DUNGAMERICAf
 
 Ex Ubris 
 C. K. OGDEN
 
 The First Encounter, rage 194. 
 
 Fnntispiece.
 
 THE HBEOES 
 
 ASCOTT E. HOPE, 
 
 AUTHOR OF "A PECK OF TROUBLES," " STORIES OF WHITMINSTER, 
 " THE OLD TALES OF CHIVALRY," " A BOOK ABOUT BOYS," ETC. 
 
 WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 'Who 
 
 Did by industrious valour climb 
 To ruin the great work of time, 
 
 And cast the kingdoms old 
 
 Into another mould." 
 
 Marvel's Ode to Cromwell. 
 
 LONDON : 
 EDWARD STANFORD, 55, CHARING CEOSS, S.W 
 
 1877.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 IN the following pages it has been attempted to 
 give some account of the English colonisation of 
 the coast of North America and the foundation of 
 that great country now known as the United States. 
 On this side of the Atlantic, at least, the lives of 
 the early adventurers who commenced and carried 
 out that work are not so well known as they should 
 be, though the record of their efforts is rich in in- 
 cident, often of a thrilling kind, even surpassing 
 that of the fictitious tales through which chiefly 
 our young people get their impressions of America. 
 What manner of men were those pioneers of civili- 
 sation, and what difficulties they had to encounter, 
 I have tried to show in a narrative that, while not 
 uninstructive, pretends to no grave and profound 
 character. The ordinary rules of historical perspec- 
 tive have not been observed; my aim has rather 
 been to put forward the picturesque features of the 
 story in the hope of enticing young readers to a 
 closer study of a subject as much neglected as it 
 
 1059S26
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 abounds in interest and information. Nor need I 
 be afraid to appeal to that bountiful patron of light 
 literature, the " general reader " of the period, for 
 his notions of American history are often as vague 
 as were my heroes' notions of American geography. 
 I have drawn my materials, as much as possible, 
 from narratives and tracts, written at or near the 
 time to which they refer. Among the chief 
 authorities may be mentioned the collections of 
 voyages printed by Hakluyt and Purchas, Captain 
 John Smith's publications on Virginia and New 
 England, the journals and letters of members of 
 the Plymouth colony, and the early historians 
 of New England. Since some doubt has been 
 thrown upon the credibility of John Smith as 
 historian, it may be well to remark that the so 
 called " General History of Virginia," from which 
 so many quotations have been taken in the section 
 of this work headed by his name, was not wholly 
 written by him, and does not exclusively refer to 
 Virginia, but is rather a miscellany of papers on the 
 theory and practice of emigration, including a com- 
 pilation of accounts by comrades and contempo- 
 raries of his, the authenticity and accuracy of which 
 there is no reason to impeach, and which are our 
 main sources of detailed information upon the 
 doings of the Jamestown colony. So far as matters
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 of fact are concerned, we are seldom dependent on 
 Smith's unsupported statements, except in the case 
 of the Pocahontas story, and of those wonderful 
 adventures of his youth by which the collection is 
 prefaced, but which are brought to an end before 
 his first voyage to America. 
 
 It may seem that too little notice has been taken 
 of the part which other nations, especially the 
 French and the Dutch, played in the history of 
 this colonisation. But to give an adequate ac- 
 count of their exploits would make this book con- 
 siderably larger without introducing much variety 
 of incident ; I have therefore dwelt mainly upon 
 the doings of that nation which soon came to the 
 front in the task of colonizing, and which has 
 stamped the character of its race and institutions 
 upon the most prosperous part of the New World. 
 Besides, it has been above all my object to keep 
 both English and Americans in mind that we were 
 once of the same family, if unhappily separated now. 
 Brother's quarrels are bitter while they last, but 
 who, if not brothers, can learn to forget and for- 
 give ? All sensible men should agree that neither 
 side has always been free from fault, while we must 
 frankly confess that ours was the greater share of 
 the blame. No noble people will bear a grudge 
 for bygones which are indeed bygones. Whatever
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 ill feeling still exists between us arises almost en- 
 tirely from mutual misunderstandings which would 
 be removed by closer acquaintance. It would be 
 nothing less than a national calamity to each of 
 us if ignorance and prejudice were again to force 
 us into unnatural strife, and nothing less than a 
 patriotic duty seems incumbent upon whoever can 
 help, in however humble a degree, to communicate 
 a true knowledge of the history of either division 
 of that great people which is one at least in the 
 memories and achievements of the past. 
 
 I trust to be able to show that we too have a 
 right to be proud of the worthies whom Americans 
 reverence as the fathers of their country. They 
 were indeed not immaculate ; it will be found that 
 they have often to be reproached with wrongs and 
 errors of their own as well as of the age and cir- 
 cumstances in which they were placed; but their 
 merits must be admitted to outweigh their short- 
 comings. Our just pride will not be lessened when 
 we recall the names of Livingstone and Baker, and 
 feel assured that our modern adventurers have fully 
 kept pace with the march of enlightenment, and 
 by right of courage, perseverance, and humanity 
 are still in the van of geographical exploration and 
 
 civilizing enterprize. 
 
 A. R. H. 
 
 n/racombe.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 THE AMERICAN ARGONAUTS p. 1. 
 
 I. Discovery and Spanish Colonization of West Indies and Cen- 
 
 tral America. 
 
 II. Weakness of the Natives Cruelties of the Conquistadores 
 
 Influence of the Catholic Church Fruits of the Spanish 
 Conquest. 
 
 III. French Explorations in North America The Huguenot Col- 
 ony in Florida A Double Massacre The Oldest Town in 
 the United States. 
 
 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS p. 30. 
 
 I. England enters the Field of Colonization Sir Walter Raleigh 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Expedition to Newfoundland. 
 
 II. Voyage of Amadas and Barlow to Carolina Their Reception 
 
 by the Natives. 
 IU. Raleigh sends out a Colony to Roanoke Quarrels with the 
 
 Indians Discouragement and Return of the Colonists. 
 IV. Another Colony settles on Roanoke The Governor returns 
 
 to England for Aid The Spanish Armada The Lost Colony 
 
 of Roanoke, 
 
 JOHN SMITH p. 68. 
 
 I. Captain John Smith's Services His Early Life and Adventures 
 Renewal of Efforts to Colonize America Smith Sails with 
 London Colony for Virginia. 
 
 H. Character and Dissensions of the Colonists Settlement on 
 the James River Ill-will against Smith Sufferings of the 
 Settlers Smith Captured by the Indians His Life Spared
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 by Powhatan Friendly Intercourse with the Indians Smith's 
 Influence in the Colony. 
 
 III. Virginia and its Natives Arrival of New Emigrants Dis- 
 content and Delusions Smith's Explorations of Chesapeake 
 Bay Dealings with the Indians. 
 
 IV. Smith Appointed Governor The Unreasonable Demands of 
 the London Company The Absurd Coronation of Powhatan 
 Newport's Search for the South Sea Smith's Way of Billing 
 His Difficulties and Complaints Eenewed Scarcity Smith 
 goes to Buy Corn among the Indians His Party in Danger 
 through the Enmity of Powhatan and Opechancanough 
 His Boldness among the Enemy Treachery of some of the 
 Colonists Encounters with Indians Firmly Establishes his 
 Authority Progress of the Colony. 
 
 V. A New Government Appointed The Officials Shipwrecked 
 The Colony Threatened with Anarchy Smith Disabled by an 
 Accident and Eeturns to England State of Jamestown at his 
 Departure His Loss soon Felt The " Starving Time " The 
 Colony Believed by Lord Delaware. 
 
 VI. Smith in England His Zeal for Colonization His Attempts 
 and Writings on New England Progress of Virginia after his 
 Departure His Meeting with Pocahontas at Brentford The 
 Massacre of Settlers in Virginia The Colony Transferred 
 to the Crown Smith's Works and Character. 
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHEES p. 163. 
 
 I. Rise of the Puritans A Congregation of Separatists takes 
 Befuge in Holland They Besolve to Found a Colony in New 
 England Voyage of the Mayflower. 
 
 II. Arrival at Cape Cod The Country Found Deserted First 
 
 Encounter with Indians Plymouth Chosen for a Settlement. 
 
 IH. The Building of Plymouth rlncidents and Adventures Hard- 
 ships and Losses of the Colony Better Prospects Friendly 
 Visits from the Natives A Popular Government Organized. 
 
 IV. Treaty with Indian Chiefs Slow Progress of the Colony 
 Danger from Indians The Colony settled at Weymouth brings 
 the English into Disrepute A Sick Chief Cured In Gratitude 
 he Beveals Plot of Indian Tribes The Plymouth Colony Be- 
 solves on War The Indians cowed by Miles Standish Pecuni- 
 ary Difficulties of the Colony Its Success and Importance.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 THE EARLY SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND p. 233. 
 
 I. Revival of Projects in New England Sir Ferdinand Gorges 
 
 Charter Granted by Charles I. to a Puritan Association The 
 Leaders Eesolve to Transport Themselves and the Govern- 
 ment of the Colony to America Extensive Emigration The 
 Character and Habits of the Puritan Colonists. 
 
 II. New Colonies sent out from Massachusetts The First Settlers 
 
 both Bigoted and Democratic in their Views Their Severity 
 and Exclusiveness Political Independence Religious Into- 
 lerance and Superstition Schisms and Persecution Roger 
 Williams Banished He Founds Settlement at Rhode Island, 
 where Liberty of Conscience is Allowed The Confederation 
 of the other New England Colonies. 
 
 III. Relations between the New England Settlers and the Natives 
 The Puritans desire to deal Justly by the Indians Disputes 
 Arise Roger Williams Prevents an Indian Alliance against his 
 Countrymen The Pequod War Extermination of the Tribe 
 Progress of European Colonization John Eliot Mis- 
 sionary Efforts The Indians Shrink from Civilization The 
 Fate of the Red Man. 
 
 THE AMERICAN COLONIES p. 294 
 
 Short Sketch of their History The Character of Northern and 
 Southern States The Dutch and Swedish Colonies Acquired 
 by England The Struggle Between England and France in 
 America Grievances of the Colonists Discontent Increases 
 The Obstinacy of the King and the Parliament Taxation 
 Resisted Beginning of the Revolutionary War The United 
 States become Independent.
 
 mg 
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 WHO can tell what a thrill ran through the patient 
 heart of Columbus on that memorable moment when 
 at last he saw a light twinkling before his little 
 bark, and knew that the guiding star of his faith 
 was rising upon the horizon of ordinary men ! 
 What must have been the wonder, the joy, the self 
 reproach of his timid and mutinous sailors, as with 
 the day the land dawned upon them from that dark 
 world of waters on which for weeks they had been 
 wandering in despair ! Words cannot express the 
 emotions of that sunrise. The dreams of poets, 
 the guesses of philosophers, the dim legends of old 
 adventurers had indeed come true, and the eyes of 
 Europe were dazzled by the light of the New World. 
 Columbus was to die without knowing rightly 
 what he had discovered ; still less did he foresee all 
 that would come of his discovery. It was a time 
 when the mind of the civilized world was at spring- 
 tide ; and great waves of new energy, already strug- 
 gling against the old limits of thought and action, 
 were gathering ready to rush into the channel which 
 
 B
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 it was his lot to open. The same mighty forces that 
 were to burst forth in the Reformation had given 
 their impulse to the maritime enterprise of the age. 
 Ships, no longer crept cautiously along familiar 
 shores, but, trusting to the compass, spread their 
 sails to all winds and took bolder and bolder nights 
 into the untried ocean. There were great men 
 among the sailors of these days, men who were 
 studious and devout as well as brave, men who had 
 " sailed indeed not as the mariner Palinurus, but as 
 the expert and prudent prince Ulysses." Colum- 
 bus was the first among these men, but what he did 
 might have been done by more than one of them 
 who were so well able to follow when he had once 
 shown the way. The time had come, and the man 
 could not long have been wanting, even if the 
 Genoese navigator, a pauper, and in the eyes of the 
 world a madman, had carried his daring schemes 
 down with him to the grave. 
 
 So, reading his story, we draw a breath of relief 
 when Columbus has his reward within his grasp. 
 The nature of his undertaking was such that mere 
 chance might from day to day have forestalled 
 or prevented him. His was that high and strong 
 purpose which seems able to conquer even fate ; yet 
 when we consider the difficulties with which he had 
 to contend, we are tempted to pronounce it a throw 
 of the dice whether he or another shall first see that 
 land which he so stedfastly believes to lie beyond 
 the great Atlantic. Still more does it appear at 
 the bidding of chance that to Castile and Leon he 
 gave this new world. It is pitiable to think how
 
 THE POWER OF SPAIN. 
 
 he had to hawk about his mighty project, and saw 
 age coming upon him before he could find a patron. 
 From Genoa to Venice it went a begging ; Portu- 
 gal, which already took the lead in African dis- 
 covery, had the refusal of America ; it was France's 
 or England's for the asking ; and the grudging of 
 a few thousand crowns had almost lost to Spain the 
 mines of Mexico and Peru. The man was at last 
 successful, and the country may be called fortunate 
 that with so small a stake won this great prize at 
 the very time when it found itself able to turn it to 
 account. But, in the case of nations as of men, it 
 depends on themselves whether good fortune shall 
 be built up into true prosperity, or prove but the 
 surer means of weakness and decay. 
 
 It is difficult for us, who see what Spain is now, 
 to realize the part which it played in Europe then. 
 Yet at the beginning of the sixteenth century the 
 position of this country was not unlike that held by 
 our own at the beginning of the nineteenth. A 
 long course of internal dissension and foreign en- 
 croachment, which had both called forth and em- 
 ployed its energies, was at last brought to an end 
 by the conquest of the Moors and the union of 
 Castile and Aragon under Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 The state thus formed of various races had many 
 sources of strength ready to the hand of a wise 
 government. Strange as it may sound, the prin- 
 ciples of constitutional liberty were nowhere more 
 at home in those days. In literature and the arts 
 Spain was in advance of most of her neighbours. 
 She had a bold and industrious population, and
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 strong natural defences. The national spirit was 
 martial and chivalrous ; before long, the Spanish 
 infantry were to be dreaded on many a European 
 battlefield ; and their great captain Gonsalvo de 
 Cordova was the Wellington of the age. It would 
 have been strange if their large seaboard had not 
 tempted such a people to maritime adventure. 
 They were beginning to rival the Portuguese in 
 their career of discovery, while the commercial 
 enterprise of both these nations was threatening 
 the prosperity of the Italian ports, hitherto the 
 chief markets of the world. In the romances of the 
 Peninsula, ships and sea fights first figured largely 
 among the giants, dragons, and enchanted castles 
 that had filled older stories of the kind. A people's 
 character may best be learned from what they love 
 to read, and the popularity of Amadis de Gaul tells 
 as plain a tale as the popularity of Captain Marryat. 
 It was Hispania that in these times aspired to rule 
 the waves, and before long it was to be the Spanish 
 dominions over which men might say that the sun 
 never set. 
 
 So when Columbus returned with his wonderful 
 news, the Spaniards were both able and willing to 
 enter upon the work thus set before them. They 
 hastened to claim and to take possession of the new 
 lands whose extent and features were yet unknown. 
 It was long supposed by these navigators that they 
 had reached one side of India, as the Portuguese 
 approached it from the other. The Pope, who was 
 then held to have at his disposal all parts of the 
 world belonging to no Christian prince, granted
 
 THE WONDERS OP THE NEW WORLD. 5 
 
 America to Spain, leaving Africa to their rivals and 
 neighbours. An imaginary line was drawn down 
 the Atlantic : to the west of this the Spaniards 
 were to be masters, to the east the Portuguese. 
 Thus, pushing on their discoveries from either side, 
 they would in time, as they thought, meet in the 
 Spice Islands or the mysterious country of Prester 
 John. This arrangement was not always observed 
 by the Portuguese ; still less heed did the French 
 and English mariners give to it ; but in the main 
 the history of the settlement of America is for al- 
 most a century the history of Spanish enterprise. 
 
 The Spanish character was marked by a strong 
 tinge of romance ; and the people who delighted in 
 the gorgeous descriptions and wild adventures of 
 Don Quixote's library, were ready to receive the 
 most exaggerated accounts of the marvels of the 
 tropical world. These exuberant forests and glow- 
 ing skies seemed a very fairydom in the eyes of 
 Cervantes' countrymen. Its fruits and flowers were 
 wonderful and beautiful as those which hung in the 
 enchanted garden of Apollidon. Strange and ter- 
 rible as griffins were the huge reptiles which re- 
 called the monsters imported into European fiction 
 through the influence of the East. Each vast lake 
 and impenetrable thicket might well be the abode 
 of some such mysterious sage as Urganda the Un- 
 known. These stupendous volcanoes, these earth- 
 quakes and hurricanes, were like the work of malig- 
 nant and powerful sorcerers. 
 
 Here was cloudland made firm earth. Bold men 
 hastened to try the chances of that magic region.
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 Poor men gladly fled from their creditors to those 
 fortunate islands, where naked savages wore strings 
 of pearl and ornaments of solid gold were freely 
 trucked for trumpery toys. Pious men were no 
 less eager to visit the ignorant millions who at all 
 risks must be persuaded to change their hideous 
 idols for the cross and the image of Mary. Cruel 
 and imperious men were soon attracted to lands 
 where it might pass for a Christian duty to shed 
 blood like water, and where a Castilian boor could 
 set his foot on the necks of Incas and Caciques. 
 The more these men saw of the reality, the more 
 wild grew their dreams. One discoverer, landing 
 in central America, believed himself to have come 
 upon the earthly paradise. Another wandered 
 through the swamps and pine-barrens of Florida, 
 hoping to reach the fabulous Fountain of Youth in 
 which all the stains of mortality might be washed 
 away. Explorers of the jungles of Brazil expected 
 to find them defended by a race of Amazons. Grave 
 hidalgos, learned geographers feverishly sought the 
 road to El Dorado, where the ground was strewn 
 with riches, as uncared for as the stones on the 
 sierras of Andalusia. ' Thousands of deluded mortals 
 left their bones in pathless woods or on barren 
 rocks over which they had toiled to find the golden 
 city of Manoa. 
 
 It was small wonder if their heads were turned. 
 Such adventures as those of Cortes and Pizarro, 
 with a handful of men overthrowing empires for 
 which hundreds of thousands were ready to die, 
 read even now like stories of romance ; to what a
 
 "AUR2 SACK A fAMES." 
 
 pitch then must the dullest imagination have been 
 raised among the adventurers whose eyes first saw 
 the golden Temple of the Sun and the glittering 
 palaces of Montezuma ! They did find gold so often 
 and so little regarded by the natives, that they 
 might be excused for supposing that those moun- 
 tains and rivers concealed endless treasures. Every 
 ship that came home brought specimens of these 
 riches, and renewed the ferment of restless and 
 covetous minds. Romance and religion had their 
 share in the work ; but gold was the great loadstone 
 that drew the ships of Spain to the west, and gold 
 was the temptation through which so many Spani- 
 ards lost their souls in this land of Eden. The story 
 of their conquest is a story of sins as well as of suc- 
 cesses and delusions. The record of their toils and 
 hardships is a light one beside that of their inhu- 
 manity ; even savage cruelties were outdone by the 
 piles of corpses and the streams of blood over which 
 these Christians struggled so madly in their search 
 for unhallowed wealth ; and their quarrels were as 
 notorious as their cruelties. 
 
 With such a fever upon them, the conquistadores 
 coming after Columbus soon forgot the pious aspi- 
 rations of that great and good man who, by means 
 of the wealth to be gained from his discovery of 
 what he took for the gold mines of Ophir, known 
 of old to Solomon, had ardently desired to restore 
 Jerusalem and make it a sacred name throughout 
 all the world.
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 II. 
 
 If the Spanish adventurers were almost intoxicated 
 by the marvels which they found on every side, how 
 great must have been the wonder of the simple na- 
 tives who saw such strangers come among them as 
 unexpectedly as if they had fallen from the clouds ! 
 The moving villages in which these white bearded 
 men had crossed the ocean, the strange clothes and 
 shells of iron with which they were covered, the 
 magical instruments of which they were masters, 
 their mysterious arts, their proud bearing, could not 
 but persuade the Indians that their visitors were of 
 some godlike race. Soon their awe was strength- 
 ened by unearthly terrors and new shapes of death. 
 Fear fell upon them at the very sound of the 
 thunder and lightning which the Europeans could 
 produce at will ; they were ready to worship the 
 culverin or arquebus, which must have appeared to 
 them like the spirit of their own volcanos, and 
 which had a power of sudden destruction, "enough," 
 as Montaigne says, " to fright Caesar himself, if 
 surprised with so little experience." Even more 
 terrible was the unknown force of cavalry ; rider 
 and steed were taken for one animal, and whole 
 hosts would fly before the hoofs of such a centaur. 
 A certain tribe was once found praying to the 
 skeleton of a horse. The fierce bloodhounds too 
 that the Spaniards led about with them, played 
 almost as great a part in the conquest as the sharp 
 weapons and shining mail against which the savage 
 clubs and arrows were shattered so uselessly j one
 
 THE WEAKNESS OF THE NATIVES. 9 
 
 dog was held equal to two arquebusiers. Thus the 
 dragons, fabled to guard the treasures of old ro- 
 mance, were here upon the side of the spoilers. Even 
 the alligators which basked upon the river banks 
 were pressed into the service of the Spaniards and 
 made to swarm in the moats of their castles. The 
 fierce Caribs, the more peaceful inhabitants of the 
 islands, the civilized multitudes of Mexico, were 
 alike helpless against such arms and such allies. 
 Only those tribes, here and there, who used poisoned 
 arrows, had any fair chance of resisting whatever 
 claims might be made upon them by so mighty 
 invaders. For the most part, the Spaniards encoun- 
 tered no enemies more to be feared than the mos- 
 quitos which made some coasts almost uninhabit- 
 able. 
 
 At first the white men were generally received 
 with kindness, and might have all they desired 
 given freely or sold on easy terms. It was only 
 when the natives had some taste of their rapacity, 
 that they ventured to oppose it by violence and 
 cunning, as was natural. This was a case where 
 gentleness, patience, and friendly measures would in 
 time have gained for the superior race far more 
 than brutal force was able to secure. Cruelty better 
 becomes weakness than strength. Yet little did 
 the Spaniards understand that 
 
 . . . it is excellent 
 
 To have a giant's strength ; bub tyrannous 
 To use it like a giant. 
 
 Few of us indeed can rise above the temptation 
 of being harsh and imperious towards a much in-
 
 to THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 ferior people with whose deficiencies and despised 
 habits we come daily in contact. In British India, 
 where the law protects all men from violence and 
 gross oppression, the better class of natives too 
 often complain bitterly of the manner used towards 
 them by our civil and military officers. These are 
 for the most part men of intelligence, culture, and 
 a degree of humanity which would have passed for 
 mawkish sentiment in the sixteenth century. The 
 conquistadores were not even favourable specimens 
 of their age and country. We scarcely need to be 
 told that among the early adventurers were many 
 outlaws and ne'er-do-wells, the scum of prisons and 
 gambling houses, needy braggadocios, godless 
 soldiers of fortune for whom the spilling of human 
 blood was a pastime as well as a profession, men, in 
 short, who would have been brigands and cut- 
 throats in Europe if they had not been conquerors 
 in America. Imagine how such a man, of mean 
 birth and narrow mind, would behave when he 
 found himself in a position to curse and beat a drove 
 of his fellow creatures through whose exertions he 
 hoped for sudden wealth. Why had they taken the 
 trouble to come so far over the sea, if they were 
 not to enslave those helpless Indians at their will ! 
 Decent, well meaning men, even men of real reli- 
 gious principle, looked at the matter in this way, 
 and by the same temptations were soon drawn into 
 some degree of the same inhumanity ; the sons of 
 the true church had small care of the rights of 
 heathen. So before many years had passed the 
 bewildered, crushed, and despairing natives found
 
 MASTERS AND SLAVES. 
 
 themselves toiling for others on the fields that were 
 once their own, wearing out their miserable lives 
 in the mines from which these greedy masters ex- 
 tracted the means of ease and pleasure, and perish- 
 ing by hundreds under burdens which the stronger 
 Spaniards would not touch with their little finger 
 while one woman or child was able to crawl under 
 their lash. It is a fearful story of wrongs, tortures, 
 and sufferings. If we forget what human nature is 
 capable of when it gives way to its evil passions, 
 and read the accounts of writers who saw with their 
 own eyes what was then done in that fair and rich 
 region of earth, we may ask ourselves with a shud- 
 der if these Spaniards were not indeed beings of 
 another sphere, fiends rather than men ! The very 
 cannibals, we are told, were known to loathe the 
 flesh of these monsters in human shape. 
 
 The Spanish government, it should be remem- 
 bered, showed more regard for the welfare of the 
 Indians. But it found itself unable to oversee or 
 control the proceedings of those who were on the 
 spot. Besides, it was poor, and had no means of 
 rewarding the conquerors except by allowing them 
 to have their will of the lands and liberty of the 
 conquered. Humane and pious scruples as to this 
 wholesale enslavement were fitfully and doubtfully 
 entertained at the court; and from time to time 
 regulations were made to check the frightful atroci- 
 ties of which some news did not fail to reach home, 
 though the pious Isabella and the enlightened 
 ministers of Charles V. could not easily learn the 
 full truth. The colonists were ordered to treat the
 
 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 Indians kindly, as if a bloodhound let loose into 
 the woods could be expected to fawn upon its 
 exhausted prey. The masters who were making 
 haste to be rich were admonished not to overwork 
 their slaves. It was declared that only the Caribs, 
 accused of cannibalism, and such Indians as might 
 be taken in war, should be reduced to slavery. 
 Negroes were transported from Africa to work for 
 the white men ; strange to say, even the humanity 
 of the age seldom scrupled about the lawfulness 
 of holding the sons of Canaan in bondage. Such 
 regulations, however, were constantly disobeyed or 
 evaded by the cupidity of the colonists. At the 
 best, they would regard no more than the letter of 
 their sovereign's injunctions. When they wanted 
 slaves, and no wars were going on in which slaves 
 might lawfully be made, they did not hesitate to 
 march upon some peaceful tribe, with whom they 
 began proceedings by reading the royal proclamation 
 setting forth that there was one God, one Pope, and 
 one King of Castile, and requiring all people to give 
 their assent thereto on pain of war. The puzzled 
 and alarmed natives were probably unable at once 
 to understand or to embrace these strange doctrines, 
 so abruptly presented to them ; and this Eiot Act, 
 so to speak, having been read, it was considered 
 lawful to commence firing, and the unfortunate 
 people were without further forms put to death on 
 the spot, or made prisoners for a bondage in which 
 death was only more slow, scarcely less sure, if in- 
 deed they did not choose to be consumed in the 
 flames of their home, taking this for a more mer-
 
 THE CRUELTIES OF THE CONQU1STADORES. 13 
 
 ciful fate than the swords and chains of the Span- 
 iards. Millions are said to have perished thus. 
 Whole families committed suicide, to escape their 
 miserable lives; whole tribes died under their 
 cruel tasks ; whole islands were depopulated. 
 Human life was held so cheap that when a gang of 
 slaves were going along, fastened together by a 
 chain, and one fell exhausted on the ground, his 
 head would be cut off as the speediest way of set- 
 ting the chain free and letting the rest move on 
 without loss of time. In half a century from the 
 time when the first colony arrived in Hispaniola or 
 St. Domingo, its natives, two millions in number, 
 had almost entirely disappeared, their places being 
 filled up by negroes, more hardened to labour and 
 more humbled to bondage. 
 
 The same tale is to be told wherever the Span- 
 iards spread themselves like a pestilence, now hang- 
 ing up thirteen poor wretches in honour of Christ 
 and His apostles (a pious jest !) ; here calling by 
 the name of the Holy Cross a town the foundations 
 of which were wet with human blood; there founding 
 a church to the Blessed Mother of Mercy amidst 
 human groans and cries that might have made a 
 very image weep. To this day one village of 
 Spanish America will bear the name of some meek 
 and reverend saint, while its neighbour is still 
 remembered as Matanza, the place of slaughter. 
 The white men who professed such horror at the 
 human sacrifices of Mexico yet shrank not from 
 turning whole cities and nations into a hecatomb 
 on the altar of their greed. Need we wonder that
 
 14 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 the ignorant savages had small desire to seek the 
 heaven in which they were urged to meet such 
 Christians, a heaven in which they might still 
 have prayers whipped from them at the church 
 doors, and be tortured and robbed to furnish offer- 
 ings to the Saviour, whose name was such a mockery 
 in their ears ! It is said that the slaves of a certain 
 Spaniard were about to kill themselves in a body, 
 but preferred to live when their master threatened 
 to hang himself, so that he might accompany them 
 into the next world. 
 
 These cruel conquerors were often good Catholics, 
 according to their notions of religion; and we are 
 not to be too hasty, judging by another standard, 
 in looking upon them as hypocrites when they 
 boasted of their devotion to the church and their 
 zeal for the conversion of the heathen. We may 
 know that God can only be worshipped in spirit 
 and in truth ; in these days it was too commonly 
 believed, even by good men, that salvation depended 
 on a mechanical operation of the sacraments. It 
 was not thought to the purpose to make these poor 
 Indians more intelligent, more self restraining, more 
 capable of apprehending the truth ; the work of the 
 missionary was rather to force them to renounce one 
 slavish superstition for another. The main point 
 was to have them marked with the sign of the cross 
 as a charm which should conjure the devil out of 
 their hearts. For this kind of conversion, force 
 seemed naturally a better instrument than reason. 
 If the benighted sinners were not instantly con- 
 vinced, and hesitated to receive the baptism of water,
 
 Indians worshipping " the white man's God." 
 
 afje 15.
 
 "CONVERTING" THE HEATHEN. 15 
 
 they might be given the baptism of blood with as 
 little compunction as if they were dogs. With the 
 awful fate of unbelievers awaiting them beyond 
 death, a few stripes and tears more or less on this 
 side seemed to make little difference. Severity 
 towards many might be effectual in saving some, 
 after this fashion of salvation. So the Spaniards 
 may have lulled their consciences when in the name 
 of heaven they turned earth into a hell, and " bap- 
 tized a hundred with the sword for one at the font/' 
 We may doubt whether such notions of religious 
 duty be more ludicrous or more lamentable; but 
 they were not inconsistent with doctrines which 
 blasphemously represented the Almighty as a being 
 with the intellect of an inquisitor and the heart of 
 a despot. Such doctrines were little likely to 
 awaken seared consciences or to move covetous 
 breasts to mercy. Every mass, every offering, 
 every formal confession and more formal absolution, 
 only hardened the proud and orthodox lords of the 
 New World in their accursed selfishness. Had they 
 no sense of humour, to understand the contrast 
 between their preaching and their practice ? Surely 
 then they must have felt the bitter unconscious 
 sarcasm of a tale which describes how a body of 
 these active disciples, armed to the teeth, marched 
 forth to " convert " an Indian village, and found 
 the frightened natives dancing frantically round a 
 basket filled with gold, thinking thus to propitiate 
 the Spaniards in doing honour to their god ! A 
 grimmer tale tells how Spanish prisoners were put 
 to death by having melted gold poured down their
 
 1 6 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 throats. If this tale be not true it is a just parable, 
 for so little indeed did the god avail them to whom 
 they so madly devoted themselves. Better a thou- 
 sand times that the ocean, which swallowed up so 
 much of it, had always concealed the gold which 
 they wrung by tortures from kings, crushed out 
 with the life of nations, and washed from the soil 
 by the tears of their fellow creatures. 
 
 What was called the Christian religion had a 
 fearful share in the guilt of these iniquities. But 
 no church is without men who are better than their 
 doctrines. If the doctrines of the Catholic Church 
 of that day were false and baneful, the conduct of 
 many of the Catholic clergy rose far above the 
 spirit of their theology, and furnishes the brightest 
 page in the history of the Spanish conquest. The 
 name of Las Casas is one never to be remembered 
 without honour^ At first himself a slaveholder, he 
 was led to a sense of the wrongs which he and his 
 countrymen inflicted on their victims, and of his 
 own free will became the first abolitionist. Hence- 
 forward he gave himself up to the hard task of 
 claiming justice and mercy for the slaves. With 
 his brothers of the order of St. Dominic he braved 
 all opposition in this holy cause; they constantly 
 denounced the wrath of God against the tyranny 
 which was enacted around them; from the pulpit 
 they asked indignantly whether it could be right 
 that their fellow men, for whom Christ had died, 
 should be branded like beasts with red hot irons, 
 and gambled away at dice from one dissolute master 
 to another. The anger of the grasping colonists
 
 THE DOMINICANS. i? 
 
 did not silence them ; they visited Spain again and 
 again, to besiege the court with their claims of pro- 
 tection for the unhappy natives ; by their writings 
 they filled Europe with the tale of their country- 
 men's atrocities. They gave deeds as well as words ; 
 they went to preach among the heathen a far other 
 gospel than that which had swords as its texts and 
 chains as its commandments. They sought to have 
 a country set apart, where they might expose their 
 lives in this truly Christian mission, and where no 
 layman might be allowed to come to undo their 
 work by his hunger for gain and thirst for blood. 
 Alas ! the poor savages did not know their friends, 
 but taking these visitors to be like the rest of their 
 race, massacred them in revenge for a kidnapping 
 foray. Too truly had the monks foreseen how their 
 fellow believers would preach the truth ! Un- 
 daunted, they did not yet draw back from their 
 labour of love. There was a district in central 
 America into which no armed force could pene- 
 trate, so fierce were the inhabitants and so strong 
 were their retreats ; it was called the Land of War. 
 Here the brethren had free leave to carry the cross 
 alone and at their own risk. A little band of them 
 hastened to this post of danger ; at their mild bid- 
 ding the unsubdued warriors laid down their arms, 
 and henceforth that rugged country was known as 
 the Land of Peace. For very shame, the slayers and 
 enslavers could not but listen at length to teachers 
 who gave such proofs of their sincerity ; and they 
 listened the more readily, no doubt, when they began 
 to find how their shortsighted rapacity was under- 
 
 c
 
 1 8 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 mining their own interests. Humanity got a hear- 
 ing too late to save whole nations from being exter- 
 minated; but whatever amelioration was wrought 
 in the condition of the Indians, when once the first 
 fury of the conquest had passed away, was owing 
 to the earnestness of these churchmen, who had 
 come to the New World to seek no riches for them- 
 selves beyond the reward of him to whom it is 
 given to gain souls. Their work in extending and 
 confirming the dominion of Spain was in the end 
 far greater than the share of the men of war. All 
 over South America they spread their bloodless con- 
 quests, and established themselves by the force of 
 a devotion that no dangers nor difficulties could 
 overcome. 
 
 We cannot but admire the spirit in which these 
 men laboured, yet we must grieve that such labours 
 have been so barren of wholesome fruit. The 
 Indians, their idols once thrown down, received easily 
 the more superstitious part of their conquerors' 
 religion; the yoke of Rome fitted them only too 
 well. The lessons of submission sank but too deep 
 into their character. With the wild freedom of the 
 woods they have lost all energy and motive for 
 exertion. Driven to their daily task, and secure of 
 their daily food, they have become a listless and 
 indolent as well as a docile flock. The monks have 
 enslaved both body and mind, and diligently de- 
 stroying the stimulating force of self reliance and 
 free thought, have degraded rather than elevated 
 their catechumens. So now, where the bell of the 
 mission tinkles over canon and monte, it speaks of
 
 THE RESULTS OF THE CONQUEST. 19 
 
 peace indeed, but of a peace more akin to death 
 than life : the peace not of smiling fields and busy 
 arts and growing towns, but such peace rather as 
 reigns in some pathless forest of the tropics, where 
 the light of heaven is hid by unbroken masses of 
 foliage, and the ground is choked by rank weeds, 
 trailing and twisting between every mouldered 
 trunk, where no breath of wind comes to stir the 
 stifling air, heavy with noxious vapours, and ear and 
 eye grow dull among the oppressive luxuriance of 
 vegetation, swarming secretly with base and harm- 
 ful creatures a slumberous, sweltering, corrupting 
 peace, broken only by the roar of the thunder and 
 the crash of the earthquake. 
 
 If such evils came of the conquest of the cross, 
 what might be expected of the conquests of the 
 sword ! Of these conquerors it may truly be said 
 that only when they had made a desolation could 
 they call it peace. They sowed dragons' teeth in 
 the fields which they watered with blood, and they 
 were to reap as they had sown. The history of 
 Spanish America is a melancholy record of slavery 
 and anarchy, of tyranny and revolution, of greed 
 and poverty. Nowhere is the earth richer, yet 
 nowhere is man more miserable than in the lands 
 of gold and silver, of pearls and diamonds. Unable 
 to conquer himself, he is powerless against nature, 
 which still in these regions gives her strength to 
 vegetable rather than to animal life, and sees the 
 human soul dwarfed and withered amid her most 
 prodigal bounties. The blessings of religion and 
 civilization seem here to have turned into a curse,
 
 20 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 cursing alike those who brought and those who re- 
 ceived the fatal gifts. The Spaniards have been 
 tainted by the degradation of their bondsmen, for 
 the cry of the slave against his oppressor is never 
 raised in vain, and the lash of the tyrant as surely 
 debases him who holds it as the cringing form on 
 which it falls. Nor did their mother country long 
 prosper on the wealth which these colonists gathered 
 with such guilty hands. Soon she was to afford a 
 memorable example that not thus are the true riches 
 of a nation to be counted. All the gold sent home 
 to Spain was found but a source of weakness when 
 priestcraft and kingcraft were sucking out her life. 
 Surely, we exclaim, hearing of her greatness and 
 beholding her fall, the Avenger of the innocent has 
 made inquisition for the blood with which she thus 
 polluted her conquests ! 
 
 In many books you may read at length these 
 tales, more marvellous than legends, of how the 
 modern Argonauts went to seek a golden treasure 
 in the west, how they carried the plagues of 
 Christendom to desolate America, and how they 
 sent back poisonous germs concealed among their 
 spoil. Our story is of heroes of another kind, who 
 learned in time to look for no windfalls of precious 
 ore, but to address themselves manfully to honest 
 and patient work, which, in the long run, is the 
 only thing that pays the world and the workers.
 
 LIMITS OF SPANISH COLONIZATION. 21 
 
 III. 
 
 Within half a century from the discovery of 
 America, the flood of Spanish invasion had spread 
 over the West Indian islands and the coasts of 
 central America, and was rapidly making its way 
 upon the southern continent, while to the north the 
 ancient empire of Mexico was submerged beneath 
 the rising colony of New Spain. Vasco Nunez had 
 crossed the isthmus and discovered the South Sea. 
 His countrymen were beginning to have some 
 notion of the geographical features of the New 
 World, though as yet it was unascertained what 
 seas and straits might not divide it into a vast 
 group of islands. The Spaniards now held at least 
 the outskirts of the countries occupied by their 
 descendants at the present day, and were firmly 
 fixed in advantageous positions from which they 
 might extend their conquest in every direction. 
 
 But here their progress stayed; and the most 
 prosperous and famous part of America, that part 
 which is called America par excellence, was left to 
 be peopled and subdued by another nation. 
 
 Several attempts, indeed, were made to explore 
 to the north. Expeditions were sent towards Cali- 
 fornia, in search of the gold which was to be 
 discovered there three centuries later; others 
 sought the blooming shores of Florida, where 
 Ponce de Leon was the first to land in 1512. Of 
 these expeditions the most celebrated is that of 
 Ferdinand de Soto, which wandered for years in 
 the interior of the country to the north of the Gulf
 
 22 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 of Mexico, and left the body of their leader buried 
 in the great waters of the Mississippi. 
 
 But the toils and hardships of these explorers 
 produced no gold ; the Spaniards, fearless in ro- 
 mantic perils and wild delusions, shrank back from 
 the colder regions where nature refused to be con- 
 quered save by steady labour, and the sword was 
 useless without the plough and the axe. Spain 
 showed no readiness to push her settlements into 
 North America, though, like a dog in the manger, 
 she still claimed all the continent for her own. A 
 new claimant soon appeared in these vast lists, 
 where a century might well pass before challenger and 
 challenged could come face to face. In the north 
 France was, from time to time, to spend pains in 
 clearing the ground and planting settlements, the 
 fruit of which would be reaped by another nation. 
 
 It is notable that so many of the leaders of dis- 
 covery at this time were Italians, setting out under 
 the auspices of foreign governments. Columbus, 
 as we have seen, was born at Genoa. Cabot, who 
 first came upon the mainland while employed by 
 England, was a Venetian. From Florence came 
 Amerigo Vespucci, who had the undeserved good 
 luck of bestowing his name upon the new world, 
 whereas he was only the first to visit the southern 
 continent. There was clearly room for a good deal 
 of difference in opinion as to which people had any 
 special right from prior discovery ; the only great 
 nation of the day if Italy might be called a nation 
 that does not seem to have put in any claim, was the 
 one to different states of which these men belonged.
 
 FRENCH EXPLORATIONS IN CANADA. 23 
 
 Another Florentine, Verrazzani, entered the field 
 in behalf of the king of France, and in 1524 
 surveyed the coast of the United States, and 
 brought back such a report that his royal master 
 began to think these countries had not been created 
 for the Spaniards alone. The name of New France 
 was given to the northern part, whither the French 
 had already been attracted by the fisheries of New- 
 foundland, an important industry wherever the 
 fasts of the Catholic Church were observed. 
 France and Spain were playing that game at which 
 Francis I. lost all but honour to his rival Charles V. 
 There was therefore every motive for colonising, 
 and the famous Jacques Cartier was encouraged 
 and assisted with means to explore Canada. He 
 sailed up the St. Lawrence and gave its present 
 name to the wooded eminence of Montreal. Cold 
 and scurvy drove him away; but once more he 
 returned to his self appointed task, and behind 
 him came a viceroy attended by the sweepings of 
 the jails, who were thought good enough for such 
 a doubtful enterprise. Failure was again the result. 
 No precious metals or stones having been found, 
 the newly opened country had small chance of 
 attention from the government at a time when 
 France was distracted by long and bloody civil wars, 
 carried on in the name of religion. 
 
 It was an ill season to found colonies, yet the 
 very stress of the times led to an attempt which for 
 us has a special interest. In the middle of the 
 sixteenth century Frenchmen anticipated the de- 
 sign carried out by the English puritans two gene-
 
 24 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 rations later. A writer, whom his friend Montaigne 
 believed likely to prove the greatest mind of the 
 age, the shortlived La Boetie, sick of the Old 
 World, passionately adjured his countrymen to fly 
 across the ocean from the evils of tyranny and 
 bigotry. The same idea had already been con- 
 ceived by a more practical spirit. Coligny, the 
 celebrated leader of the Huguenots, undertook to 
 form a settlement which should be not only the 
 nucleus of a French empire in America, but a haven 
 of refuge for his persecuted co-religionists. The 
 king seems to have made no objection, and under 
 Coligny's auspices a party of Calvinists was sent to 
 Brazil. The Portuguese had already established 
 themselves there, and the French colony was de- 
 stroyed not only by fierce opposition but by the 
 treachery of _, their own leader ; yet Coligny did not 
 abandon his bold and wise design, but turned his 
 eyes towards another part of the coast, where he 
 hoped to find no rivalry. The sunny shores of 
 Florida and Carolina seemed to invite the sons of 
 France to a congenial climate. Three successive 
 expeditions were sent out under John Bibault and 
 Rene Laudonniere, the latter of whom has left a full 
 account of the fortunes of his ill starred companions. 
 Their story is a typical one, too common in the 
 records of early colonial enterprise. At first all 
 went well. The Frenchmen were delighted with 
 the country and its productions ; the low or gently 
 undulating soil, well watered and covered with 
 open woods and rich savannahs, promised them an 
 easy settlement. They fixed themselves upon the
 
 FIRST SETTLEMENT IN FLORIDA. 25 
 
 St. John's river in the north of Florida, and named 
 their fort after their sovereign, Charles IX. The 
 Indians gave them a friendly welcome, brought pro- 
 visions, and eagerly sought the alliance of the 
 powerful strangers. But soon ill feeling arose, and 
 quarrels in which the arms of the Europeans se- 
 cured them an easy victory but could not aid them 
 against the consequences of inexperience and im- 
 providence. Though the enterprise had been under- 
 taken in a religious spirit, it as usual had enlisted 
 dissolute and greedy adventurers of a character to 
 ruin any community. Our own navigator, John 
 Hawkins, who visited and relieved them, found that 
 it was their own fault if they could not do well in 
 such a land, "but they being soldiers desired to 
 live by the sweat of other men's brows." They 
 made twenty hogsheads of wine out of the grapes 
 of the country, and learned to forget their 
 troubles in sucking through a cane the smoke of a 
 certain dried herb set on fire in " an earthen cup," 
 after the manner of the natives. Hard work was in 
 their eyes the worst of evils, and when they could 
 no longer beg or buy from their neighbours they 
 found robbery a precarious means of livelihood. So 
 injuries and reprisals, waste and want, mutinies and 
 desertion had nearly succeeded in stifling the birth 
 of the young colony, which for some time received 
 no support, the hands of its patrons being too full 
 of troubles at home. Yet when the third fleet at 
 last arrived, just as the starved survivors were about 
 to abandon the country, the Frenchmen easily re- 
 covered their elastic spirits. Once more they seemed
 
 26 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 to have fair prospects before them; but suddenly 
 a fatal cloud appeared upon the horizon. 
 
 It was not to be expected that the proud Span- 
 iards would submit to this invasion of their vaunted 
 rights by foreigners and heretics. In 1565 Philip 
 II., according to the strange practice of the time, 
 farmed out Florida, so to speak, to be conquered 
 by Pedro Melendez, one of the ruthless conquista- 
 dores of South America. The new comers from 
 France had scarcely landed and were congratulat- 
 ing themselves on false news of the discovery of 
 gold, when part of the Spanish fleet appeared off 
 the harbour, making professions of goodwill which 
 were at once taken for what they were worth. 
 Alarm and dissension broke out among the French. 
 Kibault, the new governor, embarked with the best 
 part of the efficient forces, intending to attack the 
 Spaniards by sea. Laudonniere was left behind in 
 the fort with a garrison of invalids, boys and lackeys, 
 to protect the women and children. This weak 
 company kept a bad watch, and suddenly in a storm 
 of rain the Spaniards were upon them, having 
 marched, guided by a traitor, through several 
 leagues of swamps, lagoons and forests, from the 
 spot to the south where they had landed. A feeble 
 resistance was attempted, but the scene was a mas- 
 sacre rather than a fight. A few escaped into the 
 woods, and slinking through the reeds fringing the 
 river made their way to two small ships which 
 still lay at its mouth. The rest were slaughtered, 
 men, women, and children. Then upon these 
 human shambles the pious Spaniards did not fail
 
 MASSACRE OF THE FKENCff. 27 
 
 to raise their cross and offer their devotions to 
 Heaven. 
 
 What was Kibault's fleet doing in the meanwhile ? 
 Alas ! a storm had dashed it upon the coast, and the 
 shipwrecked Frenchmen hardly escaped from the 
 fury of the waves to fall into the cruel hands of 
 their fellow men. Weak and destitute, they sur- 
 rendered to Melendez, who butchered them almost 
 to a man ; a few who professed to be Catholics were 
 saved. Nine hundred persons in all are said to have 
 been killed. 
 
 The Spaniards proclaimed Philip II. king of all 
 North America, and exulting over their easy victory 
 addressed themselves to building a town at the 
 place where they had landed on the day consecrated 
 to St. Augustine, whose name was therefore given 
 to this, the oldest town in the United States. This 
 was in the year 1565. They also built three forts 
 on the settlement of their victims, and proceeded, 
 as was their wont, to make themselves a burden and 
 a hatred to the Indians, already too little pleased 
 with the manners of their former guests. 
 
 But before two years had passed an avenger of 
 all this blood was on his way across the ocean. De 
 Gourgues, a Huguenot gentleman of Gascony, was 
 roused by the news which the French government 
 heard with indifference. Borrowing from his friends, 
 and selling a great part of his own property, he 
 contrived to become master of three ships and a 
 hundred and fifty soldiers, with which force he put 
 to sea, as if for an ordinary voyage of discovery. 
 But when they came near the American coast he
 
 28 THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 disclosed to his men what he had in mind, and they 
 swore to carry out his stern purpose of revenging 
 the death of their countrymen. They landed in the 
 St. John's river and made a dash at the forts. The 
 Spaniards in their turn, taken by surprise, were 
 beaten, though they much outnumbered the assail- 
 ants. Each of the three forts was taken and razed 
 to the ground. Scant quarter was given to those 
 who had shown so little mercy in their hour of 
 triumph. The Indians gladly rose against their 
 oppressors, and filling the woods drove the fugitives 
 back upon the arms of the victors. Those who 
 were made prisoners were hanged upon the very 
 trees on which the bodies of the French had swung 
 beneath this inscription : " I do this not as unto 
 Frenchmen, but as unto heretics." So now De 
 Gourgues answered Melendez with bitter irony, 
 burning the letters into a wooden board : " I do 
 this not as unto Spaniards nor 'mariners, but as unto 
 traitors, robbers and murderers." 
 
 Such is the dark story of the first European set- 
 tlement within the bounds of the American repub- 
 lic. De Gourgues, unable to do more with his little 
 force, returned at once to France, where the govern- 
 ment was so far from caring to follow up his bold 
 stroke that he was obliged to conceal himself from 
 the consequences of its displeasure. Florida was 
 tacitly given up to the Spaniards, and the French 
 names which had been bestowed upon features of 
 the country, were wiped out in blood. 
 
 But Spain thought little of its new acquisition. 
 A few hundred Spaniards settled at St. Augustine,
 
 FLORIDA. 29 
 
 letting themselves be befooled by the oft repeated 
 tale of a marvellously rich city lying somewhere in 
 the interior. An attempt at discovery was made 
 towards the north, but nothing came of it. The 
 conquerors of the West India islands and Mexico 
 and Peru, left the Atlantic coast to be peopled by 
 as daring and more sober minded adventurers. But 
 Florida, being so near their other possessions, was 
 retained, and, with a short interval of English occu- 
 pation during the last century, vegetated as a 
 Spanish colony till 1819, when it was bought by 
 the United States for five millions of dollars.
 
 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 WHILE the Spaniards and French were thus em- 
 ployed upon the outskirts of these vast and unknown 
 territories, there appeared upon the scene that power 
 which in virtue of courage, perseverance and prac- 
 tical sense was to found an enduring commonwealth 
 across the Atlantic. England, now at rest from 
 civil and religious discord, was awaking to her 
 destiny as the greatest naval and colonising nation 
 of modern times, and began to ask herself why she 
 should not seek her share of these famed riches of 
 the New World. In English ships the Cabots had 
 first reached the mainland of North America. An 
 English sailor had first circumnavigated the globe. 
 There was more than one of his comrades who hoped 
 to be the first to hit upon that northwest passage 
 which, as people then believed, led direct to India ; 
 and though all attempts in this direction failed, every 
 year was signalised by some new discovery due to 
 English enterprise. Such men as Drake, Hawkins, 
 and Frobisher were making the flag of England 
 known and feared all over the maritime world. In 
 the South Seas the Spanish settlements and treasure 
 ships had to be constantly on their guard against 
 her daring sailors; at the fisheries of Newfound-
 
 ENGLAND AND SPAIN. 31 
 
 land the French were rivalled by her merchants. 
 What then was to hinder her from exploring and 
 settling on land, as she conquered and traded by 
 sea ? Had the Pope forsooth assigned the New 
 World to Spain ? So did that Antichrist claim to 
 deal with the crown and the liberties of England ! 
 The newly discovered soil belonged to none but its 
 natives, who might be won by kindness and fair 
 dealing better than by rapacious conquest, or at 
 least might be enforced for their own good to receive 
 the blessings of Christianity and civilization. The 
 pretensions of the Spaniards were but a challenge 
 to the national spirit and the protestantism of 
 England, now united in recognition of a common 
 enemy. 
 
 The cruelty of gold-hunting filibusters towards 
 the poor Indians, still more the atrocities of the 
 Inquisition's bloody missionaries, made men shudder 
 who had not yet forgotten the fires of Smithfield, 
 and roused in the national mind, where the leaven 
 of puritanism was already working, that righteous 
 indignation which is one of the religious sentiments 
 most easily excited in human nature. It was not 
 difficult to bring our reckless mariners to take it for 
 a religious duty to plunder papists, and to imagine 
 those praises most acceptable to Heaven which were 
 sung 
 
 Upon a harp made of dead Spanish bones, 
 The proudest instrument the world affords. 
 
 Sentiment and policy were at one in this hatred 
 of the Spaniard, who in the Netherlands had just 
 taught Englishmen what they had to expect if ever
 
 32 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 the Pope and Philip could secure their vaunted 
 rights over the dominions of Elizabeth. It needed 
 little foresight to perceive that a struggle for life 
 and death was imminent between the great Protest- 
 ant and the great Catholic power. The wise states- 
 men of the one saw that a blow should be struck at 
 
 i 
 
 that engrossment of colonial enterprise from which 
 the other drew its riches. Besides, the population 
 of England was expanding beyond its resources; 
 and want began to be felt at one end of the social 
 scale, while at the other increased luxury prompted 
 to new means of gain. The country was full of 
 restless spirits, stirred by the romantic notions 
 characteristic of the age, and unable to find at 
 home fitting scope for their activity. So it is not 
 surprising that in the reign of Elizabeth there arose 
 a general zeal for " plantation," as the phrase then 
 was, inspired by various motives and sanctioned by 
 the highest, which was on the lips of many men if 
 as yet in the hearts of but few. The men who fos- 
 tered and directed this zeal always declared, like 
 Lord Bacon, that their purpose was " as well for the, 
 better increase of the trade of merchandise of this 
 kingdom, as by conversation and commerce to draw 
 those savage and idolatrous people to the true know- 
 ledge of God/' And if our first colonists did not 
 always present an example of the best fruits of 
 Christianity, as understood in these days, they at 
 least did not bring its worst to the work of conver- 
 sion. Such violence and oppression as they were 
 guilty of seem mildness and humanity when con- 
 trasted with the cruelties of the Spaniards ; while
 
 WALTER RALEIGH. 
 
 among English colonists as among Spanish conquer- 
 ors there were here and there men of true humanity 
 and pure enthusiasm for the salvation of these 
 ignorant souls. 
 
 The spirit of the time found its representative in 
 the famous Sir Walter Raleigh. No story is better 
 known than that of how this scion of a private 
 Devonshire family rose rapidly, through his talents 
 and accomplishments, to fortune and influence. 
 No doubt he owed much to the fickle favour of 
 Elizabeth, but such a man was sure, sooner or later, 
 to win his way into notice. As a scholar, a gentle- 
 man, and a statesman, he was distinguished even 
 among the many distinguished men of that court. 
 His personal advantages might have made him a 
 mere court favourite; but he was successful as 
 soldier, sailor, trader, and author, and tried his 
 hand at philosophy and chemistry, not without 
 credit from his contemporaries. Yet it is by his 
 attempts at colonisation, the part of his work 
 which altogether failed, that he is perhaps best 
 known to us ; for though his efforts brought 
 nothing but disappointment to himself, they paved 
 the way for more successful settlements of the 
 English race in North America. He was at once 
 a poet and a man of business; the clear eye of 
 practical foresight was united in him with an 
 eager love of adventure and a sanguine imagina- 
 tion which, to the hour of his death, never ceased 
 to dream of boundless wealth to be had for the 
 seeking it beyond the seas. He shared, to some 
 degree, the credulity of his age, when men easily
 
 34 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 gave ear to the most romantic stories of these lands 
 of the sun from which the Spaniards drew such 
 riches. "I tell thee, gold is more plentiful there 
 than copper is with us/' says a character in an old 
 play, speaking of Virginia ; " and for as much red 
 copper as I can bring, I '11 have thrice the weight 
 in gold. Why, man, all their dripping pans are 
 pure gold, and all the chains with which they chain 
 up the streets are massy gold; all the prisoners 
 they take are fettered in gold ; and for rubies and 
 diamonds, they go forth on holidays and gather 
 them by the seashore to hang on their children's 
 coats and stick in their children's caps, as com- 
 monly as our children wear saffron gilt brooches 
 and groats with holes in 'em." If the ignorant 
 could be brought to believe in this, their betters 
 were often found to believe not much less; and 
 it would have been surprising if such a man as 
 Elizabeth's Captain of the Guard had not turned 
 his attention to America. 
 
 Walter Ealeigh's apprenticeship to arms was in 
 the ranks of the French Huguenots, whose leader 
 Coligny had been the patron of the ill starred 
 expedition to Florida. The young English volun- 
 teer could not fail to have heard and to have been 
 filled with indignation at the story of the cruel 
 massacre of Ribault and his companions. If this 
 were not enough to teach him the spirit of popery, 
 he was in France, perhaps in Paris, during the 
 horrors of St. Bartholomew's day, 1572. Later 
 we find him serving against the Spaniards in the 
 Netherlands, then struggling for their freedom;
 
 GILBERT'S PATENT. 35 
 
 and lie returned to England a resolute enemy of 
 these enemies of his religion, already in all but 
 name the enemies of his country. He was still a 
 young man when his half-brother, Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert, one cast in much the same mould as him- 
 self, engaged him eagerly in a work that was to 
 make them both famous, though not rich as they 
 hoped. This was at a time when the country was 
 excited by the report of Martin Frobisher, who, in 
 searching for the north-west passage, believed that 
 he had discovered precious metals upon the icy 
 shores of Labrador. 
 
 The queen was easily brought to see the advan- 
 tages that would result from American colonisation. 
 But it was the nature of this great princess to have 
 at once a very keen eye for profit and a very close 
 hand for expenditure; the sovereigns of England 
 had already learned that, luckily for its people, they 
 could only raise money by the sacrifice of power. 
 Instead of supporting these designs with the credit 
 and resources of the government, she preferred to 
 induce private persons to undertake them by liber- 
 ally promising rewards which cost her nothing. 
 Gilbert accordingly, in 1578, received letters patent 
 authorising him to search and take possession of 
 any remote lands not actually in the dominions of 
 any Christian prince, (the rights of heathen princes 
 not being taken into consideration,) which lands 
 were to belong for ever to him and his heirs, sub- 
 ject to the crown of England, which was also to be 
 entitled to a fifth part of all gold and silver ore 
 found therein. His title was to be established by
 
 36 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 his actually taking possession within six years from 
 the date of the patent ; and he was authorised to 
 administer justice among his followers, and to levy 
 war against whoever should interfere with his 
 rights thus conferred, within a space of two 
 hundred leagues. 
 
 With such prospects before him, Gilbert spent a 
 large part of his own fortune in making prepara- 
 tions for a task that was almost beyond private 
 means. There were many difficulties in the way, 
 and the volunteers whom he could bring to join in 
 his adventure were hard to manage. At the last 
 moment his fleet was reduced by mutiny and 
 desertion from eleven to seven ships, with which 
 he sailed from the coast of Devonshire, a county 
 that in this reign led the way in maritime enter- 
 prise. History gives no clear account as to the 
 aims and doings of this fleet. There is some 
 reason to suppose that Gilbert and Ealeigh meant 
 to begin their work by making attacks on the 
 vessels or possessions of Spain, so as to gain means 
 for carrying on their operations on a larger scale. 
 In plain English, they were no better than pirates, 
 setting out with the connivance of the government, 
 though in her letters patent Elizabeth strictly 
 forbade any hostile acts towards the subjects of 
 princes with whom she professed to be at peace. 
 Such piracy, in the face of such professions, was 
 one of the leading features of her reign; it was 
 held allowable, even honourable, as a spoiling of 
 the Egyptians, and the leading men of the nation 
 did not scruple to lend a hand in it, while the
 
 THE FIRST FAILURE. 37 
 
 queen might be relied on to receive all complaints 
 with no more than an affectation of displeasure. It 
 would scarcely in her shrewd eyes have been 
 
 / */ 
 
 policy to discourage such enterprise, when England 
 might any day be at open war with Spain, and the 
 royal navy must be mainly composed of private ships 
 and sailors trained in these irregular hostilities. 
 
 It is not even known where Gilbert' s fleet went 
 to. Some suppose that their destination was the 
 fisheries of Newfoundland; others, that they made 
 for the West India islands in search of rich booty, 
 and that now Raleigh may have himself visited * 
 those regions which he afterwards laboured to 
 colonise. In whatever part of the world it visited, 
 this expedition gained neither profit nor credit, for 
 next year it returned in a sorry plight, having been 
 completely defeated in action with the Spaniards. 
 
 But Raleigh was not discouraged in his daring 
 schemes by the failure of this first attempt. After 
 three years, during which he had his hands full of 
 fighting the rebels and their foreign auxiliaries 
 in Ireland, the plans of Gilbert and himself were 
 again brought under the notice of the queen. Now 
 that bands of Spanish adventurers had invaded her 
 dominions, Elizabeth was able to give more open 
 encouragement to such naval incursions, but .she 
 gave very little else ; and the brothers, after their 
 recent losses, were too poor to furnish more than 
 five ships, with which Gilbert set out for the 
 
 * "These islands with the rest adjoining are so well 
 known to yourself," says one of his captains, addressing 
 Raleigh in 1584. Hakluyt, Hi., 301.
 
 38 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 northern parts of America, with definite intentions 
 of discovering and of planting a colony. The queen 
 was beginning to have such a regard for Raleigh 
 that she would not allow him to go, and to this 
 prohibition he perhaps owed his long and active 
 life. His half-brother perished, and lost the glory 
 of being the founder of New England. 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert on his second expedition 
 took two hundred and sixty men, among them such 
 artificers as would be most useful in a young colony, 
 also refiners and persons skilled in minerals, and a 
 learned foreigner who designed to write the history 
 of their doings and discoveries, and had already 
 prefaced his functions as " special correspondent " 
 by a laudatory piece of Latin verse, after the literary 
 fashion of the day. As usual in such voyages, they 
 carried a stock of " petty haberdashery wares " to 
 trade with the natives, and besides "for solace of 
 our people and allurement of the savages, we were 
 provided of music in good variety, not omitting 
 the least toys, as morris dancers, hobby horse, and 
 May-like conceits to delight the savage people 
 whom we intended to win by all fair means pos- 
 sible." These were times when Robin Hood and 
 Friar Tuck still flourished in our sports; now-a- 
 days an Arctic Expedition has more probably a 
 troupe of amateur negro minstrels to amuse Jack, 
 who may be unconsciously clearing the way for 
 another as great change in popular amusements. 
 
 At the very outset this first English colony was 
 met by misfortune. A contagious disease broke 
 out upon the largest of the ships, the one con-
 
 ANNEXATION OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 39 
 
 tributed by Raleigh, and it put back into Plymouth ; 
 all his life its owner was destined to urge his 
 countrymen across the seas, but to reap no profit 
 there himself. The others continued their course 
 across the Atlantic ; and, passing through fogs and 
 icebergs, arrived in seven weeks off the rocky coasts 
 of Newfoundland and the well known " banks," 
 which during the fishing season were marked by a 
 multitude of seafowl feeding on the offal and gar- 
 bage thrown out by the fishermen. Two of the five 
 ships had parted company on the way; and the crew 
 of one of them, a set of rascals over whom their cap- 
 tain had little authority, had found an opportunity of 
 doing a stroke of piracy on their own account. Now 
 the rest fell in with these stragglers, and sailed into 
 the harbour of St. John, where were thirty-six fishing 
 vessels of various nations, among whom the English 
 seem to have lorded it, already in the full persuasion 
 that it was their heritage to rule the waves. As 
 soon as Gilbert displayed his commission, he was 
 welcomed in the most friendly manner, and every 
 ship in the harbour was taxed to furnish him with 
 supplies. On Sunday, the 4th of August, 1583, 
 in the full heat of Newfoundland's short summer, 
 Gilbert landed and was shown an exceptionally 
 pleasant part of the country, abounding in wild 
 roses and raspberries, which the people engaged in 
 the fishing trade called the Garden. Delighted 
 with the appearance of the place, next day he set 
 up his tent, and summoning the merchants and 
 shipmasters of all nations, took possession in the 
 name of his queen, and had delivered to him a twig
 
 40 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 and a clod of earth, in token thereof. No one was 
 willing or able to protest against these claims, so 
 the ceremony was completed by the erection of a 
 wooden pillar bearing the arms of England engraved 
 in lead ; and Gilbert proceeded to grant leases of 
 the land which had hitherto had no owner. No 
 natives were to be seen in this the south part of the 
 island, which was so densely covered with trees and 
 long grass that the exploration of it proved im- 
 practicable, and it was proposed to set the woods 
 on fire as the only way of coming to a judgment as 
 to the features and resources of the interior. 
 
 Sir Humphrey was greatly pleased with his new 
 acquisition, especially with some ore which a 
 German refiner declared upon his life to be silver, 
 and which the commander had sent on board 
 secretly, lest the French and Portuguese should get 
 wind of it and report accordingly to their own 
 governments. And whereas he had before thought 
 little of the northern district of his dominions that 
 were to be, intending merely to visit them, and 
 assign them to be planted by others, then to pass 
 on and settle himself farther south, he now changed 
 his mind and resolved to take the north for his own 
 share. But as the commission which he had re- 
 ceived from Elizabeth provided that the rights 
 granted him should lapse if he failed to take posses- 
 sion within a limited time, he must first go south- 
 wards and secure the country there by landing upon 
 it and going through the same forms of asserting 
 his ownership. 
 
 Desertion and sickness were rapidly thinning his
 
 RETURN TO ENGLAND. 41 
 
 forces, so he made haste to depart, giving up one 
 ship to convey the invalids home. With the three 
 others he beat about between Newfoundland and 
 Cape Breton, much troubled by currents and shoals, 
 till in rough misty weather the largest ship, the 
 Delight, ran aground, and was lost with almost all 
 her men, the chief part of the provisions, Gilbert's 
 books and notes, and the ore which he took to be so 
 precious. The others continued to beat up and 
 down, hoping that the weather would clear. But 
 it continued rough and grew colder, winter now 
 coming on, for which the adventurers were ill pre- 
 pared with scanty clothing. Provisions also began 
 to run short ; and thoroughly disheartened by the 
 fate of their companions and the hardships which 
 they now experienced, some of them besought their 
 leader to return to England, to which he agreed the 
 more willingly that he hoped next spring to set 
 forth again better provided. 
 
 But this was to be the gallant sailor's last voyage. 
 Against the advice of his officers he insisted on 
 remaining on board the smaller of the two vessels 
 now left to him, the Squirrel, a frail craft of no 
 more than ten tons, the deck of which was thought 
 to be much overloaded. Still they were pursued 
 by bad weather ; men who had spent all their lives 
 upon the oceau had never seen such violent seas, 
 which again and again threatened to swallow up 
 the little Squirrel. Ominous portents struck fear 
 into the superstitious minds of the mariners. A 
 monster was seen, in the description of which we 
 get some hint of the celebrated sea serpent. Fatal
 
 42 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 lights were observed glimmering on the mainyard, 
 as before the loss of the Delight there had been 
 reports of "strange voices which scared some from 
 the helm." The commander of the expedition, his 
 head full of sanguine expectations from his next 
 voyage, set a good example of cheerfulness to his 
 men, and steadily refused to abandon the dangerous 
 post which he had chosen. He was last seen 
 sitting abaft with a book in his hand, and hailing 
 those on the larger ship with the cry, " We are as 
 near heaven by sea as by land." At midnight the 
 watch of this ship saw the lights of the Squirrel 
 suddenly disappear ; she and all on board had been 
 swallowed by the Atlantic. The Golden Hind, the 
 only remaining vessel, passed through more stormy 
 weather, but at last arrived safe in Falmouth with 
 her woeful news. 
 
 Still Raleigh did not lose heart ; rather was he 
 inspirited by the reports brought home by the 
 survivors. He knew that the fierce waves which 
 had overwhelmed his brother were of as varying 
 moods as a woman's love. Basking now in the 
 halcyon days of the queen's favour, he trusted that 
 the ocean would be no less propitious to him. 
 From his royal mistress he procured a patent similar 
 to that of Sir Humphrey, constituting him lord 
 proprietor of such heathen countries as he should 
 within six years discover, settle, and annex to the 
 British crown. He then lost no time in fitting out 
 a small expedition which should secure his rights.
 
 VOYAGE OF AM AD AS AND BARLOW. 43 
 
 II. 
 
 On the 27th of April, 1584, two ships, under 
 Captains Amadas and Barlow, sailed from England 
 to discover and report to Raleigh upon the capa- 
 bilities of his yet to be acquired dominions. Ac- 
 cording to the notions of the time, they thought it 
 necessary to make a circuit by the Canaries and the 
 West India islands, fearing that the gulf stream 
 would otherwise have carried them out of their 
 course. On the 2nd of July they found shoal 
 water, and a strong sweet smell as if " of odorifer- 
 ous flowers " assured them that they were not far 
 from land. Two days later they came upon a part 
 of America, the conformation of which is such as 
 might have well troubled these adventurers, since 
 it is still the dread of more experienced mariners. 
 The name of Cape Fear speaks for itself, and the 
 old sea saying runs : 
 
 If the Bermudas let you pass, 
 
 You must beware of Hatteras. 
 
 / 
 
 The whole coast of North Carolina is fenced off, 
 as it were, from the main ocean by a strip of barren 
 land, edged with shoals and sandbanks, and even 
 now inhabited by only a few hundred fishermen and 
 pilots. North of the dangerous point of Cape 
 Hatteras this long bank stretches almost continu- 
 ously, with but two or three practicable channels 
 giving entrance to the sound within, from ten to 
 fifty miles broad, dotted with islands, and making 
 shallow inlets into the mainland, the eastern part of
 
 44 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 which is a low plain covered with swamps, lagoons, 
 and pine forests. 
 
 To this place, most unsuitable for the establish- 
 ment of a colony, ignorance had guided the adven- 
 turers, rather than to the rich land and good harbours 
 which lay unoccupied at the distance of one or two 
 days' sail. Taking it for the continent, they coasted 
 for a hundred and twenty miles before finding safe 
 harbourage, and when at last they came to what 
 they supposed to be a river, they joyfully entered, 
 gave thanks to God for their safe arrival, manned 
 their boats, and hastened to take possession of the 
 country with the usual ceremonies. After their 
 long voyage they were well disposed to be pleased 
 with any land, and the spot in which they now 
 found themselves, seen to its best advantage in 
 the calm summer weather, excited their most lively 
 admiration. They wondered at the rich vegetation 
 which covered the sandy soil; the goodly cedars, 
 pines, and cypress trees were twined with vines 
 hanging from their branches, which also grew so 
 close to the shore that the sea spray dashed over 
 the clusters of grapes. The woods were filled with 
 game, and when for the first time an arquebus shot 
 awakened their echoes, whole hosts of wild fowl 
 rose up with cries of alarm. We may imagine how 
 eager these mariners were to stretch their legs in 
 this southern paradise, how they chased each other 
 through the woods like schoolboys, plucking the 
 delicious grapes, shouting after the astonished deer 
 and hares which bounded from their path, and 
 revelling in the cool shades stirred by refreshing
 
 A FRIENDLY VISITOR. 45 
 
 breezes. But when they reached a low height they 
 found to their astonishment that they were not yet 
 on the mainland, but on an island some six miles 
 broad, beyond and around which lay the waters of 
 what seemed to be another ocean. 
 
 Instead of immediately pursuing their voyage, 
 the crews were well content to repose for a time in 
 this charming situation. They could not but be 
 curious to know whether the country had any in- 
 habitants, and what manner of men they might be ; 
 it was not, however, till the third day after their 
 arrival that three Indians appeared in a canoe, 
 paddling toward the ships. Two of them held 
 aloof, but the other showed great courage, for he 
 landed, kept walking up and down on the shore op- 
 posite the ships, and waited fearlessly for the boat 
 in which the chief officers rowed toward him. They 
 were naturally not much the wiser for a voluble 
 address which he made them in his own language ; 
 but he was without difficulty induced to return with 
 them to the ship, where they soon found means of 
 making him understand their goodwill. They gave 
 him a hat, a shirt, and some other things, and made 
 him taste of their food and wine, which he seemed 
 by no means to dislike. Having been shown over 
 both vessels, he returned to his own boat, where 
 his first care was to prove his gratitude towards his 
 late hosts. He fell a-fishing close by, and in half 
 an hour had filled the boat with fish, which he 
 laid out in two heaps on the land, making signs that 
 one was for each ship. 
 
 Though there is no hint of the kind in the
 
 46 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 narrative, one cannot help thinking that this savage 
 would scarcely have shown so much confidence if he 
 had not already come into contact with white men. 
 There was a story among these people that years 
 before a crew of Europeans had been wrecked on 
 the coast, but nothing was known for certain as to 
 their ultimate fate. 
 
 The news of this friendly intercourse soon went 
 out, and next day the English were visited by 
 several canoes, and in them no less a person than 
 Granganimeo, brother of the king of the district. 
 The king himself, it was afterwards explained, was 
 lying severely wounded in war at the chief town of 
 the country, six miles off. But his brother was a 
 worthy representative of the royal family. He came 
 attended by a suite of forty or fifty men. On his 
 brow he wore a broad plate of copper, which the 
 English fancied might be gold, the mark of high 
 rank in this rude state. When he arrived his fol- 
 lowers spread a long mat upon the ground, on which 
 he sat with grave dignity and beckoned the strangers 
 to approach, while his men remained standing in 
 respectful silence. To the English he showed him- 
 self most condescending, and by signs gave them 
 to understand that he welcomed them as friends. 
 He then deigned to accept with evident pleasure 
 the presents they offered him ; indeed, he showed a 
 very unprincely spirit of greed, for when they went 
 on to make gifts to his chief men he snatched them 
 up and put them into his own basket, and let it be 
 known that it was his privilege to get everything 
 that might be going. Nor was he above trading.
 
 INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 47 
 
 Of all the wares which were submitted to him, 
 nothing better pleased his Indian highness than a 
 tin plate, which he willingly bought for twenty- 
 skins, and, boring a hole in the rim, hung it about 
 his neck with much pride. For a copper kettle the 
 English got fifty skins ; and the pearl ornaments 
 worn by the chief's wife and her women showed 
 that they had brought their goods to a rich market. 
 Like experienced traders, however, they showed no 
 eagerness for these wares, intending, if possible, 
 to learn where the pearls came from, and whether 
 they could not be had for nothing. While Gran- 
 ganimeo was by, no one else was allowed to do 
 business, so that political economy was here at 
 pretty much the same stage as in England, where 
 the sovereign still claimed the right of fettering 
 trade by the infamous system of monopolies. 
 
 Intercourse and traffic being thus established to 
 the satisfaction of both parties, they soon became 
 excellent friends. The Indians, cruel and treacherous 
 towards their neighbours, regarded with awe these 
 bearded strangers and the great ships in which they 
 had come across the unknown ocean. They were 
 never tired of wondering at the whiteness of the 
 European skins, which they were not content with 
 seeing, but must touch with their dusky paws. 
 They would tremble with terror at the discharge of 
 a pistol, and coveted a rusty cutlass as a treasure. 
 Under the influence of such feelings they showed 
 their best side to the English, who, on the other 
 hand, admired the ingenuity with which those 
 simple children of nature had learned to hollow
 
 48 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS'. 
 
 out canoes by the aid of fire, to build and fortify 
 wooden villages, and to provide themselves with 
 garments, ornaments, and household utensils. They 
 spoke most highly of the hospitable manner in 
 which Granganimeo sent them almost daily deer, 
 rabbits, hares, and fish, and sometimes melons, 
 walnuts, cucumbers, peas, and other vegetables ; 
 they extolled the punctuality with which the natives 
 kept their promises, the courtesy and ceremony 
 which they seemed to observe towards each other 
 as well as towards the strangers. 
 
 The following extract from Captain Barlow's nar- 
 rative gives us a pleasant picture of native hospi- 
 tality, with some hint of their way of living. 
 
 " After they had been divers times aboard our 
 ships, myself with seven more went twenty miles 
 into the river that runneth toward the city of Ski- 
 coak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening 
 following we came to an island which they call 
 Roanoke, distant from the harbour by which we 
 entered seven leagues ; and at the north end thereof 
 was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and 
 fortified round about with sharp trees to keep out 
 their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a 
 turnpike, very artificially. When we came towards 
 it, standing near unto the water's side, the wife of 
 Granganimeo, the king's brother, came running 
 out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly; her 
 husband was not then in the village. Some of her 
 people she commanded to draw our boat on shore 
 for the beating of the billow ; others she appointed 
 to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and
 
 The English welcomed to Roanoke. 
 
 I'age 48.
 
 SAVAGE HOSPITALITY. 49 
 
 others to bring our oars into the house for fear of 
 stealing. When we were come into the outer room, 
 having five rooms in her house, she caused us to sit 
 down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes 
 and washed them and dried them again ; some of the 
 women plucked off our stockings and washed them, 
 some washed our feet in warm water, and she her- 
 self took great pains to see all things ordered in the 
 best manner she could, making great haste to dress 
 some meat for us to eat. 
 
 " After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought 
 us into the inner room, where she set on the board 
 standing along the house some wheat like furmety, 
 sodden venison and roasted, fish sodden, boiled and 
 roasted, melons raw and sodden, roots of divers 
 kinds, and divers fruits. Their drink is commonly 
 water, but while the grape lasteth they drink wine, 
 and for want of casks to keep it all the year after 
 they drink water ; but it is sodden with ginger in 
 it and black cinnamon, and sometimes sassafras, and 
 divers other wholesome and medicinable herbs and 
 trees. We were entertained with all love and kind- 
 ness, and with as much bounty (after their manner) 
 as they could possibly devise. We found the people 
 most gentle, loving, and faithful, void of all guile 
 and treason, and such as live after the manner of 
 the golden age. The people only care how to de- 
 fend themselves from the cold in their short winter, 
 and to feed themselves with such meat as the soil 
 affordeth. Their meat is very well sodden, and they 
 make broth very sweet and savoury. Their vessels 
 are earthen pots, very large, white and sweet; 
 
 E
 
 50 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber. 
 Within the place where they feed was their lodging, 
 and within that their idol which they worship, of 
 whom they speak incredible things. While we were 
 at meat there came in at the gates two or three 
 men with their bows and arrows from hunting, 
 whom when we espied we began to look one to- 
 wards another, and offered to reach our weapons; 
 but as soon as she espied our mistrust she was very 
 much moved, and caused some of her men to run 
 out and take away their bows and arrows and break 
 them, and withal beat the poor fellows out of the 
 gate again. When we departed in the evening and 
 would not tarry all night, she was very sorry, and 
 gave us into our boat our supper half dressed, pots 
 and all, and brought us to our boat's side, in which 
 we lay all night, removing a pretty distance from 
 the shore. She, perceiving our jealousy, was much 
 grieved, and sent divers men and thirty women to 
 sib all night on the bank side by us, and sent into 
 our boats five mats to cover us from the rain, using 
 very many words to entreat us to rest in their 
 houses. But because we were few men, and if we 
 had miscarried the voyage had been in very great 
 danger, we durst not adventure anything, although 
 there was no cause of doubt, for a more kind and 
 loving people there cannot be found in the world, 
 so far as we have hitherto had trial." * 
 
 The lady of Roanoke had certainly little to learn 
 in the way of politeness, when she had a mind to 
 
 * Amadas and Barlow's Narration, Hakluyt, vol. iii., p. 304.
 
 THE GOLDEN AGE IN CAROLINA. 51 
 
 exhibit it. But this indiscriminate praise shows 
 how Raleigh's agents were disposed to see all things 
 in the brightest hues. By their own accounts these 
 most kind and loving people, whose manners sug- 
 gested the golden age, had recently exemplified such 
 a high standard of virtue by inviting a number of 
 their enemies to a feast and barbarously massacring 
 them as they were praying before their idol. 
 "Their wars/' we are told, "are very cruel and 
 bloody, by reason whereof and of their civil dissen- 
 sions which have happened of late years amongst 
 them, the people are marvellously wasted, and in 
 some places the country left desolate." Something 
 like this is what the enchanting prospect of most 
 golden ages resolves itself into when seen too close ; 
 and our adventurers are not the first who have 
 formed their judgment of others mainly from the 
 treatment which they themselves have received at 
 their hands. 
 
 After thus spending a few weeks off the coast of 
 Carolina, and gaining some knowledge of the hun- 
 dred islands which lie along it, Amadas and Barlow 
 departed and made a short passage to England. 
 They had on board two of the natives, who, we 
 hope, came of their own free will, though from the 
 too common practice of early explorers we fear it 
 may have been otherwise. They brought home the 
 most favourable accounts of the resources and 
 beauties of the country, the name of which, as 
 they reported it, was Wingandacoa. Elizabeth, 
 entering into the enthusiasm aroused lay their 
 glowing descriptions, ordered it to be henceforth
 
 52 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 called Virginia, in allusion to her affected title of 
 the Virgin Queen ; and this name was long applied 
 generally to the central parts of the American sea- 
 board. 
 
 in. 
 
 Raleigh was now rich. The queen had granted 
 him a share of the forfeited lands of the Irish re- 
 bels, and, far more profitable, a monopoly of wines, 
 in which no vintner could now deal without paying 
 one pound to this lucky favourite. He had no diffi- 
 culty in finding poor men who were willing to be- 
 come rich, and who believed that they had little 
 more to do in Virginia than to open their hands 
 and let riches drop down into them. So next 
 spring he was able to send out seven ships under 
 the brave Sir Richard Grenville, with a colony of 
 about a hundred men, who proposed not so much 
 to make their home in the new country as to stay 
 there for the short time that, as they expected, 
 would be required for them to make their fortunes. 
 It was long before people came to understand that 
 neither fortunes nor colonies are to be made but by 
 patience and hard work. 
 
 After doing a little piracy against the Spaniards 
 on the way, as well as boldly visiting the Spanish 
 settlement of Hispaniola, where they were received 
 with suspicious courtesy, (being too strong for other 
 treatment,) and entertained by the spectacle of a 
 bull fight, Grenville 's fleet arrived about midsum- 
 mer at the island of Wocoken, on which Amadas 
 and Barlow had disembarked. One of the first
 
 QUARREL WITH THE NATIVES. 53 
 
 things done was to send word of their arrival to 
 Wingina, the chief of that part of the country, 
 and the English seem to have been again received 
 in a most friendly manner. The natives were eager 
 to get clothes from them, preferring coarse and 
 cheap ones to those of finer material, so that the 
 views of both parties to the bargain were easily 
 satisfied. The new comers confessed that the 
 accounts of the climate and productions of Vir- 
 ginia had not been exaggerated. Everything bid 
 fair for a prosperous settlement. 
 
 But before many days the cloud arose which was 
 to be the wreck of the colony. The muscular mis- 
 sionaries of Elizabeth professed always a great zeal 
 for propagating the Christian religion, but they too 
 commonly showed themselves ignorant of its true 
 spirit. Now began that long series of injuries and 
 revenges which caused so much blood to be shed 
 between the white and red men. The poor savages 
 may have often been cruel and deceitful ; they 
 knew no better. But it must be confessed that the 
 English have often been sadly in the wrong, even 
 when, with a show of reason, they gave the name 
 of justice to severities prompted by proud and hasty 
 resentment. 
 
 One of the Indians was said to have stolen a 
 silver cup, and when it was not returned on Gren- 
 ville's demand, nothing would serve the hot tem- 
 pered knight but burning the whole town and the 
 corn on which its inhabitants relied for their sup- 
 port. Before the end of August Sir Richard re- 
 turned to England with the ships, leaving this
 
 54 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 legacy of hatred to trouble the colony which re- 
 mained under the governorship of Ralph Lane. 
 
 This colony fixed themselves at Roanoke, one of 
 the northern islands of the archipelago, which then 
 had opposite it a channel opening through the outer 
 bank into the ocean, now quite choked up. From 
 this centre they explored in various directions, and 
 set off in search of the pearls and rich ore with 
 wonderful tales of which the Indians abused their 
 credulity; they were also led to believe that the 
 South Sea lay close at hand, over the swamps of 
 Carolina, none of them yet dreaming of the extent 
 of the continent on whose outskirts they found them- 
 selves. A party going on such a wild goose chase 
 were nearly starved, being reduced to keep Lent, 
 for it was that season of the year, by living on their 
 two mastiff dogs boiled with sassafras leaves, as the 
 Indians on either side fled before their approach, 
 taking away everything eatable. 
 
 Thus they were not long in finding out that 
 they could not afford to lose the friendship of the 
 natives. Their friend Granganimeo was now dead, 
 and his brother Wingina was by no means so well 
 disposed towards the settlers. This chief had re- 
 cently changed his name to Pemisapan ; it was very 
 common for the Indians to change their names, and 
 when we remember the difficulty that the English 
 must have had in catching the strange sounds of 
 their language we cannot be sure that we always 
 have these names correctly given. The awe inspired 
 by the white men was passing way. The small 
 and scattered tribes, knowing no other weapons than
 
 INDIAN PLOTS. 55 
 
 clubs and bows, had at first despaired of resistance 
 to them. An eclipse of the sun and a comet were 
 supposed to have heralded their coming ; the fact 
 that no women accompanied the party argued them 
 of more than earthly birth ; they were taken to be 
 immortal ; they were believed able to cause sickness 
 by shooting, like invisible spirits, in the air with 
 invisible bullets. But when the savages found that 
 their marvellous visitors were liable to hunger and 
 thirst as well as to the familiar passions of anger 
 and covetousness, they began to lose faith in their 
 supernatural character, and to see some possibility 
 of getting rid of them. To this end they proposed 
 to leave their own fields unsown, so that the English 
 might be able to get nothing from them, while they 
 themselves should retreat to the woods and live as 
 best they could by hunting. This plan was not 
 carried out, but Wingina alias Pemisapan is accused 
 of having conceived a bolder one. 
 
 If the story were true which was disclosed to Lane 
 by a native prisoner, this chief had made a conspi- 
 racy with the surrounding tribes, all accustomed to 
 cunning and surprises as their main mode of war- 
 fare ; and the plot had been so artfully laid that the 
 strangers might well have fallen victims to it. Be- 
 tween April and July they were in the greatest 
 need, the corn which they had planted not yet being 
 ripe. During this season the Indians proposed by 
 all kinds of excuses to keep them ill furnished 
 with provisions, while they treacherously destroyed 
 the weirs which they had previously made to supply 
 the settlers with fish. This would cause them to
 
 56 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 disperse over the island in search of food, while 
 various native tribes were to assemble secretly or on 
 pretence of performing the customary funeral rites 
 for Ensenore, the king's father, in whom the Eng- 
 lish had just lost another friend. Then in the dead 
 of night overwhelming numbers were silently to sur- 
 round the cabins that the colonists had constructed 
 for themselves. The reeds with which these were 
 thatched might be easily set on fire after the hot 
 dry weather, and the occupants would be knocked 
 on the head as they rushed forth to escape the 
 flames which were to be the signal of a general 
 massacre. The rest, scattered in small parties, might 
 also be taken at advantage and slaughtered. 
 
 Lane believed this story, and resolved to be be- 
 forehand with the savages in their design of mas- 
 sacre. He seems to have been one of those men 
 who confound violence with vigour, and prefer to 
 trust to the chance of a heroic operation rather than 
 to the more difficult measures of patient skill. So, 
 sending before him a false message that another 
 fleet had arrived from England and that he wished 
 to buy provisions, he marched off to the native king 
 and found him attended by seven or eight of the 
 inferior chiefs. At the most inappropriate signal, 
 " Christ our victory ! " given by the governor, the 
 English fell upon the whole court and killed them 
 with their pistols and other weapons. 
 
 But this victory was of little avail to the colony. 
 They would now have the Indians as open instead 
 of secret enemies, and could get no more supplies 
 from them without fighting. They had been scarcely
 
 ARRIVAL OF DRAKE. 57 
 
 a year in the country, and already the fair prospects 
 with which they entered upon their undertaking 
 were overcast. No gold and silver had been 
 found as they expected, but plenty of hardships and 
 privations on which they had not reckoned. It had 
 been promised that fresh supplies from England 
 would reach them before Easter ; but Easter was 
 passed, and no aid came. They took themselves for 
 deserted by their countrymen, and lost all heart ; it 
 seemed their sad fate to pass their lives in this bar- 
 barous country, where it was all they could do to 
 get food to keep themselves alive from day to day. 
 But as they gave themselves up to such dejected 
 moods, news came that a large fleet was approaching 
 the coast. 
 
 Instantly the colonists were on the alert. Was 
 this an expedition of the Spaniards, who might at 
 any time be expected to interfere with English 
 settlements in the dominions claimed by them ? 
 But to their great joy it proved to be the fleet of 
 their countryman Sir Francis Drake, returning home 
 from the West Indies, where he had been giving 
 the Spaniards enough to do to look after their own 
 possessions. 
 
 Drake behaved most generously to the unfortu- 
 nate colonists. He offered to leave them not only 
 ample supplies from his own stores, but a ship in 
 which they might quit the country when they 
 pleased. But a storm came to interfere with this 
 arrangement. The ship destined for them was 
 driven out to sea ; the harbour was shown to be an 
 unsafe one ; the colonists were thoroughly sick of
 
 58 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTER^. 
 
 their undertaking, and in short they asked Drake 
 to take them home with him, which he did, arriv- 
 ing in Portsmouth after a passage of five weeks. 
 
 No sooner were they gone than the ship sent out 
 by Raleigh with stores, which was expected before 
 Easter, came just too late, and after seeking them 
 in vain returned to England. And a fortnight 
 later came Sir Richard Grenville, with three more 
 ships, and made the same bootless search. He left 
 fifteen* men on the island of Roanoke, and they 
 must have been bold men, to keep possession of it. 
 Then he also returned home, not without visiting 
 the Azores, and doing a good stroke of piracy to 
 pay for the expense of his voyage. In the same 
 sea a few years later, this " man very unquiet in his 
 mind and greatly affected to war " was to die as 
 fiercely as he had lived, ordering his ship to be 
 blown up with its last barrel of powder rather than 
 that it should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. 
 
 IV. 
 
 It is said that a colonial settler seldom begins to 
 make money till he has lost all that he took out 
 with him. Something like this was the case of our 
 early colonies; they only prospered after hard 
 experience. It is well that there were found such 
 men as Raleigh and Gilbert to spend their lives and 
 fortunes upon the waste places from which posterity 
 has reaped such abundant fruits. 
 
 The settlement of Virginia was still to be begun 
 
 * Smith says fifty, in which he seems to be wrong. 
 General Historic of Virginia.
 
 INDUCEMENTS TO EMIGRATE. 59 
 
 all over again. As yet the only result of so much 
 expenditure had been the introduction into England 
 of two plants used by the Indians, which are now 
 common features of our daily life, tobacco and pota- 
 toes. Sir Walter Raleigh has the credit of being one 
 of the first English smokers of a weed which was 
 then supposed to have excellent medicinal effects. 
 " Taking tobacco " in silver pipes soon became the 
 fashion, and the fashion spread gradually among all 
 ranks. There are many ludicrous stories of the 
 astonishment with which simple rustics saw men 
 breathing out smoke and flames, and naturally took 
 them for conjurors or worse. 
 
 But though many of the returned emigrants 
 sought to excuse their desertion of the country by 
 spreading unfavourable reports about it, there were 
 others, and notably Thomas Hariot, a talented 
 mathematician, who were better able to estimate its 
 riches only awaiting development, and who urged 
 that with time, industry, and prudence a colony could 
 not fail to be in the end successful. Hariot wrote a 
 faithful account of the produce and characteristics 
 of Virginia, which showed reasonable men that this 
 failure had been the fault only of inexperience and 
 bad judgment. It could not be denied that the 
 settlers had found it healthy ; in all their hardships 
 no more than four had died, and these four had gone 
 out in bad health. With so little risk there was the 
 chance of so much profit ; Raleigh offered at least 
 five hundred acres to any man who would join in 
 the adventure. This soil thus going almost a 
 begging was in parts very fertile ; two tall crops of
 
 60 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 Indian corn were known to be raised in one sum- 
 mer ; and those who had penetrated into the interior 
 of the country reported it even more desirable. So 
 next year the lord proprietor was able to send out a 
 hundred and fifty persons under a governor named 
 John White; and this time it seemed that they 
 meant settling in earnest, for they were accom- 
 panied by women and children. 
 
 Ealeigh intended these emigrants to have been 
 landed on the more favoured shores of Chesapeake 
 Bay, where the wedge of colonisation was at last 
 successfully driven in. But the best part of the 
 summer was wasted in crossing the Atlantic, and 
 the commander of their ships, with whom they seem 
 to have got upon bad terms, refused to take them 
 farther than the island of Roanoke, to which they 
 first repaired to seek the fifteen men left by Gren- 
 ville. They only found the bones of one. The fort 
 and houses built by Lane were overgrown with 
 weeds and gourds, among which deer were peace- 
 fully feeding. All was silence and desolation. By 
 means of Manteo, one of the savages brought away 
 by the first party, who had ever since remained 
 faithful to the English, they learned that all fifteen 
 had been set upon and slain by the remnants of 
 Wingina's tribe, in revenge for the death of their 
 chiefs. The murder of one of the newly arrived 
 party proved this hatred not yet extinct, and the 
 first thing the settlers did was to proceed to re- 
 venge in their turn, but in their haste for blood 
 they made an unfortunate mistake, which is thus 
 narrated.
 
 A MASSACRE BY MISTAKE. 61 
 
 " In the morning, so early that it was yet dark, 
 we landed near the dwelling place of our enemies, 
 and very secretly conveyed ourselves through the 
 woods to that side where we had their houses 
 between us and the water ; and having espied their 
 fire and some sitting about it, we presently set on 
 them. The miserable souls herewith amazed fled 
 into a place of thick reeds growing fast by, where 
 our men perceiving them shot one of them through 
 the body with a bullet, and therewith we entered 
 the reeds, among which we hoped to acquite their 
 evil doing towards us. But we were deceived, for 
 these savages were our friends, and were come from 
 Croatoan to gather the corn and fruit of that place, 
 because they understood our enemies were fled 
 immediately after they had slain George Howe, and 
 for haste had left all their corn, tobacco and pom- 
 pions standing in such sort that all had been de- 
 voured of the birds and deer if it had not been 
 gathered in time. But they had like to have paid 
 dearly for it ; for it was so dark that, they being 
 naked, and their men and women appareled all so 
 like others, we knew not but that they were all 
 men ; and if that one of them which was a Wero- 
 wance's wife had not had a child at her back, she 
 had been slain instead of a man ; and as hap was, 
 another savage knew Master Stafford, and ran to 
 him, calling him by his name, whereby he was saved. 
 Finding ourselves thus disappointed in our purpose, 
 we gathered all the corn, peas, pompions and to- 
 bacco that we found ripe, leaving the rest unspoiled, 
 and took Menatoan, his wife, with the young child
 
 62 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 and the other savages with us over the water to 
 Roanoke. Although the mistaking of these savages 
 somewhat grieved Manteo, yet he imputed their 
 harm to their own folly, saying to them that if their 
 Werowances had kept their promise in coming to 
 the governor at the day appointed, they had not 
 known that mischance."* 
 
 This was scarcely the way to secure the affections 
 of the natives. Yet it was a constant complaint 
 that the poor Indians were backward in accepting 
 the lessons of Christianity, so well taught them by 
 precept and example ! 
 
 Manteo was now christened and gratified with 
 the title of Lord of Eoanoke. A few days later 
 there was another christening of the first child born 
 of English parents in America, a grand-daughter of 
 the governor, who was named after the country, 
 VIRGINIA Dare. 
 
 The tale of the governor, so far as it relates to 
 his companions, soon comes to an end. They seem 
 to have been well satisfied with their prospects, for 
 when it was decided that some one should return 
 to England to represent their need of further as- 
 sistance, it was difficult to find any who would 
 consent to go. Finally, which appears a strange 
 step, the governor himself, at the general request, 
 reluctantly agreed to be their messenger, and after 
 they had given him a solemn assurance that his 
 property should be respected in his absence, he took 
 a passage home in the fleet little more than a month 
 
 * Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. iii., p. 345.
 
 THE SPANISH ARMADA. 63 
 
 after his arrival, leaving the rest to establish them- 
 selves in the town which, when built, was to receive 
 the name of Raleigh. 
 
 John White duly arrived at home before the end 
 of the year, but he found his countrymen with their 
 hands full of work that made it impossible for them 
 to attend to wants of his far off colony. The Span- 
 ish Armada was now being equipped, and England 
 was straining every nerve to defend its very exist- 
 ence as an independent power. Every ship and 
 sailor was needed for the running fight in the 
 Channel during the last week of July 1588, on the 
 issues of which hung such momentous consequences 
 for the New as well as the Old World. It may be 
 that to the heroes of that great fight and to the 
 propitious winds which, as they doubted not, 
 Heaven had sent to their aid, we owe it that to-day 
 London is not the chosen home of tyranny and 
 priestcraft, that rugged Massachusetts is centuries 
 in advance of rich Peru, and that the American re- 
 public is other than the bankrupt states of the 
 Pampas. 
 
 The storm came and burst upon our shores, and 
 at last the nation could breathe freely. But it was 
 not till the spring of 1590 that John White was 
 able to come with three ships to the aid of his 
 colony, which might by this time have perished 
 with his daughter and his infant grandchild. He 
 might have been expected to make all haste, yet 
 his ships hung about the West Indies for the best 
 part of the summer, playing the privateer among 
 the Spaniards, an irresistible temptation to English
 
 64 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 sailors of the period. The weather also was against 
 them; and it was nearly five months before they 
 anchored off the banks of Carolina, and saw a great 
 smoke rising in the island of Roanoke, which put 
 them in good hope that their friends were still 
 there and might be joyfully listening to the guns 
 with which they announced their long delayed 
 coming. 
 
 The ships remained riding at anchor two miles 
 off that dangerous coast with its shoals and irre- 
 gular soundings. Next morning in a gale of wind 
 two boats made for the inlet through which Roan- 
 oke was to be reached. One of them crossed the 
 bar in safety with no worse mischance than a 
 wetting ; but the other, badly steered, was upset, 
 and seven of the crew were drowned in spite of 
 all that could be done to save them. This so dis- 
 heartened the seamen that they were for abandon- 
 ing the search for the colonists ; and when at last 
 they were induced to go on, so much time had been 
 lost that it was nignt before they came to Roanoke 
 and too dark to let them find the site of the plant- 
 ation. A great fire was seen burning in the woods 
 at the north end of the island, to which they rowed 
 and sounded on a trumpet many tunes of familiar 
 English songs, but without getting any answer to 
 their cries and calls. When they landed at day- 
 break they found the fire to proceed from some 
 burning grass and rotten wood, but none of their 
 friends were to be seen, and no signs of habitation 
 except the print of naked feet of the Indians upon 
 the sand. Crossing the island to the fort, they
 
 A DESERTED SETTLEMENT. 65 
 
 found it empty. The palisades were still standing, 
 but the houses had been pulled down. In the 
 enclosure were lying shot, cannon, bars of iron and 
 pigs of lead, overgrown with grass and weeds. 
 Close by they came upon a place where several 
 chests had been hidden and dug up, their contents 
 being now destroyed and scattered about, no doubt 
 by the rude hands of the natives. Part of this 
 property the governor had the vexation of recognis- 
 ing as his own, left there in 1587; his books torn 
 from the covers, the frames of some of his pictures 
 and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and his 
 armour almost eaten through with rust. 
 
 But there was one cheering sign in this scene of 
 desolation. On leaving for England, White had 
 arranged with the colonists that if they found it 
 desirable to leave Roanoke, they should carve upon 
 some tree the name of the place to which they 
 removed. A cross was to be added as a sign that 
 they had been in distress. No cross was now to 
 be seen, but on one of the largest posts at the 
 entrance were cut the letters CROATOAN. To the 
 island of Croatoan then they must have removed, 
 and as this was the abode of Manteo there was 
 reason to trust that they were among friends. 
 
 John White's narrative says little about his own 
 feelings, but he must have been a strange father 
 and a bad governor if he were not most anxious 
 and impatient to rejoin his old comrades when now 
 so near to their probable place of abode. It was 
 indeed agreed to go next day to Croatoan. But 
 the weather grew worse and worse ; victuals were
 
 56 THE FIRST ENGLISH PLANTERS. 
 
 running short ; the sailors found a difficulty in get- 
 ting water on board through the rough breakers; 
 out of four anchors the largest ship lost three, and 
 was nearly driven on shore. These dangers seemed 
 to warn them no longer to remain on this inhospit- 
 able coast. It was agreed that they should go to 
 the West Indies for supplies and should spend the 
 winter among these islands, picking up what they 
 could in the way of trade or piracy, then return 
 next spring to visit their countrymen, who, as they 
 hoped, were safely settled in Virginia. 
 
 So, making no further effort for the discovery of 
 the colony, they sailed away. Again the weather 
 changed their plans, and they thought it best to 
 run upon the wind for England, since it was too 
 violent to let them work another course. On the 
 way they fell in with an English fleet waiting to 
 attack the Spanish ships coming home from the 
 isthmus of Darien, and the mariners who were so 
 little concerned about White's colony were very 
 ready to take a share in this business. The ships 
 made for Europe, spreading themselves over the 
 coasts of Spain and Portugal, like a cloud of sea 
 vultures hovering where prey might be expected. 
 To rob Spaniards was now the height of patriotism, 
 and many was the good galleon whose treasures in 
 these days came to Plymouth when they had been 
 shipped for Cadiz or San Lucar. 
 
 What must have been the feelings of the little 
 colony, if from some retreat among the islands they 
 saw the ships sailing away ! Never again were 
 they to see the face of their countrymen. It may
 
 THE FATE OF THE COLONY. 67 
 
 be that they had already perished of want or by 
 massacre ; perhaps they had made their way inland 
 and were lost in the vast continent. Several at- 
 tempts were made to find them ; and Raleigh, after 
 he had given up his design of colonising Virginia, 
 spent much of his own money on this object, but in 
 vain. It has been conjectured that, believing them- 
 selves abandoned, they were received into a tribe of 
 the natives, whose descendants have been thought 
 to show marks of European blood. But the fate of 
 little Virginia Dare and her companions is buried 
 in mystery. No certain trace of them was ever 
 found beyond the ruins of the fort where English 
 civilization had again failed to gain a footing on the 
 shores of America.
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 THUS far, the attempts to colonise Virginia have been 
 like a fire lighted among a heap of green sticks, 
 where it flashes up, splutters, smoulders and dies out 
 with a little thin smoke, leaving only a few charred 
 marks, soon to be hidden by moss and mould. We 
 now come to the story of a man through whose dili- 
 gence and ability it seems to have mainly happened 
 that the flame, again kindled, was able to take 
 firmer hold, and after many doubtful struggles with 
 adverse conditions at last made head against them, 
 and gathering fresh strength as it grew, began 
 from this nucleus to spread its wholesome power 
 through rank forests and rotting swamps. 
 
 It is surprising that the life of John Smith should 
 be so little known in proportion to his merits and 
 achievements. A former generation was familiar 
 with the old chap-book tale which dwelt with such 
 gusto upon his fight with the terrible Turk, Bonny 
 Mulgro, and his unexpected good fortune when 
 already in the hands of Powhatan's executioners. 
 But probably half of his young countrymen, who 
 nowadays so greedily devour fictitious narratives 
 of absurd and impossible adventures, have never 
 even heard the name of this hero ; and nine out of
 
 JOHN SMITH'S STORY. 69 
 
 ten of them are unacquainted with the story of his 
 wonderful career, abounding as it does in incidents 
 more strange than fiction. So strange indeed are 
 some parts of this record, that it is hard to believe 
 they can be true ; certainly no inventions could be 
 more dramatic and exciting. In America, where he 
 is a more familiar name, there appears a disposition 
 to exalt his claims as a romancer at the expense of 
 his credit as an historian. This sceptical age, 
 which laughs at the tableau of Alfred and the 
 cakes, which makes a popular myth of William Tell's 
 great shot, and which even disbelieves that Welling- 
 ton at Waterloo cried " Up guards and at them ! " 
 is now asked to give up its faith in the most cele- 
 brated and striking feature of Smith's career. 
 Matter of fact writers are found to give us reasons 
 for treating with suspicion his own account of his 
 rescue by Pocahontas, hitherto received as one of 
 the effective scenes of history. But there is so little 
 twilight in American annals that we cannot desire 
 to abate our respect for this touching episode, and 
 are not willing to inquire too closely how much it 
 owes to the kindled imagination of the gallant 
 adventurer. The man having undoubtedly gone 
 through so many moving incidents and done so 
 much real work, it seems hard to grudge him a 
 little play of fancy in purely personal affairs. And 
 in matters relating to the colony with the foundation 
 of which his fame is identified, we may in the main 
 accept his own narrative, written and published 
 during the lifetime of many who were best able 
 and by no means unwilling to correct him.
 
 70 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 Our hero was evidently of a romantic disposition. 
 We can guess that at the free schools of Alf ord and 
 Louth he had often to smart for neglecting gram- 
 mar and grave history to pore over the black-letter 
 volume containing the "ancient, honourable, famous 
 and delightful history of Huon of Bourdeaux," or 
 the good old rhyme of Sir Bevis of Southampton, as 
 well as the new narratives of travel which were be- 
 ginning to supplant these chivalrous stories in their 
 power of inflaming the imagination of daring youth. 
 He surely had his head a little turned by the former 
 class of literature when he built himself a pavilion 
 of boughs in the Lincolnshire woods, and lived 
 there in solitude, amusing himself by hunting and 
 tilting at a ring. And it must be confessed that 
 some of the early adventures which he narrates are 
 fashioned quite upon the conventional patterns of 
 chivalrous romance. He goes to the East and fights 
 the Turks ; overthrows three redoubtable champions 
 successively in single tourney ; is taken prisoner and 
 favoured by the Turkish princess, Tragabigzanda, 
 according to the received precedents of Esclarmonde 
 and Josyan ; is equally ill treated by her brother 
 the bashaw, whom of course he kills and in due 
 time escapes back to Christendom. All this is just 
 what we should expect in a fictitious tale by such a 
 writer, so that we are sometimes inclined to ask if 
 the worthy captain may not have confused his actual 
 experiences with the dreams of his youth. Certainly 
 his account of his early life savours much of that 
 kind of romance which the author of Don Quixote 
 was about to explode, and to the general neglect of
 
 A PRACTICAL ROMANCER. 71 
 
 which Smith himself contributed so much by open- 
 ing out a new field of real adventures as exciting as 
 the absurd ones of chivalric fiction. 
 
 The age of chivalry had long been passing into 
 the realms of imagination, and though this youth/ s 
 character had a vein of romantic sentiment, it was 
 mainly in harmony with the spirit of practical enter- 
 prise which now began to influence active minds. 
 In his tourney under the walls of Regall, when, " the 
 ramparts all beset with fair dames and men in arms/' 
 the champions galloped into the lists to the sound of 
 hautboys, the fighting is done with lances, battle- 
 axes, and pistols. Gunpowder had put an end to 
 the resistless prowess of Lancelot and Amadis. 
 John Smith, in his hermitage, no longer reads the 
 "Arbre des Batailles " with its long winded precepts 
 and institutions of chivalry, but Machiavelli's "Art 
 of War." Beset by the Indians he challenges their 
 chief, perhaps with a reminiscence of the famous 
 story of Eoland and Oliver, to decide their quarrel 
 upon an island by single combat with equal arms ; 
 but with an eye to business in the needy state of 
 his colony he proposes that the adversary shall 
 bring baskets of corn, against which he shall stake 
 the value in copper, and " our game shall be, the 
 conqueror take all." 
 
 Even in youth his head was as full of resources 
 and stratagems as of adventurous fancies. At 
 the siege of Olympagh he contrived a system of 
 telegraphing by torches, such as he may have read 
 of in the classics during his school days, and such 
 as is now proposed to be adapted to the Morse
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 alphabet; spelling out letters by alternately showing 
 and hiding the lights, he communicated to the gar- 
 rison how they might second the efforts of the re- 
 lieving force. In the night attack which followed 
 he suggested that some thousand pieces of lighted 
 match might be stretched upon strings, so as to be 
 taken by the enemy for so many musketeers, and 
 thus to distract their attention. Again, we find him 
 employed to " put in practice his fiery dragons," by 
 filling earthen pots with gunpowder and covering 
 them with an inflammable paste thickly stuck with 
 bullets, which were then set on fire and thrown by 
 slings over the walls of a besieged city, wherever a 
 throng of people was supposed to be, whose lament- 
 able cries soon testified to the terror and confusion 
 spread by these bombs. Another contrivance of 
 fastening wildfire on the points of lances in a night 
 attack shows him to have had a special talent for 
 what he calls " fireworks," which should have gained 
 for him among the Turks much the same reputation 
 as that contemporary soldier of fortune, Guy Fawkes, 
 bears among Protestants. But he was a stout fighter 
 as well as a schemer. Wherever he took service, he 
 seems to have been found a useful recruit. As a 
 soldier, a sailor, a slave, and a traveller, he kept his 
 eyes about him, and learned to turn his hand to what- 
 ever might be doing. This was the very man to be 
 the founder of a colony. 
 
 Of one craft he scarcely became a master in his 
 wanderings, that of authorship. "I confess," he 
 says, " my hand, though able to wield a weapon 
 among the barbarous, yet well may tremble in hand-
 
 "FIGHTER AND WRITER." 73 
 
 ling a pen among so many judicious." The work 
 published under his name as a " General History of 
 Virginia " is a compilation, to the various parts of 
 which he stood sometimes in the relation of author, 
 sometimes of editor ; and it is marked throughout 
 by a want of clearness and proportion, which, along 
 with the looseness of spelling and punctuation that 
 were characteristic of the time, make it often diffi- 
 cult to get at the meaning. We find constantly, 
 however, in his writings racy, downright phrases, 
 full of rough strength, which give us the impression 
 of a man who had decided opinions, and a way of 
 speaking out his mind that could not have been 
 very pleasant to those who disagreed with him. 
 Strokes of humour are not wanting; and though 
 he tells us that the " style of a soldier is not eloquent, 
 but honest and justifiable," he occasionally rises into 
 a strain of fine writing. For example, let us take 
 a passage from the memoirs of his early life. 
 
 " The Sunne no sooner displayed his beames than 
 the Tartar his colours ; where at midday he stayed 
 a while, to see the passage of tyrannicall and treach- 
 erous imposture, till the earth did blush with the 
 bloud of honesty, that the sunne for shame did hide 
 himselfe from so monstrous sight of a cowardly 
 calamity. It was a most brave sight to see the ban- 
 ners and ensignes streaming in the aire, the glitter- 
 ing of Armour, the variety of colours, the motion of 
 plumes, the forrests of lances, and the thicknesse 
 of shorter weapons, till the silent expedition of the 
 bloudy blast from the murdering Ordnance, whose 
 roaring voice is not so soone heard, as felt by the
 
 74 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 aymed at object, which made among them a most 
 lamentable slaughter." 
 
 These highflown figures are of course after the 
 taste of the period in which the author of "Euphues" 
 set the example of an extravagant and conceited 
 style, that now raises a smile where once it called 
 forth the warmest admiration. It is only what one 
 would expect of Smith. He was eminently a man 
 of his age, of the age which was passing away rather 
 than of that which, in his latter days, was opening 
 on England. In spirit he was akin to the worthies 
 of Elizabeth's reign, who went their way to heaven 
 with a clear eye upon earth, believed sturdily in 
 beef and beer, and thought no shame to hate 
 Spaniards, papists, and cowards. The moral feel- 
 ings of such a man were of the instinctive rather 
 than the self-conscious kind ; prudence, diligence, 
 and discipline filled a larger place in his regard 
 than refined sentiments; his conscience was not 
 over scrupulous when loyal service or profitable 
 business was in question. Though he might have 
 a keen eye for a fool or a hypocrite, he was content, 
 on the whole, to take his orders from the prince and 
 his faith from the bishop. Like Parson Adams, he 
 would have made very little difference between an 
 atheist and a dissenter, but formed his conduct on the 
 Church of England Catechism, feeling no vocation 
 but to do his duty, as he understood it, in that state 
 of life into which it had pleased Heaven to call him. 
 It followed that he had little sympathy with the 
 earnestness of the new party who wei*e already 
 beginning to agitate reforms in religion and poli-
 
 BIRTH AND EDUCATION. 75 
 
 tics. Towards the end of his life we shall find him 
 laughing in his sleeve at the Pilgrim Fathers, whom 
 he took for a set of half crazy fanatics, and pro- 
 phesied their failure, for want of comprehending the 
 higher aims which were their strength. But so 
 far as the right was plain to him, he would do it 
 with all his might, and stands for a good repre- 
 sentative of that school of muscular Christians who 
 are such excellent and useful fellows in their way, 
 except when they take to trumpeting their own 
 merits and abusing their more richly gifted and 
 more subtly tempted neighbours. He was at least 
 the very man to lead a forlorn hope of colonization 
 into the perilous wilderness ; and we cannot but 
 choose him for the central figure of this part of our 
 story. 
 
 John Smith was born of a respectable family at 
 Willoughby, in Lincolnshire, in 1579. The first thing 
 we hear of him is just what we might expect, that 
 at the age of thirteen he sold his satchel and books 
 with the view of running away to sea. This inten- 
 tion was prevented by the death of his father, who 
 seems to have left him some small property, which, 
 however, was taken such good care of by his guard- 
 ians that he could find no means of indulging his 
 roving disposition, except by becoming apprentice 
 to a merchant at Lynn. But the drudgery of a 
 counting house was not what he had bargained for; 
 and when he found that the merchant did not send 
 him at once to sea, "he never saw his master in 
 eight years after," as he puts it in his biography. 
 At last he contrived to get to France in the train of
 
 76 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 a young nobleman. At Havre lie " first began to 
 learn the life of a soldier " but peace being con- 
 cluded in that kingdom, he served for three or four 
 years in the Low Countries, and thence passed to 
 Scotland, where he had some reason to hope for the 
 favour of King James. That monarch, however, 
 had little regard for men of Smith's stamp, and he 
 himself had not " money nor means to make him a 
 courtier "; so we soon find him back in Lincolnshire, 
 living in the woods as a hermit, with a touch of the 
 poacher, to the great wonder of the neighbourhood. 
 A noble Italian gentleman, in the service of 
 the Earl of Lincoln, drew him from this retire- 
 ment to reside at Tattershall for a time, and 
 no doubt kindled his mind with such descriptions 
 of foreign countries that he was soon " desirous 
 to see more of the world, and try his fortune 
 against the Turks." He travelled through the 
 south of Europe, and met with many adventures ; 
 among others, being thrown overboard by a fanati- 
 cal rabble of pilgrims, who hated him as a Pro- 
 testant and an Englishman, and declared they could 
 have no fine weather while this Jonah was their 
 fellow passenger. They also accused the English 
 of being all pirates ; and, indeed, Smith seems now 
 to have had a turn at something which looks very 
 like piracy, from which he gained five hundred 
 sequins and other booty. After a visit to Italy he 
 repaired to Vienna, and offered himself to fight the 
 Turks in Transylvania, where his services were so 
 distinguished that he says Prince Sigismund of 
 that country rewarded him with a coat of arms
 
 SENT INTO SLAVERY. 77 
 
 bearing three Turks' heads, his portrait in gold, 
 and a pension of three hundred ducats. But the 
 Christian army being routed at the battle of Rot- 
 tenton, he was wounded, taken prisoner, and sold 
 for a slave to a certain Bashaw Bogall, who sent 
 him to Constantinople as a present for his mistress, 
 Tragabigzanda, pretending that he was a Bohemian 
 lord conquered by his own hand. Smith narrates 
 that this lady treated him with great kindness, and 
 sent him to her brother, Timor, the Bashaw of Nal- 
 brits in Grim Tartary, that he might learn their 
 language and customs, with the hope of obtaining 
 her hand when " time made her master of herself." 
 There seems, however, to have been a misunder- 
 standing somewhere, for the bashaw behaved to his 
 captive with the utmost rigour, placing him among 
 his other slaves, where, as the last comer, he became 
 " slave of slaves to them all." 
 
 After enduring this kind of life for a time, and 
 making many curious observations on the customs 
 of this little known country, the ancient Scythia, he 
 was employed as a thresher, and one day the bashaw 
 " took occasion so to beat, spurn, and revile him that, 
 forgetting all reason, he beat out the Timor's brains 
 with his threshing bat, for they have no flails ; and, 
 seeing his estate could be no worse than it was, 
 clothed himself in his clothes, hid his body under 
 the straw, filled his knapsack with corn, shut the 
 door, mounted his horse, and ran into the desert at 
 all adventure." He was fortunate enough to reach 
 safely the boundaries of Russia, and passed on to 
 Transylvania, where he was received with kindness by
 
 78 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 his old brothers in arms, and with substantial marks 
 of favour by Prince Sigismund. He now travelled 
 through Germany, France, and Spain, till, " being 
 thus satisfied with Europe and Asia, understanding 
 of the wars in Barbary," like a true soldier of for- 
 tune he repaired to the north of Africa. These wars 
 being ended, he went on board a ship of war "to try 
 other conclusions at sea/' and we have a lively de- 
 scription of a fight with the Spaniards in which he 
 took part. At .last he returned to England, still a 
 young man, but as full of enterprise as of expe- 
 rience ; and of course such a man could not long 
 escape the influence of the loadstone which was so 
 powerfully attracting the adventurous spirits of the 
 day. In 1606 he sailed for Virginia. 
 
 This part of the world had by no means been lost 
 sight of in England during the fifteen years that 
 had elapsed since the mysterious disappearance of 
 White's colony. Sir Walter Ealeigh indeed, after 
 spending forty thousand pounds on the work which 
 he had so much at heart, had given it up and 
 assigned his rights to a company which, in these 
 troubled times, had not been able to carry on the 
 execution of his plans. Now Raleigh was in the 
 Tower, conceiving those wild fancies of a golden city 
 in South America that were to balance the new 
 king's cupidity against his hatred of the imprisoned 
 hero, and to bring a stormy sunset at the end of his 
 varied life. But his friends Hakluyt and Hariot 
 were by their publications spreading a knowledge of 
 the more sure if less dazzling gains to be drawn 
 from Virginia ; and now that peace prevailed under
 
 THE LONDON AND PLYMOUTH COMPANIES. 79 
 
 a mean spirited and narrow minded monarch, who 
 was yet not without some perception of the welfare 
 of his people, funds and opportunity were found 
 for new attempts at colonisation. Several private 
 voyages for trade and discovery had been made, but 
 it was seen that a well sustained effort, on a larger 
 scale than private means would allow, was necessary 
 to plant a permanent settlement. 
 
 Fortunately the matter was taken up by men of 
 wealth and influence, such as Sir Ferdinand Gorges 
 and Sir John Popham, the Lord Chief Justice of Eng- 
 land. Two companies of "merchant adventurers" 
 were formed, at London and at Plymouth, in which 
 shares were taken by persons of all ranks. To these 
 companies King James granted a patent of colonisa- 
 tion for all the land lying between 34 and 45 of north 
 latitude, that is, the greater part of the seaboard of 
 the United States at the present day, having then 
 the French settlements on the north and Florida, 
 claimed by the Spaniards, on the south. The north- 
 ern half of this vast territory was apportioned to 
 the Plymouth company, that part of England having 
 most to do with the fisheries of Newfoundland. The 
 southern division of Virginia, by which name the 
 whole tract was then known, was granted to the 
 London adventurers; and it was provided that neither 
 body might plant within a hundred miles of the 
 other. Authority over both was in the hands of a 
 council in England, appointed by the king, who also 
 held supreme power over the local government of 
 each colony. The king was to have a share of what- 
 ever precious metals they might find, not to speak of
 
 So JOHN SMITH. 
 
 any honour that might accrue to him from their 
 doings under his auspices ; the companies were to 
 be at all the expense and trouble. In such an 
 arrangement we see no hint of the freedom and 
 hatred of privilege which now characterize the 
 United States ; but the selfish and stingy monarch 
 was doing more than he thought to foster republican 
 institutions. America owes little to the wisdom and 
 liberality of our sovereigns. 
 
 It was with the London colony that John Smith 
 cast in his lot, and we will now follow its fortunes 
 over the Atlantic. 
 
 n. 
 
 The expedition consisted of three ships, the 
 largest one of 100 tons, carrying about a hundred 
 men, of whom one half were " gentlemen." We 
 can imagine the sort of gentlemen they were : for 
 the most part useless younger sons, ruined spend- 
 thrifts, idle fellows too proud or too lazy to turn 
 their hands to any honest work at home. The 
 colonisers of these days made a mistake of which 
 the folly is not yet fully perceived ; they supposed 
 that " the New World could be planted with the 
 dregs of the Old." Very few of the number were 
 artisans such as an infant colony most required ; 
 and even those few were too much of the class who 
 " never did know what a day's work was," else they 
 would not have had cause to leave home. Among 
 the chief persons were Bartholomew Gosnold, who 
 had been the leader of a previous unsuccessful 
 expedition, Edward Wingfield, a merchant, John
 
 AN UNRULY BAND. 81 
 
 Smith, and Christopher Newport, an experienced 
 sailor, who was entrusted with the command of 
 the little fleet. But the council who were to 
 govern the colony were not commissioned from the 
 first ; their names were shut up in a little box, only 
 to be opened after landing in Virginia. This was 
 an unfortunate mistake, for the adventurers almost 
 immediately began to fall out, and were only 
 restrained from abandoning the enterprise through 
 the influence of a pious minister named Robert 
 Hunt, who accompanied them, and more than once 
 seems to have been able to calm their dissensions. 
 Men in these days, it must be remembered, were 
 accustomed to be governed by a strong arm and 
 well marked gradations of rank ; and this company, 
 containing so many bad characters, found itself in 
 novel circumstances without any authorized com- 
 manders and, worse than all, without occupation 
 throughout all the tediousness and discomforts of a 
 long sea voyage. 
 
 Six weeks they were delayed in the Downs by 
 bad weather; nearly three months were taken up in 
 sailing by way of the West Indies to the American 
 coast, which they at last began to despair of reaching, 
 and some were even proposing to turn back, when a 
 lucky storm prevented them and drove them in sight 
 of land. It is plain that John Smith during this time 
 had been speaking out the honest hatred of selfish- 
 ness and incompetence which marked him all along, 
 and had thus made himself enemies. He was accused 
 of being a mutineer and put under restraint ; worse 
 had almost befallen him. " Such factions here we 
 
 G
 
 82 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 had as commonly attend such voyages, that a pair 
 of gallows was made ; but Captain Smith, for whom 
 they were intended, could not be persuaded to make 
 use of them." When, as soon as they landed, the 
 box was opened, and he was found to be named as 
 one of the seven who were to compose the council, 
 he was nevertheless not allowed to take his place 
 among them ; and for some time still he remained 
 under the suspicion of conspiring to " usurp the 
 government, murder the council, and make himself 
 king," which probably means that he had a clear 
 idea of what ought to be done in their position, and 
 had no patience with the incapacity of those who 
 were unable or unwilling to do it. 
 
 On the 26th of April, 1607, the voyagers saw 
 with joy a line of white sandy downs and dark 
 pine woods, passed between the two points to which 
 they then gave the names of Cape Henry and Cape 
 Charles, in honour of the king's sons, anchored in 
 Chesapeake Bay, the " mother of waters," and were 
 delighted with the fair prospect of hills, rivers, 
 valleys, inlets, and islands by which they now 
 found themselves surrounded. " Heaven and earth 
 never agreed better to frame a place for man's 
 habitation," was their opinion after this long and 
 trying voyage., and they hastened to land among 
 " fair meadows and goodly tall trees." 
 
 It was, however, more than a fortnight before 
 they chose a beautiful situation for their settlement. 
 On the 13th of May they decided upon a small 
 peninsula, at high tides a complete island, on the 
 left bank and about fifty miles from the mouth of
 
 SETTLEMENT AT JAMESTOWN. 83 
 
 the Powhatan or James River, at this spot about 
 three miles broad and so deep near the shore that 
 ships could be moored to trees while riding in six 
 fathoms of water. This they christened Jamestown, 
 and at once took possession and went to work. 
 Wingfield was elected president. 
 
 Now for a time the emigrants plunged zealously 
 into their various occupations. Some cleared land 
 on which to pitch their tents ; some laid out gar- 
 dens ; some wove nets ; some made boards and 
 barrel staves, to freight the ships with on their 
 return to England. An old sail was stretched from 
 branch to branch, and underneath this awning they 
 sat daily upon fallen trunks while their minister read 
 prayers and sermons from behind a bar of wood 
 nailed between two trees by way of pulpit ; as yet 
 they had no time to make a better church. A 
 small expedition went up the river to examine it, 
 and visited Powhatan, the king of the country, who 
 had sent them a pacific message and presents. 
 Hitherto the natives had been on the whole friendly, 
 or at least indifferent ; but when this party returned, 
 they learned that an attack had been made on the 
 settlement while the men were working without 
 their arms, and might all have been slain, if a shot 
 from the ships crashing among the trees had not 
 terrified the ignorant savages. 
 
 This was a warning to look to their defences, 
 which the president was blamed for having ne- 
 glected. The fort, hitherto merely a half moon of 
 green branches, was now strengthened with pali- 
 sades ; the cannon that they had brought from
 
 84 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 England were mounted; the settlers were armed 
 and exercised, and learned to be cautious in strag- 
 gling through the woods, where every tree might 
 conceal an Indian, creeping among the shrubs like 
 a wild beast and out of reach almost as soon as his 
 arrow whizzed through the air. 
 
 It would have been well for the adventurers if their 
 foes had only been without the camp. Busy as they 
 were, they yet found time for dissensions. When they 
 had been a month at Jamestown, Captain Newport 
 returned to England with the ships, and some of 
 the chief men proposed to send back Smith as a 
 prisoner. He, however, took this occasion of in- 
 sisting that the accusations against him should be 
 brought to a head, and so well defended himself 
 and proved the malice of his enemies before a jury, 
 that he was not only triumphantly acquitted, but 
 Wingfield, the .president, was adjudged to pay him 
 heavy damages for slander, which Smith generously 
 gave up to the common stock. After this, through 
 the exertions of Mr. Hunt, a temporary reconciliation 
 was brought about ; they all received the commun- 
 ion together, and Smith was admitted as a member 
 of the council. Henceforth he began to take a 
 leading part in the affairs of the little colony, which 
 before long found itself in sore need of a clear head 
 and a bold spirit such as his. 
 
 The potentates of the council were presently by 
 the ears again, squabbling over kettles, whittles, 
 chickens, rations of peas and pork, and so forth. 
 The commonest articles of food became luxuries 
 which the authorities were angrily accused of en-
 
 DISCONTENT AND DISTRESS. 85 
 
 grossing to their own use. Unfortunately the situa- 
 tion of Jamestown was swampy, and sickness soon 
 began to prevail among the unseasoned settlers. 
 Now that Newport had left them they were re- 
 duced to a scanty allowance of spoiled grain, and 
 for a time could not go in search of better pro- 
 visions, for what with these evils, and the heat and 
 toil, at midsummer few of them were able to stand. 
 Many a settler since then has passed through the 
 misery of " chills and f ever," and will sympathise 
 with these first emigrants in the troubles under 
 which even Mark Tapley found it difficult to be 
 jolly. One of them* has left us a woeful tale of 
 their sufferings. 
 
 " For the most part they died of mere famine. 
 There were never Englishmen left in a foreign, 
 country in such misery as we were in this new dis- 
 covered Virginia. We watched every three nights 
 lying on the bare cold ground, what weather so- 
 ever came, warded all next day^ which brought our 
 men to be most feeble wretches. Our food was but 
 a small can of barley, sod in water, to five men a 
 day ; our drink cold water taken out of the river, 
 which was at a flood very salt, at a low tide full of 
 slime and filth, which was the destruction of many 
 of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five 
 months in this miserable distress, not having five 
 able men to man our bulwarks upon any occasion. 
 If it had not pleased God to have put a terror in 
 the savages' hearts, we had all perished by those 
 
 * Percy, in Purchas : vol. iv.
 
 86 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 wild and cruel pagans, being in that weak estate as 
 we were, our men night and day groaning in every 
 corner of the fort, most pitiful to hear; if there 
 were any conscience in men it would make their 
 hearts bleed to hear the pitiful murmurings and 
 outcries of our sick men, without relief every night 
 and day for the space of six weeks, some departing 
 out of the world, many times three or four in a 
 night, in the morning their bodies trailed out of the 
 cabins like dogs to be buried." 
 
 In this distress they turned against the president, 
 who, though a tract is extant in which he strongly 
 protests his innocence, was accused of dishonestly 
 using the public stores and of scheming to desert 
 his companions in misfortune. It is difficult to 
 ascertain the truth at the present day ; at all events 
 it seemed plain to the despairing community that 
 this should be the scapegoat. Wingfield was de- 
 posed, and in his place was elected Hatcliffe, a weak 
 and inactive man, who had the name of commander 
 while Smith seems to have done the real work. As 
 soon as the latter had shaken off his sickness he began 
 to stir up the rest to mow, to thatch, to build, "himseli 
 always bearing the greatest task for his own share, 
 so that in short time he provided most of them 
 lodgings, neglecting any for himself." He sailed 
 up and down the river, and scoured its banks in 
 search of supplies. As soon as he turned his back, 
 "all things were at random." Once some of the 
 colonists stole the pinnace, a small vessel of twenty 
 tons which had been left behind by Captain New- 
 port, and attempted to fly for England. Smith
 
 BETTER DAYS. 87 
 
 arriving unexpectedly fired upon them from the 
 fort, killed one of their leaders, and forced them 
 to return. 
 
 There was indeed some reason to be fainthearted. 
 Half of the little band died during the summer, 
 among them Bartholomew Gosnold, one of the origin- 
 ators of the expedition. The rest came near being 
 starved. For a time they lived on sturgeon and 
 shell fish; later, corn, venison and other supplies 
 were procured from the Indians, mainly through 
 Smith's exertions ; and in autumn the rivers be- 
 came covered with wild fowl, and the rich soil 
 yielded them fruit and vegetables in abundance. 
 These supplies and the approach of winter checked 
 for the time all thoughts of desertion, and Smith 
 now applied himself to explore the country of which 
 they had taken possession. And now came the 
 celebrated adventure that had such effect on the 
 fortunes of the colony. 
 
 He had ascended the river Chickahominy, running 
 into the James river from the left, some way above 
 the settlement. When his barge could go no 
 farther, he left her with orders to the crew not to 
 go on shore, which they disobeyed, and being 
 attacked by the Indians, narrowly escaped with the 
 loss of one of their number, who is said to have 
 been burned to death after frightful tortures. 
 Meanwhile Smith, accompanied by two English- 
 men and two Indians, made his way in a canoe to 
 the head of the stream; there he left three men 
 while he himself went to shoot in the marshes, 
 guided by one of the Indians, and unaware that
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 three hundred warriors were in search of him under 
 Opechancanough, one of the native kings or wero- 
 wances, who ever showed himself a bitter enemy of 
 the strangers. This party, directed by a fire which 
 the two Englishmen had lit beside the canoe, came 
 upon them sleeping and killed them both with 
 arrows. Their Indian companion no doubt led his 
 countryman upon the track of Smith, who soon 
 found himself attacked by overwhelming numbers. 
 
 But he was not to be easily overcome. With his 
 garter he tied his unwilling guide to his arm, and 
 used him as a shield, behind which he plied his 
 piece so well that the Indians durst not come to 
 close quarters with him, while he himself was only 
 slightly wounded by the arrows. Then he began to 
 retreat towards the boat, but keeping a better eye 
 on his enemies than on his feet, he soon slipped up to 
 the middle into a muddy creek, from which he was 
 unable to extricate himself. Even then, he says, the 
 Indians were afraid to come near him, till half frozen 
 he at last surrendered, throwing away his arms. 
 
 The Indians drew him out and took him to the 
 fire; where, beside the dead bodies of his com- 
 panions, they chafed his benumbed limbs. He had 
 now to look forward to torture and death ; but our 
 adventurer's course of life had been such that he 
 never failed to have his wits about him. He had 
 already picked up something of the language of 
 these people; and he asked to see their chief. 
 On being introduced to Opechancanough, he pre- 
 sented him with a round ivory compass, covered 
 with glass, which called forth the wonder of the
 
 Smith in the hands of the Indians. 
 
 rage
 
 IN THE HANDS OF THE INDIANS. 89 
 
 savages. He next proceeded to give them a short 
 scientific lecture, astronomical and geographical, 
 which probably they did not understand, but which 
 all the better answered his purpose of impressing 
 them with his character as a mysterious medicine 
 man. " Notwithstanding, within an hour after 
 they tied him to a tree, and as many as could stand 
 about him prepared to shoot him ; but the king 
 holding up the compass in his hand, they all laid 
 down their bows and arrows, and in a triumphant 
 manner led him to Orapaks, where he was after 
 their manner kindly feasted and well used." 
 
 He was conducted with great precautions, three 
 strong Indians holding him fast by each arm, and 
 six walking on each side with their arrows ready 
 fixed in their bows. When they thus arrived at 
 this native town, which consisted only of thirty or 
 forty wigwams made of mats, the women and 
 children came out to stare at him, and the warriors 
 proceeded to exhibit their accomplishments in a 
 fashion which they thought calculated to strike the 
 foreigner with awe and admiration. After per- 
 forming some military exercises they rushed into a 
 ring, in the midst of which stood the chief with 
 Smith and his guards, and began to dance round 
 him, screeching and yelling in a style that corre- 
 sponded with their fantastic appearance. Their 
 faces were painted with a mixture of oil and red 
 dye ; they were armed with clubs and bows ; their 
 clothes were the skins of beasts ; and on their heads 
 they carried a strange gear composed of such 
 ornaments as the dried skin of a bird with outspread
 
 90 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 wings, set out with shells, feathers, pieces of copper, 
 or the rattles of snakes. Having danced themselves 
 out of breath, they shut up their captive in one of 
 the houses, where he was guarded by no less than 
 thirty or forty of these formidable braves, and where 
 presently they brought him enough bread and veni- 
 son for twenty men. Next morning he was again 
 supplied on the same liberal scale, and he noticed 
 that none of them would eat with him, which made 
 him think that they were fattening him to eat him, 
 so that " his stomach at that time was not very good/' 
 He also suffered much from cold, the weather being 
 bitter frost and snow ; but an Indian whom he had 
 known before, and to whom he had given some 
 beads and other trifles, showed gratitude enough to 
 restore him his gown. 
 
 Six weeks he remained a captive. There seemed 
 to be no immediate intention of putting him to 
 death, and with his usual knack of making the best 
 of circumstances he kept his eyes about him, and 
 while watching for an opportunity of escape, made 
 careful observations of the customs and resources of 
 these unknown people. Savage-like they fancied 
 that he must be possessed of supernatural power; 
 so when he had been two or three days a prisoner, 
 they brought him to a dying man, whose father was 
 hardly prevented from killing him when he was 
 unable to cure the patient. Smith offered to do it 
 if they would allow him to go to Jamestown for a 
 medicine which he had there ; but this was a point 
 of credulity to which he could not bring his captors. 
 They informed him that they meant to attack the
 
 MAGIC AND MUMMERIES. 91 
 
 fort and offered him liberal rewards if he would 
 assist them. At last he persuaded them to send a 
 messenger with a leaf of paper torn out of a note- 
 book he happened to have about him, on which he 
 wrote to his companions, informing them of his 
 plight, warning them of the designs of the Indians, 
 and desiring them to leave an answer and some 
 things which he was in want of at a spot designated. 
 The answer and the articles required were accord- 
 ingly sent back, to the amazement of the Indians, 
 who took him with more certainty for a magician, 
 not understanding how the paper could speak. 
 They now led him about as a spectacle among the 
 tribes on the banks of the Rappahannock and 
 Potomac ; and when they returned to the chiefs 
 place of abode at Pamunkey, they ''entertained him" 
 with a specimen of what they could do in the way 
 of conjuring. He gives the following account of 
 the ceremony, which took place before their idol, to 
 whom he feared they meant to sacrifice him. 
 
 " Early in the morning a great fire was made in a 
 long house, and a mat was spread on the one side 
 as on the other ; on the one they caused him to sit, 
 and all the guard went out of the house, and pre- 
 sently came skipping in a great grim fellow, all 
 painted over with coal mingled with oil, and many 
 snakes' and weasels 5 skins stuffed with moss, and 
 all their tails tied together, so that they met on the 
 crown of his head in a tassel ; and round about the 
 tassel was as a coronet of feathers, the skins hanging 
 round about his head, back, and shoulders, and in a 
 manner covered his face ; with a hellish voice and
 
 92 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 a rattle in his hand. With most strange gestures 
 and passions he began his invocation, and environed 
 the fire with a circle of meal ; which done, three 
 more such like devils came rushing in with the like 
 antique tricks, painted half black, half red, but all 
 their eyes were painted white, and some re'd strokes 
 like Mutchato's along their cheeks; round about 
 him those fiends danced a pretty while, and then 
 came in three more as ugly as the rest, with red 
 eyes and white strokes over their black faces ; at 
 last they all sat down right against him, three of 
 them on the one hand of the chief priest, and three 
 of them on the other. Then all with their rattles 
 began a song, which ended, the chief priest laid 
 down five wheat corns ; then straining his arms and 
 hands with such violence that he sweat and his 
 veins swelled, he began a short oration ; at the con- 
 clusion they all gave a short groan, and then laid 
 down three grains more. After that, began their 
 song again, and then another oration, ever laying 
 down so many corns as before, till they had twice 
 encircled the fire ; that done, they took a bunch of 
 little sticks prepared for that purpose, continuing 
 still their devotion, and at the end of every song 
 and oration they laid down a stick betwixt the di- 
 visions of corn. Till night, neither he nor they did 
 eat or drink, and then they feasted merrily with the 
 best provisions they could make. Three days they 
 used this ceremony, the meaning whereof they told 
 him was to know if he intended them well or no. 
 The circle of meal signified their country, the circles 
 of corn the bounds of the sea, and the sticks his
 
 A SAVAGE COURT. 93 
 
 country. They imagined the world to be flat and 
 round, like a trencher, and they in the midst. After 
 this they brought him a bag of gunpowder, which 
 they carefully preserved till the next spring to 
 plant as they did their corn, because they would 
 be acquainted with the nature of that seed." * 
 
 After some weeks the captain was taken to a 
 place on the York Eiver where Powhatan, the chief 
 werowance, or " emperor " as Smith calls him, of 
 the country was, though he had several residences, 
 then holding his rude court. "Here more than 
 two hundred of those grim courtiers stood wonder- 
 ing at him, as he had been a monster, till Powhatan 
 and his train had put themselves in their greatest 
 braveries." When at last introduced into the pre- 
 sence of the Indian prince, he found him a tall, 
 stern old man with grey hair, and, what was rare in 
 the natives, a slight beard. Dressed in a robe of 
 racoon skins with the tails hanging down, he sat 
 before a fire upon a raised seat covered with mats 
 like a bedstead, with one of his wives on either hand. 
 Along the sides of the house were arranged in rows 
 men and women, whose finery was. certainly of a 
 kind to make some impression on a stranger. Eed 
 paint seemed to be their main notion of full dress. 
 The women were tattooed on their faces and limbs 
 with figures of beasts and serpents. Strange head- 
 dresses were the fashion, and necklaces of copper 
 or white beads. Both sexes wore ornaments in 
 their ears, sometimes a dead rat tied by the tail, 
 
 * Smith's " General History," i., 160.
 
 94 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 sometimes a live snake half a yard long, which, 
 would twist about the neck and face. The down of 
 birds, and the feathers skilfully woven into a 
 mantle, were among their decorations; the dried 
 hand of an enemy also was used in this style of 
 costume, where, as Smith says, "he is the most 
 gallant that is the most monstrous to behold." 
 
 The entrance of the captain was hailed with a 
 great shout; and now his story begins to savour 
 somewhat of those romances of chivalry which may 
 be suspected of colouring his recollections. A 
 savage queen brought him water to wash his hands, 
 another waited on him with a bunch of feathers in- 
 stead of a towel, and he was invited to partake of 
 a feast, just as Sir Percival or Sir Gareth might have 
 been on arriving at a castle. But the conclusion of 
 this courteous entertainment was that, after a long 
 consultation, Powhatan ordered him to immediate 
 death. Two great stones were brought in, to which 
 he was dragged and obliged to lay his head upon this 
 rude block. The brawny executioners raise their 
 clubs to beat out his brains. Another moment, and 
 the whole coarse of the colony's history is changed; 
 when just in the nick of time Pocahontas, the king's 
 favourite daughter, rushes forward, throws her arms 
 round the captive's neck, and declares that they 
 shall kill her before they harm him. 
 
 Such is the pretty tableau over which grave 
 historians are now inclined to shake their heads.* 
 
 * In the Portuguese narrative of De Soto's travels a 
 similar story is related of Juan Ortiz, captive among the 
 Indians of Florida. An Indian chief's daughter, named
 
 POCAHONTAS. 95 
 
 The weak point of it is that in Smith's " True Ee- 
 lation," written at the time with the facts fresh in 
 his mind, he says not a word about these dramatic 
 circumstances ; and other contemporary accounts are 
 equally silent. Many years afterwards, when Poca- 
 hontas had visited England and excited considerable 
 interest in royal and other circles, he gave this 
 version of the story, adding her to the number of 
 ladies who so signally and unexpectedly befriended 
 him in his adventures ; but it is, to say the least of 
 it, strange that he should have only then recalled 
 such a remarkable feature in his career. He speaks 
 of her as being at this time twelve or thirteen years 
 old ; but in another part of his narrative he men- 
 tions her later on as a child of ten, an age at which 
 she was scarcely likely to be so susceptible of such 
 a warm interest in her father's enemy. Another of 
 the settlers reduces this celebrated girl from a 
 noble minded Indian princess to an impudent little 
 hussy with no more grace or dignity than a London 
 arab ; she is described as hanging about the fort, 
 and turning head over heels for the amusement of 
 the settlers. 
 
 In such a work we need go no further into this 
 disputed question. This much is certain, that Pow- 
 hatan was induced to spare his prisoner's life, and 
 that Pocahontas was henceforth a good friend to 
 him, and rendered the English important services 
 on more than one occasion. 
 
 Milly, is said to have played the same part to a captive 
 American in 1817.
 
 96 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 The chief, whose own rank did not prevent him 
 from being skilled in various kinds of handicraft, 
 informed Smith that he should be kept to make 
 hatchets for himself and toys for his daughter. The 
 worthy captain probably proved not very handy at 
 such occupations ; and in spite of Powhatan's pro- 
 fessions still did not think his life worth much so 
 long as he remained in the hands of these capricious 
 savages. His alarm must have been strongly ex- 
 cited when, two days afterwards, he was taken to 
 a great house in the woods, and there set down 
 upon a mat by a fire and left alone. While he was 
 perhaps trying to recollect whatever prayers were 
 within the compass of a soldier of these days, Pow- 
 hatan was disguising himself " in the most fearf ul- 
 lest manner he could"; then presently a hideous 
 din was made behind a mat hanging across the 
 building, which was drawn aside, and enter the 
 chief, " more like a devil than a man, with some 
 two hundred more as black as himself." 
 . But all this ceremony was only the prelude to in- 
 forming him that he was now about to be set free. 
 The king despatched him with an escort of twelve men 
 to Jamestown, requesting a gift of two guns and a 
 grindstone, in return for which he would give him 
 a tract of land and treat him henceforth as his own 
 son. Smith thought this unexpected news too 
 good to be true, and as his savage conductors ac- 
 companied him through the woods was in hourly 
 fear that they still meant to put him to some cruel 
 death. But still his fears were not justified. In 
 the morning they brought him safe to the fort,
 
 NEW FRIENDS AND OLD FOES. 97 
 
 where his presence was much needed, for, as usual, 
 he found that his companions had fallen out ; the 
 strongest were preparing to run away with the 
 pinnace, which again they were only prevented by 
 force from doing. 
 
 Smith took care to treat his Indian guides well, 
 and offered to keep his promise as to the two guns 
 and the grindstone, which then they found too 
 heavy to be moved, and ran away half dead with 
 fear when he loaded a demi-culverin with stones 
 and sent them crashing among the frozen branches 
 of a tree. He managed, however, to get them 
 back, and loaded them with such presents as were 
 likely to please the taste of Powhatan and his wives 
 and children. The good result of this liberality 
 was soon seen, for now Pocahontas and her attend- 
 ants began to bring them provisions regularly, 
 without which they had again been in danger of 
 starvation. 
 
 These marks of friendship, and the accounts 
 which Smith brought of Powhatan's power and 
 apparent goodwill, went far towards increasing 
 his own influence and encouraging the handful of 
 sickly men who, weakened by the loss of more than 
 half their number, living from hand to mouth, and 
 quarrelling with each other from day to day, were 
 the ambassadors of European civilization in that 
 part of the world. A party among them were yet 
 so moved by hatred of their active comrade that 
 they plotted to have him executed, pretending that 
 he was answerable for the death of the two men 
 who had been killed by the Indians when he was 
 
 H
 
 98 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 taken prisoner ; " but he quickly took such order 
 with such lawyers that he laid them by the heels 
 till he sent some of them prisoners for England." 
 John Smith was indeed a man to make enemies, 
 as well as to have his own way, ready not only with 
 " store of saker and musket shot," and " the hazard 
 of his life " upon occasion, but also most outspoken 
 in his contempt for that worthless class among the 
 emigrants, who, " being for the most part of such 
 tender education and small experience in martial 
 accidents, because they found not English cities, 
 nor such fair houses, nor at their own wishes any of 
 their accustomed dainties, with feather beds and 
 down pillows, taverns and alehouses in every breath- 
 ing place, neither such plenty of gold and silver 
 and dissolute liberty as they expected, had little or 
 no care of anything but to pamper their bellies, to 
 fly away with our pinnaces, or procure their means 
 to return for England." It was scarcely a happy 
 family which was established in the peninsula of 
 Jamestown; but it would not be John Smith's 
 fault if they did not stick by one another and make 
 the best of what looked like a bad business. 
 
 nr. 
 
 By this time the settlers had gained some know- 
 ledge of the main features and capacities of the 
 country in which they had cast their lot. It was 
 an undulating district of soft rich soil, thickly 
 covered with trees. Oak and walnut the most 
 common, and by a dense undergrowth of weeds, 
 except on the course of the many streams that
 
 VIRGINIA AND ITS INHABITANTS. 99 
 
 intersected it, where were found swampy meadows 
 and little clearings in which the natives had grouped 
 their wigwams of branches and mats. Very different 
 were these aboriginal inhabitants from the Indians 
 who in later days, having learned to use the white 
 man's arms, proved the terror of the frontier settle- 
 ments, and no less different from the degenerate 
 race among whom European disease and European 
 drink have now made such fatal havoc. They be- 
 longed to the family of Algonquin Indians, and 
 were scattered into small tribes, so small that a 
 hundred fighting men was an unusual number, 
 taking name from the rivers on which they dwelt, 
 under werowances or chiefs who owed obedience 
 to Powhatan, the king of the country lying between 
 the James and Potomac rivers. The tribes for 
 whom his authority was a bond of union seem to 
 have numbered in all not more than eight thousand 
 souls, spread over as many square miles. Even if 
 all their forces could have been concentrated, the 
 colony would have found little difficulty in protect- 
 ing itself from them ; a few well armed Europeans 
 were always able by a resolute resistance to set 
 hundreds of these naked warriors to flight. Smith 
 himself, as we have seen, kept two or three hundred 
 of them at bay. A few dogs were sometimes thought 
 to be a sufficient guard against the natives. They 
 were unacquainted with the use of iron ; their 
 weapons were arrows pointed with stones or bones, 
 and wooden clubs, with sometimes deer-horns or 
 long sharp stones set across the end in the form of 
 a pickaxe ; with sharp shells or pointed reeds they
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 scalped their defeated enemies. Their dress was 
 mainly the skins of beasts, and they delighted much 
 in gaudy and fantastic ornaments. They were well 
 proportioned and not ill looking; the men were 
 accustomed to let their hair grow long on one side, 
 but to be shaved on the other for greater freedom 
 in the use of the bow. They excelled not so much 
 in bodily strength as in fortitude, endurance, and 
 the cunning called forth by the conditions of their 
 struggle for existence. Rude notions of justice and 
 honour prevailed among them, and Powhatan, both 
 by his rank and his force of character, had undis- 
 puted power over the lives and liberty of all his 
 subjects. They worshipped hideous idols, to which 
 they gave the name Okee, but which the orthodox 
 English took for a representation of the devil ; they 
 were also observed to pay a peculiar reverence to the 
 sun. They lived partly by the chase, partly on the 
 fruits and vegetables which grew wild so abundantly 
 in their seasons, and partly by rude husbandry, the 
 drudgery of which, as usual among savages, fell 
 upon the women and children. Where a settlement 
 was to be made for a time they destroyed the trees 
 by burning the bark round about their trunks, 
 grubbed up the weeds, and planted their corn, which 
 with little further trouble, save that of constant 
 weeding, yielded a plentiful crop in the rich mould. 
 But with their improvident habits they were often 
 in great want, and were utterly incapable of utilizing 
 the resources of a country that to the eye of such 
 a man as Smith plainly needed nothing but industry 
 and orderliness to turn it into a garden. The woods
 
 SUPPLIES AND REINFORCEMENTS. 101 
 
 abounded with game, the rivers with fish; fowls, 
 sheep, horses throve here as well as at home ; even 
 in its uncultivated state fruits, known and unknown, 
 rotted on the earth; many saleable commodities 
 could in time be produced, and there was promise 
 of minerals, not indeed of gold, but of iron and 
 perhaps copper. " So then/' Smith wrote home 
 with a burst of natural enthusiasm, "here is a 
 place, a nurse for soldiers, a practice for mariners, 
 a trade for merchants, a reward for the good, and, 
 that which is most of all, a business most acceptable 
 to God, to bring such poor infidels to the know- 
 ledge o God and His holy gospel." 
 
 In the meanwhile the colonists were not for- 
 gotten by the company at home. As soon as it 
 was known that they had succeeded in making a 
 settlement, two ships were despatched with supplies 
 and nearly a hundred fresh emigrants, all most 
 eager to make their fortunes and too ignorant that 
 neither in the Old nor the New World were fortunes 
 to, be made without toil and self denial. A consider- 
 able proportion of them, this time, were artisans and 
 labourers, but there were still so many "gentlemen" 
 as to remind us of that famous army which con- 
 sisted of four and twenty men and five and thirty 
 pipers ! One of these ships was driven out of her 
 course by bad weather ; the other, commanded by 
 Captain Newport, arrived safely soon after Smith's 
 captivity. Right glad were the colonists to see 
 their countrymen, and not less to find their fare 
 improved by a taste of the fleshpots of England. 
 But now they had some cause to wish to be delivered
 
 102 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 from their friends. The sailors, being allowed 
 to trade with the Indians, dealt so liberally and 
 carelessly that, whereas Smith's influence had 
 been able to fix a low price for provisions, before 
 long a pound of copper would not buy what had 
 been sold for an ounce. 
 
 There is an amusing description of a scene of barter 
 between a party of the English and Powhatan,who re- 
 ceived them with great state and many expressions 
 of goodwill, but showed a very keen eye to the main 
 chance, for all his barbarous habits and royal rank. 
 Captain Newport, being minded apparently to playthe 
 great man, was about to allow himself to be cheated 
 into buying corn at an exorbitant rate in the useful 
 commodities which he had brought with him, when 
 Smith pulled out and carelessly displayed a few 
 blue beads, which at once attracted the notice of 
 the savage monarch. Seeing his admiration, the 
 captain affected that he could not part with them, 
 " being of a most rare substance of the colour of the 
 skies, and not to be worn but by the greatest kings 
 in the world. This made him half mad to be the 
 owner of such strange jewels ; so that ere we de- 
 parted, for a pound or two of blue beads we 
 brought over my king for two or three hundred 
 bushels of corn, yet parted good friends." 
 Powhatan's brother was also supplied with the same 
 ornaments, which thus came into such estimation 
 that only the chiefs and their families ventured to 
 wear them. 
 
 This satire on the follies of the Old Wprld was 
 soon illustrated in a way less advantageous to the
 
 THE GOLD DIGGING DELUSION. 103 
 
 welfare of the colony. The gold fever broke out 
 under the auspices of Newport and Martin, who 
 was the weak minded president's chief counsellor. 
 Several goldsmiths and refiners had accompanied 
 this expedition, for in England it was still believed 
 that such a rich country must abound in gold. To 
 Smith's indignation, all useful work now came to a 
 stand still, while the deluded colonists did nothing 
 but search for gold among earth in which some 
 shining particles had been observed, and with which 
 they insisted on loading the ship instead of with 
 marketable articles. And yet at this time fresh 
 misfortunes had deprived these poor men of com- 
 mon comforts. By an accidental fire the little 
 town, thatched with reeds, and the wooden walls of 
 the fort were burned down at the very coldest season 
 of the year; arms, bedding, clothes, and stores were 
 destroyed, and the much enduring preacher lost 
 his little library. 
 
 The sailors stayed for more than three months, con- 
 suming the provisions which they had brought, and 
 encouraging in their idleness and folly the shivering, 
 half starved colonists, taken up with wild hopes of 
 sudden wealth. When a great deal of time had been 
 wasted "to fraught a drunken ship with so much 
 gilded dirt/' which of course proved perfectly worth- 
 less, all honest and sensible men were glad to see 
 Newport and his crew return to England, carrying 
 with them Wingfield and another who had assumed 
 high sounding titles and made themselves ridicu- 
 lous by an attempt to introduce the ceremonies of 
 English government among a community where a
 
 io 4 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 little common sense and right feeling were more 
 required than a whole cargo of "admirals, recorders, 
 interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, and justices 
 of peace." Ratcliffe, the sickly president, taking 
 very little trouble except for his own comfort, and 
 his friend Martin still dreaming of nothing but gold, 
 Captain Smith, seconded by a certain Mr. Scrivener, 
 in whom he seems to have found a kindred spirit 
 among the new arrivals, applied himself to rebuild- 
 ing the town and planting the fields. They were 
 thus engaged when the other ship arrived, after 
 being given up as lost, bringing plentiful supplies 
 and a captain who behaved better to the colonists. 
 
 By this time the gold mania had greatly subsided, 
 and Smith was able to get this ship reladed with 
 cedar. The company at home, so greedy of wealth, 
 had also even then a belief that the west of 
 Virginia opened upon the South Sea ; so, partly to 
 gratify them with good tidings in default of gold, 
 and partly perhaps to get rid of Smith's bust- 
 ling activity for a time, it was proposed that he 
 should set out upon a fresh expedition of discovery, 
 and sixty men were given him whom he exercised 
 and disciplined to some purpose, as was soon proved. 
 The inconstant savages had again become trouble- 
 some; Powhatan, believing himself defrauded in 
 trade, began to harass the colonists, so that they had 
 "sometimes peace and war twice in a day," and the 
 president, who seems to have been a bit of a coward 
 and was also fettered by instructions from home not to 
 make war on the Indians, allowed this state of things 
 to continue till " by chance they meddled with
 
 EXPLORATION OF CHESAPEAKE BAY. 105 
 
 Captain Smith." He at once proceeded to teacli 
 their treacherous neighbours a lesson, imprisoned 
 some, whipped others, and so terrified the rest, 
 though without loss of life, that Powhatan soon sent 
 Pocahontas to sue for peace. Having thus brought 
 them to such subjection that, it is said, they were 
 afraid of his very name, he prepared in earnest for 
 his great expedition. 
 
 At the beginning of June the ship, which also 
 carried Martin and his golden visions back to 
 England, took Smith and his companions, fifteen in 
 all, as far as Cape Henry, where in an open barge 
 they launched out into the unknown waters of 
 Chesapeake Bay. Crossing the mouth, they disco- 
 vered an island which received and has retained the 
 name of Smith. Upon Cape Charles they fell in with 
 some Indians carrying long lances headed with bone, 
 who spoke the language of Powhatan, and welcomed 
 the strangers ; their chief is described as " the 
 comeliest, proper, civil savage we encountered." 
 They gave such an account of the shores of the bay 
 that the explorers were eager to proceed. Refer- 
 ence to the map will show that this enormous inlet 
 is locked in by a long peninsula, the neck of which is 
 between the mouth of the Susquehanna river and 
 the Delaware bay. It was up the west bank of this 
 tongue of land that our adventurers now coasted, 
 passing by many rivers and uninhabited islands, 
 suffering once from want of water, and once obliged 
 by bad weather to run on shore, after hardly being 
 able to bale the water out of their frail craft. But 
 they repaired the sail with their shirts, and soon
 
 io6 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 made for the other shore, where after some tacking 
 about they entered the majestic Potomac, seven 
 miles broad at its mouth, and traced its course as 
 high as they could, much marvelling at the goodly 
 wooded valleys and hills in which now for the first 
 time echoed the report of firearms. 
 
 All this is narrated in the most matter of fact 
 way, with only a hint that this handful of men, most 
 of them inexperienced in the sea, and all of them 
 undergoing toil and hardship that might have made 
 even sturdy sailors grumble, did not always show the 
 same spirit as their intrepid leader. Often they fell 
 in with the natives, once in such numbers as to be 
 taken for thousands, and their reception was not 
 always friendly; but they did not lose a man. The 
 captain used to begin by desiring the Indians to 
 lay down their bows and arrows, and to exchange 
 hostages ; after which the Englishmen would conde- 
 scend to accept food, furs, and whatever else they 
 had to give ; and if they did not at once fall in with 
 his terms, a few bullets never failed to bring them 
 to reason. In one case a tribe is said to have been 
 set on to betray the expedition, by the instigation 
 not only of Powhatan but of the discontented faction 
 at the fort, who bore a grudge against Captain 
 Smith ; let us trust that here he was mistaken. A 
 danger of another kind is also recorded. The waters 
 were found to abound with fish, so thick and so 
 close to the surface in some places that " for want 
 of nets we attempted to catch them with a frying 
 pan, but we found it a bad instrument to catch 
 fish with." On one occasion the boat being left
 
 CATCHING A TARTAR. 107 
 
 aground by the ebbing tide among shoal water, they 
 saw many fish among the reeds, and Captain Smith 
 amused himself by nailing them to the ground with 
 his sword. If he had known the nature of the 
 stingray he would not have meddled with it so 
 incautiously. As he was drawing one off his sword 
 it struck its formidable notched spine into his wrist. 
 The only mark left was a little blue spot, but im- 
 mediately he felt agonizing pain ; in four hours his 
 arm became so swollen and his sufferings so great 
 that he was believed to be on the point of death. By 
 his direction his grave was dug on an island close 
 by, and he was preparing for his end like a brave 
 man. But to the joy of all " it pleased God by a 
 precious oil Dr. Russell at first applied to it when he 
 sounded it with probe, ere night his tormenting 
 pain was so well assuaged that he eat of the fish to 
 his supper " like a practical philosopher that he 
 was ! 
 
 This Dr. Russell was a physician. There was no 
 surgeon with the party ; so it was thought desirable 
 to return to the fort in case further medical assist- 
 ance should be required, and no doubt they were all 
 glad of any such excuse for repose. The captain's 
 wound must have soon ceased to give them any 
 uneasiness, for when on the 20th of July Jamestown 
 was sighted, the crew were in such good spirits 
 that they played the trick of dressing up their craft 
 with painted streamers, so as to make her look like 
 a Spanish frigate and frighten their friends at the 
 fort. 
 
 As usual, however, the colonists were found to be
 
 io8 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 in no mood for joking. The new comers were all 
 ill, and the rest were full of complaints against the 
 pride and selfishness of the president, who was now 
 deposed and his place offered to Smith. But the 
 hero of the hour had a greater mind for adventures 
 than for honours. He handed over the government 
 to his friend Scrivener, and after a rest of four days 
 set off again, eager to finish his exploration of this 
 great gulf which, as they fondly hoped, might lead 
 them into the waters of the South Sea. 
 
 With a crew of twelve men this time, most of 
 them his companions in the former voyage, and 
 having exchanged the physician for a surgeon, he 
 now penetrated to the head of the bay. On the way 
 back he fell in with seven or eight canoes full of Mas- 
 sawomeks, a fierce tribe dreaded by their neighbours. 
 The little crew seemed likely to be hard put to it, 
 for only half of them were able to stand, the rest, 
 new comers unseasoned to the country, being sick. 
 But the sick men lay down in the bottom of the 
 barge ; their hats were put upon sticks, and the 
 others, each with two guns in his hands, presented 
 a bold front to the enemy, who first retreated, then 
 returned to visit them peaceably and to give presents, 
 though they could only converse by signs, for these 
 tribes had a different language from that of the 
 Powhatan confederacy. Showing fresh wounds, 
 they gave it to be understood that they had been at 
 war with another tribe called the Tockwoghs, whose 
 seat was near the head of the eastern shore of the 
 bay ; and Captain Smith must needs make the ac- 
 quaintance of these people, who conducted him to a
 
 A FORMIDABLE RACE. 109 
 
 rudely fortified town and entertained him with 
 songs and dances. They were noticed to possess 
 weapons of iron. From them, through an inter- 
 preter who spoke the Powhatan language, he heard 
 of a still more formidable tribe called the Susque- 
 hannahs, above the head of the bay ; and as his boat 
 could not carry him up to them, he sent a civil 
 message desiring them to pay a visit to him, which 
 they did to the number of sixty, bringing presents 
 of food, arms, tobacco pipes three feet long, and 
 much savage finery. 
 
 His account of this tribe is oneof the passages which 
 make us suspect our captain of seeing things some- 
 times through a romantic haze. He describes them as 
 a race of giants ; one of them measured three-quarters 
 of a yard round the calf of the leg ; their voices were 
 deep and resounding ; they were clothed fearfully in 
 the skins of bears and wolves, the ears standing up 
 on each side of the wearer's head, the face and teeth 
 hanging on his breast ; their weapons were equally 
 formidable in size. Nevertheless they seemed to be a 
 simple and friendly race. They were much impressed 
 with the ceremony of prayer and a psalm, which it 
 was the custom of the explorers to have every 
 morning, and were not to be prevented from wor- 
 shipping Smith as a god as well as enlisting him 
 for their ally and protector. 
 
 If there be any surprise at the unexpected ease 
 with which Smith made his way among so many and 
 so warlike savages, it must be known that, thinking 
 everything fair in discovery as in war, he made use 
 of policy as well as of force ; in plain English, he
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 told stories. These tribes were at constant war 
 with each other, and he was able to gain the favour 
 and respect of each by declaring that he either had 
 just conquered their hereditary enemies or was 
 willing to assist his new friends with these irresist- 
 ible engines of his. The presents received he ex- 
 hibited as trophies to his next acquaintances, and 
 could have found no better letters of introduction. 
 In ascending the river Kapahannock, he fell in with 
 an Indian called Mosco, whom, from his thick black 
 beard, they took to be of French origin. He was 
 able to suggest to them another use that some of 
 these presents might be put to. From the Massa- 
 womeks they had received some light targets, made 
 of twigs woven together so tightly that no arrow 
 could pierce them. These they set up round the 
 sides of the boat by way of a bulwark, behind which 
 they laughed at their ease while passing through a 
 bombardment of a thousand arrows. In the same 
 part of the expedition we meet with a touch which, 
 almost for the first time, recalls the conventional 
 Indian of modern novelists. They were passing by 
 what they took for thirty or forty little bushes fring- 
 ing the stream, till suddenly a volley of arrows 
 rattled against the targets, and each bush was found 
 to be a warrior hidden behind a screen of branches. 
 Thus, fighting and feasting by turns, carrying away 
 everywhere, either sticking in their targets, or at 
 the bottom of the boat as tribute, enough arrows to 
 make a bonfire ; no sooner off with the old ally than 
 on with the new; informing themselves of the position 
 and strength not only of the tribes which they en-
 
 EXPLOITS TO BOAST OF. 
 
 countered, but of those farther inland; surveying the 
 islands and inlets of the bay, naming the various 
 points after the members of the crew or after Smith's 
 early patrons ; penetrating the country as far as their 
 boat would carry them up the chief rivers ; marking 
 the limits of their discovery by setting up crosses 
 and cutting their names on the trees, they travelled 
 three thousand miles in three months, and on the 
 7th of September arrived safe at Jamestown, where 
 they found affairs thriving under Scrivener as 
 well as could be expected. And Smith, who was 
 not noted for excessive modesty, had now good right 
 to boast in comparing his explorations with the 
 cruel raids of the Spaniards : " Tell me how many 
 ever, with such small means as a barge of twenty- 
 two tons, sometimes with seven, eight, or nine, but 
 at most twelve or sixteen men, did ever discover so 
 many fair and navigable rivers, subject so many 
 several kings, peoples, and nations to obedience and 
 contribution, with so little bloodshed." 
 
 IV. 
 
 A few days later Newport again returned, bring- 
 ing seventy emigrants, two of them women, and 
 letters patent formally appointing Smith governor 
 of the colony. At last the right man was put into 
 the right place, and he consented to take the 
 direction of affairs, in which he had almost all along 
 been the mainspring of activity. Still he was far 
 from being master, except by the force of his cha- 
 racter. The majority of the council were against 
 him, and he was hampered by the most absurd
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 orders from the company in London. These gentle- 
 men, living at home in ease, began to get impatient 
 at not yet receiving some tangible returns for their 
 outlay; and they now gave the colonists to under- 
 stand that no further supplies would be sent them 
 unless they did one of three things, instead of 
 returning a beggarly account of " ifs and ands, 
 hopes and some few proofs." They must find a 
 lump of gold for Newport to take back ; or they 
 must ascertain the existence of that South Sea which 
 was still believed to be close at hand beyond the 
 Alleghany mountains ; or they must discover one of 
 the settlers left in Virginia by Sir Walter Ealeigh, 
 who had disappeared but were supposed to be still 
 alive somewhere. They were also required to set to 
 work at once making pitch, tar, glass and potash ; 
 and a band of Poles and Germans were sent to 
 instruct them in these arts, which would have been 
 all very well, as Smith says, if they had not enough 
 to do already in making good their position among 
 the Indians and procuring food. But the silliest 
 of all, in his eyes, was an order to crown Powhatan 
 as an emperor. Having taken possession of this 
 chief's country, the company thought it only right 
 to take him under their patronage, and secure his 
 goodwill by this mighty honour and by some costly 
 presents suitable for a European prince, whereas he 
 would have been as well pleased with a " plain piece 
 of copper." 
 
 Captain Smith was evidently in a very ill humour 
 at these orders from men who knew nothing of the 
 difficulties he had to contend with ; but it was not
 
 A COMICAL CORONATION. 
 
 for the governor to set an example of disobedience, 
 and he proceeded first to carry out that part of the 
 company's programme relating to the coronation of 
 Powhatan. A most comical ceremony it must have 
 been ! At first the savage potentate showed himself 
 very suspicious of the unknown honour which it 
 was proposed to confer upon him, and declined 
 altogether to come to the fort for this purpose ; so 
 Newport, Smith, and fifty men had to go to him 
 at his chief residence at Werowocomoco, and there 
 Powhatan was solemnly crowned emperor over the 
 scattered tribes of his dominions, the population of 
 which would have just filled a good sized market 
 town. We may easily imagine that they had "much 
 ado " to get on him the scarlet mantle and other 
 fine clothes which had been provided for the occasion, 
 and he would not let himself be invested in them 
 till assured that they would do him no harm by one 
 of the Indians who had been taken to England and 
 brought back by Newport. " But a foul trouble 
 there was to make him kneel to receive his crown ; 
 he, neither knowing the majesty nor meaning of a 
 crown, nor bending of the knee, endured so many 
 persuasions, examples, and instructions as tired 
 them all." At last they contrived to push him down 
 by the shoulders, and three of them, no doubt burst- 
 ing with laughter, clapped the bauble on his head. 
 Then a salute was fired, which made his savage 
 majesty jump up in a great fright, not understanding 
 that this was done in honour of the ceremony. 
 
 The new made emperor did not show himself im- 
 perially munificent. After all this grandeur he pre-
 
 ii4 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 sented the English with nothing but his old cloak and 
 shoes, and about seven or eight bushels of corn. In 
 every way the company seemed to have sent their 
 regalia to a bad market ; for when once Powhatan 
 had got over his suspicions of these strange honours, 
 Smith declares that the effect of making so much 
 fuss about him was to give him a greater notion of 
 his own importance, and proportionally to lower in 
 his eyes the power of the people who put such a 
 value on his goodwill. 
 
 It must be of course remembered that the com- 
 pany in London were looking at the relations between 
 the Indians and the colonists from a point of view 
 which was creditable to them. Like good Englishmen 
 and Protestants they were horrified at the cruelties 
 which the Spaniards had become notorious for inflict- 
 ing upon the natives of countries conquered by them. 
 They were honestly anxious to make friends with 
 the Indians of Virginia, and to bestow upon them 
 the blessings of civilization in return for doing a 
 little violence to their vague rights of property. 
 A question of morality arises in all such attempts 
 at colonization, which it is not easy to solve with a 
 clear conscience. John Smith took another view 
 of the matter. He was certainly not a cruel nor a 
 bloodthirsty man; but his disposition was much 
 more practical than sentimental, and he stuck fast 
 upon the plain fact that if you force yourself on a 
 race of ignorant and warlike savages, you must 
 be prepared to deal with them by the only argu- 
 ment they can understand. After taking posses- 
 sion of their lands, he held, you might expect
 
 A WILD-GOOSE CHASE. 115 
 
 sooner or later to have to defend your proceedings 
 by force ; and the more clearly you showed them as 
 soon as possible that the force was on your side, 
 the better it would be in the end for all parties. If 
 left to himself, he would probably have got the 
 troubles with the natives over in a short and sharp 
 but effectual fashion; whereas the shilly-shallying 
 policy of his predecessors and successors led in the 
 end to a great loss of life on either side. The sword 
 is not to be lightly played with, but it is often least 
 dangerous in the most determined hands. 
 
 In spite of Powhatan's assurances that there was 
 no sea beyond the mountains, Captain Newport, 
 jealous of Smith's success as a discoverer, took no 
 less than a hundred and twenty men, and set off up 
 the river to do a little discovery on his own account. 
 This small army, more than half the whole numbers, 
 had with them a barge sent out for the purpose, 
 which could be taken to pieces and carried over the 
 mo untain s . When th ey got to the falls near Richmond 
 they did in fact go forty miles on foot, and visited some 
 of the Monacan Indians, who "neither used them 
 well nor ill " ; then they gave it up as a bad job. 
 It is well seen that Smith was not at the head of 
 this party. On the way home they wasted their 
 time searching for mines of gold and silver till 
 they came to be in want of food, for the Indians 
 had hid their corn in the woods, and would neither 
 trade nor fight, but, to get rid of their visitors, told 
 them a cock-and-bull story about some ships having 
 come to attack Jamestown. So home they went, 
 no richer and little wiser than when they started,
 
 Ji6 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 and Smith was proved to have been in the right 
 again. 
 
 While they were away the president had of course 
 not been idle. No sooner were the new emigrants 
 landed than he set agoing the manufactures desired 
 by the company, and led a party of thirty or forty 
 into the woods to cut down trees, make boards, and 
 learn to bear the hardships of their new life. Here 
 is a touch worthy of record : " all these things were 
 carried so pleasantly as within a week they became 
 masters, making it their delight to hear the trees 
 thunder as they fell ; but the axe so often blistered 
 their tender fingers that many times every third 
 blow had an oath to drown the echo ; for remedy of 
 which sin the president devised how to have every 
 man's oaths numbered, and at night for every oath 
 to have a can of water poured down his sleeve, with 
 which every offender was so washed (himself and all) 
 that a man should scarcely hear an oath in a week/ 5 
 Some apology is made to the spirit of the age for 
 this labour ; it is not to be supposed, we are told, 
 that the president and these gentlemen were to be 
 looked on as common hirelings because they cut 
 down trees; they themselves came to consider it 
 almost an amusement. And then, as in more 
 modern colonial experiences, it was observed that 
 when gentlemen did strip off their fine coats and 
 put their hands to work in earnest, they were of 
 more use than the so called labourers, who probably 
 grumbled all day long for want of the beef and beer 
 of Old England, though most likely they had left 
 home because they were too idle or too incapable
 
 A ROUGH AND READY RULER. 117 
 
 to earn bread and cheese. Most of them indeed, 
 though called labourers, are said to have been 
 serving men, either out of place with good reason, 
 or having emigrated with their masters, all equally 
 " ten times more fit to spoil a commonwealth than 
 to begin one." The English peasant has many 
 good qualities, but among them is not the faculty 
 of adapting himself easily to new circumstances, or 
 putting a good shoulder to the wheel when taken 
 out of the ruts of his humdrum life. 
 
 But no man with a grain of shame or sense in 
 him could have idled when their leader was setting 
 such a good example. A right republican president 
 was Captain Smith. The only sign of aristocratic state 
 about him which we get a hint of is a certain 
 " page," whom he turned to the excellent use of 
 leaving him among a tribe of friendly Indians to 
 learn the language. A strange school for Master 
 Samuel Collier, who had perhaps not run away 
 from home to be set learning languages, but whose 
 master had no need of any page to bear his train or 
 fill his cup ! He as little cared for ease and dignity 
 himself as he would tolerate shirking in others. 
 His predecessor had been building himself a "pa- 
 lace," but on Smith's coming to power this was at 
 once stopped as a " thing needless," and rather the 
 church was repaired, the fort strengthened, and 
 sheds were erected for stores. A palace forsooth 
 for the governor of a set of starving tatterdemalions ! 
 It would be well for the world if at all times it had 
 more of such governors, with such an honest title to 
 rule. Let lords, fops, courtiers, fools, and the like
 
 n8 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 delight their empty heads with silks and satins, and 
 titles and trifles ; let them swill and gorge on the 
 fruit of other men's labours till they grow so bloated 
 that the earth will no longer bear them, and they 
 have to go at last to the same lodging as the 
 hungriest beggar. It may all be right enough; 
 there are a great many things in this life of ours 
 which a soldier of fortune does not get time to 
 understand clearly ; but this he knows, and no man 
 shall say him nay, that John Smith has come into 
 the world to do some work for which it will be the 
 better and not the worse, and you had liefer come 
 between a lioness and her whelps than hinder such a 
 man from whatever he takes in hand. The work in 
 hand now is to make a garden of this useless jungle, 
 to tame these treacherous cruel savages for their 
 own good as well as ours, to lay firmly the founda- 
 tions of a colony that shall in time leaven the whole 
 continent with the blessings of knowledge and in- 
 dustry. By (he can scarcely refrain from an oath) 
 
 it is a great work, fit to rouse even a rough soldier to 
 something like enthusiasm ; and you contemptible 
 humbugs who brag about being gentlemen, and you 
 not less contemptible fellows who give yourselves 
 out for workmen, were well to make up your minds 
 that there is a man here who can do it and will, 
 Heaven helping him. If you agree with him, second 
 him as you can, obey him in all due service, you 
 shall find him a good master, cheery, hearty, some- 
 what rough tongued and hot tempered perhaps, but 
 without guile or pride, and asking none of you to 
 share dangers where he does not lead the way. But
 
 THE DUTIES OF GOVERNMENT. 119 
 
 if you contradict him when he knows he is right, if 
 you talk nonsense or play the fool, if you waste the 
 public means or refuse to take your share of the 
 common burden, if you are a chattering, loafing, 
 complaining, plotting, fainthearted lump of selfish- 
 ness and gluttony why then, take care what you 
 are about, or you may repent having got in the way 
 of the new president, who as yet has no time to 
 make long winded laws and gloomy prisons, and 
 despises you too much to do more than send you off 
 howling to England with a kick and a redhot bit of 
 his mind, but whose patience will some day come to 
 an end ; and then the patron saint of useless hum- 
 bugs have mercy on you, for there is a whole forest 
 of gallows hard at hand, and at its lowest ebb the 
 colony can afford enough rope to hang a dozen such 
 drivellers. 
 
 This, we gather, was Smith's notion of governing, 
 and whatever its shortcomings, it was not far from 
 what was wanted in the circumstances. There was 
 nothing of the tyrant in him ; he seems to have 
 been a right favourite with the men who served 
 immediately under him in his daring expeditions ; 
 but the stay-at-homes could not appreciate his 
 sturdy character, and were so jealous of the in- 
 fluence he had gained by this more than by his 
 nominal rank, that they proposed he should become 
 a stay-at-home also, pretending that the duties of his 
 office were of the sedentary kind so much affected 
 by European potentates. He must not leave the fort 
 without the consent of the council ! Smith has few 
 words to waste on such an absurd proposition ; it
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 seems to him that these men would rather " hazard 
 a starving than his pains should prove so much 
 more effectual than theirs." The great want of 
 the colonists was a constant supply of corn ; their 
 demands on the Indians were beginning to be 
 answered by alternate insolence and deceit; Pow- 
 hatan's policy was evidently to starve them out of 
 the country. No good came of these expeditions 
 which Smith did not accompany to keep the de- 
 luded idiots from grubbing in the earth wherever 
 they thought to see a glittering stone ; he must go 
 himself and bring his dusky majesty to reason. 
 
 But first the ship was to be got rid of, "that 
 removing tavern," where every one was welcome 
 who had money to spend or accusations to make 
 against the president. Was it not enough for the 
 idle vessel to be a focus of discontent, but the 
 sailors must truck their plentiful victuals with the 
 Indians, giving butter, cheese, beef, pork, whis- 
 key, beer, biscuit, oatmeal, and oil, for furs, wild 
 cubs, and other commodities and curiosities, when 
 the settlers were hard put to it to buy corn at a fair 
 price ! Nay more, they had confederates within 
 the walls, who stole tools, arms, and powder, by 
 wholesale, to carry on the same infamous trade. 
 Smith had never read Fenimore Cooper's works, 
 but he knew well that if once these savages got 
 accustomed to the use of firearms it would be 
 harder to deal with them. And Captain Newport, 
 instead of restraining his men, made himself the 
 ringleader of the opposition, and seemed likely to 
 tell such tales to the company at home that Smith
 
 MORE TROUBLES. 
 
 had a good mind to keep him for a year in the 
 colony, so that he might " learn to speak of his 
 own experience " and not to slander those whose 
 difficulties he neither understood nor helped to 
 lighten. 
 
 At last the ship was sent off, carrying specimens 
 of the new manufactures, and also a most remark- 
 able letter to the company, containing a few of the 
 president's opinions, set forth in such terms as 
 must have caused the highly respectable merchants 
 to open their eyes, and no doubt puzzled them in 
 places as to what the captain precisely meant. 
 
 Having thus, like a true Englishman, relieved 
 himself by a good growl, like an Englishman he 
 tackled again manfully to his work, and was off to 
 the frozen wilds, in the midst of the short but 
 severe winter of Virginia, digging away the snow 
 at night and drying the ground with a fire, then 
 putting down a mat on which they " lay very 
 warm," sheltered only by another mat to keep off 
 the biting wind. Yet it was observed that those 
 who did not shrink from such hardships were in 
 better health than the rest. Not much corn how- 
 ever was to be had, for love or money ; so now 
 Smith began to think of paying Powhatan in his 
 own coin. He proposed to surprise him and take 
 his provisions, whether he would or not, to the 
 horror of the virtuous council, among whom even 
 Scrivener, late his fidus Achates, was now accused of 
 disaffection. But " no persuasions could persuade 
 the president to starve," and it was all the more 
 necessary to attend to the housekeeping, since the
 
 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 first marriage had just taken place in Virginia, the 
 happy man being one John Laydon, and his blush- 
 ing bride Anne Burras, a waiting maid, who had 
 come out with the last cargo of emigrants. 
 
 Powhatan's evil genius now led him to play into 
 the hands of the English leader. He sent to offer 
 a shipload of corn if they would, in return, build 
 him a house and give him a grindstone, fifty 
 swords, a few guns, a cock and a hen, some copper 
 and beads. Here was an opportunity of doing 
 business in some way or other, so the president set 
 off forthwith, taking the pinnace, two barges, and 
 forty- six men. 
 
 From the fort to Powhatan's residence was not 
 more than a day's journey by land, but by water 
 it was necessary to go round into the bay and 
 ascend the York River. The year was going out 
 with such boisterous and cold weather that the 
 travellers had to stay and "keep Christmas"* 
 with a friendly tribe, near the mouth of the 
 James River, where they " were never more merry, 
 nor fed on more plenty of good oysters, fish, flesh, 
 wild fowl, and good bread ; nor never had better 
 fires in England than in the dry, smoky houses of 
 Kecoughtan." They also quartered themselves for 
 two or three days upon another less well disposed 
 tribe, by way of teaching them civility ; and it was 
 a fortnight before they arrived at Werowocomoco. 
 Here the river was frozen half a mile from the shore ; 
 
 * They did not leave till the 29th December, so that 
 "keeping Christmas" was probably a way of expressing 
 what their descendants call " having a good time."
 
 PALAVERING. 123 
 
 but to save time Smith went on in one of the smaller 
 boats, breaking the ice, till the tide left him fast; then 
 he encouraged his companions to struggle to shore, 
 middle deep, through the frozen ooze, a trial which 
 had almost been the death of one of them. They 
 put up at the first houses they came to, and Pow- 
 hatan soon sent them plenty of bread, turkeys, and 
 venison. But when he arrived, and the question 
 of trading was discussed, difficulties soon arose. 
 Powhatan would sell his corn for nothing but guns 
 and swords, which the English thought dangerous 
 tools to put into the hands of Indians. Then he 
 complained of their coming armed, as if for war 
 rather than trade, and declared that his people were 
 afraid to bring in their corn unless the merchants 
 would lay aside their weapons. 
 
 Next day this wrangling was continued, and Smith 
 could do no business except getting ten quarters of 
 corn for a copper kettle which struck the chiefs fancy. 
 They passed a great deal of time in making fine 
 speeches, which are fully reported in the fashion of the 
 classical authors, according to their general drift, 
 for we cannot believe that a shorthand writer was 
 present. Powhatan begins quite classically by set- 
 ting forth, like Nestor, that he had seen three gene- 
 rations of men, and might be expected to know 
 what he was about. " Think you I am so simple/' 
 he says, " not to know it is better to eat good meat, 
 lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and chil- 
 dren, laugh and be merry with you, have copper, 
 hatchets, or what I want, beiug your friend, than 
 be forced to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods,
 
 124 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and be so 
 hunted by you that I can neither rest, eat, nor 
 sleep, but my tired men must watch, and if a twig 
 but break, every one crieth, There cometh Captain 
 Smith ? " To all this the captain's answer is that 
 fine words feed no mouths; let the chief waste 
 no time in talking, but bring out his corn, or they 
 will find a way to get at it. As for their arms, 
 they always wear them, and there's an end of it; 
 and if Powhatan is so averse to fighting, the 
 English rather enjoy it than otherwise, so he had 
 best mind what he is about. Smith suspects that 
 the chief is trifling with him, to gain time for his 
 braves to come up ; in return, he himself plays the 
 same game, and has the breaking of the ice pushed 
 on, that his boats may come to the shore and a 
 stronger force of men be landed. Then Powhatan 
 steals off, leaving the captain held in talk by two or 
 three women, and presently he is aware that the 
 house is beset in which he is with only one of his 
 comrades. They burst out ; Smith fires his pistol ; 
 the Indians fly in every direction and tumble head 
 and heels over each other ; and thus the English- 
 men make good their retreat to a party of eighteen 
 men already landed. 
 
 Powhatan, seeing that his attempt had failed and 
 that another boatful of men was coming ashore, now 
 sent an "orator" to make his excuses and to 
 appease the white chief by a bracelet and a chain of 
 pearl. He persisted that his people stood in fear ; 
 if they could only trust that no harm was meant 
 them, they would come and load the boats with corn.
 
 WARNING AND WATCHING. 125 
 
 The Indians kindly offered the Englishmen to take 
 charge of their arms, so that no one should steal 
 them, if they would lay them down. The English 
 proposed an amendment, that the Indians should 
 lay down their arms, which they agreed to when 
 they saw the matches being cocked, and hastened 
 to carry down corn in baskets on their backs. But 
 the tide ebbed and left the boats stranded ; so 
 the English returned for the night to their former 
 quarters. 
 
 A good watch they kept through the night, and 
 not without cause. For through the dark woods 
 came stealing Pocahontas, who with tears in her 
 eyes told them that her father was plotting to sur- 
 prise them, and was bent on having Smith's life. 
 Provisions were about to be brought to the house, and 
 if the bearers could not contrive to kill them with 
 their own weapons while they were at supper, they 
 might look to be set on by all her father's forces. 
 She refused to accept any' reward, and went 
 secretly as she had come, after begging them to 
 fly. But Smith and his comrades had not come 
 there to fly ; they only looked to the matches of 
 their pieces, and waited for what would happen. 
 
 Sure enough, within an hour came eight or ten 
 lusty fellows, carrying into the house great plates of 
 venison and other victuals, and showing a strong 
 inclination to remain while the Englishmen sat 
 down to supper. They pretended that the smoke 
 of the matches made them sick, and suggested that 
 it would be polite to put them out. We can hear 
 John Smith's scornful laugh ! He told them bluntly
 
 126 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 that he knew very well what they wanted to be at, 
 and after making them taste all the dishes, as a 
 precaution against poison, sent them off with a 
 message to Powhatan that he might come as soon 
 as Tie pleased, for they were quite ready for him. 
 Other spies soon came prowling about the house, 
 while the Englishmen took their supper with their 
 guns lying handy, but no serious attempt was 
 made to disturb them. Thus both parties wakefully 
 passed the night, till it was high water and Smith 
 was able to regain his vessel, taking leave of the 
 Indians with hollow pretences of friendship on both 
 sides. 
 
 His next visit was to Pamunkey, the seat of Pow- 
 hatan's brother, Opechancanough. Landing with 
 fifteen men he marched up to this chief's house, 
 and in a somewhat peremptory manner invited him 
 to trade. Opechancanough and some of his people 
 soon appeared with plenty of bows and arrows and 
 very little of any other commodities. Next day, 
 however, he promised to bring more supplies, but 
 what he brought next day was several hundreds of 
 armed men, who surrounded the house in which 
 were Smith and his little band. Some of the Eng- 
 lishmen showed alarm, but not so their leader. It 
 was nis friends rather than his enemies that he was 
 afraid of, for he knew that if he caused a slaughter 
 of these savages the council would find fault, and 
 the company in England would look upon him as 
 an oppressor. Besides, he would only succeed in 
 frightening away all the Indians into the interior of 
 the country, and no more supplies could be got from
 
 Smith seizing Opechancanough, 
 
 Page m.
 
 FORTUNE FAVOURS THE BOLD. 127 
 
 them. In this difficulty he proposed to Opechan- 
 canough a single combat for a stake of corn on one 
 side and copper on the other. But the wily chief 
 had no fancy for such an encounter. Standing 
 before the door of the house with forty or fifty of 
 his chief men, he tried to draw Smith out to receive a 
 great present which they pretended to have brought 
 for him. " The bait was guarded by two hundred 
 men, and thirty lying under a great tree, that lay 
 athwart as a barricade, each with his arrow nocked 
 ready to shoot/' so the president was wisely cautious, 
 and ordered one of his men to go out and see " what 
 kind of deceit this was/' The man refused, where- 
 upon Smith, wrathful at his cowardice, rushed out, 
 caught Opechancanough by his long scalp lock, 
 clapped a pistol to his breast, and dragged him 
 among his people, who were so astonished and over- 
 awed by this bold treatment of the sacred person of 
 their chief that they not only made no attempt to 
 rescue him, but were induced to throw down their 
 arms. Then Smith, still holding the chief fast, rated 
 them soundly, vowing that he had put up too long 
 with them, that if they shed a single drop of English 
 blood he would exterminate their nation, and that 
 if they did not choose to freight his ship with corn 
 he would load it with their dead carcases. 
 
 This vigorous language had such effect that 
 they now crowded back unarmed, bringing their 
 corn and other commodities. But when the pre- 
 sident, tired out by his watchfulness and exertions, 
 went into the house to take a sleep, they thought 
 again to have surprised him. Forty or fifty men,
 
 128 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 armed with clubs and swords, rushed in, with a 
 larger force behind to back them up. John Smith 
 had almost been caught napping. Luckily the 
 noise awoke him; he sprang to his feet, snatched 
 up his sword and target, and charged with a few 
 men upon the dusky mob, who ran out faster than 
 they had entered. " The house thus cleansed," it 
 was thought well to keep the chief and a few 
 of his old councillors as hostages ; and of course 
 they had many fine speeches to excuse this last 
 attempt. So the rest of the day was " spent with 
 much kindness," and presents were given on each 
 side. 
 
 The Indians, however, were not at the end of 
 their resources. They still seemed to wait for 
 opportunity and courage to attack the strangers, 
 and above all to kill Smith. Indeed he and some 
 others had reason to believe themselves poisoned ; 
 but they were quit for a fit of sickness, and the man 
 suspected of bringing the poison was treated no 
 worse than by being beaten and kicked like a dog. 
 At last, partly to get rid of their visitors, and partly 
 from the fear that more men were coming from the 
 fort, the natives brought in liberal supplies. In 
 parts where it was evident that they themselves 
 were suffering from scarcity Smith did not press 
 them ; but after visiting several tribes, he contrived 
 to get his ship pretty well loaded. 
 
 Though he had set out meaning to deal fairly by 
 way of trade, on his return he fully intended to sur- 
 prise Powhatan and cut off his stores, by way of 
 punishment for this king's treachery. Powhatan
 
 MISFORTUNE AND TREACHERY. 129 
 
 however, warned in time, had fled to the woods, car- 
 rying away or hiding all his provisions. The people 
 left behind showed themselves unfriendly, but the 
 president did not molest them, seeing " there was 
 nothing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time 
 to revenge their abuses/' And besides there was 
 good reason for his returning home without delay. 
 
 While Smith was dealing with Opechancanough 
 and had already enough trouble on his mind, a 
 messenger, who with the greatest difficulty had 
 passed through' Powhatan's country, brought him 
 news that his deputy Scrivener and some of the 
 other chief men had been accidentally drowned by 
 the upsetting of a boat. This misfortune he care- 
 fully concealed from his companions till the business 
 of victualling was done; but he would probably 
 have lost not a day in hastening back, if he had 
 known all that was taking place in the fort. 
 
 Some Germans had been sent to Powhatan to 
 build him a house in the European fashion. These 
 men, won over by the king's promises, were induced 
 to betray the colony, and resolved to cast in their lot 
 with the Indians. While waiting for a favourable 
 opportunity of declaring themselves, they managed 
 by means of confederates in the fort to steal upon 
 such a scale that when Smith returned he found 
 most of the tools and a large part of the arms gone 
 into the hands of the Indians. 
 
 This system of theft still went on, and it was long 
 before the manner of it could be detected. The 
 savages, encouraged by the treacherous Germans, 
 and by finding the dead bodies of Scrivener and 
 
 K
 
 130 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 his companions, began to be emboldened in their 
 attempts against the settlement. Captain Smith 
 himself narrowly escaped an ambush which was laid 
 for him near the fort, and, as he was walking alone, 
 had a desperate encounter with a chief called the 
 king of Paspahegh, who was, so to speak, the land- 
 lord of the colonists, as it was on his territory that 
 they had taken leave to settle. This Indian, seeing 
 the captain unprovided with firearms, was about 
 to shoot him with an arrow. Smith instantly 
 grappled with him. He was strong enough not 
 only to prevent the Englishman from drawing his 
 falchion but to drag him into the river, where they 
 wrestled in the water till Smith got his adversary 
 by the throat and nearly strangled him, so that the 
 chief, surrendering, was led to Jamestown and put 
 in fetters. 
 
 One of the Germans was also arrested about this 
 time, and the president having now strong reason 
 to suspect their treachery, sent to ask Powhatan to 
 give up the others in exchange for the king of Pas- 
 pahegh. The answer returned was that the Germans 
 were remaining of their own accord ; and soon the 
 prisoner found means to escape. After this Smith 
 went to war with his tribe, burning the chief's house, 
 taking their boats and their fishing tackle, and kill- 
 ing some six or seven; an amount of devastation 
 which might well contrast favourably with the 
 cruelties that the Spaniards would not have spared 
 on such an opportunity. The Indians indeed 
 appealed to his practical turn of mind, pointing 
 out that if he drove them to extremities it would
 
 KILLED BY KINDNESS. 131 
 
 be easy for them to leave the country, whereas, as 
 friends, they would be able to supply the English 
 with corn. Upon this consideration he made peace, 
 and was not further molested by that tribe. 
 
 Another band of Indians, the Chickahominies, 
 had now to be dealt with, who under colour of 
 peaceful trading proved to be arrant thieves. By 
 a strange incident Smith made a wholesome impres- 
 sion of awe upon their superstitious minds. Two 
 brothers had been apprehended upon suspicion of 
 being concerned in stealing a pistol. One was sent 
 to fetch the pistol back within twelve hours, or else 
 his brother should be hanged. Meanwhile the 
 president, who could be goodnatured as well as 
 stern, took pity on the poor naked wretch in the 
 dungeon, and by way of making what would 
 probably be his last hours on earth as comfortable 
 as possible, sent him some victuals and a dish of 
 burning charcoal, being as ignorant as his prisoner 
 of the deadly effects of the fumes of charcoal in a 
 confined space. When before midnight his brother 
 returned with the pistol, the prisoner was found 
 stifled and to all appearance dead. The other 
 broke forth into such pitiful lamentations that 
 Smith, though scarcely supposing that the man 
 could be recovered, offered to do his best to bring 
 him to life if they would give up stealing. By the 
 use of spirits and vinegar the body was actually 
 restored to consciousness, and the Indian saw his 
 brother awake in such a dazed and terrified con- 
 dition, half sensible and half intoxicated, that he 
 seemed to have gone mad. Of this malady also
 
 132 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 Smith, with more assurance, promised to recover 
 him, upon promise of their good behaviour. He 
 was laid down by a fire, and when he had slept off 
 the effects both of the carbonic acid gas and of the 
 brandy, rose like a new man, and departed with his 
 brother to give out among his people that the great 
 Captain Smith could not only kill but make alive 
 again. 
 
 The arms and ammunition had still continued to 
 be conveyed into the hands of Powhatan, and the 
 German deserters were instructing his men in the 
 use of them. But before long an accident happened 
 which made them somewhat cautious. They were 
 drying a bag of powder by a fire upon the back of 
 a cuirass, and either the metal grew hot. or a spark 
 flew out, for the powder exploded, blew two or 
 three of them to pieces, and scorched the rest so 
 that " they had little pleasure any more to meddle 
 with powder." And Powhatan and his people soon 
 concluded that the terrible strangers who handled 
 such things securely were better as friends than 
 foes. Bringing presents they desired peace, and 
 not only returned many stolen articles, but for a time 
 sent all thieves to the fort to be punished by Smith 
 himself, though it is possible that they looked on 
 his punishments as lightly as Topsy regarded Miss 
 Ophelia's whippings. Flayings and burnings were 
 .their own mode of execution, and at the king's 
 command an offender would kneel and without a 
 cry allow himself to be beaten with cudgels by two 
 men on the bare back till he fell senseless on the 
 ground. It is satisfactory to learn that though the
 
 PEACE AND PROGRESS. 133 
 
 treacherous Germans escaped punishment for a time, 
 they came to no good in the end by their conduct. 
 Some time afterwards two of them had their brains 
 beaten out by order of Powhatan, who declared 
 that if they betrayed their old master they were 
 as likely to prove false to him. 
 
 Peace being thus secured for a time, the colonists 
 were able to devote themselves to work. They 
 went on with their attempts at manufacturing, dug 
 a well, built houses, made nets and wires for fishing, 
 and planted thirty or forty acres of ground. They 
 reared a number of pigs ; and five hundred chickens 
 were soon running wild in the woods. Two block 
 houses were also built, one on an island commanding 
 the approach by the river and one on the neck of 
 the peninsula, as a guard against the Indians. In 
 all these labours Captain Smith was sore vexed by 
 the idleness of many of the emigrants ; but he stoutly 
 declared that whoever did not work should not eat , 
 and by punishments, encouragements, and example 
 succeeded in producing a certain degree of activity 
 among the most slothful of these lotus eaters. 
 
 This was all the more necessary, as after three 
 months the corn in store was found to be half rotten, 
 and the rest of it almost consumed by a plague of 
 rats that had also come over in the ships and 
 established a more prosperous colony of their own. 
 Now the settlers had enough to do in bestirring 
 themselves to look for food. The main body caught 
 fish and gathered roots and herbs, which enabled 
 them to tide over this scarcity, though not without 
 such discontent that the president had to threaten
 
 134 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 with the gallows some who had a mind to run for 
 Newfoundland in the pinnace. Some were sent 
 down the river to live on oysters. Some were 
 billeted among the Indians, who now stood in too 
 much awe of Smith to do them any harm. En- 
 couraged by this, a few of the soldiers tried to play 
 the lord in the wigwams, expecting to enjoy idle- 
 ness and plenty, but were much disgusted to find 
 that their red-skinned hosts took a leaf out of their 
 own captain's book, and insisted that their guests 
 should work for their living, on refusal appealing to 
 Smith himself, who supported them and punished 
 his men. This is an example of his fair dealing 
 towards the natives, "of whom/' he said, "there 
 was more hope to make better Christians and good 
 subjects than the one half of those that counterfeited 
 themselves both." 
 
 v. 
 
 Such was the state of things among the colonists 
 in the summer of 1609, when a fleet of seven vessels 
 was descried advancing up the river, which at first 
 they took for Spaniards, and made preparations for 
 defence. The new comers, however, proved to be no 
 Spaniards, but friends who brought more disaster to 
 the colony than any armament of honest enemies. 
 
 In England the company and the nation were not 
 yet disheartened by the long train of misfortunes 
 which had attended the settlement in Virginia. It 
 was still believed that the enterprise might be carried 
 to a prosperous issue ; and the political notions of 
 the age caused it to be thought that a change in the 
 form of government was the main thing needful to
 
 A NEW GOVERNMENT. 135 
 
 redress the evils under which the colony was 
 suffering. It had yet to be learned that good men 
 can make a good government, but that no form of 
 government can manufacture good men, the real 
 want on these teeming western shores. So the 
 company obtained from the king a new charter, 
 transferring to them full powers of legislation and 
 executive, in virtue of which they appointed an 
 excellent nobleman, Lord Delaware, as governor 
 and captain-general for life, with a lieutenant, an 
 admiral, a high marshal, a general of horse, and 
 other officers with high sounding titles to make up 
 for their want of the experience of plain John Smith. 
 Under these distinguished auspices the public in- 
 terest in colonisation was revived; money was 
 subscribed ; willing emigrants came forward ; and 
 in the month of May nine ships and five hundred 
 people were despatched with Sir Thomas Gates, 
 Sir George Somers, and Captain Newport, invested 
 jointly with a commission to assume the government 
 till Lord Delaware was able to come out in person. 
 
 Unfortunately these three dignitaries embarked 
 in the same vessel, along with their credentials, their 
 instructions, and the best of the provisions. This 
 vessel was driven from the company of the rest by 
 bad weather ; and the new government of Virginia 
 was wrecked upon the Bermudas, where, very much 
 against their will, they spent the main part of the 
 next year in building two small ships, and paving 
 the way for an offshoot colony on these islands. 
 Another of the fl06t Was lost in a hurricane; the 
 rest arrived safe, as we have seen, but scarcely
 
 136 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 sound after so much bad weather, bringing 
 Captain Smith's old enemies, Martin, Archer, and 
 Ratcliffe alias Sicklemore in command of a motley 
 crew, " wherein were many unruly gallants, packed 
 thither by their friends to escape ill destinies," and 
 already prejudiced by report against a governor so 
 strict in enforcing law, order, and industry. 
 
 It may be imagined in what danger the colony now 
 was of being thrown into anarchy. The new comers 
 loudly declared that Smith's rule was at an end ; 
 but the lawful authorities might be at the bottom of 
 the sea for all that was known of them. Smith was 
 not willing to give up the colony to mere disorder ; 
 and the best of the new emigrants, seeing his worth, 
 agreed to support him in maintaining his position 
 for the meanwhile, and imprisoning some of the most 
 turbulent and factious of his opponents. Neverthe- 
 less, when his year of office was at an end, he re- 
 signed the presidency to Martin ; but that worthy 
 had at least the sense to know his own unfitness, 
 and at once gave it up again to Smith. The post 
 indeed was not one to be coveted. Not content with 
 trying to seize the stores and to usurp the govern- 
 ment, some of this disorderly rabble must needs 
 destroy the good understanding that had been 
 established with the Indians, by stealing their corn, 
 robbing their gardens, beating and imprisoning 
 them, and then of course had to call upon Smith 
 for aid against the resentment called forth by these 
 acts of oppression. What with mutinies within, 
 attacks from without, complaints from the natives, 
 new delusions among the English about gold
 
 THE PRESIDENT DISABLED. 137 
 
 mines and the South Sea, he had his hands full of 
 vexations, when an accident happened to him which 
 at last forced this brave man to abandon his post. 
 
 He had been up the river to settle the quarrels 
 and repair, as far as possible, the errors of a branch 
 colony that had been seated near the falls. On his 
 return, while sleeping, he was terribly burned by 
 the accidental explosion of a powder bag, " which 
 tore the flesh from his body and thighs, nine or ten 
 inches square, in a most pitiful manner; but to 
 quench the tormenting fire frying him in his clothes, 
 he leaped overboard into the deep river, where, ere 
 they could recover him, he was near drowned." 
 
 In this state he had to travel a hundred miles 
 without surgical aid. Arriving at Jamestown, though 
 unable to stand, and almost out of his mind with 
 pain, he attended to the business of government as 
 well as he could. An important matter on hand 
 was the trial of Ratcliffe, Archer, and other mal- 
 contents, who, it is said, fearing the result, sent a 
 man to murder the president in his bed. If the 
 story be true (which, we should hope, was rather 
 due in part to poor Smith's distracted mind) the 
 heart of the would be assassin failed him, and he 
 was unable to discharge the pistol. The president's 
 old comrades in arms were eager to take the lives 
 of his enemies ; but revenge was never part of this 
 hero's character. His resolution began to give way 
 under all these mental and bodily sufferings. He 
 scarcely expected to live ; at the best his injuries 
 would prevent him from that ceaseless activity by 
 which he had hitherto secured the welfare of the
 
 138 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 colony ; pain, ingratitude, and uncertainty combined 
 to make him lose heart. The ships were to leave 
 for England next day. He suddenly determined to 
 return with them, and did so, coming home as poor 
 as he had gone. 
 
 He left the settlement, however, in a state of 
 comparative prosperity, which there was every rea- 
 son to believe would have gone on increasing under 
 his management, for " it was his ill chance to end 
 when he had only learned how to begin." Besides 
 five or six outposts and branch plantations, the fort 
 at Jamestown was in good repair, and afforded safe 
 and sufficiently comfortable habitation. It was 
 built in the form of a triangle of strong palisades, 
 with an outwork at each corner in the shape of a 
 half moon, where also were the gates, guarded by 
 cannon. Along the inside of the walls fifty or sixty 
 houses were arranged in the same shape, built of 
 boards plastered with clay, roofed with bark, and 
 hung with mats after the Indian fashion. The 
 space in the middle was called the market place, 
 where stood a storehouse, a guardhouse, and a 
 church sixty feet long, presently to be adorned with 
 pulpit and pews of cedar and a black walnutwood 
 communion table. There were twenty-four pieces 
 of ordnance, three hundred muskets,* plenty of 
 ammunition, pikes, swords, and other weapons, as 
 
 * These stores were not always of the best quality. 
 Smith says that tradesmen would take a share, value 
 12 10s., in the company, to have the privilege of furnish- 
 ing the settlers with inferior articles, unsaleable at home. 
 Jobs and " rings " were not unknown in the " good old 
 times," it would appear.
 
 A LOSS SOON FELT. 139 
 
 well as clothes, nets, and tools of all sorts, seven 
 horses, pigs and fowls by the hundred, some goats 
 and sheep. The community had also seven boats, 
 a good store of commodities suitable for Indian 
 trade, and a newly gathered harvest ; so now, if 
 ever, they were in a condition to be left to them- 
 selves, and to spare a little time for wrangling and 
 idling. 
 
 But almost immediately they had too good reason 
 to regret their folly and the loss of John Smith's 
 clear head and busy hand. His authority had been 
 left in the hands of Percy, brother of the Earl of 
 Northumberland, who was himself sick, and had to 
 compete with " twenty presidents and their appur- 
 tenances," self elected. Under this distracted rule 
 soon ensued the darkest days that had yet befallen 
 the plantation, where idleness, selfishness, and in- 
 competence had now freedom to do their work. 
 
 When the Indians learned that the man who had 
 been at once their conqueror and protector was 
 gone, they were no longer restrained from attacking 
 the settlers. They destroyed the boats, killed the 
 hogs, and drove away the deer from that part of the 
 country. The settlement at the falls had to be 
 abandoned, after half its numbers had been cut 
 off. Ratcliffe and thirty men fell into the snares of 
 Powhatan, and were slain almost to a man, one only 
 escaping, and a boy being saved from death by Poca- 
 hontas. Another band, sent out to trade for corn, 
 ran away and turned pirates. The rest, harassed 
 by constant attacks, learned when too late the 
 worth of him against whom they had lately cla-
 
 140 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 moured as an oppressor. Provisions began to fail ; 
 no supplies were to be had from the natives, and 
 the stores were wasted by theft as well as by the 
 greed of the new officers. This period was" long 
 known in the annals of the colony as " the starving 
 time/' The survivors were reduced to live on 
 roots, berries, acorns, mushrooms, and the like; 
 starch became a luxury among them ; the skins of 
 horses were eaten ; and it was even said that they 
 devoured human flesh. A dreadful story indeed 
 came to England that one wretch had killed his 
 wife and eaten her ; but this proved to be a case of 
 ordinary murder. The criminal was burned alive. 
 
 Thus within six months their numbers, which at 
 Smith's departure amounted to nearly five hundred, 
 were brought down to sixty miserable souls. Even 
 these were like to perish in a few days when, in the 
 spring of 1610, Gates and Somers, with their com- 
 pany of one hundred and fifty, arrived at last from 
 the Bermudas, where in the meanwhile they had 
 been undergoing sufferings and dissensions of their 
 own. The long-boat of their wrecked ship, while 
 fresh craft were being built, had already been sent 
 to Virginia to seek help from the helpless colony 
 there, but was never heard of again. 
 
 A helpless remnant was all they found of those 
 hundreds who scarce more than a year before had 
 left England along with them in such high hope. 
 A lethargy of despair appeared to have fallen upon 
 the survivors. Rather than crawl out to gather the 
 firewood that lay rotting on the earth around them, 
 they had torn down and burned their own cabins ;
 
 THE COLONY ALMOST ABANDONED. 141 
 
 there was little care then for the defences and public 
 buildings. So when the new comers eagerly landed, 
 expecting to be welcomed with joy and abundance, 
 their dismayed eyes were met by the sight of 
 broken palisades, open gates, doors off their hinges, 
 rusty guns, empty and half ruined houses, among 
 which still moved a few pale and hollow eyed 
 wretches, with but energy enough to complain and 
 accuse. Well for them that they had not already 
 fallen an easy prey to the savages ! 
 
 The two knights lost heart at such a prospect. 
 Nothing but death seemed to flourish on this fatal 
 swamp. All the grain remaining, dealt out in 
 scanty rations, would only support them for a fort- 
 night. Now it was agreed by all that the planta- 
 tion must be abandoned as a hopeless attempt. 
 Crowded into their small and frail craft, the emi- 
 grants, old and new, embarked for Newfoundland, 
 trusting there to find English fishing vessels which 
 would help them home. They were scarcely to be 
 prevented from setting fire to the fort where they 
 had suffered so much. Without a tear they bade 
 farewell to this unblessed spot. 
 
 But now occurred one of those timely incidents 
 which give such a dramatic cast to the early history 
 of Virginia. As they drop down the river, they 
 fall in next morning with a boat, the vanguard of 
 a new expedition. Lord Delaware, the governor, 
 has come with three ships and abundance of sup- 
 plies. At once the fickle sky of their fortune is 
 changed from cloud to sunshine. The outgoing 
 vessels turn their heads, and all make again for the
 
 142 JOHN SMITH.. 
 
 fort, where they arrived before the Indians had 
 learned their departure. 
 
 On the 10th of June the lord governor landed to 
 the sound of trumpets, attended by a gallant guard 
 of halberdiers in red cloaks, and several gentlemen 
 of rank. He then proceeded first to the half ruined 
 church, which it was among his earliest cares to 
 have restored and decorated from day to day with 
 fresh flowers. After service he read his commission 
 and addressed the colonists, warning them against 
 the faults that had hitherto been their bane, and 
 announcing his intention henceforth to enforce 
 order and industry. 
 
 New strength now quickened the pulse of the 
 revived settlement. It seemed to be the hand of 
 God that had thus punished them for their sins and 
 yet ever marvellously preserved them from utter 
 destruction. The English nation were plainly in 
 earnest about this work, albeit it had as yet brought 
 little but loss and misery. The English spirit rose 
 to the task, and, forgetting all past discouragements, 
 again girded itself to strive with the forces of the 
 wilderness. 
 
 VI. 
 
 For a few years the record of John Smith's life 
 is almost blank for us. Rewards and fame in that 
 reign were not for such as he, who, at the best, had 
 only been ruling a crew of starving ragamuffins 
 that the country was well rid of, and, if his enemies 
 spoke true, was a violent, boasting, firebrand of a 
 fellow, wholly careless of proprieties and respecta- 
 bilities. We can but speculate as to where and
 
 TALES TO TELL 143 
 
 with whom he lived, when he reached England and 
 the surgeons had set him on his legs again. It is 
 possible that he saw and had speech of many of the 
 great men of the day, who might well be curious 
 to learn something of this colonial experiment on 
 which he had so much to say. He certainly ap- 
 pealed to the patronage of Lord Bacon, who may 
 from his information have taken almost every line 
 of that essay in which the great writer insists that 
 ' ( it is a shameful and unblessed thing to take the 
 scum of the people and wicked condemned men to 
 be the people with whom you plant ; and not only 
 so, but it spoileth the plantation ; for they will ever 
 live like rogues, and not fall to work, but be lazy, 
 and do mischief, and spend victuals and be quickly 
 weary, and then certify over to their country to 
 the discredit of the plantation/' At the Mermaid 
 Tavern Smith may have drunk a cup of sack with 
 Shakspeare himself, and narrated to the mighty 
 bard his own tale of 
 
 . . . most disastrous chances, 
 
 Of moving accidents by flood and field, 
 
 Of hairbreadth 'scapes i' the imminent deadly breach, 
 
 Of being taken by the insolent foe, 
 
 And sold to slavery ; of my redemption thence, 
 
 And portance in my travel's history. 
 
 And the child Milton may have listened with 
 eager wonder to the reminiscences of the man who 
 had visited the East as well as the West, and with 
 his own eyes had seen the steppes of Scythia and 
 the "cany wagons light" of barbarous hordes. 
 Who knows ? This we do know, that his faith in
 
 144 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 the results of colonial enterprise continued un- 
 shaken, and that he laboured heart and soul to 
 persuade his countrymen that the rich might mul- 
 tiply their wealth and the poor find ease and 
 plenty in the New World, not from fabulous Gol- 
 condas and Eldorados, but by the prosaic yet pro- 
 fitable occupations of agriculture, fishing, trade 
 and shipbuilding. No poet ever desired to find a 
 publisher more earnestly than Smith sought to find 
 patrons who would help him to prove the truth of 
 what he said, by giving him means to forward 
 discoveries and plantations. 
 
 It will be remembered that the area destined for 
 colonisation in the first years of King James's reign 
 lay between 34 and 45 north latitude, that is, from 
 the south of Virginia to the middle of the present 
 state of Maine. Two companies were formed, one 
 at London, the other at Plymouth. To the first 
 was granted the right of settling the southern half, 
 with what success we have seen. The north was 
 set apart for the West of England adventurers, and 
 a small colony had been sent out, which however 
 soon abandoned their settlement at the mouth of 
 the Kennebec, and returned with a woeful tale of 
 the ruggedness of the soil and the severity of the 
 climate. The attempt was not repeated till Smith, 
 meeting small encouragement from the London 
 company which owed so much to him, offered his 
 services to the promoters of the other enterprise. 
 He made a voyage of exploration to their territory, 
 the coast of which he carefully surveyed and gave it 
 for the first time the name of New England, where-
 
 SCHEMES AND DISAPPOINTMENTS. 145 
 
 as it had hitherto been called North Virginia or 
 Canada. So successful was this voyage in a busi- 
 ness point of view, and so glowing an account did 
 its commander bring back of the capacities of the 
 neglected country, that fresh interest was awakened 
 in the schemes which he had so much at heart. 
 Sir Ferdinand Gorges, Raleigh's old friend, and 
 other men of property backed him up, and he 
 twice set out for New England with the view of 
 planting a small colony. But once the bad weather 
 drove him back ; and the second time he was taken 
 prisoner by a French privateer, from which he made 
 one of his wonderful escapes in an open boat. 
 
 Such hardships our adventurer was accustomed 
 to, but he could ill brook the vexations and delays 
 with which his plans now met. Just as a modern 
 projector might advertise in the newspapers, he 
 wrote a book on New England and caused two or 
 three thousand copies of it to be printed, distribut- 
 ing many to the trade corporations of London^ to 
 invite the aid of moneyed men. " Near a year/' 
 he says, "I spent to understand their resolutions, 
 which was to me a greater toil and torment than 
 to have been in New England about my business 
 but with bread and water and what I could get 
 there by my labour." It was no longer doubted 
 that profit could be made out of the proposed 
 enterprise; the question now was who were to 
 share those profits, while honest Smith thought 
 mainly of the glory of the nation and the gain of 
 mankind. Disputes arose between the two com- 
 panies ; parliament showed its dislike towards the 
 
 L
 
 146 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 exclusive privileges which the king proposed to 
 confer; private adventurers durst not move in the 
 matter, for fear of encroaching on the royal patent. 
 Thus, before anything was done, New England had 
 already been founded by the Pilgrim Fathers. John 
 Smith had no great faith in the firmness of this 
 foundation. Though he hated greed, he was not 
 above ordinary business considerations of profit and 
 loss, and taking a plain view of average human 
 nature, declared : " I am not so simple to think that 
 ever any other motive than wealth will ever erect 
 there a commonwealth or draw company from their 
 ease and humours at home." There were some 
 depths of human nature which the clear headed 
 captain had not yet sounded, as we shall see in 
 time. He himself, after freely spending time and 
 money, got no profit for his pains but the empty title 
 of Admiral of New England. He might have known 
 that the best work in the world is done for nothing. 
 
 But while occupied with abortive schemes for the 
 settlement of New England, we may be sure that 
 Smith never ceased to follow with warm interest 
 the varied fortunes of his old friends and foes in 
 Virginia, to whom we now return for a time. 
 
 Lord Delaware was soon driven from his post by 
 sickness, and died in attempting to return to it. 
 After him came a succession of governors, who were 
 far too frequently changed for the welfare of the 
 colony. The experience of past disorders had 
 seemed to render good government necessary, and 
 severity was our ancestors' idea of good government. 
 A terribly Draconian code of laws was proclaimed
 
 SEVERE LAWS. 147 
 
 to keep the settlers in order; they were looked 
 upon as the servants, almost as the slaves, of the 
 company, and subjected to the most rigorous martial 
 discipline of the age. Their morals and theology 
 were provided for as strictly as industry and order- 
 liness. Every one on arriving in Virginia had to 
 satisfy the minister that he had been duly instructed 
 in the principles of religion, and if he was found 
 wanting must submit to be taught and catechised 
 on pain of whipping. It was death to speak against 
 God, the king, or the Bible. Whoever failed in 
 reverence to a preacher was to be whipped three 
 times, and to ask forgiveness publicly in church. 
 Prayers were read twice a day, and must be attended 
 by all ; staying away from church on Sundays was 
 punished, the first time by stoppage of the offender's 
 allowance of provisions for the week, the second by 
 a whipping in addition, the third by death. The 
 Indians were protected against all but authorised 
 attacks and encroachments. Death was denounced 
 against robbery, perjury, desertion, private trading 
 with the Indians, even against such a fault as killing 
 any tame beast or bird imported into the colony. 
 Twice a day the drum beat in the fort to call the 
 labourers out to their work, from six till ten, and 
 from two till four; and if any one failed to answer 
 the summons his skin must pay for it. The cooks 
 and bakers who prepared the food were threatened 
 with the loss of their ears upon any negligence or 
 dishonesty. Laundresses were to be whipped if 
 they stole or changed the linen entrusted to them, 
 and also if they washed within forty feet of the
 
 148 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 palisades or threw out suds into the enclosure. The 
 soldiers were enjoined to present such an example 
 of virtue as might be rather expected from 
 angels; death was the punishment for feigning 
 sickness, having private converse with Indians, 
 being absent from duty ; and quarrelling, duelling, 
 gambling, swearing, and the like were prohibited 
 under such penalties as whipping, lying tied head 
 and heels together, which seems to have been a 
 favourite punishment of the time, or " passing the 
 pikes," by which we may understand something 
 like running the gauntlet. The intention of all 
 these regulations was good, but their provisions 
 were so rigorous that it is impossible they could 
 have been thoroughly executed. They were effectual 
 however in repressing mutinies such as had vexed 
 John Smith so often, and also unfortunately in 
 getting a bad name for the colony, as a place of 
 penal servitude rather than of exciting adventure, 
 a reputation not mended by the reports of sundry 
 knaves and dastards who found their way home to 
 England. In the plays of the period Virginia was 
 reviled and ridiculed, and its name began to pass 
 for a proverb in much the same sense as that of 
 Botany Bay did in later times. 
 
 In spite of this, however, emigration still went 
 on, for the population of England was so large as to 
 try its resources, and during the inglorious reign of 
 James there was no war to act as an outlet for restless 
 spirits. The company continued to take a lively 
 interest in their venture, and funds were raised by 
 means of public lotteries, which produced a con-
 
 GROWTH OF THE COLONY. 149 
 
 siderable sum, till after few years they were put a 
 stop to by parliament. Fresh supplies were sent 
 out ; new plantations were started in the interior 
 of the country ; a small settlement which the French 
 had ventured to make in New England was attacked 
 and destroyed without ceremony ; the Spaniards 
 made no serious attempt to disturb their rivals, as 
 ifc was feared they would have done ; and the 
 dominion of the colony seemed to be established as 
 well as extended. John Smith began to feel a little 
 jealous of the boasting reports which were now 
 sent home by his successors. All their discoveries, 
 he declared in his rough style, were but " pigs of 
 his own sow," and no more wonderful, after he had 
 opened up the way, than it would be to go from 
 Billingsgate and discover Greenwich, Gravesend, 
 and Margate. 
 
 These growing encroachments, as may be sup- 
 posed, were not yet acquiesced in by the Indians ; 
 and collisions still occurred between them and the 
 settlers, who were annoyed rather than checked by 
 such opposition, and provoked more and more into 
 making might the law of right. Again Pocahontas, 
 this time against her will, played an important part 
 in bring about a better understanding. Captain 
 Argall, who brought out a batch of emigrants in 
 1612, hit upon the device of kidnapping the Indian 
 princess and holding her as a hostage. By a bribe 
 of a copper kettle, a precious treasure in native 
 eyes, he induced an old Indian to entice her on 
 board his vessel, then sent a messenger to her 
 father, declaring that she was only to be ransomed
 
 ISO JOHN SMITH. 
 
 by his surrendering certain English deserters, along 
 with arms and tools which had been stolen from the 
 colonists. 
 
 In answer to this Powhatan hesitated, procras- 
 tinated, and lied, for " he loved both his daughter 
 and our commodities well." An expedition was 
 sent against him, but still nothing was settled ; and 
 as the English had to return to plant their fields, 
 he had a respite till they should have leisure to turn 
 their ploughshares back into swords. 
 
 In the meanwhile an unexpected and important 
 turn was given to the relations between the two 
 races. John Eolfe, an English gentleman of good 
 character, fell in love with Pocahontas, and she 
 with him. They were married, with the full ap- 
 proval of the governor on one side and of her 
 father on the other ; and Powhatan not only entered 
 into amity with the colonists, but was the means 
 of bringing about a peace with the Chickahominy 
 Indians, who consented to become subject and 
 tributary to King James, their eight chief men being 
 in sign thereof invested with the title of noblemen, 
 and supplied with insignia of their high rank, in 
 the shape of a red coat, a copper chain, and a copy 
 of the royal portrait. 
 
 This marriage proved a not less happy than for- 
 tunate one. Pocahontas, now styled the Lady 
 Eebecca,* learned the English language tolerably 
 
 * Her real name is said to have been Matoax or Matoaka, 
 which the Indians changed, from a superstitious fear that 
 if the English knew it they might be able to do her a mis- 
 chief. She is also mentioned as having still another alias.
 
 POCAHONTAS VISITS ENGLAND. 
 
 well, became a sincere convert to Christianity, and 
 grew " formal and civil/' according to the then 
 accepted models of civilised behaviour. In 1616 
 she accompanied her husband to Europe, where she 
 was received with curiosity, admiration, and cordi- 
 ality by the good society of London, and was 
 specially distinguished by the king and queen. 
 But she liked the smoke of the city so little that 
 she soon removed to Brentford. Here, to her joy 
 and surprise, she again met her old friend, Captain 
 Smith, whom she had been taught to believe dead, 
 and was much vexed that he now approached her 
 with an air of distance and reserve, which he had 
 some ado to explain. It seems that King James, in 
 his respect for the sacred blood of kings, had no 
 mind that Powhatan's daughter should be treated 
 familiarly by his subjects; he is even said to have 
 been jealous of Mr. Rolfe's alliance with a royal 
 family and suspicious of this residence at Brentford, 
 where perhaps he remembered that two kings were 
 proverbially licensed. 
 
 So Smith treated her Indian royal highness with 
 due reverence, and loudly sounded forth the praise 
 of her conduct towards him. But as he was on the 
 point of setting out upon one of his voyages to New 
 England, he did not see much of his former bene- 
 factress, and next year at the very beginning of her 
 voyage home she died at Gravesend, leaving one 
 son, from whom some of the chief Virginian families 
 were afterwards proud to claim their descent. 
 
 This untoward event did not alter Powhatan's 
 friendly conduct towards the English. He was too
 
 152 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 well satisfied of their power to make any further 
 attempt at resisting it. It is related that he sent 
 his son-in-law to England to number the population, 
 who, on his arrival at Plymouth, provided himself 
 with a long stick and tried to keep count by notches 
 on it of all the men he met, but, as may be supposed, 
 grew very soon " weary of that task/' and came 
 home to report that one might as well try to 
 count the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, 
 and the sand on the seashore. The year after his 
 daughter's death Powhatan also died, and accord- 
 ing to the custom of this people, was succeeded by 
 a younger brother of whom we hear little more than 
 the name, and are not sure how to spell even that. 
 Another brother, with whom we are better ac- 
 quainted, Opechancanough, appears now as the most 
 active spirit among the Indians. He had always 
 hated the intruders, and though for a time he 
 dissembled, soon proved that his disposition was 
 unchanged. It began to be suspected on both 
 sides that no union between the two races was 
 possible, and that only the extermination of one or 
 other power could put an end to constant bicker- 
 ings, injuries, and reprisals. 
 
 With many ups and downs, however, the colony 
 continued to struggle on towards prosperity. An 
 important step had been taken when, instead of 
 obliging the settlers to work solely for the common 
 stock, each man was given a small plot of land to 
 make the best of for his own advantage, and the 
 right of private property was found the surest 
 stimulant to industry.
 
 TAKING ROOT AND BEARING FRUIT. 153 
 
 In 1 619 Sir George Yearley came out as governor, 
 with instructions to abolish the severe code by 
 which the colonists had hitherto been restrained as 
 if they were soldiers in presence of the enemy, and to 
 substitute the free laws of England. An assembly 
 was also summoned with power of making laws; 
 the germ of American independence was latent in 
 this provincial parliament. Measures were taken 
 to promote education and to convert the Indians to 
 the Church of England, which was declared to be 
 the established religion of the colony. Industry was 
 at last turned into a profitable direction; the 
 settlers, after wasting much energy on the manufac- 
 tures protested against by Smith and on the culti- 
 vation of vines and the rearing of silkworms, found 
 that tobacco would pay them far better and more 
 quickly. Tobacco was therefore cultivated with 
 such zeal that at Jamestown even the streets 
 and market place were planted with it. The tf sot- 
 weed " became the staple of Virginia, and for long 
 served as its currency. 
 
 Though the climate and the hardships of Vir- 
 ginia had been so fatal to former emigrants, in the 
 year 1619 we find that more than twelve hundred 
 new settlers were landed. Among these were a 
 consignment of "ninety young women to make 
 wives," which is a good sign of the plantation's 
 taking root. The price of a wife was from a hun- 
 dred and twenty pounds of tobacco, according to 
 merit and the state of the market. Emigrants who 
 could afford to pay their passage were rewarded at 
 once by a grant of land. Those who were sent out
 
 154 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 at the company's expense had to give their labour in 
 return for a certain time ; later, they were assigned 
 as apprentices to private planters, becoming free 
 after a term of years. This was the origin of a sys- 
 tem which led to great abuses. The condition of 
 apprenticeship showed a tendency to become a more 
 degraded state of servitude, in which the bondsman 
 might be transferred from one master to another 
 like a head of cattle. Criminals began to be trans- 
 ported; the troubles of the civil war led to the cus- 
 tom of consigning political prisoners also to this 
 fate ; and convict labour was thought a convenient 
 and profitable way of advancing the colony. Worse, 
 there were found miscreants who made a trade of 
 kidnapping, or " spiriting " as the old phrase was, 
 young people and selling them to the planters. 
 Many a poor mother's child has disappeared thus, 
 to toil for years under the hot sun of Virginia, and 
 never to see his friends or be heard of again at 
 home, in these days when neither the police nor the 
 post office were such active institutions as they are 
 now. Bristol and Aberdeen were notorious for this 
 nefarious practice, which, so late as the middle of 
 last century seems to have been carried on almost 
 publicly, and sometimes was even connived at by 
 the magistrates. 
 
 The seeds of another evil, which in our own times 
 was to bring forth fatal fruit, were introduced into 
 the colony also in 1619, when twenty negro slaves 
 were brought by a Dutch ship and sold to the plant- 
 ers. God grant that America is at length washed 
 clean of that sin by so much of her best blood !
 
 CONFIDENCE OF THE SETTLERS. 155 
 
 There were plainer signs which made men like 
 John Smith shake their heads over the prospects of 
 the young colony, for all its growth and flourishing. 
 The colonists were now dispersed on separate plant- 
 ations, extending over a hundred and forty miles. 
 They had ceased to entertain fear or even caution to- 
 wards the Indians, who visited them freely, went in 
 and out of their houses, and were welcomed as guests 
 and friends. Nay, they were actually becoming ex- 
 pert in the use of the arms neglected by the English. 
 They were sometimes employed to shoot game ; such 
 laxity appears to have been winked at, and it was 
 even debated whether the natives should not be 
 authorised to use firearms, as a bait to convert 
 them to Christianity. One preacher of the muscu- 
 lar Christian school had little attention paid to him 
 when he complained that his missionary efforts 
 were unsuccessful, and would be, till a few of "their 
 priests and ancients had their throats cut." It was 
 rather considered, and rightly, that kindness was 
 more likely to win them over to the true faith. 
 This conduct towards the Indians was more credit- 
 able to the hearts than to the heads of their con- 
 querors. Having passed some time without any 
 serious fighting, the English allowed themselves to 
 be off their guard ; and beneath all this fair show 
 of friendship lay the hatred of a cruel and treacher- 
 ous race, forcibly deprived of their own and seeing 
 their power grow less from day to day. On the 
 22nd of March, 1622, their real sentiments were 
 displayed in bloody characters. 
 A plot was formed to fall upon the settlers on
 
 156 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 that day, at the same hour, and massacre them to a 
 man, after having lulled them into security up to the 
 fatal moment by extraordinary pretences of alliance 
 and goodwill. Luckily, the night before, a converted 
 Indian betrayed the design to the man he was 
 appointed to kill, who lost no time in hastening 
 to Jamestown to inform the governor. Thus at 
 many of the chief settlements the English were 
 found prepared, and their enemies retired without 
 striking a blow. At more than thirty places, how- 
 ever, the messengers of death were received without 
 suspicion. Entering into the houses, they eat, 
 talked, and traded with the inhabitants, till they 
 found some safe opportunity of discharging their 
 treacherous task. Close upon three hundred and 
 fifty persons were thus murdered, men, women, and 
 children. Some were slain in their houses with 
 their own weapons, so suddenly that they saw not 
 by whose hand the blow was given. Some were 
 enticed forth and assassinated in the woods. Some 
 were taken unarmed at work, and speedily pierced 
 with arrows, and their brains dashed out by clubs. 
 Houses were burned, property was destroyed, and 
 the bodies of the victims were mangled with un- 
 speakable barbarity. None were spared ; the pious 
 benefactor of the natives met the same fate as their 
 oppressor. Instructed by familiarity with the set- 
 tlers' habits, the savage ingenuity had so well con- 
 certed its plans that few of those taken by surprise 
 were able to save themselves in flight. Only when 
 the least resistance was possible the Indians showed 
 themselves as cowardly as cruel. One wounded
 
 THE MASSACRE IN VIRGINIA. 157 
 
 man set a band of them to flight with an axe. At 
 another place a boy discharged a gun at random, 
 and that was enough to protect him. A party of 
 Englishmen took refuge in a half built house, and 
 successfully defended themselves with axes, spades, 
 and brickbats. One small family had what appeared 
 a miraculous escape. At a plantation near them 
 seventy-three persons were butchered ; yet it was 
 two days before this little household even heard 
 what had happened. 
 
 Though the Indians thus failed of their full intent, 
 the blow was a disastrous one for the colony. The 
 panic stricken planters hurried to concentrate them- 
 selves in a few spots, leaving, for the most part, 
 their fields unsown, their vineyards to be trampled 
 down by wild animals, their cattle to be killed or 
 driven away by the enemy. Terror and uncer- 
 tainty paralysed all enterprise for a time, and many 
 now left the colony, despairing of its future. But 
 the moral effects of the massacre were even worse. 
 As soon as the English recovered from their sur- 
 prise, their first thoughts were of reprisals. A 
 reaction of feeling took place ; men blamed them- 
 selves for the kind policy by which they had tried 
 to convert their savage neighbours, who were now 
 spoken of as beasts and fiends, unworthy of pity or 
 justice, by those who little thought that in the days 
 of their grandchildren their own civilised island 
 would behold a similar scene of horror enacted in a 
 Highland glen. Eevenge was now their text, and 
 the missionary work of throat cutting found full 
 favour. The cruelties of the Spaniards were signifi-
 
 158 JO PIN SMITH. 
 
 cantly referred to, and no longer with horror. 
 Some even said that this bloody day would do more 
 good than harm to the colony, since now they need 
 no longer trouble to keep on good terms with the 
 Indians, but might destroy them by all means pos- 
 sible, and take their houses and clearings, which 
 were the best spots in the country. 
 
 Such unchristian lessons were soon put into 
 practice. The colonists assembled in bands, and 
 fell upon the natives, killing, burning, and destroy- 
 ing in their turn. These attacks were repeated, 
 and thus revengeful feeling was kept up on both 
 sides. In 1644 the Indians planned and carried 
 out another massacre, at which time Opechanca- 
 nough was killed, having lived to a very great age. 
 But the increasing numbers of the colony at last 
 put it beyond the power of the Indians to do them 
 serious harm, though ever and again the conquered 
 race harassed their conquerors by the robberies, 
 frays, and surprises which have afforded such a 
 theme for fiction. It was long before the advancing 
 frontiers of civilisation ceased to smoulder with the 
 embers of mutual hatred ; even in our own days we 
 have seen a flicker of the flame that once burned so 
 fiercely. 
 
 In England the news of the massacre of 1622 called 
 forth horror and sympathy ; aid was sent at once to 
 the suffering colonists. Now John Smith again 
 appears upon the scene ; though the best of his life 
 is gone, he is as ready for work and danger as when 
 he was a beardless boy. We find him making an 
 offer to the company to go out and reduce the
 
 INQUIRY INTO VIRGINIAN AFFAIRS. 159 
 
 savages to subjection, if lie might have a body of a 
 hundred and fifty men as a sort of police force with 
 which to scour the country. The answer was that 
 the company could not afford the expense of such 
 an armament, though it was suggested that they 
 would be obliged to him if he would do the business 
 at his own charges, allowing them to have half the 
 pillage. So little even yet did these gentlemen 
 know of the country that they undertook to govern, 
 in which, as Smith told them, he would not give 
 twenty pounds for all the pillage that was to be had 
 in twenty years. Industry and not pillage had ever 
 been the ground of his faith in the prosperity of 
 Virginia. 
 
 But soon the power of governing was taken away 
 from this corporation. Commissioners were ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the causes of so much mis- 
 fortune, and they did not neglect to take advantage 
 of Smith's sagacity and experience. He gave the 
 reasons which we have seen him urging all along, 
 and also some practical suggestions for the reform- 
 ation of the colony; the main thing necessary in 
 his opinion being " sufficient men of any faculty/' 
 but on the other hand to "rectify a commonwealth 
 with debauched people is impossible." 
 
 The result of this investigation was that Virginia 
 was transferred to the crown of England, though 
 retaining its popular assembly, with the rights of 
 which the Stuarts either did not think it worth 
 while, or soon had their hands too full at home, to 
 meddle. And here we leave it and its colonists, as 
 Smith ends his history, "to the trial of time . . .
 
 160 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 praying to that great God, the Protector of all good- 
 ness, to send them as good success as the goodness 
 of the action and country deserveth, and my heart 
 desireth." 
 
 The last few years of Smith's life were spent in 
 writing, editing, and publishing his works ; he even 
 travelled about distributing them. His whole heart 
 was thrown into this work. He used to call the 
 colonies his wife and children. Their undeveloped 
 riches was his constant text. No task, so his ser- 
 mon ever ran, could be more profitable, honourable, 
 and religious, than that of bringing their boundless 
 wastes and wild inhabitants within the pale of civili- 
 sation. Adam and Eve, he declared, were the first 
 planters, and Noah was the second to set the same 
 example. What could be more glorious than for a 
 prince thus to extend his dominions ? How could 
 our fellow men be better served? Was it not a 
 work pleasing to Heaven to spread that light of 
 truth with which England had been blessed ? By 
 such appeals he sought to stir the age into some 
 share of his own enthusiasm, and with his pen, as 
 before with sword and axe, laboured to clear the 
 forests of the New World. 
 
 Besides his books on Yirginia and New England, 
 and the story of his adventures in the four quarters 
 of the world, he wrote a " Sea Grammar," for the 
 instruction of young sailors. He is said to have 
 been engaged on another nautical work when he 
 died in 1631, at the age of fifty-two, having seen a 
 colony after his own model begun by the Puritans 
 in New England, to whom he heartily wished sue-
 
 HIS CHARACTER. 161 
 
 cess, though he doubted if they had regard enough 
 for bishops. 
 
 The career of this worthy may seem to have been 
 too long dwelt on; yet the importance of his services 
 can scarcely be over estimated. He may have been 
 somewhat given to blowing his own trumpet when 
 no one else undertook that duty, and, as we have 
 seen, there is reason to suspect that his imagination 
 sometimes led him astray in that account of his 
 "True Travels in Europe, Asia, Africa, and 
 America/' but this is not so certain as that, 
 neither during his life nor since, has he had 
 among his countrymen the meed of fame and 
 credit which is honestly due to him. The more 
 one knows of him, the more one comes to like the 
 rough and ready hero, as well as to respect him 
 for what he did. As men go, he was a fine fellow ; 
 compared with other discoverers who had the 
 same trials and temptations, his character seems 
 nothing less than noble, and we may well wish with 
 his rhyming panegyrist that there were "many 
 such Smiths in this our Israel." He had his faults 
 like the rest of us, but in his faults and in his 
 virtues he was what we are perhaps too com- 
 placently accustomed to consider as a typical 
 Briton, on the whole a good specimen of the race 
 that has contrived to conquer half the world, not 
 always with the loftiest intentions, but not often 
 with the most unsatisfactory results. If he made 
 enemies he had also friends who knew him 
 thoroughly, and could speak warmly of him as 
 one " that in all his proceedings made justice his 
 
 M
 
 1 62 JOHN SMITH. 
 
 first guide, and experience his second, ever hating 
 baseness, sloth, pride, and indignity more than any 
 dangers ; that never allowed more for himself than 
 his soldiers with him.; that upon no danger would 
 send them where he would not lead them himself ; 
 that would never see us want what either he had or 
 could by any means get us ; that would rather want 
 than borrow, or starve than not pay; that loved 
 action more than words, and hated falsehood and 
 covetousness worse than death; whose adventures 
 were our lives, and whose loss our deaths."
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 i. 
 
 THE advance of enlightenment in the civilised world 
 may be compared *to the process of discovery and 
 colonisation, in which we have seen how men, some- 
 times illustrious, more often humble and unknown, 
 had to sacrifice comfort, health, life itself, to the 
 arduous and perilous task of clearing the ground 
 for their more fortunate successors. Crowded cities 
 now hide the swamps that once steamed with deadly 
 vapours ; rich fields cover the wildernesses where 
 the first turners of the sod pined with hunger. The 
 roots of our moral culture, as of this prosperity, 
 have been watered with blood and tears. 
 
 We Englishmen of to-day find ourselves in such 
 a position that it is hard for us to realise some of 
 the conditions under which men lived in the past. 
 Every man among us may now think freely and speak 
 his mind. Every man may worship according to his 
 conscience, none daring and few caring to make 
 him afrafd. The general good is recognised as the 
 object of our laws; class and sect may no longer 
 have a hand in them. In this state of security we 
 are too prone to forget the toils by which the path 
 to it was hewn and beaten smooth, and too seldom 
 bethink ourselves that these are the grass-grown 
 graves of martyrs which we find so easy to our feet.
 
 1 64 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 The rights and immunities that we enjoy so care- 
 lessly we owe to men who won them in tortures 
 and labours, in prison and exile, at the pillory and 
 the stake, as well as on the field of battle. For 
 their courage and perseverance we cannot be too 
 grateful. It were good for us if we oftener turned 
 to the story of their sufferings, and learned from 
 them so to play our part as to hand down the gift 
 of life richer and freer to our posterity. 
 
 Ten generations have not come and gone since 
 the English Puritans were in the forefront of the 
 battle of humanity. Their name is with some still a 
 word of opprobrium ; their doctrines are not now in 
 fashion ; but only the ignorant and thoughtless can 
 sneer at what they veritably did. That, like their 
 contemporaries, they entertained many erroneous 
 notions, we must admit. That they were not plea- 
 sant companions for men of a less thoughtful and 
 stern temper, we may well believe. That they 
 cultivated some absurd peculiarities of appearance 
 and behaviour, we have heard more than enough ; 
 we know also that some of the peculiarities which 
 offended their enemies are the ordinary habits of 
 our own time, when we should find the lace and 
 lovelocks of the Cavaliers far more ridiculous and 
 unmanly than the short hair and sober garments of 
 the Eoundheads. That they did not fully under- 
 stand their real principles, and while giving their 
 own blood in the cause of religious liberty were so 
 inconsistent as to turn the sword against other 
 seekers of the truth, is but to say that they were 
 men, and men of an age in which only here and
 
 THE PURITANS. 165 
 
 there a sage such as Milton, or an enthusiast like 
 Fox, had begun to comprehend the true idea of 
 freedom. But it would be foolish to deny that they 
 were, as a body, men of singular strength and 
 courage, who have wrought many of their opinions 
 into the texture of our national life, and communi- 
 cated to the spirit of all our churches something of 
 their characteristic zeal. Work like theirs cannot 
 perish; time destroys only the prejudices and errors 
 which blind and hinder such men. The nasal 
 twang of the Puritan saints, all their narrow- 
 minded austerities and ludicrous applications of 
 Scripture, have vanished or are vanishing like the 
 smoke of a furnace ; but all the brighter glows that 
 part of them which abides with us, and the clearer 
 is the lesson of their earnestness and simplicity and 
 reverence for the eternal. Though their name and 
 memory were wholly to pass away, their influence 
 would still be with us. And so long as our world 
 is what it is, and not what it ought to be, we 
 cannot do without men who in the Puritan spirit 
 will face its afflictions and wrestle with its op- 
 pressors. 
 
 The Reformation affected the Church of England 
 in a manner which could not be satisfactory to those 
 who had at heart the principles of the one and 
 the purity of the other. It was brought about by 
 the selfish policy of the king rather than by the 
 enlightened judgment of the people, and the main 
 change which it introduced at first was the substi- 
 tution of the royal for the papal supremacy over 
 conscience. Timid well-meaning men, crafty time-
 
 1 66 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 serving men, men who were indifferent to all re- 
 ligion, and men who were so careful of their religion 
 that they feared to destroy it in the process of 
 reformation, in short, the mass of the people, ac- 
 cepted more or less willingly the arrangements 
 made and altered from time to time by the ca- 
 pricious and narrow mind of Henry VIII. Who- 
 ever openly controverted whatever doctrines the 
 theological Bluebeard chose to set his seal to was 
 disposed of by burning or otherwise, and thus he 
 trusted to preserve that superficial uniformity of 
 opinion which is so dear to a certain order of 
 intellect. 
 
 Yet, even before the days of Wickliffe and ever 
 since, there had not been absent from our national 
 life a strong undercurrent of feeling against priestly 
 assumption and the corruptions of the Church of 
 Rome. This feeling now found expression through 
 reformers who yearned after the simplicity and 
 purity which they found in the Bible, and would 
 make no terms with the ceremonies and doctrines 
 by which its lessons had been overlaid. Such men 
 were in uo mood to accept the partial and incon- 
 sistent reforms given to the church at the arbitrary 
 will of any sovereign ; still less would they submit 
 to the reactionary measures on which Queen Mary 
 staked her crown. The fearful persecution which 
 ensued could not silence them. Those who died at 
 the stake but lighted a candle which has never 
 been put out. Those who lived sought an asylum 
 among their brethren on the continent, where, 
 embittered by exile, they listened eagerly to the
 
 THE GROWTH OF DISSENT. 167 
 
 teachings of the most advanced reformers, and 
 became more zealous to make a radical change in 
 the church of their native land. 
 
 At the death of Mary the exiles flocked back to 
 England with their increased hatred of Rome, and 
 found their countrymen, horrified by the epoch of 
 cruelty which had just gone by, in a mood to give 
 more friendly welcome to the new ideas, for which 
 every martyr had been worth a thousand argu- 
 ments. If they hoped much from Elizabeth they 
 were disappointed. This princess proved as little 
 disposed as her father to abate the claims of the 
 royal supremacy over the church, and no less luke- 
 warm against the unreformed features of its ritual. 
 Had her reign been a period of profound peace, the 
 victory of religious liberty might have been delayed 
 for a century. But its foreign enemies played their 
 game so badly that queen and people were driven 
 together into an attitude of opposition, and the 
 cannon of the Armada itself secured the safety of 
 English protestantism. Still, however, the sove- 
 reign was jealous of all dissent from the estab- 
 lished forms of religion. Persecution was relaxed 
 in her reign, but not abandoned. Compared with 
 the reign of her sister, it was an age of mercy ; 
 compared with the reign under which we now live, 
 it was an age of intolerable oppression. Suspension, 
 fines, imprisonment, sometimes even death, were 
 the reward of those who went too far, as well as 
 of those who did not go far enough, for the royal 
 pleasure. Such persecution was effectual only in 
 irritating without overawing the sufferers, and the
 
 168 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 cause in which they suffered struck deeper root 
 and flourished more vigorously for this pruning. 
 Elizabeth and her ministers were helpless against 
 the spread of the new leaven. Long before she 
 died, sick and weary of life, it was recognised that 
 a large and influential section of the church and the 
 nation had adopted that cast of opinions and morals 
 which now became known as puritanism. The word 
 explains itself ; it is a name befitting those who in 
 all times have been moved to seek, not so much 
 to be better than their neighbours, as to be better 
 than themselves, and from the contemplation of 
 their own imperfect nature have risen to a higher 
 conception of true goodness. 
 
 James I., brought up in the keen protestant air 
 of Scotland, might well have been expected to 
 favour the extreme anti-Romanist party in his new 
 dominions. But the education of this weak and vain 
 prince proved to have had a far different effect; 
 he was so disgusted by the austere religion forced 
 upon him by his fellow countrymen that he at once 
 showed a dislike to the kindred sect in the south, 
 and drew closer to the obsequious bishops who 
 declared, when his majesty was pleased to exhibit 
 in the controversy the learning of a pedant adorned 
 by the manners of a bully, that he spoke by the 
 special assistance of the Holy Spirit ! Besides, his 
 love of power sharpened his wits to the apprehension 
 of a new danger. This wisest fool in Europe had 
 reason in his maxim, " No bishop, no king." The 
 men who had so long suffered from the abuse of 
 royal power had naturally grown aware of the
 
 THE RE FOR AUNG PARTY. 169 
 
 iniquity of such abuse, and religious and political 
 discontent became involved in one agitation. The 
 Puritans were no longer a sect, but a powerful 
 party, whose demands began to be more open and 
 urgent. The breach was widening year by year ; 
 moderate counsels gave place to extreme views on 
 either side. On the one hand was the royal and 
 episcopal power, more and more asserted and en- 
 forced; on the other stood the growing strength 
 of the people and the most pious members of the 
 church, more and more aroused to the danger of 
 that power and determined to lessen it. Ignorant 
 of the force of the storm that was gathering against 
 his notions of government, James thought to 
 oppose it by the petty inquisition of such courts 
 as the Star Chamber and the High Commission. 
 He could not have taken better means to foster the 
 cause which he hated. Sympathy with the victims 
 went to swell the popular discontent. The severities 
 exercised against the Puritans were most useful in 
 winnowing from among them all whose motives 
 were not sincere, or whose spirits not resolute, 
 and thus providing a picked body to carry the 
 standard of reform against all odds. It was the 
 boast of the people of Massachusetts that three 
 kingdoms had been sifted to afford the choice 
 seed from which they sprang, which was again 
 sifted in exile as it had been in persecution. For 
 some of the oppressed, beginning to despair of peace 
 and liberty at home, were at last driven to seek 
 them once more abroad in a country which had just 
 rendered itself illustrious by a gallant struggle for
 
 1 70 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 civil and religious freedom. Republican soil was 
 again found congenial to anti-sacerdotal principles ; 
 New England was born at Geneva, and cradled in 
 Holland. 
 
 As is usual in such movements, a division had not 
 failed to make its appearance in the ranks of the 
 reformers. The Puritans, it must not be forgotten, 
 were still members of the Church of England. 
 While they deplored its corruptions, they had no 
 wish 'to withdraw from its communion, believing 
 that all the nation should belong to one religion, 
 and that the state had a clear right to prescribe the 
 terms of unity. But twenty years before the death 
 of Elizabeth, there had appeared a sect with less 
 regard for the ordinances of man and more bold 
 intention to attain the purity after which all the 
 party aspired. This sect in time grew into the 
 powerful body of the Independents ; but at first it 
 was a small and despised faction of obscure men, 
 spoken of contemptuously as " Brownists," from 
 one of their leaders who little deserved that honour, 
 as " Barrowists," from another who suffered mar- 
 tyrdom under Elizabeth, or as "Separatists," 
 because they cut themselves loose from the bonds 
 of the state church and did not hesitate to worship 
 in illegal conventicles. The Puritans long looked 
 upon these proceedings with grave disapproval ; 
 and the position of the two kindred parties towards 
 each other was much like that of the Ritualists and 
 the Romanists among ourselves. In time indeed 
 the principles of the Separatists carried it over 
 the scruples of the Puritans, so that the two parties
 
 ROBINSON*S CONGREGATION. 171 
 
 are often identified under the latter name. But so 
 long as their common enemies were in power the 
 more thoroughgoing party of course bore the 
 brunt of the persecution. It was they who now 
 turned to Holland as their fathers had turned to 
 Switzerland and Germany, for a refuge from op- 
 pression. 
 
 It was in the northern part of England that 
 this sterner temper prevailed. At the beginning 
 of the seventeenth century, about the time when 
 Bartholomew Gosnold discovered Cape Cod, there 
 gathered round a village near the borders of 
 Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire, and Yorkshire, or 
 little congregation which covenanted to follow 
 humbly the teachings which, as they believed, 
 they found in the word of God. Mr. John Robin- 
 son, a young Cambridge man, became the pastor of 
 this flock, among which were not many rich nor 
 mighty nor learned, but which was strong in the 
 spirit that bound them together in such adverse 
 days. They were mostly young men of the rank 
 of peasants or small farmers. For some time they 
 made shift to worship as much as possible in private, 
 and to bear the penalties of nonconformity with 
 patience. But soon they found their position in- 
 tolerable. " For some were taken and clapped up 
 in prisons, others had their houses beset and watched 
 night and day, and hardly escaped their hands ; and 
 the most were fain to fly and leave their houses and 
 habitations, and the means of their livelihood. . . . 
 Seeing themselves thus molested, and that there 
 was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint
 
 172 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, 
 where they heard was freedom of religion for all 
 men, as also how sundry from London and other 
 parts of the land, that had been exiled and persecuted 
 for the same cause, were gone thither and lived at 
 Amsterdam and in other places of the land." 
 
 It was in 1607 that this resolution was taken, but 
 it could not be immediately carried into execution. 
 What they meditated was accounted by the govern- 
 ment a crime, and it was necessary to wait, to bribe 
 sailors, to steal away in secret. Once, after hiring a 
 ship at a high rate, they were betrayed, robbed and 
 imprisoned. Again, while embarking from a desolate 
 common, a company of horse and foot came upon 
 them ; a few men who had already gone on board 
 were carried away without clothes or money, and 
 saw their wives and children once more seized, 
 without being able to help them. The magistrates, 
 who acted thus upon instructions from the king's 
 council, seem to have been rather ashamed of their 
 task, and showed what favour they could to these 
 unfortunate people. In the end, all perils and 
 difficulties were overcome, and by one way or 
 other the little band safely reached the country 
 which they desired. They now began to call them- 
 selves Pilgrims, confessing that they sought no 
 country on earth but that from which they might 
 best make their way to heaven. 
 
 Most of the exiles came from small villages, and 
 did not fail to be impressed by the wealthy towns 
 and strange habits and manners of the foreign 
 people among whom they now found themselves.
 
 A CITY OF REFUGE. 173 
 
 But they had little opportunity for idle curiosity ; 
 these travellers were poor, and must at once look 
 about for the means of gaining a bare subsistence, 
 with all the disadvantage of ignorance of the lan- 
 guage and inexperience for the most part of such 
 handicrafts as would enable them to settle together 
 in some town. Their first year in Holland was one 
 of trials and privations. When all the members of 
 the congregation had come over, they removed from 
 Amsterdam to Ley den, where they contrived to 
 support themselves by various occupations, such as 
 weaving, silk dying, and printing. Their honesty 
 and industry soon became so conspicuous that they 
 found ready employment and were much respected 
 by their Dutch neighbours. At the end of twelve 
 years the magistrates of the city declared that no 
 complaint had been made against any of these 
 English settlers. 
 
 Yet now, when they seemed to have lived down 
 the worst of their troubles, certain reasons induced 
 them to think of removing once more to found 
 across the Atlantic an asylum for their oppressed 
 co-religionists. They could only maintain them- 
 selves in Holland by incessant toil, which was already 
 bringing premature old age upon some of them, and 
 deterred many of their friends who in other circum- 
 stances would have been glad to join their com- 
 munity. They were anxious to secure a more 
 favourable lot for their children and to educate 
 them as Englishmen, apart from the bad examples 
 which had already led many astray from the severe 
 manners of their parents. War was on the point of
 
 174 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 breaking out between Spain and Holland, and in its 
 chances they knew not how much longer they could 
 count on security. Their enemies declared that they 
 were restless to find themselves now unpersecuted 
 and unnoticed ; and there is a sense in which this 
 charge may have a tinge of truth. Those who have 
 led a stirring life do not easily settle down to 
 a monotonous course of commonplace drudgery ; 
 the Pilgrims had been fiercely tried in spiritual 
 tempests and conflicts, and they might well feel a 
 vocation for further adventures in the cause to which 
 they had engaged their lives. One of their main 
 objects in going to America was the spread of the 
 gospel among the heathen. All the early colonists, 
 as we have seen, made the same profession ; in this 
 case there is least reason to doubt that it was 
 sincere. 
 
 After some hesitation, for the dangers were known 
 and weighed, it was decided by the majority to go. 
 The next question was, in what part of America 
 should they seek their settlement? Some proposed 
 the rich regions of Guiana, which Sir Walter Ealeigh 
 had made famous among his countrymen; others, 
 the shores of Chesapeake Bay, where an English 
 colony, as we know, was already struggling into 
 prosperity. But in the one case was objected the 
 fear of the Spaniards; in the other, the uncongenial 
 character of their own countrymen, by whom they 
 might be persecuted in America as at home. Finally 
 they chose the northern part of Virginia, now begin- 
 ning to be called New England, where several 
 attempts had been made, but no colony had yet
 
 HUDSON'S VOYAGE. 
 
 succeeded in establishing itself. To this quarter 
 their thoughts were naturally directed, not only 
 because they would be in less danger of interference 
 there, but because their adopted fellow citizens were 
 beginning to take an interest in it. 
 
 Since the Pilgrims came into Holland, Henry Hud- 
 son, voyaging in the Dutch service, had discovered 
 the noble river which bears his name, had sailed 
 along the many miles of tall cliffs now known as the 
 Palisades, steered safely through the grand gorges 
 of the Highlands, passed by the wooded banks of 
 West Point in their early autumn glory and by the 
 ridges of the Catskill mountains, run aground at 
 low tide, as river steamers will still do in some 
 of the shallower reaches, and had succeeded in 
 ascending about as far as Albany. He found the 
 natives " very civil " and generally willing to barter 
 tobacco and skins for cheap European commodities. 
 His masters were too good men of business to 
 lose a chance of profitable trade with the West as 
 well as the East Indies, so they soon established 
 trading posts in the vicinity of Manhattan island, 
 upon which was built the town called at first New 
 Amsterdam and now celebrated as New York. 
 
 The Pilgrims had then to consider how means 
 might be provided for the long voyage and to 
 support themselves during the first months of their 
 settlement. The West India Company, which had 
 just been formed among the Dutch, were willing to 
 transport them to the banks of the Hudson; but 
 terms could not be agreed upon, for the leaders 
 of the congregation stipulated for conditions which
 
 176 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 showed that, for all their enthusiasm, they had a 
 shrewd eye to the chances of the proposed enter- 
 prise. Their main hope was that the London Vir- 
 ginia Company would send them over, and that the 
 king would grant a charter, securing them in the 
 exercise of their religious liberties in the New 
 World. For this purpose protracted negotiations 
 were carried on, and for a time with some prospect 
 of success. The English company also were ready to 
 engage the services of men who had proved them- 
 selves of no ordinary stamp. The king considered 
 their demands, and in all respects but one had reason 
 to be satisfied with their declarations of loyalty. 
 They refused to admit the ecclesiastical authority 
 of bishops ; and it was to episcopal counsellors that 
 he submitted their petition. Naturally it was 
 refused. Unable to procure a distinct promise 
 of toleration under the royal seal, the Pilgrims 
 could only hope that their proceedings so far from 
 home would be winked at by the government. 
 After all, they thought it better to put their trust 
 in God than in princes. They reasoned that if the 
 tyranny of the bishops looked across the Atlantic, 
 " though we had a seal as broad as the house floor, 
 there would be means enough found to recall or 
 reverse it." So they ceased to seek for any formal 
 promise; and the only document of the kind held 
 so important by colonists in these days, which they 
 acquired, was a patent taken out in the name of a 
 person who did not accompany them. This was 
 therefore useless and worse than useless to their 
 designs, as we shall see in the end.
 
 FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS. 177 
 
 At last, weary of delays, tlie agents of tlie Pil- 
 grims in London entered into an arrangement on 
 their behalf with about seventy merchants and 
 other men of business, who agreed to subscribe for 
 a greater or less number of shares in the undertak- 
 ing. The services of each emigrant were to be 
 reckoned as a single share of ten pounds, besides 
 what he might contribute from his own means to 
 the joint stock. Most of the funds were of course 
 furnished by the " adventurers," as they were called, 
 .who did not adventure their persons. For seven 
 years the partnership was to continue, at the end 
 of which all profits and effects were to be equally 
 divided among those who had given work and those 
 who had given money, according to the number of 
 their shares. The colonists were in the meanwhile 
 to be supported out of the common property. 
 
 These were hard terms for one party, seeing that 
 the danger of death and privation was as great as 
 the prospect of profit from the fishing and fur 
 trading for which New England was now becoming 
 known in the commercial world. The arrangement 
 gave rise to frequent disputes and difficulties, and 
 the result proved that " those who adventured their 
 money were no great gainers, yet those that adven- 
 tured their lives in carrying on the business of the 
 plantation were by much the greatest sufferers." 
 
 The Pilgrims were too poor to haggle. They 
 accepted the conditions now offered them, and 
 rather less than half of the congregation, " such of 
 the youngest and strongest as freely offered them- 
 selves," made ready to set out at once. They 
 
 N
 
 178 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 numbered over a hundred souls, including some 
 women and children, and were to be accompanied 
 by Elder Brewster as their religious teacher. The 
 larger half were to remain at Leyden with Mr. 
 Robinson till the settlement had been fairly estab- 
 lished and funds provided for the transport of 
 them all. It was some years before this consum- 
 mation could be attained. 
 
 On the 22nd of July, 1620, the voyagers embarked 
 at Delft Haven. Their brethren accompanied them 
 to the port, where they renewed their solemn cove- 
 nant and took leave of each other with psalms and 
 floods of tears. Their pastor gave them a parting 
 charge, the language of which deserves to be well 
 marked. No preacher less deserved to be called 
 a bigot than he who, after passing through the trial 
 of persecution and the greater trial of spiritual 
 eminence among such a flock, was wise and humble 
 enough to charge them by God and His blessed 
 angels to follow him no further than he followed 
 Christ. " I am very confident/' he said, " the 
 Lord has more truth and light yet to break forth 
 out of His holy word." He bewailed the condition 
 of the reformed churches, which had come to a 
 standstill in religion, and would go no farther than 
 the instruments of their reformation. Luther and 
 Calvin were great men in their day, yet they pene- 
 trated not into the whole counsel of God ; and their 
 followers who stuck upon the letter of their teach- 
 ing had missed its spirit. But he besought the 
 Pilgrims to be ready to receive whatever truth 
 might be revealed to them, for it was not possible
 
 FAREWELL TO HOLLAND. 179 
 
 that the Christian world should have come so lately 
 out of such thick anti Christian darkness and that 
 full perfection of knowledge should shine forth at 
 once. In the same spirit this conscientious dis- 
 senter, who has been so unjustly accused of mani- 
 festing a factious and sectarian spirit, advised them 
 to seek union with the Puritan conformists, now 
 that they were about to be so placed that the 
 causes of disunion would be removed, and ex- 
 pressed a hope that some other pious minister 
 might join them before his coming, for the flock 
 that had two shepherds was not endangered but 
 secured thereby. " Words," well says an historian, 
 " almost astonishing in that age of low and uni- 
 versal bigotry then prevailing in the English nation, 
 wherein this truly great and learned man seems to 
 be the only divine who was capable of rising into 
 a noble freedom of thinking and practising in 
 religious matters, and even of urging such an 
 equal liberty on his own people." 
 
 The Speedwell hoisted her sails, and, firing a 
 salute with their muskets and three pieces of ord- 
 nance, the emigrants saw the shores of Holland 
 sink out of sight, and were borne by a fair wind to 
 Southampton. Here they found the Mayflower, 
 the larger of the two ships which had been hired 
 to transport them across the ocean. 
 
 In a fortnight these vessels set out. But before 
 they had gone far the crew of the Speedwell either 
 found or pretended that their ship was unfit for 
 such a long voyage. They put into Dartmouth for 
 repairs, then proceeded. When they had reached
 
 l8o THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 the open sea the Speedwell's men were again dis- 
 mayed, so they had to put about once more and 
 return to Plymouth. Here the smaller ship was 
 dismissed, and a few faint hearted persons withdrew 
 from the enterprise. The rest, numbering in all 
 about a hundred, were now embarked together on 
 board the Mayflower, which after these delays at 
 last set sail on the 6th of September, her passengers 
 little thinking how famous their voyage was to 
 become. 
 
 "What a shoot was that," exclaims a writer 
 whose style speaks his name, " which England, 
 carelessly, in quest of other objects, struck out 
 across the ocean, into the waste land which it 
 named New England ! Hail to thee, poor little 
 ship Mayflower of Delft Haven poor common- 
 looking ship, hired by common charter party for 
 coined dollars caulked with mere oakum and tar 
 provisioned with vulgarest biscuit and bacon ! yet 
 what ship Argo, or miraculous epic ship, built by 
 the sea gods, was other than a foolish bumbarge in 
 comparison ! Golden fleeces, or the like, these 
 sailed for, with or without effect. Thou, little 
 Mayflower, hadst in thee a veritable Promethean 
 spark, the life spark of the largest nation on our 
 earth : so we may already name the Transatlantic 
 Saxon nation. . . . Honour to the brave and 
 true ! They verily, we say, carry fire from heaven, 
 and have a power that themselves dream not of." 
 
 Any voyage in these days had hardships which 
 would appal the cabin passengers of our generation. 
 The fathers of New England experienced more than
 
 treoq . Estob*. Lon&o-
 
 ARRIVAL AT CAPE COD. 181 
 
 their share of such hardships. Crowded into one 
 vessel, badly provisioned, buffeted by rough weather, 
 they had need to play the man at the very outset of 
 their undertaking. One died during the passage, 
 and one child was born. It was two months before 
 they sighted land at Cape Cod, the most prominent 
 and singular feature of the New England coast. 
 
 Their intention had been to settle near the Hud- 
 son River, and thither the vessel directed its course. 
 But at this late season of the year the storms and 
 shoals of the coast were not to be rashly encoun- 
 tered ; they were all eager to get on land ; so they 
 resolved to bear up to the north and return to Cape 
 Cod. 
 
 ii. 
 
 A glance at the map will show how Massachu- 
 setts got its familiar name of "the Bay State." 
 Almost all its rugged coast is bent into one great 
 bay, the northern point of which is Cape Ann, 
 originally christened by Captain Smith Cape Tra- 
 bigzanda, after his Turkish patroness, while on the 
 south Cape Cod stretches, in the shape of a sickle, 
 nearly a hundred miles into the ocean, and curls its 
 narrow point round a vast natural harbour where 
 the largest navy in the world might ride safely. Into 
 this harbour, on the llth of November, 1620, crept 
 the weather-beaten Mayflower, and the pilgrims 
 fell on their knees and blessed the Lord, who had 
 delivered them from all the perils and miseries of the 
 ocean and brought them to the land where, as they 
 trusted, they might at last dwell in peace and be 
 free to serve Heaven as their conscience bade them.
 
 182 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 Yet their worst troubles might have seemed only 
 about to begin. Even in summer the aspect of 
 that coast is little inviting to strangers ; and the 
 voyagers of the Mayflower found the severe winter 
 of New England setting in, and saw their new 
 home with its most cheerless looks. By the shore 
 were bare heaps of drifting sand ; beyond, sombre 
 woods. No human habitation met their eyes. They 
 could expect a welcome only from wild beasts, or 
 from as wild savages, who, so far from entertaining 
 them with the kindness shown to Paul by the bar- 
 barous people of Melita, might prove " readier to 
 fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise." Be- 
 hind was the ocean, cutting them off from their 
 friends and their country. Before them was this 
 wilderness, full of untried dangers, in which the 
 sailors were urging them to find a settlement with- 
 out delay. These sole allies were already hinting at 
 a desire to be rid of them; then the little band 
 must shift for themselves as best they could, in the 
 rigours of that season, and five hundred miles from 
 the nearest dwellings of civilised men. Only the 
 firm faith and high purpose of the Pilgrims could 
 have given them courage to face such prospects. 
 Well for them that theirs was no ordinary fortitude, 
 which now, and throughout their coming trials, did 
 not fail them and made theirs no ordinary history. 
 We have seen what sort of tale must be told hither- 
 to of almost all these pioneer settlements, a tale 
 repeated most accurately by a writer of our own 
 day, who is describing what took place within the 
 time of men still living : " things went smoothly
 
 A REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION. 183 
 
 enough as long as the business of the colony was 
 mainly confined to eating the provisions that had 
 been brought in the ships ; but as soon as the work 
 became real, and the commons short, the whole 
 community smouldered down into chronic mutiny." 
 We are to see how the men bore themselves who 
 came to the New World to seek first the kingdom 
 of God and the true riches, and why the American 
 Republic rightly dates its history from " that 
 English settlement which," says Cotton Mather, 
 "may, upon a thousand accounts, pretend unto 
 more of true English than all the rest." He wrote 
 when Old England and New England were still one. 
 Two of the chief persons of the company, Brad- 
 ford and Winslow, kept a minute record of their 
 proceedings from their arrival, and we may well 
 follow every footstep with interest. Their first 
 measure was to hold a meeting on board the May- 
 flower, and draw up an instrument, " solemnly and 
 mutually, in the presence of God and one another," 
 constituting themselves a civil body politic, and 
 promising obedience to whatever just and equal 
 laws might be made for the general good. This 
 constitution was signed by forty-one men, the rest 
 being women and children ; and Mr. John Carver 
 was unanimously elected governor. Some such 
 legal machinery seemed necessary, as there had 
 been signs of unruliness and dissension only natural 
 among the vexations of the long sea voyage. But 
 it is to be noticed that the power of punishment 
 had not to be exercised for four months, after which 
 a certain John Billington was "convented before
 
 1 84 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 the whole company, for his contempt of the cap- 
 tain's lawful command, with opprobrious speeches/' 
 for which he was adjudged to have his neck and 
 heels tied together, but was forgiven for this first 
 offence upon humbling himself and craving pardon. 
 Three months later the second offence was com- 
 mitted by two servants, who fought a duel and 
 wounded each other, whereupon they are " adjudged 
 by the whole company to have their head and feet 
 tied together, and eo to lie for twenty-four hours 
 without meat or drink ; which is begun to be in- 
 flicted, but within an hour, because of their great 
 pains, at their own and their master's humble re- 
 quest, upon promise of better carriage, they are 
 released by the governor." This absence of crime, 
 and mild government, contrasts most favourably 
 with the condition of other settlements, where we 
 hear of assizes, hangings, and whippings, almost 
 from the beginning of their history. 
 
 It was Saturday when the ship anchored in Cape 
 Cod harbour. A boat was sent to land, to fetch 
 wood and water, and a favourable report of the 
 country was brought back, but no natives had been 
 seen. Next day was probably kept quietly on 
 board. On Monday " our people went on shore to 
 refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they 
 had great need." There are touches of homely 
 fact in this heroic record. The Pilgrims feasted on 
 shell fish, and made themselves very ill by this indi- 
 gestible nourishment. They saw great whales play- 
 ing in the harbour, and regretted that they had no 
 means of catching them and making three or four
 
 FIRST FOOTSTEPS IN NEW ENGLAND. 185 
 
 thousand pounds worth of oil; their piety was of 
 no such colour as to blind them to fair chances of 
 profit. But their greatest complaint was of the 
 cold. Unfortunately, the water was so shallow that 
 they could not get to land without wading a bow- 
 shot or two, and this helped to bring on the severe 
 colds and consumptions which carried off so many 
 during the winter. 
 
 Their desire was to set out at once to examine the 
 coast and find a good place for their plantation. 
 But the shallop in which this journey must be made 
 was found so much in need of repair that it was 
 more than a fortnight before she was out of the 
 carpenter's hands. Some of the bolder spirits, im- 
 patient of this delay, proposed to explore by land ; 
 and a party of sixteen men, armed with musket, 
 sword, and corslet, set out under the famous 
 Captain Miles Standish. 
 
 Marching in single file by the seashore, they 
 soon saw a small party of Indians with a dog, who 
 tc ran away with might and main " at the sight of 
 them, and hid themselves in the woods. The 
 English followed on their trail till nightfall, when 
 they halted and camped out round a fire. There 
 were reasons for both the scarcity and the shyness 
 of the natives, which were to be explained in time. 
 
 "In the morning, so soon as we could see the 
 trace, we proceeded on our journey, and had the 
 track until we had compassed the head of a long 
 creek ; and there they took into another wood, and 
 we after them, supposing to find some of their 
 dwellings. But we marched through boughs and
 
 1 86 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore our 
 very armour in pieces, and yet could meet with 
 none of them, nor their houses, nor find any fresh 
 water, which we greatly desired and stood in need 
 of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, 
 and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland 
 cheese, and a little bottle of aquavitae, so as we 
 were sore athirst. About ten o'clock we came into 
 a deep valley, full of brush, woodgaile, and long 
 grass, through which we found little paths or tracks ; 
 and there we saw a deer and found springs of fresh 
 water, of which we were heartily glad, and sat us 
 down and drunk our first New England water with 
 as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our 
 lives." 
 
 Continuing their journey, they now came upon 
 marks of recent habitation, ground that had evi- 
 dently been tilled, then new stubble, and a spot 
 where a house had stood, and where was lying a 
 great kettle seeming to have belonged to a ship. A 
 little farther on were the remnants of an old fort. 
 By a creek lay two canoes. What most puzzled 
 the explorers was the appearance of certain heaps 
 of sand, one covered with old mats, and having rude 
 household utensils laid upon it. Turning up the 
 earth they found a bow and arrows rotting under- 
 neath, and rightly guessed that these heaps must 
 be graves, which they wisely resolved not to disturb 
 further, lest they should offend the natives. But 
 soon the look of a freshly turned mound tempted 
 them to dig again, and this time they found that 
 they had hit upon a granary : two baskets of corn
 
 SPYING OUT THE LAND. 187 
 
 had been buried here, according to a common custom 
 of the Indians. After consultation they resolved to 
 take the kettle and as much of the corn as they 
 could carry away, and to satisfy the owners as soon 
 as they should present themselves, which in due 
 time was done. " So we took all the ears and put 
 a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two 
 men to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that 
 could put any into their pockets filled the same. 
 The rest we buried again; for we were so laden 
 with armour that we could carry no more." 
 
 Soon afterwards they again halted for the night, 
 making a great fire and a barricade to the windward 
 of them, beside which shelter they slept in the rain 
 as best they could, three men standing sentinel in 
 their turn, " while five or six inches of match were 
 burning." This hint as to the way of telling how 
 time passed shows us that their guns were still the 
 old matchlocks. We soon hear occasionally of a 
 " snaphance " or firelock among them, but this 
 improved form of weapon had not yet come into 
 general use. 
 
 All these little details help us to form a picture 
 of the men and to realize the circumstances under 
 which they did such great things in such a matter 
 of fact way. No doubt Defoe had studied their 
 story, and perhaps borrowed from it more than one 
 hint for his "Robinson Crusoe." He could well 
 fancy their astonishment when they found this 
 kettle of European make, almost as significant a 
 discovery for them as was the footprint on the sand 
 in that celebrated tale which reads as much like a
 
 1 88 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 true history as the narrative of the Pilgrim Fathers 
 might sometimes be taken for a cunningly wrought 
 fiction. For the Pilgrims themselves, the kettle of 
 corn slung between two men must have borne a 
 homely resemblance to the grapes which the spies 
 of Israel brought back from the land of Canaan. 
 
 Next day they started homewards, after looking 
 to their pieces, which would not go off because of 
 the wet. As they wandered through the woods 
 and could not find their way, they had another 
 proof of the existence of these inhabitants who 
 kept themselves so invisible ; one of them found 
 himself caught by the leg in a trap set for deer. 
 Game seemed to abound ; partridges and wild fowl 
 rose and flew from their advance, and they " saw 
 three bucks, but had rather have had one of them." 
 At length they came in sight of the ship and fired 
 off their guns as a signal for the boat to come on 
 shore. " And thus we came both weary and wel- 
 come home." 
 
 When the shallop was ready, another visit was 
 made in it to the place where the corn had been 
 found, to which they gave the name of Cornhill. 
 Further search there and in the neighbourhood dis- 
 closed more Indian corn and a bag of beans, so 
 that they got about ten bushels of grain to serve 
 them for seed. They ascribed it to " God's good 
 providence " that they had found the corn on their 
 first journey, for now the ground was covered with 
 snow, and so hard frozen that they had much ado 
 to "carve" it with their cutlasses, then to "heave" 
 it up with levers, as they had neglected to bring
 
 AN INDIAN GRA VE. 189 
 
 mattocks and spades. The weather looked so un- 
 promising that the shallop went back ; but a party 
 remained here to make further search for the 
 Indians, of whom they could see nothing but their 
 graves. 
 
 Next morning they followed certain tracks into 
 the woods, and came upon a beaten path two feet 
 broad. Here they lighted all their matches and 
 looked sharply about them, expecting every moment 
 to come upon a village or an ambuscade. But this, 
 proved to be only an opening made to drive deer. 
 For five or six miles they traversed the woods, and 
 at last came to another grave, " much bigger and 
 longer than any we had yet seen. It was also 
 covered with boards, so as we mused what it should 
 be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found first 
 a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then another 
 mat, and under that a board about three quarters 
 of a yard long, finely carved and painted, with three 
 tines* or broaches on the top, like a crown. Also 
 between the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, 
 and such-like trinkets. At length we came to a 
 fair new mat, and under that two bundles, the one 
 bigger, the other less. We opened the greater and 
 found in it a great quantity of fine and perfect red 
 powder, and in it the bones and skull of a man. 
 The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some 
 of the flesh unconsumed. There was bound up with 
 it a knife, a pack needle, and two or three old iron 
 things. It was bound up in a sailor's canvas 
 
 * Prongs.
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 cassock and a pair of cloth breeches. The red 
 powder was a kind of embalmment, and yielded a 
 strong but not offensive smell ; it was as fine as any 
 flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and 
 found of the same powder in it, and the bones and 
 head of a little child. About the legs and other 
 parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine 
 white beads. There was also by it a little bow, 
 about three quarters long, and some other odd 
 knacks. We brought sundry of the prettiest things 
 away with us, and covered the corpse up again. 
 After this we digged in sundry like places, but 
 found no more corn nor anything else but graves." 
 
 While they were thus searching, and disputing 
 whether this embalmed corpse was that of an Indian 
 chief or of a European, two empty wigwams were 
 discovered, and for the first time they saw the homes 
 and furniture of the people who were either to be 
 their neighbours or their enemies. 
 
 " The houses were made with long young sapling 
 trees bended, and both ends stuck into the ground. 
 They were made round, like unto an arbour, and 
 covered down to the ground with thick and well- 
 wrought mats; and the door was not over a yard 
 high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was a 
 wide open hole in the top, for which they had a 
 mat to cover it close when they pleased ; one might 
 stand and go upright in them. In the midst of 
 them were four little tranches* knocked into the 
 
 * Truncheons, slight poles of hard wood. This rude grid- 
 iron was in use among the natives of various parts of 
 America.
 
 WIGWAMS FURNISHED. 191 
 
 ground, and small sticks laid over, on which they 
 hung their pots and what they had to seethe. Round 
 about the fire they lay on mats which are their beds. 
 The houses were double matted ; for as they were 
 matted without, so were they within with newer and 
 fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, 
 trays and dishes, earthen pots, hand baskets made 
 of crabshells wrought together, also an English 
 pail or bucket ; it wanted a bail, but it had two iron 
 ears. There was also baskets of sundry sorts, big- 
 ger and some lesser, finer and some coarser. Some 
 were curiously wrought with black and white in 
 pretty works, and sundry other of their household 
 stuff. We found also two or three deer's heads, 
 one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still 
 fresh. There was also a company of deer's feet 
 stuck up in the houses, harts' horns and eagles' 
 claws, and sundry such-like things there was; also 
 two or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces 
 of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We found 
 also a little silk grass and a little tobacco seed, with 
 some other seeds which we knew not. Without 
 was sundry bundles of flags and sedge, bulrushes 
 and other stuff to make mats. There was thrust 
 into a hollow tree two or three pieces of venison ; 
 but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. 
 Some of the best things we took away with us, and 
 left the houses standing still as they were." 
 
 It was now getting late, and the tide was going 
 out; so they hastened down to the shallop and 
 returned to the ship. They regretted not having 
 brought some beads and such wares which they
 
 192 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 might have left in the houses in sign of amity. 
 Though necessity obliged them to help themselves 
 in the absence of the owners, they had no wish to 
 take this corn or anything else of value without 
 making full compensation; and we may imagine 
 that after all they had seen, mere curiosity made 
 them more and more anxious to fall in with these 
 natives, who so persistently kept out of the way. 
 
 Some difference of opinion now prevailed among 
 the emigrants as to whether they should settle on 
 Cape Cod, or seek a more favourable situation. The 
 weather was so bad, and they were suffering so much 
 from sickness, that many of them were anxious to 
 spend no more time in deciding ; but on the 6th of 
 December some volunteers went in the shallop to 
 make a further examination of the bay. It was 
 bitterly cold, three or four of them were ill, the 
 spray froze on their clothes and made them like 
 coats of iron ; it was long before they could round a 
 point which lay not a furlong from the ship. But 
 these bold men persevered in their undertaking, 
 and coasted for several leagues without seeing the 
 mouth of any river. Running water was the thing 
 which they were most desirous to find, as they pru- 
 dently reflected that ponds might be dried up, and 
 do not seem to have thought of sinking a well. At 
 last they saw some Indians who were cutting up a 
 grampus on the shore, but who as usual ran away at 
 their approach. Landing with some difficulty on a 
 sandy flat, they passed the night, their lodging 
 " such as it was " being only a few miles from the 
 fire by which the Indians were encamped.
 
 FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 193 
 
 Next morning they divided, some going by sea 
 and some on shore, noting that it was ff a level 
 soil, though none of the fruitfulest." The latter 
 party followed the footsteps of the Indians on the 
 sand and were led by them into the woods, where 
 they came upon a great burying place, fenced round 
 in part like a churchyard and containing graves 
 of various sizes and degrees of pretension. Near 
 were some empty wigwams, and ground that had 
 been planted, but not that year. How could it be 
 that the natives had withdrawn, as if to make room 
 for these new comers ! 
 
 At night they met the shallop, gathered firewood, 
 made a barricade, and gladly gave themselves to 
 rest, for they were weary and faint, having eaten 
 nothing all day. About midnight there was an 
 alarm, which made them spring up and fire a couple 
 of muskets, when the noise which had disturbed 
 their sentinels ceased suddenly and was supposed to 
 have been nothing more than the howling of a pack 
 of wolves. But in the morning twilight as they were 
 breakfasting, with their arms for the most part laid 
 on the shore at some little distance, this sound once 
 more rang through the woods, and they knew it for 
 the terrible war whoop. " They are men ! Indians ! 
 Indians !" cried one of the company, running in, and 
 in a moment the arrows were whistling about their 
 ears. Thus taken by surprise, the Englishmen were 
 in some danger. Some had to dash out under 
 fire to fetch their arms ; Miles Stan dish and three 
 others who had theirs ready flew to the barricade, 
 and let fly two shots ; three more were fired from the 
 
 o
 
 194 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 shallop ; the rest of the men on board were heard 
 calling for a light to kindle their matches. One 
 snatched a burning log from the fire and ran with 
 it to them, " which was thought did not a little 
 discourage our enemies." The dim light added to 
 the confusion. The Indians kept under the cover of 
 the trees, whereas the English were exposed beside 
 the blaze of their fire. But Captain Standish be- 
 haved with great coolness. He ordered his men not 
 to be in a hurry to fire ; and there they stood tak- 
 ing careful aim and starting out of the way of the 
 arrows, till at last Standish himself, it is said, shot 
 the chief in the arm as he exposed it in reaching to 
 his quiver ; whereupon he gave an " extraordinary 
 cry " and they all ran away. Carefully posting a 
 guard over the shallop, the English followed for 
 a quarter of a mile, and when they abandoned the 
 pursuit raised a hearty cheer and fired two shots to 
 proclaim their triumph. 
 
 Thus ended this " First Encounter," the name of 
 which was given to the place. None of the English 
 were hurt, though some coats hanging up on their 
 barricade were riddled with arrows. They might 
 well say that Providence had once more interfered 
 for their protection. But they seem, taking into 
 account the time and circumstances of the attack, 
 to have shown great courage, and courage of that 
 ready " two o'clock in the morning " order, which 
 Napoleon declared to be so rare among men. It 
 was soon to be seen that no curled and swaggering 
 gallants had such stout hearts as these Puritans. 
 
 After giving thanks to God, they got into the
 
 PL YMOUTH BA Y. 195 
 
 shallop and sailed along the coast with a fair wind. 
 But now they had to do with the elements, worse 
 enemies than the naked savage. It began to snow ; 
 the wind rose ; the rudder was broken, and they 
 were scarcely able to steer with two oars ; while 
 night drew on, and the sea was running rougher 
 and rougher. In this strait they came to Ply- 
 mouth Bay, at the mouth of which, as they were 
 making all sail to enter, a fierce gust tore away 
 their mast and they were almost lost in a cove full 
 of breakers. But the waves carried them into the 
 landlocked harbour, where they landed upon a little 
 island and spent the night on it in the rain, keeping 
 good watch against Indians. In the morning they 
 found it to be uninhabited, so they stayed here for 
 a day to dry their things and rest. The next day 
 was the sabbath, which they passed in religious 
 exercises. 
 
 On Monday the 10th of December they sounded 
 the harbour, which proved excellent for shipping. 
 They marched into the land, and found cornfields, 
 brooks of running water, and all that they desired 
 for a convenient situation. So they returned to the 
 ship with the good news of their success, and it was 
 resolved to settle in this bay, to which the name of 
 Plymouth was given in grateful recollection of the 
 English port that had been the last halting place 
 of their voluntary exile. 
 
 The spot where the Pilgrims are said to have 
 first stepped ashore may well have become an ob- 
 ject of enthusiasm to their descendants. Poetry and 
 eloquence have cast a halo round that rough stone
 
 196 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 which saw the beginning of such great things. In 
 various towns of the Union are reverently treasured 
 the smallest fragments of 
 
 The Plymouth Kock, that had been to their feet as a door- 
 step 
 Into a world unknown the corner stone of a nation ! 
 
 111. 
 
 Plymouth, or Patuxet as the natives called it, is a 
 tract of sandy hills and woods where pinetrees are 
 the most common, picturesquely interspersed with 
 streams and basins of water. The soil, which the 
 Pilgrims found already cleared to some extent 
 though not occupied by the Indians, is favourable to 
 the growth of maize, and a strip of richer land runs 
 between the hills and the sea. But the main 
 attractions were the fishing promised them by 
 the bay, and " a very sweet brook " and " delicate 
 springs of as good water as can be drunk." 
 
 Two days before Christmas the settlers went on 
 shore and began to fell timber for their building. 
 The houses were laid out in two rows upon the slope 
 of a hill which commanded a wide prospect by sea 
 and land ; on the top was made a platform for the 
 ordnance, and in time the position was fortified by a 
 palisade. Each family was to have a separate house 
 and plot of ground, proportioned to its size. The 
 single men attached themselves to one or other of 
 the families, which then numbered nineteen, and 
 every party laboured at its own house, having drawn 
 lots for the situation. Now the woods rang with 
 the sound of axe and saw; some made mortar and
 
 ACCIDENTS AND ADVENTURES. 197 
 
 some gathered thatch. But the work went on 
 slowly ; the ship was obliged to lie a mile and a half 
 from the shore, and the weather was sometimes so 
 rough that communication was impossible. Rain and 
 frost, sickness and fear of the Indians, hindered the 
 builders, and they were seldom able to work more 
 than half the week. The largest building, a " com- 
 mon house " twenty feet square, was being roofed 
 when it unfortunately caught fire through a spark 
 flying into the thatch, and those on board the skip 
 feared that the savages had fallen upon the settle- 
 ment. Not long after a little house built for the sick 
 was set on fire in the same manner ; so early was 
 America establishing its character for conflagrations. . 
 Another day a violent storm threatened the safety 
 of the frail erections as well as of the ship. The 
 worst of the winter had passed before the Pilgrims 
 and their stores were securely under cover. 
 
 In the meanwhile we have several small incidents 
 chronicled, which are not without amusing features. 
 Two men lose themselves and are obliged to sleep 
 out in the snow, lightly clad, and armed only with 
 the sickles with which they had been cutting sedge. 
 Through the night they hear, as they imagine, the 
 roaring of two " lions," and make ready to hurry up 
 a tree. Their companions go in search of them, and 
 believe them to have been cut off by the Indians ; 
 but next day they return in such a state that one of 
 them has to have the shoes cut off his swollen feet. 
 A few days afterwards this poor fellow hobbled out 
 to " use his lame feet," and two of the " lions," now 
 seen to be wolves, ran upon a little spaniel dog which
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 accompanied him. John Goodman, such was his 
 name, threw a stick at one of them, whereupon they 
 ran away but presently came back and "sat both 
 on their tails grinning at him a good while ; and 
 went their way and left him." Before this a sharp 
 boy called Francis Billington had from the top of 
 a tree discovered the lake which is still known by 
 his name, "the Billington Sea." This Billington 
 family fills in the early records of the colony a place 
 quite disproportionate to its merits. The father 
 was the first person who had to be punished, as 
 before mentioned. Ten years later, he also enjoyed 
 the distinction, such as it was, of being the first 
 man hanged by the Pilgrims; so it is right to 
 explain that he did not belong to the original con- 
 gregation, but was one of a few who " shuffled in " 
 among them during their detention in England. 
 Another of his sons soon gave a great deal of 
 trouble by wandering into the woods, and requiring 
 to have an expedition sent after him to get him out 
 of the hands of the Indians, who came upon the boy 
 when he had been living for five days on berries, and 
 seem to have treated him kindly enough. He was 
 all " behung with beads " when his friends found 
 him, whereas he rather deserved to be decorated 
 with stripes. He was probably the young Billing- 
 ton who had nearly been the destruction of the 
 whole colony while the Mayflower was lying at 
 Cape Cod. In his father's absence "he had got 
 gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and 
 made squibs " ; and these pyrotechnic performances 
 he carried on beside an open barrel of powder half
 
 EARLY SUFFERINGS. 199 
 
 full, with part of the contents lying scattered about 
 the cabin, so that it was a wonder the ship was not 
 blown up. Fancy the destinies of New England at 
 the mercy of such a mischievous little monkey ! But 
 the greatest events of history may often have hung 
 upon as small a hinge. And if any of us feel the 
 character of the Pilgrim Fathers too solemn and 
 lofty to excite our friendly interest, we shall not 
 be ill pleased to think that they had among them 
 troublesome urchins who liked to climb trees and 
 play with powder, and girls who no doubt may 
 have preferred dolls and skipping ropes to the 
 catechism. 
 
 These are but occasional lights upon a sombre 
 picture. There is little trace of complaining, yet 
 it is plain that the settlers suffered terribly. Their 
 living was as poor as their lodging. On Christmas 
 day, of all days in the year, they found their beer at 
 an end and had to content themselves with water, 
 unless when the sailors, who seem to have been 
 better provided, gave them a treat. Drinking water 
 in these days was looked on as a sign of little less 
 than destitution. It is hard to imagine how they 
 lived at all. The shell fish which abounded in the 
 bay seems often to have been their chief resource, 
 and some of us know by experience that "clam 
 chowder" is a more toothsome than wholesome 
 diet. Their little store of corn had to be husbanded 
 for seed. They thought it worth while to com- 
 memorate the feast days when such delicacies as a 
 goose or a dried neat's tongue fell to their share, or 
 when one of them shot an eagle which eat "like
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 " They had already been weakened by the 
 long voyage and by bad provisions on board ship ; 
 now consumption and scurvy made sad havoc 
 among them. Fortunately the winter seems to have 
 been unusually mild for that country, or not one of 
 them might have lived to tell the tale of their 
 troubles, which they insist on less than on their 
 mercies. 
 
 In the most matter of fact way it is recorded that 
 nearly half their number died before the winter was 
 out, and that at one time only six or seven were 
 able to attend to the sick. Tradition says that the 
 graves of the dead were levelled and corn planted 
 over them, to conceal their losses from the Indians. 
 But after all this suffering, when the Mayflower re- 
 turned to England in April, not one of the Pilgrims 
 sailed in her; they were not the men to turn back 
 after putting their hands to the plough. John 
 Smith, who rather despised the " Brownist " colony, 
 was fain to confess that they showed wonderful 
 patience and endurance. 
 
 Though the Indians still kept aloof from friendly 
 intercourse, there was reason to believe that they 
 did not view the settlement with indifference. The 
 smoke of their fires could often be seen, and they 
 could be heard moving through the woods. Some 
 tools which had been left by the workmen at a little 
 distance from the houses were taken away during 
 the night. The colonists began to grow uneasy 
 and to look to their defences. On the 17th of 
 February they held a meeting to establish some 
 military organization, and Miles Standish was
 
 SUSPICIONS AND PRECAUTIONS. 
 
 formally appointed their captain. As th^y were 
 thus consulting, two dusky forms appeared upon the 
 top of a hill, not a quarter of a mile off, and made 
 signs to them, whereupon the new captain proved 
 his courage by going out to meet them with a single 
 companion. He laid down his musket in their 
 sight and tried to bring them to a parley, but they 
 fell back and joined a band which were lying behind 
 the hill. It was clearly desirable to have the " great 
 ordnance " mounted without delay. So the sailors 
 brought on shore and helped to drag up the hill 
 this formidable artillery, which seems to have con- 
 sisted of one six pounder, a saker as it was called 
 in those days, a minion or four pounder, and two 
 bases, which modern warriors would think little 
 better than popguns. The other firearms were 
 carefully seen to, for the wet weather had injured 
 them. Our heroes were of. that order who trust in 
 God but do not forget to keep their powder dry. 
 Even when they went to church they marched in 
 military order, summoned by beat of drum ; and 
 cannon were mounted on the roof of the building. 
 Happily, however, the attack expected at this time 
 did not take place. 
 
 Spring brought brighter days, in a double sense. 
 In the beginning of March there were glimpses of 
 fine weather ; the birds sang cheerily in the woods ; 
 and for the first time the Pilgrims were visited by 
 a thunderstorm. The 16th was a fair warm day, 
 and they had again come together to hold the 
 meeting for military organization, which we have 
 seen adjourned upon the alarm of Indians. Again,
 
 202 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 by a curious coincidence, their deliberations were 
 interrupted. A tall naked Indian walked boldly up 
 to the village, passed through the houses, and came 
 straight among them, exclaiming " Welcome English- 
 men ! " 
 
 How great must have been their surprise and 
 delight to find that this man could speak broken 
 English, which he had picked up among the fisher- 
 men on the coast ! He had evidently acquired some 
 familiarity with English habits, for he asked for beer, 
 but was as well pleased to get " strong water, and 
 biscuit, and butter, and cheese and pudding." The 
 settlers were in a mood to make much of their new 
 friend, whose name was Samoset ; and he for his part 
 seemed willing to prolong his visit even longer than 
 they cared to keep him, fearing that he might be 
 playing the spy. They dressed him in a "horseman's 
 coat," and spent all afternoon interrogating him. 
 Now for the first time was explained the mysterious 
 conduct of their Indian neighbours and the deserted 
 state in which they had found that part of the 
 country. 
 
 For three or four years a mysterious pestilence 
 had been raging along the coast of New England. 
 Whole districts were depopulated. Some tribes 
 became almost extinct. The Massachusetts, it is 
 said, were reduced from 30,000 to 300 fighting men. 
 A traveller found the forests strewn with skulls and 
 bones so thickly as to recall the name of Golgotha. 
 Patuxet, where the Pilgrims had settled, was one 
 of the many places from which men, women, and 
 children had been swept away. The superstitious
 
 AN EXPLANATION. 203 
 
 Indians connected this calamity with the appear- 
 ance of a comet, which in Europe also had seemed 
 to presage some dire event. The God-fearing 
 Puritans conceived with awe that the inscrutable 
 power of the Almighty had verily cleared this land 
 of its natural inhabitants to make room for the 
 chosen race who should fulfil the destinies of Heaven. 
 Disease had done for them the work which else- 
 where had to be done by the sword. How would 
 they have given thanks with trembling, if they 
 could have foreseen that this fearful mortality was 
 but the warning of that fate by which the Indian 
 tribes have dwindled and perished before the path 
 of the higher race ! 
 
 The work of godless man too was now disclosed. 
 This neighbourhood had already been visited by an 
 English trader named Hunt, who had treacherously 
 kidnapped a number of the natives and carried them 
 away to sell for slaves. The cruel selfishness of 
 this villain had made white men odious and feared 
 among the Indians ; hence their holding aloof from 
 the new colony. If strength and courage had not 
 been wanting to them, they would probably have 
 attempted to slaughter these innocent settlers in 
 revenge for the injury done by their countryman. 
 
 Such was Samoset's information, and the Pilgrims 
 were able most heartily to assure him that they were 
 no man-stealers, and, giving him presents, sent him 
 to invite their neighbours to trade and intercourse. 
 This friendly treatment had soon the desired effect. 
 The Indians began to pay visits, which were not 
 always very well timed. The first call was made by
 
 204 THE PILGRIM FA THERS. 
 
 some half a dozen " proper men/' whose dress of 
 skins recalled the Irish, while their complexion 
 seemed like that of the gipsies. Unfortunately 
 they came on the Sabbath day, and not only sang 
 and danced, but proposed to trade, to the scandal 
 and perplexity of their grave hosts, who got rid 
 of them as politely as possible and asked them to 
 come again. This marks the strictness of Puritan 
 principles ; for to establish a friendly understand- 
 ing with the natives was a matter of the utmost 
 importance to them. Probably indeed some mis- 
 understanding was caused on this occasion, for the 
 Indians did not return according to their promise ; 
 and their next visit had a semblance of re- 
 connoitring with hostile intent. Strange to say, 
 the English were for the third time attempting to 
 bring their military meeting to a conclusion, when 
 for the third time they were interrupted by the 
 appearance of scouts close to the village. And 
 next day they met again for the same purpose, 
 but had scarcely been an hour assembled before 
 Samoset arrived, bringing another Indian called 
 Tisquantum or Squanto, who on more than one 
 account was most welcome. He was the only sur- 
 viving native of Patuxet, who could therefore grant 
 the new comers the just title which it was their 
 desire to obtain to the land on which they had 
 settled. He was also one of the very men who had 
 been stolen by Hunt. Fortunately this buccaneer 
 had not been able to carry out his intention of 
 selling his victims in Spain. They had been set at 
 liberty through the intervention of certain pious
 
 A VISIT FROM THE SACHEM. 205 
 
 monks ; and Squanto had found his way to London, 
 where he lived for a time in the house of a merchant 
 in Cornhill, and learned to speak the language after 
 a fashion. He would seem to have been well treated, 
 for being now returned to his native country he 
 willingly sought out the English settlers and hence- 
 forth attached himself to their fortunes. 
 
 These two came to announce the approach of no 
 less a personage than Massasoit, the chief or sachem 
 of the neighbouring tribe of Wampanoags, who, 
 in fact, soon appeared on the top of the opposite 
 hill, attended by sixty of his braves. At first they 
 hesitated to come nearer, and the English governor 
 was equally unwilling to trust himself among them ; 
 but after some parley a hostage was left in their 
 hands, and the Indian chief came over the brook 
 which was the boundary of the settlement, bringing 
 twenty of his men, who, according to the etiquette 
 already established for such occasions, left their bows 
 and arrows behind them. The Pilgrims wondered 
 at the fantastically painted forms of these visitors, 
 and all their Indian stolidity did not prevent them, 
 from showing a childlike astonishment at the 
 strange sights, the rumours of which had excited 
 a curiosity not unmixed with fear. The " king," 
 as the English called him, was seen to tremble as 
 he sat beside the governor upon a couch of state, 
 hastily improvised out of a green rug and three or 
 four cushions. There may have been other reasons 
 for this discomposure. After mutual embraces his 
 white brother had called for "strong water," and 
 drunk to him, and then he had taken a good pull at
 
 206 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 the cup, " that made him sweat all the while after." 
 He is described as a well made man in the prime of 
 life, "grave of countenance and spare of speech; 
 in attire little or nothing differing from the rest of 
 his followers, only in a great chain of white bone 
 beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, 
 hangs a little bag of tobacco." On his bosom he 
 wore a long knife hanging in a string. His face was 
 painted a dull red, and all his head was oiled, so 
 that he " looked greasily." 
 
 The claims of hospitality and curiosity being satis- 
 fied, the parties proceeded to business and soon 
 agreed to the terms of a treaty, which were : 
 
 1. That neither he nor any of his should injure 
 or do hurt to any of our people. 
 
 2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he 
 should send the offender that we might punish him. 
 
 3. That if any of our tools were taken away when 
 our people were at work, he should cause them to 
 be restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of 
 his, we would do the like to them. 
 
 4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would 
 aid him; if any did war against us, he should aid us. 
 
 5. He should send to his neighbour confederates 
 to certify them of this, that they might not wrong 
 us, but might be likewise comprised in the condi- 
 tions of peace. 
 
 6. That when their men came to us they should 
 leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we 
 should do our pieces when we came to them. 
 
 Lastly, that doing thus King James would esteem 
 of him as his friend and ally.
 
 ALLIANCE WITH THE WAMPANOAGS. 207 
 
 This agreement being concluded, the king was 
 conducted across the brook, and his brother Quada- 
 quina came in turn to see for himself the remarkable 
 establishment, of which some taste had been sent 
 out to him while waiting, in the shape of refresh- 
 ments and ornaments. He also was treated with all 
 attention and friendliness. He was evidently not at 
 ease till the guns were put out of sight, but " he 
 marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his 
 men would sound it as well as they could." So 
 much delighted indeed were some of the Indians 
 with all they saw, that it was found difficult to clear 
 the place of them ; and they spent the night in the 
 woods close by, where next day Miles Standish, ever 
 foremost in venturesome affairs, returned their visit, 
 and was hospitably received according to their 
 fashion. 
 
 A trade in furs was now opened ; and the Wam- 
 panoags, anxious to secure the assistance of these 
 powerful allies against the hostile tribe of the 
 Narragansetts, showed every disposition to keep up 
 friendly relations. Squanto remained with the 
 English, and was of the greatest use to them as 
 interpreter. 
 
 More hopefully then, they were at last able on 
 March 23rd to settle their military and civil affairs, 
 making such arrangements and passing such laws 
 as seemed desirable in the condition of their little 
 state, and re-electing Mr. John Carver as governor. 
 Unhappily the effect of their early hardships had 
 not yet passed away; death was still busy among 
 them. A month had not ended before they were
 
 208 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 firing a funeral salute over their honoured gover- 
 nor's grave. 
 
 William Bradford was chosen as his successor, 
 and being re-elected from year to year held this 
 office during a great part of his life, though he and 
 others of the chief men would seem to have been so 
 far from coveting power, that it was found necessary 
 to affix a penalty to the refusal of office duly be- 
 stowed by the electors. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The rest of the year passed by uneventfully. 
 Under the genial warmth of an American summer, 
 the Pilgrims recovered their health and enjoyed the 
 fruits and herbs which grew wild around their new 
 home. By excursions among the Indians they ex- 
 tended their knowledge of the country and its 
 people. Several of the chiefs entered into a league 
 with them*, following the example of Massasoit; and 
 when the Narragansetts threatened this chief, the 
 English fulfilled the terms of the treaty by making 
 a successful demonstration in his favour with an 
 army of ten men, who scarcely met with any resist- 
 
 * They seem to have promised more than friendship, if 
 they understood the terms of the following formal docu- 
 ment : " Sept. 13, A.D. 1621. Know all men by these presents, 
 that we, whose names are underwritten, do acknowledge 
 ourselves to be the loyal subjects of King James, King of 
 Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 
 etc. In witness whereof, and as a testimonial of the same, 
 we have subscribed our names- or marks, as followeth: 
 
 Ohquamehud. Chikkatdbak. 
 
 Cawnacome. Quadaquina. 
 
 Obbatinnua. Huttmoiden. 
 
 Nattawahunt. Apannow." 
 
 Caunbatant.
 
 A POOR KING. 209 
 
 ance, and struck panic into the enemy by discharg- 
 ing two pieces at random. A visit to Massasoit 
 showed them that he had more to gain from their 
 friendship than they from his, so great was the 
 misery to which he was often reduced. He was 
 able to treat their two ambassadors to but a single 
 meal, consisting of two fishes, divided among some 
 forty persons. This was the only food they tasted 
 for more than thirty hours. On the night of their 
 arrival, " late it grew, but victuals he offered none, 
 for indeed he had not any." The visitors had to be 
 content to stay their stomachs with tobacco after a 
 long day's walk ; and when they retired to rest they 
 were put to sleep six in a bed, "so that we were worse 
 weary of our lodging than of our journey." They 
 were kept awake by vermin and mosquitos, as well 
 as by the barbarous sounds of savage music. Having 
 lain thus two nights with scarcely a wink of sleep, 
 they hastened to get home with all the strength re- 
 maining to them after this scant hospitality, fearing 
 that they would fall ill if they stayed any longer. 
 If Rousseau had ever been the guest of an Indian 
 king, he could scarcely have written his glowing 
 encomiums of the innocent pleasures and romantic 
 perfections of savage life. 
 
 The settlers would not have failed to exert them- 
 selves, even if it had not been so evident that they 
 would have to depend on their own exertions. 
 While some traded with the Indians for beaver and 
 other furs, the rest busied themselves in fishing and 
 agriculture. Besides six acres of barley and peas, 
 they planted twenty acres of Indian corn. In- 
 
 p
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS, 
 
 structed by Squanto, they manured the ground 
 after the native manner, with a kind of fish called 
 alewives, which in spring crowded up the streams to 
 spawn in the ponds and could be caught by thou- 
 sands. An excellent harvest was the result. When 
 it was gathered in the governor sent out four men 
 to shoot game, and a thanksgiving festival was 
 held, at which Massasoit and ninety of his men 
 were entertained for three days, contributing five 
 deer as their share of the good cheer. 
 
 Things looked so prosperous that the Pilgrims 
 wrote home, warmly urging their friends to join them 
 without delay. They described the country and its 
 inhabitants in high terms of praise. Industry only 
 was necessary to secure a competent livelihood. 
 Men indeed, who looked after " great riches, ease, 
 pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this world," were 
 advised to stay away ; but those who did not mind 
 roughing it a little might be assured of a moderate 
 degree of comfort, along with peace and religious 
 liberty, and not without a share of wholesome and 
 honest pleasures, if the greatness of the work, to 
 found a kingdom for Christ and spread the know- 
 ledge of the gospel among the heathen, were not 
 enticement enough. As for those who feared the 
 tediousness of the voyage, the danger of pirates, 
 the treachery of the savages, " it were well for 
 such men if they were in heaven. For who can 
 show them a place in this world where iniquity 
 shall not compass them at the heels, and where they 
 shall have a day without grief or a lease of life for 
 a moment 1" Whoever still thinks of these separa-
 
 SEASONS OF SCARCITY. 211 
 
 tists as a set of gloomy visionary fanatics, has only 
 to know more of them at this period, to see that 
 their religious zeal was hardened to a most practical 
 temper by qualities now recognised as sturdy man- 
 liness and sober common sense. 
 
 But the account which they sent home during 
 the summer proved too favourable ; and when the 
 second batch of emigrants arrived in November, ill 
 provided with food in expectation of the plenty 
 which had been described to them, they found that 
 another season of dearth had set in, and it was hard 
 work for the colonists to feed their friends when 
 they had not enough for themselves. Not till cattle 
 had been introduced, were they secure from want. 
 Another important step was the establishment of 
 salt works, by means of which they were able to 
 preserve bheir provisions. It was quite true that 
 at certain times of the year they had plenty, of 
 fruits and fish in the summer, of corn in autumn, of 
 wild fowl when the cold weather began to come on ; 
 and if we have never reflected on the economy of 
 civilisation, which by a widespread and complicated 
 machinery provides us regularly and continually 
 with the productions of the earth, we may be sur- 
 prised to hear such a frequent tale of scarcity 
 among those early settlers in a country abounding 
 with animal life and vegetation. We must remem- 
 ber that at first the colonists lacked experience and 
 means to preserve the food which nature dealt out 
 to them in alternate moods of stint and profusion. 
 The Indians, we have seen, with all their knowledge 
 of the country and cunning in the chase, were often
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 reduced to the greatest distress ; and this precarious 
 mode of life had taught them to endure long fits of 
 abstinence, as well as to eat enormously when food 
 came in their way. So the English were yet to find 
 themselves often in the most pressing straits ; but 
 they never lost hope, and never failed to be relieved 
 in some manner which they took for a special in- 
 terposition of Providence. Now a ship passed by 
 from which they were able to buy supplies ; now 
 their hunters made a prize and brought back meat 
 to their starving comrades. And throughout their 
 sufferings they were sustained by godly patience 
 and unselfish unity of spirit. If any fainted, there 
 were strong arms to keep him from falling. They 
 breathed courage into each other's hearts by friendly 
 exhortation and appeals to their high purpose and 
 calling. "Now, brethren, I pray you, remember 
 yourselves, and know that you are not in a retired, 
 monastical course, but have given your names and 
 promises one to another, and covenanted here to 
 cleave together in the service of God and the king. 
 What then must you do ? May you live as retired 
 hermits, and look after nobody ? Nay, you must 
 seek still the wealth of one another, and inquire, as 
 David : How liveth such a man ? How is he clad ? 
 How is he fed ? He is my brother, my associate ; 
 we ventured our lives together here, and had a hard 
 brunt of it ; and we are in league together. Is his 
 labour harder than mine ? Surely I will ease him. 
 Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I have two ; I '11 
 lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? Why, I have 
 two suits, I'll give him one of them. Eats he
 
 A DECLARATION OF WAR. 213 
 
 coarse fare, bread and water, and I have better ? 
 Why, surely we will part stakes. He is as good a 
 man as I, and we are bound each, to other ; so that 
 his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sor- 
 rows, his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my 
 welfare; for I am as he is." Such was the genuine 
 homespun doctrine out of which was woven the 
 stuff that wore so well through many a rough 
 winter. Can it be that the men who taught thus 
 and strove to follow this teaching were persecuted 
 as criminals, and driven from a Christian land where 
 Laud and Buckingham were held in honour ? 
 
 Unfortunately, in the second year the relations 
 of the colony with the Indians became troubled ; 
 and much time, that might have been more profit- 
 ably spent, had to be given to strengthening their 
 position by a palisade and a fort. The Narragan- 
 setts had hitherto been wavering in their policy ; but 
 in January, 1622, they sent a messenger with a bundle 
 of new arrows, wrapped in a rattlesnake's skin, which 
 the English were told meant a declaration of war. 
 After consultation they returned the skin stuffed 
 with powder and bullets, and this is said to have so 
 terrified the hostile chief that he would not touch 
 it nor allow it to remain in his country. Sincerely 
 desirous of maintaining peace, the Pilgrims thought 
 it best to carry themselves fearlessly in presence of 
 the danger to which they were far from being in- 
 different, and were not to be deterred from their 
 trading journeys by rumours that the Narragansetts 
 to the south, and the Massachusetts to the north, 
 were conspiring to destroy them. Suspicions were
 
 2i 4 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 also aroused that their neighbours the Wampanoags 
 were about to prove unfaithful. 
 
 The worst of it was that they were uncertain 
 what to believe. They were dependent for inform- 
 ation upon Squanto and another Indian, named 
 Hobbamock, who had attached himself to them. 
 These men showed some of the jealousy which is 
 prone to exist between two factotums, and were 
 found contradicting each other, to the serious per- 
 plexity of their patrons. It seemed that Squanto 
 had a mind to play the great man in the eyes of his 
 countrymen, on the strength of his position among 
 the English, and tried to use his influence with 
 them for his private ends. He gave out that the 
 Pilgrims kept the plague in their cellars and could 
 dispense it at will; the moral of this fiction of 
 course was that it would be well to be on good 
 terms with one who enjoyed the privilege of such 
 familiarity with these powerful strangers. There 
 was reason to suppose that he aimed at stirring 
 up war against Massasoit, his natural sovereign, 
 hoping to advance himself at the expense of his own 
 people. These designs coming to light, the gover- 
 nor "sharply reproved " him; but the plain truth 
 was that they could not do without Squanto; he 
 was their " tongue," as the poetic diction of the 
 Indians put it. This consideration did not prevent 
 Massasoit from being jealous and angry when he 
 perceived the ambition of his presuming subject. 
 The chief insisted on Squanto being surrendered to 
 him for just punishment, according to the treaty. 
 The governor was at a loss how to answer. He
 
 NEW NEIGHBOURS. 215 
 
 ought to give up the man who had made so much 
 mischief, yet he scrupled to hand over to a cruel 
 death one who had done and could yet do so much 
 for the English. In the end he made some excuse 
 for delay, and the interpreter contrived to make his 
 peace with Massasoit. But before long he fell ill 
 and died, desiring his white friends to pray for 
 him that he might go to their heaven. In spite 
 of his faults he had been a valuable friend to the 
 Pilgrims, and was sorely missed by them, for they 
 seem to have been slow in acquiring the Indian 
 language. 
 
 During this summer (1622) news came of the 
 terrible massacre of the English in Virginia, which 
 did not tend to reassure the Plymouth colony as to 
 their own safety. Soon they found themselves ex- 
 posed to danger in the most unexpected way, by the 
 bad conduct of their own countrymen. A merchant 
 named Weston, one of those who had been forward 
 in promoting their undertaking, seeing it now likely 
 to be pecuniarily successful, resolved to set up a 
 colony of his own, and sent out fifty or sixty persons 
 in two ships, which arrived about the beginning of 
 July. These were adventurers of the ordinary kind, 
 neither professing nor practising the high rule of 
 conduct which was a bond of union to the Pilgrims. 
 Yet the Plymouth men received them kindly and 
 entertained the whole party till they found a settle- 
 ment for themselves at a place to the north, to 
 which the name of Weymouth was given. The un- 
 grateful guests repaid this hospitality by stealing 
 the corn of their hosts while still green. It was
 
 216 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 quite clear that they and the old settlers were not 
 likely to get on well together; but the Pilgrims 
 seem to have honestly done their best to help the 
 new comers, trying to make allowance for their 
 moral deficiencies, and fearing that their ignorance 
 and rashness would lead them into trouble. 
 
 So indeed it proved. The men who had pilfered 
 from their own friends were not restrained from 
 robbing the Indians, who soon came to Plymouth 
 with complaints of their wrongs. It was less likely 
 that friendly remonstrance would be effectual with 
 these fellows than that the discredit of their doings 
 would be reflected on their countrymen. The Eng- 
 lish name had hitherto commanded respect ; now 
 Weston's colony brought it into ill odour, the effects 
 of which were soon felt both at Plymouth and Wey- 
 mouth. It was perhaps a pity that the two com- 
 panies joined in common expeditions to trade for 
 corn ; but blood is thicker than water, and fellow 
 countrymen could not be expected to stand aloof 
 from each other so far away from home. It must 
 also be said that there were some honest men in the 
 Weymouth colony, who were not insensible to the 
 reproaches of their neighbours, and tried to put a 
 stop to the ill doing of their associates. The stocks 
 and the whipping post were set up ; but, as usual, 
 the fear of punishment was not enough to produce 
 good morals among bad men. One was even 
 hanged for stealing a cap fall of corn from an Indian, 
 an example which was wholly useless when the colony 
 was already at the point of ruin. The poor Indians, 
 as might be expected, did not fail to retaliate as
 
 WEYMOUTH MEN IN WANT. 217 
 
 they could. They were found stealing, in turn, 
 from the Plymouth people, as well as from the real 
 wrongdoers; but Miles Sfcandish carried things with 
 such a high hand that the stolen articles were 
 brought back, and in one instance at least a chief 
 came to say that he had himself punished the culprit. 
 By March, 1623, Weston's men had eaten all their 
 corn, leaving none for seed. It was in vain they 
 tried to use the credit of the other colony. The 
 Indians would now neither lend nor sell to them. 
 In this strait they proposed to take their corn by 
 violence, as Captain John Smith, we must fear, 
 might not have hesitated to do under similar cir- 
 cumstances. But when they consulted the Plymouth 
 people, the latter strongly dissuaded them from any 
 such attempt. Apart from the sinfulness of it, and 
 the displeasure which would be called forth at home 
 by bloodshed in such a cause, it would be very bad 
 policy for the sake of a temporary supply to destroy 
 the confidence of the Indians for ever. The Wey- 
 mouth colonists were by this time in such a weak 
 state that they could not but listen to this reason- 
 able advice. As a last resource their governor- 
 sailed to the coast of Maine, to seek aid from the 
 English fishing vessels by which it was now fre- 
 quented. The Pilgrims, though ill able to spare 
 from their small store, gave him provisions for this 
 journey ; and during his absence they were obliged 
 to take active steps to save both their neighbours 
 and themselves from destruction. They became 
 aware of this danger through an act of friendly 
 attention shown to Massasoit.
 
 2i8 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 News came that this chief was lying seriously ill, 
 and also that a Dutch ship had been driven on 
 shore beside his dwelling. The Indians were known 
 to attach great importance to the custom of being 
 visited by their friends in sickness, and it was 
 thought right to send some one to observe this 
 kindly custom in Massasoit's case, as well as to com- 
 municate with the Dutchmen. So Edward Win slow, 
 one of the chroniclers of the colony, set out upon 
 this double duty, with Hobbamock for his guide, 
 and as a companion a certain " Master John Hamp- 
 den, a gentleman of London, who then wintered 
 with us, and desired much to see the country." It 
 has been supposed that this John Hampden was no 
 other than the celebrated English patriot ; but he 
 is a great deal more likely to have had a namesake 
 of a roving disposition than to have been absent 
 from his post in parliament when such great affairs 
 were on hand in Old England. 
 
 On the way the three travellers heard that in both 
 objects of their journey they were frustrated. The 
 Dutch ship had got off, and Massasoit was reported 
 to be dead. The Indian guide freely gave way to his 
 grief, for the attachment of these people to their chiefs 
 was often as sincere and affectionate as any advo- 
 cate for the Divine right of kings could have desired. 
 The English were grieved on a more selfish account. 
 This chief had stood their friend, but if he were 
 dead they feared his people might be moved by 
 other counsels ; indeed his probable successor, Con- 
 batant, was known to be ill disposed towards them. 
 They thought it best, however, to go boldly on,
 
 A ROYAL SICK-BED. 219 
 
 hoping to be able to conciliate the goodwill of the 
 new sachem, though after all that had passed 
 between them it was possible he might desire rather 
 to do them a mischief. " Leaving the event to 
 God," they made straight for the lion's den, Con- 
 batant's own house, whom they found not at home, 
 but were kindly entertained by the squaw sachem, 
 his wife. 
 
 Here they heard that Massasoit was still alive, 
 though his death was expected every moment. As 
 soon as they received this news by a messenger 
 whom they had sent to inquire the truth, they 
 hastily went on to the chief's house, where they 
 arrived at night, and found themselves not too late 
 to assist at a most noisy deathbed. 
 
 The house was so full of people that the new 
 comers could scarcely make their way in. Eound 
 the patient had gathered all the pow-ivows of the 
 neighbourhood, an order of men who among the 
 Indian tribes exercised the double functions of 
 priest and physician. These ignorant impostors were 
 called in to conjure out the evil spirit which was 
 believed to possess the sick man. This duty they 
 performed by dancing and yelling frantically around 
 him, hideously disguised in paint and feathers; they 
 were accustomed to throw their limbs into the most 
 horrible contortions, to strain their eyes almost out 
 of the sockets, to sweat, to foam at the mouth, till 
 they were exhausted by the violence of their exer- 
 tions, which they would keep up for hours, while 
 the spectators surrounding them with admiration 
 joined in the chorus of their yells and shrieks.
 
 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 Sometimes they would administer herbs, stroke or 
 chafe the afflicted part, or pretend to suck out the 
 ailment ; but these maniacal spells were the chief 
 feature of their treatment, and Winslow and his 
 companions found a band of them in full swing, 
 " making such a hellish noise as it distempered us 
 that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him 
 that was sick." 
 
 With all their superstition the Indians had much 
 respect for the wisdom of the white men. The 
 pow-wows brought their din to an end, and Win- 
 slow was allowed to approach the bed. The old 
 chief held out his hand and faintly bade him fare- 
 well. But the visitor, though he knew little of 
 physic, thought something might still be done for 
 the sick man's comfort at least, and addressed him- 
 self to play the doctor after a more sensible fashion. 
 Putting a little piece of " confection of conserves " 
 upon the point of his knife, he forced it through 
 Massasoit's teeth, and the chief swallowed the juice 
 of it, to the delight of those about him. Winslovv 
 then made the usual inquiries as to when the patient 
 had last slept, eaten, and so forth, looked at his 
 tongue, found it so much swollen that he could 
 swallow nothing, washed out his mouth, got down 
 a little more of the confection, and dissolved some 
 in water, which the sick man presently drank. This 
 slight nourishment wrought a wonderful improve- 
 ment ; the chief, to the astonishment of those who 
 had given him up for lost, began to recover his 
 sight, his voice, and his appetite. Winslow sent off 
 a letter to the plantation, desiring that there might
 
 The Sick Chief.
 
 UNEXPECTED RECOVERY. 
 
 be sent at once a bottle of drink, some chickens, 
 and other articles of food suitable for invalids, and 
 whatever physic their surgeon might think to be 
 indicated by the symptoms described. 
 
 In the morning Massasoit was so much better 
 that he was calling out for broth, such as he had 
 once tasted at Plymouth. His English visitor was 
 as little of a cook as of a physician, but he did his 
 best with corn, strawberry leaves, and sassafras 
 root, boiled in a pipkin, of which concoction the 
 patient drank a pint, and desired a duck or a goose 
 to follow. Winslow succeeded in shooting one, and 
 Massasoit, disregarding all advice, ate so greedily 
 that he made himself sick, and his nose burst out 
 bleeding, which among the Indians was held for a 
 sure symptom of death. Yet by care and nursing 
 he now recovered rapidly, and when the chickens 
 arrived desired that they might be kept for breed- 
 ing, as his stomach no longer required to be 
 tempted by such dainties. 
 
 This unexpected cure did not fail to send up the 
 credit of the English, nor was the boldness of two 
 men in trusting themselves among the Indians 
 without good effect. In the warmth of his gratitude 
 Massasoit revealed that the Massachusetts were 
 plotting to rouse the other tribes to fall upon the 
 strangers in both colonies. He himself, he said, 
 had been solicited to join this conspiracy, but 
 had refused ; and he now advised his friends, if they 
 valued their safety, to anticipate the blow by attack- 
 ing the main instigators of the intended mischief, 
 and striking terror into the rest before they could
 
 222 THE PILGRIM FA THERS. 
 
 move. With this important information they re- 
 turned home. 
 
 The warning was not too early. At this very 
 time, as was afterwards known, Captain Miles 
 Standish had a narrow escape of being murdered 
 while on a journey. He owed his safety to the fact 
 of the weather being so cold that he could not sleep 
 all night, but kept moving about the fire, so that 
 the would-be assassin had no opportunity of taking 
 him unawares. His death was to have been the 
 signal for an attack upon his companions. 
 
 If the Indians meant fighting they were right 
 to begin by an attempt to cut off the doughty com- 
 mander of the Pilgrims' little army. Miles Standish 
 was a veritable man of war, of the John Smith 
 stamp, rather than like the grave and scrupulous 
 men with whom he had cast his lot. He had been 
 a soldier in the Low Countries, and there had made 
 the acquaintance of Robinson's congregation, whose 
 high character he seems to have respected while he 
 was unable to enter into their religious zeal. It is 
 said that he never became a member of the church 
 in the service of which he played such a valiant 
 part. The Pilgrims, while owning their obligations 
 to him, had to confess with sorrow that the old 
 Adam had much to do with his prowess. " A little 
 chimney is soon fired ; so was the Plymouth captain, 
 a man of very little stature, yet of a very hot and 
 angry temper." He nearly came to blows with a 
 company of his own countrymen, who landed on 
 Cape Ann and took possession of a fishing stage, 
 claimed by the Pilgrim colony. So we need not
 
 A WEIGHTY QUESTION. 223 
 
 expect to find the short choleric captain showing 
 much meekness or forbearance towards the Indians 
 in the complications which were now to be dealt with. 
 
 On March 23rd was held the annual court meet- 
 ing of the colony, the year for business purposes 
 being then considered to begin on Lady Day. 
 By this time the governor had received further 
 information of the intended treachery, and he laid 
 the matter before the whole company for their 
 decision. It was indeed a difficult question to 
 reconcile the principles of the gospel of peace with 
 the steps that seemed demanded by consideration 
 for their own safety. "We knew no means to 
 deliver our countrymen and preserve ourselves, 
 than by returning their malicious and cruel pur- 
 poses upon their own heads, and causing them to 
 fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; 
 though it much grieved us to shed the blood of 
 those whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as 
 a principal in all our proceedings." 
 
 In the end the meeting came to the wise con- 
 clusion that this was not a matter for public 
 debate, and left the responsibility of taking hostile 
 operations in the hands of the governor, his as- 
 sistant, and the captain. They resolved that the 
 latter should go to Weymouth, warn the colonists 
 of their danger, and, as it was impossible to 
 deal with the Indians except by stratagem, 
 should feign friendly intentions till he had an 
 opportunity of judging of their designs and 
 effectually punishing them ; he was specially em- 
 powered to take the head of a certain Massachusett
 
 224 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 brave, named Wituwamat, "a notable insulting 
 villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in 
 the blood of English and French, and had often 
 boasted of his own valour and derided their weak- 
 ness, especially because, as he said, they died crying, 
 making sour faces, more like children than men." 
 For this service Captain Standish was to take as 
 many men "as he thought sufficient to make his 
 party good against all the Indians in the Massa- 
 chusett Bay." Eight men was the number which 
 he thought sufficient, and he refused to take more, 
 fearing lest the enemy might be alarmed and not 
 give him a fair chance of coming to blows with 
 them. Reluctantly and considerately this measure 
 had been determined upon ; its execution was well 
 left in the hands of one who would be sure to carry 
 it out with vigour and decision. 
 
 Before the little army set out, one of the Weston 
 colony came with a most lamentable account of the 
 state of his companions, who were now suffering 
 the worst results of their idleness and improvidence. 
 They had separated into three companies, with 
 scarcely any powder and shot left, and were living 
 wherever they could get the least scrap of subsist- 
 ence. Some had run away to live among the 
 Indians ; the rest seemed to have lost all self 
 respect, and from threatening and contempt had 
 come down to a helpless condition, in which they 
 submitted to be insulted and wronged in their 
 turn by their savage neighbours, to whom many 
 had sold their clothes and hired themselves as 
 servants, and were now on the point of starving
 
 CHAPFALLEN BOASTERS. 225 
 
 from cold and hunger. This was the swaggering 
 band which had sneered at the Puritan colony, 
 declaring that with their wives and children the 
 latter would not be able to defend themselves, and 
 no doubt making great fun of the prayers and 
 sermons of the "saints/' who were supposed so 
 unfitted for scenes of peril and adventure. The 
 event must have made the Weymouth planters a 
 little ashamed of themselves, if they had grace 
 enough to be capable of shame. 
 
 Arriving at Weymouth by sea, the captain's first 
 visit was to the ship in which Weston's colony had 
 come, and which lay now idle in the creek. He 
 found no one on board, not even a dog was to be 
 seen. Upon firing a musket, however, the master 
 of the ship and some other famished wretches ap- 
 peared upon the shore, where they had been gather- 
 ing ground nuts and roots. Their misery seemed 
 to have reached the point of indifference. Unarmed 
 and careless of danger, they were offering them- 
 selves an easy prey to the Indians. The captain 
 passed on to the plantation, where the leaders of 
 the party were to be found, and informed them of 
 the cause and purpose of his coming, offering them 
 an asylum at Plymouth, and desiring them to draw 
 together and keep at home, till he had a good op- 
 portunity of punishing their enemies. They could 
 not but thankfully acknowledge these friendly in- 
 tentions, as an earnest of which a pint of Indian 
 corn was served out daily to each of them. 
 
 Bad weather and the suspicions which his dis- 
 sembling did not prevent the Indians from enter-
 
 226 THE PILGRIM FA THERS. 
 
 taining, delayed the opportunity which the captain 
 desired. But soon, growing bolder, some of the 
 pineses, or braves, began to come to the plantation, 
 " where they would whet and sharpen the points of 
 their knives before his face, and use many other 
 insulting gestures and speeches." Among these 
 threatening boasters were the doomed Wituwamat, 
 and another brave called Pecksuot. The former 
 bragged of the excellency of his knife, saying 
 meaningly that by-and-by it should eat but not 
 speak. "Also Pecksuot, being a man of greater 
 stature than the captain, told him, though he were 
 a great captain, yet he was but a little man ; 
 f and/ said he, 'though I be no sachem, yet I am 
 a man of great strength and courage/ " Little 
 men are apt to be sensitive to allusions of this 
 kind ; but if Miles Standish's bile was roused, he 
 swallowed it down for the meanwhile, waiting the 
 time when he should be able to make a most 
 effectual example. But he did not wait long. 
 
 " On the next day, seeing he could not get many 
 of them together at once, and this Pecksuot and 
 Wituwamat both together, with another man, and 
 a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was 
 brother to Wituwamat, and, villain like, trod in his 
 steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker 
 sort of men, and having about as many of his own 
 company in a room with them, [he] gave the word 
 to his men, and, the door being fast shut, began 
 himself with Pecksuot, and snatching his own knife 
 from his neck, though with much struggling, killed 
 htm therewith, the point whereof he had made as
 
 THE LITTLE CAPTAIN'S PROWESS. 227 
 
 sharp as a needle, and ground the back also to an 
 edge. Wituwamat and the other man the rest 
 killed, and took the youth, whom the captain caused 
 to be hanged. But it is incredible how many 
 wounds these two pineses received before they died, 
 not making any fearful noise, but catching at their 
 weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock 
 stood by all this time as a spectator, and meddled 
 not, observing how our men demeaned themselves 
 in this action. All being here ended, he brake 
 forth into these speeches to the captain : ( Yester- 
 day Pecksuot, bragging of his own strength and 
 stature, said, though you were a great captain you 
 were yet but a little man ; but to-day I see you are 
 big enough to lay him on the ground/ " 
 
 Some Indian women were at the same time taken 
 prisoners. Standish would not allow the least 
 injury to be done them, but he ordered them to be 
 detained for a short time, lest they should convey 
 a warning to their friends. Three more of the 
 enemy were thus taken by surprise and killed, but 
 one managed to escape and give the alarm. The 
 captain, however, took the field with some half 
 dozen men, and., after beating the country for some 
 time, was successful in falling in with a band of 
 those whom he sought. According to the tactics 
 so often to be practised in Indian warfare, both 
 parties made a dash for a hill which lay near them. 
 The English gained this advantage, whereupon the 
 Indians retreated, and in their usual fashion tried 
 to keep up a running fight from behind the trunks 
 of trees. A bold charge soon drove them into the
 
 228 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 shelter of a swamp, from which they refused to 
 emerge, though the captain stood taunting their 
 chief, and daring him to come out and fight like a 
 man, after all his loud boasting. They stole away 
 through the thickets, where the English could not 
 safely follow them. 
 
 As nothing more could be done, the captain now 
 returned home, taking a few of Weston's men, who 
 volunteered to join the colony at Plymouth, while 
 the majority of them chose to go after their leader 
 to -the fishing vessels in which they hoped to get a 
 passage home to England. Miles Standish some- 
 what contemptuously told them that he would 
 undertake to hold their plantation with a smaller 
 number of men than they were, but he gave them 
 food and saw them safely off; no doubt thinking 
 in his heart that the country was well rid. of such 
 a helpless and mischievous crew. Thus was this 
 colony broken up within a year of beginning with 
 boasts of their superior strength and worldly 
 wisdom. 
 
 When the victorious party came to Plymouth, 
 they found the fort now finished, and the head of 
 Wituwamat was set up on it, after the barbarous 
 custom by which the heads of the Pretender's 
 adherents were exposed on Temple Bar more than 
 a century later. The fort had already been " han- 
 selled" by an Indian prisoner, who for the first 
 time was chained up there on suspicion of having 
 to do with the conspiracy. This man made a full 
 confession of the design, and was released to be 
 sent to the chief of the Massachusetts with a mes-
 
 PANIC AMONG THE INDIANS. 229 
 
 sage, desiring him to take warning from what had 
 happened and to deliver up three Englishmen who 
 were still in his hands, else his country would be 
 made too hot to hold him. 
 
 For a long time no answer came to this message, 
 the Indians being thoroughly cowed and afraid to 
 trust themselves near the plantation. At last a 
 squaw ventured herself; the English had always 
 been most careful not to maltreat women, who, 
 as they generally served for drudges, now became 
 useful as ambassadors. She, on the part of Ob- 
 takiest the chief, expressed great sorrow that he 
 had killed the Englishmen before the governor's 
 message reached him. He was now fain to make 
 his peace, but so little expected to be allowed to 
 do so that he had forsaken his dwelling, and was 
 wandering about from place to place, afraid from 
 day to day of being pursued by the English ven- 
 geance. His tribe and their confederates were 
 equally apprehensive. They took to the swamps; 
 they were afraid to plant their fields ; and many of 
 them perished from disease and hunger, so that 
 they feared the God of the English was offended 
 with them and would destroy them in His anger. 
 
 By this bold blow Miles Standish had secured 
 the colony for many years to come against such a 
 danger as had befallen their brethren in Virginia. 
 But when their pastor at Leyden heard of these 
 martial doings, he found them scarcely consistent 
 with the spirit of the gospel, and desired his flock 
 to think seriously about their captain's readiness 
 with the sword. "He hoped the Lord had sent
 
 230 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 him among them for good, if they used him right ; 
 but he doubted whether there was not wanting that 
 tenderness of the life of man made after God's 
 image which was meet/' writes good Mr. Robinson, 
 whose lights were in more respects than one in 
 advance of his age, and concludes : " oh, how 
 happy a thing had it been that you had converted 
 some before you killed any ! " 
 
 The behaviour and fate of Weston's colony was 
 a lesson not thrown away on the Plymouth people ; 
 they saw how such neighbours were likely to be the 
 ruin of others as well as of themselves. They have 
 been blamed for the peremptory manner in which 
 they henceforth got rid of uncongenial spirits who 
 found their way among them. But unity of senti- 
 ment was absolutely necessary for the public weal. 
 Their position was a new and undefined one; in 
 strict law they had no right to administer justice. 
 They held their lands, not by a charter from the 
 king, but by a patent in the hands of a company 
 of merchants, most of whom had little sympathy 
 with the religious earnestness of the settlers, but 
 looked on their labours merely as the means of 
 gain. These merchants were unwilling to send 
 over Mr. Robinson from Leyden, and in his stead 
 tried to force upon the colony a minister of 
 11 heretical and papistical " views ; that is to say, 
 a man favourable to the church establishment, and 
 one indeed whose moral character proved to be 
 no credit to any church. As might be expected, 
 the Pilgrims soon sent him ignominiously about his 
 business. Three heifers and a bull that came over
 
 DIFFICULTIES OVERCOME. 231 
 
 with him " did the land certainly better service 
 than ever was done by him," such was their 
 opinion. He is said to have been almost literally 
 kicked out of the colony through a double line of 
 soldiers, who accelerated his progress with the butt 
 ends of their muskets. Content for the meanwhile 
 with the ministry of Elder Brewster, they waited 
 in hopes that their beloved pastor would find means 
 to join them. But before he could see this pro- 
 mised land he died at Leyden; and in 1629 the 
 Pilgrims for the first time chose a minister to their 
 mind. It is a mark of their respect for this office 
 that all this time Brewster scrupled to dispense 
 the sacraments, though he efficiently performed the 
 other services of religion. 
 
 This was but one of several inconveniences 
 arising out of their relations with the mother 
 country. Their patent was taken out, as a matter of 
 form, in the name of a Mr. John Pierce, who, when 
 the colony bid fair to prosper, bethought himself of 
 claiming his legal rights, and went the length of 
 embarking with the intention of playing lord pro- 
 prietary over the Pilgrims. Luckily perhaps for 
 both parties, his first taste of the sea was not such 
 as to encourage him to proceed. He transferred 
 his patent to the whole company, whose rights the 
 colonists were after a time able to buy up, agreeing 
 to pay 200 for nine years, and thus became their 
 own masters. And for the weakness of human 
 nature it was found better to abandon the plan of 
 common labour ; each man received a separate piece 
 of ground to be worked at his own risk and profit.
 
 232 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 
 
 So now the colony and the colonists were practi- 
 cally independent. Slowly but surely they took 
 root in the rugged soil of Massachusetts, and 
 before long saw kindred shoots springing up 
 around them on every side. 
 
 The Pilgrim Fathers, it should be remembered, 
 were not the main body who settled New England. 
 They were the advance guard of an army which 
 followed them in a few years, and spread over all 
 the coast while their little plantation did not yet 
 contain more than a few hundred souls. But they 
 have rightly been held in special honour by all the 
 children of their adopted country. In the words of 
 one of the greatest historians of America: "they 
 formed the mould for the civil and religious charac- 
 ter of its institutions. Enduring every hardship 
 themselves, they were the servants of posterity, 
 the benefactors of succeeding generations. In the 
 history of the world many pages are devoted to 
 commemorate the men who have besieged cities, 
 subdued provinces, or overthrown empires. In the 
 eye of reason and of truth, a colony is a better 
 offering than a victory ; the citizens of the United 
 States should rather cherish the memory of those 
 who founded a state on the basis of democratic 
 liberty, the fathers of the country, the men who, 
 as they first trod the soil of the New World, 
 scattered the seminal principles of republican free- 
 dom and national independence.'"'
 
 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 i. 
 
 BY this time the northern coasts of America were 
 becoming better known, and men of business began 
 to understand that money might be made here by 
 the prosaic occupations of fishing and fur trading 
 as surely, if more slowly, as from the gold mines 
 of the south. John Smith's constant preaching to 
 this effect was listened to when Englishmen saw 
 how the French traders prospered, for whom the 
 gallant explorers De Monts and Champlain had 
 opened up the shores of the St. Lawrence. The 
 western fishermen, as we have seen, had pushed 
 the limit of their summer voyages to the coasts of 
 Maine ; and Dutch ships were also frequenting the 
 harbours of New England, which was soon to find a 
 New Holland rising between it and Virginia. 
 
 So now the projects of English colonisation, 
 which for some years had hung fire, began once 
 more to be stirred. The Plymouth company was 
 revived, and to forty persons the king gave away 
 all the land between 40 and 48 north latitude ; 
 this patent was signed about the time that the 
 Pilgrims drew near Cape Cod. The holders of ifc 
 did not attempt to turn it to immediate account by 
 any bold and large undertaking of their own, but 
 hoped to make profit by a tax on the exertions of
 
 234 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 more enterprising persons. They tried to make 
 all fishermen on the coast take out a licence from 
 them, and to prohibit any settlers who had not 
 purchased their consent to face death and priva- 
 tion. But the time had come when this system 
 of monopoly was no longer to be quietly tolerated. 
 The king supported, but the parliament opposed, 
 these pretensions of the company, which in the end 
 gained little for itself and was mainly successful in 
 hampering private adventure for a time. 
 
 The most energetic of all its members was Sir 
 Ferdinand Gorges, the heir to Raleigh's hopes and 
 disappointments as he may be called, who had now 
 spent many years in promoting colonial enterprises 
 without ever taking part in them himself. Though 
 he was himself a Churchman, his zeal for colonisa- 
 tion seems to have been greater than his zeal for 
 creeds, and he helped to procure that the Pilgrims 
 should not be interfered with. He never ceased to 
 take a warm interest in New England, of which in 
 his old age he was appointed governor-general. It 
 was perhaps as well that he did not then carry out 
 his intention of visiting it, for his church-and-king 
 principles could scarcely have harmonized with the 
 development of the Puritan settlements. Fortunately 
 also for them, his attention was mainly taken up by 
 the northern shores, now known as Maine and New 
 Hampshire, where he laboured to plant colonies 
 with a perseverance deserving of better success. 
 He moreover incited the king to trespass upon the 
 neighbouring territories claimed by France. A 
 colony of Scotchmen were sent out to take posses-
 
 THE EFFORTS OF GORGES. 235 
 
 sion of Nova Scotia, but were not so successful as 
 their countrymen are wont to be abroad. A few 
 years later, war being declared between England 
 and France, a small expedition ascended the St. 
 Lawrence and captured Quebec, where the French 
 had already a small town. Neglected by the home 
 government, they could make no effectual resist- 
 ance, and for the moment England was mistress 
 of the whole coast as far south as Cape Cod. But 
 before this conquest was accomplished peace had 
 been restored in Europe ; Canada was given back, 
 and the great struggle between the two nations on 
 American ground was postponed for a century. 
 
 The prosperity of the northern part of New 
 England was long retarded, as we might expect, 
 both by disputes about boundaries between the 
 French and the English, and by the conflicting 
 claims of different patentees and unlicensed adven- 
 turers. The coast became dotted with fishing stages 
 and huts, but Gorges found himself disappointed in 
 his efforts to win a rich domain from the wilderness, 
 and, during the period of our narrative, there is 
 little of interest to be recorded about these scattered 
 settlements. The southern part was more fortunate. 
 Near the scene of confusion and failure there was 
 forming in Massachusetts Bay the nucleus of the 
 greatest of the American colonies. 
 
 The Puritans, beginning to despair of the prospects 
 of religion and liberty in their own country, had 
 turned their attention to New England. The success 
 of the Plymouth settlement, small as it yet was, had 
 proved that the land could be made to yield a liveli-
 
 236 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 hood to men who were of the right stuff. In more 
 than one part of England this example was now 
 discussed, and prominent members of the Puritan 
 party encouraged each other in projects of planting 
 a similar asylum on a larger scale. A corporation 
 was formed, consisting of men of means, experience, 
 and position, who obtained from the Plymouth 
 company a grant of land from the Charles to the 
 Merrimac, where, even before this arrangement was 
 made, a small band was holding the country as " the 
 sentinels of puritanism." These were soon rein- 
 forced by a party under John Endicott, appointed 
 governor by the new proprietors, and the town was 
 begun to which the emigrants gave the name of 
 Salem, to betoken the peace that they hoped to 
 find there. In the following year, 1629, this party 
 was joined by two hundred more. The next step 
 was an enormous one, which elevated the colony 
 to the rank of a commonwealth. 
 
 Charles I., who had now succeeded to the 
 throne, was the last monarch from whom conces- 
 sions favourable to liberty and nonconformity might 
 have been expected at this period of his power. 
 But whether it was from carelessness, or from a 
 momentary fit of relenting in his ecclesiastical policy, 
 or from a wish to get rid at any price of members 
 of that party which offered such a sturdy and effect- 
 ive opposition to his darling notions of government, 
 or in the design of encouraging the settlement of 
 those regions which otherwise seemed likely soon to 
 fall into the hands of the French or the Dutch, the 
 king, on being applied to for a charter by the new
 
 7 HE CHARTER OF MASSACHUSETTS. 237 
 
 body of adventurers, granted them one containing 
 all that they could desire. They were free to 
 transport to America any persons willing to go, 
 who should thenceforth live under such laws as 
 might be made by themselves, being only not re- 
 pugnant to the general laws of the realm. Not a 
 word was said about enforcing conformity to the 
 Church. Allegiance to the crown was to be main- 
 tained, but all power was put into the hands of a 
 governor, a deputy governor, and eighteen assist- 
 ants, who were to be elected annually by the mem- 
 bers of the corporation. 
 
 Charles and his advisers perhaps little thought 
 of the use that would be made of this charter, by 
 which Massachusetts was held, we may smile to 
 read, as belonging by legal fiction to the manor of 
 East Greenwich ! Either by chance or design a 
 time was specially named for holding these annual 
 elections, but no place. This gave opportunity to 
 the leaders of the enterprise to conceive the idea of 
 transferring charter, corporation and all, from Eng- 
 land to Massachusetts, admitting all worthy emi- 
 grants to the freedom of the company, and thus at 
 one stroke establishing the colony as an independ- 
 ent state. So much, they had good legal advice, 
 was within their powers, and when the scheme was 
 mooted the government did not question it. 
 
 Here was an unhoped for chance to form a com- 
 munity of choice and harmonious characters. No 
 one could be a member unless admitted by the 
 company, and their aim was and had been to pick 
 their colonists from the best men in the nation.
 
 238 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 But why then be content with helping others to 
 this model commonwealth ? Such was the question 
 which began now to be agitated among the English 
 Puritans. Many considerations urged them to fly 
 from their native country. The evils and corrup- 
 tions of the time were grievous to pious souls. The 
 king had entered upon the last stage of his blind 
 career, and many had little hope of success in the 
 contest with his power. The renewed persecutions 
 of the reformed churches abroad were a warning 
 of what might soon be expected at home. These 
 thoughts spread silently, but sank deeply. In the 
 language of one of the Puritan historians, it seemed 
 as if God " served as it were a summons upon the 
 spirits of His people in the English nation, stirring 
 up the spirits of thousands which never saw the 
 faces of each other, with a most unanimous inclina- 
 tion to leave all the pleasant accommodations of 
 their native country, and go over a terrible ocean, 
 into a more terrible desert, for the pure enjoyment of 
 all His ordinances." 
 
 In August 1629 the court of the company voted 
 unanimously to transfer its meetings to New Eng- 
 land. A body of men of wealth and education had 
 previously bound themselves to emigrate, if this vote 
 were passed, and they now found no lack of com- 
 panions willing to give themselves and their all in 
 such a cause. John Winthrop, a Suffolk gentleman 
 of high character and loveable disposition, was 
 elected governor. The winter was passed in pre- 
 parations for the exodus now determined upon. 
 Funds were collected from sympathisers throughout
 
 THE PURITAN EMIGRATION. 239 
 
 the country; emigrants of the right kind were 
 sought out ; shipping was engaged. In the spring 
 of 1630 Winthrop set sail with eleven ships, having 
 on board the precious charter. During the year 
 more than a thousand persons were transported 
 to Massachusetts. Full twenty thousand are sup- 
 posed to have arrived within ten years. 
 
 This was no obscure enterprise like that of the 
 Pilgrims. The eyes of all England were upon these 
 emigrants, and many wished them God speed as 
 they departed into their voluntary exile. They were 
 a select band in more than one sense. Their num- 
 bers comprised not only merchants, farmers and 
 artisans, but scholars, learned divines, men of mark 
 and family, delicately bred women and children. 
 The governor's ship was named after Lady Arbella 
 Johnson, who did not shrink from accompanying 
 her husband, and "took New England on her way 
 to heaven." She died very soon after her arrival, 
 but the early historians of the colony never fail to 
 mention her with respect, for lords and ladies were 
 then no ordinary folk, even among the Puritan fore- 
 fathers of the American republic. 
 
 Nor had these new comers to pass through such 
 an ordeal as so terribly thinned the ranks of the 
 Plymouth people. The main body arrived in sum- 
 mer, when wild strawberries were ripe to regale 
 them as soon as they set foot in their new home. 
 They found friends waiting to welcome them with 
 " & venison pasty" and otherwise. They had cattle 
 and horses, and were far better furnished with means 
 and materials for settling. Yet these too had their
 
 240 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 share of hardships. It was not easy to provide 
 shelter for so many all at once. Provisions ran 
 short. Sickness broke out. Two hundred died within 
 a few months, and a hundred persons deserted the 
 colony. But now and again they were wonderfully 
 preserved through their season of trial. Tradition 
 has it that the governor was giving away the last 
 handful of meal when a ship came in sight which 
 had been despatched to Bristol for supplies. Though 
 they say little enough about it, these gentle women 
 and these honourable elders, who had a right to 
 think their work in the world nigh done and to 
 look for some share of peace and ease, must have 
 gone through sufferings which would seem terrible 
 to the self indulgent habits of our gilded youth. 
 Colonising on the stern shores of New England was 
 no romantic work of the Paul-and-Virginia kind, 
 but a real struggle for the very necessaries of exist- 
 ence, even under the most favourable conditions. 
 
 Hitherto the settlement at Salem had been 
 scarcely more prosperous than two or three others 
 which had been essayed in the same neighbourhood, 
 under the auspices of such men as Gorges and 
 Weston. Now Winthrop removed with the greater 
 part of the people to Boston harbour, and on various 
 points of its winding shore rose little groups of 
 booths and tents, which in time grew into more 
 substantial towns. We need not ask whether these 
 plantations flourished nor can we follow their for- 
 tunes in detail. It is well known that, if the Puritans 
 ordered their lives with a main eye to the next 
 world, they proved themselves capable of lending a
 
 THE PURITANS AND THE PILGRIMS. 241 
 
 most serviceable hand in the affairs of this state of 
 being. Theirs it was to show that the way to make 
 profit from America was not to sue for patents and 
 monopolies, and send out worthless fellows to carry 
 on your business for you, but to go yourself, strip 
 off your fine coat, and buckle to work like a man. 
 
 It is pleasant to learn that before long the new 
 colonists were welcomed by and formed friendly 
 relations with the Pilgrims at Plymouth. The 
 latter, we know, had been held in some disesteem 
 by their reforming brethren in England. The 
 Puritans had accused the separatists of disaffection 
 to their mother country, which they themselves had 
 left with loyal good wishes and sincere regret. But 
 now that there were no bishops and church establish- 
 ments to raise questions between them, it was seen 
 that they agreed far more than they differed ; in- 
 deed, times of trouble and danger had brought the 
 Puritans to view in a different light what they once 
 considered the sin of separation. The independent 
 form of worship and church government was 
 adopted throughout the settlements, and Plymouth 
 and Massachusetts proved to be one in spirit, though 
 it was many years later before they were formally 
 united. 
 
 Now prevailed that austerity of morals which has 
 left its mark upon all the Puritan colonies. Among 
 so many there could not but have been a mixture of 
 characters and aims; Mr. Worldly Wiseman and Mr. 
 By- Ends did not fail to slip in along with Great- 
 heart and Faithful; and we hear of "lewd servants" 
 who from the first were a trouble to the grave 
 
 E
 
 242 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 leaders of the " colony of conscience." Bat the 
 better, at least the more influential part, were men 
 of real religious principle, who, both by example 
 and precept, insisted on a high moral standard. If 
 the laws made by them appear to us too severe let 
 it be remembered that they legislated for them- 
 selves, and invited no one to join them who was not 
 prepared to pass his life under the restraints which 
 they thought wholesome; it is also the case that 
 neighbouring communities voluntarily sought ad- 
 mission into the Puritan commonwealth.. On the 
 other hand it must be confessed that some of their 
 enactments can on no plea be defended, but must 
 stand as a beacon to well-meaning men who, get- 
 ting too much of their own way, are prone to fall 
 into the snare of power and spiritual pride. 
 
 The keeping of the sabbath was a main point in 
 their strict system. Preparation for it began on 
 Saturday afternoon, when all labour was to be laid 
 aside and the mind directed to the services of the 
 next day. These services were long, and would 
 have seemed insufferably tiresome to a generation 
 which is said to have lost " the art of listening to 
 a two hours' sermon." Extemporary prayers and 
 discourses anc| a few monotonous psalm tunes filled 
 up the best part of the day ; no one might remain 
 absent under penalties ; and strict attention, or 
 semblance of attention, was enforced. There were 
 officers whose duty was to wake the sleepers and to 
 chastise such fidgety young folks as might disturb 
 the congregation. Religious education was chiefly 
 concerned with keeping the children in " great
 
 SABBA TH-KEEPING. 243 
 
 awe," which, if it be an error, is perhaps no worse 
 than the contrary extreme of fond indulgence more 
 in fashion at the present day. The rest of the day 
 was spent in harmony with the tone of these public 
 exercises. It must often have been a sore trial to 
 the little ones. There were few books in the colony 
 in these early days, and fewer " good " books which 
 they cared to read ; and the Bible is not always 
 the better liked for being prescribed morning, noon, 
 and night. What a boon it must have been when 
 the " Pilgrim's Progress" reached New England, 
 to vary the dulness of catechising ! Games and 
 lively movements were of course tabooed ; one of 
 the Puritans' chief quarrels with the king had 
 been anent that Book of Sports by which he tried 
 to encourage a different manner of observing Sun- 
 day. 
 
 All amusements indeed had been regarded with 
 suspicion by the Puritans, and when they had 
 their way, the ordinary games and sports of the 
 English people were strictly prohibited, both Sunday 
 and week day ; cards and dice were banished ; may- 
 poles were held an abomination. They had a horror 
 of holidays, which in their eyes savoured of popish 
 superstition. There was plenty of occupation for 
 idle hands, and during the first years of the settle- 
 ment little leisure was available for frolicking. 
 Industry was exacted from all. Discipline they 
 declared to be as necessary as food or clothing, and 
 the rod appointed for the back of the fool. The 
 servants belonging to the company were divided 
 into families, at the head of each of which was placed
 
 244 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 a religiously minded person, and a daily register 
 was to be kept of the work done by every member. 
 Other persons who had come over at their own 
 expense, were not so easily dealt with; but they 
 were expected to apply themselves to some calling, 
 and might by no means set a bad example of idle- 
 ness. Swearing and other signs of immorality were 
 sternly dealt with, and if the offender proved too 
 hardened for correction he was promptly got rid of 
 at any cost. The stocks, the whipping post, and 
 the pillory figured on the common green of the 
 rising townships. Other punishments were used 
 which were severe enough, according to our notions, 
 but not more severe than the inflictions which had 
 in England rewarded such crimes as attending a con- 
 venticle or writing a tract. A scold, for instance, 
 would be made to stand in public with a cleft stick 
 on her tongue. A man might be seen with a red 
 letter D hung round his neck for a year, to point 
 him out to scorn as a drunkard. That this rigour 
 was not without effect is testified by a clergyman 
 who, preaching before the Houses of Parliament, 
 declared that he had lived in New England for 
 seven years without hearing an oath or seeing a 
 beggar or a drunkard. 
 
 In spite of this praise, we know that Governor 
 Winthrop and others of the chief men had per- 
 plexing doubts about the use of " strong waters/' 
 though nobody had yet thought of teetotalism. 
 Some of the colonists seemed inclined to abuse these 
 " good creatures " by way of consoling themselves 
 in exile, and the bestial intoxication in which the
 
 A TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT. 245 
 
 Indians too easily learned to delight was a warn- 
 ing not thrown away.. The custom of drinking 
 healths was, as leading to excess, soon forbidden 
 by the governor at his own table, and some years 
 later it was abolished by law, " though divers even 
 godly persons were loath to part with this idle cere- 
 mony." Here we have the germ of those scruples 
 which led to the Maine liquor law. Tobacco also 
 exercised the minds of the rulers. They did not go 
 the length of absolutely forbidding it, but at first 
 they enjoined that it should only " be taken pri- 
 vately by ancient men," and for <( the preservation of 
 their healths." This limitation was found imprac- 
 ticable; but we may be sure the rule was not 
 relaxed so far as to please the present rising genera- 
 tion. Even among the Indians, we are told, though 
 the men took much tobacco, " for boys so to do they 
 account it odious." 
 
 Fasting at least was no part of the creed of those 
 worthies, though it might often be perforce included 
 in their practice. They knew how to be in want, 
 but also how to abound ; their toils in the keen air 
 of New England made them relish its productions 
 with double thankfulness. Hominy and pork and 
 beans became staple dishes, and good housewives 
 learned to be cunning in the making of these homely 
 dainties for which the country is still celebrated. 
 The orchards of Old England were soon found to 
 nourish here, and the west country emigrants did 
 not fail to bring with them the art of making the 
 cider, which came to be as plentiful in Massachu- 
 setts as in Devonshire. And in these old days, before
 
 246 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 ice water and close stoves had come into use we 
 may guess that New England faces bore small signs 
 of commerce with the fiend indigestion. 
 
 New Englanders nowadays have the credit of 
 being uncommonly sharp at a bargain, not to give 
 a harsher name to this characteristic. Bat such 
 " smartness " was by no means an object of admira- 
 tion to the founders of their state. A carpenter 
 who had charged an exorbitant price for making a 
 pair of stocks was with grim humour and appro- 
 priate justice punished by being made to handsel 
 his own workmanship. Mr. Cotton, one of the 
 chief ministers, took occasion to denounce such 
 notions as " that a man might sell as dear as he can 
 or buy as cheap as he can," and " that as a man 
 may take advantage of his own skill and ability, so 
 he may of another's ignorance or necessity." Here 
 is teaching to ruffle the respectability of Wall 
 Street and our own Stock Exchange, where the 
 golden rule of life is to buy in the cheapest market 
 and sell in the dearest. Believing the Bible, and 
 reading in it how we were to love our neighbours, 
 these stubborn Puritans could not see that it was 
 loving one's neighbour as oneself if one sold him for 
 a hundred dollars what one knew to be worth less ; 
 and they would have considered gambling in shares 
 as bad as gambling with dice. The rulers of the 
 colony went so far as to commit the mistake, as it 
 is now considered by political economists, of attempt- 
 ing to regulate prices and profits by law. Traffic was 
 in these days mainly carried on by means of readily 
 marketable commodities, such as corn and beaver
 
 MONEY AND CLOTHES. 247 
 
 skins. Musket bullets passed as farthings. Wam- 
 pum, the Indian money, was also largely used. This 
 consisted of strings of shells, some white and some 
 a dark blue or purple ; the latter was twice as 
 valuable as the former, and a fathom of it was equal 
 to about ten shillings. It was not till 1652 that 
 Massachusetts set up a mint, usually considered the 
 privilege of kings, and coined silver money stamped 
 with a pinetree, specimens of which are now trea- 
 sured among the antiquities of America. 
 
 The dress of the Puritans was for the most part 
 unpretentious and substantial, doublet and hose of 
 leather or strong cloth, knitted stockings, stout 
 shoes, high broad-brimmed hats or caps, and plain 
 bands in which starch was held by some extreme 
 fanatics a mark of worldliness; yet, according to our 
 standard of taste, they were not so devoted to 
 sombre colours as they get credit for, presenting 
 though they did a strong contrast to the court 
 gallants who would wear a farm on their shoe 
 strings and a manor on their hatband. In a list of 
 clothes to be sent out to the colony we find mention 
 of a hundred waistcoats of green cotton edged with 
 red tape, and five hundred red knit caps. Nor was 
 a certain display of silk or lace forbidden upon oc- 
 casion to those whose rank and means were held to 
 justify it, while any one who aped the fashions of his 
 or her betters was liable to be taken sharply to task. 
 In the early days, indeed, when the colonists 
 had to depend upon England for almost everything, 
 dress must have been too expensive to indulge much 
 ambition of this kind, and the women generally wore
 
 248 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 plain homespun garments in which, they pleased 
 their husbands and sweethearts better than if they 
 had been loaded with all the fripperies of a modern 
 New York belle. 
 
 Far more important than fine clothes were the 
 arms with which every man must be furnished, 
 swords, pikes, long matchlocks, or the more con- 
 venient snaphances, a form of the flint lock now 
 coming into use. Armour for the head, breast, 
 back, and thighs, "varnished all black, with leathers 
 and buckles" is included among the first supplies. 
 But armour was already going out of favour ; King 
 James had well said that it not only protected the 
 life of the wearer, but hindered him from doing hurt 
 to anybody else. The settlers soon found the truth 
 of this when they had to do with nimble Indians in 
 tangled brakes and swamps. They began to use in- 
 stead quilted coats, strong enough to turn an arrow 
 while not so much impeding their own movements, 
 and in time the Indians saved them the trouble of 
 wearing this defence by learning to use firearms. 
 
 As for their houses, these were at first huts of 
 earth or of logs plastered with mortar and thatched. 
 When the colonists had time and means to improve 
 their dwellings, many of them erected buildings of 
 brick or stone ; but wood still continued a favourite 
 material, and many houses built of it in the seven- 
 teenth century are standing to this day. Frequent 
 fires soon made it necessary to forbid wooden 
 chimneys and thatched roofs. Instead of glass, 
 then a luxury, the windows were often filled with 
 paper steeped in linseed oil. Ventilation was not
 
 COMPORTS AND DISCOMFORTS. 249 
 
 thought much of in the old days, but here it was 
 no doubt sufficiently provided by chinks and cracks. 
 These rude dwellings may have been comfortable 
 enough, at least to the lower class of the colonists, 
 who had been accustomed to no better accommoda- 
 tion at home. If the weather was cold, firewood was 
 the one thing in which most of them had no stint. 
 In hot weather there were the mosquitoes, which 
 could not be so easily guarded against; but mos- 
 quitoes seemed a plague more bearable than Laud's 
 pursuivants and apparitors. Those who could 
 stand the climate and the rough work enjoyed 
 excellent health in this new way of life. It must 
 have been the less robust members of the colony 
 whom we find from time to time casting a wistful 
 eye towards sunny Virginia and the fruitful islands 
 of the West Indies. 
 
 The following anonymous lines, describing the 
 life of the first settlers, will be found interesting 
 if not elegant. They are also curious as being the 
 earliest known composition of the kind by an 
 American writer. 
 
 New England's Annoyances, you that would know 
 
 them, 
 Pray ponder these verses which briefly do show tliem. 
 
 THE place where we live is a wilderness wood, 
 Where grass is much wanting that's fruitful and good ; 
 Our mountains and hills, and our valleys below, 
 Being commonly covered with ice and with snow; 
 And when the north-west wind with violence blows, 
 Then every man pulls his cap over his nose : 
 But if any's so hardy and will it withstand, 
 He forfeits a finger, a foot, or a hand.
 
 50 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 B.ut when the spring opens we then take the hoe, 
 And make the ground ready to plant or to sow. 
 Our corn being planted and seed being sown, 
 The worms destroy much before it is grown ; 
 And when it is growing, some spoil there is made 
 By birds and by squirrels that pluck up the blade ; 
 And when it is come to full corn in the ear, 
 It is often destroyed by racoon and by deer. 
 
 And now do our garments begin to grow thin, 
 
 And wool is much wanted to card and to spin. 
 
 If we get a garment to cover without, 
 
 Our other in-garments are clout upon clout. 
 
 Our clothes we brought with us are apt to be torn, 
 
 They need to be clouted soon after they're worn; 
 
 But clouting our garments they hinder us nothing, 
 
 Clouts double are warmer than single whole clothing ! 
 
 If fresh meat be wanting to fill up our dish, 
 
 We have carrots and pumpkins and turnips and fish : 
 
 And, is there a mind for a delicate dish, 
 
 We repair to the clam banks and there we catch fish. 
 
 'Stead of pottage and puddings and custards and pies, 
 
 Our pumpkins and parsnips are common supplies : 
 
 We have pumpkins at morning and pumpkins at noon ; 
 
 If it was not for pumpkins we should be undone. 
 
 If barley be wanting to make into malt, 
 We must be contented and think it no fault ; 
 Tor we can have liquor to sweeten our lips 
 Of pumpkins and parsnips and walnut-tree chips. . . . 
 {The rest of this verse is wanting.) 
 
 Now while some are going let others be coming, 
 For while liquor's boiling it must have a scumming; 
 But I will not blame them, for birds of a feather 
 By seeking their fellows are flocking together. 
 But you whom the Lord intends hither to bring, 
 Forsake not the honey for fear of the sting ; 
 But bring both a quiet and contented mind, 
 And all needful blessings you surely will find.
 
 THE GOVERNOR AND HIS CAPITAL. 251 
 
 The simplicity here indicated was the general 
 rule in the lives of high and low. Winthrop, who 
 was so often elected governor and was all his life 
 the leading spirit of the colony, set a good example 
 in this way, wearing plain clothes, living temperately, 
 and working with his own hands when not employed 
 on public business. We hear of him travelling 
 about on foot, and acting as minister to a congrega- 
 tion who happened to be without one. His palace 
 was no other than a common frame house, which he 
 soon ordered to be moved and set up at Boston. 
 
 This town was originally called Trimountain, from 
 the three hills on which it stands. Tremont Street 
 and the well known Tremont House still recall this 
 name, which was changed to gratify some Lincoln- 
 shire men who had a tender recollection of their 
 last view of old Boston Stump. The prospects of 
 the place were at one time so unpromising that 
 grave wags gave it the nickname of Lost Town; 
 but Winthrop judged it the best situation for the 
 seat of government, and its growth and fame have 
 justified his choice. At Cambridge, which may 
 now be said to be a suburb of Boston (and a 
 charming surburb it is) the first New England 
 university was founded so early as 1642 with nine 
 students, four years after the first printing press 
 had been established in the country. Thus careful 
 were the fathers of the country for letters and 
 education. At a time when a thorough system of 
 popular instruction was scarcely dreamed of in any 
 European country, they ordered that every town- 
 ship, as soon as it reached the number of fifty houses,
 
 252 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 should appoint a dominie duly fitted and equipped 
 for the discomfiture of that power which finds mis- 
 chief still for idle young folks to do and ignorant 
 old ones. 
 
 Many such townships quickly sprang up around 
 Boston, at first holding to the inlets of the sea and 
 the course of the large rivers, then spreading them- 
 selves more boldly into the interior. The favourite 
 names were the old familiar ones. There were no 
 Syracuses, Troys, and Mugginsvilles in those days ; 
 Manchester, Gloucester, Marlborough, Ipswich, 
 Bradford, Salisbury, Exeter, Lynn, Northampton, 
 are but a small sample of the names which testified 
 the unalterable affection of the colonists for their 
 mother country, and still remind both John Bull and 
 Jonathan of what was, and ah ! of what might have 
 been. 
 
 Nowhere in America does the Englishman feel 
 himself more at home than in this neighbourhood, 
 where his Puritan ancestors made their first 
 dwellings in the wilderness. Of all the great 
 western cities, Boston and its surroundings wear 
 for him the friendliest face and seem to give him 
 the heartiest welcome. After the monotonous mag- 
 nificence, the pretentious grandeur that weary him 
 with their staring colours, sharp outlines, and pain- 
 ful newness in the square blocks of the enormous 
 mushroom emporiums which it is the American tra- 
 veller's duty to visit, he comes with inexpressible 
 relief to a town where there are old houses, and 
 crooked streets, and moss-grown gravestones, and 
 ancient elms that have a story to tell, and spots that
 
 THE PURITAN HIVE. 253 
 
 are kept for ever green, consecrated by the memory 
 of great deeds done on them. Such, at this day, is 
 the city which its inhabitants call the " hub of the 
 universe," and delight to consider as the Delphi of 
 the modern world, whence come the oracular straws 
 that show how the wind of future ages is going to 
 blow. We cannot find fault with this enthusiasm. 
 When we consider what Boston has thought and 
 done for the world, there is no wise lover of his 
 fellow men who will grudge the pride with which 
 its children regard " the dear old three-breasted 
 mother of American liberty. " Even its founders 
 might consider themselves citizens of no mean city, 
 in and around which were already seething some of 
 the greatest problems of modern life. 
 
 ii. 
 
 11 It was not long before the Massachusetts colony 
 was become like an }iwe over-stocked with bees, 
 and many of the new inhabitants entertained 
 thoughts of swarming into plantations extended 
 further into the country." Some six years had 
 passed when a band of " worthy, learned, and gen- 
 teel persons traversed the woods," and settled them- 
 selves, after incredible difficulties and hardships, 
 upon the Connecticut river. Other adventurers soon 
 found their way to the shores of Long Island Sound 
 and formed the colony of New Haven ; they even 
 spread across the channel and began to dispute 
 the island itself with the Dutch. Thus the pious 
 Cotton Mather might well be moved to break 
 forth, comparing the lot of his own country with that
 
 254 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 of Israel of old : " God of Hosts, Thou hast brought 
 a Vine out of England, Thou hast cast out the 
 heathen and planted it ; Thou preparedst room 
 before it, and didst cause it to take deep root, and it 
 filled the land; the hills were covered with the shadow 
 of it, and the boughs thereof were like the goodly 
 cedars ; she sent out her boughs unto the sea." 
 
 Such comparisons with the history of the Jews 
 were not confined to metaphor. The leaders of the 
 Massachusetts colony were inclined to cast their 
 politics in an ecclesiastical mould, to take the Bible 
 for their statute book, and to substitute a confession 
 of faith for an oath of allegiance. They did not 
 speak of sending out a colony or of building a town, 
 but of " planting a church " in such and such a 
 place. No one might have a vote who was not a 
 member or communicant of the church ', and as 
 admission to this privilege depended on the candi- 
 date's both making a public profession of his 
 conversion before all the congregation and privately 
 satisfying the church officers of the sincerity and 
 soundness of his belief, it may be understood that 
 only a minority were church members, and con- 
 sequently citizens. 
 
 This was not pure democracy, and the worst evils 
 might have arisen from such a constitution. When 
 the church rules the state, the interests of both are 
 apt to be in danger. But in more than one instance 
 a national spirit of bigotry has been seen to consist 
 with a lively appreciation of political freedom, and 
 this proved to be the case in Massachusetts. Parties 
 were formed there by religious questions, but the
 
 PAR 7 Y POLITICS. 25 5 
 
 ministers often found that they could by no means 
 have their own way in what seemed to touch the 
 rights of their supporters. Some of these ministers 
 headed what may be called a conservative party, that 
 sought to model the constitution according to Jewish 
 precedents. Now there can be no doubt that the 
 history of the Jews says nothing about popular in- 
 stitutions, and these pious minds were only logical 
 in suggesting that magistrates ought to be elected 
 for life and that something like a governing class 
 should be thus established. The majority of the 
 voters, however, were inconsistent enough to take a 
 different view, having had enough of tyrants who 
 ruled by the most scriptural warrant. They insisted 
 on exercising their power without regard to any 
 principle but the public convenience, and some- 
 times at the annual elections sent their best 
 magistrates into private life for a time by way of 
 a hint as to the tenure on which they held office. 
 Some of the gentlemen who had been accustomed 
 all their lives to respect from inferiors were not 
 very well pleased at this spirit, and inclined to agree 
 with the ministers. A good deal of jealousy and 
 bickering was caused by such questions, which were 
 warmly canvassed at one time in connection with a 
 great case about a stray sow, where the populace 
 and their deputies took one side, and the magis- 
 trates another. 
 
 The personal character of Winthrop, who so often 
 served in one office or another, went far towards 
 checking what might in the early circumstances 
 of the colony have proved a dangerous excess of
 
 256 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 liberty; but it was clearly shown that aristocracy 
 was a plant not likely to nourish upon New Eng- 
 land soil. Certain Puritan noblemen who pro- 
 posed to emigrate were restrained from doing so 
 when they found that an hereditary nobility would 
 not be recognised ; and had it not been for a stray 
 lord or knight coming over as a visitor, Young 
 America would have forgot the sound of titles. The 
 ideas of republican government ripened fast among 
 the settlers now that they had come out from the 
 shadow of the English throne. The new colonies 
 of Connecticut and New Haven, being without the 
 limits of the Massachusetts charter, made no diffi- 
 culty about forming constitutions for themselves ; 
 and in the former state the franchise was granted 
 without regard to a religious qualification. This 
 reform was of course only a matter of time in the 
 other states. In all, not only preachers but elders 
 were from the first expressly excluded from civil 
 office, no great deprivation in a community where 
 the pulpit had such power. 
 
 But the Massachusetts voters, if they jealously 
 guarded their own civil rights against any en- 
 croachment on the part of ministers and magis- 
 trates, allowed them to have their will of those who 
 were "without," as the phrase was. To differ from 
 the church in practice or opinion was a liberty by 
 no means to be conceded. While the Puritans in- 
 stinctively rejected the plain lessons of the Bible 
 as to constitutional government, they zealously en- 
 forced principles of legislation which they found in 
 it, and which they did not perceive to be equally
 
 WINTHROP' S LENIENCY. 257 
 
 unfit for their state of society. Unfortunately it 
 was the Old rather than the New Testament which 
 inspired them, and they regarded the Mosaic law 
 more than the Sermon on the Mount. 
 
 Winthrop indeed, than whom no man was more 
 truly religious nor more zealous to maintain a high 
 standard of public virtue, was in favour of a milder 
 rule than pleased his stern associates. "To do 
 justice, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with his 
 God," was the motto with which he undertook 
 office. A story is told of him which well illustrates 
 his character. A poor man was once accused to 
 him of stealing from his wood pile. The governor 
 pretended to be very angry and ordered the man to 
 be sent for. The culprit came trembling, already 
 feeling the lash on his shoulders in the terrors of 
 imagination. " Friend," said Winthrop kindly, "it 
 is a severe winter, and I doubt you are but meanly 
 provided for wood; wherefore I would have you 
 supply yourself at my wood pile till this cold season 
 be over." Then he laughingly asked his friends if 
 he had not effectually cured this man of stealing his 
 wood. 
 
 Governor Winthrop was taken to task for such 
 leniency, which seemed an abomination in the eyes 
 of men who were disposed to hold picking up sticks 
 on the sabbath day as an enormity worthy of death. 
 Against his opinion it was decided that a young 
 colony required stricter discipline than a settled 
 state ; hence those severe regulations which must 
 have made Massachusetts a very penal settlement 
 for all persons not austerely minded. The Puritans 
 
 s
 
 258 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 were not content with imposing their rule of life 
 upon their own body ; they undertook to meddle 
 with the morals of their neighbours and to keep 
 their visitors in order. It was a crime even to speak 
 against their views. The plantation set up near 
 them by a certain Mr. Morton was an eyesore which 
 both the Pilgrims and the Bay people felt called on 
 to cast out from the land. Morton, who seems to 
 have been an indifferent enough character, was 
 accused of selling guns and whiskey to the Indians, 
 a real crime and one which certainly called for inter- 
 ference ; but it may be suspected that his main 
 offence was the setting up of a maypole, which to 
 the Puritans appeared nothing less than an idol of 
 worldliness. The fact that he wrote a very curious 
 book detailing his grievances has given his case 
 more notoriety than it deserved; but it was only one 
 of others. The settlers under the charter treated 
 the country as a club rather than as an open com- 
 munity, and did not hesitate to turn out any one 
 who was not agreeable to their own habits of life. 
 At the very outset they expelled two respectable 
 members of the colonial council for no other crime 
 than persisting in the use of the. Church of England 
 service. These were not the only persons who had 
 reason to agree with a saying of one of the settlers, 
 that he had left England because he did not like 
 the Lord Bishops, but found the rule of the Lord 
 Brethren no more to his taste. Uncongenial in- 
 truders were indeed unlikely to meet with much 
 consideration in a community where a minister 
 denounced his own son for seditious speeches, and
 
 JEALOUSY OF THE KING'S GOVERNMENT. 259 
 
 where a magistrate joined in condemning his 
 daughter to be publicly whipped for a trifling 
 offence. 
 
 The offenders, thus driven out of the colony for 
 various reasons, did not fail to make complaints 
 at home, which were not unheard. The king, like 
 Pharaoh of old, began to repent that he had let this 
 people go. The eyes of his advisers were opened 
 to the seriousness of what had been done in permit- 
 ting the establishment of such a refuge for the 
 opinions which they were trying to suppress at 
 home. It was felt that the Puritans were taking 
 too much upon them in imitating the intolerance 
 which seemed one of the prerogatives of royalty. 
 For a time therefore emigration was hindered by 
 the government. It is said that in 1638 Hampden 
 and Cromwell meant to desert their country in 
 despair, and were already on board a fleet which was 
 stayed in the Thames by order of the Council. This 
 story is somewhat doubtful ; but it is certain that 
 thousands contrived to come over in some years. 
 The matter began to grow more serious. The king 
 had appointed a commission, with the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury at its head, to regulate the American 
 colonies. This commission got into its hands the 
 general patent for New England granted to the 
 Plymouth company, and ordered the Massachusetts 
 colony to surrender its liberal charter. The demand 
 was repeated, but the colonists had no intention of 
 complying. They made excuses, procrastinated, 
 and showed a stubborn disposition to hold on to this 
 warrant of their rights. The only result was a.
 
 260 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 feeling of uneasiness in the colony and a widening 
 of the distrust which now began to exist between it 
 and the government of the mother country. The 
 Puritan leaders had left England loyal subjects. 
 When Endicott cut the red cross out of the royal 
 standard as a superstitious emblem, he was severely 
 rebuked by his brother magistrates ; but before 
 long there was an increasing number ready to applaud 
 such significant actions, and other emblems began 
 to be called in question by men who were in no 
 temper to suffer either the emblems or the realities 
 from which they had fled into this wilderness. 
 
 For a time the great bugbear of the colonists was 
 the threatened sending over of a governor-general 
 to control the New England states. This they 
 were determined to resist ; and if the necessity for 
 open resistance had arisen, the English civil war and 
 the American war of independence may show us 
 in what a spirit it would have been carried out. 
 Luckily they could adapt to their own case the 
 Campbells' proverb, "It's afar cry to Boston Bay "', 
 and the king had enough to do nearer home to keep 
 him from enforcing his authority over the Atlantic. 
 Before long he had so much to do that all danger 
 of this kind disappeared. Then the New Englanders 
 found in Cromwell a ruler with whom they had 
 much more satisfaction in dealing. 
 
 The spirit of political independence was thus care- 
 fully nursed, but the very idea of religious toleration 
 was scouted. This is the worst of persecution : the 
 persecuted are often found too ready to become 
 persecutors in their turn, and " new presbyter "
 
 RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE. 261 
 
 when at last lie gets his own way proves to be but 
 " old priest writ large." So the Puritans began to 
 regard their " platform " with almost as much blind 
 veneration as had enslaved Laud and Bonner to the 
 forms of the older churches. They were only less 
 severe in the punishments by which they thought 
 to ensure respect for and conformity to their own 
 notions. Toleration, declared one of their writers, 
 was the work of the devil, and no practical sin was 
 so sinful as some error in judgment. Whoever 
 spoke up for toleration must be an atheist, a heretic, 
 or a hypocrite. In short, " poly piety is the greatest 
 impiety in the world," concludes this author, who 
 wrote under the affected name of the Simple Cobbler 
 of Aggawam, but who was a minister, and held in 
 such esteem for his wisdom that he was entrusted 
 with the important task of drawing up a code of 
 laws for the colony. 
 
 Yet where such a spirit prevailed, the duty of 
 toleration was as specially called for as it was sub- 
 jected to a severe strain. " It has long been 
 noticed " by New England writers old and new 
 " that there is something in the influences, climatic 
 or other, here prevailing, which predisposes to mor- 
 bid religious excitement." The English carried over 
 the Atlantic that constitutional peculiarity which 
 gave foreigners occasion to rail at them as suffering 
 from the spleen; and the atmosphere of austerity 
 by which they were surrounded soon made this 
 temperament develop itself in extraordinary religious 
 phantasies. From the first, religious melancholy 
 found many victims whom it often led to suicide or
 
 262 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 confirmed madness. As soon as hardships and ex- 
 posure had produced a crop of rheumatic limbs and 
 wrinkled old women, we find an outbreak of the 
 witch mania which was to rage so terribly at Salem 
 towards the end of the century. The best and 
 wisest of the Puritan settlers were carried away 
 into an application of the doctrine of special provi- 
 dences, which seemed indeed to be warranted by 
 the remarkable deliverances that they had ex- 
 perienced in their early trials. The lesson of the 
 Eed Sea rather than of the tower of Siloam took firm 
 hold on their imaginations. It was noticed with 
 triumph that of nearly two hundred ships employed 
 in bringing emigrants over to the colony, only one 
 was lost ; while a vessel said to be destined for 
 their coercion was wrecked in the very act of 
 launching. Other ships were blown up, as they 
 believed, because the sailors were an ungodly crew 
 who mocked the saints or used the Church of Eng- 
 land prayers. Gorges and his chief confederate 
 Mason never flourished in their colonial enterprises, 
 because they were not favourable to the Puritan 
 cause. A man who was so unfaithful as to desert 
 the colony might look to be shipwrecked or 
 captured by the Turks and sold for a slave on his 
 passage home. Those who spoke against its institu- 
 tions were sure to have their barns burned or their 
 crops destroyed. Children were drowned as the 
 result of their fathers making merry or working on 
 the eve of the sabbath. Without drawing on the 
 pages of Cotton Mather, which are stuffed with 
 such instances of judgments and deliverances, often
 
 SUPERSTITION AND FAN A TIC1SM. 263 
 
 absurd and more often deplorable for the supersti- 
 tion which they reveal; it is plain that these 
 Puritans believed the powers of good and evil to be 
 constantly and visibly interfering in their smallest 
 concerns. Winthrop was not exempt, who gravely 
 records as " worthy of observation " that he, having 
 a Greek Testament, a Psalter, and a Book of Com- 
 mon Prayer bound up together, found that a band 
 of mice, divinely sent for that object as is his infer- 
 ence, had, while not touching the two former, eaten 
 up the prelatical Prayer Book "every leaf of it." 
 Nothing was too great for such credulity. A snake 
 once slipped into the meeting house, and was killed 
 by an elder j this did not fail to be taken out of 
 the ordinary course of things and interpreted as a 
 typical manifestation of the devil's designs and 
 their frustration by the ' ' churches of Christ in New 
 England." Calamities were occasionally observed to 
 happen to persons of the most unblamable character 
 and orthodox opinions, but these cases were ex- 
 plained more charitably ; then the Puritan moralists 
 suddenly called to mind that the same event had 
 been said to befall the righteous and the wicked. 
 
 On such a soil fanaticism flourished vigorously, as 
 well as genuine religious zeal, and the sober minded 
 conservatives of the community thought themselves 
 justified in using the severest measures to nip in the 
 bud those vagaries of opinion which threatened, as 
 they held, to destroy not only the peace of the 
 church but the very existence of the state. They 
 acted according to the ignorance of the time, not 
 knowing that a man's actions are not always those
 
 264 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 which seem the consequence of his opinions. They 
 did not perceive that the disease was mainly caused 
 by their own suppression of the instincts of human 
 nature, and that a little more freedom granted to 
 cheerful amusement and the kindly affections would 
 have been a far more wholesome medicine than 
 penal laws. They did not even take the lesson of 
 their own experience, that the surgery of persecu- 
 tion is likely to inflame the sore which it is intended 
 to cure ; and when in their own hands such means 
 had clearly failed, they were blind enough to follow 
 the same treatment with double violence. 
 
 Before the era of persecution was past, old men, 
 ministers, women had been scourged more severely 
 than felons for no other crime than that of being 
 Baptists or Quakers. Some of these sufferers might 
 indeed have chosen the alternative of a fine, but 
 they gloried in the disgrace and made light of 
 the pain. Others were punished for only showing 
 sympathy towards the victims as they were let 
 down from the whipping post. The gallows were 
 at last appealed to in the vain hope of deterring the 
 irrepressible missionaries of the latter sect. When 
 all excuses are made, such acts remain a sad blot on 
 the name of the young commonwealth. Its rulers 
 were wholly to blame in forgetting that their own 
 forms of church doctrine and government, which 
 they defended with such ferocity, had been hastily 
 agreed to, not without difficulty and scruple, and by 
 a number of the original settlers far smaller than 
 that which often came into the country in one year. 
 After denouncing the separatists for years, they
 
 PURITAN PERSECUTIONS. 265 
 
 themselves had borrowed some of the very princi- 
 ples which they had objected to in that body; and 
 now, if the new opinions seemed ever so offensive, 
 they should have considered their own imperfection 
 of judgment and the danger of rooting up the 
 wheat with the tares. They would have done well 
 in laying to heart such teaching as that of John 
 Robinson, which forbade any man or any body of 
 men to think that in their own duckpond they held 
 the whole ocean of God's truth. It is satisfactory 
 to know that the Plymouth people appear to have 
 been laudably behindhand in this work of forcing 
 consciences, though all of their leaders cannot be 
 held free from reproach. It is probable too that 
 the majority of the Massachusetts colonists would 
 not, if consulted, have sanctioned the severities of 
 the ruling class of church members. 
 
 The course of our story is now running backwards. 
 Before resorting to these extremities the orthodox 
 Puritans, as they accounted themselves, had tried 
 to secure uniformity by milder measures of coercion, 
 which were yet wholly inconsistent with the spirit 
 of their principles. This outward uniformity had 
 scarcely been established when it was found to be 
 threatened with destruction by various winds of 
 doctrine. Every ship brought teachers to the colony 
 who had not fled from one religious yoke to submit 
 tamely to another. Dissensions sprang up and ran 
 riot through a community where every citizen was 
 a theologian, and where the whole force of intellect, 
 shut out from healthy exercise in almost every other 
 direction, was turned upon theological speculation.
 
 265 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Abstruse and minute questions were argued between 
 parties, " whereof no man could tell (except some 
 few who knew the bottom of the matter) where any 
 difference was." The doctrines of justification and 
 sanctification gave ground for such hairsplitting 
 disputes as vexed the early Christian church on the 
 definition of the Trinity. Like the early Christians, 
 the Puritans thought to arrive at the truth by con- 
 voking a solemn assembly or council, which con- 
 demned no less than eighty separate doctrines as 
 blasphemous, erroneous, or unsafe. What may be 
 called the opposition party were accused of various 
 isms, but the gist of their offending was that they 
 carried the Protestant right of private judgment to 
 a point which has at different times seemed to many 
 its logical consequence ; they were on the whole 
 theoretically in sympathy with the tenets of those 
 who have been called antinomians. Anabaptist 
 was another of the ugly names used in this con- 
 troversy ; and an anabaptist was to our ancestors 
 what " a communist " is at the present day, the sup- 
 posed enemy of all order and respectability. Practi- 
 cal scandals also were the result of this agitation. 
 Women assumed the right of holding meetings, at 
 which one of their own sex did not hesitate to 
 "prophesy" and to pass judgment on certain 
 ministers as being " under the covenant of works." 
 Under show of asking questions after the sermon, 
 hearers were found forward to criticize the preacher 
 in public, so that the church service seemed likely 
 to degenerate into a debating society. The inno- 
 vators found no little or mean countenance. The
 
 A SHORT WAY WITH THE DISSENTERS. 267 
 
 majority of the Boston people were with them. 
 Henry Vane, afterwards the celebrated parlia- 
 mentary leader, who resided for a time in the 
 colony, and in spite of his youth was chosen 
 governor almost immediately upon his arrival, 
 also leant to their side. But the general sense of 
 the voters was against them, as soon appeared when 
 these discordant elements were not to be removed 
 by argument or persuasion. Vane was excluded 
 from office and left the colony in disgust. The 
 General Court, composed of the magistrates and the 
 deputies of the freemen, ordered the leaders of the 
 dissent to be banished, upon such precedents as 
 that of Lot's separation from Abraham and the expul- 
 sion of Hagar and Ishmael. Their followers were at 
 the same time required to give up their arms, as a 
 guarantee against rebellion or secession. And that 
 such disturbers might not creep in for the future, 
 the right was assumed of putting a moral quarantine 
 upon all new arrivals in the country, who were not 
 to be entertained till the magistrates were satisfied 
 that they had a clean bill of theological opinion. 
 It was in vain that the victims of such arbitrary 
 measures threatened to appeal to the king. Such 
 an appeal was considered treason in the common- 
 wealth of the saints, who had settled for themselves 
 that the internal regulation of Massachusetts was 
 one of the things nowise belonging to Caosar. 
 
 The leaders of the schism, Mrs. Anne Hutchison 
 and a preacher named Wheelwright, took refuge 
 beyond the bounds of the colony and founded new 
 settlements, after the example of one, their prede-
 
 268 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 cessor in banishment, who will ever be held in 
 honour, both in Europe and America, as the first 
 consistent champion of religious liberty. Roger 
 Williams had, almost from the beginning, proved a 
 thorn in the side of the oppressive majority. Like 
 them he had fled from England to escape the perse- 
 cution of the bishops, but he had learned the true 
 lesson of persecution which they had missed. His 
 character and his abilities as a preacher were such 
 that it was confessed on all hands that he had a zeal 
 for the Lord; yet not according to knowledge, added 
 these intolerant sectaries, and would fain have 
 silenced him, even before they knew the length of 
 heresy to which he would proceed. 
 
 Not without opposition, he served as preacher for 
 a time both at Plymouth and Salem, and scandalized 
 the other churches by leavening these congregations 
 with " strange notions," some of which were indeed 
 strange enough to our thinking, but the strangest 
 and most offensive of all in the wise eyes of his 
 contemporaries was the notion of a " general and 
 unlimited toleration of all religions." It was 
 persecution, he taught, to punish any man for his 
 opinions. No one should be forced to worship or 
 to maintain a form of worship of which he did not 
 approve. Conscience was the sole realm of religion, 
 and all dealings there must be between man and 
 God alone. The civil magistrate had no concern 
 except with acts which tended to destroy civil 
 society. .Jews, Turks, heretics and infidels had, so 
 long as they obeyed the law, the same right to its 
 protection as the most orthodox of believers. Per-
 
 ROGER WILLIAMS. 269 
 
 suasion was the only weapon that might be used 
 against error of judgment, and no other weapon 
 could be used with success. These truisms of to- 
 day were the startling novelties which were con- 
 ceived in the mind of Roger Williams, ten or twelve 
 years before Milton had written the noble words : 
 " Though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to 
 play upon the earth, so Truth be in the field, we do 
 injuriously by licensing and prohibiting to misdoubt 
 her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple ; who 
 ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open 
 encounter?" 
 
 Alas ! our ancestors were only then awakening 
 from the long night through which Truth had been 
 dreamed to be in need of inquisitions and establish- 
 ments, of stakes and whipping posts, to protect her 
 against Falsehood. Nor is all the world yet come 
 into full daylight. 
 
 Roger Williams often saw cause to change his 
 opinions, "it is only fools and the dead who never 
 do," says a wise man ; but throughout his life he re- 
 mained constant to this grand doctrine of tolera- 
 tion. This liberality toward others by no means 
 proceeded from indifference in his own views of 
 religious matters ; they indeed were marked by a 
 scrupulosity on minute points which might now be 
 called intolerance by those who have forgotten the 
 former signification of the word. While maintain- 
 ing the right of all to hold their speculative errors 
 unmolested, he constantly refused to hold religious 
 communion with his neighbours who seemed to him 
 to err. The Church of England, as guilty of perse-
 
 270 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 cution, lie thought should be openly renounced and 
 held under a spiritual ban. He was so jealous of 
 the freedom of congregations that he objected to 
 fortnightly consultations of his brother ministers, 
 lest these should lead to something like presbyterian- 
 ism. Da vie Deans himself was not more exact to 
 mark right hand deflections and left hand way slid- 
 ings among his brethren. It is said by his enemies 
 that at one time he would neither pray nor give 
 thanks with his own wife, because she persisted in 
 attending the church of the place, from which he 
 had cut himself off" as a protest against its errors. 
 At another time, he found in his wife the only Chris- 
 tian with whom he could consistently join in worship. 
 In politics, as in religion, his conscience was also 
 active in raising awkward questions to trouble his 
 fellow citizens. He objected upon scriptural grounds 
 to the oath of allegiance which the colony thought 
 itself justified in demanding ; he took exception to 
 the royal patent, declaring that no one had any 
 right to give away the lands of America, except 
 the Indians who occupied them. He suggested 
 days of solemn humiliation for the wrongful pro- 
 ceedings by which the colonists had taken posses- 
 sion of the country. It must be confessed that he 
 had here hit upon a more important consideration 
 than when he raised dissensions on such trifles as 
 whether women should wear veils in church, and 
 whether the red cross on the king's colours was not 
 a recognition of idolatry. 
 
 This was a man in no wise to be silenced, and not 
 always easy to be answered, so it was resolved to
 
 PR1ENDS IN NEED. 271 
 
 have done with him by the summary method of 
 banishment. Not without hesitation was this re- 
 solved upon, towards the end of 1635; a respectable 
 minority dissented from the decision, and execution 
 of the sentence was considerately delayed till spring. 
 Williams seems to have been able to excite friendly 
 regard even among those who, in the public interest, 
 felt constrained to enroll themselves among his 
 enemies. Some of the men who had driven him 
 forth from among them, afterwards showed him 
 kindness in the most practical way when he was in 
 poverty. Winthrop, who lived to regret his share 
 in the matter, gave him private counsel as to where 
 he were best to settle after his banishment. Many 
 thought him mad, but found him withal a man of 
 singular piety and lovingness. So great was the 
 charm of his character that it seemed dangerous 
 to allow him to remain under his sentence ; he was 
 making converts every day. The magistrates re- 
 solved to send him to England at once. In the 
 depth of winter, leaving his wife and children, he 
 fled from their officers and wandered for weeks 
 through the woods, " not knowing what bread or 
 bed did mean." It was well for him that he had 
 cultivated the language and the friendship of the 
 Indians. They now received him with the hospi- 
 tality which he had deserved, and was yet to deserve 
 at their hands by his generous championship of their 
 rights. These were the ravens, he said, who fed him 
 in the wilderness. 
 
 In the country of the Narragansetts, he settled 
 himself at a place which, in grateful recognition of
 
 272 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 God's mercies, he named Providence, and gathered 
 round him a little company of persons agreeing 
 with his main principle of free thought and free 
 speech, which, sooner than perhaps he thought, was 
 to leaven the whole country. Thus was formed the 
 nucleus of the state of Rhode Island, still the 
 smallest state of the Union, yet among those which 
 have had the greatest influence on its destinies. 
 
 Be it noticed that this was not the first home that 
 toleration found on American soil. A few years 
 before Williams 3 banishment, the Roman Catholic 
 Lord Baltimore, when founding his colony of Mary- 
 land, had, in order to secure his co-religionists in 
 the exercise of their faith, induced the king to dis- 
 pense with all regulations for conformity. Policy 
 may have had as much to do with this as bene- 
 volence ; but we must not forget the name of the 
 nobleman through whom the boon of religious tolera- 
 tion was introduced from a quarter whence it migh 
 be least expected. 
 
 The plantation at Providence soon found neigh- 
 bours of the same way of thinking to occupy the 
 island from which the state was to take its name. 
 This territory had been acquired from the Indians 
 through the personal influence of Roger Williams, 
 but it was not in his nature to seek personal advan- 
 tage. He freely invited all who were willing to 
 share with him, and devoted himself to establishing 
 a commonwealth marked by the widest civil as well 
 as religious liberty. For the first few years there 
 were actually no magistrates in the little state ; all 
 public affairs were carried on in meetings of the
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 273 
 
 heads of families. When the colony had grown a 
 little, Roger Williams visited England and procured 
 a charter, under which, though all was owing to his 
 exertions and though he was highly popular, he was 
 not appointed the first governor, probably by his own 
 desire, but accepted the humbler office of assistant. 
 He seems to have been as little ambitious of spiritual 
 power. He conceived some scruple about exercising 
 his ministerial functions, and maintained himself by 
 trade and by hard manual labour "at the hoe and at 
 the oar." He also laboured as an author, writing up- 
 on the Indian customs and language, and denouncing 
 the " bloody tenet of persecution " and other errors, 
 in round terms which did not fail to bring forth hot 
 rejoinder from the orthodox church of Massachusetts. 
 The other New England colonies had no faith in 
 the soundness of their new neighbour's constitution. 
 When in 1643 they formed themselves into a con- 
 federation, Rhode Island was excluded. Many were 
 the grim jests passed upon it by orthodox wiseacres, 
 and the fears expressed as to the future of the happy 
 family of heretics who, whatever might be their 
 ism or ology, found an equal welcome within its 
 narrow bounds. Some bickerings did indeed take 
 place among them, but it was soon shown that good 
 government could exist along with variety of re- 
 ligious opinion, and little Rhode Island flourished 
 as well as the best of them. Time has justified the 
 faith of its founder, and shown him to have been in 
 the right line of the reformers when an instinct of 
 humanity led him to that great truth which is now 
 a commonplace of statesmen and philosophers.
 
 274 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 III. 
 
 In the early history of New England, except in the 
 case of the Plymouth people, the natives seem to 
 play a less prominent part than in the beginning 
 of former colonies. We have already seen how a 
 great part of the country was swept almost clear 
 of its inhabitants and left open to the new comers. 
 After a few years the settlers came over in such 
 numbers and with such resources that they felt 
 themselves comparatively safe, and did not even 
 take the trouble to erect a fortified town in Massa- 
 chusetts, which according to John Smith's opinion 
 was the first thing necessary. Their most serious 
 apprehensions of danger were from the Dutch to the 
 south of them, and the French to the north. Their 
 Indian neighbours they were able to regard with 
 curiosity rather than dread; the Puritans pitied 
 their ignorance, despised their rude weapons, and 
 with grave humour compared their scalp-locks to 
 the long curls in which the courtly cavaliers took 
 such pride. The narratives of the early explorers 
 had by this time instructed their successors what 
 to fear or expect from the natives, and the unknown 
 was no longer taken for the terrible. 
 
 Many controversies have been waged as to the 
 origin of the aborigines of America. The Jews, 
 the Trojans, the Canaanites, the Phoenicians, the 
 Chinese, and many other nations have been supposed 
 to be their forefathers; and the most ingenious 
 theories have been framed to account for their 
 transit from the Old to the New World. Nothing
 
 THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA, 275 
 
 is ascertained on this subject, but it is now known 
 that the Indians of both continents, while showing 
 points of resemblance throughout which go to prove 
 a common ancestry, were divided into many families 
 or races, united by similarity of language, and 
 these again into innumerable tribes, cherishing the 
 same customs but often engaged in implacable 
 and constant hostility. Each tribe was under the 
 government of a chief called by various names, as 
 Werowance in Virginia, Sachem or Sagamore in 
 New England, Cacique in the south. They knew 
 no occupations but war, hunting, and a rude 
 agriculture in which the labourers were always 
 women. They were not very firmly attached to 
 any part of the soil, but, driven by hunger or the 
 fear of powerful neighbours, would migrate to 
 seek new homes in the vast unoccupied regions 
 that lay open to their choice. We have already 
 had many incidental glimpses into their habits and 
 ways of living. Their character is set forth in 
 works familiar to every schoolboy, who must how- 
 ever be warned that such works generally exaggerate 
 its romantic features and do not sufficiently display 
 the brutality, the meanness, and the mental degrad- 
 ation of Indian life. 
 
 The Algonquin race, with which almost alone 
 the English had hitherto come in contact, was the 
 most widely extended but not the most warlike 
 of these families. It might have been harder work 
 for the settlers of Virginia and New England if 
 their coasts had been guarded by the fierce 
 Iroquois or Five Nations, one tribe of whom, the
 
 276 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 Mohawks, were already a sore thorn in the side 
 of their Dutch neighbours. The Massachusetts 
 tribe of Algonquins, among whom the Puritan 
 settlers first made their abode, had been reduced by 
 the plague to a few scattered villages, and were 
 the more willing to welcome the strangers 
 who brought them not only trade but efficient 
 protection against the other tribes. " Sagamore 
 John," the chief of the Boston district, learned to 
 affect English customs, and his countrymen were 
 soon induced to exchange their coverings of skin 
 for blankets of coarse cloth, and to bring beaver 
 and other furs for English tools and arms. Guns 
 and spirits soon became objects of their ambition, 
 and were bought on the sly, though strict laws for- 
 bade any white men to supply Indians with these 
 dangerous commodities. On the whole, the early 
 relations of the two. races were here mutually 
 beneficial. It was when the English began to push 
 their way into the more thickly populated districts 
 to the south that they met with serious opposition. 
 
 That even among these tribes there was no 
 rooted prejudice against foreigners, is shown by the 
 example of Roger Williams. We have already 
 learned how he was the friend of the Indians, and 
 how they repaid his friendship in time of need. 
 He did not disdain to dwell with them in their 
 " smoky, filthy holes," nor shrink from the labour 
 of studying their extremely complicated language. 
 It was no romantic fancy which led him into contact 
 with savage life ; he saw very clearly its debase- 
 ment, but while he deplored the superstitious
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 277 
 
 ignorance and the coarse animal nature of his red- 
 skinned allies, he recognised them as fellow creatures, 
 with flashes of good instinct, latent possibilities of 
 improvement, and certainly with as good right to 
 fair and kind treatment as any white man. This 
 was the true way to gain their hearts, and if the 
 founder of Providence was unable, during a long 
 life of exertion, to do much towards elevating 
 them permanently in the scale of being, he at least 
 secured their constant goodwill for himself, and 
 was often able to mediate successfully between 
 them and his countrymen ; his influence was even 
 great enough to make peace for the Dutch with 
 their Indian enemies, No price, it was said, could 
 have bought the lands which were freely given him ; 
 and when the strong New England confederacy was 
 threatened by the tribes in the midst of which 
 lay his little state, it was safe, protected not by 
 sword and guns, but by the respect and affection 
 borne by the simple savages towards a man of the 
 wiser and more powerful race, who clearly was 
 aiming at their good and valued their friendship 
 more than their submission. The story of Roger 
 Williams is an honour to human nature, never so 
 dark that some little ray of goodness does not 
 lurk within to be called forth by the warmth of 
 congenial sympathy. 
 
 Setting apart the justice of their original in- 
 trusion, the behaviour of the Puritan settlers was, 
 on the whole, marked by an intention to deal 
 fairly with the people whom they supplanted. 
 They were scrupulously careful to acquire, by pur-
 
 278 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 chase or treaty, whatever title the natives might 
 have to the lands which they occupied. But the 
 Indians' notion of selling was often as indefinite 
 as their rights, and as they easily parted with 
 territory claimed by them, so they were with 
 difficulty held to the bargain when they found their 
 accustomed hunting grounds transformed into 
 farms and villages. A civilized people moreover 
 could not live side by side with restless, cruel, and 
 still unsubdued tribes, without constant danger of 
 disputes and collisions. These did not fail to arise; 
 blood was shed; outlying plantations and small 
 isolated parties were proved no longer safe. Mur- 
 ders were committed, and the murderers were not 
 surrendered upon demand. On the side of the 
 English hostile preparations were deemed necessary; 
 and the fate of the Canaanites furnished the pious 
 soldiers with a precedent which sooner or later 
 seemed likely to be put into practice. The injuries 
 complained of were real ; but the provocation which 
 may have been received by the Indians we are not so 
 well able to estimate, since the accounts which have 
 come down to us are all from one side. A superior 
 and victorious race, even with the best intentions, 
 are not always the fairest judges as to right and 
 wrong between themselves and a people whose only 
 strength lies in treachery and bloodshed. We 
 must not expect to find the calmest and most 
 accurate historians among men who had heard the 
 hellish war whoop ringing through the woods, and 
 lived in daily dread of seeing their wives and 
 children scalped and mangled ; besides, we must
 
 TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS. 279 
 
 consider the difference of customs, and the imper- 
 fect knowledge of each other's language possessed 
 by the two parties, before pronouncing so decisively 
 as did the colonists upon the conduct' of their 
 enemies. For the former also it must be said 
 that the position in which they had placed them- 
 selves was one where principles of abstract justice 
 could not always be appealed to ; the necessity of 
 existence must have often seemed to have no law 
 but the sword. Yet it is deplorable that by a 
 people professing Christianity in a special degree, 
 a few deaths should have been revenged by the 
 slaughter of hundreds of women and children as 
 well as warriors. 
 
 In 1636 these troubles came to a head in the 
 southern part of New England, now the states of 
 Connecticut and Rhode Island, then mainly occu- 
 pied by three powerful tribes, the Narragansetts, 
 the Pequods, and the Mohegans. An Englishman 
 having been murdered by Indians who were har- 
 boured by the Pequods, an expedition under Endi- 
 cott was sent out to punish this tribe. After a 
 skirmish the Indians fled, and their corn and 
 wigwams were destroyed by the English, who then 
 returned, hoping the lesson had been effectual. 
 But the Pequods had only been goaded into designs 
 of vengeance. Incited by the devil (who, according 
 to the orthodox views of certain Puritan divines, 
 was the patron saint of all the tawny race), they 
 proposed to the neighbouring tribes to lay aside 
 their own chronic quarrels and join to drive out 
 the powerful strangers. Their arguments certainly
 
 280 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 showed the wisdom of the serpent ; they pointed out 
 that the tribes united could do what discord hindered, 
 and that delay would aid the English to drive them 
 out one after another. The proposal was listened to, 
 and that it was not agreed upon, the settlements 
 owed to the generous friendship of one at whose 
 hands they had deserved no such service. Koger 
 Williams had just settled down at Providence, after 
 his exile and wanderings, when he learned what was 
 on foot among his Indian allies, and at once forgot 
 his own wrongs in the danger of his countrymen. 
 Not only did he send to warn them of the conspiracy, 
 but he hastened to the Narragansetts to use his 
 influence in destroying it. His life was in danger 
 from the stormy water which he had to cross in a 
 frail canoe, then from the fierce malignity of the 
 Pequod ambassadors, who had arrived before him ; 
 but he was rewarded by success in his noble mission. 
 The Narragansetts finally refused to join the league, 
 the Mohegans sided with the English, and the 
 Pequods stood alone in their hostile purposes. 
 
 Their insolence and violence now became insup- 
 portable. They lay skulking near the Connecticut 
 river, attacked the settlers when at work or when 
 travelling up the rivers ; and those who fell into 
 their hands alive were tortured with fiendish ingen- 
 uity before being burned to death. The fort called 
 Saybrook, which had been built at the mouth of the 
 river, was kept constantly almost in a state of siege. 
 Men went armed into their hay and corn fields, not 
 knowing but that the dusky foe might start up from 
 his ambush and fall upon them. The newly formed
 
 THE PEQUOD WAR. 281 
 
 colony of Connecticut, under its young governor, 
 Winthrop's son, found its very existence at stake, 
 and unanimously resolved to ' { root this nest of 
 serpents out of the world." 
 
 The war was entered upon in a stern spirit of 
 religious zeal which boded ill for the enemy. 
 Ministers accompanied the troops, blessed their 
 enterprise, and spent long hours in prayer with 
 them. Massachusetts and Plymouth each con- 
 tributed a body of men, but the main blow was 
 struck before these arrived. Ninety men were 
 furnished by Connecticut, under the command of 
 Major John Mason, who also had twenty soldiers 
 from the fort at Saybrook and a band of friendly 
 Indians. With these he proposed to surprise a fort 
 where a large number of Pequods were gathered, at 
 a place now called Groton, on the Mystic river in 
 Connecticut. Roger Williams, the good genius of 
 the English colonies, had in the meanwhile not been 
 idle. Neglecting his own affairs he hurried from 
 tribe to tribe, dissuading the other Indians from 
 aiding the Pequods. Poor as he was, he entertained 
 at his house the soldiers sent by his late persecutors. 
 He aided the expedition by his advice, and found 
 them guides through the Indian country. His 
 conduct seems the best warrant for the war, and he 
 was its truest hero; yet his services are ungrate- 
 fully ignored by the early historians of New England, 
 who show a constant desire to belittle the heretic 
 and the outlaw, and even at the time he would 
 appear to have been scarcely thanked for his pains. 
 
 The commander of the expedition has left us an
 
 282 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 account of its proceedings. Embarking in pinnaces, 
 his force sailed past the country of the Pequods, 
 who thought their foes were afraid to come on shore 
 and gave themselves up to exultation; while the 
 English, having landed farther east, were approach- 
 ing their stronghold from the Narragansett country. 
 
 On a clear moonlight night the tired soldiers lay 
 down to rest so near the fort that their sentinels 
 could hear the songs and inad merriment of the 
 Indians, who were thus spending what was to be 
 their last night on earth. At daybreak the soldiers 
 rose, and briefly commending themselves and their 
 design to Heaven, took the path shown by their 
 guides, which after a march of two miles brought 
 them to the hill on the top of which was the Pequod 
 fort of wigwams surrounded by stakes and bushes. 
 The Indian allies had slunk to the rear, and were 
 evidently afraid to fight the fierce warriors whom 
 they had represented as well-nigh invincible. 
 Mason desired them to stand still, as far off as they 
 pleased, and only look on to learn whether English- 
 men could fight or not. 
 
 The Pequods, weary after their wild revels, seem 
 to have been off their guard. The white men, 
 divided into two parties, were allowed to approach 
 within a rod of the gates at either side of the fort. 
 Then a dog barked, and there was a cry " Owanux ! 
 Owanux ! the English ! " All within became alarm 
 and confusion. The soldiers rushed on, tore away 
 the bushes by which the gates were blocked up, 
 and made their way into the fort, sword in hand. 
 Little resistance was made ; the naked Indians fled
 
 DESTRUCTION OF THE FORT. 283 
 
 into their wigwams, between which the men in 
 armour ran up and down, following the fugitives 
 and slaying all whom they could reach. But this 
 was slow work. " We shall never kill them after 
 this manner ! " cried Mason, and snatching a fire- 
 brand from one of the wigwams, threw it among the 
 light dry mats of which they were made. They 
 were instantly in a blaze. The fire had been lighted 
 at the windward point and spread fast. The 
 Englishmen ran out and surrounded the fort that 
 none might escape. Fancy the horrible scene : the 
 crackling of the flames, the shrieks of women and 
 children, the volleys of musketry, the whiz of the 
 arrows ! Some of the Indians leaped up on the 
 palisades and were mercilessly shot down. A few 
 had the courage to rush forth and meet their death 
 fighting hand to hand. Most of them were burned 
 alive. Seven escaped, and seven were taken 
 prisoners; between six and seven hundred perished. 
 In about an hour all was over, when the sun rose 
 upon a ring of smoking ashes filled with charred 
 corpses. " Thus," says Mason in the true fanatic 
 style, " did the Lord judge among the heathen/' 
 
 It is said that one of the Indian guides was so 
 overcome by the spectacle of this bloody massacre 
 that he at once became a convert to the religion of 
 the conquerors ! Surely to these disciples it might 
 have well been said, "Ye know not what spirit ye 
 are of." With all their zeal and conscientiousness, 
 the Puritans had yet to learn of Him who taught 
 that God will have mercy and not sacrifice, and that 
 even these poor Pequods were the neighbours of the
 
 284 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 wisest and most righteous men on earth. Necessity 
 may have justified their destruction; but a true 
 Christian spirit could not have exulted over the 
 shambles in which they perished so miserably that 
 bright May morning. 
 
 The English in this affair lost only two men and 
 had twenty wounded. They were falling back to- 
 wards their vessels for water and medical assistance 
 when they found themselves engaged in a running 
 fight with a party of Pequod warriors, who had come 
 out from another fort, unconscious of the cata- 
 strophe which had just befallen their friends. But 
 when they came to the place, says Cotton Mather, 
 " where the English had been doing a good morn- 
 ing's work, they howled, they roared, they stamped, 
 they tore their hair ; and though they did not swear 
 (for they knew not how /), yet they cursed, and were 
 the pictures of so many devils in desperation ; " in 
 plain English, they were overwhelmed with natural 
 grief and consternation. A vein of weakness seems 
 to have underlaid the proverbial fortitude of the 
 Indian character. While bearing unspeakable tor- 
 tures without a groan, they would cry out under 
 the pain of the toothache ; and fierce as they were 
 in the heat of battle, one crushing blow could strike 
 them with abject terror. 
 
 The issue of the war was already decided. The 
 English, largely reinforced by the arrival of the 
 Massachusetts contingent, had now only to hunt 
 down their enemies. <f We have sometimes heard 
 of a gleaning as good as a vintage," is the flinty- 
 hearted Mather's hint as to what followed, the raid
 
 THE PEQUODS EXTERMINATED. 285 
 
 of Miles Standish against the Massachusetts on a 
 larger scale. The Pequods vainly endeavoured to 
 hide themselves, or to take refuge among the neigh- 
 bouring tribes whom they had so long held in awe. 
 It was now who should be most forward to avenge 
 old grudges and please the victors by bringing in 
 the head of a Pequod. The chief of the tribe was 
 treacherously killed by the Mohawks, the Pequod 
 country was laid waste, and its inhabitants were 
 almost entirely exterminated. About two hundred 
 surrendered in despair. The last remnant continu- 
 ing to hold together were surrounded in a swamp 
 and butchered almost to a man. The survivors were 
 sold as slaves or distributed among the other tribes, 
 so that the very name of the Pequods was blotted 
 out of the land. If these poor red men had been 
 Celtic rebels or Polish patriots, history and poetry 
 would have shed their choicest tears over their 
 fate; but there is little romance in the ferocity with 
 which they struggled to defend their woods and 
 swamps against a foreign race. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the humanity shown 
 in this war, it was most effectual as a matter of 
 policy. For forty years no dangerous disturbance 
 was caused by the Indians. The Narragansett and 
 Mohegan tribes indeed soon revived their old en- 
 mities, and appealed to the English, unfortunately 
 not always in vain, to take a side in the quarrel. 
 The power of the strangers could not be questioned, 
 but no strong hold was gained on the affections of 
 the native inhabitants. From time to time there 
 were squabbles, and rumours of plots which came
 
 286 THE SETTLERS OP NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 to nothing. By this time not only the Dutch but a 
 Swedish colony had firmly established themselves to 
 the south, as the French to the north, and the rival 
 nations were mutually suspected of leaguing with 
 the Indians to destroy each other. In one way the 
 Indians, in their turn, profited by the jealousy and 
 want of union which existed among the Europeans. 
 They began, from one or other quarter, to get fire- 
 arms into their hands and to grow expert in their 
 use. The danger of this did not fail to be foreseen 
 by the shrewd settlers of New England, yet their 
 sense of justice was such that at one time when 
 men's minds were filled with apprehensions of an 
 alleged conspiracy, and the Indians of the district 
 had been disarmed, the Massachusetts government 
 ordered their arms to be restored to them, seeing 
 that these had been honestly bought from the 
 French or the Dutch ; " and we thought it best to 
 trust God with our safety than to save ourselves by 
 unrighteousness." Outrages on either side were 
 conscientiously prosecuted by the settlers. Three 
 Englishmen were hanged at one time for the murder 
 of an Indian ; an Indian accused of killing an Eng- 
 lishman was tried by a jury consisting of white and 
 red men in equal numbers. The law, if not the 
 gospel rule, was carefully observed towards the 
 natives. Standing in these relations, the two races 
 kept a watchful eye on each other, and in the time 
 of the troubles known as King Philip's war, it was 
 shown how little genuine goodwill had sprung up 
 between them after half a century of involuntary 
 neighbourhood. It was force rather than friendship
 
 THE SURVIVAL OF THE FITTEST. 287 
 
 that was to make way for the white man in America. 
 A blind instinct may have moved the Pequods, ren- 
 dering them half conscious of what would be the 
 end of their race. If the Indian pow-wows had in- 
 deed possessed the gift of prophecy, they might 
 have raised over the graves disturbed by Miles 
 Standish and his companions such a song of lamen- 
 tation as has found expression in the words of a 
 modern poet : 
 
 Ah, little thought the strong'and brave 
 Who bore their lifeless chieftain forth 
 
 Or the young wife who weeping gave 
 Her first born to the earth, 
 
 That the pale race who waste us now, 
 
 Among their bones should guide the plough. 
 
 They waste us, ay, like April snow ; 
 
 In the warm noon we shrink away ; 
 And fast they follow, as we go 
 
 Towards the setting day ; 
 Till they shall fill the land, and we 
 Are driven into the western sea ! 
 
 In half a century after the Pilgrims set foot on 
 Plymouth Rock, the white men in New England 
 already largely outnumbered the natives. 
 
 We have seen how much the Puritan divines were 
 occupied in controversy. This may be the reason 
 why missionary work was so long neglected by them 
 at a time when the Jesuit missionaries were fear- 
 lessly exposing themselves to torture and death in 
 carrying the cross through the tribes bordering the 
 St. Lawrence and its vast chain of lakes. Yet the 
 duty of making an attempt to convert the natives 
 weighed heavily on the consciences of some good
 
 288 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 men in Massachusetts, and in 1646 John Eliot en- 
 tered upon the labours with which his name is spe- 
 cially connected. Having ' acquired a certain com- 
 mand over their language, he began to preach and 
 catechise among the Indians of his neighbourhood, 
 and met at the outset with considerable encourage- 
 ment. The Indians saw good reason to admit the 
 power of the Englishman's God, and many of them 
 were found curious to know something of the reli- 
 gion which seemed to bear such worldly advantages. 
 Their gravity and attention were most commendable; 
 none of them, records Eliot, slept through a ser- 
 mon of an hour and a quarter, continued by other 
 exercises to three hours. They had already the 
 groundwork of a belief in a future life, a consider- 
 able degree of natural affection, and a vague vene- 
 ration for the spirits which, as they conceived, 
 animated the phenomena of nature. The shrewd 
 questions which they put to their teacher showed 
 them to be by no means dull witted ; some even 
 displayed signs of religious emotion. But beyond 
 this point the devoted " apostle of the Indians " 
 found progress slow. He was not a Jesuit mission- 
 ary, to be content with outward conformity and 
 such exhibitions of feeling as are easily aroused in 
 a simple people. If forcing them to baptism or 
 hiring them by presents were sufficient, " we could 
 have gathered hundreds, yea thousands it may be, 
 by this time, into the name of churches ; but we 
 have not learned as yet that art of coining Chris- 
 tians, or putting Christ's name or image upon copper 
 metal." The heart must be changed, and the
 
 THE INDIAN LANGUAGES. 289 
 
 Indian heart was dearly wedded to the immemorial 
 habits and superstitions of the race. Eliot was 
 forced to confess that before there .could be much 
 hope of effectual conversion his disciples must be 
 brought to some degree of civilization. To this task 
 he now addressed himself with the most patient 
 diligence, while no way relaxing his spiritual and 
 linguistic labours. 
 
 The Puritan scholars were given to that some- 
 what mechanical form of wit, the making of ana- 
 grams. The anagram of Eliot's name was aptly 
 found to be Toile ; in these days an e more or less 
 made no great matter. Toil must indeed have been 
 congenial to the man who succeeded in translating 
 the Bible into the Indian language. It was printed 
 through the aid of a Society which was formed in 
 England, under the patronage of the parliament,, for 
 the Propagation of the Gospel in America. No one 
 can conceive the difficulty of this translation who 
 does not know the peculiar character of the Indian 
 languages, their natural poverty in abstract and 
 theological terms, as well as in names capable of 
 being fitted to oriental scenes and objects, and, 
 above all, their structural tendency to form conglo- 
 merate or bunch-words, that is, long polysyllables, 
 which are practically whole sentences, including 
 article, noun, verb, pronoun, preposition, and other 
 ideas of relation. For example, we may take at 
 random from Roger Williams' glossary, numamtta- 
 gelmckamen, which he translates, "the wind is 
 against me." To master such a language would 
 require a considerable part of most men's lifetime. 
 
 u
 
 290 THE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 When Cotton Mather gravely tried his hand at 
 exorcising the demons by whom the patients, or 
 impostors, of the Salem witch-mania were supposed 
 to be possessed, he found that these evil spirits 
 understood Latin, Greek, and Hebrew very well, 
 but had not been able to attain a knowledge of one 
 of the Indian dialects ! Eliot himself was by no 
 means free from the quaint credulity of the age. 
 He firmly believed that the Hebrew language was 
 that spoken in heaven, and also that the Indians 
 were the descendants of the Jews, a belief which 
 powerfully stimulated him in his efforts for their 
 good. There were superstitious fanatics of a 
 gloomier type, who held that the red men, being 
 children of the devil himself, were naturally incapable 
 of improvement and might be dealt with as un- 
 scrupulously as mere beasts. Luckily these were 
 much in the minority, though every alarm of an 
 Indian conspiracy brought over some timid minds to 
 their views. The rulers of New England encouraged 
 the missionary in his humane and Christian work, 
 and considerable pecuniary aid came from England, 
 where people knew less about the Indians, and were 
 perhaps more ready to expect their conversion and 
 civilization. About three thousand copies of the 
 Indian Bible were thus published. The translation 
 made with so much toil was into one of the best 
 known dialects of New England. Alas ! at the 
 present day there is no living soul who finds in it 
 his mother tongue. 
 
 To return to the practical beginnings of Eliot's 
 mission. Such was his influence over the Indians,
 
 THE PRAYING INDIANS. 291 
 
 and their respect for the material prosperity of the 
 white men, that a number of his pupils were ready 
 to submit to an experiment in the restraints of civil- 
 ized life. They asked and obtained land for a town, 
 and agreed to a short and simple code of laws 
 directed mainly against their besetting sins of dirti- 
 ness, idleness, dishonesty, intemperance, and quar- 
 relling. The sabbath was to be observed; the 
 sorcery of the pow-wows was to be prohibited ; they 
 were no longer to paint their bodies and dress their 
 hair in fantastic fashions. Grave offences against 
 the moral law were to be punished by death, others 
 by fines, among which we find the penalty of twenty 
 shillings attached to the luxury of beating a wife 
 and of ten shillings to the practice of gambling. 
 
 The members of this new community declared 
 themselves most anxious to hear and obey the teach- 
 ings of Christianity. Naturally they met with bitter 
 opposition from their more prejudiced countrymen, 
 but the movement seemed to take root and to bid fair 
 for ultimate success. Several such towns of "praying 
 Indians" were established. The experiment how- 
 ever had scarcely a fair trial, for in King Philip's war 
 the towns were broken up, and the numbers of the 
 praying Indians dwindled away, the suspicions and 
 indiscriminate anger of the English being almost as 
 hurtful to them as the attacks of their own people ; 
 both sides in the heat of war and panic took them 
 for traitors. But the destruction of these commu- 
 nities need not be much regretted, if we are to judge 
 of them by the character of most of the semi-civilized 
 Indians who are at the present day to be found here
 
 292 7 HE SETTLERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 
 
 and there settled on reserve lands among the white 
 men. Missionaries of all sects have done their best, 
 following in the steps of Eliot and Eoger Williams. 
 Monks, Quakers, Moravians, Methodists, Church- 
 men, as well as Puritans, have too often been sor- 
 rowfully obliged to recognise that their work was 
 only skin deep; and where any success has been 
 obtained, it seems to have been owing not to the 
 permanent force of principles but to the personal 
 influence of some such patient, affectionate, and 
 simple minded character as that of Eliot. 
 
 Education was tried, equally in vain. Much care 
 was taken to train Indian youths in schools and 
 colleges ; sometimes they were even sent to Europe, 
 and acquired such a degree of culture that they 
 might be thought thoroughly weaned from the in- 
 fluences of their descent. But the natural instincts 
 almost always proved too strong to be rooted out, 
 and sooner or later the most hopeful pupils broke 
 away to the wild life of the forest and the prairie. 
 It was perhaps more common for Europeans volun- 
 tarily to embrace this savage freedom than for the 
 Indian to abandon the ways of his forefathers. 
 
 One feature of 4( civilized " life the Indians were 
 found but too ready to embrace. Whatever recep- 
 tion might be given to the missionary, the whiskey 
 trader was welcome among them from the first, and 
 the introduction of drink became the curse of the 
 one race and the shame of the other. The savage 
 warrior, unaccustomed to moral self control, knew 
 nothing of moderation, and eagerly seized every 
 opportunity of intoxicating himself to the point of
 
 THE WHITE AND THE RED MAN. 293 
 
 frenzy with the firewater which enabled him to 
 forget the monotony of his life. Other European 
 scourges made equal havoc with his hardy frame ; 
 and while hundreds fell before the rifle, tens of 
 thousands were swept away by dissipation and 
 disease. 
 
 European arms as little availed them as the efforts 
 made to rouse the stubborn natives to a sense of their 
 true interests. Gunpowder but delayed, as whiskey 
 hastened, what was soon seen to be only a matter 
 of time. The restless tribes long continued to be 
 the dread of the pioneer and the despair of the 
 philanthropist. For two centuries they fought fitfully 
 against the fate which pursued them farther and 
 farther into the wilderness, but every war path 
 ended in their defeat, and they shrank from the 
 benefits offered by the conquerors more quickly than 
 they had fled from their arms. If this was the fate 
 of the tribes dwelling near the coast, who possessed 
 among themselves the rudiments of agriculture, 
 what could be expected of the roaming hunters of 
 the great western prairies who knew no mode of 
 subsistence except the chase ? There have been 
 happy exceptions both in the case of tribes and of 
 individuals, but in the main the story is a sad one. 
 As the European spread over the continent, bringing 
 industry, commerce, and law, the red man rose from 
 his seats, struggled, retreated, disappeared, leaving 
 scarcely a monument but the names of mountain 
 and stream which he once called his own.
 
 THE AMERICAN COLONIES. 
 
 WE have seen how, after struggles and failures, our 
 countrymen gained a firm footing on two parts of 
 the American coast, and began to spread rapidly 
 along the seaboard and to push their way farther 
 and farther into the interior. These two centres of 
 expansion, Virginia and Massachusetts, had from the 
 circumstances of their foundation and the agencies 
 concerned in it, received distinctive characters of 
 their own, which, broadly speaking, were communi- 
 cated respectively to the two great divisions known 
 as the Northern and the Southern States. 
 
 Virginia was more friendly to church and king 
 principles, and its " first families " were held in 
 general estimation. Many of the Cavaliers found a 
 congenial refuge here during the civil wars, as the 
 Roundheads had done in Massachusetts. To tell 
 the truth however, for all its loyalty, the southern 
 colony on more than one occasion showed itself as 
 jealous of its liberties as the northern. The differ- 
 ence was in social rather than in political life. 
 Towns were rare in the south ; the inhabitants lived 
 for the most part upon separate plantations, often 
 at considerable distances apart, and some of them 
 of great extent. Many of these planters became 
 rich, and set the example of a free jovial life of pro-
 
 NORTH AND SOUTH. 295 
 
 fusion and hospitality. Strict morals were not in- 
 sisted on, education was neglected, nor did the love 
 of industry flourish among the aristocratic senti- 
 ments of the dominant class. The labour of negroes 
 and convicts was extensively employed ; and the 
 vices inherent in the character of master and slave 
 did not fail to develop themselves and to become a 
 source of weakness. Yet Virginia long continued to 
 take the lead among the American colonies, as her 
 climate and her resources well entitled her to do. 
 But in time it was seen that her prosperity was ill 
 founded upon a social state of which nothing now 
 remains but evils that will be felt for generations to 
 come. Slavery is no more, but it has left its legacy 
 of moral disease and material loss to both the white 
 and the black races. The misfortunes of the late civil 
 war also have fallen heavily upon the Old Dominion ; 
 and in our own day Englishmen are again emigrat- 
 ing to help to till those neglected fields which 
 labour and capital may yet turn into one of the 
 gardens of the earth. 
 
 The northern settlers, enjoying no such advan- 
 tages of soil and climate, were driven to seek their 
 welfare in persevering toil and enterprise. They 
 gathered themselves into towns and villages ; they 
 cultivated small farms; they introduced manufac- 
 tures and pushed a keen trade with their Indian 
 neighbours. The qualities of mind thus called into 
 play became habits of life with the New Englander, 
 which, transmitted from generation to generation, 
 have developed that type of the shrewd, practical, 
 helpful, inventive man of business whose favourite
 
 296 THE AMERICAN COLONIES. 
 
 motto is " go ahead \" We have seen how demo- 
 cratic principles flourished here from the first, and 
 how the social habits of the community were marked 
 by frugality and homeliness. The prevalent religious 
 notions gave an austere and melancholy tone to the 
 character of the early colonists, the effects of which 
 are still visible. But against the evils which might 
 have thus arisen a safeguard was provided in popu- 
 lar education ; it was not long before the people 
 themselves became too well instructed to allow their 
 ministers to hunt out witches and heretics. The 
 founders of the colony had recognised that know- 
 ledge is power, and their wisdom was justified by 
 the history of New England. The rich planters of 
 Virginia might sneer at the Yankees, but it was the 
 Yankees who in the end went ahead to most purpose, 
 and set their mark most deeply upon the consti- 
 tution of the United States. In the march of 
 intellect, they have gone so far ahead that it is 
 common for Englishmen to look on them as repre- 
 senting the whole country ; the name Yankee is 
 popularly used among us for an American, just as 
 it was first applied by the Indians to all Englishmen, 
 whose name they were not able to pronounce more 
 distinctly. 
 
 The plan of our work is now accomplished ; and 
 we need not follow, except by a few general obser- 
 vations, the progress of the various colonies which 
 in a century grew into the United States. Some of 
 these colonies, as Pennsylvania and Georgia, have 
 stories of their own well worth telling ; but a great 
 part of the record of American colonisation is now
 
 ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 297 
 
 filled with, a somewhat monotonous chronicle of dis- 
 putes : disputes about charters, patents, bound- 
 aries, disputes between proprietaries and settlers, 
 between royal governors and colonial assemblies, 
 bloody disputes with the Indians, and constant dis- 
 putes between the rival European nations who 
 thought to find room for themselves on this vast 
 continent. 
 
 The latter class of dispute ended in a way not 
 unusual where our countrymen are concerned. The 
 Swedish settlements had already been swallowed up 
 by the Dutch, who in their turn were forced to 
 submit to the English soon after the restoration of 
 Charles II. Thus were acquired the states of New 
 York, New Jersey, and Delaware. Henceforward 
 many communities of foreigners settled in the new 
 colonies, Swiss, Germans, Moravians, French Hu- 
 guenots and others, but always under British patron- 
 age and authority. 
 
 One power remained to be dealt with, the greatest 
 of all. Little has been said of the progress of France 
 in the New World ; that is a great story which de- 
 serves telling by itself. While the English, true to 
 their native bent, were making themselves familiar 
 with every harbour and channel on the coast, the 
 French, once established in Lower Canada, had 
 turned towards the interior for their exploring 
 ground. Their missionaries and traders found their 
 way along the lakes of the St. Lawrence, reached the 
 prairies of the west, and launched boldly out into un- 
 known wildernesses. The Mississippi was discovered, 
 and its turbid waters were traced to the Gulf of
 
 298 THE AMERICAN COLONIES, 
 
 Mexico. In the south the colony of Louisiana was 
 founded, and a chain of posts soon stretched from 
 New Orleans to Canada. France bid fair to acquire 
 a great empire in the west, while as yet the English 
 possessions consisted only of a belt of land extending 
 for a thousand miles along the sea coast. 
 
 But two such neighbours could not live at peace 
 in the New any more than in the Old World. In the 
 middle of last century France and England grappled 
 together on three continents. In America the 
 struggle was marked by peculiar horrors and suffer- 
 ings, as might be expected from the mode of warfare 
 natural to the Indian allies employed on either side. 
 The fortunes of this war were various, but finally 
 victory fell to the English. In 1 759 Wolfe defeated 
 Montcalm on the Plains of Abraham before Quebec, 
 both commanders falling mortally wounded in the 
 battle. Soon afterwards Canada was ceded to Eng- 
 land, who thus found herself without any rival in 
 America except the now somewhat decrepit Spain, 
 with her little sleepy colony in Florida and certain 
 vast claims which she showed no inclination to put 
 into force and would part with easily for a round 
 sum in ready money. Thus had the wheel of 
 fortune turned since the days of the Armada ! 
 
 Yet this great conquest soon proved a dear one 
 for British power. The colonists, relieved from 
 the chronic dread of Indian wars instigated by the 
 French, and no longer obliged to look constantly 
 to England for succour against a common enemy, 
 had leisure to stir up the old quarrels that from 
 the beginning had existed between the government
 
 OUR COLONIAL POLICY. 299 
 
 of the mother country and its American depend- 
 encies. Aristocratic Virginia as well as democratic 
 Massachusetts rankled under a long sense of ill 
 usage ; and the truth is that they had fair ground 
 of complaint. 
 
 During three reigns the government had done 
 little for the cause of colonisation beyond graciously 
 permitting its subjects to risk their goods and their 
 lives, which perhaps it had first rendered unendur- 
 able at home. But when the colonies began to 
 prosper, England awoke to the necessity of keeping 
 them in the leading strings of allegiance. It was 
 too late entirely to destroy the popular institutions 
 which had sprung up beyond the Atlantic, but much 
 was done to temper them by the introduction of 
 those formalities and prerogatives which formed so 
 large a part of the idea of government ill Europe. 
 It must also be confessed that our country showed 
 herself a very mercenary mother, and looked on the 
 colonies less as a family to be proud of than as an 
 excellent market for British manufactures. Accord- 
 ing to the ignorant commercial policy of the time, 
 attempts were made to discourage local manufac- 
 tures and to force the colonists to import British 
 goods. No foreign merchants might enter into 
 competition; English ships alone were privileged 
 to discharge in American ports ; the colonies were 
 not even allowed free trade with each other ; many 
 of their products they might sell to no other nation 
 but England. 
 
 These restrictions and interferences were very 
 galling to the sturdy offspring who had no desire
 
 300 THE AMERICAN COLONIES. 
 
 to forget that England was their mother, yet who 
 could not but remember that they were now grown 
 up and that they owed everything to their own 
 exertions. Ideas of liberty and justice developed 
 fast in this new busy life, where men had to think 
 for themselves and found it easy to shake off many 
 old prejudices. Hence tendencies to political inde- 
 pendence showed themselves early. But the British 
 parliament stubbornly persisted in considering that 
 it had full power over all the states, from which it 
 did not admit one representative. At the begin- 
 ning of the eighteenth century shrewd observers had 
 foreseen what must be the inevitable result. 
 
 After the close of the last French and Indian 
 war these troubles came to a head. It was pro- 
 posed that the colonists should bear some share in 
 the expense of this war, which was fair enough. 
 But it was certainly unjust that the English parlia- 
 ment should undertake to impose taxes on America 
 without its consenting or being consulted. In 
 1765 the Stamp Act was passed, and was received 
 with a burst of indignation in the colonies, which 
 were determined not to submit to taxation without 
 representation. An American congress met for 
 the first time to protest against this arbitrary 
 measure. Riots took place, the authorities who 
 attempted to act upon the new law were insulted 
 and ill used, and so strong was the popular feeling 
 that it was found impossible to resist it. The 
 Stamp Act remained a dead letter, and by the in- 
 fluence of some of the more enlightened English 
 statesmen it was soon formally repealed.
 
 TAXATION RESISTED, 301 
 
 But the chief advisers of King -George III. were 
 not enlightened statesmen, and the monarch him- 
 self, though a man of good intentions, was of 
 a singularly obstinate disposition and a narrow 
 and ignorant mind. They were angry and aston- 
 ished that the colonies should show such a bold 
 spirit, and it was resolved to press the point in 
 dispute, by force if necessary. It was in vain 
 that wiser men and those who knew more about 
 America, urged the danger of driving the colonists 
 to violent measures and denounced the injustice 
 with which they had been so long treated. Fresh 
 taxes were laid upon tea and other articles. Troops 
 and ships of war were sent out to overawe all dis- 
 content. The king and the parliament were de- 
 termined to have their way. 
 
 The colonists were equally resolute. The tea, 
 on which the government hoped to exact a duty, 
 could not even be landed ; it was thrown into the 
 harbour or burned, or, in some cases, sent back to 
 England. The American patriots refused to use 
 the taxed articles or any kind of British goods. 
 The ill feeling rose apace. As yet a separation 
 between the two countries was scarcely thought of 
 except by a few. But the colonists were mustering 
 men and gathering arms and military stores. It 
 was plain that they would fight for their rights, and 
 the question was, could they stand against regular 
 troops ? The English ministers would not believe 
 this, and thought that when it came to the point, 
 the raw militia men would not be so mad as to 
 resist the power of England; the force of the
 
 302 THE AMERICAN COLONIES. 
 
 dangerous elements that were disturbing the 
 political atmosphere of America was not rightly 
 estimated till too late. 
 
 It was in Massachusetts that the storm first broke. 
 Boston had brought itself into special disfavour by 
 the leading part it took in opposition to the govern- 
 ment measures. As a punishment, its port was 
 ordered to be closed, and troops were quartered in 
 the city. A very bitter feeling sprang up between 
 these soldiers and the majority of the inhabitants : 
 the " Tories," or friends of the government, were 
 chiefly found among the rich. Blood had already 
 been shed in a street quarrel, and in the beginning 
 of 1775 the governor and his soldiers found them- 
 selves almost in the position of an army beleaguered 
 in an enemy's country. Outside of the walls a pro- 
 vincial congress was sitting, the militia was being 
 regularly drilled, and a close watch was kept upon 
 the movements of the troops. An attempt to sally 
 out and seize part of the stores of the colonial 
 forces, brought on the collision which must have 
 come sooner or later. The alarm was given; the 
 whole district was roused through the night ; and 
 on the village green of Lexington, in the grey dawn 
 of the 19bh of April, 1775, was fired the first shot 
 of the Revolutionary War. 
 
 We all know the end of that war, in which the 
 wisdom, energy, and patience of the great Wash- 
 ington were able to overcome every difficulty and 
 disaster, and to inspire his countrymen with fresh 
 courage when the colonial cause seemed at its lowest 
 ebb. In 1776 Congress issued the Declaration of
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 303 
 
 Independence, thereby taking up a position from 
 which there could be no retreat. In 1 783 Britain 
 gave up the struggle, which had long been un- 
 popular among the majority of the people, and the 
 United States of America became one of the nations 
 of the world. 
 
 Thus what had been gained by the courage and 
 persevering labours of private men was lost by the 
 obstinacy of unwise rulers. The States of America 
 were indeed lost to England before she rightly 
 knew what she had gained. It is useless now to 
 speculate on what might have been, or to moralize 
 on what should have been the result to us of this 
 great conquest of the axe and the plough. But while 
 we look back with regret and shame to the manner in 
 which the colonies were treated, we may remember 
 with pride that the heroes who laid the foundation 
 of them were our countrymen, as well as the fore- 
 fathers of that great nation which unhappily no 
 longer boasts of the English name, though it has 
 not failed to inherit the English nature, with the 
 restless untiring energy that, as in the days of 
 Walter Raleigh and John Winthrop, still sends forth 
 Britons and Americans to seek new homes by sea 
 and land, and to plant for the good of mankind 
 the waste and foul places of the world.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Aberdeen practice of kid- 
 napping at, 154. 
 
 Aggawam " The Simple 
 Cobbler of" his opinion 
 of toleration, 261. 
 
 Alewives a fish used as 
 manure, 210. 
 
 Algonquin tribes 275. 
 
 Amadas, Captain his voy- 
 age to Carolina, 43. 
 
 Amadis de Gaul popu- 
 larity of, 4. 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci gives 
 his name to America, 22. 
 
 Amsterdam Separatists 
 take refuge at, 172. 
 
 Anne, Cape named Traga- 
 bigzandabyCaptainSmibh, 
 181 ; quarrel of fishermen 
 at, 222. 
 
 Anabaptists in Massachu- 
 setts, 266. 
 
 Antinomians in Massachu- 
 setts, 266. 
 
 Argall, Captain kidnaps 
 Pocahontas, 149. 
 
 Armada the Spanish, 63. 
 
 Artillery of the Plymouth 
 colony, 201. 
 
 Azores, the death of Sir E. 
 Grenville at, 58. 
 
 Bacon, Lord quoted, 32, 143. 
 
 Baltimore, Lord favours to- 
 leration in Maryland, 272. 
 
 Baptists persecution of in 
 New England, 264. 
 
 Barlow, Captain his voyage 
 to Carolina, 43 ; description 
 of a native village, 48; re- 
 turns to England, 51. 
 
 Barrowists see Separatists. 
 
 Beards rare among Indians, 
 93, 110. 
 
 Bermudas, the old sea say- 
 ing about, 43; wreck upon, 
 135. 
 
 Bible, the translated into 
 Indian language, 290. 
 
 Billington family give trou- 
 ble to the Pilgrims, 198. 
 
 Bloodhounds Indians a- 
 fraid of, 8. 
 
 Bogall, Bashaw Captain 
 Smith prisoner of, 77. 
 
 Boston foundation of, 240 ; 
 its name changed, 251 ; its 
 character, 252 ; its inhabi- 
 tants favour the religious 
 innovators, 266 ; revolu- 
 tionary spirit in, 302. 
 
 Bradford, William his jour- 
 nal of the Pilgrims' pro- 
 ceedings 103 ; elected go- 
 vernor, 208. 
 
 Brazil believed to be peo- 
 pled by Amazons, 6 ; Por- 
 tuguese and French colo- 
 nies in, 24. 
 
 Brentford Pocahontas' resi- 
 dence at, 151 . 
 
 Brewster, Elder accompa- 
 nies Pilgrims as religious 
 teacher, 178; does not
 
 36 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 administer sacraments, 
 231. 
 
 Bristol practice of kidnap- 
 ping at, 154. 
 
 Brownists see Separatists. 
 
 Burras, Anne marriage of, 
 123. 
 
 Bryant, William C alien 
 quoted, 287. 
 
 Cabot, John and Sebastian 
 their discoveries in the 
 English service, 22. 
 
 Cambridge, Mass. univer- 
 sity founded at, 251. 
 
 Canada first explored by 
 French, 23; seized by Eng- 
 lish and restored, 235 ; 
 French progress in, 297, 
 ceded to England, 298. 
 
 Caribs accused of cannibal- 
 ism, 12. 
 
 Canaries, the usual course 
 to America, 43. 
 
 Carolina French colony in, 
 24; dangerous coast of, 43; 
 English expeditions to, 
 44, 52. 
 
 Cartier, Jacques sails up 
 St. Lawrence, 23. 
 
 Carver, John elected gover- 
 nor of Plymouth colony, 
 183 ; his death, 207. 
 
 Cattle introduced into New 
 England, 230. 
 
 Champlain his explorations 
 in Canada, 233. 
 
 Chapbook story of John 
 Smith's adventures, 68. 
 
 Charcoal dangerous fumes 
 of, 131. 
 
 CJiarles, Cape named after 
 Prince Charles, 83 ; In- 
 dians of, 105. 
 
 Charles I. grants liberal 
 
 charter to Massachusetts 
 colony, 236; repents, 259. 
 
 Chesapeake Bay English 
 colony arrives in, 82 ; ex- 
 ploration of, 105. 
 
 Chickahominy Indians, 
 overawed by Captain 
 Smith, 131 ; become sub- 
 ject to King James, 150. 
 
 ChicJcahominy river Smith 
 captured on, 87. 
 
 Church of England estab- 
 lished in Virginia, 153 ; 
 Eeformation of, 165; Se- 
 paratists from, 170 ; de- 
 nounced by Roger Wil- 
 liams, 269. 
 
 Church-membership condi- 
 tions of in Massachusetts, 
 264. 
 
 Cod, Cape, discovered by 
 Bartholomew Gosnold, 
 171 ; conformation of, 181. 
 
 Coligny, Admiral endea- 
 vours to establish Hugue- 
 not colonies in America,24. 
 
 Collier, Samuel left among 
 Indian tribe to learn their 
 language, 117 . 
 
 Columbus, Christopher 
 discovers America, 1 ; his 
 search for a patron, 3 ; 
 desires to restore Jerusa- 
 lem, 7. 
 
 Commerce, American re- 
 strictions on, 299. 
 
 Commissioners appointed 
 by the king for Virginia, 
 159; for the American 
 colonies, 259. 
 
 Confederation of New Eng- 
 land States, 273. 
 
 Congress protests against 
 the Stamp Act, 300; 
 publishes Declaration of 
 Independence, 303.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 307 
 
 Connecticut river colony 
 settled on, 253. 
 
 Connecticut colony resolve 
 to root out Pequods, 281. 
 
 Conquistadores, the their 
 conduct in America, 7. 
 
 Constantinople Captain 
 Smith sent prisoner to, 77. 
 
 Controversy among Mas- 
 sachusetts colonists, 266. 
 
 Cotton, Rev. Mr. denounces 
 sharp trading, 246. 
 
 Grim Tartary Smith's cap- 
 tivity in, 77. 
 
 Croatoan, island of colony 
 disappears at, 65. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver said to be 
 about to emigrate, 259 ; 
 friendly to New England, 
 260. 
 
 Dare, Yirginia, birth of 62. 
 
 Declaration of Independence, 
 published by Congress, 
 303. 
 
 Delaware taken from 
 Swedes, 297. 
 
 Delaware, Lord appointed 
 governor of Yirginia, 135; 
 his opportune arrival, 141 ; 
 death, 146. 
 
 Delft Haven Pilgrims em- 
 bark at, 172. 
 
 Delight, the wreck of, 41. 
 
 Democracy of Puritan Go- 
 vernment, 255. 
 
 Devon plays leading part in 
 maritime adventure, 36. 
 
 De Gourgues avenges mas- 
 sacre of French in Florida, 
 28. [233. 
 
 De Monts explores Canada, 
 
 De Soto, Ferdinand leads 
 expedition to Florida, 21. 
 
 Dominicans befriend the 
 Indians, 16. 
 
 Downs, the fleet detained 
 in, 81. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis the cir- 
 cumnavigator, 30 ; relieves 
 English colony at Roa- 
 noke, 57. 
 
 Drink, the scourge of the 
 Indians, 292. 
 
 Dutch, the give asylum to 
 exiles for conscience, 173; 
 establish settlement on 
 Hudson river, 175 ; come 
 into collision with English 
 settlers, 253; submit to 
 England, 297. 
 
 Education provided for in 
 Massachusetts,251; failure 
 of among Indians, 292. 
 
 El Dorado belief in, 6. 
 
 Eliot, Eev. John begins to 
 preach to Indians, 287 ; 
 translates the Bible into 
 Indian language, 289 ; his 
 influence over the In- 
 dians, 290. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen her en- 
 couragement of coloniza- 
 tion, 35 ; winks at piracy, 
 36 ; prevents Raleigh fro m 
 going abroad, 38; confirms 
 Gilbert's patent to Raleigh, 
 42 ; gives a name to Vir- 
 ginia, 52 ; heaps favours 
 on Raleigh, 52 ; worthies of 
 her age, 74 ; her religious 
 policy, 167. 
 
 Endicott, John governor of 
 colony at Salem, 236; cuts 
 red cross out of stand- 
 ard, 260; leads expedition 
 against Indians, 292. 
 
 England awakes to her des- 
 tiny, 30 ; popular hatred of 
 Spain, 31 ; zeal for planta- 
 tion, 32 ; danger of from the
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Armada, 63 ; Eeformation 
 in, 165; becomes mistress 
 in North America, 298; 
 treatment of her Ameri- 
 can colonies, 299. 
 
 Fear, Cape, 43. 
 
 Finery savage, 93, 206. 
 
 Florida believed to contain 
 the fountain of youth, 6 ; 
 Ponce de Leon's expedi- 
 tion to, 21 ; French colony 
 in, 24; farmed out for con- 
 quest to Pedro Melendez, 
 26; settled by Spaniards, 
 28; bought by United 
 States, 29. 
 
 France her explorations in 
 North America, 22. 297; 
 overcome by English, 298. 
 
 Franchise conditions of in 
 New England, 266. 
 
 Francis I. thinks of coloni- 
 zing in America, 23. 
 
 French their conduct and 
 fate in Florida, 24; ex- 
 pelled from New England, 
 149 ; attacked by English 
 in Canada, 235. 
 
 Frobisher, Martin thinks 
 he has discovered gold, 35. 
 
 Gates, Sir Thomas wreck- 
 ed on the Bermudas, 135; 
 arrives at Jamestown, 140. 
 
 George III. his obstinacy, 
 301. 
 
 Georgia settlement of, 296. 
 
 Germans sent to Virginia, 
 112 ; their treachery, 129, 
 132. 
 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey 
 receives letters patent 
 for colonizing America, 
 35 ; sails from Devon, 36 ; 
 second expedition, 38 ; 
 
 lands in Newfoundland, 
 39 ; sails southward 40 ; 
 his misfortunes and death, 
 41. 
 
 Golden Age, the in Caro- 
 lina, 51. 
 
 Golden Hind, the returns 
 to England, 42. 
 
 Gonsalvo de Cordova re- 
 nown of, 4. 
 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinand pro- 
 motes colonization, 79 ; 
 aids Smith, 145; hisefforts 
 to colonize New England, 
 234. 
 
 Gosnold, Bartholomew 
 goes to Virginia, 80; death 
 of, 87 ; discoverer of Cape 
 Cod, 171. 
 
 Granganimeo, visits Eng- 
 lish, 46; kindness shown 
 to English by him and his 
 wife, 48. 
 
 Gravesend Pocahontas dies 
 at, 151. 
 
 Grenville, Sir Richard his 
 voyage to Carolina, 52 ; 
 harshness to natives, 53 ; 
 his death, 58. 
 
 Gulf Stream, the avoided 
 by old navigators, 43. 
 
 Gunpowder puts an end to 
 chivalry, 71 ; taken by the 
 Indians for seed, 93 ; In- 
 dians cured of meddling 
 with, 132 ; explosion of 
 disables John Smith, 137; 
 Mayflower almost blown 
 up by, 199. 
 
 Hakluyt's voyages quoted, 
 37, 50, 62; aid to spread 
 geographical knowledge, 
 78. 
 
 Hampden, John a visitor to 
 Plymouth, 218 ; supposed
 
 INDEX. , 
 
 309 
 
 to be about to emigrate, 
 259. 
 
 Hariot,Thomas his account 
 of Virginia, 59, 78. 
 
 Hatter as, Gape, danger of,43. 
 
 Ha wkin s , John rel ie ve s 
 French colony in Virginia, 
 25. 
 
 Henry, Cape named after 
 Prince Henry, 82. 
 
 Henry VIII. his share in 
 the Reformation, 166. 
 
 Hispaniola, or St. Domingo 
 natives of exterminated, 
 13 ; visited by English, 
 fleet, 52. 
 
 Hobbamock attaches him- 
 self to Plymouth colony, 
 214. 
 
 Horses the Indians afraid 
 of, 8. 
 
 Hudson, Henry, sails up 
 Hudson river, 175. 
 
 Hudson river Dutch settle- 
 ment on, 175. 
 
 Huguenots anticipate Pu- 
 ritan colony, 24. 
 
 Hunt, Rev. Robert, his influ- 
 ence with Virginia colo- 
 nists, 81,84. 
 
 Hunt, Captain kidnaps na- 
 tives, 203. 
 
 Hutchison, Mrs. Anne ban- 
 ished from Massachusetts, 
 267. 
 
 Independents, the rise of, 
 170. 
 
 Indians their wonder at 
 white men, 8 ; their help- 
 lessness against European 
 arms, 9 ; enslaved by 
 Spaniards, 10; their "con- 
 version," 14 ; degraded by 
 influence of priests, 18 ; 
 welcome the French to 
 
 Florida, 25 ; aid them 
 against Spaniards, 28 ; 
 their intercourse with 
 Raleigh's colonists, 47 ; 
 become unfriendly, 54 ; 
 attacked by English, 56, 
 61 ; revenge the death of 
 their chief, 60; their ha- 
 bits, weapons, etc., in Vir- 
 ginia, 99 ; Smith's deal- 
 ings with, 109, 139 ; mas- 
 sacre colonists in Virginia, 
 156; graves of, 189; houses 
 and furniture, 190 ; no 
 longer feared by Puritan 
 settlers, 274 ; controversy 
 as to origin of, 274 ; tribes 
 of, 275 ; intercourse with 
 the English in Massachu- 
 setts, 276; they procure 
 fire-arms, 286; their reli- 
 gious state, 288 ; their 
 languages, 289 ; mission- 
 aries among, 17, 287, 291 ; 
 the praying Indians, 291 ; 
 incapacity of for civiliza- 
 tion, 292 ; fate of, 293. 
 
 Iroquois, the warlike cha- 
 racter of, 275. 
 
 Italian discoverers, 22. 
 
 James I. grants patents for 
 colonization, 79 ; his re- 
 spect for royal blood, 151 ; 
 his dislike of Puritanism, 
 168; his opinion of ar- 
 mour, 248. 
 
 James River colony arrives 
 in, 82. 
 
 Jamestown settlement at, 
 83 ; unhealthy situation 
 of, 85 ; burned, 103 ; state 
 of in 1609, 138 ; about to 
 be abandoned, 141. 
 
 Jesuits courage and devo- 
 tion of, 287.
 
 3io 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Jews their laws imitated by 
 the Puritans, 255; Indians 
 supposed to be descended 
 from, 274, 290. 
 
 John, Sagamore affects 
 English customs, 276. 
 
 Johnson, Lady Arbella 
 accompanies Puritan emi- 
 grants, 239. 
 
 Judgments of God Puritan 
 belief in, 262. 
 
 Kecougfitan Smith "keeps 
 Christmas " at, 122. 
 
 Kennebec, the settlement 
 attempted on, 144. 
 
 Kidnapping 1 54. 
 
 King Philip's war, 286, 291. 
 
 La Boetie proposes to take 
 refuge in America, 24. 
 
 Labrador Frobisher at, 35. 
 
 Lane, Ralph governor of 
 colony at Roanoke, 54 ; 
 slaughters Indians, 56; 
 returns with Drake, 58. 
 
 Las Casas the champion of 
 the Indians, 16. 
 
 Laudonniere, Rene leader 
 of French colony in Flo- 
 rida, 24 ; surprised by 
 Spaniards, 26. 
 
 Laydon, John marriage of, 
 122. 
 
 Lexington skirmish at, 302. 
 
 Leyden Robinson's congre- 
 gation at, 173. 
 
 London company for colo- 
 nization formed at, 79 ; 
 Pocahontas' visit to, 151. 
 
 Long Island Dutch and 
 English settlers on, 253. 
 
 Louisiana foundation of, 
 298. 
 
 Lynn John Smith appren- 
 
 ticed at, 75; gives name 
 to town in America, 252. 
 
 Maine first settlement of, 
 234. 
 
 Manhattan Island Dutch 
 colony on, 175. 
 
 Manoa a fabulous golden 
 city, 6. 
 
 Manteo is faithful to the 
 English, 60. 
 
 Manufactures begun in 
 Virginia, 112. 
 
 Martin one of John Smith's 
 enemies, 103 ; returns to 
 Virginia and is offered 
 the presidency, 136. 
 
 Maryland settled by Lord 
 Baltimore, 272. 
 
 Mason, Major John his 
 campaign against the Pe- 
 quods, 281. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay confor- 
 mation of, 181; Puritan 
 settlements in, 235. 
 
 Massachusetts Indians re- 
 duced by plague, 202 ; ac- 
 cused of plotting, 213 ; re- 
 duced to submission by 
 Standish, 228 ; their inter- 
 course with Boston set- 
 tlers, 276. 
 
 Massachusetts colony be- 
 ginning of, 235; charter of, 
 237 ; number and charac- 
 ter of colonists, 239 ; early 
 sufferings of, 240 ; adopts 
 Independent form of wor- 
 ship, 241 ; their austere 
 manners, 242 ; dress and 
 manners,247; houses,248; 
 description of life in, 249 ; 
 extension of, 253 ; politics 
 formed on scriptural mo- 
 dels, 254; democratic sym- 
 pathies, 255 ; exclusive-
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ness, 258 ; ordered to sur- 
 render charter, 259 ; their 
 credulous belief in special 
 providences, 262 ; perse- 
 cution in, 264 ; theological 
 controversies, 266; leaders 
 of schism banished from, 
 267 ; join confederation of 
 New England colonies, 
 273 ; intercourse with In- 
 dians, 274; quarrels with 
 Indians, 278; take part in 
 Pequod war, 281 ; justice 
 of, 286 ; their neglect of 
 missionary work, 287 ; 
 character of colony, 294. 
 
 Massasoit, chief of the 
 Wampanoags visits Pil- 
 grim colony, 205; his 
 poverty, 209; demands sur- 
 render of Squanto, 214; 
 sickness of, 219 ; reveals 
 plot, 221. 
 
 Massawomeks a tribe en- 
 countered by Smith, 108. 
 
 Mather, Rev. Cotton 
 quoted, 183, 254, 284 ; his 
 absurd credulity, 289. 
 
 Mayflower, the conveys 
 the Pilgrims to America, 
 180; return of, 200. 
 
 May sports 38 ; abhorred 
 by Puritans, 52, 258. 
 
 Melendez, Pedro massa- 
 cres French in Florida, 
 26. 
 
 Milton, John quoted, 269. 
 
 Mint established in Mas- 
 sachusetts, 247. 
 
 Missions the Spanish, 16 ; 
 French,287; English, 155, 
 288 ; general failure of, 
 291. 
 
 Mississippi, the De Soto 
 buried in, 22 ; discovered 
 by French, 297. 
 
 Mohawks troublesome 
 neighbours, 276. 
 
 Mohegan Indians side with 
 English against Pequods, 
 280 ; their cowardice, 282. 
 
 Monacan Indians visited 
 by Newport, 115. 
 
 Money used in Massachu- 
 setts, 247. 
 
 Monopolies 47, 52; Parlia- 
 ment's dislike to, 244. 
 
 Montaigne quoted, 8, 28, 
 
 Montcalm death of, 298. 
 
 Montreal named by Cartier, 
 23. 
 
 More, Sir Thomas quoted,2. 
 
 Morton of Merry Mount 
 driven out by the Puri- 
 tans, 258. 
 
 Mosco attaches himself to 
 the English, 110. 
 
 Narragansett Indians de- 
 clare war against Ply- 
 mouth colony, 213 ; Eoger 
 Williams settles among, 
 271 ; diverted from alli- 
 ance with Pequods, 280. 
 
 Negroes enslaved without 
 scruple, 12 ; introduced 
 into Virginia, 154. 
 
 New Amsterdam former 
 name of New York, 175. 
 
 New England named by 
 John Smith, 144; attempts 
 to colonize, 233 ; attention 
 of Puritans turned to, 
 235; religious excitement 
 flourishes in, 261 ; con- 
 federation of the colonies 
 in, 276 ; growth of popula- 
 tion, 287. 
 
 New Englanders character 
 of, 295. 
 
 New France- former name 
 of Canada, 23.
 
 312 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 New Hampshire first set- 
 tlement of, 234. 
 
 New Haven colony at, 252. 
 
 New Jersey acquired by 
 English, 297. 
 
 New York founded by 
 Dutch, 175; conquered by 
 English, 297. 
 
 Newfoundland fisheries of, 
 23; annexed by Gilbert, 39. 
 
 Newport, Captain goes to 
 Virginia, 81 ; returns with 
 supplies, 101 ; abad trader, 
 102; encourages the gold 
 fever, 103; at the crowning 
 of Powhatan,113 ; attempts 
 to discover South Sea, 115; 
 threatened by Smith, 121; 
 wrecked on the Bermudas, 
 135. 
 
 Nova Scotia unsuccessful 
 attempt to settle by 
 Scotchmen, 235. 
 
 Nunez, Yasco discovers 
 South Sea, 21. 
 
 Obtakiest desires to make 
 
 peace with English, 229. 
 Okee Indian name for idol, 
 
 100. 
 
 OlympagTi siege of, 71. 
 Opechancanough captures 
 
 Smith, 88; his treachery 
 
 towards English, 126 ; 
 
 hatred of the settlers, 152; 
 
 his death, 158. 
 Orapaks Smith prisoner at, 
 
 89. 
 
 Famurikey Smith's adven- 
 tures at, 91, 126. 
 
 Parliament interferes with 
 lotteries for benefit of 
 Virginia, 149 ; opposes 
 monopoly granted by king, 
 234 ; encourages propaga- 
 
 tion of the gospel among 
 Indians, 269 ; claims right 
 to tax America, 300. 
 
 Paspahegh, chief of his 
 encounter with Smith, 
 130. 
 
 Patuxet native name of 
 Plymouth, 196. 
 
 Pecksuot provokes Miles 
 Standish, 226. 
 
 Pennsylvania settled, 296. 
 
 Pequods, The quarrel with 
 English, 279 ; surprised 
 in their fort, 283 ; fate of, 
 285. 
 
 Percy, Hon. George his de- 
 scription of sufferings of 
 Virginian colony, 85 ; ap- 
 pointed president, 139. 
 
 Persecution of Protestants, 
 166 ; of dissenters, 167 ; 
 in Massachusetts, de- 
 nounced by Eoger Wil- 
 liams, 273. 
 
 Pestilence on coast of Mas- 
 sachusetts, 202. 
 
 Philip II. of Spain farms 
 out Florida for conquest, 
 26; proclaimed master of 
 North America, 27. 
 
 Pierce, John patent held in 
 his name, 231. 
 
 Pilgrims John Smith in 
 danger among a crew of, 
 76. 
 
 Pilgrim Fathers, the take 
 refuge in Holland, 172 ; 
 their trials, 173 ; resolve 
 to seek New England, 174; 
 negotiations and arrange- 
 ments for their emigra- 
 tion, 176 ; embark at Delft 
 Haven, 178; arrive at 
 Cape Cod, 181 ; form 
 themselves into a body 
 politic, 183 ; go on shore,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 313 
 
 184; find traces of na- 
 tives, 186 ; first encoun- 
 ter with Indians, 193 ; 
 settle at Plymouth, 195 ; 
 sufferings of, 199 ; their 
 defensive preparations, 
 201 ; visited by Samoset, 
 202; make treaty with 
 natives, 206 ; begin to 
 prosper, 208; joined by 
 new emigrants, 211 ; give 
 aid to Weston's colony, 
 215 ; resolve to make war 
 on Indians, 224 ; overawe 
 their enemies, 229; become 
 independent of their part- 
 ners in England, 231 ; 
 honour due to them, 232 ; 
 form friendly relations 
 with Massachusetts colo- 
 ny, 241 ; their backward- 
 ness in persecution, 265; 
 join confederation of New 
 England colonies, 273; take 
 part in Pequod war, 281. 
 
 Piracy winked at in Eliza- 
 beth's reign, 36. 
 
 "Plantation" popular in 
 England, 32; John Smith's 
 zeal for, 160. 
 
 Plymouth, companyformed 
 at for colonization, 79 ; 
 revived, 233. 
 
 Plymouth, Massachusetts 
 Pilgrims land at, 195; Ko- 
 ger Williams preacher at, 
 268. 
 
 Plymouth colony see Pil- 
 grim Fathers. 
 
 Plymouth rock veneration 
 for, 196. 
 
 Pocahontas her rescue of 
 Captain Smith, 94 ; credi- 
 bility of the story, 69, 95 ; 
 aids the English, 97; 
 sues for peace, 105 ; warns 
 
 Smith against her father, 
 125 ; saves a boy from 
 death, 139 ; kidnapped, 
 149 ; marriage of, 150 ; vi- 
 sits England and dies, 151. 
 
 Poles a party of . sent to 
 Virginia, 112. 
 
 Ponce de Leon's expedition 
 to Florida 21. 
 
 Pope, the assigns the New 
 World to Spain, 4. 
 
 Popham, Sir John efforts 
 for colonization of Maine, 
 79. 
 
 Portuguese a maritime 
 people, 4 ; Africa and 
 East Indies assigned to 
 by the Pope, 5 ; settle in 
 Brazil, 24. 
 
 Potatoes introduced into 
 England, 59. 
 
 Potomac, the John Smith 
 as a prisoner on, 91 ; ex- 
 ploration of, 106. 
 
 Powhatan visited by Eng- 
 lish colonists, 83 ; receives 
 Smith and orders him to 
 death, 93; sets him free, 
 96 ; extent of his authority, 
 99 ; trades with English, 
 102 ; quarrels with Eng- 
 lish, 104 ; coronation of, 
 113; tries to starve out 
 colony, 120 ; his false 
 professions, 124 ; flies into 
 woods, 129 ; seeks peace, 
 132 ; slaughters a band 
 of English, 139; finally 
 returns to amity, 150; 
 his death, 152. 
 
 Powhatan River ; see James 
 River. 
 
 Powhatan Indians, the, 99. 
 
 Pow-wows antics of, 91 ; 
 their incantations at a 
 sick bed, 219.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Praying Indians, the, 291. 
 
 Providence founded by 
 Roger Williams, 271. 
 
 Providence,special Puritan 
 belief in, 262. 
 
 Punishments used among 
 Indians, 132 ; at James- 
 town, 147; in Massachu- 
 setts, 244. 
 
 Purchas, his Pilgrims, 
 quoted 85. 
 
 Puritans, the characteris- 
 tics of, 164; their rise, 168 ; 
 become political party, 
 169 ; a division among, 
 170; their courage and 
 manliness, 194, 211; turn 
 their attention to New 
 England, 235 ; emigrate 
 in large numbers, 239 (see 
 Massachusetts colony). 
 
 Quadaquina visits Ply- 
 mouth colony, 207. 
 
 Quakers persecution of in 
 New England, 264. 
 
 Quebec seized and restored 
 by English, 235; Wolfe's 
 victory before walls of, 
 298. 
 
 Raleigh , Sir Walter charac- 
 ter of, 33 ; early military 
 services, 34 ; his first voy- 
 age with Gilbert, 36 ; de- 
 tained by Elizabeth, 38; 
 procures confirmation of 
 Gilbert's patent, 42 ; sends 
 out colonies to Virginia, 
 43, 52, 60; introduces to- 
 bacco, 58; endeavours to 
 find lost colony, 67 ; his 
 projects in South Ame- 
 rica, 78. 
 
 Rappaliannock, the Smith 
 
 visits as prisoner, 91 ; ex- 
 ploration of, 110. 
 
 Ratcliffe, alias Sicklemore 
 appointed president of 
 Virginian colony, 86 ; his 
 uselessness, 104; deposed, 
 108; returns and plots 
 against Smith, 136 ; his 
 death, 139. 
 
 Rebecca, see Pocahontas. 
 
 Reformation, the effect of 
 on the Church of England, 
 164. 
 
 Reformers, the persecu- 
 tion of, 166. 
 
 Rhode Island foundation 
 and growth of, 273. 
 
 Ribault, John leader of 
 French colony in Florida, 
 24; massacred by Span- 
 iards, 27. 
 
 RoanoTte Island first visited 
 by English, 48 ; colonies 
 settled on, 54, 60 ; aban- 
 doned settlements at,60,64. 
 
 Robinson, Rev. John minis- 
 ter of Separatist congre- 
 gation, 171 ; his farewell 
 address to the Pilgrims, 
 178 ; regrets the violence 
 of Miles Standish, 229; 
 dies before he reaches 
 America, 231. 
 
 Rolfe, John marries Poca- 
 hontas, 151. 
 
 Romances of chivalry popu- 
 larity of among the Span- 
 iards, 5; their effect on 
 John Smith, 70. 
 
 Rottenton battle of, 77. 
 
 Russell, Dr. cures John 
 Smith, 107. 
 
 Sabbath, the reverence of 
 Puritans for, 204 ; strict 
 observance of, 242.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 315 
 
 Sailors great men among, 
 2 ; bad as traders, 103. 
 
 St. Augustine oldest town 
 in United States, 27. 
 
 St. Domingo, or Hispaniola 
 natives exterminated, 13 ; 
 visited by English fleet, 
 52. 
 
 $.Jb/m,Newfonndland fre- 
 quented by fishermen, 39. 
 
 St. John's river French 
 settlement on, 25. 
 
 St.Lawrence, the navigated 
 by J. Cartier, 23. 
 
 Salem founded, 236; Roger 
 Williams preacher at, 268. 
 
 Salt importance of to 
 colony, 211. 
 
 Samoset welcomes the Ply- 
 month colony, 202. 
 
 SaylrooJc, Fort beset by 
 Pequods, 280. 
 
 Scrivener, Mr. backs up 
 John Smith, 104; deputed 
 president, 106 ; drowned, 
 129. 
 
 Separatists their opinions, 
 170; congregation of fly 
 into Holland, 172. 
 
 Shakespeare quoted, 9, 143. 
 
 Sigismund, Prince of Tran- 
 sylvaniarewards John 
 Smith, 77. 
 
 Slavery of Indians, 11 ; 
 effects of in Virginia, 295. 
 
 Smith, Captain John his 
 story little known in Eng- 
 land, 68 ; his romantic 
 disposition and youthful 
 adventures, 70 ; his prac- 
 tical talents, 72 ; his style 
 as an author, 73 ; a man 
 of his age, 74 ; birth and 
 education, 75 ; runs away 
 to sea, 75 ; becomes a sol- 
 dier, 76; sold as a slave, 
 
 77; his escape, 77; his 
 sea-fight against Span- 
 iards, 78; engages with 
 London Virginia Com- 
 pany, 80; quarrels with 
 comrades, 81 ; accused, but 
 successfully defends him- 
 self, 84 ; his activity, 86, 
 104, 116, 121 ; fires upon 
 deserters, 87 ; made priso- 
 ner by Indians, 87 ; taken 
 for a magician, 90; led 
 before Powhatan, 93 ; 
 ordered to death, and 
 rescued, 94 ; doubts as to 
 his story of Pocahontas, 
 94; set free, 96; his ene- 
 mies at the fort, 98; his 
 opinion of Virginia, 101 ; 
 trading with Powhatan, 
 102; indignation against 
 gold hunters, 103; over- 
 awes Indians, 105 ; begins 
 exploration of Chesapeake 
 Bay, 105; way of dealing 
 with Indian tribes, 106- 
 110; hurtbysting-ray,and 
 returns to Jamestown, 
 107; offered the govern- 
 ment, but resumes expe- 
 dition, 108 ; appointed 
 governor, 111 ; assists to 
 crown Powhatan, 113 ; his 
 rule to cure swearing, 
 116; his notions of gover- 
 norship, 117 ; journeys in 
 search of corn, 121 ; dis- 
 covers Powhatan's treach- 
 ery, 124; visits Opechan- 
 canough, 126 ; his bold- 
 ness, 127 ; hastens back 
 to fort, 129 ; his encoun- 
 ter with the chief of 
 Paspahegh, 130; overawes 
 the Chickahominies, 131 ; 
 punishes his idle soldiers,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 134 ; offers to resign, 136 ; 
 disabled by an explosion, 
 137 ; returns to England, 
 138; his loss felt, 139; 
 offers his services to the 
 Plymouth Company, 144 ; 
 his zeal in the cause of 
 colonization, 144, 160 ; his 
 voyages to, and writings 
 on, New England, 145 ; his 
 opinion of the Pilgrim 
 Fathers, 146 ; meets Poca- 
 hontas at Brentford, 151 ; 
 his evidence as to the 
 cause of failure in Vir- 
 ginia, 159 ; his works and 
 death, 160 ; his character, 
 161. 
 
 Smith Island discovered 
 and named, 105. 
 
 Somers, Sir George wreck- 
 ed on the Bermudas, 135 ; 
 arrives in Virginia, 140. 
 
 South Sea, the discovered 
 by Vasco Nunez, 21 ; be- 
 lieved to be near Virginia, 
 54, 104, 108, 112. 
 
 Spain power of, 3 ; govern- 
 ment of friendly to the 
 Indians, 11 ; limits of her 
 colonization in America, 
 21 ; her claims and pos- 
 sessions in the United 
 States territory, 298. 
 
 Spaniards their love of ro- 
 mance, 5 ; thirst for gold, 
 7 ; cruelties of, 9-16 ; 
 massacre French in Flori- 
 da, 27; settle at St. Au- 
 gustine, 28. 
 
 Spanish America history 
 of, 19. 
 
 Speedwell, the hired to 
 convey pilgrims to Ame- 
 rica, but returns, 179. 
 
 Squanto attaches himself 
 
 to the English, 204 ; his 
 bad conduct, 214; his 
 death, 215. 
 
 Squirrel, the founders in 
 the Atlantic, 42. 
 
 Stamp Act, the indigna- 
 tion caused by, 300. 
 
 Standish, Miles explores 
 Cape Cod, 185 ; his cou- 
 rage, 194, 207, 227; ap- 
 pointed captain of the 
 Pilgrims' forces, 201; his 
 character, 222 ; kills In- 
 dian braves, and overawes 
 their tribe, 226. 
 
 " Starving-time," the at 
 Jamestown, 140. 
 
 Susquehannah Indians 
 S mith's description of, 109. 
 
 Swedes end of their settle- 
 ment, 297. 
 
 Tattershall John Smith re- 
 sides at, 76. 
 
 Taxation resisted by the 
 American colonies, 300. 
 
 Tea unpopular tax upon, 
 301. 
 
 Temperance encouraged 
 by Puritan colonists, 245. 
 
 Timor Bashaw killed by 
 John Smith, 77. 
 
 Tisquantum, see Squanto. 
 
 Tobacco first mention of, 
 25 ; introduced into Eng- 
 land, 59 ; becomes staple 
 of Virginia, 153 ; Puritan 
 scruples about, 245. 
 
 Toghwoghs tribe visited by 
 John Smith, 108. 
 
 Toleration disapproved of 
 by the Puritans, 261 ; ad- 
 vocated by Roger Wil- 
 liams, 268; by Milton, 
 269 ; established in Mary- 
 land, 272.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 317 
 
 Tragabigzanda, Princess 
 favours John Smith, 77. 
 
 Transportation of convicts 
 to Virginia, 154. 
 
 Tremont, or Trimountain 
 former name of Boston, 
 251.' 
 
 Turks John Smith's adven- 
 tures among, 70. 
 
 United colonies of New 
 
 England, 276. 
 United States, the birth 
 
 of, 303. 
 
 Vane, Sir Henry chosen 
 governor of Massachu- 
 setts, but soon leaves the 
 colony, 267. 
 
 Verazzani sails to America 
 in the French service, 23. 
 
 Virginia popular delusions 
 as to, 34 ; named by Eliza- 
 beth, 52 ; Hariot's account 
 of, 59 ; general history of, 
 compiled by John Smith, 
 73; name loosely used, 79 ; 
 description of, 98; manu- 
 factures begun in, 112 ; 
 strict laws of, 147; pro- 
 gress, 148; great massacre 
 in, 156; transferred to the 
 Crown, 159 ; character of 
 planters in, 294 ; prospe- 
 rity and misfortunes of, 
 295. 
 
 Voting restricted in Mas- 
 sachusetts, 264. 
 
 Wampanoags the neigh- 
 bours of the Pilgrims, 
 205. 
 
 Wampum Indian money, 
 247. 
 
 Ward, Ee v.Mr., "the Simple 
 Cobbler of Aggawam" 
 
 his opinion of toleration, 
 261. 
 
 Washington, General, 302. 
 
 Werowocomoco Powhatan's 
 residence at, 93; corona- 
 tion of Powhatan, 113 ; 
 Smith's adventures at, 
 123. 
 
 Weston, Mr. sends colony 
 to New England, 215. 
 
 Weymoufh, Mass. colbny 
 established at, 215. 
 
 Wey mouth colony bad con- 
 duct of colonists, 216; 
 their distress, 217, 224; 
 relieved by Standish, 225 ; 
 broken up, 228. 
 
 Wheelwright, Rev.Mr. ban- 
 ished from Massachusetts, 
 267. 
 
 White, John governor of 
 colony at Roanoke, 60 ; 
 leaves Virginia, 62 ; re- 
 turns with aid, 63; his 
 fruitless search, 64. 
 
 Williams, Roger advocates 
 toleration, 268 ; his scru- 
 pulosity, 269 ; banished 
 from Massachusetts, 271 ; 
 settles at Providence, 272; 
 procures charter for Rhode 
 Island, 273; his friend- 
 ship for the Indians, 276; 
 prevents Indian alliance 
 against New England 
 colonies, 280 ; his services 
 to his countrymen, 281. 
 
 Willoughby John Smith 
 born at, 75. 
 
 Wingandacoa native name 
 of Carolina, 51. 
 
 Wingfield, Edward Maria 
 goes to Virginia, 80 ; made 
 president of the colony, 
 83; adjudged to pay Smith 
 damages for slander, 84 ;
 
 INDEX. 
 
 deposed, 86 ; sent back to 
 England, 103. _ 
 
 Wingina.or Pemisapan re- 
 ceives the English, 53; 
 changes his name, 54 ; 
 plots against English, 55 ; 
 killed by Lane, 56. 
 
 Winslo w, E d ward keeps 
 journal of the Pilgrims' 
 proceedings, 181 ; visits 
 Massasoit when sick, 218. 
 
 Winthrop, John appointed 
 governor of Massachu- 
 setts, 239 ; his simplicity, 
 251; his leniency, 257; 
 his credulity, 263 ; his 
 friendliness to Eoger Wil- 
 liams, 271. 
 
 Winthrop, John, the younger 
 Governor of Connecti- 
 cut, 281. 
 
 Witchcraft delusions, 262. 
 
 Wituwamat insults white 
 men, 224, 226; killed, 
 227. 
 
 Wocoken, island of English 
 land at, 44. 
 
 Wolfe, General killed be- 
 fore Quebec, 298. 
 
 Wolves taken for lions, 
 197. 
 
 Writing taken for magic by 
 the Indians, 91. 
 
 Yankees origin of the 
 name, 296. 
 
 Yearley, Sir George Gover- 
 nor of Virginia, 153. 
 
 York River Powhatan's re- 
 sidence on, 93; Smith's 
 journey up, 122.
 
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 BOOKS. 13 
 
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 MAPS. 1 5 
 
 EUROPE. Scale, 50 miles to an inch ; size, 65 inches by 58. Coloured and 
 mounted on linen, in morocco case, 31. 13s. 6ci. ; on roller, Tarnished, 31. ; spring 
 roller, 61. 
 
 ENGLAND and WALES. Scale, 5 miles to an inch ; size, 72 inches by 84. 
 Coloured, 11. 12s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in morocco case, 31. 13s. 6d.; on roller, 
 varnished, 4Z. 4s. ; spring roller, 61. 6s. 
 
 LONDON and its SUBURBS. On the scale of six inches to a mile : 
 constructed on the basis of the Ordnance block plan. Price, in sheets, plain, 
 21s. ; coloured, in a portfolio, 31s. 6d. ; rii"unted on linen, in morocco case, or on 
 roller, varnished, 11. 15s. ; on spring roller, 51. 5s. Single sheets, plain, Is. ; 
 coloured, is. 6d. A Key Map may be had on application, or per post for one 
 stamp. 
 
 SCOTLAND. Scale, five miles to an inch; size, 52 inches by 76. Coloured, 
 42s. ; mounted on linen, in morocco case, 31. 3*. ; on roller, varnished, 31. 13s. 6ci.; 
 spring roller, 51. 5s. 
 
 IRELAND. Scale, 5 miles to an inch; size, 43 inches by 58. Coloured, four 
 sheets, 25s. ; mounted, in case, 35s. ; on roller, varnished, 11. 2s. ; on spring 
 roller, 4i. 4s. 
 
 ASIA. Scale, 110 miles to an inch; size, 65 inches by 58. Coloured and 
 mounted on linen, in morocco case, 31. 13*. 6d ; on roller, varnished, 31. ; spring 
 roller, 61. 
 
 AFRICA. Scale, 94 miles to an inch; size, 58 inches by 65. Coloured and 
 mounted on linen, in morocco case, 32. 13s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 31.; spring 
 roller, 61. 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. Scale, 83 miles to an inch; size, 58 inches by 65. 
 Coloured and mounted cm linen, in morocco case, 31. 13s. 6d.; on roller, 
 varnished, 31. ; spring roller, 61. 
 
 CANADA. LARGE MAP of CANADA, including New Brunswick, Nova 
 Scotia, Newfoundland, and a large portion of the United* States. By JOHN 
 ARKOWSMITH. Scale, 16 miles to an inch; size, 96 inches by 54. Eight 
 Coloured Sheets, 11. 12s. 6d. ; mounted, In case, 31. 13s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 
 U. 4s. ; spring roller, Si. 
 
 UNITED STATES and CENTRAL AMERICA, with Canada, 
 New Brunswick, Nova So>tia, Newfoundland, and ihe West Indies. Scale, 54i 
 miles to an inch ; size, 72 inches by 56. Coloured and mounted on linen, in 
 morocco case, 31. 13s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 3l. ; spring roller, 61. 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA. Scale, 83 miles to an Inch; size, 58 inches by 65. 
 Coloured and mounted on linen, morocco case, 31. 13s. 6d: on roller, varnished, 
 32. ; spring roller, 61. 
 
 AUSTRALASIA. Scale, 64 miles to an inch; size, 65 inches by 68. 
 Coloured and mounted on linen, morocco case, 31. 13*. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 
 3J. ; spring roller, 61. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 16 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 (taeral Slaps. 
 
 EUROPE. STANFORD'S PORTABLE MAP of EUROPE; showing the 
 latest Political Boundaries, the Railways, the Submarine Telegraphs. &c. Scale, 
 150 miles to an inch ; size, 36 inches by 33. Fully coloured and mounted on 
 linen, in case, 10s. ; on roller, varnished, 14s. 
 
 CENTRAL EUROPE. DA VIES'S MAP of CENTRAL EUROPE; 
 containing all the Railways, with their Stations. The principal roads, the 
 rivers, and chief mountain ranges are clearly delineated. Scale, 24 miles to 
 an inch ; size, 47 inches by 38. Sheets, plain, 10s. ; coloured, 12s. ; mounted on 
 linen, in case, 16s. 
 
 AUSTRIAN EMPIRE. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 28 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 26 inches by 22. sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 DENMARK and ICELAND. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 13 miles to 
 an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 FRANCE, in DEPARTMENTS. With a Supplementary Map, divided 
 into Provinces, and a Map of the Island of Corsica. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 
 31 miles to an inch; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 GERMANY. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 25 miles to an inch ; in two sheets, 
 size of each, 22 inches by 26. Price of each, coloured sheet, 3s. ; mounted, in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 ITALY, including Sicily and the Maltose Islands. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 
 20 miles to an inch ; in two sheets, size of each, 22 inches by 26. Price of each, 
 coloured, 3s. ; mounted In case, 5s. 
 
 NETHERLANDS and BELGIUM, including Luxembourg and the 
 Country to the East as far as the Rhine. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 13 miles 
 to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 RUSSIA and POLAND, including Finland. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 
 90 miles to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 2.6. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 SPAIN and PORTUGAL. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 30 miles to an 
 inch; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 SWEDEN and NORWAY. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 35 miles to an 
 inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 SWITZERLAND. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 10| miles to an inch; size, 
 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 TURKEY in EUROPE, including the Archipelago, Greece, the Ionian 
 Islands, and the South part of Ualmatia. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 40 miles 
 to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 MAPS. 17 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. NEW WALL MAP. Constructed on the basis of the 
 Ordnance Survey, and distinguishing in a clear manner the Cities, County and 
 Assize Towns, Municipal Boroughs, Parliamentary Representation Towns which 
 are Counties of themselves, Episcopal Sees, Principal Villages, &c. The 
 Railways are carefully laid down and coloured, and the Map from its size is 
 well suited for Public Offices, Institutions, Reading- Rooms, Railway Stations, 
 good School-Rooms, &c. Scale, 8 miles to an inch; size, 81 inches by 90. 
 Price, coloured, mounted on mahogany roller, and varnished, 31. 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. DA VIES'S NEW RAILWAY MAP of the BRITISH 
 
 ISLES, and part of France. Scale, 22 miles to an inch ; size, 31 inches by 38. 
 Price, coloured in sheet, 6s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 9s. ; or on roller, 
 varnished, 15s. 
 
 ENGLAND and "WALES. LARGE SCALE RAILWAY and STATION 
 MAP of ENGLAND and WALES. In 24 sheets (sold separately). Con- 
 structed OB the basis of the trigonometrical survey. By J. AKROWSMITH. Scale, 
 3 miles to an inch ; size of each sheet, 20 inches by 28. Price, plain, Is. ; 
 mounted in case, 2s. 6d. ; coloured. Is. 6d. ; mounted in case, 3s. Size of the 
 complete map, 114 inches by 128. Price, plain, in case or portfolio, II. 5s.; 
 coloured, in case or portfolio, II. 8s. ; mounted on cloth to fold, in case, coloured, 
 41. 4s. ; on canvas, roller, and varnished, 41. 14s. 6d. : on spring roller, 91. 9s. 
 
 ENGLAND and WALES. STANFORD'S PORTABLE MAP of ENG- 
 LAND and WALES. With the Railways very clearly delineated ; the Cities 
 and Towns distinguished according to their Population, &c. Scale, 15 miles to 
 an inch ; size, 28 inches by 32. Coloured and mounted on linen, in case, 5s. ; 
 or on roller, varnished, 8s. 
 
 ENGLAND and WALES. WALL MAP. Scale, 8 miles to an inch; 
 size, 50 inches by 58. Price, mounted on mahogany roller, varnished, 21s. 
 
 WALES. NORTH and SOUTH WALES. Re-issue of Walker's Maps, 
 thoroughly revised and corrected to the present date. Scale, 3 miles to an inch. 
 Each in sheet, 32 inches by 27, coloured, 3s. ; mounted to fold in case for the 
 pocket, 6s. 
 
 SCOTLAND. NEW WALL MAP, showing the Divisions of the Counties, 
 the Towns, Villages, Railways, &c. Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; size, 34 inches 
 by 42. 1'rice, coloured, mounted on mahogany roller, and varnished, 12s. 6d. 
 
 SCOTLAND, in COUNTIES. With the Roads, Rivers, &c. By J. 
 ARROWSMITH. Scale, 12 miles to an inch; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, 
 coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 IRELAND, in COUNTIES and BARONIES, on the basis of the 
 Ordnance Survey and the Census. Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; size, 31 inches 
 by 38. On two sheets, coloured, 8s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 10s. 6d. ; on 
 roller, varnished, 15*. 
 
 IRELAND. NEW WALL MAP, showing the divisions of the Counties, all 
 the Towns, Principal Villages, Railways, &c. Scale, 8 miles to an inch; size, 
 34 inches by 42. Price, coloured, mounted on roller, varnished, 12s. 6d. 
 
 IRELAND, in COUNTIES. With the Roads, Rivers, &c. By J. 
 ARROWSMITH. Scale, 12 miles to an inch; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, 
 coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 18 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 LOKTDOKT. 
 
 COLLINS' STANDARD MAP of LONDON. Admirably adapted 
 for visitors to the City. Scale, 4 inches to a mile ; size, 34* inches by 27. 
 Price, plain, in case, is. ; coloured, Is. 6d. ; mounted on linen, ditto, 3s. 6d. ; 
 on roller, varnished, Is. 6d. 
 
 BRITISH METROPOLIS. DAVIES'S NEW MAP of the BRITISH 
 METROPOLIS. Scale, 3 inches to a mile ; size, 36 inches by 25*. Price, 
 plain sheet, 3s. 6d. ; coloured, 5s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 7s. 6d. ; on roller, 
 varnished, 10s. 6d. With continuation southward beyond the Crystal Palace, 
 plain sheet, 5s.; coloured, 7s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 11s.; on roller, 
 varnished, 15*. 
 
 SCHOOL BOARD MAP of LONDON. Comprising the School Board 
 Districts of the City of London, Westminster, Chelsea, Finsbury, Greenwich 
 (including Woolwich four sheets), Hackney, Lambeth (four sheets), Maryle- 
 bone, Southward, and the Tower Hamlets. On 16 sheets. Scale, 6 inches to a 
 mile. Price, the set, 21. ; mounted on linen, in case, 31. 13s. 6d. ; single sheets, 
 2s. 6d. 
 
 RAILWAY MAP of LONDON and ENVIRONS. STANFORD'S 
 SPECIAL MAP of the RAILWAYS, RAILWAY STATIONS, TRAM- 
 WAYS, POSTAL DISTRICTS, and SUB-DISTRICTS, in LONDON and its 
 ENVIRONS. Scale, 1 inch to a mile; size, 24 inches by 26. Price, coloured 
 and folded, Is. ; mounted on linen, in case, 3s. 
 
 RAILWAY MAP of LONDON. The 'DISTRICT' RAILWAY MAP 
 of LONDON, showing all the Stations on the 'Inner,' 'Middle,' and 'Outer' 
 Circles of the Metropolitan Underground Railways, with the principal Streets, 
 Parks, Public Buildings, Places of Amusement, &c. Size, 37 inches by 24. 
 Coloured, and folded in cover, 6d. 
 
 PARISH MAP of LONDON.-STANFORD'S MAP of LONDON and its 
 ENVIRONS, showing the boundary of the Jurisdiction of the Metropolitan 
 Board of Works, the Parishes, Districts, Railways, &c. Scale, 2 inches to a 
 mile ; size, 40 inches by 27. Price, in sheet, 6c. ; mounted on linen, in case, 9s. ; 
 on roller, varnished, 12s. 
 
 LONDON and its ENVIRONS.-DAVIES'S MAP of LONDON and Its 
 
 ENVIRONS. Scale, 2 inches to a mile; size, 36 inches by 28. The main roads 
 out of London, tbe Minor Roads and Foot Paths in the Environs, the Railways 
 completed and in progress, are carefully denned, Price, sheet, 4s.; coloured, 
 5s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 8s. ; or on roller, varnished, 14s. 
 
 ENVIRONS of LONDON. A MAP of the ENVIRONS of LONDON, 
 including twenty-five miles from the Metropolis. Scale, f of an inch to a mile ; 
 eize, 36 inches by 35. This Map includes the whole of the County of Middlesex, 
 with parts of the Counties of Surrey, Kent, Essex, Herts, Bucks, and Berks. 
 Price, on one large sheet, coloured, 8s. ; mounted, in case, 10s. ; on roller, var- 
 nished, 14s. 
 
 ENVIRONS of LONDON. DAVIES'S MAP of the ENVIRONS of 
 LONDON. Scale, 1 inch to a mile ; size, 43 inches by 32. Price, sheet, plain, 4s. ; 
 coloured 5s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 8s. ; or on roller, varnished, 14s. 
 
 ENVIRONS of LONDON. STANFORD'S NEW MAP of the COUNTRY 
 TWELVE MILES round LONDON. Scale, 1 inch to a mile; size, 25 Inches 
 by 25. Price, plain, folded in case, 2s. 6d. ; coloured, ditto, 3s. 6d. ; mounted on 
 linen, ditto, 5s. 6d. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 MAPS. 19 
 
 GENERAL MAP OF ASIA. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 300 miles to 
 an inch ; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 NORTHERN ASIA, Including Siberia, Kamtscbatka, Japan, Miintchooria, 
 Mongolia, Tchoongaria, Tibet, and the Himalaya Mountains. By J. ARKOW- 
 SMITH. Scale, 170 miles to an inch ; size, 26 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 4s. ; 
 mounted, in case, 7s. 
 
 CENTRAL ASIA. STANFORD'S MAP of CENTRAL ASIA, including 
 Teheran, Khiva, Bokhara, Kokan, Yarkaud, Kabul, Herat, &c. Scale, 110 miles 
 to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 17. Coloured sheet, 2s. 6d.; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 ASIA MINOR, &C. (TURKEY in ASIA). With portions of Persia, the 
 Caspian Sea, and the Caucasian Mountains. By J. AUKOWSMITH. Scale, 55 
 miles to an inch; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s.; mounted, in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 INDIA. STANFORD'S NEW PORTABLE MAP of INDIA. Exhibiting the 
 Present Divisions of the Country according to the most Recent Surveys. Scale, 
 86 miles to an inch ; size, 29 inches by 33. Coloured, 6s. ; mounted on linen, in 
 case, 8s.; on roller, varnished, lit. 
 
 INDIA. MAP of INDIA. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 90 miles to an Inch; 
 size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 CEYLON. MAP of CEYLON. Constructed from a Base of Triangulations and 
 corresponding Astronomical Observations. By Major-General JOHN FRASKK, 
 late Deputy-Quartermaster-General. Reconstructed by JOHN ARROWSMITH. 
 Scale, 4 miles to an inch ; size, 52 inches by 78. Eight sheets, coloured, 21. 5s. ; 
 mounted, in case, 31. 13s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 4.1. 4s.; spring roller, 
 6Z. 16s. 6d. 
 
 CEYLON. COFFEE ESTATES of CEYLON. Map showing the Position of the 
 Coffee Estates in the Central Province of Ceylon. By J. ABROWSMITH. Size, 
 15 inches by 20. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 ET7RMAH. &c. A Map showing the various Routes proposed for connecting 
 Cbina with India and Europe through Burmab, and developing the Trade of 
 Eastern Bengal, Burmah, and China. Prepared under the direction of JOHN 
 OGILVY HAY, F.R.G.S. Scale, 33 miles to an inch; size, 27 inches by 32. 
 Coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 BTTRMAH and ADJACENT COUNTRIES. Compiled from 
 various MSS., and other Documents. By J. AKROWSMITH. Scale, 24 miles to 
 an inch ; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 CHINA. MAP of CHINA. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 90 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 6s. 
 
 CHINA and JAPAN. STANFORD'S MAP of the EMPIRES of CHINA 
 and JAPAN, with the Adjacent Parts of British India, Asiatic Russia, Burmah, 
 &c. Scale, 110 miles to an inch; size, 38 inches by 24. One sheet, full coloured, 
 . 8*. ; mounted on linen, in case, 10s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 14s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 20 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 GENERAL MAP of AFRICA. By J. AHROWSMITH. Scale, 260 miles 
 to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3*. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 EGYPT. MAP of EGYPT. Compiled from the most authentic materials, and 
 founded on the best Astronomical Observations. By Colonel W. M. LEAKE, 
 R.A., LL.D., F.Pv.8. Scale, 10 miles to an inch; size, 34 inches by 52. Two 
 sheets, coloured, 21s. ; mounted, in case, 28s. ; on roller, varnished, 36s. 
 
 EGYPT. MAP of EGYPT: including the Peninsula of Mount Sinai. By 
 J. ARROWSMITH. New Edition. Scale, 26 miles to an inch; size, 22 inches by 
 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 AFRICA (NORTH-WEST). MAP of NORTH-WEST AFRICA, in- 
 cluding the Coast of Guinea, and the Isle of Fernando Po, on the South, and the 
 Western parts of Egypt and Darfur, on the East. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 
 130 miles to an inch ; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 AFRICA (SOUTH). MAP of SOUTH AFRICA to 16 deg. South Latitude. 
 By HENRY HALL, Draughtsman to the Royal Engineers, Cape Town. Scale, 50 
 miles to an inch ; size, 34 inches by 28. Two sheets, coloured, 10s. 6d. ; 
 mounted on linen, in case, 13s. 6d.; on roller, varnished, 15s. 
 
 AFRICA (SOUTH - EASTERN). MAP of SOUTH-EASTERN 
 AFRICA. Compiled by HENRY HALL. Scale, 25 miles to an inch; size, 26 
 inches by 22. Sheet, 4s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 6s. 
 
 AFRICA (WEST COAST). MAP of the WEST COAST of AFRICA. 
 Comprising Guinea and the British Possessions at Sierra Leone, on the Gambia, 
 and the Gold Coast. &c. By J. ARKOWSMITH. Scale, 50 miles to an inch. Two 
 coloured sheets ; size of each, 22 inches by 26, 6s. Mounted, in case, 10*. 
 
 CAPE of GOOD HOPE and SOUTH AFRICA -MAP of SOUTH 
 AFRICA, Cape Colony, Natal, &c. By HENRY HALL. Scale, 50 miles to an 
 inch; size, 29 inches by 17. Sheet, price 4s. 6d. ; mounted, in case, 6s. 6d. 
 
 CAPE COLONY (EASTERN FRONTIER). MAP of the EASTERN' 
 FRONTIER of the CAPE COLONY. Compiled by HENRT HALL. ScuK 
 8 miles to an inch; size, 40 inches by 38. Sheets, 18s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, 
 in case, 25s. ; on roller, varnished, 3ls. 6d. 
 
 NATALi. A MAP of the COLONY of NATAL. By ALEXANDER MAIR, Land 
 Surveyor, Natal. Compiled from the Diagrams and General Plans in the 
 Surveyor-General's Office, and from Data furnished by P. C. SUTHERLAND, E-q., 
 M.D., F.R.S., Surveyor-General. Scale, 4 miles to an inch ; size, 54 inches by 0. 
 Coloured, Four Sheets, 21. 5*. ; mounted, in case, or on rollers, varnished, 31. 
 
 NATAL.. MAP of the COLONY of NATAL. Compiled in the Surveyor- 
 General's Office. Size, 11J inches by 14J. Sheet, coloured, Is.; mounted, in 
 case, 2s. 6d. 
 
 NUBIA and ABYSSINIA, inclnding Darfur, Kordofan, and part of Arabia. 
 By J. ARKOWSMITH. Scale 65 miles to an inch ; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, 
 coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in case, 5s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London,
 
 MAPS. 21 
 
 BRITISH COLUMBIA.-NEW MAP of BRITISH COLUMBIA, to the 
 56th Parallel North Latitude, showing the New Gold Fields of Omineca, the 
 most recent discoveries at Cariboo and other places, and the proposed routes for 
 the Inter-Oceanic Railway. Scale, 25 miles to an inch; size, 39 inches by 27. 
 Price, in sheet, coloured, 7*. 6d. ; or mounted on linen, in case, 10s. 6d. 
 
 CANADA. MAP of UPPER and LOWER CANADA, New Brunswick, Nova 
 Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, Cape Breton Island, Newfoundland, and a large 
 portion of the United States. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 35 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 40 inches by 26. Two sheets, coloured, 6s. ; mounted, in case, 10s. ; on 
 roller, varnished, 15s. 
 
 UNITED STATES and CANADA. STANFORD'S NEW RAILWAY 
 
 and COUNTY MAP of the UNITED STATES and TERRITORIES, together 
 with Canada, New Brunswick, &c. Scale 54 miles to an inch ; size, 57 inches 
 by 36. Two sheets, coloured, 21s. ; case, 25s. ; on rollers, varnished, 30s. 
 
 UNITED STATES. STANFORD'S HANDY MAP of the UNITED 
 STATUS. Scale, 90 miles to an inch; size, 40 inches by 25. Coloured sheet, 
 7s. 6d. ; mounted, in case, 10s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 15s. 
 
 UNITED STATES. STANFORD'S SMALLER RAILWAY MAP of the 
 UNITED STATES. Scale, 120 miles to an inch; size, 29 inches by 17 J. Two 
 sheets, coloured, 4s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 6s. 6d. 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. BAILEY'S MAP of CENTRAL AMERICA, 
 including the States of Uuatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Gista 
 Rica. Scale, 8 miles loan inch; size, 40 inches by 27. Sheet, 7s. 6ti.; mounted 
 on linen, in case, 10s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 14s. 
 
 MEXICO. A GENERAL MAP of the REPUBLIC of MEXICO. By the 
 Brigadier-General PEDRO GARCIA CONDE. Engraved from the Original Survey 
 made by order of the Mexican Government. Size, 50 inches by 37. Sheets, 
 price, 10s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 18s. 
 
 BERMUDAS. MAP of the BERMUDAS. Published by direction of His 
 Exci-llency Major-General J. H. LEFBOY, C.B., R.A., Governor and Commander- 
 in-Chief of the Bermudas. Scale, 2-J- miles to an inch ; size, 62 inches by 63. 
 Mounted, in case, or on roller, varnished, 21s. 
 
 WEST INDIA ISLANDS and GUATEMALA. Showing the 
 Colonies in possession of the various European Powers. By J. ARROWSMITH. 
 Scale, 90 miles to an inch ; size, 26 inches by 22. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, 
 in case, 5s. 
 
 JAMAICA. A NEW MAP of the ISLAND OF JAMAICA. Prepared by 
 THOMAS HARRISON, Government Surveyor, Kingston, Jamaica, under the direc- 
 tion of Major-General J. R. MANN, R.E., Director of Roads and Surveyor-General. 
 Scale, 2i miles to an inch ; size, 64 inches by 27. Mounted, in case, or on roller, 
 varnished, 21s. 
 
 BARBADOES. Topographical Map, based upon Mayo's Original Survey in 
 1721, and corrected to the year 1846. By Sir ROBERT H. ScHOMBURGH.'K.R.E. 
 Scale, 2 miles to an inch ; size, 40 inches by 50. Two sheets, coloured, 21s. ; 
 mounted, in case, 28s. ; on roller, varnished, 37s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 22 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. From Surveys made by order of the British Government, com- 
 bined with those of D'Entre, Casteaux, Baudin, Freycinet, &c. By J. ARROW- 
 SMITH. Scale, 80 miles to an inch. On two sheets ; size of each, 22 inches by 
 26. Sheets, coloured, 6s.; mounted, in case, 10s. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. Constructed from Official and other original Documents, 
 adjusted to the Maritime Survey of Flinders, King, Wickham, Stokes, Black- 
 wood, Stanley, &c. By J. ABBOWSMITH. Scale, 27 miles to an inch. In 
 Nine Sheets. [Preparing. 
 
 WESTERN AUSTRALIA. With Plans of Perth, Fremantle, and Guild- 
 ford. From the Surveys of John Septimus Roe, Esq., Surveyor-General, and from 
 other Official Documents in the Colonial Office and Admiralty. By J. ARROW- 
 SMITH. Scale, 16 miles to an inch ; size, 40 inches by 22. Two sheets, coloured, 
 6s. ; In case, 10s. 
 
 SOUTH AUSTRALIA.-^Showing the Division into Counties of the settled 
 portions of the Province. With Situation of Mines of Copper and Lead. From 
 the Surveys of Capt. Frome, R.E., Surveyor-General of the Colony. By J. 
 ARROWSMITH. Scale, 14 miles to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, 
 coloured, 3s. ; in case, 5s. 
 
 QUEENSLAND. STANFORD'S NEW MAP of the PROVINCE of 
 QUEENSLAND (North-Eastern Australia) : Compiled from the most reli- 
 able Authorities. Scale, 64 miles to an inch ; size, 18 inches by 23. In sheets, 
 coloured, 2s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, in case, 4s. 6d. 
 
 VICTORIA. A NEW MAP of the PROVINCE of VICTORIA (Australia) : 
 Showing all the Roads, Rivers, Towns, Counties, Gold Diggings, Sheep and 
 Cattle Stations, &c. Scale, 20 miles to an inch ; size, 31 inches by 21. In 
 sheet, 1$. 6d. ; or mounted on linen, in case, 4s. 6ci. 
 
 NEW ZEALAND. STANFORD'S MAP of NEW ZEALAND: Compiled 
 from the most recent Documents. Scale, 64 miles to an inch ; size, 17 inches by 
 19. Full-coloured, In sheet, 2s. ; mounted on linen, incase, 3s. 6d. 
 
 NEW ZEALAND. From Official Documents. By J. ARBOWSMITH. Scale, 
 38 miles to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; mounted, in 
 case, 5s. 
 
 NELSON and MARLBOROUGH. A NEW MAP of the PRO- 
 VINCES of NELSON and MARLBOROUGH, in New Zealand, with Cook's 
 Strait, and the Southern Part of the Province of Wellington. Scale, 8 miles to 
 an inch. Size, 40 inches by 27. In sheet, coloured, 7s. 6d. ; mounted on linen, 
 incase, 10. 6d. 
 
 TASMANIA (Van Diemen's Land). From MS. Surveys in the 
 Colonial Office, and in the Van Diemen's Land Company's Office. By J. ARROW- 
 SMITH. Scale, 10i miles to an inch ; size, 22 inches by 26. Sheet, coloured, 3s. ; 
 mounted in case, 5s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 MAPS. 23 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. GEOLOGICAL MAP of the BRITISH ISLES. By 
 Professor A. C. RAMSAY, LL.D., F.R.S., Director-General of the Geological 
 Surveys of the United Kingdom. Scale, 11J miles to an inch; size, 50 inches 
 by 58. 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. STANFORD'S GEOLOGICAL MAP of the BRITISH 
 ISLES. Compiled under the Superintendence of E. BEST, H.M. Geological 
 Survey. Scale, 25 miles to an inch ; size, 23 inches by 29. 
 
 ENGLAND and WALES. By ANDREW C. RAMSAY, LL.D., F.R.S., and 
 G.S., J >irector-General of the Geological Surveys of Great Britain and Ireland, 
 and Professor of Geology at the Royal School of Mines. This Map shows all 
 the Railways, Roads, &c., and when mounted in case, folds into a convenient 
 pocket size, making an excellent Travelling Map. Scale, 12 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 36 inches by 42. Fourth Edi lion, with Corrections and Addidons. Price.in 
 sheet, 1J. 5s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 11. 10s. ; or on roller, varnished, 11. 12s. 
 
 ENGLAND and WALES. Showing the Inland Navigation, Railways, 
 liouds. Minerals, &c. By J. ARROWSMITH. Scale, 18 miles to an inch ; size, 
 22 inches by 26. One sheet, 12s. ; mounted in case, 15s. 
 
 SOUTH-EAST ENGLAND. GEOLOGICAL MODEL of the SOUTH- 
 EAST of ENGLAND and Part of France ; including the Weald and the Bas 
 Boulonnais. By WILLIAM TOPLET, F.G.S., Geological Survey of England and 
 Wales, and J. B. JORDAN', Mining Record Office. Scale, 4 miles to an inch 
 horizontal, and 2,400 feet to an inch vertical. Coloured and varnished in black 
 frame, to hang up, 51. ; or packed in case for safe transit, 5/. 5s. 
 
 LONDON and its ENVIRONS. Scale, 1 inch to a mile; size, 24 inches 
 by 26. Compiled from various authorities by J. B. JORDAN, Esq., of the 
 Mining Record Office. Price, folded in cover, 5s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 
 7s. 6d. ; or on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 
 IRELAND. By JOSEPH BEETE JUKES, M.A., late Director of H.M. Geological 
 Survey of Ireland. Scale, 8 miles to 1 inch; size, 31 inches by 38. On two 
 sheets, 25s. ; mounted on linen, in case, 30s. ; or on roller, varnished, 32s. 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA. GEOLOGICAL SKETCH MAP of SOUTH AFRICA. 
 Compiled by E. J. DUNN from personal observations, combined with those of 
 Messrs. A. G. and T. BAIN, WTLIE, ATHERSTONE, PINCHIN, SUTHERLAND, and 
 BrjTTON. Scale, 35 miles to an inch ; size, 34 inches by 28. One sheet, 10s. ; 
 mounted in case, 13s. 6d. ; on roller, varnished, 16*. 
 
 CANADA and the ADJACENT REGIONS, Including Parts of the 
 other BRITISH PROVINCES and of the UNITED STATES. By Sir W. E. 
 LOGAN, F.R.S., &c.. Director ot the Geological Survey of Canada. Scale, 25 miles 
 to an inch ; size, 102 inches by 45. On eight sheets, 31. 10s. ; mounted on linen, 
 on roller, varnished, or in two parts to fold in morocco case, 51. 5s. 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND. GEOLOGICAL MAP of NEWFOUNDLAND. By 
 ALEXANDER MURRAY, F.G.S., assisted by JAMES P. HOWLEY, and Drawn by 
 ROBBERT BARLOW. Scale, 25 miles to an inch; size, 26 inches by 26. One 
 Sheet, 10s. ; mounted in case, 12s. 6(2. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 24 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 STANFORD'S NEW SERIES OF SCHOOL MAPS. 
 
 Prepared under the direction of the SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE 
 and of the NATIONAL SOCIETY, are patronized by Her Majesty's Government 
 for the Army and Navy Schools, the Commissioners of National Education for 
 Ireland, the School Boards of London, and of all the principal Provincial 
 towns. The Series comprises the following Maps: 
 
 THE EASTERN HEMISPHERE THE WESTERN HEMI- 
 SPHERE. Two distinct Maps. Size, each 50 inches by 58 Price oi each, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. ; the two mounted together, 26s. 
 EUROPE. Scale, 65 miles to an inch; size, 50 inches by 53. Price, mounted on 
 
 roller, varnished, 13s. 
 BRITISH ISLES. Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; size, 75 inches by 90. Mounted 
 
 on roller, varnished, price 42s. 
 BRITISH ISLES. Scale, 11$ miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 ENGLAND and WALES Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58- 
 
 Price, mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 SCOTLAND and IRELAND. Separate Maps. Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; 
 
 size, 34 inches by 42. Price of each, mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 ASIA. Scale, 140 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price, mounted on 
 
 roller, varnished, 13s. 
 HOLY LAND. Scale, 4* miles to an inch; size, 50 inches by 58. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 OLD TESTAMENT. MAP of the HOLY LAND to ILLUSTRATE the 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT. Scale, 8 miles to an inch; size, 34 inches by 42. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 NEW TESTAMENT. MAP of the HOLY LAND to ILLUSTRATE the 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT. Scale, 7 miles to an inch ; size, 34 inchts by 42. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 ACTS and EPISTLES. MAP of the PLACES mentioned in the ACTS and 
 
 the EP1 STLES. Scale, 57 miles to an inch; size, 34 inches by 42. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 JOURNEYINGrS of the CHILDREN of ISRAEL. MAP of the 
 
 PENINSULA of SINAI, the NEGEB, and LOWER EGYPT. Scale, 10 miles 
 
 to an inch ; size, 42 inches by 34. Price, mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 INDIA. Scale, 40 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price, mounted on 
 
 roller, varnished, 13s. 
 AFRICA. Scale, 118 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price, mounted 
 
 on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 NORTH AMERICA. Scale, 97 miles to an inch; size, 50 inches by 58. 
 
 Price, mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 SOUTH AMERICA. Scale, 97 miles to an inch; size, 50 inches by 58. 
 
 Price, mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 AUSTRALASIA. Scale, 86 miles to an inch ; size, 58 inches by 50. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 13s. 
 AUSTRALIA. Scale, 86 miles to an inch; size, 42 inches by 31. Price, 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 NEW ZEALAND. Scale, 25 miles to an inch ; size, 42 inches by 34. Price 
 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 9s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 MAPS. 25 
 
 STANFORD'S SMALLER SERIES OF SCHOOL MAPS. 
 
 Published under the direction of the Committee of General Literature and Educa- 
 tion appointed by the SOCIETY FOB PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE, and 
 of the NATIONAL SOCIETY. 
 
 These Nnv Maps are. accurately Coloured in Political Divisions ; they retain all the. 
 characteristic boldness of the larger Series, and are specially suitable for Small 
 Classes. 
 
 WORLD IN HEMISPHERES. EASTERN HEMISPHERE 
 
 WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Two separate Maps. Size of each map, 27 
 inches by 32. Price, coloured and muunted on roller, varnished, 6s. each; 
 coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 
 *** The two Hemispheres can be had mounted as one map ; size, 54 Inches by 32. 
 Price, coloured, on roller, varnished, 12s. 
 
 EUROPE. Size, 32 inches by 27. Coloured and mounted on roller, varnished, 
 
 6s. ; coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 ASIA. Size, 32 inches by 27. Coloured and mounted on roller, varnished, 6s ; 
 
 coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 INDIA. Size, 27 inches by 32. Coloured and mounted on roller, varnished, 
 
 6s. ; coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 HOLY LAND. To ILLUSTRATE the OLD and NEW TESTAMENTS. 
 
 Size, 27 inches by 32. Coloured and mounted on roller, varnished, 6s. ; 
 
 coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 OLD TESTAMENT. MAP of the HOLY LAND to ILLUSTRATE the 
 
 OLD TESTAMENT. Size, 17 inches by 22. Coloured and mounted on roller, 
 
 varnished, 4s. ;* on millboard, varnished, 3s. 6d. ; coloured sheet, Is. 6d. 
 NEW TESTAMENT. MAP of the HOLY LAND to ILLUSTRATE the 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT. Size, 17 inches by 22. Coloured and mounted ou 
 
 roll r, varnished, 4s. ;* on millboard, varnished, 3s. 6cZ. ; coloured sheet, Is. 6d. 
 * The Maps of the Old Testament and New Testament can be had, mounted 
 together, price 8s. 
 
 ACTS and EPISTLES. MAP of PLACES MENTIONED in the ACTS 
 and EPISTLES: showing St. Paul's Missionary Journeys, Journey to Rome, 
 &c. Size, 22 inches by 17. Coloured and mounted on roller, varnished, 4s. ; 
 on millboard, varnished, 3s. 6d. ; coloured sheet, Is. 6ci. 
 
 JOURNEYINGS of the CHILDREN of ISRAEL. -MAP of the 
 J'ENINSULA of SINAI, the NEGEB, and LOWER EGYPT, to illustrate 
 the History of the Patriarchs and the Exodus ; with a Supplementary Map of 
 tue Migration of Terah and Abraham. Size, 17 inches by 22. Coloured and 
 mounted on roller, varnished, 4s. ; on millboard, 3s. 6d. ; coloured sheet, 
 Is. 6d. 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. Size, 27 inches by 32. Coloured and mounted on 
 roller, varnished, 6s.; coloured shett, 2s. 6d. 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA. Size, 27 inches by 32. Coloured and mounted on 
 roller, varnished, 6s. ; coloured sheet, 2s. 6d. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. Size, 22 inches by 17. Coloured and mounted on roller, 
 varnished, 4s. ; on millboard, varnished, 3s. 6(J. ; coloured sheet, Is. 6d. 
 
 NEW ZEALAND. Size, 17 inches by 22. Coloured, and mounted on roller, 
 varnished, 4s. ; on millboard, varnished, 3s. 6d. ; coloured sheet, Is. 6d. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 26 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 STANFORD'S NEW GEOGRAPHICAL SERIES OF 
 WALL MAPS. 
 
 For use in Schools and Colleges. Edited by Professor RAMSAY, LL.D., F.R.S., &c., 
 Director-General of the Geological Surveys of the United Kingdom. 
 
 This series aims at exhibiting in the first place, and prominently, the forms of 
 relief and of contour of the land masses of the globe, and next of the sea bed. At 
 once a general idea is gained by the youngest student, on an inspection of the Map, 
 of the relative position ol the high, dry, and cold table-lands and mountainous 
 regions, and the warm, moist, and fertile plains in each great division of the globe. 
 For instance, in our own country it is seen at once why the eastern part is devoted 
 to agricultural purposes, and the western part to mining and manufacturing; or by 
 reference to the Map of Europe we can readily see how a rise in the level of the sea 
 of a few hundreds of feet would suffice to inundate the whole northern part of 
 Europe; and on the other hand, how the general upheaval of the land of a few hun- 
 dreds of feet would alter the whole contour of Europe, connecting the British Isles 
 with the Continent, and annihilating the North Sea and the Baltic. 
 
 The following Maps, forming part of the Physical Series of Wall Maps for use in 
 Schools and Colleges, are ready for sale, and will be found, both in utility and artistic 
 finish, not inferior to any Maps hitherto offered to the public. 
 
 They are uniform in scale and size with the Political Series already in use, and 
 which have acquired so great a popularity; and will be found as accurate and, it is 
 hoped and believed, as useful in teaching Physical Geography as the companion series 
 are and have been in Political Geography. 
 
 BRITISH ISLES. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, Hi miles 
 to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price 30s. 
 
 ENGLAND and. WALES. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 
 8 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price 30s. 
 
 SCOTLAND. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 8 miles to an 
 inch; size, 34 inches by 42. Price 18s. 
 
 IRELAND. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 8 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 34 inches by 42. Price 18s. 
 
 EUROPE. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 65 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 58 inches by 50. Price 30s. 
 
 ASIA. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 140 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 58 inches by 50. 
 
 AFRICA. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 116 miles to an inch ; 
 size, 50 inches by 58. Price 30s. 
 
 NORTH AMERICA. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 97 
 miles to an inch , size, 50 inches by 58. Price 30s. 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA. Mounted on linen, on rollers, varnished. Scale, 97 
 miles to an inch ; size, 50 inches by 58. Price 30s. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 MAPS. 
 
 27 
 
 VARTY'S EDUCATIONAL SERIES of CHEAP WALL 
 
 MAPS, for class teaching, constructed by ARROWSMITH, WALKER, &c. New 
 and revised editions, coloured, mounted, and varnished. 
 
 The World in Hemispheres. Size, 51 inches by 26. Price 12s. 
 The World (Mercator). Size, 50 inches by 32. Price 10s. 
 The British Isles. Size, 51 inches by 41. Price 10s. 
 Also the following, each 6s., size, 34 inches by 26 : 
 
 Europe. 
 Asia. 
 Africa. 
 America. 
 New Zealand. 
 
 Australia. 
 England. 
 Scotland. 
 Ireland. 
 Roman Empire. 
 
 Journeyings of 
 the Children of 
 Israel. 
 
 S. Paul's Voyages 
 and Travels. 
 
 VARTY'S LARGE OUTLINE MAPS. Price, in plain sheet, 2s. ; 
 coloured, 3s. ; mounted on rollers, 7s. 
 
 The World (globular), 2 feet 3 inches by 4 feet 3 inches. Price, in plain 
 
 sheet, Is. ; coloured, Is. 6d. 
 The W^orld (Mercator), 21 inches by 15 In. 
 
 And the following, plain sheet. Is. 3d. ; coloured, Is. 6d. ; mounted on rollers, 4s. ; 
 size, 2 feet 10 inches by 2 feet 2 inches. 
 
 Europe. 
 
 Asia. 
 
 Africa. 
 
 America. 
 England. 
 Scotland. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Palestine (O. Test.). 
 
 Palestine (N. Test.). 
 
 STANFORD'S OUTLINE MAPS. Size, IT inches by 14, printed on 
 drawing paper. A Series of Geographical Exercises, to be filled in from the 
 Useful Knowledge Society's Maps and Atlases. Price 6d. each. 
 
 World in Hemi- 
 spheres, West. 
 
 World in Hemi- 
 spheres, East. 
 
 Europe. 
 
 British Isles. 
 
 England. 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 France. 
 
 Netherlands. 
 
 Switzerland. 
 
 Germany, General. 
 Italy, General. 
 Spain and Portu- 
 gal. 
 
 Russia. 
 
 Denmark. , i 
 Sweden. I ne 
 Norway. ) Map ' 
 Turkish Empire. 
 Asia. 
 
 Asia Minor. 
 Greece. 
 
 India. 
 
 China. 
 
 Palestine. 
 
 Africa. 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 America, North. 
 
 Canada, and the 
 
 United States. 
 America, South. 
 West India Islands 
 Australia. 
 New Zealand. 
 
 STANFORD'S PROJECTION SERIES. Uniform in size, price, &c., 
 with Stanford's Outlines. 
 
 The OXFORD SERIES of OUTLINE MAPS. Size, 16 inches by 14. 
 Price 3d. each. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 28 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 gimjrams 0f Jtaftrral 
 
 These Diagrams, compiled by the eminent Scientific Men whose names are 
 appended, are drawn with the strictest regard to Nature, and engraved in the best 
 style of art. The Series consists of Eleven Subjects, each arranged so lhat it may be 
 mounted in one sheet, or be divided into four sections and fclded in the form of a 
 book, thus rendering them available either for Class Exercises or Individual Study. 
 
 Price of each, mounted on roller and varnished, 6s. ; or folded iu book form, 4s. 
 
 I. CHARACTERISTIC BRITISH FOSSILS. By J. W. LOWRT, 
 
 F.R.G.S. Exhibits nearly 600 of the more prominent forms of Organic remains 
 found in British Strata, 
 
 II. CHARACTERISTIC BRITISH TERTIARY FOSSILS. 
 By J. W. LOWRY, F.R.GJ3. This Diagram is similarly arranged to No. 1, and 
 illustrates upwards of 800 specimens of the Tertiary Formation. 
 
 III. FOSSLL CRUSTACEA. By J. W. SALTER, A.L.S., F.G.S., and H. 
 WOODWARD, F.G.S., F.Z.S. Consisting of about 500 Illustrations of the Orders 
 and Sub-Orders, and showing their Range in Geological time. 
 
 IV. The VEGETABLE KINGDOM. By A. HENFREY. Arranged 
 according to the Natural System, each Order being illustrated by numerous 
 examples of representative species. 
 
 V. The ORDERS and FAMILIES of MOLLUSCA. By Dr. 
 
 WOODWAKD. Represented in six classes : Oephalapoda, illustrated by 20 
 examples; Gasteropoda, 4 Orders, illustrated by 180 examples; Pteropoda, 
 illustrated by 18 examples; Conchifera, illustrated by 158 examples; Brachio- 
 poda, illustrated by 11 examples ; and Tunicata, illustrated by 20 examples. 
 
 VI. MYRIAPOD A, ARACHNIDA, CRUSTACEA, AN- 
 NELIDA, and ENTOZOA. By ADAM WHITE and Dr. BAIRD. The 
 numerous Tribes represented under these Orders are illustrated by upwards of 
 180 examples, including Centipedes, Spiders, Crabs, Sandhoppers, Scamice, 
 Serpulas, Leeches, xc. 
 
 VII. INSECTS. By ADAM WHITE. Contains nearly 250 drawings of the 
 different Orders: Coleoptera; Euplexoptera ; Orthoptera ; Thysanoptera 
 Thripidae, &c. ; Neuroptera; Trichoptera; Hymenoptera ; Strepsiptera 
 Hylechthrus rubis; Lepidoptera; Homoptera Heteroptera; Diptera; and 
 Aphaniptera. 
 
 VIII. FISHES. By P. H. GOSSE. Showing over 130 of the most conspicuous 
 types, arranged In their Orders and Families. 
 
 IX. REPTILIA and AMPHIBIA. By Drs. BELL and BAIRD. Contains 
 105 figures of the principal typical forms. 
 
 X. BIRDS. By GEORGE GRAY. Contains drawings of 236 of the leading illus- 
 
 trative specimens. 
 
 XI. MAMMALIA. By Dr. BAIRD. Exhibits 145 of the chief illustrations 
 selected from the several Orders. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 READING BOOKS. 
 
 29 
 
 of Stmttefr 
 for 
 
 Edited by the Rev. J. P. FADNTHORPE, M.A., Principal of Whitelands Training 
 College. With original Illustrations. Post 8vo. 
 
 Standard 1. Illustrated Short Stories, &c. 56 pp. 4d. 
 2. Illustrated Easy Lessons. iei pp. i*. 3d. 
 3. Instructive Lessons Illustrated. 206 pp. is. 6d. 
 4. Original Stories and Selected Poems. 264pp. u. sd. 
 5. Domestic Economy and Household Science. 
 6. Literary Reader. 
 
 far Jjome Wist. 
 
 Chiefly intended for Elementary Schools. 
 
 Money Rev. T. E. CRALLAN, M.A., Chaplain to 
 
 Sussex County Asylum. 
 
 Food* G. PHILLIPS BEVAN, F.G.S., Editor of 
 
 1 British Manufacturing Industries.' 
 
 Drink Dr. MANN, F.R. A.S., F.R.G.S., late Super- 
 intendent of Education in Natal. 
 
 Cookery* J. C. BUCKMASTER, B.A., of the Science 
 
 and Art Department, Suuth Kensington. 
 
 Our Bodily Life* Mrs. FENWICK MILLER, Member of tlie 
 
 London School Board. 
 
 How and Why "We Breathe* Mrs. FENWICK MILLER. 
 
 Air and Ventilation* . . . . Mrs. FENWICK MILLER. 
 
 Needlework Mrs. BENJAMIN CLARKE. 
 
 Flowers Rev. G. HENSLOW, M.A., F.L.S. 
 
 Astronomy RICHARD A. PROCTOR, B.A., Author of 
 
 ' Light Science for Leisure Hours,' &c. 
 
 Weather Dr. MANN, F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S. 
 
 Birds Rev. F. 0. MORRIS, M.A., Author of 'His- 
 tory of British Birds.' 
 
 Sicknesses that Spread . Mrs. FENWICK MILLER. 
 * Specific Subject of New Code, Article 21. 
 
 This series is written in a simple and interesting manner, and will be found 
 admirably adapted either for use in class or as rewards for attendance and good 
 conduct. 
 
 Price 16s. per 100. Single copies 3d. each. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 30 
 
 SELECTED LIST. 
 
 EDITED BY ROBERT JAMES MANN, M.D., F.R.A.S., F.R.Q.S., late Super- 
 intendent of Education in Natal. Price 9d. each. 
 
 Algebra. 
 Astronomy. 
 Botany. 
 
 British Constitution. 
 Chemistry. 
 Classical Biography. 
 English Grammar. 
 English History. 
 French Grammar. 
 French History. 
 General Geography. 
 General Knowledge. 
 Grecian Antiquities. 
 
 Grecian History. 
 Irish History. 
 Italian Grammar. 
 Jewish Antiquities. 
 Music. 
 Mythology. 
 Natural Philosophy. 
 Roman Antiquities. 
 Roman History. 
 Sacred History. 
 Scottish History. 
 Universal History. 
 
 INSTRUCTIVE ATLAS of MODERN GEOGRAPHY. -Con- 
 taining Sixteen Coloured Maps, each 17 inches by 14. 
 
 ELEMENTARY PHYSICAL ATLAS, intended chiefly for Map- 
 Drawing, and the Study of the Great Physical Features and Relief Contours of 
 the Continent, with an Introduction to serve as a Guide for both purj>oses. By 
 the Rev. J. P. FAUNTHOBPE, M.A., F.R.G.S., Principal of Whitelands Training 
 College. Eighth Edition. Sixteen Maps, printed hi Colour, with descriptive 
 Letterpress. Price 4s. 
 
 OUTLINE ATLAS. Containing Sixteen Maps, Intended chiefly for use with 
 the ' Elementary Physical Atlas.' Coloured Wrapper, Is. 
 
 PROJECTION ATLAS. Containing Sixteen Plates of Projections, intended 
 chiefly for use with the ' Physical Atlas.' Coloured Wrapper, Is. 
 
 BLANK SHEETS for MAPS. Sixteen Leaves of Blank Paper for Map- 
 Drawing, intended chiefly for use with the 'Elementary Physical Atlas.' 
 Coloured Wrapper, 6d. 
 
 PHYSICAL ATLAS. A Series of Twelve Maps for Map-Drawing and 
 Examination. By CHARLES BIRD, B.A., F.R.A.S., Science Master in the Brad- 
 ford Grammar School. Royal 4 to, stiff boards, cloth back, is. 6rf. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 PKINTS. 31 
 
 Smptee airfr Animal ||rmfs. 
 
 PRECEPTIVE ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE BIBLE. A Series 
 of Fifty-two Prints to aid Scriptural Instruction, selected in part by the Author 
 of ' Lessons on Objects.' The whole from Original Designs by S. BEXDIXEN, 
 Artist, expressly for this Work. They have been recently re-engraved, and are 
 carefully coloured. Size, 17 inches by 13. 
 
 Price of the Work. 
 
 The Set of 52 Prints, in Paper Wrapper 52. 
 
 in One Volume, handsomely half-bound . . . . 60s. 
 
 In Varty's Oak Frame, with glass, lock and key 60s. 
 
 Single Prints, 1*. each ; mounted on millboard, Is. 4d. each. 
 
 VARTY'S SELECT SERIES of DOMESTIC and' WILD 
 
 ANIMALS, Drawn from Nature and from the Works of Eminent Artists. In 
 36 carefully-coloured Plates, exhibiting 130 Figures. Size, 12 inches by 9. 
 The selection of Animals has been limited to those which are most known and 
 best adapted to elicit inquiry from the young, and afford scope for instruction and 
 application. 
 
 Bound In Frame 
 
 in Cloth. and Glass. 
 Set of 36 Prints, Coloured 18*. .. 24s. .. 24s. 
 
 Plain 12s. .. 17s. .. 18s. 
 
 Single Prints, coloured, 6d. ; mounted on millboard, lOd. 
 
 The ANIMAL KINGDOM at ONE VIEW, clearly exhibiting, on 
 four beautifully-coloured Plates containing 184 Illustrations, tbe relative sizes of 
 Animals to Man, and their comparative sizes with each other, as arranged in 
 Divisions, Orders, &c., according to the method of Baron Cuvier. 
 Exhibited on four Imperial Sheets, each 30 inches by 22 : 
 
 Cloth, 
 
 Complete Set, 
 
 Animals and Landscape, full coloured 
 
 Animals only coloured 
 
 Single Plates,/ui{ coloured .. 
 
 Rollers, and 
 Varnished. 
 
 38s. 
 35s. 
 10s. 
 
 On 
 
 Sheets. 
 
 18s. 
 15s. 
 5S. 
 
 VARTY'S GRAPHIC ILLUSTRATIONS of ANIMALS, 
 
 showing their Utility to Man, in their Services during Life and Uses after 
 Death. Beautifully coloured. Size, 16 inches by 12. Price, the set, 31s. 6d. ; 
 In frame, with glass, lock and key, 39s. 6d. ; or half-bound in leather, and 
 lettered, 1 vol. folio, 42s. 
 
 The 21 separate Prints may also be had, price It. 6d. each. 
 Or Mounted on Millboard, Is. lOti. 
 
 For complete lists of EDWARD STANFORD'S PUBLICATIONS, see his GENERAL 
 CATALOGUE of MAPS and ATLASES, LIST of BOOKS, EDUCATIONAL CATALOGUE, &c., 
 gratis on application, or by post for one penny stamp. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London.
 
 CATALOGUES 
 
 ISSUED BY 
 
 EDWARD STANFORD, 
 
 55, OHAEDfG CEOSS, S.W. 
 
 1. ATLASES and MAPS. General Catalogue of Atlases and Maps 
 
 published or sold by EDWABD STANFORD. New Edition. 
 
 2. BOOKS. Selected List of Books published by EDWARD STAXFORD. 
 
 Naval and Military Books, Ordnance Survey Publications, Memoirs of the 
 Geological Survey of the United Kingdom, and Meteorological Office 
 Publications, published on account of Her Majesty's Stationery Office. 
 
 4. LONDON and its ENVIRONS. Selected List of Maps of 
 
 London and its Environs, published by EDWARD STANFORD. 
 
 5. ORDNANCE MAPS. Catalogue of the Ordnance Maps, published 
 
 under the superintendence of Major-General J. CAMERON, R.E., C.B., 
 F.R.S., &c., Director-General of the Ordnance Survey. Price 6d. ; per 
 post Id. 
 
 6. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY of GREAT BRITAIN and 
 
 IRELAND. Catalogue of the Geological Maps, Sections, and Memoirs of 
 the Geological Survey of Great Britain and Ireland, under the Superin- 
 tendence of ANDREW C. RAMSAT, LL.D., F.R.S., Director-General of the 
 Geological Surveys of the United Kingdom. 
 
 8. ADMIRALTY CHARTS. Catalogue of Charts, Plans, Views, and 
 
 Sailing Directions, &c., published by order of the Lords Commissioners of 
 the Admiralty. 224 pp. royal 8vo. Price Is. ; per post 7s. 4d. 
 
 9. INDIA. Catalogue of Maps of the British Possessions in India and 
 
 other parts of Asia, with continuation to the year 1876. Published by 
 order of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India, in Council. Post free 
 for Two Penny Stamps. 
 
 10. EDUCATIONAL. Select List of Educational Works, published l>y 
 
 EDWARD STANFORD, including those formerly published by VARTV and 
 Cox. 
 
 11. EDUCATIONAL WORKS and STATIONERY. STAN- 
 
 FORD'S Catalogue of School Stationery, Educational Works, Atlases, Maps, 
 and Globes, with Specimens of Copy and Exercise Books, &c. 
 
 12. SCHOOL PRIZE BOOKS. List of Works specially adapted for 
 
 School Prizes, Awards, and Presentations. 
 14. BOOKS and MAPS for TOURISTS. STANFORD'S Tourist's 
 
 Catalogue, containing a List, irrespective of Publisher, of all the best 
 
 Guide Books and Maps suitable for the British and Continental Traveller ; 
 
 with Index Maps to the Government surveys of England, France, and 
 
 Switzerland. 
 
 % With the exception of those with price affixed, any of the above Cata- 
 logues can be had gratis on Application ; or, per post, for Penny Stamp. 
 
 Edward Stanford, 55, Charing Cross, London. 
 
 Agent, by Appointment, for the sale of the Ordnance and Geological 
 Survey Maps, the Admiralty Charts, Her Majesty's Stationery 
 Office and India Office Publications, $c.
 
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