. 
 
 " Wilt thou now say, O Bigorne ! that the people 
 of Foule Point have behaved dishonestly towards the 
 French ? 
 
 " Wilt thou say, also, that in giving a trade-musket 
 in exchange for an ox, thou payest too dear for itr 
 
 *' Wilt thou say, that two yards of blue cloth is a 
 just value of a measure of rice, weighing fifty pounds ? 
 Thou either thinkest us very ignorant of the price of 
 provisions at the Isle of France, or thou hast formed 
 the mad project of giving laws to us, instead of 
 receiving them from us. 
 
 " Is it not true," continued the orator, addressing
 
 166 
 
 himself to the assembly, " that you wish to deal with 
 these strangers hereafter on more just and more 
 equitable terms?" 
 
 The assembly testified, by a general and tumul- 
 tuous acclamatiou, that such was their desire. 
 Bigorne then wished to raise his voice in answer; 
 but the orator commanded him to be silent; and 
 resumed his harangue, by order of John Harre and 
 the other chiefs. 
 
 " The following," said he, " are the conditions 
 prescribed by the merchants of Foule Point: — The 
 measure of rice shall be diminished, when, in mea- 
 suring it, the whites endeavour to heap up the rice, 
 by knocking on the bottom of the measure, in order 
 to increase its contents : they will not suffer the mea- 
 sure to be heaped as heretofore." 
 
 This observation made the company smile. 
 
 " An ox shall no longer be given in exchange for 
 a paltry trade-fusee : a good soldier's musket shall be 
 the price of an ox. 
 
 " A piece of blue cloth shall contain two yards, 
 according to the ancient measure. 
 
 " The bamboo of gunpowder shall be increased in 
 such a manner, that three bamboos shall contain one 
 hundred charges for a musket. The people at Foule 
 Point, who serve the whites in the capacity oi scullions 
 or domestics, shall receive a trade-fusee as wages for 
 thirty days' service." 
 
 After this, the orator, addressing the chiefs and the 
 assembly, said, " Are not these your latest wishes?"
 
 167 
 
 The cry of " Yes !" then resounded from all quarters, 
 intermixed with praises and approbation. 
 
 When this noise had subsided, he cried out, with a 
 voice like thunder, " Thou hearest, Bigorne, the wish of 
 the cabar ; it is the law of the chiefs — it is the desire 
 of the people who trade with the whites. Explain 
 fully to thy masters what I have just now proposed. 
 If they accept the terms, we will confirm the treaty, 
 by a solemn sacrifice. — If they will not accept it, let 
 them depart ! — We have no provisions to give them." 
 
 We know not whether Rabefin held the office 
 of attorney or solicitor-general to John Harre; but 
 we think our readers will agree with us, that this 
 speech would have reflected no discredit upon a 
 more polished mind. It was translated by Bigorne 
 to Monsieur Poivre, who attended on behalf of 
 the government of the Isle of France. That gen- 
 tleman, who possessed highly cultivated talents, 
 was struck with surprise and delight at the energy 
 of its language, and with the force and solidity 
 of its reasoning. He ordered Bigorne to inform 
 the assembly, that the merchants of Foule Point 
 should be immediately paid for all the provisions 
 they had supplied to the French ships. He also 
 augmented the salaries of those domestics who 
 were in the service of the whites : but he had 
 no authority to make any alteration in the usual 
 price of provisions. He employed every thing of 
 a conciliatory nature that could awaken the sensi- 
 bility of the chiefs ; and, treating them as friends
 
 168 
 
 and brothers, recommended peace in the strongest 
 terms. This speech, which was translated into 
 Madegasse by Bigorne, seemed to make but little 
 impression on the assembly. The orator, however, 
 appeared fully convinced by it, and, by his ad- 
 vice, the treaty was agreed to amidst general accla- 
 mations. 
 
 The conclusion of this treaty was not a matter of 
 small importance to the French. Their vessels 
 near the island, were in the most pressing want of 
 provisions : their crews consisted of six hundred 
 men, for whose sustenance three oxen a day, and 
 a proportionable quantity of rice, were requisite. 
 They must therefore have complied with the con- 
 ditions laid down by the orator, had they been 
 enforced by the authority of the chiefs. We shall see 
 in the sequel, that this was not much feared on the 
 part of the French. 
 
 The ratification of the treaty took place imme- 
 diately, and was performed with the utmost solemnity. 
 The orator slaughtered an ox, the blood of which 
 was received into an earthen vessel, and a quantity of 
 sea-water, pimento, pulverized gun-flints, a small 
 portion of earth, and gunpowder mingled with it : 
 these ingredients were moistened with tafias a 
 species of rum. Two leaden bullets were used to 
 pound and incorporate with each other the different 
 ingredients, which was thus rendered liquid. He 
 then pronounced imprecations on those who should 
 drink this potion, and afterwards break their oaths,
 
 169 
 
 wishing that the evil spirit might convert it into 
 poison for them. Then, taking two assagayes, he 
 dipped the points of them in the Hquor, while John 
 Harre sprinkled a few drops of it on the ground. 
 
 Holding a knife in his right hand, and first invoking 
 the God of the Whites, then the God of the Blacks, 
 he besought them wdth a loud voice to instil in the 
 minds of the two parties, peace, concord, amity, 
 friendship, and sincerity. Then striking, with his 
 knife, the points of the two assagayes, which had 
 been dipped into the liquor, he denounced the most 
 horrid imprecations against those who should first 
 violate the treaty. 
 
 " If the Whites," said he, " break their oath, may 
 this beverage become poison to them ; may those 
 hurricanes which fly with fury from the four quarters 
 of the heavens, fall upon their ships ; may they be 
 swallowed up by the waves ; may the corpses of those 
 wicked men be torn by the frightful monsters that 
 dwell in the abysses of the ocean. 
 
 " Hark, John Harre ! — ^listen attentively to the voice 
 of the mighty genius who inspires me. Should the 
 people of Foule Point be so base, so wicked, as to 
 violate the solemn treaty, may they fall by the sword 
 of their enemies ; may their bellies burst ; and may 
 their filthy carcases become the food of croco- 
 diles ! 
 
 " Ought not the invisible spirit, who presides over 
 this assembly, to be avenged ? Ought not he to 
 punish the perjured, since he receives their oaths?
 
 170 
 
 All men, whether white or black, are equal in his 
 sight ; all are subject to his supreme will — he exacts 
 from us all the same fidelity, the same good faith, 
 under the pain of incurring punishments equally 
 terrible and severe." 
 
 These imprecations were repeated three times by 
 the orator, with such vehemence of gesture and 
 utterance, that it made an impression on the cabar, 
 which it would baffle the powers of language to 
 describe. 
 
 In this state of terror and agitation, John Harre 
 and the rest of the chiefs, with a trembling hand, 
 put about a spoonful of this disgusting liquor into a 
 leaf of lYiven, and swallowed it with a thousand 
 horrid grimaces and distortions of face and body. 
 Their example was followed by most of those assisting 
 at the ceremony on the part of the natives : but all 
 that Bigorne could say, was insufficient to induce the 
 French to taste it ; and the most they would do, was 
 to put it up to their mouths, and feign drinking it, 
 though he represented to him that this ridiculous 
 farce was essential to the stability of the treaty. 
 
 Rabefin then slaughtered the rest of the victims, 
 and the cabar terminated with a grand feast, accom- 
 panied by dancing, music, games, and the most 
 noisy and joyful mirth. 
 
 Perhaps the reader is little prepared to hear of 
 treachery in this orator — that while he was thus 
 advocating the cause of his countrymen, he had 
 actually sold himself, and the advantages that might
 
 171 
 
 have accrued from his speech, to tlie French, before 
 the commencement of the cabar. Yet such was the 
 case ; though a man of great natural powers, and 
 standing high in the opinion of his countrymen, his 
 moral character had received a taint from his inter- 
 course with Europeans, who had corrupted him, and 
 he became crafty and designing. Bigorne, who was 
 the agent of the French, as well as interpreter to 
 both parties, was well acquainted with him, and saw 
 the necessity of bribing him in two ways ; publicly by 
 paying him a great deal of deference and respect, 
 and privately by making him considerable presents. 
 In consequence of which, depending upon the 
 strength of his eloquence, and the influence he 
 had acquired over the chiefs, he had formally 
 agreed to the resolutions previous to the cabar, 
 without their concurrence; and yet at that meet- 
 ing, by the mere force of his declamation, he 
 made them responsible for the fulfilment of the 
 treaty. 
 
 The day after the conclusion of the treaty, the 
 market at Foule Point was abundantly supplied with 
 provisions of every description, and the ships laid in 
 their stores at a low price. 
 
 As the establishment at Foule Point was merely a 
 factory for the purpose of trade, and as Bigorne had 
 acquitted himself so well in the discharge of his 
 office, Monsieur Poivre, the intendant at the Isle of 
 France, recommended him in the strongest manner to 
 the French East-India Company, who, in consequence.
 
 172 
 
 raised him from the office of interpreter, to tliat of 
 commissioner of the affairs of trade, and the vic- 
 tualling of ships for the whole island of Madagascar, 
 under the orders of the administration of the Isle of 
 France. They had no reason to repent of this choice. 
 He conducted their affairs with prudence and ability, 
 until the year 1 762, when he was recalled to the Isle 
 of France for having made war on John Harre. That 
 chief had committed great depredations on several 
 others who were in strict league with the French. 
 The assistance of Bigorne was demanded, but he 
 endeavoured for a long time to preserve peace amongst 
 them to no purpose. At length he was induced, from 
 motives of policy, to declare in favour of the chiefs 
 against John Harre, and he agreed at their joint 
 request to take the command of the combined 
 armies, on a condition which was calculated to lessen 
 him in their estimation, had not they entertained so 
 high an opinion of his wisdom. It was, that as the 
 success of the war depended upon his safety, he should 
 not be required to expose himself to the fire of the 
 enemy. However contrary this conduct appeared 
 to their ideas of courage, his influence prevailed, and 
 after expressing some surprise, they ranged themselves 
 under his banners. La Bigorne made them go 
 through some simple manoeuvres, and finding them 
 docile and submissive, he led them towards the 
 enemy, and, when within sight of them, he strictly 
 prohibited them from beginning the combat until he 
 gave the signal for battle.
 
 173 
 
 The enemy had the advantage in point of numbers, 
 but the superior tactics of Bigorne secured iiim an 
 easy victory. He had chosen an advantageous posi- 
 tion, which John Harre was unable to judge of, and 
 therefore attacked them in a resolute manner. The 
 first charge proved decisive; though made with 
 vigour, they were repulsed in so terrible a manner, 
 that they fled precipitately, and their chief could not 
 again lead them on to the combat. 
 
 John Harre had hitherto been considered invin- 
 cible ; but this defeat lessened him greatly in the eyes 
 of his subjects. When informed that his enemies 
 were commanded by Bigorne, and that the latter had 
 not appeared in the action, he exclaimed, " How 
 could I defend myself against the invisible spirit of 
 a white man which attacked me? However, I will 
 be revenged — I will quit Foule Point, and retire to 
 the Bay of Antongil. My removal from that port 
 will alarm the merchants, and the markets will no 
 longer be supplied. Commerce will in the mean- 
 time be at a stand, and La Bigorne's chiefs will recall 
 him to the Isle of France. My departure, therefoi'e, 
 promises me a speedy deliverance from my most 
 formidable enemy." 
 
 This prediction was soon verified ; the merchants 
 of Foule Point were in the utmost consternation at 
 his defeat and subsequent departure, and broke off 
 all commercial intercourse with the French. A few 
 of the friendly chiefs did all in their power to supply 
 the markets, but they experienced so much opposition,
 
 174 
 
 as obliged them to desist. The French ships which 
 arrived for provisions, after the commanders had vainly 
 endeavoured to restore peace and harmony amongst 
 the people, were obliged to return to the Isle of France, 
 destitute of supplies, and in the most deplorable con- 
 dition. 
 
 Their united complaints procured the immediate 
 recall of Bigorne, who was disgraced. He attempted 
 to justify himself, but failed. Nor do we see on 
 what grounds he could justly attack a sovereign, in 
 whose dominions he had found protection, and who 
 had in no respect injured him. 
 
 The departure of Bigorne was instantly followed 
 by the return of John Harre to Foule P.qint : he met 
 with a much better reception than he expected, or 
 perhaps deserved ; but the fact is, the merchants and 
 chiefs found they could do nothing without him in 
 commerce, and consequently it was to their interest 
 to have him back. The trade soon resumed its 
 wonted activity, but it did not continue long. Secret 
 enmity and hatred still continued to create in their 
 breasts the seeds of fresh discord ; and before many 
 months expired, the war broke out with more violence 
 than ever. It proved tedious and destructive; but 
 at length it was ended by the death of John Harre, 
 who was slain in 1767, by the Manivoulese, who 
 plundered his donac, and enriched themselves with his 
 spoils. He was never beloved either by his allies or 
 subjects. Amongst the former, he was turbulent, 
 unjust, and factious ; and towards the latter, he was
 
 175 
 
 tyrannical and cruel ; so that by his death, Madagascar 
 was delivered from a continual incitement to insur- 
 rection and war. 
 
 His son Hyavi succeeded to the sovereignty; 
 but advantages being taken of his youth, his au- 
 thority and possessions were curtailed, so that he 
 held only a small part of what his father had 
 acquired. At the commencement of his reign, the 
 French East-India Company had transferred tlie 
 government of the Isles of France and Bourbon, to 
 their sovereign, and Monsieur Poivre had been ap- 
 pointed intendant of the colonies at those places. 
 These circumstances, added to the death of John 
 Harre, removed every obstacle in the way of Bigorne's 
 return to Madagascar, and he accordingly arrived at 
 Foule Point, where his presence had become highly 
 necessary. He was received in the most cordial 
 manner by the inhabitants, who bestowed upon him 
 flattering testimonies of esteem and friendship. They 
 had ever entertained a high opinion of his talents and 
 integrity, and they now chose him to be the arbiter of 
 all their differences. He re-established peace and 
 harmony amongst the chiefs in the northern part of 
 the island, where he remained as commissioner of 
 trade, until Benyowsky was appointed governor- 
 general, and fixed his establishment at the Bay of 
 Antongil, the account of which will form the subject 
 of a future chapter.
 
 176 
 
 CHAP. XVI. 
 
 Maudave appointed to establish a Colony at Fori 
 Dauphin — His Views on the subject — Design relin- 
 quished — Probable Reasons — Proposal made to Count 
 de Benyowsky — Sketch of his Life- — Ari'ives ifi 
 France — Receives an Aj)plication from the French 
 Government respecting a Colony at Madagascar — 
 Appointed Governor — Cojidnct of the Governor and 
 Commissary at the Isle of France- — Arrives in Mada- 
 gascar. 
 
 In the year \767, Monsieur de Maudave presented 
 to the King of France, through his minister the 
 Duke de Prashn, a plan for the estabhshment of a 
 colony at Fort Dauphin, which was approved by 
 him. From the copy of this document, which we 
 have perused, it appears to have been drawn up 
 on a liberal and enlightened principle, and was 
 well calculated to promote the welfare of the inha- 
 bitants, as well as to answer the purpose ofthe 
 French government. It was founded on the principle, 
 that a purely military establishment would never pro- 
 duce the desired effect, and that it was only by con- 
 ciliatory means the attachment of the natives was to 
 be gained. " There is no necessity," it says, " of 
 sending troops and squadrons for this conquest, 
 nor for transporting a whole society at a great
 
 177 
 
 expense : better arms, and better means, will promote 
 this establishment without expending much money. 
 It is only by the force of example, morals, religion, 
 and a superior policy, that we propose to subdue 
 Madagascar. The society there is already formed, 
 and nothing is necessary but to invite it to us, and to 
 direct it according to our views, which can meet with 
 no obstacles, as they will interest the Madegasses 
 themselves by the advantage of a reciprocal exchange." 
 Upon this principle, he proposed, that as soon as he 
 had in some measure secured a footino; amongst the na- 
 tives, by a short residence at Fort Dauphin, the prin- 
 cipal seat for colonization should be transferred from 
 that place to Franchere, a beautiful village, which lies 
 on the banks of the river of the same name, at the 
 distance of three leagues from Fort Dauphin. This 
 river is navigable for small ships, twenty leagues from 
 its mouth ; and not far from the sea is the lake of 
 Amboule, which we have before described. 
 
 At this spot he proposed to establish his colony 
 for the sole purposes of trade, and on the prin- 
 ciple of mutual advantage. And had such an 
 establishment been formed when the French first 
 went to Madagascar, there is not a doubt but that 
 it would have succeeded. But the many acts 
 of aggression, which the French had committed, 
 had disgusted the natives : they remembered, and 
 highly resented, the cruelty they had experienced; 
 and, whatever professions might be made by Mon- 
 sieur Maudave, they were too jealous of their liberty, 
 
 N
 
 178 
 
 and too suspicious, to suffer themselves again to be 
 deceived. 
 
 M. Maudave took formal possession of the govern- 
 ment of Fort Dauphin in the year 1768, and imme- 
 diately went about the execution of his plan ; but it 
 was soon given up by the French government, who 
 pretended to have obtained new light upon the subject, 
 by which they perceived that the establishment was 
 founded on false principles. They also declared that 
 " it was utterly impossible to afford the advances of 
 every kind required by M. Maudave in favour of his 
 new colony." Such are the reasons given by Mon- 
 sieur de Boynes, the French minister, in a letter sub- 
 sequently written to Messrs. Tournay and Maillart, 
 relative to the undertaking of Count Benyowsky. We 
 have no doubt but that after the experience the natives 
 had had of the ambition and cruelty of the French, it 
 would have been difficult to persuade them to admit 
 of such an establishment as Monsieur Maudave pro- 
 posed, in the interior of the island ; but there is strong 
 ground for belief, that the principal, if not the sole 
 cause of its relinquishment, was the expense it would 
 have involved, and the supplies that would have been 
 requisite. It must be recollected that just at that 
 period the American struggle for independence took 
 place ; and the large share which France had in that 
 affair, rendered it necessary for her to make a reserve 
 of her finances, in order to assist the Americans. 
 
 This circumstance, added to the naturally parsi- 
 monious disposition of the French government,
 
 179 
 
 induced them to relinquish an undertaking, which, 
 considering the opposition of the neighbouring chiefs, 
 would in all probability require large supplies to sup- 
 port. 
 
 After the return of Monsieur Maudave to Europe, 
 the French government made another proposal 
 on the subject of establishing a colony at Mada- 
 gascar, to Count Benyowsky, a Polish nobleman of 
 distinction. As the history of this celebrated indi- 
 vidual caused a considerable stir in this country, and, 
 indeed, throughout Europe, at the period of which we 
 are writing, and is in some measure necessary to throw- 
 light upon the subsequent transactions, we shall pre- 
 sent the reader with a short account of his life, as 
 extracted from a letter written by himself to the go- 
 vernor of the Isle of France. 
 
 Count Benyowsky, otherwise Baron d'Aladar, was 
 born in Hungary, of an illustrious family, and served 
 as a general in the armies of the Empress of Russia. 
 His father was of the house of Aladar XHI., and 
 his mother was descended from the family of the 
 Counts of Rerary. 
 
 After the death of the King of Poland, in 1 765, he 
 went to Warsaw, to support the interest of the suc- 
 cessor to the crown of Poland, whose kingdom was 
 about to be invaded. He had not been there long 
 before an order was issued by Prince Repnin, the 
 Russian minister, for his arrest, which obliged him 
 to decamp, and remain incognito till a turn should 
 take place in public affairs. Shortly after, the general 
 
 N a
 
 180 
 
 confederation of Bar was declared, which he was 
 invited to join by Marshal Pulawsky ; and, in conse- 
 quence, he entered into the combined army at Cracow, 
 under the command of Marshal Czarnowsky. Here 
 he was made prisoner by the Muscovites, but ran- 
 somed himself with the sum of two thousand ducats. 
 He next obtained the rank of colonel and general, 
 under the confederation of Bar, and served against 
 the Muscovites in several engagements ; till at last 
 he was wounded and taken prisoner, with several 
 other noblemen, and was carried to Cazan; from 
 whence he found means to transmit a letter to 
 the Bishop of Cracow, acquainting him with his 
 situation. 
 
 Being allowed his liberty in the city, he was re- 
 quested by two princes, who, like himself, were cap- 
 tives, to convey letters to Kaluga, which task he 
 executed by a stratagem : from Kaluga he went to 
 Cazan, where he was again put under arrest and taken 
 to Kaluga, whence he had just before returned, after 
 executing the commissions entrusted to his care. 
 
 At Kaluga he found means to engage the governor 
 in his interest, and they concerted together a plan 
 of escape to Poland. Every thing was ready to faci- 
 litate their flight, when an officer of the guards arrived 
 from Petersburg, with orders to put the governor under 
 arrest. The latter, however, prevented the execution 
 of these orders by killing the officer, and sought safety 
 by flight. 
 
 Benyowsky and the rest of the prisoners were
 
 181 
 
 the next clay loaded with chains, and conveyed to 
 Petersburg, where all further communication with 
 each other was prevented. 
 
 He was shortly after summoned before Orlow and 
 Czernichew, who endeavoured to extract from him 
 many important particulars ; but not being able to 
 effect their purpose, either by threats, or promises of 
 pardon, he was remanded to prison. Some days after, 
 he was again summoned before the commission, who 
 compelled him to sign the following declaration : — 
 
 " I, the undersigned, acknowledge that I not only 
 wished to break my chains, but that I committed as- 
 sassination, and have been guilty of treason against 
 her Imperial Majesty ; and if her Majesty, through 
 her natural goodness, shall be pleased to soften the 
 rigour of my sentence, I hereby engage, after recover- 
 ing my liberty, never to set a foot again in the domi- 
 nions of her Majesty, much less to bear arms against 
 her. 
 
 Baron Maurice Augustus Aladar 
 DE Benyowski, 
 
 General of the First Confederation. 
 Petersburf/, Nov.22, 1769. 
 
 Two days after signing this paper, an officer came 
 to him at midnight, at the head of twenty-eight men, 
 and putting irons on his legs, hurried him into a car- 
 riage, and set off towards Moscow ; and from thence, 
 by a tedious and painful route, during which he was 
 fed only ^v•ith bread and water. a.s far as Tobolsk, the
 
 182 
 
 capital of Siberia. Here they made but a short stay, 
 and then crossed the deserts of Tartary, drawn by 
 dogs. Their journey lasted, with little intermission, 
 from the Q4th of November to the 20th of May fol- 
 lowing, when they reached the port of Ochozk, on the 
 shores of the North Pacific ; where the count was 
 kindly received by the governor, and found two 
 Russian officers, of whom he had some knowledge, 
 and with whom he formed an intimacy. 
 
 On the 3d of September following, he was put on 
 board a ship and conveyed to the port of Bolsao, 
 which was the last place of his destination. Here he 
 found means to engage a number of persons in a con- 
 spiracy, in order to regain their liberty ; and a plan 
 was concerted, which, in the sequel, succeeded. 
 
 The 25th of May, 1771, was the day fixed on for 
 putting their project into execution ; and, as he was 
 the only person amongst them who was able to work 
 a ship, he was chosen chief of the enterprise. The 
 conspiracy was unfortunately discovered about a 
 month before the time appointed ; and an order was 
 issued by the governor, for carrying Benyowsky away 
 to some other place the following week. Alarmed at 
 the circumstance, his fellow exiles came to consult 
 with him upon it. He told them, if they would sup- 
 port him, he would engage to see them through the 
 danger. No time was to be lost. The lieutenant 
 who guarded him was his friend, and supplied him 
 with arms, privately, for himself and his companions ; 
 at the head of whom he attacked the fort in the night,
 
 183 
 
 killed the governor, and some of his people, and took 
 the rest prisoners. 
 
 The next morning they entered Bolsao sword in 
 liand, meeting with very faint resistance. They next 
 attacked Kamtschatka, which they took without 
 opposition, and immediately seized the ships in the 
 harbour, arrested the secretary of the senate, seized 
 the effects of two hundred inhabitants, and then 
 went down to the harbour, where they made choice 
 of three of the strongest vessels, and dismasted the 
 rest. 
 
 Having cleared his ships from the ice, he embarked 
 with every thing necessary, on the 12th of May, 
 1771, having on board sixty-seven persons ; viz. eight 
 officers, eight married women, a young woman called 
 the princess, and fifty of the crew. In this manner 
 he left Kamtschatka, and sailing south-east, came, 
 after a variety of adventures, to the western coast of 
 America, under the sixtieth degree of latitude, but 
 was not able to land on account of the violence of 
 the wind. Sailing south-east and south-west, he 
 arrived at an island, called by the Russians Urum-sir, 
 situated under 53°. 45'. latitude. 
 
 This, according to the account of the baron, is an 
 American island, and he was received with friendship 
 by the natives, which induced him to remain there 
 some days. After refreshing himself and his men 
 with the produce of the island, he set sail again on 
 the 27th of June, and steered south-west, suffering 
 much from the inconstancy of the winds and the want
 
 184 
 
 of fresli water, which obliged them to drink sea-water, 
 rendered potable by mixing flour and whale oil. On 
 the 15th of July, he arrived at an island in 32". 45'. 
 latitude, the beauty of whose situation, and other 
 attractions, induced him to call it Liquoris. He set 
 sail again after a few days, and in his route fell in 
 with several islands, at some of which he was kindly 
 received, while at others he met with a rough recep- 
 tion. At the island of Formosa, he entered a port 
 in 23°. 15'. latitude, and, attempting to land, was 
 attacked by the natives, who killed three of his men ; 
 upon which he united himself to a king in a different 
 part of the island, and, attacking them in turn, made 
 a terrible slaughter amongst them. After leaving 
 Formosa, he sailed towards the coast of China, and at 
 length arrived at Macao on the 22d of September, 
 1771. This place belonged to the Empress, and the 
 governor received him with every mark of friendship, 
 and gave him permission to land his men, and hoist 
 the French flag. Here he sold his vessels, and 
 embarked his crew and himself in two French tradins- 
 vessels, in which he arrived at the Isle of France, 
 about the beginning of March, 1772, having over- 
 come difliculties and dangers that appear incre- 
 dible, when we consider the deficiency of almost 
 every necessary for so long a voyage, that existed on 
 board his ships.* 
 
 * The memoirs and travels of this extraordinary man, were 
 published in two volumes quarto, and are well worth perusing.
 
 185 
 
 His reception at the Isle of France was not of the 
 most favourable description. It would be a difficult 
 matter, at this distance of time, to judge precisely of 
 the merits or demerits of the count: were we to 
 believe the French writers, we should conclude him 
 to be both a rash adventurer, and a crafty designing 
 knave : — ^but the French were his confirmed enemies, 
 and their accounts of him are to be read with caution 
 and great allowance. It shall be our endeavour to 
 give an impartial account of the transactions in which 
 he appears, as connected with the history of Mada- 
 gascar, and leave it to the reader to make his own 
 conclusions from the facts that we shall state. 
 
 His stay at the Isle of France was short; but at his 
 departure he intimated the probability of his applying 
 to the government of France, for a commission to 
 establish a colony in Madagascar ; which appears to 
 have been treated by the French, at the Isle of France, 
 with ridicule and contempt : and it would appear that 
 the intendant wrote to the French minister of marine, 
 to prejudice him against Benyowsky. 
 
 Upon his arrival in France, and after his various 
 surprising adventures had transpired, he received a 
 communication from the French minister, Monsieur 
 de Boynes, of the intention of the government to make 
 another attempt to establish a colony at Madagascar, 
 for the purposes of trade rather than conquest; and 
 inviting him to take charge of the undertaking, as 
 governor-general. Whether these overtures arose 
 from a previous application on the part of Benyowsky
 
 186 
 
 or his friends, or whether the extent of his knowledge, 
 and his firm and enterprising character, had pointed 
 him out to the minister as a fit person to superintend 
 the undertaking, does not appear. Certain it is, that 
 Monsieur de Boynes expressed the greatest confidence 
 in him, in his letter of instructions to the governor 
 and commissary at the Isle of France. " No person," 
 says he, " has appeared more capable of carrying his 
 Majesty's intentions into effect, than Monsieur Baron 
 de Benyowsky. In the course of his travels by sea, 
 he has learned the manner of treating with savage 
 people ; and, to a great share of firmness, he has 
 united that mildness of character which suits a design 
 of this nature." 
 
 In confirmation of this opinion, the minister, not 
 approving the plan which had been drawn up by one 
 of the government agents, ordered Benyowsky to draw 
 up his own plan, which he did, and it was approved 
 both by the king and his ministers. 
 
 The first step which was taken after this, may be 
 considered as the cause of failure in the undertaking. 
 The minister, instead of raising the necessary supplies 
 in France, left it to the government of the Isle of 
 France to furnish them ; by which he, in effect, threw 
 the count into the power of his enemies, who were 
 absolutely interested in the counteraction of his plans. 
 He remonstrated against this, but the minister could 
 not be prevailed on to make such an alteration as 
 would secure him against the bad effects of the ar- 
 rangement.
 
 187 
 
 These began to be sufficiently manifest as soon as 
 he arrived at the Isle of France, which was on the 
 22d of September, 1773, when the unmanly and pre- 
 varicating conduct of the governor, De Tournay, and 
 the commissary, Maillart, convinced the count that 
 he had no cordial co-operation to expect from them, 
 but rather an inveterate opposition. They went so 
 far as to inform him they were " much surprised that 
 the court had undertaken such an expedition, so pre- 
 judicial to the Isle of France, whose merchants would 
 be ruined if the new establishment at Madagascar 
 succeeded ; where, by their concurrence, they carried 
 on an advantageous trade which could not be legally 
 prohibited by a simple letter of the minister ; but that 
 they would see Avhat could be done until they re- 
 ceived the most positive orders from the court : — but 
 that they could not avoid informing the court that 
 the project was impracticable ; because the people of 
 Madagascar having, for one hundred and fifty years, 
 repelled all the attempts of France, they would not 
 submit at this moment, when they were united under 
 a solid government, formed by themselves." 
 
 The great evil attending the administration of colo- 
 nies, is the distance at which they lie from the original 
 source of power, and the consequent discretionary 
 power with which their governors must necessarily be 
 invested. Hence arises the mal-administration so 
 frequently witnessed in consequence of the appoint- 
 ment of men of contracted or vicious minds. 
 
 Benyowsky felt the full effect of this evil in his own-
 
 188 
 
 case, lie found that he was left to the resources of 
 his own mind, and foresaw with grief the sufferings 
 and distress both himself and his people would be 
 subject to in their undertaking. 
 
 It availed him little that he had obtained the good 
 opinion of the ministry at home : he was now in other 
 hands, who had it in their power, not only to harrass 
 him by withholding the necessary supplies, but also 
 to malign him by false accounts of his conduct, thereby 
 exciting the French government themselves against 
 him. For all this his only remedy was patience and 
 firmness of mind, and these he displayed in an eminent 
 degree. He had gone too far to recede, and therefore 
 resolved, after obtaining what he could of the supplies 
 which had been ordered for him, to sail immediately 
 to Madagascar, leaving the rest to the accidental ar- 
 rival of ships from Europe, and the favourable but 
 contingent circumstances which might take place in 
 the course of events. 
 
 A part of his troop was despatched on the 7th of 
 December, 1773, in the Postillion brig, which had 
 been deputed for the service at Madagascar ; but his 
 own stay was protracted, by the conduct of the gover- 
 nor, until the F'ebruary following, by which means 
 his arrival took place in the rainy season, the period 
 when the fever usually makes its appearance : and, 
 in addition, his enemies in the Isle of France had 
 taken care to transmit such accounts as prejudiced 
 the minds of the Madagascar chiefs against both him 
 and the undertaking ; while every specieb of indignity
 
 189 
 
 and contempt were personally bestowed upon him, in 
 order to lessen him in the eyes of the colonists* ; in 
 consequence of which, some of the officers appointed 
 to accompany him resigned, and others were chosen, 
 whose character gave him the greatest uneasiness. 
 However, having made up his complement of men, 
 and as much of the necessary supplies as Messrs. 
 Tournay and Maillart were disposed to grant him, he 
 set sail for Madagascar on the 2d of February, 1774, 
 and arrived at the Bay of Antongil, in that island, on 
 the 14th of the same month. 
 
 * " I learned that some part of my troop were seduced by 
 other regiments, and that some of my volunteers liad already de- 
 serted ; and that the disadvantageous observations on our expe- 
 dition had been urged with such malice and success, that part of 
 my officers had pretended sickness, with a view to delay their 
 departure for Madagascar. I understood, likewise, that the 
 chiefs of the Isle of France had sent emissaries to Madagascar, 
 to the king Hyavi, and other chiefs, to warn them that I was 
 come to deprive them of their liberty, and that I had no other 
 intention than to impose the yoke of slavery on the whole 
 island." — Benyowskys Memoirs, Vol.W. p. 111.
 
 190 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 State of the Colony on its Arrival — Hostility of the 
 Natives — Conspiracy of the Officers — Distresses of the 
 Colony — Ravages of the Fever — Want of necessary 
 Supplies — Report respecting the Governor's Origin — 
 Invited to act as Mediator — Offers of Service from the 
 Sambarives — War with the Seclaves — Their complete 
 Defeat. 
 
 Upon the count's arrival at Madagascar, he found 
 the shore lined with chiefs, who expressed great 
 satisfaction at seeing him ; the detachment which he 
 sent forward, having in some measure dissipated their 
 apprehensions respecting his intentions towards them. 
 The force which he had required was three hundred 
 men*, with the proper officers and appointments, and 
 two vessels of one hundred and twenty tons burthen : 
 but many of his men were left sick at the Isle of 
 France ; and he had the mortification to find, upon his 
 arrival, that those whom he had sent before were in 
 
 * It is a strong proof of the moderation with which the count 
 proposed to act in his new appointmentj that he requested only 
 three hundred men might be sent with him, whereas the French 
 minister proposed twelve hundred. His reason was, that the 
 object of the expedition went no farther than to estabUsh posts 
 for commerce, and that so great a number as twelve hundred 
 men, woidd excite suspicion in the minds of the native chiefs.
 
 191 
 
 a very exhausted state, from the incessant labour they 
 had been obHged to undergo in the construction of 
 houses, and in defending themselves from the hos- 
 tile attacks of the natives. The first step, there- 
 fore, was to make provision for the comfort of the 
 settlers ; with this view, he sought the favour of the 
 chiefs by presents, and thus induced them to render 
 their assistance in the building of huts and houses, 
 by which means he was enabled in a few days to 
 land all his meYi, and lodge them with some degree 
 of comfort in their new habitations. On landing his 
 cargo, he found to his mortification, that the com- 
 missary at the Isle of France had omitted to send 
 the principal stores that would have been of service 
 to him, and that no articles of trade were provided, 
 which obliged him to purchase those the captain of 
 the vessel had laid in for his own use, for which the 
 count paid him by a bill on his agent, to the amount 
 of fourteen thousand livres. 
 
 His next step was to convene the chiefs, in order to 
 acquaint them with the nature of the establishment, 
 and endeavour to conciliate them by every means in 
 his power. The first of March was the day appointed, 
 when they arrived, twenty-eight in number, accom- 
 panied by two thousand armed blacks. After the 
 customary salutations, he acquainted them that the 
 King of France had resolved to form an establish- 
 ment amongst them, in order to defend them from 
 their enemies, and to open warehouses for the pur- 
 poses of trade, where they would at all times find
 
 192 
 
 such articles of merchandize as they wanted, which 
 would be furnished to them at a low price, in ex- 
 change for the produce of the country, particularly 
 rice, which he recommended them to cultivate largely. 
 He then invited them to enter into a treaty of alliance 
 and friendship, and to grant him sufficient land to fix 
 his establishment, and also some spots of ground in 
 the interior for a similar purpose. 
 
 These proposals met the approbation of the chiefs, 
 as far as related to trade, and the grant of the land at 
 the Bay of Antongil, provided no fortresses were to 
 be erected. But as to a settlement in the interior, 
 they requested time to consider of it. They then 
 required an oath, by which he should acknowledge 
 that he had no other power over them, or claim on 
 them, than those of friendship. 
 
 The oaths being celebrated and ratified by an 
 entertainment, they drank the king and the governor's 
 health in a cask of brandy, and returned to their 
 villages in high spirits and well satisfied. 
 
 Notwithstanding the apparent satisfaction of these 
 chiefs, combinations were forming against the esta- 
 blishment by some of them, which made it necessary 
 for the governor to act with decision and firmness. 
 
 o 
 
 The most forward in the opposition were Siloulout, 
 and Raoul, the chiefs of a people called the Saphi- 
 robac. An attempt was made a short time after the 
 signing of the treaty, to draw the governor and his 
 offi cers into an ambush ; but he was apprised of it, 
 and instead of going to hold a conference, sent a
 
 "~ ^ ^^1 193 
 
 detachment, who drove them from the wood in which 
 they had concealed themselves. Subsequent attacks 
 of this nature convinced the colonists that they must 
 not expect a continuance of peace. The conduct of the 
 French in their former attempts, had rendei'ed the 
 natives suspicious, and it would require a long pro- 
 cess of time to remove those suspicions and establisli 
 an entire confidence. 
 
 Several short excursions were made by the governor 
 into the interior, with the view of learning the man- 
 ners and dispositions of the natives. In one of 
 these he discovered a copper mine, on a mountain, 
 at a place called Manambai. It had remained a doubt 
 whether this metal existed in a mineral state on the 
 island, but this circumstance has set the matter at rest. 
 
 The colony had hardly been established a month, 
 before a dangerous conspiracy was formed, amongst 
 the officers and privates, against the governor. Theii* 
 plan was to desert, to the number of sixty, and join 
 the natives, who were hostile, in the destruction of 
 the establishment, and afterwards to return to Europe 
 by a private vessel. This conspiracy was fortunately 
 discovered in time, and by a prudent firmness, the 
 governor brought back the greater part of them to a 
 sense of their duty. 
 
 Hyavi, the chief of Foule Point, having been 
 informed of the establishment of the colony, sent to 
 congi'atulate the governor, and to request him to 
 establish a post for trade in his dominions. The 
 chiefs of St. Mary also waited upon liim with a 
 
 o
 
 194 
 
 similar request, offering to do every thing in their 
 power to render it convenient and beneficial. 
 
 The governor had shortly after the satisfaction of 
 seeing his enemies, the Saphirobai, come and beg for 
 peace : this was granted, and they took an oath of 
 friendship and alliance with him. Twenty-two great 
 chiefs, and two thousand unarmed blacks, attended 
 on this occasion, and expressed their satisfaction at 
 the treaty. 
 
 As far as related to the natives, things were going 
 on well; but the administration suffered from the 
 misconduct of the officers appointed by the govern- 
 ment of the Isle of France. One most flagrant in- 
 stance that came under notice, was that of the store- 
 keeper, who died at the latter end of April, 1775. On 
 examining his accounts, they were found in a most dis- 
 orderly state, and most of the registers not filled up. 
 
 Finding himself now more at liberty, the governor 
 despatched Sieur Saunier, commander of the frigate, 
 up the river Tingballe, to ascertain the nature of the 
 country. On his return, he reported that the river 
 was navigable ten leagues from its mouth, and that its 
 banks exhibited fine plains in a good state of cultiva- 
 tion; while the hills at the back were covered with 
 large timber, which might be brought down to the 
 settlement, by water, at a trifling expense. 
 
 It was an object of consequence to secure the alliance 
 and friendship of the chiefs, and to explore the country, 
 in respect to the facilities of communication, and the 
 establisliment of posts for trading with the natives.
 
 195 
 
 For this purpose an interpreter was sent into some 
 of the southern provinces, which were one hundred 
 leagues distant from Louisbourg. A sergeant was also 
 despatched with an interpreter, and one hundred and 
 fifty blacks, with instructions to explore the country 
 across to the western coast, and to make establish- 
 ments in their march — to enter into treaties with the 
 chiefs of the interior, and convince them of the 
 advantages that would result from a commerce with 
 the whites — to discover the principal branches of 
 trade — to observe their political strength, manners, 
 inclinations, the climate of the country, — and, in short, 
 to neglect nothing that might contribute to the good 
 of the establishment. 
 
 The services in which the colonists were obliged 
 to engage, were of such a nature as to reduce them 
 to great distress. The station was surrounded with 
 marshes, which rendered it very unhealthy, and con- 
 sequently required filling up: the fortifications like- 
 wise demanded immediate attention, in order to be 
 prepared against an attack from the natives. These 
 labours of the day, rendered doubly severe by the 
 excessive heat, were succeeded by the military 'ser- 
 vices of the night, and, together, they enervated the 
 men to a great degree. To heighten the distress, they 
 were destitute of all those accommodations necessary 
 in such a situation : not a surgeon on the establish- 
 ment, with very few medicines in the hospital-chests, 
 or stores in the magazines; and the supplies pro- 
 mised by the governor of the Isle of France, were 
 
 o 2
 
 196 
 
 withheld. These accumulated evils weakened the 
 colony, and weighed down the health of the 
 governor, so, that he was obliged to retire to the 
 Isle D'Aiguillon for change of air. 
 
 On his return he found, with regret, that the 
 lieutenant-colonel and fifteen volunteers had died 
 during his absence of a fortnight, and that many more 
 of the troops were ill. This induced him to send a 
 detachment up the river Tingballe, in order to find a 
 situation more healthy to which he might transport 
 the invalids. M. Marigni, who commanded the 
 detachment, after sailing about nine leagues, came to 
 a spot called by the natives the Plain of Health, 
 which appeared suitable for the purpose, being at a 
 distance from the marshes, very extensive, well shel- 
 tered, and commanded by a mountain, on which a 
 fort might be constructed : liere they built houses, 
 and an hospital for the convalescents. In the 
 meanwhile, the most pressing representations were 
 despatched to the Isle of France, of the distressing 
 case of the colony, accompanied by an order for those 
 things which were necessary ; but it appears, the 
 gov(/rnment of that place cared little about the colony 
 at Madagascar, and were pre-determined not to 
 render it any assistance. 
 
 During the summer, the governor lost his only son 
 by the fever ; and at the same time his Major, De 
 Marigni, died, regretted by every one : he himself had 
 a second attack, which obliged him to repair to the 
 Plain of Health, with thirty invalids.
 
 197 
 
 Notwithstanding the weak state of the settlers, the 
 deficiency of hands, and the continued opposition of the 
 natives, the works went on with considerable activity ; 
 so that by September 1 115^ he had finished all the neces- 
 sary buildings at Louisbourg, constructed Fort Louis, 
 and made a road twenty-one miles in length, and 
 twenty-four feet in breadth. He had also purchased 
 a considerable portion of land, which was distributed 
 amongst his troops, and preparations were made for 
 cultivating them the following year. In the mean- 
 time no supplies having been received either from the 
 Isle of France or Europe, he was in consequence 
 under the necessity of purchasing stores of such 
 vessels as accidentally touched at the island. He 
 discovered that the governor of the former place had 
 secretly sent emissaries to Madagascar, in order to 
 excite an insurrection against the colony ; upon which 
 he prevailed upon those chiefs, who were in alliance 
 with him, to keep up an armed force of twelve hun- 
 dred men to defend the colony in case of an attack. 
 
 Having accidentally saved the lives of three chil- 
 dren, who, according to the custom of the country, 
 had been devoted to destruction by drowning, he 
 gave directions for summoning a cabar on the occa- 
 sion, at which he reasoned with the chiefs and their 
 wives on the cruelty of this practice, and at length 
 prevailed on them to engage, by oath, to discontinue 
 the horrid custom. He calls this " the happiest day 
 of his life," and the circumstance reflects great honour 
 on his humanity.
 
 198 
 
 Before the cud of the year, the colony had com- 
 menced a trade with tlie Seclaves and other nations. 
 The detachment, which was ordered to find a road 
 across the country to Bombatok, had succeeded only 
 in part, being stopped by the natives of the province 
 of Antanguin, the first village of the Seclaves, who, 
 it appears, were still jealous of their designs. The 
 Saphirobia, whose country lay near the settlement at 
 Louisbourg, were continually endeavouring to excite 
 an insurrection, but the friendly chiefs of St. Mary, 
 Foule Point, and of the Sambarives, warned the 
 governor against them, by which means he counter- 
 acted their designs ; and in the end, when he found 
 they would not desist, obliged them to leave their 
 province, which was given to the Sambarives. 
 
 The colony was still without the expected arrivals 
 from Europe, but by a vessel from the Isle of France, 
 a supercargo, a storekeeper, and several clerks, were 
 added to the establishment. These, however, appear 
 to have been men chosen for no good purpose ; for, 
 a very few days after they arrived, the supercargo, 
 Des Assisses, was detected in secretly distributing 
 brandy amongst the chiefs, and endeavouring to pre- 
 judice them against the establishment: and, upon the 
 wovernor being "taken ill, he informed the officers of 
 the garrison, that he had particular orders from the 
 intendant at the Isle of P'rance, to take possession 
 of his effects and papers in the event of his death. 
 Every thing connected with the arrival and subse- 
 quent conduct of these men, proved that they had
 
 199 
 
 been purposely sent to embarrass and weaken the 
 hands of Benyowskv, and the colony under his care. 
 It required great presence of mind and fortitude to 
 bear up against such discouragements ; and had 
 not the governor possessed the confidence of his 
 officers, he could not have enforced the performance 
 of those arduous duties which the welfare of the 
 colony required. 
 
 Under these disadvantages, however, he went on 
 steadily with the execution of his projects, omitting 
 nothing that was calculated to promote the welfare 
 of his men, or the civilization of the natives. He 
 shared the dangers, the labours, and the privations 
 of the former; and, by moderation and lenient 
 conduct, abated the enmity of the latter, while 
 the continuance of their friendship was provided 
 for by the establishment of posts for trade. As to 
 the supercargo, when he found he could not other- 
 wise induce him to alter his conduct, he called a 
 council of war, and placed him in confinement ; by 
 which step he induced many of the chiefs, who had 
 been the dupes of his calumnies, to render their as- 
 sistance to the colony. Nor would he release him 
 until he had consented to make a public acknowledg- 
 ment of the impropriety of his conduct. 
 
 The beginning of the year 1775 brought with it 
 intelligence that could not fail to alarm the colony, in 
 its exhausted state. This was no other, than that a 
 combination was forming against it, of the chiefs of 
 the Seclaves, who could at least command forty thou-
 
 200 
 
 sand warriors. The governor, however, concealed 
 his own apprehensions, and caused the public works 
 to be carried on with greater spirit; at the same time 
 he made every exertion to secure the assistance of the 
 chiefs in the vicinity of the colony, and had the satis- 
 faction of receiving offers of service from many of 
 them, particularly the Sambarives, who proposed to 
 send five thousand men, in case he found it necessary 
 to engage in war. 
 
 Early in this year a circumstance took place which 
 appears to .have given a new turn to the views and 
 feelings of Benyowsky, and to have determined his 
 future plan, in case he was still neglected by the 
 French government, and met with the same ill treat- 
 ment from that of the Isle of France. 
 
 Amongst the people whom he had brought with 
 him from the latter place, was an old negrcss, named 
 Susanna, who had been sold to the French, and had 
 resided there upwards of fifty years. This woman 
 was a native of Madagascar ; and, at the same time 
 that she was enslaved, amongst others who accompa- 
 nied her to the Isle of France, was a daughter of 
 Ramini Larizon, the Rhoandrian ampansacabe, whose 
 fate we have spoken of before. Susanna fancied, or 
 pretended that she discovered in the governor, a strong 
 resemblance to that unfortunate princess; and, without 
 further investigation, announced to her countrymen 
 that he was actually the son of her sorrowful exile ; 
 and that she herself had been commanded by Zanhare, 
 ill a dream, to publish the important secret. Whether
 
 201 
 
 this romantic story was invented with the concurrence 
 of the count, that he might thereby gain over to his 
 interest the native chiefs, and render himself indepen- 
 dent of the French government, who, indeed, seemed 
 disposed to let the colony sink, is uncertain. Far, 
 however, from attempting to undeceive her, he con- 
 firmed the fact, or rather fiction, and told Susanna he 
 had particular reasons for keeping the affair of his 
 birth a secret ; but that she was at liberty to acquaint 
 any of her confidential friends with it. From this pe- 
 riod there is not a doubt but that he formed a design 
 to establish a regular government in Madagascar, 
 upon liberal principles ; and it will be seen in the 
 sequel, that this design was not wholly a visionary 
 one. He appears to have studied the character of 
 the people with great attention ; and he saw plainly 
 that such a circumstance as that we have related, 
 would not fail to work upon their sensibilities, and 
 cause them to rally round him if necessary : having, 
 therefore, confirmed the report, he left it for a more 
 favourable opportunity, to take the full advantage it 
 was calculated to afford him. 
 
 A war being on the point of breaking out between 
 Hyavi, the chief of Foule Point, and the Betalimenes 
 and Fariavas, the governor was requested by the 
 latter to go and mediate between them. He accord- 
 ingly set out with two officers and six hundred Sam- 
 barive warriors, which number was auguiented, before 
 he reached the place of destination, to nearly six 
 thousand. Upon his arrival, he learned that Hyavi
 
 202 
 
 was the aiji^rcssor, haviii"; forbidden tiis allies to 
 frequent the market at Foule Point, confiscated their 
 slaves, cattle, and provisions, and ordered a party of 
 his warriors to surprise one of their villages, where 
 they seized several young women, and sold them to 
 the French merchants. Benyowsky immediately in- 
 vited Hyavi to his camp, where he reproached him 
 for his conduct, and insisted on his compliance with 
 such terms as he thought proper to propose to both 
 parties. Ashamed of his behaviour, Hyavi confessed 
 himself culpable, and acquiesced with the demand of 
 the governor, who instantly ordered a cabar for the 
 following day, to which the chiefs of both parties were 
 invited. Each nation brought a large body of troops, 
 as is usual on such occasions, the number of warriors 
 under arms being not less than twenty-two thousand. 
 
 The arbitrator wisely avoided all particular de- 
 bates, and, without discussion, proposed a general 
 treaty of alliance between the contending powers, 
 upon the most equitable basis. After a conference 
 of three hours, during which he had great difficulty in 
 restraining them from blows, he had the satisfaction 
 to see them agree to his proposals, which were 
 ratified by an oath, and concluded with a festival, 
 at which one hundred and fifty oxen were killed and 
 eaten. 
 
 The parties were so well pleased with the impartial 
 conduct of the governor, that in gratitude they each 
 presented him with five hundred oxen, which lie 
 caused to be distributed amongst his troops. He also
 
 203 
 
 received from them titty slaves, to wiiom lie instantly 
 gave freedom, on condition that they should establish 
 themselves near the settlement. 
 
 On his return to Louisbourg, he found that a storm 
 was gathering against him amongst some of the na- 
 tions, particularly the Seclaves and the Saphirobai, 
 which rendered it necessary for him to take every 
 means to strengthen himself against their attempts. 
 On the other hand, the Sambarives came to offer their 
 services, and a cabar was held upon the business, at 
 which were present the officers of the establishment, 
 and Prince Raffangour on the part of the natives. On 
 this occasion the Prince made the following speech : — 
 
 " The nation of the Sambarives, the people of Zan- 
 har6, established in the provinces of Mananhar and 
 Massoualla, have seen with grief, that the colony of 
 Louisbourg has entered into treaties of friendship and 
 alliance with other nations, in preference, and to the 
 exclusion of theirs ; and that, at the present moment, 
 all those nations have united together against their 
 benefactors, and have even invited our people to join 
 with them against the white men. But as the Sam- 
 barives have always walked in the paths of justice, 
 our nation has refused their offers, preferring the 
 friendship of the chief of the white men to every 
 inducement of relationship or alliance which might 
 exist between ourselves and his enemies. In con- 
 sequence of this, the Sambarive nation offers to 
 assist the colony with five thousand men, to be 
 employed against its enemies ; and hopes, that
 
 204 
 
 b^y lliis action, it will render itself worthy of an 
 alliance, the value of which it is well convinced of." 
 
 The governor, in reply, remarked that he had 
 always been desirous of an alliance with the Samba- 
 rives, but tliat the remoteness of their province had 
 not hitherto permitted him to treat with them directly; 
 that the offer of supplies inspired him with a high 
 opinion of their sentiments ; and he should accept this 
 mark of friendship with the greatest pleasure, as it 
 would justify the unbounded confidence he was deter- 
 mined to place in the Sambarive nation, respectable 
 for the blood of Ramini. 
 
 A few days after, the enemy made their appearance 
 to the number of about three thousand, and demanded 
 a private conference. Not to seem intimidated, 
 the governor went with only an interpreter to their 
 camp. They then declared their grievances, which 
 appear to have been principally occasioned by their 
 own acts. He replied very calmly to their complaints, 
 and gave them firmly to understand that no alteration 
 could be made to meet any of their v/ishes, the object 
 of which was to demolish the different posts he had 
 established. 
 
 They Mere much surprised at the boldness of his 
 speech ; but some of the chiefs cried out, " We shall 
 never have a better oj)portunity than now that we have 
 him in our power," and instantly surrounded him on all 
 sides. At this juncture, one of his officers, at the head 
 of fifty blacks, came to his assistance. While these were 
 engaged with one party of the enemy, another w ent
 
 205 
 
 to attack the fort, but were vigourously repulsed, and 
 thrown into confusion. This gave the governor an 
 opportunity to escape : two chiefs attempted to stop 
 him, but being a good swordsman, he parried their 
 strokes, upon which they cried out, "he is a sorcerer — 
 we are undone !" and immediately fled. The garrison, 
 having been alarmed by this time, came to the com- 
 bat, and soon made the enemy retreat. On this 
 occasion they forbore to make use of the cannon at 
 the fort, that no clamour might be raised against the 
 colony, and they soon felt the benefit of such a line 
 of conduct ; for several of the neighbouring nations, 
 when they heard of the moderation that was dis- 
 played, espoused their cause. 
 
 A more formidable body of the enemy soon made 
 their appearance, and pitched their camp between the 
 chief settlement and the Plain of Health, in order 
 to cut off the communication. The governor, there- 
 fore, determined to attack them immediately with all 
 his forces, which consisted of six thousand natives, 
 and his own troops, leaving a sufficient number to 
 guard the fort. The difficulties of this campaign 
 were very great, on account of the mountainous and 
 marshy nature of the country through which they 
 had to pass, drawing the cannon after them. 
 
 They came up with the enemy on a beautiful plain 
 called Mahertomp, on the banks of the Tingballe, 
 were they had strongly intrenched themselves in their 
 camps. The governor sent an officer with a detach- 
 ment, to attack them in the rear, while the main body
 
 206 
 
 of the troops did the same in front. But tliere was 
 no occasion for this simultaneous attack ; for the 
 officer with the detachment having performed his 
 part prematurely, the first discharge of the cannon 
 struck the enemy with a panic, and they immediately 
 left their camps and fled into the woods, leaving about 
 two hundred muskets, and forty prisoners behind 
 them. The governor, with his accustomed forbear- 
 ance, immediately dismissed the latter with offers of 
 peace, which were however refused. 
 
 On the plain of Mahertomp, he established a 
 post. It is a beautiful track of country, lying in the 
 province of Antimaroa, of which it is the richest 
 part, and occupies about six leagues of the banks of 
 the Tingballe, and stretching thirteen leagues across 
 from north-east to south-west. It is well cultivated, 
 and inhabited throughout. Here, therefore, the army 
 raised a redoubt, which was defended with four 
 pieces of cannon, and an officer and twelve men. 
 
 The enemy having incamped at a short distance 
 from the Plain of Health, the governor instantly fol- 
 lowed them, and found them strongly intrenched to 
 the number of eight thousand. He immediately 
 sent for four pieces of artillery to replace those 
 which were left at the new station ; but in the mean- 
 while his allies, desirous of proving their valour, had 
 attacked the enemy unknown to him, and being re- 
 pulsed, were driven to the foot of the hill on which 
 stood Fort Augustus, in the plain. 
 
 As soon as the cannon arrived, the governor,
 
 207 
 
 without infoiTiiing his allies, marched in the night with 
 thirty volunteers, and two hundred disciplined natives 
 in the pay of the settlement, and having erected two 
 batteries, opened a brisk fire upon the enemy's camp. 
 The palisade was destroyed in half an hour, upon 
 which they abandoned their intrenchments, and 
 hastened in confusion to the \^oods. By this time 
 his allies, hearing of the engagement, marched to the 
 spot, and finding the camp taken, passed the river 
 Ranoumera, and drove the enemy away without 
 resistance. This victory was achieved with no other 
 loss than eleven natives killed, and two volunteers' 
 wounded. Sixty-five of the enemy were left dead 
 on the field of battle. 
 
 A second division of the enemy had pitched 
 their tents on an island of six leagues circumference, 
 situated in the morass of Ampangou. The governor, 
 therefore, marched to the i)lain of JVIahertomp, which 
 was at a short distance from them. Having dis- 
 covered the passage to the island, he reconnoitred 
 their situation, and finding it strongly defended by 
 nature, he determined to blockade them, and prevent 
 their receiving any supplies. In about a fortnight's 
 time, their provisions were expended, and the majority 
 were desirous of treating for peace; upon which 
 several boats, loaded with rice and bananas, were sent 
 to them, and they were informed, that so far from 
 wishing to exterminate them, the French would allow 
 them a clear passage to retreat, if they would lay 
 down their arms. This induced numbers of them to
 
 208 
 
 retire, and many came to the French camp, who were 
 kindly received, and supplied with provisions. 
 
 Although reduced to a small number, the remainder 
 of the enemy held out a fortnight longer, in expecta- 
 tion of being joined by a body of Seclaves ; where- 
 upon the governor determined to attack them, which 
 was done, and without causing any great destruction 
 of human life, they were completely dispersed. 
 
 The war being thus terminated, and the province 
 of Antimaroa ^' being, by the expulsion of the Saphi- 
 robai, uninhabited and uncultivated, proposals were 
 made to the Sambarives to take possession of it. 
 This was readily acceded to, and a cabar was held 
 for the division of the conquered lands. The lands 
 on the right branch of the river Tingballe were given 
 to the Sambarives, and those on the left were kept 
 for the establishment. Hearing that the Saphirobai 
 Mere wandering in the woods, and subsisting upon 
 roots, because the chiefs of the other provinces would 
 not receive them, commissioners were sent to the allies, 
 intreating them to admit, and assist them with pro- 
 visions, provided they renounced their designs against 
 the establishment. This had the desired effect. 
 
 The allies were now sent home to their different 
 
 * Antimaroa is a small province or district within that of 
 Manghabei, situated at the northern extremity of the Bay of 
 Antongil. We ought to have remarked before, that, besides 
 the provinces enumerated in the second chapter of this work, 
 there are many smaller ones, ivithin the former, and subject to 
 the same princes, but internally governed by their own chiefs.
 
 209 
 
 districts, and, having distributed presents amongst 
 them according to the custom of the country, the 
 governor had the satisfaction of seeing them return 
 perfectly contented with the treatment they had ex- 
 perienced from him. 
 
 The fatigues which the governor had undergone 
 in the late campaign, added to his anxiety of mind, 
 occasioned by the malevolent and harrassing conduct 
 of the government of the Isle of France, preyed upon 
 his health, and at length reduced him to such a state 
 of weakness, as obliged him to place the command in 
 the hands of Captain Malendre, with full directions 
 how to act in case of his death. He also obtained 
 written testimonials of an entire approbation of his 
 conduct during the whole time he held the command. 
 
 This document, which is recorded in his memoirs, 
 is highly honourable to his character, and remains 
 an unanswerable argument against the calumnies 
 which certain French writers have heaped upon his 
 memory.
 
 210 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Difficulties of the Colony — Supplied with Clothes and 
 other Necessaries — Combination of the Chiefs of the 
 Seclaves — Preparations for the War — Account of the 
 Campaign — Defeat of the Seclaves — Arrival of 
 Despatches from Europe — The Governor returns to 
 Louisbourg — Proposals of Peace from the Seclaves — 
 Benyowshy invited to take the Title of Ampansacabe — 
 Proceedings in consequence — Arrival of the Commis- 
 sioners to inspect the Colony — Benyoivsky resigns — 
 National Assembly to elect him Ampansacabe — Pro- 
 ceedings — Establishes a Constitution and Government 
 — Sets sail for Europe. 
 
 During Benyowsky's seclusion from business, he 
 had full time to reflect on the critical state of the 
 colony. He had a short time previous to his illness, 
 received a positive refusal of supplies from the Isle 
 of France, and he was therefore left to those which 
 the accidental arrival of private vessels might afford. 
 It was now the latter end of September ; consequently 
 the bad season would soon commence, for which his 
 troops were but ill provided, being almost destitute 
 of shoes and clothing, while there was every reason 
 to expect a fresh combination of the natives against 
 them. These circumstances were so trying that they 
 could with difficulty bear up under them.
 
 211 
 
 In order to supply the deficiency of clothing, the 
 governor collected a number of the native women, 
 whom he caused to be instructed in the weaving of 
 cloth, which succeeded admirably, and ten of the 
 volunteers were appointed to make these cloths into 
 dresses for the rest. He also made a successful 
 attempt at tanning leather ; and as skins were to be 
 had in great plenty, and there were several shoe- 
 makers in the garrison, these wants were soon sup- 
 plied. 
 
 Some private vessels had arrived, by whom the 
 colony was furnished with necessaries in exchange for 
 rice, of which they had abundance. It appeared also 
 that a small corvette had been sent from France, with 
 workmen, and some supplies for Madagascar : unfor- 
 tunately this vessel was wrecked before she reached 
 her destination, and nothing was saved; so that at 
 the end of two years, instead of having every want 
 provided for by the government, the colony had abso- 
 lutely received no assistance whatever from a public 
 source, and the governor was under the necessity 
 either of paying for those he could obtain, out of his 
 own private funds, or of taking them in exchange for 
 produce, at the pleasure of the owners. 
 
 Towards the year 1775, intelligence arrived, that 
 another powerful combination was forming against 
 the colony by the chiefs of the Seclaves, who were 
 endeavouring to excite against it the eastern 
 nations ; upon which spies were sent to ascertain 
 the truth and the extent of the confederacy. The 
 
 p a
 
 212 
 
 return of the spies brought a confirmation of the 
 warlike preparations of that people, with this allevi- 
 ation, — that they waited for the expiration of the bad 
 season before they commenced the attack; but 
 they expected to muster thirty thousand men, and 
 were making every exertion to gain other chiefs to the 
 confederacy. 
 
 This information rendered it necessary for the 
 governor to send emissaries to the north and south, 
 to acquaint his allies of their intentions, and to 
 engage them to be in readiness against the period 
 fixed for the campaign. In consequence of this 
 requisition, he received assurances of support from 
 the chiefs of no less than twelve diiferent provinces, 
 amongst whom was Lambouin, king of the North, 
 and Hyavi, king of Foule Point. They all engaged 
 to take the field upon the first summons, with all the 
 troops they could muster. 
 
 The preparations for this campaign, which appeared 
 likely to decide the contest between the colony and 
 the Seclaves, occupied the time of the former from 
 the latter end of the year to the following April. 
 The immense force which was to be engaged, with the 
 bold and warlike character of the enemy against 
 whom they were going to combat, rendered this a 
 very formidable afl:air; and it was necessary for the 
 governor, on whom the whole responsibility rested, to 
 act with prudence and caution. Before, therefore, 
 he finally concluded to take the field, he convened his 
 officers in a council of war, in order to take their
 
 213 
 
 opinions as to the propriety of such a step. On 
 this occasion, after representing the numerous diffi- 
 culties under which they laboured in consequence of 
 not receiving supplies, and their inferiority in point 
 of numbers to the enemy, he on the other hand 
 pointed out the dangers which would arise from 
 shewing any signs of fear or timidity. They had 
 hitherto maintained their character for bravery and 
 military prowess, and had thereby gained the alliance 
 of one third of the islanders ; and the surest way to 
 preserve their respect, was to shew that they in no 
 way feared the enemy, but were ready in their turn 
 to become the assailants, and attack them on their 
 frontier; whereas to purchase a peace would debase 
 them in the eyes of their allies, and of all the nations 
 on the island, who would despise them when they 
 saw them embarrassed, and undecided in their pro- 
 ceedings. He therefore left it to them to decide the 
 question of peace or war, declaring, at the same time, 
 he saw no alternative but of instantly taking the field 
 and carrying the war to the frontier of the Seclaves, 
 by which means they would preserve their own pos- 
 sessions, and those of their allies, from devastation, 
 and, by surprising the enemy, compel them to sub- 
 mit to such terms as they should subscribe. 
 
 This plan was approved of by all the officers, who 
 assured him, that though their number was small, and 
 even that must be reduced by the necessary guards 
 for the posts, yet they would not shrink from the 
 danger, but desired nothing more earnestly than to
 
 214 
 
 receive his orders, which would give them an oppor- 
 tunity of performing their duty in a manner worthy 
 of themselves. 
 
 The question having been thus decided, prepara- 
 tions were instantly made for taking the field. A 
 number of Mosambique slaves had been taught to 
 work the field pieces ; to each piece, therefore, were 
 appointed a cannoneer, a workman, and four Mosam- 
 biques; the volunteers were excellent marksmen, 
 having been much practised in shooting at a target. 
 The number of troops belonging to the establish- 
 ment, was about three hundred, and the native allies 
 amounted to three thousand eight hundred, upon first 
 setting out. These were divided into three compa- 
 nies for the convenience of foraging ; and, upon their 
 march, each company received reinforcements to the 
 number altogether of twelve thousand, so that the 
 whole force with which they took the field, was sixteen 
 thousand three hundred and thirteen men," after 
 having left a strong guard at each of the posts. 
 
 Hirbay was the place of rendezvous : this place is 
 to the north of Louisbourg. Every arrangement 
 having been made for so formidable an undertaking, 
 the governor set sail with his little squadron, con- 
 sisting of one hundred and ninety-three piroguas, on 
 the 30th of April, 1776, and having landed at Hirbay, 
 was presently joined by his allies. A party was sent 
 forward to clear a passage for the army across the 
 mountains. These soon fell in with a body of the 
 enemy, who retired upon their approach. It was a
 
 215 
 
 matter of no small difficulty to pass the mountains 
 with such an army, and to draw heavy cannon after 
 them. Some of these mountains are so steep, that 
 it requires the use of cords to climb them. As soon 
 as the army had passed, they were joined by another 
 body of four thousand men. After resting two days, 
 they entered a wood which extended eighteen miles 
 from east to west; and immediately upon reaching 
 the opposite side of it, they discovered three camps 
 of the Seclaves on a large plain. Judging it prudent 
 not to shew themselves in force till they had refreshed 
 themselves awhile, they withdrew again into the wood. 
 The next morning, having established a rear-guard 
 for the protection of their camp equipage, they 
 marched directly to the first camp of the enemy, 
 which they reached within cannon-shot by sun-rise. 
 The Seclaves, upon their approach, arranged them- 
 selves in several divisions at the head of their camp, 
 and began firing. But the governor having ordered 
 his artillery to be brought forward, twenty shot from 
 them put the whole army to flight, and caused them 
 to abandon their first camp, and at the same time the 
 second camp -vvas taken by another division of the 
 combined army. Perceiving these two camps de- 
 stroyed, the enemy quitted the third of themselves, 
 which was soon consumed. Eighty Seclaves were 
 killed, and fifty wounded in this engagement, while 
 on the other side none of the whites were hurt, and 
 only a few of the natives wounded. The possession 
 of artillery gave the latter such a decided advantage.
 
 216 
 
 tliat their opponents could do nothing against them. 
 Permission was given to tlie allies to pursue them, 
 which they did, and entered their province, where 
 they committed such ravages, that several bodies of 
 the Seclaves came to the governor's camp to intreat 
 forgiveness, and to request him to put a stop to the 
 devastation. He accordingly despatched his aid-de- 
 camp to Antanguin, to restrain the allied chiefs ; and 
 the same day he marched thither himself. This vil- 
 lage contains five hundred houses, and is well pali- 
 saded and defended by a ditch. At the extremity of 
 the town, the allies had pitched their camp, and he 
 learned from them that the Seclaves had fled as far as 
 the western coast, reporting as they went, that they 
 had been conquered by demons, who vomited flames 
 upon their armies. The chief of Antanguin came 
 to the camp with his head and beard shaved, in 
 token of submission, to intreat forgiveness for having 
 joined the Seclaves. He acknowledged himself con- 
 quered, and his province confiscated, but begged to 
 be allowed to retain it on condition of paying an 
 annual tribute. He informed the governor that the 
 king of the Seclaves was completely sick of the war, 
 and had sent envoys to Hyavi, to request him to 
 intercede and procure him peace at any rate. 
 
 The governor continued in this place several days, 
 during which he and his officers were employed in 
 taking surveys of the country, which they found to 
 be very rich in pasture, and herds of cattle. En- 
 voys arrived from the Seclaves, demanding peace,
 
 217 
 
 but he told them they ought to sue for pardon 
 rather than peace, and he should continue in their 
 province to give them time to come to a determi- 
 nation. 
 
 While the army remained here, which was pro- 
 tracted till June, the long expected despatches arrived 
 from France, after a delay of two and a half years. 
 By the first letters the governor opened, he had the 
 satisfaction of learning, that the Sirenne had been 
 sent with ammunition, provisions, and money, for the 
 purposes of trade, and that larger supplies might 
 be expected at the end of the year. He now 
 began to hope, that the distresses and privations of 
 the colony were at an end, and that he should soon 
 be in a capacity to pursue his plans for its establish- 
 ment on a solid footing. But what were his feelings, 
 when, on opening subsequent despatches, he found 
 that the Sirenne had been wrecked to the south of 
 Fort Dauphin, and every thing was lost! while on 
 the other hand, a private letter from the French 
 minister, informed him that he must confine his 
 operations to the " preservation of the posts already 
 established, as his Majesty had not fully determined 
 to have a colony at Madagascar." Confounded at 
 this intelligence, he instantly called a council of his 
 officers, to consult with them as to the steps necessary 
 to be taken. 
 
 After a long consultation, they were unanimously 
 of opinion, that it was expedient instantly to suspend 
 the military operations against the Seclaves, and re-
 
 218 
 
 turn to Louisbourg, there to wait the furtlier orders of 
 liis IMajesty's government. 
 
 This determination alarmed the native chiefs, who 
 were afraid of the resentment of the Seclaves. One 
 of them, named Rozai, had had his wife and children 
 taken prisoners by the enemy, who had ravaged the 
 district where they resided ; and he was apprehensive 
 that when the Seclaves found the French could no 
 longer prosecute the war, they would further 
 revenge themselves by selling his family. But 
 Benyowsky promised to send instantly and reclaim 
 them ; and if the Seclaves refused to give them 
 up, or should ill treat them, he would send a body 
 of troops to enforce it. This promise satisfied him. 
 
 Having deputed the command of the troops to his 
 aid-de-camp De Malendre, the governor set out on 
 his return to Louisbourg, and arrived on the 12th of 
 June, where he was employed for some time in 
 preparing despatches for the minister, and in the 
 celebration of festivals, on account of the victory 
 over the Seclaves. A few days after, the squadron 
 of piroguas, with the army, entered the harbour 
 amidst shouts of joy. He learned by De Malendre, 
 that the king of the Seclaves had sent envoys to 
 propose a treaty of peace, which he had referred to 
 the decision of the governor. 
 
 The assistance of the chiefs being no longer neces- 
 sary, it was expected that they would depart, but 
 they all refused to leave the settlement, giving as a 
 reason, that Hyavi had received a letter from the Isle
 
 219 
 
 of France, stating that the governor would very 
 soon be displaced, and sent to Europe to take his 
 trial; in consequence of which they had come to a 
 determination to resist such a design by force if 
 necessary. Th^ governor represented that the resi- 
 dence of so many troops on the spot, tended to 
 impoverish the country, and if they were determined 
 to reside near him, it M'ould be expedient to send the 
 troops away to their severdl provinces, as they would 
 always have time to re-assemble them. In answer 
 to this, they begged him not to urge their departure 
 any further, being determined rather to perish than 
 quit him. 
 
 The colony being now in a state of tranquillity, 
 the lands in the vicinity of Louisbourg were allotted 
 to those individuals, both amongst the garrison and 
 the natives, who, by their good conduct, had merited 
 it. These lands were of a very productive quality, 
 and would have amply repaid the settlers, had they 
 remained to reap the benefit of their labours. Seve- 
 ral bodies of the Seclaves also came and requested 
 permission to settle on the territory of the colony, pro- 
 mising to be subject to its regulations. They w-ere 
 accordingly disposed of on the banks of the Tingballe. 
 
 A few weeks after the return of the army, the en- 
 voys of the king of the Seclaves arrived, bringing with 
 them the family of Prince Rozai, as a proof of their 
 sincerity in wishing for peace. They likewise pre- 
 sented the governor with three hundred oxen and 
 sixty slaves, in the name of their nation, and required
 
 220 
 
 of liim an oath not to make war upon them in future. 
 He replied he was ready to enter into such an engage- 
 ment, provided their king did the same : he also re- 
 quired that he should allow the French to 'trade with 
 his subjects, and build store-houses. These condi- 
 tions the envoys were not prepared with instructions 
 to accede to ; but having received presents they de- 
 parted, promising to use their influence with their 
 king to persuade him to a compliance. 
 
 The report that Benyowsky was descended from 
 the race of Ramini was by no means forgotten by the 
 natives. It had, on the contrary, obtained consider- 
 able influence over their minds ; and, as soon as it 
 was known that he was to be recalled, the chiefs came 
 to a determination to employ every means to prevent 
 his return to Europe. The first intimation he re- 
 ceived of their design was from four chiefs, named 
 Raoul, Manding, Raffangour, and Ramaraombe, each 
 of whom reigned over powerful provinces. These 
 men demanded an audience, as deputies from their 
 several nations. This being granted, they presented 
 themselves at the fort, followed by two columns, con- 
 sisting of twelve thousand armed troops, with drums 
 beating and colours flying. They drew up before the 
 governor's house, and the troops having grounded 
 their arms, the deputies advanced to the hall, where 
 the governor and his officers Mere ready to receive 
 them. After the usual salutations, three of them 
 seated themselves, but Raffangour remained standing, 
 and delivered a speech as follows : —
 
 221 
 
 " Blessed be the day which brought thee into the 
 world — Blessed be thy parents who have taken care 
 of thy infancy — iVnd blessed be the hour in which 
 thou didst set thy foot upon our island ! — The IMala- 
 gos chiefs and captains, whose hearts thou hast 
 gained, who love thee, and are faithfully attached to 
 thee, have received information that the French king 
 intends to appoint another in thy place, and that he is 
 angry with thee because thou hast refused to deliver 
 us to his slavery : they have therefore met, and have 
 held cabars, to decide upon the manner in which they 
 should act if this should prove true. Their love, and 
 their attachment for thee, have obliged me, in this cir- 
 cumstance, to reveal to thee the secret of thy birth, 
 and thy rights over this immense country, all whose 
 people adore thee. Yes ! I myself, — 'Ratfangour, re- 
 puted the sole survivorof the family of Ramini, — I have 
 renounced this sacred right, to declare thee the only 
 true inheritor of Ramini. The Spirit of God, w4iich 
 reigns over our cabars, caused all the chiefs and cap- 
 tains to make oath that they would acknowledge thee 
 their ampansacabe ; that they would no more quit 
 thee, but preserve thy person at the price of their lives, 
 against all the violence of the French." 
 
 At the conclusion of this speech, Raoul rose and 
 delivered his message as follows : — 
 
 " I, Raoul, chief of the Saphirobai, sent to thee by 
 the chiefs and captains of several united nations, de- 
 mand that thou wilt grant to-morrow a public cabar, 
 that we may render thee homage of our fidelity and
 
 222 
 
 obedience. I am likewise cliargecl to request that 
 thou wilt not display the white flag, but the blue, in 
 sign that thou heartily acceptest our submission." 
 
 " The chiefs and captains assembled in cabar, have 
 likewise commissioned me to request, that thou wilt 
 keep the officers and soldiers at a distance from the 
 place in which this cabar shall be held ; and that in 
 the mean time, thou wilt keep as a guard the twelve 
 hundred warriors, which the nation will constantly 
 maintain around thee." 
 
 The two speakers then seated themselves in expec- 
 tation of an answer. Benyowsky assured them that 
 he would attend the cabar with pleasure, and there 
 declare his sentiments in public. That they might 
 depend on his friendship, his zeal for their interests, 
 and his readiness to sacrifice his own welfare for 
 the good of the nation. 
 
 After the cabar was broken up, he questioned 
 his officers respecting this affair; and, while con- 
 versing with them, three, who were absent, came 
 up, at the head of fifty men, and declared their 
 determination to give up their lives rather than see 
 him quit the island. That having themselves inter- 
 married with the natives, they should fix their abode 
 there; and therefore were ready to relinquish their 
 engagements with the French government, and attach 
 themselves to his cause. 
 
 The governor endeavoured to dissuade them from 
 this resolution, but in vain. They assured him that 
 the infamous conduct of the French government at
 
 223 
 
 the Isle of France, as well as the neglect of the 
 minister, convinced them that they were more than 
 regardless of their welfare ; that they were not alone 
 in their determination, for he would not find ten 
 men, either officers or private soldiers, who would 
 quit the island. He therefore desisted from any 
 further argument on the subject. 
 
 The following day being appointed for holding the 
 cabar, it was ushered in with a salute of twenty- 
 one guns from the fort; and, the French standard 
 having been taken down, a blue flag was hoisted 
 according to the wish of the chiefs. At seven 
 o'clock a detachment of seven hundred blacks ar- 
 rived, and formed a square about the hall. Next 
 came sixty-two chiefs, with their troops, and having 
 saluted the governor, seated themselves in cabar. 
 The most ancient of them, named Manonganon, 
 immediately rose, and spoke as follows : — 
 
 " We, the princes and chiefs, who are assembled 
 as representatives of the whole nation, being deter- 
 mined by the rights of thy birth, by thy wisdom, 
 and by thy affection for us, do declare at this in- 
 stant, that we acknowledge thee our ampansacabe; 
 and intreat thee to accept this rank and title, with 
 the assurance of finding fidelity, affection, and con- 
 stancy in our hearts : — Answer us." 
 
 The governor rose and replied, that he accepted 
 their offer ; and that it should be his endeavour to 
 establish a government on a solid foundation, and 
 to promote the happiness of the people, by intro-
 
 224 
 
 ducing the arts of civilization and a system of just 
 laws ; while the advantages of commerce, and an 
 effectual cultivation of the lands, would occupy his 
 first attention, and would abundantly flourish under 
 their united endeavours. 
 
 At the close of this speech, the whole of the 
 troops began firing a.Jeu-de-joie : after which, Saiic^, 
 chief of the Sambarives, rose, and declared that his 
 nation required the governor to quit the service of 
 France, and to cause all those of his troops to do 
 the same, who were desirous of residing in Mada- 
 gascar. He then called upon him to point out the 
 province in which he would choose to reside, that 
 they might build him a town. 
 
 Benyowsky replied, that it was his intention to 
 quit the service of France, but that it was neces- 
 sary for him to wait the arrival of the commis- 
 sioners from his Majesty, whom he shortly expected ; 
 for which reason he begged that the oath might be 
 deferred, he not being master of his own actions 
 while bound by his former engagements. 
 
 Raflfangour ended the cabar by proposing that 
 an oath should be mutually entered into by Ben- 
 yowsky and the chiefs alone, with the understanding, 
 that it should be publicly repeated, as soon as he 
 iiad quitted the service of France. This was im- 
 mediately done, and, to render it more sacred, con- 
 firmed by the oath of blood, which is performed by 
 opening the skin of the left breast with a razor, when 
 each of those present sucks a drop of the new
 
 225 
 
 chief's blood, while maledictions and imprecations 
 are pronounced against him who shall fail in liis en- 
 
 gagement. 
 
 When the cabar broke up, the native troops, who 
 had been prepared for the part they were to take in 
 the ceremony, lowered their muskets and their colours, 
 and laid their left hands upon their breasts in token 
 of engagement to the new ampansacabe. The affair 
 ended, as usual, with feasting ; twenty bullocks were 
 killed, and, with twelve casks of brandy, distributed 
 amongst the natives, of whom nearly eleven thousand 
 were present. The colonists shared in the festival, 
 having mounted blue ribbons over their white cockades. 
 
 The chiefs now began to return home, having agreed 
 to reassemble as soon as they perceived the beacon fired 
 at Manghabei. Three thousand native troops were left 
 at his command, with Sance at their head, and six of 
 the chiefs were detained at the fort as counsellors. 
 
 In the month of September, intelligence was 
 received that the Consolante had touched at the 
 Isle of France, having on board Messrs. Belcombe 
 and Chevereaux, who were proceeding without delay 
 to Madagascar, in quality of commissioners, to in- 
 vestigate the affairs of the settlement ; and a private 
 letter from a friend assured him that these inspec- 
 tors had orders to carry him to Europe, provided 
 such a step would not endanger the colony. This 
 information was verified on the 21st of the same 
 month, when the Consolante made its appearance, 
 and cast anchor off the island of Aiguillon. A
 
 226 
 
 letter \vas instantly despatched to the governor from 
 the commissioners, acquainting him with the nature 
 of their instructions, and accompanied with an order 
 in the king's name, for him to repair on board. In 
 reply, he observed he was ready to put the command 
 of the settlement into their hands, conformably to his 
 Majesty's order ; but that until he had resigned his 
 office, he could not think of leaving the settlement. 
 He also sent a private letter to Mr. Belcombe, re- 
 questing him to land without his troops, giving his 
 word of honour that he would comply with every re- 
 quest consistent with reason. Mr. Belcombe replied, 
 that he would depend upon his honour as a military man, 
 and come on shore ; though, had he thought proper 
 to credit all he had heard, he should not trust himself. 
 Having landed the following day, these gentlemen 
 entered upon their office as inspectors, and presented 
 him with a paper, containing twenty-five questions 
 relative to the settlement. They then examined the 
 fort, public buildings, and the accounts, as well as the 
 several officers of the establishment ; after which they 
 proceeded to the two forts, St. John and Augustus, 
 on the Tingballe. On the 26th of September they 
 held a cabar with the chiefs, at which Benyowsky de- 
 clined being present, that the natives might have an 
 opportunity of speaking their sentiments.* Lastly, 
 
 * By some mistake, the transactions which took place at 
 this cabar, and which must have been highly interesting, were 
 omitted to be inserted in the count's memoirs, although referred 
 to therein as being included in the Appendix.
 
 227 
 
 they gave the count a discharge respecting his past 
 conduct and the accounts, and a certificate for the 
 sum of four hundred and fifty thousand livres, which 
 he had advanced to the treasury. On the twenty - 
 ninth they retired on board their vessel, from whence 
 they sent him an order to confine his operations to the 
 preservation of the chief settlement, until he had re- 
 ceived further instructions ; to put a stop to all public 
 works, and to continue the prohibition of trading with 
 the blacks. These orders were accompanied with a 
 permission for the count to absent himself from Ma- 
 dagascar ; but having previously given in his resig- 
 nation, and surrendered the command of the troops 
 to M. de Sanglier, he refused to receive these orders, 
 and sent them to that officer, declaring to the inspec- 
 tors that he had in future nothing to do with the 
 establishment, any further than as he was disposed to 
 promote their interests with the natives. The com- 
 missioners answered, they could not accept his resig- 
 nation, and therefore he was bound to hold his office 
 until the arrival of specific orders from his Majesty, 
 which would be issued on their report. 
 
 As soon as the Consolante had sailed, the Rhoan- 
 drian and Voadziri chiefs came to Louisbourg, and 
 having learned that the count had quitted the service 
 of France, they required the fulfilment of his promise. 
 Accordingly, the 12th of October, 1776, was ap- 
 pointed for a national meeting to administer the oath 
 of ampansacabe. In the interval, a most pressing ap- 
 plication was made by the officers and soldiers of the 
 
 q2
 
 228 
 
 garrison, to induce him to resume the command ; the 
 latter declaring, that if he did not, they would leave 
 the fort and assert their independence. 
 
 M. de Sanglier urging the same request, he at 
 length consented ; at the same time protesting that 
 such a resumption should not be considered as a 
 renewal of his obligations to the French government, 
 which he had entirely renounced. Deeming it expe- 
 dient that the opinion of the chiefs should be known 
 by the minister, as to whether they were desirous of 
 the continuance or reduction of the establishment on 
 the island, a cabar was held, at which the chiefs of 
 ten of the most powerful nations attended, and deli- 
 vered their sentiments as follows : — 
 
 " Wise and prudent as thou art, canst thou doubt 
 our attachment to thee ? — Hast thou not seen with 
 what ardour we have foucrht against our brothers, 
 when they had rebelled, in order to bring them to a 
 sense of their duty ? — Whence, therefore, is it, that 
 thou shewest so much distrust towards a people who 
 are attached to thee? If thy heart tells thee that 
 thou wishest well to the French, say, — and write to 
 their king that we offer him our hearts and our friend- 
 ship. But we wish to live under thy command — 
 thou art our father and our Lord ; — let the French 
 love thee as we do, and our arms shall be united to 
 theirs ; our colours shall be united to those of white 
 men, and we will fight valiantly against the common 
 enemy : but if thou must suffer the hatred of the 
 French, we will not acknowledge them as brethren,
 
 229 
 
 and their enemies shall be our friends. These are 
 our thoughts, and the words of our hearts ; promise 
 therefore before that God whom we all adore, to 
 convey them to the king of the French, and engage 
 that thou wilt be more attached to us than to the 
 French nation, and wilt never desert us." 
 
 The count having promised to communicate their 
 sentiments to the French government, they engaged 
 to live in good harmony with the establishment. 
 
 A day or two after, several deputed chiefs, with a 
 considerable armed force, arrived at the fort. They 
 informed the governor that the great day of the oath 
 approached, and that the chiefs and people in assem- 
 bly requested his presence, and had sent a detach- 
 ment of troops for his safeguard and service. 
 
 In conformity with their desires, he assumed the 
 Indian dress, and set out amidst the shouts of the 
 natives, followed by the whole of the garrison. On 
 iiis arrival at the camp, which was at a considerable 
 distance from the settlement, he was received in due 
 form by all the chiefs, and conducted to a tent which 
 had been prepared for him. Six domestics and a 
 guard of two hundred men were appointed for his 
 attendants. 
 
 On the twelfth of October, he was awakened by the 
 discharge of cannon ; and the chief, RafFangour, with 
 six others, dressed in white, came to his tent, from 
 whence they conducted him to a plain on which the 
 natives, to the number of thirty thousand, were 
 assembled. These had formed themselves into an
 
 230 
 
 immense circle, each nation being by itself, with its 
 chief attached to it, and the women on the outside of 
 the circle. As soon as he entered the circle, the 
 chiefs formed a smaller one round him, and silence 
 being proclaimed, Raffangour harangued the assem- 
 bly in the following words : — 
 
 " Blessed be Zanhar^, who has returned to his 
 people. Blessed be the blood of Zafe Ramini, to 
 whom our affection is due. Blessed be the law of 
 our fathers, which commands us to obey a chief 
 descended from the blood of Ramini. Our fathers, 
 and ourselves, have experienced that disunion is the 
 punishment of God. During the long period since 
 we have been deprived of a chief of the sacred race 
 of Ramini, we have lived like wild beasts ; sometimes 
 killing our brethren, and at others, perishing by their 
 violence. Enfeebled by these evils, the weakest have 
 always been the prey of the strongest. We have 
 been wicked, and have not been desirous of listening 
 to the voice of justice and equity. But we have in 
 our own times beheld the wretched descendants of 
 those who spilled the blood of Ramini, call in the 
 aid of the French to assist them in oppressing and 
 destroying their brethren. We know how Zanhare 
 has punished them, by permitting one of their slaves, 
 supported by the French*, to spill their blood, in 
 expiation of their crimes. You all understand me ; 
 but I have thought proper to bring these facts to 
 
 * See Note, p. 50.
 
 4si 
 
 your recollection, that you might in future adopt 
 union of heart for your law. To preserve this, you 
 must follow the law of your fathers, which com- 
 mands you to submit to the descendant of Ramini. 
 I here present him to you ; I give him this assagaye, 
 that he may be the only Ombiassobe as was our 
 father Ramini :" (then elevating his voice), " Attend 
 to my voice, ye Rhoandrians, Anacandrians, Ontzatsi, 
 Voadziri, Lohavohitz, Ontzoa, Ondeves, Philoubeis, 
 Ombiasses, Ampouria. — It is the law of our fathers. 
 Acknowledge the ampansacabe — submit to him — 
 listen to his voice — follow the laws which he shall 
 establish, and you shall be happy. Alas ! my old 
 age does not permit me to hope that I shall long 
 share your happiness, my friends ; but my spirit shall 
 perceive the testimonies of that gratitude which you 
 may shew to my tomb." — Then turning to the count, 
 he proceeded, " And thou, son of the blood of 
 Ramini, implore the assistance of God, who en- 
 lightens thee with his spirit. Be just — love thy 
 people as thy children — let their happiness be thine 
 — be not a stranger to their wants, their misfortunes 
 — govern and assist with thy counsels, the Rhoan- 
 drians and Anacandrians— protect the Ontzatsi and 
 Voadziri — watch with paternal care over the Loha- 
 vohitz, Ontzoa, and Philoubeis — employ for thy 
 general good, the Ondeves, the Ombiasses, and do 
 not despise the Ampouria — cause the latter to con- 
 sider their masters as their fathers, as it was in the 
 days of our father Ramini."
 
 232 
 
 Having finished this discourse, he put the assagaye 
 into the hands of the count, and prostrated himself 
 before him. All the chiefs followed his example, 
 and afterwards the whole multitude, so that the new 
 ampansacabe saw, with perfect astonishment, fifty 
 thousand people prostrated before him. Raffangour 
 then dictated to him the following answer : — 
 
 " Long live the blood of Ramini — long live the 
 Madagascar nation — long live the Rhoandrians, 
 Anacandrians, Ontzatsi, Voadziri, Lohavohitz, Ont- 
 zoa, Philoubei, Ondeves, Ombiasses, and Ampouria — 
 long live the blood of our fathers — and may the 
 God who created the heavens and the earth, long 
 preserve us all !" — The people, who were still pros- 
 trate, gave a shout as each class was named, and at 
 the last arose. The several classes then separated 
 from each other, and, forming a circle, stood apart, 
 when the count was led first to the Rhoandrians, near 
 whom there stood an ox, whose throat he cut, at the 
 same time pronouncing the oath of sacrifice; and 
 every Rhoandrian took a small portion of the blood, 
 which he swallowed, repeating, with a loud voice, 
 imprecations against himself and his children, in 
 case he or they should break the oath. He was 
 then conducted to the circle of Anacandrians, where 
 he killed two oxen, the same oath being repeated, 
 and the same imprecations pronounced. In this 
 manner he passed through each of the several 
 classes of the people, killing three oxen for the 
 Voadziri, four for the Lohavohitz, six for the On-
 
 233 
 
 deves, two for the Ombiasses, and twelve for the 
 Ampouria. These last dipped the ends of their 
 assagayes in the blood, and licked them as they pro- 
 nounced the oath. 
 
 After this part of the ceremony had been gone 
 through, he was again conducted to the circle of 
 Rhoandrians to perform the oath of blood. This is 
 done by each person making an incision with a razor 
 under the left breast, and the count having done the 
 same, they sucked the blood of each other, at the 
 same time pronouncing the most horrible maledic- 
 tions against whoever should violate his oath, and 
 blessings in favour of those who should continue 
 faithful to their engagements. These ceremonies 
 occupied about two hours, and at the close of them, 
 the chiefs commanded silence, in order to afford a 
 moment of recollection wherein to invoke to the 
 spirit of Zanhar6, and to thank him for his goodness 
 and protection. The assembly then broke up, and 
 the day was spent in rejoicing and festivity, which 
 were kept up to a late hour. 
 
 In the evening of the same day, three hundred 
 women came to make an oath to Madame Benyowsky. 
 This was performed by moonlight, and purported 
 that they would obey her orders, and appeal to her 
 in all disputes and quarrels in which it was improper 
 for men to interfere. 
 
 The following day the new ampansacabe held his 
 fir*st cabar, at which the chiefs executed an act of 
 engagement, which was drawn up in the Madegasse
 
 234 
 
 language, and in Roman letters. It ran as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 " This act of oath of the kings Rhoandrians, of 
 the Princes Anacandrians and Voadziri, of the chiefs 
 Lohavohitz, and of the people of Madagascar, made 
 the twelfth day of October, one thousand seven hun- 
 dred and seventy-six, appointing and confirming the 
 election of Maurice Augustus Count De Benyowsky, 
 the rank of Ampansacabe, or Supreme Chief of the 
 Nation, is acknowledged by us the kings, princes, 
 chiefs, and people of Madagascar undersigned, being 
 assembled in cabar." 
 
 This was signed by a number of great chiefs. It 
 ran on thus : — 
 
 " In presence of our people, having consumed the 
 sacrifice, and made the oath of blood, we proclaim 
 and acknowledge Maurice Augustus for our supreme 
 chief Ampansacabe, titles extinct since the death of 
 our holy family of Ramini, which we revive in him 
 and his family. We, therefore, submit inviolably to 
 his authority ; in consequence of which, we determine 
 to erect in our province of Mahavelou, a monument 
 to perpetuate the memory of our re-union, and to 
 immortalize our holy oath. In order that our pos- 
 terity to the remotest ages may be obedient to the 
 sacred family, Ombiassi of the Ampansacabe, whom 
 we all sanctify by our submission ; cursed be our 
 children who shall not obey our present will — cursed 
 be their inheritances, and the fruits of the earth on
 
 235 
 
 which they shall subsist : may the most horrid slavery 
 confound them !" 
 
 This oath, having been read aloud three times, was 
 signed in the name of the whole nation, by 
 
 Hyavi, King of the East. 
 
 Lambouin, King of the North. 
 
 Raffangouh Rhoandrian, of 
 the Samharives. 
 
 The troops attached to the establishment, were by 
 no means indifferent spectators of these extraordi- 
 nary transactions. At the conclusion of them, a 
 petition, signed by thirty-eight soldiers, five subaltern 
 officers, three officers, and six gentlemen in the civil 
 department, was presented to the count, intreating 
 his protection, which was granted. 
 
 The next step which was taken, sets the character 
 of the count in a favourable point of light, as it 
 respects his designs upon Madagascar. It was no 
 less than the proposal of a form of government, and 
 a constitution on a liberal and enlightened basis, well 
 calculated to promote the happiness, and to meet the 
 exigencies of a people just emerging from the savage 
 state. The form of government he proposed was as 
 follows : — 
 
 1 . A Supreme Council — this was to consist of 
 
 thirty-two persons chosen from the Rhoandrians and 
 
 ' Anacandrians. This council was to "exercise all
 
 236 
 
 acts of sovereignty, and to possess the sole right, with 
 the consent of the Ampansacabe, of convening the 
 general assembly of the nation ; — to watch lest 
 foreign armies should make attempts against the 
 liberty of the Madagascar nation, by forming estab- 
 lishments on the shore — to render industry and trade 
 flourishing — and, in short, to use their utmost exer- 
 tions to secure the perfect prosperity of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 2. A Permanent Council, for the purpose of super- 
 intending the execution of the orders of the supreme 
 council. This was to be composed of eighteen per- 
 sons, two of whom were Rhoandrians, and the rest 
 Voadziri and Lohavohitz. 
 
 3. Provincial Governors ; — these were to be chosen 
 out of the first class. 
 
 4. Provincial Councils ; — these were to be com- 
 posed of a Rhoandrian governor, five Anacandrians, 
 two Voadziri, four Lohavohitz, and the remainder 
 Ontzatsi and Ombiasses. 
 
 This form of government was proposed by the 
 count in a full cabar. It appears he had not a little 
 difficulty to make the chiefs comprehend the nature 
 of so complicated an affair : however, as soon as 
 they understood it, they heartily approved of it, and 
 it was immediately adopted, and the various mem- 
 bers were appointed. 
 
 The first act of the new council was to determine 
 upon a spot for the erection of a town ; and after
 
 237 
 
 some discussion, it was agreed that it should be at 
 the head of the river Manongauzon. The}- likewise 
 proposed to erect six governments, from the harbour 
 of Moroava, to the Itapere rock, but the execution 
 of this design was deferred for want of persons who 
 were capable of filling the various offices. 
 
 The new ampansacabe gave audience to the en- 
 voys of the king of the Seclaves, who brought a 
 present of eighty slaves, and five hundred oxen, from 
 their sovereign ; but as they were sent to the French 
 commandant) Benyowsky would not receive them, 
 but sent them to Louisbourg, assuring the envoys 
 that they did not belong to him, he having previously 
 resigned the office of governor. 
 
 At the same cabar, the count proposed to go to 
 Europe, to form a treaty of commerce and friendship 
 with the king of France, or some other European 
 power, in order to obtain from thence proper persons 
 to instruct the natives in the various arts of civil 
 life. This proposal met with the decided disappro- 
 bation of the council, on account of the danger he 
 would incur in going to France, and it was long 
 before he was able to convince them of the impor- 
 tance of the object, and of the advantages that would 
 result from the voyage in respect to the future com- 
 merce of the island, and the introduction of the arts 
 and manufactures. However, at length they con- 
 sented ; and in full cabar, delegated to him the power 
 of concluding treaties of commerce and friendship, 
 and of engaging skilful artizans and manufacturers
 
 238 
 
 to come and settle on the island; a regular docu- 
 ment to this effect was drawn up and signed in 
 the name of the nation, by the three kings present — 
 Raffangour, Hyavi, and Lambouin. 
 
 The count now began to make preparations for his 
 voyage, and appointed the old chief, Raffangour, head 
 of the supreme council during his absence. He also 
 made an arrangement of the affairs of the colony, and 
 left written advice and instructions with the new com- 
 mandant. Having taken every necessary precaution 
 to prevent confusion or disturbance amongst them, he 
 took leave of the chiefs, who accompanied him to the 
 sea-side, and embarked on board ttie brig Le Bell 
 Arthur, which he had freighted to convey him to the 
 Cape of Good Hope. The parting scene was highly 
 interesting, and did honour to the feelings of both 
 parties. We cannot better describe it than in the 
 count's own words : — " When I came to the sea-side 
 I found myself surrounded by most of the chiefs of 
 the country, and by all the people of the settlement, 
 wishing me a good voyage ; and the natives invoking 
 Zanhar6 to assist me in my undertakings. At the 
 conclusion they all wept ; and at this single moment 
 of my life, I felt what the heart is capable of suffering, 
 when torn from a beloved and affectionate society to 
 which it is devoted. At length I went on board, not 
 without paying a tribute to nature, which I had n&cer 
 experienced during the most dreadful sufferings of my 
 tyrannical exile."
 
 239 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 Benyowskys Arrival in France — Proposal to the British 
 Gvvernment — Sails to America, and from thence re- 
 turns to Madagascar — Lands at Antangara Bay — 
 Attacks the French Posts — The Government of the 
 Isle of France despatch a vessel to secure him — His 
 Death — Summary of his Character. 
 
 fr E have experienced some difficulty in the pre- 
 ceding pages in avoiding the appearance of writing a 
 history of Count Benyowsky, instead of that of Ma- 
 dagascar ; and the materials from which our account 
 has been extracted, are of such a nature, that it was 
 almost impossible to avoid it. But in speaking of 
 the subsequent transactions in which that celebrated 
 individual was concerned, no such difficulty can occur; 
 as, by the important events which we have had occa- 
 sion to relate, he became the absolute representative 
 of the Madagascar nation — a sovereign and delegate, 
 invested with full powers to treat in their and his own 
 name, with any other nation whose alliance was 
 worth seeking, or who considered such an alliance an 
 acquisition. It is true, the character in which he now 
 appears, is anomalous, being the result of a solemn 
 and deliberate act of a people, still in a state of bar- 
 barism ; and, according to the political logic of Eu- 
 ropean powers, incapable of making such a choice.
 
 240 
 
 Notwitlistaading this, we are inclined to think, that, 
 after the election took place, by which he was 
 chosen fempansacabe of the Madagascar nation, he 
 was virtually possessed of as good a title as legitimacy 
 can boast of; and that the French, or any other na- 
 tion, had no right whatever to question either the 
 power of bestowing, or the propriety of accepting it. 
 
 Little remains on record of the count's subsequent 
 history, most of the documents relating to it having 
 been burnt. On his arrival in France he had a long 
 and violent altercation with the French government; at 
 the close of which, however, it appears he so far 
 gained his point, as to obtain rewards for his con- 
 duct during his government of Madagascar; and the 
 injustice of the Administration of the Isle of France 
 was held up to the execration of Europe. While in 
 France, the celebrated Dr. Franklin espoused his 
 cause ; but the French minister had resolved not 
 to have any further transactions with him. He 
 then entered into the service of his Imperial ]\Iajesty, 
 to whom he made proposals respecting jMadagascar; 
 but not meeting with success there, he left it in 1783, 
 and came to London, where he drew up a declaration 
 and proposals to the ministry of his Britannic Majesty, 
 offering, " in the name of an amiable and worthy na- 
 tion, to acknowledge him Suzerain, or Lord Paramount 
 of Madagascar ; the interior goverment, and all the 
 regulations of civilization, police, cultivation, and 
 commerce remaining independent; the chiefs and 
 people being only vassals to his Majesty," &c. &c.
 
 241 
 
 It does not appear whether this document was ever 
 presented. If it were, it fell to the ground ; for the 
 count, finding he could meet with no countenance 
 from the British ministry, set sail for America, where 
 he arrived at Baltimore, in July 1784, in the Robert 
 and Ann, Captain M'Dougall, from London, with a 
 cargo suitable for the Madagascar trade, worth about 
 four thousand pounds. Here he obtained another 
 ship and cargo, of equal value, with which he sailed 
 for Madagascar, in October 1784. His family he 
 left in America, on account of Madame Ben- 
 yowsky's pregnancy. The crews of the vessels 
 were, by agreement on oath, subject to his absolute 
 command. 
 
 The vessels first touched at Sofala, where he re- 
 mained some time for refreshment. It appears he 
 did not make the Cape of Good Hope, for fear of 
 exciting the jealousy of the Dutch. On the 7th of 
 July, 1785, he cast anchor in Antangora bay, ten 
 leagues south-west of Cape Sebastian, in Madagascar, 
 vi'here the cargo was landed, and an encampment 
 formed. It was the count's intention to go overland 
 to Antongil bay, and to send the ship round to the 
 same place. While encamped, his old friend Lam- 
 bouin, the king of the north, came to pay his respects 
 to him ; and the sovereign of Bayana, also, who had 
 formerly been his greatest enemy, came with a large 
 body of Seclaves, and encamped near him. The 
 count proposed to him the usual oath, but he declined 
 it for want of time. After his arrival at Antongil
 
 242 
 
 bay, he went to Angontzy, where he seized a store- 
 house belonging to the French, and commenced the 
 building of a town in the manner of the country, in- 
 tending to estabhsh a factory. He also sent a detach- 
 ment of an hundred men to seize the French factory 
 at Foule Point, but seeing a frigate at anchor there, 
 they desisted. 
 
 When the government of the Isle of France 
 heard of these transactions, they sent the Louisa 
 frigate, commanded by Viscount de la Croix, to 
 destroy the settlement, and with it the count, if 
 that were possible. This determination, however, 
 does not appear to have wholly originated in the 
 offensive operations of the count. We have seen a 
 statement which declares that the French ministrij 
 sent out a frigate with orders to secure him, alive 
 or dead. Be that as it may, the Louisa arrived at 
 Foule Point on the 17th of May, 1786, having on 
 board a detachment of sixty men, of the regiment of 
 Pondicherry, under the orders of M. Larcher, a cap- 
 tain of infantry. 
 
 After procuring what provisions they wanted, the 
 Louisa proceeded along the coast to Angontzy ; and 
 havino; moored the vessel about half a league from the 
 shore, they sent two boats, well manned, with two 
 pieces of cannon in the bows of each, in order to 
 effect a landing. When this was done they marched 
 immediately towards Benyowsky's settlement. After 
 crossing five marshes, they heard the people at work 
 at the settlement, and soon after saw a red flag, which
 
 243 
 
 is the common signal for battle in the island. Ben- 
 yowski had by this time retired to the fort with two 
 Europeans and about thirty natives, who happened to 
 be with him at the time. The fort was situated on 
 an eminence, surrounded by strong palisades, and 
 defended by two four-pounders and a few swivels. 
 These were played off against the French, who, how- 
 ever, continued to advance ; and, when they got suffi- 
 ciently near, were ordered to return the fire. The 
 first discharge proved decisive. Benyowsky received 
 a ball in the breast, and fell behind the parapet, 
 whence he was presently after dragged by his hair, 
 and expired in a few^ moments. 
 
 Thus fell the celebrated Count de Benyowsky ; 
 and the period is gone by, when party feeling can in- 
 duce an historian to exaggerate either his good or 
 his bad qualities. His friends, as well as his ene- 
 mies, have in all probability paid the debt of na- 
 ture; — some, perhaps, of those who were instrumental 
 in his death, have themselves fallen a sacrifice by the 
 hands of the assassin : and the very government by 
 which he was first neglected, then persecuted, and 
 finally murdered, has been dismembered and anni- 
 hilated. But although personal feelings no longer 
 operate, the circumstances still remain on record ; 
 and if, in retracing the history of Madagascar, it be 
 necessary to bring them to light, there is now less 
 difficulty in forming an unprejudiced judgment, than 
 when the passions were excited by a party spirit, and 
 an imperfect view of his character. 
 
 H 2
 
 244 
 
 The friends of Benyowsky have represented him as 
 possessing bravery, prudence, resolution, perseverance, 
 humanity, penetration, and strength of mind. His 
 enemies, on the contrary, declare him to be ambi- 
 tious, haughty, tyrannical, cruel, ignorant, unjust, 
 extravagant ; let us see how far the latter opinion is 
 borne out by facts. 
 
 His ambition we will not dispute ; but it was not 
 excited until he considered himself deserted by the 
 French government ; and then can scarcely be said 
 to have been ill directed, or to have betrayed him into 
 any measures inconsistent with the w^elfare of France, 
 until he found they M^ere determined to oppose him, 
 and even to aim at his life. 
 
 That he was haughty, too, we are not much dis- 
 posed to deny. Descended from a family of high 
 rank, and in a country where the nobility are looked 
 up to with great respect, he naturally partook of the 
 reserve which such circumstances are calculated to 
 produce; and his rank in the army did not tend 
 to lessen it. Notwithstanding this, we do not 
 find it carried by him to such a length as to ren- 
 der him an object of hatred or dislike to his officers 
 or soldiers. On the contrary, we see them strongly 
 attached to him, and ready to forego every engage- 
 ment, and submit to every sacrifice to promote his 
 views. 
 
 His tyranny was of a very extraordinary descrip- 
 tion; for, after it had enabled him to overcome 
 the prejudices excited in the minds of the natives
 
 245 
 
 by the emissaries of the government of the Isle of 
 France, it induced the chiefs to elect him sovereign 
 of the whole island, and to invest him with powers 
 superior to those of their most beloved monarchs; 
 Mobile, on the other hand, it propelled him to grant 
 to the people a form of government and a constitu- 
 tion, which effectually counteracted the exercise of 
 tyrannical power. 
 
 Cruelty can never be successfully laid to his charge; 
 the anxiety he uniformly expresses at the sufferings of 
 his troops, and the exertions he used to supply their 
 wants — the satisfaction he expresses at having pre- 
 vailed on some of the natives to disuse the practice of 
 infanticide — the moderation he exercised towards 
 those who had formed combinations against the esta- 
 blishment, and the readiness with which he listened to 
 the first overtures of peace, will, we conceive, effec- 
 tually clear his character from such an imputation. 
 
 Of his ignorance on some subjects we are unable 
 to judge ; but we think his proceedings in Mada- 
 gascar fully entitle him to the opinion expressed by 
 the French minister, " that he had, during his travels, 
 learned the art of treating with savage people." 
 
 We vvill leave the reader to judge whether the 
 charge of injustice is due to the count or to his enemies. 
 And as to his extravagance, the French are by no 
 means competent judges, not having given him an 
 opportunity to display it. 
 
 We wish we could exonerate him from every other 
 failing; but justice constrains us to condemn the
 
 246 
 
 manner in which he resorted to the slave-trade *, while 
 lie professed to abhor its principle. Nor can we jus- 
 tify the deception he practised upon the natives, in 
 assuming a relationship to the family of Ramini. 
 Had his calumniators confined themselves to these 
 instances, they might have attacked his character with 
 success ; but the fact is, that notwithstanding the air 
 of philosophy with which they endeavour to disguise 
 their rancour, they did not possess sufficient virtue 
 themselves to see that these were vices in him : they 
 were therefore obliged to have recourse to falsehood 
 to blacken his character. The calm and dignified 
 style in which the count has related the transactions 
 ofhis life, is finely contrasted with the bombastic, 
 petulant, and indefinite invectives of his traducers ; 
 and while its minuteness carries conviction to every 
 mind, it stamps indelible falsehood upon their counter- 
 declarations. From this sketch of his character we 
 flatter ourselves the reader will agree with us, that 
 if the count was an adventurer, he was an adventurer 
 of the highest class ; that instead of being visionary, 
 
 * Two or three instances of this are mentioned in his Memoirs, 
 The only possible extenuation that such acts will admit of is the 
 destitute state of the colony. Not being able to obtain supplies 
 from Europe or the Isle of France, he felt himself obliged to 
 purchase them of such private vessels as accidentally arrived. 
 While his own fortune lasted, he paid for them out of it ; he 
 then borrowed of his officers ; and, when both sources were ex- 
 hausted, he exchanged slaves for them. We will not attempt 
 to justify him in it.
 
 247 
 
 his plans, though novel, were substantial ; and that 
 so far from being entitled to the character of the 
 " wicked white man*," he may be considered as the 
 first European friend the Madegasses ever beheld in 
 the quality of a governor of a colony, t 
 
 * Rochon's Madagascar, p. 294. 
 
 t If the reader has an opportunity of perusing Wadstrom's 
 excellent Treatise on Colonization, he will there find the count's 
 character drawn with a masterly hand, as well as that of his 
 French persecutors.
 
 248 
 
 CHAP. XX. 
 
 Lescallier^s Visit to Madagascar. — His Object and Opi- 
 nion. — European Influence in Madagascar. — Bory de 
 St. Vincent's Visit. — His Opinion on the Colonization 
 of Madagascar. — Reflections thereon. — Attempts of 
 the British to reduce the Mauritius, — fail at first, — hut 
 ultimately succeed. — Governor Farquhar takes Posses- 
 sion of Madagascar. — Gives umbrage to the French. — 
 English Settlement at Port Lauquez. — Massacre of 
 the Colony. — Murderers executed. — Fresh Settlers sent. 
 
 After the departure of Benyowsky for Europe, 
 the French appear to have given up all idea of esta- 
 blishing a colony at Madagascar ; and consequently 
 to have confined themselves to the maintenance of 
 posts, for the purposes of trading with the natives. 
 The importance of Madagascar, as a principal settle- 
 ment, was thus lost sight of through the jealousy of 
 the government agents at the Isle of France ; and it 
 was considered as only worthy of being an auxiliary 
 to the latter place, and as a dep6t for the slave-trade, 
 which continued to be carried on to a large extent on 
 the island, notwithstanding the declarations of the 
 French minister, that he considered it to have a bane- 
 ful tendency. The French Revolution, which took 
 place soon after, created full employment for the 
 government while it existed ; and, amidst the horrors
 
 249 
 
 which succeeded, or rather accompanied its dismem- 
 berment, the leaders had no opportunity to direct 
 their views to a distant and unappropriated island. 
 St. Domingo also engaged a large portion of their 
 attention as well as their resources ; and its subse- 
 quent violent separation from French dependency, 
 was a sufficient indication of the power which such 
 colonies possess, when they have acquired a just esti- 
 mate of their own resources. 
 
 However, in the year 1792, we find the French 
 National Assembly deputing Monsieur Lescallier to 
 visit Madagascar, in order to see whether it would 
 be practicable once more to establish a colony on the 
 island. 
 
 On his arrival at Foule Point, where the French 
 still maintained a post, he found Hyavi dead, and his 
 son, Zacavola, reigning in his place. Lescallier was 
 well received by the young Prince and his prime 
 minister, Rama Efa, who possessed considerable in- 
 fluence over the mind of his master. 
 
 The principal object of Lescallier's mission, appears 
 to have been that of sounding the native chiefs, to 
 ascertain whether they were well disposed to the 
 French. His report, as given in a memoir on the 
 subject, in the National Institutes, is highly favoura- 
 ble to the natives*, and quite as disgraceful to his 
 
 * One circumstance related by this traveller, and which we 
 have not found mentioned by any other writer, sets the charac- 
 ter of the Madegasses, for hospitality, in a very pleasing light : —
 
 250 
 
 countrymen. " Europeans," said he, " have hardly 
 ever visited this island but to ill-treat the natives, 
 and to exact forced services from them; to excite 
 and foment quarrels amongst them for the purpose of 
 purchasing the slaves that are taken on both sides in 
 the wars that result : — ^in a word, they have left no 
 other marks of having been there, but the effects of 
 their cupidity. The French government have, at long 
 intervals, formed, or rather attempted to form, esta- 
 blishments amongst these people ; but the agents in 
 these enterprises have attended exclusively to the in- 
 terests and emolument of the Europeans, and particu- 
 larly their own profits ; while the interests and well 
 being of the natives have been entirely forgotten : 
 some of these ministerial delegates have even been 
 dishonest adventurers, and have committed a thousand 
 atrocities. It cannot, therefore, excite surprise, that 
 sometimes they have. experienced marks of the resent- 
 ment of the Madegasses, who, notwithstanding, are 
 naturally the most easy and sociable people on earth/' 
 At the desire of Lescallier, the chiefs entered into 
 a treaty of alliance with the French ; but the oaths 
 usually taken on those occasions were dispensed with. 
 
 There is in most of the villages a house erected on purpose for 
 the accommodation of travellers. It is usually open on all sides, 
 and rendered, in other respects, convenient as a shelter to which 
 strangers may resort without any ceremony. Such an institu- 
 tion is honourable to the humanity of this people, and affords a 
 hint that might be practically improved by civilized nations, 
 without disparagement to their character.
 
 251 
 
 The influence of European intercourse began to be 
 very perceptible amongst the inhabitants of the sea- 
 coasts. Many of the chiefs, indeed, were the descen- 
 dants of Frenchmen, who had married or otherwise 
 cohabited with the native women ; and, as the offspring 
 of these unions, were always held in high esteem by 
 the natives, they generally secured the rank of nobility 
 amongst them. Most of the chiefs, and many of in- 
 ferior rank, understood and spoke the French lan- 
 guage. The use and value of coin began to be well 
 understood ; and, as a chief of Johanna significantly 
 remarked, *' They had learned to prefer dollars and 
 gold coin to glass beads and trinkets." Their com- 
 mercial transactions, therefore, were conducted by the 
 medium of money, instead of being exclusively a trade 
 by barter. Some of the chiefs had adopted the French 
 costume. Zacavola himself was habited in a scarlet 
 uniform, which had been presented to him by the 
 governor of the Isle of France. In the construction, 
 furniture, and decoration of their houses, also, they 
 imitated the French ; and the accommodations were 
 so similar to those which we might expect to find in 
 the house of a man of good circumstances in Europe, 
 as to excite the surprise of M. Lescallier. 
 
 These marks of civilization, however, were confined 
 to the neighbourhood of the trading posts, for in the 
 distant and inland provinces they still retained their 
 primitive manners *. 
 
 * This was the case along the western coast, particularly 
 where the French had never had much influence or intercourse.
 
 252 
 
 No attempt was made on the part of the French, 
 after Lescallier's visit, to establish a settlement : the 
 wars which succeeded the revolution gave full employ- 
 ment to the national resources ; so much so, that it 
 was in contemplation at one period to extend the 
 conscription law to the Isle of France, for the sake 
 of supplying the army at home. During the short 
 peace in 1801, Bory de St. Vincent was sent on a 
 similar errand to Madagascar. At that period St. 
 Domingo had emancipated herself, and the French 
 government were desirous of supplying its loss by 
 establishing a colony at the former place. The 
 opinion which our traveller expresses of the island, 
 was favourable to such an enterprise ; but he found a 
 strong objection existing in the minds of the inhabi- 
 tants of the Isle of France, to the formation of a 
 settlement at Madagascar. We have already seen to 
 what a length this jealousy has carried them, and we 
 may therefore easily conceive that the representations 
 
 In the year 1780, General Burn visited the island on his passage 
 from the East Indies, and landed at St. Augustine's Bay, where 
 he remained about six weeks. During his stay, he went with 
 a party to visit the King of Babaw, which is a small province 
 in the neighbourhood. He received them with great pomp, his 
 attendants sitting cross-legged on the sand, at the outside of 
 his Majesty's tent, and he himself riding astride on the shoulders 
 of one of his guards. The appearance of an English lady, who 
 accompanied the party, excited great astonishment, and the 
 natives came running out of their huts to see her. It was, 
 however but a dumb shew, as the English did not understand 
 Malegash, or the Madegasses English.
 
 253 
 
 of St. Vincent were correct. " Madagascar," said 
 he, *' is capable of being made the first colony in the 
 world, and would supply the loss of St. Domingo 
 if the French government chose it. It possesses 
 advantages far superior in many respects to that 
 unhappy country. It would form a fine military 
 position in any war that may ensue in the Indies. 
 Its productions are infinitely more various — laboi ' 
 would be cheaper — its extent is more considerable — 
 and it would afford a good retreat to those Americans 
 who, having lost every thing by the revolution, are 
 now dependant on our government, who might dis- 
 tribute lands amongst them, and the means of con- 
 veyance and temporary existence there." 
 
 " Many of the inhabitants of the Isles of France 
 and Bourbon, who do not understand their true 
 interests, imagine, that if France undertake to colo- 
 nize IVIadagascar, it will interfere with their property ; 
 and that all the interest of the government, arising 
 from their intercourse with the Indian colonies, being 
 concentrated on a spot which would stand in need of 
 all its protection, the other isles would be absolutely 
 neglected. These alarms are unfounded; for the 
 government can never have a more direct interest in 
 protecting the Mauritius and Bourbon, than when 
 having a more important colony in their neighbour- 
 hood, they may fear that an enemy will annoy them 
 in the possession of the principal by seizing the envi- 
 rons. Besides, the Isle of France can be considered 
 only as a military post, and Bourbon as its magazine.
 
 254 
 
 If France have no other possessions in India — if 
 siie determine not to invade Madagascar — and if 
 her Asiatic commerce must remain upon the same 
 footing as at present, she ought immediately to 
 abandon two burdensome isles which are not worth 
 the expense of governing, and of the protection they 
 demand, only inasmuch as they will serve alternately 
 for posts of attack and defence.*'" 
 
 Whatever professions the French may have made 
 of their love of liberty, they do not seem at this, 
 more than any former period, to have had much idea 
 of extendino; the blessings of it to other nations. 
 The desire of aggrandisement seems to have super- 
 seded every principle of justice and humanity. The 
 experience of the past too, had thrown but little 
 light into their minds ; for we here find an accredited 
 agent of the French government, coolly talking of 
 invading one of the largest islands in the world, 
 whose prowess they had had many opportunities of 
 feeling, and whose jealousy was never to be over- 
 reached. Such an attempt, had it been made, would 
 have met with no better success than the former ones. 
 It is true the reins of government in France, had 
 
 * We have given a literal translation of this curious passage, 
 which affords the strongest possible illustration of the truth of 
 Benyowsky's narrative, as it respects the conduct of the 
 government at the Isle of France : and it sets the folly of the 
 French minister of that period in a striking light, in consigning 
 the care of providing for the infant colony at Madagascar, to a 
 set of men who had every inducement to prevent its success.
 
 255 
 
 been seized by one whose energy and perseverance 
 were carried to excess, and who, if he had resolved on 
 the conquest of Madagascar, and a continuation of 
 peace had favoured the enterprise, w^ould have ven- 
 tured much to carry it into execution. But the 
 distance at which Madagascar lies from France, the 
 jealousy of the neighbouring colonies, and the in- 
 creasing vigilance of the natives, would have baffled 
 the attempt. Though easily beaten, that people will 
 never be conquered; but, secure in their forests and 
 lofty mountains, which are inaccessible to Europeans, 
 they possess the means of continually annoying an 
 enemy, and thereby preventing his reaping any 
 advantage from the possession of the country. 
 
 Other projects soon called off the attention of the 
 French from the subject of colonizing Madagascar. 
 The war broke out in Europe with greater violence 
 than ever, during which, instead of increasing the 
 number of her dependencies, notwithstanding her 
 extensive success at home, France saw her colonies 
 fall one after another into the hands of her perse- 
 vering rival. It was long before Great Britain could 
 effect the reduction of the Isles of France and 
 Bourbon. Enffa^ed in extensive maritime enter- 
 prises in the European seas, her fleets were busily 
 employed, and the squadron which was sent against 
 those distant islands, was too weak to effect the 
 purpose. Great bravery was displayed in the engage- 
 ments which took place between the opposing squad- 
 rons, and a landing was effected by the English on
 
 256 
 
 the Isle of France : but an unfortunate circumstance 
 having occasioned the destruction of some of the 
 British ships, the troops who had landed, were 
 obliged to surrender, having no hopes of relief. The 
 French flag therefore rode triumphant in those seas 
 for a time. 
 
 In 1 807, a party of Frenchmen went from the Isle 
 01 France to form an establishment at Foule Pointe; 
 but having unfortunately chosen the sickly season for 
 the expedition, they were taken off almost to a man 
 by the fever. 
 
 The continual interruption which the British East- 
 India trade experienced from the French cruisers, 
 rendered it absolutely necessary for the government 
 to effect the reduction of their strong holds in the 
 Isle of France. This annoyance continued long after 
 the French power on the Continent of India was 
 annihilated, and was carried to an alarming extent. 
 It was calculated that the value of the prizes carried 
 into the Isle of France in ten years, amounted to 
 two millions and a half. The vessels thus taken were 
 emptied of their cargoes, and sold to the Arabs, by 
 whom they were afterwards taken to Calcutta and 
 resold. At length, in 1810, a competent expedition 
 was fitted out and despatched against the Isle of 
 France, which succeeded in reducing it. Nor did 
 they meet with that vigorous resistance which they 
 expected. After a short contest, the governor offered 
 to capitulate, and finally surrendered the place. There 
 were at that period in the harbour, six frigates, three
 
 257 
 
 Indiamen, and twenty-four large merchant vessels, 
 all of which fell of course into the hands of the 
 victors. Soon after, the Isle of Bourbon also was 
 taken possession of by the British. 
 
 As soon as these important posts were reduced, 
 the British sent a detachment to Foule Point, and 
 another to Tamatave, to take possession of the posts 
 previously occupied by the French.* They found 
 the natives well satisfied with the change that had 
 taken place. Those who inhabited the western coast, 
 had long been accustomed to receive visits from the 
 British, whose Indiamen made a point of touching at 
 St. Andrew's or St. Augustine's Bay, for the purpose 
 of laying in a stock of fresh provisions and water; 
 and the integrity and punctuality the natives always 
 experienced in their dealings with them, had excited 
 the most favourable opinion in their minds. This 
 opinion, it seems, had long existed ; for as early as 
 the year 1720, when Drury was at Madagascar, the 
 inhabitants of that part of the country which lies round 
 St. Augustine's Bay, looked upon the English as 
 their best friends, while a Frenchman was sure to be 
 massacred if he made his appearance. The change, 
 therefore, which had taken place as to the possession of 
 the two neighbouring islands, was very far from being 
 disagreeable to the Madegasses, and they have ever 
 since shewn the greatest respect towards the British. 
 
 * The detachment sent to Tamatave, arrived in the sickly 
 season, in consequence of which most of them w^ere taken off 
 by the fever.
 
 258 
 
 When the peace took place in 1814, the Isle of 
 Bourbon (which had changed its name to that of 
 Re-union) was ceded to the French in virtue of the 
 treaty which was concluded ; but the Isle of France 
 (or Mauritius, as it is now more generally called) still 
 continued in the possession of the English. 
 
 Soon after this period, a proclamation was issued 
 by Governor Farquhar, taking possession of the 
 island of Madagascar, in the name of his Britannic 
 Majesty, as one of the dependencies of the Mauritius. 
 This circumstance appears to have given great offence 
 to the governor of Bourbon, Monsieur Bouvet de 
 Lozier, who loudly protested against such an act, on 
 the ground that that island had not been formally 
 ceded to Great Britain by the treaty of peace which 
 was finally ratified in 1815. This was at best but a 
 negative objection, for he acknowledges in the same 
 paragraph, that France has no claim whatever to the 
 sovereignty of Madagascar, and therefore she could 
 lose no right by IVIr. Farquhar 's proceeding. But the 
 truth is, M. Bouvet de Lozier, like the rest of his 
 countrymen who had preceded him, possessed a large 
 portion of jealousy, and probably felt not a little 
 galled to see a superior power at his elbow. He 
 must also be fully aware, how very unpopular the 
 French were become in IVIadagascar by their impo- 
 litic proceedings ; and the diametrically opposite con- 
 duct of the British, who, instead of oppressing and 
 enslaving, sought constantly to enlighten and civilize 
 the natives, formed so strong a contrast, that he
 
 259 
 
 began to fear the profitable intercourse they had so 
 long held with that island would soon cease. Another 
 circumstance also probably influenced his mind on 
 this occasion. The Isle of Bourbon, as well as the 
 Mauritius, was deeply involved in the slave-trade, 
 which the British government had renounced ; and 
 Governor Farquhar made no scruple of avowing 
 his detestation of that abominable traffic. Now it is 
 very possible that De Lozier might suspect that some 
 exertions would be made to effect the abolition of 
 the slave-trade in Madagascar, should the British, 
 with their growing influence, gain the ascendancy 
 there, which would materially affect the French 
 dealers in human flesh and blood. It therefore 
 became him, who was placed there to protect their 
 interests, and who had no troublesome scruples upon 
 the subject, to enter his protest against Mr. Farqu- 
 har 's proceedings. The event fully justified his fears, 
 and we will give him his full share of credit for 
 vigilance and foresight, however deficient he may 
 have been in humanity. 
 
 Be this as it may, we find the worthy Governor 
 Farquhar, steadily persevering in the course he had 
 adopted, and without regarding the clamours of those 
 who wanted to be his enemies, exerting himself to 
 promote the welfare of every honest man under his 
 protection.* 
 
 • This task was attended with no little difficulty; much 
 opposition was made to the regulations, and at one period a 
 conspiracy was formed and nearly matured, for extirpating the 
 
 S 2
 
 260 
 
 In 1815, a party was sent over to form an 
 establishment at Port Louquez*, with the consent of 
 the neighbouring chiefs. An unfortunate circum- 
 stance, however, occasioned the destruction of the 
 whole party. It appears, one of the petty chiefs, 
 named Chichipi, was disappointed in not receiving a 
 present from the settlers, and went to a Mr. Burch, 
 who was appointed to superintend the settlement, to 
 demand a piece of blue cloth. This demand met 
 with a refusal ; a quarrel ensued, and some abusive 
 language having been used by the chief towards 
 Burch, the latter was imprudent enough to strike him ; 
 upon which one of the British party was instantly 
 shot. The affair, however, was, by the intervention 
 of the friendly chiefs, made up, apparently to the 
 satisfaction of Chichipi, who requested Mr. Burch 
 and his party to meet him the next morning to settle 
 the matter in a more formal manner. Not suspect- 
 ing any treachery, Burch complied, and they went 
 unarmed to the place appointed for the meeting. 
 But while engaged in the negociation, a signal was 
 given by Chichipi, upon which a party of armed 
 
 British from the Mauritius. Happily the plot was discovered, 
 and the conspirators were placed under confinement. The 
 firmness displayed by Governor Farquhar on this and all 
 occasions, and also by Mr. Hall, who was left in command, 
 when the former returned to England to submit his plans to the 
 British government, secured them from any fresh attempts. 
 
 * This Port lies towards the north-eastern extremity of the 
 island.
 
 261 
 
 natives advanced and massacred evei'y man except 
 one, who was wounded, but exerted himself so far as 
 to reach the sea shore, where he threw himself in 
 and was picked up by a boat. He was, however, so 
 much exhausted with loss of blood and fatigue, that 
 he died shortly after. 
 
 As soon as this melancholy affair came to be 
 known at the Mauritius, Governor Farquhar sent a 
 deputation under the command of Captain Legatt, to 
 make enquiry concerning it. They soon learned that 
 Chichipi was the only chief implicated in the busi- 
 ness, and that his infamous conduct was so far from 
 being approved by the rest, that he was obliged to 
 abscond with his accomplices, and for some time 
 subsisted in the woods, not daring to appear in 
 society. He was shortly after apprehended by the 
 natives, and having undergone a regular trial, was 
 condemned by the tribunal of the country, and ex- 
 ecuted upon the spot where the massacre took place, 
 although nearly alHed to several chiefs. Two others, 
 who were principals in the business, and whose names 
 were Samireci and Cassar, were condemned by the same 
 court, but they found means to conceal themselves so 
 as that their place of retreat was not discovered. 
 
 Governor Farquhar was so well convinced by 
 these proceedings, of the friendly disposition of the 
 chiefs, that another party was sent to establish 
 themselves at Louquez. As soon as they arrived, 
 the neighbouring chiefs voluntarily came forward and 
 tendered their friendship and alliance. Nor was this
 
 262 
 
 all: considering that the unhappy affair which had 
 taken place, required more ample amends, they 
 ceded to the settlers an extensive tract of land and 
 large herds of cattle, the former being guaranteed to 
 them by a solemn act of cabar, in right of a previous 
 purchase. 
 
 Thus ended this unfortunate affair, and ever since 
 the British have been upon the most amicable terms 
 with the natives.
 
 263 
 
 CHAP. XXI. 
 
 Two Native Chiefs sent to the Mauritius for Education — 
 Character of Radama, King of Ova — His zeal for the 
 Civilization of his People — Proclaims the Abolition of 
 the Slave-Trade — Not obeyed — Embassy of Mr. Hastie 
 for the purpose of treating with Radama for the 
 Abolition — Arrival of the Deputation at Tamatave 
 — Journey to Ova — Public Reception — Various Con- 
 ferences on the Subject of the Abolition — Firmness of 
 the King in demanding Instruction for Ms People, and 
 the prudent Conduct of Mr. Hastie — The Abolition 
 finally determined on, and the Proclamation published 
 — Joy of the Natives — Important Consequences — 
 Concluding Refections. 
 
 In the year 1816, in the month of September, the 
 two brothers of Radama, the king of Ova*, were 
 sent to the Mauritius to be instructed in an 
 English education. The names of these young 
 
 * From the account given by the Kev. Mr. Jones of the situa- 
 tion of Tananarive, the capital of Ova, or rather of his route thither, 
 that district lies nearly in the centre of the island. The reader 
 will find Tananarive in the map; but as it is not inserted in any 
 other maps that we have seen, we cannot of course speak to 
 the exact correctness of its situation ; if, however, Mr. J.'s 
 account is correct, there cannot be any great error in the spot 
 we have fixed on.
 
 264 
 
 princes were Maroutatique and Rhaovi, the former 
 ten, and the latter eleven years of age. In the 
 acquisition of learning, they displayed considerable 
 parts, and having now returned to their native island, 
 great expectations are entertained of the beneficial 
 result of their visit. 
 
 Radama appears to be a man of very superior 
 understanding and talents for governing. He is 
 about thirty years of age, of an affable and cheerful 
 disposition, and of a strong intelligent mind. In 
 his intercourse with his subjects, he is kind and 
 familiar, and they almost adore him. He speaks 
 French, and has also some little knowledge of English, 
 and has a great desire to have the latter taught 
 generally amongst his people. 
 
 The idea of civilizing the island of Madagascar, 
 has taken such strong possession of his mind, that he 
 has determined to make any sacrifice in order to 
 accomplish it. At the period of which we have just 
 spoken, his intercourse with the English began to 
 open his eyes to the true state of the IVIadegasses, 
 and to the means necessary to civilize them.* 
 
 * The conduct of Governor Farquhar towards the Made- 
 gasses is above all praise; and while it has attached the hearts 
 of that simple and affectionate people to him and his country- 
 men, it reflects the highest honour upon the British nation. We 
 trust the worthy governor will live to see, in a still greater 
 degree, the happy effects of the moderation and benevolence he 
 has manifested in his conduct towards them : at this period it 
 influenced the native chiefs so far, as to induce them to renounce
 
 265 
 
 There cannot be a more noble sight, than a man in 
 high station, and possessing great influence over those 
 below him, studying to promote their welfare. But 
 the grandeur of such an object is far more striking 
 when the previous habits and intercourse, and the 
 immediate personal interest of the acting character, 
 are directly opposed to such an attempt. Peter 
 the Great burst asunder the chains of barbarism 
 in Russia, and in a very few years laid a solid foun- 
 dation for that system of civilization and freedom, 
 which is rapidly advancing under its present monarch. 
 Every one must allow that to have been a splendid 
 instance of decision and perseverance ; but after all, 
 that Prince cannot be said to have acted upon 
 original ideas, — he was brought up amongst books ; 
 and if in the earlier part of his life he had not 
 mixed in foreign society, he had become well versed 
 in the history of other nations, particularly that of 
 England, which certainly served him for his model. 
 Whatever, therefore, his acuteness and strength of 
 mind were, those qualities were enlarged and called 
 into exercise by the constant contemplation of ex- 
 ample. 
 
 their annual attack on the island of Johanna and the Comoros, 
 This change, which we have before alhided to, was effected 
 about the year 1816, soon after the unfortunate affair at Port 
 Loquez; and the vohmtary reHnquishraent of such a source of 
 advantages, upon the bare representation of Governor F., indi- 
 cates a degree of moral feeling that few would expect to find 
 amongst a race of savages.
 
 266 
 
 But it is otherwise with the prince we are writing 
 of. Bred up from his infancy amongst savages, he 
 had never been taught to appreciate the value of 
 civiHzed society, — ^while the large revenue which he 
 derived from the slave-trade was calculated to harden 
 his mind against any improvement in the condition of 
 his people. Notwithstanding this, no sooner were 
 the advantages of civilization presented to his view in 
 a proper light, than he determined to effect the eman- 
 cipation of Madagascar, and to spare neither pains 
 nor expense in the prosecution of his design. The 
 first step towards it we have just related in the sup- 
 pression of the predatory attacks on Johanna. This 
 was effected by a proclamation of Radama, who at 
 the same time issued another, commanding the aboli- 
 tion of the slave-trade. At that period, however, it 
 appears the prince did not possess sufficient authority 
 to enforce his orders. It was indeed a dangerous 
 step to take. The trade had been so long established, 
 and was so completely interwoven with the whole 
 system of civil, military, and political policy in the 
 island, that the chiefs, who derived the principal part 
 of their revenues from that source, were determined 
 to counteract the design ; and had the young prince, 
 whose power was then less extensive than at present, 
 persisted in enforcing it, the consequences would pro- 
 bably have been fatal to him. So little indeed was 
 the proclamation regarded, that, from the time of its 
 promulgation, to the vear 1818, (about two years), 
 upwards of seventeen hundred slaves had been sent
 
 267 
 
 from thence to the Mauritius alone*. Madagascar 
 was therefore destined still to suffer from the effects 
 of the slave-trade — but it was for a short time. The 
 intercourse which the king of Ova kept up with the 
 British was of such a nature, that fresh light broke in 
 upon his mind daily ; and, in the mean time, his power 
 and influence over the natives continually increased ; 
 until, in the year 1820, a fresh proposal of a treaty 
 for the total abolition of the slave-trade, was made by 
 the governor of the Mauritius ; and Mr. Hastie was 
 appointed commissioner to undertake the management 
 of the affair. That gentleman sailed from the Mau- 
 ritius the beginning of September, having attached to 
 his suite the Rev. Mr. Jones, a missionary, who had 
 previously visited the island. As we shall have occa- 
 sion to give an account of this gentleman's mission in 
 the Appendix, and as Mr. Jones's undertaking was not 
 of a political nature, we shall not anticipate that part of 
 our work. The deputation arrived at Madagascar on 
 the 9th, when they landed at Tamatave. The chief of 
 this place, named Jean Ren^, was brother to the king 
 of Ova. He received them in a very courteous man- 
 ner, but informed them that his brother was then en- 
 gaged in a war against some of the southern chiefs. 
 
 * This account, which is taken from a letter of the Rev. Mr. 
 Sevan's, as published in the Transactions of the Missionary 
 Society, will give the reader some idea of the extent of the traffic, 
 and of the consequent miseries it must, for a long series of years, 
 have entailed upon Madagascar.
 
 268 
 
 and that he himself was at war both in the north and 
 south. The commissioner also learned that both the 
 natives and Europeans at Tamatave, who were inter- 
 ested in the slave-trade, were resolved to do all in their 
 power to prevent his proceeding to the interior, and 
 thus, if possible, to frustrate the design of his embassy. 
 
 The scene which presented itself at Tamatave, and 
 the neighbourhood, was of the most heart-rending de- 
 scription. Two slave vessels had just made up their 
 cargoes, and sailed a few days after the arrival of the 
 British ; but there were a great number of slave- 
 dealers waiting the arrival of more victims, who were 
 expected from the interior, the fruits of the wars 
 which then prevailed. Mr. Hastie despatched a mes- 
 senger to the king of Ova, informing him of his arrival, 
 having previously learned that his Majesty had re- 
 turned victorious to his capital. 
 
 After having refreshed and rested themselves, they 
 set off on their journey, on the 16th of September, 
 towards Tananarive, the capital of Ova. The me- 
 thod of travelling is in palanquins, made like a chair, 
 fixed in the centre of two poles, which are carried on 
 the shoulders of four bearers (Marmites); upwards of 
 sixty of these bearers were employed to carry Mr. 
 Hastie's party, with their luggage. On their route 
 thither, the calculations of the slave dealers at Tama- 
 tave, were too fully realized ; for they met upwards 
 of thirteen hundred slaves, fettered and chained toge- 
 ther, who were proceeding from Ova to the former 
 place for sale !
 
 269 
 
 On their arrival at Ambohitrim*, Mr. Hastie 
 received an answer to the letter he had sent to the 
 king, in which his Majesty expressed great pleasure 
 at his arrival in Madagascar : he also was pleased to 
 assure him of a safe protection for himself and his 
 suite, and requested him to make no delay in repair- 
 ing to his capital. 
 
 After travelling about two hundred and seventy 
 miles, in the course of which they crossed a great 
 number of rivers, lakes, and mountains, — passing also 
 many large and strongly fortified towns and villages, 
 they arrived, on the third of October, at the foot of 
 the mountain on which Tananarive is situated. 
 Here they were ordered to wait the pleasure of his 
 Majesty ; and soon after their arrival, the cannon on 
 the hill were fired. At one o'clock, two persons, 
 mounted t and dressed as field officers, came down the 
 hill, and informed the deputation that the king would 
 be ready to receive them at four o'clock, in a public 
 
 * Mr. Jones has spelt this Amhivhitiivi ; but that orthogra- 
 phy is by no means similar to the Madegasse language : and as 
 the town referred to lies amongst the Ambohitsmene, or Red 
 Mountains, it probably bears the same name. 
 
 t No mention, whatever, of horses, as being used on the 
 island, has been made before ; nor have we found, in any of the 
 French writers, an account of their being conveyed thither, ex- 
 cept in one instance, viz. when Chamargou was governor. It 
 appears he generally rode on horseback, and such was the sur- 
 prise and terror of the natives, when they first saw that noble 
 animal, which was at a battle, that though ten thousand strong, 
 they instantly fled, giving it the name of Dian Belische, or King 
 of the Devils.
 
 270 
 
 manner. The two princes, who had been to the Mau- 
 ritius to be educated, next came to pay their respects 
 to their tutor, Mr. Hastie, who, it seems, had super- 
 intended their education. Then came the king's 
 secretary, who informed them that his Majesty was 
 rejoicing exceedingly at the news of their arrival, and 
 that they were to ascend the hill precisely at four 
 o'clock. 
 
 As soon as that hour arrived, a messenger came 
 down to acquaint them that his Majesty was ready to 
 receive them, and they immediately began to ascend 
 the hill, when a cannon at the summit was fired. 
 The deputation passed through two lines of soldiers, 
 which reached from the centre of the hill to the royal 
 palace, and who presented arms. Within the court- 
 yard of the donac, was a band of drums and shells, 
 to the sound of which, numbers of the people were 
 dancing. As soon as the deputation entered the 
 court-yard, the king ran to receive Mr. Hastie with 
 great expressions of satisfaction and joy. The latter 
 gentleman saluted his Majesty in the usual manner, 
 by bending one knee, kissing his hand, and laying 
 thereon a piece of gold, saying, Manassin a toumpaca- 
 lahiy or ' Token of respect to you, master!' He then in- 
 troduced Mr. Jones and the rest of his company, who 
 saluted him in the same manner. They then entered 
 the palace, and were invited by the king to take their 
 seats at a table, on which a plentiful repast was pre- 
 pared ; his Majesty sat at the head of it, having Mr. 
 Hastie on his right, and Mr. Jones on his left hand.
 
 271 
 
 He appeared quite in an ecstacy of joy on the occasion, 
 and treated them with the profoundest respect, en- 
 quiring concerning his Britannic Majesty, Governor 
 Farquhar, &c. When they departed from the palace, 
 they were conducted to a large well-built house, which 
 had been prepared for their reception. 
 
 The next morning his Majesty paid them a visit in 
 their new habitation, when Mr. Hastie presented to 
 him a letter and present from Governor Farquhar. 
 The two princes also received letters and presents 
 from his Excellency, with which they were greatly 
 pleased. 
 
 During the interval from the 4th to the 8th of Oc- 
 tober, Mr. Hastie held several conferences with his 
 Majesty, on the subject of the treaty for the abolition 
 of the slave-trade, but nothing decisive was agreed to. 
 It seems a grand cabar had been convened on that 
 day, the king being desirous of knowing the senti- 
 ments of his chiefs on the subject. 
 
 To this council Mr. Hastie was invited, and having 
 first explained to the chiefs the nature of his own mis- 
 sion, and then that of Mr. Jones, who was also present, 
 he descanted upon the disinterested conduct of the 
 English, in thus seeking an alliance with them ; and 
 pointed out the many and great advantages the nation 
 would derive from their friendship, if they complied 
 with his request ; and the evils which would unavoid- 
 ably ensue from the further prosecution of a traffic so 
 disgraceful and inhuman as the slave-trade, carried on 
 as it was in a country so rich in resources, which, if
 
 272 
 
 the proposed treaty were ratified, would rise in great- 
 ness, render the monarch powerful, and his people 
 happy. 
 
 In answer to this representation, the king pointed 
 out the necessity of instructing his people in order to 
 give them a clear idea of the advantages of the treaty, 
 of which he himself was fully sensible. Mr. Hastie 
 replied, that as long as slavery was permitted, it could 
 not reasonably be expected that persons capable of 
 instructing his people, would settle amongst them, at 
 the risk of their own offspring becoming the property 
 perhaps of their next neighbour. — " Stop the slave- 
 trade," said Mr. Hastie, " and you will have people 
 of every nation visiting your country. The Isle of 
 France is not peopled by French or English only. 
 On the contrary, you find there people from every 
 quarter of the globe, because our king and consti- 
 tution afford equal protection to all." He then 
 stated that Governor Farquhar would receive his 
 free subjects for instruction, and send some good 
 artizans with the requisite implements ; but that it 
 must be his Majesty's own act alone, which would 
 induce men of talent and ability to settle in the 
 country and improve the people. 
 
 The following day the king, who had been in 
 consultation with his ministers from day-light, con- 
 vened the principal chiefs in the district, and sent 
 also to his grandfather. At four o'clock he sent for 
 Mr. Hastie and Mr. Jones, to attend the cabar, 
 where a multitude of persons were assembled. He
 
 273 
 
 told them he had maturely considered what had been 
 said on the subject of the treaty, and repeated what he 
 had urged before, of the necessity of his people being 
 instructed ; and requested permission to send some of 
 them to England for that purpose. Mr. Hastie 
 promised that every means should be taken to pro- 
 mote the instruction of his people, and, adverting to 
 Mr. Jones, and the object of his mission, pointed out 
 what had been effected in the South- Sea Islands, 
 \^here, through the agency of a few missionaries, 
 idolatry had been abolished, Christianity embraced, 
 wars put a stop to, and the arts of civil life introduced. 
 These representations made a strong impression 
 on the mind of Radama. On the following day, he 
 sent a letter to Mr. Hastie, addressed to Governor 
 Farquhar, stating his anxiety to conclude the pro- 
 posed treaty ; but as nothing but instruction could 
 alleviate the misery of his subjects, and enable them 
 to perceive the advantages of the abolition of the 
 slave-trade, he could agree to the treaty only on 
 condition that he should be allowed to send some 
 of his people to the Mauritius and England, 
 and that artificers should be sent to IVIadagascar. 
 Mr. Hastie replied, that he w'as authorised by his 
 Excellency, to promise artificers, and to take back 
 some of his people for education, but beyond this he 
 had no authority. The king sent again, requiring 
 that twenty persons should be sent to England, 
 as he was persuaded nothing but such a stipulation 
 would reconcile his subjects to the abandonment 
 
 T
 
 274 
 
 of the slave-trade. After consulting with Mr. Jones, 
 who observed, that it was probable the Missionary 
 Society would take some of the proposed jNIadegasses 
 under its protection for education, Mr. Hastie agreed 
 that six of his Majesty's free subjects should be sent 
 to England. To this proposal Radama replied, he 
 would see them again in the evening. 
 
 The conference was renewed at the time appointed. 
 Many of the ministers were present, when ]\lr. 
 Hastie went over the arguments he had already em- 
 ployed, placing them in the clearest light. He told 
 his Majesty that he was set over his people to 
 govern them, and do every thing to promote their 
 welfare ; that he was responsible to the Divine Being 
 for what he did ; that that Being was able to remove 
 him from his throne, as he had done in the case of 
 Buonaparte, and to give it to another who would rule 
 his people with wisdom, so as to alleviate their 
 miseries, and render them happy, like the people of 
 Britain. 
 
 The king, who listened attentively to all that was 
 advanced, appeared convinced, and promised to give 
 his final answer the following day. After this con- 
 ference he sat up with his ministers till a late iiour, 
 debating upon the same subject. 
 
 The next morning, being the 11 th of October, he sent 
 Mr. Hastie his final determination ; which was, that 
 the treaty should be signed that day, and the former 
 proclamation, requiring the immediate cessation of the 
 slave-trade, republished, provided Mr. Hastie agreed
 
 275 
 
 to take twenty of his subjects for instruction ; ten to 
 proceed to the Mauritius, and the other ten to 
 England. The critical moment which was to decide 
 the welfare of millions, was now arrived : it was an 
 awful one for the British agent, and such he felt it to 
 be. A momentar}' struggle took place in his mind, 
 occasioned by the appeal of benevolence in behalf of 
 a suffering people on the one hand, and the conse- 
 quence of going beyond the authority with which he 
 was invested on the other. The contest however was 
 short : with a magnanimity which has conferred eter- 
 nal honour on his name, after consulting with Mr. 
 Jones, who possessed no power or authority to go 
 beyond what he had said the day before, he declared 
 his determination to agree to Radama's proposal, even 
 if he himself were obliged to bear the expenses of the 
 ten Madegasse youths, who were to be sent to 
 England. The treaty was accordingly agreed on, a 
 cabar convened, the proclamation published, and 
 despatches immediately forwarded to the different 
 districts, to put an entire stop to the selling of slaves 
 to merchants for exportation, from their own country. 
 The proclamation was as follows : — 
 
 " Inhabitants of Madagascar ! 
 " You are none of you ignorant of the friendship we 
 enjoy with the governor of Mauritius, and the devoted 
 attachment we have avowed to him : his attention, 
 unlike that of all other foreign nations, which have 
 visited our shores, has been directed to increase our 
 
 T 2
 
 276 
 
 happiness and prosperity : he has never deprived us 
 of our rights and properties — he has not suffered the 
 white men to carry off our children into slavery — he has 
 sent us people to teach us arts and industry unknown 
 to us before; to defend us against our enemies, and 
 to prevent famine by a more extended cultivation. 
 We are happier and safer since the establishment of 
 British dominion in our neighbourhood, and we are 
 grateful to our good Father, who has procured for us 
 these blessings. 
 
 " His nation and king have made laws to prevent you 
 from being carried out of your island into slavery; 
 and he has punished such of the whites as have pre- 
 sumed to violate this law. 
 
 " He has called on us to assist him in this work for 
 our own benefit, and he has promised his powerful 
 assistance to punish such as may be refractory or 
 disobedient. 
 
 " We willingly agree to this proposal of our Father ; 
 and we humbly declare, that if any of our subjects, or 
 persons depending on our power, shall henceforward 
 be guilty of selling any slave or other person, for the 
 purpose of being transported from the island of 
 Madagascar, the person guilty shall be punished by 
 being reduced to slavery himself, and his property 
 shall be forfeited to me. 
 
 " Let my subjects then, who have slaves, employ 
 them in planting rice and other provisions, and in 
 taking care of their flocks and herds — in collecting 
 bees-wax and gums, and in manufacturing cloths and
 
 277 
 
 Other articles which they can sell. I set them the 
 first example myself, by abandoning the tax payable 
 to me upon the sale of slaves for exportation. 
 
 " I direct my brother Jean Ren6, and o th erchiefs 
 upon the sea-coasts, to seize for their own use and 
 profit, all such slaves as may be attempted to be 
 exported in their respective provinces : they will also 
 give every support and assistance to the government 
 agent of Mauritius, in the execution of his duties. 
 
 " I command all my subjects and dependants, and 
 invite all my allies, to abstain from any maritime 
 predatory excursions whatever ; and, more particularly, 
 neither to practise nor allow of any attack or attempt 
 upon the friends of our ally, the British nation. 
 
 " It has been usual to make an annual attack upon 
 the Sultan of Johanna and the Comoro Islands. Our 
 good friend, the governor of Mauritius, dissolved the 
 meditated attack of last year * ; and we now join with 
 him in forbidding any further enmity to the king, or 
 inhabitants of the Comoro Archipelago, or other 
 islands on the coast of Africa, or north Archipelago, 
 under the pain of our most severe displeasure ; and of 
 incurring the punishment due to pirates, of whatever 
 nation or people they may be. 
 
 " Such is my will; — let it be known to every in- 
 habitant of this island ; it is for their own happiness 
 and their own safety, to pay obedience to this pro- 
 clamation. (Signed) " Radama." 
 
 " October 23, 1817. 
 " Renewed, October 11, 1820." 
 
 * See p. 264.— Note.
 
 278 
 
 It is impossible to give an adequate idea of the 
 effect the signing of the agreement produced : thou- 
 sands of natives were assembled around the palace, 
 waiting, with the most anxious suspense, the deter- 
 mination of an affair, which involved consequences of 
 such vast importance to their future welfare. But, as 
 soon as the happy result was announced, and the 
 British flag hoisted in union with that of Madagascar, 
 a burst of transport, the spontaneous tribute of a 
 grateful and feeling people to their monarch for the 
 gift of liberty, shook the palace, and overpowered the 
 thunder of the cannon which were firing on the hill. 
 Every eye, every countenance beamed with delight ; 
 every heart swelled with grateful emotion ; and in the 
 midst of the exhilarating scene, the British agents in 
 this work of benevolence and humanity, were beheld 
 with almost as much veneration as if they had de- 
 scended from heaven to confer the blessing of freedom 
 upon man ; — enviable indeed must have been their 
 feelings on that occasion. If one situation in life is 
 better calculated than all others, to raise an human 
 being above every selfish consideration, and to pour 
 into the heart a tlood of overwhelming sensations of 
 delight, it is such an one as that in ^^ hich these good 
 men found themselves, when, with tears of joy in their 
 eyes, they beheld the happiness of the people around 
 them, and reflected on the immense consequences that 
 must result from the transaction of the last few mo- 
 ments that had so quickly glided into eternity. * 
 
 * We recollect but one instance in modern history that can 
 be compared with if, — but one man whose public acts could
 
 279 
 
 Immediately after the signing of the agreement, his 
 Majesty ordered the necessary preparations to be made 
 for the fulfihnent of its conditions ; and a few days after, 
 the selection took place of the young persons to be sent 
 to England and the Mauritius for education. A great 
 competition ensued as to whose children should 
 have the king's permission to go, it being considered 
 a very high honour. Such was the eagerness mani- 
 fested, that one person said he would give three 
 thousand dollars for permission to send his child : 
 " Well," said the king, " give me fifteen hundred, 
 and he shall go." After a little hesitation, the man 
 answered he would give that sum. " Well," rejoined 
 the king, "as you are in earnest, and sincere in your 
 request, he shall go for nothing." The selection 
 was made from amongst the children of the richest 
 and most respectable people in the capital. Princes 
 Rataffe, and Endrian Semisate, brothers-in-law to 
 Radama, were deputed to conduct these youths to 
 their destination, the former to England, and the 
 latter to the Mauritius. 
 
 As soon as the treaty was promulgated, the slaves, 
 which had been conveyed to the coast for the purpose 
 of being exported, were sent back into the interior 
 to be employed in husbandry and other domestic 
 
 render him the subject of similar feelings. We need only 
 mention the name of Clarkson, and the " Abolition," and 
 the Reader's grateful reflections will supply the rest. The cir- 
 cumstance we have been relating, is an additional triumph to 
 that great man.
 
 280 
 
 occupations. Such was the vigilance of the officers 
 appointed to superintend the observance of the pro- 
 clamation, that not a slave was sold or sent out of the 
 country, and the European slave-dealers -were con- 
 strained to retire confounded and dismayed at their 
 disappointment. 
 
 Prince Rataffe, who was to accompany the youths 
 destined for England, arrived in this country with 
 his charge, some time in the spring of the present 
 year (1821), and committed them to the protection 
 of the directors of the London Missionary Society. 
 After staying a few months, during which he was 
 gratified with a sight of everything in London 
 worthy of observation, he departed again for his native 
 country, in company with several persons whose in- 
 tention was to settle at Madagascar. 
 
 We have now brought the political liistory of this 
 interesting people down to the present period; and 
 after having gone through such a detail of perfidy and 
 cruelty, as well on the part of the natives, as their 
 invaders; the Reader will feel relieved and gratified, 
 to leave them in so imposing an attitude, as it respects 
 both their moral and political state. With regard to 
 the former, they appear before us, relieved from a 
 scourge which has for ages brutalized their character, 
 cramped their energies and talents, and prevented 
 their improvement. Their country is now free of 
 access to men of liberal and enlightened minds ; and 
 when the amiable dispositions of the natives, and the
 
 281 
 
 ample resources for commercial and scientific specula- 
 tion, come to be generally known, it will undoubtedly 
 be visited by many who have hitherto been kept away 
 by the dark character its inhabitants assumed, under 
 the baneful influence of the slave-trade. Taught by 
 bitter experience to doubt the sincerity of Europeans, 
 and to consider them as their greatest enemies, the 
 Madegasses have hitherto presented the appearance 
 of a beast of prey — tamed, it is true, but possessing the 
 power and disposition to revenge the first slight insult, 
 frequently yielding to the suspicion that past treachery 
 had excited, and anticipating such aggression where it 
 was not intended. - It was impossible that any effec- 
 tual improvement could be made in their condition, 
 while the slave-trade existed. Religion and morality 
 could not be inculcated, while the example of the 
 slave-dealers was so directly opposed to their dictates. 
 Education could not be imparted to a people who 
 were continually shifting their habitation, to avoid 
 the attacks of their powerful neighbours. Agriculture 
 could not be attended to when the crops were every 
 day liable to be destroyed by predatory incursions ; 
 nor would any one have attempted to introduce 
 the civil arts and manufactures under the bare pos- 
 sibility of being carried into slavery. Now, how- 
 ever, the desire of the natives for instruction may be 
 safely gratified ; improvements in agriculture, and a 
 more extensive cultivation of the ground, will undoubt- 
 edly take place. Artizans and manufacturers may now 
 safely settle amongst them, having the certainty of 
 protection from the civil power ; and a cessation of
 
 282 
 
 war, and the consequent incitements to cruelty, being 
 a probable result at no distant period under the present 
 monarch, the natives will have a breathing time for 
 reflection, and for attending to those religious and 
 moral duties which hitherto have neither been im- 
 parted, nor have they had the opportunity of receiving 
 them. 
 
 As to their political state, it is absolutely anomalous. 
 It is the only country in the world possessing such 
 resources and capabilities of every kind, that is not 
 either appropriated by an European power, or from 
 which some one of them does not derive a portion of 
 its resources. Our fleets and armies have traversed 
 the globe from one side to the other, until there is 
 scarcely a considerable spot but may be accurately 
 described from recent observation. But of this coun- 
 try comparatively noth'wg is known ; and if we wish 
 to obtain authentic information on the subject, we 
 are constrained to refer back to the historical pages 
 of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ; to seek 
 it from such sources as, in any other case, the man of 
 science would either reject with scorn, or refer to, 
 from motives of curiosity alone, to ascertain how far, 
 in those ages of credulity and deception, they fell 
 below the present generation, in accuracy of know- 
 ledge, and fidelity of description. 
 
 Nor is this the only singularity of their case. Hi- 
 therto we have been taught to consider them as a race 
 of savages, possessing no other useful qualifications, 
 as individuals, than physical power; and consequently 
 doomed i)y nature, as well as hard fate, to unceasing
 
 283 
 
 slavery — as incapable of receiving moral instruction, 
 or of comprehending the nature of those political 
 arrangements which distinguish the politer and more 
 intelligent nations of Europe — much less have we 
 believed them susceptible of those moral causes to 
 which the superiority of one nation over another is 
 to be ascribed ; and, consequently, to suppose them 
 desirous of mental iinprovement, as the means of at- 
 taining political greatness, is an idea that, ten years 
 ago, would have been treated with ridicule by any 
 man of common understanding. 
 
 Before, however, their intercourse with Great Bri- 
 tain had existed, the period just mentioned, these 
 islanders have burst upon the view of astonished 
 Europe, as the imitators of their new ally, and the 
 resolute candidates for national greatness ; — wrench- 
 ing off the fetters with which their energies have been 
 confined, — discontinuing those practices which are 
 inconsistent with a state of civilization, — eagerly seek- 
 ing the means of emancipation from ignorance and 
 superstition, — and commencing a political career which 
 bids fair to rival, in substantial greatness and strength, 
 some of those nations who have hitherto treated her 
 with insult and scorn. 
 
 We now find that if Madagascar has remained in 
 a state of barbarism, Europeans have actually caused 
 it. If perfidy and cruelty have marked her character ; 
 if war and rapine have desolated her provinces; if her 
 population has been kept down, and her children 
 transported to foreign climes, to linger out a miserable
 
 284 
 
 existence in unavailing sorrow ; it is European avarice 
 and cupidity that iiave excited it. On the other 
 hand, if she have never till now received moral and 
 relitrious instruction; if she have never been instructed 
 in the arts and manufactures ; if she have never been 
 taught to respect the rights of her neighbours, nor to 
 appreciate the natural advantages she possesses ; — it is 
 because the dissemination of these blessings were to- 
 tally inconsistent with the continuance of that accursed 
 traffic^ which, there is every reason to believe, consti- 
 tuted the main object of France, in retaining posses- 
 sion of her as a dependency. 
 
 Probably some of our readers may think that we 
 have reflected with too much severity on the conduct 
 of the French at Madagascar. We confess we have 
 felt strongly, and have found it difficult to speak in 
 softer language. With regard to their transactions on 
 the island in the first instance, some excuses may be 
 admitted, perhaps, on account of the darkness of the 
 age, and the imperfect knowledge which then existed, 
 of civil and religious liberty ; but when we see men 
 growing in crime as they advance in intelligence, and 
 using their superior knowledge in subjugating, enslav- 
 ing, and tyrannizing over their fellow-creatures, their 
 principles can no longer be doubtful ; and it becomes 
 the duty of every one who has occasion to speak of 
 them, to enter a decided protest against them, an 
 omission of which implies a sanction of their conduct. 
 In the history of Madagascar, the slave-trade forms 
 a prominent feature, as having at least retarded its
 
 285 
 
 civilization ; — and the unprincipled and brutal nature 
 of the trade, renders it impossible to speak in terms 
 too bitter of it and its abettors. There was a period 
 when tlie present French government miglit have 
 retrieved its character, and, without any act of its 
 oxvn^ have confirmed the abolition of the slave-trade — • 
 thereby proving that they had profited by the painful 
 experience of the past five-and-twenty years, and the 
 example of other nations; and were, like them, disposed 
 to make all the atonement in their power for the mise- 
 ries their predecessors had inflicted on the innocent 
 Africans. That period, however, was suffered to 
 elapse without any indication of such feelings; and they 
 have now identified themselves with all the former rob- 
 bers and tyrants of that injured people. If the French 
 government, in restoring the slave-trade, (after it had 
 been abolished by a stroke of policy perfectly unique), 
 intended to present a bonus to the slave-dealers, in 
 order to appease them and ensure their concurrence 
 with the political changes that had transpired, they 
 exhibited a folly and weakness that was worse than 
 puerile. But if it was done with a view of securing 
 the profits arising from its continuance, which were 
 enhanced by the renunciation of the trade by other 
 nations — then their moral guilt is of the most flagitious 
 description, and deserves to be held up to the execra- 
 tion of the whole world, and to be handed down to 
 posterity. Whichever of these motives prevailed, it 
 cannot end well if persisted in. Soon or late it will 
 draw down the vengeance of that God, who weighs
 
 286 
 
 and judges the actions of nations as well as of indivi- 
 duals — who sees the oppressor and his victim, and 
 has, in his Word *, declared his hatred of the crime it 
 is our object to expose. 
 
 With that Almighty power we leave them, per- 
 suaded that every worthy mind would cordially rejoice 
 with us to see other principles prevail, and a final 
 triumph obtained over that accursed feature in Euro- 
 pean policy — the African Slave-trade. 
 
 * 1 Timothy i. 10.
 
 287 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 Of the Natural History of Madagascar — Oxen — Sheep 
 and Goats — Hogs — Porcnjnnes — Beasts of Prey — 
 Monkey Tribes — Cats — Rousette — Of Birds — Domes- 
 tic Fowls — Pheasants, &)C. — Eagles — Wild Fowl — 
 Various Birds — Insects — Breast Leajjer — Snakes — 
 Scorpions, &)C. — Flies — Silk-worms — Fishes — Whales, 
 5fc. 3fc. — Sea Boar — Various. 
 
 The natural history of Madagascar has at present 
 been very imperfectly investigated. The circum- 
 stances referred to at the close of the preceding 
 chapter, have hitherto rendered it a dangerous task 
 for men of science to pursue their researches on the 
 island, and consequently but little is known respecting 
 it. The accounts of the earlier writers are vague and 
 uncertain, and contain little more than the native 
 names, and a bare description of the various animals 
 and plants which the island contains. The study of 
 natural history was then in its infancy, and a know- 
 ledge of it was confined to a very small number; 
 nor was it probable, that men engaged in a series of 
 commercial and military duties, with the care of 
 providing for and defending an infant colony, should 
 find time to attend to scientific pursuits. The first 
 professed naturalist who visited the island, was (we 
 
 #
 
 288 
 
 believe) Commerson, who accompanied M. Bougain- 
 ville in his voyage round the world. That gentleman 
 visited Madagascar in the year 1769, and spent a 
 considerable time in collectino;, arrancrincr, and de- 
 scribing the various plants and vegetables that he 
 met with. His cabinet of preserved plants was 
 carried to the Isle of France ; but his exertions, 
 however praiseworthy and laborious, were not valued 
 so highly as they deserved. After his death, the 
 collection he had made was suffered to fall into 
 decay ; and of the manuscripts he had written on 
 the subject, which would have been an acquisition to 
 future naturalists, nothino; now remains but a few 
 remarks on the plants described by Flacourt*. 
 
 Since that period, several other naturalists have 
 written on the subject; amongst whom the most con- 
 siderable was M. Aubert du Petit Thouars. This 
 gentleman visited the Mauritius ; and although he 
 did not pass over to Madagascar, yet, as a great 
 number of plants and trees from the latter place 
 had been imported into the former, his accounts 
 comprehended them. His work was begun to be 
 published upon his return to France, but owing 
 to unforeseen circumstances, it was sent into the 
 world in an unfinished state ; therefore the natural 
 history of Madagascar has not at present been exhi- 
 bited in a complete form. 
 
 The field for such enquiries is indeed of an exten- 
 sive description ; for Nature has made ample provision 
 
 * Rochon, p. 162.
 
 289 
 
 for the necessities of the animal creation in general, 
 and of man in particular, in this delightful island. 
 A vast variety of the most useful and agreeable 
 fruits, plants, and roots, are profusely scattered around 
 him, affording a gratuitous subsistence, requiring 
 scarcely more exertion than the trouble of gathering. 
 The plains are abundantly furnished with oxen, sheep, 
 and goats. The fields and woods swarm with game 
 of every description, and a variety of quadrupeds 
 fit for food; and the rivers, lakes, and sea-coasts, 
 abound with wild-fowl and the most delicious fish. 
 
 Honey is found in abundance in the woods, and not 
 less than ten or twelve kinds of oil are extracted from 
 various plants and fruits. We shall now present the 
 reader with the detailed account of these various pro- 
 ductions, beginning with the animal creation. 
 
 The different species of quadrupeds are by no 
 means numerous in Madagascar, but there is no 
 scarcity of those which are to be found there. Of 
 the cow kind, there are four varieties described by 
 travellers : — one similar to our English ox in size, 
 shape, and colour, with long horns*; a second, 
 (called by the natives houry) has a round head with- 
 out horns; a third kind has horns hanging quite 
 loose, being fastened by the skin to the head. The 
 fourth variety is the bison, which, though very different 
 from the rest of the cow kind, is ranked by natu- 
 
 * This animal is described by both Flacourt and Drury, as 
 running- wild in the province of Machicones. See Note on 
 p. 84. 
 
 U
 
 290 
 
 ralists amongst them. -It is a formidable animal, its 
 foreparts being very similar to those of a lion. Its 
 skin is black, and it has a long shaggy mane and 
 beard, a small head, fiery eyes, a capacious forehead, 
 and very large horns, the points of which are wide 
 enough apart for three men to sit between them. 
 Behind the shoulders grows a bunch almost as large 
 as that of a camel, covered with hair. In a wild 
 state they are very furious; the natives take them 
 in pits which they cover with boughs of trees. All 
 these species grow very large in Madagascar, and 
 are sometimes found to weigh eight hundred pounds. 
 Their flesh is excellent beef; and a plentiful supply, 
 at a reasonable rate, can always be obtained by our 
 East-India ships whenever they touch at the island. 
 
 Besides these, some travellers have mentioned the 
 buftalo as being found at Madagascar ; but as that 
 animal has often been confounded with the bison, and 
 as Flacourt does not mention it, we may suppose it 
 does not exist there. 
 
 The sheep and goats are plentiful : the former 
 are similar to those found at the Cape of Good 
 Hope, having large flat tails, weighing from twenty 
 to thirty pounds. The mutton is excellent, and 
 Rochon afiirms that the wool is of a good quality ; 
 but on this head we are sceptical, as other travellers 
 assure us that it partakes more of the nature of hair 
 than wool, which is generally the case in tropical 
 countries. It is found that in warm climates, and 
 on luxuriant soils, the wool of any sheep degenerates,
 
 291 
 
 and assumes more of the quality of hair.* Goats 
 are found throughout the island both in a wild and 
 tame state. Flacourt assures us, that they kid three 
 times a year, and frequently bring forth four at a time. 
 
 There are abundance of hogs both wild and tame ; 
 the flesh of the latter is very luscious and whole- 
 some, from their feeding on land tortoises and eggs, 
 plenty of which are to be found in the thickets and 
 amongst the long grass. The wild hog is described 
 by Flacourt as having two short horns growing out 
 of the snout towards the eyes, from which circum- 
 stance BufFon has supposed it to be the Babyroussa, 
 which is also called by some travellers " the wild 
 boar of Africa." The flesh of these latter is reckoned 
 good when fat, but the natives eat neither, having 
 adopted that part of the Mahometan discipline after 
 the example of the Arabs who conquered the island. 
 
 Porcupines are very numerous, and although their 
 flesh is flabby and insipid, it is much esteemed by the 
 natives. They sleep some months under ground, 
 and lose their quills at that time. 
 
 Hedge-hogs are also to be found every where, and 
 have the same character and habits as those of Europe. 
 
 The Tanrec and Tendrac, are animals of a very 
 singular description. The former is about the size of 
 a rat, and the latter as big as a cat, but longer in pro- 
 portion to its bulk. Tliey are of the hedge-hog species, 
 
 * Buffon, Vol. XXIII, p. 168. It is an observation too 
 common to enlarge upon, that the richer the pasture the coarser 
 the wool. 
 
 I' ^
 
 292 
 
 being covered with a stiff kind of prickles. Tiie 
 tendrac has a long snout, with which it roots like the 
 hog, and it also grunts and wallows in the mire. 
 Its feet are like those of a rabbit ; and in the rainy 
 season it burrows a considerable way into the ground, 
 in a sloping direction, making a zig-zag sort of a hole, 
 finishing towards the surface : here it remains in a 
 torpid state for some weeks, during which it loses its 
 bristles, which grow again when it revives. The 
 natives are partial to the flesh, and take great pains 
 in hunting it. 
 
 The baboon (called by the natives tratratratrd) 
 grows to an enormous size, being, according to 
 Flacourt, as large as a heifer of two years old, and 
 consequently must be at least seven feet high when 
 standing on its hind legs. It is a very savage and 
 untractable animal, and its imperfect and hideous 
 resemblance to the human form gives it an horrific 
 appearance. The natives are very much afraid of it, 
 and it also flies from them. 
 
 There are very few beasts of prey in Madagascar, 
 and those are of a diminutive size, if we except the 
 crocodile, which infests every river in the island, 
 and renders it very dangerous crossing them, or 
 walking on their banks. 
 
 The Fossa is an animal of the badger kind. It 
 destroys the poultry and eggs. The females and 
 young ones are very good eating. 
 
 The Varessa is a species of fox, and is a savage 
 animal : there are great numbers of them in the
 
 293 
 
 woods, and they have been known to attack a single 
 man. They have a long tail, and their hair is the 
 colour of that of a wolf 
 
 The native dogs are small, and of the fox kind, 
 being similar to that animal both in shape and colour. 
 They have now a mixed breed of different colours, 
 which are derived from a cross with those conveyed 
 thither from France. 
 
 The Antamba is about the size of a large dog, and 
 has a round head. The natives describe it in other 
 respects as like a leopard. It is very ferocious, and 
 attacks and destroys men and other animals, but it is 
 rarely to be seen, keeping only in the most unfre- 
 quented places. 
 
 The Mangarzahoe is a large animal which Flacourt 
 supposes to be the wild ass, having a foot like those 
 animals, and ears so long, that in descending the 
 mountains, it cannot see before it. It also brays 
 like the ass. 
 
 The Brehis is an unknown animal, described by 
 the natives as being the size of a goat, and having one 
 horn in the middle of the forehead. It is extremely 
 wild, and breeds only in the forests of Antsianacta. 
 
 The tribes of monkeys are very numerous through- 
 out the island. The Manghabei, so called from the 
 district in which it is principally found, is distinguished 
 by its eye-lids, which are naked and perfectly white. 
 
 The Mococo is a beautiful animal about the size 
 of a cat, but more slender and longer. It has a tail 
 double the length of the body, marked alternately
 
 294 
 
 with black and wliite rings. Its eyes are very large, 
 and surrounded with a broad black space ; its hind 
 legs are much longer than the fore ones. It sleeps 
 with its nose on its belly, and its tail is brought over 
 its head. It is of an ash colour, and its coat is soft, 
 glossy, delicate, and smooth to the touch. It is 
 playful like the rest of the tribe, but not so mis- 
 chievous. 
 
 The Mongooz is smaller than the last-mentioned, 
 and is found of various colours. Its coat is soft and 
 glossy, and a little curled. 
 
 The Vari is a larger animal ; its hair is longer, and 
 it has a ruff of lonii hair round the neck. It is of a 
 savage disposition, and roars something like a lion. 
 
 Great numbers of white monkeys are found in the 
 forests of Ampatre and IVIahafalles, which run in 
 troops of forty or fifty together ; and also a grey 
 kind, which it is impossible to tame, for if confined 
 they are sure to starve themselves to death. 
 
 Civet cats are found in abundance, and their flesh 
 is esteemed a great delicacy by the natives. Grey 
 squirrels also are very common, but they are seldom 
 caught alive, and then are untameable. 
 
 The Vondsira is like a weasel, of a reddish brown 
 colour. It is fond of honey, and has the smell of musk. 
 
 The Saca is a wild cat; it is very beautiful, and is 
 frequently seen in company with the tame ones. The 
 latter have generally the tails twisted round. 
 
 We must not omit the Rousette, or great Mada- 
 gascar bat. This formidable animal extends its
 
 295 
 
 wings four feet from tip to tip, and its body is a foot 
 long from the nose to the insertion of the tail. In 
 colour, it resembles a fox, and its head and nose also 
 are similar to that animal, which has acquired it 
 the name of the flying fox. Its size in appearance, 
 when at rest, is equal to that of a large fowl, and it 
 is then seen, enveloped in its wings, and sticking with 
 its head downwards at the tops of the tallest trees; 
 but when in motion, nothing can be more formidable. 
 Clouds of them hover about the woods both by day 
 and night, darkening the air, and destroying the ripe 
 fruits of the country. Nothing is free from their 
 depredations. They devour, indiscriminately, fruit, 
 flesh, and insects ; drink the juice of the palm-tree, 
 destroy fowls and other domestic animals, unless 
 preserved with great care, and often fasten upon the 
 inhabitants themselves, attacking them in the face, 
 and inflicting terrible wounds. They usually sally 
 out in the afternoon, and are heard at night in the 
 forests at more than two miles distance, with a horri- 
 ble din ; but at the approach of day they begin to 
 retire. These qualities have caused many to consider 
 it as the Harpy of the ancients ; they do not, how- 
 ever, deter the natives from eagerly pursuing them for 
 food, their flesh being delicate and much esteemed.* 
 
 * We should have been incUned to doubt this, had not Rochon 
 assured us that he frequently ate of them and found them so 
 good. Travellers are certainly often very hungry, but we are 
 led to suppose he would not have touched them where good 
 beef was to be had, if he had not found them eatable.
 
 296 
 
 From quadrupeds, we next descend to the feathered 
 tribes, which are numerous and interesting. 
 
 Domestic poultry are plentiful; the native ones 
 are smaller than those of Europe; they lay great 
 quantities of eggs, and some of them have been 
 known to hatch thirty chickens at one period of incu- 
 bation. Those imported thither from France, have 
 been found to keep up their size, when not mixed 
 with others, which belong to the island ; the cock is 
 called Acopolahe, and the hen Acopvav. 
 
 The Pintado, or Guinea-fowl, is common, both wild 
 and tame : its native name is Acarga. 
 
 There are several varieties of the pheasant ; one 
 similar to those of France in plumage, and in its 
 musical powers : the natives call it Acoholahi- 
 hale. 
 
 Another beautiful kind has violet feathers, and a red 
 beak : it is small, and the flesh is delicate. 
 
 There are two species of wood-pigeons, one with 
 violet, and the other with green plumage. The turtle- 
 dove is also common in the woods. 
 
 Black, red, and green paroquets are found through- 
 out the island. The green are a species of mock- 
 birds, which whistle and imitate all others. There is 
 also a scarlet paroquet, which is very difficult to 
 tame ; and it does not survive transmigration to 
 Europe, except great care is taken to preserve it 
 from the cold. 
 
 Of eagles, there are three kinds, — the white, the 
 black, and the grey. The plumage of all is very
 
 297 
 
 beautiful : they are usually found along the sea-coasts, 
 and by the sides of the lakes. 
 
 There is a small kind of eagle, with white plumage, 
 to which the French gave the name of the ox eagle, 
 from its following the cattle, and living on the flies 
 which swarm around them. 
 
 The Phenicopterus, or flamingo, is also found 
 there, with its brilliant plumage : the native name is 
 Sambe. 
 
 The screech-owl seems to bear the same character 
 for prescience as in Europe ; the natives call it Vau- 
 rondoule, or " Bird of Death," and assert, that it 
 smells from far those sick persons who are in a dying 
 condition, and, hovering round the dwelling where 
 they lie, utter their doleful forebodings, to the terror 
 of the invalids and their relations. 
 
 The spatula, or spoon-bill, is so called because 
 the beak is like that instrument. 
 
 Four species of teal are found in the rivers and 
 lakes; and a species of coot, as large as a pullet, 
 with violet plumage, and red feet, beak, and head. 
 
 Wild ducks, and mallards, of a variety of plumage, 
 are found in every part of the island near the rivers. 
 The black and white heron also are frequently found, 
 and many other aquatic birds, of which the native 
 names alone being given, a detail of them would be 
 tedious to the Reader. 
 
 There is a bird, resembling the cormorant in size and 
 appearance, which the French called the guardian, or 
 pilot of the crocodile — we suppose, from its associating
 
 298 
 
 ill some measure with that animal : the natives give 
 it the name oiVouroji-fangharac-Vahad. 
 
 The Vouronpatra is a species of ostrich, having 
 the same nature and habits as that bird. The natives 
 seldom take it, and it frequents the most desert places 
 in the woods. 
 
 The Rehoc is of the poultry kind, but wild, and 
 is found in the woods : — its plumage is violet, and its 
 head, tail, and feet are red. 
 
 Lapwings are called Thouch: they are grey, 
 speckled with black, and have a beautiful crest of 
 feathers on their head. 
 
 Two species of blackbirds, the canary-bird, 
 several of the gros-beak kind, partridges, quails, 
 crows, ravens, sparrow-hawks, and kites, haunt the 
 woods ; and a great variety of singing birds enliven 
 those gloomy recesses, with their mingled and enter- 
 taining melody, throughout the day ; and when the 
 greater part of aniaiated nature is sunk in repose, a 
 numerous race of nocturnal feathered intruders, with 
 less musical voices, break in upon the awful stillness, 
 and in their turns, and according to their natures, 
 participate the bounties of Providence, and exult in 
 the enjoyment of an active existence. 
 
 We have at present, however, met with no 
 account of the latter, except one species, called 
 Vouron-ambova, which is supposed to prognosticate 
 misfortune. Its cry is very doleful, and resembles 
 the whining of an unhappy dog, or the plainings of a 
 new-born infant.
 
 299 
 
 The next branch of natural history that claims our 
 attention, is that of insects and reptiles. 
 
 • There are several species of lizards, the most 
 interesting of which are the chameleon and the breast- 
 leaper. 
 
 The chameleon (Tha) has been so commonly 
 described by naturalists, that it is unnecessary to 
 repeat it. But we do not recollect ever meeting M^ith 
 a description of the latter, except in Flacourt. Its 
 native name is Famocantratra ; and it is a small 
 animal, w^iich attaches itself to the bark of trees, and 
 being of a greenish hue, is not easily perceived ; there 
 it remains with its throat open, to receive the flies, 
 spiders, and other insects that approach it, which it 
 devours. This animal is described as having attached 
 to the back, tail, legs, neck, and the extremity of the 
 chin, little paw's, or hooks, like those at the end of a 
 bat's wing, with which it adheres to whatever it 
 attaches itself, in such a manner as if it were really 
 glued ; if a native happen to approach the tree 
 where it hangs, it instantly leaps upon his naked 
 breast, and sticks so firmly, that in order to remove 
 it, they are obliged, with a razor, to cut away the skin 
 also. The natives are very much afraid of this 
 animal, and with reason. 
 
 Snakes are very common, and some of them are as 
 large as a man's thigh, probably of the Boa constricta 
 kind. None of the species are at all venomous; and 
 though frequently bitten by them, the natives expe- 
 rience no further inconvenience than from the bite of 
 any other animal.
 
 300 
 
 Two species of scorpions, (Hala) both venomous, 
 are found there, one of which inhabits the marshes 
 and stagnant waters, where it frequently bites the 
 cattle, who seldom survive it. There is likewise a 
 large black spider, (Vancoho) which is represented 
 as the most dangerous insect they have ; if a person 
 is bitten by it, he instantly falls into a swoon, in 
 which some have been known to continue for two 
 days, as cold as ice. The remedy used is the same 
 as for the bite of the scorpion : — they make a good fire, 
 and hold the patient near it, and then pour down 
 his throat a decoction of certain herbs, which com- 
 monly cures him. 
 
 Centipedes, (Anacalife), which are venomous, 
 wood-lice, earwigs, bugs, and other offensive insects, 
 are met with in every part of the island. 
 
 The Acalalau is a small insect resembling a bug, 
 but not so disagreeable : it is very troublesome in the 
 houses, gnawing the furniture and apparel, and mak- 
 ing a great havoc. It grows to the size of a man's 
 thumb, when it becomes winged, and flies away. 
 
 The Anacandef is a snake, not larger than a 
 quill. Sometimes it will get into the bodies of the 
 natives, and if not instantly extracted, will gnaw the 
 intestines, create the most excruciating pains, and 
 even occasion death. 
 
 The species of flies are very numerous, and some 
 of them are of the most brilliant colours. Very few of 
 them are described, — nor would a detail be interesting 
 to the general reader. We will, however, mention 
 the fire-fly ( Herecheroche^, of which tliere are myriads
 
 301 
 
 in the woods, which at night present an appearance of 
 the most interesting description. They sometimes 
 light on a house in such numbers, as to make it ap- 
 pear in a blaze. Flacourt was returning home one 
 evening, and M^as alarmed at seeing his dweUing co- 
 vered with these insects, believing that it was on fire. 
 
 Toads, frogs, pismires, and weevils, the latter of 
 which destroy the rice, are found in abundance in 
 their respective haunts. 
 
 There are four species of silk-worms, all of them 
 quadrupeds. The first (^Lande-ce), produces a single 
 cod, like those of Europe, except that they have little 
 spines ; the second, {Lande-sarahd), form a large 
 cod, which sometimes contains five hundred small 
 ones ; the third, {Lande-anacau) ^ deposits its pod on 
 a species of cypress-tree, near the sea-side : these cods 
 hang in strings, and the silk is of the finest quality. 
 The fourth sort, {Landevontaque), make their cods 
 also single, which are of a quality equal to the last 
 mentioned. It is very remarkable, that formerly the 
 natives of St. Mary's isle used to eat the silk-worm 
 in the chrysalis state, and throw away the silk. 
 
 The tenants of the waters next claim our attention. 
 Of these the sea produces whales, porpoises, bonetus, 
 stock-fish, sea-unicorns, (nar-whale), rays, doradoes, 
 soles, herrings, mackerel, turtle, oysters of a large size, 
 cockles, pilchards, sea-paroquets, flying-fish, muscles 
 very large and fine-flavoured, mullets, congers, eels, 
 (spotted with black, but not eatable), and a large va- 
 riety of other fish, of exquisite flavour.
 
 302 
 
 There is a fish covered with large thorns: — when 
 the back and head is stripped of the skin and flesh, 
 it resembles a human scull ; the natives call it a 
 sea-devil. 
 
 The sea-boar is almost as large as an ox ; it has no 
 scales, but it is covered with hair : it has an opening 
 upon the head, and a dorsal fin. It has also feet like 
 those of a crocodile, small eyes, about fifty teeth on 
 each side of the mouth, each as large as the finger ; 
 its hairy tail terminates in a point, and is about six 
 feet long. 
 
 There are three kinds of sea-tortoises, of an enor- 
 mous size. 
 
 Black, white, and red coral is found in abundance, 
 and they are covered with sea-shells of every variety 
 of shape, and the most beautiful colours. The 
 excrescences on these coral rocks, form the most gro- 
 tesque and singular appearance ; and the corallines 
 resemble the different trees and plants that grow on 
 land.
 
 303 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Description of Grains and Roots — Fruits, Trees, Shrubs, 
 and Flowers — Botanical List. 
 
 J. HE history of the plants of Madagascar, which have 
 at present been described, if given at length, would 
 constitute too large a proportion of our work. Seve- 
 ral botanists have visited the island, some of whom 
 have paid for the gratification of their laudable 
 curiosity with their lives, owing to the unhealthiness of 
 tlie climate. It being our object to render this work 
 as entertaining as possible to the general reader, we 
 shall give a description of those plants which appear 
 to us most remarkable or useful, with their botanical 
 names, as far as we have been able to recognize them; 
 and, at the end, give a botanical list of those which 
 we have not identified with the former*. 
 
 * As the botanical names were not originally given with the 
 former, it is possible that some mistakes may have occurred in 
 the annexation referred to. But it may be proper to remark, 
 that the list is taken entirely from a work on the plants found at 
 the Mauritius, printed a few years since, by order of his Excel- 
 lency, Governor Farquhar, which we have obtained a sight of, 
 at the library of the late Sir Joseph Banks. In this work, 
 which contains the names of many hundreds of plants, the 
 several countries from which they were originally brought are 
 annexed to each.
 
 304 
 
 Barley, called by the natives, Apembe : — great 
 quantities of this are grown, and it is ripe in the 
 month of June. The natives eat it, but it is hard of 
 digestion. It grows very high. 
 
 The Voanghembes {DoUchos) are small beans, 
 very agreeable to the taste, and eaten both green and 
 ripe, but are heavy on the stomach : they are sown in 
 June, and ripen in three months. 
 
 The Voandsourous are small peas, of the size of 
 lentils : they are sown at the same time with the fore- 
 going, grow very easily, and are of excellent taste. 
 
 Antac (Dolichos) is a species of French bean. 
 
 Voandrou, is a kind of bean, produced with great 
 ease ; the fruit lies underground, with one bean in 
 each pod : the leaves are similar to trefoil, and grow 
 from the stem without stalks. It is supposed to be 
 the Arachidna of Theophrastus. 
 
 The V arvates (Eri^thri?ia Indica) resembles the 
 caper-tree. It blossoms in the same manner, and 
 each pod contains one small pea, the size of a lentil, 
 and not inferior to the Voandsourou. It is very fruit- 
 ful, and grows to the height of a cherry-tree. Silk- 
 worms are fed with its leaves in the province of 
 Alsissach. 
 
 Of rice (Oryza Sativa), there are the summer and 
 winter kinds. Of the former, called Varemanghe, there 
 are four sorts, i. e. two white and bearded, the others 
 reddish, without beards, and of a rose-colour when 
 boiled. The white rice grows on the high lands, and 
 requires but little moisture ; but the red is grown on
 
 305 
 
 boggy or marshy lands, and the natives frequently 
 use artificial means to promote its cultivation. The 
 Vontombre grows only in winter, is smaller, and of a 
 bitterish taste. There is still another species, called 
 Varehondre, something similar to the lirst- mentioned, 
 but of no account, and only sown where the others 
 fail of a crop. Modern botanists reckon eleven 
 varieties of rice at Madagascar. 
 
 There are several kinds of yams, (Ignames), the 
 general name for which is Ouvi : — they are Ouvi-hare, 
 Ouvi-soabei, Cambares, Ouvi-foutchi, Ofeque, Ma- 
 vondre, and Maleve, 
 
 The Ouvi-foutchi are the best and dearest; 
 they grow to the size of a man's body in a fat 
 soil, and one hundred and fifty of their roots are 
 w^orth an ox : — their colour is grey. The Soabeis 
 are the next in quality, and about half the size of 
 the preceding : — their colour is white. 
 
 The Cambares and Ouvi-hares are of equal size, 
 and of a violet colour : the first are nearly of equal 
 value with the Ouvi-foutchi, and one plant produces 
 three or four roots, whereas the latter seldom pro- 
 duces but one or two. 
 
 The Ouvihares are cheaper than any of the 
 foregoing, but of an agreeable quality ; they take root 
 easier, and are the common food of the slaves : they 
 cut them into from four to twelve pieces, and plant 
 them by handfuls. In eight months' time they are 
 ripe. 
 
 The Ofeque is a species of yam that yields a bitter
 
 306 
 
 by boiling, whicli affords the natives an article ol 
 traffic. When the bitter is extracted, the natives 
 dry them hard in the sun, and they m ill then keep 
 two or three years, and are reckoned great dainties by 
 the negroes. 
 
 The Mavondre root is a kind of rice of the most 
 agreeable taste ; ten or twelve roots, about the size of 
 a hen's egg, are generally produced from one plant : 
 they have the flavour of the chesnut, but are superior, 
 and lighter on the stomach : their outside skin is thin 
 and bitter, and they are planted whole. 
 
 The Ouvi-maleve differs little from the Soabei and 
 Ouvi-hare. 
 
 Besides these, there are several sorts of On vis, 
 which grow wild in the woods, and are resorted to 
 only on occasions of scarcity, proceeding from war or 
 other casualties : these are the Ouvi-in-lasso, Ouvi- 
 randre, Ouvi-dambou, Fanghitz^ Vahala, Fandre, 
 Hompouc, with many others. 
 
 The Ouvi-in-lassos have roots of the length and 
 thickness of a man's arm, and they grow in the woods 
 near the coasts. 
 
 Ouvi-dambous are like vine- roots, and produce 
 blackberries with the flavour of musk : their shoots 
 die every year ; the leaves are unpleasant, and hard 
 of digestion, and are never eaten but in times of great 
 scarcity. 
 
 Fanghitz are roots of extraordinary size, being 
 sometimes found as large as a man's body. They 
 are covered with a thin rind, of a reddish colour, are
 
 307 
 
 extremely sweet, easy of digestion, and diuretic. Tiie 
 moisture in them is so great, that they serve both 
 to satisfy hunger and thirst : they grow under low 
 hedges. 
 
 The Vahala grows underground, as large as a good 
 sized pumpkin ; they are eaten both dressed and raw, 
 and are plentiful in many of the provinces. 
 
 The Hompouc and Fandre roots are well tasted. — 
 The ompilampes and ompizees, a sort of philosophers 
 who live retired in the woods, where they neither 
 plant, sow, nor interfere in the concerns of domestic 
 life, live on these and the last-mentioned roots. 
 
 The Sonzes (Arum Esculentum) are cabbages with 
 very large round leaves ; these have the same taste as 
 our cabbages, and the roots that of the artichoke 
 bottoms. 
 
 Houmins, or Voamitsa, are small roots like turnip- 
 radishes, about the size of the thumb ; one plant of 
 these produces a hundred in a year. 
 
 There are three sorts of Nenufar, with white, yel- 
 low, and violet flowers : these are small, and eaten 
 like chesnuts, either boiled or roasted. 
 
 The Rangu Zaa is a plant bearing a white flower, 
 and its fruit is a species of onions: 
 
 Leeks, purslane, lettuces, carrots, cabbage, four 
 sorts of turnips, anise, and mustard, grow here in 
 abundance. Hemp also is plentiful ; and nine spe- 
 cies of tobacco (Nicotiana Tabacum) are found in 
 every part of the island. The natives chew the leaves 
 of hemp as well as tobacco, and it has a narcotic effect. 
 
 X 2
 
 308 
 
 The Bananas (Mum Paradisiaca) grow in many 
 of the provinces, but chiefly in Manamboule and 
 Icondre. There are several species of them, some as 
 long and as thick as a man's arm, called Ontzi; others 
 about half that size; others no larger than the thumb : 
 those called Acondres, are still less, of a green colour, 
 growing a hundred in a bunch. These constitute one 
 of the principal articles of food of the inhabitants : 
 they are very nourishing, and, when ripe, will roast like 
 apples : they are souietimes gathered in a green state, 
 and hung up to ripen. In the province of Eringdrane, 
 the bark of the banana is beaten and spun into clothing. 
 
 The Ananas [Plgnas) grow in great plenty. The 
 fruit resembles the pine-apple, and is called the king 
 of fruits. Those of St. Mary's island are superior to 
 those of the bay of Antongil, and the neighbourhood 
 of Fort Dauphin. 
 
 The water-melons are of two kinds, one with black, 
 the other with red seeds, and both afford great relief 
 durino; the hot season- 
 
 The musk melons and pumpkins have been im- 
 ported thither from France. The gourds are of two 
 kinds, long and round ; the long are dressed in the 
 green state, and eaten with milk : when dried and 
 scooped they are used as bottles. 
 
 The sugar-canes (Saccharum Officinarum) grow 
 in abundance, principally in the provinces of Ma- 
 tatane, Manamboule, Antavare, Galemboule, and 
 St. Mary's island. There are fourteen varieties of 
 it : they are much larger, finer, and produce more
 
 309 
 
 sugar than those of the West Indies ; but the natives 
 do not understand how to manufacture them to ad- 
 vantage, and the chief benefit they derive from them 
 is to extract the toupare, or vi^ine. 
 
 Voanata is the fruit of a large tree that grows by 
 the sea-side ; its meat, though clammy and viscous, 
 is nourishing, and it is eaten with milk or salt; the 
 wood is very solid, extremely smooth and clean, and 
 is very proper for building, being not subject to rot 
 or to be worm-eaten. 
 
 Vontaca (Cydonmm Bengalense) is a fruit the size 
 of a quince, full of flat seeds. The juice and pulp, 
 when ripe, are of an exquisite flavour, and cast the 
 most fragrant smell : the fruit is however hurtful to 
 the stomach, if not perfectly ripe ; it is called the 
 Bengal quince. A wine is made from it which has 
 the taste of beer, and is very laxative ; the hogs are 
 very fond of the fruit when ripe, and soon get fat 
 on it. 
 
 yua-honda bears a fruit like a cucumber, with the 
 flavour of a quince. 
 Vua-Rha is a species of fig-tree : the fruit is pleasant. 
 
 Diti-azou bears a fruit like a small pear. 
 
 The Fenguiera (Ig7iatica EiasticaJ, is a kind of 
 wild fig-tree : it rises to the height of twenty feet, and 
 its leaf is nine inches long and four broad ; its fruit is 
 round and full of granulary seeds. The natives are 
 very fond of it, but it is acetous and caustic. This 
 is the Gummiphora Madagascar iensis, and yields the 
 gum-elastic.
 
 310 
 
 The Toulove is a bush six or seven feet higli: 
 its fruit is called the strawberry of Madagascar, 
 and is in great estimation with both natives and 
 Europeans, being delicate and of a most delicious 
 flavour. 
 
 The Vua Mina is a singular plant, both leaves and 
 fruit being as red as coral ; the latter are very sweet 
 and palatable. 
 
 The Vua-too-toac also bears a red fruit of the 
 flavour of a strawberry. 
 
 The Anghivi bears a red fruit which the natives 
 put into their drink, to which it imparts a sour but 
 pleasant taste. 
 
 There are several kinds of nutmegs, as the Malao- 
 manghit, the Rarabee, the Bashi-bashi, the Rhanha- 
 horac, and the Raven Sara. 
 
 The Malao-manghit is a large tree with brown 
 bark, straight trunk, and white wood; its sap is white 
 at first, but being exposed to the air, turns as red as 
 blood : the fruit is a nutmeg, and its leaves yield a 
 sweet aromatic odour. 
 
 The Rarabee is a wild nutmeg-tree, loftier than the 
 last : an aromatic oil is extracted from its fruit, with 
 which the natives anoint their bodies and hair. This 
 oil is a specific for the scrofula, and an excellent 
 stomachic. 
 
 The Bashi-bashi differs but little from the last. 
 The Rhanha-horac is a wild nutmeg with a large 
 trunk, and very dense foliage : it thrives best on 
 humid and marshy grounds.
 
 311 
 
 The Raven-sara {^Agathophylliim Aromaticum) is 
 the Madagascar all-spice. This tree is deserving of 
 particular notice : its leaves yield, on distillation, an oil 
 which partakes of the united perfumes of the clove, 
 cinnamon, and nutmeg. The cooks in India use this 
 perfume in preference to all other spices for ragouts. 
 The tree itself grows very, large and bushy, and is 
 found thriving on every soil throughout the island. 
 Its branches grow in form of a pyramid, and its wood 
 is white, inodorous, and heavy : its fruit is a real 
 nutmeg, flattened at both ends, and has a more 
 delicate smell than the leaves. Flacourt says it was 
 rare in his time, because the natives cut it down to get 
 at the fruit. 
 
 There is abundance of white pepper (^Lali Vits'i) 
 in the province of Manghabei ; it grows in other parts ; 
 but there the woods are loaded on all sides with it. It 
 ripens in the months of Augu'st, September, and 
 October, when the turtledoves and wood-pigeons 
 feed on it. 
 
 The great Cardamum, ( Angus tafolmyi), otherwise 
 Malaguet, or grain of Paradise, grows also in 
 abundance, in the province of Galemboule : the fruit 
 is as red as scarlet, the meat white, of an agreeable 
 tart flavour, with black seed. 
 
 The true ginger (Zinzinbe?'), is also grown there. 
 Flacourt says it is not plentiful, but Francis Cauche 
 affirms that it grows throughout the island, and that 
 the natives plant it round their houses for the pur- 
 pose of catching the rain, which falls on its leaves,
 
 312 
 
 and also round the bee- hives, as food for the 
 bees. 
 
 The Sacaviro-ambou, or hog-ginger, (Zarumbety) 
 grows on the mountains : it is a kind of Zedoary, 
 
 The cocoa-nut, (Cocos), is not indigenous in 
 Madagascar. It was in fact unknown, till about one 
 hundred and fifty years since, when accident drove 
 some of them on the coast, by the waves, which pro- 
 duced the first trees of the kind; they appear to thrive 
 very well. 
 
 The Indian saffron grows likewise on the island. 
 Saracine resembles ginger in taste and its yellow 
 colour : it is used to relish meat. 
 
 Voatzarte grows upon small trees, with broad leaves : 
 the fruit is gathered like onions, of the size of an 
 egg, full of juice within, like the cocoa-nut ; the peel, 
 when dried, has an aromatic taste, and is eatable. The 
 natives make ropes, mats, and baskets, of the leaves. 
 
 The Achith is a plant that creeps on the ground 
 like a vine ; the leaves are round, pointed at the 
 end, and dented like ivy. It is an evergreen, and 
 its fruit, of the size of an unripe grape, ripens in 
 December, January, and February. 
 
 The Ambouton (Linaria) is a small plant, like 
 flax, of a bitter styptic taste. The natives chew this 
 plant to blacken the teeth, lips, and gums : it is cor- 
 roborative, and, in times of famine, is eaten to 
 support and preserve strength. 
 
 The Lengou, (Noi.v-veiites), is the fruit of a creep- 
 ing plant : it is the size of a nut, thick-shelled, and
 
 313 
 
 tastes like the large green plum ; the outside is made 
 use of for dying black. 
 
 Zamale is a fetid creeping herb, used also by the 
 natives for dying black ; and it is likewise of use to 
 cure ulcerated gums ; but, by the use of it, the breath 
 becomes insupportably strong. The nurses use this 
 plant to rub the gums of cl^ldren. 
 
 The Tamboure is the same as the Indian betel ; 
 the natives constantly chew it, with thyme and voadou- 
 rou fruit, after the East Indian manner. 
 
 In the province of Matatane, the Fouren-fouroo, or 
 Indian areca, is plentiful. 
 
 The Banghets, ( Indigofera), of which there are 
 eight varieties, called by the Indians, Anger, is the 
 plant, from which indigo is extracted. 
 
 Fanshaa, is a great and high tree, which yields 
 a reddish liquor a considerable time after it is cut 
 down: its leaves are like fern, the wood veiny and 
 hard, except the heart, which is soft. 
 
 Rauver, (Aloes Sylvestris), is a tree, whose leaves, 
 like the aloe, are half an ell long, but thinner, and 
 are made use of to cover huts and cottages : — they are 
 called Fandre. 
 
 Latecanghomelahe, or bull-stone, (Testiculus Tauri) 
 from the resemblance in the fruit, is a creeping 
 plant, with a white blossom, that smells like jes- 
 samine. 
 
 Singofau, is the leaf of a plant w^hich adheres to the 
 trees like ivy; the leaf is large, being three palms 
 long, and about one broad ; the natives bruise and
 
 314 
 
 apply it to the eyes, to which it is very serviceable 
 in strengthening the sight. 
 
 The Rhomba, (Menthe Franchi), is an herb, and 
 a species of balsam : it grows about four feet high, 
 shoots out very large leaves, and has the smell of 
 cloves and cinnamon. 
 
 Mouyta, or the Eastern|.Cy press, (Cyperus Oricn- 
 talis), is found in abundance on the sides of the 
 rivers and marshes : the natives make use of it in 
 disorders of the head. 
 
 The Tongue, (Saponaria), is similar to the Euro- 
 pean sope-wort, and, like it, bears a flower like the 
 jessamine. The root is a strong bitter, and is reckoned 
 a specific in the heart-burn, and an antidote against 
 poisons : there are two species, one bearing white, the 
 other purple flowers ; the former is the most efii- 
 cacious. 
 
 The Anramatico is a large plant, its leaves are 
 large, and have shoots at the extremities. The 
 flowers are very large, and form a basin that will hold 
 more than half a gallon of water, and are generally 
 full. The fruit is very curiously formed like a vase 
 and cover. The natives supers titiou sly refrain from 
 gathering it in their journeys, believing that rain would 
 immediately ensue : the Europeans, however, are less 
 scrupulous, and have availed themselves of its agree- 
 able aid, when in want of provisions. 
 
 Voamene, (hides Condure), are small beans or 
 peas, produced by a creeping plant : they are of a 
 red colour. The native goldsmiths, who have no
 
 315 
 
 knowledge of borax, solder their gold by dipping in a 
 mixture of pounded voame and lemon-juice. 
 
 The Fionouts is an herb bearing yellow flowers, and 
 very thick leaves ; when burnt green it has the smell 
 of melilot, and the ashes make lye. 
 
 The Fimpi (Costus Indicus) is a tree, of the size 
 of an olive, and is deemed to be the Indian Costus. 
 The bark is of an ash-grey colour, and has the perfume 
 of musk, and its taste has more pungency than that 
 of pepper. The leaves are similar to those of an 
 aloe, and have the same smell as the bark : they 
 excite sneezing. The wood is white, and hard, with a 
 strong scent. This tree is called by the ancient 
 Greek physicians, Agallochum and Xyloaloe, or 
 Aloe-wood ; and by the Portuguese, Paodaquilla. 
 
 The Mandrise is a tree whose wood is marbled, 
 and of a violet colour in the heart : the leaves are 
 small. 
 
 The Hazon Mainthi, or black-wood, is a large tree, 
 whose heart is ebony ; it is loaded with small leaves 
 like the myrtle, of a dark green, and the bark is 
 blackish. 
 
 The Anacouts bears a fruit larger than the finger, 
 of an ash-grey ; it contains a sweet and white juice, 
 made use of to turn milk : the leaves resemble those 
 of a pear-tree. 
 
 Tendrocosses bears a kind of pulse. 
 
 The Tarantale is a species of box -tree, as is also 
 the Vua-fatre, whose fruit is eatable and aromatic. 
 
 The Souzenelahe is' of two sorts : the wood smells
 
 316 
 
 like cummin-seed, but stronger ; the bark resembles 
 that of elder, and is stronger than the wood in smell : 
 the natives grind the bark with water on a stone, and 
 use it in fevers, and in curing every kind of wounds. 
 
 Encafati^ahe is a tree whose wood is green next 
 the heart, and veiny : it is similar in smell to the Lig- 
 num Rhodium, and when ground and applied to the 
 stomach, is good against the heart-burn and faintings. 
 
 Mera is a tree whose wood is yellow in the middle, 
 without smell, and as hard as box : its leaves are like 
 those of an olive. 
 
 Vintang is a tree whose wood is never worm-eaten, 
 and is used by the natives for canoes : it produces a 
 gum or resin, particularly useful in wounds. 
 
 The wood of the Azonoutsisfit to make combs of. 
 
 Tambouhitzi is a tree whose wood is of an orange 
 colour in the middle, but of no use in dying. 
 
 Fatra (Terminalia Fatre), is a species of benjamin, 
 as is also Tanranjou ; the latter bears buds on the 
 fruit. 
 
 Sandraha is a straight and tall tree ; the wood is 
 blacker than ebony, without knots or fibres, and may 
 be polished and smoothed like horn : it grows near 
 Ranoufoutchi, and will seldom cut to more than seven 
 inches diameter. 
 
 The Cocambe is another black wood, more crooked 
 than the latter; some of them have trunks and 
 branches very large, but they have few leaves or 
 flowers : the wood when burnt yields a most agree- 
 able smell.
 
 317 
 
 Envilasse is another species of ebony, similar to 
 the Sandraha. 
 
 Taga is used for making handles for spears. 
 
 Tangmonnam grows on the summits of the moun- 
 tains ; its wood is of a brownish yellow, very iieavy. 
 and is used for inlaying and making lance handles. 
 
 Tamboure-cissa is a tree bearing apples, which in 
 ripening, open into four parts ; the inside pulp is full 
 of kernels, covered with a thin orange-coloured skin, 
 which yields a tincture like the American rocou. 
 
 The Anaco, like the cypress, grows by the side of 
 the waters. 
 
 Assonpassehis bears a fruit of the size of a date, 
 and of an excellent flavour. 
 
 Vahats is a small shrub, the bark of whose roots is 
 used for dying ; it is taken off, when fresh, by water ; 
 when dried, it is pared ; and in using, it is boiled in 
 silk or woollen, on a slow fire, in a lye made of the 
 same bark : in this manner they dye their stuffs and 
 silks of a red, the colour of fire ; and by adding a 
 little lemon-juice it will form a fine yellow. 
 
 The Angive, or tamarind tree, (Tamarlndus In- 
 dica), is very plentiful : there are two sorts ; the lesser 
 bears a fruit the size of a walnut ; the greater, which is 
 common in Galemboule, is as large as a hen's egg, of a 
 scarlet colour, and exquisite taste : a decoction of the 
 roots cures the heat of the urine and the gravel. 
 
 Andian bouloha (CynoglossumJrboreu77i Alaritimus), 
 is a small shrub that grows on the sea-shore, whose 
 leaves resemble those of the herb called dos's tongue.
 
 318 
 
 Varaucoco is a plant that twines round large trees, 
 and bears a violet-coloured fruit as large as peaches, 
 of an admirable taste, extremely sweet, but viscous, 
 with four great kernels in the middle. The wood, 
 though worm-eaten in a year, is used for hoops : a 
 red gum, like blood, oozes through the bark, thick and 
 resinous, which dissolves by heat, like gum lactis, 
 and has nearly the same smell. 
 
 Rhaa, called in the country the Dragon tree, (from 
 the figure of that animal, as is reported, being dis- 
 tinctly imprinted on the fruit when the skin is off), 
 grows as large as a walnut-tree, and by making an 
 aperture in the bark of the trunk or branches, a gum 
 springs out as red as blood, on which account the 
 natives called the tree rhaa^ or blood ; and apothecaries, 
 the gum dragon's-blood. The wood is white, and soon 
 worm eaten; the leaves like those of a pear-tree, btkt 
 longer. The fruit, called Mafoutra, has the form and 
 size of a small pear, the end thicker, with five points 
 or extremities, which contain a kernel covered by one 
 membrane, of the form, colour, and almost the taste 
 of a nutmeg. It is affirmed that the figure of a 
 dragon was imprinted on this fruit under the skin that 
 covers it ; but Flacourt, who opened many, discovered 
 the falsehood of this account. A fat thick oil is 
 extracted from the kernel, which is counted a specific 
 in intlamations, erysipelas, itch, and extraordinary 
 swellings : a decoction of the bark is useful in dysen- 
 teric cases. 
 
 Lalanda, is a jessamine of the height of a small
 
 319 
 
 shrub ; the leaves arc Hke tliosc of the European 
 jessamine, and the flowers are extremely odoriferous. 
 They are used by the women to scent tlie oil of 
 sesame, or menachil. 
 
 Hounits Ancason, is a small shrub bearing a 
 flower of the smell of jessamine, but larger and 
 whiter ; the stem which supports it is white, and six 
 inches loner. 
 
 o 
 
 Voale, is a small shrub that bears a flower like the 
 liricon-fancy, called by apothecaries lilium conval- 
 lium. 
 
 Langhare, is a small shrub that usually grows 
 under bushes and hedges, and shoots long leaves, 
 notched like a saw, similar to the chesnut-tree, but 
 closer and more pointed at the ends. The stock is 
 straight, and the flowers, which grow without any 
 seeming fastening or support through the bark all 
 over the trunk, are blood-coloured, of a pungent 
 taste, laxative, and raise a salivation if chewed. 
 
 Mimbouhe, or Sonde-fa-fat, is a plant growing on 
 the sea-shore ; the natives rub their bodies with its 
 leaves when fatigued, which refreshes them, and 
 cheers their spirits. Its leaves are incorruptible, and 
 they use them successfully in wounds. 
 
 Foo-ra-ha (CatopJiyUicm Tnophyllum). This is 
 one of the finest trees on the island, and the most 
 useful of the hot climates. Next to the teak, it is 
 the best timber for ship- building that can be got 
 in India. It is very similar to the Tacamahaca of 
 the Isles of France and Bourbon, and, like that, yields
 
 320 
 
 a gum-balsam, which is useful in curing wounds and 
 sores. This tree is large and leafy, with spreading 
 branches, and is remarkable for its prodigious 
 height. 
 
 The Nonnuc, {Figua Cornacea), is an Indian 
 fig-tree, and deserves particular notice. The Por- 
 tuguese called it arvor-de-rois, or root-tree, from its 
 aptness to take root at the ends of the boughs : these 
 touching the ground, become new trunks, and shoot 
 fresh branches, which in their turn do the same, thus 
 multiplying to the number of forty or fifty, without 
 separating from the original stock, each growing 
 equal in height, and forming a circle so large, that a 
 hundred persons may shelter themselves from the 
 heat or rain under it. Flacourt relates that he saw 
 several in the neighbourhood of Fort Dauphin which 
 had four new stocks, each twelve feet in circumfer- 
 ence ; and that from each stock others had sprung, 
 inclining to, and ready to take root in the earth, at 
 forty-eight feet distance from each other. 
 
 The Voanounouc, (Figua-avi-avi\ is an Indian 
 fig-tree, and its fruit has the taste and shape of 
 European figs. This tree, upon incision, yields a 
 lacteous juice. The bark is used for cordage. 
 
 Veva, is a small shrub with leaves similar to those 
 of an almond -tree ; of a dark green above, and white 
 and hairy underneath, with an attractive quality. 
 
 Himavale, is a tree with six leaves on each little 
 branch placed opposite each other, odoriferous, and 
 esteemed a good cordial.
 
 321 
 
 Endrachendrac, is a large tree whose wood is 
 yellow, odoriferous, heavy, and hard as iron. Its 
 name signifies lasting withaut end, and it is so called 
 from its suffering no alteration under-ground. 
 
 Isimandan, is a tree with few leaves, useful in 
 cardialgias, the plague, and other contagious disorders. 
 
 Ferocosse, is a slender shrub which produces small 
 round cabbages of excellent flavour. 
 
 Mandouavate, is a tree guarded by a green bark, 
 hard, and very prickly. It produces a fruit resembling 
 filberts ; the wood is used for dart-handles. 
 
 Sira Manghits, (or odoriferous, from the agreeable 
 smell of the leaves), is a slender tree, useful to cheer 
 the spirits : the leaves have the smell of white and 
 yellow sandars ; the bark, that of cloves, and it 
 produces a sweet-smelling resin. 
 
 Aboulaza, is a tree whose wood also is a cordial. 
 
 Lahiric, is a tree whose stem is upright and hollow, 
 and the leaves are fixed round it in a spiral line, like 
 a screw. 
 
 Fooraha, is a tree which produces, by incision, an 
 odoriferous balsam, of a green colour, which is a 
 sovereign remedy for every sort of wound or bruise : 
 when mixed with oil, the ladies use it as an ointment 
 for their hair. It bears a large fruit. 
 
 The Mihohats, is a tree of cordial properties. 
 
 Arindranto, is a tree whose rotten wood, when 
 burnt, yields a wonderful fragrance, and is exceed- 
 ingly proper for perfumes. 
 
 Ouvilassa, is a creeping plant, whose root resem- 
 
 Y
 
 322 
 
 bles that of jalap. It yields a gum, or resin, like 
 scammony, and purges with great violence. 
 
 Saldits, or Manouquibonga, is a fine woody plant 
 like a vine, producing bunches of large red flowers 
 like feathers : the seed is emetic, and the root of the 
 same plant has an opposite effect. 
 
 Pendre, is a tree that shoots leaves higher than an 
 aloe, and bears ten or twelve white flowers of an 
 excellent odour ; the women make an infusion of it 
 with oil of menachil or sesame. 
 
 Apocapouc, {Euphorbia Tirucalli,) is a tree whose 
 leaves and flowers are like those of spurge laurel ; 
 the fruit is of the size of an almond or nut, and is a 
 strong poison. Nevertheless an oil is drawn from 
 the kernel that is used in anointing the hair. 
 
 The Haram is the loftiest and largest tree in the 
 province of Voolou Voolou. Its wood is white, but 
 has a red tinge near the heart. When full grown, it 
 sheds its bark every year. The trunk is even and 
 without boughs, till near the top, which is crowned 
 with a hugh tuft of leaves. On incision it exudes, 
 in great abundance, a white aromatic resin. The 
 women make a paste of this, with which they anoint 
 their faces, to preserve the freshness of the skin. If 
 burnt, it exhales an aromatic perfume, like in- 
 cense. The fruit is a nut, of which the shell alone is 
 aromatic. 
 
 Tevartna.^ — ^This tree exhibits a very curious con- 
 formation; it grows in a pyramidal shape, the 
 branches representing seven distinct stories, being
 
 323 
 
 regularly ranged horizontally, at equal distances 
 round a straight smooth trunk. 
 
 Ouviau, is a tree bearing a kind of almond, from 
 which is drawn an exquisite oil for the hair, and for 
 sauces. 
 
 The Voulou, (^Bambusa Aimndinaceaj) is a kind of 
 Indian cane : Lindschoten and Acosta, call it mambu, 
 or bamboo. The pith is moist, and something like 
 milk : the Arabian physicians call it taba.vir, and the 
 Indians sacar-mambu, and it is in high esteem through- 
 out the East. Their plenty in the province of Voulou 
 Voulou, gives the name to the country — bamboos and 
 rice being almost the only produce ; the former are cut 
 down by the natives and burnt, the ashes being as a 
 manure for the latter. Some of them are as thick as 
 a man's thigh, tall, black, and round, constituting the 
 chief beauty of the country ; every three years the tree 
 bears a fruit of the size of a small bean : — flour, equal 
 in goodness with that of European wheat, might be 
 made of this fruit. This tree is as useful to these 
 islanders as the cocoa-tree to the Indians: it supplies 
 materials for kitchen and household furniture of all 
 sorts and for all uses ; small wherries for the rivers ; 
 roofs, floors, planks, and stays for buildings, sedans, 
 or palanquins, &c. &c. 
 
 Ampoufoutchi, is a light white wood easy to be 
 worked, and the bark is fit for cordage. 
 
 Anaze, is a large tree, and grows like a pyramid ; 
 the fruit is full of white pith, with the taste of tartar, 
 and of hard kernels, like the pine-apple. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 
 
 Tavelouve, is a tree whose leaves are narrow and 
 long, without stalks, and they grow round and appear 
 as if glued to the branches. 
 
 Ouvave, is a knotty reed like the Indian cane. The 
 root is eatable, and the wood, which is of a violet co- 
 lour, serves to dye red. 
 
 Grapes of a fine quality grow in the desert 
 of Alsissach, and at Fort Dauphin. The inhabitants, 
 ignorant of their quality, were formerly afraid to eat 
 them. They were introduced by Flacourt, who 
 gathered the first ripe fruits in January, 1655. 
 
 Voarots, is the fruit of a large tree, (Cerua Ma- 
 da gascariensis,^ with leaves resembling those of an 
 olive, which, added to the height and extent of the 
 boughs and branches, exhibit a most agreeable sight, 
 and are extremely ornamental : — the fruit is of the size 
 of a cherry, with a thick shell like a nut, exceedingly 
 bitter, and of three kinds, red, white, and black. 
 
 Voaverone, is a fruit of a violet colour, not larger 
 than a red currant, — sweet, and agreeable to the pa- 
 late, and dyes black and violet. 
 
 The white mulberry, (^Morus Ampaltj,) is found in 
 this country extremely sour and sharp : the leaves 
 have a bare resemblance to the European mulberry. 
 
 Azonvalala, is a small red agreeable fruit, without 
 
 juice, and grows upon small shrubs among the bushes. 
 
 Voatsourte, is a small solid fruit, like nutmegs, 
 
 with the flavour of a walnut, either boiled or roasted. 
 
 Tocanhola, is the fruit of a tree resembling a pear- 
 tree ; — it kills dogs : the tree grows extremely high ;
 
 325 
 
 the wood, of musk colour, is the hardest and heaviest 
 in the country, and bears a fine pohsh. 
 
 Voanane, is a fruit half a foot long, consisting of 
 four parts, with the taste of a stony pear, and is a 
 sovereign remedy in laxative disorders. 
 
 Entsacale, is the fruit of a large tree, which grows 
 extremely high and perfectly straight : the leaves are 
 few, and resemble those of the nut-tree : the fruit is 
 divided into little cells, by a membrane thinner than the 
 skin that covers them, of a yellow colour, full of seed, 
 and some juice of an agreeable taste. This fruit grows 
 upon the trunk from the bottom to the top, and is only 
 fastened by a very curious thin stalk. There are three 
 kinds of it ; — that already mentioned ; the second with 
 the outside black; and the third of an aah grey: they 
 have each of them veins and fibres lying in the bark. 
 
 Fonti, is a plant that grows like a plume of feathers, 
 with leaves six feet long, and two broad. Many of 
 them are ten feet long without the stalk, which is two 
 feet ; the fruit is called Voatfontsi, or Voat-dourou, 
 and is enclosed in a hard rind or bark. 
 
 The Hintchy, is the most common tree in the 
 province of Voolou Voolou. It forms delightful 
 avenues, having its top covered with thick foliage ; 
 it resembles a plum-tree, and rises to the same height. 
 Its wood is red, bark smooth and white, and leaves 
 broad, and of a beautiful green. 
 
 The Tanguem grows on the coast; the wood is 
 hard, and fit for joiner's work : the fruit is a formida- 
 ble poison, and the natives dip their spears in the 
 juice of it.
 
 326 
 
 The Assy, is a beautiful palm-tree; it rises ten 
 feet high, and has no leaves except at its top, which 
 is crowned with two or three rows of them four or 
 five feet long, and an inch and a half broad, exhibit- 
 ing the form of a large umbrella. The trunk is 
 marked with the leaves which have successively fallen 
 off in its growth. 
 
 The Voo-a-lomba, (Buddleja Madagascar iensis,) is 
 an annual vine which bears a fruit preferred by 
 Europeans to all others: — it is called the grape of 
 Madagascar ; its root is a species of yam. 
 
 Anakwey, is a large sensitive plant. 
 
 Azambou : — this plant bears a fruit in form of a 
 red nosegay. 
 
 Vogumdasong Farpechorou, a starry lily. This is a 
 parasitic plant; its flowers announce the season for 
 catching whales, and the natives decorate their boats 
 with large bunches of them. 
 
 Ampalt, a plant with a round leaf, used by the 
 natives for polishing iron. 
 
 Farafar, a parasitic plant, bearing a long red flower 
 in form of a fork with five prongs. 
 
 Sanoang-matan, a kind of asparagus. 
 
 Tchilotoo, a species of white tulip. 
 
 Talate, is a plant with thick leaves, and a red fruit 
 like the holly-hock. 
 
 Enghi-panza, little indigo. 
 
 Cani-pouti, is an herb with broad leaves, the juice 
 from which is used by the natives to draw figures on 
 the diflerent parts of their bodies. 
 
 Vua-namboo-avon, is a plant with whitish leaves,
 
 327 
 
 violet flowers, and a red fruit formed like a bouquet. 
 It is serviceable in cuts and ulcers. 
 
 Manouquibonga, a bush with branches like the 
 vine. Its beautiful red flowers have the appearance 
 of a bunch of feathers. 
 
 Vohan-filan, a tree twelve feet high : the trunk, 
 which is qnite straight and leafless, is full of thorns. 
 Its leaves are of a beautiful green colour, about four 
 inches and a half long, and two and a half broad : 
 these it bears at the top, where the foliage is thick 
 and perfectly round ; the wood-pigeons are fond of 
 its fruit, which has a very singular form. 
 
 Vua-azigna. — This is the straightest and loftiest tree 
 in Madagascar : its wood is hard, heavy, and yellow, 
 and is used by the natives for building their houses, 
 and the keels of large canoes. It exudes a resin of 
 the colour of amber, but inodorous and viscous. An 
 oil also is extracted from this tree, which is very 
 valuable, and being mixed with rice, renders it pa- 
 latable and delicate. 
 
 The Ahetsmanga, is a plant resembling hemp ; it 
 grows about five feet high, bears a small long leaf, 
 and a cod containing about a dozen seeds like those 
 of hemp. The natives smoke this plant : they cut 
 leaves and seeds together, and lay them in the sun 
 three or four days, till they are very dry, when it is 
 fit for use. They smoke it through pipes made of 
 reed or small cane, and sometimes a long shell found 
 on the sea-shore. It is very strong, and intoxicates 
 them even to distraction, their eyes looking fiery, and
 
 328 
 
 their countenances wild and fierce : those who accus- 
 tom themselves to it, are fit for nothing till they are 
 in a state of intoxication with it. 
 
 There is a tree called the Fig-tree of Adam, {Musa 
 Paradisiaca,) the juice of which is used in dying, to 
 fix the colour and render it permanent. It is a 
 species of Banana. 
 
 The Sanga Sanga is the real Papyrus Nilotica, and 
 of it the natives make their paper. 
 
 The Arandato, is a tree whose bark is used to 
 make ink. 
 
 The cotton-tree grows in abundance in some of 
 the provinces. Its quality is very excellent, and is 
 reckoned equal to that of Bourbon : indeed, a great 
 proportion of that which is called Bourbon cotton, 
 is no other than the produce of Madagascar. 
 
 Lemons, oranges, and limes, (Citrus Medica,) are 
 also very plentiful. 
 
 The Raven Palm, is one of the most useful trees 
 on the island. It rises to a great height, and serves 
 to shelter their houses, near which it is generally 
 planted. The ends of the stems are prepared and 
 eaten like the palm cabbage. Its bark is hard ; and 
 the wood, which is used in the construction of houses, 
 is incorruptible : the ribs of the leaves are used for 
 partitions and floors, being tied together in a skilful 
 manner. They likewise cover their huts with the 
 leaves, which form a durable roof: tliese serve also 
 for dishes, plates, and cups. A gum is extracted 
 from the blossom, of an exquisite flavour, and as 
 sweet us honev.
 
 329 
 
 List of Plants, not identified with the foregoing. 
 
 Carena Indica 
 Angust.ifolium Repens 
 
 Madagascariensis 
 
 Cernua Madagasc. 
 Panicuin Polyganum 
 Lobelia Triangularis 
 Scoevola Koenigii 
 Massaeuda Glabra 
 Solanum Nigrum 
 
 Monandria Monogi/nia 
 
 Diandria Monogynia 
 Triandria Monogynia 
 Pentandria Monog. 
 
 Balsier 
 Cardamom 
 Galaiiga 
 Olive 
 Guinea Grass 
 
 Sevoli de Koeuig 
 
 Purple Madagascar Brede 
 
 Solanum Indicum 
 
 . 
 
 Indian Nightshade 
 
 Strychnos Vontae 
 
 
 
 Eliretia Madagasc. 
 
 
 Cabrillet of Madag. 
 
 Ceanotlios Capsularis 
 
 
 Ceanate Capsulaire 
 
 Mangifera Pinnata 
 
 
 Manguier ^ Grappes 
 
 Leea Sambucina 
 
 
 Scarlet Leea 
 
 Cerbera Tanghin 
 
 
 Tanguin 
 
 Vinca Rosea 
 
 
 Red Perriwinkle 
 
 Tabernamonta Madagasc. 
 
 
 Madag. Tabematava 
 
 Urania Speciosa 
 
 Hexandria Monog. 
 
 Traveller's Tree 
 
 Dracoena Esefoiia 
 
 
 Reine de Bois 
 
 Aloes Sylvestris 
 
 
 Wood Aloe 
 
 Tacca Madagasc. 
 
 
 Touvoulou Madag. 
 
 Flagellaria Indica 
 
 Triginia 
 
 Indian Flagelleum 
 
 Combretum Purpureum 
 
 Octandria Monog. 
 
 Purple Combitum 
 
 Mimusops Kauli 
 
 
 Kauli 
 
 Dodonaea Angustifolia 
 
 
 Narrow-leaved Dodor 
 
 Lawsonia Spinosa 
 
 
 
 Spinous Lawsonia 
 
 Sapliora Occidentalis 
 
 Decandria Monog. 
 
 American Sophora 
 
 Hymencea Vernucosa 
 
 
 Madag. Locust 
 
 Guilandina Bonduc 
 
 
 Nicker Bush 
 
 Oxalis Repens 
 
 Pentandria 
 
 Creeping Oxalis 
 
 Eurya Madagasc. 
 
 
 
 Eurya
 
 330 
 
 Nymphoea Stellata 
 
 Polynndriu 
 
 Alonogynia 
 
 Stellate Water Lily 
 
 Dombeya Tomentosa 
 
 Monadelphia 
 
 DodecatidriaDoviuy Dombeya 
 
 Hybiscus Papulneus 
 
 
 Pnlyandria 
 
 Poplar-leaved Hybiscus 
 
 n !„«„:, i„,~ 
 
 
 
 Bastard ditto 
 
 
 T';!-- 
 
 
 
 Lime-leaved ditto 
 
 
 Barringtonia Speciosa 
 
 
 
 Square Bonnet 
 
 Crotalaria Tinctoria 
 
 Diadelphia 
 
 Decandria 
 
 Indigoferous Rattlewort 
 
 Cytisus Cajan 
 
 
 
 Guinea Pea 
 
 Coronilla Grandiflora 
 
 
 
 Great-flowered Coronilla 
 
 Hypericum Haronga 
 
 Polyadelphia 
 
 Polyandria 
 
 Haronga 
 
 Casuarina Equisetifolia 
 
 Monoecia 
 
 Monandria 
 
 Filao 
 
 Typbia Angustifolia 
 
 
 
 Triandria 
 
 Lesser Reedmace 
 
 Hernandia Sonora 
 
 
 
 Jack-in-a-box 
 
 Morus Ampaly 
 
 
 Tetrandria 
 
 Ampaly 
 
 Madagasc. 
 
 
 
 Green Mulberry 
 
 Guettarda Indica 
 
 
 Hexandria 
 
 Ind. Guettarda 
 
 Hiritiera Littoralis 
 
 
 MonadelphiaL,o6kmg-^\3£% Tree 
 
 Canarium Haramy 
 
 Diacia 
 
 Pentandria 
 
 Madag. Canarium 
 
 Dioscorea Aculeata 
 
 
 
 Hexan. 
 
 Prickly Yam 
 
 Flacourtia Ramontchi 
 
 
 Icosand 
 
 Madag. Plum 
 
 Holcus Spicatus 
 
 
 
 Spiked Holcus 
 
 Celtis Orientalis 
 
 
 
 Oriental Nettle Tree 
 
 Mimosa Aquatica 
 
 
 
 Aquatic Mimosa 
 
 Sagus Raffia 
 
 not classed 
 
 Madag. Sagus 
 
 Spilanthus Acmilla 
 
 
 
 
 Acmilla 
 
 Xyanthocbymus Pictorius 
 
 
 — 
 
 Colouring Xantbocbymus
 
 331 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Honey — Oils — Gums arf,d Resins — Metals — Minerals and 
 Mineral Waters — Precious Stones. 
 
 In the woods are found six different kinds of honey, 
 the general name for which is "ooa ; each of these are 
 deposited by different insects. One of them, called 
 Tentele sacondi^e, is supposed to be the Arabian 
 Tabaxir, which is held in great estimation in the 
 East. It is deposited by a fly called Sacondre, on the 
 leaves of certain shrubs, and is found in small yellow, 
 green, and red lumps : it is very sweet and hard, and 
 is more of the nature of sugar than honey. 
 
 Of oils there are not less than eight or ten different 
 kinds extracted from plants : the general name for 
 these is Menach ; and they are adapted to the various 
 purposes of life. The natives make much use of oils 
 in anointing their bodies; in those warm climates 
 where clothing is in a great degree dispensed with, 
 the action of the sun renders the use of unguents 
 agreeable at least ; and if not necessary to preserve 
 the skin from blistering, they certainly impart a fresh- 
 ness and suppleness, that gives a degree of vigour 
 to the frame. Those oils most in use amongst them 
 are the tanhe-tanhe, which is drawn from the Palma 
 Christi, or Ricinus ; the Menachil, extracted from the
 
 332 
 
 seed of Sesame, great quantities of which arc made in 
 the vale of Amboule, and it is used for anointing the 
 body; Apocapouc, which is a strong poison, but used 
 for the hair ; and an oil extracted from the raven- 
 sara, which partakes of the united perfumes of cloves, 
 cinnamon, and nutmegs. The cooks in India prefer 
 this perfume, in preference to all other spices, in 
 ragouts. It is expressed from the leaves of the plants. 
 The rest are called according to the respective plants 
 from which they are obtained, Ouivan, Mafoutra, 
 Vourave, Vintang, Arame, &c. 
 
 Several sorts of gum and resin are found on this 
 island, called by the common name of Lite, which is 
 always prefixed to each sort. Of these, there is the 
 Minta, or Gum Benzoin ; the Rame, or Tacamahaca ; 
 Simpi^ an odoriferous gum exuding from the tree 
 Simpi; Enfouraha, agreen gum of a balsamic odour, 
 from the Fouraha ; Quizomainthi, a black gum made 
 use of in fixing darts in their handles; Lingue, 
 likewise a black gum of great fragrancy ; Minthsi, 
 also a black gum, viscous, but very brittle : it exudes 
 from a species of the Acacia, or locust-tree, which 
 grows in the province of Manghabei : the women 
 make use of it in painting their faces, and it is very 
 healing in wounds and ulcers. Vitsic, a species of 
 gum made by ants, in the province of Ampatre; it is 
 white, and hangs on the branches of the trees : — its 
 inside is mixed with small ants, and it is made use of 
 to fix the darts. Fanolouc is a musk which is taken - 
 from an animal of the size of a cat. Varahanua is a
 
 333 
 
 gum which yields an odour like that of incense. 
 Liturha is dragon's-blood. Barencoco is another spe- 
 cies of dragon's-blood. Pane is a gum, or yellow 
 resin, extremely fragrant, from a tree called Fane. 
 Vahonlitintong is the juice of the tree Vintang, or 
 Aloe. Ilaronga is a yellow gum which exudes from a 
 tree, the tlowers of which yield the sweetest matter for 
 honey. Gum lac and ambergris are also found here, 
 and the gum-elastic (Gummiphora Madagascar ie mis) 
 which is drawn by incision from the tree Finguiera. 
 This possesses all the properties of the Caout-chouc 
 of Cayenne. Spirit of wine has no effect on it, but 
 it may be dissolved in ether or linseed-oil : the natives 
 make torches of it, and it requires no wick. 
 
 A gum, similar to gum-arabic, is taken from a 
 tree called the Ombavc. 
 
 A resin of the substance of ambergris, is exuded 
 from a tree called Tongoo-hintchi. 
 
 Civet is plentiful, and is taken from the civet-cat : 
 musk is also taken from the crocodile ; and the 
 natives call it Tartave. 
 
 The metals found at Madagascar are gold, silver, 
 copper, steel, and iron. Of gold there are three sorts ; 
 first, the country gold, called Malacassa : this is of a 
 different nature to that made use of in Europe, being 
 pale, and as soft as lead : an ounce of it is reckoned at 
 about forty-five shillings of our money. There are 
 mines of it in Anossy and other parts of the island : 
 it is oftincc kinds; — the finest, called Liteharonga;
 
 334 
 
 the second, Voulomencfoutchi; the third, Ahetslavau. 
 The other two kinds of gold are imported ; one from 
 Mecca, called Voulameneraaca ; this was brought by 
 the Rohandrians, and is good and fine : — the third kind 
 is that brought thither by the French, and is called 
 Voulomen-voutouva. 
 
 It is at present a doubtful matter whether there are 
 any silver mines in Madagascar ; yet, the authority of 
 three different writers may be quoted in confirmation 
 of it ; namely, Ossorio, Drury, and Benyowsky. The 
 two first write of silver mines in the inland and moun- 
 tainous parts of the country ; and the latter, of that 
 metal being found at Angontzi. Drury also mentions 
 a white metal like tin, which he calls Tutaneg. Like 
 the gold, what silver is found in the island, is princi- 
 pally used as ornaments : their trade being carried on 
 by barter, they have no circulating medium; — that 
 which they sometimes receive of Europeans in ex- 
 change for slaves, is immediately returned in the pur- 
 chase of such commodities as are wanted, or melted 
 down and converted into rings, bracelets, &c. 
 
 The existence of copper mines is of the same doubt- 
 ful nature as that of silver, and at present rests 
 on the authority of Benyowsky, who assures us 
 that mines of that metal are found near the bay of 
 Antongil. 
 
 Mines of steel and iron are found thoughout the 
 island, and the manufacture of them constitutes their 
 most esteemed employment. The quality of the iron
 
 335 
 
 in some of the provinces is excellent, and diftcrs but 
 little from steel : the best is found in Amboule, Anossi, 
 Matatane, and Manghabei. Steel abounds most in 
 Mahafalle, Anachimoussi, Ivouronhehoc, Icondre, and 
 Manamboul. Specimens of their iron have been 
 brought to Europe and examined by competent men, 
 who have found it not at all inferior to that of 
 Sweden. 
 
 Very little is known at present of the minerals at 
 Madagascar ; except salt, saltpetre, sulphur, and 
 pitch, which, in fact, have presented themselves to 
 view, no others have been proved to exist. Salt is 
 made there in large quantities in different districts, 
 and is universally used by the natives to season, but 
 not to cure their meat. Salt springs are found in 
 many parts of the island ; there is one jon a mountain 
 near the valley of Amboule, sixty miles from the 
 coast, which is so strongly impregnated, that a 
 considerable quantity of salt is made from its 
 waters. 
 
 Salt-petre is found in many caverns in the provinces 
 of Houlouve and Ivouronhehoc, and in great quan- 
 tities; insomuch, that Flacourt says he could have 
 manufactured enough gunpowder from it to have 
 conquered the whole island with a handful of men. 
 The natives at that period knew little of the use of the 
 latter destructive composition ; and if they have not 
 already been taught how to manufacture it, we hope 
 they will for ever remain ignorant on the subject.
 
 336 
 
 Towards the east of Mount Hiela, are rivulets so 
 strongly impregnated with sulphur, that the waters 
 are white with it, and both the smell and taste cor- 
 respond thereto. In IManghasia a spring is found 
 which produces that species of pitch called Pis-asphal- 
 tum, or Bitumen Judaic um. 
 
 There is also a fountain on the top of a mountain 
 at Dombulombe, whose water is impregnated with 
 copperas so strongly that it is highly poisonous. 
 
 Several hot springs are found in different parts, 
 possessing medicinal qualities; and chalybeate waters 
 are common on almost every mountain. 
 
 A great variety of precious stones are found in the 
 rivers and brooks of Madagascar, such as crystals, 
 topazes, granates, amethysts, eagle-stones, emeralds, 
 sapphires, hyacinths, jaspers, blood-stones, (called by 
 the natives Rhahamanga), cornelians, and touchstones. 
 The native goldsmiths manufacture these into various 
 ornaments. Large masses of rock crystal are found 
 in the provinces of Mananhar, and on the Ambohits- 
 mena, some of which contain shirls, fossils, and other 
 extraneous bodies of value.
 
 APPENDIX.
 
 APPEJNDIX. 
 
 Of the several particulars in the history of barbarous 
 nations, Religion is decidedly the most interesting to a 
 reflecting mind — inasmuch as it involves consequences the 
 most important both in respect to the present and future 
 condition of man. It is a concern between the creature, 
 who is a changeable being, and the Creator, who is im- 
 mutable ; and the different effects resulting from truth and 
 error are so immensely important, that it is of the first con- 
 sequence for him to be set right in this particular. 
 
 It is true, that the unerring pages of Inspiration, which 
 have presented us with a faithful picture of man in all the 
 stages and conditions of his existence, inform us that the 
 Creator of the universe has made provision for the moral 
 government and future felicity of those who do not enjoy 
 the light of revelation — that he has imparted to them, as 
 well as others, an internal principle, which, if rightly 
 attended to, is sufficient to regulate their private actions, 
 and to guide them in their conduct towards their fellow- 
 creatures; and we are allowed charitably to believe that 
 a moral heathen, who has never enjoyed the advantages 
 of revelation, but who conscientiously honours God by 
 acting up to that light which he possesses, will not be 
 excluded from a participation of future happiness. 
 
 Nor can we believe that the extent of that principle is 
 so confined as the practice of savage nations in general 
 would seem to indicate, or that its dictates and remon- 
 strances are so weak and uncertain, as to leave them at 
 
 / 9
 
 340 
 
 full liberty to practise the grossest of crimes, without 
 suffering the infliction of self-condemnation : — on the 
 contrary, we are inclined to think, that, so far from barba- 
 rity, murder, and adultery, being standard virtues with 
 them, as some have asserted, — in such actions, (however 
 frequently they may occur,) they act contrary to the con- 
 victions of conscience, and consequently are amenable to 
 the just judgment of God. Their frequency only proves 
 that the principles of evil in the human heart are so strong, 
 as to get the better of conscience and judgment. 
 
 Thus far, hut no farther, are we disposed to go with 
 those who question or deny the propriety of missionary 
 exertions : for it is not enough that the principle we refer 
 to exists — there must also be a corresponding power in 
 the moral constitution of man to obey its dictates, in order 
 to insure his future happiness ; which power the history 
 of the world, in all ages, convinces us, does not exist in 
 man in a state of nature, in a sufiicient degree to over- 
 come his corrupt propensities, which by a long course of 
 indulgence so effectually gain the ascendency, as to blunt 
 the power of conscience and render its dictates uncertain 
 or erroneous. We know this to be the case, both from 
 the word of God and the illustrations which every day's 
 experience presents to our notice, even amongst those 
 who are supposed to be under the general influence of 
 Christianity. 
 
 Nor is this all: — the universal prevalence of moral evil 
 is so clear, that even the heathens are sensible of the ne- 
 cessity of some atonement; and mistaking the nature and 
 attributes of Deity, believe that the more costly the sacri- 
 fice, the more acceptable it will prove, and the more 
 effectually will it atone for their sins ; and to this principle 
 may be ascribed the horrid sacrifices we read of in the 
 history of barbarous nations. 
 
 Before the introduction of Christianity into the world, 
 the relative duties were not fully understood : the exercise
 
 341 
 
 of benevolence and humanity was confined to the friendly 
 circle ; and the duty of extending the application of these, 
 and even of love itself, to our enemies, was a refinement 
 in morals, and required a purity of sentiment, that was un- 
 known under the Patriarchal or Mosaic dispensation. It 
 was in the school of the Redeemer of mankind that this 
 principle Avas inculcated and enforced; and although its 
 influence is not so perceptible as it should be amongst 
 Christians and Christian nations, — yet, its dissemination 
 has softened the asperity of those evils that are still latent, 
 and drawn closer the ties of universal kindred. 
 
 But, in the ages of which we are speaking, it was not 
 only in the sphere of relative obligations that we find 
 practices allowed, that are totally inconsistent with Chris- 
 tianity. If we look at the social circle, we shall find many 
 circumstances which will oblige us to conclude, that the 
 moral capacities of man were not all unfolded at once ; or 
 rather, that they were not in so high a degree acted upon 
 by the spirit of God at that period, as under the Christian 
 dispensation. Indeed, the state of society in the patri- 
 archal ages was such as to justify and even render neces- 
 sary many things that afterwards became highly criminal. 
 Of these are, the marriage of the nearest relations-— the 
 plurality of wives, and their frequent repudiation on slight 
 grounds ; the latter of which is accounted for by our 
 Saviour himself, while with the same breath he forbids the 
 practice of it in future.* The Almighty Lawgiver of the 
 universe has adapted his revelations to the circumstances 
 of his creatures ; and at various periods, distinctly pointed 
 out in the Holy Scriptiures, has extended the scale of 
 moral obligations as the state of man would bear it, until, 
 at length, it has been perfected by the introduction of 
 Christianity, or the revelation of Jesus Christ. f 
 
 Christians are not sufficiently alive to the benefits, both 
 
 * See Matt. xix. 3—9. t Heb. i. 1.
 
 342 
 
 of a positive and nef/aiive nature, that they derive from 
 their religion — of the principles, the dispositions, and the 
 habits that have been, in a manner, rooted out by its 
 yeiieral influence, as well as those which have been incul- 
 cated and imbibed by its particular application. — To go 
 no further, if we look over the scripture history of the 
 early ages of the world, we shall find that, even under the 
 influence of revelation, actions and habits were allowed its 
 votaries, the bare contemplation of which the Christian seeks 
 to avoid; and, as it regards the history of the Jews, the utter 
 extermination of those heathen tribes, who opposed them, 
 or occupied the spot which was the subject of promise, was 
 commanded by divine authority* ; however little they may 
 have been justified in aggravating their sufferings by 
 xmnecessary acts of cruelty in the execution of those 
 commands. It is the glory of the Bible, that it not only 
 relates to us the obedience of the servants of God, but also 
 their failings and vices — not that we should imitate the 
 latter, but rather to convey a lesson of instruction to future 
 generations by contrasting their different effects. 
 
 We flatter ourselves the reader will not deem the fore- 
 going remarks irrelevant or misplaced, when he recollects 
 that in concluding our account of the origin of the Made- 
 gasses, we left them under the impression that they were 
 immediately descended from the ancient patriarch; and 
 having been completely insulated, and thereby separated 
 from the rest of the world for a long series of ages, were 
 excluded from the advantages of revelation, and yet have 
 maintained their primitive faith and the simple worship 
 connected therewith. Not having met with any account 
 which appears to us more probable, it is our intention to 
 consider them in this state ; having the concurrent opinion 
 
 • Tlie wars of the Jews and Caiiaauites were undoubtedly struggles for 
 existence : and had not the former been enabled, by divine aid, to overcome 
 and exterminate their idolatrous enemies, they would have been exterminated 
 hij them, and thus the fulHlment of tlie promises would have been frustrated.
 
 343 
 
 of the earliest authentic writers on the subject, who had 
 an opportunity of examining them before their manners, 
 and, we might add, their morals, had been tainted by the 
 pernicious intercourse with Europeans.* 
 
 In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, after the 
 discovery and conquest of the Western Continent had 
 taken place, two prevailing passions held possession of the 
 mind of the European nations — a desire to discover new 
 countries — and a zeal for the Catholic religion, and the 
 extirpation of heretics. In those days of Papal tyranny, 
 the Jesuits possessed almost unbounded influence ; and 
 the spirit of proselytism which distinguished their profes- 
 sion was so strong, as to cause them literally " to compass 
 sea and land" to gratify it. With the exception of 
 England and the Dutch provinces, Europe had long been 
 enslaved by them ; and if the latter had succeeded in 
 emancipating herself from the iron yoke, it was in a great 
 measure effected by the countenance she received from 
 England ; for, notwithstanding the noble resistance she 
 made to the attempts to force a false religion upon her, 
 she must, in all human probability, have sunk at last, but 
 for their assistance. 
 
 The zeal of the Catholics, however, took an entirely 
 new direction, upon the discoveries which were made in 
 the East and West; and a field was opened, which pre- 
 sented so boundless a prospect for its exercise, as made 
 them quite impatient to begin the cultivation. Accord- 
 ingly we find them, at the very first onset, endeavouring 
 to plant the Catholic faith in the new world ; and, in the 
 true spirit of Popery, rushing furiously forward, with the 
 cross in one hand, and the sword in the other, (for we 
 hear nothing of the Bible at that period,) to extirpate 
 heresy; signifying, by these emblems, that when the 
 former failed, the latter must be brought into exercise. 
 
 * See Preface to Flacourt, p. 2.
 
 344 
 
 The Portuguese, as we have observed before, were the 
 first who attempted to colonize Madagascar ; and it might 
 reasonably be supposed, that a people so devoted to the 
 Catholic faith, would have planted the standard of the cross 
 immediately ; — but this was not the case. They took priests 
 thither, it is true; but their efforts to convert the natives 
 were feeble to an unaccountable degree; and the massacre 
 of the whole colony, (except five men,) which took place 
 about the year 1545, alarmed them so much, that they 
 abandoned the idea of settling there, and no further 
 attempt was made by them to establish the Catholic faith. 
 
 It was about a century after, that the French fixed their 
 colony at Fort Dauphin, at which period no vestige of 
 Christianity remained in the island. A short time pre- 
 vious, a Portuguese vessel, which touched there, had 
 carried oiF the son of a chief, who was taken to Goa, 
 where he was instructed in reading and writing, and 
 initiated in the mysteries of Catholicism ; but after his 
 return to Madagascar, he renounced Christianity, and 
 again adopted the religion and customs of his forefathers; 
 so that, when the French arrived, they found him with 
 his lamba and his assagaye, quite ready to receive them. 
 The field, therefore, was now open to the French; and 
 if there was any glory in converting men from natural 
 religion to popish idolatry, they had a fair chance of 
 reaping it. 
 
 They found that simple people of a very teachable dis- 
 position, and resolved to avail themselves of it without 
 delay. They appear, indeed, to have been under great 
 apprehensions lest the English and Dutch heretics should 
 get the start of, or supersede them.^ Their first care was 
 
 * Flacourt writes so movingly upon this subject, that one would almost sus- 
 pect him to have been a monk. He intieats the French government to send 
 " good pastors and workmen, to secure the flocks before the wolves be en- 
 tered into the fold, and have devoured the sheep." And in order to assist 
 these good pastoi s in their labours of love, he strongly recommends the " build-
 
 345 
 
 to build chapels, and to establish public worship; the 
 novelty of which proceedings attracted the admiration of 
 the natives, who flocked in crowds to view them, and 
 testified a great deal of zeal in imitating the devotions of 
 the French worshippers. They also brought their children 
 by hundreds to be baptized, and intreated the missionaries 
 to impart to them the knowledge requisite to prepare them- 
 selves for that sacrament.* 
 
 These outward testimonies of conversion, however, 
 though great stress is laid on them by the French writers, 
 were not followed by that evidence which must be looked 
 for as alone sufficient, in the view of man at least, to 
 determine its reality — a corresponding course of life. 
 Indeed the conduct of the French themselves was of the 
 most flagitious description; and when contrasted with the 
 austerity of the Catholic religion, must render the latter 
 not a little paradoxical to the natives. A very high system 
 of morals certainly could not be expected from the colo- 
 nists; for the manner in which they were got together 
 was such, as that a good moral character would scarcely 
 associate himself with them. Thus, when it was necessary 
 to plant a colony on any newly -acquired territory, the 
 prisons and the streets were swept, and a cargo of vice 
 and depravity, with a few monks to complete the set, were 
 shipped ofl^ to the new station ; and these were the kind 
 of embassies that were to disseminate the true faith! A 
 change of climate, however, did not affect their character : 
 if they possessed so little restraint over their bad passions 
 at home, where the inducement was strongest, it was not 
 probable, that when they found themselves at liberty in 
 a country where a laxity of morals universally prevailed, 
 they should all at once become reformed. The French, 
 
 ing some yond forts, and keeping a prett3' numerous body ol' troops ;'' for 
 which advice he gives two reasons: — the opposition of heretical strangers, such 
 as the English and Dutch, and that of the native chiefs ! ! 
 
 ♦ This result, it is to be understood, is taken Iron) the French accounts.
 
 346 
 
 in this instance before us, gave themselves up to every 
 species of debauchery and excess ; seizing the wives and 
 daughters of the natives, and carrying ofiF their cattle and 
 goods. 
 
 With such pernicious examples before their eyes, the 
 natives, who were not idiots, concluded that whatever 
 these new teachers might profess, the religion they were 
 so anxious to communicate did not restrain its European 
 votaries from the commission of acknowledged crimes; 
 and therefore it was too much for them to expect, that 
 they should be obliged, all at once, to renounce the cus- 
 toms and habits which their forefathers had practised. 
 
 When Fernandez Navarette * visited the island, which 
 was in 1647, he found the morals, both of the French and 
 the native convents, in a very relaxed state; and asserted, 
 that out of a thousand of the latter who had been baptized, 
 there were not fifty who lived like christians. Navarette 
 was a good catholic, and complains bitterly of the licentious 
 conduct of the French and Portuguese who resided at 
 Madagascar, and who laughed at him and the other 
 Spaniards for " eating ojfal meat on Saturdays." He was, 
 notwithstanding, obliged to go on shore, and to associate 
 with tkese reprobates ; for it seems his own countrymen, 
 who composed the ship's crew, were not much before-hand 
 with them : their riotous conduct disturbed him so much, 
 that there was not a place in the whole ship were he could 
 repeat his " Ave Marias in peace." He speaks hand- 
 somely of Pronis, who was then governor, calling him 
 a " very saint." This is also the character given of him 
 by his successor, Flacourt, who describes him as a " very 
 good ecclesiastic, though but a moderate governor." 
 
 The exertions made by the French priests, at the period 
 of Navarette's visit, appear to have been considerable. 
 
 • This person was a Superior of the order of St. Dominic, and was sent out 
 by tlie court of Spain, on a mission to some of the Indian islands, to which he 
 was on liis passage wlien he touched at Madagascar.
 
 347 
 
 There were on the establishment at that time, one bishop, 
 three missionaries, and two lay brethren ; they had erected 
 a church or chapel, and near it a monastery, for these 
 ecclesiastics, in which was a good library of books. Pronis 
 himself too, was very zealous for the conversion of these 
 poor heathens ; and havinj^ married a native woman, the 
 daughter of one of the chiefs, might be supposed to have 
 possessed some influence over their minds : but the 
 effect was trifling, beyond the mere submission to the rite 
 of baptism. The French had not been there long before 
 they shewed themselves disposed to exercise a spirit of 
 tyranny and domination, and the natives became disgusted. 
 The writer we have above quoted, assures his readers that 
 they would never " improve in either temporals or spirituals 
 till they be subdued." 
 
 Notwithstanding these things, there does not exist a 
 doubt but that the natives were desirous of acquiring a 
 knowledge of true religion ; and, if an effort had been 
 made with a proper Spirit to introduce Christianity — if, 
 instead of carrying fire and sword through the provinces, 
 and frightening the natives into obedience to the faith, 
 they had proceeded in the true temper of the gospel, 
 using no other weapons than the sword of the Spirit, and 
 no other arguments than those of persuasion and scripture, 
 Madagascar might at this period have presented a very 
 different picture to the civilized world. Every thing con- 
 nected with the moral state of these people was favourable 
 to such an enterprise. They were wholly without a know- 
 ledge of revealed religion, consequently their minds pre- 
 sented a sort of blank, ready to receive the first impressions. 
 Mahometanism, indeed, had been introduced by the Arabs, 
 and with it a spurious account of some of the historical 
 parts of the Scriptures.* But Mahometanism was not a 
 religion likely to gain ground amongst these simple people ; 
 
 * Paee 66.
 
 348 
 
 its very first principle being contrary to the high and 
 reverential ideas they entertain of the Divine Being: — we 
 refer to the familiar conversations which it is pretended 
 Mahomet held with God, and upon which the whole impos- 
 ture is founded ; but such is the awe of the Madegasses 
 towards that Being, that they believe him too great to hold 
 converse with the greatest of earthly monarchs.* 
 
 Independent of this, they felt no great attachment to 
 their own simple ritual. The absurdities of the Ombiasses, 
 the only persons who bore a sacred character amongst 
 them, were believed only by the lower classes of the people. 
 The chiefs, it is true, consulted them ; but it was rather 
 with the view of keeping the people in subjection, than 
 from a conviction of their supernatural powers. Nor are 
 the Olis, or Teraphim, more generally regarded, or be- 
 lieved to possess any extraordinary powers. This is as- 
 serted by Flacourt, Drury, and several later writers. The 
 first, speaking on this subject, says, " the most super- 
 stitious in this respect were Dian Machicore, Dian Isissei, 
 and some other Rhoandrians, some Lohavohits and slaves. 
 All do not entertain such a belief — the generality of them 
 despise it, and give it no credit whatever." f 
 
 Nor was it the least important circumstance, that the 
 utmost liberty of conscience was enjoyed there by every 
 one, which did not result so much from an indiflference to 
 religion, as to an absence of the spirit of intolerance. On 
 the contrary, they were at all times ready to hear what 
 every stranger had to say on this subject, and weighed 
 
 * Drury, p. 460. 
 
 t Flacourt, p. 182 ; Drury, p. 177. The latter honest but ignorant writer, 
 gives a ludicrous account of his attempt to instruct his master in the Scripture 
 History of the Creation ; but being a very moderate theologian, he got well 
 Jauglied at for his pains. He was heard with great patience and attention, till 
 he roundly asserted that all men have a rib more on one side than on the other ! 
 This produced an investigation, wliich turning out of course to his disadvantage, 
 his whole account was treated with ridicule.
 
 349 
 
 well the merits of their arguments, manifesting* a con- 
 sciousness of the deficiency of their own system, and a 
 desire to arrive at the truth. This desire is inherent in the 
 raind of man, and the nearer he approaches to the simpli- 
 city of nature, the more strongly is it felt, and the more 
 susceptible is he of its instantaneous impression. It is 
 when the mind is carried away by the pride of reasoning, 
 and the sophistry of argument, that it is found to oppose 
 itself to the dictates of truth ; which being capable of 
 illustration by a natural and concise process, requires no 
 embellishment to set it off. Thus we find the French met 
 with no difficulties, but those which resulted from their 
 own violent and imprudent conduct, which, however, were 
 sufficient to counteract their designs. 
 
 Immediately after Flacourt returned to France, he made 
 a strong appeal to the then French minister, Fouquet, 
 upon the subject of the colony, and particularly relative to 
 religion : and we are led to suppose that his represen- 
 tations were not without effect. Although we have not 
 met with any account of the precise nature of his second 
 voyage, or of the persons whom he took out with him, it is 
 reasonable to conclude that he obtained the supplies that he 
 requested, and amongst the rest a number of ecclesiastics. 
 Indeed, in the dedication of his work, which was in all 
 probability written after he had received his letters patent, 
 he expressly alludes to such a provision. But his in- 
 tentions, and those of the good priests who accompanied 
 him, were frustrated by the wreck of the vessel, and the 
 destruction of every soul on board, as we have before 
 stated. 
 
 Chamargou was the next governor, and after his arrival 
 some considerable exertions were made by the French 
 to establish the " true faith" once more on the island; 
 but, like the former attempts, they were ill-conducted and 
 did not succeed ; nor would any system have succeeded, 
 whose advocates had arrogated to themselves a dominion
 
 350 
 
 over the consciences of the natives, unless supported by 
 such a military power as would render resistance in vain. 
 There is a principle in human nature strongly opposed to 
 such an assumption ; and when once its injustice comes 
 to be well understood, every noble feeling of the heart is 
 called into exercise in support of its rights. This spiritual 
 domination is the very essence of Popery, which it has 
 evinced in every age since the world has been cursed with 
 its baneful influence. Nor is it possible that its assump- 
 tion of it should cease, for then it would cease to be 
 Popery. 
 
 We have related, in the history of Chamargou's 
 government, the disastrous consequences of the imprudent 
 conduct of Father Stephen, who, it appears, was at the 
 head of the mission at Madagascar. This conduct caused 
 the destruction of all the missionaries except one * ; and 
 excited the utter detestation of the natives against the 
 French. Under these circumstances, it was not probable 
 that any attempt to convert them would be attended with 
 success. During the time Chamargou remained on the 
 island, the colonists were engaged in a series of warfare 
 that was ill calculated to promote such views ; and although 
 nothing occurs in history on the subject, we have no doubt 
 but that upon the subsequent expulsion of the French, 
 those natives, who were considered as converts, returned, 
 like Andian Maroarivej-f- to their former religious and civil 
 habits ; congratulating themselves at having escaped as 
 well from the fangs of a bigotted priestcraft, as from the 
 lawless tyranny of despotic invaders. 
 
 The entire destruction of the colony, after the death of 
 Chamargou and departure of Bretesche, appears to have 
 put an end to all idea on the part of the French to christ- 
 ianize Madagascar. The island, indeed, was deserted by 
 them till towards the middle of the last century, when the 
 
 * See pp. 142, 144. + Seep. 124.
 
 351 
 
 slave-trade had begun to make its ravages on tlie morals 
 and the population ; and, if the desire existed, it would 
 have been preposterous to have made any attempt of 
 the kind.* Thus, for a century and a half, were those 
 people destitute of religious instruction, although, year 
 after year, the fleets of the most powerful and enlightened 
 nations of the world were continually touching upon their 
 coasts. The period, however, which was destined by 
 Providence for the bestowment of those two great bles- 
 sings, religious instruction and personal freedom, upon the 
 Madegasses, at length arrived. We have already endea- 
 voured to give the reader a faithful detail of the means by 
 which the latter was accomplished, and we have now 
 before us the pleasing task of pointing out the circum- 
 stances which led to the introduction of the former. 
 
 In the year 1795, a few pious and benevolent indivi- 
 duals, actuated by strong feelings of commiseration for 
 the state of the heathen world, established a society for 
 the purpose of sending missionaries to different parts of 
 the globe to instruct the natives in the knowledge of true 
 religion. It is not our intention to give a history of " the 
 London Missionary Society," the name by which it is now 
 generally known ; but as this work may possibly be read 
 by many who are not acquainted with the nature of this 
 institution, with which also the present introduction of 
 Christianity into Madagascar has originated, we trust the 
 reader will excuse us if we so far digress from our subject, 
 as to state the principles on which it is founded, and give 
 a short account of those events which led to the result 
 we are writing of. 
 
 The London Missionary Society was established on the 
 
 « If any Catholic missionaries visited the island, it must have been in a 
 private way, as no mention is made of them in histor3-. But it is more than 
 probable, that the fate of Father Stephen and his associates was a sufficient 
 damper to their zeal, and that the poor Madegasses were henceforth placed on 
 the incorrigible list.
 
 352 
 
 broad foundation of Christianity, without any reference to 
 party distinctions. The founders, who were of different 
 denominations of Christians, were men of enlarged and 
 liberal minds ; and the principle we have stated was evi- 
 dently the only one by which they were actuated, being- 
 precisely that upon which their missionaries have uniformly 
 proceeded in their respective spheres : — with the Bible in 
 their hands, and looking up to God for assistance, they 
 have gone forth in the true spirit of the Gospel, to preach 
 amongst the Heathen "Jthe unsearchable riches of Christ." 
 
 Notwithstanding this, the Society has had much oppo- 
 sition to contend with in the first years of its existence. 
 However respectable, both in character and property, the 
 individuals were who constituted its lists of directors, they 
 were looked upon as enthusiastic visionaries, who were 
 throwing away valuable lives, and the property entrusted 
 to them, to no beneficial purpose; — and, as it respected 
 the British colonies in the East, to a very bad one ; for it 
 was a question which occupied the attention of the British 
 o-overnment during a considerable time, whether the 
 Society's missionaries should be allowed to proceed 
 thither; a large proportion of those concerned in India 
 affairs being decidedly of opinion, that not only would 
 no good be effected by such an admission, but that any 
 interference with the religious superstitions of the eastern 
 nations, would be attended with consequences prejudicial 
 at least, if not utterly destructive, to the British interests 
 in that part of the world. 
 
 But it was not from hence alone that the opposition pro- 
 ceeded : there was another class of men, whose conduct 
 was calculated in a still greater degree to damp the zeal of 
 the directors, had not a superior and unseen Power sus- 
 tained their minds, and impelled them to go forward. We 
 refer to the negative, but cutting opposition of the friends 
 of Christianity, who asserted or believed that the time for 
 the conversion of the heathen was not arrived. We have
 
 353 
 
 lired long enough to recollect hearing such assertions as 
 these uttered by men, who, in other respects, were strongly 
 devoted to the cause of religion, especially after the Pro- 
 vidence of God had appeared for a while to frown on the 
 labours of the Society ; and we think we may venture to 
 assert, that one such remark from such men inflicted 
 greater distress on the mind of the directors, than all the 
 combined opposition that presented itself on the former 
 grounds. 
 
 The day of misconception and calumny, however, is 
 gone by. A steady adherence to those principles, on 
 which the Society was originally founded, has, by divine 
 assistance, enabled it to surmount every obstacle of that 
 nature. The British government wisely determined not 
 to interfere to prevent the introduction of the Christian 
 religion in India; and so well satisfied are they at the 
 present period, that the views of the Society are calculated 
 to promote the happiness of mankind, that in every place 
 uader their dominion, they have not only admitted the 
 missionaries, but extended over them their powerful pro- 
 tection, and rendered such facilities, as greatly to promote 
 the objects of the institution. 
 
 In regard to the friends of reiigion, they have long since 
 seen and acknowledged their error, and have endeavoured 
 to atone for their former want of zeal, by the most strenuous 
 co-operation: and at the present period, the whole 
 christian world is engaged, either to this, or some other 
 societies of the same nature ; and the efforts to disseminate 
 the Christian religion, are great beyond all former precedent. 
 
 In the year 1798, the Society determined to attempt 
 the establishment of a mission in South Africa, and the 
 Rev. Nathaniel Forsyth was sent to the Cape of Good Hope 
 for that purpose. The same year the friends of the 
 institution received an invaluable acquisition to their 
 numbers, in the late Dr. Vander Kemp. That gentle- 
 man, after his conversion, had his attention strongly 
 
 A A
 
 354 
 
 engaged, at the time of the formation of the Society, by 
 a printed tract on the subject, which had been circulated 
 in Germany, and was put into his hands by a Moravian 
 minister. So deeply moved and affected was he by that 
 and subsequent publications on the subject, that at the 
 above period he wrote to the directors a letter expressive 
 of the feelings of his heart, and making a tender of his 
 services. These were accepted, and he arrived in London, 
 where his valuable qualities were soon discovered ; and it 
 was finally determined that, according to his own earnest 
 wishes, he should be sent as a missionary to the Namaquas, 
 a race of people inhabiting the countries on each side the 
 Orange River in South Africa. 
 
 From the first moment of his arrival at the place of 
 destination, it appears he had it in contemplation to pass 
 over to Madagascar, as soon as the views of the directors 
 would admit of such an undertaking. He had indeed set 
 his heart on making an attempt to introduce Christianity 
 into " that great and long-neglected island ;" and in his 
 letters made many strong appeals to the directors on the 
 subject. We understand, also, that the latter were quite 
 as desirous of such an undertaking ; but their affairs in the 
 South Seas, in India, and on the Continent of Africa, 
 occupied all their resources, and they were unwillingly 
 obliged to defer it. 
 
 After the surrender of the Mauritius to the British . 
 forces, a favourable opening presenting itself. Dr. Vander 
 Kemp was anxious to avail himself of it ; and Mr. Pacalt, 
 a German missionary, declared himself willing to accom- 
 pany him on a mission to Madagascar. Sir John Craddock, 
 the governor at the Cape, was, in consequence, applied to for 
 his consent, which was readily granted ; and about the same 
 time the Doctor received a letter from a Mr. Thompson, 
 who was on his passage as a missionary to the East, and 
 having touched at the Mauritius, communicated to him from 
 thence, intelligence highly favourable to the enterprize.
 
 355 
 
 The directors, however, were averse to Dr. K.'s going 
 thither, both on account of his health, which was on the 
 decline, and because they had now a considerable number 
 of missionaries on the Continent of Africa, which rendered 
 it absolutely necessary for them to have " a wise and 
 judicious superinteudant." Circumstances also occurred, 
 which suspended the benevolent object of the Doctor's 
 wishes, till, at the end of the year 1811, he was called 
 away by death, to receive the reward of his labours. 
 
 After Dr. Vander Kemp's decease, it appears Mr. Pacalt 
 relinquished his design of proceeding to Madagascar, and 
 nothing further transpired on the subject for some years. 
 The directors, however, never lost sight of that object : it 
 was one of too much importance to be finally relinquished. 
 It is true but little was known respecting the island, and 
 that little was not very encouraging. The extent to which 
 the slave-trade was carried on, made the attempt appear 
 hazardous ; and the savage character which its inhabitants 
 bore in Europe, was an additional obstacle in the way. 
 The intercourse, however, which we have already stated to 
 have been kept up between Governor Farquhar and the 
 King of Ova, paved the way, and eventually led, to the 
 accomplishment of their wishes. 
 
 In the year 1816, two missionaries were sent to the 
 Mauritius, where they were kindly received by his Excel- 
 lency, Governor Farquhar, under whose auspices they 
 soon established themselves, and commenced their active 
 labours. 
 
 The successfiil result of this mission induced the di- 
 rectors of the Society, two years after, to send two more 
 missionaries (namely, the Rev. David Jones, and the Rev. 
 Thomas Bevan) to the Mauritius, with the ulterior inten- 
 tion of their proceeding to Madagascar, if the state of that 
 island were such as to render it safe, which they had been 
 encouraged to hope was the case, from communications 
 which were received from Governor Farquhar. These 
 
 A a2
 
 356 
 
 missionaries sailed on the 9th of February, and arrived at 
 the place of their destination on the 3d of July, 1818. 
 At that period, Governor Farquhar had returned to 
 England on business respecting the affairs of the colony, 
 and had left Mr. Hall in command during his absence. 
 That gentleman received the missionaries in a very 
 courteous manner ; but discouraged their proceeding to 
 Madagascar at that time, on account of the slave-trade, 
 which still continued to be carried on to a most alarming 
 extent. They, notwithstanding, determined to proceed 
 thither privately, to inform themselves precisely of the 
 state of the island, and whether their attempt would be 
 likely to succeed. 
 
 They accordingly sailed from the Mauritius about five 
 weeks after their arrival, and landed at Tamatave on the 
 18th of August. Here they were favourably received, and 
 commenced a school, consisting, at first, of ten children of 
 the most respectable families in the place. The natives 
 expressed great joy at the prospect of having their chil- 
 dren educated; and the missionaries were much encou- 
 raged by the promising appearances which presented 
 themselves. The following month Mr. and Mrs. Bevan 
 returned to the Mauritius, on account of the approach of 
 the sickly season ; leaving Mr. and Mrs. Jones, with their 
 infant child, at Madagascar. 
 
 A most painful visitation of Providence took place soon 
 after this period. In December, both Mr. and Mrs. Jones 
 were taken ill : in the same month they lost their infant 
 daughter ; and, at the close of it, Mrs. Jones also died, to 
 the inexpressible grief of her husband. — Nor was this all. 
 At the same period, Mr. and. Mrs. Bevan, who had remained 
 some weeks at the Mauritius, determined to return to 
 Madagascar, notwithstanding the earnest intreaties of 
 their friends, who represented the danger of going at that 
 period of the year. 
 
 They arrived, with their infant, at Tamatave, on the
 
 357 
 
 6th of January, 1819, and were immediately informed of 
 the distressing events which had transpired. Mr. B. was 
 strongly affected at it, and was himself soon after taken 
 ill, and died on the 31st of January, having seen his child 
 expire several days before. Overwhelmed with so rapid 
 an accumulation of sorrow, Mrs. Bevan, who had been 
 taken ill a few days after her husband, sunk under the 
 weight, and expired on the 3d of February. 
 
 Such a complication of bereavements must have weighed 
 down the spirits and constitution of the survivor, Mr. 
 Jones, if his mind had not been strongly fortified by 
 religion. Under the influence of this all-powerful prin- 
 ciple, he found himself supported ; and resolved, if it should 
 please God to spare his life, to continue his labours until 
 other missionaries arrived to assist liim. He found the 
 Madegasses eager to receive instruction, and he was 
 unwilling to forego the pleasure of imparting it. 
 
 With these views he remained ; and at the latter end of 
 the year 1819, the directors, who had become acquainted 
 with the melancholy events which had taken place, sent the 
 Rev. David Griffith, to occupy the place of their late 
 missionary, JVfr. Bevan. That gentleman, with Mrs. Griffith, 
 arrived at the Mauritius in January, 1820, and were kindly 
 received by the Friends in that island, amongst whom must 
 be reckoned as chief, the worthy governor, who allowed him 
 the use of his library, in which was a collection of vocabu- 
 laries of the language, and memoirs of the island of 
 Madasrascar. These were of essential service to Mr. 
 Griffith in preparing himself for his undertaking, The 
 encouragement and support which Governor Farquhar 
 has uniformly given to all the missionaries who have been 
 at the Mauritius, do honour to his head as well as his heart, 
 and cannot fail to make the deepest impression on the 
 mind of every one who feels an interest in the welfare of 
 the human race. 
 
 At this period, Mr. Jones, who was at the Mauritius for
 
 358 
 
 the benefit of his health, employed himself in superintend- 
 ing a school, consisting of sixty children, who made a rapid 
 improvement under his instruction. It was his object 
 to expand and inform the understandings, rather than to 
 load the memories of his pupils, by imparting just ideas, 
 and enforcing them by the plainest illustrations. This is 
 evidently the most certain method of instilling knowledge 
 into children, whose capacities are necessarily confined : 
 and to burthen their memories continually with fresh matter, 
 without explanation or illustration, tends only to confuse 
 and weary them, without advancing a step nearer the great 
 object in view. 
 
 During the time Mr. Jones remained at the Mauritius, 
 he experienced the most kind and unremitting attention 
 from his Excellency, Governor Farquhar, and Charles 
 Telfair, Esq. ; by whose assiduity he was once more re- 
 stored to perfect health, and prepared to resume his 
 labours at Madagascar, in conjunction with his colleague, 
 the Rev. Mr. Griffith. An opportunity of the most 
 favourable nature presented itself of obtaining an intro- 
 duction at the court of Radama, when Mr. Hastie pro- 
 ceeded thither to treat for the abolition of the slave-trade, 
 and of this Mr. Jones determined to avail himself. Of his 
 arrival and journey to the capital, the reader is already 
 informed. The reception he met with from Radama, the 
 king of Ova, was highly flattering, and he soon foimd the 
 benefit of the introduction he had received. Immediately 
 after the affair of the slave-trade had been disposed of, 
 Mr. Jones took an opportunity of conversing with the king 
 on the subject of his mission, the nature of which had been 
 previously explained to him by Mr. Hastie : he therefore 
 assured Mr. Jones that he had nothing so much at heart as 
 the instruction of his people, and requested him to inform 
 the directors of the Missionary Society, that his protec- 
 tion and support should be extended to any missionaries 
 they might think proper to send over. — ** Help me," said
 
 359 
 
 he, " to enlighten and civilize my subjects, and you will 
 for ever bind me to the British nation." The Queen- 
 Mother also assured Mr. Hastie, that this alone was the 
 basis of the treaty just concluded. " Had money," said 
 she, " been the object, I would never have agreed to it; 
 but I will now support the plan with all my might." 
 
 Such sentiments bespeak a true nobility of soul, and 
 must have ajffbrded strong encouragement to the men who 
 had forsaken their earthly connections to dwell amongst 
 strangers, whose characters had been so grossly misrepre- 
 sented to the world. Mr. Jones, however, took occasion 
 to remind his Majesty, that a letter from himself would 
 have greater weight, and would be more strongly ex- 
 pressive of his wishes. This hint was immediately acted 
 upon ; and the following letter was written, in the king's 
 own hand, in the French language : 
 
 " Radama, King of Madagascar, to the Missionary So- 
 ciety, usually called the London Missionary Society. 
 
 "Gentlemen, 
 
 " When the treaty was concluded between me and 
 Governor Farquhar, which had for its object the cessation 
 of the exportation of slaves from the island of Madagascar, 
 the missionary, Mr. David Jones, accompanied the com- 
 missioner from the British government, and arrived at 
 Tananarive, the capital of my kingdom, with the intention 
 of paying me a visit to solicit from me leave to settle, with 
 other missionaries, in my dominions. Having informed 
 myself of his profession and mission, I acquiesced with 
 much pleasure in his request. 
 
 " Mr. Jones, your missionary, having satisfied me that 
 those sent out by your Society have no other object than 
 to enlighten the people by persuasion and conviction ; and 
 to discover to them the means of becoming happy, by 
 evangelizing and civilizing them after the manner of
 
 360 
 
 European nations, and this not by force, contrary to the 
 liglit of their understandings; 
 
 •' Therefore, Gentlemen, I request you to send me, if 
 convenient, as many missionaries as you may deem proper, 
 together with their families, if they desire it ; provided 
 you send skilful artizans to make my people workmen as 
 well as good Christians. 
 
 " I avail myself. Gentlemen, of this opportunity to 
 promise all the protection, the safety, the respect, and the 
 tranquillity, which missionaries may require from my sub- 
 jects. 
 
 " The missionaries who are particularly required at 
 present, are persons who are able to instruct my people 
 in the Christian religion, and in various trades, such as 
 weaving, carpentering, &c. &c. 
 
 ** I shall expect. Gentlemen, from you, a satisfactory 
 answer, by an early opportunity. 
 
 " Accept, Gentlemen, the assurances of my esteem and 
 affection. 
 
 (Signed) " RADAMA MANZAKA. 
 
 " Tananarive, October 29, 1820." 
 
 This letter, which was brought to England by Prince 
 Rataffe, in the spring of the last year, was read at the 
 general meeting of the Missionary Society, in May, at 
 which the Prince and his young charge were also present. 
 This interesting and novel circumstance acted like an 
 electric shock on the immense multitude who were as- 
 sembled in the metropolis on that interesting anniversary ; 
 and the effect was greatly heightened by the little know- 
 ledge the public possessed respecting Madagascar. The 
 letter itself must give every impartial person a favourable 
 opinion of the king, both for his discernment and liberality ; 
 and few could have expected to hear such sentiments
 
 361 
 
 from a despotic monarch of a supposed horde of barba- 
 rians. 
 
 In consequence of this appeal, the directors took under 
 their protection the nine Madegasse youths; and, in 
 answer to the letter of the king, pledged themselves, that 
 missionaries should be sent to instruct the people. Agree- 
 able to this pledge, they, in August following, sent the 
 Rev. Mr. JefFeries, in quality of missionary, and four other 
 persons as mechanics. The Madegasse youths are at 
 present at the British and Foreign School, to receive an 
 education in reading and writing; and when that is accom- 
 plished, they are to be placed under proper masters, to be 
 instructed in various trades and manufactures. 
 
 To return to the missionaries. At the court of Radama 
 these worthy men have experienced that cordial protec- 
 tion and support which evinces the sincerity of their royal 
 patron. A house has been provided for them, and two 
 servants appointed to attend them. Mr. Jones has had 
 sixteen children placed under his care, by his Majesty, to 
 receive an English education. Three of these are children 
 of his sister, and one of them is heir to the crown ; the 
 others are of noble birth, and all possess good understand- 
 ing and talents. In proof of which, Mr. Jones mentions 
 one, only six years of age, who, after six months' instruc- 
 tion, began to read portions of the Scriptures in English. 
 
 In communicating the principles of Christianity, much 
 difficulty is experienced for want of words in their lan- 
 guage to express ideas on those subjects. This appears, 
 indeed, to be a difficulty with adults, as well as with 
 children ; but the introduction of the English language, 
 which is now to be taught and spoken instead of the 
 French*, will facilitate the object. 
 
 * We do not mean to infer from this, that the French language does 
 not possess terms to express evangelical sentiments ; but we must infer 
 from the ignorance of tliose Madegasses who understand that language, 
 that they had never heard the subject discussed, and that no attempts bad 
 been nmde to impart it to them.
 
 362 
 
 These transactions did not take place without attracting 
 the observations of the French Catholics at the Isle of 
 Bourbon. That the English heretics should have thus 
 gained the favour of a monarch, in a country which a few 
 years ago was frequented by themselves alone, could not 
 fail to alarm them. Accordingly we find the French 
 priest, (we suppose the Superior) at St. Denis, in that 
 island, wrote a very flattering letter to the king, of Ova, 
 requesting permission to send Catholic misssonaries to 
 instruct his subjects in the Roman Catholic religion ; and 
 informing him that there were a number of them at 
 Bourbon, ready to come over as soon as they had received 
 his Majesty's permission." But the " English heretics" 
 had, indeed, got the start of them, and the king wrote a 
 very spirited answer, assuring them in the strongest terms 
 that he " would never give his permission to such an 
 interference — that he had entered into an alliance with the 
 British nation, and, consequently, wished to have British 
 protestant missionaries to instruct his subjects, and that 
 such only should have his permission, as well as protection, 
 throughout his dominions." 
 
 We cannot here refrain from expressing our indignation 
 at the meddling conduct of these monks. Their govern- 
 ment, after having held partial possession of the island for 
 upwards of a century, during which their political and 
 religious tyranny alienated from them the affections of the 
 natives, and ultimately caused their violent expulsion, — 
 had traded with them for another century and a half, 
 during which no attempts had been made to enlighten or 
 civilize them, or to convey religious instruction to their 
 minds. While the French were allowed to partake of the 
 profits of the most iniquitous trade that ever disgraced 
 human nature, the moral state of these islands was of no 
 consequence to them, nor did they make a single effort to 
 christianize them. But as soon as they found that the 
 British were likely to introduce Christianity under another
 
 363 
 
 form than that which they approved, their fears for the 
 souls of the Madegasses were instantly excited, and with it 
 the old superannuated zeal for the prevention of heresy. 
 But as it was in the beginning with Popery, so it is now, 
 and ever will be, as long as it exists. Bigotry and into- 
 lerance are its characteristic marks, and it either has not 
 the power, or it takes no pains, to conceal them. 
 
 We sincerely rejoice that their proposal met with so 
 prompt and decided 4X ^y^fusal : not because we have any 
 fear that they could have made an impression on the 
 minds of the Madegasses unfavourable to the British, but 
 because the present moral state of the island is such that 
 they might have caused that kind of religious perplexity in 
 them, which would have been very unfavourable to the 
 dissemination of Christianity. In order to promote such 
 an object amongst any people just emerging from a state of 
 barbarism, it is necessary for the instructors to confine 
 themselves to the plainest and most fundamental truths, 
 and those w^hich are capable of the simplest illustration ;* 
 any other course would, we conceive, fail in its object, and 
 leave them in a worse state of uncertainty than before 
 such things were presented to them. 
 
 We are fully persuaded in our own minds, that it was on 
 this ground alone they met with a I'efusal, and not from 
 the existence of an intolerant spirit on the part of the 
 king. In fact, such a spirit is unknown in Madagascar, if 
 the information of all the travellers who have written on 
 the subject may be depended on ; and we are certain that 
 it will not be the object of the missionaries, at present on 
 the island, to infuse it into the minds of that simple people. 
 
 The receipt of this letter led to an inquiry on the part of 
 the king, respecting the difference between the Protestant 
 
 • In Flacourt's work, are the prayers and confessions to tlie Virgin 
 Mary, St. Michael, John Baptist, &c. &c. with the commands of the church 
 to abstain from flesh on Fridays and Saturdays, and, in short, the whole 
 routine of popish worship and discipline, translated into Madegasse I
 
 364 
 
 and Catholic religion, which gave the missionary an oppor- 
 tunity, after an explanation on that head, of pointing 
 out the principles on which the Missionary Society acted ; 
 whose agents used no other means to inculcate their prin- 
 ciples, than persuasion and conviction, leaving it entirely 
 to the understandings of their hearers to receive or reject 
 their arguments, according to the light which is thrown 
 into their minds, or the different effects produced thereby. 
 
 We have now nearly completed our task, and feel peculi- 
 arly happy in the thought of lea^ing this interesting people 
 in such good hands. The British government, with a 
 liberality which does them honour, have declined inter- 
 fering with the views and proceedings of the Missionary 
 Society : the care, therefore, of providing for the spiritual 
 wants of these people, as well as of furnishing instructors 
 in the various arts and manufactories, has wholly devolved 
 upon that institution; and, if what has been effected by 
 their exertions in other parts of the world*, be any guide 
 to us in forming our opinion as to the success of their 
 efforts in Madagascar, there is little doubt but that in a 
 very few years we shall see that island in a state that will 
 excite the admiration and astonishment of all the nations 
 of Europe. That its people are prepared to receive instruc- 
 tion, is the opinion of every one who has been amongst them, 
 from the first moment of its discovery to the present time. 
 There are no prejudices on their minds against revelation ; 
 no idolatry ; no false principles respecting the unity of God, 
 
 • We are surprised that the operations of the society, in Africa, have not 
 attracted the attention of the Society of Friends. Surely those who are so 
 eminent for their love of peace, cannot look with indifference upon the 
 many instances in which this society has so forcibly and so successfully 
 inculcated that lovely principle ! They surely cannot fail to rejoice at seeing 
 the onee blood-thirsty Africaner and the murdering Berend umler the 
 same tent, bending their knees at the same throne of grace, and imploring 
 in artless language, the blessings of heaven upon those who have been the 
 ipstruraeuts of their conversion I
 
 365 
 
 or the immortality of the soul. There is no self-righteous 
 complacency, hke that of the Hindoos, to combat, arising 
 from works of supererogation ; at the same time, they are 
 not destitute of a knowledge of the universal depravity of 
 the human nature ;f and, however preposterous their ideas 
 
 t Our learned theologians would little expect to find these poor heathens 
 accounting fortlie origin of evil — yet such is actually the case. The follow- 
 ing tract on the subject, is taken literally from Flacourt, who translated 
 it from a Madegasse MS. 
 
 Origin of Sins ! Formerly the devil (dian-bilis, or beliche) was married 
 and had a very wicked wife, who brought him seven children ; these 
 being grown up to manhood, addicted themselves to vice. 
 
 The first gave himself to pride, to despise men, and to a thousand wick- 
 ednesses — as making poisons, witchcraft, causing hail, rain, whirlwinds, 
 locusts, thunder, and blasting the fruits of the earth. So that although 
 mankind knew who he was, they were obliged to make him a God. 
 
 The second was addicted to robbery and plunder, and took great usury, 
 by which he ruined every body. 
 
 The third practised all kinds of debauchery and wickedness, carrying off 
 all the women and girls, and ruining them. 
 
 The fourth was guilty of vexatious lying and evil-speaking against 
 honest men, by which he excited quarrels, brawls, and private malice; so 
 that the whole world was thereby thrown into confusion and trouble, being 
 sorry when he saw them at peace and repose. When any one was pros- 
 perous, he immediately invented against him a thousand calumnies in order 
 to trouble his repose, and ruin his prospects. 
 
 The fifth was so addicted to gluttony, that not content with gorging him- 
 self, he incited others to do the same by his example, and thus they became 
 bad managers, ran into unnecessary and ruinous expenses, and wasted 
 their substance in ceaseless gluttony and intoxication. 
 
 The sixth was so choleric, that on every occasion he killed and mas- 
 sacred every body he met, without any cause ; exciting quarrels and fights 
 between men for things of little consequence. By his bad examples, and 
 bad morals, all those have been corrupted who have caused the wars that 
 have taken place on the earth, from the beginning to the present day. 
 
 The last was so lazy, that he preferred leaving his lands untilled, rather 
 than cultivating them, and prevailed on many to follow his example. 
 Thus the Ompilampes, or wood-robbers, Owpizees, or savages, and 
 sluggards, imitate them ; the slaves also will neither work nor follow their 
 masters. 
 
 The fable ends with the massacre of these wicked youths, at which the 
 devil being very angry, complained to the Divine Being, who told him his
 
 366 
 
 may be on the subject, we look at the principle rather than 
 the detail; and feel persuaded, that as they admit the 
 principle, they will readily be brought to understand and to 
 feel its application. 
 
 Nor do we consider it the least important circumstance 
 in their favour, that a day of rest is universally allowed to 
 the slaves, whether at stated or imcertain intervals. On 
 these days, a total cessation of compulsory labour is ad- 
 mitted; and, although it is at present a purely civil, or 
 rather benevolent appointment, depending upon the will 
 of the master ; yet, as we observed in the last case, the 
 principle does exist: and when the nature of the Christian 
 sabbath comes to be explained to and understood by them, 
 the transition from a day of rest to a day of activity in the 
 service of God, will meet with no opposition arising from 
 motives of avarice or inhumanity. 
 
 But we expect much from the auspicious circumstances 
 under which Christianity has received its introduction into 
 Madagascar. In this view of the subject, we consider the 
 treatment the natives have experienced from Europeans, in 
 former times, as forming so strong a contrast with the 
 conduct of the British at the present period, that the effect 
 must necessarily be great. Hitherto these people have 
 seen the dark side of European character only. In the first 
 instance, when an attempt was made to form an establish- 
 ment amongst them, whether it was to be of a commercial, 
 a political, or a religious nature, the same means were 
 made use of to enforce it. War and rapine, fire and 
 sword, were employed ; and the poor frightened inhabitants, 
 who escaped, were obliged, if proselytism was the object, 
 to submit to the conquerors; and, knowing nothing of the 
 absurdity of popery, thought themselves happy in saving their 
 lives by adopting the idolatrous and preposterous mummery 
 
 wife was the cause of nil the mischief, and ordered them both to reside in 
 the sea in future. The roaring of the oceati is believed to be uothiiig less 
 than the devil and his spouse weeping for their children.
 
 367 
 
 that the monks forced upon them. This, however, is not 
 christianizing ; and we much question whether the French 
 priests ever effected the conversion of one Madegasse : 
 for if they had, the effects would be seen to this day. 
 Chi'istianity is, indeed, like leaven, and when once intro- 
 duced in its purity, has the power of the Almighty himself 
 for its protection, and his Holy Spirit for its teacher: and 
 if one native of Madagascar had ever felt the truth of the 
 gospel on his heart, he could not have remained satisfied 
 without communicating it to his countrymen. 
 
 And after the French had done with the Madegasses 
 as subjects, or rather, when the latter had done with the 
 former as masters, the case was, if possible, rendered still 
 worse: — then came the slave-trade to blast the morals of 
 the natives and the character of Europeans. War then 
 assumed a new and a more detestable feature amongst the 
 former ; for instead of being prosecuted to save their lives, 
 they were continually incited to gratify their avarice — a 
 passion which, till that unfortunate era, was scarcely known 
 by them : and Europeans were continually to be seen 
 plotting together, to excite the poor heathens to mutual 
 revenge ; that they might thereby gain fresh victims to 
 satisfy the Western Moloch 1 
 
 Now, let the reader glance his eye over the transactions 
 of the last ten years of the history of this people, and 
 say which is the system that is best calculated to benefit 
 the Madegasses? As soon as British influence was esta- 
 blished, its beneficial effect began to be felt ; and although 
 we have a high opinion of the discernment of the Made- 
 gasses, yet it is no great proof of it that they soon be- 
 came attached to our countrymen. Instead of plotting 
 for their destruction, the worthy agents of the British 
 government have been laying the most judicious plans for 
 their emancipation and civilization ; the accomplishment of 
 their wishes has been already detailed, and the manly and 
 humane manner in which the whole proceeding has been
 
 368 
 
 conducted, has endeared the British nation to the Made* 
 g-asses. Under these favourable circumstances has Chris- 
 tianity received its introduction, having the patronage of the 
 king and his nobles, not as a matter of court policy, as is 
 too frequently the case in polished nations, but in the 
 honest simplicity and sincerity of their hearts, because they 
 are convinced of its superiority over their present system 
 of religion.* 
 
 We are not ashamed to close our history with the 
 declaration, that we consider the events which we have 
 related, as highly illustrative of the overruling power and 
 providence of God ; and we pity the man who, after read- 
 ing such a chain of striking occvirrences, can deliberately 
 ascribe the combination to chance, or even place them 
 amongst the ordinary course of human events. We would 
 not, for ten thousand such islands — after the feelings 
 excited by their wrongs are subsided — relinquish the faculty 
 of viewing the painful degradation in which the Made- 
 gasses have, for so many years, been sunk, as a sort 
 of moral discipline — designed by Providence to prepare 
 them for the reception of that Gospel, whose influence 
 communicates instantaneous light, life, and liberty ; which 
 will be doubly sweet to them, when contrasted with their 
 former ignorance and slavery. We delight to view them 
 as the children of Abraham, the father of the faithful, and 
 collateral heirs of the promises — to look upon them as the 
 beloved child that *' was lost, but is found." They revive 
 in our minds, and realize to our senses, the ancient Patri- 
 
 * Radania himself declares be has no faith in the superstitions of his 
 country, but lie makes use of them to keep the people in subjection. 
 
 When General Burn was there, he had frequent conversations with an 
 intelligent chief on the subject of religion : he used to interrogate him 
 about his faith and worship, but the chief seemed ashamed of it, and 
 would generally answer — " Englhhwan know better ; he laugh at Mada- 
 gascar man, pray God." The general, who was a pious character, was 
 then of opinion that an attempt to introduce Christianity into the island 
 would succeed.
 
 369 
 
 archs, who fed their flocks and their herds, journeying 
 from place to place, and forming amongst themselves a 
 fraternity, where every member was a brother or a sister, 
 and over whom one common interest threw the mantle of 
 affection ! Such were the Madegasses amidst all their 
 superstitions, till poisoned by the breath of Europeans. 
 Then the box of Pandora was opened, and all the baneful 
 passions, which were latent in their breasts, were called 
 into exercise; — but we will shun the horrid picture, and 
 rather congratulate them upon their happy emancipation — 
 not doubting but that the Almighty has blessings in store 
 for them, which will amply compensate for the ages of 
 suffering through which they have passed. 
 
 Nor can we forbear to congratulate our country, which 
 has thus taken by the hand, and raised, as it were, from the 
 dead, a noble and generous, bxit abused, insulted, and 
 betrayed people ; and we are convinced, that every one 
 who has a British heart, will feel himself elevated, at least 
 one degree, in the scale of moral worth, by the generous 
 part his coimtry has taken in this affair. What pecuniary 
 advantage is adequate to the pleasure of thus bestowing 
 happiness? — What selfish considerations are equal to the 
 satisfaction of having rescued our fellow-creatures from 
 misery? Much still, it is true, remains to be done; but 
 we are convinced, that He who has begun the work, will 
 himself raise the means and instruments to complete it. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 B B
 
 LONDON : 
 R. CLAY, PRINTER, DEVONSHIRE STREET, BISH0PS«;ATE
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 21, line 3, for tracks, read tracts. 
 88, — 21, for has^ read have. 
 
 103, — 25, for wool, read woof. 
 
 138, — 17, for dorac, read douac. 
 192, — 27, for Saphirobac, read Saphirobai. 
 205, — 28, for were, read where. 
 233, — 17, for to the, read the. 
 238, — 13, for Bell, read Bel. 
 291, — 14, for these, read the. 
 297, — 15, for utter their, read utters its. 
 302, — 15, for i», read are.
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 
 
 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. 
 
 (?; 
 
 APR 9 '^■^
 
 „„.lllliii 
 
 3 1158 00775 399» 
 
 UC SOUTHERri »i 
 
 A 000 537 633