MOST REV. J. B. SALPOINTE, D, D., ARCHBISHOP OF TOMI, FORMERLY ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE , NEW MEXICO. I Soldiers of the Cross, t 5ffi xH »ii ■is ^ — I Notes on the Ecclesiastical History ^ 4 ^ of S NEW=nEXICO, ARIZONA AND COLORADO S f by 5dJ xH Most Rev. J. B, SALPOIJ\'TE, iX D,, ARCHBISHOP OF TOMI, FOMy>£RL.Y ARCHBISHOP OF SANTA FE, NEW 'MEXICO. 1 f g BANNING, CflLlFORNm, | ,^ ST. BONIFACE'S INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL. f Vt) aft) i 1898. ^ % - ; ■ ■ - . , , . ^ Copyright 1898, Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1898 in the otiice of the Librarian of Congress at Washington , D, ('. 5f7 .^ PREFACE. Within the memory of persons yet living, the present territories of Arizona and New Mexico, with part of Colorado, and other districts beyond the scope of this volume formed portion of the colonial empire of Spain. Then, within less than thirty years, various influences changed Mexico from a colony to an independent empire, and again to a republic, and afterwards led to the acquisition by the United States of the central district above referred to. An account of this district, now the Archdiocese of Santa Fe with the dioceses of Denver and Tucson, is the subject of the present volume, which deals less with matters belonging to civil government, than with the religious interests of the population of the district. How the first missionaries came among the Indian tribes ; how the early missions were estab- lished and maintained in spite of difficulties of many kinds ; how the good work has been continued, with growing success, down to our own days — these are the subjects that have been of most interest to the wTiter, as a missionary priest to whom it was given to tread in the footsteps of the early Franciscans and Jesuits of the Southwest. His desire has been to place on record something, at least, of the lives of those missionaries, 28G106 VI PREFACK, who lived a life of peril, and died, often at the hands of savage men, where the reader ma^' now worship in a quiet and peace- ful sanctuar}'. Living, as the writer did in his early missionary life, among people who had just witnessed man}' transitions and were still affected by them, it was natural that he should be led to speak of the contrast between the present and the past. We have the Indian tribes still with us, and we recognize, as the Spanish did, that the Indian does not take readilj' to civilized life. The treatment of the Indians adopted by the Spanish government was founded on Christian and humane methods, which were found bj^ experience to lead to the gradual settle- ment and civilization of the Indians; while we, although we are now at the end of the nineteenth century, formally recognize a S3'stem which ignores all religious influences and has for its avowed object the gradual extinction of the Indian race. Under the present system, during the half century since it came into operation, more lives have been sacrificed than during three centuries of Spanish rule. *) On the other hand, it must be evident to the reader that the connection of the missionaries with the earlj^ Spanish mili- tary explorers and governors, although a decided advantage to the civil power, was a great obstacle to the full success of the work of the missionaries. While admiring the spirit in which the Church and its work were sustained by the Spanish civil power, the author is convinced, that under the Constitution of the United States, guaranteeing full liberty of conscience and worship to every individual, a wider and more fruitful field is thrown open to the missionar^^ of the present time, "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church," and we may well hope, that this beautiful land of the Southwest, *) The only serious loss of life recorded in Spanish times is the slaughter of 4,000 Apaches by a Huguenot colony in 1696. See page 87. Prkface. VII the first portion of the United States territorj^ to receive the faith of Christ to any extent, will, as it continues to advance in population and prosperity, alwa^^s recognize the supreme importance of its religious interests. The author, since his retirement from the active duties of missionary life, has found much pleasure in the records, as far as these were accessible to him, of early times in the districts familiar to him for the past forty years. Some of these records are difficult to procure, and some are in Latin or Spanish. It has been the aim of the writer to place before the general reader an account of those interesting events of which people at present have little more than a vague tradition. He is deeply indebted to the Rev. B. Florian Hahn, who super- intended the printing of the book by the Indian boys under his charge at St. Boniface's Industrial School, Banning, Cal. ; and to another priest, who kindly read the proof sheets, as the}- came from the printer. CONTENTS. The Colonial Period from 1538 to 1821. PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. The Aborigines. Universality of the flood, at least in respect to man- kind. — The unity of race for all men. — Tradition among the Indians, alluding to a universal deluge. — The same existing among the Pima and Papago tribes. — How the Aborigines, pos- sibly came to this country Page 1 to 6 CHAPTER I. Ethics and Customs of the Indians. — Marriages. — Burials. — Medicine Men. — Religion Page 7 to 15 CHAPTER 11. What Was the Condition of the Indians of New Mexico at the Time OF the Expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado into that Country, a. d. 1540 ? — Religion. — The Dance of Entertainment. — The War Dance. — Religious Dances. — Government of the Indians Page 16 to 24 CHAPTER III. The Explorations of the Spaniards From Mexico Towards the North. What were th'e Reasons of three successive Expeditions, between the Years 1530 and 1540 to New Mexico or Cibola, the Country of the vSeven Cities, as it was then Called ? (1) The expedition of Nuno deGusman in 1630, (2) The Naval expedition of Fernando Cortez in 1528. (3) The expedition of Fray Marcos de Niza in 1539. (4) The Expedition of Francisco Yasquez de Coronado in 1540. (5) The Naval Expedition of Fernando Alarcon. (6) Some Remarks of the Writer, Explaining the Expedition of Coronado Page 25 to 40 X Contexts. CHAPTER IV. The First Missioxary Work in thePi-eblos of New Mexico. — (1) Mar- tyrdom of Fray Juan de Padilla, Luis de Escalona, Juan de Santa Maria, Francisco de Loi)ez and Augustin Ruiz. (2) The Expedition of Don Antonio de Espejo Page 41 to 46 CHAPTER V. Thk Expedition of Don Juan de OSate, Bringing CoLO^^zERs and Christianizers To New Mexico. The first Spanish Colony established in New Mexico. — First Church built for the Colony and for the Indians the of San Juan Pueblo 1598. — The City of Santa Fe founded in 1605. — Building of several other Churches, and great success of the missionaries among the Indians of the Pueblos Page 47 to 53 CHAPTER V^I. The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. (1) The Nation or People who live on the way to New INIexico. (2) The Nation called "The Manzos," Peaceable Indians on Rio del Norte. (3) The Beginning of the Apache. (4) Province and Nation of the Piros, Senecu, Socorro, formerly Pelabo, and Sevilleta, to-day La Joya. (5) Teoa (Tigua) Nation. (6) The Nation of the Que res. (7) The Nation of the Tompiros. (8) The Nation of the Tanos. (9) The Nation of the Pecos. (10) La Villa de Santa Fe. (11) The Nation Toas (Tegua). (12) The Nation of the Hemes (Jemes). (13) The Nation of the Pecuries. (14) The Nation of the Taos. (15) The Rock of Acoma. (16) The Zufii Nation. (17) The Moqui Nation. (18) An attempted Conversion of the Apache. (19) Coming in Contact with the the Apache Navajo. (20) The Xumana Nation. (21) How did the Religious Employ Particularly their Time? Page 54 to 63 CHAPTER VII. The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of Otermin. Eighteen Priests, Three Lay Brothers and Three Hundred and Eighty Spaniards killed. — Flight of Gov. Otermin leaving Santa Fe in the Power of the Rebellious Indians. — A Human Sacrifice, the only one recorded in the Annals of the North. — King Traquillo establishing his residence in the Moqui Villages. — Establishment of the 'Presidio' Military Post, of El Paso del Norte and founda- tion of the Pueblos of Senecu, Isleta and Socorro (Teocas) Page 64 to 72 CHAPTER VIII. The Government of Vargas and the Reconquest of New Mexico . .' Page 73 to 77 Contents. , XI CHAPTER IX. Government of Vargas Coxtinded. (1) Resettlement of Santa Fe authorized in 1693. (2) War against the Tanos and other Pueblos at Santa Fe. (3) Trouble again with the Pueblos. (4) The Missions Provided with new Priests. (5) Foundation of the Villa de Santa Cruz, 1695. (6) New Revolt of the Indians, 1695. . Page 78 to 88 CHAPTER X. The SrccESSiON of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. (1) The Admin- istration of Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero. (2) Vargas, Governor of New Mexico for the Second Time, 1703. (3) Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdez made Governor, 1705. (i) The Foundation of the Villa of Albuquerque, 1706. (5) Don Jose Chacon Medina Salazar, 1707. (6) Don Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, 1712. (7) Don Felix Martinez, October, 1715. (8) Governors J. Domingo Bustamante, Gervasio Crusat y Goryira. (9) Governors Olvide, Domingo and Codallos. (10) Governors Tomas Veles Capuchin, Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle. (11) Governors Portillo, Capuchin, Mendinueta, Anza. (12) Governors Fernando de la Concha and Fernando Chacon Page 89 to 103 CHAPTER XI. Impending Diffici'lties between Mexico and the United States. Governor Alencaster and his vSuccessors Manrique, Mainez and Allande. The Trade with the Western Provinces of the United States Assuming Large Proportions. (1) The Fall of the Spanish Rule in the Mexican Colonies. (2) The Trade Between New Mexico and the Western Cities of the United States. (3) Fall of the Spanish Rule in Mexico Page 104 to 111 CHAPTER XIL Some Remarks on the Period of Colonization and the Government of Spain in Mexico. Objections Answered. (1) Was the Govern- ment of Spain a Tyrannical One in the Possessions of New Spain? (2) Fanaticism for the Extension of the Catholic Religion. (3) The Greediness of the Spaniards for Gold and Riches .. P. 112 to 121 CHAPTER XIII. Priests who Worked in the Missions op New Mexico. (1) Names of the Priests who worked in the Missions of New Mexico from 1540, when this Country was Explored by Coronado, to 1821, the Date of the Mexican Independence. (2) How Did the Missionaries Introduce Themselves to the Tribes to Establish Jlissions for Them ? — Visits of the Bishops of Durango to the Missions of New Mexico, in the years 1737 and 1760 Page 122 to 128 XII Contexts. CHAPTER XIY. The Work of the Missionaries in What is Now Arizona During the Period of Colonization. (1) Explorations. (2) The Jesuit Missionaries. (3) The Franciscan Fathers Succeed the Jesuits in the Missions of the Province of Sonora. (4) Names of the Missionaries who Worked Among the Tribes of the Country now Called Arizona Page 129 to 144 CHAPTER XV. A Last Glance at the Indians. (1) Were the Aborigines Very Numerous at that Epoch? (2) The Hostile Tribes. (3) The Pueblo Indians of To-day Page 145 to 150 PART TWO. Period of the Mexican Rule, chapter i. The First Mexican Empire. The Independence of Mexico recognized by the United States. — The Monroe Doctrine Accepted by the United States. — Emperor Iturbide Resigns. — His Death Page 153 to 158 CHAPTER II. La Republica de Mexico Page 159 to 165 CHAPTER III. The New Mexico People Rebel Against the Government P. 166 to 170 CHAPTER IV. The Independence of Texas and its Annexation to the United States. The Invasion of New Mexico. (1) The Independence of Texas and its Annexation to the United States. (2) The Invasion of New Mexico. (3) The New Mexicans Revolt.— Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. (4) Names of the Priests who Administered the Mis- sions of New Mexico Under the Mexican Rule Page 171 to 179 CHAPTER V. The Missions of Arizona Under the Mexican Rule. Secularization of the Church Property. — Description of the Church of San Xavier Page 180 to 188 Contents. XIII part three. Period of the United StatEvS Government. chapter i. The Beginning of the American Rule Page 191 to 193 CHAPTER II. The Creation of the Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico ... P. 194 to 201 CHAPTER III. The Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico Goes East in Search of Sisters TO Conduct a Girls' School in Santa Fe Page 202 to 205 CHAPTER IV. The Vicariate of New Mexico Raised to the Rank of an Episcopal See. The Vicar Apostolic Goes to Europe for Priests. .P. 206 to 209 CHAPTER V. More Priests and More Teachers Needed in the Diocese. (1) The Bishop of Santa Fe Early in 1859, sends His Vicar General, Rev. Peter Eguillon to Europe for Christian Brothers and New Mis- sionaries. (2) The Start of the Missionaries for Santa Fe. (3) The Caravan Moves on From Kansas City. (4) Buffalo Chasing. (5) The End of the Journey Page 210 to 223 CHAPTER VI. The Territories of Arizona and of Colorado Annexed to the Diocese OF Santa Fe. (1) Arizona. (2) Colorado; Right Rev. Joseph Machebeuf; Rev. John Baptist Raverdy P. 224 to 233 CHAPTER VII. The First Schools Established Outside of Santa Fe. . .Page 234 to 241 CHAPTER VIII. Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona Page 242 to 249 CHAPTER IX. The Missionaries Commence Their Work in Arizona. . .Page 250 to 254 CHAPTER X. What Means of Support Had the Priests in Arizona? . . . Page 255 to 258 XIV Contexts. CHAPTER XI. The Territory of Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. . . Page 259 to 264 CHAPTER XII. Santa Fe made an Archdiocese Page 2t>5 to 271 CHAPTER XIII. Archbishop Halpointe in Santa Fe. Archbishop Cliapelle in Santa Fe. — Cardinal Gibbons and Cardinal Satolli in Santa Fe. — List of Priests Page 272 to 283 CHAPTER XIV. The Sisters of Mercy in New Mexico and Arizona. . .Page 284 to 285 CHAPT^^R XV. Summary of the Ietroduction of the Catholic Religion and Build- ing OF Churches in New Mexico During the Colonial Period Page 286 to 288 Appendix Page 289 to 296 Index Page 297 SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS, PART FIRST. THE COLONIAL PERIOD. PART I, THE COLONIAL PERIOD. PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. The Aborigines, (i) Without passing any judgment on the opinions, either of ethnologists or of some serious students of the sacred books, as to the origin of the American Indians, we simply follow the text of the book of Genesis, and hold that the deluge destro3^ed all men, Noah and the members of his family excepted ; and also all kinds of living animals, save those which, by order of God, had been enclosed in the ark ; no matter whether the flood was universal or only partial in regard to the earth. In other words, we admit the universality of the deluge, at least, as far as required by the purpose God had in view, viz. : The destruction of all animated creation. "He said : I will destroy man, whom I have created, from the face of the earth, from man even to beasts, from the creeping things even to the fowls of the air" (Gen. vi, 7). As a consequence, we believe that all men now living on the surface of the earth, have come from Noah and his descendants. To these it was said by God when they came out of the ark: "Increase and multipl^^ and fill (1) Beginning with the year 1538, the date of the first missions in the hmd now ■called Arizona. 1 2 Prelimi.vary Chapter. — The Aborigixes. the earth" (Gen. ix, i) and in the same chapter, verse 19, it is said of Sem, Cham and Japhet, the sons of Noah: "These three are the sons of Noah, and from these was all mankind spread over the whole earth." These words admit no excep- tion of any other people who would not have perished in the deluge. Similarh', all animals have been propagated from those which Noah, by order of God, had enclosed in the ark. This interpretation of the book of Genesis is the most generally accepted, both by Catholics and non-Catholics. Among the latter, we can refer to W. Fraser, G. Rawlinson, Karl Ritter and others as quoted b}' Herbert W. Morris. ( i ) "The very first historical sections of the Bible," sa^'s Fraser, "so long held in contempt, have, of late, not only attracted the attention of the greatest scholars, but have won their homage. No unbiased scholar will now dare to scoff at the tenth chapter of Genesis. It sheds so much light on the first movements of different people and on the foundation of empires, that it cannot be repudiated without injur>^ to historical science." Sir H. Rawlinson adds : "The tenth chapter of Genesis, is the most authentic record that we possess for the afl&liation of nations." Dr. W. H. Morris establishes the universality of the flood in respect to mankind and the unity of the human race by the authority of Geo. Rawlinson, Baron de Humboldt, John Kitto and others. "To den}^ the occurrence of a deluge," says Rawlinson, "or to conclude that in respect to mankind, it was partial, because some of the great divisions of the human family- had no tradition on the subject, is to draw a conclusion directly in the teeth of the evidence. ' ' And he gives the proofs of a con- sentient belief on the matter. More particularly on the unity of race, Humboldt wrote: "The different races of man are forms of one sole species the recognition of this bond of humanity becomes one of the noblest leading principles in the histor}^ of mankind." John Kitto, on the same subject, says : "That all the tribes and nations of mankind have a common origin, is the doctrine of Scripture, and that doctrine has been (1) "Testimony of the Ages," Deluge and Unity of Race. (A. L. Bancroft, San Francisco. ) Prelimixary Chapter. — The Aborigines. 3 abundantly confirmed by the most learned and able researches into the ph^'sical history- of man." According to Francisco lyOpez Gomora, Antonio de Her- rera and others mentioned by Juan de Solorzano, ( i ) it was found at the time of the conquest of Mexico, that the aborig- ines had some traditions alluding to a universal deluge. The same is asserted of the Pimas by Professor John A. Spring (2), who has recorded their tradition on the subject. Their chiefs, they say, received timely notification of the coming flood from the eagle and the 'coyote' (prairie wolf) ; So-Ho, one of the chiefs, prepared a boat for himself and family. The boat floated around during the storm and landed on the Santa Rosa mountain (Arizona) when the flood subsided. Every- thing on earth, as the^^ say, was destroyed and all the Pimas perished, except the good So-Ho, who had listened to the advice of the great spirit transmitted to him by the 'Coj'ote.' This is substantially what can be made out of the extensive fabulous details given by the Indians to Mr. Spring, but this is enough to show that this tradition of the Pimas is in con- formity with Moses about the fact of a universal deluge, if not about its real circumstances. Here arises the question: If all men have descended from Noah, where did they start from to come to the New World, and which way did they take to come to it? To answer this twofold question, we will follow the opinion of Antonio de Herrera, Torquemada, Joseph Acosta and others named by Solorzano already mentioned, and say, that the inhabitants of the New World came from different parts of the Old world, and from difierent branches of Noah's posterit}'. When it became evident that men were too numer- ous to live together in the lands settled by their ancestors, it w^as felt necessary' to look for other countries where the surplus population could extend itself and find more facilities for life. A division of this kind, but perhaps not the first among the descendants of Noah, took place after the confusion of the languages, when God distributed them all over the world, scattered "abroad into all lands." (Gen. xi, 4.) (1) Solorzano, "De Indiarum Jure." (2) Arizona Enterprise, Jan. 12, 1893. 4 PRELiirixARv Chapter, — The Aborigixes. As to the possibility for men to have come from the Ancient World to the New, it must be surmised that it was provided for by God, even without any miracle, either by land or by water, for those whom He had destined to disseminate the human race all over the earth. By land, north and south, where the continents are not very far apart from each other, and many have been formerly in communication by promon- tories or islands, which may have been cut since by the steady beating of the billows, or by subterranean commotions, which may have changed the level of the seas. This has been the case with the strait of Gibraltar which formerly was obstructed b}^ reefs which now remain far below the surface of the water. As the Indians of the New World had no letters, as stated by Solorzano ( i ) but only some pictures to keep the remembrance of some particular events, it has been almost impossible to have from them an^^ reliable information about the migration of their forefathers to this continent. Some of them, however, have kept the tradition, that they have come from a land, which was separated from this one onty by some not considera- ble extent of water. As an instance, here is what we were told, in 1866, by one of the San Xavier Papago Indians, Juan Solorza, who was tolerably conversant with the Spanish language, and by no means inclined to believe most of the fabulous tales of his people. Having asked him, one day, whether he knew where the Papagos had come from, and how they had reached this country', he said he heard several times the old men telling in the "platicas de noche" (night conversations) that their fathers, long ago, had come from a far away countr\' to this one ; that they had to wade a river, which was neither very deep nor ver>' wide ; but that, during the process of crossing, which could not be effected in a short time as they were many, the water commenced to rise and became so deep, that many of those who intended to leave their country-, could not do so. The same Indian added : ' "It is the opinion of the old men that we have many parientes (kinsfolks) in the country' we have come from. (1) "De Indiarum Jure." Prelimixary Chapter. — The Aborigines. 5 This tradition favors well enough the possibility of a way b}- land, no matter if we place it north or south. But in the supposition that the descendants of Noah would have had to cross over some extent of water, could we reasonably imagine that they had no idea of navigation, and could not have fashioned canoes or rafts of some kind, no matter how primitive, in which thej^ could cross some stretches of water, especially if the^^ had in sight lands to guide them? This cannot be thought of. Nature, indeed, is a good teacher, and the Indians who, as is known, take notice of all natural facts, must have always profited by her lessons. They have seen, at all times, dry sticks or logs of wood floating on the surface of the water, and very likel)^ have used them of old, as the Yumas do to-day, to cross the Colorado or to follow its course down as far as required. For a Yuma, to ride a stick on the river, and to carrv^ on it his little luggage, is of common occurrence, and it seems to the bystander the easiest thing to be done. In fact, what is required for a voyage of that kind, is to pick up a convenient stick or pole from among the many that generally lie on the shore, and to tie at one end of it the bundle of garments and some food, if necessary', for they consider it easier to return by land, than by water up the river. After the tying of the baggage, the man sitting on the other end, sets out, breast deep in the water, rowing with his hands, while the package, which, of course, must be lighter than the man, goes ahead of him, protruding above the surface of the river, high enough to be protected against moisture. In case it be necessary to carr}^ heavy loads, then a raft is built by tying or coupling logs together with ropes or strips of raw hide, until the desired space for the cargo is obtained. In regard to the Yuma Indian women, who can cross the river swimming as well as the men, they use another kind of embarkation for their young children, when they want to pass them from one side to the other of the river. The process is ver\' simple; the papoose is placed in a rather flat earthen 'olla' (jug), which is put afloat, and then pushed ahead in the desired direction by the swimming mother. This is what the Yumas do to-daj'- and what they did in 1538) when, for the first time, the}' were visited by the 6 Preliminary Chapter. — The Aborigines. Franciscan Fathers, Fray Juan de la Asuncion and Fra}- Pedro Nadal. ( i ) The Fathers, unable to find out the name of the river, called it "El Rio de las Balsas," the river of the rafts, on account of the floating apparatus the Indians used to cross it. From this it can be inferred that the aborigines, who came first to the New World, must have had, at least, a similar knowledge of the art of navigation. If these remarks, which we have ventured on the authority of many good historians, are not acceptable to those who may come across them, we will say, with Joseph Acosta, that on a matter like the primitive history of the Indians, it is easier to disapprove of what has been said, than to state something better. (1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro (lulroductiou). CHAPTER I. Ethics and Customs of the Indians. As regards the ethical condition of the Indians when found on this continent, it would be very difficult, not to say impossible, to give a general idea of the morality which prevailed in all the different tribes. As stated in the previous chapter, the first inhabitants of the New World must have come from different branches of Noah's descendants; hence, it must be admitted that customs and morals cannot have been exactly identical in all the families or tribes. The extent of the country, the different climates, the chiefs who com- manded and many other circumstances must be taken into account in speaking of the variety of rules of conduct of the different agglomerations of people. Among the "conquista- dores," some would take notice of facts which were unnoticed or overlooked by others ; and this explains the contradictions which are found between writer and writer, especially on the ethics of the aborigines. Polygamy, it seems, was in use among the Indians of this continent, at least among their chiefs and those who could support several wives ; it is stated, however, that in some tribes, there existed certain rules of morality which had to be observed by married people, and by women especially. Fernando Alarcon, who explored the Colorado river in 1540, sa3^s, that he found a tribe in which, as he was told by his interpreter, polygamy was unknown. He learned also, through the same man, that these Indians 8 Ethics axd Customs of the Indian's. punished adulten' with death ; that a girl \vho 3-ielded to seduction was never asked in marriage, and that union between brother and sister was never thought of; still, in the same tribe, sin against nature was tolerated, and even sodomy was sanctioned by the chiefs. This abominable practice was so widely spread among the aborigines first discovered, that it caused the monarchs of Spain to issue schedules in 1523 and 1543, ordering those in authority in their new possessions, and the missionaries, to do all in their power to stop the evil at once. We have it from Rev. John Chaucot, who was the parish priest of Yuma for over twentj^ years, that the chiefs of the Yuma Indians, at least some of them, are poh-gamists. Whether it was so with other Indians of the same tribe, the priest could not ascertain, as all lived out of his jurisdiction on the right bank of the river, which is taken as the line of divis- ion between Arizona and California. According to Prof. Spring, already mentioned, the chiefs of the Pimas and the individual Indians of the tribe, who can support more than one wife, are also polygamists. ( i ) The same author states on the authority of Captain Gossmann, who had been agent of the Pimas for three j^-ears, and was conver- sant with the language of the tribe, that modesty is unknown to those Indians ; that their conversations, even in the presence of their children, are extremely vulgar and offensive ; that these people were a health}^ race formerly, the men brave and honest, the women chaste, while to-day, they suffer from foul diseases, owing to the advent of the white men among them. The same opinion has been expressed by several Indian Agents in their reports to the government, as also by old residents of Arizona. This is the reason why the chief of the Papago In- dians of Santa Rosa said years ago, that as long as he would have authorit3% he would never permit, that an American should live among his people. Of the Pimas Mr. Spring sa^^s : ' 'They believe in the existence of a supreme Being or Creator whom they call "Prophet of the Earth," and also in an evil spirit, "che-a-vurl." (1) The Pimas, as mostly all the Yumas, are yet in the state of paganism. Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 9 They believe that their spirits will pass to another world when the}' die, and that there they will meet those that have gone before them. They say that whenever one dies, an owl carries the soul of the departed away, and hence they fear owls (which they never kill), and they consider the hooting of this bird as a sure omen that some one is about to die The Pimas have no form or religion whatever, and have neither idols nor images Thej" care little or nothing for the life hereafter, for their creed never promises rewards in the future for a life well spent, nor does it threaten punishment after death to those who, in this life, act badly." The same author states that the Pimas have a confused traditional knowledge that some French priests visited their country, many long years ago, and attempted to convert them to Christianity. We suppose the traditional remembrance refers, not to French priests, but to Father Kino, one of the Jesuit missionaries, who, as we shall see later, established two missions on the Gila river in 1694. "But," continues Mr. Spring, "all efforts to Christianize the Pimas would fail, not because any of them would oppose any such attempts, but because they all w'ould be indifferent to the new teachings. ' ' This is a mistake of Prof. Spring. From what we know of the Pimas for a long time, we, on the contrary, believe that these Indians would not only not oppose any attempt at their con- version, but be very glad to have Catholic priests to instruct them. A request to that effect was presented earnestly in 1866 to the priest ( i ) then in charge of the missions of Arizona, by the chief, Antonio Azul, if we remember well, a man who had great authority in his tribe. But what could this priest do ? He had only another clergyman with him to attend to the spiritual w^ants of the few, it is true, but sparsely located people of the whole Territor}^ ; besides he had not the means to build either church or school for the Indians, who could not contribute any- thing for such buildings. Moved by the petition of the Pima chieftain, which was repeated later on, the priest tried to find some kind of room iii which he could gather the Indians at least occasionally, and give them some instruction. He ex- plained his views to an American, who was trading with the (1) The priest here spoken of is the author of these Notes himself. 1* 10 Ethics and Custosis of the Ixdians. Pimas, hoping that he might get some help from him, but he was mistaken. "Oh no," said the man who made money of the Indians, "what is the use of giving these people any in- struction ? They are good enough for us as they are, and we do not want to have them better." The same request for Catholic priests was addressed several- times, in the year 1893, to the parish priest of Phoenix, Rev. Francis X. Jouvenceau, by the chief of the Pimas, who live on Salt River. The priest was requested to go to the village and say mass for its inhabi- tants. He gladly consented, and a day was appointed for the desired sacred ceremony. Meanwhile, some pious persons were sent in advance to teach the Indians some catechism and pray- ers. When the priest arrived at the village, he was met by the whole of the inhabitants, attired in their best garments, and accompanied by them to a large temporary brush chapel, hastily built for the purpose, and there he said mass and preached to them. A grand day it was, but onl}^ too short for the good Pimas, who would have wished to keep the priest with them, at least a longer time. Indeed, this is a good proof that those Indians are not so very indiflferent to religious instruction. They are asking for it, they ask for the bread of spiritual life, but circumstances have been, and are yet against their earnest and just demands. The Church in Arizona is, as A^et, quite unable to furnish the means to build churches and schools for the Indians, nor can it hope to be able to do so, unless some day it is enabled, by charitable donations, to begin a work so badly needed. Some might object by saying : But who can trust the Indians ? Wh}' did they not keep the missionaries when they had them ? These queries can be answered in a very few words. We may, of course, be deceived by any kind of people and none can expect more good faith from the Indians, who are, as a rule, fickle and inconstant, than from other people who often stand by their word for considerations which are out of the reach of the Indians. Still, when they of their own accord ask a thing, there is some good reason to believe that they are in earnest, and that they will not change their mind wdthout a weighty cause for it. It is quite true that the Pimas Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 11 did not profit b}^ the instructions of the first missionaries. But to judge aright, we must refer to the circumstances in which the missions were established on the Gila River. The mission- aries made their explorations in the country' under the protec- tion of military expeditions, which were generally very onerous to the Indians, who, in man^^ instances, had to deprive them- selves of their provisions to supply the wants of the soldiers ; hence the hatred the Natives bore to the Spaniards and to the missionaries connected with them. Had these been alone by themselves in the country, the aborigines would not have mo- lested them, because they could see that the religious did not wish to command, but to do good to their fellow-men by instruct- ing them. Marriages, according to Mr. Spring, are entered into without ceremony, and are never considered as binding, but can be dissolved at will by either of the contracting parties. The sole requisite for an intended union is the consent of the girl and that of her father. The woman is the slave of the husband, as far as hard labor is concerned, and this, we may say, is also the condition of woman among the Papagos, who claim to be of the same nation as the Pimas. With them she carries water and food for the house, takes care of the children, and does all the menial work. In her spare moments she moulds the 'ollas,' earthen jugs, an article much appreciated in the countr>^ on account of the property it has of keeping the water cool in the summer time. ( i ) The Papago like the Pima woman, makes also other kinds of pottery and earthen ware, and when she wants to sell some of these articles she has to carry them on foot to the market, whilst her husband follows her lazily on horseback to receive the money she may make. The Papago woman carries the water in a jug on her head, and the wood, the pottery, and almost everything in the 'kijo,' a kind of sack of strong net work, about twenty eight inches high, narrow at the bottom, and about thirty inches wide at the top, and conveniently tied to four sticks which (1) This property must be attributed to a certain quantity of very fine straw ■which the Papago women mix with the clay to prevent the cracking of their pottery during the process of drying it, and which disappears in the burning of the vessels, giving tuem the porosity which permits transudation, and by it causes the cooling of the liquid they contain. 12 Ethics and Customs of the Indians. keep it open. This sack or dosser rests on the back, and is supported by means of a strap on the head of the carrier. Burials: The Yumas, up to the date of this writing (1895), burn their dead, generally after dark, with manifesta- tions of real grief. Like the Pimas, they believe that the souls of the departed are taken away by an owl, and when they hear this bird crjdng at night, they saj^ that it is the last dead mem- ber of the tribe who is complaining. They burn their dead, as they say, in order to free the soul from the body, and give it an opportunity of going to another world. They fear the dead and do not like to have the names of any of them mentioned. If somebod}', by way of condolence, says Father Chaucot, speaks to a Yuma of the loss he has sustained in the person of some member of his family', he stoops down and does not an- swer a word. The Pimas, and those of the Papagos who have not been converted to the Catholic religion, bur^^ their dead in a sitting position. The former dig a grave in the hut of the deceased, and, when the corpse has been covered, the hut itself is destroyed and the debris left on the spot. The latter tumulate the bodies of their departed ones in mounds of rocks, some distance out of their towns. A number of these tumuli can be seen yet about two miles southwest of the San Xavier mission, between two hills. The pagan Papagos, as we were told by the Indian Juan Solorza, already' mentioned, believe in metempsychosis as a state of purification. According to their belief, the soul of the person who has not been a good warrior, or who has acted wrongly in his life, is sent into the body of some animal, where it has to remain until it be ready to enter the next world. Prof. Spring calls the attention of his readers to a practice observed among the Pimas, which seems similar to that of the Mosaic law. He sa^-s: "Women during childbirth and during the continuance of their menses, retire to a hut built for this purpose in the vicinity of their dwelling place. Men never enter these huts when occupied by women, and the latter, while there, have separate blankets, and eat from dishes used by no one else." Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 13 From the same author we take the statement that the Pima, whose arrow has killed an Apache, is considered unclean, and must remain for sixteen days out of his village, entirely- deprived of all communication with his people. During the length of his purification nobody can approach him, except an old woman, appointed by the tribe to carry food to him. The Papagos, as we were told years ago, practiced as strictly the same purification. Medicine Men : Both the Pimas and the Papagos have their Sahurines or medicine men, who pretend to have the power or the science of curing diseases. The method they use consists simpl}^ in singing, dancing and sweeping a\\';>^ the malady or the bad spirit, as the case may be, with eagle feathers. The cure process commences with the singing and dancing of the medicine man, and is followed by the use of the feathers, which are softly run over the patient from head to foot, and then quickly taken out of the room and shaken, and with them at least a part of the disease is taken off. If the sick person does not feel the promised and desired relief, he has to submit again and again to the same performance until he dies or dismisses his "Sahurine." Indeed the patient must be strong to stand the fatigue of the curative process. We remember that; when we had to stop at San Xavier, we often heard this singing during the night. The Papagos, like the Pimas, fear the owl but have great confidence in the sagacity of the coyote. Some of their men pretend to understand the language of this animal, and to have received from it many a good advice in critical circumstances, especially when they had to start on a campaign against the Apaches. There are many other superstitions among the Indians of all tribes. According to their belief, when the wind blows heavy clouds of dust, as is common in this country, the Apaches are to be feared. These must come with the wind and dust. No doubt it may have happened in some instances that the Apaches have availed themselves of the whirlwinds and dust to make their attacks without being suspected, and thence comes the conviction that the wind brings them. 14 Ethics and Customs of the Indians. In the Indian countries, it is not unusual to see near the road, particularly on some elevation of the ground, some little piles of rocks, sticks, bones, etc. These, we are told by one of the Papago Indians, mark the places where, in former times, the Indians in their travels used to stop a while before going any farther on their way, when they felt tired, and it was believed that the surest wa}^ to obtain the desired relief, was to throw some object on the resting-spot. Thus these piles would have been formed. Some people rather think, with more reason it seems, that it was agreed between the Indians, that when they had to gather from different directions to go warring, they were to pass by these appointed places, and leave some traces of their passage for those who would come after them. Be it as it may, the piles are there, but do not grow any higher in our days. Eeliyion : According to the first historians of the con- quest of Mexico by Herman Cortez, all the Indians were idola- tors. They sacrificed to their idols, more or less in all the provinces, innumerable human victims, not only of their enemies and strangers, but even of their relatives and children. Mention of this is made in the letters of Charles V. to Cortez in 1543. Thomas Bocius, quoted by Solorzano (i), wrote that in the City of Mexico, seventy thousand lives were sacrificed every year to the idols. All the primitive inhabitants of the New World were more or less idolators. They had been taught to worship the true God, but, as of old their fathers did, they neglected the true and good God whom they could not see, to worship Belial, under hideous forms of their own make. They forgot the goodness of their Creator to think only of the bad spirit who could injure them, and in order to propitiate him they sacrificed to him human lives. This form of religion was not in use in all the tribes, especially those who lived north of Mexico. They had ridiculous but not sanguinary gods, like those of the Teocali of the City of Mexico. The Indians, scattered on the plains or in the woods, made gods for themselves of everything extra- (1) Solorzano, lib. II, No. 27 and 51. Ethics and Customs of the Indians. 15 ordinary they might see for the first time. The conquerors, who treated them kindly and gave them some medicines for their diseases, were considered as celestial beings. Any mon- ster or object whatever, which, on account of perfection or defects would seem to them out of the common order of nature, was considered as supernatural and worshipped as a good or bad spirit. J. S. Hittel (i) says of the Indians of California, that "they had no religion, no conception of a deity or of a future life, no idols, no form of worship, no priests, no philosophical concep- tions, no historical traditions, no proverbs, no mode of recording thought before the coming of the missionaries among them." The same has been asserted by some writers with regard to some Indian tribes in which no signs of religion could be found. The fact, however, that some Indians are to be encountered now without any religious practices, is not a proof that they never had any religion. Moreover, it is very difiicult for an inquirer to have, from the ever suspicious Indian, the expression of his inner thoughts, if one does not enjoy his entire confidence. (1) "History of San Francisco." (A. L. Bancroft & Co., San Francisco, 1878.) CHAPTER 11. What was the Condition of the Indians of New Mexico at the Time of the Expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado into that Country, A. D. 1540? From the relation of this expedition, as given b}^ Pedro Castaiieda and by Juan Jaramillo, who both took part in it under the command of Coronado, we learn : (a) That all the Indians who were found in New Mexico lived in villages or towns, the houses of which were built with mud and stones in some places, or simply with mud (very likely the "adobe," or moulded mud dried in the sun) according to local circum- stances, and that all these houses were covered with terraces and had, some of them, two or more stories ; (b) that the Indians planted maize, beans, pumpkins and cultivated cotton in some localities ; (c) that they knew how to weave cotton and to prepare the skins of animals, which articles they used to cover themselves. According to Jaramillo, the sedentary Indians of New Mexico were divided into six provinces, namety : Cibola, Tiguex, Ouirix, Hemes, Acha and Tutahaco. Cibola had seven villages ; Tiguex had twelve villages, located along the river in a valley about two leagues in width and bounded west by high mountains. Four of the villages are built at the foot of the mountains and three on their top. North of Tiguex is found the province of Quirix, comprising seven villages. Seven leagues farther north is Hemes with the same number of villages. Acha, fort)^ leagues in the same '1 I. The Road to the Pueblo of Acoma in 1846. Zr^i-- f'-f.X^CftV^ II. Papago Indians' Camp. HI. iJwKLUNGS OF Papago Indians. Conditions of the Indians of New Mexico, a. d. 1540. 17 direction and four leagues southeast of this is Tutahaco, with eight villages. Richard H. Kern of the Topographical Survey, quoted in the Extra Sensus Bulletin, gives the names of Indian towns used by Coronado, with the modern or present names, viz. : Cibola, old Zuni ; Tusayan, Moqui pueblos ; Acuco, Acoma ; Tiguex, Isleta or some pueblo in its vicinity ; Tutahaco' s position can be identified, but not the places ; Quirix, San Felipe and adjoining pueblos ; Cicuye, Pecos or Santa Fe ; Hemes (Jemes), Agua Caliente, perhaps near the town of the same name ; Yuque or Yunque, possibly Abiquiu ; Braba, Taos ; Chia, Silla or Zia. From Castaiieda we translate the following : "These prov- inces are governed each one by a council of the old men. The houses are built in common. The walls are built up by the women, who have to prepare the mortar they have to use. They have no lime, but in its stead they make a mixture of ashes, charcoal and earth, which has the same consistence, as can be seen by the elevation of the great walls, though com- paratively of a thin structure. As regards the necessary tim- ber, this is procured from the mountains by the men, who shape and place it conveniently where it is required." "The unmarried young men work for the community. They carry the wood the women need for the use of their houses. The Indians have "estufas," subterranean rooms, dug in the "plaza," public square. These rooms have their roofs supported by strong wooden pillars placed on a level with the outside ground. There is a passage down into them by a trap door and a ladder. In the center of the room a fire is kept burning in the cold season. The houses belong to the women and the estufas to the men. It is forbidden to the \yomen to enter the estufas, except when they have to carry food there to their husbands or to their sons." ■"When a young man marries, it is by the order or with the consent of the old men. He must then spin cotton, weave a mantle, and this done, the young girl is brought to him ; he covers her shoulders with the mantle, and she becomes his wife." Castaiieda says that these Indians did not sin against nature, that they had no human sacrifices, and that they did 2 18 Co^JDITION OF THE IxDIAN'S Of Ne\\' MeXICO, A, D, 1540, not eat human flesh. He sa^^s the}' had preachers, very likely ' the "Pregoneros" (proclaimers), who exist yet in the pueblos, and whose office it is to communicate to the inhabitants of the village the orders of the governor or even of the Catholic priest. The proclaimer speaks from the top of the houses when these are crowded, or from the plaza, if he can be heard b}' every- body without going around the habitations, "They had," continues the author, "earthenware and vases ver\' elaborate and varnished (painted). Their lands were rich and fertile, so that the crops of one year could supply their wants for seven, in case of necessity. When they planted in the spring, the ground, in many places, was covered yet with the maize they had not collected." The houses were clean and well distributed- There was a room for cooking and another for the grinding of the grain. The grain was crushed between stones, prepared fpr that purpose, by three women at a time. On the first stone the corn was roughly cracked, on the second it was broken thinner, and on the third it was made dust. During the process of this work, the women had a man singing at the door, or they them- selves did it to regulate and help the motion of the hands on the stones, or "metates," as they have been called by the Mexicans. The same process is yet resorted to by the Indians to grind the seeds of certain plants, and by the Mexicans to pul- verize the "chile," red pepper. In another place Castaneda says, that the inhabitants of Cibola had nearly the same customs, except that they had no Caciques to govern them, but old men w^ho preached from the tops of the houses, and were respectfully listened to when they spoke, which they generally did at the rising of the sun. These Indians burned their dead and, with them, the tools they had used in their trade during life. The cross, among them, was considered as a sj^mbol of peace. We think the inhabitants of Cibola had taken the cross and its meaning from the Sonora Indians, who had been visited, the year before, by Fray Marcos de Niza,.who gave them crosses as a sign that he and his companions would not molest them in an 3' way. ■Condition of the Indians of New Mexico, a. d. 1540. 19 The men of the province wore round the loins a piece of stuff adorned with tassels at the corners ; they had also mantles of feathers, of cotton, and of hare skins. The women wore also cotton mantles and prepared skins. Religion : Nothing is said in the above mentioned details about the religion of the Indians of New Mexico, but from what has been said, on that subject, of those of Old Mexico, by the historians and the first missionaries, we can safely infer that our natives must have been idolaters. The superstitious practices that even yet exist in some of our Catholic pueblos, seem to indicate, if not an actual idolatrous worship, at least a living remembrance of it. We do not mean to refer to the hideous figures the Indians make in pottery and which are bought as idols by the benign eastern tourists. The Indians do not make those articles for their own use but for specula- tion, and the uglier the objects they succeed in producing, the better for the sale, as has been proven by experience. Here is what a priest, (i) who has lived twelve years among the Jemes Indians, says : "My opinion is that these Indians, though openly Catholics, practice in secret all kind of old superstitions and religious ceremonies. Whether they worship several deities, I could not say, but certain it is for me, that in their estimation, Moctezuma at least approaches to the divine power, as some of them have told me that what we call God is no other but Moctezuma, the difference being only in the name. They have a kind of worship for the sun, but I could not ascertain whether or not they consider it as a divinity." "More than other people they fear the rattlesnake but do not pay to it any worship, nor do they keep it and feed it in a cave, as it is believed by many. I have seen in their private dances an imitation of the rattlesnake, as also I have heard an imitation of this reptile's noise, which is used to regulate the cadence of the dancing, but there were no living snakes. They avoid killing this kind of snake on account of some superstition very likely, and if they do kill one, as happens to those who work in the fields when taken by surprise, they must purify (1) Rev. Father Mariller. 20 Condition of the Indians of Kew Mexico, a. d, 1540, the spade or hoe which has served for killing, before using it again." "The Jemes Indians have three kinds of dances or 'bailes' ; the dance of amusement, that of war, and the religious dance. "The Dance of Entertainment is practiced on feast days, and publicly. It is generally monotonous in the singing and grave in the motion, but there is nothing to blame. But the same cannot always be said of the 'eutremeseros' or clowns, who sometimes use ver^'' lewd language to provoke hilarity among the audience who can understand it. " **The War Dance is practiced only every twent^^-five or thirty years, and for this reason, a long preparation has to take place before the ceremonj^ can loe held publicl5^" "The principal personages or heroes of the war dance are those who have killed an enemy and have saved his scalp ; these are called the 'matalotes,' the brave, and the 'malinche,' the danceress, who is chosen to represent Moctezuma's wife at the time of the conquest of Mexico. They dance one at a time, in a particular dress, the bow in one hand and in the other a lance, from the top of which hang the scalps of the dead enemies. At his side dances the 'malinche,' richly dressed and with much dignity. Meanwhile all the warriors surround them, singing or firing off their arms. This dance is repeated four or five days according to the number of the 'matalotes' who live in the pueblo." ' 'The cost of this dance is considerable, both on account of the very many Indians who come from other pueblos and to whom food has to be furnished, and on account of the presents the relatives of the matalote have to give to the malinche dur- ing the dance. Besides, they all make a generous distribution of food and of all kinds of provisions, to the audience. This dance is certainly the most interesting of those I have witnessed in the Indian pueblos, and if I have anything to blame in it, it is the loss of much time and the expense it entails on many poor Indians ; but such is the old custom, and it must be kept alive ; fortunately it is of rare occurrence. ' ' "Relifjiotis Dances: There are some of these which take place regularly at the beginning of the four seasons of the year. They are preceded by a fast of four days, which is obser^^ed by CoNDlTtON OP THE IndIAKS OP NeW MeXICO, A. D> 1540. 21 a certain number of men and women of the pueblo. During the four days men and women have to keep their separate rooms, except at the time of singing and prajdng, when they come together in the same room. After the prayer they trace some strange figures of animals and men,, around which they spread feathers and seeds. The meaning of this ceremony nobody explained to me, but it looks very much like one of their many superstitions. They receive food only once a day and sleep on the bare dirt floor of their rooms. Many think that these Indians practice abominable actions in this seclusion, but it is my opinion that they are entirely mistaken. At the end of the fasting days, or rather early on the fifth day, the fasters come out of their rooms and participate in the dance which takes place in the pueblo. This is conducted privately, with no other spectators but the inhabitants of the pueblo, or the Indians of the neighboring villages. There are other dances accompanied by a fast, which are practiced in case of some public calamity, or to obtain rain when needed for the crops." Government of the Indians : Castafieda, as written above, by saying that the inhabitants of Cibola had no Caciques to govern them, seems to indicate that the other provinces he spoke of, had them. He does not, it is true, mention them, and says only that those provinces were governed by a council of old men. But this does not exclude the Caciques, who in any tribe, must have been counted among the wise, if not always among the old men. The same author wrote also in his book that Coronado was visited at Cibola by the Cacique of Cicuye, one of the villages of New Mexico. The word "Cacique" is not peculiar to New Mexico. Cacique, as we take it from the work, "De Indiarum Jure," was the title of the first authority in Hispafiola Island, when discovered by Columbus. This title was sanctioned and applied by the discoverers to the chiefs of all the tribes which were successively subjugated. Some of the nations, however, had other special names to designate their first dignity. In Peru, for instance, the chief men of the tribes were called "Curacas" and "Tecles" in Mexico. According to the same authority, the office of cacique was hereditary among the Indians for the male, and even for the 22 Condition of the Indians of New Mexico, k, d. 1540. female children of the incumbent, in case there should be no male ; provided, however, that the heiress should be married and her husband qualified for the charge. Without changing" the custom, the representatives of the Spanish government reserved to themselves the right to remove any Cacique who might prove ineflficient, and to replace him by another of their choice. When it became known to the government of Spain, that the Caciques were like little kings or potentates, who exacted, almost at will, contributions from their subjects, over whom they had great influence, it was thought advisable to do away with such a power. Several schedules were expedited to that effect from 1548 to 1577. The enforcement of the tenor of these documents was not an easy task, and to urge it might ver\- well have had no other result, but to make the Indians discontented without any certaintj- of changing much in their customs. It was considered also that the friendship of the Caciques, if enjoyed by the government, would be of great ad- vantage, both for its ow'ii support and extension, and for the conversion of the Indians. These and other considerations caused the government to reconsider its previous orders, and to revoke them by new schedules of 1603 and 16 14. As for the government of the Indians of New Mexico in general, as we know that the Indians are a traditional people who stand always by the old customs, we believe that, at the time of Coronado's expedition, their government was what it had been before and what it is now, with perhaps a few slight modi- fications. The sedentary tribes are governed by the supreme chief called Cacique, who has under him, a governor with some officers at his command, for the execution of all orders refer- ring to the ordinary- management of the affairs of the pueblo, and by a council of the "Mayores," old men, for the discussion of all important questions. The authorit}' of the Caciques in our pueblos is ver^' limited if compared to that of the Indian chiefs of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the large and rich tribes of Old Mexico ; still it is yet the first in the government of our civi- lized natives. The word ' 'Cacique' ' bears with itself the idea of respect and obedience. The man vested with this title is like Condition of the Indian^s oip New Mexico, a. d. 1540. ^3 a patriarch or a pontiff in his community. It is he who has the charge of keeping alive the old customs, and of opposing anything that would tend to their subversion. Without his consent, no measure whatever, which would not be authorized by tradition, can be taken by his subordinate officers or by the council, were they all unanimous in their opinion. It must be said however, that the Cacique has no authority, and most likely never had, in the management of what is considered to be the property either of the families or of private individuals. We extract the following from a report written in 1858 by Rev. Samuel Gorman, a Baptist missionary,' to the pueblos, and sent to J. L. Collins, Superintendent of Indian Affairs at Santa Fe. Mr. Gorman says: "The Pueblo Indians hold their land grants, church property, and all town houses in common ; all other property is individual. Any person of the community can take possession of and cultivate any of the common lands not previously occupied or cultivated by others, and after he once cultivates it, it belongs to him and descends to his heirs as individual property. All the work that pertains to the community as a whole, such as keeping in order the ditches for irrigation, is done by the men of the pueblo at the call of the officers. The officers are the cacique or head chief, who is elected for life, a governor and two assistants, a fiscal mayor, and the war captain and his two assistants. These officers under the cacique are elected about the beginning of the year for twelve months only." "The right of inheritance is held by the females generally, but is often claimed by the men also. Not having any written laws, the will of the officers is the only rule of their courts. ' ' Mention must be made here of a pious custom, which .prevails in the Catholic Indian pueblos of New Mexico, very likely from the establishment of the missions by the Franciscan Fathers. It consists in the blessing of the Governor's "Bara" — the rod, which the governor has to hold in his hand, whenever he must act publicly in the capacity of his office. At the beginning of the year, or on the first visit of the priest, if he does not reside in the pueblo, the newly elected governor goes to the church with the inferior dignitaries, where, after mass, 24 CoxDinoN OF the Indians of Xew Mexico, a, d. 1540. he asks the priest to bless and deliver to him the bara left by his predecessor in office. Yielding to the request, the priest blesses the rod, and gives it to the new governor, reminding him and his officers of the obligations they solemnly take before the altar of God and in the presence of their people, to faith- fully discharge the duties of their respective offices. The bara,. which was formerly a common stick, having perhaps some particular mark, has been changed, of late years, into a fine black cane presented to the Pueblos by the President of the United States. PUEBL,OS , Indian Villages in New Mexico, IV. WOLPI. .i i»m »ii i i w 'ii >i .i i > ! ' 'L0RAT10SS OF THE .SPANIARDS Etc. 27 Ol "Florida, and had come to the capital of New Spain b^^ the province of Culiacan, after crossing the country from ocean to ocean. Called by the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, they gave him the information they had personally acquired about the countries they had gone through, as also what they had learned from different sources about the seven great cities and their houses of four and five stories. According to Donaldson '( i ) , Cabeza de Vaca would have been the first discoverer of New Mexico, passing in his journey from the Atlantic to the Pacific coast by Taos, Daguna, Acoma and Zufii or Cibola, and thence to the Gila, touching almost all the now known pueblos. This opinion •cannot be admitted without taking Vaca and his companions either for enthusiastic men who, in case of having visited the pueblos of New Mexico, would have seen wealth where there was nothing but naked poverty, or for men who would have intended to deceive the authorities for some personal purpose; but neither view is consistent with what is known ■of them. They had been made slaves by the tribes, they had suffered for ^'^ars from hunger, nakedness and privations of all kinds, and what they wanted now w^as to regain some strength, and start for their native countrj^ That they were the first white men to cross the continent is admitted, but, very likely, they did not go on the Rio Grande above El Paso, nor is it probable that they struck the Rio Gila. Looking for the Pacific Coast, as they did, they must have taken the natural and shortest direction by the northern part of Sonora, as soon as they could cross the Sierra Madre. Thence to Sinaloa and Culiacan and from there to Mexico. Their overland journey across the American continent lasted from April 13th, 1528 to July 25th, 1536, when they arrived at the city of Mexico with the negro servant Estevan or Estevanico. The details given by the great travelers made a strong impression on the viceroy, w^ho transmitted the same to Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, then governor of Culiacan. At the same time he suggested to him to prepare an (1) The Extra Census Builetiu. 29 ExPLORATrcTNS OF rnE ^PASIARDS tTC, expedition, which should l:>e entrusted to the leadership oS three religious. Franciscans, for the journey to the far famed cities. The idea was a good one., the expedition would be ver>- inexpensive aiid besides, it was knc>^^^l that religious, with their poor habit, and with crucifix in hand, could penetrate ever>-where, l)etter than soldiers with war apparatus. The religious selected for the purpose, were: Fray Marcos de Xiza. and the lay Brothers, Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria, to whom was joined the negro of the Spaniards, as a man of experience in travel and in the manner of introducing himself to the Indian tribes. The religious were duly authorized for this mission by letters of obedience from their Superior, dated from Mexico August 27, 1538, This document states that Fray Marcos de Niza w^as a regular priest, pious, \4rtuous and devoted, a good theologian, familiar with the science of cosmography and of navigation. At the same time Fray Marcos received from the viceroy an instruction by which he was directed to encourage the Spaniards who lived in the city of San Miguel of the province of Culiacan, to deal fairly with the peaceable Indians and to tell them that he had been sent by his Excellency in the name of His Majesty the King, to see that they should be well treated, and to tell them that the King had been sadly grieved to hear that they had suffered at the hands of the Spaniards, but that this should not occur again in the future. Moreover, Fray Marcos was instructed by the viceroy, in case he should think that, by the grace of God, he could find a road to penetrate any farther into the interior of the comitrj', to take as guide Estevan the negro, who had been lent for the purpose by his master Dorantes, as a trusty man who would obey him in ever^'thing, to travel cautiously with regard for his own security, to study the character and dispositions of the Indians, and to get from them as much information as possible about the neighboring countries and the districts about the sea; and in case he should find any great citj-, to notify him whether it would be convenient to found in it a monaster}-. The notification, however, had to be sent secretly, in order to avoid difficulties, "because" Explorations of the Spaniards etc. 29 he added, "in this conquest, we look only for the service of Our Lord and the good of the Indians. ' ' We see by the report Fray Marcos sent to the viceroy that the expedition started from San Miguel of Culiacan on the seventh of March, 1539, and that it was back to Temixtitlan, Mexico, on September 2d of the same 3'ear. From Culiacan, Fray Marcos very likel}', followed the coast of the Gulf of California as far as the Sonora Valley, after crossing the Mayo and Yaqui rivers. There he met several Indians who came from an island not far distant from the land and who spoke to him of other Indians who lived on the other isles more or less distant from the shore. These, no doubt, were the Seris of the Tiburon Islands, a tribe which later on gave great trouble to the Jesuit mission- aries and caused the death of some of them, as we will say in another place. As to the exact point where Fray Marcos de Niza received some information about the province of Cibola, it would be difficult to speak now, as the names of the localities, which were inhabited by the Indians he met on his way, have been changed since, either by the moving of the tribes from one place to another, or for other reasons. According to Fray Juan Domingo Arricivita, as stated in the introduction to his work "L,a Cronica Serafica del Collegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro" already mentioned and substan- tialh' reproduced in the third chapter of this book, FraA' Marcos de Niza with three other religious would have joined in 1539 the military expedition, and reached the river which had been visited the previous year by the two Fransiscans Juan de la Asuncion and Pedro Nadal. There must be a mistake on the part of Arricivita. In 1539 Fray Marcos was commissioned by the ViceroA', with the consent of the Superior of the Fransiscan Order, as leader of an expedition for the discovery of the province of Cibola without any escort but what the religious might find in the Indian tribes. The representative of the Spanish government in New Spain ver>' judiciously thought that a poor Franciscan could find admission among the Indian tribes better than a regiment of armed soldiers. 30 KxPl.ORATIONS OF THK Si AXIAKD.s ETC, Fray Marcos, as we have written, had been strongly impressed by the report made by one of the two religious who, in 1538, travelled by land from Mexico as far as the Colorado River of California. The report had it, that in an excursion one of the religious made from the coast of the Pacific directly to the north, with two Indians as interpreters, some Indians told him of a very populous country which extended along a large river, at about two hundred leagues to the north. This country was the one Fray Marcos was now looking for, and no doubt he enquired for the place where he had to leave the coast in order to find the tribe visited by his brother religious. Nothing indicates that he had to go as far as the Colorado River before turning north in search of Cibola. In regard to this quotation we willingly accept the opinion of A. F. Bandelier ( i ) who thinks it was the place where since has been built the Mexican town of "Matape" in the district of Ures, which ancienth' may have been ' ' Vacapa' ' and later on "Matapa", where in 1629 the Jesuit Fathers founded the mission of San Jose. The place was then occupied by the tribe of the Eudeves who knew, some of them at least, where Cibola was located, either as they had been there, or because they had heard of it from some other Indians. This was valuable information for Fray Marcos de Niza: if those people had made seme excursions to the country of the seven cities, they could indicate to him the best, shortest and safest road he had to take to reach the end of the expedition entrusted to him. Thus far the religious had travelled with the lay brothers Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria and the negro Estevan. From this place he determined to send his guide Estevan, with some Indians in advance to prepare the wa^^ for his coming and prevent too much excitement in the villages at the sight of the numerous body of Indians who accompanied him. The plan answered the purpose for a while; Fray Marcos followed the negro according to the indications agreed upon, for Estevan was to leave on the road he would have taken crosses as a sign that he had been kindly received by the Indians he met. (1) Contributions to the History of the sonthwehttTu porlion of tlie U. S. ExPLORATlOXS OF TIIK SPANIARDS ETC. 31 Fray Marcos who. in compliance with the orders he had received from the Viceroy and from his superiors, had to look for as much information as he could obtain from the Indians he would meet, did not intend to travel hurriedl}*. For this reason he told his ser\^ant from the start not to push forward with precipitation, but rather to stop at some villages and there wait for him for new orders before proceeding further. But the negro, who found as many Indians as he wished to guide him from tribe to tribe, thought he was the principal man of the expedition, and accelerated his march in order very likely to have the glor\' of being the first to reach the city of Cibola. He came in fact near it, four or five days ahead of Fra}' Marcos. He. at once, announced himself by some messengers of his band who could speak the language of the tribe, but the answer he received through his messengers was far from encouraging. The chief of the city said to the men of the delegation: "Tell your master that he must go back to those who sent him; that, if they come, they shall be all put to death." These words did not deter him; he presented himself, but the chief accomplished what he had said. He had him killed, and also those who had come with him, except three of them who fled protected b}' the banks of the river, and went back to apprise Fray Marcos and his part}' of what had happened. This news was the cause of discouragement and great sorrow in the camp of Fray Marcos. His Indians mourned the loss of those of their kinsfolks who had followed the negro, and thought of nothing but returning, as fast as possible, to their homes. Cibola, how^ever, was now only two da3-s march away, and the religious, though very' much afraid, as he states in his report to the vicero}-. wished at least to see it, if he could not take possession of it. By dint of supplications he got a few men to accompany him, as far as necessary, to show him the city and the size of its houses. From there. Fray Marcos, thought he had really in sight the great and rich city which had been described to him by the Indians he had met on his way. "It is built" says F. Marcos in his report "in a plain, on a round hill, it looks very pretty, it is the most important I have seen in these countries. Being mj-self on an elevated spot, 32 Explorations of the ^^PA^•IARDS etc. wherefrom I could examine it, I saw that the houses were built as the Indians told me. all constructed with stone, having several stories and covered with terraces. This city is larger than Mexico." ( i) This large city, as it is known now, was no other than the old pueblo of Zuni, whose ruins can be seen yet about three miles east of the Zuni of to-day. As for the name of Cibola, we think it came from the Indians of northern Sonora, who used to come to Zuni to purchase the buffalo skins which they called "cibolas." The road followed by the expedition of Fray Marcos de Niza was. according to Bandelier, who has sketched it in the book already mentioned, from the starting point, be it Matapa or any other Indian village in Sonora, up the Rio Sonora to its head, among the Eudoves or the Opatas Indians. From this river the expedition struck the head of the San Pedro River of Arizona, which was inhabited by the Sobahipuris Indians, who knew more about Cibola than the Eudeves or the Opatas. Thence the expedition went on, crossing the Gila and the Salt rivers and from there to Cibola by the White Mountains, where the Apache reservation now is. This road was certainly the most direct to the point to be reached ; the best provided with water, and settled by peaceable tribes in which Fary Marcos was kindly received and found sure guides for his long journe}'. The viceroy had it at heart to extend, as much as he could, the explorations in the interior of the country. Thus far, it is true, the expeditions of Xuno de Gusman and of Fray Marcos de Niza had not been rich in results, still, the latter had discovered inhabited districts, and probably some others might be found in the same direction. This he wrote to the emperor Charles V. on the 17th of April, 1540, In his letter he spoke of the disposition ot the Indians to receive the religious, while they fled terror-stricken at the approach of the soldiers, and he asked earnestly His Majesty, to .send some of those men who could convert these good natured aborigines to Christianit5^ (1) This lii.>-t assertion, for which Fray >iurcos has been derided by nuiiiy. woiilii only show that at that time Mexico was not a very large city. Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. '33 [4) The Expedition of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado. It was then resolved by the viceroy to send another expedition for the conquest of Cibola, and to make new discoveries farther north. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, who was governor of the province of Culiacan, and who had seen Fray Marcos on his return from Cibola, took so much interest in the new expedition, that he was appointed its general in chief. As Coronado was w^ell known in New Spain, he had no difficulty in collecting an army of three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians. He took also three Franciscan Fathers, Fray Marcos de Niza, Fray Antonio Victoria, Fray Juan de Padilla and Luis de Escalona, a lay brother. The expedition followed the road already travelled by Fray Marcos and went on steadily to the province of Cibola. At the sight of its first village, which was pointed out to them as the great city of that name, all the soldiers commenced to deride, and even, says Pedro Jaramillo, to curse Fray Marcos. This good religious realized then that he had given too much credence to the tales of the Sonora Indians about Cibola and ashamed of the mistake he had made by speaking of what he knew not, begged that he might not remain with the expedition, but be permitted to return to New Spain by the first opportunit}-; a favor which was granted to him. It w^as easy for the Spaniards to take possession of Cibola, though, says Castaneda, they had to fight about an hour to overcome the resistance made by the Indians with their arrows and stones. Coronado was struck on the head by a stone, and would have perished there, had he not at once been protected b^^ some of his officers, who exposed themselves to save him. An abundance of provisions was found in the village. After the submission of the Indians, the General learned from them that at twent}^ five leagues, or five days' march, there was another province, called Tusayan. Coronado sent Pedro de Tobar, \\'ith seventeen mounted men and Fra^' Juan de Padilla, to take possession of it. The Tusayan Indians off"ered more resistance than those of Cibola; still, the}' also 34 ExpLORATroxs of the Spaxiards etc. had to submit after losing a good number of their men. Having made peace with their conquerors, the inhabitants of Tusayan spoke to Captain de Tobar of a big river which ran bej'ond a desert of four days' march in extent, and told him that along this river, going down, there lived men of a ver^- high stature. The Captain had received no orders to go any farther, but on his return to headquarters, communicated to the General what the Indians had told him of a big river and of the inhabitants. Coronado then despatched Captain Garci Lopez de Cardenas with twelve men for the exploration of the river. Guides and provisions were furnished by the Tusayans, and after twenty days of march, the expedition reached the river, which was so deeply sunk that the soldiers, sa3-s the chronicler, measuring by sight the distance from the spot where the}' stood to the water below "believed themselves to be four leagues in the air". They tried to find some passage down, succeeded with great difficulty, and saw that the river, which from the top of the bank looked very narrows was really a large course of water. This was evidently' what is called to-day the 'Great Caiion of the river Colorado.' In the account Jaramillo gives of Coronado' s expedition, he says that there were seven villages in the province of Tusayan, that the houses were covered with terraces and that the inhabitants had more provisions, were better clad, and more numerous, than those of Cibola. According to Bancroft, quoted b^' Donaldson, the ancient names of Tusayan or of the Moqui villages were: Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua. The present names as given by Lieutenant Whipple are: Mishongnavi, Oraibe, Shimopavi, Shipanlavi, Tewa and Walpi. • Speaking of Cibola, Jaramillo remarks, that from this village, or some distance south of it, the rivers turn towards the northern sea, while before, all the streams ran in a southern direction; which is true. From Cibola, the expedition went to Acuco, a village of difficult access, on the top of a very high rock. The Indians did not avail themselves of their position, but submitted after some parley-. Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. 35 From Acuco, Fernando Alvarado, who was detailed by fhe General with soldiers to go to Cicuye with two Indians of that province as guides, reached in three days the province of Tiguex. The inhabitants, who were well acquainted with the guides, received the Spaniards with friendly demonstrations. From here, the Captain sent a messenger to the General, inviting him to ccme and spend the winter at Tiguex; mean- while he proceeded to Cicuye. On his return he obliged the Indians of Tiguex to abandon their houses, with the provisions they contained, for the General, who was coming with his army to make there his winter quarters. This action, as can be easily understood, exasperated the natives, who had been taken by surprise and saw themselves deprived of all their provisions and of their homes at the approach of the cold season ; still they had to submit to brute force. But it became worse at the arrival of Coronado. Among his soldiers he had a number of Indians recently come from Sonora, who were not clad heavily enough to stand the rigor of a cold climate. In order to provide them with the most necessary bodily protection, the General called upon the Indians of the province for an enormous contribution of cotton mantles, which certainly could not be furnished. But the order was peremptory', and to avoid punishment, the inhabitants of twelve villages stripped themselves of the shirts or 'mantas' they had on their bodies to give them to the soldiers. Unfortunately it happened that at the same time the soldiers mistook some peaceable Indians for rebels, and killed them. This sad event was taken by the natives as a proof that the Christians did not keep their word, and caused the coalition of twelve Indian villages to make open opposition to them. No need to say that the Indians were not able to confront an army like that of Coronado, and all they gained was to be cruelly treated, and to be destroA^ed almost entirely, after a brave resistance of fifty days. After the siege of Tiguex, or rather after the barbarous assassination of the Indians of that province, the Spaniards wished to start at once for Quivira, a province which had been represented to them by an Indian as very rich in silver, gold, and precious stones; but the river was frozen and it 36 Exploration's of the Sfa.viards etc. became necessary to wait four months before it could be forded. Meanwhile some explorations were made in the surrounding country on the right bank of the river. Along this river, saj^s Jaramillo, are found fifteen villages in a space of twenty leagues, and he adds, that on the border of another course of water, which comes into the same one, there are other villages, among which three are remarkable for Indian villages. These are: Chia, Urraba and Cicuique. He sa^^s that most of the houses at Urraba have two stories; that there are maize, beans and pumpkins in the three villages; that the Indians plant some cotton, which they weave, sometimes mixed with feathers, to make their 'mantas'. The river comes pretty nearly from the northwest and runs towards the southeast. Castaneda places the villages of Chia at four leagues west of the Cibola river (Rio Grande). At a distance of four days march northeast from Cicuique, continues Jaramillo, we encountered two villages, the names of which he cannot give. ( Perhaps Galisteo and Pecos, because we see by what follows, that the Rio Grande had been crossed and that the expedition was on its way in search of the Quivira. ) In three days from the unknown villages, follow- ing the same direction, the expedition struck a river, and going farther, mostly to the east, reached the plains of the "Cibolos" (buffalos), but it was only five days later that these animals were seen. Captain Jaramillo says the expedition went through vers' rich lands in the prairies, which, he thought, could produce good crops and support large agricultural populations. The Captain was right, but he must have known that Coronado, and the Spaniards who accompanied him, did not look so much for lands, as for the Quivira, spoken of by the Indian their guide, and for its gold and wealth. How far the expedition may have gone through the plains is not clearly stated; we learn onl3^ from the reports that the Indian villages which were found there, even the Quivira, were poorer than those which had been discovered before. The guide, as was then found out, was a member of the Quivira tribe, who had been met in New Mexico, and who told stories about the wealth of his country in order to have a good escort to return to it. It was then Explorations of the Spaniards etc. 37 resolved to put an end to the expedition; but before starting back, the Spaniards strangled the Indian for having deceived them so wantonly, and, some say, for the intention he had manifested, in some way, of having them killed by the roaming tribes. The compiler of the Extra Census Bulletin, Thomas Donaldson, says the expedition reached Baxter Springs, Kansas. Having returned to Tiguex, Coronado, who was not enjoying good health, proposed to leave at once for New Spain, and the proposition was gladly seconded by the whole army, excepting Fray Juan de Padilla and the lay brother, Luis de Escalona, who wished to remain in the country*, as they were authorized to do by previous permission of their superior. Brother L,uis chose to stay at Tiguex for the purpose of baptizing children in danger of death. He obtained from Captain Jaramillo permission to keep as a companion a young Indian this officer had as a servant, and who. as the brother said, would easily learn the language of the Tiguex Indians and be of great service in instructing them. As for Fray Juan de Padilla, he determined to return to Quivira with the guides the expedition had brought from there. He started with them, and with a Portuguese and a negro who had already lived about a year in the country. He took some sheep, mules and a horse, his church vestments and some other objects of little value. "I do not know," saj's Jaramillo ' 'whether it was for the interest of what the Father had taken with him or for another cause, that the Indians killed him." The same author insinuates that the murder of the priest was committed at the instigation of some Indians from Tiguex. At the end of his historical notes, the Captain adds that several Indians from Culiacan and two negroes were left b}' the army in the country, with the religious. (5) The Naval Expedition of Fernando Alarcon. At the time the viceroy was organizing Coronado' s expedition for inland explorations, he ordered the start, from Colima, of two vessels under the command of Fernando Alarcon, for the reconnaissance of the sea coast in the same direction. Alarcon went as far as the upper part of the California Gulf, where he had to stand a severe storm. He 33 Explorations of the ^p^AynxKDif £TC^ found out there that, what had been called the Marquis Island (Marquis del Valle, or Fernand Cortez) was not an island, but an extension of land which forms the gulL On retracing his; steps south, he found a river, which he followed against its- course for a distance of fifteen leagues, but here he had to moor, owing to the swiftness of the water and to the lack of an available wind. He took then some men with canoes, which ^ in order to avoid the main stream, they had to tow from the shore, and went up about eight}' leagues in fifteen and a half days. At that point,, the Captain learned from the Indians that the Spaniards were fighting with the inhabitants of Cibola. He thought he could not safeh' trj- to go an}- farther up the river, and took the stream down to return to his vessels,. which he reached in two days. Before starting for New^ Spain, Alarcon car^-ed a cross in the bark of a big tree, and wrote below: *'Alarcon has passed here.' ' This cross, as also letters which the captain had buried at the foot of the tree,, were found, a short time later, by Captain Melchior Diaz,. whO' had come from Rio Sonora, where he had been left by Coronado until further orders with a division of the army. Alarcon says in his report, that the Indians he met along^ the river were tall and stronglj' built, that they received with pleasure the crosses he gave them and venerated them, as they were told to do, and asked to be taught how to bless them- selves, as the Spaniards did, before the crosses. These Indians were very numerous, but divided into small tribes, very often at war with one another, which made it somewhat difficult for the captain and his party to introduce themselves from one tribe to another, as the interpreters refused to follow them into the places occupied bj^ their enemies. {6) Some Remarks of the Writer^ Explaining the Expedition of Corona do. We have given extended details on this important expedition; we have followed it in its march and progress, taking notice of its directions, of the distances it went over between one settlement and another, of the rivers it crossed and. of every indication that might give us some founded Exploration's of the Spaniards etc. '39 "notion about the location of the present pueblos which were visited and conquered by the expedition. As regards the one which was first reached by the 'Spaniards, there can be no diversity of opinions. The ■description of Cibola as given by Marcos de Niza, and the ■division of the waters in its vicinity, as noted by Jaramillo, ■designate, evidently enough, the old pueblo of Zuni, a village Tiot far from the eastern border of Arizona, and well known to the Indians who guided Fray Marcos to it. We have explained why it was called Cibola, a name which was used Toy the Indians to designate the "Cibola' or Buffalo robes, and which was applied to the village by the Indians of Sonora, because it was from its inhabitants that they purchased the buffalo skins. At Zufii, as we call it now, Coronado heard of another province named Tusayan or Tutahaco, which was at a distance ■of twenty five leagues, and sent Captain Pedro de Tobar to take possession of it. That Tusayan was Moqui or one of its Aallages, we can safely infer from the knowledge the Indians bad of the Colorado River and its caiion, of which they spoke to the soldiers. The Moqui villages, in fact, are nearer the great Caiion of the Colorado River than any of the pueblos of New Mexico. From Zuiii or Cibola the first expedition in an eastern direction met Acuco, a village so particularly located, that from its description, any one acquainted with the country', understands that it was the pueblo, which was called Acome by the missionaries and which is designated now by the name of Acoma. According to Jaramillo, another village, the name of which he does not give, was found, and from it the expedition reached Tiguex in one day. The village not designated by a name must have been Laguna, which stood on the road the expedition had naturally to follow with the Indian guides who intended to take the Spaniards to Cicuye, their province. The word 'Tiguex' or 'Tigua' was the name of a province and not of any particular village, but very likely for want of any other, the Spaniards applied it to the place where they had to fight with the Indians before they could take possession of 40 EXPLORATIOXS OF THE SPANIARDS ETC, the province. There were, says Jaramillo, twelve or fifteen villages scattered in a stretch of twent}' leagues on both sides of a river which the soldiers called Cibola. The river got frozen, and for fotir months could not be crossed. This particular indicates plainly that this river could be no other but the Rio Grande, with the villages which were, and are yet some of them, along its course. As for the one which was taken possession of by Fernando Alvarado^ when on his wa}" to Cicuye, and where Coronado had to fight afterwards, it would be difficult now to identify it by its name. We can onl}' conjecture from the road the Indian guides must have taken, and from the distance of one da^-'s m^rch between the unknown village and the river, that it must have been Isleta, or another one in its vicinit}-. Prof. Charles F. lyummis in his book "The Spanish Pioneers" sa5's that Coronado moved for the winter from Zufli to Tiguex, where now stands the village of Bernalillo, and "there had a serious and discreditable war with the Tigua Pueblos." This statement of the learned ethnologist can hardly be reconciled with the narrative of Jaramillo, who sa^^s that the river, having become frozen, could not be crossed for the length of four months. The expedition was then encamped or quartered somewhere on the right bank of the river, and not on the left, where now stands Bernalillo. As regards the pueblos which were discovered (without crossing the river) i. e. west of the river, during the time the army had to remain at Tiguex, we easily recognize those which were on the Jemes river, whether the}^ were different from those we have to-day or not. This is as much as we can consider as about correct concerning the expedition of Coronado in New Mexico. -^^^I^ CHAPITER IV. Taji Wrs^t "Mr^sioN Work in the Pueblos of New Mexico. (1) Martyrdom qf Fray Juan de Padilla^ Luis de Escalona, Juan de Santa Marin, Francisco de I^opez and Augustin Ruiz-. Coronado, as has been stated before, took with him^ \vhen starting for his expedition to the seven cities of Cibola, the Franciscan Fathers, Marcos de Niza, who knew already the road as far as the principal of the cities, Antonio Victoria, and Juan de Padilla. Of these three religious, Antonio Victoria broke his leg by a fall from his horse, three da3"S after his start from Culiacan, and on this account was sent back by the general to that city, where the main body of the a.Tmy had been left and where he could receive proper medical attendance. Another, Fray Marcos de Niza, as also stated before, did not come an^^ farther than Zuiii, and returned from there to New Spain. The third, Fray Juan de Padilla, and the la^^ brother L,uis de Escalona are the first missionaries who tried their zeal in the conversion of the Indians in New Mexico, though for only a very short time. Fray Juan de Padilla, who had followed the expedition to Quivira, and who, it seems thought the Indians of that ■country would listen to his instructions better than those of Tiguex, who had been very badly treated by the Spaniards, started back for the plains when the army left Tiguex for New Spain. Whether he did reach Quivira can hardly be ascertained. John Gilmary Shea (i) thinks that the Father did, but found . (1) History of the American Catholic Missions. 42 The First Missiox Work ix tie Pueblos of Xeiv INIexico. out that the Quivira Indians were not wiUing to have him among them; whereupon he determined to go to another tribe, but was killed by the same Quiviras when on his way to it. According to Castaneda, the missionary would have remained at Quivira, without returning to Tiguex with the expedition. "A religious," he writes, "named Fray Juan de Padilla, a Portuguese, named do Campo, a negro, and some Indians from Capetlan, Mexico, remained in that province. The natives killed the religious, because he intended to visit the Guyas, who were their enemies. The Portuguese fled on horseback, upon the advice of the priest, and succeeded in reaching New Spain b^?- wa}' of Panuco. The Indians from Capetlan buried the priest with the permission of his murderers, and started after the Portuguese, whom they overtook after a few da 3-5 march." According to Jaramillo, as we have said before, the priest ma}' have been killed bj' his guides, perhaps at- the instigation of some Tiguex Indians, when leaving their village to return to Quivira. This opinion would be supported, to some extent, by a tradition yet current in New Mexico, which has it, that the body of Fray Juan de Padilla is buried in the church of Isleta. As regards the end of Brother Luis de Escalona, or Juan de la Cruz, as some call him, nothing certain is known. The brother, as we have said before, had determined to remain at Tiguex; but others state that he moved to Pecos, where he was instructing the natives successfully', when he was killed by them, at the instigation of the medicine men who thought he was gaining too much popularity. Coronado, before leaving Tiguex, gave to the priest and to the brother a certain number of sheep, which he considered he could spare to help the two religious, who were parting from him to work for the glorj' of God, and for the salvation of the Indians, not to say, to win the crown of mart^^dom which was prepared for them. As the expedition was not successful in finding large cities and wealthy Indians, as was expected after the man}' fabu- lous reports which had been made about the countr}^ of the' seven cities, it was considered a complete failure. Coronado The Fikst ^Mission Work in the Pueblos of New Mexico. 43 himself, who, as Jaramillo says, did not think much of any- thing except of increasing the large fortune he possessed already' in New Spain, had not a better opinion of what he had achieved, and did not even speak of the country he had ex- plored as worthy of great consideration. From the account he gave to the emperor Charles V. of his explorations, and by his description of the plains of the buffaloes, it seems that he did not reach the Missouri river. The valiant General had not only been disappointed in his expectations, but became discouraged by the marked dissatisfaction of the rich Spaniards whom he had induced to follow him. Owing to the poor impression the expedition of Coronado had made on the minds of the Spaniards who lived in New Spain, no other expedition towards the north was thought of, it seems, until the year 1581. At this period, says Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron (i),, God willed that another attempt at the conversion of the Indians should be made by a lay brother of St. Francis, Fray Agustin Ruiz. This religious was employed in the mission of the Conchos Indians at Santa Barbara, in the southern part of the State of Chihuahua. Having heard of man3^ tribes in the north which remained without missionaries to instruct them in the true faith, he volunteered to go to them as catechist, provided two priests would go also and accept his services. The superiors agreed to the proposition, and sent to him for the northern missions the Fathers Fray Francisco Lopez and Fray de Santa INIaria, with an escort of twelve soldiers, granted by the vicero3^ After travelling about two hundred leagues from Santa Barbara, they arrived in the province of the Tiguas who lived on the Rio del Norte, about four hundred leagues from Mexico. On reaching the Pueblo of Puaray, (2) the soldiers got afraid at the sight of the many Indians who lived there, and went back. The religious remained, and were kindly received (1) "Relaciones sobre El Nucvo Mexico, clesde el ano 15"8 liasta el de 1626." (Mexico, 1656, impienta de Vicente de Garcia y Torl-es.— Documentos para la hirtoria de Mexico.) (2) I'uaray was located about half way between Sandia aud Alameda. 44 The First ilissiox Work ix the Pleblos of New Mexico, bj' the natives, who had comfortable houses. They visited several pueblos, and went as far as Galisteo, where the Tanos lived. Seeing how docile were all these natives, the Fathers thought they needed help to instruct them and determined that one of their party should go back for some other missionaries. Fra}- Juan de Santa Maria, who was acquainted with astronomy, was selected for the purpose. He' very likely started from Galisteo, and in order not to go back by Puaray, thought he could go by the Salinas more directly to El Paso. On the third day after leaving his companions, he w^as killed by some roaming Tiguas at the foot of a tree, where he had stopped to rest and take his direction. The same Indians burned his body and buried the ashes in the same spot. From Galisteo, the other two religious went back to Puaray. Not knowing what had happened to Fray Juan de Santa Maria, these two men of God who, as Davis says (i) "put their faith and hope in things not of this world, remained with cheerfulness among these heathen nations, to instruct them in the knowledge of the living God." A few da^^s after, on one evening, continues Zarate Salmeron, when Fray Francisco lyopez was reading his office, at a short distance from the pueblo, he was killed by an Indian with a 'macana', short wooden stick, as was seen b}^ the marks left on his skull. Brother Agustin gave his body a Christian sepulchre in the pueblo. The chieftain of the tribe felt grieved for the death of the Father, and in order to save the brother from a similar fate, took him to the pueblo of Santiago where he lived, about one league and a half up the river. In spite of tMs protection, which could not be uninterrupted, the brother was killed also, and his body thrown into the river at the time of a flood. In this manner, the three religious were killed by the Tiguas, and it has been asserted that in the same little corner, five martyrs gave their lives for the glory of God, ( 2 ) At the time Father Zarate Salmeron was writing, that is to say, in 1629, he remarked that the blood of the martyrs had (1) History of the Conquest of New Mexico. (2) By counting five martyrs killed by the Tiguas, Father Zarate Salmeron takes the opinion of Jaramillo about Fray Juan de Padilla, who would have been murdered at Tiguex and not at Quivira, as stated by Castafleda and others after him. The First ]\Iissiox Work ix the Pueblos of New Mexico. 45 brought forth good fruit, as he could see b^' the church records that up to that time, 34,650 baptisms had been administered in the pueblos, and fort3' three churches or chapels built, with- out any help from the government. "The body of Padre Fray Francisco Lopez" we quote from Salmeron, "remained where it had been buried by brother Agustin Ruiz until thirty three 3-ears later, when an Indian of Puaray, who had witnessed the death and burial of the Father, indicated to the commissan.' of the missions, Fra^' Estevan de Perea, the place where the bod}' had been deposited. The bones were unearthed and translated by the religious and many people, arrayed in procession, to the church of Sandia about a good league distant." [2) The Expedition of Don Antonio Espejo. When the soldiers who had fled from Puaray reached the mission of Santa Barbara and told in what danger the^' had left the missionaries, the Franciscan Fathers felt greatly alarmed. They considered it their duty to see how the}' could send some protection to their brothers or how to bring them back to their former missions, Santa Barbara and San Bartolome. Recourse to the viceroy required too much time, as the distance between the missions just named and the Cit}' of iVIexico, was two hundred leagues; but the difficulty was avoided by the offer that Don Antonio de Espejo, a rich Spaniard from Mexico, who happened to be at Santa Barbara, made, to start at once, at his own expense, an expedition towards the north, in search of the endangered missionaries. As for the royal authorization which was needed for the purpose, it was granted by the 'Alcalde Mayor', chief justice, as a matter of urgency. Antonio de Espejo hurried as much as he could to find the soldiers and servants, and make the necessary' provisions for the journej-. On the loth of November 1582, he left San Bartolome with one hundred and fifteen men, pack mules and plenty of arms and ammunition, (i) The chaplain of the expedition was Fray Bernardino Beltran. On the second day (1) MS. of Espejo"s journey, without name of the author, in possession of B. M. Kead, Santa Fe. <6 The First Mission- Work rs the Pueblos of Xew ^Iexico^ after the start, were reached the 'Rancherias', villages of the Conchos, -vvho received the Spaniards with manifestations of joy; from there the expedition came to Passaquates, and next to the Tobosos, who fled to the mountains, and could not be persuaded that they had no reason to be afraid. The expedition followed up the river (Rio Grande) for a number of days, finding villages with good houses, but their names could not be had for want of an interpreter. Following further they met a tribe in which they found some signs of the true faith. '"'They spoke of God whom they called 'Apalito'' in their language, as living above, and considered Him as Creator, who had given them natural life and to whom they were indebted for all temporal goods. Many of them, men,, women and children,, came to Father Beltran for his blessing." On asking them by signs who had given them these notions of the true religion, the answer they gave was, that three christians and a negro who had spent some time among them, had given them some religious instruction. These, no- doubt, were Alvar Nunez, Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo Maldonado and the negro we have spoken of before. By these friendly and half-christian Indians, the Spaniards w^ere introduced to some neighboring tribes where notice was given them of the death of the three religious. At last they reached the villages of the Tiguas, but their inhabitants, fearing to be punished, as they rightly deserved, for the death of the mis- sionaries, left their homes and took refuge in the moun- tains, where the expedition could not follow them, Espejo visited several parts of the country but did not dis- cover anything that had not been explored by Coronado. The chronicler says that the name of New Mexico was given to the country by the soldiers of Espejo, who found it, in many things, similar to the Mexico of New Spain. The manuscript does not say that Espejo started any Spanish settlement or built any churches. He had come only for the purpose of helping the missionaries, had he found them alive; and what he explored of the country, seems to have been merely foi pleasure. The expedition was back to San Bar- tolome, the place it had started from, in July, 1583. tHAPTER V. ■ The Expedition of Don Juan de Onate, Bringing Cot<> NIZERS AND ChRISTIANIZERS TO New MeXICO. According to Fray Geronimo Zarate Salmeron, already mentioned, Juan de Ofiate started from the City of Mexico in the year 1596, not exactly to explore New Mexico, which was already known, but to colonize and Christianize it, as far as ■circumstances would allow. He secured first eight zealous priests and two lay brothers, \vho would follow him to the far north, and work for the con- version of the Indians, and at the same time would take care of the Spanish colonies he might be able to found. These priests, and the brothers, all religious of St. Francis, were : Fray Alonzo Martinez, the commissary of the priests for the journey ; Fray Francisco de San Miguel ; Fray Francisco de Zamora ; Fray Juan de Rosas ; Fray Alonzo de Lugo ; Fray Andres Corchado ; Fray Juan Claros ; Fray Cristoval de Salazar and the lay brothers, Juan de Bustamante and Pedro de Vergara. At the start Juan de Oiiate had seven hundred experienced soldiers and a number of other distinguished persons, but for reasons not given by Padre Salmeron, the march had soon to be stopped for nearly three months. This contretemps had for result the desertion of two hundred men from the camp. When definitely permitted to resume its march, the expedition was composed of four hundred Spanish soldiers, one hundred married men with their families, and a number of faithful In- dians. It had to travel slowly, on all kinds of roads, with poor 48 The ExrEDiiiox of Don Jvas de Os'xte, facilities for the transportation of baggage and provisions ; and this explains why it was only at the end of April, 1598, that it reached the Rio del Norte, at 'el pueblo de Puaray.' Here,, says Padre Zarate Salmeron followed by Padre Marcelino' Civezza (i), after a solemn mass and sermon, was performed the ceremony of planting the cross and taking possession of New Mexico in the name of the King of Spain. For several days the chiefs of the neighboring pueblos were summoned to appear,, and asked to give their adhesion to what had been done,, which they did not refuse. As the General was anxious to find a suitable location for the establishment of a Spanish colon}-, he did not stay long among the Indians who occupied the Rio Grande valle}^ for a long distance, but kept on going up the river as far as about thirty miles above Santa Fe. Here he found good vacant lands- with facilities for irrigation, and a place was selected for the first Spanish settlement in New Mexico, Here arises the difficulty of finding out where lay the selected location. John Gilmar>^ Shea says t ' 'This first seat of Spanish occupation in New Mexico was about two mileS' west of the former Pueblo of Ojke, to which the Spaniards gave the name of San Juan de los Caballeros, and the proposed city,, instead of its intended name of San Francisco,, is referred to as the 'Real de San Juan.' " The same author .states that the selected site was on the east side of the Rio Grande. This opinion is contradicted by Charles F. lyummis (2) who says the colony was located on the west side of the river, at the place called 'El Yunque/ where now stand.s the railroad station bearing the name of Chamita Station, Be this as it ma3% as soon as the Spaniards knew where they were to stop, they thought of building a house to the glory of God, before doing anything in the shape of substantial habi- tations for themselves. "On the 23d of August," saj's Shea (3), "the erection of the first church in New Mexico was be- (1) Historia Generale delle Missioni Franciscane. Prato-Tipografia Giaehetti.. Figlio & Co., I8al, (2) Lummis, The Spanish Pioneer.s. (A. C. McClurg & Co., Chicago, 1893.> C3) The Church i-n the Colonies, book ii., chapter 2. VIII. The Crucifixion, Taken from an ancient Spanish Crucifix, brought to Mexico by the early missionaries, and presented to Major A. J. Dallas, U. S. A., by Most Rev. J. B. Salpointe, D. D. Despised, a iiiiin of sorrow and acquainted witli iuflrniity. Is. I, III, H. He was wounded for our iniquities, He was bruised for our sins. Is I, III, 5. IX. Old Cathedral of Santa Fe, N. Mex X. Santa Cruz Church, Santa \^ of Mexico. Santa Bar- bara (State of Chihuahua) is the last town of New Spain, whose northern boundary' is given bj^ the Rio Conchos. From there, traveling about one hundred leagues in the direction of the Rio del Norte by a difiicult and dangerous road, are found the (1) We extract the contents of this chapter from a memorial sent to the King of Spain in 1626 by Fray Alfonso de Bernavides ou the conversion of New Mexico. Published in French by Francois Vivien, 1631, Bruxelles. Tme Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 55 tribes of the Tobosos, the Tarahum^res, the Tepeoanes, the Tomites, the Sumas, the Hauos and others, all ver3^ wild and often at war with one another. (2) The Nation called ^'The Manzos,'' Peaceable Indians on Rio del Norte. This nation occupies one hundred leagues going up the river. These Indians lived in small huts covered with foliage ; they practiced no agriculture, and subsisted on game and fish. The men wore no clothing of any kind, while the women were decently covered with deer skins from the waist to the lower part of the body. They did not cook their food ; they ate raw meat, and had no other instruments to cut it but their teeth or a fragment of obsidian. As to neatness in their manner of eating, they knew it not ; they did not even take the trouble of removing the intestines of the animals before devouring them. The Manzos, sa3-s the Father, are robust and strong ; they manifested the desire of having religious to instruct and baptize them. This nation, it seemed to the Guardian, could be con- verted to the true faith if the King could send four religious with twent}^ soldiers to protect them, at least until thej^ should have their missions established. As for himself, all he could do at that time, was to plant the sign of our redemption in that land and pray to God for the speedy conversion of its inhabi- tants. (J) The Beginning of the Apache. At thirt}^ leagues north of the Manzos lived the Apaches, called ' 'of the Perrillo' ' after the name of the spring w^hich sup- plied them with water. These men are good warriors, with a nobility of manners which . inspires more confidence than the Indians of other tribes. {4) Province and Nation of the Piros, Senecu, Socorro, formerly Pilabo, and Sevilleta, today La Joya. Going again to the Rio del Norte, one discovers the first inhabitants of the Piros, forming several towns of houses, one or two stories high, built with brick dried in the sun, and hav- ing galleries looking on the streets. The people of this province are clothed, and form a kind of republic or community governed 56 The Coxditiox of the Mission's of Xew Mexico in 1626. by their chiefs or captains. The}- cultivate the soil, success- full}' planting, not only their own seeds, but those they have received from the missionaries. This province has not been converted yet, but it seems that God wiUed that its hour should have come this year of 1626, the first of m}- charge. I offered myself to Our Lord for the conversion of its people, and there I consecrated and dedicated to the Most High their principal town under the title of "Our Lady of Socorro." God has been pleased to help me in this work, as all these people were baptized dur- ing the same year, and live today a true Christian life, I have founded and established in the province three convents with their churches, viz : That of St. Anthony of Padua in the town of Senecu ( i ) , another at Pilabo, and the third at Sevilleta. This last one is consecrated to St. Louis, bishop, of our Order. According to A. F. Bandelier, Seneca was located at about eighteen miles below the present town of Socorro, and it would be in this pueblo that the first grapevines introduced in New Mexico were planted in the first part of the seventeenth cen- tury. The pueblo was abandoned about 1675. In the mountains or hills of Socorro, says Padre Bernavides, are found mines which extend from north to south a distance of over fiftj^ leagues. The pro\'ince of the Piros, beginning from the town of San Antonio (Senecu) extends about fifteen leagues going up the Rio del Norte, as far as the town of St. Louis de Sevilleta. Its villages, fifteen in number, are located on both sides of the river and have a population of six thous- and souls, all baptized. The religious, besides instructing their people in our holy faith, have their schools in which they teach reading, writing, music and several trades. (o) Teoa {Tigua) Nation.. At seven leagues still farther to the north after leaving the Piros, is found the Teoa nation, which comprises fifteen or six- teen towns, located on the river and embracing a distance of about thirteen leagues. It has 7,000 inhabitants, all baptized, and the convents of San Antonio de Sandia, and San Antonio de Isleta. There are (I) Seuecu, according to A. F. Bandelier's final report of investigation among the Indians of the Southwestern United States. XI. Cathedral of vSanta Fe, N. Mex. (When Finished.) XII. Front of the Old San Miguel Church. Santa Fe, X. Mex. XIII. Church of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores. Bernalillo. N. Nfex. The Condition- of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 57 schools like those kept among the Piros ; the two convents have good and elegant churches which are a credit to the religious who built them. The other towns possess also good chapels. {G) The Nation of the Queres. Four leagues above the preceding begins the Queres Nation, at San Felipe, its first town, and extends over ten leagues, where 4,000 people, all baptized, form seven villages. There are three convents with good churches and a chapel in each village. The Queres Indians show a great aptitude for any branch of learning they apply themselves to in their schools. The lands of this nation are ver>' productive. (7) The Nation of the Tompiros. Lea\nng the Rio del Norte and going east ten leagues, we find the Tompiros Nation, w-hich from Chilili, its first town, ■ extends over fifteen leagues in the same direction, comprising fifteen or sixteen villages with an aggregate population of 10,000 souls, ha^^ng good churches and convents. The land is not very fertile, owdng to the cold climate and to the scarcity of water, but there are good salt lakes at ten leagues from Socorro. (8) The Naiion of the Tanos. Traveling north about ten leagues, one strikes the first town of this nation, which extends over ten leagues, and com- prises five villages, with convent and church. Each village is provided with a chapel where mass is said at stated times by the priests of the convent. The aggregate population of the five villages amounts to 4,000 souls, all baptized. There also are good schools. {9) The Nation of the Pecos. At four leagues north of the Tanos is found the town of Pecos, which has over 2,000 inhabitants with convent and a very elaborate church. Pecos is a cold countr^^, still it produces corn enough for the use of its people. The Pecos mission has also its schools. {10) La Villa de Santa Fe. At seven leagues w-est of Pecos stands the city of Santa Fe, the capital of the realm. There reside the governor and the . 4* 58 The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. Spaniards, numbering two hundred and fifty persons, of whom onh' fifty are armed. By authority of the governor, the soldiers are appointed chiefs of the Indian pueblos, from whom they receive a tribute which is sufiicient for their maintenance, and even for enabling them to help the needy among their country- men. The tribute consists of one 'varade manta,' cotton cloth, and a certain measure of corn, paid to them yearl^^ by each Indian family. The army of the governor is composed of one thousand men, between Spanish and Indian. There was no other church in the city but a kind of barn, or an old house, entirely unfit for the celebration of the holy mysteries. The religious, thus far, had built churches for the Indians in the pueblos where they resided, and left to the Spaniards the care of building a church for themselves. This lack of the most decent place to hold divine service impelled me, as soon as I came as Custodian, to lay the foundation of a convent and church which are now (1629) completed to the glor}^ of God, Here also, the religious teach the Spaniards and the Indians how to read, write, and work at several trades, {11) The Nation Toas {f Tegua). Going west from Santa Fe towards the Rio del Norte, we reach the Toa Nation, which occupies the length of eleven or twelve leagues, with eight towns, numbering in all about six thousand souls. Toa is the first nation of this realm which ' embraced the Christian faith, a fact in which its inhabitants glor}^ and which made them the friends of the Spaniards This province has three convents and three churches of a nice structure, especially that of San Ildefonso. Each town has also its own church attended by the priests of the convents. The Indians learn the sciences and arts in their schools. It was one of the religious who taught the San Ildefonso Indians how to irrigate their lands with the river water, by means of dams and ditches, {12) The Nation of the Hemes {Jemes). Crossing the river we found the Hemes Nation after traveling west a distance of seven leagues. We could see, in 1626, that the country had been devastated by wars, and that The Cokditiox of the Missions of New Mexico ix 1626 59 famine had dispersed its people. By the care of the religious, the scattered Indians were gathered together and placed, one half in the town of St. Joseph, and the other in that of St. Didacus, and soop after these two villages were provided with convents, churches, and schools. The Hemes population amounted to the number of 3,000 souls. {13) The Nation of the Picuries. Coming back from Hemes to the Toa nation, and going north ten leagues up the Rio del Norte, we reached the town of Picuries, numbering a population of 2, 000 souls, already- baptized and provided with convent, church and school. The Picuries Indians are a somewhat rough and wild people, among whom the religious have received ill treatment, and succeeded in saving their lives only owing to a particular providence of God. These Indians, rightly speaking, belong to the nation of the Toas, but are considered as of another race, as they constantly live by themselves without keeping any close relation with their neigh- bors of the Rio del Norte. m) The Nation of the Taos. The town of Taos is located at seven leagues north of Picuries, it has a population of 1050 souls, all baptized, with convent, church and school. There is some difference of lan- guage between the Taos and Picuries, still they belong to the same nation. The Taos Indians, sa^-s Padre Benavides, were wavering in the faith owing to the doctrine of the religious on the sanctit}^ and unity of the sacrament of marriage, which was entirel}^ opposed to the Indian custom on the matter. {15) The Rock of Acoma. The rock of Acoma is located at twelve leagues from the town of Santa Ana, in the Queres province. The inhabitants of the town built on the rock and bearing the same name, were visited by the religious in 1629, and the fact that an infant, be- ing baptized at the time it was considered as dying, came visibly to life at the moment the baptismal water touched its forehead, had the effect of bringing the Indians to the mis- sionaries to listen to their instructions. 60 The Condition* of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. {16) The Zuni Nation. The pro\dnce of Zuni, which comprises eleven or twelve villages, occupies the extent of ten leagues, at a distance of thirty leagues west of Acoma. It has a population of io,ooo souls already converted to the faith. There are two convents and two churches where the religious had to suffer, and suffer yet, from the mischief and opposition of the sorcerers. The land produces all kinds of grains and fruits. {17) The Moqui Nation. This nation, as that of Zufii, from which it is separated by thirty leagues in the direction of the west, has a population of about io,ooo people distributed in several villages. The inhabi- tants, at first joyfully received the religious, and listened to their instructions. But here, as elsewhere, the sorcerers got alarmed on seeing the confidence placed in the missionaries by the Indians, and tried to destroy it by ridiculing it either publicly or privately in all their speeches. As a consequence of this, and perhaps at the instigation of the sorcerers themselves, a large number of Indians, either Christians or infidels, presented themselves to the priest who oftentimes spoke to them on the power of the cross, and showing him a young man born blind, made him this proposition : "Padre, if your cross has as much power as ^-ou say, whj' do you not try to give by it his sight to this young man ? If the trial proves successful, it will be for us the proof that what you say to us is the truth, and we will believe in your word. ' ' The missionary' thought it his dut}' to accept the challenge, and relied on the grace of God for the resvdt of what he was about to try for His greater glor}-. Having praj-ed a short time on his knees before the cross, he applied it to the eyes of the boy, who, at once, was by it made able to see. Struck by the miracle, the Indians kept their word, and applied to the religious for instruction, and for admission to Baptism, those who had remained as yet in the state of infidelity. These are, says Padre Benavides, the towns and localities which we have visited in the countrj^ called New Mexico. This kingdom commences at St. Anthonj^ de Senecu, the first The Coxdition of the Missions op New Mexico in 1626. 61 town of the Piros, and embraces all the country up the river as far as to San Geronimo of Taos, that is to sa^^, one hundred leagues in length. The most of its towns are located on either side of the river and some on other streams. The total popula- tion of the towns or villages gives, the number of about 80,000 souls. All these nations we have spoken of, are each one divided into two parties, the warriors and the sorcerers, who are opposed to each other and who often come to an open fight to settle their quarrels. There, says the Father, the devil makes his harvest. As regards those who had been converted, it seems, they generally were submissive to their priests concern- ing the practice of Christian duties. [18) An attevipfed Conversion of the Apaches. This was tried in 1630 by Padre Benavides on the Apache tribe of Perillo Springs, spoken of before. Owing 'to the assist- ance of the chief, Sanaba, that fraction of the great Apache nation yielded compliantly to the voice of the zealous Guardian. {19) Coming in Contact with the Apache Navajo. The word "Navajo" means a large family. These Indians belong to the Apache nation, though they are governed by a chief of their own, perfectly independent of the Apache nation proper. Father Benavides says that [it was only by the help of some captains of the Christian Indians, who knew the Navajos and could explain to them who the missionaries were, and what the purpose was they had in view, he was permitted to approach them. What he proposed in the meeting was a treaty of peace, to be effected between the Navajo nation and the Chris- tian tribes, which he obtained after long parleys. Peace having been secured, the Rev. Guardian founded in 1629 the Santa Clara mission, in the Toa nation, which adjoins the Navajo country, so that these Indians could be visited from the new mission. This mission established in the village of Cappoo was the tenth founded by Padre Benavides. (20) The Xumana Nation. Starting from Santa Fe, and going east 112 leagues through the nation of the Vaqueros, one reaches the Xumana Indians. 62 The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 162&? This nation was visited first by Padre Juan de Salas, missionary to the Tompiros and Salmaros, and subsequently entrusted to Fathers Estevan de Perea and Didaco Lopez. These religious, after doing good work, by the grace of God, among the Xumanas, went to the Quiviras and Aijaos, who desired also to be instructed and baptized by the Fathers. {SI) Hoiv did the Religions Employ Particularly their Time ? Besides giving the greatest care to religious instruction, the duty of the religious was to visit the sick, to help the poor with the produce of the mission lands, to build convents and churches and to teach schools for the natives. The Memorial written by Fray Alfonso de Benavides was presented, as stated before, to the King of Spain by Fray Juan de Santander, Commissary General of the Brothers Minor of the West Indies. The Commissary-, on presenting the Memor- ial or report to the King, spoke himself on the actual condition of the missions in New Mexico, on the rapid success they had obtained thus far, but expressed the fear that their progress might be stopped in the near future for lack of a sufficient number of priests to attend to them properly. "For (said he) of the twenty-seven religious who had been assigned to the new "Conversion," (i) there remained now only sixteen, with three assistant brothers, the other eight being already dead." For this reason he earnestly requested His Majesty to send thirty more religious to the said "Conversion," with the assur- ance that they would be provided with necessaries for their support ; which was granted and complied with in 1629. "Zuiii, one of the principal towns of Cibola, had in 1632 for resident priest Fray Juan Letrado. He and Fray Martin de Arbide perished in their attempt to convert the Cipias. " ( 2 ) In the beginning of the 5'ear 1662, the mission which was called of the "Manzos", peaceable Indians, was established at El Paso del Norte. This mission had for its first missionary (1) "Conversion of St. Paul" was the name of the ecclesiastical province of the Franciscan Fathers in New Mexico, as stated before. (2) Ensayo Cronologico. The Condition of the Missions of New Mexico in 1626. 63 Fray Francisco Garcia de San Francisco. The first marriage, celebrated the same year on the 3d day of February in the new mission, was that of Francisco Mutarama and Juana Mata. The first ecclesiastical sepulture was that of Maria, daughter of Tomas, the fiscal of the pueblo, and took place on the 28th of March, 1663. For a number of years, according to Shea, the pueblo In- dians manifested a marked dissatisfaction against the Spanish government and the missionaries, until they joined a general revolt which took place on the loth of Augiist, 1680. CHAPTER VII. The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of Otermin. The general revolt of the Pueblos occurred hi the second year of Otermin's administration. It was prepared, saj-s Padre Velez, by an Indian from San Juan, named Pope. This man was then a fugitive in the pueblo of Taos, not only for several murders he had committed in complicity with forty-six Teguas during the administration of Governor Trevino, but for new similar crimes of his own. P'rom Taos he plotted the rebellion, into which all the Pueblos entered except the Piros. The day for the attack on the convents and houses of the Spaniards had been fixed for the i8th of August, but the secret having trans- pired from different sources. Pope ordered the execution of the plot for the loth of the same month, before any strong measures could be taken to suppress it. The attack was commenced b>^ the Taos, Picuries and Teguas Indians, in their respective pueb- los, and their example was followed by the others who had not refused to join in the work of bloodshed and destruction. On that day, eighteen priests, three lay brothers and three hundred and eighty Spaniards, between men, women and children, were killed. ( I ) Davis (2) gives the names of several of the priests who were put to death in the most cruel manner by the rebellious Indians. These were : Fray Jesus Morador, who was in charge of the Jemes pueblo ; Friars Cristobal Figueroa, Albino Maldonado and Juan Mora at Acoma. The bodies of these (1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Queretaro. (2) Conquest of New Mexico. The Pueblo Revolt Under the Government of Otekmin. 65 three missionaries, according to the same author, were thrown into a deep cave on the north side of the pueblo. The same barbarous acts took place in Zuni about the same time. Here also were stationed three missionaries whose names were : Lo- renzo Analiza, Juan de Jesus. Espinosa and Sebastian Calzada. Their bodies were buried in the church of the pueblo. After relating the cruel death of two missionaries of the Moqui pueblos (now in Arizona), Fray Juan de Vallada and Jesus de Lombardi, Davis mentions the death of another priest whose name is not given but whose office, according to the records, was that of "Procurador," Procurator of the province. "In this manner," adds the same author, "the priests stationed in different pueblos were killed, mostly by their own flock, for whose spiritual and temporal good they had been laboring for years. ' ' Coming again to the report of Fray Velez to his superior, we see that after the day of devastation, those of the religious and of the Spaniards who had not perished, divided into two parties, and gathered from San Felipe down to the pueblo of Isleta, while the governor remained in Santa Fe with the Span- ish families of the town and the Indians who had not taken part in the rebellion. The few Spaniards who lived in the val- ley of ha. Caiiada, fortified themselves in the house of the Alcalde of that district, ( i ) and bravely kept their position, until they received help from Otermin, and were enabled to go and join him in Santa Fe. Meanwhile the section of the peo- ple who had reached Isleta, started on the 14th of August for El Paso, On the 1 5th the capital was surrounded by the Tanos of San Marcos, San Cristobal and Galisteo (2). The "Quirix," Queres, of Ea Cienega took possession that same day of the houses of the Tlastecas Indians (3) who lived on the left bank of the Santa Fe river, at the place called j^et "El Barrio (suburb) de Analco" and burned the chapel of San Miguel. The aggressors were five hundred in number ; the Spaniards came out of the town to meet them, and there ensued a bloody (1) Very likely at the place called uow "La plaza del Alcalde," about four miles above the pueblo of San Juan. (2) These three pueblos, now abandoned, were aV out 30 miles south of Santa Fe. (3) The members of a tribe who had been faithful to the Spauiards from the time of Cortez aud who probably were brought to New Mexico by Juan de Oiiate. G6 The Pueblo Revolt Fkder the Goverxmext of Otermix. fight which lasted over six hours, when the Spaniards had to retreat to their quarters on seeing the Taos, the Picuries and the Teguas Indians coming from the north to reinforce the as- sailants. The governor had not a sufficient number of men to divide them and to front the enemy in two different places at one time. Besides, he had to protect the "Casas Reales" gen- eral quarters, in which the families of the town, those of San Marcos, of La Canada and of the Tlastecas had taken refuge. In five days, the aggressors succeeded in taking possession of almost the whole of the town, leaving already to the Spaniards no more ground than that occupied by the royal quarters. The houses they did not take for their own use, they burned, as also the church and the convent. The rebels numbered about 3,000, while the Spaniards were hardly 150, between soldiers and settlers. On the other hand, the besieged had no water, and on this account were bound to die soon if they did not make an effort at once to open their waj^ out through the ranks of the enemy. To this supreme determination they were encouraged by the three religious of the town and by the governor, and it was successfull}' executed on the 20th of August, with onl}' a hundred men fighting in the name of Maria Santisima. In this action the rebellious Indians lost 343 men, some arms and horses and had to take to flight. Of the Spaniards five were killed and many wounded, among whom figured the governor with an arrow in the forehead and another in the breast, but neither one injured him fatally. The governor realized then that the best he could do was to try to save his life and that of the few people who remained to him. For this purpose he started at once for El Paso, with the three religious Fraj^ Francisco Gomez de la Cadena, the minister of the mission in the town, Fray Andres Duran, the Guardian, Fray Francisco Farfan and the other people of the villa. At the "Paraje," station of Fray Cristobal, they met seven reUgious waiting for them with the settlers of ' 'Rio Abajo, ' ' lower river, from Bernalillo down. Thence they proceeded to the Paraje of La Salineta and from that place to a station about ten or twelve miles below El Paso, which they called San Lo- renzo, and where they made their "Real," the camp. There they had to endure great privations, though they received every The Pceblo Revolt Under the Governmext of Otermix. 67 day ten steers and ten fanegas of maize from the Royal Hacienda through Padre Francisco de A^'eta, the Commissar}- General for the Missions of New Spain. The temporary retreat of Otermin left New Mexico in the power of the rebellious Indians. Pope, the promoter of the re- volt, ordered them at once, under penalty of death, to burn or to destroy the crosses, the images and rosaries ; forbade the in- vocation of the saints and commanded those who had been married according to the rites of the Church, to dismiss their wives and to take others after the old Indian fashion. In the Annotations of Padre Juan Amando Niel, S. J. ( i ) on the "Relaciones," Historical data, left by Fray Gerouimo Zarate Salmeron, we find that, twenty days after the start of the governor for El Paso, the nine rebellious nations, viz. : The Tigvias, Tanos, Jemes, Teguas, Pecos, Queres, Taos, Picur- ies and Tampiros, went after him to attack him in his retreat. They reached the El Paso crossing, but as the river was in flood, they could not ford it. On returning to their own district, they commenced to quarrel as to which of the tribes would occupy Santa Fe, and have the power to rule in the country'. (They thought they had done once for all with the Spaniards. ) In order to settle the question, they agreed to cast lots, and leave it to the issue of a fight between two tribes, provided that the Tanos, who were much more numerous than any other tribe, would send the half of their people to settle somewhere out of the country. The con- dition was accepted and complied with soon after. As regards the mode of solution of the diflSculty by the test of a combat between two tribes, it seems it was not resorted to, as agreed upon ; but the contestants divided into two camps, each one composed of an equal number of warriors selected by their re- spective tribes. The war lasted a long time, says Rev. Father Niel, and many died either on the battle fields or in the pueb- los, owing to the lack of provisions, caused by the absence of the able-bodied men from their homes, and by a drought which prevailed in the country for seven years. The victor)^, at last, remained with the Tanos, who, with those of their party, entrenched themselves between the walls (1) Documentos para ia historia de Mexico. 68 The Poeblo Revolt Uxder The Govern'Mext of OTERMiy* and in the houses of the capital. After the quarrels had ceased, the Indians of both parties, having come to their right senses could realize how detrimental had been the wars for all the tribes, and how poor all remained now, after the loss of all their able-bodied men, and of all pro\nsions, owing to the drought, which had dried up all the streams and even stopped the course of the Rio Grande in several places. We quote the following from Father Niel: "At last, seeing that the pueblos were coming to an end, they resolved, on the advice of their wizards, to join together and to offer in common to the devil the sacri- fice of a young girl, in order to obtain from him the water they so badly needed. They performed the bloody ceremony with great pomp, and the same day the river commenced to resume its course, and this fact was for the Indians a reason for perse- vering in their apostas5^" The Tanos, who had to emigrate pursuant to the condition made b}^ the other pueblos and accepted by their own people, were a thousand men, their families making a number of four thousand persons, just as many as those who remained in their pueblos. These emigrants were given by their people what had been stolen from the churches and from the Spaniards, and a proportional share of the horses, cows and sheep of their pueblos. They went first to Zuiii, but finding that the country was too much unprotected from the cold, they turned their way towards the province of Moqui, This province, which in 1710 was called by Father Niel the most famous of the whole of Northern America, must have been, it seems, rather unimportant at the time of the Pueblo rebellion in 1680. Its inhabitants were very peaceable, the men spinning cotton and wool and weaving mantas and blank' ets, while the women cultivated the soil to plant corn and pumpkins. When the Tanos arrived in their vicinity, they asked permission to stop some time to rest their stock and flocks before going any farther. Soon after, as they were all armed and had many horses, they offered to protect the Moquis against any invasion from their enemies. Their proposition having been accepted, they at once imposed on each pueblo a garrison of three hundred mounted men. Little by little, in- fantry was added to the cavalry and, on a certain day, the The PuebLo Revolt Under the Government of Otermin. 69 Moquis were notified that they were the subjects of those they had received as friends. It was hard on them, but they could not help it, as they were too inferior in numbers even to try any kind of resistance. They had to be satisfied with being permitted to remain in their houses. We translate substantially the following from Father Niel : "When the Tanos left their villages to emigrate, they took a boy, not quite twelve years old, who had distinguished himself at the first signal of the revolt, August lo, 1680, by killing Fray Simon de Jesus, his benefactor and educator. His name was Traquillo, and for the dastardly crime he had committed, the Tanos took him for their king before starting on their errand. ' ' "King Traquillo made his residence with the ancients of his nation in Oraibe, the last of the Moqui villages in the direc- tion of the southeast. This pueblo is located on a hill, about six miles long by three in width running from east to west. In order to make it safe for him and his court, Traquillo had Oraibe surrounded by three walls, which were provided with holes for defense from the inside in case of an attack from with- out. The pueblo was made a very large one, covering the whole of the hill. He fortified also the other pueblos. The first to be seen is Gualpi, which looks like a castle on the top of an elevated hill ; the second, Aguatuvi, on a hill of a less abrupt ascent, but without water within its walls ; the third one is Xonganavi, located also on a hill and without water on its site ; the fourth, Matevi, is in all pretty much like the others." ' 'When the Tanos left their country, they took along a good number of people, (Indians of other tribes, no doubt) who had been in the service of the Spaniards and of the religious and knew different trades. Traquillo availed himself of their knowl- edge to have others instructed by them, especially in the manner of repairing and fabricating arms. From these men all the warriors learned how to make gun powder and lead bullets." "Traquillo was a good leader of men, he was liked by his nation and dreaded by others. Fray Simon de Jesus educated him, thinking he would make of him the first native priest of the northern nations. For about twenty years the Moquis have been asking for priests, others than the Franciscans, they wish to be absolved from the excommunication the}' have in- 70 The Pueblo Revolt Under the Goverxmext of Otermix, curred, their king is willing to resign his kingdom in favor of the King of Spain, to be reconciled with the Church and die like a Christian." (i) From San Lorenzo, Governor Otermin sent to the viceroj' a detailed account of what had occurred in New Mexico. At the same time the 'Custodio' of the missions, Fray A^'eta, went to the cit5' of Mexico and strongl}^ represented to His Excellency the necessit}' of reducing the rebels as soon as possible to obedience to the Church and to the King. Having considered the matter with his counselors, the viceroy not only gave his per- mission for a new attempt to reduce the rebellious Indians, but ordered the necessar\' measures to provide for the wants of the Spanish families and those of the Piros, Tompiros, Tiguas, Jemez, Tanos and Tlascaltecas Indians, who had not abandoned their faith and who had fled to El Paso with the governor. It was during his stay at San Eorenzo that Otermin established at El Paso, under the invocation of Nuestra Seiiora del Pilar and of San Jose, the 'Presidio', militar}- Post, which was later transferred to Carizal. He founded also the pueblos of Senecu, of Isleta and Socorro (Texas) with the faithful Indians who had followed him from New Mexico to El Paso. On the 1 8th of November 1 68 1 , the governor started from San Lorenzo with one hundred and forty six Spanish soldiers, one hundred and twelve auxiliary- Indians, Father A^-eta and other reUgious, to reduce the rebels of New Mexico. The first pueblo he met, coming up the river, was Isleta, twelve miles south of Albuquerque. The Indians, who were not prepared for an attack, made only a feeble resistance. The old records mention that the church and priests' residence had been burned, but that the church vestments and sacred vessels were found and delivered to Father Ayeta. This priest said mass the next morning, December 7, 1681 on the 'Plaza', public square. He preached to the Indians, showing them the wrong they had committed by rebelling against the Church and asking them to repent of their apostasy. After the sermon he absolved them. Many children were baptized the same day, the first receiving (1) Aonordiiia; to this last fact given by Father Niel, the Maqnis had remained ■without priests from 16S0 to 1710, when he wrote his "Anotaciones." The Pueblo Revolt Under the Govern'men't oe Otermix. 71 the name of Charles, in honor of Charles II., then King of Spain. From Isleta, Otermin sent a detachment of his men to the pueblo of Cochiti, while he, with the remainder of the army, would visit the intermediary^ pueblos. Before reaching the pueblo of Sandia, he burned those of Alameda and of Puaray, because their inhabitants had fled to the mountains, leaving good provisions of grain which were taken by the army and other people of the expedition. At San Felipe, the governor was told by an Indian named Pedro Naranjo, that the reasons why the pueblos had rebelled were : First, because the Indians would not abandon their old customs and the idolatry which they could not practice now as usual, since Governor Treviiio (the predecessor of Otermin) had ordered the destruction of the "Estufas." Second, because of the exactions and bad treatment they had received from the Spaniards in many pueblos. Third, because of the persecution waged against the wizards of the nation, and of the capital pun- ishment that had been inflicted on many of them by order of some former governors. At Zia and Santa Ana the Indians make a kind of peace with the governor ; according to the old records, their churches and priests' residences existed at that period. Rev. James H. Defouri ( i ) says Otermin did not return to Santa Fe, but stopped about twelve miles from it at a place called Palacios, where he received notice that a revolt was in readiness to meet him at the capital. If this was the case, it is certain that the governor had not a sufiicient force to meet an organized attack, and nobody can blame him for having turned back to El Paso for his own safety and that of his men. Meanwhile, "the Commissar^' General, Padre Ayeta, left the City of Mexico with as many priests and lay brothers as were necessary to re- establish the missions. On arriving in the province of New Mexico, the first settlements found were : Socorro, Alamillo, Sevilleta, Sandia, Jongo, Pavi, Cuarac, Jijique, which had all been abandoned, and their churches and convents pillaged and destroyed. " ( 2 ) (1) "Sketch of the Catholic Church in New Mexico. (2) Padre Marcelino de Civezza. 72 The Pceblo Revolt Under the Goverxmext of Otermix. All the Indians fled to the mountains for fear of some well deserved punishment, but came back on the promise the religious sent them that they would not be molested, provided they would submit to the authority' of the King and repent before the Church for the wrong they had committed. The same pairdon was offered to the Indians of the other tribes, who accepted it under the same conditions. By this means, Santa Fe, Santa Cruz de la Caiiada, Tezuque, Nambe, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan de los Caballeros, Picuries, Taos, Pecos, Galisteo, Santo Domingo, Jemes, Laguna, Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Acoma, Zuiii, Moqui, San Agustin de Isleta, Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe del Paso, San Lorenzo, San Antonio de Senecu, San Antonio de Isleta and Nuestra Senora del Socorro could be provided with priests and started again. ( i ) In 1684, Otermin was succeeded as governor and Captain General, b}' Domingo Gironza Petris de Cruzati, who was sent from New Spain to reconquer New Mexico. He remained in charge for five or six 3^ears, but failed to reduce the Indians, as he trusted more to persuasion than to physical force to accomplish his mission among them. To his policy the Indians did not object, but the}' changed not their ways on this account. In 1688, Pedro Reneros Posada succeeded Domingo Gironza Petris Cruzati as governor of New Mexico. He remained in power onty a little over a year, fighting with no success against the rebellious Oueres of the Zia pueblo. In the 3'ear 1689, Don Domingo Gironza was appointed governor for the second time. Like his predecessor, he waged war on the rebels of Zia, who defended themselves with such resolution, that many suffered to be burned alive on the terraces of their houses, rather than surrender. Of those who fought with the Zias, from Santa Ana and others of the Queres pueblos, six hundred and four remained dead on the battle field. (1) Padre Marcelino de Civezza. Taken from ''Resumen de Doenmentos para la historia del Kuevo Mexico. MS. de I'academia d'historia de Madrid. CHAPTER VIII. The Government of Vargas and the Reconquest of New Mexico. According to Padre Velez, Don Diego de Vargas Zapata de I,iijan Ponce de I^eon was sent from Mexico, by the viceroy Conde de Galves, to reconquer New Mexico. He was accorded fifty soldiers, who had to come from the Presidio del Parral, and met him at El Paso on the 21st of August 1692, with as many men as he could find there, and three religious. Padres Francisco Corvera, Miguel Mufiiz and Cristoval Alonzo Barroso. In Santa Ee, where the governor arrived on the 13th of September, he found the Tanos of Galisteo fortified in the government houses of the capital. He surrounded them wdth his troops and summoned them to evacuate the position. To this demand they answered that they not only would not move, but would kill all the Spaniards and prevent them from flying to El Paso as they had done at the time of the former revolt of the pueblos. From the report of Vargas to the viceroy (i) we learn that the rebels refused all the peaceable propositions he made to them, from 4 o'clock a. m. of the 13th da^' of September until 3 p. m. ; that they 3aelded at last, owing to the obstacle the governor, wdth forty soldiers and fifty Indians, put between them and the Indians of Rio Arriba, who were coming to their rescue. In the city of Santa Fe, and in the pueblos north of it, 969 baptisms were conferred on the children who had been born since the revolt of 1680. (1) Letter of the governor written on the 16th of October 1692 to the viceroy. (Documentos para la historia de Mexico.) 74 The Reco.vquest op New Mexico. The governor represented to the viceroy, that, for the good of the CathoHc religion and for the authority of his Majesty the King, he thought it was necessary' to have a force of one hun- dred soldiers in the capital and fifty families to resettle it. Of the Tanos who had surrendered Santa Fe, and of some other Indians, he said he could not rely on the peace they made when compelled to do so by force. He would try his best to convince them by peaceful arguments, but in case he could not succeed, he said he would destro3' them entirely, in order to save those who had been brought to the faith, and to protect the settlers against their attacks. These, he thought, would have alwaj's enough to do to guard themselves against the in- cursions of the Apaches. The Tanos of Santa Fe having made their submission, Vargas, says Davis, started to subdue the Taos Indians who lived seventy-five miles north in a beautiful and fertile valley. At thirt}^ miles from Santa Fe, in the same direction, he reached San Juan, where he was well received, and there he stood god- father to a daughter of the chief L,orenzo. In the same pueblo, according to the old records, the Indians were absolved of apostasy and ninety-six children baptized bj^ Father Corvera, October 1692. The next day Vargas started for Taos through the mountains, and succeeded by peaceable means in bringing to order the Indians of that village. From Taos the governor came to Picuries where he was given a friendly welcome. On the return of the expedition from Taos to Santa Fe, Vargas started for Pecos, where the Indians received him with demonstration, of great joy. Here, the Fathers Corvera and Barroso baptized 248 persons on the 17th of October. From Pecos the governor went to the pueblos of Galisteo and of San Marcos which he found almost in ruins. In these two pueblos, says the author of the Cronica Serafica (i), the Indians, after killing their priests and destroying their churches, fled in differ ent directions. Without losing any time, Vargas went to Santo Domingo, where he had a part of his men waiting for him, and thence on the 1 9th of the same month he marched up the river to Cochiti, which he found deserted ; following the same direction by the (1) Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Queretaro. The Reconquest of New Mexico. 75 "Canada" valley of the pueblo for nine miles, he met a vil- lage in which lived together the Indians of San Marcos, Cochiti and San Felipe. These Indians received him without resist- ance, they were absolved, and presented 103 children for bap- tism. The same Indians promised to be back on the 29th of the same month to their respective pueblos. On the 2 2d, the governor arrived at the hacienda of Ana^^a, where he had an- other camp for the care of the horses. There he took fresh animals and set out for the pueblos of Zia and Santa Ana, who, since the expedition of Gironza had moved, the former to Cerro Colorado, and the latter about six miles southwest of the old Jemes pueblo. The Indians made.no resistance, the}^ submitted and, between the two pueblos, presented 123 children for bap- tism on the 24th of October. On the 25th of the same month Vargas climbed to the top of the mountain, with the religious and five squadrons of sol- diers, to the place where the Queres of Santo Domingo, the Jemez and a number of auxiliary Apaches had joined together. The expedition met on the "mesa," plateau, about 300 armed men giving signs of hostilit3^ As they did not attack, the governor and his men ignored them, and went directly to the pueblo, which had four plazas and was surrounded by walls. The}^ were received by the chief captain and the ancients of the village, holding a cross as a sign of peace. These natives were absolved and presented 117 children for baptism. From there the governor sent to El Paso some forty women, between Spanish and Indian, who had been made captives by the rebellious pueblos, and started for the "Peiiol, " the rock of Acoma, with eighty-nine soldiers, thirty Indians and the two religious. The pueblo was reached on the 3d of November. Its inhabitants made some resistance, but after the explanations the governor gave them, through the medium of an interpreter of their own pueblo, about his intentions, they became con- vinced that the Spaniards did not come to destr03^ them, as they had been told b}^ the Navajos. They made peace the next day, received absolution, and had eighty-seven children baptized. lycaving Acoma, the expedition went to Zuni, where the Indians had built a new pueblo on the Peiiol, called Galisteo. Before tr\'ing to ascend the rock Vargas sent to the In- 76 The Recoxqcest of Xew Mexico. dians a certain Buenaventura, a man of their pueblo, to tell them that the Spaniards were coming with peaceable intentions. Reh'ing on the truthfulness of this assertion, the}' gladly sub- mitted, and on the i ith of November they presented 294 children to have them baptized by the religious. "The same day, (i) they invited the governor to the house of an Indian woman where he saw an altar with two tallow candles burning on it. The altar was partly screened with pieces of church vestments. Kneeling down, Vargas removed the screen and found carefulty kept, three small crucifixes, two of brass and one painted on wood, a picture of St. John the Baptist, a silver gold plated ciborium, a remonstrance with its rock cr^-stal, and four silver chalices with only three patens. There appeared also several books which had been used by the priests who died there at the time of the great revolt. These objects were taken by the gov- ernor in order to transmit them to the Custodian of the province. There remained two bells without hammers in the power of the Zufiis." Before leaving' the mountain on which the governor re- ceived the submission of the Queres and Jemes, on the 25th of October, he availed himself of the presence of a Moqui Indian he met there, to use him as a messenger to his own people, to inform them that the Spaniards were alwaj^s for peace when they could avoid war, and begged to be received as friends by the Moquis when they should go and visit them. Whether they would have 3-ielded to the message or not, is not known, but the fact was that, about the same time, the}- were advised by their neighbors, the Navajos, not to believe one word of what the Spaniards would sa3^ These people, they told them, mean only to deceive, what they really intend to do, is to take what belongs to others, to kill the men and make the women and children captives. So the Moqui Indians removed their animals far from the villages and prepared for defense, should the Spaniards present themselves. Having been apprised of this disposition, and also that water was very scarce between Zuni and Moqui, the governor picked the best horses he had and started for Moqui with (1) According to the "Documentos para la hi&toria de Mexico. The Recoxquest of New Mexico. 77 sixty-three soldiers and the reUgious, leaving twent^'-five men with their captain at Zuni, to take care of the tired horses, mules and other stock. On the 19th of November he arrived at San Bernardo de Aguatuvi, the first pueblo of the province. Leaving the half of his men at some distance, he presented himself at the pueblo with only thirty soldiers. He was met by 700 or 800 well-armed men, readj^ to fight and looking only for a pretext to open the battle. For over an hour Vargas had to speak to persuade them that his intentions were peaceable. At last he was introduced into the pueblo by its chief, Miguel, who gave obedience for all his subjects. These were absolved, and 122 of their children baptized the next day. The same day, November 20th, the expedition proceeded to San Bernardino de Gualpi. There after some feeble resist- ance the Indians made their submission ; they promised obedi- ence and presented eighty-one children for baptism. November 22nd the inhabitants of San Buenaventura de Mo- songnavi and those of San Bernabe de Xomopavi submitted in the same manner, were absolved of apostasy, and presented seventy children for baptism from the two pueblos. Being under the impression, on account of what he had been told, that Oraibe was twenty-seven miles distant, though it was only about seven, the governor did not go there, owing to the bad condition of his horses. He turned then back towards Zuni where he arrived on the 27th of the same month. From Zuni, Vargas and his men left for El Paso, w^here they arrived on the 20th of December, 1692. Previous to the expe- dition of Zulii, says Davis, Vargas had completely brought to submission in a short time, seventeen districts or provinces, without a fight, and the missionaries who had traveled with him had baptized 1570 persons. CHAPTER IX. Government of Vargas. (Continued.) — Resettlement OF Santa Fe. — War Against the Tanos and Other Pueblos at Santa Fe. — Troubles Again with the Pueblos. — Missions Provided with Priests. — Founda- tion OF Santa Cruz. — New Revolt of the Indians. — Seven Priests Killed, (i) Resettlement of Santa Fe Authorized in 1693. (i) In the 3'ear 1693, the vicero}', with the advice of his royal council, determined that Santa Fe should be resettled. For that purpose he gave to Diego de Vargas one hundred soldiers, the number he had asked for to protect the seat of his government, and the necessary' means of subsistence for the families he would locate in the villa. Before the coming of the announced reinforcement, the governor had to start for Xew Mexico, where the Tanos, Picur- ies, Taos, Queres of Santo Domingo, Cochiti and Jemes Indians were preparing a new general revolt. From El Paso and vicinity he took seventy families, which, with their servants, made a number of 800 persons, and seventeen Franciscan Fathers. These were : Fray Salvador de San Antonio, Custodio ; Fray Juan de Zavaleta, Fraj' Francisco Jesus ISIaria, Fray Juan de Alpuente, Fray Juan Muiios de Castro, Fray Juan Diaz, Fray Antonio Carbonela, Fray Francisco Cor\'era, Fray Geronimo Prieto, Fray Juan Antonio del Corral, Fray Antonio Voho- monde, Fray Antonio Obregon, Fray Jose Maria, Fray Buena- (1) Documentos para la historia de Mexico. Resettlement of Santa Fe Authorized in 1693. 79 Ventura Contreras, Fra}^ Jose Narvaez Valverde and Fray Diego Zeinos, Secretario. With these religious and the seventy famihes spoken of, the governor left El Paso on the 13th of October, 1693. ^^'^ the 4th of November, with a small number of armed men, he went ahead of his people from the hacienda of I^ouis Lopez, four miles below Socorro, to secure provisions for them at Santo Domingo where they would meet him. The Queres of San Felipe, Zia and Santa Ana remained faithful to the peace thej' had made. Those of Cochiti, of Santo Domingo and of Jemes had joined hands with the Tanos, Tiguas and Teguas to fight against the Spaniards, and were trying to gain the Pecos to their cause. As to the Indians of San Felipe, Zia and Santa Ana, who refused to join the revolt, they were declared enemies by the rebels, who threatened to destro}^ them to the last man. Vargas visited all the discontented pueblos, and in all he was given an apparently friendly reception. When divided, the Indians knew they could make no available resistance, and concealed their true intentions, until they should feel strong enough to mani- fest them. The governor, with all his soldiers and the families he had brought form El Paso, arrived at Santa Fe on the i6th of December 1693. He went to the 'Plaza' or square of the Presidio, on foot, preceded by the flag which had been used by Juan de Oiiate when he conquered New Mexico, and chanting, with the religious, different psalms and prayers of the Church. Arrived in the centre of the square, and before a cross which was held there by the Indians, they sang the "Te Deum", the Eitanies of Our Eady and three times the canticle 'Benedictus.' This being concluded the governor reinstated, as far as in his power lay, the Rev. Custodio, Fray Salvador de San Antonio, in the possession of the missions of the province. Then he went with all his people, to establish his camp at a short distance from the town, near the woods of Tesuque, (some say at the place where now stands the chapel of the Rosario) until provisions could be made to establish the families in the villa. Meanwhile the rebels already mentioned were secretly preparing an attack against the Spaniards, whom they intended to take by surprise. This was made known by different parties, 80 War Against the Taxos axd Other Pueblos at Santa Fe. but more particularly by Ye, the chief of the Pecos Indians. The governor did not show how keenly he felt the secret maneuvres of the rebels, but took his measures to meet the aggressors should they present themselves. Having visited the chapel of San Miguel, which had been used before as a parochial church for the Tlescaltecas Indians and which had been partly destroyed in the Pueblo rebellion of 1680, he gave orders to have it repaired and be made again the parochial church for the Indians and the Spaniards. Owing to the quantity of snow which had fallen in the mountains and which precluded access to the places where timber could be found, the intended repairs had to be postponed. Meanwhile the religious services were held in a temporar^^ house fitted for the purpose. On the 1 8th of December 1693, the Picuries Indians petitioned for a priest to be sent to them as soon as possible. Indeed, priests had been already assigned to twelve missions, but were detained by the Guardian on account of the threatened revolt of the rebellious Pueblos. This religious asked the governor what security would there be for the priests in their missions, when it was known through a trusty Indian, Juan Ye, the chief of the Pecos, that the Teguas, Tanos and Picuries, with a band of Apaches, were about to attack the governor's camp. Diego de Vargas answered he wculd see, as far as God would enable and direct him, to the security of the mis- sionaries, but he did not ask that these should be sent imme- diately to their respective missions. (3) War Against the Tanos and Other Pveblos at Santa Fe. The same day the "Cabildo," men of the municipality,, represented to the governor that the religious, as well as the Spanish families, were getting sick and, in fact, that already a number of children had died for want of protection against the cold weather, and they thought it was not just that these peo- ple should remain without shelter while the Tanos Indians were lodged in the government houses of the villa. Consequently they demanded that these Indians should be obliged at once to vacate the premises they were now occupying. CIV. Interior of the Church of ALBrorEROuE, N. Mex. .V. Chkks'iia.x Bro'i auKfe' College, Santa I-V, N. .Mt-.x. Kirili'd 1^7,S. XVI. Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes, Erected BY THE Rev. Camilas Leux. Bless'nj of fhtpel. Ju le 19. 1S90. TVar Agaisst the Taxos axd Other Pteblos at Savta Fe. 81 A'argas was reluctant to make use of any forcible means against the Tanos who had taken refuge in the houses of Santa Fe. because he thought they were now submissive. This was also the opinion of Captain Madrid and of his men. who were quartered near these Indians, and said they had noticed no sign of revolt in them. At this time, a bUnd man of the town, named Agustin Salazar, who was conversant with the language of the Tanos, heard on the night of the 27th of December 1693, that in tte 'Junta' (meeting) of the Indians, their chieftain told the Indians not to be afraid of the Spaniards; that their governor was only a liar, and that they should kill all the Spaniards. On the testimony of this man, Vargas doubled the number of the sentries to watch all the movements of the Indians. The next day, December 28th. the Tanos declared war by closing the gates of the plaza and placing armed men on the Fcrt. on the terraces of the houses, and in the trenches. Thereupon the governor moved all his camp to a place nearer to the town, so that he could protect his people and besiege the plaza. To the chief of the rebels, named Bolsas, who presented himself on the trench, Vargas said he had better submit and not expose his people to certain death. The Indian repUed that he could not give an answer before taking the advice of the ancients of the tribe. When he came back, all he brought was a rough provocation, mixed with insults to the Spaniards and blasphemies against God and His saints. On this same day, December 29th, Vargas and all his people knelt down to listen to a short address which was delivered to them by the Father Lector: at the end of it they received general absolution^ and then marched to attack the plaza, foUcwing the flag on which was a picture of Our Lady of Remedies. During the fight, the Teguas and the Tanos of the upper river arrived to help the besieged. These were repulsed by the cavalry of the governor and some Pecos Indians, with a less of nine men. At night, there was a suspension of hostilities on both sides. Early the next day, the Indians were taken by siuprise within the square of the buildings by the Spaniards, who had escaladed the walls from different sides. There ended the siege but not the punishment of the Tanos. 82 War Again'st the Tan'os as'd Other Pl-eblos at Sakta Fe, When Vargas entered the plaza, he was provoked at seeing; that the cross, which stood before in the middle of it, had been broken to pieces, as also a statue of Our Lady which had been entrusted to an Indian by one of the Spanish families while camping out. There were gathered the women and children of the Indians, and seventy of the warriors who had not been able to make their escape. These men were put to death bj' order of the governor for their relapse into rebellion. Adding to these the nine who were killed out of the town, and two who hung themselves when they saw that the Spaniards were win- ning, we have the number of eighty -one Indians who died at the siege of Santa Fe, The author of the Cronica of the College of Queretaro says that Fray Joseph Diez, who had been put in charge of Santa Fe by the Rev- Custodio, took great pains to prepare those un- fortunate men for death, and stood by them until they ceased to live. As regards the women and children, they were given by the governor as captives to the colonists until His Majesty might order otherwise. This was executed under the following conditions : First, That the captives might select their mas- ters ; Second, That they should be well treated ; Third, That they should be sent to the doctrine or religious instruction every day, morning and evening ; Fourth, That nobody should have the right to sell them, or even to send them out of the province. The number of the captives was 400 persons. The booty found in the plaza after the siege consisted of some live stock and 4,000 fanegas of maize, which the gov- ernor ordered to be distributed among the soldiers and settlers. {3) Tronhlc Again with the Pueblos. The war did not end with the taking of Santa Fe. Vargas had yet to fight with almost all the pueblo's of the Teguas and the Tanos until June, 1694. In January of the same year, he was apprised b}- a letter from the viceroy that seventy-six families had left the City of Mexico with the Procurator, Fra}- Francisco Farfa.n, for Santa Fe. As it was now time for planting, Vargas distributed lands and seeds to the settlers and gave them the protection of Trouble Again- with the Pceblos. 83 ■monnted soldiers during the time this work would keep them in the fields. Notwithstanding the armed force watching on them, the colonists were attacked by the united rebels from Jemes, the Queres, Teguas, Tanos, Ficuries and Taos on the 2ist of May. The same daj- Vargas started after them, over- took them at San Ildefonso, took from them forty-eight horses, and made prisoners of five of the Jemes Indians. To one of these he gave his life on condition that he would show the place where the men of his pueblo had buried the body of Fray de Jesus after killing him, and indicate where they had concealed the church vessels and vestments, and to another one he granted the same favor at the request of Juan Ye, the chieftain of the Pecos Indians. On the 23d of June, Fray Francisco Farfan reached Santa Fe with the seventy-six families he had brought from Mexico. The governor made arrangements to locate these people in the villa until he could send them to some other locality, after he should have pacified the Indians. In the first days of August, using the information given by the Indians of the Jemez about the place where they had buried Fray Juan de Jesus, whom they had killed in 1680, the governor had the earth removed ; and bones, which, from the description given of the Father, seemed to be those of his body, were then found and carefuU}- collected. These were taken by the goverror, accompanied by the Fathers Juan de Alpuente, Antonio Cbregon and Antonio Carbonel, and carried to Santa Fe, where, en the nth of the same month, they were interred at the gcspel side of the chapel which was then used as the parochial church. (San Miguel, ver>' likely.) As the Jemez had lost many men in the rebellion and re- mained without their wives and children, who had been made captives in Santa Fe, the}- offered this time to make peace for good. For that purpcse the}- offered to deliver to the governor the men who, among them, had induced the others to revolt and had been the cause of their total ruin. On the 1 7th of August, two of the Jemez Indians went to Santa Fe to ask for peace in the name of the pueblo, and said that, if they had been so Icng a time in rebellion, it had been owing to the counsels of their chiefs, and more especially of the 84 Tkouble Again With the Pl'eblos, Indian Diego. The governor was pleased with their disposi- tions, and promised, if they brought the Indian Diego, and were willing to return to their old pueblo and help him in the war against the Teguas, that he would treat them as the other Christians. Moreover, he promised to return to them the pris- oners as soon as thej' would have complied with the conditions. The Indian Diego was brought and sentenced to death, but, at the request of the missionaries and of the friendh* Indians from Pecos, the governor commuted the sentence into banishment to the mines of Biscaya for ten years before he could come back to his pueblo. As to the captives, they had to be kept until the Jemez would have returned to their pueblo, and then de- livered to them by Fraj- Francisco de Jesus, who was already appointed their resident missionar}'. As the Teguas were ^-et in rebellion, Vargas determined to go and attack them on the hill of San Ildefonso where they had entrenched themselves. One hundred and fifty men of the friendly Queres, Jemes and Pecos joined the expedition. In the first attack there were thirteen wounded on the side of the Spaniards, as the rebels had onh' to roll rocks from the top of the hill to injure their assailants without exposing themselves. After several attacks the rebels, having lost six men and many others being wounded, came down from their position and asked for peace, which was made on the condition that they would all be in their respective pueblos b}- the 9th of September. (4) The Missions Provided uith Xew Priests. As it seemed now that the Indians would remain quiet, at least for some time, Vargas left Santa Fe on the 5th of October, 1694, with the Vice Custodio, Fray Juan Muiioz de Castro, to go and leave missionaries in the pueblos. In San Ildefonso was left Fray Francisco Corvera, who had to attend from there to the pueblo of Jacona ; in San Juan, Fray Geronimo Prieto, with the administration of Santa Clara ; in San Lorenzo and San Cristobal, Fray Antonio Obregon, with residence at San Cristo- bal. When these religious took possession of their missions they had neither churches nor houses and were obliged to con- tent themselves with some little huts, which had been hastil}^ prepared for them. In all these pueblos the governor explained The Missions Provided with New Priests. 85 at length the reasons the Indians had to respect their priests, to take good care of them, and to build as soon as possible churches and residences for the missionaries. On the 24th of October, Vargas and the Vice Custodio started again from Santa Fe with four religious, who were to take charge of the missions of the pueblos of Pecos, of the Oueres and of the Jemes. Father Lector, Fray Diego Zeinos, was assigned to the mission of Our Lad^^ of the Angels called also "La Porciuncula" of Pecos. The Indians had prepared already a residence for the priest and were read}^ to put the roof on a chapel until they could build a church. In San Felipe remained Fray Antonio Carbonel, without either residence or church ; and Fra}' Juan de Alpuente was given the adminis- tration of Zia and of Santa Ana. The name of the Father who was put in charge of Jemes is not known. In the pueblo of Santa Ana the governor was visited by the chieftain of the Oueres of Santo Domingo, who had re- mained in the mountains between Jemes and Cochiti since the rebellion of 16S0, and who were now anxious to make peace with the government and to have a priest among them. On the first of November, the Rev. Custodio, Fra}' Salva- dor de San Antonio, was succeeded by 'Fray Francisco Vargas, who came from El Paso with four new missionaries. The gov- ernor apprised him at once, that there were missions ready for the religious he had brought with him. Whereupon the Cus- todio distributed his priests in the following manner : Fathers Juan Munoz de Castro and Antonio Moreno were kept in Santa Fe, as also Fraj' Diaz who, from the cit}', had to attend the pueblo of Tesuque. On November 13th Vargas and the Custodio visited the newl}^ established missions of the Teguas, Tanos and Queres. They found the Indians perfectly satisfied and the Fathers mak- ing progress in the teaching of the Christian doctrine. In the pueblo of Santa Ana, Fray Jose Garcia Marin was placed as minister of the mission, and Fra^- Antonio Carbonel was sent from San Felipe to Cochiti, while Fray Miguel Tirso had to take charge of Santo Domingo. There was neither chapel nor residence for the priest. 86 The Missions Provided with Xfiw Priests, On December 4th the Santo Domingo Indians petitioned for the return of their people who had been made captives at the siege of Santa Fe. Vargas granted the demand, and he did the same with the Teguas and Tanos, despite the objections of the municipality and of the residents of Santa Fe, who did not like to be deprived of the services of the captive Indians. Var- gas had said in another instance that he had not come to make slaves, but to conquer the Indians for the Majest}' of God and for his King, and he wanted to be truthful to his word. {5) Foundation of the Villa de Santa Cruz, 1695. In 1695, April i8th, Don Diego de Vargas founded, with the seventy families brought from Mexico by Father Farfan, the villa of Santa Cruz de la Canada, which he called "de los Espanoles Mexicanos del Seiior Carlos." It was called the New City, because the valley of la Canada had been settled by some of the families Juan de Onate had brought in 1596. The same da}"-, April 12th, the founders of the villa we're put in possession of a certain extent of land, and swore they would keep it by all possible means in their power under the domination of Spain. These families made their residences in the houses the Tanos had built on the north bank of the river of la Canada since the rebellion, when they left Galisteo. These Indians were ordered to go to the pueblo of San Juan, and those of San Cristobal left also their lands and houses to the Spaniards. The villa of Santa Cruz was given the title of second in the province, Santa Fe keeping the priority of foundation. The first priest appointed by the Custodio to administer the villa of Santa Cruz was Fray Antonio Moreno. After the establishment of the villa de Santa Cruz, Vargas and the Padre Custodio went to San Francisco de Nambe where they left Fray Antonio Azevedo as minister of that pueblo, {0) New Revolt of the Indians, 1695. In the same year, 1695, ^^e Indians who had only sub- mitted to force, thought they had a good opportunity- to rebel again, when they saw that the Spaniards had been distributed between Santa Fe, Santa Cruz and several places on the Rio New Revolt op the Indians, 1695. '87 Grande. The governor was notified of the danger b}' the friendly pueblos and by the missionaries, but he did not heed it, saying he did not see anything that could justify the rumor. On the 4th of June of 1696, however, a revolt of the Picuries, Taos, Teguas, Tanos, Queres of Santo Domingo and Cochiti and of the Jemes broke out like that of 1680. Churches and sacred vessels were destroyed, seven religious and a number of Spaniards killed. In the pueblo of San Cristobal the Tanos killed Fray Jose de Arvizu and Fray Antonio Garbonel, the priest of Taos. In San Ildefonso, the Fathers Francisco Cor- vera, the priest in charge of the pueblo, and Antonio Moreno of the pueblo of Nambe, had the same fate. In San Diego de Jemes the Indians took also the life of their priest. Fray Fran- cisco de Jesus Abundo. This priest was called out as for a sick person, and when on the plaza, was clubbed to death by the interpreter and by the war captain. In San Ildefonso the Fathers Corvera and Moreno were shut up in a room of the convent, where they died suffocated by the burning of the house and of the church, which was contiguous. In the same rebel- lion twenty-one Spaniards lost their lives, Vargas started at once for the rebellious pueblos, but too late, as the work of blood and destruction was already done. He could only see that he had placed too much confidence in the Indians, when they came to him for peace and for the recovery of the captives they had lost in the wars. Padre Velez de Escalante, already mentioned, says in the letter to his superior, that the Navajo Apaches used to come every year in July from the upper Chama to New Nexico to sell skins, dried meat and the captives taken from other nations. If they could not sell or exchange their captives for horses, grain or other provisions, they were in the habit of kill- ing them before going back. The King having been apprised of this ferocity gave orders to rescue, at his own expense, the captives who might remain unsold and in danger of being killed. The same author states that during the same year, 1696, the French Huguenots, who lived on the frontier of the pro- vince, killed 4,000 of the Apaches who made war on the tribes of their neighborhood, which they had taken under their pro- tection. 88 Xew Revolt of the Ixdiaxs, 1695. In the year 1697, complaint was sent to the viceroy by the municipality of Santa Fe against \'argas for bad management of the governmetit funds, and for not giving due support to the soldiers and to the colonists. Nothing of what he must have spent in traveling all the time from pueblo to pueblo, in fight- ing against all the tribes one after the other, and in conquer- ing really the whole countrj-;, was taken into account. Whether for these charges or because A''argas had finished his term of oftce, he was succeeded by Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero. Without any proof in support of the charges brought against Vargas, the new governor had his predecessor put in jail. There he kept him for a long time, deprived of all com- munication with an^-body, even by writing. At last, Fray Francisco Farfan, seeing him so unjustty treated, as he thought, and prevented from doing anything for his justification, went to Mexico and obtained from the viceroy- that the prisoner should be permitted to leave Santa Fe for a journey to the capital, where he could present his defense, provided he would give the necessary- bonds before leaving the jail. To this con- dition Vargas refused to submit, for the reason of his nobility, and for the services he had rendered to the Crown of Spain. For this refusal he remained a prisoner until the 20th of July, 1700, when, after three years of a severe imprisonment, he left Santa Fe and started for the Cit^- of Mexico. There he had no difficulty in justif^'ing himself against all the charges of his enemies. This he did with so evident proofs, that the viceroy, with the assent of his council, honored him with the title of "Marquis de la Nava de Brazinas," of the Plain of Brazinas. Father Velez adds in a note that in 1703, December 2d, the members of the municipality' of Santa Fe made a juridical retraction of all the charges thev- had presented against Vargas, stating that the}^ had done it at the instigation of Governor Cubero, whose chief aim it was to tarnish the reputation of his predecessor. XV'II. St. CAxaKRiNK's Industrial Indian School, Santd Fe, N. Mex. ^''-^ XVIII. Chjrch of vSax Juan, N. Mex. XIX. LoRETTA Academy of Our Lady of Light. Srttitrt Fe, .V. Mex. XX. St. Michael's College, Santa Fe, P^rected 1887. CHAPTER X. The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. {1) The Administration of Don Pedro Rodriguez Cuhero. On the 4th of March, 1708, the Zufii Indians killed three Spaniards who had been exiled there, and were the cause of trouble in several families of the pueblo. The missionary priest. Fray Juan Guaraycoechea, had previously written to Governor Cubero that the presence of these men, as that of the soldiers who had been given him as an escort, was very obnoxious to the Indians and would not fail to create, sooner or later, some serious difficulties. The governor did not pay any attention to the advice, and at last the offended Indians took justice in their hands and killed the three exiles. If the soldiers were not treated in the same manner they owed it to the legs of their horses, which they mounted without looking for saddles and bridles. As for the priest, nobody molested him, as all knew thai; he always blamed the conduct of these bad men in the pueblo. At the first notice of what had happened, Cubero started with soldiers to go and punish the Zuiiis. This, in the opinion of the priest of the pueblo and the one of Laguna, Vray Antonio j Miranda, was not a wise step, as the Spaniards deserved noth- I ing but the punishment inflicted upon them. The governor ' had not reached the pueblo, when, apprised of his coming, not \ only those who had killed the Spaniards, but many others, in \ order not to find themselves implicated in the crime, fled to the ] Tan OS and Moquis of Gualpi, taking along as many as they could of the horses and sheep of their pueblo. There remained 6* 90 The SuccESSio>r of the Governors TROst 1700 to 1800, no more reason to justify, even apparently, any penalty against the Zuiiis, still the governor thought he must punish them. He did so b}^ removing their beloved priest to Santa Fe, thus leaving them exposed to the influence of the rebellious Moquis and Apaches. Indeed, Cubero did not show more wisdom in this campaign against the Zuiiis than in the way he treated the governor, his predecessor. In August, 1703, Cubero received official notification that Diego de Vargas was coming again by appointment to take the government of the province. He then left Santa Fe as if to go against the Teguas Indians, but in reality to fly from them and avoid the presence of a nobler man than himself. {2) Vargas, Governor of New Mexico for the Second Time, 1703. On the loth of November, 1703, Don Diego de Vargas, now Marquis de la Nava de Brazinas, took possession again of the government of New Mexico. There were then afloat rumors of some brewing revolt on the part of the Moqui and Navajo Indians, but as Vargas was watching all the time with armed men ready for any emergency, these Indians, who were not ignorant of his policy, kept quiet for the present. In March, 1704, the governor started on a campaign against the Apaches, who were invading the southeastern portion of the province. He had reached the eastern side of the Sandia mountain, when he felt sick and thought he could not go any farther. From there, he turned towards the settlement of Bernalillo, where he died April 7, 1704, after writing his testa- ment, and receiving the sacraments of the Church. • Don Juan Perez Hurtado, who had always enjoyed the confidence of Vargas, was appointed acting governor pro tem. Vargas, as we have seen, was charged at the end of his first administration with having used the government funds for his own benefit and thereby deprived the soldiers and the colo- nists of what was due them. On the strength of the accusation and without any legal test of the case, the accused was made a prisoner by his successor and had to wait three years before he had an opportunity of justifying himself before a competent authority. At last his time came ; he could speak for himself and show by stern figures that he had defraiided neither the The Succession or the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 91 government nor any one of the people he had under his charge. This he did in so successful a manner that, instead of being reprehended, he was decorated with a title of distinction and designated to be appointed again governor of New Mexico, when the term of office of Cubero should expire. Vargas may not have been a popular man, as he did not show much interest in the advices he received daily from differ- ent sources. He took notice of what was said to him, but seldom made it the rule of his conduct. He was an active man and a good soldier, and he kept always a number of his men equipped for a start at the first notice. He was brave, but not cruel towards his enemies. He knew the intentions of the monarch of Spain towards the Indians, and never departed from them, trying first, not only once but over and again, means of persuasion before using the sword against the rebellious In- dians. Indeed, it would have been easy for him to kill those who opposed him only by their numbers, as they were as a rule badly armed ; but, as we have already remarked, he said that he had not come to kill the natives or to make them slaves, but to conquer them for God and his King, by persuasive words, as far as possible. The tradition has it in Santa Fe, that Vargas carried always with him a statue of the Blessed Virgin, which is yet preserved in the cathedral as our Lady of the Rosary. {3) Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdez made Governor, 1705, In 1705, April 10, Don Francisco Cuervo y Valdez took the government of New Mexico. He found the Apaches called Faraones, the Navajos, and even the Christians of Acoma and of Zuiii, preparing as it seemed some rebellion, which however did not break out. He petitioned the viceroy for more soldiers, arms, horses and provisions for the colonists, but owing to the difficulties which the young king, Philip V., had to contend with at that period, nothing could be obtained except a supply of agricultural implements. (4) The Foundation of the Villa of Albuquerque, 1706. At the beginning of the year 1706, Governor Cuervo founded the villa of Albuquerque with the title of St. Francis, 92 The Scccessiox of the Goveexors from 1700 to 1800. in honor of the viceroy, who was then Don Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva Enriques, Duke of Albuquerque. By letters of June 1 3th and 1 8th of the same year, Cuervo notified the viceroy that he had established this villa with thirty-five families of Spaniards, who lived already along the Rio del Norte, (Rio Grande) and asked chalices and vestments for the churches of the new town and for that of Galisteo. The articles asked for the churches were granted, but the governor was blamed for having founded the villa without being authorized to do so. Moreover, he was apprised that the king had manifested the wish that the first new foundation should be placed under the patronage of St. Philip and not under that of San Francisco Xavier. In the same j^ear Cuervo resettled the pueblo of Galisteo with eighteen families of the Tanos who had remained some 3'ears with the Tesuque Indians. To the new pueblo he gave for titular patron Santa Maria de Gracia, instead of Santa Cruz, as the pueblo of Galisteo had been called before the revolt of 1 68o when it was destroyed and abandoned. Cuervo left the government of the province on the ist of August, 1707. (5) Don Jose Chacon Medina Salazar, 1707. Cuervo was succeeded on the ist of August 1707 by Don Jose Chacon Medina Salazar, Marquis de la Penuela. He tried to subdue the Moqui Indians by persuasive arguments, but failed in his attempt. As the chapel built by Vargas (San Miguel chapel repaired by Vargas) could no more accommodate the citizens and the soldiers of the town, the governor ojBfered to rebuild, at his own cost, the parochial church which had been demolished in the revolt of 1680, provided he should be allowed to use the work of the Indians for the purpose. Per- mission for the rebuilding of the church was granted by the \nceroy, but not for forcing the Indians to work at it. In case they should be willing to work without neglecting the care of their crops, the governor could employ them, but should be obliged to pay them a just compensation for their labor. The Marquis commenced the church, but there is no proof that he brought it to a conclusion. There is a tradition in Santa Fe which attributes the building of the old adobe church, which The Successiox of the Goyeenors from 1700 to 1800. 93 has been replaced by the new cathedral, to an influential resident of the city, named Jose Ortiz. Towards the end of the year 1708, the Apaches proper broke the peace they had kept for long years with the Span- iards, and in a short time murdered many people, made cap- tives, and committed depredations in the settlements of the frontier. On the 8th of June, 1709, they invaded the pueblo of Jemes, destroyed the houses and the church and took the vest- ments and sacred vessels, in spite of two squadrons of soldiers who tried in vain to overpower them. The Marquis called then on all the forces of the province, and followed these wild In- dians into their own land and fastnesses, obliging them at last to renew the peace in the year 17 10. Besides the Tanos, Teguas and Jemes who had joined the Moquis to live with them, there were several families of the Teguas who remained in other pueblos, and even among the Apaches. These were gathered by Fray Juan de la Pena, the new Custodio, who, with permission of the governor, sent them with sufficient provisions for a year, to repeople the old pueblo of San Augustin de la Isleta, about fifteen miles below Albu- querque. When notice was given to the viceroy of what had been done, a petition was addressed to him for a chalice, a bell and vestments for the church of Isleta. The petition was granted and congratulations sent to the governor and to the Custodio for their success in promoting the interest of religion and of the Crown of Spain. The Custodio visited all the missions in company with an officer of the government, and succeeded in suppressing abuses, superstitions, and idolatry in the pueblos, as also the dances of the 'cabellera', (scalp dances), and the 'Estufas. ' On the 15th of Maj^ 1709, a charge was made b}' a certain Antonio de Sierra Nieto, with official documents, against gover- nor Marquis de la Penuela and the alcaldes may ores, that they I had obliged the Indians to plant land for them, and the women ! to keep house for them, without any compensation. After the ; examination of the documents establishing the proofs of the 1 charges. His Excellency, the viceroy, condemned the governor ! to a fine of 2,000 pesos, the damages caused not included, and I ordered him to stop the practice of all extortions from the natives. 94 The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to ISOO. The Rev. Custodio, Fray Juan de la Pefia, died the same year, and was succeeded ex oflEicio, by Fray I^opez de Haro, the vice president of the missions, until a new Custodio should be appointed. {6) Don Juan Ignacio Flares MogoUon, 1712. On the 5th of October, 17 12, Don Juan Ignacio Flores Mogol- lon succeeded Marquis de la Peiiuela as governor of the province. The new governor waged a successful war against the Yutas and stopped their too frequent raids on the peaceable Indians. He gave orders to the alcaldes of the pueblos to destroy the Estufas which had been rebuilt. In order to prevent the conquered Indians from meditating revolts, and pursuant to royal orders, Mogollon called a meeting of the soldiers, of the citizens of Santa Fe and of the religious who could be conveniently present, to consider whether it would be advisable or not to take all kind of arms from the submissive Indians. The meeting took place on the 6th of July, 17 14. The vote of the citizens and of the soldiers was in the affirma- tive, while the religious objected. The majority had it, and all the peaceable Indians, a few excepted by reason of their known services and fidelity, were disarmed. (7) Don Felix Martinez, October, 1715. In 1715, Mogollon, already advanced in years and an in- valid, resigned his charge. Governor Martinez obtained through the exertions and apostolic zeal of the missionary priests of Acoma, Fray Fran- cisco Yrazaba, the return to their respective pueblos of 158 Indians, who had fled to the Moqui villages after the revolt of 1680, but there remained a far greater number who refused to come back to their former homes. These were kept in rebellion by the Tanos of Galisteo, who, as we have written before, had fortified themselves in the Moqui villages and were determined never to submit to the Spanish rule. After several useless attempts to bring these Indians to obedience by persuasive arguments, the governor resolved to reduce them by force. For that purpose he prepared an expe- The Succession of the Governors prosi 1700 to 1800. 95 dition composed of seventy mounted men and 150 Indians from different pueblos, and went to the stronghold of the rebels, thinking that the sight of his force would be enough to intimi- date them, but this was not the case. Instead of wavering and yielding to the peaceable propositions made by the governor, the Moqui Indians answered by an attack on the troops. They lost, it is true, eight men in the battle and had a good number wounded, but owing to the fortifications in which they had entrenched themselves on hills of difficult access, the victory remained to them. All the governor could do, was to destroy'' their crops in punishment for their rebellion and retrace his steps towards Santa Fe. This attack took place in the last part of August, 1 716. (i) The old documents state that during the year 17 16, An- tonio Velarde Cosio was appointed by the vicero}^ the Marquis de Valero, to take the place of Martinez as governor. Martinez refused to leave the government of the province until he could go to Mexico and have an interview with the viceroy on the subject of his removal, as he thought he had given no reason for such treatment during his administration. In the mean- time, Velarde wrote to the viceroy and spent some time with the old friends he met in the province, until he could get an answer regulating his position. In the year 17 17, August 2d, the viceroy sent to the Cus- todian of the mission a copy of a royal schedule, ordering some measures to be taken to insure means for the establishment of schools in all the missions for the instruction of the youth. Pursuant to the notification , the Guardian called all the religious to a meeting to have their opinion on the matter. As to the necessity of schools, not only for the Indians, but also for the children of the Spanish settlers, all agreed without a dis- senting vote, and the majority asked to have schools in all the pueblos, instead of in the centers of missions only. In regard to the means of support for the teachers, the members of the meeting came to the conclusion that it could be provided by a contribution of maize from the in- habitants of each village, or by the product of "una milpa," (1) state Archives, No. 250. 96 The Succession of the Goterxors from 1700 to 1800, a certain piece of land cultivated and planted in common, for the benefit of the teacher, as the viceroy' might determine. ( i ) (8) Governors J. Domingo Biistamante, Gervasio Crusat y Gonjera. 1723 : By this time Governor Juan Domingo Bustamante held a '^unta de guerra" to secure men and means for an ex- pedition against the Comanche Indians, who, bj" their incessant raids, had almost ruined the Jicaria Apaches, a tribe which, thus far had ahvaj'S been friendly and faithful to the govern- ment of the country. ( 2 ) 1731 : Governor. Ger\^asio Crusat y Gonjera held also a junta de guerra, to prepare an expedition against the Apaches hostile to the government and the settlements of the province. The same governor gave strict orders to the alcaldes to use their influence and authorit3' to check immorality-, gambling and all public offenses, and to oblige all the vagrants to work like other people for their own support. (3) This was truly a good measure, which ought to be enforced in all countries against so many wanderers, be they called tramps, hobos or anj^ other names, who, though young and able-bodied men, as a rule, go around depending on public charity for their maintenance. These ought to be taught, in some way, that they are not an exception to the condition made by God to Adam and his pos- terity after his sin, which obliges them to work for their daih' bread. "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread. " (Gen. iii, 19.) In 1734 the church and conventual house of the Santa Ana pueblo were rebuilt under the administration of Fray Diego Arias de Espinosa. This priest had to paj- the Pecos Indians for making eighty-four "canes," spouts, because there was nobody in the pueblo of Santa Ana who knew how to make use of carpenter' s tools. (4) In the year 1736 the new church of San Felipe pueblo was built through the exertions of the zealous missionary, Fraj^ Andres de Saballos. (1) Old Church Documents. (2) State Documents. (3) Old State Documents. (4) Church MS. The Soccessiok of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 97 (9) Governors Olavide, Domingo and Codallos. Governor Cruzat y Gonjera was succeeded in 1737 by- Enrique de Olavide y Michilena, who occupied the position until the year 1739, when Gaspar Domingo y Mendoza was appointed to take charge of the government of the province, which he kept until 1744. His successor was Don Joaquin Codallos y Rabal. During Codallos' administration, says Haines ( i ) , French traders came from Louisiana to New Mexico, despite the jealous watchfulness of the Mexican government. In 1748, according to the same author, thirty-three French- men went to the Jicarilla river and sold muskets to the Com- anches. These Indians were good warriors, especially expert in fighting on horseback, and for this reason they generally did not turn their attacks against the settlements, but against the people who traveled in caravans on the plains. Unlike the Apaches, as we have been told by the old settlers of New Mexico, the Comanches never tried to attack any considerable party by surprise. On the contrary, they were wont to make a show of their numbers by parading at a distance, sounding the war whoop, sometimes for hours and even for da^^s before attacking. They never committed themselves to a hand-to- hand fight, but when they thought time and opportunity had come for a trial, they gave the yell, starting their steeds at full speed on a single line in the direction of the caravan. When they thought they were near enough to hit somebod)', they fired in succession passing by and turned back to take their rank in the file and come again if necessary. If the first trial did not give any apparent result, another one was resorted to from a shorter distance, and if the Comanches lost some horses, it was a proof for them that the attacked were good warriors, and there ended the fight. This was in case they lost some of their horses, because they knew how to protect themselves when fighting by crouching on the safe side of their horses, without dismounting, and making use of their arms, arrows or muskets from below the neck of the animal. In case the ad- (1) History of New Mexico, from which we borrow the succession of the gov- ernors from 1737 to 1821, and valuable details on their administration. 98 The Scccessio.v of the Governors FRONf 1700 to 1800. vantage seemed to be with the assailants, they pursued the bloody work until they were at liberty for plundering. At times, however, that is to say, when the Comanches- lived in their ' 'rancherias' ' or villages, with their families, there was trade between them and the inhabitants of New Mexico. It consisted in the exchange of some provisions, like ' 'galletas," hard bread or corn meal, dry goods, red flannels and blankets and some articles of little value, like knives, small looking glasses, brass buttons, beads, etc. These articles were offered by the Mexicans, each one for a stated price, which had to be paid by the Indians in buffalo robes, prepared ' 'gamuzas, ' ' deer skins, cured meat, horses and mules. This trade, which we saw in existence in 1859 and subsequent 3'ears, afforded a means of support to many poor Mexican families. We see in an old document of the church of Sandia that Governor Codallos was instrumental in the resettlement of the pueblo of that name in 1 748. It seems that Sandia had remained abandoned for more or less time after some rebellion of the natives against Spanish rule. At the above mentioned date, we take from the documents referred to that the Indians called now the Sandias were brought by Fray Miguel Manchero from different pueblos, and especially' from Acoma, Laguna and Zia. where they had come from the Zuni villages in order to live peaceably as Christians and subjects of the King of Spain. The priest had previously secured permission from the viceroy to gather those Indians where he should think proper. He selected the old pueblo of Sandia, and there a very extensive tract of land was granted to the new pueblo, with all the required for- malities, by the actual governor of the province, Don Joaquin Codallos y Rabal, on the 5th of April of the same year, 1748. In document No. 489 of the Archives of Santa Fe, written June 25th of the year 1748, we read that Governor Codallos de Rabal, by order of the viceroy of New Spain, notified Don Alonso Victoris Rubin de Celis, captain of the Real Presidio del Paso, Rio del Norte, to send back to Santa Fe all the per- sons who had previously left the province of New Mexico. ( i ) On the 22d of September, 1748, Padre Fray Juan Miguel Menchero, the priest of the Sandia mission, made a visit to the (1) See appendix No. 1. The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 99 *'puesto," settlement of Cebolleta, where some peaceable Apaches had established a rancheria, and baptized one hundred of their children. (Archives of Santa Fe, Document No. 499.) At the same time the church of Santa Fe was in course of construction. {10) Governors Tomas Veles Cachwpin — Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle. Tomas Veles Capuchin succeeded Codallos in 1749. All that is known of his administration is that he made a campaign against the Comanche Indians, who had pushed their incursions into the interior of the province as far as Galisteo, and obliged them to retreat to the plains of the buffalos with a loss of one hundred and forty-five of their men, between dead and prisoners. In 1 754 Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle became acting governor. We find in a manuscript preserved in the Archives of the Cathedral at Santa Fe that Governor Marin went per- sonally, with some religious from Santa Fe and some citizens, to Picuries and Quarac, to exhume the bones of two venerable priests who had been interred in the two named missions, then abandoned, in order to have them buried in consecrated ground. According to the documents, the body of the venerable Fra}' Ascencion Zarate was found in the ruins of the old church of San Lorenzo of Picuries, and that of the venerable Fray Ger- onimo de la Liana, in the ruins of the mission of Quarac, in a place indicated by the old Indians. The remains of this mis- sionary, as those of Padre Zarate, were carried to Santa Fe and buried, August 31, 1759, in a coffin which was placed in the wall of the gospel side in the old Cathedral church, where it can be seen 3'et at the time of this writing. On the front side of the coffin are engraved in plaster the following inscriptions : I. — "Aqui yacen los huesos del venerable P. Fray Geron- imo de la Liana, varon apostolico de la Orden de San Francisco, los que se sacaron de la mision arruinada de Quarac, provincia de las Salinas en imo Abril, 1759." Translation : "Here rest the bones of Ven. Fray Geron- imo de la Liana, apostolic man of the Order of St. Francis. These bones were unearthed from the ruins of the old mission of Quarac, in the province of las Salinas, on the i st day of April , I759-" 100 The SdccESsioy of tete Govern'ors prom 1700 to 1800, 2. — "Aqui 3'acen los huesos del venerable Fray Ascenciori Zarate, varon apostolico de la Orden de San Francisco. Se sacaron de las ruinas de la iglesia antigua de San Lorenzo de Picuries el dia 8 de Mayo de 1759 y se trasladaron los restos de estos dos varones a esta parroquia de Santa Fe, donde se sepul- taron el dia 31 de Agosto de dicho alio de 1759, el Senor Dn, Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle pagando por caridad el costo del sepulcro." Translation : "Here rest the bones of the Ven. Fray Ascencion Zarate, apostolic man of the Order of St. Francis. These bones were exhumed from the ruins of the church of San Lorenzo of Picuries, on May the 8th, 1759, and the remains of the two venerable missionaries were transferred to this parish of Santa Fe and buried on August the 31st of the same year, 1759." The same document gives the date 1659 as that of the death of Fray Geronimo de la Liana, and states that he had been held in veneration by the Indians of Quarac during his stay among them. We read also in it that the burial of the recovered remains was celebrated with great solemnity by the religious of the Custodia, the governor, his officers and a large crowd of people, {11} Govemofs PortiUo, Cachicpin, Mendinii-e'td^ Anza. Towards the end of the 5'ear 1761, Don Manuel Portilla Urrizola was appointed governor of New Mexico. His admin- istration, which lasted only five months, was noted for a suc- cessful war against the Comanches, who, the year before, had attacked the pueblo of Taos and prepared to enter again the pro\'ince with an increased force. As soon as he heard of their coming the governor started against them at the head of eighty soldiers and routed them completely. The Utes, at the same time, were raiding the province, avoiding fighting as much as possible, but stealing cattle and horses, here at one time and there at another, and driving them to their lands. Tomas Veles Cachupin was appointed governor for the second time on the ist of February, 1762. We quote from Haines : ' 'Under his auspices an exploring party was sent out to locate mines in that part of the country that afterwards be- came Colorado. Silver was discovered in a sierra near the junc- The Succkssion of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 101 tion of the Gunnison and Compahgre river which they named I^a Plata, river of silver, because of the finding of the metal." In 1767 Colonel Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta succeeded Cachupin as governor of the province. He effected a treaty of peace with the Comanches by which the incursions of these Indians through the territory were suspended, at least for a time. Mendinueta was succeeded ad interim in 1778 by Francisco Trebol Navarro. In the records of the Cathedral, mention is made at the date of 1776 of the burial of nine men who had been killed by the Comanches near Agua Fria. In 1780, Juan Bautista de Anza was appointed political and military governor. He conducted, says Haines, an ex- ploring party to California, Colorado and Utah, two Franciscan Fathers taking part in it. He had also to fight against the Comanches, and was like his predecessor, Mendinueta, success- ful enough to check their projects by killing four of their chiefs and thirty of their warriors. Anza, as an old resident or may be a native of Sonora, knew how to deal with the Indians, and thought they could be managed better by persuasion and kind- ness than by force, when this could be dispensed with. In this persuasion he undertook the conversion of the Moquis who had remained obstinately heathen since the rebel- lion of 1680, He went to their villages with two Franciscan Fathers and tried to establish a mission among them, but as the chiefs objected, says Donaldson, he failed to accomplish it. All he could do was to induce thirty families of these Indians to follow him to the pueblos of New Mexico. Bancroft thinks that these families may have been the founders of the Moquino village in the Laguna region. During his administration, Anza had to make a campaign in pursuit of the Comanches, who had attacked the town of Tome, inflicting a heavy material loss on its inhabitants. They were pursued by a party of 250 men, between soldiers and volunteers, under the command of Lieutenant Guerra, and en- countered them at Rabbit Ear. After a fight of three hours the Indians had to abandon the field with the loss of the spoils. They came back unexpectedly, retook their horses and forced the Spaniards to retreat. 102 The Successiox of the Goverxors from 1700 to 1800. In the 3-ear 1746, two missions were established in the province of Navajo under the administration of Governor Juan Bautista de Anza. These were Sevilleta and Eacinal, distant from each other about twelve leagues, and five or six from the old missions of Acoma and Laguna, along the Cubero river. Means of support and soldiers for protection were granted to the missionaries by order of the viceroy, as well as church vest- ments and agricultural implements. These missions were giving well founded hopes for success when, on the 24th of June, 1750, the Indians abandoned them to return to the woods, leaving the church vestments in charge of the Laguna mission. (State Archives No. 852.) {13) Governors I'ernando de la Concha and Fernando Chacon. Anza was succeeded in 1789 by Fernando de la Concha. In the same year the new governor ordered the taking of a census of the population of his province. ( i ) The docu- ment reads as follows : Indians Spaniards Taos 479 308 Picuries 213 956 Abiquin 160 992 San Juan 205 1,398 Santa Cruz 3,303 Santa Clara 201 San Ildefonso 317 Pojnaque 77 479 Nambe 180 Cochiti 527 496 Jemes 265 118 Zia 222 Santa Ana 399 San Felipe 260 Santo Domingo 493 Sandia 252 730 Albuquerque 1,347 Isleta 383 676 Belen 2,030 Laguna 653 Acoma 783 Zuni 2,437 Socorro 425 Pecos 138 Tesuque 162 Santa Fe 2,901 Total 8,806 16,059 Grand total of population, 24,865. (1) The copy of this census has come to us through the kindness of Benjamin M. Read, Santa Fe. The Succession of the Governors from 1700 to 1800. 103 Dela Concha was succeeded in 1794 by Lieutenant Colonel Fernando Chacon. Owing to the activity of the former governors to prevent or, at least, to lessen the number of the wild Indian raids, there commenced between New Mexico and the provinces of Chi- huahua and Sonora a trade which extended gradually in sub- sequent years. The administration of Chacon was protracted until the year 1805. This period was one of an ominous calm, but nobody could foresee what would come soon or late. It was in 1803 that the United States enlarged their Territory by the purchase of the province of IvOuisiana, which they got from Napoleon I. for fifteen million dollars. During Chacon's administration, the Comanches kept peaceable and friendly with the Mexican government, exercis- ing a common yearly trade with the New Mexico people. The trouble was only with the Navajos who were generally sneak- ing in the mountains, watching for an opportunity to steal with impunity. We see in a pastoral letter of the bishop of Durango, Don Benito Crespo, that in 1805, by disposition of the King of Spain, a naval expedition was started for New Spain for the introduction of vaccin in the Mexican possessions. This expe- dition was accompanied by men experienced in the application of the preservative against small-pox. CHAPTER XI. Impending Difficulties between Mexico and the United States. Governor Alencaster and his Suc- CESSSORS Manrique, Mainez and Aelande. The Trade WITH THE Western Provinces of the United" States Assuming Large Proportions. {1) TJie Fall of the Spanish Rule in the Mexican Colonies. Fernando Chacon had for successor as governor Colonel Joaquin del Real Alencaster, in 1805. At this time there were several parties of American soldiers sent north by their govern- ment, apparently for a reconnaissance of the United States limits, but in reality to ascertain how much protection had the Spanish frontier. "These," says Haines, "were the scouts of the great army of the Americans whose footsteps were soon to echo through the streets of Santa Fe." This was exactly so understood by the inhabitants of New Mexico, among whom it was generally rumored that the Americans were stud^dng how to invade their Territory. Governor Alencaster watched their movements, and in 1806, he put four hundred men under the command of Lieutenant Facundo Melgares, to explore the northeastern frontier of his province and see whether the fear of any danger had any foundation or not. Everj'thing seemed to be quiet as yet. Meanwhile the American expeditions suc- ceeded one another on the borders of New Mexico. One of them, entrusted to Lieutenant Zebulon Pike with twenty-two men, in the fall of 1806, had for its object the exploration of the Arkansas and Red rivers. The men of the party very The Fall op the Spanish Rcle in Mexican Colonies. 105 likel}^ went too far north, and entered the Spanish possessions, when they turned west in search of the Red river, which they had left, as they were already above its source. Following the direction they had taken, they had to cross the Spanish peaks through the snow, with great difficulty and suffering from want of food and covering. At the end of three months spent in crossing the mountains, they reached the Rio Grande, some- where in the country' called now the "Conejos Valley," on the 30th of Januar^^, 1807. Thinking that they had found at last the Red river, they established there their camp in order to take a well needed rest and send back for some of their party who had remained behind with frozen feet. It was in crossing the mountains that the attention of the Lieutenant was attracted by one of the peaks, which he took for some time as a mark for his direction. This has since been distinguished from the others by the name of Pike's peak. Governor Alencaster having been apprised of the presence of American soldiers in his territory-, sent them an order to report to Santa Fe without dela}^ and explain what their in- tentions were. Great was the surprise of the Lieutenant when he was told that he had come to the Rio Grande and was in the province of New Mexico. He did not wdsh to go any further w^hen he realized that he had made a mistake, but in order not to compromise his government, he submitted and followed the governor's messenger to Santa Fe. The capital city was reached in four da^'S and the Lieuten- ant himself, as quoted by Haines, explains in his journal the poor impression their ragged accoutrements must have made on the inhabitants. They were so shabbih' dressed, some with pieces of blankets, others with the skins of the bufFalos they had killed during their journe^^ that they were considered b)' the good Spaniards of Santa Fe, as people vers' little different from the Indians. Those Spaniards, however, took good care of them, and especial^ of their sick men, and for this reason the Lieutenant made grateful mention of them in his book. The governor of Santa Fe confident^ gave credence to the explanation of the mistake committed by Pike, but told him that he would have to go to Chihuahua with an escort he would 106 The Fall of the Spanish Role ts Mexican Colonies. furnish him and explain his positiou to General Salcedo, the "Comandante militar" of that cit}'. At Chihuahua the Ameri- cans were treated with as much courtesy as by Governor Alen- caster at Santa Fe. They were permitted to return to their country without fearing to be molested anywhere on Spanish soil. Alencaster had for successor as Governor Lieutenant Man- rique in 1808. According to Haines, in 1810 New Mexico was accorded the honor of having a representative in the Spanish Cortes, and Don Pedro Bautista Pino was elected the delegate for the province. While in Spain, Pino represented to the Cortes the necessity of New Mexico having some militar3^ posts for her protection, either against the wild tribes or against any attack from a foreign nation. He asked also for a bishopric, a college and schools for his province ; but owing to the diffi- culties which then existed between France and Spain, and ex- hausted all the resources of the latter, the petitions cf the delegate from New Mexico remained without effect. In 18 1 5 Don Alberto Mainez succceeded Manriqae and had himself for successor Don Pedro Maria de Allande in 18 16, AUande made a successful war against the Navajos, who %vere raiding the populations of the province, and obliged them to retreat to their countrj', at least for some time. Allande was succeeded in 1 8 1 8 b^^ Facundo Melgares who was the last governor for Spain, In 18 1 7 the Visitor of the missions, Fray Juari Bautista Guevara invited Governor Allande to be present at the escami- nation of the schools of both sexes at Santa Fe which was to- take place on the Sunday after mass in the church for more publicity. All the teachers were to be present, each one at the head of the division intrusted to him or her. (S) The Trade Beticeen New Mexico and the Western Cities of the United States. It was in the last 3'ears of the Spanish government and particularly from 1816, that the trade between the w^estern cities of the United States and Santa Fe commenced to take the pro- portions of a steady business-like industry. Communication with Mexico was difficult, and the supplies which could be had The Fall of the Spaxish Rule ix Mexican Colonies. 107 from there were very limited, while the^' were very complete in the cities of the United States. This last consideration was the chief reason why the New Mexico people accepted the condi- tions which were offered to them by the business men of the East for the trade in goods of all sorts. The nearest emporium, or the one of easiest access from New Mexico, was St. Louis, which for this reason was made the center of the Santa Fe trade, and remained so almost ex- clusively until communications b)' rail were established in all directions. The trade was carried on, first with the help of pack animals, and later of wagons from Lawrence, and later from Kansas City to New Mexico. The distance to be trav- eled was nine hundred miles of plain, at the risk of losing everj'thing, even life, at the hands of the savage Indians who roamed continually over the prairies, especially in the summer time. During the cold season the Indians generall^^ retired to the mountains or to places where the^^ could find wood for fuel and trees for protection against the cold winds, thus leaving the traders' trail comparatively safer ; still, there remained yet the danger of intense cold and of frequent snow storms. On the other hand, the caravans could hardh' make two trips from New Mexico to Kansas City and back during the summer season, and this was not enough to supply the wants of the population of the territory. Then, in order to answer the de- mand for imported provisions, and in consideration of the higher compensation for freightage, several attemps were made to cross the plains in the winter time, but generally with disastrous re- sults for those who made the attempt. To show how dangerous it was in former times to cross the plains in the winter we have no better illustration than the answer given in 1852 by J. L. Collins to Governor William Carr Lane on the subject. The inquirj^ of the governor was about the practicability of encouraging travel during the winter between Santa Fe and the Missouri river through the plains. Collins replied in wnriting pretty nearly in the following manner : ( i ) "The first attempt was made b^^ a small party from St. Louis in the year 1824 or 1825, by Messrs. Faulkner and An- (1) His letter is to be seen iu the appendix of the governor's message for the •year 1852. 108 TnK Fall of the Spaxish Rule in Mexican Colonies. derson. They were caught by a heavy fall of snow at Chau- teaii's Island on the Arkansas river and lost nearly all their horses and mules. They wintered on an island that has been known since as "Log Island" on account of the many trees they had to cut for the subsistance of their few remaining ani- mals and for sheltering the men from the storm. Subsequently the road, being better known, was traveled frequently even in the winter, but often the attempt resulted in loss of property and not unfrequentlj^ of human life. In December 1841, Don Manuel Alvares, with a small party, was caught in a storm on "Cottonwood Creek" near "Council Grove." In a few hours two men and all the mules were frozen to death. Alvares saved the remainder of his men by forcing them into motion until the storm abated ; many of them, however, were badly frozen. About the same period another party under the charge of Don Antonio Roubidoux had to stand a storm at the same place. They lost in one night one or two men and over four hundred horses and mules. In 1844 Dr. H. Connelly and M. Spyre got into a storm near the Arkansas river, and on October 12th lost a number of mules and saved the remainder only by driving them into the timber of the river, where they could be protected. The same party encountered another rough storm on the Cimaron, in which they lost over three hundred mules and were compelled to remain until animals were sent from Santa Fe to their relief. In 1848 Messrs. Waldo, McCoy & Co., government freight- ers, in returning to Missouri, lost nearty all their cattle, amounting to eight or nine hundred head. The wagons were left on the spot until next spring. In 1849, Messrs. Brown, Russell & Co., in crossing the the Jornada from the Arkansas to Cimaron with some twenty wagons, were caught by a terrific wind and snow storm. The men took refuge in the wagons, leaving the cattle go where they pleased. The animals would not leave, but gathered in the enclosure formed by the wagons, where they perished in a few hours. Fortunately provisions were plent}^ and the wagons could be used for fuel. Thus the men could subsist until succor arrived in the spring. The Fall of the Spaxish Rule ix Mexican Coloxies. 109 In 1850 the same company' with government freight was caught b}' another snow storm between Cimaron and San Miguel and lost over a thousand head of cattle. In 1851 Cottonwood Creek was again the scene of an awful destruction of life. Colonel Sumner was overtaken by a storm at that place and lost nearly' three hundred mules, one man was lost and several others badly frozen. ' ' Mr. Collins after this expose of the above disastrous events, which we have shortened of some of its details, refrains from giving an estimate of the losses of life and property caused by marauding tribes during thirt}' jxars. In 1859, when the writer came to New Mexico, vers- few, if any, dared to cross the plains in the winter time. Some would start from New Mexico late in the fall, and stay near Kansas City until next spring, thus avoiding the severe cold and coming back to their homes early enough to effect a new round trip before the coming of the winter. In this wa}^, those who had good animals could make three freighting expeditions in two years. After this digression we return to our subject, to give a succinct account of the causes of the fall of the Spanish rule in the Mexican Colonies. {3) The Fall of the Spanish Rule in Mexico. For a long time, signs of discontent had manifested themselves in the possessions of New Spain. The reason was not only the distance from the head of the government, which could not always give timely orders for the maintenance of peace, but also the kind of men who had come, either of their own accord or sent by the government, to settle in the Mexican colonies. The former, including the explorers and conquerors, had come to improve their fortunes, and in order to reach that end, man^' of them, despite the rules and edicts of the monarchs of Spain, ver^- often wronged the Indians and the race of mixed blood, for their own benefit. The latter were a turbulent class of people who had been exported from Spain because of their revolutionary dispositions, and these, as might be expected, did not behave any better, to sa}^ the least, in the colonies than in their native country. To this reason must be added the lack 110 The Fall of the Spaxisii Rl'le ix Mexican Colonies. of fusion between the Spanish element in the colonies and the race of mixed blood. The marked and affected superiority^ of the former weighed too heavily on the latter to pass unnoticed. The Spanish population proper was a small minority, still, as we read in Johnson's Cyclopaedia, it was the party "which monopolized the posts of honor and influence, as well as the large landed estates and the commercial wealth of the country. " Thence followed the organized revolutions for independence. The first started from Dolores on the i6th of September 1810, at the call ot Cura Hidalgo, the parish priest of that place. The appeal, though responded to by many people anxious for libert}^, could not have the desired effect. After a triumphant march through several sympathetic districts, Hidalgo was made prisoner by the government force and shot on July 31st 18 11. His work was taken up and continued in a more active manner by another priest, Father Morelos, who proceeded victoriously towards the capital but was defeated near it, at San Cristobal, in the pueblo of Acatepec, where he was made prisoner and shot on the 22d day of December 1815. Before dying Morelos fell on his knees and exclaimed: "Sefior, Tu sabes si he obrado bien, si no, imploro tu infinita misericordia." "O Lord, Thou knowest whether I have done right; if not, I implore Thy infinite mercy." Hidalgo and Morelos, it must be assumed, acted under the impulse of a strong conviction and for the good of their downtrodden race, though not in conformity with the principles and duties of the priesthood to which the^^ belonged. May God have taken their intention and we might add, their ignorance of duty into account, for the shedding of human blood w^hich was caused by the revolution they originated and for which they were sacrificed. These two first leaders of the revolution against the established government died before effecting what they proposed, but the spirit of rebellion w^hich they had stirred up and brought nearly to a complete success despite the bad organization and poor equipment of their fol- lowers, survived them. From this time, several revolutions were started and suppressed in succession until 1821, when the last one caused the fall of the Spanish government in the possessions of New Spain, and actually made an independent country-. The end of The Fall of the Spavish Rcle ix Mexican Colonies. Ill the Spanish rule in New Spain was accelerated by the govern- ment of England which, at that time giving an interested protection to Ferdinand VII. against the encroachments of Emperor Napoleon on the Peninsula, had already its agents in Mexico to foster the spirit of rebellion and to take hold of the commerce of that country. ( i ) (1) Victor du Himiel, Hi&toire dEspagne. (Toui'5, 1850.} CHAPTER XII. Some Remarks on the Period of Coloxizatiox and THE Government of Spain in Mexico. Objections Answered. It was in 1521 that what has been called New Spain was practically acquired for the Crown of Spain b}' the conquest of IMexico by the gallant Fernando Cortez, and it was governed by the Spanish rule for three hundred years. Much has been said and written, even by people who ought to know better, against the Spanish government in the American possessions ; against its tyranny and cruelt^^ its fanaticism for the exten- sion of the Catholic religion and its greed for gold. These charges are the points on which we will express our opinion in this chapter, thereby refuting man}" objections with histori- cal documents from good authorities. (i) Was the Government of Spain a Tyrannical One in the Possessions of New Spain f To answer these specious charges we must make some allowance for the circumstances of the time and for the kind of people the Spaniards had to deal with, first to conquer and next to govern. The first explorers who were sent from Spain to America, were generally good soldiers, men who knew how to make use of arms, and as a rule not accustomed to retreat be- fore the enemy. No wonder then, if in many battlefields they inflicted heavy losses on the aborigines who, though utterh' ignorant of European tactics, relied on their numbers and fought until they realized they were completely defeated. Was XXI. Most Rev. J. B. Lamy, D. D. Fir.st .\rehbisliop of Sauta Fe, N. Mox. XXII. Most Rev. J. B. Salpointe, D. D. Second Archbishop of Santa Fe , \.-Mex. Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 113 there any cruelty on the part of the Spaniards, especially when we know that the^^ never made use of their arms when not obliged to do it ? No, we see nothing in their wars against the natives but the consequences of fighting between nation and nation, or even between the citizens of the same country, as was the case, not so msLnj years ago, in these United States. The Spaniards may have not unfrequently exceeded the just limits in the repression of rebellions, but they had to assert their superiority by enforcing obedience, otherwise they would not have been the conquerors but the conquered, always subject to the attacks of the rebellious natives. We will add that, before pass'ing a hasty judgment on the deeds of men of a far distant epoch, we ought to know its characteristics. Men of over three centuries ago, we fancy, must have been rude in their wa3^s, severe in the punishment of faults, and in all manners far from our civilization and refined instincts. This is our opinion : We think we have left far behind us the barbarous times. Still, without mentioning how the first settlers in the United States dealt with the aborigines, has not the government of this country' treated the Indians with more severity, not to sa^'- cruelty, than did the Spaniards of centuries ago? This the United States government did, not to establish its authority, but in many instances, to punish the misdeeds of some Indians. What the government did in this nineteenth centur^^ private citizens have done also on several occasions, kilHng Indians, men, women and children, when taken by surprise in their "rancherias" (camps), for stealing some cattle or horses. Now, as far as tyranny is concerned, we have alread}^ ad- mitted that it existed to some extent in certain districts of New Spain, and that it was one of the chief causes which gave rise to the revolutions which have brought about the independence of Mexico ; but, as already suggested, this was due to unscrup- ulous fortune seekers who speculated on the work of the Indians in flagrant \nolation of the government orders. From the beginning of the missions in the New World, we see, by the history of that epoch, that the Dominicans Monte- sino and Bartolome de las Casas, preached openly against the oppressors of the natives, and advocated a law which would protect them against any compulsory work. The Hieroniraites 114 Remarks on the Period of Colonization. and the Franciscans, while deprecating any oppression of the Indians, were of the opinion that moderate work could not but be very beneficial to them, teaching them how to support them- selves, and at the same time, beneficial to the commonwealth by preventing them from preparing rebellions. This last opin- ion prevailed, but called for royal edicts stating what kind of labor could be required from the natives. These documents show by evidence, how anxious ' the monarchs of Spain were that the Indians should not be molested without good reasons, and even in this case, there were provisions obliging the local authorities to take into account the ignorance of the delinquents and not to punish them with too much severity. We could reproduce here, were it not too long, several in- structions given by the Spanish Kings to their vicero^^s, in regard to the government of the Indians, in which there is always particular attention called to the necessity of treating kindly the aborigines in order to make them good Christians and good citizens. ( i ) From these and many other historical proofs which might be given> it can be inferred that none of the wrongs committed by the Spaniards against the Indians in New Spain can be im- puted to the Spanish government. This government did not order the destruction of the Indians, but their protection and civilization, their instruction and elevation in the moral and social order. They (the Indians) were left in full possession of their lands, which by law were insured to them forever. ' 'It is due," says Lummis, "to the generous and manly laws made by Spain, three hundred years ago, that our most interesting and advanced Indians, the pueblos, enjoy today full security in their lands." Spanish colonists were sent to remain in the conquered possessions, where they intermarried and brought up a generation of mixed blood, the Mexican population which, in numbers and qualities is far superior to the former Indian race. {£) Fanaticism for the Extension of the Catholic Religion. As regards what has been termed fanaticism, we will call it by its true name the zeal for the extension of the Catholic (I) Juande Solorzano Perlyia; "De Indiarum Jure." Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 115 religion, and explain how it was exercised among the natives of the New World. It was the main object of the Catholic moiiarchs of Spain, in pushing their domination over the idola- trous aborigines, to have these converted to the Catholic faith. This object, which was encouraged and blest by the Supreme Pontiffs, was never lost sight of by the valiant conquerors, but never sought by force. Once subjugated, the Indians were asked to accept among them missionaries who would instruct them in the true religion ; but they were never obliged to do so, nor punished for objecting to the proposition . But, says Governor L. Bradford Prince in his history of New Mexico, as quoted by Thomas Donaldson in the Extra Census Bulletin, "as time passed the colonists became stronger, the priests resorted to other means than pious example and persuasion to bring con- verts to the Christian faith. Men whose zeal far outran their discretion, took part in the work and the spirit of persecution then dominant in Europe, began to exert its baneful influence among the peaceful and kind hearted natives of New Mexico. ' ' We beg leave to say that Mr. Prince was badly informed when he wrote the above lines. The priests preached the Catholic religion, according to the rules of the Church, and in conformity with the royal instructions, which required from the missionaries patience and kindness in behalf of the Indians. They preached with a zeal which indeed outran, as true history has it, not against the Indians but against themselves, by ex- cessive work and daily privations. To substantiate his asser- tions, the governor says that "they (the Indians) were evidently a religious people. The Estufas were the scenes of their more public ceremonies and special intercourse with the higher power. Religious rites were of frequent observance among them and the •'Cachina," their favorite dance, had a connection with supernatural things. ' ' So says His Honor the ex-governor of Santa Fe. Others, with more reason, and even the Catholic Indians of New Mexico, say, that the Indians of old were idola- ters and that their ceremonies, especially those practiced in the Estufas, were often very indecent and always grossly supersti- tious. As regards the dance called Cachina, we hold from a captive who has seen the said dance and very likely participated in it, that it is utterly immoral. We suppress the name of the 116 Remarks on the Period of Colokization'- tribe in order not to compromise the former captive, who in fact is free now, but prefers to remain with the Indians. We abstain from quoting more, after Donaldson, from the vague criticisms of the work of the missionaries among the In- dians. The opinion of Prince is that the religion of the Indians, though very far from the truth, was intended to make them better, and for this reason, ought to have been tolerated by the priests. Indeed, the religion of the natives was not interfered with by the Church in the tribes which refused to receive the missionaries; nor by the conquerors, except when it admitted of human sacrifices, as was the case in Mexico at the time of the conquest by Cortez. As regards the destruction of the idols, history says that the same conqueror had it practiced in the first tribe which tried to stop his march. He was blamed for this act by the priests who accompanied his expedition and made to understand that the first thing to be done with the Indians, before trying to suppress their religion, was to instruct them in the knowledge of the true one. This was also the iH- struction repeatedly given by the monarchs of Spain to the soldiers and to the missionaries sent to this continent. But what about the Inquisition ? Was it not a Church institution to force the people to embrace and practice the Catholic religion ? The Inquisition was a royal and not a papal institution; this is admitted by the historian Schroechk, a protestant, and others whose testimony must be considered as impartial. It was established in Spain by Ferdinand and Ysabella in 1477, not directly to force the Catholic religion on anybody, but to protect this religion, which was that of the State, against the spread of heresy and apostasy in their dominions. In order to prevent any unjust incrimination in the matter of injury done to the CathoHc faith, there were two eminent theologians among the members of the tribunal of the Inquisition, not to give any sentence of punishment, but only to state whether in the case, there had been or not, matter for charge of misdemeanor against the faith. At the request of their Majesties, the tribunal was sanctioned by Pope Sixtus IV. in 1482, and by Innocent VIII, ill 1485. on the condition that, in matters of faith, the judges instituted by the monarchs, could not act without the partici- Remarks on the Period of Coloxizatiok. 117 pation of the bishops. It must be said that the sentence pronounced by the judges, as regards the punishment for the crimes against the faith, could be commuted to a milder one by a public retraction of the wrong committed by the convicted person. • Rohrbacher (i) quotes from De Maistre, (L,ettres a un gentilhomme russe sur 1' Inquisition d'Espagne) the following, considered one of the severest judgments pronounced by the ecclesiastical members of the Royal Inquisition : ' 'We have declared and do declare N. N. guilty of heresy and apos- tasy and of fostering heretics, that for these crimes he has incurred the pain of excommunication and confiscation of all his property to the profit of the Royal Chamber, and of the fisc of His Majest}'. We declare moreover that the accused must be abandoned to the secular arm which, we request and most earnesth^ charge as best we can, to deal with him with kindness and commiseration." The Inquisition was established in New Spain, but, was it there as has been represented by many a writer, like a dread- ful nightmare, which weighed on the poor Indians during the three hundred years of the colonial government ? To this we will answer by the following quotation from A. F. Bandelier : (2) "The Inquisition had no manner of swa^i- or jurisdiction over the American Indians. References to "Autos da Fes" in which the Indians are represented as being the victims, are absolutely untrue, Not only the laws of the Indies, but the official declarations of the Holy Office bear witness to this fact. It never interfered nor was permitted to interfere in matter of faith or belief of the aborigines. ' * Did this tribunal really make the City of Mexico the necropolis of the New World ? To this query Father Gerst, the author of "L' Inquisition au Mexique," as appeared in the Etudes Religieuses, answers: "To these declarations we will oppose stern figures. Mr. Iscazbalceta, an honorable historian, who spent forty years in researches of documents for the his- tory of Mexico, had the good fortune to find, with few excep- (1) Etudes Relijrieiises, published iu Paris hy the Jesuit Fathers. (2) Final report of iDvestiga.ion among the Indians of the southwestern United States, carried on mainly in the years 1880-1885. Part I. 118 Remarks on the Period of Colonization. tions, the contemporaneous relations of all the "Autos da Fes," and these documents give, for a period of 277 years, from the institution of the office, until 1795, a total of forty-one execu- tions to death and of ninety-nine condemnations to burning in effigy." (i) The tribunal of the Inquisition was abolished in 181 3 by the cortes with the approbation of King Fernando VII. When the Indians, after having been duly instructed, em- braced the Catholic religion, they had, as a matter of course, to abandon their old superstitions and the practice of immoral dances, because such abuses were inconsistent with the profes- sion of the Catholic faith. As for the other Indian amusements, which were not indecent, they were tolerated by the mission- aries, and this is the reason of the yet existing strange dances, publicly exhibited in all the Indian pueblos, at certain times every year. There are some others which take place in the estufas where the public is not admitted. On account of this secrecy, many have been induced to beHeve that these dances must be unbecoming. This, we will not deny, may be the case in some instances, still if we believe what we have been told by a reliable Indian from Jemes, there is at least one exception. In his pueblo, he said, the dance of the Estufas has nothing objectionable, and the only reason why the public is not ad- mitted to witness it, is the narrow space of the room. The man added that twice the Indians had invited their priest, Rev. J. B. Mariller, to be present at the performance, but that he declined the invitation on account of his occupations, as it was during Holy Week. The priest does not contradict the testi- mony. For the benefit of all men prejudiced against the Church in regard to the extension of the Catholic religion in the Spanish colonies of America, we take pleasure in quoting from "The Christian Missions" of T. W. M. Marshal, some opinions of fair minded Protestant writers on the work of the missionaries among the Indians : (1) Just after writing the above quotation, December 28, 1894, we learn from the papers that the good Catholic and great historian, Joaquin Garcia Iscazbalceta, died in Mexico a few weeks before. Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 119 "The Roman Catholic clergy in America," says Robertson, " uniformly exerted their influence to protect the Indians and to moderate the ferocit)' of their countrj^men. ' ' "We must express our admiration for the exalted piet}' of the Roman Catholic missionaries, who, in these countries in- habited by human beings in the lowest state of degradation, endured poverty and misery in all forms, to win the Indians to better habits and purer faith." (Berthold Seamann. ) "The learned and thoughtful men, for such the monks and ecclesiastics must be held to be * * * are steadily arrayed against the more conquering soldiers." (Helps.) "It was the missionaries," as writes Mr. Marshal, "who obtained from the H0I3' See the menace of excommunication against the selfish oppressors of the Indians, and from the royal authority such decrees as the following : 'That no Indian should carry any burdens against his will, whether he was paid for it or not'; that, 'when they (the Indians) were sent to the mines, they were to be provided with clergy there' ; that 'their protectors should cause that the Indians be well treated and taught in secular things and instructed in the articles of the Holy Catholic Faith.'" *'The clergy," sa^'S also the careful and conscientious his- torian Helps, "not only taught spiritual things but temporal also. ' ' "The name of California is forever united with the un- selfish devotion of the Franciscan Fathers." (Berthold Sea- mann. ) ' 'The Jesuits who had preceeded the Franciscans, ' ' observes Sir George Simpson, "had covered the sterile rocks of Cali- fornia with the monuments, agricultural, architectural and economical, of their patience and aptitude. ' ' "Sometimes," as remarks Mr. Marshal, "the civil au- thorities tried to obtain from the government orders to hinder the influence of the missionaries in protecting the Indians against excessive work, but they failed in their attempts. The wish of the government was alwa^^s that the natives should be fairly treated and protected against any kind of oppression." "On the other hand," as observes the same author, "nota- ble examples are found of active and generous co-operation 120 Remarks ox the Period of Colontzatiom, with the clergy on the part of the lay auditors of Mexico. In 1 53 1, when there were only a hundred Dominicans and Fran- ciscans in the whole country, the Auditor sent to the Emperor a petition for more monks, 'being doubtless,' says Helps, 'of the same mind with a subsequent viceroy, who, when there was much question of building forts throughout the country, replied that towers with soldiers were dens of thieves, but that convents with monks were as good as walls and castles for keeping the Indians in subjection.' " But we may be asked in addition, what was the work of the monks besides instructing the Indians in the Catholic doc- trine, and protecting them against their oppressors ? A noble work they did, which ought to be recorded in golden letters for those, who so often charge the Church with trying to keep nations in ignorance. This, at least, was not the case in Mexico, as we see that as early as in 1524, one of those "lazy" monks. Fray Pedro de Gante, says Lummis, had founded in Mexico the first schools in the New World. "If Mexico had printing presses before any other American city, it was owing to the initiative of our fanatic (?) missionaries. In their anxiety to spread instruction among the natives, Fray Juan de Zumar- raga, the first bishop of Mexico and his colleagues in the episcopate, spared no expense to procure typographers from Europe. It was then that the celebrated Juan Cromberger sent Juan Pablos with a complete outfit to found here a branch of the house of Sevilla, to publish doctrinal and scientific works. In 1538 and probably the year before, the presses were in full operation. In 1540 we see them installed in a house of the Archbishop, and from this date they put in circulation a series of valuable books in the language of the Indians. " ( i ) We quote again from the book of Lummis already men- tioned : ' 'The most striking thing of all as showing the schol- arly attitude of the Spaniards towards the new continents, was a result entirely unique. Not only did their intellectual activity breed among themselves a galaxy of eminent writers, but in a very few years, there was a school of important Indian authors. It would be an irreparable loss to knowledge of the true history (1) Translated from "The Etudes Religieuses" published in Paris by the Jesuit Fathers. Vol. xliii., March 1888. XXIII. Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, D. D. First Bishop of Denver, Col. Remarks on the Period of Colonization. 121 of America, if we were to lose the chronicles of such Indian writers as Tezozomoc, Cumargo and Pomar, in Mexico ; Juan de Santa Cruz, Pachacuti, Yamqui, Salcamayhua in Peru, and many others ; and what a gain to science if we had taken pains to raise up our own aborigines to such helpfulness to themselves and to human knowledge." {■3) The Greediness of the Spaniards for Gold and Riches. In regard to the greediness of the Spaniards for gold and riches, we will only saj' that this wish, if not pushed too far, does not constitute matter for any blame, unless we condemn all the men who, by honest work and industry, are trjdng to better their condition in this world. But however it may have been wnth the Spaniards in their colonies, we cannot deny that their thirst for gold had a good result, namely the exploration of the western part of this continent and the introduction of civilization in it at an early date. We close the remarks against the unjust accusations so lavishly heaped by many writers on the government of Spain in the colonies, with another quotation from I^ummis : "The statements of close historians that the Spaniards enslaved the Pueblos or any other Indians of New Mexico ; that they forced them to choose between Christianity and death ; that they made them w^ork in the mines and the like, are all entire!}^ untrue. The whole policy of Spain toward the Indians of the New World, w^as one of humanity, justice, education and moral suasion ; and, though chefe were, of course, individual Spaniards who broke the strict laws of their country as to the treatment of the Indians, they were duly punished therefor. ' ' *8 CHAPTER Xiri. Priests who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico. {1) Names of the Priests toho Worked in the Missions of New Mexico from 15^0, when this Country was Explored hy Coronado, to 1821^ the Date of the Mexican Independence. The list we give of the names of the venerable mission- aries who preached the gospel in New Mexico, is far from be- ing complete, as all the church documents, from the establish- ment of the missions to the year i68i were destroyed in the general revolt of the pueblos in i68o. As regards the remain- ing period of time until the fall of Spanish rule in Mexico, we must say that we have not, thus far, been able to explore all the records yet in existence in the chyrches, and consequently many names of the missionaries of our country will remain un- mentioned in the pages of these notes, until a more complete investigation. This list, however, gives us a pretty fair idea of how numerous must have been the phalanx of the brave soldiers of the Cross, the zealous Sons of St. Francis, who fol- lowed and many times outstepped, in New Mexico and Arizona, the march of the valorous Spanish Conquistadores. The sol- dier looked to the conquest of lands and peoples for his king, and the missionary to the conquest of souls for heaven. Both advanced, now together and then apart from each other, but both always facing to the right point, though with different views and dififerently equipped. The soldier brilliantly clad, mounted on his steed, with spear in hand to fight the Indian Priests who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico. 123 if need be ; and the missionar^^, dressed in the poor habit of his Order, walking on foot and bearing the cross, to console the conquered native, and to show him that there was One who had suffered before him and for him, in order to win his heart and to make him happy in another world. 1540: (i) Fray Marcos de Niza. {2) Fray Juan de Padilla and Brother L,ouis de Escalona. (Expedition of Coro- nado. ) 1581 : (3) Fray Francisco Eopez. (4) Fray Juan de SJinta Maria, Brother Agustin Ruiz. (Ruiz expedition. ) 15S2: (5) Fray Bernardino Beltran. (Espejo's expedi- tion. ) 1596: (6) Fray Alonzo Martinez. (7) Fray Francisco de San Miguel. (8) Fray Francisco de Zamorro. (9) Fray Juan de Rosas. (10) Fray Alonzo de Lugo, fii) Fray An- dres Corchado. (12) Fray Juan Claros. (13) Fray Cristobal Salazar, Brothers Pedro de Vergara and Juan de Buenaventura. { Juan de Oiiate's expedition.) 1608: (16) Fray Juan Ramirez. 1629 : (17) Fray Zarate Salmeron. 1632 : (18) Fray Juan Eetrado, Fray Martin Arbide. 1678-80: (Otermin being governor of the province.) ^19) Fray Juan de Jesus Morador. (20) Fray Cristobal Fig- iieroa. (21) Fray Albido Maldonado. (22) Fray Juan Mora. (23) Fray Juan Eorenzo Analiza. (24) Fra^'^ Juan de Jesus Espinosa. (25) Fray Sebastian Calzada. 1681 : (26) Fray Francisco Gomez de la Cadena. (27) Fray Andres Duran. (28) Fray Francisco Far fan. (29) Fray N. Ayeta. (30) Fray Juan de Vallada. (31) Fray Jesus de Eombardi. (32) Fray N. N., (his title) Procurador. (33) Fray Juan de Jesus. 1692: (Vargas being governor. ) (34) Fray Francisco Corvera. (35) Fray Miguel Muiiis. (36) Fray Cristobal Alonzo Barroso. 1698: (37) Fray Salvador de San Antonio. (38) Fra^^Juan de Zavaleta. (39) Fray Francisco Jesus Maria. (40) Fray Juan de Alpuente. (41) Fray Juan Muilos de Castro. (42) Fray Juan Daza. (43) Fray Jose Dies. (44) Fra^^ Antonio Carbonel. (45) Fray Geronimo Prieto. (46) Fray Juan An- 124 Priests ^ho "Worked ix the Mission's or Xe^ Mexico- tonio de Corral. (47) Fray Antonio Vahomonde. (48) Fray Antonio Obregon. (49) Fray Domingo de Jesus Maria. (50) Fray Buenaventura Con treras. (51) Fray Jose Navares Vel- arde. (52) Fray Diego Zeinos. 1694: (53) Fray Francisco Vargas. (54) Fray Antonio Morino. (55) Fray Jose Garcia Marin. (56) Fray Miguel Tirso. (57) Fray Antonio Azevedo. (58) Fray Jose Arvizu. (59) Fray Juan de la Pefia. From this date we give the names of the priests alphabeti- cally, omitting the time of their arrival in this country. 60. 61. 62. 63- 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71- 72. 73- 74- 75- 76. 77- 78. 79- 80. 81. 82. 83- 84. 85. 86. 87. 90. 91- 92. 93- 94 Fray Alvares Cristobal. F. Aumatel Estevan. F. de Arros Antonio. F. de Arros Domingo. F. de Arrenguas Jose. F. Aparicio Antonio. F. Alvarez Juan. F. Alvarez Francisco. F. Arivala Lucas. F. de Abadiano Manuel. F. Alvarez Sebastian. F. Aguilar Pedro. F. Anton Sebastian. F. Alcina Teodoro. F. A. Francisco de Jesus. F. B. Francisco Manuel. F. Brisuela Antonio. F. Bermejo Juan. F. Benavides Rafael. F. B. de la Parra Francisco. F. Brotone Francisco. F. Burgos Joseph. F. Barcenilla Isidoro. F. Camargo Antonio. F. Corral Jose. F. Caballero Antonio. F. de la Cruz Murciano. F. Cellar Patricio. F. de Castro Jose. F. Correa Andres. F. Chabarria Francisco. F. deSta. Cruz M.Antonio. F. de Colina Agustin. F. Claramonte Andres. F. C. Redondo Francisco. F. Chabarria Diego. F. Campos Miguel. F. Celis Juan Antonio. F. Castro Juan Joseph. F. Diez de Aguilar Pedro, F. Dominguez Antonio. F. D. Francisco Xavier. F. Dronzoso Joseph. F. Delgado Carlos. F. de Eguir Joseph. F. E. Diego de los Monteros. F. Esparagosa N. F. F. de Sierra Santiago. F. Farfan Francisco. F. Fernandez Sebastian. F. Flores Manuel, F. Gavaldon Antonio. F. Guerrera Antonio. F. Gonzales Francisco. F. Gonzales Manuel. F. Garcia Andres. F. Garcia Angel. F. Garcia Jose. F. Gusman N. F. Gonzales Jacinto. F. Gravino Joseph. F. Guerra Ambrosio. F. Gonzales Ramon. F. Garaycoechea N. 24. F. Gomez Caynola N. 25. F. Hernandez Jose. 26. F. Hossio Francisco. 27. F. Hernandez Juan. 28. F. de Haro Joseph. 29. F. Hernandez J. Bautista. 95- 96. 97- 98. 99. 00. 01. 02. 03- 04. 05- 06. 07. 08. 09. o. I. 2. 3- 4- 5- 6. 7- 8. 9- 20. 21. 22. 23 Priests who "Worked in the Missions of ^Xew Mexico. 125 130. 131- 132. 133- 134- 135- 136. 137- 138. 139- 140. 141. 142. 143- 144. 145- 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151- 152. 153- 154- 155- 156. 157- 158. T59- 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. ^73- 174. F. Hernandez Juan Jose. 175. F, Hermida Buenaventura 176. F. Irizabal Francisco. 177. F. de Ibares Antonio. 178. F. Irigoiii J. Nepomuceno. 179. F. Irigoin N. 180. F. de Inojosa Juan. 181. F. Iniesta Augustin. 182. F. Junco y Juncoso. 183. F. Laboreria Pedro. 184. F. Llanos Juan Jose. 185. F. de Lesoun N. 186. F. Lopez Salvador. 187. F. Lerchundi Francisco. 188. F. de Lago Gabriel. 189. F. de Linan Geronimo. 190. F. Lerchundi Bravo N. 191. F. Moreno Manuel. 192. F. Medrano Jose. 193. F. Memo Bueno N. 194. F. Mufios Jurado Diego. 195. F. Mingnez Juan. 196. F. Miranda Antonio. 197. F. Miraval Jose. 198. F. de Matha Juan. 199. F.deM.Estanislao Mariano20o. F. Martinez Diego. 201. F. M Ontario Pedro. 202. F. Mestas Antonio. 203. F. Mignagori Manuel. 204. F. Martinez de la Vega N. 205. F. Miguel N. 206. F. Mestas Agustin. 207. F. Monchero Juan Miguel. 208. F. Moreno Antonio and 209. two more whose names 210. are not given. 211. F. Noriega Jose. 212. F. Orquera Pedro Antonio 213. F. Oliden Gregorio. 214. F. de Ortega Jose Vivian. 215. F. Ortiz Rafael. 216. F. de Otero Cayetano. 217. F. Orongoroso Joseph. 218. F. Oleata Joseph. 219. F. Obregon Antonio. 220. F. Padilla Diego. 221. F. Palacios Jose. F. de la Prada Jose, F. Patero Severo. F. de la Peiia Francisco> F. del Pino Juan. F. de la Pena Manuel. F. Padilla Juan Jose. F. Pino Ignacio. F. P. Francisco Antonia F. Perez Miraval Joseph. F. PerejTO Jose. F. dela Pena J. Francisco^ F. del Pino George. F. Parral Joseph. F. Pino Pedro Ignacio. F. Polanco Jose Antonio. F. de la Quintana Gabriel. F. RoA'bal Santiago. F. Roy Manuel. F. Rodriguez Joseph. F. Rod de laT orreMariano F. Rubi Joseph. F. Rosete Mariano. F. Rodriguez Jose. F. Rodriguez Ildefonzo. F. Rodriguez Joaquin. F. Romero Francisco. F. Ruiz Joaquin de Jesus* F. Sanchez Juan Antonio. F. Saldivar Mariano. F. Sospedra Pascual. F. Sanchez Juan. F. S. Leraun Buenaventura F. S. Vergara Mariano. F. Trigo Nepomuceno. F. Toledo Joseph. F. de Tagle Juan. F. Trevino Joseph. F. Torres Jose Antonio. F. Urquijo Joseph. F. Varo Andres. F. Vermejo Juan. F. Villa Nueva Andres. F. Veles de Escalaute. F. Silvestre. F. Vega Manuel. F. Velasco Carlos. 126 Priests who Worked i.v the Missions of New Mexico. F. Zenallos Andres. F. Zamora Antonio. F. Zavaleta Juan. F. de Zando Juan. F. Zambrano Manuel. F. Zeprano Francisco. F. Zardo Jose. F. Zeinos Diego. Total 239 priests (brothers not being counted.) Of these priests, thirty-two were killed by the Indians, namely : 222. F. de Vera Joseph. 230, 223. F. Xardon Joseph. 231, 224. F. Xeres Joaquin. 232. 225. F. Ximenes Francisco. 233- 226. F. Ximenes Alonzo. 234. 227. F. Zarte Francisco. 235- 228. F. Yrizabal Francisco. 236. 229. F. Zepeda Miguel. 237- i . Fray Juan de Padilla. 17- F. (his title) Procurador. 2. Brother lyouis de Escalona. 18. F. Juan de Jesus. 3- F. Francisco Lopez. 19. F. Francisco Corvera. 4- F. de Santa Maria. 20. F. Juan de Alpuante. 5- Brother Agustin Ruiz. 21. F. Antonio Carbonel. 6. F. Juan Petredo. 22. F. Antonio Morino. 7- Martin de Arbide. 23- F. Juan Arvisu. 8. F. Juan de Jesus Morador. 24. F. Fran, de Jesus Abundo. 9- F. Cristobal Figueroa. 25- F. Antonio Moreno. 10 . F. Albino Maldonado. 26. F. Juan del Val. II . F. Juan de Mora. 27. F. Jose Trujillo. 12 . F. Juan Lorenzo Analiza. 28. F. Jose Espeleta. 13 . F. Juan de Jesus Espinosa. 29. F. Agustin de Santa Maria. 14 . F. Sebastian Calzado. 30. F. Louis de Baesa and two 15 . F. Juan de Vallada. whose names are not 16 . F. Juan de Eombardi. given. (2) How Did the Missionaries Introduce Themselves in the Tribes to Establish Missions for Them ? As we have stated before, the Catholic religion was not forced on the Indians. The first step to be made by the mis- sionary for the conversion of the natives was to introduce himself, cross in hand, and to explain as well as he could, the meaning of this sign. The priest alone in the tribes, and far from the soldiers was, as a rule, received without any sus- picion of bad intentions, and surrounded, almost generally, by people eager to catch the ideas he tried to convey to them. As we gather from the ' 'Cronica Serafica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro, " a work already mentioned in these pages, the first labor of the missionary among the natives of the New World was reall^^ a tedious one. He could not learn the lan- guage of the tribe by study, as this language, generally -Priests "Who Worked in the Missions of New Mexico. 127 different from place to place, was not written, but had to be learned by practice alone, and this required time. Meanwhile preaching was given by the use of signs and pictures. First of all, the naked cross was planted as the symbol oi peace and salvation, before it knelt the missionary, crossing himself with his hand and inviting the persons around to do the same ; this is also what Nunez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions did during their long journeying in 1528, through the country we now call the United States of North America, and Fernando Alarcon among the Indian tribes of the Colorado river in 1540. After paying veneration to the sign of the redemption of the world, the priest would unroll some paintings representing the mysteries of the Catholic faith, and conclude by the singing of some short Christian prayers in order to impress them on the memory of his hearers. If the Indians manifested a desire to keep the priest among them- selves, and have him to repeat his religious representations, he of course, very willingly acquiesced in their wish and remained, trying to learn their language and making himself all to all, as the Apostle says, to conquer souls for heaven. As soon as the missionary could master the language suffi- ciently to make himself understood and perform the functions of the sacred ministry among the aborigines, he would think of building his church or chapel, and this was the establishing of the mission. Each mission, from the day it was founded, depended for its government on the nearest "Custodio," Guardian or Super- ior of a mission alread^^ provided with several priests, forming a community according to the rules of the Order of St. Francis. The first "Custodio" for the missions of New Mexico or the province of San Francisco, was established at El Paso del Norte, now "Villa Juarez," where it remained until Santa Fe was founded and made the capital of the province, with its own Custodio. To the Custodio it belonged to appoint priests to the different missions, and his duty it was to help them in their difficulties, and to correspond with the Mother House of the Order at Mexico, to secure the annuity made by the govern- ment to ever^^ missionary, and to forward it to whom it was due. The annuity which at first was $150, was, says Lummis, 12S Priests Who "Worked in" the Missions of New Mexico, raised in 1665 to $330, payable every three years. Out of this small amount the priest had to defray all the expenses of him- self and his church and, not unfrequently, to save as much as possible of it, to give to the Indians and attract them to his instructions. It was also from the Custodio that the missions were visited at stated times either by the Superior, or by some other relig- ious by him appointed for this office. Records of these visits and of the royal mandates which referred to the temporal ad- ministration of the Indians, were kept in the missions, as can be seen yet by their books. Besides the visits the missionaries received from their Superior, thej^ had also those of the bishops of Durango, who had jurisdiction over all the missions of New Mexico. We see in the Church records that the province of New Mexico received the pastoral visitation of the Rt. Rev. Bishop Martin Elizacochea in the year 1737, and in 1760 that of his successor the Rt. Rev- Pedro Tamaron. The former prelate, as stated in the records of the mission of Acoma, confirmed 325 persons in that mission, and the latter 545, which shows a good rate of increase of popu- lation for a comparatively short length of time. In 1 81 7 the province was visited by order of the bishop of Durango, Juan Francisco de Castaniza, by his Vicar General, J. B. Ladron del Nino de Guevarra. The Very Rev. Visitor sent a petition to his Bishop for at least ten good priests, five for the missions of El Paso, and the same number for those of New Mexico, which needed priests at Belen, Abiquiu, Taos and San Juan. He asked also that the limits of the missions should be positively determined and all the churches provided with secular priests, in which petition he was supported by Bonavia, the Comandante General of the province. CHAPTER XIV. The Work of the Missionaries in What is Now Arizona During the Period of Colonization. (1) Explorations. The Franciscan Fathers were the first missionaries who trod the soil of the country now called Arizona, in its full length from south to northwest. Two of these religious, Fray- Juan de la Asuncion and Fray Pedro Nadal, whose names we have given before, left Mexico in January of 1538, by commis- sion of the Viceroy, and went as far as a large river which they could not cross. There Fray Pedro Nadal took the latitude and found it to be thirt>^-five degrees. The next year, 1539, Fray Marcos de Niza with three other religious joined the military' expedition, as we read in the Cronica Serafica of the college of Queretaro, already mentioned, and traveling north some 600 leagues, arrived at the same river, which they called the "Rio de las Balsas," the river of the rafts, on account of the floating apparatus on which the Indians used to cross it. The same author adds that this river had been called since the "Rio Colorado.' ' The latitude as they found it was thirty-four and a half degrees. Nobody will doubt the identity' of the river on account of the difference of latitude between the two experi- ments, which can be accounted for by the diSerence of the in- struments of that time and those of our day, as regards precision. Another proof of that identity is that the Fathers, on both occasions, found the same Indians, the Alquedunes, perhaps the same as those we call now the Algodones, who, in 9 130 WOBK OF THE MlSSIOXARIES FN' ArIZON'A, 1780 yet lived at the junction of the Gila with the Colorado' river. As to the time the Franciscan Fathers remained on the Colorado, nothing is said, and this would, it seems, convey the idea that they had come first to see the country, and ascertain whether the time had come for the establishment of missions- among its inhabitants. {S) The Jesuit Missionaries. Soon after establishing themselves in Mexico, as we extract from the book of the priest Jose Ortega ( i ) , the Jesuit Fathers extended progressive^ their missionary labors into the vast extension of New Spain. At the request of the governor of Durango, whose jurisdiction extended over Nueva Biscaya, some of the Fathers came to that province in 1590 and fixed their residence in the city of Sinaloa, and commenced to preach. From Sinaloa they enlarged the field of their apostolic work as far as the Ma3''o and Yaqui rivers and the coast of the Gulf of California. Such was their success at converting the Indian tribes, that in less than fifty years, they could commence to evangelize the Indians living in the valley of the Sonora river. In 1 68 1, Father Eusebio Kino was commissioned b}' his superiors to work for the conversion of the tribes living in the northern portion of the province of Sonora which, according to the author of the Rudo Ensa^^o ( 2 ) was designated bj' the name of Pimeria Alta. It comprised all the Indians who lived north of a conventional line running from east to west from Cucurpe to Caborca, and to the western sea, in all the extent of the land which is embraced by this line, and the rivers Gila and Colo- rado. The name Pimeria Alta was used in the history of the missions in opposition to Pimeria Baja, which name designated the tribes Uving in the southern part of the province. With the help of two other Fathers, adds Padre Ortega, Father Kino commenced to work in the field assigned to his care. The first mission he founded was that of Dolores, the second that of Caborca, with the name of San Ignacio, the (1) Historia del Nayarit, Sonora, Sinaloa y ambas Californias, published ini Mexico in 1887. (2) Rudo Ensayo, o descripcion geografica de la Provincia de Sonora. The book, which bears no author's name, was written by one of the Fathers, probably a visitor of the missions in 1761 or 1762. Work of the Missionaries in Arizona. 131 third of Imuris, with the name of San Jose, the fourth that of Los Remedios at a short distance of the preceding. This was done in 1687. From Dolores the Fathers attended to two other pueblos, from San Ignacio de Caborca to two pueblos also, from Tubutama to nine pueblos, from Santa Maria Suanca, the Fathers extended their visits to the Sobahipuris, and later on to Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac. In 1690 Father Kino had already established several other missions, which were visited at the same epoch by Father Juan Maria Salvatierras, who had been sent by his superiors as Visi- tor General. These two missionaries, says Francisco Velasco ( I ) , were followed by Indians asking to be instructed and ad- mitted as members of the Catholic religion. Among them were the Sobahipuris, who lived on the San Pedro, and had come over a distance of 200 miles to ask the priests to follow them to the place called Guevavi, where they had their villages. Their petition was granted. The missionaries followed them and founded for their tribe a mission which was given the name of the place. This mission, now abandoned for a long time, was the first established on the soil of Arizona. It is in the same region that the missions of Tumacacuri and San Xavier del Bac were subsequently founded, along the course of the Santa Cruz river. According to the Rt. Rev. Thomas O' Gorman, (2) the church of Guevavi and that of San Xavier del Bac would have been built by Father Kino in 1687. In 1694 Father Kino made a visit to the Pima Indians who lived on the Gila river in the vicinity of 'Casas Grandes,' the great houses. There he established two missions, that of the Immaculate Conception, and that of St. Andrew. On the 7th of February 1699 the same missionary started on a second journey to the Gila and visited, says Father Amando Niel, in company with other religious, the tribes of the Yumas and of the Cocomari Copas. These Indians spoke to them of different other tribes, not far distant, and especially of the Iguanes, of the Culganes and the Alquedunes, three tribes now extinct or consolidated with the Yumas. Moreover, the missionaries (1) Velasco, Noticias Estatistieas de la Provincia de Sonora. (2) A history of the Roman Catholic Church iu the United States. New York, The Christian Literature Co., 1895. 132 Work op the Missionaries in Arizona. pushed their explorations as far as the Gulf of California^ preaching the Word of God to every nation they met on the way. But the prediction of persecution which the Savior had made to His disciples, was to be verified, even in the missions of this part of the New World, and this, shortly after their establishment. The missionaries counted already a good numter of Christian tribes; they hoped to gain many more yet to the religion of Jesus Christ, when the Pimas rebelled unexpectedly and killed the priest who administered their mission at Caborca, in Sonora. Soon after, the missions of the province had to suffer another very severe trial, though independent from the will and action of man, in the death of Father Kino, who was their chief Moderator and the soul of the mission. These sad events were, it seems, the cause, partially at least, of a marked decrease in the progress of the missionary work until the year 1727. At this period however, the Bishop of Durango, Don Benito Crespo, whose jurisdiction at this time extended almost over all the missions of the Jesuits, after visiting a part of the province of Sonora, sent a report to King Philip V. on the condition of its missions and obtained from His Majesty the pecuniary help thej^^ needed to support themselves. It was with this fund, says the author of the Noticias Estadisticas already mentioned, that the missionaries were enabled to found three new missions in the year 1731. But the time of trial was not yet over. On November 21st 1 75 1, the Indians of the 'Pimeria Alta' that is to say, all the Indians who lived in the northwest of the province, rebelled against their missionaries. According to a book written by one of the Fathers in 1762, under the title of "Rudo Ensayo, o Descripcion Geografica de la provincia de Sonora", the Indians of the Pimeria Alta were distinguished as follows : i , The Pimas proper ; 2, those who lived together in pueblos ; 3, the Papagos or Papootam and 4, the Sobahipuris, with the Pimas who lived along the Gila river. ' 'This nation, ' ' says the author of the book, ' 'being new in the faith and finding itself mixed with the pagans of its own tribes, is for these reasons, unstable, wild, stubborn and greatly attached to superstitious abuses." WOEK OF THE MISSIONARIES IN ARIZONA. 135 This revolt, which lasted over two 3'ears, had for its result the abandonment of all the churches, which remained thus until 1754, and the death of three zealous missionaries. These three martyrs of the rebellion were: Father Francisco Xavier Saeta, Enriques Ruen and Tomas Tello. In 1752, as a protection for the missions and for that part of the country, both against any new revolt of the Pimas and against the forays of the Apaches, the government established a Presidio at Tubac, or Tubaca, where previously stood the pueblo of the same name, which was spiritually attended from Guevavi. After the rebellion the Indians of Tubaca moved about three miles south to Tumacacuri, where they had less facilities for the irrigation of the land than at their former pueblo. In the country which had to be protected by the Presidio, we translate from the Rudo Ensayo, existed the following now deserted localities: "The Sopori Rancho, a little over two leagues north of the Presidio ; that of Tucubabi, thirteen leagues southwest of Las Estancias of Guevavi with some Spanish set- tlers ; Arivaca, seven leagues west of the Presidio, and thirty leagues southwest, the pueblo of San Luis Beltran. The same author writes that the priest who had charge of ministering to the Presidio in 1755, was the parish priest of Nacosari, Don Joaquin Rodriguez Rey, who was killed by the Apaches on his way to the Post, though he had an escort of soldiers. Towards the beginning of 1754, the missionaries were able to resume their work in the churches that had escaped the general destruction. Among these was that of San Xavier del Bac, which we see the same year provided with a priest who left the following words written in one of the church records : "'November 21st, 1751, the Pima nation rebelled and deprived this mission of its spiritual director until now, 1754, in which year the Indians have returned to their pueblos, meaning as they say, to live peaceably. And for the authority of this writing I sign it." (Signed) "Francisco Paner." The same priest had to administer from San Xavier the missions of Tucson, Tubac and Tumacacuri, this last one having been built the same year, 1754. These four missions 134 Work of the Missioxaries in Arizoxa, were located in the Santa Cruz valley' over a stretch of about sixty miles. As to the population of these missions, its num- ber can be approximately calculated by that of the baptisms the priest administered in them on his first visit after the quell- ing of the rebellion. This was, for Tubac and Tumacacuri, 64 ; for San Xavier, 61, and for Tucson 52, or a total of 157. It did not take long after peace prevailed in the country, to see the missions, one after the other, springing out of their ruins. In 1762 the Jesuits counted twenty-nine missions con- sisting of seventy-three Indian pueblos. Those located in the province which afterwards became Arizona, were : San Xavier del Bac, San Jose de Tumacacuri, San Miguel de Sonoitag (i), Guevavi, San Cayetano de Calabazas and Santa Ana. In the same 3'ear, how'ever, the missions were greatly disturbed by the incessant attacks of the Apaches against the Sobahipuris of the San Pedro valley-, which obliged these Indians to abandon their fertile lands, and to distribute themselves in the missions of San Xavier, Tucson and Santa Maria Soanca. The missions of this period had no trouble on the part of the aborigines who formed their population, but they had it constantly from the Apaches, who lived along almost all the length of the northern frontier of the province. On the other hand, on account of the intrigues w'hich were plotted in Europe against the Fathers, they were deprived ifor some years, if not of the whole compensation they were entitled to receive from, the government, of part of it, at least, being thus hindered in their work, until at last, their expulsion was decreed in 1767. As has been w-ritten before. Father Kino made a visit in 1694 to the tribes of the Gila river, as far as "Casas Grandes" or the ruins of that name, which have been considered b)- many a writer as the remams of the huge mansions of some prehis- toric race of people. Some wTiter, whose name we cannot re- member now, has stated that there is a tradition among the Pimas purporting that the casas grandes had been built by In- dians who came from the north. How long did they inhabit these houses? Nobody know^s, but tradition has it that for some reason they abandoned the places they had occupied and (1) This mission, founded in May 1751, was ruined the same year by its own people, who killed their priest, Father Henrique Ruen, as said before. WOBK OF THE MiSSIOXARIES IN ArIZON'A. 1S5 "went south, whence they never returned. Certain it is that thus far, nobody has been able to find any clew to the date of the origin, either of these buildings or of the portions of aque- ducts which exist yet in their vicinity on either side of the river, and which are an unquestionable proof of a great and intelligent work. The distance between the two houses is about nine miles. At the time Father Kino visited the ruins of the Casas Grandes, they could see that the one located on the left side of the river had consisted of four stories fitted with moun- tain cedar joists. The missionaries tried to have the history of these buildings, but failed to get any reliable account of the matter from the Indians. It ma^' be surmised that these houses were built, no matter when, by a class of people different from the natives now living on the Gila river. This conjecture would seem to be supported by the difference that exists, as regards the mode of construction between the Casas Grandes and the house of the Indians now living in Arizona. The walls of the former were made of a kind of clay, pressed in large boxes or between planks, on the wall itself, at the time of its building, while those of the latter are made of adobe or sun dried brick. As far as we can judge by the remains of another old -canal which are to be seen on the left side of the Salt river, not far above Tempe, it would seem that there also may have ex- isted some large houses, though no ruins of them can be traced at present. The immense houses of the past must not be considered as a thing peculiar to Arizona. The ruins of such structures are found in Mexico, especially at Palenque, in the State of Chiapas ; the like of them were also found in New Mexico, at the time of its conquest by Coronado in 1540, though smaller in propor- tions and made of a poorer material. Two of them are yet in existence in New Mexico, one in the pueblo of Taos, and the other in the pueblo of Picuries, and both are inhabited at present as they w^ere centuries ago. The reason for these houses must have been the necessity that the Indians, who intended to settle in one place, had of protecting themselves against the wandering tribes. There they lived in constant fear of some attack, but alwa3-s ready to 136 Work of the Missionaries in Arizona. face the enemj^ from the terraces of the buildings, and protect their families inside. The Casas Grandes at Taos and Picuries, seen from a dis- tance, look like old brown dismantled castles. They are com- posed of adobe rooms, forming by their position a quadrangular figure, whose inside square is filled up with earth and gravel. This is the first or ground floor. The next one was built the same way, retreating on the inside square so as to leave un- covered the terraces of the lower rooms, and so on until the building was completed in the shape of a graded pjTamid. There, on the terraces of these buildings, are seen the families who inhabit them, busy at their daily work and watching at the same time over the fields below, where grow the corn and the melons the}'- have planted. There it was also that, in olden times, the warriors stood with quiver and bow, for the protec- tion of the tribe when it was in danger of spme attack. It is to be remarked that these dwellings, to-day as in times of dan- ger, have only one single opening, on the terrace or roof of each room, which serves as door and window. In order to penetrate into the rooms, every family must be provided with two ladders, one to climb up from the outside and another to go down inside. In former times all the outside ladders of the first stor>' had to be taken up to the terrace for the night, a precaution that has been dispensed with for a long time. For reasons of safety, the big houses were invariably built on elevated spots, some- times far from the water, and this fact explains the existence of the canals whose traces are found in the vicinity of the old ruins in Arizona. Where water could not be had b}^ means of canals, it had to be gathered in cisterns or in the natural hol- lows of the rocks, w^hen these were conveniently near. It is very likely, from the missions Father Kino had estab- lished on the Gila river in 1694, as stated before, that the Jesuit Fathers extended gradually their visits to the numerous tribes which existed farther west on the same river, and penetrated into California. In 1697, says Cretineau Joly (i), the missions of Cali- fornia were started by the Fathers Picolo and Salvatierra, with (1) Crftineau Joly, Histoi re de la Compagnie de Jesus, chap, ii., vol.* v. Paris, Jacques Lecoflre et Cie. 1859. Work op the Missioxaries ix Arizoxa. 137 no other arms but the cross. Having collected a few catechu- mens, the Fathers parted from each other, one going to the north and the other to the south, in search of new tribes. Father Ugarte, who joined them soon after, took charge of the Trippue and of the Loppu Indians, and in a short time the three religious men placed California under the direction of four missions. Here, as everj^where the}^ had tried their hands before, the missionaries civilized the savage aborigines by Christianitv^ and taught them the secret of labor and agricul- ture, in a countr^^ otherwise but ver}^ little favorable to the purpose, owing to the frequent wind storms which destroj^ed almost everj'thing that grew in the fields. ' 'At last persever- ance triumphed over the insalubrity of the climate. Vines and olive trees were planted on that ungrateful soil and the herds w^ere seen living and multiplying themselves on it. By letters patent from the King of Spain, the Jesuits, who create nations and accustom them to social life, administered justice in Cali- fornia. They obtained for the neophytes exemption from working in the mines. ' ' "In a short time," writes Mr. de Alofres as quoted by Cretineau, (i) "the Fathers converted the whole of California, and the plan they adopted shall always be taken as a model to be followed.' ' Robertson in his history of America, says Cretineau, con- trary to his noted impartiality', pretends that the missionaries to California "in order to keep an absolute authority over their neophytes, took great care to prejudice them against the insalubrity and sterility of the country, saying that the zeal they had for the conversion of the Indians had been alone a sufficient reason for them to reside in it.' ' On the other hand, Baron de Humboldt (2) quoted by Cretineau Joly, speaks in high terms of the zeal of the Fathers, and of the success they had in California. "The interesting travels of three Jesuits, Eusebe Kiihn or Kino, Maria Salva- tierra and Jesus Ugarte made known the physical situation of the countr3^ The Loretto village had been founded in 1697 (1) Mofres, in his exploration of Oregon. (2) Baron de Humboldt in his Political Essay on New Spain. 138 TVOBK OF THE MISSIONARIES IX ArIZOKA. under the name of Presidio de San Dionisio. In a very few 3'ears they established sixteen villages in the peninsula." The same author in the work above mentioned says: "The malevolence and hatred that were attached to the name of Jesuits gave rise to the suspicion that the priests of the Order concealed from the government the treasures that were hidden in a land so much praised of yore. These considerations determined the Visitador, visitor, Don Jose de Gal van, who had followed an expedition against the Indians of Sonora, to go to California. There he found mountains without vegetable soil, and hardly some scrubby bushes growing in the crevices of the arid rocks. Nothing spoke of the gold and silver it was thought the Jesuits had extracted from the ground, but everj'- where could be seen the traces of their active industry and of the laudable zeal they had employed to bring a desert and arid land under cultivation." The story of the rich mines owned by the Jesuits in the missions of the New World got so much credit at the time it was given out, that it has yet, at the present date, the authority of a li\'ing tradition in the country which formerly composed the province of Sonora. Indeed very often, when some old mines are discovered, either in Sonora or in Arizona, we see that they are called by the name of "minas de los Padres," mines of the Fathers, which is intended to convey the idea of very rich mineral deposits. Be this as it ma}'-, we never read of any mines, rich or poor, held in possession by the old mis- sionaries, while history has it that from the establishment of the missions their priests always tried to have the Indians exempt from working in the mines. If we read the "Rudo Ensaj'o o Descripcion Geografica de la provincia de Sonora' ' ( i ) , the author, probably one of the Visitors of the missions, speaks of different places where, according to what the Indians say, there are traces of rich mines, but of none owned or worked by the Fathers. The Jesuits were so successful in Christianizing and civiliz- ing the aborigines that they were made the object of all sorts of calumnies on the part of the enemies of the Spanish throne (1) A work already mentioned. Work of the jNIissionaries in Arizona. 139 and of religion. No real accusations could be brought against them, but as complaints were increasing constantly every day from different parts of the globe, the Fathers, little by little, fell into discredit in the eyes of the government, until they were sacrificed in France, Portugal and Spain by the respective tninisters of these powers, Choiseul, Pombal and d'Aranda. It was on the second of April, 1767, that the priests of the Society of Jesus were expelled from all the Spanish possessions. (3) The Franciscan Fathers Succeed the Jesuits in the Missions of the Province of Sonora. In 1667, the 3^ear when the Jesuit Fathers were expelled from the Spanish possessions, the Marquis de Croix, viceroy of Mexico, sent, by order of the King, a petition to the Superior of the Franciscans of the college of Santa Cruz de Queretaro, for fourteen or, at least, twelve priests of the Order to take charge of the missions of Sonora. The petition was considered an order, and the Superior, Fray Mariano Antonio de Buena y Alcalde, selected the fourteen priests asked for, from among the many who volunteered for the distant missions. Before starting on their journey, these priests received from the Guar- dian of the college instructions on the manner of dealing with the Indians, in order the better to attract them and convert them to the Catholic religion. They were also reminded of the wish of the Catholic monarch, that the Indians should be treated with paternal care, and, as much as possible, induced to live in pueblos, where all the efforts apostolical zeal can in- spire could be used with more facility and profit for their in- struction. On the 5th of August, which had been appointed for the start of the missionaries, all the community assembled in the chapel, as we read in the Cronica Serafica, where, after the adoration of the Blessed Sacrament, the ' 'Tota Pulchra es Maria," "Thou art all beautiful, O Mary," was sung to im- plore the protection of the mother of God for the new apostles and their missions. These priests, having embraced their brothers in religion and recommended themselves to their prayers, set out on their journe3^ They had to stop nearl^^ five m^onths in the province of Jalisco, waiting for an opportunity to sail from San Bias for Guaymas. They reached at last this 140 "Work of the MissioxARfES ix Amzo^x. point, after a painful voyage of one hundred and nineteen days. At Guaymas they took four days rest. There the^^ were apprised that their destination was the Pimeria Alta, two hun- dred leagues northward which distance the}' had to travel on foot. They proceeded to the presidio of San Miguel de Horcasitas, where the governor of the province resided, and where they established themselves. We quote, translating from Juan Domingues Arricivita ( i ) , the names of the missions the Franciscans found existing in the Pimeria Alta in 1768, when they took possession of them. These were : "The mission of San Ignacio, w^herefrom were attended that of Magdalena, two leagues distant, and that of Himuris, three leagues distant ; Suanca with the pueblo of Co- cospera ; Guevavi with two more pueblos, and the presidio of Tubac attended from it ; El Bac with the presidio of Tuyson, three leagues distant ; Tubutama with Santa Teresa, two leagues distant ; Saric ; Ati with the pueblo of Oquitoa, five leagues distant, and two further, the presidio of Altar ; Ga- borca, with two pueblos, Visani, two leagues, distant, and Pitiqui, five leagues distant. From the beginning the Franciscans, like the Jesuits their predecessors, worked faithfully and zealously in the missions assigned to them, which were the most arduous in the whole province of Sonora, as being of comparativel}^ a more recent creation. The Pimas, we see in the Cronica, were inclined to the practice of intercourse with the evil spirits, which they had inherited from their ancestors, and which prevented the grow- ing of the Evangelical seed in their hearts. There were many among them who were considered to be Christians because they had been baptized, but who knew more of deviltry than of Catholic doctrine. The author justifies these plain assertions in regard to the Pima Indians by what has been written of the same in "Los Apostolicos Afanes", the painful Apostolic work of the Jesuit Fathers in the missions of the New World. (1) Cronica Serafica del Apostolico Colegio de Queretaro. Work o)? the Misstonawes ik Arizona,. 141 The Jesuits said, that the infernal enemy availed himself of the poor intellectual capacity of the Indians to entertain them with the ideas and desires of worldly and visible things to prevent them from thinking of things relating to the soul, and to the future life ; that they practiced witchcraft to cause dam- age not only to their enemies, but even to the missionaries who iiever offended them, and who nevertheless suffered in their liealth or even died, some of them, of the effect of diabolical arts used against them. The Franciscans, continues the author of the Cronica, had to work verj' hard i'n Sonora but their work proved so fruit- ful that in a comparatively short number of years, besides instructing the Indians, they founded for them several missions^ These were the missions of Pitic, now Hermosillo, for the Seris, that of Carrizal for the Tiburones, and the two missions of the Colorado river for the Yumaa. Under the direction of the zealous missionaries were reared from the foundations the Church of Buena Vista and Ures» Those of Tonichi, Opodepa, Cucurpe and Calabasas were com- pleted and covered; those of Tumacacuri, Atil, Oquitoa and Caborca were renovated, and those of San Ignacio, Tubutama and Pitiquito were covered with arches built with lime and bricks. According to the same author, it was also under the ad- ministration of the Franciscans that the pueblos of Oquitoa., Atil, Tubutama, Saric, Cocospera, Tumacacuri and San Xavier del Bac and pueblito of Tucson were provided with adobe houses and walls of protection against the Apaches. From San Miguel de Horcacitas, Fray Francisco Garcez, one of the missionaries, was sent to San Xavier with charge, very likely, of the other missions which had survived the revolt of the Pimas in that section of the countr}^ During his stay at San Xavier, that is to say from 1768 to 1778, this zealous priest visited several times the tribes of Arizona and prepared almost all of them to receive missionaries, had these been sent to them. In August, 1768, Father Garcez, says Aricivita mentioned by Civezza, made his first journey' among the Pimas and Yumas without other escort but some Indians he would take as guides from one tribe to another. Everyv\'here he was 142 Work of the JIissionareets ix Arizox'a, received with kindness by the Indians, who did not object to> have their children baptized, but refused to have missions es- tabhshed in their villages. In 1 77 1 the same religious made a second visit to the tribes living on the Gila and Colorado rivers, and this had for result the removal of all objections against the establishment of two missions on the Colorado. These were the Immaculate Con- ception, which was built at the "Puerto de la Concepcion" and St. Peter and St. Paul, which was erected at a distance af three leagues from the first in a localit}^ called "Bicuner." The two missions were completed and the churches opened in 1778. We can easily surmise how hard Padre Garcez had to work during seven 5''ears to instruct the Yumas, and prepare them for the manner of living of the Christian pueblos. These missions, which had given great hopes from the be- ginning, did not reaUze them. On the 17th of July, 1781,' which was Sunday', the Yuma Indians, under pretext of some damage caused to their crops by the horses of the Spanish sol- diers, went to the churches during mass and killed the priests and the Spaniards they found in them. There the Rev. Fran- cisco Garcez, Juan Diez, Jose Matias Moreno and Juan Antonio Berenoche received the crown of martyrdom, the termination of their apostolic labors. At the news of the missionaries' death, soldiers were sent from Presidio del Altar for their bodies, which they carried to the Church of Tuhutama, as the nearest, and buried them at the gospel side of the main altar. ( i ) That tne Indians must have been greatly benefited by the presence of Fray Francisco Garcez and other Franciscan. Fathers among them, nobody will doubt. These missionaries, like their predecessors, the Jesuits, were all men of God, en- tirely devoted to the duties of their vocation. By hard labor and privations of all sorts they succeeded not only in teaching the Indians the way of salvation, but also in bringing them from the miserable condition in which they had been found to the state of civilized life. A proof of the success the Francis- cans had at San Xavier, is the church the^- built in that mission (1) Marcelino de Civezza. 'Work of the Missionaries in Arizona, 143 instead of the old one left by the Jesuit Fathers. The San Xavier Church, though now greatly injured b^'^ the time which "has elapsed since its erection, is yet, however, a monument at' tracting the attention of every stranger coming to Arizona. The date 1797, which is seen on one of the doors of this church, is, according to tradition, the date of the completion of the edifice, the building of which had required fourteen years. This is confirmed by the testimony of a few persons who, asserted to us, about thirty 5^ears ago, that they had been present at the dedication of the church. • The missions prospered under the Franciscan administra- tion until the year 18 10, when the desire of independence com- menced to spread all over the territory of New Spain, and this brought about, even among the Indians, a spirit of disquiet, ■which in many ways, proved detrimental to religion. Very soon the government felt embarrassed financially, on account of the expense it had to incur in order to sustain itself against the revolution, and the annual help allowed to the missionaries failed to come in due time, and in many instances, was not paid_at all. The result to the missions was a hindrance to their material progress. From this time, they had to suffer more or less- every year, either from the revolution or from the dearth of material resources until the last stroke was aimed at them by the expulsion_of the missionaries, December 20th, 1827, six years after the fall of the Spanish Colonial Govern- ment in Mexico. The Jesuits and the Franciscans attended chiefly to the missions of Guevavi, Sonoitag, Calabazas, Tumacacuri, San Xavier, Tucson, Arivac, Tubac, Santa Barbara and Sopori. These missions were visited in January, 182 1, bj^ the Bishop of Sonora. {4) Names of the Missionaries who Worked Among the Tribes of the Country Now Called Arizona. The priests of the Society of Jesus, as said before, were intrusted with the care of the province of Sonora in the year 1636. These priests extended their missions into Arizona, be- tween the years 1690 and 1692. The following are the names of those of the missionaries who labored in Arizona from that 14-f Work of the MissroNAKiES ix Arizona, date until 1767, as far as we can collect from two fragments' of church records found in the mission of San Xavier del Bac : (i) Aguirre, Manuel. (2) Diaz del Carpio, Manuel- (3) Diaz, Joaquin Felix. (4) Espinosa, Alonzo. (5) Gar- rucho, Manuel Joseph. (6) Gerstner, Miguel. {7) Keller,, Ignacio Xa\der. (8) Kino, Francisco. (9) Dorasoain, Ignacio- (10) Middendorf, Bernardo. (11) Nentivig, Juan. (12) Paner, Francisco. (13) De la Pena, Ildefonso. (14) Rapuani, Alexandro. (15) Saenz, Bartolomeo. (r6) Salvatierras, Juan Maria, (17) De Torres, Perea Joseph. (18) Pfeffercom, N- The Franciscan Fathers from 1767 to 1827 : (19) Agorreta, Juan Joseph. (20) De Arriquibar, Pedro.. (21) F. de la Asuncion, (22) Belarde, Joaquin Antonio, (23) Berenoche, Juan Antonio, (24) Bordoy, Mariano, (25) Carillo, Baltazar, (26) De Clemente, Gaspar, (27) CorgoU,, Juan. (28) Diaz, Rafael. (29) Diaz, Juan, (30) X. Eix- arch, Tomas. (31) Estelric, Juan Bautista. (32) De Gam- arra, Felix. (33) Garcez^ Francisco. (34) Garcia, Solano- Francisco, (35) Gil de Bernabe, Crisqstomo. (36) Gil, Diego, (37) Gutierres, Narcisco, (38) Eiberos, Ramon, (39) Llorenz, Juan Bautista, (40) Lopez, Ramon, (41) Maldo- nado, Juan. (42) Moreno, Matias Joseph, (43) Nadal, N, (44) Neldarrain, Juan Bautista. (45) De Niza, Marcos. (46) De Prada, Angel Alonzo. (47 ) Ramirez, Joseph Ignacio, (48) Ruiz, Gregorio. (49) Saravial, Manuel, (50) Vario, Juan, (51) Ximeno, Bartolome. (52) Ysanez, Florencio. (53) Zumiga^ Francisco, Of these Fathers Juan Antonio Berenoche, Juan Diaz., Francisco Garces and Jose Matias Moreno were killed in 1781 in the missions they had established on the Colorado river. XXIV. Most Rev. Placide h. Chapelle, D. D. Archbishop of Santa Fe, from 1893 lo 189S. CHAPTER XV. A Last Glance at the Indians. It must be admitted that Vargas was really the conqueror of New Mexico and the pacifier of its Indians, as far as one could expect from them, considering their ignorance of a better mode of living than that thej'' had inherited from their ancestors and their unwillingness to abandon it for the civilization and Christianization which were intended for them by the govern- ment of Spain. From 1 540 they had submitted to the force of arms but not from conviction or from the desire of a better and nobler condition, as was evidentl}^ proved by the general revolt of 1680 and its sad consequences. When Diego de Vargas was appointed governor of New Mexico, he had not really to con- quer the country but to reconquer it, and this is, very likely, the reason why he tried to bring the rebellious Indians to sub- mission by persuasion before using the military force Against them. In that he followed the instructions given several times by the authority ot the Spanish monarchs as to the wa^^ of dealing with the aborigines. This does not mean that after the reconquest accomplished by Vargas the aborigines were en- tirely submissive. Far froin it, they rebelled frequently after- wards, as we have seen under the administration of the subsequent governors of New Mexico, but their revolts were onl}^ the acts of particular tribes which caused indeed serious troubles, but which were soon subdued, when the}' had to face the soldiers sent against them for redress. We think it will not be outside the scope of our notes to give, as far as we could obtain them from various sources, some par- 146 Last Glaxce at the Indians, ticular information about the aborigines of New Mexico from the time of the discover}' and exploration of this province. (i) Were the Aborigines Very Nuvierous at that Epoch ? If we judge by the villages occupied by the Indians in New Mexico before the revolt of 1680, these must have been very numerous, but it seems that their number was more or less exaggerated by the first explorers of the countrj^ and espe- cially by Fray Benavides, who, as we have seen above, was in 1626 the Custodian of the missions of the province. For this priest, as for those who had come before in contact with the In- dians in a peaceable manner, it was very easy to overrate, even unintentionally, the number of the tribes they met separately or sometimes mixed together. When there was no fear of an attack from the strangers, the natives liked to approach them and used to follow them from one place to another and so made the number of several tribes appear what it was not in reality. Be it as it may about the exact number of the Indian pop- ulation the conquerors met in New Mexico, certain it is that many of them died, not only in the repeated wars of the con- quest, but in their almost incessant difiiculties between tribe and tribe, and especially in the quarrels and fighting the nine rebellious nations had among themselves after their victory of 1 680, to decide which would have the right to occupy Santa Fe and rule the others. During these wars which, as we have written before, on the authority of Father Amando Niel, S. J., lasted seven years, many died either on the battle fields, or in the pueblos for want of men to work for the support of the families, and owing to a drought which prevailed in the country for the same length of time. To these causes of the decrease of the Indians must be added the epidemic diseases not infrequent at all times, in some Indian populations. Moreover, many of the tribes mentioned by Fray Bena- vides have disappeared from New Mexico for reasons unknown to us. Among these must be mentioned the Tompiros Indians, who, according to the Custodian, occupied in 1626, east of Rio Grande, an extent of fifteen leagues in the same direction with Last Glance at the Indians. 147 fifteen or sixteen villages giving an aggregate population of 10,000 souls. The Indians, says the same author, lived in a cold climate on lands not very productive owing to scarcity of water for their irrigation. It may be that this was one of the * reasons which determined these Indians to leave their villages and their missions in the last part of the seventeenth century to go to the province of Chihuahua, where, by joining some other tribes, they lost their own name as a nation. According to Bandelier ( i ) the Piros of Senecu, six miles east of El Paso, now Villa Juarez, belonged formerly to the pueblos of New Mexico and lived at another Senecu spoken of by Benavides, eighteen miles below Socorro, at Pilabo and Abo, and says this same author, ' 'as far as I can infer at Tabira or Gran Quivira." We quote again from the same : "Until the great upris- ing of 16S0 the villages or pueblos extended or rather were scattered on a line from Taos in the extreme north as far south as where San Marcial now stands, or a length of nearly 250 miles." "In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the aggregate population of the pueblos did not exceed twenty-five thousand souls." We come now to the date of 1789 and see by the census taken this same year by order of Governor Fernando de la Concha that the Pueblo Indians, the Moquis excluded, num- bered only 8,806. This shows what had been the decrease of the former Indian population either by the wars, by the migra- tion of the tribes or other causes, at the date of the mentioned census. {2) The Hostile Tribes. Abstracting from any reference to the wandering tribes of of the plains of Kansas, whose members very often, as said be- fore, stopped and destroyed the caravans of the Santa Fe trade with the western cities of the United States, and made incursions at times on the populations of New Mexico, we will speak only of the Navajos and Apaches. These two tribes, since their names are known, have been the terror of the pueblo Indians, (1) Final report of investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States. 148 Last Glance at the Indians. and later of the Spanish settlers of New Mexico. Here also we wall speak after Bandelier, who is a good authority as re- gards the history of the Indian tribes. This author says the ♦Navajos and Apaches are of the same nation, the Navajos be- ing more numerous than the Apaches. "The proportion is to-day as three to one, the Navajos counting 2 1 ,000, the Apaches hardly more than 6,000 or 7,000 souls." Both were to be dreaded at all times, but more especialty the Apaches, who had no fixed place of residence, and could be met wdth all over the coun- try between New Mexico and Arizona, whilst the Navajos lived as a nation, since they are known, in the fastnesses of the moun- tains of the northwestern part of New Mexico. When they made incursions on the settlements of the countrj^ they were generally in large numbers, so as to be able to meet resistance on the part of the people from whom they used to steal their cattle, sheep and horses. Their inroads, though very damaging some times, not only to property but to human life, were not, as a rule, as frequently repeated as those of the Apaches. These Indians seldom attacked in large numbers, but almost incessantly here or there, and in this manner, says Bandelier, harrassed in the end those who were the object of their warfare, especially the pueblos. As far as we have seen since we came to this countr}^, the inhabitants cf the towns of New Mexico, at the first news of a misdeed committed by the Navajos on their property, would organize at once a band of armed and mounted men to pursue them, especially if these Indians had killed anyone or stolen some stock out of the pastures. This meant a race of more or less distance for the recover}^ of the captives or stolen animals, as might be the case, and as far as possible for a con- dign punishment of the miscreants. If it happened that the Mexicans had to follow the Indians to some of their rancherias, they availed themselves of the opportunity to try and make captives of the children of the Indians. The attacks of these two tribes on the life and propert}^ of the peaceable inhabitants of New Mexico, Arizona and Colo- rado have been checked gradually by acts of the government assigning to them reservations or limited lands, on which they have been forced to live under the custody of militar>- posts. Last Glance at the Indians, 149 At the beginning some bands rebelled against the law which restrained their liberty, they fled from the reservations, and continued under the leadership of some of their braves, like Victoria, Geronimo and others, their former mode of living, and brought desolation on the populations they visited. These, as might be expected, were tracked and followed by the government soldiers, who punished them and at last brought them to peace, so that for the last quarter of a century they do not give any more trouble to the citizens. (3) The Pueblo Indians of To-Day. As we have seen before (Chap. X), according to the census taken in 1789, the pueblo Indians lived in twenty-one villages and formed an aggregate population of 8,806. They occupy to-day the same villages with the exception of Pecos, which was abandoned by its few inhabitants in 1842, and x\biquiu, whose population originally was formed of captives made in the wars on different tribes or taken from them. These captives were given the name of "Genisaros," but are now considered as Mexicans. These two pueblos being out of existence as such, there are only nineteen Indian villages in New Mexico. As to their population, as far as could be ascertained by the Indian agents from 1890 to 1896, it would be 8,536, or 270 less than in 1789. This difference would not really prove that the Indian population is decreasing as the pueblos are less in num- ber, and as, for several years at least, their census has not been seriously taken. The reason, as it appears by the report of August 20th, 1895, of Captain John L. Bullis, acting Indian Agent, to the Hon. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, is the lack of an adequate appropriation from the government for taking the census of the nineteen pueblos of New Mexico. This means that we do not know the exact number of our In- dians. We would say, however, that if there is an increase in their population, as there ought to be, considering that the pueblos have not to fight now against the Navajos or Apaches, or are not exposed as before to lose some of their men in wars against their enemies, this increase, we believe, cannot be very considerable. As we have said above, epidemic diseases are not infrequent in the pueblos, and the Indians relying more on 150 Last Glance at the Ixdia^ts. the science of their medicine men than on that of our phj^si- cians, take ver>^ little care of their sick persons, and as a conse- quence they lose many of them, especially young- children. We have been told that about two years ago, the pueblo of Santo Domingo was afBicted with a fearful kind of fever, which kept many persons sick at a time. Apprised of the case, Agent Captain Bullis, pursuant to a consultation with the doctors of Santa Fe, offered to procure medicines, and the Sisters of the Blessed Sacrament volunteered to go to the pueblo and prepare them for the sick Indians, but their services were positively re- fused. One of the ancients of the tribe said to them : "L,as hermanas pueden hacer mas por nuestros enfermos con sus oraciones que con sus medecinas." "The Sisters can do more for our sick persons by their pra3^ers than bj' their medicines. ' ' The epidemic diseases of one kind or another are sufficient to prevent much increase of the Indian population. To this cause of decrease of population, Bandelier, in the work already mentioned, adds another one, in some pueblos like Santa Clara, Nambe and Zia, viz, the practice of witch- craft, creating among the Indians suspicions and enmities which end in crimes, secretly committed it is true, but repeated often enough to depopulate the village. According to the same author, "the pueblo system still rules the New Mexican village Indians and the Pimas and Maricopas of Arizona." The pueblo Indians elect their gov- ernor and other officers on the ist of January since 1620. The pueblo grants in New Mexico were conceded b}^ order of the king in 1682. From the same we quote further: "The total number of the Indians of Arizona, excluding the Navajos who are constantly shifting over the extensive reservation from New Mexico to Arizona and back, is given at 18,000. Among these appear the Papagos, with 6,000, but this includes cer- tainly some if not all of the Papagos living across the Mexican border in Sonora. The Pagagos of Arizona are Pimas by language, although with a dialectical variation." SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS. PART TWO. PERIOD OF THE MEXICAN RULE. XXV. Right Rev. X. Ch. Matz. I). I). Bishop (if DfiiVfr, t'ol. PHRT II. PERIOD OF THE MEXICAN RULE, CHAPTER I. The First Mexican Empire. The Mexican government over the extent of the territory we are treating of in these pages, lasted only from September 27th, 1821, the date of its independence from Spain and of its beginning as a separate government, to 1848, when the limits between Mexico and the United States were definitely agreed upon by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, a short period, which cannot be called one of quiet possession. The Mexican population, at the time of effecting their in^ dependence, did not intend to institute for themselves a new system of government ; what they wanted to have was a gov- ernment of their own, and this independent of that of Spain. Agustin Iturbide, who, for a 3'ear had fought valiantly for the independence of Mexico, and who had secured it, almost with- out effusion of blood, by the taking of the capital on the above mentioned date of September 27th, was the first to suggest the creation of an imperial government for the now independent country. Whether or not he had, at this time, the ambition of becoming emperor, the fact is that he proposed to make the 10* 154 The First Mexican Empire. king of Spain the offer that this form of government be in- trusted to one of the princes of the Bourbon family', on the basis of a plan he had studied at Iguala before reaching the capital. This plan contained in substance what was called the "Tres Garantias," the three guarantees, viz. : The mainte- nance of the Catholic religion as that of the country ; equalit}^ of rights between Spaniards and Mexicans ; the independ- ence, with a monarch^' under a prince of the Spanish Bourbon dynasty. These preliminary points as a basis of a national constitution were read by Iturbide to the committee appointed to give him a reception when he entered the capital. The next day, September 28th, 182 1, a meeting of the men Iturbide had designated to constitute "L,a Junta Soberana Provisional," the Sovereign Provisional Body, was held in the hall of the vice- roy's palace. There the hero of the day gave the members of the meeting a compendious expose of their duties, which he offered to make as easj' as possible for them by his own services and those of his soldiers. This being accomplished, all pro- ceeded to the Cathedral, where the men of the Junta, after taking the oath of fidelit)' in the discharge of their duties and in supporting the plan of Iguala, elected Iturbide as their pres- ident. The first work of the Junta Soberana was the wording of the Declaration of Independence of their country'. We translate this document from the original copy which was sent to Santa Fe for publication in all the churches of the province. "Acta de Independencia del Imperio: "The Mexican Nation, which for three hundred years, has had neither its own will nor the free use of speech, emerges to- day from the oppression in which it has lived." "The heroic efforts of its sons have been crowned and perfected by the never-to-be-forgotten attempt which a genius superior to all admiration and encomium, the love and the glory of his countr>% started from Iguala, and urged through almost insuperable difficulties to a successful termination." ' 'This northern portion of the land on which we live being then reinstated in the exercise of all the rights the author of the world conceded to it, and which are acknowledged as inalienable and sacred by the civilized nations of the earth, as that of constituting itself, as best it ma^-- deem convenient for The First Mexican Empire. 155 its own felicit}', with representatives who can manifest its will and intentions, commences to make use of these precious gifts, and solemnly declares through the official action of the Junta Suprema del Imperio, that it is a sovereign Nation, independent of Old Spain, with which, in the future, it will keep no other bond of union but that of a friendship regulated by the nature of the treaties that may exist; that our Nation will establish a friendly intercourse with the other powers, as is customary between sovereign nations; that it constitutes itself in conformity with the bases w^hich were wisely established in the Plan of Iguala and the treat}' of Cordova by the first commandant of the imperial arm^^ of the Three Guarantees; and finally, that it will support, at all risk and with the sacrifice of the property and lives of the individuals, if need be, this solemn declaration , made in the Capital of the Empire, this 28th day of September of the year 1821, the first of the Mexican Independence." (Signed b}') : Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio, Obispo de la Puebla, Juan O'Donoju, Manuel de la Barcena, Matias Monteagudo, Isidro Yailez, lyic. Juan Fransisco de Azcarate, Juan Jose Espinosa de los Monteros, Jose Maria Fagoaga, Jose Miguel Guridix Alcozar, El Marques de Salvatierra, El Conde de Casa de Heras Soto, Juan Bautista Eobo, Fransisco Manuel Sanchez de Tagle, Antonio de Gama}^ Cordova, Jose Manuel Sartorio, Manuel Velasquez de Eeon, Manuel Montes Arguelles, Manuel de la Soto Riva, El Marques de San Juan de Rayas, Jose Ignacio Garcia Illueca, Jose Maria de Bustamante, Jose Maria Cervantes y Velasco, Juan Cerv^antesy Padilla, Jose Manuel Velasquez de la Cadena, Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolas Campero, El Conda de Jala y de Regla, Jose Maria de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel Martinez Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Gusman, Jose Maria Jauredi, Jose Rafael Suarez Pereda, Anastasio Bustamante, Isidro Ignacio de Icaza, Juan Jose Espinosa de los Monteros, Vocal Secretario. After this declaration orders were given by the Junta Soberana del Imperio for its publication, and for receiving the oath from all the authorities, civil or ecclesiastical, in all the principal populations of the independent country. The oath was administered by the Jefe politico, political chief, where 156 The First Mexican Empire, this official existed, or in defect of this official by the alcalde, in the following manner : "Do you acknowledge the sovereignty- of this empire represented by the Junta Gubernativa?" "I do." "Do you swear obedience to its decrees and adherence to the guarantees proclaimed at Iguala b}^ the army of the Mexican Empire, and to the treaties celebrated in the city of Cordova, and to faithfulty give 3'our services to the Nation?" "I do swear." "If so, so help you God." The Spaniards refused to take the oath and begged to leave the country, which favor was refused to them for fear they might promote some counter revolution, while in Spain, against the new^ empire, before it could be sufficiently established to protect itself. There appeared then three different political parties among the people of the capital as to the form of govern- ment that should be definitely accepted. The Bourbonists were discountenanced by the decree rendered on the 1 3th of February 1822, by the Cortes of Spain, declaring null and void the treaties of Cordova, in regard to the government and its subjects. Then remained the Republican and Iturbidist parties, between which the Bourbonists distributed themselves. The last men- tioned had the support of the army, and that of the majority of the people, who were anxious to see the question brought to an end and repeatedl}^ manifested their choice by the ciy of: "Viva Agustin !" This took place on the i8th of May, 1822, and Iturbide was crowned the 21st of the same month in the Cathedral with an immense concourse of people and splendid ceremonies. At the end of the Pontifical mass and of the consecration, the bishop exclaimed: "Vivat Imperator, vivat in aetenium !" "Long live the Emperor," which was echoed by the audience in the w^ords : "Vivan por muchos aflos el Emperador y la Emperatiz !" The following decree was promtdgated the same year bj^ order of the Emperor : "Imperial Decree : Agustin, bj^ Divine Providence and the Congress of the Nation, constitutional Emperor of Mexico, to all who may see these letters or may be apprised of their contents, be it known that the Sovereign Constituent Mexican Congress has decreed as foUows : The First Mexican Empire. 157 The Sovereign Constituent Mexican Congress, in order to duly comply with the requirements of Article 12 of the Plan of Iguala, which is one of those constituting the social basis of our Independence, has come to decree, and has decreed : ( i ) That in the records, public or private documents, there be no mention of classes attached to the names of the citizens of this Empire. (2) That the same rule be observed in the church regis- ters, though the tributes already established, according to the classes af the people, for the support of the priests and of divine worship, shall be followed as they are, until more satisfactory provision can be made for the maintenance of religious ser\dce. Mexico, September 17th, of the year 1822, and the second of the Independence of this Empire. Signed : Jose Cirilo Gomez Anaya, Presidente. pRECiLiANO Sanchez, Secretario Diputado." The same year the independence of Mexico was recognized by the United States, whose Congress, in 1823, accepted the "Monroe doctrine" which declared that any attempt on the part of the European powers to extend their authority to the Western Hemisphere, should be considered dangerous to the welfare of the United States Government. This declaration was made in the proper time to put an obstacle to the projects the King of Spain might have entertained to bring the separated colonies again under his authority. A short time after Iturbide had ascended the throne of Mexico, the rumor spread of a revolution brewing all over the country. The Emperor did not take notice of it. Moreover, the Congress of the Nation could not agree about supplying the expenses which the imperial administration required, and this was a potent reason for the poor people to embrace the cause of the republican government. Meanwhile, this party was gaining ground every day, and when the Emperor realized his position and thought of making resistance, he found out that the army had already, in great part, deserted his flag. He then offered his resignation in order to avoid a useless effusion of blood. The matter having been considered by a committee ap- pointed for the purpose, the resignation was accepted and an annual pension of ^25,000 was accorded to Iturbide in consid- 158 The First Mexican E>rpnrE-. eration of his services to the cause of the revolution, as long: as he should remain in Itah', where he was ordered to go. The same committee declared that the nomination of Iturbide as Emperor of Mexico was null, as having been imposed by force^ and null also the Plan of Iguala and the treaties of Cordova as opposed to the rights of the Nation in regard to selecting the form of its government. This took place in the beginning of May, 1S23. From Livorno, where the Emperor had taken his residence, he went to England in January, 1824, where he heard that a revolution was prepared in Spain against Mexico. This he wrote to the Mexican Congress, offering, at the same time, his services for the protection of his countn,'. The ans^ver was not only a re- fusal of the offer, but a decree by which Iturbide was declared an outlaw. In his anxiety to find an opportunity to exert his natural activity, and perhaps, trusting that his country-men would call him again to take the reins of government, he- started at once, without waiting for an answer to his letter, and reached the port of Soto la Marina on the r4tb of May, 1824, There he was apprised by General Garza that he was proscribed, and on the 17th, was notified bj" an adjutant that he should prepare for death, as he was to be shot at three o'clock of the same day. Without showing an}' emotion,. Iturbide replied : "Tell General Garza that I am ready to die,, if he only gives me three da^'S to make m}^ peace \\ith God." H. H. Bancroft (i), from whom we have taken our in- formation about the fall of the Mexican Empire, does not state whether the short delay asked for b}^ the doomed great patriot was accorded to him or not, but be this as it may, it is well known that the Emperor submitted to the unmerited sentence and died Like a brave soldier and a good Christian. (1) Historia de Mexico. 'CHAPTER It. Xa Republica de Mexico. The short lived Mexican Empire was succeeded by thfe IblepubHc, which had been prematurely proclaimed by General Santa Ana in Decembet 1822 ; but it did not take the shape -of a government until 1824, when a constitution^ much like ■that of the United States of America, was adopted under the presidency of Guadalupe Victoria. The name which was given the new republic was : "La Republica Federal de los Estados Unidos de Mexico." Its fundamental chart was published on the 4th of October 1824. This same day ^ as also the i6th af September, which marked in 1810 the beginning of revolution ■against the government of .Spain, have been since kept as national holidays. The presidential term of Victoria, though opened under favorable auspices, and greeted by the majority of the people^ was far from being free from troubles. Two political parties, supported by the masonic lodges of England and of Scotland, tried to overthrow the established government, but failed in their attempts owing to the vigilant activity of the President in repressing rebellious movements. These party divisions opposing the 3'oung Mexican republic were the prelude of the almost numberless revolutions which were to desolate the country for half a century. For a period of ten years from the fall of the Spanish government in Mexico, the Church had not to suffer, except from the revolutions, which alienated from her many influential citizens by placing them in contact wdth party leaders connected 160 La Eepcblica de Mexico. with the lodges. It was to remedy this evil that the ecclesi- astical authority made new efforts to propagate civil and rehgious instructions among the clergy and among the masses of the people. This commendable movement, as w^e see by the Church records, reached Xew Mexico in the year 1826, when on the 19th of May, a college was opened in Santa Fe under the pro- tection and direction of the Vicario General, for the instruction of the young men. The same daj' permission was received from Durango for the erection of a chapel in the town of San Jose del Bado. It was also in 1826 that the missions of Taos, San Juan, Abiquin, Belen and San Miguel del Bado were made parishes and provided with secular priests. The capilla of our Lady in Guadalupe in San Fernando de Taos was declared at the same time an annex to the Church of San Geronimo. At the same epoch, b}- order of the Vicar Capitular of Durango, the See being vacant, the Vicar General of the diocese, Don Augustin Fernandez, made the pastoral visitation of the missions of New Mexico. In his report, a copj' of which has been kept in the church records, he describes the old St. Francis Church, Santa Fe, thus : "An adobe building 54 yards long by 9^ in width, with two small towers not provided with crosses, one containing two bells and the other empt}'; the church being covered with a flat clay terrace. Inside, communicating mth the 'crucero' (the place where a church takes the form of a cross by the side chapels) are two large separate chapels, the one on the north side dedicated to our Lady of the Rosar>', called also 'la Conquistadora', and on the south side the other dedicated to St. Joseph." ( I ) The chapel of Our Lady of Light, known also by the name of 'La Castrense', military' church, that of our Lady of the Rosar>^ some distance north out of the city, and that of our Lady of Guadalupe were visited at the same time. After the visit of the parochial church and public chapels of the city, the Vicar General visited the following private oratories : One in the house of Don Antonio Ortiz, that of the Holy Trinitj' in the house of Juan Bautista Virgil, and that of San Jose in the (1) This church was demolished, with the exception of two large chapels and the old sanctuary, to build the new stone Cathedral which was commenced in 1870. La Eepublica de Mexico. 161 house of Pablo Montoya, which were found to be in all the conditions which had been required for their concession from the ecclesiastical authority. The last chapel visited in the city was that of the Third Order of St. Francis, adjoining the parochial church on its southern side. As it was found lacking everything required for the celebration of the mass, the document of its concession was annulled by the Vicar General, and orders given to the parish priest, the Rev. Juan Tomas Terrazas, not to celebrate any more in it. The Vicar General at the end of his report complains, as did Visitor Guevara in 1817, that the Regulars refused to give obedience to the decrees and dispositions of the bishop, induced to it by the Father Custodio of Santa Fe, Fray Sebastian Al- varez, and by the Political Chief, Don Antonio Narbona. As regards the Third Order of St. Francis just spoken of, it will not be out of the way to give here about it some details which we extract from one of the old manuscripts of the Cathedral. Ac- cording to this document, this Order, which was known also by the name of "I/a Tercera Orden de Penitencia," was established in Santa Fe and in Santa Cruz de la Canada, between the dates 1692 and 1695, under the administration of Governor Vargas. As it was a Franciscan institution which, by its constitution, could be governed only by priests of the Order, it ceased to have a canonical existence in New Mexico when the Francis- can Fathers were succeeded by secular priests in the missions. Besides the devotions practiced by the members of the Order, privately or under the direction of some of the religious, they had festivities and processions which were publicly celebrated. These were the feast of St. L,ouis, King of France, and of the Immaculate Conception, which were their patronal feasts. Moreover, they had a special high mass sung on every second Sunday of the month for their particular intention ; this was fol- lowed by a procession at which they marched wearing the habit of the Franciscan Order, which they were allowed also to use in the chiurch during the exercises of Holy Week. ( i ) There is now in New Mexico a society of men who call themselves "IvOS Penitentes" or "Los Miembrosde la Herman- (1) The original document will be given in full in the appendix. 11 162 La Repcblica de Mexico. dad," which must have come from the Third Order of St. Francis, but so different from it that no relationship can be traced between the two. The first was a true religious Order authorized by the Church, and one whose members were placed under the direction of the Franciscan Fathers, while the second, though an offshoot of the same, has so degenerated that it is nothing to-day but an anomalous body of simple credulous men, under the guidance of some unscrupulous politicians. Their leaders encourage them, despite the admonitions of the Church, in the practice of their unbecoming so-called devotions, in order to secure their votes for the times of political elections. As we had, a few j^ears ago, the opportunity of traveling with an old resident of Santa Fe, who had been a member of the Third Order under the administration of the Franciscan Fathers, we asked him if the "Penitentes" we had now in Xew Mexico were the remnants of the Terciarios. "Estos diablos (these devils)," said the old gentleman, indignantly, (his name we remember was N de la Pena) "I disown them as mem- bers of the Order to which I was aflEiliated as long as it lasted in this country, w^hen I was a 3^oung man. The Penitentes, it is true, have framed a constitution somewhat resembling that of the Third Order, but entirely suited to their own political views. In fact, they have but self-constituted superiors ; they do what they please and accomplish nothing good. ' ' The Penitentes, who w^ere formerly' distributed mostly over the whole territory of New Mexico, have, since 1850, retreated towards the north, especially in the counties of San Miguel, Mora, Rio Arriba and Taos, where they have the darkness of the woods to add more myster)'^ to their nocturnal performances. The^^ were divided into two classes of members : Those of "La Luz," The Light, consisting of the "Hermano Mayor," Chief Brother, and other directors with particular titles, and the common brothers called "De Las Tinieblas, " or Of The Darkness. The men of the light wore their dress, w^hile those of the darkness had their faces covered and no other clothing but light trousers. This arrangement made in the "morada," the private meeting hall of the Penitentes, the roles to be performed publicly were distributed ; these were the flagellation, the carrying of the crosses, the singing, etc. Those who had to flagellate them- La Republica de Mexico. 163 selves were furnished with a scourge terminating sometimes in a prickly pear articulation (cactus opuntia), or some pad of heavy and coarse stuff. The cross bearers were furnished with heavy and rude crosses. Another preparation, and the pro- cession was ready to start. It consisted of the rubbing with a piece of flint of the skin of the flagellants at the place the lash would strike, in order to have some flowing of blood without too much inj ury to the body. This operation was performed by the "Hermano Caritativo," Charitable Brother of the association. At this time the procession emerged from the ' 'morada' ' to go to a designated place where a cross had been planted for the occasion. The order of the procession was the following : First, the "flagellantes," next the cross beartrs and the direc- tors .chanting in a low tone the psalm "Miserere" with accom- paniment of the rattling of iron chains dragged on the grovmd, and of a cracked flute, all this producing a kind of infernal harmon}'. We have seen and heard it a couple of times, and the most astonishing feature of the ceremony was to see it fol- lowed by numerous good old women devoutly sa3'ing their beads. We will overlook in this wTiting many strange accounts that the newspapers give from time to time of the cere- monies and performances of the Penitentes, like the crucifixion of one of the brothers, which on certain occasions have, they say, caused the death of the victim. From 1859 until 1866 when we lived in New Mexico, we never heard of such criminal extravagances. The processions of the Penitentes took place on everj' Fri- day in L,ent, and on the three last days of Holy Week, and these were never countenanced by the Church ; on the contrary', since there have been bishops in New Mexico, they have denounced the practice and made of it the subject of some very strong circulars. Little by little, heed has been given to the voice of the ecclesiastical authority, and at the present date, there are only a few interested men who are trying to keep alive yet the old association. The governors of New^ Mexico took the name of Political Chiefs under the Mexican rule. The first one, Francisco Xavier Chavez, was appointed on the 5th of July, 1822. In 1823 he 164 La Republica de Mexico. was succeeded by Bartolome Vaca. In 1824 New Mexico was? made a territorj^ and governed in 1825 and 1826 by Antonia Narbona, who had Manuel Armijo as successor in 1827, In 1828 Armijo was succeeded by Jose Antonio Chavez. It was during the administration of Chavez that the Spaniards were expelled from the territory, pursuant to the law of proscription enacted against them, the year before, by the Congress of Mexico. This was the cause of serious troubles and difficulties for the old settlers of the country, who were given the alterna- tive either of losing the homes they had acquired by their swords and their blood, or of accepting Mexican citizenship in order to save them. As regards the Church, the same law de- prived her of almost all the Spanish missionaries. As a means of filling the vacancies made in the missions b}^ the expulsion of the Spanish priests, who refused to register as Mexican citi- zens, the Vicar Capit^ar, Jose Ignacio Iturribarra, convoked, sede vacante, the priests of the diocese of Durango to a theolog- ical concursus, to fill the vacant churches. In 1829, as we quote from Haines, already mentioned in these pages : "Bent's Fort, one of the first examples of Ameri- can enterprise in New Mexico, was built on the Arkansas ; it was 180 feet long and 30 feet wnde, the walls, which w^ere of adobe, were 15 feet high and 4 feet thick. This fort became one of the most celebrated trading posts on the frontier, the gathering place of hunters, trappers, traders, and team- sters." It was indeed a profitable enterprise to the Americans, but a very detrimental one to the Mexicans, as it caused the slaughtering on a large scale of the buffalo herds, on which, not only the Indians, but many poor Mexican families were living. Neither the Indians nor the Mexicans who killed by the wholesale the animals of the prairies, to sell the hides to the Americans, thought, at that time, that for some whisky, or clothing of the poorest quality, they were working for the de- struction of one of their best means of support. In 1 83 1 permission was given by the bishop of Durango for the construction of a chapel in the tow^n of la Cuesta, on the Pecos river, and of another at Pena Blanca, at the re- quest of Juan Antonio Cabeza de Vaca. La Republica de Mexico. 165 The same year, Don Santiago Abreu was appointed Politi- cal Chief of the territory. In 1832 the Rev. Juan Felipe Ortiz, a native of Santa Fe, and descendant of the old Spanish family of that name, was appointed Vicar General Forane of the territory. In 1833 Francisco Saracino succeeded Abreu as Political Chief. In the same year the Congress of Mexico, under the influence of the Masonic element that prevailed in the higher classes of the people, enacted laws abolishing convents and cur- tailing the means of support for the churches and clergy. Then commenced the work of a system which, restricting the in- fluence of the clergy, was to destroy the institutions of the former government, instead of improving them, as was promised and loudly announced. In the same year, the bishop of Durango, Don Jose An- tonio Zubiria, visited the parishes of New Mexico. His lyord- ship, while in the villa of Santa Fe, found that the parochial church, though the first established in the city, and the head of all the others in the territory, was entirely destitute of suitable vestments for the celebration of the holy sacrifice, and intimated iiis wish of a contribution from the faithful to provide for this want CHAPTER irr. The New Mexico People Rebel Against the Govern- ment. In 1837 Xew Mexico was made a department instead of a territory'-, as before, and Don Albino Perez was appointed its governor. The administration of Perez was opposed at once by the people, and especially' b}- the inhabitants of the northern part of the territory. Their dissatisfaction was caused by the taxes required for the support of the department, and which it was the duty of the governor to see paid. Hence arose a bad feeling which manifested itself all over the territory', and cul- minated in an open insurrection on the ist of August of the same year. The discontented people gathered at Santa Cruz wnth the Indians of the surrounding pueblos. On the 3d of August they issued and circulated the follow- ing declaration, which we quote from Governor Prince : ( i ) "For God and the Nation and the Faith of Jesus Christ ! The principal points we defend are the following : i . To be with God and the Nation and the Faith of Jesus Christ. 2. To defend our countr>^ until we shed every drop of our blood in order to obtain the %nctor3' we have in view. 3. Not to admit the Department Plan. 4. Not to admit any tax. 5. Not to admit any disorder desired by those who are attempting to procure it. God and the Nation ! Encampment Santa Cruz de la Canada, August 3d, 1837." (1) Historical Sketches of New Mexico. Laggats Bros., Chambers street, Mew York, 1883. 1!?EW Mexico Hebels Against Mexico. 167 As soon as Governor Perez heard of the rebellion, he tried to raise as many militia and volunteers as could be had to swell the scanty number of his troops, but his call did not meet with an encouraging answer. He started, however, with the force he had at his command, and met the rebels near San Ildefonso. At this point the governor was abandoned by nearly all his men, who passed over to the ranks of his opponents ; and all he could do was to retrace his steps toward Santa Fe with the few men who had remained faithful to him. Among these were lyieutenant Miguel Sena, Sergeant Sais and lyoreto Romero, w^ho were killed in their flight near the "Puertecito" of Pohuaque, by the revolutionists. Not finding security in the capital, Governor Perez left the city by night to go south, but was met by the Santo Domingo Indians, who killed him near Agua Fria, in the house of Salvador Martinez where he had sought refuge. The rebels cut off his head, and carried it to their headquarters near the chapel of the Rosario, north of Santa Fe. On the same day, Jesus Maria Alarid, secretary of the department, and Santiago Abreu, formerly governor ad interim, were killed on the "Mesa" a few miles south of Agua Fria. The place where their dead bodies were found is still marked by two mounds of rocks, called the ' 'decansos," the resting place, of Los Abreus. Ramon Abreu and his brother Marcelino, with Lieutenant Madrigal, met also the end of their career at Pala- cios, on the same road from Agua Fria to Santo Domingo. These bloody operations took place on the 9th day of August. The insurgents entered the capital the same day, and placed Jose Gonzales, a Mexican from Taos, in possession of the palace, as governor of the territory. At this period Manuel Armijo organized a counter-revolu- tion in the southern counties and marched toward Santa Fe with a considerable force. "There," said to us Juan Ramon Pacheco, an old man who lives at the present time a short dis- tance above the pueblo de San Juan, "Armijo had not to fight to take possession of the palace, as Gonzales had gone to Taos to visit his family and see about his crops." While in Santa Fe Armijo wrote to Mexico, stating what he had done in support of the government, and asking for troops to complete his vic- tory and re-establish peace in the department. His petition 168 New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico. ha\'ing been granted, troops were sent to him from Zacatecas and Chihuahua, and in January of 1838 he marched to Santa Cruz, where Gonzales was gathering his forces to come again to Santa Fe. Here Juan Ramon Pacheco j^et recalls that "the two armies met between Santa Cruz and the Puertecito of Pohuaque. There Armijo lost eight of his soldiers, while on the other side only one man, an Indian of Ildefonso, was killed. The fight, however, commenced again, and at last the victory remained with Armijo. Gonzales fled to Santa Cruz where, by order of the victor, he was hanged with Antonio Lopez. The execution took place in the public square in front of the Church." "Those who had promoted the rebellion were Juan Jose Esquivel, the Alcalde of Santa Cruz, Juan Vigil, the two broth- ers Antonio and Desiderio Montoya, who were shot at the "Garita," guard house of Santa Fe, and Antonio Virgil, who was hanged at the junction of the Nambe road with that of Santa Fe going to Santa Cruz." Thus ended the rebellion, and in turn for his services, Armijo was made governor for the second time. This, the second term of Armijo, was several times made one of anxiety and fears by the presence of Americans in the territory, and by the expeditions through it of several parties of Texans who tried to induce the New Mexicans to revolt against their government. The governor took some appro- priate measures to stop these stealthy incursions into his terri- tory, and, at the same time, sent an appeal to the people to warn them against the false promises of the adventurers from Texas, and to show them that they had no reason for complaint against their government. We translate from the original document : ' 'The Governor and Commandant of New Mexico to its inhabitants : "New Mexicans : The well-known benignity which, in all times and circumstances, has characterized the Mexican gov- ernment, and which he who has the honor to address you as Governor and Commandant General of this department, has taken for the rule of his conduct, makes me firmly believe that, if some of you, giving credence to false promises, have en- New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico. 169 gaged themselves to support those who govern in Texas, in any attempt against Mexico, they will remember what they owe to their government, no matter in what form it may have been taken. By so doing they will assert anew their patriotism and fealty to the paternal government of the Republic, in the name of which, and under my word of honor, I promise to pardon them and to reinstate them in the full enjoyment of all their rights as citi- zens and heirs to the patrimony left to them by their ancestors. ' ' "No, my dear countrymen, there is no reason for us to' fear, and less to believe that any of us, at the risk of losing our religion, our native land and property, would hesitate even for an instant to surround our national flag and fight for it, no matter at what cost, rather than to take part with those am- bitious traitors, the Texans and their supporters." Your Countryman and Chief, (Signed) Manuel Armijo. NuEVO Mexico, Setiembre 13 de 1841." (i) Whether the appeal of Governor Armijo had much effect or not on the Mexican population of the department, is not known, but the fact is that the Americans had trading posts on its borders and that parties of their people were, almost daily, examining New Mexico in all directions. In 1843, on November 28, the priest of Taos, Rev. Antonio Jose Martinez, wrote to Governor Don Antonio Lopez de Santa Ana, expressing his opinion about the depredations of the In- dians and their cause. The hostilities of the barbarous nations against the quiet and laborious citizens of the territory, it seemed to the priest, required prompt attention from the com- manding ofiicer of the department. The mode he would sug- gest to pacify the troublesome tribes was to assign to them some determined lands which they could cultivate and try to live on their produce as civilized people do. The cause, he said in his letter, of the attacks made by the Indians, was the scarcity of game, which they were gradually destroying more and more every year, owing to the cupidity of the Americans for the purchase of the skins of the buffalo or other wild animals, which they got from the Indians, (1) The original is given in the appendix No. 5. 11* 170 New Mexico Rebels Against Mexico, and also from some Mexicans, in exchange for dr\' goods and strong liquors. This traffic, conducted by the Americans on the borders of our department, has caused great destruction in the herds of the cibolo, on which formerly many Mexican families as well as Indians lived. The failing of this resource must now be accounted for, in a great measure, by the incur- sions of the Indians, w'ho are reduced to the necessity of steal- ing the property ot the Mexicans in order to find a means of living. ( I ) Under the administration of Mariano Martinez who suc- ceeded Antonio I,opez de Santa Ana (ad interim), in the year 1844, the Yutas caused considerable damages to the inhabitants of Rio Arriba, especially in Abiquiu. The governor having been apprised of the fact by the prefect of the district, Colonel Juan Andres Archuleta, was preparing an expedition against these Indians when he was himself attacked by them in his own palace. Fortunately there were men inside and outside the building to protect the governor and to disperse the aggres- sors, who lost eight of their men, while there was only one wounded among the citizens. This attack caused the governor to make an appeal to the inhabitants of New Mexico for volun- teers to organize an expedition against the treacherous Yutas, (2) (1) Father Martinez started in Taos in 1840 the first printing press known id New Mexico. (2) State manuscript. CHAPTER IV. The Independence of Texas and Its Annexation to THE United States. — The Invasion of New Mexico. {1) The Independence of Texas and its Annexation to the United States. Here commenced a period of difficulties between Mexico and the United States, a brief account of which, we think, will not be amiss to give as an explanation of the invasion of New Mexico by the American soldiers in 1846. The State of Texas comprised a great extent of lands which were only very sparsely settled by some small Mexican populations. This country, otherwise rich in soil for agricul- tural and cattle-raising purposes, attracted the attention of American colonists, who, it may be said, were rather too easily admitted by the Mexican government early after its institution. In 1 82 1, Moses Austin, a native of Connecticut who had be- come a Spanish subject as a resident of Louisiana, when that country was under the Spanish rule, obtained from the "Re- gencia gubernativa del Imperio," the grant of a large tract of land extending a good distance into the interior of Texas. The consideration received by the government for the concession W'as the obligation Austin took on himself to establish, in a stated time, large colonies on the granted lands, but he died a short time without having done anything yet in fullfilment of the condition. Stephen Austin, his son, after going to Mexico and attending there a series of formalities, was at last confirmed 172 INDEPENDENCE AND ANNEXATION OF TeXAS/ in the rights of his father by the Republic, which was then the government of Mexico. On his return to Texas, Stephen laid out the town of Sati Felipe de Austin, which has become since the capital of the State, with the name of its founder. The conditions of the contract having been fulfilled in 1825, Austin secured others in the three subsequent years and succeeded in introducing over 1,500 colonists into the countrj^ Mean- while, numerous other people, either of their own accord or called b}' different leaders, had flocked to Texas, so that in 1 830 the white population of the State was estimated at 40,000. This population, as may be safely surmised, included many adventurers, and probably too, escaped convicts from the United States who did not like the Mexican regime, and constantly agitated for their independence from that government. The main reason alleged was the difference of language between the American and the Mexican populations, and to this were added from either side real or supposed offenses, which brought about several encounters, which at first had no other result but the effusion of blood and the fostering of bad feeling between the two races. In 1836, April 21st, a battle fought on the San Jacinto river turned entirely to the advantage of the Texans, Santa Ana, who commanded the Mexican force against the rebels, was made prisoner, and though he had no authority from his government for the settling of the difficulty, still, in order to receive his liberty, he acknowledged the independence of Texas, which was soon recognized by the United States, and by some European powers. Eight years later, in 1844, Texas was admitted into the American Union. By what right this annexation was effected, nobody can tell, says Hubert Howe Bancroft, (i) as the United States had formally declared that the dividing line between them and Mexico was the Rio Sabinas. Nevertheless, at this time, the Government of Washington claimed a great part of New Mexico for Texas, while Mexico limited that State b}^ the Rio Nueces on the northern side. As can be easily understood, the former was interested in extending as far as possible the (1) Higtoria de Mexico. Invasion of New Mexico. 173 limits of the newl}' acquired territory, and as the latter were not disposed either to give or even to sell any part of what they considered to be their property, their refusal to do either was taken as a sufficient cause for a declaration of war against them. Just or unjust, the war was waged against Mexico from different points at a time. Everywhere, except in New Mexico and California, where the Americans had prepared the Mexicans to betray their government, the United States troops met with a noble and brave resistance, but being better provided with arms and ammunition, they fought their way, step by step, until they planted the American flag on the capitol of Mexico. (^) The Invasion of New Mexico. In 1846, at the time the war was being vigorously pushed into the interior of the Mexican Territory, General S. W. Kearney was starting with 800 soldiers from Fort Leavenworth to go to California through New Mexico. When the news reached Santa Fe, General Armijo, who had bfeen reappointed governor at the end of the previous year, called the most influential men of the Territory to a meeting to be held in Santa Fe, to have their opinion about the measures to be taken to save their country from an invasion. From what we learned from Dn. Pablo Gallegos, an old, intelligent, and honest citizen of New Mexico, who was at that time a justice of the peace in Rio Arriba, the meeting was as large as could have been expected. After the governor had explained the object of the meeting, the first who spoke was Padre I,eiva, one of the priests of the Territory. While admit- ting it was the duty of every man to protect his home and sup- port his own government against unjust aggressors, he thought his countrymen were not prepared to meet the American force. The New Mexicans, with the exception of their few soldiers, were not acquainted with military tactics, and moreover, could not even be suitably equipped to make any available resistance. On the other hand, Mexico was too far, and time too short, to apply to the headquarters of the government, either for soldiers or for ammunition. On account of these considerations, the 174 Invasion of New Mexico. Padre concluded by saying, that, in his opinion, it would he better not to try useless opposition to a superior force. A young lawyer from Chihuahua, named Palacios, as far as Dn. Pablo can remember, who happened to be in Santa Fe at that time, spoke after the priest and blamed him vehemently for the fear he tried to create in the hearts of his countrymen. He thought the apprehensions of the Father were founded on no other reason but his own aversion to the dangers of a war, and his lack of knowledge of Mexican patriotism. Turning then to the audience, he expressed the hope that the inhabitants of New Mexico would not be deterred to expose their lives, were this necessary, for the defense of their country. After hearing different opinions on the matter, the votes were taken for yes or no in regard to the defense of the countrj^ The result of the voting gave a large majority in favor of opposing the foreign invasion at any cost. It was then re- solved that the governor should call on the alcaldes and other authorities to gather soldiers, who should be equipped by the rich men of the territory-. Soldiers flocked from all the districts in such numbers that, when thc}^ reported to the plain of Galis- teo on the day they were to start from there for "El Caiioncito de los Apaches," the governor had to make a selection from them and send the others back to their homes. Here ended the details given by Dn. Pablo. Canoncito was the most suitable place for resistance by the Mexicans to the American soldiers. The caiion is a narrow, deep cut between the mountains, and was the only practicable pass from Glorieta to Santa Fe ; the way very Hkely to be followed b}^ Kearney and his troops. The question was whether the Americans would engage in the narrow gap or avoid it by crossing the mountains ; but in any case, it was thought that the American soldiers could be not only stopped but defeated there. Governor Armijo, it seems, thought dif- ferently. He contented himself with going to the canon in order to close its exit towards Santa Fe. From there, as we have been told by a soldier of the Mexican army stationed at Caiioncito, the governor would dispatch some of his men in advance to reconnoitre the road from the heights and bring back the news of any discovery they might make. Some parties lmrASio>f OF New Mexico. 175 came "back without having noticed an^'thing unusual. Later on, others brought the news of a cloud of dust, far distant 3^et, but coming, as they judged, in their direction. At last, the report of the scouts was that the glitter of bayonets could be perceived at intervals through the dust and that the Americans were very numerous. Nothing of the kind had been seen yet, except through the prism of fear and imagination, as was found out after, but this was enough for Governor Armijo to cause him to abandon the post and leave it to his soldiers to do what they pleased. These, of course, took their way homeward, while the commandant set out in all haste for Chihuahua. Why did the governor take to flight before seeing the enemy ? Some say that when he went to the caiion with his men he did not intend to fight, as he had been interviewed several times in Santa Fe b}^ an agent for the Americans, Jas. Magoffin, an old resident of New Mexico, and very likely had promised not to oppose the invasion of the territor>^ Others say that he thought his army was too much inferior to that of the enemy, and others maintain, perhaps wdth more probability, that Armijo discovered a division of opinions among the officers under his command, which, he thought, would render the result of the battle uncertain. Be it as it may as regards the conduct of General Armijo, General Kearney, at the head of his soldiers, entered Santa Fe on the 1 8th of August, 1846, without one single gunshot from either side. The Santa Fe people, seeing that their governor had fled before the invaders, had only to submit in amazement, as they were not prepared to make any resistance. General Kearney made a speech on the Plaza and told his hearers that the}"^ were no longer subjects of the Mexican government but of the United States, and at once proceeded to administer the oath of allegiance to the men in charge of offices. Among the influential men of Santa Fe there were some who had been prepared by the Americans, who were residents of the town, to believe that annexation to the United States was the only means of having the mines of the country developed, and the forays of the wild tribes brought to an end. These did not object to taking the oath ; but there were many who, abstract- ing from Siuy consideration, w^ere opposed to a change of gov- 176 The New Mexicans Revolt. ernment, but they could not then express their opinion because they knew they could not make it prevail against armed force. Accordingly everything seemed to be quiet in the old capital, and Kearney gave orders for the fortification of one of the heights of Santa Fe, which was to be Fort Marcy. On the 2 2d of August the General signed a proclamation by which he promised, in the name of the United States Gov- ernment, to protect the New Mexicans in holding their prop- erty against their enemies, the Yutas, the Navajos and others. Pursuant to his promise, KearncA' had to organize at once a strong expedition against the Navajos, who were then raiding different settlements of the territory. As usual, the Indians, who did not like to try their force against that of the United States, agreed to a treaty of peace w^hich, of course they in- tended to break at the first opportunity. Meanwhile there was some hope that those Indians would remain quiet for some time at least, and the General was credited with having fulfilled his promise, though he found no resistance on the part of the Navajos. (S) The New Mexicans Revolt. As already mentioned, the change of government had not been unanimously accepted by the New Mexico people, and while it was thought that the change was an accompUshed fact, about half of the population entertained bad feelings against the invaders of their country. This disposition w^as greatly in- creased when it became known that those who were of a diflfer- ent opinion had already joined themselves to the United States, Hence a complete dissatisfaction manifested itself in 1847 by an open revolution against the "Gringos," the strangers, and their abettors. It originated in the northern part of the territory" at the instigation of two men, who withdrew when they saw that their plan had been discovered too soon. But they were succeeded by a Mexican named Pablo Montoya and an Indian called "El Tomasito." The last named leaders, with the Indians of the pueblo of Taos, made a merciless at- tack on the town of San Fernando early in the morning of the 19th of January of the year above mentioned. There they killed the military governor, Charles Bent, appointed by Gen- XXVI. Right Rev. P. Bourgade, D. D. Hishop of Tiu'son, Ariz. The Xew Mexicans Revolt. 177 eral Kearney and who happened to be visiting his family ; James Blair, a young attorney from Missouri, and Narciso Beaubien, the son of Judge Beaubien, a French Canadian es- tablished in San Fernando, and a good friend to both the Mexi- cans and the Indians of the pueblo. At about the same time some other Americans were killed in different towns of the territor3^ As soon as the news of the murder of Charles Bent reached Santa Fe, Colonel Sterling, whom General Kearney when pro- ceeding to California had left in command of Santa Fe with a few companies of soldiers^ marched at once against the rebels, whom he met, Mexicans and Indians, near Santa Cruz de la Caiiada. There he had to stop with part of his troops, but detached Captain Burgwin with two companies for Taos. The captain reached the town of San Fernando early on the 3d of February, where he met with no opposition and marched early the next day to the pueblo about four miles distant. There his opponents had concentrated their forces and fortified themselves in the church. The attack commenced at that point, and the fight lasted until the old adobe church was broken open by the bullets of a six-pounder. Then ensued what has been termed the "Taos Massacre," Many Indians were killed on the spot, among whom were the two leaders of the revolt, the Mexican Pablo Montoya and the Indian Tomasito. Others, in large numbers, rushed to the mountains under the fire of the soldiers, and many of them were killed in their flight. According to Haines, the loss of life on the side of the Indians was calculated at about 150, while the Americans had only seven men killed, among whom was Captain Dunifan, and forty-six wounded. The old church, almost destroyed by the battle, has been re- placed by a smaller one which stands at some distance out of the pueblo. At Caiiada, where Colonel Sterling had encountered the rebels, the latter were defeated with a loss of thirty-six men and many wounded, while the Americans had only two men killed and six wounded. At Mora, we take from Haines, L,. L. Waldo, Louis Ca- bano, Ben Praett, R. Culver, Noyes and three more were killed by the Mexicans. These murders, says the same author, were 178 The New Mexicans Revolt, punished on February ist (we suppose in 1848) by Captain N.^ who drove the inhabitants to the mountains and burned their houses, which were all built with logs. The last part of the above statement is contradicted b}' an old Mexican, Jose Ramon Pacheco, alreadj^ mentioned in these pages. According to the testimony of this man, Captain N. had not to drive the inhabitants of the Mora valley to the mountains. As the}' lived all scattered in their fields, they joined together as soon as the}^ were apprised that they would be at- tacked by the American soldiers, and fortified themselves with whatever kind of logs the}^ could find ready, at the foot of the mountain on the road going from Mora to Cebolla. There the^^ were attacked by the soldiers, who killed one of their men, Manuel Gallego, and wounded another named Juan Guillen. After this attack the soldiers turned to the houses and destroyed them by fire before leaving the valley. This is the manner in which the people of New Mexico were treated b}^ the Americans for their attachment to their own government, before there was an^^ final settlement of diffi- culties between Mexico and the United States. But then came the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which was signed on the 2d of Februarj^ 1848, by which New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States, in consideration of the can- cellation of all claims whatever, and the payment of $15,000,000 in cash, and thus ended the war. "This war," says Arthur Howard Noll, from whom we have borrowed many details on this question ( i ) , ' 'has been recently pronounced on high authorit}^ one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weak nation." The same opinion is thus expressed bj^H. H. Bancroft, already mentioned (we translate from the Spanish) : ' 'In the beginning of the diffi- cult}', the United States had a brilliant opportunit}^ to show mag- nanimity toward a weak neighbor, and to help her (the Mexican Republic) in the arduous task of establishing her republican institutions. Instead of doing so, the President, while simula- ting a great wish for the maintenance of peace, was giving orders for a destructive war ; and the press, at the same time. (1) Short history of Mexico. (Chicago, A. C. McClurg & Co., 1890.) Names of Priests Under Mexican Rule. 179 was openly advocating the destruction of the Mexican cities. These barbarous sentiments were supported by the false im- pression that Mexico had provoked hostilities. The fact is that President Polk sent troops to invade the Mexican territory, arrogating to himself a power which had not been vested in him by the law, and for this reason his conduct was censured by the House of Representatives." "After the conclusion of the war, the President boastingly dwelt in his message on the great moderation which he had used towards Mexico. But the truth of the case is, that it was not magnanimity but prudence, which induced him and his colleagues to paj^ a sum of money, so as to give a semblance of title to what, otherwise, would have been considered and termed the stealing of a territory. ' ' {4) Names of the Priests who Administered the Missions of Neiv Mexico Under the Mexican Rule. (i) Fray Teodoro Alcina. (2) Rev. Manuel Bellido. (3) F. Joseph Castro. (4) Rev. Juan Caballero. f5) Rev. Vicente Chavez. (6) Rev. Jose Manuel Gallegos. (7) Rev. Ramon Antonio Gonzales. (8) Rev. Francisco Hurtado. (9) Rev. Mariano de Jesus Lopez. ( 10) Rev. Jose de Jesus Leiva. (11) Rev. Jose de Jesus Lujan. (12) Rev. Francisco Ignacio Madariaga. (13) Fray Diego Martinez. (14) Rev. Jose Vicente Montaiio. (15) Rev. Antonio Jose Marin. (16) Rev. Manuel Martinez. (17) Rev. Antonio Jose Martinez. (18) Rev. Francisco Minguez. (19) Very Rev. Juan Felipe Ortiz. (20) Rev. Fernando Ortiz. (21) Rev. Jose Antonio Otero. (22) Fray Rafael Ortiz. (23) Rev. Jose de la Padra. (24) Rev. Manuel de Jesus Rada. (25) Rev. Geronimo Riega. (26) Fray Jose Francisco Rodriguez. (27) Fray Joseph Rubi. (28) Rev. Ramon Salazar. (29) Rev. Antonio Jesus Salazar. (30) Fray Vergara Jose Mariano Sanchez. (31) Rev. Mariano Jose Sanchez. (32) Rev. Juan Tomas Terrasas. (33) Rev. Juan de Jesus Trujillo. (34) Rev. Manuel del Valle. (35) Eulogio Valdez. Total number thirty-five, including seven whose names figure on a list of the Colonial period. CHAPTER V. The Missions of Arizona Under the Mexican RutE. As stated before, (i) it must have been between the years 1687 and 1690 that the mission of Guevavi, the first in what has become the Territory of Arizona, was founded by the Jesuit Fathers. Those of Tumacacuri, San Xavier, Tubac, Tucson and others were estabHshed successive^ as circum- stances permitted where it seemed the}^ would have good results for the Chrdstianization and civilization of the natives. They were tried in different ways and at different periods, either by the wild Apache nation, or by those very Indians for whom they had been founded. Priests were killed and churches de- stroyed ; still the work was not abandoned. The perseverance of the missionaries, whether Jesuits or Franciscans, was above all reverses, as long as they were permitted to follow their voca- tion and work for the Indians. The losses were heay>' on them, but they ever tried to make up for them by renewed zeal and activity, and alwa5^s succeeded to some extent at least, until they were expelled from the country' with the Spaniards by the decree of December 20th, 1827. With this decree and that of May 10th 1829, by which "L,as Temporalidades," the goods of the missions were confis- cated, there remained no possibility of the continuance of the missions as such. By the expulsion of the Franciscans, the Indians remained without any protection. They could not but miss at once the moral and material support they were wont (1) Chapter xrv. of the Colonial period. The Missions op Arizona Under Mexicax Rule. 181 to receive from the Church, and, as a consequence, man}' of them, finding themselves very soon without resources, com- menced to scatter here and there, and to return gradually to the customs of their former Indian life. Then followed the destruction of the live stock left by the missionaries, and of the churches, except that of San Xavier, which was preserved by the Indians who did not leave their pueblo. San_ Xavier and Tumacacuri were ^he rnost important missions of Arizona at the time of the expulsion of the Franciscans. Their priests visited Tubac, Tucson and other pueblos of the Papagos at stated times. The priests who administered in the mission of San Xavier since 1767 to 1827 were sixteen in number, as far as we can see by the records left in the church. Of those who resided at Tumacacuri, we have only the names of Baltazar Garillo, Narciso Gutierres and Ramon Liberos, who was the minister of that mission in 1822, as we see by the following, taken from the records of the mission: "I, Ramon Liberos, minister of the mission of San Jose de Tumacacuri, transferred on the 13th of December 1822, the bones of the Rev. Baltazar Carillo and of the Rev. Narciso Gutierres from the old church to the new one, and buried them in the sanctuary at the gospel side." For authority the paragraph bore the signature: "Ramon Liberos." The Church of Tumacacuri, though of a comparatively recent date, does not show anything now but ruins of a very regular structure, much similar in shape to that of San Xavier, but an adobe building onl}', while San .Xavier was built with brick and stone. Who were the priests who built the churches such as those, the remains of which are seen at San Xavier, Tumacacuri and other places, and what were the means they had at their disposal for the erection of these structures ? These are questions not unfrequently asked by visitors of the old missions of Arizona. The answer we can give to the first is, that the church of San Xavier and that of Tumacacuri were built by the Franciscans, the former, which had been commenced in 1783, being completed in 1797, and the latter, as we have seen already, was completed in 1822 and was called the "new church."" As regards the names of the religious 182 The Missions of Arizona Under ^Iexican Rule, who superintended the building of these churches, no mention is made of them in any of the records we have met with, nor did these true sons of the humble St. Francis put on the walls any mark that could manifest their personal merit to future generations. What the}' did was to place the coat-of- arms of their Order on the frontispiece of the churches they built, as if to sa^- to us : ' 'We, unknown to you, poor religious of St. Francis, have built this for you ; pray for us." Neverthe- less, if the tradition be right about the time spent in building the church of San Xavier, we can raise the veil of humilit}- by look- ing at the names of the missionaries of whom mention is made in the church records during this period, extending, as above written, from 1783 to 1797. The priest in charge, as Superior of the San Xavier mission from May 22d 1780 to 1794, was the Rev. Baltazar Carillo. He was succeeded in the charge of Superior by Fray Narciso Gutierres, who kept the position until 1799. From these authentic data, we can safely say that it was under the administration of these two religious that the beautiful church of San Xavier was built. The same can be said of that of Tumacacuri, which was administered by these two priests in succession before 1822, when its new church was put in charge of Fray Ramon lyiberos. The tradition goes among the old people of the territory that the builders of the above named churches, as also that of Cavorca in Sonora, were two brothers, members of the Gauna family, yet in existence in the countr3^ As regards the second question, viz. : What were the means the missionaries had at their disposal for the erection of substantial and rich churches ? Leaving apart the marvelous products of the rich mines, which are supposed to have been held in possession by the an- cient missionaries, and which probably, never existed realty, as no mention of them is made either in the records or in the historical books which we have read on the old missions, we have the following to answer : According to the writers of two of the works which have contributed to our little knowl- edge about the past ecclesiastical histor}^ of Arizona, the "Rudo Ensayo" and the "Noticias Estadisticas, " the churches were built by the missionaries solety from the produce of the land as- The Missions of Arizona Under Mexican Rule. 183 signed by the government to each one of the missions, which land was cultivated by the Indians under the direction of their respective ministers. To this resource we tnight add the pro- duct of the live stock, which was considerable at times in several of the missions, and also what the missionaries were able to spare of the scant allowance they received in money from the government for their yearly support. This explains why the building of the churches required a long time, and also why some of them remained unfinished in some of their parts. ( I ) Deeming it will not be out of place, we will saj^ a few words about the dealing of the missionaries with the Indians, and about the way the}^ taught them, little by little, the man- ners of civilized life. According to details we received in 1 866 from men who had seen the Fathers at work and who had been employed by them as foremen in the different labors carried on in the mission of San Xavier, the Indians were perfectly free to work for themselves or for the church, to cultivate their own fields or the church land, with the difference that the former had to look for their maintenance, while the latter were sup- ported b}^ the mission. Those who worked for the mission were dependent on it for food and clothing, not only for them- selves but for their families. For that purpose provisions were stored in the mission house, or convent, and distributed in due time. Early in the morning the inhabitants of the pueblo had to go to church for morning prayers and to hear mass. Breakfast followed this exercise. Soon after a peculiar bell called the workmen. They assembled in the atrium, a little place in front of and adjoining the church, where they were counted by one of the priests and assigned to the different places where work was to be done. When the priests were in sufficient number they used to superintend the work, laboring them- selves, otherwise they employed some trustworthy Mexicans to represent them. During the season of planting and harvest- (1) Some clever Americans say, that this incompleteness of the churches, where it exists, is due to the shrewdness of the missionaries, who, by keeping them un- finished avoided the obligation of paying tribute lo the Pope ! Those tricky monks ! (?) 184 The Missions of Arizona Under Mexican Rule. ing, the workmen had their dinner prepared in the farmhouse. Towards the evening, a little before sun down, the work was stopped and the men permitted to go home. On their ar- rival in the houses which were located round the plaza, one of the priests, standing in the middle of this plaza, said the even- ing prayers in a loud voice in the language of the tribe. Every word he pronounced was repeated by some selected Indians who stood between him and the houses, and lastl}^ by all the Indians present in the pueblo. Notwithstanding these orderly measures, many of the Indians fled every day, as is reported in the "Rudo Ensayo," from their respective squads, before they reached the place where they had to work, and tried to be present onty at meals. Nevertheless, taken on the whole, these are the men who, by their work, enabled the missionaries to build their churches and houses, learning at the same time how to earn their living in the future. That these Indians must have been happy under such a rule nobody can doubt, and San Xavier, owing perhaps to the vicinity of the Presidio of Tucson ( I ) , became afterwards one of the most flourishing missions under the administration of the Franciscan Fathers. The missions of the southern part of Arizona were all composed of members of that portion of the Pima nation desig- nated by the name of Papago. According to the testimony of the authors we have mentioned several times, the Papagos, though barbarous in their customs, and very much inclined to the use of intoxicating liquors, which thej^ made from several kinds of wild fruit (2), were industrious, thrifty and more sociable than those of other tribes. Their moral character was excellent. Previous to the establishment of the missions amongst them, they had already, it seems, a knowledge of the sacredness of marriage, as they kept it always in its unity and perpetuity. They were so strict on that point, that the woman who committed adultery was punished with death. The num- ber of Papagos living at San Xavier can only be approximately calculated, as many of them do not remain in the pueblo after (1) This Presidio was established some time after the revolt of the Pimas, either to prevent any subsequent rebellion on the part of these Indians, or to pro- tect them against their cruel enemies, the Apaches. (2) The most noxious of these liquors was that made of the elder tree berry. (Rudo Ensayo.) XXVII. Old Cathedral op Tucson, Ariz. XXVIII. New Cathedral of Tucson, Ariz. in XXIX. Old Mission at Tucson, Ariz. XXX. Church of the Immaculate Heart of Ma RY. Phoenix, Ariz. Church of San Xavier. 185 tlie harvesting of the wheat, but go to the mountains where they find more facilities for the tending of their animals. Those who reside constantly are about five hundred in number. As for the total number of Papagos living in Arizona, it is estimated to be about 5,000. As we have seen before, the expulsion of the religious, and the confiscation of the missions' property were the cause why the Indians of the southern part of Arizona, except those who lived at San Xavier, abandoned their pueblos, leaving their churches at Tumacacuri, Tubac and Tucson to go grad- ually to ruin, as they are seen at the present da5\ The mis- sions, it is true, were not abandoned by the Church, as the bishop of Sonora had them put in charge of the parish priests of Magdalena, but owing to the distance and the danger from the Apaches who, at all times, were infesting the country, the visits of the priests were only on rare occasions. We have been told when the people of Tucson wanted to be visited by a priest for some festival or during Easter time, they had to send eighteen or twent}^ mounted and well armed men for him and give him the same escort to take him back to Magdalena. This arrangement was nothing but what was necessar}% but, as can be easily imagined, could not be resorted to as often as the spiritual needs of the people required. On the other hand, the priests, after the expulsion of the Franciscans, were too scarce in Sonora, to permit the bishop to assign one for the missions of Arizona. Description of the Church of San Xavier. This church, as can be seen by its arches exceeding the semicircle in height, and the ornamental work in half relief which covers the flat surface of some parts of its inside walls, belongs to the Moorish style. The first thing to be noticed is the space formerly occupied by the atrium, a little square 66 by 33 feet, which was enclosed in front of the church, and was used, as we have seen, for hold- ing meetings relating to matters not directly connected with religion. The walls of this place crumbled down a few years ago. On the front, which shows the width of the church with its two towers, is placed in relief the coat-of-arms of the 12* 188 CurRCH OF San Xavier. Order of St. Fraicis of Assisi, the founder of the Franciscans. It consists of an escatchaon, with a white ground filled in with a twisted cord, a part of the Franciscan dress, and a cross on which are nailed one arm of Our Savior and one of St. Francis, representing the union of the disciple with the divine Master, in charity and the love of suffering. The arm of Our Lord is bare, while that of St. Francis is covered. On the right side of the escutcheon is the monogram of Jesus the Savior of man, and on the left that of the Blessed Virgin Mar>\ The front was surmouiited by a life size statue of St. Francis, which has now almost gone to pieces, under the action of time. The church, which is built of stone and brick, is 105 by 27 feet clear inside the walls. Its form is that of a cross, the tran- sept forming on each side of the nave a chapel of 2 1 feet square. The edifice has only one nave, which is divided into six portions marked b}^ as many arches, each one resting on two pillars set against the walls. Above the transept is a cupola of about fifty feet in elevation, the remainder of the vaults in the cTiurch be- ing only about thirty feet high. Going from the front door to the main altar, there is on the right hand side wall a fresco representing the coming of the Holy Ghost upon the disciples ; opposite to it is the picture, also in fresco, of the Last Supper. Both paintings measure about 9 by 5 feet. In the first chapel to the right hand are two altars, one facing the nave with- the image of Our Lady of Sorrows standing at the foot of a large cross, which is deeply engraved in the wall, and the other one with the image of the Immaculate Conception. In the same chapel are two frescoes representing Our Lad}^ of the Rosary and the hidden life of Our "Savior. The opposite chapel is also adorned with two altars. One of them is dedicated to the Passion of our Lord, and the other to St. Joseph. There are also two paintings, the subjects of which are : Our Lady of the Pillar (i) and the Presentation of Our Lord in the Temple. The main altar, which stands at the head of the church facing the nave, is dedicated to St. Francis Xavier, the patron saint the Jesuits had chosen for the first church they had es- (1) An apparition of the Mother of God at Saragossa. Church op San Xavier. 187 tablished in the mission. Above the image of St. Francis Xavier is that of the Holy Virgin, between the statues ot St. Peter and St. Paul, and at the summit of the altar piece, a bust meant to represent God the Creator. The pictures on the walls near this altar are : On the right hand side "The Ador- ation of the Wise Men" with "The Flight into Egypt," and on the left "The Adoration of the Shepherds" with "The Annunciation." The altars, and especially the principal one, are decorated with columns and a great profusion of arabesques in low relief, all gilded or painted in different colors, according to the re- quirements of the Moorish style. Besides the images we have mentioned, there were yet in 1866, when we visited the mission for the first time, the statues of the twelve apostles, placed in the niches cut in the pillars of the church, and other statues representing saints, most of them of the Order of St. Francis. Manj^ of them have since been broken, and the pieces removed to the vestr}' room. There are in the dome of the cupola the pictures in fresco of several personages of the Order, who occupied high rank in the Church. Going again to the front door, there are two small doors communicating with the towers. The first room on the right, in the inside of the tower, is about twelve feet square and contains the baptismal font. A similar room, of no par- ticular use now, but which corresponds to the mortuary chapel of the old basilicas, is formed by the inside square of the opposite tower. From each of these rooms commence the stairs, cut in the thickness of the walls and leading to the upper stories. Starting from the baptistery, the second flight reaches the choir of the church. A good view of the upper part of the church can be had from that place. There are also some fres- coes worth noticing. These are the Holy Family, facing the main altar ; St. Francis represented as rapt up by heavenly love, in a fiery chariot ; St. Dominic, receiving from the Blessed Vir- gin the mission of promoting the devotion of the Rosars* in the world ; and the four EvangeHsts, with their characteristic at- tributes. Two flights more lead to the belfry where there are four home-made bells, of small size but very harmonious. 188 Chukch of San Xavter. Twenty-two steps more bring the visitor to the top story and under the little dome covering the tower, an elevation about seventy-five feet above the ground. Here a glance can be cast on the beautiful and extensive valley of the Santa Cruz River and on the surrounding countn,'. On the east side of the church are the remains of the mis- sion buildings, which formerly occupied a somewhat extensive space, but which in 1866 were all in a ruinous condition^ with the exception of two rooms adjoining the church, (i) (1) Most of the details given iu this chapter are reproduced from {he "Bnef Stetch of the Mission of San Xavier dtl Bar," ^yhich we gave to the public iu l.sSO under the name of "A Missionary of Arizona." SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS, PART THREE. Period of the United States Govercment. PHRT III, PERIOD OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT. CHAPTER I. The Beginning of the American Rule. New Mexico, as stated before, was ceded to the United States in 1848 by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Its pres- ent territorial government dates from March 3d, 1851, when the acts of its organization passed Congress. The same year James Calhoun was appointed its governor. On December 30th, 1853, the whole of Arizona and a portion of what has since become the State of Colorado, which had been purchased by General James Gadsden, then Minister of the United States to Mexico, were added to the Territory of New Mexico. This contract, which was called "The Gadsden Purchase," was en- tered into for the settlement of claims on the part of Mexico, which were withdrawn in consideration of $10,000,000 paid by the United States. In 1863, Arizona was separated from New Mexico, as also, in 1865, the portion of Colorado spoken of above. ( i ) (1) Johnson's Universal Cyclopaedia. 192 The Begixning of the American- Rcle. The succession of the governors of New Mexico under the United States rule has been as follows : After the death of Calhoun, which occurred June 30th 1852, Secretan,- John- Grei- ner served by virtue of his ofiSce ; 1852-53, William Carr Lane ; 1853, Solon Borland ; 1853-57, David Merriwether ; 1857-61, Abraham Rencher ; 1861-66, Henr>' Connolh' ; 1866-69, Robert B. Mitchell; 1869-71, William A. Pile; 1871-75, Marsh Gid- dings, who died June 3d, 1875, and Secretary W. G. Ritch served by virtue of his office; 1875-78, Samuel B. Axtell; 1878-81, Louis Wallace ; 1881-85, Lionel A. Sheldon ; 1885, L. G. Ross; 1885-89, L. Bradford Prince ; 1889-93, Thornton ; 1893-97 It seems that the Jicaria Apaches, who had been alway s strongly attached to the Spanish and Mexican governments, caused some kind of trouble in Rio Arriba. These Indians, as we learned from Juan Ramon Pacheco, alreadj' mentioned in the details given about the revolution of 1837, did not like the Amerians, and lived wandering in the mountains, instead of around the populated districts as they were wont to do before. Be it as it may about the wrong they might have committed, the fact is that a military' expedition was sent from Santa Fe against them. At Taos, information was given to the com- mander that the Indians had their "Rancheria," stopping place, at Cieneguilla, on the trail leading to Pecuries. A guide, Juan Chiquito, was procured and the soldiers under his direction proceeded to the place indicated. When they reached the rancheria, they saw no Indians in the huts, but there were some dogs tied up near by which barked at the strangers. It was evident that the occupants of the houses were not far off, but the^' could not be seen, as they had scattered in the thicket where they remained concealed. On the other hand, the sol- diers could not safely go on horseback through the trees in search of the Indians. At this critical juncture, two old In- dians, a man and a woman, emerged from the surrounding sabinos, (juniperus occidentalis), holding each a small, wooden cross in their hands, as a sign of peace. Whether the captain took this offenseless deputation as an insult to his authority and braver>', is not known ; but the tradition has it that he was coward enough to order the killing of the two poor The Beginning op the American Rule. 193 creatures. This bloody action at once brought on an attack which did not turn to the advantage of the Americans. The In- dians, justly incensed, came rushing out from all sides, yelling and beating their "tombes," drums, in full earnest. At the sound of such music, the soldiers' horses got wild and ran in all direc- tions, throwing most of the riders, either on the lower limbs of the trees or on the rocks of the ravines. These men, of course, were picked up by the Indians and discharged at once from all military duty. The expedition consisted of forty sol- diers. Of these the Captain, five soldiers, and seven wounded, escaped with life, but left 27 of their number killed by the In- dians. Juan Ramon Pacheco .said he had received these details from the guide Juan Chiquito, the day after the encounter. The action took place on the 15th of April 1853. As regards church affairs in New Mexico under the Amer- ican rule, they remained perfectly undisturbed. The Constitu- tion of the United States, giving full liberty of conscience to those who should abide by it and support it, was more in favor of the Catholic religion than the nominal protection it received from the Mexican Republic. Still, the Church could not avail herself at once of her liberty to effect as much good as was desired, owing to the scarcity of the priests remaining in the territory. The Franciscans had been expelled, and of the secular priests, some had returned to Mexico before the change of government, despite the appeal of the Vicario, Juan Felipe Ortiz, entreating them not to abandon their parishes. On the other hand, it was impossible for the Bishop of Durango to find, in a limited space of time, a sufficient number of priests to supply the wants of all the parts of his extensive diocese. This was the reason which, after the annexation of New Mexico to the United States, moved the Fathers of the VII. Council of Baltimore to petition for the erection of a Vicariate Apostolic in New Mexico. CHAPTER n. The Creation of the Vicariate Apostolic of NfiW Mexico. By decree of July igtli, 1850, Pope Pius IX- made New Mexico a Vicariate Apostolic, and on the 23d of the same month, appointed for it as Vicar Apostolic, with the title of Bishop of Agathonica, the Rev. John B. Lamy, in partibus, from the diocese of Cincinnati. Father Lamy received episcopal consecration in St. Peter's Church, the Cathedral of Cincinnati, on the 24th of November, 1850, this being the 24th Sunday after Pentecost. The consecrator was the Right Rev. Martin John Spalding, Bishop of lyouisville, assisted bj^ the Right Rev. Amedeo Rappe, Bishop of Cleveland, Maurice de Saint Plalais, Bishop of Vin- cennes, and John B. Purcell, the Archbishop-elect of Cincin- nati, who delivered the sermon on the occasion. ( i ) The Right Rev. B. I^amy was born on the nth of October, 1 8 14, at lycmpdes, in the diocese of Clermont Ferrand, Depart- ment of Puj'-de-Dome, France. His parents, John L,amy and Marie Di^, were the representatives of an old and respected family of the locality. He made his classical studies in the preparatory seminary of Clermont, and his theological course in the grand seminary of Mont Ferrand, where he was raised to the priesthood on Saturday of Ember week, December, 1838. After a few months spent as assistant priest in a parish of his native diocese, he asked for and obtained in 1839 permission (1) Taken from the record of the ceremony. Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico. 195 from his Ordinary to answer the call of the Right. Rev. Bishop Purcell, of Cincinnati, and enlisted himself as one of the new mis- sionaries the Prelate was in quest of for the missions of his diocese. The young priest, full of zeal and strength, labored faithfully and successfully in several missions of Ohio and Ken- tucky vintil, to his great surprise and amazement, he was notified of his appointment as Bishop of the recently created Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico. The limits of the Vicariate were those of the territory con- ceded in 1848 by the Mexican government to the United States by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, with the exception of the towns of Doila Ana and Las Cruces, whose names were not mentioned in the brief of erection. It was only in 1858, by decree of March 21st, that those localities were annexed to the Vicar- iate. Until then the two places remained under the jurisdic- tion of the Bishop of Durango, Mexico, as the whole territory of New Mexico w^as before. The young Bishop, after his consecration, was anxious to start for the field of his labors, but the Far West was yet very little known to most of the inhabitants of Cincinnati, and still less did they know what route would safely lead to New Mexico. What was called * 'the traders* trail," started from St. L,ouis by steamboat to Independence, and from that place, by wagon to Santa Fe, about 900 miles, led through prairies without any settlements. This w^as the most direct route for New Mexico. As we have seen before, it was rather dangerous for small parties on account of the roving Comanche Indians, and during the winter season on account of the snow storms ; but the dangers could ahva3^s be avoided to some extent, by joining the Santa Fe trade caravans at Independence Landing. This road not being well enough known to be recommended from Cincinnati, the Bishop took that of New Orleans, which was the longest, and one not entirely exempt from danger after all. From New^ Orleans Bishop hs-my took a boat, which was wrecked on reaching the shore in the port of Galveston.. The lives were saved, the cargo only was almost entirely lost, still the Vicar Apostolic was able to save his books, w^hich were the most valuable part of his baggage. From Galveston through Texas, in the direction of New Mexico, there were not to be 19(5 VicAKrATi': Apostolic of Xeu' Mkxico, found more facilities for transportation than some wagons or carts going occasionally to San Antonio. The Right Reverend traveler had not to wait long for such an opportunity, and he took it at once. The journej' was long and painful, on account of the lack of water, sometimes for great distances, and the poor accommodations of the conveyance. Still the distance ahead was made a little shorter every day. When not far from San Antonio the missionary, fearing that the cart on which he was sitting might get u.pset in the crossing of a deep muddy place it had to go over, jumped down and seriously sprained his ankle. He was taken to the town, where he had to remain several months in the house of a good Irish family before he could resume his journey towards New Mexico. He. at last, reached Santa Fe in the summer of 185 1. On his arrival at Santa Fe, the Right Rev. Bishop found that the priests in New Mexico had received no communi- cation from their Ordinar>^ about any change of administration, Ver}'' naturally they refused to acknowledge the authority of the Vicar Apostolic. This was certainly a disappointment for Dr. Lamy, but not as serious a difficulty as has been repre- sented by some men who have written on the matter. Neither the Bishop of Durango can be blamed, as he had not received any official notification concerning the dismemberment of his diocese, nor the priests, as they continued the exercise of the jurisdiction they had received from their own Diocesan Prelate until it should be taken from them by the same authority. Moreover, since the Americans had come to New Mexico, people and priests had noticed that among the new comers were many Protestants, Jews, and "quien sabe que," who knows what else, so that when they heard that a new bishop had come, without having been previously announced, their first impres- sion was that he might very well be anything but a Catholic dignitary. The Vicar Apostolic realized his position at once, and set out with no more delay for Durango, in order to show his cre- dentials to the Bishop of that city. He left in Santa Fe the Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf, who had come with him from Ohio for the missions of New Mexico. The Rev. gentleman was invited by the parish priest of Santa Fe, Rev. Lujan, to sing Vicariate Apostolic of New Mexico. 197 mass on the next Sunday, and tried to address the congrega- tion, after the priest had introduced him not at all very warmly. It must be taken as a matter of course that the new missionary spoke good words for the glory of God and in behalf of his Bishop, but the fact is that nobody understood much of what he said, as he did not speak the language of the country. Hence it was that a controversy arose among the people on the plaza, after mass, as to what religion the stranger might belong to. "He must be a Jew or a Protestant," said some, "because he does not speak as Christians do." "Quiensabe?" (Who can tell?) replied others. "Still he said mass in Latin, and like a priest who knows how to do it, and be it said en pas.sant, he sings better than our priests." At last, a good woman, who like other women, always anxious to know what is the matter, had stopped and listened to the running conversation, stepped bravely forward and pertinently said : "What reason have you to be perplexed about the religion of this man ? Did he not give a good proof that he is a Catholic by the way he made the sign of the cross before giving his sermon ?' ' This sensible re- mark ended the question and removed great suspicions in regard to the religion of the Rev. Joseph B. Machebeuf. Father Machebeuf was born in the city of Riom in the Department of Puy-de-Dome. France, on the nth of August, 1812. Having lo.st his mother w^hen he was only nine years old, his first education was intrusted to two good ladies who conducted a school for young children in a portion of his father's house. When a little older, he was sent to the school of the Christian Brothers, and later, for his classical course, to the college of the same city. Having then determined to be- come a priest, he entered in 1831 the seminary of Mont Ferrand for the study of philosophy and theology, which he completed in 1836, when he was raised to the priesthood on Saturday of Christmas Ember week. After his ordination he was assigned to the parish of Le Cendre as assistant to a venerable priest who, on account of his infirmities, was unable to attend any more to the duties of his charge. He was in that position in 1838, when he heard that Bishop Purcell, recently consecrated Bishop of Cincinnati, was in Rome and intended to come to Clermont Ferrand in search 198 Vicariate Apostolic of Xew Mexico. of missionaries for his diocese. The opportunity seemed to Father Machebeuf ver>' favorable for carrying out the idea he had entertained for years, of devoting himself to the work of foreign missions. He spoke on the subject to some priests, country- men and friends of his, the Revs. John B. Lamy, Gacon, Chey- mol and Navaron, and the five made the necessar}^ arrange- ments to be ready to enlist themselves for the missions of Ohio, when the Rt. Rev. Bishop Purcell should present himself in the city of Clermont on his return from the Eternal City. Soon after their arrival at Cincinnati the new missionaries were sent to different country places of the diocese for mission work. The Rev. Machebeuf gave himself to the task, body and soul, and succeeded in accomplishing a great amount of good wherever he went. In 1850 he received a visit from his friend Father Lamy, the newly appointed Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico, who requested him to follow him to the far west. Then arose in the heart of Father Machebeuf a strong fight be- tween the love he had for the missions of Ohio and the devoted- ness he had always professed for Father Lam}'. Friendship prevailed at last, and consent was given. Bishop Lamy, after his consecration, set out for New Orleans, where Father Mache- beuf was to meet him a few days later. Thence they started together for Santa Fe. During the time Bishop Lamy had to stay in San Antonio on account of the accident spoken of be- fore, Father Machebeuf, at the request of Bishop Odin, gave several successful missions in Texas. The Right Rev. Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico was kindly received by the Bishop of Durango, the Right Rev. Zubiria, who at seeing the decree of the Holy See establishing the Vicariate of New Mexico, said : "I knew nothing about it officially, but this document is sufficient authority for me and I submit to it." The Vicar Apostolic spent some days with good Bishop Zubiria and left Durango for New Mexico, having then all the papers necessary to show that jurisdiction was claimed no longer by the Prelate of Durango over the territory' assigned to the new Vicariate. Dr. Lamy, it is said, made the long journey from Santa Fe to Durango on horseback, having only a servant as companion, and it is estimated that he had traveled 1,900 miles when he Vicariate Apostolic of Xew IMexico. 199 got back to his mission. The first care of the Prelate, after publishing all the documents which assigned to him the Vicariate, was to organize its missions. He and his "alter ego,' * the Rev. Joseph P. Machebeuf, whom he made his Vicar Gen- eral, multiplied themselves as much as it was in their power to help the priests residing in the territory, and to meet the spiritual wants of the scattered population. In his visits through the missions of the Vicariate, the Bishop convinced himself that the education of the people, except in some rich families, had been very limited, if not entirely neglected in many instances. There was, however, a branch of learning and this indeed, the first among all others, the teaching of catechism and of the Christian prayers, which had been kept alive in the Mexican families since the time of the Franciscan missionaries. Still this instruction, though very creditable, was generally far from being complete. The writer of these pages, who came to New Mexico nine years after Bishop Lamy, remembers yet with pleasure and edification, the Christian customs he noticed in existence in many of the Mexican families, where he had occasionally to stop, when visiting the scattered towns and settlements of his parish. In the first place, prayers and catechism were taught orally to the 3^oung children by some member of the family or by some trusty person of the neighborhood, and repeated word for w^ord, question after question, until some part of the lesson would remain in the memory of the hearers. This was a hard work, but a meritorious one, and one of great valiie to the mis- sionar>^ who had only to explain the mysteries and the chief points of our religion to the children thus instructed at home, when he had to prepare them for their first communion. This teaching is now mostly left to the parochial schools, where they exist, but at the time we refer to there were no parochial schools except in the city of Santa Fe, and, in our opinion, th^se schools can accomplish vers' little in inculcating religion in the hearts of the 3'oung, if this work has not been commenced at home. Every evening it was customary to make the children say some pra3'ers which always terminated with the words : "Bendito y alabado sea el Santisimo Sacramento del Altar," 200 Vicariate Apostolic of Xew ^Iexico, "Blessed and hallowed be the most hol^' Sacrament of the Altar." After this, the innocent creatures, still kneeling, had to kiss the hand of their parents and receive their blessing be- fore going to bed. The same blessing had also to be asked, even by the grown children of the house, when they were com- ing from their confession. The way to introduce oneself in a house was to say, on opening the door : "Deo gratias," (Thanks be to God,) or "Ave Maria Purisima," (Hail Mary Immaculate,) and the answer received was: "Para siempre bendito sea Dios y la siempre Virgin Maria; pase adelante," (for ever blessed be God and the holy Virgin Mary ; come in. ) The salutation "good morning" or "good evening" had to be given in the name of God and returned in the same manner. "Buenos dias, (buenas tardes) le de Dios," which was re- sponded by : "Que Dios se los de buenos a Vd. " (May God give them good to you. ) Another kind of a pious and interesting salutation was used by persons at a distance from each other. The one who could first address the other by the words "Ave Maria" had the right to be answered by the recitation of the whole Hail Mary, for his intention. These and many other manifestations of a Christian spirit were very common among the people of New Mexico when Bishop L/amy took possession of his Vicariate. Two years later the governor of New Mexico, William Carr Lane, wrote the following words in his message to the Legislative Assembly, December 7, 1852 : " I also urge upon all to learn the English lan- guage and to adopt all the customs of the United States, that are suitable and proper for this countr>^ But I do not advise them (the Mexican people) to change any of their beneficial or praiseworthy customs, nor do I advise them to forget their parent stock, and the proud recollections that cluster around Castilian history. I do not advise them to disuse their beauti- ful language, to lay aside their dignified manners and puncti- lious attention to the proprieties of social life, and I sincerely hope that the profound deference that is now paid to age by the young will undergo no change." "True it is, that the Mexican people have been always noted for their distinguished Vicariate Apostolic op ]New Mexico. 201 manners and Christian customs, it is only to be regretted to see that some of their good usages are disappearing little by little before what is called progress in our days." Churches existed in some localities, but those that had re- mained without resident priests for long years had gone to ruin, or were approaching it. Almost everything, so to speak, needed to be created, but as everything could not be started at the same time, the Bishop rightly determined to leave for an- other time the building or repairing of churches, and to give his attention first to the adornment of the living temples of God, by securing a good education for the 3^outh of his Vicariate. 13* CHAPTER in. The Vicar Apostolic of New Mexico Goes East iisr Search of Sisters to Conduct a Girl's School i^ Santa Fe. In 1852, Bishop Lamy, when coming back from the Provincial Council of Baltimore, availed himself of the oppor- tunity to see if he could find some Sisters who would take charge of the direction of a school in his poor Vicariate. The first door he went to knock at for the purpose he had in view, was that of the convent of the Sisters of Loretto, at Bardstown. There he represented the sad condition of the people entrusted to his care, in regard to education ; their povert3% and the need in which they stood of some help to bring them up in civiliza- tion and the knowledge of their Christian duties. Indeed it can easil}' be surmised by those who have known the scrupu- lous sincerity' of the Bishop and the country he had to speak of at that time, that the picture he drew of his Vicariate, could not be a very attractive one for ordinary listeners. But he spoke to a society of Sisters who called themselves "The Friends of Mary at the Foot of the Cross, ' ' and the more he spok eof the difficulties, trials and hardships he could foresee awaiting any re- ligious community coming at that time to his diocese, the more clearly the Sisters saw they could there carrj' out the spirit* of their name and the rules of their constitution. His petition w^as granted at once, and six Sisters, out of those who volun- teered for the new mission, were designated by the council of the house for the founding of a school in Santa Fe. These The Vicar Apostolic Calls Sisters to Santa Fe. 203 •were : Sisters Matilda, the Superior of the colony, Catherine, Mary Magdalen, Monica, Hilaria and Ruperta. As the Bishop had to go to New Orleans on some particular business, the Sisters were sent to St. Louis, where His Lordship would meet them on his return from Louisiana. Here we extract from a letter written by Mother Mary Magdalen on the 12th of July 1854, to one of her school mates, then in the cit}^ of Mexico, the following interesting details : " On the 26th of June 1852, I left Loretto for Santa Fe, with five other Sisters. One of them died of the cholera on the steamboat from St. Louis to Independence. Another one felt so sick and feeble on account of the same disease, that it was necessary' to send her back for her convalescence, and your humble servant was also severely attacked by the dreadful scourge, but stopped, with the help of God, at the gates of death and could pursue her journey with the remaining Sisters. We left Independence on the first of August and reached Santa Fe on the 27 th of September. During the joume^^ on the plains we had mass said under a tent every Sunday by the Bishop, w^e went to confession and had the happiness to receive the Holy Communion as many times What we saw in our travels was almost entirely new to us, and impressed us in many different ways. Those immense plains with their meandering creeks and rivers, those numberless ferocious looking animals, called cibolos or buffaloes told us of the power and greatness of the Creator, and the fear- ful storms of wind, rain, lightening and thunder, reminded us also of our nothingness before God, but nothing frightened us more than the Indians. For a time, we were surrounded by hundreds of these sons of the forests The reception the citizens of Santa Fe gave to their Bishop and to us as his com- panions, was such as we never saw before. This is a proof of the veneration the Mexicans have for their religion." The Sister who died on the boat had been, as we have seen, sent as Superior of the house to be opened in Santa Fe. She w^as replaced by Sister Mar)' Magdalen, w^ho received the news of her appointment on her arrival at Santa Fe. Having reached their destination, the Sisters were given a residence in a portion of a large building vacated for them 204 The Vicar AposTolic Calls Sisters to Saota Fe, by the Bishop, who confined himself to the use of the other side. There they opened a school, but the next year the house proved too small for the accommodation of the pupils applying' for admission from all parts of the Territor>\ The Bishop then moved to another place, leaving the whole building to the Sisters, on November i8th, 1853, Soon after it became necessary to purchase another prop- erty, extensive enough to answ^er the purpose of the Sisters' growing institution. This lies on the right bank of the Santa Fe river, onl^' a few steps from the cathedral. There the Sisters have remained since, making it the Convent of Our Lady of Light, thus called after the name of an old church which was built in Santa Fe, under the Spanish government, for the special use of the soldiers, and which, for this reason, was com- monly called "La Castrense" or the church of the military camp. Slowly but steadily the Sisters have improved their property all the time. The grounds, once without any trees, have taken the shape of a rich orchard ; the adobe buildings which had been built successively as need required, have now gradually retreated to make room for the elegant gothic chapel built in 1873 ; next, in 1880, for the three-story academy build- ing, and in 1892, for the new convent, also a three-story brick structure. Mother Magdalen, who died on October 27th, 1894, at the age of 81 years, acted as Superior from September, 1852, until August 28, 1 88 1, when on account of a painful rheuma- tism she had to resign her charge. She was succeeded by Mother Francisca Lamy, who is yet in office at the present time. These two superiors have acted in the same spirit of self abnegation and charity for the good of religion and for their pupils. As to the change for the better w^hich has been effected in New Mexico by the teachings and example of the Sisters, this is known only to God and, to some extent, to those who lived in the Territory before the coming of these zealous and devoted "Friends of Mary at the Foot of the Cross." The church of Our Lady of Light, above mentioned, was used as the 'parochial church of Santa Fe when Bishop Lamy took possession of the Vicariate. It was located on the south side of the plaza, in the center of the town, between business The Vicar Apostolic Calls Sisters to Santa Fe. 205 houses, which made it too much of a pubHc place for the con- venient holding of religious services. It was, moreover, in a bad state of preservation and too small for the population. The Bishop ver>' wisely thought it was better to sell it with the consent of the Hol^^ See, and use the proceeds of the sale for> repairing the old church of St. Francis, which was a great deal larger and apart from the noisy business places. The altar piece of the Castrense church can yet be seen standing in the sanctuary of the old St. Francis church in the rear of the main altar of the new cathedral. It is a stone mon- ument, about forty feet high by eighteen in width, representing some scenes of missionary life among the Indians. It had been erected in the Castrense, it is said, by order of Governor An- tonio Marin del Valle and his wife, and was transferred to the cathedral in 1859, after the sale of the Castrense. On the base of the monument are engraved the following inscriptions : 1. A devocion del Sefior Dn. Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, Gobernador y Capitan General de este reino, 2. y de su Esposa Dona Maria Ignacia Martinez de Ugarte, Auo D. 1761. Translation : 1. By devotedness of Dn. Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, Governor and Captain General of this province, 2. and of his wife. Dona Maria Ignacia Martinez de TJgarte, A. D. 1761. There was also in the same church a representation of Our Lady of lyight, carved in low relief, on a piece, five by three feet, of fine white stone. This other reHc of the past, which adorned the entrance of the old Sisters* house since 1853, but which could not conveniently be placed on the front of the new convent, is now kept in the San Francisco Museum, adjoining the cathedral. CHAPTER IV. The Vicariate of New Mexico Raised to The Rank OF an Episcopal See.— The Vicar Apostolic Goes to Europe for Priests. At the request of the Fathers assembled in Synod at Bal- timore, the Holy Father Pius IX., by decree of July 29th 1853, raised the Vicariate of New Mexico to the rank of an Episcopal See, attached to the city of Santa Fe. When Bishop Lamy arrived in New Mexico, he found nine priests residing in as man}' Indian pueblos, and a few others who had charge of Mexican parishes. They wefe alto- gether unable to meet the spiritual wants of all the population, scattered over the Territory. This made it necessary for the Bishop and his Vicar General to work as missionary' priests. Both were young, active and good horseriders ; they traveled from one settlement to another, and preached the Word of God to many who were not accustomed to hear it in the Ibcalities where they lived. The Bishop had already visited the whole of his diocese, he knew all its wants and seeing that the Sisters' school at Santa Fe was properly established, he thought it was now time for him to see how he could increase the number of his priests in the missions. For that purpose he left Santa Fe early in 1854 for a journey to Europe, where he rightty believed he would find some priests or ecclesiastical students for his diocese. This time, he took the road known as the Mexican trader's trail, The: Bishop Calls Priests to Saxta Ffi. 207 g^oiiig with a caravan through the plains extending from Las Vegas to Independence, on the Missouri river. From Inde- pendence he went rapidly through the States, sailed from New York across the Atlantic ocean, and hastened toward Clermont, the capital of his native department in France. There he found himself at home, both with the Bishop who had con- ferred on him all the sacred orders, and in the seminars', where he had made his philosophical and theological studies. He had only to explain the object of his visit and it was soon shown that the diocese which had already given the saintly Bishop Flaget, the Revs. Gacon, Cheymol and others to the missions of the United States, would also have some apostolic men for the poor missions of New Mexico. The first one who responded to the call of the 3'oung BishoJD of Santa Fe was the Rev. Peter Eguillon, then the first assis- tant priest of one of the principal churches of the city. This priest was kept about a year in Santa Fe to teach theology to some seminarians, and to prepare them for their ordination. In October, 1855, he was sent as parish priest to Socorro, where he remained until November 4th, 1858, when he was appointed parish priest of the Cathedral and Vicar General of the diocese. Father Eguillon died on the 21st of Juty, 1892, in the seventy- fourth year of his age, after thirty years of meritorious and fruitful work in the missions of New Mexico. The second one was the Rev. Anthony Juillard, a zealous priest, who remained only a few years in the diocese owing to bad health, and returned to France, where he died in 1888. The third was Rev. Stephen Avel who, on the 3d of August, 1858, died as parish priest of Mora. These three priests came from the diocese of Clermont. With them came also the Revs. Damazo Taladrid and C. Martin, whom the Bishop had met in Rome. Of the same party were three seminarians, viz. : The Revs. John Guerin, a deacon, who was ordained priest on the 23d of December of the year 1854, and who died as parish priest of Mora, June loth, 1885 ; Eugene Paulet, a sub-deacon, or- dained priest December 22d, 1855, who died in France in 1887, having been the parish priest of Belen for over thirty years, and Xavier Vaure, a deacon, who died on the day of his arrival at Santa Fe of a disease he had contracted on the plains. It 208 The Bishop Calls Priests to Sakta Fe. was on the i8th of November, 1854, after an absence of teu months, that Bishop lyamy and his party reached Santa Fe. During the Prelate's absence, a young priest by the name of Carlos Brun, who had been raised to the priesthood in De- cember, 1853, and who was left in charge of the Cathedral, built a house, which for a time was made the episcopal residence, and a school for boys. This building is now included in the premises of St. Vincent's Hospital. The Bishop had already increased the number of his priests, but not enough yet to supply the population of his diocese with a complete spiritual administration. The Sisters' school at Santa Fe required also an additional number of teachers, as the pupils were becoming more numerous every year. He then determined in 1856, to send the Very Rev. Machebeuf to France for new missionaries, with the understanding that on coming back, he should procure at Loretto some Sisters ready to follow him to New Mexico. The journey of the Vicar General was not in vain, as it procured six new subjects for the diocese. These were : The Revs. Gabriel Ussel, Joseph M. Coudert, Agustin Truchard, John B. Ralliere, John B. Fa3^et and Joseph Fialon, The four first named received the priesthood on the 12th of December of the same year, and were assigned at once to different missions, the Revs. Coudert and Ralliere have bravely toiled since for the good of souls in the diocese. The Revs. Ussel and Truch- ard left New Mexico a number of years since, the first for the diocese of Denver, and the other for France, his native countr^^ on account of ill health. Both are yet living. The same year, 1856, on the i6th of February, Rev. Ray- mund Medina, a native of New Mexico, who had made his studies in the diocese, was ordained priest and is now the parish priest of Penasco. In 1857, on Saturday of Ember week in I^ent, were raised to the priesthood the Revs. J. B. Fayet, Joseph Fialon, who, owing to bad health, left the diocese in 1870, and Thomas Hayes, who for the same reason went to Ireland, his native country, in 1889, and died there in May, 1892. Rev. Fayet, after his ordination, was sent to San Miguel as assistant priest and soon after to Antonchico, where he XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School, PRESCOTT, Ariz. XXXII. Church of Flagstaff, Ariz. '-"^ € XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix, Ariz. XXXIV. Franciscan Fathers, Phcenix, Ariz. XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School, PRESCOTT, Ariz. XXXII. Church of Flagstaff, Ariz. r^-'-'r^v • •■'"1 XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix, Ariz. XXXIV. Franciscan Fathers, Phcenix, Ariz. The Bishop Calls Priests to Santa Fe. 209 founded a parish and remained until the beginning of January, 1866, when he was appointed the parish priest of San Miguel. There the Rev. Father Fayet had not to build church and resi- dence, as had been the case for him at Antonchico ; still he found room for improvements in both church and house. He fur- nished first the church with good sacerdotal vestments and had it adorned with two new towers. Not long after, he estab- lished, mostly at his own expense as we suppose, schools for boys and girls in the town of San Miguel. These schools have been ably conducted since by the Sisters of Charity from St. Joseph, Ohio. The writer of these pages happened to be pres- ent on the 22d of July, 1893, at the commencements of the San Miguel schools, and was highly pleased with the teaching method of the Sisters, and with the proficiency of the pupils. In 1858, Rev. Michael Welby was ordained priest and put in charge of the parish of Isleta, with residence in the pueblo of that name, but remained there only a short time and left the diocese. The same must be said of Rev. Peter Hart, a priest who had come from Cincinnati, and who returned to his diocese after a short trial of the Santa Fe missions. As a matter of course, at the time w^e speak of, the New Mexico missions, in w^hich the Spanish language was almost exclusively spoken, were not attractive to nor could they be usefully administered by merely English speaking priests. In 1859, September 24th, on Saturday of Ember week, were raised to the priesthood the Revs. Miguel Vigil, Manuel Chavez, and Sembran Tafoya, three native Mexicans, who had been educated in the diocese and who died in its missions, the last being killed by the upsetting of his vehicle when on a visit to his chapels in Eincoln county. CHAPTER V. More Priests and More Teachers Needed in the Diocese. {1) The Bishop of Santa Fe, Early in 1859, Sends His Vicar General, Rev. Peter Eguillon, to Europe for Christian Brothers and New Missionaries. Provision had been made, as we have seen before, for the education of 3'oung girls in Santa Fe ; the principal parishes of the diocese had been also provided with priests ; this was al- ready a great change for the better in New Mexico in a period of seven years, but it was not enough to satisfy the pastoral ambition of good Bishop lyamy. He was anxious to have also a good institution in the capital of the territory for the instruc- tion of the young men, and were it possible, an additional number of priests for the missions of his diocese. In order to secure both priests and teachers, he sent his second Vicar Gen- eral, the Very Rev. P. Eguillon, to look for them in Europe. This priest, like his Bishop and the Very Rev. Machebeuf, had come from Clermont, where he had left a splendid record, and thither he hastened to repair before going anywhere else, if need might require. He stopped first in the preparatory sem- inary, where, by wa^^ of conversation, and to answer the many questions addressed to him by the professors of the institution, he explained the object of his presence in his native country. He spoke of the impossibility of the priests of the diocese of Santa Fe visiting their congregations even once a month ; of the long distances they had to travel on horseback, almost More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 211 "daily, in all kinds of weather and, in many instances on roads infested by hostile Indians. These priests, he said, worked very hard, and still failed to give a regular administration to the whole of the faithful entrusted to their care. He said enough in a few days to make an impression on his hearers and especially on two of them, the Revs. J. B. Salpointe and Francis Jouvenceau, who, from the beginning, oflfered to follow him provided the^^ could get the consent of their Bishop. From the theological seminary of MontFerrand, the Vicar General obtained also a subdeacon, the Rev. Benedict Bernard, and Peter Martin, w^ho had received the minor orders. These were joined, soon after, b3' Rev. John B. Theobald Raverdy, a subdeacon from the diocese of Reims. On the other hand, the Superior General of the Christian Brothers, the most honored Brother Philip, very kindly con- descended to send five members of his Society for the founda- tion of a college in Santa Fe. These were : Brothers Hilarian, Gondulph, Geramius and Galmier from the house of Clermont, and Brother Agustin of New York. To this number were added four young men still at the stud}^ of the classics, who gave hopes of a vocation to the priesthood. Of these four one onty, the Rev. Peter Bernal, persevered in the ecclesiastical vo- cation. The colony brought together by the Very Rev. P. Eguillon for New Mexico consisted of fourteen persons. (3) The Start of the Missio^iaries for Santa Fe. The start was determined for the 17th of August, 1859, from Havre. All except Brother Agustin, who was already in New York, were at the rendezvous for the stated day. The boat which was to take them across the ocean was the "Ariel," an old American steamer which was nearing the end of its services, as we learned since. It must be said, however, that it reached New York safely in fourteen days. From New York the missionaries had the railroads, and experienced no other inconveniences but those inherent to all long travels. In St. Louis they were offered the hospitality of the Christian Brothers' college by Brother Patrick, the direc- tor of the institution, who became afterwards the assistant to 212 More Priests axd Teachers fob Sas'ta Fe. the Superior General in Paris, and who died in this position in 1891, April 27th. From St. Louis we went by boat up the Missouri river as far as Kansas City, which was then only a small \nllage- Then commenced the extensive plains spoken of before, which had to be crossed before reaching the first settlement of New Mexico. ( I ) These plains, which are now inhabited almost all along the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe and other railroad lines which traverse them in different directions, were, with the exception of two or three places, frequented only by nomadic Indian tribes, and especially by the Comanches, who were good warriors justly dreaded by the travelers. There w^ere now neither steamboats nor railroad trains to avail ourselves of to continue our journey. The only way to advance further in our direction was to equip a caravan of our own, or to wait for the opportunity of another one. Indeed we thought at first that we could go by ourselves, as Bishop Lamy had sent two men to meet us with two wagons for the transportation of our baggage, which, added to three traveling spring wagons, that the Very Rev. Eguillon had procured for the use of his men, suggested by their number a large propor- tionate strength of armed men. We were, besides, anxious to try the life of the plains, which had been represented to us as indeed very rough and tedious, but which, we fancied, we might find very poetical and agreeable after all. We had, however, to moderate our impatience. The news came that the Coman- ches were on the war path, and that only large caravans could attempt to go through the desert with any safety. Ours not being so very large, as we were only seventeen men, badly provided with arms, and utterly unprepared to make use of them against human life, even in case of necessity, we bravely determined to keep aloof from the danger and wait for some reinforcement. This w^e were told would come before long, as freighters for New Mexico expected, day by day, to receive wherewith to load their wagons, and would start at once with us. (1) The long description we giye here is from our own experience and calculated to convey to the minds of those who may chance to read It, an idea of the difficulties people, who had to cross the plains or prairies of Kansas, were liable to meet witii, even in the good season, during their long journey. More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 213 In the meantime we pitched our tents on the top of the hiU on which Rev. Father Donnellj^ had already built a little frame house and small chapel of the same material, foreseeing some increase in population in the near future. The good father was right. In a couple of years he saw new houses grouped around his modest residence, and others gradually spreading in all di- rections. This was the start of the Kansas City of to-day, and the spot on which the Rev. Father had erected first a frame, and next a brick church, is the one on which now stands the Cathedral of the diocese. Coming to our subject after this short digression, we find ourselves in the camp we had just established. The tents were good, and spacious enough to furnish a shelter for the men of the party. Besides, the weather was splendid, and those who felt like it could freely wander in the surrounding woods, where hardly anything could be heard except the chirping of the many birds which lived in them, and which by shrieking and flying at our approach, seemed to give us a warning that we trespassed on their right of property. It must be said though that very little heed was lent to the notification, as we killed as many as we could of these lively, innocent creatures, either for their flesh or for the brilliant colors of their plumage. In the morning after fixing the camp, we had taken a cold breakfast, which consisted of canned provisions brought from the forwarding store of Messrs. Chick, Browne & Co., already established at the Kansas landing, but it was now time to think of something warm for the evening repast. It was already un- derstood that during the crossing of the plains, we should only have two meals a da^^, more or less apart from each other, ac- cording to the distances the caravan would have to travel to reach water. We were notified also that custom required we should cook for ourselves. lyittle by little our situation was made known to us in definite terms and the present question was of practical importance. Who amongst us would be daring enough to offer himself for the culinary administration ? Every one, it is true, was willing to contribute his share to the neces- sary menial labor, but none could state what were his peculiar abilities. The situation looked rather perplexed for a while, but it was soon made clear and satisfactory to all by a few 214 More Priests Axn Teachers for Santa Fe, words of the Vicar General, who assigned to each one what he should have to do ever>^ day during the journey. Two cooks, bad or good, were designated, two purveyors of fuel, two of water, and the other men of the caravan, two by two, were to watch two hours by turns every night over the safety- of the camp and of the animals. Such were the orders, and thej^ were accepted \vithout objection. There was plent}^ of fuel around the camp while we were yet in the woods, but as soon as we found ourselves on the plains, this article became ver>^ scarce, so much so that in some places and for long stretches, the only combustible we could find available was the dried manure of the animals. We had a fair supply of provisions and even fresh meat for the present, but bread we had none except hard biscuits which we did not relish, and how to bake light bread in the open country was the question. A man of experience in traveling who, a few days after our installment in the camp, came ahead of his cara- van, which was to join ours, taught us how to bake bread, but meanwhile we had to eat it as made by our Reverend cooks (both were priests) and it must be said that it had neither the appearance nor the savor of any common homemade bread. It was simply dough, half dried, half burned on the embers. Nothing however is easier, as we were shown, than to make good bread, even in the camp and in a short time, by using the portable oven, or a saucepan in which loaves are baked one after the other. We had the oven, but did not know what use to make of it. More than once we gratefully remembered the service we had received from the new comer. Moreover, as we had to travel with him, we could easilj" complete our camp- ing culinary instruction by looking at the way he had his meals prepared. From him and his men we learned also how to make the "tortillas," little loaf, a kind of thin unleavened bread, which can be baked on an iron plate or on a flat stone in a very short time. This kind of bread is yet in use, not only in the camp, but even in many families of the countr>\ (J) The Caravan Moves on From Kansas City. As soon as the caravan was deemed strong enough, the start was decided upon for a place called the White House, about More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 215 six miles from our camp. It did not take long to pack up the baggage, to put the mules to the wagons, and to make a move. There commenced our troubles ; the mules had enjoyed a good rest, and did not like to change their mode of living. On the other hand, besides the two Mexicans who had been sent by- Bishop Lam}', we had as drivers only the young students, who knew very little, if anything, of that trade. The march was interrupted at ever^^ moment, so we had to work hard the good half of the day to reach the White House. With the night came a heavy rain, which obliged us to sleep in the carriages and wagons, as it was impossible to fix the tents. The next day was bright and clear, but the ground was wet and the wind sharp enough to make us feel that we were too lightly clad for the season. Things looked rather un- pleasant, and we thought of going back to Kansas City for heavy clothing when, to our agreeable surprise, we saw that the Vicar General had provided in due time for this emergency. After an inspection of the cases packed in the w^agons, he had two of them taken out and opened. One of the boxes contained hea\^ common overcoats for all the men of the party, and the other was filled up with rough monumental boots. Neither coats nor boots had been made to order, nor selected to suit any particular size, but all these articles had the advantage of not being too small for any one of us. When we had donned our new dress, we thought we might well be taken for good Yankee farmers. This, for a while, furnished matter for laughing, but the important thing was that we were all equipped either to walk in the mud or to stand the cold weather, as might be our case. After the trial we had made of our animals, it was almost evident that we could not cross the plains without looking for some others. For that purpose the Ver>' Rev. Vicar General went back to the settlement and bought four good mules. We had onl}^ a few days more to remain in the same camp. Not all the men we expected were yet on the spot, but knowing that there was no danger for some distance ahead, we started by ourselves in order to accustom our animals to the work, and have them ready to keep up with the caravan when it should be completed. There we entered the desert proper. After a few hours' march, w^hich this time was steady and rather 216 More Priests and Teachers for Saxta Fe, fast, we lost sight of the trees of the Missouri river, and there was nothing all around us, as far as the eye could reach, but the green prairie undulated by the accidents of the ground, and representing well enough a sea becoming swollen by a rising wind. For two days we went on without difficulty, but early in the morning of the third day we found out that our new mules were missing. Should we stop and send somebody after them ? Nothing indicated to us the direction they had taken. On the grass, no tracks could be followed, and on the road there was no possible way to distinguish the footprints of our mules from those of many others which had traveled in both directions. Besides, if these animals had turned back to the place they had come from, we might hope they would be brought to us b}^ the caravans which were coming behind. And so it happened, but only some time after our arrival in Santa Fe. Still, we intended to proceed on our way, and in order to do so, we had to hitch up some saddle horses we kept for reconnoitering the country in places haunted by the Indians. In a few days we were overtaken by the caravan of Mr. Moore, a rich merchant of New Mexico, and with this reinforcement we had twenty wagons together and eighty men, between drivers and mounted men, for protection. As a matter of course, the strongest cara- van took the lead and we followed it. With loaded wagons it was necessary to go slowly, travel- ing only twenty or twenty-five miles a day on an average. During the crossing of the plains, all the days were much alike. To take breakfast before starting in the morning, and supper when we reached the water where w^e w^ere to stop for the night, was the rule. The routine was only broken by the celebration of the mass early every Sunday, the priest officiating in an open tent and the men of the caravan assisting from the out- side. Mention must be made here of the herds of buffaloes, which we met in some places. Seen from a distance, these animals, more or less sparsely scattered on the prairie, had the appearance of an irregular plantation of bushy, dark trees, but as we approached we could see them, first gathering together, and next starting at full speed on a line, one after the other, until we lost sight of them. The mounted men of the caravan XXXVI. Casa Grande. ' ■'J«*,'iii?^: XXXV. Casa Grande. 2 < o PS < « z z o w X < *S1 > X XXXVI. Casa Grande. ik<-£ Ji .;l.**^^\ XXXV. Casa Grande. r HP H9| * *»'^^hI^^sI .^ 'M/mMK' ^^9H M ^^^B> -t^ IB •* . . i i m m m HH' . / 1 1 ■5 ■ HHIpl"^ • 2 Ufp"" * Hl» te ^H^Hp„ ■ ^ .''-^ R ^"* ■'';^; ' i 'MBA ""-' ■■ m ^- "-— ^ij^^^ ;'^ 1: . :i i-i < o < w < X < X X ._kJ Buffalo Chasixg. 217 killed one of them occasioiialh^ and brought fresh meat to the camp. The buffalo, which has been almost totally- exterminated, as we have seen before, for the sake of its fleec}'- skin, afforded former^ a great source of subsistence to the inhabitants of New Mexico, who ate its flesh and made an article of commerce of its hide, tanned with the hair. (4) Buffalo Chasing, (i) The buffalo chase was practiced in the autumn, or early in the spring. For this campaign it was necessary to have an ex- perienced hunter with a fast horse, and men in proportion to the wagons which it was intended to load with meat. Upon arriving at the places where the buffaloes were wont to graze, the first thing to be done was to look for water, where the camp could be established. In the meantime the hunter, arfaed with a rifle and a revolver, or simply with a spear, if he belonged to the old school, and mounted on his steed, started in search of the herd. On discovering it, he would go slowly in its direc- tion until he saw it forming in line for flight. Then he com- menced to run in a direction parallel to that followed by his game until he reached the head of the line. He then moderated the speed of his horse without stopping entirely', and inspected the animals as they passed near bj-, and fired at those which seemed to be the best, until he had secured eight or ten. This was the work of one daj^ for the man and his horse. When the hunter returned to the camp, a sufficient number of men would start with wagons and go where the buffaloes had just been killed, to skin them and bring the quarters of meat to the ' 'real, ' ' or camping place. There the flesh was separated from the bones and cut in thin slices, which, after having been suitably salted, were placed on ropes, stretched between the wagons, where they remained until they were drj' enough to be packed and loaded. The work of slicing and salting the meat required one da}' at least. Meanwhile the hunter took care of and prepared his horse for another race against the same herd or any other he might first encounter, and so on until he had procured meat (1) We insert some details on tlie cliasing of the buflfalo, not as related to the subject of these notes, but to preserve the memory of a thing of the past In Xew Mexico . 14* 218 Buffalo Chasixg. enough to load the wagons, each one of which held the dried meat of twenty cows. Sometimes the buffaloes would go to another place, either to shun their greedy pursuers or to look for better pasturage, before the desired provision was completed. In this case the camp had to be moved, and this entailed a loss of time and additional work on the men of the hunting party. When the buffalo hunters returned to their homes, the meat they had brought was sold at a good price and in a ver^^ short time. It was preferred b}' many to fresh meat, as it could be kept as long as desirable, provided it was not exposed to moisture. It was especially useful on long journeys on which, many times, it was impossible to find any supply of provisions. The buffalo is gone now, almost entirety. It is ^ true that it was bound to disappear sooner or later, as it is known this animal could not be profitably domesticated nor freety live in the vicinit}' of an3' settlements ; still, had it not been exterminated bj' cupidity' for the money which the Anglo- Saxon wanderers sought to make at once by its fur, it could have found room enough in this western country to live and propagate for long 3'ears to come. The buffalo, at the present time, is to be seen only, and very different too from what it was when feeding on the plains, in Lincoln Park, Chicago, and in some other similar places. (a) The End of the Journey. At last we reached the first settlements of New^ IMexico, which commenced for us at La Junta, where now stands the little town of Watrous. We had to travel only four days more to arrive at the end of our journey. From there we had the pleasure of meeting a priest of the neighborhood who came to welcome us and to offer us fresh teams to make it easier for us to reach Santa Fe. Leaving La Junta we made for Las Vegas, only about eighteen miles distant, and got there just in time to take dinner with Father Pinard, the parish priest of the town. The Rev. gentleman was an ex-officer of the French armj- , who, after his ordination to the priesthood, had come to New Mexico to devote himself to the work of the missions. He offered to keep us for the night, but as we considered his house too small to accommodate the whole part}^, we divided, one half More Priests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 219 remaining with him, and the other following the Rev. J. B. Guerin to San Miguel del Vado, his parish. Father Guerin, like Father Pinard. was a Frenchman, and he did all he could to make it pleasatit for us in his house. The next day, when we were joined by those of the party we had left in Las Vegas, we moved to Pajarito, the last camping night we were to enjoy before reaching Santa Fe. On the 27th of October, in the afternoon, seventy-one daj'S since we had sailed from Havre, we made our modest entry into the old capital of New Mexico. The good Bishop, Right Rev. Lamy, who had been notified of our coming, was waiting for us. His Lordship received us with an affable simplicit}', which surprised us at first, but which, as we saw later, was an habitual qualit>^ of the missionary' Prelate. A frugal but sub- stantial supper was soon served for us. Sitting at the table, and feeling like at home, we commenced to speak like French- men, and of course, exclusive^ in French, as we were all but one of this nationalitA'. "Gentlemen," said the Bishop sternly, "you do not know, it seems, that two languages only are of necessit^^ here, the Spanish, which is spoken general^ by the people of this Territor}^ and the English, which is the language of the Government. ]Make 5-our choice between the two, for the present, but leave your French parley for the countr}^ 5'ou have come from." Among the Brothers there was one who spoke nothing but English, which was his mother tongue, and another who mastered some Spanish, but neither the one nor the other tried to keep up the conversation, and so a perfect silence ensued. We then proceeded eating with as little noise as possible, and with a kind of lost appetite. This uneasy sit- uation however did not last long. The Bishop himself put an end to it, by bursting into laughter, and by reopening the conversation in French. Still, he explained to us the necessity of applying ourselves, at once, to the study of the languages. Supper over, we would have wished to visit the town, but it was already late, and we had to make some arrangements for the night. A large room was assigned to us as a common dormitory for the present. There were matresses which we had only to spread on the floor and cover them with our travel- ing blankets, to be provided with missionaries' beds. 220 More PRiESts axd Teachers for SaXta F"e. The next da}-, after breakfast, we hurried for a walk in the streets of Santa Fe. It was then called, as to-day, "la villa, ' ' the cit}^, though the number of its inhabitants was not much over four thousand. Two other towns in the Territory, as we have seen before, had also the honor of being called cities or villas. These were : Albuquerque, of less importance than Santa Fe, and Santa Cruz, which was only a small village. The title of city was giyen by the Government to the first and most important Spanish settlements in New Mexico, to put them, by the ver>' name, above the level of the Indian pueblos. The houses of Santa Fe had generally a poor and strange appearance, built as they were with "adobe" or sun dried bricks. They were all low, with flat roofs, and most of them without an}^ outside plastering, which gave them, when seen from a distance, the semblance of a stretch of a barren land, washed out and cut bj' some mountain flood. The churches, four in number, viz. : San Francisco (the Cathedral), San Miguel, Our L,ady of Guadalupe and Our Lady of the Rosary, called also Nuestra Senora la Conquistadora, Our Lad^^ of the Victor^^, were built with the same material as the houses, and could be distinguished from these only by their larger structure and their rudimentary towers. As a matter of course, like man}' strangers who would find and see everywhere what the^' had seen in their own country', we found ample matter for criti- cism about the houses and churches of the capital. In this case, it was with us as it is with man 5^ others who judge of what they see, before looking for the reason of its being so and not otherwise. We have seen since that we had been wrong in our appreciation of the adobe buildings. A great number of them have disappeared since we saw them for the first time, and have been replaced by others, more in keeping with the ideas and tastes of people who have come from other countries, but not exactly as advantageous in every respect. The adobe houses are very inexpensive, and can be put up in a few weeks ; they are durable in dr>' climates, warm in the winter and cool in the summer, not only on account of the thickness of their walls, but by reason of the material they are made with, which, owing to its lack of compactness, is but little subject to the influence of the external temperature. As regards durability More Priests and Teachers for Saxta Fe. 221 the adobe will last for centuries ; we have the proof of this in a number of the old mission Churches in New Mexico and in Santa Fe, where are to be seen ^^et, in the vicinity of St. Michael's College, houses which existed in 1694, at the time of Vargas' expedition, and which are still inhabited in the present year, 1895. The Santa Fe people seemed to be polite and affable. The costume of the men varied in form and colors, the rich being noticeable only by the qualit}' and the better assortment of their apparel. The "zarape," or colored blanket, was considered as indispensable among the working class of the people, as we were told, either as a protection against the cold weather, or at all times to make a decent appearance in the churches or in society. The women were generally dressed in black, and did not go out of their houses without the "rebozo," or veil in the shape of a wide scarf, which covered the head and shoulders and gave them a look of modest dignity. It reminded us of the costumes which Christian painters were wont to give to the women of old in their pictures. The citizens of the villa were devout people, as we could judge from the first Sunda}' we spent in the cit3', by the large congregation at the services in the Cathedral and by the re- spectful manner they listened to the instructions that were given them. It seemed they intended to show b^^ their behavior that they understood the meaning of the name of their city, and tried to keep the Santa Fe, or the Holy Faith, always alive in their hearts. To do this was only their duty, because the holy faith was the heritage the^^ had received from their ancestors, the first Spanish conquerors, and this faith had been kept sacred among them by an almost uninterrupted succession of priests, at least, from the year 1605, the date of the foundation of the city of Santa Fe. After a couple of days, the Brothers were put in possession of a house, in which they opened classes as soon as circum- stances allowed. Those of the party who had come for mis- sionarj- work remained in the parish residence, having to study the languages of the countr^^ as far as they were able to do so. The Rev. J. B. Salpointe had to take charge of the young men who had come from France before completing their classi- 222 Moke Priest's and Teachers eor Santa Fe; cal studies, and to visit, once a week, the chapels of the Pecos, Galisteo and Tesuque pueblos. The Brothers, having made the necessary- arrangements in their house, opened their schools on the 1 5th of November with twenty boarders and fifty day scholars. Their building, which stood on a good sized plot of ground, adjoined the old San Miguel chapel, which gave its name to the new college. It was one of the largest houses of Santa Fe, but in a very short time it proved unequal to the purpose. It had to be altered and enlarged, year after year, until Brother Botulph was made president of the college and substituted for the old house a large and substantial three-stor>' building, sufficient to accom- modate the pupils who might be expected from the Territory for years to come. St. jMichael's, or the San Miguel College, like all the institutions which have to be estabHshed in new countries, had to go through trials of many kinds for a number of years, but owing to the perseverance and devotedness of the Brothers, it has accomplished a great amount of good all the while, and to-day it must be considered an institution of learn-, ing inferior to none other of the kind in the country. Rev. Francis X. Jouvenceau was sent, a few days after his arrival from France, to San Miguel, where, as assistant priest, he could have an opportunity to learn the Spanish language ; but ver^' soon necessity obliged his Bishop to send him to Sa- pello to found a parish. The limits given to the. new parish comprised the farming populations of Sapello, Monton de Ala- mos, Loma Parda, Golondrinas, Fort Union, Manuelitas, Teco- loteilos. La Junta and Rincon de Tecolote, all taken from L,as Vegas parish. These towns gave an aggregate number of pop- ulation sufficient for a good parish, but there was no church except at Golondrinas and Monton de Alamos, where chapels existed. The priest selected vSapello for his residence as a cen- tral point, and commenced to ask contributions from the faith- ful for the building of a church. His call was fairly responded to, and in less than two years, a large church and the priest's residence reached their completion under the direction and through the exertions of the ^-oung missionary. The inhabi- tants of the Sapello parish are still noted for their generosity towards what concerns religious worship, and their church is Moke Pkiests and Teachers for Santa Fe. 223 one of the best supplied with good vestments. Father Jouven- ceau administered the parish to the satisfaction of all good Catholics until 1867, when he volunteered, with the consent of his Bishop, for Arizona, where the priests were ver\^ scarce. There were in 1859, eighteen parishes or heads of missions in the diocese of Santa Fe. These were : St. Francis Cathe- dral, attended by the Bishop and his vicars, Very Rev. Mache- beuf and Ver>^ Rev. Eguillon ; Las Vegas, parish priest, Rev. Pinard ; San Miguel, parish priest. Rev. Guerin ; Antonchico, parish priest, Rev. Fayet ; Mora, parish priest, Rev. Taladrid ; Taos, parish priest. Rev. Ussel ; Picuries Indian pueblo, parish priest, Rev. Tafoya ; Abiquiu, parish priest, Rev. Salazar ; San Juan, Indian pueblo, parish priest. Rev. Ortiz ; Santa Cruz, parish priest. Rev. Trujillo ; San Ildefonso, Indian pueblo, parish priest. Rev. Medina ; Tome, parish priest, Rev. Ral- liere ; Bernalillo, parish priest. Rev. Hayes ; Albuquerque, parish priest. Rev. Coudert ; Belen, parish priest. Rev. Paulet : Socorro, parish priest. Rev. Truchard ; L,as Cruces, parish priest. Rev. Donato ; Santo Domingo Indian pueblo, parish priest, Rev. Chavez. Ever}'' one of these parishes had a certain number of chapels, more or less distant from the principal church. In most of them, the priest could visit the chapels without being obliged to camp out for the night, but in some instances he had to travel three or four days, between one settlement and an- other, and, in this case it was necessary for him to take blankets and "bastimento, " provisions of food, before leaving his residence, according to the number of days he contemplated being out of his habitation. If he could afford to have a vehi- cle, which was a costly luxurs' in those already remote times, he could easity' manage to make it comfortable to a certain ex- tent, but, when he was obliged to travel on horseback he had to reduce the bulk and weight of his baggage as much as pos- sible. In an3^ case, some ground coffee, a tin cup, bread and meat, fresh or dry, were articles not to be forgotten. The cup could be used to make the coffee and to drink it. As regard the cooking of meat, this was done with the help of a stick planted in the ground and holding the piece of meat to be roasted at a proper distance from the fire. CHAPTER VI. The Territories of Arizona and of Colorado Annexed TO THE Diocese of Santa Fe. (i) Arizona. In 1859 the Territory of Arizona, which had become part of the United States since 1854 by the Gadsen purchase, was annexed, bj' decree of the Holy See, to the diocese of Santa Fe. In order to ascertain what was the condition of Arizona and to find out, whether or not some missions could be estab- lished there at once, the Bishop sent the Very Rev. Machebeuf to visit that countr^^ His Lordship could not have made a better choice for the purpose. The Very Rev. Vicar General was a zealous and energetic missionary, never to be deterred by any difficulty when he thought he could do something for the glory of God and the good of souls. The distance from Santa Fe to Tucson was 600 miles, with danger from the Apache In- dians on one-half of the road to be traveled. Tucson, the most important town of Arizona at that time, numbered about six hundred inhabitants, mostly Mexicans. The origin of the population must be assigned to the establish- ment of the presidio, militar>^ post, which, according to Fran- cisco Velasco (i) took place in 1781. It is true that Father Juan Domingo Arricivita (2) states that the presidio del Tuc- son existed in 1768, when the Franciscan Fathers took charge (1) Noticias Estadisticas de la Provincia de Souora. (2) Cronica Serafica del colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro. Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe. 225 of tlie missions of Sonora, and this is the reason why some peo- ple think that the town of Tucson is so very ancient. That may be, but certain it is that it had no existence in 1762, as we collect from what is said, at this date, by the author of the Rudo Ensa3^o ( i ) , that ' 'there existed at Tucson a number of Indians, considerable enough to call for the presence of a priest, but that the nearest was the one at San Xavier del Bac, who had already more than he could do to take care of his own Catholic Indians." Frora these words we conclude that in 1762 there were no other people living at Tucson but Indians, and believe for w^ant of any proof to the contrary' that the popula- tion of Tucson was yet the same in 1768. The Indians spoken of lived at the foot of the hill called "El Cerro del Tucson," and these were gathered in 1772 by Fr. Francisco Garcez in a pueblo in adobe houses, with a church, a mission house and a protec- tion wall against the attacks of the Apaches. This pueblo, which was designated by the name of "Pueblito del Tucson," stood about half a mile west of the present town of Tucson, as can be seen by what remains of its ruins. It was first attended hy the Franciscans from San Xavier, but when it had a church ■and priest's residence, it was benefited by the permanent presence of one or more missionaries. Its church was dedicated to Our Lord of Esquipula, w^hose picture, according to the living tradi- tion among the residents of Tucson, was taken to Imuris, with ■several church objects, after the expulsion of the Franciscan Fathers, December 20th, 1827. After stating what Father Garcez did for the pueblo of Tucson, Arricivita says again : "Y hoy es Presidio de los Es- pafioles," (and to-day it is Presidio of the Spaniards,) To-day means 1792, the date at which the historian of the Franciscans wrote his book. But refraining from giving as exact date of its establishment, the Presidio de los Espanoles existed certainly, not at the pueblito of the Indians, but at the place called now the city of Tucson. The presidio had its own church, with two patron saints, Our Lady of Guadalupe for the soldiers, and St. Augustine for the people who, Httle by little had agglom- merated around the post. (1) Rudo Ensayo o descripcion geografica de la provincia de Sonora, by one of the Jesuit missiouaries. la 226 Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe. The centers of population of Arizona, besides Tucson, were San Xa\'ier del Bac, an old Papago mission with about two hundred Indians ; Tubac, with a military post and some thirty Mexican famiHes, and Gila Cit}'-, now Yuma, which had only a small population. The missionary found the inhabitants almost all Catholics, and well disposed to avail themselves of his presence to receive the sacraments of the Church, a benefit they had been deprived of for a long time. Indeed, since the expulsion of the Franciscan Fathers (1827), they had onlj^ re- ceived here and there some visits from the priests of Magdalena (Sonora), when the}^ could find or were furnished a good escort to protect them against the Indians. The Very Rev. Machebeuf had enough to occupy him for a period of time, in performing marriages, baptizing and hear- ing confessions at Tucson, San Xavier and Tubac. Tucson, as the most important town of the Territory, was selected by the missionary- as the place best suited for the center of his labors. He had work here for the da^^ and part of the night for several weeks. The old church, which had been built when Tucson was made a "Presidio," militar}- post, was in such a condition that it could be neither used nor repaired. It was however necessar^^ to have a church, no matter how poor it might be, for the present, provided it could hold the Catholic population of the locality. Father Machebeuf, always equal to the cir- cumstances, contrived to have it in a very short time. A little house, composed of two small rooms, was given to him for the purpose by Don Francisco Solano Leon, one of the prominent citizens of the town. The building was really too limited in proportions, but at the request of the Vicar General, it was en- larged by the voluntar\' work of the faithful by adding a good sized, rough wooden porch to one of the rooms. This, poor as it was, was the first church used in Tucson since the Territory of Arizona had been attached to the diocese of Santa Fe. Many people remember yet the instructions they received from the "Seiior Vicario" in this provisional church ; they remember in particular, how forcibly he spoke one morning at mass, against murder, \vithout knowing that the night before, an American had killed a man in self defense, and how seriously the priest was called to ansAver for his words. After some explanations, Arizona Annexed to Santa Fe, 227 tlie offended man was satisfied that the preacher knew nothing of what had happened during the night, and had spoken in a gen- eral way against those who take unjustly the life of their fellow men. Nevertheless, from this day, the priest was not allowed by the Catholics of Tucson to travel alone, and even in town, when he had to hear confessions at night, there were, without his being aware of it, some men standing around the church until he would come out, when they accompanied him to his residence. The San Xavier mission had a great attraction for the Very Rev. Machebeuf, not only because he had there a good church, but on account of the good dispositions he found in the Indians of the pueblo. He had only to send somebody to ring the bells to have all the people in the church for mass. These Indians had not forgotten the prayers they had been taught by the Franciscan Fathers, and they were ready to say them rather in Spanish than in their own language. Some of them could sing at mass in a very tolerable manner, which is prac- ticed yet by some Mexicans who lived in the pueblo and learned it from the Indians. Wlfen the Vicar General made his first visit to San Xavier, he was agreeably surprised when the gov- ernor or chief of the tribes, Jose, told him that he had kept in his house, since the expulsion of the Franciscan Fathers, the sacred vessels, for fear that they might be stolen if they had been left in the church. The objects saved were : four silver chal- ices, a gold plated silver monstrance, two gold cruets with a silver plate, two small silver candlesticks, two silver censers and a sanctuary carpet. All this was enough to justify the good words the missionary had always for San Xavier when he had to speak about Arizona. The most pressing work having been attended to in Tuc- son, San Xavier and Tubac, the Vicar General had already made arrangements for a journey to the Pima villages and to Yuma when he was called back to Santa Fe by his Bishop, who stated only that he needed his services at some other place. It must be said that before doing anything in the missions of Arizona, the Vicar General of Santa Fe, went to Sonora to settle the question of jurisdiction with the Bishop of that coun- try, the Rt. Rev. Loza, now the Archbishop of Guadalajara. He was kindly received by this Prelate, who transferred to him, 228 Colorado Annexed to Santa Fe, as representative of the Bishop of Santa Fe, jurisdiction over the population of Arizona, which, b}^ decree of the Holy See, was taken from the diocese of Sonora to be attached to that of Santa Fe. (2) Colorado. The reason why the Bishop unexpectedly called his Vicar from Arizona, was because the Territory of Colorado had been also annexed, of late, to the Santa Fe diocese, and because the prelate had no other priest he could conveniently send for a visit to that country'. Father Machebeuf started at once from Tucson, but had to stop at Dona Ana, on account of sickness, and could not reach Santa Fe before the end of November 1859, after an absence of about four months. Had he been given his choice, he would have started again for Arizona, a countr}' he liked for its climate and for the many good qualities of its inhabitants, but he knew his duty was to obey, and he sub- mitted. Obedience, however, was made lighter on him, when, at his request, the Bishop promised he would send another priest to Arizona, as soon as possible. In the latter part of December of the same year, the Very Rev. Machebeuf set out for Colorado. He stopped at Denver, which was hardly started as a town. There he enquired, as he knew how to do, about ever>' corner of the Territory, about the new mines which were reported from all sides for record, and understood that the country' was bound to come up and progress rapidl}'. There were only a few Catholics in Denver at that time, and consequently ver\' little to do for the Vicar General, who returned to Santa Fe in order to make the necessary arrangements for the establishment of a mission in Colorado when the time should come for it. Meanwhile the immigrants were rushing to Colorado, and Father Machel:>euf was kept 'au courant' of the progress of the Territory bj- the friends he had made there. Verj^ soon they urged upon him to come back to Denver without delay. Indeed he was ready and waited only for the time his Bishop would be able to give him a priest who would help him in Colorado. He had him at last in the person of Rev. J. B. Raverd3', recently ordained a priest, and both started in the fall of 1S60 for Colorado, where they were to spend the remainder of their lives. Thej^ fixed their residence Colorado An'xexed to Saxta Fe. 229 in Denver, where, in a short time, they had a little church which has been enlarged several times and which is now used as the cathedral of the diocese, though by far too small for the Catholic population of the parish. We give here some details of the apostolic life of Right Rev. Joseph Machebeuf and his friend Rev. John Baptist Raverdy, quoting freely from the "History of the Catholic Church in Colorado," by Father O'Rj-an and Father Ma- lone : ( I ) Right Eev. Joseph Machebkuf, first Catholic Bishop of Denver, Avas born at Riom, France, August 11, 1812, He was ordained to the priesthood on Christmas, 1836, Three years later he left his native land for America and offered his services to Bishop Purcell, of Cincin- nati, Ohio. While laboring in that diocese, his simplicity, piety and earnestness — those qualities which particularly shone in him until his death — made him beloved wherever he went, "In 1844," writes to us Eev. P. A. Phillips (2), "Father Machebeuf visited his home in France, and it was on this occasion that he brought back with him ten Sisters of the Ursuline order and established them in Brown County, Ohio, where they now have a most flourishing and well-appointed convent. This was the introdutibn in the United States of a teaching community unrivaled in the Catholic Church. In 1850, Father Lamy, a comrade and friend of Father Machebeuf Avho had coiue to this country with him, was made Bishop of Santa Fe, IS^. M., taking Father Machebeuf with him. Thej^ reached Santa Fein 1851, after spending several months giving missions through Texas. Upon arriving at Santa Fe Father Machebeuf was created Vicar-General of the diocese. All through New Mexico and Arizona for years he traveled up and down, building up the Church and leaving everywhere the imprint of bis zeal. On the 29th of October, 1860, he arrived in Denver, accom- panied by his faithful friend. Rev. J. B. Raverdy, whom Bishop Lamy had appointed to assist him. Here he begins the real work of his life and we regret that space will not allow more than a cursory view of it. Upon his arrival here he immediately started the building of the Cath- olic church of St. Mary's which still stands on Stout Street, between Fifteenth and Sixteenth Streets, as the first brick edifice reared in Col- orado to the service of God. During its construction the Kev. Father offered up the holy sacrifice of mass in a small frame building next door to the present Metropolitan Hotel at Sixteenth and Market Streets. Father Machebeuf continued his labors in Colorado and in his ceaseless journeying from place to place, he sowed the seed of the gospel of Christ (1) History of the Church in Colorado. (E. J. Kelley, Art Printing, Denver.) (2) Rev. P. A. Phillips has been for several years and is yet the Chancellor of the diocese of Denver. 230 CoLORADa, wherever th^re wasr soil to receive it. But the Churcli waff growing- ancE Catholics were pouring into Coloratlo with tlie tide of immigration. Ire 1864, feeling tlic need of u school, he called to his assistance the Sisters of Loretto (Kentucky J A band of a few noble women hearkened to his call and in humble beginnings they planted the seed which has grown to the proportions of a magnificent and stately educational insti- tution called Ft. Mary's Academy, on California Street between Four- teenth and Fifteenth Streets. On February 5, 1868, Colorado and Utah were erected in a Vicariate Apostolic and Father Machebeuf was ap- pointed its Vicar Apostolic by the Holy See. On February 12, 1871, Utah was placed under jurisdiction of the Archbishop of San Francisco, Cal. On August 16, 1868, Father Mache- beuf was consecrated bishop in St, Peter'^s Cathedral, Cincinnati, Ohio^ by Archbishop Purcell. A short time later he returned to Denver,, where he found Catholic interests growing rapidly and requiring his constant presence. Meanwhile Bishop Machebeuf had been calling to his assistance a few zealous and hard-working missionaries, among whom Father Raverdy stands first and foremost. With their aid, missions were established, chapels erected and schools built almost everywhere, where cii'cumstances allowed. Since 1870 the diocese of Denver has been growing so rapidly that it would be impossible to give an adequate idea of its building and of its present state without the aid of dry statistics. At this writing (as a result of Bishop Machebeuf's zealous and untiring work) there are in Denver nine parishes, with each a parochial school attached except one ' two hospitals ; the House of Good Shepherd ; two orphan asylums ; an acad- emy and a fine convent of the Sisters of Loretto at Loretto Heights, Last, })ut not least, we can mention the College of the Sacred Hearty conducted by the Jesuit Fathers. No betterappointed institution exists west of the Missouri river. In the diocese there are about eighty priests — regular and secular — who attend about ninety churches and chapels and over one hundred and ten stations ; eight academies with over nineteen parochial schools having an attendance of over four thousand pupils, ten hospitals, and a total Catholic population of about sixty or seventy thousand. Bishop Joseph P. Machebexif died August 10, 1889, leaving his won- drous works for his monument. His body rests in Mount Olivet Cem- etery, and his soul with God." When in the diocese of Santa Fe, Bishop Machebeuf worked constantly for the glory of God and for the good of souls. As Vicar General he had no charge of any particular parish and for this reason, he used to go from one mission to another, preaching ever^^vhere, and helping the priests as much as he could in the discharge of their duties and cheering them in leisure hour by his pleasant and witty conversation. C!0L0RAD0. 23l« Eegging liad T^ecome a habit with Father Machebeuf, so •:tnuch so that he could not visit a priest without asking him for something, in the way of books or church vestments, before lea\nng the house ■; but it must be said to his credit, that he liked to give of what he had, and sometimes, he gave more than lie received. Though very plain and unpretending in his man- ner of living, he did not approve of too much parsimony on the part of the priests. This he manifested one day to a priest he liappened to take supper with. The priest, as usual, had for Ms evening meal "atole," corn mush and milk, and as it was too late to look for other provisions, it was all he could offer to the Vicar General. The latter, before leaving the next day, said to his host, that a priest, either for his own convenient comfort or to command consideration from other people, ought to have always a plain but good table. The priest alluding to the table itself, answered : ' 'Yes, Senor Vicario, my table is old and shaky, and this is the reason why I cannot put heavy ■dishes on it ; but never mind, I will try to have a good solid one for the next time I may be honored with your visit." The Very Rev. Vicar could only laugh heartily and go. The priest tept his word ; he had a new table made, and he feels proud yet to show it to his guests, asking them if it is not a good sub- stantial piece of furniture. Eev. John Baptist Raverdy, Catholic priest, was born in the old city of Rheims, France, June 24, 1831. His early education was received in his native town j philosophy and theology he studied at the college at Chalons. It is well to notice here that the young man was materially aided in his arduous studies, and encouraged in the attainments of his holy vocation to the priest- hood by Mr. Charles Heidsieck, St., whose death occurred February 13, 1893, when seventy-one years old, and whose son is still a prosperous and respectable wine merchant of Rheims. Here he was ordained sub-deacon in 1850. In 1859, hearing of the new missionary field in the far-off West, he offered his services to Bishop Lamy of Santa Fe, who accepted him as one of his, and ordained him a priest. Soon after he cheerfully obeyed the order he received from Bishop Lamy to go to the Rocky Mountain region with Father Machebeuf. After a long and tedious journey, weary and weak, he finally ar- rived in Denver late in the evening of the 29th of October, 1860. At this time Denver's chief architectural beauties were three or four low brick houses, and here and there a pretentious frame building. For •232 Colorado, the rest, it was made up of liurriedly constructed frame or log cabins, and outside the limits the smoke gaily curled around the wigwams of the Indians. Catholics were very few then, numbering about thirty or forty individuals in Denver. Notwithstanding, Father Raverdy urged Bishop ^lachebeuf to build the little church which is now called St, Mary's Cathedral, on Stout and Fifteenth Streets. One thing, however, grieved Father Raverdy ; it was that this church should be built on the prairie. On Christmas Day, 1860, he sang in it the first mass at mid- night. While Father ]Machebeuf was building the church, and his little house, which now forms part of the present vestry of St. Mary's, Father Raverdy started on horseback for Southern Colorado, carrying with him the necessary paraphernalia in which to say mass. He first visited Heurfano, arriving there November 15, 1860, and remained some days, visiting Mexican families, saying mass for them, baptizing their children, performing marriages, etc. In connection with his work in Colorado, it may be interesting to mention that the first Catholic baptism was performed by Bishop ^lieje, during his visit in 1860. Here is the record taken from the register of St. Mary's Cathedral : "On the 3d of June, 1860, by the Rt. Rev. J. B. Mieje, Bishop of Leaven- worth, was baptized George Eckbet, son of George Eckbet and Margaret Thornton, born the 11th of March, I860; godmother, Mary Yank." The second baptism was performed the same da)' ; the child was named John Edward, and was the son of John and Catherine Doyle; sponsors, Wm. Dunn and Mary King; baby born April 28th, 1860. The first marriage of Catholics in Denver took place February 11, 1861. The contracting parties were Abner Davidson and Anna Moran. Father Machebeuf officiated. Golden City had then several Catholics. In 1860 three children of Catholics were bom there. Their names were Murphy, Truby and Kean. INIartin Murphy was born on New Year's Day 1860 in Golden. Up and down went Fathers Raverdy and Machebeuf, finding here and there a few Catholic families, whose needs they attended and faith they consoled. Hard work and poor fare, such was the lot of both priest and people. He lived with his companion from hand to mouth. The weary rides from station to station, the many nights spent with no canopy but God's grand spangled arch of blue, and no bed except the cold and often snow-covered ground, the buffalo robe wrapped close to keep the cold out : such were their comforts. Yet withal they were cheery. Who of the old residents from Heurfano to Denver, in Cali- fornia Gulch, in Central City, ever found them complaining day or night, wherever duty called them ? But the Christian spirit, the spirit that led their Master, was in them. The life of these two priests was purely missionary as that of St. Paul in his travels. In 1864 Father Raverdy visited Utah. General Connors received him kindly at the Fort in Salt Lake, where he stayed some weeks administering to the Colorado. 233 ■wants of the Catholicg there. From Salt Lake he went to Montana, Avhere the gold fever was raging. He was there one month and did much good. In 1866 he took charge of Central City and from Central City he at- tended Georgetown, Empire, Idaho Springs, Boulder and several other small settlements. He remained pastor of Central City until 1871. In 1868 Bishop Machebeuf appointed Father Raverdy his Vicar-General, "a post (to use Bishop Machebeuf's words when he was dying) which he has held honorably ever since." Grand and simple epitaph for a priest. If ever a monument is raised over his grave, let these words te carved on its marble. Father Raverdy died on the 18th of November, 1889, at Denver. The shock produced by Bishop Machebeuf's death which he learned on his way home from France, certainly hastened his own. Perhaps it was as well that, as they had been "lovely and pleasant in their lives, in their death they were not divided," that together they received peace. The Church they built up in Colorado remains as their monument. 15* CHAPTER VII. The First Schools Established Outside of Santa Ee, On the 28th of October, i860, the Rev. John B. Salpointe left Santa Ee for Mora, where he was sent as parish priest to succeed Rev. Damazo Talarid, called to take another mission. The parish of Mora comprised then only the towns and settle- ments of CeboUa, Cueva, Agua Negra, Guadalupita, Coyote, Rayado and Cimaron, all with chapels except the three last mentioned. In 1863, in order to give some relief to Eather Machebeuf and to his assistant priest, Eather Raverdy, the Bishop of Santa Ee extended the jurisdiction of Mora as far as to embrace the rivers of L,as Animas, Huerfano, and San Carlos near the place where now stands Pueblo City. Thus enlarged, the extension of the parish was about two hundred miles from north to south. There was more than enough work for the parish priest and his assistant, especially on account of the Raton Range, which, to go to L,as Animas river, had to be crossed for a couple of years by a trail hardly perceptible in many places, and everywhere as bad as a brook, which in its course cut it often at short distances, could make it. Later on, the road was improved and bridges put on the brook by the well known old pioneer Richard Hooton, who made his residence about half way in the canon of the mountain. At the foot of the Raton Range on the north side, was Trinidad, on the Animas river, with a few adobe houses, and at a short distance, on the left side of the river, a small log room, the property of Dn. Eelipe Vaca, which was used as a chapel. The name of the river "Las Animas," means "the Schools Outside the City op Santa Fe. 235 souls," on account of the first explorers who, it is said, were killed by the Indians in the vicinity of the space now occupied by the rapidly growing city of Trinidad. Among the first set- tlers may be mentioned Felipe Vaca, George Simpson, Juan Ignacio Alire, Henry Biernbaum and Marcos Tafoya. The church at Mora was found in an almost ruinous con- dition. Part of the roof had given way under the weight of the mud it was covered with, and the whole of it was threaten- ing to fall down in the near future. Was this the fault of the Rev. D. Taladrid ? It is what he plainly admitted when he introduced his successor to some of the influential citizens of the town. These men, he said, and many others in the parish will help their priest to repair the church ; if they have not done it before, it is only because, owing to my age and to my lack of knowledge in the art of building anything, I did not request them to do so. As assent was given to these words by those present; it was an encouragement for the new priest, who first, with the help of his parishioners, provided for the security of his people as well as could be done at that time. Early the next spring, a more thorough repairing which amounted almost to complete rebuilding, was given to the church, leaving it with a board ceiling and a shingle roof instead of the mud one it had before. True it is the priest had to put all his savings in this work, but he really found the people of Mora alwa^'S disposed to help him in the measure of the means in their power. The church was 3^et by no means elegant or rich ; still it was decent and sufficient for the actual population, and has not been re- placed yet by a better one, though it has been embellished by a frame tower and a new vestry during the administration of the Rev. John B. Guerin. The church having been put in a good condition, the Rev. Salpointe turned his attention towards estab- lishing schools in his parish, and for this purpose, as well as for the church, he received material help from his parishioners. In those not very remote days, it was rather difficult to have a church or a school house built in a regular and attractive shape. The only material that could be conveniently had, was the adobe, and the masons who emplo3^ed it, had, as a rule, a very limited knowledge of proportions, and less taste in their work. In such circumstances it devolved on the priest who intended 236 Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. to rear some building for public use, to make his plans and superintend the work from beginning to end, as much as possi- ble, in order to prevent the mistakes of his mechanics. We remember that on one occasion our chief mason in setting some window frames for the church, had only in his mind to put them in the place they were to occupj'-, without pa^'ing much attention to the position they had to keep as to level and per- pendicularity. We came in time to call his attention to the defect, and his answer to our remark was this : "You are ver^^ strict about every^thing, just as if those who will come to the church would carry their level and plumb in their pocket." As to the carpenter work, it was generally done with less diffi- culty, as there were alread^^ in the country American carpenters who understood their trade well enough to make doors and windows, and to cover a building. In the summer of 1863, the Bishop of Santa Fe received notification that his good friend, Father Machebeuf, had met with a serious accident on coming from Central City^ to Denver, The buggy on which he rode upset, leaving him with a broken leg and little hope of recovery-. The Bishop, fearing his friend might die from the shock, made haste for a journey to Denver, and left Santa Fe without taking any pro\dsions for the road. The next day at about noon he reached IVIora and invited us to join him on the trip to Denver, but peremptorily objected to stop over a couple of hours to prepare some suitable provi- sions. He took what was left of the dinner, about enough for one meal, and we started at once to make Ocate cailon for the night. The next day at noon, the small party was in the vicin- ity of Rayado, where a good supply was obtained from the house of Mr. J. Abreu, next from Trinidad, and farther on from Jose Doyle's place on the Huerfano river. The Bishop, who could do with one meal a day even at home, provided he had a cup of black coffee and a piece of bread morning and evening, always objected to making ample provision of victuals for travehng and this is the reason why, from Huerfano to Denver, about one hundred and forty miles, the travelers had to live mostly on game. The prelate was not much of a hunt- er, but he could build a fire, while his servant was taking care of the horses, and as game was abundant it did not take a Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. 237 long time before the companion from Mora would come with a rabbit or something else. To roast it at the end of a stick was the matter of only a short while, but salt was wanting, and without it, this kind of meat is unsavorj^ and hard to swallow. Still nobody complained much about it, so good a cook is hunger. We must not forget that a couple of days before reaching Denver, we met on Plum creek a little farm started by Mr. Bug, who was acquainted with Bishop Lamy, and there we found an agreeable reception and a good dintier. The jour- ney lasted ten days of quick travel, at the end of which the Bishop and the priest of Mora had the pleasure of finding Father Machebeuf on the wa^^ to convalescence, and cheerful as ever, though he knew he would remain lame for life. In 1864, April 4th, the Rev. J. B. Salpointe, parish priest of Mora, had the pleasure of receiving three Sisters of I,oretto coming from Santa Fe, at his request, to take charge of a school for girls in the vicinity of his residence on the church plaza. These were Sisters Mary Borja, Cecilia and Ynes. Soon after there was opened in the same town a school for boys under the direction of the Christian Brothers. A few months before, the Rev. Gabriel Ussel, parish priest of Taos, had founded two similar institutions in his parish. The Brothers and the Sisters who took charge of these schools were the first who left Santa Fe to extend the blessings of their work to the parishes of the diocese. At Mora, as at Taos, the Brothers re- mained only a few jxars, owing to the poor attendance of pupils and thereby the lack of means for their support. The Sisters have persevered residing in both places notwithstanding the difficulties they have met with on several occasions ; the sever- est trial the Sisters had to stand at Mora was the burning of their house at the end of 1888. It was also in 1864 that the Sisters of lyoretto were called to Denver by Father Machebeuf to found St. Mar3''s Academy. As we have seen before (Chap. III.), the Sisters of Dor- retto suffered from the cholera, which, when they first started for New Mexico, deprived them of one of their number and obUged another to stop on her way and go back from Indepen- dence to the Mother House for her convalescence. This was a severe trial, but not the last they had to undergo in extending 238 Schools Outside the City of Saxta Fe. their beneficial work to the missions of Santa Fe before there were facilities for transportation as we have them at the present time. We speak here of October 31, 1864. At this date we were coming from Santa Fe with some Sisters as an addition to those already established at Mora. We passed Sapello late in the afternoon, and with aU appearances of bad weather for the night, but the Sisters had a good covered wagon, and we intended to reach Mora for the feast of All Saints, even by traveling at night. The distance was twenty-seven miles. We started against the good advice of the priest of Sapello, the Rev. Francis Jouvenceau, who offered us the hos- pitality of his house. For about an hour the weather was good, when on a sudden it commenced to rain hard, and soon after, to snow in great abundance. Before long the night became dark, and the road hardly visible, when the horses stopped in a ravine, and could not move ahead on account either of the deep snow or of the slipper}' ground they had under their feet. This had to be the end of the journey. After tying up our animals to the surrounding trees we and our boy commenced to feel the surrounding ground with our feet in order to find some sticks of dry wood to build a fire. We succeeded, not without diffi- culty, but the Sisters wrapped with blankets in their convey- ance, refused to avail themselves of our fire. Our supper con- sisted of some biscuits and apples which the Sisters furnished us from their basket. At this juncture we were summoned imperatively' to clear the way, by Father Machebeuf, who was also going to Santa Fe for a colony of Sisters for Denver. Great was the surprise for both to meet in such a predicament, and more so for the Father when he saw that he could not attempt to pursue his way before da^'light, without exposing himself to the danger of missing the road and going over some precipice. At last he understood that he could not fight against the elements and de- termined to accept the hospitality we could offer him. He had room for us in his wagon, and the boys, with the blankets we could spare, made it as comfortable as they could near the fire. We had just commenced to slumber when we were startled by a tremendous crash which was repeated several times by the echo of the mountains. What was it ? It was nothing but the Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. 239 snow whose weight had despoiled a large pine tree of all its branches from top to bottom. Then commenced our fear for the Sisters, whose wagon was between two or three of the same trees. Fortunately, or rather providentially, the night went on without any repetition of the dreadful noise. The next morning early we started, not for Mora, our des- tination, but for Sapello, in order to keep the feast of All Saints. The snow had stopped falling, but we had it so deep on the ground that, at every three or four steps, the horses re- fused to pull as the snow became piled up in front of the axles, and at ever>^ time we had to use a stick to remove the obstruc- tion before we could make another start. It was, as can be understood, a rather slow and painful way of traveling ; still towards the evening we reached the house of Dn. Fernando Nolan, about four miles from the starting point. This gentle- man, a friend of ours, gave the best room he had to the Sisters and treated us not as ordinary guests, but as we needed after a long fast. We spent the night there, and the next day in the afternoon, with the help of Mr. Nolan and some of his neigh- bors on horseback, we made for Sapello, and the day after for Mora by another road, out of the woods and less obstructed by the snow. When a priest was appointed to a parish, he was, at his first appearance in it, given a reception, not very brilliant in every case, but always cordial, and as good as circumstances could afford. In the country places, the ceremony took place generally in front of the chapel on the first occasion the priest had to say mass in it. The principal actors were the fiddlers, the guitar players, the drummer, some men with fire arms and a poet whose duty it was to extemporize some crude com- plimentary verses which did not always bear the stamp of novelty. After this performance the priest might return the compliment on the spot, and then proceed into the chapel for the celebration of mass. In some chapels, there were no bells to call the people ; in these cases guns were fired oflf at the hour for mass. When the chapel was too. far for the priest to go home for his breakfast, he was always invited by some one of the inhabitants of the place to a cup of coffee or something to eat, as might be 240 Schools Outside the City of Santa Fe. preferred. The Mexican people have ahva3^s distinguished themselves by their hospitality, not only to their priests, but to any stranger who might come to their houses, even if they had to beg from their neighbors to accommodate their guests. On the 26th of October, 1863, the Right Rev. Bishop Lamy, who had alread}' procured two Jesuit Fathers from Cali- fornia for the missions of Arizona, started from Santa Fe with one of his priests, the Rev. J. M. Coudert, in order to pay a visit to these missionaries and to see the principal settlements of the Territory'. From Albuquerque he took the northwestern direction for Prescott, visiting at the same time the parish of Cebolleta, the pueblo of Zuiii and other places of western New Mexico. His Lordship reached Prescott toward the middle of December, and remained in the neighborhood until after Christ- mas day. From there he went b^^ Fort Mohave to Los Angeles, where he spent a few days with the Right Rev. Bishop Amat, and thence started for Tucson b}^ the way of La Paz, Weaver, Salt River and Maricopa Wells. The inhabited districts of what has since become the grow- ing city of Prescott were then only small mining camps ; Wea- ver was a gold placer worked by a few Mexican men ; still there was activity ever3^where, and the miners looked contented and entertained great hopes for the near future. The Bishop and his priest reached Tucson on the 19th of March, just in time to spend H0I5' Week in that tow-n. They found generous hospitality, the Bishop in the house of W. S. Oury, and Father Coudert in that of Dn. Juan Fernandez. The two Jesuit Fathers, already mentioned, were the Revs. Mesea and Bosco, the former residing in Tucson and the latter in the San Xavier pueblo. They had succeeded Father Donato Rogieri, an ex-Franciscan, who was killed, with two of his companions, by the Apache Indians, at the hot springs of Vado de Bigas in the State of Chihuahua, Mexico. This priest worked faithfully for about three years in Tucson and San Xavier del Bac. He laid in Tucson the foundations of the church which was afterwards the pro-cathedral of the Vicar- iate Apostolic of Arizona. As the Jesuit Fathers had neither church nor residence of their own in Tucson, they remained only a short time after the --^'•^?^^ XXXVIII. Very Rev. E. Gerard, Vicar General, Tucson, Ariz. XXXIX & XL. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson, Ariz. Schools Outside the City of Saxta Fe. 241 f Bishop's visit. The people have kept a good remembrance of their sta^^ among them ; the San Xavier Indians especially were formerly fond of speaking of Father Mesea, as a man who pleaded their cause with their agent, to get from him the agri- cultural implements the}' needed, besides caring zealously for their spiritual welfare. In August, 1864, the Right Rev. Bishop of Santa Fe was informed that the Jesuit Fathers had been recalled b^' their Su- perior, and that Arizona was left without priests to care for the spiritual wants of its people. As the mission was considered a ver>' dangerous one on account of the Apache Indians scattered all over its territory, the good Prelate felt reluctant to send to it any of his priests authoritatively. What he did was to ex- press his desire that some of them would volunteer for it. Out of three who offered themselves for the distant and dangerous mission, two were accepted, viz. : Rev. Peter Lassaigne and Rev. Peter Bernal. The third was kept back on account of two schools he was actualty engaged in building in the parish of Mora and which had not yet reached their completion. It took onh' a few da3'S to have the two priests ready for their joiirne}'. The distance between Santa Fe and Tucson was six hundred miles. The half of it was traveled in stage without difficult}', but from Las Cruces, where they left the stage, the mission- aries could not find any facilitv' for going farther in the direc- tion of Arizona. All travel had been stopped for fear of the Apaches who were reported to be roaming in that portion of the country-. The priests offered a good sum of money for horses and a guide, but nobody would risk his life for the sake of any money. At last, after three weeks' waiting for an op- portunity- which did not present itself, the Rev. gentlemen had to return to Santa Fe. 16 CHAPTER Vlir. Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona. The danger from the Indians between Santa Fe and TuC' son was ahvaj-s the same ; but time was going rapidly bj- and the Bishop growing more and more anxious ever}' day for the portion of his flock which remained without priests. At this juncture the parish priest of Mora was reminded of the promise he had made, the year previous, of his services for the missions of Arizona. Bishop Lamy joined to him the Revds. Francis Boucard and Patrick Birmingham, and Mr. Vincent, a young man as school teacher. The four were provided with saddle horses and a four horse wagon driven by a Mexican man to carry the baggage and provisions. Thus equipped, the small party started on their long journey in the afternoon of the 6th of January 1866. Measures had been taken, as far as possible, for the safety' of the missionaries. At the request of the Rt. Rev. Bishop, General Carleton, commanding Fort Marcy at Santa Fe, was kind enough to furnish an escort to the missionaries as far aS Bowie, the Hmit of his department. The first day, the party went to Juana L,opez ranch, about eighteen miles from Santa Fe, where they stopped for the night at Dn. Nicolas Pino's house. The next day, January' the 7th, they reached near Algodones when it was already dark. There they were caught by a heavy rainstorm accompanied by continuous flashes of lightning and peals of thunder. It was necessar>^ then, to hurry up for the houses where we stopped for the night, though we had intended to reach Bernalillo, some eight miles further Missionaries Sext From Santa Fe to Arizona. 243 on. Such a storm in January' looked rather uniisual, and still more unusual looked the long aigrettes of electricity which shone without interruption on the ears of the horses, a thing which occurs sometimes in the dr>' climate of New Mexico, but which was unknown to us thus far. Adding to that the dark- ness of the night and the roaring of the swollen Rio Grande, whose w-aves ran close by, everj'thing contributed to make it seem weird and ominous. Was not all that enough to remind travelers of what their friends had told them, to prevent them from going to Arizona, namely, that they were going to certain death ? Indeed the elements seemed to be against us. It was perhaps what ever>^ one said to himself, but none had much op- portunity to express at the time his inmost impressions, as it was necessarv^ to make haste for a shelter. Having found a good house where to stop, we had a fair night's rest, and the next da}^ the sun rose radiant as if to sa^' to us : *'Do not fear, timid men, trials have onty their time." January' the 8th was really a beautiful da}', which was employed in going to Tome, where the Rev. J. B. Ralliere, gave us generous and cordial hospitality. It was at Pinos, in the parish of Tome, that we could procure the first escort, but on the advice of Father Ralliere, we determined not to take it as there were for a long distance along the river settlements enough to make it safe for us. The Rev. J. B. Ralliere, who had been notified of the coming part}', had already made ar- rangements to join it, with Rev. Benedict Bernard, the parish priest of Socorro, and go with it as far as Fort Selden. Socorro was made the station for the night of January' 9th. and that night was found very short owing to the joviality of the Revds. Ralliere and Bernard, who kept us pleasantly awake until nearly midnight. In those old days, when some priests met together, it was made the occasion of a fraternal festival. On the loth, after breakfast, the little caravan, to which Rev. Bernard joined himself, started for Paraje, about thirty five miles down the river. There it was customar}^ for travelers to stop twenty-four hours, to feed their animals and prepare them for the crossing of the "Jornada del Muerto", a distance of ninety miles without water, except when it rained for some time. Jornada in Spanish means a day's travel, but required the 244 Missionaries Sent From Santa Fe to Akizova. night also. Muerto means dead, ven^ likely somebody was found dead on the way through the Jornada. There was, how- ever, a possibility of having water bj^ going for it to Camp McRae, which made the road easier for the horses, though about twenty-five miles longer. This plan we accepted as the safest. McRae was on the Rio Grande, about twenty miles below Fort Craig. There we arrived on the 1 2th of January, in the afternoon, and were given a cordial reception by the commanding officer. Captain French, who supplied us with choice fresh provisions before we left the Post. January 13th early the caravan was marching again. Late at night we stopped for a few hours without water, in the Jornada, in order to rest the horses. The next morning be- fore daybreak, the camp was raised and the march resumed for Fort Selden, at the end of the Jornada, where a good rest for men and horses was contemplated before going any farther. Those of the party who traveled on horseback pushed ahead at daylight, leaving behind their wagon with the driver and a few men who had arrived at the camp during the night. No- body suspected any danger, as nothing could be seen on the plain, as far as the eye could reach. Still, the missionaries had hardly traveled a couple of hours, when they discovered five mounted Indians coming to them rapidly in an oblique direction. The Rev. Gentlemen were badlj' prepared to resist an attack, and what they instinctively did was to gallop for their lives, keeping to the trail. The Indians, probably, considered they had been noticed too soon to be able to accomplish what they intended, that is to say, to take bj^ surprise, and turned back, to the great satisfaction of the missionaries. They in fact, had only two firearms, and in their hurry to make good time in their flight, did not even think of making use of them. The danger over, they admitted the^^ had been very imprudent in leaving their w^agon and men behind, and resolved to profit by the lesson for another time. Thej^ judged by the direction the Indians had taken, that there would be no danger for those who came after them, and went on quietly to Selden, which they reached onlj^ a few hours ahead of their wagon. Undoubtedly the missionaries would have been kindly re- ceived at the Post without any recommendation, but still warmer MissioxARiES Sext From Saxta Fe to Arizoxa. 245 was their reception on account of the letters they had to present from General Carleton. Having to spend Sunday at the Post, one of the priests said mass, at which assisted at least the Cath- olic soldiers who were not prevented by actual duty. An escort was ready for the travelers on the 17th. It con- sisted of twenty men, who were detailed to reconnoitre the road as far as Fort Commins. The missionaries could not wish for any better, as it was exactly the road they had to follow. It took some time to cross the river at Selden ; still the Magdalena camp, about thirty miles distant, was made before dark. A station has been established since at that place, where water can be had ; while before, it was only in the rainy season that traveling people could hope to find any water. For the time being, the soldiers had brought an ample supply of it, not only for the men but also for the animals. The missionaries had to cook for themselves, but their horses were taken care of with those of the soldiers at night. The next day, January i8th, it was only at 10 o'clock p. m. that the party arrived at Fort Commins at the foot of Cook's Peak. As it was too late to look for Shelter in the houses of the Post, the whole party camped near an abundant spring called Cook's Spring, after the name of an American ofQcer, Captain Cook, who in 1846 was sent from Santa Fe by General Kearney to join the American troops in California, and who was the first to make his way through the mountains. On the 19th the missionaries started from Commins with a new escort for Rio Mimbres, a distance of eighteen miles through Cook's Mountains. There commenced the real danger from the Indians on the whole of the road from this point to Tucson, a distance of about 260 miles. The soldiers of the escort were visibly afraid to go through the mountains by a nar- row craggy cafion about ten miles in length. They spoke of several people having been killed of late by the Indians on that same road, but their fears were greatly increased when they discovered on the sand some footprints which they took for Indian tracks. All went ahead, however, with caution, and their eyes scanned every bush and rock along the road until the dreaded caiion was left behind without accident or notable incident. Early in the afternoon the caravan arrived in the 246 ' MissioxARiES Sent From Santa Fe to Arizona. vicinit}- of the Rio Mimbres, where some soldiers had been temporaril}' stationed for the protection of traveling people who had to camp there for water. Near the soldier's tent was a merchant from El Paso, Mexico, Mr. Davis, who was going to Arizona with some wagons loaded with merchandise. This man had crossed Cook's Mountain the night before, and the tracks the men of our escort saw on the road were no others but those of the men who drove Mr. Davis' wagons. It was like a stroke of good fortune for the missionaries to see their number increased by five or six men for the remainder of their journey'. January' 20, the start was made for "Ojo de la Vaca," Cow Spring, eighteen miles distant, without any kind of trees on the trail, which made it so much more pleasant for the travel- ers, as they could see far enough to avoid an3' surprise from the Indians. On the 2ist the caravan made toward Soldiers' Farewell, an old station of the overland mail, in the "Sierra de las Bur- ras, ' ' Burro Mountain. The place is a dangerous one on account of the many ravines bj' which it is cut and the brush in which the Indians can easily hide themselves. Still it had to be made the station for the night, as the next water was at least twenty miles farther on. January 2 2d the caravan reached "Las Playas," the shores, another abandaned station of the overland mail route where no water could be had except from some low places where rain water remained for want of an outlet. The name of Playas, or shores, comes evidently from the long stretches of bare argilla- ceous land which lie around the place and which, seen from a distance under the rays of the sun, represent either lakes or sand}' shores. The semblance of the lakes is produced by an effect of the mirage. From Las Pla3^as the journey was made, on the 23d, to San Simon, by the way of Stein's Peaks, a road which was opened in 1857 or '58 by Major Stein, going from New Mexico to Arizona. The canon to be followed between the peaks was shorter than Cook's but deeper, and for this reason more dan- gerous ; still it was passed without an^- trouble. San Simon is the name of a verj- long valley lying between Stein's Peak and Missionaries Sent Fkom Santa Fe to Arizona. 247 the Chiricahua mountains. There is plent}^ of rich land, but not water enough to irrigate it. January 24th the missionaries went to Fort Bowie, called also Apache Pass, Mr. Davis remaining with his wagons outside the limits of the Post. The garrison was composed mostly of Mexican volunteers who had been stationed there after the war, under the command of Major O' Gorman. The escort given b}^ General Carleton could not go an}^ farther, as it had reached the limit of the Santa Fe military department, but the Major kindly extended the same favor to the missionaries, pro- vided thej^ would Wait until the saine men could escort at the same time a freighter who had come from Tucson with provis- ions for the Post, and was preparing to return home with his wagons. The delay was only three days. Meanwhile the commanding officer kept the travelers as his own guests, and though not a Catholic himself, he was full of attentions for them, and gave them the use of the hospital tent to say mass for the soldiers. During the stay at Bowie the Rev. J. B. Sal- pointe was able to assist a dying man. Captain Tapia from Santa Fe, and give him the last sacraments of the Church. On the 27th the escort was read}^ and the start was de- termined for I o'clock p. m. , just early enough to get out of the mountain with the wagons before dark and to select a place for the camp. On that occasion no fire was lit in order not to attract the attention of the Indians who were supposed to be in the neighborhood. The caravan had become now a strong one, with the addition of the freighters from Tucson and his men ; the size of the wagons was also for the party a protection against an attack from the Indians in case they might come. The next day, January 28th, the drive was an easy one, about twenty-five miles of hard road and down hill to Sulphur Spring. This was another dangerous place, as on account of its permanent water the Indians, traveling between Sonora and New Mexico, would always come to it. It was necessary^ to watch closely the whole night, though there were in the camp men in sufficient number to inspire some respect in a small band of Indians. On the 29th, the camp for the night was made at Dragoon Mountain, without water for the animals, and for this reason I 248 ^IissiONARiES Sent From Santa Fe to Arizoxa, the start from this place was effected early the next mornmg in order to reach the San Pedro river so much sooner. At the crossing of the river there was a small adobe house, used at times by a picket of soldiers, and when vacant by travelers, who could spend a few hours in the shade of its roof. The same place has become one of the S. P. R. R. stations, taking the name of Benson. From there starts a branch of the A. T. R. R. for Sonora, Mexico. As there were grass and water, the animals were given a good rest, as also at Cienega de los Pimas, about thirtA'-two miles from San Pedro. Cienega is now another station of the S. P. R. R. , and is known b3' the name of Pantano, which, like Cienega, means a swampy place. It is at Cienega that the missionaries saw for the first time the "Sahuaro" or Giant Cactus, which grows very abundantlj^ in all the Southern part of Arizona. In fact, from the Dragoon Mountain going to the San Pedro river, there could be noticed a change of flora in the country. The Mesquite, Prosopis Juliflora, which in the Southern part of New Mexico very seldom leaves the shape of a scrubby small tree, was seen a robust large tree in the valley of Cienega de los Pimas. On the dry rocky hills, which bor- dered the valle)^ appeared here and there, the "Ocotillo," Touqueria Splendens, consisting of a number of thorn j- branches from six to ten feet high, without any leaves, except in March, when its tops are ornamented with pinnacles of very brilliant red flowers. Here and there appears also the "Palo Verde," Cercidium Floridum, and ever3^where a large quantity of varied low cacti and yucas. From Cienega, on the 6th day of Februar^^ the march was resumed only for thirteen miles through a bad canon of about five miles, where a few weeks before, a traveling German family had been killed b}^ the Apaches. The next day, February 7th, at about 10 a. m., the cara- van reached Tucson. The soldiers went to the military' post of the town, and the missionaries left their wagon and horses in charge of their servant, at some distance from the houses, until they should ascertain where they could stop. They called on W. S. Oury, for whom they had a letter of recommendation from the Bishop of Santa Fe. This gentleman had no room to 1 X W r c 2 K ^ CHAPTER IX. The Missionaries Commence Their Work in Arizona. On their arrival at Tucson, the priests sent from Santa Fe took their destinations according to what had been determined by their Bishop, Right Rev. J. B. Lamy. The Rev. J. B. Sal- pointe had been sent as parish priest of Tucson, with the facul- ties of Vicar Forane for the Territory ; the Rev. Francis Boucard, as assistant priest of Tucson, and the Rev. Patrick Birmingham as parish priest of Gila City, whose name has been changed since into that of Yuma. After a couple of weeks spent in Tucson, the Rev. J. B. Salpointe started for Yuma in order to put Father Birmingham in possession of the parish as- signed to him by the Bishop. Meanwhile Rev. Boucard re- mained in Tucson, having at the same time, to attend to the San Xavier Mission. The journey to Yuma was made on horseback, and mostly by night, in order to avoid the heat of the day. The distance was 300 miles. At about eighty miles from Tucson were seen numerous small villages of the Pima Indians, at a short distance from the Gila river. In 1866 Tucson numbered about six hundred inhabitants, almost all Mexicans. There was no other church but the small house spoken of before, which Father Machebeuf had used as a chapel at the time of his visit to Arizona in 1859. As already stated also, a church had been commenced in the town by Father Donate Reghieri. The two Jesuit Fathers who suc- ceeded this priest had some work done on the same building, but left it unfinished, the walls being only eight or nine feet MissioxARiES IN Arizoxa. 251 high. The first care of the priest recently- put in charge of the parish was to see how he could have the church completed. He found in the inhabitants a truly good disposition to help him in this work. Contributions w^ere asked again and again, and what they brought was enough to have the walls of the structure raised to a suitable height. This was only the easiest part of the work. The real difficulty consisted in providing the building with a roof, and to think of purchasing the neces- sary quantity of lumber at 25 cents a foot, would have been simply thinking of an impossibility, as the people had already overtaxed themselves for the building of the walls. At the request of the priest a few men volunteered to go with their wagons to the Santa Rita mountain, about twenty- five miles southeast of Tucson, to ascertain whether good tim- ber could be had from there or not. On the appointed day, five men, having the parish priest at their head, started for the mountain. The next day, they reached as far as the road would permit, and from this point it could be seen that there were plenty of good pine trees, but all far up on the tops of the peaks, and no practicable way could be found to bring them down to where they could be loaded on the wagons. For this reason the expedition failed almost entirely, though it was thought that another trial, with a suitable force of men, might prove successful. The wagons were loaded with whatever pieces of lumber could be cut in the vicinity of the camp, and the party moved at once for the return to Tucson. After con- sideration, the project of a new attempt in the Santa Rita moun- tain had to be abandoned, as it would be too expensive to build practicable roads. In the meantime, the warm season had broken out, and it was felt that the house thus far used as a church, was untena- ble during the holy offices. It became then necessary' to have a kind of temporary roof laid on the sanctuary of the new church, so that masses could be said early on Sundays with more comfort for the priests and for the faithful. On his return from Gila City the Rev. Salpointe went to San Xavier to install Mr. Vincent in the functions of teacher for the Papago Indians. The school lasted only a few months, owing to the carelessness of the Indians in regards to the edu- 252 Mission ARIES in Arizona. cation of their children. The teacher was then removed to Tucson, where there appeared better prospects for a good school. Indeed, Mr. Vincent found there pupils enough to occup3^ his time. The onty difficulty was that the school had to be taught, for a time, in the priests' house, which consisted of but one room 15 b)' 22 feet and a little alcove. For about six months the room had to be used alternately as parlor and school room, and sometimes as dormitor^^ when the weather did not allow sleeping out doors. The furniture of the priests' house com- prised three chairs, a writing table and a pigeon hole case for papers, the w'hole of which had been left in care of W. S. Our^^ by Father Bosco, for his successors. The bedding articles of the missionaries were as 3'et the blankets they had brought for camping out, and these could be easily rolled up and placed in the alcove for the day time. Four months had elapsed since Rev. Birmingham had been stationed at Gila City and nothing had been heard of him. The lack of a regular mail service was thought to be the explana- tion of this protracted silence ; but at last, news came that the priest had left his mission on account of sickness and gone to California in order to improve his health. This was a reason for the Rev. Salpointe to look for the first opportunity of a caravan and to start for Gila Citj^ leaving, as before, the Rev. Boucard in charge of Tucson and of San Xavier. He reached the mission on Sunday morning after seven days of travel, mostly on horseback. He said mass and preached as usual, but felt sick in the afternoon with chills and fever, a disease which verj' likely he had brought from Tucson, where it pre- vailed, and which kept him four months in the localit5\ Dur- ing this length of time, the priest was given hospitalit}^ and all possible care in the house of Joseph M. Redondo, one of the principal citizens of the place. The missionary- thought seri- ously that he could not get over the sickness, which was in- creasing in him every day, and had no desire but an opportun- ity for making his confession and receiving the last sacraments of the Church before departing from this world ; but he could not even entertain any hope for such a blessing, as he was sepa- rated from all priests by 300 miles of dangerous roads, almost without communications. Missionaries ix Arizona. 253 At last the fever subsided, and after a short convalescence, the priest was able to leave on horseback for a visit to L,a Paz, an inhabited place about 75 miles above Gila City, on the Colorado river. During his stay at Gila City the Rev. Salpointe had a flat roof put on a small chapel, the walls of which had been built by the people at the request and under the direction of the Rev. Birmingham. The population of this localit}^ was about 1,000 inhabitants; the town owed its start to the discover^' of gold placers made in May 1854 at Laguna and at Picacho, fifteen and twenty miles respectively from the town. The first settlers of this part of the countrj^ after the discovery of the placers, were the Redondo and the Contreras families, who had already worked in the California mines. La Paz, which was founded at about the same time as Gila Cit}', counted in 1866 a little over 400 inhabitants. It had been a prosperous mining town, but, at the date just mentioned, the mines and placers were exhausted, and the people who remained there yet had to depend for their living mostly on cattle raising and cutting wood for the steam boats, which ran on the Colorado by the place, down to the Gulf of California. In 1867 was commenced, on the church block at Tuc- son, a school house which was to be occupied bj' the Sisters of St. Joseph. This building, as far as the walls were concerned, was put up in a short time with no more difficulty than for the walls of the church. Everyone contributed willingly either money or work for the school, as they had done for the church. But the trouble was, as for the church, to find means for the roofing of the house. Here, however, the church was greatly benefited by the school, as the inhabitants, irrespective of religious convictions, were all desirous of having the Sisters' school started as soon as possible. Nobody objected to the taking up of a new collection for the purpose of procuring lumber for the covering of church and school. This work was entrusted to a gang of eighteen men, who, for a stated price took on themselves to go to the mountain and cut the necessary lumber wherever they could find it. The lumber was prepared in the Huachuca mountain, about eighty miles from Tucson, where there was an easier access to 254 Missionaries in Arizona. the pine woods than there was at Santa Rita. But, as a proof that the works of God must be tried in many different ways before success can be reached for them, there also arose an- other trouble. The lumber was ready, but wagons could not be easil}^ procured to send at once for it, and the Apaches were only waiting for the departure of the workmen from their camp to burn the lumber that had been prepared. It became then necessary to look for wagons, and to send them before the coming of the workmen, to move the lumber a distance of twelve or fifteen miles to Camp Wallen, where it would be put under the care of the soldiers until some good opportunity could be found to have it brought to Tucson. This opportunity was offered by the firm of Tully & Ochoa, as soon as they had to carry provisions to Camp Wallen. The so long wished for material was at last brought to Tucson towards the end of 1868 and delivered, free of charge, where it was needed. The church was covered first ; as for the school, the Sisters who were to take charge of it could not come before May, 1870, and this delay gave plenty of time to complete their house before their commg. CHAPTER X. What Means of Support Had the Priests in Arizona ? The life of the priests in Arizona, for some 3'ears from 1866, was one of hard work and privation. The frequent and long journeA'S in a country infested by wild Indians made it dangerous for them even to go a few miles out of their resi- dence. Whenever the mail came in, it brought invaria- bly the news of people having been murdered here or there by the Apaches, so that, when a journey had to be undertaken, one would think of it for days and weeks in advance, fearing that he might not come back to his home. This was expressed by a missionarj' who used to saj^ : ' 'When I have to leave my house for a visit to the distant settlements of my missions, I write to my mother as if it were for the last time. ' ' Speaking for himself, the writer of these notes, who, dur- ing the nineteen 3'ears he spent in Arizona, had to travel in all directions through the Territory', alwa)"S experienced a kind of painful apprehension for a few da^'s before starting on a long journey ; though he must say, he had never an}- trouble from the Indians in Arizona. He saw their tracks on the roads ; he was told once by a mail carrier that he (the missionary') had been followed bj' the Apaches two nights and one day, but was not attacked, ver^' likely because he was known to the savages, who did not wish to kill him, but were looking for an oppor- tunity to steal his horses without being noticed. Other mis- sionaries, and especialty Rev. Boucard, found themselves in great danger ; still none of them had to suffer by it since 1866. 256 What Support Had the Arizona Priests ? Indeed they must acknowledge that there has been a special Providence watching over them. At home the priests were safe as regards attacks from the Apache Indians, but thej^ had sometimes to fight against pov- erty. The country was ver)^ sparseh' settled, poor, and desola- ted by the incessant raids of the savages, and in man}^ localities, by the scourging shaking fever. This disease was not new in the country ; it was mentioned in 1762 b}^ the author of the "Rudo Ensa^'o" under the name of the "vomito amarillo, " 3^ellow vomit, as the plague of the province of Sonora, except along the Gila and Colorado rivers. This, says the same missionary', must not be assigned to the climate, which is dry and good, "but to the bad condition of the water the inhabitants had to make use of for drinking pur- poses, which comes generally from swampj' places and runs by shady bottom lands where it must take noxious substances." Against the disease Father Och used with success the bark of the orange tree made dust and taken in a cup of "atole," or corn meal. This disease, or the shaking fever as it was called later, was brought and propagated into Arizona in 1866 by the com- ing from Sonora of many poor people who fled from their coun- try on account of the war after the intervention of France. The places which suffered most from this fever were Tucson, San Xavier, Tubac and the San Pedro settlements. From 1869 the plague abated sensibly, so that in 1870 there were only some scattered cases of it. It is useless to say that during the three 5'ears of the disease, the work of the priests was almost incessant, either for sick calls or for accompanj'ing the dead to the graveyard. The people were generally inclined to help their priests, but knowing the circumstances in which they were, the mis- sionaries refrained from asking anj'thing for themselves, except when it was absolutely necessary. Those located at Tucson had for two years to depend for their personal expenses mostly on what they had saved of the money they had received from their Bishop for their journey to Arizona. It must be said, though, that these priests were not extravagant in their way of living. Very often they cooked for themselves ; for beds they What Support Had the Arizona Priests ? 257 had the clay floor of their room or of the 3'ard, and the blankets they had brought from New Mexico. When they had to visit the scattered settlements, it was necessary for them to wait until some other people would have to travel in the same direction, as they could not afford, many times, to hire a man to accom- pany them. The scarcity of material resources was felt espe- cialty, even later, by the priests who had to start new missions. In 1866 the Bishop of Santa Fe, after the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, started from that city with his secretary Rev. J. M. Coudert, for a journey to Rome. There he had an interview with the General Prefect of the Society of Jesus, Rev. Father Beckx, and obtained from him three Fathers and two Brothers for the missions of New Mexico. These were Fathers Livio Viligante, Rafael Bianchi and Conato AI. Gaspari ; Broth- ers Prisco Casso and Rafael Vezza. The Bishop brought at the same time some secular priests and students for the priesthood from Europe. He took also some Sisters of L,oretto from Ken- tucky for the house of Santa Fe. The Bishop looked for a good caravan before attempting to cross the plains of Kansas, because it was known that several parties of hostile Indians were along the road. Before long he found one, strong enough in appearance, to stand all attacks from the Indians. In fact, for a number of days the journey was effected without any trouble, though some Indians with signs of hostilit3% could be seen at times, not far from the road. Meantime news reached the caravan that another traveling party, some distance ahead, had been attacked and had suffered a pretty heavy loss at the hands of the roaming savages. On the 2 2d of July 1867, the caravan arrived at the crossing of the Arkansas river, where it was surrounded by a great number of Indians and had to resist their attack. Fortunately the wagons were yet moving and could be arranged so as to form a ' 'corral, or enclosure in which men and animals could be protected. The Comanche Indians, as customars' with them, did not rush on the camp, but ran swiftly around in a line one after the other, shooting at the same time as closely as they could. As a matter of course, the compliment was duly returned by the men of the caravan, who were better supplied than their aggressors with guns of precision and far reaching range. Dur- 258 What Support Had the Arizoxa Priests ? ing the fight, which lasted about three hours, the Sisters were in a wagon, pra3''ing and taking care of one of their number who had been for some daj^s before too sick to notice what was going on. The Indians roamed for some time around the camp, but at last went back, when they saw that they could not have the advantage. The sick Sister died on the 24th, after the crossing of the Arkansas river, and was buried on the evening of the same daj^ as it was impossible to take her remains to Santa Fe. On their arrival at Santa Fe, the Jesuit Fathers were given for their residence BernaHUo, which was considered one of the best parishes in the diocese, but they remained there only until 1869, when they obtained the Bishop's consent to exchange Bernalillo for Albuquerque, where they have resided since. CHAPTER XI. The Territory of Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostoi^ic. In 1868, September 25th, the Territory of Arizona was made a Vicariate Apostolic. The Bishop-elect, Rev. J. B. Salpointe, determined to go to Europe for his episcopal consecration, and had in view, at the same time, to look for some missionaries, so badly needed in the missions which were assigned to him. As stated before, there was only another priest, the Rev. F. Jouvenceau, who resided at Gila City. This was the reason why the Bishop-elect had to postpone his journey to Europe, until he could secure another priest who would remain in Arizona with Rev. Jouvenceau during his absence. Early in 1869 he received one from New Mexico, the Rev. Francis Eestra, whom he sent to Gila Cit}' in the stead of Rev. Jouvenceau, called to take charge of the parish of Tucson. The Bishop-elect was then read}'' to start on his journey. He went from Tucson to Eas Cruces, where he met the Right Rev. Bishop Eamy, who was there engaged on a pastoral visitation, and who took him to Santa Fe in his carriage. From Santa Fe he went by stage to Sheridan, on the plains, then the western terminus of the A. T. R. R. Staging was, in one way, preferable to the slow moving caravans, as it saved time ; but to endure its jerkings for seven consecutive da3's and nights was rather trjdng even on strong constitutions. The next day the travelers took the cars and no longer remembered their past fatigue. On his arrival in France, the Bishop-elect went directly to the Bishop of his native diocese, the Right Rev. and Venerable 260 Akizoxa 3Iade a Vic.vriate Apostolic. Louis C. Feron, Bishop of Clermont Ferrand, to ask him to be his cotisecrator. The in\'itation was prompted by a sense of gratitude on the part of the Bishop-elect, as he had received the sacrament of confirmation and all the sacred orders fromi Monseigneur Feron, and the Prelate accepted it as a great honor. The day selected for the ceremony was the 20th of June, which was Sunday. The assistant Bishops were Right Rev. Lebreton, Bishop of Le Puy, France, and Right Rev. Du- buis, Bishop of Galveston. Texas. There is no need to say that after the religious celebration, good Bishop Feron had a grand dinner at which assisted all the ecclesiastical, ci\-il and military' dignitaries of the city. The newly consecrated Bishop, ha\-ing enjoyed the hospital- its' of the Bishop of Clermont at different times during his stay in Europe, had spoken of the scarcity of priests in his missions. After his consecration he told his consecrator that six seminar- ians of the diocese had volunteered for the far awaj' missions of Arizona, pro\nded the Bishop would not oppose the project. Indeed the venerable Prelate was too much of a gentleman to oppose the project in which his honored guest was interested and he gave his consent at once. Ha\-ing secured these subjects, the \'icar Apostolic left them in the seminan,' at their studies until he should come back from his visit "ad limina Apostolorum. " He had the pleasure of making his journey to Rome with the \'icar ApostoUc of Colorado, Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, who had just arrived in France, also for the purpose of procuring priests for his mis- sions. The}- asked a common audience from Pope Pius IX., who received them kindly, and inquired about the extent of the territor\-, the population, and many things concerning religion in the new Vicariates. In the same audience the Holy Father, ha\-ing been apprised of the scarcity* of priests in Arizona as in Colorado, ver\' wiUingly dispensed the two new Bishops from the obligation of remaining in Rome for the Vatican Council. It was not until the end of 1S69 that Bishop Salpointe could leave France with his six missionaries from Clermont Fer- rand. These were : the Revds. Peter Bourgade, now the Bishop of Tucson diocese, Anthony Jouvenceau, Agustin Arizon-a Made a Vicariate Apostolic. 261 Morin, Agustiti Baraard, John Chaucot and Andrew Escallier. At the same time Rev. Peter Lassaigne came from New Mexico, with permission of the ecclesiastical authority', to join the clergy of Arizona. The Vicar Apostolic had been absent about eleven months when he returned to Tucson in January 1870. During his absence the parish priest of Tucson, Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau, had the Sisters' school-house roofed and plastered inside, and another house, for a bo^-s' school, built on a good corner lot, which he had purchased near the church. Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau, who is now the chaplain of St. Mar\-'s hospital and Orphan As^-lum of Tucson, has been always a great worker and has effected much good in Arizona as he had done before at Sapello in New Mexico. It was in 1869 that, while in France, the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona procured for the Bishop of Santa Fe the architect P. Monly, who came to New Mexico with some experienced stone cutters to begin building the cathedral of Santa Fe. As Bishop Lamy had made it a rule not to spend for his church more than what he could get every year, either from the Propagation of the Faith or from contri- butions collected in the diocese, the work of building this church, unfinished as it was left, was interrupted several times, until in 1885 it was entirety stopped for want of means to com- plete it. The structure, built entireh* with dressed stone in the pure Roman st3'le, lacks the cupola, the sanctuary' and chapels, as also the top of the towers ; still it is used for di\4ne sen-ices and proves to be large enough to accommodate the present Catholic population of the cit\-, The Vicariate of Arizona at the time of its creation com- prised the Territorj' of that name and the parish of Las Cruces in New Mexico. Soon after the parish of Mesilla, also in New Mexico, and those of Isleta and San Elzeario of El Paso Counts', Texas, were added to the Vicariate by decision of the Holy See. These parishes, with the exception of Las Cruces, had been under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Durango. Mexico. The Decree ordering the change had come from Rome to the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, but nothing was heard from Durango to make it effective. After waiting several months, the Vicar started for Durango in order to settle the matter with the Bishop of that city. His Lordship happened to be absent for an in- 262 Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. definite length of time over 400 miles from his residence and, owing to the difficult}^ of traveling in Mexico, and the lack of regular facilities of communication b^'mail, the journey became of no avail. The Vicar Apostolic returned to his missions, thinking that the Mexican Prelate would find the papers from Rome on his coming back to Durango, and dismiss the parishes mentioned in the Pontifical Decree. In the meantime the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona stopped at Las Cruces, where he expected the Sisters of Loretto for the opening of a school in that town. The school was started in a rented house, which very soon proved too small for the accommodation of the number of pupils attending. It then became necessary' to look for another property. The best that could be found had not the required buildings but admitted of easy alterations for the purpose in view. It was bought by the Vicar Apostolic, and it is on it that little by little, the Sisters have built a large house, one of the best in the town. In the same year 1870, Tularosa w^as made the center of a parish, with Rev. P. Lassaigne as its pastor. The Rev. priest succeeded in a few years in building there a good church and a pastoral residence. On Ascension day of the same 3^ear, the Sisters of St. Joseph, to the great satisfaction of the clerg}' and citizens of Tucson, arrived at that place, to open a school in the house that had been built for them near the church, as stated before. From the beginning the Sisters made their school a success, as it was largely attended, and justty appreciated b}- eveiy^body. The day these pious and devoted ladies came to Tucson was considered with reason, by all the friends of education and civilization, as the opening of a new era for Arizona. Indeed, it has been easy for any impartial observer to notice the change for the better that has been brought about gradual^ in the country by their teachings and example. As the Vicar Apostolic did not receive any letters from the Bishop of Durango in regard to the decree of Rome enlarging the limits of his Vicariate, he set out in 1871 for a second journey to Durango, but again with no avail, as the Bishop had received no direct information from the Holy See on the matter. A few months later, however, the Mexican Prelate wrote that Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. 263 the pontifical decree had been received at last, and transferred the jurisdiction over the parishes already mentioned to the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona toward the end of the year. It was prett3^ hard on the Vicar Apostolic to have to go twice to Durango to make good the limits of his jurisdiction, and to keep in the meantime almost tnioccupied some of the missionaries he had brought from France the j'ear before. Still he could not actually blame the Bishop of Durango, who, owing to the revolution which then existed in Mexico and stopped all mail communications, had not received the letters from Rome. There were at that time neither railroads nor public stages running from Arizona or New Mexico to the in- terior of the Mexican Republic. The only way to travel was on horseback or in private conveyances. The country was sparsely settled, and dangerous to go through on account of the two political parties then at war against each other, and roam- ing in bands, here and there around the settlements or ranches, rather in search of something to eat than of their foes. The Vicar Apostolic made his two journeys, about 3,200 miles, going and returning, in company with one of his priests and a servant. It seemed to many Mexican people that it was not safe to travel with so small a number ; still the travelers, though scared enough on two occasions, went through without any accident. Their means of transportation consisted of a buggy for the Bishop and his priest, and a light spring wagon to carry the little baggage and the victuals. No need to sa}^ that they had to cook for themselves and to camp out the most of the nights. At some places, if they happened to meet the landlord, "Dueno de Hacienda," they were invariably treated as Senores, and sometimes with attentions which were onerous as they obliged them to retard their progress. The round trip, for each time, required fifty days for traveling alone. The priests who were assigned to the parishes taken from the diocese of Durango were : Rev. Agustin Morin, sent to La Messilla, and Rev. Ruellan, a priest who had lately come from Denver, to Isleta with charge of San Elzeario, both in El Paso County, Texas. In 1873 the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona bought at Las Cruces a house in which he established a parochial school for 264 Arizona Made a Vicariate Apostolic. bo3's under the direction of a priest, the Rev. N. Dommergue, with a lay teacher, Dn. Clemente Ortiz. The house was after- wards considerably enlarged with the view of making it a col- lege for boarders, but it was almost entirely destroyed by a waterspout flood in 1875. The Vicar Apostolic lost at the same time a number of books which he had in the school house for his own use when he had to staj^ in that part of his Vicariate. In 1S74, the Sisters of St. Joseph were called by Agent R. Wilbur, with permission from the Department of the Interior, to teach a school at San Xavier for the Papago Indians. This school, which at the beginning had to be taught through the medium of an interpreter, was giving surprising results when, on the ist of April, 1876, it was closed by order of the govern- ment owing to the consoHdation of the Papago agency with that of the Pimas. In 1876, the Sisters of St. Joseph founded a novitiate of their order at Mount St. Joseph, near Tucson. In a few years it was ascertained that the number of vocations for the religious life in this countrj^ was not sufficient to justify the existence of the institution, and that it would be more advantageous to send the postulants who might offer themselves, to the novitiate of the Mother House at Carondelet, South St. Louis, for their novitiate. The building was then turned to the use of the in- valid Sisters of the community, as a retreat for rest. Later on, under the administration of the Rt. Rev. P. Bourgade, the ex- novitiate property has been made an orphan asj'lum, with about thirty children cared for by the Sisters at their own expense. The place is a very appropriate one, out of the town, and very health^', with extensive play grounds and gardens, and what astonishes the visitors is, that no State aid whatever is furnished to the Sisters to extend the benefit of their institution and of their kind attention to a greater number of poor destitute chil- dren . At about the same date (1876), the Sisters of St. Joseph opened a school at Yuma in a good house built in that town by the parish priest. Rev. J. Chaucot, and another one in Pres- cott, built mostly at their own expense. CHAPTER XIL Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese. By decree of Pope Pius IXv of February 12, 1875, Santa Fe was erected into a Metropolitan See, and Bishop J. B. Lamy made its Archbishop, with the Vicars Apostolic of Colorado and of Arizona as suffragans. The Pallium was brought to New York by His Excellence Monsignore Roncetti, who had been delegated by the Holy Father to carry the cardinalistic insignia to the Most Rev. Archbishop of New York, John Mc Closkey, recently elevated to the cardinalate. As the illustrious Ablegate, alread}'^ fatigued by his long journey from Rome, did not care much about coming to Santa Fe to invest Archbishop Lamy with the sacred Pallium, he availed himself of the pres- ence of the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona in New York to subdel- egate him^ with permission from Rome to that effect, for the Santa Fe ceremony. This took place on the i6th of June, 1875, in the house of the Christian Brothers, St. Michael's College, where better accommodation for the people could be found than in the old St. Francis' Cathedral. During mass, which was celebrated by Bishop Machebeuf, two short addresses were given, one by the Vicar General, Very Rev. Peter Eguillon in Spanish, and one by the Vicar Apostolic of Denver in English. Both were explanatory of the ceremony of the day, and were listened to with great satisfaction by the large congregation. When the time came, according to the rubrics, for the imposi- tion of the Pallium, the Archbishop, kneeling before the altar, had it placed on his shoulders while the proper formula was 266 Santa Fe Made an Archdiocesit^ read by the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, delegated for t&e purpose. It would take too long to describe the order of the proces- sions, either before or after the ceremony ; the different Catho- lic associations, the Brothers' and Sisters' schools with their banners : suflBce it to say that the inhabitants of Santa Fe with many people from all parts of the diocese worthily celebrated a day never to be forgotten, a daj'^ marking a new epoch in the histor>' of their venerable Church and making it a glorious one. After the ceremony the people, headed by the college bandr accompanied their Archbishop to his residence in the same order as they had taken him to the college for the cere- mony of the Pallium. A splendid dinner was served in the Archbishop's garden, by the inhabitants of Santa Fe, to the clergy and a large number of guests from among the laity of the diocese. In the same j'ear the Sisters of Loretto opened a school at BernaUllo, in a house which was donated to them b)' Dn. Jose Leandro Perea, a good Catholic and the leading man of the locality. The parish of La Mesa, twenty miles below Mesilla was established in the same year 1875 with Rev. John Grange as pastor, and that of San Elzeario, an old parish which, for a time, had been consolidated with that of Isleta, was re-estab- lished and entrusted to Rev. P. Bourgade, now the Bishop of Tucson. In 1876 the parochial school of San Agustin for boys at Tucson, which had been kept in different houses from 1866, was transferred to Stone Avenue, to a building bought by the Vicar Apostolic for the sum of $3,000. The first repairs of the building and the furniture of the school rooms were mostly paid for by P. R. Tully, a merchant of the town, who has always been a friend and a protector of Catholic education. The school was entrusted to two experienced teachers. In 1877 the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona started for a visit to Colorado Chiquito, accompanied by Octaviano A. Larrasolo, a young and brave bo}^ who was always ready to travel with the Bishop, to help him in the camp and to serve mass where- ever it could be said. There was hardly any possibility of SxNTA Fe Made an Archdiocese. 267 going directly from Tucson to Colorado Chiquito. In order to make it easier and safer, it was determined to go by the Rio Grande road, which was at least three times longer, but which ■gave the Vicar Apostolic opportunity to visit the missions he "had in the southern part of New Mexico and in El Paso County, Texas. He started with his own conveyance and reached Rio Grande in due time, not without good reasons for being afraid of the Indians (when he got to Fort Bowie, he was told that the Apaches had attacked the mail carrier near Shakespeare the night before), but without being molested. After a visit to the missions just mentioned, the Bishop and his young com- panion took the road up the river about 240 miles as far as Sabinal, where a guide had to be hired for the remainder of the distance through the Navajo country. The Indians whom the travelers met between Sabinal and Colorado Chiquito were peaceable Navajos who had left the reserv^ation assigned by the ■government to their tribe and were taking care of their horses and sheep outside of it. They had quite a long conversation with the Bishop and promised to come in large numbers to the same place for the day he told them he would return from Col- orado Chiquito. The Bishop was faithful to the rendezvous, but the Indians failed to be present for the reason, as it was as- certained later, that the water having become too scarce, it had been necessar^^ for them to move to another place. After visit- ing the mission, which comprised only St. John's town and Round Valley, thirty' miles up the river on the north side of the White Mountain, the small party started back for Sabinal by the same road. The only incident the travelers met with was a water spout, which occasioned the breaking of their buggv' pole and detained them the whole night in a canon, until they could see how to repair their conveyance at daylight and resume their march. From Sabinal the \^icar Apostolic took the shortest road for Silver City, where Rev. Anthony Jouvenceau, coming from Las Cruces, was to meet him for the joiu-ney to Tucson. The priest was there, and the first news he had to communicate to his Bishop was, that the day before, he had helped the parish priest to bury eleven persons who had been killed by the Apaches in the Burro Mountain. This was the road the Bishop 268 Santa Fe Mace an ArcaDIOCESB, and his party had to take. Inquiries were made to asceftaiil whether any other people were to travel the same way, and it was found out that a few men, well armed, would try to cross the mountain b^- night the next day. It was thought that no better opportunity^ could be expected, but these men had fresh horses and from the start traveled so fast that the Bishop, who had no previous understanding with them, was obliged to drop behind with his small party. Still the mountain was crossed without accident. From there the road went through an open country and if there would have been any danger, it could be seen in advance and precautions timely taken to avoid it. April 25, 1878, the new chapel of the Sisters of Loretto at Santa Fe was blessed b}' the Vicar General P. Eguillon, as- sisted by the Revs. Truchard, parish priest of the Cathedral, and Fathers Courbon, Seux, Valezy and Remuson. The next year, July 2.3d, a colony of the Loretto Sisters went to San Elzeario with Sister Mary Kostka as Superior, to to open a school in a house built for the purpose by the zeal- ous pastor of the parish, Rev. P. Bourgade. In the same year, September i8th, the Sisters of the same Order opened another school at Socorro, N. M., in a building which was donated to them by the parish priest, Rev- Benedict Bernard. On the 15th of February 1879, was commenced the build- ing of St. Mar>''s Hospital, near the novitiate of the Sisters of St. Joseph, about a mile and a half from Tucson. From 1866 to 1880 the population of Arizona had many fluctuations. Ever^^ revolution that took place in the neigh- boring States of the Mexican Republic would send to this country a considerable number of people; but these, most of them at least; had no intention of remaining, and moved back again as soon as peace and order were re-established in their native country. Some of them, however, settled here and there in the Territor>'. It was, as of yore, for the settlers a war of Hfe and death with the Apaches, and this condition lasted until the Mexicans and the colonists prevailed bj^ their numbers over the wild tribes. From 1880 immigration from the Eastern states commenced, slowly, it is true, but steadily ; some mines !^ANT\ Pe Made av ARcrrwocESE. 269 gave good results, and a new population sprung up in diflferent sections of the country'. On the 27th of January, 1880, Tucson had four or five inches of snow on the ground. The case was so unusual that it was made the occasion of a few hours' vacation for the j'oung clerks of the stores. They also were entitled to have their share in the throwing of snow balls at the passers-by, and es- pecially at those who tried to object to the fun. March 17th, 1880, the first train of the S. P. R. R. arrived at Tucson. The same 3'ear, 1880, the San Xavier Church was robbed of two massive silver chalices, two gold cruets and a silver censer. Value estimated at $270. On April the 2 2d the church of Tucson was made the theater of a wanton profanation by a crazy fanatic Helvetian. In his madness the man threw the tabernacle on the floor of the sanctuary, but fortunately its door stood the shock without breaking open, the Via Crucis pictures were destroyed, the candlesticks thrown here and there were broken or greatly damaged, the relics scattered and the statue of St. Augustine, the diocesan patron saint, entirely broken to pieces. The man W^as arrested and found laboring under complete mental aberra- tion. A collection was taken up the same day by some ladies of the towai to make up, as far as possible, for the damage caused. On the 24th of April took place the blessing of St. Marj-'s Hospital, the Vicar Apostolic officiating, assisted by the priests of the parish, Revs. Francis and Anthony Jouvenceau. The same day the Sisters of St. Joseph, Mother Basil being the Superioress, took charge of the institution. On the ist of May, the county patients w^ere brought to St. Mary's by Dr. J. C. Handy who had charge of them. The doctor was also the railroad physician and he took also the patients of the company between Yuma and El Paso to St. Marj^'s Hospital. On the 14th of June, 1880, Rev. Pedro Badilla, a priest from Costa Rica, was received and sent to St. John's on the Colorado River, where he has built a good church and a modest rector}^ On the night of the same day, June 14, 1880, the parochial church of Tucson was robbed oftwo silver chalices, one brass cen- ser, two silver cruets and a little silver hand bell. Loss about $145. 270 Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese, October 24th, President Hayes, coming from California^ stopped over at Tucson. Two hundred and seventy-five chil- dren of the Catholic schools were present at the depot when the train arrived, and were the first to greet the chief of the Nation, who very kindly manifested a desire of seeing them at the place where he was to stop. As a matter of course, the President's wish was complied with. At the same place, the house of Dr, Lord, of the firm of Lord & William, some thirty Papago Indians, all mounted, were presented by the Rev. An- thony Jouvenceau to the President, who addressed them through, the medium of their introducer. In 1 88 1, March loth, the chapel of Tempe on Salt River was blessed bj' the Vicar Apostolic, and dedicated to Our Lady of Mount Carmel. In the same month, Archbishop Lamy and Bishop Mache- beuf, accompanied by Rev. Phillips, paid a visit of a few days to the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona. The Vicar and his distin- guished guests were agreeably entertained one day at Fort Lowell by General Carr. In the same year, June 24th, took place the dedication of the church of Phoenix to the Immaculate Heart of IVIary. This church and that of Tempe were built under the adminis- tration of Rev. Ed. Gerard, the parish priest of Florence. The church was blessed by the Bishop having for assistants the Revs. Gerard, the priest in charge, Deraches from Prescott, Chaucot from Yuma, and A. Jouvenceau from Tucson. After the ceremony, a resident of Phoenix, Thomas Hopkins, was presented to the Bishop by the priest as a gentleman who had helped a great deal in the building of the church. June 27th, at about midnight, the population of Tucson was started by the explosion of a powder store, which greatly injured many buildings in the town. July 15th, Rev. J. B. Stagnon died at Silver City, where he had been exercising the sacred ministry as parish priest since May 1879. In September, 1881, were built the towers of the church in Tucson. In 1883, some ornamental stone work was put on the front of the same building. Santa Fe Made an Archdiocese. 271 February i8th, 1883, the church of Tombstone was blessed :And dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus, by the Vicar Apo- :stolic, assisted by the parish priest. Rev. Patrick Gallagher. The town had been started three or four years before, owing to the recent discovery of rich silver mines in the place and in the vicinity. Before it was made a parish it was attended from Tucson. On the 29th of April of the same year, the laying of the •corner stone of the church of the Immaculate Conception in Tucson was performed by the Bishop, having for assistants the Revds. Francis and Anthony Jouvenceau. This church, a good stone building, remained unfinished owing to the failure of a bank in which it lost $800, which had been contributed by the people for its roofing. The ground on which the walls of this church are standing was donated by Andrew Cronly, a Catholic citizen of the town. Bishop Bourgade since 1885 has tried to have the structure completed, but has failed thus far for the lack of means, as he had to take on himself to support, every year, his parochial schools in Tucson, since he was made the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, On the 4th of April, 1884, the Vicar Apostolic, Right Rev. J. B. Salpointe, returned from Rome, where he had ^ne at the request of the Archbishop of Santa Fe for the meeting there of the Archbishops of the United States, before the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, On the 25th of May, 1884, the Vicar Apostolic blessed a new church in Florence, having as assistants the parish priests Rev. Ed, Gerard, Rev. Joseph Bloise of Phoenix, and Rev. An- thony Jouvenceau from Tucson. This church was destroyed by fire August 15th, 1893. On the 2 2d of April of the same year, the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona was appointed coadjutor to the Most Rev. Arch- bishop of Santa Fe, but remained as administrator of the Vicar- iate of Arizona, until the appointment of his successor, which was effected at the beginning of 1885 when the Right Rev. P. Bourgade, who was then the parish priest of Silver City, became the Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, with the title of Bishop of Thaumacum, i. p. CHAPTER XIIL Archbishops Salpointe and Chapelle in San^A Fe. Visit of Cardinal Satolli. — List of Priests. On the 19th of February, 1885, the Right Rev. J, B, Sal- pointe came to Santa Fe as coadjutor to the Most Rev. Arch- bishop I,aniy. He was promoted to the Archiepiscopal See of Anazarba on October 11 of the same year, and succeeded to the See of Santa Fe Jul}^ i8th, 1885, by the resignation of his pre- decessor. The new Archbishop, knowing that his beloved predecessor had failed to get any support from the government for the education of the Indians in his diocese during the ad- ministration of President Grant, thought it was his duty to try whether he could get for the same purpose some appropriation from the Democratic government- He had not much hope for greater sticcess ; still for the satisfaction of his conscience he started for Washington in the first month of 1886. There, ac- companied by Mr. Charles S, Lusk, then Secretary of the Bu- reau of Catholic Indian Missions, he paid a visit to Mr. OberW, the Commissioner of Indian Aifairs, and obtained from him contracts for four day schools, to be established in as many designated pueblos of New Mexico, with the promise of four more, as soon as he should have money enough at his disposal to enable him to have contracts issued for them. This gentleman fulfilled his promise, and shortly after sent through the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions contracts for seven day schools and one for a boarding industrial school for Indian boys. The day schools were for the pueblos of Isleta, Acoma, Pahuate, the village of Laguna, Santo Domingo, Jemez, San Juan and Taos. ^^^^^^^■r % 1 . 1 1 ^ .rA^ #■ / * 1 \f^ ffl^ K Mr' ^^^^^ \'EKY Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau, First Vicar General, TICSON , AKIZONA. Rt. Rev. Henky Graxjon, D. D., HISIIOI' OK Tl CSOX, AlilZONA. Archbishop Salpointe in Santa Fe. 273 The boarding school for boys was started at Bernalillo in a rented house, with the view of purchasing in that locality a suitable piece of land for the school buildings and for agricul- tural purposes. Meanwhile the Archbishop had a large build- ing erected near the chapel of Our I^ady of the Rosary, a short distance north of Santa Fe, intended for a boarding school for Indian girls. The cost of this building, which amounted to $14,000, besides its furniture, was paid by the Rev. Mother Catharine Drexel and for this reason it is known by the name of St. Catharine's School. The corner stone of St. Catharine's was blessed June 17th, 1886, by the Archbishop. Its dedication took place on the nth of April, 1887. The ceremony was performed by Most Rev. Archbishop L^amy, and there were present His Grace Arch- bishop J. B. Salpointe, Vicar General Rev. E. P. Eguillon, Michael Rolty, assistant priest of the Cathedral ; Rev. Anthony Jouvenceau, Superintendent of the Indian schools of the diocese; Rev. Julius Deraches, chaplain of St. Vincent's Hospital ; James H. Defouri, parish priest of Guadalupe ; Rev J. W. Coudert, parish priest of I^as Vegas ; Rev. Leon Mailhuchet, parish priest of Pecos, and Rev. Father Brochman, priest of the diocese of Detroit. As no convenient location for an industrial school for boys could be found for sale at Bernalillo, the Indian school, after having been kept for about seven months in that place, was transferred to Santa Fe to the building of the Guadalupe church, and on the 26th of April, to St. Catherine's new build- ing, with a number of sixty pupils under the care of W. Cos- tello. The management of the house was for a time entrusted to the Sisters of Loretto. A few years later, a contract was obtained from the Department of the Interior by the Bureau of CathoHc Indian Missions for a boarding school for Indian girls, and this was entrusted to the branch of the Loretto Sisters estabHshed at Bernalillo. No better selection of teachers could have been made for the purpose. From the beginning the Sisters have spared no pains to give to their Indian pupils a solid education, and the manners of civilized people. They have also used the money they made by the Indian school to give it ample new buildings, substantial and neatly furnishd, so 18 274 AftcHBisaop Salpoimte tn Sakta Fir. that this establishment ma}^ be considered inferior to none of the good educational houses of this Territory'. As for St. Catherine's as a school for boj^s, it was not advantageousl}- located, as Santa Fe has not water enough for irrigation. The school, especially on account of its location at the foot of the hills, could not have a sufficient quantity of water to work with success at an^^ kind of agriculture, and this was the reason why its contract was suppressed for the year 1893-94. The contract has not been renewed since, but the school was taken up in September 1894, by Mother Catherine Drexel who had it well conducted by the Sisters of her Order, without any compensation from the Government thus far. In 1888, the Archbishop, with the allocations he received from the collections taken up in the Catholic churches of the United States for the education of the Indians and of the Ne- groes, established day schools in the pueblos of Cochiti, San Felipe, Santa Clara and Zia. These schools lasted for three 3'ears in the three first mentioned pueblos, and only one 3'ear in the' last owing to the lack of means of obtaining the monthly salars' for teachers in some of the contract schools, on account of short average of pupils. Before leaving the subject of the New Mexico Pueblo In- dian schools, we must acknowledge the services we received from the members of the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions and especially from its director, Monseigneur J. A. Stephan, for their support during our administration of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. To the \"enerable Stephan we are indebted for the encouragement he gave to the pupils and teachers of these schools b}^ visiting them several times and, when needed, by procuring the means of enlarging or repairing the school build- ings. In 1888, the college of Las Vegas, known by the name of Lasalle Institute, and conducted by the Christian Brothers since September 1 1 of the same year, was built at the expense of the diocese without any contribution, except from Felix Martinez, who of his own accord made a donation of a lot of ground which was included in the site selected for the institu- tion. The cost of this college, including the purchase of the grounds, the building of the house, the school furniture, means Archbishop Salpointe in Santa Fe. 275 of support furnished to the Brothers during two years, besides the little income the payment from the pupils could bring, amounted to an aggregate sum of over twelve thousand dollars. Owing to the rather poor condition of many Mexicans in the town of L,as Vegas and the depression of business which had been felt all over this country and especiall}- in the poor popula- tions of New Mexico, the L,as Vegas college has not progressed as much as expected ; still, by dint of zeal and devotedness to their vocation, the Brothers have made it from the be- ginning a good common school. We wish for it and for the Brothers better times than those they have had to go through thus far. After his resignation, July, 1885, the Most Rev. J. B. I,amy retired to a small countr>^ place he had purchased in 1853 in the vicinity of the Tesuque River. This place, which the Prelate designated b}'^ the name of "Villa Pintoresca," was commonly called "El Cajoncito de Tuseque. " Early after the purchase of the premises, the Archbishop had a modest house and a small chapel built on it, and w^hen he felt the weight of years added to that of the administration of his vast diocese, it w^as there that he was wont to go at times, for some days of rest. He could not expect to have visitors in a place so remote; still, when any strangers happened to make their way to the solitary picturesque spot, he always cheerfully entertained them in the best possible manner. Early in Januarys 1888, Mgr. L,amy sent word to his suc- cessor that he felt sick from a bad cold, and desired to be brought to the city. His wish was complied with at once. In Santa Fe the Prelate had good medical attendance and the assiduous care of the vSisters of I/sretto, For some time he lingered on, giving hopes of recovery, until on the 14th of Feb- ruar>^ he passed away without agony and almost unexpectedly. As for himself, the Archbishop was not taken by surprise. He had been given the Holy Viaticum in due time at his own request, and at the last moment Extreme Unction was ad- ministered to him. The remains of the deceased first Bishop and Archbishop of Santa Fe were deposited, on the i6th of February 1888, in a vault which is now covered by the main altar of the cathedral. 276 Archbishop Salpoi.vte in' Sajjta Vk. The funeral service was conducted by Archbishop Salpointe and and his Vicar General, Very Rev. P. Eguillon, the latter offi- ciating at mass. Present : Very Rev. J. Defouri, Revds. Roily, Deraches, Jouvenceau, most of the priests of the diocese and the faithful who had come from almost all parts of the Territory to do honor to the saintty Bishop who had spent thirty-six j'ears of his life, fostering the interests of religion and education among them. The life of the Mo.^t Rev, John B, Lamy in New Mexico was that of an apostle. As we have seen, he found only a very limited number of priests in the extensive Vicariate that was assigned to him. On the first visit he made in the districts entrusted to his care, he saw that not onl}- more priests were badly needed for the spiritual administration of the parishes and missions, but also good teachers for the instruction of the youth. Hence the journey to Europe which the Vicar Apos- tolic undertook a short time after taking possession of his Vic- ariate to look for priests and religious teachers. The Prov- idence of God blessed his projects bj- directing him to find good missionaries and a colony of the devoted Sisters of Loretto- Such journeys abroad had to be repeated time and again, as need required, either b^' the Vicar Apostolic or by some of his priests, no matter how dangerous it was in those days to travel far, or even at all, in some parts of the Vicariate, on account of the wild Indians. In any of these cases the Rt, Rev, Lamy, unmindful of his own safet)', was always ready to go where he thought he could do something for the glory of God and the good of souls. Bishop Lamy was pious, humble and charitable. Any- body, poor or rich, found him always accessible and ready as far as was in his power, to help the need}'. For long years he looked for the means of having a good cathedral built in the city of his episcopal See, and before dying he brought to a con- clusion the main body of the intended structure. While caring first for the interests and progress of religion in his diocese the zealous Prelate did not neglect, when oppor- tunity presented itself, to do what he could to better the con- dition of his people. It was in this view that many times in his instructions, he recommended work and thriftiness to his Archbishop {^alpointe in Santa Pe. 277 hearers. When he came to New Mexico, there were but few fruit trees, here and there, and in order to have that branch of culture propagated in his diocese, he had his garden planted with different kinds of cultivated trees, which he brought from St. lyouis in his conveyance through the plains of Kansas and the Rocky Mountains. The plan was not without success ; the trees grew, giving good crops of fruit ; httle by little other peo- ple planted orchards on their premises, and such was the be- ginning of Santa Fe as a fruit land. In 1888, the Rev. Camille Seux, rector of the parish of San Juan, with residence in the pueblo of the same name, had a life size statue of Our Lady of gourdes erected on a richly carved stone pedestal, at the entrance of the church yard. By this monument the zealous priest intended to promote in the hearts of his parishioners and especially of the Indians of the San Juan pueblo, devotion to the Mother of God, and he was not frustrated in his pious desire. From the day the image was unveiled before an immense concourse of people and priests, by a Ceremony at which the diocesan Archbishop presided, it attracted at once public veneration. Not only passers-b^^ would stop awhile and pray, kneeling on the steps of the monu- ment, but even the Indians when going to their work or look- ing from their doors early in the morning when the statue was visible for a long distance. The devotion spread rapidly and brought often from different parts of the diocese families who came to pray before the reproduction of the miraculous statue of Ivourdes in France. Encouraged by this visible progress in devotion to the Mother of God, the priest thought of doing more to further it by the building of a chapel in which the pilgrims could perform their devotions without kneeling before the statue in all kinds of weather. This project was accomplished by the Rev. Seux in 1890, without asking any help either from his parishioners or from anybody else, as far as we know. The chapel stands on the pubHc plaza, at about the same distance from the statue as this is from the church. It is a nice little gothic structure of stone, well finished inside with a rustic grotto in the sanctuan^ and furnished with rich sacred vessels and vestments. This monument was also dedicated by the Archbishop of the diocese, 278 Archbishop Salpoixte in Sakta Fe. assisted by the priests of Santa Fe, and of the Diocese of Colorado, twenty-three in all. From that da}^ pilgrimages from Santa Fe and from Conejos, diocese of Colorado, bringing crowds of people who could avail themselves of the railroads, have come faithfully every year for the eighth of September, feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mar^', the day selected for the general gathering at the shrine. Meanwhile, families from different parts of the diocese of Santa Fe, and from the southern part of that of Colorado, flock to San Juan at their convenience, ever since the erection of the statue in that place. How many graces have been received by the devout pilgrims has not been put on record, but that many graces have been given cannot be doubted, as following the teaching of St. Bernard, it is the belief of the Church that no one faithfully imploring the intercession of the Blessed Virgin, has ever seen his prayer refused. Patent and public miracles are reserved for places where unbelievers gather, but these are not to be found generally among the Mexicans and the Indians of New Mexico. Many of them may be poor practical Catholics, but they all have faith in the religion of Jesus Christ, as is proven by the care they take, even those who have been most negligent about their religious duties while in health, to call for the sacraments of the Church when the}^ feel themselves in danger of death. In 1890, June 25th, was commenced the new archiepiscopal building. The same was blessed on the 19th of February 1891 , the ceremony was performed by the Very Rev. P. EguiUon, Vicar General and Rector of the cathedral, and there were present the priests of the city, and Rev. Parisis, parish priest of Bernalillo. The Archbishop had his residence built wdthout asking any contribution for it. August 21, 1 89 1, at the request of Archbishop J. B. Sal- pointe, the Rev. P. L. Chapelle, D. D., rector of St. Matthew's church in the city of Washington, was appointed his coadjutor, (cum jure successionis), with the title of Bishop of Arabissus. November i, of. the same 3'ear he was consecrated by His Eminence, Cardinal Gibbons, in the Cathedral of Baltimore. December 7 , he arrived at Santa Fe accompanied by the writer, his Archbishop, the Most Rev. Patrick W. Riordan, Arch- Archbishop Chapelle in Banta Fr. 279 bishop of San Francisco, Right Rev. Nicholas Chtys. Matz, Bishop of Denver, Right Rev. Peter Bourgade, Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, now Bishop of Tucson, in the same Territory, also the Rev. Thomas McSweeney, pastor of St. Francis de Sales' Oakland, Cal. , and the Rev. D. J. McCaflfery of the diocese of Chicago. The party was met at the depot by the clergy of Santa Fe. Owing to the severity of the weather, the inhabitants of the city as well as those who had come from different parts of the diocese did not succeed in carr^dng out their design of a grand parade in honor of their new Bishop. Bishop Chapelle celebrated his first Pontifical mass in Santa Fe on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, Decem- ber 8, in the presence of the three Bishops of the ecclesiastical province, Archbishop Salpointe, Bishop P. Bourgade and Bishop Matz, who delivered the sermon. From this time Bishop Chapelle worked faithfully, helping his Archbishop in the administration of the diocese, especially by visiting the different parishes for the purpose of conferring Confirmation. Earty in 1S93, at our request, he sailed for Europe in search of missionaries who were needed in several parishes, particularly for the religious instruction of several Indian tribes, who were without priests but ready to accept their services when offered them. The Bishop availed himself of this voyage to pay a visit to the Pope who, on the loth of May of the same year, conferred upon him the title of the Archiepiscopal See of Sebaste. Our coadjutor became the Archbishop of Santa Fe January' 7, 1894, by our resignation, (i) The conferring of the Pallium did not take place until October 17, 1895. The occasion was made the most remarkable of all solemnities, either civil or religious, ever witnessed in Santa Fe. His Eminence, Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore, who was to preside at the festival, arrived at Santa Fe by a special train on Tuesday, October 15, between the hours of seven and eight. The entire population of the city was at the depot to welcome the first Cardinal of the Holy (1) For the following details on the administration of the diocese of Santa Fe by Archbishop Chapelle, we are indebted mostly to the kiudnes of Rev. J. Deraches. 280 Abchpishop Chapelle rs Sa>T'a Fe. Roman Church., who came to honor New Mexico with a visit. All the school children, the sodalities and associations of the city, even the National Guard, after His Eminence had been received with the most enthusiastic hurrahs, formed in Hue and proceeded through the principal streets, which were profusely illuminated, to the residence of the Archbishop. On the 17th, at 10 o'clock, an imposing procession of pre- lates and priests formed at the residence of the Archbishop and escorted Cardinal Gibbons to the Cathedral. The prelates were Archbishop Kain of St. Louis, Bishop Donahue of WTieeling, Bishop Hennessy of Wichita, Bishop Montgomery of Los An- geles, Bishop Dunn of Dallas, Bishop Gabriels of Ogdensburg, Bishop Beaven of Springfield. Bishop Bourgade of Tucson, and the Archbishops Chapelle and Salpointe of Santa Fe, also Monsignor Stephan of Washington. This beautiful line was headed by seventy-five priests from different dioceses and almost all those of New Mexico, all wearing cassock and surpHce. After the gospel of the Pontifical Mass, Archbishop Kain of St. Louis dehvered an eloquent sermon on the history' and sacred meaning of the Pallium. Bishop Bourgade of Tucson, at the end of the mass, read a very interesting paper, written in Spanish by the Most Rev. Archbishop Salpointe, on the history of the Church in the province of Santa Fe. Then the Cardinal arose and after paying an eloquent tribute to the first Bishop of Santa Fe, the late Archbishop Lamy. and to the newly retired Archbishop Salpointe, he, at last, addressed him- self, with evident high personal regard, to x\rchbishop Chapelle before placing on his shoulders the Pallium, as required to complete the dress of a new Archbishop. Archbishop Chapelle returned his thanks to the Cardinal in English and then spoke briefly in Spanish, explaining to the crowd gathered in the church, the meaning of the brilliant ceremonies of the day. The public reception in the evening lasted from 8 until 1 1 o'clock and never before had its like been witnessed in Santa Fe. The day after the reception of the Pallium, the consecra- tion of the Cathedral of Santa Fe was performed by Archbishop Chapelle, after which he celebrated a Pontifical Mass in the presence of all the Bishops and priests who had assisted the XLIV. Interior of San Xavier's CnrRCH , Tri.^S?<.»N , ARIZONA. Rt. Rkv. Monstgxor J. A. Stkphan, WHO lUTLT SKVKIiAL IXDJAX SCifdOI.S IX XEW MEXICO. .Cardinal Satolli i.\ Santa Fe. 281 day before at the conferring of the Pallium. The church was again crowded to its utmost, and before that immense audience, Rt. Rev. Bishop Donahue preached a magnificent sermon on the sacredness of our religious temples. On Saturday, October 19, a special train of the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad carried His Eminence, the Bishops, and a number of priests, to the Indian pueblo of San Juan to see the beautiful chapel the Rev. Camilo Seux, the pastor, had built in honor of the Blessed Virgin of gourdes, for the benefit of his parishioners and of all who would go there to pay their devotions to the Mother of God. The Indians gave a charac- teristic reception to the distinguished party, which was most hospitably entertained by the Venerable Camilo Seux. Visit of Cardinal Satolli to the Archbishop of Santa Fe. lycss than six months after Cardinal Gibbons had visited Santa Fe, another prince of the Church, His Eminence, Car- dinal Satolli, Delegate Apostolic to the United States, arrived at the capital of New Mexico and was for a few days the guest of Archbishop Chapelle. Coming from El Paso, the Cardinal reached Santa Fe on February 28, 1896, at about 2 o'clock p. m. He was accompanied by his private secretary' pro tem., the Rev. A. Ortan, D. D., a prominent Sulpician, the librarian of the Catholic University, Washington, D. C. The next da}', which was the second Sunday of Lent, Cardinal Satolli pontificated solemnly in the Cathedral, Arch- bishop Chapelle preaching the sermon. On Monday all the priests who had notice of the passage of the Cardinal came to Santa Fe to pay their respects. His Eminence left Santa Fe for Denver on Tuesday morning, March 3, 1896. We can add to the above details, that though the time that Archbishop Chapelle spent in the administration of the diocese of Santa Fe, was but verj'- short, still, his work in it as coadjutor and Archbishop has been ver>' noticeable. He visited all parts of the diocese and administered Confirmation to 28,000 candidates, besides bringing from Europe twenty-two missionaries who are now working as parish priests or assis- tants in the missions of the diocese. 18* 282 AEaiBisHOP Chapelle IK Santa Fe. We are sorry to learn that Archbishop Chapelle has been appointed to the See of New Orleans as successor to the late Archbishop Janssens. It is our sincere wish that Archbishop Chapelle may be replaced in Santa Fe by a learned and zealous Bishop. Lists of Priests who Have Been Laboring in the Missions of New Mexico From the Beginning of the American Rule. In the fall of 1851, when the Right Rev. J. B. Lamy came to New Mexico as Vicar Apostolic, he found ten priests in the Territor5^ These were the Reverend Fathers Jose Manuel Gailegos. Jose de Jesus I^eiva. Lucero. Jose de Jesus Lujan. Antonio de Jesus Martinez. 6. Vincente Montano. 7. Fernando Ortiz. 8. Juan Felipe Ortiz. 9. Ramon Salazar. 10. Juan Trujillo. To these were added successively the Reverend Fathers 1. Accorsini, Joseph. 2. Aelterman, Gillan. 3. Avel, Etienne. 4. Bernal, Pedro. 5. Bernard, Benito. 6. Birmingham, Patrick. 7. Boucard, Francisco. 8. Bourdier, N. 9. Brun, A. ID. Brun, Carlos. 11. Brun, J. B. 12. Cabello, N. 13. Carpentier, N. 14. Chavez, Manuel. 15. Cooney, J. V. 16. Coudert, Jose Maria. 17. Courbon, Juan B. 18. Defouri, James. 19. Deraches, Jules. 20. Docher, Antonio. 21. Eguillon, Pedro. 22. Faure, J. B. 23. Fayet, J. B. 24. Fialon, Joseph. 25. Fleurant, Miguel. 26. Fourchegu, Antonio, 27. Francolon, J. B. 28. Garcia, Samuel. 29. Gamier, J. M. 30. Gatignol, Francisco. 31. Gilberton, Paul. 32. Gonrey, Joseph. 33. Gourbeyre, Alex. 34. Gregelowski, Alex. 35. Grom, Ignacio Maria. 36. Guerin, J. B. 37. Hayes, Thomas Ambrosio. 38. Jouvenceau, Antonio. 39. Jouvenceau, Francisco X. 40. Jouvet, N. 41. Juillard, George. 42. Lassaigne, Pedro. List of Pkik.sts. 283 43. L,amy, Antonio. 44. Latour, Juan. 45. IvCStra, Francisco. 46. Machebeuf, Joseph. 47. Mariller, J. B. 48. Martin, Pedro. 49. Martin, Philiberto. 50. Mathonet, N. 51. Medina, Ramon. 52. Merle, N. 53. Monacum, Pedro. 54. Na^'roUes, H. 55. O'Keefe, Tim. 56. Ortiz, Eulogio. 57. Parisis, Etienne. 58. Paulet, Eugenio. 59. Picard, Juan. 60. Pinard, Francisco. 61. Peyron, Clemente. 62. Pouget, Henrico. 63. Ralliere, J. B. 64. Ribera, Manuel. 65. Ribera R. 66. Redon, Augustine. 67. Remuson, lyuciano. 68. Rodriguez, N. 69. Rogiers, Donate. 70. Rolli, Miguel. 71. Rousset, E- E. 72. Salpointe, J. B. 73. Seux, Camilo. 74. Splinters, J. G, 75. Tafoya, Sembrano. 76. Taladrid, Damasco. 77. Thowartz, N. 78. Truchard, Augustine. 79. Ussel, Gabriel. 80. Valezy, Joseph. 81. Vassal, Augustine. 82. Vermar, Antonio. 83. Vigil, Jose Miguel. Total for the period mentioned, 83. The names of the priests procured by Archbishop Chapelle are as follows : 1. S. Alvernhe. 2. C. Balland. C. Barrau. A. Cazales. A. Cellier. F. Deshores. N. Dumarest. J. Gauthier. J. Giraud. 10. F. Girma. 11. Alph. Haelterman. In all from the beginning of the missionary work in the Territory, 372 priests and 4 Eay Brothers, making in aU 376. C. Eammert. 3. F. Ee Guillon. 4. A. Martin. 5. M. Mayeux. 6. F. Mombour. 7. T. Moog. M. Olier. Edw. Paulhan. T. Pelzer. A. Rabeyrolles. 9' 20. 21. 22. T. Roux. CHAPTER XIV. The Sisters of Mercy in New Mexico and Arizona. The Sisters of Mercy first came to Arizona and New Mexico in 1880, when, with the approval of the Vicar iVpos- tolic, Rt. Rev. J. B. Salpointe, and at the invitation of Rev. A. Morin, pastor of Messilla, four Sisters took up their residence in a house purchased for them. The first superior was Mother Josephine Brennan, who came from the convent of Mercy, Moate, Ireland. To procure other Sisters to help in teaching and carrying on the work of the Community-, two of the Sisters proceeded to Ireland in 1881. There five postulants offered themselves for the distant mission, and came to INIessilla. Soon afterw^ards, at the invitation of Rev. A. Fourchegu and with the approval of Most Rev. J. B. L,amy, four Sisters went from Messilla to open a house with boarding and daj- schools at Los Alamos, in the Archdiocese of Santa Fe. This was in 1881, and in 1883, another house was opened at Sapello, New Mexico, with schools in connection with it. Mother Josephine had been succeeded, as Superior, by Mother Bernard Connor, and it was during her term of office that the Sisters were invited to Silver Cit}' by Rev. P. Bourgade, who assisted them to build a fine convent, with which boarding and day schools are connected. Mother Bernard died of the small-pox, during an epidemic which broke out in ^^lessilla. From 1883 until 1887, Mother Teresa Connor was Superior, and was succeeded by Mother Paul O' Grady. In 1887, a convent and school were opened in El Paso, Texas, and were conducted by the Sisters until 1892, when Tjie Sisters of Mkrcy. 285 that part of the Vicariate of Arizona was annexed to the diocese of Dallas. The Sisters of Mercy, being connected with the Arizona Vicariate, withdrew from El Paso and proceeded to Phoenix, where they took charge of the parochial school, and subsequently opened a school for boarders and select day pupils. In 1889, Mother Paul and Sister Peter McTernan went to Ireland, and on this occasion eleven postulants offered them- selves, and came out to Silver City. Owing to want of means, the houses which were opened temporarily at Tucson, Yuma and Florence had to be closed after a short period. Los Alamos was also given up. For the care of the sick, Mercy Hospitals were opened in Silver City, Phoenix and Prescott. The Silver City hospital, opened in 1887, receives the sick poor of the Territory of New Mexico, which gives an annual grant to the hospital. The Phoenix hospital was opened in 1895, and is conducted by four Si-sters. In 1893, the Rev. A. Quetu opened a hospital at Prescott, and engaged the Sisters of Mercy to conduct it ; subsequently, in 1896, a fine Mercy Hospital was opened in Prescott, owned and conducted by the Sisters. The Sisters of Mere}', like other Sisters who first came to the western territories to take their share in the arduous work of education, had to fight against difficulties of different kinds, and more especially against poverty* which prevailed almost everj'w^here ; hence the^^ had to abandon many places when they saw they could not make a success of them. They tried other places pursuant to the advice of the ecclesiastical authorit^^ and succeeded at last in locating the houses of their Order in towns whose stability can be relied upon and where there are pupils to teach and patients to be taken care of. In the past three years great numbers of consumptives have come to Arizona for that cure or relief which the magnificent climate ensures, and many of them find a pleasant home in the ISIercy Hospitals or in the Sisters of St. Joseph's Hospital at Tucson. CHAPTER XV. Summary of the Introduction of the Catholic Religion and Building of Churches in New Mexico During the Colonial Period. We take pleasure in reproducing, almost verbally, what Professor Charles F. Lummis has stated under the title of this chapter in his interesting book "The Spanish Pioneers", already several times mentioned in these Notes : The first church, saj's our author, in what is now the United States, was founded in St. Augustine, Florida, by Fray Francisco de Pareja, in 1560. Brave missionary' work was done by the priests whom Coronado brought to New Mexico in 1540, and we maj^ add, in 1581, by Fray Francisco Lopez, Fray Juan de Santa Maria and Brother Agustin Ruiz or Ramirez, though these were soon killed by the Indians. 1 . San Gabriel de los Espafioles was founded in Septem- ber 1598 by the ten missionaries who accompanied Juan Onate, the Colonizer. 2. Santa Fe must have been provided with a church at the time of its foundation, or about 1606, says our author. This church not being able for a long time to meet the require- ments of the colony, Fray Alonzo de Benavides laid in 1626 the foundation of another which was finished in 1629. 3. San Miguel, Santa Fe, was built after 1636. Partly destroyed in 1680, it was restored in 17 10. Summary. 287 In 1 617, three years before Plytaouth Rock, there were already eleven churches in use in New Mexico. Santa Fe was the only Spanish town, but there were also churches at the dangerous pueblos of Galisteo and Pecos, two at Jemez and Taos, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Sandia, San Felipe and Santo Domingo. The churches in the Jemez pueblo had to be abandoned about 1622, on account of incessant harassment of the Navajos, but were occupied again in 1626. 4. Zuiii. This province had missionaries in 1629, and soon after six churches in as many of its towns. The Moqui villages had their churches about the same time. 5. San Antonio de Sinecu had a church founded in 1629 by Fray Antonio de Arteago "and the same brave man, in the same year, founded another, at the pueblo of N. S. del 6. Socorro, now the American town of Socorro. 7. Picuries. "The church in the pueblo of Picuries was built before 1632, for in that year. Fray Ascencion de Zarate was buried in it." 8. Isleta. Its church was built before 1635. 9. Pecos. The walls of its church now in ruins "were reared two hundred and seventy-five years ago. The pueblo, orice the largest in New Mexico, was deserted in 1840." Its inhabitants, then ver\' few, joined themselves to the pueblo of Jemes, where some of them are living yet. 10. El Paso del Norte. In 1662, according to the church records, a mission was founded at El Paso del Norte for the "Indianos Manzos," the tame Indians, who from the beginning .had been faithful to the Spanish Government. 11. Nambe. "There was a church at the pueblo of Nambe in 1642." 12. Cuaray. East of the Rio Grande "F'ra}- Geronimo de la Lana founded the church of Cuaray about 1642." Here, according to the church MSS. at Santa Fe, he died in the year 1569. 13. "Soon after Cuaray, Aba, Tenabo and Tabira (Gran (^uivira) had their churches which have gone to ruin by the revolts or the dispersion of the Indians." The ruins now seen 288 Summary. at Gran Quivira are what remains, according to Mr. lyummis, of a second church built between 1660 and 1670 at about the place occupied by the first one. 14. Tajique and Chilili "were probably built at the same time as Gran Quivira for the Indians who had abandoned Cuara3^ Abo, and Tenabo." 15. Acoma had its church built in 1629 "besides all those the pueblos of Zia, Santa Ana, Tesuque, Pojuaque, San Juan, San Marcos, San Lazaro, San Cristobal Alameda, Santa Cruz and Cochiti had each a church in 1680." 16. Santa Fe, destroyed in 1680, was reestablished in 1693 by Vargas, with one hundred soldiers and seventy families he brought from El Paso, eight hundred persons in all, count- ing the members of the families and their servants. In 1694, seventy-six families were sent to Vargas by order of the Viceroy, and added to the Santa Fe colony. 17. Albuquerque. The plans for the building of a church at Albuquerque were drawn in 1780, as has been seen by Rev. J. M. Coudert in the papers of the church. APPENDIX. APPENDIX No. I. Principal Latitudes and Longitudes Astronomically Determined in the Geographical Map Drawn in I864 Under the Direction of Brigadier General Carlton. LATITUDES. LONGITUDES. Deg. Min. Sec. Deg. Min. Sec. Albuquerque 35 15 51 105 37 52 Santa Fe 33 41 66 Dona Ana 32 23 14 100 48 33 El Paso del Norte 31 44 16 100 25 00 Antonchico 31 11 n 105 09 45 Peralta 34 50 57 Fort Stanton 33 29 37 105 38 19 Isleta, N. M 34 54 27 106 39 59 Fort Craig 33 38 11 Mouth of Salinas river 33 22 57 122 15 46 Copper mines, Santa Rita 32 47 53 108 04 40 Junction of Gila and Colorado 33 43 32 114 36 09 Tucson 32 12 55 no 52 55 Initial point of boundar^^ on par- allel 31 deg. 47 min 31 37 00 106 31 21 Pueblo de Zuni 35 04 03 106 42 44 Cubero on San Jose river 35 05 22 107 26 14 Mouth of Williams Fork 34 17 47 114 00 00 Initial point 20 miles below Gila river 32 29 44 114 48 45 292 AppENDrx No. rr. APPENDIX No. II. Names of the Persons who were Called to Santa Fe by Order GJ the Viceroy. 1. Juan Lopez VigiL 32, 2. Thomas Duran. 33. 3. Joseph Duran. 34. 4. Domingo Ribera, 35. 5. Vicente Ribera. 36. 6. Joseph Salvador Samora. 37. 7. Alejandro Gallegos. 38. 8. Joseph Manuel Silva. 39, 9. Juan Garcia Polvora y su 40. familia (and his family). 41. 10. Sebastian Maldonado, 42. 11. Francisco Griego, 43. 12. Miguel Lopez. 44. 13. Cristobal Serna, 45. 14. Pedro Serna. 46. 15. Francisco Garcia, 47. 16. Joseph Gomez;. 48, 17. Juan de Herrera. 49. Juan Antonio de Herrera. 50. Miguel de Herrera. 51. Nicolas Gonzales. 52. Juan Louis Vigil. 53. 18 19. 20. 21. 22. 23- 24. 25- 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31- Bartolo Martin y su familia. 54. Estevan Gonzales. 55. Salvador Cassillas. 56. Joaquin Gutierres. 57. Juan Felipe Yaca. 58. Baltazar Yigil y su familia. 59. Vicente Vigil y su familia. 60. Juan Leon y su familia. 61. Francisco Benavides. 62. Juan Tomas Benavides. Raymundo Ledesma. Juan Jaramillo. Joseph Manuel Apodaca, Mathias Duran. Francisco Casados. Joseph Pacheco, Poblano- Joseph Martin. Julian E. Padilla. Francisco Padilla. Juan Candido. Joseph Marques, Juan Marques. Pedro Marques. Asencio Archuleta, Francisco Garduno, Thomas Angel. Juan Rael de Aguilar- Joseph Toscala. Anselmo Mexicano. Joseph Laudnuberun, Xavier Tapia. Francisco Jiron. J. Antonio de Vega y Coca- Joseph Sanchez, Ignacio Terna el Mozo. Juan Bartolo Romero. Diego Romero el Mozo, Vicente Lucero Jorge. Andres de Villalpando, Juan Vallejo. Pedro Valdes. APPENDIX No. Iir. Aeta de Independencia del Imperio, La Nacion Mexicana que por trescientos anos lii ha tenido voluntad propia, ni libre el uso de la voz, sale hoy de la opresion en que ha vivido. Appendix No. hi. 293 Los heroicos esfuerzos de sus hijos han sido coronados, y esta consumada la empresa eternamente memorable, que un genio superior a toda admiracion y elogio, amor y gloria de su patria, principio en Iguala prosiguio y llevo al cabo arrollando obstaculos casi insuperables. Restituida pues esta parte del Septentrion al ejercicio de cuantos derechos le concedio el Autor de la Naturaleza, y reconocen por inaj enables y sagrados las Naciones cultas de la tierra, en libertad del constituirse de modo que mas convenga a su felicidad, y con representantes que puedan manifestar su voluntad y sus designios, comienza a hacer uso de tan preciosos dones, y declara solemnemente por medio de la Junta Suprema del Imperio, que es Nacion Soberana e Independiente de la antigua Espana con quien en lo succesivo no mantendra otra union que la de una amistad estrecha en los terminos que prescribieren los tradados : que entablara relaciones amistosas con las demas potencias, ejecutando respecto de ellas cuantos actos pueden estan en posesion de ejecutar las otras Naciones Soberanas : que va a constituirse con arreglo a las bases que en el plan de Iguala y tratado de Cordova establecio sabiamente el primer Gefe del Ejercito Imperial de las tres garantias ; y en fin, que sostendra a todo trance, y con el sacrificio de los hogares y vidas de sus individuos (si fuere necesario) esta solemne declaracion hecha en la Capital del Imperio a 28 de Septiembre de 182 1, primero de la independencia Mexicana. Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio Obispo de la Puebla, Juan O-Donojii, Manuel de la Barcena, Matias Monteagudo, Isidro Yaiiez , Lie. Juan Fransisco de Azcarate, Juan Jos^ Espinosa de los Monteros, Jose Maria Fagoaga, Jose Miguel Guridi y Alcozer, El Marques de Salvatierra, El Conde de Casa de Heras Soto, Juan Bautista Lobo, Fransisco Manuel Sanchez de Tagle , Antonio de Gama y Cordova , Jose Manuel Sartorio, Manuel Velazquez de Leon, Manuel Montes Argiielles, Manuel de la Sota Riva, El Marques de San Juan de Rayas, Jose Ignacio Garcia Illueca, Jose Maria de Bustamante, Jose Maria Cervantes y Velasco, Juan Cervantes y Padilla, Jose Manuel Velazquez de la Cadena, Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolas Campero, El Conde de Jala y de Regla, Jose Maria de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel Martinez 294 Appendix No. iv. Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Guzman, Jose Maria de Jauregui, Jose Rafael Suarez Bereda, Anastasio Bustamante, Isidro Ignacio de Icaza. Juan Jose Espinosa de L,os Monteros, Vocal Secretario. APPENDIX No. IV. Infonnacion dada al Gobernador Fernando Chacon por el Rev. P. Custodio, F. Cayetano, Jose Bernal. Santa Fe, 17 de Setiembre 1794- En las dos referidas Villas (Santa Cruz de la Canada & Santa Fe) esta fundada en cada una de ellas la Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia, desde los principios de la Reconquista de esta provincia con licencia de los Prelados de Nuestra Sera- fica Religion como Superiores Legitimos immediatos de ella. La Venerable Orden Tercera de Penitencia de N. S. P. San Francisco. Casi desde los principios de la Reconquista, (aunque no se sabe el ano fijo) con previa la licencia de los Prelados de Nuestra Serafica Religion como Superiores legitimos e inmediatos de ella, y a quienes solo pertenece su conocimiento y gobierno como consta de las muchas Bulas, declaratorias y confirmatorias de muchos Romanes Pontifices, por lo que la pongo separada de las Cofradias por no tener nada de estas, y por ser verdadera Orden como la primera que profesamos los religiosos, aunque con distintas reglas y constituciones. Estos solo existen y ban existido, y existen a esmero de la devocion de Ics hermanos oos y asi su fondo es aquel que se paga en la de la Canada la fiesta de San Louis Rey de Francia y la de la Purisima Concepcion como a sus patrones, y cantar cada mes una misa en uno de sus Domingos con procesion, pero siempre esta empenada, o es necesario que el ministro haga las mas de valde y de pura devocion por no alcanzar las limosnas por ser muy pocos los 3os. La de la Villa de Santa Fe invierte sus limosnas en pagar la Funcion de San Luis, las misas con procesion de los Domingos segundos de todos los meses y el sermon de tres caidas el Viernes Santo que lo paga por costumbre, y comprar ceras de dichas funciones y aunque en esta santa 3^ Orden hay bastantes hermanos siempre esta empeiiada como puede verse. Appfxdix Ko. v. 295 APPENDIX No. V. El Gobernador y Comandante General de Nuevo Mejico, a sus hahitantes. NuEVO Mejicanos : La siempre acreditada lenidad que en todas epocas y circunstancias han caracterisado la benignidad del Gobierno Mejicano, cuyo norte ha seguido el que os dirije la palabra, desde que tiene el honor de regiros, como Gober- nador y Comandante General de este Departamento, satisfecho de la docilidad de todos y cada uno de sus habitantes, no vacila un solo momento en dirigiros la palabra por si acaso alguno o varios, seducidos o engaiiados con promesas alagiienas, hubiesen, sin prevision, abierto algun compromiso asegurando a los gobernantes de Tejas, que seran en favor de ellos en la presente lucha con Mejico ; y aunque haya sido esto, asegurado bajo de firma, o de otra cualesquier manera, modo y forma, con tal que al presente y de hoy para adelante, acrediten su patriotismo, adhesion, lealtad y fidelidad a nuestro legitimo y paternal Gobierno de la RepubHca Mejicana a que tenemos el honor de pertenecer, a nombre del mismo es prometido solemnemente y bajo mi palabra de honor, el perdon correspondiente, sin que por tal hecho os pare perjuicio el mas leve, ni padezca el menor menoscabo la nacionalidad y patriotismo a que por mil titulos sois acredores, como patrimonio de lealtad que os dejaron de herencia vuestros antepasados. Si, mis caros conciudadanos y compatriotas , no es de temerse y menos de creerse ! que con peligro de perder vuestra religion, patria y propiedades, vacileis un solo momento en estar a la sombra y derredor de la bandera nacional, >■ que arrostrando todos los riesgos y ponderados peligros, tremolar- emos los Nuevo Mejicanos, (a pesar de las tramas de aquellos rivales y traidores los Tejanos y sus secuaces) cuyos leureles se presentaran al nivel y parangon de las mas guerreras naciones del orbe. Esto os promete, y con esto os briuda \niestro conciudadano y Gefe. MANUEL ARMIJO. 296 Appendix No. vt. APPENDIX No. VI. ARCHDIOCESE OF SANTA FE. The Archdiocese of Santa Fe comprises the Territory of New Mexico, Dona Ana, Grant and Sierra Counties excepted. The Archbishop resides in Santa Fe. There are in the Archdiocese : 47 secular priests, and 1 1 priests of religious orders ; 38 churches with resident priests ; 340 missions ; 2 col- leges for boys ; 6 academies : 8 parochial schools ; 2 Catholic day schools for Indians ; 2 Catholic boarding schools for In- dians ; I orphan asjdum ; 2 hospitals. The Catholic popula- tion is estimated at 135,000, including 18,000 Indians. DIOCESE OF TUCSON. The Diocese of Tucson comprises Arizona Territory and Doiia Ana, Grant and Sierra Counties in New Mexico. The Bishop resides in Tucson. There are in the diocese : 17 secular priests; 3 priests of religious orders; 14 churches with resident priests; 31 missions; 6 academies; 6 parochial schools; I orphan asylum; 4 hospitals. The Catholic popu- lation is estimated at about 40,000. ■'■■A Girls of St. Boniface's Indian vSchool, Banning, California. Boys of St. Bonifacp:'s Indian School, Banking, California. ."^ilirxvilijr to SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS. An eccleniaxtical liistory nj Arizima and New Mexico, bi/ Must Riv. J. B. Salpointe, V. D. ■Wosl Rev. ,X Ji. SALPOIPUTE, TV D.-, Archbishop. Q^)ied -July ]o, 1898 t)n Jnly is'ib, 1898, 'the Most Rev. Johti IBaptist Salpointes titular Archbishop of Tomi, formerly Archbishop 'of Santa Fe, -and previously Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, -died at Tucson, • Arizona. Little knowti to the outside world, modest, simple, ;and unobtrttsive with the small circle of his friends, he *vas one 'of those devoted priests M'hom, year after >^ar, Catholic France sends forth to carrj- the Gospel into distant lands. At the time of his death, Archbishop Salpointe had spent forty years 'of constant, patient and almost mi not iced labor in t lie missions «of Arizona and New -Mexico. Jolin Baptist Salpointe was born in tlie 'diocese of Cler mont, Francev about seventy yeats ago. He was educated for the priesthood of his native diocese^ and afteV his ordination was a professor in ttie seminary. Hete his life mi^ht have been quietly passed^ were it not for the Visit in 1859 of Rev. P'r, E-guillon, a native of Clermont and formet V'icar-Cieneral •of Santa Fe, wbo 'came looking for priests and students for his •distant mission. It was a great Change to leave the quiet College and turn to the mountains of New Mexico still infested by savage Indians, but Fr. vSalpointe volunteered, and with him several others now all dead and gone. The country west of the Missouri was at that time^ 1859, almost unknown, and we are reminded of some events of the present war when we hear that a few years previous to 1859, aVi-knuix tio. Vli. when Bi!*hop Laruy was sent to Santa Fe as its first bisHop\ neither the ckrgy of Santa Fe, no* the Mexican bishop in \Vhose jurisdiction Santa' Fe Sad" previousi^^ been,. bad heard a \X'oron® that touched- evenv'body Some one had to cook,- and who should it be? Two Re'';erend. (.*ook's were duly appointed. Then they had- Co wait for a caravai> so tliat tbeir numbers might keep* awasy the Indians - Buflfalo bunts, loss of mules a-nd other incidents- kept the tVaveleys- pretty bus^' mi til at last- they riea^^hed. Santa. Fe- after.' .?even$y-on3e' dai^'S'' joufney fpom Havre. Fat-hef Salpointe wa.^ hr3t engaged in feaefiing,. with several! missions- to attend to at the same time- I« r'X6p)' he took charge 6f t'he p^Ti.sh of Mora,, a* ^"^ery extensive missionary district. CbuYch building, erection of sehool*^ for the Sisters- of lyOr^tto,- and rtthei's' for tlie Chfi.'^tian Brothers^ occiipied his- lime fn Mora In August. 1864,- a call was made for volun- Eeers for the fni.^aions of Ari7;ona, \vhich was then without a: isingle priest. Father Salpointe ^-a.s one of tho.se who volun- teered, but circum'stance.s delayed the journey until 1866,, whetr K'ifh tvt^O othef priests, affef a long and dangerou.s^ journey,. F.lthef Salpointe affived iii Tvicnon . where he ^t to work treetvng schools and cbiirrhe.s^.- T\vo years later, in 1868, Arizona ceased to f)e part of the Santa Fe dicCese,- ai'id became a Vicariate Apo»tolic,. witb Father Salpointe as its first bishop. In 1885, Bishop Salpoinlse tra:* appointed Coadjutor to the Archbishop of Santa Fe, Dr. Lamy, and on his resignation I)r, vSalpointe .-succeeded to the archV^ij^hopric. His first care wa.*? (o provide .>cbool.«; for the Indian.s. and, at his in.^tance, the (lOvernment gave contracts to .several Catholic schools, Manv f»f these are conducted at the sole eXpen.se of Mother Catherine i)rexel whoSe charity tcrwatd the friendlej^s Indian children may C.od reward! In 1891 the weight of increasing years made the .\rchbishop .seek a coadjutor, and Mgr. Chapelle was appoin- AlM'KNDIX No. VII. tttd, but Archbishop Salpoiiite froiitiimed to act until 1894., ■>\vhen he retired. After 'that date. Archbishop Selpoin'te ^resided Eiostly at Tuc«oii where he had spetit-^o many yearfi of 'his laborious • life. Hre 'occupied his leisure 'hours with the stud}' of 'the " records of 'the early missions of the Southwest, and publisheH his studies in this volume, pYinted at iBo.nning. California, by •the Indian boys whe publish the MinrUm -Indian. Eqjoying the respect and affection of all who kiaeu' liim, the venerable Archbishop lix^ed at vSt Mary's Hospitfll, Tucson, Arizona, ■until July '15th., when be .passed away to 'his reward. His funeral -took place Oft July iHth, when 'the Remains were in- tter red beneath the high -altar oft h£ Cathedral, Tucson. At'va. The Vener-able A>Tohbishop 'retained his mental powers un • til he recmx'ed the -last proof-sheet of -this book. He w^rotetheti 'to the publisher: '^'There ought to be made some corrections. Do it yourself, I cannot do anything more." Five months -later .he died. -K. I. P M(>)ST R^V. PEfER -Jii^URGAnE, D. >). SV'rc'hbishdp lif SmYta F<» V(>^n- MpviiMi As successor ot Arc^bisho'p Sal^6inte, the iRng'h't 'keV. Petet ^Boutgade has been raised to the dignity of Archbishop of SantS )Fe. Bishop Bourgade is oi'ie of the pioneers of the Church nn the southwest. He left his native lanxi, and -hi?; friends and people., to come to Arizona in the year T869, when the territory -had on>ly three ptiests. Archbishop Salpoiifite, with whonfj Father Bourgade came to the west, had been ^appointed vicar- ;apostolic of Arizona, irt "t 868, and hkd at once >ieen the neeci •of procuring missionaries. He tul^rted to FVanCe, and near hi.s native placcv, he was fortunate in 4^ndin'g volunteers: Fathe'r Bourgade,, Father Chaucot. now in Tucson, Father Moriii^ now in Silver Cityv, FatheV Anthony JouX-enceau^ Father Bernard, Father Escalier. They came of course overland from Kansas City across the plains, and the Bishop tells how glad they were <\Een tired and weary they came in sight of the old puehlo of Tncson. Father Bourg-ade had charge of several missions in succession; Yuma, San Elzeario, and Silver City,, and in 18S5. on Archbishop Salpointe'» succession to Saiita Fe, Father Bourgade was made Bishop of Thaumacum,- in ]iHrii}m< in- Jidelium J with charge of the Vicariate Apostolic of Arizona ^including a considerable portion ©f New Mexico). In 189S the Vicariate was erected into a regular diocese,, with the title- of Tucson;, and with Bishop Bourgade as Its first Bishop.. During all- these years, the Bishop bad labored- laithfally and. silently in the service of God, dischargijig the duties- of priest, pastor and bishop with edifying care and fidelity. And now Ihe words- are spoken %'. the preferred candidate. The solemn installation did not take place however i)efore the 6th of April of the same year, which was, in 1899. Easter Thursday, Besides the secular clergy of the Appkn'dix No. VII. diocese, there were present, on the occasion, His Lordship the Right Rev. N. C. Matz, D. D., Bishop of Denver, a delegation from Arizona, and a number of Jesuit P'athers from Albuquerque and Las Vegas. A grand procession was formed from the R. R. station to the Cathedral in which the entire population took part. His Grace, escorted by the Very Rev. A. F'ourchegu, late Vicar General of Archbishop Chapelle, the Hon. G. W. Wallace, Lieutenant Governor of New Mexico and a large number of prominent men, passed in. state through the principal streets of the city, all crowded with people, and went directly to the Cathedral. There, after the liturgical prayers had been chanted. His Grace handed the papal rescript of his nomination to the Ver)- Rev. Fourchegu, administrator of the diocese, sede vacante, who in turn ordered the Rev. Y. B. Fayer to read it aloud. When this was done, all the clergy present at the ceremony, both secular and regular, approached the throne, and kissing the ring, made their obedi- ence. After that, Archbishop Bourgade, although very much affected, addressed in a most impressive manner his priests and the people; and his words were so touching that from that moment he made himself loved and respected by all as a father and sincere friend. The Te Deum was then intoned during which the procession formed again, and amidst the singing of the priests, the sound of the bells, and the harmony of a good music band. His Grace was solemnly escorted to his residence. Six months later, on October 4th of the same year, the same being the feast of St. Francis, Patron of the cathedral and of the diocese. Archbishop Bourgade was invested with the sacred pallium, in his owti metropolitan church, by the Right Rev. N. Matz, D. D., Bishop of Denver. There were again, in addition to the diocesan clergy, special delegations of priests from Arizona, headed by the Very Rev. Edw. Gerard, administrator of the diocese ol Tucson, sede vacante, and from Colorado. The deacons of honor to His Grace were the Rev. J. M. Coudert, pastor of Bernalillo, and the Rev. J. H. Defouri, pastor of Las Vegas; the assistant priest being the Vicar General A. Fourchegu. The Bishop of Denver, cele- brating Pontifical High Mass, was assisted by Very Rev. E. Gerard of Tucson, Ariz., as assistant priest, and by the Revs. Appendix So. Vfl. S. Pefsone, S. J., of Trinidad (Colo.) and J. B. Ralliereof Tome, as Deacon and Subdeacon. A special choir of male voice» sang the Mass of Dumont, in plain-chant, which was de- clared magnificent by the vast audience. Two sermons were preached, one in Spanish by the Rev. A. Jouvenceau, of Park View, New Mexico; the other by the Very Rev. P. Phillips, Chancellor of the Denver Diocese, who spoke in English. Con- spicuous among the clergy were three Franciscan Fathers, with cowl and brown habit, whose presence, pleasing to all, meant the return of the sons of St. F'rancis into the land assigned to them, of old , b^' Ferdinand and Ysabel. The civil authorities of Santa F'e, prominent among them, the Governor Miguel Otero, the District Judge McFie and the Mayor J. H. Sloan were present at the conferring of the Pal- lium; and also at the banquet which followed, at which about one hundred guests, both lay and clerical, partook of the hos- pitality of His Grace, in the hall of .St. Michael's College- At the end of the repast, toasts were called by the Very Rev. Chancellor of Denver, and responded to b)' the following gentle- men : In the name of the Territory, by His Exc, Governor M. A. Otero; in the name of the City of Santa Fe, by His Honor, the Mayor, J. H. Sloan; as a representative of the English speaking Catholics, by the Hon. P. J. Victory, late Solicitor- General; in behalf of the Spanish people, by Don Octaviano Larrazola; and last, but not least, representing the ecclesiastical province, by His Eordship, the Bishop of Denver. May His Grace, the Most Rev. Archbishop Bourgade, set- as a Metropolitan, the years of the Venerable Archbishop Lamy by whom he was made a priest, and consecrated a Bishop, and whose third successor in Santa Fe he is. Right Rev. HENRY GRAN J ON, I). D. iJisliop ol Thcsou, -Ariz. His Holiness, Pope Leo XHI., appointed the Rt. Rev. Henr^' Granjon Bishop of Tucson, Arizona. After the departure of Archbishop Bourgade from Tucson, Very Rev. E. Gerard was administrator of the diocese. The appointment An KNDix No. VII. of the new bishop occurred in March, 1900, and on June 17, 1900, Right Rev. Henr^^ Granjon was consecrated Bishop by by His Eminence, Cardinal J. Gibbons, in the venerable Cathedral of Baltimore. The services of consecration began at 10 o'clock and lasted about three hours. Owing to the inclement weather the pro- cession from the Cardinal's residence to the Cathedral, 'Ahich is customar}'^ on such occasions, had to be abandoned. Those who were to take part in the ceremon}-, however, gathered in the sacristy of the Cathedral and marched thence in procession down the side aisle and up the main aisle into the sanctuary'. When the procession entered, the pews in the Cathedral were only partly filled, but after about half an hour they were rap- idly occupied and it became necessary to place chairs in one of the side aisles. A number of prominent people occupied the pews nearest the sanctuary, in one of which sat the French embassador, Mr. Jules Cambon, and Messrs. Jules Boentoe and Olivier Taigny, of the French embassy's staff in Washington. The Cardinal having proceeded from his throne to a seat at the foot of the altar, which was brilliant with hundreds of candles and heavily laden with white lilies, the services began. The Bishop-elect, who was vested in stole, amice, cincture, alb and cope, was led from his seat and was formally presented to the Cardinal for consecration by the assistant Bishops Allen and Monoghan, who were clothed in capes and wore mitres. The Papal commission in Latin having been read by the consecrator's notary, Rev. Dr. Magnien, presidentof St. Mary's Seminary, the Cardinal received the required pledges of the Bishop-elect, who stood before him with head uncovered. Then followed a long examination on points of Catholic faith. After the vesting of Bishop Granjon and the usual ceremonies, performed by the Cardinal, the newly consecrated Bishop, staff in hand, passed down the main aisle blessing the people. On his return to the sanctuary he concluded the services by blessing the people from the altar. The sermon was preached by Rev. Dr. Joseph \'. Tracy. professor of Scripture in Brighton Seminary, Boston, Mass. In it he was short and to the point, dwelling upon the serious- ness and surpassing interest of the ceremony of consecrating a ArrK.NDix Ko. VII. bishop. He also presented certain aspects of the episcopal office and concluded by pajdng a high tribute to the honest humilit}^ and simple devotion of Bishop Granjon. The following priests from Arizona were present: Ver>' Rev. Edward Gerard, administrator of the diocese, and Rev. Peter Timmerman, of Clifton, Ariz. Bishop Granjon reached Tucson on July 5th, taking charge of his See. Bishop Granjon was born in Lyons, France, in 1863 and is of a distinguished famil}'. He studied philosophy and theology in the Sulpician Seminaries of Paris and Issy, afterwards going to Rome. He graduated there in divinity from the ApoUinare University, and in canon law from the Minerva University. In 1887 he was ordained a priest. At the ceremony of his ordi- nation he met Archbishop Bourgade, then Vicar Apostolic of Arizona, who was in Europe recruiting missionaries for Ari- zona. Bishop Granjon volunteered to go as a missionary to Arizona, w^here he labored from 1890 to 1897. Three years ago he was summoned to Baltimore and placed in charge of the Association for the Propagation of the Faith, with residence at St. Marj^'s Seminar^'. Bishop Granjon possesses a good phj'sique and a hearty, genial manner, together with an un- bounded apostolic zeal. May his episcopal career abound to the greater glon,- of God, and the salvation of his flock ! VERY REV. FRANCIS JOUVENCEAU. Died .July, 1900. Very Rev. P'rancis Jouvenceau died in July, 1900, at the St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson, Arizona. He came to New- Mexico in 1859 and in 1866 he entered upon the missionary territory of Arizona. He had been a priest for forty five years when he died. Father Francis Jouvenceau was an unselfish, zealous, pious, saintly, heroic pioneer priest. (These notes, Appendix No. VII, were added in .September 1900. The Publisher.) INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS. I. The Road to the Pueblo of Acoma, in 1846 opposite II. Papago Indian Camp ,, III. Dwelling of Papago Indians „ IV. Wolpi V. Taos , VI. Opuntia Cholla VII. Giant Cactus „ VIII. An ancient Spanish Crucifix , IX. Old Cathedral of Santa Fe X. Santa Cruz Church ,, XI. Cathedral of Santa Fe , XII. Old San Miguel Church XIII. Church of Nuestia Seiiora de los Dolores XIV. Interior of the Church of Albuquerque „ XV. Christian Brothers' College, Santa Fe XVI. Chapel of Our Lady of Lourdes ,, XVII. St. Catherine's Industrial Indian School XVIII. Church of San Juan XIX. Loretta Academy of Our Lady of Light XX. St. Michael's College, Santa Fe, erected 1887 XXI. Most Rev. J. B. Lamy, D. D XXII. MostRev. J. B.Salpointe, DD., opposite title page. XXIII. Right Rev. J. P. Machebeuf, D. D XXIV. Most Rev. Placide L. Chapelle, D. D , XXV. Right Rev. N. Ch. Matz, D. D XXVI. Right Rev. P. Bourgade, D. D XXVII. Old Cathedral of Tucson XXVIII. New Cathedral of Tucson XXIX. Old Mission at Tucson XXX. Church of the IniniHculate Heart of Jfary „ XXXI. Sacred Heart Church and School, Pres(ott XXXII. ('hurch of Flagstaff XXXIII. Franciscan Monastery, Phcenix , XXXIV^ Franciscan Fathers, Phoenix ,, XXXV. Casa Grande XXXVI. Casa Grande XXXVII. San Xavier Mission, near Tucson XXXVIII. Very Rev. E. Gerard, Vicar General XXXIX. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson XL. St. Mary's Hospital, Tucson XLI. Indian Village, (Pueblo) XLII. Indian Village, (Pueblo) XLIII. Very Rev. F. X. Jouvenceau XLIV. Interior of San Xavier's Church, Tucson, Ariz XLV. Indian Girls of Wolpi page 16 17 17 24 24 25 25 48 49 49 56 57 57 80 80 81 88 88 89 89 „ 112 „ 120 „ 144 ,, 152 ,, 176 ,, 184 „ 184 „ I8.J „ 185 ,, 208 „ 208 „ 209 „ 209 „ 216 „ 216 ,. 217 „ 240 „ 241 „ 241 „ 248 „ 249 „ 272 „ 280 ., -W 5t. Boniface's Industrial Schnol. Rannint;. r'alifnrnia INDEX. fThe numbers indicate the pages referred to. Numbers like 246-7, 245, -7, refer to pages U6 and 21,7.) Archives of Santa Fe 52, 99. Arizona (see also Nevv Mexico, Indians, missionaries, schools, Indian legends) 3; early explorers 5, 6, 9, 27, 32, 129; Grand Canon, Colorado and Gila in 1640 and 1604, p. 51; Moquis in 1680, 69; Jesuits come in 1687, 131, Indian revolt —Jesuits retire and Francis- cans arrive in 1767, 143; expulsion of missionaries, 180, 226; purchased by U. S. 191 ; becomes part of Santa Fe diocese 224; Jesuit missionaries come 240; French missionaries come 241; becomes Vicariate Apostolic, 259, 261; diocese of Tucson, 296. Authorities quoted : Alarcon 1, Ban- croft 2, Bandelier 30, 117, Benavides 64, Castaneda 16, Civezza 26, 71, Cronica Seraphica 6, 64, 74, Defouri 71, Documentos etc. 78, Ensayo Cronologico 62, J. Gilmary Shea 41, Hittel 15 , Jaramillo 16, 34, 36, Joly 136, Lummis 40, 48, 114, 286, Kiel 67, O'Gorman 131, O'Ryan and Malone 229, old church-documents 96, Ortega 130, Phillips 229, Rudo Ensayo 130, Salmeron 43, 48, 52, Solorzano 3, State Documents 96, Vargas 73, Velasco 131, Veles Escalante 52. Bourgade, Right Rev, Bishop, 260, 266, 268, 271, 284, California 101, Casa Grande ruins 134. Census taken in 1789, 102. Chapelle , Archbishop, 278, -9, 281. Christian Brothers 211, 221, 237, 274. Churches first built in New Mexico 48, 50, 52. In 1617 there were eleven churches, 53, in 1629 forty-three 44, 286. In Arizona 131, 13.3. Churches, how built and maintained 182, -3. Colorado 100, 105, 191, 228, 224. Crossing the plains 107, 203, 212, 257. Diocese of Santa Fe (see New Mexico) 223, 224, becomes Archdiocese 265, statistics 296, 257. Diocese of Denver 228. Diocese of Tucson (see Arizona) 296. Drexel, Mother Catherine, 273, -4. Franciscans , (see missionaries) 51, 54, 127. Franciscans, Third Order 161. Hospitals, Sisters', 268, 285. Huguenots and Apaches 87. Indians : ethnology, early traditions 3, 4, villages, industries 16, 18, houses 17, mounds 14, ruins i34, 135, dress 19, methods of attack 97, 257, of cross- ing ruins 5, burials, cremation, idea of the soul, legends of owl, coyote, eagle, 3, 9, 12, medicine-men 13, witchcraft 140, 150, dances 20, 93, 115, sun-worship 19, religious ideas, god Moctezuma 8, 19, 46, 51, idols, human sacrifices 14, 19, 68, 71, women 11, morality 8, polygamy 7, marriage and divorce 11, 17, 184, tribes' govern- ment 17, 21, 22, 23, 150. 298 Index. ludiau tribes and villages of Kew Mexico and Arizona: Acoma 34, 59, 64, 75, 2&S, Aijaos 62, Algodones 329, Apaches 13, 53, -5, 61, 87, 96, 133, -4, 147, -8, 192, 267 , Comanches 53, 96, 101, Cipias 62, Galisteo 36, 44, 50, 53, 72, 74, 92, Jemes 20, 49, 58, 64, 72, 75, 83, Isleta (Tiguas) and Laguna 35, 39, 42, 49, 70, 72, 84, 287, Manzos 55, 62, Mari- copas 131, Moquis 33, -4, 51, 60, 65, 68, 70, 72, 76, 90, 94, 101, Navajos 61, 76, 87, i02, 106, 147, -8, 176, Papagos 4, 12, 13, 132, 150, Pecos 36, 49, 53, 57, 72, 74, 85, 149, 287, Picuries and Taos 49, 50, 53, 59, 72, -4, 99, 135, 177, 287, Pimas 3, 8, 9, 10, 13, 132, 140, 141, Piros 55, 65, Queres 49, 57, 72, 75, Quivira 36, 50, 53, 287, Sandia 43, -5, Taos see Picuries, Tanos 57, Tompiros 57, 146, Vaqueros 61, Xumana 61, Yumas 5, 7, 8, 12, 131, 141, -2, Yutas 53, 100, 170, Zia 49, 71, 72, 75, 85, Zuni 32, 33, 51, 60, 62, 65, 72, 75, 89, 287. Indiana , conquered by Spanish (see Spanish explorers) ; revolt 63 , 81, 86, in trade 98, treatment by Spanish 110, 113, dealings with missionaries 59, 118, 183, population 146, 9, towards settlers 169, present Indian popula- tion 150, 296, schools for 272, -4. Jesuits in Sonera and Arizona (1681) p. 130, 131, expelled (1767) 134, in Arizona (1863) 240, in New Mexico (1866) 257, in California 137, in Colorado 230. l.amy. Archbishop, 194, 206, 219, 229, 234, 265, 275. Machebeuf, Right Rev. Bishop, 196, 224-9, 236, 260. Matz , Right Rev. Bishop, 279. Mexican Independence (1821) 110, ex- pulsion of missionaries 143, Mex. empire 153, -8, republic 159, war with U. S. and cession of New Mexico 172, -8. Missionaries of New Mexico: Spanish Franciscans (1538-1821) p. 26, 41, 42, 44, 45 ,} see complete list 123 , mar- tyred by the Indians 123, expelled by Mexican government 143, 161, 164, Mexican missionaries 160, 165, 179, 193, 196, 208, Vicar Apostolic Lamy appointed (1850) 194, 195, and missionaries come from France 196, 207, 211, see complete list 282, -3, miissions become diocese of Santa Fe 206, parishes 223, created an archdiocese 265 , Archbishop Sal- pointe 272, Archbishop Chapelle 279, Jesuit Fathers 257, -8. Missionaries of Arizona: Spanish Franciscans (1538) p. 5, (1604) p. 51, (1680) p. 69, Spanish Jesuits (1687), 131, 134, 144, martyred 132, 133, 142, Spanish Franciscans come (1767) 139: and were expelled (1827) 143; attended by Mexican priests 185, 226; annexed to Santa Fe 224, visited by Fr. Machebeuf 224, Jesuit Fathers 240, French missionaries: Frs. Las- saigne 241, 261, Bernai 241, Salpointe Boucard, Birmingham 242. Vica- riate Apostolic created 259, more missionaries : Rev. F. Jouvenceau 259, Bourgade, A Jouvenceau, Morin, Bernard, Chaucot, Escalier 260, -1, Ruellan263, Dommergue 264, Grangs 266, Badilla 269; Gerard, Deraches, Stagnon 270; Gallagher, Bloise, 271; Quetu 285; Vicariate becomes diocese of Tucson, Statistics 296. Missions how supported 127, -8, 143, 182, -S; property confiscated 165, 180. Missionaries and Indians 127, 118, 58, 69. Missionary life 223, 238, -9, 255, -6. Missions in 1617 p. 53, in 1626 p. 54, at present 296. New Mexico: first called Cibola 25, why? 32, expedition of Spanish ex- plorers (1530) 25, (1536) 26, (1540) 33, (1582) 45, (1596) 47; named New Mexico 46, Santa Fe founded (1605) 51, governors of New Mexico see ofiBcials, Indian revolts 63, 81, 86, coming of traders (1744) 97, Spanish rule ends 109, Mexican rule 153, 159, New Mexico created a Mexican Territory 164. revolts 166, invaded by United States 176, revolts against United States 176, ceded to United States (1848) 178, becomes United States territory 191, Arizona and Colorado added 191, Vicariate Apos- tolic 194, a diocese 206, (see Indians, missions.) Officials of New Mexico: Spanish gov- ernors (1645-1822) 52, 72, 73, 89, 106; Mexican governors (1822-1848) 163, 173; United States governors (1848- 1898) 192, 193. Orphan asylum of Tucson 264, Index. 299 Pallium conferred on Archbishops Lamy and Chapelle 265, 279. "Penitentes" of New Mexico, origin of, condemned by the Church 161, -3. Places in New Mexico mentioned (see also Indian tribes and villages): Alameda 71 , Albuquerque 91, 258, 288, Belen 160, 207, Bernalillo 40, 90, 258, 266, 273, CeboUeta 99, Chilili 57, Cochiti, 71, 72, 75, Gran Quivira 53, 62, 287, Is! eta 70, 93, La Joya 55, Las Vegas 274, Los Alamos 284, Mora 284, Pilabo 56, Puaray 43, 49, 71, Ouarac 99, San Felipe 53, 57, 71, 72, 75, 85, 96, San Gabriel 50, San Juan 84, 277, 281, San Ildefouso 53, 58, 72, 84, 87, San Geronimo 61, Sandia 53, 56, 71, 98, Santa Ana 59, 71, 75, 85, 96, Santa Clara 53, 61, 72, 84, Santa Cruz 86, Santa Fe in 1605, 51, 52; in 1629, 57, -8; beseiged in 1680, 65 ; and in 1692, 73; battle of 81, 83, 85; churches 99, 160; taken by General Kearney 173; churches and schools 204; diocese Of 205, -8, 220, 240, 261 , 278, 286, 296, Santo Domingo 53, 75, 86, Senecu 56, 70, 72, 147, Sevilleta 56, Socorro 56, 72, Trinidad 235. In diocese of Arizona Isleta 263, La Mesa 266, Las Cruces 262, -3, Messilla 263, Sapello 222, S38, 2Si, Silver City ^70, SSI,, Tularosa 262. Places in Arizona mentioned (see Indian tribes) : Arivaca 133, Benson S/,0, Calabazas US, Casa Grande iS2, Colorado river SA, 51, US, Florence 271, Gila river 51, 131, IM, Guevavi 131, La Paz 253, Phoenix 270, 27/, SS5, Prescott 21,0, 270, 2S5, San Xavier 131, 133, Ul, W2, US, 181, 1S5-S, St. John's S69, Tempe 270, Tombstone S71, Tubac ISl, 185, Tucson 131, 133, wall built by Franciscans Ul, presidio built SU, churches etc. 225, 226, 2W, 21,8, 250, -A, 266, 271, Tumacucuri 133, Ul, 181, Yuma (see Yuma Indians) 1, 529, SS6, 250, -S, 259, 26/,. Plague in Arizona 256. Population of the missions 102, 11,6, -9, 296. Pueblos see Indian villages. Raverdy, "Very Rev. Father, 211, 228, 231. Salpointe, Arjhbishop; comes from France 211, 221; in Santa Fe 221, in Mora 2:^4, -9, goes to Arizona 242, 258; Vicar Apostolic 259, 267; Arch- bishop in Santa Fe 272, retires 279. Salutations in Spanish 199. ScUooIs in Mexico in J524, 120; in 1717, 95, 106; in 1717 in Santa Fe 160, 204; San Xavier 251, 264; Tucson 251, -3, 262, 266; Yuma 264, Las Cruces 262, Prescott 264, Phrenix, 285, Messilla, Los Alamos, Sapello, Silver City, 284. See Sisters' Schools. Sisters of Charity 209; of the Good Shepherd 230; of Loretto 202, 230, 237, 238, 249, 257, 262, 266, 268, 273; of Mercy 284, -5; of St. Joseph 262, 264, 268. Spanish explorers (1530-1696) 25, 47; adventurers 109; governments 112; treatment of Indians 110, US; Spanish and religious 115, 116, 118; Spanish power ends 109; Spanish refuse Mexican citizenship and are expelled l6ii. Texas 70, 73, 75, 77, 78, 98, 127, U7, 172, 263, 284, 287. Traders with New Mexico 97, 103, 106, -7, m. Traveling in early days 195, 198, 241, 254. United States purchase Louisiana lOS, approach New Mexico lOU, traders encroach on New Mexico 168, -9, annex Texas 172, invade New Mexi- co 173, purchase Arizona and Colorado 191. Vtsih, 230, 233. See Indians, Yutas. CORRECTIONS ; Page 26, line 6 for 1528 read 1538. Page 123 line 17 after Buenaventura add : "who is called Bustamente on page 47." Page 139 line 11 for 1667 read 1767. c UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This hook is DL'E on the last date stamped beloK. M BY ■> 11979 01SCH^RGI m MAR 141981 2 JUL 2 81^86 REC'D If^^RC ^ Aral'- ttn 24139 AUG ^ ^ 1997 '\ ^^^ ^*^^»^* ''*^*'' i .wu5K' 0CT171Q^' f 3 1158 00161 6654 317 s