THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES ¥ Jh^^^fPr^^ Edition de Luxe Vol.1 THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES By JAMES WILFORD GARNER, Ph.D. AND HENRY CABOT LODGE.Ph.D..L LD. With a Historical Review By JOHN BACH McMASTER, Ph.D..Litt.D..LLR Illustrated JohnD. Morris and Company Philadelphia M d c c c c VI Copyright, 1905, by JOHN D. MORRIS & COMPANY •. • - • • •••••• . •• ••.*•• • • • • • • •• •. ••• • • • • •! Z * •• > • • • • •«• PREFATORY NOTE In the preparation of this work, it has been the pur- pose of the authors to write for the general reader, not for the historical specialist, a simple narrative of the rise and growth of the United States from the discovery to the pres- ent time. In doing so, they have striven to avoid unneces- sary and uninteresting details and have endeavored to give prominence only to those characters who have been con- spicuous in determining our national destiny and to those measures and events which may be said to constitute the landmarks of our progress from insignificant colonies to our present position as one of the great powers of the world. In the limited compass of a few hundred pages, it is obviously impossible to describe fully all the forces and movements which have entered into our unparalleled growth, and, hence, much has necessarily been omitted which would have a proper place in a more comprehensive historical treatise. What is here offered has been written with an honest effort at judicial fairness and historical accuracy. No pretense is made that this work is based on investi- gation of primary sources; on the contrary, it rests mainly on the standard and authoritative treatises of others who have made extended studies of special fields. The 500 illustrations have been selected, edited, and described by Mr. Otto Reich, the well-known authority on all pictures and portraits of historical significance. In se- curing illustrations for great events, extreme care has been taken to admit only paintings of the highest accuracy and greatest artistic merit, and by the world's most celebrated vi PREFATORY NOTE artists. The result of the map investigations is a series of colored and outline maps, specially drawn and engraved, unique in interest and brilliancy — maps which not only sup- plement the text but in many cases give at a glance a better idea of events than volumes of printed pages. Besides paintings, portraits, and maps, the illustrations include some 100 facsimiles of rare and interesting papers, many of which have never before been included in any History of America. Grateful acknowledgment is hereby made to Professors H. V. Ames, W. L. Fleming, D. Y. Thomas and Mr. O. M. Dickerson for important services rendered in the prepara- tion of these volumes. t i CONTENTS CHAPTER I ABORIGINAL AMERICA SECTION PAGE I. Origin of the First Americans . .... 3 II. Indian Characteristics and Religion ... 12 III. Industries, Life and Recreations of the Indians . 20 IV. Present Condition and Future Outlook ... 29 CHAPTER II DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS I. Precursors of Columbus ...... 31 II. The Voyage of Columbus ...... 42 III. Spanish Explorations ...... 64 IV. Explorations of the French ..... 81 V. Early English Attempts at Colonization ... 92 CHAPTER III THE PLANTING OF THE COLONIES I. Virginia ......... 104 II. Maryland 125 III. The Carolinas ........ 133 IV. Georgia ......... 143 CHAPTER IV PLANTING OF THE COLONIES— CONTINUED I. Plymouth ........ 148 I II. Massachusetts Bay . . . . . . .156 - III. Connecticut and Rhode Island ..... 165 Vlll CONTENTS SECTION IV. New Hampshire and Maine V. The New England Confederation VI. New York .... VII. Delaware and New Jersey VIII. Pennsylvania .... PAGE 172 173 180 190 193 CHAPTER V GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES CHAPTER VI COLONIAL LIFE AND INSTITUTIONS I. Population, Races and Classes II. Industries, Occupations and Professions III. Education, Literature and Printing IV. Religion and Religious Worship V. Means of Travel, Social Customs and Crimes 219 229 239 248 261 CHAPTER VII INTER-COLONIAL WARS. 1690-1748 I. King William's War, 1690-1697 II. Queen Anne's War, 1702-1714 III. King George's War, 1744-1748 270 274 279 . i, CHAPTER VIII FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 1754-1763 •li. The Dispute ...... II. Preliminary Operations .... III. Resources of the Contending Belligerents IV. Braddock's Expedition .... V. Expulsion of the Acadians VI. English Disasters and Failures VII. The Victories of Pitt . . . . Vflr. The Fall of Quebec ..... 287 293 297 301 307 312 319 327 CONTENTS ix CHAPTER IX RUPTURE WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY. 1763-1775 SECTION PAGE I. Causes of the Dispute ...... 342 II. The First Continental Congress .... 377 III. Lexington and Concord ...... 382 CHAPTER X REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE. 1775-1776 I. The Second Continental Congress . 391 II. Bunker Hill and Boston ...... 395 III. The Declaration of Independence .... 409 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME ONE North American Mounds ..... Aztec Priests Sacrificing a Human Victim to the Sun Indian Braves Assisting in the Burial of a Chief The Ghost Dance of the Sioux Indians The Square Tower, Cliff Palace in the Mesa Verde The Cliff Palace ...... The Belt of Wampum ..... King Philip ....... Moki Pueblo Woman Making Pottery Leif Ericson and His Adventurous Crew of Vikings the Shores of Vinland the Good Conception of the Shape of the World, A.D. 50 Marco Polo ....... Prince Henry the Navigator . . . . Vasco da Gama ....... Vasco da Gama Delivers Letters in Calicut, India Christopher Columbus ..... Paolo Toscanelli ...... Columbus Before the Doctors of Salamanca Cell of Friar Juan de Marchena in the Cloister Rabida ....... The Caravels of Columbus .... The Landing of Columbus at Espanola Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile Columbus Returning to Spain in Chains Henry VII. of England Amerigo Vespucci FerKao de Magalhoes (Magellan) Ferdinand Cortes The Emperor Montezuma Cortes in the Battle of Ottumba Sight of La Xll LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS by Marquette Coronado .... De Soto in Florida . Charles V. ... Jacques Cartier . Admiral Gaspard de Coligny Sir John Hawkins Charles IX., King of France Samuel de Champlain Route of Samuel de Champlain Map of the Countries Traversed and La Salle Queen Elizabeth Sir Francis Drake Sir Walter Raleigh Philip II. of Spain Destruction of Spanish Armada James I. Captain John Smith Pocahontas Pocahontas, Daughter of the Powerful Chief, Saves the Life of Captain John Smith Ruins of Jamestown . . . Colonists Watching Departure of Vessel for En Indian Massacre at Jamestown Charles I. Henrietta Maria . . . . First Lord Baltimore .... Map of Maryland in 1635 .... Oliver Cromwell . . . William Cecil (Second), Lord Baltimore Charles II. ...... Sir John Locke ..... James E. Oglethorpe .... Old Spanish Gates at Saint Augustine, Florida Monument Erected over " Plymouth Rock " The m Mayflower " in the Harbor of Plymouth Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers at Plymouth Handwriting of the Pilgrim Fathers An Indian Welcome on Charles River Hennepin Powhatan gland LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Governor Winthrop ....... Roger Williams Finds an Asylum among the Narragansett Indians, Rhode Island ....... Governor Henry Vane . . .• - . Statue of John Harvard ....... John Mason Leading a Company against the Indians Old Norse Tower, Newport, R. I. John Eliot . . . . . . James II. ......... George Edmund Andros ....... Letter Stating that Manhattan Island Had Been Purchased from the " Wild Men " for the Value of Sixty Guilders Peter Stuyvesant .... Document Signed by Peter Stuyvesant William Penn ..... William Penn at the Age of Twenty-two Willam Penn Signs a Treaty of Peace with the Indians at Shackamaxon, June 23, 1683 Old Penn Mansion . . William Penn's Second Visit to His Colony Early Issues of New Jersey Paper Money Indented Bill of an Early Issue of Paper Colony of Delaware Indented Bill of an Early Issue of Paper Currency of New York ...... Eli Whitney in 1821, Aged Fifty-five Faneuil Hall, Boston, Massachusetts William and Mary College Cotton Mather Franklin Experiments with Electricity Thomas Paine .... A Sunday Morning at Plymouth Quaker Trials .... Patrick Henry A Puritan Maiden and Her Escort Going to a Party in Colonial Times Pine Tree Shilling American Stage Coach Louis XIV. .... in the Year 1699 Currency of the Xlll PAGE 159 161 162 163 167 171 175 177 179 182 184 187 191 194 195 198 199 206 213 217 222 233 235 238 243 246 251 257 260 265 266 268 269 274 xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Queen Anne .....•••• 27o Map of Acadia and Adjacent Islands . . . . 278 Sir William Pepperell ....... 282 Embarkation of New England Troops .... 283 Canada and Adjacent Countries towards the Close of the Seventeenth Century ...... 289 Celeron de Bienville i 292 Governor Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia . . . . 295 George Washington at the Age of Thirty . . . 303 Colonel Robert Monckton ...... 308 Grand Pre Proclamation . . . . . . .310 Map of the Siege of Louisburg . . . . . .316 William Pitt, Earl of Chatham ..... 320 Marquis de Montcalm . . . . . . . 322 Map Showing Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the Surround- ing Country ........ 326 Map of the Siege of Quebec ...... 328 Battle of Quebec ........ 331 General James Wolfe ....... 334 British Colonies and Northern New France, 1750-1760 . 337 Francis Parkman . . . . . . . . 340 John Hancock ......... 347 James Otis . . . . . . . . . 350 George the Third, King of Great Britain .... 352 u Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death " 357 Tax Stamps 356 Edmund Burke . . . . . . . . . 362 Samuel Adams ......... 366 The Boston Massacre . . . . . . . 369 Destruction of the Schooner " Gaspee " . . 371 Old South Church, Boston ...... 374 Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania . . . 379 " Unite or Die " ........ 381 Paul Revere . . . . . . . . . 384 Paul Revere's House, Boston, Mass. ..... 384 Old North of Boston ....... 385 Minutemen Harassing the British on Their Retreat from Lexington . . . . . . . . 387 General Israel Putnam is Called to Arms while Plowing in His Fields ......... 389 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv PAGE Stone Marking Line of the Minutemen .... 392 Battle Monument, Lexington ...... 393 Concord Bridge and Battle Monument .... 394 Map of Boston, with Its Environs ..... 397 The Assault upon the American Fortifications on Bunker Hill 399 Bunker Hill Monument and Statue of Prescott," Cambridge, Massachusetts ........ 401 Washington Elm, Cambridge, Massachusetts . . . 402 Death of General Montgomery, Quebec .... 403 General Richard Montgomery ...... 405 Colonel Henry Knox Arrives from Ticonderoga with Ar- tillery and Ammunition ...... 406 Plan of the Siege of Charleston ..... 408 Betsey Ross House, Arch Street, Philadelphia . . .411 Facsimile of the Original Draft of the Declaration of Independence ....... 413-416 Signing of the Declaration of Independence . . . 419 The Old " Liberty Bell/' Independence Hall, Philadelphia 421 Copynjk y~C^^T^y W^^VZ INTRODUCTION THE history of the United States covers only three hundred years, a brief space even in the short period for which we possess written records of man's deeds and movements on earth. But the importance of a coun- try's history is not to be measured merely by length of days. The place which a nation occupies in the world, the in- fluence which it exercises in the present, and the future of which it gives promise, make a right understanding of its origin and meaning as important as that of any gift which can be bestowed by the slow passing of the centuries. The position of the United States to-day in world politics, the economic effect of the vast industrial and commercial system built up by the American people, as well as the moral, in- tellectual and material influence which they exert, make the country's history of the utmost importance, especially in con- nection with the study of the larger subject of Western civili- zation, of which America is the latest development. At the present moment, when in a single year we are promised half- a-dozen elaborate and general histories of the United States, the statement just made reads like a rather tiresome truism which it is needless to repeat. But it is well to remember that this widespread interest in American history is of very recent growth, and it therefore may not be amiss, when add- ing another work to the already long list, briefly to review the past and note the process by which the present condition, wherein there is to be found far more than a merely literary interest, has been reached. A little more than thirty years ago it was possible for a xvii xvm INTRODUCTION boy to enter Harvard College and after four years of study graduate with the highest honors without knowing of the existence of the Declaration of Independence or when the Constitution of the United States was framed. What was true of Harvard was true of other universities and colleges. American history, although occasionally taught, was not in- cluded in the scheme of the higher education. Boys enter- ing college were required to know something of the " glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome," but they were permitted to remain in complete ignorance of all that re- lated to the history of their own country. During the four years of the college course they had a modest opportunity to study the history of England and Europe, but none to learn aught of the United States. This condition of educa- tion, which seems so melancholy now, was really the result of a general attitude of mind then passing away, but which had once been predominant. The usual opinion during the first half of the nineteenth century seems to have been that there was no American history worth telling, apart from the adven- tures of the earliest settlers and the events of the Revolu- tion, which were both connected so closely with the history of Europe that they might fairly be deemed of some impor- tance. Among the most highly educated portion of the com- munity the ignorance was, comparatively speaking, densest, and for the very obvious reason that the history of democ- racy, a new thing then in the world, was entirely different in its attributes and conditions from the history with which everybody had been familiar during many centuries. To conceive of a history destitute of kings and nobles and aris- tocratic traditions, unillumined by the splendor of a court, without the lights and shades which the contrast of ranks alone can give, was very difficult, because it involved a new idea. It always takes time for people to grasp the proposi- tion that because a thing is different from that to which they INTRODUCTION xix have been accustomed it is not necessarily inferior. Habit and prescription, although in their very nature never fully realized nor perfectly understood, are forces of enormous power among men and nations. American history had also to contend with feminine in- difference, and women influence largely the success of his- toric writings, as they do that of other books. Macaulay knew precisely the test of popularity and wide circulation when he said that he wanted his history to take the place of the novel on every young lady's table. To suppose, there- fore, that women would easily or at once take interest in the seemingly stern, gray story of state building and war, of law-making and constitutions, stripped, as it was in Amer- ica, of all the glitter and romance and refinement which clung about the history of monarchies and empires to which they had always been accustomed, would have been to expect too much. " Fishers, and choppers and ploughmen," constitut- ing a state in Emerson's noble verse, were very fine, but they seemed unlikely to have a history as interesting or leave memoirs as entertaining as those of the Courts of St. James or of Versailles, which educated Americans were wont to read. The truth was that the higher education to which I have al- luded was defective in regard to the history of the United States simply because that history during the first half of the nineteenth century had neither audience nor demand either at home or abroad. Here and there a state historical so- ciety, local antiquarians or the descendants of some of the great men who fought in the Revolution and made the Con- stitution, collected material, gathered traditions or edited let- ters and memoirs, but these efforts were commonly regarded as amiable idiosyncrasies, quite harmless but not designed for general use. Nothing indeed illustrates better this at- titude of mind toward American history at that time than that Prescott and Motley devoted their brilliant talents to xx INTRODUCTION Spain and Holland at a period which had no connection, or at best a very slight one, with the vast region which was one day to be the United States. The fact was that educated people did not think, as a rule, that the United States had any history worth consideration, just as they likewise thought that while we undoubtedly had public men they were not to be seriously considered as statesmen in the sense of European ministers or English Parliamentary leaders. They were unable to realize that the organization of a nation and the development of a new country by a great democracy de- manded power, ability and statesmanship of a very high and strong variety. It was all different, it was new, and it was not therefore really important tried by the fashions of the Old World. The colonial habit of mind died hard in regard to American history, as it did in many other ways. Yet even then there were men who saw what a field was open to the historian in the story of the United States and of the colonies out of which the United States had been devel- oped. Richard Hildreth, working only on public docu- ments, newspapers, printed books and pamphlets and Con- gressional debates, produced his history of the United States from the earliest settlements down to his own time. The volumes are dry, without literary quality or charm, almost un- readable indeed as literature, and yet Hildreth's work, con- sidering his material, is very accurate and remains as a com- prehensive book of reference more valuable than many which have succeeded it. Mr. Bancroft attained to much wider success and to greater fame. He had the advantage of an unoccupied field to cultivate and a smaller world to appeal to, so that his labors achieved a success impossible now to much better work. He brought to this task the best educa- tion and training which the universities of the United States and Germany could afford, a keen mind, vigorous abilities, an intense love of country and an unwearied industry. But INTRODUCTION xxi withal his history is diffuse ; there is an inordinate space given to the affairs of contemporary Europe, and in the earliest edition there was some rather turgid writing in praise of the principles of democracy and the rights of man, as expounded by democracy, and the rights of man, as expounded by Rousseau and Jefferson. But Mr. JBancrof t rendered, nevertheless, an incalculable service to American history by the vast mass of original matter which he brought to light and use and by the manner in which he gave unity and co-ordination to the history of the colonies. So wide were his researches and so extensive was his material that even his long and industrious life did not enable him to get beyond the period of the Confederation. To the same time we owe Mr. Palfrey's history of New England, a work of the highest and most admirable scholarship, of the best type of historical work, but somewhat dry in narration and neces- sarily covering only one group of the colonies which were to become the future United States. In Francis Parkman, of a later generation than Ban- croft or Palfrey, American literature found its first really great historian, one fairly entitled to a place in the small group where Thucydides, Tacitus, and Gibbon stand apart as the great and hitherto unrivaled exemplars. Mr. Park- man not only had untiring industry and the capacity for sifting evidence and marshaling facts drawn in many cases from the dark corners of forgotten manuscripts, but he possessed also the power of compression, the reserved but vigorous style, and above all the imagination, which enabled him to make history live and have a meaning, without which life and meaning it will surely die and be buried among in- coherent annals and scientific catalogues of facts. In a series of volumes he gradually drew a noble picture of the mighty struggle of races which ended in giving North America to the English-speaking people. The drama spread XX11 INTRODUCTION over a continent, the actors who flitted across the vast stage were Indians and Jesuits, courtiers of Louis XIV., and sober Puritans of New England, French adventurers and sturdy Dutch traders from the Mohawk and the Hudson, all with the wilderness as a background and a future beyond imagi- nation as the prize for which they blindly strove. Parkman made the world comprehend not only that American his- tory was important, but that if it did not have the precise kind of picturesqueness to which that of Europe had accus- tomed us, it had a picturesqueness of its own, a light and color and a dramatic force not less impressive because they differed in kind from what had gone before. Parkman began his work under the old conditions of indifference and inattention. When he brought his brilliant volumes to an end those conditions had utterly and entirely changed. The strong departments of American History which have grown up at some of our leading universities in the last thirty years of the century is merely a sign of the complete alteration in opinion and feeling which had taken place not only in the universities and in the schools, but in the public mind after the close of the Civil War. Nothing in our earlier days, for example, showed more conclusively the national indifference to the past than the reckless de- struction of landmarks and historic buildings. Now every effort is made to preserve all that remains which gives to past events a local habitation. Americans have learned, too late unfortunately in many instances, that the buildings and streets, the forests and the fields, which have been the scenes of memorable events, have not only inestimable worth his- torically and sentimentally, but that they are also pecuniarily valuable, to take a highly practical view, to any community lucky enough to possess them. In the same way books ranging from the most extensive histories to antiquarian monographs, rich in minute learning INTRODUCTION xxiii upon some single incident, have multiplied almost beyond be- lief. Biographies, compilations of essays by specialists, general histories and manuals of all sorts have been dupli- cated and reduplicated until we seem in danger almost of losing sight of the city on account of the number of houses which cut off our view. The whole of our history, from the first voyage of Columbus to the last administration at Wash- ington, has been examined and written about in some fash- ion. In the old days the period between the landings at Ply- mouth and Jamestown and the Declaration of Independence, and that which stretched forward from the surrender at Yorktown might have been labeled, like portions of the maps so familiar a generation ago, the " Great American Desert." And people dwelt contented with their " Desert " and their ignorance. But the settlements have spread, and as they spread have subdued and conquered. " The Great Ameri- can Desert " is no more; irrigation threatens its last strong- hold, and the unopened tracts of the history of the United States have all been roamed over and explored. Most of the exploration and examination has resulted merely in what is so dear to the purely scientific historian, vast masses of catalogued facts where literature is excluded, and one fact is just as good and important as any other, simply because it is a fact. These heaps of information, some of it value- less, much of it undigested, still only partly assorted, are the necessary conditions for real history written by one capable and understanding man as distinct from the huge aggrega- tions of special articles, immensely valuable as books of refer- ence, but having the same relation to history in its highest sense that the English dictionary bears to the plays of .Shakespeare or the verse of Milton. Out of this mass of material thus fervently and indiscriminately collected in the last forty years have come two histories of the highest type in scholarship, research and original thought— -Mr, Henry XXIV INTRODUCTION Adams's " History of the United States during the Admin- istrations of Jefferson and Madison," and that of Mr. James Ford Rhodes covering the period subsequent to the Compromise of 1850. In addition to these we have many excellent biographies and monographs, as well as some admirable presentations and brilliant pictures of certain epochs and movements, like those of Mr. Fiske and Mr. McMaster, which are read by everyone and which are even more necessary than the highly scientific catalogues, stripped according to rule of all beauty of style and all human inter- est, and which are read by no one. To have brought so much pure gold as this out of the incalculable mass of " huddling silver little worth " is highly creditable to American letters and American history. It is an excellent record, not to be bettered elsewhere in the same period either in form or in the net contribution to human knowledge, and to the com- prehension of the meaning of man upon earth. Historians and learned societies, antiquarians and biog- raphers, however, cannot create history unless the material for it exists, nor can they by their efforts alone develop from nothing a real interest in it among the people at large. The popular feeling which arouses the interest and mani- fests itself, not merely in the sale of histories and biographies, but by the enthusiasm shown in the celebration of local an- niversaries, in numberless addresses, usually forgotten at once, except in the town or village commemorated, in the passion for genealogies and family histories, in the preserva- tion and erection of monuments, springs from causes deep down among the people themselves. This activity and this earnestness in all things pertaining to the past are sound and wholesome, and also full of meaning. It is a commonplace to say that a people which cares nothing for its past has no present and deserves no future. But it is not quite so ob- vious that widespread interest in history is a proof of national INTRODUCTION xxv consciousness and of the abiding sense that a nation has come to its place in the world. While we looked to Europe for all our inspiration in art and letters, in thought and in politics, it was not to be ex- pected that we should consider our own doings of much consequence or worthy of a serious place in history. Nor were those doings in themselves of much importance, for colonies are mere appendages, and what chiefly concerns mankind is the tree, not the dependent shoots which push up from spreading roots. The history of the American colonies intrinsically was not very important nor, apart from a cer- tain air of adventure and rude picturesqueness, very gener- ally interesting. But when the colonies became an inde- pendent state the case altered at once. It then became highly important to know and understand the origin and the past of the new nation in all its details. The ways of life, the habits and customs, of the tribes which wandered in the forests of Scandinavia and Germany are not in themselves very valu- able, and are certainly not entertaining. But research ex- hausts itself, and wisely, too, in the effort to find the minutest facts which shall throw light upon the origin and history of the people from whom have come not only the dominant races of Western Europe, but the Western civilization which has crossed oceans and subjugated continents. To take another example, the island of Jamaica, now and always a dependent colony, is historically negligible, but the little state of Rhode Island deserves the careful attention of the his- torian because of her part and influence in founding, making and guiding a nation. Many years passed before we emerged wholly from the colonial condition. Long after we had become independent politically, the old colonial habits of thought, as strong as they were impalpable, clung fast about us. Only step by step did we shake off the provincial spirit and rid ourselves xxvi INTRODUCTION of the bated breath of the colonist. We did not come to a full national consciousness until we had passed through the awful trial of the Civil War. Then we realized what we were, and the trembling deference to foreign opinion, the sensitive outcry against foreign criticism, as well as the un- easy self-assertion and boasting which accompanied them, fell from us as the burden fell from the shoulders of Chris- tian. There was still much to do, but the old colonial habit of mind was shattered beyond recovery. It lingered on here and there ; it dies hard, but it is dying, and now is nearly dead. With the coming of a true national consciousness came the interest in the past and in history. It was apparent that the United States was one of the most considerable facts of the age when its consolidation had once been effected and all peril of dissolution had departed with the crushing out of the powers which aimed at separation. Anything which helped to explain this great fact became, therefore, of intense in- terest. As the years passed on the fact has grown larger. In due time a not very serious war revealed the fact to the world, and it appeared that this fact known as the United States had, and was destined to have, a strong and increasing influence upon all the other facts generally spoken of as the nations of the earth. Thus did it become more than ever obvious that the explanation of the United States to be found in the history of the past four centuries was worthy of the best efforts of the historian. The pride in what the country is spurs men on to pride in all who shared in making the nation. From the abortive attempts of the earliest ad- venturers, from the feeble settlements clinging to the At- lantic seaboard, through the confused and seemingly petty history of the colonies, and of the scattered people and small states struggling out of revolution and dissension to a larger national life, onward, to those who saved the Union from dis- INTRODUCTION xxvii integration, and still on to those who have carried her power forward to the Pacific, and from first to last made a great nation where there was none before, all alike have come to possess deep meaning and importance. Hence the rise of American history, and, what is more important, of the general interest in that history, which may be trusted to separate the wheat from the chaff, and give us not only knowledge, but also something worthy to take a place in literature by the manner in which the knowledge is communi- cated to men. Indeed, signs are not wanting that the inhabitants of England and Europe are beginning to think that the history of a people who have made a great and powerful nation to whom the future in large measure belongs is worthy of con- sideration, and that it may not be amiss to know something of the men who have led and guided that people in the past, and who lead and guide them now. There is evident, even on the other side of the Atlantic, a dawning idea that this knowledge may be as useful and even as illuminating as to trace the fortunes of some petty and wholly effaced Italian city despot or the personal intrigues of forgotten courtiers. • THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES Chapter I ABORIGINAL AMERICA I ORIGIN OF THE FIRST AMERICANS " Many an aeon moulded earth before her highest man was born,"— Tennyson. THE origin of the race which first peopled America is obscure in the darkness of prehistoric times, that is, prehistoric in America. The earliest man every- where was a savage and has left few records of his life save in the implements of his daily use. His period is commonly designated as the Palaeolithic (Unground Stone) Age, and that of his successors, the Neolithic (Ground Stone) . The resemblance in the relics of all prehistoric races is very strong; indeed, the resemblance between the relics of the remotest tribes and the races of to-day is so striking that an expert is sometimes puzzled to distinguish an arrow; head of a modern Indian from one used by prehistoric man. In spite of this, however, Humboldt holds that the monument methods of computing time, systems of cosmogony, and many myths of America offer analogies with the ideas of eastern Asia too strong to admit of any explanation save that of an ancient connection. The natives of the extreme 4 THE UNITED STATES northwestern part of North America undoubtedly belong to the same family as the natives of northeastern Asia. For these and other reasons. Hubert Howe Bancroft, 1 who has made an extended study of the Indians of the Pacific coast, inclines to the view that America was peopled from Asia. He acknowledges, however, that the migration may have been in the opposite direction, Asia being peopled by a race autocthonous in America. 2 Other theories have been advanced of racial connection, such as that the aboriginals of America were of Celtic, Egyptian, Phoenician, or even Jewish origin. But all of these belong to the realm of wild speculation or pure myth along with the lost Atlantis, over which some of them are reputed to have made the migration. The only conservative and defensible position is one of frank ignorance. The thorough ethnological studies now being undertaken may in the future throw light on the question, but it is extremely doubtful whether the results will be convincing. 3 i Bancroft, " Native Races of the Pacific States," vol. i. pp. 16-19. 2 A notable effort has recently been made under the auspices of Morris K. Jesup, President of the American Museum of Natural History, to settle more definitely the question of the origin of the American Indians. Mr. Jesup, in consultation with a number of eminent anthropologists, came to the conclu- sion that the only satisfactory way to discover if there were any evidences of contact between the early settlers of America and Asia was to make a thorough investigation of the oldest remaining tribes of both countries. With this end in view the "Jesup North American Expedition of the American Museum of Natural History" was organized in 1897, and for seven years it has studied the characteristics, customs, traditions, and languages of the Indian tribes in America, from the Columbia River to Northern Alaska, and in Asia as far south as the line of civilization. By studying how long the tribes had been on the Pacific Coast, what changes had taken place in the tribal physical characteristics, and what relation the various tribes bore to one another, it was possible to trace the relationship between the Asiatic and American tribes, and probably the cause of emigration in prehistoric times. The results of the expedition point to the existence of intimate relationship between the Asiatic and American Indians, and the conclusion of the members of the expedition is that the Indian originated in America and spread into Asia. sFarrand, "Basis of American History," p. 87. ABORIGINAL AMERICA 5 The theory of autocthonic origin is deserving of more respect. Certain fossil remains have been discovered which seem to give it at least a shadow of support. After the earthquakes of 1811-1812 a fragment of a human bone was found in a fissure near Natchez, Mississippi, along with the bones of the mastodon and other extinct animals. In 1852 a skeleton was dug up in New Orleans beneath four suc- cessive buried forests of cypress. 4 Similar discoveries have been made in the shafts of mines in California, but the au- thenticity of none of these is beyond dispute. But if this is the oldest continent, it certainly is not unreasonable to sup- pose that man first made his appearance here. Aside from the evidence just mentioned, there is abundant proof that the continent has been inhabited a long time, probably several thousand years. Back of the Indians of historic times were the Mound Builders. The theory that they were a distinct race which dis- appeared before the Indian ever came, or were driven out by him, is no longer regarded as tenable. The Indian is now regarded as the descendant of the Mound Builders — degen- erate, perhaps, in some respects. 5 The mounds, which consti- tute the only monuments of the existence of this race, are scattered throughout the Ohio and Mississippi valleys and are of varying size and shape. The purpose of some of them is beyond conjecture; others have been designated as mounds of observation, worship, or sepulture. In shape they are of four distinct classes, conical, elongate, pyramidal, and effigy. The first were used for sepulture. The purpose of the second, which consist of walls about four feet high, ten to twenty broad, and fifty to nine hundred long, is unknown. The pyramidal probably were used for worship, since * Winsor, " The Antiquity of Man in America " in Winsor's " Narrative and Critical History," vol. i. p. 389 ; also Haynes, " Prehistoric Archaeology of North America," ch. vi. vol. i. ^Farrand, "Basis of American History," p. 73, 6 THE UNITED STATES mounds of similar construction have been found in Mexico with temples on them. The " Serpent Mound " in Adams County, Ohio, is a good specimen of the last class. Some occur in lowlands, indicating that they probably were used for refuge from high water. The defensive character of others is apparent, such as the walls of earth and stone con- structed in such a manner as to reveal evidence of no little military skill. The twenty miles of embankment at the mouth of the Scioto may have belonged to this class, but other similar works are difficult to explain. Sometimes graded roads lead from terrace to terrace, possibly to secure access to streams ; others "begin nowhere and lead nowhere." In places there are perfect squares, in others, perfect circles, some of them a mile in circuit. In different parts of Ohio is found the curious arrangement of a square with two circles. In all cases the dimensions are the same, each side of the square measuring one thousand and eighty feet and the circles seventeen hundred and eight hundred feet in circumference. Sometimes moats are found inside these walls. Rings of from five to fifteen feet in diameter have been denominated " hut rings." The square house site may be found in Ar- kansas. In Michigan and Wisconsin appear mounds from four to six feet high, which evidently were intended to repre- sent animals (the elephant for one), birds, fishes and imple- ments. So-called " garden mounds," which are but six or eight inches high, are found in Michigan and Wisconsin. Excavations have brought to light many implements of war and the chase, fine specimens of pottery and other im- plements of domestic life. Pipes may be found in one, arrow- heads in another and copper tools in a third. The last named relics indicate that they were approaching the Metal Age, though they still belonged to the Stone Age. There is no evi- dence that metals were ever smelted above Mexico. In the Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company North American Mounds 1— Avondale Mound, Washington County, Mississippi. 2— De Soto Mound, Washington County, Arkansas. 3— Small Mound, from Le Moyne's " B re vis Nar ratio " ABORIGINAL AMERICA 9 north it was simply beaten out, but a great deal was done in this way. A mass of copper weighing six tons, raised upon a scaffold five feet high, probably in preparation for removal, was found in a Minnesota mine eighteen feet below the surface. So long ago was the mining done that even the tradition of it was lost among the Indians whom the Euro- peans found there. 6 The number and extent of the mounds is conclusive proof that the people who made them were numerous and industrious. Did they abandon them and move to the far southwest, or were they driven out by a hostile foe, or did they remain there and degenerate into the savages of historic times? One does not like to take the last alternative, yet he can adduce no conclusive proof for either of the others. This much is certain, however, that the culture of the Mound Builders was improved upon in Mexico, Central and South America. 7 An account of the Indians of Mexico does not properly belong to a history of the United States, but the temptation to say a word concerning them as affording a high type of Indian civilization is irresistible. However, not all the Indians of Mexico were of this kind; all types were found there, from the beastly Yuman stock of Lower California to the Aztecs of the plateau. According to tradition the best Mexican stock had migrated from the north. Of these the Aztecs may be taken as a type, though the Tarascos and Tapotecs were not far behind them, and the Mayas were, in some respects, their superiors. The traditional history of the Aztecs, who centered eFarrand, "Basis of American History," ch. v. 7 The most valuable literature on the subject of the Indian mounds is to be found in the "Annual Reports" of the Smithsonian Institution. Hardly a year has passed since 1861 but these " Reports " have had in them contributions on the subject. The " Annual Reports of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology " like- wise frequently contain valuable papers on the Indian races and related subjects. 10 THE UNITED STATES about the City of Mexico dates back to the fifth century. Some stone implements were still used by them, but they were, nevertheless, in the metal-agricultural age. They reckoned descent in the male line, though land was still held in common and marriage was regulated by gentile law. The achievements in architecture and public works were really marvelous, and revealed evidence of great engineer- ing skill. Their cities were adorned with temples, but they practiced human sacrifice in a most revolting manner. Schools were maintained where the boys were taught history, religion and military science, while the girls learned domestic science and textile work. Much attention was given to the moral training of both sexes — the teachers were priests and priestesses — but one can not commend the basis of instruction, which was terror, not respect or love. Their writing was hieroglyphic, but far inferior to that of the Egyptians. They had preserved a great number of manu- scripts, but the Mexicans destroyed the most of them. 8 In Central and South America were several tribes of equal, if not higher, attainments, especially the Incas in Peru. The civilization of the Incas, in fact, represented the highest de- velopment among the native races of *America. 9 The more exact method of classifying the Indians is by their physical and linguistic characteristics. Most writers, however, following the lines of least resistance, classify them according to their culture and geographical location. A very satisfactory classification on the basis of language has been made by the Bureau of Ethnology in Washington. It recognizes fifty-nine independent families north of Mexico, the most important of which are the Algonquian, Athapas- can, Eskimauan, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, and Siouan. 10 sPrescott, "Conquest of Mexico" (ed. Kirk), vol. i. pp. 72, 97. » Sir C. R. Markham, "The Inca Civilization in Peru," in Winsor's " Nai\ and Crit. History," vol. i. p. 209. lOFarrand, "Basis of American History," pp. 92-96. ABORIGINAL AMERICA 11 A study of a map showing the location of the various families raises some interesting questions. While it indicates comparative stability of location at the time when the Euro- peans appeared, it speaks in unmistakable terms of great migrations in earlier times. One cannot but compare them with the great migrations of the time when the Barbarians were sweeping over Europe. There is an Athapascan stock in the far northwest between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific, and another on the Mexican border. So long ago was the sepa- ration, however, that their dialects and culture reveal few things in common. Some of the other widely scattered races have more in common. The movement of the Algonquian family evidently was from the North Atlantic region west- ward and southward, a few being found so far south as South Carolina. The Siouan family seems to have moved westward from the Carolinas and Virginia through Ohio, where they probably came in conflict with the Algonquian and Iroquoian. This was near the home of the latter, who centered about Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, forming the famous Five Nations, which gave Hiawatha to Romance. Some of them were found in the southern Appalachian region. The best known tribes of the Sioux found by Europeans in the east and south were the Catawba of Carolina, and the Biloxi of Mississippi. Of the Algonquian stock, Delaware, Massachusetts, Pequot, Narraganset, and Shawnee, who gave Tecumseh to history, are familiar names of the colonial era in the east; also the Powhatan confederacy in Virginia. The Cheyenne, Illinois, Fox, Kickapoo and Pottawattomie belong farther west. The Muskogean seem to have re- mained east of the Mississippi, and south of the Cumberland. The well-known tribes of these were the Alabama, Chick- asaw, Choctaw, Creek and Seminole. These, with the Iroquoian Cherokee, constitute the civilized tribes of the present-day Indian Territory. 12 THE UNITED STATES II INDIAN CHARACTERISTICS AND RELIGION Certain physical characteristics are common to the Indian in America, at least when we omit the Aleuts and Eskimos, though they differ among themselves as much as the peoples of Europe. Popularly called the " Red Man," his characteristic color is in reality brown with varying tints, from comparatively dark to light yellow. " Red Indian " probably arose from the sight of Indians painted red when on the war-path, as few really had the reddish tint. The hair is raven black, glossy and nearly always straight, and baldness is uncommon, as is also the presence of hair on the face. A common practice was to pluck the beard to prevent its growth. One of the most marked characteristics of the Indian is the high cheek bones, together with a large nose, generally aquiline. In some tribes the shape of the fore- head was influenced by the custom of head-flattening. In stature he stood from five and a half to six feet, though many went beyond this — the Patagonians being reputed the tallest race in the world. The females were slightly under-sized and showed a tendency toward obesity. In physical endurance the Indians were inferior to both the white man and the negro. True in all climes, this was especially true in the tropics, though by exception the Florida Indians were noted for their fine physical qualities. When parceled out as slaves by the Spanish in the West Indies and South America and forced to labor, they speedily perished and whole tribes became extinct. In mental capacity they were superior to the negro, but somewhat inferior to the white man in most things; even in fields particularly his own, knowledge of the forests and the habits of its denizens, the Indian often had to confess the superior skill of the whites. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Aztec Priests Sacrificing a Human Victim to the Sun Drawn from data furnished by the Ramirez MSS. and Clavigero' Research by P. Fritel ABORIGINAL AMERICA 15 A child of the forest and the plain, the " Red Man " felt his kinship with nature and bowed to her as his god. 11 He dwelt in a land of spirits and dreamed of " ampler hunting- grounds beyond the night," where his spirit would join in the chase with those of his companions gone before. The Great Spirit was worshiped, generally in the person of the Sun. This was especially true in Mexico and South Amer- ica. But all nature about the Indian was peopled with spirits, and it is doubtful if he ever venerated one great over- ruling spirit until taught by the white man. On the plains the spirit-buffalo was of prime importance; in agricultural realms, the rain-god. There were evil spirits as well as good, both of which he implored, and appeased the former with charms, sacrifices and fastings. 12 Even the conception of good and bad spirits show the influences of the forces of na- ture. The Cherokees, for example, looked to the Sunland, or east, for the red gods of victory; out of the cold north came the blue spirit of disaster. Human sacrifices were not com- mon north of Mexico, though some tribes made a feast of the slain after a notable victory. Though the Indian worshiped the myriad spirits of nature, he seldom bowed to gods of wood and stone made with his own hand. Some tribes, however, had palladiums which were the centers of great ceremonials and with which their prosperity was inseparably bound up. The Indian religion was peculiar in that the idea of persona] sin was almost wholly absent. If the god had been offended, the tribe, not an individual, was guilty, and entrance to the happy hunting ground did not depend upon an upright life in this world. The Indian often tortured himself, but this was to win the favor of his god, not to appease him. Each tribe had a reputed founder whose good-will must always be kept. Often he was said to have been a great trickster, nGrinnell, "The Story of the Indian," p. 163. 12 Frederick Starr, "The American Indian," p. 80. 16 THE UNITED STATES sometimes an anthropomorphic animal. The prophet or priest was also a medicine man, who effected his cures by charms and incantations. From the ghost dance, which orig- inated in Nevada about twenty years ago, and took the place of the plains ceremonials, we learn that the religion of a tribe was not cast in a fixed mold, but was subject to decay or to development. 13 Burial customs varied in detail, but inhumation was commonly practiced. The Hurons exposed their dead on scaffolds for a season, until the "Feast of the Dead," and then gathered their bones into a common sepulcher. Those who buried their dead often placed them in a sitting posture, facing the east, and put into the grave the imple- ments of war and the chase belonging to the deceased and food enough for the journey of one of his spirits to the happy hunting ground. Another spirit, for each indi- vidual was believed to have several, haunted the body and the village. 14 North of New Mexico, on the plains and in the east, the prevailing plan for a house or wigwam, as it was called, was conical. It was constructed by setting several poles in the ground and bringing them together at the top. Splits, poles, 13 Starr, " First Steps in Human Progress," pp. 205-215. i^Farrand, "Basis of American History," p. 251; Brinton, "The Myths of the New World," p. 60. Indian Braves Assisting in Burial of a Chief Painting by F. Bradley c . < <■ <■ :c t c : v c I c 4 ; , c , « , c , C CC C t i I , !. r « < ' » ' ABORIGINAL AMERICA 19 bark, brush and reeds were used for covering. Smoke escaped through a hole at the top. The wigwams were grouped in villages and sometimes they were surrounded by palisades. The " long houses " of the Iroquois, from fifty to one hundred feet long, were well constructed with a stout The Square Tower Cliff Palace, in the Mesa Verde From a photograph framework. Small compartments provided with sleeping bunks ranged around the walls. Great communal houses were found in the Columbia region. In California the dug- out and dome-shaped houses built of clay, and entered from the top, were the general type. In New Mexico the Spaniards found aggregations of continuous rooms which they called " pueblos," and which were several stories high. Entrance was made through the flat roofs by means 20 THE UNITED STATES of ladders, the walls often being made without gates for the sake of protection. For the same reason the so-called " cliff- dwellers " constructed their rooms on the sides of cliffs diffi- cult of access. 15 Ill INDUSTRIES, LIFE AND RECREATIONS OF THE INDIANS Aside from war, the pursuits of the Indian depended largely on his locality and environment. Most of the tribes depended mainly on agriculture for their subsistence. Es- pecially was this true on the Atlantic slope, while hunting was more common in the north and west. Corn stood first in importance among the agricultural products, but vegetables were not unknown. The products of the farm were supplemented by hunting and fishing, and by gathering the edible products of the forest. The Indians of the plains lived almost wholly by the chase. Strange to say, they would not eat birds or fish, but sometimes partook of the flesh of horses and dogs, along with dried grasshoppers, snakes and other like delicacies. The " Digger " Indian of the Columbia region lived mainly upon roots, and the acorn was a staple food in California. 16 Since the coming of the Spanish the Navajos have depended mainly on their herds of sheep and goats, but often have raised them only to see them driven away by the predatory Apaches. The horse and dog were the domestic animals of common use. The Indian pony of to-day is descended from a stock brought by the Spanish, though the Indian of the plains claims to have had horses before the Spanish ever came. The prevailing dress was made of skins, heavy in the cold regions for warmth and decreasing in weight and im- !5 Read Morgan, " Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines." 10 Read Wilson, " Prehistoric Man," chs. ii.-iii. ABORIGINAL AMERICA 21 portance toward the south. The men wore a skirt, a breech- clout, leggings, and moccasins. The women wore a tunic with short sleeves, a sort of apron, a belt, leggings and moc- casins. When the weather permitted the men stripped to the breech-clout. Their head-dress, especially in the war dance, was very ornate, consisting of a sort of cap covered with long Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company The Cliff Palace In the Cliff Palace Canon, Southwest Colorado feathers, with a long streamer of feathers hanging down the back. The children wore no clothing in warm weather. The age of ten was a sort of " coming out " period for the boys, when they assumed the breech-clout and were allowed to accompany their elders in the chase or war. The hair was worn long and on the plains it was plaited in two braids and hung down on each side; in the east the head was shaved except for a crest along the top, which was left for a scalp- lock. In war the victor cut this from the head of his slain foe and hung it to his belt as a trophy. Paint was used freely before going on the warpath. Tattooing was prac- ticed to some extent in various tribes. Necklaces, of shells, m THE UNITED STATES turquoise and pearls, and nose and ear pendants were in common use. 17 The languages of the Indians were polysynthetic ; that is, " much putting together," though some tribes showed a different class. Some of the dialects were pleasing to the ear, while others were harsh and grating. North of Mexico there was no written language except a rude sort of picture- writing; consequently the Indians have left no literature. John Eliot, missionary to the Indians in Massachusetts, suc- ceeded in reducing the Algonquin tongue to writing and translated the Bible into it. At a much later period (1824) the Cherokees invented a sort of syllabic system of writing. The Indian of poetry and romance is credited with ex- Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company The Belt of Wampum Delivered by the Indians to William Penn at the " Great Treaty " under the Elm Tree at Shackamaxon, in 1682 pressing himself in language of poetic beauty. The total number of languages for the two Americas is put by some authorities as high as 760, which means that few tribes spoke the same language. The necessity of inter- communication, however, compelled them to know something of the language of their neighbors. In the absence of this, resort was had to sign language— the bundle of arrows tied with a snake-skin and sent to the English was a declaration of war. Treaties were recorded by means of wampum belts. Time was reckoned by moons, but the length of its passage was lost in the haze of years. The social and political organization was based upon the "See Starr, "First Steps in Human Progress," ch. xiv. ABORIGINAL AMERICA 23 gentile or clan system. It is uncertain whether the clan is an enlarged family or the family a new formation within the clan. Descent was reckoned in the female line and inter- marriage within a clan, several of which made a tribe, was forbidden. When a warrior married he passed over to his wife's clan and the children belonged to her clan. 18 Some argue from this an existing or previously existing sexual promiscuity, the children being assigned to the mother be- cause their paternity was uncertain. This reasoning, how- ever, is unsafe, for examples may be found of transition from the paternal system to the maternal, such as among the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island. " Blood revenge " was a clan matter, the clan demanding satisfaction for the loss of a member. When murder was committed within a clan by one of its members, the act was either overlooked, as to kill the offender would only be a new act of sacrilege, or he was first expelled and then hunted down. 19 The principal clan officers were the sachem, the leading man in times of peace, and the chief or leader in war. The office of sachem was loosely hereditary within the clan, vacancies being filled by election. Immediate blood-relations, such as a brother or a sister's son, were generally chosen, .but any male member of the clan was eligible, and he could be de- posed for cause. Personal fitness was the test for leadership — in most places ability to lead in war, but in the north- west, wealth and social rank. The number of chiefs varied : among the Iroquois there was one to every seventy- five or hundred persons. The Indians were essentially democratic, equality and independence being at the basis of their political institutions, and hence the choice of chiefs, like that of sachems, belonged to the clan. In a few cases per- haps the term king was not inaptly applied, as in the case is Starr, "First Steps in Human Progress," pp. 196-203. 19 Farrand, " Basis of American History," p. 198 et seq. THE UNITED STATES of Philip, commonly called King of the Wampanoags, but in general the title was a misnomer. The chief's preeminence depended mainly on the condition of war, but he was also a member ex-officio of the tribal council. This was natural, however, since the principal matters of discussion in the King Philip From an old print council related to war and foreign relations. In these councils the women were allowed to be heard by proxy. Strangely enough, among the Iroquois the women had the sole right to declare war. They also had the right of adoption; that is, to decide the fate of captives in war. Fe- male chiefs were met with a few times by Europeans, but ABORIGINAL AMERICA 25 usually the women held a position popularly regarded as inferior. The task of tilling the soil fell to her lot, partly because the braves were engaged in the more arduous duties of war and the chase, partly because they considered it be- neath their dignity to perform such labor. But that does not necessarily mean that woman was a drudge; in reality there was a more or less equitable division of labor, and being mistress of her wigwam she there did as she pleased. With the changes wrought by later development, the cessation of war and decrease in importance of the chase, the task of the brave became less arduous, that of the squaw more so, in comparison at least. When the clan system prevailed land was held in com- mon and the right of inheritance rested with the clan. Indi- vidual ownership is said to have existed among certain tribes in California and the northwest. Such of an individual's personal effects as were not buried with him went to his nearest of kin within the clan. Hospitality was so free that almost anything might be taken by anyone who wanted it, and the niggard was classed along with the coward. Regular slavery existed in the west, a mild form of it in the east, and after the coming of the white man the Indians imitated him in the ownership of negro slaves. In the simple life of the Indian few things were needed to supply his daily wants, hence there was but little industrial activity. Stone, bone, shells and wood furnished the material for his tools. From the first he made his tomahawk or battle- ax, his arrow-points, many of which may still be found in various parts of the country, his knife and his pipe. Bowls, pots, mortars and pestles for pounding grain also were made of stone. Great care was bestowed upon the tomahawk and the pipe, the latter an important adjunct on state occasions. The Haidas were famous for their slate carving and Navajos and Pueblos for their necklaces and ear-pendants. Fishing- 26 THE UNITED STATES hooks, sewing-awls, knives and sometimes arrow-heads were made of bone. The Pueblos carved their mythological char- acters out of wood and gave them to their children for dolls. The huge totem poles of the northwest, used to designate the clans, were elaborately carved and painted. Navajos and Pueblos had attained no little skill in textile work, the material being cotton at first and later wool. Feather weav- ing was practiced by the Gulf tribes, where the subtropical birds furnished them with beautiful material. Every squaw Moki Pueblo Woman Making Pottery From a photograph had at the door of her wigwam a mat woven of the native grasses and rushes and stained with the beautiful native dyes. Woven baskets were found everywhere, except on the plains, where boxes made of rawhide took their place. The baskets of California were famous for their beauty of design and closeness of weaving. Pottery also was of almost uni- versal use; the vessels of the east are inferior to those of the Pueblos, who understood how to paint figures and fix them by burning. All of this work fell to the women, who also dressed the skins and made thread of sinew. But in all this ABORIGINAL AMERICA 27 they have made no distinctive contribution, with a few ex- ceptions. We admire their handiwork as that of Indians, not because of any intrinsic merit, but in a sort of patroniz- ing way. War and the chase were the only occupations worthy of an Indian brave. His artillery consisted of the knife, club, lance, bow and arrow and tomahawk or hatchet. The lance and shield were used only by the horsemen of the plains where there were no trees and underbrush to interfere with them. Like the German leaders described by Tacitus, the chief commanded not so much because of his authority as by his personal qualities. If he could recount many deeds of valor in battle and wore many scalps in his belt, the young braves were ready and willing to follow him. When the decision for war had been made, the braves were invited to take part. The preparation for war often lasted some time, the object being to assemble a sufficient number of braves and arouse their fury to an uncontrollable pitch. This latter was done by recounting the story of their wrongs and how their ancestors, or how on previous occasions they them- selves, had avenged their insults and won glory. The Indian battle was something very different from the battle of the Europeans, who several times learned this to their sorrow. It was a surprise, or a skirmish from am- bush, or a hand-to-hand encounter. The brave was in reality a man of courage, yet he would not fight in the open so long as he could help it or unless he could gain an advantage by the surprise. He preferred to lurk in the shadow and fell his enemy from behind, springing upon him with a yell which in itself struck terror into the mind of his unsuspecting vic- tim. The ordinary rule was neither to ask nor give quarter, but prisoners were often taken and were either tortured to death or enslaved or adopted. Women and children shared the fate of the warriors. The wars were wars of extermina- 28 THE UNITED STATES tion, and to kill a child or a squaw was to decrease the number of future enemies. If a campaign proved a failure, the braves shrunk back and moped in silence with a feeling of disgrace, often taunted by the squaws for their lack of valor. If success- ful the return was celebrated with a grand scalp-dance, the women now singing the praise of the braves as they flour- ished the scalps about. Captives were made to run the gaunt- let or were tied to trees so that the braves might amuse them- selves by tossing their tomahawks at them to see them dodge. They were either killed in this way or burned at the stake. Sometimes they feasted upon one of the slain, or made a pre- tense of doing so. Real cannibalism, of which this possibly was a survival, cannot be said to have existed north of Mex- ico. Though the condition of war was almost chronic, there were tribes which buried the hatchet ; that is, made peace and enjoyed long periods of repose. The savage wars waged against the white colonists were horrible indeed, but hardly more so than those waged by Indians against Indians. In the former the " Red Man " was fighting for his native heath; he saw slowly but surely his lands taken from him, while he was being pushed back- ward, backward, ever backward into the forest and toward the setting sun. Ofttimes, too, he was mistreated by knavish whites and he judged the race by his opinion of the meanest individual. Peace had her victories as well as war, this time in athletic contests, games, dances, feasts and story-telling. Foot-racing and horse-racing were common, but ball was the chief sport. It was played with sticks and netted sticks resembling rackets. Shinny and football were indulged in by women, not, however, according to Rugby rules. Music charmed the savage, whether made by the drum, the flageolet, whistle, or in songs of lullaby or work, love or war. ABORIGINAL AMERICA 29 IV PRESENT CONDITION AND FUTURE OUTLOOK Popular misconceptions regarding the Indians are com- mon. These have arisen from the romance writers and from the accounts left by the colonists, who often did not know the Indian as he really was. The Indian was by training and nature deliberate and dignified on state occasions, and it was at just such times that the colonists received their strong- est impressions of him. In consequence, they described him as taciturn, often morose and sullen. On the contrary, those who have known him in his home and observed his life there declare that he is cheerful and talkative. The " noble red man " was largely a creation of the romantic imagination. His much-vaunted stoical indifference to pain was, indeed, a remarkable characteristic; but even this was a sort of dress put on for show in public. In private life he was nervous, hysterical, often manifesting a childish dread of pain. As for honor, some of the colonists looked upon the Indian very much as the Romans did the Carthaginian, but often with- out just cause. In most cases the Indian kept faith when dealt with fairly, even when being gradually pushed back- ward from his hunting grounds. But at best he was a dirty savage, dwelling in squalor and filth, and content therewith. In consequence epidemic diseases have often decimated the tribes. No reliable statistics are to be had regarding the num- ber of Indians in America at the time of the discovery, but conservative estimates place the number east of the Miss- issippi at 200,000. West of the river were many more. In 1900 there were 260,000 in the United States, 129,815 of whom were " Indians not taxed." Whole tribes have become extinct. Out of sixteen tribes met with on a journey from 30 THE UNITED STATES Charleston to Albemarle Sound in 1701, only the famous Tuscaroras and Catawbas remain. The most marked de- crease has occurred on the plains. The Pawnees have fallen from 12,000 in 1834 to 650 in 1900. The Navajos have been almost undisturbed and are holding their own ; but the native Calif ornians, numerous at the time of the discovery of gold, have almost become extinct. A century ago the Aleuts were estimated at 25,000, now at about 2,000. For this destruction the coming of the white man is chiefly responsible. Neither in war nor in peace has the Indian been able to stand against or beside him. Senti- mentalists have inveighed against the whites for this; but history teaches that inferior people must yield to a superior civilization in one way or another. They must take on civi- lization or pass out. The negro was able to endure slavery while learning the rudiments of civilization ; the Indian could not endure slavery, and, for centuries at least, he refused to be taught. He is at last going to school, but his graduation probably will only hasten his extinction as a race. An in- tense race feeling has preserved the negro from amalgama- tion, but this feeling does not exist so strongly among the whites against the Indians, nor between the Indians and negroes. It is not meant by this to convey the idea that the day will soon come when there will be no Indians in the United States, much less in America. Nearly all the Indians are now west of the Mississippi, practically all of whom retain a real tribal organization. The disappearance of the separate organization does not seem to be far distant, but commu- nities of distinctly Indian blood probably will be met with centuries hence. And no doubt they will make good citizens, taking part in the teeming life all around them instead of standing aloof, like the Basques in the mountain fastnesses of the Pyrenees. Chapter II DISCOVERIES AND EXPLORATIONS I PRECURSORS OF COLUMBUS SO far as man can see now, Christopher Columbus will be honored throughout all time as the discoverer of America; yet there is good historical evidence that Europeans visited our shores many years before he was born. This evidence is found in the " sagas " or writings of the Northmen. These sagas were put into written form two or three hundred years after the events they describe, but their credibility is not thereby destroyed, for students of the classics know well that the Homeric poems were handed down by word of mouth for centuries. The sum and sub- stance of the report of the sagas is that Leif Ericson sailed away from Norway about the year 1000, and that he dis- covered an unknown land while on a missionary voyage from Iceland to Greenland. 1 The precise whereabouts of the new land thus discovered is not known, but from the several ac- counts contained in the Codex Flatoensis, or the " Flatey Book," as the compilation is called in English, it is impos- sible to believe that the shores touched were other than those of America, probably Nova Scotia or New England. Subsequently the Northmen conducted several voyages to Vinland the Good, as the new land was called, and made a few attempts at settlement. One party seems to have visited a southern latitude where they passed the winter without see- ing snow and where their cattle were supported by grazing. i Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 3. 31 32 THE UNITED STATES According to their story, they also found a wonderful bird- land where the eggs were so thick that it was hardly possible to step between them. Self-sown wheat fields were also there, and in the hollows vines heavy with grapes. The natives, whom the Northmen called Skrellings (inferiors), were said to have come in skin boats and exchanged perfect unsullied skins for a red stuff (cloth) a span in length, which they bound about their heads. 2 The Skrellings were very fond of cow's milk, and we are told in the Icelandic writings that the outcome of their trading was that they carried away their stomachs. The Northmen made many voyages to this goodly land and carried away timber, peltries, grapes and all kinds of game and fish, " and other good things," but after a while they ceased to come, and the memory of it was lost save to a few scholars who read about it in old manuscripts. While, therefore, Leif Ericson and his followers were probably the first Europeans to visit America, their discovery had no permanent result and the history of the country would have been what it has been had they never left their native shores. 3 Omitting the stories of the very ancient empires of Babylon and upper Egypt, practically all interest in the his- tory of civilization down to the close of the middle ages centers about the Mediterranean Sea. The Greeks and Romans really knew very little of any countries not bordering upon it, and much that they knew was forgotten after their splendid civilizations ceased to be a living force. When the Saracen invaders occupied northern Africa and Spain they so threatened the commerce of Europe with Asia that Con- stantinople alone kept up a considerable trade with the East. Then came the Seljukian Turks, a nomadic tribe from cen- tral Asia, whose conversion to Mohammedanism seemed only 2 Reeves, " Wineland," p. 174. 3Winsor, "Pre-Columbian Explorations" in "Narrative and Critical His- tory," vol. i. ch. 2; also Fiske, "Discovery of America," vol. 1. pp. 149-255. EXPLORATIONS 35 .to increase their barbarism. Not content with desecrating the Holy Land and sweeping away the civilization of Asia Minor, they began to threaten the very center of the Byzan- tine Empire, Constantinople, and even Europe itself. This danger aroused the leading minds in Christendom to a reali- zation of the necessity of self-defense and the result was the Crusades. To many people the Crusades mean simply a series of expeditions based on religious zeal to rescue the tomb of the Savior from the impious hands of the infidel. While this was the ostensible object, it is probable that mixed motives never entered more largely into any expedition. Kings went to extend their borders and found empires; nobles, in the hope of gaining power and becoming kings; knights, in search of adventure ; serfs, to gain their freedom. To all the Pope held out the promise of forgiveness for past and in- dulgence for future sins. In all was the instinct of self- defense. These expeditions accomplished no permanent re- sults in rescuing the tomb or in founding empires, but they stimulated men's minds and aroused in Western Europe a deeper interest in the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, an interest which was never wholly lost, and although the West again sank into comparative inactivity after the failure of their romantic adventures, the trade with the East went on by way of Constantinople, Alexandria and Venice. Rulers in Europe, both petty and great, were kept busy at home in maintaining their security against usurping vassals and jealous neighbors, until in the latter half of the fifteenth century the movement toward absolute monarchies may be said to have begun. The nations began to feel the throb of a new life under its touch and to look abroad in anticipation of the strength which would come with their unification. At the same time that kings were building up their power the mind of man was being set free. The literatures 36 THE UNITED STATES of Greece and Rome were rediscovered and the bonds of scholasticism were broken. Printing from movable type, recently discovered, was paving the way for a more general diffusion of knowledge. Sculpture and painting were culti- vated as never before — and while science was still groping in darkness there were on every hand signs of a coming dawn. This great period was known as the Renaissance, and it began in Italy. But Italy was not at this time wholly absorbed in litera- ture, art and architecture. Capital was abundant, agricul- ture and manufacturing were flourishing and commerce was in a thriving condition. Perhaps the chief permanent re- sult of the Crusades was the stimulus given to commerce with the East, or Indies, as the southeastern part of Asia, with its adjacent islands, was known. The leader of the Italian states in this respect was Venice, though Genoa became no mean rival. Of the two important trade routes to India the Venetians took the one by Cairo and the Red Sea, that is, the water route; the Genoese allied themselves with Constanti- nople and took the northern route by the Black Sea and thence overland by caravans. This trade consisted mainly in the exchange of glass vessels, wine, linen and light woolen goods for silks, ivory, precious stones, and the much coveted spices. It contributed largely to the wealth and importance of these diminutive states, whose increasing power was viewed with jealous eyes by the states of the West, which naturally became restless at their dependence on the Italians for these wares. Could they not find a route to India and secure them directly? This question had been pondered for some time when one of the great events of history, the capture of Con- stantinople (1453) by the Turks, which cut off the route used by the Genoese and threatened that of the Venetians, made it more imperative than ever to find an answer. But how? In spite of the fact that this commerce had lasted many years EXPLORATIONS 37 and had been considerable in amount, not even the Italians knew much of the countries from whence it came. The traffic had not been carried on directly, but through the Mo- hammedans, and few Europeans had ever seen India or Cathay (China) . By what other than the well-known routes could those lands be reached? Nearly six hundred years before Christ, Pythagoras an- o o r Conception of the Shape of the World, 50 A.D. nounced his belief that the earth was a sphere, and his teach- ing was accepted by Plato and Aristotle. Aristotle in the fourth century B.C. demonstrated his theory with remark- able accuracy by observing that the earth's shadow on the moon at the time of eclipse was circular in form, and by noticing that certain stars which were visible in southerly latitudes could not be seen farther north. 4 How men could walk in the antipodal world with their " heads down " was a ♦ See Aristotle's "De Coelo," Taylor's translation. 38 THE UNITED STATES problem that puzzled even the philosophers, but they held on to a vague belief in some such world. Strabo, the Roman geographer (40 B.C. — 60 a.d.), quoted with approval the belief of Eratosthenes (third century B.C.) in the feasi- bility of a sea voyage from Iberia (Spain) to India on the same parallel of latitude. 5 But no mariner was found bold enough to pass beyond the Pillars of Hercules and tempt the Sea of Darkness, as the Atlantic was then called, and which popular belief had peopled with dreadful monsters. There was also the fear that a ship having once passed down the slope of the globe could never return even if it escaped the fiery zone at the middle belt of the earth where the vertical rays of the sun caused the sea to boil with fury. A popular belief was that the outer or unknown world was composed chiefly of water. In the second century a.d. Claudius Ptolemy propounded the theory that Asia extended indefi- nitely to the north and east, that Africa likewise extended in- definitely to the south and east, and that the two met and in- closed the Indian Ocean. 6 Such were the inherited beliefs of the middle ages, but the globular theory of the form of the earth does not ap- pear ever to have been entirely forgotten. It was easily preserved among the Arabs, who were devoted students of Aristotle. Whether derived from the same source or not, for Christians, especially the schoolmen, were also students of Aristotle — we find the same theory referred to by Christian writers, such as Roger Bacon in his " Opus Majus " in the thirteenth century a.d., and by d'Ailly in his "Imago Mundi," written in the following century. The revival of the study of the Greek writers in the fifteenth century greatly strengthened the hold of the theory, but even before that • 5 See Strabo's " Geography," ch. iv. «See Tillinghast, "Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients Considered in Relation to the Discovery of America," in Winsor, vol. i. ch. i. EXPLORATIONS 39 time men's minds had been prepared to accept it. There was first of all the desire to find a western or southern route to India. In the thirteenth century certain travelers who had returned from the East declared that Ptolemy was mis- taken in supposing Asia to be of indefinite extent, for it was bounded on the east by an ocean. Some years later this re- port was confirmed by the book of a remark- able man, Marco Polo. Marco Polo, a Vene- tian, the son of a wealthy merchant, ac- companied his father on a trading journey to the far-away Orient, where he won the favor of the famous Kublai Khan. After an ab- sence of twenty-four years he returned to Venice in 1295, only to be cast in prison by the Genoese, with whom the Venetians were at war. While in prison he dictated " The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning the Kingdom and Marvels of the East," in which he described his wondrous travels through Thibet, Burmah, Hindoostan, Siam, Cathay and even made men- tion of Cipango (Japan). While the marvels received their due share of attention, the book, first printed in 1477, made a real contribution to the geographical knowledge of Eu- rope, perhaps the greatest made by any one man to the Marco Polo Taken from a painting in the Gallery Badia, in Rome 40 THE UNITED STATES geographical knowledge of the middle ages. 7 It helped to confirm the belief that there was an ocean east of Asia. Together with " The Voyage and Travels of Sir John Mandeville," which appeared in the next century, it also helped to whet men's greed for the wealth of the East and to keep alive their interest in its fabled stone bridges, pillars of gold, large precious stones, and a fountain whose waters possessed the remarkable power of bestowing perpetual youth. In spite of all these incen- tives, however, and notwith- standing the fact that men now had the mariner's com- pass as a guide, the Sea of Darkness still remained un- tried. The Portuguese re- solved to make the attempt, and their first ship set out in 1419 and discovered an island (probably known to the Por- tuguese before this) which they called Madeira. The island was set on fire and is said to have burned seven years, after which they planted it with grapes from Greece and sugar from Sicily and Cyprus, the first of which are still there. It was the policy of the Portuguese to establish fac- tories or trading posts in newly discovered lands, and it was Prince Henry, surnamed the Navigator, who led the voyagers that blazed the way for these. The clergy were his hearty coadjutors, and each ship carried a priest, and a church arose in each factory. Prince Henry died in 1463, *Channing, "History of the United States," vol. i. p. 9. Prince Henry, the Navigator, After a miniature in the Chronica do descobrimiento e conquista de Guine, etc., National Library, Paris EXPLORATIONS 41 but his successor, John II., inspired by him, continued the work. In 1484 Diogoleam passed down the west coast of Africa to a point far below the equator, and in 1487, Bartholomew Diaz, accompanied by Bartholomew Colum- bus, a brother of the future discoverer of America, sailed around the southern point of Africa, called the Cape of Storms, and proceeded several hundred miles into the Indian Ocean before returning to Portugal. The name of the cape, King John, with good sense and true insight, changed to that of Good Hope. J Shortly after this, Columbus, the greatest navigator of his time, if not of all times, made his famous voyage; but it is proper to break the chronology here and follow the fortunes of the Portu- guese a little farther. July 8, 1497, Vasco da Gama left Lisbon with four ships and one hundred and sixty men. May 20, 1497, he rode at anchor before the city of Calicut, India, where was founded the first European factory in the Orient. Albu- querque, by the capture of So- cotora on the Red Sea and Vasco da Gama OrmUZOn On the Persian Gulf After the painting preserved by the (1507), closed to the Mussul- mans and Venetians their for- mer routes to the " wealth of Ormus and of Ind." In 1510 he conquered Goa, which, with its fine harbor, became the center of a vast colonial empire. Four thousand leagues of coast line, from Lisbon to the Cape of Good Hope, from family of the Counts of Vidigueira, descendants of the great navigator 42 THE UNITED STATES there to Hindoostan, then on to Malacca, Indo-China, and even Cipango, were dominated by Portuguese fortresses. Patriotic and religious zeal, combined with love of gain, had inspired the heroic work. None of these hardy Portuguese seamen had ever reached American shores, but it may be said that their voyages constituted a school of navigation for the future American voyagers. The western coast of Africa was of no importance un- til after the introduction of the slave trade. From eastern Africa came gold dust and ivory. Ormus poured out the wealth of central Asia, while Malacca opened up the com- merce of Indo-China. From Macao, near Canton, the hardy traders reached out to Japan. 8 This good fortune of Por- tugal proved the ruin of Venice. In desperation she freed everything coming through Egypt and taxed heavily every- thing coming via the cape, but all in vain. The currents of commerce had set to other shores, never to return to hers with the old strength. II THE VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS The voyages of the Portuguese had been watched with no little interest by an Italian navigator, Chris- topher Columbus, who took up his residence in Lisbon about 1470, and who, there is good reason to believe, had actually participated in some of the Portuguese maritime adventures. 9 The exact date of the birth of Christopher Columbus, or Colon, as he preferred to call himself, is not known, but many writers have given 1436 as the year, though some favor a later date, some an earlier one. 10 Seven cities s Cheney, " European Background of American History,'* ch. iv. 9 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 12. 10 Harrisse and Winsor agree upon 1436 as the year ; Henry Vignaud thinks 1451 more nearly correct; while Bourne makes no attempt to settle the question. c t. t c EXPLORATIONS 45 claimed the honor of being the birthplace of Homer; not less than eighteen Italian towns have claimed a similar honor for Columbus, but he always referred to Genoa as the place of his nativity, and nearly all scholars have agreed in award- ing the honor to Genoa. Little is known of his boyhood. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Christopher Columbus The so-called " Yanez " portrait in the National Library of Madrid but it probably was spent in helping his father, who was n wool comber. While not possessed of wealth, his father was able to give him a respectable education. Beyond the com- mon studies he learned something of Latin, the higher mathematics and astronomy, while cosmography and nautical science were objects of study with him all his life and he knew as much about them as any man of his age. Genoa, like her rival Venice, was a seafaring state, and it was only natural that Columbus should take to the Mediter- 46 THE UNITED STATES ranean. His first voyage was made when he was but a lad of fourteen ; as he grew older he was much at sea, sometimes in commercial adventures, sometimes in the service of his native city in her naval struggles with her Italian rivals. Doubtless the fame of Lisbon as the center of nautical science and marine adventures attracted him to that place. Here he took to the sea again and visited the Cape Verde Islands, the Azores, and tra- dition says touched the coast of Iceland. When not at sea he spent his time in study and in making maps and charts. A few years after reaching Lisbon he married, a step which promoted his ambition, his wife's father having been a great navigator and having left many maps and charts. Until recently historians have accepted the statement that Columbus corresponded with the great Florentine as- tronomer Toscanelli, who sent him a map of the world on which Europe and Asia were represented as separated only by an ocean, and expressed the belief that India could be reached by sailing westward from Europe. But lately this story has been attacked and rendered more than doubtful. Whether he ever received a letter and map from Toscanelli or not, it is only reasonable to suppose that he was familiar with the teachings of a man so well known, although he no- where makes mention of him. 11 Certain it is that he was familiar with the geographical writings of Ptolemy, Roger 11 For a scholarly discussion of the controversy concerning the Toscanelli map see E. G. Bourne, " Spain in America," pp. 12-15. This author does not, as does Paolo Toscanelli After Giorgio Vassari's copy of the painting by Alessio Baldovinetti in the Palazzo della Signoria, Florence, Italy EXPLORATIONS 47 Bacon, Marco Polo, whose book made a lasting impression on his mind, iEneas Sylvius, later Pope Pius II., and also with Pierre d'Ailly's " Imago Mundi," an encyclopaedic com- pilation printed between 1480 and 1483, and on a copy of which at Seville one may still read marginal notes of a highly critical character in what appears to be the handwrit- ing of Columbus. 12 If, as these books taught, the world was round, why could not India, only about three thousand miles away to the west, as Toscanelli and he believed, be found by sailing westward? The idea that India could be reached by sailing to the west was not original with Columbus, but he towers above the men of his age and all the preceding ages in that he was the first man who was willing to risk his fortune and his life to prove the theory: " What if wise men as far back as Ptolemy, Judged that the earth like an orange was round. None of them ever said ' Come along, follow me, Sail to the West, and the East will be found/ " It remained for Columbus to take the lead and demon- strate the theories propounded by others. The undertaking, however, was too great for him alone, and he applied to King John II., of Portugal. When the king consulted his wise men they condemned the scheme as that of a dreamer. But the king remembered Henry the Navigator, and thought that there might be something in the scheme. How- Henry Vignaud, deny the authenticity of the correspondence between Columbus and the astronomor, but insists that even if the letters were genuine they con- tained no information which was not already known to Columbus. Channing, vol. i. p. 17, inclines to the same view, while Sir C. R. Markham in his " Journal of Columbus," pp. 1-10, goes to the other extreme. 12 E. G. Bourne, "Spain in America," p. 10. Channing, "History of the United States," vol. i. p. 15, is disposed to minimize the influence of the ancient theories on Columbus, and asserts that he had already reached his conclusions with regard to the sphericity of the earth before reading d'Ailly's "Imago Mundi." 48 THE UNITED STATES ever, he wished to gain all the glory himself, and sent out a secret expedition with directions to follow the plans of Columbus. The only result was to drive Columbus in dis- gust from Portugal to Spain. At this time the Spanish nation was in the formative period. The two most important Christian kingdoms of the peninsula were united in 1469 by the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile. When Columbus ar- rived, these two sovereigns were busily engaged in carrying out their determination to add the Moorish kingdom to their own; consequently it was difficult for him to reach the royal ears. But as they pursued the enemy Columbus pur- sued them from Cordova to Salamanca, to Malaga, and back again to Cordova. Here, as in Portugal, the wise men were consulted; some favored, others condemned the project. Powerful friends at the royal court took up his cause. The sovereigns expressed a real interest in it, but their answer was always the same, — To-morrow, when the war is over. After six or seven years of fruitless effort, Columbus at last despaired of securing aid in that quarter and decided to leave Spain, although he never for once wavered in his belief and purpose. His brother Bartholomew had already gone to England to seek the needed help from Henry VII. But at last the sovereigns of Spain were moved to action. Weary and footsore with the journey afoot, Co- lumbus stopped at the monastery of La Rabida to ask for bread and water for his child, whom he had taken with him on leaving the rest of his family behind in Portugal. 13 The prior, Father Juan Perez, formerly confessor to the queen, heard his story and believed it. At the entreaties of these and other influential personages at court she agreed to hear the story once more and sent the Genoese adventurer a sum is Winsor, " Columbus and His Discoveries " in M Nar. and Crit. Hist." vol. ii. p. 5. c c c e * »' EXPLORATIONS 51 of money with which to array himself properly before com- ing into her presence. Shortly after his arrival he witnessed the fall of Granada (January 2, 1492), and saw Boabdil pass out the gates and pause to weep over the city while his Celt, of Friar Juan Perez de Marchena in the Cloister of La Rabid a mother upbraided him with the loss of an empire which the Moslem had conquered for him eight centuries before. The Moorish war over at last, Ferdinand and Isabella had realized their dream of a united Spain and were ready to hear this dreamer tell of rich realms beyond the Sea of Darkness, which should also be theirs. But Columbus would exact hard conditions. First of all he must be a grandee and admiral of the ocean and viceroy of all the heathen lands he might discover. One-eighth of the gold and silver from such lands should be his, as also one-tenth of the profits by trade or conquest. In return he would bear one-eighth of the expense. The conditions were rejected and Columbus again turned his face toward foreign lands, but the Mar- chioness de Moya, at the time a confidential friend of the queen, now appealed to her in his behalf, and she at length consented to give the aid desired. Three vessels of the caravel class were finally fitted out, 52 THE UNITED STATES the Santa Maria, the Pinta, and the Nina, all of them very small, so small, indeed, that one would be considered fool- hardy should he venture to cross the ocean in such craft to- day. Securing a crew was no easy task, and for a time it looked as if the government would be compelled to use force by impressing seamen and releasing criminals for that The Caravels of Columbus purpose; but through the influence of the powerful Pinzon family a crew was finally obtained without resorting to con- scription or emptying the jails. The expense of the voyage was borne by the queen, Louis and Anne, and Columbus himself, the total amount aggregating according to careful estimates about $100,000. 14 A metallurgist was taken along to test the gold they felt sure of finding. In all there were "Thatcher, "Christopher Columbus," vol. i. p. 490. EXPLORATIONS 53 ninety souls. 15 Friday morning, August 3, 1492, they weighed anchor at Palos and set out on a voyage from which few of those who either went or remained behind believed they would ever return. Something was known of the vol- canoes of the Mediterranean, especially of Mt. iEtna, yet the eruption of Mt. Teneriffe on one of the Canaries threw them into consternation. The deflection of the needle from the north star alarmed the pilots; they were unacquainted with the trade winds and the constant blowing of these from one direction brought on the fear that they would never change. But no terror could shake the purpose of the admiral, and he kept on his way undisturbed. The strain gradually became greater, and soon there were grumblings and plot- tings to throw the admiral overboard or otherwise dispose of him. But they were quieted by the soothing promises of their captain, who reminded them of their rewards in case of success, and further declared his unalterable purpose to continue to the end. Week after week passed with no sight of land, though tropical birds flying overhead and floating seaweed raised the hope that it was not far off. On Septem- ber 25, Pinzon, who commanded the Pinta, raised the cry, "Land, land!" The night was spent in rejoicing and giving thanks to God, but the next morning the land had dis- appeared — it was only a mirage. The crew became more and more convinced that they were venturing into a world of enchantment, where hope was held out only to lure them on to destruction. Columbus himself was puzzled. He had supposed that twenty-five hundred miles of sail- ing would bring him to Cipango, yet he had sailed twenty- seven hundred miles only to find himself still on the Sea is This is the number given by Las Casas; Oviedo says the number was 120; among the crew were the three Pinzon brothers, Juan de la Cosa, the most famous pilot and cartographer of the age, a Jewish interpreter and two Englishmen. 54 THE UNITED STATES of Darkness. October 7 Pinzon induced him to change his course to the southwest. The many small birds flying in that direction held out the hope that land was to be found in that quarter. Four days later the signs of land were so unmistakable that not even the muti- nous crew could doubt any longer. That night not an eye was closed in sleep, but everyone was steadily gazing forward in the hope of descrying land. About ten o'clock the admiral, standing on the top of the castle of the Santa Maria and eagerly peering into the darkness, saw a light in the distance describing a waving line as though carried by someone walking. When the dawn came, October 12, 1492 (old style) , it revealed a coast line covered with trees, only a few miles distant. Many natives, " as naked as when their mother bore them," had gathered on the shore to watch the caravels, which they took to be white-winged birds. As Columbus, clad in scarlet and carrying the standard of Spain, made for the shore accompanied by Pinzon and a few others, they fled in terror. On reaching the land the admiral burst into tears, kissed the ground and gave thanks to God for the supposed realization of his long cherished dream. Drawing his sword, he took possession in the name of the sovereigns of Spain. The natives called the island Guanahani; Columbus called it San Salvador (Holy Savior) . It was one of the Bahama group, probably Watling Island. 16 Columbus supposed that he was in the Indies, not far from some of the great cities of the Grand Khan. The naked savages did not correspond to the descriptions of Marco Polo, nevertheless he called them " Indians," a name which the aboriginal inhabitants of America have ever since borne. Cathay could not be far away, still he would not i«Markham, "Life of Columbus," p. 100 et seq. For contrary views see biographies of Columbus by Harrisse and Winsor, EXPLORATIONS 55 trust to them for delivering his letter to the Grand Khan. " Directly I reached the Indies in the first isle I discovered," says Columbus, " I took by force some of the natives that from them we might gain some information of what there was in these parts; and so it was that we understood each other, either by words or signs." When asked where gold was to be found they always pointed to the south. Leaving San Salvador, Columbus cruised about for several weeks and discovered Cuba and Hayti; the latter he named Hispaniola. On the shoals of the latter his largest vessel, the Santa Maria, was wrecked. Columbus then be- thought himself of home and the wonderful story he had to relate to his sovereign. The material of the wrecked vessel was used to construct a rude building in which forty-four men, supplied with food, seed and tools, agreed to remain and await the return of the admiral; the rest embarked for Spain, January 4, taking ten of the natives, a quantity of gold and other trophies with them. 17 The return voyage was stormy and eventful. The two vessels were driven apart to meet no more until they sailed into the harbor of Palos on the same day, March 15, 1493, only a few hours apart, Thus was completed the most momentous voyage in all his- tory. Had Columbus reached India and opened up a new route to the ancient civilization of Cathay, it would have been a great accomplishment ; but he had done v more than this; he had discovered a new world without knowing it, one where civilization was to gain a new foothold, take on new life and advance by leaps and bounds such as it had never known before. Columbus soon informed the king and queen of his return, and, after having given due notice of his discovery to the Pope, they at once commanded his presence at Bar- celona. The news of his return rapidly spread ; the country it Bourne, " Spain in America," p. 27. 56 THE UNITED STATES was wild with enthusiasm, the whole population turned out to greet him, and his journey hither was a triumphal march. His reception by the king and queen was made a great state occasion, perhaps the greatest Spain had ever known, and Columbus was accorded the highest distinction that could be shown to a Spanish subject; yet he is said to have borne these honors with all due modesty. As Spain was now becoming the rival of Portugal as a claimant for lands hitherto unknown, something had to be done to prevent disputes from arising. A very simple solution was found by appealing to Pope Alexander VI., who issued two bulls, May 3 and 4, 1493, establishing a " Line of Demarcation," or, in modern phrase, creating two spheres of influence in which the right of discovery would Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company The Landing of Columbus at Espanola After one of the earliest leaflets, printed at Basle, 1494 give unquestioned title. At first this imaginary line was drawn from pole to pole one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands; Portugal to have all the lands east of the line, and Spain those to the west. There was dissatisfaction with the arrangement, however, and in consequence it was agreed by the treaty of Tordesillas be- tween Spain and Portugal, June 7, 1494, that the line of de- EXPLORATIONS 59 marcation should be changed to 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands. 18 This gave Spain all the New World except the eastern part of Brazil, assigned to Portugal — a very simple arrangement if only the rest of the world would acquiesce. Columbus was now eager for a second voyage, and Ferdinand and Isabella were no less eager to have him go, for he had promised them all the gold, spices, cotton, mastic and lignaloe they desired and as many slaves as they cared to send for, all heathens. On September 25, 1493, the ad- miral, accompanied by his brother Bartholomew and Ponce de Leon, of later fame, set out from Cadiz with seventeen vessels and 1500 men, soldiers, missionaries, artisans, etc., and once more turned his face to the west. Brood mares, sheep, cattle, farm implements, tools, seed and all the para- phernalia of colony planting were taken along with the evi- dent intention of making a permanent settlement in the New World. He first sought out the little colony of forty- four men left behind on his first voyage, but found no record of them save their bones, which lay bleaching in the tropical sun. Not a man had survived. But the undaunted admiral founded another colony, this time in San Domingo, Decem- ber, 1493, and spent three years in cruising about and ex- ploring the islands of the West Indies, as they later came to be called. He returned to Spain in December, 1496, leaving his brother Bartholomew in control of the colony at Espanola. On a third voyage (1498) he discovered Trin- idad and anchored in the mouth of the Orinoco, where he first beheld the mainland of the, as yet, unnamed continent. The magnitude of the river and the luxuriant growth of the tropical forest led him to think that this might be one of the great rivers of the Garden of Eden mentioned in the Bible. The great explorer had tasted of adversity and had drunk of the cup of the highest success, but his last days is Thatcher, " Life of Columbus," vol. ii. pp. 124 et seq. 60 THE UNITED STATES were to be like unto his first. Malice, hatred, and envy had done their work at home, where jealous enemies had belittled his discoveries and represented to the king and queen that he was a tyrant incapable of governing colonies. A viceroy was sent out to investigate. He exceeded his instructions and sent Columbus home in irons. The story of his wrongs and the sight of his sufferings moved the queen to tears. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Columbus Returning to Spain in Chains Painting by Marechal, Paris Salon, 1857 He was released and restored to royal favor, but was not reinstated in his position as governor of the colony, and, if the truth must be told, he was ill-fitted for the position. A fourth voyage, in the course of which he discovered the coast of Honduras, added little to his fame. With indomitable spirit he kept planning still greater things for the country which repaid him only with neglect; but old age, anxiety and EXPLORATIONS 61 exposure had broken his strength. May 20, 1506, he breathed his last at Valladolid, without knowing that he had discovered a New World, and before he had realized how utter was the wreck of his hope and ambitions. 19 The simple arrangement of Spain and Portugal by which the choicest domains of the world were parceled out between them was not acquiesced in by the rest of Europe. Henry VII. of England, in particular, was chagrined at having let the prize slip from his grasp by refusing the aid which Columbus had asked, and now when John_Cabot t a naturalized citizen of Venice of the Jersey Norman race, and, like the great discoverer, born in Genoa, applied for permission to search for the all-sea route to India, the request was readily granted. The permit, dated March 5, 1496, granted to the patentees and their assigns forever the exclu- sive right of frequenting all the countries they might dis- cover, in return for which the king was to receive one-fifth of all their gains and Bristol was to be their only port of entry. Thus was begun the system of commercial restriction which ended only with the revolution, nearly three hundred years later. The voyage was delayed over a year, but finally in May, 1497, Cabot, with a single vessel and eighteen men, set sail from Bristol on his perilous quest. The patent included Cabot's three sons, but it is not definitely known whether any of them sailed with him or not, although it is probable that Sebastian went. In June, 1497, Cabot landed some- where on the coast of Labrador or about the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, possibly on Cape Breton Island or Newfoundland, believing, of course, that he had reached the shores of the territory of the Grand Khan. After an absence of only three months, during which time he sailed along the coast for some 300 leagues without seeing an in- 19 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 25. 62 THE UNITED STATES habitant or attempting to land, 20 he returned to England, where he was given a popular reception very much like that accorded to Columbus in Spain, and was, moreover, re- warded with a pension of £20 per year. The following Henry VII. of England Painting by an unknown Flemish artist in the National Portrait Gallery, London year (1498) he made a second voyage and coasted down the shore of the United States as far as Cape Hatteras, some say to Florida, again believing that he was on the shore of Cipango or Cathay. 21 These voyages were the basis of the English claim to North America. soWeare, "Cabot's Discovery," p. 143 et seq. 21 Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. i. pp. 10-14; Channing, "History of the United States," vol. i. p. 34; Fiske, "Discovery of America," vol. ii. ch. vii. EXPLORATIONS 63 Such is the story now generally accepted by historians. For many years the credit for these voyages, or a least the second, was accorded to Sebastian Cabot, but it now seems certain that his father commanded both. 22 Sebastian was a great navigator, later became chief hydrographer to the king of Spain, and probably began that fruitless search for a northwest passage to India in which so many fortunes Amerigo Vespucci and lives were lost; but the glory of discovering North America belongs to his father, John Cabot. These voyages created a good deal of excitement in England, but brought no gold and the excitement soon died down. As mariner after mariner sailed into the west, it at last dawned upon Europe that a new world had been found. The first to use this term was Amerigo Vespucci, or Amer- icus Vespucius, another Italian, a native of Florence, but resident at Seville, who had made at least four voyages 22 Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. iii. p. 31 ; Bourne, " Spain in America," pp. 60-61 ; Harrisse, " American Historical Review," vol. iii. p. 448. 64 THE UNITED STATES across the Atlantic between 1499 and 1503. His account of the " New World " (Mundus Novus), published in a pam- phlet and translated into many languages, created some- thing of a sensation in Europe, for he asserted that the new continent was more populous and more desirable as a place in which to live than either Europe, Asia, or Africa. The fame of Columbus was already in eclipse. In 1507 a Ger- man professor, Waedseemiiller, in a little college of St. Die in Lorraine, the same place at which Cardinal d'Ailly had written his " Imago Mundi," published a pamphlet en- titled " Cosmographic Introductions," in which he suggested that this New World be called America, in honor of its dis- coverer, Americus Vespucius. The same year he used the name on a map which is still to be seen at Wiirtemburg. Gradually the name found favor, and though applied only to Brazil at first, was at last applied to all the western world. There is no evidence that either the professor or Vespucius had any thought of depriving Columbus of honors justly due to him, and the latter in fact was a friend of the admiral. 23 Ill SPANISH EXPLORATIONS Natives of Italy under the patronage of Spain had begun the work of exploration in the west; the Spanish and Portuguese now took it up and carried it on with vigor. The chief motive back of this activity was the " cursed thirst for gold." Marlow, in his " Faust," well expressed the 23Winsor, "Amerigo Vespucci," in " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. ii. ch. 2. For a scholarly discussion of the controversy concerning the naming of America, see Bourne, "Spain in America," ch. vii. and Fiske, "Discovery of America," pp. 130-170. EXPLORATIONS 65 spirit of the age. On learning that he has power to com- mand spirits, Faustus exclaims : " I'll have them fly to India for gold, Ransack the ocean for orient pearl, And search all corners of the new-found world For pleasant fruits and princely delicates." The love of adventure was a powerful motive force, as was the sincere desire to convert the heathen, but gold, gold, gold was always the cry. The year 1513 saw Vasco Nunez de Balboa, a bankrupt in both fortune and patriotism, searching the Isthmus of Panama (probably within the canal zone acquired in 1904 by the United States) for gold with which to satisfy his credi- tors, from whom he was a fugitive, and a discovery that would atone for his treason. Accompanied by one hundred and ninety-five picked Spaniards, besides several hundred Indian porters and dogs, he set out, September 1, on what is now regarded as a wonderful expedition, made as it was through well-nigh impenetrable thickets, tangled swamps and marshes reeking with deadly malaria. Led on by the report of an Indian that the yellow metal abounded beyond the mountains in the lands bordering upon a great sea, in such quantities that the commonest utensils were made of it, he climbed a lofty peak, and, on the morning of September 25, 1513, straining his eyes to the south, beheld a broad expanse of water, which he called the South Sea, which, together with the adjacent coasts and islands, he took possession of in the name of his master, the King of Spain. This was the most important discovery since that of Columbus, and aroused intense interest in Spain. Balboa's career, however, had a sad ending, for four years later he was put to death by a jealous and suspicious governor, Pedrarias Davila. 66 THE UNITED STATES Six years later Ferdinand Magellan, a native of Portu- gal, but sailing under the banner of Spain, his adopted country, set out with five old, half -rotten vessels and about two hundred and fifty men, a considerable portion of whom were worthless adventurers, if not downright rascals, to find a water passage to the South Sea. Sailing ^^ from Spain in the autumn of 1519 (September 20), he reached the straits which now bear his name thirteen months later, after having long suffered the pangs of hunger on account of short rations, and after experi- encing a mutiny of the crew which was put down in cold blood. Leaving the straits he entered the boundless ocean — the Mar Pacifico — and steering northwestward struck out boldly in search of new lands. Days, weeks, and months passed with nothing in sight but the prospects of starvation. Soon the crew had to be put on half rations and presently the few rats that infested the ships were luxuries at half a ducat each. Living on wormy crumbs and soaked ox leather they managed to keep alive until the island of Guam was reached. Finally, in April, 1521, they sighted the now familiar island of Samar, belonging to the Philippine group; but a month later Magellan was killed in a fight with the natives. One of the ships, the Victoria, finally succeeded in rounding the Cape of Good Hope, and, after an absence of three years, Fernao de Magalhoes Usually called Magellan After an engraving by F. Selma EXPLORATIONS 67 reached Spain with thirty-one survivors. At last the earth had been circumnavigated and the globular theory proven forever beyond further question. The voyage thus ended, says Fiske, 24 was doubtless the greatest feat of navigation that has ever been performed, and nothing can be imag- ined that would surpass it except a journey to some other planet. 25 In the case of Ponce de Leon, another Spanish explorer, to the thirst for gold was added the thirst for eternal youth. Ponce de Leon was an intrepid warrior and explorer, who had come out with Columbus on his second voyage in 1493. Learning of an Indian tradition concerning a wonderful fountain situated on an island called Bimini, somewhere to the north of San Domingo, whose waters, if drunk, restored the drinker to eternal youth, he secured permission from the king to go in quest of it, and, in March, 1513, he sailed from Porto Rico for the north. On the 27th of the same month, it being Easter Sunday (Spanish, Pascual Florida),, he came in sight of land and anchored off the site of the future city of St. Augustine. In honor of the day he named the country Florida. In vain did he search for the fabled fountain and treasures of gold. Coasting around the penin- sula in his futile quest, he returned to Porto Rico. Eight years later he returned and tried to make a settlement, the first attempt within the borders of the United States; but the effort resulted in failure, and, being attacked and seriously wounded by the Indians, he sailed back to Cuba, where he died after prolonged suffering. In 1520 Vasquez de Ayllon set out from San Domingo with two vessels in search of slaves to work the plantations and mines. He landed on the coast of South Carolina and by the basest treachery kidnaped a number of the 24 Fiske, " Discovery of America,*' ii. pp. 184-210, 25 Bourne, " Spain in America," ch. ix. - 68 THE UNITED STATES natives. One of his ships foundered, while the captives on the other sickened and died. He returned to Spain and as a reward for this expedition was appointed (1525) to con- quer Chicora, as he called Carolina. Accordingly, in June, 1526, with three vessels and some five or six hundred men, de Ayllon set out on his voyage of conquest and settlement, and in due course reached the coast of what is now North Caro- lina or Virginia. Here they established the settlement of San Miguel, on the site of the future Jamestown as some historians contend. The col- ony, however, soon succumbed from a variety of causes, de Ayllon died, and the survi- vors, numbering about one hundred and fifty persons, re- turned to San Domingo. The greatest, however, and judged by modern standards, the most infamous of the Spanish expeditions in the New World, was that of Cortes. A native of Spain, Cortes was destined for the law by his parents, but he was born an adventurer in an age of adventure. At 19 he left Spain for the New World. He learned the art of Indian warfare under Velasquez in the conquest of Cuba (1511), and when Grijalva discovered Mexico in 1518 Cortes was eager to possess its cities of fabulous wealth. The Mex- icans were far in advance of the Indians on the islands and on the continent to the north of them. Their god, Quetz- Ferdinand Cortes After the painting in the Hospital of ' Purissima Concepcion de Jesus," Mexico City the EXPLORATIONS 69 alcoatl, so their tradition said, had taught them the arts of civilization, but had been forced to depart because he in- curred the wrath of a higher divinity. On leaving, he prom- ised that he and his descendants would revisit the Mexicans in after years. The belief was now prevalent that the time for his return was near, and when the white man came, bear- ing thunder and lightning in his hand, many were convinced that the " fair god " had re- turned. Montezuma, the em- peror of the Mexicans, taking counsel of his fears, adopted a half-hearted policy marked by friendliness and suspicion. His fate probably would not have been very different had he displayed full confidence in the invaders or adopted a policy of open hostility. Early in March, 1519, Cortes, with a force consist- ing of about 500 Spaniards, several cannon, and fifteen horses, landed on the east coast of Mexico and at once sent messengers bearing gifts to Montezuma. The expedition then set out for the capital city of Montezuma's dominion. In the course of an interview Cortes told the ambassador that " the Spaniards were troubled with a disease of the heart, for which gold was a specific remedy." That gold, which the capital was reputed to contain, he had determined to secure; also to convert the heathen, either by the mouth of the priest or that of the cannon. With our modern notions of Chris- tianity this sounds very strange; but in those days religion The Emperor Montezuma Reconstructed from data furnished by the Ramirez MSS. and Clavigero's Research 70 THE UNITED STATES was a matter of faith rather than of morals. It mattered not so much how a man lived if at last he died in the Church. By diplomacy, by aid of the natives, who turned against the Mexican emperor, and by deceit and treachery, he at last gained the capital and got Montezuma in his power. By profaning the temples in setting up Christian worship he turned the Aztecs against him, and they stirred up a revolt against the tame submission of Montezuma. Cortes left the capital in fear, but soon returned, and in August, 1521, captured it after a long siege. The number of lives lost, mainly Mexicans, is estimated at from 120,000 to 240,000. The Spanish loss was small, as was their gain in booty. 26 The enemies of Cortes, meantime, were busy both at home and in America, but Charles V. confirmed his acts and appointed him Captain General and Chief Justice of New Spain, as that part of the world was called. The City of Mexico was rebuilt on a grand scale and the system of repartimientos was adopted by which the Indians were as- signed in lots for work on the plantations or in the mines; in other words, reduced to slavery. To the credit of the Crown, be it said, that a decree was issued annulling this, but the colonists managed to evade it, and the conversion of the heathen went on at a rapid rate, 9,000,000, as it was fanati- cally asserted, in twenty years. But it would be unfair to judge Cortes by the standards of to-day. Prescott, who wrote the story of his conquest, says that he used no more cruelty than was common at home and shed no more blood than was necessary to effect the con- quest. The conversion of the heathen was considered in that day a sufficient justification for the conquest itself, and there can be little doubt, as Fiske points out, that after mak- 26 Winsor, " Cortes and His Companions," in " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. ii. ch. vi.; Prescott, "Conquest of Mexico"; Fiske, "Discovery of America," vol. ii. pp. 245-293. EXPLORATIONS 73 ing all allowances, the Spaniards did introduce a better state of society into Mexico than they found there, while Bourne adds that Cortes devoted his every energy to the restoration of the country to peaceful prosperity. Pamfilo de Narvaez, who had been sent from Cuba by Valasquez to overtake and arrest the insubordinate Cortes, but who had himself been captured, now determined to look farther north for fields of conquest, and in 1527 secured from the king a grant of all the gulf coast from Mexico to the cape of Florida. In June of the same year, with five ships and about six hundred persons, he set out on the voyage and landed at Tampa Bay in April, 1528. Directing his ships to meet him elsewhere, he foolishly pushed inland through swamps and jungles in search of the gold which unfortu- nately was always just a little farther on. The fleet being unable to find the ports in accordance with Narvaez's in- structions, and, after vainly searching for him, returned to Spain a year later. The remnant of his army, three hundred in number, pushed their way along the coast through forest and swamps, harassed by the Indians and tortured by hunger and thirst. Near St. Marks they constructed five rude boats in which the survivors (two hundred and forty) embarked in September and painfully threaded their way along the coast, one after another of their frail vessels succumbing to the winter storms. About eighty of their number, destitute and enfeebled, finally succeeded in reaching an island off the coast of Texas. In the course of the winter the little band was reduced by cold and hunger to fifteen. Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the expedition and a former officer under Cortes, with three others, soon formed the sole remnant of Narvaez's band. After eight years of wandering over the inhospitable country between the Mississippi River and Cali- fornia, beaten by the Indians, suffering the tortures of hunger and thirst, at times acting as "medicine men," they 74 THE UNITED STATES finally reached the City of Mexico in July, 1536. The whole story of their hardships and triumphs, of their per- severence and courage, constitutes one of the most thrilling narratives in the history of Spanish America. 27 The cupidity of the settlers in Mexico had been aroused by rumors of wealthy cities in what is now Arizona and New Mexico, called the " Seven Cities of Cibola," and several expeditions pushed out in that direction. In 1528 Cortes sent out one which coasted up the Pacific for three hundred miles. In 1530 another entered the Gulf of California and a few years later his lieutenants were claiming the peninsula of Lower California for Cortes. There is a tradition that Spanish vessels passed northward beyond the mouth of the Columbia, but there is no authentic record of their dis- coveries. The arrival at Mexico of de Vaca and his companions aroused a new interest in the " Seven Cities of Cibola," for they declared that they had seen them with their own eyes. The inhabitants were said to be so wealthy that their house- hold utensils were made of gold and silver and their door- ways studded with precious gems. Once more the gold- hunters set out, this time led by Vasquez de Coronado, governor of the northwest province of New Spain. With a small but picked band he set out in April, 1540, and, after a long and perilous march, in the course of which many of their number perished by the wayside, Coronado reached the first of the fabled " Cities," only to find a village of thatched Indian pueblos, very interesting to the archaeologist and eth- nologist of to-day, but very disappointing to Coronado, be- cause they contained neither gold nor silver. That was a little farther on, and he pushed northward on the track of the will-o'-the-wisp, but always with the same sense of dis- 27 Read Woodbury Lowery, " Spanish Settlements in America," pp. 170 et seq. Also Smith, " Cabeza de Vaca." EXPLORATIONS 75 illusionment. For three years Coronado and his companions thirsted in the mountains or toiled over trackless deserts only to descend into valleys of hunger and despair. Northward, still northward, they pressed, sometimes over plains " as full of crookback oxen as the mountain Sierra in Spain is of sheep." Coronado at last, after having discovered the Grand Canon of Colorado, reached a great river, prob- ably the Platte or Missouri, and turned back satisfied that the gold was to be found only at the end of the rainbow. 28 At length, in the spring of 1542, he returned to Mexico greatly chagrined at having found no cities of gold and to find himself deposed as gov- ernor for his failure. One more Spanish ex- ploration of consequence deserves to be mentioned, that of Hernando de Soto. De Soto's career was one of the most romantic of that romantic period. At thirty-one (1531) he found him- self second in command to Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, an exploit even more infamous than the conquest of Mexico. He indeed denounced Pizarro for some of his acts, but he remained with the band and carried away, not half a mil- lion dollars in spoils, as is generally asserted, but hardly 28 Read Bourne, " Travels of Coronado," 2 vols., in the " Trail Makers Series "; also Haynes in Winsor's " Narrative and Critical History," vol. ii. ch. 7. Coronado Spanish Governor of New Galicia among the Cities of Cibola 76 THE UNITED STATES more, as Channing says, than a paltry hundred thousand ducats. 29 While governor of Cuba in 1538 he heard of Flor- ida, and wished for an opportunity to search that land for more treasures. With nine vessels carrying about six hun- dred men and over two hundred horses he set sail from Havana in May, 1539, and in due course landed on the coast of Florida, but instead of gold, found only hostile Ferdinand De Soto Lands in the Bay of Espiritu Santo in Florida in 1539 Indians, who harassed him at every turn. Proceeding north- ward to the Savannah River, De Soto then turned westward and southward to the fortified Indian town of Manoila, near the junction of the Alabama and Tombigbee rivers, where he was attacked and a fourth or fifth of his men killed in the course of the desperate battle which ensued. Thousands of the Indians, if we may believe the chroniclers, were in turn killed by the Spaniards, while the rest were put to flight and their houses burned. From Manoila De Soto marched in a northwesterly direction across Alabama and Missis- sippi, fighting his way as he went, finally reaching the 29 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 67. EXPLORATIONS 77 Mississippi River, near the present site of Memphis, in May, 1541. Crossing the river, he turned southward, and after wandering far to the west in the vain quest for signs of the new El Dorado, he died May 21, 1542, and his body was buried in the great river which he is said to have discov- ered, but which we know de Vaca must have seen some ten years previous. It was altogether, says Professor Bourne, the most remarkable expedition in the history of North America, though closely challenged by the contemporary enterprise of Coronado, which did for the Southwest what De Soto did for the eastern and central belt. 30 What had this half century of unparalleled activity given to Spain? In South America she claimed practically everything in view except Guiana and Brazil, the latter of which Cabral had discovered for Portugal in 1500. In Mex- ico and the West Indies her sway was undisputed save by the savages, but as yet she had no settlements within the pres- ent limits of continental United States. Even at the close of the sixteenth century she had only a few, the chief being St. Augustine (1565) , Santa Fe (1598) , and a chain of mis- sions reaching to the Gulf of California. 31 Such, in brief, were the results of Spanish achievement in North America. Spain was at her zenith at home as well as abroad. At the beginning of this activity in exploration she was being unified into a national state by Ferdinand and Isabella. Ferdinand was succeeded by his grandson, Charles I., who, on becoming German Emperor in 1519, took the title of Charles V. Actual ruler of Spain, Austria, the Netherlands, and the two Sicilies, and titular head of all the Germans, he yet took as his motto, " Plus ultra/' so Read Bourne, "Spain in America," p. 168; also King, "De Soto in Florida"; Winship, " The Journey of De Soto," in the "Trail Makers Series"; Lowery, "Spanish Settlements in America," pp. 235 et seq; and Bandelier, "Contributions to Southwestern History." si Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. i. ch. ii. 78 THE UNITED STATES For the government of the Spanish- American colonies there was a council of the Indies, through which the king made all laws relating to them. Every colonial officer was subordinate to it. Under the direction of the king it ex- ercised supreme legislative and judicial control of Spanish Charles V. " The Emperor in whose empire the sun never set." After copper engraving by Bartel Behaim, 1531 America. It served also as an advisory or nominating board in regard to all civil or ecclesiastical appointments in Amer- ica, somewhat after the manner of the English Board of Trade and Plantations. The colonies themselves were di- vided into two great provinces: Mexico or New Spain, in- cluding Venezuela, and Peru, comprising the rest of South America except Brazil, Legally, they did not belong to EXPLORATIONS 79 Spain, but were a part of the hereditary domains of the sovereigns of Castile as heirs of Queen Isabella, and the Spanish Parliament had little or nothing to do with them. Each was governed by a viceroy, who acted as the per- sonal representative of the king, and each was subdivided for administrative purposes into a number of audiencias or Supreme Court districts. At the expiration of their terms of office the viceroys were compelled to submit to an inquest into their official conduct. They were further checked by councils or audiencias,, which at the same time served as the highest colonial courts of appeal. Jealousy of the power of these viceroys caused their removal every few years, hence they sought to make their fortunes quickly. The cities were allowed town councils, the only measure of local self-gov- ernment recognized in America. The councils consisted of regidares or aldermen, and a number of alcaldes or jus- tices, the latter elected by the former. The public offices were generally sold for cash and this was one of the regular sources of government revenue. No Spaniard born in the colony was eligible to any office. The population was a superposition of castes. The colonists were forbidden to cultivate European products, to manufacture goods, or con- struct ships, and all commerce was monopolized by a few opulent houses at Seville. At first an effort was made to use the Indians as laborers, but it was found to mean their destruction. Hispaniola is reputed to have had 1,000,000 inhabitants in 1492; nineteen years later 14,000. From the beginning the conversion of the Indians to Christianity was one of the dominant motives of Spanish policy. Following upon the heels of conquest came an army of indefatigable friars who devoted themselves assiduously to preaching, bap- tizing, and learning the native language. Every village, whether Indian or Spanish, was required by law to maintain a church, hospital, and school for the in- 80 THE UNITED STATES struction of native children in the Spanish language and re- ligion. Converted Indians were gathered together in vil- lages called missions, where, under the direction of the friars, they were taught to live industrious, peaceful, religious lives. Every mission thus became an industrial school and in time the whole of Spanish- America was dotted with such institu- tions, where tens of thousands of Indians went through a process of schooling which ended only with their lives. The government was apparently extremely solicitous for the edu- cation of the natives and it is the opinion of careful investi- gators that the efforts made by Spain for its promotion greatly exceeded anything attempted by the English gov- ernment in its American colonies. Indian boys were taught to read and write the Spanish language and to become tailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and shoemakers. Higher institutions of learning were established in various places, and in number, range of studies and standard of attainments they probably surpassed anything of the kind in English- America before the nineteenth century. Especially in Mexico were the achievements in medicine, surgery, linguis- tics, anthropology and history of a notable character. Dic- tionaries, grammars, and histories of Mexican institutions testify to the intellectual activity and industry of the Span- ish scholars. In Peru the University of Lima had at one time over two thousand students and some two hundred doc- tors of theology, law and medicine. In spite of the restrictions upon foreign trade, Spanish manufactures formed hardly one-tenth of the importations into the colonies — the rest were smuggled. The population of Spain was decimated by continual wars and by immigra- tion to the colonies. Military adventurers and the idleness of the monasteries suspended labor. Spain ceased to pro- duce her own necessities and bought them of other countries with the gold and silver poured into her lap by her American EXPLORATIONS 81 mines. Humboldt estimated the average annual output of the mines at 6,000,000 pesos during the seventeenth century, and at 33,000,000 during the latter half of the eighteenth, while the total yield from 1493 to 1803 he put at 5,706,700,- 000 pesos, or about ten times the known production of the rest of the world. Her galleons laden with the precious metals were naturally the envy of other nations and were constantly preyed upon by their daring corsairs, even when the nations were not at war on land. But those which reached her ports only contributed to her downfall by teaching her people to put their trust in gold, then thought to be true wealth, instead of in the fruits of industry. It is generally asserted by historians that the Spanish colonies were oppressed and exploited by the mother country, but according to Professor E. G. Bourne, a careful investi- gator and writer on Spanish rule in America, these facts have been greatly exaggerated. This writer's conclusions are substantially as follows: Justice was slow and uncer- tain; the evidence of financial corruption, especially of judi- cial bribery, is abundant, but all things considered, Spanish- America was quite as well governed as was Spain, and was on the whole more prosperous, and that at no time in the his- tory of Mexico, up to within the last quarter of a century, has the government been so good a& her people enjoyed under the able viceroys sent over by the kings of Spain. 3 32 IV EXPLORATIONS OF THE FRENCH The King of France declared that he would not respect the Papal " Line of Demarcation " unless authority for it 32 See Bourne, " Spain in America," chs. xix.-xx«, from which the facts above stated are mainly drawn. 82 THE UNITED STATES could be traced back to Adam's will, and attracted by the hope of fish and furs Frenchmen soon began to frequent the coasts of northeastern America. The French king also en- tertained the belief that the passage to Cathay and India lay in this direction, and so in 1524 he sent out Giovanni Verra- zano, a native of Florence and a daring corsair and explorer, to find the coveted route. Verrazano crossed the Atlantic, sighted the shores of what is now North Carolina and ex- plored the coast as far north as New England, after which he disappeared from view, how or where no one knows. In 1534 another Frenchman, Jacques Cartier, explored the coasts and islands about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the following year sailed up the St. Lawrence River as far as the rapids, where he named the hill on the northern bank Mount Royal ( Montreal ) , near which was situated the Indian village of Hochelaga. Six years later he and Rober- val, a nobleman of France, attempted to plant a colony on this river, but they did not work together harmoniously and the attempt ended in disaster. Other Frenchmen came to these northern regions to engage in the fish and pelt indus- try, but the sixteenth century ended without any successful colonization. The French next turned south in search of a more hospitable clime. Here they might have succeeded but for the criminal Jacques Cartier From the original painting in the town hall of St. Malo, France EXPLORATIONS 83 neglect of the government. In 1562 Admiral Coligny, the leader of the Huguenots, as the French Protestants were Admiral Gaspard de Coligny Painting of the Burgundy school called, sent out an expedition under Jean Ribaut, a seaman of renown in his day, who discovered St. John's River and sailed northward, naming the country Carolina, in honor of 84 THE UNITED STATES Charles IX., King of France. A colony of twenty-six per- sons was established at Port Royal, near the modern Beau- fort, but the following year, after an experience marked by hunger, mutiny and bloodshed, the settlers followed their leader home, only to be captured by an English cruiser. Laudoniere then (1564), under the patronage of the king, sought the Carolina coast with a company of Protestants, who established themselves on the St. John's River. The colonists were a dissolute set, many of them European jail- birds, who were then thought to be good material for colo- nists, and gave the governor no little trouble. A piratical expedition which some of them organized against the Spanish betrayed the presence of the little colony. Those who escaped the Spanish sword and the governor's gib- bet were soon reduced to dire straits by their own improvi- dence and by their bad treat- ment of the Indians, who had at first received them kindly. August, 1565, Sir John Pai of ws b Ls Z cend h a e nTs' It n ^nth*™ Hawkins, an English slave England trader, entered the St. John's River, and sold the Frenchmen one of the vessels in exchange for their heavy guns. They had intended return- ing home, but before they started Ribaut arrived with fresh supplies. The Spanish had not succeeded in colonizing Florida, but they were determined not to give it up, and Pedro Menendez de Aviles, " the bloodiest Spaniard who ever cursed Sir Johx Hawkins EXPLORATIONS 85 American soil," says Channing, " and one of the ablest," 33 was commissioned to destroy the French colony on the St, Charles IX., King of France Painting by Francois Clouet, called "Janet" John's, and for this purpose a fleet of nineteen vessels and fifteen hundred men was placed at his command. After founding a colony to the south of them as a base of opera- 33 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 98. 86 THE UNITED STATES tions he proceeded to " gibbet and behead all the Protes- tants " in that region, with the savage cruelty characteris- tic of the Spaniards in that age. 34 Philip II. approved the ac- tion of Menendez, and wrote the following endorsement on one of the latter's despatches : " Say to him, that as to those he has killed, he has done well, and as to those he has saved, they shall be sent to the galleys." Thus did Spain make good her claim to North America and crush the first signs of heresy on this side of the Atlantic. The town which Menendez founded in this region was named St. Augustine (1565) and was the first permanent settlement within the limits of continental United States. But it came near being wiped out of existence two years later in a terrible retribution which Dominic de Gourges, a daring soldier of Gascony, sought to inflict in revenge for the massacre of his fellow Huguenots. He destroyed all the settlements left by Menendez, except St. Augustine, hanged his prisoners to a tree and sailed back to France in triumph. The King of France, as already stated, did not even protest against this cruel act of Menendez, although the blood of hundreds of loyal Frenchmen had cried from the ground for retribution. But the victims of Menendez's ferocity were to his Catholic majesty only de- spised Huguenots, disturbers of the realm and followers of the hated Coligny, and so they were left to their fate by an unnatural sovereign. But at last they had found a power- ful avenger, and although the king could and did disavow his acts, he could not undo them. The chivalrous annals of France, says Parkman, may be searched in vain for a deed of more romantic daring than the vengeance of Dominic de Gourges. 35 Later in the century exploration and colonization were s* Read Parkman, "Pioneers of France in the New World," chs. vii.-viii. 35 Parkman, " Pioneers of France in the New World," p. 139. EXPLORATIONS 87 again taken up at the north, for here seemed to lie the hope of French colonization. The fur trade was found very lucra- tive and received no little attention, while the fisheries grew steadily in importance. In 1578 there were not less than one hundred and fifty French fishing vessels at Newfoundland, besides two hundred of other nations. Rude huts were springing up along the shores of Anti Costi, and were be- coming centers of the far more lucrative trade in bear skins and beaver skins. French merchants and adventurers were turning their eyes toward these regions, not like the Span- iards seeking gold and silver, but the more modest gains of fish, olL^nd peltries . In 1603 Samuel de Champlain, one of the most remark- able Frenchmen of his day, says John Fiske, and a French explorer of indomitable per- severance and great merit, who years before had gone on a voyage to the West In- dies, sailed up the St. Law- rence past Mount Royal; but being unable to ascend the rapids, turned back and re- crossed the Atlantic to France. His curiosity still unsated, he came out again next year with Sieur de Monts, who had se- cured from the king an ap- pointment as Lieutenant- General or viceroy of Acadia, as the English called the country from the fortieth to the forty-sixth parallel of north latitude. At the same time de Monts was given a monopoly of the fur trade in all this vast region. 36 «« See H. P. Biggar, " Early Trading Companies of New France," ch. iT. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Samuel de Champlaik Reproduced from a rare mezzotint 88 THE UNITED STATES In April, 1604, de Monts and Champlain sailed from Havre de Grace with two ships, carrying the ma- terial for the proposed colony, which consisted of a curious mixture of gentlemen, thieves, and vagabonds mainly im- pressed from the streets of French cities. The voyagers proceeded to the Bay of Fundy, thence to the Passama- quoddy Bay and finally to the mouth of the St. Croix River, where they made a settlement which was identified nearly two hundred years later at the time of the dispute between Great Britain and the United States over the northeastern bound- ary. The colonists soon abandoned this cold, inhospitable site, or rather the remnant of them who were left after pesti- lence had carried off a considerable portion of their number crossed the Bay of Fundy and settled Port Royal, now An- napolis, which proved to be the first permanent French set- tlement in America. After several unimportant exploring expeditions along the northeastern shores, Champlain returned to France. But again in 1608 we find him on his way to America, this time in the three-fold character of explorer, colonist and fur trader. Sailing up the St. Lawrence River, he planted a settlement on the present site of the city of Queiec and left a garrison in possession of the post, but all except eight of them died during the winter of 1608-1609. During the winter Champlain with a party of Canadian In- dians made an expedition into the wilderness of what is now northern New York for the purpose of making war on the Iroquois, the most powerful Indian tribe in America. Dur- ing the course of the expedition Champlain discovered the beautiful lake that has ever since borne his name. Coming up with an Iroquois war party, he attacked them, and after a sharp battle drove them from the field. This incident was destined to have important consequences on the history of the struggle between France and England in America; was, in EXPLORATIONS 91 truth, one of the greatest cardinal facts of American history down to 1763. 37 It implanted in the hearts of the Iroquois an implacable hatred for the French, while, as a result of the very different treatment accorded to them by Henry Hudson, who came into relations with the Iroquois a few weeks after Champlain's attack, they became the steadfast friends of the English and Dutch, and remained such as long as the Eng- lish supremacy in America lasted. Several years after this incident Champlain made an expedition against the Indians in western New York, which ended his career of exploring and fighting. The remaining years of his life were devoted mainly to promoting the progress of his lifeless settlement at Quebec, which as late as 1628 had a population of only one hundred persons. 38 |[During the latter half of the same cen- tury La Salle and Hennepin traversed the Mississippi Valley and the region of the Great Lakes, and Marquette and other missionary explorers were sent out from France by the So- ciety of Jesus. As the search for gold and silver was the dominating motive back of Spanish explorations in America, so the fish and peltry industries constituted the chief stimulus to French adventure. Added to the economic stimulus also was the de- sire to convert the heathen to the Cathohc^faith. Along with every fur trader went a black-robed priest, and while the one bartered with the dusky savage for his skins, the other talked to him of salvation and grace. Manifesting a genuine sympathy for the Indian customs and fraternizing with them on terms of social equality, the French pioneers gained an ascendancy over the savages (except, of course, the Iroquois, who were alienated by the mistakes of Cham- 37 John Fiske, "Discovery of America," vol. ii. p. 530. 38 For good accounts of Champlain's explorations see Parkman's "Pioneers of France in the New World," ch. ix.-xvii.; Winsor, " Cartier to Frontenac," chs. v.-viii., and Kingford's " History of Canada," vol. i. chs. ii.-vii. } 92 THE UNITED STATES plain) which neither the Englishman nor the Spaniard was able to rival. As in New Spain, so in New France trade and com- merce were greatly hampered by royal grants of exclu- sive privileges, but during the time of Richelieu notable re- forms in this regard were introduced. The French, unlike the Spaniards who came before them, as well as the English who followed, were not successful colonizers. Their settle- ments always languished and signs of material progress were seldom seen. Half a century after the founding of Quebec there were not above three thousand white settlers in all New France and Acadia put together. 39 The successful coloniza- tion of America was left for another race, who sent over families without priests and missionaries, whose dominating motive was not the quest for gold and silver, and about whose history there lingers none of the romance of the courier de bois or the conquestador. EARLY ENGLISH ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION After the voyages of the Cabots, English fishermen con- tinued to frequent the Grand Banks of Newfoundland, and slave merchants traded with the Spanish colonies in the south, but it was not until Elizabeth ascended the throne and England had broken forever with Catholicism that she began to contest in earnest the claims of Spain to the land and treasures of the New World. The Elizabethans were as famous upon the sea as upon the stage ; the chief actors there were Hawkins, Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his half brother, Sir Walter Raleigh, Gosnold, Newport, Frobisher, and Francis Drake, and to these hardy seamen England owes her colonial empire, and the United States its existence. 3» Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 109. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Countries Traversed by Marquette, Hennepin and La Salle EXPLORATIONS 95 Drake in particular had a special grudge against the Spaniards, and he wreaked his vengeance upon them in such a way as to go down in the Spanish annals as " The Dragon." In 1557 he set out with four vessels on a buccaneering tour witJKbut a commission from the queen, but three of the ships were lost by mutiny, desertion and coward- ice. Drake, however, kept on in the Pelican and entered the Pa- cific in October, 1578. He then proceeded to harry the unprotected settlements on the western coast of America and to relieve homeward bound Spanish galleons of their burdens of silver and gold wherever he could find them. He sailed northward as far as California and then turned west, returning to England by way of the Cape of Good Hope. The amount of spoil which Drake gathered in during the course of his piratical cruise was enormous, and stirred to the highest pitch the wrath of the Spaniards. The queen graciously overlooked his conduct, however, rewarded him and his men handsomely with a share of the spoil and knighted the daring admiral in person on board the Pelican. 40 Frobisher and Gilbert each made three voyages (1576-1583) to Labrador and the region about the Gulf of the St. Lawrence, but accomplished little beyond interesting *o Hale, Hawkins and Drake in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist," voL vii.ch.ii. Queejt Elizabeth, as Wisdom Painting by F. Zucchero 96 THE UNITED STATES others in that part of the country and inducing them to at- tempt colonization there. The first serious effort was made farther south. Gilbert had been lost at sea on the return trip of his third voyage, and the patent which had been issued to him was transferred to Raleigh. It authorized him and his heirs and assigns " to Sir Francis Drake From painting owned by T. F. Eliott Drake, Nutwill Court, North Exeter have and to hold, to occupy and enjoy " all the lands not pos- sessed by any Christian prince. Said lands referred to doubt- less being those of northeastern America. Raleigh was one of Elizabeth's favorites, was the friend of statesmen, men of EXPLORATIONS 97 letters, courtiers, soldiers and mariners, and himself a leader in all those fields of activity. In 1584 he sent out two vessels under command of Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, who landed at Roanoke Island in Albermarle Sound and carried back a glowing description of the country, which, he asserted, was " the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful and wholesome of Sir Walter Raleigh Painting by F. Zucchero all the world." As a reward really for what Amadas and Barlow had described, Raleigh was knighted and his claim was confirmed. He named the country Virginia, in honor of the Virgin Queen, and by her help sent seven vessels with one 98 THE UNITED STATES hundred and eight colonists the next year. A piratical de- tour was made around by the Canaries in order, it is said, to force the Spanish to help pay the expenses. The colonists, one hundred in number, were landed on Roanoke Island under the leadership of Ralph Lane as governor, but they too " spun out their days in cursed thirst for gold," and starvation soon stared them in the face. At this juncture Drake happened to pass that way while re- turning from a cruise in the West Indies, and carried them home just a few weeks before another expedition under Grenville arrived with supplies and recruits, of whom fifteen were left behind to hold the deserted post, while Grenville proceeded to the West Indies to collect the expenses of his voyage from the Spaniards. Raleigh, whose fortune had been depleted by these repeated efforts, now secured help from certain merchants and men of influence and fitted out another expedition of three vessels destined this time for Chesapeake Bay. In July, 1587, they touched at Roanoke for the purpose of taking on board Grenville's men, but found not one of them. The governor, John White, set ashore the colonists, among them his wife, his daughter and grand-daughter, Virginia Dare, the first English child born in America, and returned to England to hurry forward needed supplies. When he reached Roanoke again, three years later, not a trace of the colonists was to be found, al- though the houses which they had occupied were still stand- ing. From then until now the fate of White's "lost colony " has been a fruitful theme of speculation among historians. Most of them probably perished; some of them may have been adopted by the Indians, for at a much later time people with light hair and eyes were found among the Indians. Some such people may be found in North Carolina to-day, and some have been led to believe that they were the descendants of the lost colonists, EXPLORATIONS 99 but it seems very improbable. 41 With undaunted courage Raleigh tried still another expedition in 1602, but again failed. James I. imprisoned him for twelve years, and later, Philip II. of Spain From a painting by Titian, Corsini Gallery, Rome after Raleigh's voyage to Guiana, basely executed him on an old and false charge of treason. The cause of White's failure to return sooner was the war with Spain. The English buccaneers were becoming more and more daring, robbing Spain of her treasure ships and even harrying the Spanish Main. Her very existence 4i Read Brown's " Genesis of the United States," i. p. 20 et seq., and S. B. Weeks in " American Hist. Papers," vol. v. p. 4. 100 THE UNITED STATES seemed to depend upon free communication with her colonies, which was now threatened, and for this and other reasons she determined upon one supreme effort to crush the maritime rival. For this purpose Philip II. fitted out his " Invincible Armada," consisting of one hundred and thirty ships, carry- ing thirty thousand soldiers and three thousand heavy guns. In May, 1588, this gigantic fleet appeared off the coast of England. The English vessels were smaller in size and fewer in number than the Spanish, but much faster ; and manned by such masterly seamen as Hawkins, Frobisher and Drake, they proved irresistible. What the English left the winds destroyed, and the two together dealt Spain a blow from which she never recovered. 42 The destruction of her colonial empire, begun at this time by England, was completed just three hundred and ten years later, almost to a day, by the United States. Bartholomew Gosnold deserves mention among the English navigators as being one of the first to sail directly for America from England, instead of passing down by the West Indies, thereby shortening the route by nearly a thou- sand miles. Cape Cod was named by him in 1602 while ex- ploring the coast of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. In the following year Martin Pring was sent out with two ves- sels by certain British merchants to explore the New England coast, and in 1604 he was followed by George Weymouth, who explored some of the same coast. The report of the abundance of good harbors in this region fixed still more firmly the attention of the English upon it as better suited for colonization than the country farther south ; but the honor of receiving the first English colony was reserved for Vir- ginia. Such, in brief, was the experience of the Europeans in America in the sixteenth century. Of the nations most ac- 42 Read Corbett's "Drake and the Tudor Navy." V,. >\ ;,., i J 3 V J A 5 EXPLORATIONS 103 tive and destined to play leading roles, Spain seemed to have the firmest hold. But she had fallen upon the indolent south, where nature saps the very energies her luxuries promise to sustain. France turned to the frozen north, but wasted by dissensions at home and constant wars abroad, she had a slender hold on the extensive region to the north and south of the St. Lawrence to which she laid claim. The English, whether from choice or necessity, had taken the safer middle ground and claimed all from Newfoundland to Florida, though nobody knew where the dividing lines were. But at the dawn of the seventeenth century not a single permanent settlement had yet been effected by the power destined to dominate the New World. Chapter III THE PLANTING OF THE COLONIES I VIRGINIA AFTER the failure of Raleigh no single individual Zjk was found to risk his fame and fortune in efforts at A. Ml. colonization, but the work was soon taken up by corporate companies. The success attending the Muscovy and East India Companies, which had been founded to trade with Russia and India respectively, led a few venturesome merchants and traders to inquire if similar results could not be obtained by corporate action in America. The conditions were indeed vastly different, but the venture was made and a charter secured from King James I. in 1606 for a company _ with two subdiv ision s, the London Company and the Ply- jnouth Company, so called from the names of the towns which became, the headquarters of the two companies re- spectively. The first was granted permission to plant a colony anywhere on the coast of Virginia (the name applied to all the English claims in America at this time) between the thirty- fourth and thirty-eighth degrees of north latitude; the second was given the same privilege between the forty- first and forty-fifth, neither company to plant a colony within onejhundred miles of a settlement already made by the other*. The announcement of a new colonial policy such m as had not yet been introduced in America was contained in the clause which declared that the colonists and their pos- terity should enjoy all " liberties, franchises and immuni- 104 PLANTING OF COLONIES 105 ties " as though they were abiding in the realm — that is, they were to enjoy the benefits of the common law equally with the inhabitants of England. This declaration really deserves to be called an epoch in the history of colonization. 1 The government of the colony was to be nominally in the hands of two councils, one resident in England, the other in the colony; but as one was appointed directly, and the other indirectly, by the king, all power was virtually in his hands. The council in Amer- ica was to administer affairs according to instructions is- sued by the king, but__any l aws^ or ordinances which _it might make were subject to repeal by the crown or by the home council. The form of government thus provided was absurdly cumbrous and soon had to be abandoned. X The first instructions ordered that the land tenure should be the same as in England; that After a painting by Vansomer, Na- trial by jury should be pre- tional Portrait Gallery, London served, and the supremacy of the king and of the Church of England maintained. 2 The colony itself was to be started on a system of com- munism. In the words of Doyle, it was to be a " vast joint- st Qck farm, or collection of farms, worked by servants who were to receive, in return for their labor, all their necessaries and a share in the proceeds of the undertaking.'- All trade was to be in the hands of a treasurer or cape merchant, and i Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 162. 2 Fiske, " Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. i. p. 64. James I. 106 THE UNITED STATES was to be public. The patentees were given the right to exact a duty of two and a half per cent, from all English subjects, and five per cent, from all foreigners trading with the colony/ For twenty years the proceeds were to accrue to the company, after that to the crown. 3 Among the first councilors appointed by the king were Sir Ferdinando Gor- ges, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Thomas Smythe and Sir Francis PophajgralTable and well-known men of their time. These preliminaries being completed, preparations were made to send out the first expedition to take possession of the com- pany's lands. On December 19, 1606, three puny vessels, with an ag- gregate tonnage of noT'bver one hundred and sixty tons, sailed from England on what was perhaps, for Englishmen at least, the most important voyage in its results since Colum- bus had sailed out of Palos with his three caravels more than a hundred years previous. The three ships were called the Susan Constant, the Godspeed and the Discovery, all be- longing to the Muscovy Company, and they carried one hundredand four settlers to the coast of Virginia under the command of Christopher Newport, a well-known seaman of the time. The voyage was long and stormy and spring was well advanced when they entered Chesapeake Bay (May, 1607). The two capes at the entrance of this bay were named Charles and Henry, in honor of the king's sons, 4 and one of the largest rivers flowing into the bay they called James, in honor of their king. Sailing up this for fifty miles they selected a place for settlement and called it Jamestown. An inventory of the settlers shows that they were ill- fitted for the task which they had undertaken. Fifty-five, s Doyle, " English Colonies in America," vol. i. p. 128. * Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 124; Brown, " Genesis of the United States," vol. i. pp. 151 et seq. PLANTING OF COLONIES 107 more than half the entire number, were ranked as " gentle- men," that is, men disdaining labor, and out for adventure: a London tailor, a barber and a perfumer were sent along to look after the wants of these gentlemen. Twelve laborers Captain John Smith From an engraving in his " History of Virginia," Lenox Library and a few artisans were expected to furnish the necessary- brawn and sinew. There wasaiot a womaji in the company. The place selected for the town, a malarial peninsula, chosen in flat contradiction to the instructions of the Virginia coun- cil, was no better suited to colony-building than the men who settled there. However, the company contained a few men of worth, 108 THE UNITED STATES among them John Smith, whose life, says Fiske, reads like a chapter from " The Cloister and the Hearth," and but for whose presence and foresight the colony would have met the fate of Raleigh's earlier experiment. The thirst for gold was still strong, and the settlers were instructed to find this and also a way to India. So that while others were engaged in erecting huts or stretching tents, Captain Newport and Smith went up the river on this quest, but after a conference with the Indian chief, Powhatan, the supreme ruler in these parts, turned back at the falls where Richmond now stands and returned to Jamestown. 5 Shortly thereafter Newport sailed for England with a batch of cheerful reports and a quantity of ore which proved to have been " taken from the wrong heap," It was hardly reasonable to expect that such a company would be har- monious. Dissensions had broken out on shipboard, where Smith was kept in irons for a month mainly on account of jealousy, and was actually excluded from the council, of which he had been appointed a member, for another month after landing. After the departure of Newport in July the dissensions increased and the troubles of the colonists grew apace. To internal trouble was added the haunting fear of Indian attacks, for, in spite of special instructions to that end, some of the red men had not been well treated by the newcomers. Heat, famine, and v fever niade deadly work, and by the end of Septeniber about half the colonists had succumbed. Fortunately for the colonists Smith was among the sur- vivors. Several of his enemies had perished and this made it all the easier for him to gain the ascendency. The story of his career for the next two years forms one of the most romantic pages in American history. He has left us an ac- 5 Eggleston, " Beginners of a Nation," pp. 32-38 ; Fiske, " Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. i. pp. 82-85. PLANTING OF COLONIES 109 count of a still more remarkable career preceding this in Europe and Asia Minor, so remarkable, indeed, that its credibility has been seriously doubted by careful critics. There is no question that he was a vain fellow, a sort of " braggart captain "; but neither is there any doubt that he * Pocahontas After a contemporary painting executed in England was a remarkable man, a true Elizabethan Englishman, and that there is a considerable element of truth in his narrative of his own exploits. The first incident of consequence was his capture by the Indians while searching for the Pacific. The story of his release by the chief Powhatan at the intercession of Pocahon- p 110 THE UNITED STATES tas is familiar to every American schoolboy. The Pocahon- tas part is now generally discredited, but there is no reason to doubt the story of Smith's capture. Certain it is that he rendered invaluable aid to the colonists by keeping the peace with the Indians and by securing from them corn sufficient to preserve the life of the thirty-eight settlers still alive when / Newport returned in January, 1608. He ruled like a mili- tary despot, but nothing else would have saved the colony. He set the " gentlemen " to work, declaring that " he who will not work shall not eat." Before leaving Virginia he had thoroughly explored the Chesapeake Bay and its environs and made an excellent map of it. His enemies at last gained ' the ascendency, and he was practically driven out of the colony in the fall of 1609, never to return. Nevertheless he afterwards made several visits to America, explored the New England coast and published accounts of his explorations. The year 1609 was notable to Virginia in that it brought a new and more liberal charter for the colonists. The coun- cil in England was originally distinct from the company, but it now became a part of it. A governor took the place of the council resident in the colony and the whole govern- l ment of the corporation and its colony was placed in the hands of the stockholders. The boundaries were vaguely \ defined as extending two hundred miles each way from Old —Point Comfort, and " up into the land throughout from sea / . to sea, west and northwest." Here was a basis for the future l v English claim to the Northwest Territory. Lord de la Warr, or Delaware, became the governor un- der the new charter and embarked with five hundred men and women, but was delayed many months by terrible storms. Meantime there came, in 1609-1610, the awful "starving time" for Virginia. Men were so crazed by hunger that some were driven to dig up and eat the putrid remains of their own dead after they had consumed all their brood hogs, 1 1 PLANTING OF COLONIES 113 their horses and dogs, and every rat, mouse or adder that could be found. Some died while wandering about in the woods in search of food ; others in sheer desperation threw themselves upon the tender mercies of the Indians and were slain. Of the five hundred settlers in the colony when Smith left only sixty half-starved wretches were alive in the spring of 1610, and these would probably have succumbed within a few days had not help soon arrived. In their despair they determined to abandon the colony, and crowding themselves with their few remaining' provisions into four pinnaces, two of them improvised for the purpose, they sailed down the river for England, but near the mouth met Delaware with jrecruits^ and supplies and returned to Jamestown to face again the horrors of life in this pestilential Virginia swamp. Delaware next went up the James to chase the ever-re- ceding rainbow which marked the site of the gold-fields, only to be driven back by men of copper hue. 6 Under his manage- ment conditions improved a little, however, but he left in less than a year and was succeededjby Sir Thomas Dale (1611)., a soldier who had served against the Spanish in the Nether- lands. Dale came out clothed with authority to rule by mar- JtiaLlaw, and he appears to have stretched his authority to the uttermost. He inflicted the death penalty for blasphemy, disrespect to the public authorities and many other offenses that would now go unnoticed. Under his pitiless rule the colony became half military camp and half penal colony. His little finger proved to be heavier than the loins of his predecessors. Whether the rod of iron was necessary to the life of the colony or not, it is certain that at the end of five years Dale left the settlement in a better condition than he found it, 7 even though the settlers always alluded to the « For an interesting account of the illusions of the colonists in this respect, see Eggleston's "Beginners of a Nation," ch. iii.; see also Fiske, "Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. i. pp. 122-123. 7 Read Bruce, " Economic History of Virginia," vol. i. pp. 215 et seq. 114 THE UNITED STATES period as " five years of slavery." He also established other settlements along the James. One of his best services to the colony was the termina- tion of the communal system, under which the fruits of each man's labor went to the common stock and the settlers were fed and clothed from a common store- house. It had been limited to five years as an experi- Ruins of Jamestown - From a recent photograph ment, but Dale began its extinction before the expiration of that time by assigning to each settler three acres, the pro- ceeds of which were to be his own, though he was still to labor for the community. Even this three acres of private right put so much more life in the colony that private owner- PLANTING OF COLONIES ship was destined to become the rule. Another event of im- portance which occurred during Dale's administration was the introduction of the cultivation of tobacco. At first the Virginia product was unsuited for the English market on account of its bitter taste, but through the aid of John Rolfe the settlers were taught how to cure it for export. The use of this weed had spread so rapidly after its dis- covery, and its cultivation in Virginia was so easy, that the economic success of the colony was now assured. 8 As early as 1620 40,000 pounds were annually being shipped to England. The year 1619 is remarkable in the history, not only of Virginia, but also of America, for the introduction of two systems diametrically opposed — slavery and democracy. < Both made a profound impression onThe future life of a great nation, and more than two hundred years later the former perished at the hands of the latter, There were in jleed servants in the colony before this, but this year marked the coming of a negro slave in a Dutch ship, which arrived at Jamesto wn bri n ging negroes for the use of the settlers. The number of negroes increased slowly, for the demand was inconsiderable, and as late as 1661 there were only two thou- sand in the colony, while the indented white servants num- bered_ejght : thousand. 9 The charter of 1609 had been followed by one still more liberal in 1612. On November 13 , J1618, t he Virginia Com- pany issued to the colonists' a Great Charter or Commis- sions of Privileges, Orders, and Laws," which limited the power of the governor and established a legislature repre- _senting^ the " cities," " plantations," and " hundreds," The first legislature, or " House of Burgesses," as it was called in Virginia, ever assembled in America met at Jamestown 8 Read Bruce, " Economic History of Virginia," vol. i. ch. vi. (•JDoyle, " English Colonies in America," vol. i. p. 385. THE UNITED STATES Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Colonists Watching Departure of Vessel for England ■ After the painting by G. H. Boughton jnjiilyv 1619. It consisted of the governor, the councilors and twenty-two burgesses popularly elected from eleven xj plantations j)r hundreds. Such was th* beginning of the present American system of an executive and a bicameral legislature, thougnTn Virginia the council and the burgesses, together with the governor, continued to sit as one body for a number of years. A little more than a year later the prin- ciple of democracy gained more recruits in the New England Pilgrims. In 1621 the Virginia colony was given a sort of written pledge guaranteeing these privileges. It even pro- vided that no order of the London Company should bind the settlers unless ratified by their general assembly of the Company. Thus was Virginia made the nursery of free- men in the very beginning of colonization. 10 Another event of importance in the year 1619 was th§ coming to Virginia of ninety women, " young^Jiand- 10 Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. i. p. 118; Fiske, "Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. i. pp. 243-245. PLANTING OF COLONIES 117 jsome and well recommended,' ' to be wooed and won by the bachelor planters ; for, according to the quaint phrase of the time, " a plantation can never flourish till families be planted and the respects of wives and children fix the people in the soyle." " The first shipload of maidens did not prove a drug on the market; the cost of their transportation was quickly defrayed by the anxious bachelors of Jamestown, and after the necessary consent was gained, marriages promptly followed. The supply was not equal to the de- mand, and soon other shiploads arrived in the colony, and were easily disposed of to the eager suitors who gathered about the wharf on such occasions, With wives, mothers and children in the colony the rude huts of the settlers be- came happy homes, and soon no one any longer dreamed of ^/ returning to England. Three years later the first great In- dian massacre occurred, which was a great blow to the pro- gress of the colony- Powhatan, the Indian potentate of this region, who had been friendly to the English, had recently died^ His brother and successor, Opechan- canough, had never shared Powhatan's love for the settlers, and now led an attack in which three hundred and forty- seven of them perished; but the whites soon returned the blow with even more deadly effect. There were now only about twelve hundred persons in the colony out of more than 8§). The new sovereigns, William and Mary, seemed not to have been favorably impressed with Lord Baltimore and revoked his charter in 1691, reducing Maryland to the position of a royal province. Soon after this the Church of England was established by law and the persecution of dissenters, especially Catholics, was begun. In consequence the prosperity of the colony suffered a de- cline until 1715, when it was restored to the fourth Lord Baltimore, who had become a Protestant. It remained in the hands of the family from that time until the Revolution, 22 III THE C ARQLINAS The attempts of Raleigh and of the French Huguenots to settle Carolina have already been described. Not many years elapsed after the planting of Virginia before the ad- venturous hunters of that colony were familiar with the country to the south of them as far as the Chowan River. In 1653 a company of Virginia dissenters, led by Roger Green, went south in search of religious freedom and set- tled on the Chowan and Roanoke rivers. This settlement, called Albemarle, was the first permanent colony within the limits of the present State of North Carolina. Shortly after- wards other victims of religious persecution from New Eng- 22 Read Brantly, "The English in Maryland," in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit Hist." vol. iii. ch. xiii.; also Eggleston, " Beginners of a Nation," pp. 220-257. 134 THE UNITED STATES land settled on the Cape Fear River, but they were not so careful to preserve their history as those whom they left behind, and we know very little about them. By some act they incurred the hostility of the Indians and in a few years the survivors abandoned the colony or were absorbed by a company of settlers from the Barbadoes (1665) led by Sir John Yeamans. ^ By means of two charters (1663, 1665) Charles II. conveyed to a coterie of his favorites the vast domain lying between Virginia and Florida, that is, between thirty-six degrees thirty minutes and the twenty-ninth degree north latitude, westward to the " South Sea," or Pacific Ocean. This grant insured a boundary dispute with the Spanish, for they had settled north of the latter line one hundred years before. Among the proprietors were Sir John Berkeley, the Duke of Albe- marle and Lord Ashley- Coop- er, afterwards known as the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Earl of Clarendon, and Sir George Carteret. 23 At their request John Locke, the English philosopher, drew up what was perhaps the most elab- orate and complicated scheme of government ever devised for any colony. It was called the " Fundamental Con- stitution," or " Grand Model." The colonists were to be divided into four estates known as proprietaries, land- graves, caciques and leet-men or commons. Correspond- 23 McCrady, " History of South Carolina," pp. 61-65. Charles II. After painting by Adrian Hanneman PLANTING OF COLONIES 135 ing to these the province was to be divided into seigniories, baronies, precincts and colonies. The leet-men were to be practically serfs bound to the soil. The object was to establish " the interests of the lords proprietors " and a gov- ernment " most agreeable to monarchy — and that we may avoid erecting a n umerous democra cy." But the forest is inevitably the home of liberty, and this mental creation of the philosopher fell of its own weight. The several attempts made to put it in force only irritated the colonists and it was finally abandoned. 24 One William Drummond, a Scotch Presbyterian clergy- man, became the first governor of Albemarle, as the colony was called, and summoned an assembly in 1667, which en- acted several laws for the purpose of attracting settlers, among them one containing an exemption from taxation for a year and release for five years from liability for debts con- tracted elsewhere. In derision the Virginians named the colony " Rogue's Harbor," from the character of the new- comers who were thus attracted. The planting of a more promising colony in what is now South Carolina, by which the Cape Fear settlement was soon absorbed, caused the proprietors to neglect Albemarle. Owing to incapable and dishonest governors of the Seth Sothel type, the prosperity, contentment and good order of the colony was greatly re- tarded during the rest of the century ; population diminished instead of increased, and many of those remaining moved back into the forests to secure their freedom. The two settlements thus established gradually came to be known as North and South Carolina, but their govern- ments were united for a time in 1695, when John Archdale, a good Quaker and one of the proprietors, came out as governor of both colonies. During the next fifteen years 24Fiske, "Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. ii. pp. 271-273; McCrady, " History of South Carolina," ch. iv. 13b THE UNITED STATES North Carolina received many new settlers, who were not rogues, but sturdy Germans and honest Huguenots. This expansion necessitated encroachment upon the lands of the red man and brought with it a train of Indian troubles. In 1711 the Tuscaroras and other Indians fell upon the settlers on the Roanoke and at New Berne and slaughtered over two hundred of them in cold blood. 25 But a stinging blow was inflicted on them by a body of militia under John Barn- well and James More near the Neuse, where four hun- dred braves were killed. At last the Tuscaroras returned to New York, whence their fathers had emigrated, and joined the Iroquois, or Five Nations, thus making them the Six Nations. One of the governors of North Carolina, Charles Eden, deserves mention because of his excellent rule (1714-1722), but after his death in 1729, the proprietors meantime having sold out to the Crown, the colonists were divided into North and South Carolina, and each thenceforth became a royal province. After that the governors were of varying ability and morality. Some were good, but many were incompetent and rapacious. Still the colony waxed stronger with every passing year. Germans and Scotch-Irish came down from Pennsylvania and were followed by a few " poor whites " from Virginia. 26 They settled in the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains and gradually pushed westward until the summit was passed. There was at least one marked differ- ence between the eastern and western settlements. The former were slaveholding, while the latter had very few slaves, a difference partly due to physical conditions. Neither was noted for commercial activity, though the eastern settlements carried on a considerable trade with the 25 Rivers, " The Carolinas," in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist." vol. iv. p. 298. 26 See McCrady, "South Carolina under Royal Government," vol. ii. pp. PLANTING OF COLONIES 137 New England smugglers. The principal industries of the colony were rice and tobacco growing; the manufacture of naval stores, particularly tar. pitch, and turpentine from the pine forests, and the raising of cattle and swine. The first permanent colony in South Carolina was planted on the bank of the Ashley River in 1670 by William Sayle, who brought over three shiploads of emi- grants from the Barba- does, a hundred years after Ribaut's disastrous attempt to plant a French settlement i n these parts. The next year Sir John Yeamans joined the colony with two hundred slaves, and the same year witnessed the coming of two ship- loads of Dutch emigrants from New York. It was the policy of the proprietors to attract settlers from other col- onies, and they also wished to have them grouped about some urban center. A place more suitable for this than the point first settled was found near by, and the seat of government, together with the name, Charleston, was transferred hither in 1680. Within two years the town was regularly laid off with wide and uniform streets. Such was the beginning of the Charleston of the present day. 27 The one redeeming feature of the " Fundamental Con- 2T Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. ch. xiii. Author of Sir Johk Locke Fundamental Constitution" or Grand Model," for the Carolinas Painting by Sir Godfrey Kneller 138 THE UNITED STATES stitution," was its promise of religious freedom. Even be- fore the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 French Huguenots began to arrive in South Carolina. After the revocation they came in large numbers and had no little in- fluence for good upon the character of the colony, for they were an industrious, intelligent, and virtuous people. Denied political rights for a time, and looked upon with suspicion by the English settlers in Carolina, they soon came to be ad- mired and were accorded full political rights. A small company of Presbyterians from Scotland planted them- selves at the ill-starred Port Royal, but the settlement was soon wiped out of existence by Spaniards from St. Augus- tine (1686). The Spanish were jealous of these encroaching settle- ments and also irritated because pirates, whom they believed to be sheltered in Charleston, preyed upon their commerce. The English settlers, on the other hand, were much aggrieved when the proprietors forbade them to take revenge upon the colony of a nation with which England was at peace. In 1715 some Irish settled in the region of Port Royal, which had been devastated by the Spaniards thirty years previous. All the settlements at this time were still on the seaboard; indeed, the back country was held by the Indians until 1755. After that date many emigrants from the other colonies as far north as Pennsylvania moved into this region. By 1760 South Carolina contained about one hundred and fifty thousand souls, three-fourths of whom were slaves. That South Carolina was so distinctly a slave State was due to two causes: First, her early settlers were from the Barbadoes and were thoroughly imbued with belief in the slave system; and, second, it was due to the climate and the physical features of the country, which largely de- termined the character of its industries. Rice and indigo r PLANTING OF COLONIES 139 were the chief products. Both, especially the former, grew best in marshy ground, and the white man could not endure so well as the negro the heat and the malarial atmosphere of the swamps which were adapted to rice culture. But for him their reclamation would probably have been delayed many years. As the negro showed very little disposition to labor without a master, there seemed to be no alternative for slavery, if a rice growing colony was to be built up in South Carolina. Unfortunately the settlers from the Barbadoes were only too familiar with the Spanish custom of enslaving the Indians, and they introduced it in their new home. So late as the beginning of the eighteenth century Indians made up one- fourth of the slave population, 2 >a condition which could have had only an irritating effect on the relations subsisting between the settlers and the natives. But the wily Spaniard knew how to make the simple red man his too), and, with a shameless disregard of the treaty of Utrecht, proceeded to do so for the purpose of destroying the English settlements. The war began in 1715, when the Yamassees fell upon the scattered farmers with savage fury and slew nearly one hundred in a day. 29 The contest lasted ten months, but the Indians were finally defeated and driven into Florida. Charles Craven, who was governor at the time, played a conspicuous part in the war and has had a thread of romance woven about his name by the novelist, William Gilmore Simms. Like her nearest neighbor on the north, South Carolina had a varied experience with her governors. Among those of merit were Archdale, already mentioned, and Joseph Blake, a nephew of Admiral Blake, who swept the Dutch from the sea in the war between England and Holland. The 28 Doyle, " English Colonies in America," vol. i. p. 359. 2» Fiske, " Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. ii. p. 306. 140 THE UNITED STATES advent of Sir Nathaniel Johnson in 1703 marked the begin- ning of a chronic state of turbulence lasting for some time. 30 But the colonists showed themselves in every way capable of coping with their would-be oppressors. The very founda- tions of the colony were based on liberty, and it was main- tained by a popular assembly which met a short time after the first settlers arrived. Here, as in North Carolina, the " Grand Model " was suspended at first as unsuited to an infant colony. In 1687 an effort was made by the pro- prietors to put it in operation, but the people resisted and based their resistance on that clause of the charter which declared that the proprietors should make laws only " by and with the advice, assent and approbation of the free- men. " The contest lasted several years, but the cause of popular government won and the " Grand Model " was overthrown. The early years of the colony were marked by a con- flict over the religious question. Dissenters, except Cath- olics, had been tolerated in the absence of legislation against them. About this time Lord Granville, a High Churchman, gained the ascendency among the proprietors and sought to enforce conformity ainjmg the colonists. The dissenters had shown their liberality by voting money to support the Church of England, but this was not enough. By packing the council and by frauds in the election of the represent- atives, Governor Johnson secured the passage of an Act in 1704 excluding dissenters from the assembly. Several members had been absent when the Act was passed, but they took their seats at the autumn session of 1706 and voted to repeal the obnoxious measure. The governor and council opposed it, whereupon the colonists sent an agent to appeal to the proprietors. Meeting with no success, they turned to the House of Lords, who recommended the veto of the meas- 30 See W. Roy Smith, " South Carolina as a Royal Province," p. 9. PLANTING OF COLONIES 141 lire by the queen. The Board of Trade even favored the forfeiture of the charter, but only the Act was declared void. 31 However, the Church of England was established by law, although the dissenters appear to have been in the majority — they claimed to make up two-thirds of the popu- lation and continued to enjoy this advantage until the Revolution. Hardly had another decade passed before the propri- etors had forgotten the lesson of this contest and were again exasperating the settlers. The expense of the war with the Yamassees bore heavily upon the colonists and they, with full justice, called upon the proprietors to share the burden. But this the proprietors refused to do, although they derived a large income from the quit-rents ; nor would they allow the assembly to levy import duties or sell the public lands for this purpose. Another cause of irritation was the fact that there was only one polling place in the colony, namely, at Charles- ton. Not only was this a source of great inconvenience to the settlers of the outlying districts, but it also gave the official party an undue weight of influence. At length a law was passed substituting local representation for the ex- isting method of election. The law was put in force at once and a new assembly was elected under it, but the proprietors vetoed the law as soon as it reached them and ordered the governor to dissolve the assembly. Remonstrance produced no effect. In 1719 a new assembly was called, but it was no more ready to submit than its predecessor. It drew up a list of grievances and declared that the rights of the people had been violated, especially in the packing of the council, which made it an illegal body. There being no redress through constitutional forms, it assumed constituent powers, deposed the governor, chose another, and asked the Crown to make the colony a royal province (1719) . The request was 3i Doyle, "English Colonies in America," vol. i. p. 369. 142 THE UNITED STATES granted, the political rights of the proprietors were an- nulled, and their territorial rights were brought up under an Act of Parliament. From this time on the growth of the colony was rapid and continuous, although it was not wholly free from polit- ical unrest. Indeed, the colonists showed no more fear of the royal governors than they had of the proprietors, and steadily encroached upon their powers. In 1748 Governor Glenn reported that the people, by means of the assembly, " had the whole of the administration in their hands, and the governor, and thereby the Crown, is stripped of its power." But there was one thing for which the assembly cannot be commended — its passion for cheap money. The repeated issues of paper money had here the same blighting effect as in New England. The student of the history of liberty will find no more interesting pages than the story of its struggles in the Caro- linas. The avowed object of the proprietors was to found a monarchial system, which even then was beginning to break down in England. If the Anglo-Saxon at home was steadily carrying out his determination to control his own political fortunes, what would he do when given the forest and three thousand miles of water as allies? Yet here was exhibited one of those curious contradictions in which history abounds. New England was founded by men seeking religious free- dom for themselves, yet they manifested a spirit of intoler- ance such as was found nowhere else in America. South Carolina was building up a splendid aristocracy on a basis of slavery, yet nowhere was the spirit of liberty stronger. If this spirit often manifested itself in turbulence, especially in North Carolina, this was due to oppression and not to any noteworthy lack of popular morality or to a spirit of unrest such as may be seen in South America to-day. Most of the bad governors were endured as one of the ills of life ; PLANTING OF COLONIES 143 those who could not be endured were imprisoned or ban- ished. Long before the final break with England the Caro- linas were well trained in the art of revolution. 32 IV GEORGIA The last of the southern, and of the thirteen colonies, to be founded was Georgia. It also was a proprietary colony, and its chief proprietor was General James Oglethorpe, who had served in the European wars under the great Marl- borough and Prince Eugene. At home, as a member of Parliament, he became a social reformer and was partic- ularly interested in the debtor class, whose condition at that time was particularly unfortunate in view of the severe laws against insolvents. Oglethorpe made an examination of the debtors' prisons and found their condition so bad that he determined to offer the inmates a home in the forests of America, where they might retrieve their fortunes. He entertained no thought of personal gain, no ambition of a sordid character; his entire project was open, disinterested, charitable, loyal, and patriotic. 33 The territory south of the Savannah River was included in the Carolina grant, but it had never been occupied by settlement, and with the revocation of the charter it reverted to the Crown. Oglethorpe now formed a company and prayed the crown for a grant of this territory for the purpose mentioned above, as also to form a sort of military barrier 32 The most comprehensive history of South Carolina during the colonial period is McCrady's " South Carolina as a Proprietary and a Royal Province," in two volumes ; see also W. R. Smith, " History of South Carolina as a Royal Colony." 33 Jones, *■ History of Georgia," vol. i. p. 86. 144 THE UNITED STATES between Carolina and the Spaniards in Florida. The grant, which was named Georgia in honor of the king, included the country between the Savannah and Altamaha rivers, and ex- tended westward to the " South Sea." The government of James E. Oglethorpe Painting by Ravinet the colony was committed to a company of twenty-one trus- tees, by whom all officers were to be appointed for the first four years, and after that by the Crown. Slavery and traffic in rum were prohibited, no one could own more than five hundred acres of land, and this must descend in the male line. Foreigners were to have equal rights with Englishmen, and PLANTING OF COLONIES 145 all religions except the Roman Catholic were to be toler- ated. 34 The first settlers, consisting of thirty-five families, sailed up the Savannah River in February, 1733, under the personal leadership of Oglethorpe, and founded the city of Savannah, one hundred and twenty-six years after the settle- ment of Jamestown. It was soon discovered that the debtors were not likely to prosper much more in their new home than they had done in England, but a more thrifty class came out the following year — a ship load of Protestant refugees from Salzburg, and these were followed shortly thereafter by Moravians and Highlanders. Among the early immigrants were three men whose names are forever linked with the social and religious history of the time — Charles and John Wesley and George Whitefield — who came as missionaries to the Indians. The first mentioned served as secretary to Oglethorpe, the two latter were the most powerful preachers of the time. The magnificent live oak under which John Wesley sometimes preached is still pointed out to the traveler. Whitefield founded an orphan school and estab- lished a slave farm across the river in South Carolina to sup- port it. Oglethorpe served the colony well for twelve years as governor. He established friendly relations with the Cher- okees, with whom a thriving fur trade was carried on in rivalry with the Spanish and French settlers, Augusta (1734) being the center of this traffic. When the War of the Spanish Succession broke out Oglethorpe led an army of invasion against St. Augustine, but failed to capture that well- fortified town. 35 A few years later he exhibited no little skill in repulsing a Spanish invasion (1742). In 1748 34 Jones, " The English Colonization of Georgia," in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. v. ch. vi. ; also Fiske, " Old Virginia and Her Neighbors," vol. ii. pp. 334-335. 35 Jones, " History of Georgia," vol. i. ch. xxi. 146 THE UNITED STATES General Oglethorpe left Georgia never to return. Soon after his arrival in England he was promoted to the position of a full general in the British army, at the same time retain- ing his seat in Parliament. He died in 1785 in his ninetieth year, the only one of the colonial founders who lived to see the colonies independent. Up to the departure of Oglethorpe the progress of the colony was steady, if somewhat slow, but after that the set- Old Spanish Gates at Saint Augustine, Florida tiers found causes of complaint. Chief of these was the pro- hibition of slavery. This had been prohibited, not so much on moral as economic grounds, it being feared that it would interfere with free white labor. The settlers looked across the river at their more prosperous neighbors where slavery flourished, and straightway desired it for themselves. After years of importunity they finally secured it in 1749, when by act of Parliament Georgia became a slave colony. The colonists also wanted rum, at least they wanted to trade with the West Indies, and they declared that this trade was driven away by the prohibition on the rum traffic. This restriction was removed, as also that upon the size of an estate which an PLANTING OF COLONIES 147 individual might own. The colonists again looked across at their neighbors and saw that they enjoyed many liberties which the Georgians were denied, and were consequently not content until they themselves were given a government similar to that of South Carolina. This came in 1752, when the charter was surrendered and Georgia became a royal province with a legislative assembly elected by the freemen of the colony, Catholics excepted, and a governor appointed by the king. After these changes the colony advanced more rapidly, but at the outbreak of the Revolution it was little better than a frontier settlement. The chief industries were the growing of rice and indigo, the manufacture of lumber, and the peltry trade with the Indians. Experiments were made with the silkworm with a view to the production of silk, but the busi- ness did not prosper and was soon abandoned. Life in the colony was of the rudest and simplest sort. Except Sa- vannah, which was little more than a wooden village, there were no towns, and the only roads were Indian trails. The school facilities were very poor, and the few ships which carried away their rice, indigo, lumber and peltries brought to the Georgians but little contact with the stronger forces of civilization. > Chapter IV PLANTING OF THE COLONIES— continued I PLYMOUTH THE men of the age of discovery and exploration and of the early part of the age of colonization were animated mainly by the desire of adventure and the thirst for gold. It is pleasant now to turn to the study of a people who came into the forest to seek not gold but God and the right to worship Him in their own way. If we find that they were not inclined to allow others the same privilege, we must remember they lived in an age of intolerance. To say that they sought the right to worship God in their own way does not mean that they sought religious freedom. They wished to make their own ideas dominant in England; fail- ing in that they sought the forest where they could make them dominant. 1 The reign of Henry VIII. is commonly given as the date of the Protestant Reformation in England, though little more was done then than to substitute the supremacy of the king for that of the Pope in matters of religion. As the years passed by the divergence between the Church of Eng- land and the Catholic Church increased; but a large party within the former, the Puritans, wished to purify it still further of Roman creeds and forms. Some of these went so far in their dissent as to withdraw from the Established 1 " The Religious Element in the Settlement of New England," by G. E. Ellis, in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. iii. ch. vii. 148 PLANTING OF COLONIES 149 Church, and became known as Independents or Separatists. The Presbyterian tendency among the latter contributed its part in securing the hostility of James I. His experience in Scotland had convinced him that Presbyterianism in the church meant growing republicanism in the state. It had already limited his royal power in Scotland ; he was de- termined it should not do so in England. The church was a part of the state, consequently he could, with some show of reason, regard an attack upon the former an attack upon the latter. Thus he felt justified in considering the dissenters inimical to his government; and so he determined, as he announced at the Hampton Court Conference, to compel them to conform or " harry them out of the land." 2 Some conformed, but others were harried out of the land. A number of the latter under the leadership of John Robin- MoNUME * T Eri £™ ° ver " 1>L ™ OUT " SOn, their pastor, and William The stone upon which tradition says -r> i v i the Pilgrims landed Jirewster, a ruling layman, h found a refuge pk /Ley den in Holland ; but they never became really contented thef e among an alien people. They longed for the English ways and the English laws, and, not being able to enjoy these upon their native heath or in Hol- land, determined to transplant them to the forests of the New 2 Eggleston, "Beginners of a Nation," p. 162; also Gardiner, "History of England," vol. i. pp. 153-157. i 150 THE UNITED STATES f World. This project was not wholly at one with the objects of the London Company, but they managed to obtain a grant and by promising obedience to the king, " if the thing commanded be not against God's Word," secured his promise not to interfere with them if they lived peaceably. To se- cure the necessary funds they formed a sort of stock partner- ship with a company of London merchants, who owned about three-fourths of the shares. The communal system was to The ** Mayflower " in the Harbor of Plymouth Painting by Hansell obtain for seven years, at the end of which time the corpora- tion was to disband and the assets were to be distributed. The Pilgrims, as by this time they had come to be called, sailed from Southampton. Thither members of the Leyden congregation had been brought by the Speedwell, a vessel of sixty tons bought for the purpose. The final voyage was to be made in the Mayflower, a larger vessel which they had hired. The smaller vessel was to accompany them ; but it proved unsea worthy, and only the Mayflower made the voyage. It carried one hundred and one Pilgrims and en- tered Cape Cod harbor (Provincetown) November 11, 1620 (old style). On that day the adult males, forty-one in num- ~ c c t c C C C I C C I c c < PLANTING OF COLONIES 153 ber, drew up a paper which posterity has named the Com- pact. It was simply an agreement to form a body politic and a promise to give " all due submission and obedience " to the laws it might enact. They then elected John Carver governor and sent out an exploring party. Finally a land- ing was made at a place which they called Plymouth, and the work of building cabins was soon begun. The winter was not so severe as it often is, but nearly half the company per- ished, among them Governor Carver. William Bradford was chosen as his successor, and for many years proved an able leader of his people. The loss of the first winter was made up the following November by the arrival of fifty more from Leyden, but the colony had many difficulties to contend with and its growth was slow. Ten years after the first company landed it contained only about three hundred inhabitants. 3 The Pilgrims were very fortunate in their relations with the Indians. Pestilence had decimated their number, and those who remained felt grateful to the English for the resti- tution of some of their companions who had been kidnaped. The story of Samoset's entrance into their settlement crying " Welcome, Englishmen! " has been told many times. He and another Indian named Squanto, who became the agri- cultural instructor of the colony, were instrumental in bring- ing about a treaty with their chief, Massasoit, which was faithfully observed until his death. But if comparatively free from trouble with the In- dians, the Pilgrims were not so fortunate in their relations with men of their own color. Certain " lewd fellows of the baser sort," who were settled on Massachusetts Bay in 1622 by Thomas Weston as a commercial venture, gave them no little trouble, but the settlement was abandoned the next year. In 1625 another settlement of a similar kind was 3 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. ch. xi. 154 THE UNITED STATES made in the same neighborhood by Captain Wollaston. The settlers, mostly indented servants, under the leadership of Thomas Morton, soon drove out Wollaston's agent and re- named the place Merrymount. The famous Maypole at Merrymount and its sequel make one of the most serio-comic episodes in New England history. When they tossed off ten pounds' worth of strong liquor in a morning and then set up a Maypole round which, says Bradford, they " frisked like fairies, or rather furies," in the good old English style, it was too much for the Puritans of Salem and Boston, and in 1630 they proceeded under Endicott to break up the settle- ment, shipping Morton off to England. Some justification for this action is to be found in the fact that the merry- makers were debauching the Indians, and also teaching them the use of firearms. In later years the Pilgrims had many disputes with Massachusetts, especially in regard to boundaries. The fact that the colonists had settled outside the terri- tory of the Virginia boundary rendered their grant of no value. They were mere squatters upon the soil of the old Plymouth Company, which was reorganized in 1620 as the Council for New England, and from this company they now sought a grant. One of doubtful legality was secured in 1621, but their rights to the soil were not made secure until a patent issued in 1630. The communal system proved as great a failure m Plymouth as it had done in Virginia. In 1623 it was par- tially abandoned, each family being given one acre of ground. Plenty followed, as it had in Virginia. In 1627 further increase in private ownership was allowed. Each household was then given twenty acres «as a private holding. Thus the communal system was finally abandoned, although the system of " commons " and of pasture and wood rights on the land of the community remained in places almost to PLANTING OF COLONIES 155 the present day. 4 About the same time that the communal system was given up, the colonists purchased the shares held by the London merchants, and thus obtained complete con- trol of their affairs. At first Plymouth was in government a pure democracy, where all the freemen (those who had signed the compact or who had been made freemen by the governing body) met in primary assembly; but as the colony expanded it became more and more inconvenient for all the freemen to assemble ^kiiM X$w<>* erf*** cMtO.$*f**>»K Handwriting of the Pilgrim Fathers in one body, and the representative system was introduced. The General Court, as the body of representatives was called, was not, however, given law-making powers, and for several years longer the primary assembly could still meet and undo the work of the deputies. Though the Pil- grims enjoyed these privileges of government, they never felt secure in them because they were not a vested right. They had them simply through neglect. This feeling of in- security caused them to try several times to secure a charter from the king, but never with success. Finally their sepa- * Channing, " Histoj^pf the United States," vol. i. ch. xi. 156 THE UNITED STATES rate existence was lost by the incorporation of the colony with that of Massachusetts in 1691. 5 II MASSACHUSETTS BAY Before the coming of the Pilgrims the Plymouth Com- pany had made several efforts at colonization, all of them unsuccessful. Captain John Smith, in 1614-1615, explored the coast of North Virginia, as this company's territory was called, made a map of it, and changed the name to New Eng- land. He also wrote pamphlets setting forth the attractions of New England for colonists. The fishing industry there, he declared, was more profitable than the Spanish mines. Upon the reorganization of the company in 1620, as the Council for New England, a new charter was secured and also a new grant, this time to the lands lying between the fortieth and the forty-eighth degree north latitude. The failure of the efforts at colonization does not ap- pear to have been due to any lack of liberality on the part of the company with its lands. Indeed, it granted them away in a kingly fashion, having little regard to-day for the rights granted yesterday. The conflicting claims thus created were a source of vexation for many years. Perhaps the most important of these grants was one made in 1628. It comprised the strip of territory between the Merrimac and the Charles rivers, with three miles on the farther side of each, and extended westward to the Pacific Ocean. It was made to a company composed of John Endicott and five as- sociates. In September of that year Endicott came over with a company of sixty and joined the settlers who had « Dexter, "The Pilgrim Church and Plymouth Colony," in Winsor, "Nar. and Crit. History," vol. iii. ch. viii. PLANTING OF COLONIES 157 come out to Gloucester under the auspices of the Dorchester Company, and had later removed to Naumkeag, afterwards Salem. Such was the prelude to the great Puritan exodus. The following year, March, 1629, a royal charter was se- cured from Charles I. for a legal corporation styled the Governor and Company ef the Massachusetts Bay in New England. The membership of the company was now enlarged. The charter provided that it should be directed by a gov- Copyrigbt, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company An Indian Welcome on Charles River Painting by R. R. Wand ernor, deputy governor, and eighteen assistants chosen by the freemen, that is, the members of the company. The patent- ees strenuously resisted the efforts of the advisers of the Crown to have the government of the company fixed in Eng- land. This omission really was as important as anything which the charter contained, for it made possible the removal of the corporation, together with its charter, to Massachu- 158 THE UNITED STATES setts. 6 This was done in 1630, when the corporation and colony were merged into one self-governing body. And this was the distinguishing characteristic of the corporate colony, the thing which contrasts it most sharply with the provincial colonies south of the Hudson. The reasons for the formation of the Company and for the transfer of its charter to the New World are to be found in the condition of affairs in England. The Petition of Right, the closing of Parliament in 1629, and the im- prisonment of John Eliot had given the opponents of the government fair warning that they could expect no half-way measures. Ecclesiastic affairs took on an ominous aspect. William Laud was the practical ruler of the Established Church. He set about securing conformity with a thorough- ness that meant ruin to all non-conformists. The Puritan element had fallen upon evil days in both church and state. The wiser heads turned naturally to America as a safe re- treat until the storm should blow over. It was under these circumstances that the project of a trading charter was con- ceived and carried out. 7 The situation was becoming more and more unbearable to the Puritan party in England, whether Separatists or not; and in 1630 a number of them made the transfer of the char- ter the condition of their crossing the Atlantic. The great exodus had begun. Eleven ships with more than a thousand passengers made the voyage. With them came their new governor, John Winthrop, and the deputy governor, Thomas Dudley. Winthrop decided that Salem was not a suitable location, and so removed to Boston Harbor as the most satisfactory site. Many of those who came were men of education, some had held high stations at home, membership in Parliament or preferment in the Church of England, e Doyle, " English Colonies in America," vol. i. p. 90. 7 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 323. PLANTING OF COLONIES 159 while all were " wise in their day and generation." The original patent was to a trading company. Some disavowed any project to establish a community of Separatists, nor for a time did they want their independence at Salem; but at the Governor Wixthrop Supposed painting by Sir Anthony Van Dyck, State House, Boston very first they were bold enough to reject the Anglican ritual and shipped off to England John and Samuel Browne for no other offense than using it. Their churches were or- ganized on what is known to-day as the congregational plan. The government of the colony was not a real theocracy, as it is sometimes called ; neither was it a pure democracy ; it 160 THE UNITED STATES was a mixture of the two. Mention has been made of the fusing of the corporation and the colony. This fusion was not complete for many years, for no one could become a free man who could not stand the religious test. But within the corporation the government was democratic, though Win- throp and the assistants endeavored to make it oligarchic. The first rebuke to this spirit came in a dispute over taxation, when the freemen resumed the right to impose taxes and sent representatives or deputies to advise the governor and assistants in such matters. All these together made up the General Court, which exercised both legislative and judicial powers, but the freemen still met to elect the governor and assistants. In 1644 a trivial lawsuit over a lost pig led to the establishment of a bicameral legislature. The Bible and the common law of England were the law of the land until 1641, when the " Body of Liberties " was adopted. The main ob- ject of this instrument was to limit the discretionary power of the executive. When religious disputes were the chief concern of men it would not have been reasonable to expect a colony with a dis- tinctly religious aim to be free from troubles of that nature. The expulsion of the Episcopalian Browne has already been mentioned, and scarcely was the colony freed from the danger of prelacy when another disturbing factor arose in the person of Roger Williams, who landed at Boston in 1631, went to Plymouth, and came to Salem in 1633. The free- men had provided for an oath of allegiance to the colony, but Williams refused to take this and denied the right of the government to require it. He declared for the separation of church and state and for voluntary attendance at services and voluntary contributions for the support of the church. More than this, he pronounced the king's patent void and de- clared that valid patents could be secured only from the In- dians, who were the rightful owners of the soil. Much of PLANTING OF COLONIES 161 this sounds very modern, and his theories in regard to the church have been adopted in every American commonwealth. But Williams was not only far in advance of the time, but was also an impractical extremist. His preaching was noth- ing short of an attack upon the state, and there was nothing to do but deal with him as a public enemy. Salem sided with her pastor for a while, but was brought to terms by being dis- ' Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Roger Williams Finds an Asylum Among the Narragansett Indians, Rhode Island franchised. Williams would neither amend his preaching nor keep silence, and was finally banished (1635). On ac- count of his illness the decree was not carried out for some months; but as Williams could not keep still it was finally decided to ship him back to England. To avoid this fate he fled from the colony in the dead of winter (1636) . 8 Another religious disturber was Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, who landed at Boston in 1634. She appears to have had a 8 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 378. \m THE UNITED STATES fondness for notoriety and did not like to be excluded from the meeting where the men came together to discuss theo- logical and political questions. As a counter movement she held meetings for the women, where similar questions were discussed. Soon it was discovered that her teachings were heretical, and that she was gaining a following among men of consequence. The heresy, consisted in her declaration that she and her followers were under a " covenant of grace," while the others were under a " covenant of works." Among her followers were her brother, the Rev. John Wheelright, the Rev. John Cotton, and the young governor, Henry Vane. The Boston church, indeed all Massachusetts so- ciety, was shaken to its very foundations by the agitation of this question of " grace " and " works." In September, 1637, a synod of divines drew up and condemned ninety-one erroneous opinions said to be held by members of the com- munity. The heretics were asked to subscribe to this con- Governor Henry Vane demnation, but refused. After the statue by MacMonnies in Wheelright Was banished, the Public Library, Boston ° while others were fined or disfranchised. Mrs. Hutchinson was then brought to trial, if such a travesty on justice may be dignified by the name of trial. The witnesses against her were not sworn; she was not allowed an attorney; and she and her witnesses were browbeaten with shameless disregard of justice. But in some inexplicable way, dim now, but clear and real then, PLANTING OF COLONIES 163 her teachings were believed to endanger the theocratic state, and she was found guilty. Banishment was the penalty (1637) , and she fled to Rhode Island, and later went to New York, where she was murdered by the Indians four years af- Statue of John Harvard 'Founder of Harvard College, in the college grounds, Cambridge, Mass. terwards. This the divines considered God's vindication of their judgment. Comparative religious quiet now appears to have reigned for a number of years, only to be broken by what is commonly regarded as the most inoffensive of all sects, the 164 THE UNITED STATES Quakers. \ 'At that time, however, a few of them practiced certain fanatical customs which would not be tolerated in any civilized community to-day, such as walking through the streets and entering the churches naked. Persecution in England drove some of them to Massachusetts in 1656. When they refused to take the oath of allegiance, they were suspected of being Jesuits in disguise. They were banished, and the penalty of death was imposed upon any who re- turned. To the surprise of the authorities some returned and demanded the repeal of the law. Four were hanged, but the law had to be repealed in response to public opinion. In the seventeenth century belief in witchcraft was common throughout the world. The " Body of Liberties " made it a capital offense for one to be a witch. In the last decade of the century this law was invoked against many suspected persons, and nineteen actually paid the penalty on the gal- lows. Because this delusion as to witches centered around Salem, this is popularly known as the Salem Witchcraft. In the midst of the religious persecution one beam of light breaks out which is still growing brighter with every passing day. The year following the banishment of Roger Williams, and the year preceding that of Mrs. Hutchinson, witnessed the birth of Harvard College. This was founded by the Commonwealth at Newtowne. The latter name was soon changed to Cambridge in honor of the Alma Mater of most of the college men of the community. Two years later John Harvard, a young clergyman, died, leaving his library and an estate valued at £800 to the college. The new in- stitution was named Harvard in grateful recognition of its first great benefactor. PLANTING OF COLONIES 165 III CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND* The settlement of Connecticut, in being an offshoot of other colonies, marks a new stage in colonial development. The Dutch at New York had looked upon the fertile Con- necticut Valley and saw that it was good, especially for trad- ing. With unusual magnanimity they reported this to the settlers at Plymouth, who immediately made a treaty with the Mohicans and established a trading post at Windsor (1633) to check the Dutch, who had settled at Hartford. Certain men of Massachusetts, who also desired this goodly country, came into the valley and, with a shameless disregard of the rights of the Plymouth squatters, took possesson of the " Lord's waste " on which they had already settled. This migration was at first opposed by Massachusetts, but in 1635 the legislature gave its formal sanction, furnished the set- tlers with a commission, with ammunition and cannon, and provided that they should be subject to its jurisdiction. This new exodus was led by the Rev. Thomas Hooker. This divine appears to have been the rival of the Rev. John Cotton, but was of a less aggressive disposition and wished to seek a new field, where his light would be more conspicuous. He was also opposed to the close connection between church and state which obtained in Massachusetts. He was demo- cratic in his ideas and wished a wider franchise than one based on church membership. A third consideration prob- ably had more weight with the ordinary emigrants. The set- tlers were in search of more fertile soil, and public policy de- manded the checking of the Dutch. Before the end of 1636 about eight hundred people had settled in the valley in the three towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield. The establishment of Saybrook (1635) , at the mouth of the river, 166 THE UNITED STATES by John Winthrop, Jr., son of the governor of Massachu- setts, served to protect them from the Dutch. This was done under the authority of Lord Brooke and Lord Saye and Sele, to whom, with ten others, that part of the country had been granted by the Council for New England. 9 Much has been made of the Fundamental Orders under which the colonists governed themselves. Fiske calls it " the first written constitution known to history that created a government " ; but it was too closely modeled on that of Massachusetts to deserve any extended analysis. One im- portant difference was that there was no religious test for citizenship. Neither was there any mention of allegiance to the British King, though there probably was no intention to deny it. New Haven was founded as a separate colony in 1638, by Theophilus Eaton and the Rev. John Davenport. 10 This colony is noteworthy for the thorough-going way in which it carried out the ideas on which the others had been founded, but from which they deviated as political expediency dictated. For a year their only constitution was a simple agreement to obey the Scriptures. In June, 1639, they adopted a con- stitution closely modeled upon the Bible, and agreed among themselves that " the. word of God shall be the only rule at- tended unto in ordering the affairs of government." It was another of those governments founded on the closest union between church and state. Other towns sprang up about New Haven, and maintained an independent existence until 1643, when they united with it under the title of the New Haven Colony. They were troubled by the Dutch, but managed to maintain their position against all encroach- ments. The very life of Connecticut was threatened in 1636- » Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. pp. 398-401. 10 Eggleston, " Beginners of a Nation," p. 343. » »; > \ > */■ c c c 1 C CI I t <. 1 c <_ c c c cc c c c c i'c c ctccc PLANTING OF COLONIES .r 169 1637 by the Pequot Indians. The war concerned all the col- onies, but the brunt of it was borne by Connecticut. While Massachusetts and Plymouth were disputing about what each should do, John Mason, an intrepid soldier who had served in the Netherlands, organized a company and marched against the enemy. Reinforcements arrived from outside in time to take part in the annihilation of the power of the Pequots by the destruction of their last stronghold. Until after the restoration of the Stuarts the people of Connecticut, excepting the military station at Saybrook, were mere squatters, with no title to the land except such as had been secured in some cases from the Indians. When the news of the Restoration was received, Connecticut proclaimed the new king and sent over the courtly Winthrop as its agent. With the help of Lord Saye and Sele, now a member of the king's council, he secured a very liberal charter (1662) . The colonists were made a self-governing corporation and were practically independent in everything but name. Not even their laws had to be sent over for the inspection of the king. 11 New Haven, to her intense disgust, found that she was in- cluded in this charter. For a time she resisted incorporation, but finally yielded when threatened with absorption by New York. With the exception of the reign of Andros, Con- necticut retained her full independence. One other attempt, however, was made to bring her into partial subjection to New York. During the first of the Inter-Colonial Wars, Fletcher was made commander of the Connecticut and New Jersey militia. William III. did this to secure some sort of military unity in the war against the French. Fletcher visited Hartford in October, 1693, and attempted to carry out his commission. The Assembly of Connecticut refused to recognize his authority It is very doubtful whether his ii Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. pp. 54-55. 170 THE UNITED STATES little episode with Captain Wadsworth, in which his attempt to read his commission was drowned by the beating of drums, and the doughty captain threatened " to make the sun shine through " him, ever occurred. But it is evident from his own statement that he met with a decided rebuff. 12 The history of the early years of Rhode Island reads like the story of a mild form of anarchy. 13 Like Connecti- cut, this colony was an offshoot of Massachusetts, but one of which the parent colony was not very proud. When Roger Williams fled from her borders, he turned southward to Narragansett Bay, where he and five associates founded the town of Providence on a tract of land secured from Mas- sasoit. In 1637 some of Mrs. Hutchinson's followers, among them William Coddington and John Clarke, found life in Massachusetts uncomfortable and sought a cooler climate in Maine, but one winter there satisfied them. Turn- ing south they settled on Aquidneck (Rhode Island), where Mrs. Hutchinson soon joined them. 14 Coddington pres- ently fell out with Mrs. Hutchinson and gracefully with- drew from Portsmouth and founded Newport (1639), but the towns were reunited the following year. The machinery of government was set in motion by thirteen in Providence and by about twenty on Aquidneck. Through the exertions of Williams the settlements, together with the new town of Warwick, were united in 1643 as the Providence Plantations, and a charter was secured from the Parliamentary Commit- tee on the Colonies. In 1663 John Clarke, the agent for Rhode Island, secured another charter from Charles II. This charter was so liberal that it was used as the constitu- tion of government until 1842. A method of legislation, seldom found now outside of Switzerland, was introduced 12 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. ii. pp. 218-219. is See Richman, " Rhode Island, Its Making and Its Meaning," vol. ii. chs. i.-iii. I* Eggleston, " Beginners of a Nation," p. 340. PLANTING OF COLONIES 171 here in 1647, the referendum, by which any one town could defeat an objectionable measure. From the first Rhode Island was a country of " soul liberty." The right of freedom in doctrinal belief was as- sured by statutes in 1641, and was included in the charter of 1663, though subsequently Roman Catholics were denied the right of franchise. As a consequence the colony became a Copyright, 1905, by John D7 Morris & Company Old Norse Tower, Newport, R. I. Supposed to have been built by Norsemen sort of haven of refuge for all sorts of heretics who had found other places, especially Massachusetts, uncomfort- able. The result of the mixture of such heterogeneous ele- ments was that Rhode Island itself became uncomfortable to all except those who delighted in turmoil and turbulence. But democracy was in training, and there were no very serious results. 172 THE UNITED STATES IV NEW HAMPSHIRE AND MAINE Two of the New England colonies, New Hampshire and Maine, were not unlike the southern colonies in origin. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, one of the chief moving spirits in the Council for New England, succeeded in 1622, with John Mason (not the conqueror of the Pequots), in obtaining a patent to the country between the Merrimac and the Kenne- bec rivers. Later (1629) this territory was divided be- tween them, Mason taking that lying between the Merrimac and Piscataqua, Gorges that between the Piscataqua and Kennebec. 15 The first settlement in New Hampshire appears to have been made by David Thompson and a few associates near the mouth of the Piscataqua in 1623. Dover was founded by some Puritan fish-mongers from London, Exeter and Hampton by Antinomians (adherents of Mrs. Hutchinson) from Massachusetts. By this time Mason ^egan to take an interest in his territory, though he does not appear ever to have secured a patent as proprietary governor. In 1629 he and Gorges formed the Laconia Company, which sent out a few colonists the next year and founded Portsmouth. They were Anglicans, and it may be readily inferred that these settlements of Puritans, Antinomians and Anglicans had little in common. They quarreled among themselves and invited the interference of Massachusetts, who was watching for an opportunity to make good her claims to jurisdiction over them. This she did in 1641, in a com- paratively liberal way, giving the towns the right of repre- sentation. In 1691 New Hampshire was separated from is Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 114; Thwaites, "The Colonies," p. 150. PLANTING OF COLONIES 173 Massachusetts and became a royal province. For a hundred years the progress of the colony was retarded by the inse- curity of land titles. This was due to the fact that the Mason heirs constantly asserted their claims to the land. Finally this source of vexation was removed by the purchase of the Mason claims. Vermont was an offshoot of this colony. For many years it was a bone of contention between New Hampshire and New York, but finally the king decided in favor of the latter. The attempt, however, to disregard the land titles based on the New Hampshire grants led to the revolt of the Green Mountain boys and the formation of a new commonwealth. Gorges was not content with a simple patent to the land, but secured a charter from the king in 1639, which made him a palatine. He drafted a very cumbersome form of government, which reminds one of Locke's Constitution, but was never able to put it in operation, because there were hardly more than enough settlers in Maine to hold the numer- ous offices. Gorges gave much time, thought, and money to his colony, but never lived to see any great returns. After his death the colonists wrote to his heirs repeatedly, but could get no reply. Massachusetts then discovered that the coun- try belonged to her, and proceeded to absorb it (1652-1656) . In 1677 the heirs of Gorges made a virtue of necessity, and sold out their claims to Massachusetts. V THE NEW ENGLAND CONFEDERATION The formation of the New England Confederation in 1643 gives a sort of unity to the history of this region for a time. Connecticut had made overtures for such a union as early as 1637. Only four of the colonies were included, 174 THE UNITED STATES Connecticut, New Haven, Plymouth and Massachusetts, and they agreed upon twelve articles for a " firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity for offense, mutual advice and succor." Rhode Island was not deemed worthy to be a member and therefore was not invited to join. Eight federal commissioners, two from each colony, regardless of population, were empowered to " determine all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, charges and numbers of men for war, division of spoils and whatsoever was gotten by con- quest." The spoils as well as the expenses of war were to be divided according to the military population. One article provided for the rendition of fugitives from justice and run- away slaves. Within its own limits each colony was to pre- serve its own " peculiar jurisdiction and government " free from any intermeddling by the Confederation. The com- missioners were to meet in the various colonies in rotation. A three- fourths vote (the vote being by individuals, not by colonies) was necessary for any measure; failing in this it was to be referred to the legislature of the different members of the Confederation. Although the population of Massachusetts was greater than that of all the other members combined, she stood on an equality with each of them in the federal council. Her only remedy lay in assuming a domineering attitude, or in actu- ally violating the terms of the compact, which she sometimes did. However, the Confederation served a useful purpose, especially in dealing with the Indians. It declined after the Restoration and was finally dissolved in 1684. 16 As in the south, so in New England, the colonists de- sired to convert the heathen Indian. The most famous of all the workers among the red men was the Rev. John Eliot, who was known as the Apostle to the Indians. He labored among them many years and translated the Bible into the Algonquin 16 Frothingham, " Rise of the Republic," ch. ii. PLANTING OF COLONIES 175 language. Those who accepted his teachings were known as " praying Indians," and a goodly number were gathered into the fold. But the great majority were true to the faith of their fathers, and the chief of the Pokanokets even tried to insert in a treaty a stipulation that no effort should be made to convert any of his warriors. With jealous eye the Indian saw his hunting grounds vanishing with each ad- vance of the English, and the number of warriors diminished by the increase of " praying Indians." He could draw but little distinction between the cheating trader and the pious missionary, and he hated all. He knew but little of the sa- cred nature of treaties, such as the English made with him, and frequently broke them. The summons to the settle- ment to answer for this, as also to be arraigned before a jury of white men for some offense, humiliated his pride and ex- cited his wrath. At last the smoldering fires of hostility were fanned into a flame by Philip, son of and successor to Massasoit. There is no evi- dence of a widespread conspiracy, but Philip was under suspicion in 1674, and was summoned to an examination. The informer against him was murdered, the murderers were tried by jury and hanged, and the war at once broke out. Philip succeeded in winning over the powerful Narra- gansetts, and soon all New England was ablaze. Several towns, among them Brookfield, Deerfield and Northfield, John Eliot From portrait in possession of the family of the late William Whiting 176 THE UNITED STATES were burned. An attack on Hadley, according to tradition, was repelled under the leadership of an aged man commonly believed to have been GofFe, one of the regicides who had found a refuge in America. During the winter of 1675- 1676 the war was prosecuted with vigor by the whites. The Indians were unused to continuous fighting and were gradu- ally exhausted. Philip's allies sued for grace and Philip himself became a fugitive, only to be overtaken by Captain Church in a swamp, where he was slain by one of his own race. The loss in blood and treasure was very great. More than 600 men fell in the struggle and almost as many houses, including thirteen towns, went up in smoke. Bancroft esti- mates the disbursements and losses at half a million dollars. 17 The Restoration in England marked a turn in the tide of affairs in the Confederation. We have already seen that one of the members, New Haven, was absorbed by Connecti- cut in her new charter. Rhode Island, too* despised and re- jected of the Confederation because of her heterodoxy, re- ceived the royal favor, much to the disgust of Massachusetts, which was ordered to accord better treatment to the Quakers, to tolerate the Anglicans, and to administer justice in the name of the king. Still another factor contributed to the decline of the Confederation. The early settlers were thoroughly imbued with the spirit of independence. They probably never aimed at complete separation from the mother country, but they wished to have as little to do with her as possible. But by this time a new generation had grown up, one which knew not the tyrannies from which their fathers had fled. They were becoming tired of the austere rule of the Puritan divines. Men of wealth who engaged in commerce were unwilling to offend across the sea for fear of damaging trade. They also knew something of life in Old England and strove to imitate it. 17 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 92. 1660. 1660. ENGLISH CHARTERS & GRANTS Subdividing Charters of 1609 & 1620. | | COUNCIL OF PLYMOUTH, OF NEW ENGLAND. Grants by the Council : fl621. To Sir W. Alexander, Lordship and Baron;/ of New Scotland (Nova Scotia.) ) 1635. To Sir W. Alexander, Pemaquid and Island* of (. Long, Nantucket and Martha'* Vineyard. Kennebec to Piaataqua 1621. To Plymouth Colony. 1628. To Plymouth Colony. (Maine.) ^] 1629. To J. Mason, New Hampshire. Royal Charters : B1629. To Matsachusett* Bay Colony. 1639. To Sir F. Gorge*. Portion of Plymouth Colon* (Maine.) f Providence Plantation. I Rhode Uland Colony. Virginia : 1629. To Sir R. Heath, Carolana. 1632. To Lord Baltimore, Maryland. 1649. To Lord Culpepper (of the Soil, not Jurxtdietion.) PLANTING OF COLONIES 177 All these facts made it possible for Edward Randolph, who came over in 1676, to look after the enforcement of the Navigation Acts, to build up a small following; but he was bitterly hated by the majority for his tyranny and for his malicious reports about the colony. Soon after the Restoration New England affairs were entrusted to a committee of twelve members of the privy council. In 1664 they sent over a commission, but they were un- able to get much satisfaction out of Massachusetts in their efforts to have her mend her ways. They detached Maine from her the following year, but three years later she quietly took it back, and in 1677 bought up the Gorges claim which Charles himself was intending to buy. The Puritans were as skillful as the Spanish in evasion and delay, but finally the blow fell. The insult in the purchase of Maine, the constant evasion of the Navigation Acts, the coining of money, and the dis- franchisement of Anglicans were deemed a sufficient pretext for the destruction of her liberties, and her charter was annulled in 1684, by a writ of quo warranto. The same year witnessed the end of the Confederation. In 1686 Sir Edmund Andros came to Boston with a commission as governor of New England, and two years later New York and New Jersey, where he had already made a reputation, were added to his jurisdiction. Some modern historians are inclined to think that he was hardly as black as he had been painted, and the colors used by his contempo- James II. After painting by J. Riley 178 THE UNITED STATES rary colonists were certainly very dark. He was not carry- ing out a policy of arbitrary government for the sake of be- ing despotic. Conditions in the colonies had occupied the serious attention of the home government. The evident solution of the problem of administration was to consolidate and unify the various colonial governments. James II. determined to do this. In order to accomplish such a result it was necessary to confiscate existing charters and abolish the independent governments in the various colonies. In executing such a policy Andros certainly could not have won the love and gratitude of the colonists and at the same time been faithful to his instructions. He chose the latter and governed despotically. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus and instituted a rigorous censorship of the press. He annulled land grants and divided up the common lands among his friends. He abolished the General Court and himself levied the taxes. And finally he set up the Anglican worship, sometimes seizing Congregational churches for that purpose. He demanded the charter of Rhode Island. This was refused, but the colony yielded to his sway. At Hart- ford he demanded the Charter of Connecticut in person. The story goes that the assembly was prolonged far into the night, when the lights were suddenly put out and the precious charter was spirited away and concealed in an oak. The Charter Oak, as the tree was ever afterwards known, was carefully preserved for a time, but was blown down in August, 1856. 18 At last relief came in news from over the sea. As soon as it was known that William of Orange had landed in Eng- land, and before the result could be ascertained, the colonists imprisoned Andros and quietly shipped him back home. Connecticut and Rhode Island then brought their old char- ters out of hiding and went on as before. Massachusetts 18 Andrews, " Self Government in America," chs. xvi.-xvii. PLANTING OF COLONIES 179 made strenuous efforts to get back her old rights, but there was no way of avoiding the fact that her charter had been legally declared void. Increase Mather was sent to Eng- land to secure a restoration of the old charter, but failed. William III. would have preferred to see all of New Eng- land united under one strong government, as he foresaw the coming struggle with the French. He was compelled, however, to yield to the dissatisfaction created by the An- dros regime. It was intimated that a proposition for a new charter would be favorably received. This was at once drawn up, probably under the personal direction of Mather, and received the royal assent in 1691. Even in this the uni- fying policy of the British Government was manifest, for the bounds of Massachusetts 19 were enlarged so as to include Plymouth, Maine and Nova Scotia. Her legislature was restored, but every law it passed had to receive the royal sanction, while the governor was appointed by the Crown. Congregationalism was still the state religion, but the absolute domination of the Puritan clergy was at an end, for the religious test for citizenship was now replaced by a property qualification. During the first half of the eighteenth century the charters were threatened several times, but were never again revoked, and the colonies continued their development with i» Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. iii. pp. 78-82; Greene, " Provincial America," ch. ii. George Edmund Andros After the painting in the possession of his descendant, Major Charles Andros, of London, England V 180 THE UNITED STATES only such serious interruptions as the wars waged against the French and the Indians, which were but an echo of the great contest in the Old World. A source of perennial dispute was the governor's salary, in which the Crown tried to dictate, but finally had to yield, and the matter was left to legislative discretion. With the passing years more and more emi- grants, mostly English, came over, and the settlements spread to the west. Connecticut remained almost purely an agricultural community, but Massachusetts and Rhode Island developed a large carrying trade. Their industrial and social life will be described in another chapter. VI NEW YORK The Dutch were bold navigators, and after the defeat of the Spanish Armada their rise was so rapid that they soon rivaled the power which had defeated their old-time enemy. It was an Englishman, Henry Hudson, who in September, 1609, while in the employ of the Dutch East India Company, Sailed up the river which bears his name and gave them a claim to "as fair a land as ever was trodden by the foot of man." The country between the Hudson and Delaware Bay, which the navigator also entered, was named New Netherland, but no settlements were made in it for several years, except a few trading posts. In rlfl£l the Dutch West India Company was chartered by the States General and given large commercial and polit- ical powers in all the Dutch possessions between the straits of Magellan and Newfoundland. 20 Three years later they sent over thirty families of Walloons (Protestant refugees) , some of whom settled on the Delaware River, others on the 20 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. i. p. 3. COLONIES 181 Connecticut, and a few on Long Island. Eight stopped on Manhattan, but the greater part went up the Hudson to the present site of Albany, which they called Fo*rt Orange. We have already seen that the English claimed all this country, and had even granted it away more than once. However, they were allied with the Dutch at this time against their common enemy, Spain, and preferred their friendship to the trackless forests which they were occupying. Cornelius May, whose name is perpetuated by a county and cape in New Jersey, was the first director or governor. In 1626 he was succeeded by Peter Minuit, who, upon his arrival, bought the whole of Manhattan Island from the Indians for trinkets worth about twenty-four dollars. He built a fort on the island and called it New Amsterdam. 21 But immigrants were few in number, and in 1629, by the charter of " privileges and exemptions," an effort was made to attract men of wealth and station. It was simply an effort to establish the feudal system in America, antedating that in Maryland by several years. Members of the company were privileged to plant colonies on lands purchased by them from the Indians. Each one wh'o established as many as fifty persons over fifteen yea^ of age was given a perpetual grant of a tract extending sixteen miles along the river or eight miles on each side, and indefinitely into the interior. 22 The tenants were practically the serfs for ten years of the patroons, as the proprietors were called, who collected the rents and exercised feudal rights of government. Some of these patroons became the founders of families still well known in New York. Remnants of the feudal system pre- vailed far into the nineteenth century, but the attempt to collect rents long in arrear on the great Van Rensselaer es- 2i Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 279; Fiske, "Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. i. p. 116. 22 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies " vol. i. p. 134. r 'SRYKS ARCH I El $<*-*< a&4&* -t'Gtfr? fto^&oKjCM&g^^, l *\3<»? yHxx^k-QoKJ}, «Jl£ It*****, j£»#V^P &***(-$ ,%****- •» •» 7/T-vtvcrr «-£ (^~2*2ai Letter Stating that Manhattan Island Had Been Purchased from the " Wild Men " for the Value of Sixty Guilders From the original in the Royal Archives at The Hague, Holland $e PLANTING OF COLONIES 183 tate led to riots (1839-1846) which finally caused the State to abolish all such rights. Still the colony did not thrive. The patroons were great landlords and their tenants were but little better than serfs. Traders were not attracted, because the company had a monopoly of commerce. As a further inducement to settlers, the patroon system was curtailed and trade and the culti- vation of the soil were opened to all. The effect was not all that could have been desired. A few more settlers came in, but the growth was slow, for in 1653 the province num- bered only about two thousand souls. Yet even before this it had attained a somewhat cosmopolitan character, about eighteen languages being spoken within its bounds. 23 Minuit was succeeded by Vfn T#ill#K*n 1632, who soon gave place to Kieft, an autocrat wlio^nade things lively in and about the colony for ten years. In response to public opinion he was forced to call a council (1641) representing the different settlements, but he quarreled with this and with a later one (1644), and was finally removed on petition of the colonists. He was succeeded by Peter Stuyvesajat (1647) , the last and best of the Dutch governors. Althougnne was better than his predecessors, the people were not satisfied and demanded still more liberties, for the leaven of democracy was at work here as well as in the English colonies. He was forced to call a council (the nine men), but the body was made self -perpetuating. However, in a contest over excise taxes (1651) the people won, and in 1652 a measure of municipal government was granted the colony. In the matter of religion Stuyvesant sought to en- force conformity to the Dutch Reformed Church, and perse- cuted dissenters without mercy until the pressure of public opinion forced him to stop. After a long dispute with New England he agreed to give up all claims to the Connecticut 23 Read Schuyler's " Colonial New York/' vol. i. 184 THE UNITED STATES Valley and to place the western boundary of Connecticut about where it now is. In 1655 he forced the South Sea Com- pany of Sweden to abandon its settlements on the Dela- ware, which had been made under the leadership of Minuit, and annexed them to his realm. But the time for the Dutch to yield soon came. For cen- Peter Stuyvesant Painting owned by the New York Historical Society, New York turies the English and Dutch had been firm friends ; but the rapid rise of the Netherlands as a sea power after humbling Spain caused England to become jealous of the increasing maritime supremacy of the Dutch. The policy of Chanes II. was vacillating; sometimes he was the pensioner of the PLANTING OF COLONIES , 185 1 French king, sometimes the ally of the Stadtholder. Pre- texts for interference in America were not hard to find. There was the constant friction between the English and Dutch settlers and the evasion of the Navigation Acts by the Dutch. Then, too, the finest harbor on the continent separated the English colonies, a harbor which, with its environs, England now claimed by right of discovery. All the country from the Connecticut to the Delaware must be made English, and in 1 6Q4 Charles granted it to his brother, James, Duke of York. Richard Nicolls was sent over with some of the king's troops to make good this claim. He landed in Boston, and sought help there, but obtained none, and turned to Connec- ticut, who sent her militia. When he arrived before New Amsterdam Stuyvesant rushed about as fast as his wooden leg would carry him and summoned the people to defend the fort; but they contrasted the liberties of the English colonists with their own, and refused to support him loyally, in consequence of which he was forced to surrender. 24 He went to Holland, but returned to the colony, where he and Nicolls drank many a bumper of ale together. His memory is still preserved in the names of certain localities in New York city. 25 At the time of the conquest the colony contained about ten thousand inhabitants, of whom about fifteen hundred were on Manhattan Island. Nicolls became governor and at once took up the work of Anglicizing the colony. The name of the province, as also that of the town of Manhat- tan, was changed to New York, and Fort Orange became Albany. However, few immediate changes were made in the political system beyond the introduction of trial by jury, 24 Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 313; Fiske, "Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. i. p. 299. 25 Stevens, " The English in New York," in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. iii. ch. x. 186 THE UNITED STATES the granting of equality in the matter of taxation, and the promulgation of the Duke's Laws. The latter, drawn by Nicolls and a convention of the settlers, provided a system of town government whereby a constable and eight overseers were elected by the people and vested with judicial and legis- lative power. Several towns were combined into a " riding," presided over by a sheriff. In 1683 these ridings developed into counties; afterwards (1703) it was arranged that super- visors should be elected by each town. Thus the whole system of local government was a sort of compromise between the town system of New England and the county system of the south, and gave rise to the mixed system now prevalent in most of the States. Religious liberty was guaranteed to all. Outside the towns the people had no share in their own government, for the sheriff was appointed by the governor and the laws were made by the duke. The English settlers clamored for more liberties. No man can be contented with- out security of property. The Dutch were vexed by an order that all land grants must be confirmed by the new governor, for which he was allowed to exact a fee. In consequence they welcomed the Dutch fleet when it appeared before the city in 1673, but their joy was shortlived, for the English were again in possession the following year. Edmund Andros then came out as governor. His rule was vigorous and on the whole wise, but the agitation for more liberties was kept up. In 1680 he was recalled and Thomas Dongan sent in his place. Three years later Dongan yielded to the demands of the people and called an assembly. This body drew up a charter of liberties, to which the king gave his assent. This provided that the assembly should be coordi- nate with the governor and council in legislation; that no taxes should be levied without the consent of the assembly; that the franchise should be extended to all freemen and PLANTING OF COLONIES 187 free-holders, and that religious toleration should be given to all Christians. 26 But their liberties were not enjoyed long; James hated popular government even more than ***** /£urtA-#W * < m^^tM*. >uu£ - ^ PtfV" Document Signed by Peter Stuyvesant From the original in the Myers Collection, Lenox Branch of the New York Public Library Charles, and when he came to the throne he abolished the charter of liberties (1686), annexed New York to New England, and appointed Andros to govern the whole as a royal province. But relief soon came in the enforced abdication of the king and the imprisonment qf Andros (1688-1689). Jacob Leisler, a German shopkeeper, headed the revolution in New York and proclaimed William and Mary as the lawful sov- ereigns. He governed the colony with energy, and took 26 Thwaites, " The Colonies," p. 205. 188 THE UNITED STATES active measures to defend it against the French and Indians. At his call the first Colonial Congress met at Albany in 1690 to take counsel for measures of defense and offense against the French and their Indian allies. But Leisler was rash, and many of his arbitrary acts offended the so-called con- servative element. This element was, in the main, the Andros party, and the members were known to be sympa- thizers of the Stuarts. In 1691 Colonel Henry Sloughter came out as governor. Leisler was arrested on the charge of treason and imprisoned. The anti-Leisler party acquired the ascendency with the new governor. Leisler was convicted, and Sloughter, while intoxicated, placed his signature to the death warrant. This judicial murder of Leisler profoundly affected New York politics. For many years the two parties in the colony kept up a bitter controversy, and each governor found it necessary to ally himself with one or the other of them. 27 Sloughter's successor, Benjamin Fletcher, was an unprin- cipled scoundrel and caused the colony much distress. It was during his administration that New York became a center for the illegal trade with the pirates that infested the Indies. It is not at all certain that Fletcher himself was not personally interested in this traffic. Many efforts were made to suppress the sea robbers. Among other schemes, a hardy mariner, named William Kidd, was sent out to prey upon them. But the chance for gain was too tempting for him and his men, and he turned pirate and became the most famous of them all. After about two and a half years of this life, Kidd appeared on the American coast in 1699. In the meantime Fletcher had been succeeded by Bellomont. It had been under the latter's advice that Kidd had been sent out. Kidd hoped to secure immunity through his wealth and his acquaintance with Bellomont. In this he was mistaken, 27 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. ii. pp. 183-208. PLANTING OF COLONIES 189 and in an effort to convince Bellomont of his innocence he landed in Boston, was arrested, sent to England for trial, and finally executed. Where he disposed of his fabulous wealth is one of the mysteries men are still trying to solve. 28 The next governor, the Earl of Bellomont (1698- 1701), was perhaps the best the colony ever had. 29 He was also the first governor sent out under the new Board of Trade and Plantations. He allied himself with the old Leisler party and managed to carry on the government in a most vigorous manner. Bellomont was succeeded by Cornbury, who proved him- self one of the most rapacious governors that ever plundered the colony. It was due to his mismanagement that the as- sembly appointed a treasurer of its own and took full charge of expenditures for war purposes (1706). The movement thus begun could not be stopped. The assembly constantly enlarged its scope of activity. The council was denied any voice in the framing of money bills, all taxes were lodged with the treasurer appointed by the assembly, committees were appointed to carry out its orders, and in 1739 the assembly proceeded to appropriate salaries by name and for specific offices, so that the governor and council lost all practical control over appointments. Thus New York furnishes a good illustration of what was going on in all the colonies during the first half of the eighteenth century. In all of them the assemblies were slowly but surely acquir- ing practically all control of government, executive as well as legislative. A trial which occurred in 1735 deserves notice here, be- cause of its bearing upon the history of liberty. Governor Cosby brought suit in the Supreme Court to secure a sum of money, but the case went against him. Thereupon he 28 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. ii. pp. 226-235. 29 ibid., vol. ii. p. 22%. / 190 THE UNITED STATES removed the judge and appointed one of his partisans. Peter Zenger, editor of the New York Weekly Journal, then criticised the governor unmercifully in his paper. In retaliation the governor ordered the paper to be burned and prosecuted Zenger for libel, but again lost. This was an important victory for the freedom of the press which has never been forgotten. In spite of a succession of bad governors, New York enjoyed a steady growth. Its cosmopolitan character was maintained by the arrival of immigrants from the various countries of Europe, but the English and Dutch predom- inated. New York city became a center of trade, but the commercial preeminence which it now enjoys was not at- tained in Colonial times. VII DELAWARE AND NEW JERSEY Three different nations, the Dutch, the Swedes and the English laid claim to Delaware. It also had three different individuals as proprietors, Lord Baltimore, the Duke of York and William Penn. The Dutch made the first settle- ment within the present bounds of the State (near Lewes) in 1631; but the little colony was destroyed by the Indians. Next came some Englishmen from New Haven, only to be taken prisoners by the Dutch. The third attempt was made by the South Sea Company of Sweden, which was chartered by the great soldier-statesman, Gustavus Adolphus, in 1624. In 1638 Peter Minuit, whom we have already met as gov- ernor of New Amsterdam, led out the first company from Sweden and built Fort Christina where Wilmington now stands. Governor Kieft protested against this invasion of Dutch territory, and no doubt his ire was raised all the more PLANTING OF COLONIES 191 because it was done under the leadership of one of his prede- cessors. But the Swedes paid no attention to Kieft except to build another fort to checkmate his rebuilding of Fort Nassau. _. Then came more English from New Haven, but the Dutch and Swedes forgot their own animosities long enough to unite in driving out the race whose thirst for land was becoming as insatia- ble as that of the Spanish for gold. New Sweden, as the colony was called, prospered for a while, but as already related, was captured by the Dutch in 1655. 30 Apart, and later the rest of it, was sold to the city of Amsterdam, under whose government there was a period of retrogression. With the conquest of New Amsterdam it pass- ed into the hands of the Duke of York, who in turn sold it (1682) to William Penn to give him an outlet to the sea. Thereafter it was known as the " Three Lower Counties," or " Territories " of Pennsyl- vania, and was governed as a sort of province of that col- ony. It had no separate governor, but secured a legislature of its own in 1702. In New Jersey the Dutch built two forts, Fort Nassau and one on the Hudson; but the history of the colony really begins with its cession to Lord Berkeley and Sir George so Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 297. William Penn From a painting by G. Kneller 192 THE UNITED STATES Carteret by the Duke of York in 1664. It was named New Jersey for the island of Jersey, which Carteret had governed and held for Charles II. during the Commonwealth. Col- onization began the next -year with the settlement of Eliz- abethtown. A few Dutch, Swedes, and New Englanders were already on the ground. More came from New Eng- land and settled JVliddletown and Newark. In 1668 the first assembly met at Elizabethtown. The severity of its code of laws — the death penalty was attached to thirteen crimes — testifies to the predominance of the Puritan spirit. A period of turbulence began with the disputes over quit-rents in 1670, and Berkeley finally sold out his interest in dis- gust to a party of Quakers. They in turn soon sold out to William Penn. The Dutch recaptured New Jersey in 1673, but gave it back on the conclusion of peace the following year. In 1676 a new charter was issued, giving the eastern part, or East Jersey, to Carteret, and the western, or West Jersey, to the Quakers. The two provinces were then governed sep- arately. In West Jersey the proprietor " put the power in the people," giving them religious freedom and a represent- ative assembly. This liberal government attracted settlers, and four hundred Quakers came over in 1677. Their first settlement was at Burlington. In 1682 the heirs of Carteret sold East Jersey to a company of twenty- four, including William Penn. This province then received a government very much like that of West Jersey, and all went smoothly for a time. The disturbance came when James II. revoked the Jersey charters on writs of quo warranto (1686) and added them to New York with Andros as governor. A period of turbulence then followed, for the people of New Jersey were no less democratic in spirit than their neighbors. They re- sisted the effort of Andros to levy taxes without a repre- PLANTING OF COLONIES 198 sentative assembly, and disputed with the proprietors about the quit-rents. At last the proprietors, weary of their profit- less task, surrendered their claims to the Crown, and New Jersey became a royal province (1702). Although it was a separate province, it did not have a governor of its own. The governor of New York and a deputy performed the executive functions. This was a constant source of com- plaint on the part of the people of New Jersey, and finally in 1738 they were given a governor of their own. During Revolutionary times New Jersey made at least one important contribution to constitutional government. This consisted in the decision of a court that an act of the Assembly was void because it violated the frame of govern- ment. 31 The case is that of Holmes vs. Walton, and it was a suit involving the validity of a law providing for a jury of six to condemn goods seized while being carried to the camp of the enemy. The courts held that the constitution pro- vided for a jury of twelve and that a smaller jury was illegal. 32 VIII PENNSYLVANIA William Penn, the founder of Pennsylvania, was born in 1644. His father was an admiral in the English navy, and William himself was popular at court until he became a con- vert to the Quaker faith, nothing of which could have been more at variance with the tastes of Charles II. The Quakers were guided by an " inner light," which led them to disre- gard all social distinctions, to refuse to engage in wars or pay taxes to carry them on, and to practice the utmost sim- 3i Whitehead, "The English in East and West Jersey," in Winsor, " Nar. and Crit. Hist.," vol. iii. ch. xi. 32 " American Historical Review," vol. iv. p. 456. 194 THE UNITED STATES plicity in their manner of living. Persecution drove them into many extravagant practices which members of the sect to-day would not defend; but on the whole they were fight- Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company William Pexn at the Age of Twenty-two Painted in 1666 by an unknown artist, probably Sir Peter Lely, preserved at Stoke Pogis until 1813, and then presented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania ing the battle which Socrates fought centuries before for religious and intellectual freedom. When William Penn became a convert to their faith he turned to the New World to see if there was not some spot where his people could be free from the pitiless laws of England and Massachusetts. 33 ssFiske, "Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. ii. p. 99; Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. ii. ch. xvi. • >•',• ) i PLANTING OF COLONIES 197 Upon the death of his father, William Penn became heir to a claim of £16,000 against the English king. Penn petitioned the king for an extensive grant of land north of Maryland, not as payment for his debt, but in order that he might restore his fortunes. He evidently believed that by careful management of the plantation he would be able to meet indebtedness caused by certain Irish losses and by the repudiation of the debt owed him by the king. This grant, in spite of Penn's protest, was named Pennsylvania in honor of Admiral Penn. 34 The grant also contained the seeds of the customary boundary dispute. It began between Penn and Baltimore, passed on to their heirs, and lasted nearly a hundred years. Finally the famous Mason and Dixon's line was run between Pennsylvania and Maryland (1767) and the dispute was at an end. Nearly a century later another dispute between the people on either side of this line was settled by an appeal to arms. The charter clothed Penn with ample powers of govern- ment, but it differed from previous charters in at least two important respects. It did not guarantee to the settlers the rights of Englishmen and it reserved to the English Parlia- ment the right to tax the colonists. Penn at once prepared a pamphlet advertising his scheme of colonization. This set forth the advantages of the colony, the kind of govern- ment that was to be established, and the manner in which land would be granted. One hundred acres of land could be had for two pounds, and the settlers were to have a share in framing the laws. This pamphlet was widely distributed in England, Ireland, Holland, and Germany. 35 In this effort Penn proved himself one of the most successful advertisers of " cheap western land." The liberal terms attracted many settlers, and three ship- loads came over in 1681, under the leadership of William 34 Andrews, "Colonial Self Government," p. 16& 35 J bid., p. 1T8, 198 THE UNITED STATES Markham, who became the first governor. A few Swedes were already on the ground, and they were asked to remain. Penn himself came over the following year and took up the work of supervising the colony. According to the constitu- tion drawn up by him, the governor was to be appointed by the proprietor, but all other executive officers and both the council and the assembly were to be elected by the freemen. At first laws could be originated only by the governor and council, but the assembly pro- tested against this and finally won. All Christians, except ser- vants and convicts, en- joyed political rights. The first legislature met at Chester in 1682, and the second at Phil- adelphia in 16 8 3. Among the laws *"•■•' *.».. iy* ^^ki 9 aHKK- ^4h3 Old Penn Mansion As removed to Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania adopted were some providing for the humane treatment of the Indians, the teaching of a trade to each child, the useful employment and reformation of criminals, and religious toleration. After some time had been spent in allotting lands, Penn passed up the Delaware and laid out Philadelphia-, deter- mined to make it unlike the crowded cities of the Old World. In this he succeeded, for Philadelphia, with its broad streets running at right angles to each other, has become the model followed by most American cities. Soon after this he met the chiefs of the Delaware Indians to discuss with them the terms of purchase for their lands. It took the Indians some time to form a resolution, but they finally came to terms PLANTING OF COLONIES 201 and Penn met them in council to ratify the agreement. Benjamin West's celebrated painting gives an idea of the simplicity and mutual confidence which characterized the meeting. The promise to " live in love with William Penn and his children as long as the sun and moon give light " was kept long after those who made it had passed away. 36 Penn desired to make his home in the colony, but was forced to return to England in 1684 by the boundary dis- pute with Lord Baltimore. In 1685 he succeeded in getting a report in his favor from the Lords of Trade. He was also of great help to his Quaker friends, who were being severely persecuted as dissenters. Owing to his intimate relations with the Stuarts, and his success in receiving the royal par- don on so many occasions, he was suspected of siding with them at the time of the revolution (1688), and was deprived of his colony (1692) . It was restored to him two years later. When he returned to America in 1699 he found that his lit- tle colony had grown to one of twenty thousand inhabitants and that the child in its maturer growth had forgotten some of its filial regard. Delaware clamored for a separate legis- lature, and Penn granted it. The assembly of Pennsylvania complained of the council, and its influence was still further reduced. " If," said the greatest of all the colony planters, " the people want of me anything that would make them hap- pier, I shall readily grant it." Still dissensions went on. In 1701 he again left the scene of his philanthropic labors, never to return. He died in 1718, and so passed one who was in- deed the greatest and best of our colonial founders. Yet he had his limitations. He appears to have been sincere in his attempts to found a government based on the equality of human rights, yet saw no inconsistency in enslaving the black man, though his will did provide for the emancipation of his slaves. Not quite a century later a celebrated state- 36 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. ii. p. 159. 202 THE UNITED STATES paper drawn up in Philadelphia declared that all men were created equal, yet nobody dreamed that the black man was a part of " all men." Upon Penn's death the colony passed to his heirs and remained to them a source of perhaps more annoyance than profit until the Revolution. The growth of Pennsylvania was rapid and substantial. By the time of the Revolution she hardly yielded to Virginia and Massachusetts in importance. The Germans, the Dutch, the Scotch, and the Scotch-Irish came to swell her numbers, and their influence exists there to this day. 37 37 For a comprehensive constitutional history of Pennsylvania during the Colonial period, see W. R. Shepherd, " History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania." Chapter V GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES BLACKSTONE, in his commentaries, 1 classified the English colonial governments in America as charter, royal or_provincial, and jproprietary, and this clas- sification continued until very recently to be accepted by historical writers as the most convenient and logical arrange- ment which could be devised. The charter colony was described as one whose govern- mental organization was set forth in a charter granted by the Crown, which charter served as a limitation on the power of the king. It was a sort of civil corporation empowered to make by-laws not repugnant to the laws of England. The royal colony was under the direct and immediate au- thority of the Crown, subject to his pleasure and without limitation upon his power. The royal commissions to the governors and the instructions accompanying them consti- tuted the basis of the government of the colony. The pro- prietary colony was one in which supreme authority was vested in a proprietor or proprietaries, who received a grant of land from the king in the nature of a feudatory principality. 2 A more scientific and logical classification is that sug- gested by Professor Osgood, one of the leading authorities on American colonial history. He classifies the thirteen colonial governments under two heads, namely, the corpo- ration and the province. The former included those colonial i Blackstone, " Commentaries on the Laws of England," vol. i. sec. 3. 2 Story, "Commentaries on the Constitution," see. 10. 203 204 THE UNITED STATES establishments which were in the nature of a corporation possessing certain privileges of government, which were set forth in a charter. At the beginning of the Revolution there were three such colonies, namely, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. The provincial group included the three so-called proprietary colonies of Pennsylvania, Del- aware, and Maryland, and the royal colonies of Virginia, the Carolinas, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, and Georgia. 3 The form of government in the several colonies varied from time to time, and, as a matter of fact, but two of them, namely, Connecticut and Rhode Island, continued under the same form from their establishment until the Revolution. The corporate and proprietary forms were the most general at first, and until 1685, in fact, there were no royal govern- ments in America except in Virginia and New Hampshire. From the standpoint of the Crown, however, there were serious objections to the corporate and proprietary govern- ments, and they gradually fell into disfavor. This was due mainly to the fact that the former possessed rather too much local autonomy to admit of effective royal control, while the latter had certain inherent defects in the nature of their form of organization that led to prolonged controversies and embarrassments to the royal interests. 4 During the last years of the Stuart period, therefore, a policy looking toward the establishment of a more effective royal control over the colonies was adopted. In pursuance 3 See his article in the " Political Science Quarterly," vol. ii. ; also his " Ameri- can Colonies in the Seventeenth Century," vol. i. pp. 28-29. Professor Osgood shows that the term "charter" cannot be used to describe a form of government, that it signifies nothing as to internal organization, and that such a term relates only to the method of origin. Moreover, the proprietary colonies also had charters, and the royal colonies were, so far as internal organization was concerned, essen- tially the same as the proprietary colonies. *E. B. Greene, "The Provincial Governor," pp. 11-15; see also the author's later and more comprehensive work, " Provincial America," chs. iii. and iv f GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 205 of the new policy one colony after another was deprived of its charter, often on mere technical grounds, by means of the writ of quo warranto instituted by the Attorney- General. The result was that by 1729 all of the colonies except four (Pennsylvania, Maryland, Connecticut, and Rhode Island) had been brought directly under royal con- trol, and the colony of Georgia, founded after this date, suffered the same fate in 1752. It is but fair to say, how- ever, that in making this change the Crown was not always animated by a spirit of hostility to the liberties of the col- onists, but its action was adopted partly in the interests of stricter enforcement of the laws and the establishment of a more efficient government. In the place of the liberal charter originally granted Massachusetts, and under which it had existed for nearly three-quarters of a century as a practically self-governing commonwealth, a less liberal instrument was substituted in 1691, which virtually reduced the colony to the position of a royal province. Connecticut successfully warded off all attacks upon its charter and continued alone with Rhode Island to enjoy virtual self-government throughout the entire colonial period, the liberal charters of both being retained, in fact, as Constitutions long after the two colonies had become commonwealths of the American Union. As colonies they occupied a class by themselves and rarely had cause of complaint against the colonial policy of the mother country. On the whole, there was a striking similarity in the forms of political organization prevailing in the several col- onies. In each there was a governor, who was the chief executive of the colony, a legislature consisting of a council and a popular assembly and a judiciary. The governor was chosen in the self-governing commonwealths of Connecticut and Rhode Island by popular vote; in the so-called royal colonies he was appointed by the Crown, usually upon the 206 THE UNITED STATES recommendation of the Board of Trade ; and in the so-called proprietary provinces by the proprietor with the approval of the Crown. The methods by which appointments to colonial governorships were secured were often corrupt and dis- honorable, and not infrequently non-residents of poor char- acter, persons broken in fortune, or individuals who had be- come political outcasts at home were sent over to govern in America and incidentally to recover their lost prestige and fortune. 5 The tenure of the governor was usually stated in his commission to be at the king's pleasure; the average term in Massachusetts, after the new charter of 1691, being about Early Issue of New Jersey Paper Money Original in the Lenox Library eight years. Life commissions such as that granted to Lord Delaware were rare. The territorial jurisdiction of the gov- ernor sometimes included several colonies, as was the case with Sir Edmund Andros, who in 1688 was made governor of New England, New Jersey, and New York, and of the Earl of Bellomont, who in 1697 became governor of Mass- achusetts, New York, and New Hampshire. The governor's salary was larger in proportion than at the present time, to enable him to maintain a semi-regal dignity, as the representative of the Crown. In addition to a stipulated salary he received fees and perquisites of various 5 Greene, " The Provincial Governor," p. 47. GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 207 kinds and sometimes a share of fines and forfeitures, or a percentage of the property of persons dying intestate. The legal position of the governor in the royal colonies was of a two-fold character: he was the chief executive of the colony and the resident agent of the home government. As the representative of the Crown he recommended to the colonial assembly legislation which the Crown desired to have enacted, kept the home government informed of the condition of the province and of its needs, transmitted statutes, records of legislative proceedings and other docu- ments, and exerted himself to prevent the passage of laws injurious to the interests of the Crown and the mother country. The organ through which the governor commu- nicated with the home government was the " Board of Trade," or the " Lords of Trade and Plantations," as it was called. This board was created by act of Parliament in 1696 for " promoting the trade of the Kingdom and for inspect- ing and improving his majesty's plantations in America and elsewhere." It examined the royal instructions intended to be sent to the governors and recommended alterations where changes seemed desirable; to it colonial governors made regular reports ; it recommended to the Crown suitable persons for appointment as governors or councilors; made an annual report of the condition of the colonies; and ex- ercised general supervision over colonial administration. The powers of the royal governors were embodied in their commissions and the instructions which were issued to them from time to time, or were drawn by implication from the vice-regal character of the governor's position. Besides the powers expressly conferred by the commission or letter of instructions, they inherited various traditions of the royal prerogative, such, for example, as the custom of approving the choice of the speaker by the assembly, which was not always a mere formality as in England, administering oaths THE UNITED STATES of allegiance, and other similar functions. As the military representative of the king the governor commanded the local militia, conducted campaigns against the Indians, con- structed fortifications, declared martial law, and, as vice- admiral, had the right to grant letters of marque and reprisal and erect admiralty courts. The power of the Crown in matters of executive clem- ency naturally passed to his representative in the colonies, and so we find that as a general rule the governor could grant pardons to offenders, except in cases of treason or impeachment and sometimes of murder. Included under this head also was the power to remit fines and forfeitures. In the relations of the colony with the Indian tribes, as well as the relation of one colony to another, the governor was the representative of the Crown. In the domain of internal administration a source of great power was the right to create offices and appoint their incumbents. In Massachu- setts, however, the higher administrative officers were ap- pointed by the General Court, as the legislature was called, while in some of the other colonies they were appointed directly by the Crown. But in all the colonies the governor appointed the local judicial, administrative and military officers. The financial powers of the governor were large at first, but steadily decreased with the growth of the popular as- sembly, which took away from him important powers and reserved them for itself. Among the powers of the governor under the head of legislation were those of summoning, pro- roguing, adjourning and dissolving the legislature, the right to recommend measures for enactment into law, and some- times the right to initiate them in the assembly. In case of revenue bills, however, the governor gradually lost the right of initiation on account of the objection raised by the popu- lar assemblies. The home government usually required that GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 209 all acts passed by the provincial assemblies, and approved by the governor, should be sent to England within three months after their passage for approval or disallowance by the Crown, although in Pennsylvania the period was five years. If not expressly disallowed, they were to be enforced as valid laws. The governor was forbidden to approve certain measures, which unduly favored the interests of the colony against those of the Crown. The requirement that laws en- acted by the colonial legislature should be sent home for ex- amination was so often evaded that the royal restrictions upon the power of the governor to give his assent to bills were not strictly enforced. Among the miscellaneous powers of the governor were the right to establish ports, markets, and fairs, grant lands, issue charters of incorporation, make appointments to certain ecclesiastical benefices, grant mar- riage licenses, take care of the great seal, exercise a censor- ship over the press and oversee the Established Church. 6 In most of the colonies there was a lieutenant governor, who discharged the duties of the governor during his absence from the colony. In every colony there was a council which acted as an advisory body to the governor, sometimes shared the exec- utive power with him, usually served as the upper house of the legislature and frequently acted as the highest court of appeal in the colony. There was a long list of acts which could not be performed without the advice and consent of the council, such as calling the legislature, the erection of courts, the declaration of martial law, and the making of appointments. The number of councilors varied from three in Maryland to twenty-eight in Massachusetts, the usual number being twelve. In the royal colonies the council was appointed by the governor, sometimes by the Crown. e For a scholarly discussion of the powers of the Colonial Governor, see Greene, " The Provincial Governor," pp. 91-165. 210 THE UNITED STATES It was appointed by the proprietary on the nomination of the governor in the proprietary colonies, and in Massachu- setts by the General Court. Where the executive power was vested in the governor and council jointly, which was not infrequently the case, there were often bickerings and clashes of authority between the two. The governor often showed a disposition to treat the council merely as an ad- visory restraining body rather than a coordinate and equal authority, a procedure which the council strongly resented. During the early colonial period the governor claimed and exercised the right to sit with the council when it was serv- ing as the upper house of the legislature, and to make motions and vote as other members, but the assembly ob- jected and the right was gradually lost either by act of the Crown or by act of the legislature, as in South Carolina, where the presence of the governor during the debates was declared to be of an " unparliamentary nature," in conse- quence of which the House refused to proceed with its busi- ness until he withdrew. The lower house of the legislature, variously called the Assembly, the House of Delegates, the House of Commons, and the General Court, was chosen by the people, but the franchise was so narrow as to be hardly entitled to be called popular suffrage. Besides higher property qualifications, church membership or other religious tests were frequently required. In structure the legislature was bicameral in every colony except Pennsylvania and Georgia, where the single chambered body was preferred, but soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution these two colonies changed to the bicameral form. The first representative assembly in America was called in Virginia in 1619 and was known as the House of Burgesses. The principle of representation was soon adopted in other colonies, as possessing distinct advantage over that of the pure democracy. It was intro- GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 211 duced in Massachusetts in 1634, in Maryland in 1647, and in Georgia in 1752. Between the governor, who represented the royal inter- ests, and the legislative assembly, which represented the interests of the people, there were frequent conflicts of authority which led to important constitutional results in the relations between the executive and the legislature. The governor, as the agent of the king, was anxious to see that the interests of the Crown were advanced, that the depend- ence of the colonies upon the king was perpetuated, and that, in short, whatever was the king's due should be forth- coming regardless of popular interests. But it was utterly impossible for the governor to protect the imperial powers and maintain the royal prerogative intact without encroach- ing upon the popular interests, as they came to be under- stood by the colonists themselves, and the defense of these latter interests against royal encroachment virtually fell to the popularly elected legislative assemblies. In the contest which ensued they had the main advantage as a result of their power to grant or withhold supplies. But over against this was the power of the governor to prorogue or dissolve a refractory assembly — a power which was frequently re- sorted to, but seldom with effect. The governor's depend- ence upon the assembly for his salary placed him, of course, virtually at the mercy of that body. Very early in the history of the American colonies the Crown adopted the policy of throwing the burden of sup- porting the royal government upon the colonies, and the legislatures had very generally persisted in making the supply grants for the civil list annual instead of permanent, as the Crown urged and ordered, for they realized that if the governors ceased to be dependent upon the legislature for their salaries they would be beyond legislative control. This gave the assembly an effective weapon and it was used 212 THE UNITED STATES with success. Sometimes the legislature would refuse to con- sider appropriation bills for the payment of the governor's salary until he had signed certain acts which had been passed and which the assembly wished approved by that executive. The system became practically one of bargain and sale, the people buying from the governor for cash such laws as they needed. The custom grew up in some colonies of present- ing the governor with a purse of a thousand dollars or more at the close of each session, providing he agreed with the assembly; otherwise it was withheld. 7 The assembly soon found other means of limiting the power of the executive. Thus, in making appropriations of money, it directed the purposes for which the money should be spent. In military matters this enabled the assembly to direct in a large measure the course of military operations, leaving the governor little more to do than carry out its orders. The next step was for the assembly to claim the right to appoint the officers who were charged with the col- lection, custody, and disbursement of the public funds. The right of the assembly in this matter was soon established, and thus again the executive prerogative was reduced. In the course of time the appointment and control of other offices was transferred from the governor to the legislature, so that by the time of the Revolution the governor retained but a shadow of his former great appointing power. As already stated, the governor frequently exercised his power of dis- solution to prevent refractory assemblies from encroach- ing upon his prerogative, but it was usually in vain, because he could not administer the government without the co- operation of the legislature, and a new one was not likely to be more subservient than the one dissolved. The result, there- fore, of the long struggle between the legislature and the governor for power was the triumph of the former, just as 7 Franklin's Works, Bigelow edition, vol. iii. pp. 311 et seq. GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 213 This Indent J$ BILL Jbatt p*fiSjl$& cuTTcnt* /or 6 * FovrShillikc «r4ingiot»t/Wt6/ tttral JJitnl/j St Com tit i an J Suflcr. upo UrecaQk [Delaware, /«^J /*♦ A'*^» «/ ' AnjM ' [George |]| Id. Dated tbt FtrfiDnjsf FOITRSHIL Indented Bill of an Early Issue of Paper Currency of the Colony of Delaware the somewhat similar struggle between king and Parliament in England had resulted in the victory of the Parliament. The colonial judiciary began with the justice of the peace, who was usually appointed by the governor for short terms and whose jurisdiction included the trial of petty civil cases. Next above the justice court was the county court, which tried more im- portant civil cases and minor criminal cases, and which fre- quently performed various administrative duties relating to highways, care of the poor, and like things. The crown of the judicial system was a su- preme court to hear cases of appeal and exercise original jurisdiction in certain cases; but appeals Were allowed to Original in the Lenox Library be taken to the Privy Council of England. The erection of courts of justice was usually one of the prerogatives of the governor, as was also the appointment of the judges. In many of the colonies the terms of the judges were fixed at good behavior; but the Crown came to discourage this prac- tice and ultimately to forbid it for the reason that life terms made the judges too independent of the Crown. The king, therefore, gave instructions to the governors that judicial commissions be granted "during pleasure" only, and in 1761 notified them that a violation of this instruction would be a cause for removal. Likewise the assemblies insisted on paying the judges' salaries by annual grants as a future means of controlling them. If the Crown both appointed the judges and allowed them permanent salaries, the sub- 214 THE UNITED STATES serviency of the judiciary to the Crown would be established and the decisions would all be Crown decisions. The colonies were of course unrepresented in the im- perial Parliament, and it was this fact that subsequently led them to protest when the mother country undertook to impose taxes upon them. They bore, however, the expense of local administration, and sometimes upon the request of the Crown made voluntary grants for imperial purposes. In matters of interest to the empire, Parliament legislated directly for the colonies; but unless expressly mentioned in the act no parliamentary statute applied to them. Never- theless, they were supposed to enjoy all the rights of natural- born Englishmen. Being without representation in Parlia- ment, the colonies adopted the practice of maintaining resi- dent agents in England to look after their political and commercial interests. Just before the Revolution, when the controversy between the colonies and the mother country was ripening, the duties of these agents became very im- portant and they gradually acquired a quasi diplomatic char- acter. They were sometimes called upon to give testi- mony before Parliamentary committees and frequently appeared before the Board of Trade in the interests of the colonies. Not infrequently several colonies employed the same agent to represent them at London. Thus Benjamin Franklin acted in this capacity for Massachusetts, Pennsyl- vania, North Carolina, and several other colonies at the same time. The system of local government in the colonies possessed less uniformity than did the central governments. There were, in fact, three general types of local government, namely, that which prevailed in New England, that of the middle colonies and that of the southern colonies. In New England the town with its unpretentious church and schoolhouse was the unit of local government, and was rep- GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 215 resented in the legislature. Instead of electing represent- atives to lay their taxes, enact local regulations and attend to various other matters relating to religion, care of high- ways, the poor, and the like, the people themselves assembled in town-meeting and enacted their own local laws and voted taxes. The local government of New England was in other words a pure democracy. Originally all male inhabitants of legal age were allowed to participate in its deliberations. The town-meeting, summoned by the constable under au- thority of the selectmen's warrant, was usually held in the church or "meeting-house," and non-attendance was pun- ished by a fine. The frequency with which meetings were held must have involved a serious encroachment upon the ordinary business of the community. 8 The meeting, once assembled, was organized by the election of a moderator or presiding officer, the town clerk always as ex-officio secretary. No one could speak without the permission of the moderator, and fines were imposed for disorderly conduct. The prin- cipal officers elected at the meeting were the selectmen, the number varying from three to nine, who looked after the enforcement of local regulations and the general super- vision of the poor of the town. Other officers were the town clerk, assessors, treasurer, constables, school-committees, overseers of the poor, fence-viewers, pound-keepers, field- drivers, sealers of weights and measures, and surveyors. In addition to this rather imposing list of officials there were various other functionaries in some of the New England towns, such as inspectors of hides, fish and brick, measurers of various articles, preservers of deer, deer-reeves, wood- corders, rebukers of boys, swine-yokers, and ringers, over- seers of chimneys, persons to keep dogs out of church, branders of cattle, and even town fishers, town grubbers, and s See Howard, "Local Constitutional History of the United States," p. 62; McKinley, " The Suffrage Franchise in the English Colonies," p. 361. 216 THE UNITED STATES town doctors. Boston, in 1690-1691, had ten constables, seven surveyors of highways, four clerks of the market, four sealers of leather, six hog reeves, three criers, sixteen wood- corders, eight overseers of wood-corders, four overseers of chimneys, and thirty-six tithingmen. 9 The county in New England as a political unit played an insignificant role, and that is true to-day, local government being carried on mainly through the agency of town-meeting, while the county sur- vives rather as a judicial and elective district. 10 The southern colonies differed from those of New England quite as much in their local polity as in their social and economic life. Here the pure democracy of New Eng- land never gained a foothold ; it was in fact impracticable, if not impossible. Instead of populous, compact towns, as in New England, there were large plantations scattered throughout the colony and cultivated mainly by slave labor. This, with other causes, both economic and social, interfered with the natural growth of towns and villages, and conse-. quently made necessary a more representative type of local, government than that which prevailed in New England.- Instead of the town, therefore, the parish became the unit, of local government. The governing body of the parish was the vestry, composed of twelve men, at first popularly elected, but eventually becoming a close corporation with power to fill its own vacancies. 11 It appointed the local administrative officers, the principal of which were the two churchwardens, and levied the taxes, but was not, as in New England, the unit of representation in the legislature, that unit being the county. About the middle of the seventeenth century most of the secular duties of the vestry in Virginia were taken over by the county court, leaving the vestry merely ecclesi- » Howard, " Local Constitutional History of the United States," p. 99. 10 Goodnow, " Comparative Administrative Law," vol. ii. ch. ii. 11 Howard, "Local Constitutional History of the LTnited States," p. 119. GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES 217 astical. At the head of the county was a lieutenant who corresponded in a rough way to the Lord Lieutenant of England, was a sort of deputy to the governor and bore the honorary title of " Colonel." He was the commander of the county militia, and as a member of the governor's council exercised other important non-military duties. The chief civil officer of the county was the sheriff, who was appointed by the governor upon the nomination of the county justices. He was collector of the taxes, acted as treasurer, executed the judgments of the courts, g*% N and performed many other im- I 5*% portant duties. Other local offi- cers were the justices of the «■&* SMKmc, CNp,Ztf^? *1 • « • 1 ..1 .uifa fjrtbin&i>ei diem (nc* peace, usually eight in number, for each county, who, like the English justices, were probably the most important of all the local officials. They were not only judicial magistrates, but administrators as well. In the former capacity they held courts usually four times a year, after the manner of the English quarter sessions, while in the lat- ter capacity they levied the county taxes, passed local regu- lations and acted as the general administrative authority of the county in the management of a great variety of interests, such as the care of highways, the repairing of bridges, and the appointment of officers. The justices were appointed by the governor and held office dur- ing his pleasure. The Virginia system of local government was of course wholly undemocratic, quite as much so as the ifjrtbm&i THis Indented'Bitl of Fifty Shil- ling, due from the Colony of New-York,tothePofstf>oi there- of (hall be in value equal to Money, St fliall be accordingly accepted by the Treafurer ot this Colony, foi the * time being, in all publick Payment*, ind for any Fund at any time in the Treafury. Dated, New-York, the ifi of November, 1 709. by order of the Lieut. Governor, council & General Afsembly of the faid Colony^ Indented Bill of an Early Issue of Paper Currency of the Colony of New York Original in the Lenox Library 218 THE UNITED STATES Virginia social order. In the other southern colonies there were variations from the Virginia type, but the broad outlines were the same. In the middle colonies the system of local government was in the nature of a compromise between the New England town meeting and the southern county commission. Here the county was neither the supreme local unit, as in the south, nor a mere survival as in New England. In New York the county was divided into townships, each of which elected a supervisor to represent it on the county board of super- visors, which authority was charged with the general man- agement of the affairs of the county. The townships, however, did not lose their individuality as local units of government. For a time purely township affairs were even regulated by a town meeting, but rather rudimentary in form, as compared with that of New Eng- land. In Pennsylvania the form of local government was very similar to that of New York; that is, it was adminis- trated by a county board of commissioners. Here, how- ever, the commissioners were chosen from the county at large and did not therefore represent a particular township. But each township had its own local government and cared for such matters as local police, the assessment and collection of taxes, the maintenance and repairs of highways, and the like. The system of local government in the middle colonies was more democratic than that of the south, yet it did not go to the other extreme of the New England pure democracy. It was well adapted to secure efficiency and local autonomy and has come to be adopted in the great majority of the States of the Union. Chapter VI COLONIAL LIFE AND INSTITUTIONS I POPULATION,, RACES AND CLASSES AT the beginning of the eighteenth century the total L^L population of the thirteen colonies was estimated JL jL by DeBow at 262,000. At the outbreak of the Revolution it was between 2,000,000 and 2,500,000 inhabi- tants, of whom not less than 400,000 were African slaves. 1 It ranged from about 8,000 in Georgia to over 300,000 in Virginia; Massachusetts and Pennsylvania being next to Virginia the most popular States. English was everywhere the dominant race, although there was a large Dutch element in New York. There was a sprinkling of Dutch, Swedes and Germans in New Jersey and Delaware, many Germans and some Welsh, Dutch and Irish in Pennsylvania, as well as a large element of Scotch-Irish. Pennsylvania became the distributing center for Germans and Scotch- Irish. From her borders streams of emigrants flowed south and southwest down the valleys of the Alleghenies into Western Maryland, Virginia and the Carolinas, and over the moun- tains into the country afterwards erected into the States of i Bancroft's " History of the United States," vol. vi. p. 390. The estimate of the Board of Trade was somewhat larger than that of Bancroft. An estimate of the white population made in 1783 for the purpose of assessment placed the number at 2,389,300. No census was taken until 1790, at which time the popula- tion was found to be 3,900,000. The least populous State, according to the census of 1790, was Delaware, with 59,094 inhabitants, and the most populous was Vir- ginia, with 747,600. 219 220 THE UNITED STATES Kentucky and Tennessee. At the outbreak of the Revolution the Germans constituted about one-third of the population of Pennsylvania, or a total of about 100,000. Indeed, the German immigrants were so numerous that the English authorities felt alarmed for the safety of the colony. As a whole they were an honest, industrious, religious people, so conservative and tenacious of their customs and language that whole communities of their descendants to-day speak a dialect commonly known as Pennsylvania Dutch. The Scotch-Irish element consisted mainly of Scotch Presbyterians from Ulster, Ireland. Here their ancestors had made their home for generations, but driven by English oppression and religious persecutions, they began to flock to America about the opening of the eighteenth century. It is estimated that before the Revolution half the Presbyterian population of Ulster had emigrated to America. Some went to New England, some to Virginia; but by far the greater part settled in Pennsylvania, and from there spread south- ward into the Carolinas, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee. By the time of the Revolution the Scotch-Irish constituted about one-sixth of the total population, and their descend- ants have played an important part in the history of the country. There were many French Huguenots in New York, the Carolinas and Georgia, and some of them in almost every colony. They were an industrious, thrifty people, who came over in large numbers after the re- vocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, and a number of their descendants occupied prominent stations during the Revolution. Except for some Scotch-Irish in New Hamp- shire and some Huguenots in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, New England was purely English. 2 There were some small groups of Jews, Finns, Salzburgers and Moravians in 2 Read Greene, " Immigration and Expansion," in " Provincial America,'* ch. xiv. COLONIAL LIFE 221 various parts of the country, but so inconsiderable in num- ber as to be without effect upon the general character of the population. The population at this time was mainly rural, and in the south wholly so. The largest city probably in America was Philadelphia, which in 1760 had a population of 25,000. Boston had about the same number and New York some 15,000 to 18,000. Boston and Philadelphia were then among the largest towns outside of London in the king's do- minions, ranking with Bristol and Liverpool. In 1790 only about three persons in a hundred lived in cities having a population exceeding 5,000 ; 3 now the proportion is about thirty-five out of one hundred ; from half a dozen cities with populations exceeding 8,000 each we have grown to be a country having not less than 5&5 such cities. 4 In addition to the white inhabitants every colony had a more or less considerable negro population, practically all of which at this time was held in slavery. By far the greater number of blacks, however, were in the southern colonies, where they were well adapted to the warm climate, and where slave labor was profitable, if not indispensible, to the culti- vation of the great tobacco, rice and indigo plantations. Here the institution of slavery throve and grew until by the invention of Eli Whitney it became an important factor in the southern economic system. In the colonies of the north the number of slaves was comparatively small and they were held mainly as house servants. Neither the climate nor the industries of this region were favorable to negro slavery, and so, after 1750, the number rather declined than increased. Some of the colonies had very early foreseen the evils of a large slave population and had undertaken to restrict the importation 3 Webber, "Growth of Cities," p. 23. * See "Census Bulletin," 1900, No. 4. %£% THE UNITED STATES of negroes from Africa; but these attempts were vetoed by the Crown on the ground that it interfered with a lucrative trade in which the Crown was pecuniarily interested as a Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Eli Whitney in 1821, Aged Fifty-five Painting by C. B. King stockholder of the Royal African Company, which had a monopoly of supplying the American colonies with slaves. Colonial governors were charged with furthering the in- terests of the company, and by 1695 the traffic in negroes was considered the best and most profitable branch of British commerce. 5 It is stated upon the authority of a careful in- 5 Weeden, "Social and Economic History of New England," vol. ii. p. 451. COLONIAL LIFE vestigator that in the twenty years from 1713 to 1733 not less than 15,000 slaves were annually imported into America by the English, of whom from one-third to one-half went to North American colonies. From 1680 to 1688 the African Company sent 249 ships to Africa and carried away to America 46,396 slaves after losing over 14,000 in the middle passage. 6 It was not until after the achievement of independence that the colonies were free to adopt restrictive measures against this abominable traffic. In New England, where general conditions were unfavorable to the growth of slavery, the number of slaves was inconsiderable, and being employed mainly as domestic servants they were not as a rule harshly treated and were generally instructed in the art of reading. After the slave population became relatively large as compared with the white population, the colonial assem- blies began to pass drastic police regulations intended to se- cure the obedience and good behavior of the blacks and to prevent servile insurrection. The fear of slave outbreaks was never absent from the mind of the white man, and, in- deed, the fear was not without foundation, for as early as 1687 an uprising of rebellious blacks occurred in northern Virginia, creating great terror and alarm among the whites. The slave code in consequence was made especially severe in Virginia and South Carolina, where the black population was large; but such laws, barbarous as they may seem to us now, were not condemned by the public sentiment of the day. At law the slave was a mere chattel like any other per- sonal property, and could be sold, hired or otherwise disposed of at the pleasure of his master. He could not leave the plantation without a permit, under penalty of a certain num- ber of lashes, nor was he allowed to carry arms, keep dogs or « DuBois, " Suppression of the African Slave Trade," p. 5. 224 THE UNITED STATES own property of consequence. Except in rare instances he was never taught to read or write; indeed the teaching of slaves was generally forbidden by law. It was the undoubted right of the owner to punish his slave for disobedience, and in case of resistance he might take his life, for ordina- rily there could be no " malice aforethought " in destroying one's own property. However, the willful killing of a slave was treated as murder, in the criminal codes, but it was not always easy to convict in such a case, because a white jury was loath to return a verdict of guilty against a white offender. Slave testimony was of course not accepted in the courts, if either party was a white man. Despite the severity of the slave code, the unfortu- nate blacks were fed and clothed, their health and com- fort cared for; everywhere they were allowed to own gardens and poultry, and probably, except on the large plantations, they were not overworked. Their condition was much better than in Africa, and we have reason to believe that they were happy and contented. While there was a strong sentiment against the slave trade, our fore- fathers could see little wrong in holding the ignorant African in slavery. It rather seemed to them to be a blessing to the slave that he should be cared for and supported by the white man, and given the advantages of a Christian civilization. Shiftless and improvident, his own welfare required the stimulus and the incentive of the superior race. Contrary to this view, however, was the sentiment entertained by the Pennsylvania Quakers, or Friends, as they preferred to be called, who, before the close of the seventeenth century, had started an agitation against slavery on moral grounds. 7 Two of their foremost anti-slavery agitators were Woolman and Benezet, who by their speeches and writings aroused among the Friends a strong sentiment against slavery and led many 7 See Hart, " Contemporaries," vol. ii. p. 291. COLONIAL LIFE 225 of them to set their negroes free. 8 After the Revolution the Quaker hostility to slavery became more general and they were the first people to petition Congress for the enactment of legislation to restrict the spread of the institution. In Massachusetts an anti-slavery sentiment slowly grew up, the first anti-slavery advocate of that colony being the able and well known Judge Samuel Sewall, who as early as the year 1700 published a pamphlet attacking the institution of slavery as inconsistent with the teachings of the Bible, as well as contrary to the principles of economic expediency. 9 Next above the slave in the ascending social scale was the class of indented white servants, so called from a written instrument called an indenture which defined their obliga- tions to their masters. Superior to the slaves in race, they were nevertheless an inferior class, consisting often of con- victed criminals transported to America by the mother coun- try and dumped upon the colonists, or of voluntary emi- grants representing the idle and worthless from the larger English cities. 10 Others were of shiftless, impoverished characters who sold themselves into servitude for a term of years, sometimes as a means of paying the cost of their pas- sage across the Atlantic. Still others consisted of children kidnaped from the streets of London or sold by inhuman parents. Their legal and social status was but little better than that of the slaves. Strict laws were enacted by the colonial assemblies to hold them in servitude, and they were subjected to the same degrading punishments. They were frequently illiterate, degraded, worthless, often despised even by the negroes. They were especially numerous in 8 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 398. 9 Weeden, " Economic and Social History of New England," vol. i. p. 429. io " American Historical Review," vol. ii. p. 12. Some writers have estimated the number of convicted criminals sent to the colonies by the British Government at from ten thousand to twenty-five thousand, most of them being sent to Mary- land and the middle colonies. See Scharf, " History of Maryland," vol. i. p. 371. 226 THE UNITED STATES Pennsylvania and Virginia, and in the latter colony exerted a deteriorating influence. They were, it is said, the source of that class of Southern society known later as " poor white trash." Next in the ascending social scale were the merchants, traders, shopkeepers and small farmers, who constituted, es- pecially in the New England colonies, the substantial ele- ment of the population. They were of good English stock, were socially respected, and from their ranks a great leader occasionally rose by dint of genius and character. In some of the southern colonies, notably Virginia and South Caro- lina, this middle class hardly existed as a distinct group. Here there were only two well-defined classes, namely, large plantation owners and slaves. Finally, at the top of the social pyramid was the aristo- cratic class, which in all the colonies was well differentiated from the lower classes. In New England this class consisted of the clergy, the magistrates, the professional men and those who were " well born." Here the aristocracy was more largely official than elsewhere, and was based on educa- tion and birth rather than on wealth. Although politically New England was the home of democracy, socially class dis- tinctions were very sharp, and matters of social precedence were much more important than now. Until late in the eighteenth century the people were carefully seated in the churches according to social standing, while the names of Harvard students were arranged in the catalogue according to a similar method. 11 While substantially all the offices were open to the middle classes, the more important ones were reserved for the aristocrats of education, good birth and dis- tinguished ancestry. In the southern colonies the upper class consisted of the !i Weeden, " Economic and Social History of New England," vol. i. pp. 280, 289, 417. COLONIAL LIFE 227 wealthy planters and large land holders. They occupied much the same position as the landed gentry in England; in- deed, the Virginia planter had much in common, as regards his dress, manners and habits, with the English landlord. Surrounded by their slaves they lived like lords, on great plantations which sometimes extended for miles along the river banks. Not infrequently Virginia planters had their own wharfs, at which vessels from the Old World arrived and departed at irregular intervals. They were of the best Eng- lish stock and possessed the virtues as well as the faults com- mon to landed aristocracies. With a high sense of honor, chivalrous, hospitable and proud, they held the chief offices of state, and in the struggle for independence furnished a large number of able leaders to the patri- otic cause. It was from this aristocracy that the new Republic drew four of its first five Presidents, and a good many of its other leading statesmen and diplomats. In the middle colonies, as in New England and the southern colonies, the differentiation of society into classes was clearly marked. In New York the existence of the pa- troon system gave society something of a feudal cast. The patroons owned vast estates along the Hudson and lived af- ter the manner of feudal barons in spacious mansions built of imported brick or stone, and handsomely decorated and furnished. Notable families of this class were the Van Rensselaers, the Van Cortlandts, the Livingstons and the Schuylers, all prominent leaders in political and social af- fairs of the colony. Their estates were cultivated by tenants, who looked to the patroon for protection and jus- tice and who paid him rent at stated periods, patronized his grist mill and wine press and performed various semi- feudal services. The proprietor regularly held manorial courts and at stated intervals gave his tenants a great feast at the man- sion. The most famous of these estates was that of Stephen 228 THE UNITED STATES Van Rensselaer, who owned 600,000 acres of land in the neighborhood of Albany. 12 Below the aristocratic class in New York were the small land owners and tradesmen, a thrifty and well-to-do element of both Dutch and English stock. Then there were some 20,000 slaves, largely a remnant of Dutch occupation, and comprising about one-sixth of the population. Their status was substantially the same as the slaves in the southern colonies, except that possibly they were accorded more hu- mane treatment than that given on the larger plantations. A threatened slave insurrection in New York city in 1711 led to a massacre by the whites of nineteen negroes, and again, in 1741, in consequence of what was known as the " Negro Plot " to burn the city, a number of the blacks were seized and twenty-one of them were put to death, after trial, some by hanging, others by burning, and still others by breaking on the wheel. 13 In Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware class dis- tinctions were less sharply drawn than in either New York, New England or in the southern colonies. So far as there was an aristocratic class in Pennsylvania and Delaware it was made up of the descendants of Penn's principal fol- lowers and of the landed gentry ; but it was not homogeneous and compact, nor was it separated from the middle class by the same impassible barriers which existed elsewhere. 14 The distinctive feature of Pennsylvania society was the presence of the Quaker element, with their quaint habits of dress and peculiar customs. Racially and religiously there was unusual diversity. Besides English, there were Ger- mans and Irish in large numbers, Scotch- Irish, Welsh and Swedes, while Lutherans, Presbyterians, Dunkards, Dutch 12 Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies," vol. i. pp. 265-269. is Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 322. 14 Ibid., p. 240. COLONIAL LIFE 229 Calvinists, Moravians, Baptists and Roman Catholics were some of the religious sects which played an important part in the life of the colony. 15 Naturally there was friction and some strife where so much racial and religious diversity existed. The Germans and Scotch-Irish could not live to- gether in the same community, nor were the Quakers and Scotch-Irish ever on good terms in political matters. Slaves there were in Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware, but their number was not large, probably not exceeding one- fourth of the entire population, 16 and the practice of slave- holding was discountenanced by the unwavering hostility of the Quakers. Much more numerous was the class of in- dented servants, which consisted mainly of Irish and German redemptioners, who sold themselves to pay their passage, or of transported convicts. II INDUSTRIES., OCCUPATIONS AND PROFESSIONS The occupations and professions of the colonists were much more lacking in variety than at the present day. The most general of the occupations was agriculture. At first the chief industry in the New England colonies, it gradually declined in relative importance on account of the inadapta- bility of the soil and climate. Here the soil was rugged and barren, while the seasons were too short to grow the great staples that were raised with profit in the more southerly latitudes. Nevertheless, grain was raised in considerable quantities for export, mainly to Europe and the West In- dies. Stock-raising was also an important industry and large quantities of cattle were likewise exported to the West is Read Fiske, " Dutch and Quaker Colonies,* vol. ii. ch. xvii. is Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 391. 230 THE UNITED STATES Indies. Of scarcely less value was the trade in furs and pel- tries with the Indians. As the unsuitability of the coun- try for agriculture became more and more apparent, the peo- ple turned their attention to manufacturing and maritime industries. At first manufacturing was conducted on a small scale, the articles produced being chiefly textile fabrics, iron, nails, shoes, and similar articles intended for domes- tic use. The setting up of slitting mills being forbidden by act of Parliament, the iron industry was greatly handi- capped. It was not until after the Revolution that the present supremacy of New England as a manufacturing section be- gan. Lumber and grist mills were common, linens and coarse woolens were made, particularly by the Scotch-Irish of New Hampshire and Massachusetts, while hats and paper in small quantities were manufactured in various places. Fishing, shipbuilding and commerce became the most im- portant of New England industries. 17 The fishery industry in particular afforded an occupation for thousands of bold and hardy men who braved the rough weather and perilous seas to make voyages to Newfoundland, Labrador and other places in pursuit of cod, whale and mackerel. As early as 1750 there were employed in the mackerel fishery and other small catch for the West Indian market 200 vessels; in cod fishing, 400 vessels, and in the pursuit of whales on the North American coast, 100 vessels. 18 In 1764 New England employed 45,880 tons of ship- ping and 6,000 men in the cod fishing industry, and at the outbreak of the Revolution Nantucket alone had 150 vessels of 150,000 tons employed in the various fisheries. The out- put of the whale fishery was 45,000 barrels of sperm, 8,500 !7 Weeden, " Social and Economic History of New England " (and similar articles), vol. i. p. 115. is Weeden, "Social and Economic History of New England," vol. i. pp. 359-360. COLONIAL LIFE 231 barrels of oil and 7,500 pounds of bone. 19 It was the fishery industry which laid the foundation of the greatness of Massachusetts, and it has continued to this day to be one of the sources of the industrial strength of this progressive commonwealth . Very soon after the planting of the New England colonies shipbuilding on a small scale was begun, the coasting trade was presently monopolized by New England vessels, and at the time of the outbreak of the Revolution an exten- sive and profitable commerce with the West Indies and with Europe was being carried on mainly by ships built in New England yards. Dried fish, beef, pork, oil, lumber, staves, hay, grain and cattle and horses were carried to the West Indies, and exchanged for sugar, molasses, coffee, cotton, salt and other tropical products. By the British Sugar Act, passed in 1733, the American colonies were practically forbidden to trade with any of the West Indies not under British control, but the act was sys- tematically evaded by the colonists. Thus, in 1763, of the 15,000 hogsheads of molasses which were imported into Masssachusetts from the West Indies, only 500 came from the British Islands. 2 ^ Rhode Island brought in 14,000 hogs- heads in one year, only 2,500 of which were imported in con- formity to the law. 21 The molasses thus imported was not in- frequently taken to New England, converted into rum, which in turn was shipped to Newfoundland, along with tar and provisions, and exchanged for fish. The latter article was car- ried to southern Europe to supply the large Catholic demand, and exchanged for goods needed in America. A common practice also was to ship cargoes of rum to the west coast of Africa, where it was easily exchanged for slaves, and these loWeeden, "Social and Economic History of New England," vol. ii. p. 748. 20 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 754. 2i Ibid., vol. ii. p. 756. %m THE UNITED STATES were brought to America and sold to the Southern planters or carried to the West Indies and exchanged for more rum. In 1750 Massachusetts could boast of sixty-three distilleries, while Rhode Island had thirty. Of all the articles of colo- nial traffic rum was the most important. Negroes, fish, lum- ber, vessels, all felt the impulse of its power. It was mer- chandise on the coast of Guinea, as well as on the banks of Newfoundland, and furnished cargoes for about 900 ves- sels. Newport, Rhode Island, became the chief center of the rum- distilling, negro-importing business. It was the port of clearance for hundreds of vessels bound for the West In- dies or for the Gold Coast. From a port of the third-class it rapidly grew to rival Boston. Governor Stephen Hop- kins, one of the signers of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, stated that for more than thirty years prior to 1764 Rhode Island sent to Africa every year eighteen vessels carrying 1,800 hogsheads of rum, which was exchanged for slaves. This article by reason of its cheapness completely displaced French brandies in the Gold Coast traffic, and gave the Americans the advantage in the slave trade. Among those who engaged in the African traffic was Peter Faneuil, the builder of Faneuil Hall, Boston. In the middle colonies agriculture was the chief in- dustry, except in New York and Pennsylvania, where the traffic in furs and peltries was of considerable importance. The soil was better adapted for farming in these colonies, and consequently agriculture was carried on with more suc- cess and profit than in New England. The principal staple was wheat, while cattle and other live-stock were raised in considerable quantities for export to England and the West Indies. In New York the most profitable industry was the traffic with the Indians in furs and peltries. Shrewd and adventurous traders, supplied with trinkets, novelties, fire- arms and rum, met the Indians at Albany and exchanged COLONIAL LIFE %U their cheap wares for valuable furs, which were in turn sold in Manhattan at a large profit. The town of New York soon became an important center of trade and commerce, although it was not until the nineteenth century that it passed Philadelphia and Boston in population and importance. Before the outbreak of the Revolution the iron industry, which was subsequently to be- come a source of enormous wealth to Pennsylvania, had al- ; '-f : ' Hall, Boston, Massachusetts " The Cradle of Liberty " From a recent photograph ready made a beginning, although it was greatly hampered by the restrictive trade acts of the mother country. The first iron furnace was set up in 1720 and by 1750 the annual export of pig iron amounted to 3,000 tons. 22 22 Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 230. 234 THE UNITED STATES In the southern colonies agriculture was almost the only occupation of the inhabitants, and the great staples were to- bacco, rice and indigo. Cotton was raised in small quanti- ties, but the growing of this plant did not become an impor- tant industry until after the invention of the cotton gin. The economic wealth of Virginia lay in the tobacco industry. The colony was dotted with great plantations devoted al- most exclusively to the cultivation of this one crop. On account of its importance in the economic life of the colony it was for a time used as currency for the payment of salar- ies and taxes and the purchase of supplies, while its cultiva- tion was carefully supervised and regulated by the govern- ment. No community was probably ever so completely ab- sorbed in the production of any one article. It was the chief subject of export, and in many cases the vessels which carried it to Europe came directly to the wharf of the planter where the cargo was taken aboard. The profits were large and the desire to extend the acreage created a demand for more slaves. By the time of the Revolution not less than 100,000 hogsheads, valued at a million pounds sterling, and requiring about 300 vessels for their transport, were being annually ex- ported from this colony. 23 Its importance at the time was illustrated by an incident that occurred on the occasion of the visit of a delegation of Virginians to London in 1692 for the purpose of soliciting aid for William and Mary College. Addressing the attor- ney-general, the spokesman of the delegation called atten- tion to the influence a college for the higher education of the people might exert in the saving of souls. To this al- lusion the attorney-general bluntly replied, "Souls! damn your souls, raise tobacco!" In South Carolina the culti- vation of rice was at first the chief industry of the people. This grain was introduced near the close of the seventeenth 23 Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 65. COLONIAL LIFE 235 century, and by the middle of the following century it oc- cupied almost the same place in the economic and industrial life of the colony as did tobacco in Virginia. In 1770 the lieutenant-governor reported to the English Board of Trade that about 3,000 wagons came to Charleston in one William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Virginia From a recent photograph year from the back country loaded with this product. A cal- culation made in 1768 placed the total value of rice produced in the colony at £500,000. 24 At first exceedingly profitable, it gradually became less so, and was superseded in a large measure by the cultivation of indigo. The cultivation of this latter plant was the chief industry of South Carolina at the time of the Revolution, although the cultivation of cotton was rapidly becoming a close rival. In North Carolina lum- ber and naval stores, such as tar, pitch and turpentine, were 2*McCrady, "South Carolina under the Royal Government," pp. 388-391. 236 THE UNITED STATES produced largely for export to New England and to Europe, while in all the southern colonies live stock and cereals were raised in large quantities, also for the foreign trade. Manufactures did not flourish in the southern colonies, for the people found it more profitable to raise the great staples and purchase their necessary articles of manufacture from New England or the mother country. Furthermore, it soon became evident that an industrial system founded on slave labor was ill adapted to the growth of manufacturing, and so the South continued throughout the colonial period, and indeed until very recently, an almost exclusively agri- cultural section. The learned professions were comparatively few in all the colonies and played a subordinate part in the intellectual and economic life of the times. The practice of law as a learned profession hardly existed, and lawyers were gener- ally looked upon with suspicion. 25 Litigation was rather small in amount, retainers were not large, and the opportu- nities of distinction few. Consequently the bar did not at- tract the best classes of young men. Barristers there were in abundance, but they were frequently sharpers, pettifoggers or adventurers from London, and were largely lacking in that sense of professional honor which is the pride of the American bar to-day. The qualifications for admission to the bar were few; in fact laymen were frequently allowed to act as attorneys, and the opportunities and facilities for the study of law were meager. At the beginning of the eighteenth century lawyers were so few that even the most important judicial positions were often filled by men with- out specific legal training, and this was true in the southern and middle colonies as well as in New England. 26 Before 25 Osgood, " The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century," vol. ii. p. 434; Lodge, "Short History of English Colonies," p. 53; see also McCrady, " South Carolina Under the Royal Government," p. 459. 26 Greene, " Provincial America," p. 317. COLONIAL LIFE 237 the outbreak of the Revolution, however, there had come a great improvement in the character of the bar. Men of high position and talents, college graduates and ambitious young men generally, turned to the legal profession as affording the best opportunity for careers of honorable distinction. Especially in Philadelphia did the bar attain a position of respectability and influence, and the saying, " Smart as a Philadelphia lawyer," was a popular aphorism that has come down to the present day. It was a Philadelphian, Andrew Hamilton, who rose to the leadership of the colonial bar, his reputation as a barrister even extending to Europe. In Virginia, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, Gorge Wythe and John Marshall were already laying the foundation of those remarkable careers which were to add dignity and prestige to the legal profession. . The medical profession was in but little better repute at this time than that of the law. The practice of medicine was in the crudest state. Quacks and impostors were numerous, and nostrums were a common reliance. Medical knowledge was scant, surgical skill almost unknown and medicinal drugs few. Preparations made from bark and herbs sufficed for ordinary ills, while generous bleeding was supposed to be the first remedy for the worst cases. The methods of treatment were often barbarous ; besides cupping and leeching, the patient was subject to other tor- ments believed to be efficacious. Water was denied the vic- tim tormented with fever, and in its stead small quantities of clam- juice were given. Inoculation was practically un- known until well on in the seventeenth century, and on ac- count of the prevalent superstition it was not frequently re- sorted to until much later. Hardly one of the many reme- dies now in general use for assuaging pain and destroying diseases were then known. 27 27 McMaster, " History of the People of the United States," vol. i. p. 30. 238 THE UNITED STATES In New England the most influential and respectable profession was that of the ministry. The clergy were Cotton Mather After the first engraved plate made in the United States usually men of high education; almost without exception they were university graduates, and many of them could read the Bible in Hebrew or Greek and expound it in Latin. They COLONIAL LIFE exercised a predominant influence in political affairs, di- rected public policy to a large extent, secured the passage of such laws as they desired, and were frequently consulted by the magistrates, by whom their advice was usually followed. They were held in great affection and esteem by all classes, and were looked upon as oracles of wisdom. The most powerful New England preacher of the eighteenth century was Jonathan Edwards, whose work, entitled " Freedom of the Will," is regarded as one of the greatest productions of colonial literature. Other notable New England divines were Thomas Hooker, Increase Mather, Cotton Mather, John Cotton, Samuel Willard and Mather Byles. Ill EDUCATION, LITERATURE AND PRINTING In all the colonies educational facilities were poor. In New England apparently the need of education was most highly appreciated, and the means of instruction first sup- plied in 1635. Four years after the founding of Boston the town meeting voted to establish a school with Philemon Par- mount as teacher, 28 and in the following year Harvard Col- lege was founded. It received its name from the Rev. John Harvard, who bequeathed one-half his property and his en- tire library of 400 volumes to the institution. 29 Antedating Harvard College by two years was the famous Boston Latin School, largely due to the Rev. John Cotton. In 1647 the General Court of Massachusetts directed that a common school be established in every township containing fifty fami- lies, and a grammar school in the larger towns. This was the beginning of the excellent system of public schools which has 28 Howard, "Local Constitutional History," p. 67. 29 Dexter, " History of Education in the United States," p. 226. 240 THE UNITED STATES ever been the pride of the people of this noble common- wealth. Connecticut and New Hampshire were hardly be- hind Massachusetts in educational growth, although in Rhode Island progress was poor in spite of legislation. 30 In all these colonies private schools were early established, pub- lic school systems soon followed, and compulsory attendance was ultimately adopted in all, if poorly enforced in practice. In 1701 Yale College, the second institution of the kind in New England, was founded at New Haven, taking its name from Elihu Yale, a man of Boston birth who lived most of his life in England, and who made various bequests of small amount to the young institution. Brown University in Rhode Island was founded in 1764, and Dartmouth in New Hampshire in 1770. In the Middle States the interest in edu- cation was fair, though the public school facilities did not compare in excellence with those of New England. In 1633 a school was opened by the Dutch Reformed Church at New Amsterdam, which was apparently the first school opened in the colonies, and its lineal descendant is still in exist- ence. Many other schools were established by the burghers for the children, and we have reason to believe that a high rate of intelligence prevailed among these sturdy settlers. Under English occupation even more progress was made. In 1754 King's College was established in New York, with Dr. Samuel Johnson as president and sole teacher. After the Revolution it was rechristened Columbia College, and numbered among its early graduates Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and Gouverneur Morris. Before the Revolution, New Jersey, although a small colony, could boast of two colleges, Princeton, founded in 1746, and Rutgers, founded about twenty years later. A noteworthy educational institution in Pennsylvania was the Academy of Pennsylvania, founded mainly through 30 Channing, " History of the United States," vol. i. p. 433. COLONIAL LIFE 241 the efforts of Benjamin Franklin, in 1749, and which subse- quently grew into the University of Pennsylvania. In 1765 the University established a medical school, the first school of the kind in the colonies. In the southern colonies, for various reasons, public education did not make much head- way. Here the plantation system prevailed, towns and vil- lages were few, and the democratic spirit which lies at the basis of the public school system was largely lacking, al- though in Virginia the vestry was charged with seeing that all poor children were taught to read and write, and in prac- tice every minister maintained a school. 31 Situated far apart as the planters were, schools of any kind were maintained with difficulty. Most of the wealthier families employed pri- vate tutors to instruct their sons, as was the case with the Washington family, while some of them sent their sons to London to study at the Temple, or to Oxford, Edinburgh or Cambridge. Colleges and universities were few in the southern colonies, yet it is a noteworthy fact that the second college to be established in America was in Virginia. This was the College of William and Mary, founded in 1696, largely through the efforts of the Rev. James Blair, who was sent to London to solicit aid, and who succeeded in securing a charter from William and Mary, together with a grant of £2,000 " out of the rents " for the erection of buildings. 32 The college had a president and six poorly-paid profess- ors and a library of 3,000 volumes, which was considered a large one for that day. This college alone of the higher col- onial educational institutions has been unable to hold its own with its contemporaries, so far as number of students is con- cerned. During the eighteenth century it declined, and by the time of the Revolution it was little more than a grammar 3i L. G. Tyler, " England in America," p. 116. 32 Dexter, "History of Education," p. 324; Greene, "Provincial America," ch. xviii. 242 THE UNITED STATES school. Nevertheless its contribution of distinguished men to the cause of American independence was probably unequaled by that of any other college. Five of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and sixteen members of the Continental Congress were among its alumni. Of these may be mentioned Peyton Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe and John Marshall. In all the colleges of the time the courses of study were narrow, being limited chiefly to Greek, Latin, metaphysics, logic, and theology; the facilities of instruction, such as are afforded by the modern library, laboratory, and museum, were almost wholly lacking, and the attendance was distress- ingly small. From all, women were excluded, while the con- ditions of life were such that few aside from the sons of the well-to-do were able to enjoy the meager opportunities thus offered. It is a curious fact that some of these colleges were either founded or supported by lotteries, and that the chief purpose of most of them was to train young men for the ministry. So far as the standard of their curricula was concerned, hardly any of them were more than academies. In literature and arts, as in education, New England took the lead among the colonies, although there was little to excite pride. Before the Revolution the literature of New England belonged to two classes, namely, chronicles and theological writings. The former were marked by a spirit of partisanship and want of critical style, while the latter consisted mostly of sermons, controversial treatises and polemical essays, usually ponderous with metaphysical abstractions and dogmas. In New England nearly all the writers of note were theologians. Of these, Jonathan Ed- wards was the most powerful. His writings were charac- terized by a force of style and a profundity of thought which placed him among the greatest thinkers of this time. Other American writers of note were Hugh Peters, afterwards Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Franklix Experiments with Electricity Painting by Charles Storch COLONIAL LIFE 245 chaplain to Oliver Cromwell; Roger Williams, whose most important work, " Bloody Tenant of Persecution " ap- peared in 1644; John Cotton, who wrote, in reply to Williams's treatise, " The Bloody Tenant washed and made white in the Blood of the Lamb " ; William Bradford, author of a " History of Plymouth "; John Winthrop, author of a " History of New England "; Cotton Mather, author of the " Magnalia," an ecclesiastical history of New England from 1620 to 1698; and Benjamin Franklin, whose auto- biography and " Poor Richard's Almanack," are works of a high order, which, with his scientific achievements, won him the distinction abroad of being the best known American. Franklin's autobiography was the most widely current book in our colonial literature, while " Poor Richard's Almanack," first begun in 1732, continued for twenty-five years, and had an annual circulation of ten thousand copies. 33 It was re- plete with proverbial sayings told in prose and verse and inculcating the virtues of industry, honesty, and frugality. A writer who exercised a powerful influence during the Rev- olutionary period was Thomas Paine, who published, anony- mously, at Philadelphia, in January, 1776, a pamphlet en- titled " Common Sense," which was a series of essays advo- cating the independence of the colonies and the establishment of a republic. 34 It was followed in December by the "Crisis," which began with the famous saying: "These are the times that try men's souls." Full of crudities of thought and superficiality, " Common Sense " was withal a masterly pamphlet, and it was eagerly read and rapidly went through many editions. It convinced multitudes of wavering patriots that the true interest of the colonies re- quired their immediate separation from Great Britain. 35 Outside of New England and Pennsylvania, however, 33 Beers, " Studies in American Letters," p. 39. 34 Conway, "Writings of Paine," pp. 67-169. 35 M. C. Tyler, " Literary History of the American Revolution," vol. i. p. 474. 246 THE UNITED STATES there was little written which is worthy of the name of liter- ature if we except some attempts at historical writing in Virginia by a clergyman named William Stith, and by Robert Beverly, and the really amusing diary of Colonel William Byrd. Stith and Beverly wrote histories of the Thomas Paine From a painting by an unknown artist Virginia colony, while Colonel Byrd left his memoirs, includ- ing an account of his experiences as a commissioner for run- ning the boundary line between North Carolina and Vir- ginia. The latter is replete with wit and humor, shows power of keen observation, and is by no means lacking in literary merit. 36 36 See Bassett, " Writings of William Byrd." COLONIAL LIFE 247 The first printing press in the colonies was set up at Cambridge in 1639, and in the following year the first book ever printed in America was issued from it. This was the " Bay Psalm Book," a collection of psalms made by various ministers, one of whom, John Eliot, translated the Bible into the Algonquin tongue for the benefit of the Indians. There were no printing presses in Virginia until 1729, and Gov- ernor Berkeley thanked God in 1671 for it, as " printing presses," he said, " bring heresies in the world and libel the best government that the world ever saw." 37 The early printing press was, of course, a crude and cumbersome affair, was worked by hand and had a capacity of hardly more than a hundred tiny sheets per hour. Few of our early inven- tions afford greater objects of curiosity to-day than the printing press of Benjamin Franklin's time. Newspapers were few and of the very poorest kind. Ordinarily they were but a few times larger than a man's hand in size, were printed on coarse paper, and seldom cir- culated more than fifty miles beyond the place where they were printed. Their small columns were often filled with essays on politics, morals, religion or metaphysics, by writers who signed themselves Cincinnatus, Cicero, or some other classical name. There were no editorials, and the little news from abroad was forgotten in the Old World ere it crossed the Atlantic. Their small columns were often filled with quaint advertisements of runaway slaves or servants, or with extracts from some standard history. For lack of news a Boston paper published Robertson's " History of America " as a serial, while another reprinted Cook's " Voyages." Not infrequently " broadsides," or extra sheets, were printed on eventful occasions and sold on the streets. The first newspaper published in the colonies was the Boston News Letter, founded in 1704, and which fifteen years later was 37 Hart, " Contemporaries," vol. i. p. 241. as McMaster, " History of the People of the United States," vol. i. p. 37. 248 THE UNITED STATES flourishing with a circulation of 300 copies. 39 The first news- paper founded in the south was the Virginia Gazette, started in 1736, and at the outbreak of the Revolution there were thirty- seven newspapers in circulation in the thirteen colonies. Of these fourteen were in New England, four in New York, and nine in Pennsylvania; Virginia and North Carolina had two each, Georgia one, South Carolina three. The contents of the whole thirty-seven would scarcely fill a dozen pages in a single one of our modern dailies, and their combined circulation did not exceed a few thousand copies. Not one of them was a daily, and, as for magazines and other periodicals, they were not even thought of. As with newspapers, so it was with books: there were few and they were of poor quality. Most of those read in America were, of course, imported from the mother country ; but there were few who, like Lewis Morris of Morrisania, could instruct their London bookseller to send a long list " lettered and gilt as usual." They consisted chiefly of theological treatises, essays on logic and metaphysics, bi- ographies and treatises on the law of nations. Among the books most widely read in the colonies were Fox's " Lives of the Martyrs," VatteFs " Law of Nations," Bunyan's " Pilgrim's Progress," Rollins's " Ancient History," Plu- tarch's " Lives," Watt's " Improvement of the Mind," and various Latin and Greek authors. IV RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS WORSHIP Religious worship played an important part in the life of the colonies, and the church was an institution of vast power and influence in social and political affairs. The basic idea of all the colonial foundations assumed the ne- 80 Weeden, " Social and Economic History," vol. ii. p. 54>6. COLONIAL LIFE 249 cessity of a vital relation between church and state. 40 In every New England town there was a Congregational church, which was in a sense the center of the town life, and it was not merely the creature of the state, but was the state itself. 41 The moral support which the clergy, the most in- fluential element in the New England colonies, gave to the government was very powerful, and in times of crises they were leaders at the forefront. They were held in great re- spect by all classes and their advice was frequently sought by the magistrates, and nearly always followed. They acted as referees on many questions of policy; their expositions of the laws were the most authoritative that we have; they frequently prepared the first draft of the laws of the col- ony, and together with the magistrates they acted as censors of the press; they were, in short, political as well as moral leaders. 42 Attendance upon the church was usually required by law and was strictly enforced by the magistrates. Ap- parently the people did not consider it a great hardship to be compelled to sit shivering for hours on wooden benches and to listen to harangues on the torture of a lost soul, the awful wrath of God, the salvation of the elect, or some other doctrinal question. The Sabbath day was observed with characteristic Puritan strictness. It began at 6 p. m. on Saturday and lasted until sundown on Sunday, and during this period amusements of every kind were absolutely prohibited. Traveling and lounging on the streets, as well as the entertainment of strangers, were likewise regarded as sinful and forbidden by law. The people of the town were summoned to church by the beating of a drum or the blowing of a horn, for bells had not yet come into use. In the early days, when Indian outbreaks were common, the parishioners 40 Cobb, " Rise of Religious Liberty in America," p. 1. 41 Trevelyan, " The American Revolution," part ii. p. 281. 42 Osgood, " The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century," vol. i. p. 218. 250 THE UNITED STATES went armed and the minister frequently delivered his dis- course with a musket by his side and a sentinel at the door. That such precautions were not ill-timed, the Indian tragedy on that fateful Sunday morning at Hadley bears witness. The worldly individual who absented himself from the house of God on the Sabbath day was waited upon by the tithing- man and punished either by fine or imprisonment. The thoughtless maiden who smiled during the service was in danger of banishment, while those who slumbered received admonitions from the tithing-man of such a nature as not to be soon forgotten. If the offender belonged to the male sex he received a rap over the head from a pole in the hands of the tithing-man; if a female, she was awakened by the gentle brush of a rabbit's foot. 43 The church services strongly reflected the Puritan char- acter. There was no music except the singing of hymns, the prayers compared in length with that of the sermon, and sacraments were a regular part of every service. The men were seated on one side of the aisle and the women on the other, with the pulpit steps and the rear seats occupied by the children and negroes. With regard to distance from the pulpit the worshipers were carefully seated according to age, social rank, estate, office, or amount contributed toward the erection of the church. In one Long Island town those who contributed forty shillings to the minister's salary, together with the justices of the peace, were given seats at the table, the trustees of the church were given the front seat, while the re- maining ones were assigned on the basis of church con- tributions. One Massachusetts town had a standing com- mittee of five to seat the church members and another com- mittee of two to seat the committee with their wives. 44 « Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 480 et seq. **Weeden, "Social and Economic History," vol. i. pp. 280, 417, 418. , c . . • «' COLONIAL LIFE Religious worship in New England was characterized by a superstition and intoleration which to one of our day seems almost incredible. Having fled from the intolerance of Eng- land, we of this generation might expect to see the New England church founded on the rock of toleration, if not of religious liberty; but such was not the case, for it soon transpired that they did not want religious liberty for any others than themselves. To the early religious leaders of Massachusetts especially, toleration of dissent from the " established order " of religious worship was as sedition in the state and sin against God, John Cotton going so far as to say that " it was toleration that had made the world anti- Christian." 45 Outside of Rhode Island, Catholics, Jews, Baptists, Quakers, and Episcopalians were at times sub- jected to various forms of persecution — flogging, imprison- ment, exile, and even death. The New England hatred for those who adhered to the Church of England was especially bitter. No attempt was ever made by the government to force this church upon the inhabitants of the New England colonies, but only to secure for it a foothold. But in this the government was unsuccessful and the church never made any headway outside of Connecticut and Boston. The seven- teenth century was an age of fierce and narrow bigotry, but as time passed there was a tendency toward a wider tolera- tion of religious liberty and gradually the spirit of perse- cution died away. Rhode Island was, of course, an exception to what has been said concerning religious intolerance in New England. This colony was a haven for despised sects of every class, and in consequence of the complete religious liberty which it allowed in an intolerant age, it became a community of fanatical sects, and, to some, extent, of turbulence, disorder, and laxity of morals. There never was, said Cotton Mather, « Cobb, " The Rise of Religious Liberty in America," p. 68. 254 THE UNITED STATES such a variety of religions on so small a spot of ground. 46 For a long time church membership in some of the New England States was a qualification for the exercise of the suffrage, while moral and religious tests for office were not uncommon. Plymouth denied the privileges of a freeman to those who were not of a " sober, peaceful conversation," to those who were " grossly scandalouse or notoriously vitious," and to those who spoke " contemptuously " of the laws enacted by the General Court. By a later statute Ply- mouth required freemen to be " orthodox in the funda- mentals of religion." Massachusetts (until 1691) and New Haven required church membership, and after 1664 Mas- sachusetts required a certificate from the minister that the applicant was not " vitious " in his life. Connecticut at first denied the privilege to those whose conduct was known to be " scandalous," while Rhode Island required a profession of Christianity, though Roman Catholics were debarred. Vir- ginia denied the franchise to transported convicts even though freeholders. South Carolina, by a statute of 1716, required voters to profess the Christian religion. Roman Catholics were expressly disfranchised by the statutes of New York, Maryland, Virginia, and Rhode Island, and were in practice not allowed to vote in most of the other colonies. Quakers were debarred from becoming freemen in Massachusetts and Plymouth, and there is evidence that Jews were excluded in New York and South Carolina. 47 In Massachusetts, Connecticut and New Hampshire the Congregational Church was established by law and was sup- ported by public taxation, and in the first mentioned State it was not completely disestablished until 1835. In New York under Dutch rule the Dutch Reformed Church was established by law, and other sects, notably 4 « Richman, " Rhode Island, Its Making and Its Meaning," vol. i. p. 106. 47 Bishop, " History of Elections in the American Colonies," pp. 53-64. COLONIAL LIFE 255 Lutherans, Catholics, Jews, and Quakers, were not tolerated, but were arrested, imprisoned and even driven from the col- ony. 48 After the colony passed under English rule the Dutch Reformed Church was disestablished and an Act was passed to maintain the Anglican Church, and later (1686) it was forced upon English and Dutch alike, all being taxed for its support. But this policy of coercion injured the growth of the church, and at the time of the Revolution the dissenters in New York probably outnumbered the Angli- cans twelve to one. Catholics were bitterly persecuted by the English authorities, and by an Act of 1700 were threat- ened with imprisonment for life should they persist in their heretical teachings. In 1744 an Act was also passed against Moravian preaching and severe penalties were attached. In New Jersey, Congregationalists and Scotch Presby- terians were the predominant sects, and the Church of Eng- land never gained a foothold there, although certain of the governors gave it support and precedence. Pennsylvania was distinctly the land of Quakers and Lutherans, and to a less extent was her little neighbor, Delaware. Here there was an unusual degree of religious tolerance; as a conse- quence of which a number of sects, such as Dunkards, Pietists, Mennonites, Baptists, and Dutch Calvinists, sprang into existence. The Anglican Church, though set up in Pennsylvania, never flourished. The only anti-religious legislation was that directed against Catholics, who were charged with inciting the people to join the French during the Seven Years' War, and the motive of this legislation was not religious oppression. There were no instances of re- ligious persecution in Pennsylvania or of personal hardships for religion's sake, unless exclusion from office can be so termed. 49 « Cobb, " Rise of Religious Liberty in America,* pp. 314-320. ♦8 Ibid., p. 450 THE UNITED STATES In Maryland, Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia the Church of England was established by law and supported by taxation. In all of these, however, dissenters were num- erous, almost equal in fact in numbers and influence to the Episcopalians. The Episcopal clergy in the southern colonies did not always come up to the standard of intel- ligence and piety of the Congregational ministers of New England and played a far less important role in the social and political life of their communities. In the south intol- erance was quite as strong as in New England. In the seventeenth century Catholics, Baptists, Presbyterians, Pur- itans, and Quakers in Virginia were persecuted, thrown into prison, banished and harassed by vexatious laws, while at the outbreak of the French and Indian War an act was passed disarming all Catholics, as in Pennsylvania, on account of a popular belief that they were in sympathy with the French. Non-conformists meetings were broken up and their ad- herents expelled from the colony. But no amount of perse- cution could break up the dissenters ; only a handful at first, they largely outnumbered the Episcopalians at the time of the Revolution. It was a singular fact that the British Government never established an episcopate in America, nor ever appointed a bishop for the colonies. Repeated efforts were made to induce the government of England to send over a bishop and otherwise aid the Virginia churches, but to no avail. 50 They remained until the Revolution attached to the diocese of London, and were often supplied with discarded English clergymen who were not wanted at home. As a conse- quence the Episcopal clergy, in addition to their intellectual inferiority, were often dissolute and worthless, and there was no bishop nearer than London to encourage, admonish or discipline them. The Bishop of London had, it is true, so Campbell, " History of Virginia," p. 251. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Quaker Trials After a drawing by A. C. Reinhardt COLONIAL LIFE 259 " commissaries in America, but they had no power to restrain or punish their erring brethren, and could only report what came under their observation. The good Bishop Meade, in his memoirs, constantly complains of the worldli- ness and incompetency of the clergy. They were altogether too fond, he says, of horse-racing, gambling, card-playing, hunting, drinking, and were, besides, profane swearers, brawlers, and licentious. " One of them," says Bishop Meade, " was for years president of a jockey club; another fought a duel in sight of the very church in which he had performed the solemn offices of religion; another quarreled with his vestry violently, and on the next Sunday preached from the words of Nehemiah : ' And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked out their hair.' " 51 So low, in fact, did the clergy sink that by acts of the legislature of Virginia, passed in 1669 and 1705, the customary exemption of clergymen from the operation of the laws against infidelity, blasphemy, swearing, Sabbath-breaking, and adultery was withdrawn and they were made subject to the penalties of the law for such offenses. 52 Not a few of the clergy, how- ever, remained steadfast, were worthy, pious leaders, and enjoyed the respect and admiration of the people; but they were exceptions to the general character of the clergy. On account of the failure of the Crown to appoint a bishop for the colonies, no native-born American could be ordained as a minister without incurring the long delays and indescribable discomforts of a journey across the Atlantic. In other re- spects candidates for ordination were compelled to face difficulties which were enough to have discouraged the most zealous of churchmen. 53 5i " Old Churches and Families of Virginia," pp. 14-18. 52 Hening, " Statutes of Virginia," vol. iii. pp. 171, 358. 68 Trevelyan, " The American Revolution," p. 288. 260 THE UNITED STATES The Episcopal clergy were generally remunerated in kind, usually a stipulated quantity of tobacco, often supplemented by fees. In 1748 the amount was fixed by the Virginia legislature at 16,000 pounds, including Patrick Henry By Thomas Sully. At present preserved in Richmond, Virginia a glebe and a parsonage. The cash equivalent, of course, varied with the quality of the tobacco and the state of the market, but at the time it was estimated to be <£400 at sixpence per pound. In consequence of bad crops and heavy taxes on account of the French and Indian War the legislature in 1758 enacted the so-called " Two-Penny Act," COLONIAL LIFE 261 providing that all debts payable in tobacco might, at the option of the debtor, be discharged in money at the rate of £18 and 8d. per one hundred pounds of tobacco, thus in effect reducing the salary of the clergy by two-thirds. In view of the early rise of the price of tobacco the act was clearly unjust to the clergy, as well as to others whose salaries were payable in tobacco, and they lost no time in seeking relief in the courts. In due course the " Two-Penny Law " was held to be invalid and it was generally believed that the jury would award damages to the plaintiffs. But at this juncture Patrick Henry, a young, obscure country lawyer, whose past life had been a virtual failure, appeared for the defendants and delivered a speech which at once raised him to the front rank of American orators. After he had con- cluded, the jury rendered a verdict assessing the damages at one penny. The clergy attempted no further suits, but waited for relief from a wiser legislature. The persistence of the clergy in attacking the act of the legislature had the effect of still further arousing public sentiment against them, for it was now asserted that they had no sympathy with the people in their poverty and burdens, but were only concerned with their own enrichment. MEANS OF TRAVEL, SOCIAL CUSTOMS AND CRIME Compared with conditions to-day, life in the colonies was extremely narrow and monotonous. There was an iso- lation and stagnation about it which would be intolerable to the twentieth century. Each community was a life unto itself; it was to a large degree self-sufficing as a matter of necessity, for means of intercourse were crude and imper- fect. There were no railroads in existence and travel by THE UNITED STATES sailboat was not always convenient or possible, and besides it was too uncertain to rely upon. Travel by horseback or stage-coach was, therefore, the chief alternative. Besides indescribable discomforts and hardships, there was the ele- ment of time involved. In 1756 the first regular stage be- tween New York and Philadelphia was established. It re- quired three days to make the trip, and four days more to extend the journey to Boston. 54 Something of a sensation was caused in 1765 by the announcement that a coach, described as "a good wagon with seats on springs," would thereafter make the journey between Philadelphia and New York in two days, and at* the low cost of twenty shillings for the through trip. This record seemed so marvelous that the vehicle was popularly dubbed a " flying machine." Ordinarily the conveyances were shackling old vehicles drawn by jaded and ill- fed horses. In dry weather and on the best roads they made from thirty to forty miles per day, at other times rarely more than twenty-five, and only by frequent relays could this rate of speed be kept up. The tired passengers, after a restless night in a tavern, were called up at four in the morning by the sound of the driver's horn. At steep hillsides and mudholes the passengers were required to alight and help the heavy vehicle over. The hardships and dangers of crossing large rivers in unsafe ferryboats often deterred many from traveling and were a source of anxiety to the friends of those who did. Greater still were the difficulties of ocean travel. It required months to cross the Atlantic, and news of events in the old country was ancient history when it reached the remote settlements of America. Nothing but the most urgent business in Europe could induce an American to undertake such a journey. At first there were no postal facilities except such as 64 McMaster, " History of the People of the United States," vol. i. p. 44. COLONIAL LIFE 263 were supplied by private enterprise. Letters from abroad were delivered at the wharf to those who called for them or sent to a nearby store or coffee-house for delivery whenever requested. The colony of Massachusetts apparently was the first to take steps looking to the establishment of a postal system under government control. In 1639 the Gen- eral Court enacted the following law: " It is ordered that notice be given that Richard Fairbanks his house in Boston is the place appointed for all letters which are brought from beyond the seas, or are to be sent thither to be left with him; and he is to take care that they are to be delivered, or sent according to directions; and he shall be allowed for every letter a penny, and he must answer all miscarriages through his own neglect in this kind, provided that no man shall be compelled to bring his letters thither except he please." Toward the close of the seventeenth century the colonial government of New York established a monthly mail be- tween the towns of New York and Boston. In 1692 the Virginia legislature passed an Act reciting that one Thomas Neale had been empowered by letters patent from William and Mary to take charge of the postal business of the col- onies. Neale's patent authorized him " to erect, settle and establish offices in America for the receiving and dispatch- ing away letters and packquettes," and to appoint such assistants as were necessary to aid him. This patent created the first intercolonial postal service. The charges for carry- ing a letter ranged from 4d to 15d, according to the distance. Benjamin Franklin was in a sense the father of the Amer- ican postal system. In 1753 he received, with William Hunter, a royal commission as deputy postmaster-general for the colonies, and he at once proceeded to organize the service and made a tour of personal inspection, visiting every post office in the colonies except that at Charleston. Frank- lin established a regular system of offices and carriers, with 264 THE UNITED STATES a schedule of postage averaging a penny for about thirty miles. He adopted the practice of requiring subscribers to pay for having newspapers carried, and " advertised " un- called for letters and established three mails per week during the summer season between New York and Philadelphia. 55 The post office department was soon placed on a paying basis, and by 1774 it was yielding a clear annual revenue of three thousand pounds to the British treasury. In the latter year Franklin was removed by the home government on ac- count of his activity in the Revolutionary movement, but in the following year was unanimously appointed postmaster- general by the Continental Congress and authorized to establish a line of posts from Falmouth, Maine, to Savannah, Georgia, and as many cross posts as might seem necessary. As compared with those of the present day, the postal facil- ities of the colonial period were of the crudest kind. The rates of postage were very high, the mails were slow and ir- regular on account of the difficulties of travel, and postriders and postmasters frequently were untrustworthy. Letters were not infrequently opened and read by the postmaster, to guard against which important communications were often written in cipher. Newspapers at first were not al- lowed to be sent through the mail, but were carried by pri- vate arrangement between the sender and the postrider. During the colonial period few luxuries of the present day were to be had, and the same was true of many articles now considered as necessaries of life. Everywhere, how- ever, there was an abundance to eat and drink, and the evi- dences of satisfaction and contentment were seldom want- ing. In New England social life had a Puritanic cast which found its fullest expression in religious services. The gath- ering at the " meeting house " on Sunday was the chief social event of the week, as the sermon was the principal 65 Sparks, "Expansion of the American People," vol. i. p. 64. COLONIAL LIFE 265 intellectual event. The regulation by statute of the dress, daily habits and social usages of the people was a distinctive feature of Puritan polity. The wearing of gaudy or costly apparel did not, in the eye of the Puritan, comport with good moral conduct, and it was therefore forbidden in many New England com- munities. Thus by a statute of 1634 the General Court of Massachusetts for- bade the purchase of any cloth with lace on it or the making of a dress with more than one slash on the sleeve or adorned with em- broidery or silver buckles. There were apparently a good many prosecu- tions under the act. 56 By a statute of 1677 the wearing of gold or silver lace or buttons or silk ribbons or other su- perfluous trimmings was forbidden, but magistrates, their families and military officers were exempted from the law. Connecticut forbade the wearing of silk, but Rhode Island enacted a sumptuary legislation. 56 W eeden, "Social and Economic History of New England," vol. i. p. 289, Copyright, 1905. bj John D. Morris & Company A Puritan Maiden- and Her Escort Painting by G. H. Boughton 266 THE UNITED STATES Many were the statutes for the regulation of morals of the people. In Connecticut these regulations were marked by such extreme severity that they have come down to us under the name of the " Blue Laws." To mention a few of them: no one was allowed to give lodg- ing to a Quaker or other heretic, to walk about town on the Sabbath day except reverently to and from meeting, no one could travel, or cook victuals, make beds, sweep house, cut hair or shave on the Lord's day, nor bring cards into the colony, nor dance, nor play on any instrument of music except the drum, the trumpet and the jews- harp. 57 Many innocent amusements were sup- pressed. Drinking and smoking were placed under strict regula- tions. The harboring of strangers and even relatives was regulated and sometimes forbid- d e n , and outsiders m 'J J "1 I Jfa tk Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Going to a Party in Colonial Times Drawing by A. Forestier were not allowed to enter the colony without the permission of the magistrates. In spite, however, of the austerity and soberness of Puritanism, human nature occasionally asserted itself and the monotony of New England life was enlivened by corn husking and quilting parties, spinning bees, house raisings, sleigh rides. Thanksgiving feasts, militia musters 57 Weeden, " Social and Economic History," vol. i. pp. 225, 272. COLONIAL LIFE 267 and athletic sports of various kinds, often followed by the drinking of rum. As time passed the old restraints upon amusement were relaxed and there were picnics, tea parties, and even dances, horse races, and bull baitings. The New England farmhouse, with its scanty furni- ture and unattractive exterior, had a redeeming feature in the great fireplace, around which the family gathered during the long winter evenings to read books, tell stories or per- form various domestic duties, such as wool-carding, spinning and corn-husking. In the large towns of New England there were, of course, more of the comforts and luxuries of life. The houses were frequently built of brick or stone and richly furnished with carpets, silver and glassware, tapestries and mahogany furniture imported from England. There, as in New York, there was a gay and fashionable society. The people dressed handsomely and lived luxuriously. In New England towns and villages were numerous and sit- uated near together, mainly for the purposes of defense and convenience of worship. In the southern colonies, especially in Virginia, social life was affected by the existence of a landed aristocracy of Cavalier instincts, among whom extreme Puritanic ideas scarcely prevailed. Plantations were large and towns few and insignificant, in spite of the attempt of the legislature to create them by artificial process, as it did in 1680 by the Cohabitation Act, which ordered towns to be built at certain specified places for the benefit of trade. 58 The wealthy planters stood at the apex of the social pyramid. They occupied spacious mansions built sometimes of imported brick or stone, paneled and wainscoted in hard woods, with great fireplaces and rich mantels and furnished with an ele- gance befitting the manor houses of old England. They had carriages, servants, blooded horses, packs of hounds in 68 Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 51. 268 THE UNITED STATES abundance and enjoyed to the fullest the few luxuries which the times afforded. The wealthy planters were fond of hunting, horse racing, dancing, gaming and other amuse- ments, as well as of politics, in which field they were the leaders. They were fond of drink, and in this respect were not far ahead of their fellow countrymen of New England. In fact drinking was common in all the colonies. Every tavern or ordinary inn kept liquor for sale, while every well- to-do householder had it on his sideboard. The liquors most commonly drunk were rum, beer and cider. A peculiar custom was the practice of drinking at funerals, on which occasions large quantities of liquor were consumed by the mourners. 59 Besides being occasions of pomp and excesses, funerals were expensive affairs on ac- count of the custom of giving presents, and the practice led to the enactment of laws in some colonies to limit the expense of burials. The wife of the great patroon Stephen Van Rensselaer, is said to have been interred at an expense of $20,000. Two thousand scarfs were given away as presents and all the tenants on the manor were entertained for three or four days at the expense of their landlord. The custom of Pine Tree Shilling Earliest coinage used in the heavy drinking at funerals, as well as present United States the pract i ce f giving presents, Was general throughout the colonies, but it was carried to more extreme lengths in New York during the Dutch supremacy than elsewhere. 60 While drunkenness was probably regarded with less disfavor than now, there was in other respects a much stricter code of morality. Laws against crime were severe and 59 It is related that at the funeral of Mrs. Cornelia Van Cortlandt, mother of General Philip Schuyler, 140 gallons of wine and two barrels of ale were thus consumed. Trevelyan, " The American Revolution," part. ii. vol. i. p. 280. eo Lodge, " Short History of the English Colonies," p. 338, COLONIAL LIFE 269 many offenses were capitally punished that to-day carry a penalty of small consequence. Thus blasphemy in Massa- chusetts was made a capital offense in 1646. Playing in the streets, " uncivilly " walking in the streets or fields, travel- ing from town to town, going on shipboard, frequenting taverns and other places to drink were forbidden under severe penalties. 61 Furthermore, the manner of punishment often tended to degrade and needlessly humiliate the of- fender. It was the custom to give as much publicity as pos- sible to punishments in the belief that it would serve as a deterrent to other evil-doers. Criminals were branded, labeled with conspicuous letters indicative of their offense, and flogged through the streets, while the whipping-post, the ducking-stool, the pillory and the stocks were familiar objects in the public square of many towns. si Osgood, " The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century," vol. i. p. 21 J. American Stage Coach From " Travels in America," Captain Basil Hall. R.N. Chapter VII INTER-COLONIAL WARS. 1690-1748 king William's war. i 690-1697 THE rivalry between Great Britain and France in America had been steadily increasing for many years when the English Revolution of 1688 gave to that rivalry a new turn. The bigoted and despotic James II. had been forced by his subjects to abdicate the English throne, and the crown had been conferred jointly upon William and Mary. James, upon abdicating, fled to France, where he was cordially received by Louis XIV., who at once espoused his cause and undertook to restore the exiled mon- arch to his lost throne. War accordingly broke out between the two countries in 1689, and soon spread to their colonies in America, although none of them had any direct interest in the issues involved. In Europe the contest was known as the War of the Palatinate; in America it was called King William's War. As compared with the English possessions the French colonies in America were so inferior in resources and popu- lation that they did not undertake to conduct a regular cam- paign against the English, but resorted to savage raids and expeditions for the purpose of harrying settlements and massacring their unoffending inhabitants. The French population in America probably did not exceed 12,000 as against 100,000 English settlers in New England and New York. But the French had an invaluable resource in their 270 INTER-COLONIAL WARS 271 Indian allies, who were well fitted by nature for the purposes for which they were employed by their hardly less barbarous white commanders. The governor of Canada was the aged Count Frontenac, the most distinguished of the French officials in America and a man who did not scruple to employ whatever methods were available to destroy the English colonists to the south of him. 1 One of the expeditions which he sent against the English settlements, and which consisted of one hundred and ten men, a considerable number of whom were Iroquois Indians, reached Schenectady in February, 1690, after traveling over the snows for nearly a month, and while the quiet little village lay wrapped in slumber stealthily entered its unguarded gates, gave the war whoop and began their work of slaughter. Sixty of the inhabitants were mas- sacred, of whom seventeen were children, many were taken captive and carried off to Canada, while a few escaped and fled half -clad through the snows to Albany. 2 Another party of fifty-two French and Indians, commanded by Hertel de Rouville, fell upon the village of Salmon Falls, New Hampshire, burned many of its houses, massacred a goodly number of the inhabitants and carried off fifty- four prisoners, mainly women and children. The towns of Dover, Casco and Pemaquid were subjected to similar cruelties and barbarities. In consequence of the general alarm to which these events gave rise a colonial congress was called, mainly through the initiation of the Massachusetts General Court. It met at New York in May, 1690, commissioners being present from the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Con- necticut and New York. The congress took into consider- iParkman, "The Struggle for a Continent," edited by Edgar, p. 233; Greene, " Provincial America," p. 121. 2 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 180. Ti% THE UNITED STATES ation the state of affairs occasioned by the French and Indian massacres and decided to make an attempt to conquer Can- ada by sending an army overland to attack Montreal and a fleet by sea .to capture Quebec. Sir William Phipps took command of the fleet, consisting of thirty-four vessels, furnished by Massachusetts and manned by two thousand of her citizens. 3 Within less than a month from the adjourn- ment of the congress Phipps had taken Port Royal (now Annapolis), but in the following year it was retaken by the French. On October 16 the fleet reached Quebec, and Phipps made a pompous demand upon Governor Frontenac for its surrender and gave him an hour for an answer, saying "If you refuse forthwith to do, I am come, provided, and am resolved, by the help of God, to revenge all wrongs and injuries offered and bring you under sub- jection to the Crown of England, and, when too late, make you wish you had accepted of the favor tendered." Fronte- nac immediately informed the messenger who delivered the demand that he did not recognize King William; that he knew no king of England except King James, and that he would answer Phipps's demand only by the mouth of his cannon. 4 Phipps was not able to carry out his threat. Quebec was strongly fortified and well garrisoned, while Phipps's vessels were small wooden craft and manned by inexperienced gunners, as subsequent events showed. A plan of attack, however, was arranged and the fort was bom- barded, but without effect. Thereupon the fleet weighed an- chor, sailed away and returned to Boston in November, after having been badly scattered by storm and many of the men lost. All was now dismay and gloom in Boston. The colony was already impoverished and burdened with debt, and now 3 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 181. * Parkman, " Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV.," ch. xiii. INTER-COLONIAL WARS 278 it was compelled for the first time in its history to issue paper currency with which to pay clamorous soldiers and sailors whose services had resulted only in failure and disaster. The land force sent against Montreal met with no better success, and after being repelled by Frontenac, it returned to New York. All attempts at offensive war were now given up, and the disappointed, impoverished colonists contented themselves with defending their frontiers as best they could against the barbarous incursions of the enemy. For several years longer the war dragged on. In January, 1692, a band of French and Indians came down on snowshoes from Canada and fell upon the town of York, Maine, sacked the place and offered the inhabitants the choice between captiv- ity or death. In the following year a village in New Hamp- shire was destroyed and ninety- four of its inhabitants killed or carried away. Various other New England villages suf- fered similar and even worse fates. A familiar story of the barbarity of the enemy, one which illustrates the heroism of the English settlers, is that of Hannah Dustin, the wife of a farmer near Haverhill, Massachusetts, who, having seen her house burned and her children murdered by savages in the French service, and having been herself carried off into captivity, killed and scalped ten of her captors while they lay asleep, and finally made her escape and returned home. 5 At last, in 1697, this unrighteous war, which had brought only disaster, sorrow and desolation to the English settlements in America, was ended by the treaty of Ryswick. The only provision was that which called for the restoration of Acadia to France. 5 Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 182. 274 THE UNITED STATES II QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. 1702-1714 The peace of Ryswick proved to be only a truce. Within four years after the conclusion of the treaty England and France were again at war, and the conflict of necessity ex- tended to their colonial settlements in America. In Europe the contest was known as the War of the Spanish Succes- sion from the fact that it grew out of the attempt of Louis XIV. to place his grandson, Philip of Anjou, on the Spanish throne. Great Britain was unwilling to see such an enor- mous extension of her old enemy's influence in European affairs, and so went to war with her to prevent it. Although her col- onies in America were only remotely interest- ed, if at all, in the question, they were dragged into the con- flict and became the chief sufferers. I n method and results it was King William's War over again. In- stead of regular cam- paigns and hard fought battles, there was the usual harrying by savage red men and Versailles Frenchmen of the English settlements on the coast, and the massacring of the inhabitants, irrespective of age or sex. Louis XIV. From a painting by Jean Gamier at INTER-COLONIAL WARS 275 Early in 1704, in the dead of winter, a party consisting of about fifty Canadians and two hundred Indians, accord- ing to French accounts, commanded by the same Hertel de Rouville who had burned the village of Salmon Falls during William's War, after journeying nearly three hundred miles on snowshoes through the vast wilderness lying between Canada and the Massachusetts frontier, fell upon the peace- ful village of Deerfield with a terrible war whoop and mas- sacred not less than fifty of its three hundred n isuspecting inhabitants. One hundred and eleven persons were carried away into captivity, only one-half of whom ever succeeded in returning, while the remaining one hundred and thirty- seven escaped with their lives only to have their homes de- stroyed by their barbarous enemy. Among those carried off as captives were the village minister, Mr. Williams, his wife and five children. Mrs. Williams was soon put to death with a tomahawk, but the others, with the exception of a seven-year-old girl, were subsequently rescued. This girl grew to womanhood among her savage captives, and after- wards married one of them and reared a family of children. Subsequently visiting Deerfield, she was entreated by old friends to forsake her Indian husband and children and re- sume her residence among the associates of her childhood; but this she refused to do, and returned to the fires of her wigwam and to the love of her Indian children. 6 During the ensuing years of the war other towns in Massachusetts suffered a fate similar to that of Deerfield. One of these was Haverhill, a village of thirty cottages and log cabins surrounded on three sides by a great primeval forest. On the night of August 29, 1708, a party of French and Indians commanded by de Rouville rushed into the peaceful hamlet and began the work of massacring the .inhabitants. Some e Parkman, " Half Century of Conflict," vol. i. ch. iv. ; Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 196; Greene, "Provincial America," p. 145. £76 THE UNITED STATES were shot, others tomahawked, while still others, especially children, had their brains dashed out against stones and trees. 7 Meantime the home government was making an effort to capture Port Royal, which, as has been said, was taken by Queen Anne Painting by John Closterman the English in the previous war, but was recaptured by the French. In 1704 and again in 1707 a fleet from Boston made ineffectual attempts to take the place. Finally, in 1710 a fleet under command of Colonel Nicholson was sent over from England, and being reenf orced by New England vessels, it sailed from Boston in September, and in the fol- lowing month succeeded in taking Port Royal, which w&s i Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 197. INTER -COLONIAL WARS 277 thenceforth called Annapolis, in honor of the Queen, while Acadia was renamed Nova Scotia. 8 Encouraged by this victory, Colonel Nicholson urged the home government to undertake a conquest of Canada. His recommendations were approved and a fleet of fifteen warships and forty transports, together with seven veteran regiments from Marlborough's army, altogether about 12,000 men, were sent over under the command of Sir Hovenden Walker. 9 It was the most formidable naval display ever seen in American waters, and caused quite a commotion in Boston. In July, 1711, it sailed from Boston for Canada, while at the same time a land force consisting of militia from New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, together with almost six hun- dred friendly Iroquois Indians, set out from Albany for the purpose of taking Montreal. Not since the outbreak of the war nine years before had the hopes of the English colonists been so high as now. But they were soon to end in disap- pointment. After considerable delay Walker's fleet entered the St. Lawrence, but instead of taking Quebec, as his gov- ernment had a right to expect, the timid and incompetent ad- miral was seized with fears lest the freezing of the river would bring his ships to ruin, and he accordingly refused to proceed. Becoming involved in a dense fog near the mouth of the river, a number of ships and about 800 lives were lost through his blundering. Thus the expedition ended in fail- ure and disgrace, although Walker was able to find consola- tion in the reflection that the wreck " was a blessing in dis- guise and a merciful intervention of Providence " to save the expedition from the freezing, starvation and cannibalism which his imagination had conjured up. 10 s Parkman, " Half Century of Conflict," vol. i. p. 148. o Bancroft, " History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 200. Parkman says the fleet consisted of nine ships of war and about sixty transports and other ves- sels. " Half Century of Conflict." p. 163. . 10 Parkman, "Half Century of Conflict," p. 170, 278 THE UNITED STATES Few episodes in American colonial history are more humiliating than this expedition against Quebec, and many in New England loudly attributed it to cowardice, if not to jpi** A T C A at t Map of Acadia and Adjacent Islands treachery. 11 Nicholson, learning of the failure of the naval expedition against Quebec while in camp near Lake Cham- plain, burned the forts he had built, marched back to Albany and disbanded his army of 2,300 men. Thus far only defeat and disaster had crowned English operations in America. In Europe English successes had been brilliant and numerous, and now that both nations were tired of fighting peace was concluded by the treaty of Utrecht, April, 1713. By this treaty the " five nations," known as Iroquois, who had been allies of the English, were recognized as subjects of Great Britain; while Hudson Bay, Newfoundland and Acadia, with its " ancient limits," were ceded by France to England, the latter territory being yielded only with the greatest reluctance on the part of the aged French monarch who made n Greene, " Provincial America," p. 160. INTER-COLONIAL WARS 279 strenuous efforts to retain this favorite province. The net result of the war was a real advance in the prestige of Great Britain in North America, and a serious though not decisive defeat for France. 12 Ill king George's war. 1744-1748 The treaty of Utrecht, like that of Kyswick, brought but a temporary peace to Europe and America. Its great defect was that it did not settle definitely several important questions, the settlement of which was absolutely necessary to the future peace of the two contending nations. The limits of Acadia, as well as the boundary between New France and the English colonies both in the north and the west, were left undetermined, and therefore made a future conflict inevitable. The next thirty years were, therefore, years of nominal peace, but of actual smothered war in disguise. 13 While France was forced to give up Acadia she was al- lowed to retain Cape Breton Island, which commands the entrance to the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. The French now determined to fortify and garrison the place as a means of guarding the approaches of Canada and of furnishing a base for attacking the English colonies in the event of another war. Accordingly on the southeastern part of the island, at a place well chosen for its strategic importance, a mighty fortress was erected, to which was given the name of Louisburg, in honor of the king. It cost not less than six million dollars, and was twenty-five years in course of con- struction. It was flanked by solid walls of masonry, from 12 Greene, "Provincial America," p. 165. is Parkman, " Half Century of Conflict," vol. i. p. 177. 280 THE UNITED STATES the tops of which scores of cannon frowned and was alto- gether the strongest fortress in America, with the possible exception of Quebec, which owed its chief strength to nature and not to art, and was believed to be impregnable against attack. Scarcely was this great defensive stronghold completed when France and England were again at war, and the con- flict, as formerly, was soon extended to their colonies in the New World. The contest which now broke out was known in Europe as the War of the Austrian Succession. In 1740 the Austrian Emperor, Charles VI., the last of the male line of the house of Hapsburg, died; whereupon a number of the European powers straightway laid claims to certain of his dominions, although they had solemnly united in an agree- ment to respect the integrity of his empire and recognize his daughter, Maria Theresa, who had succeeded to the crown. As a result of this policy of spoliation nearly all the powers of Europe became involved in war either on the side of Maria Theresa or on the side of Frederick of Prussia, the chief claimant to Austrian territories. As might have been ex- pected, England and France were ranged on opposite sides. It is to be noted that the cause of the war between these two nations did not grow out of the questions left unsettled by the treaty of Utrecht. The quarrel over these questions had not yet reached a climax. The present dispute was a Euro- pean dynastic question, and although the American colonies had not the slightest interest in the issues involved, it was a foregone conclusion that their settlements would again be subject to the desolating and murderous ravages of bands of Indian savages. There were, however, fewer of these forays than in the preceding wars, but there were enough to keep the frontier settlements in constant terror. Aside from these incursions the great event of the war was the capture of Louisburg. This remarkable military INTER-COLONIAL WARS 281 feat was conceived and planned by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts. When the doughty governor proposed the scheme to the Massachusetts General Court it was rejected as utterly impracticable, and the legislature refused to pro- vide the necessary funds or ships. The scheme seemed au- dacious, especially as an undertaking for a single colony. But the indefatigable governor induced the legislature to re- consider its action, and upon reconsideration it decided by a majority of one vote to authorize the undertaking, a rumor in the meantime having got abroad that the garrison was mutinous and living on half rations. Shirley invited the co- operation of other colonies as far south as Pennsylvania ; but favorable responses were received only from Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode Island. The governor of New Hampshire agreed to furnish 500 men provided Massachu- setts would pay and feed 150 of them, while the governor of Connecticut promised as many more upon the condition that a Connecticut man should have the place of second rank in the expedition. Rhode Island, always on bad terms with her more powerful neighbor, grudgingly and rather tardily fur- nished 150 men. Massachusetts herself furnished 3,300 men, making altogether about 4,500 men, mostly farmers, fishermen and mechanics. To command the expedition Governor Shirley chose William Pepperell, a well-to-do merchant of Kittery, and the selection proved to be most wise. A little fleet of twenty or thirty vessels, carrying not more than 150 guns, was collected and placed under the command of Cap- tain Tyng, and before it reached its destination a consider- able number of fishing vessels were added, and to these four British men-of-war from the West Indies, commanded by Commodore Warren, were soon joined. Early in May this motley fleet apeared under the great walls of Louisburg. Detachments of the men landed, dragged their batteries into THE UNITED STATES position with great difficulty and laid siege to the mighty fortress. On May 7 a summons to surrender was sent to the commander, who replied that he would answer with his can- non. On the 23d of the month 189 of the American force were killed or captured while making a desperate attempt to take a battery which commanded the entrance to the harbor. But this disaster did not discourage the English. More can- non and mortars were dragged into position and planted under the orders of Colonel Gridley, who thirty years after- wards directed the fire of the batteries at Bunker Hill. Un- der his direction a deadly cannonade was now opened upon the island battery with telling effect. Gradually the place be- came untenable, and just as Warren and Pepperell were preparing to make a combined attack the fortress surren- dered on June 17, 1745, just six weeks after the be- ginning of the siege. On the same day the fleet sailed into the harbor, while Pepperell with a part of his army en» tered the town. The news of the fall of Louisburg reached Boston a little after one o'clock in the morning of July 3, and soon the slumbering town was astir with shouting crowds whc were induced with difficulty to believe the truth of the report Great demonstrations of rejoicing were made in New York and Philadelphia and a general thanksgiving day was ap- pointed for the purpose of giving expression to the popular gratitude for what had seemed to be an interposition of Sir William Pepperell Painting by Swibert, in the possession of Mrs. Vanderhill Budd INTER-COLONIAL WARS Providence. In England the glad news was received with equal joy, and Pepperell was made a baronet and Warren an admiral. But the news caused astonishment in France, where it had been said that Louisburg was so strongly fortified that a dozen women could successfully defend it, and the French king refused to believe the report so long as there was a shadow of a doubt. That a handful of New England farm- ers and fishermen could take such a place seemed incredible. But they had nevertheless done it. It was more than the French could bear, and so they determined to make a su- preme effort to recapture the lost fortress. A fleet of sixty- five vessels was accordingly fitted out under the command of Due d'Anville, and in June, 1746, it sailed for America to undertake the work of recovering Louisburg. 14 But from the first the fleet encountered unforeseen difficulties, and soon after its arrival in American waters in September Due d'Anville died, his successor, D'Estournel, committed sui- cide, and the enterprise resulted in failure. Undaunted, however, by this failure, the French Gov- ernment fitted out another fleet under La Jonquiere for the conquest of Acadia and Louisburg, and in May, 1747, it sailed for America, but it was totally defeated by an English fleet before reaching its destination. Six of the ships of war were captured, and a large number of its men taken pris- oners, among them Jonquiere himself. Finally both nations tired of the weary and barren conflict, with its enormous financial burdens, came to terms of agreement, and in Octo- ber, 1748, signed a treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle. It was agreed that there should be a mutual restitution of all conquests made during the war, and this meant that Louis- burg would be given back to the French. George II. is said to have doubted whether it was his to give, considering the circumstances of its capture by New Englanders, but what- 14 Parkman, " Half Century of Conflict," vol. ii. p. 175. 286 THE UNITED STATES ever may have been the facts as to this point, the great fort- ress was quietly restored to the French without the consent of the American colonies, and of course to their great in- dignation. This act increased the already growing dissatis- faction of the colonists with the course of the mother country, and was doubtless one of the causes that eventually led to the desire for separation. Nevertheless it brought about tem- porary peace and gave the colonists a short breathing space until the coming of that great struggle which was to settle conclusively the question of British supremacy in America. Chapter VIII THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 1754-1763 I THE DISPUTE THE treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, like those which pre- ceded it, proved to be a mere truce in the long struggle between France and England for the mas- tery of North America, and only postponed the greater and decisive conflict. The vague language employed in the treaty of Utrecht with regard to the limits of Acadia had given rise to a boundary dispute between the two rival pow- ers, and this had not been definitely settled by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The English claimed that Acadia compre- hended not only what is now Nova Scotia, but the immense tract of land extending westward to the St. Lawrence River — about twenty times as much as that conceded by the French interpretation. 1 In pursuance of a provision in the latter treaty, a commission was appointed for adjusting the rival claims of the two powers in America, but after sitting at Paris for three years it broke up without reaching an agreement and only leaving four quarto volumes of allega- tions, argument and documental proofs as the result of its labors. Meantime the dispute assumed larger dimensions by thf claim which each nation now put forward for the possession of the valley of the Ohio, and the conflict was precipitated by the action of France in attempting to occupy the territory in dispute. France based her claim to the Ohio Valley on the i Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. p. 12a 287 288 THE UNITED STATES ground of discovery and occupation. French explorers had sailed up and down the St. Lawrence and Mississippi rivers, and had made their way along the shores of the Great Lakes from Ontario to Superior. The principles of international law as interpreted by the French gave them a right to the adjacent country drained by the rivers flowing into these bodies of water ; that is to say, the Mississippi valley extend- ing eastward to the crest of the Allegheny Mountains. Had this claim been allowed they would have received half of New York and a goodly share of Pennsylvania, leaving the Eng- lish nothing but a narrow strip along the coast. The in- choate title thus gained by discovery and exploration was strengthened by the establishment of a line of forts and trading posts which extended like a great bow from Biloxi in Louisiana around by way of the Great Lakes to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and including New Orleans, Fort Rosalie (Natchez), Chickasaw Bluff s (Memphis), Ca- hokia, Kaskaskia, Chartres, Vincennes, Detroit, Montreal, Kingston, Quebec and eventually about fifty others of less importance. Another line of posts, more recently erected, and intended to exclude English fur traders from the head- waters of the Ohio and the region about Lake Erie, ex- tended southward from Lake Ontario to the forks of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers. Most of these posts were garrisoned by French troops, and were relieved at regular intervals of six years. The British claim to the territory in dispute was based, first, on the treaties of Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle, the provisions of which were too vague and uncertain to throw much light on the merits of the controversy; second, on the old " sea to sea " grants by which the western boundaries of the English colonies were made to extend to the South Sea, or Pacific Ocean, these charters being granted prior to the French settlements in the Mississippi Valley; and third, on FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 291 Indian cessions. By the treaty of Utrecht in 1713 the Iro- quois Indians of New York had been declared British sub- jects, and at various times during the forty years following bands of these savages had made raids into what is now Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and in some cases had driven off the native tribes and killed and scalped many of them. Great Britain claimed the right to the lands thus " conquered " by her dusky subjects, and in 1744 entered into a treaty with them at Lancaster, Pennsylvania, by which they formally ceded to the British Government an indefinite extent of these lands situated west of the mountains. Again in 1752 another treaty was concluded at Logtown by which Virginia was given the right to erect a fort at the " forks of the Ohio." 2 The British claims were quite as extravagant and un- founded as those of the French, and had they been conceded the French power in America would have been restricted to a comparatively small territory north of the St. Lawrence River. By the middle of the century the rivalry of the two nations for the possession of the valleys of the Ohio was be- coming acute. Both French and English colonial govern- ors made urgent recommendations to their respective gov- ernments to take steps to occupy and fortify the territory in dispute. The French Government acted first. English fur traders from New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia were penetrating the territory claimed by France and participat- ing in a profitable trade, which the French insisted should be reserved exclusively to them. 3 2 Winsor, " Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. pp. 487, 490. 3 "The traffic of the French in peltries," says Parkman, "was far more important than all the rest together; one which absorbed the enterprise of the colony, drained the life sap from other branches of commerce and, even more than a vicious system of government, kept them in a state of chronic debility — the hardy, adventurous, lawless fur trade. In the eighteenth century Canada exported a moderate quantity of timber, wheat, the herb called ginseng, and a few other commodities; but from first to last she lived chiefly on beaver skins."— " The Old Regime," p. 302. 292 THE UNITED STATES Worse still, English land speculators were at work and English emissaries were " tampering " with the Indian allies of France. To expel these intruders the governor of Canada in 1749 sent Chevalier Celeron de Bienville with a detach- ment of Canadian soldiers and Indians to the junction of the Allegheny and Mononga- hela rivers, where they took formal possession of the re- gion in dispute by nailing the arms of France to certain trees and by burying leaden plates with appropriate in- scriptions at the mouths of various streams flowing into the Ohio. This performance was enacted at the mouth of the Muskingum River, the Great Kanawha and other streams, and late in the nine- teenth century some of the plates were washed up and discovered by the local resi- dents. 4 Celeron, having thus warned all intruders, returned to Montreal, from which place he summed up his opinion of the situation in the following words: " All I can say is, that the nations of those countries are very ill-disposed towards the French and devoted entirely to the English." Meanwhile the English were trying the scheme of colonization as a more effective method of frustrating *Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. p. 48. Much earlier in the century Gov. Spottswood, of Virginia, had taken possession of this part of the country in the name of George I., by burying bottles containing proclamations setting forth the facts of English occupation. Winsor, " Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 483. Celeron de Bienville From the painting in the Chateau de Ramezay, Montreal, Canada FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 293 French encroachments. In the previous year (1748) the Ohio Company had been formed for colonizing the lands on the Ohio in what is now West Virginia, and the crown had been induced to grant the company a tract of 500,000 acres, " which," said Governor Dinwiddie, " are his majesty's un- doubted right by the treaties of Lancaster and Logtown," in consideration that a hundred families be settled thereon within seven years, and a fort built and garrisoned. Among the members of the company were young George Washing- ton and two of his brothers. Other companies were formed and other grants made, so that by 1757 more than 3,000,000 acres of Virginia lands had thus been granted away. The outbreak of the war soon thereafter put an end to the ac- tivities of these land companies, so that they never had an op- portunity of accomplishing the purpose for which they were organized. Soon after Celeron's expedition the French erected and garrisoned several new forts in the disputed territory with a view to checking the English advance. These forts were Presque Isle, on the site of the present city of Erie, Pennsyl- vania; Fort le Boeuf, about twenty miles to the south of Presque Isle; and Fort Venango, still farther south, near the headwaters of the Allegheny River, or about midway between Lake Erie and the " forks of the Ohio." A third fort was planned at the junction of French Creek and the Allegheny, but was never erected. II PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS The continued activity of the French alarmed Gov- ernor Dinwiddie of Virginia, and he decided to send a mes- sage to the commandant of the fort at the junction of the 294 THE UNITED STATES Allegheny and Monongahela, protesting against further en- croachments. As the bearer of this message the governor selected Major George Washington, at the time adjutant- general of the Virginia militia, and who, as a surveys for Lord Fairfax, had seen something of western Virginia and of life on the frontier. Early in November, 1753, with Christopher Gist and an Indian chief called Half King as guides, together with French and Indian interpreters and the necessary number of servants, Washington set out upon his long journey of nearly a thousand miles for the " forks of the Ohio." 5 After a month or more of perilous journeying through an unbroken wilderness, over the mountains, across swollen rivers and encountering heavy snows and drenching rains, Washington reached Fort le Bceuf on December 11. To the commandant, Saint Pierre, the governor's letter was delivered and an answer requested. The letter ex- pressed " astonishment " that the French should have pre- sumed to build forts on lands belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, demanded to know by whose authority Cele- ron's expedition had been undertaken, and requested the withdrawal of the French troops from the newly erected forts. Washington was courteously received by Saint Pierre, who promised to send the letter to the governor of Canada, saying that until an answer could be received he would remain at his post. Having accomplished his mission Washington set out on his return journey, which was full of incident^and peril. On pne occasion he narrowly escaped death at the hands of an Indian who fired at him through accident, as his assailant pretended, and at ""Another time he was nearly drowned in the swollen Allegheny River while crossing on a raft. Finally, after enduring hardships al- most incredible, Washington reached Williamsburg in the sParkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. p. 133; Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 492. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 295 middle of January, 1754, after an absence of nearly eighty days. Meantime Dinwiddie had sent a report of the French encroachments to the British Government, and had received orders to demand the withdrawal of any persons presuming to erect forts within the limits of Virginia, and, if the de- mand should not be complied with, to " drive them off by force of arms." The Virginia legislature, refusing aid at first, finally voted ten thousand pounds under special condi- tions to enable the governor to carry out the orders of the king. Two hundred militiamen were called out and placed under the command of Joshua Fry, an Englishman, and a graduate of Oxford, as colonel, with George Wash- ington as second in com- mand. 6 Before beginning the march a party of Virginians had been sent forward to build a fort at the forks, and while engaged in this work were driven off, in April, by a French force which demol- ished the unfinished fort and began on its site a much more powerful one, which was called Du Quesne, in honor of the governor of Canada, the Marquis Du Quesne. Mean- time the militia was on the march. Roads through the wilderness had to be cut for wagons and artillery. Streams were forded with difficulty, and the mountainous character of the country made rapid advance impossible. In May the army reached the neighborhod of Ohio, e Winsor, " Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 493. Gov. Robert Dixwiddie of Virginia From a photograph of the original painting owned in Scotland. 296 THE UNITED STATES and at a place called Great Meadows a detachment of the militia fired on a body of Frenchmen who were lurk- ing in the woods near by; a fight ensued and the French commander, Jumonville, and nine of his men were killed and the rest of his force captured. 7 The war now began in earnest. " A cannon shot fired in the woods of America," said Voltaire, " was the signal that set Europe in a blaze." Such were the complications of European interests that not France and England alone were involved, but the greater part of the Old World. After the skirmish at Great Meadows, Washington threw up intrenchments at a place which he called Fort Ne- cessity and awaited the coming of reen for cements from Colonel Fry. Before they arrived, however, Fry had died and Washington was made commander of the regiment, which consisted of about 300 men. After the death of Jumonville, his brother, Villiers, took command of the French forces, which greatly outnumbered those of the English. On July 4 the enemy, consisting of some 900 French and Indians, rushed out of the woods yelling and firing their guns, and at once began the attack upon the Eng- lish. For nine hours, during most of which time the rain fell in torrents, the fire on both sides was kept up without ceasing, but with the approach of darkness the French proposed a parley. The English were in a bad plight; they had little ammunition, their muskets were in foul condition, and they * The precipitancy of the attack led to the French charge that Jumonville's death was the result of assassination rather than an act of war, and through the treachery of a Dutch interpreter Washington was made to admit this in the articles of capitulation, which were drawn up in French. The French claimed that the party attacked was simply an armed escort with a summons from the commander of Fort Du Quesne seeking an interview with Washington. But the fact is the French had been lurking several days within a few miles of Wash- ington's camp and had made no effort to deliver the summons. Winsor, " Narra- tive and Critical History," vol. v. p. 493; Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," Vol. i. pp. 148-9, FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR *i)7 themselves, were half starved, and drenched to the skin with rain. In this situation Washington accepted the offers of the French; two officers were sent to confer with Villiers, and presently they returned with terms of capitulation, which Washington signed about midnight. The terms allowed the English to march out with drums beating and with the honors of war, and permitted them to retain all their property. The loss of the Virginians was twelve killed and forty-three wounded; that of the enemy being somewhat smaller. The morning after the surrender Washington's force abandoned the fort and marched back to Will's Creek, fifty-two miles distant, while the French, exultant over their victory, re- turned to Fort Du Quesne. Not an English flag now waved west of the Alleghenies. in RESOURCES OF THE CONTENDING BELLIGERENTS Before proceeding further with the narration of the military operations of the war, it is well to turn aside for a moment to consider the character and resources of the two belligerent powers in America. The territorial possessions actually occupied by the two contestants were not very un- equal in extent. Great Britain controlled the Atlantic Coast from Maine to Florida and westward to the watershed of the Allegheny Mountains. France held Louisiana, the Missis- sippi Valley and Canada. The French population in America in 1754, including that in Louisiana and Acadia, did not ex- ceed 80,000 persons, of which about 55,000 were in Canada. The population of the English colonies in America was not less than 1,100,000. This disparity of population alone was an immense disadvantage to the French, but it was to some extent offset by other circumstances. In the first place, the French power in America was centralized and united. There 298 THE UNITED STATES were, to be sure, territorial subdivisions or provinces, buJ they were without local autonomy. When it came to raising troops and supplies the governor of Canada was not depend- ent upon the will of a dozen local legislatures, each free to vote the necessary funds or withhold them as it pleased. The king had but to command and the French colonies acted as a unit, a condition of the highest value in the prosecution of the war. The English power in America, on the other hand, was a " mosaic of little republics," each with a large degree of local autonomy, free to grant or withhold supplies for the prosecution of the war as its sense of right and jus- tice dictated. United action was difficult to secure, as the appeals of Governor Dinwiddie to the neighboring colonies clearly showed. The need of closer union among the colonies for purposes of mutual defense, as well as domestic tran- quillity, was strongly felt by the colonial leaders, and in 1754, the very year the war broke out, a plan of union pro- posed by Benjamin Franklin was laid before a congress which assembled at Albany for the purpose of renewing the treaty with the Six Nations. The plan proposed a grand council of forty-eight members to represent the various colonies on the basis of their respective contributions, no colony to have more than seven nor less than two members. The members of the grand council were to be elected by the colonial legislatures for a term of three years. The council was to be empowered to provide for the defense of the colonies, the apportionment of quotas of men and money, the control of the colonial armies, and the care of the general welfare. There was to be a president general appointed by the Crown, with the power of appointing military officers, supervising military affairs and vetoing ordinances. 8 This scheme was adopted by all the delegates present except those 8 Frothingham, " Rise of the Republic," p. 143. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 299 from Connecticut ; but it seemed to the colonial assemblies to give the Crown too much power, and was therefore rejected. For the opposite reason it found just as little favor with the home government. It was the first notable attempt to bring about a union of the English colonies, and of it the historian Bancroft, well says: " America had never seen an assembly so venerable for the States that were represented, or for the great and able men who composed it." In addition to the advantage which the French derived from the character of their political organization, the power- ful influence which they exerted over the Indians was a source of incalculable strength to them. The French fur trader in America had been followed by the Jesuit priest, and while the one bargained with the savage for his furs and peltries, the other sought to convert him to the Roman Catholic faith. The French explorers, traders, soldiers and missionaries placed themselves on an equality with the red men, lived with them in their huts, adopted their customs and sometimes married Indian squaws and reared families, ap- parently without any sense of degradation. The Indian fondness for display, as well as his weakness for spirits, were not neglected. 9 Their festivities were participated in by Frenchmen, and it is said that no less a personage than Gov- ernor Frontenac himself donned their uncouth but pictur- esque costume and engaged in their dances. 10 By these means the French gained a remarkable ascendency over the In- dians and were thus enabled to enlist them as allies in the war with the British. The Englishman showed his unwillingness to treat the Indian on a footing of equality, and, moreover, he lacked the resources of artifice and flattery which the 9 While Washington was at Fort La Boeuf on his mission in 1753 he says he found it almost impossible to prevent the French from seducing Half King by means of gifts and brandy and winning him over to their side. 10 Sloane, " The French War and the Revolution " p. 33. 300 THE UNITED STATES French turned to so great advantage. Besides, the Indian realized that the Englishman wanted his lands, while the Frenchman did not, and consequently cherished a suspicion of the former. It was not unnatural, therefore, that the Indians should have taken sides with the French in the war that now ensued. To this, however, there was a notable exception in the case of the Iroquois, or Six Nations of New York, who withstood French influence and cast their lot with the British. 11 This was due to two causes. In the first place the Iroquois had a traditional dislike of the French, which dated back to the year 1609, when Cham- plain made a raid into Iroquois territory and killed some of their chiefs. Secondly there was a bitter hostility between the Algonquin and Iroquois nations, and the fact that the Algonquins were on intimate terms with the French led the Iroquois to reject the diplomatic advances of the latter, and to become allies of the former. 12 With all their hatred for the French it is extremely prob- able, however, that the Iroquois would have yielded to French seductions had it not been for the powerful influence exercised over them by Sir William Johnson. Johnson was a native of Ireland who came to America in 1738 and settled near Schenectady. Engaging in trade with the Indians, he soon won their confidence to a remarkable degree. He adopted the French method of social intercourse with the Indians, became a master of their language, married an In- dian squaw, and was elevated to the rank of Sachem, an honor rarely accorded by an Indian tribe to a white man. In 1744 he was appointed by Governor Clinton as colonel of the Six Nations, and when the war broke out he was made a 11 " Iroquois " was the French name for the confederacy of Cayugas, Senecas, Oneidas, Onondagas and Mohawks. In 1713 they were joined by the Tuscaroras of North Carolina. By the English, they were known as the "Six Nations" after 1713. They called themselves Hodenosaunee. 12 Sloane, " The French War and the Revolution," pp. 34-35, FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 301 major general of British forces. He used his influence with the Iroquois to turn them against the French, and to him, more than any other man, the alliance with the British was due. IV braddock's expedition The English authorities, both in America and at home, were sorely disappointed at the result of the affair at Fort Necessity, and at once began to devise plans for retrieving the disaster and driving out the French. The Cabinet, at the head of which stood the Duke of Newcastle, proposed to take rigorous measures to insure British control of Acadia and to organize three expeditions to proceed against Fort Du Quesne, Niagara and Crown Point respectively. 13 Early in 1755 a fleet was dispatched to Virginia with two regiments of soldiers under the command of Major General Braddock who was to have chief command of His Majesty's forces in America. Braddock had seen forty years of service in the British army, had gained distinction for gallantry, and meritorious conduct, but he possessed per- sonal qualities which, to a large degree, unfitted him for military service such as he was to see in the mountains and woods of North America. Soon after the departure of Brad- dock with his feeble force, a French fleet, under the com- mand of Vaudreuil, the new governor of Canada, with 4,000 soldiers, sailed for the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Braddock arrived in Virginia early in February, 1755, called a conference of colonial governors at Alexandria in April, and discussed with them the question of raising men and money, and plans for expelling the French. This done, issioane, "The French War and the Revolution," p. 40; Winsor, "Narrative and Critical HistorjV' vol. v. p. 495. THE UNITED STATES he assumed command of the expedition and entered upon the long march through the wilderness to a point on Will's Creek named Fort Cumberland in honor of the general's patron, the Duke of Cumberland. The force consisted of a detach- ment of British regulars, together with several regiments of provincial troops, whom Braddock contemptuously referred to as " raw recruits." He further showed his contempt of the provincials by issuing an order which withheld from the higher American officers all rank when regulars of the same rank were in the field, and made matters worse by declaring that whatever incapacity the American " recruits " might exhibit in the presence of savage warriors His Majesty's regulars would be more than a match for them. Neverthe- less, he suffered Washington to attend him as aide-de-camp. After a weary march of nearly a month Braddock reached Fort Cumberland in May, where a large body of militia was already waiting. Through the efforts of Benjamin Frank- lin, who had preceded Braddock to Will's Creek, the neigh- boring farmers had been induced to lend their wagons and teams in large numbers for the transportation of supplies. After a rest of several days, during which the militia was put through a rigorous course of training and discipline, the army set out for Fort Du Quesne, one hundred and thirty miles distant. Great were the difficulties of that march, for there were no roads except Indian paths, and the country was an unbroken wilderness covered with steep hills and tra- versed by rough ridges. A force of five hundred axmen had to be sent forward to clear a wagon road and construct bridges. In the narrow twelve-foot road thus constructed the army slowly made its way over the mountains, some- times drawn out four miles in length and giving the ap- pearance of a gigantic parti-colored snake trailing through the forest. 14 I* Parkman, "Half Century of Conflict," vol. i. p. 205. Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company George Washington, at the Age of Thirty, in the Uniform of a Virginia Colonel From painting by Charles Wilson Peale , < c C C * ! , • , r: tj c <■ t c t c FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 305 By June 18 it was within thirty miles of Fort Du Quesne, but was advancing scarcely more than three miles per day. Growing impatient, Washington induced Brad- dock to leave the heavy baggage behind under Colonel Dunbar and send forward 1,200 picked men as an ad- vance corps. By July 7 this body of troops had reached the mouth of Turtle Creek, about eight miles from Fort Du Quesne. Early on the morning of the 9th, when the army was within five miles of the fort, a force, consisting of some two hundred Frenchmen and six hundred Indians dressed in their customary war paint, was sent out from the fort to meet the English. Concealing themselves in the high grass and underbrush which flanked the narrow roadway near the ford of the Monongahela, they waited until the advance guard under Lieutenant Colonel Gage had reached a convenient point, and then at a signal from a French officer they rose with a terrible war whoop and began to pour a merciless fire right and left upon the terrified and demoralized English and Americans. 15 It seemed to the astonished English that the woods were swarming with savages. From behind trees, stumps, bushes, branches or grass and crags the unseen enemy poured volley after volley into the British ranks. As soon as Gage recovered his equanimity he wheeled his men into line and made several discharges with remarkable steadiness. But for the most part they took effect only against trees and stones. When Braddock heard the firing he pushed rapidly forward to the aid of Colonel Gage, but his forces were soon thrown into the utmost confusion, with the exception of the Virginians, who were firing upon the enemy from behind stumps and trees, according to their own method of warfare. 15 The ambush theory is questioned by some authorities. Thwaites in his "France in America," pp. 177-178, says "what occurred was a regulation forest fight in which the French and their allies flanked the British on either side." 306 THE UNITED STATES Braddock was unaccustomed to the Indian manner of fight- ing, and what was worse, he refused to adopt it upon the advice of Washington, and expressed disgust at such un- military conduct. Dashing to and fro, apparently oblivious to every thought of danger, he endeavored in vain to form the regulars in line and to prevent them from breaking ranks and taking advantage of the trees and stumps. Under this pressure the regulars stood their ground for a brief interval, firing aimlessly at foes whom they could place only by puffs of smoke ; but finally they broke in confusion and fled, their scarlet uniforms offering excellent targets for the enemy. The militia, more accustomed to the war whoop of the savage, were less easily terrified, and contested their ground for about two hours, during which time the regulars were mowed down like grain before a reaper. The panic was indescribable. In reply to Braddock's entreaties some of them replied, : ' We would fight if we could see anybody to fight with." The ground was covered with dead and wounded soldiers, maddened horses rushed neighing about the field, while the roar of cannon and the clatter of musketry added further to the terror caused by the hideous yells of Indian savages. Braddock's courage never deserted him. He was always in the thickest of the fight. Four horses were shot under him, and while dashing forward on the fifth he was mortally wounded by a bullet which entered his lung. Carried to the rear he died a few days later and was buried in the middle of the road. Washington, too, barely escaped, for two horses were shot under him, and four bullets tore his clothes to pieces. Out of 86 officers, 63 were killed or disabled, while of 1,373 men, but few more than 400 escaped unhurt. The losses of the enemy were insignificant, being about 30 killed and as many wounded. Among the killed on the English side were Sir Peter Halket and young Shirley, secretary of General Braddock and son of Governor Shirley of Massa- FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 307 chusetts. Among the wounded were Horatio Gates and Thomas Gage, well known names in the history of the Revolution. After the fall of Braddock the army retreated in utter rout. The arrival of the fugitives at Dunbar's Camp with the tidings of defeat threw the camp into commotion, and orders were at once given that the wagons, stores and am- munition should be destroyed, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. The order was carried out and hundreds of wagons were burned, scores of cannon disabled, many barrels of gunpowder thrown into the river, and large quantities of provisions scattered through the woods and swamps. This done, the depleted, disorganized and dis- heartened army took up its return march for Fort Cumber- land, sixty miles distant. Thus ended the first attempt to expel the French from the Ohio Valley. EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS r A tragic feature of the war was the expulsion by the British authorities of the Acadians from Nova Scotia. This province, as we have seen, was settled by the French in 1604, three years before the first English settlement in America, and through all the changes of a century and a half it had remained largely French in race, religion, manners and cus- toms. By the treaty of Utrecht of 1713, Acadia, with in- definite boundaries, was ceded to England; but the treaty contained a stipulation which relieved the French inhabi- tants from taking up arms against France in any war be- tween Great Britain and that country. During the forty years they had lived under British rule they had increased in numbers and had become prosperous and contented. They 308 THE UNITED STATES were a simple-minded, peasant people, thrifty, frugal and industrious, lived in rustic plenty, and were deeply attached to their homes. But notwithstanding their quiet, peaceful habits, they were a thorn in the side of the British, for they were British subjects only nominally, and their neutrality proved to be ostensible rather than real. They remained de- voted to the Catholic religion and were completely subject to the influence of their priests, for the most part Canadians, who encouraged them to retain their native language and to refuse the oath of allegiance to the Brit- ish Crown. Toward the middle of the eighteenth century the British Government, fearing that France might attempt to re- assert her sovereignty over Acadia, sent out several thou- sand settlers and founded the town of Halifax as a means of strengthening its power in the peninsula. In the spring of 1755 a British fleet, commanded by Colonel Robert Monck- ton, arrived in the Bay of Fundy, captured a number of French vessels and expelled the French from this region and took Forts Beau Sejour and Gaspereau, the only places of strategic importance on the isthmus still held by the French. To the surprise of the British they found Acadians with arms at Beau Sejour, fighting on the side of the French, in violation of their neutral obligations. They had thus for- feited their right to be treated as neutrals, and so something had to be done to curb their French propensities. To order Colonel Robert Monckton From a mezzotint engraving FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 309 them to leave the country would be merely to drive them to Canada or Cape Breton and thus to strengthen the enemy. To place garrisons in their midst to enforce their neutrality would require more men than the government could spare, besides the entailment of a large expense. It was therefore decided to remove the whole population, root and branch, from the province, if they refused to take oaths of allegiance, and transplant it to various parts of the country, in such a way as to destroy all possibility of its ever giving the English further trouble. It was a harsh decision, but the English believed it to be justified on the grounds of military necessity, and they proceeded to carry it out with a severity and relentlessness rarely equaled in the sad his- tory of warfare. A plan for treacherously kidnaping the unsuspecting peasants was carefully worked out and kept a profound secret from them. In September they were as- sembled under false representations at their various parish churches, by order of Colonel Winslow, when the king's proclamation ordering their expulsion was read to them, after which they were surrounded by the soldiers, made prisoners and hurried on ships that lay in a nearby harbor. Families were not infrequently broken up by the separation of the husband from the wife, and both from the children, although the English commanders endeavored to keep families together. The heartrending scenes that occurred at Grand Pre have been well por- trayed by Longfellow in his poem " Evangeline," and the whole affair has been charmingly described by Francis Park- man in his " Half Century of Conflict." Lands, crops, cattle, houses, everything except their little money and house- hold goods, were forfeited to the Crown, and to insure the starvation of those who fled to the woods the growing crops were destroyed and the barns and houses burned. Their beautiful country, smiling in the autumn with well culti- 310 THE UNITED STATES vated gardens and fields of waving grain, was left not only a solitude, but a desert. Once on board the English vessels they were carried away to distant provinces of the British colonial empire. More than a thousand were sent to Massa Copyright, 1005, by John D. Morris & Company "Then up rose their commander, and spake from the steps of the altar, Holding aloft in his hands, with its seals, the royal commission." — Longfellow's " Evangeline." chusetts, where they long remained a burden on the public. Their wretched condition of course excited commiseration, but the New England horror of Roman Catholicism was too great to make the exiles welcome guests, and they were re- garded with suspicion. The governors of several States re- fused to receive them, and the ships bearing them were forcibly turned back. Some were sent to Pennsylvania, some to far-away Georgia, and others to the West Indies- - FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 311 altogether about 7,000 being carried off. 10 Many resigned themselves to their fate, while others yearned for their former homes and endeavored to return to Acadia or to Canada. In some cases the colonial assemblies, only too anxious to be rid of Papists, defrayed the expenses of their transportation. Several hundred who were sent to Georgia built rude boats and tried to reach the Bay of Fundy. Some were sent to England and France, while some made their way to the French province of Louisiana, where their de- scendants are still found, constituting a numerous and dis- tinct population. Of those who were deported only an in- significant portion ever lived to see Acadia again, while many died broken-hearted. It is difficult for the impartial historian to find justi- fication for so severe and harsh a policy. As a military measure it was without precedent in modern times, and must always remain a dark spot in the history of Great Britain. It must be admitted, however, that the provocation of the English was not inconsiderable, and that they did not take this extreme step until every resource of patience and persua- sion had been tried in vain to induce the Acadians to take an oath of allegiance and preserve a neutral attitude. As long as they remained in Nova Scotia they were a source of per- petual danger to the English colonists, and kept the minds of the English constantly filled with a feeling of insecurity. 17 10 As late as 1762 the General Court of Massachusetts turned back five transports loaded with these unfortunate persons. Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 417. it Parkman, " Half Century of Conflict," ch. viii.; Sloane, " French War and the Constitution," pp. 46-48; Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. pp. 415-417. THE UNITED STATES VI ENGLISH DISASTERS AND FAILURES The disaster at Fort Du Quesne was a sore disappoint- ment to the Newcastle ministry and caused general dismay throughout the English settlements in America, for it left the people of the middle colonies exposed to the savage raids of the Indians and their French allies. They were quickly aroused to this danger, and the legislatures of Pennsylvania and Virginia at once appropriated large sums for defense, while the neighboring colonies offered to furnish men and supplies to the extent of their ability. Braddock's defeat also spoiled another well-laid scheme of the British authorities — the expedition against Fort Niagara. This place was the center of the fur trade in the lake region and constituted an important link in the chain of posts from the St. Lawrence to the Ohio. Governor William Shirley, of Massachusetts, with some good regulars, militiamen and Indians, had already undertaken to capture the fort, expecting to be joined by Braddock's army after the latter had taken Fort Du Quesne. He had set out from Albany early in the summer, and after a long and toilsome marth through the wilderness of western New York, reached Oswego, on Lake Ontario, with the expectation of embark- ing for Niagara. Here he fitted out a number of vessels and made great preparation for the advance on Niagara, but at this juncture came the discouraging news of Brad- dock's defeat, in addition to innumerable delays occasioned by heavy rains and other obstacles. On account of the late- ness of the season, therefore, it was decided to abandon the expedition, and this was accordingly done after build- FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 313 ing a fort and leaving a garrison of seven hundred men to defend it. It now began to look as if the first year of the war would end in total failure so far as the English were concerned, but fortunately they were saved from this by a victory over the French in northern New York. As has been said, the French fort, Crown Point, at the south end of Lake George, or as the French called it, Lake Sacrament, was, with Du Quesne and Niagara, one of the objective points in the British programme. It stood as a gateway on the road to Can- ada, and was a place of some strategic importance. Wil- liam Johnson, the great friend of the Iroquois, was selected to lead the expedition against the fort, with General Phineas Lyman of Connecticut as second in command. Among the officers were Israel Putnam and John Stark, afterwards famous generals in the Revolution, and Colonel Ephriam Williams, the founder of Williams College. Johnson suc- ceeded in raising nearly 4,000 men, mainly New England militiamen, and marched up to the shores of Lake George, while the opposing French army, consisting of some 3,000 men, including 700 Indians, and commanded by Baron Dieskau, pushed down from Montreal and made ready to attack him. The advance guards of the two armies met on September 8, at a place some distance south of Crown Point, a battle ensued, and Dieskau was defeated and mor- tally wounded. His troops thereupon fled in terror back to Crown Point, while Dieskau himself was taken prisoner. The loss of the French was about 1,000 men; that of the English about 300. Johnson was knighted by the Crown and given £5,000 by Parliament as a reward for his services; but General Lyman of Connecticut claimed the chief honor, on the ground that while Johnson lay wounded in his tent 314 THE UNITED STATES he forced the rout of the French ; however, Johnson did not even mention Lyman's name in his report. 18 Although receiving reinforcements, Johnson made no attempt to follow up his victory by an advance on Crown Point, but against the advice of Lyman, timidly suffered the French to erect Fort Ticonderoga near by, while he withdrew his army to the south. He was accused by many in New England of incapacity, and apparently the charges were not without foundation. Thus the year 1775 ended with the outlook for the English anything but encouraging. They had sustained one overwhelming defeat, had met with utter failure in the Niagara expedition, and had, after a decisive victory on Lake George, neglected to follow it up and reap the fruits which it offered. The next year (1756) saw formal declarations of war by both belligerents — after war had been in actual existence for two years — and renewed preparations for the prosecu- tion of hostilities in America. The Earl of Loudon was made commander-in-chief of the British forces in America, with General Abercrombie as second in command. General Montcalm was made commander of the French forces, to succeed the dying Dieskau, and, while the English were pursuing a policy of masterly inactivity, he marched upon the fort which Shirley had built and garrisoned at Oswego, and in August captured it, together with about 1,600 prisoners. Some of these unfortunates were tomahawked by drunken savages, and about 100 pieces of artillery and con- siderable ammunition were taken. It was the greatest victory that the French had yet achieved in America, but the French success was partially offset by the erection of a British fort on the Tennessee to guard Georgia and the Carolinas against 18 Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 504; Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. p. 316. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 315 incursions of the French from their posts east of the Miss- issippi. The destruction also of Kittanning, an Indian vil- lage some fifty miles north of Fort Du Quesne on the Allegheny River, served further to offset in a small way the French victory at Oswego. From Kittanning Indian raids had been made upon the frontier settlements of Pennsyl- vania, and many of the inhabitants massacred or carried away into captivity. It was finally taken by a militiaman, Captain John Armstrong, who, with a party of 300 fron- tiersmen, pushed his way through the wilderness in September and fell upon the town in the early morning, taking the Indians unawares just as they were closing a night of festivities. After a hot and stubborn fight the Indians were badly routed and their town utterly de- stroyed, together with a quantity of ammunition which they declared was sufficient for ten years' war with the English. Throughout the winter which followed hostilities were suspended with the exception of a few raids upon the enemy undertaken by partisan bands from New England or from the forts in New York. An unsuccessful attempt was also made by a French party to strike a blow against the fort at the heed of Lake George, but the garrison proved too strong, and their assailants were compelled to retreat without inflicting any greater injury than the burn- ing of neighboring houses and the desolation of the adjacent country. The military operations of 1757 were even less success- ful from the English standpoint than those of the preceding year. It was indeed a year of humiliation and disaster. 19 One of the objective points of the war was the capture of Louisburg, the impregnable fortress on Cape Breton Island, which, as we have seen, had been taken by 19 Thwaites, " France in America," p. 215. 316 THE UNITED STATES Pepperell and his New England militiamen in 1748 and re- stored to France by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, to the great chagrin of the New Englanders. Loudon planned to lead an attack upon the stronghold, but his preparations were characterized by extraordinary tardiness and inactivity. A French Earthworks and B. first landing Place . C English Hedvuiti D English Baltaies E Pond F Siege Wmks G. Barachovs H Princess's Bastion I Querns Bastion. J. A'utf/s Bastion. X Dauphins Bat L. Crand Battery. M Island. Battery Map of the Siege of Louisburg Finally, he embarked from New York with a large fleet, and reached Halifax in June, where he was joined by a squadron from England, his effective strength consisting altogether of ten or twelve thousand men and sixteen vessels. The French, having apparently learned of his coming, had assembled a larger fleet at Louisburg and were awaiting the attack. Loudon lacked Pepperell's capacity and courage and was easily persuaded to believe that an attack would result in his defeat. He accordingly abandoned the expe- dition and returned with his fleet to New York, while the English squadron was disabled by a storm. The almost disgraceful ending of the Louisburg ex- pedition was followed by a disaster to the English on Lake FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 317 George. Here, after the defeat of the French at Crown Point in 1755, Johnson had erected a fort which he named William Henry for one of the king's grandsons. In order to supply troops for the expedition against Louisburg, the militia from New York had been largely drawn off. Tak- ing advantage of this situation, Montcalm, having in the meantime descended from Canada with nearly 8,000 men, of whom about one- fourth were savages who desolated the country as they marched and inflicted unspeakable atrocities on the inhabitants, fell suddenly upon the English fort. It was garrisoned by about 2,000 men under the command of Colonel Munro, a courageous and capable officer, who re- fused to surrender. There were 2,600 men near by at Fort Edward, under the command of Colonel Webb, and to this officer Munro sent appeals in vain for reen for cements. For four or five days the brave garrison held out, but was finally forced to surrender, being accorded generous terms and allowed to march out with the honors of war. Montcalm found it impossible to compel the Indians to observe the terms of the treaty, although he had exacted from the chiefs a promise of obedience. Disappointed at not finding plunder in the fort, they turned upon the sick and wounded left there, murdered them in cold blood, and hor- ribly mutilated their bodies. Proceeding early next morning to the camp, partly intoxicated with rum, they began the work of butchering the soldiers who were waiting to be marched out. In vain did Montcalm appeal to his blood-thirsty allies to spare the English who were under his protec- tion: he even begged them to kill him instead. But neither threats nor entreaties, nor the promise of presents, could restrain them, and so they kept on with their bloody work until seventy or eighty persons, including a number of women and children, had been massacred. Two hundred 318 THE UNITED STATES prisoners and a quantity of plunder were carried away, the fort was razed to the ground and the ruins, with the dead bodies of the slain, were heaped in a vast pile and burned to ashes. 20 Thus the year 1757 ended as the preceding one, in gloom for the British, and the great mass of the people were in despondency. 21 The war had now been going on for more than two years, and they had scarcely won a single substantial victory. The record was mainly a succession of disasters and failures, both on land and sea. To this, how- ever, there was a notable exception. In far-away India the British had won the Battle of Plassey, by which they had destroyed the French power in that part of the globe and laid the foundation for a great empire in the East. But in America the French still controlled three-fourths of the con- tinent, including the great waterways that led to the heart of the continent, the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and the several portages which connected them. Not a foot of the disputed territory in the valley of the Ohio or on the Great Lakes was held by Great Britain, and the only fort she had established there had been taken by the enemy. The British commanders in America had shown themselves in- efficient and incapable. Popular sentiment attributed this state of affairs to the imbecility and worthlessness of the Newcastle ministry, which had held the reins of power since the outbreak of the war. 20 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. i. p. 513. 2iThwaites, "France in America," p. 215. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 319 VII THE VICTORIES OF PITT It was now felt that what England needed more than anything else was an able leader at the head of the govern- ment, a man who was capable of directing and managing a great war. Public sentiment had already found such a statesman in the person of William Pitt, the Great Com- moner, as he was called, but the king and the ruling Whig families looked upon him with jealousy and caused his dis- missal in April, 1757. But the popular enthusiasm for Pitt was irresistible, and in June of the same year he was called to the head of the government. Almost instantly the situ- ation began to improve under his magic touch. He had worked out well-conceived plans for prosecuting the war and now proceeded to carry them out with masterly success. " England has long been in labor," said Frederick the Great, " and has at last brought forth a man." Pitt proposed to take Louisburg, Ticonderoga, Du Quesne, and finally Quebec, and under his direction the organization of the army was speedily reformed and new and able leaders like Howe, Forbes, Amherst and Wolfe were selected to carry out his programme. In the early part of 1758 England became an ally of Frederick the Great, who had been struggling single-handed against a coalition of the great Catholic powers, and the combined forces of the allies soon began to win startling victories over the enemy, in spite of the great odds against them. The moral effect of these brilliant European victories upon the spirits of the disheartened Americans was soon perceptible. Early in 1758 Pitt sent a fleet to America under the command of Admiral Boscowen to capture Louis- burg. It consisted of more than forty vessels and had on 320 THE UNITED STATES board over eleven thousand troops, nearly all regulars, in- cluding two able commanders, Generals Jeffrey Amherst and James Wolfe. On May 28, after a long and tempestu- ous voyage, the fleet arrived at Halifax, and early in June began the attack upon the powerful French fortress, the " Dunkirk of America." The gallant Wolfe, in the face of a deadly fire, captured the outposts and drove in the enemy's lines, killing and capturing 120 men. A regular siege was then begun against the for- tress. Day after day Boscowen's guns bom- barded the fort, until by the latter part of July the French cannon were silenced and a breach made in the crumbling walls. Part of the fort was also on fire and the condition of the garrison was truly pitiable. In one day no less than 1,200 William Pitt, Earl of Chatham 1 -. ,, , bombs were thrown, and there was scarcely a house in the town that had not been in- jured by the artillery fire. In this situation it seemed useless for the garrison to attempt to hold out further, and it sur- rendered upon receiving promise of honorable terms. Alto- gether about 5,700 men were made prisoners, while 240 cannon and a large quantity of ammunition and stores were captured. This splendid success, really the first of the war, aroused genuine enthusiasm throughout the American col- onies and raised Pitt to the first place in the hearts of the English people. Addresses of congratulation poured in FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR upon the king from every quarter, thanksgiving sermons were preached in New England, and displays of fireworks and illuminations were made in all the large towns of the colonies. It proved to be the beginning of a series of suc- cesses which were to result ultimately in the downfall of the French. It was also a part of Pitt's programme to capture Ticon- deroga, an important stronghold held by the French at the north end of Lake George, and which, besides controlling the highway to Canada, was a thorn in the side of New York. While the siege of Louisburg was in progress a large army was assembling in New York under the leadership of Aber- crombie and Lord Howe, brother of the two Howes of Revolutionary fame, for the purpose of marching against Ticonderoga. The army consisted of 15,000 men, of whom 6,300 were British regulars and 9,000 were provincials, mainly from New England and the middle colonies, among them being Israel Putnam and John Stark. It is believed to have been the largest army of white soldiers ever assem- bled in America up to that time. 22 Besides, there were about 900 bateaux, 135 whale boats and a large number of heavy flatboats for transporting the men and artillery on the lake. Early in July the flotilla, bearing the army and present- ing a magnificent spectacle, sailed down the lake and pre- pared to attack the fort which was occupied by Montcalm with about 4,000 men. 23 A skirmishing party had been thrown out by Montcalm and this was attacked by an ad- vance guard of the English force, with the result that Lord Howe, the real, though not nominal, commander of the army, was killed in the sharp fight which followed. The death of this brave leader threw the army into confusion and produced a languor and consternation from which the timid, 22 Sloane, " French War and the Revolution," p. 69. 23 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 93. THE UNITED STATES incapable Abercrombie was never able to completely rescue it. On July 8 the English troops undertook to carry the breastworks of the fort, but were mowed down in frightful numbers, while Abercrombie himself remained at a sawmill a mile and a half away, secure from all danger. By his direction six frantic assaults were made against the intrenchments, but each time the soldiers were driven back, leaving in the end about 2,000 of their dead and wounded on the ground. In this situa- tion Abercrombie decided to abandon the attack and re- treat with his shattered army to the south. This he did, leaving Ticonderoga in the hands of the enemy. His military career, like that of Loudon, having ended in failure, he returned to Eng- land, reentered politics, was elected to Parliament, and we hear of him no more. While the English were sorrowing over their awful disaster at Lake George, there occurred an event which served to cheer, in a slight degree at least, their drooping spirits. This was the capture and destruction of Fort Frontenac, on the western shore of Lake Ontario. This daring exploit was accomplished by John Bradstreet, who with some 3,000 militiamen marched to Oswego, which he easily re- captured, after which he crossed the lake in such boats as could be procured, and in the latter part of August captured the coveted fort with its garrison of more than a hundred Marquis de Montcalm From a portrait in the possession of the present Marquis de Mont- calm, Paris, France FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 323 men and nine armed vessels — the whole of the French naval force on Lake Ontario — besides a large quantity of valuable spoils, including 60 cannon, ammunition and stores, intended for Fort Du Quesne. Next to the loss of Louisburg, this was the heaviest blow that the French had yet received. Their command of Lake Ontario was now gone and New France was cut in twain. 24 The last military campaign of the year was that against Fort Du Quesne. This expedition was entrusted to the command of General Forbes, a Scotch veteran, with the able assistance of Colonel George Washington, who marched at the head of 1,400 Virginia troops. To these were added 2,700 men from Pennsylvania under John Armstrong, about 2,000 men from the Carolinas, and a corps of Royal Amer- icans, commanded by a Swiss officer, Colonel Bouquet, mak- ing altogether an army of about 6,000 men, nearly all of whom were Americans. After some discussion it was de- cided not to follow the road constructed by Braddock in 1754, but to cut a new path through the forest from the headwaters of the Juniata across the ridges to a tributary of the Allegheny. It was the shorter route, but was more broken and required a vast amount of time and labor to construct the road. The proposition was opposed by Wash- ington, who, not insensible to the interests of his colony, which had western lands to develop, insisted on following Braddock's road. The Pennsylvanians, on the other hand, wished to have a new road cut from Carlisle direct to Fort Du Quesne. The expedition was delayed in getting started, and when at last, in June, it began to move, General Forbes was seized with a mortal illness and had to be carried on a litter before his troops. On account of the additional delay thus occa- sioned, it was not until September that the expedition reached the neighborhood of the forks. Major Grant with 800 24 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 129. THE UNITED STATES skirmishers was sent forward to reconnoiter, and if possible decoy a portion of the garrison from the fort and capture them; but he was surprised by overwhelming numbers and badly beaten in a fight which cost him nearly 300 men. At this juncture it was decided not to proceed farther until spring, but on November 12 news was brought to the camp by friendly Indians that the garrison of Fort Du Quesne had been diminished by withdrawals and was badly weakened for lack of supplies. Thereupon it was resolved to resume the march, and Washington and Armstrong, with 3,500 men, pushed forward through the forests, only to find upon reaching the forks of the Ohio a heap of smoldering ruins on the site of the fort. The French garrison, reduced to five hundred men, seeing that they were greatly outnumbered and on the verge of starvation, had burned the barracks and store- houses, blown up the fortifications, and departed in va- rious directions, leaving the heads of their slaughtered captives stuck on poles for the delectation of their living comrades. Upon the arrival of Washington the English flag was hoisted on the spot and a thanksgiving service fol- lowed the next day. Few campaigns have ever been con- ducted so successfully from a litter of pain. 25 The name of the place was changed to Pittsburg, in honor of the Great Commoner, who had made the English triumph possible. The name was retained after the colonies became independent States, in recognition of Pitt's unselfish stand for the liber- ties of the Americans at the outbreak of the Revolution, and on the site of the ruined fort has grown up a mighty city which stands the most enduring monument ever erected to an Englishman on this continent. General Forbes was carried back to Philadelphia on a litter, and after lingering in great pain, died in March and was buried with military honors in Christ Church, that city. 25Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. v. p. 530. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 325 The year 1758 opened under more auspicious circum- stances for the English than any preceding year since the outbreak of the war. Since the accession of Pitt, the military situation had undergone a marvelous transformation. A succession of victories had followed where hitherto only dis- aster and failure had characterized English operations. The important strongholds of Louisburg, Du Quesne, and Frontenac, constituting the left, right and center, re- spectively, of the French lines, had been taken, and barring the repulse of Abercrombie at Ticonderoga, the English forces in America had not suffered a defeat since Pitt assumed the reins of government. The great West was now open to English enterprise, the frontier settlements were relieved from the scourge of Indian warfare and the French had lost half their savage allies. 26 Encouraged at the prospect, Pitt mapped out an elaborate and well-con- ceived plan of campaign for the new year. The region of territory between the lakes and the forks of the Ohio was to be taken and held secure by General Stanwix ; an expedition under the direction of General Prideaux and Sir William Johnson was to be sent against Niagara and Montreal; while General Amherst, who had been made commander- in-chief, was to be sent against Ticonderoga, after which his forces were to join the army of the St. Lawrence under Wolfe and advance upon Quebec. 27 The campaign opened with the advance on Fort Niag- ara, Prideaux leading a division of English regulars and American provincials, with Johnson at the head of a band of Iroquois braves. Leaving strong garrisons at Fort Stan- wix and Oswego, they embarked at the latter place early in July and in due course arrived at Niagara and laid siege to the fort. Shortly after beginning the bombardment, Pri- se Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 162. 2T Sloan, " French War and the Revolution," p. 78. 326 THE UNITED STATES deaux was killed by a shell and was succeeded in the com- mand by Johnson. The siege continued for several weeks, and, although the French received large reinforcements, they were compelled to surrender. It is a relief to be able to record that the surrender was not fol- lowed by an Indian massacre, such as had occurred at Fort William Henry when the English surrendered to the French and their savage allies, although Johnson, remembering the atrocities perpetrated upon his countrymen on the latter occa- sion, did not object to the Indians pil- laging the fort and enjoying the spoils. The result of the fall of Fort Niagara was to make possible the speedy establish- ment of English control over the inter- vening country between the lakes and the Ohio, and it was immediately followed by the abandonment of the neighboring forts between Niagara and Pittsburg. In a few weeks not a fighting French- man was to be found in all this part of New France. Ticonderoga, at the head of Lake George, was now the only remaining French stronghold within American ter- ritory claimed by the Crown of Great Britain. Preparations for the advance against this place were rapidly pushed, Map Showing Ticon- an( J m J une an army Q f oyer ten thousand deroga, Crown Point j and the surrounding men, about equally divided between regu- lars and provincials, was assembled at Lake George under the command of General Amherst. On SARATOGA MASS. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 327 July 21 the army sailed down the lake for Ticonder- oga, but as it neared the walls of the fort the garrison, numbering about 3,500 men, abandoned it and withdrew to Crown Point. Subsequently the latter place was also abandoned and the French army retreated to Isle-aux- Noix in the Richelieu River. Instead of following the re- treating enemy, as he should have done, Amherst settled down with his superior army to building a fortress arid con- structing vessels, until the season for conducting hostilities was past. VIII THE FALL OF QUEIJEC The year 1759 was to see the crowning event of the war in the capture of Quebec, the capital of New France. This city stands on a high promontory overlooking the St. Law- rence River and occupies an angle formed by the confluence of the St. Charles and the St. Lawrence rivers. In the rear of the city is a plateau stretching back some eight miles toward the west and known as the Plains of Abraham. The defense of , Quebec had been entrusted to Montcalm, who, in spite of a bitter controversy with the jealous governor of Canada — a quarrel which was carried to the court of the king for settlement — had been retained in the American service, although his requests for additional men and supplies had been refused. His total available strength was about 17,000 men, including a considerable number of Indians. 28 Defended by such a force and possessing such natural ad- vantages of position, the city was believed to be impossible of capture. Nevertheless, General Wolfe resolved to make the effort. Though still a young man, just lately turned his thirty-second year, he had been in the military service six- 28 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 202. 3*8 THE UNITED STATES Map of the Siege of Quebec, September 13, 1759 teen years, had taken part in the battles of Culloden, Ster- ling and Perth, and had given evidence of bravery, fertility of resource and even of genius. He had at his command a fleet bearing 9,000 men, which in June had sailed up the St. Lawrence and anchored a short distance below the city. Among the officers of his army were some whom we shall meet again during the Revolution, notably Guy Carleton, William Howe and Isaac Barre. Wolfe's army was disembarked and a camp established on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, near the mouth of the Montmorency River, about seven miles below Quebec and within sound of the Montmorency falls. The north bank of the St. Lawrence from Montmorency to Quebec frowned with French batteries, while the opposite shore was lined with English cannon and redoubts. The English batteries were able to destroy the lower part of Quebec (that part near the mouth of the St. Charles River) with hot shot, FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR but the citadel, of course, could not be reached. For weeks after Wolfe's army had gotten into position nothing was done but wait and watch for an opportunity to strike. Montcalm acted strictly on the defensive, and, much to Wolfe's chagrin, avoided a general engagement. To be sure, there were desultory operations, occasional skirmishes and artillery bombardments, but in effect they amounted to little. From time to time the French attempted to destroy the English fleet by sending down floating rafts of fire-ships against it. On July 27 a raft of seventy vessels loaded with old cannon, bombs, mortars, swivels, etc, charged with powder and ball and the whole smeared with tar and pitch, was fired and set adrift on the river. The effect was terrific. The heavens were made lurid with darting tongues of flame, while the earth trembled with explosions of infernal ma- chines, as the whole slowly floated down the stream. The vigilant English, however, were able to steer them aside or run them ashore, so that no harm was done. Wolfe, eager for a fight with the French, crossed the Montmorency below the falls on July 31, and with a de- tachment charged the French redoubts on the opposite bank. But the attacking party was driven back and forced to retreat, suffering a loss of 440 men, many of whom were scalped by the Indians. 29 This repulse, together with Wolfe's impatience and his disappointment at the failure of Amherst to come to his aid, threw him into a dangerous fever from which he barely recovered. Plan after plan had been worked out, but had been found im- possible of execution; nearly a thousand men had been sac- rificed; the season was rapidly passing, and yet the position of the French was as secure as ever. The thought of aban- 29Sloane, "The French War and the Revolution," p. 87; Parkman, "Mont- calm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 233; Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," voL v. p. 545. 330 THE UNITED STATES doning the campaign frightened him. He now proposed what seemed to everyone except himself an audacious, if not impossible, task — namely, the scaling of the Heights of Abraham. Revived by the prospect of activity, he arose from his sick bed and began preparations for the execution of his daring scheme. Abandoning the camp at the mouth of the Montmorency, he moved his fleet noiselessly up the river under the cover of darkness, past the batteries of the enemy, and landed at a quiet eddy just north of the city, ever since known as Wolfe's Cove. A narrow zigzag path led from the cove to the top of the heights, and up this the men silently clambered, single file, through the darkness, and when morn- ing dawned Montcalm was amazed to find not less than five thousand of the enemy drawn up along the crest of the height within a mile of the city ready for battle. The inde- fatigable, vigilant Montcalm had been completely outwitted. He had either to fight Wolfe in the open or abandon the capital of New France. His army outnumbered that of Wolfe's, but was inferior in fighting qualities, being com- posed largely of raw Canadian militia and Indian savages. 30 The brave Frenchman determined to contest the ground with Wolfe, and, if possible, drive him over the heights into the river. Accordingly he made a fierce onslaught upon the British lines. The latter coolly withheld their fire until the enemy was within a few yards, when they poured a deadly volley into their ranks and sent them flying for their lives. The rout of the French was complete, and altogether the affair was one of the most heroic and far-reaching achieve- ments ever wrought by Englishmen in any land or age. 31 But the victory of the English had cost them the life of their general, to whom, more than anyone else, the victory was due. so Sloane, " The French War and the Revolution," p. 93. 3i Thwaites, " France in America," p. 254. O » ' »' '_> I J •*, ' \ ', s . .«' • •.•• < « FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 333 Twice during the charge Wolfe had been wounded; nevertheless he continued to ride up and down the lines encouraging his men to do their duty. Finally he received a third wound, which was destined to prove fatal. Being car- ried to the rear he refused medical aid, saying it was of no use, as his end was near. Being informed that the French were retreating, he roused himself, gave an order for dispatching a regiment to cut off their retreat at the Charles River bridge, turned upon his side and murmured, " Now, God be praised, I shall die in peace." In a few moments he was dead. 32 Only a few months before he had parted in England from his affianced bride, to whom he hoped soon to return. He had, however, a strong presentiment that death would overtake him before Quebec was captured. In the evening before the landing at the cove he delivered to a friend a picture of his betrothed, together with a farewell message for her. He was also heard to quote from Gray's " Elegy " those solemn lines of which he said he would rather have been the author than to be the hero of Quebec : " The boasts of heraldry, the pomp of power, And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave, Await alike the inevitable hour, The paths of glory lead but to the grave." By a strange fate Montcalm was also wounded at the moment at which his men began to retreat. Carried to the rear, he was told that he had but a few hours to live, where- upon he is said to have replied: "lam happy that I shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." He died on September 14, and was buried the same day beneath the floor of the Ursuline convent in the city which he had given his life to defend. His wish not to see the surrender of Quebec was 32Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," vol. ii. p. 297. 334 THE UNITED STATES realized, for it was not until four days after his interment that the city was formally occupied by an English garrison. The fall of Quebec practically ended the war, although it continued after a desultory fashion some time longer. The French power in America was broken. One by one the General James Wolfe From a painting by an unknown artist most powerful French strongholds had fallen before the skillful operations of the British, until France no longer held any place of importance in America. Throughout the winter skirmishing operations were kept up by the French, and in the spring of 1760 a deter- mined effort was made to recapture Quebec. A hard-fought battle took place on the Plains of Abraham, on the identical FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 335 spot where Wolfe and Montcalm had struggled the previous year, and the English were driven back with great loss, while French war vessels poured a deadly fire into the city. Quebec would doubtless have been retaken had it not been for the timely arrival in the latter part of May of an English fleet, which immediately engaged and destroyed the besieging French squadron. In September Montreal surren- dered to Amherst, and with the surrender ended the French and Indian War in America. Still Pitt insisted on con- tinuing the war in Europe, in spite of the enormous burdens which it was entailing upon the people of England; but in October, 1761, he was forced to resign and a Tory ministry in favor of peace was brought into power. The deplorable condition of France finally made her anxious for peace, and in February, 1763, the famous Treaty of Paris was signed — an instrument remembered chiefly for the magnitude and number of the territorial changes which it brought about. The great question to be settled was, what disposition should be made of the English conquests in America and elsewhere. England held Canada, the Ohio Valley, which was the orig- inal subject of dispute, the French West Indies, Cuba and the Philippine Islands, which had been taken from Spain, who had become an ally of France in 1762, and various con- quests in India. The terms finally agreed upon provided that practically all the French possessions in America, including Canada, Nova Scotia, Cape Breton and the Ohio Valley, and that part of Louisiana situated east of the Mississippi River and north of the River Iberville (now Manshac) , and Lake Pon- chartrain, should be ceded to Great Britain. After con- siderable wavering as to whether Canada should be restored to France, and Gaudaloupe, with its profitable sugar industry, retained instead, the British Cabinet decided to retain the former and restore the latter. France was allowed to retain 336 THE UNITED STATES only the two small islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, together with a share in the St. Lawrence and Newfoundland fisheries. In the West Indies, Great Britain restored the French possessions of Guada- loupe, Martinique and St. Lucia, but in East India France was required to relinquish all her claims, and in Africa she lost Senegal. In exchange for the cession of Florida, Great Britain restored to Spain, Cuba and the Philippines, which had been captured by British squadrons during the preced- ing year. To compensate Spain for her loss of Florida, the King of France, out of gratitude to his Most Catholic cousin, ceded to him, through a secret agreement, what was left of Louisiana, namely, that portion which stretched west- ward with indefinite boundaries from the Mississippi River, and that part east of the Mississippi and south of the Iber- ville, including the town of New Orleans. 33 The result of all these cessions and gifts was the virtual extinction of French dominion and the annihilation of French power in America — a fact which was destined to have important results upon the future relations of Great Britain and her American colonies. America was now divided be- tween two powers : England held the eastern part from the Gulf to the Arctic; Spain all west of the Mississippi, in- cluding both sides of the mouth of that great river. The loss of her American empire was a severe blow to the pride of the French, but France was utterly exhausted and could do nothing but accept the hard terms imposed by her victo- rious adversary, now recognized as the leading colonial and maritime empire of the world. 34 The " Old French " War, as it was called in America, had important political bearings on the subsequent history of the colonies. It meant that the civilization of North 33 See Thwaites, " France in America," ch. xvii. 34 Mahan, " Influence of Sea Power," p. 291. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR America was to be dominated by English-speaking people, and that meant liberal political institutions and rapid eco- nomic and political development for the New World. The war was also the means of furnishing the colonists with valuable military experience, which in a later time was to be of great service to them, and it taught them, above all things, the value of united action in matters of common interest. But they had been compelled to make enormous sacrifices for whatever gains they had derived. They had lost large numbers of men, while their frontier communities had been ravaged and desolated by inhuman savages in the French service. They had also imposed heavy taxes upon themselves and incurred large debts for the prosecution of the war. Especially was this true of the New England and middle colonies, the expenditures of Massachusetts alone aggre- gating $2,500,000, while New York emerged from the strug- gle with a debt of $1,000,000. Part of the expenditures incurred by the colonists for the equipment of their troops were, it is true, reimbursed from the imperial treasury after the accession of Pitt ; but these constituted but a small por- tion of the entire outlay. But if the financial burdens of the colonies were large, those of the mother country were much greater. England, in 1763, staggered under the weight of the national debt which the long struggle had necessitated, and the govern- ment was compelled to look around for new sources of revenue. It turned to the American colonies, in whose be- half the war had, to a large extent, been waged, and who were alleged to have been the chief beneficiaries from the expulsion of the French and the subjugation of the Indians. They were asked, for the first time, to contribute a small tax levied by the home government. The manner of their response will be the subject of another chapter. One result of the extinction of French power in Amer- 340 THE UNITED STATES ica was to stir up a great Indian uprising against the Eng- lish settlements in the Northwest, The Algonquin tribes, who throughout the war had been active allies of the French, now found themselves without friendly protection in Amer- ica, and, entertaining a strong hatred for their new masters, the English, who instead of treating the Indians with flat- tery and cordiality, regarded them as old enemies, they se- cretly entered into a great con- spiracy for the purpose of driving the English in- habitants off the frontier and recovering the country for themselves. " The English shall never come here so long as a red man lives," was the message sent by them to the French settlers of Illinois, who were not unwilling to en- courage the uprising, provided the Indians would do the fighting. 35 The leader of the conspiracy was Pontiac, an Ottawa chief, whom Park- man thinks was the greatest Indian warrior in America, and who had in 1755 led his braves against Braddock. Like Te- cumseh in a later war, he visited various tribes in the North- west and by his eloquence and diplomacy induced them to join the conspiracy. Others were won over by his emissaries, until finally nearly every Algonquin tribe, and even one of the Iroquois nations, had entered the conspiracy. By con- certed agreement an attack was made simultaneously (May, 1763) on most of the English posts of the Northwest from Oswego to Mackinaw, fourteen in number. All but four of 35 Thwaites, " France in America," p. 278 ; Moses, " Illinois," vol. i. p. 124. Francis Parkmak Photograph from life FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 341 these — Niagara, Pitt, Ligonier and Detroit — were captured, the entire garrison of Mackinaw being massacred. Through- out the summer of 1763 a veritable reign of terror existed along the western frontier, hundreds of families were mur- dered and scalped, whole towns were destroyed by fire, trav- elers were waylaid and shot, in fact the very existence of the English settlements in the West was threatened. The plot to capture Detroit was betrayed by an Indian girl, a fact which gave the commanding officer time to prepare for de- fense. Pontiac himself laid siege to the fort, but after sev- eral months of desultory fighting he was compelled to with- draw, mainly as a result of desertion from his own ranks and the failure of expected reinforcements. The war dragged on for several years, until August, 1765, when Pontiac entered into a treaty of peace with Sir William Johnson. A few years later he suffered the fate of King Philip, being killed at Cahokia, Illinois, by one of his own race. He was buried on the site of the city of St. Louis, where, says Parkman, " the race whom he hated with such burning rancor trample with unceasing foot- steps over his forgotten grave." 36 86 " Conspiracy of Pontiac," vol. ii. p. 313. Chapter IX RUPTURE WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 1763-1775 CAUSES OF THE DISPUTE PETER KALM, a Swedish trader who visited America in 1748, predicted that the extinction of the French power in Canada would soon be followed by the revolt of the English colonies against the mother country. 1 So long as France held Canada the English colonies needed the protection of the imperial government against this old enemy which hung upon their borders and sent down bands of Indian savages to desolate their settle- ments. They felt a sense of fright at the thought of becom- ing colonies of a Roman Catholic power, and consequently held in abatement their passion for extreme local autonomy. The expulsion of the French from America as a result of the war removed this danger, and consequently lessened the dependence of the colonies upon the mother country. No longer under the necessity of shaping their policies to secure imperial protection, they became more self-assertive, showed an increasing disposition to oppose such acts of Parliament as seemed to them injurious to colonial interests, and soon came to entertain ideas of separation. France thus occupied the peculiar position of encouraging our independent spirit and at the same time checking its extreme development. 2 i "Travels in North America," vol. i. p. 265. a Fisher, " True History of the Revolution," p. 32. 342 RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY Occasions for the exhibition of the spirit of independ- ence were soon afforded by the new colonial policy of the British Government. It must not be understood, however, that the causes of the rupture had their origin entirely in the period subsequent to the French and Indian War. Some of the grievances of the colonists against the mother country were of long standing — in fact, dated back to the middle of the preceding century. The principal of these grew out Of the CQBgPfflBtf] pQlky of (Irpflt Uri'tam toward her colonial possessions. According to the views of European statesmen in the seventeenth century, colonies were planted by nations solely for their own benefit, were, in fact, ex- pected to serve as feeders for home industries, and conse- quently there was neither injustice nor inexpediency in ex- ploiting their resources and monopolizing their trade. 3 These were the underlying principles of the colonial system which prevailed in England from the time of Charles II. Nowhere was this view more strongly held than in Eng- land, until Adam Smith, on the eve of the Revolution, pub- lished his " Wealth of Nations," showing the impolicy of the old theory which was soon to cost Great Britain her most valuable and prosperous possessions. 4 The adoption of this narrow commercial policy really begins with an Act of Par- liament passed in October, 1651, by which it was provided that no goods of the growth of Asia, Africa or America should be imported into England or the English colonies except in English ships, and that no goods of the growth or manufacture of Europe should be imported into England or the dominions thereof except in English ships or ships be- longing to the country where the goods were produced or manufactured. The obvious purpose of the Act was to strike 3Seeley, "The Expansion of England" ch. i.; see also Thorold Rogers, "Economic Interpretation of History," p. 323; Andrews, "Colonial Self-Gov- ernment," ch. v., and Howard, " Preliminaries of the Revolution," ch. iii. *Adam Smith, "Wealth of Nations," book iv. ch. vii. . THE UNITED STATES a blow at the vast carrying trade of the Dutch, and the ill feeling it engendered ultimately led to a naval war, in which the two great admirals Blake and Van Tromp contended for the mastery. 5 The particular effect of the Act was to exclude the Dutch as carriers between England and the colonies, t o_giv e the English carrier the monopoly of this trade, and, by thus diminishing the advantages of competition, to greatly injur e the colonies, as they maintained . The products of Europe, however, might still be brought to the English colonies in non- English ships if transported in vessels owned in the country where the goods were produced or manufactured. Thus a French cargo might be brought to America in a French ves- sel, but not in a Dutch vessel. By the famous Act of 1660, for " The Encouraging and Increasing of Shipping and Navigation," this latter advantage was taken away by pro- viding that no goods should be imported into the colonies or exported therefrom except in English or colonial built and owned vessels* This excluded every continental European vessel from the ports of the colonies, and left them at the mercy of the English carrier, in so far as the colonies them- selves were unable to carry their own imports and exports. These provisions were primarily for the benefit of the maritime interests of Great Britain, but the clamors of the mercantile class were too loud to be ignoredV^and so a provision was inserted in the same Act prohibiting the colonies from exporting certain of their important articles of produce and manufacture except to England and to the other colonies. These articles were sugar, to- bacco, cotton, wool, indigo, ginger, fustic and other dyeing woods, mainly the products of the southern colonies and the West Indies. Other commodities were added to the list s Beer, " Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies," p. 32, RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 345 later. The actual effect of this provision was to make Eng- land the sole market for the chief staples of the southern colonies, thus compelling them, as they asserted, to sell their surplus in overstocked markets. On the other hand, the northern colonies could export their grain, fish, live stock and naval stores whitherever they pleased, provided only they were sent in English or colonial ships. 6 In 1673 another Act was passed prohibiting the expor- tation fronTone colony to another of various articles of pro- duce except they were shipped first to England, or, if shipped direct to a colony, upon payment of an export duty equiva- lent to the English import duty. Thus a cargo of Virginia tobacco intended for Boston had either to be shipped to England and reshipped to Boston, or pay the English import duty for the privilege of shipping direct for Bos- ton. 7 Finally in 1733 Parliament passed the so-called Sugar Act, imposing a heavy duty on sugar and molasses imported into the American colonies from any other than English sugar-producing possessions. The purpose of this legislation was of course to prevent the English colonies from importing sugar from the French West India islands, and to compel them to import only from the British islands. As they ex- ported large quantities of merchandise and produce to the French islands and received in exchange sugar and molasses, which were brought to the colonies and converted into rum or otherwise consumed, the Act was a real hardship, and had it not been systematically evaded it would have seriously crippled a large and profitable trade between America and the West Indies. Other laws were passed to protect the mercantile classes against the competition of colonial made goods. Thus the « Chamberlain's "The Revolution Impending," in Winsor "Narrative and Critical History," vol. vi. p. 7. 7 Howard, " Preliminaries of the Revolution," p. 57. THE UNITED STATES colonists were forbidden to set up steel furnaces and slitting mills, although the iron industry in Pennsylvania was al- ready full of promise ; to export colonial made hats, or send them from one colony to another; to export woolen goods, while a variety of other legislation was enacted for the pur- pose of discouraging the growth of colonial industries. 8 In extenuation of this legislation it should be said that it was not enacted in pursuance of any spirit of hostility toward the colonists, but was rather the result of the narrow and false economic theories of the age- Moreover, its effect on the industrial progress of America was not so unfavorable as it might seem, for while the colonies were compelled to find a market for certain of their produce in England, they had a monopoly of the supply for that market. Thus the Eng- lish consumer of tobacco was not allowed to grow a pound for his own use or import it from other countries, but was compelled to draw his supply from the colonies, while the cul- tivation of indigo, rice, and the exportation of tar, hemp, flax, ship timber, and allied products to England were en- couraged by liberal bounties. 9 From 1714 to 1774 it is alleged that over one and a half million pounds sterling were paid in premiums on colonial goods carried to British porta. 10 As for the Navigation Acts, some of them encouraged colonial shipping, and whether they did or not, they were not very different from those to-day which confine the carrying trade between the United States and its insular dependencies ex- clusively to American vessels. As to the restriction on the sale of domestic made hats, it was maintained by the British that such articles could be imported from England for less than they could be made in the colonies. Finally, it 8 For a summary of these restriction laws see Beer's " Commercial Policy,'" pp. 66-90. ""'«■ Lecky, " The American Revolution," p. 45 (Woodburn's Edition) ; see also Beer, ch. v. ioHoward, " Preliminaries of the Revolution," p. 60. RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 347 must be said that the navigation laws were never strictly en- forced, and the revenue acts brought little or nothing into the imperial treasury; in fact, it not infrequently cost seven or John Hancock Painting by J. S. Copley, Fine Art Museum, Boston eight thousand pounds a year to collect two thousand pounds of revenue. The total remittance from the colonies on an average for thirty years did not exceed nineteen hundred pounds a year, the expense of collection being not less than three times this amount. 11 The evasion of the navigation laws by smuggling be- ii Bancroft, "History of the United States," vol. iii. p. 31; Beer, "Com- mercial Policy," ch. vii. THE UNITED STATES pfljnp notorious , and the British customs officials made little effort to put a stop to it, if they did not actually wink at it. Everywhere p ublic s entiment favored it, and juries returned verdicts of not guilty in the face of the most undoubte d facts. It is stated by an impartial authority that not less than nine-tenths of the tea, wine, sugar and molasses im- ported into New England for many years before the Revolu- tion were smuggled in violation of the acts of trade. 12 Per- sons of the highest social standing and influence in New Eng- land, like John Hancock, of Boston, were guilty of such con- duct, and it was not regarded as reprehensible. Even dur- ing the French and Indian War, when the mother country was straining every nerve to defeat the French, it was found that their fleets and garrisons were systematically supplied with provisions from New England, the highest officials con- niving at it on the ground that it was good policy to make money out of the enemy. /\ftpr thp plnge of thp French and Indian W ar, howeve r, the British Government felt called upon t o adopt a new po l- i cy with regard to the administration of the navigation laws and acts of trade. ] George Grenville, who now became prime minister, was resolved to enforce the laws strictly, and if pos- sible derive a revenue therefrom for the benefit of the over- burdened imperial treasury. The agencies which he pur- posed to employ were revenue cutters, admiralty courts, without juries, commissioners of customs, writs of assistance and naval forces. Accordingly, old customs officials who had grown rich by bribery were dismissed and new ones sent out to the colonies with strict orders to enforce the laws and break up smuggling. But the smugglers had been so long unmo- lested that it was found to be an extremely difficult task to discipline them. When, therefore, the sloop Liberty was seized for violating the customs laws, a Boston mob rescued izLecky, "The American Revolution," p. 47. RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 349 the cargo, demolished the windows of the collector's house, dragged his boat through the town, publicly burned it on the Common, and compelled the customs officials to take refuge for their lives on the British man-of-war Romney, which lay in the harbor. Before the outbreak of the Revolution mobs and tar-and- feather parties had become so active in Boston that the customs officials were necessarily compelled to abandon all further attempts to discharge their duties. To enable them to carry out effectively orders, they had been instructed to apply to the courts for writs of assistance, or g eneral . search warrant s, empowering them to search any- where for smuggled goods. This was an extraordinary pro- cedure, for it had always been recognized as a part of the common law that the premises of an individual could be searched only in pursuance of a special search warrant, par- ticularly describing the place to be searched and the things to be seized. The writ of assistance neither contained the name of the person suspected nor described the premises to be searched; it was good for an indefinite time, was not re- turnable to the court, and authorized seizure at all hours. 13 When Paxton, the chief customs official at Boston, ap- plied to the chief justice of the Province, Thomas Hutchin- son, for one of these writs, James Otis, who had recently re- signed his position as royal advocate for the colony, appeared for the Boston merchants and resisted the granting of the writ as unconstitutional. Otis's speech was a powerful one, and had a profound influence on the popular mind, not only in New England, but everywhere in the English colonies of America. He described the hardships of the colonies on ac- count of the Acts of Navigation and Trade, denounced the granting of writs of assistance as a species of tyranny such as had " cost one king of England his head and another his is General search warrants are forbidden by the fourth amendment to the Federal Constitution. 350 THE UNITED STATES throne," and declared that taxation without representatio n was tyranny. 14 The speech stirred the people of the country to resistance as no other utterance had done, and made the speaker one of the leaders of the revolutionary movement, which had now set in. John Adams, then a Harvard student, heard the oration, took notes of it, and long afterwards, in speaking of it, declared that " then and there the child Inde- pendence was born." 15 Although Otis lost this case and the writs were issued, yet on account of the strong popular oppo- sition which he had done most to create, they were seldom used thereafter. A year or two later a note of resist- ance was sounded by a southern orator, Pat- rick Henry, who stirred the people to even greater depths than Otis had done. Henry was a young lawyer whose early life had given little promise of success, and at the time of his speech he had only a local reputation. Being employed by the local authorities to defend the people in the celebrated Parsons Cause, to which allusion has already been made, Henry took occasion to denounce the ac- 14 See Hart's " American History Told by Contemporaries," vol. ii. No. 131. *■ Hosmer, " Life of Samuel Adams," p. 44. James Otis Painted by J. D. Blackburn RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 351 tion of the Crown in vetoing the Virginia law relating to the salaries of the clergy, and launched forth into a general dis- cussion of the relations between the mother country and the colonies. The action of the king, he declared, was arbitrary and unwarranted ; that instead of being a father to his peo- ple he had " degenerated into a tyrant and had forfeited all right to the obedience of his subjects." This was indeed bold language for a subject of George III. to utter, but the cries of treason with which he was greeted by some of his hearers did not deter him from proceeding with his oration. 16 Henry's fame as an orator spread rapidly throughout the colonies, and the courage with which he had publicly de- nounced British tyranny made him, with Otis, one of the leading pioneers of the Revolution. Next tO the mCoTOement Of the Navi gation Igwc tVig chief feature of the Orenville polic y was thp proposition fo maintain a standing army in America and levy a tax on th^ colonists to defray a part of the expense for its support . Al- though the danger to the colonists from the French had been removed, in the opinion of the home government a small standing army was required in America for the maintenance of a " stable government " among the French colonists who had been subjected to British rule, while protection against the western Indians was now needed, as the recent con- spiracy of Pontiac seemed to show. 17 The number of troops necessary for this purpose was estimated at not less than 20,000, besides a proportionate number of officers. The estimated expense for the military and civil establishment was 300,000 pounds sterling, one-third of which it was proposed to collect from the colonists in the form of import duties and a stamp tax. It was said in justi- fication of the proposition to tax the colonies that the French is Tyler, "Life of Patrick Henry," p. 48. !7 Winsor, " Narrative and Critical History," vol. vi. p. 688 et seq. 852 THE UNITED STATES and Indian War, so glorious to the empire and to the colon- ies in America, had added 140,000,000 pounds sterling to the British national debt, and that the people of the United King- dom, already staggering under the weight of the load, ob- U 2 f7^% Gfr (C)yto^dc< Boston, Mass. bravely returned the fire, but being greatly outnumbered, prudently retired and waited for reinforcements. RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 385 The British troops marched on to Con- cord unopposed, only to find that the bulk of the arms and am- munition had been removed from the town and concealed by the inhabitants. The only damage the invaders did was to cut down the " lib- erty pole," disable a few cannon and de- stroy a small quan- tity of supplies. While this was go- ing on a force of some 400 minutemen fell upon a detach- ment of 200 regulars which had been left to guard the bridge north of the town, and chased them back to the village. The British, realizing their perilous situa- tion, now determined to return to Boston. By this time the ad- jacent country was well aroused and troops were swarm- The Old Xorth of Boston The Signal Lanterns of PAUL REVERE Displayed in the Steeple of This Church April 18th, 1775 Warned the Country of the March of the British Troops to Lexington and Concord THE UNITED STATES ing to the scene from every quarter, and as the regulars marched back toward Lexington they were harassed and shot by the farmers, who concealed themselves behind hedges, trees, rocks and other natural objects. The British retreat soon degenerated into an utter rout. All was disorder and confusion; the day was dry and hot, and the soldiers were well-nigh exhausted from their long march. At Lexington they were saved by the arrival of Lord Percy, who with 1,200 men had been sent to their rescue. Thus reenforced, the British held the Americans at bay and gained time for rest and refreshment, after which they resumed their march to Boston. But the roadside along which they now traveled was fairly alive with American troops. They flew at the retreating British from every direction and gave them one continual battle from Lexington to Boston. Finally, at sundown, the retreating soldiers, weary and with depleted ranks, reached Charlestown, where they found a welcome cover afforded by the gunboats. Altogether they had lost 273 men, while the Americans had lost less than 100. The battles of Lexington and Concord were the first of the Revolution, and so far as moral results were concerned were a distinct victory for the Americans. The British forces had barely escaped capture and the fighting qualities of the Americans had been abundantly shown. If further evidence was needed that they could not be frightened into abject submission by the presence of a British regiment, it was furnished by the retreat from Concord. The news of the affair spread rapidly, and from all parts of the colony troops began to pour into the vicinity of Boston. Leaders like Israel Putnam, who, according to the story, left his plow in the field, John Stark, Benedict Arnold, and others, came at the head of well-drilled companies, and within three days it was estimated that not less than 16,000 American volun- teers had gathered in the neighborhood of Boston and were RUPTURE WITH MOTHER COUNTRY 389 ready to begin a siege of the town. Everywhere the people rose in revolt against the royal authorities, and in a short time British rule in America had utterly collapsed. The royal governors were compelled to abandon their govern- ments; some of them resigned, others returned to England, while still others took refuge on near-by war vessels and went through the hollow form of attempting to govern their Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company General Israel Putnam is Called to Arms While Plowing in His Fields Drawing by F. O. C. Darley provinces from a distance. Nowhere was there a thought of submission or reconciliation. On May 10, three weeks after the battle of Lexington, Ethan Allen, a " Green Mountain " patriot, with a handful of backwoodsmen, captured the for- 390 THE UNITED STATES tress of Ticonderoga in eastern New York, and a little later Crown Point, on Lake George, likewise fell into the hands of the Americans, with a large number of cannon and a quantity of ammunition. Such were the beginnings of a revolution which was destined to result in the independence of the American colonies, and which was to have political consequences of tremendous import to the future of mankind. Chapter X REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE I THE SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS ON May 10, 1775, the very day on which Ticonderoga fell into the hands of the Americans, the second Continental Congress came together at Philadel- phia, in pursuance of a resolution of the preceding Congress. The address to the king drawn up by the last Congress had been unanswered, and instead of redressing the griev- ances set forth therein, the king had resolved upon the sub- jugation of his rebellious American subjects. Important events had taken place since the adjournment of the Con- gress in October ; an armed conflict had occurred between the royal forces and the American militia, and blood had been shed on American soil. As a result the country was rising in arms, and already the British forces were besieged in the town of Boston, and the king was preparing to send to their aid large reinforcements from England. Among the delegates chosen to the second Continental Congress were the two Adamses, the Livingstons, Edward and Robert, John Jay, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and George Washington, all of whom had been mem- bers of the first Congress. In addition to these were two new members who were destined to win great fame in American history, namely, Thomas Jefferson, who had just turned his thirty-second year, and Benjamin 391 THE UNITED STATES Franklin, already the most widely known man in America. Another new member was John Hancock, who, after eluding the British at Lexington, had hastened to Phila- delphia to be present at the opening of Congress. Hated and proscribed by the British, he was very popular among the patriots of America, and the Congress made him its presi- dent, partly " to show Great Britain how much they valued her proscriptions." Like the preceding Congress, this one was a revolutionary body, a sort of advisory organ, as- sembled without legal authority, and consequently without constitutional power to enact legislation binding on the Stone Marking the Line of the Minutemen at Lexington, Massachusetts From a photograph colonies. Nevertheless, during the course of the long war that now ensued it assumed both legislative and admin- istrative functions, as a matter of necessity, always relying, of course, upon the acquiescence of the people as the meas- ure of its powers. It was the only general legislative body REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 393 for the colonies during a period when some such authority was absolutely necessary, and the fact that the colonies acquiesced in its acts, unsupported by legal authority as they were, must always stand as high evidence of their unity of purpose and patriotism. The great and almost only task of the Congress was to raise, organize and support the army. One of its first duties, and at the same time probably the wisest and most far-reaching of its acts, was the selec- tion of George Wash- ington as commander- in-chief of the army. The Continental Army at this time con- sisted mainly of raw, untrained New Eng- land militia, and the selection of a Virginia planter, upon the nom- ination of a New Eng- lander, John Adams, to organize and command them, was striking evi- dence of the determina- tion to sink local prejudices and present a united front to the enemy. All the more was this true in view of the fact that several prominent New England men, chief of whom was Hancock, desired the position of commander-in-chief. At the time, Washington was colonel of the Virginia militia, and his experience in the French and Indian War, his fondness for military service, and his natural genius as a commander made him eminently Battle Monument, Lexington 394 THE UNITED STATES qualified, as subsequent events showed, for the high office to which he was now called ; in fact, there was no one who could for a moment be compared with him in fitness. In the de- S& 1 * - n * pV-' ^ ^ 1*- -~ &*&■*..-.?. its.'- .-$ i> 1 y MIMWBI^'^"*- ;pr if 1 Concord Bridge and Battle Monument From a recent photograph bates of the Congress Washington had taken no part, so far as the record shows, but " for solid information and sound judgment," said Patrick Henry, " he was unquestion- ably the greatest man on the floor of Congress." * With becoming modesty he now rose in his seat and in trembling voice said, " But I beg it may be remembered by every gentle- i Lodge, " Life of Washington," vol. i. p. 127. REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 395 man in this room that I this day declare with utmost sincerity I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with." Nevertheless, he agreed to "enter upon the mo- mentous duty," and announced that he would accept no pay for his services, but would keep an account of his personal expenses, which Congress might reimburse if it wished at the close of the war. In addition to selecting Washington as commander-in- chief, Congress appointed four major-generals, Ward, Lee, Schuyler and Putnam, and eight brigadiers; it also author- ized the issue of two million dollars of paper currency, set apart a day of prayer and fasting, and recommended the States to adopt constitutions and organize local governments in place of the defunct British authority — a recommendation which they all followed in the course of the next two years. II BUNKER HILL AND BOSTON While the Congress at Philadelphia was providing for the organization and equipment of the " Continental Army," affairs were reaching a crisis at Boston. Fifteen or twenty thousand American volunteers were encamped in the neigh- borhood of the town, while the arrival of Clinton, Howe and Burgoyne with reen for cements from England had in- creased Gage's strength to over ten thousand men. The American army, under the command of General Artemas Ward, was arranged in the form of a great semicircle about sixteen miles in length, stretching from Cambridge to Charlestown Neck, while the British forces occupied Bos- ton. At this juncture Gage, feeling confident of victory, is- sued a proclamation offering amnesty to all "rebels" who would lay down their arms and return peaceably to their 396 THE UNITED STATES homes. Excepted from the benefits of the proposed amnesty, however, were Adams and Hancock, the chief conspirators, in Gage's opinion, and who, if captured, were to be sum- marily hanged. The proclamation had no more effect than if it had been issued against the moon — hardly a man returned to his allegiance. Gage, now feeling certain that he would have to fight in order to hold Boston, and fearing that the rebels would seize some of the surrounding hills and make his position untenable, decided to occupy the two most im- portant of these defenses, namely, Bunker Hill and Dor- chester Heights, to the north and south of the town, re- spectively. Learning of Gage's intention in this respect, the Amer- icans resolved to forestall him, and on the night of June 16, 1775, General Ward dispatched 1,200 men under Colonel Prescott to take possession of Bunker Hill. Disregarding orders, they passed over that hill and occupied Breed's Hill, a lower elevation between Bunker Hill and the Charles River. On the morrow the British were astonished to find that they had been forestalled by the vigilant Americans, who were now strongly posted behind intrenchments on the eminence which they had expected to occupy themselves. In- stead of sending a detachment to cut the Americans off at Charlestown Neck, as he might have done with success, Gage decided to attack them from the front and drive them back over the hill. Accordingly, 3,000 troops under General Howe were sent across the river, and in the afternoon of June 17 they started up the ascent prepared to storm the breastworks of the enemy. The Americans calmly withheld their fire until the British troops were within con- venient range, when suddenly they poured a terrible volley into the ranks of the enemy and sent them down the hillside in utter rout and confusion. Recovering their equanimity after a brief pause the British advanced to a second charge, Pf M- mi B iSw % '/¥% ^ t\3r J A m fix y "-< 'JAl, V: f«mtei4g" REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENT MJ Copyright. 1905, by John D. Morris & Company The Assault upon the American Fortifications on Bunker Hill by the English Grenadiers only to be driven back again with frightful losses. Toward five o'clock in the afternoon, to the amazement of everybody but the British themselves, a third assault was made with re- markable courage and desperation. 2 In the meantime the American supply of powder hav- ing run short and their muskets being without bayonets, Prescott's men were reduced to the necessity of repelling the attack of the enemy with their gunstocks, which were used as clubs. Under these circumstances the Americans were driven back, and the British were left in possession of the hill. The British loss in killed and wounded was some- thing over 1,000 men, that of the Americans being less than half that number. The loss of officers among the British 2 See Lodge. " Story of the Revolution," ch. v. 400 THE UNITED STATES was especially heavy, among the killed being Major Pit- cairn. The Americans suffered an irreparable loss in the death of Dr. Joseph Warren, who was shot while impru- dently lingering on the field after the close of the battle. With the Adamses, Hancock and Otis, he was one of the leading patriots of New England, and had played a con- spicuous part in the events by which the Revolution was inaugurated. From the standpoint of purely military re- sults the battle of Bunker Hill (or more properly, Breed's Hill) was an English victory and enabled Gage to hold Boston nine months longer. But the moral advantages were largely with the Americans, for until disabled by the ex- haustion of their ammunition they had shown themselves more than a match for the enemy. Instead of discourage- ment at the result there was general elation, while praises for the fighting qualities of the New England militiamen were widely expressed, both in America and in Europe. 3 Two weeks after the battle of Bunker Hill, Washing- ton, after a tiresome journey of eleven days by stage from Philadelphia, arrived at Cambridge, and on July 3 took command of the " Continental Armv," of some sixteen thou- sand men. 4 All were New England militiamen, and all, ex- cept about five thousand, were inhabitants of Massachusetts. Shortly afterwards they were reenforced by some three thousand troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir- ginia. Washington's journey to Boston had been in the nature of an ovation, and his assumption of the chief com- mand was attended by every circumstance of popular re- joicing. Among his subordinate commanders who were destined to achieve fame in the near future were Nathanael Greene, who, next to Washington, was the greatest soldier the war produced ; John Stark of New Hampshire, who had s Fiske, " The American Revolution," vol. i. pp. 137-146. Winsor, " Nar- rative and Critical History," vol. vi. pp. 130-140. * Lodge, " Life of Washington," vol. i. p. 134. REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 401 already in the battle of Bunker Hill given evidence of his brave and rugged character; Daniel Morgan, the gallant leader of a company of Virginia sharpshooters; Benedict Arnold of Connecticut, a brilliant soldier, whose promising ca- reer was to have a sad ending; and Henry Knox, a Boston book- dealer, who was des- tined to become one of the first Cabinet officers under the Constitution, and one of the most trusted advisers of Washington. Never was the task of a military com- mander greater than that which faced Washington when he took charge of the Con- tinental troops under the shades of the great Cambridge elm. With- out uniforms, armed with every variety of weapon, having no commissariat worth the name, untrained, un- disciplined, and hardly yet having learned the lesson of military subordination, this motley crowd of farmers, fishermen, and shopkeepers pre- sented a spectacle which was enough to discourage the most Bunker Hill Monument and Statue of Prescott, Cambridge, Massachusetts 402 THE UNITED STATES experienced of commanders. Nevertheless, it afforded a body of excellent raw material, and out of this Washington proceeded to organize an army. Many of the men had vol- unteered for short periods, and as their terms of enlistment expired they insisted on going home, and many of them Washington Elm, Cambridge, Massachusetts Where General Washington took command of the Federal Army From a photograph went. The work of reenlisting proceeded apace; in fact, the army was practically disbanded and reenlisted within cannon-shot of the enemy. For months Washington toiled away drilling the men, reenlisting those whose terms had expired, securing arms and ammunition and creating a commissariat. 5 During this period of preparation and organization no active military operations were undertaken except an invasion of Canada in the autumn, largely in the hope of freeing the Canadians from British rule and attaching them to the American cause. In the latter part of August, General Richard Montgomery, with some 2,000 men, set out from Fort Ticonderoga and 5 For an interesting account of this phase of the Revolution, see Hatch, "The Administration of the Revolutionary Army." REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 405 in November captured Montreal. To aid Montgomery in what promised to be a highly successful campaign, Wash- ington, in September, sent Colonel Benedict Arnold with 1,200 men to join Montgomery's forces in the attack on Quebec. After a march of more than a month through the dense wilderness of Maine, during which the men suffered General Richard Montgomery Painting by Trumbull indescribable hardships from cold and hunger, their flesh torn and lacerated by thorns and briers, exhausted by fatigue and tormented by disease, the expedition reached the neigh- borhood of Quebec early in December. On the last day of the year 1775, while a blinding snowstorm was raging, the two armies made a combined attack on the city. Although 406 THE UNITED STATES Copyright, 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Colonel Henrf Knox Arrives from Ticonderoga with Forty-Two Sleds Carrying Artillery and Ammunition the Americans fought with a courage amounting to des- peration, they were driven back with frightful losses, the gallant Montgomery being among the killed. Such was the disastrous ending of one of the most daring and hero- ically conducted campaigns of the Revolution. 6 After about eight months of organizing and drilling Washington was at last ready to begin the attack upon Bos- ton. A great quantity of cannon had been collected, some of them dragged on sledges all the way from Ticonderoga, where they had been captured by Ethan Allen the year be- fore, and thus equipped the operations were begun in earnest against the British. Washington's first move was to seize and occupy, on the night of March 4, 1776, Dorchester Heights, which commanded the town from the south, as Bunker Hill did from the north. All night long the Amer- icans labored with pick and shovel, and when the British awoke on the morning of March 5 they were astonished to 6 Read Codman's " Arnold's March to Quebec." REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 407 find two thousand men strongly intrenched behind earth- works, and ready to begin the bombardment of the British vessels in the harbor. Howe was greatly puzzled to know what to do. His first thought was to storm the American works, but it soon became evident that only disaster could re- sult from such an attempt, and it was accordingly abandoned. Nothing seemed left but to evacuate the city, and on March 17, his whole army of 8,000 troops, together with a consider- able number of loyalists, who were resolved to sacrifice their all for the mother country, sailed away to Halifax, leaving to the enemy two hundred cannon, a quantity of small arms and a large amount of ammunition. Thus by one brilliant stroke, and almost without the loss of a man, New England was freed from the rule of the British. 7 While Washington was besieging Boston several note- worthy events were happening in the southern colonies. The first of these was the burning of Norfolk, the principal town of Virginia, by Lord Dunmore, the royalist governor, who, having stirred up the wrath of the Virginians, had been compelled to take refuge on a war vessel in the harbor. On January 1, 1776, Dunmore set fire to the town to prevent its falling into the hands of a body of patriot troops, and laid it completely in ashes. In the same month General Clinton with 2,000 troops was sent from Boston to take possession of the southern colonies and hold them for the Crown, being subsequently joined by Sir Peter Parker with a fleet of ten ships and seven regiments from England. Meantime, a body of 1,000 troops under Colonel Richard Caswell had de- feated and utterly routed 2,000 Scotch Highlander Tories under the leadership of Donald MacDonald, on Moore's Creek, North Carolina, in February, 1776. Immediately following this brilliant victory, the North Carolina patriots TFiske, "The American Revolution," vol. ii. p. 172; Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," vol. vi. p. 158. 408 THE UNITED STATES flew to arms in such numbers that Clinton was afraid to land. After cruising up and down the North Carolina coast for some time, he decided to capture Charleston with the aid of Parker's fleet, which had now arrived, and thus provide a refuge for the large number of loyalists which he was made to believe were settled in South Carolina. On June 28 the combined fleets attacked Fort Moultrie, which Plan of the Siege of Charleston, South Carolina the Americans had hastily constructed, mostly out of pal- metto logs, but the British fire was unavailing. The British fleet was badly injured and more than 200 of their men were lost; the American fort was little damaged and their loss was inconsiderable. After ten hours of fruitless bom- bardment the British fleet sailed away and later returned to New York, leaving the southern colonies unmolested for nearly three years longer, after which they became the chief seat of military operations and continued as such until the close of the war. 8 a Lodge, "Story of the Revolution," ch. vi. REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 409 III THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE In the meantime a strong sentiment was growing up among the colonies in favor of formally renouncing all allegiance to the king and declaring themselves independent of the mother country. During the first stages of the war hardly any American of prominence, possibly with the ex- ception of Samuel Adams, entertained any idea of separa- tion. Benjamin Franklin declared that whatever else the Americans might desire, they did not want independence, and Washington asserted that at the time he took command of the army (July, 1775) he abhorred the idea of separation. There can be little doubt that the opinions of these two leaders expressed the general sentiment of their countrymen in the summer of 1775. They all hoped and prayed for a reconciliation with the mother country, for there were few who did not feel a certain sense of pride in being a part of the great British Empire. It was therefore with genuine regret that they were forced to abandon all hope of re- conciliation. But by the time of the evacuation of Boston a great re- vulsion of sentiment against the continuance of the union with Great Britain had taken place. This was due to a com- bination of circumstances. In the first place, the Conti- nental Congress had, in July, 1775, addressed a respectful petition to the king, praying for a repeal of those statutes of Parliament which had borne with so much oppression upon the Americans. This " olive-branch " petition the king contemptuously refused to receive, and in the place of an answer issued a proclamation denouncing the Americans as a dangerous, ill-designing and rebellious people. This, in 410 THE UNITED STATES itself, contributed much to the alienation of his American subjects and to the development of a strong sentiment in favor of separation. In addition to this insulting treatment of his subjects the king further aroused their indignation by hiring an army of foreign soldiers with which to complete their subjugation. These were the so-called " Hessians," about 20,000 in all, who were hired from the Landgrave of Hesse- Cassel and other German princes, after an effort had been made to secure troops from Catherine of Russia. 9 They were not mercenaries, as is often asserted, for they did not voluntarily engage to fight the Americans for personal profit, but were hired to the British by their sovereigns without their con- sent, the king agreeing to pay a fixed sum for each one who was killed outright, while three wounded men were to be counted as one dead. 10 Having no interest in the war, many of them were easily induced to desert the British upon promise of grants of land by Congress. The employment of foreign troops against the Ameri- cans was bitterly condemned by some of the leading mem- bers of Parliament as impolitic and incompatible with the rules of legitimate warfare. In America it created intense indignation and cost the king the most of the friends he had left on this side of the Atlantic. Thousands who had been lukewarm on the subject of independence now became en- thusiastic supporters of a declaration severing all connection with Great Britain. Congress adopted a bolder policy and prepared for a long struggle, feeling certain that all hope of reconciliation was gone. In November, 1775, it appointed a " Secret Committee of Correspondence " to communicate with friends of America in Europe, and sent out Silas Deane » Fiske, " American Revolution," vol. i. p. 161 ; Winsor, " Narrative and Critical History," vol. vi. pp. 18-24. 10 Trevelyan, " The American Revolution," part ii. vol. ii. p. 123. REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 411 to France to procure arms and other supplies for the use of the American army. Deane was shortly afterwards followed by other agents, and soon they were bestirring themselves at various Continental capitals in the endeavor to secure aid for the struggling colonists. In the same month also Con- gress recommended to the good people of New Hampshire, as it had already recommended to those of Massachusetts in the preceding June, to adopt a constitution of government in conformity with the views of the inhabitants, to last during the continuance of the strug- gle. Finally, on May 15, 1776, Congress recommended all the colonies to establish permanent governments without regard to the possibility of reconciliation. The royal authority having practically collapsed every- where in America, and the colonies being without settled forms of government, most of them acted promptly upon the advice of Congress, and before the Revolution had advanced very far they had all adopted constitutions, except Rhode Island and Connecticut, both of which continued under their liberal charters for many years longer. Judged by the present-day standards these early in- struments of government were a little crude in content and arrangement; some of them were framed by Revolutionary Betsey Ross House, Arch Street, Philadelphia Where the first American flag was made from the design adopted by Congress 412 THE UNITED STATES legislatures or Provincial Congresses, as they were called, and all but one of them were put into effect without popular ratification. The most noted of them were the constitution of Virginia, adopted in 1776, and that of Massachusetts of 1780. The former was accompanied by an elaborate bill of rights drawn up by George Mason and containing the most admirable statement of the principles of American civil lib- erty then in existence. The Massachusetts constitution, drawn mainly by John Adams, likewise contained a lengthy bill of rights, and as a whole the constitution was so satis- factory that it has been retained in all essential particulars by the people of Massachusetts until this day. 11 Public sentiment in favor of separation from Great Britain was further crystallized by the arguments of Thomas Paine in a pamphlet entitled " Common Sense," published in January, 1776, and soon spread broadcast over the country. Containing a good deal of scurrilous abuse of the English people, it was, nevertheless, replete with sensible argument in favor of the advantages to be derived from a declaration of independence. The pamphlet found thou- sands of readers; in fact, the primitive presses of the time could not supply the demand, and many who were lukewarm were thoroughly convinced by Paine's logic of the expe- diency of independence. * As a result of these several causes the people of the colonies, in the spring of 1776, had arrived at the conclusion that Congress should proclaim a formal separation from the mother country. The first colony to take official action was North Carolina, whose provincial Congress, on April 12, instructed its delegates in the Continental Congress " to concur with the delegates of the other colonies in declar- n For a learned discussion of the legal aspects of Revolutionary constitu- tion-making, see Jameson, "Constitutional Convention." See also Morey, " Revolutionary State Constitutions " in " Annals of the American Academy Of Political and Social Science," vol. iv. r ftjfcif--*.; or F AMERICA U £*~^Cr««^, A \JhjLtA. IKl tmury /j tkuIm-cV d *\*4w*- 'j ^'^ ^rJLitx. kL rrisnx-mJ J{ ■>>> <•« * - \KAmsm4vCt-4 os*-e ist^jtl-h+XkxA. a.vmmf •tor^rv^ dkvwvW VKuyr-jt*^- #>*we/>-? turn-. •>< /&*»*«/ V««i«m«n *ri2> . Copyright. 1905, by John D. Morris & Company Fac-simile of the Original Draft of the Declaration of Independence In the handwriting of Thomas Jefferson, with interlineations by Adams and Franklin. Preserved in the Department of State, Washington, D. C. ha, hA4 '>*£,<.+* 9 to r*oa^ HkJ>ru^U^ X$L,„ ,+^Ut rf &j^-V&l+rif erv tfu,p+»,m ^Jo^eiUU^tf^^. hfie ****** fnsr+AvtaL (o»/r jk^-e-, M^ *THnrn-oirUt*r\ Jf ' yryfaUj . MW>rv. trf /?u, lu*/irhs>* trf Ma. emov/ uJ t ****** t» lM«~*eA*Um. M*A~ u£*f£j /] tJhiok Ax. Knui jUfrrC^f * 4 ' in. «*~e-vvj jlvuyi, eft rKiMs ejyyvejLrurnj i^t/ hn***s f*X&*>^L far >>-*40m& uv Mju *v*^^4 "fc» LtJ fhii txdM^- Ji »^tyT> mujk*ytctyyfi*4/ 1 IfartsL- * *#*^m#b yiifair F ' '. * ' ! I 4. ax***- /lu^t-ant-r JhAi-c^l V** rvcu**- ti-Jm )"<<<(. frwrr\ dJ rrut. o^uw^Atr^u^ ^/ prtxd&njum : /,Wfc /\*^ <<^r<- tffixAz} at nu. &Xf>*+ia, <4leu,-r rw» l^taM U /t€aJu k jfci?^ /^ U* Aa^c. £**/»-* tfU«^ ioHUirtc* dj jcJU&M "•'/SAjSr Ce^u-rJ^t/rreorry^V^-)-^ Anxm VKjusv txru/lxtAjLi fnis jiul k 3 dJ tix--r /.« ..77-. <-. ./ ^Kxasi i ^J|fiu,"i.^i«>-s^» frits ((*.M: Ji.-i/t £« «2e#rvca4/ry eJh£t^ , ^^V > 1 . '.. v^- *■ { ift • • < <; ■- £ »wwrve* - ,-««^^ /»ui.»- ct^f**/*^) OrtMwn. . UK. nrnjjjt <. ,.J..**, . te Lyr^ti^u^t Jem**- i-rs t>£A«*. h^vryJU U*. ir^^fkt Lojm. 'Iw,t\ O.fat-1/u. ^UaA purple t^yjAir, ("<£*. c**vtr«* . iteJOLJrLvfl U/K* '>"^ d'ksl • clou.,, 1 i^j j fk.rx^&. / erts,>^d* «-*-/..»/ , V"*^/ -dialed LduKt*. u-4 V Mi /+eyy& ^m£ /[ fchC*A /WvL«v ; as£bfunAM* ♦^W^-, t*K*M*JU. y^j^M. c^Jyo^tX AjVLmsryJULA, **LfJLlu4* c*T~r^» ru. ■.fc&^. ffe . jr(a**LfjL.t* «jL&A.#tAx*~ 4n^sr £u+t* &**- I:-. - - ... REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 417 ing independency." Other colonies soon followed the ex- ample of North Carolina. Finally Virginia took an ad- vanced step on May 6 by instructing her delegates to propose to the delegates from the other colonies a declara- tion of independence. In pursuance of these instructions Richard Henry Lee, chairman of the Virginia delegation, on June 7, offered a resolution, " that these United Col- onies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." After a brief debate on this resolution it be- came evident that the delegates were not ready to vote, most probably because they preferred to get instructions from their constituents before taking action on so vital a ques- tion. Upon motion, therefore, further discussion was post- poned until July 1, by which time the States could be heard from. Meantime a committee consisting of Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston was appointed to make draft of a declaration to be used in case Lee's motion should prevail. Prompt action was taken by the States, and by the time July 1 arrived all except New York had empowered their delegates to vote for independence. Lee's resolution was now taken from the table for debate, and a lively and pro- tracted discussion ensued. The great majority of the dele- gates were in favor of the declaration, but the minority was able and respectable and was led by John Dickinson, famous as the author of the " Letters of a Pennsylvania Farmer." His principal arguments were that the proposed action was rash, that it would cause the Americans to lose their last friend in England and that the declaration ought to be de- layed until independence had been achieved as an actual fact. 418 THE UNITED STATES In spite of all opposition Lee's motion was adopted on July 2, all the States, except New York, voting in the affirma- tive. On July 4 the Declaration of Independence was formally adopted by the unanimous vote of twelve colonies, and a little later the New York delegates, having received instructions, gave their adhesion. The Declaration was not signed on the 4th, as is popularly believed, but received the signatures of the members present on August 2. 12 The draft of the Declaration, probably the most famous of American state papers, was prepared by Thomas Jefferson, a young Virginian, then but thirty-three years of age, and the youngest member of the committee. It began with a recital of certain " self-evident " truths, such as the equality of man ; the inherent right of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness ; the doctrine of the consent of the governed as the basis of government, and the right of revolution when governments become destructive of the ends for which they are created. Then followed a long indict- ment against the British king (Parliament being completely ignored) , charging him with many crimes against the rights and liberties of the colonies, one or two of which, however, were stricken out by Congress on the ground that they were not well founded. 13 Finally there was the declaration also of absolution from all allegiance to the British Crown and of independence of Great Britain, for the maintenance of which the signers pledged their " lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor." The news of the adoption of the " Declaration of In- dependence " was carried to all the colonies as rapidly as the crude means of communication then existing would permit, and was received by extraordinary demonstrations of pop- 12 Winsor, " The Narrative and Critical History," vol. vi. p. 268 ; also Friecl- enwald, " The Declaration of Independence." 13 Schouler, " Life of Thomas Jefferson/' p. 80. t #1 REVOLUTION AND INDEPENDENCE 42] ular rejoicing. It was read at the head of the army, from the pulpit and the public platform, and was welcomed every- where with firing of cannon, ringing of bells, and pyro- technic displays. Thus after years of protest against British tyranny, after the advances of the colonies in the direction The Old "Liberty Bell," Independence Hall Philadelphia of reconciliation had been rejected, and armies sent over to coerce them into submission, the Americans had formally renounced all allegiance to the mother country. The die was cast, " a new empire had suddenly risen in the world, styled the United States of America." 14 14 See Lodge, " Story of the Revolution," ch. vii END OF VOL. I RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT TO— #► 202 Main Library LOAN PERIOD 1 — HOME USE 2 3 4 5 6 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 1 -month loans may be renewed by calling 642-3405 6-month loans may be recharged by bringing books to Circulation Desk Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date DUE AS STAMPED BEL ow JUL 9 n inr. 1 tfnttp.11211 J UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 3/80 BERKELEY, CA 94720