I MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY (g 'nil- ^ Iviu~. 9bttr f 91J3 oaifi arf f -g'unO hi ! 03 o on [d f ~ . -1' i 1 - r-rl '' V oil) Fr<; r - ;> T .n: ^xun viiro'[ u'l.'" 1 *"! won ,' ' rcs > K oi rf doidw - : v i / r! j -qeo ". : fi c 3 , w Ifil MfjJ ij 1 ,?9r '<"! b j jdff a* in. -i * t\ *t* & . orl'f o- * f t -.j ..> A j yii j y ) 9m qeioa c ^ uase bi fi -jii* r ^ T ^ome to their it'i --^.ciouib or bureaus, or even e in some city like New York for a wrs until the work of Irish craftsmen great stores in New York, Chicago, owns sought it out and gave orders . We have art schools and techni- ^ive instructions to students, but with their acquired skill, and g these craftsmen into relation - i'or their work. the Royal Dublin Society, at *. very well give the whole of 9 and crafts. It is a Show thousands from abroad, and JULY 6, 1929. . S <*& we think there is much to be sa ^ V>^ A room for this purpose and not ^^S^x^cT arts and crafts with boot polishes and exh. ,^s of all kinds of commodities from industrialists here or in Great Britain, which should be in the big hall by them- selves. If the Eoyal Dublin Society decided on such a display it should let the workers know a year before that they may be prepared to exhibit their besfc work. There are these three directions in which a way might be found to make the fine work done by Irish craftsmen known as it should be. First, there is the linking up of the Churches with those who devote themselves to ecclesiastical art, and for this we think there should be a special organisation. Then we think the Minister for Industry and Commerce might do something in the United States, which is the richest market to be explored, either to arrange exhibitions or even to finance a shop for the sale of such work in New York; and, lastly, we think the Eoyal Dublin Society should revive those exhibitions of Irish arts and crafts which were so attractive years ago. We really have some first-class workers in the arts and crafts, who do work which would attract attention any- where if it was properly displayed, and the Minister might very well ask some person familiar with what is done, a man of energy and business ability, to ex- plore the possibilities of exhibition or sale in the United States and Great Britain. We are certain there are many wealthy and cultivated Irish-Ameri- cans who would be delighted if Ireland could be known for other things than its politics. Irish writers and dramatists are known over Europe and America, but little is known of Irish artists, of the workers in the arts and crafts. We cannot hope to compete with the rest of the world in mass production, but there is always a market for w r ork of fine quality. There must be organisation to bring Irish work to those rich markets, and this is something the Department might very properly undertake. MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY BY E. J. RIORDAN SECRETARY THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY GEORGE O'BRIEN, LITT.D., M.R.I.A. NEW YORK E. P. DUTTON AND COMPANY PUBLISHERS First Published in 1920 DEDICATION TO JOSEPHINE RIORDAN CHOKING TARES WITH THE WHEAT ARE SOWN : NOT WITH A PAGE AM I WELL CONTENT. YET, FOR THE SAKE OF THE HAND THAT WRIT AND THE FLUSH'D BEYOND THAT ELUDED IT, TAKE FOR I GREATLY MEANT. SO FOR THE YEARS THAT HAVE KNIT US TWAIN, YEARS WHERETHROUGH I HAVE FAILED TO LEARN THAT NEED OF MINE CAN E'ER DRAIN YOU DRY OF COUNSEL, COMFORT, AND SYMPATHY TAKE AS A POOR RETURN." W. E. B. HENDERSON 2O66259 PREFACE IT is a rare experience to find any person, even an Irish business man, who possesses what approximates to exact knowledge of the modern history of Irish trade and industry. This lack of knowledge is to a large extent ascribable to the fact that no systematic records of Irish trade or industry were kept during the greater part of the past century. Consequently, unless one were able to devote a considerable amount of time and labour in searching for and studying such scattered data as are available, a wide know- ledge of the subject was unattainable. The aim of the present work is to supply the reader with (as far as it is possible to do so) a connected record showing the mam factors which constitute the history of the subject from (about) the period 1850 to our own day ; whilst Dr. O'Brien's historical introduction outlines the earlier history from the seventeenth to the middle of the nineteenth century. I am deeply indebted to Mr. John Hooper, Superintendent, Statistics and Intelligence Branch, Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, for the valuable assistance he gave me in the compilation of Part I of Chapter I of this book, as well as for having placed at my disposal works of reference from which I obtained certain statistics embodied herein. E. J. RIORDAN MERRION HOUSE, BLACKROCK, Co. DUBLIN. April, 1920. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION : I6OO TO 1850 - I I. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, AND FOOD PRODUCTS 57 (i) Crops and Live Stocks; (2) Fisheries; (3) Bacon Curing ; (4) Preserved Meats ; (5) Butter ; (6) Cheese ; (7) Margarine ; (8) Flour Milling ; (9) Bakeries and Biscuit-making ; (10) Oatmeal Milling. II. SHIPBUILDING AND ENGINEERING - ?- III. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES - - IO6 (i) Linen and Cotton; (2) Shirts and Collars ; (3) Woollens ; (4) Rope and Twine ; (5) Hosiery ; (6) Poplin ; (7) Carpets ; (8) Bags and Sacks ; (9) Other Textile Industries. IV. MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. - - 142 (i) Minerals ; (2) Bricks ; (3) Building Trade ; (4) Timber Products. V. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES - 156 (i) Brewing and Malting ; (2) Distilling ; (3) Aerated Waters, etc. ; (4) Cider ; (5) Bottling ; (6) Glass Bottle Making. VI. PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC., INDUSTRIES - l68 (i) Paper-making ; (2) Printing and Allied Industries. VII. THE LEATHER GROUP OF INDUSTRIES - - 176 (i) Tanning ; (2) Saddlery, Harness, and Cart-Gear ; (3) Boots and Shoes. VIII. TOBACCO INDUSTRIES - - l8l (i) Tobacco Manufactures ; (2) Irish- grown Tobacco ; (3) Tobacco-pipe Making. ' IX. SOAP, CANDLE, AND FERTILIZER INDUSTRIES - 187 vii viii MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY CHAPTER PAGE X. MISCELLANEOUS INDUSTRIES - IQI (i) Food Group ; (2) Art Industries ; (3) Household Requisites ; (4) Chemical Group ; (5) Miscellaneous. XI. GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS - - 196 (i) Admiralty ; (2) Post Office ; (3) H.M. Stationery Office; (4) War Office; (5) Ministry of Munitions. XII. TRANSIT - - 215 (i) Railways ; (2) Canals ; (3) Shipping (including statistics of Irish Trade) ; (4) Ministry of Transport. XIII. BANKING - 243 (i) Joint Stock Banks; (2) Post Office Savings Banks ; (3) Trustee Savings Banks ; (4) Loan Fund Board ; (5) Co-operative Credit Societies ; (6) National Land Bank. XIV. CENSUS OF IRELAND - - 26l XV. THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT AND THE IRISH NATIONAL TRADE MARK - 265 XVI. CONCLUSION ----- 280 APPENDICES APPENDIX PAG* I. TABLE OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF FISH, 1904-18 2Q2 II. LIST OF IRISH LINEN TRADE ORGANIZATIONS - 296 III. TABLE SHOWING OUTPUT OF MINERALS AND NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED AT IRISH MINES AND QUARRIES, 1909-18 - 298 IV. TABLES SHOWING RESULTS OF COMMERCIAL EXPERI- MENTS IN TOBACCO-GROWING IN IRELAND, 1904-18 - - 300 V. TABLE SHOWING THE VALUE OF ORDERS PLACED WITH IRISH FIRMS BY THE WAR OFFICE CONTRACTS DEPARTMENT, AUGUST 4, 1914 MARCH 31, 1919 303 VI. PARTICULARS OF LEGAL AND OTHER ACTIONS TAKEN, UP TO THE END OF THE YEAR 1919, BY THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION (IN- CORPORATED), AGAINST PERSONS DETECTED IN APPLYING, AND ATTEMPTING TO APPLY, IRISH ORIGIN TO NON-IRISH GOODS - - - 30 8 INDEX ...... 317 / INTRODUCTION NOTE THIS short historical introduction is confined to an account of industries other than agriculture. The reason for the omission of this, the most important of the industries of Ireland and the largest factor in her trade, is that it would be impossible to give any satisfactory account of the history of Irish agriculture in the space at my dis- posal without compressing the account of non-agricultural industries into a form which would render it even more in- adequate than it is at present. The land and its industries have always occupied such a prominent place in Irish life that a history of Irish agriculture would be of necessity something not very far removed from an economic and, indeed, a political history of Ireland. If any apology be needed for the course I have adopted, the reader may be reminded that there are available several books which treat of the Irish land problem, both before the Union and in the period 1800-50 ; whereas the non-agricultural industries of the country have not received the same attention from historians. I have therefore thought it well to confine this introduction to the subject upon which information is less readily accessible ; and, in further pursuance of the same design, have passed very rapidly over the account of the period before the Union, further details of which can be learnt in other books, and have devoted the greater portion of the introduction to the fifty years after the Union, the industrial history of which had been hitherto somewhat neglected. Narrowness of space, however, condemns the treatment even of the latter period to be unsatisfactory and xii MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY inadequate. I have consequently contented myself with giving a very brief summary of the progress of each of the principal industries after the Union, and a still briefer and, I fear, still more inadequate account of the main factors which tended to retard that progress. I hope to deal with this matter at greater length, and in a more satisfactory manner, on another occasion. G. O'B. MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY GEORGE O'BRIEN THE beginnings of modern Ireland, so far as trade and industry are concerned, may be said to date from the opening years of the seventeenth century. It is quite unnecessary to consider the condition of Irish trade and industry before that date, even if it were possible to reach any conclusion on a subject upon which many eminent historians have differed. All that need be said is that, whatever may have been the economic condition of Ireland in the sixteenth century whether on the one hand it was poor and undeveloped, or on the other hand was rich and flourishing the whole economic structure of society was broken down by the disastrous Elizabethan wars. During the last quarter of the sixteenth century the country was deliberately and systematically devastated ; farms were wasted, and farmhouses razed to the ground ; and trade was completely paralysed. When peace was at last declared on the accession of James I, a fresh start had to be made in Ireland. The seventeenth century in Ireland may be described as a time of orderly and rapid economic progress, interrupted at intervals by political cataclysms. The first two Stuarts and their Irish representatives strenuously laboured to increase the wealth of Ireland, with a view to augmenting the royal revenue. It is not pretended that any gratitude or credit is due to the Stuarts for their efforts to develop Irish resources; on the contrary it is obvious that their efforts were dictated by purely selfish motives, and that their 4 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY in sympathy, one cannot help regretting that the economic policy of the Patriot Parliament was not carried into effect. The year 1689 witnessed a repetition on a smaller scale of what had happened in 1641. The rebuilding of the economic life of Ireland was once more interrupted by an internecine war. The material damage caused by the Revolutionary War was very extensive; but at the same time it was not at all to be compared with the devastation of the Rebellion. Probably the country would have recuperated very rapidly from the effects of the Williamite campaign had the peace which followed been a real peace and not, what it was in fact, a " war after war." Nothing is more striking in a survey of the progress of events in Ireland during the seventeenth century than the contrast between the rapid recovery which the country made after the first two cataclysms of the century, and the apparent lifelessness which it displayed after the third. As it cannot be suggested that the character of the people had deteriorated in the interval, or that the natural resources of the country had diminished, we are driven to the conclusion that the change must have been the result of some external cause. The fact is that there was a fundamental change in the political balance of power in England at the Revolution. The English Parliament had forcibly succeeded in obtaining the determining voice in the formation of policy, and the power of the King in this respect was definitely limited. We have seen that the policy of the English Parliament since the Restoration had been unmistakably hostile to the develop- ment of Irish trade, and that body was now in a position to carry its policy into action. Indeed, the reasons for this policy had been considerably strengthened by the events which had occurred at the Revolution ; James II had called in the aid of Irish troops to aid him in his struggle against his English subjects ; and the Parliamentary victory had been delayed and rendered more expensive by the stand which the King made in Ireland. The importance of this aspect of the Parliamentary policy after the Revolution is strongly emphasized by Dr. Cunningham in his " Growth of English Industry and Commerce": "Fortunately the economic jealousy with which Englishmen regarded Irish progress was immensely HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 5 stimulated by considerations of a constitutional character. The English Parliament were keenly suspicious of anything that might tend to increase the royal powers. Charles I, Charles II, and James II had all suffered from the distrust of their subjects ; and William III, even though he had been invited to come over, did not succeed in inspiring confidence. As is well known, he bitterly resented the treatment he received. Since Ireland was an independent kingdom the English House of Commons had no direct control over its affairs ; and there was constant uneasiness lest any power which the King acquired in Ireland should be used without the concurrence of the English Parliament, or even against English liberties. Twice within the seventeenth century serious attempts had been made to develop the resources of Ireland by Strafford, and under Charles II and James II ; in both cases the result had been that the King had found himself in possession of power that seemed to menace his English subjects. Under these circumstances there was the strongest political reason for dreading any development of the wealth of Ireland that took place at the expense of England, since this really implied an increase of the influence of the Crown at the expense of that of Parliament." It must not be supposed that this jealousy of the royal power was the only motive which operated to make the English Parliament hostile to Irish trade. In addition there were the dominant mercantilist ideas that one country's riches meant its neighbour's poverty, and that the great aim of statesmanship should be the development of an export trade in manufactured commodities. Additional weight was given to these considerations by the fear of a war between England and France, in the event pf which the latter might find a most valuable ally in a rich and prosperous Ireland. As we have seen, the English Parliament under the Stuarts had been unable fully to carry its Irish policy into effect by reason of its impotence to interfere with the foreign trade of Ireland. It was therefore necessary that an attempt should be made to assert the right of the English Parliament to legislate for Ireland, and we accordingly find that in the years immediately following the Revolution such an attempt was made, and the principle contended for was successfully, though unconstitutionally, established. Here, as elsewhere, 6 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY we are forcibly struck by the close connexion between Ireland's economic progress and her political status. Having thus asserted its power to legislate for Ireland, and consequently to regulate Irish foreign trade, the English Parliament promptly proceeded to strike a deadly blow at Irish industrial development. In the latter half of the seventeenth century the most important Irish industry was undoubtedly the woollen manufacture. Encouraged by Ormond, it had grown rapidly during the reign of Charles II, and after the Revolution it showed signs of attaining still more considerable proportions. At the same time it had not developed to anything like a point when it could injure the long-established English woollen manufacture in foreign markets, and therefore in so far as its suppression was due to the jealousy of the English woollen manufacturers, that jealousy was prompted rather by the fear of future than by the experience of past competition. It is almost unnecessary to state that the exportation of woollen goods from Ireland to any part of the world except England (from which they were virtually excluded by pro- hibitive duties) was forbidden in 1698. Much weight has been sometimes laid on the fact that the suppression of the woollen industry was compensated for by the promised encouragement of the linen industry in its place. The answer to this suggestion is obvious. There may be some doubt as to the precise degree of development the linen industry had attained in Ireland at the end of the seventeenth century. It had certainly been securely established for many years ; and it is probable that its importance was greater than is generally supposed. But, whatever its stage of development may have been, the promise that it would be encouraged in the future was no consideration for the destruc- tion of another industry, the success of which was in no way irreconcilable with the progress of the linen industry at the same time. If the latter industry was undeveloped and practically non-existent in 1698, then the transaction was the compulsory relinquishment of a certainty in exchange for an experiment. If, on the other hand, the linen industry was already well established, then the pretended consideration for the suppression of the woollen industry was no considera- tion at all. It must not be forgotten that the suppression of the woollen HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 7 industry was a blow aimed at the interests of the Irish Pro- testants who were in possession of a practical monopoly of the manufacture. The degradation of the Catholics was entrusted to the Irish Parliament, which had been thoroughly Protestantized after the Revolution ; but the English Parlia- ment itself undertook the degradation of the Protestant population of Ireland. The suppression of the woollen manufacture was the most important landmark in the whole economic history of Ireland ; it did more to shape the course of Irish economic life in succeeding years th^n any other single event, and was the most fruitful source of the dreadful distress that characterized the eighteenth century. In the seventeenth century a terrible crop was sown, of which the harvest was reaped in the eighteenth. The first eighty years of the latter century was a time of uninterrupted industrial depression. In the ordinary course the woollen industry would have been the staple manufacture of Ireland, but the development of this industry was prevented by the prohibition of the export of Irish woollens. Great numbers of Irish woollen weavers emigrated to the Continent of Europe and to America, and those who remained in Ireland were plunged in the deepest misery and want owing to the paralysis of the manufactures on which they were employed. Although the restrictive legislation of the English Parlia- ment succeeded in inflicting an incalculable injury on Ireland, it did not benefit England. On the contrary, the English woollen industry suffered severely as a result of the Act of 1698. The Irish weavers who emigrated contributed their skill to England's continental rivals ; and a great quantity of Irish wool, for which there was no demand in Ireland, was smuggled abroad to France and Holland, where it helped materially to develop the woollen manufacture. An English pamphleteer, writing in 1735, said that the destruction of the Irish woollen industry had had the following five conse- quences : (i) the emigration of twenty thousand manufacturers at once from Ireland ; (2) their retreat into foreign countries ; (3) the establishment thereupon of the woollen manufacture in almost all parts of Europe ; (4) the exportation of Irish and English wool ; and (5) the gradual and notorious decay of the English woollen trade from that hour. " The single competitor was ousted from the field," says Dr. Cunningham 8 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY in the work from which we have already quoted, " but it was a barren triumph, since our statesmen unwittingly called into being new rivals in the neighbourhood of the best markets." It must not be supposed that the woollen manufacture was the only Irish industry attacked during the eighteenth century. On the contrary, industry after industry was suppressed as soon as it showed any signs of vitality. The export of Irish glass was prohibited in 1746 ; and the promising Irish brewing industry was paralysed by the British Parliament's legislation with regard to hops. As we have already seen, the encouragement of the Irish linen industry was stated to be the consideration for the sup- pression of the woollen, and it has sometimes been concluded from the fact that the linen industry made considerable progress during the eighteenth century that this promise of encouragement was carried into effect. A further study of the subject, however, establishes conclusively that this promise was dishonoured ; and that the progress of the Irish linen industry took place, not in any way because of, but rather in spite of the action of the British Parliament. At the end of the seventeenth century the linen industry of Great Britain had shown no sign of developing, and it was therefore thought that, if the Irish linen industry were to be encouraged, no injurious competition would be experienced by any British industry. Shortly afterwards, however, when the Scotch linen manufacture showed signs of developing, the whole policy of the British Parliament towards the Irish linen industry was modified, and many vexatious restraints were imposed on the manufacture which had been promised encouragement. The discouragement which the industry received from the British was more than counterbalanced by the encouragement which it received from the Irish legislature, and it consequently prospered, and succeeded in providing employment for great numbers who would other- wise have been completely destitute. The only industry other than the linen that flourished during the early part of the eighteenth century was the provision trade, which attained considerable proportions. This industry, though productive of much benefit to those immediately concerned in it, was rather a burden than a benefit to the country as a whole, as it increased the temptation HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 9 to convert tillage land into pasturage,, and consequently to decrease the amount of employment available for the rural population. Ireland, it may be said, therefore, depended for its livelihood on two industries. This was a state of affairs which might have continued indefinitely had those two staple industries remained in a flourishing condition. If, however, any occasion arose in which one of these industries received a severe set back, one half of the industrial population would experience extreme want ; if both encountered a period of depression simultaneously, the whole country would be plunged into acute distress. This coincidence actually occurred in the decade 1770-80. The linen industry, which had been so prosperous, experienced a period of acute depression, caused by the political unrest in the American colonies and banking failures. At the same time the provision industry, upon which a large part of the population of the south and west depended for a livelihood, was temporarily paralysed by a series of embargoes on the exportation of Irish provisions imposed by the English Privy Council. This double misfortune, though productive of much immediate suffering and distress, ultimately proved of the utmost benefit to Irish commerce, as it focused public opinion upon the injustice of the existing situation so strongly that a repeal of the restrictive laws became the subject of immediate demand. The details of the agitation in favour of a " free trade " need not here be recalled ; suffice it to say that in 1780, after the English Parliament had unsuccessfully endeavoured to meet the Irish demand by partial concessions, the restrictions on Irish commerce with the British colonies were wholly repealed, and the right of Ireland freely to trade with foreign countries was completely admitted. The intimate connexion between political freedom and economic progress in Ireland is strikingly illustrated by the events which took place in the years immediately following the relaxation of the commercial restraints. No sooner had Ireland obtained a free trade than it was realized by the Irish patriotic party that what Great Britain had bestowed Great Britain might take away, and that Ireland could not securely enjoy her new advantages so long as the overruling power of the British Parliament to legislate for Ireland was acknow- 10 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY ledged. The commercial victory of 1780 was consequently the immediate occasion of the renewed agitation which resulted in the constitutional victory of 1782. The part played by commercial considerations in the constitutional struggle of these fateful years cannot be too strongly emphasized. The eighteen years of Grattan's Parliament constituted a period of great industrial and commercial progress in Ireland. In 1790 the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that it was his pride and happiness to declare that he did not think it possible for any nation to have improved more in her circumstances than Ireland had done since 1784 ; and in 1795 the Address to the Throne referred to " the unexampled prosperity and growing resources of the nation." " What is the state of Ireland at this moment ? " exclaimed a member of the House of Commons in the latter year. "A state of unexampled prosperity; . . . the manufacturer finds employment and payment to his satisfaction." A remarkable account of the development of Ireland under Grattan's Parliament is to be found in Foster's speech against the Act of Union : " The general export (from Ireland) rose in seventy-eight years to 1782, from one to five, and in fourteen years, after 1782, from five to ten. The linen export in the seventy-eight years rose from one to thirty-two, and in the last fourteen, from thirty-two to eighty-eight ; so that the general export rose as much in the first fourteen years as it had done during the preceding seventy-eight, and linen exports trebled in that time." A large and representative meeting of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of Dublin, held in 1799, unanimously adopted a resolution to the effect that " The Legislative Independence of Ireland has been the means of improvement and prosperity to this country rapid beyond example," and even Castlereagh admitted that " no power in Europe had made more rapid strides in wealth and general happiness in the last fifteen years than Ireland." Newenham was of opinion that " The progress of Ireland towards national opulence subsequently to the independence of her trade, especially of her legislative independence, was extremely rapid." The export of raw wool totally ceased, and the woollen manufacture showed some signs of reattaining its former prosperity ; the cotton manufacture grew at a very rapid HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 11 pace, and in a few years reached considerable dimensions ; the progress of the linen manufacture was uninterrupted ; the brewing industry was re-established in Ireland, without however in any way injuring its flourishing rivals, the distillers ; . the glass manufacture became a serious rival to that of England ; and, in spite of the greatly increased export of corn, the provision trade did not suffer, but on the contrary continued to expand. Several small industries also made successful progress, and Ireland gave promise of being soon able to supply herself with many com- modities which she had previously imported. " Attempts were made to develop the industries of the country," writes Dr. Cunningham ; " Irish trade increased enormously for a time." The fact that Grattan's Parliament achieved so much is remarkable ; but the fact that it did not achieve more has been sometimes used as an argument to excuse its abolition. It must not be forgotten that it was impossible to do more than a certain amount in twenty years, and that Ireland was, owing to the low condition to which it had sunk, and the evil land system, an exceptionally difficult country to regenerate economically. When the commercial restraints were relaxed Arthur Young foretold that it would be half a century before Ireland would feel the full benefit of her liberation ; and Adam Smith made a similar forecast. " I cannot believe," the latter wrote to Dundas, " that the manufacturers of Great Britain can for a century to come suffer much from the rival- ship of those of Ireland, even though the Irish should be indulged in a free trade. Ireland has neither the skill nor the stock which would enable her to rival England, and, though both may be acquired in time, to acquire them completely will require the operation of little less than a century." Surely the fact that the Irish Parliament failed to achieve in twenty years progress which such great economists prophesied could only be achieved in fifty should not be used as a reproach. The theory has been advanced in recent years that the undoubted industrial development that took place under Grattan's Parliament was due, not to any action on the part of Parliament, but to the operation of the Industrial Revolution. In answer to this suggestion it may be stated that no revolution took place in the methods of conducting 12 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY industry in Ireland, with the one exception of the cotton industry, until the nineteenth century ; and that not one of the features which went to make up that great change in the manufacturing life of Great Britain, which is known as the Industrial Revolution, had any counterpart in Ireland during the period of Grattan's Parliament. The complaint that Grattan's Parliament did not devote sufficient attention to the condition of the workers, and that the latter derived little or no benefit from the industrial progress, is simply a repetition of the universally admitted fact that more regard was paid by eighteenth century statesmen and economists to the volume of production than to equitable distribution. After 1780 Great Britain and Ireland stood on practically equal terms with regard to the prosecution of foreign and colonial trade, but the trade between Great Britain and Ireland " the channel trade " as it was called was still impeded by many restraints and protective duties. The abolition of these prohibitions and the lowering of these duties were the objects aimed at by Pitt's famous Commercial Propositions of 1785. It is unnecessary to recount the history of the negotiations to which Pitt's proposals gave rise, suffice it to say that the original scheme, having been accepted by the Irish Parliament, was wrecked by the fears and jealousy of the English manufacturing interests ; and that the amended proposals were such that Ireland could have only purchased the doubtful commercial benefits they conferred by a sacrifice of her dearly-won legislative indepen- dence. It is interesting to observe that the principal argument with which Pitt urged the British Parliament to accept his original propositions was that they could not be productive of any advantage to Ireland. The possibility that Irish manufacturers could seriously compete in the British market he emphatically denied, and the fear that British manufacturers would employ their capital in Ireland he brushed aside as a groundless fiction of the imagination. Pitt's arguments on these points are interesting in view of the terms of the Act of Union which he succeeded in passing fifteen years later. The commercial clause of that famous treaty provided that from and after the first of January, 1801, all prohibitions and bounties on the growth, produce, or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland to the other should cease ; and that all articles produced or manu- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 13 factured in either country should be imported from each country to the other free from duty, but that for a period of twenty years from the Union certain enumerated articles the principal of which were apparel, cottons other than calicoes and muslins, glass, haberdashery, hats, pottery, saddlery, silk goods, and stockings should be subject to a ten per cent ad valorem duty in passing from one country to the Bother ; the woollen manufacture should during the same period continue to pay the existing duties on their importation into Ireland ; that salt and hops should pay on importation into Ireland from Great Britain the duties then payable on their importation into Ireland ; and that coals should be subject to burdens not exceeding those to which they were then subject, A special exception was made in favour of calicoes and muslins by the provision that these goods on being exported from one country to the other should continue to pay the duties then payable on their importation into Ireland from Great Britain, and that these duties'should be gradually reduced until they became extin- guished in 1821. Special provision was made for the imposition of countervailing duties when the inland excise duties payable on an article in the two countries were different. It will be seen that the changes effected by the Act of Union were practically identical with those proposed by the Commercial Propositions, with the important addition that the later measure also deprived the Irish Parliament of the power of altering the new arrangements if they were found unsatisfactory in practice. It is therefore difficult to under- stand how Pitt, in view of his utterances in 1785, could have thought that the Act of Union would benefit Ireland com- mercially. The fact that there was practically no opposition to the Union from any manufacturing interest in Great Britain is full of significance. The concessions of 1780 and the Commercial Propositions had met with the bitterest opposition from those engaged in almost every industry in Great Britain, but the proposals for the Union met with no such opposition except from the woollen manufacturers, whose dislike to the measure, however, according to Dr. Cunningham, was due less to jealousy of possible Irish competition than to the belief that English wool, if freely admitted to Ireland, would be clandestinely exported thence to the continent and would assist the woollen manufacturers 14 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY in France and the Low Countries. This striking change in the attitude of the British manufacturers is very significant, as it shows that they did not fear any Irish competition in the British market, and that they may have hoped to improve their Irish trade. The fact of course is that the Union was a measure dictated almost altogether by political motives, and it cannot be pretended for a moment that it was intended to confer any commercial benefit on Ireland. As far as intercourse with foreign countries and the colonies was concerned, Ireland already enjoyed free trade, and the only trade which was opened by the Act of Union was the channel trade between Ireland and Great Britain. This was done by providing that the duties on the importation of goods from each country to the other should be considerably reduced, and fixed at the same rate for goods travelling in each direction. The result of this was to create a nominal equality where no real equality existed. The manufactures of Ireland, though progressing, were still comparatively undeveloped, and were urgently in need of artificial encouragement in order to enable them to attain a condition in which they could success- fully compete on equal terms with those of Great Britain. The result of equalizing the duties in the two countries was that, while the Irish manufacturer was no more able than before to obtain a substantial footing in the British market, he was placed in considerable danger of losing his position in the Irish market. The principal articles of Irish manu- facture, linen and provisions, were already freely admitted into Great Britain, and therefore the only commodities to which an entry was granted for the first time were articles which could not derive any benefit from their admission. It was suggested by supporters of the Union that one result of that measure would be that English capitalists would be more ready to invest money in Ireland owing to the greater security to life and property which the improved form of government would produce. In the event, no such consequence attended the Union. Sir George Corn ew all Lewis, in his report on the state of the Irish poor in Great Britain in 1836, drew attention to the fact that British capitalists were even then afraid to invest money in Ireland owing to the insecurity of property in that country. Either Pitt's judgment of the future was sadly defective, or else he HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 15 did not himself believe in the glowing future which he pictured. The commercial clauses of the Union are a good example of the high-handed way in which Irish interests have always been dealt with by British statesmen. The policy which was found convenient for Great Britain was then, as at all times before and since, imposed on Ireland, in utter disregard of the fact that the interests of the two countries were not identical. So long as a policy of Parliamentary Colbertism was considered desirable to place British industry on a substantial and self-reliant footing, such a policy was carried into effect, with admittedly good results. The policy of Colbertism was found to be no longer necessary, and con- sequently was abandoned by the British Parliament about 1780, which was the very time that the Irish Parliament first obtained an opportunity of pursuing such a policy with regard to the industries of Ireland. Such a policy was in fact pursued, and with great success, so far as it was allowed to proceed ; but it was interrupted before it had had time to place the industries of the country in a position when it could be safely discontinued. Thus the British Parliament refused to allow the Irish Parliament to do for Ireland what it had itself done so successfully for Great Britain; and insisted on treating Irish manufactures as if they had reached the same level of independence as British a course full of obvious injustice in the circumstances of the two countries. The ten per cent duties on the channel trade were retained until 1821. Some few of them were further extended till 1825, but the greater number of them were allowed to lapse in 1821. The Government proposed to extend the duties for a further period of twenty years, with reductions of one quarter at the end of each five years, but this proposal provoked strong opposition in the manu- facturing districts of Great Britain. A resolution protesting against it was passed by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, and a petition against it presented to Parliament by the merchants of Liverpool. In 1825, consequently, the duties were allowed to lapse, in spite of the opposition of a large body of Irish manufacturers. This is a typical instance of the way in which, since the Union, when Irish and British interests differed, the latter were consulted. In 1823 the im- port duties on foreign goods imported into Great Britain and 16 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Ireland were equalized, and a few years later Huskisson's legislation reduced the import duties on many foreign goods. These changes in the tariffs on foreign goods did not, however, affect Ireland so materially as the abolition of the duties on British manufactures. From 1825 onwards Great Britain and Ireland were treated as a fiscal unit in practically all respects. We shall now give some account of the most impor- tant industries, one by one, in the period following the Union. The Irish woollen manufacture did not quickly recover from the effects of the restrictive legislation to which it had been so long subjected, and it is not surprising that it advanced but little during the period of Grattan's Parliament. In 1810, Wakefield found that it existed principally as a domestic industry, carried on to provide for the immediate wants of the peasantry, and that it did not exist on any large scale. " All the wool that is shorn is made into frieze and linsey by the proprietors of the stock, who card, spin, weave, dye, and consume it ; and indeed their own wool is by no means sufficient to supply their wants. In the manufacturing of their cloth and stuffs these poor people display great ingenuity ; instead of using oil in the weaving, they extract in the summer- time the juice of the fern root, which they find to answer the purpose ; and for dyeing they employ the indigenous vege- table productions of the country, such as twigs of the alder, walnut, and oak trees, elderberries, and so on." The demands of the Irish woollen manufacturers not being sufficient to use up all the wool produced in the country, large quantities were exported to Norwich. Some broad- cloth was manufactured at Carrick-on-Suir, but Wakefield was of opinion that " before this trade can be beneficially carried on there must be an intermediary manufacturer, known in England by the name of the rough cloth maker, who never attempts either to mill or dress the article." The manufacture at Carrick had given rise to one for blankets at Kilkenny, which was designed to carry off the coarse parts of the fleece, but both these manufactures were on the decline. A small quantity of broad-cloth was made in Dublin, and a Yorkshire firm had recently opened a factory at Celbridge, where they had set up the shearing machinery, which the English weavers had not permitted to be erected in Yorkshire. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 17 In 1810 a serious crisis occurred in the woollen industry. A large Government contractor failed, and his failure was followed by the bankruptcy of almost the entire woollen trade in Dublin. Credit was affected throughout the country ; the banks refused to discount the woollen manufacturers' bills ; and a general crash took place. Altogether twenty- two employers stopped work as a result of this crisis. Several fresh attempts, however, were made to revive the woollen industry on a large scale, and to raise the quality of the goods produced. Considerable capital was invested in these enterprises. A big Leeds woollen manufacturer, named Willans, set up factories at Kilmainham and Rath- farnham, which afterwards gave extensive employment. It may be remarked in passing that a certain disposition was shown by British capitalists to invest money in the establishment of industries in Ireland as long as the small protective duties were retained, as, while these duties lasted, the products of their British factories were at a slight dis- advantage in the Irish market, and it was thus worth their while to establish themselves in a locality where they could enter this important market on more favourable terms. For a few years the woollen industry seems to have succeeded in achieving a reasonable degree of prosperity, although the export trade did not show any sign of increasing. It was stated in 1822 that forty-five manufacturers were engaged in the industry in and around Dublin, that 2,885 workpeople were employed, and that the annual value of the products amounted to 336,000. At the same time in the district embracing Cork, Kilkenny, and Carrick-on-Suir, 3,184 people were employed on the manufacture, the annual produce of which was valued at 200,000 ; while in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford 3,000 persons were employed, and the annual value of the products averaged 55,000. In 1823 the small protecting duties on the import of woollens into Ireland were withdrawn. The effect of this change can but be described in the words of one of the witnesses at Mr. Otway's inquiry on the hand-loom weavers : " From 1812 to the withdrawal of the protecting duties, collisions or disputes with our workmen were of rare occur- rence. . . . From 1821 to 1825 (the latter being the year in which the panic of November and December occurred 18 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY in England) the trade was good and all the manufacturers fully employed. The protecting duties ceased in 1823 ; but it is remarkable that this withdrawal was hardly felt until the spring of 1826. This may be accounted for, first, by the trade in England being good up to November, 1825, and no surplus stock on hand ; therefore no actual competition from thence in this market. Secondly, a gradual reduction in the high rate of wages previously paid, and which manu- facturers had been for some time attempting, in order that the wages paid in Ireland should approximate more to those paid in Yorkshire, and which they to a considerable extent succeeded in effecting, calculating on the active competition which they would encounter from the English manufacturers when the protecting duties ceased. "The panic of November and December, 1825, was severely felt in Ireland. The accumulated stocks of the British manufacturers were bought and thrown into this market in large quantities and at such low prices that no solvent person could attempt to compete with them,.- Irish manu- facturers had not only to contend with a glutted market, but a reduction in the price of wool, and such was the reduction from these causes as seriously to affect the stock on hand ; solvent manufacturers refused to sell at the ruinous prices then offered, and in general their manufacturing operations were discontinued. This cause was attended to them with great loss in another respect. Naps and coating, for women's wear, being the principal article manufactured, were by the low price of English cloth put out of fashion, cloths being generally substituted for them. The Irish manufacturer had therefore not only to contend with low prices, but with a change of fashion to a considerable extent. This period of depression had effect on the wages then paid (though much reduced). Masters in their own defence were obliged to offer, and the workmen accepted, wages which were considered as low as the cheapest district in Yorkshire. The summer of 1826 brought with it great suffering to the work- men in every branch of manufacture in and about Dublin." There can be little doubt that the withdrawal of the protective duties caused serious damage to the Irish woollen industry. Undoubtedly the existence of the duties may have in some degree created a false feeling of security amongst those engaged in the industry in Ireland, and delayed the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 19 introduction of some improved processes ; but on the other hand it certainly kept up wages, and also enabled the Irish manufacturer to compete with his British rivals with some hope of success in the Irish market. It must not be forgotten that the duties were protective in the strict sense of the word ; they did not so much give the Irish manu- facturer a preference in the Irish market over the English manufacturer, as place him on something like an equality with the latter. Building in Ireland was dearer than in England ; the cost of erecting and repairing machinery was much greater ; credit was more difficult and more expensive to obtain ; coal was dearer ; and wages were higher. Labouring as he did under all these disadvantages, the Irish manufacturer was in urgent need of some protection against his Yorkshire competitor, who was favoured by so many advantages ; and the creation of a nominal equality between them really conferred a preference on the latter. If this view of the effect of the withdrawal of the protect- ing duties be correct, it should modify the judgment which we might at first be inclined to pass upon the behaviour of the weavers. Undoubtedly the woollen manufacturer was fre- quently interrupted by strikes as the result of combinations amongst the operatives, but it must be remembered that these strikes were attempted, not so much to improve the condition of those who took part in them, as to arrest the disimprove- ment which they found thrust upon them. As long as the protecting duties lasted, it was found possible to pay Irish weavers a higher wage than that current in Yorkshire for the same class of work, but as soon as they were withdrawn the wages sank to the English level, and at a later date they sank far below it. The Irish woollen workers, who had been the best paid workers engaged in the woollen manufacture in the United Kingdom at the time of the Union, were the worst paid forty years later. When Mr. Otway made his inquiry into the condition of the hand-loom weavers in 1840, he found that woollen manu- facture was in a state of grave decline. The manufacture in and around Dublin had fallen off one half since 1822 ; the annual value of the products of the Cork, Kilkenny, and Carrick district, which in 1822 had amounted to 200,000, had sunk to 20,000 ; and the Wicklow flannel trade was " almost extinct." The manufacture of woollen cloth was 20 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY confined to the city and suburbs of Dublin, and although improved methods were being introduced, the volume of the industry was deplorably small. There were only 250 woollen weavers employed in Dublin, and the average wages were only from eight to ten shillings a week. Dr. Kane in his " Industrial Resources of Ireland," written in 1845, states that " at present the woollen trade does not prove an excep- tion to the general stagnation of industry which is so charac- teristic of the country." The suggestion that the conduct of the weavers was in any way responsible for the decay of the industry was vigorously contradicted by Mr. Willans, an English employer, who said : " The character of the woollen weavers is, I believe, generally good. We have found them anxious to be employed, and industrious whilst so, and never had occasion to complain of embezzlement, and in general they obey the directions as to their work with more cheerfulness and satisfaction than we have experienced from workmen in England." The Irish cotton industry had made great progress during the last twenty years of the eighteenth century. In 1800, 13,500 persons were employed in this industry within a radius of ten miles around Belfast. Although the manufacture showed greater vitality in Ulster than in the south, it must not be supposed that it was in any sense confined to that province. On the contrary, it was widely diffused throughout the south. Wakefield found 1,300 looms at work at Collon, County Louth, and a very thriving factory at Stratford-on- Slaney, where 500 hands were employed at extremely good wages. The owners of the latter factory had originally come from Paisley to Hillsborough, but they could not get a lease for their premises, and therefore moved to Stratford. This throws an interesting sidelight on the intimate connexion that existed between the Irish land system and Irish industries, and on the power which the landlords possessed to impede the industrial progress of the localities over which they ruled. The manufacture of muslins was carried on at Mountmellick and Bandon. During the first twenty years after the Union the cotton industry made great strides in Ireland, and attracted many weavers from the linen industry on account of the high wages which it offered. In 1816 the high protecting duties on the importation of cotton goods into Ireland were withdrawn, HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 21 and an ad valorem duty of ten per cent substituted in their place. In 1823 even this low duty was repealed. The question of how far the removal of the duties operated in- juriously on the cotton industry is a matter of some dispute. On the one hand the fact remains that the industry grew up during a period of protection, and fell into decay during a period of free trade; while, on the other hand, we have the statements of contemporary inquirers that the protecting duties did little or nothing to help the industry. It must be remembered, however, that the economists of the time were obsessed by the infallibility of laissez faire, and that they were quite incapable of believing that any measure of protection could, under any circumstances, be beneficial. There is no doubt that the Irish manufacturers themselves regretted the abolition of the protecting duties. One witness, who had formerly been engaged in the calico-printing trade in Dublin, gave the following evidence before the Irish Poor Law Com- mission in 1835 : " The calico-printing trade increased very substantially in Dublin during the first twenty years of the present century. The number of hands employed increased from one to five hundred. But each step in the removal of the protecting duties was very soon felt. Soon after the first reduction took place the manufacturers began sensibly to feel the injury, from having such a glut of English goods brought into the market, and were obliged to discharge a great number of their men. The second reduction made bad worse, and from that time to the present the trade gradually sank to decay." In 1840 the trade was becoming more and more localized in the neighbourhood of Belfast and was almost altogether confined to county Antrim. In the early part of the century it extended itself through several parts of Ireland, and was carried on to a considerable extent in Dublin, Drogheda, Collon, Stratford, Mountmellick, Limerick, and Bandon. Belfast however was not only the place in which it was first introduced, but the centre to which capital and skill were attracted ; and, as the trade increased at Randalstown, Belfast, and Coleraine, it declined in the other parts of the Kingdom where it had been introduced. The position of Belfast, as regards the great cotton-weaving districts of Scotland, in the north of England, and its increasing trade as the Liverpool of Ireland, held out advantages for the importa- 22 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY tion of the material, and the introduction of the improved machinery which was being applied to its manufacture in England and Scotland, possessed in no other part of Ireland. The small manufacturers scattered over the other parts of the kingdom were precluded from contending with the concen- trated capital and skill which the local advantages of Belfast attracted towards it : consequently the trade, while it rapidly extended in the County Antrim, and portions of the County Down, adjacent to Belfast, generally declined, and for all practical purposes might be almost considered as extinct in the other parts of Ireland, although large manufactories had been established at Clonmel, Portlaw, and Limerick, and carried on with considerable success. At Bangor, Greyabbey, and Newtownards the cotton trade was carried on to a very considerable extent. Even in Belfast the manufacture was rapidly disappearing, owing to the cheaper production in England and Scotland. With the exception of half-a-dozen mills engaged in the spin- ning of yarn, the cotton trade was practically confined to the production of fabrics by hand-loom labour. A serious fall in the rate of wages had taken place. A man who in 1790 could earn four shillings a day, could earn only a shilling a day in 1840. Of the 10,000 weavers employed in the neighbourhood of Belfast, 5,000 were employed by the Scotch manufacturers, and 600 by a Carlisle firm. These British houses employed Irish labour, simply because of its excessive cheapness, and Ireland could derive but little advantage from an industry carried on on this system. The decay of the manufacture was attributed to the lack of Irish capital to introduce improved processes, and by the too great uniformity of the goods produced. The cotton-printing trade had entirely disappeared. The only places outside Ulster where the manufacture was carried on were Limerick, Clonmel, and Portlaw. In Limerick the trade had been extinct from 1820 to 1835, but in the latter year a Scotchman, named Buchanan, had been attracted to the town because, in his own words, " the population was poorer and more numerous than in any other town in Ireland." He brought over weavers from Paisley and Glasgow, and apprenticed many Limerick boys to the trade. In 1840 Mr. Buchanan's factory gave employment to 200 boys as weavers, and drawboys at the wretched wages of from two HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 23 shillings to four shillings a week, and to twenty boys and girls as winders at a slightly higher wage. Originally it had been intended to make plain goods, on the ground that the cheapness of the labour would enable these goods to compete with similar goods made by power-looms in England and Scotland ; but this expectation was falsified, and the only goods manufactured in 1840 were shawls, for which, however, it was difficult to find a market, as the people in the adjoining countries had grown accustomed to Scotch shawls. The manufacture of plain cotton by hand-loom labour was carried on at Clonmel. In 1840, 176 hand-looms were engaged, the girls who worked them receiving about three shillings a week. The continued existence of this factory was only rendered possible by the fact that it was able to obtain yarn cheap from Portlaw, where the same proprietor conducted a large power-loom manufacture. In the early part of the century Bandon had been a flourishing centre of the cotton industry. In 1825 2,000 cotton weavers had been employed in the town, at wages of about twelve shillings a week. The trade prospered up to about 1829, when it ceased to be able to compete with the English goods which were sent into the market. " The power- looms swept away the trade in three or four years." Mr. Otway gives the following terrible account of the condition of the Bandon weavers in 1840 : " Nothing can equal the distress of the poor cotton weavers of Bandon. I never witnessed greater misery than in their cabins and mode of living; few, however, remained at the trade, except old or infirm persons, and a few young boys, whom the poor parents try to keep at the loom in order to preserve them from absolute destitution. I did not meet what I could call an able- bodied individual on a cotton loom. The moment the young weavers are able to turn to anything else, they quit the loom, and, if they cannot obtain labouring work, quit this part of the country, and look for employment elsewhere, or enlist. Bandon is one of the best depots for obtaining recruits in the south of Ireland." The twenty years following the Union was the first period since the beginning of the eighteenth century in which the export of Irish linen did not increase. The temporary stand- still which the linen industry experienced at this time was largely caused by the prosperity of the cotton manufacture, 24 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY which attracted many weavers away from the linen on account of the much higher rate of wages which it offered. In 1809 and 1813 the exports fell away very considerably owing to conditions caused by the war. Although the quantity of Irish linen manufactured in this period did not appreciably increase, its quality improved, and the exports after 1800 consisted principally of fine linen. Wakefield gives the following account of the linen industry in 1812. It is interesting to observe how widespread the manufacture was at that date compared with what it was a few years later : " Narrow linens are made in Donegal, Londonderry, Tyrone, and Antrim, in the neighbourhood of Belfast, Lisburn, and Lurgan cambric lawns and diapers are made, in Armagh coarser yard-wide cloths. Cavan produces a thin cloth for the most part | wide. Fermanagh and Sligo manufacture ; and in the countries are found most of the bleach greens, which finish for sale those linens which are sent in a bleached state to England. A strong kind of dowlas, some | and f sheetings made in Louth, Meath, and Dublin are sold in the market of Drogheda, and find their way in an unfinished state into the country markets of England, a coarse cloth very like Scotch Osnaburgs is manufactured in Kerry and Cork, and is used in the same manner as Osna- burgs for negro clothing. In the neighbourhood of Dingle a strong fabric is made called box and trap. The manufacture of sail cloth is confined to Cork." As we have seen, the cotton manufacture began to decline about 1830, and this decline caused many weavers to turn to the linen manufacture. A revival of the industry conse- quently took place, which was aided on by the introduction at about the same date of the wet spinning process. This revival, however, was confined to Ulster, and no corresponding movement took place in the languishing manufacture of the south and west. The spirit of laissez faire made itself felt in the linen industry in 1826, when the Government informed the Linen Board that the grant for the encouragement of the manufac- ture would be reduced in 1827 to 10,000 ; and in the follow- ing year the grant was altogether discontinued. In 1828 an important Act was passed, with the full approval of those engaged in the linen industry, dissolving the Linen Board, and vesting its property in the Crown. A very comprehen- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 25 sive control of the industry was, however, still maintained, and many regulations were re-enacted. County committees were established to control the brown sealmasters who were continued in office. These provisions for regulating the trade were re-enacted from time to time, but were finally allowed to lapse in 1842. In 1840 the linen industry had become definitely localized in north-east Ulster, a phenomenon the causes of which we shall discuss at a later page. Belfast was a great centre of spinning, but not of weaving ; it was the great emporium of the linen trade of Ireland, and the centre to which the linens, not only of the Ulster counties, but also of the linen-weaving districts of the west of Ireland, were sent for sale. Large quantities of linen were directly exported from Belfast to foreign countries ; but the greater quantity was sent through Liverpool. Belfast was also the great linen yarn market of Ireland, where the principal manufacturers obtained their supply of either Scotch, English, Irish, or foreign yarn. The amount of the value of the hand-spun yarn sold per annum in Belfast was stated to be 100,000. Extensive mills, to the number of fifteen in the town, besides four others in the neighbourhood for the spinning of linen yarn, were established ; and the yarn they produced was equal in quality to any made in the United Kingdom. One-fourth of the flax for their consumption was imported. There were at the same time about six or eight hundred hand-loom weavers in Belfast. Hand-loom weaving factories had recently been introduced and were rapidly extending. The weavers in these factories were principally employed on canvas, sacking, damasks and coarse linens. The weavers greatly objected to the introduction of the factory system, as it put them too much in the power of their employers, and prevented them from the free exercise of their labour. The advantages, however, of the factories were so great and so obvious as to overrule all objections. The linen industry was widely spread throughout the counties of Down and Armagh. The old custom of a linen weaver owning a patch of land and supplementing his earnings by means of farming was gradually dying out. This change, while undoubtedly beneficial to the agriculture of the northern counties, operated to make the weavers absolutely dependent on the manufacture for a living. In some remote 26 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY parts of County Down the old system still prevailed, and where it did, the wages paid for weaving were very low. Banbridge was the principal seat of the manufacture in the north of Ireland. It was in this neighbourhood that some of the first manufacturers who invested large capital in the linen trade established themselves, and here the great experiment of placing the linen trade of Ireland on a new foundation was tried. The great subdivision of the capital invested in the linen trade, the want of a proper division of labour being applied to it, and a direct market for the disposal of the pro- duce year by year, rendered it more apparent that it could be no longer continued on its former system. On the repeal of the protecting duties, and the introduction of mill-spun yarn into England and Scotland, it became evident to the capitalists in the north of Ireland either that the linen trade should be placed on a new foundation, and conducted on the improved principles that were being applied to its manufacture in the other portions of the United Kingdom, or that Ireland should lose its linen trade altogether. The result was that the linen manufacture was placed on a new foundation, and men of extensive capital and skill became engaged in it. In the neighbourhood of Lurgan, Tandragee, and Dungannon much linen continued to be manufactured on the old system, which however was gradually being superseded from the necessities of the case. The independent weavers found a difficulty in obtaining sufficiently small quantities of machine- spun yarn, and hand-spun yarn was no longer of any use. Outside the counties of Down and Armagh the linen manu- facture was rapidly disappearing. " From Dungannon," says Mr. Otway, " I proceeded to Strabane, at one period the great yarn market of the counties of Tyrone, Donegal, parts of Armagh, Deny, and Down, and the place to which the yarn produced in Fermanagh, Cavan, Monaghan, Leitrim, and Sligo was sent for sale. The trade is almost at an end, the introduction of mill-spun yarn having limited the market and the profit of hand-spun yarn." In the County Donegal weaving was principally confined to those who wove for the immediate wants of the farmers, or for sale in the county fairs and markets. These weavers had full employment only from the first of May to the first of January in each year, with the omission of a month at harvest time, and for the remainder of the year only had half- HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 27 time employment. The continuance of the old system of double occupations was thus icndered a necessity. In County Sligo Mr. Otway found " merely the traces of a linen manufacture ; the linen hall of considerable extent was hired out as a general warehouse, and hardly a single web presented for sale. On what were the linen market days a few spinners still hawk hand-spun linen through the streets, but both the quality and the quantity of the yarn offered for sale is utterly insignificant." Mr. Otway considered what he saw in Sligo to be " a decided proof of the correctness of the statement that the linen trade in Ireland could not be pre- served on the old system on which it was conducted. The old system," he proceeds, "died a natural death, and the new system was not introduced. The small portion of linen now made up for the use of the peasantry continues to exist solely from the want of ready money amongst the people." The linen manufacture in Drogheda had experienced a particularly rapid decay, and the condition of the weavers in 7840 was terrible. About 1,900 persons were still able to obtain occasional employment, but the wages which they could earn were deplorably low. The lowest wages paid in the trade were in Drogheda, where the weavers were in a most distressed condition. The average wage earned during periods of employment, which were very intermittent, was about four shillings a week, and the average number of persons dependent on each weaver was six. The manner in which this wretched income was supplemented so as to provide subsistence for the weaver and his family is thus described by Mr. Otway : " The poor weavers supply themselves with the lowest species of vegetable food, and provide a place of shelter, if shelter it can be called, to live and weave in, so as to keep off actual destitution. The poor weaver collects manure, and is then able to plant potatoes, enough to last from three to four months, on ground obtained gratis from some neighbouring farmer, who is glad to give the potato crop for the sake of the corn crop, which the manure will enable kim to obtain the next year. Now there is wanting about half an acre more to supply potatoes for the remainder of the year, and this ground is taken in conacre, from some farmer who has manured or rich grass land to let which will give a good crop of potatoes. For this he agrees to pay about 4. Thus provision being made for the main food of his 28 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY family, it devolves on his industry to procure clothing, and to pay the rent of his conacre ground and cabin. The industry of his wife and children, by the fattening of a pig, or in some cases the sale of eggs and poultry, or by begging through the district, enable the family to procure a little milk or ' kitchen ' as it is called. How the weavers who live in the centre of the towns manage it is impossible to imagine. The cabins that the weavers live and work in are fearful specimens of what habit will enable a human being to endure ; it is impossible that any good description of work could be woven in such sinks of filth ; but the very dirt is their prin- cipal means of support. That a corporate town, entrusted with public property for the benefit of its inhabitants, should have permitted such a state of things is to me inexplicable ; I am persuaded that no part of Europe, or I might add, of the world, presents such a spectacle of dwellings for human beings as part of Drogheda." The decline of the linen manufacture in Drogheda was caused by the English and Scotch competition in the manu- facture of coarse linens. The fine linen manufacturers were not affected by this competition, but they migrated one by one to Down, Antrim, and Derry, as they found that the manu- facture could be more economically and profitably conducted in those counties. The hand-loom weavers, however, did not migrate at the same time, and were left without employment. The introduction of mill-spun yarn administered the final blow to the industry in Drogheda. The condition of the industry in other parts of the south and west was the same as in Sligo and Drogheda. It had generally disappeared, except for the making up of some coarse linen for the peasantry, except in a few isolated districts where the almost total absence of any employment for the great mass of the people had rendered hand-loom labour so cheap as to enable some webs of coarse cloth to be occasionally made up. The quality of the linen produced was deteriorating ; looms were generally in disrepair ; and in some districts the hand was used instead of a fly shuttle. It was Mr. Otway's opinion that it was " only a matter of time until the linen industry was totally extinct.' ' The industry had also almost disappeared in Dublin, where it was restricted within very narrow limits, and confined to one or two manufacturers, of whom Crosthwaites were HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 29 the principal, with the exception of one or two coarse canvas and sail-cloth manufacturers. The rate of wages in Dublin was from eight to twelve shillings a week, and the working day from twelve to fifteen hours. Thus in the early years of the nineteenth century the linen manufacture disappeared from three-fourths of Ireland, but succeeded in developing in the north. The extent of the manufacture, however, even in Ulster, was really not very great when compared with the English and Scotch manufactures, and it derived its importance in the industrial life of the country from the absence of other industries. This is well put in Kane's Industrial Resources of Ireland : " The extent of this manufacture stands in such relief from the usual absence of all manufacturing industry in Ireland that we frequently attach to it a degree of importance and an idea of absolute magnitude that it does not really possess. In reality Ireland is almost as much behind in this as in every other branch of industry. The town of Dundee alone is considered to manufacture as much linen as all Ireland, and the relation which the manufacture of flax bears in the three kingdoms is exactly shown in the following figures, which are extracted from the report of the factory inspector for 1839, since which period no sensible alteration has taken place. " In England there were 169 mills worked by 4,260 horse- power and employing 16,573 persons. " In Scotland there were 183 mills worked by 4,845 horse- power and employing 17,897 persons. " In Ireland there were 40 mills worked by 1,980 horse- power and employing 9,017 persons." The silk industry was completely suspended during the rebellion of 1798, and it did not ever really recover its former prosperity. Undoubtedly the Union, by causing the emigra- tion of a great number of the Irish nobility and gentry to London, seriously diminished the demand for silk goods in Dublin. Still more serious was the competition now begin- ning to be offered by the English industry, which was rapidly extending in Macclesfield and Manchester. Before 1821 the Irish industry was to some extent protected against British goods by the ten per cent protecting duty, retained by the Act of Union ; but in spite of the duty the British manu- facturers were by their increased command of capital able 30 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY to undersell the Dublin manufacturers even in the Irish market. In 1821 the protecting duties on importation from England expired ; and a few years later foreign silks were allowed to be imported into the United Kingdom. The opening up of steam communication between Great Britain and Ireland still further increased the competition ; and in the panic of 1825 the Irish market was inundated with goods at a price less than the cost of the raw material. "From that date," says Mr. Otway, " the loss of the silk trade was rendered inevitable." " In 1825," we read in the evidence before the Poor Law Commission of 1833, " the removal of the protecting duties took place, and the regulations of the Dublin Society were done away with. At that time the low price of labour in England enabled the English manufacturers to sell their goods at a much less price than they could get them prepared here. . . . Our trade rapidly declined." From the date of the removal of the protecting duties the silk trade gradually sunk out of existence ; it dwindled into a mere court luxury, dependent on the capricious smile of viceregal patronage, or the uncertain support of charity balls. The number of silk weavers remaining in Dublin in 1840 was about 400, and employment was very irregular. The rate of wages per week was higher than in Manchester, but the irregularity of employment was so great that the English weavers earned much more in the year. It has been very generally stated that the downfall of the silk industry in Ireland was hastened by combinations. Otway said : "It cannot be doubted that illegal and dan- gerous combinations among the workmen have operated most injuriously on the trade, driving many of the most extensive manufacturers out of it, and deterring others from directing their capital and intelligence towards it. If not checked the system will speedily drive away the remaining portion of the trade." It is impossible, however, to help feeling that the com- binations were rather the effect than the cause of the decay of the trade. In 1824 the weavers voluntarily consented to a reduction of fifteen per cent of their wages in order to enable their employers to meet the growing competition, and it is probable that what we said about the combinations HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 31 in the woollen industry is also true of the silk industry, namely, that the efforts of the workmen were not directed so much to improve their position as to ward off its dis- improvement. Even the provision trade, which had continued to flourish through many vicissitudes, declined in the early nineteenth century. In 1812 Wakefield found it very prosperous. It was, however, principally confined to Cork, from which beef, pork, and butter were exported in large quantities. About 10,000 oxen and 8,000 cows were slaughtered annually in Cork. " The expedition," says Wakefield, " with which the animals are slaughtered, the meat cut up and salted, and afterwards packed, is astonishing. As the people employed in the business have acquired great experience by habit, every part of it is conducted with the utmost regularity and despatch." However, even at that date the export of live cattle was increasing ; the blockading system rendered necessary a large supply of live cattle for the ships of war ; and the supply of this demand was confined to England. Irish cattle dealers were in this way tempted to transport their cattle to England, where they would have an opportunity of being purchased for the navy. The manufacture of bacon and hams continued to be carried on on an extensive scale at Limerick, Clonmel, and Waterford. At this time the Irish provision trade was in a very advan- tageous position with regard to its supply of salt, which on importation to Great Britain paid a duty of 40 a ton, whereas the corresponding duty in Ireland was only 4. At the termination of the war, however, the duties were equalized, and thenceforth the advantage in obtaining supplies of salt was in favour of Great Britain, owing to the almost total absence of salt works in Ireland. In 1827 the high duties which had excluded foreign provisions from Newfoundland were repealed. The Irish provision merchant thus lost his preference in the New- foundland market, and the trade immediately decayed. A few years later the differential import duties in the West Indies were also repealed, and Irish provisions were soon undersold by American. Peel's free trade policy threw the British market open to foreigners, and the Irish provision trade suffered another severe blow. The industry was further discouraged by the increase of 32 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY steam navigation in the Irish Channel, and the consequent ease with which live cattle could be transported to Great Britain. The rapid growth of the latter trade may be judged from the following figures : Cattle exported from Ireland to Great Britain. Three years ending March 25, 1800 - 14,105 Three years ending January 5, 1826 - 57,395 Year ending January 5, 1847 - 186,483 Year ending January 5, 1850 201,811 In view of the fall-off in the dead meat trade which took place as the result of these causes, the curing of bacon came to be the principal branch of the provision industry. But even this experienced a severe decline as a result of the famine, and the consequent disappearance by emigration of the cottiers and small farmers who were the principal breeders of pigs. After this long recitation of decaying manufactures, it is pleasant to be able to record that the brewing industry did not decline, but on the contrary expanded during the period under review. Wakefield found flourishing breweries in existence in Cork, Fermoy, Limerick, Waterford, Roscrea, Belfast, Navan, Armagh, Donoughmore, and Dungannon. The export of Irish beer gradually increased, and the Irish brewers supplied practically the whole Irish market as well. The industry received a severe period of depression during Father Mathew's temperance movement, but afterwards regained its prosperity. " It is only necessary to say with respect to the Irish brewing trade," writes John Francis Maguire in his valuable Guide to the Cork Exhibition of 1852, " that it is recovering from the serious injury which it sustained by the temperance movement, and the renewed depression in the year of the famine ; that its home consump- tion is very little interfered with by English importation ; and that the Irish brewers on the contrary do a large and increasing business in England and with foreign countries." The distilling industry also increased. Wakefield found that the progress of legal distilling was greatly impeded by the competition of illicit stills, which were very numerous, and the total number of licensed distilleries in 1810 only amounted to nine. In 1821 the quantity of spirits produced HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 33 in Ireland on which duty was paid was 3,627,552 gallons ; in 1825 it had increased to 8,835,027 gallons ; and in 1836 to 11,894,169 gallons. Father Mathew's temperance move- ment seriously affected the distilling trade for a few years ; the output fell off from 12,000,000 gallons in 1839 to 5,000,000 in 1843. During this period of depression two-thirds of the distilleries were crushed out of existence ; but the trade afterwards revived. Another industry which did not decline in the first half of the nineteenth century was shipbuilding. The intro- duction of steam navigation in 1824 greatly increased the volume of the cross-channel trade, and the demand for new ships was to a large extent met by Irish ship- builders. In 1824 an important shipyard was established at Belfast, but its proper development was impeded by absence of a port authority with power to improve the navigation of the Lagan. Between 1824 and 1854 about fifty wooden vessels, chiefly brigs and schooners of from one hundred to three hundred tons, were built in Belfast ; two wooden steamers and a few iron-built steamers were also launched. Shipbuilding was also carried on in Cork on a fairly extensive scale. After 1845 several steamships were built ; and one large shipyard in 1850 gave employment to 370 workers. Shipbuilding was also carried on in Drogheda and Waterford, but it had been driven out of Dublin early in the century as a result of incessant labour disputes. Thus before 1850 Belfast had not attained its position of supremacy in the shipbuilding industry which it occupies to-day ; and the industry was more generally diffused throughout the country. With the brewing,' distilling, and shipbuilding industries we have completed the list of the manufactures that increased during the fifty years following the Union ; and the few minor industries which it remains for us to mention experienced a decline. The glass industry, which had been so prosperous at the time of the Union, practically disappeared before 1850. The following extract from John Francis Maguire's Guide to Cork Exhibition, 1852, gives a good account of the decline of this important branch of industry : " Irish glass is rather a thing of the past than of the present ; a matter of regret rather than a source of enjoyment. The people of this country are 34 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY now almost wholly dependent for their supply of glass on the English makers. This was not so at one time, and that not very remote ; for there were several glass-houses in Ireland, manufacturing an article of superior quality, and some of them even making largely for exportation to foreign countries. In 1825 there were no less than eleven flint glass factories all in full work. A little less than twenty years since there were about seven full-worked factories in Ireland two in Dublin, two in Cork, one in Waterford, one in Newry, and one in Belfast. At present there are but three glass-houses in all Ireland two flint and one bottle." The manufacture of pottery had never been successfully established in Ireland, but any remnants that remained in the beginning of the nineteenth century soon disappeared, owing to the impossibility of carrying on the manufacture at a distance from the coalfields. In Wakefield's time nothing but coarse earthenware and tiles were made in a few places. The leather industry should have prospered more than it did in view of the large quantities of cattle slain for the provision trade. " In Ireland," we read in Wakefield, " not- withstanding the number of cattle slaughtered every year, it does not appear that tanning is carried to such an extent as might be expected." This was attributable in part to the difficulty of procuring bark owing to the destruction of the Irish woods ; " but the chief obstacle to the good pre- paration of leather in Ireland is the levying of the duty on the pit in place of on the skin as in England ; this makes it the interest of the tanner to run as many hides through the same liquor as possible, whereby the skins are imperfectly prepared, the process being but half performed." The Guide to the Cork Exhibition of 1852 recites that the leather industry had been on the decline for many years : "An idea of the falling off may be formed from the fact that in Cork alone there were at one time forty tanneries at full work ; while there are not now more than sixteen. The orders given by the leather sellers of the country towns to the manufacturers of Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Waterford, and Clonmel bear but a miserable proportion to those which they were in the habit of giving in former times indeed they are scarcely one-fourth of what they were." This decline was attributable to the importation of large quantities of cheap English leather, and to the growing export of live cattle. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 85 It would be impossible in the space at our disposal to enumerate all the minor industries that experienced a decline in the fifty years following the Union. Such an enumeration is to be found in one of the appendices to the Report of the Poor Law Commissioners in 1836, which contains much informa- tion on the subject. The majority of the manufacturers who gave evidence before the Commission attributed the falling off in their business to the withdrawal of the protecting duties. A carpet maker stated that he was the only one of his trade left in Dublin ; that the English manufacturers, by reason of the long credits they could obtain, were able to undersell the Irish even in the Irish market ; and that the removal of the protecting duties had been followed by a great fall in wages. The bookbinders gave evidence to the effect that their trade had been very flourishing after the Union, but that at a later date the public departments had begun to give their contracts to English firms. After the withdrawal of the duties, books were imported from England already bound, and much unemployment resulted in Ireland, in spite of voluntary reductions of wages. The glovers stated that : " The withdrawal of the protecting duties gave a severe blow to this trade. The English poured in their goods and undersold us." The hatters gave similar evidence : " When the protecting duties were withdrawn the trade here received a fatal blow, for we were immediately inundated with an importation of English hats." A prominent iron founder said : " Owing to the protecting duties having been with- drawn, and the credit given by English manufacturers, our trade has been gradually sinking. In 1825 our markets were constantly overstocked with every article from England." A striking instance was that of the cutlers : " The withdrawal of the protecting duties seriously affected the trade, not in the quantity of work, but in the prices of our goods, and the men's wages were reduced from fifty shillings to twelve shillings a week. The men behaved very well, and took the reduced wages, as they had no alternative but to starve. There was a glut of goods from Sheffield which caused many of the workers to emigrate." Another group of manufacturers, principally those en- gaged in the making of articles of luxury, gave evidence that they had been injuriously affected by the greatly increased absenteeism caused by the Union. Amongst these 36 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY were the basket makers, the braziers, and the coach- builders. The net result of the first fifty years of the nineteenth century was that Ireland had abandoned all pretence of being an industrial country, and relied for its support on agriculture to an almost greater degree than it had done at any previous period, even than in the middle of the eighteenth century. The extent of the industrial decay which followed the Union can only be fully appreciated when it is compared with the progress which Great Britain made at the same time, or that which Ireland had made under Grattan's Parliament. Next after the decline of industry in the country as a whole, perhaps the most striking features of the period is the definite tendency shown by the manufactures which survived to become localized in the north-east corner of Ulster. We have already in our survey of the different manufac- tures seen the causes which tended to produce industrial decline, and it is only necessary here to summarize them and to endeavour to assign to them their true relative impor- tance. It must be obvious to everybody that the principal factor which operated to assist or to impede the development of manufactures until the middle of the nineteenth century was the manipulation of protective duties and bounties. For a period of 150 years England had consistently and logically protected her own industries so long as they needed help of this kind, and it was only when they had been placed on such a footing of strength as to be practically incapable of suffering from outside competition that the policy of artificial stimulation was relaxed. During the period, how- ever, in which English industries were thus built up, Irish industries had been depressed and discouraged by the com- mercial restraints. After 1780 Ireland for the first time for nearly a century had an opportunity of reviving her decayed manufacturing life, and, as we have seen, ample use was made of this opportunity by Grattan's Parliament. The means adopted were those which had proved so successful in Great Britain in the past, and there is every reason to believe that, had Ireland had sufficient time fully to develop her commercial policy, she would have benefited from it equally. That time, however, she was not destined to have. When it is remembered that in 1780 Irish industries had sunk to their lowest ebb, and that Grattan's Parliament had HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 37 to base its policy of reconstruction on practically no existing foundations, it will be immediately realized that it was impossible to do very much in so short a period as twenty years. Obviously Ireland in 1800 must have been indus- trially in a much weaker position than Great Britain at the same date ; the former had enjoyed twenty years of Colbertism, and was just at the point where all the encouragement of those years would go for naught unless more encouragement were to follow ; the latter had reached the stage where the full fruits of the Colbertian policy of the past could only be fully realized by a change to another system. The equality therefore of duties on the trade between Great Britain and Ireland was but nominal, and represented no real equality. So long as there was any reason to suppose that an equalization of duties would be productive of such equality of competition, British trading interests had vigorously and successfully resisted any advance in that direction ; but all doubt on this matter had disappeared before the end of the eighteenth century ; and the Act of Union did not arouse any alarm amongst British manu- facturers. The old fears of Irish competition in the British market had given place to the hope of British supremacy in the Irish market. As we have seen, the Irish import duties were removed, partly at the Union and partly twenty years later. In the interval a duty of ten per cent on practically all goods (except cotton) was retained. It is unnecessary to discuss whether more injury was done to the Irish manufactures by the first or the second change of the tariff ; but it is possible that too much importance has been sometimes attached to the effects of the latter. It is probable that the real injury was done at the Union, as the advantage which the British manufacturer possessed by reason of the introduction of improved methods and the division of labour almost certainly outweighed that which the Irish manufacturer possessed by reason of the duty. The English market was certainly equally closed to Irish produce before and after the abolition of the ten per cent duty. The matter may perhaps be correctly summarized by saying that the reduction of the duties inaugurated a period of arrested development, and that their abolition inaugurated a period of decline. 38 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY This view of the important effects produced on Irish industry by the changes in the tariff is that of the most competent modern students of the subject. Dubois, in his Contemporary Ireland, says : " England, which under the protection of her customs barriers had, during a century, been winning her way to industrial superiority, was now under a commercial freedom to witness the full expansion of her prosperity. But for Ireland free trade, on the contrary, merely accentuated the progress of decay. She was not in a position to struggle against foreign competition. During the nineteenth century Ireland suffered as much from free trade and from the doctrines of the Manchester school as she had suffered throughout the eighteenth century from mercan- tilism and commercial restraints." Miss Murray expresses the same opinion in The Commercial Relations between England and Ireland : " The industrial history of Ireland during the nineteenth century shows how impossible it was for Irish manufacturers to compete with British, once the two countries were commercially united, and all customs' duties on articles going from one country to the other gradually abolished. It also shows the advisability of a country possessed of little industrial development fostering and protecting its infant manufactures until they are firmly established, in order to prevent them being crushed out of existence by the com- petition of other countries. But union with Great Britain necessitated the application of the new free trade principles to Ireland just at the time when Irish industries should have met with encouragement and protection." " While industrial protection was in vogue in England," says Dr. Cunningham, " little stimulus was given to real improvement of any kind in Ireland, but her whole system suffered a severe blow when protection was withdrawn. . . . The regime of ill-assorted companionship has been almost as baneful as the period of jealous repression and Protestant ascendancy." The end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nine- teenth centuries comprised what is known as the period of the Industrial Revolution. Improved methods of manufacture were introduced ; the principle of the division of labour was carried into practice to a degree never before known ; and new forms of power were applied. It may be taken as cer- tain that a country in which these changes took place at an early date would be in a position to undersell any other HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 39 country in which their introduction was delayed, unless the latter were favoured with some advantage of situation, or pro- tected by import duties and bounties. Ireland enjoyed neither of these advantages. She was but a few miles from Great Britain, and her markets were fully exposed to British competition. It was all important, therefore, that she should not lag behind Great Britain in adopting the improved methods of production which were effecting such a revolution in British production. As a matter of fact, these improvements were not introduced in Ireland until long after they had become well established in Great Britain, and this delay was the fundamental cause of Ireland's inability to compete with the latter in a free market. We shall discuss the causes of this late introduction of improved processes in Ireland directly ; let us first prove the fact. In 1812 Wakefield stated that " Little progress can be made in Ireland in manufactures without a proper division of labour, which is still a great deficiency in that country. In every large undertaking recourse is always had to some director or overseer, who is able to distribute the different parts of the work to those best qualified for the execution of them, and to assign to each labourer his fit proportion by which means the whole is completed in a shorter time and in a much better manner. But in Ireland the minute divisions of land, and the manner in which the inhabitants are scattered over the country, render it necessary for labour of various kinds to be performed by the same individual. In arts carried on in this manner improvement is impossible. Except in the cotton branches, and in the curing of provisions, this perni- cious system is everywhere observed." The same writer elsewhere informs us that " the spinning of linen yarn by machinery was not practiced in Ireland till within the last few years." The Select Committee on the Irish Linen Trade in 1825 found that the division of labour had been carried to a very much greater degree in England than in Ireland ; and the Poor Law Commission of 1833-6 heard much evidence to the same effect. The report of the latter commission states that, " if trade is encouraged, it is to be hoped that they may expect that division of labour which exists in England." A hosiery manufacturer stated before the commission that the business 40 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY in Ireland was done entirely by the chamber masters, and not in factories, as in England ; an iron founder, that the English were enabled to undersell him because they had adopted the division of labour ; and a paper manufacturer, that there was in Ireland no machinery equal to that employed in Great Britain. Otway's Report on the hand-loom weavers discloses a similar state of affairs four years later. He states that the " system of spinning flax by machinery was not introduced into Ireland until a considerable period after its introduction into England and Scotland " ; and that there were no power- looms employed on woollen weaving even as late as 1840. It would be tedious to produce any more evidence of a fact so well established as that the industrial revolution came later in Ireland than in England. It may possibly be said that, if Irish manufacturers did not avail themselves of the improved methods of production which were being introduced elsewhere, they only had them- selves to blame for their country's industrial decline. This suggestion might have some weight if Ireland had been a country normally circumstanced economically, but, as a matter of fact, it was not so in any respect. The introduction of the improvements which came in at the time of the indus- trial revolution was impossible without capital, and it was lack of capital that prevented Irish manufacturers from adopt- ing them. The acquisition of capital by the Irish manufacturers at the beginning of the nineteenth century was almost impossible for two reasons. One was the land system, which prevented the accumulation of any substantial capital in Ireland ; the other was the unsatisfactory banking system, which impeded the circulation of whatever capital was accumulated in spite of the land laws. The essential evil of the land system was that no part of the surplus produce of the land was enjoyed by the occupying tenant. The combined result of the evils of middlemen, short leases, the absence of tenant right, and the pressure of a large population upon the soil, was that the actual cultivators did not obtain more than a mere subsist- ence as a result of their labour. The whole surplus was drained off as rent. This evil was aggravated a hundredfold by the prevalence of absenteeism, by reason of which the surplus product of the land was not only lost to the occupying HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 41 tenant, but to the country as a whole. Under such a system as this the accumulation of capital in Ireland was an im- possibility. " At the present day," wrote Mr. Otway in 1840, " the principal impediments to the growth of manufacturing industry arise from the want of a comfortable middle class, and the condition of the agricultural population. From the nature of his tenure, and the want of an improved system of cultivation, the occupying tenant in most places receives a very disproportionate share either of the profits of his industry or the produce which the soil is capable of producing. There is, and until the relations between landlord and tenant are altered there can be, no accumulation of savings in the south of Ireland from agricultural industry, and hence there can be no spontaneous growth of manufactures from small capitals." This opinion of the effect of the land system on industry was shared by Sir Robert Kane : "In the south the wretched remnants of feudal barbarism paralysed all tendency to improve. The lord was above industry ; the slave below it ; and hence, although the circumstances of a fertile soil, easy access to markets, and abundance of motor power, were in themselves favourable, the blessings which nature presented were left unutilized." Absenteeism had always been a curse in Ireland since the beginning of the eighteenth century, but it greatly increased after the Union, and the economic drain which it caused became more serious than ever. The resources of Ireland were weakened and wasted in another important respect after the Union, namely, by the increased taxation, which resulted in the transmission to England of huge sums yearly for which no equivalent was received. The land system, therefore, and the overtaxation pre- vented the accumulation of any considerable capital in Ireland. Even such small capital as was accumulated was, however, not capable of being employed so as to produce its maximum benefit, on account of the defective banking facilities that the country afforded. Witness after witness before the Poor Law Commission of 1833-6 stated that they were undersold in the Irish market by English manufacturers on account of the long credit that the latter could obtain. " If the Scotch system of banking," wrote John Francis Maguire in 1852, " which has tended so much to the development of the resources of that by no means naturally favoured country, had 42 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY been extended to Ireland some years since, there can be little doubt that she would now be in a different position from what she is ; and that the chimneys of busy factories would meet the eye in many directions where there is felt but the silence of utter desolation. The difference between the two systems, the Scotch and the Irish, may be described, the one as liberal, the other as discouraging. Under the one the enterprising manufacturer of good character is allowed credit in propor- tion to the extent of his business, his capital and his require- ments ; while under the other, he is not allowed to overdraw his account, even to the smallest amount. The enterprising manufacturer is fostered and encouraged in Scotland, as the best possible supporter of the banks ; but, from whatever reason, it is otherwise in Ireland." To the general spectacle of industrial decay which Ireland presented in 1850 there was one fortunate exception, namely, the north-east corner of Ulster. The progress of this one locality at a time when every other part of the country was declining is a remarkable phenomenon which calls for some explanation. In the eighteenth century Ulster stood in by no means the same position of industrial pre-eminence compared with the rest of Ireland which it occupies to-day. The linen industry, it is true, was more in evidence in the northern pro- vince than elsewhere, but it was by no means non-existent in the south and west ; and, with the exception of the newly established cotton industry, Ulster did not possess under Grattan's Parliament any undue share of the manufacturing wealth of the country. But in 1850 a great change had taken place ; the linen industry was practically extinct in the three southern provinces, while it continued to flourish in Ulster ; and by far the largest part of the cotton manufacture was carried on in the same district. Ulster, indeed, owes a far larger share of her industrial development to the cotton than to the linen manufacture. The cotton industry was the one industry that made substan- tial advances during the years following the Union, princi- pally because it alone continued to be encouraged by protective duties. It was at the same time the only industry in Ireland, except the provision trade in Cork, in which the improved processes were introduced at an early date. It was the localization of this industry in Belfast, where it had been established in 1778, that conferred on Ulster the position HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 43 of industrial importance which that province was destined to maintain for the remainder of the nineteenth century. Wakefield perceived this clearly in 1810 : " The superior and more opulent condition of a great many of the inhabitants of Ulster has been ascribed to the linen manufacture ; but this opinion is entirely void of foundation. In what district do the people appear to be most comfortable in their circum- stances ? Forming a circle at a distance of twenty miles from Belfast, it will be seen that commerce and the cotton manufacture have diffused prosperity to that favoured spot." The cotton industry, with its up-to-date methods of produc- tion, and its application of the division of Labour, was a most valuable object lesson to those engaged in the linen manu- facture in the same neighbourhood. It was also accompanied by the advantage that it afforded an alternative or additional source of employment to the families of the linen manu- facturers. It must be remembered that each industry established in a locality helps all the others, just as the decay of one injures all the others. Industrial progress and retrogression are cumulative in their effects. In this connec- tion the proximity of Belfast to the industrial districts of Scotland must not be overlooked. Ultimately, however, the linen industry supplanted the cotton in Ulster and regained its former pre-eminence. Although improved processes were not introduced into the linen manufacture at as early a date as in England, they were nevertheless adopted earlier than in other parts of Ireland. This applied particularly to the spinning branch of the manufacture. About 1830 hand-spun yarn definitely gave place to that spun by power, and one reason that the linen industry in the south and west declined so rapidly was that it was found impossible by the weavers to obtain cheap supplies of power-spun yarn. In Ulster, however, spinning by power was introduced, thus ensuring a regular supply of yarn for the weavers. The improved methods appeared much later in the weaving branch of the manufacture than in the spinning, and hand- loom weaving, especially of the finer fabrics which were chiefly manufactured in Ulster, was retained until the middle of the century. The principal improvements that were introduced into this branch of the industry were the cessation of the custom by which weavers supplemented their earnings 44 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY by farming small portions of land, and the congregation of the weavers into factories. The former was generally admitted to be accompanied by great advantages both to weaving and to agriculture, as it converted the former man of all trades into a skilled full-time workman ; and the institution of the factory system also made for increased output and greater efficiency. In 1840, out of nine hundred weavers employed in Belfast, seven hundred were employed in factories ; and it was said that the introduction of this improvement was encouraged by the widespread embezzle- ment of yarn which took place when the work was performed in the weavers' own homes. Mr. Muggeride stated in the report on the Hand-Loom Weavers that " the extent of embezzlement, and the traffic in stolen materials existing in Belfast, was stated to be much greater than in any other town visited either in England or Ireland." Apart from these two changes, the process of weaving did not undergo any very great change in the early part of the nineteenth century, and it is doubtful if, had it done so, the Ulster linen industry would have survived. Such was the opinion expressed by Mr. Pim in his book on the Condition of Ireland, written in 1848 : " The manufacture of flax has more slowly adapted itself to the factory system than either that of cotton or wool. Linen is still woven by hand, and flax continues to be spun by hand till recently ; the machinery for spinning flax by power not having been invented until long after that for spinning cotton had been brought to nearly its present state of perfection. The factory system had, therefore, time to develop itself in England, as applied to the manufacture of cotton, woollens, and worsted goods, before the linen trade was exposed to its influence. When the contest between the spinning wheel and the flax mill commenced the linen trade of Ulster might have experienced the same fate as the cotton and woollen trades of the south of Ireland, but that it was still necessary to weave by hand." The reason that Ulster was enabled to progress during the period in which the remainder of Ireland declined was that the improved process of manufacture was adopted in the northern province. Was this in any way due to a superior industrial character in Ulster ? We have seen that the failure of the southern manufacturers to introduce improve- ments was due to their inability to amass capital owing to HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 45 the land system ; and it is equally the fact that the reason Ulster was enabled to progress was because capital could be accumulated owing to an essential difference in the land system in the north. The Ulster custom, which was observed throughout the northern counties, did away with the worst evils which characterized the land system in the south, by encouraging tenants to improve by ensuring that they would enjoy such capital as they succeeded in accumulating. Absenteeism, moreover, was not so common among the northern landlords. The existence of the Ulster custom was undoubtedly the reason why the industries of Ulster weathered the storm, which swept away those of the south and west. " It may be asked," says Mr. Otway, " why the manufactures of the north did not share the fate of those of the south ; but the question is easily solved by a glance at the state of the population in the province of Ulster. . . . The landlords and tenants in the manufacturing districts belonged to one class ; they did not regard each other as hereditary enemies ; . . . there was no legacy of oppression on one side or of revenge on the other. The Ulster tenant felt and feels he has a property in his favour, something on the earth he could call his own ; that the fruits of his industry would be allowed to accumulate into a small capital ; and, in point of fact, such an accumulation did take place, for the greater part of the capital in the linen manufactures of Ulster was derived from the savings of agricultural industry, and hence arose the numerous class who were at the same time a farmer, a weaver, and a linen dealer." The progress of the north was there- fore as intimately connected with the land system as was the decline of the south, and was equally unconnected with the character of the manufacturers. Indeed, the only way in which the special character of the Ulster people influenced the industrial development of the province was by hastening on the introduction of the factory system on account of their dishonesty in dealing with the yarn in their own homes. The remarkable growth of Belfast, as apart from other parts of Ulster, is generally attributed to the financial diffi- culties of the Chichester family at the end of the eighteenth century. So great was their need of money that they granted away their Belfast estates in perpetuity in consideration of heavy fines, and thus the lands got into the hands of the 46 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY commercial class, and away from the baneful influence of landlordism. " To these perpetuity leases," says Mr. Godkin in The Land War in Ireland, " we must undoubtedly ascribe the existence of a middle class, and the accumulation of capital for manufacture and commerce." The suggestion has been frequently made that industry was ruined in Ireland in the early nineteenth century by reason of the action of the workmen in demanding unreason- able wages, and enforcing their demand by combinations and strikes. This raises a very important question, which, unfortunately, it is impossible to discuss at proper length in the space at our disposal. It would be idle to deny that strikes were very frequent in Ireland in the early nineteenth century, as their frequency and bitterness appears on every page of the industrial history of the time. It may also be admitted that these strikes were productive of much injury to the manufactures in which they occurred. This fact is proved absolutely beyond yea or nay by the evidence before the Poor Law Commission of 1833-6, the Select Committee on Combinations of Workmen, 1838, the Commission on the Hand-Loom Weavers, and many other contemporary in- quiries. The most famous instance of an Irish industry being absolutely ruined by strikes is that of the Dublin shipbuilding, but many other smaller industries indubitably suffered in the same way. Merely to state that strikes occurred and inflicted damage on certain manufactures is not in any sense a condem- nation of the workmen who took part in them. On the contrary, they were often most necessary, and, even when most disastrous, were often unavoidable, if the ordinary rights of the workmen were not to be completely overridden. It must be remembered that the anti-combination laws in Ireland were even more severe than those in Great Britain, and that, except in certain highly skilled trades, the Irish labourer was paid a much lower wage than a corresponding worker in England. " The rate of wages," says Otway, " for all classes of operatives, with the exception of a few trades, which are limited by the expense or the difficulty of learning them, or which require a continuous industry and attention rarely to be met with, are much lower than in any other part of the United Kingdom." Strangely enough, while in general wages were lower in HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 47 Ireland than in England, they were considerably higher in the more skilled branches. This was constantly stated to be owing to the unreasonable combinations in the latter, but Sir Robert Kane was strongly of opinion that this was not so : "A bricklayer in London gets 22s. per week, and his labourer 145. ; a bricklayer in Dublin gets 255. a week, and his labourer 95. These proportions are often said to be caused by combinations and threats against employers. It is not so ; the fact being that men who know how to set bricks are proportionately more abundant in London, and men who do not know how to do it are more abundant with us. This directly produces both the power of combining and the difference of wages." In view of these differences it was impossible to say whether the cost of labour in any one process was higher in England or Ireland, as this depended on the proportion between the number of skilled and unskilled workers employed. The strikes which took place seem to have been more often defensive than offensive, and so far as this was so, the blame for them must be laid on the masters and not on the men. The evidence given before the Poor Law Commission of 1833-6 shows that this was admitted by many of the masters themselves. For instance a pin manufacturer stated that : " The masters here are not sufficiently attentive to their workmen ; they do not show them so much kindness as in England " ; a coachbuilder : " One great cause of combina- tions is the want of conciliatory manners of the masters towards the men. Many of them will seize every opportunity which may offer of taking advantage and grinding the men down to the lowest rate of wages " ; an ironmaster : "If the masters were not so anxious for their own benefit, and showed a little more feeling towards the men, there would seldom be any disturbance " ; another ironmaster : "If the men were better treated they would always come to upon reasonable terms " ; and a third ironmaster : " I consider that combinations are more owing to the behaviour of the masters than of the men, who are much oppressed by many of them and get nothing like sufficient wages." An impartial witness gave evidence before the Select Committee of 1824, that in the Dublin shipbuilding industry the masters relied altogether on the combination laws, and would not " bend at all to the men." These extracts, which are taken 48 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY at random from the huge mass of evidence on the subject which was received by the commissioners, show conclusively that the blame for the strikes must not be put altogether on the men. Mr. Hall, a solicitor and independent witness, stated before the Committee of 1824 that he could " more easily reason with the men than with the masters ; they are generally more intelligent and reasonable, and seldom refuse to come to a reasonable adjustment." The fact is that the strikes were, as we have said above in dealing with the woollen industry, less often actuated by the desire to better the workers' condition than by the fear of their position being lowered by reason of the decay of industry which was taking place. The decline of an industry caused combinations and strikes, which themselves operated only to hasten the decline a vicious circle. The most unpleasant feature of the strikes was that they were frequently directed from England, and it is impossible to resist the conclusion that the Irish workman was on some occasions used as a tool by English interests to injure Irish industries. A hatter stated to the Poor Law Commissioners that his operatives were promised financial support from London to the extent of 3,000 in the event of a strike ; a tailor, that his men took their strike orders from London ; and a cabinet-maker that " in trade disputes delegates came over from trade unions in Liverpool and Glasgow, and so wrought on the tradesmen of Dublin as to excite in them some very high ideas of the utility of some plans they had in agita- tion, and their determination to carry them into effect." Daniel O'Connell stated in Parliament that many Irish trade disputes were fomented in Manchester ; and there was a famous instance in which a body of English glass manufac- turers paid the glass workers in Cork strike pay for two years. These instances of English interference in Irish industrial affairs contain a serious lesson for us at the present day, as they show that the English allies of Irish workmen are not always purely disinterested in their activity in promoting trade disputes in Ireland. On the whole, however, we may say that the prevalence of strikes in Ireland was not so much a cause as a consequence of the industrial decay of the country. The whole subject is admirably summed up in the following passage from Sir Robert Kane's Industrial Resources of Ireland : " No person HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 49 really conversant with the progress of industry in the two countries would assent that there is more combination here than in Great Britain. The history of industry in England for the last century presents a series of the most violent attacks, riots, and combinations, murders of the most amiable employers, destruction of machinery and mills ; in fact, such an array of illegal interference with the first rights of property and labour as would, if judiciously worked up by an active editor, supply materials for a history of Great Britain that has not yet been written. But these events are lost sight of by the public in the vast extent of British industry. The ring- leaders are punished ; the general mass return to work. . . . " In this country, however, cases of combinations derive an extrinsic importance from causes quite independent of their true nature. Our industry is so limited in amount that a disagreement, which in England would never be heard of except by those immediately concerned, becomes matter of universal comment, and unfortunately the organs of public opinion are too often hurried by the eagerness of political feeling into speaking of a quarrel between a master and a few men as if it were a general outbreak of the working against the employing class. " Thus a dispute recently took place in Cork, so unimportant that in a week it was forgotten in Cork. But it was not forgotten elsewhere. The journals took it up, and concealing that the whole affair was a dispute about wages, they seized on the question of English and Irish, and poured out on the poor Cork workmen and their unhappy country column after column of vulgar abuse and contumely. It was inferred that Ireland was in a state of barbarism ; that if mills were erected they would be burnt ; if masters gave employment their throats would be cut ; that the means of earning wholesome food and healthful habitations, of dressing comfortably, of educating their children to useful trades, were looked upon in Ireland as objects sedulously to be avoided ; and that the native Irish had an indomitable and natural taste for rags and dirt, for sloth and hunger, for violence and murder." Another factor which has frequently been suggested as an important cause of the decline of Irish industries is the distance of Ireland from the nearest coal supply. Sir Robert Kane, however, pointed out that the importance of this was greatly exaggerated ; that the percentage of the cost of production 50 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY incurred for coal was too small materially to alter the selling price of any commodity manufactured in Ireland ; and that the necessity of importing coal was of less detriment to the industries concerned than the necessity of importing various raw materials, such as flax, cotton, wool, and salt. The industrial decay of Ireland was caused, therefore, by no failing of character either on the part of the employer or of the workmen, but was the result of the fiscal changes which were introduced at the Union, and completed twenty years later. The abolition of the duties was vital, owing to the inability of the Irish manufacturers to compete with their English rivals ; and this inability was itself the result of the impossibility of capital being accumulated in Ireland under the land system as it then was. Ultimately, of course, the cause of the decay was political, inasmuch as the applica- tion of the unsuitable tariffs was only rendered possible by the fact that the Irish Parliament had ceased to exist. The progress of Ulster, on the other hand, was the result of the differences in the land system which prevailed in that province, and was in no way due to the Act of Union. In other words, the Union was responsible for the industrial decline of the south, but was in no way responsible for the industrial advance of the north. Indeed, it is very probable that north-east Ulster would have been even more prosperous to-day had the Union never been passed. The effect of the industrial decline which we have outlined was to cause great unemployment, and to throw the whole population on the soil for support. As we have seen, however, the soil, however naturally rich and abundant, was by the operation of the land laws unable to afford to those who cultivated it more than a bare subsistence. Here we have a vicious circle. The land system was largely responsible for the industrial decay, which itself operated to aggravate the evils of the land system. The situation created by the action and interaction of these two causes grew annually more unbearable until a crisis was reached hi the dreadful years of the famine. The drastic solution which this terrible event provided for Irish economic problems was ably helped on by Sir Robert Peel, who, by repealing the corn laws, finally deprived Ireland of the last means left to her by which she could hope to maintain her large population. " The Irish farmer and stock-raiser," says Dr. Cunningham, " had had an HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 51 advantage since the Union over the agriculturists of other regions in supplying the English market ; but under the system of free trade this advantage was lost. The complete abandonment of the corn laws proved a very serious blow to the more energetic elements of the population." Such was the effect of the ruin of Irish industries on Ireland. It also had effects on Great Britain, but of a very different kind. Many of the operatives thrown out of employment in Ireland migrated to Great Britain in search of work, and their presence proved an important benefit to England at a period when she was in urgent need of cheap labour. " When the rapid and vast increase of the large towns is considered," wrote Sir George Cornewall Lewis in his Report on the Irish Poor in Great Britain, in 1836, " it may be difficult to estimate the precise amount of advantage derived from the command of labour which the unemployed population of Ireland afforded to them, or how many opportunities of successful development might have been lost without this facility of obtaining at any moment a large supply of new hands." Thus once again Ireland's poverty was England's wealth. There is no need to point any conclusions from the contents of the foregoing pages. It is abundantly clear that, from the industrial and commercial points of view, the first fifty years of the Union system of government was, to put it mildly, not a success. The country, which at the date of the Act of Union was remarkable for its industrial progress and com- mercial expansion, was in a condition of industrial ruin and commercial paralysis at the golden jubilee of that auspicious event. NOTE ON HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION IN the foregoing pages Dr. O'Brien has surveyed the main currents which acted and re-acted upon the industrial economy of Ireland from the seventeenth up to the middle of the nineteenth century. In the following pages the present writer attempts to trace the later history of the subject from about the year 1850 to our own day, Were this work confined to the latter period alone, the reader would find it impossible, without reference to other works, to arrive at reliable conclusions as to the causes responsible for the present-day dearth of Irish trade and industry. But, by studying the subject over an extended period, such as is covered by this work as a whole, these causes are made manifest. During the greater part of the nineteenth century no systematic records were kept of Irish trade and industry. Consequently, to provide full historical data relating to this period is an impossibility. In some cases it has been found possible to collect, from various sources, a fair amount of data, but in other cases very little reliable information is available upon which to found a definite historical narrative. E. J. R. 53 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY CHAPTER I AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, AND FOOD PRODUCTS I. CROPS AND LIVE STOCK DURING the great famine there was established an excellent system of Irish Agricultural Statistics, and since then a continuous record is available of the agricultural conditions in Ireland in each year. The outstanding feature in Irish agriculture since the forties of the last century has been the decline in tillage. Perhaps the quickest method of getting a clear idea of the decrease is to consider the shrinkage in the area under Corn Crops, Green Crops, and Flax, i.e., the area ploughed each year. The following diagram shows at a glance that this area decreased practically continuously from 1849 to 1916 ; the substantial recovery in 1917 and 1918 was due to the necessities of the war. Much of this improvement was, however, lost in 1919. The area of ploughed land decreased from 4,402,377 acres in 1849 t 2.384,761 acres in 1916 ; it increased to 3,220,992 acres in 1918, but fell to 2,786,546 acres in 1919. 29.8 per cent of the arable land (i.e., land under crops and grass, excluding rough mountain grazing) was ploughed in 1849. This percentage fell to 16.2 in 1915. In that year Ireland had a much lower percentage of arable land ploughed 57 58 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY than any country in Europe. In an address delivered at Dundalk on September 13, 1915, Sir T. W. Russell, Vice- Acres 1848 OOO'S omitted 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 1868 1888 1908 1918 Acres OOO'S omitted 5000 PLOUGHED LAND IN IRELAND 2000 1000 1848 1868 1888 1908 1918 President of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, stated : In comparison with Ireland's 16 per cent of ploughed land, Germany has 65 per cent to her credit, Hungary 59 per cent, and Austria 52 per cent. Our Allies are also far ahead of us in this respect. European Russia ploughs 78 per cent of her arable land, Serbia 63 per cent, Belgium 59 per cent, Italy 58 per cent, and France 55 per cent. Of the neutral countries Roumania ploughs 79 per cent, Bulgaria 71 per cent, Luxemburg 64 per cent, Portugal 55 per cent, and Denmark 54 per cent. This latter figure for Denmark may seem much too low to those of you who have visited or studied that country, but we must bear in mind it is 59 only the land ploughed each year that I am taking into account. If I included the seed hay with the ploughed land the percentage for Denmark would be no less than 91 per cent. As the percentage ploughed in Ireland in 1849 was only 29.8 per cent it is seen that even at that period Irish agri- culturists applied much less labour to the land than was the rule on the Continent before the outbreak of war. A rough measure of the loss of food production involved in the low percentage ploughed in Ireland is given in the following statement, which appeared in an advertisement issued by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction in February, 1917 : An acre of merely average land will produce in Oats i ton, in Potatoes 8 tons. An acre of the primest fattening land will not produce in Beef (live weight, counting hides, bones and all) more than 5 cwt. An acre of Oats will feed for a week 100 people. An acre of Potatoes 220 people. An acre of Beef 8 people. To grow Oats takes 5 months. To grow Potatoes 4 to 6 months. To grow Beef takes 2 years. The decline in tillage and the comparatively small food production on the grass lands, are fairly well realized by the Irish public. There is also a general idea that our country is more fertile than most lands. The Statistical Year Book of the International Institute of Agriculture shows that Ireland has an extraordinarily high rate of produce per acre as compared with other countries. The following is a comparison of the average yields per statute acre in Italy, France, and Ireland, for the five years 1912-16 inclusive : ITALY. Cwts. FRANCE. Cwts. IRELAND. Cwts. Wheat 8.1 IO.6 19.9 Oats 7-4 10.3 17.6 Barley 6.7 II. O I9.O Rye 8.6 8.3 14.8 Potatoes 43-5 69.1 1077 60 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY An acre of ploughed land produced nearly twice as much in Ireland as in France, and more than twice as much as in Italy. The following additional facts extracted from the same publication show the extraordinarily favourable position of Ireland as regards average yields of crops per acre in the five years, 1912-16 : Rye. Out of 23 countries listed, Oats. Out of 31 countries listed, Barley. Out of 34 countries listed, Wheat. Out of 38 countries listed, Flax. Out of 15 countries listed, Potatoes. Out of 24 countries listed, Ireland came second. Ireland came second. Ireland came third. Ireland came third. Ireland came sixth. Ireland came seventh As a result of Land Purchase Acts, which have enabled Irish farmers to become the owners of the land they work, and in consequence of the propagation, by the Department of Agriculture, of knowledge as regards the scientific treatment of crops and live stock, as well as the operation of other factors, there has been a steady improvement in Irish agri- culture during the last twenty years. In that period there has been an all-round increase of about 25 per cent in the rate of yield per acre of the tillage crops. The following table shows the increases in the averages for two periods of five years : AVERAGE RATE OF YIELD CROPS. PER STATUTE ACRE. 1895-99. 1913-17- Actual. Per cent. Cwt. Cwt. Cwt. Wheat 17.0 20. i 18.2 Oats Barley 15.0 17-4 17.7 19.1 2.7 18.0 9 .8 Tons Tons Tons Potatoes Turnips Mangels 3-9 14.9 15-7 5-7 17-3 20.3 1.8 2.4 4.6 46.2 16.1 29-3 Stones Stones Stones Flax 26.6 27.6 I.O 3-8 AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 61 It is presumably in this direction that the most rapid and permanent progress can be made in the near future. It is a matter of more and better agricultural education. A few figures with regard to the principal crops may be of interest : WHEAT : The area under Wheat in 1847 was 743,871 acres the largest extent recorded. This decreased to 504,248 acres in 1851, to 401,243 acres in 1861, to 244,451 acres in 1871, to 153,794 acres in 1881, to 80,870 acres in 1891, and continued small to 1914, when the area was 36,913 acres. It had in- creased to 157,326 acres in 1918, but fell to 69,663 acres in 1919. In the Report on the Trade in Imports and Exports at Irish Ports, in the year 1915 (Cd. 8498, 1917), it is stated that the quantity of wheat and wheat flour consumed in Ireland in that year would represent the normal produce of 730,000 acres of wheat in Ireland. OATS: In 1852 the area under Oats in Ireland was 2,283,449 acres ; this was the largest extent recorded for that crop. There was a gradual decrease in the area sown which reached its lowest point in 1914, when it stood at 1,028,758 acres. It had increased to 1,579,537 acres in 1918, but decreased to 1,442,458 acres in 1919. Most of the oats produced in Ireland is consumed by the horses and the food animals on Irish farms. Of the 955,000 tons produced in 1912, 607,400 tons were thus consumed on the farms ; 90,850 tons were used for seeding the 1913 crop. This left 256,750 tons over for feeding horses in Irish towns, for the manufacture of oatmeal in Ireland, and for export. Oats and Potatoes are the only two Irish crops which are exported in large quantities. The exports of Oats, which amounted to 44,695 tons in 1904 (the first year for which figures are available), increased to 79,764 tons in 1907, and remained at about this level to 1914. During and after the war larger shipments were made ; the largest export recorded was 162,055 tons in 1919. BARLEY AND BERE : In 1849 the area der Barley and Bere was 351,509 acres. This was the largest area ever placed under these crops. It gradually decreased to 152,520 acres in 1866. After that year the area increased to 254,845 acres in 1879. A decrease then set in and the extent was 62 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY reduced to 167,407 acres in 1884. From that date on to 1914 the area remained fairly constant ; in 1915 it fell to 141,586 acres ; in 1918 it had risen to 184,712 acres ; and in 1919 to 186,625 acres. Barley was the best paying of the 1919 crops, and Irish farmers showed their good judgment in selecting it as the only crop to show an increased area that year. Most of the Irish barley crop is sold for malting. Thus out of the 155,546 tons produced in 1912 there were 130,650 tons sold off the farms. Of the remainder 12,600 tons were used for seeding the 1913 crop. POTATOES : In 1849 the area under Potatoes was 718,608 acres. The extent gradually increased to a maximum in 1859 when it reached 1,200,247 acres. There was then a gradual and almost continuous decline down to the year 1909, when the area reached the minimum 579,799 acres. The area in 1916 was 586,308 acres ; in 1917, 709,263 acres ; in 1918, 701,847 acres. The area fell to 588,802 acres in 1919. Large quantities of potatoes are exported from Ireland each year, but still the shipments amount to only a compara- tively small fraction of the large total produced in Ireland. Potatoes are grown specially for export in only seven counties (Antrim, Armagh, Donegal, Down, Londonderry, Tyrone, and Louth), all of which are in the north. The total export, which amounted to 108,578 tons in 1904, had increased to 187,922 tons in 1914 ; during and after the war much larger quantities were shipped, amounting to 343,099 tons in 1918 and to 301,271 tons in 1919. TURNIPS : The largest area ever recorded for Turnips was 399,377 acres for the year 1852. The decline in the area under this crop was very much less than in any of the four already mentioned. The change was gradual, and the minimum 262,814 acres was reached in 1916. The area increased to 294,795 acres in 1918, but fell to 273,460 acres in 1919. MANGELS : This is the only crop the area of which has shown a steady tendency to increase. The area in 1849 was 18,758 acres. The area was much the same in 1867, but had increased to 48,948 acres in 1872. In 1897 it was 54,649 acres ; in 1907 it had increased to 72,134 acres. It reached AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 63 its maximum of 97,663 acres in 1918 but decreased to 74,839 acres in 1919. FLAX : The area under Flax in Ireland shows more variations than the area under any other crop. The extent in 1849 was 6o.3 r 4 acres. It increased to 174,579 acres in 1853, but fell to 97,075 acres in 1855. The area increased fairly steadily to 301,693 acres in 1864. This was the largest extent ever recorded. It had fallen to 101,174 acres in 1875, after which it was enlarged to 157,540 acres in 1880. It decreased to 89,225 acres in 1884, to increase again to 130,284 acres in 1887. It then fell to 67,487 acres in 1893, but stood at 101,081 acres in 1894. It had gone down to 34,469 acres in 1898. In 1915 the area was 53,143 acres. It rose to 91,454 acres in 1916, to 101,705 acres in 1917, and to 143,355 acres in 1918, but fell to 95,610 acres in 1919. In the five years previous to the war Ireland on an average produced 10,581 tons of flax, imported 38,057 tons, and exported 3,259 tons. Accordingly, the annual average consumption of flax was 45,379 tons. In the same five years the average yield per statute acre in Ireland was thirty-two stones. Taking this as the normal yield, Ireland should have had about 227,000 acres under flax in order to produce sufficient for her pre-war requirements. TIMBER : The area under Woods and Plantations hi 1853 was 305,221 acres, in 1880 it had risen to 339,858 acres, which was the largest extent recorded for any year. After this there was a gradual decrease to 289,944 acres in 1918. The food animals and the horses on Irish farms consume most of the crops produced in Ireland and comparatively small quantities are sold for consumption off the farms. On the other hand only a comparatively small part of the output of Irish live stock and live stock products is consumed on Irish farms. 79.2 per cent of the Irish farmers' income is directly derived from live stock and live stock products, and only 20. 8 per cent directly from crops. The tables on pp. 64-65 show the estimated quantities and values of Irish crops, live 64 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY stock and live stock products sold or consumed by the farmers and their families in Ireland in the year ended May 31, 1913 the latest year for which the figures . are available : CROPS. Quantity. Value. f, Wheat Tons 39.500 306,000 Oats. . ,, 257,000 1,715,000 Barley ,, 130,650 1,126,000 Beans ,, 380 3,000 Peas M 85 600 Potatoes ,i 1,495,000 6,102,000 Carrots ,, 12,000 18,000 Parsnips ,, 7,000 22,000 Other Green Crops ,, 66,000 Flax.. ,, 12,956 855,000 Tow (undressed) 12,956 39,000 Hay ,, 217,500 743,000 Straw ,, 15,000 27,000 Grass Seed . . ,, 39.300 385,000 Fruit ,, 320,000 Timber 245,000 123,000 The Irish agricultural returns for 1917 were grouped according to size, and the returns for holdings of each size were sub-grouped in accordance with the percentage of arable land ploughed. The summaries for these sub-groups showed that (1) For a group of holdings of a particular size, the higher the percentage of tillage the more numerous were the milch cows and young cattle, of sheep, of pigs, of poultry, but the smaller the number of beef cattle per 100 acres of arable land. (2) For a group of holdings each with the same percentage of arable land tilled, the smaller the holding the more numerous were the milch cows and young cattle, of pigs, and of poultry, AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 65 but the less numerous were the beef cattle and sheep per 100 acres of arable land. LIVE STOCK AND LIVE STOCK PRODUCTS. Quantity. Value. Cattle No. 1,096,000 13,854,000 Butter Tons. 88,200 9,201,000 Whole Milk.. Gals. 92,000,000 2,492,000 Butter and \ Separated \ 22,000,000 687,000 Milk " Fallen " ] Cattle No. 129,000 97,000 Hides Pigs 1,656,000 7,790,000 Poultry 12,955,000 i,575> 000 Eggs Tons 82,673 4,312,000 Feathers i,333 67,000 Sheep No. 1,378,000 2,875,000 Wool Tons 6,933 696,000 Horses No. 32,000 1,508,000 " Fallen Horse 10,000 7,000 Hides Mules, | Jennets j- > 4,000 13,000 & Asses j Goats 32,000 Honey Tons 207 11,000 Total Live Stock and Live Stock Products 45,217,000 Total Crops 11,850,600 Total income . . . . 57,067,600 With the decline in tillage in Ireland it would accordingly be expected that, if no other influences were at work, the 5 66 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY number of food animals would also have declined. There appears to be a general impression that the decreased tillage was counterbalanced by an increase in the number of live stock. While the changes will be shown in. more detail later on, it may be of interest to state here that sheep have greatly declined during the last thirty years, that pigs have shown a distinct tendency to decrease during the last twenty- five years, and that a curious change has taken place in the cattle herds the number of milch cows and the number of cattle bred have decreased, although the total number of cattle kept has increased. The following diagram shows that the number of cattle in Ireland increased almost continuously from 1849 * * ne present date: 1848 1868 1888 1908 1918 OOOS omitted 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 CATTLE IN IRELAND ooo's omitted 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 1848 1868 1888 1908 1918 AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 67 The foregoing diagram conceals the fact that the number of milch cows in Ireland, the number of calves born each year, the production of milk and of butter, have decreased. The following table shows the curious change which has taken place in our cattle herds since 1854, the first year in which the milch cows were separately enumerated : Average for five years. Milch Cows. OTHER CATTLE. Total. Under i year I tO 2 years. 2 years and over. 1854-1858 1915-1919 1,579^51 1,496,724 645,152 1,190,854 597,814 1,110,641 764,866 1,124,878 3,587,683 4,923,097 This table shows that while the number of milch cows (and accordingly the number of calves bred) have declined, the number of calves reared have almost doubled. About 1,100,000 head of cattle are each year sold off Irish farms to be butchered in Ireland or to be exported alive to Great Britain. The normal number now exported each year would be in or about 850,000, the average number butchered in Ireland about 250,000 or, perhaps, a little less. Accord- ingly about three-quarters of the cattle produced in Ireland are marketed alive in Great Britain. On account of the large numbers of store cattle and breeding cattle exported alive from Ireland it was estimated that before the war three Out of every five beef animals sold off British farms were of Irish origin. Owing to the influence of the large extent under grass in Ireland the production of cattle and milk in Ireland is not carried on with any attempt at uniformity through the year. The following were the percentages of calves born in each month of the year June i, 1917, to May 31, 1918 : June, 1.4 ; July, 1.3 ; August, 1.5 ; September 1.4 ; October, 1.5 ; November, 1.8 ; December, 2.5 ; January, 5.3 ; February, 68 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 10.0 ; March, 25.1 ; April, 29.0 ; May, 19.2 ; total, 100.0. 73-3 P 6 * cent, of the calves were born in the three months March, April, and May. Although this inequality has not its full effect on the exports of butter, still it is found that, taking for instance the year 1915, 56.4 per cent, of the butter exported was shipped in the four months June to September. Similarly, the grass is availed of for beef production ; the numbers of fat cattle exported being at a maximum in October and November and at a minimum in May and June. 1848 000*5 omitted 5000- 4000- 3000- 2000- 1000- 1868 1888 1908 1918 000 S omitted 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 69 Unlike the cattle curve which appears on p. 66, and which indicates a constant upward tendency, the corresponding sheep curve (see p. 68) shows that while sheep rapidly in- creased up to 1868, when they numbered 4,901,496, there was a steady and rapid decrease to 3,256,186 hi 1881. This was followed by a still more rapid increase to 4,827,777 in 1892, from which year there has been a general downward tendency. The sheep flocks are, of course, subject to more violent changes than the cattle herds, and it is accordingly more difficult to give reliable estimates of the numbers of sheep produced annually. For the twelve months ended May 31, 1913, the output of sheep was estimated at 1,378,000. The average annual export for the five years 1909-13 was 708,281, so that, if each of these figures can be taken as normal, it would appear that we export about one-half and consume about one-half of the sheep and lambs produced in Ireland. The Irish wool clip for the year ended May 31, 1912, was estimated at 15,530,000 Ibs. The average exports in the five years 1909 to 1913 were 14,603,000 Ibs. The difference between these two figures shows what a small fraction of the Irish wool crop is spun in Ireland. The pig population varies very rapidly from year to year. An exceptionally bad potato crop is followed by a drastic reduction in the number of pigs. For instance, the average yield per acre of potatoes fell from 6.2 tons in 1915 to 4.2 tons in 1916, and as a result the pigs decreased from 1,290,289 in 1916 to 947,472 in 1917. A reduced pig population can, however, be rapidly restored as there are two crops of pigs each year. The following diagram shows how rapidly the number of pigs in Ireland vary from year to year : 70 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 1848 1868 OOO'S omitted 2000 1500 1000 500 OOO'S omitted 2000 1500 1000 500 1848 1868 1888 1908 1918 Although there are violent changes from year to year, still it can be seen from the above diagram that the numbers of pigs tended to increase up to the early nineties, and since then have tended to decrease. While 73.3 per cent, of the calves are born in March, April, and May, and 94.8 per cent, of the lambs in February, March, and April, the births of bonhams are fairly evenly distributed throughout the year. Still pork production is to a consider- able extent seasonal ; the pigs are fattened off after the harvest, the numbers finished reaching a maximum in November or December, and a minimum in July or August. The trend of the Irish export trade in live stock is shown in the following statement : AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 71 Average for three years. EXPORTS FROM IRELAND. Cattle. Sheep. Pigs. , 1847-9 1857-9 1867-9 1877-9 1887-9 1897-9 1907-9 1917-9 195,938 321,441 466,952 677,344 692,604 773,882 847,023 791,410 273,641 437,501 795,386 649,048 599,946 836,642 750,986 628,376 95,082 335,480 285,121 495,212 499,814 657,548 398,837 188,651 The decline in the exports of live pigs since the nineties must be considered in connexion with the progress of the Irish bacon-curing industry. The abnormally low average for 1917-19 was due to the falling off in the pig population, which resulted from the failure of the potato crop in 1916 and the difficulty of obtaining maize since that year. According to the Report on the Agricultural Statistics of Ireland for the year 1916, the following were the numbers of cattle, sheep, and pigs per 1,000 acres of land in different countries : Country. Year. Cattle. Sheep. Pigs. Ireland 1916 244 185 63 England 1916 167 434 62 Scotland 1916 66 370 8 Wales 1916 171 817 40 Belgium I9 J 3 254 194 Denmark 1916 242 27 209 Holland I9 J 3 261 105 168 France 1916 94* 83* 33* Germany 1915 152 38 129 Austria 1910 124 33 87 Hungary 1913 75 81 84 Italy 1914 94 195 38 Switzerland 1916 163 17 55 * Excluding animals on territory occupied by the enemy. It will be seen from the above table that even in regard to cattle Ireland had 72 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY No branch of the Irish live stock industry has advanced so rapidly in recent years as poultry-keeping. Owing to the extraordinary rise in the price of eggs, poultry has become a serious rival to other classes of live stock. The exports of poultry and eggs from Ireland in 1918 were valued at 18,352,578 ; exports of cattle at 23,047,557 ; pigs and pig products at 6,692,027 ; sheep, lambs, and wool at 3,378,833 ; butter at 5,436,739 ; steam vessels at 10,147,000 ; whiskey at 3,796,208 ; porter at 2,431,676. This gives an idea of the importance of the poultry industry at present to Ireland. The number of poultry in Ireland increased fairly regularly from 6,328,001 in 1849 to J 8.976,798 in 1906. In 1907, owing to a new classification introduced into the returns, a more complete enumeration was made of the young fowl, and the total jumped to 24,326,995 for that year. The number rose and stood at 26,472,753 in 1916. It fell to 22,245,024 in 1917 owing to the scarcity of feeding stuffs, but increased to 24,424,230 in 1918, and the numbers have undoubtedly considerably increased since then. Horse-breeding is a very important feature of Irish agri- culture, but as most of the horses bred in Ireland are " con- sumed " on Irish farms in the production of other forms of agricultural wealth, these animals do not perhaps figure as prominently as they deserve in statistical statements. Of the 624,501 horses in Ireland in 1919, 464,280 were broken, 160,221 unbroken. Of the 464,280 broken horses 407,748 were used for agricultural purposes. The number of horses in Ireland varied comparatively little since 1849. In that year the number was 525,924, it increased to 629,075 in 1859 the largest number recorded until 1895 when the maximum of 630,287 was reached. In 1914, just. before the outbreak of war, the number was 619,345. This fell to 560,917 in 1915, but had increased to 624,501 in 1919. 2. THE FISHING INDUSTRY There are records which show that in earlier times the Irish fishing industry was a well-conducted, vigorous branch of a lower density than well-tilled Belgium and Holland, that she had fewer sheep per 1,000 acres than either Wales, England, Scotland or Italy, and fewer pigs per 1,000 acres than Belgium, Denmark, Holland or Germany. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 73 the country's industrial economy. About the year 1829, however, a considerable falling off occurred in its output, and a period of depression ensued, which continued for about thirty years. It was not until the introduction of ice, which provided a means of preserving fish in first-class condition for a comparatively long time ; railways, which provided a rapid means of conveying this commodity to distant markets; and steam trawlers, which further lessened the time occupied in putting fish upon the market, that this industry regained something of its earlier prosperity. Although a preponderance of sailing vessels continues, there has been a marked increase in recent years in the number of Irish-owned steam and motor vessels attached to the Irish fishing fleet. The following table shows the number of vessels of all kinds employed and the number of persons engaged in the Irish Sea Fisheries in the years 1908 to 1917 the latest date for which figures are available: NUMBER OF VESSELS. NUMBER OF PERSONS. Year ISt 2nd ^rd Un- Class Class o ** Class classed Total Men. Boys Total. 1908 412 3,H2 1,742 814 6,080 22,412 498 22,910 1909 413 3,io8 1,642 813 5,976 21,787 445 22,232 1910 39 2,956 1,502 804 5,652 20,339 35i 20,690 1911 420 2,914 i,337 844 5,515 19,789 309 20,098 1912 405 2,693 1,185 915 5,198 18,623 352 18,975 1913 401 2,681 1,071 940 5,093 17.823 251 18,074 1914 361 2,443 947 1,090 4,841 17,205 252 17,457 1915 381 2,080 630 1,185 4,276 * * 15,669 1916 343 2,084 599 1,295 4,321 * * 15,789 1917 344 2,047 493 1,658 4,542 * * 16,936 The figures for the year 1915 disclose the fact that in that year there were eight steam vessels of over 100 tons gross tonnage, 65 motor, and 260 sailing boats engaged in trawling. * Separate figures were not published for these years. The numbers of motor-boats employed in the years 1916 and 1917 in the Irish Sea Fisheries were : 1916 1917 Not exceeding 5 tons . . . . . . 105 119 Over 5 and not exceeding 10 tons . . 66 94 Over 10 and not exceeding 25 tons . . 95 109 Over 25 tons . . . . . . . . 19 62 TOTALS . . . . 285 384 Similar returns have not been published since the year 1917, but a reliable estimate of the number of motor fishing boats owned in Ireland in the year 1919 placed the figures at about five hundred large and small together. Of the Irish sea fisheries a well-informed writer recently stated i 1 A small fleet of steam trawlers from Dublin is primarily occupied in supplying the Dublin market, and the prospect of developing this method of fishing from Irish ports seems to depend upon a revolution in methods of transport. Trawling by smaller craft along most of the coast yields a fair margin of profit, and a system of seining by motor boats, which the Depart- ment (of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland) introduced from Denmark some years ago, is decidedly lucrative, though, like any other efficient practice, it is freely condemned by longshoremen. Drift-net fishing for mackerel and herrings, whether judged by the quantity or value of the product, forms the back-bone of the industry in Ireland . . . The further development of sea fisheries postulates improvement of harbour accommodation on which the Department have so far spent about 167,000, including some 91,400 from their own slender resources. Much remains to be done in this line, if the funds can be secured, and transit adequately correlated. The following statement is interesting as showing the distribution of the Irish sea-fishing industry. The year 1914 is the latest for which such data are available : 1 The Times, November 4, 1919, p. 44. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 75 NUMBER OF FISHING VESSELS (REGISTERED, UNREGISTERED, AND UNCLASSED) EMPLOYED ON THE COASTS OF IRELAND, ALSO THE NUMBER OF MEN AND BOYS ENGAGED IN THE DEEP SEA AND COAST FISHERIES IN THE YEAR 1914. .Name of District. Boundaries. Employed in 1914. Vessels. Men. Boys i. Dublin Howth to Greystones . . IOO 459 26 (Kingstown) 2. Wicklow To breaches three miles north of Five-mile-point Station to the sluices three miles south of Cahore Station, Co. Wexford . . "3 616 22 3. Wexford Sluices near Cahore Point to Bannow Bay, Co. Water- ford 8 7 267 4. Tramore Bannow to Ballyvoile Head 138 401 2 5. Youghal Ballyvoile to Ballycotton, Co. Cork 6. Queens- Ballycotton Bay to Ringa- town bella Point East 51 130 15 7. Kinsale Myrtleville Point to Galley Head, West, Co. Cork . . 125 .436 *9 8. Skibbereen Galley Head to Snave Bridge at the head of Bantry Bay 312 1,302 59 9. Castletown Kenmare Bridge to Snave Bere Bridge, Co. Cork 248 1,224 10. Valentia Kenmare Bridge, South, to Inch Point, North 262 I,OOI 10 ii. Dingle Inch Point, South, to Blen- nerville, North 277 805 3 12. Kilkee Meenogahane, Co. Kerry, to Hag's Head 169 488 2 13. Gal way Canamallagh, Co. Clare, to Mace Head, Co. Galway 999 3,072 44 14. Keel Doaghbeg to Doona Head, West, Co. Mayo 138 572 15. Belmullet Doona Head to Butter Point Co. Mayo 261 869 16. Pullendiva Bartragh Island, Co. Mayo, to Coney's Island, Co. Sligo 76 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY NUMBER OF FISHING VESSELS, ETC. Continued. IName ot District. Boundaries. Employed in 1914. Vessels. Men. Boy? 17. Sligo Strandhill Barracks to Donegal Abbey, Co Donega 106 5i8 18. Killybegs Donegal Quay to Lower Ferry, East, Co. Donegal 308 1,281 /> i 19. Guidore Gweebarra Bar to Mul- laghdoo, Co. Donegal . . 20. Rathmullen Lough Swilly to Bloody Foreland 225 1,002 21. Moville Inch Embankment, Bun- crana, to Magilligan Point, Co. Derry 156 715 22. Ballycastle Downhill, Co. Derry, to (Antrim) Jenny's Bridge, Co. Antrim 104 229 23. Carrick- Jenny's Bridge to Fort fergus William Park, nr. Belfast 65 135 2 24. Donagha- Tilly's Burn, near Belfast dee Lough, to Newcastle Quay, Down 166 490 2 25. Strangford Newcastle Quay, North, to Sheepland Head, South . . 26. Newcastle Sheepland Head to Kilkeel, River Foot, South 222 580 38 27. Dundalk River Foot, Kilkeel, North, to Maiden Tower, mouth of Boyne, South 155 456 I 28. Malahide Laytown to Baldoyle, Co. Dublin .. . . .. 54 157 5 TOTAL 4,841 17,205 252 The following table shows the total quantity and value of fish (exclusive of salmon) returned as landed on the coasts of Ireland in each of the years 1903 to 1919. The reader will notice that, although the total value has increased in the past four years, the quantity of fish landed on the coasts of Ireland has only averaged 785,635 cwts. per annum for the AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 77 past seventeen years, a fact which clearly indicates that there is room for considerable further development in this industry. TABLE SHOWING THE QUANTITY AND VALUE OF FISH (EXCLUSIVE OF SALMON) RETURNED AS LANDED ON THE COASTS OF IRELAND IN EACH OF THE YEARS 1903-19. Year. Quantity Cwts. 1 Value / 2 : 1903 838,412 427,800 1904 951,836 393,630 1905 998,206 414,364 1906 753,471 373,491 1907 697,901 341,049 1908 747,056 337,813 1909 993,083 363,801 1910 1,041,351 375,630 igil 989,484 374,085 1912 894,144 367,367 1913 676,392 358,547 1914 589,996 286,489 1915 550,194 374,9 J 7 1916 566,137 495,996 1917 662,755 704,240 1918 760,986 1,058,236 I9I9 3 644,399 603,736 The major portion of the fresh fish landed in Ireland is despatched to markets in England ; whilst, until shipping became scarce during the war years, considerable quantities of pickled mackerel were shipped from Ireland to the United States of America. Russian and German buyers were, in pre-war years, good customers for Irish pickled herrings. The principal product of Irish inland fisheries is salmon, although this fish is mainly procured in tidal waters or the 1 Exclusive of Shell Fish. 2 Inclusive of Shell Fish. 3 The figures for 1919 are subject to correction in the Department's Annual Returns. 78 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY open sea. Twenty years ago the Irish salmon fishery was estimated to produce 300,000 per annum, while the number of professional fishermen employed in it was reckoned to be from 12,000 to 13,000. The average number of men engaged in the Irish salmon fisheries in 1915 was 11,610 ; in 1916 it was 10,465 ; and in 1917 it was 10,525. Oyster fisheries are to be found in Carlingf ord Lough, Tralee Bay, Clarenbridge, Co. Galway, and less important ones elsewhere throughout the country. The produce of the Irish oyster fisheries in the following years was : Year. Quantity No. Value 1915 1,491,060 3,546 1916 3,271,635 8,048 1917 2,223,983 6,679 1918 2,598,887 8,603 I9I9 1 442,736 768 Mussels are exported in fair quantity, chiefly from Castle- maine Harbour, whilst the Irish lobster industry represents a valuable national asset. A comparatively small quantity of the fish landed on the coasts of Ireland, as well as that caught in Irish inland fisheries, is consumed in Ireland ; the major quantity being exported from the country. At the same time we import from across-channel large quantities of fish, much of which is inferior in quality to that landed on our own coasts. The explanation given for this procedure is that the Irish consumer will not pay the higher price for Irish fish ; and, secondly, that the Irish retailer secures a larger profit from the sale of imported fish. No doubt, were the sale of Irish fish more systematically organized in Ireland were the distributing agencies in a position to cope more efficiently with the home demand and able to guarantee regular supplies, the cost to the consumer could be reduced, and a larger consumption in Ireland of superior quality Irish fish would result. 1 The figures for 1919 are subject to correction in the Department's Annual Returns. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 79 This reference to the Irish Fisheries is, of necessity, frag- mentary and very incomplete, but the scope of this work does not permit of a more lengthy reference being given to the subject. Tables showing the quantity, value, and kinds of fish imported into and exported from Ireland in each of the years 1904 to 1918, the latest date for which these figures are available, will be found in Appendix I. (see pp. 292-295). 3. THE BACON-CURING INDUSTRY John Francis Maguire, writing in the year 1853, stated : " Irish bacon brings the highest price in the London market at this moment, being considered superior to the best Hamburg, and infinitely superior to the American." That was only a few years after the failure of the potato crop, at the time of the famine, when the Irish pig industry passed through a period of serious crisis. The entire number of pigs in Ireland in the year 1841 was 1,412,813 ; in 1848 it had fallen to 565,629 ; a year later it increased to 795,463, and in 1850 it rose still higher, to 923,502. The Solicitor-General for Ireland, in a paper which he read before the Social Science Congress in Dublin in the year 1860, estimated that, at that date, the Irish farming classes received about 3,500,000 per annum from this branch of trade, and that the number of pigs in Ireland that year was 1,268,590. " Belfast," he stated, " is the only place in Ulster where a large provision trade is carried on, and its exports, partly of hams, are considerable, while in Munster there are large establishments at Waterford, Cork, and Limerick. A large proportion of the bacon and hams cured in Belfast is exported to the colonies, and the remainder finds consumption in this country, as well as in Lancashire and the North oi England. A similar trade to that of Belfast has been carried on in Limerick for many years. . . . Of the Irish supply (of bacon) to the London market consider- ably more than one-half is cured in Waterford. . . . An article is now produced by the Irish curers which brings the highest price in the best markets in the world." " About 1877," Sir Alec Shaw, of Limerick, tells us, " some of the bacon curers in Munster made efforts to improve the pigs in the districts from which they drew their supplies, but it was not until about ten years later that any organized effort was 80 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY made by the members of the provision-curing trade to get the fanners to breed the class of pigs most profitable to themselves and most suitable for the production of high-class bacon." In his article, which, written in the year 1902, will be found in Ireland : Industrial and Agricultural, Sir Alec Shaw further stated : The South of Ireland Bacon Curers' Pig Improvement Associa- tion has three breeding establishments, one at Limerick, one at Cork, and another in Waterford. To each of these is attached a skilled inspector whose duty it is to keep in constant touch with the boar-keepers in his district ; to supply them with boars bred at these establishments or purchased from the herds of reliable breeders, such boars being calculated to rectify the faults that may be noticed generally in the pigs of districts where they are stationed, and to prevent in-and-in breeding. We are informed that this Association has up to the present spent 13,000 in their improvement schemes, and that for the past four years they have sent out over 1,420 boars, which were placed as follows : Tipperary, 231; Galway, 115; Clare, 188 ; Roscommon, 28; Limerick, 133 ; Kerry, 67 ; Sligo, 24 ; King's County, 51 ; Cork, 91 ; Mayo, 74 ; Queen's County, 77 ; Kildare, 27 ; Wexford, 115 ; Waterford, 71 ; Kilkenny, 108 ; and Carlow, 18. Of late years the Congested Districts Board have included the distribution of boars in the good work in which they have been engaged, having placed 230 boars ; Donegal having received 37 ; Cork, 15 ; Kerry, 18 ; Mayo, 83 ; Galway, 40 ; Sligo, 7 ; Leitrim, 15, and Roscommon, 15. In 1901 the Department of Agriculture for Ireland issued its first scheme for the improvement of the breeding of swine. The first clause of the scheme reads as follows : The joint fund available under this scheme for encouraging improvement in the breeds of swine shall be applied chiefly in providing premiums for selected pure-bred boars ; and the remainder may be offered in prizes at county and local shows. Thus it will be seen that Ireland has, since 1887, made organized efforts to improve the quality of her swine, and it is to this action that we may attribute the fact that Irish pigs shipped alive, and bacon and hams cured in Ireland, maintain to-day as high a reputation in the markets of the world as they did seventy years ago, when competition was far less severe. In 1902 there were 20 factories in Ireland engaged in the AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 81 curing of bacon and hams exclusive of a number of small curers who killed merely to supply a limited local trade. These factories dealt annually with about 850,000 pigs, and employed over 1,600 workpeople. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, showed some improvement in the number of persons employed, the total number at that date being 2,049, ma de up as follows, viz : Wage Earners, 1,355 males and 413 females ; Salaried Persons, 270 males and n females. The Total Value of the Output was 3,584,000 Cost of Materials used 3,372,000 Net Value of Output 212,000 To enable the reader to realize the extent of the export branch of this industry, I give, following, a comparative table, showing the quantity of bacon and hams exported from Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918, and the quantity of these commodities imported into this country. EXPORTS. IMPORTS. BACON. HAMS. BACON. HAMS. Year. Quantity Cwts. QuantityCwt? Quantity Cwts Quantity Cwts 1904 780,405 I2I,o6l 658,623 25,580 I95 712,984 107,014 732,042 35,019 1906 721,130 115,920 794,680 33,9!6 1907 859,608 120,021 773,547 27,518 1908 916,677 127,056 845,835 43,794 1909 888,713 116,077 681,469 38,922 1910 886,986 117,506 477,382 25,464 1911 966,834 126,242 614,578 26,786 1912 163,063 142,091 564,093 21,610 1913 995,257 120,419 568,921 23,504 1914 969,139 121,250 557,271 20,543 19*5 1,025,367 119,980 763,268 43,978 1916 1,056,856 128,526 832,543 35,6i7 1917 895,650 71,785 644,683 31,30 1918 378,236 33,184 222,659 6,107 82 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The total value of the bacon exported in these fifteen years was 51,019,685 ; an average of 3,401,312 per annum. The total value of the hams exported was 8,556,341 ; an average of 570,422 per annum. The total value of the bacon imported was 33,805,791 ; an average of 2,253,719 per annum ; and the total value of the hams imported was 1,490,342 ; an average of 99,356 per annum. It has been estimated that about 37 per cent, of the pigs reared in Ireland are consumed in this country. The total number of pigs in Ireland in each of the following years was : Year No. of Pigs. Year. No. of Pigs. 1851 1,084,857 1908 1,217,840 1861 1,102,042 1909 1,149,179 1871 1,621,423 1910 I,2OO,OO5 1881 1,095,830 1911 I,4I5,H9 1891 1,367,712 1912 1,323,957 1901 1,219,135 19*3 1,060,360 1902 1,327,610 1914 1,305,638 1903 1,383,516 i9 J 5 1,205,249 1904 1,315,126 1916 1,290,289 I95 1,164,316 1917 947,472 1906 1,244,193 1918 974,385 1907 1,317,069 1919 977,963 From this it will be seen that the number of pigs in the country at various intervals during the past seventy years had not changed to any considerable extent until after the bad potato harvest of 1916. The reader should bear in mind that a revolution has taken place in the quality of this stock, owing to improved breeding, and that were it not for this latter fact Irish pigs, bacon and hams would not represent anything like their present-day value. In fact, had not a considerable improvement taken place there would be little or no market for them to-day. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 83 4. PRESERVED MEATS, ETC. Although this industry is not carried on extensively in Ireland, it is worthy of passing mention, for the reason that one of the two firms engaged in it sends its Irish products to all parts of the world, although the fact that these products are of Irish manufacture is known to comparatively few persons. I refer to the firm of Messrs. Crosse & Blackwell, Ltd., of London, whose factory in the City of Cork has pro- duced the highest quality preserved and tinned meats, fish, and soups for considerably over half a century past. Secondly, the other Irish firm producing these goods Messrs. W. J. Shaw & Sons, Ltd., Garry owen Bacon Factory, Limerick added this branch industry to their already extensive bacon-curing factory about twelve years ago, mainly with the object of stimulating an extension of trade in their city. Following is a Return of the quantity of Preserved Meat exported from Ireland in the years 1904-18 : Year. Quantity Cwts. Year. Quantity Cwts. 1904 4,404 1912 11,638 I95 6,190 I9 J 3 5,247 1906 8,474 1914 22,72O 1907 5,826 1915 8,727 1908 7,749 1916 2,971 1909 7,483 1917 2,835 1910 5,622 1918 4,258 1911 9,010 The total value of the quantity exported in these fifteen years was 381,390 ; an average of 25,426 per annum. No d.iiibt a proportion of these firms' products was also included under the heading, " Provisions and Groceries," and a con- siderable proportion of their output is consumed in Ireland probably the greater part of that of the Limerick firm. 84 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 5. THE BUTTER INDUSTRY The Irish butter industry ranks amongst the earliest of our industrial activities, and the Irish export trade in this commodity to the West Indies, Spain, Portugal, Brazil, the Mediterranean, California, Australia and other foreign lands was, in earlier days, of considerable magnitude. As the trade developed and circumstances changed it became necessary to place it on a more systematic basis. The first effort in this direction was the establishment of the Cork Butter Exchange, about the year 1770. This institution acted as a most valuable agency in preserving the high reputation of Irish butter. All butter passing through its doors was graded according to quality and branded with the market guarantee before being sold. The same system prevails there at the present day, but the one-time greatness of this market has declined since the development of the Irish creamery industry and the spread of Co-operative Creameries throughout the country. These latter have revolutionized the Irish butter industry and are mainly responsible for having saved it from extinction, having enabled it to compete against the high-grade butter produced in Denmark and other foreign countries. Some idea of the Irish export trade in butter in the first quarter of the nineteenth century may be obtained from the following table : Cwts. Annual average of 3 years to 1790 . . 198,140 3 1800 . . 215,100 5 1805 . . 225,187 5 1810 . 303,586 5 1815 330,635 5 1820 . . 365,226 5 1825 . . 442,883 According to the Census of Production Returns, 1907, the quantity of butter made or blended in Irish Creameries ard other butter factories in that year was 670,000 cwts., and the AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 85 stated value of this quantity was 3,505,000. The total output of butter (including farmers' butter) made in Ireland in the year ended May 31, 1908, was 1,724,000 cwts., valued at 8,879,000 ; in the year ended May 31, 1913, the total output was 1,764,000 cwts., valued at 9,201,000. If we examine the return issued by the Department of Agriculture we find that the quantity and value of butter exported from and imported into Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918 was as follows : EXPORTS. IMPORTS. Year. Quantity. Cwts. Value Quantity. Cwts. Value 1904 815,783 3,655,728 59>53 300,924 I95 813,921 4,048,409 57,438 314,234 1906 844,027 4,283,437 60,194 350,128 1907 818,004 4,009,072 63,258 300,571 1908 751,942 4,026,023 62,918 384,287 1909 719,625 3,625,111 68,347 394,867 1910 698,907 3,584,810 77,945 477,798 1911 688,362 3,671,264 88,472 535,207 1912 778,778 4,159,972 65,73i 432,555 1913 725,368 3,735,645 71,585 454,831 1914 855,608 4,641,673 73,935 467,462 1915 838,089 5,751,385 60,048 443,942 1916 764,456 6,163,427 42,201 369,905 1917 675,330 6,896,808 29,056 303,877 1918 455,9H 5,436,739 4,464 55,800 The Census of Production Returns gave the total number of persons employed in Butter, Cheese and Margarine factories in Ireland in 1907 as 4,215, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 2,811 males and 959 females ; Salaried Persons, 417 males and 28 females. The total combined value of the output of these factories was returned as 4,020,000 ; cost of materials used, 3,663,000 ; net value of output, 357,000. 86 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 6. THE CHEESE INDUSTRY Although the Irish dairying industry is of such considerable proportions, the making of cheese is a branch which found little favour until quite recent years. We Irish are not large consumers of cheese, as are the folk across-channel, never- theless, as will be seen further on, the quantity of our imports of this commodity represents a substantial figure, whereas our home production was, until within the past few years, a very meagre quantity. TABLE OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF CHEESE. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity. Cwts. Value Quantity. Cwts. Value 1904 42,707 119,580 1,142 2,855 1905 41,422 107,697 Q2I 2,395 1906 40,906 117,605 1,222 3,5i3 1907 44445 128,890 2,460 7,i34 1908 36,159 103,053 3,231 9,208 1909 42,611 121,441 4,015 n,443 1910 43,56o 120,879 3,365 9,338 1911 46,573 142,048 6,031 18,395 1912 42,986 137,555 IO,26O 32,832 i9 T 3 45,157 137,729 6,372 19,435 1914 54-838 178,224 9-59 1 31,171 19*5 51,483 209,793 i5,7n 64,022 1916 40,507 201,522 13,418 54,678 1917 28,399 187,433 18,085 119,361 1918 46,321 312,667 136,452 921,051 In recent years the home demand for Irish cheese has increased, and the quality of the Irish product has improved, so that the purchaser is now growing accustomed to hearing the seller announce the fact, as an additional argument in favour of the cheese he is offering for sale, that it is of Irish manufacture. The principal kind of cheese produced in Ireland is what is known as cream cheese. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 87 At the time of writing there are 199 factories engaged in the production of cheese in Ireland, and it is also becoming an increasing habit for Irish farmers' wives to produce one or more cheeses, from time to time, some of which are retained for use by the household whilst a certain number of them are sold. 7. THE MARGARINE INDUSTRY Few Irish industries have developed at so rapid a rate as has this. Its introduction into Ireland is of comparatively recent date, and for a number of years it made only moderate headway. However, the shortage of butter during the war years and the abnormal demand for substitutes for that commodity gave the margarine industry a first-class oppor- tunity of progressing. This the Irish firms availed themselves of to a very satisfactory extent, and their output during the past five years has risen far above that of previous years. Following is a Return of the Imports and Exports of Margarine during the years 1904 to 1918 : IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity. Cwts. Value Quantity. Cwts. Value 1904 37385 97,201 28,318 73,627 I95 42,928 108,393 28,262 71,362 1906 45,057 111,517 40,215 99,532 1907 40,187 100,970 33,96o 85,324 1908 46,243 118,498 53,076 136,007 1909 45,680 117,626 65,784 169,394 1910 54,376 142,737 71,144 186,753 igil 56,163 146,024 73,171 190,245 1912 75,470 196,222 63,739 165,721 i9 J 3 83,807 215,803 58,091 149,584 1914 86,434 203,120 61,982 145,658 i9 J 5 109,278 305,978 84,038 235,306 1916 i4i,75i 462,463 163,219 457,013 1917 149,699 643,706 244,382 1,050,843 1918 19,912 103,542 126,353 657,036 88 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The reader should bear in mind that, in addition to their export trade, Irish margarine manufacturers dispose of a large, if not the larger, share of their output in Ireland. The Irish firms engaged in the industry have displayed considerable enterprise, and there is every probability of this industry developing to a still greater extent in the near future. 8. FLOUR MILLING No Irish industry has had to face fiercer competition from outside these shores, and has done it more successfully in the long run than the Irish Flour Milling industry. Sixty years ago a corn mill was as recognized an institution in each district as the village smithy, but, with the introduction of new methods of manufacture, and the establishment of large- scale mills, trade fell away from these old-fashioned concerns until one by one they fell into desuetude. The name given to the modern method of milling flour is the Roller System. It originated in Buda Pesth in the year 1840, but was not adopted in Ireland until about 1883. It is, however, recorded that one Irish firm of millers installed a roller system as early as the year 1863. The introduction of this system created a world-wide revolution in the milling industry. At first the Hungarians secured the bulk of the trade for the new style of flour, but by the year 1875 the system had been adopted generally in the great wheat- growing districts in America and later it took root in Great Britain. The roller system enabled millers to make attractive- looking flour from the hard wheats such as are grown in the northern districts of America, the Argentine, Russia and Hungary. These wheats, if submitted to the millstone process, produce a much darker and less attractive-looking flour than soft wheats, such as those grown in Ireland, when treated by this older process. It is not difficult to realize the crisis that resulted in the Irish flour-milling industry. The cost of installing the new type of plant was considerable ; further, it required the application of far more scientific methods to produce flour of the quality and texture possessed by the Hungarian and American brands. If the Irish miller wanted to continue in business he had to face and surmount these difficulties. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 89 In many cases he did not possess the capital necessary to undertake so big a proposition, in others he hesitated too long. However, as we have stated, by 1883 a number of enterprising men in this country had installed this new system of flour-milling, but the fight they were obliged to make to recover a satisfactory share of the home market in earlier days Ireland possessed a considerable export trade in flour was extremely severe. Fortunately, they were men of the right calibre, and it is to them we owe the fact that flour-milling is not to be referred to as one of Ireland's lost industries. The chief revival in this industry may be dated as within the past fifteen years. A writer in The Times of March 17, 1913, in alluding to this subject, stated : The Irish Industrial Associations have done much to remove the prejudice that at one time denied honour to Irish milling prophets in their own country. Not many years ago dealers would tell the manufacturers that if business were to be done in Irish flour it must resemble American in every possible particular. Then came the happy thought of an exclusive national trade mark with its concomitant agitation for the support of home industry. The result was that most Irish millers applied for licence to use the Irish Trade Mark, and to their extreme satis- faction found a new public that asked for Irish flour, and saw that it got it. Not that Irish millers enjoy a monopoly ; but the value to them of this change of sentiment may be measured by the anxiety of their rivals in other countries to adopt marks and brands of Hibernian suggestiveness. The first step in deciding the relative merits of Irish and American-milled flour occurred in the year 1903, when the present writer purchased three separate pounds of flour one pound of an American-milled brand (which was the most popular flour on sale in the south of Ireland in those days), one pound of a Cork-milled brand, and one pound of a north of Ireland-milled brand. These he put into unprinted bags marked with numbers ; the next step was to get a first- class baker to bake the contents of each bag separately and number the loaves in accordance with the numbers on the bags. This having been successfully accomplished, he secured the attendance of the agent for the American flour, together with a gentleman who was one of the judges at the 90 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Bakers' Exhibition in London, and got them, jointly, to judge the various loaves they were uninformed as to the brands of the flour used. The result was that they unani- mously placed the Cork flour first, the north of Ireland second, and the American third. This fact was circulated very extensively throughout the country, and helped in destroying the groundless prejudice which existed up to then regarding the quality of Irish-milled flour. In 1907 we find, by reference to the Census of Production Returns, that the Irish grain and milling industries gave employment to 4,875 persons, subdivided as follows, viz : Wage Earners, 3,991 males and 107 females ; Salaried Persons, 735 males and 42 females. The Total Value of the Output was returned as 7,463,000 Cost of Materials used 6,750,000 Net Value of Output 713,000 For several years before the War American competition eased off considerably, mainly owing to the expanding Home demand resulting from the increased population of the United States. But this did not give Irish millers a monopoly of their home market. A number of gigantic mills were erected in close proximity to the principal English seaports. To run a flour mill economically it is necessary to work both day and night shifts. Consequently, England being over milled, the output of these huge mills frequently exceeded the home demand for flour. When their stocks became too heavy, as they frequently did, the cross-channel millers did not reduce the price in their own country ; but, instead, dumped their surplus stocks into Ireland at or below cost price. This was one of the kinds of competition which Irish millers were subjected to up to the outbreak of the War. Since then the demand for flour, owing to the world shortage that arose, was so great that the British Government took control of wheat supplies and also of the flour mills in Great Britain and Ireland, regulated the quality and selling price of the products, as well as the disposal of same, and the proprietors of the mills carried on their business under Government instruction and for Government account they being paid a AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 91 salary as recompense for their services in managing the mills. Generally speaking, so far as Ireland was concerned, this control worked fairly smoothly and efficiently, and resulted in Irish flour mills, when sufficient wheat supplies reached the country, being kept going to the maximum of their capacity, producing flour for which there was an immediate outlet. Some of the chief assets derivable by a country from the possession of an extensive flour-milling industry, besides the direct employment given by the industry itself, are the encouragement given to the native farmer to grow larger quantities of wheat, for which he is sure of a satisfactory market, and the fact that the offals produced in the course of manufacturing flour are readily available for pig-feeding in the various districts in which the mills are situated, and so encouragement is given to the extension and development of this latter lucrative industry. Following is a return showing the quantity and value of wheat-flour imported into Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918 : Year. Quantity Cwts. Value 1904 5,529,278 2,764,639 1905 5,596,214 2,798,107 1906 5,399,355 2,521,187 1907 5,261,607 2,652,726 1908 4,697,156 2,563,865 1909 4,513,657 2,595,353 1910 4,602,990 2,685,078 1911 5,001,058 2,625,555 1912 4,775,622 2,586,795 1913 4,968,282 2,629,049 1914 5,198,035 2,858,919 1915 4,661,898 3,690,669 1916 4,830,238 4,166,080 1917 5,132,073 6,650,311 1918 5,607,244 7,569,779 92 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY At the present day flour mills are operating in the following districts in Ireland : Athy (Co. Kildare) ; Aughrim (Co. Wicklow) ; Bagnalstown (Co. Carlow) ; Ballymena (Co. Antrim) ; Bandon (Co. Cork) ; Belfast ; Belmont (King's Co.) ; Bennetsbridge (Co. Kilkenny) ; Buttervant (Co. Cork) ; Cahir (Co. Tipperary) ; Carlow ; Castletownroche (Co. Cork) ; Clara (King's Co.) ; Clonakilty (Co. Cork) ; Cork ; Crookstown (Co. Cork) ; Dublin ; Enniscorthy (Co. Wexford) ; Fermoy (Co. Cork) ; Galway ; Kilrush (Co. Clare) ; Limerick ; Londonderry ; Lucan (Co. Dublin) ; Mallow (Co. Cork) ; Maryboro' (Queen's Co.) ; Midleton (Co. Cork) ; Naas (Co. Kildare) ; Navan (Co. Meath) ; Port- arlington (Queen's Co.) ; Rathdrum (Co. Wicklow) ; Sligo ; St. Mullins (Queen's Co.) ; Thomastown (Co. Kilkenny) ; Portlaw (Co. Waterford) ; and Wexford. The number of Irish firms engaged in this industry to-day is forty-four, whilst the number of flour mills operating is forty-nine. 9. BAKERIES AND BISCUIT FACTORIES Nearly every town in Ireland is possessed of a. bakery, and the number of biscuit factories in the country amounts to about half a dozen. The leading concerns in the latter industry are situated in Belfast, Dublin, and Londonderry, much the largest of these being the Dublin factory of Messrs. W. & R. Jacob & Co., Ltd., whose products are shipped to all parts of the world. The pioneers of machine biscuit-making in Ireland were Messrs. George Baker & Co., of Cork, who established this industry in the year 1844. Since then, although the industry has been confined to a limited number of Irish factories, it has developed very considerably. The following details have been extracted from the census of Production Returns, 1907 : The total number of persons employed in these industries in 1907 was returned as 9,445, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 6,434 males and 2,130 females. Salaried Persons, 681 males and 200 females. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 93 VALUE OF OUTPUT. YEAR 1907. Bread . . . . . . . . 1,657,000 Bread, Cakes, Pastry, etc. . . . . 875,000 Biscuits, Cakes, Pastry, etc., not separately distinguished . . 685,000 Sugar Confectionery (including Choco- late Confectionery) . . . . 2,000 Marmalades, Jams, Fruit Jellies, and other Products 15,000 Total Value of Output . . . . 3,234,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . 2,282,000 Net Value of Output 952,000 The following details should also be read in conjunction with the above, viz : COCOA, CONFECTIONERY AND PRESERVING FACTORIES. VALUE OF OUTPUT, L Sugar Confectionery (including Choco- late Confectionery) . . . . . . 214,000 Marmalade, Jams and Fruit Jellies . . 131,000 Other Preserved Fruit (including Crystal- lized Fruit, Candied Peel, etc., Fruit, canned or potted) . . . . . . 16,000 Bread, Biscuits, Pastry, etc 8,000 Other Products . . . . . . . . 3,000 Total Value of Output 372,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . . . 276,000 Net Value of Output . . . . . . 96,000 The total number of persons employed in these industries was returned as 1,644, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 370 males and 1,141 females. Salaried Persons, in males and 22 females. Following is a return of the quantity of biscuits imported into and exported from Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918. As will be seen, it indicates a most satisfactory condition of affairs so far as this industry is concerned. BISCUITS. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity Cwts. Quantity Cwts. 1904 54,189 228,732 1905 55,066 245,39! 1906 60,986 265,935 1907 68,630 270,632 1908 67,793 284,278 1909 71,486 277,660 1910 73,591 335,97 1911 80,976 350J9 1 1912 89,220 368,904 1913 92,430 313,820 1914 89,759 331,707 i9 T 5 82,058 335,602 1916 71,939 320,806 1917 46,047 415,948 1918 47,343 373,724 The total estimated value of the biscuits imported into Ireland in the fifteen years mentioned above was 1,776,176, being an average of 118,412 per annum, whilst the total estimated value of the biscuits exported from Ireland in those years was 8,681,196, being an average of 578,746 per annum. The estimated value of the biscuits exported from Ireland in the year 1918 was 1,345,406. AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES, FOOD 95 10. THE OATMEAL INDUSTRY Several large mills in Ireland specialize in the production of oatmeal and Rolled Oats, a few Irish flour mills also produce this commodity, and numerous small grinding-mills through- out the country do likewise. The home demand is so well catered for by Irish firms that one is inclined to jump to the conclusion that here, at least, is an Irish product which has captured the Irish market, and is not subjected to outside competition. When we examine more closely into the facts we find that this is not the case ; that although Irish mills produce the highest quality oatmeal procurable, and, if properly supported, could produce a sufficient quantity to meet the full needs of the country, still we import a very considerable quantity of this article, and our imports exceed the amount of our exports. The following table illustrates this fact, and RETURN OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS OF OATMEAL. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity Cwts. Quantity Cwts. 1904 152,636 176,244 I95 I5LI5I 195,844 1906 170,984 188,949 1907 174,185 l8l,228 1908 194,798 150,044 1909 134,748 164,998 1910 169,358 146,526 1911 172,909 in,397 1912 164,651 106,476 1913 163,826 124,815 1914 132,786 109,704 I9 T 5 119,015 108,762 1916 140,353 89,823 1917 134,462 92,243 1918 140,294 60,715 96 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY shows that the amount exported from Ireland has been steadily decreasing for years past. The total value of the quantity imported in these fifteen years was 1,706,576, being an average of 113,772 per annum, whilst the total value of the quantity exported was 1,367,025, being an average of 91,135 per annum. I. SHIPBUILDING i NO other industry, with the exception of agriculture, distributes so large a sum annually in Ireland as does that of shipbuilding. The chief seat of the industry is in Belfast, where the two leading Irish firms in this line have their yards. The world-famous firm of Messrs. Harland & Wolffe, Ltd., 1 the larger of the two, was established under the title of Messrs. Robert Hickson & Co., in the year 1853 ; its yards at present cover an area of 220 acres, and during the years 1915 to 1918 the number of workpeople employed ranged from 13,000 to 20,000. The following excerpts are taken from a very interesting pamphlet, entitled, The History of Belfast Shipbuilding, written by Professor C. H. Oldham, of the National University, Dublin, in 1910. a Edward James Harland, a younger son of a doctor in Scar- borough, had served an apprenticeship of five years, 1846-50, with Robert Stephenson & Co., engineers, at Newcastle-on- Tyne. He had worked as a journeyman on a wage of aos. a week with the same firm till 1851, and then at Glasgow till the autumn of 1853 with J. & G. Thomson, an able firm of marine engine builders, who were just starting to build their own ships. Declining a more permanent position at increased salary, young Harland came back to the Tyneside to take up a manager's position, offered to him by Mr. Thomas Toward, a shipyard owner, whose health necessitated his spending the winter abroad. There Harland was superintending the building of ships and marine boilers, and he had full charge of the works. It seems 1 This firm also engaged in the building of the largest type of aero- plane during the latter years of the recent war. 8 " The History of Belfast Shipbuilding " (A. Thorn. & Co., Ltd., Dublin, 6d.). 7 97 98 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY to have been a good opening for an able young man. But the future prospects of the Tyne firm, in view of the master's infirm health, were somewhat uncertain, and Harland was so much struck with the advantageous location of the new Queen's Island yard, where he knew he would have a free hand, that he applied for the Belfast situation and got it. ... After he had carried on Messrs. Hickson's business successfully for three years, Mr. Harland resolved to start somewhere as a shipbuilder on his own account. He was enquiring after suitable sites on the Mersey estuary, when Mr. Hickson frankly met him with a satisfactory proposal for the transfer by purchase of his interest in Queen's Island works. In 1859 the sale was completed, through the assistance of his friend, Mr. G. C. Schwabe, of Liverpool, and Mr. Harland began to look about for orders as his own master. Some six years back, while working as a journeyman at Glasgow, he had been the means of assisting Messrs. John Bibby, Sons & Co., of Liver- pool, in the purchase of a steamer. That firm now entrusted him with what at the time was a large order the building of three screw steamers, each 270 feet long, by 34 feet beam, and 22 feet 9 inches in the hold. When arranging for this job, Mr. Harland put his drawing office in the charge of Mr. G. W. Wolffe, an able young draughtsman, who had served an apprenticeship with Joseph Whitworth & Co., of Manchester, and who was a nephew of his trusty friend, Mr. G. C. Schwabe. The works went on prosperously. The three steamers were all completed in the course of 1861, and their delivery was promptly followed by a second order from the Bibby firm for two larger vessels. Mr. Harland at this point took Mr. Wolffe into partnership, and since January i, 1862, the firm has been known as Harland & Wolffe. . . . Originally the Queen's Island yard had attracted Mr. Harland because its clear frontage allowed of the largest vessels being freely launched. He was the first shipbuilder to perceive that an iron ship need not be kept to the lines that were most suitable for wooden vessels. He had early conceived his theory that if an iron ship were increased in length without a correspond- ing increase of beam, the carrying power both for cargo and passengers would be much greater, that the ships would show improved qualities in a sea-way, and that (notwithstanding the increased accommodation) the same speed with the same power would be obtained by only a slight increase in the first capital cost. This idea was original with him, and is the reason why Belfast has become especially the place for building very large ships. . . . The reputation which Harland and Wolffe first made with the twenty or more ships built for the Bibbys, has been continuously growing, because the firm has ever continued to SHIPBUILDING AND ENGINEERING 99 apply new ideas in the design of their vessels. . . . We have said that the shipbuilding industry was originated in Belfast by the power of one dominant personality. . . . But if Mr. Harland created, a whole group of very able men have contributed to the continued growth of the business. When Sir Edward Harland died in 1895 Mr. Pirrie succeeded him as the chairman of the firm. He had been made a partner in 1874, when 27 years of age. He was head draughtsman at the tune when the White Star ships were first designed. The astonishing development of the firm's business in recent years is unmistakable evidence of the energetic spirit and far-seeing ability of Mr. Harland 's successor and pupil. It was of Lord Pirrie the late Lord Dufferin spoke the memorable words : " That he was a man who, by his talents and indefatigable exertions, had so stimulated the activity of his town that he lifted it from its former comparatively inferior position to that of being the third greatest commercial city in the whole Empire." I would recommend the reader who desires to learn more about the wonderful record of this Irish firm's achievements to procure a copy of Professor Oldham's pamphlet from which I have taken the irresistible liberty of quoting so freely. The other Belfast firm is Messrs. Workman Clark & Co., Ltd. 1 This firm's business was established in the year 1879. Their yards cover an area of 100 acres, and they employ an average of 10,000 workpeople. They hold the licence for building Parson's steam turbine engines, and have made a speciality of it in their larger vessels. It was they who built the Allan Liner Victorian, the first turbine merchant steamer to be placed on the Atlantic service. In addition to these two firms there are several other shipbuilding and ship-repairing yards in Ireland, viz : The Dublin Dockyard Co., Ltd., North Wall, Dublin, established in the year 1902, with yards covering an area of eleven acres, and employing an average of about 1,000 workpeople. The North of Ireland Shipbuilding Co., Ltd., Foyle Shipyard, Londonderry, established in the year 1912, whose yards cover an area of thirty acres. The Queenstown Dry Dock 1 Early in 1920 the Share Capital of this Company was acquired by The Northumberland Shipbuilding Company Limited, who also own or control a number of shipbuilding yards and steel works in Great Britain. The authorized Capital of the Northumberland Shipbuilding Company has been raised from 500,000 to 2,400,000, and at the time of writing powers are being taken to increase it to 7,000,000. 100 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Shipbuilding and Engineering Co., Ltd., of Passage West, and Rushbrook, Co. Cork (now owned by Messrs. Furness, Withy & Co., Ltd.), whose yards have been considerably extended in the past two years. Messrs. J. & R. Thompson, Ltd., of Belfast, established a yard at Warrenpoint, Co. Down, a few years ago, where, in execution of an Admiralty contract, they built five ferro-concrete vessels of about 3,568 tons all told. The number of hands employed ranged from about 150 to 400 at different intervals. Their contract with the Admiralty having expired, they discontinued using this yard, and it is uncertain whether or not it will be reopened as a ship- building yard. There is a Government ship-repairing yard at Haulbowline, in Queenstown Harbour, where a considerable amount of repair work to naval vessels was executed during the period of the War. Before then, however, nothing approaching full use was made of the capabilities of this yard for executing such work. An additional shipbuilding and ship-repairing yard has recently been established in Dublin. A new company has been formed under the title of Messrs. Dublin Shipbuilders, Ltd., which has acquired about eleven acres of land at the Alexandra Basin, North Wall, Dublin, and has also taken over the existing boat-repairing works of the Ringsend Dockyard Co. It has carried on the latter as a going concern ; has laid out the new yard on the most up-to-date lines, and is already engaged in building several vessels. There are also a few small barge and motor-boat builders, and boat repairing yards at various other ports throughout Ireland. The history of the Irish shipbuilding industry abounds in fascinating details, and a thoroughly live story could be woven out of the material it offers the historian. The present work, however, is limited to setting forth such facts as will enable the reader to acquire a mental picture of the position of Irish industries in modern times; all other detail has to be excluded, if for no other reason than that the space at our disposal precludes us from enlarging upon the subject. SHIPBUILDING AND ENGINEERING 101 The following table illustrates the progress that has taken place in this industry since 1842 : SHIPBUILDING IN IRELAND SINCE 1842. Year. Tonnage of Ships Built. Year. Tonnage of Ships Built. Year Tonnage of Ships Built. 1842 1,042 1868 7,575 1894 97,901 1843 922 1869 7,!55 1895 102,067 1844 415 1870 9,160 1896 H9,756 1845 446 1871 16,073 1897 109,277 1846 436 1872 14,642 1898 121,330 I8 47 300 1873 1,878 1899 131,723 1848 138 I8 74 16,238 1900 131,431 1849 755 1875 7,780 1901 152,402 1850 1,092 1876 9,602 1902 159,763 1851 1,840 1877 6,677 1903 158,542 1852 386 1878 14,755 1904 78,000 1853 2,748 I8 79 14,549 1905 144,500 1854 4,558 1880 13,842 1906 149,740 1855 5,444 1881 24,045 1907 139,442 1856 4.315 1882 28,122 1908 158,626 1857 7-452 1883 42,548 1909 120,867 I8 5 8 2,793 1884 30,686 1910 165,828 1859 3,935 1885 34,311 1911 183,390 1860 7,592 1886 26,471 1912 163,481 1861 7,549 1887 43,691 I9 T 3 130,899 1862 8,195 1888 40,326 1914 256,547 1863 9,979 1889 87,668 i9 T 5 38,095! 1864 17,140 1890 77,376 1916 10, 900 x 1865 9,190 1891 103,466 1917 78,936! 1866 9,408 1892 99,827 1918 182,356 1867 13,183 1893 87,256 1919 222,955 1 These totals only represent the tonnage of commercial vessels built in those years ; they do not include the tonnage, which amounted to a very considerable figure, of Government work executed by Irish shipbuilding yards. The figures of the latter-mentioned work are not procurable. 102 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 2. ENGINEERING. The branches of the engineering trade which exist in Ireland are : (i) General engineering, including iron foundry work ; (2) steam engine manufacture ; (3) agricultural machinery making ; (4) boiler-making ; (5) textile machinery making ; (6) cycle making ; (7) motor engineering ; (8) railway engineering ; and (9) electrical engineering. With the exception of Nos. (2), (3), (6), and (8), the principal firms engaged in these industries have their works in Belfast. This, of course, is due to the fact that they, to a large extent, act as subsidiary industries to the shipbuilding and linen trades. Nevertheless, there are engineering works under nearly all of these headings to be found scattered throughout the south and east of Ireland, as well as in the north. The seat of the agricultural engineering industry is in Wexford, where there are four successful firms employed in producing farm implements, and one in Ferns, Co. Wexford, manufacturing agricultural edged tools. All of these cater for the home and foreign markets. One of the Wexford firms Messrs. Philip Pierce & Co., Ltd. together with a very enterprising and up-to-date concern in Dublin the Lucania Cycle and Engineering Works have the distinction of being the only Irish firms manufacturing bicycles. The only Irish manufacturer of motor-cars is a Belfast firm, and the car it produces has earned for itself a thoroughly sound reputation. The manufacturers of textile machinery in Belfast, as well as a firm there which specializes in the manu- facture of tea machinery, fans, driers, etc., have acquired a world-wide reputation for their products. The latter firm's electric fans are in use in all kinds of buildings, railway carriages, and on board steamers in various climes. The principal Irish railway engineering works are at Inchicore, Co. Dublin, and Dundalk, Co. Louth. The latest entrant into the engineering industry in Ireland is the famous firm of Messrs. Henry Ford & Sons, Ltd., of Detriot, U.S.A. This firm has acquired a considerable amount of land in the City of Cork, and is, at the time of writing, engaged in erecting and equipping an extensive first-class factory there for the manufacture of agricultural tractors. When the works are in full working order they will provide SHIPBUILDING AND ENGINEERING 103 employment for a considerable number of highly-paid work- people, and will also be the means of providing additional employment in the district in other industries which will serve as feeders to the Ford factory. During the period of the war ordinary engineering work was brought almost to a standstill in Ireland, owing to the Govern- ment taking over control of raw materials. Most of the Irish firms, some of them after considerable endeavour, succeeded in securing contracts for the manufacture of various munitions of war, such as shells, component parts of shells, etc., etc. This subject is dealt with more fully further on. It is not possible to obtain definite data as to the number of hands employed in the Irish engineering industry at the present moment, nor the amount of its annual wage-bill, but the Census of Production Returns, 1907, throw some light on its dimensions at that period. The following particulars are derived from this source. The total number of persons employed in Irish engineering factories (including cycle and motor factories) in 1907 was returned as 5,968 this was exclusive of shipbuilding yards and marine engineering works. The total value of the output and work done was returned as 752,000. Cost of materials used, and amount paid to other firms for work given out to them, 342,000. Value of output, less cost of materials used, etc., 410,000. The following details, taken from the 1907 Returns, should be read in conjunction with the foregoing, viz. : IRON AND STEEL FACTORIES. SMELTING, FOUNDING AND ROLLING. Value of Output : Iron Castings Cast Iron and Manufactures thereof Construction of Bridges, Workshops, etc. . . All other Products Total Value of Output Cost of Materials used Net Value of Output 42,000 8,000 1,000 9,000 60,000 27,000 33,000 The total number of persons employed in these industries was returned as 545, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 510 males and i female ; Salaried Persons, 33 males and i female. COPPER AND BRASS FACTORIES. SMELTING, ROLLING AND CASTING. , Total Value of Output . . . . . . 29,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . 19,000 Net Value of Output 10,000 The total number of persons employed was returned as 156, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 138 males ; Salaried Persons, 16 males and 2 females. BRASS FACTORIES. FINISHED GOODS. Total Value of Output Cost of Materials used Net Value of Output . . 39,000 . . 22,000 . . 17,000 The total number of persons employed was returned as 256, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 228 males, and 3 females ; Salaried Persons, 23 males and 2 females. TOOL AND IMPLEMENT FACTORIES. Total Value of Output . . . . . . 18,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . . . 8,000 Net Value of Output 10,000 SHIPBUILDING AND ENGINEERING 105 The total number of persons employed was returned as 148, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 144 males and 2 females ; Salaried Persons, 2 males. BLACKSMITHING FACTORIES AND WORKSHOPS i Total Value of Output 33,ooo Cost of Materials used . . . . . .- 21,000 Net Value of Output 12,000 The total number of persons employed was returned as 172, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 146 males ; Salaried Persons, 22 males and 4 females. If up-to-date returns were available it would be found that the engineering and allied trades in Ireland have made a fair amount of headway during the past thirteen years. In one branch alone, that of motor engineering, a considerable development has taken place, and far more employment is given to skilled and unskilled workmen in this branch to-day than was given at the date of the last returns. The progress of these trades in the past seventy years has been gradual, but the Irish engineering barometer shows a steady upward movement since the beginning of the present century, and, if current signs may be relied upon, it is highly probable that these trades will progress even more rapidly in the next few j'ears. CHAPTER III THE IRISH TEXTILE GROUP I. LINEN AND COTTON INDUSTRIES THE manufacture of linen goods is divided into four main processes, viz. : (i) Spinning ; (2) Weaving ; (3) Bleaching ; (4) Finishing. These operations are, to a large extent, performed in separ- ate mills : 1 that is to say, certain mills specialize in spinning flax into linen yarn, others in weaving the yarn into piece- goods, and others in bleaching and finishing, and in some cases dyeing, the pieces. Much of the linen when finished is shipped abroad in rolls, or webs, whilst a large, if not larger, quantity goes into the making-up departments of the mills and to factories which specialize in this work, there to be trans- formed into handkerchiefs, tea-cloths, bed-spreads, curtains, robes, blouses, and other articles. The embroidering and inserting of lace into these articles is done by (i) out-workers in their own homes, (2) North of Ireland machine embroidery industries, and (3), before the war, quantities were sent to Switzerland to be machine embroidered. Before these articles are boxed for despatch to the sellers they are washed and laundered, and this sub-section of the trade gives employment to a considerable number of hands. In the middle of the nineteenth century Great Britain as well as Ireland possessed an extensive linen industry. The following figures show the comparative rise and fall of the trade in the three countries in the intervening years : 1 In 1915 the number of power-looms weaving linen in Ireland, attached to flax spinning mills, was only 9,968, whereas the number in weaving factories was 26,856. 106 TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 107 IRELAND. SCOTLAND. ENGLAND. Year. No. of Spindles. No. of Spindles. No. of Spindles. 1850 396,338 3 3,I25 265,568 1856 441, ooo 1 1871 896,482 3i7.85 2 269,768 1890 840,448 187,755 106,610 I95 812,952 160,085 49.941 1910 935,4H 160,000 50,000 igiS 3 955,926 150,000 33,000 The number of spindles in Ireland in 1916 belonged to some fifty different companies seventeen of them in Belfast, four in Drogheda, Co. Louth, 4 one in Cork, one in Dublin, and the others scattered throughout Ulster. Mr. Alfred S. Moore tells us that in 1853 there were in Ireland 80 flax spinning mills yielding linen yarn, containing 500,000 spindles, producing yarn per year worth about 2,250,000 at a moderate valuation. In 1862, the second year of the American Civil War, there were in Ireland 105 flax and jute factories, employing 44,000 people. The number of spindles operating was estimated at 594,805 and the number of looms engaged was estimated at 4,666. The value of the linen exported from Ireland during that and the two succeeding years was returned as : 1862 6,292,000 1863 8,084,000 1864 . . 10,327,000 1 This figure represented England's maximum. 3 This figure represented Scotland's maximum. 8 Owing to the improvements which have been effected in linen spinning machinery the production per individual spindle is much greater to-day than it was even twenty years ago. 4 Two of these factories were obliged to close down some years ago. They have since been acquired by the Irish Packing Co., Ltd., for their dead-meat trade. 108 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Two years later it fell to 9,576,245, and the year following to about 7,500,000. In 1861, the year the American Civil War broke out, Ireland had 592,981 spindles in operation. Ten years later the number had increased to 866,482, but in 1888 it had fallen to 803,000. These variations are explained by the fact that owing to the shortage of supplies of raw cotton during the period of the American War, an abnormal demand arose for Irish linens, but, Mr. Moore points out : When cotton supplies assumed their normal proportions, the demand for linen goods diminished, and for the next thirty years or so there were about seven lean years to one fat one. No fewer than thirty-six spinning mills were brought to insol- vency, or at least to such financial difficulty that eighteen of them, with 200,000 spindles, ceased to exist. Simultaneously, the other eighteen mills continued under new owners ; but, even of these eighteen, six have changed owners twice, while one of the largest mills lived through a long-protracted crisis in so crippled a condition that it was unable to pay any dividend to the share- holders during twenty consecutive years. In 1910 there were in Ireland 36,892 power-looms for weav- ing. These were owned by about one hundred companies, and were distributed throughout the country as follows : 21,000 looms working in Belfast ; 13,000 in other parts of Ulster ; and the remainder scattered between Dublin, Cork, Dundalk, and Drogheda. In the same year there were, using linen yarn : In Scotland 17,000 power-looms: In England 4,400 power- looms. Sir William Crawford gives as one of the reasons of the great displacement of the linen trade in favour of Ireland, as shown by the above figures, that the country " has practically this one textile industry only, whereas England and Scotland have others which have allowed of a higher profit and the payment of a higher scale of wages." Another reason responsible for this situation is that, as the shipbuilding and allied industries give employment to many thousands of males, there is avail- able in Belfast a large female population which is chiefly absorbed by the linen industry, in which the ratio of workers is two or three females to one male. The fact that the male members are able to earn comparatively high wages resulted, TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 109 heretofore, in the female members of the family accepting a lower scale than prevailed in the British cotton industry. The mills elsewhere throughout Ulster are nearly all situated in districts where there is little or no alternative employment for girls and women. In 1910 Sir Wm. Crawford estimated that the average wage paid to operatives in the linen industry in Ireland was 125. 6d. per week ; in 1914, Mr. Alfred S. Moore estimated that it had risen to 155. per week. The average wage in October, 1919, was, according to The Board of Trade Labour Gazette, 26s. gd. per week. The following details of the capital employed in the Irish linen trade were compiled by Sir Wm. Crawford in 1910 : 948,000 Spindles at average price 5 each . . . . . . . . 4,740,000 37,000 Power-looms at average price 50 each 1,850,000 Bleaching, Printing and Finishing Works, together estimated at . . 750,000 7,340,000 Stocks of Raw Materials, Goods in the Process of Manufacture and in a Finished State 5,000,000 to 6,000,000 Capital employed in giving Credit to Buyers . . . . . . . . 2,000,000 Say 14,500,000 He also estimated that in the year 1910 : About 75 was spent in turning 100 of flax into yarn, about 75 was spent in turning the yarn into brown linen, and about 50 was spent in turning the brown linen into white goods, ready for the market. " Thus on 100 worth of flax about 200 is spent, chiefly in wages, and the finished product is worth 300." A further interesting estimate which he made was : 110 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY AMOUNT PAID IN WAGES TO OPERATIVES AND OTHERS (YEAR 1910). 67,027 Women and Young Persons, at I2s. 6d. per week Bleachers, Printers and Finishers Embroiderers, Hemstitchers, and Ware- house Hands (including Lappers, Ornamenters, and Box-makers) . . Hand-loom Weavers Clerks, Managers and other Officials . . 5 per cent, on Capital Total distributed annually 2,178,377 400,000 400,000 55,00 250,000 700,000 3,983,377 The total number of persons employed in flax mills and factories in Ireland in the following years has been recorded as Year. No. of Persons Employed. Year. No. of Persons Employed. 1839 9,017 1890 64,475 1850 21,121 1895 66,113 1861 33,525 1907 67,027 1862 37,872 1914 73,000 1885 61,748 1917 90,000 The following Return of the quantity and value of the exports from Ireland of Irish linen yarn and linen goods gives an idea of the magnitude of this trade. The reader should bear in mind that prior to the war about three-quarters of the total quantity of the linens manufactured in Ireland was sold outside of the United Kingdom, and that about seventy per cent, of this export was to the United States of America. The values set out below are somewhat misleading as they stand, owing to the fact that prices have fluctuated from time to time, especially during recent years, when they have risen considerably. Therefore the quantity is the safer index to the volume of these goods exported. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES HI RETURN OF EXPORTS FROM IRELAND IN THE FOLLOWING YEARS. LINEN YARN. LINEN GOODS. Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . Quantity Cwts. Value . 1908 17,227,056 1,148,470 958,660 8,508,107 1909 20,069,952 1,233,466 1,230,427 11,996,663 1910 24,713,696 1,596,093 1,221,793 13,342,998 1911 24,071,768 1,629,859 1,113,296 12,584,884 1912 22,616,496 1,625,561 1,238,980 14,005,636 19*3 23427,936 1,732,691 1,163,952 14,112,918 1914 20,900,096 1,480,423 1,196,086 14,353,032 1915 17,847,424 1,487,285 1,129,108 14,904,226 1916 18,020,576 2,027,315 1,083,208 16,248,120 1917 24,014,480 3,OOI,8lO 1,048,958 23,916,242 1918 7,989,408 1,323,246 926,823 32,438,805 A further guide to the growth of this industry in modern times may be derived from the following Return : SPINNING MILLS. POWER-LOOM FACTORIES. Year. No. Spindles No. Looms Employed. Employed. 1850 396,000 88 1861 592,981 4,933 1871 866,482 14,834 1881 879,242 21,779 1892 846,642 28,233 1902 841,604 30,937 1911 945,962 36,942 1912 942,604 37,292 19*3 951,246 37,335 1914 955,471 37,293 19*5 951,942 36,824 1916 952,092 35,96i 1917 95LI58 37>!76 1918 955,926 37,38o 112 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Following are some interesting data extracted from the Census of Production Returns for the year 1907. These Returns were compiled from information supplied to the Government by the firms engaged in the industries mentioned. VALUE OF OUTPUT. f, Linen Yarn and Thread . . . . 5,488,000 Cordage Rope and Twine (including Hemp Yarn) . . . . 103,000 Waste for Paper-making, Felt-making, etc. . . . . . . . . 47,000 Flax and Tow (dressed) and other Products . . . . . . . . 135,000 Linen Piece-goods (including Hemp and Union), Plain, Bleached and Unbleached . . . . 4,063,000 Fancy (including Checked, Striped, Coloured Damask, Diaper, or other kinds of cloth not included under Plain) . . . . . . 2,020,000 Waste . . . . . . . . 4,000 Other Products and Work done . . 6,000 Total Value . . . . . . 11,866,000 Cost of Materials used . . 7,802,000 Amount paid to other firms for work given out to them . . . . 67,000 TOTAL 7,869,000 Net Value of Output . . . . 3,997,000 The total number of persons employed in the above indus- tries was returned as 67,992, made up as follows: Wage Earners, 21,962 males and 44,888 females ; Salaried Persons, 1,066 males and 76 females. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 113 The following Returns should also be read in conjunction with the foregoing : MAKING-UP FACTORIES. ARTICLES MANUFACTURED FROM LINEN OR UNION CLOTH. Handkerchiefs Plain . . . . 446,000 ,, Printed . . 150,000 Household Articles . . . . 624,000 Articles of Clothing . . . . 18,000 Other Goods made and Work done for the Trade 27,000 Total Value of Goods mdfle and Work done 1,265,000 Cost of Materials used . . 897,000 Amount paid to other firms for work given out to them . . . . 47,000 TOTAL 944,000 Net Value of Output . . . . 321,000 The total number of persons employed in the above-men- tioned industries was returned as 3,769, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 362 males and 3,099 females ; Salaried Per- sons, 254 males and 54 females. BLEACHING, DYEING, PRINTING AND FINISHING FACTORIES. I Value of Work done . . . . 624,000 Cost of Materials used . . 214,000 Amount paid to other firms for work given out to them 12,000 TOTAL 226,000 Net Value of Work done . . . . 398,000 114 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The total number of persons employed in the above-men- tioned industries was returned as 5,767, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 4,528 males and 955 females ; Salaried Persons, 264 males and 20 females. FLAX SCUTCHING FACTORIES. The total Value of Output was returned as 91,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . . . 23,000 Net Value of Output 68,000 The total number of persons employed in this industry was returned as 3,760, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 2,641 males and 1,080 females; Salaried Persons, 35 males and 4 females. From the year 1917 until the termination of the war the Irish linen industry was mainly engaged in spinning and weav- ing linen fabric in execution of Government contracts (chiefly aeroplane cloth). The Ministry of Munitions alone placed contracts for this cloth with Irish firms to the value of 11,380,468, chiefly with firms in the Belfast area. The first essential to the success of the linen industry is, of course, a sufficient supply of flax. The flax used in Irish mills in pre-war years was produced chiefly in four countries, namely, Ireland, Belgium, Holland, and Russia. At that period the last-named country supplied over 75 per cent, of the total flax produced in Europe. Mr. J. Milne Barbour has stated that only about one-eighth of the flax required by British and Irish spinners was grown in the United Kingdom. The following Table shows the quantity of flax imported into Ireland from other countries within recent years and the quantity grown in Ireland : TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 115 IMPORTED. GROWN IN IRELAND. Year. Tons. Value . Tons. Value . 1908 29,582 1,381,479 7,922 404,022 1909 39.194 1,912,667 7,179 409,203 1910 35,91! 1,867,372 8,876 618,361 1911 32,055 1,955,355 II,24O 769,940 1912 42,144 2,416,956 12,956 842,140 1913 40,982 2,300,115 12,652 727,490 1914 36,727 2,031,003 8,126 602,678 i9 J 5 30,114 2,430,200 9,664 1,265,845 1916 32,576 3,047,484 14,492 2,685,851 1917 28,735 4,278,642 15,362 3,277,227 1918 6,442 966,300 15,703 3,873,407 1919 9,577 Not yet 13,720 Not yet available available The Table inserted below shows the fluctuations in the area under flax in Ireland in modern times. AREA UNDER FLAX IN IRELAND. Year. Acres. Year. Acres. Year. Acres. 1853 175,000 1898 34,469 1910 45,974 I8 59 136,000 1900 47,451 1911 66,618 1860 120,595 10/31 55,442 1912 55,o62 1862 I5O,OOO 1902 49,742 1913 59,305 1864 301,692 1903 44,685 1914 49,254 1870 194,893 1904 44,293 19*5 53J43 1880 157,534 1905 46,158 1916 9i,454 1890 96,871 1906 55,189 1917 107,705 i95 95,202 1907 59,659 1918 143,355 1896 72,252 1908 46,916 1919 95,6io 1897 45,576 1909 38,110 116 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Prediction is not one of our functions, therefore we shall express no opinion as to the wisdom or otherwise of the present-day Irish farmer in limiting his flax crop to these figures. If his action is based on the experience of those who moved too rapidly at the earlier period we have alluded to, 1 and who, when cotton supplies recovered their footing on the market, had sad reason to regret their impetuosity, then, perhaps, he is displaying a truer wisdom than he is credited with at the moment. On the other hand, it can be argued that years must pass before the supplies of foreign flax, available for this market, will reach their pre-war level ; that prices, in the interim, are almost certain to continue high ; that with the opportunities now available for guid- ing the grower in Ireland in procuring the best possible results from this crop, he has an unique opportunity of secur- ing a much larger, more permanent, more profitable share of this market than heretofore, and that the prosperity of the country, as well as of the Irish linen trade, can be added to considerably by extending the production of flax in Ireland. 2 A branch of the linen industry which at one time occupied an important position is that of hand-loom weaving. Owing to the vast improvements effected in the power-loom and its products, the hand-loom branch of the trade has found itself unable to withstand the weight of this competition. The fact that its wages bill had fallen from 220,000 in 1893 to 55,000 in 1914 is striking evidence of the shrinkage in its output. Mr. Moore tells us that : The finest class of work, such as serviettes, tablecloths, d'oyleys, etc., of the purest linen yarn, are woven by hand alike in factories and in the cottage homes of the weavers. . . . The factories are generally limited to the weaving of damasks and wide sheetings. ... In the Ballymena district hand-loom weaving is somewhat extensive, the products being used for shirtings and known in the trade as Ballymenas. 1 The years immediately following the American Civil War. 2 An organized effort has been made during the past few years by a group of business men to extend the area under flax in the Southern and Midland counties of Ireland. This has met with a fair amount of success. This year another group have begun operations in Co. Cork, and anticipate developing an extensive flax-growing industry in that country, in which, it is claimed, the soil and climate permit of the finest- quality flax being grown. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 117 In the year 1828 an innovation took place in the linen trade. Instead of confining themselves solely to the use of linen }\ jns in the weaving of linen goods, some Irish manufacturers adopted the use of cotton yarns for the warp and linen yarns for the weft in the manufacture of the cheaper qualities of certain kinds of goods. This method was adopted as a means of competing against cotton goods. It has continued on an increasing scale in the intervening years, and the manufacture of what are described as Unions has come to be a recognized and important branch of the trade. Whilst this is, in itself, a perfectly legitimate business the manufacturer describing such goods as Unions it has resulted, to a certain extent, in unscrupulous traders often selling cotton and Union goods to the unsuspecting customer as pure linen. Prosecutions instituted by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, and the Irish Industrial Development Association (Incorporated), have had a useful effect in check- ing this unfair practice, but a customer in search of a pure linen article would be well advised to insist upon the seller stating in writing, upon the bill or receipt, that the article purchased is pure Irish linen. Should any doubt remain in the mind of the customer, either of the above bodies will gladly test the purchase, and should it prove to be spurious will, at their own expense, prosecute the offender for having misdescribed the goods. The following table shows the quantity and estimated value of cotton yarn imported into Ireland during the years 1904-18. Much the larger part of these imports entered the port of Belfast : RETURN OF IMPORTS OF COTTON YARN INTO IRELAND IN THE YEARS 1904-18. Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . 1904 14,031,472 643,109 1912 13,979,616 684,419 1905 15,099,280 736,090 1913 901,712 43,207 1906 14,142,912 604,020 1914 920,416 43,720 1907 15,621,200 634.6II I9 J 5 17.795.456 963,921 1908 19,164,096 846,414 1916 28,283,472 2,180,184 1909 17,612,122 880,606 1917 23,829,008 2,978,626 1910 12,076,736 578.678 1918 23,472,288 4,938,961 1911 12,000,688 612,535 118 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The manufacture of linen threads is carried on in Ulster by about seven firms who largely specialize in this branch of the trade, and their output of threads represents a consider- able proportion of the total trade of the Irish linen industry. Four of them are members of the world-famous Linen Thread Co., Ltd., the Chairman and Managing-Director of which is Mr. J. Milne Barbour, who is also a Director of the oldest and largest of the Irish concerns, viz., Messrs. Wm. Barbour & Sons, Ltd., of Hilden, Co. Antrim. This latter firm ranks as the pioneer of linen thread manufacture in Ireland, having been established by Mr. John Barbour, a native of Paisley, in Scotland, in the year 1784 136 years ago. At the present day Messrs. Barbour employ over 2,000 workpeople in their mills, while the other three firms referred to give employment, jointly, to about the same number of hands. Belfast possesses the only cotton thread mill in Ireland. It is owned by Messrs. Hicks, Bullick & Co., Ltd., and was established in the year 1876. This firm has the distinction of being the first applicant for a licence to use the Irish Trade Mark. Following is a Return of the exports of thread from Ireland during the years 1904-18 : Year. Quantity Ibs. Value /. 1904 2,924,432 365,554 I95 2,955-232 369,404 1906 3,109,904 466,486 1907 3,061,632 535,786 1908 2,968,896 358,742 1909 3,291,568 397,731 1910 3,855>264 481,908 1911 4,093,376 537,256 1912 4,446,400 574,327 1913 4,22I,6l6 562,882 1914 4,120,928 5I5,H6 19*5 5,743,808 957,301 1916 5,522,272 1,092,950 1917 5,338,704 1,356,921 1918 3,524,864 I,2IO,Ol6 TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 119 It is not generally known that Ireland possesses a Textile Testing and Conditioning House. The address is, The Municipal Technical Institute, Belfast. Amongst its clients are Boards of Guardians, Asylum Boards, Corporations, Flax Spinners, Linen Merchants, Woollen Manufacturers, Linen Manufacturers, Bleachers and Dyers ; whilst materials for testing are also received from Government Departments in London and from public bodies and manufacturers in Great Britain. Since the termination of the war, the Irish linen industry has experienced a period of slackness ; both the spinning and weaving branches have had to work less than the normal number of hours per week, and at the moment of writing it seems probable that the output must be still further cur- tailed. This situation is due to the shortage of flax supplies. Not alone are existing supplies far below the requirements of the trade, but the outlook in respect to future supplies is very serious. The Government controlled the Irish flax crop for several years past, including the 1919 crop, the produce being compulsorily acquired by them. The control prices fixed for the 1919 crop of Irish fibre were : Minimum 280, maximum 360 per ton. The guaranteed price in 1918 was 360 per ton. At the time of writing continental flax, which has a free market, is fetching up to 1,000 per ton, and inferior quality English flax, which is also uncontrolled, is being sold in Belfast at 525 per ton. These facts, together with the contention of the Irish growers that when they deliver con- signments of the 1919 crop the fibre is graded lower than its true quality, 1 thereby reducing the price which they contend they are entitled to receive, may be accepted as an explanation of the falling off in the acreage under this crop in Ireland in the year 1919, a reduction of 47,745 acres as compared with 1918, or 33.3 per cent. less. This condition of affairs has led to the creation of an Irish Flax Producers' Association, a which is at present conducting an energetic agitation on behalf of its members. 1 The total amount of the 1919 Irish flax crop purchases under control to February 14, 1920, was 7.963 tons. The quantities in tons allo- cated to various grades were : Grade (i) 157, (2) 550, (3) 1,532, (4) 2 57. (5) 2.79. (6) 846, lower grade, 292. a The objects, inter alia, of this organization are : " i. To demand immediate decontrol of flax. 120 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The weaving branch of the linen industry has been severely hit in consequence of the shortage and the abnormally high and continually increasing cost of yarns. The shortage has, necessarily, reduced output, and the upward tendency in price has prevented manufacturers from accepting orders for future delivery, as it is impossible to determine the figures at which such orders could be profitably undertaken. The situation has been eased to some extent by the factories resorting to the manufacture of cotton and hempen goods on a fairly extensive scale. The imports of cotton yarns into Belfast have increased considerably for some years past, and it will probably be found that the 1920 figures will far exceed those of any previous year. Before the war the Irish linen industry was able to procure abundant supplies of flax at a low figure, wages in the industry, as we have shown, ruled very low, and other expenses coinci- dent to the manufacture and marketing of linen were relatively normal. To-day the industry finds itself faced with a present and prospective shortage of raw material, with the cost of flax vastly increased, the average wage, though by no means too high, has risen more than one hundred per cent, in the past ten years, freights have reached abnormal figures, coal is treble its pre-war price, and all other expenses which it is necessary to incur in conducting a linen spinning or weaving industry have risen far above those ruling in pre-war years. Further, customers throughout the world have accustomed themselves to the use of linen substitutes. Cotton goods " 2. To demand freedom of export and the removal of all other unnecessary restrictions relating to handling and sale of flax. "3. To co-operate with the Flax Growers' Associations of France, Belgium, Holland and Russia. "4. To protect and assist any of its members against whom persecu- tion of any kind is directed. "5. To extend and encourage flax production throughout Ireland. " 6. To organize Flax Producers into one strong representative body. " 7. To formulate and put into operation any scheme found most advantageous and to the interests of Flax Producers in the marketing of their flax. "8. To establish an Information Bureau to keep members fully advised on the prices and production in all parts of the world, and to publish regularly current quotations. "9. To agitate for legislation making it a penal offence (as in France) for any body of men to combine for the purpose of restricting prices payable to farmers." TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 121 have been brought to so great a state of perfection in recent years that they are now a more formidable rival of linen goods than ever before. Japan has made rapid strides in capturing a considerable share of the markets of the East for her cotton products. In 1913 she exported 12,000,000 worth of cotton items ; by 1918 the amount had advanced to 50,000,000. It is safe to assume that an enterprising country such as Japan, with an endless supply of cheap labour and an increasing mercantile marine, will press the advantage which she has acquired to its utmost limit. 1 It must also be borne in mind that the linen industry is not confined to Ireland, that pre- war returns showed that the number of spindles on flax abroad were : France 577,449 Russia . . 358,000 Belgium . . 329,5602 Austria-Hungary . . 296,833 Germany . . 287,009 Italy . . 126,080 on flax and hemp Holland .. . . 8,000 Total: 1,982,931 Spindles. 1 The present number of spindles at work on cotton in Japan is 3.335.084 ; orders for an additional instalment of 1,500,000 spindles have been placed in foreign countries, and a project is on foot to manu- facture spindles in Japan. The countries to which Japanese cotton textiles are chiefly exported are China, British India, and Russian Asia. The chief items of export during 1918, were : YARDS Raw Cotton and Raw Sheeting 359,072,000 Twilled Cotton 235,469,000 Imitation Nankeens 77,421,000 T. Cloth 68,972,000 Bleached Calico and Bleached Sheeting 59, 509,000 Printed Cotton 38,016,000 a In January, 1920, only 103,166 spindles were operating out of a then total capacity of 311,000 spindles. Production was restricted through lack of raw material. 122 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY In 1918 the total number of spindles on flax in Ireland was stated to be 955,926, and for Great Britain and Ireland com- bined 1,138,926. Canada, the United States, and Japan also possess some flax spinning mills, and, since the war, much encouragement is being given to this industry as well as to the extension of the local flax crop in Canada. There is still another factor which bears with considerable weight upon the situation under consideration. It is this. For more than five years past most countries throughout the world have lived beyond their means. They have built up huge national debts which, under the most favourable circumstances, cannot be wiped out in the lifetime of the present generation. To enable these debts to be reduced at all a period of the strictest personal economy must ensue. No doubt there will always be a demand for high-priced goods of superior quality, but it is inconceivable that the demand will be as widespread for many years to come as it was hereto- fore. Therefore, taking all these factors into account, it is evident that the task which confronts Irish linen manu- facturers, in reconstructing their industry, is one of more than ordinary magnitude, it is improbable that the industry can for very many years to come recover its pre-war dimensions, and it will require the exertion of the utmost skill and enter- prise on the part of those engaged in it if it is to be rescued from its present perilous position. A list of the trade organizations connected with this industry will be found in Appendix II (see pp. 296, 297). 2. THE SHIRT AND COLLAR INDUSTRY Factories engaged in the manufacture of shirts and collars are to be found scattered throughout the entire country, but the chief seat of this industry is in Londonderry, where the larger proportion of the factories are congregated. Mr. Guy P. Morrish, a Director of the firm of Messrs. Welch, Margetson & Co., Ltd., of Londonderry, in a paper read at the All-Ireland Industrial Conference, held in Deny in 1912, fixed the date of the beginning of the Londonderry shirt- making industry as 1844, whilst the year 1856 marked the introduction of the first sewing machine to the city. In 1912 TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 123 there were twenty-six firms in Deny employed in making shirts and collars. Mr. Morrish estimated the number of workpeople employed at that date as 7,000 in the factories and 10,000 outworkers in the surrounding districts. Shirt Stations, he stated, were to be found all through ^nnishowen (Co. Donegal), the Gaudy district of Londonderry, Donemara, and Strabane, to Newtownstewart, in Co. Donegal. As a rule white shirts are not made throughout in the factory ; the fronts, cuffs and neckbands are made and the bodies are hemmed, and then all the parts to complete one dozen shirts are tied together in a bundle with the neces- sary thread, buttons, labels, and a ticket giving instructions regarding the making and price to be paid for the work. These bundles are sent to the country to be made up by the cottage workers. In 1912 over 40,000 per annum was distributed amongst these latter workers. Most of the Deny factories have their own laundries attached to their works and perform the dressing of their manufactures themselves. The making of collars is done entirely in the factories, as is also practically all coloured shirt making. Mr. Morrish estimated, in 1912, that more than 20,000,000 collars were shipped annually from Deny. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, gave the total value of the output of Irish shirt, collar and cuff factories in that year as 1,041,000. During the war years this industry was mainly engaged in manufacturing goods for the War Office and other Govern- ment departments. The total value of the contracts for shirts placed with Irish firms by the War Office from August 4, 1914, to March 31, 1919, amounted to 3,794,712. Since the termination of the war there has been an abnormal demand for shirts and collars ; the output of the Irish factories has kept up to a very high level, and efforts have been made by English manufacturers to purchase some of the Deny factories. A few, but not many, of these have changed owner- ship. Wages in this industry, as in practically all others, have risen within recent years, and were the figures available it would be found that a much larger amount is now distri- buted annually amongst the workpeople than was distributed in pre-war years. 124 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 3- The manufacture of woollen goods is divided into five main processes, viz. : (i) Carding or combing the raw wool, (2) spinning the wool into yarn, (3) dyeing the yarn, (4) weav- ing the yarn into cloth, and (5) finishing and shrinking the cloth. A number of Irish woollen manufacturers perform all these operations within their own four walls ; others buy the yarns they require and only perform the fourth and fifth operations themselves, whilst all Irish woollen manufacturers purchase a proportion of the yarns used by them in manufacturing cloth. The following Table of the Imports of Wool Yarn into Ireland in the years 1904-18, illustrates this fact : Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . 1904 2,694,832 269,483 1905 2,554,006 244,759 1906 2,749,798 274,960 1907 1,995,168 195,260 1908 1,550,752 155,075 1909 1.470,336 148,565 1910 2,113,328 215,736 1911 2,686,768 279,872 1912 2,435,888 253,738 i9 J 3 2,148,272 228,254 1914 2,516,192 188,327 i9 J 5 2,638,832 250,958 1916 2,810,304 362,998 1917 3,089,072 501,974 1918 3,310,832 717,347 Yarns used in the manufacture of Irish woollens are obtained from the following sources, viz. : (i) Spun in Ireland from TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 125 Irish-grown wool, (2) spun in Ireland from imported wool, and (3) finished yarn imported ready for weaving. Unfortunately, Irish-grown wool is of a texture only suitable for conversion into homespuns, blankets, flannels, friezes, and the coarser qualities of cloth. As the existing mills in Ireland making these classes of goods require but a compar- atively small quantity of this product, the bulk of it is exported, as is shown by the following Return. The finer qualities of Irish woven cloths are produced from imported wools, chiefly Australian : TABLE OF EXPORTS AND IMPORTS OF RAW WOOL FROM AND INTO IRELAND. EXPORTS. IMPORTS. Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . Quantity Ibs. Value . 1904 11,406,528 427,745 3,489,583 130,859 1905 10,707,862 552,124 2,678,368 103,787 1906 11,714,772 610,144 3,347,058 142,947 1907 12,908,573 611,813 3,624,320 156,047 1908 I2,8ll,232 407,024 4,246,144 165,246 1909 17,714,256 747,320 4,284,448 169,593 1910 14,091,840 631,197 4,794,160 204,751 1911 13,305.208 575,173 4,510,576 187,941 1912 17,673,600 773,220 4,372,144 182,173 19*3 10,231,312 5n,566 4,333,952 185,096 1914 16,367,232 860,985 4,304,608 188,327 1915 10,175,536 741,966 5,475,456 250,958 1916 10,322,928 709,701 4,904,928 296,339 1917 14,597,856 1,094,839 2,727,536 215-930 1918 12,974,752 1,092,042 1,959,216 177,146 Wool exported from Ireland gives employment to many workpeople elsewhere, converting it into yarn, and the profits accruing therefrom are lost to this country. This loss, and 126 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY that arising from the importation into Ireland of such large quantities of manufactured yarn, is, in the main, unnecessary. If a spinning mill on a fairly large scale were established here to spin woollen and worsted yarns, sufficiently capitalized, and under the control of a skilled manager, there is no reason why it should not prove a thoroughly profitable undertaking. This is a branch of industry which offers a first-class opening for the investment of Irish capital provided the conditions mentioned are complied with. The amount of yarn manu- factured from imported wool in Irish woollen mills is by no means a set-off against the amount of manufactured yarn imported into this country. A comparison of the figures in the preceding Returns will demonstrate the truth of this statement. There are no reliable data showing, in detail, the changes that have taken place in the Irish woollen industry in modern times, but the following fragmentary information may help the reader to form some idea of the progress that has been made. In 1856 there were twenty-seven woollen and six worsted mills operating in Ireland ; by 1863 these numbers had changed to thirty-nine and three respectively. In other words, there had been a total increase of nine mills within seven years. This development was, no doubt, due to the increased demand for woollens resulting from the American Civil War. A Report of the Inspector of Factories, dated October 31, 1865, contains a passage which is worthy of being quoted, as it sheds some light on the then condition of the industry. He stated : I am glad to notice improvements in the woollen manufacture. New machinery is being introduced on all sides, and a considerable trade in tweeds is springing up. One firm has been executing orders for England, and it is represented that, if mills on a large scale were established there would be a good foreign trade. At present the mills are only able to undertake small orders, and these chiefly for home markets. There are many large mills in all parts of Ireland, built for corn grinding, now standing idle in consequence of the diminished growth of grain, and admirably suited for manufacturing purposes. Some are well suited for communication with the coast and by railways, and are offered at low rents. Labour is cheap, and work plentiful. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 127 Capital is the only thing wanted. But there appears little enterprise in this country, and even limited liability does not stimulate the growth of companies here. It has been suggested to me, that if the cloth of the Constabulary was offered to Irish manufacturers it would encourage the trade greatly. / am afraid this is against the laws of political economy, and quite an exploded fashion of fostering a trade ; but if practicable, it might call into being mills and machinery which would have plenty of work afterwards ; and it seems generally admitted that some extra encouragement is required in this country for the employment of the poor. From the very favourable reports I hear of the woollen trade, I think it may yet be very greatly extended. It was once the trade of the country, and, as it appears to me, the natural one. In the year 1899, the number of woollen mills in Ireland was stated to be 82, employing 3,443 persons ; in 1902 the number had increased to 114, whilst the number of persons employed had fallen to 3,323. The Census of Production Returns, 1907 the latest published contain the following information regarding the number of persons employed in this industry in Ireland in that year, viz. : MALES. FEMALES. Under 18 years of age Over 1 8 years of age Total. Under 18 years of age Over 18 years of age. Total. Wage Earners Salaried 244 1,247 1,491 314' 3* i,37 1,684 Persons 5 145 150 I ";S 15 16 Total 249 1,392 1,641 315 1,385 1,700 It will be seen from this Table that the total number of persons employed in the industry at that date was 3,341, an increase of eighteen as compared with five years earlier. 128 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY This Return also contains the following particulars concerning the Irish woollen trade in the year 1907, viz. : Value of output, 607,000 ; cost of materials used, 403,000 ; Net value of output, 204,000. In the early months of 1914 a slump in the demand for Irish woollens was commencing to be felt, but the outbreak of war, at the end of July, created so great a demand for all descriptions of textile goods that Irish woollen mills, in common with those elsewhere, were soon afterwards engaged to the maximum of their capacity. The bulk of the demand was for Government contracts, and as supplies of raw material were limited, the latter were, after a short time, commandeered by the Government and rationed to the manufacturers. Firms engaged in producing woollen goods in execution of Government contracts had allocated to them a sufficient quantity of wool, or yarn, to enable them to complete these contracts, but only very small, if any, supplies were, during the latter years of the war, allotted to Irish manufacturers for use in manufacturing goods for civil requirements. At the time of writing, Government control of many kinds of wool has been removed, competition for the available supplies of this commodity is keen, and prices have soared to very high figures compared with those which obtained in pre-war years. For a number of years prior to the war, Irish woollen manu- facturers had secured a firm hold of the home market. This was due to the improved quality of their goods and the awakened public conscience here, brought about by the activi- ties of the Irish industrial movement. They had also extended their export trade, a satisfactory proportion of the output being sent to, amongst other countries, Great Britain, the United States of America, China, India, Canada, Australia, France, and the Argentine. The quantity and estimated value of woollen goods exported from Ireland during the years 1904-18 was as follows : TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 129 TABLE OF EXPORTS OF WOOLLEN GOODS. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 21,699 363,358 I95 21,369 365,054 1906 20,635 364,036 1907 20,607 384,836 1908 25,779 468,103 1909 28,804 523,033 1910 32,383 617,436 igil 31,706 604,528 1912 36,218 690,557 1913 3L44I 629,344 1914 33,922 678,440 1915 47,807 1,051,754 1916 49,891 1,373,250 1917 66,860 2,231,453 1918 47,934 1,999,646 The hand-loom, or cottage industry, has fought hard to retain its once comparatively flourishing trade, but circum- stances have proved too strong for it, and its output has considerably declined. This trade still continues to a limited extent and has its chief centre in the County Donegal. Homespun goods are also made in a lesser degree, partly for use by the families of the weavers, in parts of Kerry, Co. Cork, Connemara and Mayo. The competition of the power- loom, emigration, the making of lace, embroidery, as well as hand and machine knitting in the cottages of the country folk, have each at various periods, directly and indirectly, affected this industry. Some years ago a number of weavers in Donegal resorted to the use of inferior machine-spun yarn, and in this way reduced the quality of their fabrics. Never- theless, Ireland Donegal principally still produces a 9 130 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY quantity of first-quality homespun and home-woven woollen cloth, and no finer material of its kind is obtainable anywhere. l I am indebted to the Congested Districts Board for Ireland for the following statement of the annual value and classes of yarn produced in Donegal, so far as such information is available from the Board's records. RETURN OF TWEEDS SOLD AT ARDARA, CO. DONEGAL, TWEED FAIRS. Year. 2 Homespun Warp and Weft. Homespun Weft. No. of Mill Warp and Weft. No. of Total No. of Webs. Estimated Value / No. of Webs. Webs. Webs. i' 1907 _ ._ _ 1,341 1908 1,476 1909 2,438 1910 3,287 1,350 1911 3,639 7,610 1912 2,580 n,439 19*3 3,154 14,255 1914 I.I44 5,023 I9 X 5 1,515 6,398 1916 3,040 17,792 1917 2,649 24,486 1918 58 2,449 1,505 4,OI2 48,333 1919 34 2,178 549 2,761 57,i86 April to July,i9i9 16 1,257 170 i,443 22,224 1 Owing to the abnormal demand for every kind of woollen cloth, there has been a mild revival in the manufacture of Home-spuns during the past year, especially in Connemara, and hundreds of addi- tional spinning-wheels have been operating. The makers of these wheels have been unable to cope with the demand. 2 The periods are the twelve months ended March 3ist of each of the years mentioned. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 131 RETURN OF TWEEDS SOLD AT CARRICK, CO. DONEGAL, TWEED FAIRS. Year. Homespun Weft. No. of Webs. Total No. of Webs Sold. Estimated Value. f, 1907 _ 537 1,963 1908 565 2,601 1909 927 4,184 1910 1,507 8,122 igil i,349 6,942 1912 1,023 4,655 1913 820 3,869 1914 232 1,018 1915 65 296 1916 255 275 i,455 1917 193 202 1,646 1918 350 350 5,210 1919 342 342 6,660 April to July, 1919 no 1,865 One of the reasons why the products of Irish woollen mills are able to hold their own in competition with those made elsewhere is that cotton or shoddy yarn are rarely used in their manufacture. Generally speaking, Irish cloths can be relied upon as having been made solely from pure wool yarns. Prior to the war Irish firms used the finest quality of dyes, and fast colours invariably resulted. During recent years the dyes obtainable were inferior to those of German or Swiss manufacture, and the makers were unable, as a rule, to guarantee the fastness of the colours. Following is a list of some of the Irish woollen products produced at the present day : Blankets and flannels, cheviots, ladies' dress-cloths, friezes, real homespuns and factory-made homespuns, knitted-wools, motor dress materials, overcoatings, travelling and carriage rugs, flannel and flannelette shirtings, suitings, trouserings, vestings, 132 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY woollen and worsted yarns, worsteds, and woollen cloths of practically every description. So far as we have been able to ascertain there are, at present, about eighty-five woollen mills in Ireland using power-looms. No reliable figures are obtainable to show the number of looms operating, the number of hands employed, nor the annual wage-bill of this industry. The mills are situated in the following districts, viz. : Abbeyfeale (Co. Kerry) ; Ardara (Co. Donegal) ; Ardfinnan (Co. Tipperary) ; Athlone ; Avoca (Co. Wicklow) ; Bailie- borough (Co. Down) ; Ballinakill (Queen's Co.) ; Bally- glunin (Co. Galway) ; Ballymena (Co. Antrim) ; Ballymore- Eustace (Co. Kildare) ; Bantry (Co. Cork) ; Beaufort (Co. Kerry) ; Belfast ; Blarney (Co. Cork) ; Boyle (Co. Roscommon) ; Caledon (Co. Tyrone) ; Carrick (Co. Donegal) ; Castlebar (Co. Mayo) ; Castleblayney (Co. Monaghan) ; Castlederg (Co. Tyrone ; CastlepoUard (Co. Westmeath) ; Clifden (Co. Galway) ; Coleraine (Co. Londonderry) ; Convoy (Co. Donegal) ; Collooney (Co. Sligo) ; Cork ; Crumlin (Co. Antrim) ; Dripsey (Co. Cork) ; Dingle (Co. Kerry); Douglas (Co. Cork) ; Drogheda (Co. Louth) ; Dublin ; Dungarvan (Co. Waterford) ; Emyvale (Co. Roscommon) ; Enniscorthy (Co. Wexford) ; Fermony (Co. Cork) ; Ferns (Co. Wexford) ; Foxford (Co. Mayo) ; Galway ; Glanworth (Co. Cork) ; Kenmare (Co. Kerry) ; Kilkenny ; Kilmathomas (Co. Waterford) ; Kilmeaden (Co. Waterford) ; Kilrush (Co. Clare) ; Midleton (Co. Cork) ; New Ross (Co. Wexford) ; Oldcastle (Co. Meath) ; Rathmore (Co. Kerry) ; Six-mile- bridge (Co. Clare) ; Tipperary ; Tralee (Co. Kerry) ; and Westport (Co. Mayo). It will be seen from the foregoing that this industry is scattered throughout the entire country. Most of the mills, however, are small ; the number of workpeople employed by the smaller mills is not considerable, and their joint annual output of goods would not amount to more than that of the combined output of the few larger mills. If we take the Census of Production figures of 1907 as a guide, we find that at that period the whole Irish woollen and worsted industry employed 3,341 persons male and female and that the gross value of its output was only 607,000. Let us presume that since then it has increased its number of workpeople by twenty-five per cent. this is, I TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 133 think, a fair estimate that would give the number now employed as 4,176. The obvious conclusion we are forced to arrive at from these data is, that the development in this industry has been very slow : the entire number of persons employed hi it equals about one-fifth of the number of men employed in one Belfast shipyard, and the entire wage-bill of the industry is less than one-fifth of the wage-bill of that one firm. This it must be admitted is a very disappointing picture of what we are accustomed to describe as one of our staple industries. Allowing for the set-backs which befell the industry in earlier years through no fault of its own there is no evidence to justify us in arguing that it has been prevented from progressing more rapidly in recent, pre-war, years. Several Irish woollen manufacturers have displayed commendable enterprise in consistently extending their plant and keeping it up-to-date, but one has only to examine the various tables inserted herein to realize that the total expansion of the industry has fallen far short of its possible development. The manufacture of woollens is an hereditary craft in Ireland ; there is no great difficulty in procuring and training additional hands, and this industry, in modern times, has been particularly free of labour unrest. The Inspector of Factories, from whose report I have already quoted, stated, in 1865, that capital is the only thing wanted. This need is not felt by the larger Irish mills to-day, they being able to finance their businesses without any difficulty, but the smaller ones are, no doubt, prevented from increasing their plant, keeping it up-to-date, and extending their output, because of the limited capital they possess. There is no positive reason why the Irish woollen industry should not expand immeasur- ably beyond its present limit. But to attain this result it is necessary that those engaged in it should co-operate much more closely than they did in pre-war years. It was only a few years ago that an Irish Woollen Manufacturers' Associa- tion was established, but since its inception it has performed very valuable work for the trade. Competing as they do against highly organized external rivals, it is imperative that Irish woollen manufacturers should organize in such a way as to derive the utmost fraction of value out of their mills. By a mutual arrangement it should be possible to adopt a system of specialization in regard to their manufactures. Instead of, as heretofore, one Irish mill producing small 134 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY quantities of as many varieties and patterns of goods as a number of Yorkshire mills combined, and so wasting valuable time in designing and in continually re-arranging their machines, a considerable economy in time, labour, and money, would result if the machines in each mill were kept occupied for a whole season in producing a smaller number of patterns of goods, increased production would be effected, more perfect fabrics would be produced, and if the mills also adopted a joint system of marketing their goods throughout the world their businesses should flourish to an extent far in excess of that experienced heretofore. Without combination and expert organization there is little possibility of this trade progressing much beyond its present limit, and failing these essentials there is a serious danger that it may be left so far behind in the industrial march that in time it may again decline. In a paper read at the Irish Technical Congress, at Killarney, in the year 1914, Dr. J. F. Crowley pointed out that the percentages of operatives in the woollen and worsted trade of Great Britain and Ireland were : West Riding of Yorkshire . . 72.0 per cent. Parts of Lancashire . . . . 4.9 Worcester, Leicester, Gloucester, Somerset, Wilts and Wales 3.1 Scotland . . . . . . . . n.i ,, Ireland 1.6 The newer mills established in Ireland, and those of the older ones that have adopted up-to-date methods, have had no reason to regret their enterprise. Consequently, it must be presumed that, if properly managed, Irish woollen mills are profit-making concerns. The industry is one naturally suited to the country, but, as we have already stated, if it is to expand to anything like its capable extent the conserva- tive, early-Victorian, ideas of so many of its members must be scrapped without delay, organization on the most up-to- date lines must be adopted, closer working arrangements between the various firms must be entered into, and a far keener spirit of enterprise must be displayed. There are TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 135 plenty of new markets waiting to be captured, and Irish hands are capable of producing the goods ; all that is necessary is that the opportunity should be given to them of doing so. 4. THE ROPE AND TWINE INDUSTRY A number of Irish firms are engaged in manufacturing ropes and twines of practically every description. This is an industry in which Irish makers can justly claim to excel. Several small factories are dotted throughout the country, but the chief centre of the industry is in Belfast. One firm there employs between three and four thousand workpeople, and manufactures 3,500 different sizes and descriptions of ropes, lines and twines, including rope-cables, fine fishing- lines, binder twine, tarred ropes, and fishing-nets. The following Table illustrates the extent of Ireland's export ROPE, CORDAGE, & TWINE EXPORTED FROM IRELAND. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 188,977 239.371 1905 205,026 246,031 1906 230,052 290,441 1907 223,951 422,707 1908 223,574 408,023 1909 220,123 401,724 1910 234,521 453,407 1911 241,008 439.840 1912 233,526 447.592 i9 J 3 249,069 553,141 1914 264,990 569,729 *9*5 266,424 579.472 1916 274,347 866,479 1917 292,796 1,093,105 1918 278,788 1,477.576 136 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY trade in these commodities, and the reader should remember that the home market also consumes a vast quantity of these Irish-made goods. 5. THE HOSIERY INDUSTRY No definite data are available to illustrate the progress as a whole of this industry, but from the present writer's personal knowledge it is possible to state that it has advanced satis- factorily in the past fifteen years. The old system of the female members of a household hand-knitting socks and stockings for the family has been superseded by the factory machine-knit article. The latter is now so well produced, and, in normal times, retails at so reasonable a price, that it is the exception to meet with hand-knit goods of this sort. However, the Irish hand-knitting industry is by no means dead. The demand in recent years for sports coats, jumpers, and such-like goods has given a considerable impetus to this industry, with the result that several thousands of girls and women chiefly in Co. Donegal are employed in their own homes making these garments. The factory section of the industry has considerably increased its output of high-class machine-made underwear, whilst some factories engage entirely in this branch of the trade. The principal districts in which the machine-knitting of hosiery is carried on are : Balbriggan (Co. Dublin) ; Bandon (Co. Cork) ; Bray (Co. Wicklow) ; Belfast ; Blackrock (Co. Dublin) ; Carlow ; Cork ; Dungloe (Co. Donegal) ; Limerick ; Lisburn (Co. Antrim) ; Londonderry ; Longford ; New- townards (Co. Down) ; Newtownsmith (Co. Galway) ; Portadown ; Sligo ; Tralee (Co. Kerry), and Wexford. In addition to these there are a large number of small knitting industries scattered throughout the country. The greater proportion of the hosiery made in Ireland is absorbed by the home market, but Returns show that the following quantities were exported in the years mentioned in accompanying table : TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 137 HOSIERY EXPORTED FROM IRELAND. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 2,525 36,350 I95 2,750 39,268 1906 2,784 40,925 1907 2,555 33,034 1908 3,651 43,995 1909 3,445 47,886 1910 4,668 66,519 1911 4,569 65,108 1912 4,158 60,741 19*3 3,528 . 54,096 1914 4,944 79,598 19*5 7,138 126,343 1916 11,460 223,088 1917 14,343 300,127 1918 16,906 353,758 6. THE POPLIN INDUSTRY The poplin industry has succeeded in retaining a firm foot- ing in Ireland despite the many vicissitudes through which the silk trade has passed since its establishment here towards the end of the seventeenth century. It has not, however, developed to more than a moderate extent in recent years. At the present day the industry is confined to Dublin, where five firms are engaged in manufacturing this beautiful fabric. Poplin consists of a mixture of silk and wool the warp being made of silk and the weft of wool. The life of an Irish poplin article is much longer than that of one made solely of silk. This fact is ascribed to two causes, namely : the mixture of the two ingredients ; and, in part, to the remarkable skill in weaving possessed by the Irish poplin weaver. The uses to which Irish poplin is put are many, but the chief ones are for making into men's ties and bows, ladies dresses, scarves, 138 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY and hand-bags, and the finest quality banners are also made of this fabric. This trade being affected by changes in fashions, the number of looms operating in Irish poplin factories has fluctuated a great deal in the last seventy years. The following table illustrates these fluctuations : NO. OF POPLIN LOOMS OPERATING IN IRELAND IN THE FOLLOWING YEARS. Year. No of Looms Operating. 1845 1850 1868 1870 1880 293 172 397 443 116 1890 I8 99 70 74 1909 1916 130 122 1919 170 According to the Census of Production Returns, 1907, there were 522 workpeople 276 males and 246 females employed in this industry at that date. The value of the output was returned as 60,000. Cost of materials used and amount paid to other firms for work given out to them, 31,000. Net value of output, 29,000. At the time of writing there is a demand for at least double the present output of the Dublin mills, but this cannot be met at once owing to the shortage of skilled labour. However, it is pleasant to be able to record the fact that the operatives have agreed, temporarily at any rate, to open the trade to outsiders, that is to say, to apprentices other than sons or grandsons of weavers. This progressive step should, in due course, enable the industry to expand far beyond its present dimensions. TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 139 7. THE CARPET INDUSTRY Although the quality of Irish-made carpets and rugs is comparable with the best made elsewhere, this industry has never progressed to a satisfactory extent. The largest Irish factory for the manufacture of carpets is situated in Co. Donegal. This is a branch establishment of a Scotch firm, and the credit of having got them to open a factory in Co. Donegal is due to the Congested Districts Board for Ireland. The Dun Emer Guild, Ltd., in Dublin, has earned such a high reputation for its beautifully designed and perfectly made hand-tufted rugs and carpets, that it is no longer mainly dependent upon the home market for custom. At the time of writing this industry is executing extensive orders for customers in Denmark, and its work, on its merits, finds a ready sale wherever it is shown. In the year 1902 the Naas (Co. Kildare) Co-operative Home Industries Association, Ltd., was established for the purpose of providing employment in that district, and the promoters decided that the making of carpets and rugs, by hand, offered a favourable opening for local workers. They therefore procured suitable instructors and a number of hand-looms. For a time work was carried on at the local convent, and then, as the industry developed, a disused malthouse was acquired and suitably equipped. By 1909 the business had progressed sufficiently to justify an increase of capital and the conversion of the concern into a limited liability company under the title of the Kildare Carpet Co., Ltd. Agencies were established in a number of countries throughout the world, and so successful were the results that it was found necessary again considerably to extend the premises and to instal new plant, including dyeing plant and finishing machinery. The Company about this time amalgamated with the Abbeyleix (Queen's Co.) Carpet Co., who were also makers of hand-made rugs and carpets, and the plant of this latter concern was brought up to date. All went well until the outbreak of war in 1914, when, owing to the sudden stoppage of orders, and the numerous difficulties in procuring suitable raw materials dyes especially it was found impossible to carry on satisfactorily, and the owners 140 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY were reluctantly compelled to close the works. A year later, however, the factory was acquired by the Morton Manufactur- ing Co., whose headquarters are at Stirling, in Scotland. This firm has succeeded in keeping the business going during the abnormal period from which we have so recently emerged, and is now planning considerably to extend its output. The carpets made at Naas are entirely hand-made, after the style of the Oriental weaves. They are made in qualities grading from a thick tufted make, like Turkey carpets, to the very fine weave of the Persian type ; further, there is no limit to the number of colours which can be used. Carpets made at the Naas factory are in use in some of the most palatial hotels throughout the world, and on board the largest trans- atlantic liners. 8. BAG AND SACK-MAKING INDUSTRY A number of firms in various parts of Ireland manufacture linen and cotton bags and jute sacks. The output of these factories is largely absorbed by the Irish flour-milling industry, coal merchants, potato merchants, and others. The chief Irish factory manufacturing jute bags (other jute-goods as well as linen and cotton bags are also made there) is situated in Clara, King's Co., and gives employment to about 800 workpeople. Q. OTHER TEXTILE INDUSTRIES The Census of Production Returns, 1907, grouped the follow- ing branches of the Textile Industry together for the purpose of those Returns, viz. : APPAREL : Men's and boys' suits and parts thereof (coats, vests, trousers, overcoats, etc., including mechanics' clothing and rainproof goods). Women's and girls' costumes and dresses (mantles, jackets, skirts, blouses, bodices, aprons, pinafores, etc., including rainproof goods). Men's and women's not separately distinguished : shirts, collars and cuffs, corsets and stays, underclothing, other than TEXTILE INDUSTRIES 141 hosiery, hats and bonnets, and other products. Alterations and repairs. Amount received for work done for the trade, and for work done on materials supplied by private customers, drapers, etc. The total value of the output for the foregoing amounted to 4,570,000. Cost of materials used and amount paid to other firms for work given out to them amounted to 2,777,000, the net value of the output being 1,793,000. The number of persons employed in these industries that year was returned as 41,836, namely : 6,455 males and 35,381 females. These were sub-divided into : Wage Earners, 4,990 males and 34,050 females. Salaried Persons, 1,465 males and 1,331 females. CHAPTER IV IRISH MINERALS AND RAW MATERIALS I. MINERALS THERE are few Irish industrial subjects about which more conflicting theories exist than that of Irish minerals. It is commonly argued that fortunes await the enterprising persons who may decide to work these deposits. How far this belief is capable of realization rests, at present, on a basis of uncertainty. It has been established that minerals exist in this country which offer a satisfactory remuneration to those who are prepared to work them ; the existence of other mineral deposits has also been established, but as to the extent of these latter no exact data are known. In those countries which possess a paternal Government it is this Authority which carries out the initial work of experi- mental boring and testing mineral deposits. Numerous tests have been made by the British Government to ascertain the extent and commercial possibilities of a number of mineral deposits in Great Britain, but they have made no effort to investigate the possibilities of working Irish minerals com- mercially, if we except the obscure and incomplete boring operations for coal which have taken place at Lough Neagh. l Several definite proposals have been laid before the Government from time to time by responsible Irish bodies, especially during the war years, proposals which the Govern- ment would have been fully justified in investigating, but no action resulted. The Geological Survey Branch of the Irish Department of Agriculture has performed as much useful 1 " Mr. Bridgeman informed Major O'Neill that the experimental borings at Lough Neagh were stopped by the Ministry of Reconstruc- tion at a depth of 1,766 feet. The technical advisers estimated that at least another 1,450 feet would have to be bored before the coal measures were reached, and a further 500 feet would have to be gone through to find a good seam of coal." Hansard, Feb. 23, 1920. 142 MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 143 work in this direction as lay in its power, but as its funds amount to no more than a mere bagatelle, and as its work is more in the nature of abstract scientific inquiry, it is unable to carry out definite tests. Following are particulars concerning some minerals which are being worked in Ireland at the time of writing : ANTIMONY ORE : This valuable mineral is being worked in Co. Monaghan. BARYTES : Used in the manufacture of paint is being worked by two companies in Co. Cork one at the Duneen Bay Mines, Clonakilty, the other at the Dunmanus Bay Mines, Ballydehob ; and a third company is working it at Gleniffe, Co. Sligo. BAUXITE : The British Aluminium Co., Ltd., have works at Lame, Co. Antrim, and prepare aluminium there ; which is then dispatched to works in Scotland to be finished. Bauxite is also being mined at Clegnagh, Portrush ; Irish Hill, Straid; Tuftarney, Newtown Crommelin, and Urbelreagh, Bushmills all in Co. Antrim. CARBIDE OF CALCIUM : Which is made from lime and anthracite coal, or lime and coke, is well known to every user of an acetylene lamp ; it is manufactured at Collooney, Co. Sligo ; and Askeaton, Co. Limerick. CEMENT : It is an established fact that an abundant supply of all the materials necessary for the manufacture of first quality cement is to be found in several districts through- out Ireland. Despite this fact, cement is, at the moment of writing, manufactured at only two works hi Ireland, viz., Drinagh, Co. Wexford, and Magheramorne, Co. Antrim. The former works have been in existence for a considerable length of time, but the output was never very extensive. They have recently changed hands, having been purchased by The Asso- ciated Portland Cement Manufacturers, Ltd. This firm are also negotiating for the purchase of land near Skerries, Co. Dublin, where they propose to establish another cement works, with a capacity of about 50,000 tons per annum. The works at Magheramorne were established a few years ago by the British Portland Cement Co., Ltd., and have a capacity of about 40,000 to 45,000 tons per annum. That the existing works are wholly incapable of meeting even the Irish demand ignoring for the moment the possibility of an export trade is evidenced by the following Return, which shows the 144 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY quantity and value of cement imported, into Ireland in the years 1904-18. Year. Quantity Tons. Value . 1904 106,673 137,786 1905 136,589 215,128 1906 H3,509 171,683 1907 118,068 196,288 1908 130,097 208,155 1909 129,871 193,183 1910 143,519 206,309 1911 134,718 205,455 1912 154,557 245,359 19*3 I25.49 1 213,335 1914 138,541 236,097 19*5 99,834 195,508 1916 61,041 148,533 1917 48,935 155,369 1918 57>9o6 212,805 The true explanation of the reluctance of Irish capitalists to venture into this industry is that it is controlled by British combines 1 who could, if at any time they choose to do so, cut prices to so low a figure that no comparatively small concerns could withstand their competition. Two of these British concerns, as we have mentioned above, have themselves taken up the manufacture of cement in Ireland and it remains to be seen if they will develop the Irish product to its full capacity. COAL : The Irish colliery from which the largest annual output is obtained is that at Castlecomer, Co. Kilkenny. This colliery has been worked continuously for many genera- tions past. Recently the Government, after years of agitation, constructed a branch railway line to connect the mines with 1 The Associated Portland Cement Manufacturers Ltd., (27 concerns) has an issued capital of 4,207,000, and debentures to the amount of 4,527,000. The British Portland Cement Co., Ltd., has an authorized capital of 2,800,000. MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 145 the Great Southern and Western Railway system. In the past the coal had to be conveyed many miles by cart to the nearest railway station. The other principal coal mines operating in Ireland are : those at Arigna, Co. Leitrim, and at Queen's County. A branch railway line has recently been constructed connecting the last-mentioned mines with the G.S. & W. Railway line at Athy, and a line is in course of construction to link up the Arigna mines with the Cavan and Leitrim Railway. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, contained the following data concerning this industry : OUTPUT OF COAL, YEAR 1907. Quantity, Tons. Value. * Anthracite Steam Coal Gas Coal Household Coal TOTAL Cost of Materials used Net Value of Output 75,OOO 7,000 3,000 14,000 36,000 3,ooo 1,000 6,000 99,000 46,000 6,000 40,000 The total number of persons employed all males was returned as 801, made up as follows : Under 16 Years of age. Over 16 Years of age. Total. Below ground 15 526 541 Above ground 14 214 228 (Including those engaged in coal washing) . . Salaried Persons 2 30 32 TOTAL 31 770 801 10 146 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY No official record was kept of the output of coal in Ireland prior to the year 1854. As will be seen from the follow- ing table there has been an almost continuous decline in the output in each succeeding decade : TABLE SHOWING THE OUTPUT OF COAL IN IRELAND FOR THE DECENNIAL PERIODS 1854-1914. Year. Tons. Year. Tons. 1854 1864 1874 1884 148,750 125,000 139.213 122,431 1894 1904 1914 112,604 105,637 92,400 Following is the latest Return, 1 showing the total output of coal from Irish mines from 1913 to April 26, 1919. (Extracted from The Board of Trade Journal, June 26, 1919, P- 797-) Period. Average Number of Total Output Year. Persons Employed. of Coal. I9 J 3 800 83,000 1914 700 92,000 I9 T 5 700 84,000 1916 900 90,000 1917 700 96,000 1918 700 87,400 4 months 1919 800 3I,IOO The variations in the output during these years were occasioned by the fact that, owing to the abnormal conditions 1 See also Return published in Appendix III (see. pp. 298, 299). MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 147 due to the war, there was a frequent shortage of transit facilities. Consequently, large quantities of coal accumulated from time to time at the pit mouth, waiting to be removed ; when this occurred the mines were forced to reduce their output. The output from the various Irish mines during the year 1918 is shown by the following table, which also shows the number of men employed in each mine, including workmen above the surface as well as below : 1 Number Employed Name of Mine. Output. Tons. Under Above ground. ground Castlecomer Collieries, Ltd. 63,675 364 162 (Co. Kilkenny) Arigna Mining Company 7.434 65 24 (Co. Roscommon) New Irish Mining Company 7,086 60 33 (Queen's Co.) Michael Layden 6,367 35 6 (Co. Roscommon) (Co. Leitrim) Slieve Ardagh Collieries Co. 3>945 25 12 (Co. Tipperary) Various small Mines 3494 68 39 TOTALS 92,001 617 276 It will be seen that the total output for the year 1918 given in the above table is 4,601 tons in excess of that set out in the Return issued by the Board of Trade. The present writer believes the figures mentioned by the Coal Industry Committee may be accepted as correct. 1 Report of the Committee. Irish Coal Industry Committee, 1919, p. 4. (Cmd. 650. Price2d.net). 148 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY DIATOMITE (" KIESELGUHR ") : Three companies are working this mineral near Portglenone, Co. Antrim, and it is also being worked at Toomebridge, Co. Antrim. Its chief use is for insulating purposes. FELSPAR is being worked near Belleek, Co. Fermanagh. IRON ORE : The mining of this mineral is being carried on by three companies in Co. Antrim. LEAD ORE is being obtained by washing the debris at Glendalough, Co. Wicklow, and operations for lead winning are taking place near Ballysodare, Co. Sligo, as well as in Co. Clare. OCHRE, which is used in the manufacture of paint, is being worked in the vale of Avoca, Co. Wicklow. PEAT MOSS LITTER is being produced at Ferbane, King's Co. ; Edenderry, King's Co. ; Maghery, Lough Neagh (where it is used for generating steam in specially constructed fire-boxes, and electrical energy is produced for running a tramway) ; Rahan, Tullamore, King's Co. ; Enfield, Co. Meath ; Castleconnell, Co. Limerick ; Umeras, Monasterevan, King's Co. ; and Portglenone, Co. Antrim. An interesting experiment was undertaken some years ago by the Messrs. Hamilton Robb, at their Weaving Works at Portadown, Co. Antrim, where they erected a producer gas plant using peat instead of anthracite coal, and the result has been highly satisfactory. The fuel is conveyed to Porta- down by barge from the Peat Moss Litter Works at Maghery, Lough Neagh. COPPER PYRITES AND SULPHUR ORE is being worked at Avoca, Co. Wicklow, and also near Berehaven, Co. Cork. ROAD-MAKING MATERIALS : A number of well- equipped Irish quarries with up-to-date crushing machinery have been engaged for many years past in the working of road- making materials. These quarries are situated in various districts throughout the country. SALT is being mined and manufactured from brine by several companies in the district of Carrickfergus, Co. Antrim. SLATE : There are several slate quarries operating in Ireland and the quality of most of their products is excellent ; MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 149 but they, too, require the same improved conditions that we refer to below under the heading of Stones. On an average, slate to the value of over 100,000 per annum is imported into Ireland. STEATITE OR SOAPSTONE, which is extensively used in the arts and manufactures one variety is well known by the name of French chalk is being mined near Lough Gartan, Co. Donegal. STONES : Diorite, granite, limestone, marble, sandstones, freestones and whinstone are all being worked at a number of quarries scattered throughout the country. Many of these stones are of first quality, and Irish marble is to be found in buildings of various kinds in many other countries besides this. However, the quantity of stone worked annually in Ireland is but a tithe of what it should be, and there is ample scope for considerable development in this direction. What is needed is the investment of more capital, the introduction of the best types of machinery, better transit facilities, especi- ally in respect of rates for carriage, and general business-like management of the works. Irish architects could some do give great help by keep- ing themselves informed as to vwhat building materials of Irish origin are procurable and specifying for the use of these in building operations under their control. At the same time it is essential that Irish quarry owners should keep them informed at frequent intervals as to what materials they can supply, and that, when orders are placed, no avoidable hitch should be allowed to occur in delivering the goods within the time specified. Those who desire to obtain first-hand knowledge of native building materials can do so by visiting the National Museum in Dublin, where a representative collection is exhibited. The credit of having gathered together this exhibit and making it available for Inspection is due to the Dublin Industrial Development Association, the Architectural Association ol Ireland, and the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland. 150 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY TABLE SHOWING THE OUTPUT, IN TONS, OF MINERAL FROM MINES IN IRELAND UNDER THE METALLIFEROUS MINES REGULATION ACTS FOR THE DECENNIAL PERIODS 1873 TO 1913 : Mineral. 1873- 1883. 1893. 1903. 1913- Barium 3,736 4,588 4,934 2,039 13,289 Bauxite 13,478 8,740 6,128 6,055 Copper Ore 8,793 182 52i 167 Copper pre- 60 43 cipitate Iron Ore 127,132 146,452 67,292 96,325 60,014 Iron Pyrites 37,738 12,180 3,568 2,739 1,840 Lead Ore 1,211 485 59 Lignite 1,310 81 Ochre 1,162 793 1,005 Rock Salt 33,751 37,405 41,308 32,234 43.39 1 Soapstone 40 Zinc Ore 858 IOO * Further particulars of the output of Irish mines and quarries and the number of persons employed in and about them will be found in Appendix III (see pp. 298, 299) . 2. THE BRICK INDUSTRY There are about seventy brickworks in Ireland, but a number of these are not kept regularly employed. When a brisk demand occurs, and the price is remunerative, many of them operate, but at other periods a number shut down. For some years prior to the war very little profit was made by Irish brickworks, as a steady supply of bricks came into Ireland from across-channel, and the ruling prices made it difficult for the Irish concerns to work profitably. During the war years, as we have stated elsewhere, building MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 151 operations in Ireland were brought almost to a standstill. Consequently the production of bricks in this country was infinitesimal. A number of the works are now anticipating a better demand for their products, and if the projected Irish building programmes are proceeded with this industry should be considerably stimulated. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, contained the following information in respect to this industry, viz. : Total value of goods made and work done 105,000 Cost of Materials used 28,000 Net value of Output 77,000 The total number of hands employed was returned as 1,231, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 1,152 males and 16 females ; Salaried Persons, 49 males and 14 females. One of the prime difficulties from which this industry suffers is the excessive rates charged by Irish Railway Companies for the transit of its products. Where the works are situated within cartage distance of a port they are able to compete for the trade in Irish towns similarly situated, but when they are obliged to send their goods by rail it becomes a difficult problem how to do so profitably. 3. THE BUILDING TRADE The periodical position of this trade may be taken as a fairly true index of the economic condition of a country. When a country is developing and prosperous, employment in the building trade rises ; when it is stagnant or decaying, employ- ment falls below normal. There is not very much material available to indicate the fluctuations that have taken place in the building trade in Ireland within the past seventy years ; but by piecing together various data one is able to arrive at the conclusion that, after passing through a fairly long spell of intermittent ups and downs, the demand for buildings and constructional work has shown a more upward tendency since the beginning of the present century than it did in the closing half of the preceding one. 152 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The nearest guide we can obtain to the extent of the trade is that supplied by the Census of Production Returns, 1907. In that year the total number of persons employed was 14,330, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 13,432 males and 51 females ; Salaried Persons, 792 males and 55 females. The total value of the Output was returned as . .1,891,000 Cost of Materials used, etc 912,000 Net value of Output 979,000 During the war years ordinary building operations, so far as Ireland was concerned, were brought to a standstill. The Government took over control of all building materials and only released such quantities as were necessary to erect or repair buildings used in respect of war-work. This had the effect of compelling thousands of Irish building operatives to migrate to Great Britain, there being an abnormal demand there for skilled men of this kind, to work hi the erecting of the numerous munition factories and other Government buildings which were put up on that side of the channel. The few lilli- putian munition factories established in Ireland may be ignored so far as they affected the Irish building trade. A number of Irish builders, rather than close down their works altogether, adapted their wood-working plant to the manufac- ture of munition boxes, and, after considerable effort by the All-Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee, secured contracts for the supply of a few varieties of these boxes. This work enabled them to keep a certain proportion of their hands employed. The present writer is aware that some of them lost money over these contracts ; a few just cleared themselves, without losing money, and a small number made a moderate profit. One and all of them were glad to drop box-making and revert to their regular trade immediately the Armistice was signed. Owing to the excessive rise in the prices of all building materials, as compared with pre-war prices (an increase equivalent to at least 300 per cent], only those persons who are compelled to build are doing so at the time of writing ; others who would under normal conditions place contracts for the erection of new buildings are holding back until prices fall. Numerous Municipal schemes have been prepared for the erection of small houses and workmen's dwellings in MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 153 this country, but these have been held up pending the passage of Bills enabling the Government to bear a fair proportion of the loss that must accrue in consequence of the cost of building, such houses being in excess of their economic value. That is to say, the rents obtainable for such houses will be less than the amount necessary to meet the interest payable by Municipalities on the loans they must incur, before they can erect the dwellings, plus the cost of upkeep. Bills on these lines, applying to Ireland and to Great Britain, have now become Law, but the financial clauses of the Irish Bill are less favourable than those of the British Bill and, it is univers- ally agreed, are inadequate to meet the needs of the present situation. 1 Consequently, the Irish building schemes remain in suspense at the time of writing, and an energetic agitation is being carried on with the object of compelling the Govern- ment to deal fairly with this country in this connexion. 4. TIMBER PRODUCTS Timber products enter into so many different industries and branches of industry that it is not easy to classify them under a few headings. Home-grown and imported timber the latter received in the round are sawn into planks in Irish saw mills and then converted, in Irish workshops and factories, into numerous articles of general utility. For instance, to mention only a few of these articles, doors, window-frames and joinery of every description, furniture, wash-boards, brush and broom handles, railway-sleepers, carts, railway and other waggons, wheels, motor-bodies, packing cases and hand-trucks are all made in Ireland. There are no definite data to guide us as to the extent of these industries at the present day, therefore we must accept the Census of Production Returns, of 1907, as the nearest approach to a reliable estimate of what these industries represent. 1 " The cost of the poorest type of house that the Local Govern- ment Board has approved is to be 836. That will mean an economic rent of 333. 9d. per week. Of this the State will contribute i8s. pd., and the tenant must pay the balance 153. That is not a very cheer- ful prospect. Even in Belfast it is hardly likely that the working-class population is prepared to pay such a sum. The Corporation, appar- ently, is oi that opinion, and it has resolved to see what can be done by direct labour," Irish Times, April 3, 1920. 154 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The Returns referred to grouped the following sections under the headings of " Timber Factories and Workshops," viz. : SECTION I. SAWMILL PRODUCTS: Deals, battens, planks, floorings, match boardings, mould- ings, architraves, casings, skirtings, railway timber (creosoted or not), veneers and panel wood. SECTION Hi- Manufactured Joinery including fittings for houses, shops and banks, crates, cases and boxes (for packing mer- chandise), wood turnery (of all kinds), coffins, manufactures of cork, fencing, hurdles, and gates, furniture of wood, other wood goods, firewood, shavings, sawdust, general and jobbing carpentry and joinery work, work done on new buildings, alteration and repair of buildings and work done on commis- sion or on hire on materials supplied. The total value of the output in 1907, was returned as follows : SECTION i. .. .. ... .. 411,000 SECTION 2. . . . . . . . . 213,000 TOTAL OUTPUT . . . . . . 624,000 Cost of Materials used and amount paid to other firms for work given out to them 390,000 Net Value of Output 234,000 The total number of persons employed in these two sec- tions was returned as 3,340, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 3,011 males and 44 females ; Salaried Persons, 369 males and 385 females. MINERALS, RAW MATERIALS, ETC. 155 SECTION III:- Wooden crate, case, box and trunk factories and workshops. Total Value of Output . . . . . . 94,000 Cost of Materials used . . 58,000 Net Value of Output 36,000 The total number of persons employed in this section was 471, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 430 males and 5 females ; Salaried Persons, 35 males and I female. SECTION IV:- Carriage, cart, and waggon factories and workshops. Total Value of Output 134,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . . . 54,ooo Net Value of Output 80,000 The total number of persons employed was 1,282, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 1,099 males and 7 females ; Salaried Persons, 172 males and 4 females. During the latter years of the war, so many regular branches of Irish industry having been brought to a standstill, the greater part of the output of Irish saw mills and wood-working factories consisted of ammunition boxes. Since the signing of the Armistice this work has entirely ceased, and the con- cerns which were engaged on it have reverted to their ordinary trades. CHAPTER V BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES I. BREWING AND MALTING BREWING is an Irish industry which, despite the severe regulations governing the sale of its products, showed a consistent upward curve until the recent war years. This fact is evident from a perusal of the follow- ing Return of the amount of beer brewed in Ireland in the years mentioned : Year. No. of Barrels. 1856 926,000 1861 1,437.713 1871 1,616,656 1882 2,044,331 1891 2,555.273 1901 3,149,142 1911 3,215,000 1914 3,532,OOO 1915 3,4I2,OOO I9I6 1 3,279,000 1917! 2,850,000 I9I8 1 1,603,679 1919! 1,459,079 In the year 1913 the duty per standard barrel of thirty-six gallons was 73. gd. : from November i, 1914, it was increased 1 The falling off in quantity in these four years was due to the restric- tions as regards output imposed upon brewers by the Government. These restrictions have now been withdrawn. 156 BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 157 to 255. This duty was subject to a rebate of 2s. per barrel to March 31, 1916, and of is. during the financial year 1916-17. In 1918 this amount was doubled, bringing it up to 503. per barrel ; an additional 2os. for the year 1919 was added, thereby raising it to 703. per barrel, and a further 305. was added in 1920, making the duty loos, per barrel. Altogether there are about twenty-four breweries operating in Ireland brewing stcut and porter ; about fourteen of these also brew ale. It is estimated that nearly sixty per cent, of the stout, porter, and ale brewed in Ireland is consumed in this country. The following return shows the quantity and value of these commodities exported in the years 1904-18 : Year. Ale and Beer. Porter. Barrels. Value . Hogsheads. Value . 1904 1,546 5,154 514,763 1,647,242 I95 2,024 6,680 539,429 1,737,411 1906 17,18 J 1 57,124 571,445 1,828,624 1907 2,421 7,566 610,893 1,954,858 1908 1,724 5,301 621,827 1,642,640 1909 1,616 4,929 625,784 I,653,H3 1910 1,899 5,792 695,9 2 3 1,838,397 1911 1,636 5,113 729,298 1,926,562 1912 1,298 4,170 794,447 2,098,664 19*3 1,335 4,339 859,056 2,269,340 1914 1,679 5,54i 689,696 2,446,664 19*5 1,997 7,256 887,591 2,500,048 1916 780 3.47 1 893,777 3,053,738 1917 362 1,818 508,987 2,527,969 1918 745 4,917 490,422 2,431,676 Whilst Irish brewers generally make a proportion of the malt they use, and some make all they require, the majority 1 It is believed that a quantity of porter was inadvertently included in this figure, that the amount of ale and beer exported in 1906 was not as great as this represents it to have been. 158 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY obtain large quantities from Irish and cross-channel maltsters. It will be seen from the following return that Irish maltsters carry on a fair export trade in this commodity, but that a far larger quantity is imported into Ireland : RETURN OF MALT IMPORTED INTO AND EXPORTED FROM IRELAND. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity. Cwts. Value . Quantity. Cwts. Value . 1904 807,006 5H,I04 91,222 57,774 I95 738,089 452,079 82,040 50,250 1906 641,879 385,127 84,737 50,842 1907 566,189 339,713 85,132 51,079 1908 808,817 535,841 79,379 52,589 1909 652,872 429,807 161,045 106,021 1910 735,196 468,687 72,892 46,469 1911 830,597 490,551 76,890 48,107 1912 878,642 621,995 74,in 52,585 1913 746,069 500,418 64,216 43,127 1914 1,216,943 757,743 65,163 40,651 1915 632,179 505,743 78,558 62,846 1916 498,023 581,027 67,773 79,069 1917 244,382 325,843 32,903 43,871 1918 36,190 34,455 20,810 19,813 All available Irish barley is used to make malt, but when insufficient in quantity it is imported from abroad. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, contained the following information concerning the Irish Brewing and Malt- ing industries, viz. : The total number of persons employed in the year 1907 was returned as 6,451, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 5,354 males and no females ; Salaried Persons, 943 males and 44 females. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 159 The Total value of the Output in 1907 was returned as : 5,849,000 Cost of Materials used . . . . 2,291,000 Amount paid to other firms for work given out to them 48,000 Net Value of Output . . 3,510,000 LIST OF BREWERIES OPERATING IN IRELAND TO-DAY The following list contains the names of most, if not all, of the breweries operating in Ireland at the present day. My reason for inserting this information is that, as will be seen, many of these breweries have been in existence for a consider- able number of years several of them for more than a century. The names of the firms, with the exception of the first mentioned, have been arranged in alphabetical order, not in the order of their respective size of output. The firm of Arthur Guinness, Sons & Co., Ltd., of Dublin, have the largest output of any brewery in the world. It has been estimated that they brew more than two-thirds of all the beer brewed in Ireland and over one-twentieth of the beer brewed in Great Britain and Ireland. The originators of the present firm purchased this brewery in 1759, but it was actu- ally established as a brewery for many years prior to that date. Other Irish Brewers are : Beamish & Crawford, Ltd. ; The Cork Brewery, Cork, established about the year 1751 ; Thomas R. Caffrey, The Mountain Brewery, Belfast, estab- lished about twenty years ago ; The Castlebellingham & Drogheda Brewery Co., Ltd., which owns breweries in both of the towns from which the Company take their title the first named established early in the eighteenth century and the latter in 1825 ; Cherry Bros., Creywell Brewery, New Ross, Co. Wexford, established about 1830 ; John D'Arcy & Sons, Ltd., The Anchor Brewery, Dublin, established in the year 1740 ; Davis Strangman & Co., Ltd., Waterford, established at 160 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY the end of the eighteenth century ; Deasy & Co., Ltd., Clona- kilty, Co. Cork, established about 1800 ; W. J. Downes & Co., Enniskillen, Co. Fermanagh : P. & H. Egan, Ltd., Tullamore, King's Co., established in 1852 ; The Great Northern Brewery Co., Ltd., Dundalk, established in 1897 ; Patrick Kiely & Sons, St. Stephen's Brewery, Waterford, established about 1800 ; George H. Lett, Mill Park Brewery, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford, established in 1810 ; Macardle, Moore & Co., Ltd., Dundalk, Co. Louth, established at the end of the eighteenth century ; McConnell's Brewery, Ltd., Belfast, established about twenty years ago ; The Mountjoy Brewery Co., Ltd., Russell Street, Dublin, established in 1852 ; Thomas Murphy & Co., Ltd., Clonmel, Co. Tipperary, established in 1798 ; James J. Murphy & Co., Ltd., Lady's Well Brewery, Cork, established in 1856 ; Robert Perry & Son, Ltd., Rathdowney, Queen's Co., established about 1800 ; E. Smithwick & Sons, Ltd., The St. Francis Abbey Brewery, Kilkenny, established in 1710 ; The St. James' Street Brewery, Kilkenny, established in 1702 ; Watkins, Jameson, Pirn & Co., Ltd., Ardee Street, Dublin, established in 1736, and Wickham & Co., Wexford, established about 1800. 2. THE DISTILLING INDUSTRY Some years ago a report from the British Consul at Turkey- in-Asia, mentioned that the Mohammedan natives of that district bound by the tenets of their religion to abstain from drinking wine had discovered that whisky is not a wine, and were rapidly acquiring a taste for this spirit. The Consul suggested that British distillers should endeavour to capture this new market. That these far Eastern folk are not the only people who have acquired a taste for whisky is abun- dantly proved by the returns published from year to year of the quantity of this commodity distilled and consumed in Great Britain and Ireland, as well as in countries abroad. The table, which follows, shows the number of gallons of proof spirits distilled in Ireland at various periods from the year 1820-1918. The reader should bear in mind that these totals include both pot and patent-still spirit, and for some years past industrial alcohol, distilled in Ireland, has also been included therein. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 161 NO. OF GALLONS OF PROOF SPIRITS DISTILLED IN IRELAND. Year. No. of Gallons. Year. No. of Gallons. l820 4,607,296 1904 13,010,772 1825 8,835,027 I95 11,798,155 1830 8,694,742 1906 12,650,577 1840 7,281,429 1907 12,053,184 1850 8,293,034 1908 11,653,513 1857 8,910,637 1909 12,192,244 1860 7,405,593 1910 10,758,965 1865 5,483,208 1911 9,723,815 1870 6,599,636 1912 9,747,976 1875 9,674,004 1913 9,875,747 1880 11,159,349 1914 9,878,739 1885 9,833,786 i9 J 5 10,249,436 1890 11,817,072 1916 10,839,430 1895 12,679,435 1917 13,201,141 1900 14,480,871 1918 12,407,868 1903 12,441,298 1919 11,076,515 In the year 1853 the duty on spirits produced in Ireland was raised from 2s. 8d. to 33. 4d., in 1854 to 43., subsequently to 6s. 2d., in 1858 to 8s., in 1860 to ios., in 1908 it stood at us., a year later it was raised to 145. gd., in 1918 to 303., in 1919 to 503., and in 1920 to 723. 6d. per proof gallon. These latter increases, and the restrictions imposed by the Govern- ment in respect to the limitation of the output of spirits for human consumption during the war years, have had the effect of considerably reducing the average annual production of pot-still whisky in this country. No pot-still whisky was made in Ireland in the year 1918. Owing to their adaptability for the purpose, a number of Irish patent-still distilleries were able to engage in the manu- facture of industrial alcohol during recent years, thereby giving them an advantage as compared with pot-still distilleries, which were, for technical reasons, unable to adapt themselves to the manufacture of this product. As many persons are ii 162 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY unaware of the fact, it may be well to mention that, briefly, the difference between a pot-still and a patent-still distillery is that the former manufactures pure malt whisky, made almost exclusively from home-grown corn, whereas the latter, by a different process of distillation, produces a spirit made from maize, Indian corn, oats, and other chiefly imported cereals, and blends with it a small proportion of pot-still whisky to give it flavour and make it palatable. In the year 1899 there were altogether 29 distilleries operat- ing in Ireland ; in 1909 the number had fallen to 26 ; in 1910 to 25 ; in 1913 to 24 ; in 1914 to 22 ; in igiy 1 to 24; in 1918 to 6, and in 1919 the number operating was 23. These latter 23 were situated in the following countries, namely : Antrim 2 ; Cork 3 ; Down 5 ; Dublin 5 ; Kildare i ; King's County i ; Londonderry 4 ; Louth i and Westmeath i. The quantities of spirits produced in each class of distillery in Ireland during the years ended September 30, 1918, and 1919, were as follows : 1918 Quantity Proof Gallons 1919 Quantity Proof Gallons. Distilleries manufacturing Yeast : Using Patent Stills with or without Pot Stills 11,895,849 9.344.123 Distilleries not manufacturing Yeast : Using Patent Stills with or without Pot Stills 250,302 Using Pot Stills only TOTAL 2,234,668 11,895,849 11,829,093 The Census of Production Returns, 1907, show that the total number of persons employed in this industry in Ireland in the year 1907, was 2,423, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 2,017 male and 42 female ; Salaried Persons, 355 male and 9 female. 1 In this year there were 7 distilleries operating in England, and 112 operating in Scotland. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 168 The value of the output that year was returned as follows : Spirits . . . . . . . . . . . . 1,057,000 Yeast 1 . . . . 249,000 Offals and other Waste Products . . . . 109,000 Casks, Cases and other Products . . . . 4,000 TOTAL OUTPUT Cost of Materials Used Net value of Output .. 1,419,000 905,000 514,000 Irish whisky is in demand in very many countries through- out the world, some of the leading brands being as well- known in far-distant lands as in the home country. Conse- quently the export trade represents a large proportion of the total trade of Irish distilleries. The following Table shows the quantity and value of Irish- made Spirits exported from Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918 : Year. Quantity Proof Gallons. Value . 1904 8,637,031 2,339,196 1905 8,047,042 2,179,407 1906 7,900,012 2,133,587 1907 8,510,304 2,304,874 1908 8,492,177 2,299,964 1909 6,424.533 !,739.979 1910 7,551,876 2,050,199 1911 7,569,966 2,050,199 1912 7,237,426 1,960,136 1913 7-415,999 2,008,500 1914 7,127,547 1,930,377 1915 5,707,705 1,714,989 1916 3,943,918 4,272,578 1917 2,625,826 3,194,755 1918 3,120,171 3,796,208 1 Yeast is a product of patsnt-still distilleries. 164 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The prohibition of the sale of intoxicating drinks in the United States of America has cut off a profitable market from Irish distillers. Whether or not they will be able to discover new outlets which will compensate them for this loss of trade remains to be seen. The introduction into Ireland of the distillation of industrial alcohol, during the war years, proved a valuable asset to the Irish patent-still distillers. The demand for this commodity is certain to increase from year to year, and it is probable that, should there not be as great a demand for Irish whisky in future as there was some years ago, the production in Ireland of industrial alcohol may help to compensate for the falling off in the other class of spirit. 3. AERATED WATERS, ETC., INDUSTRIES This group, which includes makers of aerated and mineral waters, cider, " British " wines, fruit juices, syrups, and non- alcoholic beverages made therefrom, fruit cordials, vinegar, etc., represents an important branch of Irish industry. According to the Census of Production Returns, the total value of its output in the year 1907 was 474,000. (The aerated and mineral waters industry was responsible for the sum of 398,000 of this amount.) The cost of materials used amounted to 228,000, leaving the sum of 246,000 as the net value of the output. The number of persons employed was returned as 2,110, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 1,701 males and 79 females ; Salaried Persons, 303 males and 27 females. The larger aerated and mineral water factories are situated in Dublin and Belfast, and smaller ones are to be found in nearly every fair-sized town throughout the country. The larger firms not alone cater for the home market, but have built up an unrivalled reputation for their manufactures in every country in the world where these drinks are consumed. The following return of the quantities and value of these goods exported from Ireland in each of the years mentioned is ample confirmation of this statement. The reader should bear in mind that the Irish manufacturer is handicapped by having to pay additional freight upon his products when selling them outside of Ireland in competition with those of cross- channel firms. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 165 AERATED AND MINERAL WATERS EXPORTED FROM IRELAND. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 244.131 195,297 1905 268,003 214,402 1906 310,863 248,690 1907 315,834 252,667 1908 279,920 223,936 1909 287,520 230,016 1910 298,887 239,110 igil 346,474 277,179 1912 317,906 254,325 1913 332,265 265,812 1914 271,564 217,251 1915 240,799 192,639 1916 255,235 224,394 1917 158,260 166,173 1918 116,971 163,759 4. CIDER The manufacture of apple cider in Ireland is of com- paratively recent date, but the two firms engaged in this industry Messrs. Thomas Power & Co., Ltd., Dungarvan, Co. Waterford, and the Co. Armagh Cider Co., Ltd., Porta- down, Co. Armagh have displayed considerable enterprise in building up and continually extending their businesses. The bulk of the cider produced in Ireland is consumed in this country, whilst a small quantity is exported across-channel. This industry has caused an extension of apple-growing in the districts in which it is carried on. 5. THE BOTTLING INDUSTRY A record of the brewing and distilling industries would be incomplete were I to omit to refer to one of their subsidiary 166 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY industries, viz., bottling. Large quantities of beer, ale, spirits, etc., are sent out from the makers in barrels and are bottled, to some extent, by the publicans, but to a larger extent by firms who specialize in this trade. One Dublin firm has for a great many years past bottled immense quantities of stout and whisky, which is exported in bottle from this country. So extensive was their trade that prior to the war they were able to keep a steamer plying between Dublin and New York conveying these goods to the U.S.A. Now that the latter country has gone dry the steamer, if re- employed in this trade, will have to find other ports of call. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, show that in that year there were 1,181 persons employed in Ireland in bottling factories and workshops, that of these there were 801 male and 157 female wage earners, and 178 male and 45 female salaried persons. The total value of the output for that year was returned as 693,000 : the cost of materials used was 549,000, leaving the net value of the output as 144,000. 6. THE GLASS BOTTLE INDUSTRY This branch is all that remains of the once successful Irish glass industry. It has, even in recent years, passed through trying periods, during which several of the smaller concerns were forced to close down. At the time of writing there are only five Irish works engaged in the manufacture of glass bottles, chiefly porter bottles, four in Dublin and one in Belfast. Before the war German-made bottles were imported to a considerable extent into Ireland. During the past few years serious competitors have arisen in England, where several combines in this industry have been established. These people have installed the latest pattern of American automatic machines, which, although the initial cost is very high, produce bottles so rapidly and accurately that they are easily able to compete against the older method of bottle- making. One of these machines has been in use in the Belfast works for a number of years past, and a still larger one has been installed in one of the Dublin works. These latter works have now been acquired by one of the English combines British Glass Industries Ltd., which has an authorized capital of 2,000,000, of which 1,400,000 has been issued. BREWING, DISTILLING, ETC., INDUSTRIES 167 That there is scope for considerable expansion in this Irish industry is evident from a perusal of the following return of the quantity and value of glass bottles imported into Ireland in the years 1904 to 1918. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 244,695 85,643 I95 286,969 100,439 1906 334,436 133,774 1907 351,326 140,530 1908 280,125 H9,o53 1909 301,829 128,277 1910 378,740 160,965 1911 I 436,280 194,508 1912 418,074 197,714 19*3 418,393 197,865 1914 426,456 216,782 19*5 306,468 206,866 1916 309,542 270,849 1917 194,616 187,318 1918 165,410 182,640 My reason for inserting this reference to the Irish glass- bottle industry in conjunction with the brewing, etc., group is that it practically represents a subsidiary branch of the brewing and distilling industries, the manufacture of other kinds of bottles being but an infinitesimal amount of the total output of Irish bottle works. CHAPTER VI PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC., INDUSTRIES I. PAPER-MAKING WRITING in the year 1853, the late Dr. W. K. Sullivan described the then Irish paper-making industry as being one of the most important of the few large manufactures which we possess. The Revenue Returns gave the number of paper mills in Ireland in the year 1850 as thirty- seven. A parliamentary paper published in 1852 gave the number operating in that year as twenty-eight. That the industry was progressing at that period will be seen from the following Return of the quantity of paper made in Irish mills in the years 1844 to 1852 : Year. Quantity Ibs. 1844 4,557,306 1845 5,562,104 1846 5,875,775 1847 5,711,546 1848 5,583,461 1849 6,272,563 1850 6,719,502 1851 6,983,646 1852 7,373,oi2 In the course of time English, Scotch, and foreign competi- tion became more severe and Irish investors showed a dis- inclination to invest their money in Irish paper mills ; one 1 68 PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC. 169 Irish mill after another dropped out of the trade, until to-day only six remain. Four of the six are situated in Co. Dublin, one at Ballyclare and one at Larne, in Co. Antrim. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, show that in that year there were 570 persons engaged in this industry, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 378 males and 152 females ; Salaried Persons, 31 males and 9 females. The total value of the output in 1907 was returned as 175,000. Perhaps no Irish industry has benefited more directly than has this as a result of the Irish Industrial Movement. Since the inauguration of the Movement, and owing to the gospel it propagated that when Irish goods are equal in quality and value to those made elsewhere it is the duty of the Irish people to support the home product the home demand for Irish-made paper has grown by leaps and bounds. One of the best testi- monies to this fact is that of late years a number of paper- makers elsewhere have attempted to mislead the public by applying Irish titles and designs to their non-Irish products, and legal and other action has been taken by the Irish Indus- trial Development Association (Incorporated) to put a stop to this extensive and mischievous practice. Another proof is that several of the existing Irish mills, finding their trade increasing so satisfactorily, within the past fifteen years, were encouraged to extend their plant and machinery. Owing to the shortage of external supplies the paper-making industry experienced an abnormal demand for its products during the period of the war. Consequently Irish mills had no difficulty in disposing of their output during those years, but the shortage of raw materials prevented them from employing as many hands as in pre-war days. Before the war practically all raw materials for paper-making were imported, but difficulty in procuring sufficient quantities during the war years led to the establishment of a new trade in Ireland, or at any rate to the considerable enlargement of a previously obscure trade, namely, that of dealing in waste books, papers, and magazines. The price paid for these was sufficient to tempt thousands of persons to collect and dispose of them in this way. Whether or not this trade will continue, once the ordinary supplies become plentiful again, is a point upon which we decline to express any opinion. One of the difficulties that hinders the establishment of 170 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY new and extensive development of existing Irish paper mills is that paper-making machinery costs a very considerable amount of money. We are enabled, through the courtesy of the Irish paper makers, to state that the number of persons employed in the Irish paper-making industry at the present date is, approxi- mately, 800. Following are some data regarding paper mills operating in Ireland at the present day : The Swift Brook Mills at Saggart, Co. Dublin, owned by Messrs. John McDonnell & Co., Ltd., were established in the year 1795, on the site of their present Lower, or No. 2, Mill. The Upper, or No. i, Mill was built in 1848, The classes of paper produced in these mills are : Banks, loans, bonds, account book, ledger, writing, typewriting, envelope, Irish Vellum, and printing papers. The Newbrook Mill at Rathfarnham, Co. Dublin, owned by Messrs. S. Irwin & Son, was established about 1819. The classes of paper produced in this mill are : Common, medium, and superior (Irish Rope) qualities of brown paper. The Drimnagh Paper Mill x at Inchicore, Co. Dublin, owned by Mr. George P. Fleming, was originally built about 300 years ago by Huguenot immigrants. At what date it was turned into a paper mill has not been definitely ascertained, but about the year 1700 it was presented, as a paper mill, to a Mr. Sullivan by the then Lord Lansdowne, and was worked by the Sullivan family up to 1890, when it was closed for about eighteen months and then re-opened. This mill now produces various qualities of brown wrapping papers. The Ballyclare Mill as well as the Inver Mill at Larne, Co. Antrim, are both owned by the North of Ireland Paper Mill Co., Ltd. There is evidence that a paper mill existed in Ballyclare prior to 1834. It was taken over by the present Company about the year 1875, and for a number of years was chiefly engaged in producing news paper of various qualities. At the present day this mill produces super-calendered print- ings, cream laids and woves, azure laids, and bank papers. The Inver Mill, at Larne, produces poster, imitation vegetable 1 Since writing the foregoing an extensive fire occurred at this mill, on February 14, 1920, which destroyed the main building and most of the plant and machinery. PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC. 171 parchment, cream and coloured casings, railway buffs, cover and manilla papers. The Clondalkin (Co. Dublin) Mills, owned by the Irish Paper Mills Co., Ltd., produce the following classes of paper, viz. : News, tram-ticket paper, manillas, and printing papers. Since writing the foregoing the Killeen Paper Mill, at Inchicore, Co. Dublin, which had lain idle for a number of years past, has been acquired by Mr. J. O. Tools, and is now producing brown papers. 2. THE PRINTING AND ALLIED INDUSTRIES "THE PHRASE 'PRINTED MATTER' is ONE OF THE MOST COMMON IN DUBLIN PARLANCE. IF YOU ARE A SENTI- MENTAL TRAVELLER, AND GO ABOUT THIS CITY ASKING QUESTIONS AND SEEKING INFORMATION, YOU WILL FIND THAT NEARLY EVERY ONE YOU MEET HAS ' PRINTED MATTER ' WHICH HE BEGS YOU TO TAKE AWAY WITH YOU AND READ AT YOUR LEISURE. AN EXTRA PORTMANTEAU is ADVISABLE." HAROLD BEGBIE i The Lady Next Door. Whatever other Irish industries have declined, one cannot truthfully assert that that of printing has suffered. From the earliest records of the printing-press up to the present day this industry has received its due share of Irish support. It has always moved with the times, and the invention of improved printing machines has been the signal for their adoption in this country. This, in turn, has lead to the cheapening of printed matter of various kinds, to a conse- quent increased demand for such work, and to a considerable increase in the number of hands employed in the industry. To-day, one need not go outside of Ireland to procure the best possible work in any branch of the printing trade. As a matter of fact, Irish firms are able, in open competition, to secure orders from other countries for work of the highest kind known to the printing and bookbinding trades. The following data extracted from the Census of Production Returns, 1907, throw some light on the dimensions of this industry. The total number of persons employed in 172 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY connexion with printing and bookbinding factories and workshops in Ireland in 1907 was returned as 6,598, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 3,346 males and 2,459 females ; Salaried Persons, 622 males, and 171 females. The value of the output was returned as follows : BOOK PRODUCTION (PRINTING, BINDING, ETC. i Printed Books . . . . . . . . 42,000 Account and Blank Books . . . . 47,000 Printing of Newspapers . . . . . . 28,000 Printing of Magazines and other Periodicals . . . . . . . . 10,000 " Job " and General Printing . . . . 302,000 Lithographic and Photo-Lithographic Printing . . . . . . 159,000 BOOKBINDING. Printed Books . . . . . . . . 24,000 Account and Blank Books . . . . 31,000 Bookbinding not separately distinguished 7,000 Machine Ruling . . . . . . . . 11,000 Relief Stamping . . . . . . . . 2,000 Manufactured Stationery . . . . . . 5,000 Paper Bags . . . . . . . . 4,000 Waste Products . . . . . . . . 3,ooo Other Products . . . . . . . . 1,000 Amount received for work done for the trade (Gold Blocking, Box-making, etc. 12,000 Other work done . . . . . . . . 126,000 Total Value of Output . . Cost of Materials used, etc. Net Value of Output . . 697,000 . . 254,000 443,-ooo PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC. 173 NEWSPAPERS The total number of persons employed in factories engaged in the printing and publishing of newspapers and other periodicals was returned in 1907 as 2,900, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 1,975 males and 202 females ; Salaried Persons, 650 males and 73 females. The value of the output of these factories was returned as follows : Newspapers . . . . . . . . 328,000 Other then Daily (including Trade Journals) . . . . . . . . 124,000 Magazines and other Periodicals . . . . 10,000 " Job " and " General " Printing . . 80,000 Other work done (Bookbinding, Engrav- ing, etc.) 5,ooo Printing and Binding of Printed Books . . 2,000 Manufactured Stationery . . . . 17,000 Waste Products 2,000 Total Value of Output Cost of Materials used, etc. Net Value of Output .. 568,000 . . 167,000 .. 401,000 MANUFACTURED STATIONERY FACTORIES AND WORKSHOPS The total number of persons employed in this industry, in the year 1907, was returned as 799, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 160 males and 544 females ; Salaried Persons, 63 males and 32 females. 174 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The value of the output was : Manufactured Stationery of Paper or Card- board, not separately distinguished (including notepaper, envelopes, account books, blank books, cards, cardboard boxes, paper bags, etc.) . . 53,000 Paper Bags . . . . . . . . 22,000 Cardboard Boxes, Ticket and Showcard Writing and Mounting, and Sundry Printing . . . . . . . . 4,000 Total Value of Output . . . . . . 79,000 Cost of Materials used, etc. . . . . 45,000 Net Value of Output 34,000 CARDBOARD BOX FACTORIES AND WORKSHOPS The total number of persons employed in this industry in the year 1907 was returned as 930, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 170 males and 697 females ; Salaried Persons, 41 males and 22 females. The value of the output that year was returned as follows : I Plain and Fancy Cardboard Boxes . . 70,000 Manufactured Stationery and Printing. . 3,000 Other Products . . . . . . . . 1,000 Total Value of Output Cost of Materials used Net Value of Output .. 74,000 . . 36,000 . . 38,000 PAPER-MAKING, PRINTING, ETC. 175 The reader will notice that similar headings appear in more than one of the foregoing Returns. This is due to the fact that two or more branches of these industries perform a pro- portion of the same class of work. For example : cardboard- boxes are chiefly made in factories which confine themselves to this one branch, but these boxes are also made, to a small extent, by manufacturing stationers. So also with job and general printing. There are firms which specialize in this work, but a number of newspaper concerns, especially in country towns, also do an amount of such printing. Further, several printing-houses produce weekly newspapers and periodicals. Thus it will be seen that it is necessary to analyse all the Returns set forth in this section if the reader is to obtain a comprehensive insight into the full dimensions of these industries. Although I am without definite data as to the changes that have taken place in the Irish printing and allied industries during the past thirteen years, I have good grounds for believ- ing that these industries have developed to a satisfactory extent in the interim. Colour-printing, which is used so extensively in connexion with advertising matter, is a branch of the trade which has progressed considerably in this country in recent years, and the printing of books is increasing yearly. CHAPTER VII THE LEATHER GROUP I. TANNING LEATHER and whisky are two of the most important branches of manufacture in this country, considering the immense amount of labour which is employed in their production. So wrote John Francis Maguire in the year 1853. At that time there were sixteen tanneries at work in the city of Cork, some years earlier there had been forty. Tanneries were also operating in the following places in Ireland : Ballytore (Co. Kildare) ; Bandon (Co. Cork) ; Belfast ; Carrickfergus (Co. Antrim) ; Clonmel (Co. Tip- perary) ; Coleraine (Co. Derry) ; Downpatrick (Co. Down) ; Drogheda (Co. Louth) ; Dublin ; Dunmanway (Co. Cork) ; Galway ; Kilkenny ; Limerick ; Lisburn (Co. Antrim) ; Newry (Co. Down) ; New Ross (Co. Wexford) ; Richhill (Co. Armagh) ; Waterford and Wexford. I shall briefly trace some of the causes that, combined, led to the decline of this previously important Irish industry. The first of these was the famine of 1846-48, which not alone exterminated a large section of the Irish people and caused extensive emigration from these shores, 1 but left those who remained in Ireland in such an abject state of poverty that articles such as footwear became a luxury not to be indulged in by the masses of the people. Consequently the Irish tanner was deprived, for the time being, of the main outlet for his manufactures Irish banks were then only in their 1 From 1846 to 1851, one million and a quarter of the population " emigrated," and in the next nine years they were followed, thanks to the same causes, by another million and a half. During the same period 373,000 families were evicted from their holdings to provide room for a handful of graziers." Professor R. M. Henry: The Evolution of Sinn Fein, p. 22. 176 THE LEATHER GROUP OF INDUSTRIES 177 youth and they withheld the necessary accommodation to enable him to tide over this crisis. About the same time newer methods of tanning were introduced into other countries. The Irish method required that the material should remain in the pits for from nine to twelve months all the time absorb- ing expensive liquid and locking up capital. The new method occupied a far briefer period, required less capital, and enabled the tanner to give his customers not alone a less expensive article but longer credit. The Irish method produced a vastly superior article, so far as its quality was concerned, but the price of the rapid-tanned leather appealed to the attenuated purses of the populace. Almost concurrently with the intro- duction of lower-priced leather the manufacture in England of factory-made boots and shoes grew extensively. The produce of these factories was not long in finding its way into Ireland, and a further reduction in the demand for Irish- tanned leather resulted, the Irish maker of hand-made boots having been the chief user of the latter leather. He, too, since those years, has lost ground, and his chief occupation to-day is the repairing, not making, of boots and shoes. It is obvious from the foregoing statements that two things might have saved the Irish tanning industry, but neither of them were adopted in Lime. They were : Firstly, that our tanners should have moved with the times, pocketed their pride in the superiority of their leather and produced the kinds of leather for which there was a popular demand ; and, secondly, the introduction of the factory system of boot manufacture into Ireland should have taken place without the years of delay that occurred. One further reason which, I think, had much to do with the decline of the Irish tanning industry in modern times was summed up by an eminent Irish writer who, writing in the year 1853, in referring to the tanners of that period said : (They) being in many cases tanners by accident, and usually gentlemen by profession, and knowing just that the skin of animals and the infusion of bark make leather, but considering the process by which it is made to be the peculiar domain of the workman. We shall now pass on to the recent position of this industry, which offers a more pleasing perspective. The Census of Production Returns, 1907, gave the total number of persons employed in the industry in that year as 193. 12 178 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The Value of the Output was returned as 71,000 Cost of Materials used 46,000 Net Value of Output 25,000 Since then there has been a pronounced improvement, several Irish firms having largely increased their plant and adopted up-to-date methods of tanning hides and skins. To-day there are three Irish tanneries whose chief output is sole-leather, whilst these and eight others also produce harness leather. Generally speaking, the hides used are Irish, and the product, so far as harness leather is concerned, is made up into harness in Ireland. A large proportion of the sole leather is exported. Very little upper leather is tanned in Ireland, but one Irish firm specializes in tanning book binding leather. The chief credit for having developed this Irish industry in recent years is due to Messrs. E. O'Callaghan & Sons, Ltd., of the City Tannery, Limerick, who are now by far the largest tanners of hides and skins in this country, and who have displayed commendable enterprise in keeping abreast of the times and in consistently extending their output. An enterprising and public-spirited gentleman in the city of Cork (Mr. R. H. Beamish) has recently purchased the old- established tannery which was carried on for so many years by members of the Dunn family and, at the time of writing, is, I understand, converting it into a thoroughly up-to-date con- cern. This gives promise of a re-birth of the industry in Cork, which for generations was the principal centre of the Irish tan- ning industry. The existing Irish tanneries, according to a re- liable estimate, employ nearly 500 hands. They are situated in Ballytore (Co. Kildare) ; Belfast ; Clonmel (Co. Tipperary) ; Cork ; Dublin ; Dunmanway (Co. Cork) ; Limerick (2) ; New Ross (Co. Wexford) ; Richhill (Co. Armagh) ; and Thomastown (Co. Kilkenny) (2). 2. SADDLERY J HARNESS ; AND CART-GEAR INDUSTRY The Census of Production Returns, 1907, gave the number of persons employed in this industry in Ireland as 505, viz., 489 males and 16 females. THE LEATHER GROUP OF INDUSTRIES 179 The Total Value of the Output was 53>ooo Cost of Materials used 24,000 Net Value of Output 29,000 There are no reliable data obtainable as to what, if any, progress has taken place in this industry in the intervening years. 3. THE BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY Although Ireland was slow to adopt the manufacture of boots and shoes by means of machinery, fair progress has been made in this industry in recent years. Several well equipped factories have been established and have proved themselves to be profit-making concerns. In addition to the larger of these a number of minor ones are scattered throughout the country, and together they provide a continu- ally increasing amount of employment. There are no later data available concerning this industry than those provided by the Census of Production Returns, 1907, which showed that the industry, at that date, gave employment to 2,113 workpeople, viz., 1,648 males and 465 females. The Total Value of the Output was 265,000 Cost of Materials used, etc 148,000 Net Value of Output 117,000 Since then additional factories have been established and several of the older ones have been extended. Consequently, it is obvious that this industry now gives employment to a larger number of hands and the value of its output must have increased considerably. The Irish manufacturers have wisely confined themselves to the manufacture of reliable boots and shoes ; they have not attempted to produce goods made from leather substitutes, as is done by many cross- channel firms. This policy has earned a high reputation for their products and has enabled them to compete, with the most satisfactory results, in the home market against their outside competitors. That there is still room in Ireland for a vast extension of this industry is illustrated by the following Return of the quantity and value of boots and shoes imported into Ireland during the years 1904-18 : 180 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY TABLE OF IMPORTS OF BOOTS AND SHOES. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1904 136,526 1,447,176 1905 140,447 1,544,917 1906 149.673 1,696,294 1907 147,079 1,728,178 1908 151,160 1 >75o,937 1909 156,841 1,791,908 igiO 165,291 1,884,317 1911 155,185 1,734,192 1912 166,842 1,714,302 19*3 158,485 1,673,998 1914 166,838 1,806,021 19*5 156,219 1,796,519 1916 159,322 1,982,231 1917 130,150 2,039,017 1918 153,286 3,663,535 Most of the boots and shoes imported into Ireland are for women's and children's wear, and are, generally speaking, what may be termed of a more stylish pattern than those produced in this country. So far Irish manufacturers have confined the greater part of their output to men's boots and shoes and to the less stylish patterns of women's and children's. There exists a splendid opening in Ireland for a boot factory properly equipped and with the requisite expert staff necessary to produce the highest class of boots and shoes. Such an industry, provided it supplied goods equal in quality and price to those imported, would be certain of securing a decided preference for its products from Irish customers, it would find Irish workpeople easy to train, and it should not be long before it would earn a satisfactory dividend. At the present day Irish boot and shoe factories are situated in the following amongst other districts, namely : Belfast, Carlow, Cork, Dublin, Dundalk, Enniscorthy, Galway, Killarney, Kilkelly (Co. Mayo), Lisburn (Co. Antrim), Londonderry, Longford, Portadown, Sligo, and Waterford. CHAPTER VIII THE TOBACCO INDUSTRIES I. TOBACCO MANUFACTURES THE Irish tobacco industry consists of two sections: (i) the manufacture from imported leaf (and to a comparatively small extent from Irish-grown leaf) of cigars, cigarettes, and pipe-tobacco ; and (2) the growing of tobacco. About seventeen factories are engaged in the first mentioned section of this industry ; four of them may be described as fairly large concerns, whilst one of the four that owned by Messrs. Gallagher, Ltd., of Belfast is one of the largest tobacco factories in the world. The remaining thirteen, whilst varying in size and in the number of work- people they employ, only rank as comparatively small con- cerns. For nearly twenty years past this Irish industry has had to meet the competition of one of the most powerful combines in Great Britain (The Imperial Tobacco Company of Great Britain and Ireland, Limited) a combination of most of the largest and best-known tobacco producers in Great Britain, with an issued capital of 15,647,000. Such an organization as this must naturally prove a formidable competitor, and this fact largely explains why the Irish firms have been unable to increase their output to a greater extent in recent years. There are no data available to show the amount of Irish manufactured tobacco produced or consumed in Ireland, but the following return shows the dimensions of one section of this industry. iSi 182 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY STATEMENT SHOWING THE TOTAL QUANTITY AND ESTI- MATED VALUE OF TOBACCO, MANUFACTURED AND UNMANUFACTURED, EXPORTED FROM IRELAND IN EACH OF THE YEARS 1904 TO 1918. MANUFACTURED. UNMANUFACTURED. Year. Quantity Ibs. Value . Quantity Ibs. Value . 1904 4,554.726 302,462 888,216! 24,574 I95 5,275,558 350,330 1,499,496! 40,299 1906 5,810,447 385,850 1,193,046! 31,964 1907 6,152,943 384,559 i,i36,593 1 35,376 1908 6,451,888 403,243 1,768,513! 57,403 1909 7,292,891 455,806 1,799,756! 54,703 1910 7,550,598 471,912 723,652 22,624 1911 7,744,710 484,044 902,069 30,539 1912 8,208,8lO 513,051 705,414 26,453 1913 8,098,378 506,149 772,488 31,962 1914 8,295,537 518,471 811,633 32,973 1915 8,922,810 557,676 1,278,990 34,639 1916 8,739,248 873,925 1,461,699 48,723 1917 8,600,939 1,075,117 1,767,961 132,597 1918 7,670,169 1,214,443 1,612,072 124,264 It is interesting to contrast the figures of our Imports of these commodities with those of our exports, and the following table will enable the reader to do so : 1 Tobacco Stalks and Waste under Unmanufactured Tobacco prior to 1910. TOBACCO INDUSTRIES 183 STATEMENT SHOWING THE TOTAL QUANTITY AND ESTI- MATED VALUE OF TOBACCO, MANUFACTURED AND UNMANUFACTURED, IMPORTED INTO IRELAND IN EACH OF THE YEARS 1904 TO IQlS. MANUFACTURED. UNMANUFACTURED. Year Quantity Ibs. Value . Quantity Ibs. Value . 1904 2,260,541 291,987 14,296,934 395,549 1905 2,250,OO2 290,625 9,943,307 267,226 1906 2,577,884 332,977 13,097,789 35o,9!2 1907 2,057,708 265,787 10,622,771 330,634 1908 3,079,524 397,772 11,374,445 369,196 1909 2,860,284 369,453 12,977,483 378,5io 1910 3,189,312 4H,953 14,183,918 443,247 1911 3,i55,7 I 2 407,613 13,931,626 348,291 1912 4,031,496 520,735 15,884,015 430,192 1913 4,687,116 605,419 9,234,752 230,869 1914 5,346,348 690,750 12,980,192 365,068 1915 4,649,064 600,504 19,136,878 518,290 1916 4,759,944 614,826 12,263,370 408,779 1917 5,349,960 869,369 4,466,198 334,965 1918 3,957,660 8o8,022 11,391,669 878,108 The principal Irish tobacco factories are situated in Belfast (2), Dublin (4), and Dundalk (Co. Louth) ; whilst others are situated in Bagnalstown (Co. Carlow), Cork (2), Dungarvan (Co. Waterford), Limerick (4), Londonderry, and Waterford. The chief output of most of the Irish factories is pipe- tobacco ; several of them also produce large quantities of cigarettes, and cigars form a small proportion of the output of a few of these concerns. At one time snuff-making was a profitable side-line, but this trade, although still carried on by some of the firms, no longer ranks as an important branch of the industry. 184 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 2. IRISH-GROWN TOBACCO The first tobacco reputed to have been grown in Europe was that which Sir Walter Raleigh is credited with having planted hi his garden at Youghal, Co. Cork. In the early part of the nineteenth century this plant was extensively cultivated throughout the country, but an Act of the British Parliament, passed in 1830, prohibited the cultivation of tobacco in Ireland, and from that year to 1907 this one-time profitable industry ceased to exist in the land. In 1907 an Act repealing all the statutes prohibiting the cultivation of tobacco hi Ireland was passed, experiments upon a small scale having proved that tobacco of good quality could be produced here. These experiments were commenced in 1898 by Col. Sir Nugent T. Everard, Bart., at Randlestown, in the County of Meath by special licence from the Chancellor of the Exchequer and were continued, under the supervision of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, from the year 1900 for the three subsequent years tobacco being planted in practically all parts of Ireland with successful results. In 1903 the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Austin Chamberlain), having been approached by Sir John Butcher, M.P., and the late Captain William Redmond, M.P., decided to give the experiment full scope, and allowed a rebate of one- third of the duty upon all tobacco sold. Under considerable difficulties Sir Nugent Everard cropped an area of twenty acres with tobacco ; the result, which was considered to be most successful, being mainly due to the kind assistance of Professor Harpor, of Kentucky Agricultural College, who personally superintended the harvesting and curing operations. In the following year a co-operative tobacco-growing society was formed in Wexf ord, whilst the Earl of Dunraven, at Adare, the late Captain the Hon. Otway Cuff e, at Kilkenny, and other enterprising landowners helped to extend the industry, and the produce was sold to manufacturers at a remunerative price. In 1908 the then Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Lloyd George) converted the preference of one shilling per Ib. into an annual subsidy of 50 per acre ; this was subsequently, in 1913, reduced to 25 per acre and limited to the so-called experimenters Lord Dunraven and Sir Nugent Everard. TOBACCO INDUSTRIES 185 The scheme, which was approved finally by the Development Commission, provided that the experimenters should erect at their own cost a rehandling tobacco factory equipped with the most up-to-date machinery, and provide a certain number of growers (the greater number of whom were to be small farmers) with the necessary instruction, curing barns, etc., for the crop. They were also required to provide a cash market for the growers' tobacco at a price fixed, by a Liverpool tobacco broker, on the basis of American leaf. The experiment was limited to an area of 114 acres at each centre, although the capacity of each rehandling factory was equal to, at least, 1,000 acres. The greatly increased cost of labour and the competition of other crops (for which the State guaranteed a minimum price) made tobacco-growing a somewhat speculative under- taking for the past few years, but the preferential duty on Imperial tobacco included in the Finance Act of 1919, equivalent to a rebate of is. 6d. per lb., makes the prospect of a large profit on Irish-grown tobacco almost certain. The Industry now only awaits development by adequately capitalized companies to become a source of great wealth to the country and of employment to many thousands of men and women workers and children of both sexes. At the time of writing a scheme is on foot to organize this industry on a large scale, and if it is proceeded with there is reason to antici- pate a very considerable development in the course of the next few years in the growing of this crop in Ireland. For a number of years past Sir Nugent Everard has con- ducted a factory in Dublin, under the title of The Irish Tobacco Co., Ltd., where pipe-tobacco, as well as several well-known brands of cigarettes and cigars, are manufactured from Irish-grown leaf. Lord Dunraven, also, has conducted a similar factory at Adare, Co. Limerick, at which cigarettes are made from Irish-grown leaf, and the products of both these factories have acquired a high reputation. , Appendix IV (see pp. 300-302) contains a series of Tables showing the acreage under this crop, from year to year since the date of the revival of the industry, as well as other interesting information concerning this crop. I desire to record my indebtedness to Mr. G. N. Keller, the Department's Tobacco Expert, who specially compiled these Tables for the purpose of this volume. 186 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 3. THE TOBACCO-PIPE INDUSTRY The origin of the Irish clay tobacco-pipe industry dates back to many years anterior to the period covered by the present volume. At one time it was the means of giving employment to a considerable number of workpeople, but of late years it has fallen upon bad days, owing to the demand for this class of pipe having become extremely limited. Dublin, Cork, and a few other districts in Ireland, still possess small clay-pipe industries, but the total number of persons employed in them is insignificant as compared with that which obtained a generation or two earlier. However, although this must be ranked as one of Ireland's declining industries, it is satisfactory to be able to record the fact that the manu- facture of briar tobacco pipes has been a rapidly increasing Irish industry for many years past. About forty-five years ago Mr. Charles Peterson, the inventor of the world-famous Peterson Patent Pipe, commenced manufacturing briar-wood and meerschaum pipes in Dublin. At first the trade was confined to the making of special pipes for individual customers, but, ere long, the demand became so great that Mr. Kapp, of Grafton Street, Dublin, who had afforded the opportunity to Mr. Peterson of carrying on this work, decided to extend the trade, and in this way the foundations of the present extensive business of Messrs. Kapp & Peterson, Ltd., were laid. At the present day this Dublin industry gives employment to a considerable number of workpeople, both male and female, its pipes rank as the finest procurable, its factory is perfectly constructed and equipped, and its products are in world-wide demand. In fact, they are as well-known and appreciated in Great Britain, Canada, South Africa, and other countries abroad, as they are in the country of their origin, the major portion of the output of the factory being exported from Ireland. CHAPTER IX THE SOAP, CANDLE, AND FERTILIZER INDUSTRIES I. SOAP AND CANDLE INDUSTRIES THESE Irish industries had, undoubtedly, progressed to a fairly satisfactory extent from the middle of the nineteenth century up to some years ago, but there is no evidence to show that they are continuing to do so. Several Irish firms manufacture both soap and candles; whilst others confine their output to one, but not both of these products. Altogether there are about eighteen Irish firms in these industries and their works are situated in the following districts, namely : Belfast, Cork, Donoghmore (Co. Tyrone), Dublin, Limerick, and Londonderry. These Irish industries have suffered severely in recent years owing to the competition of a combine in England which, being possessed of an issued capital of about 30,000,000, is able to control the markets for raw materials and, therefore, buy cheaper than the smaller Irish firms. Producing on such a gigantic scale as it does its cost of production is far less than that of Irish firms ; consequently it is able to under- cut these latter in their selling prices. Faced with these handicaps, a number of Irish soap and candle manufacturers have thrown in their lot with this combine and have become what is known as Associated firms ; that is to say, they continue to manufacture in Ireland, but are a part of the English amalgamation, and are governed by the regulations laid down by the latter. Obviously, this is not a healthy state of affairs so far as Ireland is concerned. It means that, should the cross-channel combine decide at any time to close the Irish factories, they possess the power to do so. Further, such a control does away with the prospect of the controlled 187 188 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY firms in Ireland developing an export trade. The table of Imports and Exports, which appears further on, throws a vivid light upon this side of the question. According to the Census of Production Returns, 1907, the total value of the output of Irish soap and candle factories in that year was returned as 338,000, the cost of materials used amounted to 257,000, whilst the net value of the output was 81,000. The total number of persons employed was returned as 573, made up as follows, viz. : Wage Earners, 382 males and 98 females ; Salaried Persons, 89 males and 4 females. The following Return shows the quantity of Soap and Candles imported into and exported from Ireland in the years 1904-18 : IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Soap. Candles. Soap. Candles. "War Quantity Quantity Quantity Quantity 1 Cell . Cwts. Cwts. Cwts. Cwts. 1904 141,520 65,694 38,66l 5,443 1905 134,178 6o,66l 39,080 5,287 1906 142,982 63,337 39,845 4,972 1907 141,645 67,102 29,406 5,568 1908 158,314 64,347 33,567 5,822 1909 174,709 68,973 36,028 4,850 I9IO 175,456 68,103 44,672 4,880 I9II 192,114 74,266 42,045 4,196 1912 183,720 80,355 27,39* 3,881 1913 207,235 74,973 22,655 3,630 1914 196,266 86,405 20,956 4,853 1915 204,328 84,787 21,690 7,i4i I9l6 214,771 75,278 24,185 io,597 1917 192,862 63,602 35,769 22,768 1918 187,114 53,392 34,478 10,332 SOAP, CANDLE AND FERTILIZER 189 The total estimated value of the soap and candles imported into Ireland in the fifteen years mentioned above was 5,687,835, being an average of 379,189 per annum : and of the soap and candles exported from Ireland 934,506, being an average of 62,300 per annum. 2. THE FERTILIZER INDUSTRY In view of the fact that Ireland's main industry is agricul- ture, it is but natural that she should possess a fairly extensive artificial manure industry. At the present day there are about twenty factories large and small engaged in the manufacture of fertilizers. They are situated in the following districts, viz. : Belfast, Cork, Donoghmore (Co. Tyrone), Drogheda (Co. Louth), Dublin, Galway, Londonderry, and Waterford. No up-to-date data are available to show the present dimen- sions of this Industry, but the Census of Production, 1907, Returns, contained the following particulars as to the industry at that date, viz. : The total number of persons employed was given as 1,242, made up as follows : Wage Earners, 1,078 males and 57 females ; Salaried Persons, 98 males and 9 females. The Total Value of the Output was 549,000 Cost of Materials used 369,000 Net Value of Output 180,000 There is no reason to doubt that the increase in tillage in Ireland during the past few years, and the more general application of fertilizers to the soil which has been practised in recent times, have enabled this Irish industry to increase its production since 1907, and if the actual facts were available it would probably be found that employment is given to a larger number of workpeople now than at that date. As well as supplying a big share of the home market, Irish ferti- 190 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY lizer manufacturers have a satisfactory export trade. The kindred industries of cattle-foods, sheep-dips, etc., are fairly well established in Ireland, and are securing an increasing proportion of the Irish Trade. CHAPTER X MISCELLANEOUS INDUSTRIES A CONSIDERABLE number of other industries exist in Ireland besides those referred to in the preced- ing pages. Some of these give employment to a satisfactory number of persons, whilst others, though not employing many workpeople, are valuable industrial units in the economic life of the country. I. FOOD GROUP About half-a-dozen factories in the South of Ireland pro- duce Condensed Milk. Some idea of the size of this industry can be gleaned from the fact that in the years 1917-18 Ireland's imports and exports of this commodity were as follows : IMPORTS. EXPORTS. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . Quantity Cwts. Value . 1917 1918 36,966 68,829 133,078 289,082 237,278 269,914 854,201 1,204,437 Bee-keeping is an industry which is extending in Ireland and is receiving a good deal of expert attention. The home market consumes the greater amount of the Irish product, but the following additional quantities of honey were exported from Ireland in the years 1913-18 : 191 192 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY EXPORT OF HONEY. Year. Quantity Cwts. Value . 1913 1,706 4,606 1914 1,855 4,869 19*5 2,350 5,875 1916 1,051 4,204 1917 1,886 14,569 1918 2,785 25,993 The following, as well as other food-stuffs, are produced in Ireland, viz. : Confectionery, sweets, chocolates, jams, marmalades, jelly squares, preserved fruits, dessicated soups, and coffee preparations. 2. ART INDUSTRIES There has been a satisfactory revival in Irish Art Industries for some years past. Several of these have performed valuable work by keeping alive and extending the fame of Irish arts and crafts. The fame of the Irish worker in gold and silver dates back to early times, and has continued through the centuries up to our own day. Few countries excel in beauty of design and perfection of execution articles produced by the leading Irish gold and silversmiths. Hand-made jewellery and enamel work are also designed and made by small groups of workers hi various parts of Ireland. These articles, too, are of very high quality, and the makers find no difficulty in disposing of them both in Ireland and abroad. An Irish art industry which has moved into the front rank is that of stained-glass. Whilst several Irish works produce this article, the chief credit of having won a high reputation for Irish stained-glass is due to Miss Purser, of Dublin. The artists associated with this lady's industry have designed and exe- cuted stained-glass windows for numerous churches and other buildings, not alone in Ireland, but in many countries MISCELLANEOUS INDUSTRIES 193 throughout Europe and in America. Miss Purser, when she established the Industry, aimed at affording Irish artists an opportunity of developing their art to the highest stage of perfection. The present writer is not qualified to express an expert opinion as to whether or not this stage has yet been reached, but qualified critics have bestowed unstinted praise upon the work executed by these artists. A later-comer into the community of Irish stained-glass artists is Mr. Harry Clarke, of Dublin, who, within recent years, has designed and executed a number of very beautiful stained-glass windows. The perfection of his work has placed him high amongst the leading European artists in this category. In another con- nexion, that of illustrator of famous stories, Mr. Clarke has won the plaudits of the critics and the appreciation of lovers of beautiful books. Another Irish art industry deserving of special mention is the Cuala Industry, conducted by the Misses Yeats at Dundrum, Co. Dublin, where the hand-printing of delightful editions of famous literature is carried on. Calen- dars, Christmas and other cards, are also designed and hand- printed at this industry, whilst another section devotes itself to the production of the highest quality art needlework, in original designs. This latter work, as well as the making of vestments, banners, regalia, hand-made lingerie of the finest quality, crochet, lace, and embroidery, are carried on in many other industries, convents, and private homes throughout Ireland. The Irish Decorative Art Association, in Belfast, produces a variety of artistic articles in metal and woodwork, whilst bookbinding of a kind unsurpassed else- where is executed by several Irish artists. 3. HOUSEHOLD REQUISITES An endless number of articles, which may be grouped under the head of HOUSEHOLD REQUISITES, are made in Ireland. This group includes such items as : Basket-work, bedding, curled hair, mattresses, down quilts and other down goods, cushions, polishes and powders (boot, floor, furniture, knife, metal, and plate), starch, blue, brushes, brooms, cutlery, combs (in 1860 there were seventy-five master combmakers in Ireland, employing from ten to fifteen workpeople each ; to-day there is only one in Dublin and the number of his 13 194 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY workpeople is about twelve), curtains, tapestry, matches, and tinware. This latter industry had not progressed to any appre- ciable extent up to a few years ago, but an up-to-date factory established in Dublin at the end of 1916 has gone some distance towards catering on a large scale for the Irish market. 4. CHEMICAL GROUP In what may be described as the CHEMICAL GROUP, Ireland has, in addition to those referred to elsewhere, a number of progressive industries. These include the manu- facture of fine chemicals, drugs, paints, varnishes, distempers, enamels, inks, magnesia, disinfectants, as well as pharma- ceutical and veterinary preparations. 5- MISCELLANEOUS A few other Irish industries worthy of special mention are those of felt-roofing (which is made on a fairly considerable scale in this country), bell-founding (an Irish industry which has never lost its fame, and continues to produce peals of bells lor other countries besides this), umbrellas and walking- sticks (which are made in the North and South of Ireland), china and pottery (the manufactures of the Belleek, Co. Fermanagh, Pottery Industry are well-known throughout several continents. This industry was recently acquired by a group of enterprising Irishmen who have planned to develop its resources and considerably extend the output of the famous Belleek China, as well as of ordinary household delph-ware), dolls and toys (made in a number of small industries through- out the country), galvanized and japanned goods (of many kinds, are made by two industries in Dublin), gloves (kid- gloves continue to be made on a small scale by one industry in Cork city, and knitted gloves are manufactured extensively in a number of Irish knitting industries), gold beater (the only surviving industry manufacturing this article is situated in Dublin ; its output is small, but the quality of its product is unsurpassed), rosary and other beads (three or four firms in Dublin manufacture these items and, in addition to a large home demand, quantities of their products are shipped MISCELLANEOUS INDUSTRIES 195 abroad), oils (one firm in Dublin carries on the business of oil refining on a large scale, and its products are shipped to all parts of the world), organ building (this Irish industry is not now as extensive as it was a few decades ago, but the firms engaged in it have earned a deservedly high reputation for the excellence of their workmanship), waterproof goods (a number of firms in the North, South, and East of Ireland manufacture a variety of waterproof articles and oilskins. Several of them have well-equipped, up-to-date factories and produce large quantities of these articles). The foregoing by no means exhausts the list of goods made in Ireland, but the reader, as well as Irish makers whose goods have not been mentioned, will realize the impossibility of my alluding to each item separately within the compass of a work such as this. CHAPTER XI GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS WITH the object of giving the reader reliable information as to the volume of Government contractual work placed with Irish firms during the war years ((1914- 18), I requested the various Authorities concerned to supply me with such data. Following is the information I have succeeded in procuring. It will be noted that several Govern- ment Departments who procure a proportion of their supplies in this country have failed to supply particulars. The chief reason for selecting the returns relating to the war years was, that during the greater part of that period practically all industrial materials were under Government control, and with rare exceptions were only allocated to firms engaged in produc- ing goods for Government purposes. Further, that prior to the period in question the total amount of Government contracts placed with Irish firms was insignificant. I. ADMIRALTY CONTRACTS Following is a copy of a letter received from the Admiralty, together with a copy of the Statement which accompanied it : ADMIRALTY, S.W. i,gth September, 1919. I am commanded by My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you that they have given careful consideration to your letter of the 2oth June last, in which, for the purpose of a handbook which you are writing on Irish industries, you ask that information may be sent you as to description, quantity, and value of contracts for general supplies placed directly by the Admiralty with Irish firms during the years 1914-1919, together with similar information as to contracts for building works in Ireland during the same period. 196 GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 197 2. My Lords after some local enquiries are of opinion that the compilation of a list of contracts in the form suggested would be a very formidable task, and would entail a greater expendi- ture of labour on the part of the Department than they feel justified in sanctioning at the present time. They have, however, caused a brief statement of Admiralty contracts placed in Ireland during the war to be prepared, and a copy is enclosed herewith in the hope that, with this amount of information before you, you will, no doubt, with the assistance of any of the firms who are members of your organization or whom you might approach for more detailed particulars, be able to compile a statement which will fulfil your needs. SHORT STATEMENT IN REGARD TO ADMIRALTY CONTRACTS IN IRELAND DURING THE WAR. SHIPBUILDING : A good deal of new construction work, including light cruisers, monitors, patrol oil-tanks, boom defence vessels, and sloops, was undertaken in the North of Ireland during the war. SHIP-REPAIRS : For repairs to vessels upwards of twenty Irish firms signed the agreement with the Admiralty for the undertaking of such work. The repairs were executed not only in Belfast, but at Queenstown, Londonderry, and other ports in Ireland. BUILDING WORKS : As regards building works on shore, although the programme of construction by the Admiralty in Ireland during the years 1914-1918 was not very extensive, certain works were constructed at naval bases and air stations in Ireland, and in most cases Irish contractors carried out all tho work required by this Department, i.e., Buncrana, Killeagh, Wexford, Berehaven, and Whiddy Island. ELECTRICAL WORK : In connexion with electrical machinery and electrical installation, a certain number of Irish manufacturers have been engaged on Admiralty work. FOOD STUFFS : Fresh meat, flour, bread and vegetables were drawn by ships based on Irish ports from local firms under contract, and amounted to about, say : meat, 130,000 Ifcs., bread, 80,000 lts. ; vegetables, 100,000 Ibs., and flour 15 tons per month. Other victualling stores for those ships were supplied from the general Admiralty stocks, which are bought in bulk from the most suitable firms in the United Kingdom. Irish firms on the list are given equal facilities with any others for quoting for all supplies required. Irish firms secure practically 198 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY all the orders for salt pork, and have also secured considerable orders for chocolate. LINEN : -About half the number of firms on list are Irish, who secure orders invariably in competition for the large bulk of finer linens and damask. For the coarser linens (and canvas) the Irish firms, though invited to tender, do not compete so successfully, and the bulk of the orders go to Scotland. Owing to shortage of flax, it became necessary to substitute cotton and other fibres for flax as far as possible, but the Irish firms adapted their machinery accordingly. For linen aeroplane fabric, until lately purchased by the Admiralty, the orders were given to Irish firms. Purchase is now made by the Aeronautical Supplies Department and the large bulk still goes to Irish firms. OTHER TEXTILES : Since the war a number of Irish firms have been asked to quote, but with no appreciable success. The principal items are blankets and serge, but the Irish firms, who were furnished with samples and full particulars, were not able to satisfy requirements. CORDAGE AND TWINES : About fifty per cent of the total cordage purchased for the Navy is made in Ireland, and also a fair percentage of the twines. CLOTHING : Contracts exist at the different Irish ports for supplies to the Trawler Reserves, including hosiery, light clothing, (shirts, etc.), canvas and blue suits, boots, and oilskins. Irish clothing factories are invited to tender for making articles of uniform clothing in competition with firms in Great Britain. Exhaustive enquiries were made in August, 1915, on receipt of a report from the Ministry of Munitions, to see whether Irish firms could undertake supplies of boots, but no great success was achieved. Later, when urgent requirements of hosiery arose, enquiries were made through the officers of the Ministry of Munitions stationed at Dublin and Belfast as to the possibility of obtaining supplies from Ireland, but with little result, the class of goods manufactured being unsuitable for Naval requirements, which are better met from such centres as Leicester, Nottingham, and some districts of Scotland. PERISCOPES FOR SUBMARINES : The whole output of the Irish makers of these periscopes was bought by the Admiralty. 2. POST OFFICE CONTRACTS The following is a copy of the reply received from the Post Office in response to the present writer's request for details GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 199 of the contracts placed by that Department with Irish firms during the war years : General Post Office, Dublin, igth September, 1919. With reference to your letter of the 24th June, to which it is regretted it has not been practicable to send an earlier reply, I have to enclose lists 1 giving particulars of Post Office contracts with firms in Ireland during the financial years from April, 1914, to March, 1919. The total value of the contracts placed annually was as follows : Year. Total Value. f, 1914-15 12,700 1915-16 6,900 1916-17 22,IOO 1917-18 40,750 1918-19 18,130 It should be explained that the totals for the years 1914-15, 1915-16, and 1918-9 do not include any contract for tailoring, the supplies required during the two former years being drawn under the three-year contract placed in 1913, and those required in 1918-19 being drawn under a contract placed during the financial year 1917-18, while the totals for the years 1916-17 and 1917-18 include contracts for tailoring. In the case of all contracts under which the Department supplies material (cloth, etc.), the value furnished is the gross value inclusive of the materials. On October 25, 1919, the Secretary to the General Post Office, Dublin, supplied the following additional information : 1 The lists which accompanied this letter contain only the follow> ing particulars, viz. : (i) Dates of contracts ; (2) names and addresses of contractors, and (3) description of articles contracted for. As they do not contain any detailed information concerning the quantity and value of the contracts placed, they are not of sufficient general imterest to justify reproducing them herein. 200 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY With reference to your further letter of the 24th ult., I have to inform you that the total value of the material supplied to contractors by the Department in each of the years mentioned was as follows : Year. Value. 1914-15 Nil 1915-16 Nil 1916-17 12,402 1917-18 27,045 1918-19 135 The foregoing figures include the value of some materials purchased in Ireland, but it is not possible to give their value separately. 3. H.M. STATIONERY OFFICE CONTRACTS I am indebted to Mr. H. E. Pitman, Superintendent, H.M. Stationery Office, Dublin, for the following Return showing the sums paid by the Department to Irish firms for the under- mentioned supplies in each of the years 1913-19 : Year. Printing. Binding . Paper*. Stores 3 . Total. f, I i 1913-14 18,917 5,277 16,110 3,200 43,504 1914-15 18,718 6,419 16,180 3,780 45,097 1915-16 15,864 5,294 14,990 6,170 42,3l8 1916-17 12,394 3,801 25,120 6,050 47,365 1917-18 12,899 4,670 33,750 16,730 68,049 1918-19 u.3,099 1 5,40i 63,560 23,4 10 205,470 1 " This increase was due to payments for Voters' Lists and Registers. 2 and 3 The increases which occurred under these headings in the years 1916-19 were due mainly to war supplies and rises in the cost of materials." GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 201 Of the amounts paid for " Paper," sixty-five per cent is for paper made in Ireland. A large proportion of the remainder comes under the heading of " Envelopes " whiph are made in Ireland, and for which some of the paper is manufactured in Ireland. Apart from string and rope, the quantity of " Stores " obtain- able of Irish manufacture has been found to be small. 4. WAR OFFICE CONTRACTS In addition to giving details of the contracts placed by the War Office Contracts Department with Irish firms during the war (see Appendix V, pp. 303-307) it is necessary that I should allude to a cognate subject which received a considerable amount of publicity in recent years, namely, the agitation to secure the establishment of a War Office Receiving and Testing Depot in Ireland. A full recital of the history of the subject would occupy far more space than I have at my command in the present volume. Therefore it must suffice if I merely outline the chief points concerning the matter. Numerous unsuccessful attempts were made after 1854, when the War Office transferred the functions of their Irish Receiving Depot to Woolwich, to prevail upon them to re-establish the Depot in Ireland. In March, 1916, a deputa- tion from the All-Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee waited upon the Financial Secretary to the War Office and pressed upon him the necessity for conceding this claim, so that Irish firms desirous of undertaking War Office contracts should be given equal facilities to those enjoyed by firms in Great Britain. The interview failed to attain the deputation's object. In July, 1916, a second deputation from the Committee waited upon Lord Derby, then Under- secretary of State for War, and placed their case before him. The result was no better than that obtained by the former deputation. (The Committee all this time were actively engaged at home in organizing plans for compelling the authorities to give way on this point.) On October 16, 1916, they sent a further deputation to London, this time to Mr. Lloyd George, then Secretary of State for War, and the case they made was so strong that that gentleman under- took to at once send an impartial investigator to Ireland to 202 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY inquire into the matter. He sent Sir Maurice Levy, Bart., M.P. This gentleman came here, made a thorough study of the subject, and reported to Mr. Lloyd George on November 14, 1916. The following are excerpts from his report : On October 2 8th you expressed a desire that I should proceed at once to Ireland and report to you regarding the existing facilities in Ireland for contractors desirous of competing for War Office contracts, and also upon the possibility of making further use of the facilities in Ireland generally as far as meeting War Office requirements is concerned. Also to suggest any remedies or any alterations which I consider, after investigation, should be made with a view of making further use of the industrial and agricultural resources of Ireland for meeting War Office requirements. Accordingly I went to Ireland on October 30 (1916). I have visited Dublin, Belfast, Carlow, Kilkenny, and Water- ford, where I have interviewed deputations from local authorities, representative deputations from many of the manufacturing districts, the All-Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee, and individual manufacturers in most of the industries of Ireland. ... I am of opinion that supplies in much larger quantities can be obtained from Ireland if the people can be interested in the requirements of the nation, and if the inborn sentiment that England only looks to Ireland when in need, and the feeling of mistrust and lack of confidence in Woolwich and Pimlico, can be dispelled from the minds of the Irish people, feelings which are strong in Dublin and the South. . . . Some manufacturers who have and have had contracts object to send their goods to London to be examined in consequence of alleged unfair treatment, and the heavy cost of carriage in case of rejec- tion. They complain that in case of rejection very scanty information is given as to the reason for rejection. Delays occur before the rejected goods are returned, and frequently many weeks elapse between the despatch of their goods and their formal acceptance. . . . The opinion I have formed is that no substantial increase of manufactured goods can be expected from Ireland unless and until a depot for the reception of goods is established in Ireland, with a complete range of samples of all goods required by the War Office, which it is possible for Ireland to produce, under the control of a man of experience who can give assistance, guidance, and information to the manufacturers when desired. ... At a conference in Belfast with the Northern Section of the Association of Woollen and Worsted Manufac- turers, who were unanimous in their desire for a Receiving Depot GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 203 in Ireland, they unanimously expressed the opinion that the depot ought to be in Dublin. Geographically, Dublin is, undoubtedly, the most convenient centre for the majority of manufacturers. Dublin, being the capital of Ireland, the seat of Government, and the Headquarters of the Irish Command, is naturally the city in which the Irish Depot should be. There are sites available in Dublin upon which a suitable building could be erected in a few weeks, there being very many building operatives out of employment at the present time. Personally, I am of opinion that the establishment of a Depot as desired would probably do much to remove some of the discontent existing in Ireland, especially if placed under the control of a sympathetic business man who would take an interest in imparting information to the manufacturers. It would undoubtedly bring increased prosperity to Ireland by increasing her manufactures. The conclusions I have formed are : (1) That in the interests of the Empire it is desirable to encourage the stimulation and development of the manufacturing industries of Ireland. (2) That much greater use can be made of the industrial resources of Ireland. (3) That it is desirable to establish a Receiving Depot in Ireland. (4) That such Depot should be in Dublin. (5) That the responsible official should be British, and a business man. (6) That the existing arrangements with the Linen Trade should not be disturbed except in the case of manufacturers who expressed a wish to deliver their goods at Dublin. (Signed) MAURICE LEVY, November 14, 1916. l Despite the advice tendered by this impartial Englishman, the War Office Authorities continued to do nothing. The Committee, however, increased the weight of their agitation in numerous effective ways, until, on January 28, 1918, the War Office succumbed to their pressure and notified them that they had taken premises in Dublin which would be utilized as a Receiving and Testing Depot and would be effectively equipped and staffed for this purpose. The organization, when set up here, worked efficiently and proved of great value in assisting Irish firms in respect 1 This Report was suppressed by the War Office until March u, 1918. 204 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY to War Office contractual work. Its functions were defined in the following communication forwarded to the All-Ireland Committee by the then Surveyor-General (the present Lord Inverforth.) WAR OFFICE, WHITEHALL, S.W., October 7, 1918. In reply to your letter of the 3rd inst., the official order to which you refer states that a Receipt and Inspection Depot has been formed in Dublin with a view to developing the manu- facturing resources of Ireland for Army purposes, and to dealing rapidly and effectively with the examination and delivery of stores manufactured in Ireland, thereby reducing the difficulties of which Irish contractors have complained and brought to notice. It states further that in conformity with the instructions of and in direct communication with the Departments concerned, the organization will develop on economic lines the output of Irish industries in relation to the supply services, advise on the placing of contracts and superintendence for their fulfilment ; will carry out storage and accounting functions and the super- intendence of inspection ; and will report weekly on such matters of principle and policy relating to administration and the general and economical utilization of the industrial resources of Ireland as it may be of importance and interest to bring to notice. Having, in the end, acted more fairly towards this country, and set up an organization which, in less than a year, demon- strated that, from the War Office point of view, it was a profit- able undertaking, it was reasonable to expect that this Depot would be retained as a permanent institution. Nevertheless, under the pretext of economy, this profit-making organization was scrapped in August, 1919, and Irish firms who desire to obtain a share of War Office contracts are again faced with all the difficulties that prevailed before it came into being. If they wish to have it reinstated once more they must re-com- mence the heart-breaking agitation which they believed had been ended once and for all. A Return showing the detailed and total value of the orders for various kinds of goods purchased by the War Office from Irish firms during the war years appears under Appendix V (see pp. 303-307) . This Return was supplied to the present writer by the Ministry of Munitions on behalf of the War Office, and he desires to acknowledge his thanks to Lord Inverforth, Minister of Munitions, for having authorized the compiling of GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 205 these statistics (as well as those of the Ministry of Munitions, published elsewhere in tliis volume) for the purpose of publica- tion in this work. 5. MUNITIONS OF WAR It was in the last week of July, 1914, that the Great World War commenced, and in the first week of August the British Parliament sanctioned Great Britain's entry into the arena. The shortage of munitions of war which existed at the time was a fact well-known to those in authority. Ere long it was found that the British Government were required not alone to provide enormous quantities of munitions of all kinds to meet the needs of their own army and navy, but also of those of the allied countries associated with them hi this gigantic struggle. So unprecedented was the demand, and so urgent its nature, that the then existing machinery for meeting such requirements proved inadequate and a new Government organization, the Ministry of Munitions of War, was established in London for the purpose of co-ordinating the demands of the various departments interested and of organizing and extending the output of munitions. It was also empowered to purchase munitions wherever they were obtainable. Mr. Lloyd George was appointed as the first Minister of Munitions, and the Ministry commenced its operations in the year 1915. At a time of crisis such as this one would, naturally, expect that every available source of supply would be made use of. Ireland is situated only a few hours' journey by sea from Great Britain. That fact should have lead the business men who were appointed to assist the Minister in his task of procuring muni- tions, speedily and in ever increasing quantity, to avail themselves of the potential sources of supply which Ireland possessed. What actually happened was, that orders were placed with every firm in Great Britain prepared to undertake such work the vast majority of them were as inexperienced in the production of munitions as were Irish firms ; national factories of gigantic dimensions were erected and equipped in England, Scotland, and Wales, some of them at consider- able distances from populated centres the workpeople having to be conveyed to and from the factories by special trains (at a time when railway traffic of every description was 206 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY terribly congested) ; and representatives of the Ministry were despatched to and retained in the United States and Canada, organizing the production of various kinds of munitions of war in those countries. The time spent in conveying supplies across the Atlantic varied from seven days to a much larger number, according to the freedom from or presence of sub- marines ; valuable cargoes of these vital supplies were fre- quently lost in transit ; and, further, British gold or its equiva- lent in British-owned American securities had to be exchanged for such purchases, or American loans to Great Britain had to be negotiated to defray the cost of them. Every available source from which the British Govern- ment could procure munitions was fully availed of with one exception, that exception was Ireland. The figures which we publish a little further on demonstrate the absolute accuracy of this statement, but before quoting them it is necessary to refer briefly to the efforts made by Irish firms to procure a share of this work. Numerous firms here in the early years of the war made strenuous efforts to persuade the Ministry to entrust them with contracts for the manufacture of shells and other Ministry requirements, but the response they received was to be told by officials that they could as easily eat shells as manufacture them. A Committee of the Dublin Chamber of Commerce was appointed, at the sugges- tion of the Minister, to prepare plans showing the possibility of Irish firms undertaking munition contracts. No sooner had they evolved a definite scheme on these lines than, with- out availing himself of their proposals, Mr. Lloyd George wrote them a very polite letter, stating that the Ministry intended opening Area offices of their own in Dublin and Belfast and that, whilst he was obliged to them for the trouble they had taken, he had no further use for their services. The Committee, very unwisely, as events proved, accepted their dismissal and dissolved. The Ministry opened an office in Dublin and another in Belfast, and shortly afterwards secured a site in the former City, where they erected a minia- ture factory for the manufacture of i8-pounder shell ; in addition, they placed a few small very small orders for shells, component parts of shells, and wooden ammunition boxes with private firms in the southern area of Ireland. This was the position of affairs up to the early part of 1916. At that time so strong was the feeling which existed in Ireland GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 207 in this connexion (firms here were prevented from carrying on their regular trades owing to the impossibility of procuring raw materials, etc., unless they were engaged on war contracts ; thousands of skilled and unskilled Irish workpeople, male and female, were recruited by the Labour Exchanges for munition work in Great Britain, and, consequently, had to contribute to the expenses of the upkeep of two homes, one in this country and another in England) that a body, thoroughly representa- tive of more than three-fourths of Ireland, was established under the title of the All- Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee, with its headquarters in Dublin. An influential deputation from this body waited on Mr. Lloyd George on March loth, 1916, and insisted that as Ireland was contributing in like proportion to Great Britain to the cost of the war ; that as it was obliged to conform to all British Government regulations appertaining to the restric- tions placed upon ordinary trade and manufacture ; and that, as it was competent to undertake, on an extensive scale, the manufacture of various kinds of munition work, provision should be made at once to enable it to do so. The result of the interview was that the Minister undertook to equip an addition to the Dublin National Shell Factory with machinery for the manufacture of 9.2 in. shell ; to erect and equip a further national factory, adjoining, for the manu- facture of fuzes ; to establish a national factory in Waterford for the manufacture of cartridge cases, and another in Cork for the manufacture of 4.5 in. shell. Further, it was arranged that additional contracts should be placed with private firms in Ireland. That was in March, 1916. The work of erecting the Irish national factories was begun without delay, but the time unnecessarily wasted in equipping and getting them into working order is evident from the following excerpt from a letter, dated October n, 1917, received by the All-Ireland Committee from Mr. Winston Churchill (then Minister of Munitions) : It must be remembered that, except in the case of the i8-pounder shop at Dublin, the plants are only just reach- ing the producing stage (more than three years after the outbreak of war). The present writer in dealing with this subject on a former occasion 1 wrote : The quality of the 1 Studies : June, 1918, p. 310. 208 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY management and control of these factories, up to the latter part of 1917, is exemplified by an extract from a report made to the All-Ireland Committee by two of the ablest, independent, manu- facturing engineers in England, who inspected these factories in December, 1917. They reported as follows : The general appearance of all the national factories in Ireland was one of inefficiency. (It is right to mention that up to that period no Irishman was in control of or manager of any of these factories). One other extract from the report of these experts is of general interest in regard to the question of After- War Trade, viz. : We are unable to recommend any one unit (with- out material alterations and additions) as suitable to manujacture any commercial engineering article within our knowledge. At the end of 1917 a new Directorate was appointed to the Dublin Area Office. These gentlemen, one of whom was an experienced engineer, set to work to clean up the mess created by their predecessors. The first thing they did was to place a practical engineer in charge of each of the factories a course the adoption of which the All-Ireland Committee had clam- oured for, unsuccessfully, for a long time previously more effective balancing of machinery was effected, the skilful production of the different shells, etc., was properly taught to the operatives, and system was introduced into the working of the factories. The following official statements demon- strate the improvement that had been effected ten months later. DUBLIN NATIONAL SHELL FACTORY : In the month of October, 1918, 28,671 eighteen-pounder shells were manu- factured, out of which only 156 showed defects. The gross cost per shell, including suitable allowance for depreciation of plant, was us. 2|d., and as the contract price allowed by the Ministry of Munitions was 123., a profit of g|d. per shell was being made. In October, 1918, the 9.2 inch shell department was just completing a re-organization of their machinery, necessary for the manufacture of a new type of tapered shell, and consequently the production for the month was small ; however, out of 758 shells made only two were found to be defective. DUBLIN NATIONAL FUSE FACTORY : At the time of the Armistice the Dublin National Fuse Factory was engaged on the production of the 106 brass percussion fuse. During the month of October, 1918, the output of this type of fuse exceeded 60,000, the net cost per fuse, including depreciation, was 6s. 4^d., GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 209 and as the contract price allowed by the Ministry of Munitions was 8s., a profit of is. yd. per fuse was being made. It is worthy of mention that during April, 1918, while this factory was engaged on the production of the 103 cast-iron percussion fuse, 93,000 fuses were made during the month, at a cost of as. 7 id. each, the contract price allowed by the Ministry of Munitions being 53. It is believed that this cost of as. yjd. is the cheapest cost of production obtained in the British Isles. In the case of the 103 cast-iron fuses, the cost of materials is a small proportion of the total cost, so that it is much easier to effect savings in the cost of manufacture than in the case of the 106 fuse, where the cost of materials is a much greater proportion of the total cost. WATERFORD NATIONAL CARTRIDGE FACTORY : At the time of the Armistice this factory was manufacturing eighteen-pound er brass cartridge cases at the rate of 25,000 per week ; the lowest cost of manufacture which had been attained was 73. 6d. per case, including allowances for depreciation, while the contract price allowed by the Ministry of Munitions was 8s. It should be pointed out that the work of manufacturing cartridge cases requires a considerable amount of heavy machinery, such as presses. As Waterford is remote from any engineering centre, being one hundred miles from any machine shop containing large machine tools, the Waterford National Cartridge Factory had to depend on its own resources entirely for getting the plant in good working order, and on certain occasions when heavy repairs were required these were success- fully carried out by the factory staff. Further, the work of manufacturing cartridge cases requires a continual supply of press and lathe tools. As the supply of these tools from England could not be depended upon they were manufactured entirely at the factory. The workpeople showed themselves capable of producing work to a very high degree of accuracy. Those who have been engaged in cartridge-case making will be interested to note that the annular ring difficulty was entirely overcome at Waterford . GALWAY NATIONAL SHELL FACTORY : The Galway National Shell Factory, which was producing eighteen-pounder shell, was quite a small factory, there being only eighty-four persons employed, and the output of eighteen-pounder shell at the time of the Armistice was about 800 per week. It is a very difficult matter to work so small a factory as this economically on the production of eighteen-pounder shell. At the time mentioned the cost of manufacturing eighteen-pounder shell was I2s. 7^d., as against the contract price allowed by the Ministry of Munitions of 123. Plans had been formulated to 14 210 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY increase the output at this factory to about 2,000 shell per week. This would have been an economical output and would un- doubtedly have resulted in a very marked reduction in cost. CORK NATIONAL SHELL FACTORY : This factory was engaged in the production of 4.5 inch shell. The number of operatives was about 120, and the average weekly output of shell, in October, 1918, was 565. As in the case of Gal way, the Cork factory was too small to form an economical unit, but it was being steadily worked up to an economical capacity at the time of the Armistice. The following Return shows the quantity and value of the deliveries made by the National Munition Factories in Ireland from their inception up to March 7, 1919 : Name of Factory. Description. Quantity Passed Inspection. Value (at Stand- ard Price). Dublin National Shell Factory i8-pounder and 9.2" shells 518,541 i 569,951 Dublin National Fuse Factory (Shell Fuses (A.G.S. Bolts 310,234 187,281 96,192 2,029 Waterford National Cartridge Factory Cartridge cases. 246,637 99,604 Cork National Shell Factory 4-5* H.E. Shell. 29,325 44,067 Gal way National Shell Factory i8-pounder H.E. Shell. 30,713 TOTAL VALUE 19453 631,296 The total number of persons employed in the above factories on the date of the signing of the Armistice, viz., November u, 1918, was 2,148, made up as follows : GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 211 National Factory. Males. Females. Total. Dublin Shell Factories 278 531 809 Dublin Fuse Factory 123 434 557 Waterford Cartridge Factory 262 257 519 Cork Shell Factory 34 114 148 Galway Shell Factory 25 90 "5 TOTALS 722 1,426 2,148 The establishment of a National Shell Factory at Galway in 1917 was the outcome of a persistent agitation carried on by the All-Ireland Committee and brought to finality at a Conference between members of the Committee and Mr. E. S. Montague, M.P. (then Minister of Munitions), in October, 1916, when the Committee's Chairman Mr. John O'Neill successfully advocated this claim in what an English K.C., who was present at the interview, described as the most perfect example of concentrated pleading he had ever listened to. A typical illustration of the point of view of the Ministry's officials in regard to the placing of contracts for munition work with Irish firms is contained in the following excerpt from a Report of a deputation from the All-Ireland Munitions Committee which waited on the Chiefs of the Ministry's Box Department, in London, in 1918. The Report stated : We were immediately told, without equivocation, that they did not care if they never got any more boxes from Ireland, and that they were being pressed by English contractors, particularly by those in the Liverpool district, to place more orders with them and stop the import of boxes ; that what they wanted from us was timber for caseboards, either dried or undried, they did not mind which, and that they would get all the manufacture carried out in England. They seem to consider that any work already given us is rather in the light of charity than a right to which we are entitled, remembering that we bear our full share of taxation with the rest of the Kingdom. It cost, approximately, 350 to convert ioo's worth of round timber into ammunition boxes. Consequently, the reader will be able to appreciate the loss sustained by Irish labour through being deprived of a fair share of this work. 212 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The production of shells and component parts of shells, as well as other metal munition work, executed by Irish private firms, was, admittedly, equal to the best produced elsewhere. Despite this fact, the efforts made by these firms to persuade the Ministry to place extensive contracts with them were fruitless. The following particulars represent the total quantity and value of goods made in Ireland under contract with the Ministry of Munitions by private firms situated in the No. 10, or Southern Area, and delivered to the Ministry's stores up to March 7, 1919 : Description. Quantity Passed Inspection. Value, Boxes (wood and tin) 3,267,785 869,295 Shells 648,150 561,471 Gains 2,418,168 112,350 Adapters 808,150 35,ioi Plugs (Fuse Hole) 406,427 28,234 Fuses 52,983 24,377 Screwed Rings (for exploder Containers) l6o,022 5,885 Nose Bushes (Brass), for shell 7556 1,227 Hammers for Fuse No. 106 . . 5,626 135 Pistol Bombs 4O,OOO 6,500 Turnbuckles 29,071 4-563 TOTAL VALUE 1,649,138 The present writer requested the Ministry to supply him with a complete Return showing the quantity, description, and value of goods supplied from Ireland to the order of the Ministry. In the middle of September, 1919, he received a return, a copy of which follows, together with a covering letter, which stated : It is regretted that, owing to the demobilization of the area organization of the Ministry in Ireland, it is impossible to supply a complete and detailed return, certain large contracts for aero- planes, etc., placed in the Belfast area having been omitted. GOVERNMENT CONTRACTS 213 OFFICIAL RETURN OF THE VALUE OF GOODS, ETC., SUPPLIED FROM IRELAND TO THE ORDER OF THE MINISTRY OF MUNITIONS. BELFAST AREA. DUBLIN AREA. Description of Supplies. Firms. Value . Firms. Value . National factories Value I. Total Value . Shells and Com- ponents (includ- ing packages) Trench Warfare 939,900 1,672,726 662,458 3,275,084 Supplies Linen Fabric Other Aero- * 6,500 6,500 11,380,46s 1 nautical Supplies Building Plant, Machinery etc. * * 6,604 81,659 2,081 8,685 81,659 TOTALS : 939,900 1,767,489 664,539 14752,396 The foregoing return shows that the total value of the work executed in the Dublin Area a for the Ministry from the date of its inception up to September, 1919, amounted to less than two and a half million pounds sterling ; of this amount 1,685,830 was the value of the production of private firms ; 664,539 being the value of the goods produced in the five, so-called, national factories established in Ireland, and 81,659 being expended on buildings, plant, etc. The total * " The figures given for the Belfast Area do not include the value of certain of the contracts for aircraft and trench warfare supplies, machinery and miscellaneous supplies. Complete information under these heads is not available, owing to the closing of the ministry branches in the area." 1 " The great majority of the contracts for linen were executed with firms in the Belfast Area." 2 The Dublin Area extended from Drogheda, in Co. Louth, to Tralee, in Co. Kerry, and from Wexford to Sligo. 214 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY expenditure of the Ministry of Munitions for general supplies up to March 31, 1918, according to the Auditor-General's Report, was 1,101,230,693. To comment on these figures would be to doubt the intelligence of my readers, therefore I shall let the figures speak for themselves. During the three years of its existence the All-Ireland Muni- tions and Government Supplies Committee an absolutely non-political body had to keep up a persistent agitation to secure even the few crumbs of munition work that reached Ireland ; they had to send deputations to London almost every few months for this purpose ; they were never consulted by the Ministry as to the best steps to adopt to equip the Irish national factories so as to procure satisfactory results from them ; nor were they given any authority or control in respect of those concerns (in Great Britain many of the national factories were controlled by similar organizations) ; from beginning to end every possible obstacle was put in the way of the extension of munition work in the Dublin area, and the officials in London invariably looked upon the Com- mittee's activities with an air of hostility. Even when the plant and machinery of the Irish national factories were no longer required for war-work the offers made by Irish firms to purchase them in some cases to carry on the factories as going concerns, in others to utilize the bulk of the machinery in engineering works in Ireland were rejected and the plant and machinery were sold piece-meal by public auction, most of it going to the other side of the channel. At least one useful result emerged from this series of disappointing inci- dents. It was this, that the eyes of Irish business-men were fully opened to the hopelessness of their expecting to receive anything like fair-play from English Government officials high or low. It would be unjust to close this chapter without bearing testimony to the work of Mr. John O'Neill, the Chairman of the All-Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Com- mittee. This gentleman, whose own business occupied a great amount of his attention, was unsparing in giving time, thought, and energy to the affairs of the Committee. He it was who chiefly guided its actions, and to him and his remark- able clear-mindedness and power of foresight is due the main share of whatever success accrued as a result of the Com- mittee's activities. CHAPTER XII TRANSIT THE trade and industry of a country deprived of satis- factory transit facilities must languish; if the restraint be prolonged a sufficient length of time the competition of more favoured rivals will complete the work of trade and industrial extermination. These truths are so axiomatic that one hesitates to state them ; yet, when we search for evidence of their realization by Irish traders and industrialists the result is disappointing. Commissions of Inquiry have sat in Ireland from time to time, and investigated the subject of our existing and potential transit resources ; they have issued reports, usually recom- mending much needed reforms, but there the matter has ended. Little or no sustained effort has been made by Irish industrialists and traders, as a whole, to secure that these recommendations shall be acted upon, and the authorities, taking advantage of this inertia, have allowed Ireland's transit resources to remain undeveloped. Concurrent with this arrested progress in Ireland, a vast expansion of transit resources, with its concomitant development of trade and industry, has been proceeding in many other countries. Whilst Ireland's trade has remained relatively stationary theirs has forced ahead. The present world-shortage of food-stuffs and of almost all kinds of commodities in general use is inclined to dull one's vision regarding prospective trade competition. The situa- tion may be summed-up in the words of a manufacturer, who recently stated that he had asked his travellers to go and play golf, not to seek for orders, as his output was already bespoke for some time ahead. This is a pleasant position for a manu- facturer to find himself placed in, and would be an ideal posi- tion for him if it could be counted upon to continue indefinitely. But it is obvious that eventually the conditions 215 216 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY under which the world has laboured during the past six years must pass away ; the balance of production will right itself, and there will then arise a keener and more exacting competi- tion to supply the requirements of the world's markets than, perhaps, at any earlier period in history. The nations that are first to organize their trade so as to be prepared to meet this competition stand the best chance of reaping the harvest. The cost of production of goods will be the prime factor in the struggle, and this cannot reach a competitive point in Ireland unless transit facilities are considerably improved and extended and the present rates of carriage of goods are reduced. If the Irish commercial community fails to exert itself to prevent the handicapping of its future trade by the imposition of excessive transit rates, and the absence or reduc- tion of necessary transit facilities, the consequences in the course of the next few years must prove more serious than is at present realized. Moderate progress has taken place in Ireland in the past forty years so far as the extension of railway facilities are concerned ; the facilities derivable from the utilization of our extensive internal waterways has been to a large extent stultified owing to causes which we shall deal with more fully a little later ; further, Ireland in pre-war days was supplied with a fairly satisfactory cross-channel shipping service, but she labours under the heavy handicap of not hav- ing sufficient direct shipping communication with countries further abroad. The following brief description of each of these factors may assist the reader to obtain some idea of how Ireland stands in respect to transit facilities. I. RAILWAYS The first railway constructed in Ireland was the line from Dublin to Kingstown (six miles in length), which commenced to operate in 1834. This was followed, in 1839, by a section of the Ulster Railway ; the next being the Dublin and Drog- heda Railway, opened in 1844 (both of the latter lines are now merged in the Great Northern Railway Coy.'s system). By 1851 the following lines had been established, namely : Sections of the Great Southern and Western Railway Com- TRANSIT 217 pany, the Midland Great Western, Midland (Northern Counties Committee), the Belfast and County Down, and the Cork, Bandon, and South Coast Railway Companies. To-day the principal Irish railway companies are : The Great Southern and Western Company, whose main line extends from Dublin to Queenstown, and which, altogether, administers a service covering a mileage of about 1,500 miles. The Great Northern Company's main line extends from Dublin to Belfast, and the total mileage operated is about 800 miles. The Midland Great Western Coy.'s main line extends from Dublin to Galway, and the total mileage operated is about 800 miles. Some of the smaller undertakings are the Belfast and Northern Counties line (owned by the Midland Railway Coy. of England), with a mileage of 364 miles. The Dublin and South-Eastern Company's main line extends from Dublin to Waterford, and the mileage operated is about 220 miles. The Cork, Bandon, and South Coast Company's main line extends from Cork City to Baltimore (Co. Cork), and the total mileage operated by this Company is about 100 miles. There are about thirty Light Railways in Ireland operating a total mileage of a little over 600 miles. The majority of these are worked by the larger railway companies, whilst a few are worked by Committees of Management of County Councils. In most cases these lines have been unable to pay their way out of the revenues earned by them from the carriage of traffic, and resort has had to be made to the Baronial guarantees, under which the lines were constructed, to pay the dividends for which the companies are liable. The space at my disposal does not permit of my dealing with the history of the Light Railways of Ireland. I would refer the reader who is interested in this subject to the valuable account of the creation and working of these lines which appears in the Final Report of the Viceregal Commission on Irish Railways, 1906, pp. 49-75 (Cd. 5247). At the present day there are twenty-five working Railway Companies in Ireland operating a total of about 3,493 miles, of which about 2,722 miles are single line. The following comparative statement 1 for the decennial periods from 1882- 1 Extracted from an article contributed by Mr. Joseph Ingram (then Secretary, Irish Railway Clearing House, now Director of Finance and Statistics, Irish Branch Ministry of Transport) to the Jubilee No. of the Railway News, 1914. 218 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY igi2 l shows, at a glance, the progress which Irish railways had made in that period : 1882. 1892. 1902. 1912. Length of line open for traffic. Miles 2465 2,895 3,215 3,403 Total No. of pas- sengers carried (exclusive of season ticket- holders) No. 18,723,988 22,647,010 28,210,468 29,162,404 Weight of goods and minerals con- veyed. Tons 3,837,856 4,321,459 5,273,622 6,701,881 Total paid-up capital (exclus- ive of nominal additions). 34,962,665 38,298,521 40,244,012 45,133,187 Gross receipts from all sources. 2,810,876 3,i77,75i 24,026,379 2 4,545,372 Working expenses. 1,542,751 1,737,511 22,445,509 22,841,955 Net receipts. 1,268,125 1,440,240 1,580,870 1,703,417 Percentage o f net receipts to total paid-up capital 3-63 3-76 3-93 3-77 Percentage o f working expen- diture to gross receipts 55 55 61 63 Population of Ireland 5,101,018 4,633,8o8 4,434,551 4,384,710 1 The Government having taken over control of British and Irish railways during the war years, the usual Board of Trade returns have not been issued since 1913. Consequently, this statement cannot be brought up-to-date. 2 Gross receipts and working expenses of hotels included. TRANSIT 219 Irish manufacturers have almost invariably found it diffi- cult to persuade Irish Railway Companies to adjust their rates so as actively to encourage the development of Irish Industry. The policy adopted by the companies has been to fix rates of carnage at the highest figures which they believed the various classes of merchandise were capable of bearing. This resulted, in numerous cases, in Irish firms being unable to sell their goods competitively over a wide area, and in their being charged considerably more for the transit of certain classes of traffic from one point to another in Ireland than the proportions received by the Companies as their share of the through-rates on similar goods imported into this country from across-channel and carried to the same destinations. 1 Unquestionably the Companies could have done a great deal more than they have done to assist in the expansion of Irish industries. 1 " On the apth June a deputation from the Irish Industrial Develop- ment Association met the managers of the Irish railways in conference at the Irish Railway Clearing House. The main objects of the deputa- tion were (i) to ascertain what proportions Irish railways received out of through cross-channel rates, and (2) to urge the railway companies to assimilate their local rates with their shares of the corresponding through rates, with a view to placing the Irish trader on a footing of equality with the cross-channel trader in respect of charges for convey- ance of goods on the Irish railways. According to the evidence of the secretary of the Association, the general manager of the Great Northern Railway, who was in the chair on that occasion, stated to the deputa- tion that if the railway companies carried Irish goods between stations at the same charge as imported goods, they would soon be in the Bankruptcy Court. The witness for the Associated Railway Companies gave a different version of the chairman's statement, which, in his recollection, was to the effect that if all the Irish rates were based on the special low through rates, this would land the companies in bank- ruptcy. The chairman himself told us that the deputation had demanded such sweeping reductions in rates that, if complied with, the companies would soon be bankrupt. Whatever the precise words used on this occasion may have been, we think there is no room for doubt as to the substance either of the claim advanced by the deputa- tion or of the chairman's reply. The cross-channel through rates being keenly competitive and the Irish local rates being, as a rule, non- competitive, it is reasonable to infer that the through rates are on lower, and the local rates on higher, scales of charges. When an Irish local rate on a higher scale and a cross-channel rate on a lower scale are combined to form the basis of a through rate, then an apportionment of such through rate, according to mileage, or on any analogous prin- ciple of division, would give the Irish company, as its share, a smaller sum than the amount of its own locajj^ite. Further, inasmuch as 220 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY In the year 1873 an Act of Parliament came into force which required railway companies to keep at their stations books containing every rate for the time being charged for the carriage oj traffic. This Act also created a Commission, consisting of three members, one of whom must be a lawyer, one a man familiar with railway questions, and none of whom should in the cross-channel through rate, by the shortest route between any two points, is applied to all other routes between the same points irre- spective of their length it follows that the Irish share of the through rates by the longer routes would be much less than the company's local rate. Hence a proposal to reduce the local rates on conveyance of Irish goods to the level of the Irish share of the through rate on imported goods of the same description, would point to a loss of revenue which, in the judgment of Mr. Tatlow, would jeopardise dividends, or, in the opinion of Colonel Plews, would lead the Irish companies into bank- ruptcy. " Numerous complaints to the same effect as those made by the depu- tation were brought before us, and we considered it desirable to give the railway companies an opportunity of informing us whether they accepted, in respect of certain imported commodities, a proportion of the through rates less than the local rates charged for such goods between the same points. We accordingly asked the Railway Committee, representing all the Associated railway companies, to furnish us with particulars of the model settlements which show each local rate forming part of a through rate. We also asked for the appor- tionment, between the companies concerned, of the amounts of certain existing through rates for a number of selected commodities fairly typical of traffic between Ireland and England via Dublin, and via Cork. The Committee declined, however, to give this information, on the ground that they were not at liberty to disclose matters which were the exclusive concern of the companies and which, in their opinion, did not affect the rates paid by the public. We were told that the committee were unanimous in refusing to furnish the information, as individual companies objected to having the apportionment of rates made known to other companies in England and Ireland ; the com- mittee, moreover, thought that such particulars were not really necessary for the purpose of the inquiry. We regret that the Irish companies did not see their way to accede to our request, which was prompted by the wish to obtain information to enable us to estimate what part of the revenue of a unified railway system would be repre- sented by reductions of internal and export rates, such as, in our judg- ment, might be required to promote ' the expansion of traffic upon the Irish lines and their full utilization for the development of the agricultural and industrial resources of Ireland.' We need only add that the refusal of the railway companies to supply the particulars asked for is calculated to strengthen and perpetuate the conviction that imported goods are carried over the railways at lower rates than are like commodities produced in the country." Final Report, Viceregal Commission on Irish Railways, 1906, paragraphs 30, 31, pp. 10, n. TRANSIT 221 any way be financially interested in railway or canal under- takings. The Commission had the power of a division of the High Court and its decisions were final on questions of fact. Its duties were to hear and determine complaints respecting the lack of reasonable facilities as prescribed by law and those having reference to allegations of undue preference. It 'was also empowered to arbitrate between the companies in cases of dispute, and adjudicate equally on matters of technical organization, as in the fixing and division of trans- port charges, in order to compel the various railway companies to co-operate in the establishment of through services. The Railway and Canal Act of I888 1 confirmed and extended the powers of the Commission and enforced on Canal Companies some of the obligations imposed on the rail- ways, notably those which had reference to the publication of tariffs and the compilation of Returns. It gives to the Com- mission, so far as the canals under railway management are concerned, the right to require that the charges and tolls of any kind collected for the transport of goods on the canals shall be reasonable when compared with railway charges. The Act further requires companies to maintain a good state of navigation on canals belonging to them. A further Act (1894) provided that railway companies could be called upon to justify before the Railway Commission all increases of rates since December 31, 1892, even though such increases were within their statutory maxima. Theoretically, the Railway Commission safeguards the interests of the trader. In practice, however, the latter has obtained very little benefit from this source. Its interven- tion, so far as Irish traders are concerned, has been availed of on only a very limited number of occasions. The reasons for this reluctance to invoke its aid are that the trader must be prepared to spend a considerable amount of money in con- ducting an action against a railway company ; that the com- panies, on account of the highly-trained organizations they possess, are able to put forward a skilfully prepared defence which the ordinary trader often is unable to upset, owing to 1 Section thirty-three requires the publication by every railway company, at every station at which merchandise is dealt with, of a notice that the rate books required by law are open to public inspection, and that information as to any charge can be obtained on application to the secretary or other officer. 222 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY the limited data at his command ; consequently, though the latter may have a genuine grievance against a railway com- pany, he is not always able to present it in such a way as to obtain satisfaction ; further, when a trader succeeds in his action and the company is, for instance, ordered to reduce the rate complained of, there is no guarantee that the company will not again raise it after a time, the trader thus being faced with the task and expense of conducting a further action before the Commission. The Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland is empowered to inquire into complaints of exces- sive railway rates and, if unable to obtain redress from the companies concerned, to institute proceedings within certain limits before the Railway Commission out of the funds at its disposal. The Department has intervened in this manner on a few occasions. In the opinion of the present writer the Railway Commission is far too costly and cumbersome a tribunal to be of use to traders in general. A simpler and less costly tribunal for dealing with complaints by traders against railway companies is needed and should be instituted. At the time of writing the position in regard to the future of the British and Irish railways is somewhat uncertain. During the war, on January i, 1917, 1 the Government took over control of the Irish Railways and appointed an Irish Railway Executive Committee to administer them. The Directors and staffs of the various companies continued to discharge their usual duties but were required to conform, in the operation of the railways, to whatever instructions were given to them by the Government through the local Railway Executive Committee. The terms of compensation upon which the Government took over control of railways were as follows : The Regulations of the Forces Act, 1871, under which li.M. Government have taken possession of most of the railways of Great Britain, provides that full compensation shall be paid to the owners of the railways for any loss or injury that may have been sustained thereby, the amount of such compensation to be settled by agreement, or, if necessary, by arbitration. H.M. Government have agreed with the Railway Companies concerned that, subject to the undermentioned condition, the compensation to be paid them shall be the sum by which the 1 The Government took over control of British Railways on August 5, 1914. TRANSIT 223 aggregate net receipts of their railways for the period during which the Government are in possession of them fall short of the aggregate net receipts for the corresponding period of 1913. If, however, the net receipts of the companies for the first half of 1914 were less than the net receipts for the first half of 1913, the sum payable is to be reduced in the same proportion. This sum, together with the net receipts of the railway companies taken over'. is to be distributed amongst those companies in proportion to the net receipts of each company during the period with which comparison is made. The compensation to be paid under this arrangement will cover all special services, such as those in connexion with military and naval transport, rendered to the Government by the railway companies concerned, and it will therefore be unnecessary to make any payments in respect of such transport on the railways taken over. 1 These terms were subsequently altered to the following extent, viz. : Under the original agreement the sum paid in compensation to the companies concerned was the sum by which the aggregate net receipts of their railways for the period during which the Government were in possession of them fell short of the aggre- gate net receipts for the corresponding period of 1913, subject, however, to a proportionate reduction if the net receipts of the companies for the first half of 1914 were less than the net receipts for the first half of 1913. It has now been agreed that this reduction shall not in future be made, but that 25 per cent of the war bonus granted to railway employees who come within the Railway Conciliation Scheme shall be borne by the railway companies, and not by the Govern- ment. 2 Since the termination of the war an agitation has been carried on by the railwaymen's and other trade unions to persuade the Government to permanently nationalize the railways of Great Britain and Ireland. So far the Govern- ment have refused to do so, but the position in respect to the cost of operating these lines has changed so radically in the past five years that the problem of their future management and control is one which bristles with difficulties. 8 1 Board oj Trade Journal, September 17, 1914, p. 7.10. 2 Board of Trade Journal. April 22, 1915. pp. 223-4. 3 The Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, continued the Government control of British and Irish railways for two years from August, 1919- 224 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Rates of carriage had been increased several times be- tween 1914 and 1919, whilst an increase of fifty per cent. had been added to passenger fares. Despite these increases the loss incurred in operating British and Irish railway services has increased so considerably under State Control that the companies would be unable at the moment to pay dividends to the shareholders were the State guarantee with- drawn. 1 The Government have set up a Committee to prepare a new scale of rates on a still higher scale and intend putting the new scale into -force without delay. By this means they hope to secure a sufficient revenue to cover the cost of running the railways and to defray the dividend pay- able to the shareholders, thus leaving them free to withdraw the State subsidy. 2 In pre-war days transit rates on Irish railways ranked higher than those of almost all other commercial nations. 3 Allowing for the fact that most of these foreign countries have been compelled to raise their rates to some extent in the interim, it is questionable if Irish trade will, when it reverts to a normal, competitive basis, be in a position to withstand the handicap of the additional imposts referred to without suffering very seriously thereby. It is obvious that to recover trade, whilst the first essential is increased production, vital factors are the cheapening of the cost of raw materials and the cost of marketing the finished products. Ireland is dependent upon outside countries for most of the raw materials required by her manufacturers, and her export trade represents the greater 1 There was a loss of ^3,763,953 on the working of controlled railways in Great Britain and Ireland in the month of December, 1919, and the net Government liability for the month amounted to 7,839,153. 2 Since writing the above the Minister of Transport has directed the Railway Companies of Great Britain and Ireland to increase the tolls, rates, and charges published in their books in accordance with a new scale which came into force on January 15, 1920. The new scale makes additions of from about thirty to sixty per cent in the rates of carriage on certain classes of goods and a hundred per cent increase on small parcels and returned empties. See Board of Trade Journal, January i, 1920, pp. 31-32. 3 " The fact remains that, judging by the evidence placed at our disposal, both the internal rates of the foreign countries for which comparisons were taken, and also their export rates for produce shipped to British markets, are relatively lower than the corresponding Irish rates." Viceregal Commission on Irish Railways, 1906, Final Report, paragraph 75, p. 32. TRANSIT 225 proportion of her total trade. Consequently, unless transit rates are in her favour the result must prove serious so far as the future development of her industries is concerned. Reference to the recently appointed Ministry of Transport, which is now the controlling authority in respect to transit services, will be found at the end of this chapter. 2. CANALS A glance at a map of Ireland would inform the casual investigator that this country is well supplied with internal water-ways. A fuller study of the subject would, however, make him realize that the actual value of these waterways to the trading community is far less than he had imagined. Before referring to some of the causes which are responsible for their arrested development, I shall provide the reader with a short statement showing the extent of the internal water- ways of Ireland. Description. Including. Length. Miles. Chains Canals 1 Lagan, Ulster, Coalisland (Tyrone Navigation), Stra- bane (Foyle Navigation), Grand, Newry, Ship, Royal, and Ballinamore and Bally- connell (derelict) 430 53 Inland 2 Lower Bahn, Boyne, Corrib, Navigation Waterways without Newry and Shannon Upper Bann, Lough Erne, Rivers Maigue, Suir, Black- 268 72 locks 3 water (Cork) and Bride 137 57 GRAND TOTAL 837 22 1 Including all artificially constructed waterways. * Including waterways formed by the canalization of nvers. Some of which are arms of the sea leading to inland points and use* as inland waterways. 15 226 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Of the foregoing, 165 miles 49 chains are owned or controlled by the State, 212 miles 6 chains by Local Authorities or Trusts, 335 miles 58 chains by independent Companies, 95 miles 69 chains (the Royal Canal) by the Midland Great Western Railway Company, and 25 miles (the tidal rivers Blackwater and Bride) are under no direct control. The Royal Canal, which extends from Dublin to Richmond Harbour, in Co. Longford, and runs almost parallel with the Midland Great Western Railway line from Dublin to Mullingar, in Co. Westmeath, cost 1,421,900 to construct. Since the Railway Company obtained control of it, in 1846, traffic has decreased, until to-day the canal has almost ceased to be used for the conveyance of merchandise. The Irish Canal Authorities do not publish traffic returns, as do the Railway companies, therefore it is impossible for us to supply up-to-date information upon this subject, but some idea of the amount of traffic carried on their systems may be formed from a return supplied by a certain number of these Authorities to a Royal Commission which inquired into this question in the year 1906. This return applies only to 594 miles 56 chains 1 out of the total 837 miles 22 chains of inland waterways in Ireland. Year. Tonnage Conveyed. 1888 1898 1905 865,346 I,O52,OOO 1,069,929 At the present day several Irish canals lie wholly or partly derelict, whilst others are insufficiently dredged and do not receive the attention necessary to make them really serviceable factors in the economic life of the country. The canal authorities, general speaking, have displayed a total lack of enterprise in encouraging trade on these routes, and the belief exists that some of them have entered into arrange- ments with the neighbouring railway companies whereby the 1 This includes the following waterways : Grand, Lagan, Newry Ship, Newry Navigation, Ulster, Boyne, Coalisland, Strabane, Shannon, Maigue and Royal. TRANSIT 227 latter guarantee them against loss in the event of their refraining from competing against the railway companies for the carriage of traffic. This, of course, results in traders having to pay higher rates than would obtain were the canal services conducted on independent, competitive lines. What is needed to make these services really effective and valuable to the community is that they should be placed under the control of an absolutely impartial and representative body ; that this body should have no other interest in them beyond that of ensuring that they are kept in proper order at all times, and that the canals should be free, as are the seas, for the plying of private-owned boats, subject, of course, to necessary conditions. In short, that they should become well-kept, public waterways. It remains to be seen whether or not the Ministry of Transport will take effective steps to abolish the existing condition of affairs in this connexion, and to provide the Irish public with a really up-to-date internal waterways service. 3. SHIPPING The modern history of the Irish shipping trade is not an enlivening story. When one considers that, geographically, Ireland is perfectly situated in respect to several of the world's principal trade routes ; that few countries possess finer harbours; and that she stands in the forefront of ship- building nations, it seems almost incredible that she should occupy so insignificant a space in the picture of the world's shipping trade. From the year 1825, when the British and Irish Customs were amalgamated, until the year 1904 no systematic records were kept of the total import and export trade of this country. But since the latter mentioned year such records have been compiled by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland. Consequently, it is not possible to give the reader reliable data as to Ireland's shipping trade in the earlier period referred to. The figures of the registered tonnage of vessels which arrived at and departed from our ports during those years is an unreliable guide to the country's trade, for the reasons that many of these vessels merely discharged or loaded part cargoes, whilst others arrived or 228 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY departed with more or less than the amount of their registered tonnage. Therefore, I have no hesitation in discarding this method of calculation, and shall confine my comparisons to the data relating to the years 1904-18, for which years we have what approximate to definite returns of the trade in imports and exports at Irish ports. TOTAL IRISH IMPORT AND EXPORT TRADE. Values expressed to the nearest thousand pounds. EXCESS OF IMPORTS IMPORTS. EXPORTS. OVER EXPORTS. Value at Value at Value at prices in Value at prices in Value at prices in Value at Year. the year of 1904 the year 1904 the year 1904 importa- prices. of expor- prices. of ship- prices. tion. tation. ment. 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 1904 55,345 55,345 49,785 49,785 5,560 5,560 I95 57.009 57,095 51,393 50,833 5,6i6 6,262 1906 58,794 57,523 56,005 53,415 2,789 4,108 1907 63,022 59,075 59,160 54,492 3,862 4,583 1908 60,190 56,829 57,415 53,702 2,775 3,127 1909 65,155 59,486 60,929 54,762 4,226 4,724 1910 66,431 59,624 65,896 56,968 535 2,656 1911 67,610 60,322 65,071 56,330 2,539 3-992 1912 73,953 63,221 67,168 56,710 6,785 6,5H 19*3 74,467 62,986 73,877 60,567 590 2,419 1914 73,995 61,176 77,3H 63,243 3,3*6! 2,067! i9!5 &7,95o 59,790 84,463 58,372 3,487 1,418 1916 104,517 56,588 107,171 58,848 2.654 1 2.260 1 1917 119,964 49,770 133,780 56,702 I3.8I6 1 6.932 1 1918 126,018 44,168 152,903 50,6ll 26,885! 6.443 1 It will be seen from the above table that although the total values of imports and exports measured at war prices increased enormously in the last few years the actual quantities imported and exported (as indicated by the values at 1904 prices) decreased considerably. 1 Value of exports greater than value of imports. TRANSIT 229 The volume of the import trade (measured at 1904 prices), which was 62,986,000 in 1913 (as compared with 55,345,000 in 1904). fell to 49,770,000 in 1917, and to 44,168,000 in 1918. The value of the export trade (measured at 1904 prices), which increased from 49,785,000 in 1904 to 56,968,000 in 1910, remained at much the same level hi 1911 and 1912 (in which years exports of cattle were abnormally low owing to the lack of keep in Great Britain in the very hot summer of 1911 and to shipping restrictions in 1912 on account of Foot and Mouth Disease). The volume of exports rose abruptly in 1913 and 1914 chiefly owing to abnormal exports of cattle in both years (in 1913 owing to the glut after the restrictions of 1912, and in 1914 owing to the extremely heavy demand in Great Britain in the first five war months). The exports in 1913 and 1914 were accordingly abnormally high. Most of the decline in the volume of export trade which can be attributed to the war took place in the year 1918. The exports at 1904 prices fell from 58,372,000, in 1915 to 56,702,000 in 1917, and then dropped to 50,611,000 in 1918. The serious decrease during the last few years in the volume of imports and exports has some favourable aspects : (1) The decrease in imports was made good to some extent by increased Irish production. For instance, the effect of the large decrease in the imports of maize and other feeding stuffs was largely counterbalanced by increased production of Irish substitutes (oats, potatoes, etc.), and the decrease in the imports of flax was to some extent made good by increased home produc- tion. The decrease in imports of bacon, butter, etc., resulted in a larger consumption and smaller export of the Irish article. In other directions, however, Irish substitutes were not available and the decreased importation (e.g., of sugar) led to a fully equivalent decrease in consumption. (2) From 1915 to 1918, while the volume of imports fell by 26 per cent, the volume of exports fell only 13 per cent. In each year from 1904 to 1913 the volume of the imports (measured at 1904 prices) exceeded the exports, but in 1914, 1916, 1917, and 1918 the volume of the exports was greater than the imports. Whereas in 1904 the volume of the imports exceeded the exports by 1 1. 2 per cent, in 1918 the exports (measured at 1904 prices) exceeded the imports by 14.6 per cent. (3) While from 1904 to 1918 the prices of the commodities imported in 1918 increased by 185.3 per cent, the prices of the exports increased by 202.1 per cent. The combined effect of the changes (2) and (3) has been to bring about a considerable change in the balance of trade. While the total value of the imports in 1904 exceeded the total value of the exports in that year by 5,560,000, or 11.2 per cent, the 230 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY total value of the exports in 1918 (at 1918 prices) exceeded the value of the imports by 26,885,000 or 21.3 per cent. 1 Following is a comparative table showing the separate classes of goods, imported into and exported from Ireland in the years 1916-18 : Valued at Prices in the Year of Shipment. Valued at 1904 Prices. 1916 1917 1918 1916 1917 1918 IMPORTS. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Per Cent. Farm Produce, Food and Drink 37 34 27 37 34 30 Raw Materials 17 18 17 16 16 15 Manufactured Goods 46 48 56 47 50 55 TOTAL IOO IOO IOO IOO IOO IOO EXPORTS. Farm Produce, Food and Drink 58 54 51 58 55 56 Raw Materials 4 4 4 5 4 4 Manufactured Goods 38 42 45 37 4i 40 TOTAL IOO IOO IOO IOO IOO "IOO It is not possible to ascertain the actual amount of the total trade carried on between Ireland and foreign countries, owing to the fact that the greater part of this trade passes to and from Irish ports via Great Britain and loses its identity en route. Records are kept of the direct trade between Ireland 1 Report on the Trade in Imports and Exports at Irish Ports during the year ended December 31, 1918. Cmd., 487. TRANSIT 281 and foreign countries, and we find that the direct imports of foreign goods into Ireland in the year 1918 amounted to a value of 15,031,537, whilst the direct exports amounted to 559>497- . If definite figures were obtainable it would be found that little, if any, increase has taken place in Ireland's direct trade with foreign countries during the past seventy years. To a certain extent this fact is ascribable to a lack of organization and co-operation on the part of Irish manufacturers and traders themselves. Had they joined forces, made a closer study of the needs of the world's markets, sought direct openings abroad for Irish goods (instead of being content to dispose of their commodities at lower prices to cross-channel middle-men), and organized collective direct shipments of their goods to foreign markets, there is little doubt but that they would have reaped a larger and more profitable harvest. Some Irish firms have, individually, secured markets abroad for their manufactures, but they have been too few to create a satisfactory direct shipping trade. The fault of this sparsity of direct trade does not, however, rest with Irish manufacturers and traders alone. The more powerful trade and shipping interests in Great Britain have ever been jealous of Irish trade rivalry, and have consistently utilized every resource at their command to check its growth, whilst successive British Governments have lent their aid in repressing Irish efforts to build up foreign trade connexions. The most recent instances in proof of these contentions are : (i) The case of Irish importers of goods from the United States of America through an English Oil Company who were compelled by the English firm to pay Liverpool harbour, etc., dues, and freight charges from Liverpool to Dublin, although these goods were conveyed direct from New York to Dublin ; and (2) the British Government recently permitted Irish cattle traders to export cattle to France on condition that these cattle were sent via a British port, not direct from Ireland to France. This latter instance is only one of many unnecessary restrictions enforced by the Government at the time of writing to prevent free trading in goods between this country and countries abroad. 1 What it really amounts to is this. That if Ireland has an exportable surplus of goods she 1 The subject of Government restriction of Irish Trade Is dealt with more fully in the concluding chapter of this book. 232 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY is compelled, in very many instances, to dispose of this surplus to Great Britain often at controlled prices which are fixed by the British Government and any profits accruing from the subsequent export of these goods to foreign countries, after the goods reach Great Britain, go into the pockets of British traders. When war was declared in 1914, the Government took over control of all British and Irish-owned vessels ; they comman- deered a considerable number for their own purposes ; trans- ferred many more from their regular services to services elsewhere which, in their opinion, were of more immediate national importance, and, generally, reduced the services which had existed in pre-war days. A further depletion of Irish tonnage was caused by the locking-up of several Irish- owned vessels which happened to be in German ports at the moment war was declared. Submarine warfare and mines also took their toll, and these several factors were responsible for materially reducing the Irish mercantile marine between the years 1914-19. It has not been found possible to obtain official figures of the loss and diversion of Irish shipping, through these causes, during the war years, but this is known to have been very considerable. During these years the output of merchant vessels from British and Irish shipyards was unable to keep pace with the tonnage lost ; and I have not been able to trace that a single steamer launched during that period was handed over to the Irish merchant service. The following Table illustrates the growth of Irish shipping since the year 1850 up to 1916, the latest year for which the figures are available at the time of writing. A variety of causes have combined to keep freight and passenger rates at a much higher figure than obtained in pre-war years. Since the year 1913 the cost of new and second-hand ships has risen by 400 per cent, repairs by 339 per cent, wages by 130 per cent, labour from 115 per cent to 150 per cent, and cargo-handling from 150 per cent to 200 per cent. Foodstuffs, stores, dock and canal dues, and all equipment items have risen correspondingly, whilst the cost of British bunker coal has risen from 600 per cent to 700 per cent, and at the time of writing insufficient quantities are available even at this enormously increased price. 1 1 The figures quoted in this connexion have been extracted from the Annual Report (1919-20) of the Chamber of Shipping of the United Kingdom. TRANSIT 233 TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER AND NET TONNAGE (GROSS ALSO, IF AVAILABLE) OF SAILING AND STEAM VESSELS REGISTERED UNDER PART I. OF THE MERCHANT SHIP- PING ACT, 1894, WHICH BELONGED TO IRELAND ON 3 1ST DECEMBER OF THE YEARS STATED. SAILING VESSELS. STEAM VESSELS. Year Number nf Tonnage. Number Tonnage. Vessels. Gross. Net. ol Vessels. Gross. Net. I8 5 2.249 1 _ 261,432 1860 2,103 211,585 168 41,751 1870 1,651 170,800 193 46,581 1880 1,403 172,439 255 60,198 1890 93 135,406 127,113 267 210,165 H3,I78 1900 602 74,188 67,893 357 368,603 194,475 1910 487 40,655 36,696 423 596,525 323,157 I9i6 2 390 32,930 29,812 509 686,736 395,2oi These factors, plus the continued control by the Govern- ment of certain shipping facilities (direction, coupled with limitation rates, in respect to wheat from Canada, Australia, U.S.A., and the Plate ; maize from the Plate, sugar from Cuba, British West Indies, and Mauritius, timber from Canada, and coastwise coal in the United Kingdom), the abnormal demand upon shipping resulting from the depleted stocks of necessary articles, raw materials, etc., throughout the world, and the vast number of passengers (troops and civilians) that have had to be conveyed to or from Europe, have given a strong impetus to the amalgamation of British steamship undertakings. Many of the largest and best known British steamship companies have been absorbed by, or have absorbed, other undertakings. 1 Includes sailing and steam. 8 It was subsequent to the year 1916 that most of the destruction of Irish vessels by submarine and mines took place. 234 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Those in Ireland who foresaw the evil effects that must result from any further depletion of Irish-owned shipping had hoped that the property of the comparatively few inde- pendent Irish steamship companies would escape the atten- tion of these wealthy combines ; but, ere long, the Irish com- panies, one after another, received offers for the acquisition of their share capital, offers which proved irresistible in most cases, and, consequently, almost every Irish steamship com- pany parted with its vessels and other property during the past two years. Most of these undertakings have been acquired by the British and Irish Steam Packet Company Limited, 1 which company had a paid-up capital of 1,000,000, in ordinary shares of i each, and in March, 1920, offered to the public a further issue of 1,500,000 Participating Preference Shares of i each. At that date the Company had acquired the fleet and property exclusive of the Kingstown- Holyhead Mail Boats and service of the City of Dublin Steam Packet Company, and certain steamers and property previously owned by Messrs. Tedcastle, McCormick & Co., Ltd., of Dublin. They had also acquired the major part of the share capital of the following companies : The City of Cork Steam Packet Company Limited, The Belfast Steam Ship Company Limited, and the Belfast and Manchester Steam Ship Company Limited. In the year 1913 the City of Dublin Company owned a fleet of 8 steamers, of a gross tonnage of 8,682 tons exclusive of the 4 mail boats 2 plying between Kingstown and Holyhead, the gross tonnage of which was 10,764 tons the Tedcastle Line owned 6 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 4,451 tons, the City of Cork Company owned 9 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 10,398 tons, the Belfast Steam Ship Company owned 7 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 10,859 tons, whilst the British and Irish Steam Packet Company themselves owned a fleet of 6 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 8,368 tons. The one satisfactory feature in this connexion is that three of the five present directors of the British and Irish 1 It is understood that this Company is associated with some of the most powerful shipping interests in England and is largely controlled by a number of the principal British steamship companies connected with ocean services. 2 Two of these boats were destroyed during the period of the war and have not, at the time of writing, been replaced. TRANSIT 235 Company are Irishmen of high standing, viz. : Lord Pirrie Mr. George N. Jacob, and Captain A. R. S. Nutting. In addition to the companies mentioned, other Irish shipping undertakings have passed out of Irish hands, the principal ones being the Ulster Steam Ship Company Limited, with a fleet of 13 steamers, the gross tonnage of which was 84,450 tons, and the Cork Steam Ship Company Limited, with a fleet of 12 vessels, the gross tonnage of which was 31,404 tons In pre-war years Ireland's share of the world's shipping trade was infinitesimal in comparison to her potential resources ; to-day, when every country throughout the world is striving to increase its trade and industry, Ireland finds herself less equipped in respect to the ownership of shipping facilities than in former years. It would be difficult to over- estimate the significance of this retrogressive step. Whilst Ireland is unpossessed of a mercantile marine, Irish manufac- turers and traders must pay additional freights and other charges on every article they import from or export to foreign countries; they must continue to be handicapped by the additional time occupied in the transit of these goods, through having to procure or despatch them via British ports ; Ireland loses the direct profits which a mercantile marine would earn for her ; and, further, her trade and industry is affected in numerous other ways through the absence of this all- important adjunct to trade development. Being faced, at the moment, with the competition of power- ful British shipping combines, and all that this portends, it is not to be expected that Irish capitalists could be persuaded to invest the large sums of money necessary to immediately establish a really effective Irish mercantile marine. Neverthe- less there is no reason why a small beginning should not be made at once to increase the Irish shipping trade. If attention be given to the matter it will be found that small vessels, of the tramp class, are from time to time obtainable at reasonable prices ; such vessels need never lie idle ; freights, at profitable rates, are continually offering, and if a few keen Irish business- men were to interest themselves in this matter, and invest their money in vessels of this type, they would find that the expense of working them would not prove excessive ; that with efficient management good profits would be obtainable ; and it should not be long before they would be in a position 236 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY to add to the number of their fleet or purchase still larger vessels. There is nothing original about this suggestion. Numerous one-man, or small-group, undertakings of the kind have been in existence for ages past, even here in Ireland. Were the system considerably extended in this country, it would materially assist Irish trade and industry and in every way prove a valuable Irish asset. During the past year a direct service of steamers has been operating between the United States of America and Ireland ; occasional vessels from Spain bring cargoes of fruit direct to Irish ports, instead of, as heretofore, discharging them at British ports from whence they were transhipped to Ireland ; the service between Antwerp and Dublin, which was suspended during the war, has re-commenced, and there is promise, in the near future, of further extensions of direct shipping between Ireland and other countries abroad. Until Irish traders and manufacturers have an unlimited choice of the world's markets in which to buy and sell, and until they can get their goods to and from these markets in the shortest possible space of time, at the lowest possible cost of transport, they must continue to suffer from the various handicaps that retarded the expansion of Irish trade and industry in the past. With the more extensive and fiercer competition which is certain to be met with in ensuing years, these handicaps will prove increasingly severe as time goes on. Therefore, to prevent Irish industry from languishing, and to enable it to progress, it is essential that every effort should be made to organize and encourage direct shipping between Ireland and foreign countries. 4. MINISTRY OF TRANSPORT Few Acts of Parliament, passed in times of peace, have placed in the hands of a single Government department such widespread powers as those which the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, conferred upon the department set up to administer that Act. The Bill introduced, proposed giving to the Minister of Transport what practically amounted to plenary powers over everything in Great Britain and Ireland in any way connected with transit services. In its passage through TRANSIT 237 Parliament it met with an amount of fierce criticism and opposition, both inside and outside the House of Commons, with the result that the Government were compelled to amend many of its clauses, and, finally, it reached the Statute Book shorn of some, but by no means all, of its most objec- tionable features. The Bill was passed for the purpose of improving the means of, and the facilities for, locomotion and transport, and it trans- ferred to the Minister of Transport all powers and duties of any Government Department x in relation to (a) Railways. (6) Light Railways. (c) Tramways. (d) Canals, waterways, and (e) Roads, bridges and inland navigations. ferries ; vehicles and C/) Harbours, docks, and traffic thereon. piers. The Act continued Government control, for two years from its enactment, of all railroad undertakings of which possession had already been taken, and empowered the Minister, after giving not less than one month's notice in writing, to take possession of the whole or any part of any other statutory railway undertaking, light railway, tramway, canal or inland navigation, harbour, dock or pier, plant belonging to any such undertakings, and barges, tugs, and other craft owned or held by them. The directors and other persons concerned with the management, and officers and servants of these under- takings, must obey the directions of the Minister as to rates, fares, tolls, dues, and charges to be charged ; as to salaries, wages, and remuneration and conditions of employment ; as to the working or discontinuance of the working of the under- takings ; for securing that the permanent way, rolling stock, plant, appliances, or equipment are satisfactory in type and design ; as to the carrying out of alterations, improvements, and additions which the Minister considers necessary ; for securing co-operation between undertakings, and for secur- ing the common user of facilities, rolling stock, and equipment ; 1 The powers or duties of the Admiralty exerciseable in or in relation to ports declared under the Dockyard Port Regulation Act, 1865, to be dockyard ports ; and the powers of the Board of Trade with respect to the appointment of members or the procedure of the Railway and Canal Commission are reserved to those departments. 238 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY for affording running powers over their systems to the owners of any other undertaking ; for securing that manufacturing and repairing facilities and auxiliary and ancillary services shall be used, and the purchase and distribution of stores shall be conducted, in such manner as may be most conducive to economy and efficiency. SECTION 3 : (e), is a provision worthy of quoting in extenso. It reads as follows : In the case of any undertaking of which possession is retained or taken by the Minister as aforesaid, any rates, fares, tolls, dues, and other charges directed by the Minister shall be deemed to be reasonable, and may, notwithstanding any agreement or statutory provisions limiting the amount of such charges or increases therein, be charged in respect of any undertaking during the period for which the Minister retains possession of such undertaking, and for a further period of eighteen months after the expiration of the said period, or until fresh provision shall be made by Parliament with regard to the amount of any such rates, fares, tolls, dues, and other charges, whichever shall first happen. A saving clause of the Act, which was the outcome of the opposition already referred to, is also deserving of special mention. It reads as follows : 4. Except where any harbour, dock or pier forms part of a railway undertaking, nothing in section three of this Act shall apply to any harbour, dock, or pier undertaking established by Act of Parliament, including the Manchester Ship Canal, or to the owners of any such undertaking, without the consent of such owners, but, if at any time during the two years after the passing of this Act, the Minister shall consider that it is desirable in the national interest that the transport facilities and accom- modation at the harbour or at any dock or pier of the owners, should be improved or extended, or that the method of working should be altered, the Minister may, by order, for the purposes aforesaid, require the owners to execute or do, within a reasonable tune, such improvement or extension or alteration in the method of working as the order may prescribe, and may, for that purpose, by order, confer on the owners any such powers of acquiring land or easements or constructing works as are mentioned in para- graph (d) of subsection (i) of that section ; and the provisions of this Act relating to orders made under that paragraph shall apply to orders conferring such powers as aforesaid. Provided that, if the owners of such undertaking consider that any such requirements are likely to be seriously injurious to the TRANSIT 239 undertaking, or to the trade of the port, they may, within thirty days of receiving notice of such requirements from the Minister, appeal, in the case of an undertaking situate in England or Wales, to the Lord Chief Justice of England, or in the case of an undertaking situate in Scotland, to the Lord President of the Court of Session, or, in the case of an undertaking situate in Ireland, to the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and, if it appears to such Lord Chief Justice or Lord President that a prinfi, facie case is made out that the requirements of the Minister would be so injurious as aforesaid, he shall forthwith appoint an arbitrator to hold an immediate inquiry, and, if the arbitrator reports that the carrying out of the requirements of the Minister will be so injurious as aforesaid, the Minister shall revoke his requirements, without prejudice to the power of the Minister to issue a new order. Section 9 provides that it shall be lawful for the minister to establish and work transport services by land or water. Three other sections of the Act (which mainly resulted from outside pressure brought to bear upon the Government whilst the Bill was under consideration) are of sufficient importance to justify full quotation. They are worded as follows : 21. (i) For the purpose of giving advice and assistance to the Minister with respect to and for safeguarding any interests affected by any directions as to rates, fares, tolls, dues, and other charges or special services, a committee shall be appointed consisting of five persons, one being a person of experience in the law (who shall be chairman) nominated by the Lord Chancellor, two being representatives of the trading and agricultural interests nominated by the Board of Trade, after consultation with the Associated Chambers of Commerce, the Central Chamber of Agriculture, and other interests concerned, one being a repre- sentative of transportation interests nominated by the Minister, one being a representative of labour interests nominated by the Minister of Labour, after consultation with the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress and other interests concerned, together with, if deemed advisable, one additional member who may at the discretion of the Minister be nominated from time to time by him. (2) Before directing any revision of any rates, fares, tolls, dues, or other charges, or of any special services, the Minister shall refer the matter to the Committee for their advice, and they shall report thereon to him, and, where such revision is for the purpose of an increase in the net revenue of any undertakings which the Minister determines to be necessary, the committee 240 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY shall also advise as to the best methods of obtaining such increase from the different classes of traffic, having due regard to existing contracts and the fairness and adequacy of the methods proposed to be adopted. Before prescribing the limits of rates, tolls, or charges in connexion with a new transport service established under section nine of this Act, the Minister shall refer the matter to the Committee for their advice. (3) The Committee, before reporting or advising on any matters referred to them under this section, shall, unless in their discretion they consider it unnecessary or undesirable to do so, give such public notice as they think best adapted for informing persons affected of the date when and the place where they will inquire into the matter, and any persons affected may make representations to the Committee, and, unless in their discretion the committee consider it unnecessary, shall be heard at such inquiry, and, if the committee in their discretion think fit, the whole or any part of the proceedings at such inquiry may be open to the public ; Provided that, for the purpose of this provision, the council of any city, borough, burgh, county, or district shall be deemed to be persons affected in any case where such council or any persons represented by them may be affected by any such proposed revision as aforesaid. (4) The Committee shall hear such witnesses and call for such documents and accounts as they think fit, and shall have power to take evidence on oath, and for that purpose any member of the committee may administer oaths. (5) There shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament to all or any of the members of the committee such salaries or other remuneration as the Minister, with the consent of the Treasury, may determine. (6) For the purposes of this section, " special services " means the services mentioned in section five of the schedule to the orders relating to railway rates and charges, and in the corres- ponding sections of the schedules to the orders relating to canal tolls, rates, and charges, confirmed by various Acts passed in the years eighteen hundred and ninety-one, to eighteen hundred and ninety-four. 22. (i) For the purpose of giving advice and assistance to the Minister with respect to and for safeguarding any interests affected by the exercise of the powers and the performance of his duties under this Act in relation to roads, bridges and vehicles and traffic thereon, a committee (hereinafter referred to as the Roads Committee) shall be appointed. (2) The Roads Committee shall consist of not less than eleven members, of whom five shall be representative of highway authorities, appointed after consultation with such authorities, TRANSIT 241 and five shall be representative of the users of horse and mechanical road traffic, appointed after consultation with the interests concerned, and one shall be a representative of labour, appointed after consultation with the interests concerned. (3) The chairman shall be elected by the members of the Committee from among their own number, and the secretary of the Roads Committee shall be appointed by the Minister. (4) The Roads Committee may make regulations as to their procedure and method of voting, and may at their discretion consider and report to the Minister upon any matters affecting the construction, improvement, or maintenance of roads or bridges, or the regulation of traffic thereon. 23. (i) For the purpose of giving advice and assistance to the Minister in connexion with the exercise and performance of his powers and duties, the Minister shall set up a panel of experts, and of impartial persons of wide commercial and trading exper- ience, appointed from nominees, after consultation with the various undertakings and interests concerned, of the various classes of undertakings affected by this Act, and of labour, trading interests, local authorities, and such other interests as he may deem desirable. (2) Before exercising any of the powers under subsection (i) (b) of section three of this Act, to the exercise of which the owners of the undertaking concerned object, or establishing new transport services by land or water, the Minister shall refer the matter to a committee selected by him from the said panel. (3) The advisory panel or any committee to whom any matter is referred under this section shall, before reporting or advising if they see fit, give public notice and permit any person affected or likely to be affected to place his views before them either orally or in writing. (4) Any member of the advisory, panel, or any committee thereof, or of any other committee established under this Act, for giving advice and assistance to the Minister, shall be con- sidered to be acting entirely in a confidential capacity. I have quoted fairly extensively from this Act on account of the vital importance attaching to the powers and duties which it confers upon the Minister responsible for its adminis- tration. The reader will realize, if he has not previously studied this subject, that the Ministry of Transport possesses powers to improve and extend existing transit facilities and create additional resources of the kind. If efficiently and impartially administered this new department should prove a valuable asset in the industrial development of Ireland. 16 242 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY But a fairly long practical experience of the British Govern- ment's consistent neglect, and, in some cases, deliberate restraint, of the development of Ireland's industrial resources, has made me chary of building castles which depend for their support upon the goodwill of British Government depart- ments. Just as this department is in a position to do untold good for Ireland, it is also in a position to do untold harm. Should the Government at any time, for reasons of their own, or through pressure behind the scenes from powerful cross-channel trading or industrial interests, desire to check or retard Irish trade or industrial progress, the Ministry of Transport provides them with a most effective weapon for accomplishing their purpose. The Minister has set up a branch of the Ministry in Ireland ; he has appointed a highly qualified gentleman as director of this branch, and that gentleman has appointed a highly efficient staff of officers to assist him in his duties. It now remains to be seen whether or not the Irish branch of the Ministry will be given a free hand to improve and extend existing and develop potential transit resources in Ireland, or whether, as heretofore, more powerful interests in Great Britain are to continue to act as a break upon the develop- ment of Irish trade and industry. CHAPTER XIII BANKING THE reader in search of a complete history of Irish banking has only to refer to some of the many available volumes and Government reports which deal specifically with the subject, to procure all the data he requires. The present writer is compelled by limitation of space to give no more than an outline sketch of the subject. The public banking systems operating in Ireland at the present day may be divided as follows : (a) JOINT STOCK BANKS. (b) POST OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. (c) TRUSTEE SAVINGS BANKS. (d) THE LOAN FUND BOARD. (e) CO-OPERATIVE CREDIT SOCIETIES. (/) THE NATIONAL LAND BANK. I. JOINT STOCK BANKS The first Joint Stock Bank established in Ireland was the Bank of Ireland, which received its Charter on May 15, 1783. Following this, came the Northern Banking Company, in 1824 ; the Hibernian and Provincial Banks, in 1825 ; the Belfast Banking Company, in 1827 ; the National Bank (founded by Daniel O'Connell), in 1835 ; the Ulster Bank and the Royal Bank of Ireland, in 1836 ; and the Munster Bank, in 1862. This latter bank suspended payment in 1885, and was replaced by the Munster and Leinster Bank. The multiplication of branches of these banks in the past seventy years has been considerable, as will be seen by refer- ence to the following table : 243 244 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY No of Head No. of Sub- Total. Year. Offices and Branches and No. Branches Open. Agencies Open. Open. 1850 165 165 i860 180 180 1870 285 19 304 1880 415 64 479 1890 421 148 569 IQOO 456 205 661 IQIO 505 304 809 1920 671 584 1,255 The following table shows the number of head offices, branches, sub-branches, and agencies possessed by each of the Irish Joint Stock Banks at the end of the year 1919 : No of Head No. of Bank. Offices and Sub-Branches Total. Branches and Agencies. Ulster Bank 1 I09 4 I29 5 238 Northern Banking Company 8l 6 Il8 7 199 National Bank 2 114 82 196 Munster and Leinster Bank 83 57 140 Provincial Bank 73 54 127 Bank of Ireland 76 47 123 Belfast Banking Co. 3 67 48 "5 Hibernian Bank 55 46 101 Royal Bank of Ireland 13 3 16 TOTALS 671 584 1,255 For Footnotes see bottom of p. 245. BANKING 245 These tables, if read in conjunction with that which follows, demonstrate the remarkable expansion that has taken place in the operations of Irish Joint Stock Banks in the past eighty years. TABLE SHOWING THE TOTAL DEPOSITS AND CASH BALANCES IN IRISH JOINT STOCK BANKS AT VARIOUS PERIODS FROM THE YEAR 1840 TO IQIQ. Year. l Amount of Deposits and Cash Balances on December 31. I 1840 5,568,000 1850 8,269,000 1860 15,609,000 1870 24,366,000 1880 29,746,000 1890 33,325,000 1900 43,28o,OOO 1910 54,936,000 1912 57,651,000 I9 X 3 62,142,000 1914 66,168,000 19*5 66,803,000 1916 74,659,000 1917 91,361,000 1918 I2I,I9I,OOO 19192 136,134,000 1 On December 31 of each year. 3 On June 30, 1919. 1 This Bank is affiliated to the London County Westminster & Parrs Bank, Limited. 2 These numbers are exclusive of the Head Office and twenty-three branch offices which are situated in England and Wales. 3 This Bank is affiliated to the London Joint City and Midland Bank, Ltd. * Of these, twenty-four are situated in Leinster, fifteen in Connaught, and four in Munster. 8 Of these, thirty-five are situated in Leinster, twenty-five in Con- naught, and two in Munster. 6 Of these, nine are situated in Leinster and one in Connaught. 7 Of these, one is situated in Leinster and one in Connaught. 246 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The following table shows that from June 30, 1914, to December 31, 1919, the amount of Government Stocks on which dividends are payable at the Bank of Ireland increased by nearly 119 per cent. GOVERNMENT STOCK ON WHICH DIVIDENDS ARE PAYABLE AT THE BANK OF IRELAND. 1 Date. Amount. 1914 June 30 42,191,000 Dec. 31 42,042,000 1915 June 30 44,274,000 Dec. 31 46,936,000 1916 June 30 52,278,000 Dec. 31 55.756,000 1917 June 30 67,663,000 Dec. 31 70,317,000 1918 June 30 78,109,000 Dec. 31 85,360,000 1919 June 30 90,293,000 Dec. 31 92,420,000 The two foregoing tables should be read in conjunction with the last column of the following table, which shows that from June 30, 1914, to December 31, 1919, the general level of wholesale prices increased by nearly 200 per cent. Accord- ingly, the deposits in the Irish Banks on December 31, 1919, represented less purchasing power than did the deposits on June 30, 1914. " In measuring by an index number the general level of prices in the United Kingdom, the Board of Trade select forty-five commodities (coal and metals, wool and other tex- tiles, raw materials ; grain, meat and other food and drink stuffs ; bricks, hides, and other miscellaneous commodities), and assign to each its due importance. Assuming that one hundred represented the general level of the wholesale prices of these forty-five commodities in the year 1900, the figures 11 Monthly Statistical Statement (February, 1920) issued by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland. BANKING 247 in the second column of the following table represent, accord- ing to the Board of Trade, the general level of wholesale prices at the date mentioned. The third column shows the percentage increase from June 30, 1914. Thus, from June 30, 1914, to December 31, 1919, the general level of wholesale prices in the United Kingdom increased by 199.2 per cent." BOARD OF TRADE INDEX NUMBER OF WHOLESALE PRICES. 1 Date Index Number (Index Number for year As a percentage of June 30, 1900=100). 1914 June 30 II5-5 IOO.O Dec. 31 125-7 108.8 1915 June 30 150.7 130.5 Dec. 31 159-4 138.0 1916 June 30 191.6 165.9 Dec. 31 224.0 193-9 1917 June 30 256.3 221.9 Dec. 31 266.7 230.9 1918 June 30 283.9 245.8 Dec. 31 298.6 258.5 1919 June 30 277.7 240.5 Dec. 31 345-6 299.2 Whilst giving interesting information concerning the posi- tion of their undertakings, the balance-sheets of Irish Joint Stock Banks throw no light upon the amounts invested by the banks in Irish trade and industry. In a few cases the items advances on securities and current accounts are inserted separately, but in most cases the item bills discounted is added to these, and only the total amount of the three items added together appears in the balance sheets. As a considerable per centage of the item bills discounted represents investments made by Irish banks in foreign bills on London, Irish trade or industry does not benefit thereby. Consequently, there are no data to guide us in making a reliable estimate of the amount 1 Ibid. 248 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY of their assets invested by Irish banks in Irish trade and industry. It is obvious from the figures disclosed in their balance-sheets that most of these banks invest a larger proportion of their funds in Government and other external securities than in those of Irish origin. An explanation which partly accounts for this procedure is that these banks are obliged to keep the bulk of their funds in liquid form ; either in the form of cash-in-hand, or at call, or in securities of a rapidly negotiable kind. The banks are thereby precluded from sinking too large a proportion in Irish trading or industrial ventures, which investments would necessitate the locking-up of considerable sums for indefinite periods. A perusal of the following table will inform the reader as to the manner in which the assets of the Irish Joint Stock Banks are apportioned. (See opposite page.) It is commonly believed that the sums on deposit in Irish Joint Stock Banks represent money actually lodged in the banks, or net savings. Were this the case the latest deposit statistics would certainly indicate a rapid growth of economic prosperity in Ireland, though it would also indicate a lack of intelligence upon the part of the depositors, that they should be content to accept the comparatively small rate of interest which banks pay on money lodged on deposit with them. No doubt a fair amount of money is actually deposited with the Irish banks in this manner, but were the figures obtainable, which they are not, it would probably be found that the total sum so deposited in Ireland falls far below what it is believed to be, and that this commonly accepted belief, as to the extent of the growing economic prosperity of Ireland, is partly fallacious. The Department of Agriculture, some years ago, pointed out that such a growth and its extent could only be determined by a complete account of savings on the one hand, and of indebted- ness on the other. Professor Smiddy, a recognized authority upon the subject of Banking, has stated that : When one sees the deposits inlrish banks exceeding ^100,000,000 sterling one must not conclude that they represent money actually lodged in the banks ; the larger proportion thereof represents money or credit manufactured by the banks. Every loan given by a bank means the creation of a deposit of equivalent value ; by a fiction it is called a deposit. When it is drawn or transferred to another by cheque it may become a deposit in BANKING 249 z PQ W HM H > co coo HH Wco CO, co H we O^o W C0x~, , C/) sg ss 8a <* H co . c O S! ** [O liflijl w r ni vJ O '. - C P' a in 3 S8 c > w OO CO lO co tx O CO IO M CO M H IOTfO\N t^Tt- O O CO N ONOO H ON (x "8 H 2 2 CONOH H O O M OO Tj- CO iO H O rf N CO H" o w " o f t-^oo oo S 5 Stn TO >i' oH O ;^u d CO CO CO H o u > =3 T> 1 : S s 3 Q u 4J O ts -" H tn 3.6 g a *i >J- a w. li*^ W O ,,,(43 ^ m 5f> (0 ** O -^ r? 5 k' to anche 250 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY another bank ; and the currency is increased to that amount until the debt is finally paid. Instances have occurred, though perhaps not frequently, of small Irish farmers who, for reasons of their own, desiring to pose as men of good financial standing, have given banks a lien on their farms in consideration of the banks advancing them sums of money ; these sums they, in turn, have placed on deposit with the banks, and then, being possessors of deposit receipts for the amounts of these loans, they have displayed the receipts as evidence of their financial standing. Whilst this may not be a common practice it serves to illustrate the fact that the amounts on deposit in Irish Joint Stock Banks do not necessarily represent Irish net savings, and that deductions must be made from the totals appearing under this head before the net figure can be determined. The reader will have noted the fact that the two North of Ireland Joint Stock Banks have amalgamated with important English banks. These fusions possess possible advantages for Irish trade and industry, provided the English partners the predominant power in the undertakings give a free hand to the Irish branches to continue and extend their operations in Ireland. Provided there is no interference with the Irish branches, Irish trade and industry should benefit by the additional facilities which these highly capitalized banks can afford them both as regards extensive loans of money and the advantages accruing from their foreign connexions. But the fact must not be lost sight of that if, at any time, for reasons of their own, the British Government, or powerful trading interests in Great Britain, should decree that a check be put upon the expansion of Irish trade or industry, it is possible that these banks, whose chief interests are rooted in Great Britain, could not resist such pressure, in which event their association with Ireland would prove disastrous to Irish trading and industrial interests. 2. POST OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS Post Office Savings Banks were established in Great Britain and Ireland in the year 1861. The objects for which they were established were : (i) To supply a safe medium to small depositors wherein they could lodge their savings, at a BANKING 251 low rate of interest ; and (2) to enable the Government to utilize the sums so deposited in meeting a share of the National expenditure a cheaper method of doing so than having recourse to the usual channels which necessitated paying a higher rate of interest. The sums deposited in these banks in Ireland, as will be seen from the table inserted below, have reached a very considerable figure. Whilst this fact gives evidence of the thrift of a large number of the people, it also possesses an aspect which is far from satisfactory. All monies lodged in Ireland in Post Office Savings Banks are withdrawn from the country ; consequently they cease to be of productive value so far as Ireland is concerned. One has only to examine the following table to realize the economic waste which this system of banking entails : TABLE SHOWING THE AMOUNT DEPOSITED AND THE NUMBER OF SEPARATE ACCOUNTS OPEN IN THE POST OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS IN IRELAND AT VARIOUS PERIODS FROM THE YEAR 1862-1919 Amount of Number of Year. 1 Deposits. Separate Accounts. I 1862 79,OOO 1870 583,000 1880 1,556,000 82,131 1890 3,723,000 198,79 1900 8,059,000 381,865 1910 11,931,000 606,397 1912 1913 12,824,000 13,167,000 641,800 656,700 1914 1915 12,748,000 II,78l,000 658,000 663,000 1916 11,679,000 671,500 1917 11,264,000 681,500 1918 I2,IOO,OOO 1919* I3,OO6,OOO On December 31 of each year. On June 30, 1919. 252 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 3. TRUSTEE SAVINGS BANKS These small Savings Banks have had a somewhat chequered career. Considerable numbers of them were established in Ireland l since the date of their introduction into the country, in 1816, but, of the total, only twelve now remain in existence. One of the chief causes of the disappearance of the others was that the Trustees, whose services must be given free of recom- pense, failed to give sufficient attention to their self-imposed TABLE SHOWING THE AMOUNT DEPOSITED AND THE NUMBER OF SEPARATE ACCOUNTS OPEN IN TRUSTEE SAVINGS BANKS IN IRELAND AT VARIOUS PERIODS FROM THE YEAR 1817-1919. TSTr nf Year. 2 Amount of Deposits. l/NtJ. UL Separate Accounts. 1 1817 1,846 * 1820 IO3,OOO * 1830 1,135,000 * 1840 2,177,000 * 1850 1,292,000 * 1860 2,143,000 * 1870 2,055,000 * 1880 2,079,000 53.910 1890 1,973,000 49. 6 43 1900 2,309,000 50,318 1910 2,515,000 56,192 1912 2,606,000 56,652 19*3 2,612,000 56,867 1914 2,559,000 55,356 1915 2,490,000 55,671 1916 2,490,000 55,894 1917 2,453,000 56,292 1918 2,878,000 * 1919' 3,166,000 * 1 Between the years 1862 and 1904 forty- three of these Banks had been closed in Ireland, i.e., those at Ballymena.Gracehill, Lisburn.Cavan. BANKING 253 duties, with the result that the management proved defective, and the banks were forced to close. A perusal of the foregoing table shows that since 1890 the deposits in these banks have not reached a level approach- ing those which the Post Office Savings Banks in Ireland have been able to attract. This, no doubt, is due to the small depositors reposing greater confidence in the security which the Post Office Savings Banks offer. The location of the twelve Trustee Savings Banks operating in Ireland to-day and the years in which they were established are as follows : ARMAGH 1818 ENNISKILLEN 1825 BELFAST 1816 LIMERICK 1820 COLERAINE 1832 LONDONDERRY 1816 CORK 1817 MONAGHAN 1819 DUBLIN 1818 ROSCREA 1830 DUNGANNON 1819 WATERFORD 1816 The Official Report for the year ended November 20, 1917, the latest available, showed that at that date the figures for England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, were : No. of Banks. No. of Depositors. Total Amount Owing to Depositors. England and Wales Scotland 103 62 1,282,339 688,509 29,199,060 19.984,654 Ireland 12 56,292 2,476,144 Ennis, Bandon, Fermoy, Youghal, Cardonagh, Castlewellan, Hills- borough, Newry, Warrenpoint, Castleknock, Ballinasloe, Celbndge, Kilkenny Parsonstown (Birr), Tullamore, Limavady, Ardee, Drog- heda Dundalk, Castlebar, Kells, Navan, Abbeyleix, Portarlmgton, Boyle, Sligo, Cashel, Clonmel, Thurles, Omagh. Strabane, Clogher Cookstown, Castlepollard, Gorey, Wexford, Arklow, Baltmglass, and Bray . The largest number of Trustee Savings Banks m existence in Ireland at one time was in the years 1838 and 1839, when then were eighty operating. 2 On December 31 of each year. 3 On June 30, 1919. * Figures not obtainable for these years. 254 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY What has been stated regarding the uneconomic effect, so far as Ireland is concerned, of depositing savings in the Post Office Savings Banks, applies with almost equal force to the Trustee Savings Banks, the Trustees being required to invest the bulk of the sums deposited with their banks in British Government securities. THE LOAN FUND BANKS The system of issuing to indigent and industrious persons small loans, repayable by instalments, was introduced into Ireland by Dean Swift, who placed the sum of ^500 under the supervising control of certain persons for the making of loans to the poor artisans of Dublin. The advantage to the poorer classes of small loans of money to purchase implements of trade early attracted the notice of the Irish Parliament ; and various associations of benevolent individuals organized themselves in order to form by voluntary subscriptions a capital fund to be lent to industrious tradesmen on the joint security of one or more persons for repayment of the loan within a year, without interest. l An Act of Parliament was passed, in the year 1823, authoriz- ing any number of persons desirous of forming a Charitable Loan Society to do so, and to charge interest on loans issued by them. An amending Act was passed in 1829, and a further amending Act in the year 1836. This latter Act authorized the Lord Lieutenant to appoint a Central Board of Commis- sioners, entitled the Loan Fund Board, to supervize the work- ing of the Societies. This was the origin of the present Irish Loan Fund Board. By Order in Council, dated December 21, 1915, the administration of this System was transferred to the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland. At no time in their history did these Banks make an exten- sive appeal to those who might have been expected to avail themselves of the facilities they offered them for obtaining small loans at a reasonable rate of interest. The following figures illustrate this fact, and also the declin- ing condition of this system for many years past : 1 Report of the Departmental Committee on Agricultural Credit in Ireland, paragraph 194, p. 81. (Cd. 7375). BANKING 255 TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF SOCIETIES REPORTING ; TOTAL AMOUNT CIRCULATED, AND NUMBER OF LOANS ISSUED SINCE THE CREATION OF THE IRISH LOAN FUND BOARD. No. of Total No. of Year. Societies Amount Loans Reporting. Circulated. Issued. 1838 50 180,526 148,528 1840 215 1,164,046 463,750 I8 5 132 662,794 189,235 1860 no 9*7,737 198,355 1870 88 565.422 121,078 1880 78 428,634 89,590 1890 99 498,651 85,713 1900 65 215,495 41,992 1910 5i 196,898 39,650 19*5 5i 168,987 27,768 1916 50 157,736 25,681 1917! 48 153,599 24,051 The following Table shows the number of Loan Fund Societies operating in each of the Provinces in the year 1917, and the relative extent to which this source of credit is made use of in each Province: Total W/- r\t Province. No. of Societies. Amount of Capital Amount Circulated Loans Issued. in 1917. Ulster 13 31,148 55,740 7,443 Leinster 14 17,941 38,216 6,725 Munster 15 19,626 32,058 5,676 Connaught 6 13,662 27,585 4,207 TOTALS 48 82,377 153,599' 24,051 1 Figures for later years are not yet available. 256 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY It will be seen from these figures, that although the number of Societies in Ulster is one less than in Leinster, and two less than in Munster, the amount of money advanced by the Ulster Societies in the year 1917 was 17,524 greater than that advanced by the Leinster Societies, and 23,682 greater than that advanced by the Munster Societies in the same year. 5. CO-OPERATIVE CREDIT SOCIETIES This, one of the most recent banking systems introduced into Ireland the first society started operations at Doneraile, in the County Cork, in February, 1895 was an outcome of the Irish Co-operative Movement, founded in the year 1889, by Sir Horace Plunkett who described the aim and modus operandi of these credit societies as follows : The exact purpose of these organizations is to create credit as a means of introducing capital into the agricultural industry. They perform the apparent miracle of giving solvency to a community composed almost entirely of insolvent individuals. . . . They have no subscribed capital, but every member is liable for the entire debts of the association. Consequently, the association takes good care to admit men of approved character and capacity only. It starts by borrowing a sum of money on the joint and several security of its members. A member wishing to borrow from the association is not required to give tangible security, but must bring two sureties. He fills up an application form which states, among other things, what he wants the money for. The rules provide and this is tke salient feature of the system that a loan shall be made for a productive purpose only, that is, a purpose which, in the judgment of the other members of the association as represented by a Committee democratically elected from among themselves, will enable the borrower to repay the loan out of the results of the use made of the money lent. Raiffeisen held, and our experience in Ireland has fully confirmed his opinion, that in the poorest communities there is a perfectly safe basis of security in the honesty and industry of its members. This security is not valuable to the ordinary commercial lender, such as the local Joint Stock Bank. Even BANKING 275 if such lenders had the intimate knowledge possessed by the Committee of one of these associations as to the character and capacity of the borrower, they would not be able to satisfy themselves that the loan was required for a really productive purpose, nor would they be able to see that it was properly applied to the stipulated object. One of the rules of the co-operative banks provides for the expulsion of a member who does not apply the money to the agreed productive purpose. But although these " banks " are almost hi variably situated in very poor districts, there has been no necessity to put this rule in force in a single instance. Social influences seem to be quite sufficient to secure obedience to the association's laws. 1 The subsequent history of this system of banking is extremely interesting, and is, in itself, an indirect indication of the change that has been effected in Irish agricultural economy in the intervening years. The table on following page contains an amount of informa- tive data concerning the growth and operations of this system in Ireland since its establishment in the year 1895. The reader will notice from these figures that there has been a falling off in recent years in the number and total value of loans granted by these Societies. The report of the Irish Agricultural Organization Society Limited for the year ended March 31, 1918, in commenting upon the position of the Irish Agricultural Credit Societies, stated : The fundamental fact in the present position of these societies is that, whilst there is little or no progress to report in those of them which had come to lean on State capital (now withdrawn and practically all repaid) or joint stock bank overdrafts, the more self-reliant societies which depended on local deposits for their financial support are holding their own. This is, perhaps, all that can be expected during an agricultural " boom " when money is more plentiful than it has ever been. Whether, however, this type of society will persist when normal conditions have been resumed it is impossible at present to predict. It is certain that these societies have been of great use in backward districts, where they have tided small farmers over very difficult tunes and broken gombeening, that they are still exceedingly useful in many places, and that there seems no good reason why, wherever agricultural credit may still be needed under post-war 1 Report of the Departmental Committee on Agricultural Credit in Ireland, 1914. Cd. 7375). paragraph 286, p. 123. 17 258 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY TABLE SHOWING THE AMOUNT OF DEPOSITS, LOAN CAPITAL, TOTAL CAPITAL, ETC., ETC., OF THE CO- OPERATIVE CREDIT SOCIETIES IN IRELAND IN EACH YEAR FROM 1895-1917. Year. Deposits of Total Capital ^t Reserve Fund of Total Number of Loans Total Amount Societies Of Societies. Societies. Granted to Members. of Loans Granted. I i i i 1895 IOO 1896 278 32 388 I8 97 .- 295 42 124 475 1898 3,420 3-3o6 1899 4,898 / 5,55o 1900 6,097 7,270 1901 9,123 2,534 io,459 1902 13,956 3,241 I 5,447 1903 19,588 3,722 20 ,435 1904 28,466 1,181 5,822 31,742 1905 12,710 38,428 i,7i7 7,453 43,641 1906 16,708 46,381 2,322 8,447 50,264 1907 17,098 48,718 2,670 9,046 53,H2 1908 2O,26l 53,123 2,960 8,926 56,004 1909 23,688 56,469 3,559 9,213 57,640 igiO 25,077 55,885 3,593 8,618 55,855 1911 27,290 56,554 3,686 7>967 56,055 1912 30,468 62,206 4,492 8,522 58,244 iQ I 3 28,685 55,283 4,493 7,908 55,493 1914 33,738 56,272 4,779 7,352 52,927 i9 J 5 37, l8 2 52,784 4,830 6,301 48,197 1916 39,431 49,460 4,584 5,028 41,281 1917 34,179 43,872 4,52i 4,792 4i,993 conditions, they should not continue to be utilized. This is the opinion, at all events, of most of those amongst whom they are still doing active work. BANKING 259 THE NATIONAL LAND BANK The latest bank opened in Ireland is the National Land Bank, Limited, which has its head office in Dublin. It is not possible to give any data concerning its operations, for the reason that it is not yet many months in existence. Its raison d'etre and the terms it offers to investors are set out as follows : The National Land Bank, Ltd., has been founded to secure for the benefit of the Irish people the use of Irish money in Ireland, and to establish a financial centre for the development of their interests. The most important of the objects of the Bank, which are already being carried out, and which will be kept in tile forefront of its operations, are Land Purchase, the taking of deposits at interest to be used in financing Irish agri- culture and industry, and the carrying on of a general banking business (including current accounts). The National Land Bank offers to the Irish public a means of investing their savings and surplus funds at favourable rates of interest and with the greatest possible security in a Bank which does not make profits for individuals, and which uses its funds solely in the development of their own industries and agriculture. The Bank is registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Acts as a co-operative institution. Under the rules the interest on share capital is strictly limited, and practically all the disposable surplus on each year's operations, after provid- ing for a reserve fund for the security and development of the business, will be allocated to increasing the interest allowed by the Bank to its depositors. The Bank offers to depositors the security of the mortgages on Irish Land, the greatest portion of which is held in fee-simple. The monies secured under these mortgages are guaranteed by the Directors to be considerably less than the actual value of the properties ; and the security of the depositors is enhanced by the operation of the Bank which sub-divides large estates and grazing ranches into small holdings for tillage. . . . Irish men and women must be patriotic in the investment of their money. The money deposited in the Joint Stock Banks is not used in Ireland ; it is invested in so-called gilt-edged securities, from which hundreds of thousands of pounds have to be written off yearly for depreciation. Interest at 2 or 3 per cent is paid to depositors and 12 to 20 per cent to shareholders. THE NATIONAL 260 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY LAND BANK, LTD., asks for your deposits to invest them in Irish Land and its produce, and to make Irish industry and agriculture fruitful and prosperous. The Bank offers 3^ per cent on deposits at call (nominally subject to a month's notice), and will issue deposit bonds at a higher rate to those who wish to leave their money with it for a year or several years. As above mentioned the security is first mortgages on Irish land which, so far from being affected by depreciation, becomes more valuable through the operations of the Bank. The National Land Bank is an Irish institution founded to assist in the rebuilding of Ireland's prosperity, the restoration of her population, and the securing of her economic independence. It is a National Bank with a National Ideal. Its security will be Irish land and the energy and faith of the best of her people. The first Directors of the Bank are gentlemen of high stand- ing, and they have secured as Secretary and Manager a gentleman who has had considerable experience in connexion with agricultural banking operations. It remains to be seen whether or not it will attain its object. 7. CONCLUSION The foregoing represent the principal banking systems established in Ireland. The amount of information concern- ing them, contained in this chapter, is necessarily incomplete, but the subject of Irish banking, if fully dealt with, would require an entire volume to itself. I have endeavoured to give the reader sufficient data upon the subject to enable him to form a fair idea of the variety and extent of Irish banking operations ; and as previously stated, those who desire to obtain a more extensive knowledge of this subject will find a full range of works easily available from which to prosecute their studies. Before closing this chapter I desire to acknow- ledge my indebtedness to one of these works, namely, the Report of the Departmental Committee on Agricultural Credit in Ireland, 1914, * a volume which is a mine of valuable information on the history of Irish banking, and from which many of the figures quoted in this chapter were derived' *Cd. 7375. * Price 43. 8d. CHAPTER XIV CENSUS OF IRELAND TO arrive at a correct understanding of the causes responsible for the dearth of and fluctuations in Irish industry in modern times, it is essential that no important factor having a bearing upon this subject should be lost sight of. Of the many influences that have left their mark upon the situation, one of the most important, if not the most important, is the decrease of the population of Ireland during the past century. I append a few tables, taken from the latest published Census of Ireland (1911), so that the reader may compare the rise or fall, at various times, of the industries dealt with in the preceding pages with the population of Ireland at corresponding dates. TABLE SHOWING THE POPULATION OF IRELAND IN EACH OF THE DECENNIAL PERIODS, 1821-1911. POPULATION. Census Periods. Persons. Males. Females. 1821 6,801,827 3,341,926 3,459,901 1831 7,767,401 3,794,880 3,972,521 1841 8,175,124 4,019,576 4,155,548 1851 6,552,385 3,190,630 3,361,755 1861 5,798,967 2,837,370 2,961,597 1871 5,412,377 2,639,753 2,772,624 1881 5,174,836 2,533,277 2,641,559 1891 4,704,750 2,318,953 2,385,797 1901 4,458,775 2,200,040 2,258,735 1911 l 4,390,219 2,192,048 2,198,171 1 There were 25,100 military returned as serving in Ireland in 1911 261 262 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY The following table shows, by Provinces, the Increase or Decrease of the Population of Ireland in each of the decennial periods, 1921 to 1911 : Period PROVINCES. 10 yrs. Ended Leinster. Munster. Ulster. Con- naught. 1831 (Increase) 152,221 291,540 288,128 233,685 1841 (do.) 64,018 169,009 99.751 74,945 I85I 1 (Decrease) 300,993 538,425 374,493 408,828 1861 (do.) 215,103 344,178 97,644 96,896 1871 (do.) 118,184 120,073 81,008 66,922 1881 (do.) 60,462 62,370 9> I 53 24,556 1891 (do.) 91,229 158,713 123,261 96,883 1901 (do.) 34,931 96,214 36,988 77,842 1911} (Decrease) (Increase) 9.215 4 ,693 1,130 35,948 1821^ to 1911; (Decrease) 595,488 33.88 p.c. 900,117 46.50 p.c 416,798 20. 86 p.c. 499.245 44.97 p.c. The occupations of the people at the date of the 1911 Census were as follows : Classes. Persons. Males. Females. Professional Class Domestic Class Commercial Class Agricultural Class Industrial Class I4M34 170,749 ni,i43 780,867 6i3,397 103,603 25,831 101,396 721,669 434,699 37,531 144,918 9.747 59,198 178,698 Indefinite and Non-j Productive Class ) 2,572,929 804,850 1,768,079 1 This period included the years of and four years following the Irish Famine of 1846-7. CENSUS OF IRELAND 263 The final table of this series shows the extent of the emi- gration from Ireland in each of the decennial periods from 1851 to 1911 : Period 10 years ended. NO. OF EMIGRANTS. Males. Females. Total for 10 years. 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 585,227 426,896 338,663 393,744 200,125 171,875 563,891 341,963 279,987 374,361 230,868 173,213 1,149,118 768,859 618,650 768,105 430,993 345,088 TOTAL 2,116,530 1,964,283 ^oSo.Sis 1 YEAR 191 1 Total Population of Ireland 2 4,365,119 A record such as the foregoing must surely make the impartial reader (no matter what his nationality may be) realize that Ireland has suffered during these sixty years from a deep-seated disease ; that such an appalling exodus to other lands of the youth of the country cannot be accounted a matter of normal import. No one will accuse Irish men or women of being lacking in affection for their own land. Therefore, want of patriotism is an explanation that must be eliminated from the list of causes accountable for this reduc- tion of population. Had Great Britain suffered in a like manner during these years, such a circumstance would to some extent justify Ireland's depopulation. But, if we take the figures relating to the period twenty years anterior to the last Census, we find that, from the years 1891-1911, the population of England and Wales increased by 7,067,967 persons, whilst that of Scotland increased by 735,257 persons. During the same period the population of Ireland decreased by 3I4.53 1 - 1 The total here given for the sixty years is exclusive of 110,749 persons 61,766 males, 48,973 females regarding whom the county from which they came was not stated in the original Returns. a Exclusive of military serving in Ireland. 264 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY When one considers the loss, in all its aspects, which Ireland has suffered in consequence of this tragic denudation, it is to her credit that she has progressed in trade and industry even to the point which she has now reached, and one is able to form a fair impression of how much further she would have advanced in this connexion had she been free to pursue her own industrial policy instead of being compelled, as she has been, to subordinate it to that of Great Britain. I shall deal more fully with this aspect of the subject in the concluding chapter. CHAPTER XV THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT WITHIN the past century, as well as in earlier times, movements sprang into being in Ireland which had for their object the fostering and extension of Irish industries. They performed valuable work while they lasted, but, with one exception, were not long lived. The one excep- tion is the present Irish industrial movement, which origin- ated in 1893 with the establishment of the Gaelic League, which made the support of Irish industries one of the most important planks in its programme. Progress was consider- ably accelerated by the establishment in Dublin in the year 1900 of a weekly journal styled The Leader. This journal carried on a vigorous and effective propaganda in favour of Irish men and women supporting native industry ; it performed an amount of most useful spade-work, and con- tinues to do excellent work in this connexion. The next, and most important, milestone was reached in the year 1903, when the first Industrial Development Associa- tion was established. Some time previously a group of young men, members of the Cork branch of the Celtic Literary Society, had realized the need of an industrial organization capable of attracting Irish men and women of every shade of political and sectarian opinion into its fold ; an organization that would confine itself solely to the advancement of Irish industries and ignore all extraneous matters ; an organization that, whilst availing itself of the natural sentiment of the people in favour of anything that would in any way uplift their country, would conduct its proceedings on strict business lines. They realized that without an organization such as this the then infant industrial movement might never grow to maturity. To supply this need these young men, with the co-operation of a number of Irish manufacturers and others, organized a public meeting, held in the Council Chamber of 265 266 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY the Cork Chamber of Commerce in April, 1903, which meeting formally established the Cork Industrial Development Asso- ciation, and appointed a committee, the composition of which was thoroughly representative of every shade of thought indulged in in Ireland and of every grade of society, to carry on the work of the Association. Anyone familiar with the industrial condition of Ireland in those days will recall that at that time the vast majority of the Irish people were ignorant of the fact that, in addition to the linen, woollen, brewing, and distilling industries, many other industries, most of them of small dimensions, existed in Ireland ; a further proportion of the people knew, in a vague sort of way, that other Irish industries existed, but they made no effort to support them ; others, without any practical knowledge of Irish manufactures, were convinced that Irish articles could not be as good as those made elsewhere. Irish traders, both wholesale and retail, gave little support to Irish-made goods, and, in the early days of the industrial movement, instances occurred where firms, when forced by customers to stock Irish goods, charged exces- sive prices for these articles, and in this way endeavoured to create the impression that Irish goods were not as good value as similar commodities imported into Ireland. To dispel this fog and substitute for it a clear Irish industrial atmosphere was the task undertaken by the parent association in Cork and the kindred associations which speedily sprang into being in other districts in Ireland. A word as to how the members of the associations set about trying to encompass this undertaking may interest the reader. They, themselves, insisted upon being supplied with Irish- made goods ; they gathered together the fullest possible information concerning existing Irish industries and widely circulated this information ; amongst other means which they adopted was the compilation of directories of Irish manu- factures, tens of thousands of copies of which were circulated throughout the country and abroad ; they induced Irish public bodies to specify for Irish-made goods when contract- ing for supplies for their institutions ; they held numerous public meetings throughout the country ; organized special Irish Week shop-window displays of Irish goods, as well as exhibitions of these goods in the chief cities and towns through- out Ireland and at agricultural and other shows ; they THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 267 organized annual all-Ireland industrial conferences at which matters of vital importance to the industrial welfare of the country were fully discussed and the decisions come to were put into action these annual conferences were held in Belfast, Cork, Dublin, Galway, Limerick, and Londonderry and they had recourse to a variety of other methods, some of which will receive special mention further on. Not long after the establishment of the Cork Association, similar bodies were established in Limerick, Dublin, Belfast, Galway, Londonderry, and many of the principal towns throughout the country. Some of these have now ceased to exist, but the chief ones have continued and have increased their influence and usefulness as time has passed on. The Cork Industrial Development Association has, within the past few years, received the thanks of such well-known firms as Messrs. Henry Ford & Co., of Detriot, U.S.A., and Messrs. Furness, Withy & Co., of West Hartlepool, for assistance they afforded these firms in arranging preliminary details incidental to their establishing industries in the city and county of Cork. The Cork and Dublin Industrial Develop- ment Associations have both, amongst their other activities, performed most valuable work in helping to procure and organize direct shipping facilities between Ireland and countries abroad, as well as assisting in finding foreign markets for Irish manufactures. Lest the reader may be sceptical of the testimony of an interested person to the practical results which have accrued to Irish industry from the work carried on by the Associations, I shall content myself with quoting the results of an investiga- tion into this subject made by the Tariff Commission, of London, in the year 1912 nine years after the establishment of the parent Industrial Development Association. In their Report l the Commission state : Inquiries made by the Tariff Commission among leading British manufacturers show that the Irish national preference for Irish goods has had some effect upon the trade of Great Britain. A Huddersfield firm, relating the experience of York- shire cloth manufacturers in Ireland, says : About thirty years ago Ireland was an important market for good classes of woollen cloths manufactured in Yorkshire, but at the time 1 The Economic Position of Ireland and its Relation to Tariff Reform. London: P. S. King & Son, 1912, (Price 3d.) pp. 6-10. 268 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY of Mr. Parnell's agitation for Home Rule a practical boycott of British goods was set on foot. Many large Irish cloth merchants have since ceased to purchase British-made cloth, and others say that they are often compelled to label as Irish manufacture British goods which they purchase. 1 In regard to hosiery, the following report is made by the Dublin agent of one of the largest British hosiery firms : There is no doubt whatever about the marked preference shown all over Ireland for home-made goods of every description. This feeling is so pronounced that in many instances the intrinsic value of the article is a secondary consideration, 2 the purchaser being more interested in getting an assurance that it has been made in Ireland ; and they are not to be put off by being merely told so, they must see the trade mark or stamp " Made in Ireland " on each article, and inspectors have been appointed to see that no fraud is carried on, prosecutions by them occur frequently, and I think in nearly every instance goods sold as Irish manufacture are genuine. In connexion with the drapery trade, I may say that English and Scotch manufacturers of hosiery and woollen goods have suffered more than any other departments. There are at least twenty hosiery factories and as many tweed mills in Ireland at present, and all doing fairly well, also numerous makers of scarves, caps, ready-made clothing, shirts, boots, etc. I should tell you that this prejudice in favour of Irish- made goods is much more emphatic in the South and West than it is in the North, as among the Home Rulers and Nationalists the preference has a more or less political taint. The representative of one of the foremost British paper-making firms says : My experience during the seven years I was working Dublin and the South of Ireland was that preference for Irish-made goods, as applied to our own particular manufactures, the paper and stationery trade productions as a whole, and all classes of manufactured goods generally, did most decidedly exist ; that it was growing in force and favour during the period stated above ; that it had to be regarded as a most serious factor in the situation by all classes of traders, including the retailer, the wholesaler, and the manufacturer, both Irish and other- wise, not only at that time, but in regard to its future development. I think I am right in saying that this preference was the direct outcome of a movement that had long been taking shape in favour of a development of Irish industries. It arose out of a growing belief that the salvation of Ireland was ultimately an economic rather than a political question, and, this being so, one of the first steps was to re-create an industrial Ireland, and preference for Irish-made goods arose naturally out of this situation. With a sentimental people like 1 The Irish Industrial Development Association (Incorporated) has prosecuted offenders detected indulging in this practice. 2 The Irish Industrial Associations only ask the Irish public to sup- port Irish goods when they are equal in value to those made elsewhere, not otherwise. THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 269 the Irish, therefore, everything was ripe for an appeal to them on these I think it is necessary to appreciate these circumstances it we are to properly understand the situation as it exists at the present time, or as it did exist during the period referred to. It is interesting to note that up till recently, at any rate, Ireland was the only country possessing a national trade mark similar to that possessed by any trading concern. I can illustrate this from many cases in my own experience. I will give just one or two. A., of Dublin, put on the market an Irish-made account book which it was claimed by him was made throughout in Ireland. The paper, I believe, was made either at or by , and the book was made up and bound in Ireland. I remember Mr. B., of Cork, who was, I think, both a Protestant and a Unionist, saying to 'me apropos of this book of A's., " I know I can get a better book from you at the price, but A. 's is fair value, it is Irish made, and it is an Irish-made book that my customers are asking for, which yours is not." Then I have a recollection of a conversation that took place with Mr. B., of Dublin, relative to the envelope tender for the Dublin United Tramway Company. I believe I am right in saying that this order was given out to a Dublin firm owing to the fact that they were Irish manu f acturers . My experience all the time I was working Ireland was that the preference for Irish-made goods was something which I always had to be fighting against, and it was always cropping up in a fresh and more menacing form. I frequently heard of cases of clauses being inserted in tenders sent out by local bodies for the supplies of stationery, etc., stipulating that all goods supplied should be on Irish-made papers, and in some cases the actual paper was specified. The invariable comment of the stationer or printer was to the effect that it was no concern of theirs whether the stipulated papers were value or not ; they had just got to supply what was asked for. C., of Dublin, have a i/- line of notepaper called " Ancient Irish." This line has a very big sale all over the country. It is fair value, but certainly no better than many other i/- lines on the market; yet it commands a big sale simply because it can claim to be an Irish-made line. Some years back, at the instigation of our representative in Ireland, we produced a line which followed somewhat closely, both as regards quality of contents and general design, the " Ancient Irish " referred to above. When I took over the working of Ireland this line was being cleared, and I sold a parcel to a firm in an Irish city with rather unfortunate results, as they made a display of this line in one of their windows, and were hauled up by some Society for the Protection of Irish Industry, and threatened that if they did not immediately withdraw this line they would be proceeded against for infringing, if not the letter, the spirit of the Irish Industries' movement, and the firm in question viewed the threat with sufficient importance to immediately withdraw the offending line. Of course there is always a limit to the price which any man, Individu- ally or collectively, will pay for his patriotism, and the more enlightened business people, whether traders or consumers, know the exact margin they are prepared to concede in this direction. Preference must be recognized as existing, none the less that it is 270 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY based on sentiment rather than statute, and from the English point of view Irish trade must be regarded as a proposition similar in its nature, say, to English trade in a protected country, bearing in mind, of course, that the situation in Ireland is quite unique. Another traveller now working on Irish ground says : This is a very serious matter so far as the South of Ireland is con- cerned. I understand it originated in Cork, but the present stronghold is Dublin ; personally, I believe it originated with the " Sinn Fein " Society, meaning " Ourselves alone." The Dublin printers, etc., on every possible occasion use the Irish-made mark ; they even go so far as to stamp it in gold on the back of account books, and I know a card being sold in Dublin at 23. 3d. per M., which is faced with a foreign tint, and generally is a vile production against our " Nonsuch " at 2s. but it is sold as " Irish-made " paper, etc. The County Councils stipulate for Irish-made paper invariably. From the foregoing returns and statement it is apparent that : (1) Irish industry covers a far wider range than is commonly supposed. (2) Under the fiscal and other conditions of the past sixty years Irish industries in general, like Irish agriculture, have suffered severely, though the rate of decline has materially slackened in recent years. (3) The numbers employed in most Irish manufacturing industries show a decline greater than the decline in the popula- tion. The population fell from 8,175,000 in 1841 to 4,443,000 in 1901, or 46 per cent, while the numbers employed in manu- facturing industries fell from 989,000 to 339,000, or 66 per cent. Between 1881 and 1901 the decline was 14 per cent in population and 1 1 per cent in persons occupied in manufactures. (4) Many causes in addition to the decline of population have contributed to the decrease of Irish industry. One of the most important is the increased use of machinery and the transfer of the hand-loom and cottage industries of Ireland to the factories of Ireland and Great Britain. (5) The linen industry is by far the largest Irish industry. According to the Census of Production of 1907, it gives employ- ment to 71,761 hands. Next in importance are the clothing, handkerchief, and millinery workshops, employing 34,852. Other industries named in order of importance are : Bread and biscuit (9,464), brewing and malting (6,451), engineering (5,767), bleaching, dyeing, etc. (5,767), grain milling (4,875), woollen and worsted (3,341), flax scutching (3,760), timber (3,440), distilling (2,423), mineral waters, etc. (2, no), bacon curing (2,049), boots and shoes (2,026). The numbers employed in private ship- building are excluded from the Census of Production in order to fulfil the pledge of the Government not to disclose particulars which could be identified as relating to the two Irish companies. THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 271 (6) It is obvious from the foregoing tables that there are in Ireland materials for greater industrial activity. Agriculture is still, and will remain, the main industry of the country, and the regeneration of the rural life of Ireland which is now in progress must provide opportunities for restoring former industries and increasing the variety and range of their output under modern conditions. (7) British manufacturers comment on the strong Protectionist influence of the " Made-in-Ireland Movement," which is fostered by various political and economic associations such as the Sinn Fein, Gaelic League, and the Industrial Development Associa- tions. (8) Under a reform of the British fiscal policy, which is responsible for so much of the decline of Irish agriculture and industry, it would be possible to give direct encouragement to Irish industries as well as to those of the rest of the United Kingdom. Natural conditions in Ireland are favourable to the creation of tobacco and sugar industries, and it would be the object of statesmanship to encourage them in various ways as well as the linen, shipbuilding, woollen, boot and shoe, furniture and other industries which have or have had a substantial footing in that country. The reader might conclude from reading some of the fore- going comments that the Irish industrial movement was unsupported in the North of Ireland. Therefore, I shall venture to trespass upon his patience by quoting excerpts from some leading articles on this subject which have appeared from time to time in the principal Belfast newspapers. Practically all of these papers, politically, hold strong Unionist opinions, but that fact has not prevented them from being consistent supporters of the Irish industrial movement. The Irish Industrial Development Association . . . has already done much useful work. There is nothing that this country needs more than the development of its manufactures and industries. Agriculture, it is hoped, will be more prosperous when the tenants have all become the owners of their farms, and when they have adopted the best methods of cultivation ; but although Ireland will always be mainly an agricultural country, it must have other industries. ... It is the object of the Industrial Association to assist in reviving these industries or in bringing new ones into existence ; and it tries to do this by increasing the demand for Irish manufactures. . . . It is no part of the object of the Association to encourage or reward industrial inefficiency. ... If there still lingers in any part of Ireland a 272 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY prejudice against home manufactures, or at any rate a tendency to think that those which are brought from other countries must be superior, the Association should be the means of eradicat- ing it. ... The figures quoted in the report regarding Irish imports and exports show that the external trade of the country is improving. In 1904 the total was under 105,000,000, while in 1907 it was 121,500,000. . . . And the report states that the home demand for Irish manufactures has also increased during the same period. Thus the industrial revival is a fact, though much remains to be done, and the Industrial Development Association is helping to do it. If the demand for Irish goods grows, they will be supplied. Our existing industries will expand, and new industries will be founded. More employment will follow, and the dram of emigration will grow less. Ireland will become more prosperous than it has been for centuries if the industrial revival is allowed to go on peacefully. An Association which is striving to increase the material prosperity of Ireland may fairly appeal to the patriotism of the public to support it. Belfast News-Letter. The success that has attended the Belfast Industrial Association, brought into being two years ago in order to promote Irish industries, illustrates that which had already been fully demonstrated, that with the Irish industrial revival this city is in active sympathy. ... It would be strange indeed if it had been otherwise, for it is beyond doubt that from the revival of Irish industries this city, in which Irish enterprise has been most signally manifested, stands to gain more than any other place in the country. . . . The Belfast Association has sister associations in Dublin and in Cork, . . . and without any disparagement of the others it may be said that the Belfast Society has, in well-directed energy and in enthusiasm in the cause, fully held its own. From the first the Association has been all-comprehensive ; it has known nothing of political or ecclesiastical differences ; it has busied itself with practical schemes for bringing before the public the merits of the goods that are produced in Ireland, and that it is not only the duty but the interest of those who live in Ireland to support Irish industries. Especially successful in this direction has been the holding of " Irish Week." . . . That much good came of it, that many were enlightened as to the number and character of Irish native products, and discovered that it was possible for them to obtain of home manufacture many articles of which they had been quite unaware that they were made in Ireland, and that in conse- quence the demand for home-made goods has been increased, is beyond doubt. . . . Lord Londonderry . . . was right when he said that the reason why contracts that might have been THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 273 placed in Ireland were given to English firms was that the public were in ignorance of what Irishmen could do in various departments of industry. It was that ignorance which they were endeavouring to eliminate. . . . They are but the few who are > to afford to gratify their patriotic instincts in deliberately going to the dearer market, and there are still fewer, if they exist at all, who are willing to put up with an inferior article because it is Irish. ... At the same time, there is no true Irishman who, having placed before him two articles of the same quality, and of the same price, one of them Irish and the other imported, will for a moment hesitate about giving his patronage to home industry. The Belfast Industrial Association makes its appeal to the consumer, in whom it is most desirable to cultivate the habit of asking for Irish goods and seeing that he gets them. . . . Northern Whig. The annual report of the Irish Industrial Development Association . . . records some gratifying results of the year's work, not the least important of which was the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction's adoption of the Council's suggestion that the Government prosecutions of fraud on Irish trade should be extended beyond agricultural produce. . . . The work of the Association has been most valuable. The all- Irish shop windows crusade resulted very advantageously to most of the public-spirited merchants who carried it on ; and the influence of the " Irish Week " displays has not yet departed. ... It is only by persistent agitation and by constantly impress- ing the public and the shopkeepers with the advantages of popularizing and cheapening Irish goods that any permanent benefit will be obtained. Individual sympathizers with the movement are doing their best, and co-operate with earnestness and effect in the work of the Association, the efforts of which they admire and hope will continue. The B.I.D.A. has kept itself before the public splendidly. . . . Irish News. The efforts of the Belfast Branch of the Irish Industrial Development Association for the benefit of native industries have not been restricted to the Northern capital, nor indeed to Ulster. The whole country has been decidedly the gainer by its w.despread activities in the promotion of home trade and the procuring in other markets something of that degree of recog- nition to which the merits of many Irish manufactures entitle them. It cannot be too often insisted upon that the Association in no sense makes the appeal ad misericordiam. . . . The Associa- tion takes its stand upon the only possible and practical platform, namely, that this country can produce articles of various kinds which are at least equal in quality and price to anything that trades in the marts of the world. It asks that they should not be 18 274 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY pushed to one side and left unconsidered simply because . . . Ireland has not heretofore been considered as a serious competitor against other countries in some such article. . . . The great Exhibition which was held a few months ago in the Ulster Hall was of a somewhat startling character. It conveyed to the Ulster public some adequate conception of the extent to which Irish industries are in existence. It enabled them to see clearly that there was absolutely no reason sentimental or economical why many of the articles employed in daily use should be imported from abroad, when equally good value could be obtained at home, and additional work for Irish workers thereby provided. The more that lesson is inculcated alike by precept and examples, such as the exhibition alluded to, the better it will be both for producer and consumer. . . . What the Association really wants to do is to proclaim its policy in every city, town, and village in the country ; aye, in every household. Its programme must be to spread the light, to advertise day in and day out. . . . All the great business concerns in the country are bound to co-operate in the programme, and to give such assistance as may be needed, for it is their interests that the Association is forwarding. . . . We have slept while others, wide awake, have hustled us out of even our own markets. It is high time to leap into activity, and cease day-dreaming ; there is work to do. . . . The Indus- trial Association has pointed the way ; it is for the people to work out their own economic salvation. Belfast Evening Telegraph. . . . We honestly believe that many of our products are the finest and the best of the kind in the world, but there are too many among us who think that, like the prophets, Irish industries should not be respected in their own country : . . . that the more goods manufactured in foreign countries that are sold in this country the better it is for our local artizans and workpeople. . . . However, this Industrial Development Association does not concern itself with theoretical, but the practical side of economics and industry. It holds that the more goods we manufacture at home the better will it be for the industries and the people of the country ; that the more Irish-made goods our people consume the more employment and capital they will keep at home. . . . The Association is not a boycotting, but a competition challenging one, with the proviso that consumers should get rid of the old feeling of indifference to home products, or of preference for those that are foreign. It is because of its fair, practical character that we commend this Association and its work. . . . The real way to promote and support our industries is not to talk about the advantages of supporting Irish industries, but to go on sup- porting them, and having no talk about it. Ulster Echo. THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 275 The Irish Press, without an exception, has invariably advocated the objects of the Irish Industrial movement, and it would be difficult to appraise the debt which the move- ment owes to these journals. The first President of the Cork Association, who continued to occupy that post for fifteen years, is one of the owners of a group of the principal South of Ireland newspapers. It was largely due to his (Mr. George Crosbie's) disinterested and unostentatious assistance, in very many ways, that the movement progressed so rapidly in its early days. At that time, when an influential Press campaign was all important, he successfully exerted his influence with the owners and editors of other Irish news- papers to interest them in the work of the Industrial Associa- tions, and he gave the present writer, who was then Secretary of the Cork Association, carte blanche to publish in the news- papers under his (Mr. Crosbie's) control as much industrial matter as he deemed desirable. It is but the merest justice to bear testimony to Mr. Crosbie's invaluable services to this movement, and the opportunity which now presents itself of doing so is one of which the present writer gladly avails himself. 2. THE IRISH NATIONAL TRADE MARK The history of the Irish National Trade Mark is of more than passing interest, for the reasons that it was the first national trade mark instituted by any country in the world ; that it continued to be the only one up to about three years ago ; and that, even at the present day, although numerous 276 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY projects for the establishment of national trade marks elsewhere have been mooted from time to time, France is the only other nation that has succeeded in following Ireland's lead. The adoption by Ireland of its national trade mark arose in this manner. Sir Bertram C. A. Windle, the distinguished ex-President of University College, Cork, visited the present writer's office one day early in the year 1905, and invited him to state if certain articles which he brought with him, all of which had been guaranteed as being of Irish manufacture, were what they were represented to be. In the course of the interview Sir Bertram Windle expressed the opinion that if all Irish manufacturers were to brand their manufactures with a single distinctive trade mark, the non-expert customer would have no difficulty in recognizing these goods as being of Irish manufacture, and would not be imposed upon by unscrupulous traders who often, successfully, attempted to pass-off non-Irish goods as Irish. The suggestion was, obviously, a most valuable and practical one, and no time was lost in endeavouring to put it into practice. The first All-Ireland Industrial Conference, presided over by the originator of this suggestion, was held in Cork on November 21 and 22, 1905. On the first day of the Conference the Earl of Dunraven proposed, Mr. John P. Boland, M.P., seconded, a number of Irish manufacturers and others sup- ported, and the Conference unanimously passed a resolution that an Irish National Trade Mark should be established. An All-Ireland Committee was there and then appointed to carry through this project and to register themselves as a corporate body a necessary preliminary to administer and control the proposed Mark. An Act of the British Parliament had, as it happened, been passed in the previous session permitting a body of individuals, such as the Conference had appointed, to register and administer a national trade mark ; but the Act did not become operative until April, 1906. On the day the Act came into force the Committee lodged the necessary forms with the Board of Trade, applying for the registration of the Irish National Trade Mark ; on July 31, 1906, the Board of Trade registered the Committee as a corporate body, under the title of the Irish Industrial Development Association (Incorporated), and on December 8, THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 277 of that year, the Association received the Board of Trade's Certificate of Registration of the Irish National Trade Mark. In the meantime they had received a consider- able number of applications from Irish manufacturers for licences authorizing them to brand their manufactures with this Mark. The first applicant for a licence, Messrs. Hicks, Bullick & Co., Ltd., of Belfast, had sent in their application more than six months before the Association was authorized by the Board of Trade to issue licences, and that firm had the distinction of having allotted to them the register number 01. The Association commenced formally issuing licences from January i, 1907. Since then, about seven hundred Irish manufacturers have been authorized by the Association to apply the Mark to their manufactures. This number would have been consider- ably greater had not the Association instituted strict condi- tions governing the use of the Mark. In no case will they grant a licence unless satisfied that the cost of Irish labour in the manufacture of an article, to which it is proposed to apply the Mark, represents more than 50 per cent of the total cost of manfacturing the article. They deal with each application upon its merits ; and, where it is practicable for the manufacturer to use only, or mainly, Irish raw materials in the manufacture of an article, the licence is granted subject to his doing so. Licences are renewable annually, and the Association has the right to revise and alter their conditions governing their issue at any time, if they deem it necessary to do so. In the event of a user of the Irish Trade Mark misapplying the Mark, he is liable to prosecution and to be deprived for all time of the right to use the Mark. It is evidence of the scrupulous manner in which users have conformed to the regulations governing the use of the Mark that in the thirteen years during which they have issued licences the Association have had to institute proceedings only on three or four occasions against users and to cancel the licences issued to them. It would be very easy for me to give the reader an abundance of data showing the value which Irish manu- facturers have derived from applying the Mark to their manufactures, but being faced with the fact that I am directly interested in the administration of the Mark, and that, there- fore, the sceptical reader might, justly, prefer the evidence of 278 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY those competent to give a more detached opinion, I shall content myself with referring him to the references made to this subject in the Report of the Tariff Commission, excerpts from which appear earlier in this chapter, and also to the excerpt from an article which appeared in the Times, and which will be found embodied herein in the chapter on the Irish Flour-Milling Industry. This latter article was unsigned, but I am reliably informed that it was written by a leading Irish flour miller. The Gaelic inscription which is embodied in the Irish Trade Mark, translated into the English language, reads, Made in Ireland. In addition to owning and administering the Irish Trade Mark, the Council of the Association have full power to insti- tute legal proceedings against persons, in any part of the world, detected falsely applying the Irish Trade Mark or any other Irish design or title to goods other than of Irish manufacture, or detected falsely describing or guaranteeing non-Irish goods as Irish. Some idea of the extent to which these practices have been indulged in and the check that has been put upon such indulgences by the activities of the Association may be gleaned from a perusal of the list of legal and other actions taken by the Association up to the end of the year 1919, particulars of which will be found in Appendix VI (see pp. 308-315)- These two functions the administration of the Irish Trade Mark and the institution of legal proceedings are the special prerogatives of the Irish Industrial Development Association (Incorporated), as distinct from the local Industrial Develop- ment Associations, but the Irish Association's functions do not end with these. They extend to the utilization of every useful means of fostering and extending Irish industries. Whilst each of the Associations is independent of the others, thus stimulating local initiative and friendly competition, they co-operate with each other whenever the need for so doing arises, and they work together on the most friendly terms. The reader will be able to form a fair idea from the contents of this chapter as to the history of the modern Irish industrial movement. A great deal more might be written on the sub- ject, all of which would go to prove that the movement has won the support of a vast number of Irish men and women of THE IRISH INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENT 279 different shades of thought upon other subjects ; that it has considerably benefited Irish industry ; that in some of its features it has set headlines to be copied by other countries ; that it has developed on sound business lines, and that it is now a firmly established vigorous plant. This is a record of which Ireland has no reason to feel ashamed. CHAPTER XVI CONCLUSION THE foregoing pages represent an attempt to depict the modern history and present position of certain manufactures and other factors which, collectively, constitute the fabric of Ireland's industrial economy. I have tried to make each chapter self-explanatory and self- contained. I shall not, therefore, risk wearying the reader by gathering together and analysing the various threads of the narrative. Instead, I shall confine my concluding remarks to a setting forth of what I believe to be the main causes responsible for the arrested development of Irish trade and industry. The deeper one dips into the economic history of Ireland, and the more intimately one becomes acquainted with the present-day influences affecting Irish trade and industry, the more clearly one realizes that the causes operating through- out to prevent the free play of Irish genius and enterprise are, in the main, external. No evidence is to be found of an inherent incapacity in Irishmen which prevents them from coping with and surmounting economic difficulties. Only when their feet have been manacled have they failed to keep pace with their competitors. The multitude of Controls instituted by the British Govern- ment during the war years were, with few exceptions, used often in a subtle but nevertheless effective manner to bring Irish industries to a standstill. It may be argued that they also prevented many British industries from pursuing their regular course. True, but did they bring these latter industries to a standstill ? On the contrary, they resulted in switching them on to munition or other war-work, which they were able to procure in abundance and on profitable terms. In many cases larger numbers of British workpeople were employed in them than previously ; the workpeople 280 CONCLUSION 281 received higher rates of pay, and the employers were enabled to amass enormous fortunes for themselves. This was not the case with Irish industries. The brief account I have given in Chapter XI, and the official returns of Government contracts placed in Ireland during the war years, clearly demonstrate the distinction that was made between British and Irish manufacturers. Further, whilst most of the Govern- ment controls were administered by men directly interested in the British industries concerned, in no instance did a representative of an Irish industry occupy any administra- tive position of the kind. Numerous examples might be quoted of the differentiation made by the Food Control in the prices paid for Irish and British produce, always to the detriment of the Irish producer. A typical example of the treatment meted out to Irish manufacturers by a British Government Department will help to enlighten the reader concerning this subject. In November, 1916, the present writer, together with several Irish manufac- turers, waited upon a leading official of the Trench Warfare Branch of the Ministry of Munitions, in London. This branch was responsible for the placing of orders for a large variety of articles, totalling many millions of pounds sterling annually. Up to that period the Branch had placed no orders in the Southern Area of Ireland. The result of the interview was as follows : The official informed us that they did not know where to turn to procure their requirements ; that he would immediately send us a list of all the articles they were interested in procuring ; we to reply giving him the names and addresses of Irish manufacturers competent to supply as many of these articles as could be made in Ireland ; he would then, without further delay, despatch an expert engineer to Ireland to report to him concerning these firms. The firms satisfactorily reported upon were to be given 'every oppor- tunity to undertake Government contracts. We returned to Dublin and awaited receipt of the promised list of require- ments. A fortnight passed, but no list reached us ; we wrote reminding the official of his promise, in reply we received a formal acknowledgment of our letter. Another few weeks passed, but still no list arrived. Again we wrote, and this time received a reply stating that the Department had placed contracts for the full amount of its requirements, and would not need to avail itself of the services of Irish firms. Realiz- 282 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY ing that some subtle agency was responsible for the action of this Branch, we requested the Dublin Area Office of the Ministry of Munitions to report the matter to the director of Area Organization one of the chief administrative officials in London, and to ask him for an explanation of this transac- tion. The Area office received a reply stating that the Trench Warfare Department had informed him that their instructions were not to place contracts in the Southern Area of Ireland. Similar treatment was meted out to this Area by the Air Board. At a time when the British Army was, admittedly, insufficiently supplied with aeroplanes, a group of manufac- turers in the South of Iceland undertook to capitalize and equip an extensive factory in Dublin, and to produce, on equal terms with British firms, as many aeroplanes as the Air Board would place contracts with them for. Despite a long-drawn-out correspondence and agitation, aided by a number of important Irish public men, the only response received to this offer was that the Air Board's requirements were fully met. The war years provided a searching test of the British Government's interest in Irish trade and industry. Never before were they so hard pressed to procure supplies of all kinds ; the very existence of the nation depended upon their being able to obtain these supplies in ever-increasing quantity. Despite this fact, the industrial resources of Ireland, exist- ing and potential, were left untapped, except so far as per- sistent agitation on the part of organizations in Ireland caused Government Departments, occasionally, to throw them a few crumbs in the form of small contracts. To pass to another aspect of this subject. During and since the war the Government appointed a considerable number of Committees to inquire into and report on a variety of subjects connected with trade and industry. In very few cases did they appoint even one representative of Irish industrial interests to act upon any of these committees. As a result of representations made by them to Mr. Asquith when he was Prime Minister, the All-Ireland Munitions and Government Supplies Committee succeeded in getting their Chairman (Mr. John O'Neill) appointed a member of Lord Balfour of Burleigh's Committee on Commercial and Industrial Policy after the War. The Committee had sat from July until October, 1916, without any representative of CONCLUSION 283 Ireland being appointed a member. Simultaneously with Mr. O'Neill's appointment, a second Irish representative was appointed, to represent Ulster; and, shortly afterwards, at the request of the late Mr. John Redmond, a member of the then Irish Parliamentary Party was added to the Committee. This latter gentleman went on a mission to the U.S.A. during the time the Committee was in existence, and so ceased to take part in its proceedings. Here was a committee charged with the duty of examining into and advis- ing the British Government on the commercial and industrial policy to be adopted after the war ; it sat for over a year, and took evidence from a considerable number of representatives of various British interests, but I think I am correct in stating that it did not invite a single Irish industrial or trade organiza- tion to supply it with information concerning Irish trade and industrial problems. So far as its proceedings were concerned, it totally ignored these problems. Mr. O'Neill, in consequence of this action, found himself unable to sign the Report 1 which the Committee sent to the Government, and instead handed in a Memorandum, which is embodied in the document, giving his reasons for so doing. This instance typifies the attitude adopted by practically every committee appointed by the Government to inquire into matters concerning the development of trade and industry. It is an exceptional case where one of these com- mittees has devoted any attention whatsoever to Irish trade and industrial problems. This treatment was commented upon some time ago by Mr. W. A. S. Hewins, ex-Unionist M.P., and sometime Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, who, when Director of the London School of Economics, wrote as follows : 2 . . Ireland is, in fact, recognized as a standing exception to the economic generalizations which we so freely apply to England, and when we discuss the probable effects of a change in British policy we rarely, if ever, take account of Ireland. The next group of authorities whose statements I shall cite 1 Cd. 9035. Price pd., 1918. * In the Preface to Dr. A. E. Murray's book A History of the Com mercial and Financial Relations Between England and Ireland from the Period of the Restoration ; 1903 : page 8. This most valuable work 13 now out of print. 284 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY consists, as the reader will note, of gentlemen holding widely different political views. In the course of an interview l given by Lord French, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, to a representative of the (London) Daily Express, Lord French was reported as stating : " One cannot spend 20 without having Whitehall's permission." Mr. Arthur Griffith, the Sinn Fein leader, has on several occasions published a signed article 2 from which the following excerpts are taken : In July, 1907, the Managing Director of Kynoch's wrote to me stating that the chairman of that company had read something of what I had written on Irish affairs, particularly on industrial conditions in Ireland, and that he was anxious to discuss the matter of industrial development in Ireland. I met Mr. Arthur Chamberlain, chairman of Kynoch's, and Mr. Cocking, the manager, by arrangement at the Shelbourne Hotel in Dublin. We had three interviews at each of which I was accompanied by a friend of mine, a Dublin man of business. Mr. Chamberlain opened by saying, ... as chairman of Kynoch's, he had caused that firm to have something that might be called a private Industrial Survey of Ireland made. The result was to satisfy him as a business man that Ireland was one of the richest countries in the material of great industries, that her people had a great natural aptitude for commerce and manufacture, and that nothing but ignorance, lack of capital, or repressive government, stood in the way of making her a great industrial and commercial State. . . . Mr. Chamberlain replied that ... it was a definite part of English policy to prevent any serious industrial or commer- cial development in Ireland. . . . Mr. Chamberlain replied by detailing the history of the Kynoch branch in Arklow, and the efforts made by the Government of Mr. Balfour and the Govern- ment of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman to force the firm to shut down the branch. Finally, to compel Kynoch's to leave Ireland, Government contracts were removed. Mr. Chamberlain described a somewhat lively interview he had recently had with Mr. Herbert Gladstone, now Lord Gladstone, in which that Minister told him definitely that if the Arklow factory were continued, the Government would see that as little Government work as possible would be given to Kynoch's. On the other hand, the Government offered no objection to Kynoch's estab- lishing themselves in any part of the Empire except Ireland, and the fullest support was offered to the Kynoch branch in South Africa. 1 Daily Express. April 7, 1920. 2 Nationality, July 31, 1915, and February 23, 1918. CONCLUSION 285 In the course of the occupancy of Mr. Edward Shortt, M.P., of the post of Chief Secretary for Ireland, a couple of years ago] he, too, learnt something of the extent of Ireland's dormant industrial resources, and he had plans prepared for develop- ing some of these potential sources of national wealth. The result of his labours was related by Mr. Shortt himself to a deputation of Irish business men, at which interview the present writer attended, and of which he therefore writes from first-hand knowledge. Mr. Shortt informed the deputa- tion that, despite all the trouble he had taken to do something practical in the way of utilizing certain Irish industrial resources, the British Treasury had vetoed his proposals. He still believed that, ultimately, he would succeed in gaining his point, but soon afterwards he ceased to be Chief Secretary for Ireland, and nothing more has been heard of the proposals. On a previous occasion Mr. Shortt assured another delegation of Irish business men that, if they wanted to get anything from a British Government Department, their only chance of doing so was to make themselves utterly obnoxious, and that unless they adopted this course their claims would receive no attention. Not so many years ago Sir Horace Plunkett, when Vice- President of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, realizing the possibility of developing a fruit-bottling and vegetable-preserving industry at Drogheda, in Co. Louth, sanctioned payment, out of the Depart- ment's funds, of a small sum of money to help this little industry over the initial period during which its workpeople were acquiring technical training. No sooner was this fact known than a number of cross-channel firms, engaged in the fruit-preserving industry, brought pressure to bear on the Government in England to compel the Department to dis- continue assisting this Irish industry. Despite his protesta- tions, the Government compelled Sir Horace Plunkett to withdraw all financial aid from the Irish industry, which, having this aid withdrawn at a critical moment, before it had its workpeople technically trained, was unable to survive. During the war years, when the Government were utilizing every resource in their power to compel farmers to extend tillage operations and increase the home production of crops, Messrs. Henry Ford & Co., of Detroit, U.S.A., decided to erect an extensive factory in Cork for the manufacture of farm- 286 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY tractors, the available supplies of this implement being inade- quate to meet agricultural requirements. Immediately a chorus of protest arose in the pages of various British Machinery, etc., Trade Journals, against the Government giving this firm any facilities for proceeding with their project of establishing an industry in Ireland. The reader will remember that at that time the Government controlled raw materials and shipping, and consequently possessed complete power to facilitate or retard the establishment of any new industry. Messrs. Ford purchased a considerable tract of land in the City of Cork, and completed the preliminary arrangements for proceeding with the scheme. But the fact remains to be stated that they were not given the necessary shipping and other facilities to enable them to commence manufacturing. It is only recently, in the early part of 1920, that the industry has been able to get properly underweigh. Contracts for the erection of large numbers of military huts, and other buildings, required in Ireland for Government purposes during the war years, were given, without competition, to English firms, despite the fact that numerous Irish firms were prepared to compete for these contracts. The recent Government contract for the building of a railway connexion between the Castlecomer Collieries in Co. Kilkenny and the G.S. & W. Railway was likewise handed over to a London firm, no Irish contractor being allowed to tender for the work. During the period in which the Government controlled supplies of flax, discrimination was made in respect to the prices paid to the Irish growers (I have dealt with this matter in the chapter relating to the Linen Industry), as well as in the quantities allocated to British and Irish spinners in both cases to the detriment of Irish industrial interests. Early this year (1920) a document was issued in London, for private circulation, which detailed the constitution of the projected Butter and Cheese Importers' Association of Great Britain. This document stated, inter alia, that the objects of the Association are : To carry on the present functions of the Butter and Cheese Import Committee (a Government committee), which shall be dissolved, and to purchase from exporting countries, and distribute within Great Britain, supplies of butter and cheese. . . . The Association shall be established by charter. . . . There CONCLUSION 287 shall be no representative of Irish traders in the Association for the time being. . . . The Board of Management shall consist of (i) the seven members of the existing Butter and Cheese Import Com- mittee ; (2) three members elected by the General Meeting of members of the Association ; (3) two or three members represent- ing consumers, nominated by the Ministry of Food or other Government Department ; (4) one or two representatives of the Co-operative movement ; and (5) a representative of each of the High Commissioners for Australia, New Zealand and Canada. . . . The Association is to have the sole right to import butter and cheese into Great Britain from foreign countries, the Dominions and Ireland, and to distribute them to the British consumer at a price to be agreed upon from time to time with the Ministry of Food or other Government Department. It will be seen from the foregoing that this Committee proposes, so far as Ireland is concerned, to obtain control of all Irish butter and cheese exported to Great Britain, and decrees that there shall be no representative of Irish traders in the Association for the time being. Up to the time of writing the organizers of the project have not come out into the open. They probably feel, with Pope, that the better course is to do good by stealth. The subject of Ireland obtaining control of her own Customs and Excise, and having the right to decide for herself what her internal and external economic policy shall be, has received active consideration for some years past. This is not a party- political question. Representatives of practically every political party in Ireland are convinced of its vital importance. The present writer has in his possession a document, signed by, amongst others, a number of most prominent Irish Unionist manufacturers, declaring that : The undersigned wish to record their opinion that in any new scheme for the self-government of Ireland the Irish Parliament should control the fixing and levying of Customs duties, on the following amongst other grounds : That without such power it would be impossible for the Irish Parliament to manage its finances satisfactorily, or to ascertain and secure for Ireland her true and full revenue. That control of Customs duties is necessary to develop the particular resources of the country, and to meet its particular industrial views. That a Customs tariff fixed by a British Parliament in which Ireland would have a reduced representation, or none, would 288 MODERNj IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY be unlikely to regard the special financial and other needs of Ireland, and might be injurious to her special interests. That no scheme which deprived Ireland of control of an impor- tant field of revenue would be accepted by the bulk of the Irish people, or have any finality. The Home Rule Act, of 1914, withheld such control from the proposed Irish Parliament. In one of his letters to 1 Sir Horace Plunkett during the time the Irish Convention was sitting, the Prime Minister (Mr. Lloyd George) stated : " The Government feel that this (the question of Customs and Excise) is a matter which cannot be finally settled at the present time." Two years later, another Bill has been introduced into Parliament, to rescind the 1914 Home Rule Act, which had never become operative, and, so the title of the Bill states, to provide for the better Government of Ireland. In this, the latest of these proposals, the control of Irish Customs and Excise as well as Irish economic policy are all reserved to the British Government. Vague promises are held out from time to time by British Ministers, in their public declarations, that at some unspecified time Ireland may be given control of these matters matters which are vital to the economic growth of a country but in private conversation these same gentlemen do not hesitate to assure one that, so long as the reins of Government remain in their hands, Ireland will never be given such powers. The foregoing do not by any means exhaust the catalogue of instances that might be cited as proof of the consistent British policy of repressing Irish trade and industry. The late Lord Dufferin epitomized the subject when he wrote : 2 From Queen Elizabeth's death until within a few years of the Union the various commercial confraternities of Great Britain never for a moment relaxed their relentless grip on the trades of Ireland. One by one each of our nascent industries was either strangled in its birth, or handed over gagged and bound to the jealous custody of the rival interest in England, until at last every fountain of wealth was hermetically sealed, and even the traditions of commercial enterprise have ceased through 1 Letter addressed from 10, Downing Street, London, on February 25, 1918. See Report of the Proceedings of the Irish Convention, p. 20, (Cd. 9019.) 2 Irish Emigration and the Tenure of Land in Ireland. CONCLUSION 289 desuetude. What has been the consequence of such a system, pursued with relentless pertinacity for 250 years ? This : that, debarred from every other trade and industry, the entire nation flung itself back upon " the land," with as fatal an impulse as when a river whose current is suddenly impeded, rolls back and drowns the valley it once fertilized. But I may be told this frantic clinging of the Irish to the land is natural to their genius, and not a result of commercial restric- tions. History supplies the perfect refutation of such a theory. Though the hostile tariff of England comprehended almost every article produced in Ireland, one single exception was permitted. From the reign of William III the linen trade of Ireland has been free ; as a consequence, at this day Irish linens are exported to every quarter of the globe, and their annual value nearly equals half the rental of the island. Many attempts were made by the rival interests hi England to deprive us of this boon, and in 1785 a petition signed by 117,000 persons was presented by Manchester, praying for the prohibition of Irish linens, but justice and reason for once prevailed, and the one surviving industry of Ireland was spared . How has it repaid the clemency of the British Parliament ? By dowering the crown of England with as fair a cluster of flourishing towns and loyal centres of industry as are to be found in any portion of the Empire. Would you see what Ireland might have been, go to Derry, to Belfast, to Lisburn, and by the exceptional prosperity which has been developed, not only within a hundred towns and villages, but for miles and miles around them, you may measure the extent of the injury we have sustained. Had it been possible, I should have preferred to close this work without referring to a subject of a quasi-political character. But it is impossible to treat truthfully of the underlying causes preventing Ireland from progressing economically without touching upon such matters. Person- ally, I have had no connexion with any political party in the eighteen years during which I have been associated with the Irish industrial movement, nor have I, at any time, distin- guished between the industrial interests of various localities in Ireland. This eighteen years' intimate experience in dealing with Irish economic problems has brought me into touch with every aspect of the subject, and has dispelled from my mind any previous beliefs I held as to the possibility of Ireland growing to full industrial maturity under existing conditions. There is no hope whatsoever of her doing so until such tune as she 19 290 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY is free to determine her own economic policy. I have, occa- sionally, discussed this subject with members of the British Government, and cannot recall an instance where these gentle- men have disputed my argument. The attitude of those who hold the reins of government of this country, in acquiescing in the truth of an argument such as this and, nevertheless, continuing to restrict the free-play of Irish talent in the development of Ireland's industrial resources, makes one ponder the words of the English poet who wrote : l " All fades " and with the word the moonlight died : From out the pool vanished the glimmering wonder : And Odin's soul returned. Amazed, he said : " Lo, then, a subject world ! " " Nay " Wyrd replied, " Not subject lands, O Odin sisters, daughters : Brethren the sons by all the Bri tains bred." Long mute he mused, then : " Will the Empire stand ? " And, with the hum, like voice of rushing waters, Wyrd's fateful accents mingled : " Theirs to choose. If greed for riches overrun the land, If, drunk with power, they rot in luxury, If, slack of soul, reverence for duty lose And rule by force, they too will pass away : If rich and poor, in mutual loyalty, Labour as willing tools of the Most High, Weaving about the world, not Caesar-sway, But a shining net of folk a happy land Of brother-nations linked in amity A mighty brood of peoples just and free If thus they choose, their power benign shall stand." When one considers the full significance of this British policy of repressing Irish industry, and links to it the addi- tional menace to Irish trade and industry represented by the continually increasing number of British trusts and combines, an octopus-like growth, whose claws have already grasped control of several important Irish industries and whose plans are matured for the destruction of many others surely, one is justified in claiming that the causes responsible for the past decline and present backwardness of Irish trade and industry are not internal but external. We have in Ireland all the resources necessary to build up a thriving community ; endless proof is available of the ability 1 The Song of Alfred. By H. Orsmond Anderton. London: (Constable). 1912, Canto VI : pp. 196-197. CONCLUSION 291 of Irishmen to cope successfully with economic problems ; our workpeople are comparable with those of any other nation, both in regard to skill and intelligence ; all that we lack to enable us to take our proper place among the prosperous nations of the world is the power to determine our own economic policy. Until that right is granted us it is unfair to place the blame for her present industrial condition at Ireland's door. APPENDIX I TABLE SHOWING THE QUANTITY OF FISH IMPORTED INTO IRELAND IN THE YEARS 1904 TO QUANTITY CWTS. Year Herrings Fresh Herrings Cured Fish Dried Fish Preserved 1904 6,702 100,026 53,266 (a) I95 10,907 79,093 73,987 1906 7,517 58,174 76,009 17,369 1907 18,395 83,315 67,567 19,071 1908 26,709 68,991 68,597 19,736 1909 26,8l2 63,429 79,648 18,243 1910 19,292 47,701 74,966 17,893 1911 23,828 34,514 68,515 18,976 1912 14,713 25,034 77,414 13,044 1913 17,067 39405 82,573 16,190 1914 15,110 48,828 83,297 27,473 i9 T 5 3,088 21,665 51/285 30,928 1916 1-595 9,883 42,504 37,759 1917 6,439 51,245 35,9 9 25,889 1918 12,400 66,437 25,570 19,562 QUANTITY CWTS. Year Fish Fresh unch 2 |j fied Oysters Shell Fish unclassified 1904 115,401 (a) I0,6l3 1,458 I95 128,357 7,265 1,658 1906 105,978 16,907 7,8i6 2,144 1907 103,462 18,314 4,840 1,907 1908 116,869 16,099 5,245 2,026 1909 134,016 45,003 4,433 2,172 1910 154,304 31,978 4,583 2,324 igil 152,027 30,889 10,943 2,939 1912 138,064 40,622 4,864 2,494 19*3 120,023 ' 34,758 5,5i8 2,461 1914 123,256 32,399 9,430 1,620 1915 79,633 17,047 3,576 676 1916 66,970 12,419 6,718 4i3 1917 53,648 13,207 6,737 452 1918 28,828 4,155 227 1,669 (a) Not recorded separately prior to 292 APPENDIX APPENDIX I continued. 293 TABLE SHOWING THE VALUE OF FISH IMPORTED INTO IRELAND IN THE YEARS 1904 TO IQlS. VALUE / Year Herrings Fresh Herrings Cured Fish Dried Fish Preserved 1904 2,792 75,020 "~64585~(r I95 4,545 59,320 89,709 1906 3,132 43,631 76,009 2I,o6o 1907 7,665 62,486 67,567 23,124 1908 11,129 51,743 68,597 23,930 1909 11,172 47,572 79,648 22,120 1910 8,038 35,776 74,996 21,695 igil 9,928 25,886 68,515 23,008 J9I2 6,130 18,776 77,414 I5,8l6 19*3 6,827 15,762 ii9,73i 25,297 1914 6,422 21,973 124,946 45,330 i9 J 5 2,625 10,833 92,313 92,784 1916 i,595 10,624 81,820 122,245 1917 7,o83 40,996 150,818 84,139 1918 14,570 53,150 127,850 88,029 VALUE Year Fish Fresh Fish Unclassified Oysters Shell Hsh unclassified 1904 105,784 (a) 6,386 1,696 1905 117,661 4,359 1,927 1906 92,287 15,498 4,690 2,492 1907 90,098 16,788 2,904 2,217 1908 101,773 14,757 3,147 2,355 1909 116,706 41,253 2,660 2,525 1910 134,373 29,313 2,750 2,702 1911 132,39 28,315 6,566 3,417 1912 120,231 37,237 2,918 2,899 i9 J 3 120,023 31,862 3,3ii 2,861 1914 154,070 32,399 5,i87 2,025 19*5 207,046 40,060 2,235 845 1916 184,168 29,806 4,703 5i6 1917 147,532 33,018 5,726 678 1918 89,367 10,388 193 2,504 (a) Not recorded separately prior to 1906. 294 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY APPENDIX I. continued. TABLE SHOWING THE QUANTITY OF FISH EXPORTED FROM IRELAND IN THE YEARS 1904 TO 1918. QUANTITY CWTS. Year Herrings Fresh Herring? Cured Mackerel Fresh Mackerel Cured Mackerel unclassi- Salmon and Eels, Fresh- fied Trout. water 1904 48,516 36,277 42,791 66,157 T50,3H 16,593 2,431 I95 28,508 100,204 57,36l 33,H7 62,774 17,821 2,874 1906 19,209 113,248 13,533 20,091 95,045 18,723 3,286 1907 17.234 92,238 11,105 34,947 78,308 14,746 9,898 1908 20,448 126,171 30,843 64,116 46,334 16,932 9,452 1909 1910 59,8741254,491 100,771 205,047 20,889 16,478 87,042 112,720 49,875 53,527 34,!28 19,614 8,785 9,36l igil 99, OI 9i33i,493 7,249 76,774 40,711 26,039 9-971 1912 89.635536,919 9,877 97,617 46,534 17,435 6,005 i9 T 3 55,78i 159,023 H,I5I 48,853 44,501 11,979 2,840 1914 74,874 85,250 21,953 81,386 13,922! 24,200 4,682 1915 165,050 84,392 27,661 17,321 73,574 25,058 13,034 1916 154,805 70,962 37,849 34.39 1 73,7441 16,823 5,880 1917110,023 49,025 20,9IO 80,268 211,843, 15,741 5,726 igi8| 83,358 20,906 98,667 68,664 255J5I 12,197 3,950 QUANTITY CW XS. TTicVi Shell Fish Year i ibn, unclassified Mussels Oysters Lobsters Winkles unclassi- fied 1904 71,392 27,112 3,242 i,949 6,658 41,853 1905 42,913 30,635 15,377 3,558 5,78o 50,588 1906 m,333 25,938 10,683 3,i77 5,835 52,938 1907 74,314 14,074 7.958 3,4i8 9,297 55,462 1908 53,589 14,376 8,856 2,684 12,243 57,163 1909 68,442 13,327 8,309 6,785 12,064 49,780 1910 7L582 19.971 8,412 7,592 11,093 42,361 1911 56,444 25,62O 6,622 5,744 IO,026 53,672 1912 58,896 26,679 9,056 9,871 7,747 49,623 19*3 50,548 20,650 4,383 13,938 11,926 42,832 1914 82,876 15,784 4,934 9,640 8,972 42,807 1915 43,086 15,326 6,096 6,081 5,473 46,596 1916 72,304 14,378 3,766 4,777 6,512 39,438 1917 109,829 29,413 5,9io 2,999 13,322 33,858 1918 104,087 36,484 574 3,377 13-270 27,416 295 APPENDIX APPENDIX I.continu9d. TABLE SHOWING THE VALUE OF FISH EXPORTED FROM IRELAND IN THE YEARS 1904 to Year Herring- Herrings Mackerel Mackerel Mackere Salmon Eels. Fresh Cured Fresh Cured unclassi and Fresh- fied Trout water 1904 24.258 36,277 19,256 49,618 90,187 92,921 8,508 J 905 14,254 100,204 25,812 24,838 37,664 99,798 10,059 1906 9.605 H3.248 6.0QO 15,068 57,027 104,849 11,501 1907 8,617 92,238 4,997 26,210 46,985 82,578 34,643 1908 10,244 126,171 12,337 48,087 27,800 94,819 33.082 1909 2 9.937 254.49 1 8,356: 65,282 29,925 191,117 30,748 1910 50,386205,047 6,591 78,904 32,Il6 109,838 32,764 1911 49.5io;33i,493 2,900 53,742 24,427 I45,8l8 34,899 1912 44,8i8 536,919 3,951 68,332 27,920 97,636 21,018 1913 25,101 98,064 4,879 26,869 21,693 72,673 9,940 1914 37.437 52,571 io,977| 48,832 6,961 147,620 15,217 *9i5 165,050 88,612 20,054 16,455 57,020 144,08452,136 1916 178,026 78,058 35,957 34.39 1 66,370 I i3,555!29,4oo 1917 137,529 45,348 26,138, 88,295 243,619 121,993 34,356 1918 111,144 19,338 125,800 102,996 350,8331182,685134,168 VALUE /. Year Fish, unclassified Mussels Oysters Lobsters Winkles -ihcll IMS|I unclassi- fied. 1904 62,171 3,050 4,863 7,796 1,498 9,417 1905 37,37 3,446 23,066 14,232 1,300 11,382 1906 96,952 2,918 16,025 12,708 1,313 11,911 1907 64,7^ 1,583 11,937 13,672 2,092 12,479 1908 46,667 1,617 13,284^ 10,736 2,755 12,862 1909 59,602 i,499 12,464, 27,140 2,714 11,201 1910 62,336 2,247 14,841 26,572 2,496 9-531 1911 49,153 2,882 8,222 20,IO4 2,256 12,076 1912 51,289 3,001 12,930 34,549 1,743 II,l65 I9 X 3 44,019 2,323 7,426 62,721 2,683 9,637 1914 74.588 1,776 5,690 38,560 2,019 9,632 19*5 64,629 2,107 6,690 28,885 i,459 I2,8l4 1916 108,456 2,696 4,259 22,691 1,737 10,845 1917 247, II 5 6,986 7.638 14,995 4,663 11,850 1918 234,196 9,121 783 16,885 5-972 14,303 APPENDIX II LIST OF IRISH LINEN TRADE ORGANIZATIONS INDUSTRIAL COUNCIL OF THE IRISH LINEN TRADE The Flax Control Board. The Flax Supplies Committee. The Flax Society, Ltd. Linen Industry Research Association. Irish Linen Society. ***** RAW MATERIAL The Flax Supply Association. Flax Mill Owners' Association. ***** SPINNING The Flax Spinners' Association. ***** WEAVING Power-Loom Manufacturers' Association. Cambric Manufacturers' Association. Coarse Goods Manufacturers' Association. Damask Association. 296 APPENDIX 297 BLEACHING AND DYEING Yarn Bleachers and Dyers' Association. Bleachers and Finishers' Association. Irish Dyers and Finishers' Association. Hydraulic Mangle Finishers' Association. MAKING-UP Federation of Making-up Trades, (Ireland), including : The Irish Wholesale Clothing Manufacturers' Association. The Belfast Shirt and Collar Manufacturers' Association. Handkerchief and Embroidery Association. Belfast Apron, Overall, Blouse, and Underclothing Manu- facturers' Association. Trade Hemstitchers' Association. SELLING Linen Merchants' Association. Cambric Manufacturers' Association (Merchanting). Household Linen and Piece Goods Association. Canvas, Holland, and Buckram Association. Handkerchief and Embroidery Association (Merchanting). APPENDIX III TOTAL OUTPUT IN TONS OF MINERALS AND TOTAL NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED AT IRISH MINES AND QUARRIES IN EACH OF THE FOLLOWING YEARS. Year Antimony Ore jJanum (Com- pounds) Bauxite Bog Ore Chalk Lllert Flint, etc. 1909 2,5H 9,500 2,676 6 1910 7.447 3,792 2,562 2,161 1911 8,662 6,007 2,700 1,163 1912 13,190 5,79 3,340 1,129 1913 13,289 6,055 3,835 1,222 1914 13,384 8,286 2,342 186,521 1,063 19*5 17,937 n,723 1,986 162,928 583 1916 15,329 10,329 1,095 161,466 945 1917 11,936 14,724 1,736 153,024 1,843 1918 I 8,123 9,589 603 155,313 2,102 Year Clays Coal Copper Ore Gravel and Sand Gypsum Igneous Rocks 1909 120,338 89,392 570 83,249 325,194 ^1910 132,400 79,802 1,446 81,784 359,370 1I9H 124,460 84,564 820 83,025 384,494 y I 9 I 2 100,500 90,307 77 8 70,654 | 395,343 Ti 9 i 3 121,294 82,521 167 102,360 460,127 1914 111,472 92,400 78,609 504,23 1915 61,324 84,557 99,718 421,826 1916 41,315 89,833 60,487 556 281,845 1917 68,453 95,646 82,525 302,002 '-1918 50,857 92,001 110,249 600 336,575 298 APPENDIX 299 APPENDIX 111 continued. TOTAL OUTPUT IN TONS OF MINERALS AND TOTAL NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED AT IRISH MINES AND QUARRIES IN EACH OF THE FOLLOWING YEARS. Year Iron Ore Iron Pyrites Lead Ore Lignite Limestone Manganese Ore 1909 68,002 768 568,046 70 1910 65,037 597 585,954 I 9 II 56,448 1,212 120 562,223 1912 1 60,398 1,328 62 528,107 I9 J 3 60,014 1,840 81 582,851 1914 41.215 2,295 300 426,030 i9 J 5 39,326 1,280 600 343,174 1916 30,678 985 I 500 303,577 1917 54,533 749 4 900 310,926 1918 30,548 500 19 150 262,400 Year uclire, Umber, etc. Salt Sand- stone Slate Soap- stone Zinc Ore iNO. Ot Persom empl'yd 1909 196 48,976 36,008 5,568 4,974 1910 432 48,585 64,753 i 4,658 5,3i9 1911 669 47,532 42,121 4,588 5,469 1912 671 50,871 31,543 ' 5,341 8 5,i5i I9 T 3 1,005 43,391 27,984 i 3,483 40 4,862 1914 428 42,005 45,600 3,017 180 5,4i6 19*5 349 32,961 i 46,937 2,968 750 4,432 1916 625 34,433 74,842 2,984 301 3,940 1917 i,73i 35,95i 61,816 1,690 1,233 16 4,063 1918 i, 066 35,49 6 83,986 1,273 936 53 .',.'.;'> APPENDIX IV TABLE I RESULTS OF THE FIRST SERIES OF COMMERCIAL EXPERIMENTS IN TOBACCO-GROWING IN IRELAND Showing the number of Experimenters and the Acreage, Yield and Prices of the finished Tobacco grown in each of the years from 1904 to 1913 inclusive. (This Table refers to the Large-scale Experiments only, no account being taken therein of experiments conducted under the Department's Small Growers' Scheme, or experiments not carried out under the Department's supervision). Year No. of Growers Total Acreage acres Total Yield Ib. Average Yield per acre Ib. Average Selling Price per Ib. Range of Prices Lowest Highest d. d. s. d. 1904 I 20 7,984 400 5-0 4-2 6 1905 15 33 27,860 8 44 4-7 2-5 9 1906 19 7 6| 66,893 8 74 4.8 2.0 I O 1907 20 1 88 * 53.245 1 605 4-3 2.0 9 1908 21 101 116,782 1,156 5-3 1-5 i 3 1909 21 133 120,285 904 5-4 1.0 i 3 1910 *9 n8i 93,229 788 4-9 I.O 8.8 1911 20 "91 I35,i8o 1,131 5-1 I.O 8 1912 20 105 72,101 686 4-3 I.O 8 1913 19 9if 83,922 914 5-3 2.1 8-5 1 Particulars of the Kilkenny experiment in 1907 are not included as almost the entire crop grown on six acres, estimated at 10,400 Ib., was accidentally destroyed by fire. OQ APPENDIX 301 APPENDIX TV continued. TABLE II RESULTS OF THE SECOND SERIES OF COMMERCIAL EXPERIMENTS IN TOBACCO-GROWING IN IRELAND. Showing the number of Experimenters and the Acreage, Yield and Prices of the finished Tobacco grown in each of the years from 1910 to 1913 inclusive. (This Table refers to the Small Growers (Rehandling) Experiments only, no account being taken therein of the Large-scale Experiments conducted by the Department, or Experiments not carried out under the Department's super- vision.) Year No. of Growers Total Acreage acres Total Yield Ib. Average Yield per acre Ib. VVXTU-C Selling Price per Ib. Range oi Selling Prices Lowest Highest 1910 1911 1912 19*3 7 17 54 44 51 14 56 52i 4.653 19,884 42,063 48,156 906 1,420 751 904 d. 4.0 4.1 3-7 4-7 d. 2-3 1.6 1.6 i-5 d. 5-2 7.0 6.0 7.0 302 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY APPENDIX IV continued. TABLE III RESULTS OF THE THIRD SERIES OF COMMERCIAL EXPERIMENTS IN TOBACCO-GROWING IN IRELAND Showing the number of Experimenters and the Acreage, Yield and Prices of the finished Tobacco grown in each of the years from 1914 to 1918 inclusive. (This Table refers to the Development Scheme (Rehandling) Experiments only, no account being taken therein of experi- ments not carried out under the Department's supervision.) Year No. of Growers Total Acreage Total Yield Average Yield per Average Selling Price Kange of Selling Prices ac. rd. p. Ibs. acre, Ibs per lb. Lowest Highest d. d. s. d. 1914 136 217 3 3 1 211,435 970 54 I I O 19*5 138 225 o 18 142,990 635 6.9 2 Q\ 1916 118 172 12 68,400! 640 2 6.8 2 2 6 1917 31 45 3 o 28,133 614 10.3 6 I IO 1918 63 76 i 28 58,859 770 II. 2 5 2 I 1 The produce of 6j acres which was destroyed by rire at Adare is not included in the total yield. 2 The average in this column is calculated on the quantity of tobacco sold and the acreage on which it was grown. See Note 1 . <-+? to O ON CO l OO N H^ ^OO_ O^OO OO ~ M" CO COO" ON M OO OO "* CO O tx oo M Tf M ON M M CO ONO CO ^ M O CO O M CO l*N O Cs O-M -r . +j * *" 13 S O O O CO 01 UO lO CO O O to N oo M t^ ON O O CO t^ M CO t"s ^"C IO fx 1 ^- tx ON CO to co CO O H 04 OO v a OC IO H t^> t^. M ro O to oo to co M 01 CO M O r^oo t^ to o co C ON -^ H O CO CO M to ONOO CO COO "^t M . OO M^ o" o" " M O M H M '-, ~f M O O T & co co O M M Tf IO M_ O M ON MM CO t^ ON rf O O O) 00 00 CO COO ON M IO O to O OJ PQPQOQOffiS 303 O V5 T}- O tx CO ro .... H Tl- 10 t^ CO H v> CM OO t^ O CO ONT}- CM OO iO CO H M CO ON O OO *O Tt" H OO H ON IOOO H O^ tx O t^ ON O CM CM iO IO CM rf H H ^o CM H VO CO H OO toco o CxCO 00 CM CM ON ? W~ O M ^ % ^ rt iO o >O O tO COCO CN O H H Th CM IO CO O t*s CO C^vO H OO O CM" CM" ON. co CM tx Tj- vO CM ro ON O COOO s? O o CO tO Tj- rf CM O COOO IO CM O ON tO IO ON ThOO OOCMHCOHVOHO H OO l^ ON iO H CM OO TJ- H O ^O CM CM O CO co" CO M v> o O O O CO O H CN. IO CM CO 3 H CO ON co 1^ ON O OMO O CM M H O CO :/. If a 8 H-H W -rt --JJ U la IJf* s-Mfc* APPENDIX nor, ci in o H ro M q o\ M o oo 0^ *? H in W CO 1- N O M scT *f M p, m in "" CT\cO co ro o in co ro m o M in o f vo_ t> 00 ' in ro O n in in O in in Ht ro H ro oo CO f co vo in i om in c>. ro in M ro ( ro N" M" ei j M" ; n ii o > . ^->-i->' l i3 Q 20 306 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY t^, CN ino c^i ^t" H C^ H ^O N O O CO O -O <^CO ^ O M O ^OO C^OO H H in in J H tx in ON l>. t>OO H "^f OO m H ^o H CO 3 rt- H >O CO ^O O^' O^ H^ H C?>OO in 4) eft i H o*^ cooo oo ON S o ** ^-* (> H 0^ W O*^ i-O ^o O -(-> g e o Q< co M ^ a S " o o\ 4J H Q^ N CO oo Tf l>. l>. tx CM OO CO tx OMn m co ox O ^3 r>\ *"* "o O m m 00 CO CO O O^ ^x. IS 43 ^ M 1-1 w" . ' 0^ ^>"o" 1 co ' H"OO" tx m ON 4J 4J g S O ^ K ft M H P Q,, oj ,, I* H csf q^ CM H" "ft O ,D' S o <+H "^ *^ ^5 ^*rt oj .S d "^ j> oo rj-oo T}- m d\ts O ^O ^*O ^^" in S^-o g ^ o\ o\ *^" w W CO y O l_ .r* jj M M H t^s CM VO q\m H O^ O^ CM^ m J3 5 i-T.2 M N-J C?v H" OO" | M" in H" c?> in ( sO > XI CM O -Jj '"M ^ 1 ON m 1 < H" 1 ON co" & ^ 1 a i ' & m H H ^'f '~ & "S 2 S ^-S 4) y O "^ 4J 'J3 2" ^ CO rt-oo CO H JS 1 1 ^ M M OJ CO OO H C M "^ C ^ C * O * ^^ CO CO a> (_, X rt +* p, rt -* ^ O I-l ^4S o w J2 H EQ |*i3^j c ^ T3 <& 2 ^ > > Hi ? : t-c tfl APPENDIX 307 g . o co -3" 1 13-2 G I 0> ON m moo w M O CO ON v> J X t I Q 55 W PH JQ tn s ^ > o> C'^ II 2^ rt i M O -G d. a ' c/) * ^ 5 APPENDIX VI Following are particulars of legal and other actions taken, up to the end of the year 1919, by the Irish Industrial Develop- ment Association (Incorporated), of 102-103, Graf ton Street, Dublin, against persons detected in applying, or attempting to apply, Irish origin to non-Irish goods. PROSECUTIONS. The chief prosecutions undertaken by the Association were the following : 1. A Belfast firm; for selling non-Irish notepaper as Irish. Result : Conviction ; fined 5 and i costs. 2. A Dublin firm ; for selling non-Irish wrapping-paper as Irish. Result : Defendants pleaded guilty and paid ^15 153. costs. 3. A Kentish Town (London) firm ; for selling non-Irish cloths as Donegal tweed. Result : Convicted ; fined 20 and 20 55. costs. 4. A Lorfdon firm ; for selling French crochet as Irish. Result : Convicted ; fined 20 and ^5 53. costs. 5. A London firm ; for selling cotton handkerchiefs as Irish linen. (Boxes were branded with the Irish Trade Mark.) Result : Convicted ; fined 20 and 20 costs. 6. A number of stallholders at the Shepherd's Bush Exhi- bition, London ; for selling miscellaneous non-Irish articles as Irish. Result : Convicted ; fined 15 and 5 53. costs. 7. A Manager of the Dublin Branch of a Liverpool firm ; for selling English-made candles as Irish. Result : Convicted ; fined i and 10 costs. 8. A Corofin (Co. Clare) firm ; for selling English-made calico as Irish. Result : Convicted ; fined i and i costs. 9. A Dublin firm ; for selling brown paper as Irish. Result : Owing to conflict of opinion amongst expert witnesses this case was dismissed on its merits. 10. A Belfast firm ; for applying Irish emblems, etc., to non- Irish notepaper. Result: The Court being equally divided, no decision was given. The defendants having given an under- taking during the course of the trial that they would discontinue the practice in question, the Association did not apply for a new trial. 308 APPENDIX 309 u. The Manager of the Dublin Branch of an English firm ; for selling English ties as Irish. Result : Convicted ; fined 10 and 10 costs. 12. The Dublin Branch of an English firm ; for describing the cloth of a man's suit as Irish, and refusing to refund deposit. The customer having discovered that the cloth in question was not Irish, refused to take delivery of the suit. Result : Decree obtained for the refund of deposit, together with costs. 13. A Kildysart (Co. Clare) firm ; for selling English-made towels as Irish. The firm proved, in court, that they had ordered " Irish " towels from the wholesale firm who supplied the goods. Result : The latter firm undertook to pay the Association 12 las. costs, and the former gave an undertaking to refund 2 2S. to the local Board of Guardians. 14. Finding that a trader in Waterford was advertising and selling Bristol-made boots as " Governey of Carlow's Boots," we instituted legal proceedings against him, with the result that he was convicted, fined 2, and we were given ^10 costs. AMBIGUOUS TITLES. Following is a list of cases where the offenders gave the Associa- tion undertakings to discontinue using Irish titles or designs in respect of non-Irish goods : 15. Yorkshire firm (" Donegal " Tweeds). 16. English Tobacco Syndicate (" Irish " Home-grown Plug). 17. Bradford firm (" Irish" Blankets). 18. North of Ireland firm (" Ireland " to English cloths). 19. Dublin firm (Bicycle Transfers in Gaelic characters). 20. London firm (" Irish Rock " Sweets). 21. Manchester firm (" Irish Lace Thread " altered to Thread for Irish Lace). 22. Scotch firm (" Hibernian " Boots). 23. Manchester firm (" Lismore " Caps). 24. Glasgow firm (" Shamrock " Cream Powder). 25. Dublin firm (" Irish Majestic Cycles "). 26. Manchester firm (" Harp " and " Shamrock " Sewing Cottons) . 27. Glasgow firm (" St. Patrick " Postcards). 28. London firm (" Donegal " Knitting Yarns). 29. Glasgow firm (" Gaelic," together with a picture of O'Connell's Statue, Boot-laces). 30. Manchester firm (" Killarney," with Map of IreKin-i. Sheets and Pillow-cases). 31. Birmingham firm (" Highbury Donegal TV, 32. Manchester firm (" Hibernian " and " Pure Super-Irish Wool " Blankets). 310 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY 33. Belfast firm (Irish Titles and Emblems to Notepaper). 34. Bristol firm (" Shamrock " Brushes). 35. Manchester firm (All-wool " Irish " Blankets). 36. Co. Cork firm (non-Irish boots branded ambiguously). 37. Scotch firm (" Olde Irish Vellum " Notepaper). 38. Leeds firm (" Connaught," " Shannon " and " Erin " Cloths). 39. Gloucester firm (" Shamrock " Hairpins). 40. Bristol firm (" Irish " Brushes). 41. Canadian firm (Irish Trade Mark design used in adver- tisements) . 42. Dublin firm (" Irish Mail " Mail-cars). 43. London firm (" Ireland " on Boxes of Disinfectants). 44. Liverpool firm (" Shamrock " Brand). 45. London firm (" Shamrock " Brand). 46. London firm (" Tara Hall Irish Toilet " Perfumes). 47. Liverpool firm (" Dublin Rock " Sweets). 48. Dublin firm (" Erin-go-Bragh " Repair Outfits). 49. York firm (" Shamrock " Chocolates). 50. Dublin firm (" Faugh-a-Ballagh " Razors). 51. Bradford firm (" Irish " Whippletrees and " Shamrock " Ploughs). 52. Waterford firm (" Cycle Manufacturers "). 53. Dublin firm (" Kynoch of Arklow " Racer Cycles). 54. Northampton firm (" Shamrock " Boots). 55. Manchester firm (" Shamrock " Cloth Polishers). 56. Leeds firms (" Avoca " and " Wicklow " Cloths). 57. London firm (" Faugh-a-Ballagh " Sweets). 58. Dublin firm (" Shamrock " Stylo Pen). 59. London firm (" Shamrock " Combs). 60. Dublin firm (" Shamrock " Watches). 61. Derby firm (" Blarney Castle " Paints). 62. Manchester firm (" Gaelic Make " Shirts). 63. Dublin firm (" Dublin " Blue). 64. Manchester firm (" Kerry " Overcoat). 65. Dublin firm (" Leinster Wax " Candles). 66. Belfast firm (" Shamrock " and " Belfast " Incandescent Mantles) . 67. At our request a Dublin firm of importers secured that imitation Belleek-ware jugs sent into this country unbranded should, in future, be branded with the country of origin. 68. Dublin firm (" Acushla " Packets of Stationery). 69. London firm (" Irish Poplin " Notepaper). 70. London firm (" Erin " Wax Candles). 71. Brussels firm (" Irish Linen " Notepaper). 72. London Agent for a German firm and one of their Dublin wholesale customers (" Irish Wonder " Incandescent Mantles). APPENDIX 311 73. New York firm (" Irish Linette " Material). 74. Bristol firm undertook to discontinue describing bacon as " Our Bacon " in circulars to Irish institutions, the bacon in question being the produce of foreign hogs. 75. Newcastle-on-Tyne firm (" Shamrock "). 76. Belfast firm undertook to cease using the words " Support Home Industry " and " Sole Proprietors," and to substitute the words " Packed by " in respect of Cocoa which they import in bulk and merely pack in Ireland. 77. The Dublin Agent for a London firm of paper-leaf makers, who contemplated using the title " Shamrock " as a trade mark for this article, abandoned this project when the Association intervened. 78. A Northampton firm were detected by us in selling boots of their manufacture which were branded with the title " Ould Erin." On our giving them the option of discontinuing this misleading practice or fighting the matter out in the courts they chose the former alternative and notified all their customers to discontinue selling these boots until they had erased the brand in question from them. 79. An Irish firm who had been in the habit of branding both Irish-made and imported paper with the title " Belfast Bond," gave us an undertaking to confine this title hi future to Irish-made paper. 80. A local firm forwarded us patterns of paper which had been supplied to them, for re-sale, as Irish-made paper. On examination this paper proved to be of cross-channel manu- facture. The original sellers contended that an innocent mistake had occurred, took back the paper in question, and substituted Irish-made paper in its stead. 81. A Belfast firm gave us an undertaking to discontinue applying the title " Shamrock " to non-Irish made lamps ; and, further, undertook to destroy all printed matter, etc., in their possession bearing this title. 82 . A Birmingham firm gave us an undertaking to discontinue advertising and describing as " Irish " Dry Ginger Ale, a mineral water made by them in England. 83. A Dublin firm gave us an undertaking to discontinue using the title " Shamrock" in connexion with non-Irish table salt. 84. A Bolton (Lancashire) firm undertook to discontinue applying the title " Shamrock " to tins containing baking- powder of non-Irish manufacture. 85. We drew the attention of the Ministry of Food, London, to the fact that South African Maize Meal was being sent into Ireland described as " Galway Meal." The Ministry informed us that they had taken the necessary action to prevent a repeti ion, 312 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY and that in future this article .would be described as " South African Straight Run Maize Meal." 86. A London firm gave us an undertaking to cease describ- ing as " Belfast Linen " Notepaper, paper which was of non- Irish manufacture. 87. A Dublin firm of wholesale stationers gave us an under- taking to discontinue using the title " Dublin " and the words " Irish manufacture " in respect of writing pads made of imported paper and merely put together in this country. 88. A Dublin company undertook to discontinue applying the title " The Dublin " to non-Irish manufactured gas mantles. 89. A Liverpool firm were stopped by us from continuing to describe an English-produced album of views of Dublin as the " Shamrock " Album. TRADE MARK ACTIONS Amongst the legal actions taken by the Association to prevent firms from registering Irish titles, emblems, or designs in respect of non-Irish made goods, are the following, viz : 90. A Cardiff firm applied to the Board of Trade to register the title " Slainte " in respect of non-Irish milled flour. We opposed this application, and, after the usual proceedings, succeeded in preventing registration. 91. A London firm applied to the Board of Trade to register the title " Shamrock & Co." together with a representation of the emblem in respect of non-Irish postcards. We opposed their application, and in due course the Board of Trade refused them registration. They then appealed the case, which was subse- quently heard by Lord Justice Warrington in the London Chancery Court. We fought the case there and the learned Judge decided in our favour. He also decided that the title or emblem " Shamrock " on an article was indicative of Irish origin. As a result of this judgment the Board of Trade have since made rules (i) refusing to register this mark in respect of non-Irish goods, and (2) refusing to give any Irish applicant the exclusive use of it as a trade mark. 92. A Victoria (Australia) firm applied to the Common- wealth Trade Mark Office to procure registration of the title " Deny," together with a representation of the Shamrock, in respect of non-Irish shirts and clothing. We opposed this application, and in due course succeeded in securing its rejection. 93. A Glasgow firm applied to the Trade Mark Office to register the word " Colleen," and an Irish design, in respect of blouses, etc. made in Scotland. We filed an opposition, and after APPENDIX 313 the case had reached a certain point the Glasgow firm abandoned their application. 94- A Belfast firm applied to the same office to register the following as a trade mark, viz., " The Erin Household Linen Company, Franklin Street, Belfast." We asked them to amend their application so that the trade mark would only apply to goods made in Ireland, of Irish linen. This they declined to do, and we therefore filed an opposition to their application. Eventually they abandoned their attempt to register this trade mark. 95-- We also opposed an application made to the Argentine Trade Mark Office by a local firm to register a mark closely resembling the Irish Trade Mark. The applicants thereupon discontinued proceedings, with the result that their application fell through. 96. Another important action fought by us, in conjunction with the Irish Flour Millers' Association, was an opposition which we filed to an application made, jointly, by a Liverpool firm of flour millers and a Sligo firm of flour importers, to register a design which included a representation of the Arms of Connaught together with the words " Connaught " and " Connaught's Pride " in Gaelic characters, in respect of other than Irish-milled flour. The Comptroller of Trade Marks decided this case in the Association's favour, and refused to register the mark in the name of the applicants. Thereupon the latter served notice of appeal to the London Chancery Court, but when we served notice on them that we intended applying to cross-examine them when the appeal case was being tried, they withdrew the action and paid all the costs of the two actions. 97. Finding that an Irish firm who are associated with a firm in England had applied to register two Irish titles as trade marks, we requested them to amend their applications by adding the words, " All such goods being of Irish manufacture," thereby ensuring that at no time in the future could these marks be applied to goods other than of Irish manufacture. After some little hesitation they amended their applications in the manner required by us. 98. For three years our Annual Reports contained references to what became known as " The Barrett Case," the attempt by a Mr. Denis D. Barrett, of Terra Haute, Indiana, to secure registration of the Irish Trade Mark in the United States of America in his own name and for his own use. In spite of the fact that the opposition proceedings instituted by us proved successful, both in the Trade Mark Department and in the case of Barrett's appeal to the U.S. Commissioner of Patents, he put us to the trouble of contesting the case in the Court of Apj at Washington, where in November, 1913, his final appeal 314 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY considered. Subsequently the Court issued their judgment, signed by the Chief Justice. They ousted Barrett's action as one based on an attempt to deceive, as well as on other grounds. This judgment finally disposed of what had proved an exceedingly tedious, troublesome, and expensive piece of litigation. The attempt made by Barrett to pirate the Irish Trade Mark failed, and our claim to the exclusive control of that mark, on behalf of genuine Irish manufacturers, has been upheld by the U.S.A. Court of Appeals. Our costs in this series of actions exceeded 1,000. 99. A London firm applied to the Trade Mark Office to register the word " Shillelagh." As a result of our intervention they amended their application in such a manner as to confine the use of this title to Irish-made goods only. 100. A Manchester firm applied to the Trade Mark Office to register, as a trade mark, a representation of a " Stage Irish- man," together with the word " Pat." We served notice on them of our intention to oppose this application if they persisted in proceeding with it. Finally, they decided to abandon the application and cancelled same. 101. An Ohio, U.S.A., firm applied to the Trade Mark Office at Washington to register, in their name, a design which included the words " Irish Washing Soda," although it was never intended to be applied to an Irish product. We instructed our New York solicitors to oppose the application, and, after the usual preliminary procedure had been disposed of, the case was argued by counsel on both sides before the Examiner of Interferences at Washington. This official subsequently issued his judgment, refusing permission to the applicants to register the title referred to. They (the applicants) appealed from this decision to the Registrar of Trade Marks, but when the case came on for hearing before that official they amended their application by eliminating the word " Irish," thus complying with the Association's demand. 1 02. A Melbourne, Australia, firm applied to the Common- wealth Trade Mark Office to register a " Shamrock " trade mark in respect of toilet preparations, including soaps. We opposed this application, but the applicants fought the case until just prior to the time when it should come before the Registrar for verbal argument by the representatives of both parties. At this stage they (the applicants) withdrew their application to register. 103. A Liverpool firm applied to the Trade Mark Office to register, in their name, the title " Colleen " in respect of non- Irish milled flour. Our Association opposed this application, and the Irish Flour Millers' Association and Messrs. James Bannatyne & Sons, Ltd., of Limerick, associated themselves with our opposition. When the matter had reached a certain APPENDIX 815 stage the Liverpool firm withdrew their application and aban- doned their effort to register this mark. 104. A Birmingham firm applied to register a design, as a trade mark, representing an Irish Colleen looking through an Irish Harp, in respect of earthenware and porcelain. We notified them that unless they withdrew this application we should oppose it. They thereupon withdrew the application. 105. A Belfast firm applied to register two Irish titles as trade marks in respect of soaps, etc. After representation by us they amended their applications by undertaking to confine the use of these titles to Irish-manufactured goods. 106. A Middlesboro' firm has just applied to the Trade Mark Office to register the title " Blarney Stone " in respect of manufactured tobacco. We have notified them that unless they withdraw this application, or amend it so as to confine the use of the proposed mark to Irish-manufactured tobacco, we shall oppose it. 107. A Belfast firm received an order some months ago to supply a quantity of roll admission tickets, each ticket to be branded with the Irish Trade Mark. Instead of passing this order over to an Irish printer of these tickets, who is an authorised user of the mark, they sent it to a firm in Hull to execute, and supplied the latter firm with block of the Irish Trade Mark to use in printing the tickets. We have instituted proceedings in the Dublin Chancery Court against the Belfast firm, applying for an injunction to restrain them from using the mark, and the case will be tried in the course of the present term. INDEX ABSENTEEISM and luxury trades, 35, 36 increase of, 41 Act of Union, 10, 12-14, 2 9. 5 - effect on the demand for silk goods, 29 Admiralty, the, 196, 197 Aerated waters industry, 164, 270 Aeronautical supplies (other than linen) contracts, 213 Aeroplane cloth, value of orders for, placed by Ministry of Munitions, 114 fabric, contracts for, 114, 198 Aeroplanes, 97, 282 offer to produce rejected by the Air Board, 282 Agriculture, improvement in, 60 increased resort to, 36, 50 main Irish industry, 270 Agricultural credit in Ireland, report on (quoted), 254, 257, 260 Organization Society, the Irish, 257 Air Board, treatment of Irish manufacturers, 282 Alcohol, industrial, 161, 164 Ale. See " Beer " Allies' ploughed land, 58 All-Ireland Industrial Confer- ences, 1905, 122, 270 Munitions and Govern- ment Supplies Committee, 152, 201, 207, 211, 214, 282 Aluminium. See " Bauxite " America, emigration to, 7 America, United States of direct service with, 236 flax spinning in, 122 the Civil War, 107, 108, 126 American colonies, unrest in the, Anthracite. See " Coal " Anti-combination laws, the, 46 Antimony ore, 143 Antwerp, shipping service with, 236 Apparel, articles included under, 140, 141 Production Returns, 1907, 140, 141 See also " Clothing " and " Shirt and Collar Industry" Arable land ploughed, 57 Ardara, tweeds sold at, 130 Argentine, exports to, 128 Arigna Mining Company, 147 Art industries' revival, 192 Associated Portland Cement Manufacturers, Ltd, 143, 144 Australia, exports to, 128 wool imported from, 125 Austria-Hungary, 121 Austria, ploughed land in, 58 BACON and ham, Amount received by farming classes from, in 1860, 79 curing, 80 curing industry, 32, 79, 81 exports and imports, 81, 82 Bag and sack making industry, 140 Bakeries, 92 Banbridge, new experiment in the linen industry tried, 26 Bandon, cotton manufacture in, 20, 21, 23 distress of weavers in 1840, 23 muslin industry, 20 Banking, comparison with the. Scotch system, 41, 42 Co-operative Credit Socie- ties, 256 defects of the system, 41 3'7 318 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Banking, failures, their effect on the linen industry, 9 Joint Stock Companies amalgamations, 244-250 Loan Fund Banks, 254- 256, 258 National Land Bank, 259, 260 of to-day, 243 Post Office Savings Banks, 250, 251 Report of the Depart- mental Committee on Agricultural Credit in Ireland, 1914, 260 - Trustee Savings 252-254 Banks, Barbour, Wm. & Sons, Ltd., largest linen thread firm, 118 Barge-builders. See " Ship- building " Barium, 150 Barley and bere, variations in the area under, 61, 62 for malt, sources of supply, 158 yield of, in Italy, France and Ireland, 59 Baronial guarantees, light rail- ways constructed under the, 217 Barytes, 143 Basket work, See " Household Requisites " Battens. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Bauxite, 143, 150 Beads, 194-5 Beans, 64 Bedding, manufacture of See " Household Requis- ites " Bedspreads. See " Linen In- dustry, Articles made up." ' Beef, 59 Beekeeping, 19 1 Honey, 63, 65, 192 Beer. See " Brewing " Beet, 59, 67 Beet, proportion of Irish origin sold off British farms before the war, 67 Belfast, and Manchester Steam Ship Company Ltd., 234 Area (munitions), Govern- ment linen contracts with firms in the, 114 as a port, 21-2 Causes of its growth, 45 Cotton manufactures, 21, 22, 42, 43, 120 Evening Telegraph, The. Support of the Industrial Development Associations, 274 importance of its proxi- mity to the Scottish indus- trial districts, 43 Industrial Development Association, 267, 272-274 linen industry, 24, 25, 44, 107, 108, 119 News- Letter, The, sup- port of the Industrial Move- ment, 272 Shipbuilding industry, 33, 97. 98, 19? the Liverpool of Ireland, 2 1 Belgium, 58, 71, 114 Number of spindles on flax before the war, 121 Bell-founding, 194 Bere. See "Barley" Bibby, John, Sons & Co.'s orders for ships, 98 Bicycles, 102 Biscuit making, 92-94 Blacksmithing, factories and workshops, 105 Blankets. See " Woollen In- dustry " Bleaching, Dyeing and Printing Industry, 113, 147, 270 Blouses. See " Linen Industry, Articles Made Up, and Apparel." Blue, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites." Board of Trade, 246 Boat Repairing. See " Ship- building." INDEX 319 Boiler-making, 102 Bombs, Pistol, 212 Bonhams. See " Pigs." Bookbinders, their evidence be- fore the Poor Law Com- mission, 35. Book-binding, 171, 172 Book production, 172, 175 Boot and shoe industry, 177, 179, 180, 198, 270 Bottles, Glass, 166, 167 Bottling, census of production returns, 1907, 166 Boxes, Ammunition, 152, 155, 206, 211, 212 cardboard, making of, 174 Brass factories (finished goods), census of production re- turns, 1907, 104 Braziers, Evidence on ab- senteeism, 35, 36 Bread, 197 See " Biscuit Making," and "Cocoa, Confec- tionery, etc." Brewing and malting industries, The, ii, 13, 32, 72, 156-159, 1 66, 270 Brick industry, 150, 151 Bricklayers' wages in Dublin and London, 47 British and Irish Steam Packet Company, Ltd., The, 234 Glass Industries, Ltd., 166 Portland Cement Co., Ltd., MS. 144 Broadcloth. See " Woollen industry." Brushes, manufacture of. See " Household requisites." Building Admiralty contracts, 197 housing, 153 materials. See " Stones." plant, contracts for, 213 trade, the, 151, 152 Bulgaria, ploughed land in, 58 Buncrana, Admiralty building contracts at, 197 Butter and Cheese Importers' . Association of Great Britain, 286, 287 Butter, cheese, and margarine, 85 Exports, 63-65, 67, -j2, 84, 85, 229 industry, the, 31, 68, 8.j 85 CALIFORNIA, butter exported to, 84 Calves. See " Cattle " Cambric. See " Linen " Canada, 122, 128, 186 Canals and inland waterways, 221, 225, 226, 227, 237 Candles. See " Soap " Canvas. See " Linen " Capital, British, 14, 17 Causes preventing its ac- cumulation, 41 Lack of, 40 Carbide of calcium, 143 Carlingford Lough Oyster Fisheries, 78 Carpet industry, 139, 140 Carpet-maker, A, on the effect of withdrawing the pro- tecting duties, 35 Carrick, Tweed sold at, 131 Carrick-on-Suir woollen manu- facture, 1 6 Carrots, 64 Cart gear. See " Saddlery," etc. Carts. See " Timber Products " Casings. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Castlecomer colleries, 147, 286 Castlercagh, Lord, on the pro- gress of Ireland, 10 Catholics, Degradation of the, 7 Cattle, bred, recent decrease, 06 butchered annually in Ire- land, 67 exports of live, 31, 32, 34, 67. 7*. 72, 231, foods, 89 Importation of, into En- gland prohibited under Charles 11,3 kept ; recent increase in total, 66 Cattle, number and value sold or consumed by farmers, year ending, May 31, 1913, 63. 75 per 1,000 acres in different countries, 71 sold annually off farms, 67 Celtic Literary Society, The, 265 Cement, 143, 144 Census, 1911. See "Population" of Production Returns, 1907, 81, 84, 85, 92-94, 103-105, 112-114, 123, 127, 128, 132, 138, 140, 141, 145, 151-155, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 166, 169, 171-175, 177- 179, 188-190 Chalk, French. See " Soap- stone " Chamberlain, Mr. Arthur, on Governmental repression of Irish industry, 282 Mr. Austin, and tobacco growing, 184 on Irish industrial re- sources, 284 Chancellor of the Exchequer, The, on the progress of Ireland under Grattan's Parliament, 10 Channel opened by the Act of Union, 1 4 trade, The, 12 Charles II, Condition of Ireland on the accession of, 2 Economic progress in the reign of, 3 Cheese (and see " Butter," etc.), 86, 87 Number of factories mak- ing, 87 Chemicals, 194 Chichester family, The, 45, 46 Chichester. See " Da vies " China, 121, 128, 194 Chocolate, Admiralty contracts, 198 Cider, Manufacture of, 164, 165 Cigars and cigarettes. See " Tobacco Industry " City of Cork Steam Packet Company, Ltd., 234 City of Dublin Steam Packet Company, 234 Clarke, Mr. Harry, his work, 193 Cloth, Aeroplane. See " Aero- plane Fabric " Clothing (and see " Linen mak- ing-up Factories " and " Apparel "), 13, 198, 270 Coachbuilders, 35, 36 Coal, 13, 49, 50, 120, 142, 144, 147, 232, 233 Cocoa, confectionery and pre- serving factories, 93, 94 Colbertisem in Great Britain and Ireland, 15, 37 Collars. See " Shirt and Collar Industry " Colonial trade, Exclusion of Ireland from, 3 Colonies, American. See " American Colonies " Repeal of restrictions on commerce with the, 9 Combinations of workmen, 30, 3L 46 Comb-making, Decline of, 193 Commercial and Industrial Policy after the War, Com- mittee on, 282, 283 propositions, 1785, 12, 13 restraints, the depression of industry by, 36 Committees, ^Government. See " Government Committees " Commonwealth Government, Irish, policy of, 2 Concessions, Partial, to .^ the demand for " free trade," 9 Confectionery. See " Biscuit Making " and " Cocoa, Con- fectionery," etc. Congested Districts Board, Statement on annual value and classes of yarn pro- duced in Donegal, 130, 131 Constabulary Suggestion to offer manufacture of their cloth to Irish firms, 127 Contracts, Government. See " Government Contracts " Co-operative Credit Societies. See " Banking " INDEX 321 Copper and brass factories, 104 ore, 150 precipitate, 150 pyrites, 148 Cordage. See " Rope and Twine Industry " Cordials, Fruit. See " Aerated waters " Cork, Butter Exchange, Estab- lishment of, 84 Co., Development of flax growing in, 116 Exhibition, Guide to. See ' Maguire, John Francis" Glass strike in, 48 Industries at, 17, 19, 24, 3 1 '34. 79. 83, 92, 102, 107, 136, 176, 178, 180, 183, 186, 187, 189, 194, 198 Industrial Development Association, 265-267 National Shell Factory, 210, 211 Steamship Company, Ltd., 235 Corn Laws, The, effect on Ireland, 50 Cottage industries, 270 Cotton goods, 120, 121 industry, The, 10, n, 13, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 42, 43, 108, 117, 118, 120 its localization in Belfast, 212 manufacture in nineteenth century, 20, 21 raw, 108, 198 Cows. See " Cattle " Crawford, Sir W., 108-110 Creameries, Co-operative, their effect on the butter in- dustry, 84 Crops, 63, 64 Crosbie, Mr. George, first pre- sident of Cork Industrial Association, 275 Crowley, Dr. J. F., 134 Cuffe, Capt. the Hon. Otway, his tobacco plantations at Kilkenny, 184 Cuffs. See " Shirt and Collar Industry " Cunningham, Dr., 4, 7, n, 13, 38. 50, 51 Curtains, a branch of the linen industry (and see " House- hold Requisites "). 106 Cushions, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites " Customs and Excise, 287, 288 Cutlers, 35 Cutlery, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites " Cycles. See " Bicycles " " DAILY EXPRESS," Extract from Lord French's inter- view with the, 284 Davies and Chichester, " Settle- ment " achieved by, after the rebellion of 1641, 2 Deals. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Denmark, Cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Ploughed land in, 58, 59 Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, 59, 60, 80, 116, 117, 149, 222 Depot, Receiving and testing. See " Government Con- tracts " ; " War Office " Depression, Industrial. See " Industrial Depression " Derby, Lord, 201 Diaper. See " Linen " Diatomite, 147, 148 Diorite. See " Stones " Disinfectants, Manufacture of. See " Chemicals " Distempers, Manufacture of. See " Chemicals " Distilling industry, The, 32, 33, 72, 160-163, 166, 176, 270 Distress in the eighteenth cen- tury, 7 Distribution, Attitude of the eighteenth century to equit- able, 12 Docks, Powers over, 237 Dolls, Manufacture of, 194 Donegal Co., Potatoes grown in, 62 21 322 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Donegal linen'industry, 24, 26 woollen industry, 129, 130 Doors. See " Timber Pro- ducts " Dowlas. See " Linen " Down, Co., Distilleries in, 162 farming industry, 25, 26 goods, Manufacture of. See " Household Re- quisites " linen industry, 25, 28 Potatoes grown in, 62 Drink imports and exports (and see " Farm Produce," etc.), 18 Drogheda, Cotton manufacture in, 21 Fruit preserving industry repressed in, 285 linen industry, 24, 27, 28, 107, 108 Power looms in 1910, 108 Shipbuilding in, 33 Drugs, Manufacture of. See " Chemicals " Dublin Area (munitions), Dis- tricts covered by, 213 Cotton, linen, glass, bottle, shipbuilding, woollen, silk, and other industries in, 16-21, 24, 28-30, 33, 34, 46, 92, 100, 107, 108, 132, 164, 166, 176, 180, 183, 186-189, 193-195 County, Distilleries and paper mills in, 162, 169 Dockyard Co., Ltd, 99 Industrial Development Association, 149, 267 National Fuse Factory, 208-211 National Shell Factory, 206, 211 resolution regarding Inde- pendence passed in 1799, 10 Shipbuilders, Ltd., 100 Sufferings among workmen in, in 1826, 18 War Office Receiving and Testing Depot in, 203 Dubois on Free Trade, 38 Dufferin, Lord, on British re- pression of Irish industry, 288 on Lord Pirrie, 99 Dundalk, Industries in, 102, 180, 183 Dundee, Linen manufactured in, 29 Dun Emer Guild, Ltd., 139 Dungannon linen industry, 26 Dunraven, The Earl of, tobacco plantation, 184, 185, 276 Duties imposed at the Restora- tion on Irish imports into England, 3 on foreign imports, 15, 16 the principal factor in Irish industry, 36 under the Union, 13, 15, 35. 37- 50 Dyeing. See " Bleaching, Dye- ing," etc. Vegetable productions used for, 1 6 Dyes, 131 EARTHENWARE. See " Pottery " Economic policy, 290, 291 Education, agricultural, Need for, 6 1 Eggs, 63, 65 value of exports. See " Poultry " Elderberries used for dyeing, 16 Electrical engineering, 102, 197 Elizabethan wars, their effect on Ireland, I Embroidery. See " Linen In- dustry " Emigration. See " Popula- tion " Enamel work. See " Art Industries " Enamels. See " Chemicals " Engineering, 102-105, 270 Engines, steam, Manufacture of, 1 02 England, Cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Change of political balance of power in, at the Revolu- tion, 4 INDEX 328 England, Fear of war between France and, a motive for hostility to Ireland, 5 linen industry, 29, 107, 108 not benefited by restrictive legislation in Ireland^ 7 Protection of industries in, 36 woollen industry, 6, 7, 13 Europe, Emigration of Irish woollen weavers to, 7 Establishment of the wool- len industry in, 7 Everard, Col. Sir Nugent T., Tobacco growing experi- ments by, 184, 185 Exports, annual value, 1904-18, 228, 230 direct to foreign coun- tries, 231 Rise in. See " Foster, Speech of " FACTORIES in Belfast, number of weavers in, in 1840, 44 Report of Inspector of, on the woollen industry in 1865, 126, 127 Factory system, The, 25, 43, 44 Famine, 1846-1848, The effects of, 32, 176 Farm produce, food and drink imports and exports, 230 Farmers, 63, 250 Farming as a supplementary industry to weaving, 25-27 Feathers, 63-65 Felspar, 148 Fermanagh, Linen made in, 24 Ferries, 237 Fertility of Ireland, 59 Fertilizer industry, 189 Fish, 76-78, 292-295 Fishing, Inland, 77, 78 nets. See " Rope and Twine Industry " Sea, 73-77 Flannel. See " Woollen In- dustry " Flax, 25, 60, 63, 64, 112, 114- 116, 119-122, 229, 286 scutching, 114, 270 Floorings. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Flour, Admiralty contracts for, 197 imports, Quantity and value of, 91 milling, 88-92, 270 Food, Admiralty contracts, 1914-18, 197 classes produced, 191, 192 imports and exports, 1916- 18. See " Farm Pro- duce," etc. production, 59 Foods, Cattle. See " Cattle Foods " Ford, Henry & Sons, Ltd., Cork, 102, 103, 267, 286 Foster, Speech of, against the Act of Union, 10 France, Average yield per statute acre in, 59 Fear of clandestine exports of wool to, 13, 14 Irish wool smuggled to, 7 Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Number of spindles on flax before the war, 121 Ploughed land in, 58 Freedom, Political. " See Politi- cal Status " Freestones. See " Stones." Free Trade, its effect on Ireland, 37. 38 Freights, Additional, paid by Irish compared with British firms, 164 French, Lord, 284 Fruit and vegetable preserving industry, 285 Estimated value of, con- sumed on farms, 64 preserved. See " Biscuit Making " and " Cocoa, Confectionery " etc. Furness, Withy & Co., Ltd., too, 267 Furniture. See " Timber Pro- ducts " 324 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Fuses, 209, 212 No. 103, 106, 209, 212 GAELIC LEAGUE, The, 265, 271 Galway National Shell Factory, 209, 210, 211 Number employed, Novem- ber ii, 1918, 210, 211 Geological Survey Branch of Department of Agriculture, 142, M3 George, Mr. Lloyd, 201, 202, 288 Germany, Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Number of spindles on flax before the war, 121 Percentage of ploughed land in, 58 Pickled herrings exported to, 77 Glasgow agitators in Dublin, 48 cotton weavers brought to Limerick, 22 Glass industry, 8, 11,13, 33, 34, 48 Gloves, Knitted and kid, 194 Goats, Value of, sold or con- sumed by farmers, 63, 65 Gold and silver work, 192 Government Committees, 282, 283 contracts, 114, 196-214, 265-267, 281, 282, 303-307 Control, 280-282 of Ireland, The, not in the interests of the Irish people, but of Great Britain, 2 The British, repression of Irish trade and industry, 284 Grain milling. See " Flour Milling " Granite. See " Stones " Grass seed consumed on farms, 64 Grattan's parliament, 10-12, 16, 36 Great Britain, cotton industry, 109 Effects on, of Irish indus- trial decay, 51 Immigration of Irish labourers to, 51 Industrial progress of, 36 Great Britain, Irish woollen manufactures exported to, 128 linen industry, 8, 106 Power of, over Ireland, 9 Griffith, Mr. Arthur, 284 Guinness, Arthur, Sons & Co., Ltd., Dublin, 159 HABERDASHERY, 13 Hair, Curled. See " House- hold Requisites " Ham curing. See " Bacon " Handkerchiefs. See " Linen Making-up Factories " Handles, Brush and broom. See " Timber Products " Handloom weavers, Mr. Otway's Report, 17, 18, 19, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30, 40, 41, 45, 46 The Commission on,46 " Hansard," February 23, 1920 (quoted), 142 Harbours, 237 Harland, Edward James, his history, 97-99 & Wolfe, 97, 98 Harness. See " Saddlery," etc. Hats, Duty on, 13 Hatters, Evidence before Poor Law Commission, 35 Hay, Estimated quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Hempen goods, 120 Henry, Professor R.M., statistics of emigration and eviction, 1846-60, 176 Herrings, pickled, exports, 77 Hewins, Mr. W. A. S., M.P., English attitude to Irish economic questions, 283 Hides, " fallen " cattle and horse, number and value of, sold or consumed, 63-65 Holland, Flax imported from, 114 Flax, number of spindles on, 121 Irish wool smuggled to, 7 Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Home Rule Act, 1914, 288 INDEX 325 Honej'. See " Bee-keeping " Hops, 8, 13 Horses, 63-65, 72 Hosiery industry, 39, 40, 136, 137. 198 not suited for Admiralty contracts during the war, 198 stockings, duty on, 13 Household articles, linen. See " Linen Making-up Fac- tories " requisites, class of products. 193. 194 Housing. See " Building " Hungary, Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 percentage of ploughed land in, 58 Huskisson, import duties re- duced by, 15 ICE, effect on fishing industry, 73 Imperial Tobacco Company of Great Britain and Ireland, Ltd., 181 Implement factories. See "Tool" Imports, 228-231 Income of farmers. See " Farm- ers" Independence, Legislative. See " Legislative Independence " India, 121, 128 Indian corn in the manufacture of spirit, 162 Industrial depression, 7, 9] in the linen and 'pro- vision trades, 1770-80,9 movement, The. See " Irish Industrial Movement " revolution. The, 12, 38-40 Industry, Attacks on Irish, 8 Committees enquiring into, 282 Chief classes of, 270 Decline in, 36, 50, 270 Effect on. of the rebellion of 1641, 2 Encouragement of, by the Stuarts. 2 Industry, Impediments to, 280, 290 its resources, 282 Lord Dufferin on. 288 289 Possibilities of, 271 Progress under Grattan's Parliament, 10, n repression of, 280-291 Want of support for native. 266 Inks, Manufacture of. See " Chemicals " Inverforth, Lord, 204. 205 Ireland, a possible ally of France, 5 Effect of James II's stand in, 4 Right to legislate for, 5 Irish Coal Industry Committee Report, 147 Flax Producers' Associa- tion, The, 119 Industrial Development Association (Incorporated), The (and see also " Irish Industrial Movement "), 117, 169, 219, 276-278, 308- 315 Industrial Movement, The (and see also " Irish In- dustrial Development As- sociation "), 169, 265-279 Linen trade, the Select Committee on the. 39 Poor Law Commission, 1833-36. The. 21. 30, 35-36. 39-41. 46-48 " Irish Times." The. on housing, 153 Irish Trade Mark. See " Trade Mark, National " Woollen Manufacturers' Association, The, 133 Iron and Steel factories, 103 ore, 148, 150 pyrites, 150 Ironfounder. An. evidence be- fore the Poor Law Com- mission. 1836, 35. 40 Italy, average yield per statute acre in. 59 326 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Italy, number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 percentage of ploughed land in, 58 spindles on flax and hemp before the war, 121 JAM. See " Biscuit Making " and "Cocoa, confectionery," etc. James I, peace declared with Ireland on the accession of, i II, aid of Irish troops called in by, 4 Japan cotton industry, 121 flax spinning in, 122 Jellies, Fruit. See " Biscuit Making " and " Cocoa Confectionery," etc. Jennets. See " Mules," etc. Jewellery, hand-made. See " Art Industries " Joinery. See " Timber Pro- ducts " Joint Stock Banks. See " Banking " Jumpers. See " Hosiery " KANE, Sir Robert, 20, 29, 41, 47. 48, 49 Kerry.Linen manufactured in, 24 Kildare, Co., Distilleries in, 162 " Kieselguhr." See " Diatomite " Kilkenny, Industries in, 16, 17, 19, 132, 184 Kilmainham, Woollen factories set up at, 17 King's County, Distilleries in, 162 Knitting. See " Hosiery " Kynoch's, Messrs., attempt to develop works in Ireland, 284 LABOUR, 22, 39, 40 Lace, Insertion of, in linen goods, 106 Lagan, Kavigation of the, 33 Lambs. See " Sheep " Lancashire operatives in the woollen industry, 134 Land Purchase Acts, 60 system, 20, 40, 41, 45, 50 Laundries, 123 Laundry work, a sub-section of the linen trade, 106 Lead ore, 148, 150 "Leader, The," 265 Leather industry. See " Tan- ning Industry " and "Boot and Shoe Industry " Legislation, English, 2 Legislative Independence of Ireland, 10 Levy, Sir Maurice, Bt., M.P., 202, 203 Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, 14. 5i Lignite output, 150 Limerick cotton and other industries, 21-23, 34, 79, 92, 136, 176, 178, 183, 187 Limestone. See " Stones " Linen Board, The, 24 industry, 2, 3, 6, 8-n, 23-29, 40, 43, 44, 102, 106- 109, 111-114, 116-122, 198, 213, 270, 296 industry-7- cambric, 24 canvas, 25 damask, 25, 116 diaper, 24 dowlas, 24 d'oyleys, 116 embroidery, 106 sacking, 25 sailcloth, 24 serviettes, 1 1 6 sheetings (wide), 116 tablecloths, 116 thread, 118 Unions, 117 yarn, 25, 44, 107, in, 120, looms, 106-108, in machinery, 39, 40 making-up factories, Re- turns, 1907, 113 mills, 107 spindles, 107, 108, in, 121 Thread Co., Ltd., 118 waste for paper making, etc., 169 INDEX 327 Linen weavers, (and see also " Hand-loom Weavers "), 25-28; 43, 44 Jusburn linen industry, 24 Liverpool, Export of Irish linen from, in 1840, 25 Petition from merchants of, against duties on Irish trade, 15 Live stock, small proportion consumed on the farms, 63 Loan Fund Banks. See " Banking " Local Government Board, the cost of the houses approved by. 153 Londonderry, County, dis- tilleries, number of, in, 162 County, potatoes grown in, for export, 62 Linen industry, 24, 28 ship repairs, 197 Shirt and collar industry, chief seat of the, 122, 123 Tobacco, soap and candle factories in, 183, 187 Louth, Classes of linen made in, 24 County, potatoes grown in, for export, 62 Low Countries, The, fear of clandestine exports of wool to, 13, 14 Lurgan linen industry, 24, 26 Luxemburg, Percentage of ploughed land in, 58 MACCLESFIELD, Extension of the silk industry in, 29 Machinery, agricultural, 102 Bottle-making, 166 Contracts for, 213 Industrial, 270 Paper-making, 40 Tea, 102 Textile, 102 Mackerel, pickled, 77 " Made-in- Ireland Movement," The. See " Irish Industrial Movement " Magazines, Waste. See " Paper, Waste " Magnesia. See " Chemicals " 1 Maguire, , J John Francis on brewing, glass and leather industries, 32, 33, 34 On Scotch and Irish bank ing systems, 41, 42 On leather and whisky manufacture, 176 Maize, use in manufacture of spirit, 162 Malting. See " Brewing " Manchester Chamber of Com- merce, 15 Irish strikes fomented in, 48 silk industry, 29, 30 Mangels, 60, 62, 63 Manufactures, Imposition of duties, 3 Effect of the Union on, 14 Imports and exports, 230 Position at the Union, 14 See also " Industry " ; " Trade " Want of support for native, 266 Manure, artificial. See " Fer- tilizers " Marble. See " Stones " Margarine (and see 'also " Butter," etc.), 87, 88 Marmalade. See " Biscuit Making " and " Cocoa, Con- fectionery " etc. Match-boardings. See " Timber Products " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Matches, Manufacture of. St " Household Requisites " Mathew, Father, 32, 33 Mattresses, manufacture of. See " Household Requi- sites " Meat, 197 Preserved, 83 trade, Dead, 107 Meath, Linen made in, 24 Mediterranean, '1 lie, butter ex- ported to, 84 Migration of labourers to Great Britain, 51 Milk. 63-65, 67 328 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Milk, Butter and separated, sold or consumed by farmers, 65 Condensed, 191 Quantity and value of sold and consumed by farmers, 63-5 Mills, Flax spinning. See " Linen Industry " Paper. See " Paper Mak- ing Industry " Woollen. See " Woollen Industry " Minerals, 142, 150, 298, 299 Mineral waters. See " Aerated Waters " Mines, 298, 299. (See "Mine- rals " under headings of various materials worked) Ministry of Munitions. See " Government Contracts " Act, 1919, The, 223 of Reconstruction, 142 of Transport, 236-242 Moore, Mr. Alfred S., on the linen industry, 107-109 Morrish, Mr. Guy P., on the shirt and collar industry, 122, 123 Motor boat builders. See " Shipbuilding " bodies. See " Timber Pro- ducts " cars, 102 engineering, 102 Mouldings. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Saw Mill Pro- ducts " Mountmellick cotton industry, 20, 21 Mules, jennets and asses. Number and value of, sold or consumed by farmers, year ending, May 31, 1913, 63, 65 Municipal Technical Institute, Belfast, The, 119 Munition Factories, National deliveries, quantity and value to March 7, 1919, 210, 211 Ministry of. See " Ministry of Munitions " Murray, Miss, on the effect of Free Trade, 38 NATIONAL Land Bank. See " Banking " Munition Factories, dis- posal of, 214 Museum, Dublin, Exhibi- tion of building materials at, 149 Naval bases, building contracts at, 197 Navigation Acts, effects on Irish trade with the Colonies, 3 Navy, The, 31 Neagh, Lough, coal boring operations, 142 Needlework, Art. See " Art Industries " Negro clothing, 24 Newenham, on the progress of Ireland, 10 Newfoundland, repeal of import duties on foreign provisions, 3i Newry Glass Factory, 34 Newspapers, Census of Produc- tion Returns, 1907, 173 Newtownards, Cotton trade at, in 1840, 22 New York, bottled stout and whisky exported to, 166 Non-alcoholic beverages. See " Aerated Waters " North of Ireland Shipbuilding Co., Ltd., 99 Northern Whig, The, on the Belfast Industrial Associa- tion, 273 Norwich, Export of wool to, 16 Nose Bulbs (for shell), de- liveries by private firms, quantity and value to March 7, 1919, 212 OAK Twigs used for dyeing, 16 Oatmeal, 95, 96 Oats, amount produced, 59 Area under in 1852, 1914, 1918 and 1919, 61 INDEX 320 Oats as substitute for maize, etc., 229 average yield, 59 Exports of, in 1904, 1907, 1914 and after, 61 Increased average yield per acre, 1899-1917, 60 Number of people fed by an acre of, 59 Position of Ireland as regards yield, 60 Quantities allocated to various uses, 61 Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Their use in manufacture of spirit, 162 Time required to grow, 59 O'Callaghan, E. & Sons, Ltd., tanning industry, 178 Occupations of the people. See " Population " Ochre, 148, 150 O'Connell, Daniel, 48, 243 Offals for pig-feeding, 91 Oldham, Professor C. H., author of " The History of Belfast Shipbuilding " 97, 99 O'Neill, Mr. John, 211, 214, 282, 283 Organ-building, 195 Ormond, The Duke of, 3, 6 Osnaburghs, Irish cloth similar to, made in Kerry and Cork, 24 Otway, Mr., on the Land system, 41 Linen industry, 26, 27, 28, 40 Rate of wages, 46 Silk industry, 30 Ulster's progress, 45 Woollen industry, 17. 18, 19, 4 Otway's Report on the Hand- loom Weavers, 23 Oxen. See " Cattle " PACKING Cases. See " Timber Products " Paints, Manufacture of. See " Chemicals " Paisley, Cotton weavers from, 22 Panic of 1825, The, 18, 30 Paper making Industry, The, 168-170 Mills, 168-170 Machinery, 40 Waste, enlargement of the trade, 169 Parliament, A member of, on the state of Ireland, in 1795, 10 Grattan's. See " Grattan's Parliament " The British, and Ireland, 3-9 The Irish, 3, 7, 50 The Patriot, 3 Parsnips, Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Parson's steam-turbine engines, 99 Pastry. See " Biscuit Making " and " Cocoa, Confectionery, etc." Peace after the Revolutionary War, 4 Peas, Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Peat, Moss Litter. 148 Use of, instead of anthra- cite, 148 Peel, Sir Robert. Free Trade policy, 31, 50 Periscopes, 198 Pharmaceutical preparations. See " Chemicals " Pierce. Philip, & Co., 102 Piers, 237 Pig products, 72 Pigs, 63-66. 69-71. 79-82 (Bonhams), births of, 70 Pipes, tobacco. See " Tobacco Pipes " Pirates, Seas cleared of. 2 Pirrie, Lord (formerly Mr.), 99, 235 Pitt, William's, Commercial Propositions, 12 His inconsistency. 13 His false prophecies, 145 Planks. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " 330 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Ploughed land Decline in the area of, 57 Percentage of, in Ireland, 59 Plugs (fuse-hole), 212 Plunkett, Sir Horace, founder of the Irish Co-operative Movement, 256, 285, 288 Policy, Commercial, Great Britain's, 15 Polishes, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites " Political status, and economic progress in Ireland, 6, 9 Poor Law Commission, The Irish. See " Irish Poor Law Commission " The Irish, 14 Poplin industry, 137-138 Number of looms at cer- tain periods since 1845, 138 Population, Decrease in, 261, 263, 270 Emigration figures, 263 Increase and decrease in Provinces, 262 Occupation figures, 1911, 262 of England and Wales, and Scotland, increase in, 263 1821-1911, 261 Pork, large exports from Cork, 3i Producing season for, 70 Salt, 198 Porter. See " Stout " Portlaw, Cotton manufacture at, 223 Portugal, Butter exported to, 84 Percentage of ploughed land in, 58 Post Office Contracts. See " Govern- ment Contracts " Savings Bank. See " Bank- ing " Potatoes, Average yield per acre, 59, 60, 69 Effect of crop variations on the pig population, 69 Exports, 62 Exports of, in 1904, 1914 and after, 62 Potatoes, Number of people fed by an acre of, 59 Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Recent increased produc- tion, 229 Time required to grow, 59 Variations in the area under, 62 Pottery manufacture, 13, 34, 194 Poultry and eggs, Exports, 72 Exports. See " Poultry and Eggs " Number and value of, sold or consumed by farmers, 63-65 Numbers at certain periods, 72 Recent increase in, 72 Powders, boot, floor, etc., manu- facture of. See " House- hold Requisites " Press, The, 271-275 Prices, Wholesale, 247 Printing and allied industries, - of linen. See " Bleach- ing " etc. Privy Council, The English, treatment of the Irish pro- vision trade, 9 Produce, high rate of, in Ireland, 59 Production, Attitude of the eighteenth century to, 12 Progress, Economic, 6, 9, 10, n Property, Insecurity of, after the Union, 14 Prosperity under Grattan's Parliament, 10 Protestants, Monopolise the woollen industry, 7 - The Irish, Degradation of, 7 Provision trade, 3, 8, 9, n, 31 Purser, Miss, Work for the stained glass industry, 192- 193 Pyrites, Copper. See " Copper Pyrites " - Iron. See " Iron Pyrites " INDEX 331 QUARRIES. See " Road Making Materials " Queenstown, Admiralty con- tracts at, 197 Dry Dock Shipbuilding and Engineering Co., Ltd., The, 99, 100 Harbour, Government ship-repairing yard in, 100 RAILWAY and Canal Act, 1888, The, 221 Commission, The, 220, 221, 222 engineering, 102 Railways, Dates of opening of the first, 216 Failure to assist industry, 219 Government control of, 219, 222, 223, 224 Light, 217, 237 Mileage covered by the principal, 217 Number of companies, 217 Rates and fares, increases, 224 Rates higher than almost all other nations, 224 Their progress, 218 Their uncertain future, 222 Raw materials Dependence on outside coun- tries for, 224 Imports and exports, 230 Rebellion of 1641, 2 Receiving and Testing Dep6t. See " Government Con- tracts, War Office " Restoration, Customs duties imposed at the, 3 Hostility of the English Parliament to Irish trade after the, 4 Restraints on trade, 3, 9 Revolution, The, 3-7 Revolutionary War, Damage caused by, 4 Road-making materials, Quar- ries engaged on, 148 Roads, 237 Robes. See " Linen Industry. Articles made up " Rolled Oats. See " Oatmeal " Rope and twine industry. See also " Linen Industry " Roumania, percentage of ploughed land in, 58 Rural Life, 271 Russia, Flax, imported from, 114 , number of spindles on, i .2 1 , proportion of Euro- pean, grown in, 114 Percentage of ploughed land in European, 58 Pickled herrings exported to, 77 Rye, Average yield of, in Italy, France and Ireland, 59 Position of Ireland as regards yield of, 60 SACKING. See " Linen Industry " Saddlery, Harness and Cart-gear Industry, 178, 179 Sailcloth. See " Linen Industry" Salt, Duties on, 13 Import duty on, 31 Mines and factories, 148 Rock, decennial output, 150 Sandstones. See " Stones " Sawmill Products. See " Timber Products " Schwabe, G. C., 98 Scotland, Linen industry in, 8, 29, 107, 108 Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Population, increase, 1891- 1911, 263 Woollen industry, 134 Scutching. See " Flax Scutch- ing " Serbia. Percentage of ploughed land in, 58 Serviettes. See " Linen Indus- try " Shaw, Sir Alec, On efforts to improve pigs for bacon, 79. 80 Shawls. See" Cotton Industry " 332 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Sheep, Average annual exports, (and See " Sheep," " Lambs " and " Wool ") 69, 71 Decline in during, the last 30 years, 66 Exported and consumed, 69 Lambs and wool. Exports, value, 72 (Lambs) season of greatest production, 70 Number and value of, sold or consumed by farmers, 63-65 Number in different countries, 71 Variations in number, 69 Sheetings. See " Linen indus- try- Sheffield, Glut of cutlery from, 35 Shell components, 206 See also " Fuses, Gaines," etc. Shells, and Components, orders placed in Belfast and Dublin Areas, 213 Manufacture of, 206, 212 Shipbuilding Industry, The, 33, 46, 47, 72, 97-99, 100- 102, 197, 270 Shipping, 227-235 Direct service. See also " Trade, Foreign " Encouragement of the de- velopment of, 3. Increased cost since the war, 232 Position of, worse than before the war, 235 War losses, 232 Shirt and collar industry. (See also "Apparel"), 122, 123 Location of factories, 122 War Office contracts, 123 Stations, 123 Shortt, Mr. Edward, M.P., 285 Silk Industry, 13, 29, 30, 137 Effect of the withdrawal of duties, 30 Silk, English competition, 29, 30 Silver work. See " Gold " Sinn Fein, its encouragement of the Irish Industrial Movement, 271 Skirtings. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Slate, Annual value of, 149 Production of, 148 Sleepers, Railway. See " Timber Products " Sligo, Linen industry, 24, 27 Smiddy, Professor T. A., om deposits in Joint Stock Banks, 248 Smith, Adam, a forecast by, on the recovery of Ireland, II Smuggling of Irish wool, 7 Snuff -making, 183 Soap and candle Imports and exports, 188, 189 Industries, 187, 188 Soapstone, 149, 150 Southern Counties, Flax grow- ing in the, 116 South of Ireland Bacon Curers' Pig Improvement Associa- tion, 80 Spain, Butter exported to, 84 Fruit cargoes direct from, 236 Spirits. See " Distilling In- dustry " Sports' coats. See " Hosiery " Stained glass, 192, 193 Starch, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites " " Statistical Year Book," The, of the International Insti- tute of Agriculture, 59 Statistics, Agricultural, system established during the great famine, 57 Stationery, Manufactured. See " Printing and Bookbind- ing " and " Newspapers " Office contract placed dur- ing the war. See " Govern- ment Contracts " Steam navigation, Effect of the increase in, 31, 32, 33, 73 INDEX 333 Steatite. See " Soapstone " Steel Factories. See " Iron " Stockings, Duty on, 13 Stones, Various natures worked, 149 Stout. See under " Brewing and Malting " Strabane, Report on the linen trade in, 26 Straw, Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Strikes, A consequence of indus- trial decay, 48 Evidence as to their cause, 47 Shipbuilding industry in Dublin ruined by, 33, 46 Sir Robert Kane on, 48, 49 Support for, from England, 48 their effect on industry, the 46 Stuarts, Efforts of the, to deve- lop Ireland, i, 2 Submarine warfare, Losses from, 232 Sugar, Government control of imports, 233 Industry, Natural condi- tions favourable to, 271 Sullivan, Dr. W. K. 168 Sulphur Ore workings, 148 Swift, Dean, Loan Fund intro- duced by, 254 Swine. See " Pigs " Switzerland, Cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Irish linen embroidered in, 106 Syrups. See " Aerated Waters " See Linen TABLECLOTHS. Industry ' Tanning, Classes of output, 178 industry, The, 34, 176, 177, 178 methods, A comparison of, 177 Wakefield's report, 34 Tapestry, Manufacture of. See " Household Requisites " Tariff Commission, The, 8, 9, 70 267 Taxation, Increases of, after the Union, 41 Tea-cloths. See " Linen Indus- try, Articles made up" Textile, testing and condition- ing houses, 1 19 Thread. See " Linen Industry " and " Cotton Industry " Tiles, Manufacture of. See under " Pottery " Tillage. See " Ploughed Land " Timber, area under in 1853, 1880 and 1918, 63 Government control of imports from Canada, 233 products, 153, 154, 155 Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 " Times, The " on the fishing industry, 74 Tinware, Manufacture of, 194 Titles, Irish, applied to non- Irish products, 169, 308-315 Tobacco, Imports of manufac- tured and unmanufactured, 183 Industries, 181-185, 271, 300-302, two sections, 181 Manufacture, Sir Nugent Everard and Lord Dun- raven's factories for, 185 Tobacco growing Effect of Finance Act, 1919, 185 Preference converted into a subsidy, 184 Results of commercial ex- periments in, 300, 301, 302 Scheme approved by tha Development Commission, 185 Subsidy reduced and limited to the experimenters, 184, 185 pipes, briar, meerschaum and clay, 186 Tool and Implement Factories, 104, 105 334 MODERN IRISH TRADE AND INDUSTRY Tow (and see " Linen Industry"), Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Toys, Manufacture of, 194 Tractors, Agricultural, 102, 103 Trade, 2-5, 9, 61, 224, 225, 230, 231, 267, 280 Effect of the rebellion of 1641, 2 Foreign, an outlet for industry, 3 , agitation for a free, 9 , direct, 231 right of free, ad- mitted in 1780, 9 . See also "Shipping" Hostility of the English Parliament to the develop- ment of Irish, 4 impediments to, 280 in Imports and Exports at Irish Ports, Report on the, 1915, 61, 230 passage of the Navigation Acts, 3 See also " Industry " and " Manufactures " vital factors in its recovery, 224 Trade-mark, Date of registration of the, 276, 277 Evidence of its value, 277, 278 Misuse of the, 278, 308-315 National, 89, 118, 275-278, 308, 315 The Irish, the first insti- tuted, 275 The, owned and adminis- tered by the Irish Industrial Development Association (Incorporated), 276, 277 Tramways, 237 Transit (and see " Railways," " Canals, and Inland Water- ways," " Shipping," its importance to industry, 215 Trucks, Hand. See " Timber Products " Trustee Savings Banks. See " Banking " Turnbuckles, 212 Turnips, Area under, in 1852, 1916, 1918 and 1919, 62 increased average yield, 60 Tweeds. See " Woollen In- dustry " Twine. See " Rope " Tyrone, County, Class of linen made, 24 Potatoes grown in, for export, 62 ULSTER linen industry, 24, 25, 107, 108, 118 Loan Fund Banks most used in, 256 Localization of industry in, 36, 42, 43 Progress a result of the land system, 45, 50 Ulster Echo, The, support of the Industrial Develop- ment Associations, 274 Umbrellas, Districts manufac- turing, 194 Underwear. See "Hosiery" Unemployment, caused by indus- trial decline, 50 Union, The Act of. See " Act of Union, The " Unions. See " Linen Industry" VARNISHES. See " Chemicals " Vegetable preserving. See " Fruit " Vegetables, Amount of Admi- ralty contracts, 197 Veneers. See " Timber Pro- ducts " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Veterinary preparations. See " Chemicals " Vinegar. See " Aerated Waters " WAGES, Rate of, 46, 47 Waggons, railway and others. See " Timber Products " Wakefield, 16, 20, 24, 31-32, 34-35, 39, 43 Wales, Number of cattle, sheep and pigs in, 71 Operatives in the woollen industry, 134 INDEX 335 War, Increase of ploughing owing to the, 57 Office, Contracts placed during the war." See " Government Contracts " Wash-boards. See " Timber Products " Waterford, Bacon and ham curing at, 32 Glass factory at, 34 National Cartridge Fac- tory, 209, 210, 211 Shipbuilding at, 33 Tanneries at, 34, 176 Waterproof goods, 195 Waterproofs, Admiralty con- tracts, 198 Weavers, Emigration of. See " Woollen Industry " Wentworth, Viceroyalty of, 2 West Indies, 31, 84 Wheat, 59-61, 64, 233 Government control of imports from certain countries, 233 Position of Ireland, as regards yield of, 60 Quantity and value of, consumed on farms, 64 Wheels. See " Timber Pro- ducts " Whiddy Island, Admiralty building contracts at, 197 Whinstones. See " Stones " Whisky. See " Distilling In- dustry " Wicklow, Woollen and flannel industries in, 17, 19 Willans, Mr., Woollen factories set up by, 17 On the character of the Woollen weavers, 20 Windle, Sir Bertram C. A., the Irish national trade mark, his suggestion, 276 Window frames. See " Timber Products " Wines " British." See " Aerated Waters " Wood, Panel. See " Timber Products " ; " Sawmill Pro- ducts " Woods, Destruction of, effect on tanning, 34 Wool, raw (and see " Sheep, Lambs "), 7, 10, 16, 63- 65, 69, 125 Woollen industry 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 13, 16-19, 124, 136 Attempt to revive, 17 Broadcloth, 16 Capacity for expansion, 133, 134. US Dyes, inferiority of, 131 Fine cloths made from imported wool, 125 Flannel, 19 List of the products of, 131 Mills, 126, 127, 132 Necessity for co-operation, 133. 134 Position of the handloom and homespun industry, 129 Products made from home- grown wool, 125 Slow development of, 133 Spinning, an opening for capital, 126 Workers, 17, 127, 132, 133 Yarn, 124-126, 130, 131 See also " Wool " ; " Raw " YARN, hemp and linen. Sw " Linen Industry " wool. See " Woollen Industry " Yorkshire, 16, 134 West Riding, percentage of operatives in the woollen trade, 134 Young, Arthur, a forecast by, on the recovery of Ireland, ii ZINC ore, 150 Printed in Gt. Britain by Jarrold 6- Sons, Ltd., Norwich J SOUTHOTJHEGONAI LBflARY FAOuTY A 000 039 532 7