UC-NRLF *B L17 3MD ^v ■■*>* Vtr* ■a:./- 1 **? %xhmrv nt fotrjamin She WLhtzlvv GIFT OF &/o (CL £> 3 if- £±£ ^y- SENECA'S INFLUENCE ON ROBERT GARNIER. THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY PRESENTED AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY JUNE 1888 BY H. M. SCHMIDT -WARTENBERG. ($\t » ■ • • • a DARMSTADT. BUCHDKUCKEREI C. W« LESKE. 1888. (X *»5 Seneca's Influence on Robert Gamier 1 ) »It is a part of the Divine Providence of the World, that the Strong shall influence the Weak : not only on the Battlefield and in Diplomacy ; but also in Learning and Literature. Thus the Nations of Modem Europe have been influenced by the ! ) A. Ebert, Entwicklungs-Gesehichte der franzosischen Tragodie vornehmlich iin XVI. Jahrhundert. Gotha 1856. 234 p. Fundamental work on the beginnings of tragedy in France. All works that have since appeared are based on it. More original is : Emile Faguet, Le theatre francais au seizieme siecle. Paris 1883. 391 p. It is written with the usual French esprit and in a very pleasant style, but lacks frequently the accuracy of Ebert, though it sometimes improves on him. II. Piittmann, De Roberto Garniero. Bonn, Diss. 1865. 38 p. J. Frost, Etude analy- tique et critique sur le theatre de R. Gamier. Bielefeld. Prog . 1867. 19 p. Appeared also in German. S. Bernage, Etude sur R. Gamier. Paris, Diss. 1882. 187 p. Merz, Robert Gamier, seine Quellen und seine Xachahmer. Progr. Strassburg 1881, 81 p. — Essays on Gamier's Syn- tax: A. Haase, Zur Syntax R. Garnier's. Franz. Studien, vol. V. 1887. A. Jensen, Syntactische Studien zu R. Gamier. Kiel 1885. 58 p. \Y. Procop, Syntactische Studien zu R. Gamier. Erlangen, Diss. 1885. r 5° P« — Paul Kahnt, Gedankenkreis der Sentenzen in Toddle's und Garnier's Tragodien und Seneca's Einfluss auf denselben. In Stengel's Ausgaben und Abhandlungen Nr. 56. Marburg 1887. (Cf. Review in Zeitschrift fur neufrz. Sprache u. Litt., Bd. IX, Heft 6, p. 176. H. Raeder, Die Tropen und Figuren bei R. Gamier, ihrem Inhalte nach untersucht und in den 10m. Trag. mit d. lat. Vorlage verglichen. Kiel, Diss. 1887. 93 P- (Cf. Review in Mod. Lang. Notes. Vol. II p. 163). The following abbreviations have been used : Gamier: P. = Porcie, C. = Cornelie, M. A. = Marc Antoine, II. — Hyppolyte, A. mm Antigone, L. Tr. «■ La Troade, B. = Brada- 1 427458 Writings of Greece and Rome: and they have influenced each other, in turn, with their own Power and Beauty in Thought and Expression «. The following essay is intended to be a contribution to justify the truth of these words in the introduction to Ascham's Schoolmaster 1 ). It is indeed difficult for the literature of a nation to raise itself from the expression of simple realities of vulgar experience to refinement and delicacy of diction, from the coarse imitation of common life to the representation of more complex ideas. So difficult is this of accomplishment that with almost the single exception of Greece, no nation has been able by its own unaided efforts to raise its literature to any great degree of excellence. Lyric poetry, as the most spontaneous and sub- jective, has least needed the assistance of a literary model. Epic poetry betrays a marked influence in form and subject. But most of all dramatic poetry, bound to more or less strict rules, and depending on the taste of the time and the appro- bation of the public, and being subject to criticism more than any other art, has been influenced by earlier dramatic literature, especially that of Greece and Rome. The model, lost during the barbarism of the Middle Ages, was found again in the Revival of Learning or Renaissance which beginning in Italy, the country naturally destined to such an inheritance, soon spread all over civilized Europe. The foundation of this movement was laid in the beginning of the fourteenth century by the Divina Comedia of Dante, the poetry of which is, however, still strongly tinged with mediaevalism. Before humanism was able to penetrate deeply into scholastic learning and free the minds so long enslaved by Scholasticism, serious political changes had to take place. But with Petrarch and Boccaccio the new era is fairly inaugurated. Hettner calls this mante, J. = Les Juives. Seneca: H. f. = Hercules furens, H. oet. = Hercules oetaeus, Th. = Thyestes, Oed. = Oedipus, Oed. fir. = Oedipi fragmentum, Ph. fr. = Phoenissarum fragmentum, Ph. = Phaedra, Tr. Troades, M. = Medea, A. = Agamemnon, O. = Octavia. *) Arber's Reprints. — 3 — period of transition in the Italian literature by the name of a Sturm and Drang*. Petrarch paid especial attention to the Latin writers, Cicero, Vergil, and Seneca, but with the literature of Greece he had only little acquaintance, unlike Boccaccio, whose efforts to introduce the study of Greek into Italy axe well known. In the first part of the fourteenth century we find the beginning of the influence on dramatic 'poetry in Italy. It may, at first sight, seem strange that Seneca was the model which was followed since that time by all dramatic poets that took an active part in the Renaissance. In an article »on the Influence of Seneca on Gorboduc« (Modern Language Notes, vol. II p. 56 f.) we summed up the reasons that account for the stiange predilection for the Roman tragedian. We abstain from repeating what was said there, but take occasion to empha- size again the linguistic affinity between the Romance tongues and the Latin, which made the understanding of the works of Seneca much easier than those of the Greek tragedians. This reason seems so strong to us that we should be surprised not to find traces of the only extant pieces of Latin dramatic art in some of the Romance countries and those countries that were, as to their literatures, connected with them and influen- cing each other, England and Germany. Moreover we know by direct testimony that Latin poetry was preferred, and when the art ol printing helped to spread classic learning it was the Greek that for obvious reasons, was neglected; we even find Greek sentences in Latin books simply omitted during the first decades. The Church used Latin as the language of intercommuni- cation and service. She could not do without it, if it were only to prevent the clergy from descending to the profanum vulgus. As long as the Church favored Latin, the works of the Roman poets were read. The Church escaped from this dilemma by applying that principle which only the Jesuits have had the courage to acknowledge openly: »The purpose sanc- tions the means «. In Cicero's works there was certainly nothing that betrayed a Christian. But what he had not written he could have spoken, and thus his supposed last words on his deathbed: » Causa causarum miserere mei!< made him a convert. Vergil was baptized by the tears shed on his grave by the apostle Paul, and some convent brought it about to forge an extensive correspondence between Seneca and Paul, which has been considered genuine up to our times 1 ). The vulgar language and the scenes of common life in Plautus were the cause that his works were not so well and widely known during the Middle Ages as those of Terence 2 ). Some people, it may be true, did not take offence at the tone of Plautus' comedies. St. Jerome used to read them »post noctium crebras vigilias. post lacrimas quas mini praeteritorum recordatio peccatorum ex imis visceribus eruebat« 3 ). But other scholars were not of his opinion , and C. Schonacus thought it convenient to publish a »Terentius Christianus seu comoediae sacrae« (1620). The question whether the Latin comedies should be read and represented was much discussed and not always answered in the affirmative. While the University of Prague was under the influence of the Jesuits the works of the heathenish Romans and Greeks were not allowed to be studied — an attempt to suppress higher education made elsewhere in our days, fortunately without result. Seneca escaped this condemning judgment. He belonged to the school of the Stoics, and inclined towards that side which nearest approached Christian thought. But his excessive eclecticism, constantly wavering between opposite standpoints, frequently recalling and contradicting what he had previously stated, is certainly no feature of a true Christian. Many l ) Cf. Kreyher, Lucius Annaeus Seneca, der Philosoph , und seine Beziehungen zum Urchristentum. Berlin 87. Reviewed by M. CI. Gertz in Berliner philol. Wochenschrift. 8. Jahrg. No. 2 u. 3. — W. Ribbeck, L. A. Seneca, der Philosoph, und sein Verhaltnis zu Epicur, Plato und deffi Christentume. Hannover 87. 2 ) Cf. K. v. Reinhardstoettner, Plautus. Spatere Bearbeitungen plau- tioischex Lustspiele. Leipzig 86. p. 23 f. 3 j Reinhardstoettner, ibid. p. 15. passages , indeed . resemble the teachings of the Bible 1 ) , but fully as many could be quoted that are incompatible with the words of Christ and his disciples. Sometimes he even directly tells us whose ideas he repeats, e. g. non desinemus .... opem ferre etiam inimicis (de otio I, 4) which he mentions as a principle of the Stoics. During the Middle Ages his con- nection with the Christian Church and his friendship with Paul were not doubted; in several editions he is even called a Christian 2 ). His philosophical writings have on the whole much in common with the tragedies that during the Middle Ages were perhaps for that identity of thought considered genuine. We have good reasons for supposing that the servants of the Church read the tragedies as well as his moral essays. All larger libraries and private scholars probably owned the works of Seneca. Albertino Mussato, the Italian poet and historio- grapher, possessed a very beautiful manuscript of the tragedies to which he added notes 3 ). It was a very fortunate circumstance that the Renaissance and the invention of the art of printing were almost simul- taneous events. Never could Humanism have made such rapid progress, if literature had not spread and beconne the property of all that showed themselves accessible to learning. In ad- dition to printed literature manuscripts were used, and these and books , in the original and translations, were passed from one to another for reading — the prototype of our modern reading circle. Seneca's prose writings were first translated and also printed. A Provencal manuscript of his letters and the treatise on » Di- vine Providence « (dated 1313) were soon afterwards translated into Italian; this manuscript was printed in 1717 at Florence and four times in our century. *) Cf. L. A. Seneca's Moral Essays ed. John F. Hurst & Henry C. Whiting. New York 77. p. 40 f. 2 ) A German edition of 1620 bears the title: Opera des billig- beriimbten unci fast Nich Unchristlichen weisen Heiden etc. 3 j The valuable codex now belongs to the Biblioth. Ambros. (Cf. Fabricius, Bibliotheca Latina, vol. I, p. 137.) — 6 — The art of printing was introduced into Italy in 1464. As early as 1475 an edition of Seneca — opera omnia — appeared at Naples. In the same year was published at Rome : Episto- larum Senecae ad Lucilium libri XXV, and also in Paris, to- gether with some of his philosophical treatises 1 ). Most of the early editions of the tragedies appeared in France and Italy; the first in 1484 at Ferrara 2 ). About a year later the first French edition was made in Paris. In 1491 the tragedies were published at Lyons. This edition was reprinted the following year in Venice. Here appeared, in 1493, a new edition , reprinted in 1498 , 1505 , 1510 , and 1522 , and also in Paris, in T498. Other Italian editions of the sixteenth century are: Florence 1506, reprinted in 1513, and Venice, 1517. In France, Paris and Lyons were the only places where several editions were published in that century; in 1500 all the tra- gedies came out in Paris, and afterwards in 1511, 1512, and 1514, the last being reprinted in 1519. The office of Seb. Gryphius 3 ) was very productive ; six editions were printed here , in 1536, — 38, — 47, — 48, — 54, and — 81. Of single plays the follow- ing were published in France: Octavia 1533, Hercules oet. 1543, Thyestes 1553, Oedipus 1553, Thebais 1588, all in Paris. Albertino Mussato , born 1262 , died 1329, historian, states- man, and poet, was the first to imitate Seneca in his »Eccerinis«, a tragedy in Latin. Mussato follows mostly » Thyestes «, some passages are certainly reminiscences from » Phaedra «. The metre of the chorus is the same as that of Seneca; the last chorus is based on » Hercules oet«. A strong romantic element is predominant in the whole play. The poet preserved his ori- ginality in a manner that entitles him to an exceptional position in the early literature of the Renaissance. Korting who in his »Geschichte der Literatur Italiens im Zeitalter der Renaissance« devotes sixty- eight pages to this poet, compares him with *) The dates are mostly based on Brunet , Manuel du Libraire, 5*'' ed. and Graesse, Tresor de livres rares et precieux, 1859—69. 2 ) Cf. W. Beloe, Anecdotes of Lit. and Scarce Books. London 1 814. 3"1 vol. p, 383. 3) Cf. Beloe, ibid, vol V, p. 178. Shakespeare, pointing out a similarity of subject and treatment in »Eccerinis« and » Macbeth «. Another tragedy, »Achilleis«, also a specimen of classical influence, based on »Troades« and »Phaedra«. was written in Italy sometime later. It was formerly attributed to Mussato, but it is now beyond doubt that Antonio Losco is its author 1 ). The next tragedy that shows its relation to Seneca's style and exposition is Corraro's »Procne«, written in the beginning of the fifteenth century, It is based on » Medea «. Some pas- sages betray the author's acquaintance with Ovid 2 ). A poor Florentine monk, Leonardo Datho, composed a tragedy a la Seneca, »Hiempsal«, written between 1431 and 1447, as it was dedicated to the pope, Gregory IV. 3 ) Trissino wrote his »So- fonisba«, before 1515, the first so-called regular tragedy. His models were the Greeks, especially Euripides, not Seneca. 4 ) His contemporaries and successors were greater admirers of the Latin drama. The diction of Rucellai's (born 1475) an d Mar- telli's (born 1499) tragedies seems to be suggested by a con- stant reading of Seneca. The works of Ludovico Dolce de- serve special mention. The translations of the Latin tragedies and some original plays in Senecean manner occupied him for the greater part of his life. » Agamemnon « and »Thyestes« j ) Cf. Archiv fur neuere Sprachen, vol. 71. p. 268. — A. Chassang, Des essays dramatiques invites de l'antiquite au XIV° et au XV e siecle. Paris 52. p. 51, note. — Scholars have recently been very much inter- ested in Mussato. The following writings have appeared during the last seven years : A. Zardo , Albertino Mussato , studio storico e letterario. Padova, 84. L. Cappelletti, A. M. e la sua tragedia Eccerinis. Parma 81. (Propugnatore t. XI.) F. Novati, Nuovi studj su A. M. (Giornale storico t. VI. 176. In Germany, Wychgram, A. M. Dissert. Leipzig, 80. Konig, tiber die Herkunft des A. M. (Neues Archiv der Geschichte f. alt. deutsche Geschichtskunde. Vol. 7. Gottingen 80. — Eccerinis has been translated into Italian by Luigi Mercantini, Palermo 68. 2) Cf. Chassang, ibid. p. 65. 3 ) ibid. p. 77. 4 ) Cf. R. Prolss, Geschichte des neueren Dramas. Leipzig 81. I st vol. p. 560 f. were published in 1543; the latter was reprinted in 1547 and 1560; the next was » Medea « in 1557, reprinted five times. In 1560 appeared his translations of all the tragedies; six years later »Troades« was reprinted. This tragedy was translated again by Gasp. Bragazzi (1591). Dolce was not the first Italian translator. In 1497 »Phaedra« was published, in the translation of a certain Pythius (Venice). The same year saw the publica- tion of »La tragedia dita Agamemnone. in vulgare« ; it was done in terza rima by Fossi of Cremona. In the seventeenth century the whole body of the tragedies were rendered into Italian by Hettore Nini (1622). He used verso sciolto; they were reprinted at Pisa in 1822. A certain Rappiani seems to have been freer in his translations, like his English predecessors ; he calls »Troades« (1700), » Medea « (1702), and » Agamemnon « (1708) »parafrasi«. An enumeration of the imitators of the Latin tragedies in Italy would be very incomplete withouth the name of Giraldo Cintio (born 1540). What he thought of Seneca he laid down in his »Discorsi« from which we quote the following passage: »Et anchora che Seneca tra i latini non habbia mai posta mano alle tragedie di fin felice ma solo si si a dato alle meste con tanta eccellenza, che quasi in tutte le sue tragedie egli avanzd, per quanto a me ne paia, nella prudenza, nella gravita, nella maesta , nelle sentenze tutti i Greci, che scrissero mai, quantunque nella elocutione potesse essere piu casto e piii colto egli non e« *). Some of his plays have been very successful, as »Orbeche« ; his »Epitia« is interesting for its resemblance to Whetstone's » Promos and Cassandra «. and Shakespeare's » Measure for Measure « *). These are the chief representatives of the Senecean school in Italy. More names could be mentioned, and more material will surely be discovered in Italian libraries, for the enthusiasm for the Latin tragedian must have been very strong at a time when »Phaedra« was represented in the original before an *) Prolss, ibid. p. 571, note. 2 ) Prolss, ibid. p. 572. audience. Even Tasso shows that he did more than merely read Seneca ] ). The drama of the Renaissance in Italy was, however, a failure, doomed to perish because of its wholly artificial origin. The authors were scholars of a high character perhaps, but lacking that feeling of sympathy with their times which con- nects the composer with his audience. There could be no national drama because there was no Italian nation ; the Court of Ferrara was not that of Paris 2 ). ! ) Cf. F. Bahr, Geschichte der Romischen Literatur, 4th eel. vol. 1. p. 229. 2 ) We add a few words about the development of the Senecean tragedy in those countries that did not influence France. However entangled the way may be that the drama took in these countries, it was in its outlines essentially the same : miracles, mysteries, moralities, revival of the study of the ancient literary productions, translations of almost exclusively Latin plays, imitations in Latin, finally compositions in the vernacular on ancient models, Plautus and Terence in comedy, Seneca in tragedy. Repiesentations of Latin plays were enjoyed at the Colleges. Seneca was acted at the University of Coimbra. Camoes himself composed a comedy Os »Enfatrioes«, an imitation of Plautus. (Reinhardstottner, ibid. p. 146.) One of the first books printed in Spain is a collection of proverbs from Seneca (1482); a similar book appeared at Sevilla, in 1495, frequently reprinted. The Bishop of Burgos translated Seneca's moral essays (1491). The connection with the Netherlands explains the absence of Seneca's tragedies printed in Spain in the XVI. century. Antwerp saw four com- plete editions and Amsterdam one. » Medea « and » Hercules « were trans- lated at the beginning of the fifteenth century by M. A. Vilaragut. (Reinhardstottner, ibid. p. 60). »Troades« appeared in 1633 in Madrid. — In England the number of dramatists that made Sir Philip Sidney's views their own, was pretty large. Yet we cannot speak of a school of classical writers, as in France, their works lacking the development and the continuity of production. Translations of Seneca appeared early : »Troades« (J. Heywood, 1559, reprinted in 1560), »Thyestes« (by the same author, 1560), »Oedipus« (Nevyle, 1563), » Medea*, » Agamemnon* (J. Studley 1566), »Octavia« (T. Nuce, 1566); Thomas Newton translated the »Thebais«, and gave a complete edition of the tragedies, after Studley had added » Phaedra* and »Hercules oet.«, and J. Heywood » Hercules fur.* in 1581. »Gorboduc« opens the series of Senecean tragedies (1561). Between 1568 and 1580 fifty -two dramas were acted before the learned IO France was fortunate enough to have a ruler that vigorously favored learning and literature : the chivalrous Francis I was in some way the forerunner of the great Louis XIV. His relation Queen ; no less than eighteen took their subjects from Greek and Roman antiquity, The »Misfortunes of Arthur*, a worthy successor of »Gorboduc*, was represented in 1587. »Tancred and Gismunda« also belongs to this class. Shakespeare based his » Measure for Measure « on a play that was a copy from classical models, Whetstone's » Promos and Cassandra*. Grevil Sir Fulke, Lord Brooke (1554 — 1628) was the author af »Alaham and Mustapha*, still represented in 1668 (Chappuzeau, Le theatre francais, ed. G. Monval, Paris 75, p. 50). Daniel composed two tragedies, »Cleo- patra* (1599) and »Philotas«, the former most probably inspired by Mary of Pembroke's translation of Garnier's »Marc Antoine*. The companion of Daniel is Brandon, the author of »Octavia* (1598). That Shakespeare knew Seneca's tragedies is a fact for those that have read » Hamlet*. The boy Lucius in » Titus Andronicus* (IV act, I scene) has read the »Troades«; more allusions occur in » Julius Caesar* and »Macbeth«. — In Germany single plays seem to have been edited first — » Medea*, Witten- berg (15 1 2), »Thyestes* and »Troades«, Vienna (15 13), »Octavia*, Cologne (15 1 7), » Hercules fur.*, Strassburg (1521) — later complete editions ap- peared at Basel (1529, 1541), Leipzig (1566), and Heidelberg (1589). The traces of the Latin drama in Germany go back to the times of Ros- witha and Notker. For an imitation of Seneca by a poet of some fame we have to wait till the times of Opitz. The first attempts of this ad- mirer of the Pleiade were the translation of Seneca's »Troades«. Andreas Gryphius who got part of his education in the Netherlands and must have been acquainted with the works of Heinsius and Vondel — he translated his »Gabeonites* — was the servile admirer of Senecean dramatic art. As in Seneca's »Thyestes« and the »Misfortunes of Arthur* Gryphius' »Carolus Stuardus* is introduced by a ghost. »Catharina von Georgien«, »Leo Ar- minius*, and »Der sterbende Papinian* are other fruits of his talent of imitation. Lohenstein also belongs to this school that contains so many members and reaches up to the times of Gottsched and Lessing. — The Netherlands could boast of calling some of the foremost scholars their own. Erasmus edited »Hercules furens*, at the end of the fifteenth cen- tury — about that time the same tragedy appeared at Daventer — and in 15 17 »Octavia*. Lipsius edited all the dramatical works of Seneca, Antwerp 1588. In 1594 Del Rio's edition appeared containing a disser- tation on the tragedy of the Greeks and Romans. Others appeared in 1 60 1, 1602, 161 1, and 1 619. Daniel Heinsius put his edition before the public in 161 1. Several independent editions, too numerous to be — II — with the Court of Milan made him appreciate that revival of ancient poetry that during a long period of development had found time to take root there; the wars with Italy had rather strengthened the ties that since the reign of Louis XII had connected these two countries. Italian artists were called to the French capital that was beginning to develop into the European metropolis. Brunetto Latini and Thomas of Aquino pursued here their University studies. Italian actors left their country and tried their luck in France, with so much success that the » Confreres « felt their competition and caused their removal. Scholars felt a new impulse for studying the literature of the Greeks and Romans. Quinziano Stoa, the teacher of Francis, himself wrote several religious plays and no less than fourteen dramas on wordly subjects after the model of the classics, and in the Latin language. In the Colleges the Roman theatre was readily taken as a source for representations , and the works of Plautus. Terence, and Seneca could be seen acted on the learned stage. Buchanan gave the first stimulus for the imitation of Seneca in France by his »Jephthes« and »Baptista« (probably 1540 — 43). The former was translated into German by Jonas Bitner and printed in 1569 ; it was also represented 1 ) in Germany, and was translated twice into French (1566— 1567). The latter was written, as the author tells us in his autobiography, »ut earum actione juventutem ab allegoriis, quibus turn Gallia vehementer se ablectabat, ad imitationem veterum, qua posset, retraheret 2 ); a similar opinion he expresses in the preface to »Jephthes«. mentioned here, came to light during that century; many contained the notes of such scholars as Jos. Scaliger, Daniel and Nicolaus Heinsius, Erasmus, and Hugo Grotius. So much attention being paid to the Roman tragedian, it was inevitable that the Dutch drama should reflect this ten- dency — the greatest Dutch dramatist, Vondel, is an imitator of Seneca. *) Cf. Reinhardstottner, ibid. p. 93. 2 ) Cf. Jacques Grevin's Tragoedie » Caesar « in ihrem Verhaltniss zu Muret, Voltaire und Shakespeare, von G. A. O. Collischonn. Ausg. u. Abh. No. 52. Contains a reprint of Grevin's and Muret's plays. 12 M. Ant. Muret, who edited Seneca's philosophical works — the first print we have is dated 1593 or 94, but is probably a reprint — wrote » Julius Caesar « in Latin, a tragedy with choruses, in decidedly Senecean style as the beginning of Caesar's mono- logue, that takes up the first act, will show. Jam tota pene terra Romanos timet, et qua resurgens aureis Phoebus comis Indos propinqua subditos tingit face, et qua cadentes pronus inflectens equos gratae sorori cedit alternas vices, patruique lasso stagna ciispat lumine, etc. This tragedy was the model for Jacques Grevin's Caesar«, printed and acted in 1558. The author expanded the 570 verses of the Latin original to n 02, which afterwards were used by Voltaire. Between Muret's and Grevin's tragedies, however, one great event took place that we cannot leave unmentioned in this short sketch of the development of the classical drama in France, if we try to show the right position of Gamier. In 1549 ap- peared Du Bellay's celebrated manifestation of the Pleiade, »La Deffence et Illustration de la Langue Francoyse<, an enthusiastic plea, in rhetorical style, for the study and imitation of the classical authors, breaking with the theories, style, and form of poetry of the school of Marot, and — to speak in general terms — substituting classicism for mediaeval spirit in poetry. Old French poetry, with its rondeaux , ballades, chansons etc. he calls »episseries qui corrumpent le goust de nostre Langue, et ne seruent si non a porter temoignage de nostre ignorance «. In- teresting are his few lines about dramatic poetry: »Quand aux Comedies et Tragedies , si les Roys et les Republiques les voulaint restituer en leur ancienne dignite, qu'ont usurpee les Fa r ces , et Moralitez , ie seroy bien d'opinion , que tu t'y em- ployasses, et si tu le veux faire pour Fornement de ta langue, tu scais ou tu en doibs trouuer tes Archetypes « 1 ). What these types ought to be and how far this imitation may be carried Cf. Du Bellay, ibid. ed. Person, Paris 78, p. 118. is not so perfectly clear. It is not at all wrong, says the poet, but even very praiseworthy, to borrow from a foreign tongue ideas and words, and to assimilate them to the vernacular; he advises, however, the poet to use mostly words of purely French origin. That an imitation of the classics was impossible without at the same time borrowing words that could easily be trans- formed into French, Du Bellay was not aware. The value of the classic stage had been already recognized several years before the Pldiade began their work. The early editions of Seneca have been mentioned before. A French translation of the tragedies by Pierre Grosnet appeared before 1534. This edition contained also a collection of the moral teachings of the Stoic and some contemporary French writers and, besides, the life of Seneca — an anthology like the many that were printed in other countries and that perhaps formed an essential part of the library of the »bel esprit « of the times. They must have been eagerly read for a collection of »mots dores« that were selected by Claude de Seissel in 1527 was soon re- printed twice. (Brunet.) During the first half of the sixteenth century authors and •translators turned their attention more to Greek tragedy and Roman comedy. O. de St. Gelais translated all the comedies of Terence in 1539; >Andria« was rendered by Bonaventura des Perriers two years earlier when »Electra« of Sophocles found a translator in Lazare de Baif; a prose version of »Hecabe« of Euripides was also his work. (Ebert 1544, Prolss 1537 r) His natural son Antoine was an active member of the Pl&ade. Or ) his translations and imitations only a few were printed, as Antigone « , the » Eunuch « , and a comedy after the » Miles) gloriosus«. Aristophanes' »Plutus« was translated by Ronsard, the head of the school that can boast of counting among its members the author of the first regular French tragedy: Etienne Jodelle. »Cle'opatre captive « appeared in 1552, the birthday of the classical French drama. A modern dramatic art was created after the imitation of the classic stage. The traditions of the Middle Ages with their predominance of the epic element were done — 14 — away with. The Renaissance had begun with translations of Greek and Latin plays, the learned classes enjoyed the Latin school-drama, but a more or less original classic play in the tongue that could be understood by all and whose beauties could be appreciated by the nation as a whole had not ap- peared before » Cldopatre « . Great was the enthusiasm with which the first tragedy was received. The members of the Plelade glorified its author The king before whom it was first acted showed him his favor. The subject of Cldopatre is taken from Plutarch, its form is a simple copy of the classic tragedy, the chorus is retained. An imitation of a special tragedian, as Seneca, cannot be de- monstrated, as Ebert supposes. An influence must, however, have made itself felt in some way or other, as Jodelle certainly knew and studied him, but these traits do not stand preeminent. » If Jodelle «, says Ebert, » for external effects sometimes writes a bombastic style as well as Seneca, though with the latter the bombast has a quite different motive, his diction is by no means the same as that of the Latin tragedian, much less copied from it. Seneca's rhetoric appears simply as a production of reason, that of Jodelle is especially of a lyrical kind« (p. 108). The College of Boncour was chosen for the first represen- tation in public. The author himselt played the part of Cleo- patra. The second time the audience applauded his friend La Pe'ruse who through him, Ronsard, Remi Belleau, and other poets was initiated into the world of antiquity and brought forth his only tragedy »Medde« the following year. It is the first drama where the influence of Seneca — his » Medea * — is plainly noticeable 1 ). Pasquier mentions that by some mishap the play did not meet with the success it deserved. Ste. Marthe extols him as of the most promising talent: »If death had not destroyed La Pe'ruse's plans, this poet would according to the *) Cf. Otto Kulcke, Seneca's Einfluss auf Jean cle la Peruse's »Medee« und Jean de la Tattle's »La Famine ou les Gabeonites«. Diss. Greifswald. 1884. The second part appeared in Zeitschrift fur neufrz. Sprache und Litteratur, vol 7. -^ 15 — judgment of scholars have undoubtedly become the Euripides of France*. And Ronsard, who seems to have encouraged every rising talent by a flattering sonnet, writes: »Tu vins apres (Jodelle), encothurne' Peruse, Espoinconne de la tragique muse«. The taste for Seneca was growing. » Agamemnon « was translated by Ch. Toustain *) in 1557 , and in 1561 Francois le Duchat published the same tragedy »tiree de Sdneque«. Jacques de la Taille wrote half a dozen tragedies, according to Ebert. Only two, »Daire« (1558) and » Alexandre* (1560) were published after his untimely death — he was only 20 years old when he died in 1562 — by his elder brother Jean in the edition of his own plays 2 ). The works of the former contain the mistakes of the Senecean stage, and show besides the imma- turity of youth. Jean de la Taille's first tragedy was »Satil le furieux«, »faite selon l'art et la mode des vieux auteurs tragiques*, published in 1562 together with a treatise 611 tragic art and an »Eloge de Jacques de la Taille «. Besides the translation of two of Ariosto's comedies under the title of »Les Corrivaux* and »Le Negromant* he composed another tragedy on a bi- blical subject, »La Famine ou les Gabeonites*. All three plays were printed in 1573. Educated by the famous scholar Muret whose » Julius Caesar « we have had occasion to mention, and an enthusiastic admirer of the works of Ronsard, we might expect that his dramatic compositions reflect the predilection of his teacher for the Roman tragedy. And Jean de la Taille is the second noteworthy dramatist who followed Seneca. Parfait's opinion of the two tragedies is a very unfavorable one. »I1 n'est pas possible d'en soutenir la lecture «. His contemporaries appre- *) H. Heine, in his essay: Corneille's »Medee« in ihrem Verhalt- nisse zu den Medea - Tragodien des Euripides nnd Seneca betrachtet etc. (Franz. Studien Bd. 1, p. 441) wrongly attributes » Agamemnon* to La Peruse 2 ) Three more are mentioned by his brother: Athamant, Progne, Xiobe (cf. Faguet p. 170). Prolss (p. 22) mentions »Achille« as the third, and Saintsbury and Darmesteter a »Didon«. — 16 — ciated him more. The second play »La Famine?, interesting for the subject taken from the history of the Jews — as the author informs us in the » Argument*, from Josephus' »Antiqui- tates« — the forerunner of Garnier's »Juives« and Racine's »Athalie« 1 ), rests on Seneca's »Troades«. It is in some respects superior to its model, framed itself in turn upon- two of Euri- pides' plays, »Hecabe« and »Troas« ; the religious subject, the ideal spirit pervading the whole piece give it a quite different aspect, and the natural tragic element was favorable to the author who did not deserve the disparaging criticism of Parfait, which has certainly more reference to the style than to the exposition. The general enthusiasm felt for Jodelle had been gradually abating, and »Dido« could not revive his glory. The eulogies of contemporary poets were transferred to a new rising star, Robert Gamier. »Cleopatre< seems to have been almost for- gotten, to judge from a sonnet, the author of which, however, is Garnier's wife' 2 ). The sacrifice of a goat to Jodelle which had given so much offense to the clergy was not enough for his successor. »Le lierre est trop has pour ton front couronner, Et le bouc est trop pen pour ta Muse Iragique* sang Ronsard 3 ). • Ties Tragicos habuisse vetus se Graecia iactat : Vnum pro tribus his Gallia nuper hnbel. At nunc vineit eos qui ires Garnering vnus Tenia ferat Tragicis praemia digna tribus. « is another sonnet prefixed to his first drama; Robert Etienne repeats the same eulogy in Greek and French. Opinions being so ambiguous , so dependent on circum- stances , and always inclining towards the new talent , the judgment of his contemporaries can be of little value for us, and merely deserves our notice as a curiosity. It is, however, *) Cf. Ebert, ibid. pp. 134, 161. 2 ) Les Tragedies de Robert Gamier, ed. Wendelin Forster. Samm- lung franzosischer Neudrucke. Heilbronn 1883. Vol. 3, p, 149. 3 ) Ibid. vol. 4, p. 82. Vol. 3, p. 8. — 17 — a fact, established by the careful investigations of Rbert, that Garnier's name signifies a second epoch in the development of the French tragedy. We have already indicated in short the reasons why Seneca was the favored model for the classic tragedy in the various modern countries. With regard to Gamier we might insist here on a further argument. France was during the sixtenth cen- tury the scene of constant wars. Germany had her Thirty Years' War, France suffered as many years from religious dis- sension which culminated in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. The student of history might believe that in such times, when all ties of humanity seem to be broken, all literary production would be rendered impossible. But the year that followed the most cruel bloodshed of modern times saw the appearance of Garnier's >Hippolyte«, not a comedy indeed, but a drama on which the age had placed its stamp. Jean de la Taille chose his »Gabeonites« to rouse the compassion of Queen Margaret of Navarra, to whom the piece was dedicated, that she might persuade her brother to put an end to the murderous strife, lest the Court should have the fate of Saul. Gamier did not so frankly give warning to his king in the preface to his first tragedy ; it is rather full of flattery. Mons. de Rambouillet did not take it amiss to find the following sentence in the dedi- cation to himself: Que si mes vers regoiuent cest heur par la France, d'estre avec quelque estime recueillis, ie laisseray les cris et les horreurs de mes Tragedies (poeme a mon regret trop propre aux malheurs de nostre siecle) pour sonner plus tran- quillement les hero'iques faits de vostre maison«. (Pref. to »Corne*lie«.) To Mons. de Pibrac he writes: »Mais sur tout, a qui mieux qu'a vous se doiuent addresser les representations Tragiques des guerres civiles de Rome? qui avez en telle horreur nos dissentions domestiques, et les malheureux troubles de ce Royaume, auiourd'huy despouille de son ancienne splendeur, et de la renerable maieste* de nos Rois, prophanee par tumultueuses rebellions. « (Pref. de »Marc Antoine«.) Gamier lived during a time of political struggles, during an age when morals were at a very low standing, when crimes were unpunished, some- 2 — 18 — times even rewarded. It was natural that he took his inspiration from a tragedian who treated about such subjects, the »res tragicae« of Julius C. Scaliger — caedes , desperationes , sus- pendia, exilia, orbitates, parricidia, incestus, incendia, pugnae etc. (Poetice i, III, 96) ! ). Gryphius had used Seneca for his » blood- stained « tragedies, in the times of the Thirty Years' War; Sackville and Norton copied him for the civil wars in »Gor- boduc« ; Albertino Mussato found material to describe the atrocious crimes of the tyrant »Eccerinis«. Seneca's tragedies were the dictionary, from which Gamier — like the other poets — took his pathetic language, as we shall see later. As Seneca's moral writings were highly esteemed during the Middle Ages, his tragedies were considered the best dra- matic works of the classic stage, or as at least equal to the Greek masters. In this most of the highest authorities agree. There are only a few voices against it, as Roger Ascham in England. Scaliger expressed the opinion of the time in France. » Seneca quern nullo Graecorum majestate inferiorem existimo, culto vero ac nitore etiam Euripide majorem. Inventiones sane illorum sunt; at majestas carminis, sonus, spiritus ipsius« 2 ). The Roman tragedies were not adapted to the stage and were not intended to be acted 3 ). Garnier's works were repre- sented several times, as were most of the tragedies mentioned before ; some even met with great success. But the poet whose life was so uneventful, who does not seem to have much cared *) The views of Opitz about dramatic poetry too strikingly corre- spond to those of his French prototype to be omitted here : Die Tragedie ist an der maiestet clem Heroischen getichte gemesse, ohne das sie selten leidet, das man geringeren standes personen vnd schlechte sachen ein- fiihre : weil sie nur von Koniglichem willen, Todlschlagen, verzweiffelungen, Kinder- vnd Vatermorden , brande, blutschanden , kriege vnd auffruhr, klagen, heulen, seuffzen vnd dergleichen handelt. Von derer zugehor schreibet vornemlich Aristoteles, vnd etwas weitleufftiger Daniel Heinsius; die man lesen kann. (Buch von der deutschen Poeterei. Neudrucke deutscher Litteraturvverke des XVI. u. XVII. Jahrh. No. 1 p. 22. 2) Poet. I, VI, 6. 3 j Cf. Rheinisches Museum, II. Sup. vol. 3, p. 1452 if. — Jacobs, Xachtrage zu Sulzer IV, 334. — 19 — for the applause of the people, and who must certainly have avoided such troubles with the Confreres or other companies as Jodelle had experienced, most probably did not write for the stage. Moreover, no theatre represented any of his plays — as far as I can find out — before 1573 — ■ five years after the beginning of his dramatic career. In the preface to his » Bradamante* te informs us: »Celuy qui voudroit faire representer cette Bradamante, sera s'il luy plaist aduerty d'vser d'entremets, et les interposer entre les Actes pour ne les con- fondre, et ne mettre en continuation de propos ce qui requiert quelque distance de temps «. That does not sound like an ambitions playwright — one reason more for his predilection for Seneca. The number of Gamier's dramatic works amounts to eight. »Porcie« was published in 1568, represented in the Hotel de Bourgogne in 1573. »Hippolyte« followed in 1573 (Faguet 1574?) acted in the same year on the same stage together with »Cornelie«, which appeared in print in 1574. After an interval of four years the poet edited his «Marc Antoine«, which was received with great applause by the audience in the Hotel de Bourgogne. Near the end of the year 1578 »La Troade« was represented, according to the Journal du Theatre Francais ; it was published the following year (Faguet 1578?). His next tragedy was » Antigone « printed in 1580 (Faguet 1579?). It met with such great success, in 1579, that the Clercs de la Basoche put it on their program the year of its publication. » Bradamante « appeared in 1582; the Journal du Theatre Fran- cais mentions that it was acted in 1580, and received with applause, and two years later also given by the Clercs de la Basoche. As the edition of 1580, however, does not contain this piece, and as Faguet does not give his source we must consider the year 1582 as the exact date. >Les Juives«. the last work is not in the edition of 1582; it was published in 1583. Baillet says: »I1 a fait depuis une neuvieme tragedie«. Ste. Marthe, Garnier's friend, also speaks of a ninth tragedy, De Thou the same. The name of this play is not given. Lucas (Histoire du The'atre fr. p. 24) mentions, without any 20 reference, sCldopatre* as his last and ninth play. Most surely this is a mistake ; certainly that supposed tragedy was never printed. Garnier's dramatic career is generally divided into three parts ; no critic, since Ebert, has deviated from this plan. What poet has not had his distinct time of development, the following period of greater originality, and his flourishing period ! Perhaps he would have had his period of decline, had he produced anything in the last years of his life. There is, however, hardly any poet whose works so justly entitle us to follow that tempt- ing schematism as the French tragedian of the sixteenth cen- tury. »Porcie«, »Cornelie« and »Marc Antoine« mark the first period. The subjects are taken from Roman history; his model is Seneca, and, strange to say, this influence is stronger here than in the three following tragedies which were taken directly from Seneca and partly from the Greek stage: »Hippolyte«, which was composed after »Porcie« and surpassed the two following tragedies »Les Troades«, and » Antigone* that were really a relapse into his former manner. The first had been only rhetorical pieces. They had shown the lack of dramatic unity as well as of action. They were only book-dramas. The different tragedies of the Greeks and the Roman philosopher which Gamier used for compiling those dramas that indicate a second step in his development offered him material enough for dramatic action, but unfortunately produced also a greater looseness of the unity of dramatic framework. »Bradamante« and »Les Juives« are the pieces in which Gamier is at the height of his creative power. The former is a tragicomedy, not the first by this name — in 1554 appeared the »Tragique comedie franchise de l'homme justifie par foy«. The omission of the chorus, such an eminent feature in his tragedies, plainly shows us that not the mere mixture of tragical and comical elements in one play created this new character of dramatic plays, but that, as Ebert says, the tragicomedy is, »das emste Schauspiel freieren Stils « (p. 177). Whether the tragicomedy at that time followed a certain plan is very doubtful; certainly it was not »un drame historique a denouement heureux« (Faguet p. 212). 21 When Gamier made use of the plays of the classics, he would lay several pieces under contribution for composing one of his own works. Some 01 his tragedies offer a very variegated patch - work. The following exposition , not intended to be exhaustive and chiefly restricting itself to Seneca, will give some insight into Garnier's ways of writing 1 ). We need hardly remark that for our purpose it is indiffer- ent whether Seneca wrote all the tragedies that pass under his name or not. That he could not have written »Octavia« is a fact; the rest are all products of the same spirit, and even »Octavia«, though somewhat different in style, yet resembles the originals so much that it passed for centuries as Seneca's. This tragedy was the model for »Porcie«. The prologue of the Megera is an imitation of that of Tantalus in »Thyestes«. Porcia's monologue at the beginning of the second act is partly a translation of Octavia's words (Oct. v. i — 72 2 ). The follow- ing chorus is an imitation of Horace. Who that reads Heureux qui d'vn soc laboureur, Loin de la ciuile fureur, Auec ses boeufs cultiue Sa paternelle riue etc. (P. 283 f.) does not remember the famous ode : Beatus ille qui procul negotiis, ut prisca gens mortalium, parlerna rura bobus exercet suis etc. (Epod. lib. II)? In the third act the monologue of the philosopher Aree is a free translation of the monologue of Seneca (Oct. v: 388 f.). The quarrel between Octave and Aree shows a great similarity to the dialogue between Seneca and Nero (Oct. 449 f.), and before Gamier wrote the scene of Ventidie and Antoine he had certainly read » Hercules oet«. For the lamentation ot the nurse in the fifth act we find a model in »Troades«, towards the end of the piece, in the speeches of Hecuba and her companions and the nuntius. *) For some influences of contemporary writers, as Muretus, Grevin, de la Taille, on Gamier cf. P. Kahnt, ibid. 2 ) L. Annaei Senecae Tragoediae ed. Peiper et Richter. Teubner, Leipzig 1867. 22 » Complies a simple copy of his first tragedy, with exactly the same exposition, is composed in a similar manner: » Hercules oet.«, the second book of the »Aeneid«, and Lucan's »Phar- salia« are used. The first words in the soldiers' chorus in the fourth act remind us of Horace's: »Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori (C. 1238 — III, 2, 13). Plutarch's life of Antonius furnished the plot for »Marc Antoine«. Reminiscences are, .of course, constantly met with: » Agamemnon «, » Hercules oet.«, »Octavia«, and »Troades«. The second cycle is that in which Gamier followed the ancient classics more closely. »Hippolyte«, La Troade«, and » Antigone « are for the most part translations and imitations from different sources. The plays of Seneca, however, form the foundation. » Phaedra « was used for the »Hippolyte«. In the first scene Gamier follows more his own inspiration. The next is a graceful imitation of the introductory monologue of » Phaedra « (v. 1 — 89). The second act — O Roine de la mer, Crete mere des Dieux etc. — corresponds to Th. v. 90 — 367 — O magna uasti Creta dominatrix freti — some parts are literally translated. With more liberty Ph. v. 366 — 743 are used for the third act; the fourth act corresponds to v. 843 — 966 and the last to v. 1000 -1289. Which tragedies Gamier used for his »La Troade «, he mentions in the preface: »Voyla le sujet de ceste Tragedie, prins en partie d'Hecube et Troade d'Euripide, et de la Troade de Seneque«. The first scene of the first act is taken from Seneca (v. 1 — 170), including the chorus and his alternative song with Hecuba. The second scene follows Euripides' »Troades« (v. 276 f., cf. Ebert, p. 157). Verses 418—823 (3rd act of Seneca) form the second act in Garnier's tragedy ; the choruses are the same, Tr. v. 824 — 870 — L. Tr. v. 1137 — 1234. In the third act Gamier imitates Seneca's second act, v. 170 — 379; v. 1235 — 1255 contain an episode taken from »Hecabe«, v. 59 — 93. L. Tr. v. 1256 — 1322 correspond to Tr. v. 170 — 210; the chorus, v. 1323 — 1376 to Tr. v. 380 — 417. From v. 1377 Gamier follows Seneca v. 211 — 379; in the second scene again »Hecabe« is his model. The form — 23 — of the chorus betrays an imitation of Horace. The fourth act, with the exception of a few passages borrowed from »Hecabe«, is an imitation of Seneca, v. 1066 — 1189. The chorus (v. 1983 f.) is taken from Seneca v. 1019 — 1065, the choius closing the fourth act of »Troades«. For the last act the Greek play was again used (Hecabe v. 932 — 1158). The story of Antigone j ) has been frequently treated ; the three Greek tragedians had used this subject. We find it again in Seneca's » Oedipus fr.« and »Phoenissae«, and the »Thebais« of Statius. But all these poets followed a somewhat different plan. Garnier's first act is a translation of Oed. fr. v. j, — 319. The first scene of the next act is copied from the same play, beginning with v. 320 to the end of this fragment. Seneca's »Phoenissae« furnished the material for the second scene; where the fragment breaks off, Gamier stops after having followed Seneca line by line. The third act is mostly filled with the messenger's report of the battle between the two hostile brothers ; it is taken from Statius. In the two last acts Gamier is more independent. Seneca's complete tragedy was not preserved and the Greek tragedians were consulted only for the plot, which was already too far advanced to be much influenced by So- phocles' » Antigone « or Euripides' »Phoenissae«. His best tragedy is »Les Juives«, for dramatic action as well as for rhetorical effect. The plot was furnished by Josephus in his »Antiquitates«, tenth book, chapters nine and ten. Several passages of the Bible, mentioned by Garnier in the preface, were also used by him. The influence of Seneca is not so plainly perceivable as in the former pieces. The chorus, however, is retained, for which La Harpe blames him: »En adoptant les choeurs et quelquefois les prologues du theatre des Grecs Garnier meconnaissait la nature du notre.« The characters are more firmly drawn in »Les Juives« than in his preceding tra- gedies; they are not made after one pattern. Here we can no more apply La Harpe's expression , »la carricature de *) G. M. Gantner. Wie hat Garnier in seiner Antigone die antiken Dichtungen benutzt. Prog. Passau 1887. 60 p. — 24 — Pheroisme«. »Deux characteres, says Darmesteter, sont deve loppes avec force, Nabochodonosor et Amital. Jusqu' a Cor- neille on ne trouve guere dans notre theatre de personnages aussi vigoureusement traces *). »Bradamante« is the most original of his works. The subject is taken from Ariosto's » Orlando Furioso», and its treat- ment as a tragicomedy could not offer much occasion to look the Roman tragedies over for some suggestion. The diction becomes freer from those expressions that we shall treat after- wards ; it is nobler and more dignified. The romantic element keeps the poet from relapsing into an unbearable pathos. The tragic element does not permit a shallow tone of conversation. But notwithstanding his caution not to follow the footsteps of Seneca we can sometimes find expressions that belong to Senecean phraseology. Gamier most probably did not read the original Italian text. The » Orlando Furioso« was translated into prose as early as 1543 which version was reedited twice before »Brada- mante« was written. Five editions in rhyme were at the author's disposal. The author is upright enough to mention what he owes to others and what is his own invention: »Ce suiect est fort amplement discount par l'Arioste depuis le qua- rante-troisieme chant iusques a la fin de son liure: fors pour le regard de la fin adioustee par l'autheur*. What are the peculiarities of Seneca's style 2 ) and how tar did Gamier follow his model in this respect? The general characteristics — the essentially rhetorical elements — of Seneca's diction have been previously alluded to. To sketch them shortly, they are the following. The most prominent is the excessive use of expressions of mythology; Jupiter on the Olympus and Pluto in Hades with the host of their com- panions are implored by everyone in distress. Phenomena of nature are connected with deities whose names we hear con- ! ) Darmesteter and Hatzfeld, Le seizieme siecle en France. 2 nd - ed. p. 172. 2 ) R. M. Smith, De arte rhetorica in Senecae trag. perspicua. Leipz. Diss. 1885. — 25 — stantly quoted. Then it is the description of what is horrible and exciting, always considered during the time of its infancy as essential in a tragedy. The means of poetical diction, metaphorical expressions, the epitheton ornans, etc., are used beyond the limits of good taste. Many of them occur typically so that they lose their force and beauty, and finally weary the reader. Descriptive passages and comparisons, abundantly used by Seneca, retard the course of action. Of the mere figures of speech we might mention the exclamation, and rhetorical question, the stichomuthia, and the repetition of words, as epizeuxis, anaphora and other subdivisions. There are not many traces of Horace and Vergil in Garnier's tragedies, although he sometimes imitated these writers. The choruses in which the language is undoubtedly more beautiful and more lyrical, might remind us, in some places, of the poetry of those Roman masters. Gamier enlarged his vocabu- lary rather from Latin writers that were children of the same spirit and of the same age with Seneca: Statius and Lucan, both poets that show the same abundance of rhetorical appa- ratus. »Lucanus ardens, et concitatus, et sententiis clarissimus, et, ut dicam quod sentio, magis oratoribus quam poetis adnu- merandus 1 )«. These words Quintilian might have said also of Statius whom, however, he does not mention. In order to show how Gamier translated Seneca, we quote a few passages. Antigone : »Si nulla, genitor, causa uiuendi tibi est, haec una abunde est, ut pater gnatos regas grauiter furentes. tu impii belli minas avertere unus, tuque uaecordes potes inhibere iuuenes, ciuibus pacem dare, patriae quietem, foederi laeso fidem. • uitam tibi ipse si negas, multis negas. Oed. fir. 288. Antigone : »Quand vous n'auriez, mon pere, autre cause de viure, Que pour Thebes defendre et la rendre deliure ^ ') I. X, I, 90. — 26 — Des combats fraternels, vous ne deuez mourir, Ains vos iours prolonger pour Thebes secourir : Vous pouuez amortir cette guerre enflammee, Seul vous avez puissance en l'vne et l'autre armee : Des mains de vos enfans vous pouuez arracher Le fer desia tire pour s'entredehacher. Vous pouuez arrester la fureur qui chemine, Comme vn ardant poison, par leur chaude poitrine, Et de vostre patrie esloigner les dangers Qui la.vont menassant de soudars estrangers : La mettant en repos, et comme, d'vne corde Serrant nos coeurs vnis d'vne sainte concorde. Viuez done ie vous pry, viuez doncques pour nous, Si viure desormais vous ne voulez pour vous : Vostre vie est la nostre, et qui l'auroit rauie, Auroit raui de nous et d'vn chacun la vie. A. 325. The synthetical structure of the Latin verses requires, of course, more words in French, but Gamier seems to look anxiously for every opportunity for epic descriptions and reitera- tions. Thus, for instance the death of Astyanax is announced by the messenger in the following words. Nuntius : »Quos enim praeceps locus Reliquit artus? ossa disiecta et graui Elisa casu signa clari corporis Et ora et illas nobiles patris notas Confundit imam pondus ad terram datum, Soluta cervix silices impulsu caput Ruptum cerebro penitus expresso. iacet Deforme corpus. « Tr. 11 20. Messager : »Son corps est tout froisse, tout moulu, ecache, Rompu, brise, gachy, demembre, dehache, Sa teste par morceaux, la ceruelle sortie, Et bref vous ne verrez vne seule partie Qui n'ait les os broyez plus menu que le grain Qu'on farine au moulin pour le toumer en pain: Si qu'il ne semble plus qu'vne difforme masse Confuse de tout poinct, sans trait d'humaine face Ny d'humaine figure, et puis le sang, qui Point, Fait qu'en leu ant vn membre on ne le cognoist point. « L. Tr. 1939. — 27 — When reading Garnier and Seneca we get the impression that the former has studied his model so well that he knows his works partly by heart. The tragedies of the first epoch show perhaps more of the peculiarities of Senecean style than the translations. He must have known Seneca thoroughly and must have become imbued with his style before he began to write. That he retained something of this style in the works that had nothing whatever to do with the Roman tragedies, will not surprise us with a poet who had imitated them for twelve years. He could not escape the fate that had befallen other poets of the Renaissance, who. imitating classical poetry, involuntarily latinized their own language. f . Ronsard expressed his opinion about the use of poetic means in his celebrated preface to the »Franciade« : »Tu dois davantage illustrer ton oeuvre de paroles recherche'es et choisies l'enrichissant d'epithetes significatifs et non oisifs , c'est a dire qui servent a la substance des vers, et par excellentes, et toutefois rares, sentences, car si les sentences sont trop fre- quentes en ton oeuvre heroique , tu le rendras monstrueux . . . (p. i &). Against the » latin eurs« and »grecaniseurs« he say: » Comment veux-tu qu'on te Use, latineur, quand a peine lit-on Stace, Lucain, Seneque, Silius et Claudian, qui ne servent que d'ombre muette en une estude, ausquels on ne parle jamais que deux ou trois fois en sa vie, encore qu'ils fussent grands meistres en leur langue maternelle?« (p. 35). We give some of the material gathered to show the de- pendency of Garnier on Seneca's style. We shall not attempt to give a complete » poetics « of the two poets which we con- sider of little value, unless extended over a larger period, the works of Garnier's contemporaries, especially the Plelade, and his imitators and followers up to the classics 1 ). *) Faguet mentions the following poets as belonging to the school of Garnier: Chanteloux, Pierre Matthieu, Adrien d'Amboise, Nicolas de Montreux, Jean de Beaubreuil, Jean Godard, Jean de Virey, Jean Behourt, Jacques Ouyn and Claude Billard (p. 309). Some other attempts were made to bring Seneca on the French stage, thus Rolland Brisset trans- lated in his » theatre tragique« (published, Tours 1590), » Hercules fur. «, — 28 — Typical are the periphrases of » earth and heaven « ; they are more of a lyric, romantic character than mythological. L'entier gouvernement de la machine ronde. P. 516. Rome, il faut qu'alentour de la ronde machine L'on entende auiourdhuy le son de la mine. P. 129. M. A. 2. P. 717. B. 58. Les destins, ma Nourrice, ore nous monstrent bien Rue sujet a leur force est le rond terrien. P. 513. H. 2237. B - 581. A. 2093. M. A. 1786. C. 560, 985 etc. Rien ne vit immortel sur la terre globeuse. C. 471. I,. Tr. 1 2 1 1 . Similar periphrases for >> heaven « : Plustost tombe sur moy la celeste machine. J. 1460 '). Quand du Soleil dore le flambeau radieux Commenca d'eclairer par la plaine des cieux. P. 1587. Las 6 rigueur du ciel ! 6 voute lumineuse! Tr. 93. C. 1306. H. 1717. L. Tr. 93, 590, 1357. B. 102, 1003 etc. totaque discors Machina diuulsi turbabit foedera mundi. Lucan , Pharsalia, lib. I. 79. totum per orbem maximum exortum est malum. O. 438. O. 161, 286, 445, 487, 501, 519, 530 etc. Lugeat aether magnusque parens aetheris alti. H. f. 1059. H. f. 3. H. oet. 52, 259, 1 125 etc. Quique feruenti quatiuntur axe. H. oet. 1528. H. oet. 285, 1 188, 1255, 1285 etc. attollit caput cauique lustrans orbibus caeli plagas noctem experitur. O. 993. H. oet. 67, 1222, 1793, 1802, 1984. .» Thyestes « , » Agamemnon « , and » Octavia « . Another version of • Octavia i we find about 1584, done by Nicolas Le Digne, and » Oedipus « and » Hercules oet.« were translated by J. Prevost. Rotrou in his » Dying Hercules* (1632), »Thyestes« (1634), and *>Hippolytus« (1635) adapted and translated some of Seneca's tragedies, and what Corneille, at least in his Medee, owes to Seneca, he is too modest not openly to acknowledge. 1 ) Cf. Racine : L'on diroit que les cieux Posent sur les audacieux Leur pesante machine. (IV, 27.) — 2 9 — quae plaga igniferi poli uetans flagranti currere in zona diem? H. oet. 1366. recipis et reseras polum an contumacis ianuam mundi traho? H. f. 968. et uaga picti sidera mundi. Th. 836. I'll. 1040. H. f. 6, 945, 948. A. 68, 403 etc. magis magisque concussi labant conuexa caeli. Th. 997. In the circumlocations for » infernal world c Gamier as well as Seneca displays all his knowledge of mythology. This was natural in the Latin tragedies ; it was natural too in those of Garnier's plays that were based on ancient history, though these phrases occur too often ; but we can hardly excuse Gamier for introducing it into the speeches of person whose religion has nothing in common with ancient mythology ; here it is out of place and sounds even ridiculous, e. g. Or allons de par Dieu, rendons leur ce deuoir, Et puis face de nous la Parque son vouloir. J. 2074. Gouffres des creux enfers, Tenariens riuages, Ombres, Lanies, Fureurs, Monstres, Demons, et Rages, Arrachez moy d'ici pour me roiier la bas : B. 1127. Puisse-ie promptement choir sous la voute noire. L. Tr. 878. C. 268. A. 142. H. 1617. Faites que les fuseaux des filandieres Parques Cessent de tournoyer le filet de mes ans, Abymez aux plus creux des Enfers pallissans. P. 274. C. 238. M. A. 650. Pompe ne reuiendra de la palle demeure. C. 467. H. f. 84, 1094, 1669. A. 1265 etc. Kncor seroy-ie errant dans le Royaume noir. H. 1619. H. 1372. C. 234. A. 1304. Ton Brute que voicy, ton Brute dont le corps Gist ici, et son ame en la plaine des morts? P. 17 17. P. 1707. H. 1854. A. 2085. B. 930, 1 1 32. Que ta fille Porcie ensuiuist ta vertu, T'accompagnant la bas sur le sombre riuage. P. 229. P. 500, 1 7 15. A. 213, 250, 1025, 1240. M. A. 1905, 1949 etc. Fust-ce et fust-ce au profond des caues Plutoniques. H. 1358. P. 266. A. 218, 1224. L. Tr. 1226, 1 31 6, 1644. — 3° — Je t'enuoiray gronder aux infernaux palus. A. 2055. H. 445- Alors vienne la mort, vienne la mort meurtriere Et m'ouure 1'Acheron, infernale riuiere : C. 908. P. 278, 2005. A. 216, 230, 1303, 2656, 2696. M. A. 541, 1280. Je veux ie veux plustost que Jupin me foudroye, Et sous les antres creux de l'Auuerne m'enuoye. P, 936. M. A. 1337. L. Tr. 2220. Plust aux Dieux que son dard, teint du sang Lernean, Me vint ores plonger au lac Tartarean. C. 502. Encore mi deserts les champs Tenariens Demandent a Pluton de nouueaux citoyens. P. 3. Puis iugez par Eaque aux riues Stygiennes Ont demeure eternelle, oil aux Elysiennes. C. 735. G. 260. A. 25. M. A. 62. L. Tr. 2136, 2180. B. 1424 etc. Des Enfers tenebreux les goufVres homicides. P. 1. P. 276, 1622. C. 199, 500. A. 1331, 2656. II. 1448. L. Tr. 994, 1300. B. 1 1 27. J. 1863. Pour faire deualer ces troupes magnanimes De leurs mortels tombeaux aux eternels abysmes. P. 70. P. 218, 1642. C. 1832, 206. A. 18, 140. H. 2341. L. Tr. 789. All these periphrases are taken from Seneca: Sed tu nigrantis regna qui torques poli para laborem. H. oet. 942. H. oet. 562, 776. H. f. 611. Ph. 844- talis et dirae Stygis deformis unda quae facit caelo ridem. Th. 666. Ph. 633, 1 189. M. 635, 818. H. oet. 1071, 1554. Tr. 529, 439. O. 405, 81 etc. dominumque regni tristis. M. 11. Ph. 633. H. f. 662. H. oet. 1770. Tr. 414. ipse torpentes lacus uidi inter umbras, ipse pallentes deos noctemque ueram. Oed. 596. Ph. 1 2 10. Vtrumne uisus uota decipiunt meos an ille domitor orbis et Graium decus tristi silentem nubilo liquit douium ? H. f. 622. H. f. 711. A. 1. M. 744. Oed. 260. Tandem profugi noctis aeternae plagam. Ph. 843. Vadis ad Lethen stygiumque litus. H. oet. 1554. M. 745. H. f. 1230. Ph. 1209. uicisti rursus mortis loca. H. oet. 1958. II. oet. 1708. H. f. 56, 710. imo latitans Cerberus autro. H. f. 11 14. adsum profundo Tartari emissus specu. A. 2. Th. 105. H. f. 93. Tr. 439. M. 745. Lucan, Ph. V, 87. fugit stygias paludes. Ph. 11 60. per media Lethes stagna cum spolio redi. H. oet. 11 66. H. f. 690, 884. H. oet. 1792. P. 1210. et te per undas perque tartareos lacus per Styga per amnes igneos amens sequar. P. 1 1 88. A. 12, 787. Oed. 596, 573. Ph. 98. Postquam est ad oras Taenari uentum. PI. f. 817. Tr. 413. H. oet. 1065, 1776. et saxa fluctu uoluit Acheron inuius renauigari. H. f. 719. A. 630. Ph. 1209. Th. 1020. stat nigro pelagus gurgite languidum. H. f. 558. ingens uorago faucibus uastis patet. H. f. 670. Ph. 1210. Garnier's sinfernale barque «, rhyming with Parque , e. g., Miserable Porcie, he! que la dure Parque Ne te renuoya-t'elle en l'infernale barque. P. 212. P. 520. M. A. 664, translates Seneca's ratis inferna, stygia etc. stygiae parentem natus imposuit rati. O. 132. A. 789. H. oet. 1077. Among the persons of Roman mythology those connected with the heavenly bodies, with the rising and setting of the sun are frequently mentioned. Descriptive passages of this kind were common in the works of the poets during the Renaissance. Ronsard gave the following advice: »Les excellens poetes nomment peu souvent les choses par leur nom propre. Virgile, voulant descrire le jour ou la nuict, ne dit point simplement et en paroles nues: II estoit jour, il estoit nuict; mais par belles circonlocutions. — 32 — Postera Phoebea lustrabat lampade terras Humentemque Aurora polo dimouerat umbram etc.« (p. 17 *). Gamier could not have read this preface before he began to write , as the first part of the » Franciade « appeared in 1572; it shows , however , how much Gamier was in sympathy with the views of the Pldiade. Even the »dona laboratae Cereris« as Ronsard periphrases »panis« is found in P. 304 2 ). The following passages will prove beyond doubt, that they were written under the influence of Seneca, Lucan, and Statius. Lors quel plaisir m'estoit-ce, esleue, dans les Cieux Contempler ou le cours du Soleil radieux, Son chemin eternel, et comme autour du monde II traine tous les iours sa clairte vagabonde : Ou la rondeur de Phebe, et ses nocturnes feux, Qu'elle assemble argentine en son globe nuiteux. P. 709. J- 567- P. 877- B. 837 etc. O quam iuuabat .... caelum intueri solis et currus sacros orbemque Phoebes astra quern cingunt uaga lateque fulgens aetheris magni decus. O. 399. 11 773, 882. Ph. 662. H. f. 596. Lucan, Ph. I, 75 f, 526 f, II, 719 f., VII, 1 f. etc. Torche, lampe, and flambeau translate Seneca's fax and lampas : Jamais le beau Soleil Ne nous luise vermeil Ains que tousiours sa lampe En tenebres il trempe. A. 2256. T. 430. H. 1769, 1718, 827. B. 1 135. J. 774. Comme durant l'Hyuer, quand le Soleil s'absente, Que nos iours sont plus courts, sa torche moins ardente. B. 844. C. 1325. L. Tr. 1219, 1518, 1699. 1 ) Compare with these lines what Opitz says: »Virgilius sagt nicht : die oder luce sequenti ; sondem »ubi primos crastinus ortus Extulerit Titan, radiisque retexerit orbem. < »Wann Titan morgen wird sein helles liecht auffstecken Vnd durch der stralen glantz die grosse welt entdecken.« (ibid. p. 35). 2 ) Cf. Ceres espiee Trebuchera bien tost par javelles ciee. Les Saisons, De Baif. Durant la brune nuict les celestes flambeaux Qui brillent escartez, n'eclairent point si beaux. B. 1549. H. 3, 144. P. 1655. C. 1827. J. 697, 453. Seneca : noctem adferet phoebea lampas, Hesperus faciet diem. Oed. fr. 87. qui ferebant signa phoebeae facis. Ph. 387. Th. 838, 84T. H. oet. 684. Lucan. Ph. I, 527, 528, 532. Many of these phrases are merely descriptive, frequently they are used for the poetical determination of time: Desia loin de Tithon, l'Aurore matineuse Chasse les rouges feux de la nuict sommeilleuse Et ia Phebus monte sur le char radieux Vient de sa torche ardente illuminer les cieux. P. 199. Quand du Soleil dore le flambeau radieux Commenca d'eclairer par la plaine des cieux. Et que les feux brillans que l'Aurore dechasse A sa premiere course eurent quitte la place. P. 1586. Soit que Phebus gallope, ou soit que retire Le ciel soit brunement de sa soeur esclaire. L. Tr. 1288. H. 143- J- 735- B. 843. Jam uaga caelo sidera fulgens Aurora fugat. surgit Titan radiante coma mundoque diem reddit clarum. O. 1. Nondum serae nuntius horae nocturna uocat lumina Vesper nondum hesperiae flexura rotae iubet emeritos soluere currus : nondum in noctem uergente die tertia misit bucina signum etc. Th. 794. Th. 826. H. f. 123, 125, 132, 846. Thebais II, 120, 133, 5*7- In a similar way such passages describe poetically the four points of the compass and geographical locations : Et soit ou le Soleil de sa torche voisine Les Indiens perleux au matin illumine : Soit ou son char lasse de la course du iour Lc ciel quitte a la nuict qui commence son tour: Soit ou la mer glacee en crystal se reserre, Soit ou le chaud rostist l'estomach de la terre, Les Romains on redoute .... C. 1325. 3 — 34 — Allez on le Sok'il au matin hiit au monde, Allez ou sommeilleux il se cache dans l'onde, Allez aux champs rostis d'eternelles ardeurs, Allez ou les Riphez terminent de froideurs. B. 476. M. A. 193, 1366. P. 123, 420. 1. 181 etc. (^)ua sol reducens, quaque reponens diem binos propinqua tangit Aethiopas face, indomita uirtus colitur et toto deus narratur orbe. H. f. 37. O decus mundi radiate Titan cuius ad primos Hecate uapores lassa nocturna leuat ora bigae die sub Aurora positis Sabaeis die sub occasu positis Hiberis, etc. H. oet. 1522. H. f. 887, 1 146. H. oet. 41, 340, 628, 866. Oed. 122. Ph. 602. Phars. I, 15 etc. Several times Gamier imitates Seneca's Indiae populi perusti (M. 487) e. g. Les Numides errans, et les peuples brulez Des rayons du Soleil, les Bretons reculez. M. A. 461. P. 819, 1359. L. Tr. 1 21 5. A. 1396. M. A. 1368. B. 146. — H. f. 240 etc. Invocations of the gods are used frequently especially at the beginning of a new scene 1 ). O Dieux cruels ! 6 ciel ! 6 fieres destinees ! O Soleil lumineux, qui dores nos iournees ! O flambeaux de la nuict pleins d'infelicitez ! Hecate triple en noms et triple en deitez ! C. 1825. *) In his »Art Poetique* Boileau derides the imitators of Seneca: One devant Troie en rlamme Heaibe desolee Xe vienne pas pousser une plainte ampoulee, Xi sans raison decrire en quels affreux pays Par sept bouches PEuxin recoit le Tanais. Tous ces pompeux amas d'expressions frivoles Sont d'un declamateur amoureux des paroles. III. v. 135. ad cuius arma uenit et qui frigidum septena Tanain ora pandentem bibit. Tr. 8. H. f. 1330. Ph. 723. II. oet. 86. Cf. Semblable aux linages de l'onde Tanalde. P. 1135. .... au lieu de luy tu portes Des manicles aux bras, sur le fleuue aux sept portes. J. 428. — 35 — O desastre, 6 misere, 6 malheur incroyable ! O ("id, Ciel inhumain ! 6 Ciel impitoyable! O Dieux sourds a nos cris. L. Tr. 1729. P. 1608, 1612. H. 149, 381, 1827, 2309. B. 927. J. 1. O decus mundi radiate Titan. II. oet. 1522. Di coniugales tuque genialis tori Lucina custos quaeque domituram freta Tiphyn nouam frenare docuisti ratem, et tu profundi saeue dominator maris clarumque Titan diuidens orbi diem tacitisque praebens conscium sacris iubar Hecate triformis, etc. M. 1. A. 57. H. f. 209. Ph. 90, 967, 1000 etc. Sometimes these invocations of Jupiter etc. end with the request to destroy the enemies by a flash of lightning, or to send his thunderbolt down on the implorer's own head : O pere Jupiter qui presides aux cieux ! Ou sont ores tes dards? ou est ores ton foudre, Que flambant de courroux tu ne me mets en poudre? P. 1583. Que le Ciel voute Des Dieux pleins de courroux Son foudre appreste Bouleuerse sur nous. P. 1936. O terre ouure ton sein ! 6 ciel lasche ton foudre Et mon pariure chef broye soudain en poudre! B. 1147. P. 618, 641. M. 159, 244, 393, 704, 1407. H. 23, 627, 663, 791, 1441, 1543, 1748, 1756, 2184, 2339, 2469 etc. Nunc summe toto Juppiter caelo tona. M. 534. Non si reuulso Juppiter mundo tonet mediumque nostros fulmen in nexus cadat manum hanc remittam. Oed. fr. 59. O. 212, 786. M. 777. H. f. 521. »Coeur«, in a metaphorical sense, is one of the standard words of Gamier; of the figurative expressions it is the most typical, except -main*. Commonly it is only a substitute for the prosaic personal pronoun, and serves to render the verses more sonorous. In general it corresponds to the modern poetical use, in terms of affection, as the seat of our passions, of love and courage. - 36 - () mon Brute, o mon coeur. P. 1 73 1 . Sus done, il faut mourir, mon coeur. P. 17 12. Un bon coeur n'eust iamais son malheur survecu. J. 13 10. Soit vostre coeur venge par mon sanglant trepas. J. 11 01. Ton coeur obstine fut. J. 51. La Tyrannie vaincra nos coeurs abastardis. P. 616. .... le soing de vostre gloire A possede son coeur iusqu'en la tombe noire. J. 1 1 20. C'est par faute de coeur. J. 240. H. 233, 460, 647, 724, 730, 742, 757. 808, 868, 873, 890, 958, 1007, ion, 1037, 1041, 1043, 1062, 1 143, 1207, 1287, 1334, 1345 etc. uiuaces aget uiolentus iras animus. H. f. 18. nemo polluto queat animo mederi. H. f. 1269. animosque minue. M. 178. quo tendis anime? Ph. 112. quid terga vertis anime? A. 228. anime consurge et cape pretium furoris. A. 868. anime, quid rursus times? Th. 2^3« H. f. 315, 354, 4i6, 1284. H. oet. 842, 866. Tr. 3, 175 etc. As the seat of our passions , fear etc. Gamier also uses »mouelle« (moelle), the medulla of Seneca. Quelle tremblante peur descend en vos motlelles. L. Tr. 637. L. Tr. 1 761, 2087. H. 447, 647, 1401. A. 1408 etc. Intimus feruit ferns penitus medullas. Ph. 650. Ph. 284. Th. 98. A. 97 etc. Phars. VI, 668, 753 etc. We might add here other expressions of passion the fre- quency of which is explainable only throngh Seneca's stylistic influence. Tu trompes, pariurant, et ma vie et mes flammes. M. iS. Antoine, le pauure homme, embrase de la flamme Que luy mirent au coeur les beautez d'une Femme. M. 1376. M. 1577, 1980. A. 195^, 2379, 2565. H. 976, 1402, 1 591 etc. teneris in annis haud satis clara est fides pudore uictus cum tegit flammas amor. O. 550. compesce amoris inpii flammas, precor. Ph. 170. Ph. 125, 136, 192. O. 821 etc. — 37 — et qu'il 9 contente Son ardeur des plaisirs de ma virginite. II. 437. H. 800, 1465, 2224. L. Tr. 1803. B. 275, 525, 661, 1433 etc. ardore sacrae uirginis iam turn furens. A. 178. O. 573 etc. Helas tousiours ton feu, tousiours ton feu me brusle. H. 997. H. 452. M. 450, 432, 708, 910. L. Tr. 1804. perge et nefandis uerte naturam ignibus. P. 178. Ph. 422. M. 886. Si l'ayme-ie tousiours et le premier flambeau De sa meurtriere amour m'ardera dans le tombeau. M. 139. M. 287. C. 1872, 1527, 1737. B. 674. cui genetrix facem accendit. O. 158. O. 147, 265. M. 67, 782. P. 193. A. 120. 1'injuste arrogance D'un Tarquin ardant de fureur. C. 604. Quand les coupables os du malheureux Thyeste Ardirent diffamez d'un execrable incesle. P. 76. if. 937, I054, 1 HO, 1573. »93 6 , 2ri6, 2174. M. 464 etc. et ira pari ardent mariti, mutua flagrant face. O. 50. tandem quod ardens statuit ulcisci dolor. O. 555. O. 342, 364. A. 120. Tr. 289. Ph. 106. M. 582. II brusle de vengence. P. 1281. C. 1163. M. 243, 1217. H. 452, 763, 771, 997, 1013 etc. Megere .... Embrase de rechef la guerriere poitrine. P. 9. M. 280, 287, 884, 1377, 1980. B. 97 etc. Tisons allumez de discors. P. 12. P. 40, 1783. C. 1507, 1872. B. 106, 150 etc. La force d'enflamber les hommes aux combas. P. 734. P. 1 167. Seneca uses similar expressions: Non ilium auarae mentis inflammat furor. Ph. 494. pectus insanum uapor amorque torret. Ph. 648. hie urit animos pertinax nimium fauor. O. 806. Ph. 369, 549. O. 137. Tr. 312 etc. »To restrain one's passions, to vanquish other people's licentiousness « is expressed by »dompter, brider, refrener* — Seneca »domare«, and phrases with »frenum, habena« : - 38 - Nul humain accident ne domte un grand courage. C. 512. P. 667, 1060, 1159. M. 300, 424, 425, 429, 1215, 1307. B. 97, 461, 1 123, 1334, 1350. J. 993. gentes domuit. O. 694. hie meos animos domat. Tr. 428. Ph. 192. De tenir la raison pour bride comrae il faut. C. 96. Ne pourrons-nous de la mesme puissance Refrener la Romaine arrogance? P. 81. P. 917, 1060. C. 327, 1 219. 1346. Lr. Tr. 1505. Saepe obstinatis induit frenos amor. Ph. 582. Tr. 736, 288. Ph. 456. O. 495. I As the passions are described as something burning in our I hearts, breasts, minds, expressions of fear and horror are connected with the idea of coldness: Lors le sang me gela dans mes errantes veines. C. 403. Une palle froideur luy glacoit le visage. P. 1924. M. 1547, 1878. L. Tr. 275, 658, 914. 'A. 133, 776, 1 159, 2289, 2476, 2699. J. 59- 4 I2 » f 35 ! » T 94^ etc - torpetque uinctus frigido sanguis gelu. Tr. 633. gelidus in venis stetit haesitque sanguis. Oed. 598. H. f. 417, 625. Tr. 175, 495. Oed. 239, 672 etc. Statius uses these expressions frequently: gelat ora pavor, gressusque tremescunt. Thebais IV, 497. tunc horrere comae, sanguisque in corde gelari. II, 544. »Main«, »dextre« applied as synecdoche, is still to be found in figurative speech. The excessive use of this word by Gamier is decidedly due to Seneca's influence. »Manus« is constantly substituted for the person himself that has to perform the action. It could be regarded as the shibboleth of Senecean style. Other dramas written under the inspiration of Seneca bear this mark too, as for instance »Gorboduc«. O grands Dieux, que tardent vos mains. P. 1764. Fauorisez-moy, Dieux, et conduisez ma main Aux belliqueux effects d'vn si braue dessein. P. 1329. Puisque nous irons Sous la main de vainqueurs. P. i960. C'est toy Rome qui l'as nourri trop indulgente Et qui luy as arme la dextre si puissante. C. 780. — 39 — J. 482, 362, 6, 327, 62, 41. M. 26, 27, 241, 560, 781, 844, 1038, 1305, 1329, 1345, 1358, 1 718, 1808. uirgo dextra caesa parentis. O. 305. scelere perfecto licet admittat illas genitor in caelum manus. H. f. 122. tonantem nostra adorabit manus. H. f. 918. utinam quidem esses gnate materna in manu. Tr. 565. H.f. 58, 88, 251, 276, 335, 345, 477, 532, 566, 744, 899, 994, 1 108, 1279. »Sang« used in the signification ■» extraction « , » family* ; in a concrete sense also » offsprings Je vous pry que ce nom par victoires gaigne, Du sang Cornelien ne soit point esloigne. C. 654. Noble sang de David! J. 1301. C. 610, 943. M. 1064. J. 1441. O socia nostri sanguinis. H. f. 313. cruore semper laeta cognato domus. Oed. 640. Th. 240. O. 474, 620, 825, 846 etc. Theb. II, 437. Silv. V, 112, 117 etc. »Sein« , as seat of the heart, used like »coeur«. With inanimate objects it corresponds to the use of » sinus « in Seneca's plays. Execrable Megere Qui portes, dans le sein la rage et les fureurs. P. 7. P. 135. M. 162, 1737. H. 478, 1022, 1945, 2046, 2181 etc. Et la terre aux saisons produisoit fourmenliere, De son sein liberal une moisson entiere. P. 740. P. 757, 1620. C. 484. A. 2524. H. 2181. et ipsa tellus laeta fecundas sinus pandebat ultra. O. 415. O. 427. Tr. 180. Ph. 1028. (Cf. also P. 1642 — O. 140, Tr. 529.) The taste of Garnier's successors was not in accordance with the use of such words as denote things that belong to men as well as animals. »Flanc« should be applied only when accompanied by an epithet. »Face« in the meaning of the English word appeared ridiculous to them. They also warned against using »poitrine«, on account of the unpoetical »poitrine de veau« (Vaugelas I, 133). This latter word, »poitrines is to be found in the works of the school of Ronsard. Malherbe who noticed it in Desportes disapproved of it, saying: »Je serois — 4° — bien aise que Ton n'usat point de ce mot de poitrine que rarement (IV, 386). Gamier uses it as frequently as Seneca does » pectus «. Mais une froide crainte S'est depuis quelque temps en ma poitrine empreinte. P. 609. P. 9. J. 2079. B. 420, 557 etc. Regum tyranne iamne flammatum geris amore subito pectus ac ueneris nouae ? Tr. 312. Tr. 589. O. 270. 361, 453, 663, 885, 892, 904. Ph. 221, 423, 455 etc. Theb. I, 53, 116. II, 482. » Poitrine « is also used as »sein« to denote the interior of the earth, and thus translates the above mentioned sinus. et la terre profonde Sans cause enfruiteroit sa poitrine feconde. (P. 848 = O. 415). La terre toute benine Venoit tous les iours offrir Les tresors de sa poitrine. J. 138. P. 1604, 1621, 1437, 1490, 1853, 2001. M. A. 223, 750, 1263, 1672. H. 460, 763, 1775, 1794, 1907. B. 420, 557 etc. »Entrailles« = » viscera «, in the proper and figurative sense: et voir les funerailles De tel nombre d'enfans sortis de mes entrailles? L. Tr. 1705. L. Tr. 1 133. M. A. 1975. H. 799. sed in parentis uiscera intrauit suae deterior aetas. O. 428. Tr. 364. Ph. 57. Peree d'vn coup de picque au trauers des entrailles. M. A. 1089. M. A. 131 5. A. 674 etc. et ferrum inditum uisceribus. Tr. 593. O. 650 etc. A further influence is shown in the metonymical use of » sceptre « and »diademe« for » royal power «, even for » kingdom « : Pensant garder son sceptre. M. A. 41. Heritier de son pere au royal diademe. J. 1 1 59. M. A. 41, 409, 507, 740, 1017, 1667, 1803, 1819, 1859, 1872, 1961. I.. Tr. 772, 1046, 1408, 2544. A. 64, 117, 221. B. 1, 2, 169, 285, 544 etc. sed sceptra fide meliore tene. Tr. 738. Ph. 222. Ph. fr. 222, 286. Oed. fr. 275. Th. 599. Theb. I, 37, 140. II, 457 etc. — 4 i — Almost the only weapon mentioned by Gamier is »fer* ; poignard, dpe'e etc. are much rarer. The influence of Seneca who constantly uses »ferrum« is evident. le fer de toutes parts Flamboye estincelant en la main des soudars. P. 773. Elle eut recours au fer pour s'en player le sein. P. 1890. P. in, 436, 470, 473, 1038, 1 168, 1287, 1367, 1384, 1528, 1842, 1882, 1890 etc. Troia excisa ferro est. Tr. 14. Tr. 689, 1083. O. 134, 272, 369, 378, 468, 520, 618, 767,811,866,913,971,983. Ph. 42, 76, 87, I2F, 193 etc. Some expressions for »to die, kill*, in the French tra- gedies, have a strong resemblance to those of Seneca. lis sont tous par Helene aux Enfers descendus. L. Tr. 17 16 Combien la peste noire aux ailes somraeilleuses En a fait deualer aux ondes Stygieuses? L. Tr. 381. H. 82, 1831. C. 852, 860. Qui me stygias mittit ad undas. O. 81. quod non ad antra stygia descendens tibi matrem reliqui. Ph. 936. O. 131. Tr. 385, 974 etc. Las ! tu deuais mourir, tu deuais, Cornelie, Rompre le fil sacre dont la Parque te lie. C. 251. P. 270. C. 430, 525, 710. L. Tr. 229. A. 1436 etc. Utinam ante manu grandaeua sua mea rupisset stamina Clotho. O. 14. H. f. 563, 773. H. oet. 1 102, 1087, 1 1 84. O. 1003. Phars. Ill, 19. A celuy seul qu'esteint la mort Fortune ne peut nuir. C. 1063. Ny les coutelas homicides Trempez aux entrailles humides Des peuples pesle-mesle esteints. M. A. 13 14. L. Tr. 757, 1852, 2324. A. 144, 1330, 2456, 2686. B. 665. teque extinxit. O. 25. inter extinctos iacet. Tr. 612. O. 46, 171, 179, 231, 455, 577, 626. Tr. 669 etc. J'iray contre le Mede et sera mon espee Dans le sang escoule de sa gorge trempee. P. 1 319. O sus flambante espee ..... Plonge toy, trempe toy, iusques a la pommelle Dans mon sang, le repas de mon ame bourrelle. H. 2247. — 42 — L. Tr. 1433, 1532, 2200. A. 1101, 1310, 2186. M. A. 600, 1316. B. 1420 etc. Utero dirum condat ut ensem. O. 381. alto nefandum uulneri ferrum abdidit. Tr. 48. et ferrum inditum uisceribus. Tr. 593. Ensem iugulo condidit. O. 747. O. 766. H. oet. 995. Tr. 1011, 1165. Ph. fr. 136. Ph. 1 186. Phars. I, 376 etc. The signs of affliction and mortification are exactly the same with both poets: La poitrine de coups sanglantement plombee. M. A. 1644. Que gaignez-vous De vous plomber ainsi la poitrine de coups? H. 15 15. M. A. 1986. H. 2 1 41, 2301. L. Tr. 120, 559, 2249. B. 974- pulsata palmis pectora. O. 759. ferite palmis pectora et planctus date. Tr. 64. Tr. 93, 107 etc. That all poets imitating Seneca dwelt much on the de- 1 scription of what is ghastly, has already been mentioned. Here , are some of these expressions and descriptions with their proto- types in Seneca, Lucan, and Statins: Qui par les champs herbues Fist tomber nos corps trongonnez Comme quand les bleds moissonnez Tombent en iauelles barbvies. P. 805. C. 314, 1073. Et que des corps meurtris une pile dressee Laisse eternellement la campagne bossee. C. 1787. M. A. 506, 609, 1 731. A. 832, 1019, 2512. et ses riots empechez De cent monceaux de corps l'un sur l'autre couchez. M. A. 955. les murailles Dans le sang fratemel lauez. C. 601. M. A. -1069, 1721. H. 1726. P. 254. et toute la campagne Qui vollait en poussiere, au sang Romain se bagne. C. 1690. Faites dessus la plaine ondoyer vostre sang. P. 115. P. 1539- C. 39- B - ! 5 6 7 etc. La mer rougit de sang. C. 1886. P. 120. — 43 — et vous lauez les mains Dans le sang indomte de ces braues Romains. P. 44. L'onde de Siloe court sanglante. J. 63. Qui du beau sang Ausonien Enyura nostre plaine. J. 1480. M. A. 505, 953, 1 7 15, 1 72 1, 1738. A. 835, 1480, 171 1, 1 179. B. 457. J. 502, 2172. C. 1359, 1892. P. 138, 890 etc. non cruor largus pias inundat aras fruge. Ph. 506. aut cum inter acies marte uiolento furens corporibus amnes clausit. Tr. 193. fraterno primi maduerunt sanguine muri. Phars. I, 95. cruenta caede pollutas manus. O. 435. rudem cruore regio dextram inbuit. late cruentat arua. Ph. 1102. hinc terras cruor infecit omnis fusus et rubuit mare. Ph. 559. fluctusque Simois caede purpureos agens. saeuusque totum sanguinem tumulus bibit. Tr. 1174. H. oet. 303. O. 17, 533, 248. Ph. fr. 219. Phars. I, 547. Theb. II, 113 etc. The »sea« for which Gamier mostly prefers to substitute sondes »flots«, translating Seneca's »unda« and »fluctus«, e. g. ce Dieu, qui regne inhumain Au ciel, en la lerre et en l'onde? H. 880. H - *353> H53. 2183. p - I268 > l6 36, 2184. B. 28, 45, 113. 540, 518, 817, 1880 etc. cur adhuc undae silent ? Ph. 962. Ph. 7. A. 68. Oed. 164. O. 355, 368. Tr. 647 etc. Tu peux sur les riots mariniers. C. 1025. M. A. 797 etc. ossa fluctibus spargi sinam disiecta uastis. Tr. 658. °. 335. 35 6 » 421, 780 etc. occurs in descriptions and comparisons: Au seul bruit de ma voix, comme les ioncs d'vne onde Mouuant au gre des flots. M. A. 945. Comme on voit sur la mer, quand deux vents irritez Soufflent contrairement de leurs gorges ronfleuses Vn nauire cloue sur les vagues rageuses : Ore I'humide Auster le chasse impetueux. Et ore l'Aquilon le pousse fluctueux — 44 — De contraires fureurs, sans que la nef domtee Puisse estre ny par l'vn ny par 1'autre emportee. P. 1548. C. 75- J- 1473. I77i, 1789, 1926 etc. saeuior pelagi fretis. O. 134. sic cum grauatam nauita aduersa ratem propellit unda, cedit in uanum labor et uicta puppis auffertur uado. Ph. 186. Vt dura cautes undique intractabilis resistit undis et lacessentes aquas longe remittit, uerba sic spernit mea. Ph. 588. Ph. 1037. PI. oet. 714. Gamier delights in frequent and long comparisons; they are very often taken from the animal kingdom. The courage of the lion, the fury of the tiger, the strength of the bear are illustrative of similar human qualities. Seneca offers a good many passages. Statius, however, is his master. Statins differs from Seneca by the absence of the concise and sententious style. What Seneca indicates in one word Statius expands into a line; the metaphor becomes a comparison or a de- scription. Je ne me veux souiller d'vn sang si malheureux, Semblable au preux Lion, au Lion genereux, Qui ne daigne leuer sa grande patte croche, Qu'encontre vn fier taureau, qui bien comu s'approche, Furieux combatant, et veut plustost mourir, Que deuant sa genice vne honte encourir. La fumant de courroux ce grand guerrrier se rue Au col de l'ennemy voue pour la charrue, Qu'il tirasse et secoue auecques tel effort, Qu'encore qu'il se monstre et belliqueux et fort, Qu'il roidisse ses nerfs, que de pieds et de teste II choque renfrongne la forestiere beste Sur l'estomach crineux, et que du coup double Le Lion plein d'ardeur en demeure trouble : II 1'atterre pourtant et demy hors d'haleine Fait couler de sa gorge vne rouge fonteine. Lors retournant vaincueur en son roc cauernier, S'il trouue a l'impourueu quelque chien moutonnier, Qui tremblant et criant plat a ses pieds se couche, II passe plus auant et piteux ne luy touche. P. 1241. Ou si ie l'eusse veu qu'vne rousse Lionne M'eust petite engloutie en sa gorge felonne, 45 A fin que deuoree en cet age innocent Je ne fusse auiourdhuy ce beau corps meurtr'ssant ! H. 2191. Les Tygres et Lous, duels hostes des bois, Se monstrent plus dous Que les hommes cent fois. P. 1940. Les Tigres, les Lyons et les sauuages Ours N'exercent iamais si cruelles amours. B. 635. Us forcent son camp et comme Loups gloutons Auidement entrez en vn pare de moutons, Decoupoyent, detranchoyent, sans tirer de l'esclandre Ceux qui, les armes bas, vaincus se venoyent rendre. P. 1459. Ainsi l'enfant foiblet d'vn Taureau mugissant A qui ne sont encor les comes paroissant, Incontinent accreu d'age et force, commande Au haras ancien, sa paternelle bande. L. Tr. 775. P. 240, 837, 1499, 1940. C. 121 1, 873; A. 808, 386, 1 1 24. J. 653, 1916. L. Tr. 1124, 2317 etc. .... ueluti dux taurus, amata ualle carens pulsum solito quern gramine uictor iussit ab erepta longe mugire iuvenca : quum profugo placuere tori, cervixque recepto sanguine magna redit, fractaeque in pectora uires: bella cupit, saltusque, et capta armenta reposcit iam pede, iam cornua melior; pauet ipse reuersum uictor, et attoniti uix agnouere magistri. Theb. II, 323. Cf. H. 2081. ille uelut pecoris lupus expugnator opimi, pectora tabenti sanie grauis, hirtaque setis ora cruentata deformis hiantia lana, decedit stabulis, hue, illuc turbida uersans lumina, si duri comperta clade sequantur pastores, magnique fugit non inscius ausi. Theb. IV, 363. sic ille magni paruus armenti comes primisque nondum cornibus findens cutem ceruice subito celsus et fronte arduus, gregem paternum ducit ac pecori imperat. Tr. 546. uincam saeuos ante leones tigresque truces fera quam saeui corda tyranni. O. 89. qualis per arua libycus insanit leo fuluam minaci fronte concutiens iubam : uultus furore toruus atque oculi truces, — 46 — gemitus et allum murmur et gclidus fluit sudor per artus, spumat et uoluit minas ac mersus alte magnus exundat dolor. Oed. 940. Oed. 134, 950. M. 871. H. f. 139. Ph. 20, 64, 83. Tr. 11 03. Theb. IV, 69, 494; H, 128. 675. Among the epithets, »funeste«, »funebre«, »noir«, »sanglant«, » cruel « are the most common, corresponding to their etyma in Seneca's tragedies. » Niger* is also frequent in the Thebais, e. g. Hoc, ut fama, loco pallentes devius umbras trames agit, nigrique Jovis vacua atria ditat mortibus. II, 49. II, 106 etc. In poetical speech we are inclined to use a definite number instead of the expression of an unknown quantity; it is a kind of hyperbole applied in illiterate tongues as well as in highly cultured languages, in both originally to express something great or to produce amazement. Gamier follows exactly the rhetorical Seneca in the use of » mille* and > centum*. Le laboureur Thessale, enterrez en ses chams Descouure tous les iours mille glaiues trenchans Et mille morions, que ces braues cohortes Laisserent, combatant, a leurs charongnes mortes. P. 15. 11386.387,410,996,1219, 1217, 1229, 1465, 1554, 1557, ^75. 1893, 1894. M. A. 972, 1068, 1091, 1996. B. 16, 18, 25, 138, 535 etc. sed uela pariter mille fecerunt rates. A. 172. A. 40, 476, 451. Tr. 27, 283, 378, 717, 1017, 1040 etc. Que cent peuples tu trauerses Plie, courbe mille fois. M. A. 791. M. A. 499, 955, 1088, 1093, IT 49> 173*. J- 43. 405 etc. urbibus centum spatiosa Crete. Tr. 830. Tr. 1030. Ph. 155. H. f. 234. H. oet. 27 etc. A similar means of poetical phraseology is the use of the particle of comparison ?tant« and »tant de« where the second member of the comparison is lacking. The ommission ol this second part is explained by the very intention to compare something that has no equal or for which it is hard to find words. Seneca's »tantus« and »tot« must be considered as the source of Garnier's »tant« and »tant de*. Rome ne verroit pas vn millier de proserin, Sous l'appas d'vn guerdon en tant de lieux meurtris : — 47 — Ny par diners cantons tant de testes tranchees. P. 541. Tant il est pestilent, tant il esmeut d'orages, Tant il ard de citez, tant il fait de carnages, Qu'and sans reigle, sans ordre, insolent, aueugle, Nos sens il entretient d'vn plaisir dereigle. M. A. 293. M. A. 239, 420, 422, 435, 562, 593, 594, 686, 692, 731 etc. J. 452, 668, 1065, 1304 etc. ille tot regum parens caret sepulchro Priamus et flamma indiget ardente Troia. Tr. 54. haec tanta clades gentium ac tantus pauor sparsae tot urbes turbinis uasti modo alterius essent gloria ac summum decus ? Tr. 238. Tr. 219, 242, 332, 863, 889, 923, 969 etc. Seneca had taught Gamier the long monologues ; from him the latter took also the short and pregnant sentences and that form of dialogue called by the Greeks »stichomuthia« : Lts Dieux ne puniront si grande felonnie? — S'ils i'ont determine, vous la verrez punie. — Nos prieres ne vont iusqu'a leur throne sainct? — Les Dieux prestent l'oreille au chetif qui se plaint. — Nos suppliantes voix leurs courages n'emeuuent ? — De nulles passions emouuoir ne se peuuent. — Ne font iustice a ceux qui la vont demandant ? — Or qu'on ne la demande, ils nous la vont rendant. — C. 883. B. 1243, and especially Antigone. causa quae cogit mori ? — si causa leti dicitur fructus perit. — nemo istud alius me quidem exceplo audiet. — aures pudica coniugis solas timet. — effare : fido pectore arcana occulam. — alium silere quod uoles primus sile. — leti facultas nulla continget libi. — movi uolenti desse mors numquam potest. — quod sit luendum morte delictum indica. — quod uiuo. — lacrimae nonne te nostrae mouent? — mors optima est perire lacrimandum suis. Ph. 879. I >. 872. A. 145 etc. Illustrations of the stereotype invocations of the gods have already been given ; we add here some figures of the same category, the exclamation and the rhetorical question: — 48 — O La triste aduenture! 6 le malheureux sort! O desastre! 6 mechef! 6 deplorable mort ! H. 1965. O Cruelle fortune ! 6 desastre execrable ! O pestilente amour ! 6 torche abominable ! O plaisirs malheureux ! 6 chetiues beautez ! O mortelles grandeurs, mortelles Royautez! O miserable vie! 6 lamentable Royne! O par mon seul defaut sepulturable Antoine ! O ciel par trop funeste, helas tout le courroux Et le rancueur des Dieux est deuale sur nous! M. A. 1792. O Dieu ! iusques a quand ardra sur moy ton ire ? Iusqu'a quand languiray-ie en ce cruel martyre? Iusqu'a quand ma pauure ame habitera ce corps? Quand seray-ie insensible en la plaine des morts ? Qui suis-ie ? ou suis-ie ? ou vay-ie ? 6 dure destinee ! O fatale misere a me nuir obstinee ! Quel harnois est-ce cy? contre qui l'ay-ie pris? Quel combat ay-ie a faire? He Dieu qu'ay-ie entrepris! Veille-ie ou si ie dors! sont ce point des allarmes De l'enchanteur Atlant, ou d'Alcine les charmes? 13. 927. B. 789, 1 1 73. H. 2309, 2 1 61, 1965. J. 2029 etc. O dura fata saeua miseranda horrida: quod tam ferum tarn triste bis quinis scelus Mars uidit annis? Tr. 1066. O nos dura sorte creatos, seu perdidimus solem miseri, siue expulimus ! Th. 882. Quis hie locus, quae regio, quae mundi plaga? ubi sum ? sub ortu solis an sub cardine glacialis ursae? numquid hesperii maris extrema tellus hunc dat Ocean o modum? quas trahimus auras? quod solum fesso subest? H. f. 1145. M. 434. Tr. 776 etc. A very striking peculiarity of Seneca's and Garnier's style is the gemination and repetition of words. A few lines taken from »Les Juives« will be sufficient: O seigneur, 6 seigneur, vueille prendre pitie D'Israel ton enfant durement chatie. J. 23. Amande amande toy, ieusne, pleure, souspire. J. 89. Pleurons donques pleurons sur ces moiteuses riues, Puis que nous n'auons plus que nos larmes, captiues : — 49 — Ne cessons de pleurer, ne cessons, ne cessons De nous bagner le sein des pleurs que nous versons. Pleurons Jerusalem, Jerusalem destruite, Jerusalem en flamme et en cendres reduite. J. 459. J. 557, 565. 663, 887 etc. Ille ille ferox cuius uastis uiribus omnes cessere ferae. Tr. 731. has has ruinas urbis in cinerem datas hie excitabit. Tr. 749. sic sic agendum est. H. f. 1225. arma arma Theseu flagito propere mihi subtracta reddi. H. f. 1249. M- 853, 990, 957, 919. Tr. 715, 636, 689 etc. Iusqu : a quand, Seigneur, epandras-tu ton ire? Iusqu'a quand voudras-tu ton peuple aime detruire? J. I. Las, qui est la cite, qui est la nation, Qui souffle tant que nous de tribulation? Qui a Jerusalem surpassee en miseres ? Qui a tant esprouue du grand Dieu les choleres? J. 449. J. 219, 287, 545, 641, 683. 765 etc. sola est quies mecum ruina cuncta si uidero obruta. mecum omnia abeant. M. 429. o mors amoris una sedamen mail, o mors pudoris maximum laesi decus. Ph. 1 196. Th. 573, 925, 794, 1079. Ph. 73 etc. Nostre Dieu, peuple, nostre Dieu, Qui nous a par les eaux ameres D'Egypte, conduits en ce lieu. J. 356. le n'eusse veu deux fois ardre nostre Cite Le massacre du peuple et sa captiuite: Helas ! ie n'eusse veu ce que voir me iaut ores. J. 669. tibi fluxit Asiae, fluxit Europae cruor. 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