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MEMOIR
OF
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
GEORGE CANNING,
LATE PREMIER OP ENGLAND ;
WITH
HIS PARLIAMENTARY ORATIONS,
ALL HIS POEMS, ESSAYS, &c.
By LEMAN THOMAS REDE, Esq.
PROFESSOR OF ELOCUTION.
Hear him debate of commonwealih affairs.
You would say, U hath beco all-iii-aU his study :
List his discourse of war, and you shall hear
A fearful ha,ttle render'd you in music:
Turn him to any cause of policy.
The Gordian knot of it he will unloose.
Familiar as his parter ; — that, when he speaks,
The air, a chartered libertine, is still.
And the mute wonder Iwrketh in men''s ears.
To s(eal bis sweet and honied seotenres.
SsAKl-SPEAkK.
Primed hy C. Bayne.%, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields ;
FOR G. VIRTUE, IVY LANE, PATERNOSTER ROW ;
liATH STREET, BRISTOL; AND ST. VINCENT STREET, LIVERPOOL.
1827.
. aAJ^^-i^ BAJRBABA
PREFACE.
Biography is the tribute gratitude pays to
merit ; but the biography of Canning, produced
at such a moment as this, sounds like a lament.
It is to speak of the sunshine 'that shall never
warm us more; of the guiding light that, sud-
denly extinguished, has left us in darkness and
in sorrow. Political animosities, personal enmi-
ties, the galling sense of hopeless inferiority, all
sink and have sunk under the stunning effect the
announcement of Canning's death has produced.
Such a sensation has only once before been
created in this country, — the death of the Princess
Charlotte equally affected all classes. In her
case, the deep sympathy, the love of the people,
was bestowed upon the young and beauteous mo-
ther, laid in an untimely grave ; she was mourned
as the blighted promise of a brilliant day — the
nation had lost her it had been proud to cherish ;
but now, the nation has lost hhn who was to
cherish it. It is with the very selfishness of grief
that all hearts are wrung — the hand that was to
iv PREFACE.
guide us to safety, to lionour, has grown cold,
and the master spirit that was to direct a country
has passed away for ever. There may be fewer
tears for our recent loss, but there will be a
deeper, a more lasting regret. She, for whom all
England wept, had only gained on the affections
of her people ; she was the infant of our love, and
her memory is indeed a sweet regret. But the
death of Canning is a bereavement that time can
only aggravate, as it will tend to show *' how in-
capable" all else is "to supply his loss." Eng-
land has been deprived of her friend, her adviser;
the national bark is bereft of her pilot, at the very
hour when he was steering her through a stormy
ocean, to the harbour of prosperity and glory.
Hope, that like the rainbow rises ever amid
tears, finds a consolation in the belief that the
brilliant career of Canning will awaken the ener-
gies of others. His example will stimulate many
to emulate what none can equal. His spirit shall
generate other spirits, as the dying flower sheds
its seed in its decay, and reproduces itself.
It is this hope that sustains the nation; it is
this hope that bids the biographer give his feeble
aid to perpetuate the memory of one whose genius
has made him immortal. Canning was the archi-
tect of his own fame, — he attained the end, it is
PREFACE. '^'* V
for hiogTaphy to display tlie means; and, by trac-
ing his footsteps, point the path to others — a path
that, tliough strewed with thorns, and beset with
dangers, leads to the bowers of Fame, where Can-
ning's wreath of laurel will bloom freshly for
ever.
Canning is one of the many instances that this
country (above all others) can adduce of the
mastery genius may acquire over birth, wealth,
and power ; a mastery unaided by petty intrigue,
or the sacrifice of any manly feeling ; not bought
by the sale of his conscience, or the compromise
of his honour. Without a name, without a pa-
tron — destitute of money and of friends — he found
his way by the light of his own mind through the
dark path of politics. Without title, he over-
came the possessors of it. Birth, power, and
rank, were arrayed in numbers against him, yet
he singly conquered all, and was at once the pro-
tector of his friends and the terror of his foes.
He offended his King rather than compromise
his feelings, and gave up place rather than sacri-
fice his honour. His monarch might not love,
but he must admire him. He ended his days as
the chosen adviser of him whom he had the cou-
rage to oppose. His advancement to his high
office was alike honourable to his Majesty and his
VI PREFACE.
Minister; it proved the greatness of tlie mind of
the one, it rewarded tlie integrity of the other.
There is no apology necessary for offering a
Memoir of such a man to the public — it is called
for by the universal voice ; but it is indeed ne-
cessary to apologise for the inaptitude of him
upon whom the task devolves. The author, how-
ever, finds consolation in the assurance that there
is scarcely any man now living, who is really
competent to the task he has undertaken. Amid
the many who will attempt it, he is content to
take his place ; all that unwearied industry,
careful investigation, and strict impartiality, can
achieve, he pledges himself to perform. He has
also secured the aid of one whose powers are
better fitted for the task. Under these circum-
stances, he feels some confidence in offering this
volume to the public, not as a tribute worthy of
the memory of him to whom its pages are dedi-
cated, but as a faithful chronicle of the events of
the life of one whose days were too few for his
country ; who yet lived long enough to be esteemed,
even by his enemies, as a wit, a scholar, a poet,
an orator, a minister, and a man ; who had living
no rival, and who dead has left us no hope of
beholding his like again.
MEMOIR
OF THE
Rt. Hon. GEORGE CANNING.
If the historian wished for a subject to employ the ut-
most powers of his mind, he would assuredly find it in
the history of Europe for the last forty years. During
that period, a mere moment in the world's existence,
event has succeeded event with such rapidity, that
things, that at other eras would have been recorded as
wonders, have passed almost unheeded. The Continent,
till within the last few years, has been in a state of con-
vuHon perfectly unparalleled; and England, though
happily for her not absolutely the scene of contention,
has Ijorne so great a part in the general warfare — a war-
fare of mind, of religion, of liberty, as well as arms —
that the life of any public roan during such a period
must be one of interest : — what, then, must the life of that
being be, who passed thirtij -three years of his existence
in the public service, — who knew every movement on
which the fate of nations depended, and who was ac-
tively employed in the formation and development of
schemes to save and aggrandise his own, and to check
the power of other nations — whose life was past in
wielding a magic wand, by which he ruled the destiny
of thousands — who was one of the powers by which
that huge machine called government performs its func-
8 MEMOIR OF OECllGC CANNING.
tions— and who rose, by the irresistible impetus of his
own genius, to the most important station a subject can
hold in this kingdom ?
The county which is endeared to literature as that
which gave birth to Shakespeare, Warwickshire, was
the original residence of the Cannings, the family from
whom the late Premier is descended. Foxcote, in War-
wickshire, is said still to contain relatives of the family.
In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and shortly after the
religious warfare in Ireland under Fitzmorris, in 1580,
one "George Cannynge, of Foxcote," received a grant
of the manor of Garvagh, in the county of London-
derry. This grant, however, in fact, was little more
than a gift of a considerable extent of waste ground,
and residence in Ireland was then and long subsequently
extremely dangerous. There, however, this branch of
the Cannings settled ; for there Stratford Canning, Esq.
was known and respected, and looked on as a gentleman
of substance, in 1750. Stratford Canning was the father
of two sons, one named Paul, who possessed considera-
ble talents, but was a man of steady habits, and who,
being bred to trade, ultimately settled as a merchant in
London ; the other, George Canning, (the father of our
hero,) was bred for the law, admitted of the Middle Tem-
ple, and called to the bar.*
• It fortunately happens that the author of the present memoir
hfw in his possession many letters, &c, relative to the father of the
great Statesman; his (the author's) father having been a student, at
the time Mr. Canning was at the bar. Mr. L. T. Rede was gene-
rally admitted of the Honourable Society of the Inner Temple, and
was in the habits of daily intercourse with Mr. Canning, for some
years previous to his death, which happened in 1771. From a jour-
nal kept by Mr. Rede, it would appear that Mr. Canning was a
lover of literature and pleasure, and excessively averse to the dull
study of the profebsion to which his life was doomed to be devoted.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 9
He had left Ireland, when about seventeen, to study
the law, and was for some time with a Serjeant Walker,
who then resided in Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn. In
the public discussions of that day, then more numerous
and more respectable than now, Mr. Canning bore a part,
though not a very prominent one ; he was however recog-
nised as a political writer, and many pamphlets, rendered
by their subjects ephemeral, were attributed to his pen.
Lothbury, Coachmakers' Hail, and its vicinity, were the
places where Mr. Canning, and many of the orators of that
day, held private discussions ; and, at this period, it is im-
possible to ascertain whether the father possessed any of
that splendid oratorical power that so peculiarly belonged
to the son. Amongst many poetical pieces, Mr. Canning
wrote some verses illustrative of the supposed feelings of
Lord Russell, who was executed for treason in the reign
of Charles the Second. These consist of a letter, sup-
posed, by poetical licence, to be addressed by Lord Wil-
liam Russell to Lord William Cavendish, on the 20th of
July, 1683, the night previous to his execution.* It
commences as follows :
"Lost to the world, to-morrow doora'd to die,
Still for my country's weal my heart beats high.
Though rattling chains ring peals of horror round,
While night's black shades augment the savage sound,
'Midst bolts and bars the active soul is free.
And flies unfetter' d. Cavendish, to thee!
" Thou dear companion of my better days.
When hand in hand we trod the paths of praise ;
When leagued with patriots we maintaiu'd the cause
Of true religion, liberty, and laws, —
Disdaining down the golden stream to glide.
But bravely stemm'd corruption's rapid tide ;
♦ Lord Russell was beheaded in Lincoln's Inn Fields, on Satur-
day, July 31, 1683.
1. C
]0 Mr.Moin or otorge canning.
Think not I coine to bid thy tears to tlow,
Or melt thy geu'rous soul with tales of woe.
No J view me firm, unshaken, undismay'd.
As when the welcome mandate I obey'd.
Heavens! with what pride that moment I recal.'
Who would not wish, so honour'd, thus to fall ?
When England's genius hov'ring o'er inspired
Her chosen sons, with love of freedom fired,
Spite of an abject, servile, pension'd train,
Minions of power, and worsliippers of gain.
To save from bigotry its destined prey.
And shield three nations from tyrannic sway."
Lord Russell's love for Lady Rachel has ofttimes been
the subject of eulogy ; when he parted from her, he said,
"Now the bitterness of death is past!" this was thus
versified by Mr. Canning.
"Oh! my loved Rachael ! all-accomplish'd fair!
Source of my joy, and sootiier of my care !
Whose heavenly virtues and unfading charms.
Have blees'd, through happy years, my peaceful arms!
Parting with thee into my cup was thrown.
Its harshest dregs else had not forced a groan !
But all is o'er — these eyes have gazed their last —
And now the bitterness of death is past!"
Mr. Canning's devotion to the Muses did not meet
with paternal approbation ; and he was doomed still
farther to offend ; for he fell in love with a very accom-
plished and beautiful woman, but who had neither family
nor fortune to recommend her. Mr. Canning was a man
of too warm a temperament, to listen to the dictates of
prudence— it was enough that he loved — that she for
whom he owned that passion, was lovely and amiable —
he set his life upon a cast, and was married in the year
1769. The consequence of this marriage was, that his
father settled £150 per annum upon him, with an intima-
tion, that that was all he would receive during his life :
and that his death might lessen, but certainly would not
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANM>G. 11
augment, his income. Mr.Canning was, however, heedless
of the frowns of relatives, or the rubs of fortune — he
went on, and became entangled in some embarrassments.
At a time when Mr. Canning, in all the restlessness of
a man of genius who knows not how to "farm out" his ta-
lent to advantage, was attempting to enter trade, of which
he knew nothing, our hero was born. George Canning
entered this world on the 11th of April, 1770, just as his
father had resolved to leave the bar and become a wine-
merchant, a scheme that proved wholly unsuccessful. Mr.
Canning's life now became a series of struggles, whilst,
at every attempt to extricate himself, he became more in-
volved; each new scheme only served to leave him poorer
than it found him. "He who struggles unsuccessfully,"
says Cotton, "tightens the cords he cannot succeed in
breaking." Mr. Canning found it so. Beneath the pres-
sure of these annoyances his health declined, and he closed
a short life on the 11th April, 1771. He lies in the new
burying ground of Mary-le-bone. A tombstone, erected
to his memory by his young widow, bears the following
lines, said to have been written by herself.
" Thy virtue and thy ivoe no words can tell, •
Therefore, a little while, my George, farewell ;
For faith and love like ours, Heaven has in store
Its last, best gift — to meet and part no more."
Mrs. Canning has already survived her husband fifty-
six years. She loved him, it is said, with an affection
almost amounting to idolatry ; and her affection met as
warm a return. Mr. Canning was a remarkably hand-
some man, and the beauty of Mrs. Canning has been
frequently the subject of eulogy.
Mrs. Canning was left, with her infant, almost penny-
less; and the prospects of the widowed mother and her
offspring were indeed gloomy. At this juncture, Mr.
Paul Canning stepped forward, and offered to rear and.
12- BIEMOIII OF GEORGE CANNlNCr.
educate his brother's orphan son. The offer was accept-
ed ; but Mrs. Canning, though she had thus quieted her
anxieties as a mother, was herself without the means of
support. Her beauty, and the peculiar sweetness of her
voice, urged her to attempt the stage ; and she made an
essay at some provincial theatre accordingly. Whatever
the result of these performances might be, it is evident
they procured her friends ; for, abodt 1773, she was in-
troduced to Mr. Garrick. At this period Drury-lane
theatre was in great want of a heroine; since the time of
Mrs. Pritchard's farewell, (1768), various efforts had
been made to supply her loss ; and, with this view, Mrs.
Canning was brought forward. Such was the interest
excited by her appearance, that Garrick, though nearly
sixty, consented to perform Hastings, a part he had long
resigned, to her Jane Shore. She appeared, accordingly,
on the 5th of November, 1773, but was not particularly
successful. This, however, is scarcely to be considered
as a proof of want of dramatic power in Mrs. Canning;
for our British Melpomene, who appeared very soon
afterwards as Portia, was considered a failure by the
critics of the time. Mrs. Canning was, some years after-
wards, united to a provincial actor of the name of Hunn.
The boyhood of George Canning passed without any
material occurrence. He was sent at an early age to
Eton, where he almost immediately distinguished him-
self. A clever boy soon attracts notice in a public school ;
but it requires something besides talent; it requires that
decision of character, that consciousness, that will pro-
voke and instigate display. A genius, like that of Kirke
White or Keate, would wither and pine— it would be-
come the mockery of the ignorant, and be neglected even
by the learned — but the genius of Canning, sparkling,
animated, and animating, roused all around him — his
wit, his humour, attracted notice — his courage, respect.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 13
Many tales are told of his boyish pugnacity ; and it is to
be expected, at the present moment, that the fancy of
many persons will become excursive, especially in the
present rage for reminiscences ; but it is most assuredly
the fact, that Canning was, in his boyhood, as much in-
debted to his spirit as to his talent, for the notoriety he
had attained. In 1786, we find him " The Captain" at
Eton, equally ready to lead on his followers to the field
of mischief or of literature — ready either in the frolic
abroad, or the closet at home — and recognised as a
leader in whatever he attempted.
At the Windsor theatre he was then a constant visitor;
and, till the fatal hour of eight struck, he might be seen,
wrapt in deep attention, and catching inspiration from
Shakespeare, Congreve, and Otway. The trammels of
a public school were not adapted to his spirit ; but, for-
tunately, a spirit of rivalry, that then existed between
Eton and Harrow, occupied his mind. Canning had
already become celebrated as a Latinist. His acquisi-
tions were so numerous, that the labour of his school-
days was at an end ; and, to employ the leisure that he
found, he, in conjunction with John Smith, Esq., who
was afterwards of King's College, Cambridge, and
Messrs. Robert Smith and John Frere, instituted a perio-
dical work, called The Microcosm ; the first number of
which appeared on the 6th November, 1786. This work
was published weekly, and Canning contributed to it
largely, marking his articles with the initial B.
Mr. Joseph Mellish, Capel LofFt (the sonnetteer and
patron of Bloomfield), Mr, Way, Lord H.Spencer, and
Mr.Littlehales, were also contributors to this periodical,
that existed until the 30th of July, 1787. This work was
inscribed to the Rev. Dr. Davies, then head master of
Eton, of whom Canning spoke with the most grateful
14 MPMriTn OF GEORGE CANNING.
affection, and who entertained the highest opinion of the
talents of his pupil.
Though not then sixteen, all that Canning produced
bore striking proofs of talent ; and the style that was then
forming, may be traced in his subsequent efforts. In the
same spirit as that in which Erasmus composed his mock
Eulogy on Folly, our young essayist penned the follow-
ing Essay on the Noble Art of Swearing.
" SWEARING.
" It has often occurred as a matter of surprise to me
and a few friends, who, like myself, can find pleasure in
such speculations as arise more immediately from com-
mon occurrences, that among the crowd of pretenders
who profess to teach every accomplishment, necessary or
unnecessary, to form the character of a complete gentle-
man, no one has as yet attempted to give instructions in a
science, the use of which is more generally adopted by all
ranks of people, than perhaps any other under the sun.
The reader will probably guess that I allude to the noble
art of Swearing.
" So universally, indeed, does this practice prevail,
that it pervades all stations and degrees of men, from the
peer to the porter, from the minister to the mechanic.
It is the bond of faith, the seal of protestations, (the oaths
of lovers, indeed, are a theme too trite to need discussion
here,) and the universal succedaneum for logical, or even
rational demonstration. And here I cannot forbear re-
flecting on the infinite improvements made by the moderns
in the methods of elucidating and confirming all matters of
opinion. A man, now-a-days, has need but to acquire
one quix\ity—i7upudence, and to get rid of a troublesome
companion— conscience, to establish whatever maxims he
may take in his head. Let him but confirm with an oath
MEMOIR OF CEOHGE CANNING. 15
the most improbable conjectures, and if any one calls his
honour in question, the manner of settling all such dis-
putes is too obvious to need explanation. And by these
means how much unnecessary trouble does he save the
rational talents of his auditors ! what a world of useless
investigation ! Who can help lamenting- that this method
of arguing was not long ago adopted? We should then
probably have escaped being pestered by the eternal dis-
putations of that useless set of creatures called philoso-
phers; as any tolerable sAvordsman might have settled
the universal system according to his own plan, and made
the planets move by what regulations he pleased, pro-
vided he was ready, in the Newgate phrase, ' to swear
through thick and thin.'
" But this is a small part only of the advantages atten-
dant on the extensive practice of this art. In the coun-
cils of the cabinet, and the wranglings of the bar, it adds
weight to the most striking arguments, and by its autho-
rity enforces conviction.
" It is an old proverbial expression, that ' there go two
words to a bargain ;' now I should not a little admire the
ingenuity of that calculator, who could define, to any to-
lerable degree of exactness, how many oaths go to one in
these days; for I am confident that there is no business
carried on, from the wealthiest bargains of the Exchange,
to the sixpenny chafferings of a St. Giles's huckster, in
which swearing has not a considerable share. And al-
most every tradesman 'meek and much a liar,' will, if his
veracity be called in question, coolly consign to Satan
some portion of himself, payable on demand, in case his
goods be not found answerable to his description of their
quality. I remember to have heard of a person of great
talents for inquiry, who, to inform himself whether the
land or the water bore the greater proportion on the
16 • MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
globe, contrived to cut out, with extreme nicety from the
map, the different portions of each, and weighinf^ them
together, decided it, in favour of which it is not now ma-
terial. Could this experiment be made with regard to
the proportion which oaths bear to the rest of our mo-
dern conversation, I own I am not without my suspi-
cions, that the former scale would, in some cases,
preponderate; nay, certain I am, that these harmless
expletives constitute considerably the weightiest part in
the discourse of those who, either by their own ignorant
vanity, or the contemptuous mock admiration of others,
have been dignified with the title of Bucks. And this,
indeed, as well in that smaller circle which falls more
immediately under my observation, as in the more en-
larged society of men ; among whom, to a Buck w ho has
the honour to serve his Majesty, a habit of swearing is an
appendage as absolutely necessary as a cockade or a com-
mission. And many a one there is among this order, who
will sit down with equal ardour and self-complacency, to
devise the cut of a coat, or the form of an execration.
Nay, even the female sex have, to their no small credit,
caught the happy contagion ; and there is scarce a mer-
cer's wife in the kingdom but has her innocent, unmean-
ing imprecations, her little oaths, 'softened into non-
sense,' and, with squeaking treble, mincing blasphemy
into odsbodikins, sliterkins, and such like, will swear
you 'like a suckingdove, ay, an it were any nightingale.'
That it is one of the accomplishments of boys — is more
than sufHciently obvious, when there is scarce one,
though he be but five years old, that does not lisp out
the oaths he has heard drop from the mouths of his
elders; while the happy parent congratulates himself on
the early improvement of his offspring, and smiles to dis-
cover the promising seeds of manly wit in the sprightly
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE canntng. 17
sallies of puerile execration. On which topic I remem-
ber to have heard an honest Hibernian divine, whose zeal
for morality would sometimes hurry him a little beyond
the limits of good grammar or good sense, in the height
of declamation, declare that ' the little children, that
could neither speak, nor walk, ran about the streets
blaspheming.' Thus, then, through all ranks and stages
of life, is swearing the very hinge of conversation. It is
the conclusive supplement to argument, the apology for
wit, the universal medium through which every thought
is conveyed; and as to the violent passions, it is (to use
the words of the poet) ' the very midwife of the mind,'
and is equally serviceable in bringing forth the sensations
of anger or kindness, hope or fear; the ecstacies of ex-
travagant delight, or the agonies of comfortless despair.
What mortal amongst us is there, that, when any misfor-
tune comes on him unexpectedly, does not find himself
wonderfully lightened of the load of his sorrow, by pour-
ing out the abundance of his vexation in showers of
curses on the author of his calamity ? What gamester,
who has reduced himself from opulence to beggary, by
the intemperate indulgence of 'a mad infatuation, does
not, after sitting down and venting his execrations for
half an hoar against his ill fortune and his folly, get up
again greatly relieved by so happy an expedient? Since,
then, the advantages arising from an early initiation into
the practice of. swearing must so evidently appear to
every person, unprejudiced against it by notions (now,
indeed, almost out of date) of religion and morality, I
cannot but be surprised that no one has as yet attempted
to reduce the system, and teach the theory of an art, the
practical part of which is so universally known and
adopted. An undertaking of this kind could not surely
fail of success, especially in an age like this, when at-
1. D
18 MEMOIR Ol CEORfiE TANNING.
tempts of a uiuuli luuiu aiUiioiis nature are every day
presented to our notice; when pigs are brought up to
exercise all the functions of rationality, and Hibernians
profess to teach the true pronunciation of the English
tongue.
" It is not so far removed, but that some of my readers
must recollect the time when the noble art of boxing
was, by the ever- memorable Figg and Broughton, re-
duced to a complete and perfect system ; and the nobility
and gentry w^ere taught theoretically, as well as practi-
cally, to bruise the bodies, and (to use a technical term)
darken the dnj/ligfits of each other, with the figure of an
Hercules tempered with the face of an Apollo. And it
is but a little time since a celebrated foreigner actually
instructed some persons of no inconsiderable rank of
both sexes in the art of eating soup with ease and dexte-
rity, though, to my humble opinion, few people could
need a preceptor to show them the way to their mouths.
Of much more utility, and surely not less successful,
would be the plan I recommend. Many there were who,
from tenderness of age, or delicacy of constitution, were
precluded from the diversion of boxing — to many, the
science of soup-eating was useless and impracticable,
merely from having none to eat; — but all have their oaths
in their own power, and of them neither emptiness of
pocket, nor corporeal or mental imbecility, prevent the
free and uncontrolled use ; and almost every body, how-
ever niggardly he may be in parting with any other of his
possessions, scatters them with a most liberal profusion.
Thus, then, if fostered by the hand of a skilful linguist,
this science might, perhaps, in time, come nearer than
any other to realise the extravagant idea of the ingenious
but romantic Bishop Wilkins, of a universal language.
At present, indeed, there are some slight inconveniences
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 10
attending- the project : among which no small one is, that,
according to their present general usage, oaths, like
Yorick's French friseur, by expressing too much, gene-
rally mean nothing; insomuch, that I now make it a rule
to lessen my belief to any assertion, in proportion to the
number of needless corroborative oaths by which it is
supported. Nor am I, indeed, unreasonable in this ; — and
in most cases how can I do otherwise? Is it in human
nature to suppose, that when one of my friends declares
his joy at seeing me, and his kind concern for my health,
by intimating a hearty wish of his eternal perdition, that
he really means what he says ? It has been observed by
some ancient philosopher, or poet, or moralist (no matter
which,) that nothing can be more pernicious to mankind,
than the fulfilling of their own wishes. And, in truth, I
am inclined to be of his opinion, for many a friend of
mine — many a fellow-citizen of this lesser world, would,
had his own heedless imprecations on himself taken effect,
long ere this have groaned under the complication of al-
most every calamity capable of entering the human ima-
gination. And, with regard to the world at large, were
this to be the case, I doubt whether there would be at
this present time a leg or a limb of any kind whole in his
Majesty's service. So habitual, indeed, was this custom
become to an officer of my acquaintance, that though he
had lost one of his eyes in defence of his country, he could
not forego his favourite execration, but still used to vent
his curses on them both, with the same ease and indiffer-
ence as when they were both in his possession ; so blind
was he rendered to his own defects, by the continued
practice of this amusement ; for in no other light than as
an amusement, or polite accomplishment, can it be consi-
dered by those who practise it. Did they consider it as
a vice, they could not, I am sure, persevere in the in-
dulgence of one which has not even the common excuse
of having for its aim the pursuit of pleasure, or the
gratification of a daily appetite. I cannot believe they
would so disinterestedly d — n themselves, and vent, in
public company, such imprecations as in darkness and
solitude they would tremble to conceive.
" As an accomplishment, therefore, and as an agree-
able indication of youthful gaiety, it must, no doubt, be
considered ; and, should any one take the hint here
offered him, and commence instructor in this noble
science, I need not, I believe, caution him against being
an Englishman; or (should he have the misfortune to be
born in this country) remind him of the easy transforma-
tion of our commonest home-spun names into the more
fashionable French, or more musical Italian ; as, for in-
stance, that of Peter into Pedro ; Nicholls into Nico-
lini ; or Gerrard into Girardot, and so on. Having
thus un-Englished himself, let him get his advertisement
drawn up in the Grahamic* style, if not by the Doctor
himself, professing, that — ' Having added to the early
advantages of a Billingsgate education, the deepest re-
searches, and the most indefatigable industry, &c. &c.,
he now stands forth as an apt and accomplished teacher
of the n<eYer-to-be-sufficiently extolled, the all-expressive,
all-comprehensive, &c. &c. Art of Swearing. Ladies and
gentlemen instructed in the most fashionable oaths ; the
most peculiarly adapted to their several ages, manners,
and professions, &c. &c. He has now ready for the
press, a book, entitled. The Complete Oath Register^ or
* Graham, a celebrated quack of that period, to wlioni Canning
refers in other productions. One of this charlatan's projects was
an " earth bath," /. e, placing patients absolutely up to their necks
in the ground. An hour or two spent in this way, he calle<l a
great renovator.
JVIEMO? <^F GEOXIGE CANNING. '21
Kvery Man his Own Swearer,- containing Oaths and Im-
pre cations for all times, seasons, purposes, and occasions.
Also, Sentimental Oaths for the Ladies. Likewise, Execra-
tions for the It/ear 17S6.' Let him, I say, do this, and he
may, I believe, assure himself of no little encouragement
among the world at large ; though far be it from me to
presume to promise him any extraordinary countenance
in that smaller circle which comes more immediately
under the inspection of the Microcosmopolitan. B."
The bias of our hero, at this period, appears to have
been for this species of elegant trifling; but a genius
like his, was meant for better things. These were the
recreations, not the pursuits, of his mind. He had drank
too deeply of classic lore, to be satisfied with effusions
of humour, or even of wit. The story of Greece— the
remembrance of what she was — of what she had been —
made a deep impression on his mind. That land, the
altar at which every genius offers up devotion, was the
subject of one of his earliest lays. It is a poetical effort,
of which many of our established poets might be proud;
and this was the production of a boy little more than
fifteen years old.
Many mutilated copies of this poem have been circu-
lated — the following will be found correct. The critical
eye may discover many faults. The laborious simile
with which it concludes, and the occasional elevation of
words, rather than thoughts, are all the errors of a young-
intellect ; but the very errors of Canning gave promise
of excellence. They were the errors of exuberant fancy
— of a too fruitful mind — his faults were preferable to
the beauties of many. And this poem serves to awaken
a regret, that his political career robbed us of such a
22 MEMOIR OF GEORCE CANNING.
poet as he might have been. When we gained a great
judge in Mansfield, it was justly said—
" How sweet an Ovid was in Murray lost ;"
and with as much justice may we say, that in Canning we
miijht have found an English Horace, it* not a Homer.
" THE SLAVERY OF GREECE.
" Uiirivall'd Greece! thou ever-lionour'd name.
Thou nurse of heroes dear to deathless fame!
Tho' now to worth, to honour all unknown,
Tliy lustre faded, and thy glories flown.
Yet still shall memory with reverted eye.
Trace thy past worth, and view thee with a sigh.
" Tliee Freedom cherish'd once with fostering hand.
And breathed undaunted valour through the land.
Here the stern spirit of the Spartan soil.
The child of poverty, inured to toil.
" Here, loved by Pallas and the sacred nine.
Once did fair Athens' tow'ry glories shine.
To bend the bow, or the bright felchion wield,
To lift the bulwark of the brazen shield,
To toss the terror of the whizzing spear.
The conqu'ring standart
And join th» madd'ning
How skiird the Greeks; confess what Persians slain
Were strew'd on Maratlion's ensanguined plain;
When heaps on heaps the routed squadrons fell.
And with their gaudy myriads peopled hell.
Wliat millions bold Leonidas withstood,
And seal'd the Grecian freedom with his blood;
Witness Thermopylae! how fierce he trod.
How spoke a hero, and how moved a god.
The rush of nations could alone sustain,
While half tiie ravaged globe was arm'd in vain.
Let Leuctra say, let Mantinea tell.
How great Epaminondas fought and fell.'
e whizzing spear, 1
rd's glitt'ring glories rear, >
g battle's loud career, j
MEMOIR OF GEOIIGE CA.NMNG. 23
" Nor War's vast art alone adorn'd thy fame,
' But mild Philosophy eiulear'd thy name."
AVho knows not, sees not with admiring eye,
How Plato thought, how Socrates could die?
" To bend the arch, to bid the column rise.
And the tall pile aspiring pierce the skies,
The awful fane magnificently great.
With pictured pomp to grace, and sculptured state.
This science taught; on Greece each science shone.
Here the bold statue started from the stone j
Here warm with life the swelling canvass glow'dj
Here big Avith thought the poet's raptures flow'd:
Here Homer's lip was touch'd with sacred fire.
And wanton Sappho tuned her amorous lyre;
Here bold Tyrtaeus roused the enervate throng.
Awaked to glory by th' aspiring song ;
Here, Pindar soar'd a nobler, loftier way.
And brave Alcoeus scorn'd a tyrant's sway;
Here gorgeous Tragedy with great control
Touch'd every feeling of th' impassion'd soul;
While in soft measure, tripping to the song.
Her comic sister lightly danced along. —
" This was thy state! but oh! how changed thy fame.
And all thy glories fading into shame.
What? that thy bold, thy freedom-breathing land.
Should crouch beneath a tyrant's stern command!
That servitude should bind in galling chain.
Whom Asia's millions once opposed in vain;
Who could have thought? who sees without a groan.
Thy cities mouldering, and thy walls o'erthrown.
That where once tower'd the stately solemn fane.
Now moss-grown ruins strew the ravaged plain,
And, unobserved but by the traveller's eye.
Proud vaulted domes in fretted fragments lie ;
And the fall'n column on the dusty ground.
Pale ivy throws its sluggish arms around.
*' Thy sons (sad change!) in abject bondage sigh;
Unpitied toil, and unlamented die.
Groan at the labours of the galling oar.
Or the dark caverns of the mine explore.
24 MEMOIR OF GEOItGE CANNliNG.
The glitt'ring tyranny of Othman's sons,
The pomp of horror which surrounds their thrones,
Has awed their servile spirits into fear,
Spurn'd by the foot they tremble and revere.
" The day of labour, night's sad sleeple&s hour^ ^
Th' inflictive scourge of arbitrary power, ' '
The bloody terror of the pointed steel, ^
The murd'rous stake, the agonising wheel,
And (dreadful choice) the bowstring or the bowl.
Damps their faint vigour, and unmans the soul.
" Disastrous fate! still tears will fill the eye,
Still recollection prompt the mournful sigh;
When to the mind recurs thy former fame.
And all the horrors of thy present shame.
" So some tall rock, whose bare, broad bosom high
Tow'rs from the earth, and braves th' inclement sky;
On whose vast top the black'ning deluge pours.
At whose wide base the thund'ring ocean roars ;
In conscious pride its huge gigantic form
Surveys imperious and defies the storm.
Till worn by age, and mould'ring to decay,
Th' insidious waters wash its base away, —
It falls, and frilling cleaves the trembling ground.
And spreads a tempest of destruction round."
These extracts are not merely given because thej- are
the productions of Mr. Canning, for their merits entitle
them to preservation.
It was about this time that the rumour of a connexion
formed by our hero occasioned some uneasiness to his
friends and pastor. The tale is one of the many told of
young men, and, indeed, is founded on one of those oc-
currences common to every man's existence. Affairs of
the heart, as they are facetiously called, but more pro-
perly affairs of the fancy, are generally wrapped in mys-
tery ; — young hearts are prone to keep iJiese secrets, at
least, inviolate. The companions of our hero were not
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 25
likely to hriow any thing which he was anxious to con-
ceal; and, at best, the tales are founded on fact, but
supplied by surmise. These sort of things get a currency
in society, from our proneness to remember tales, rather
than their authors, and receive all relations as facts, with-
out inquiring for authorities. The story, which has been
bandiedp^bout society of our hero, is, that when sixteen
he saw a lady at Eton, or in its vicinity, who was under
the protection of a nobleman; that our hero divulged
his passion, and was graciously received, but that the
suspicious care of the lady's guardian rendered approach
hazardous and difficult. The excitement of passion was
sufficient to make young Canning brave all difficulties;
and, if the tales of his scaling walls, ascending windows,
&c. are to be believed, he rivalled the most chivalrous
amongst Spanish or Italian lovers. Some of his earliest
poetry was, it is said, inspired by this lady. The sequel
of the tale is at hand. After the fondest and warmest
professions, and adducing proofs of affection that ap-
peared unequivocal, the lady was discovered, by our
hero, under circumstances humiliating to both, — for his
rival was of no higher station than a menial ; this was
followed by an exposure, on the lady's part, of some
verses addressed to her by her Etonian lover. On this,
Canning is said to have sworn never more to prostitute
the muses to the service of ungrateful woman, and to
have destroyed all his amatory effusions.
This story has been mentioned here as table-talk
of the day ; it would be difficult to prove its authen-
ticity, and quite or more difficult to effect its refutation.
It numbers with the follies of boyhood, if it be true, and
it is very immaterial, if false. Nor would it have been
alluded to here, but that any suppression involves a sus-
2. E
26 , EO R G E C A N N 1 N G .
picion ol undue partiality, and Canning's character
uants no adventitious aid.
This affair, if it existed, had evidently very little effect
upon tht spirits of our hero, for we find him giving vent
to his raillery and humour in the following effusion, at
this period. Of the following paper there have been
many imitations, but as a lively satire upon reviews in
general, this is as excellent as it is original.
CRITIQUE AND REVIEW ON " THE REFORMATION OF
THE KNAVE OF HEARTS."
" It has hitherto been customary for all periodical
writers to take some opportunity, in the course of their
labours, to display their critical abilities, either by mak-
ing observations on some popular author, and work of
known character, or by bringing forth the performances
of hidden merit, and throwing light on genius in obscu-
rity. To the critiques of the " Spectator," Shakspeare
and more particularly Milton are indebted for no in-
considerable share of the reputation which they now so
universally enjoy; and by his means were the ruder
graces and more simple beauties of "Chevy Chace" held
up to the public view, and recommended to general ad-
miration,
" I should probably be accused of swerving from the
imitation of so great an example, were not I to take oc-
casion to show that I too am not entirely destitute of
abilities of this kind; but that by possessing a decent
share of critical discernment, and critical jargon, I am
capable of becoming a very tolerable commentator. For
the proof of which, I shall rather prefer calling the at-
tention of my readers to an object, as yet untreated of
by any of my immediate predecessors, than venture tc«
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 27
throw in my observations on any work which has before _
passed the ordeal of frequent examination. And this I
shall do for two reasons; partly, because were I to
choose a field, how fertile soever, of which many others
had before me been reaping- the fruits, mine would be at
best but the gleanings of criticism; and partly from a
more interested view, from a selfish desire of accumulated
praise; since, by making a work, as yet almost wholly
unknown, the subject of my consideration, I shall acquire
the reputation of taste, as well as judgment; of judi-
ciousness in selection, as well as justness in observation;
— of propriety in choosing the object, as well as skill in
using the language, of commentary.
" The epic poem on which I shall ground my present
critique has, for its chief characteristics, brevity and sim-
plicity. The author, whose name I lament that I am, in
some degree, prevented from consecrating to immortal
fame, by not knowing what it is — the author, I say, has
not branched his poem into excrescences of episode, or
prolixities of digression ; it is neither variegated with
diversity of unmeaning similitudes, nor glared with the
varnish of unnatural metaphor. The A\hole is plain
and uniform; so much so, indeed, that I should hardly
be surprised if some morose readers were to conjecture,
that the poet had been thus simple rather from necessity
than choice: that he had been restrained not so much by
chastity of judgment, as sterility of imagination.
" Nay, some there may be, perhaps, who will dispute
his claim to the title of an epic poet, and will endeavour
to degrade him even to the rank of a ballad-monger.
But I, as his commentator, will contend for the dignity
of my author; and will plainly demonstrate his poem
to be an epic poem, agreeable to the example of all
poets, and the consent of all critics heretofore.
28 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
"First, it is universally agreed, that an epic poem
should have three component parts ; a beginning, a mid-
dle, and an end; secondly, it is allowed, that it should
have one grand action, or main design, to the forwarding
of which all the parts of it should directly or indirectly
tend ; and that this design should be in some measure
consonant with, and conducive to, the purposes of mora-
lity; — and thirdly, it is indisputably settled, that it
should have a hero. I trust that in none of these points
the poem before us will be found deficient. There are
other inferior properties, which I shall consider in due
order.
" Not to keep my readers longer in suspense, the sub-
ject of the poem is, 'The Reformation of the Knave of
Hearts.' It is not improbable that some may object to
me, that a knave is an unworthy hero for an epic poem ;
that a hero ought to be all that is great and good. The
objection is frivolous. The greatest work of this kind
that the world ever produced, has ' the devil' for its
hero; and, supported as my author is by so great a pre-
cedent, I contend, that his hero is a very decent hero;
and especially as he has the advantage of Milton's, by
reforming at the end, is evidently entitled to a competent
share of celebrity.
"I shall now proceed to the more immediate exami-
nation of the poem in its different parts. The begin-
ning, say the critics, ought to be plain and simple ; neither
embellished with the flowers of poetry, nor turgid with
pom])osity of diction. In this how exactly does our
author conform to the established opinion ! He begins
thus —
' The queen of Iicarts
Siie made some tarts.
C';«n any thing be more clear ! more natural ! njore agree-
MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING. 29
ahle to the true spirit of simplicity ! Here are no tropes,
no figurative expressions, not even so much as an invo-
cation to the muse. He does not detain his readers by
any needless circumlocution; by unnecessarily informing
them what he is going to sing, or still more unnecessarily
enumerating what he is not going to sing: but, accord-
ing to the precepts of Horace —
» ' In medias res,
Non secus ac iiotas, auditorem rapit '
That is, he at once introduces us, and sets us on the most
easy and familiar footing imaginable, with her majesty
of hearts, and interests us deeply in her domestic con-
cerns. But to proceed,
' The queen of hearts
She made some tarts,
All on a summer's day.'
'•Here, indeed, the prospect brightens, and we are
led to expect some liveliness of imagery, some warmth
of poetical colouring; but here is no such thing. There
is no task more difficult to a poet than rejection. Ovid
among the ancients, and Dryden among the moderns,
were perhaps the most remarkable for the want of it.
The latter, from the haste in which he generally pro-
duced his compositions, seldom paid much attention to
the "limaB labor," the labour of correction, and seldom
therefore rejected the assistance of any idea that pre-
sented itself. Ovid, not content with catching the lead-
ing features of any scene or character, indulged himself
in a thousand minutiae of description, a thousand puerile
prettinesses, which were in themselves uninteresting, and
took off greatly from the effect of the whole ; as the num-
berless suckers, and straggling branches of a fruit-tree,
if permitted to shoot out unrestrained, while they are
themselves barren and useless, diminish considerably the
30 MFArnm oi- GEORGE CANNING.
vigour of the parent stock. Ovid had more genius but
Jess judo;uient than Virgil: Dryden more imagination,
but leSs correctness than Pope; had they not been defi-
cient in these points, the former would certainly have
equalled, the latter infinitely outshone the merits of his
countryman. Our author was undoubtedly possessed of
that power which they wanted; and was cautious not to
indulge too far the sallies of a lively imagination. —
Omitting therefore any mention of sultry Syrius — sylvan
shade — sequestered glade — verdant hills — purling rills
— mossy mountains — gurgling fountains, &c. &c. he sim-
ply tells us that it was 'AH on a summer's day.' For
my own part, I confess that I find myself rather flattered
than disappointed; and consider the poet as rather pay-
ing a compliment to the abilities of his readers, than
baulking their expectations. It is certainly a great
pleasure to see a picture well painted; but it is a much
greater to paint it well one's-self. This, therefore, I
look upon as a stroke of excellent management in the
poet. — Here every reader is at liberty to gratify his own
taste; to design for himself just what sort of ' summer's
day' he likes best; to choose his own scenery; dispose
his lights and shades as he pleases; to solace himself
with a rivulet or horse-pond, a shower or a sun-beam, a
grove or a kitchen-garden, according to his fancy. How
much more considerate this, than if the poet had, from
an affected accuracy of description, thrown us into an
unmannerly perspiration by the heat of the atmosphere;
forced us into a landscape of his own planning, with per-
haps a paltry, good-for-nothing zephyr or two, and a
limited quantity of wood and water. All this, Ovid
would undoubtedly have done. Nay, to use the expres-
sion of a learned brother commentator, 'quovis pignore
dicertem,' 'I would lay any wager' that he would have
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 31
gone SO far as to tell us what the tarts were made of;
and perhaps wandered into an episode on the art of pre-
serving cherries. But our poet, above such considera-
tions, leaves every reader to choose his own ingredients,
and sweeten them to his own liking; wisely foreseeing,
no doubt, that the more palatable each had rendered
them to his own taste, the more he would be affected at
\
their approaching loss. ^
' All on a summer's day,'
" I cannot leave this line without remarking, that one
of the Scribleri, a descendant of the famous Martinus,
has expressed his suspicions of the text being corrupted
here, and proposes, instead of 'AH on,' reading 'Alone,'
alleging, in favour of this alteration, the effect of solitude
in raising the passions. But Hiccius Doctius, a high
Dutch commentator, one nevertheless well versed in
British literature, in a note of his usual length and learn-
ing, has confuted the arguments of Scriblerus. In sup-
port of the present reading, he quotes a passage from a
poem written about the same period with our author's,
by the celebrated Johannes Pastor,* entitled, ' An Ele-
giac Epistle to the Turnkey of Newgate,' wherein the
gentleman declares, that, rather indeed in compliance
with an old custom, than to gratify any particular wish
of his own, he is going
* All hanged for to be,
Upon tliat fatal Tyburn tree.'
othing throws greater lig]
than the concurrence of a cotemporary writer, I am in-
" Now, as nothing throws greater light on an author
" ♦ More commonly known, I believe, by the name of Jack Shep-
herd.
32 lEMOIll OF C EORGE (.ANMNG.
clined to be of Hiccliis's opinion, and to consider the
"AH" as an elegant expletive, or, as he more aptly
phrases it, "elegans expletivum." The passage, there-
fore, must stand thus : —
' The queon of hearte
She made some tarts,
All on a summer's day.'
a
And thus ends the first part, or beginning, which is
simple and unembellished; opens the subject in a natural
and easy manner; excites, but does not too far gratify
our curiosity : for a reader of accurate observation, may
easily discover, that the hero of the poem has not yet
made his appearance.
" I could not continue my examination at present
through the whole of this poem, without far exceeding
the limits of a single paper. I have therefore divided it
into two.
*^ sli ^ ^ ilC SiL
TF * ~ ~ ~ rf-
" The second part, or middle, is the proper place for
bustle and business, for incident and adventure.
* The knave of hearts
He stole those tarts.'
" Here attention is awakened ; and our whole souls
are intent upon the first appearance of the hero. Some
readers may perhaps be offended at his making his entre
in so disadvantageous a character as that of a thief. To
this I plead precedent.
"The hero of the Iliad, as I observed in a former
paper, is made to lament very pathetically, that 'life is
not like all other possessions, to be acquired by theft.'
A reflection, in my opinion, evidently showing, that if he
did refrain from the practice of this ingenious art, it was
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 33
not for want of an inclination that way. We may re-
member, too, that in Virgil's poem, almost the first light
in which the pious ^Eneas appears to us, is a deer-stealer;
nor is it much excuse for him, that the deer were wan-
dering without keepers ; for however he might, from this
circumstance, have been unable to ascertain whose pro-
perty they were, he might, I think, have been pretty well
assured that they were not his.
" Having thus acquitted our hero of misconduct, by
the example of his betters, I proceed to what I think the
master-stroke of the poet.
' The knave of hearts
He stole those tarts.
And — took them — quite away — !!'
" Here, whoever has an ear for harmony, and a heart
for feeling, must be touched ! There is a desponding me-
lancholy in the run of the last line ! an air of tender
regret in the addition of * quite away!' a something so
expressive of irrevocable loss! so forcibly intimating
the ^ Ah, niinquam reditura !'' 'They never can return !'
— in short, such a union of sound and sense, as we rarely,
if ever, meet with in any author, ancient or modern. Our
feelings are all alive; but the poet, wisely dreading that
our sympathy with the injured queen might alienate our
affections from his hero, contrives immediately to awaken
our fears for him, by telling us that
' The king of liearts
Call'd for those tarts.'
" We are all conscious of the fault of our hero, and
all tremble with him, for the punishment which the en-
raged monarch may inflict.
* And beat the knave full sore!'
" The fatnl blow is struck ! we cannot but rejoice that
2. F
34 rORGE CANNING.
guiii lb jusiLiy pumisiifii, uiuugh we sympathise with the
guilty object of punishment. Here Scriblerus, who, by
the bye, is very fond of making unnecessary altera-
tions, proposes redding 'score' instead of 'sore,' meaning
thereby to particularise, that the beating bestowed by
this monarch consisted of twenty stripes. But this pro-
ceeds from his ignorance of the genius of our language,
which does not admit of such an expression as * full
score,' but would require the insertion of the particle
' a,' which cannot be, on account of the metre. And
this is another great artifice of the poet : by leaving the
quantity of beating indeterminate, he gives every reader
the liberty to administer it, in exact proportion to the
sum of indignation which he may have conceived against
his hero ; that, by thus amply satisfying their resentment,
they may be the more easily reconciled to him aftervvard.
' The king of hearts
Call'd for those tarts,
And beat the knave full sore !'
" Here ends the second part, or middle of the poem ;
in which we see the character and exploits of the hero
portrayed with the hand of a master.
" Nothing now remains to be examined, but the third
part, or end. In the end, it is a rule pretty well estab-
lished, that the work should draw towards a conclusion,
which our author manages thus :
' The knave of hearts
Brought back those tarts.'
" Here every thing is at length settled ; the theft is
compensated; the tarts restored to their right owner;
and poetical justice, in every respect, strictly and im-
partially administered.
" We may observe, that there is nothing in which our
MEMOIR OF G EORGE CANNING. J:)
poet has better succeeded, than in keeping- up an unre-
mitted attention in his readers to the main instruments,
the machinery of his poem, viz. the tarts ; insomuch, that
the aforementioned Scriblerus has sagely observed, that
* he can't tell, but he doesn't know, but the tarts may be
reckoned the heroes of the poem.' Scriblerus, though a
man of learning, and frequently right in his opinion, has
here certainly hazarded a rash conjecture. His argu-
ments are overthrown entirely by his great opponent,
Hiccius, who concludes, by triumphantly asking, 'had
the tarts been eaten, how could the poet have compen-
sated for the loss of his heroes ?'
"We are now come to the denouement^ the setting all
to rights : and our poet, in the management of his moral,
is certainly superior to his great ancient predecessors.
The moral of their fables, if any they have, is so inter-
woven with the main body of their work, that, in en-
deavouring to unravel it, we should tear the whole.
Our author has very properly preserved his, whole and
entire, for the end of his poem, where he completes his
main design, the reformation of his hero, thus, —
* And vow'd he'd steal no more.'
" Having, in the course of his work, shown the bad
effects arising from theft, he evidently means this last
moral reflection to operate with his readers as a gentle
and polite dissuasive from stealing.
' The knave of hearts
Brought back those tarts,
And vow'd he'd steal no more!'
" Thus have I industriously gone through the several
parts of this wonderful work; and clearly proved it, in
every one of these parts, and in all of them together, to
be a due and proper epic poem ; and to have as good a
36 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
right to that title, from its adherence to prescribed rules,
as any of the celebrated masterpieces of antiquity. And
here I cannot help again lamenting, that, by not know-
ing the name of the author, 1 am unable to twine our
laurels together, and to transmit to posterity the mingled
praises of genius and judgment; of the poet, and bis
commentator. B»"
How the days of George Canning were spent, may be
ascertained by his after-life. All knowledge is matter of
tedious acquisition. It has been truly and laconically
said, " there is no royal road to Greek." _The young
student was not content with the Classics, in the^ordinary
acceptation of that term, but amused his leisure hours
with the more recondite Greek and Latin authors. Study
was his amusement — composition, his recreation. It was
a favourite maxim of our hero's, in after-life, that variety
was rest to the mind. When wearied by classical re-
search, he wrote, or turned to lighter reading; but he
never sank into lassitude. In fact, he could not be idle
— his mind was the very essence of perpetual motion,
and knew no rest. It has usually occurred with those
scholars that excelled in poetic fancy, that they have be-
come studious only with regard to those authors and
subjects that suited the peculiar bent of their genius ;
but our hero was a profound classic, and did not suffer
his love of the muses to draw him from severer study.
Unlike those who boast a genius like his for poetry, he
could analyse minutiaj as easily as he could grasp gene-
ralities — he saw all things with the telescope of truth — it
was in vain that distance obscured them — he brought
them to his eye, and saw all their lineaments with the
glance of power. With one more of his lighter produc-
tions, we shall close our extracts from his juvenile efforts.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE BANNING. 37
This essay, which, for lively wit and imaginative tact, is
almost unequalled, is from the twenty-second number of
The Microcosm.
" POETRY AND WEAVING — THE ANALOGY BETWEEN
THEM.
" There are in Turkey a body of men, against whom
universal contempt is indiscriminately, as well as unde-
servedly, directed, and these a.e the worshipful company
of grocers. Insomuch, that should any member of a
noble family have disgraced himself and his connexions
by living a life of tranquillity, or, what is worse, dying
in his bed— that is, a natural death — his name is never
pronounced by his relations, but with disapprobation
and disgust ; and his memory is consigned to infamy, for
having, as they say, lived and died like a raccal^ or grocer.
" The person who has now the honour to address you
is a member of a community, who, by the courtesy of
England, are, like the raccals of Turkey, collectively
involved in the most comprehensive contempt, — I say col-
lectively, sir, because, individually, we are allowed to
have no existence ; the wicked waggery of the world
judging nine weavers and nine tailors requisite to the
formation of a man. Yes, sir, to so high a pitch have
they carried the disrepect in which these professions are
held, that, in the eyes of 'the many,' (as the poet calls
them,) to address a man by the appellation either of a
weaver or tailor, implies not only, as formerly, a re-
flection on his horsemanship, but on his personal courage,
and even his personal existence.
" I, sir, am a weaver ; I feel for the injured dignity of
my profession : and since (thanks to my own genius, and
two years and a half of education on Tower-hill) I have
a very decent acquaintance with the classics — that is, I
38 MFMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
know them all by name, and can tell Greek, when 1 see
it, any day in the week; and since, as far as Shakes-
peare and the monthly Magazines go, I have a very
pretty share of English book-learning : — from these con-
siderations, Mr. Griffin, I think myself qualified to con-
tend, not for the utility and respectability only, but for
the honour of the art of weaving. Tailoring, as it is
secondary to weaving, will, of course, partake of the
fruits of my labours ; as, in asserting the dignity of the
one, I maintain the credit of the other.
" To this end, Mr. Griffin, I shall not appeal to the
candour of my readers; but shall provoke their judg-
ment. I shall not solicit their indulgence; but, by the
force of demonstration, will claim their assent to my
opinion.
" Poetry, sir, is universally allowed to be the first
and noblest of the arts and sciences; insomuch, that it is
the opinion of critics, that an epic poem is the greatest
work the human mind is capable of bringing to perfec-
tion. If, then, I can prove that the art of weaving is, in
any degree, analogous to the art of poetry ; if this ana-
logy has been allowed by the whole tribe of critics, so
far, that in speaking of the latter they have used the
terms of the former, and passed judgment on the works
of the poet in the language of the manufacturer; nay, if
Poetry herself has condescended to imitate the expres-
sions, and to adopt the technical terms into her own vo-
cabulary; then may I surely hope, that the sanction of
criticism may challenge the respect, and the flattery of
poetry (for imitation is the highest degree of flattery)
may claim the admiration, of mankind.
" First, then, with regard to criticism ; to select a few
examples from a multitude of others, are we not enter-
tained, in the works of Longinus and the Gentleman s
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 39
3Iagazine, with delectable dissertations on the weaving
of plots and the interweaving of episodes ? Are we not
continually informed, that the author unravels the web
of his intrigue, or breaks the thread of his narration?
Besides these, a friend of mine, a great etymologist, has
assured me, that bombast and bombasin originally
sprung from the same root ; and fustian, every body
knows, is a term applied indifferently to passages in poe-
try, or materials for a pair of ?jreeches. So similar is
considered the skill employed in the texture of the epic
poem and a piece of broad cloth ; so parallel the qualifi-
cations requisite to throw the shuttle and guide the pen.
"I was not a little pleased the other day to find, in
the critique of one of the most eminent writers of the pre-
sent day, the works of a favourite poet styled ' a tissuej*
An idea then occurred to me, suggested perhaps by my
partiality for my profession, which I am not without
some faint hope of one day seeing accomplished.
" By a little labour and ingenuity, it might surely be
discovered, that the works of different authors bear a
considerable affinity (like this of the tissue) to the dif-
ferent productions of the loom. Thus, to enumerate a
few instances, without any regard to chronological
order, — might not the flowery smoothness of Pope be
aptly enough compared to flowered satin? — Might not
the compositions of all the poets laureate, ancient and
modern, very properly be termed princes- stuff ? And
who would dispute the title of Homer, to everlasting!
For Shakespeare, indeed, I am at a loss for a comparison,
unless I should liken him to those shot silks which vary
the brightness of their hues into a multitude of different
lights and shades. And, would orthography allow of
the pun, I might say, that there are ^e\v poets but would
be proud to be thought worthy of the green bai/s.
40 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" For proof of the use which poetry makes of the
weaver's dictionary, vide ten thousand Odes on Spring;
where you may catch the fragrance of the damask rose;
listen to the rustling of the silken foliage; or lie ex-
tended with a listless languor, pillowing your head upon
the velvet mead; to say nothing of Nature's loom,
which is set to work regularly on the first of May, to
weave variegated carpets for the lawns and landscapes.
Now, Mr. Griffin, those similitudes, though very pretty
and very a propos, I own I am not perfectly satisfied
with. The Genoese certainly excel us in the articles of
velvets, and the French silks are by many persons far
preferred for elegance to any of the English manufac-
ture. I appeal then to you, Mr. Griffin, if these allu-
sions would not be much more delightful to British ears,
if they tended to promote such manufactures as are more
peculiarly our own. The Georgics of Virgil, let me tell
you, sir, have been suspected by some people to have
been written with a political, as well as poetical view;
for the purpose of converting the victorious spirits of the
Roman soldiery, from the love of war and the severity of
military hardships, to the milder occupations of peace,
and the more profitable employments of agriculture.
Surely, equally successful would be the endeavours of
our poets, if they would boldly extirpate from their writ-
ings every species of foreign manufacture, and adopt, in
their stead, materials from the prolific looms of their
countrymen. Surely, we have a variety which would
suit all subjects and all descriptions :— nor do I despair,
if this letter has the desired eff'ect, but I shall presently
see landscapes beautifully diversified with (all due defer-
ence being paid to alteration) plains of plush, pastures of
poplin, downs of dimity, valleys of velveret, and mea-
dows of Manchester. How gloriously novel would this
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 41
be! how patriotically poetical an innovation! which no-
thing but bigoted prejudice could object to — nothing
but disatFection to the interests of the country could dis-
approve. B."
At the age of eighteen, our hero left Eton, and went to
Christ Church, Oxford; there he became acquainted with
the honourable Mr. Jenkinson, (the present earl of
Liverpool) ; from their intiinacy they were nicknamed
"the inseparables." With Mr. Jenkinson and others,
Mr. Canning pursued his studies, enlivening the scene by
the enjoyment of "Attic Evenings," in which, as, indeed,
throughout his life, he was remarkable for teaching him-
self, and othets —
" That honourable stop
Not to outsport discretion. — "
At Oxford, Mr. Canning soon outstripped his compe-
titors ; he gained several prizes, and delivered several
orations that extracted warm eulogies from those who
were most
" Tardy in praising, anxious to condemn."
Jeremy Bentham, the celebrated political writer, has
afforded us an undeniable illustration of the high expec-
tations formed of the young orator at this period. Can-
ning was introduced to that singular man about 1790, at
College, by the first marquis of Lansdowne, (the father of
the present marquis.) " Whoever may live to see it,"
said that nobleman, " that young man will one day be
prime minister." Thirty-six years afterwards, Bentham
found the prediction verified. What the talents must
have been that should create such an impression on a po-
litician's mind, at such an age, it is easier to conceive
than describe.
2. G
42 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
* Young Canning bad opportunities of mixing with the
literati of the day, for his college vacations were passed
under the roof of no less a personage than Richard Brins-
ley Sheridan, to whose family, Mrs. Canning, our hero's
mother, was related. Sheridan was then the idol of the
town — the companion of his prince — and in the zenith of
his political and dramatic career. Many persons, speaking
of Sheridan and Canning, have assumed that the former
exerted a parental influence over the latter. Such was
by no means the case in 1792, when they were daily to-
gether; they were more like brothers than aught else.
Though Canning was then but just of age, he was ma-
tured in intellect, — always of a steady and thoughtful
i^ature; whilst Sheridan, at the age of forty, (which he
then was,) had all the volatility of a boy of sixteen.
Sheridan had no pretence for assuming a dictatorship
over Canning, nor did he ever attempt it ; they were on
an equality of talent, though not of years. It has been
suffjrested, that our hero was indebted to the dramatist
for his introduction to the marquis of Lansdowne ; but
the fact is, that at Sheridan's house he met with all the
celebrated men of that period ; and w hoever met Can-
ningonce, was ever after anxious for a renewal of the ac-
quaintance. With the whigs of the day, Mr. Canning
w as particularly intimate ; as it was generally understood,
or at least expected, that his talents would be given to
that party.
Mr. Canning left College about 1792, and entered him-
self as a student of Lincoln's Inn : and many who have
grown grey in the wearisome pursuit of equity research,
well remember our hero taking his morning walks (for
he was an early riser) in the gardens of that Inn ; but,
though studying for the bar, he had no serious inten-
tions of passing his life in the dull routine of a law court,
MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING. 4.3
or deadening the finer faculties of his mind over musty
records.
At this period he was introduced by Sheridan to Fox
and Burke ; of the latter he was always a niost enthu-
siastic admirer. The conversation of three such men as
those with whom he now came in collision, might have
inspired a less fervid nature ; and the young- student saw
that his course was tracked through the path of politics,
and that the bar was too narrow a field for his exertions.
It was then, even more than at present, a fashion to take
the sanction of an admission at Lincoln's Inn, or the
Temple; and to be called to the bar, merely for form's
sake, by those who had no intention of following the pro-
fession of the law. The present licenser of plays, George
Colman, esq. and the celebrated poet, Thomas Moore,
were both members of the Middle Temple.
Mr. Canning's change of politics has been spoken of by
Moore, in his " Life of Sheridan." It is only necessary
here to remark, that the word change is inapplicable to one
who had then avowed no politics at all ; — that his senti-
ments were inferred and surmised — not acknowledged ;
that he was judged by those he associated with,— by the
acts of others, — by no speech of his own. Those who de-
light in recording or imagining the backslidings of politi-
cians, anxiously pervert the slightest facts into grounds for
the charge of political apostacy ; — but from such a suspi-
cion our hero was free. Thought is cradled by liberty, and
it is rather too much to expect that any man should adopt
another's opinions, because he exists beneath his roof— or
square his opinions by his friendships and ajiimosities.
It was the accident of connexion that made Canning inti
mate with the celebrated oppositionists, but he never was
politically intimate with them ; in fact, he knew Fox,
Burke, and Sheridan, as orators and wits, rather than as
44 "itEMom or gcorgb canning.
politicians, iliet closest intimacy m early life was with
the honourable Mr. Jenkinson, whose connexions were
all tories ; but Mr. Canritng has been known to aver, that
this did not influence him ; for his intercourse with that
gentleman was that of two young and ardent spirits — of
friends who had other subjects of discussion than the af-
fairs of the country. Mr. Jenkinson, it is generally un-
derstood, introduced our hero to Pitt; but that he, in no
other way, influenced his opinions or course, Mr. Can-
ning has himself avowed.
" From the political faith," says Mr. Moore " in which
/^he had been educated, under the very eyes of ]Mr. Sheri-
dan, who had long been the friend of his family, and at
whose house he generally passed his college vacations,
the line that he was to take in the House of Commons
seemed already, according to the usual course of events,
marked out for him. Mr. Sheridan had, indeed, with an
eagerness which, however premature, showed the value
which he and others set upon the alliance, taken occasion,
in the course of a laudatory tribute to Mr. Jenkinson
(now the earl of Liverpool,) on the success of his first
effort in the House, to announce the accession which hia
own party was to receive in the talents of another gentle-
man — the companion and friend of the young orator who
had now distinguished himself. Whether this and other
friendships, formed by Mr. Canning at the University,
had any share in alienating him from a political creed
which he had hitherto perhaps adopted rather from habit
and authority than choice ; — or whether he was startled at
the idea of appearing for the first time in the world as
the announced pupil and friend of a person who, both by
the vehemence of his politics and the irregularities of his
life, had put himself, in some degree, under the ban of
public opinion ; — or whether, lastly, he saw the difficulties
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 45
^ which even genius like his would experience in rising to
the full growth of its ambition, under the shadowy
branches of the Whig Aristocracy, and that superseding
influence of birth and connexions which had contributed
to keep even such men as Burke and Sheridan out of the
Cabinet; — which of these motives it was that now decided
the choice of the young political Hercules between the
two paths that equally wooe^I his footsteps, none, per-
haps, but himself can fully determine. His decision, we
know, was in favour of the minister and toryism ; and,
after a friendly and candid explanation to Mr. Sheridan,
of the reasons and feelings that urged him to this step, he
entered into terms with Mr. Pitt, and was by him imme-
diately brought into Parliament. However dangerous
it might be to exalt such an example into a precedent, it
is questionable whether, in thus resolving to join the
ascendant side, Mr. Canning has not conferred a greater
benef t on the country, than he ever would have been
able to effect in the ranks of his original friends. That
party, which has now so long been the sole depositary of
the power of the State, had, in addition to the original
narrowness of its principles, contracted all that proud
obstinacy in antiquated error, which is the invariable
characteristic of such monopolies ; and which, however
consonant with its vocation, as the chosen instrument of
the Crown, should have long since invalided it in the ser-
vice of a free and enlightened people. Some infusion of
the spirit of the times into this body had become neces-
sary even for its preservation, in the same manner as the
inhalement of youthful breath has been recommended by
some physicians to the infirm and superannuated. This
renovating inspiration the genius of Mr. Canning has
supplied. His first political lessons were derived from
sources too sacred to his young admiration to be for-
4C > or GEORGF fANMNG.
gotten, lie ha.-, carried. the ; <hese lessons «ith
him into the councils which hcjoiued, and by the vigour
of the graft, which already, indeed, shows itself in the
fruits, bids foir /to change altogether the nature of
toryJsm.'' . '' ''
The business of life, that was now indeed conimencin«r,
had not deadened the quicksilver of his fancy; for,;*
this juncture, he amused his leisure hours (if, amid his
avocations, he had any) by composing epigrams, &c.
One Jeu d' esprit of this period has recently got into circu-
lation, and deserves commemoration, perhaps rather
from its singularity than its merit. It is the province of
genius to disprove the old axiom — Ex irihilo iiihil fit —
and Canning, in very early youth, evinced his powers by
his very entertaining review of The Knave of Hearts ;
which appears too slender a thread to hang a thought
upon. It seems, that a young lady gave our hero a piec6
of plush, for the formation of a pair of shooting unmen-
tionables. This present, certainly not the most delicate
or elegant, was given by the fair friend a few days pre-
vious to her marriage. Her lover we must presume io
have been on terms of intimacy with our hero, from *ae
familiarity of the following epistle, which he addressed
to the lady, and placed on her table, on the morning of
her marriage.
'* When all, on this auspicious day,
Well pleased, their grateful homage pay.
And sweetly smile and softly suy
A thousand pretty speeches, —
My Muse shall touch her tuneful strings.
Nor scorn the lay her duty brings.
Though humble be the theme she sings —
A pair of shooting-breeches.
Soon shall the tailor's mystic art
Have fashion'd them in every part,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 47
And made them tight, and spruce, and smart,
With twenty thousand stitches;
Then mark the moral of my song,
Oh, may your love but prove as strong,
And wear as well, and last as long, '
As these my shooting-breeches!
And when, to ease this load of life,
I take unto myself a wife,
I ask not wealth or riches ;
Temper, like thine, alone 1 pray.
Temper, like thine, serene and gay,
Inclined, like thine, to give away.
Not wear thyself the breeches."
Following the example of Burke, Canning tried his
wings in some flights at a debating society in Old Bond-
street. He had the courage to endure ridicule, if it as-
sailed hira; but, from his boyhood, he was too much an
orator to fear any adversary putting him in a ludicrous
light. Amongst the frequenters of this nursery for ora-
tors, was the notorious and talented Gale Jones; and,
as we are informed by one who well remembers the so-
ciety and its supporters, Mr. Canning often opposed that
violent orator.
Sheridan, who had complimented Mr. Jenkinson on
his maiden speech, and congratulated the house on the
acquisition of Canning, is said to have terrified the young
orator ; and it has been, and still is, a question, whetheif
Sheridan did not wish to neutralise his powers by antici-
patory eulogy, rather than aggrandise or serve the ob-
ject of his praise. Certain it is, that Mr. Canning came
into parliament with no desire to display his eloquence ;
he shunned rather than sought occasions for its exercise,
and made his maiden speech on a subject least of all cal-
culated to call forth his powers.
It may be as well to take a slight review of the state of
this country and of its parliament, at the time Mr. Can-
;,
48 MFMrtin np GEORGE CANNING.
ning took his seat as member- for Newport, (Isle of
Wight,) in 1793.
The revolution in France had created a sensation
throughout Europe; a moral earthquake — every land
teemed as with a volcano; distrust grew from the pre-
valence of danger. The reckless and desperate, whom
fortune could not lay lower, were anxious to carry the
French desolation into Britain. These spent gamesters,
who, having nothing to lose, must gain by any change,
became daily more powerful. The principle of levelling
was becoming practical, and the theory was in every
mouth. No man felt secure; property ceased to be va-
luable, for it might in a moment be at the mercy of the
multitude.
That such proceedings required to be checked, con-
fronted, and punished, could not be denied ; and govern-
ment employed such measures as appeared to be the best
calculated to correct this growing and threatening mis-
chief. His Majesty's proclamation, and the vigilant at-
tention of Ministers, checked its career. But though
the arm of law is sufficiently strong to keep the open in-
vader of the constitution in awe, it was not altogether
enabled to sift out the secret arts which were working
under ground, and by hidden approaches were under-
mining the fabric of public happiness. It became neces-
sary therefore to aid the more unwieldy efforts of law
in counteracting the operations of these secret enemies,
by employing their own weapons against them; and as
their hostilities were carried on by societies, clubs, and
familiar publications suited to the meanest capacity, it be-
came a public duty to establish associations, and prepare
books to oppose them. Accordingly, an association was
instituted at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the
Strand. This measure was first, we believe, suggested,
MEMOIR OF GEOllGK CANNING. 49
we knosv it was first entered upon, by a Mr. Reeves, for
the avowed purpose of protecting- liberty and property
against the daring attempts of republicans and levellers,
which instantly increased into a very numerous body of
subscribers, among whom were many of the most wealthy
persons and respectable characters in the kingdom. The
merchants of London followed the example, and associa-
tions for the support of the constitution sprung- up, not
only in the different quartei^ of the metropolis, but in
every part of the kingdom. The King availed himself
of the power he possessed by law to embody the militia,
to convene parliament before the time to which it was
prorogued, and to call upon the representative wisdom
of the people for aid and council, in such an important
crisis.
From the memorable 10th of August, when Louis the
Sixteenth lost the poor remains of former power, to the
period when he was about to lose his life, the interior
government of France offered nothing to the view of
mankind but scenes of atrocity and horror, that make
humanity shudder in the recollection of them ; but,
though republican fanaticism might triumph in these
proceedings, though it might delight in the murder of
one sovereign, and applaud the menaces which were ut-
tered against every other, — the wise, the good, and the
humane of all countries, could not but execrate the con-
duct of the French government, and consider with horror
the mischief it portended to surrounding nations. Vi-
sionary men, whose heated fancies can work up imagi-
nary good from the blackest scenes of human distress, —
or those who, ruined by their excesses, may hope to de-
rive individual advantage from general confusion, — or
mischievous spirits, who consider evil as their good, —
could alone delight in the view of those pictures which
3. H
50 MF-Moin OF GEonc.ii: cahmsg.
France presented to satisfy their fiiintic hopes, or their
diabolic malignity.
France and Poland were dividinij the attention of Eu-
rope. En'gTand was vitally affected by hoth; and, in
1793, Buonaparte was raising, himself h imperceptible
g-radations; whilst the son of our monarch was also
equipping- for the field. Ministers were on the rack
to repel attacks, which they knew were premedi-
tated, though they knew not from whence the blow
might come; they waited, as it were, for the thunderbolt,
unconscious where it would fall, or from what cloud it
might burst.
When parliament met on the 21st of January, 1794,
it was expected that Canning would move the vote upon
the King's speech : — such was not the case. The continu-
ation of the war with France was the subject of discus-
sion, but our hero was silent. The war which, as Lord
Mansfield said, was " to restore an orderly government to
France, and to overthrow those desperate men who had
openly avowed their determination to revolutionize all
Europe," would have been a noble subject for the young
orator; but from some cause, which it is neither easy to
develop or conceive, he let it pass. On the 31st of that
month, he made his maiden speech. Mr. Pitt moved a
grant to the king of Sardinia, of £200,000, to enable
him to defend his own dominions. Fox opposed it. Mr.
Canning had prudence and good sense enough not to
elevate his effort above the subject; he spoke acutely and
clearly. The subject called for no exercise of eloquence,
and he did not attempt to throw away his powers in a
useless display. His speech, however, was listened to
with great attention, and awakened much interest; it sa-
tisfied his friends, for they knew his genius, and were
now assured of his coolness and his prudence; whilst his
MEMOIR OI' GEOnCE CANNING. &1
opponents argued from it, that they had a less powerful
adversary than they had been led to imagine.
On the IGth of May, the subjects of Parliamentary
Reform, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and
the means of suppressing seditious meetings, came casu-
ally before the House, on the consideration of a message
sent by the King to the Commons, on the 12th. Mr.
Canning's speech, in support cf the ministerial party, is
as remarkable for its force as its brevity. He said,
" If precedents be wanting", the occasion justifies the
measure, which is clearly warranted by the report of the
Committee.* Though Parliamentary Reform may be a
proper subject of discussion, at a season of tranquillity,
it is highly improper in times of war and popular agita-
tion. I beg leave explicitly to declare, that, as I side
with the Minister in my ideas on this subject, I should
feel no repugnance in adopting his sentiments on any
future occasion, when he may be pleased to express
them, confident that they will be apposite to times and
circumstances."
This speech excited some raillery, and Mr. Courtney
noticed the readiness of Canning to adhere firmly to the
Minister ; and the laughter of the House seemed to prove
that the Oppositionist had succeeded in throwing some
ridicule, if not a stigma, on the young orator, but he was
not provoked to retaliate.
It was known, that though Mr. Canning sat as an ad-
herent of Pitt's, and a follower of that great statesman,
yet Burke was the model on whom he had grounded his
oratory. On Burke he looked with the eye of an enthu-
siast. We may here use the words of a celebrated wri-
ter, who has written ably on this subject, and who had
* This was a Committee of Secrecy, of twenty-one mcmbors.
52 Mi.ii/,, v-iiCE CANNING.
the best means of information— a knowledge of all those
of Mhom he spoke.
" Mr. Burke sat in parliament two years after Mr.
. Canning, in 1793, entered it. This was in the end a
most fortunate circumstance for Mr. Canning, whose ad-
miration of the philosophic orator was so great, as not
only to lead, as we have said, to an identity of political
views and opinions, but also to an assimilation of style
and manner. The comparative failure of his first efforts
in parliament may, therefore, be justly attributed to a
too close imitation of the character of Mr. Burke's elo-
/ quence — the most dangerous that a man of Mr. Canning's
fancy, playful wit, and Tullian taste, could well hit
upon. It was Apollo learning graceful motion from
Hercules. Burke addressed himself too much to the in-
tellect of philosophers, and consequently valued too
little the immediate effect of his exertions to be an effec-
tive debater. There was no fusing earnestness in his
manner — no locality of feeling — no appearance of per-
sonal interest — therefore, his auditors were cold and un-
moved. He spoke too like a man who, ' proudly eminent
above the rest in the shape and gesture' of his intellect,
felt that all mixture of fleshly feeling was a questioning
of his dignity ; and that the ordinary local interests and
emotions of humanity were derogatory from the charac-
ter of one who legislated for all times, and all places,
and many people. This was evident in the ex-cathedra
aristocratic tone of his voice, and in the fixed seeing^
- nothing-present stare of his eyes. Like Bossuet, ' //
semble que du sommet (Tun lieu 6levc^ il decouvre des grands
ievenemens qui se passent sous ses 7/eux, et quHl les raconte
u des hommes qui sont en has.'' (Thomas Eloge.) His
standard of perfection, therefore, was too indefinite and
abstract, and the rewards of his ambition placed too
MEMOIR OF GEOIU > NING. 53
much in tlie applause and admiration of posterity, for
him to be very anxious or successful in his eflbrts to con-
ciliate his opponents, and win the suffrage of his contem-
poraries. Like Bacon, he knew he would be oftener
misunderstood than mistaken ; and that as it would take
ages to ripen his fame, so it would take centuries to
sound its depth, and was, therefore, indifferent about his
temporary reputation. Besides, he confined himself too ^
exclusively to co/2r//7(?e by instruc*ing, and thus demand "^ '
support, to be a safe model of imitation in a popular as-
sembly. Consequently, though no orator before or after
him, or even in his own time, fruitful as it was in orators,
at all approached him in the correctness and consistency
of his application of sound general principles to ques-
tions of particular growth and interest; in the sustained
tone of his philosophy, the practicability of his theories,
and in the availableness of his various and profound
knowledge, he was, considercdis considerandis, one of the
most inefficient speakers in either house of parliament.
In addition, no man was less regardful of the cnnour pro"
pre of others, though, from the natural vehemence of his
temper, no man was more impatient of cavilling oppo-
sition. He was altogether a dangerous model to Mr.
Canning; the more so, as he had neither Burke's dicta-
torial arrogance of tone and manner, nor the domineer-
ing influence of his genius; nor his knowledge, at once
serious and profound, of the human heart, and of the
productions of the human intellect — so essential to bear
him out against the offended self-love, the prejudices,
and the interests of his adversaries. — Mr. Canning had
too much good sense, and regard for his own fame, not
to soon abandon a course that probably would have
ended only in the shipwreck of his reputation; he was
54 onon f annivg.
the more rnabled to do this by the speedy termination
ofJMr. Burke's parliamentary and earthly labours, which
we have alluded to. — Unt)acked by family influence, as
he was in early lite, the task of convincing., by mere fact
and argumentative sarcasm, his opponents of their errors,
was perilous in the extreme; while that of insinuating
himself into their confidence, by gmcehiUy persuading
tliem of the soundness of his own doctrines, and of ob-
taining their support, by exhibiting- the defects of their
opinions in the light of a playful, but at the same time
unmalevolent wit, was that most likely to lead to power
and distinction. The wisdom of his choice has been ve-
rified by experience. He became the leading Minister of
Great Britain, while Mr. Burke, with superior endow-
ments, and at least equal acquaintance with the machinery
of government, never rose in office above his early post
of private secretary to a lord lieutenant of Ireland."
Burke, m ho may be termed the British Demosthenes,
always elevated his subject by his style ; whilst Fox, Pitt,
and Sheridan, were content to speak plainly and ordina-
rily on ordinary topics — each of them was a more useful,
Burke the more fascinating orator.
Canning has recorded his admiration of Burke in a
poem, which we shall insert in its proper place; but the
commencement of which, from its brevity and aptitude,
claims insertion here.
" O tliou! — lamented sage! — whose prescient scan
Pierced tliroiigh foul Anarchy's gigantic plan ;
Prompt, t' incredulous liearers to disclose
The guilt of France and Europe — world of woes!
Thon, on whose name each distant age shall gaze,
Tlie mighty sea-mark of those troubled days!
O, large of soul, of genius unconfined,
Born to delight, instruct, and mend mankind I
MF-MOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 55
Burke, in wliosc breast a Roman ardour glow'd!
Whose copious tone with Grecian richness flow'd.
Well hast thou found (if such thy country's doom)
A timely refuge in the sheltering tomb."
Some writers of the present day have roundly asserted
that Mr. Canning spoke on all the leading topics, from
the first essay in 1794, onwards. That this is not the fact,
a reference to registers of the period will prove. Can-
ning secured the favour of Pitt by proving that he could
be silent. Almost any man, possessing one half the ge-
nius, the power, and opportunity he did, would have
been desirous of display, — he would have asserted his
fame by frequent exercises of his talent. Not so our
hero; he was content to wait for his day. Nay,' on some
occasions, he seemed to assume a careless tone, as though
he would lull his opponents into security, by concealing
his power to destroy them. Injudicious friends may
choose to assert that Mr. Cannins: bore down all before
him at this period ; but the fact is, he never attempted
to do it, and must have failed had he tried. Mr. Can-
ning was only one to " fill up the cry," and he would
not draw upon his genius, till he felt assured that he
could exert it with honour to himself, and to extend his
own purposes, rather than aid the wishes of another. In
some discussions, in which he opposed the present earl
Grey, that nobleman had decidedly the advantage. It is
not discreditable to Mr. Canning to record this; or, if it
were, justice demands it. Biography must not be con-
founded with eulogy ; and he who writes the memoir of
a general, must speak of his battles, not his victories
only.
The earl of Liverpool (Mr. Jenkinson) spoke oftener,
and attracted more attention from the multitude than
our hero; but he " kept the even tenor of his way," and
50 1 OF CrPOPOF. r'NNlNG.
^'allied more i han others
by i' <o('ct\.
jMi . \_ mining's speeches at this periou . u remarkable
''jf brevity. He seems to have Sy • en only when obliged
to do sOj and theii to !:ave conf" •"' liimsell' t^^ as few
words as possible.
The address on the King's speech at the opening of
parliament, in 1795, was moved by sir Francis Knatch-
bull, and seconded by our hero. That session was ren-
dered remarkable by Sheridan opposing the reading of
the Outlawry Bill, w hich is, in fact, a mere form, to re-
cognise the right of the Commons to enter upon any bu-
siness they please, previous to the speech. Sheridan
moved for the reading of the Bill for the repeal of the
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. Canning did not
enter into the controversy occasioned by this conduct;
indeed, he wisely avoided collision with his quondam as-
sociate. The few words he used in seconding the motion,
are clear and decided. He said —
" Though unfavourable circumstances have occurred
abroad, they should not prevent the vigorous prosecution
of war ; they have been occasioned by the desertion of
our allies, not the misconduct of our ministers. The fall
of Robespierre, and the subsequent changes in the French
government, do not warrant the country's attempting a
treaty. The French divide their enemies into two classes,
— the instigators of the coalition against them, and those
who have joined it through compulsion. We are in the
first class, the Dutch in the second. The treatment of
the latter shows what we have to expect. A pacification
with them at present, would bring so little security, that
no diminution of our fleets and armies could take place;
our expenses must remain as great as ever."
The close of 1795, and the commencement of the fol-
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANiVllVG. 57
lowing year, were remarkable periods; — popular excita-
tion was at its height. Mr. Canning, however, took no
steps to gain mob popularity, and remained a silent,
though not inattentive spectator.
Whilst France was distracted uith internal divisions,
England was agitated with disputes on the propriety of
continuing a war which had caused such loss of men and
treasure, without producing those effects which had been
represented as infallible ; every measure had been adopted,
that appeared likely to lead to a successful result, to no
purpose. Those who had most warmly espoused the
cause of the Minister, thought that a sufficient trial of
the schemes he had brought forward had been made, and
that it would be wise to leave the re-establishment of the
French monarchy to a future period.
The opposers of the war from its commencement ac-
cused ministers of a total want of foresight. The events
of the war countenanced these reproaches; the public
joined in them, and this opinion became so prevalent,
that meetings were convened to petition the legislature
for peace. The City first commenced, and in a Common
Hall the voters for a petition amounted to 4000, and
only 100 against it.
The petition stated, that the war had been carried on
at a ruinous expense, without, in the smallest degree,
attaining the object for which it was commenced ; and it
concluded by expressing a decided conviction, that the
principle on which the war was carried on, was not
essential to the glory or liberty of Great Britain. Ad-
dresses of a similar description were resolved on in seve-
ral principal cities in the kingdom, whilst the ministerial
party endeavoured to procure counter-petitions : but
these were weak in comparison to the former.
Mercantile and trading classes were displeased that
3. 1
5H jEORtiE CANNING.
miniLM- .1.1, ,„c Dutch j.eople to deposit
their inoj.i V a,, i iiects in England, without paying the
customary duties. Had this not becii the case, it is said,
twenty millions of specie and other treasu-e "ould have
been brought into this country. The reason ministers
a&aigned was, that it would operate to discourage their
countrymen, and prevent them from acting with vigour
against the French.
Numerous considerations contributed to displease the
people — murmurs and discontent abounded everywhere.
It was no longer a simple disapprobation of the war — it
was a fervent desire that it might terminate to the disad-
vantage of this country, and that the French might pre-
vail against the English. They seemed unconscious of
the event that must follow, should France succeed in her
designs against England.
But the animosities produced by internal divisions
had, in truth, taken such unhappy possession of most
men, that those who thought to reconcile them to mode-
ration, became equally odious to both parties. No me-
dium was allowed. Whoever deplored the war, as
pregnant with calamities that might have been avoided,
was reputed a foe to his country ; — whoever pronounced
it just and necessary, was deemed a conspirator against
its liberty, and an abettor of arbitrary power.
In this unfortunate disposition of mind the nation con-
tinued during the whole year 1795. The summer, in
particular, was marked by a variety of tumults and riots.
These were occasioned by the methods practised in the
enlisting of men for the army. What with the general
averseness of the common people to the war — what with
the iniquity of the practice itself — those who were con-
cerned in it, became such objects of execration to the
multitude, that their persons and dwellings were equally
MEMOIR OF GEOnCE CANNING. 59
exposed to its resentment and fury. Several houses,
either tenanted or made use of by those who are vulgarly
known by the appellation of crimps, were demolished, or
stripped of their furniture, and the owners put in danger
of their live^. So great was the rage of the populace,
that it was not without some difficulty those riots were
suppressed by the soldiery. Several of those who had
bten active in these disturbances were executed ; but
the public highly disapproved of the condemnation to
death of individuals, guilty of no other offence than
giving way to a sudden impulse of indignation, at the
violence offered to their fellow-subjects.
Such was the temper of the commonalty previous to
the meeting of Parliament, about the close of October,
1795. A fermentation of the most alarming kind seemed
to pervade the whole mass of the people. The various
associations of individuals united for the purpose of ob-
taining a Parlianientary Reform, were at this period
peculiarly noticed for their boldness and activity. That
which was known by the name of the Corresponding
Society, distinguished itself by the resolute speeches of
its members, at the several meetings that took place in
the course of the year. The one which was held near Co-
penhagen House, in the neighbourhood of Islington, was
the most remarkable. The number that attended, either
through zeal in the cause, or through curiosity, were
computed at about fifty thousand. Some very daring
addresses were made to the multitude. The conduct of
ministers was arraigned in the most unqualified lan-
guage; and a remonstrance to the King, on the necessity
of peace, and a reform in Parliament, was universally
agreed on.
The proceedings in these assemblies were highly of-
fen--ive to ministers. As they consisted of individuals
60 GROnOE CANNING.
void ot all hope of rising by interest or favour,
and who, to a man, were inimical to the measures of
government, they condemned them with a freedom of
speech that knew no bounds. Oftentimes, too, these
meetings were attended by persons of parts, who seized
those opportunities of venting their discontent at the
system of the times, and of representing administration
in the foulest colours, and imputing to them the most
flagitious designs.
A report had been spread, that an immense number of
discontented people had agreed to take this opportunity
of manifesting their sentiments to the King in person.
This, of course, excited the curiosity of the public ; and
the Park was crowded in a manner unprecedented since
the King's accession to the throne. In his way to the
House of Lords, which lay through the Park, his coach
was surrounded on every side, by persons of all descrip-
tions, demanding peace, and the dismission of jNIr. Pitt.
Some voices Avere even heard exclaiming, " No King !"
f and stones were thrown at the state-coach, as it drew
I near the Horse Guards. In passing through Palace
Yard, one of the windows was broken, it was said, by a
bullet, discharged from an air-gun. These outrages
were repeated on the King's return from the House ;
and he narrowly escaped the fury of the populace in his
way back from 8t. James's Palace to Buckingham House.
But, though Mr. Canning was silent amid all this, his
progress was sure, nor did it remain unnoticed.* We
find IMathia^-, in his " Pursuits of Literature," a satirical
poem, saying,
" And seize on Pitt, like Canning, by surprise;"
* Bonaparte coinnienred his career of glory in October, 1795.
These two great uien may, therefore, fairly be said to liave run
their race togetiier.
MEMOIR OP GEOIIGG CANNING. 61
alluding to some rumour of the day, of our hero suddenly
claiming- something from the Minister. This poem, now
scarce, contains some interesting notes and notices of
many men who have since risen to eminence.
" Call Earle useful, Abernethy deep,"
is one line, to which is attached the following note : —
" Abernethy, a young surgeon, of an accurate and phi-
losophical spirit of investigation, from whose genius and
labours I am inclined to think that the medical art, and
natural science will receive great accessions."
We quote this as a proof of the acuteness of Mr. Ma-
thias's observation ; and the inference to be drawn from
it is, that our hero had become an object of interest at
least, or he would not have been deemed worthy of the
notice thus accorded to him.
In this year, Mr. Canning received the appointment of
Under Secretary of State. On the dissolution of Par-
liament, he was returned for the treasury Tsorough of
Windover.
He did little but reply to questions, or make brief ex-
planations of the views of ministers, during that session ;
but, on the first of March, 1797, when the Slave Trade
Bill came under discussion, he spoke eloquently. An
extract from that speech will be sufficient.
. u \yiiat is the case with the Slave Trade? Was it in
its outset only that it had any thing of violence, of injus-
tice, or of oppression ? Were the wounds which Africa
felt in the first conflict healed, or were they fresh and
green, as at the moment when the first slave-ship began its
ravages upon the coast ? Were the oppressors and the
oppressed so reconciled to each other, that no trace of
i enmity remained? Or was it in reason, or in common
sense, to claim a prescriptive righl, not to the fruits of
62 ME> RORGE ' A '^ '«>^'<^
an ancient and forgotten crime, coiiiuiitted long ago, and
traceable only in its consequences, hut to a series of new
violences — to a chain of fresh enormities — to cruelties
not continued but repeated, and of v\hich ever) indivi-
dual instance inflicted a fresh calamity, and constituted a
fresh, a separate, and substantive crime."
Upon this subject, it may be as well to say a few words.
The unthinking; eulogists of public and popular men are
very fond of attributing the abolition of the Slave Trade
to IVIr. Canning and Mr. Wilberforce; — far be it from us
to throw a stigma upon the dead, or sully the reputation
of the living; but we are not blind to what has been, and
M'hat might have been done. Before we ask to whom
we owe the abolition of the Slave Trade, there is one
important question to be satified — Is the Slave Trade
ABOLISHED? The cry of human misery, echoed and re-
echoed by victim after victim, is our answer. — It is not.
When it is, we shall be proud to record the name of him,
who rose in the cause of natural liberty, and printed his
own name imperishably in the annals of fame, v\hen he
removed the shackles from Africa for ever. It is not
necessary to cross the Atlantic for assurances that the
Slave Trade still exists in all its pristine depravity —
that Smithfield is but the animal prototype of a market
for human creatures, who are haltered and sold hourly
by and to Etu'opcans. It is scarcely possible to take up
an American newspaper without finding advertisements
of " Slaves who have strayed," with rewards for them,
('f (id or a/h(. Does not our city of London teem with
agreements recognising the Slave Trade^ with bargains
•ind sales of human beings?
Is i< not revolting, — is it not horribh',— that that which
^\e havr long since banished, as too barbarous for a pu-
r.isliDJCiit here, should bo empioyod as a niediuni of re-
ML'MOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
/ 63
cognition in another country, with the concurrence and
by the desire of Englishmen ? An attorney in considera-
ble practice in the city of London, is in the habit of pre-
paring agreements for the sale of humanity, and the fol-
lowing extract, from a clause in one of these documents
of depravity, speaks volumes : —
" agrees to sell to the said
ten male negroes, named respectively ********* *j
and marked (i. e. branded) B X ou the arm."
It is effective and affecting to hear orators employing
their eloquence in decrying the trade that they never
take measures to prevent — to see men weeping for the
sorrows they will not raise a sword to avenge. Fortune,
health, peace, and domestic enjoyments, were laid down
by thousands, when bigotry or fanaticism led men on to a
crusade. Are there no crusaders for liberty ? Are there
no warriors to fight the cause of the afflicted, to attack
the tyranny of action, as well as the tyranny of mind, and
smite the murderer as readily as the unbeliever ?
Fathers torn from their children, mothers from their
babes, husbands from their wives, the lover from his niis-
tfess, have been and are the occurrences of every moment.
What indignation swells in the bosom, what grief over-
whelms the heart, at the desolation of one hearth in our
native country ! Could we behold one cottage levelled
by the trespasser, one babe torn from the maternal breast,
and destroj/ed as useless, — the mother forced during her
madness, her agony, to gratify the passion of her child's
murderer, — or perform wearisome tasks,too much even for
the strength of the other sex, whilst her exertions are
kept alive by the torture of the whip, and her cries pre-
vented bj/ the application of a muzzle! Could we see this,
once, in our own country, would it not rouse every arm,
and rend every heart ? Would not our labourers take
64 EORGE CANNING.
the acythe and the sickle from the field, and with them
<now do\>n the destroyer? \y'o«ld not all Ensfland com-
bine with one voice ofexecration, uor rest till the perpe-
trators of the crime, their aiders and abettors, were ex-
terminated from the face of creation ? Our dramatists,
our poets, and our orators, would fain persuade us that
we feel for the sooty African as for a bi'other ; — did our
brother suffer thus, what should we do ? Let us ask the
question of our own hearts, — its throbbings give an an-
swer, not loud but deep. Shame to our country, not
individually, but collectively, we prate of pity, and
preach abolition, whilst we permit oppression. We, in-
deed, make the unfortunate African free, when he sets his
wearied foot upon our island; but what facilities do we
afford him for coming here? It is to say to the drowning-
man, there is one plank in the ocean, at which, if you can
arrive, you shall be saved, but we will not help you to
reach it. What is the exemption of a small island, at the
distance of thousands of miles, to the natives of a region,
the greater part of whom never heard the name of the
spot that is to grant them emancipation.
Deathless, indeed, will be the fame of him who re-
moves the chains from the enslaved ; — it is a path of glory
yet untrod; — the fame of Leonidas will be less lasting
than that of the man whose moral courage achieves this
event.
Canning and Wilberforce deserve praise, as the advo-
cates of African liberty, nothing more; in a case like
this, it is not what men have attempted, but what they
have accomplished ; it is the reiterated effort, the cease-
less struggle, that commands an eulogy, — not the emana-
tion of a momentary impulse; not a glowing speech, but
a decided act; not the weak tear that is shed for griefs
and wrongs, but the manly determination to avenge
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Co
them. Canning and Wilberforce have done notJdn^ on
this subject ; >vhat they have said, attracted notice at the
period, but it should now be judged by its effect.
Speeches could do little, in such a cause; it must be by
the exertion of power, by those in whose hands power is
vested. The traffickers in human bl jod are too far lost
in the depths 6f depravity, to be conquered by aught but
force. They should be made the mark for individual
and collective punishment; they should wander like
Cain, but without his safeguard ; for whosoever met,
should slay them. It would be well if the example were
set; cruelty should not, say some, be repaid with cruelty.
But desperate cases require signal measures. These
dealers in men, these murderers of feeling, have become
by their traffic mere brutes, and can only be taught
through the medium of physical suffering. If the cap-
tain of one slave-ship (and his employers, if found,) was
treated as the Russians use their pirates, i. e. spiked on
an iron hook through the shoulder, and set on a raft out
to sea, to expire of exhaustion and anguish on the ele-
ment he has polluted by his dealings; — if one of these
monsters were thus repaid for his life of cruelty, — more
good would be done to the cause of emancipation, than
by all the speeches that ever fell from the lips of Sheri-
dan, Fox, Burke, or Canning.
Whilst on this subject, it is due to Mr. Canning to
say, that, from his boyhood, he had been the strenuous
advocate of Africa. The following poem was attributed
to him, and published about 1793; it bears the mark of
juvenility, but is distinguished by strong feeling. Mr.
Canning never acknowledged it, and that would incline
us to doubt the fact of his having been its author; for
though not a polished production, it contains points wor-
3. K
66 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
thy of any poet. We insert it here, and leave it to a
future period to decide its authenticity.
« THE SLAVE'S ADDRESS TO HIS WIFE.
" At the still hour of night, when my labour is o'er,
When sleep weighs my eyelids, enclosing a tear,
I wander with thee on my own native shore;
Then my sorrows awhile are remember'd no niorej
Encircled by all I hold dear.
" But soon the loud lash of the overseer sounds.
For massa calls on him your Alba to bring;
From mountain to mountain the loud lash rebounds.
And smarting, still smarting, are poor Alba's woundsj
Yet they force your sad Alba to sing.
** * Come, sing us,' he cries, * your favourite tale;
Come, sing of the joys that to Afric belong!'
My prayers and my weeping will nothing avail.
For prayers and entreaties with tyrants will fail :
So Alba begins his sad song.
" Ah! then, to the sea swiftly turning my eyes,
I think of my Yamba again and again.
And mem'ry retraces, with heart-rending sighs,
(For mem'ry o'er years and o'er seas quickly flies,)
And fixes more deeply my pain.
" Then the sports of ray youth I with sorrow survey,
My father, my mother, and thou art my theme;
And my tears flow so fast, as I sing of the day,
When torn from the arms of my Yamba away,
Methinks my heart flows with the stream.
" One day, a poor bird that for massa was brought.
He cruelly coop'd in a small iron cage:
Oh! how sadly I grieved to see he was caught!
For he flutter'd, he raved, and too surely I thought
The poor wretch would have died with his rage.
" But soon he seem'd calm, and his song he began,
And his heart beat so high, and helook'd so at me;
And I think that he sang of tyrannical man.
And then of his mate; so thought I, if I can,
One captive, at least, shall be free.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" As I open'd his cage he dropp'd dead at my side.
The song was too much for his poor little breast j
Oh, then, how I wish'd that I also had died!
For then, with his Yamba, his partner, his bride,
Your Alba had soon been at rest.
" Prepare, my dear Yamba, your Alba to see.
For my heart soon will break, then to thee will I fly.
And death's icy hand shall soon set me free;
More bless'd than the hour of his birth will it be,
When Alba shall heave his last sis^h!"
6/
'»•
It is but justice here to give the exculpatory view of
another writer on this subject, who thus speaks of Mr.
Canning with regard to Negro Emancipation and other
measures.
*' We have said that Mr. Canning early adopted al-
most all Mr. Burke's views and opinions of great public
questions. Wtthiiim,he has been, from his first entrance
into public life, the invariable opponent of Parliamen-
tary Reform, the strenuous supporter of a gradual and
safe abolition of Negro Slavery, and the uncompromising
advocate of Catholic Emancipation. For the first, he
risked his hopes of extensive popularity; for his tem-
perate discretion with regard to the second, he has been
honoured with the odium of a fanatic party; and for (he
third, he has sacrificed the perhaps highest object of his
early and mature ambition, that of being the representa-
tive of the University of Oxford (his alma-mater) in
Parliament. The grounds of his opinions on these ques-
tions are few and definite. That of his opposition to
Retbrm, is founded on the knowledge which history fur-
nishes us of the evils of a pure democracy — of the con-
sequent benefits of a representative form of government
— of the comparative inutility of this form of govern-
ment, unless the authority of the people is entirely vested
ill the hands of their representatives, whose existence
I
(>S j/^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING
<!Iepencls upon thoni, and whose interests should be iden-
tical with their own; and upon its incompatibility
with the genius, the monarchy, and the hereditary
council of the British constitution. With him, Re-
form, when not a syndnyme of dangerous innovation,
is but a plausible closet-theory of some Utopian com-
monwealth; and the voice of the people, when not the
railings of licentious demagogues, but the clamour of
excited ignorance and prejudice. He thinks, with Mr.
Burke, that the people should rather receive the 'tone'
from their representatives, than the Parliament from
the people; and that in the weather-glass of the state,
the House of Commons should be the thermometer,
while the moral and physical weight of the people should
be indicated by the state of the barometer. The ques-
tion of Parliamentary Reform thus becomes a choice be-
tween a republic and a monarchy; it is introduceable
into Great Britain, therefore, only by force — the force
of the people. They have a physical force to abolish
the laws, and trample on the institutions of their fore-
fathers, M'hich we are morally and religiously bound (as
well as by our laws) to transmit to our posterity — these
institutions being the inheritance of the unborn, and in-
capable of being destroyed either by the people or their
representatives. By the former, for the moment they
did so, they would cease to be a nation; by the latter,
inasmuch as the people would not suffer any other power
to do that in their name, which they could not, and should
not, do for themselves. On these grounds, he strenuously
and successively opposes all plans of reform; considering
the present scheme of the constitution, with all its de-
fects, the best that human ingenuity has devised; and that
all proposals of extending the powers of the people, are
but, in the forcible language of Sir P. Francis, so many
MEMOIR OF GEORG£ CANNING. 60
vain attempts to build Greek temples, with brick-bats
and rubbish.
"With regard to his advocacy of Slavery Abolition, —
the fact that slavery ^jer 5e is a great evil, that it is re-
pugnant to the best feelings of the heart, and to the pu-
rity of the British constitution, is sufficient ground. The
only question is, considering that the negro is at best but
a full-grown child — that the usage of centuries has sanc-
tioned his vassalage to the whites — that the property of
individuals has been embarked on the faith of legislative
enactments, and that the condition of the negro slave
would be worse in his native home; — whether sound
policy, humanity, and justice, do not force upon us the
conviction of the expediency of effecting that abolition
cautiously and gradually ? Not to invest the negro w ith
power which he can only use to his destruction — not to
rob the planter of his property, on account of sectarian
whims, or commercial jealousies — and not to deprive the
mother country of the aid and services of a valuable co-
lony. This is the view of the question that IVIr. Canning*
long advocated — all others are unjust and impolitic.
"The condition of the Roman Catholics is equally an
evil in itself, and hostile to the free spirit of the consti-
tution, while their amelioration could not possibly be
attended with any but beneficial consequences. To ex-
clude the Catholics from the pale of the constitution on
account of their religion, is to act in the teeth of the prin-
ciples of Protestantism, and of the Revolution of 16S8
— to exclude them on account of ihe crimes of their fore-
fathers, is too unjust to be more than noticed; and to ex-
clude them now, that the special political occasions for
the same laws against them no longer exist, is unjust and
impolitic.
Mr. Canning's advocacy and bona Jide toleration, is
70 MFMAin OF riEORGE CANNTnG-
by no means confined to its political expediency; with
Locke anil Paley, he views the question in its moral
influence upon all classes of society. The gist of
his arguments is contained in the following pass;age
of Paley: — 'The justice and expediency of toleralion,
we found primarily in its conduciveness to truth,
and in the superior value of truth to that of any other
quality which a religion can possess. This is the prin-
cipal argument; but there are some auxiliary considera-
tions, too important to be omitted. The constraining of
the subject to the religion of the state, is a needless vio-
lation of natural liberty, and is an instance in which re-
straint is always grievous. Persecution produces no
sincere conviction, nor any real change of opinion ; on
the contrary, it vitiates the public morals, by driving
men to prevarication, under the name of revealed reli-
gion; systems of doctrine which men cannot believe, and
dare not examine. Finally, it disgraces the character,
and wounds the reputation of Christianity itself, by
making it the author of oppression, cruelty, and false-
hood.'"
^ „," The year 1798 becomes a remarkable one in the history
^:^ of our hero, from his entering, w ith Messrs. Frere and
Ellis, upon the production and conduct of a work called
"The Anti'Jacobin Review, or Weekly Examiner,"
, which attained a popularity unprecedented in periodical
literature; and, indeed, was the first work that raised
that branch of literature to the eminence and iniportance
it has since sustained.
One of the leading principles of this work was to at-
tack by ridicule, rather than argument, the popular opi-
nions of the day. One of the first of those effusions was
Ithe " Friend of Humanity." The satire will be keenly
reliaiied by all who are acquainted with the cant of the
I
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 71
times. This little poem has been attributed to Coleridge
and Southey; and, we think, published amongst some
poems by the laureat. However, the press, one and all,
agree in assigning the authorship to our hero.
" THE FRIEND OF HUMANITY AND THE KNIFE-
GRINDER.
" FRIEND OF HUMANITY.
" Needy Knife-grinder! whither are you going?
Rough is the road, your wheel is out of order —
Bleak blows the blast} — your hat has got a hole in't,
So have your breeches !
" Weary Knife-grinder! little think the proud ones.
Who in their coaches roll along the turnpike-
Road, what hard work 'tis crying all day, ' Knives and
Scissars to grind O!'
" Tell me. Knife-grinder, how came you to grind knives ?
Did some rich man tyrannically use you?
Was it the 'squire ? or parson of the parish ?
Or the attorney ?
" Was it the 'squire, for killing of his game? or
Covetous parson, for his tithes distraining >
Or roguish lawyer, made you lose your little
All in a law-suit?
" (Have you not read the Rights of Man, by Tom Paine?)
Drops of compassion tremble on my eyelids,
Ready to fall, as soon as you have told your
Pitiful story.
" KNIFE-GRINDER.
" Story ! God bless you ! I have none to tell,- sir.
Only last night, a-drinking at the Chequers,
This poor old hat and breeches, as you see, were
Tom in a scufiie
y
72 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" Constables came up for to take me into
Custody ; they took me before the justice j
Justice Oldmixon put me in the parish-
Stocks for a vagrant.
" I should be glad to drink yrur';.o"our'8 health in
A pot of beer, if you will give me sixpence ;
But for my part, I never love to meddle
With politics, sir.
" FRIEND OF HUMANITY.
" I give thee sixpence ! I will see thee damn'd first —
Wretch! whom no sense of wrongs can rouse to vengeance —
Sordid, unfeeling, reprobate, degraded.
Spiritless outcast!
" (Kicks the Knife-grinder, overturns his wheels and
exit in a transport of Repnhlican enthusiasm and
universal philanthropy. y
It will be remembered that Mr. Southey's principles
were then avowed to be such as to render it improbable
that he would have penned the above lines ; though he
and Mr. Coleridge, at that period, indulged in similar
satirical flights, but they were rather directed at the op-
posers than the friends of the republican and levelling
system. The celebrated lines commencing —
" From,his brimstone bed at the break of day.
The devil a walking had gone — "
were the production of their poetical partnership, though
those verses have been generally and erroneously attri-
buted to Porson.
Ija Chepstow Castle, Monmouthshire, there is a circular
«j|tf, formed like a well, from the base to the top of the
r iJJuilding. In this cell. Marten, it will be remembered,
lanjgyished upwards of a quarter of a century ; the chain,
A^d the remains of the iron hoop that enclosed his body,
r *^t is said, are still to be seen. On this subject Mr.
I Southey produced the following
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. T-i
" INSCRIPTION y
For the apartment in Chepstow Castle, where Henry Marten, the
Regicide, was imprisoned thirty years.
" For thirty years secluded from mankind,
Here Marten liuger'd. 3ften have these walls
Echoed his footsteps, as with even tread
He paced around his prison. Not to him
Did Nature's fair varieties exist;
He never saw the sun's delightful beams.
Save when through yon high bars he pour'd a sad
And broken splendor. Dost thou ask his crime?
He had rebell'd against the King, and sat
In judgment on him. For his ardent mind
Shaped goodliest plans of happiness on earth.
And peace, and liberty. Wild dreams, but such
As Plato loved ; such as, with holy zeal.
Our Milton worsliipp'd. Blessed hopes ! awhile
From man withheld, even to the latter days
When Christ shall come, and all things be fulfill'd."
Mr. Canning, on reading it, produced the following
parody. Without entering at all into the feelings which
prompted this production, we may safely affirm, that it
is one of the liveliest and best instances of that inferior
style of writing ever produced.
" INSCRIPTION
" For the door of the cell in Newgate, where Mrs. BrownrigG, the
Prentice-cide, was confined previous to her execution.
" For one long term, or ere her trial came.
Here Brownrigg linger'd. Often have these cells
Echoed her blasphemies, as with shrill voice
She scream'd for fresh Geneva. Not to her
Did the blithe fields of Tothill, or thy street,
St. Giles, its fair varieties expand;
Till at the last in slow-drawn cart she went
To execution. Dost thou ask her crime ?
She whipp'd two female 'prentices to death.
And hid them in the coal-hole. For lier mind
Shaped strictest plans of discipline. Sage schemes!
4. L
74 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Such as Lycurgus taught, when at the shrine
Of the Orthyan goddess he bade flog
The little Spartans; such as erst chastised
Our Milton when at college. For this act
Did Brownrigg swing. Harsh laws! but time shall come
When France shall reign, and laws be all repeal'd."
jr: His poem, called " New Morality," appeared in 1798,
and completely established the work in which it was
published. Modern readers will have no difficulty in
filling up the blanks. Coleridge, Southey, Lloyd, Lambe,
Thelwall (who was tried about 1794 for treason), God-
win, and Holcroft, are distinctly named. Williams
was the notorious Anthony Pasquin, the warm advocate
• of Warren Hastings, and who afterwards assailed him
( with the most scurrilous abuse, for not rewarding him
I with the wages of his advocacy. This Williams, the
reader will remember, was, we may say, extirpated by
the satire of Gilford. He brought an action against that
writer, and Erskine conducted the case ; but, convinced of
the rottenness of the cause he advocated, did not do com-
mon justice by his client, who, repulsed and disgraced,
left the country.
Coleridge and Southey, who are both now enlisted on
the ministerial side, were then violent Oppositionists.
\ Lambe was, as he still is, a whig.
/
/'
" NEW MORALITY.
" From mental mists to purge a nation's eyes;
To animate the weak, unite the wise;
To trace the deep infection, that pervades
The crowded town, and taints the rural shades;
To mark how wide extends the mighty waste
O'er the fair realms of Science, Learning, Taste;
To drive and scatter all the brood of lies,
And chase the varying falsehood as it flies;
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
The long arrears of ridicule to pay.
To drag reluctant Dulness back to day;
Much yet remains. — To you these themes belong,
Ye favour'd sons of virtue and of song!
Say, is the field too narrow ? Are the times
Barren of folly, and devoid of crimes?
"Yet, venial vices, in a milder age.
Could rouse the warmth of Pope's satiric rage;
The doting miser and the lavish heir.
The follies and the foibles of the fair.
Sir Job, Sir Balaam, and old Euclio's thrift,
And Sappho's diamonds, with her dirty shift.
Blunt, Charteris, Hopkins, — meaner subjects fired
The keen-eyed Poet; — while the Muse inspired
Her ardent child — entwining as he sate.
His laurell'd chaplet with the thorns of hate.
•'But say,— indignant does the Muse retire.
Her shrine deserted, and extinct its fire ?
No pious hand to feed the sacred flame.
No raptured soul a Poet's charge to claim.
" Bethink thee (GifFord) ; when some future age
Shall trace the promise of thy playful page; —
' The hand which brush'd a swarm of fools away,
Should rouse to grasp a more reluctant prey!'* —
Think, then, will pleaded indolence excuse
The tame secession of thy languid Muse?
" Ah! where is now that promise? Why so long
Sleep the keen shafts of satire and of song?
Oh ! come, with Taste and Virtue at thy side.
With ardent zeal inflamed, and patriot pride ;
With keen poetic glance direct the blow.
And empty all thy quiver on the foe:
" * See the motto prefixed to ' The Baviad,' a satirical poem, by
W.Giffbrd, Esq. unquestionably the best of its kind since the day*
of Pope : —
* Nunc in ovilia
Mox in reluctantes dracones.' jj
%s
70 MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING.
No pause — no rest — till weltering on the ground
Tlie poisonous hydra lies, and pierced with many a wound.
" Thou, too! — the nameless Bard*, — whose honest zeal
For law, for morals, for the public weal,
Pours down impetuous on thy country's foes
The stream of verse, and many-languaged prose ;
Thou too! — though oft thy ill-advised dislike
The guiltless head with random censure strike, —
Tliough quaint allusions, vague and undefined.
Play faintly round the eair, but mock the mind;
Through the mix'd mass yet taste and learning shine,
And manly vigour stamps the nervous line;
And patriot warmth the generous rage inspires;
And wakes and points the desultory fires!
"Yet more remain unknown: for who can tell
What bashful genius, in some rural cell.
As year to year, and day succeeds to day.
In joyless leisure wastes his life away ?
In him the flame of early fancy shone;
His genuine worth his old companions own;
In childhood and in youth their chief confess'd.
His master's pride, his pattern to the rest.
Now far aloof retiring from the strife
Of busy talents and of active life.
As from the loop-holes of retreat, he views
Our stage, verse, pamphlets, politics, and news.
He loathes the world, — or, with reflection sad.
Concludes it irrecoverably mad;
Of taste, of learning, morals, all bereft,
No hope, no prospect to redeem it, left.
" Awake ! for shame ! or ere thy nobler sense
Sink in the oblivious pool of indolence!
Must wit be found alone on falsehood's side.
Unknown to truth, to virtue unallied?
Arise! nor scorn thy country's just alarms;
Wield in her cause thy long-neglected arms;
" ♦ The author of the 'Pursuits of Literature.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 77
Of lofty satire pour tlie indignant strain.
Leagued with her friends, and ardent to maintain,
'Gainst Learning's, Virtue's, Truth's, Religion's foes,
A kingdom's safety, and the world's repose.
" If Vice appal thee,— if thou view with awe
Insults that brave, and crimes that 'scape the law ; —
Yet may the specious bastard brood, which claim
A spurious homage under Virtue's name.
Sprung from that parent often thousand crimes,
The neiv Philosophy of modern times, —
Yet, these may rouse thee! — With unsparing hand,'
Oh, lash the vile impostors from the land!
" First, stern Philanthropy :— not she, who dries
The orphan's tears, and wipes the widow's eyesj
Not she, who, sainted Charity her guide.
Of British bounty pours the annual tide: —
But French Philanthropy; — whose boundless mind
Glows with the general love of all mankind; —
Philanthropy, — beneath whose baneful sway
Each patriot passion sinks, and dies away.
" Taught in her school t' imbibe thy mawkish strain,
Condorcet filter'd through the dregs of Paine,
Each pert adept disowns a Briton's part.
And plucks the name of England from his heart.
"What! shall a name, a word, a sound, control
The aspiring thought, and cramp the expansive soul?
Shall one half-peopled Island's rocky round
A love, that glows for all Creation, bound ?
And social charities contract the plan
Framed for thy Freedom, universal man?
— No — through the extended globe his feelings run.
As broad and general as the unbounded sun!
No narrow bigot he; — his reason'd view
Thy interests, England, rank with thine, Peru!
Prance at our doors, he sees no danger nigh.
But heaves for Turkey's woes the impartial sigh;
A steady Patriot of the World alone,
The Friend of every Country — but his own.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
"Next comes a gentler Virtue. — Ah! hewjuf,
I^st the harsi) verse her shrinking softness scare.
Visit her not too roughly;— thie warm sigh
Breathes on her lips;— the tear-drop gems her eye.
Sweet Sensibility, who dwells enshrined
In the fine foldings of the feeling mind;
With delicate Mimosa's sense endued.
Who shrinks instinctive from a hand too rude;
Or, like tlie AnagaUis, prescient flower,
Sliuts her soft petals at the approaching shower.
Sweet child of sickly Fancy! — her of yore
From her loved France Rousseau to exile bore;
And while midst lakes and mountains wild he ran,
Full of himself, and shunn'd the haunts of man.
Taught her o'er each lone vale and alpine steep
To lisp the story of his wrongs, and weep;
Taught her to cherish still in either eye.
Of tender tears a plentiful supply.
And pour them in her brooks that babbled by; —
— Taught by nice scale to meet her feelings strong.
False by degrees, and exquisitely wrong; —
— For the crush'd heei\e first, — the widow'd dove.
And all the warbled sorrows of the grove; —
Next for poor suffering guilt; — and, last of all,
For Parents, Friends, a King and Country's fall.
"Mark her fair votaries, prodigal of grief,
Witli cureless pangs, and woes that mock relief.
Droop in soft sorrow * o'er a faded flower,
O'er a dead jack-ass pour the pearly shower; —
But hear, unmoved, of Loire's ensanguined flood.
Choked up with slain; — of Lyons drench'd in blood;
Of crimes that blot the age, the world with shame.
Foul crimes, but sicklied o'er with Freedom's name;
Altars and thrones subverted, social life
Trampled to earth, — the husband from the wife.
Parent from child, with ruthless fury torn; —
Of talents, honour, virtue, wit, fc .'jorn.
In friendless exile, — of the wise \xilt\ good
Staining the daily scaffold with their blootf. —
" • Vide Sentimental Journey.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 70
Of savage cruelties, that scare tlie mind,
The rage of niaflness with hell's lust combined —
Of iiearts torn reeking from tlie mangled breast, —
They hear — and hope, that ALL is for the best.
" Fond hope! — but Justice sanctifies the prayer —
Justice! — here, Satire, strike! 'twere sin to spare!
Not she in British Courts that takes her stand,
The dawdling balance dangling in her hand,
Adjusting punishments to fraud and vice,
With scrupulous quirks, and disquisition nice —
But firm, erect, with keen reverted glance.
The avenging angel of regenerate France,
Who visits ancient sins on modern times.
And punishes the Pope for Caesar's crimes.*
" Such is the liberal Justice which presides
In these our days, and modern patriots guides;
Justice, whose blood-stain'd book one sole decree.
One statute fills—" The People shall be free."
Free by what means? — by folly, madness, guilt.
By bounteous rapines, blood in oceans spilt:
By confiscation, in whose sweeping toils
The poor man's pittance with the rich man's spoils,
Mix'd in one common mass, are swept away,
To glut the short-lived tyrant of the day: —
By laws, religion, morals, all o'erthrown;
Rouse then, ye sovereign people, claim your own:
The licence that enthrals, the truth that blinds.
The wealth that starves you, and the power that grinds.
" * The manes of Vercengetorix are supposed to have been very
much gratified by the invasion of Italy, and the plunder of the Ro-
man territory. The defeat of the Burgundians is to be revenged on
the modern inhabitants of Switzerland. But the Swiss were a free
people, defending their liberties against a tyrant. Moreover, they
happened to be in alliance with France at the time. No matter.
Burgundy is since b', me a province of France, and the French
have acquired a property in all the injuries and defeats which the
people of that country may have sustained, together with the title
to revenge and retaliation to be exercised in the present or any fu-
ture centuries, as may be found most glorious and convenient.
80 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
So Justice bids. — 'Twas her enligliton'd doom,
Louis, thy holy head devoted to the tomb!
'Twas Justice claim'd, in that accursed hour.
The fatal forfeit of too lenient power.
Mourn for the Man we may; but, for the King, —
Freedom, oh! Freedom's such a charming thing!
" ' Much may be said on both sides.' — Hark! I Iiear
A well-known voice that murmurs in my ear, —
The voice of Candour. — Hail! most solemn sage.
Thou drivelling virtue of this moral age.
Candour, which softens party's headlong rage.
Candour, — which spares its foes; — nor e'er descends
With bigot zeal to combat for its friends.
Candour, — which loves in see-saw strain to tell
Of acting foolishly, but meaning well;
Too nice to praise by wholesale, or to blame.
Convinced that all men's motives are the same;
And finds, with keen discriminating sight.
Black's not so black; nor white so very white.
" 'Fox, to be sure, was vehement and wrong;
But then Pitt's words you'll own were rather strong;
Both must be blamed, both pardon'd; — 'twas just so
With Fox and Pitt, full forty years ago;
So Walpole, Pulteney; — factions, in all times,
Have had their follies, ministers their crimes.'
" Give me the avow'd, the erect, the manly foe,
Bold I can meet — perhaps may turn his blow;
But of all plagues, good heaven, thy wrath can send.
Save, save, oh! save me from the Candid Friend !
" * Barras loves plunder, — Merlin takes a bribe, —
What then? — shall Candour these good men proscribe?
No! ere we join the loud-accusing throng,
Prove — not the facts — but that they thouyht them wrong.
" 'Why hang O'Quigley? — he, misguided man.
In sober thought his country's weal might plan.
And, while his deep-wrought treason sapp'd the throne.
Might act from taste in morals all his own,'
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 81
" Peace to such reasoners! — let them have their way,
Shut their dull eyes against the blaze of day.
Priestley's a saint, and Stone a patriot still !
And La Payette a hero, ifthcy will.
" I love the bold uncompromising mind,
Whose principles arc fix'd, whose views defined:
Who scouts and scorns, in canting Candour's spite,
All taste in morals, innate sense of right.
And Nature's impulse, all uncheck'd by art.
And feelings fine, that float about the heart;
Content, for good men's guidance, bad men's awe.
On moral truth to rest, and gospel law.
Who owns, when traitors feel the avenging rod,
Just retribution, and the hand of God 5
Who hears the groans through Olmutz' roofs that ring.
Of him who mock'd, misled, betray'd his King —
Hears unappall'd : — though Faction's zealots preach —
Unmoved, unsoften'd, by F — tzp — tr — ck's speech.
— That speech,* on which the melting Commons hung,
' While truths divine came mended from his tonsup.'
How loving husband clings to duteous wife, —
How pure religion soothes the ills of life, —
How Popish ladies trust their pious fears
And naughty actions in their chaplain's ears.
Half novel and half sermon on it flow'd;
With pious zeal the Opposition glow'd j
And as o'er each the soft infection crept,
Sigh'd as he whined, and as he whisper'd weptj
f *' * The speech of General F — tzp — tr — ck, on his motion for an
address of the House of Commons to the Emperor of Germany, to
demand the deliverance of M. La Fayette from the prison of Ol-
mutz, was one of the most dainty pieces of oratory that ever drew
tears from a crowded gallery, and the clerks at the table. It was
really quite moving to hear the General talk of religion, conjugal
fidelity, and ' such branches of learning.' There were a few who
laughed, indeed, but that was thought hard-hearted and immoral,
and irreligious, and God knows what. Crying was the order of
the day. Wliy will not Opposition try these topics again? La
Payette indeed (the more's the pity) is out. But why not a motion
for a general gaol-delivery of all state-prisoners throughout Eu-
rope ?
4. M J^
y
/
82 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
E'en C— w — n • dropt a sentimental tear,
And stout St. A— dr — w yelp'd a softer * Hear!'
"O! nurse of crimes and fashions! which in vain ^
Our colder servile spirits would attain.
How do we ape thee, France! but, blundering still,
Disgrace the pattern by our wawt of skill.
The borrow'd step our awkward gait reveals.
(As clumsy C — rtn — yf mars the verse he steals;)
How do we ape thee, France!— nor claim alone
Thy arts, thy tastes, thy morals, for our own,
" ♦ Now all the while did not this stony-hearted cur shed one
tear. — Txvo Gentlemen of Verona.
" f This is a serious charge against an author, and ought to be
well supported. To the proof, tlien!
" In an ode of the late lord Nugent's, are the following spirited
lines : —
' Though Cato lived— though TuUy spoke—
* Though Brutus dealt the godlike stroke,
' Yet perish'd fated Rome!'
" The author above-mentioned saw these lines, and liked them—
as well he might: and as he had a mind to write about Rome
himself, he did not scruple to enlist them into his service; but he
thought it right to make a small alteration in their appearance,
which he managed thus— Speaking of Rome, he says it is the place
* Where Cato lived.'—
" A sober truth : which gets rid at once of all the poetry and
spirit of the original, and reduces the sentiment from an example
of manners, virtue, patriotism, from the vitcs exempla dcdit of lord
Nugent, to a mere question of inhabitancy. Uhi hahitnvit Cato —
where he was an inhabitant-houseliolder, paying scot and lot, and
had a house on the right-hand side of the way, as you go down
Esquiline Hill, just opposite to the poulterer's. But to proceed —
' Where Cato lived; where Tully spoke,
' Where Brutus dealt the godlike stroke —
' Si/ which his glory rose ! ! !'
" The last line is not borrowed.
" We question whether the history of modern literature can pro-
duce an instance of a theft so shameless, and turned to so little
advantage.
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 83
But to thy worthies render homage due.
Their* 'hair-breadth 'scapes' with anxious interest viewj
Statesmen and heroines whom this age adores,
^Though plainer terms would call them rogues and w****s.
" See Louvet, patriot, pamphleteer, and sage.
Tempering with amorous hre his virtuous rage,
Form'd for all tasks, his various talents see, —
The luscious novel, the severe decree.
Then mark him weltering in his nasty sty.
Bare his lewd transports to the public eye.
Not his the love in silent groves that strays,
Quits the rude world, and shuns the vulgar gaze.
In Lodoiska's full possession blest.
One craving void still aches within his breast j —
Plunged in the filth and fondness of her arms,
Not to himself alone he stints her charms ;
Clasp'd in each other's fond embrace they lie.
But know no joy, unless the world stands by.
— The fool of vanity, for her alone
He lives, loves, writes, and dies but to be known.
" His widow'd mourner flies to poison's aid.
Eager to join her Louvet's parted shade.
In those bright realms where sainted lovers stray.
But harsh emetics tear that hope away.f
" * See Recit de mes Perils, by Louvet ; Memoires d'lcn Detenu, by
Riouffe, &c. The avidity with which these productions were
read, might, we should hope, be accounted for upon principles of
mere curiosity, (as we read the Newgate Calendar, and the history
of the Buccaneers,) not from any interest in favour of a set of
wretches, infinitely more detestable than all the robbers and
pirates that ever existed.
" f Every lover of modern French literature, and admirer of
modern French characters, must remember the rout which was
made about Louvet's death, and Lodoiska's poison. The attempt
at self-slaughter, and the process of the recovery, the arsenic, and
the castor oil, were served up in daily messes from the French
papers, till the public absolutely sickened.
84 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
— Yet, hapless Louvet! where Oiy bones are laid,
The easy Tiymphs shall coiisecrirvc the shade.*
There, in the laughing morn of genial spring,
Unwedded pairs shall tender couplets sing;
Eringoes, o'er tlje hallow'd spot shall bloom.
And flies of Spain buzz softly round the tomb.f
" But hold, severer virtue claims the Muse —
Roland the just, with ribbands in his shoes | —
And Roland's spouse, who paints with chaste delight
The doubtful conflict of her nuptial night; —
Her virgin charms what fierce attacks assail'd.
And how the rigid minister § prevailed.
" And ah! what verse can grace thy stately mien.
Guide of the world, preferment's golden queen,
Neckar's fair daughter,— Stael, the Epicene!
Bright o'er whose flaming cheek and purple || nose.
The bloom of young desire unceasing glows!
Fain would the Muse — but ah! she dares no more,
A mournful voice, from lone Guyana's shore,^
— Sad Quatremer — the bold presumption checks.
Forbid to question thy ambiguous sex.
" * Faciles NupecB.
" -j- See Anthologia passim.
" X Such was the strictness of this minister's principles, that he
positively refused to go to court in shoe buckles. — See Diimourier's
Memoirs.
" § See Madame Roland's Memoirs — * Rlgide Ministre,' — Brissot
a ses Commetans.
" fl The 'pumple' nosed attorney of Furnival's Inn. — Congreve's
Way of the World,
" ^ These lines contain the secret history of Qnatremer's depor-
tation. He presumed in the Council of Five Hundred to arraign
Madame de Stael's conduct, and even to hint a doubt of her sex.
He was sent to Guyana. The transaction naturally brings to one's
mind the dialogue between Falstaff and Hostess Quichli/, in Sliak-
spcare's Henry IV.
" Fal. Thou art neither fish nor flesh — a man cannot tell where
to have thee.
" Quick. Thou art an unjust man to say so — thou or any man
knows where to have me.
MEMOIR OF GEORtrE CANNING. 85
" To thee, proud Barras bows ; — tliy cliarnis control
Rewbell's brute rage, and Merlin's subtle soul ;
Raised by thy hands, and fashion'd to thy will.
Thy power, thy guiding influence, governs still.
Where at the blood-stain'd board expert he plies.
The lame artificer of fraudand lies;
He with the mitred head and cloven heel,
Doom'd the coarse edge of Rewbell's jests to feel j*
To stand the playful buffet, and to hear
The frequent ink-stand whizzing past his ear;
While all the five directors laugh to see
'The limping priest so deft at his new ministry.'!
" Last of the anointed five behold, and least.
The Directorial Lama, Sovereign Priest, —
Lepaux: whom atheists worship; at whose nod
Bow their meek heads the men without a God.\
" Ere long, perhaps, to this astonish'd Isle,
Fresh from the shores of subjugated Nile,
Shall Buonaparte's victor fleet protect
The genuine Theo-philanthropic sect, —
The sect of Marat, Mirabeau, Voltaire, —
Led by their pontiff, good La Reveillere.
" * For instance, in the course of a political discussion, Rewbell
observed to the Ex-bishop — * that his understanding was as crooked
as his legs' — ' Vil Emigre, tu n'as pas le sens plus droit que les
pieds,' — and therewithal threw an inkstand at him. It whizzed
along, as we have been informed, like the fragment of a rock from
the hand of one of Ossian's heroes: — but the wily apostate shrunk
beneath the table, and the weapon passed over innocuous and
guiltless of his blood or brains.
" f See Homer's description of Vulcan. First Iliad.
* Inextinguibilis vero exbriebatur risus beatis numinibus.
Ut viderunt Vulcanum per domos ministrantem.''
" \ The men without a God — one of the new sects. — Their reli-
gion is intended to consist in the adoration of a Great Book, in
which all the virtuous actions of the Society are to be entered and
registered. ' In times of civil commotion they are to come forward,
to exhort the citizens to unanimity, and to read them a chapter out
of the Great Book. When oppressed or proscribed, they are to
retire to a burying-ground, to wrap themselves up in their great
coats, and wait the approach of death,' &c..
Sn MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
—Rejoiced our Clubs sliaTl greet him, and install
Tlie holy Hunch-back in thy dome, St. Paul!
While countless votaries, thronging in his train.
Wave their rod caps, and hymn this jocund strain:
•
" ' Couriers and Stars, Sedition's Evening Host,
' Thou Morning Chronicle, and Morniitf/ Post,
* Whether ye make the Rights of Man your theme,
* Your country libel, and your God blaspheme,
' Or dirt on private worth and virtue throw,
' Still, blasphemous or blackguard, praise Lepaux !
" ' And ye five other wandering birds, that move
* In sweet accord of harmony and love,
« C dge and S — tli — y, L — d, and L — be and Co.
* Tune all your mystic harps to praise Lepaux!
»( < Pr — tl — y and W — f— Id, humble holy men,
* Give praises to his name with tongue and pen!
' T — Iw — 1, and ye that lecture as ye go,
* And for your pains get pelted, praise Lepaux !
* Praise him each Jacobin, or fool, or knave,
* And your cropp'd heads in sign of worship wave!
" ' All creeping creatures, venomous and low,
' Paine, W-ll-ms, G-dw-n, H-lcr-ft, praise Lepaux!
' and , with join'd,
' And every other beast after his kind.
" * And thou. Leviathan ! on ocean's brim,
' Hngest of living things that sleep and swim;
' Thou, in whose nose by Burke's gigantic hand
* The hook was fix'd to drag thee to the land ;
With , and * in tliy train.
And wallowing in the yeasty main,f
" * The reader is at liberty to fill up the blanks according to his
own opinion, and after the rtiances and changes of 'the times. It
would be highly unfair to hand down to posterity as followers of
Leviathan, the names of nien who may, and probably will soon
grow ashamed of their leader.
" f Though the yeasty sea
Consume and swallow navigation up. Macbeth.
" The ship boring the moon with her mainmast, and anori swal-
lowed with yeast and foam as you would thrust a cork into a hogs-
head. Winter's Tab:
MEMOIB OF GEORGE CANNING. 87
• Still as ye snort, and puflf, and spout, and blow,
' In puffing, and in spouting, praise Lepaux!'
" Britain, beware- nor let the insidious foe.
Of force despairing, aim a deadlier blow.
Thy peace, thy strength, with devilish wiles assail,
And^ when her arms are vain, by" arts prevail.
True, thou art rich, art powerful ! through thine isle
Industrious skill, contented labour smile;
Par seas are studded with thy countless sails;
What wind but wafts them, and what shore but hails.'
True, thou art brave! — o'er all the busy land
In patriot ranks embattled myriads stand;
Thy foes behold with impotent amaze,
And drop the lifted weapon as they gaze!
" But what avails to guard each outward part.
If subtlest poison, circling at thy heart.
Spite of thy courage, of thy power, and wealth,
Mine the sound fabric of thy vital health ?
" So thine own oak, by some fair streamlet's side,
Waves its broad arms, and spreads its leafy pride.
Towers from the earth, and rearing to the skies
Its conscious strength, the tempest's wrath defies:
Its ample branches shield the fowls of air.
To its cool shades the panting herds repair.
The treacherous current works its noiseless way.
The fibres loosen and the roots decay ;
Prostrate the beauteous ruin lies; and all.
That shared its shelter, perish in its fall,
" ' O thou!— lamented sage! — whose prescient scan
Pierced through foul Anarchy's gigantic plan.
Prompt to incredulous hearers to disclose
The guilt 'of France, and Europe's world of woes :
The mighty sea-mark of these troubled days f
Thou, on whose name each distant age shall gaze,
O large of soul, of genius unconfined.
Born to delight, instruct, and mend mankind;
Burke! in whose breast a Roman ardour glow'd-
Whose copious tone with Grecian richness flow'd;
88 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
Well hast thou found (if such thy country's doom)
A timely refuge in the sheltering tomb!
" As far as realms, where eastern kings are laid,
In pomp of death, beneath the cypress shade.
The perfumed lamp with unextinguish'd light
Flames through the vault, and cheers the gloom of night.
So, mighty Burke! in thy sepulchral urn.
To Fancy's view, the lamp of Truth shall burn.
Thither late times shall turn their reverent eyes.
Led by thy light, and by thy wisdom wise.
" There are, to whom {their taste such pleasures cloy)
No light thy wisdom yields, thy wit no joy.
Peace to their heavy heads, and callous hearts.
Peace — such as sloth, as ignorance imparts! —
Pleased may they live to plan their country's good.
And crop, with calm content, their flow'ry food !
" What though thy venturous spirit loved to urge
The labouring theme to Reason's utmost verge.
Kindling and mounting from the enraptured sight; —
Still anxious wonder watch'd thy daring flight!
While vulgar minds, with mean malignant stare,
Gazed up, the triumph of thy fall to share !
Poor triumph ! price of that extorted praise,
Which still to daring Genius Envy pays.
" Oh! for thy playful smile, — thy potent frown,—
To abash bold Vice, and laugh pert Folly down?
So should the Muse in Humour's happiest vein,
With verse that flow'd in metaphoric strain,
And apt allusions to the rural trade.
Tell oftvhat tvood young JACOBINS are made;
How the skill'd Gardener grafts, with nicest rule,
The slip of Coxcomb on the stock of Fool ;
Forth in bright blossom bursts the tender sprig,
A thing to wonder at,* perhaps a Whig. —
« *
/. e. Perhaps a Member of the Whig Club — a Society that
has presumed to monopolize to itself a title to which it never had
any claim, but from the character of those who have now withdrawn
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 89
Should tell, how wise each half-fledged pedant prates
Of weightiest matters, giave distinctions states —
— Tliat rules of policy, and public good.
In Saxon titnes were rightly understood j
— That kings are proper, may be useful things.
But then some gentlemen object to kings;
— That in all times the Minister's to blame;
— That British liberty's an empty name.
Till each fair burgh, numerically free.
Shall choose its members by the Rule of Three.
" So should the Muse, with verse in thunder clothed.
Proclaim the crimes by God and Nature loathed,
Which — (when fell poison revels in the veins —
That poison fell, which frantic Gallia drains
From the crude fruit of Freedom's blasted tree) —
Blots the fair records of humanity.
" To feebler nations let proud France afford
Her damning choice, — the chalice or the sword, —
To drink or die; oh, fraud! oh, specious lie!
Delusive choice! for j/they drink, they die.
" The sword we dread not: of ourselves secure.
Firm were our strength, our Peace and Freedom sure;
Let all the world confederate all its powers,
* Be they not back'd by those that should be ours,'
High on his rock shall Britain's Genius stand.
Scatter the crowded hosts, and vindicate the land.
Guard we but our own hearts: with constant view
To ancient morals, ancient manners true.
True to the manlier virtues, such as nerved
Our fathers' breasts, and this proud isle preserved
For many a rugged age ; — and scorn the while, —
Each philosophic atheist's specious guil
The soft seductions, the refinements nice.
Of gay morality, and easy vice :
themselves from it.—" Perhaps" signifies that even the Whig Club
sometimes rejects a candidate, whose principles (risum teneatis) it
aflfects to disapprove.
4. N
90 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
So shall we brave the storm;— our 'stablish'd power
Thy refugi', Europe, in some happier hour. —
But, Frencli in heart — though victory crown our broW,
Low at our feet though prostrate nations bow.
Wealth gild our cities, commerce crowd our shore, —
London may shine, but England is no more."
This poem is the longest that Mr. Canning's leisure
allowed him to produce ; and, though its subject militated
against its longevity, it is likely to be read with admira-
tion, when the objects of it are forgotten, or merely re-
membered by the detestation they excited.
^ In the early part of 1799, when Tierney laid a broad
• accusation against the press in general, but T/ic Times in
particular, in which he was so powerfully seconded by
\ Wyndham, our hero took no part ; but on the considera-
tion of the union with Ireland, he rose, and supported
the measure, in opposition to Sheridan. The following
is a portion of his speech on that occasion.
" With respect to the comparisons made between this
measure and the forced incorporation of France, I would
desire gentlemen to consider a moment what was the
situation of the countries which she had pretended to
unite with herself. Was there any similarity between
them and her, in point of manners, language, or political
opinions ? Was there any analogy between such dis-
cordant connexion, and one between two countries that
were united, already united, by the closest ties of friend-
ship, by blood, by the same species of government, — both
obeying the same sovereign, and speaking the same lan-
guage ? But was it on terms of promoting the common
good of each nation, that France desired to incorporate
other countries with her ? Was it for the purpose of
bettering the condition of her new members, and giving
MEMOIR OF GEOKGE CANNING.
91
them commercial advantages, that she formed these con-
nexions? No; it was for the purpose of confiscation
and plunder. The most strenuous friends of reform in
Ireland have frequently said, that they wanted only to be
brought to a situation nearer to that of England ; in
short, they wished for a British constitution in all its
parts. But, among all those people whom France
had sucked into the vortex of her despotism, there was
not one who wished for the constitution offered to them.
The conduct of France in regard to Piedmont was
marked by every species of perfidy, injustice, and rapa-
city. Their barbarous cruelty was displayed in an un-
common degree, in the last act of that melancholy tra-
gedy, when a beloved and valued monarch was driven
from his throne and the place of his residence, without
even the slightest cause ; for no act of his towards France,
nor (to use the language of that country) for any crime
against his people ; in short, for no other pretence
that France wanted his country."
At this time, the discovery of a Society of United Irish-
men was attributed (with what truth we know not) to
our hero. On the 2d of March, 1798, seventeen persons
(says a journal of the period) were taken into custody,
at a public house in Red Lion Court, Red Lion Square,
and from thence to the Duke of Portland's office for exa-
mination, accused of having assembled as United Irish-
men. The paper we have alluded to then proceeds as
follows : —
" Thirty-one persons, of the same description, were
brought up to the Police Office in Marlborough Street,
and committed to prison. They were taken out of a
house in St. Giles's.
" The Report of the secret committee of tlie House of
Commons, on the treasonable documents lately presented
ime J
92 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
to the House, by order of his Majesty, is of great length;
but the new facts which it contains, are not so numerous
as they are important. These relate principally to the
plans and objects of the different societies of United Enw-
lishmen, United Scotchmen, and United Irishmen, parti-
cularly those of the latter; the London divisions of whom,
according to the Report, meditated an attack at the same
time, on both Houses of Parliament, the Tower, and the
Bank. Since detection of the various conspiracies of
those societies, numbers of their members have associated
themselves at Hamburgh, with the same treasonable in-
tentions ogainst these kingdoms. In consequence of the
discoveries which have thus been made, some new laws
will shortly be proposed, for the better prevention of po-
litical meetings, and the dispersion of illegal societies.
" In this Report we find the copy of a paper found on
the persons recently taken up at a public-house, in Red
Lion Court, and it sufficiently explains the cause and the
necessity for their being apprehended. We also find the
circumstances confirmed, that the enemy, in league with
domestic traitors, was fitting out a most formidable arma-
ment at Brest, to invade Ireland ; intending at the same
time to attempt a diversion by another French force on
different points of the coasts of this kingdom. Another
armament, whose object is the same, is fitting out in the
Texel.
" Upon a review of all the circumstances, it appears,
that, either directly or indirectly, a continual intercourse
and connexion has been maintained between all theSe
societies in Great Britain and Ireland, and that the real
objects of the instigators of these proceedings in both
kingdoms, are no other than the entire overthrow of the
British constitution, the general confiscation of property,
and the erection of a democratic republic, founded on
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 93
the ruins of all religion, and of all political and civil so-
ciety, and framed after the model of France.
"This system has been clearly developed, and rivals in
infamy the most horrid transactions of the French revo-
lution, which seems to be the model these traitors are
most anxious to imitate. The intimate connexion kept
up by the rebels in the two kingdoms, who have sent
their emissaries backward and forward, when correspon-
dence was likely to be detected, appears to be the reason
of fhe late proclamation prohibiting the intercourse be-
tween the two kingdoms without a passport. The rebels
in both countries appear subject to the same chiefs."*
Whether this interference of Mr. Canning's at all en-
* It would seem that there was real danger to be feared fiom
this Society, from the following: —
" Copy of an Address to the People of Ireland, taken at the Division,
No. 2, of the United Irishmen, near Red Lion Square, on Sunday
the lOth of 3Iarch, 1799.
" Men of Ireland — Persevere — the cause of freedom must finally
prevail. What has hitherto taken place, instead of discouraging
you, should rather inspire the most animating confidence of suc-
cess. If a few counties, ill armed and officered, were able to seize
so many towns, and baffle for months near one hundred thousand
troops, long trained to arms, nurtured in blood, and furnished with
every requisite for war ; — if, by the mere energy which the love of
liberty inspires, they defeated them on many occasions, and never
were defeated till their own ammunition was exhausted, — what
would have been the result, had the whole nation risen at once,
properly armed and organised ? If, in the very moment when re-
cent discomfiture dispirited the brave, and the fallacious hopes of
lenity neutralised the mild and irresolute, nine hundred French-
men, with only three field-pieces, were able to defeat three armies,
take several towns, and a whole train of artillery, kill double their
number, and, almost unassisted, penetrate to the very centre of the
i-iland, what would as many thousand have accomplished, when
94 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
deared him to the duke of Portland, it is difficult to say ;
but it is self-evident, that this must have brought them
supported by the entire population of the country ? Had you
been prepared to aid even that handful of auxiliaries, by intercept-
ing or delaying convoys and reinforcements, they must have
triumphed. But, although you were not then called prematurely
into action, the time will speedily arrive, when you must be sum-
moned to employ those arms which have lately been distributed.
Hearken no longer to those insolent implacable upstarts, who boast
of having wantonly made war upon a long-suffering people, and
goaded you into rebellion by burning, rape, robbery, murder, tor-
ture, and every other diabolical expedient inquisitorial cruelty
could devise; and who, in the same breath, impudently insult you
with the ostentatious parade of mercy, when they are wearied, not
satiated with slaughter and proscription. When the event of the
late insurrection appeared doubtful, and the capital was blockaded
by your arms, the inefficacy of open force suggested to the coward
chancellor the ready aid of fraud : — * We must pardon them,' said
he, ' or, if the country continues in its present state, it will be im-
possible for us to go on.' A general amnesty was accordingly held
out, and this perfidious clemency was extolled, while a clandestine
persecution was continued, to provoke you to acts that might pal-
liate the meditated severities. Now that these equivocal measures
have paralysed and divided you, where is the mercy of your
tyrants? Will they rebuild for you those cabins, whose flames
they have extinguished with innocent blood? Will they allow
you to starve unmolested in your native air, which their hireling
ruffians have polluted with pestilential carnage? or to weep over
the desolation of your families in the arms of your childless con-
sorts, whom Hessian ravishers have branded with infamy and dis-
ease?— No! — This Avould be too great an indulgence for traitors,
who dared to vindicate by arms the common rights of men. By
the boasted act of amnesty, his gracious Majesty excludes from his
royal mercy * all who were in custody at any time since the year
1794, on any charge of treason, suspicion of treason, or treasonable
practices J all yeomen who have deserted, or who administered
any oath or obligation; all who carried on, consented to, assisted,
or were concerned in any design or proposal for invading or pro-
curing an invasion, or corresponding with a foreign power; all
members of any executive, national, or county committee; all con-
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 95
into conference continually; and at this period he was
paying his addresses to Miss Joan Scott, daughter of
cerned in said horrid and unnatural rebellion, who do not deliver np
arms and ammunition of every kind within a time to be appointed ;
all attainted, or to be attainted this session, or convicted by court-
martial, since last May; all offenders against the mutiny act,' &c.
With such nimierous exclusions from forgiveness, it is hard to say
who can escape; for the act of any one United Irishman being in-
terpreted as the act of all, and the acts of tlie society as those of
every other member, there is not one who will not directly or con-
structively fall under some of the above descriptions.
" Trust not, therefore, to such a deceitful mockery of mercy,
(which, were it serious, would only ensure the continuance of all
our grievances,) but depend solely on your own arms, and pro-
mised succour of your friends, who have already given you an
earnest of what they can, and what they will perform. Rest
assured, whatever the tools of government may assert of the dis-
gust the French have conceived at your inactivity, they will very
soon send the promised force of at least ten thousand troops, with
an ample supply of military stores. If they find your men unpre-
pared, you will have no excuse; and, instead of forming an inde-
pendent republic, must submit to remain in the abject miserable
condition of a tributary province. Arm, therefore, but without
any violence, which may aflford a pretence for reviving the san-
guinary system of terror ; and hide your arms with additional
care, for new bills are framing to take them from you, and rigorous
searches will speedily take place. Hold no meetings, but trans-
mit singly and briefly to your tried friends those instructions which
may soon issue for vigorous and active measures. Abstain from
spirits, and every exciseable article that contributes to recruit the
exhausted revenues of a bankrupt government, supported only by
your vices, which enables them to maintain their hordes of regi-
mented assassins. Intoxication has not only laid open your hearts
to informers, but' stimulated you headlong into danger, and dis-
abled you equally to fight or fly. Take warning from the
decisive battles (which to the disgrace of Ireland) you have lost
by that alone, and reserve whatever you can save by future
sobriety, to purchase ammunition for the approaching deliverance
of your country. Those whom you have chosen still watch over
your interests, and will not rashly hazard your safety. When a
96 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Gen. Scott, and whose sister was then duchess of Portland ;
that the interest of his wife's brother-in-hiw was after-
wards materially serviceable is well known. Mr. Can-
ning; obtained the hand of this lady in 1799, and with her
a fortune of two hundred thousand pounds. The wealth
and connexion that this marriage involved, raised Mr.
Canning to a higher grade in society; and, backed as it
was by his well-known talent, he was now looked for-
ward to by all, as one who would materially affect the
measures of this country's policy.
In the early part of 1801, Mrs. Canning became a mo-
ther. George Charles Canning was the first pledge of
their mutual affection ; he gave early promises of talent,
but death stepped in between the indications of genius
and the fulfilment of hope. He died at the age of nineteen,
and, though rather out of place, we here give insertion to
the epitaph penned by his father. Those who knew Mr.
Canning in private life can only appreciate how he felt
such a loss. It does Mr. Canning as much credit as a
poet, as it does to his feelings and his faith as a father and
a Christian.
proper occasion offers, their summons will issue in the customary
official channel, and it will not be their fault if it does not at once
extend to every part of Ireland. And then shall your oppressors
see how much sooner the trained bands of corruption are exhausted,
than a population of above four millions, roused by every provoca-
tion, and resolved on liberty or death; and then shall those who
now charge you with barbarity, supplicate and receive that mercy
which themselves denied."
" Copy of a Form of Oath found in Thomas Evans's pocket, pro-
posed for the United Englishmen.
" I , do truly and sincerely engage to defend my country,
should necessity require; for which purpose am willing to join the
Society of True Britons, to learn the use of arms, in order that
equal rights and laws should be established and defended."
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 97
1' EPITAPH.
"GEORGE CHARLES CANNING,
« Eldest Son of
" The Right Honourable GEORGE CANNING, and
« JOAN SCOTT, his Wife;
" Born April 25, 1801— Died March 31, 1820.
" Thongh short thy span, God's unimpeach'd decrees,
Which made that shortened span one long disease,
Yet, merciful in chastening, gave thee scope
For mild, redeeming virtues. Faith and Hope;
Meek Resignation; pious Charity;
And, since this world was not the world for thee.
Far from thy path removed, with partial care.
Strife, Glory, Gain, and Pleasure's flowery snare,
Bade Earth's temptations pass thee harmless by.
And fix'd on Heaven thine unaverted eye!
** Oh ! mark'd from birth, and nurtured for the skies!
In youth, with more than learning's wisdom, wise!
As sainted martyrs, patient to endure!
Simple as unweary'd infancy, and pure !
Pure from all stain, (save that of human clay.
Which Christ's atoning blood hath wash'daway!)
By mortal sufferings now no more oppress'd,
Mount, sinless Spirit, to thy destined rest!
While I — reversed our nature's kindlier doom —
Pour forth a father's sorrows on thy tomb."
Mr. Canning was engaged in his official duties, and did
not involve himself in needless and useless controversies ;
he let the attacks of the opposition pass by, when they
amounted only to words, and applied himself to the elu-
cidation of facts.
Throughout the Anti- Jacobin, a caution was observed,
that our her(>vshould be but sparingly alluded to ; and yet
here and there we find his pieces, or his name, brought
forward with all the warmth of friendship. The " Knife-
5. o
98
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
grinder" is more than once alluded to, and we find " New
Morality" quoted in the work in which it was originally
published, and called " an elegant poem," (vol. vii. p.
57.) The tone which was assumed on the change of the
ministers, when "Pilt resigned in 1801,Ts Vvhaf we sliould
have anticipated fi'om the man. His feelings as a gentle-
man induced him to treat his successors with urbanity,
and the articles entitled " Summary of Politics," at this
period are peculiarly interesting. The most remarkable
of these is, perhaps, the one published in the February
number of that year. It has been attributed to p\jiv hei'o,^
and was, at all events, produced under his eye; It advo-
cates points that we 4inow he disclaimed, but it is in that
style that tiie writer does not seem anxious to impress a
conviction ; in fact, the article is not in earnest. We
present the commencement of it, especially as it unfolds
the cause of Pitt's going out of office.
J' " Melancholy and painful as the task of recording
^ passing events has frequently been, since the first com-
mencement of our labours; full fraught as the times un-
questionably are with occurrences of importance, almost
unprecedented, to the present well-being and future exist-
ence of mankind, yet, compared with the circumstances of
the moment, in this kingdom they lose much of their rela-
tive consequence; and our concern, for calamities with
which Europe in general is afflicted, is almost lost in the
dismal apprehensions which the peculiar situation of our
country is calculated to excite. Sceptical and incredu-
lous, indeed, must he be, who can withhold iiis belief from
the manifest interposition of the Deity to produce this
strange, this unlooked for, this unnatural state of things; a
state of things which baffles all the vain speculations of
human foresight, and sets at nought all the confident
predictions of human wisdom. The ability to connect
// MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. - 99
cause with effect, in the ordinary occurrences of common
life, is alone requisite to discover sin and punishment, in
these most awful inflictions of divine providence. To
what other source, indeed, were it possible to trace that
waywardness of mind, which on the one hand has engen-
dered the disposition to treat friendship as enmity, and
to embrace enmity as kindness; and, on the other hand,
has operated like a temporary blindness, obscuring- the
most acute and the most sound judgment, perverting the
most splendid and the most solid abilities, and counter-
acting the most virtuous and most honourable principles,
and so stimulating the most upright and best-intentioned
patriots to the commission of an act of political suicide?
Thus we behold ourselves, at once threatened with a
hostile combination of all the naval and nearly all the
military force of Europe — a combination alike without
example and without excuse, unj,rincipled in its motives
and criminal in its object — and wi U a dreadful schism in
our own councils.
" Our high opinion of M •. Pitt, the estimation in
which we hold his talents and integrity, the gratitude
which we feel towards him, for his eminent public ser-
vices, and particularly for his successful efforts to stem
the torrent of jacobinism at home, and his laudable,
though ineffectual, exertions to arrest its progress abroad,
have been too strongly and too repeatedly avowed by us,
to admit of a doubt at the present moment. For earl
Spencer, Mr. Wyndham, and the other noblemen and
gentlemen who have participated in his labours, and
supported him in his principles, we feel the same senti-
ments of esteem and gratitude. The feeble assistance
which we have been enabled to afford them, in extending
the propagation of those principles, has been given with
sincerity and zeal, from a high and predominant sense of
100 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
v/ duty to our country. It is that same sense of duty which now
y leads us to deplore, most deeply, the resignation of their
respective offices, and the consequent loss of their ser-
vices in the Cabinet; and at the same time to deprecate
most strongly the adoption of those measures, the rejec-
tion of which, by their sovereign, occasioned that resig-
nation. The first of these measures was the repeal of
all the penal statutes that still remain in force against
the Roman Catholics, which would place them on the
same footing as the members of the Established Church;
the second was the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts, — which would, indeed, be a necessary consequence
of the first; as it would scarcely be possible, after open-
ing the doors of power and of Parliament to the Roman
Catholics, to shut them against other dissenters, of what-
ever denomination. Our readers cannot have forgotten
the repeated declarations which we have had occasion
to make, of our sentiments on these two grand questions.
We have long considered them attentively and deeply, and
the result of that consideration has been, a firm conviction
in our minds, that the almost unavoidable consequences of
their adoption would be, the absolute subversion of the
constituted order of things in Church and State. It is not,
then, in times like these, which put men's principles to the
test, that we are disposed to shrink from the duty which
impels every honest man to proportion his efforts to the
exigences of the moment ; all our feeble powers shall be
exerted in resistance of measures which, to us, appear
pregnant with the most destructive effects to that consti-
tution which we stand so solemnly pledged to support.
" We shall not here enter into any inquiry respecting
the nature of the pledge which has been said to have
been exacted by the friends of the union, in Ireland, as
the condition of their support; and the anxiety to redeem
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 101
n hich, was the alleged cause of the resignation of Mr.
Pitt; we shall, no doubt, have frequent opportunities,
in the discharge of our duty as critics, of fully discussing
that subject. In the mean time, it is sufficient for us to
know, and we state the fact with confidence, (in order to
remove some very false impressions which have been
made on the public mind by a mis-statement,) that the
King never gave his Cabinet Ministers the smallest rea-
son to believe that the measures in question would have
his sanction and support; — on the contrary, nearly three
years ago, his Majesty declared his firm resolution never
to give his consent to certain Acts, which consent, his
sense and his conscience told him, would involve a vio-
lation of his Coronation Oath. To this must be imputed
the memorable recal of earl Fitzwilliani, and to this
must be ascribed his firmness in rejecting the proposi-
tions, and resisting the persuasions of his late ministers.
It is, indeed, to us a matter of extreme surprise that,
under such circumstances, those ministers should have
ventured to give a pledge in the first instance ; and after-
wards, for the purpose of redeeming it, to introduce the
subject of it into his Majesty's speech. The reception
which such a proposition experienced, was such as surely
they had good reason to expect ; and his Majesty's ex-
planation, when they foretold the consequences which
would result from his refusal, — Fiatjusticia mat ccehtni!
— was such as most undoubtedly we should have ex-
pected from a previous knowledge of his sentiments and
his character. His Majesty's conduct, and it is important
to have it clearly understood, has been steady, uniform,
consistent, and decisive ; and he has, in all respects,
proved himself worthy of the honourable title which he
enjoys, — Of the United Church of England and Ireland
on Earth supreme head.
102 MEMOIH OF GEORGE CANNING.
" An attempt has been made by a respectable Catholic,
Mr. Butler, (a gentleman who has, we belitve, acted,
more than once, as agent for the Catholics,) the fallacy
of which we have exposed in the critical part of this
number, to persuade the public that the Coronation Oath
can be no possible bar to the King's acquiescence in the
measures proposed. But, thank heaven! Mr. Butler is
not the keeper of his Majesty's conscience, whoever may
be the keeper of his own ; and unless he have the ability
to prove (not merely to assert) that the Established
Church of these realms would not be endangered by
the adoption of such measures, all his arguments will be
nug;atory. We have never been deemed adverse to the
Roman Catholics ; we have, indeed, been accused, by the
Methodists, of being favourably inclined to their prin-
ciples; but the truth is, as our readers will easily be-
lieve, that we are decidedly adverse to some of the fun-
damental articles of their faith, and very favourably
disposed towards themselves. We wish then), therefore,
to enjoy all the advantages of toleration, in its fullest
extent^ and to grant them every indulgence which is
compatible with the safety of the establishment. But
w hen an attempt is made to remove the line of distinc-
tion between toleration and encouragement; when, not
contented with demanding as a right, that which they
have hitherto received as an indulgence, they aspire to
grasp the reins of government, and to acquire that con-
sequence and power which lead by a slow but certain
progress to ascendancy and command ; — duty and inclina-
tion combine in opposition to an endeavour, the success
of which would, we are convinced, prove the ruin of that
establishment."
y'Jn the year 1801, an administration which had lasted
>' upwards of seventeen years, which had established itself
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANXtNG. 103
ill defiance of the House of Commons, had baffled, and |
at length "subdued, a most formidable opposition, was
suddenly dissolved; and on Friday, the llth of January, i
Mr. Pitt gave in his resignation to his Majesty, which \
was immediately followed by that of lord Grenville, earl
Spencer, the lord chancellor, Mr. Dundas, Mr. Wynd-
ham, and Mr. Canning.
It was some time before the new ministerial arranofe-
inents were announced, and probably some time before
they were settled. We are unacquainted by what means
the new ministers were recommended to his Majesty's
notice : report said, that Mr. Addington entered the royal
closet as a mediator, and came out prime minister. It is,
however, more probable that the King, on this occasion,
consulted his old and confidential friend, the earl of Li-
verpool; and that the integrity, candour, industry, and
conciliating manners of that gentleman, distinguished
him as a proper man for conducting the public affairs at
a crisis when those qualities app'eSfed *t0' be most essen-
tial to the welfare of the state. Mr. Addington's appoint-
ment as first lord of the treasury and cJiancellor of the
exchequer, was followed by the nomination of lord El-
don to the office of lord high cliancellor, lord St. Vincent
to that of first lord of the admiralty, lord Hawkesbury
as secretary of state for the foreign, lord Pelham for the
home department, and colonel Yorke as secretary at
war. Lord Eldon was succeeded by sir Richard Pepper
Arden, who was created lord Alvanley, as chief justice
of the Common Pleas; and Mr. Addington by sir John
Mitford, as speaker of the House'Of Commdrisl sir Wil-
liam Grant was made master of the rolls, and iVIr. Law
and Mr. Percival attorney and solicitor generals. Be-
fore, however, the new ministers could regularly enter
upon their respective offices, and before their appoint-
104 MEMOIR OF GROKGK CANNING.
iiieiit was announced in the Gazilh'^ his Majesty was
seized (in the month of February) withr an alarming ill-
ness, and continued so far indisposed as to be unable to
transact public business to the middle of the month of
March. Till that period, the old ministers continued to
hold the reins of government, with the exception only of
lord St. Vincent and lord Hawkesbury, who had been
inducted into office previous to his Majesty's indispo-
sition.
On the 22d January, the Iniperial Parliament was
opened by commission, and the lord chancellor informed
the Commons that they should proceed to the election of
a speaker; when they made choice of Mr. Addington,
who had not yet received the appointment which was
noticed above. The Parliament after this adjourned to
the 2d of February, and on that day was opened by his
Majesty in person.
During- the early part of the session, even after it was
generally understood that the administration was totally
changed, the old ministry continued to transact the pub-
lic business.
Mr. Canning, about this period, addressed the House
on the expediency of being prepared, in the event of
hostilities with France being again renewed ; in the
course of which he said — "The enemy is making great
preparations along the coast; can any one doubt that
we should do the same? He (meaning Buonaparte) has
succeeded in making himself master of a greater and
richer extent of territory, than has changed hands for
centuries in Europe. I am not speaking, nor is it my
wish to speak, the language of alarm and trepidation;
but if the person who is at the head of the government
of France, persists in measures calculated to excite ap-
prehension, we are called upon to meet every exigency,
MEMOIR OF GEOHGE CANNING. 105
by looking at his objects as he looks at them himself. He
certainly has a great grasp of mind, and it becomes, of
course, the duty of his Majesty's ministers to be propor-
tionally viijilant."
As a proof of how correctly Mr. Canning had viewed
the intentions of Buonaparte towards this country, and
the correctness of his prognostic, the speech of his Ma-
jesty on the 8th of March, and of which the following is
an extract, is a sufficient evidence.
"His Majesty thinks it necessary to acquaint the House,
that as very considerable military preparations are carry-
ing on in the ports of France and Holland, he deems it
expedient to adopt additional measures of precaution for
the security of his dominions. His Majesty is therefore
induced to make this communication to his faithful Par-
liament, in full persuasion that while they partake of his
Majesty's earnest and unvarying solicitude for the conti-
nuation of peace, he relies with perfect confidence on
their public spirit and liberality, to enable him ti^ adopt
guch measures as circumstances might appear to require,
for supporting the honour of his crown, and the essential
interest of his people."
Shortly after this, another message was sent, by his
Majesty, to the House, informing them, that he deemed
it necessary to exercise the power vested in him by Act
of Parliament, for embodying the militia of these king-
doms, for the defence and safety of his people, a measure
which had been strenuously advocated by Mr. Canning:.
Indeed, he had always considered it necessary to remain
es f! y way prepared against such a foe as Napoleon : and
the following speech of Mr. Canning, in reply to Mr.
Whitbread, which appeared in the Annual Register, in
the year ISOO, will tend to show our hero's sentiments
5^ p
106 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
towards Buonaparte, and his opinion of making peace
durinfi^ a reign of usurpation.
" i differ from the honourable gentleman in every sen-
timent which he has uttered ; but no part of his speech so
much displeases me, as his having stated that we and our
allies have been guilty of as great enormities as the
French. He has affirmed, that Great Britain has vio-
lated the rights of neutral nations, when her interests
were concerned; and has adduced as a proof of it, our
conduct to the republic of Genoa, and to the grand duke
of Tuscany. When the French in their destructive ca-
reer had penetrated Italy, and were, notwithstanding a
brave resistance, discomfiting our allies in almost every
encounter, till they at last arrived at the borders of
Genoa, — it was the duty of that state to have refrained
from all intercourse with them, much less to have af-
forded them assistance ; instead of which, the Genoese
supplied them with clothes, provisions, military stores,
and necessaries of every description. Under these circum-
stances, had we not a right to order the government to
dismiss the French ambassador, under risk of our displea-
sure? What was there in this demand unsanctioned by
the law of nations and the uniform practice of every state
of Europe? Ought we quietly to have sat down inactive,
witnessin"- unlawful measures taken for the destruction
in our allies ? Had the Genoese adhered to the duties of
neutral nations, their rights would never have been in-
fringed.
" Respecting Florence, if the source of information be
authentic, 1 do not pretend to say that our conduct has
been as justifiable; but It is not authentic. The letter
of lord Hervey to the duke of Tuscany has issued from
the same Jacobinical manufactory with the treaties of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 107
Pavia and Pilnitz ; and, like them, never had existed.
Lord Hervey took measures for the preservation of Bri-
tish property in Leghorn, and to prevent, as far as was in
his power, the government of Tuscany from assisting the
French ; but he did nothing for these purposes which the
general practice of different nations did not entitle him
to do. The court of Florence has complained, — but small
states are always irritable, and, sensible of their weak-
ness, are apt to think themselves insulted.
" Great stress has been laid on the declaration of his
Majesty, after the failure of the negociation at Lisle ;
and occasions have never been omitted of censuring mi-
nisters for rejecting the offers lately made by the enemy.
The statement of facts is the best refutation of censure
and prejudice. Immediately after the departure of our
ambassador from Lisle, his Majesty's arms were blessed
by Providence with a signal victory, which mis^ht natu-
rally be supposed to elate him and raise his pretensions.
To do away these apprehensions, he published his decla-
ration, in which his Majesty said, that notwithstanding
the important advantages he had obtained, he was still
ready, if the French' were pacifically inclined, to treat on
the same equitable terms proposed before this victory.
But, because he was willing to negociate then on these
terms, does it follow that he ought to do so now ? The
object of that declaration was to remove all bar to the
treaty at that time, which the victory might have occa-
sioned. Twice the Republic rejected our overtures, un-
fettered by any former promise or agreement, and were
we not justified in refusing to listen to theirs?
" But it was impolitic to talk of the restoration of
royalty — it was an insult on the government of France,
and a certain mode of irritating the nation. If, notwith-
standing their dreadful experience, there still remain in
108 MEMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING.
that unhappy country some men enthusiastically attached
to democracy — whose indignation is excited at the very
name of king, who long for the overthrow of every regu-
lar state, hate religion and its ministers, and wish to re-
duce all order to one undistinguished mass,— an appeal
must be fruitless ; but, after ten years of misery, after
having seen their commerce ruined, their navv de-
stroyed, and their colonies wrested from them ; after
having been deprived of their property and bereaved
of their children, forced to carry on a war, not only
detrimental, but destructive to them ; after wadins:
through seas of blood, to grasp the empty shade of
liberty, which has ever eluded their pursuit; after see-
ing, in the throne of their kings, a form which waved a
sword in its hand, and made the people bow before it : — is
it probable that they still bear an unconquerable anti-
pathy to that line of princes, under whose gentle sway
they had lived so respectably abroad, and so happily at
home? I have not a doubt, but that the French people
wish their restoration ; and that the usurpation of Buona-
parte has been considered as a step towards it. Although
they may not be unanimous, it is yet our duty principally
to consult our own interest — which is materially con-
cerned in overturning their present government. Much
has been said of the wickedness of the Bourbon family.
I will not undertake to defend many of their actions ; but
the worst of them surely cannot be compared with those
of the present rulers of France? Besides, are we to
infer, that the conduct of their descendants will be
equally unjustifiable? The honourable gentleman looks
back with triumph to the reign of King William. 1 do
the same. But it is not the skill of our generals, the
valour of our troops, nor the spirit of the people, which
chiefly deserve our applause : it is the unmiimous supyort
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 109
afforded hy the hgislatwe to the executive government ;
and I wish for nothing- so ardently, as to see the House
follow the example of those times.
" It has been objected, that too harsh language has
been used towards Buonaparte, and highly improper it
must be to injure so respectable a personage! Yet,
character must be taken into consideration, since, upon
that, depends the nature of the peace to be obtained. It
was not asserted that Buonaparte has been accessary to
the infraction of every treaty which the French have in-
fringed, but that he never kept any of the treaties which
he has himself made; and that this is the case, is noto-
rious to all the world. Supposing Buonaparte to be sin-
cere, still a peace would be insecure. When France has
so often changed her rulers, what reason have we to
suppose that she will long obey the present one ? His
government is more arbitrary and despotic than any of
the preceding. Despotism can never be permanent. It
can be maintained only by a military force ; and this is a
precarious tenure to fix supreme power upon. Tyrants
are particularly insecure amidst their armed guards;
and, as this constitution is more detestable than any one
else which has gone before, it must soon be overturned.
I shall be censured for these strictures, by men who
throw out the most illiberal abuse on our allies. This
is jacobin justice. The success of the coalition depends
on England remaining at the head of it. Were she to
talk of negociating, its ardour would be cooled, and its
exertions relaxed. There is every prospect of unanimity
among the allied powers at present : and though, from
some misunderstandings, the end of the last campaign
has been less fortunate than was expected, it is, upon the
whole, unparalleled for brilliancy, in the annals of his-
tory. Had any one foretold, twelve months ago, that
IJO MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING.
the French would possess, at this time, scarcely one for-
tress in Italy, he would have been considered a madman.
If we succeed further, we shall have the consolation to
reflect, that, by our spirit and steadiness, we have re-
stored Europe to order, tranquillity, and happiness. If
we fail, we shall not have the mortification to reflect,
that we let slip a favourable opportunity to make peace.
There never can occur a season for treating more unfit
than the present. By acting otherwise than we now
design, we shall damp the courage of our countrymen,
introduce discord into the councils of our allies, and con-
solidate a power which will be afterwards employed in
our destruction."
The session, commencing January 1801, was expected
on all hands to be one of great diflTiculty. The state of
the nation— the union with Ireland, just completed — war
stretching itself en all sides, and this country finding
new foes every hour — made the situation of the Minister
perilous and harassing beyond precedent. Involved in
difliculties to which no other Minister had ever been ex-
posed; and expected to do, under such circumstances,
more than any other man had ever done, even in periods
of tranquillity, -Pitt, and lord Grenville, his ally, were
nightly attacked by all the eloquence that the popular
Opposition of the day could boast; and that party,
supported by the prejudices of the people, doubly
excited by the irritation of new taxes, to support a war
which appeared to be interminable; — it excited little sur-
prise that the greatest statesman grew tired of his un-
thankful office.
It was one part of Pitt's policy, to oppose the emanci-
pation of the Catholics, so long as Ireland and England
were in a state of disunion ; but the instant these coun-
tries were combined, it was his wish to put the natives of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. Ill
each country on an equal footing ; and he had gone so
far as to give a pledge of his services and interest to
carry the question. Canning acceded to Pitt's views,
though he did not wish the question to be agitated at an
early period. Pitt persisted, and soon found he had to
deal with a divided cabinet. Nor was this all. His
Majesty, with a firmness and determination, (which,
without entering iiito the merits of the cause,) at all
events demanded respect, stated his belief that his Coro-
nation Oath prevented his concurrence ; and that, if the
question passed both Houses, he should exert the highest
privilege of his station, and refuse his sanction to the
Bill. Pitt, unable to redeem his pledge to the people of
the sister kingdom, determined to resign. It has been
said, by his enemies, that this was merely a colourable
pretence ; and that a dread of contending with the mass
of difficulty that surrounded him, was his real motive.
This was the weak assertion of his enemies, or, at least,
of those who knew little of the man of whom they spoke.
Pitt was formed to encounter difficulties — he almost de-
lighted iii them. With a mind that grasped everything
with tenacity — with views that were always gigantic —
he rather gloried in the troubles of conflict, than sought
to fly from them ; and it vvas only when he thus found
his power subjugated, and his views confined, that he
quitted his station.
Even when Mr. Addington a-sumed the reins, Pitt, it
was well known, guided in secret every movement ; he and
his colleagues having bound themselves to support the
new administration. And so, indeed, they did ; but they
soon found it neither redounded to their pleasure or
fame, to support and uphold those w ho could reflect no
honour upon their assistants. The friendship of the ex-
ministry grew cooler, and Pitt became an absentee;
)
\
112 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
whilst Cannings and DuuUas were most spai'illg of their
eloquence in behalf of the new aduiinistration.
Towards the close of 1801, Pitt absolutely deserted
them; and the attending influence in the upper House,
under the banners of lord Grenviile, also became weak-
ened ; indeed, it was broadly asserted, that lord Gren-
viile looked on the Addington administration as one of
necessity, as an occupation of place merely pro temporef
and expected that they should vacate and reinstate the
former ministers.
The popularity the ministry acquired in their first year
had never been anticipated by Pitt ; and he now saw that
those whom he had considered as mere instruments in his
hands, could wield the power he had delegated to them,
and defeat all his views.
It is well known, that Addington offered to Pitt to
share all power with him ; but that Pitt refused, unless he
nominated the whole of the Cabinet Ministers. This
could not of course be acceded to.
Some portion of the old ministry now engaged in a sys-
tematic opposition to the views of the Addington party.
To praise Pitt, and attack Addington, was now the
chief employment of Mr. Canning ; opposing the latter
violently by eloquence in the House, and attacking him
with ridicule out of it. No man better knew how to
apply his powers. A serious and argumentative speech,
that he could not controvert, he would turn into ridicule
with the most extraordinary facility. In this power he
rivalled Sheridan. His powers as a |^>arodist we have
already noticed in his mock " Inscription ;" it is also
observable in his " New Morality." This talent he en-
listed in his service against Addington. We have be-
fore remarked, that he and Sheridan seldom, if ever, at-
tacked each other; and we have attributed this to their
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. liO
early friendship. But Mr. Canning, in a short jei( d' esprit^
M'hich will be inserted in its place, departed from this
rule of his conduct, when he speaks of interring
" Of Sidmouth the firmness, the temper of Grey,
And Treasurer Sheridan's promise to />«//." '
This palpable hit at the peculiarities of his friend was
very severe.
Addington's father once kept a private madhouse in
Berkshire. From this circumstance, that minister ob-
tained the nickname of "Doctor ;" which Canningapplied
to him on all occasions He has made good use of the
title, in the following humorous etfusion, in which, too,
he made his first positive attack upon Sheridan.
" THE GRAND CONSULTATION.
' Ambubaiarum Collegia Pharmacopeue.'' — HORACE.
"If the health and the strength, and the pure vital breath
Of old England, at last, must be doctor'd to death,
Oil! why must we die of one doctor alone?
And why must that doctor be just such a one
As Doctor Henry Addington ?
"Oh! where is the great Doctor Domuiicetti,
With his stews and his flues, and his vapours to sweat ye ?
O! where is that Prince of all Mountebank fame.
With his baths of hot earth, and his beds of hot name ?
Oh! where is Doctor Graham?
" Where are Somnambule Mesmer's convulsions magnetic ?
Where is IVIyersbach, renown'd for his pills diuretic?
Where is Perkins, with tractors of magical skill?
Where's the anodyne necklace of Basil Burchell?
Oh! where is the ^eat Van Butcliell?
" Where's Sangrado Rush, so notorious for bleedings .«
Wiiere's Rumford, so Aimed for his writings and readings;
Where's that Count of the Kettle, that friend to the belly.
So renown'd for transforming old bones into jelly? —
Where, too, is the great Doctor Kelly?
5. Q
114 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
"While Sam Solomon's lotion the public absterges.
He gives them his gold* as well as his purgesj *
But otir frugal doctor this practice to shun.
Gives his pills to the public, the Pells to his Son.
Oh! fie! fie! Doctor Addington!
Oh! where is Doctor Solomon?
" Where are all the great doctors? No longer we want
Tliis farrago of cowardice, cunning, and cantj
These braggarts! that one moment know not what fear is.
And the next moment, trembling, no longer know where is —
Lord Hawkesbury'sf march to Paris ?
" Then for Hobart and Sullivan, Hawkey and Hervey,
For Wallace and Castlereagh, Bleeke and Glenbervie,
For Sergeant, Vansittart, Monkhouse and Lee,
Give us Veliio and Anderson, Locke, Spilsbury,
Doctor Ball, Doctors Brodum and Bree.
"And instead of the jack-pudding bluster of Sherry,
With his * dagger of lath,' and his speeches so merry! J
Let us bring to the field — every foe to appal —
Aldini's galvanic deceptions — and all
The sleiyht of hand tricks of Conjuror Val.
" So shall Golding and Bond, the Doctor's tall yeomen.
Dame Hiley, Dame Bragge, and the other oJd Women,
For new mountebanks changed, their old tricks bid farewell to,
And the famed d'lvernois his arithmetic sell to
The wonderful wonder, the great Katterfelto!
" So shall England, escaped from her 'safe, politicians,' f UlC
Such an army array of her quacks and physicians,
Such lotions and potions, pills, lancets, and leeches.
That Massena shall tremble our coast when he reaches.
And the Consul himself his breeches."
" * Vide in daily papers. Doctor Solomon's Charitable Subscrip. ■ . ,
tions and Abstergent Lotion. I
" t Now Lord Liverpool. I '"^C
" \ See Mr. Gilray's admirable Caricature, entitled, 'Draiaatic I fatrc
Ijoyalty ; or the Patriotic Courage of Sherry Andrew ' I tiiMj
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 115
Notwithstanding this poetic effusion, his political ar-
ticles in the Anti-jacobin were mildly and moderately
written. But, whatever moderation INIr. Canning- evinced
in his writings, he certainly did not carry the same de-
termination into the House ; for we find him in this year
(1801) breaking forth in the following invective : —
" Awav witii the cant of measures, not men ! — the
idle supposition, that it is the harness, and not the horses,
that draw the chariot along. No, sir; if the comparison
must be made — if the distinction must be taken — men
are everything — measures are comparatively nothing.
I speak of times of difficulty and danger, when systems
are shaken — when precedents and general rules of con-
duct fail. Then it is, that, not to that or this measure, —
however prudently devised, however blameless in exe-
cution, — but to the energy and character of individuals,
a state must be indebted for its salvation. Then it is,
that kingdoms rise or fall, in proportion as they are up-
held, not by well-meant endeavours, laudable though
Ihey may be, but by commanding, overawing talents, by ,
able men. ^ >*
f
" I do think that the administration of the govern-
ment ought to be in the ablest and fittest hands. I do
not think that the hands in which it is now placed,
answer that description. I do not pretend to conceal X
in what quarter I think that fitness most eminently re- j^'
sides." ;^
Mr. Canning was not content with thus publicly de-
claring his sentiments — he wished to keep up or revive
the popularity of his favourite minister — his friend — his
patron ; — he therefore wrote the song so well known by \ \
the title of ^^The Pilot that weather' d the Storm/' and, in
116 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
this, he afforded another proof of his talents, by accom-
modating his mind to the occasion, be that occasion what
it might.
The glorious achievements of Nelson, and the British
navy, generally, had rendered nautical allusion the fa-
vourite style in lyrical composition. Dibdin's songs,
which were then the rage, were principally in this way.
To make a song popular, it is not necessary that it should
be good, but that it be in accordance with the style then
in vogue. This was necessary, Canning knew, to attract
attention ; and so far he yielded to the necessity; willing
to catch at any means to gain his end. In its burden, the
song is decidedly Dibdinic; but, in all other respects, if
is a very superior powerful composition, that the best
lyric of the day need not have been ashamed to own.
" THE PILOT THAT WEATHER'D THE STORM.
•' If hush'd the loud whirlwind that ruffled the deep;
The sky, if no longer dark tempests deform;
When our perils are past, shall our gratitude sleep?
No! — Here's to the Pilot that weather'd the storm!
" At the footstool of Power let Flattery fawn,
Let Faction her idols extol to the skies;
To Virtue, in humble resentment withdrawn,
Unblamed may the merits of gratitude rise.
" And shall not his memory to Britain be dear,
Whose examjjle with envy all nations behold;
A Statesman unbiass'd by int'rest or fear.
By pow'r uncorrupted, untainted by gold ?
" Who, when terror and doubt through the universe reign'd,
Wliile rapine and treason their standards unfurl'd,
The heart and the hopes of his country maintain'd,
And one kingdom preserved 'midst the wreck of the world.
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 117
"Unheeding, unthankful, we bask in tiie blaze,
"While the beams of the sun in full majesty shine;
When he sinks into twilight, with fondness we gaze,
And mark the mild lustre that gilds his decline.
" Lo! Pitt, when the course of thy greatness is o'er,
Thy talents, thy virtues, we fondly recalj
Now justly we prize thee, when lost we deplore;
Admired in thy zenith, but loved in thy fall F
" O.' take, then — for dangers by wisdom repell'd,
For evils, by courage and constancy braved —
O take! for a throne by thy counsels upheld,
The thanks of a people thy firmness has saved!
" And O! if again the rude whirlwind should risel
The dawning of Peace should fresh darkness deform.
The regrets of the good, and the fears of the wise,
Shall turn to the Pilot that weather'd the storm!"
It was about this period, too, that an honourable ba- f.
ronet, having remarked that " tliose only wish to dis-
place the minLsters, who look for power, or emoluments,
or honours, from their removal," Mr. Canning, in a happy
vein of irony, retorted the imputation on the baronet,
but gravely admonished him, in the words of Virgil : — >^
" Litus ama; altuni alii teneant."
" Keep thou close to the shoi-e; let others venture on the deep."
What Mr. Canning's feelings were, and what the ge-
neral impression of his line of conduct was, may be ga-
thered from the commencement of hii speech on the sub-
ject of the cultivation of Trinidad.
After a few prefatory re'ffifaiks on the Slave Trade,
Mr. Canning said — " If any gentleman supposes that it
is my intention to depreciate the value or obstruct the
improvement of Trinidad, he is mistaken; I wish to im-
prove it more effectually. If any one imagines that my
object is to create embarrassment to the present adminis-
118 MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING.
tration, by the proposition I am about to submit to the
House, I know not how better to refute such an imagi-
nation, than by declaring-, whajt I confidently and consci-
entiously do, that had the same opportunity, or rather
the same necessity, for discussing the modes of cultiva-
tion, applicable to a new island in the West Indies,
arisen under another administration, — under the ad-
ministration of those who possessed all my confidence,
and exclusively all my attachment — of those who had
the glory of acquiring Trinidad, instead of those who
had the prudence to retain it, — I should equally have
thought it a duty, unless the subject had been pre-
viously taken up by government, or by abler hands
than mine, not to let the first session of Parliament,
after Trinidad had become the property of the British
crown, pass away, without calling the House to the
consideration of some such proposition as I have now
the honour to submit. Not long after the signing of the
preliminaries of peace, a paper was circulated, not only
in the city of London, but throughout the Leeward
Islands, purporting to be a copy of a plan in the pos-
session of government, for the allotment and sale of the
unclaimed lands in Trinidad, with such a description of
the fertility and convenience of the settlement, as was
calculated to excite the cupidity of monied men, and to
lead to the expenditure of a great sum of British capital
on that speculation. About the same time, a sort of
notice was given in this House, l>y the chancellor of the
exchequer, of an intention to raise a sum of money by
the sale of uncleared lands, the property of the crown,
in the West Indies. Putting these two circumstances
together, I could not but be struck with the coincidence,
and, therefore, took the earliest opportunity of inquiring
of the chancellor of the exchequer, whether or not there
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 119
/^ did exist such an intention respecting the Island of Tri-
nidad, and whether Parliament was to be apprised of the
plan, and to have an opportunity of considering it, be-
fore it was carried into execution ? I received no assu-
rance that such an intention did not exist, but was dis-
tinctly told, that if such a plan was in agitation, it would
not be thought necessary previously to submit it to
Parliament. It seemed to me, that there remained but
one course to pursue, — to call the attention of the House
to the subject, which I have accordingly done ; and I
think, that unless the House of Commons means to aban-
don its own pledges and duties altogether, it will not
refuse to entertain the proposition. I contend strongly
for the right which Parliament has to interfere in this
business ; and, if the right does exist, this is the stage
of the business in which alone our interference can be
eft'ectual. If we wait until the sale and allotment of the
lands in Trinidad are actually made, the thing will then
be past our power; the mischief will be done, and we
shall only regret, fruitlessly, that we did not interfere
sooner.
" I wish to prevent the improvident disposal of the
lands of Trinidad, in a manner that must completely
frustrate the views of the House of Commons, until Par-
liament shall have had an opportunity of examining and
discussing the subject. I have no thought of invading
or endangering the vested interests of the West India
proprietors; just the contrary. I am persuaded I shall
show, that what I have to propose, is calculated to
strengthen and secure them. I therefore entreat you,
gentlemen, to divest your minds of the abstract question
of the Slave Trade, and to consider this, as it is, a new
question, arising out of a new state of things in the co-
lonial world, and as one which it will become us equally
120 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
to consider, whether the old Slave Trade is to exist,
be abolished, or be partially restrained. Whatever may
be the fate of the question, the question of creating a
new Slave Trade, for the cultivation of new land in a
new colony, is fit matter for separate discussion ; and the
question, whether this be the only, or the best mode of
turning- the Island of Trinidad to good account, is one
which it becomes us seriously to investigate, and to in-
vestigate now. When grants and sales have taken place,
it will be too late; — 1 wish government to keep its faith ;
— I wish the House of Commons to keep its character; —
and this can only be done by pausing to examine, before
Trinidad is hastily put out of our hands.
"The object of my motion thus defined, there are natu-
rally two distinct branches into which the considerations
belonging to it divide themselves. First, how far is the
House pledged not to adopt any measure that may tend
to create a new Slave Trade ; and how fur is the cultiva-
tion of Trinidad, in the manner proposed, likely to inter-
fere with those pledges? Secondly, what is the best ac-
count to which Trinidad can be turned, in every view of
colonial and national policy?
"To prove what are the recorded opinions and pledges
of the House, I request that the resolution of the House
ofCommons, ofthe2dof April, 179:?,— ' That the Slave
Trade ought to be gradually abolished,' may be read;
and, silso, the address of the House, of the (Jth of April,
1797, praying, ' That his Majesty do direct such measures
to be taken as should (an)ong other things) gradually
diminish the necessity, and ultimately lead to the termi-
nation of the Slave Trade;' together with his Majesty's
gracious answer to that address; ' That he would give
directions accordingly.' "
They were read.
y-
r TVT
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 121
Mr. Canning then went at some length into the history
of the votes of the House of Commons, the resolution of
1792, moved by Mr. Dundas; and the address of 1797,
moved by Mr. Charles Ellis, a West India proprietor;
both of which pledged a desire gradually to diminish,
and finally to abolish the Slave Trade.
Mr. Canning continued, " I appeal to Mr. Dundas,
and to all who supported that motion, to vote in support
of a measure, the object of which is not only strictly con-
formable to the spirit, but falls much within the letter of
that address, — which goes not to diminish the old Slave
Trade, but to prevent a fresh one from being instituted,
more enormous in its extent, and more aggravated in its
evils. — I appeal particularly to those, who, when the pe-
riod at which the Slave Trade was to be made to cease
altogether was under consideration, voted either for the
year 1796, which was carried, or the year 1800, the longest
period to which any man then ventured to propose pro-
longing its existence, and ask, with what face they can
stand up and defend a plan for cultivating a new island,
with new importations ; a plan which must make the be-
ginning of the 19th century, not the period of the ex-
tinction of the Slave Trade, as they fondly voted it, but
the era of its revival, — of its new birth, — the date from
which its warmest and most anxious admirers may cease
to fear for its mortality or decay ?
" I am convinced that those who have been the most
violent opponents of every former measure for the re-
striction of the Slave Trade, are bound to support this.
I mean the moderate men and the West Indians. To
the Indians, indeed, I have still other arguments to ad-
dress, those of their interest, — which are manifestly in my
favour; but, for the present, I am content to appeal to
their consistency."
I
122 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
Mr. Canning then entered into a statement, from the
papers before the House, of the quantity of land remain-
ing to be granted in Trinidad, in order to form some esti-
mate of the number of negroes that would be required to
bring it into cultivation. After which he continued : —
" There remains to be granted 2720 allotments of land
of 320 acres each, amounting in all to 876,400 acres ; of
which near one half, or 420,000 acres, are stated to be fit
for the cultivation of sugar. I particularise this, because
the sugar cultivation is that which requires so much the
greatest proportion of negro labour, that it in fact might
be taken as regulating the importation. From the same
authority it appears, that the estates already granted (by
the Spanish government, for no grant has been made
since the island came into the possession of his Majesty)
were in number 400. The whole amount of the land in
cultivation is somewhat about 34,000, or not quite one-
twenty-fifth of what remains to be granted. On the
island, in this state of cultivation, are employed, accord-
ing to ray information, 10,000 negroes ; I have only to
multiply that number by 25, and the result is 250,000.
This calculation, ' large as it may appear,' is less than
will be found to be the result of a comparison of Trini-
dad with the island of Jamaica, where, for 350.000 acres
of sugar, they employ 250,000 negroes ; and I consider
only the same number is required for 420,000 acres in
Trinidad. Respecting Jamaica, I take the late Mr.
Bryan Edwards's statements, in preference to the report
of the privy council, because they are lower, and I am
therefore less liable to a suspicion of exaggeration in
choosing them; and because, being before the public,
there is the better opportunity for every gentleman who
wishes it, to follow me in my deductions, and correct me
if I am wrong. 250,000 is the least amount of negroes i
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 123
required for cultivating the projected allotments of Tri-
nidad ; but is this all ? Nothing like it.
" The question is not as to cultivating only, but as to
clearing and bringing into cultivation — into sudden culti-
vation, — if the whole is to be disposed of, according to
the plan in contemplation, to the best bidder, at one time.
It has required a century and a half to bring Jamaica to
its present state of cultivation ; but it is not to be sup-
posed that Trinidad will proceed so gradually.
'' One million of negroes must be imported from Africa,
before Trinidad can be as effectually cleared and culti-
vated as Jamaica. One million of beings to be swept
from the face of the earth, and for what purpose? — To
gratify what interest ? — To comply with what necessity ?
There is no pretence of necessity, and the interest which
has in all former instances been associated with the con-
tinuance and extension of the Slave Trade, in this in-
stance is entirely the other way, — I mean the interest of
the established West India planters."
After some other observations in support of his argu-
ment, to prove that the Slave Trade and the West In-
dian interest were distinct subjects, and in direct oppo-
sition to each other, Mr. Canning proceeded to the second
division of the subject.
" In relation to the general security and stability of
our colonial system, and the national policy of the
country, I ask, would it be prudent to convert Tri-
nidad at once into a sugar colony, to be cultivated by
the same means with the others, subject to the same dan-
gers, and partaking of the same weakness and insecurity ?
Is it possible to look at the present state of the colonial
world, without feeling considerable awe and apprehen-
sion ? The struggle now subsisting in St. Domingo,
whichever way it may terminate, cannot but be produc-
124 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
tive of great evil and danger to our colonies ; in the one
event, a great moral danger, if the negroes are not tho-
roughly subdued ; in the other case, a complete success
to the French army, — a great military danger. In either
of these events, what is the use to which it will be most
desirable to turn our new acquisition? Will the moral
danger be best guarded against by establishing a new
negro colony, by immense importations from Africa?
Will the military situation of Trinidad be best ascer-
tained by a population which, while we defend it with one
hand, we must keep down with the other ? I will not
dwell on these topics, because I am aware that they are
too delicate to be agitated much at large in public discus-
sions ; but enough surely appears to any reasoning mind,
on the first glance at the present situation and prospects
of the West Indies, to prove, beyond doubt, that strength
not sugar, — that to fence and support, — not to extend,
with proportionate extension of weakness, our possessions
in that quarter of the globe, — are the obvious dictates
of policy, and equally necessary for the preservation of
the colonies, whether to ourselves or to the mother coun-
try. In Trinidad, therefore, above all things, we ought
to look for strength and solidity. We ought to make it,
in the first instance, a strong military post, a naval sta-
tion, — a place of recruit and refreshment for our fleets
and armies. It ought to be used, not as a new venture,
upon a speculation already hazardous and overloaded,
but to protect and insure those which we have already
at stake. This is what I call upon the House of Com-
mons to do their part towards performing, by interposing
to prevent an immediate alienation of the lands of Tri-
nidad. If you ask me, gentlemen, by what means I think
a natural population can be procured, I answer, — first,
by not introducing an artificial one, — by not pouring
^' MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 125
r the population of Africa into the forests and morasses of
Trinidad, to perish yearly, and yearly to be supplied by
fresh importations. Secondly, by not making large
grants or sales to great capitalists. By looking for set-
tlers among classes of men who may be induced to be-
come residents in the island. Such may be found among
the meritorious soldiers of regiments on West India ser-
vice ; among foreign corps ; among free blacks and
Creoles in the other islands ; to all of whom encourage-
ment should be held out, by grants of land, such as
would enable them to subsist themselves and their fami-
lies in a state of moderate independence. Ifit is ob-
jected that European labour is altogether incompetent
to the climate, I answer, — for the cultivation of the great
staple commodities of West India produce, certainly;
but not for raising vegetables — not for breeding cattle —
modes of agriculture which would make Trinidad a
source of health and comfort to the soldiers and sailors
of Great Britain, employed in the defence of the West
Indies, and, in a measure, to the colonies themselves.
" There are also, if I am not much misinformed, other
materials peculiar to Trinidad. There is a race of la-
bourers in the habit of resorting annually to that island,
from the neighbouring continent, to work for hire, in
the most arduous and fatiguing branches of the colonial
husbandry. They are called Peons; stout, active, inured
to the climate, and capable of being, by proper encou-
ragement, induced to come over in still more consider-
able numbers; and, no doubt, if proper means of sub-
sistence were afforded them, would settle with their
families in Trinidad. From this race might be created
a hardy native militia, fitted, to a degree that European
constitutions perhaps hardly ever attain, to endure the
fatigue and difficulties of West Indian warfare. The
126 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
advantages to be derived from Creole colonization, un-
der certain possible circumstances in the political staie
of South America, are incalculable.
" There is, besides, another race, peculiar (I believe)
at this moment to Trinidad ; native Indians, who are to
be found, to the number (according to the papers on the
table) of about 1000; a pfeople whom, if it were from
no better motive than curiosity, I should be sorry not to
have carefully preserved — the remnant of nations, among
whom the sword, the spit, the racks, and the mine, have
made such horrible ravages. These, who, by some un-
accountable neglect, the Spaniards have neglected to ex-
terminate, might and would, no doubt, keep an increasing-
native population. Here, then, are the means and chances
for the establishment of a guiltless, bloodless colony,
which it would be highly perverse and criminal to throw
away untried, from a blind preference to the old method
of annual importation from Africa, with such accumu-
lation of misery, and such risk of mischief, as must at-
tend them.
" Trinidad has many facilities which render it valuable,
even if not a hogshead of sugar can be produced, nor the
hand of a negro employed upon it; particularly as to its
situation in respect to the Spanish Main ; and is it impro-
bable, that, by the policy of the court of Spain, aided by
the suggestions of our government, Trininad should
become the emporium of British and South American
commerce! There are yet other advantages, which do
not depend on foreign co-operation. It has been matter
of constant dispute, between the colonists and those who
have in this country contended for limitations on the
Slave Trade, whether or not such improvement might
be made in the colonial agriculture, as would diminish
the necessity for importations of labourers from Africa ?
y'' MEMOIll OF GEOIIGE CANNING. 127
^J>^" The colonists have said, with some justice, that they
are willing and desirous that the experiment should be
made, but that they cannot afford to hazard a year's re-
turns in trying it. There is now an opportunity of try-
ing the experiment, not at the expense of individuals,
but of the public. Who can say what skill and ma-
chinery may do, to lessen negro labour? The first
consequences to the other colonies will be — gradual
improvement, by the silent operation of example,
without the shock of innovation, or the risk of loss;
the further and more enlarged consequences will be, a
gradual abolition of the Slave Trade, produced w ithout
any interference on the part of this country — a diminu-
tion of the great and dangerous disproportion of blacks
and whites at present in the island — a saving of British
capital, and an economy of human life. These are not
slight advantages; nor will Trinidad be ill employed, if
turned to this account only. But 1 do not ask the House
now to decide ; I only ask them to pause, to allow them-
selves time for deliberation."
Mr. Canning concluded by moving — " ' That a hum-
ble address be presented to his Majesty, to represent to
his Majesty, that, in consideration of the great import-
ance of preventing the dangers and mischiefs which must
arise from the excessive increase of the importation of
negroes from Africa, if such importation shall be fur-
nished without restriction into the Island of Trinidad ;
and for the purpose of avoiding any colour or pretext,
by reason of new grants, to obstruct hereafter any regu-
lations, which, to the wisdom of Parliament may, upon
due investigation and deliberation, seem expedient : —
" * His Majesty's faithful Commons humbly request his
Majesty, that he will not authorise any grants or sales of
new lands in the Island of Trinidad, without express
128 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
condition, (under penalty of forfeiture and making void
such grants or sales,) that no negro to be henceforth
imported from Africa, shall be employed upon the said
lands, until opportunity shall have been afforded to Par-
liament to make such provision as the circumstances of
the case may be found to require, for the protection,
limitation, or regulation of the importation of negroes
from Africa into the said island; that his Majesty will
be graciously pleased to give directions that there shall
bo laid before this House, in the next session of Parlia-
ment, an account of any such conditional grants or sales,
as may have been made in the interval, and of the means
employed and provided for the enforcing the observation
and performance of the said condition ; and that his Ma-
jesty will be graciously pleased further to direct, that
there shall be laid before this House, as soon as the same
can be prepared, such plan of regulations, as to his Ma-
jesty's government shall appear most advisable, for pro-
moting the future cultivation or improvement of the
Island of Trinidad, in the manner the least likely to in-
terfere with the wish expressed by this House for the
gradual diminution and ultimate termination of the Afri-
can Slave Trade, and the most conducive to the stability
and security of the interests of the colonies, and of the
West Indian commerce of this country.' "
This speech was delivered on the 27th of May, and for
variety and correctness of information, force of appeal,
and clearness of elucidation, may vie with anything of
the kind upon record.
We find him again personally attacking Addington in
the following ode. Brother Hiley alludes to the ho-
nourable Hiley Addington, then a paymaster through his
brother's influence.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 129
// " ODE TO THE ' DOCTOR.'
/ " How blest, how firm the Statesman stands,
/" (Him no low intrigue shall move),
Circled by faithful kindred, bands.
And propp'd by iow^ fraternal love.
" When his speeches hobble vilely,
What * Hear hims' burst from brother Hiley ;
When the faltering periods lag.
Hark to the cheers of brother Bragge.
" When the faltering periods lag,
Or his yawning audience flag.
When his speeches hobble vilely.
Or the House receives him drily,
Cheer, O! cheer him, brother Bragge!
Cheer, O ! cheer him, brothor Hiley !
" Each a gentleman at large, jf^
Lodged and fed at public charge.
Paying (with a grace to charm ye)
This the fleet, and that the army.
" Brother Bragge and brother Hiley,
Cheer him ! when he speaks so vilely,
Cheer him ! wVien his audience flag.
Brother Hiley, brother Bragge."
The enemies of Pitt had always urged his want of
moderation, his proneness to expenditure, and the rash-
ness of his acts. The Addington party, in contradiction,
set up the doctrine of moderate measures, which Canning
made the subject of his muse.
^
^:
" MODERATE MEN AND MODERATE MEASURES.
" Praise to placeless proud ability.
Let the prudent muse disclaim;
And sing the Statesman — all civility —
Whom moderate talents raise to fame
6. 8
130 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Ho, no random projects nrging,
Make us wild alarms to feel;
With moderate measures, gently purging
Ills that prey on Britain's weal.
CHORUS.
Gent\y purging.
Gently purging.
Gently purging Britain's weal.*
" Addington, with measured motion.
Keep the tenour of tiiy way;
To glory yield no rash devotion,
Led by luring lights astray;
Splendid talents ai;e deceiving;
Tend to councils much too bold;
Moderate men we prize, believing,
All that glisters is not gold.
GRAND CHORUS.
All that glisters.
All that glisters.
All that glisters is not gold!"-]-
Amongst the occurrences of 1802, was the motion of
sir Francis Burdett, for a vote of censure against Pitt
and his colleagues, after their resignation of office, which
was lost by a majority of 207 — for the motion 39, against
it 246. The Opposition, however, not dispirited though
defeated, moved for an address to his Majesty, thanking
him for the removal of Pitt; this was introduced by Mr.
Nicholls, in a speech of peculiar acrimony. On this
occasion, though not on the former, Canning spoke, but
he treated the subject lightly ; and his speech would now
have little interest. Some of Pitt's friends then moved,
as an amendment, a vote of thanks. Upon this subject, Fox^
.j^
" * * Ere human statute purged the general weal.'
Shakspeare.
" t * Nor all that glisters gold.'— Gray.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 131
spoke; and, as some of his observations throw consider-
able light on the popular feeling of the period, a few
sentences from it may not be uninteresting.
Mr. Fox said, " He was incapable of seconding the
learned gentleman's address of thanks, for the dismission
of the late Minister, till he actually knew that he was
dismissed. If Mr. Pitt had resigned, and resigned, too,
from inability to realise his plan of Catholic ameliora-
tion, then, however hostile he might have professed him-
self to that gentleman's principles and measures, he
would loudly applaud this part of his conduct, and say,
he honoured the motives which actuated it ; nothing in his
administration became him like the leaving it ; he should,
indeed, have been more disposed to believe, that Mr.
Pitt and his colleagues were actuated by these motives,
had they in Parliament avowed them ; it was in Parlia-
ment that the plan of civil and religious liberty should
originate ; to suppose that the executive power only had
energy to produce, and authority to support it, was to
suppose in Parliament an undue submission to the will
of the executive power; at any rate, he conceived, that
the late ministers should have devolved on their succes-
sors the responsibility of opposing a plan which they
had deemed of such public importance."
This year, though eventful, as it regarded the country,
did not call our hero into action.
In 180.3, the political history began with the trial,
conviction, and execution of Despard, whose plans and
connexions were evidences of those cabals which Pitt
had suspected and suppressed.
In the April of that year, it was proposed that lord
Chatham should be nominally Premier; but that Pitt
and Addington should divide the power between them.
Pitt adhered to his old demand (though Addington of-
132 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
feied to resign wholly to him on other conditions,) of
the sole nomination of the Cabinet, and particularly de-
sired to place Canning in a situation of importance and
emolument; but the desire of the ex-minister could not
be acceded to ; and, as is ever the case with recent
friends, the new and old ministers now became open
enemies. Mr. Canning continually defended the late,
and opposed the then ministers ; sometimes with a ridi-
cule, forcible and light, and often with invective, admi-
rably supported by clear and conclusive reasoning. In
pursuance of this line of conduct, we find him some-
times seconding and supporting Fox. Pitt grew lan-
guid, and appeared to lack the spirit to oppose; but
Canning's energies seemed renewed at each debate, and,
directly or indirectly, he always attacked Addington and
his party. .-<
The close of this year was marked by still stronger
circumstances, for the Grenville party virtually joined
the Whigs; lord Grenville, with earl Spencer and Mr.
Wyndham, having refused to form a part of any adminis-
tration that did not include Fox; nay, it was then stated,
that Pitt himself proposed Fox ; — but all this ended by
Pitt resuming the reins he had resigned, and with him
returned our hero.
In the " Antijacobin" of this period appeared a re-
view, attributed to our hero, in Vhich he thus speaks of
Burke: — " Highly as we respected Burke, much as we
admire his genius, his talente, and his wisdom, we never
thought him infallible. We well know that parts of his
writings were deeply tinged with party spirit; nor are
we ignorant of how far party spirit will sometimes carry
even the greatest mind. Burke's talents were woefully
misapplied.
" To party he gave what was meant for maukiiid."
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 133
The year 1804 commenced under gloomy auspices.
It may be necessary to explain the nature of the circum-
stances that affected the country, as, in the mass of
occurrences that nearly a quarter of a century has in-
volved, even the oldest politicians may have forgotten
the particular events of the period.
" On the 14th of February, 1804,' it was publicly an-
nounced, by an official bulletin, at the palace of St.
James's, that, on that day, his Majesty was much indis-
posed : and a succession of similar notices, left little
doubt of the serious nature of the communication. The
alarm and consternation thus excited, throughout the
metropolis, and the whole empire, is more easily to be
conceived than expressed. The dreadful visitation of
1789 on our beloved sovereign, was present to every
mind. The uneasiness of that period, and the height to
which the differences of opinion, both in the legislature
and the public, h^d proceeded, on the mode to be adopted
for supplying the temporary suspension of the executive
branch of the constitution, was recollected with increased
dismay and apprehension. No provision had been sug;-
gested by the wisdom of Parliament on that occasion, (or
on the more recent alarm in 1801, when it was universally
supposed, that another attack of the same nature, al-
though in a slighter degree, had been experienced,) to
meet the inconveniences necessarily attendant on a simi-
lar calamity. But if the public mind were thus agitated
during a period of profound peace, and during the admi-
nistration of a most popular ministry, how must its anxiety
be now increased, when every exertion the country coutd
make, was employed to repel the threatened invasion of
the most powerful and infuriate enemy Britain had ever
encountered ; — when consolation was derived, and energy
excited, by the promise which the speech from the throne
134 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
had given, of the personal appearance of our gallant so-
vereign, in the ranks of his loyal and faithful people,
should the foe venture to set his foot on British ground;
— when the reins of government were in the hands of
those, to whom few looked with confidence for holding
them with skill and vigour, and none, for a continuance
of their situation, which was obviously and hourly draw-
ing to a period; — and when, in fine, the affairs of the
country, in every possible event, required the utmost
exertion and ability of its rulers, to ward off increasing
evils, and impending destruction."
!0n the 9th of May, and on the two following days, his
Majesty drove through the principal streets of London,
I in token of his convalescence. On the 12th, he again
I appointed Pitt chancellor of the exchequer. This being
I the first act after his recovery, was the highest compli-
I m^nt that could be paid to a statesman; though Sheri-
V dan, with his usual humour, said, on the occasion, —
\ % " Appointed Pitt ! then he was mad, by !"
With the administration then forming, Mr. Canning
publicly said, "He was as much disappointed as any man,
but he should not relinquish any part he was called on
to act, because it might chance to be an arduous one."
He was, on the 26th of May, appointed treasurer of the
navy.
A curious occurrence threw some light on the opinions
of a noble lord, and the motives of the Minister at this
period. The Admiral Alpin, East Indiaman, was cap-
tured by the French admiral L'nois. There were letters
on board; and, amongst others, one from lord Grenville
to the governor of India. A translation of this was
published in the French newspapers, and from them re-
translated into English. Of this double translation tht*
following is a copy: —
\
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 135
My DEAR Wellesley,
Two days ago, I received your letter of the 16th of February,
and I now reply to it, though I am not entirely certain wlxen I
shall have an opportunity of transmitting to you my answer. In
regard to your stay in India, this question has been long ago de-
cided j and so great is the distance which separates us, that before
this can reach you, the time fixed for your departure will liave
arrived. I am not certain whether the event of the war, which our
wise ministers have at last declared, may not have induced them to
beg you to continue your stay in India some time longer. No one
was better able than they to appreciate the certainty of this event»
so that we ought to suppose they have taken all those measures
which the moment required; but every thing, however, shows that
they were taken as much unawares, as if that event had been little
expected. It is consequently not improbable, that when they
found war unavoidable, that is to say, on the day when they de-
clared it, they may have despatched orders to you to remain in In-
dia. But as I am entirely ignorant on this subject, I cannot reason
on it. Should this not be the case, I hope nothing will prevent
me from having the pleasure of seeing you next year, supposing at
that period that you have still a country to revisit. When I make
use of this expression, do not imagine that my dissatisfaction w:^th
the conduct of the government has made any change in my opinion
respecting the means and resources of this country; I have never
been among the number of croakers on this subject. It is not sa
much opinion, (if I do not deceive myself,) as a perfect knowledge,
equivalent to a certainty, which induces me to say, that the coun-
try possesses not only abundant and ample means of defence, but
means sufficient to make our enemy repent of his hostile conduct,
and to force him to fear, and consequently to respect us. But
hitherto there has been so much indecision, timidity, and slowness,
in all the measures taken to call forth our resources; and all our
courage at this moment exhibits so much the impression of fear ; that
I cannot speak with any satisfaction of the talents which have been
called into action, or of the dispositions which have been made.
My course of political conduct, as you must have seen, differs more
and more from that of government. In regard to the opinion I ex-
pressed on the peace, I have the satisfaction to find that justice is
now done me in every part of the country. Not only have subse-
quent events proved that the small body with whom I acted in
concert on this occasion, was composed of the only persons who
then knew how to appreciate this measure and its consequences ;
but it has been generally acknowledged, that we rightly foresaw
^36
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
wliat would take place. All the infamous calumnies of govern-
ment have fallen with double force on their own heads. In every
tiling I liave since done, and in every thing I have abstained from
doing, you will, I hope, perceive tiiose sentiments, and those prin-
ciples, from which no opinion, however unfavourable it may be to
the personal conduct of any individual, shall ever make me deviate.
Had I been certain of an opportunity, I should have written you a
detail of what has taken place since April last, in regard to the
projected change in the government, and would have explained
(as far as I have been able to understand them) the grounds of the
conduct which Pitt has since observed. It gives me great pleasure
to see, that while my difference with Addington becomes every
day more marked, all the motives which made Pitt and me differ
in opinion and conduct, daily decrease. We have not, however,
yet been able to assimilate completely our plans of political con-
duct. Our situation, indeed, in one essential point of view, is en-
tirely different. Though he did not recommend Addington to his
present employment, (and, indeed, who is there that knows him
would have done it?) he nevertheless gave him a certain portion of
influence, more active than my opinion would have permitted me
to grant, in the formation of the new administration. He advised
their measures a long time after I had ceased to have any inter-
course with them, and he approved of them in different points,
which appeared to me the most criminal, and which were indeed
so, as proved by the event. He is consequently more hampered in
his conduct than I am, and he does not at present enjoy the inesti-
mable advantage which I possess, of never having concealed nor
compromised my opinion, in regard to matters of so much political
importance j but, I believe that his ideas on their political conduct
are not much different from mine, if they differ at all ; and to all
this must be added a resentment justly merited from the personal
conduct of Mr. Addington towards him. He does not endeavour
to conceal his sentiments. If he has written to you, (which he
certainly must have done, had he not contracted the bad habit of
never writing to any one,) he must have expressed to you, I am
persuaded, all these sentiments without reserve; and it is under
this persuasion that I enlarge so much to you on his opinions. The
measure, indeed, which he has lately adopted, (I allude to his mo-
tion of adjournment, on the vote of censure, ill judged in itself, ?s
I think it was, and unfortunate in its result, since it lessened his
public influence,) has, at least, the merit of expressing, in an un-
equivocal manner, his disapprobation of the conduct of govern-
ment, I will not hazard a conjecture in regard to the new events
/
MKMOIIl OF GEORGE CANNING. 137
which may take phicc before your an ival ; and the only advice I
wish to give you is, wliat I iiuTe more than once suggested, not to
engage for any thing until you return, but to retain the liberty of
acting, according to such motives as you shall judge proper to
direxrt your conduct when you are on the spot, and according as
the difFerent relations between persons at the head of affairs in the
different subdivisions of parties, shall have enabled you to judge
what suits you best. In regard to the idea thrown out, in the ex-
tract you have sent me from your letter to Mr. Addington, you
ought, in my opinion, to consider it only as a possible, though re-
mote event. As for eternal enmity, I detest the idea j and, if I
have an eternal enmity, it is against the partisans of a principle so
detestable. But much is due to public opinion, as well as to the
personal situation and character of individuals, which ought to be
respected long after they have ceased to have resentment, or to
take pleasure in giving proofs of it ; and nothing appears to me
less probable than to see Pitt and me, at any near period, (perhaps
I may say, at any period of our lives,) reconciled, and disposed to
re-establish with Addington our former relations. The papers, if
you have them, will inform you, that all our conversation at pre-
sent turns on invasion, and that we at length begin to take mea-
sures for enabling us to face our enemies, if they should be able to
effect a landing, which, though very improbable, is not, certainly,
in any manner impossible. To speak of conquering, or subduing,
ten or twelve millions of men, if prepared for the contest, and
directed by a government desirous and capable of animating their
efforts, would be completely ridiculous. But experience has
shown, that the number of inhabitants alone, and even advantage
of local situation, are nothing, if the direction of the defence re-
mains in the hands of men distinguished only by their imbecility
and weakness. In Holland even, and still more in Germany, Italy,
and Switzerland, the countries were given up by the weakness, not
of the people, but of their governments; and in like manner, if in
this island, or in Ireland, we should experience any considerable
check, we shall owe it not to the timidity or ignorance of the nation,
but solely to those of government. You must be already enabled
to judge to what a degree these qualities exist in the present
government, if (as I suppose) you have, before you receive this
letter, read the correspondence of lord Hawkesbury with Otto and
lord Whitworth, and compared the dates of the different counter-
orders in regard to the Cape, during the course of oar communica-
tions with France, It would be superfluous to add to the length
of this letter, by expatiating on the pleasure which I experienced,
C. T
133 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
o>i fi.uling in your letter tliose expressions of friendsliip which be-
long to our old and uninterrupted intimacy, I never did more for
you, than you would have done for me, on a like occasion j and if
the intrigue planned against you is totally without effect, and your
measures have been approved before they were arraigned, I cannot
flatter myself with having contributed to this result by my efforts; —
but you may, in my opinion, consider the affair as terminated. It
does not appear that a single word of it was mentioned in Par-
liament before Christmas, and I really believe that you have
nothing to fear. You can now have notliing further to apprehend
on the subject, except perhaps the trouble and unpleasantness of a
controversy of this description.
" I remain, &c. &c. &c,
(Signed) " Grenville."
Mr. Pitt was anxious to have the aid of the Grenville
party. The King forbid the employment of Fox ; and
I Lord Grenviilo, as will be seen by his letter, declined to
f accept any office. The re-translation already given, and
(the following' letter, are a couple of curious political
documents, and well worthy of preservation. Lord
Grenville never admitted, but never denied, the author-
ship imputed to him.
" My dear Pitt,
" I have already apprised you, that all the persons to w hom, at
your desire, I communicated what passed between us yesterday,
agree with me in the decided opinion, that we ought not to engage
in the administration which you are now employed in forming. —
We should be sincerely sorry if, by declining this proposal, we
should appear less desirous than we must always be, of rendering
to his Majesty, to the utmost of our power, every advice of wliich
he may be graciously pleased to think us capable. — No considera-
tion of personal ease or comfort, no apprehension of responsibility,
nor reluctance to meet the real situation into whicli the country has
been brought, have any weight in this decision ; nor are we fet-
tered by any engagement on the subject, either expressed or im-
plied; we rest our determination solely on our strong sense of the
impropriety of our becoming parties to a system of government
which is to be formed, at such a moment as the present, on a prin-
ciple of exclusion.
MEMOIR Ol' GEORGE CANNING. 139
" It is unnecessary to dwell on the mischiefs which have already
resulted from placing the great offices of government, in weak and
incapable hands. We see no hope of any effectual remedy for
these mischiefs, but by uniting in the public service ' as large a
proportion as possible of the weight, talents, and character, to be
found in public men of all descriptions, and without any excep-
tion.' This opinion I have already had occasion to express to you
in the same words, and we have, for some time past, been publicly
acting in conformity to it; nor can we, while we remain impressed
with that persuasion, concur in defeating an object for which the
circumstances of the times afford at once so strong an inducement,
and so favourable an occasion,
"An opportunity now offers, such as this country has seldom
seen, for giving to its government, in a moment of peculiar diffi-
culty, the full benefit of the services of all those who, by the pub-
lic voice and sentiment, are judged most capable of contributing
to its prosperity and safety. The wishes of the public, upon this
occasion, are completely in unison with its interests; and the ad-
vantages which not this country alone, but all Europe, and the
whole civilized world, might derive from the establishment of such
an administration, at such a crisis, would probably have exceeded
the most sanguine expectations,
" We are certainly not ignorant of the difficulties which might
have obstructed the final accomplishment of such an object, how-
ever earnestly pursued. But when, in the very first instance, all
trial of it is precluded, and when the denial is made the condition
of all subsequent arrangements, we cannot but feel that there are
no motives, of whatever description, which could justify onr taking
an active part in the establishment of a system so adverse to our
deliberate and declared opinions,
" I remain,
" My dear Pitt, &c, &c. &c.
(Signed) " Grenville."
Lord Melville's appointment as first lord of the admi-
ralty, was matter of surprise to most. The celebrated
Catamaran project had Mr. Pitt's and Mr. Canning's con-
currence.* The enemies of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues
* This occurrence demands mention, and the following account
is authentic: —
' " Towards the latter end of the year, a great proportion of the
140 MEMOIR OK GEORGE CANNIxNG.
made themselves very merry on the subject; but many
celebrated naval officers had concurred in the Minister's
enemy's flotilla having assembled in safety and in eousidernl)le
force at Boulogne, the alarm of invasion universally prevailed. It
was at this period that a project for its destruction was set on foot,
of the success of which the greatest hopes were entertained.
" This plan was principally to be carried into effect through the
medium of copper vessels of an oblong form, containing a quantity
of combustibles, and so constructed as to explode in a given time,
by means of clock-work. These vessels were to be towed and fas-
tened under the bottoms of the enemy's gun-boats, by a small raft,
rowed by one 'man, who being seated up to the chin in water,
might possibly escape detection in a dark night. Fire-ships of dif-
ferent construction were also to be employed in this projected at-
tack. The most active and enterprising officers were distributed
in the different explosion vessels, and the whole put under the
orders and direction of admiral lord Keith, commanding in the
Downs, who was to cover the smaller force with his powerful
squadron. The appearance of 150 of the enemy's flotilla on the
outside of the pier of Boulogne, determined the moment of attack,
and an early day in October was fixed upon for this important
operation. It is not easy to describe the mingled sensations of
anxiety and confidence, which the length of time, and the extent
of the preparation for this enterprise, had created in the public
mind. The latter, however, far predominated, and was confirmed
by the rumours which were industriously spread, that the first
lord of the admiralty would himself superintend the execution of
his plan, and that Mr. Pitt and other of the ministers were to be
witnesses of its success, from the elevation of "Walmer Castle. To
such a pitch had this infatuation risen, that accounts in the public
papers were published, on the first moment it was possible that
the issue of the contest could be known in the metropolis, announ-
cing, in the most enthusiastic and exaggerated terms, its complete
success in the utter destruction of 150 of the enemy's ships, (the
whole number on the outside of the pier,) and congratulating the
country on the acquisition of such a naval minister as lord Mel-
ville, for whom they claimed the whole merit of the plan, and no
small share of that of its execution! The joy and exultation to
which those fabrications (which were, doubtless, written in anti-
cipation of the event) gave birth, were lowered gradually by the
non-appearance of official statements ; and when lord Keith's ac-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 141
opinions ; and \{lhey erred, surely it was no reproach that
they were in error as to the practical part of nautical
tactics.
coynt appeared, some few days afterwards, totally subsided, and
gavi' way to sentiments of a very opposite nature.
" On a comparison of the English and French accounts of this
affair, it may, we think, b'e fairly stated as follows. On the 2d of
October, admiral lord Keith, with his formidable squadron, an-
chored at about a league and a half from the north to the west of
the port of Boulogne. In the course of the day, a sufficient force
was thence detached to take up an advanced and convenient an-
chorage for covering the retreat, and to give protection to wounded
men, or to boats that might be crippled; or, should the wind
freshen, and blow in shore, to tow off the boats in general. While
these preparations were going forward, the enemy was not inat-
tentive or negligent in preparing his defences; the batteries were
prepared, and the army drawn up in readiness for what might
happen. At a quarter past nine, under a heavy fire from the ad-
vanced force, and which was returned by a tremendous one from
the shore, the first detachment of fire-ships was launched. As they
approached the French line, the vessels of the flotilla opened to let
them through, and so effectually were they avoided, that they passed
to the rear of the line, without falling on board of any one of them.
" At half past ten, the first explosion ship blew up; it produced
an immense column of fire; its wreck spread far and wide, but
not the slightest mischief was done either to the ships or the bat-
teries. A second, a third, and a fourth, succeeded no better: at
length, after twelve had been exploded, the engagement ceased
about four o'clock on the following morning; and the English
smaller vesselr withdrew in perfect order, without the loss of a
man. No mischief whatever was ascertained to be done to the
flotilla, but from the missing two brigs and some smaller vessels in
their line, the next day, lord Keith thought it possible they might
be destroyed. The French reports acknowledge the loss of 25 men
in killed and wounded.
" The boat in which the catamaran was, (it was afterwards as-
serted), was close upon the enemy, but it struck something, and
the lieutenant on board of her imprudently called out aloud,
'What are ye at?' and was overheard by the French; and tliey
had only time to save their lives, for several were severely wound-
ed as they rowed away."
142 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Towards the close of 1804, Buonaparte was crowned
with due solemnities, and declared emperor of France;
i ...
V and that country rose rapidly in national prosperity.
The following year brought about an inquiry that in-
volved one of our hero's friends in difficulty, if not
disgrace.
It will be in the reader's recollection, that in 1805, a
trial by impeachment of lord Melville occurred, the
grounds for which were briefly as follows : —
Mr. Dundas was, in 1782, appointed treasurer of the
navy, and president of the board of control. In 1800,
he resigned the latter office; and in 1801, when Pitt went
out, gave up the former also. In 1804, when this cele-
brated statesman resumed the reins, Mr. Dundas, then
viscount Melville, was made first lord of the Admiralty.
In 1805, a series of charges were exhibited against that
nobleman, amongst which, some were, that he, viscount
Melville, when treasurer of the navy, had received large
sums of money from his Majesty's exchequer, and frau-
dulently converted the same to his own use.
Whilst Mr. Dundas was in his first official capacity,
as treasurer of the navy, he busied himself in examining
into and taking measures to prevent the misuse of public
monies.
On the 13th of June, 1782, the following resolutions
were passed by the committee of the House of Com-
mons : —
" That it is the opinion of this committee, that some
regulations ought to be adopted, for the purpose of les-
sening and keeping down the balances of public money,
which appear to have usually been in the hands of the
treasurer of the navy; and it would be beneficial to the
public, if the first and other clerks in the different branches
belonging to the said office, were paid by fixed and per-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNI.VG. ]'13
manent salaries, in lieu of fees, gratuities, and other per-
quisites whatsoever.
" That it is the opinion of this committee, that from
henceforward the paymaster-general of his Majesty's
land tbrces, and the treasurer of the navy, for the time
being, shall not apply any sumorsumsof money entrusted
to them, or either of them, to any purpose of advantage
or interest to themselves, either directly or indirectly.
" That it appears to this committee, that the commis-
sioners appointed to examine, take, and state the public
accounts of the kingdom, have, so far as appears from
the reports hitherto made, discharged the duty entrusted
to them with great diligence, accuracy, and ability; and
if Parliament shall carry into execution those plans of
reform and regulation which are suggested by the matter
contained in the reports of the said commissioners, it
cannot but be attended with the most beneficial conse-
quences to the future welfare and prosperity of this king-
dom."
This Act originated with, and was carried into effect
by, Mr. Dundas ; and yet he was the only treasurer of the
navy accused of having infringed its laws.
Mr. Dundas followed this up, by causing an Act to
pass, to prevent the passing of forged instruments, and
caused all wills, and powers of attorney of seamen, to be
signed by the officers of the port, whose signatures are
known at the Navy Office. Likewise a Bill to empower
every seaman, while in the service of government, to re-
mit six months' pay to his Avife and family, which proved
a great encouragement and inducement to them to enter
into the navy.
In 1804, Mr. Dundas, or rather lord Melville, he
having- previously been created a peer by that title, re-
ceived the appointment of first lord of the Admiralty.
144 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
lie had not held this high and important appointment
long, before an inquiry into the abuses in the naval de-
partment was instituted, at the instigation of the earl St.
Vincent, his lordship's predecessor. It was composed of
five gentlemen, who had authority to examine witnesses,
and who had found it necessary to call upon lord Mel-
ville and Mr. Trotter, for information relative to various
sums of money, of the application of which, during the
treasurership of the former, they could find no account.
In a letter, dated March 28, 1805, lord Melville re-
plied to this question at some length, but the substance
of his reply is contained in the following words : —
" I learn from Mr. Trotter,* that in the accounts he
has kept respecting my private concerns, he has so
blended his own private monies with what he had in his
hands of public money, that it is impossible for him to
ascertain with precision, whether the advances he had
occasion to make to me, in the course of his running pri-
vate account with me, were made from one or the other
aggregate sums which constituted his balance with Messrs.
Coutts."
To which lord Melville added, that he never authorised
Mr. Trotter to apply any monies to his use, but consi-
dered any advance as an advance from Mr. Trotter to
him, lord Melville, and that he was indebted to Mr.
Trotter for any sums so advanced.
On the 8th of April, 1805, Mr. Whitbread moved that
the House should resolve itself into a committee of the
whole house, to consider the Report of the Commis-
sioners of Naval Inquiry; and concluded a long speech,
in which he severely reflected on lord Melville and Mr.
* Mr. Trotter held the situation of paymaster of the navy, by
the appointment of lord Melville, and was, previous to this ap-
pointment, a clerk in the Pay Office.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. H5
Trotter, by moving, amongst others, the following reso-
lutions : —
" That in defiance of the act of the 25th Geo. III. c. 31.
large sums of money were, under pretence of naval ser-
vices, and in scandalous evasron of the Act, at various
times drawn from the Bank, and invested in Exchequer
and Navy Bills, lent upon the security of stock, em-
ployed in discounting private bills, in purchasing bank
and East India stock, and used in various ways, for the
purposes of private emolument.
" That Alexander Trotter, esq. was the person by
whom and in whose name the public money was thus
employed; and that, in so doing, he acted with the
knowledge and consent of lord viscount Melville, to
whom he was at the same time private agent, and for
whose use or benefit he occasionally laid out from
£10,000 to £20,000, without considering whether he
was previously in advance to his lordship, and whether
such advances were made from his private or public ba-
lances.
^' That the right honourable lord viscount Melville
having been privy to, and conniving at the withdrawing
from the bank of England, for the purposes of private
interest or emolument, sums issued to him as treasurer
of the navy, and placed to his account in the Bank, ac-
cording to the provisions of the 25th Geo. III. cap. 31.
has been guilty of a gross violation of the law, and a
high breach of dutv,
" That lord Melville, in a letter in answer to a pre-
cept issued by the commissioners of naval inquiry, re-
quiring an account of money received by him, or any
person on his account, or by his order, from the pay-
master of the navy, has declared that he has no materials
by vvhich he could make up such an account.
7, u
/.
14G MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" That lord Melville has acted in a manner incon-
sistent with his duty, and incompatible with those secu-
rities which the legislature has provided for the proper
application of the public money."
On a division of the House, the ayes 216 — noes 21f>,
the honourable speaker gave the casting vote, which
carried Mr. Whitbread's motion.
From the commencement of this inquiry, Canning-
gave all his energies in support of Melville. His lord-
ship, when Mr. Dundas, had been a fellow-labourer w ith
our hero in the public cause, and the friend of his early
years was not forgotten in the moment of adversity. It
would be injustice to the memory of men who now lie
in their tombs, to impugn the motives of this inquiry ; but
5 assuredly it was conducted with a severity and rancour,
t that, except in the case of Hastings, had no parallel.
I From its first institution, till the latest moment, Can-
I ning stood forward to repel the attacks of Whitbread,
^ Tierney, Grey, Fox, and Sheridan. On the impeach-
ment, according to parliamentary routine, he could not
speak, as only the managers and counsel had that privi-
lege ; but in all the motions previous to it, we find him
actively and zealously engaged.
If it were necessary to adduce proof of the petty arts
to which the enemies of the ministry descended, the pub-
lished account of the trial of lord Melville would afford
it. In a volume of, 400 pages, professing to give a re-
port of the trial, and the motions, &c. preceding it, pub-
lished by Longman, the invectives of the managers, and
the attacks and vituperations of all the Oppositionists,
are given at large, whilst the eloquent defences made by
Canning are omitted altogether. In one case, a long
speech being compressed into a single page; and in other
instances, only alluded to thus : " Mr. Canning made an
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. I4t
animated speech." These tricks become doubly disgrace-
ful, emanating as they do from tlie party who are always
the first to raise an outcry, if any unfair advantage h
taken of them, and who are so earnestly impugning the
doctrine of " audi alteram partem.^''
Upon the motion of the 8th of April, Mr. Canning-
spoke at length ; and from this speech, not published in
the pretended account of the Inquiry, a few extracts may
prove acceptable.
Mr. Canning said, " After the speech I have just
heard, from the high authority of the honourable gentle-
man whom I have succeeded in the office I now hold, — and
considering that the present question relates peculiarly
to that department of administration with which I am
most intimately connected, — I feel particularly anxious
to deliver my sentiraeats on this occasion. The House,
in its usual love of justice, will give an opportunity to
inquire whether the whole of the charge now exhibited
against the noble lord may not be done away with, or is ca-
pable of being done away with ? And if they think so, they
cannot possibly vote for the motion proposed by the ho-
nourable gentleman. But Avhat is the alternative ? —
That the House shall come to a final determination on
the subject, by which all possibility of explanation will be
excluded. Now, upon this matter, I cannot help saying,
that the mode proposed by my right honourable friend
is the true way to answer the purposes of justice, by in-
stituting an inquiry, with all the circumstances of the
case on both sides, which hitherto has not been done.
But the right honourable gentleman who spoke last has
stated to the House, that the mode proposed by the ori-
ginal motion was recommended by a late precedent, in the
proceedings of the House on the subject of the Middlesex
election. In that case, the House decided not to proceed
/
148 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
in the examination of evidence at the bar, but took up
the case on the report of a committee, and adopted its
statement, upon the ground that the evidence which was
adduced before the committee was upon oath, and that
which was to be heard at the bar must be without oath, —
that the case was the same here, for that the evidence
before the committee of naval inquiry was upon oath;
but if the House heard any further evidence upon that
subject, they must take it without that sanction. Now,
begging pardon of the right honourable gentleman, the
two cases have no common nature, or indeed any resem-
blance to each other.
" The decision on the late case of the Middlesex elec-
tion, in which the House adopted the report of the com-
mittee, and concluded upon it, without hearing further
evidence, did not turn on the point of difference between
evidence upon oath, and that which was taken without
that sanction, — but, upon the principle that the parties
charged with misconduct had been fully heard, had been
allowed all the forms, and, what is better than all forms,
the substance of a fair trial. They were called upon to
answer; they knew the charge, — had heard all the evi-
dence in support of it, — had actually examined that evi-
dence, and were heard by counsel as to the effect of that
evidence; and it appeared, upon a full investigation of
the case, that the party had nothing to say in answer to the
charge, — they were found guilty, because their guilt was
fully substantiated after they had been fully heard. But
the present is the reverse of that case ; — for here the par-
ties have not been heard, and all that is now asked is a
full hearing. I put it to the House, and indeed to the
gentlemen opposite me, whether it is fair to call on the
House to convict the party without a hearing, which has
not yet been had ? What will bring the point more dis-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 149
tinctly before the minds of those whom I have now the
honour of addressing, is this, — that no part of the case now
before the House on this report, is matter originally in-
tended by the course of examination taken by the com-
mittee; but it came out accidentally, and it is no part of
the object of the committee to try the noble lord who is
the object of the present motion for any thing; and there-
fore it is, from the nature of things, absolutely impossible
that he can have had a fair trial, since indeed hitherto he
has had no trial.
" The right honourable gentleman who spoke last, ob-
served, that, in former times, a committee, on the model of
which this was formed, had made many wise regulations ;
and that the Act, which is now the subject of the consi-
deration of the House of Commons, passed without fur-
ther investigation than that of the perusal of the report
of the committee on which it was founded. This may
be ; — but I believe the right honourable gentleman cannot
show me any regulation of parliament by which any in-
dividual has been condemned, without having had an op-
portunity of defending himself. And here the case is
most singularly hard ; for it is the case of an individual
knowing for the first time, from the report now said to
be conclusive, the nature of the charge that is exhibited
against him.
" I am speaking now of lord Melville, — for I under-
stand that noble lord is the only person against whom
the gentlemen on the other side of the House are press-
ing. From the complicated accounts brought, without
notice to his lordship, before the committee, the guilt of
that noble lord is to be inferred; and he is said to have
had a fair trial ; and the House is called upon to confirm
that assertion, without having at all investigated the
case! This application to the House is repugnant to the
150 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
principles of justice. — But then the right honourable
gentleman stated, that an Act of Parliament has in this
case been violated, by the application of public money to
other uses than those specified by the Act.
" Now, I will venture to say, that this violation of the
Act of Parliament is a point by no means so clear as
some gentlemen affect to state it. But, on the contrary,
I believe that doubts may be very reasonably entertained
upon that subject. 1 wish to guard against being mis-
understood. When I say that the Act is not so clear upon
this point, as it seems to be conceived by some gentle-
men, — I am not hereby to be regarded as the champion
of illegal defiance to the rules of law, or an imitator of
such a practice. / knon) that laws, even if unwise^ niust
be obeyed while they are in full forced
After this, Mr. Canning proceeded to enter into ♦fte
minutiae of the case, and concluded thus —
" If I thought a case was made out against his lord-
ship, I should not lift up my voice against the motion ;
but lord Melville does not, I think, ask too much, when
he begs this honourable House not to suffer itself, by
prejudice within, or intimidation from clamour without,
to take upon itself to decide, without full and competent
information on the subject before them."
On the 10th of April, Whitbread moved the reading
of the resolutions, and took occasion to inquire of Mr.
Canning, if Trotter and Wilson had been dismissed, and
reprobated in strong terms the retention of the last-
named gentleman, and concluded by moving — " That a
humble address might be presented to his Majesty, pray-
ing the removal of lord Melville from all offices held
under the crown, and from his Majesty's presence and
councils for ever."
This was a severe blow, and it called forth all the
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 151
energies of friendship. It seems scarcely credible, that
any being could have been so lost to justice, as to deny a
place, in a report of this inquiry, to the following speech ;
but certain it is, that it is passed over with a mere refer-
ence, by the compilers of the accounts of that pro-
ceeding.
The speech gained much from the solemn and ener-
getic mode of Mr. Canning's delivery, and was ably re-
plied to by Grey and Ponsonby ; but they did not succeed
in removing the impression he made upon the many who
had taken up the mere prejudices of a party, without in-
vestigation or reflection.
" Mr. Speaker, — However strongly the honourable
gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Whitbread) has
expressed his desire that the House should on this occa-
sion attend merely to the call of impartial justice; and
however desirous he may have been of disclaiming any
other motives for the course he has pursued, than what
proceeded from a wish to establish an example, such as
niay effectually prevent the recurrence of the like mis-
chiefs and irregularities in future ; I cannot help think-
ing, and I am pretty confident that many of those who
have heard the honourable gentleman's speech are of
the same opinion, that, notwithstanding his professions
of moderation, he has introduced such topics, and spoken
in such a tone, as prove him to have been actuated by
something more than the motives alleged, and indicate
something much more bitter than appears to be w ar-
ranted by the nature of the case under consideration.
Gracious God! what measure of justice would the ho-
nourable gentleman deal out in this case ? What is his
object? In the interval that has elapsed since the House
last separated, lord Blelville has, in deference to the
decision of this House, thought proper to resign the high
office which he held in his Majesty's councils ; and yet
y
152 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
this ready compliance with your vote is stated by the
honourable gentleman as an article of aggravation in
the charges against the noble lord. The honourable
gentleman has made that act of the noble lord a
ground of accusation against him, and seems to have
considered his deference to the authority of the House
in the light of a subterfuge to evade or disappoint
justice. What would have been the feelings and the
animadversions bf the honourable gentleman, — wliat his
expressions of indignation and resentment, — if the House
had met this day lord Melville, instead of bowing to its
decision, still continuing to hold the office of first lord of
the admiralty ? (A cry of hear I hear!) Would he not
have made that the ground of further and increased in-
vective ? (Still a loud cry of hear!) I take it for granted,
from the symptoms on the other side of the House, that
the gentlemen there assent to these assertions; they
would have considered lord Melville's continuance in
office as an aggravation of his guilt; and yet they now
condemn him for his prompt acquiescence in their wish.
What course, then, is lord Melville to pursue, to avoid
their wrath, if what he has done, according to the noti-
fication of my right' honourable friend, be made the
ground of invective against him ? And is this to be taken
as a specimen of the fairness of the motives upon which
gentlemen boast of acting, and of their impartiality in
acting upon them? Sir, the honourable gentleman has
applied to me for information, whether I have dismissed
Mr. Trotter from the employment which he held under
ine in the navy pay office ? I have told him that I have
done so. After the decision of the House on Monday
night, I could not have a moment's hesitation. Some
gentlemen thought proper, on a former evening, to ani-
madvert, in terms of severity, on my having retained
Mr. Trotter in office, after tlic accusations, relative tt»
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 153
which the House have decided, had been published
against him. But of my conduct, in that instance, I trust
every candid man will approve. Mr. Trotter I consi-
dered on his trial ; and, whatever my own opinion might
have been of the nature of the charge against him, and
the degree of his guilt, it struck me that it would be ex-
tremely unfair to prejudice the public mind against his
case, by dismissing him under such circumstances. He
stood in such a situation that I could not feel it consis-
tent with public justice, to fix a seal of infamy upon the
man, by dismissing him while his trial was pending. But
the moment the sense of this House was known, when I
no longer could prejudice a man whose guilt, till de-
clared by a competent tribunal, I should have felt it un-
fair to prejudge by any act of mine, I removed Mr.
Trotter; and my reasons for not removing him before
that sense was known, will, I have no doubt, be deemed
satisfactory by every dispassionate mind. — Nay, I have
little doubt, that although a learned gentleman (Mr.
Ponsonby) remarked with such severity on my conduct
on a former evening, that honourable gentleman himself
will, upon a little reflection, if he possess the mind and
feelings of a British lawyer, be ready to confess that he
was wrong, and that to have taken a different course
from that which I have pursued, would have been un-
fair, tyrannical, and oppressive. With regard to Mr.
Wilson, who holds a secondary station in the navy pay
office — to him I do not conceive that any imputation at-
taches, that would warrant me in acting towards him in
the manner which the honourable gentleman desires. On
the contrary, I consider Mr. Wilson to be one of the
most industrious and deserving servants of the public.
But, says the honourable gentleman, Mr. Wilson is re-
ported by the commissioners as having given a reluctant
X
154 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
testimony ; as having; refused to answer questions, lest
they should tend to criminate himself. Sir, the conduct
of Mr. Wilson before the commissioners of naval inquiry
has been thus explained to me ; and not to me only,
but, if I am not much misinformed, to the naval commis-
sioners themselves. I speak in the presence of one of
them, (sir C. Pole,) who will correct me if I am wrong,
though they have not thought fit to report that part of
Mr. Wilson's evidence. Mr. Wilson acted occaaionally,
in the absence of the paymaster, and used to sign drafts
in the usual form on the bank, for the money wanted for
the office. If there was any legal guilt in the manner of
executing this part of the duty of the paymaster, — and
that there was legal guilt in it must not now be doubted,
since the House has so decided, — Mr. Wilson, so far as
he acted in this respect for the principal, participated
in that legal guilt, and was liable, or thought himself
liable, to whatever might be the legal consequences of
it. That he had ever acted with a view to private emo-
lument, has not been supposed or charged against him.
His evidence upon oath expressly denies that imputation.
The share which he had had, as substitute for another,
in a practice pronounced illegal, Mr. Wilson naturally
supposed would implicate him in the penalties appli-
cable to the illegality of the transaction; and on that
ground alone he declined to answer the interrogatories
of the commissioners. But, although the charge of legal
guilt might attach to this man, I believe that he is per-
fectly free from any imputation on the score of morality.
Still, though I entertain this opinion of Mr. Wilson, if
this House pronounced a different opinion, I should bow
to its authority, and remove him from office. But no
such opinion has been declared, and I think him not
at all fairly implicated in the guilt attributed to the
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 155
transaction which led to this discussion. Why then
should I comply with the wish expressed by the honour-
able gentleman ? or with what justice could I sacrifice a
man whom I conscientiously believe to be innocent, to
suspicion or to clamour ; unless some new evidence
should arise, or some competent tribunal should pro-
nounce Mr. Wilson guilty? I have not, I cannot have,
any personal partiality for Mr. Wilson, whom I know
only as a clerk in my office : but I will mete out a dif-
ferent measure of justice to this or any other man whom
circumstances may place in my power, to what the
honourable gentleman seems disposed to show to lord
Melville. But to return to the question ; the honour-
able gentleman has now renewed all the unfairness, and
apparently forgotten and thrown aside all the fairness
and moderation, of which he thought it necessary to
assume the semblance at least in the last debate. He
has resorted to every means of aggravating his charge ;
he has collected every circumstance that could tend to
give an unfavourable impression against the object of
his accusation, and has even construed the act which
was a mark of the noble lord's deference to the House,
and of his humiliation, into an aggravation of his crimi-
nality. The honourable gentleman at one time calls
particular parts of the tenth report dark and doubtful,
which at another time he assumes to furnish clear and
glaring evidence to aggravate the guilt of lord Melville.
And he has travelled not only out of the charge itself,
but out of the report, into the whole range of party poli-
tics, into the history of every action of lord Melville's
political life, to collect topics, which have no natural re-
lation to the subject properly before the House, and all
calculated obviously to inflame the passions upon a
charge which its advocates term an appeal to justice.
156 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
"The honourable gentleman tells you, that the motion
this night is nothing more than a confirmation of the vote
of the former night. But the vote of the former night,
as amended, only declared that the noble lord had violat-
ed the law, but it did not charge him with having done
so for private emolument. You have indeed recorded
yoi^r opinion that lord Melville has been guilty of a
violation of the Act of Parliament, in consequence of
which certain advantages have resulted to another per-
son. But you have not said that the noble lord has had
any participation of such advantages, nor does any thing
appear to justify such an inference. I trust, therefore,
that when the honourable gentleman so triumphantly de-
clares his conviction that the House cannot act inconsist-
ently with itself, that it will not disappoint the just
expectations of the country; I trust, sir, he will not find
himself mistaken. The House will follow up the vote of
last night with consistency — that is, in the same sense
and spirit in which that vote was given. The House
will not disappoint the opinion which the country has
conceived of its justice, temper, and wisdom, by first
voting a man guilty of a lesser offence, (I do not mean to
vindicate lord Melville, or extenuate the infraction of
the law for which you have held him responsible ; but
an offence merely legal is less in the eyes of every man
than the gross moral guilt which the honourable gentle-
man would now impute to him, and which he would fain
persuade you, contrary to your own knowledge and re-
collection, you meant to impute to him yourselves,) and
then turning round and apportioning the punishment,
not to the crime of which it has found lord Melville
guilty, but to all the foul aspersions and aggravated
charges which the honourable gentleman has in this stage
of the business thought it decent to heap upon him ; to
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 157
which charges the House is no party; and which it not
only did not sanction by its vote of the last night, but
upon deliberation refused to agree to even an ambiguous
and doubtful affirmation of them.
" The honourable gentleman has disclaimed any other
motive for his motion this night but a view to public
justice. What has been already done towards that end ?
Is the state of humiliation to which the noble lord has
been reduced, nothing ? Is such an end to such a poli-
tical life, nothing? Has not the noble lord already suf-
fered quite enough to disarm any set of men, not actuated
by the most rancorous feeling of party enmity ? And
against whom is this enmity directed ? Against one who
never was himself suspected of deserving the character of
a bitter political antagonist. In any of the public situa-
tions which lord Melville has occupied, I would chal-
lenge any man to produce an instance where party pre-
judice has been found to obstruct, or delay, or influence
the promotion of merit, whether political or military.
" Sir, the honourable gentleman has congratulated
his country on the extraordinary public virtue which
has been manifested on this occasion. If he means
the virtue displayed by the House of Commons, I
cordially agree with him. Whatever I may have pre-
sumed to think of the vote of Monday night, as hasty or
premature, no man more heartily than I subscribes to
the purity and integrity of the motives which dictated it.
If the honourable gentleman means to compliment him-
self on the part which he has taken, or the part which he
this night takes, in urging the House to a rigour beyond
the measure of justice, and, I venture to affirm, beyond
the measure of its own feelings of what is right ; I am
far from presuming to deny his claim to that credit, for
an exertion of virtue beyond the ordinary rate of most
158 MEMOIR OF QEOnGE CANNING.
men's capacity, and beyond the usual practice of the
country and the times in which we live.
" The honourable gentlenian must have gone far back
into the times of ancient Greece and Rome, to find mo-
dels of that sort of virtue. There he will have found,
no doubt, that when a great political delinquent was to be
brought to justice, and an appeal made to the people, to
aggravate the severity of punishment, the accuser was
not generally found among those who had received any
injury from the accused, but among those whom he had
served. And, sir, when I look back to the proceedings
of this House in the year 1795, when I recollect the
serious charges which were then brought forward against
two most eminent commanders, now members of the
other House of Parliament (and for their services well
entitled to that distinction) ; when I recollect that in the
debates which arose upon those charges, their most ac-
tive defender, their most indefatigable advocate, was
that very noble lord who now is made the theme of the
honourable gentleman's violence and invective ; and
when I see that noble lord, now no longer a minister,
already pulled down from the high eminence on which
he stood, and prostrate at the feet of the House of Com-
mons, no longer formidable from power or dangerous
from influence ; when I see him now, after his political
existence has ceased, after the crimes of his political na-
ture (be they what they may,) have been severely visited
upon him; when I see him now in this defenceless state,
persecuted and hunted down, — and by whom ? by the
friends of sir John Jervis and the kindred of sir Charles
Grey; — I cannot, sir, refuse to the honourable gentleman
the praise of Spartan inflexibility, of more than Roman
virtue. — But, while humbly and at a distance T admire the
exertion of these high qualities in him, T pray to Al-
MEMOm OF QEOIIGE CANNING. 159
mighty God to spare me the pain of being ever called
upon to imitate his example !"
When urged again, on the 25th, to discharge Wilson,
he replied —
" I cannot reconcile it to my ideas of justice, to dis-
miss one against whom no decision of this House has
taken place. I am sensible that in following this course
I subject myself to odium and abuse. I shall endure it.
When this House declares its opinion fairly, I shall sub-
mit to it; till that period arrives, Wilson shall not, in
the absence of any proof of his guilt, be dismissed from
his situation. I shall never, either by my voice or by
my conduct, patronise the tyrannical, despotic principle
of punishment previous to conviction."
This language was stigmatized as that of presumption
and insolence; but it was afterwards aclb^owledged to
be the manly declaration of one who was fitted to go-
vern, as he was equally inaccessible to the loud voice of
clamour, — the whisper of insinuation, — the cry of preju-
dice, — or the assaults of ill-deserved reproach. ^.^^^
It is impossible to describe the efforts of our hero at
this juncture of the business. He stood. Atlas like, with
the defence upon his shoulders, and the whole of the Op-
position found, that though many might harass by their
attack, numbers in such a conflict could not ensure
victory.
On Che 6th of May, Mr. Whitbread's motion was again
agitated; and, on that occasion, the chancellor of the
exchequer stated that he had a communication to make to
the House, which was to the following effect : — " That
his Majesty had been advised that the name of lord Mel-
ville should be struck out of the list of the privy council,
and that accordingly it would be erased on the first day
that a council should be held."
160 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
On the 11th of June, the speaker having; stated that he
had received a letter from lord IVIelville, announcing his
readiness to attend and be examined, relative to the re-
port of the commissioners of navy inquiry, — the sergeant
at mace was despatched to inform him he might come in;
and, on entering, a chair was placed for him within the
bar. It is not material, nor would it be in furtherance of
the object of this work, to give lord Melville's speech;
it is sufficient to state, that his lordship denied hav-
ing any knowledge of Mr. Trotter's investing money
in the stocks, — of his discounting bills with it, — or of
his turning it to purposes of private advantage; and
that, if any such practice had existed, it was altogether
without his privity or consent.
tMr. Whitbread, after lord Melville had retired, spoke
at some length ; and concluded by moving, " that it was
the opinion of the House, that lord Melville had been
I guilty of several high crimes and misdemeanors, and
I ought to be impeached for the same."
Mr. Canning voted for the impeachment, as the last
means of clearing the reputation of his friend. Lord
Melville was tried in Westminster Hall; the trial conti-
nued from the 29th of April, to 17th of May, 1806. On
the 12th of June following, his lordship's guilt or inno-
cence was put to the vote, — when lord Melville was ac-
quitted, by a large majority, on all the charges : on the
fifth charge, by a majority of J27; and on the second, by
a majority of 23, (the lowest majorities.) Their royal
f highnesses the dukes of York, Clarence, Kent, Sussex,
\ Cumberland, and Cambridge, all voted on this occasion,
— his present Majesty did not. y^
On the Catholic question, agitated in 1805, Mr. Can-
ning did not speak.
England had scarcely lost her Nelson, when she was
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 1 f»l
doomed to sustain another and a severer blow. That
naval hero had gone to his dreamless sleep, when the bat-
tles of his country were fought and won,— he had no more
to do; but Pitt died when the country required his ser-
vices. Pitt expired on the 23d of January, 1806,— and
died in poverty ;— this fact is alone his eulogium. Wesley,
the celebrated preacher, is reported to have said, that if
he left £5 behind him, he would give society leave to stig-
matize him as a robber. A minister dying in poverty, '
(whose habitsWere never profuse,) at least may prove
that cupidity was no part of his nature; and that, if he j
did not serve his country, he had no thoughts of impove- k
rishing it.
On the 1st of February, a motion was made for the
payment of Pitt's debts (about £40,000). The speeches ^
of Fox and Canning on this subject were both remark- j
able, and as that of the former is brief, it is here incorpo- i
rated. Mr. Fox spoke as follows: —
" I never felt more satisfaction than in giving my sup-
port to this testimony of the consideration of a great and
rich nation for the merits of an eminent servant. The
mode of introducing it, leaves me no difficulty in giving
it the support I wished. I rise in consequence of some
observations that have fallen from some gentlemen most
earnest in support of the motion. — Among other expres-
sions, I have heard that of ' Saviour.'
" With respect to this, I must say, I retain all my
former opinions ; or, if any change has taken, place in
them, it is in consequence of the situation of the country
in the years 1803 and 1804, which rendered it essential to
the public interest and public safety, that the differences
of former times, and the animosities they had given rise
to, should be buried in oblivion. When the right ho-
nourable gentleman now no more, proposed that I should
7. Y
1G2 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
have a large share in the administration, it would have
been in the highest degree indelicate in me to agitate
these questions. Mr. Pitt felt the same kind of delicacy.
I hope the House will do me the justice to think, that as
I was unwilling to touch upon these topics while Mr.
Pitt was living, 1 am doubly unwilling to touch upon
them, at least so much as relates to Mr. Pitt personally,
now that he is no more. I am not now going to touch
upon them, nor will I ever; but I beg to be understood
not to be influenced by any regard to myself, when I re-
solve to abstain so religiously from these topics. I know
not if Mr. Pitt thought in the same way of me ; but
I always thought, with respect to Mr. Pitt, that he would
form a distinguished part of any administration framed
with a view to the advantage of the country; and, on
this ground, I wish discord to cease. I have not had a
distinct opportunity of showing my sense of that wish ;
Mr. Pitt had, and he expressed it distinctly.
" To speak of Mr. Pitt as disinterested, in not touch-
ing the public money, is certainly an insult; but to ab-
stain from making money from his office, which he fairly
might ; — to have been in office twenty years, and in that
time to have had no place of profit but the Cinque Ports,
was disinterestedness not to be paralleled in any minis-
ter within my memory, — I believe not in any since the
accession of the house of Brunswick. This it is that I
wish to reward, nor have I any fear that the example
will have any pernicious effect." jT
Mr. Canning's speech on this subject was, perhaps, the
most rash one he ever delivered, at the same time, it did
honour to his feelings; he was piqued by the condescen-
sion of the oppositionists, and his respect for the fame of
the deceased statesman carried him beyond the bounds
of prude nee.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 1G3
" Mr. Speaker, — 1 rise in the hope that, in the little
I have to say on this subject, I shall not deviate from the
candour and moderation so laudably proposed on the
other side, but used, at the same time, as a veil to throw
over one or two propositions, in which I do not agree.
Some of the gentlemen are willing to allow Parliament
to discharge the debts of my late friend, as a matter of
generosity towards an old public servant. I wish it to
be known, however, that the friends of that illustrious
person will not be satisfied to receive this vote as an
eleemosynary grant to posthumous necessities, — not as a
boon of pity or compassion, — but as a public debt to a
highly meritorious public servant. I did not, from the
beginning, expect an unanimous vote; — I will not pur-
chase unanimity by conceding a tittle of the services of
that illustrious man.
" I appeal to the House, whether it was not on the
other side that the topics of discussion were started ?
Objections are made to the form of the former motion.
The fault I find with it is, that it is cold and inadequate
to the feelings of those who support it.
"When the friends of this great man consented to
neutralise the expressions of their feelings, for the pur-
pose of removing the grounds of opposition to the mo-
tion ; — when they resolved, instead of dipping the pen
into the heart, to look into the statute book for a prece-
dent :- when they had lowered and diluted every glow-
ing feeling; — when they had restrained and chastised the
warmth of their affections, in order to constitute unani-
mity; — the result has added to the many proofs I have
seen in the course of my pulitical life, that nothing is to
be gained by compromise. Now, the honourable gen-
tlemen canvass particular acts, and thus agitate topics
V. hich were omitted to avoid creating discussion.
. my MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
/ y " I have no desire to go farther back, than to show
./ that the agitation of the objects of dissension originated
on the other side. It was expected that this question
would have been generally supported— that all political
differences would have ceased — and that all animosities
would have been buried. That brilliant luminary that
was before us, whether its dawn was clouded, or its meri-
dian splendour obscured, has held a glorious course for
the country, and is worthy to call forth its admiration
and gratitude.
" 1 protest against the mode in which the honourable
gentlemen give their support to the motion. I wish to
restore to them the benefit of that consistency which they
labour so much to reconcile with the support they give.
I give credit to him who refuses his consent, because he
does not see merit; but I cannot see the ground on which
those opposite follow a distinct course. If the sum is to
be given as an eleemosynary grant, without any distinc-
tions of merit or demerit, 1 disdain it. Those who do
not vote for it on the ground of Mr. Pitt's merits, had
better oppose it openly. It is only as a tribute to great
merits, that 1 will receive it ; and if any one supports
it on any other ground than as a testimony and a reward
for those merits, 1 wish him to withdraw his support, and
preserve his consistency, by opposing it."
r The statesman who had introduced Canning to public
service, remained the object of his praise long after the
ear of the orator was deaf to any earthly voice. Shortly
after Pitt's death, the following eulogy from the pen of
our hero was published. The character of one great
i statesman drawn by another, is at least a literary curiosity.
" WILLIAM PITT.
^: " The character of this illustrious statesman early
passed its ordeal. Scarcely had he attained the age at
.*^
MliMOlll OF GEORGE CANNING. 165
'Jf
which reliection coiiunences, than Europe with astonish-
ment beheld him filling the first place in the councils of
his country, and managing the vast mass of its concerns,
with all the vigour and steadiness of the most matured
wisdom. Dignity — strength — discretion — these were
among the masterly qualities of his mind at its first dawn.
He had been nurtured a statesman, and his knowledge
was of that kind which always lay ready for practical
application. Not dealing in the subtleties of abstract
politics, but moving in the slow, steady procession of
reason, his conceptions were reflective, and his views
correct. Habitually attentive to the concerns of govern-
ment, he spared no pains to acquaint himself with what-
ever was connected, however minutely, with its pros-
perity. He was devoted to the state. Its interests
engrossed all his study, and engaged all his care. It
was the element alone in which he seemed to live and
move. He allowed himself but little recreation from his
labours. His mind was always on its station, and its
activity was unremitted.
" He did not hastily adopt a measure, nor hastily
abandon it. The plan struck out by him for the pre-
servation of Europe, was the result of prophetic wisdom
and profound policy. But, though defeated in many
respects by the selfish ambition and short-sighted imbe-
cility of foreign powers, whose rulers were too venal or
too weak to follow the flight of that mind which would
have taught them to outwing the storm — the policy in-
volved in it has still a secret operation on the conduct of
surrounding states. His plans were full of energy, and
the principles which inspired them looked beyond the
consequences of the hour.
" In a period of change and convulsion the most
perilous in the history of Great Britain, when sedition
/.'
10(> MF.IVIOIII OF GEORGE CANNING.
stalked abroad, and when the emissaries of France, and
^ the abettors of her regicide factions, formed a league
powerful from their number, and formidable by their
talent — in that awful crisis — the promptitude of his
measures saved his country.
" He knew nothing of that timid and wavering cast of
mind which dares not abide by its own decision. He
never suflered popular prejudice or party clamour to
turn him aside from any measure which his deliberate
judgment had adopted. He had a proud reliance on
himself, and it was justified. Like the sturdy warrior
leaning on his own battle-axe, conscious where his
strength lay, he did not readily look beyond it.
"As a debater in the House of Commons, his speeches
were logical and argumentative; if they did not often
abound in the graces of metaphor, or sparkle with the
brilliancy of wit, they were al\>ays animated, elegant,
and classical. The strength of his oratory was intrinsic,
it presented the rich and abundant resource of a clear
discernment and a correct taste. His speeches are
stamped with inimitable marks of originality. When
replying to his opponents, his readiness was not more
conspicuous than his energy. He was always prompt,
and always dignified. He could sometimes have re-
course to the sportiveness of irony ; but he did not often
seek any other aid than was to be derived from an ar-
ranged and extensive knowledge of his subject. This
qualified him fully to discuss the arguments of others,
and forcibly to defend his own. Thus armed, it was
rarely in the power of his adversaries, n)ighty as they
were, to beat hiu) from the field. His eloquence, occa-
sionally rapid — electric — and vehement — was always
chaste — firming — and j)crsuasive — not awing into ;ic-
quicscence, but arguing into conviclion. His under-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 167
standing was bold and comprehensive. Nothing seemed
too remote for its reach, or too large for its grasp.
"Unallurcd by dissipation, and unswayed by pleasure,
he never sacrificed the national treasure to the one, or
the national interest to the other. To his unswerving;
integrity the most authentic of all testimony is to be
found, in that unbounded public confidence which
followed him throughout the whole of his political
career.
" Absorbed, as he was, in the pursuits of public life,
he did not neglect to prepare himself in silence for that
higher destination, which is at once the incentive and
reward of human virtue. His talents, superior and
splendid as they were, never made him forgetful of that
eternal wisdom from which they emanated. The faith
and fortitude of his last moments were affecting and ex
emplary." »
The death of Pitt changed the views of politicians
throughout England. It was the signal for victory on
the side of Fox, and of declining power on that of the
late minister's party.
His Majesty having sent for lord Grenville, that noble-
man vi'as commissioned by the King to make the neces-
sary arrangements for a new administration.
The names of the new ministers soon appeared in
" The Gazette." The Cabinet Ministers, eleven in
number, consisted of lords Erskine. Grenville, Spencer,
Fitzwilliam, Moira, Sidmouth, and Ellenborough ; lord
Henry Petty, Mr. Fox, Mr.Wyndham, and Mr. Grey.
L/ord Grenville succeeded Mr. Pitt as first lord of the
treasury, and lord Henry Petty as chancellor of the ex-
che(|uer.
Earl Fitzwilliam was appointed president of the caun-
cil. in the room of lord Camden : and viscount Sidmouth
.\
U)8 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
succeeded the earl of Westmoreland as lord of the privy
seal.
Mr. Fox became secretary of the foreign office, w hich
had been held by lord Mulgrave; general Fitzpatrick
succeeded Mr. William Dundas as secretary of war ; and
Mr.Wyndham, lord Castlereagh, in the department of
war and colonies.
In the home department, lord Hawkesbury's successor
was earl Spencer.
Mr. Erskine was made a baron, by the title of lord
Erskine, and was presented with the great seal of Eng-
land, which had been held by lord Eldon.
Mr. Grey was appointed first lord of the Admiralty,
over which lord Barham had last presided.
The mastership of the ordnance was conferred on earl
Moira.
Mr. Sheridan succeeded Mr. Canning as treasurer of
the navy; the duke of Bedford, lord Hardwicke, in the
government of Ireland.
Earl St. Vincent, with powers of a very superior and
comprehensive description, was appointed to the com-
mand of the Channel fleet ; and lords Minto and Auck-
land presided respectively over the boards of controul
and trade.
This administration received the appellation of " All
the Talents;" used in eulogy by their friends, in ridicule
by their enemies. Mr. Canning of course immediately
went into opposition. It is difficult to say what qualities
constitute an able minister, but it is very easy to discover
w hat habits do not assimilate with that character. It is
not requisite that the Premier of this country should be
a man of genius ; a man of talent he must be. It is
not meant to be insisted that genius unfits an individual
for the office, but that il is no( one of the attributes
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 1G9
essential to it. Notwithstanding- his powers as-an orator,
or the greatness of his schemes as a politician, posterity
will not recognise Pitt as a man of genius; clearnes-; of
comprehension and an analytical mind, seldom accompany
that quality; these Pitt had in perfection, without that
fiery spirit which, being boundless itself, often carries its"
possessor beyond the realms of prudence — perhaps of
reason.
The new administration boasted of three men of ge-
nius, for that title has never been denied to Fox,
Erskine, or Sheridan; but the warmest friends of these
great nien have admitted, that, collectively or indivi-
dually, they were not men of business. However insig-
nificant or inappropriate this term may seem, when ap-
plied to legislation, a little reflection convinces us of its
propriety. A minister must, in the most literal signifi-
cation of the phrase, be a man of business. The private
habits of two of these great men, all the world were
acquainted with. We know that Pitt would retire, in
the midst of a warm debate, and enliven his faculties
with a couple of bottles of port. Pitt's constitution ena-
bled him to do this with impunity; he was afflicted with
what he called a coldness of stomach ; and this quantity
of wine, that would have closed the oratory of so pro-
fessed a bacchanalian as Sheridan, scarcely excited the
son of Chatham.
Pitt had no erratic habits — the new ministers abounded
in them. It may seem frivolous to descend to a notice
of the pieculiarities of individuals; but when those per-
sons have undertaken to rule a country, a mention of
their foibles becomes justice to the nation whilst they are
living, and matter of curious record when they are no
more. Lord Erskine, among other singularities, had a
propensity for witnessing fires, and has been known to
8. z
170 MEMOIR. OF GEORGE CANNING.
I
leave the House of Commons, in the midst of a debate,
on hearing' that a conflagration was to be witnessed
within a mile. Sheridan said, that a chimney could not
smoke in the Borough, without Erskine's knowledge;
. yet he, who jested on the innocent folly of the new chan-
cellor, had more marked peculiarities of his own. Moore,
who sheds the light of his own genius over all he toXiches,
and who illumines if he cannot aggrandise, has thrown
a fiilse liffht over the character of Sheridan ; to use a
coarse but powerful quotation, "He stuck his pen in his
heart." He told us what Sheridan should have been,
rather than what he was ; gave us a beau ideal of that
great man, instead of the reality. It is not to cen-
sure Mr. Moore that this is stated. We know how
friendship and admiration pervert the judgment. We
know, too, the distresses, the sorrows of Sheridan, awa-
kening, as they did, the compassion even of his enemies,
must have worked strongly upon the feelings of his
friends. Moore, in one of his exquisite songs, has said —
"When cold in the earth lies the friend that you loved,
Be his faults and his follies FORGOT by thee, then."
This amiable maxim, according fully with our feelings
of friendship, is destructive of biography. It is a beau-
tiful scion from the ancient stock — De mortuis nil nisi
hovum; and it is not necessary to waste an argument in
refutation of such a maxim. We are willing to draw a
veil over the particulars of Sheridan's misconduct, but,
surely, he who had not enough discretion (shall we say,
honesty,) to repay a borrowed guinea in private life, was
not fit to be trusted with the employment of millions in
a public capacity; or, merging the question of honour and
honesty altogether, and admitting Sheridan's reputation
to be stainless, he who was incapable of managing or un-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. Ill
derstanding the petty details of his own domestic eco-
nomy, could scarcely be supposed to be adequate to the
intricacies of national expenditure. Fox, as well as
Sheridan, was a splendid orator, but oratory is not the
first attribute for a minister; Great Britain requires
men to act, not to speak. Fox was, with reference to his
party, a good theoretical statesman, not a practical one.
He would frame schemes of immense magnitude, and of
singular originality; those schemes would have tended
to the amelioration of many national evils, and to the
general welfare of his country, but, unfortunately, they
were impracticable. "All the Talents" were remarkable
for those bell-the-cat manceuvres, which were instantly
destroyed, by the obvious question, — who is to tie it on ?
Among the instances that are on record, of the habits
of business of some of his Majesty's ministers, we record
the following: — A nobleman, whose name we, for ob-
vious reasons, omit to mention, but who held a high
official situation about forty years since, was applied to
on behalf of a lad, who had been condemned to death for
setting fire to a barn, and left for execution. Great
doubts were reasonably entertained of his guilt; — a peti-
tion for a remission of the punishment, or, at least, a
commutation of it, was prepared — and the nobleman
above alluded to undertook to deliver it to his Majesty.
His lordship went out hunting, and forgot it; and only
recollected the circumstance, when he found the petition
in his pocket, some hours after the unfortunate youth
had suffered on the scaffold.* We repeat, that we would
draw no inference from this circumstance against his
* Mr. L, T. Rede, whom we have already referred to, in the
early part of this work, was counsel for the unforlunate culprit,
and died in the belief of his itiuoceuce.
%
172 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
£
lordship as a ?uan, but we must as a minister. When a
human being's life is in jeopardy, can forgetfulness be
forgiven. When a man (innocent, it may be,) has suf-
fered an ignominious death, is it to be endured, that an
ofiicial personage shall say — " I forgot to advise his Ma-
jesty to grant his respite."
Of Erskine's capabilities for the office of chancellor, it
is useless to speak. His best friends regretted to see
him in a situation where his want of knowledge became
daily exposed ; whilst for his great talent, oratory, he
had no chance of display.
Mr. Canning showed, instantly, the determined spirit
of opposition, and now felt, that, as Pitt was no more,
? the hopes of his party rested on himself.
The first subject of importance, on which we find our
/hero engaged, was the consideration of the propriety of
: admitting a chief justice to be one of the Cabinet Miuis-
• ters. Lord Mansfield was the instance quoted, as a pre-
cedent for the appointment of lord EUenborough. In
the House of Lords it was opposed by lords Eldon, Bo-
rington, and Mulgrave, and defended warmly by lord
Grenville, who declared, that he alone was responsible
for advising his Majesty to call lord EUenborough to his
councils. In the Lower House, after a long eulogy on
lord EUenborough by Mr. Bond, Mr. Canning rose to
reply. An extract from his speech is sufficient.
"The pure administration of justice is the greatest
blessing which this country has to boast; the peculiar ad-
vantage of our constitution, which has stood unimpaired
amidst the shock of parties, and survived and flourished
even amidst the troubles and distractions of rebellion ;
the salutary efi'ects of which nothing, I hope, will be
done this day to disturb. The noble lord, who is the
immediate object of the motion, is in the administra-
MKMOia OF GEORGE CANNING. 173'
tion of an oflice that requires ail the intelligence and
all (he feelings of which man is capable. What I par-
ticularly complain of is, that the bench of justice, instead
of being looked up to as the summit of elevation the
law affords, is to be, by the precedent of the noble lord's
appointment, constituted the spring of a new ambition,
from which those who have obtained it are to start for-
ward on a new career. Henceforth the study of the
law will be cultivated for the attainment of a chief jus-
tice's seat, merely as a step in the ladder of promotion,
and as facilitating the access to greater honours.
" This is an evil so great to the constitution, that it
cannot establish itself without the utmost mischief. It
is no objection that it is not to be found directly prohi-
bited ; it is an evil so striking, that every mind must be
impressed with a sense of it ; and, if it is not checked by
this motion, it will at least be ultimately mended by the
reflections to which the discussion of this night will give
rise. It is essential to the administration of justice, that
a judge shall not be called upon to decide, on his judg-
ment seat, what he had already decided on in the Cabinet
as a minister; this mischief is particularly likely to hap-
pen in the case of prosecutions for libels on the govern-
ment. There is no excuse for the appointment, but ne-
cessity or expediency. There is no necessity in this case,
and the expediency is far from being such as to warrant
the proceeding. There is no analogy between the situa-
tion of chief justice in the Cabinet and the lord chan-
cellor; — the one is removable from his office at the
pleasure of the crown, or by address from both Houses
of Parliament. But would the chief justice be removed
for having given bad advice as a minister ; or would he,
because he was a judge, be tolerated as a minister, after
having given such advice?
174 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING,
" As the privileges of Parliament, and the rights of
the people arc valued, this association is to be depre-
cated. It is to be deprecated, also, in regard to the pre-
rogative of the Crown, to which nothing is more hostile
than a lemovable Cabinet.
'^ The noble lord is in a situation to do honour to
himself, and essential service to the country, by the
steady application of the talents which he undoubtedly
possesses ; but if the whole benefit of the talents of the
highest individual, as a Cabinet Minister, was summed
up, it would, in my opinion, be dearly purchased, by one
hour's suspicion of any deficiency in the administration
of justice."
On the motion for the repeal of the Additional Force
Act, Mr. Canning spoke with his usual talent, and
evinced a knowledge of the subject really surprising;
but his speech had too much reference to localities, to
be now read with interest. He moved an amendment,
which was negatived; and Fox then rose, and amidst
other observations, made the following remark : —
" The right honourable gentleman has displayed no
little share of dexterity, in evading the discussion of the
only question before the House. I admit his speech was
a most able one, but it appears to have one defect ; that
is, that no part of it was directed to the consideration of
the Act it was proposed to repeal."
In reply to this, Mr. Canning said — " I beg leave to ask,
for what purpose Mr. Wyndham has brought forward his
system, if it is not intended that it should be considered
by every man in the country ? Is a system, over which
the whole nation are lamenting, — which has filled with
alarm and dismay every man in it, — to be passed over in
silence. If a man proposes a series of resolutions, and
concludes a four houis' speech with moving the first of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 175
them5flre we to be debarred from considering- the whole?
The right honourable gentleman is much mistaken, if he
supposes there is any shyness on this side to encounter
his system, than which there could be nothing- more pre-
posterous and absurd; — a system calculated to shake the
whole of our military establishment — to produce dissatis-
faction in the army — to make it doubt of the propriety of
its existence ; a system "
At this portion of Mr. Canning's speech, lord Temple
rose to order, and stated that he did conceive the lan-
guage employed by the right honourable gentleman not fit
to be attributed to a proposition brought forward by any
member of the House, much less to a member of his Ma-
jesty's government. On this, Mr. Canning- rose in con
siderable heat, and replied as follows.
" I trust, Mr. Speaker, we are not come to those times
when a strong government, which shall be unable to an-
swer an argument, shall be able to put it down. I trust,
sir, that we are not to have silence imposed upon us in this
House. I do hope that the noble lord, and those who
are connected with him in his Majesty's government, will
not deprive us of the liberty of speech; — that we shall
be allowed the freedom of discussing their measures. I
do hope that the noble lord does not mean to have re-
course to a plan of which I have formerly heard. It was
once observed to Mr. Burke, by a member of this House,
that he was surprised Ministers, instead of debating, did
not try the effect of silence in this House. To which he
answered, ' that they had tried it, and they found it
would not do.' So I will tell the noble lord. Why did
his right honourable friend bring forward his plan before
the recess, if he does not mean to proceed with it imme-
diately ? Does he mean that it should go forward, or
does he not?"
.^
J
17G MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Fitting out an expedition against the Cape of Good
Hope, was one of the last amongst the important acts of
Pitt's administration. This expedition has been sup-
posed to have originated with the then treasurer of the
navy; at all events, Mr. Canning materially assisted in
the arrangement of it. News of the capture of the Cape
arrived in England about June, 1806. The importance
of the acquisition was acknowledged by all ; but, in the
then administration, there were none willing to pay the
tribute of praise to those with whom the measure origi-
nated. In fact, every thing was at this period over-
looked, whilst the new ministry kept up their six months'
negociation with France, for peace; which, after all,
ended as it began. Lords Yarmouth and Lauderdale
effected nothing, and had merely been amused, whilst
Buonaparte was attempting a negociation with Russia.
Our ministry thought of peace, and peace only — he
thought of it as a dernier resort, and made its pretence a
cover for his preparations for the continuation of war.
The instant the treaty was declared off, he defeated the
Prussians. He followed this up by entering Hamburgh,
seizing all Englishmen, and English commodities. The
consternation produced by this news was only equalled
by the astonishment that some, amidst "All the Talents,"
had not a little anticipated so obvious a movement on
the part of the emperor. The complaints of America,
and the consequences those complaints might involve,
also agitated this kingdom. A charge against the mar-
quis of Wellesley, governor of India, by Mr. Paul,
attracted the attention of the public; and everything
appeared to combine to call for the active exertions of
the new ministry. In the midst of this, Mr.^ ikx's health
declined — he could not attend the House. This news
was speedily followed by the announcement of his death.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 171
After the funeral of Fox, whose death created a sen-
sation inferior only to that produced by the decease of the
subject of this memoir, the administration appeared to
lose their power. Besides the matters we have named,
the charge made against, and the trial of, general Picton,
occupied the public mind — Parliament was dissolved—
and the election produced a tumult unexampled in every
part of the country.
The inquiry on the Queen's conduct, which commenced
this year, will be noticed at a subsequent period.
On the 15th December, 1S06, the new Parliament as-
sembled. Mr. Canning spoke on this occasion, after the
address had been moved. A short extract from it will
prove, that it was not his intention to maintain an irri-
tating or frivolous opposition.
" I am confident that there exists in this country re-
sources amply sufficient to meet and brave all the difficult
struggles, and to avert all the impending dangers with
which we can possibly be threatened. This confidenco
i^ not founded on rashness, but on the most mature re-
f(^||^tion ; founded on the experience of the past, on the
review of the present, and on the anticipation of the
future.
*****
" Assuredly it is in the power of any man, who has
turned his attention to public affairs, even of such an
humble individual as myselfj to throw out suggestions to
government, without the slightest intention of thwarting
it, or without the most remote tendency to hurt the feel-
ings of any of the members of which it is composed."
After some further remarks, he broke forth into an
attack on the present, and eulogy of the late ministry;
and concluded it by some remarks on his early friend, in
these words : —
8. 2 a
J7S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" A new Parliament is now, for the first time, about to
review the transactions of an administration, composed
of men of great talents, who entered upon office not ten
months ago, with this particular and distinct declaration,
that all who preceded them had been in the wrong; that
they had 'clubbed the battalion;' that every thing re-
quired correction and amendment ; that nothing was in
its place ; that our resources were exhausted ; our credit
destroyed ; our faith violated ; that we were unable to
maintain our rank among the nations of Europe, much
less to assist others in obtaining that which belonged to
them. What follows? , At the end of ten months, these
very gentlemen say, that the resources of the country
remain imimpaired. Those wlio, but ten months ago,
exclaimed that they were in a state of the utmost dilapi-
dation, now tell us — not that they have been retrieved —
not that they have been re-cstahlislied — but that they
remai7i unimpaired : — i\\dii is, that they never have been
impaired.
" It is certainly very satisfactory to every man, that
even this stale tribute is paid to them, who have been
formerly loaded with censure. But, surely, it is too
much to expect, that any man who has ever, as I have
done, regulated my conduct by — who has followed the
footsteps, or who has considered the name of Pitt, as
connected with the glory and happiness of England,
could pass this part of his Majesty's speech unno-
ticed."
Mr. Canning ended by the very singular and novel
course of moving, not an amendment on the address, but
a new address, with which he came prepared, and which
he submitted to the House. He did not, however, press
it. The address was published in the journals of 22d
December, 1806, but is too long for transcription. The
MEMOIR OF GEORGli CANMNG.
179
circumstance is, hoxvever, worthy of record, both from
its novelty and boldness.
A schism occurred in the Cabinet during this session,
upon the subject of the re-introduction of the Catholic
question ;* lord Sidmouth having declared his deter-
mination to resign, if the subject was brought forward.
Lord Grenville and lord viscount Howick had some in-
terviews with his Majesty on the subject; the result of
which was, that the question was not then agitated. The
question was, however, partially renewed, by a Bill for
the introduction of Catholics into the army and navy.
His Majesty expressed his dissatisfaction at the conduct of
his ministers, hut ihey did not resign; they persisted in in-
troducing the Bill, and were DISMISSED. It is a singular
fact, that the subject that caused Pitt's party to go out of
office in 1801, should occasion their return in 1807.
The administration was speedily announced : — The
duke of Portland, as first lord of the treasury; lord
Ha\vtesbury, secretary of state for the home, Mr. Can-
ning for the foreign, and viscount Castlereagh for the
colonial, department ; and Mr. Percival, chancellor of
the exchequer. Lord Eldon resumed the seals. This
administration was of course assailed by the late one,
and accused of entering under a pledge not to do certain
acts, or propose certain measures displeasing to the
Crown. — This Canning denied, and said, in reference to
the debate, " that this was the first time since the reign
of Charles, that the sovereign had been brought to the
bar of Parliament."
On the 27th of April, Parliament was dissolved. One
* Sheridan said, in allusion to the conduct of his friends, "I
have often heard of men running their heads against stone walls ;
but I never heard before of any persons building a wall, on purpose
1
/
to run tlieir heads against it.
I
ISO MLMOIR OF GEOnCE CANNINf;.
trait of Mr. Canning's character, let us pause to notice.
In the general revolution of power, a great number of
viinor places were necessarily vacated. — Sheridan's son
was muster-master-general in Ireland, and, on the resig-
nation of the Grenville party, obliged to resign. — Mr.
Canning interested himself for the son of his old friend,
and obtained his re-appointment.
This, and some other decided acts, serve to refute the
idle slander of that day, which stated that Mr. Canning
was only nominally, whilst lord Hawkesbury was ac-
tually, the foreign secretary.
Mr. Canning's powers for replying had ample room
for exercise; from the time of his appointment to office,
he was left singly to repel the attacks of a host of op-
positionists. The records of the time are incontrovertible
evidences of the truth of the assertion, that no minister had
ever been engaged in so interminable a warfare of words.
On one occasion, he made the observation, that some of
the opposition members took their tone from a French
newspaper (the Monitetfr), " When they were run dry
by a debate," said he, " when their light was quite extin-
guished on any question, in came a Monilciir^ from which
a spark fell upon the gloom, and rekindled the heat of
their arguments." The reply that this sally drew from
Mr. Ponsonby, is one striking instance of men advancing
what is untrue, and what they know to be so, merely to
gratify a momentary petulancy. Mr. Ponsonby said,
" that the honourable secretary 'could not run dry,' —
his ideas were not so numerous, but that they could in a
oioment be put in array; the man who had hnifczc ideas,
( ould readily summon them i^ito action. — Mr. Canning-
was such an economist in his thoughts, and such a prodi-
gal in words, that he could feel no embarrassment in de-
bate; he could, upon any occasion, bring forward that
MEMOIR OF OEOUGE CANNING. 181 .
chain of words which jingles in the ear, rarely affects
the understanding, and never approaches the heart, but
which his partisans called eloquence." ;
This phillipic, which, spoken in anger, should not
have been recorded, was eagerly reported by the whig-
party, and it is no less strange than true, that some of
the journals* that have lately rung with the praises of
the deceased Minister, at that period quoted this speech
with exultation, as giving a correct view of the oratori-
cal powers of Canning.
On Mr. Whitbread's motion for entering into a nego-
ciation for peace, lie personally attacked the foreign
secretary in these words : — " The petulance of Mr. Can-
ning, — the difficulties which he is constantly raising, —
the obstacles he throws in the way,— and the false con-
structions he is apt to fall into, prove clearly that no nego-
ciation can he conducted by him with any reasonable chance ^
of success."" No remark is necessary on this extraordi- \
nary observation ; it stands a brilliant memento of Whit- \
bread's discrimination. *
Mr. Whitbread followed this up by asserting " that
>M.MPUfJUlLJ.««N
* On some discussion respecting the Catiiolics, Dr. Duigenan
stated, " that in the university of Dublin, thirty poor scholars got a
dinner but once a day ; and seventy-ttvo scholars of the house got a din-
ner once a day, but no lodgings." On this Mr. Canning remarked,
"that he was much in the situation of the poor Dublin scholars, for
he himself got but one dinner a day; he was not aware, however,
till he heard the learned gentleman, of the degree of hardship he
endured, and certainly should not have thought of applying to
Parliament upon the subject." This harmless piece of pleasantry
upon the doctor's diction, who meant to imply that the scholars
had but one meal a day, was stigmatized in some of those identical
journals, as a piece of absurd buffoonery and unmanly sarcasm.
He was also attacked for holding two situations, being at that
time receiver- general of the Alienation Office, a place worth about
^400 a year.
182 MEMOIR OF geouge canning.
Mr. Canning would not suffer the public convenience
and safety to be put in the balance with his personal
feelings and interests," and pronounced his conduct gene '
rally to be wholly irregular and highly censurable.
An accusation against the duke of York commenced in
1808, but did not become matter of public inquiry until
the following year. Every reader must well remember
the rumours that at that period prevailed. It is not
our province or intention to defend the conduct of
the illustrious individual who now lies heedless of
reproach or censure; but even his enemies will admit,
that never before was any man persecuted as he was, (we
mean by publications not prosecutions,) for the com-
monest weakness of humanity, — the inability to resist
the fascinations of a fine woman. Unsuspecting, be-
cause guiltless — he was stigmatized as the abettor of a
line of conduct pursued by one in whom he confided too
fondly ; he suffered the disgrace and punishment for
the acts of another, — acts in which (though accused as a
participator) he had never been made the confidant.
It would be tedious to enter minutely into this tran-
saction ; it is only necessary to allude to it, to show the
part our hero took in the affair. It may be, therefore,
as well to premise, that on Wednesday, March the 8th,
1809, Mr. Wardle moved " The order of the day for
taking into consideration the report of the committee
appointed to inquire into the conduct of his royal higli-
ness the commander-in-chief."
After citing many cases, which clearly evince that
Mrs. Clarke (a lady, between whom and the late la-
mented duke an unfortunate connexion subsisted) was
in the habit of receiving douceurs from military gentle-
men and their friends, to use her influence with his royal
highness for their promotion, — Mr. Wardle proved, in
y
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CAiNNlNG. 183
all the cases he brought forward, that she not only suc-
ceeded to effect the promotion, exchanges, &c. for the
individuals for whose advancement such douceur was re-
ceived, but effected it in the course of a very short period.
Mr. Wardle concluded by moving, that an address might
be presented to his Majesty, praying that his royal high
ness the duke of York might be removed from the com
mand of the army.
On the 14th of March, Mr. Canning spoke at some
.length on the question, in reply to Wilberforce; but he
did not deem it necessary to treat the subject with se-
riousness, but rather tried to put down the arguments of
the adverse party by ridicule than reasoning. He said —
" I strongly object to the compromise of opinions on this
subject, and am astonished that my honourable friend,
(Mr. Wilberforce) of all men, should have proposed
such a thing, considering how little he has practised the
tactics of Parliament. The House ought to come to a
specific decision on the charge of corruption. My ho-
nourable friend has said, that he was not prepared to
say that the duke had connived. fiVb, tio, from Mr.
Wilberforce.) Then he is prepared to say so. (No^ no.)
Then he is not prepared to say anything on the subject.
(A loud laugh.) And this is the result of six days' de-
bate! I feel deeply on the point of morals, but I doubt
whether it is a subject proper for this House to take up.
I deny that the House is disposed to interpose a shield
between his royal highness and conviction, merely on
account of his illustrious descent; but I hope the consi-
deration of his rank will not operate against him. I
affirm, that if the address of Mr. Wardle is carried, cor-
ruption will appear on the record; and, therefore, jus-
tice to the illustrious duke requires, that the House
should, in the first instance, decide on the charge of cor-
C7
igh- J
;om- ^r
184 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
/rf!ipt
rfiption. The plan proposed on the other side is of the
same nature as if a judge could say to a jury — ' Gentle-
men, whether the prisoner is guilty of this or that, I
know not ; but that is not the question for you to decide :
you are to consider, whether, from other circumstances,
it may not he prudent to hare him hanged.''
" The grave charge of corruption having been made,
that ought to be disposed of. But I allow, that after
that there are minor considerations which well deserve
the attention of the House. This question, however,
ought to be disposed of separately. With regard to the
letter of the duke of York to this House, the meanest
person at the bar of a court of justice is forced to plead
' not guilty.' — He is forced to say that he will be tried
by ' God and his country.' Yet, when the duke of York
calls for trial in this way, it is to be denied him. — Is this
equality? The mode which the duke of York has taken,
of addressing a letter to the speaker, I affirm to be a
much better course than if he had himself come into the
House; for, in the latter course, he must have solicited
the consent of his peers. I affirm, in opposition to what
has fallen from the last speaker, that the letters have
been fully considered by those who supported the propo-
sition of the chancellor of the exchequer, and thirty-one
out of forty-two have been commented on in one speech,
(thatofMr. Croker).
" The note which has excited such a sensation, has
been swelled into more importance than it deserves. I
protest against this method of drawing inferences from
the letters of public men. I remember a letter which I
once addressed to a poetical lady, who had written an
Ode on Vaccination, which, by such inferences, might be
tortured into high treason. I cannot but express my
astonishment, that it should have been said, that sir B.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 185
Watson could not have appointed Mr. Dowler, because
his father differed from him in politics. I deny having
said, that infamy must attach to the accused or the ac-
cuser, though I did say, that it must rest somewhere;
and it does rest with that confederacy, of which the duke
of York has been the dupe and the victim. As I have
in one instance been misrepresented by addition, I have,
in another, beeii misrepresented by curtailment. When
I said that some men might be led to doubt whether the
licentiousness of the press did not overbalance its bene-
fits,— I added, that the evil was temporary, but the good
permanent. This was left out; and, as an argument
in favour of my own recollection, the misrepresentation
I allude to took place in one publication only, out of
twelve. Before these charges were brought forward,
it would have been well to have weighed, whether
the evil would not surpass the good that could be pro-
duced. This is my feeling, and I will not conceal it,
though I should be misrepresented so far as to have said,
that the transgressions of princes ought to be overlooked.
If the day shall come, when the thanks of the House be
moved to the accuser, I will oppose the motion, and I
trust shall find many to join me." Mr. Canning con-
cluded by again insisting upon the necessity of coming
to a distinct resolution on the charge of corruption.
On this case, our hero subsequently said — " That in-
famy must attach somewhere; either to the accuser or
the accused;" — and, throughout the debate, this expres-
sion was made a rallying point by the promoters of the
inquiry.
The resignation of the duke of York, and the appoint-
ment of general sir David Dundas, require mere men-
tion, the circumstances attending it must be so fully in
the recollection of all.
8. 2 B
JbO MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Mr. Canning has been blamed for the levity he dis-
played in this case ; but the levity arose, not from the
charge, but the promoters of it ; — it is very possible to
look seriously at an accusation, yet laugh at a prose-
cutor. The House of Commons affords occasionally
specimens of oratory that awaken our risibility, even when
contempt and disgust should render us serious. It was
sufficiently laughable to hear a worthy citizen, more re-
markable for the excellence of his intentions than his
speeches, saying, that certain regulations, which affected
pedestrians, were " hard for those who had so much
Kdlking upon tfieir hands/^ — but it was passed over as
the effusion of one who did not suffer his learning to
"disturb his pate ;" — but we were astonished when we
found a leader of the Opposition, and a member who
speaks oftener than any one else in the House, commit a
more absurd error. Mr. Canning had, in some debate,
alleged various things, which the calculating member
could not reduce to his arithmetic, and he remarked,
" that the things were not proved, and that Mr. Canning-
was the greatest allegator in that House." To such
orators what can be opposed? — Ridicule is the only wea-
pon to be wielded in a warfare with such foes.
The duke of York's case called forth a variety of effu-
sions of this character; and those who condemn Mr.
Canning's "levity," may read the following speech, (one
amid many on both sides of the question,) and say, in
w hat way a minister should have replied to it.
Mr. Fuller* said — " It is not my intention, at so late
* This facetious gentleman was committed to the custody of the
Serjeant at arms, in 1810, for insulting the whole House. He called
the speaker, "the insignificant little fellow in the wig;" and abso-
lutely fought, a la Belcher, with the serjeant and his assistants, who
strove to remove him from the House.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 187
an hour, to trespass much on the attention of the House;
but I think it my duty to address you, because I have
been badgered by letters and abuse, and such sort of
things. I tell you, sir, I have even been called a black-
hearted ft llov:); — but I'll do my duty. People talk very
much about popular clamour ; but I remember when this
case was bad enough, in the beginning, not a man on the
opposite %ide almost but denied he had anything to do with
it. They all stayed behind, until they saw the popular
clamour excited, and then they came forward. I tell
you a fact, why, one man, to whom I at first said it
was a bad case, very near knocked me down. ' Zounds,
sir,' said he; 'what! do you think 1 have anything to
do with it ?' I am of opinion we ought to acquit the duke
of York. He is a great military character ; he has carried
our arms into all the rest of the world, and under him
the army has flourished. Will you, then, hunt him into the
world, with a harpoon stuck at his back? An honourable
baronet opposite has talked of 'dissolution,' — I hope
he did not mean a dissolution of Parliament. Indeed,
I'm inclined to think he meant another kind of dissolu-
tion, from an honourable member whom he seemed to
have in his eye. But, sir, if he did mean a dissolution
even of Parliament, I trust in God I shall be returned
(loud laughter), for having done my duty. I have said,
sir, I have been annoyed by letters; it ought to be made
a misdemeanor. He who does not like England, damn
him^ let him leave it .'"
The charge against his royal highness was scarcely
disposed of, M'hen one was instituted against lord Castle-
reagh, and the following resolutions were moved upon it.
"1st. That it appears to this House, from the evidence
on the table, that lord viscount Castlereagb, in the year
1805, he having just quitted the office of president of the
188 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
board of controul, and being then a privy counsellor and
secretary of state, did place at the disposal of lord Clan-
carty, a seat in this honourable House.
"2d. That it v. as owing to a disagreement among
other and subordinate parties to the transaction, that it
did not take effect.
" .Sd, That lord viscount Castlereagh has been, by the
said conduct, guilty of a violation of his duty, — of an
abuse of his influence and authority, as president of the
board of controul, — and, also, of an attack upon the pu-
rity and constitution of this House."
This charge was speedily disposed of, by a candid
avowal on the part of his lordship. Mr. Canning spoke
on behalf of his colleague, but the case did not call forth
any extraordinary exertions on either side.
On the 11th of May, Mr. Madocks submitted another
charge against his lordship and the. honourable Spencer
Percival ; the main point of which was, that, in the last
general election, Mr. Quintin Dick purchased a seat in
the borough of Cashell, through 4he negociation of lord
I Castlereagh and Mr. Henry Wellesley, — and that, on
the inquiry into the conduct of the duke of York, lord
Castlereagh intimated to Mr. Dick that he must vote
with the government or resign his seat, — and that Mr.
Dick accordingly resigned. Mr. Percival was charged
with having been privy to the transaction. Mr. Canning
defended his lordship, on the ground that this charge
was a mere subterfuge for parliamentary reform, and
Mr. Madocks's motion was lost on a ^vision.
On the question of limiting the number of official per-
sons in the House, that followed, Mr. Canning said —
" That the plan of choosing ministers from among mem-
bers of parliament, though not established by law, was
sanctioned by the practice of the constitution ; and he
MEMOTR OF GEORGE CANNING. 189
was convinced it could not be changed, without great
public detriment. The House of Commons must always
want information on various public subjects from the
members of administration ; and it was much better that
ministers, and other persons in ostensible situations,
should be spoken to in their places, than brought up to
the bar like culprits. If no placemen were to sit in Par-
liament, besides ministers, when the present generation
of ministers should be over, they must be succeeded by
raw and inexperienced persons. He believed it would
be admitted, that both in that and the other House of
Parliament, there were at least as many persons, holding
pensions and sinecures, who voted against ministers, as
for them. Mr. Ponsonby himself had a pension for life,
and yet the present minister had always the benefit of
his vigilance and correction. He wondered that Mr.
Whitbread, who was himself a colonel of local militia, a
very conspicuous situation, should consider appointments
of that sort as likely to influence the votes of members."
The duties of foreign secretary, it is obvious, must,
during war, be multifarious ; and no one that ever filled
this station had a greater degree of difficulty to contend
with. Lord Thurlow said, with his usual strength- and
coarseness, of the appointment of the master of the rolls,
" that he wanted some one who would relieve his burden,
not throw his own d d heavy wallet on his shoulders ;"
and Mr. Canning, if he could have descended to so coarse
an expression, might have applied it to more than one of
his colleagues. The weight of business, and the task of
reply, (no inconsiderable one, when we consider the
tenacity of an Opposition, composed of men who had
been suddenly ousted from a power they had courted for
years,) was with our hero ; and, where he looked for
assistance, he found something like determined hostility.
n
190 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
The journals of the period give an account of a duel
that took place between our hero and lord Castlereaah
of which we subjoin a statement, and shall then explain
the circumstances that induced it.
On Thursday, 21st September, 1809, these right
honourable gentlemen met on Putney Heath, attended
by their respective seconds ; lord Castlereagh by the
earl of Yarmouth, and Mr. Canning by Mr. Ellis; to
settle their political differences. The meeting took
place at six in the morning, near the telegraph.
After taking their ground, they fired by signal, and
missed; and no explanation taking place, they fired at
each other a second time, when the ball from lord Castle-
\ reagh's pistol went through Mr. Canning's thigh, on the
' outer side of the bone. Thus the affair terminated.
The language that gave offence, and that led to the
quarrel, was uttered in the presence of his grace the duke
of Portland, some time since ; so that, in the demands for
explanation or satisfaction, it became necessary to make
a reference to his grace, for his recollection of the words.
Thig could not have been done till the Wednesday ; on
which day, and the day preceding, the earl of Yarmouth,
who was second to lord Castlereagh, was constantly with
the noble lord. Tuesday evening, it is said, they passed
together at the Circus. Lord Castlereagh was known to
be fond of the diversion of public amusements. On the
night of the debate respecting a charge against him for
bartering a writership for a seat in Parliament, he re-
tired from the House of Contmons, after making his
explanatory speech, to witness the performances of the
Drury-lane company at the Lyceum.
On Wednesday evening, lord Yarmouth went from
lord Castlereagh's house, in St. James's Square, to Mr.
Cunning's, in Burton Street, where, understanding that
MEMOIR OF GEOnCE CANNING. J9l
Mr. Canning was at his country residence at Old Bromp-
ton, (called Gloucester Lodge, from having- been for-
merly the residence of the late duchess of Gloucester,)
he left a letter, to be conveyed to him without loss of
time.
In the morning of Thursday, about five o'clock, the
earl of Yarmouth drove, in his curricle, from his house
in Halfmoon Street, to lord Castlereagh's house, in St.
James's Square, and took in that noble lord, and they
proceeded together to Putney Heath, near the border of
Wimbledon Common.
Mr. Canning left Gloucester Lodge at five o'clock, for
the same destination. He went in a curricle, which was
driven by a servant that accompanied him. Mr. George
Rose Ellis attended on the ground as Mr. Canning's
friend, and Mr. Home as surgeon. It is said that the
whole party went into the earl of Yarmouth's house, and
remained there half an hour, for the purpose of concert-
ing more effectually the objects of the meeting, and, if
possible, to conciliate matters. The hostile result being
inevitable, the parties passed through the gardens to the
heath, in the rear of the house. The ground was mea-
sured, and the shots exchanged by signals. Mr. Canning
received a wound in the right thigh, but still stood on his
pest, as if waiting for another shot ; when the blood
from his wound was perceived flovving copiously through
his dress, (nankeen trowsers,) the seconds immediately
interposed, and he was taken off the ground. He was
able to walk with assistance into lord Yarmouth's house,
where a temporary dressing and bandages were applied ;
and he was thence conveyed back, in the same carriage,
by the same servant who brought him on the ground, to
Gloucester Lodge, Brompton.
Lord Castlereagh arrived in the course of the morn-
t
*
I-
192 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
ing, at his house in St. James's Square, accompanied by
lord Yarmouth. His lordship was, shortly after his ar-
rival, visited by the earl of Liverpool ; and, in the after-
noon, joined lady Castlereagh at Stanmore. His lord-
ship had a narrow escape; the button on the right
lappel of his coat having been shot off.
It will be clearly seen that lord Castlereagh hastily
demanded satisfaction, and that Mr. Canning- obeyed the
call, without impugning his lordship's right to demand it
under the circumstances.
The correspondence upon this occasion is of too inte-
resting a nature for omission.
CORRESPONDENCE.
" Lord Castlereagh' s Letter to Mr. Canning.
' " St. James's-square, Sept. 19.
*' Sir, — It is unnecessary for me to enter into any detailed state-
ment of the circumstances which preceded the recent resignations.
It is enough for me, with a view to the immediate object of this
letter, to state, that it appears a proposition had been agitated,
without any communication with me, for my removal from the war
department; and that you, towards the close of last session, having
urged a decision upon this question, with the alternative of your
seceding from the government, procured a positive promise from
the duke of Portland, (the execution of which you afterwards consi-
dered yourself entitled to enforce,) that such removal should be
carried into effect. Notwithstanding this promise, by which I
consider you pronounced it unfit that I should remain charged with
tlie conduct of the war, and by which my situation as a minister
of the Crown was made dependent upon your will and pleasure,
you continued to sit in the same Cabinet with me, and to leave me
not only in the persuasion that I possessed your confidence and sup-
port as a colleague, but you allowed me, in breach of every prin-
ciple of good faith, both public and private, though thus virtually
superseded, to originate and proceed ih the execution of a new en-
terprise of the most ardent and important nature, with your appa-
rent concurrence, and ostensible approbation.
"You were fully aware that, if my situation in the government
had been disclosed to me, I could not have submitted to remain
MKMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 193
one moment in office, without the entire abandonment of my pri-
vate honour and public duty. You knew I was deceived, and you
continued to deceive me.
*' I am aware it may be said, which I am ready to acknowledge,
that when you pressed for a decision for my removal, you also
pressed for its disclosure, and that it was resisted by the duke of
Portland, and some members of the government, supposed to be
my friends. But I never can admit tliat you have a right to make
use of such a plea, in justification of an act affecting my honour;
nor that the sentiments of others could jnstify an acquiescence in
such a delusion on your part, who had yourself felt and stated its
unfairness. Nor can I admit that the head of any administration,
or any supposed friends, (whatever may, be their motives,) can au-
thorise or sanction any man in such a course of long and perse-
vering deception. For, were I to admit such a principle, my ho-
nour and character would be from that moment in the discretion
of persons wholly unauthorised, and known to you to be unautho-
rised to act for me in such a case. It was, therefore, your act and
your conduct which deceived me; and it is impossible for me to
acquiesce in being placed in a situation by you, which no man of
honour could knowingly submit to, nor patiently suffer himself to
be betrayed into, without forfeiting that character.
" I have no right, as a public man, to resent your demanding,
upon public grounds, my removal from the particular office I have
held, or even from the administration, as a condition of your conti-
nuing a member of the government. But I have a distinct right
to expect that a proposition, justifiable in itself, shall not be exe-
cuted in an unjustifiable manner, and at the expense of my honour
and reputation. And I consider that you were bound, at least, to
avail yourself of the same alternative, namely, your own resigna-
tion, to take you out of the predicament of practising such a deceit
towards me, which you did exercise in demanding a decision for
my removal.
" Under these circumstances, I must require that satisfaction
from you, to which I feel myself entitled to lay claim.
" I am, &c.
" Castlereagh."
"The Right Hon, George Canning."
3Tr. Canniytg's Reply.
" Gloucester Lodge, Sept. 20.
" My Lord, — The tone and purport of your lordship's letter,
which I have this moment received, of course preclude any other
9. 2 c
IJU MFMOIU OK GF.Oncr OWNING.
answer, on my |v»rt, to the misappr»^hensiv^u» am\ misrvprosouta-
tH>ns with which it alHMtnds than that 1 will ohtvrt^llly give your
K»f\i5ih«p the salisJacnon \\lii.l\ \ou rotjuire. I .niw. &o.
" George Cajjsixg.**
"Lwrd Viscount CAStUiVAgh, xo. "
'*i)t/<N7 Of iht oris^incl ccusc of the oHtniosit^ /x/rcrrM
/»n/ Caslitrtagh and -l/i". CaMniMgy xrntUn b^ J/i\
Cookir^ tkt pnvate secrttaty o/* Loi-d Castieiragh.
** It i>: undoubtedly true, that !^Tr. Canninir, during the
Ea<ter recess!^, did make a representation, in a letter to
the duke of Portland, with respect to the war depart-
ment, lounded upon difterences which had prevailed be^
tween him and lord Castlereagh ; but it is not true that
this letter was shown to the Cabinet, or that the subject
was even stated to the Cabinet, however it might have
Wen secretly communicated to some of the members.
It is also true, that a suggestion was made for appointing
the marquis Wellesley to succeed lord Castlereagh. It is
likew ise undeniable, that a decision upon this point was
postponed till near the close of the session. It is further
ascertained, that towards the close of the session, wJien
lord Grenville Loveson Gower's \>rit was to be moved
for, on account of his coming into oflSce and the Cabinet,
that Mr. Canning called upon the duke of Portland, as a
condition of his remaining in the government, to give
him a decision upon the proposition tor removing lord
Castlereagh, and appointing the marquis ^^*e^leslev his
successor: and the duke of Portland having given IMr.
Canning a specific and positive promise to this eflect.
'Mr. Canning pressed that it should be immediately
acted upon, and lord Castlereagh acquainted with it.
Lord Castlereagh, however, was not acquainted w ith it,
and Mr. Canning acquiesced in its being concealed Iroiu
bim.
MEMOIR or OEOaOR CASVIKG. J05
" Undoubtedly, lord Camden was acquainted with the
transactions; but it In not true that hb loidship ever
undertook to make the dij»ciosure to lord Castl&reagh,
nor did he ever make it. It is also true, that Mr. Can-
ning was thoroughly apprised that it was not made
known to lord Castlereagh, And it is further true, that
lord Castlereagh, being kept in profound ignorance of
the decision for his removal from office, was permitted,
thouijh in fact virtually no longer a minister, and in this
fctate of delusion, to continue to conduct the entire ar-
ran^enu^t of the campaign, and to engage in a new ex-
pedition of the most extensive, complicated, and impor-
tant nature, — under the full persuasion, not that Mr.
Canning had supplanted him in office, and possessed in
his pocket a promise for his dismissal, but that he really
enjoyed (as during the period he, in outward show and
daily concurrence, experienced) Mr. Canning's sincere,
liberal, and hondjuie support, as a co-operating and ap-
proving colleague. It is further known, that Mr. Can-
ning having thus in his pocket lord Castlereagh's dis-
missal, and having arranged with the duke of Portland
that it should be carried into execution at the termina-
tion of the expedition, he did, on the 3d of September,
the day that the account arrived from lord Chatham that
he could not proceed to Antwerp, write to the duke of
Portland, demanding the execution of the promise made
to him. What were all the difficulties which were
started from time to time against the immediate execu-
tion of this promise, it would be extremely difficult to
detail: but there cannot be a doubt but the question of
the writership, which it has been attempted to connect
with this transaction, could have nothing to do with it;
as Mr. Canning never contended for lord Castlereagh's
removal from the government, but from the particular
190 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
ofiico he held, and into which he wished to introduce
lord Wellesley. It appears that the demand of the ful-
filment of the promise led to the resignation of the duke
of Portland, and subsequently of Mr. Canning. And it
further appears, that as soon as the whole of this unpa-
ralleled conduct was,- at this late period, disclosed, to lord
Castlereagh, he immediately placed his resignation in his
Majesty's hands. — On the truth of the above facts the
public may rely; and they can no longer be at a loss for
the real causes and grounds of the demand made by lord
Castlereagh for satisfaction from Mr. Canning."
" Mr. Canning^ s Answer to Lord Castlereagh' s' Statement.
" It is perfectly true, that so long ago as Easter Mr.
Canning had represented to the duke of Portland the in-
sufficiency (in his opinion) of the government, as then
constituted, to carry on the affairs of the country, under
all the difficulties of the times; and had requested that,
unless some change should be effected in it, he might be
permitted to resign his office. — It is equally true, that, in
the course of the discussion which arose out of this re-
presentation, it was proposed to Mr. Canning, and ac-
cepted by him, as the condition of his consenting to retain
the seals of the foreign office, that a change should be
made in the war department.
" But it is not true that the time at which that change
was ultimately proposed to be made, was of Mr. Can-
ning's choice ; and it is not true that he was party or
consenting to the concealment of that intended change
from lord Castlereagh.
" With respect to the concealment, Mr. Canning,
some short time previous to the date of lord Castle-
reagh's letter, without the smallest suspicion of the ex-
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 197
istence of any intention on the part of lord Castlereagh
to make such an appeal to Mr. Canning as this letter
contains, but upon information that some misapprehen-
sion did exist, as to Mr. Cannine^'s supposed concurrence
in the reserve which had been practised towards lord
Castlereagh, transmitted to one of lord Castlereagh's
most intimate friends, to be communicated whenever he
might think proper, the copy of a letter addressed by
Mr. Canning to the duke of Portland, in the month of
July, in which Mr. Canning requests, ' in justice to him-
self, that it may be remembered, whenever hereafter this
concealment shall be alleged (as he doubts not that it
will) against him, as an act of injustice towards lord Cas-
tlereagh, that it did not originate in his suggestion ; —
that, so far from desiring it, he conceived, however erro-
neously, lord Camden to be the sure channel of commu-
nication to lord Castlereagh; and that up to a very late
period he believed such communication to have been
actually made.'
"The copy of this letter, and of the duke of Portland's
answer to it, ' acknowledging Mr. Cannings repeated
remonstrances against the concealment,' are still in the
possession of lord Castlereagh's friend.
'^ The communication to lord Camden, to which this
letter refers, was made on the 28th of April, with Mr.
Canning's knowledge, and at his particular desire. Lord
Camden being the near connexion and most confidential
friend of lord Castlereagh, it never occurred to Mr.
Canning, nor was it credible to him, till he received the
most positive asseverations of the fact, that lord Camden
had kept back such a communication from lord Castle-
reagh.
" With respect to the period at which the change in
the war department was to take place, Mr. Canning was
198 MEMOIR OF GEOnGE CANNING.
induced, in the first instance, to consent to its postpone-
U)ent till the rising of Parliament, partly by the repre-
sentations made to himself, of the inconveniences of any
change in the middle of a session, but principally from a
consideration of the particular circumstances under which
lord Castlereagh stood in the House of Commons after
Easter; circumstances which would have given to his
removal at that period of the session, a character which
it was certainly no part of Mr. Canning's wish that it
should bear.
" Mr. Canning, however, received the most positive
promise, that a change in the war department should
take place immediately upon the close of the session.
When that time arrived, the earnest and repeated en-
treaties of most of lord Castlereagh's friends in the Ca-
binet were employed to prevail on Mr. Canning to con-
sent to the postponement of the arrangement.
"At length, and most reluctantly, he did give his con-
sent to its being postponed to the period proposed by
lord Castlereagh's friends, viz. the termination of the ex-
pedition then in preparation ; but did so, upon the most
distinct and solemn assurances, that, whatever might be
the issue of the expedition, the change should take place
at that period; — that the seals of the war department
should then be offered to lord Wellesley, (the person for
whose accession to the Cabinet Mr. Canning was known
to be most anxious,) and that the interval should be dili-
gently employed, by lord Castlereagh's friends, in pre-
paring lord Castlereagh's mind to acquiesce in such an
arrangement.
" It was, therefore, matter of astonishment to Mr.
Canning, when, at the issue of the expedition, he re-
minded the duke of Portland that the time was now
come for his grace's writing to lord Wellesley, to find,
me:\ioiu of grcuge canning, 199
that, so far from the interval having been employed by
lord Castlereagh's friends in preparing lord Castlereagh
for the change, the same reserve had been continued to-
wards him, against which Mr. Canning had before so
earnestly remonstrated. Being informed of this circum-
stance by the duke of Portland, and learning, at the
same time, from his grace, that there were other difficul-
ties attending the promised arrangement, of which Mr.
Canning had not before been apprised; — and that the
duke of Portland had himself come to a determination
to retire from office, Mr. Canning instantly, and before
any step whatever had been taken towards carrying the
promised arrangement into effect, withdrew his claim,
and requested the duke of Portland to tender his (Mr.
Canning's) resignation, at the same time with his grace's,
to the King. This was on Wednesday, the 6th of Sep-
tember, previously to the levee of that day.
"All question of the performance of the promise made
to Mr. Canning being thus at an end, the reserve, which
lord Castlereagh's friends had hitherto so perseveringly
practised towards lord Castlereagh, appears to have
been laid aside. Lord Castlereagh was now made ac-
quainted with the nature of the arrangement which had
been intended to have been proposed to him.
" What may have been the reasons which prevented
lord Castlereagh's friends from fulfilling the assurances
given to Mr. Canning, that lord Castlereagh's mind
should be prepared, by their communication, for the ar-
rangement intended to be carried into effect ; and what
the motives for the disclosure to lord Castlereagh, after
that arrangement had ceased to be in contemplation, it
is not for Mr. Canning to explain."
200 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANMNG.
" Lojd Camden's Statement.
" As it may be inferred, from a statement which has
/;■■ appeared in the public papers, that lord Camden with-
^ lield from lord Castlereagh a communication which he
had been desired to make to him, it is necessary that it
sliould be understood, that, however Mr. Canning migh*^
have conceived the communication alluded to, to have
been made to lord Camden, it was never stated to lord
Camden, that the communication was made at the desire
of Mr. Canning-, — and that, so far from lord Camden
having been authorised to make the communication to
lord Castlereagh, he was absolutely restricted from so
doing.
'• As it may also be inferred, that lord Camden \vas
expected to prepare lord Castlereagh's mind for any
proposed change, it is necessary that it should be under-
stood, that lord Camden never engaged to communicate
to lord Castlereagh any circumstances respecting it, be-
fore the termination of the expedition."
Upon lord Camden's statement being made public,
Mr. Canning addressed that nobleman in the following
letters: —
Letters from the Rigid Ilonouruhle George Cannings to
Earl Camden^ Lord President of the Council.
"Gloucester Lodge, Nov. 14, 1S09.
" My Lord, — I had written to your lordship, immediately after
the publication of your lordship's statement, but I delayed sending
my letter, in the hope of being able previously to submit it to the
perusal of the duke of Portland.
" In this hope I have been disappointed, by that fatal event
which lias dej)rived this country of one of its most upright and
disinterested patriots; the King of one of his most faithful, devoted.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNIN&. 201
and affectionate subjects j and the world, of one of the most blame-
less and most noble-minded of men.
"Thus situated, I have tliought it right to revise what I had
written, and scrupulously to expunge every reference to the autho-
rity of the duke of Portland, which would now stand upon my
sole testimony; retaining such only as are supported, either by
written documents, which I shall be happy to communicate to
your lordship; or by facts which are well known to your lordship
or your colleagues, and in which, for the most part, your lordship
is yourself concerned.
" Neither, however, can I content myself with this precaution;
but must protest, at the same time, in the most earnest rnanner,
against any possible misconstruction, by which any thing in the
following letter can be strained to a meaning unfavourable to the
motives which actuated the duke of Portland's conduct.
*' It is impossible, indeed, not to regret the policy, however well
intentioned, which dictated the reserve practised towards lord
Castlereagh in the beginning of tliis transaction; or that practised
towards myself in its conclusion.
" It is to be regretted, that the duke of Portland should have
imposed, and that your lordship should have accepted, the condi-
tion of silence, in the first communications between you.
" It is also to be regretted, that I should not have learnt in July,
that your lordship was not party to the assurances then given me,
on behalf of lord Castlereagli's friends in general; and that another
member of the Cabinet, comprehended in that description, had (as
1 have since heard) refused to concur in them.
"Had I been made acquainted with these circumstancer,, I
should then have resigned; and my resignation would, at that
time, have taken place without inconvenience or embarrassment;
and without stirring those questions, (no way connected with the
cause of my retirement,) or subjecting me to those misinterpreta-
tions of my conduct and motives, which have been produced by
the coincidence of my resignation with that of the duke of Portland.
" But, however this reserve may be to be regretted, it is impos-
sible to attribute the adoption of it, on the part of the duke of
Portland, to any other motives than to that gentleness of na-
ture which eminently distinguished him; and which led him
to endeavour (above all things) to prevent political differences
from growing into personal dissension; and to aim at executing
whatever arrangement might be expedient for improving or
strengthening the administration, witli the concurrence (if pes-
sible) of all its existing members.
9, 2d
202 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" And no man who knows tlie aflfectionate respect and attach-
ment, which the manly and generous <jualities of the duke of Port-
land's mind were calculated to command, and which I invariably
bore to him, will suspect me of being willing to establish my own
vindication, at the expense of the slightest disrespect to his me-
mory, or pri>judice to his fame.
" I have the honour to be,
" My Lord,
" Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant,
"George Canning."
To Earl Camden^ <^'C. &;c.
" My Lord, — The statement which has been published in the
newspapers, in your lordship's name, has decided a question on
which I had before been hesitating, as to the necessity of un au-
thentic detail of the transactions (so far as I am concerned in them,
or am acquainted with them,) to which that statement refers.
" For that purpose, I think a direct address to your lordship
more decorous, both towards your lordship and for myself, than an
anonymous paragraph in a newspaper.
" It is with the most painful reluctance that I recur to a subject
which, so far as it concerns lord Castlereagh and myself, had been
settled in a manner, which is usually, I believe, considered as
iinal.
" Discussions of the causes of dispute more commonly precede,
than follow, the extreme appeal to which lord Castlereagh re-
sorted. And when, after mature consideration, his lordship had
determined to resort to that appeal in the first instance, I should
have thought that such a choice, deliberately made, would have
been felt by his friends to be equally conclusive upon them as upon
himself.
" But your lordship needs not to be informed, how assiduously
my character has been assailed by writers in the newspapers,
espousing lord Castlereagh's quarrel, and supposed (I trust, most
injuriously) to be his lordship's particular friends.
" The perversions and misrepresentations of anonymous writers,
however, would not have extorted from me any reply. But to them
succeeded the publication of lord Castlereaglj*s letter to me of the
19th September.
"I entirely disbelieve that lord Castlereagh, and I distinctly
deny that I myself had any knowledge of this publication.
"But, by what means it matters not, the letter is before the
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 203
world ; and though the course originally chosen by lord Castle-
reagh precluded me from offering any explanation to him, the
course which has since been adopted on his behalf, (though un-
doubtedly without his privity,) might perhaps have been consi-
dered as rendering such an explanation due to myself. It is, how-
ever, only since your lordship's publication, that I have felt it to
be indispensably necessary.
" The statement on my behalf, which has also found its way
(without my consent, and against my wish) into the public papers,
was written under a sense of delicacy and restraint, as to the par-
ticulars of the transaction, which, from the character of the tran-
saction itself, must always continue to prevail in a great degree;
but from which, until Wednesday, the 11th of October, the day
on which I gave up the seals, I had not an opportunity of solicit-
ing any dispensation.
" Of the indulgencej which I then most humbly solicited, I trust
I shall be able to avail myself sufficiently for my own vindication,
without losing sight of those considerations of duty and propriety,
by which the use of such an indulgence must necessarily be regu-
lated and confined.
" It is stated, in lord Castlereagh's letter, — * That I had de-
manded and procured from the duke of Portland, before the rising
of Parliament, a promise for lord Castlereagh's removal from the
war department; that, by this promise, lord Castlereagh's situa-
tion, as a Minister of the Crown, was made dependant upon my
pleasure; and that this promise I afterwards thought myself enti-
tled to enforce;
" 'That, after, and notwithstanding this virtual supersession of
lord Castlereagh in his office, I allowed him to originate and con-
duct the expedition to the Scheldt;
" * And that, during this whole period, I knew that the agita-
tion, and the decision of the question for his removal, were con-
cealed from him; and was party to this concealment.'
" Lord Castlereagh indeed admits,
" That he * has no right, as a public man, to resent my demand-
ing, upon public grounds, his removal from his office, or even from
the administration, as a condition of my continuing a member of
the government.'
" But he contends, that a proposition, 'justifiable in itself,' ought
not to have been 'executed in an unjustifiable manner;' and he
makes me responsible for the manner in which the ' head of the
administration,' and some members of the government, ' supposed
204 MEMOIR OF GEOJIGE CANNING.
to be liis (lord CastlereagJi'*) friends,' executed the proposition
which he attributes to ine,
" He is ready to acknowledge, indeed, • tliat I pressed for a dis-
closure, at the same time that I pressed for a decision ; and that
the disclosure was resisted by the duke of Portland and his (lord
Castlereagh's supjMsed friends.'
" But, in this circumstance, lord Castlereagh professes not to see
any justification of what he conceives to have been my conduct to-
wards !iim; because, by acquiescing in the advice or entreaties of
his ' supposed friends,' I admitted ' an authority' on their part,
'which I must have known them not to possess; because, by
' pressing for disclosure,' I sliowed my own sense of the ' unfair-
ness' of concealment; and because, with that sense, I 'ought' (as
he conceives me not to have done) ' to have availed myself of the
same alternative, namely, my own resignation, to enforce disclo-
sure, which I did to enforce decision.'
" Without offering a single word in the way of argument, I shall,
by a distinct detail of facts, in order of their date, sabstantiate my
contradiction of these charges.
"I shall only premise,
" 1st. That I had (as is admitted by lord Castlereagh) an on-
questionable right to require, on public grounds, a change in the
war department, tendering at the same time the alternative of my
own resignation.
"2dly. (What no man at all acquainted with the course of pub-
lic business will dispute,) That the regular, effectual, and straight-
forward course for bringing that alternative to issue, was to state
it directly to the 'head of the administration,' the King's chief Mi-
nister, to be laid by that Minister before the King.
" I proceed to the detail of facts.
" In the beginning of April, (the 2d,) I addressed a letter to the
duke of Portland, containing a representation on the state of his
administration, and expressing my wish and intention, unless some
change were effected in it, to resign.
" April 4th to 8th. — Upon the duke of Portland's requiring a
more detailed explanation as to the motives of my proffered resig-
uatiou, 1 stated, among other things, that a change either in my
own department, or in lord Castlereagh's, appeared to me to be
expedient for the public service I stated my perfect willingness
Uiat thf alternative should be decided for my retirement; and only
rec|ucstcd that the decision might, (if possible,) take place before the
recommencement of busiiiess in Pacliament after the Easter holidays.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 205
** The duke of Portland requested me to suspend the execution of
my intention to resign; wishing to have an opportunity of consult-
ing with some of his colleagues, before he determined what advice
to lay before the King.
" The Easter holidays thus passed away. On the IGth of April,
shortly after his grace's return to town from Bulstrode, the duke
of Portland opened the subject to one of the members of the Ca-
binet, whose name, (not having been hitherto brought forward,) I
do not think it necessary to mention. Your lordship is perfectly
acquainted with it.
" By the duJte of Portlajid's desire, I had a communication with
that member of the Cabinet, within a very few days after his in-
terview with the duke of Portland. He strongly represented the
difficulty of making any new arrangement during the sitting of
Parliament; and urged me to defer the pressing my own resigna-
tion till the end of the session. To this recommendation I did not
promise tp accede; but we agreed, (whether upon his suggestion or
upon n>irie, I am not confident,) that, at all events, no step what-
ever could properly be taken, until after the decision of the ques-
tion upon the writership; which was, about this time, brought for-
ward in the House of Commons.
" That question was decided on Tuesday, the 25th of April.
" On Friday, the 28th, the duke of Portland communicated fully
with your lordship; and informed me, as the result of that com-
munication, that your lordship thought a change in lord Castle-
reagh's situation in the government desirable, provided it could be
effected honourably for lord Castlereagh, and that it 'could be
reconciled to lord Castlereagh's feelings,'
" From this period, I understood that your lordship was con-
stantly consulted by the duke of Portland, in every step of the
transaction. Other members of the Cabinet were also consulted
by the duke of Portland ; but how many of them, or at what pre-
cise periods, I neither knew at the time, nor can now undertake
to say.
" Shortly after your lordship's first interview with the duke of
Portland, (I am sure before the 5th of May,) that member of the
Cabinet, with whom his grace had first communicated, reported to
me a suggestion of your lordship's, of a change of office for lord
Castlereagh, evidently calculated on the principles which your
lordship had stated as indispensable to such a change. Whether
this communication to me was in the nature of a direct message
from your lordship, I do not exactly know. But I understood
distinctly that you knew of its being made to me; and that what-
206 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
ever observations I might make upon if, were to be reported to your
lordsliip. What I observed upon it, was in substance, — that it was
not for me to presume to say what change would be proper ; that
I liad done all that I had thought myself either called upon or at
liberty to do, in stating to the duke of Portland my opinions, and
my intention to resign ; that the duke of Portland alone could
cither propose any change, or obtain the necessary authority for
carrying it into effect ; and I therefore recommended that your
lordship should state your suggestion to the duke of Portland.
" On the 5th of May, the duke of Portland informed me, that he
had determined to lay the whole subject, on the following Wed-
nesday, before his Majesty.
" On Wednesday, the 10th of May, he informed me that he had
done SO; and that his Majesty had been graciously pleased to say,
that he would take the subject into his serious consideration,
" On Wednesday, the 31st of May, apprehendin;;^ it to be pos-
sible that my intention might not have been fully explained to his
Majesty, and thinking it my duty to leave no doubt upon it, I
humbly repeated to his Majesty the representations which I had
before made to the duke of Portland, and humbly tendered my
resignation. I received thereupon his Majesty's gracious com-
mands, to retain my situation until his Majesty should have consi-
dered the whole subject.
" Some time in the course of the next week, I think on the 8th
of June, the duke of Portland stated to me, that he had received
his Majesty's commands to propose, and to carry into effect, at the
end of the session of Parliament, an arrangement for a partial
change in the war department.
" The particulars of this arrangement I do not think it proper
to detail ; feeling it my duty to limit myself strictly to what is
absolutely necessary for the explanation of my own conduct. It is
sufficient to state, that the object of this arrangement was not the
removal of lord Castlereagh, but a new distribution of the business
of the war department, whereby that part of it which was con-
nected with political correspondence, would have been transferred
to the foreign office ; and the business of another office, then vacant,
would have been transferred to lord Castlereagh. It is only neces-
sary to add, that the effect of this new distribution would not have
been to take out of lord Castlereagh's hands the superintendance
of the expedition to the Scheldt.
" On the 13th of June, I wrote to the diike of Portland, signify-
ing to him that, although such an arrangement had never entered
into my contemplation, and although I did not think it calculated
MBMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 207
to remedy all the difficulties which had induced me to bring the
state of the administration under his grace's consideration, I was
ready, so far as I was concerned, to undertake and discharge to the
best of my ability, any duty which his Majesty might be graciously
pleased to devolve upon me; but I expressed, at the same time,
great doubts, wiiether this arrangement could be expected to be
acceptable to lord Castlereagh, or, in all parts, satisfactory to the
public feeling.
" On Sunday, the 18th of June, (Parliament being expected to
rise on the 20th or 21st,) I wrote to the duke of Portland, to in-
quire whether this arrangement, or any other, was to take place j
stating to him, that * if things remained as they then were, I was
determined not to remain in office.'
" (June 18th.) — In answer, the duke of Portland mentioned to
me a new plan of arrangement, altogether diflferent from that which
he had been authorised to carry into effect; and stated that he had
sent for your lordship and the other member of the Cabinet, with
whom your lordship and the duke of Portland had been in constant
communication, to co-operate with him in forwarding this new
plan, and to urge lord Castlereagh to consent to it.
" The particulars of this new plan, I do not think it necessary
to state, as I learnt from the duke of Portland, either the next day
or the day following it, that to this plan lord Castlereagh certainly
could not be brought to agree. Whether this was known to his
grace only from your lordship, or through your lordship from lord
Castlereagh himself, I was not apprised.
" On Wednesday the 21st, the day of the rising of Parliament, I
was assured by the duke of Portland, that the specific arrange-
ment which he had iti the first instance proposed, viz. the new dis-
tribution of the business of the war department, should be carried
into effect; — and that his Majesty had directed him to desire your
lordship to communicate his decision to lord Castlereagh.
On Tuesday, June the 27th, finding that no communication had
been yet made to lord Castlereagh, I wrote to the duke of Portland
in terms of the strongest remonstrance, both against the conceal-
ment and the delay; and intimated my determination to recur to
my original intention, and to press the acceptance of my resig-
nation.
" Accordingly, on the following day, Wednesday the 28th of
June, I had an audience of the King, in which I humbly and
earnestly repeated to his Majesty the tender of my resignation.
" That same evening, the duke of Portland informed me that he
had that day signified to your lordship the King's desire, that your
208 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
lordshij^ slioiild cotnnninicate the intended arrangement to lord
Castlereagh; and tliat the conimnnication was to be made by your
lordship, as soon as the expedition had sailed; which, it was ex-
pected, would be In less than a fortnight from that time.
'* But before this fortnight elapsed, viz, on "Wednesday, the 5th
of July, the duke of Portland informed me, that in consideration of
the difficulties attending the proposed arrangement, he and those
with whom he consulted were of opinion, that another should be
substituted for it, which, he trusted, would also be more agreeable
to nie. He told me that hopes were entertained that your lordship
would determine to oflPer your resignation, for the purpose of facu
litating a general arrangement, in which a complete change in the
war department might be effected consistently with lord Castle-
reagh's feelings. He said, however, that your lordship had not yet
finally made up your mind upon the subject: — but that you would
pi'obably come to a decision before the following Wednesday.
" The duke of Portland stated his intention, in the event of your
lordship's resignation, to submit to his Majesty the nomination of
lord Wellesley to the war department.
" It was well known by the duke of Portland, that I had been
always anxious for lord "Wellesley 's accession to the Cabinet; but
this was the first mention to me, in the course of this transaction,
of his introduction into the war department. — But for a severe in-
disposition, lord "Wellesley would, before this time, have been on
his way to Spain.
" On Thursday, the 13th of July, the duke of Portland informed
me, that your lordship had, the day before, actually tendered your
resignation; but that your lordship had annexed to it tlie condi-
tions, that no change should take place, till after the termination of
the expedition to the Scheldt; and that it should be left to your
lordship to choose the time of making any communication to lord
Castlereagh.
" (July 13th to the 20th.) — I made the strongest remonstrances
against this new delay, and this indefinite renewal of the conceal-
ment from lord Castlereagh. I said, that after the repeated post-
ponements which had already taken place, and after the reserve
which had already been practised towards lord Castlereagh, I
could not rely upon the execution of any arrangement which should
not be now completely settled in all its parts; and, if this were
not to be done, I most earnestly entreated that his Majesty might
be advised now to accept my resignation.
" The duke of Portland most anxiously deprecated my resigna-
tion, as loading, in his apprehension, to the dissolution of the ad-
MEMOIR OF GKORGE CANNING. 209
ministration. He decliired himself to be authorised to assure me,
in the most solemn manner, that the arrangement now in contem-
plation should positively take place at the termination of the expe-
dition; that the seals of the war department should then be offered
to lord Wellesley — an office (to be vacated by means of your lord-
ship's retirement) being at the same time to be offered to lord
Caatlereagh;— and that in the interval, and without loss of time,
lord Castlereagh's friends should take opportunities of preparing
him for the change, and reconciling him to it, by representing to
him the great advantages to be derived from it, in the acquisition
of additional strength to the government,
" Not only the duke of Portland, but other members of the Ca-
binet, lord Castlereagh's friends, some directly and some through
common friends, urged me, in the most earnest manner, to ac-
quiesce in the postponement now proposed. It was represented
to me, that if, instead of pressing for the execution of the arrange-
ment now, time were allowed to lord Castlereagh's friends to pre-
pare him for the change, and to reconcile him to it, the arrange-
ment might ultimately take place in an amicable manner; that every
public object might thus be answered, without any unnecessary
harshness to the feelings of individuals; and that, so far from find-
ing fresh impediments raised to the execution of the arrangement,
when the time arrived, I should find all those, to whose represen-
tations I yielded, considering themselves pledged equally with the
duke of Portland, to see it carried into effect.
" It is due to your lordship to say, that your lordship's name was
not, so far as I recollect, specifically mentioned to me on this occa-
sion; but it is equally due to myself to declare, that I never for a
moment imagined, nor could have believed, that the general de-
scription of ' lord Castlereagh's friends,' as stated to me without
exception or qualification by the duke of Portland, did not com-
prehend your lordship, whose proffered resignation was the basis
of the whole arrangement, and without whose express consent,
therefore, no other person could announce the arrangement to, lord
Castlereagh.
" By these representations and assurances, at length, (July gO,)
most reluctantly, and I confess against my better judgment, I was
induced to acquiesce in the proposed postponement of the change;
and consented to remain in office till the termination of the expe-
dition.
" On Saturday, September the 2d, the result of the expedition
to the Scheldt being then known, I wrote to the duke of Portland,
9. 2e
210 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
at Bulstrnde, reiniudins; his 2:iaco, that the period fixed for offering
tlie seals of tlie war dei)artiuent to lord Wellesley was arrived.
«• Oil the following Wednesday, the 6th of September, the duke
of Portland informed me, that no steps whatever had been taken
by any of lord Castlereauli's friends, to reconcile him to tlie
chan<;e, or to prepare him for it; that the execution of the arrange-
ment would be attended with other resignations, or at least with
one other resignation, (of which I had never before received the
slightest intimation); and that he had himself determined to
retire.
" Upon receiving this intelligence, I immediately disclaimed
any wish that the arrangement, however positively I understood it
to have been settled, should be carried into effect under circum-
stances to me so unexpected; and instantly reverted to that 'al-
ternative' which, upon each successive stage of difficulties and de-
lays, I had uniformly pressed,— that of the tender of my own re-
signation; — which I desired the duke of Portland to lay that day
before the King.
" On the following day, Thursday the 7th of September, I de-
clined attending the Cabinet; stating, in a letter to the duke of
Portland, (which I left it to his grace to communicate to the Cabi-
net if he should think propor,) that I considered my resignation as
in his Majesty's hands; and myself as holding my office only until
my successor should be named.
" On Friday, the 8th, I heard from the duke of Portland that
lord Castlereagh had sent in his resignation. I have been in-
formed since, (but whether correctly or not I cannot affirm,) that
he did so, in consequence of a communication made to him, by
your lordship, after the Cabinet of the preceding day,
" On Thursday, the 14th of September, your lordship called
upon me at the Foreign Office, by your own appointment, for the
purpose of explaining the causes which had prevented your
making any communication to lord Castlereagh in the earlier
stagfes of the transaction.
" On Tuesday, September the 19tli, your lordship, in answer to
a letter of mine of the preceding day, explained to me the grounds
of your silence to lord Castlereagh, during the latter period of the
transaction.
" On Wednesday morning, September the 20th, I received from
lord Castlereagh the lett-er which produced our meeting,
" From this series of facts it appears,
"That, in April, I made a representation to the King's first mi-
MEMOIR OF GEORGK CANNING. 211
nister, on the general state of the administration j and that, in the
course of the discussions arising out of that representation, I pro-
posed on public grounds, not, as lord Castlereagh appears to have
been informed, his removal from the administration, but the alter-
native of a change, either in the war or foreign department:
" That, on the 10th of May, the duke of Portland submitted to his
Majesty tlic subject of my representation; and informed me that
his Majesty would be pleased to take it into his consideration :
"That, from the 10th of May until the 8th of June, I was wholly
unapprised of the result of that consideration 5 but that, for fear of
misapprehension, I Iiad, in person, during that interval, — viz. on
May 31, — liumbly repeated my representation, and tendered my
resignation to his Majesty:
" That, on or about the 8th of June, for the first time, an ar-
rangement was stated to me, which had for its object a new distri-
bution of the business of the war department; and that, on the 13th,
I signified my acquiescence in that arrangement, so far as I was
concerned :
*' That, on the 18th, another arrangement was stated to me, to be
substituted for that in which I had acquiesced: but that, on the
21st, it was announced to me that the first arrangement was fiually
decided upon; was to be immediately carried into effect; and was
to be communicated to lord Castlereagh by your lordship:
" That, on the 27th of June, no step appearing to have been
taken, either to execute the intended arrangement, or to apprise
lord Castlereagli of it, I remonstrated against the delay, and against
the concealment from lord Castlereagh : and that, on the 28th, I
again tendered my resignation; and that on the same day your
lordship received an injunction to communicate the intended ar-
rangement to lord Castlereagh :
••' That, on the 5th of July, a new plan was stated to me to be in
contemplation; a plan originating with your lordship, and depend-
ing for its execution upon a step to be taken by yourself: that this
plan was, on the 13th, announced to me as settled, and as intended
to be substituted for that which had been first proposed:
" That I at that time renewed my remonstrances in the strongest
manner, both against the delay and against the concealment; but
that it was stated to me to be an indispensable condition of this
plan on your lordship's part, — that it should not be acted upon till
the termination of the expedition to the Scheldt ; and that the time
of making tlie communication to lord Castlereagh should be left to
your lordship's discretion:
212 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
*• Tliat, at length, in compliance with the representations and en-
treaties of the duke of Portland, and of others, lord Castlereagh's
friends, and upon the most solemn assurances that lord Castlereagh
should in the mean time be prepared by his friends for the change,
and that the change should positively take place at the period fixed
by ycur lordship, I consented to remain in office:
" That, on Wednesday the 6th of September, finding that nothing
had been done towards preparing lord Castlereagh for the arrange-
ment; and that the execution of it would be attended with diffi-
culties of w liich I had not before been apprised, I desired the duke
of Portland to lay my resignation before the King.
" Your lordship will therefore perceive,
" That, up to the 8th of June, so far from being hi possession of
any ' promise for lord Castlereagh's removal,' and from his conti-
nuance in office being made thereby * dependent upon my pleasure ;'
— no decision whatever had, to my knowledge, been taken, up to
that time; no proposal had been made to me by the duke of Port-
land, in any way affecting lord Castlereagh's political situation;
and no intimation had been given to me, whether my own resig-
nation would be finally accepted or declined;
" That the arrangement which was in contemplation from the
8th of June to the 5th of July, in no degree affected, and was never
intended to affect, 'the conduct of the expedition to the Scheldt;'
" That lord Castlereagh's * removal from the war department'
was first determined upon as part of the plan of which your lord-
ship's resignation was the basis ;
" That his * removal from the administration' was not at any
time 'demanded' by me;
" And. lastly, that I did employ the tender of my own resigna-
tion, not to * enforce decision' onli/, (as lord Castlereagh's letter
supposes,) but equally to 'enforce disclosure;' and that in fact I
did ultimately resign, rather than 'enforce' the intended change,
under circumstances so different from those which I had been
authorised to expect,
" It cannot be expected that I should labour very anxiously to
refute the charge of my having ' supposed' your lordship and others
' to he lord Castlereagh's //-jeHfZ*;' and having, under that impres-
sion, deferred to your opinion and ' authority,' in a matter affecting
lord Castlereagh's interests and feelings.
" That your lordship, in particular, as well from near connexion
98 from an active and anxious partiality, was entitled to consulta-
tion and to deference, on such an occasion,— is a persuasion which
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 213
I felt in common, as I believe, with every member of the govern-
mentj and which not even lord Castlereagh's disclaimer has in-
duced me to renounce.
" I should not have been surprised, nor should I have thought
myself entitled to take the smallest offence, if your lordship had,
instead of concurring in the expediency of a change in lord Castle-
reagh's department, protested against it, and had recommended to
the duke of Portland to advise the King to accept my resignation :
and it was perfectly known by the duke of Portland, and, I am
confident, not unknown by your lordship, that, at any moment,
from the beginning of these discussions to the end, I was not only
ready but desirous to terminate them by resigning.
" But when the opinion of the expediency of a change in the
war department had been adopted by so many of the immediate
friends of lord Castlereagh, upon the condition that it should be
reconciled to lord Castlereagh's feelings, — and when they, and your
lordship among the first, had devised and concerted with the
King's first minister, the mode of carrying that object into execu-
tion, — I cannot help thinking that I should have been much, and
justly, blamed, if I had insisted upon taking the communication to
lord Castlereagh out of your hands into my own.
" I now come to your lordship's statement.*
" This statement appears to me to have been much misunder-
stood. It has been construed, as if your lordship had meant to
aver that what you were restricted from doing, and what you had
not engaged to do, were one and the same thing; — whereas your
lordship's statement, in point of fact, contains two distinct pro-
positions, and refers to two separate periods of time.
" The period during which your lordship states yourself to have
been ' absolutely/ restricted' from making a communication to lord
Castlereagh, extends from the 28th of April, on which day the first
communication was made by the duke of Portland to your lord-
ship, to the time at which the proposed arrangement, for the new
distribution of the business of the war department^ was superseded
by your lordship's tender of your resignation.
" The period during which your lordship states yourself * not to
have engaged' to make a communication to lord Castlereagh, ex-
tends from the time of the tender of your lordship's resignation to
the termination of the expedition to the Scheldt.
" It ought, however, to be observed, that during the first of these
* See page 200.
214 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
two periods, — from the 28th of April to the 12th of July, — the
nature of commuiiicatiou to be made to lord Castlereagh, and the
nature of the restriction imposed upon your lordship, were entirely
changed.
" Previousli/ to tlie 8th of June, the communication which your
lordship would have had to make to lord Castlereagh, was simply
that I had represented the expediency of a change either in his de-
partment or in mine ; and that no decision whatever had yet beea
taken upon tliis representation.
" Witli respect to this communication, it does not appear that
the restriction upon your lordship was absolute and indefinite.
But I knew nothing of its existence.
" Subsequently to the 8th of June, the communication to be made
to lord Castlereagh was, that an arrangement was in contempla-
tion for a new distribution of the business of the war department.
" With respect to this communication, not only was the restric-
tion upon your lordship not indefinitely continued ; but your lord-
ship actually received, on the 28th of June, an injunction to make
this communication to lord Castlereagh at a period distinctly speci-
fied, viz. the sailing of the expedition. And this injunction was
only superseded by a voluntary act of your lordship's — yoiu* tender
of your own resignation on the 12th of July, as the basis of another
arrangement,
" During the whole of the period, from the 28th of April to the
12th of July, the concealment practised towards lord Castlereagh
was either without my knowledge, and contrary to ray belief, or it
■was against my earnest remonstrances,
" It was without my knowledge, and contrary to my belief, up
to the week in which Parliament rose j and from that time forth it
was against my earnest remonstrances,
" Even when I learnt, in June, that the communication had not
been made by your lordship to lord Castlereagh, I did not learn
that you had been prevented from making it by any absolute re-
striction.
" It was not till the month of July, in the course of the discussions
w hirli took place from the 13tli to the 20th of that month, respect-
ing tlie proposal for postponing the new arrangement to be founded
on your lordship's resignation, and for leaving to your lordship's
discretion the time of disclosure to lord Castlereagh, that I learnt
that the silence which you had liitherto observed towards him,
had been imposed upon your lordship by the injunction of the duke
of i'oilland. I did not till then know with whom the concealment
hitherto practised had origitiated; I frankly own that I thought it
MEiVIOia Ol- GEORGE CANNING. 215
liiid originated with your lordship; I was anxious above al! things
that it sliould not be over suspected that it had originated with
nie; or tliat I had been a consenting party to it, or even (till a late
period) conscious of its existence.
'■' In my correspondence with the duke of Portland at this
period, therefore, at the same time tliat I resisted the new delay
tlien proj)osed, I disclainied any concurrence in the concealment
which had been hitherto practised — and requested * that it might
be remembered hereafter, whenever that concealment should be
alleged against ?mc, as an act of injustice to lord Castlereagh, that
it did not originate in /m^/ suggestion ; that, so far fiom desiring it, I
had conceived (however erroneously) your lordship to be the sure
channel of communication to lord Castlereagh; and that up to a
very late period I had believed such communication to have been
actually made.'
" The duke of Portland, in answer, acknowledged my repeated
remonstrances against the concealment; stating himself at the
same time not to have been aware that I had at any time believed
the communication to have been actually made ; but assuring me
' that he should be at all times ready to avow that the concealment
had originated with himself, (the duke' of Portland;) that he had
enjoined it to all those with whom he had communicated, — from
motives which he was at all times ready to justify; and that he
was desirous of taking whatever blame might have been, or might
at any time be, incurred by it, upon himself.'
" This, as I have said, was my first knowledge of any restriction
whatever upon your lordship's communication to lord Castlereagh.
" If I am asked why I believed your lordship to have actually
made the communication, I answer, because it was natural that
you should make it; because the expectationof your making it was
the motive which induced me to desire (and I did desire) that the
communication should be made to your lordship; — because the
manner in w hich you first received that communication (as reported
to me by the duke of Portland,) tended to confirm the belief that
your lordship was the fit channel of communication to lord Castle-
reagh; — and because I knew not of the existence of any impedi-
ment to your pursuing what appeared to me (and does still appear
to me) the natural and obvious course to be pursued upon such an
occasion.
" It may be objected, that I ought not to have been contented
with presuming the disclosure to have been made, but ought to
have diligently ascertained that it was so; — first, I answer — that
no person naturally sets about ascertaining that of which he enter-
216 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
tains no doubt ; — and, secondly, I answer — that the moment tliat
my suspicion of the fact was £xcited, I did set about ascertaining
the truth; and tliat upon ascertaining it, I did remonstrate in the
strongest manner against the concealment ; — and enforced that re-
monstrance by the tender of my own resignation.
" It was on the 26th or 27th of June (five or six days after Parlia-
ment rose) that I discovered my suspicion to be well founded. — On
the 27th I remonstrated. — On the 28th I tendered my resignation.
— And in the course of the same day, your lordship (as I have al-
ready stated) received an injunction to make the communication as
soon as the expedition should have sailed.
" The second of the two periods to which your lordship's state-
ment refers, begins from the 12th of July, the day 6f the tender of
your lordship's resignation.
" It does not appear, nor does your lordship's statement aver,
that at any time during the second period, the restriction which
had been originally imposed upon your lordship -was renewed;
or that any other existed, except that which your lordship had
imposed upon yourself, and which was therefore no longer binding
upon your lordship than while you might yourself be willing that
it should bind you.
" Of the extent to which this self-imposed restriction appears to
have gone, I had not any suspicion. I knew indeed that your
lordship had stipulated to keep the time of the disclosure to lord
Castlereagh in your own hands; but, subsequently to my being
made acquainted with that stipulation, I had received the assu-
rances which I have already described, on behalf of * lord Castle-
reagh's friends:' and had relied upon those assurances.
" it was not till the 6th of September that I learnt that those
assurances had not been carried into effect. It was not till the
19th of September that I learnt that your lordship had been no
party to them. Then indeed I learnt that your lordship had not
only * not engaged' to make the communication previously to the
' issue of the expedition being known here' — but that in July you
had ' stated to one of our colleagues,' (not the duke of Portland) —
' who was urging an earlier communication," that the ' time of com-
munication, so far as you were concerned, was for you to decide;
but that no one had a right to say you did not perform that part
in the transaction in which you were concerned, if you did not open
your lips to lord Castlereagh before the issue of the expedition was
known here'
"This information I received from your lordship, in a letter
dated the 19th of September. It was then perfectly new iq me.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 217
" I leave your lordship to judge what must have been my sur-
prise, when, after receiving from your lordship, on the evening of
the 19th of September, this frank a/owal of the real origin of the
concealment maintained, during this latter and most important
jieriod, towards lord Castlereagh, I received on tlie following
morning lord Castlereagh's letter of the same date, making me
responsible for that concealment.
" I have not to trouble your lordship with any farther obser.
vations.
" I have confined myself to matters growing out of lord Castle-
reagh's letter, and out of your lordship's statement: on those alone
have I any right to claim your lordship's attention.
" To this address to your lordship I have been compelled to
resort, however reluctantly, to vindicate my private honour. As
to any charges against my public conduct — this is not the mode to
reply to them. If any such shall be brought against me, at the
proper time, and in the proper place, I shall be prepared to meet
and to repel them
" I have the honour to be, &c.
" George Canning."
Thous'li his lordship and our hero had tendered their
resignations, they did not absolutely resign the seals of i
office until the 11th October following. Earl Bathurst
succeeded Mr. Canning. The duke of Portland also
resiifned.* '
It would be impertinent to trouble the reader with
a disquisition on duelling. Mr. Canning might have
pleaded the example of Pitt, who went out with Tier-
ney — but no example can sanction wrong — and, morally^
there can be no doubt on the subject. But, — alas, for the
world we live in ! — crime sometimes becomes imperative,
for the maintenance of existence — for who can exist
amid the scorn of society ? It is very edifying to hear
philosophers talk of the consolation of your own feel-
* The duke died on the 31st October following, after undergoing
an operation for the stone.
10. 2f
218 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING
in«-s ; but this desolate enjoyment is ill fitted for one who
niin^^Ies with the crowd. It is amongst the many para-
doxes that the laws of society and of government afford,
that a military man is broken by court-martial, for fight-
ino- a duel ; yet is scorned by his fellow-soldiers, if
he refuses to do so. The very men who penned para-
graphs of abuse against Canning, for risking his life,
which, as a minister, belonged to his country, would
have been the first to have attached the imputation of
cowardice to his conduct.
Putting aside the question of the impropriety of a duel
under such, or indeed any, circumstances, it must be
admitted that the conduct of both parties was admirable.
They met like men who came on a mortal embassy. It
was not to fire in the air that they took their ground.
Lord Castlereagh had called for the blood of Canning,
as an atonement for an imaginary injury or insult, and
Canning accorded him his satisfaction. After receiving
his wound, Mr. Canning remained, ready to fire and be
fired at again, had not the interference of the seconds put
an end to the affair. The courage of both parties was un-
questionable.* Mr. Canning had, the night before, made
his will, (which will be found in another part of these
Memoirs,) and these circumstances account for its e,xtra-
ordinary brevity and untechnical phraseology. Mr. El-
lis, who seconded our hero, was witness to the execution
of his will.
The secession of the duke of Portland, lord Castle-
reagh, and our hero, created the greatest embarrassment,
* Lord Castlereagh gave an undeniable proof of liis coolness,
when attacked by a mob on the corn question. They pelted him,
and tliroatened to drag him from his horse. Instead of galloijinp
oflT, lie threw the reins on the animal's neck, and put him into :
walk The mob were awed, and he proceeded in peace
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 219
uliich was increased l)y the resignation of Mr. Huskisson.
The odor of chancellor of the exchequer was made to
him, and refused ; he havins^ declared he would form no
part of an administration that excluded Canning.
The feeling that had actuated the duel did not expire
with it. Sheridan truly said, " that Castlereagh was an
Irishman even iti his quarrels; for he was not a whit
more satisfied after receiving satisfaction than before."
All his errors as a minister Lord Castlereagh charitably
threw on the shoulders of his colleao;ue. This stale de-
vice might, for a moment, gull the million : but all
reasoning persons saw through the shallow policy that
dictated it. Mr. Canning did not trouble himself to
notice these attacks ; and even when, on the subject of
the ill success in the Spanish peninsula, lord Castlereagh
stated, that the marquis of Wellesley was appointed for
the embassy on the 1st of May, but that he was either de-
tained, or designedly delayed, till it was too late to be of
any use, — the first part of which accusation was levelled at
Mr. Canning, who was accused of delaying his lordship, —
Mr. Canning left the refutation to time, and did not
deign to reply to it.
The difficulties attending the formation of a new
ministry, or rather supplying the vacated places, were
great. Mr. Per^ival addressed the following letter to
lords Grenville and Grey.
Hon. Spencer Percival to Lords Grey and Grenville.
"Windsor, Saturday, Sept. 93, 1809.
" My Lord, — The duke of Portland liaving signified to his Ma-
jesty his intention of retiring from his Majesty's service, in conse-
quence of tlie state of his grace's health, his Majesty has authorised
lord Liverpool, in conjunction with myself, to communicate with
your lordship and lord Grey, for the purpose of forming an ex-
tended and combined administration.
220 MEMOIR OF QEOnGE CANNING.
" I !iope, tlierefore, tliat your lordship, in consequence of this
communication, will come to town, in order that as little time as
])ossible may be lost in forwarding this important object; and that
you will have the goodness to inform me of your arrival.
" I am also to acquaint your lordship, that I have received his
Majesty's commands to make a similar communication to lord
Grey, of his Majesty's pleasure.
" I think it proper to add, for your lordship's information, that
lord Castlereagh and Mr. secretary Canning have intimated their
intention to resign their offices.
" I have the honour to be, &c, &c.
" Spencer Percival."
To tljis letter lord Grey replied as follows : —
Lord Grey to the ITon. Spcneer Percixal.
" Hovvick, Sept. 26.
" Sir, — I have this evening had the honour of receiving your
letter of the 23d, informing me that, in consequence of the duke of
Portland's intention of retiring from his Majesty's service, his Ma-
jesty had authorised you, in conjunction with the earl of Liverpool,
to communicate with lord Grenville and myself, for the purpose of
forming an extended and combined administration; — and express-
ing a hope that, in consequence of this communication, I would
come to town, in order that as little time as possible may be lost in
forwarding this important object.
" Had his Majesty been pleased to signify that he had any com-
mands for me personally, I should not have lost a moment in
showing my duty and obedience, by a prompt attendance on his
royal pleasure.
" But, when it is proposed to me to communicate with his Ma-
jesty's present ministers, for the [)urpose of forming a combined
administration with them, I feel tliat I should be wanting in duty
to his Majesty, and in fairness to them, if I did not frankly and at
once declare, that such an union is, with respect to me, under the
present circumstances impossible. This being the case, I find my-
self under the necessity of stating, that my appearance in London
could be of no advantage, and possibly, at a moment like the pre-
sent, be attended with some inconvenience.
" I liave thought it better to request, that you will have the
goodiuss to lay my duty at the feet of his Majesty, humbly entreat-
ing him not to aftribnlc 1o any want of attachment to his royal
MEMOIR OF GEOnCE CANNING. 231
person, or to diiuinished zeal for his service, my declining a com-
munication Avliich, on the terms i)roposed, could lead to no useful
result, and uhich might be of serious detriment to the country, if,
in consequence of a less decisive answer from me, any further delay
should take place in the formation of a settled government. '
" I am, &c.
"Grey."
Lord Grenville replied, that he deemed it an official
notification of his Majesty, requiring his attendance in
town ; and immediately came to London, and then ad-
dressed Mr. Percival in these words : —
Lord Grenville to the Hon. Spencer Percival.
" Sept. 29, 1809.
"Sir, — Having last night arrived here, in humble obedience to
Ills Majesty's commands, I think it now my duty to lose no time in
expressing to you the necessity under which I feel myself, of de-
clining the communication proposed in your letter, being satisfied
that it could not, under the circumstances there mentioned, be pro-
ductive of any public advantage.
" I trust, I need not say that this opinion is neither founded in
any sentiment of personal hostility, nor in a desire of unnecessarily
prolonging political differences.
" To compose, not to inflame, the divisions of the empire, has al-
ways been my anxious wish, and is now, more than ever, the duty
of every loyal subject; but my accession to the existing adminis-
tration, could, I am confident, in no respect contribute to this ob-
ject; nor could it, I think, be considered in any other light than as
a dereliction of public principle,
"This answer, which I must have given to any proposal, if made
while the government was yet entire, cannot be varied by the re-
treat of some of its members.
" My objections are not personal, they apply to the principles of
the government itself, and to the circumstances which attended its
appointment.
" I have now, therefore, only to request that you will ao me the
honour of submitting, in the most respectful terms, these my hum-
ble opinions to his Majesty, accompanied by the dutiful and sin-
cere assurance of my earnest desire, at all times, to testify, by all
222 MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING.
such nicniis as are in my power, my unvaried zeal for his Majesty's
service. " I am, &c.
" Grenville."
Mr. Percival's reply to this contained the singular
disclosure, that lords Grenville and Grey were to assist
in forming an administration, in which they were to take
no part — a thing totally unprecedented. The letter was
as follows : —
Hon. Spencer Percixal to Lord Grenville.
"Sept. 29, 1809.
"IMy Lord, — I lost no time in communicating to lord Liverpool
your lordship's letter of this day.
" It is with great concern that we have learnt from it, that your
lordsliip feels yourself under the necessity of declining the com-
niuuication which I had the honour to propose.
" In proposing to your lordship and lord Grey, under his Ma^
jesty's authority, to communicate with lord Liverpool and myself,
not for the accession of your lordship to the present administra-
tion, but for tlie purpose of forming a combined and extended ad-
ministration, no idea existed in our minds of the necessity of any
dereliction of public principle on either side.
" Your lordship may rest assured, that, in communicating to his
Majesty the necessity under which you feel yourself of declining
the communication which I had the honour to propose to your
lordship, I will do every justice to the respectful terms, and the
dutiful and sincere assurance of your lordship's unwearied zeal for
his Majesty's service, with which the expression of that necessity
was accompanied.
" I cannot conclude without expressing the satisfaction of lord
I/iverpool and myself, at your lordsliip's assurance, that the failure
of tills proposal is not to be attributed to any sentiment of per-
sonal hostility. *' I have, &c. &c.
"Spencer Percival."
The inquiry into the policy and conduct of the expe-
dition to the Scheldt, commenced in February, ISIO, and
created some considerable sensation, involving, as it did,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
223
the creditof oneof the ministers who had resigned. An in-
quiry into lord Chatham's conduct was the result. Pend-
ing that inquiry, lord Chatham privately presented a
narrative of the transaction to his Majesty. The im-
pression was, that his lordship had endeavoured to shift
the blame from his own, to the shoulders of his col-
leagues. A motion of censure on lord Chatham's con-
duct being brought forward, Mr. Canning acquitted
lord Chatham of all motives of malignity. "But," said he,
" however high gifted lord Chatham was in name and
blood, he could not consent, as far as it depended on him,
that he should be a splendid anomaly in the constitution.
While in the public service, he should be subject to all
those rules and regulations which the constitution had
imposed upon the servants of the King and the public.
He knew, from what had passed the other night, that the
honourable gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) would receive
his vote with no great complacency; and assured him,
that it was not without the utmost reluctance, that he
voted with him on this occasion. He should, however,
beg to suggest an amendment to the second resolution.
He did not desire to be the proposer of the amendment
himself, but he would throw out as a suggestion that it
might be something of this kind. — ' That the House had
seen with regret, that the report of lord Chatham had
been presented to his Majesty, without going through
the regular department, and without being previously
communicated to his colleagues; and that the desire of
secresy expressed by his lordship, was a thing which
ought not to be countenanced, as it might be pernicious
to his Majesty's service, and the interest of the country.'
This was not more than the House was bound in duty
to do, while, at the same time, it was less severe than
the course already proposed."
224 MEMOIR OF GEOnCE CANNING.
The Walcheren expedition drew forth the following
personal attack from Mr. Whitbread, in reply to Mr.
Canning's defence of himself.
INIr. Whitbread said, — " I look upon him (Mr. Can-
ning) as a man more responsible than the noble lord
(Castlereagh) for the failure of the expedition. I con-
sider him as deeply responsible, for having done that
which, in the history of the country, no other man could
have been found to have done. That right honourable
gentleman, knowing what the interests of the country
required; — knowing, too, all those measures which were
in contemplation and going on, — and having information
of the expedition which was in preparation : — did, on
the 16th of April last, go and declare to the duke of
Portland, then at the head of the government, that the
minister who was to have the conduct of the expedition,
was not competent to his situation; — that the man on
whom that duty devolved, however he might esteem him
in private, — however he might value him for his good
qualities and virtues, — was not competent to his public
situation. Not satisfied with this, the right honourable
gentleman went to his Majesty, to make the same com-
munication, for fear of any mistake. But to the noble
lord himself, he never communicated his opinion, — that
he thought him incapable of performing the duties of his
situation, — but suffered him to originate, and conduct to
a close, the expedition which has terminated so disgrace-
fully to the country.
" The noble lord has stated that the administration is
founded on a rock. Little did the noble lord, on that oc-
casion, suspect that the rock was mined ; — little did he
think that he was in danger of beinff blown aloft in the
springing of the mine. But, as it often happens to him
who kindles the train, the right honourable gentleman
MEMOIR OF GEOJIGE CANNING. 225
fho laid it, was also blown up with him. It was the
wish of the right honourable gentleman to place the no-
ble lord in another situation; a change which the gene-
rous feelings of that noble lord, and I am ready to give
him credit for those generous feelings, could not be
brought to brook or submit to. I am not disposed to
enter into the consideration of the personal feelings and
circumstances of the transaction between the right ho-
nourable gentleman and the noble lord; — but the right
honourable gentleman has twice appealed to the public,
and once again by his friends. As one of the public, I,
leaving both the noble lord and the right honourable gen-
tleman at the thresholds of their offices, and passing over
every thing private or personal in the case, have a right,
upon public grounds, to demand from the right honour-
able gentleman some satisfactory explanation. With
regard to this whole proceeding, I profess myself to be
the partisan of the noble lord, and not the abettor of the
right honourable gentleman. So far as regards the pub-
lic, I ask the right honourable gentleman how he can
answer the question which I now call upon him to an-
swer, and which has been put to him before, — a month
since, — without obtaining any reply ? I ask the right
honourable gentleman, how he can answer to his sove-
reign, — how to this House, — how to the country ?
"The expedition thus undertaken has-failed; and I,
therefore, have to call upon the House of Commons to
avenge the public upon those ministers who have sub-
jected the nation to this calamity; — but, above all, upon
that individual who has declared to the duke of Port-
land, and, afterwards, for fear of mistake, went and de-
clared to the King, that the minister entrusted with its
conduct was incompetent to his situation."
10, 2g
•226 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
After entering into a variety of other topics, Mr.
AVhitbread concluded his speech in these words —
" There is, indeed, from the centre to the circumfe-
rence of the empire, one united, universal, heart-rending
cry for justice. Give it, then, to the supplication of the
people; — give it to the sorrows of the army ; — give it, as
the last consolation, to the widows and orphans of the
dead;— give it as a pledge of the honour and integrity
of the living!"
Mr. Canning never noticed this speech. He could noT,
according to the rules of debate, reply to it that night,
as he had spoken.
This unfortunate expedition became the subject of
much discussion, and subsequently led to the commit-
ment of sir Francis Burdett ; the circumstances of which
we shall shortly detail.
On the 26th of March, 1810, the following conversa-
tion occurred in the House.
Mr. Lethbridge — " Sir, I wish to ask an honourable
baronet, now in his place, whether he acknowledges a
certain paper, signed by his name, which, with certain
arguments upon the same subject, have appeared in a
work pretty well known, I mean Mr. Cobbett's Re-
gister?"
Sir Francis Burdett — " The paper alluded to was
signed with my name; — it is almost needless, therefore,
for me to say, it was printed with my authority, and that
the arguments which were affixed were drawn up by
me."
Mr. Lethbridge—" I thank the honourable baronet
for the frankness with which he has answered my ques-
tion ; and I have now only to give notice, that, consider-
ing that publication as a high insult upon this House,
MEMOIU OF GKOllGE CANNING. 227
and a gross violation of its privileges, it is my intention
to submit a motion upon it to-morrow."
The next day the discussion was resumed, and pro-
ceeded as follows : —
Mr. Lethbridge said — That in pursuance of his pro-
mise, he had to call the attention of the House to the
publication of which last night he complained. It was
with pain and embarrassment that he undertook it; em-
barrassment such as he never before felt; but that the
character of the House was at stake; and, added the ho-
nourable gentleman, " I rise to rescue it, by complaining
of one of its members, — one of the members of the Com-
mons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land, — for a gross and manifest violation of its privi-
leges. It is not my intention to occupy the attention of
the House by any unnecessary comment. I shall, there-
fore, content myself with laying this document on the
table (holding Cobbett's Register in his hand.) And I
now present it; that part which the honourable baronet
has acknowledged." (At these words it was handed
down to the clerk at the table.)
The speaker — "The clerk will read the paper, and
the honourable gentleman M'ill point out the objection-
able part as the clerk proceeds,"
Mr. Lethbridge — " I have marked already, on the
paper, those parts that strike me as objectionable; and
I have done so, that the House might be saved the trou-
ble of hearing the whole read."
The speaker said — " As^ a complaint has been given
in against an individual member of the House, no
gentleman can interfere till it is regularly read. The
whole must be read, that the individual against whom it
is made, may defend the whole or any part of it he may
choose, if so he think expedient."
23S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
The clerk was proceeding to read, when
Lord Folkstone rose to order, and said — '• The honour-
able member has declared that, in the publication to
which he has alluded, there are expressions which he
thinks a gross violation of the privileges of this House.
Now,-sir, I think it incumbent upon that honourable
member to point out what those specific parts are, which
are so obnoxious."
Mr. Lethbridge — " I have a very different view from
anything sinister, in this arduous undertaking; but I
come forward to make the charge, not out of any per-
sonal hostility to the honourable baronet, — my objects
are of a higher nature. As a member of Parliament, I
think it my duty to hold in respect so high a body of
men ; and, therefore, I am ready to adopt any mode of
proceeding, or any measure which they may think fit. I
rather wished to avoid reading those specific obnoxious
parts, because I thought it would only be insulting to
them by repeating them."
The honourable member then read the parts he had
marked. The first was the latter part of a letter from
sir Francis Burdett to his constituents, viz.
" And, moreover, it is in the nature of all power, and
especially of assumed and undefined power, to increase
as it advances in age; and, as Magna Charta and the
law of the land have not been sufficient to protect Mr.
Jones, — as we have seen him sent to jail, for having de-
scribed the conduct of one of the members as an outrai-e
upon public feeling,— what security have we, unless this
power of imprisonment be given up, that we shall not
see other men sent to jail for stating their opinions
respecting rotten boroughs, — respecting placemen and
pensioners sitting in the House, or, in short, for any de-
claration,— giving any opinion,— stating any fact,— be-
MEMOIIl OF GEOnCE CANNING. 229
traying any feeling, whether by writing, or by word of
mouth and gesture, which may displease any of the gen-
tlemen assembled in St. Stephen's chapel.
" Then, again, as to the kind of punishment, why
should they stop at sending persons to jail? If they can
send whom they please to jail; — if they can keep the
people so sent in jail as long as they please; — if they can
set their prisoners free at the end of the first hour, or
keep them confined for seven years; — if, in short, their
absolute will is to have the force of law, what security
can you have that they will stop at imprisonment? If
they have the absolute power of imprisoning and re-
leasing, why may they not send their prisoners to York
jail, as well as to jail in London ? Why not confine men
in solitary cells, or load them with chains and bolts?
They have not gone these lengths yet; but what is there
to restrain them, if they are to be the sole judges of the
extent of their own powers; and if they are to execute
those powers without any control, and without leaving
the parties whom they choose to punish, any mode of ap-
peal, — any means of redress.
" Had I not been prevented by indisposition from be-
ing present when the House of Commons passed, by
vote, a sentence of imprisonment on Mr. Gale Jones, I
should have endeavoured to show that, under the false
notions of privilege, they were exercising a power, and
committing an act of oppression, ill suited to the charac-
ter of the guardians of public liberty, and destructive of
the first and most important object of the constitution,
viz. the personal security of the subject.
** The question for the people to consider is, whether
a vote of the House of Commons can deprive them of
these their imprescriptable rights? Many of the sta-
230 MEMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING.
tutes uliich embody these principles of the common
law, have declared that no order, writ, or command-
ment whatsoever, either from the king or any other,
sliall stop the common law. That it shall by no means
be delayed, being the surest sanctuary for the innocent,
and the strongest fortress to protect the weak. It has
clipped the wings of high-flown prerogative, and will, I
(rust, yet dissolve the potent spell of undefined privilege
of Parliament ; for there are no powers or privileges,
even the highest, that are not bounded by the known,
ascertained law of the land. If, therefore, any man, or
set of men, lay claim to privileges or powers not recog-
nised by, but repugnant to, the law of the land, such
claims ought to be legally resisted by every one who
values regulated liberty, and abhors anarchy and despo-
tism, the never-failing consequences of departing there-
from.
^P" rf f^ *F tic *
"That by proceeding thus, they have exercised a ju-
risdiction not vested in them, — a jurisdiction beyond the
limits of King, Lords, and Comnions, — whilst Magna
Charta remains unrepealed; and repealed it never can be,
till England shall have found a grave in the corruption of
a House of Commons.
*****
"Let us apply this reasoning to the case before us. It
hath been shown that the common law, Magna Charta,
and the Trial by Jury, have been violated. We find
I\Ir. Jones imprisoned for an act, the illegality of which
has not been proved, the facts not ascertained, nor the
law determined. Yet he is now undergoing such a sen-
tence as hath been shown."
" These," said the honourable member, " are the
principal passages on which I conceive myself ju?tificd
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 231
in making a charge against the honourable baronet, of
violating the privileges of Parliament, by his publication
of them."
The speaker then observed, that when an accusation
of this description is made, it is always customary for the
member accused forthwith to make his defence to it.
Sir Francis Burdett upon this immediately rose and
statedj-'that what the honourable member had just read,
most certainly were his sentiments, and he should never
shrink from avowing them. He was perfectly willing to
abide by the consequences of his opinion, whatever those
consequences might be.
After some further discussion, the inquiry was ad-
journed, and resumed, Mr. Lethbridge having first
moved the following resolutions.
1. That the publication in Cobbett's weekly paper,
signed by sir Francis Burdett, bart. and acknowledged
by him, is a libellous and scandalous violation of the
rights and privileges of the House.
2. That sir Francis Burdett, bart. by signing and
publishing the same, has committed a gross and scanda-
lous violation of the privileges of the House.
The discussion recommenced on the 29th, on these
resolutions, when a member asserted, that the motion
was of treasury manufacture; and it was hinted, that
Mr. Canning and lord Castlereagh instigated Mr. Leth-
bridge to proceed;— this was denied by that honourable
member. Mr. Canning was censured for silence; but
he rightly judged, that, as the libel arose upon a matter
with which he was connected, it would not be delicate
for him to interfere; though, on the same day, he spoke
on the subject of the expedition itself.
On the 5th of April, he urged the House to prevent
the recurrence of delay by adjournment, and merely
232 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
said — "The subject has liad all the advantages that delay
can give it. It has been said, that the worthy baronet's
oftence was only a metaphor, but this honourable House
has before taken notice of such metaphors. I must ad-
mit the honourable baronet to be a man of integrity and
extraordinary talent, but I cannot acquit him of blame
in the publication of the libel now before the House."
Sir Robert Salisbury moved that sir Francis should
be committed to the Tower. Sheridan moved, as an
amendment, that the House should adjourn. Sheridan's
amendment was lost, by a majority of 38, and the baronet
was ordered to be committed.
It seems, when the serjeant at arms announced the
speaker's warrant to him, on the Friday, he desired him
to call on him at 12 o'clock the next morning. On this,
the messenger went back to the House of Commons, and
was desired, by the speaker, to arrest the honourable
baronet forthwith. Obedience, however, could not be
exacted ; and, supposing that the baronet might be gone
to his house at Wimbledon, the two Serjeants, and the
high constable of Westminster, proceeded thither, whilst
the messengers of the House remained stationed at the
baronet's house in Piccadilly.
About half past one, the baronet arrived at his house
in Piccadilly, having rode out merely to take the air.
His approach was greeted by the salutations of the po-
pulac€. Thousands had by this time assembled, and the
entire street was completely blocked up by the multi-
tude. About one hundred Horse Guards were drawn
up in three rows with swords drawn, immediately facing
sir Francis Burdett's house. All the shops in the neigh-
bourhood, about the ends of Bond-street, St. James's-
street, and in Piccadilly, were shut, and the windows
and balconies full of people.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 233
The Riot Act was read twice by three o'clock, and
the Hor&e Guards, with their drawn swords, were seen
trampling" on the people in all directions. It was how-
ever useless ; no sooner was one part of the crowd driven
back, than another advanced.
The numerous reports which continually agitated this
immense assemblage of people, were astonishing. The
delay in the execution of the warrant, which was issued
before eight o'clock on Friday morning, naturally gave
rise to them. That sir Francis meant to resist the
speaker's warrant as illegal, was well known, but it was
supposed he would submit to force, though to nothing
else. Between three and four o'clock a curious scene
took place.
The sergeant at arms, who by that time arrived from
Wimbledon, advanced to sir Francis's door, and de-
manded admittance. A servant opened the door, and
demanded his business, but held it fast by the chain.
The Serjeant told his business; on which the servant re-
plied that his master had ordered the door not to be
opened to any one. On this, the serjeant with much dig-
nity retired.
Several reasons were advanced for this delay on the
part of sir Francis, in not obeying the speaker's warrant;
he contested the legality of it, and maintained that he
owed obedience to nothing less than a warrant under the
royal signature, not having been tried by the laws of his
country. It was also reported, that lord Moira, the
constable of the Tower, had made some objections to re-
ceiving him into custody, unless the speaker's warrant
was backed by the secretary of state, which the latter de-
clined, fearing the consequences of a civil action for
damages, as in the case of Wilkes. The lord mayor
liad also signified his repugnance to his being broiigh*
10. 2 H
234 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
throiioh the city accompanied by a military force, appre-
hending great disturbances in consequence. Such was
the fearful aspect of affairs in the metropolis. The ba-
ronet's house was blockaded by the military, and occa-
sionally assaulted by the messengers of the House of
Commons ; but, in spite of all attempts, the besieged
firmly kept his ground.
The mob filled the whole street before sir Francis's
door, and the adjoining pavement on both sides, and
compelled every carriage, waggon, or horseman, to do
homage to the feelings by which they were animated, by
uniting in the cry of " Burdett for ever !" and waving
their hats in the air. Thosfe w ho appeared reluctant, or
too slow in the execution ojf the part assigned, were sa-
luted with a shower of mud. Some private carriages,
which attempted to pase without noticing the crowd,
had their windows broken, and several gentlemen re-
ceived a plentiful supply of mud. No person, of what-
ever rank or condition, was exempt from the insults of
these partisans of liberty and sir Francis. Submission
to their demands was the only means of safety; but, if
reflection on the danger attending tumultuary assem-
blages could be hushed, the homage offered by many
high tories to the first radical in the kingdom, would
furnish ample field for the satirist.
The earl of Westmoreland, who happened to be
riding past, was grossly insulted by the multitude. As
the evening advanced, the crowd increased, gaining a
constant accession; and had it been more favourable,
there is no doubt they would have been much more nu-
merous. About nine o'clock, the multitude assembled
before the door of sir Francis Burdett was so great as
completely to obstruct the passage through Piccadilly.
Between eight and nine o'clock, a detachment proceeded
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 235
to attack a house in Berkeley Square, supposed to be
Mr. Lethbridge's, but which was in the possession of
Mr. Raikes. The mob, however, destroyed the whole
of the windows before the mistake was discovered —
the dead body of Mrs. Raikes was at that time in the
house. Finding their mistake, they then sought Mr.
Lethbridge at one of the hotels he was accustomed to
frequent, but, fortunately for that gentleman, they
sought in vain. The mob next proceeded to the house
of lord Castlereagh, in King Street, St. James's, of
which the whole of the windows were instantly de-
molished. Returning again to Berkeley Square, the
crowd attacked lord Dartmouth's house, and treated
it in the same manner. They then proceeded to the
house of Mr. Yorke, which experienced so violent an
attack, that in a few moments not a single pane of glass
remained whole. Mr. Percival's windows were also
broken. Sir John Anstruther's house was much in-
jured, and some damage done to the furnitare, besides
breaking the windows. These proceedings induced some
of the inhabitants to put lights in their windows, in the
hope that they would thereby avert the fury of the as-
sailants. This circumstance was quickly seized upon by
the multitude, and they very inconsistently required
lights to be shown as a proof of concurrence in their sen-
timents respecting sir Francis Burdett. The conse-
quence was, that all the streets at the west end of the
town were brilliantly illuminated. A large mob was
advancing against lord Chatham's house, in Hill Street,
but a troop of the Horse Guards, which had been called
out, met the assailants, and dispersed them.
It is a singular fact, that no attack zsas made on Mr.
Canning's dzcelling, and this is a strong proof of the pub-
lie feeling in favour of that gentleman.
236 MEMOIR OF GEGUGE CANNING.
Sir Francis sent a request to the sheriff of Middlesex
for protection against violence, and alderman Wood ac-
cordins^ly placed officers at the baronet's door, and made
the military remove to a distance.
Affairs now took a serious aspect ; a detachment of the
]5th light dragoons appeared, and were hooted and hissed
by the people, who, from their being dressed like hussars,
and having mustachios, supposed them to be German
troops. Troops of artillery, with field pieces and am-
munition, also arrived from Woolwich, and were sta-
tioned in St. James's Park. A howitzer and a six-
pounder were placed in Soho Square, and two field-
pieces in Lincoln's Inn Fields. Several of the volun-
teer corps were under arms ; but they were not required
to march into the streets. Towards dusk, the people
became more disorderly than they were during the day.
Every abusive epithet which they could use, was plen-
tifully bestowed upon the soldiers, and in the dark many
stones were thrown at them, which provoked them to
drive the people off the pavement, and throw others
down. They also beat several with their swords, and a
great many had their heads and different parts of their
bodies cut. Late in the evening, the crowd became much
more alarminiri and threatened the windows of those
who declined to illuminate, and the soldiers endeavoured
to prevent their demand being complied with; but the
inhabitants, afraid of their windows, partially illumi-
nated. At one period, the opposition to the military
was so great, that they were compelled to ride in among
the crowd, and l>oat a number of them with their swords,
which excited the utmost resentment of the people, and
two pistols were fired, as it was supposed from windows,
which it is said wounded two of the Horse Guards.
About one o'clock on Sunday morning, the two she-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 237
riffs, Mr. Wood and Mr. Atkins, waited on sir Francis
Burdett. Mr. sheriff Wood declared that he had no
doubt as to the illegality of the warrant, nor as to the
course which it would be his duty to pursue. Mr. At-
kins had very considerable doubts on his mind. He
thought the warrant must be legal, as it was directed
that the officer of the House of Commons shall call in all
mayors, sheriffs, magistrates, and others, to assist him
in its execution ; but they both declared that no attempt
would be made to execute the writ before Monday ; and
on Monday morning, Mr. sheriff Wood said he would at-
tend with his officers. Sir Francis wished the sheriff to
remain in the house, to keep the peace, and said he had
one spare bed ; but Mr. Wood said he thought it was not
necessary, and they both retired.
During this time, the Cabinet and Privy Council had
met. The opinion of the law officers of the Crown had
been taken, and orders had been transmitted from the
War Office, in every direction, for every regiment within
one hundred miles of London to march to the metropolis
forthwith. ^
On the following Monday (April 9), whilst sir Francis
was hearing his son translate Magna Charta, a man at- , ,
tempted to get in at the window, but was prevented by
Mr. O'Connor. This was merely a ruse de guerre, for,
in the meantime, the area window had been burst open,
and the officers entered. Force was used, as sir Francis
refused to obey the warrant ; but merely so much as might
enable the baronet to say he went under restraint. He
entered a coach with Mr. O'Connor and Mr. Jones Bur-
dett, and was driven off at a rapid rate. It is impossible
to describe the tumult, or the multitude; but the carriage,
surrounded by upwards of two thousand soldiers, proceed-
ed to the Tower, where sir Francis alighted at one o'clock.
238 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
In the discussions that immediately followed this arrest,
Mr. Canning took no part.
A little previous to the charge against sir Francis
Burdett, Gale Jones had been committed for a libel.
On a motion for his release, by sir Samuel Romilly, on
the 16th of April, Mr. Canning spoke as follows : —
" I have no doubt of the existence of the privilege
claimed by the House in this case, or of the proprietj/ of
exercising it on a late occasion. When the question was
argued respecting the commitment of sir Francis Bur-
dett, an argument was used which had considerable in-
fluence with me; — it was, that if the House did not com-
mit in the latter case, that they w ould show that they
exercised their privilege, not against the great, but
against the small. On the same principle, I shall vote
for Mr. Jones's release."
When the Westminster petition for the release of sir
Francis was presented, Mr. Canning voted for its re-
ception.
On Thursday, the 21st of June, sir Francis and Mr.
Gale Jones* were both liberated, Parliament being pro-
rogued.
Amid all the obloquy heaped upon ministerial men
during this affair, Mr. Canning's conduct is undeserving
of any, — he never spoke against sir Francis, — he voted
for the liberation of Jones ; and, though he defended
the right of the Commons to commit for libel, lie bore
testimony to the character and qualities of the baronet. -
Mr. Canning was not in power, and could not have in-
terfered in his behalf. Public feeling was certainly not
directed against him, for, though Percival, Castlereagh,
• Gale Jones complained that he had been turned out of prison,
at two minutes' notice.—" Is that a hardship?" said Sheridan.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 239
(who was also out of office), and others, were attacked,
Mr. Canning was never personally annoyed on enter-
ing or leaving the House.
In the September of this year, the celebrated exami-
nation into sinecures took place ; Mr. Canning was not |
in office, and of course the inquiry had no reference to \
him ; but had he been, he could well have stood the test ; i
for no individual that ever possessed place, rested less than
our hero. Mr. Canning was favourable to the inquiry.
The Princess Amelia expired on the 2d of November,
and the King was taken alarmingly ill. He used to visit
his afflicted child daily; and she had, in the anticipation *
of her dissol ution, ordered a ring, containing a lock of her
hair, to be made. On this ring was inscribed her name,
and the words " Remember me." On one of hisMajes-
ty's visits, as he held the hand of his beloved child, she
slipped the ring upon his finger. Such was the effect
upon his feelings, that he instantly became low and
desponding, and was shortly after deprived of his reason.
Romance affords no incident more affecting than this — |
history no truer test of a father's affection. Parliament,
which had been prorogued, and which met on the 1st
of November, was adjourned by motion till the 15th.
On the 15th December, a committee of twenty-one
members was formed, to examine the physicians who
attended upon his Majesty, and report to the House the \-
state of the King's health. Mr. Canning served on this |
committee. •
Shortly after this national calamity, the Prince of ,
Wales was appointed regent. |(
About this time, some weak jests appeared in the oppo-
sition papers, on a ship-owner, who had named his trad-
ing vessel "The George Canning." One of which ran
as follows : — *
240 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" My name to a merchantman »'" Canning exclaims,
" Why, what can this christening be for —
When Castlereagh owns that, through life, all my aims
Have been to be call'd man of war?"
During the remainder of the year 1810, and the whole
of 1811, Mr. Canning scarcely ever spoke in the House.
He was, indeed, in an awkward situation ; for his senti-
> nients were with the party with whom he was not acting.
He voted on a few questions. But this period is a mere
blank in his political history.
On the 3d February, 1812, on the motion of lord Mor-
peth, the Catholic Question came on, and Mr. Canning
delivered his sentiments in the following words : —
" Having heard my right honourable and learned friend
point out, not only what are the reasons for disallowing
the Catholic Claims now, but also express the opinions of
those who are determined to shut the door for ever
against the admission of those claims, it becomes me, in
the discharge of my duty, clearly to explain my senti-
ments on this subject. I deeply regret that the discussion
has, at this time, been brought forward, as the speech of
my right honourable and learned friend is calculated
to cherish and keep alive those animosities, which should
rather be buried in eternal oblivion ; but, since it has
been brought under the consideration of the House, I
rejoice that the task of doing it has fallen to the lot of
the noble viscount ; for he has discharged the duty with
that wisdom and talent which entitles him to the ap-
plauses of every one, but which those who know him had
the confidence to anticipate. It is a source of satisfaction
to me, to be able to agree with my noble friend in many
of his propositions ; but the satisfaction is not unalloyed,
in the mortification I feel to be compelled to differ with
him in some of his arguments ; but I trust I shall be able
Ml'.MOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 241
to discuss the subject with that temper of which I have
so eminent an example in my noble friend. My lord
Morpeth has set out with disclaiming any intention of
dwelling at length on those events which took place
in the course of last summer ; but, considering the
situation in which the Irish government was then placed,
it would have incurred a fearful responsibility, had it
presumed to have acted contrary to the legal opinions
which had recommended the course which has been pur-
sued. The question was discussed before a competent
tribunal ; and, unless an extraordinary and imperious
necessity called for the interference of the House, it
ought to be left to the discretion of that tribunal.
Cases, no doubt, occur, in which it would be proper to
suspend the exercise of the ordinary authorities by the
supreme powers of Parliament ; yet those cases must be
out of the ordinary course ; and the situations in which
Parliament was liable to be called upon, to exert its ex-
traordinary but undoubted right of interference with the
common legal authorities, do not, in my opinion, now
exist. Whether the Irish government has acted rightly,
or mistaken their object, I think it would be unwise now
to interpose the authority of Parliament. I am pre-
pared, however, to grant, that acting in mere conformity
to law, does not, of necessity, imply the assurance of
having acted in a commendable manner. lam not now
prepared to go into the motives which regulated the
conduct of those persons to whom the government of
Ireland has been entrusted. The Catholics may cer-
tainly have conducted themselves in a manner that may
appear to justify a certain degree of apprehension ; and
it is my sincere wish, on this great and momentous
question, to avoid acting with the spirit of a partisan.
My object is to promote, to the utmost extent of my
11. 2 1
24S MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
r power and ability, the permanent good and tranquiility
of all parties. My honourable and learned friend has
talked of the expectations arising out of the promises
lield forth at the time of the Union. As to promises,
there have been none; but, as to expectation, there cer-
tainly has been a great deal. Expectations have been
held out, the disappointment of which involves the moral
guilt of an absolute breach of faith. It has been argued,
unquestionably argued, that whatever decision, with re-
spect to the Catholic Claims, the honourable House
might ultimately arrive at, the measure of the Union is
the only one which can ensure to these claims a fair, calm,
and temperate discussion ; that the question would, under
a consideration of this measure, be transferred to a tri-
bunal, where, at least, it would be sure of a calm and
deliberate, a fair and impartial hearing — where it would
be dispassionately examined in all its bearings — and
where every concession, which did not absolutely involve
the safety of our political and religious institutions,
would be made in the mild and mercy-breathing spirit
of charity — the boast of Christianity — the practice of
Britons.
" But, if there ever was a measure tending ' to keep the
word of promise to the ear, and break it to the hope,' it
is couched in the propositions of my honourable and
learned friend (sir John Nichols), which shut the door
for ever against the admission of the Catholic Claims. I
agree with my noble friend (lord Morpeth) on the im-
portance of the subject to which our attention is drawn;
but the noble viscount has said, that the question could
only be viewed in one simple light, and, if I could have
coincided with him, I must of necessity have given him
my vote. If my noble friend could succeed in convincing
me, that the only course the honourable House has to
/ MEMOIU or GEORGE CANNING. 243
y
pursue, is (o cousider on the propriety and expediency of
retvacing its steps altogether, and reducing the great
body of the Catholics to utter despair, by annulling all
the concessions already made, and abrogating all laws
which have hitherto been passed in their favour; — or, to
proceed to the final adjustment of the Catholic Claims —
in consummating their dearest wishes, — in admitting the
persecuted members of the church of Roipe to the immu-
nities of freedom, and exalting them into a sense of their
constitutional importance, as free members of a free
state.
" If, sir, I say, the only question before the House
were, whether it were best to proceed or turn back, —
there is, there can be, no doubt to which alternative I
should give the preference, — a sense of justice would
dictate my course; — I should vote on the side of the
weak against the strong; and relieve, as far as I indivi-
dually might, the oppressed Catholic from the tyranny
which fear, in the first instance, imposed, and an igno-
rant and pertinacious clinging to custom has continued,
and would now perpetuate.
" My very honourable and learned friend has told us,
indeed, that we ought to stop where we are; but, sir, in
deciding upon that proposition, a due attention must be
paid to time and circumstances. What is the present
condition of Ireland ? — there is a great, an active, an in-
telligent population, excluded from the pale of the con-
stitution, but to which great political privileges have
been conceded; — which has been gradually advanced
to the limits of the constitution, and then told it must
not hope to get into the inclosure— to be admitted into
the political fold. This has been the course pursued
during the reign of his present Majesty ; and yet, accord-
ing to my honourable and learned friend, the more you
/
244 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
restrict, the more you quiet them ; — yes, according to
the proverb, ' dead men tell no tales.' The maxim
and the adage may be alike carried too far. After hav-
ing gone thus far; — after having thought it right to re-
move many of the restrictions to which the Catholics
have been subjected, I, for one, am not willing to de-
clare, now, that, in no time, and under no circumstance,
1 will proceed no further in the work of amelioration,
after having, in reality, removed the disqualifications of
the Catholics, I cannot admit the propriety of retaining
the brand by which distrust has been marked.
" Considering the question retrospectively, I am sen-
sible that there were formerly many grounds for these
restrictions, which do not now exist; and that the onus
of proving the necessity for their continuation, rests with
those who defend, not a system, but the fragments of
one; — who maintain that the safety of the state depends
upon adhering to the remains of a plan, which can serve
no other purpose, than to mark, to future ages, what the
system had once been.
" The view I take of the question is merely political.
My learned friend has said, that he would not enter par-
ticularly into the consideration of the doctrine of tran-
substantiation, and other peculiar features of the Ca-
tholic religion. Why did he not? — Because he took all
these things in their worst sense. When a belief in
transubstantiation was made the ground of exclusion, it
was not the doctrine that was intended to be condemned.
The belief was, at the time of imposing the disqualifica-
tions, the sign of political principles adverse to the con-
stitution and liberties of the country. It never, surely,
had been the intentions of those who originated the Ca-
tholic disqualifications, to decide upon abstract points
of theology; — the religious creed was then regarded as
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 245
the sign of political opinions, and hence the restrictions
of the Catholics. That these had not been imposed on
light grounds, the history of the world sufficiently proves.
" I do not mean to go back to centuries of persecution,
and justify the restrictions, on the ground that Ireland
was a conquered country. I might, with an equal por-
tion of reason, contend for the continuation of any sys-
tem here, merely because it had been established in the
time of William the Conqueror. But I am compelled
to go back to the period of the Reformation. Excellent
as the effects of this event undoubtedly were, in many
points of view, the political consequence certainly was
the splitting into different religious parties the children
of the same soil. The agreement in religious opinions
was then often a stronger bond of connexion than that of
a common country. Under these circumstances, it might
have been proper that the dominant sect should place the
rest under certain restrictions. Such restrictions were
therefore imposed, and continued for a longer or a
shorter time, according to circumstances. The facts
were, however, far from justifying the generality of my
learned friend's observations. He should have told us,
that the thirteen Swiss cantons were composed, part of
Catholics and part of Protestants, and three of them of
both; and yet they had gone on for two centuries, in
political harmony together ; and then proceeded to show
that the same rule was not applicable to large states as
to small. I will not enter at present into this considera-
tion; but this fact would have proved, that it had not
been impossible, even in past times, for men of different
opinions in matters of religion, to coalesce politically as
a nation. But is there no other nation where this union
prevailed ? Has there been, in no other quarter, an
equality with ree-ard to political privileges, joined with
246 MEMOIIl OF GEORGE CANNING.
a difference of religious sentiment ? What, if this union
liad existed in France? By the edict of Nantz, Pro-
/ testantis were placed, as to all political advantages, on
an equal footing with the Catholics. In this situation
matters continued during the lapse of upwards of
eighty years. It was provided by that edict, that all the
people. Catholics and Protestants, should be admitted to
dignities and offices of all kinds, without any differ-
ence on account of religious opinions ; and that no oath
should be required, except that of fidelity to the king.
Henry the Fourth, for it was no worse than he that spoke,
declared, that every office of the state should be open to
all his subjects indifferently, without regard to religious
differences.
" I trust it will not be imagined, Sir, that I am anxious
to recommend the example of France and its new philo-
sophy. What I said was, that a monarch, whom all the
world join in admiring, had thought that the best means
of putting an end to internal divisions, was by placing
his subjects all on an equal footing as to political privi-
leges. And these were not the worst times of France,
when Sully was its minister, and Turenne and Saxe at
the head of its armies. A monarch, whose court was at
once the model and the terror of his neighbours, in a
moment of weakness, at the instigation of a Jesuitical
priest, revoked the edict of Nantz. Let any one look at
the history of France since that period, and say whether
he would prefer the time when the edict subsisted, or the
time subsequent to its revocation. Who would not put
his finger on the former epoch, and make choice of that
without hesitation ? But, during the sixteenth and se-
venteenth centuries, the Continent was convulsed with
religious persecutions. When this country adopted the
reformed religion, every foreign attack upon it was sure
^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 247
/ to be visited with some severe restriction on Ireland.
The shores of England were covered with Protestants,
seeking- protection and liberty. This was the conse-
quence of continental convulsion. But, look at the flying-
clergy in 1695, and at those who lied from the late
atheistical persecutions. Were these events calculated
to operate in a similar way, or did they require a similar
remedy? When all religion is threatened, the lesser
danger must be overlooked, to meet the greater.
" It has lately become a fashion to say, that the con-
cessions to the Catholics have only taken place at times
when they were extorted by the distress of the country :
but assertions of this kind are not well founded. The
concessions in 1782 had been made to the Protestants
of Ireland as well as to the Catholics ; and it is unfair
to say, that they have been extorted. They had, in
truth, been sometimes an unforeseen and unexpected
boon. The period is now come, however, when the pro-
priety of continuing any of these restrictions may be
calmly and temperately discussed. This is the effect of
the Union ; and yet those who were loudest in support-
ing- the Catholic Claims, have proposed the repeal of the
Union ; and a motion to that effect is actually depending
in this House. What I repeal the Union ? establish the
heptarchy ? If a person were to sit down and contrive
what would be most likely to prevent the granting of the
Catholic Claims, he could not find out a more effectual
method than that of proposing to repeal the Union.
With such a question pending in the House, I think it
impossible for us to entertain the consideration of the
present subject, in the way which its magnitude deserves.
" Suppose the honourable gentleman succeeds in re-
pealing the Union, — what will be the situation of the
present question? It would be unsafe then to concede
248 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
J y the Catholic Claims, and it would be little short of high
treason for the House to determine on a subject which
belonged to Ireland separately. But, looking- at the
question independently of this consideration, I ask, why
you have given the Catholics the right to vote for mem-
bers, if you mean to exclude them from seats in Par-
liament? Why admit them to the bar, if you mean to
shut up the avenues to the bench? Why admit them to
so much, if you condemn them to an eternal exclu-
sion from all the rest? Oh! profound ignorance of
human nature ! To concede so far, and then imagine
that an active and intelligent people are to be satisfied
with an everlasting exclusion, when they have reached
almost the very pinnacle of their ambition ! The Catho-
lics having been admitted to the inferior office, must at
last be admitted to the superior. I entreat the House
to consider what would be the consequence of a bar al-
most entirely Catholic, with a bench from which they
were eternally excluded. I have the highest opinion of
the profession of the bar, which has produced so many
persons who have shone in the service of the state, and
have illustrated the importance of their profession, by
the brilliant examples they have afforded ; but, if the bar
be illiberalised, and, as is the case with great part of the
profession in Ireland, confined merely to the acquisi-
tion of money for professional assiduity, will not the
character of the bar be materially altered ? If the bar
of Ireland is to remain the limit and barrier which is to
be put to the hopes and ambition of its votaries, is it not
a matter for serious consideration ?
" Such is the undeniable situation of the country,
that it must look to war, not as an occasional calamity,
but as a permanent evil. We must look at it as the
element which, for years, we must expect to breathe.
, j/^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 249
It has been justly stated, that the numbers oT the Ca-
tholics in the army were great ; and there can be no
doubt that they may be still greater ; as long as hope
remains, there will be the spirit of emulation and ambi-
tion. But, while it is admitted on all hands that their
services are most beneficial and most exemplary, there
are difficulties entertained about the existence of a
Catholic general. There might be Protestant generals
commanding Catholic armies, and even a foreign Catho-
lic might command Protestant soldiers ; but still, no
native Catholic is to be permitted to hold a command
over his fellow-subjects, whatever their religion might
be. The learned gentleman seems to think that this
state of things should remain permanent. He has asked
me if I am prepared to give up all. I am not prepared
to do so : but I will ask him, in God's name, not to shut
the door against the claims of the Catholics — not to
adopt that strange mode proposed, which was called a
tranquillising vote, on such a subject. People were
afraid of seeing a Catholic lord chancellor, or a Catholic
general; and that the Pope and Bonaparte, being both
friends together, would have a wonderful influence upon
such persons. But I see reasons to suspect the exist-
ence of this apprehended danger. There have been
times in Europe, when a geographer could have de-
scribed, by colouring his map, what were the Catholic
and what were the Protestant states of that quarter of
the globe; and the distinctions of his colours would
have been emblematical of the difl'erent policy, interest,
and union, of the various states. But, thanks to Bona-
parte, among all his various acts of usurpation and atro-
city, he has exalted the notion and feeling of patriotism
far above any thing that could be derived from belong-
ing to any particular sect. He has made it the interest
11, 2k
/
250 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
of all to look at the state of the civilised world, with
only two distinctions, namely, what was, and what was
not, French.
"There have been times when leagues had been formed
of Catholic powers against the advancement of the Pro-
testant cause and interest, and w hich created the necessity
for all states which had embraced the tenets of the reformed
religion, to combine against the attempt of the ancient
and corrupted ecclesiastical establishment ; but let any
man now look at the map of Europe, coloured as it may
be, and see how distinctions, founded upon religious dif-
ferences, actually apply. What would they discover in
the conduct of Bonaparte, the sovereign of France, the
successor of her ancient kings, the eldest son of the
church ? Was it, indeed, only with Catholic people and
Catholic states that he formed his alliances? or to them
alone, that he extended what he called his protection ?
Let the House look at the present map of Europe — look
at Lutheran Saxony, under his authority — at all Pro-
testant Germany, partitioned as it has been, at his will —
at Protestant Denmark and Protestant Sweden — at Cal-
vinistic Prussia and Anticatholic Russia — yet struggling
in his toils. Yet there are to be found not a few per-
sons, in this country, whose language seems to say, that
it is the power of the Pope, and not the terrors of Bona-
parte, that we are to apprehend — that our fears are to
be excited here, in our own land, by the thunders of the
Vatican, and not by those of the artillery of the com-
mander who rules over France — that he, after exhaust-
ing all terrestrial means of attacking us, would, if the
Catholic Petition were agreed to, resort speedily to a
spiritual assault — and that, when all the ordinarv modes
of human warfare proved ineffectual, he would call in
the aid of bulls and iiululgences, and the other machinery
^y MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING. 261
t
oft'cclesiastical hostility. How is it that he has made
no use of the holy inquisition ? We are now encourag-
ing-, by every means, the cause, and actually fighting the
battles of those who resisted his oppressions; who were,
after all, the most attached and the most bigoted to the
Romish faith, of ail the nations of Europe, — namely, the
patriotic inhabitants of the Peninsula. Yet they are
precisely the people, who most steadily, sincerely, and
bravely, oppose themselves to his schemes of daring con-
quest and unju&t dominion. , In that part of our political
conduct we have done that which was perfectly right,
both in its justtce and in its policy. Whenever it comes
under examination or review, it will, I am confident, in
the many bright pages of our history, be found to be
amongst the brightest. It has been supposed by many, that
in what we have attempted in the Peninsula, and what we
stiJi continue to do there, we are endeavouring something
beyond our means. Different as my opinion may be,
this is not the time for entering upon such a discussion ;
but this I mttet say, that when we are pouring out the
population of Catholic Ireland, to aid the just cause of
Catholic Spain, we ought to look upon charges, founded
on the religion of individuals, with no small degree of
suspicion. It seems as if the mighty perils in which we
are placed, have not the power to rouse us to an ade-
quate sense of our difficulties and our dangers ; and that
we act like men, who, in the midst of a dreadful con-
flagration, are more eager to run all risks for the pre-
servation of some petty private property, than to prevent
the general threatened devastation. It may seem as if,
while in the act of witnessing the awful convulsions of
Nature, which have changed the course of the stream,
and dried up the ancient channel^ we were standing on
the original banks, conceiving the river to be still impas-
253 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
If
/ /
/ y'stible. But still it is contended, that concessions to the
. ' Catholics would not only create great danger, but would
have a tendency to overthrow the established church.
But, Sir, the onus prohandi in this part of the discus-
sion lays not with me, but with the honourable and
learned gentleman. If the Catholics of Ireland were so
exceedingly ignorant as has been represented, and sub-
ject only to the influence of ignorant though bigoted
priests, I cannot perceive in what manner they can be-
come so very formidable. What sort of hostilities can
be waged against a great civil power, combined with an
ecclesiastical power, v\ ith all its natural ties and attach-
ments — all its long-existing authorities — all its endow-
ments — and its sympathising interests — by a number of
ignorant Catholics, even by the advice and assistance of
. a number of ignorant priests ? Is this a formidable, de-
scription of imminent danger ? The learned gentleman
has disclaimed imputing to the Catholics a disposition to
make war upon every other establishment of religion ;
but if he disclaim this, he ought at least to prove his
other grounds of objection. He declines entering into
particular questions. This is by no means satisfactory ;
for it is, in truth, in those yery particulars that the
reasons are to be found for those precautionary measures
which have been adopted against the Romaji Catholics.
And, in order to make his own opinions clear, it be-
comes absolutely necessary that the learned gentleman
should explain this part of the subject.
" Such is thestate of opinions, that those are not wanting
who think that the additional gift proposed to the Catho-
lics will form a greater era, and make a greater change
in the country, than any it has experienced since the Re-
formation, by any revolution, though involving the de-
thronement of a king, the change of a protestant church
/ esl
/
^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 253
establishment, and the change of the legislature itself.
But such objections divide the consideration of the ques-
tion into two points : the will and the power of the party
to whom this concessio-n should be made. Why should it
be imputed that they have the will to effect such a change ?
The desire to prevail is common to all classes, of what-
ever faiih ; and it is perfectly true, that the Catholic re-
ligion is predominant at this day in most kingdoms in the
world; but, although that be the fact, I deny that in
states not Catholic,— that under Protestant establish-
ments, — the Catholics have attempted to raise their own
hierarchy. For the truth of this assertion, I confidently
appeal to the history of modern Europe. But if the at-
tempt were made, how is it to be met? By reason; and,
if that were not sufficient — by force. I beg leave to call
the attention of the learned gentleman to the history of
the Christian church, even before it became civilly
and politically established; a branch of knowledge, in
which I believe that the learned gentleman must have
the advantage of me, and which is useful in looking at
this question. If reason has no effect in any imaginary
future claim of the Catholics, such claim, irregularly en-
forced, should be met by the same measures used to sup-
press a rebellion. But we have given them rights, in-
fluence, powers, — we have given them great moral force
in society; and now, by a strange and repulsive conduct,
we turn round to deprive them of the means of using
them. Is it not strange to talk of dangers of this de-
scription to the church of England, — of which it has been
justly said, that she had been nursed in persecution, by
which she had learned mercy, — to the church of England,
with all the influence, and piety, and honours, and emo-
luments, and learning, with which she can defend herself?
This is not the time or place to enter into a discussion of
254 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
what are the real dangers of the church ; though, what-
ever they are, they exist in very different causes. The
church is sufficiently powerful for her own defence, and
would not be left without strenuous exertions in her sup-
port, from the love, and esteem, and veneration of all
those whom such a church comforted and consoled. Ce-
mented as her connexion is with the state, rivetted in the
affections of so great a portion of our fellow subjects, and
purified and consecrated by the blood of martyrs, is she
to fear the efforts of sectaries ? — No; — I repeat, the onus
prohnndi lies with those who depict her dangers.
" I think it a great error to look at this question as if it
were to be settled by a negociation between two hostile
powers. That is not my notion of legislation, as a friend to
wholesome deliberation. Parliament may make the gift :
let the parties take it, or leave it; but it cannot be done
on the claim of right, which is quite untenable; that ques-
tion, like the Union, cannot be made matter of argument.
No dispute can be entertained on the right of Parliament
to defend the Constitution against danger. It is a ques-
tion of expediency; but I do not view the present motion
as wise or salutary at the present time, and under the
present circumstances. The Irish Catholics themselves
have adjourned their meetings for the purpose of framing
and carrying up a petition to the throne, from which they
have received all the benefits that have been conferred
on them during this reign. The existing irritation in
Ireland is no ground for going into a committee, since
that is an incidental circumstance relating to the law of
the land, and not implicating the general question, which
should not be regarded, at any time, as a trial of strength,
but looked at on its own merits ; nor should it be brought
forvvard annually, as a question of party, which would
only protract the final settlement. It should have the
^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 255
/
•y'chance of being so introduced, as to be likely to be suc-
cessful. When the intention was avowed of petitioning
the executive, the warn)est friend of the measure should
have allowed a reasonable time, and have refrained from
bringing the matter into Parliament, and intercepting
the coming grace of the throne. None who converse at
large can be ignorant of the prejudices existing, which
time and reasoning can alone overcome. This moment
of heat is not the time. If I may presume to advise, I
say, do not press your claims at present; they neither
have flattering hopes of success, nor the awful certainty
of despair. If they were in the latter case, I might ex-
cuse them for complaint, instead of solicitation, as it
gives me at once a species of consolation, and even of
vengeance. That is not the situation of the Catholics.
I feel I am discharging a faithful duty, from which no
popularity can be expected.
" Wishing well to the Catholics, not as such, but as
part of the empire, I wish the question at rest ; not in
the way of victory, but of conciliation ; not so as to at-
tack the honest prejudices of Protestants, but so as to
remove them. The time will come, and that, I trust, at
no great distance, when mutual moderation and reflection
will produce general concurrence. But the present motion
can be only grateful to those who w ish the door of hope
to be closed for ever. Seeing, therefore, that it can be
productive of no advantage, having reviewed all the cir-
cumstances of the case, and fairly expressed my opinion
upon the matter, I feel it my duty to give it a negative."
At this period, (February 1812,) a new administration
was much spoken of. On the 15th, the Prince Regent's
letter, stating " that he should feel the highest gratifica-
tion, if some of those with whom the early habits of his
public life were formed, would strengthen his hands,
2')6 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
" nnd constitute a part of his government," was made
pul)lic. The answer of lords Grey and Grenville, who
declined to join Mr. Percival, was also published. The
raarquis of Wellesley resigned the seals of the foreign
department, and the earl of Liverpool was immediately
appointed.
It was then understood that the Catholic should no
longer be considered as a government question ; and, on
a debate on the state of the nation, (2Tth of February,)
Mr. Canning said —
" It is painful to state an independent opinion upon
^ such a subject as the one now before the House ; yet it is
a duty from which no man should shrink. In the for-
mation of a new administration, there are two material
questions that press themselves upon the country and
upon my mind. One, the military transactions abroad ;
the other, the peace and tranquillity of the empire, and
especially of Ireland. To the military transactions I
give my warmest support ; but it is material to consider
on what grounds the tranquillity of the kingdom is to
rest. On a former night I opposed the motion concern-
in": the Catholics of Ireland, because it involved a oen-
sure of ministers, whom I did not deem censurable; and
because I did not think the mode of bringing forth the
motion well chosen. I did not approve of the mode, be-
cause I conceived that much benefit would result from
the question being brought before Parliament, by the
executive government. Now, however, the matter is
changed; and I deem it a most serious question, when it
is considered what we have heard from two ministers this
night, that the doors are to be shut for ever against those
Claims. 1 can collect no other meaning but that, as long
as the government continued on its present basis, there
is no chance of that question originating with it. Peti-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 257
tioiis, indeed, may be received from Ireland; but the
hope I entertained, that the Catholic Question would be
brought forward as a measure of government, is now lost
for ever. The chancellor of the exchequer has said,
that a time may come, when their Claims may be allowed ;
but I do not see when it can come. What subtleties !
what refinements! It was objected to an orator of old,
that he dealt too much in refinement. ' Aye,' said he,
* but I speak to Athenians.' To whom did the right
honourable gentleman speak? To what people were
those distinctions addressed ? To a people who had
warm and generous hearts to feel, but not minds qualified
to discriminate — to persons unenlightened, rude, and un-
cultivated — who believe in certain mysteries that stagger
our faith, but which certainly does not exceed the myste-
ries of these refinements.
" The declaration, however, amounts to this — to a
denunciation of perpetual and hopeless exclusion, so long
as the right honourable gentleman remains in office
The noble lord has said, that his opinion has remained
the same as mine, when we were in office together. But
has nothing happened since ? I think I may state it con-
stitutionally, and I stated it as an opinion upon which I
acted in taking office, and upon which I acted in office,
that the sovereign has an individual opinion on all sub-
jects presented to him by the legislature : and those who
question that, must question many of the acts of King
William — many of the acts of that period nearest the
renovation of our constitution, when we had a natural
jealousy of all that could impair its freshness. It is a
question for the administration to decide upon, to which
the noble lord has alluded, whether they will press their
opinion at all risks, or whether they w ill leave the con-
11. 2 r.
258 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNll^G.
science of their sovereign uinvrung upon that delicate
point.
" The obstacle that exists is a great one ; but it is no
greater than what a loving father interposes to an ex-
pecting but not undutiful child. I would have consented
to concede the Claims then, but that one, whom the con-
stitution has armed with power to annul the consent, has
intimated his intention. I feel that circumstances are
now changed — I feel that that obstacle is removed — but
even if I did not see that change, is it likely that they
who are most interested, would not found hopes upon it ?
They have looked forward to a removal of this obstacle,
as a period when their griefs would be heard, and per-
haps redressed. And what must be the effect of this dis-
appointment upon their minds ? What is always the
effect of disappointed hope on the human mind ? I am
speaking to an audience capable of feeling these ques-
tions. Is it possible that this debate can go to Ireland,
and not excite the strongest sensations ? The completion
of their long-nourished desires do not now depend upon
the life of an aged man — a life they would not shorten
one day, by their wishes, to gain their views — but upon
the continuation of the present Minister in favour. But
what might have been conceded to such a man — to his
age — to his sufferings — to the memory of what he has
done for his people — will not be conceded to the virtues
and services of my right honourable friend. A question
of this vital importance is now to be brought before the
House in a new way — not as a government one, but as
one on which every person will be at liberty to vote ac-
cording to their real feelings. And there is a possibility,
nay, a probability, that ministers will be found voting
against each other. Reference has been made to the
/
MKMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 259
Slave Trade, in justification of this plan ; but I think it
the most fortunate part of that transaction, that it was at
last taken up as a government question, when the trade
received its final blow. If that, therefore, is cited as an
example, I wish it also to be cited as a warning. It
lingered on, year after year, till it was brought forward,
though by a discordant administration, as a ministerial
measure; and that is the only way in which the Catholic
question ought to be treated."
On the Catholic question, (24th of April), Mr. Can- |
ning spoke again, and was in the minority that voted yor ^
emancipation. ■-
The particulars of the assassination of Mr. Percival by
Bellingham are too well known for repetition; it took
place in the lobby of the House of Commons, on the 1 1th
of May, 1812. The Prince Regent sent a message to
the House, recommending a provision for Mr. Percival's
family, and Mr. Canning was to have proposed it to the
House, but (as stated by lord Castlereagh) was " pre-
vented by the acuteness of his sensibility." Mr. Can-
ning spoke on the question in evident emotion, and re-
marked, that " no man had ever differed with Mr. Percival -
without acknowledging that even his errors were errors
of virtue." He voted for the annuity of £20(X) to the
widow, and £1000 to the son, with benefit of survi- |
vorship.
On Mr. Wortley's motion for an address to the Regent,
praying the formation of a strong and efficient adminis-
tration, it was stated, that the earl of Liverpool had
offered place to Mr. Canning, which that gentleman had
refused. ■ -...;.,,,«,=- ~..r.—^-'«'^-^ .
Mr. Canning, evidently unwillingly, spoke in reply —
" That I have been offered a place, is most true. I will
not, however, accept office, without possessing that
power which ought to be its companian. When mv
r
I
260 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
noble friend, lord Liverpool, applied to me, I asked if
anv change, as respected the Catholic question, had taken
place in the Cabinet? His lordship replied, 'None— nor
was he aware that there was any alteration in the opi-
nions of his colleagues on that subject.' Under these cir-
cumstances, and consistent with the professions I have
made, and the motion* of which I have given notice, how
I is it possible I could act with ray noble friend ?"
Mr. Canning voted for the address.
Lord Melville was appointed a mediator between the
ministers and Mr. Canning, and for three days was said
to be sedulously employed in prevailing on him to join
the earl of Liverpool.
On the 3d of June, 1812, Mr. Canning informed the
House of Commons that the marquis of Wellesley had
received the commands of the Prince to form an admi-
nistration.
Speaking of the Cabinet, on the same day, in the Upper
House, the marquis took occasion to observe, that shock-
ing personal animosities prevailed in it; an observation
that was much cavilled at by lord Grey and his party,
and which occasioned an inquiry on the following Fri-
dav, when the noble marquis explained, and stated that
the Prince Regent had expressed his earnest desire that
Mr. Canning should be in the Cabinet. The earl of
]Moira was next desired to form an administration ; after
this, the earl of Liverpool was re-appointed first lord of
the treasury. .--^ -
In the earl of Moira's letter to lord Grey, be said, —
'• Mr. Canning's name was mentioned, because lord Wel-
lesley would have declined office without hira." Suffi-
cient proof of the estimation in which our hero's talents
were held by the noble marquis. "
• A motion in favour of the Roman Catholics.
/
A
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 261
n the 20ih of June, Mr. Canning rose, upon the mo-
tion to which we have before alluded, and said, — " When
the extent and magnitude of the subject which I am
about to press upon the consideration of the House,
and the debates which have taken place upon it, are
considered : and also the anxiety which pervades every
part of the empire, it may be apprehended that I
shall be under the necessity of detaining the House a
long time.
" If I came forward as a partisan, that might be the
case, but not doing so, the subject lies in a narrow ques-
tion ; and till that question is set at rest, the empire
never will be quiet. I trust, however, without adverting
to former debates or inflammatory circumstances, to be
able to induce the House to look at it as a great state
question, surrounded with danger, indeed, but as one
%vhich, if it is wished to give peace to the empire, must be
entertained; and if I can persuade gentlemen to lay
aside all recollection of former debates, I flatter mvself
I shall be able to persuade them to agree to the proposi-
tion I am about to submit.
'•• One general rule is, that all citizens of the same state
are entitled to the same privileges ; and, if exceptions
exist, the onus pmhandi lies on those w ho impose them,
to show their necessity. I am also persuaded, at this
time, when we are opposed to an enemy so active and so
powerful, no man would controvert the benefit which
must result from a measure, which would tend to cement
in affection every man in the empire against our invete-
rate and powerful foe. And the third general principle
is, that where there exists in any state a great question,
which has agitated the empire for a length of time, with-
out any appearance of adjustment between the people of
opposite opinions, it becomes the duty of the supreme
power — wherever that supreme power may lie. to inter-
2fJ2 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
fere and set the question at rest. I am aware there may
be two objections : the first, the fear of innovation and
chana^e; and the other, the danger of concession.
" The assertion of fear of innovation carries with it an
idea of a system of perfection already adopted. But I
should be glad to know at what period of our history this
divine system of things existed. Did it exist at the time
when Christianity first spread its light over the country?
Did it exist at the time of the Reformation ? — Will gen-
tlemen come down lower, to the reign of Elizabeth, (glo-
rious, indeed, in some part of it, but, in the latter part,
falling short of those who came before her?) Will they
look to the reign of Charles the First? — What had Ire-
land then to boast of? — Or will they look to the Protec-
torate, and say, that was the time of perfection ? — Then
came the Revolution. — Can you, gentlemen, say, then
came perfection ? — No ; then came confiscation : and
from thence, through the reign of Anne, and down to the
present time, has existed a system of artificial depression.
And can gentlemen, looking to these circumstances, say
this is the place at which we should make our stand—-
this is a system on which we should nmke no innovation ?
— To this system — the present penal code — alone it be-
longs, that no sooner had it arrived at perfection, than it
began to decline.
" The penal code was established at the commence-
ment of the present reign, and in fifteen years (namely,
in 1T74), began the innovations made upon it. Before
the relaxation of the code, Mr. Justice Blackstone made
the following declaration on the laws it contained — ' In it,'
he says, ' these laws, though not professedly sanguinary,
are so severe, that they do all the mischiefs which it is
possible to do in cold blood ; but, perhaps,' he continues,
' ivhen the time shall arrive that all fear of the Pretender
shall be done away — when tl>e inlluence and power of
/
MEMOiri OF GF.ORGE CANNING. 263
4lie Pope shall be reduced — it would not be amiss to re-
/ vise and soften down these penal laws against the Ca-
tholics.' Such a state of things having now arrived, it
would be curious to trace the Acts of relaxation which
have taken place: — the first relaxation was the Act of
1774 ; and, in 1778, a second relaxation Act passed, in
the preamble to which it stated — *That it could not but
tend to the strength of the empire, that all persuasions
of his Majesty's subjects should enjoy the blessings of a
free constitution.' And, six years after (in 1784), a fur-
ther relaxation was made in their favour. The last Act
was that of 1793, and, in the conclusion of the preamble
of that Act, it was said — 'that, in consequence of the
peaceable and loyal conduct of the Catholics, it was
thought right that they should be relieved from their
disabilities.' Thus this penal code, which had been two
centuries coming to perfection, having obtained that
perfection in 1760, and continued in it for sixteen years,
then began to decline, and has continued to decline now
• half a century. Two or three experiments have been
made, and the question now is, whether we should give
full effect to those experiments.
" We read, in the Roman history, that the Samnites
having, on one occasion, obtained an advantage over a
Roman army, and wishing to make the greatest advan-
tage possible of the circumstance, the general sent a
message to an ancient senator, requesting to know how
he should treat the prisoners; the answer was, 'Send
them home unransomed and unarmed.' The general,
surprised at this answer, sent for further advice, and
was told, ' Exterminate every man of them.' The dif-
ferent advice conveyed in the two answers, made the
Samnite general think his adviser deranged — he sent for
him to the camp, and requested a further explanation of
264 ^ MEMOIR OF GEORGK CANNING.
the ditliculty. He was told then, that if he let them go
free he would lay a powerful state under the obligations
of eternal gratitude; on the other hand, if he extermi-
nated them, he would in so far prevent them from an-
noying him in future. Neither of these modes did he
take, but he caused them ignominiously to pass under
the yoke.
" Gentlemen, apply this, in taking your view of the
state of Catholic Ireland. All further concession is ob-
jected to by some, because the principles of the Catholic
reli^-ion are such as would be likely to make us rue, one
day, what we had done ; but history does not bear this
out. The religion is represented as an encroaching one,
and yet we have seen it losing great part of Europe,
without recovering any portion of its former hold upon
it. On this subject, 1 may mention the oath taken by
the Protestant sovereigns of Scotland, which was taken
by king William and queen Anne, and contained a
clause, in which they swore to root out all the heretics
convicted of doctrines contrary to the true kirk ; but, it
was observed, that king William took it in his own
sense of it, which meant no such thing. We must not
deny the same liberty to other churches of expounding
their own meaning. It would be as hard on the Ca-
tholics, as it would on king William. In the whole series
of the statutes on the subject, there was no reliance to
be placed on these people but by their oaths ; and the
last oath that bound them, was drawn up by a learned
doctor (Duigenan), who maintained they were not to
be trusted, and yet, by his conduct, contradicted his as-
sertions. We must rest for security upon their conscien-
tious and faithtul adherence to the obligations, the good
faith of which some are not disposed to deny.
" It has been said, we ought to be quiet, and satisfied
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 265
by looking abroad at the condition of the people in other
^ states. I object to this : — we ought not to look abroad,
but look at home; here we can compare ourselves with
our fellow subjects. We may have our speculations
abroad, but our feelings at home.
" If we look abroad, we see a powerful enemy collect-
ing people of all nations and tongues under his hostile
banners against us, without distinction of religion. If
towards another potentate, the emperor of Russia, (at
present, perhaps, to be numbered amongst our enemies,)
we see him with a schismatic chancellor, a Catholic se-
cretary, and a Protestant general.
" Gentlemen, ask yourselves, why your religion is to
present an insuperable bar to your advancement? If
you look to Austria, you may remember that Buona-
parte, relying on false information respecting the Hun-
garians, issued a proclamation to grant them the free
exercise of their religion, when he invaded the empe-
ror's dominions ; but he had no temptation to offer to
the Hungarians, for the privileges and honours of the
state were open to ail. Then, why should the Catholics
be told to look abroad, to find sources of consolation at
home ? They might look to Spain ; and I am sorry to
say, that from recent publications there, I have seen
something v^hich I cannot justify. I have seen a pro-
clamation which was the reverse of toleration, and which
disgraced the Cortes as much as it excited surprise.
They knew how freely their conduct had been comment-
ed upon here, to induce them to liberalise their system :
but what that infant state would not do, we, in our
enlarged condition, also refused to do. Might not Spain
turn around and say to us, ' Why do you hold populous,
mature, adult Ireland, in the exclusion and fetters in
which she was bound so many years?" Some persons
12 2 m
/
2GG MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
picture out the cruelties of the Roman Catholics, in the
first periods of the Reformation ; — but what should we
say of being reminded of all the violence of the Refor-
mers — of the Anabaptists in Munster — of the severities in
the days of Henry the Eighth and Elizabeth — of the deli-
berate burning of Servetus — of the oath in Scotland —
and of the furious proceedings of John Knox? It is the
duty of a wise legislature to prevent all such calamities
by the earliest means. I have been shocked in walking-
through the streets of the metropolis, to see a placard
exhibited to the gaze of the vulgar, called ' The Awful
Warning of St. Bartholomew's.' Who the author was, I
know not, and God forbid I should have any acquaint-
ance with him ; for what but the most mischievous effects
can it be calculated to produce? Why should such a
history as this be now published ? What have the people
now to do with the conduct of Charles the Eleventh of
France, or with the Guises sprinkling themselves with
the blood of an unfortunate victim, and the duke of An-
gouleme surveying his murdered body with emotions of
delight? This publication contained not only a history
of the massacre, but was accompanied by plates to heighten
the exhibition. There was also a name on the front of
it, which I lamented to see. It was described as sacred
to the memory of Mr. Percival, whose relative situation
to this country was represented as similar to that of De
Coligny, in France. Speaking of Mr. Percival, likening
him to De Coligny, it said, that he fell like him, in the
service of his king, his country, and his God ! If, with a
deep sense of a dispensation so awful and afflicting as
that which has recently occurred in the murder of Mr.
Percival, I might think that Providence had given me
any consolation, it was in sparing us from the mischiefs
that niii^ht have been occasioned, bad the foul assassin
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 267
*/ been either an Irishman or a Catholic! In the earliest
period of the French revolution, the massacre of St. Bar-
tholomew was exhibited on the stage, as a public spec-
tacle for the people — and why was it so exhibited ? For
the purpose of extinguishing animosities ? No ; but with
a view to kindle animosities, and inflame those which al-
i;:eady existed ; not to put down the spirit of religious
hatred, discord, and persecution, but to provoke new
massacres. The cardinal Loraine was introduced on the
stage, giving orders for the massacre ; and Mr. Burke,
adverting to this spectacle, in his letter to a member of
the National Assembly, said, that their citizens had as-
sented to the massacre of the followers of Calvin, at St.
Bartholomew; and then asked, what he thought of their
attempt to retaliate that massacre upon the people of
this day ? When I quote Mr. Burke, I cannot but recol-
lect what a great authority he is for the cause which I am
now advocating. I cannot but recollect the sentiments
of that great man upon this subject, outrunning upon
this, as well as other occasions, with a prophetic fore-
sight, the march of public opinion. I cannot forget that
Mr. Fox advocated the same cause — and, in addition to
these two great men, who might, perhaps, by some, be
considered as too sanguine and too eager to carry their
views into execution, before the public could be well
prepared for them, — I have to mention the name of Mr.
Wyndham, whose mind was cast in a difl^erent mould ;
and who was always averse to innovations and the re-
moval of existing restraints, until he had rigidly examined
the ground, and weighed the consequences of the pro-
posed alteration. I have to number Mr. Pitt, also, as
the advocate of this cause — whose ardent zeal for public
liberty was tempered by his views of practical utility.
If the question, then, were to be determined on autho-
268 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
rity merely, I cannot but think that my cause is
gained."
After some further observations, Mr. Canning con-
cluded with moving — "'That the House will, early in
the next session of Parliament, take into its most serious
consideration the state of the laws affecting his Majesty's
Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain and Ireland,
with a view to such a final and conciliatory adjustment
as may be conducive to the peace and strength of the
United Kingdom, to the stability of the Protestant
establishment, and to the general satisfaction and con-
cord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects.' — I beg
leave to say, that the Catholics of England are in-
cluded in this general designation; and, although their
uniform and undeviating loyalty, and exemplary good
conduct, might entitle them to a distinct and even a par-
tial consideration, yet, as they have themselves declined
this distinction, I have united them in the same mea-
sure."
Mr. Canning's motion was carried by a majority of
one hundred and twenty-nine.
For some months a negociation continued between
ministers and Mr. Canning, so anxious were they to
avail themselves of his assistance; a reconciliation be-
tween Mr. Canning and lord Castlereagh was effected,
but negociations went off on the old ground of the Ca-
tholic question.
At the general election, Mr. Canning assumed an im-
portant parliamentary character, and tried his strength
against Messrs. Brougham and Creevey.
A meeting, held at the Golden Lion Inn, Liverpool,
on the 25th of September, 1812, sent the following invi-
tation to our hero: —
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 269
" Liverpool, October 1, 1812.
" Entertaining, as we do, the highest respect for and the fullest
confidence in your talents, integrity, and public conduct, we feel
a strong and anxious desire that this loyal and ancient borough
should possess the high advantage of being represented by you in
Parliament; and we, therefore, do most earnestly invite you to
offer yourself as a candidate at the ensuing election.
" Should you favour us by your compliance, we beg to assure you
of our utmost zeal and exertions in your behalf; and, from the
knowledge we possess of the very favourable sentiments generally
entertained of you, by the freemen and other inhabitants of this large
and populous borough, we cannot permit ourselves for a moment
to doubt your being returned to Parliament by a large majority,
notwithstanding any opposition that is or may be contemplated by
others on the occasion.
" With the greatest respect,
" We have the honour to be,
" Sir,
" Your faithful and obedient servants,
<« **** #*#* "
To this Mr. Canning replied: —
" Mamhead House,, near Exeter,
" Sunday, Oct. 4, 1812.
" Gentlemen,
" In returning from a more distant part of the country, upon
intelligence of the dissolution of Parliament, I am met here, this
day, by your flattermg invitation to Liverpool.
" I have not words to express my sense of the honour thus ten-
dered to me. It is one which, unconnected as I am witb the town
of Liverpool, I certainly should never havs presumed to think of
soliciting; nor can I forbear, even now, entreating you to reflect,
whether any advantage or satisfaction which you can hope to de-
rive from choosing me one of your representatives, can compensate
the trouble which (I am led to apprehend) you may have to en-
counter in accomplishing that object.
" Having said this, if it be, nevertheless, your pleasure to call me
to that distinguished situation, my services are at your command.
I put myself into your hands; relying confidently upon the exer-
tions which you will employ to give effect to your own wishes, and
to vindicate your choice by making it triumphantly successful
270 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" Had! presumed, uninvited, to solicit your suffrages, it would
have been incumbent upon me to address to you some profession of
my public principles, and some exposition of my public conduct.
" As it is, you allow me to flatter myself that to your indulgent
and favourable construction of those principles and that conduct
(by which alone I am known to you) I am indebted for the invita-
tion which I have this day received from you.
" I am not likely to swerve from principles which have procured
to me so signal and gratifying a distinction.
" My conduct in Parliament will always be governed by the best
judgment which I am able to form of what is conducive to the wel-
fare or essential to the honour of the country.
" I have only to add, that gratitude, as well as duty, will ensure
my unwearied attention to every thing that may affect the peculiar
interests of the town of Liverpool, or which can contribute to its
prosperity.
" I have the honour to be,
" With the highest respect and acknowledgment,
" Gentlemen,
" Your most obli ed and faithful servant,
" George Canning."
Mr. Canning arrived in Liverpool late in the evening
of the 7th of October, 1812, and published the following
letter to the freemen : —
" To the Freemen of Liverpool.
" Liverpool, Wednesday night, Oct. 7, 1812.
" Gentlemen,
" I had no sooner returned ray acknowledgment of the very
flattering invitation sent to me from Liverpool, than I felt it my
duty to hasten hither for the purpose of paying my personal re-
spects to the gentlemen by whom that invitation was signed and
to you.
" I regret that distance and accidents have delayed my arrival
lit re to so late an hour; most especially when I learn with what
extraordinary and cordial demonstrations of kindness you were pre-
pared to receive me this morning.
" Finding, upon my arrival, the same unmerited partiality pre-
vailing ill my favour, which had dictated the requisition to me to
offer myself us a candidate to represent this ancient and loyal town.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 271
I can no longer hesitate, in compliance with that requisition, to
offer to the freemen at large my humble but zealous services; and
to express to them the pride and satisfaction which I should feel in
being honoured, by their suffrages, with the high trust to which I
have been encouraged to aspire.
" I have no claims, gentlemen, upon your confidence from pri-
vate connexion or acquaintance. And, I confess, I am not fond of
extravagant professions ; because, I think, it often happens, that
when too much is professed at first, something is to be afterwards
qualified, or explained, or retracted.
" But my public life is before you: from that your judgment of
me will naturally be formed. And I can confidently assure you,
.that, if you should think fit to honour me with your choice, you
shall find me (according to the best of my ability) careful in watch-
ing over your peculiar concerns, and steadfast in maintaining those
principles by which the prosperity of such a town as Liverpool is
most surely to be upholden, connected as that prosperity must ne-
cessarily and inseparably be with the welfare and the honour of
Great Britain.
" I have the honour to be, with the highest respect,
" Gentlemen,
" Your most obedient and devoted servant,
" George Canning,"
Before Mr. Canning's answer was received, a very
active canvass had been instituted by the friends of
Messrs. Brougham and Creevey ; and it was pretended,
that they had met with an encouragement decisive of
success. On Monday the 5thj Mr. Brougham made his
public entry.
On Thursday morning, Mr. Canning was escorted to
the hustings by a very numerous and respectable assem-
blage of friends, amidst demonstrations of the most ardent
enthusiasm. The unusual number of five candidates
were then put in nomination ; and the result of the first
day's pole gave, as to Mr. Canning, a pleasing earnest of
ultimate success. The numbers on each day's poll, from
272
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the commencement to the close, are exhibited in the
follow ing view : —
Canning . - -
>>
»
en
139
rt
Q
318
as
a
■3
m
Q
XI
•
i
520
722
926
1076
1361
1631
Gascoyne- - -
117
288
483
673
864
1003
1276
1532
Brougham - -
137
284
488
691
892
1030
1105
1131
Creevey - - -
135
277
473
666
866
991
1055
1068
Tarleton - - -
6
5
6
6
6
6
6
11
Number of Freemen polled, 2726.
The greatest number of freemen that ever polled in
this borough on any former occasion was 2415; so that
the above number exceeds that of any former election
by 311.
The contest was sharp and indecisive, except as to
Mr. Canning, until the sixth day of the poll ; and, to
those who judged only from appearances, the result was
considered doubtful. Persons of better information as
to the state of opinion felt no fear ; and they already
anticipated the defeat of a party, whose principles were
even more objectionable than the arrogant air which
marked all their proceedings. On the seventh day the
disparity became strongly marked ; and on Friday morn-
ing, October 16, being the eighth day of the contest,
Messrs. Brougham and Creevey, despairing of success,
very handsomely took leave of the returning officers at
the hustings, and parted from the two successful candi-
dates with expressions of politeness and personal regard,
which were warmly returned by Mr. Canning and General
Gascoyne. The poll was, however, kept open for the
friends of the remaining candidates, till five o'clock in
;v
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 273
Ihe evening-, and the contest closed, leaving- a large majo-
rity i:. favour of the successful candidates, and crowning
a zealous struggle, begun late, and under many disad-
vantages, with a victory which, had it been merely per-
sonal, would have lost its interest, but which will long
be exultiiigly remembered as a triumph of constitutional
and British principles."
Some of Mr. Canning's speeches at this election were
quizzed unmercifully by his adversaries; but speeches
delivered under the excitement of an election, are not ^
fair subjects for criticism. The following extract from ,/'
his speech on the 3d day, was the cause of much merri- J^"
ment. ^- ~
" Gentlemen, do not suppose that I doubt your goiffd-
will ; I have received already too many and too striking
proofs of it. To-morrow is a day of cessation from (he
contest. 1 do not regret this, as you may very well con-
ceive, so far as it affects myself, who really stand in need
of some repose. Neither do I in another point of view
regret it as at all unfriendly to my interest ; for to-mor-
row will be spent by you, gentlemen, in the bosom of
your families, and I know that I have in the house of
every man of you the zeal and good wishes of a wife or
daughter : incentives which, if it were necessary, would
rouse you to fresh and successful exertions in my behalf.
" Gentlemen, I bid you good night, entreating you
now to disperse in quiet and good order, and hoping to
meet you here again on Monday, at a somewhat more
seasonable hour, when I may be able to look you, as well
as you me, in the face."
The following day he spoke at greater length ; and
the following observations are worthy of record.
" Of Liverpool, gentlemen, I knew nothing a week
ago but by report : as a great and opulent town, deeply
^2. 2 N
274 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
interested in the prosperity of the kingdom, and contri-
biiting largely to that prosperity by its own industry and
enterprise. It is only since I came amongst you that I
have had the opportunity of being convinced how worthy
you are of the rank which you hold amongst the cities
and towns of this great and flourishing land.
" I have found, gentlemen, generally prevailing
among you, not, as by misrepresentation I had been
taught to believe, a querulous impatience under the
privations common to us all, and unhappily incident to a
state of war, such as that in which it is our misfortune
to be engaged ; not a disposition to separate the local
and peculiar interests of Liverpool from those of the
country at large, and to purchase a respite to your-
selves, at the expense of national interest and honour.
No, gentlemen ; I have found here a lofty and deter-
mined spirit, patient under difficulties known to be un-
avoidable, and never looking to partial relief or benefit
but as connected with the general good. Instead of un-
reasoning clamours for a peace to be attained by sacrifice
and submission, I have found among you a disposition to
sustain your share of the evils of war, until it can be put
an end to with safety, because without disgrace.
" The habits of a commercial people are sober, cau-
tious, and calculating, not prone to exaggeration and
enthusiasm; and, as all human qualities have their ac-
companying and qualifying defects, it has been some-
times, thought, that the judgment of those engaged in
the pursuits of commerce is apt to be warped by in-
terest, and the quick sensibility of honour blunted in
them by the avidity for gain. My short experience of
Liverpool has shown me, in contradiction to that general
character, that one of the most opulent, the most skilful,
and (he most adventurous communities that ever grew
MEMOIR OF GEOKGi: CANNING. 275
great by trade, is also the most alive to every sentiment
by which wealth can be ennobled ; and that, in the so-
berest calculation of your own interests, you consider
them as inseparable tVoin the national honour.
" Gentlemen, these are sentiments which, if I am to
represent you in Parliament, it will be henceforth my
duty to uphold and proclaim, not as my sentiments only,
but as yours; and, if there be a situation of enviable
distinction and pardonable pride, to which a public man
can aspire in this happy and free country, it is the being
placed, by the spontaneous, unbiassed, and, I may add,
unsolicited suffrages of a great and respectable portion
of his countrymen, in the great council of the nation,
there to speak his own long-cherished opinions, with the
assurance that they are all in unison with those of the
constituents whom he is chosen to represent."
His speech, as it regards his own public conduct, on
the fifth day, was even more interesting.
" But, gentlemen, while, on this question of Parlia-
mentary Reform, I am accused of being too tardy in
hazarding innovations, I have found, in other societies,
that 1 am supposed to meditate innovations which are
still more formidable, both in Church and State; that I
have been represented (not by my competitors, surely!)
as not attached to the religion of my country ; as pre-
pared to subvert the Establishment, and to substitute
Popery in its room. Gentlemen, such accusations are
so extravagant, that on almost any other subject, and at
any other period, they would be absolutely ludicrous,
and to be met only with silent scorn. But, gentlemen,
my views of what is commonly called the Catholic Ques-
tion (for it is to that question, as you may suppose, that
1 allude) have been so distinctly expressed on so many
recent t ccasions in the last session of Parliament, that I
TO
MEMOIR OF GKORGE CANNING.
/
should have thought they could not have been misunder-
stood. I have always treated that question, not in a
religious, but a political point of view. I have consi-
dered it as a question of political expediency; and, in
every thing that I have agreed to, and every thing that
1 have proposed respecting it, I have always, with scru-
pulous care and anxiety, proposed to guard and fence,
frou) even the most remote apprehensions of danger, that
happy constitution, in Church and State, under which
we have the good fortune to flourish; and one of the
great blessings of which is, in my opinion, that, being
itself secure and firmly seated in the habits and affec-
tions of the people, it enables us to be liberal, without
danger, to all who are within the reach of its influence,
and to dispense its blessings to others without hazarding
them ourselves.
"Gentlemen, in Ihis view, and with such qualifica-
tions, it is that, considering the concessions already made
to the Catholics (wisely or not, it is too late to inquire,)
in the course of the present reign, as having placed that
numerous class of his Majesty's subjects, particularly in
Ireland, in a state very different from that in which they
stood when the code enacted against them was in full
operation; as having advanced them in wealth, power,
and intelligence; as having taught them to look upon
themselves as admissible to the civil franchises of (he
state, in which they have been permitted to acquire pro-
perty, and encouraged to pursue industrious and useful
occupations; it is, I say, in this view, and with the qua-
lifications which I have described, that I entertain and
have actrd upon the opinion, which I honestly avow,
that the period of religious danger being, as I think it
H, past by, the state of this country, the state of Europe
and of the world point out the political expediency of re-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 277
peaMno^ those civil disabilities which are the remnant of
a code whose principle has been already repealed. I
certainly think that this may be done without danger.
I think that the circumstances of the times recom-
mend it.
" But, though these are my opinions upon that ques-
tion, I know well that many respectable, pious, and
worthy persons differ from me. And there is no opinion
which 1 hold more strongly than this : — that, to be settled
happily, this great question must be settled peaceabliy,
and with the full concurrence and good-will of all classes
of the Protestant community. I am sanguine enough
to believe, that, upon full, deliberate, and temperate
discussion, such a concurrence may be obtained. I am
sanguine enough to think, that I see my way to such
arrangements as might allay the discontent of one party,
and quiet the scruples of the other. To give to one
party a triumph over the other, has never entered into
my contemplation.
" This is not the place, nor the time, to enter into the
very delicate and difficult discussion of the arrangements
which might be necessary for a final and amicable ad-
justment. But, when I have said that I think it desira-
ble, and that I think it possible, to effect such an ar-
rangement ; of that desirableness, and even of that
possibility, the mature conviction and assent of the Pro-
testant community form, in my view, one essential part.
" Gentlemen, these opinions are not new opinions of
mine, though I hear, also, that I am accused of having
recently adopted them. Gentlemen, that accusation is
false. These opinions I imbibed, inherited from Mr.
Pitt. Had he lived, I have no doubt he would now
have been acting upon them. I say iwvD^ because from
Mr. Pitt I also i inherited the determination never myself
278 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Co stir, and to resist any attempt on the part of others to
stir the Catholic Question, during the lifetime — the
li\ ing reign — of our beloved and venerated sovereign.
AV'iiile he lived to the cares and duties of his station, 1
did resist all attempts to force that question into discus-
sion, quite as earnestly as if I had myself thought dif-
ferently upon it.
" After a reign of fifty years, and such a reign, so
fraught with advantages and blessings to this nation, we
owed, and none owed more deeply than the Catholics
themselves, the utmost deference to the feelings, to the
scruples of a sovereign — the father of all his people. If
the Catholics looked to recover their franchises at a fu-
ture time, it behoved them to look forward not as a pro-
digal and unnatural heir to the decease of the relation
whose estate he is to inherit, but with that trembling
anxiety, that pious apprehension with which a dutiful
and alfeclionate son hangs over the sick couch of a be-
loved parent, deprecating the inheritance which that
parent's death is to transfer to him, and praying for the
protraction even of his decay.
" In this spirit, and with these feelings, 1 certainly
had resisted, hitherto, even the discussion of the ques-
tion, which this year I have seen no obstacle to discuss-
ing luUy, deliberately, and with a view to the settlement
of it for ever.
" Gentlemen, I am, therefore, falsely accused either
of aiming at changes in the constitution, or of having
changed my own opinions upon this important subject.
1 am persuaded — it is my deliberate, and settled, and
uninfluenced judgment and conviction, that this question
inn// be so settled as not to hazard, but to confirm and
streiigthon the constitution, both in Church and State.
It is in that view that I entertained and have supported
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 279
it. And, gentlemen, if the testimony of those with
whom and among; whom I have acted for now near
twenty years ; if the testimony of the House of Com-
mons can be any guarantee to you for the soundness of
my opinions, and the rectitude of my intentions, on this
momentous question, I beg leave to remind you of a fact,
which I state not boastingly, but simply as a fact, which,
questioned as I have been, I ought not to suffer to be
forgotten, that, while every motion brought forward by
the Opposition, on the Catholic subject, has been uni-
formly rejected by large majorities, that which I had the
honour to propose, a kw months ago, was carried by no
less a majority than 129." ^g„*e»^
The 17th of October saw our hero victorious. His
speech on this occasion is a masterpiece; it is just what
the place and circumstances required, and no more. The
mention of Pitt is the candid avowal of a noble mind, that
did not shrink from admitting the source from whence it
derived its power. We insert it verbatim.
^ " Gentlemen, — I congratulate you on your final suc-
cess ; for it is your victory, and not njine. The contest
has been a contest of principles, not of persons ; although
I should belie my own feelings if I were not to confess,
that, to the latest hour of my life, I shall be proud that
the ba1,tle has been fought in my person, and that my
name has been associated with your exertions, an 1 illus-
trated by your triumph. You, gentlemen, have done me
the honour to select me, not, undoubtedly, for any indi-
vidual merit of my own, (I know that I can pretend to
none,) but in order that, by returning me to represent
your opinions in Parliament, you might vindicate the
freedom of your choice, the loyalty of your principles,
and the consistency of your characte. .
"Gentlemen,! u ish that those theorists of reform.
^0 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
who ihink nothing: rifjht in the practice of our constitu-
tion, could witness this scene which 1 have now the de-
litjht to survey : those who presume that every popular
feeling must belong to themselves alone: who imagine
that a zealous and ardent exercise of popular rights, and
an enthusiastic expression of popular sentiments, are in-
compatible with an equally enthusiastic attachment to all
the monarchical principles of the constitution. When will
such men learn, that what they call exclusively popular
principles are not the principles of the people? Can
they look this day at the peaceful triumph of Liverpool,
as they have looked for the last three years at the glo-
rious and bloody struggles of Spain, and yet doubt the
possibility of a combination of all that is national in
feeling, with all that is loyal in principle; of a spirit of
democracy sufficient to give energy to a state, with a
devotedness to monarchy sufficient to secure its conser-
vation ?
" Gentlemen, some persons have endeavoured to per-
suade you, that in giving your suffrages to a man who
has been the uniform supporter of a war, glorious in
itself, but only glorious inasmuch as it is necessary and
unavoidable, you are deferring the day of peace. For-
tunately, for the clear understanding of such reasonings,
they have sometimes been coupled with prophecy. Let
us compare, where we have an opportunity, what has
happened with what was foretold; and then judge what
weight is to be assigned to the same reasonings in future.
" The honourable gentleman* who left your hustings
yesterday, (of whom, as an individual, 1 have spoken,
and mean to speak, with the utmost respect,) on or about
the 16th of last June, proposed, in the House of Com-
Mv. Broii'jriiaiii.
I
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 881
nions, a specific concession to America ; and pledged
himseli", tliat if that concession were made, peace would
be preserved or restored. By a singular coincidence, on
or about the same day on which that motion was made,
the declaration of war by America against Great Britain
passed the Senate of the United States. O! but the
concession was to heal all! The ministers, whether
swayed by the honourable gentleman's eloquence, or
participating in his expectations, I know not, gave way ;
and the concession was made. Confident from this tri-
umph, as might naturally be expected, the honourable
gentleman, the prophet of American reconciliation, pre-
sents himself (I ought rather to say, is presented by some
among you) to be chosen as your representative in Par-
liament. Yesterday he left your town, disappointed of
this honourable object : and, by another singular coin-
cidence, the defeat of the prophecy upon which his expec-
tations were founded is made known here on the very
day of the defeat of those expectations. For, yesterday,
the declaration, the tardy declaration of war by this
country against America, arrives here; and tells us, in
terms too plain to be misunderstood, that to seek peace
through humiliation is a course neither of honour nor
of advantage.
" It has been further attempted to deter you from the
choice which you have done me the honour to make, by
saying that I had been in office, and am likely to be in
office again. I have been in office. How soon, if ever,
I may be in office again, I neither know, nor do I very
much care, for any other reason than as it might afford
me greater opportunities of promoting the interests of
the country, of which your interests constitute-so essential
a part.
" But, gentlemen, what is meant by this imputation?
12, 2 o
2S2 MEMOIR OF CEORCi: CANNING,.
Are tney who urge it so little read in the principles, the
democratical principles, of the British constitution, as
not to know that it is one of the peculiar boasts of this
country, one of the prime fruits of its free constitution,
and one main security for its continuing free, that men
as humble as myself, with no pretensions of wealth, or
title, or high family, or wide-spreading connexions, may
yet find their way into the Cabinet of their sovereign,
through the fair road of public service, and stand there
upon a footing of equality with the proudest aristocracy
of the land ?
" Is it from courtiers of the people, from admirers of
republican virtue and republican energy, that we hear
doctrines which would tend to exclude from the manage-
ment of public affairs all who are not illustrious by birth,
or powerful from hereditary opulence? Why, gentle-
men, in this limited monarchy, there are undoubtedly
contests for office, contests which agitate the elements of
the constitution, and which keep them alive and active,
without endangering the constitution itself. A republic
is nothing but one continual struggle for office in every
department of the state.
" Mad, indeed, and desperate would be the reform
which should exclude from the House of Commons, as
some ignorant theorists advise, every man who has pos-
sessed, or who possesses office : separating thereby the
service of the crown from that of the people; as if they
were not identified in interest, and mutually dependant
on each other.
" Gentlemen, if I have held office, I hope I have held
it honourably : I will never hold it again, but on the same
terms. It is not my fault that I must state facts, in my
own defence, which might appear to be stated ostenta-
tiously ; but 1 mean them simply as defensive. It is en-
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 283
tiirely my own fault, gentlemen, that I am not now ad-
dressing you with the seals of secretary of state in my
pocket. Twice, in the course of the last six months,
have the seals of the office of secretary of state been ten-
dered to n)y acceptance; and twice have I declined them.
Is this like hankering after office ? I declined them, not
because I was unwilling to render any services of which
my poor abilities were capable to my country ; not be-
cause I did not acknowledge, with all due gratitude and
humility, the gracious disposition of my prince: not be-
cause I shrink from the difficulties of the times, to the
encountering and overcoming of which I should feel my-
self, from the public situation in which I have had the
honour to stand, bound to render whatever aid was in
my power, if I could do so with effect, by doing so with
credit. I declined office, gentlemen, because it was ten-
dered to me on terms not consistent, as I thought, and as
my immediate friends agreed in thinking, with my per-
sonal honour; because, if accepted on such terms, it
would not have enabled me to serve the public with
efficiency.
" Gentlemen, I presume not to trouble you with any
details upon this subject; but what I have stated, and
what is before the world, is, I hope, sufficient to justify
me against the accusation of hankering after office.
Whether you will ever see me in office again, I cannot
tell ; but of this I can assure you, that it shall not be in a
way dishonourable to myself or to you. I dare not, in-
deed, reckon upon the continuance of such unmerited
partiality and affection as you now so kindly heap upon
me; but this I can answer for, that neither in nor out of
office shall you have cause to be ashamed of me.
" Gentlemen, I stated to you, two nights ago, my opi-
nion of the conduct of my adversary, Mr. Brougham, in
2S4 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
(letermininjy, at that time, not to decline' the contest. I
told you, that I thought he could not do otherwise than
act upon the opinions and persuasions of his friends; and
that he had explained his motives with the utmost can-
dour and fairness. I think so still. I myself know
nothing to the contrary. But I have certainly heard,
that speeches delivered in another place were very dif-
ferent, indeed, from those which were delivered at the
hustings. And, while 1 beg not to be understood as in-
tending to give any colour of my own to expressions
which I did not hear, and cannot vouch for, there is one
topic, which is represented as having made considerable
impression, which I owe it to the government of the
country (however myself unconnected with it) not to
suffer to pass unnoticed. The declaration of war against
America has, as I am informed, been stated to have been
delayed by the government of this country for the sake
of sweeping into the royal chest a large sum of the droits
of Admiralty, to be disposed of at the pleasure of minis-
ters, for purposes of prodigality and corruption. Gen-
tlemen, 1 would fain believe that this assertion cannot
have been made. An account of the distribution of the
droits of Admiralty has, as is well known, been submitted
to the House of Commons the last two years ; and, surely,
to attribute a measure of peace or war to a desire on the
part of government to disappoint our own captors, for
the sake of getting possession of a sum, of which the dis-
posal is, after all, to be made public, is to attribute mo-
tives not only altogether unworthy, but utterly inade-
quate and absurd.
" I say this the rather, because I must fairly own, that,
differing as I do entirely as to the causes to which the
delay is to be attributed, I am inclined to agree that the
declaration of war against America has been delayed too
/
MEHOIR OF GEOIIGK CANNING. 285
Ions;. When all hopes of preserving peace were vanislied,
nothing- remained, in my opinion, for this government
but prompt and vigorous war. It was the only course
becoming this great country. It would have afforded
the best chance of bringing the American government to
their senses.
"The opinions which I now express are in unison with
those which I took the liberty of expressing, in my place
in Parliament, when that concession was agreed to by the
ministers, at Mr. Brougham's suggestion, upon the
strength of which Mr. Brougham has been presented to
your choice. I then Ventured to state my doubts, whe-
ther that concession would propitiate America; whether
it would not rather tend to confirm the hostile policy of
that government, and to enhance its pretensions. In fact,
how is it that our concession has been met ? By recipro-
cal concession, by abated pride, assuaged malice, and re-
turning good-will ? No such thing. They have risen in
their terms, as unreasonable concession will always in-
duce and encourage an unreasonable enemy to do.
" Gentlemen, you see that I speak to you as freely of
the conduct and policy of our government, as of the con-
duct of those to whom I am politically opposed. To one
man, while he lived, I was devoted, with all my heart and
with all my soul. Since the death of Mr. Pitt, I acknow-
ledge no leader. My political allegiance lies buried in
his grave. But I have, though not his immediate coun-
sels to follow, bis memory to cherish and revere. So far
as I knew his opinions on subjects which were in his
time, as well as now, of great public interest, I have ad-
hered, and shall adhere to those opinions as the guides of
my public conduct. Where I can only reason from ana-
logy on new questions which may arise, I shall endea-
vour to apply to those questions, w hatever they may be,
2h6 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the principles which 1 imbibed and inherit from him ;
principles which, 1 well know, have alone recommended
uie to your choice this day.
'" Of the cause of good government, in whatever hands
the administration of government may be placed, even if
in the hands of those to whom 1 have been politically op-
posed, I shall always be a faithful and steady supporter.
But 1 do not pledge myself to you, I will never pledge
myself to any man, to be the blind and subservient sup-
porter of the administration in any hands whatever. My
general disposition is to support the government. What
1 find amiss, however, I shall blame with freedom;
though 1 will not do so with any intention to excite dis-
content, nor at the hazard of mischief to the country.
" Gentlemen, if I did not retain the independence of
my own judgment in the House of Commons, 1 should be
but an unworthy representative of the independent and
enlightened community which sends me thither. It may
happen, that ^our judgment may occasionally come in
conflict with my own. Men of independent minds may
honestly differ on subjects which admit of a variety of
views. In all such cases, I promise you, not indeed
w holly to submit my judgment to yours ; you would
despise me if I made so extravagant a profession : but I
promise you that any difference of opinion between us
will always lead me to distrust my own views, carefully
to examine, and, if erroneous, frankly to correct them.
Gentlemen, our judgments may clash, but our interests
never: no interests of mine shall ever come in competi-
tion with yours. I promise you further, that, hoping,
as I earnestly do, tha< the connexion, of which the foun-
dation is this day auspiciously laid, may last to the end of
my political life — yet if, unfortunately, occasions should
occur, (I cannot foresee or imagine any such,) on w hich
MKMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 287
there should arise between us, on points of serious im-
portance, a radical and irreconcilable difference of opi-
nion, I will not abuse my trust, but will give you the
earliest opportunity of recalling or reconsidering your
delegation of it.
" Gentlemen, with the reost heartfelt acknowledg-
ment; with feelings of gratitude which words are too
weak to convey, and of pride which I dare not trust my-
self with expressing; with a sense of the honour which
you have conferred upon me, less gratifying than any
sense of the kindness with which you have overwhelmed
me; with sentiments such as till this day I never knew,
but which I shall recollect with delight until the latest
hour of my life, I take my leave of you for the pre-
sent ; praying that Providence may so direct my con-
duct as never to give you cause, in your better judg-
ment, to look back with regret upon the choice which
you have made."
His observations on peace, in his speech at the dinner
given on the 26th, are excellent.
" Commerce and peace," said Mr. Canning, " are, in the
ordinary course of things, linked together. And it has
been endeavoured to be insinuated by our opponents, that
they alone could be the faithful guardians of the interests
of a great commercial town, who are, as they are pleased
to call themselves, lovers of peace. Such interests, they
insist, must perish in the hands of those who (like myself,
I suppose) are friends and advocates of war. Lovers of
peace ! Who are not lovers of peace in the abstract ?
Friends and advocates of war ! Who are so mad or so
malignant as to prefer war for war's sake? Who are
advocates of war, as war, any more than of famine or of
pestilence? They who indulge themselves in such loose
and general propositions, must surely be conscious that
they are deceiving the audience whom they address.
8^8 MI-.MO»U OF GEORGE CANNING.
Thev must know, that the questions of peace and war
are amongst the most difficult and complicated questions
that human imagination can conceive, or that human
genius can be called upon to disentangle. The propo-
sitions which they so glibly announce as simple proposi-
tions of elementary truth, are (as they know full well)
interwoven with considerations and circumstances which
render the discussion of them perplexed and intricate in
the extreme. The question of peace is beset with diffi-
culties which they themselves, if the helm of the state
were put into their hands, would find, at the present
moment, wholly insurmountable. But these difficulties
they carefully keep out of sight, when they wish to make
an impression on popular feelings.
" In what a state of the world is it that these gentle-
man talk of peace, and of themselves as the lovers of
peace, just as calmly as if it were only a mere question of
taste and fancy; as if to choose were to have, and to
have were securely to enjoy! What, gentlemen, should
you think of the sense or the fairness of men who, in the
midst of the distress and desolation occasioned in one of
your West India islands by a hurricane or tornado, while
the air was involved in a pitchy darkness, and the city
rocking with volcanic explosions, were to run about the
streets, proclaiming themselves 'the friends of light and
of perpendicular position ?' Who does not love light
better than darkness ? Who would not rather have the
walls of his house standing erect, than tumbling about his
ears? But what, I say, should you think of men — of
their candour, or of their sense — who, in the midst of
such a public calamity, instead of lending a helping hand
to their fellow-sufferers, and bearing patiently their own
siiine of afflictions not to be avoided, should labour to
in»press upon the minds of the people addiJionul motives
of consternation and despair, and to make tlieir suff^erings
/
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 289
intolerable, by insinuating that they had been unneces-
sarily incurred ? ''
" Gentlemen, the order of things in the moral and
political world is not less convulsed, at the present mo-
ment, than in the physical world by such visitations of
Providence as those which I have just described. The
storm is abroad. For purposes inscrutable to us, it has
pleased Providence to let loose upon mankind a scourge
of nations, who carries death and devastation into the
remotest corners of the earth. But, amidst this universal
havoc, this general prostration of the nations of Europe,
this rocking of the battlements of our own separate for-
tress, we are asked, with an air of simplicity which would
be quite touching, if we could imagine it to proceed
from mere defect of understanding, ' Why are we not at
peace?'
''A grosser delusion than is attempted by insinuating
that war is our choice, and peace within our reach, but
wilfully rejected, was never yet imposed upon mankind.
The question is not whether we love peace, but whether
we can obtain it : the only arguable difference between
men of honest minds and sober understandings must be
as to the terms on which peace ought to be made ; and
the main characteristic of those terms all rational men
would agree to be this — that they should be such as to
afford a fair and reasonable security for its continuance.
But this can be effected by honourable terms alone, and
for this one plain reason, that a peace purchased by igno-
miny would be but a short intermission of war.
" But, absurd and unfair as this unreasoning cry of
peace is, in relation to general politics, with what aggra-
vated absurdity is it addressed to you, gentlemen, on the
peculiar ground of your commercial interests ! As if
peace and commerce, connected though I have stated
13. 2p
200 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
/ them to be, in the ordinary course of things and in the
common train of consequences, were not expressly dis-
sociated in the whole system of the policy of our enemy !
Peace! with whom ? With a man who has shown him-
self the fosterer of commerce ; with one who holds it
high among the cares and blessings of a good govern-
ment ; who delights in strengthening those bonds by which
commercial intercourse unites the different societies of
mankind ? No : with one to whom commerce is avow-
edly an object of hatred and of jealousy : of hatred, be-
cause it is the enlightener of mankind, diffusing intelli-
gence, communicating sympathies, and exciting a com-
munity of interest between nations, whom he wishes to
dissever, that separately he may enslave them ; of his
jealousy, because it is the foundation of the strength and
greatness of that power (the happy country in which we
live) by whose interference alone his schemes of uni-
versal dominion can be defeated. With such a man, is
it our fault that we are not at peace? Through any
- peace that such a man would grant to our supplications,
is it likely that the interests of commerce would be spe-
cially secured to us ?
" If peace could be had, with the accustomed bless-
ings, and with the ordinary security of peace, God forbid
that it should not be accepted, that it should not be
sought, with avidity! But the question is, whether
such a peace is indeed to be had. And what I com-
plain of as unfair and delusive in the argument of our
adversaries is, that all the common-place topics of peace
are pressed into their service, without examining how
far those topics apply to the present situation of the
world ; and that the question is always stated by them
as if it were one of abstract comparison between war,
with all its train of calamities, and peace, with all its
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 291
Attendant benefits; upon which comparison we perversely
preferred the odious alternative of war.
" Nor are they contented with this unfairness. They
describe, in glowing colours, the calamities incident to
war; and more than insinuate, that those who support
the government in the prosecution of the war (sinking
always the consideration of its unavoidableness) are,
therefore, insensible to the miseries of their fellow-
creatures.
" War has, undoubtedly, its calamities and afflictions:
where is the man that has the heart to witness them — to
read of them— without being deeply affected ? And
where is the man who, when his heart is so affected, does
not willingly stretch forth his hand, according to his
means, to relieve them ? Not, I am sure, in Liverpool;
not, I am sure, among those around me, to whom this
reproach of insensibility has been, of late, so emphati-
cally applied.
" But I wish that our adversaries would deal out the
like measure to our enemy and to ourselves ; that they
would draw the picture of war as affecting both parties
engaged in it; and that, in doing so, they would mix
their colours, and not accumulate all that is gloomy
upon one side of the picture, contrasting with it all that
is bright and cheering on the other. War has its cala-
mities : many in which we are sharers ; some from which,
by the peculiar blessing of our situation, we are happily
exempt, while they fall most heavily upon other nations.
With all its alleviations, however, great undoubtedly
are the calamities of a state of war. But how hap-
pens it, that, while for the enemy it has, amidst all
its calamities, its consolations and its glories, we hear
on our side only of what we suffer, and never of what
we achieve ? How happens it, that the same persons
who, when they look at the victories of our enemies,
/
2d2 MEMOIR OF GEOJIGE CANNING.
are so dazzled as to see nothing of the privations and
miseries of France, when they contemplate the exploits
of this country, turn the diminishing end of the glass,
but present us, at the same time, with a magnified view
of our misfortunes?
"When I consider at what cost the victories of France
are obtained : when I consider, not in France only, but
in all the conquered countries, the destruction of indus-
try; the stagnation of commerce; manufactures and agri-
culture languishing for want of hands; aged parents
weeping over the desolation of their families, and the
teeming mother almost deprecating the birth of her male
child, who is to be torn away to pitiless destruction, be-
fore his limbs have the pith of manhood formed in them,
I contemplate a scene of grievous distress and suffering.
But I do not suffer my imagination so far to run away
with me as to deny, that for all this distress conquest is
some compensation, and that the subjects of the con-
queror are consoled for their sufferings by a sense of na-
tional glory. Only let it be granted, that, for privations,
great indeed, but surely less than those of the subjects of
our enemy, we, too, may be capable of deriving some con-
solation from a series of achievements reflecting lustre on
the national character; achievements almost unexampled
in our past history, and such as, only a few years ago,
the most sanguine imagination would hardly have ven-
tured to anticipate!
" I am not saying — God forbid I should say so ! — let
us continue a war, otherwise unnecessary and unavoid-
able, for the sake of military glory. I am not even quar-
relling with that sober and staid philosophy which views
all military glory as delusive and dangerous to mankind.
I am only desiring that there may be something of im-
partiality in our moral animadversions; and that, if (as
1 contend) peace cannot be had, aiul ii'(as is the natural
MGMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 293
^nsequence) war must be endured, we may be allowed,
as well as our enemy, to mitis^ate (I will not say to com-
pensate) what we sutFer in privation, by what we gain in
glory.
" Gentlemen, I do not say, that this splendid accession
of military fame ought to make us enamoured of the war,
or to reconcile us to persevering in it, if a solid peace
were really attainable. But are they who impute this
argument to us, and who maintain the adverse argument
themselves, prepared to say, that peace, purchased at (wij
price, is preferable to a war carried on with such sacri-
fices as we are making? If they are, I take the liberty
of telling them, that one part of the price which we
should now have to pay for peace, would be the surren-
der of our maritime rights, and therewith, at no distant
time, of the very commerce for which they are so anxious
to provide. If they answer, as they sometimes do, that
they do not mean total suri'ender, then I reply, that they
have, as I said before, no right to take the benefit to
themselves of all the general arguments for peace in the
abstract ; for there are, in that case, certain terms on
which they themselves would not make peace — on which
they themselves would continue the miseries of war; and
the question between them and us, therefore, is wo/, as
they state it, 'Peace or war;' but, ' Is peace now attain-
able on terms such as even they would recommend or
sanction.' This may be, and it is, a very weighty ques-
tion ; but it is not the question which has been so loudly
clamoured in your ears, and the happy and easy solution
of which was promised to you, if you would return my
antagonists to Parliament.
" Return them to Parliament, you were told, and the
streets of Liverpool would presently resound again with
the hum of peaceful industry, and your ports would
/
294 MEMOIR, OF GEORGE CANNING.
.■^ajrain be crowded with the commerce of the world. I
have never answered these representations but by one
question : — If England sink, how is Liverpool to sur-
vive? In other words, such ought, undoubtedly, to be
the effects of peace ; but that such should be its effects
must depend upon the character of the peace, and not
merely upon the name.
" Character has sometimes been said to be an incon-
venience. An individual of high reputation dares not
do a dishonourable act, however it might contribute to a
present advantage. A nation which has taken such a
stand as Great Britain has now long maintained in the
world, cannot forfeit its honour without risking its very
existence.
" If, indeed, the ingenuity of man could devise an
arrangement by which the commercial interests of Liver-
pool could be saved at the expense of the general inte-
rests of the country, I might hesitate in presenting myself
to you, in opposition to such an arrangement. But this
is not attempted to be shown. It is argued, more broadly,
that the country is in such a situation that we must yield,
if not to a sense of the wickedness, at least to that of the
hopelessness of war ; and must conform our conduct, not
to our vital interests, but to our fallen fortunes. All
the allies of Great Britain, we are told, are unfortunate.
The converse of this proposition is nearer the truth.
The unfortunate are, and have become, by that very
title, our allies. We have stepped forward to raise the
fallen, — to sustain the oppressed, — to interpose between
the prostrate victim and the descending sword of the con-
queror. In all this I see nothing that impoverishes or
impairs the national hope. I &ee much that exalts the
national character. But, in truth, our interest is not at
\ariance with our character : for scarcely is the conimer-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 295
nal prosperity of Liverpool more closely interwoven
with the greatness of the country, than is the permanent
greatness and the safety of England connected with the
peace and freedom of Europe.
" But, at least, it has been said, we need not have
aggravated the evils of the war, in which we are already
engaged, by measures which have added America to the
number of our enemies. Upon this subject, without
entering into the question of the original policy of the
Orders in Council, we are furnished with an answer, so
far as America is concerned, out of the mouths of our
antagonists themselves. Whether the war was of our
seeking, or was of the choice of the American govern-
ment, need not now be argued : for it has been admitted,
nay, contended, by our antagonists, however that may be,
that the concession which has been made, on our part,
was such as ought to have restored peace. Whether
that concession was wisely or improvidently made, might
be a matter of controversy. I have no doubt myself
upon the subject; but the thing is done, and I will not
now argue about it. But, though whether it were
wisely made or not be matter of controversy, that it was
made fruitlessly is matter of fact. Concession, therefore,
is not an infallible recipe for peace. And the only ad-
vantage, that I know of, which the government will have
gained by giving up a system of measures, upon the prin-
ciple of which (for I will say nothing of the details of its
execution) they had stood firm for about five years, is in
the promised support in Parliament, upon American
questions, of those members of the Opposition who re-
commended this surrender.
" The Orders in Council being now defunct, it would
be useless to take up your time with explaining and de-
fending their principle, and showing (as I think 1 could
/
29G MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING.
show) that a steady adherence to it (if it had been steadily
adhered to) would have afforded a chance, at least, of
forcing- upon the enemy a change of his anti-commercial
system. The abandonment of them has not produced
the specific good which was guaranteed to us, in the re-
storation of peace with America ; we are now, therefore,
to look for it, I hope, in that happy unanimity with which
the war against America is henceforth to be carried on."
The remarks with which he concluded are spirited
and just.
" Before the election took place, gentlemen, you
heard enough, from the friends of our antagonists, of
your own importance in the scale of the empire ; and,
no doubt, had you chosen as they wished, you would
have continued to be, in their estimation and pane-
gyrics, the first commercial town in England. But
now I hear and read that you are little better than a
rotten borough ; a place of no account or rightful
influence in the concerns of the country; warped by
partial pursuits, and subservient to objects of indivi-
dual gain.
" Not such, gentlemen, is ray estimate of the impor-
tance of this great commercial community. There are
those, indeed, who tell us, that the lords of the soil alone
have an interest in the constitution, and ought alone to
have weight in the councils of England : a doctrine sin-
gularly coincident with that which is held by France,
with respect to England herself, that extent of territory
and of population alone confers a just right to sway and
preponderance among nations, to the empire of the land
and of the sea. Gentlemen, a similar answer may be
given to both these arguments. Not to the possessors of
the soil alone, but to those also who, by their commercial
enterprise and honest industry, raise the acres of that
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 297
soil to a hundredfold their value, belongs a share of
weight in the representation of their country, and a due
degree of influence in its public concerns. Great Bri-
tain, small in extent though she be, and neither blessed
with natural fertility, nor with exuberance of popula-
tion, as compared with the more favoured empires of the
earth, yet mighty and powerful by her acquired means,
by her commercial and maritime strength, refutes the
haughty pretension of territorial ascendancy; and, while
she wields the trident, establishes hey right to share
the sceptre, pf the world."
How true are these observations on popularity: —
*' Gentlemen, there are two sorts of popularity: there
is one which is to be gained by watching the weak mo-
ments of the public opinion, by aggravating temporary
difficulties, or by courting and inflaming the bad passions
of the populace. There is another, which is to be won
by bearing up, firmly and steadily, under whatever diffi-
culties, even, if necessary, under misconstruction and
obloquy, in faithful adherence to the principles by which
our greatness as a nation and our happiness as a people
are to be maintained. To the former sort of popularity
I make no pretension; but I cannot look round upon the
company here assembled, and deny that the latter, if I .,^
should be so fortunate as to deserve it, would, indeed, be
dear to my heart."
The new Parliament met in November, 1812, and Mr.
Canning was actively engaged from the very commence-
ment. He could scarcely be termed an Oppositionist,
yet many of his objections, and his questions to lord Cas-
llereagh in particular, had the effect of an opposition,
whatever intentions gave rise to them. On the question
of the propriety of admitting Bonaparte's claim to the
title of Emperor, he said, " I will never maintain any
1:3. i Q
298 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
such doctrine as that of refusing to treat with any go-
vcrnment which may be established in any country." In
this comprehensive sentence, he clearly defined the sove-
reignty of the people, and declared that what the public
voice decreed should be received as legitimate. — These
words should be remembered by his successors, as they
do equal honour to the man and the minister, — they con-
tain the essence of justice and of policy.
In the early part of 1813, the following paragraph
found its way into the journals in the Whig interest.
" The marquis of Wellesley and Mr. Canning, with
their respective parliamentary friends, have coalesced
with the Opposition. All diflferences between the mar-
quis and lord Grey have been removed; and, in conse-
quence of an arrangement highly satisfactory to all par-
ties, Mr. Canning is to take Mr. Ponsonby's place, and
to lead this powerful Opposition in the House of Com-
mons."
This annunciation had a very powerful effect, nor was
it ever contradicted ; whether such an arrangement was
ever concluded, it is impossible to say, but it would seem
that there can be little doubt of its having been contem-
plated. Shortly after this, a negociation for introducing
Mr. Canning into the Cabinet was renewed ; but it ended,
as all the other attempts concluded — in nothing satisfac-
tory being effected. Mr. Canning's opposition was con-
fined to minor points in the House, except where the in-
terests of his constituents was concerned. He presented
the merchants' petition, and strongly opposed the mono-
poly of the East India Company.
On the subject of the American war, Mr. Canning
spoke on the ISth of February. It unfortunately hap-
pens, that many of his most celebrated speeches having
been delivered on ephemeral topics, are become uninte-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 2.99
resting', because the circumstances that induced them are
iinremembered ; that is peculiarly the case vvith this
speech; — in it, Mr. Canning took a comprehensive view
of the powers of the NeW World, and indulged in some
severities on the inertness of our maritime establishment :
— " I fear," he said, " that the Admiralty hold the pen
when they should launch their thunder."
On sir Francis Burdett's motion to provide against in-
terruption in the exercise of the royal authority, in case
of the Regent's dying before the King, Mr. Cannings
did not speak ; though, as it merged the interests of the
Princess, it was generally expected that he would have
done so.
On Mr. Grattan's motion on the Catholic question,
(March) Mr. Canning did not speak for the first three
days. Sir William Scott reprobated his conduct, and
said, the whole House were anxious to hear him on the
subject. This was followed by a general call of the House,
with which Mr. Canning complied ; but his speech was
confined to replies to the arguments of others; and, unless
the observations of Mr. Bankes and others were inserted,
Mr. Canning's speech would be unintelligible. The same
remark applies to his celebrated satirical reply to sir J.
Cox Hippesley on the same subject (12th of May).
About this time, a ridiculous rumour got abroad, that
only claims mention from the assertion then made, that
it had some effect on the mind of our hero. In the sum-
mer of 1813, a man of the name of Murray publicly as-
serted that William Pitt was alive — that he had seen
him, and spoken to him. This singular assertion at-
tracted the attention of Mr. Whitbread, and, it is said,
of Mr. Canning;* but that attention was excited from
* The statement of Murray may not prove uninteresting, as
another instance, amid the many, of striking resemblance being
300 MFiMOIR OF GEOUGU CANNINO.
hunuiiiity to a maniac — not credence of his story. Money
was due to this poor fellow, from Mr. Pitt's department:
construed into identity. At all events, the thing having excited a
great degree of public attention at the period, is worthy of a note.
We present this statement as it appeared in a literary journal of
the period.
" One Francis Murray, now of Green Street, Lambeth, lock-
smith, was, in 1788, employed as a constable to watch the French
emigrants here ; in which service he expended £30 ; but his imme-
diate employer (Mr. Mason) dying abroad, and Mr. Pitt, as it was
said, having died in January 1806, he lost all hopes of getting his
money. Passing, however, along the London Road, St. George's
Fields, one evening in November 1806, he met Mr. Pitt on horseback.
From this time, being well acquainted with Mr. Pitt, having seen
him every week for twenty years togetlier, Murray began to talk
of the circumstance, (first taking care to watch and see the right
honourable gentleman several times ;) in consequence of which he
was deemed by some a madman, and by others an impostor, by
which he lost his connexions in trade, which made him rather back-
ward in the business. Still he kept on watching, till 1808, and
traced Mr. Pitt to Richardson's stable-yard, in Westminster Road,
where he went by the name of Chapman. Calling again at these
stables, about a week after, he was informed that the gentleman
had removed his horses to Somers's stables, opposite the A.sylum.
Here he watched, and in three or four days saw Mr. Pitt enter the
place, leave his horse, and proceed on foot to lord Castlereagh's
office, in St. James's Park. Murray followed ; and, at the door of the
office, challenged him as being ' No other than the right honourable
William Pitt, late Prime Minister of England ; whereupon he looked
exceedingly terrified, and hastened in doors without speahing a word !'
About a fortnight after, he again met Mr. Pitt in a gig, when he
again challenged him; upon which he bowed and drove off. In
April 1809, he also challenged him at the door of lord Liverpool's
office, when he looked terrified as before. In the evening, Murray,
accompanied by a friend, saw Mr. Pitt j>ass Westminster Bridge,
escorted bif four Hoiv-street horse patrols. In September, October,
and November, 1811, he saw, accosted, and conversed with Mr.
Pitt several times ; on one of which occasions, he said, in a low
tone of voice, 'You are all mistaken.' In June 1812, he again
sfo]ipL'd Mr. Pitt ill the street, and demanded his money: upon
wliicli, says Murray, ' finding he had no means of escape, he gave
me his word and honour, that he would iiKjiwre into the particulars,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 301
and that money was subsequently paid. The humane
interference of Mr. Whitbread and of Mr. Canning
and that Ishould be paid.' Nothing, however, being done, though
Mr, Pitt said he had written to Mr, Conant, the magistrate, on the
subject, Murray called upon the magistrate, who said, that * he
must go to the Treasury, and inquire for Mr. Chapman ; for in that
•name he passed, and that he was one of the clerks.' He accord-
ingly went off to the Treasury, saw Mr. Pitt coming out of lord
Liverpool's office, told him of his visit to Mr. Conant, and explained
to him the nature of his demand: but nothing then followed. On
the 10th of July, 1812, he again accosted Mr. Pitt, in the presence
of twenty or thirty bystanders, at Gallen's livery-stables, in King
Street, when Mr. Pitt told him plainly, 'that all his pains were
useless.' Here, Murray says, he lost all patience ; called the right
honourable gentleman a shuffler, an impostor, a traitor — and threat-
ened to take him to the bar of the House of Commons, and expose
him to all the world! Mr. Pitt made no reply, but hung down his
head, and drove off.
" About this time, the indefatigable Murray called upon Mr.
Whitbread, and gave him some papers on the subject, which he
promised to read. On the 12th July, he was going to lord Hol-
land's, at Kensington, to tell him of the circumstance, when he met
Mr. Whitbread coming out, who expressed his surprise that he
should still persist in his assertions respecting Mr. Pitt, and asked
■when he saw him last ? After some conversation, it was agreed
that a meeting should take place in Parliament Street, on Monday
till' 13th. Mr. Whitbread, about six o'clock on that day, came out
of the House of Commons, with another gentleman j and said, he
could not attend himself, but that the gentleman present knew Mr.
Pitt very well, and he would go with him. They went into King
Street, and Murray pointed out Mr. Pitt. The gentleman desired '
Murray to go back; which he pretended to do, but watclied them.
When the gentleman came up to Mr. Pitt, Murray heard him say,
* For God's sake, turn back, turn hack, sir ; you are discovered.''
Murray followed them : they at last stood still, and beckoned him.
The gentleman in company with Mr. Pitt asked Murray if he knew
who he was? Murray replied, that he was Mr. Pitt. The gentle-
man then said, his name is Chapman. Murray said that it was
false ; his name was Pitt. They desired him not to speak so loud,
and to put on his hat. After some further conversation, it was
settled that he should go to Mr. Whitbread's the next morning.
gO'2 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
(though what positive part he took in the transaction
never appeared,) was directed only to this point. Gen-
He did so ; but the meeting was postponed till the 24th, when all
the parties were to assemble there. Suspecting that some mischief
was |)lotting against him, Murray wrote a letter to Mr. Whitbread,
which his wife carried. Having, she says, arrived at Mr. Whit-
bread's, she was waiting in the hall when Mr. Pitt came in, and
walked into the front parlour; that while she was there, several
ill-looking fellows were let in, and sent down stairs. Mr. Pitt and
Mr. Whitbread having remained in conference for about a quarter
of an hour, Mrs. Murray was called before th^em, when the follow-
ing dialogue took place; —
" ' Mr. W. I presume you are Mrs. Murray? — A. Yes.
" 'Mr. W. This is the gentleman your husband takes to be Mr.
Pitt, but he is not Mr. Pitt: he is tall, to be sure, like Mr. Pitt, and
he wears leather breeches, and looks like Mr. Pitt ; but his features
are not like Mr. Pitt; his hair, his complexion, his limbs, and his
feet, are not like Mr. Pitt. Does your husband mean to extort
money under false pretences ?— A. Dear me, no; that I'm sure he
does not. Well, I am sure, sir, if the gentleman is not the real
gentleman, it is a pity but he had put a stop to this business before.
"'Mr. P. Does anybody else say I am Mr. Pitt, besides your
husband ? — A. I do not know, sir, much about that. I have heard
some say you are the real gentleman ; and I believe it myself, as
well as many others ; and there are those again who will, have it
to be all false.
" * Mr. P. Why, if I were to pay this £30, the world would say
I was the man.
« i j^j,. ^y Aye; but this is not Mr. Pitt, and on my oath it is
not Mr. Pilt. Is your husband right here? (pointiuff to his fore-
head.) — A. Lord, yes! I never knew any thing the matter with
him, and I have been married to him these thirty-three years.'
" Mr. Wiiitbread here wrote the following note to Mr. Murray,
with which he dismissed his wife; —
*' • Mr. Miirrat/, — I am very sorry you could not come. Your
\vife and child are here, and in their presence, and in the presence
of Mr. Chapman, who is here also, and who is the man you mistake
for Mr. Pitt, I write that it is not Mr. Pitt.— He is thin and wears
leather breeches, and in these circumstances alone he resembles
Mr. Pitf. His features are not like Mr. Pitt, — his complexion is not
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 303
tlemen who knew Mr. Pitt so intimately, and our hero,
who had seen the coffin closed upon him, and followed
like Mr. Pitt, — bis hair is not like Mr. Pitt, — his hands and feet
are not like Mr. Pitt, — and he is not so tall as Mr. Pitt. — Upon my
oath, he is not Mr. Pitt. I therefore say to you, after this solemn
assurance, you must be satisfied and quiet, I entreat you to let Ibis
close the matter for ever. — Your friend,
' Dover Street, Juli/ 24, 1812, " * S. Whitbread.'
«
" Upon the receipt of this conclusive letter, Murray was mutli
exasperated, and saJlied out in quest of Mr. Pitt, whom he met
going out of town in the evening. He stopped Inm, and asked
whether that was the way he meant to pay him, by attempting to
immure him in a mad-house ? ' I abused and threatened liim,' says
Murray, * in the presence of the mob, who gathered round: he ap-
peared much terrified, and said. Don't threaten, for that is not the
vay to get your money.' — On the 28th, he received a letter from Mr.
Conant, stating, that if he would call at the Ofiice, he had orders to
do something for him ; and, on the 23d of August, Murray received
from Mr. Conant twelve pounds out of the thirty due to him. —
Finding he could get nothing more from them, he resolved to peti-
tion Parliament, and left a petition with sir Francis Burdett. Sir
Francis sent a gentleman to the Police Office and to the Treasury,
to know who it was that had ordered the payment of the twelve
pounds. ' He found,' says Murray, ' that the pretended Mr. Chap-
man did not belong to the Treasury, but to the Colonial Office: on
a strict inquiry, he proved him to be the right honourable William
Pitt.' — Through the medium of this gentleman, a negociation was
opened; and, on the 5th of January, 1813, Murray received, in the
hall of sir F. Burdett's house in Piccadilly, a check on Mr. Coutts
for twenty pounds, by the hands of a Mr. Butts; for which he gave
a receipt, and signed a promise that he would never again chal-
lenge Mr. Chapman, or make any further demand upon him, they
having first promised, he says, to procure him a place, to compen-
sate him for his loss of time, &c.
" On the 17th of March last, Murray says he met Mr. Pitt arm in
arm with Mr. Chapman, in Little Portland Street. Mr. Pitt called
out, * Murray, Murray!' and asked him if he had got his situation.
He said, No. Mr. Pitt said, he had spoken for him, and would
speak again. — In May, Murray presented a letter to Mr. Abbott,
the speaker, concerning this promise: Mr. Abbott merely said, he
had no authority over that department. — On the 1st of August, he
304 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
him to the grave, could scarcely be supposed to be affected
by such a tale; but singularity often attracts notice,
r.it't Mrs. Sparrow, widow of a king's messenger: he told her, that
if Mr. Pitt did not perform his promise, lie would fulfil his, and lie
knew what that was. — On the 7th, he received a letter from Mr.
Conant, desiring him to attend at the Office on the 9th. He did so,
and, suspeitiiig what they were abont, took three neighbours with
him as bail. Mrs. Sparrow attended, and swore, that he had tlirea-
tened Mr. Chapman's life. — Murray denied having mentioned the
name of Chapman, After some hesitation, the magistrate sent for
Mr. Chapman, who in abont two hours made his appearance. —
Upon his entry, Murray said, that he was not Mr. Chapman, but
the right honourable William Pitt, of which he was prepared to
make oath. Mr. Pitt, alias Mr. Chapman, here demanded what all
this meant? — Murray said, he was brought there to prosecute him,
and he insisted that he should be bound over for that purpose. —
Mr. Chapman asked what he should prosecute him for- — Murray
then reminded him of his promise to get him a place; which he did
not deny, but said he had it not in his power. — He then asked, if
the bail had any personal knowledge of Mr. Pitt? — One said, he-
had not the honour of knowing him, but he knew enougli of Mur-
ray's character to believe what he offered to swear to. — Another
replied, ' I do not recollect having seen Mr. Pitt before he rose from
the dead; but I am sure I see him now.''
"'Mr. P. Where did you know me, Murray? — A, At St.
James's, your honour.
" ' Mr. P. You may have seen me get into my carriage, — A.
Yes; and many a time have I helped you into your carriage.
" * 3Ir. P. How is that? — A. When your servants were out of
the way, and gone to take refreshment, and did not expect you so
soon.'
" No inclination being shown to let the law take its course, Mur-
ray took his hat, and left the Office with his bail, first saying, ' Gen-
tlemen, you seem to make a laugh of this business; you now see
who is right and who is wrong: here is my bail, if you choose to
take it. You will rather, perhaps, choose to take a few days for
consideration: do so, if you like it: you know where to find me: I
am forthcoming at any hour.'
'" Being well aware of the childish notion which has been enter-
tained on the subject of my imputed madness, I hereby engage to
bring forward five hundred respectable persons to refute that silly
suggestion. (Signed) " ' F. Mitrray.'"
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 305
though it cannot enforce belief. Mr. Canning- knew Mr.
Chapman (the person whom Murray mistook for Pitt)
well, and that alone might clear him from the imputa-
tion of having been silly enough to listen a moment to
such a story, but from the motives already named.
The brilliant successes of our army, in the autumn of
this year, are indelibly impressed on the memory of every
Briton. The great victory of the allied armies called ''
forth the praises of Parliament; and, on the Committee
on Foreign Treaties, that took place on the 18th of No-
vember, Mr. Canning followed lord Castlereagh in the /^
following speech : —
*' Havins: been unfortunately absent when the general
f-*assurances of support on the part of the House were
given, in answer to the speech from the throne ; I am an-
I' xious to take this opportunity of expressing, as strongly
i and as warmly as I am able, my concurrence in those
£ assurances. If, in the present state of this country, and
' of the world, those who, during the course of the tre-
mendous and protracted struggle, on various occasions
called upon Parliament to pause — to retard its too rapid
and too rash advance — and to draw back from the task it
had unwisely undertaken to perform, have manfully and
honourabli/ stepped forward^ to join their congratulations
to the joyful acclamations of the nation, and to admit,
that the period was favourable to a mighty and decided
effort, — how much more grateful must it be to those, who
at no time during the struggle have lifted up their voices
in this place, excepting to recommend and to urge new
exertions; to those who, when the prospects were most
dreary and melancholy, insisted that there was but one
* Alluding to the generous admission ma^e by some members of
the Opposition of the incorrectness of their views.
13. 9 R
I-
306 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
course becoming the character and honour of Great Bri-
tain — a persevering, an undaunted resistance to the over-
whelming power of France. To an individual who,
under the most discouraging circumstances, still main-
tained, that the deliverance of Europe (often a derided
term) was an object not only worthy of our arms, but
possible to be achieved, it must be doubly welcome to come
forward to acknowledge his transports, and to vindicate
his share in the national exultation. If, too, on the other
hand, there have been those, who having recommended
pacification when the opportunity was less favourable,
are now warranted, as undoubtedly they are, in uttering
the same sentiments, in the confidence that the country
will sympathise with them, it is natural for those who,
under other circumstances, have discouraged the expec-
tation of peace, and have warned the nation against pre-
cipitate overtures, now to be anxious to embrace this oc-
casion of stating their sincere conviction and their joy. as
strongly felt by them as by others, that by the happy
course of events during the last year, and by the wise
policy we shall now pursue, peace may not perhaps be
within our grasp, but at least within our view.
" The vote we are this night called upon to make is in
part prospective, and part retrospective, for services
actually performed. Of that portion which is prospec-
tive, the noble lord has properly deferred the discussion ;
but of that portion which is retrospective, we are enabled
to judge; and, large as the expenditure now proposed
may seem, I think no man who compares the station we
now hold with that which we occupied at any former pe-
riod of the contest, can doubt that the expenditure has
been wisely incurred, and that the services actually per-
formed have fully merited the disbursement. I agree
with those who are of opinion that the time is now ar-
AiliMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 307
rived, when we may look forward to the attainment of
peace ; but I am far from disguising from myself, and I
deem it of infinite importance that the country should
not disguise from itself, the difficulties with which we may
have still to struggle; we must not deceive ourselves by
supposing that the game is actually won ; that the pro-
blem is mathematically solved; that we have done all
that is necessary to ensure lasting tranquillity.
" What we have accomplished is establishing the
foundation upon which the Temple of Peace may be
erected ; and imagination may now picture the comple-
tion of that structure, which, with hopes less sanguine,
and hearts less high, it w ould have been folly to have
attempted to raise. We may now confidently hope to
arrive at the termination of labour, and the attainment
of repose. It is impossible to look back to those periods
when the enemy vaunted, and we perhaps feared, that we
should have been compelled to sue for peace, amid all
the effervescings of joy, without returning thanks to Pro-
vidence, that gave us courage and heart still to bear up
against accumulating calamity. Peace is safe now, be-
cause it is not dictated : peace is safe now, for it is the
fruit of exertion — the child of Victory: peace is safe
now, because it will not be purchased at the expense of
the interest and the honour of the empire : it is not the
ransom to buy off danger, but the lovely fruit of the
mighty means we have employed to drive danger from
our shores.
" I must, with heartfelt delight, congratulate my
country, that, groaning as she has done, at former periods,
under the heavy pressure of adverse war, still 'peace
was despaired of, for who could think of submission ?'
Her strength, her endurance, have been tried and
proved: every mode of assault that the most refined
3j9S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
^■^ system of hostility could invent, not only by open niili-
^ tary attacks, but by low attempts to destroy her com-
^ mercial prosperity. The experiment has been made —
the experiment has failed — and we are now triumphantly,
but not arrogantly, to consider what measures of security
should be adopted — on what terms a peace should be
concluded. But, as is before remarked, peace is only
within our view, not within our grasp. We must still
look forward to an arduous struggle with an enemy,
whose energies have grown with his misfortunes, and who
will leave no efforts untried to remove us from the lofty
pinnacle we have attained. We are not yet in a situation
in which we have a right to discuss the terms of pacifica-
tion : but, so far I agree with the noble lord, that the
happy changes that have taken place, must not alter the
principle on which a treaty should be founded; they do
not vary with circumstances ; we must secure and guard
our own honour and interest, but we must not expect
from our enemy that to which we ourselves should not
submit — that he should sacrifice to us his own honour
and interest, to him equally dear. All will agree, how-
ever, that this is not precisely the time for the^e discus-
sions. We must contemplate from him a renewed and
vehement struggle; he will not tamely submit to degra-
dation, but will continue his efforts ; and if we arrive at
the desired goal, it can only be by the road we are now
pursuing.
" But, with reference to the vote of this night, as far
as it may be considered prospective, as to the exertions
we are called upon in future to make, I must observe,
that, even if our hopes of peace should be postponed, or
even disappointed, is it nothing to reflect upon the pos-
ture we are enabled to assume, by the achievements we
have already performed ? Is it nothing to look back
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 309
upon the fallen, the crouching attitude of enslaved Eu-
rope, at a period not long- distant, and compare it with
the upright, free, undaunted posture in which she now
stands? Living memory can recal no period when she
was entitled to hold her head so high, and to bid such
bold defiance to her enemy. What, let me ask, is the
first and brightest fruit of the late successful conflict?
First, that continuity of system — that instrument of not
Avholly ineffectual hostility against Great Britain, which,
until lately, was supposed to be growing in strength and
perfection, has been destroyed. That complex machine,
directed against our trade, has received a blow which
has shivered it to atoms. The enemy is doubly defeated
— his arms and his artifices have failed. Burdened as it
was, still there is something in the incomprehensible
nature of commerce, which rises under the weight of the
most powerful tyranny. His efforts have been exhaust-
ed ; his monarchy was reduced to sink our commerce;
but, rising with tenfold vigour, it has defied his puny
efforts, never to be repeated. The next point we have
attained, is the destruction of his own darling system of
confederation — I mean that system by which he has formed
all the states of continental Europe into satellites of the
French empire, that move only as it moves, and act only
by its influence. They are now emancipated, the yoke
has been removed from their shoulders. The nations
rise superior to themselves — ^
' Free, and to none accountable, preferring^ ^
* Hard liberty before the easy yoke :
* Of servile pomp!' I
" But, since all the events of war are precarious, it is
possible that, after retiring awhile, the tyrant of Europe
(now no longer its tyrant) may again burst forward, and
again with desolation in his train, awhile victorious, at-
310 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
tempt to collect the fragments of that system, and to
reconstruct that mighty engine which we have shattered,
but which once, guided by his hand, hurled destruction
on his foes. It is impossible! After the defeats he has
sustained, all confidence between him and his vassal states
must be annihilated. Admitting that they may be com-
pelled again to act, can he rely upon their exertions, or
can they depend upon his support ? He may go forth
like that foul idol, of which we heard so much in the last
year, crushing his helpless victims beneath his chariot-
wheels ; but he never again can yoke them to his car, as
willing instruments of destruction. Even if Austria, by
base submission to the sacrifice of her honour, were to
add the sacrifice of another daughter, and of another
army of 30,000 men, that mutual confidence which ex-
isted at the commencement of the last campaign can never
be restored.
" So much for the present state of Europe: but has
this country gained nothing by the glorious contest, even
supposing peace should be far distant ? Is it nothing to
Great Britain, even purchased at the high price stated
by the noble lord, that, under all the severity of her suf-
ferings, while her trade declined, that her military cha-
racter has been exalted ? Is it no satisfaction, no com-
pensation to her to reflect that the splendid scenes dis-
played on the Continent are owing to her efibrts ? That
the victories of Germany are to be attributed to our vic-
tories in the Peninsula ? That spark, often feeble, some-
times so nearly extinguished as to excite despair in all
hearts that were not above it, which we lighted in Por-
tugal, which was fed and nourished there, has at length
burst into a flame, that has dazzled and illuminated
Europe. Shall it then be said that this struggle has had
no effect upon the military character of Great Britain ?
MEMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING. 311
At the commencement of this war, our empire rested
upon one majestic column, our naval power. In the
prosecution of the war, a hero has raised another stupen-
dous pillar of strength to support our monarchy, our
military pre-eminence. It is now that we may boast not
only of superiority at sea, but on shore : the same energy
and heroism exists in both the arms of Great Britain —
they are rivals in strength, but inseparable in glory.
" If, at a future period, by successes we cannot fore-
see, and by aggressions we cannot resist, war should again
be threatened upon our own shores, what consolation
will the reflection afford, that out of the calamities and
the privations of war, has arisen a principle of safety,
that, superior to all attacks, shall survive through ages,
to which even our posterity shall look forward. Com-
pare the situation of England with her condition even at
the beginning of the last campaign, much more with her
condition at the renewal of the war. Were we not them
threatened by the aggression of an enemy even upon our
own shores? Were we not then trembling for the safety
and sanctity even of our homes ? Now contemplate
Wellington encamped on the Bidassoa !
" I know that a sickly sensibility prevails abroad,
which leads some to doubt whether the advance of lord
Wellington was not rash and precipitate. Of the politi-
cal expediency of that advance, I can entertain but one
opinion : I cannot enter into that refinement, which in-
duces those who affect to know much, to hesitate upon
the subject : I cannot look with regret at a British army
encamped upon the fertile plains of France: I cannot
believe that any new grounds for apprehension are raised
by an additional excitement being afforded to the irrita-
bility of the French people : I foresee no disadvantage
resulting from entering the territories of our enemy, not
/
313 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
/as the conquered but the conquerors: I cannot believe
that there are any so weak as to imagine, that England
wishes to maintain a position within the heart of the ene-
my's country, or that Spain will attempt to extend her
dominion beyond that vast chain of impregnable moun-
tains that seem to form her natural boundary. What is
the fact ? The Portuguese are now looking upon the
walls of Bayonne, ' that circle in those wolves' that
would have devastated their capital ; the Portuguese
now behold, planted on the towers of Bayonne, that
standard that their enemy would have made to float upon
the walls of Lisbon.
" I cannot think it a matter of regret, that Spaniards
are now recovering, from the grasp of an enemy on his
own shores, that diadem which was stripped from the
brow of the Bourbons, to be pocketed by an usurper. I
cannot think it a matter of regret that England, formerly
threatened with invasion, is now the invader — that
France, instead of England, is the scene of conflict:
* Ultro Inacliias venisset ad urbes
* Dardanus, et versis lugeret Graecia fatis!'
I cannot think all this matter of regret; and if those
who believe that I and the nation are blinded by our
successes, I entreat that they will leave me to my delu-
sion, and keep their philosophy to themselves.
" There are other observations, growing not only out
of the proceedings of the last year, but since the com-
mencement of the war, that to my mind are highly con-
soluig. It is a fact acknowledged by all, that our enemy,
who has enslaved the press, and made it contribute so
importantly to his own purposes of ambition at various
periods during the hostilities, has endeavoured to im-
press upon all those who m ere likely to be our allies, a
/
MEMOIR or GEOIIGE CANNING. 313
fiotion that Great Britain only fought to secure her own
interests — that her views were completely selfish. That
illusion is now destroyed, and the designs of this country
are vindicated by recent events. We call on all the
powers with whom we are at war, to do us justice in this
respect : above all, we claim it of America, w ith which,
as much as any man, I wish for reconciliation. If she
were now hesitating and wavering which of the two great
contending parties she should join, would not the conduct
of England now decide the doubt ? I ask her to review
herownand the policy of this country, and to acknowledge
that we are deserving, not only of her confidence, but of
the support of mankind. Now she can behold Bonaparte
in his naked deformity, stripped of the false glory which
success cast around him : the spell of his invincibility is
now dissolved : she now can look at him without that
awe which an uninterrupted series of victories had
created. Were she now to survey him as he is, what
would be the result ? She would trace him by the deso-
lation of empiies and the dismemberment of states : she
would see him pursuing his course over the ruins of men
and of things: slavery to the people, and destruction to
commerce; hostility to literature, to light and life, were
the principles upon which he acted: his object was to
extinguish patriotism and to confound allegiance; to
darken as well as to enslave ; to roll back the tide of
civilization ; to barbarize, as well as to desolate man-
kind. Then let America turn from this disgusting pic-
ture, these scenes of bloodshed and horror, and compare
with them the effect of British interference ! She will see
that wherever this country has exerted herself, it has
been to raise the fallen, and to support the falling; to
raise, not to degrade the national character; to rouse the
sentiments of patriotism that tyranny had silenced ; to
14. 2 s
^fji MEMOIR or GKOUGE CANNING.
enlighten, to re-animate, to liberate. — CJ real Britain has
resuscitated Spain, and recreated Portugal — Germany is
now a nation as well as a name; — and all these glorious
effects have been produced by the efforts, and by the
example of our country. If to be the deliverers of Eu-
rope; if to have raised our own national character, not
upon the ruins of other kingdoms; if to meet dangers
without shrinking, and to possess courage rising with dif-
ficulties, be admirable, surely we may not unreasonably
hope for the applause of the world. If we have founded
our strength upon a rock, and possess the implicit confi-
dence of those allies whom we have succoured when they
seemed beyond relief, then, I say, that our exertions
during the last year, all our efforts during the war, are
cheaply purchased: if we have burdened ourselves, we
have relieved others; and we have the inward, the soul-
felt, the proud satisfaction of knowing, that a selfish
charge is that which, with the faintest shadow of justice,
cannot be brought against us."
Mr. Canning then entered into some financial detail
that would not now be interesting to the reader, and
concluded his speech as follows : —
" It has been often said, that the language of true
poetry is the language of universal nature ; but I believe
that the empress of France was little conscious when she
made her speech to the senate, respecting her husband,
that she was employing almost the very words of our
great epic poet, who puts them in the mouth of the first
rebel and usurper on record, who is speaking of the dis-
appointment of the followers whom he had seduced —
' All nic! They little know
How dearly I abide that boast I made;
Under what torments inwardly I groan.
While tiiey adore me on the throne of hell 1*
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 313
" Thus I have stated a few of the remarks that press
upon me in the present posture of affairs. 1 ardently hope
that the result will be a general pacification, in which the
interests of the civilised world will be duly consulted : if it
should be necessary to continue hostilities, may we contend
as we have fought during the last campaign, with match-
less strength, arising from the firmness of the indissoluble
union of the allies, whose cause is, and whose exertions
ought to be, one! May Great Britain still maintain that
dignity of station, and support that grandeur and libera-
lity of design, upon which she has hitherto acted — may
she continue the unoppressive guardian of the liberties
she has vindicated, and the disinterested protectress of
the blessings she has bestowed !"
When Parliament adjourned, in December, 1813, Mr.
Canning vvent on a visit to his friend Mr. Gladstone, in
Liverpool, and was received with every testnnony of joy
by his constituents. A dinner was proposed, to which
the orator was invited; and on the 10th of January,
1814, the meeting took place. — His speech, on his health
being drank, stands alone, even amid his efforts.
,-*' Gentlemen, as your guest, I thank you, from my
, heart, for the honourable and affectionate reception
f- Avhich you have given me. As the representative of
Liverpool, I am most happy in meeting my constituents
again, after a year's experience of each other, and a
year's separation ; a year, the most eventful in the annals
of the world, and comprising, within itself, such a series
of stupendous changes as might have filled the history of
an age.
" Gentlemen, you have been so good as to couple with
my name the expression of your acknowledgments for
the attention which I have paid to the interests of your
town. You, gentlemen, 1 have no doubt, recollect the
§16/ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
terms upon which I entered into your service; and you
are aware, therefore, that I claim no particular acknow-
ledgment at your hands for attention to the interests of
Liverpool, implicated as they are with the general inte-
rests of the country. I trust, at the same time, that I
have not been wanting to all or to any of you, in matters
of local or individual concern. But I should not do
fairly by you, if I were not to take this opportunity of
saying, that a service (which, certainly, I will not pre-
tend to describe as without some burden in itself) has
been made light to me, beyond all example, by that
institution which your munificence and provident care
have established : I mean, the office in London, through
which your correspondence with your members is now
carried on. I had no pretension, gentlemen, to this
singular mark of your consideration : but neither will it,
I hope, be thought presumptuous in me to confess, that
I might not have been able to discharge the service which
I owe you, in a way which would have satisfied my own
feelings as well as yours— that 1 might, in spite of all my
endeavours, have been guilty of occasional omissions, if
I had not been provided with some such medium of com-
munication with my constituents. Of an absent and
meritorious individual it is as pleasing as it is just to
speak well : and I do no more than justice to the gentle-
man* whom you have appointed to conduct the office in
question, (with whom I had no previous acquaintance,)
in bearing public testimony to his merit, and in assuring
you, that it would be difficult to find any one who would
surpass him in zeal, intelligence, and industry.
" Having despatched what it was necessary for me to
say on these points, 1 know, gentlemen, that it is your
• Mr. John Backhouse.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 317
//
I y Wish, and I feel it to be my duty, that I should now pro-
I /ceed to communicate to you my sentiments on the state
• of public affairs, with the same frankness which has
Intherto distinguished all our intercourse with each other.
That duty is one which it does not now require any effort
of courage to perform. To exhort to sacrifices, to stimu-
late to exertion, to shame despondency, to divert from
untimely concession, is a duty of a sterner sort, which
you found me not backward to discharge, at a period
when, from the shortness of our acquaintance, I was un-
certain whether my freedom might not offend you. My
task of to-day is one at which no man can take offence.
It is to mingle my congratulations with your rejoicings
on the events which have passed and are passing in the
world.
" If, in contemplating events so widely (I had almost
said so tremendously) important, it be pardonable to
turn one's view, for a moment, to local and partial consi-
derations, I may be permitted to observe, that, while to
Great Britain, while to all Europe, while to the world
and to posterity, the events which have recently taken
place are matter of unbounded and universal joy, there is
no collection of individuals who are better entitled than
the company now assembled in this room, (in great part,
I presume, identically the same, and altogether repre-
senting the same interests and feelings as that of which I
took leave, in this room, about fourteen months ago,) to
exult in the present state of things, and to derive from it,
in addition to their share of the general joy, a distinct and
special satisfaction.
" We cannot forget, gentlemen, the sinister omens and
awful predictions under which we met and parted in
October, 1812. The penalty denounced upon you for
your election of me was, embarrassment to the rich and
318 MFiiMoiu OF oronoF. canning.
famine to the poor. 1 was warned, that, when I should
/ return to renew my acquaintance with my constituents, I
/ should find the grass growing in your streets. In spite
of that denunciation, you did me the honour to elect me ;
/ in spite of that warning, I venture to meet you here
again. It must be fairly confessed, that this is not the
■ season of the year to estimate correctly the amount >of
superfluous and unprofitable vegetation with which your
streets may be teeming; but, without presuming to limit
the power of productive Nature, it is at least satisfactory
to know, that the fields have not been starved to clothe
your quays with verdure ; that it is not by economizing
in the scantiness of the harvest that Nature has reserved
her vigour for the pastures of your Exchange.
" But, gentlemen, I am sure you feel with me, that
these are topics which I treat with levity only because
they are not, nor were, at the time when they were seri-
ously urged, susceptible of a serious argument : they did
not furnish grounds on which any man would rest his
appeal to your favour, or on which your choice of any
man could be justified. If I have condescended to revert
to them at all, it is because I would leave none of those
recollections untouched which the comparison of our last
meeting with the present, I know, suggests to your minds
as well as to my own ; and because I would, so far as in
me lies, endeavour to banish from all future use, by ex-
posing their absurdity, topics which are calculated only
to mislead and to inflame. That the seasons would have
run their appointed course, that the sun would have
shone with as genial a warmth, and the showers would
have fallen with as fertilizing a moisture, if you had not
chosen me for your representative, is an admission which
I make without much apprehension of the consequence.
Nor do I wish you to believe, that your choice of any
MKMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING. 319
other than me would have delayed the return of your
prosperity, or prevented the revival of your commerce.
" I make these admissions without fear, so far as con-
cerns the choice between individuals. But I do not ad-
mit, that it was equally indifferent upon what principles
that choice should be determined. I do not admit, that,
if the principles which it was then recommended to you to
countenance had unfortunately prevailed in Parliament,
and, through the authority of Parliament, had been in-
troduced into the counsels of the country, they would not
have interfered with fatal operation, not indeed to arrest
the bounty of Providence, to turn back the course of the
seasons, and to blast the fertility of the earth, but to stop
that current of political events which, ' taken at the flood,'
has placed England at the head of the world.
" Gentlemen, if I had met you here again on this day
in a state of public affairs as doubtful as that in which we
took leave of each other; if confederated nations had
been still arrayed against this country, and the balance of
Europe still trembling- in the scale, I should not have
hesitated now, as I did not hesitate then, to declare my
decided and unalterable opinion, that perseverance,
under whatever difficulties, under whatever privations,
afforded the only chance of prosperity to you, because
the only chance of safety to your country ; and the only
chance of safety to the country, because the only chance
of deliverance to Europe. Gentlemen, I should be
ashamed to address you now in the tone of triumph, if I
had not addressed you then in that of exhortation. I
should be ashamed to appear before you shouting in the
train of success, if I had not looked you in the face, and
encouraged you to patience under difficulties. It is be-
cause my acquaintance with you commenced in times of
peril and embarrassment, and because I then neither
32Q MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
flattered nor deceived you, that I now not only offer to
you my congratulations, but put in my claim to yours,
/ on the extinction of that peril, on the termination of that
embarrassment, and on the glorious issue to which exer-
tion and endurance have brought that great struggle in
which our honour and our happiness were involved.
" Gentlemen, during the course of a political life,
nearly coeval with the commencement of the war, I have
never given one vote, I have never uttered one senti-
ment, which had not for its object the consummation
now happily within our view.
" I am not ashamed, and it is not unpleasing or un-
profitable, to look back upon the dangers which we have
passed, and to compare them with the scene which now
lies before us. We behold a country, inferior in popu-
lation to most of her continental neighbours, but multi-
plying her faculties and resources by her own activity
and enterprise, by the vigour of her constitution, and by
the good sense of her people, — we behold her, after
standing up against a formidable foe, throughout a con-
test, in the course of which every one of her allies, and,
at times, all of them together, have fainted and failed —
nay, have been driven to combine with the enemy against
her, — we behold her, at this moment, rallying the nations
of Europe to one point, and leading them to decisive
victory.
" If such a picture were merely the bright vision of
speculative philosophy, if it were presented to us in the
page of the history of ancient times, it would stir and
warm the heart. But, gentlemen, this country is our
own ; and what must be the feelings which arise, on such
a review, in the bosom of every son of that country?
What must be the feelings of a community such as I am
now addressing, which constitutes no insignificant part
•/
MBMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 321
^ of the strength of the nation so described; which has
/ suffered largely in her privations, and may hope to par-
ticipate proportionably in her reward? What (1 may
be permitted to add) must be the feelings of one who is
chosen to represent that community, and who finds him-
self in that honourable station at the moment of triumph,
only because he discountenanced despair in the moment
of despondency ?
" From the contemplation of a spectacle so mighty
and magnificent as this, I should disdain to turn
aside to the controversies of party. Of principles,
however, it is impossible not to say something; be-
cause our triumph would be incomplete, and its bless-
ings might be transient, if we could be led astray by
any sophistry ; if we could consent, in a sort of com-
promise of common joy, to forget or to misstate the
causes from which that triumph has sprung. All of
one mind, I trust and believe, we are, in exulting
at the success of our country; all of one mind, I trust,
we now are throughout this land, in determining to per-
severe, if need be, in strenuous exertion to prosecute,
and, I hope, to perfect the great work so happily in pro-
gress. But we know that there are some of those who
share most heartily in the public exultation, who yet
ascribe effects, which happily cannot be disputed, to
causes which may justly be denied. No tenderness for
disappointed prophecies, gentlemen, ought to induce us
thus to disconnect effect and cause. It would lead to
errors which might be dangerous, if unwarily adopted
and generally received.
" We have heard, for instance, that the war has now
been successful, because the principles on which the war
was undertaken have been renounced ; that we are, at
length, blessed with victory, because we have thrown
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322 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
away the banner under which we entered into the con-
test ; that the contest was commenced with one set of
principles, but that the issue has been happily brought
about by the adoption of another. Gentlemen, I know
of no such change. If we have succeeded, it has not
been by the renunciation, but by the prosecution of our
principles : if we have succeeded, it has not been by
adopting new maxims of policy, but by upholding, under
all varieties of difficulty and discouragement, old, estab-
lished, inviolable principles of conduct.
" We are told, that this war has, of late, become a war
of the people, and that, by the operation of that change
alone, the power of imperial Prance has been baffled and
overcome. Nations, it is said, have, at length, made
common cause with their sovereigns, in a contest which,
heretofore, had been a contest of sovereigns only. Gen-
tlemen, the fact of the change might be admitted, with-
out, therefore, admitting the argument. It does not
follow, that the people were not at all times equally in-
terested in the Avar, (as those who think as I do have
always contended that they were,) because it may be and
must be admitted, that the people, in many countries,
were for a time deluded. They who argue against us,
say, that jarring interests have been reconciled. We
say, that gross delusions have been removed. Both ad-
mit the fact, that sovereigns and their people are identi-
fied. But it is for them who contend that this has been
effected by change of principles, to specify the change.
What change of principles or of government has taken
place among the nations of Europe? We are the best
judges of ourselves— what change has taken place here?
Is the constifution other than it was, when we were
told, ras we often were told in the bad times,) that it was
a doubt whether it were worth defending? Is the consti-
yi- MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 323
tution other than it was, when we were warnea that
pence on any terms must be made, as the only hope of
saving- it from popular indignation and popular re-
form ?
" There is yet another question to be asked. By what
power, in what part of the world, has that final blow
been struck which has smitten the tyrant to the ground ?
1 suppose, by some enlightened republic ; by some re-
cently regenerated government of pure philanthropy
and uncorrupted virtue : I suppose, by some nation
which, in the excess of popular fieedora, considers even a
representative system as defective, unless each individual
interferes directly in the national concerns ; some nation
of enlightened patriots, every man of whom is a politi-
cian in the coffee-house, as well as in the senate : I sup-
pose it is from some such government as this, that the
conqueror of autocrats, the sworn destroyer of monarchi-
cal England, has met his doom. 1 look through the Eu-
ropean world, gentlemen, in vain : I find there no such
august community. But in another hemisphere I do
find such a one, which, no doubt, must be the political
David by whom the Goliah of Europe has been brought
down. What is the name of that glorious republic, to
which the gratitude of Europe is eternally due, — which,
from its innate hatred to tyranny, has so perseveringly
exerted itself to liberate the world, and, at last, has suc-
cessfully closed the contest? Alas, gentlemen, such a re-
public I do indeed find; but I find it enlisted, and (God
be thanked!) enlisted alone, under the banner of the
despot. But where was the blow struck? Where? Alas
for theory ! In the wilds of despotic Russia. It was fol-
lowed up on the plains of Leipzig — by Russian, Prus-
sian, and Ausitrian arms.
" But let me not be mistaken. Do I, therefore, mean
3^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
to contend — do I, therefore, give to our antagonists in
the argument the advantage of ascribing to us the base
tenet, that an absolute monarchy is better than a free
government? God forbid! What I mean is this, that, in
appreciating the comparative excellence of political in-
stitutions, in estimating the force of national spirit, and
the impulses of national feeling, it is idle, — it is mere
pedantry, to overlook the affections of nature. The or-
der of nature could not subsist among mankind, if there
were not an instincthe patriotism ; I do not say uncon-
nected with, but prior and paramount to, the desire of
political amelioration. It may be very wrong that it
should be so. I cannot help it. Our business is with
feet. And, surely, it is not to be regretted, that tyrants
and conquerors should have learned, from the lessons of
experience, that the first consideration suggested to the
inhabitant of any country, by a foreign invasion, is, not
whether the political constitution of the state be fault-
lessly perfect or not; but, whether the altar at which he
has worshipped, — whether the home in which he has
dwelt from his infancy, — whether his wife and his chil-
dren, — whether the tombs of his forefathers, — whether
the palace of the sovereign, under whom he was born,
and to whom he," therefore, owes (or, if it must be so
stated, fancies that he, therefore, owes) allegiance, shall
be abandoned to violence and profanation ?
" That, in the infancy of the French revolution, many
nations in Europe were, unfortunately, led to believe
and to act upon a different persuasion, is undoubtedly
true ; that whole countries were overrun by reforming
conquerors, and flattered themselves with being prose-
lytes till they found themselves victims. Even in this
country, as I liave already said, there have been times
when we have been called upon to consider, whether
MEMOIR OP GEORGE CA.. -i G. 325
iere were not somelhini' at home which must be mended,
before we could hope to repel a foreign invader with
succeffs.
"It is fortunate for the world, that this question should
have been tried, if 1 may so aay, to a disadvantage; that
it should have been tried in countries where no man in
his senses will say, that the frame of political society is
such as, according to the roost moderate principles of re-
gulated freedom, it ought to be ; — where, I will venture
to say, without hazarding the imputation of being my>elf
a visionary reformer, political society is not such as, after
the successes of this war, and from the happy contagion
of the example of Great Britain, it is sure gradually to
become. It is fortunate for the world, that this question
should have been tried on its own merits; that, after
twenty years of controversy, we should be authorised, by
undoubted results, to revert to nature and to truth, and
to disentangle the genuine feelings of the heart from the
obstructions which a cold, presumptuous, generalising
philosophy had wound around them.
"One of the most delightful poets of this country, in
describing the various proportions of natural blessings
and advantages dispensed by Providence to the various
nations of Europe, turns from the luxuriant plains and
cloudless skies of Italy to the rugged mountains of Swit-
zerland, and inquires, whether there, also, in those bar-
ren and stormy regions, the ' patriot passion' is found
equally imprinted on the heart ? He decides the ques-
tion truly in the affirmative; and he says, of the inhabi-
tant of those bleak wilds,
* Dear is that shed to which hw soul conforms.
And dear that hill which lifts him to the storms;
And, as a child, when scaring sounds molest.
Clings close and closer to the mother's breast.
320 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
So the lomi torrent and the whirlwind's roar
But bind him to his native inoiuitains more.'
<• What Goldsmith thus beautifully applied to the
physical varieties of soil and climate, has been found no
less true with respect to political institutions. A sober
de?ire of improvement, a rational endeavour to redress
error, and to correct imperfection in the political frame
of human society, are not only natural, but laudable in
man. But it is well that it should have been shown,
by irrefragable proof, that these sentiments, even where
most strongly and most justly felt, supersede not that
devotion tonati>e soil which is the found rtion of national
independence. And it is right that it should be under-
stood and remembered, that the spirit of national inde-
pendence alone, aroused where it had slumbered, en-
lightened where it had been deluded, and kindled into
enthusiasm by the insults and outrages of an all-grasping
invader, has been found sufficient, without internal
changes and compromises of sovereigns or governments
with their people — without relaxations of allegiance and
abjurations of authority, to animate, as with one pervad-
ing soul, the different nations of the Continent ; to com-
bine, as into one congenial mass, their various feelings,
passions, prejudices ; to direct these concentrated ener-
gies, with one impulse, against the common tyrant ; and
to shake (and, may we not hope? to overthrow) the
Babe! o^h'\s iniquitous power.
" Gentlemen, there is another argument, more pecu-
liarly relating to our own country, which has, at times,
been interposed to discourage the prosecution of the war.
That this country is sufficient to its own defence, suffi-
cient to its own happiness, sufficient to its own indepen-
dence ; and that the complicated cotnbinations of conti-
nental policy arc always hazardous to onr interests, as
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 327
JTyfell as burdensome to our means, has been, at several
periods of the war, a favourite doctrine, not only with
those who, for other reasons, wished to embarrass the
measures of the government, but with men of the most
enlightened minds, of the most benevolent views, and
the most ardent zeal for the interests as well as the ho-
nour of their country. May we not flatter ourselves,
that, upon this point also, experience has decided in
favour of the course of policy which has been actually
pursued ?
" Can any man now look back upon the trial which we
have gone through, and maintain, that, at any period
during the last twenty years, the plan of insulated policy
could have been adopted, without having, in the event,
at this day, prostrated England at the foot of a con-
queror ? Great, indeed, has been the call upon our ex-
ertions ; great, indeed, has been the drain upon our
resources ; long and wearisome has the struggle been ;
and late is the moment at which peace is brought within
our reach. But, even though the difficulties of the con-
test may have been enhanced, and its duration protracted
by it, yet, is there any man who seriously doubts, whe-
ther the having associated our destinies with the destinies
of other nations be or be not that which, under the bless-
ing of Providence, has eventually secured the safety of all?
" It is at the moment when such a trial has come to its
issue, that it is fair to ask of those who have suffered
under the pressure of protracted exertion, (and of whom
rather than of those who are assembled around me — for
by whom have such privations been felt more sensibly ?) —
it is now, I say, the time to ask, whether, at any former
period of the contest, such a peace could have been made
as would at once have guarded the national interests, and
corresponded with the national character ? I address
328 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
myself now to such persons only as think the character o
a nation an essential part of its strength, and, conse-
quently, of its safety. But if, among persons of that
description, there be one who, with all his zeal for the
glory of his country, has yet, at times, been willing to
abandon the contest in mere weariness and despair, — of
such a man I would ask, whether he can indicate the
period at which he now wishes that such an abandonment
had been consented to by the Government and the Par-
liament of Great Britain ?
" Is it when the Continent was at peace ; when, look-
ing upon the map of Europe, you saw one mighty and
connected system, one great luminary, with his attendant
satellites circulating around him ; at that period could
this country have made peace, and have remained at
peace for a twelvemonth? What is the answer ? Why,
that the experiment was tried. The result was, the re-
newal of the war.
" Was it at a later period, when the continental system
had been established ? when two-thirds of the ports of
Europe were shut against you? when but a single link
was wanting to bind the Continent in a circling chain of
iron, which should exclude you from intercourse with
other nations ? At that moment peace was most earnestly
recommended to you. At that moment, gentlemen, I
first came among you. At that moment I ventured to
recommend to you perseverance, patient perseverance ;
and to express a hope, that, by the mere strain of an
unnatural eftbrt, the massive bonds imposed upon the
nations of the Continent might, at no distant period,
burst asunder. I was heard by you with indulgence; I
know not whether with conviction. But is it now to be
regretted, that we did not, at that moment, yield to the
pressure of our wants, or of our fears ? What has been
MEMOin OF GEOHGE CANNING. 329
the issue ? The continental system was completed, with
the sole exception of Russia, in the year 1812. In that
year the pressure upon this country was undoubtedly
painful. Had we yielded, the system would have been
immortal. We persevered, and, before the conclusion
of another year, the system was at an end ; at an end, as
all schemes of violence naturally terminate, not by a mild
and gradual decay, such as waits upon a regular and well-
spent life, but by sudden dissolution : at an end, like the
breaking up of a winter's frost. But yesterday, the whole
Continent, like a mighty plain covered with one mass of
ice, presented to the view a drear expanse of barren uni-
formity : to-day, the breath of heaven unbinds the earth ;
the streams begin to flow again ; and the intercourse of
human kind revives.
" Can we regret that we did not, like the fainting
traveller, lie down to rest — but, indeed, to perish —
under the severity of that inclement season ? Did we
not more wisely, to bear up, and to wait the change ?
" Gentlemen, I have said that I should be ashamed,
and in truth I should be so, to address you in the lan-
guage of exultation, if it were merely for the indulgence,
however legitimate, of an exuberant and ungovernable
joy. But they who have suflPered great privations have
a claim not merely to consolation, but to something more.
They are justly to be compensated for what they have
undergone, or lost, or hazarded, by the contemplation of
what they have gained.
" We have gained, then, a rank and authority in
Europe, such as, for the life of the longest liver of those
who now hear me, must place this country upon an emi-
nence w hich no probable reverses can shake. We have
gained, or rather we have recovered, a splendour of
military glory, which places us by the side of the greatest
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/
330 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
luilitai V nations in the world. At the beginning- of this
war, while there was not a British bosom that did not
beat with rapture at the exploits of our navy, there were
few who would not have been contented to compromise
for that reputation alone ; to claim the sea as exclusively
our province, and to leave to France and the other con-
tinental powers the struggle for superiority by land.
That fabled deity, whom I see portrayed upon the wall,*
was considered as the exclusive patron of British prowess
in battle ; but, in seeming accordance with the beautiful
fiction of ancient mythology, our Neptune, in the heat of
contest, smote the earth with his trident, and up sprang
the fiery war-horse, the emblem of military power.
" Let Portugal, now led to the pursuit of her flying
conquerors, — let liberated Spain, — let France, invaded
in her turn by those whom she had overrun or menaced
with invasion, attest the triumphs of the army of Great
Britain, and the equality of her military with her naval
fame ! And let those who, even after the triumphs of the
Peninsula had begun, while they admitted that we had
indeed wounded the giant in the heel, still deemed the
rest of his huge frame invulnerable, — let them now be-
hold him reeling under the blows of united nations, and
acknowledge, at once, the might of British arms and the
force of British example !
" I do not say, that these are considerations with a
view to which the war, if otherwise terminable, ought to
have been purposely protracted; but I say, that, upon
the retrospect, we have good reason to rejoice, that the
war was not closed ingloriously and insecurely, when
the latter events of it have been such as have established
our security by our glory.
* A figure of Neptune.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. -J-il
" 1 say, we have reason to rejoice, that, during the
period when the Continent was prostrate before France —
that, especially during the period when the continental
system was in force, we did not shrink from the struggle;
that we did not make peace for present and momentary
ease, unmindful of the permanent safety and greatness of
this country; that we did not leave unsolved the mo-
mentous questions, whether this country could maintain
itself against France, unaided and alone ; or with the
Continent divided ; or with the Continent combined
against it : whether, when the wrath of tlie tyrant of the
European world was kindled against us with sevenfold
fury, we could or could not walk, unharmed and unfet-
tered, through the flames ?
" I say, we have reason to rejoice, that, throughout
this more than Punic war, in which it has so often been
the pride of our enemy to represent herself as the Rome,
and England as the Carthage, of modern times, (with,
at least, this colour for the comparison, that the utter
destruction of the modern Carthage has uniformly been
proclaimed to be indispensable to the greatness of her
rival,) — we have, I say, reason to rejoice, that, unlike
our assigned prototype, we have not been diverted by
internal dissensions from the vigorous support of a vital
struggle ; that we have not suffered distress nor clamour
to distract our counsels, or to check the exertions of our
arms. '
" Gentlemen, for twenty years that I have sat in Par-
liament, I have been an advocate of the war. You knew
this when you did me the honour to choose me as your
representative. I then told you, that I was the advocate
of the war, because I was a lover of peace ; but of a
peace that should be the fruit of honourable exertion ;
a peace that should have a character of dignity, a peace
332 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
that should be worth preserving, and should be likely to
endure. I confess, I was not sanguine enough, at that
time, to hope that I should so soon have an opportunity
of Justifying my professions. But I know not why, six
weeks hence, such a peace should not be made as Eng-
land may not only be glad, but proud to ratify. Not
such a peace, gentlemen, as that of Amiens — a short and
feverish interval of unrefreshing repose. During that
peace, which of you went, or sent a son to Paris, who
did not feel or learn, that an Englishman appeared, in
France, shorn of the dignity of his country ; with the
mien of a suppliant, and the conscious prostration of a
man who had consented to purchase his gain or his ease
by submission ? But let a peace be made to-morrow,
such as the allies have now the power to dictate, and the
meanest of the subjects of this kingdom shall not walk
the streets of Paris without being pointed out as the
compatriot of Wellington ; as one of that nation, whose
firmness and perseverance have humbled France and
rescued Europe.
" Is there any man, that has a heart in his bosom, who
does not find, in the contemplation of this contrast alone,
a recompence for the struggles and the sufferings of
years ?
" But, gentlemen, the doing right is not only the most
honourable course of action ; it is also the most profitable
in its result. At any former period of the war, the inde-
pendence of almost all the other countries, our allies,
would have been to be purchased with sacrifices pro-
fusely poured out from the lap of British victory. Not
a throne to be re-established, not a province to be eva-
cuated, not a garrison to be withdrawn, but this country
would have had to make compensation, out of her con-
quests, for the concessions obtained from the enemy.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 333
Now, happily, this work is already done, either by our
efforts or to our hands. The Peninsula free; the lawful
commonwealth of European states already, in a great
measure, restored; Great Britain may now appear in the
congress of the world, rich in conquests, nobly and right-
fully won, with little claim upon her faith or her justice,
whatever may be the spontaneous impulse of her gene-
rosity or her moderation.
" Such, gentlemen, is the situation and prospect of
affairs, at the moment at which I have the honour to ad-
dress you. That you, gentlemen, may have your full
share in the prosperity of your country, is my sincere
and earnest wish. The courage with which you bore up
in adverse circumstances eminently entitles you to this
reward.
" For myself, gentlemen, while I rejoice in your re-
turning prosperity, I rejoice also that our connexion
began under auspices so much less favourable; that we
had an opportunity of knowing each other's minds, in
times when the minds of men are brought to the proof, —
times of trial and difficulty. I had the satisfaction of
avowing to you, and you the candour and magnanimity
to approve, the principles and opinions by which my pub-
lic conduct has uniformly been guided, at a period when
the soundness of those opinions, and the application of
those principles, was matter of doubt and controversy.
I thought, and I said, at the time of our first meeting,
that the cause of England and of civilised Europe must
be ultimately triumphant, if we but preserved our spirit
untainted and our constancy unshaken. Such an asser-
tion was, at that time, the object of ridicule with many
persons: a single year has elapssd, and it is now the
voice of the whole world.
" Gentlemen, we may, therefore, confidently indulge
^
334 MEMOIR OK GEORGE CANNING.
tlie hope, that our opinions will continue in unison ; that
our concurrence will be as cordial as it has hitherto
been, if, unhappily, any new occasion of difficulty or em-
barrassment" should hereafter arise.
" At the present moment, I am sure, we are equally
desirous to bury the recollection of all our differences
with others in that general feeling of exultation in which
all opinions happily combine."
- ^During Mr. Canning's stay at Liverpool, every atten-
tion that admiration could suggest was paid him ; and,
w hen he visited the salt works, crowds of the most re-
spectable inhabitants attended him. " On his descending
the mine, (said the Liverpool Journa/,) he was received
with three times three; and, when he was firmly landed
below, a salute of fifteen blasts were fired, which had
more effect than any guns we ever heard. A cold col-
lation was prepared for one hundred persons, of which
a select portion of the company partook. The mine
was illuminated with about fifteen thousand lights. The
band of the Cheshire Legion attended, and played po-
pular airs. Upwards of three hundred persons were
present."
These details are not, indeed, important in themselves,
but they tend to show the high estimation in which Mr.
Canning stood then, when his powers were but half de-
veloped.
This period (1814) appears like a blank in the history
of our hero, for he was not in the Cabinet; but, be it
remembered, that all the glorious success that crowned
the campaigns of the past year, all the victories achieved
by otir forces, were the result of plans and arrangements
made, in common with his colleagues, when Mr. Can-
ning nas in office; and that lord Castlereagh, in an-
nouncing to the House the success of our troops, only
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 335
announced the fulfilment of the predictions of Mr. Can-,
ning. Between the formation of a design, and the com-
pletion of its project, there must be a pause. Mr. Can-
ning laid the train, and then quitted office; and those
who had no share in the labour of sowing the seeds of
glory, reaped the laurels, whilst the real author of the
good remained unheeded. The glories of Wellington
were the result of that policy that Mr. Canning had so
long and so steadily maintained; and to support which,
he had endured the obloquy and withstood the re-
proaches of so many. The result of the measures that
Mr. Canning pursued, and which he always considered
as a continuation of the policy of Pitt, was, that the
Allies, led by us, entered Paris, in April, 1814. A day
of triumph to every Englishman, but doubly so to those
who felt that their counsels had been the basis of victory,,
Mr. Canning was contented with the proud reflection,
" I have done the state some service.
And they know it."
With the exception of his manly vindication of the
speaker, when that gentleman's speech, on the adjourn-
ment of the House, and with reference to the Catholic
Bill, was called in question, and his advocating the press-
ing the Abolition of the Slave Trade being made a part
of the Law of Nations, at the time of the allied powers
being in treaty at Paris, he scarcely spoke; but the mo-
tion for a grant to the duke of Wellington, awakened his
energies ; and on this subject, and on the blockade of Nor-
way (May), he spoke eloquently ; the subject, however,
is now almost forgotten. The thanks of the House, voted
to the duke of Wellington, on the 28th of June, 1814,
were presented to his grace by a committee of the House
of Commons, of which Mr. Canning was one.
336 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
In tlie discussions respecting the fete in St. James's
Park, the ships on the Serpentine river, &c. Mr. Can-
ning- took no part. He is said to have absented himself
from the House on the occasion, because it was useless
to reprobate acts that could not be recalled, and which,
from circumstances, were never likely to be repeated;
but he would not give his sanction to what his mind dis-
approved.
It was settled, at this period, that Mr. Canning- should
go as ambassador to Lisbon ; and he passed tlie recess
with Mr. Huskisson in a tour to the lakes, during which
he visited Southey, who had been just appointed poet
laureat; from thence he went to Liverpool, to bid fare-
well to his constituents and friends.
Mr. Canning had £14,000 per annum allowed him on
this embassy ; £3500 allowed for plate, and a sum nearly
equal to it for outfit.
Some discussions on this subject, and a great deal of
malignant misrepresentation, appeared in the papers of
the period, particularly in The Mortiwg Chronicle. It was
stated that the duke of Wellington, as ambassador to
Paris, received only £10,000 ; but it was truli/ stated, in
reply, that "The ordinary allowance to our ambas-
sadors is £8000 per annum ; that, beyond this allowance,
extraordinary payments occur, to be made by every mi-
nister abroad; that sir Charles Stuart, Mr. Canning's
predecessor, expended in this way, in 1812-13, the sum
of £26,000 : 75., and, in the years 1813-14, the sum of
£19,900 : bs : 6rf. ; whereas, Mr. Canning's allowance was
to exclude all further expenses; so that, in fact, he was
to receive £6000 per annum less, and not £6000 more
than his immediate predecessor.
Mr. Canning took leave of the Prince Regent, and went
to Falmouth in the beginning of November.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 337
Parliament met on the 8th, and an attack upon Mr.
Canning was made by Mr. VVhitbread. Amongst other
things, that gentleman said — " There is, certainly, no-
thing incredible in human life, and it may be still more
positively asserted, that there is nothing so in political
life; yet, I must confess, after all I have heard, that to
me it requires the positive evidence of The London Ga-
zette^ before I can believe what I have just been told.
Nay, even that would scarcely be enough. Had I not
seen his Majesty's ship the Leviathan, with the blue
Peter flying on Friday, to take out the ambassador to
Lisbon, I could not have believed it possible that the
right honourable gentleman would have been away this
day, from a discussion so interesting. I must say, how-
ever, that the right honourable gentleman has made the
most ample and honourable amends to his former col-
leagues in office. He has accepted a situation under
those who, on a former occasion, he had not deemed fit
persons for him to advise with. If I admire the amends
which his excellency the ambassador to Portugal has
now made, I cannot less admire the selection of the situa-
tion which he has chosen, or to which he has been ap-
pointed. When I first heard of what was going for-
ward, I thought it was possible that Mr. Canning was
going to take the place of lord Castlereagh at the Con-
gress at Vienna; who, it was rumoured in some quarter??,
was to return to attend business in Parliament. I should
have deprecated such an appointment; thinking, as I do,
that the right honourable gentleman is disqualified for
concerns of difficult diplomacy. He might have been
deputed to Ghent, to arrange matters with the commis-
sioners from America; but to that appointment I should
also have felt serious objections. But to send the right
honourable gentleman where he is now sent, I cannot see
15. 2x
338 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
what important services he can render. It may, how-
ever, be said, that where he is going he can do no harm ;
certainly, in this view of it, the appointment is one of
the happiest ever made. He cannot have gone out to
receive the Prince Regent of Portugal, if it is true that
his royal highness does not intend to return to Lisbon
for some months hence. Yet the right honourable gen-
tleman, now ambassador at Lisbon, may find out the
means of amusing himself there. He can employ his
leisure hours in revising the pages of the Anti-Jacobin,
or in writing a poem to emulate Camoens ; or, as it was
said of Buonaparte, and like Mr. Bubb Doddington, in
writing memoirs of the great things of his own time."
Mr. Ellis replied to this, by saying — " I happen to
know that it had been the determination of Mr.<Canning
to go to Lisbon, long before there was any question of
his taking a public situation. The cause of this deter-
mination, was the pressure of a severe domestic afflic-
tion ; and the idea that the only means of saving the life
of a child of his, was to try the benefit of the climate at
Lisbon. If, under these circumstances, the House should
think that there is no great crime in my right honourable
friend determining to go to Lisbon, I do not suppose
that they will consider it any great aggravation of the
offence, to accept afterwards of a public situation. As
to the time of his departure, I am convinced that my
right honourable friend has neither hastened or delayed
it, from any fear of being attacked in this House. As to
my right honourable friend's propriety of conduct in
accepting an official situation, that is open to be can-
vassed, like the acts of every public man."
Mr. Ellis then went into a detail of the expenses of
former ambassadors, and stated that Mr. Canning him-
self objected to having an unlimited sum for extraordi-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 339
naries; and that the limitation was adopted entirely on
his suggestion.
Mr. Tierney defended Mr. Whitbread's observations,
designated the whole transaction as an " outrageous
job," and particularly dwelt on Mr. Canning's accepting
an appointment under lord Castlereagh.
Mr. Canning sailed in the Leviathan from Weymouth,
on the 11th of November, but put back, and finally left
Plymouth on the 21st. It was not, perhaps, untruly sug-
gested, that many attacked Mr. Canning's conduct in his
absence, who would have shrunk from doing so, had he
been in the House. On the 15th of November, the sub-
ject was renewed in the House ; and Mr. Tierney again
called the appointment an outrageous, and a scandalous
and abominable job. The several members who dis-
claimed personal hostility to Mr. Canning, oddly enough
censured the allowance of £14,000 per annum as exces-
sive to him, though they passed over in silence, or nearly
so, the grant of £36,000, for a house in Paris, to the duke
of Wellington.
Mr. Canning arrived at Lisbon on the 28th of Novem-
ber, and not finding a convenient residence ready for his
reception, returned on board the Leviathan, where he
remained for some days, till his furniture arrived from
England.
Immediately after, or pending his departure, the Scotch
newspapers put forth the following statement.
" There is at present confined, as a prisoner, in the
Canongate Jail of Edinburgh, upon a writ, at the instance
of George Canning, esq., of Bolton Street, Piccadilly,
in the county of Middlesex, M. P., (we believe, the mem-
ber for Petersfield,) a person of the name of William
Ogilvie, designating himself earl of Findlater and baron
Banff. The debt is constituted by a bond in the English
340 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
form, amounting to €3000; the bond is signed Findlater
and BanlV; it is followed up by a decreet before the
Court of Session, as against William earl of Findlater;
but the honourable plaintiff has, in the writ of caption,
altered the designation to ' William Ogilvie, calling
himself earl of Findlater ;' and upon that, this soi-disant
peer of the realm has been con^mitted to prison. Being
in a state of great poverty, his lordship of Findlater ap-
plied to the magistrates of Canongate, for the benefit of
the Scots Act, 1696, commonly called the ' Act of Grace.'
This application was strenuously opposed by Mr. Can-
ning, on the ground that the petitioner was an impostor,
and that he had no right to the title of Findlater ; that he
had obtained the money of him under false pretences, &c.
In answer to this, it was stated by the noble defendant,
that his title to the earldom of Findlater was undoubted ;
that he had been regularly served heir by a jury, before
the sheriff of Banff; that he had been countenanced and
written to, as earl, by several persons high in rank, and
who had promised him every assistance, with money and
otherwise, to procure his title to be recognised by the
House of Lords, when, in an evil hour, he became ac-
quainted with the plaintiff, (Mr. Canning,) who besieged
him most closely — offered him any sum, even to the
amount of £20,000, if he would use his influence to get
him returned for a Scottish burgh. That he accord-
ingly received £3000 for this purpose ; and his friends,
finding he had joined with Mr. Canning, withdrew their
countenance and support from him. In consequence of
which, he and his family came to poverty — he could not
get his title recognised by the House of Lords — and his
friend, Mr, Canning, lost his Scottish burgh — and is also
minus his £;}000, thus lent for electioneering purposes.
These are the statements of the parties; of the truth of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 341
which we, of course, know nothing ; but the magistrates
of Canonirate, in consideration of the whole circuni-
stances of the case, and in respect, it is alleged by the
petitioner, and not denied by the other party, that he
granted a bond for the debt as earlof Findlater, and sub-
scribed the same by that signature, and not as William
Ogilvie, designed in the letters of caption, modified an
aliment of five shillings per day, to be paid and consigned
to him, by the creditor incarcerator, and which he is at
present receiving from his opponent, Mr. Canning."
It is scarcely necessary to tell the political reader, that,
at this period, every thing that could be urged to annoy
or vituperate our hero, was resorted to. With regard to
the affair thus promulgated on the other side of the
Tweed, the facts were explained thus: — Mr. Ogilvie
deceived Mr. Canning with his representations ; and
under some that, if not wilfully false, were notoriously
erroneous, obtained the sura in question ; and Mr. Can-
ning, considering himself defrauded, determined to punish
the criminal, not the debtor. Mr. Canning's life is a
sufficient refutation to the accusation of his being a hard-
hearted creditor. There is, perhaps, no occurrence more
provoking, than to find that your kindness has been
played upon by an impostor ; when all the world laugh
at your folly, instead of estimating your benevolence ;
and when the derision of the many is added to pecuniary
loss. These circumstances justify severity; and the old
principle, "that he who cannot pay in purse, must pay
in person," if ever recognisable, surely is so in a case
like this.
In the April of the year 1815, Mr. Canning was under-
stood to have resigned his appointment of ambassador ;
and in the March of the following year, he returned to
his native country. The health of his son was tempora-
342 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
rily benefited, but nothing could remove, though atten-
tion might arrest, the fatal disease that consigned him to
an early tomb, about five years afterwards.
The early part of the year 1815, though immensely
important in a general point of view, contains naught
that refers immediately to our hero. His opponents ex-
hausted their wit in accounts of his mode of living, &c.
&c. till, finding their attacks elicited no reply, the wit-
lings ceased to scribble, the orators to speak.
The year 1815, and the battle which has made that
year particularly memorable, are in the memories of all
our readers; the field of Waterloo will not be forgotten
by any — it was a conflict in which chance only awarded
the palm, and in which every man of each country de-
served the praise of courage and perseverance — the
French to the full equally with their victors.
It will be remembered, that the marquis of Anglesea
(then earl of Uxbridge) in the sanguinary conflict, was
severely wounded, and afterwards suffered amputation.;
it is out of place to compliment the noble marquis upon
a quality he has always been eminent for — courage ;
end the circumstance of his loss has been commemorated
by the fertile pen of our hero, who produced the follow-
iugjew d'esprit on the occasion.
« EPITAPH ON THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA S LEG.
" Hce rests — and let no saucy knave
Presume to sneer and laugh.
To learn that mouldering in the grave
Is laid a British calf
" For he who writes these lines is sure
That tliose who read the whole,
Will find such laugh was premature.
For here, too, lies a sole.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 343
" And here five little ones repose.
Twin born with other five.
Unheeded by their brother toes.
Who all are now alive.
" A leg and foot — to speak more plain —
Rest here, of one commanding,
Who though his wits he might retain.
Lost half his understanding.
" And when the guns, with thunder fraught,
Pour'd bullets thick, as hail.
Could only in this way be taught
To give the foe leg bail.
" And now in England, just as gay
As in Ihe battle brave.
Goes to the rout, review, or play,
With one foot in the grave.
" Fortune in vain here show'd her spite,
For he will still be found.
Should England's sons engage in fight.
Resolved to stand his ground.
" But Fortune's pardon I must beg.
She meant not to disarm ;
And when she lopp'd the hero's leg,
She did not seek his h-arm.
" And but indulged a harmless whim,
Since he could walk with one.
She saw two legs were lost on him
Who never meant to run."
In the early part of 1816, the earl of Buckinghamshire
died, and an offer of the presidency of the Board of Con-
trol was made to our hero ; previous to his acceptation of
this appointment, he again stood for Liverpool. On this
oocasion Mr. Canning took up his residence with his
friend Mr. Bolton, in Duke Street, Liverpool.
if
y
344 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
On the 5th of June, IS 10, he thus addressed the elec-
tors : —
" Gentlemen, — my first duty, and my first inclination
is, to thank you for your kindness, — to thank you for the
^'^ indulgence which I have received at your hands. And I
do assure you, gentlemen, that if there is any thing which
I regret on the immediate occasion which brings me at
this moment before you, it is, that I am now standing
here for the double purpose of soliciting a new favour
as well as of acknowledging those which I have already
experienced from you.
" I had much rather that it should have happened,
that my first visit to my constituents, after my return to
England, should have been purely for the purpose of
expressing my gratitude, and with no prospective object
whatever.
" It was my intention to have paid that visit for that
purpose; and I am not responsible for the circumstance
which has added another duty to that which 1 intended
to perform.
" Gentlemen, amongst the motives of regret which be-
long to my late absence from England, I am happy to
feel assured, that I have not to reckon any neglect of
your interests, general or individual. It is, indeed, a
satisfaction to me to know, that, during my absence, in
all that respects your interests, no want of me has been
felt ; and that, in addition to the zeal and activity of my
worthy colleague, there has been, on the part of others
of my friends, a constant and undeviating attention to all
your concerns.
"Gentlemen, if there are any of my constituents who
think that they have, upon any other ground, cause of
complaint against me, I may take it for granted, that many
hours will not elapse before I hear it; and, when I hear
MEMOlll OF GEORGL CANNING. 345
/
f it,' you may rest assured, tliat I shall be ready to answer
/ it, I trust to their satisfaction.
" Gentlemen, after thanking you, it is my next duty,
as I have said, to solicit a renewal of your confidence.
I trust I have not forfeited it by receiving a mark of the
confidence of the Crown.
'• Gentlemen, 1 can truly and conscientiously declare
to you, that that mark of the confidence of the Crown
has come to me as much unsought as it must, from ob-
vious circumstances, have been unforeseen.
" Of a life in Parliament, now of more than twenty
years' duration, I have passed more than half, and that
of my own choice, out of office. I have oftener had oc-
casion to justify my resignation or refusal, than my accep-
tance of official situation. But, gentlemen, as I have
not given up or declined office, except for what I thought
just and substantial reasons; so I do not think myself at
liberty, as a public man, to decline it, when my services
are called for by my sovereign, and when I think I can
honourably afford them.
" Gentlemen, I have but one word more to say at this
our first meeting. I have accepted the office to which
his royal highness the Prince Regent has been graciously
pleased to appoint me ; but I have not yet performed the
customary homage of kissing his royal highness's hand
on that acceptance. With his royal highness's permis-
sion, I am here among my constituents, before I have
stood in his presence.
" Gentlemen, I have no difficulty in confessing, that I
not only gratify my feelings, but court an advantage, in
the respect which I thus pay to the popular branch of the
constitution. I come before you chosen a servant of the
Crown. May I not hope, that you will send me back
with that choice sanctioned by the people ?
]5. 2y
346 MEMOIR OF GEORGE-CANNING.
" Gentlemen, I will now detain you no longer than
uiiile I repeat, what I have already said, that, without
anticipating objections from any part of this great com-
nuinity, 1 shall, no doubt, have abundant opportunities,
in the course of the next few days, of hearing all objec-
tions which it is possible to devise against me ; and you
will give me credit, gentlemen, I am sure, that I shall
neither omit nor avoid any occasion of replying to
them."
The reverend William Shepherd and colonel Wil-
^ Hams made some severe attacks upon the conduct of our
hero, to which Mr. Canning merely replied, by saying —
" I have noted every word that has been said against
me: I carry in my mind the whole indictment; and that
indictment I will answer, point by point, when I ad-
dress myself, after the poll, to those who have a right to
hear my justification. I invite my two accusers to be
present; and I assure them, on the faith of my honour,
that they shall be received amongst my friends with every
personal respect and civility."
Mr. Leyland had been put up in opposition to Mr.
Canning, without Mr. Leyland's concurrence; and his
friend, Mr. Shepherd, resigned the contest on the first
day: some other persons, however, continued it after
Mr. Shepherd's declaration, that Mr. Leyland's " cause
was hopeless." To this singular circumstance Mr. Can-
ning alluded in his speech at the close of the first day's
poll. This speech becomes important, because in it Mr.
Canning personally explains what had so long been a
subject for cavillers — his Lisbon mission.
" Gentlemen, — Of all the contested elections in which
>ou have been called to bear a part, and, certainly, of all
those of which I have ever heard, the circumstances of
the present are the most extraordinary. A battle with-
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 347
rait an antagonist ; and a surrender withont a cessation
* (;f hostilities !
" Gentlemen;, in most struggles it has been sufficient
for him who came into the field, that he had nobody to
oppose him. But this has not been my fortune on the
present occasion. Our first victory has been from want
of a combatant : our next has been over the unacknow-
ledged representative of the combatant whom our adver-
saries could not bring forward. And, having defeated
the representative, who would not fight, we have now to
fight the self-constituted substitutes, who have thrust
themselves in the place which he becomingly abandoned.
" Gentlemen, in this fruitless and unnecessary contest,
we have, however, obtained a victory that might put to
flight the most substantial antagonist. I am assured,
that the majority which we possess on this day is unex-
ampled, for a first day's poll, in any contest for Liver-
pool. We have polled, gentlemen, 250. Therq have
polled for my antagonist — I beg pardon, I should rather
say, in spite of my antagonist — 159; the result is a majo-
rity of 91 in our favour.
" Of the gentleman whose name is thus unwarrantably
put forward against his own desire, I beg not to be un-
derstood as meaning to speak with the slightest dis-
respect. Of the gentleman who constituted himself the
representative of the nonjuring candidate, I mean Mr.
Shepherd, I have to say, that his conduct appears to me
to have been, in all that I have seen of it, not only ex-
empt from blame, but entitled to the praise of fairness,
honour, and liberality. But who they are that, after
the abjuration of the principal, and after the abdication
of the substitute, have put themselves in array against
the declared sense of all parties, to vex and harass the
population of this great town, and who hazard thus, for
348 MEMOIH OF GEOJIGE CANNING.
no object and to no end, all the results which may arise
from the fermentation which they have excited, it be-
hoves me not to conjecture ; nor will I characterise their
proceedings with the epithet that 1 think they deserve.
" Gentlemen, I told you, on our first meeting, that I
should, no doubt, be catechised sufficiently when I met
my antagonists face to face. That meeting has taken
place this day; and I informed the gentlemen who, in
moving and seconding this fruitless nomination, thought
proper to arraign my public conduct, that, if they would
do me the honour to accompany me home this evening,
they should have whatever advantage they might fancy
they could derive from hearing my answers to all that
they had alleged against me.
" I do not blame them, gentlemen, if they have not
availed themselves of ray offer : they must consider the
contest at an end ; and I am perfectly satisfied, that
their attacks were not directed against me with any per-
sonal hostility, but were only intended to influence your
suffrages.
" Gentlemen, if there were any truth (truth, I mean,
in argument) in the grounds which were stated for in-
ducing you to reject me on the present occasion, I will
venture to say, that the admission of them would tend to
a complete change in the constitution.
" Gentlemen, it was contended, that any man holding
olRce, especially high and responsible office, was unfit,
for that very reason, to become the representative of the
people. I state the argument, gentlemen, only for the
purpose of answering it, — of expressing, though in much
feebler language, the just and emphatic refutation which
it has received in your unanimous denial.
" Gentlemen, if there be truth in this doctrine of our
adversaries. I have read the constitution vvrouff. For I
•»•
MEMOIIl OF GEOIIGE CANNING. 349
I
have always thought, that it was one great practical secu-
rity for the continuance of that freedom which we happily
enjoy, and of which we should enjoy the name only, if it
were not embodied in the political institutions of the
country ; — I have considered it always, I say, as one
great security, that, though there be no written law
which circumscribes the choice of the Crown in the se-
lection of its ministers, yet that, since England has been
what it is, the sovereign has always looked for his mi-
nisters among the members of the two Houses of Par-
liament.
" Is it possible, gentlemen, that persons of so acute
understandings as those who were arrayed against me
to-day, should not see, thai if a minister ought not to be
a member of Parliament, the converse would be equally
true, that the Crown ought not to choose a member of
Parliament for its minister? And what would be the
consequence? That the House of Lords, the hereditary
counsellors of the Crown, and hereditary representatives
of the great mass of the property of the kingdom ; that
the House of Commons, containing a selection, through
various channels, and for various qualifications, of all
that is most distinguished in "talents, in property, and
consideration, among the commons of the country ; that
these two bodies of nien, necessarily, from their con-
stitution, the flower of the kingdom, should be abso-
lutely excluded from the management of the affairs of
the state; and that the Crown should be driven to look
for its servants among those who could not obtain, or
among those who had declined, the representation of the
people !
" I take for granted, gentlemen, that I do no injustice
to the argument of my adversaries, when I assume, that
it is meant to exclude members of the House of Peers,
•^50 MEMOIR or GEOnCE CANNING.
I
otjually with those of the other House of Parliament,
from uflice. If, indeed, they intend a distinction between
the two Houses, and would confine the offices of state to
peers, pleasant candidates, to be sure, they are for po-
pular favour, and nice adjusters of the balance of the
constitution !
"But there is another view which these gentlemen
take of office, — as if it were something in itself disho-
nourable, something which did not imply or convey dis-
tinction, but absolute degradation and contamination.
When they have said that a man holds office, or, still
more, when, straining their faculties for ridicule and in-
vective to the utmost pitch, they insinuate that he seeks
it, they think that they have said all : the blow is struck,
the work is done. Be it so. But let us see how fai-
these ffentlemen are consistent in their revilement of
office. Is there no occasion on which they speak of it
in another strain, and represent it in another light?
Can they be the same persons whom you may have
heard, on former occasions, declaiming against those
laws by which a proportion of our fellow-subjects are
excluded from office ? They think, and, though I differ
from many of you, gentlemen, in this opinion, I think
with them, that these disqualifications should be re-
moved. I have done my best to procure the removal of
them. In this 1 am consistent. 7 think ineligibility to
office a grievance, because I think office an honourable
occupation. But what is the creed of our adversaries?
They ought, in consistency, to consider such ineligibility
as a privilege, rather than as a privation. Is it tyranny
to save a man from the danger of being degraded ? Is
it any thing but a wise and salutary restraint, to fence
him round against the chance of contamination ?
" But, gentlemen, 1 rest my appeal to you both upoil
/ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 351
yChe ibeory and practice of the constitution. 1 do not
come before you an apologist for having accepted office.
When tendered to me on the part of my sovereign, it
was my duty to accept it; unless I could assign sufficient
public reasons for declining it, or felt, in my own mind,
insuperable difficulties in acceptance. The country has,
I conceive, a claim on the services of every man, accord-
ing to the measure of his abilities. Of that measure he
is not himself the proper judge; and the call of the so-
vereign is paramount, where there is no justifiable mo-
tive for a refusal.
" Gentlemen, whatever difficulties I may have felt on
former occasions, when (for instance) at our first meet-
ing I told you that I had twice declined office in the
course of that year, public reasons I have none for de-
clining office now ; and motives of personal feeling, if
then 1 had any, have long been wholly at an end.
" Gentlemen, the next material charge against me^
and it behoves me to meet it fairly, is on the score of
my absence from you for the last eighteen months, and
the situation which I held, during a part of that interval,
at Lisbon.
" With respect to the cause of my departure, and of
my solicitation to my friends here, to accept my resigna-
tion, and supply my place, if they could not, consistently
with the interests of the town, indulge me in a tempo-
rary absence, you are all apprised of the facts; and I
have to thank you all for your indulgence. I know,
gentlemen, that you believe me when I say, upon my
honour, that my departure from England originated not,
in the slightest degree, in any view to the appointment,
which, indeed, was incidentally cast upon me, after my
private arrangements had been made. The moment
that I learnt the Prince Regent of Portugal's determi^
352 MEMOIR OF GKOllGE CANNING.
nation not to return last year to his European domi-
nions, I resigned. It is false, gentlemen, as (I am told)
is asserted, that I continued in a public capacity to the
period oT my leaving- Lisbon. Of the seventeen months, ,,
or thereabouts, which I passed in Portugal, the last six f
months 1 was as private an individual as any among you ;
and it was no fault of mine that I was not much sooner
superseded : it was in the month of April last year, that
I sent in ray resignation. I remained there, according
to my original intention, invested with no public cha-
racter, discharging no public duty, and receiving, in
consequence, no public pay. Nor can I imagine how
the mistake (if mistake be the true name) could have
arisen, as to my continuing in a public character, unless
it were that, being settled in Lisbon, I did continue,
long after the expiration of my public character, to re-
ceive such of my countrymen as happened to come re-
commended to me, with such civility as the means of a
private individual could allow.
" Gentlemen, I am not aware that there have been
any other objections urged against me, which are not
comprised, in substance, under one or other of these two
heads, — the question of office, as it is now held by me;
and the question of the office which I held at Lisbon.
" The question which i/ou have to decide is, whether
you will now countenance a doctrine hitherto unknown
to the constitution of this country, — the doctrine, that a
man cannot serve at onee the people and the Crown.
We have always held, (meaning by zee, those who hold
the principles which first brought you and me together)
— li'e have always held, that the Crown, firmly upheld,
and in the exercise of its legitimate, but restricted
power, is the best safeguard for the liberties of the peo-
ple; and that the lawful rights and just freedom of the
MEMOIR OF GROUGE CANNING. 353
people are the best foundations of the stability of the
throne.
" Whenever the opinions which have been brought
forward to-day shall be adopted as the rule of your con-
duct, undoubtedly you and I must part. I need not say
how much it is my wish to perpetuate our connexion. I
trust it may coexist with the devotion of my services,
whenever they are thought useful, to my country." /'
The riots that occurred on the second and third days of
this election, knew no parallel in Liverpool, yet still the
alleged candidate, Mr. Leyland, did not come forward.
Mr. Leyland, a magistrate, and a man of immense for-
tune, it was said, would not take his seat, if elected ; and
Mr. Canning called upon him to make a conclusive de-
claration to that effect. Mr. Leyland did so, and at-
tended in his magisterial capacity to preserve tranquillity,
yet still did the contest continue — a thing wholly unprece-
dented in the annals of elections. On the fifth day (12th
of June) this disgraceful and unreal contest closed. The in-
visible party, or " the phantom gang," as they were called,
resorted to every sort of abuse, to lessen Mr. Canning in
theopinion of his constituents ; and one fellow designated
our hero as " an adventurer — a fellow whose father no-
body knew, and whose mother every body knew ;" a vul-
gar falsehood, that has not even the boast of originality
of thought;* to this Mr. Canning alluded in his speech
after being chaired that day.
" Gentlemen, if I could forget all the trouble and in- >
convenience which have been occasioned to you, and
could contemplate the result of this day only as it affects
myself, what reason should I not have to pour forth my
• Otway has the following lines-. —
" His mother was as notorious as his father was obscure —
Every body knew her, no one could guess at him,"
15. 2 z
364 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
ffratitude to those men who have laboured ag-ainst nie
with so vexatious an opposition ! For, with whatever
spirit and design they may have acted, I will venture to
affirm, that never did the most anxious and active friend-
ship procure for any individual such a triumph as their
hostility has earned for me this day. They laboured to
separate us from each other ; and they have united us
more closely than before. They hoped to efface the me-
mory of that victory which crowned your former exer-
tions in my favour; and they have, if not effaced, yet
thrown it into the shade, by the transcendent splendour
of this day's triumph, — by the increased and overpower-
ing- demonstrations of your unwearied kindness and re-
gard. Indebted to my opponents for the excitement
which has called forth these demonstrations, what a heart
must I have, gentlemen, if I did not bless their beneficent
enmity !
" But, gentlemen, proud as I naturally must be of
what I have experienced this day, and exalted as I can-
not but feel myself by the contemplation of the magnifi-
cent scene which is now before me, — by the view of those
countless multitudes, among which every eye is turned
upon me with an expression of benignity ; yet I do assure
you, gentlemen, and there are those around me who can
vouch for the truth of what I say, that I was most
anxious — that it was my fixed purpose and determina-
tion, to entreat you to spare yourselves the trouble of
this day's ceremony. I did not think, that the occasion
of returning your representative, on a re-election, called
for any peculiar expression of triumph ; nor did I think,
that a victory over a non-existing, or non-appearing,
adversary, justified the same marks of exultation as when
ablo, substantial antagonists had been driven from the
field.
i
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 355
"But, gentlemen, my mind was changed, and I yielded
to the wishes of my friends, upon information which I
have received to-day. The nature of that information I
will state to you. I am assured from Ijondon, and upon
testimony from which it is impossible for me to withhold
my belief, that there were among our antagonists some
who reckoned upon intimidation as an instrument of suc-
cess. In the first moments of transport, at the promising
commencement of the riots, they communicated this hope
to their friends in the metropolis. They fondly flattered
themselves that you, gentlemen, could be scared from my
side, and that I should be forced to retire. Intimidation !
how little do they know either me or you ! After this in-
formation, I felt that it would be a false delicacy to ab-
stain from any expressions of exultation, and that our
conduct might be liable to misconstruction, if we abridged,
by a single formality, the triumph of this day.
" Gentlemen, with the election, let the local topics,
the local disagreements of the election cease. But cease
not with the election the principles upon which your
choice has been founded, on whomever, at any time here-
after, your choice may fall, whether on myself, or on a
worthier object. For, gentlemen, I know how little I
ought to consider myself as contributing to the glorious
result of this contest. Much less important is it to
whom, individually, you commit your representation in
Parliament, than that you should fix steadily in your
minds the standard by which that representative shall be
tried. Let him be a man true to the principles of the
constitution, not as understood in the new-fangled doc-
trines of the day, but as transmitted to us from older
times, before the pure current of British freedom had
been contaminated by the influx of foreign theories.
" Gentlemen, we all know, that, on the former occa-
356 MEMOIR OF GEOROE CANNING.
sion, in 1612, the eyes of England were, in a great mea-
sure, fixed upon Liverpool, as the arena in which the
contest between two sets of political principles was to be
decided. But on that occasion, gentlemen, though you
occupied a great space in the public attention, you could
not completely monopolize it. There was then a general
election. The interest excited, indeed, by the Liverpool
contest was pretty widely diffused, but the actual warfare
was among ourselves; no stranger had leisure to mingle
in our battle. Among other consequences of this state of
things, one was, that we were tolerably free from im-
ported calumny; and that, considering the vehemence of
the contest, there was, so far as I know, little of personal
malignity mixed with it. In the present instance, Liver-
pool alone has fixed the undistracted attention of both
parties, and upon me, in particular, have the full phials
of whiggish wrath been discharged.
" Standing thus exposed, I have had what some would
call the misfortune, but what I must now esteem the sin-
gular happiness, of being a mark for the attacks of every
political enemy that I have in the world. I do Liver-
pool the justice to acknowledge, gentlemen, that the
grossest and foulest calumnies are not of native produce,
but have been rolled down, in one tide of filth, from the
fountain-head of whiggish detraction in London. All
the approved practices of the libellers of former periods
have been resorted to : my private history ransacked for
topics of abuse; every action, every inconsiderate word,
of earlier life raked up, and recorded with malignant in-
dustry ; and invention called in aid where research could
find no theme of invective : —
^" ' The lie, so oft o'erthrown,
Th' inipiited trash and nonsense, not my own;'
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 357
/ — all, all has been exhausted: and what is the result?
That here I stand.
" Gentlemen, amongst other charges, one of fair hosti-
lity, but whimsically chosen, considering the quarter
from which it comes, is, that of my being about to act in
public life with men from whom I have occasionally
differed iu opinion. Gentlemen, the charge is substan-
tially unfounded. It is unfounded, because, though, on
particular questions, I may have diflPered from many of
my present colleagues, (as what two men may not occa-
sionally differ, if each has an opinion of his own ?) yet,
upon all the great outlines of our political system, and
upon every main principle affecting the foreign policy of
England, our opinions have generally concurred. Those
opinions I have, to the best of my power, supported, in
whatever hands the government of the country has been
placed. I have supported them not less strenuously
when myself out of office, than when I formed a part
of the administration."
Here a temporary interruption ensued, and Mr.Canning
retired ; but being again called for, he resumed as follows :
" By the organ of what party is it that I am accused
of inconsistency, for acting with men from whom I may
have occasionally differed ? Why, gentlemen, by the organ
of a party whose birth and growth, whose essence and
element, are coalition ; a party which sprung from the
coalition between lord North and Mr. Fox, and which
has been revived, within all our memories, by the coali-
tion between lord Grenville and lord Grey; a party of
which, in spite of all its coalitions, the members are, in
reality, so little coahscent^ that, but last year, on the
greatest question which ever the government of this
country was called upon to decide, and its Parliament to
sanction, — on the question of the renewal of the war
35^ MEMOIK OF GEORGE CANNING.
ao-ainst Buonaparte, — they were divided half and half:
and all that was of most weight or ornament in their
party, fought the battle of the ministers against the re-
mainder. That remainder, indeed, true to their old
creed, would have extended the doctrine of coalition to
Buonaparte. But you, gentlemen, I know, have candour
enough to do justice to public men, of whatever party,
when they stand up fairly for their country ; and you
remember, with just acknowledgment, that the manly
and consistent eloquence of lord Grenville, the splendid
enthusiasm of Grattan, and the commanding energy of
Plunkett, were exerted, on that memorable occasion, in
defence of that system of measures, by which, in defiance
of the Whig policy, this country and Europe have been
preserved.
" Gentlemen, there is yet a heavier charge than either
of those which I have stated to you. It is, gentlemen,
that I am an adventurer. To this charge, as I under-
stand it, I am willing to plead guilty. A representative
of the people, I am one of the people ; and I present
myself to those who choose me only with the claims of
character, (be they what they may,) unaccredited by
patrician patronage or party recommendation. Nor is
it in this free country, where, in every walk of life, the
road of honourable success is open to every individual, —
I am sure it is not in this place, that I shall be expected
to apologise for so presenting myself to your choice. I
know there is a political creed, which assigns to a certain
combination of great families a right to dictate to the
sovereign and to influence the people; and that this
doctrine of hereditary aptitude for administration is, sin-
gularly enough, most prevalent among those who find
nothing more laughable than the principle of legitimacy
in the Crown.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 359
'* To this theory 1 have never subscribed. If to de-
pend directly upon the people, as their representative in
Parliament ; if, as a servant of the Crown, to lean on no
other support than that of public confidence, — if that be
to be an adventurer, I plead guilty to the charge, and I
would not exchange that situation, to whatever taunts it
may expose me, for all the advantages which might be
derived from an ancestry of a hundred generations.
" Gentlemen, I will not detain you longer. I have
said, that I will not go back to any of the events of the
election. Suffice it, that, whatever may be my opinion
with respect to the opposition which has been made to
your wishes in my favour, I can truly say for myself, that
I carry no resentments away with me. Even, were I
disposed to entertain any such feelings, my heart would
not, at this moment, have room for them, so full is it of
the sense of your kindnesses, of acknowledgment, and of /
exultation." / ^
In the July of this year expired Richard Brinsley
Sheridan. His faults, his follies, have met frequent
mention ; and the pen of our greatest poet has memo-
rialised his virtues. Men of all parties joined to pay the
last melancholy token of respect to genius. He was
borne to the grave, on the 13th July, 1816, by the duke
of Bedford, the lord bishop of London, the earls of \
Lauderdale and Mulgrave, and lords Holland and \
Spencer. Amongst the mourners were, their royal
highnesses the dukes of York and Sussex, the duke of
Argyle ; the marquisses of Anglesea, Douglas, and Tavis-
tock; the earls of Thanet, Jersey, Harrington, Besbo-
rough, Mexborough, Rosslyn, and Yarmouth; lords
George Cavendish and Robert Spencer ; viscounts Sid-
mouth, Granville, Petersham, and Duncannon ; lords
360 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Rivers, Erskine, and Lyndock; the right honourable
George Canning, and a long list of the members of the
Lower House. The procession (foot) was so numerous,
that, when the bier reached the Abbey, the last of the
mournful train had scarcely left George Street, from the
house of Mr. P. Moore, in which the ceremony com-
menced. It was with a sorrow not loud but deep that
our hero followed, to the grave, the first political cha-
racter he had ever known — a man, for whose matchless
talents and public principles he ever entertained the
highest admiration, however he might differ with him in
policy, or pity the miserable weakness that his private
character betrayed.
This year was marked by many public disturbances —
by the discovery of the blood-money schemes, and the
conviction of those abandoned wretches, Brock, Pelham,
Power, &c. ; and by the bombardment of Algiers. The
close of the year was attended by that dreadful riot, for
which a poor ignorant and innocent seaman (Cashman)
suffered. Innocent, because he knew not what he did;
and because he became the victim of another's guilt. At
this period, too, public meetings took place all over the
kingdom, on the subject of Parliamentary Reform ; to
be present at one of which, the celebrated Curran came
from Ireland.
The opening of Parliament, on 28th January, 1817,
was attended by a disgraceful riot. The carriage of the
Prince Regent was assailed — stones hurled at it — and
the royal person endangered. For this offence, several
persons were committed. A proclamation was issued,
offering £1000 reward, on conviction of the offenders.
The general cry of retrencliment and reform made the
duty of a minister doubly perplexing; whilst the bold
though impotent attempts of Hunt, Cobbett, and, more
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 361
particularly, of Preston, Watson, Evans, &c. harassed,
though they did not alarm. Mr. Canning- was one of the
Cabinet Ministers employed in this investigation, which,
from the character of the parties accused, bore some re-
semblance to a discovery made by Mr. Canning in the
early part of his career, and already detailed. A com-
mittee to inquire into the state and conduct of the police
of the metropolis was formed this year, which closed its
disastrous annajs with the death of the princess Char-
lotte, an event which carried the sensation of individual
loss and private calamity into every bosom.
On the trial of Hone for his scriptural parodies (18th
of December, 1817) the defendant endeavoured to excul-
pate himself by quoting the example of others; and named
Mr. Canning, and referred to passages in New Morality,
om
" Last of the anointed five and least,"
down to
" In puffing, and m spouting, praise Lepaux;" ^'
as being parodies of part of the book of Job, and of the
148th Psalm. Mr. Hone stated, that he had intended to
subpoena Mr. Canning as a witness, but had abstained,
with regard to his feelings. " It is plain," continued
Mr. Hone, " that Mr. Canning's motive was the same as
my own — it was political : and it proves that the ridicule
which the author of the parodies attempted to excite,
was not always intended to fix on the subject parodied."
The jury felt the force of this, as well as his other ap-
peals, and acquitted him.
On the 10th of June, 1818, Parliament was dissolved;
and the next day, the right honourable Jolin Hiley Ad-
dington, brother to viscount Sidmouth, and so often
alluded to in our hero's satires, expired.
\Q. 3 a
362 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
^ At the general election, Mr. Canning- again stood for-
ward as a candidate lor Liverpool, at the requisition of
5S9 of his former electors. The phantom party got up a
requisition to Mr. Leyland, but he declined the invita-
tion. The earl of Sefton was then applied to, and his
lordship and general Gascoyne appeared as candidates.
From Mr. Canning's speech on the first day of polling,
(18th of June,) the following extract may prove suf-
ficient.
*' It is not absolutely nothing, that we are favoured as
we are by the beauty of this day, which enables the im-
mense multitude which I see around me to be assembled
without inconvenience, and that we bear iij. recollection
what day this is — the anniversary of the greatest victory
that ever crowned the British arms.* Gentlemen, all
these auspicious circumstances, undoubtedly, iire not
peculiar to ourselves : the same sun which brightens the
scene before me, shines with impartial light upon our
opponents. But there are points upon which those who
hold the political opinions which we concur in holding-
have feelings more peculiarly their own ; because we
know, to our sorrow, and, as Britons, to our shame, that
there are breasts (let me not be supposed to indicate any
persons among yourselves) in which the recollection of
the day, of which this is the third anniversary, excites no
such triumphant sensations as it excites in your breasts
and in mine; — there are those to whom the recollection
of that mighty victory, in which the right arm of Great
Britain struck down the most stupendous tyranny that
ever bestrode the world, affords matter rather of regret
and lamentation, than of unqualified exultation and
national pride.
• The bailie of Waterloo, fou<rlit on the 18th of June, 1815.
MEMOIR OV GEORGE CANNING. 3()-}
" But, gentlemen, peace has its triuniphs as well as
war. If the memory of that battle, which rescued Eu-
rope, and, in rescuing Europe, saved this country from
the common lot with which, sooner or later, it might
otherwise have been overwhelmed, is to be cherished in
our hearts with everlasting and grateful remembrance, it
is not merely because it exalted to the highest pitch the
military character of this country; — it is not merely be-
cause it may be supposed to have shielded us from the
evils of a renewed and long-protracted conflict; — not
because it preserved our shores from invasion — (for
when could these happy shores have seriously to dread
being trampled by the foot of the invader?) — not merely
that it maintained to Great Britain the rank which she
had always vindicated to herself among the nations of
the world; — but because, through all these means, it
contributed to the maintenance of that constitution from
which all our blessings and all our strength, all our
power to achieve, and all our right to enjoy, are derived :
and that constitution, we have but too much reason to be
aware, has, even when the dangers of external attack are
past, internal enemies to combat.
" The triumphs of peace, therefore, are wanting to
give full vigour and maturity to the best fruits of the
achievements of war. And, amongst those triumphs, I
know none more splendid, more imposing, more effec-
tual, than the peaceful triumph of a popular election,
conducted on principles such as yours ; principles which
are directed not to the extravagant exaltation of the
democratical part of the constitution at the expense of
the other branches of it, but to the due support of the
whole of that beautiful and complex frame, of which
popular election is, indeed, the animating and conser-
vative spirit."
364 MEMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING
On the third day, it having- been found that the free-
men could not be polled with rapidity, another bar was
opened, and Arthur Heywood, esq., stood nominal
candidate on behalf of lord Sefton. Mr. Canning met
this, by opening a bar, in the name of Mr. Bolton, for
his party; and bespoke thus on the subject, from the
hustings : —
*' Gentlemen, I mentioned to you yesterday the insi-
nuations respecting a coalition. I avowed to you, that 1
wished well to general Gascoyne ; but I told you, at the
same time, what is correctly true, that no coalition of
interest had taken place, and even n(F understanding
between his friends and mine. But, gentlemen, in giving
this negative to an assertion which is untrue, I beg not
to be understood as implying, that, if that assertion had
been well-founded, — if, holding the same public prin-
ciples, general Gascoyne's friends and mine had deter-
mined to follow the same course, — there would have
been any thing to be ashamed of, in such a concurrence
and co-operation. I denied the assertion, because it was
not founded in fact ; and because I suspected it to be
n)ade for the sake of drawing from it an inference, not
unfavourable to my politics or to general Gascoyne's,
but disparaging to you, and insulting to the indepen-
dence of the freemen.
" What I then suspected is now more obvious. The
imputation of a coalition was evidently contrived, first,
with a retrospective policy, to justify that memorable
coalition of 18 J 2, which you then called me in to defeat,
and which, in your hands, I was the instrument of de-
feating; and, at the same time, to justify, prospectively,
if the state of the poll should require it, a coalition
of another sort — the bringing forward an empty bar to
split votes (as the election phrase is) for the earl of Sefton,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 365
f'
" Gentlemen, it was to lay the ground for this mea-
sure that the cry of coalition was raised; and, though
the denial which was given to that cry was such as, in my
conscience, I believe, must have convinced those who
were most busy in propagating it, that it was wholly
without foundation ; yet, having, by persevering asser-
tion, attempted to convince others, if not themselves, of
the truth of it, a pretence has been deduced from it this
morning for opening another bar for your antagonists,
for the purpose of magnifying their poll. I do not com-
plain of this, as an unfair stroke of policy. They have a
right to take their own course. But the right which
they exercise themselves they cannot complain of seeing,
in turn, exercised by others. In compensation, there-
fore, for the untenanted bar of Mr. Heywood, your
worthy fellow-townsman, my respected host, has had the
goodness to allow his honourable name to be used, for
the purpose of advancing ray poll in a like proportion.
He is contented to be, for this purpose and in this sense,
the shadow of a candidate : well deserving, as you know
him to be, if he were alive to such ambition, of the sub-
stantial suffrages of those fellow-townsmen whose esteem
and affection he enjoys.
" Gentlemen, in elections, trick must be met by trick,
and management by management. We, gentlemen, —
my friends as well as myself, — were ready to go on
quietly in our own path, separate and unconnected, leav-
ing to the freemen of Liverpool to decide between the
three candidates for their favour. But, when a fourth
name is started, for no purpose but that of an apparent
and fallacious multiplication and subdivision of votes ; —
(as if it were imagined, that a vote is like a polypus, which,
cut in two, shoots out a head or a tail, and so doubles
itself on each division ;) — we have thought ourselves at
366 MEMOIK OF GEOnGR CANNING.
liberty to adopt the same ingenious experiment. And,
if success be a legitimate test of an experiment, we have,
certainly, no reason to be dissatisfied with the suggestion
which we have thus borrowed from our opponents."
Immediately after the nomination of Mr. Bolton,
colonel Williams appeared tor lord Sefton ; and nine
bars were opened, and subsequently twenty-one. These
extraordinary circumstances are explained, and well
commented on, with their result, in Mr. Canning's hu-
morous speech on the fourth day.
" Gentlemen, if I have been longer than usual this
evening in reaching the place from which I am to address
you, you are to attribute it to the accident of my being,
according to an arrangement agreed to by all the candi-
dates, the last to leave the hustings this day. And, under
these circumstances, you will be rather surprised that I
am not later still, when I tell you, that the number of
candidates for the honour of representing you in Par-
liament has been, in the course of this day, not less than
twenty-one !
" Gentlemen, you have all read, no doubt, the letters
of lord Chesterfield. It is upon the authority of that
polite writer, I think, that it has been laid down as a
maxim, that, for the perfect enjoyment of social comfort,
a company ought not to be less numerous than the Graces,
nor more numerous than the Muses. Gentlemen, your
candidates, when we set out, were equal in number to
the Graces only ; and, so long as that analogy was pre-
served, we went on most courteously together. On S;itur-
day that analogy was abandoned by the addition of two
candidates. Disorder immediately ensued : but we had
no sooner reached the hustings this morning, than an at-
tonjpt was made to repair it, by raising our number to
nine. Rars were actually opened for candidates equal in
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 307
number to the Muses; but not, that I could see, with
any increase of harmony from that association.
" Gentlemen, having tried that mystical number for
one round, (just time enough to induce lord Sefton's
friends to inscribe ' Harmony and Sefton' on their
flag,) it was found, that the Muses were anytiiing but a
security for harmony. The harmony which followed the
adoption of their number was, indeed, of that species for
which certain concerts (called, I know not how justly,
after our neighbours the Dutch) are celebrated, where
every man is said to play his own tune upon his own in-
strument !
" Unluckily, the effort to escape from this confusion
was not so well considered as it was, no doubt, well in-
tended. By adding to the number nine, nine more, and
three more to that, till, by regular progression, we rose
to the number that I have stated, twenty-one, — 1 cannot
help thinking, that we rather augmented than diminished
the complication of our affairs.
" The list, however, of twenty-one, which I hold in
my hand, but which the excessive state of pressure in
w hich I see you prevents me from reading to you, con-
tains many names of individuals which you would hear
with kindness and respect. — [Cm* of ' Read, read!'^
But, then, gentlemen, there are others of a different de-
scription. — [^Cries of ' Read, read!^^ No, gentlemen.
The concert which I have described is, happily, termi-
nated ; and, as many of the performers were advertised
without their own consent, and were never persuaded to
take a vocal part in it, I should do unfairly in bringing
their names before you for criticism and comparison.
" But, ffontlemen, I say, seriously and sincerely, it
was a great satisfaction to me to find, that, in case of real
necessity, there were so many men in this town, of the
/
•368 f MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
principles which you approve, wlio could have been
brought forward to put down any combination against
your interests and freedom. Among these names, as I
told you on Saturday, ray respected host (who now stands
near me) was one; and, as I then announced to you this
fact, and the motive of his allowing himself to be put in
nomination, I owe it to him to say, that, that motive
having ceased, he has lost no time in relinquishing his
short trial of public life ; and, giving up all claim to your
suffrages, has gladly withdrawn again into that privacy
which he loves, and which, you all know, he adorns.
" Gentlemen, I was for some time at a loss to conceive
what could possibly have put it into the head of that ve-
nerable magistrate, colonel Williams, (for he it was who
started this extraordinary arithmetical progression to-
day, by presenting himself as a candidate:) — I was at a
loss, I say, to conceive, what could have suggested it to
his imagination, that, amongst all the things that were
wanting in this contest, and on his own side, candidates
were the materials in which they were most deficient!
From all I had before heard, I had reason to suppose,
that of candidates they had enough, and that voters were
principally wanting. But, it seems, it was reserved for
this sagacious politician not only to discover where the
want really pinched, but who was the fittest person to
supply it. My difficulty, however, was, in a great mea-
sure, solved, when I recollected the worthy colonel's
passion for Parliamentary Reform. The fashions of
London travel down to the country, and are sometimes
mistaken and disfigured in rural imitation. I am per-
suaded, that, something in this way, colonel Williafns,
having learned, from major Cartwright, that ?/mi;cy <«/
suffrage was the one thing necessary in politics, has only
made a small mistake in the application of that doctrine,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 369
and has conceived the major to intend, not that every
man should vote, but that every man should be a candi-
date ! Under such a conception, (however misappre-
hended,) nothing could be more praiseworthy than colo-
nel Williams's tender of his services. Of this plan of
reform it may, at least, be said, that, as it is the newest,
so it is the most simple and most innocent that colonel
Williams could possibly pursue.
" The expedient, however, having" been tried, we have
all, by common consent, grown weary of it; and, after
having indulged a little of that ill-humour which will
break out in the best regulated controversies, we have
found, happily not too late, that we had better return
towards the point from which we set out. We have so
returned; not, indeed, precisely to the original number
of the Graces, but to that number with the ornamental
addition only of Mr. Heywood, as a sort of master of
ceremonies. You have now again three real candidates
offering themselves to your choice ; and Mr. Heywood is
so good as to stand by to see fair play."
On the eighth day our hero was elected.
Mr. Canning dined with his friends at the Music Hall,
on the 29th of June, when he addressed them at great
length. The following extract, however, as containing
his most important observations, may satisfy the reader.
" Gentlemen, it does seem somewhat singular, and I
conceive that the historian of future times will be at a
loss to imagine how it should happen, — that, at this par-
ticular period, at the close of a war of such unexampled
brilliancy, in ^^ hich this country has acted a part so much
beyond its physical strength and its apparent resources;
— there should arise a sect of philosophers in this coun-
try, who begin to suspect something rotten in the British
constitution. The history of Europe, for the last twenty-
16. 3 B
370 MEMOIR OF GKOIIGE CANNING.
five years, is something like this: — A power went forth,
animated with the spirit of evil, to overturn every com-
munity of the civilised world. Before this dreadful as-
sailant, empires, and monarchies, and republics bowed:
some were crushed to the earth, and some bought their
safety by compromise. In the midst of this wide-spread
ruin, among tottering columns and falling edifices, one
fabric alone stood erect and braved the storm 5 and not
only provided for its own internal security, but sent
forth, at every portal, assistance to its weaker neigh-
bours. On this edifice floated that ensign, [^pointing to
the English ensign^'] a signal of rallying to the combatant,
and of shelter to the fallen.
" To an impartial observer — I will not say to an inha-
bitant of this little fortress — to an impartial observer, in
whatever part of the world, one should think something
of this sort would have occurred: — Here is a fabric con-
structed upon some principles not common to others in
its neighbourhood; principles which enable it to stand
erect while every thing is prostrate around it. In the
construction of this fabric there must be some curious
felicity, which the eye of the philosopher would be well
employed in investigating, and which its neighbours may
profit by adopting. This, I say, gentlemen, would have
been an obvious inference. But what shall we think of
their understandings who draw an inference directly the
reverse? and who say to us— ' You have stood when
others have fallen ; when others have crouched, you
have borne yourselves aloft: you alone have resisted the
power which has shaken and swallowed up half the civi-
lised world, Wc like not (his suspicious peculiarity.
There must be something wrong in your internal con-
formation.' With this unhappy curiosity, and in the
spirit of this perverse analysis, they proceed to dissect
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 371
our constitution. They find that, like other states, we
have a monarch : that a nobility, though not organized
like ours, is common to all the great empires of Europe :
but that our distinction lies in a popular assembly, which
gives life, and vigour, and strength to the whole frame of
the government. Here, therefore, they find the seat of
our disease. Our peccant part is, undoubtedly, the
House of Commons. Hence our presumptuous exemp-
tion from what was the common lot of all our neigh-
bours: the anomaly ought forthwith" to be corrected;
and, therefore, the House of Commons must be re-
formed.
" Gentlemen, it cannot but have struck you as some-
what extraordinary, that whereas, in speaking of foreign
sovereigns, our reformers are never very sparing of un-
courtly epithets ; that whereas, in discussing the general
principles of government, they seldom omit an opportu-
nity of discrediting and deriding the privileged orders of
society; yet, when they come to discuss the British
constitution, nothing can be more respectful than their
language towards the Crown ; nothing more forbearing
than their treatment of the aristocracy. With the House
of Commons alone they take the freedom of familiarity;
upon it they pour out all the vials of their wrath, and -
exhaust their denunciations of amendment.
" Gentlemen, this, though extraordinary, is not unin-
telligible. The reformers are wise in their generation.
They know well enough, — and have read plainly enough
in our own history, — that the prerogatives of the Crown
and the privileges of the peerage would be but as dust in
the balance against a preponderating democracy. They
mean democracy, and nothing else. And, give them but
a House of Commons constructed on their own princi-
ples, — the peerage and the throne may exist for a day,
372 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
but may be swept from the face of the earth by the first
an^rv vote of such a House of Commons.
'' It is, therefore, utterly unnecessary for the re^
formers to declare hostility to the Crown; it is, therei-
fore, utterly superfluous for them to make war against
the peerage. They know that, let but their princi-
ples have full play, the Crown and the peerage would
be to the constitution which they assail, but as the bag-
gao-e to the army, — and the destruction '•of them but as
the gleanings of the battle. They know that the battle
is with the House of Commons, as at present constituted ;
— and that, that once overthrown, and another popular
assembly constructed on their principle,— as the creature
and depository of the people's power, and the unreason-
ing instrument of the people's will,-"there would not
only be no chance, but (I will go. further for them in
avowal, though not in intention, than they go for them-
selves) there would not be a pretence for the existence of
any other branch of the constitution.
" Gentlemen, the whole fallacy lies in this : the re-
formers reason from false premises, and, therefore, are
driving on their unhappy adherents to false and danger-
ous conclusions. The constitution of this country is a
MONARCHY, Controlled by two assemblies : the one here-
ditary, and independent alike of the Crown and the peo-
ple : the other elected by and for the people, but elected
for the purpose of controlling and not of administering
the government. The error of the reformers, if error it
can be called, is, that they argue as if the constitution of
this country was a broad and level democracy, inlaid (for
ornament sake) with a peerage, and topped (by suffer-
ance) with a crown.
'* If they say, that, for such a constitution, that is, in
effect, for an uncontrolled democracy, the present House
MEMOIR OF GKORGE CANNING. 373
jof Commons is not sufficiently popular, they are right ;
but such a constitution is not what we have, or what we
desire. We are born under a monarchy, which it is our
duty, as much as it is for our happiness, to preserve ; and
which there cannot be a shadow of doubt that the reforms
which are recommended to us would destroy.
" I love the monarchy, gentlemen, because, limited
and controlled as it is in our happy constitution, I believe
it to be not only the safest depository of power, but the
surest guardian of liberty. I love the system of popular
representation, gentlemen : — who can have more cause
to value it highly than I feel at this moment — reflecting
on the triumphs which it has earned for me, and address-
ing those who have been the means of achieving them ?
But of popular representation, I think, we have enough
for every purpose of jealous, steady, corrective, efficient
control over the acts of that monarchical power, which,
for the safety and for the peace of the community, is
lodged in one sacred family, and descendible from sire to
son.
*' If any man tell me, that the popular principle in the
House of Commons is not strong enough for effective
control, nor diffused enough to ensure sympathy with the
people, I appeal to the whole course of the transactions
of the last war; — I desire to have cited to me the in-
stances in which the House of Commons has failed, either
to express the matured and settled opinion of the nation,
or to convey it to the Crown. But I warn those who may
undertake to make the citation, that they do not (as, in
fact, they almost always do) substitute their own for the
national opinion, and then complain of its having been
imperfectly echoed in the House of Commons.
" If, on the other hand, it be only meant to say, that
the House of Commons is not the whole government of
374 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the country, — which, if all power be not only /or but in
the people, the House of Commons ought to be, if the
people were adequately represented, — I answer, thank
God it is not so! — God forbid it should ever aim at be-
coming so !
" But they look far short of the ultimate effect of the
doctrines of the present day, who do not see that their
tendency is not to make a House of Commons such as, in
theory, it has always been defined — a third branch of the
le"-ishiture ; but to absorb the legislative and executive
powers into one; to create an immediate delegation of
the whole authority of the people — to which, practically,
nothing could, and, in reasoning, nothing ought to stand
in opposition.
" Gentlemen, it would be well if these doctrines were
the ebullitions of the moment, and ended with the occa-
sions which naturally give them their freest play ; T mean,
with the season of popular elections. But, unfortunately,
disseminated as they are among all ranks of the commu-
nity, they are doing permanent and incalculable mischief.
How lamentably is experience lost on mankind ! for
when — in what age, in what country of the world — have
doctrines of this sort been reduced to practice, without
leading, through anarchy, to military despotism? The
revolution of the seasons is not more certain than is this
connexion of events in the course of moral nature.
" Gentlemen, to theories like these you will do me the
justice to remember that I have always opposed myself;
not more since I have had the honour to represent this
community, than when I was uncertain how far my opi-
nions on such subjects might coincide with yours.
" For opposing these theories, gentlemen, I have be-
come an object of peculiar obloquy : but I have borne
that obio(|uy with the consciousness of having discharged
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 375
my duty; — and with the consolation, that the time was
not far distant when I should come here among you, (to
whom alone I owe an account of my public conduct,) —
when I should have an opportunity of hearing from
you, whether I had (as I flattered myself) spoken the
sense of the second commercial community in England ;
and when, if — unfortunately and contrary to my belief — I
had separated myself in opinion from you, I should learn
the grounds of that separation.
" Gentlemen, my object, in political life, has always
been, rather to reconcile the nation to the lot which has
fallen to them, (surely, a most glorious and blessed lot
among nations!) than to aggravate incurable imperfec-
tions, and to point out imaginary and unattainable ex-
cellences for their admiration. I have done so, because,
though I am aware that more splendidly popular systems
of o-overnment micht be devised than that which it is our
happiness to enjoy, it is, I believe in my conscience, im-
possible to devise one, in which all the good qualities of
human nature should be brought more beneficially into
action, — in which there should be as much order and as
much liberty, — in which property (the conservative prin-
ciple of society) should operate so fairly, with a just but
not an overwhelming weight, — in which industry should
be so sure of its reward, talents of their due ascendancy,
and virtue of the general esteem.
" The theories of preternatural purity are founded on
a notion of -doing away with all these accustomed rela-
tions, — of breaking all the ties by which society is held
together. Property is to have no influence — talents no
respect — virtue no honour, among their neighbourhood.
Naked, abstract political rights are to be set up against
the authorities of nature and of reason : and the result
of suff^rages, thus freed from all the ordinary influences
37G MKMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING.
which have operated upon mankind from the beginning
of the world, is to be — the erection of some untried sys-
tem of politics, of which it may be sufficient to say, that
it could not last a day,— that, if it rose with the mists of
the morning, it would dissolve in the noontide sun.
" Gentlemen, one ill consequence of these brilliant
schemes, even where they are the visions of unsound
imagination, rather than the suggestions of crafty mis-
chief, is, that they tend to dissatisfy the minds of the un-
informed with the actual constitution of their country.
" To maintain that constitution has been the unvary-
ing object of my political life : and the maintenance of
it, in these latter days, has, I have said, exposed me to
obloquy and to hatred ; — to the hatred of those who be-
lieve either their own reputation for sagacity, or their
own means of success, to be connected with a change in
the present institutions of the country.
"We have heard something of numbers, in the course
of the present election; and there is in numbers, I con-
fess, a coincidence which gratifies and pleases me. The
number three hundred was that of the majority which
assured my return. It is the number, 1 am informed, of
those who are assembled here to greet me this day. The
last time that I heard of the number three hundred,
in a way at all interesting to myself, was in an intimation,
publicly conveyed to me, that precisely that number of
heroes had bound themselves, by oath to each other, to
assassinate me. Gentlemen, against my three hundred
assassins I put my three hundred friends,— ^and I feel
neither my life nor my popularity in dangei*."
The circumstance to which Mr. Canning alluded, was,
that three hundred persons had been said to be leagued
to destroy Mr. Canning, in the event of his gaining the
election. The report of this intended massacre was.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 377 5
y
however, generally regarded as an impotent attempt to ) .
terrify the candidate and his supporters. •<
On the question of the Indemnity Bill, the sufferings
of those who had endured imprisonment from the suspen-
sion of the Habeas Corpus Act, became matter of consi-
deration. I
Sir Samuel Romilly designated them as proceedings
more suited to the government of Algiers, than to any
government that professed to be directed by laws. « «^
The case that had been most relied on by the opposers
of the bill, was the petition of William Ogden, who
represented himself as seventy-four years of age, with
seventeen children — that he had been confined nine
months — a manacle of thirty pounds' weight was put upon
him, which dislocated his arm— that he cried bitterly for
assistance, but that none came to him for sixteen hours; ^4
during which time he suffered the most excruciating /^
torture.
Mr. Canning said, amongst other things — " No doubt,
every man who has been arrested under the Suspension
Act, will come to the bar and swear— no, not swear, but
declare— that he has been most cruelly and unjustly
treated; that he was the most innocent and most injured
of mankind; and that his merits had only pointed him out
as an object for prosecution ; that he has been exposed
to the most cruel tortures ; and that all his calamities
were to be attributed to Oliver the spy. In the head
and phalanx of petitions, (and it is to be supposed, that
the honourable members on the other side have not been
wanting in prudence to select the best case,) stands that
renowned gentleman, and instigator of murder, (Mr.
Francis Ward.) True it is, that he has now been aban-
doned, deserted, in his utmost need; because his friends,
or, rather, the supporters of his petition, found it con-
16. 3 c
378 MEMoin or georc.e canning.
venient for their argument; not, however, before his
crimes had been detected, and his character blasted.
Then, and not till then, he was expelled from their com-
pany ; and, instead of calling, as they have done, for the
sympathy of the House — for its compassion — for its tears
— over the sufferings of this admirable and amiable being,
the other side dropped his name entirely, or insisted that
the merits or demerits of this Luddite — this hirer of
assassins — this instigator of murder and rebellion — had
nothing to do w ith their other petitions. Assuredly, the
case of Mr. Ward is not precisely that on which the
House of Commons would think fit to found an impeach-
ment of government. Ward, and all his patient sufferings,
being abandoned, next, with all the pomp of eloquence,
and all the flexibility of pathos, is introduced the ever-
to-be-revered and unhappy Ogden. His name was pro-
nounced with all the veneration belonging to virtuous
age and silver hairs ; and yef, on inquiry, what did his
case turn out to be, but that he had been cured of a rup-
^f ture, at the public expense.
" The greater part of the petition of this ill-used per-
sonage consisted of a nice and particular description of
tiie manner in which his extended bowels writhed round
the knife of the surgeon ; and it is impossible to forget
the general shudder felt by the House, when that part of
the petition was read. Yet the plain truth is, that this
man had laboured under the affliction (asserted by the
petition to have been produced by the severity of the con-
finement) many years, and he took advantage of his con-
finement, to have it cured gratis; and expressed, after-
wards, to his relatives and friends, the comfort and delight
he experienced on being thus made a new man again.
" The case of the revered and ruptured Ogden niay be
a very fit one to be brought before the Rupture Society,
MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING. O iV
but to require upon it the decision of Parliament, is
such a daring attempt upon its credulity, as will proba-
bly be never again attempted.
"This, however, was not enough; the other side were
not satisfied with the exposure of the murderous Lud-
dite, Ward, or with the case of gratuitous surgery. The
trick and tiaud, the impostures tried upon the House,
obvious to all besides, were not obvious to them; — they
still endeavoured to multiply the number of those who
were duped by these gross and designed misrepresenta-
tions; — and if the House had unluckily suffered itself to
be imposed upon by impudence of assertion, it would
not have had the consolation of being pitied for its
weakness, without the bitter aggravation of being-
laughed at for its simplicity.
"Another case, not less curious than absurd, was soon
afterwards brought forward, the object of which was to
connect spies with the government. It was stated, in a
petition, that a man named Dewhurst was seen in a gig
belonging to sir John Byng. This was maintained as a
grave fact: — true, it was retracted a week afterwards.
The proposition had two tangible parts — first, Devvhurst ;
next, the gig ; and soon afterwards arrives a note from
sir John Byng, pithy indeed, but very much to the mat-
ter in question, viz. 'There is no Dewhurst, and I have
no gig.' "
Mr. Canning proceeded, at great length, to draw in-
ferences, that all the assertions would thus be proved to
be false in every particular.
Whatever the popular feeling upon this speech then
was, and whatever the general opinion may now be, it
is unfair to draw from it an inference that our hero was
deficient in that staple commodity in the mouths of ora-
tors—compassion. It should be remembered, that mi-
380 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
nisters and oppositionists, and, indeed, all men who
form parties, become amenable for the acts of each
Oilier. There is a fatal indivisibility about public tran-
sactions, and the censure seldom falls entirely on the
head of him with whom the evil originated. It follows,
that each link of this chain must support the other; and
when a hasty act has involved the whole party in a di-
lemma, by the folly or vice of one, or his agents, the
others must become his advocates, to draw him from a
gulf in which they must otherwise sink with him. This
principle is not confined to the ministerial side of the
question. In numberless instances, such as the impeach-
ment of Warren Hastings, trial of lord Melville, &c. &c.
the Opposition became advocates for the people, and for
one another; broad assertions were supported by their
party, even when those who supported them knew that
they were founded on imaginings instead of facts, con-
jecture rather than knowledge. Those M'ho deal in ana-
themas on the conduct of public men, would do well to
consider the circumstances in which those men stand. It
is easy to say, that in such a case the duty of a public
man is to state the plain truth, and, on all occasions, pro-
mote the welfare, and accede to the wishes of the people;
])ut the latter is seldom compatible with the former,
whatever Utopian philosophers may urge. It is the
curse of the many, to draw large and liberal conclusions
from slender premises; and adversaries are generally so
ungenerous, so apt to take all advantages in political
warfare, that a minister who should boldly come for-
ward, and say, my colleagues have done wrong, and I
admit it, instead of meeting any thing like reciprocal
candour, would be insulted by the boasting of his oppo-
nents, who would attribute concession to an inability to
defend : and would contend for the correctness of all their
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 381
demands and statements, because one (however trivial)
had been admitted. The public seem but little inclined,
too, to believe that error may be sometimes the mere
effect of accident ; whilst, in the common relations of
life, we allow for the feelings of our friends, and even
our enemies, the misdoings of a minister are perpetually
represented as wilful errors.
In the speech just quoted, there is little reason to sup- f
pose that Mr. Canning spoke the feelings of his bosom ;
he rose as the advocate of those who had either com-
mitted or been led into error. To own their guilt, would
have been to give a triumph to those who would not re-
ceive it nobly, or enjoy it discreetly. It would have
awakened the public to a cry of " vengeance," that then
could scarcely have been withheld ; and it is to be
doubted, whether men who do wrong, should be made
public examples, when they have done so under an im-
pression that they were doing right. However, merging
the question of right or wrong, guilty or not guilty, in
toto, Mr. Canning rose as an advocate, to defend those
whom it was either not justice or policy to punish. How
defend them, then ? It was not, perhaps, easy to deny,
seriously, that they had acted unadvisedly ; but it was
comparatively so, to show that the sufferings caused by
their conduct was much less than the oppositionists re-
presented. Mr. Canning was too good a logician to at-
tempt to argue where he must suffer defeat ; — he there-
fore attacked reason by ridicule, and raised a laugh
where he could not upset an argument. What was there
criminal in this ? if aught, did the criminality rest with
him alone ? No jester proceeds, if society does not sanc-
tion his jesting with their smiles. The House of Com-
mons shared the obloquy with Mr. Canning, if any at-
tended this speech ; but we rather think that, looking
3S2 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
dispassionately at the matter, Mr. Canning will be found
to have done no more than make the best answer he
could to a staggering charge, attended with much exag-
geration, and bolstered by strong popular prejudice.
Instances are on record where men have joked over the
grave of their friends,* yet no one had the hardihood to
accuse such men of wilful malignity; it sometimes re-
quires more than human forbearance to avoid giving vent
to a witticism, and men cannot always rein in their fan-
cies at will. Mr. Canning had not risen to a systenmtic
defence, but spoke suddenly, and threw off in heat the
sentences that were so eagerly seized by his enemies as
tJie ground-work for deliberate attacks.
The muse of Mr. Moore was employed on this occa-
sion ; and all parties will, perhaps, agree, that had Mr.
Canning's error been of a much deeper dye, it would
have been amply punished by the castigation inflicted in
the following powerful verses. They were published in
the Morning Chronicle, a few days after the delivery of
the speech.
" LINES ON A LATE DISPLAY IN THE QF .
' Injocis quoqiie perniciosus.^
* Mhivs Lamprid. de Commodo.
" Is this, tlien, the eloquence fit for the ears
Of the statesmen of England— the manly, the wise?
Is ihis, then, the wit to awaken the cheers
Of the men on whose council the world hath its eyes ?
•• To make mirth, as the mummer's last brutal resource.
Out of torments, the deadliest man can sustain;
And fo probe with a ridicule cruel and coarse
As the knife of the Indian the vitals of pain.
Foote at Holland's funeral, is a story too well known for repe-
tition.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 383
" To lay bare every pang that, in ribaldry's dearth.
Even ribalds themselves would have cover'd in shade;
And to mock — gracious Heaven! with a mountebank's mirth.
The quivering of agony's nerve round the blade!
" Is this, then, the feeling, — is this the display.
Of that hall where the mighty of England once spoke;
Where a light from the spirit of Fox, like the ray
O'er the chains of the apostle* enfranchising broke.
" Where a Sheridan's wit, (oh, the contrast to this!)
Though as wild as the creatures of air that in spring
Seem to lend a new charm to the flow'rets they kiss —
Never lighted on aught that could sully its wing.
" Where once there were men — had a MoMUS thus shook
His bells o'er the bed where a sufferer wasted —
Had struck down the heartless buffoon with a look.
And there left him, like something that lightning had blasted!
" But is this the eloquence Britons applaud?
Forbid it our nature — forbid it our fame;
On the mime who could utter — the slaves who could laud —
Such dishonouring trash, be the curse and the shame,
" No, still let the witling — if wit it can be,
That forsakes its own element, freedom and right.
And like fishes whose home, when alive, was the sea,
To corruption alone owes its pestilent light.f
*• No, still let the punster, the parodist, draw
From his out-of-date libels a pittance of fame.
While he helps to halloo the keen beagles of law,
At the fools who thus sanction'd dare venture the same.
" Let him plunder with those whom he ridiculed then,
Let him live by the crew who then waken'd his laughter.
Like creatures we read of, (less rank than such men,)
Who befoul first their victim, and feed on it after,
" *. ' And a light shined in the prison and his chains fell off
from his hands,' — Acts xii. 7,
" t The power of rotten fish to shine is well known.
384 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" Yes, still let tliis trader — a trader as gross,
As the sleekest of them, wliose * sweet voices' he craves —
When ethics like theirs lie in profit and loss.
And whose trade (if it might) would like theirs be in slaves.
" Let him crouch to the rival he would have supplanted.
Since safer he finds it to crouch than betrayj
Bo his pledges belied, and his charges recanted.
The tribute that rival has bribed him to pay.
" All this let him do — even worse let him dare;
But never, just God, let the scoffer again.
Make a jest of the ills that thy creatures must bear.
Lest thou wither the tongue that thus sports with their pain !"*
This was not the only punishment that awaited our
j/^ hero for this indiscreet speech. A letter, in the form of a
pamphlet, appeared, of a most extraordinary and intem-
perate character; it attacked our hero with unexampled
virulence, and became noticeable, as it was powerfully
as well as violently written. In style it resembled the
letters of Junius, and the authorship was attributed to
sir Philip Francis, then suspected as the author of
"Junius;" that gentleman denied any knowledge of it.
This pamphlet was suppressed, the day after its publica-
tion. Extracts from it would be now uninterestinjr; it
will be found by the curious reader in the Times of the
14th of April, 1818, with the exception of the most vio-
lent paragraph, which ran nearly as follows.
" If you ever accuse me of treason — throw me into
prison— make your jailers load me with chains, and tlien
jest at my sufferings— I will put you to death."
Irritated at this attack, Mr. Canning wrote and pub-
lished the following letter : —
Mr. Canning's defence of this speech will bo found in an ac-
count of the election of 1820, in the future pages.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 385
" Gloucester Lodge, April 10, 1818.
" Sir, — I received, early in the last week, the copy of your
pamphlet which you (I take for granted) had the attention to send
to me.
" Soon after, I was informed, on the authority of your publisher,
that you had withdrawn the whole impression from him, with the
view (as was supposed) of suppressing the publication.
" I since learn, however, that the pamphlet, though not sold, is
cirtulated under blank covers.
" I learn tliis from (among others) the gentleman to whom the
pamphlet has been industriously attributed, but who has volun
tarily and absolutely denied to me that he has any knowledge of it,
or of its author.
"To you, sir, whoever you may be, I address myself thus directly,
for the purpose of expressing to you my opinion, that
" You are a liar and a slanderer, and want courage only to be an
assassin.
" I have only to add, that no man knows of my writing to you ;
that I shall maintain the same reserve, so long as I have an expecta-
tion of hearing from you in your own name; and that I shall not
give up that expectation, till to-morrow (Saturday) night.
" The same address that brought me your pamphlet will bring
any letter safe to my hands.
" I am, sir,
" Your humble servant,
" George Canning."
" For the Author of * A Letter to the
Right Hon. George Canning.' "
" (Mr. Ridgway is requested to forward this letter to its
destination.)"
The author \^as never discovered, and thus the affair
concluded.
On the 17th of November, 1818, Queen Charlotte ex-
pired ; and, about the same period, the death of sir
Samuel Roniilly gave a shock to society. Suicide, com-
mitted by such men as Whitbread and Romilly, becomes
doubly dreadful : it betrays the wreck of mighty minds:
and serves to support the axiom, that the nearer the
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386 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
iiiiiid approaches perfection, the closer it verges to in-
sanity.
jl In consequence of the death 6f Sir Samuel, another
election took place for Westminster; and a sharp contest
occurred between Mr. Hobhouse and the honourable
G. Lanib, which ended in favour of the latter; for whom
lord Castlereagh, and some other members of the admi-
nistration, voted. On the question of the State of the
Nation, in reply to Mr. Tierney, Mr. Canning adverted
to this election, as follows : —
" What do the Whigs think of another Westminster
election? It is true that the honourable baronet (sir
Francis Burdett) is this night with them ; but it is only
on the understanding that they will support his darling
measure of parliamentary reform. After some hesitation,
and a sort of whispering, the right honourable gentlemen
acceded to the honourable baronet's condition, and a
I y
coalition has taken place. Suppose, now, that the new
coalition ministry were formed ; vvho, in point of talent,
of rank, and of consideration in the country, was better
fitted to be a leading member of the Cabinet than the
honourable baronet ? Well, then, everybody knows that
one of the first questions which the honourable baronet
would, when minister, bring forward, would be the great
subject of parliamentary reform. What then would be
the conduct of the Whig members of the Cabinet?
Either they would come forward in a body to support
the plan of their honourable colleague, and thereby flatly
contradict their professions of a long series of years, or
they would be a divided administration 'on the most
important, the most comprehensive, the most vital ques-
tion that ever agitated the country,' and thus be liable
to the same reproach which they so unmercifully cast
upon their unfortunate predecessors. An honourable
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 387
•rcntleman has said, that if the ministers are popular in
the House, the Whigs are popular in the country. I
should have thought popularity was the last topic that
the Whigs would have alluded to, as one of their pre-
tensions to come into power. I do not conceive that
ministers are particularly popular, nor myself more than
the rest of my colleagues ; but 1 have gone through the
ordeal of a public election, without the accompaniment
of mud and grenadiers. I have not been subjected to
such striking proofs of favouritism as those idols of the
people — the Whigs ; who, with laurels in their hats, and
brickbats at their heels, bedaubed with ribands and rub- -
bish, were forced to be rescued from their overpowering-
popularity, by a detachment of his INIajesty's Horse
Guards. Suppose these mud-bespattered Whigs were to
come into office, instead of the present ministry, who, it
is said, are so disliked throughout the country, where,
after all, is the advantage worth contending for? Is
it for the trifling difference between an unpopular and a
pelted administration ? The right honourable gentleman
has confessed that this is a trial of strength ; and 1
trust that the division of this night will show which party,
in the opinion of the House, is the more likely to give
stability to our internal quiet, permanency to our exter- -^
nal glory, and produce general confidence throughout
the country." <.
On the 16th of August, 1819, a meeting took place at
Manchester, on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. /
The populace that assembled were furiously attacked i
by the yeomanry — men and women were indiscriminately /
cut down, as the reformers averred — and the complaints of ^
the sufferers excited sympathy in all partsof the kingdom.
Hunt and Burdett were tried, and the former sent to II-
chester ; and the matter was inquired into by Parliamente
3b8 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
On the 29th of January, 1820, his Majesty, king
George the Third, departed this life; and his present
Majesty being his successor, attention was, of course,
turned to one who, in the conflicting events of the late
years, had escaped from public view. In June, 1820,
her ^Majesty arrived in England. We have purposely
omitted any mention of the part Mr. Canning took in
the Queen's case, because it appeared better to place the
whole of the subject together.
It may be urged that we have too often gone into de-
tail, but this work is not one of the moment ; it is meant
for future days; and this is not said in vanity, for the
subject involves the durability of the history. The
writer may be as dark and as gloomy as the tomb of old,
but the never-dying light of Canning's fame will shed a
brilliancy over the pages. There is, perhaps, nothing
more annoying in works of this description, than to sud-
denly find a reference to any subject, as too well known
for comment, of the facts of which the reader is really
wholly ignorant. Needless repetition is, in such cases,
more pardonable than omission; and, it is hoped, that
in this volume the medium has been generally observed.
We proceed, then, to a brief glance at the circum-
stances of the Queen, as far as it regards the conduct
of our hero, who had, at an early period, given his
opinion of the accomplishments and character of that
unfortunate Princess, by saying, that she was "the life,
grace, and honour of every society she chose to ennoble
nith her presence."
When the separation of her royal highness the Prin-
cess of Wales from the Prince was finally agreed on,
the Princess fixed her residence at the village of Charl-
ton, in the neighbourhood of Blackheath, whither she
was accompanied by Miss Garth, Miss Vernon, Mrs. ;l
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 389
Harcourt, Mrs. Sanders, and a few other ladies, who
formed the whole of her female establishment. On her
royal highness being appointed ranger of Greenwich
Park, she removed from Charlton to Montague House,
Blackheath.
The following individuals formed the chief society
that her royal highness enjoyed in her retreat: — lord
Hood, lord Aurelius Beauclerc, captain Manby, sir Sid-
ney Smith, Mr. Campe, a most intelligent gentleman
and a native of Germany, and Mr. Canning.
Among the residents in the immediate vicinity of Mon-
tague House, was the family of sir John Douglas, whose
lady, about this period (1801), was delivered (as report
stated) of a very beautiful female infant. This report
reached the ear of her royal highness, who was ever re-
markable for her fondness for children, and she expressed
her determination to see the child. One morning, lady
Douglas perceived, from her drawing-room window, her
royal highness endeavouring to open the gate which led
to the hall door ; and her ladyship immediately came
down stairs, and was saluted by her royal highness with
her accustomed frankness—" I believe you are lady
Douglas, and have a very beautiful child; I should like
to see it." Her ladyship requested her royal highness
would walk in, and lamented that her family were in
town, and she could not, at the moment, gratify her
royal highness and Miss Heyman (the lady who accom-
panied her). Shortly after this introduction, sir John
and lady Douglas received an invitation to Montague
House, and an intimacy soon took place between the
Princess and lady Douglas. Our readers need scarcely
be informed, that the Princess of Wales's fondness for
children induced her to adopt the infant son of a la-
bourer in the dock-yard at Deptford ; and this circum-
dJK) MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
stance laid the foundation tor a most malignant perse-
cution; the principal agents in which, and, indeed, the
«iiole instigators, were the amiable lady and sir John
Douijlas, (the husband in this instance, no doubt, acting-
under the influence of his wife). The sapient sir John
commenced retailing his wife's infamous and scandalous
surmises, not as surmises, but as tiicts, to his royal high-
ness the duke of Sussex, who felt it due to his royal bro-
ther instantly to make him acquainted with every parti-
cular; and further to inform him, that the duke of Kent
had been made acquainted with the matter a twelve-
uiauth before.
The duko of Kent, on being applied to, instantly fur-
nished his royal brother with the particulars of the in-
formation he had received on the subject, of which the
following is the substance.
The duke of Kent stated, that, about a twelvemonth
previous, he received a note from the Princess of Wales,
requesting him to arrange a disagreeable matter, be-
tween sir Sidney Smith, sir John, and lady Douglas.
Her royal highness informed him, at an interview he had
with her royal highness, in consequence of the note al-
luded to, that she had reasons for desiring to discontinue
her acquaintance with lady Douglas, but that lady
would take no hint that her visits were not desired ; and,
in consequence, her royal highness was conjpelled to
desire one of her ladies to address a note to lady Dou-
glas, informing her, that her visits in future would be
dispensed with; in consequence of this note, an appli-
cation had been made to the Princess, through a member
of her household, in the joint names of sir Sidney Smith,
sir John, and lady Douglas, for an audience; but the
Princess, being averse to any disagreeable controversy,
and being convinced that her determination not to renew
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 391
her acquaintance with lady Douglas was one that she
owed to the due consideration of her dignified station,
inasmuch as that lady had betrayed a flightiness and light-
ness of character that the Princess could not approve,
peremptorily refused to grant the interview.
The Princess requested the duke to interfere, to pre-
vent her being further troubled in the matter; and his
royal highness the duke of Kent sent a message to sir
Sidney Smith, requesting he would call on him. Sir
Sidney Smith waited on the royal duke, and, having
heard the object for which his royal highness desired the
interview, stated, that the reason sir John and lady
Douglas wished an audience with her royal highness, was
in consequence of their having received an anonymous
letter, of a nature calculated to set on sir John and him,
to cut each other's throats ; which, from the handwriting
and style, they were both fully convinced was the pro-
duction of her royal highness. After some further con-
versation, his royal highness requested the matter might
not be further agitated for the present ; and his royal
highness was led to adopt this course, in consequence of
the effect such a matter being made public might have on
his Majesty. It was finally settled, that the affair should
not be further entered into for the present ; and the duke
informed her royal highness of that fact, who seemed
perfectly satisfied with, the manner in which the affair
had, for the time, ended.
The duke of Kent having satisfied his royal brother,
of the motives that induced him to make a secret of the
matter for such a period, the Prince of Wales parted
^^'ith him in the most cordial manner ; but an application
was instantly made to lady Douglas, demanding from her
a full statement of the whole circumstances attending
her acquaintance with the Princess of Wales. The fol-
lowing is the substance of lady Douglas's statement:-^
392 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
Lady Douglas prefaced her infamous narrative by
stating her conviction that she was doing right, in laying
the account she was about to furnish before the Prince,
"As it will prevent such a person (meaning the Princess)
from one day placing a spurious heir upon the English
throne, and which his royal highness has indeed a right to
fear;" as the Princess told her, " If she were discovered in
bringing her son into the world, she would give the Prince
the credit of it ; for she had slept two nights, in the year
she was pregnant, in Carlton House." Her ladyship
then mentions her first interview with her royal highness,
which we have noticed in page 389. This narration, which
is of great length, and contained a vast quantity of petty
details, states distinctly, that the Princess was with child,
and that she made lady Douglas acquainted with the
fact, and stated, that she (the Princess) had not the
slightest fear of getting through the difficulty easily
enough.
The statement was signed by Charlotte Douglas and
John DouglaSj in the presence of Augustus Frederick;
and dated, Greenwich Park, Dec. 3, 1805.
No sooner was his Majesty made acquainted with the
aspersion on the character of his illustrious daughter-
in-law, than he issued his warrant, commanding lords
Erskine, Grenville, Ellenborough, and earl Spencer, to
inquire into the truth of the allegations.
And their lordships, after a long and patient investi-
gation, assured his Majesty that there was not the smallest
grounds for suspecting her royal highness of any act con-
trary to the dignity of her station.
In the early part of this inquiry, Mr. Canning's name
was brought up in a way to induce a belief, that a con-
nexion was suspected between himself and the Princess;
but this inuendo never excited or received any farther
notice.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 39:J
After having- endured years of persecution and morti-
fication, the Princess, induced by the strenuous argu-
ments and eloquence of Mr. Canning, consented to take
up her residence on the Continent; and sailed from
Worthing for Hanaburgh, where she arrived on the 16th
of August, 1814 : taking £35,000 per annum, instead of
the £50,000, voted her by Parliament.
Mr. Canning avowed himself the Princess's adviser
subsequently in the House ; and said, on the subject of
her residing abroad, that " faction had marked her for
its own;" and "he would give the same advice, under
the same circumstances, to his nearest relation." l
This was not the only time that Mr. Canning spoke on
the Princess's behalf, in the House. On Cochrane John-
stone's motion, (1813,) he said, "I am prepared to assert
and maintain, that the words and meaning of the Cabinet
Report, in 1807, conveyed a complete, satisfactory, and
unlimited acquittal." In speaking of the letter of the
Princess, he reprobated the publication of it ; but added,
" I would not have raised the flame, by calling in the aid
of other persons to assist the Cabinet."
Respecting the work, entitled "The Book," Mr. Can-
ning spoke as follows, in the House : —
" When I first received a copy of that publication
from Mr. Percival, I sent him the following note : — 'I
have received your book. I am sorry it has appeared.
It will certainly come out, some time or other; and that
you may know that it is not from my copy, I return you
the one you have sent me.'
" The recent publications (the letter, &c.) have been
most guilty. I have those near me who can testify, that
I supplicated my late right honourable friend not to
print those documents at a former period ; for I assured
17. 3 E
394 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
him, that to print, with the hope of subsequently suppress-
ing, was the worst of all human expectations."*
On the 6th of June, 1820, Queen Caroline re-appeared
in England. On the same day, the following proceed-
ings took place in the House of Commons.
" Lord Castlereagh appeared at the bar of the House.
" The Speaker. ' Lord Castlereagh, what have you
got there ?'
" Lord Castlereagh. 'A message from the King.'
*' The Speaker desired him to bring it up.
" The noble lord then brought up a paper and a sealed
green bag: the paper he gave into the hands of the
Speaker ; the green bag he laid upon the table.
" The Speaker then proceeded to read the message,
amidst loud cries of ' hats off.'
" Lord Castlereagh then rose, and said, that he should
move that an humble address be presented to his Majes-
ty, to return him thanks for his most gracious message,
and to assure him that the House would take the same
into their immediate consideration. He should also
move, at the same time, that the papers to which the
message alluded should be referred to a secret com-
mittee ; but, at present, he should content himself with
moving, that the House take this message into considera-
tion to-morrow."
The following day, lord Castlereagh rose, and moved
the order of the day. The message was then read.
• It is worthy of remark, that the Princess visited the Opera-
house on the 11th of June, 1814, (when the Emperor of Russia,
King of Prussia, Prince Regent, &c. &c., went there,) per advice
of Mr. Canning; and that, on that occasion, the Prince bowed three
times to her royal highness, though he had previously expressed
his determination never to recognise her in public.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING, H'Oo
" George R. — Tlie King thinks it necessary, in consequence of
the arrival of the Queen, to communicate to the House of Com-
mons certain papers respecting the conduct of her Majesty, since
her departure from this kingdom, which he recommends to the
immediate and serious attention of this House.
" The King has felt the most anxious desire to avert the neces-
sity of disclosures and discussions, which must be as painful to his
people as they can be to himself j but the step now taken by the
Queen leaves him no alternative.
" The King has the fullest confidence, that, m consequence of
this communication, the House of Commons will adopt that course
of proceeding which the justice of the case and the honour and
dignity of his Majesty's crown may require.
" George R."
After this his lordship went into a long explanation of
tlie charges brought against her Majesty, and concluded
by moving, that the papers, presented by him to the
House, should be referred to a select committee. This,
Mr. Brougham vehemently opposed.
When Mr. Brougham resumed his seat, Mr. Canning
rose, under evident agitation, and spoke to the following
eftec^^ —
y' /^ I never rose to deliver my sentiments on a subject of
A,o much delicacy and interest as that now before the
^ House. I never felt myself called on to discharge a duty
so painful as the present, or which demanded from every
liberal mind a greater portion of calmness, of patience,
and of attention, than the question under consideration
requires. The occasion out of which it arose, and the
circumstances that are connected with it, are of a nature
as novel as they are delicate. I listened with attention
to what the learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham) stated,
with respect to the mischief that might result from the
inquiry into which we are forced, and I heartily concur
in the sentiments he uttered. I do not think it is pos-
sible to turn such an investigation to the advantage of
3.0G MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the country, or of the parties whom it concerns. The
dearest interests of the country, and the character of the
most illustrious personages in it, are involved in the pro-
ceeding. But, with respect to all that part of the learned
gentleman's speech, in which he imputes to the ministers
of the Crown any responsibility that may attach to this
transaction, I hold it to be of no weight whatsoever.
And, in taking up the challenge which the learned
gentleman threw out last night, I am prepared to
say, not only that ministers do not come to the country;
not only that they do not come to Pai liament ; not only
that they have not sought this occasion ; not only that
they deprecate it with all their hearts; but that they
have interposed every possible expedient to prevent a
calamity, which they would, with all their power and al)
their means, have averted. 1 know that it is a common
remark with many gentlemen, that ministers are fond of
their places, and that out of their adherence to them, the
present communication from the Crown has arisen ; but
the honourable and learned gentleman is well aware that
this observation is not true. If the present had been a
case where some preponderating influence had been
exerted, in order to have the charge brought forward,
and if the bringing of it forward could have been at all
checked by the retirement of such an insignificant indivi-
dual as myself from public life, no man would have been
more ready than myself to have tendered the resignation
of all my appointnients. But this is by no means the
case. Ministers have, to the very last moment, enter-
tained hopes of being able to bring the negociation with
her Majesty to a favourable conclusion; those hopes
have unfortunately been frustrated, and the cup of ex-
pectation (lashed from their lips, at the very moment when
the\ were ready to enjoy it. One course only was thei»
.1/"
MEMOIR OF OEOROE CANNING. 31>7
left for them to adopt, and that was the course which
they have adopted. Such are the observations which
press themselves upon my notice; some of them are
forced from me by my own personal feelings; others, by
the duty which I owe to my sovereign. Having thus
discharged my duty, as well to myself as to my king, it ;/'
is my intention to abstain individually from all furtlier
interference in this transaction."
Mr. Canning at length resigned, rather than take
part in tliese proceedings; and to this subject we shall
advert hereafter; meanwhile, let us pass to a review
of several extraordinary occurrences, that were cotempo-
raneous with this investigation.
The Cato Street conspfracy was so singular and un-
precedented, that it demands commemoration ; the fol-
lowing is a detail of its circumstances: —
Rumour spoke of a discovery, about the close of Fe-
bruary, 1820, and the most active of the Bow Street offi-
cers were on the alert. On the 23d, a party proceeded
to Cato Street,* where they found a variety of persons.
There a desperate conflict ensued, and poor Smithers,
* Cato Street runs from John Street into Queen Street, parallel
with Newnham Street, and is not a thoroughfare. A three-stall
stable, with a loft above, was the place of meeting.
The plan was as follows: —
Thistlewood was to have knocked at lord Harrowby's door with
a letter, purporting to be a dispatch, or with a red box, as is used
in all public offices, desiring it to be delivered immediately to the
Cabinet Ministers at dinner without delay. The servant, it was
sTipposed, would immediately proceed with the dispatch, whilst
Thistlewood, with another of tlie conspirators, entered the hall, as
if to wait. They were immediately to open the street door, others
were to come in with hand-grenades, which were to be thrown into
the house, niid in the confusion to be produced by them, all the
rest of the conspirators were to rush into the dining-room, and the
work of assassination was to have begun.
398 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the patrol, was slain, whilst the gang of desperadoes
escaped.
On the following- Sunday, the Chapel-Royal, St.
James's, was attended by his royal highness the duke of
York, earl Bathurst, the earl of Westmorland, lord
Melville, Mr. Canning, and several others of the Cabinet
Council. Immediately previous to the general thanks-
giving, the reverend Mr. Knapp, the reader, announced
*' that several members of his Majesty's Privy Council
desired to return thanks to Almighty God for their late
preservation." At the conclusion of the service, an ex-
cellent discourse was preached by the bishop of Oxford,
from the sixth chapter of the Epistle of St. Paul to the
Ronians, twenty-second verse, in which he pointed out,
with great eloquence, the advantages to be derived by
mankind, both here and hereafter, from an adherence to
those principles of the Christian religion which the apos-
tle had laboured to inculcate.
We understand that the public thanksgiving thus
given, was at the express suggestion of his Majesty, who
felt deeply interested in the occurrences, and personally
inspected the result of the inquiries set on foot.
On the following day, a placard was exhibited on all
the walls of the metropolis, offering a reward of two hun-
dred pounds for the apprehension of a man of the name
of Palin, or Peeling, who was one of the most active of
the conspirators. The following is a copy of the placard
to which we have alluded : —
" Whitehall, 26th of February, 1820.
" Two Hundred Pounds Reward. — "Whereas, John Palin,
alias Peeling, stands charged with High Treason. A Reward of
Two Hundred Pounds is horeby offered to any person, or persons,
who shall discover and apprehend, or e^iuse to be discovered and
apprehended, the said John Palin, alias Peeling, to be paid by the
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 390
lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, upon his being ap-
prehended and lodged in any of his Majesty's jails. And all per-
sons are hereby cautioned upon their allegiance not to receive or
harbour the said John Palin, alias Peeling, as any person offending
herein will be thereby guilty of High Treason.
" SiDMOUTH."
In the course of the morning, a scientific man was sent
to sir Richard (then Mr.) Birnie, at Bow Street, by sir
Benjamin Bloomfield, to examine the arms, ammunition,
and combustibles, found on the premises in Cato Street.
The fire-arms were some of them foreign. The swords,
of various descriptions, most of them without sheaths ;
and the greater part had the appearance of being old
blades fixed in common wooden handles, with a loop at
the end, to attach them to the wrist. That which re-
quired most trouble to inspect, was one of the hand-gre-
nades, of which ten were found in the loft. This seemed
to be made with a fiend-like ingenuity, and to be well
calculated for the dreadful purpose of destruction. Af-
ter some trouble, Ruthven, the officer, succeeded in
stripping this infernal machine. It was found to consist,
first, of a small tin box, in shape similar to a common
dredging box, but closed at each end. From the centre
of this rose a small narrow tube, about two inches and a
half in length, and this was filled with what is commonly
called wild-fire, or damped powder, which was to operate
as a fusee. This case contained from two to three ounces
of gunpowder. It was then wrapped in a thick fold of
tow, which had been previously steeped in tar. Next to
this came a vast number of pieces of iron, such as spikes,
old nails, fragments of broken files, and pieces of sheet
iron, cut into parts of about an inch square, and so on.
All these were bound together with rope yarn, obtained
from old tarred rope, and presented together a ball of
400 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
about seven inches in diameter. This once lighted, and
thrown into a room or a crowd, must have produced the
most dreadful consequences.* The gentleman who
made the examination, said, when the internal box burst,
it would propel the pieces of iron which we have de-
scribed, with the force of a musket, to the distance of one
hundred yards. From this, some notion may be formed
of the blood-thirsty intention of the conspirators. A
larger machine, of the same description, was also found in
the loft, weighing upwards of fourteen pounds. This was
armed with pieces of iron of a much more terrific de-
scription than those we last alluded to. The explosion
of this would have produced the most dreadful conse-
quences.
The grenade which was opened was taken away, for
the inspection of his Majesty.
A circumstance of rather a singular nature occurred
during this inspection. Ruthven, among other things,
produced an old hat, which was found on the day after the
arrest of the conspirators, in some of the adjoining streets,
containing some ball cartridges. This hat, on being now
examined, was found to contain an open note, addressed
by Mr. Manning, an attorney in the Adelphi, to the edi-
tor of a morning paper, requesting him to correct some
error which had crept into a report that had been pub-
lished in that paper, respecting a charge exhibited by
Mr. Manning against a horse dealer. This note had not
been folded, nor did it appear ever to have reached its
intended destination How it came into the hat became
a mystery, which the presence of Mr. Manning coiiW
only solve. Mr. Manning was sent for, and immediately
• This was to have been thrown into the room where the Cabi-
net Ministers were dinnig.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 401
attended ; when he stated, that the note in question had
been delivered by him to Smithers, at half-past six on the
evening of his murder. Smithers had been engaged in
apprehending a man against whom he had preferred a
charge ; and called on him on the Wednesday evening, to
request that he would get the trial, which stood for the
first on the ensuing morning, postponed, as he was going
on a business of some importance. On that occasion, he
gave him the note found in the hat, to be delivered at the
newspaper office, requesting a correction of the error
which had appeared ; and Mr. Manning perfectly recol-
lected his throwing it into his hat. Mr. Manning also
stated, that he had asked him where he was going; but,
faithful to his trust, he made no disclosure : he went
away, saying, that Mr. Manning would hear of something
terrible in the morning. He was, unfortunately, too
good a prophet. The first intelligence which Mr. Man-
ning received on reaching his breakfast table, was an ac-
count of the poor fellow's death. It was now recollected
that Sniithers's hat had been missing, and, on looking at
that which became the subject of inquiry, Ruthven said,
he believed it to be Smithers's. The fact was so. Some
one of the conspirators had taken it away by mistake;
and, on discovering the error, it is supposed he emptied
his pockets of ball cartridges into it, and threw it into an
area to avoid detection.
Thistlewood was soon found, and Preston, another of
the conspirators, was afterwards taken, and examined
before the marquis of Camden — earls Mulgrave, Powis,
and Bathurst — lords Sidmouth, Castlereagh, and Pal-
merston — the chief baron of Scotland, and Mr. Canning.
On the 3d of March, the final examination of the con-
spirators took place, (sixteen were then in custody) an
17. " 3f
402 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
account of which we have extracted from the public
press of the period, (as expressing the feeling of the
time more particularly,) previous to offering any re-
marks upon it.
On Friday morning, the 3d of March, at ten o'clock,
an order from the office of the secretary of state was deli-
vered to Mr. Adkins, at the House of Correction, Cold
Bath Fields, directing him to have all his prisoners,
charged with being connected with the late conspiracy, at
Whitehall, by eleven o'clock, for the purpose of being
examined before the privy council. Mr. Adkins was, at
the time of this order reaching him, in chapel, with his
other prisoners ; he, however, immediately attended to
the order in question. At this moment, a detachment of
the Horse Guards arrived, and were permitted to enter
the prison court-yard. The prisoners were then brought
down from their respective cells to the lodge, where they
were hand-cuffed by the principal officers of Bow Street,
as on the preceding day. Every thing being in readiness,
four carriages were drawn up; three prisoners were put
into each of the first three, and Thistlewood and Monu-
ment, accompanied by Mr. Adkins and Lavender, were
put into the fourth. The escort then moved on, three
horsemen riding between each carriage, and a party being
before and behind. They took the nearest route to
Whitehall, and reached the Home Office at eleven. On
the way, Thistlewood expressed a hope that he might
that day know the course which was to be pursued to-
wards him, as he was anxious to have an interview with
his wife. He repeatedly thrust his head out of the coach
window, as he did on the previous day, as if he expected
to see some person or persons with whom he was ac-
quainted. He was not observed to notice any particular
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 403
individual. On the arrival of the prisoners at the Home
Office, they were conducted through Mr. Day's office, to
the room of sir Nathaniel Conant.
There were present in council, the lord chancellor,
lord Sidmouth, earl Bathurst, earl Mulgrave, the duke
of Wellington, lord Palmerston, sir William Scott, sir
John Nicholl, Mr. Peel, Mr. Canning, the marquis Cam-
den, the chief baron of Scotland, and the attorney and
solicitor general. Mr. BuUer was the clerk of the council
in attendance. Immediately after the prisoners had all
been called in, an express was sent off to captain J. H.
Elrington, fort-major of the Tower of London, directing
him to prepare for the immediate reception of ten state
prisoners.
The whole of the examinations having been brought
to a conclusion, the council proceeded to deliberate upon
the course which was to be adopted with respect to each
individual case. They remained thus engaged for nearly
two hours. During this interval, the crowd in front of
the office greatly increased, and the most anxious en-
treaties were made, to be permitted to see the conspi-
rators. These were in most cases ineffectual. Only a
few noblemen were permitted to enter, including lord
Westmoreland, lord Stair, and some others. The per-
sons being themselves pretty well apprised of the charges
which were to be preferred against them, became less
equivocal in their behaviour. Wilson, Davidson, and
Tidd, who were linked together, were most daring. They
laughed in derision at the persons who came to view them,
and seemed to be little affected by the situation in which
they were placed. Brunt, in imitation of his captain,
put on his hat, and thus assumed the character which has
been assigned him, of being second in command. At
half-past four, Mr. Day, the clerk of the papers, was sent
404 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
for by Mr.Hobhouse, the under secretary, who commu-
nicated to him the orders of the council.
On Mr. Day's return, he stated to sir Nathaniel Conant
and jMr. Baker, who were remaining in his office, that
eight of the prisoners were to be forthwith committed fo
the Tower. He then produced the list, and called over
the names of the persons to whom he alluded. These
were — Thistlewood, IVIonument, Brunt, Ings, Wilson,
Harrison, Davidson, and Tidd. The men came forth
from sir Nathaniel Conant's room, as they were called,
and were handcuffed two and two. A short time now
elapsed while the warrant to the constable of the Tower
was preparing, and until messengers were despatched to
obtain carriages, and require the presence of an escort of
the Life Guards. This period was occupied by the pri-
soners in a sort of confused conversation. Harrison and
Thistlewood at once threw off all reserve, and shook
hands. The othei's began to speak freely. Davidson
said, he should like about a pound of beef-steak, and a
pot of porter; and his companions agreed that it would
be no bad finish to their day's amusement. Thistlewood
said aloud, " I hear the Spaniards are getting on famous-
ly!" Wilson answered, "Are they — a cursed good
job!" "Aye," replied Thistlewood, "they'll all have
it in their turn ; they may scrag a few of us, but there is
more going on than they are aware of." Harrison
laughed, and exclaimed, "Aye, time will show all things."
A bustle outside now announced the approach of the
Horse Guards, who drew up in a double column in front
of the office, under the command of captain Mayne. A
hackney coach then drove up to the door, into which
Thistlewood and Brunt were put, accompanied by Mr.
RufF, one of the king's messengers, to whom the warrant
was delivered, and by Lavender and Bishop. The coach
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 405
then drew off to a short distance, preceded and followed
by four of the Life Guards. A second carriage then
came up, into which Davidson and Ings were put : they
weie guarded by Taunton and Perry. Ings, as he
mounted the coach, exclaimed, "Hurra, boys!" in ex-
pectation, no doubt, of having a cheer from the crowd
that was assembled. In this, however, he was disap-
pointed; not a word escaped from the lips of the by-
standers, at all in unison with the principles of the con-
spirators — on the contrary, they seemed to be viewed
with feelings of strong disgust.
Davidson and Tidd were placed in the third hackney-
coach: they went out laughing: but, previous to their
departure, they turned round, and, in common with all
those who had been confined in Cold Bath Fields prison,
begged to return their grateful thanks to Mr. Adkins,
the governor, and to his assistants, for the humane and
kind treatment which they had received while under their
care : they were guarded by Salmon and Bond. The
last who went out were Harrison and Monument. The
latter, whose diminutive size made him appear somewhat
ludicrous, when placed beside his gigantic companion,
was greatly depressed. These men were guarded by
Ruthven and Nixon. The whole four carriages being
now in readiness, and a constable having mounted each
box, the cavalcade set off, completely surrounded by the
Horse Guards.
They proceeded over Westminster Bridge, and from
thence by the Westminster Road, through the Borough,
and over London Bridge, up Fish Street Hill, down
Fenchurch Street, the Minories, across Trinity Square
to the Tower Gate. They were followed all the way by
an immense throng, that did not utter one expression
Off commiseration.
406 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Ing's conduct was most daring: he continued to ex-
claim against his Majesty's ministers with the most undis-
guised abuse, using language of the most revolting nature.
He either knew, or affected to know, many persons in the
crowd, to whom he nodded, and some of whom gave him
a significant shake of the head in return.
Thistlewood made no observation : he seemed to be
looking anxiously from the coach-window, as if to see if
there were any persons passing whom he could recognise.
Brunt looked extremely gloomy, but did not say
anything.
Davidson did not seem at all affected by his situation,
and continued in good humour.
Wilson and Tidd laughed, and looked out of the
coach windows with apparent indifference ; and little
Monument seemed to have sunk into a state of despair;
he said, he supposed he was not long for this world.
On reaching the upper gate of the Tower, leading to
the armoury, it was found shut ; but, on a regular sum-
mons being made, it was opened without hesitation, and
the prisoners and their guards admitted. Notice had
been sent off to the Tower, in the early part of the day,
to prepare rooms for the prisoners, but still it was with
some difficulty that secure apartments could be got in
readiness; at last, the necessary accommodations were
obtained, and the prisoners were left under the care of
the yeomen of the guard.
They were received by captain Elrington, the major of
the Tower, who, after some difficulty, from the shortness
of the notice which he had received, succeeded in finding
them secure apartments.
Each prisoner was placed in a separate apartment ; two
warders, armed in the usual way, with cutlasses and hal-
berts, were in each room ; and at each door vvas stationed
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 407
a sentinel armed, to whose care was entrusted the key of
the room, with strict orders not to permit njore than one
warder to be absent at a time, and that only for occa-
sional purposes.
The number of wardens sufficient to do the ordinary
duty of the Tower is ten; but, as soon as the command
for preparing the prisons reached the proper quarter,
directions were given to increase the number of wardens
to sixty.
The iron gate at the east end of the Tower was closed,
as usual upon such occasions.
The warrant, directed to the constable of the Tower,
was to the following effect : —
" You are hereby required to receive into your cus-
tody, Arthur Thistlewood, [then followed the names of
the other prisoners,^ who stand charged with high treason,
and them safely to keep till discharged by due course of
law; for which this shall be your sufficient authority."
Then followed the names of the privy council, com-
mencing with the lord chancellor, earl Westmoreland,
&c. This was written on a sheet of foolscap paper, with
a black border, and bore the official seal. It was ac-
companied by a private note to the constable, containing
instructions as to the manner in which the prisoners were
to be treated.
Bradburn, Strange, Frith, Gillchrist, Hall, and Cooper,
were committed to Cold Bath Fields prison.
On the 24th of April, the trials took^lace ; and, on the
following Friday, the prisoners having been found guilty,
came up for judgment. What these deluded men thought
proper to utter in their several defences, bears not upon
the point it is now wished to urge; which is, that, even
amid these men, Mr. Canning was not an object of hatred.
We give portions of the speech of Thistlewood, as he
408 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
delivered it, previous to the passing of sentence, — such
portions as relate to the conduct of ministers. It will be
seen that his anathemas were levelled at lords Castlereagh
and Sidmouth; but that even the fury of this man did
not induce him to breathe a reproach upon Canning, who
had been a principal actor in the affairs of this kingdom
for a quarter of a century.
Thistlewood, on being asked why sentence of death
should not be passed on him, drew forth a manuscript
address, which he read in a mournful tone, and with a
strong provincial accent.
" My lords, — I am asked, what 1 have to say that judg-
ment of death should not be passed upon me according to
law. This to me is mockery — ^^for were the reasons I
could offer incon-trovertible, and were they enforced even
by the eloquence of Cicero, still would the vengeance of
my lords Castlereagh and Sidmouth be satiated only in
the purple stream which circulates through a heart more
enthusiastically vibrating to every impulse of patriotism
and honour, than that of any of those privileged * * *
to their country, who lord it over the lives and property
of the sovereign people with barefaced impunity. The
reasons which I have, however, I will now state — not
that I entertain the slightest hope from your sense of
justice, or from your pity. The former is swallowed up
in your ambition, or, rather, by the servility you descend
to, to obtain the object of that ambition — the latter I
despise. Justice I demand. If I am denied it, your
pity is no equivalent.
" Many people, who are acquainted with the barefaced
manner in which I was plundered by my lord Sidmouth,
will, perhaps, imagine that personal motives instigated
me to the deed — but I disclaim them. My every prin-
ciple was for the prosperity of my country. My every
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 409
feeling— the height of my ambition— was the welfare of
my starving countrymen. I keenly felt for their miseries :
but when their miseries were laughed at, and when, be-
cause they dared to express those miseries, they were *
**********
my feelings became too intense, too excessive, for en-
durance, and I resolved on vengeance — I resolved that
the lives of the instigators should be the requiem to the
souls of the murdered innocents.
" In this mood T met with George Edwards. And, if
any doubt should remain on the minds of the public,
whether the deed I meditated was virtuous, or contrary,
the tale I will now relate will convince them, that, in
attempting to exercise a power which the law had ceased
to have, I was only wreaking national vengeance on a
set of wretches unworthy the name or character of men.
This Edwards, poor and pennyless, lived near Picket-
street, in the Strand, some time ago, without a bed to lie
upon, or a chair to sit in. Straw was his resting place;
his only covering- a blanket. Owing to his bad character,
and his swindling conduct, he was driven from thence by
his landlord. It is not my intention to trace him through
his immorality — suffice it to say, that he was, in every
sense of the word, a villain of the deepest atrocity. His
landlord refused to give him a character. Some short
time after this, he called upon his landlord again ; but,
mark the change in his appearance — dressed like a lord,
in all the folly of the reigning fashion. He now described
himself as the riijht heir to a German baron, who had
been some time dead ; that lords Castlereagh and Sid-
mouth had acknowledged his claims to the title and pro-
perty, had interfered in his behalf with the German
government, and supplied him with money to support
18. 3g
410 MEMOIR OF GEOUGR CANNING.
his rank in society. From this period I date his career
as a government spy."
On the 1st of May, Thistlewood, Tidd, Brunt, Ings,
and Dawson, were hung, and afterwards decapitated, at
the Old Bailey.
Mr. Canning's conduct in this affair was uniformly
mild and considerate. When he heard the expressions
of Preston, (who said, he possessed a finer genius than any
republican, &c. &c.) he said, " Either that man is na-
turally silly, or temporarily deranged ; he is too ignorant
to be dangerous; and. Heaven forbid that he should be
the victim of his own folly." Preston was discharged
from custody, the day after sentence was passed on This-
tlewood !
It is not to be supposed that the opinions of such
wretched creatures as those who paid the penalty of their
crimes on the 1st of May, could have any influence on
public opinion, or that their invectives could have any
weight in throwing a stigma on public men; but the
silence of such men is expressive; if, amid all their com-
plainings — if, amongst all their execrations, we uniformly
find the name of Canning omitted, it is a strong fact — that
malice could not find a pretence tor calumny. It did not
arise from the obscurity of the minister, for he had been
actively employed in a variety of departments. We have
been diffuse in our accounts of this and some other trans-
actions, because they tend to elucidate the fact, that Can-
ning's public conduct could not be censured, even by
those who passed their lives in accusing men in power ;
and who would seize upon the slightest errors, and mag-
nify them into crimes. Canning's conduct was never
IMPUGNED. — In the public clamourofa riotous mob, his
name was not uttered with execration; the voices of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 411
conspirators, who vented their curses on almost all other
members of the Cabinet, did not venture to breathe aught
against him. These facts are proud but melancholy cor-
roborations of the universal opinion, that our hero only
came into power too late.
The questions that subsequently arose, as to the employ-
ment of Edwards as a spy, &c. it will be in the recollec-
tion of our readers, applied to two noble lords, now no
more; and that no exercise of ingenuity could attach
any charge of this nature, in the most remote manner, to
our hero.
On the 8th of March, 1820, Mr. Canning was again
nominated for Liverpool, and Dr. Crompton and Mr.
Leyland were announced as his opponents. Mr. Rush-
ton made a powerful attack on Mr. Canning. Dr.
Crompton, in his first speech, said, after many severe ani-
madversions on Mr. Canning's conduct, —
" The impartial page of history informs us that Nero
fiddled whilst Rome burned ; — Mr. Canning smiled, when
colonel Williams flashed his crimes in his face."
Mr. Canning, in reply, took occasion to explain his
speech respecting Ogden and others, as follows : —
" From the enactments and debates of the last session,
the honourable gentleman* has gone back still farther,
to the discussions of a former session ; and has taxed me,
quite fairly I allow, and not uncivilly, though with all
the vehemence with which it was natural that he should
insist upon a topic which has been made, for some years, a
subject of calumny against me. He has taxed me with cer-
tain expressions of mine, respecting the case of an indivi-
dual taken up under thesuspension of the Habeas Corpus.
I will state to the honourable gentleman, for he seems to be
altogether uninformed of it, the course of my argument
* Mr. Rushton.
412 MEMOm OF GEORGE CANNING.
on that occasion. I was exposing the frauds and false-
hoods which had been palmed upon the H6use of Com-
mons in certain statements which had been made to them,
and in certain petitions which had been presented from
individuals, complaining of the treatment which they had
endured under the Suspension Act. Of these falsehoods
1 selected three, as peculiarly gross and unjustifiable, and
as, fortunately, susceptible of being brought to the test of
the most decisive contradiction. The first, I recollect,
related to a supposed spy, of the name, I think, of Dew-
hurst, who was represented to have been seen in a gig of
sir John Byng's, at some specific time and place ; the ob-
ject of the falsehood being to implicate the military com-
mander, and through him the government, in the transac-
tions imputed to this man. On further examination it
turned out, that of the two elements of this falsehood
neither existed ; that there was no such man as Dew-
hurst, and that sir John Byng had no gig. And I did
humbly exhibit to the House of Commons the direct and
complete falsification of this story, as a specimen of the
devices by which the conduct of government and its
affents had been belied. The second of the instances
which I selected is not, at this moment, immediately pre-
sent to my recollection. But the third is that to which
the gentleman has alluded ; and the particulars of which
were as follow : — A petition had been presented from a
man whose name he has mentioned, stating that the irons
with which he had been loaded, when taken into custody,
had brought on that complaint under which he described
himself as labouring. It was distinctly stated in that
petition, not that, having such a complaint upon him, he
was nevertheless taken up, (as the gentleman seems to
imagine,) but that the apprehension and restraint had
produced on this poor man so terrible a calamity. The
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 413
/,
petition went on to describe the process of an operation,
rendered necessary in this case, with all the disgusting-
detail of chirurgical particularity. It was quite obvious,
that this description was intended to inflame the minds of
all who should hear it, against the supposed authors of the
calamity under which the poor man laboured, and, by
necessary inference, of the sufferings incident to the treat-
ment of it. I made inquiry into the matter of this peti-
tion, and communications were voluntarily made to me,
from which I learnt, to my infinite astonishment, that, so
far from its being the effect of his irons, and the imme-
diate consequence, therefore, of his confinement, the
man had been afflicted with his complaint for about
twenty years ; and that, so far from being aggravated
by his imprisonment, he had, during that imprison-
ment, been cured at the public expense. Nay, I
learnt, on what I believed, and still believe, to be in-
contestable authority, that, in the first moment of his
liberation, he had expressed his gratitude for the care
which had been taken of him: and that it was not till
some time afterwards, and upon mature reflection or
advice, that he was induced to accuse government as the
author of his long-standing disease. Could any thing be
more gross than such an imposture? The calamity was
itself grievous enough; but was it not shameful to ascribe
to harsh and cruel treatment the result of natuial infir-
mity ? And, if I indignantly exposed the baseness of such
a fraud, is it to be inferred that I was, more than any man
who heard me then, or who hears me now, insensible to
human suffering ? Those who draw such an inference are
guilty of a gross calumny against me. If, in expressing a
just indignation at such a fraud, any words escaped me
which could, in any fair mind, be liable to a misconstruc-
tion, I am sorry for it ; but I bate no jot of the indigna-
414 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
tion which I then expressed. I think now, as I thought
then, that this case, in the shape in which it was brought
before the House of Commons, was a foul and wicked at-
tempt to mislead and to inflame. To that statement I
immoveably adhere.
" I am not aware that there remains any other point
upon which I have been required by any gentleman pre-
sent to give a categorical answer.
" My new antagonist, indeed, has touched upon a va-
riety of general topics, into which I am not disposed to
follow him; but he has addressed nothing personally to
me, except some vague, and, I do assure him, most exag-
gerated apprehensions of the treatment which he may ex-
pect at my hands. I have already assured you, sir, that
on the present occasion I had no intention of saying any
thing: but even my silence was not safe from the scruti-
nizing jealousy of the worthy doctor; for, it seems, he
discerned something in my looks, while the honourable
colonel was speaking, which alarmed him for the colo-
nel's safety and his own. I smiled. If I did so, I assure
him it was a smile of complacency, or, perhaps, of amuse-
ment, but in no degree of contumely or evil intention.
The honourable doctor, indeed, has tempted me some-
w hat high, with his references to ancient history, — with
his allusion to the conflagration of Rome, and to the em-
peror Nero's musical accomplishments. Of that allu-
sion I have not, to this moment, made out the applica-
tion; but if he intended (which seems the most proba-
ble solution of it) to compare the honourable coloneVs
eloquence to a conflagration, and his own to a musical
instrument, I have only to hope, that if I offended by
smiling at the colonel's fire, I may have made atone-
ment by looking grave at the doctor's fiddling.
" My worthy antagonist will. I am sure, see how vain
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 415
are all his apprehensions of any hostile ag^gression on my
part. Attacked, indeed, I might possibly think it my
duty to show him that raillery is a game which two can
play at. But, even without the solemnity of the adjura-
tion which he has addressed to me, as one in the habit of
sparing nothing, either sacred or human, I assure him he
has nothing to fear. I do not, indeed, know that there is
any thing sacred about the doctor; but, as merely human,
I shall be contented to abstain from him, so long as that
abstinence is mutual. And I assure him most seriously,
that if there is, as I trust there will not be, any want of
courtesy and good humour between us, in the course of
our competition, that deficiency shall not be first shown
on my side." ^.■--'/
The account of several circumstances have been con-
densed, to afford space for Mr. Canning's speech at the
public dinner, given in honour of his election, 18th
March, 1820. Though several of his other efforts, during
this contest, demand notice, this speech is so pre-eminent
for the soundness of its reasoning, the i
ngenuity of its ^r,
quence, that it ^f
arguments, as well as the torce of its eloqi
claims admission entire.
*' Gentlemen, short as the interval is since I last met
you in this place, on a similar occasion, the events which
have filled up that interval have not been unimportant.
The great moral disease which we then talked of as
gaining ground on the community has, since that period,
arrived at its most extravagant height; and, since that
period also, remedies have been applied to it, if not of
permanent cure, at least of temporary mitigation.
" Gentlemen, with respect to those remedies, — I mean
with respect to the transactions of the last short session
of Parliament previous to the dissolution, — I feel that it is
my duty, as your representative, to render to you some
416 MEMOIR OF GEORGli CANNING.
account of tlie part which 1 took in that assembly to
which yon sent me; I feel it my duty alao, as a member
of the government by which those measures were advised.
Upon occasions of such trying- exigency as those which
we have lately experienced, I hold it to be of the very
essence of our free and popular constitution, that an un-
reserved interchange of sentiment should take place
between the representative and his constituents ; and if
it accidentally happens, that he who addresses you as
your representative, stands also in the situation of a
responsible adviser of the Crown, I recognise in that
more rare occurrence a not less striking or less valuable
peculiarity of that constitution under which we have the
happiness to live, — by which a minister of the Crown is
brought into contact with the great body of the com-
munity; and the service of the King is shown to be a part
of the service of the people.
"Gentlemen, it has been one advantage of the transac-
tions of the last session of Parliament, that while they
were addressed to meet the evils which had grown out of
charges heaped upon the House of Commons, they have
also, in a great measure, falsified the charges themselves.
*' I would appeal to the recollection of every man who
now hears me, — of any, the most careless estimator of
public sentiment, or the most indifferent spectator of
public events, whether any country, in any two epochs,
however distant, of its history, ever presented such a con-
trast with itself as this country in November, 1819, and
this country in February, 18*20 ? What was the situation
of t)ie country in November, 1819 ? Do I exaggerate
when I say, that there was not a man of property who did
not tremble for his possessions ? — that there was not a
man of retired and peaceable habits who did not tremble
for the tranquillity and security of his home? — that there
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 417
was not a man of orderly and religious principles who
did not fear that those principles were about to be cut
from under the feet of succeeding generations? Was
there any man who did not apprehend the Crown to be
in danger ? Was there any man, attached to the other
branches of the constitution, who did not contemplate
with anxiety and dismay the rapid, and, apparently, irre-
sistible diffusion of doctrines hostile to the very existence
of Parliament as at present constituted, and calculated
to excite, not hatred and contempt merely, but open and
audacious force, especially against the House of Com-
mons ? — What is, in these respects, the situation of the
country now? Is there a man of property who does not
feel the tenure by which he holds his possessions to have
been strengthened ? Is there a man of peace who does
not feel his domestic tranquillity to have been secured ?
Is there a man of moral and religious principles who
does not look forward with better hope to see his children
educated in those principles? — who does not hail, with
renewed confidence, the revival and re-establishment of
that moral and religious sense which had been attempted
to be obliterated from the hearts of mankind ?
" Well, gentlemen, and what has intervened between
the two periods ? A calling of that degraded Parliament ;
a meeting of that scoffed-at and derided House of Com-
mons ; a concurrence of those three branches of an im-
perfect constitution, not one of which, if we are to believe
the radical reformers^ lived in the hearts, or swayed the
feelings, or commanded the respect, of the nation ; but
which, despised as they were while in a state of separation
and inaction, did, by a co-operation of four short weeks,
restore order, confidence, a reverence for the laws, and
a just sense of their own legitimate authority.
" Another event, indeed, has intervened, in itself of a
18. 3u
41S MtMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
n)ost painful nature, but jiowerful in aiding and confirm-
ing tlie impressions which the assembling- and the pro-
ceedings ol Parliament were calculated to produce. I
mean the loss which the nation has sustained by the death
of a Sovereign, with whose person all that is venerable
in monarchy has been identified in the eyes of successive
generations of his subjects ; a Sovereign whose goodness,
whose years, whose sorrows and sufferings, must have
softened the hearts of the most ferocious enemies of kinglv
power ; whose active virtues, and the memory of whose
virtues, when it pleased Divine Providence that they
should be active no more, have been the guide and
guardian of his people through many a weary and many
a stormy pilgrimage; scarce less a guide, and quite as
much a guardian, in the cloud of his evening darkness, as
in the brightness of his meridian day.
" That such a loss, and the recollections and reflec-
tions naturally arising from it, must have had a tendency
to revive and refresh the attachment to monarchy, and to
root that attachment deeper in the hearts of the people,
might easily be shown by reasoning; but a feeling truer
than all reasoning anticipates the result, and renders the
process of argument unnecessary. So far, therefore, has
tiiis great calamity brought with it its own compensation,
and conspired to the restoration of peace throughout the
country with the measures adopted by Parliament.
" And, gentlemen, what was the character of those
measures ? — The best eulogy of them I take to be this : —
It may be said of them, as has been said of some of the
most consummate productions of literary art, that, though
no man beforehand had exactly anticipated the scope and
the details of them, no man, when they were laid befoie
him, did not feel that they were precisely such as he
would himself have suggested. So faithfully adapted
MEMOIR OF GGOnCE CANNING. 419
the case which they were framed to meet, so correctly
adjusted to the degree and nature of the mischief they
were intended to control, that, while we all feel that they
have done their work, I think none will sav there has
been any thing in them of excess or supererogation.
" We were loudly assured by the reformers, that the
test, throughout the country, by which those who were
ambitious of seats in the new Parliament would be tried
was to be — whether they had supported those measures.
I have inquired, with as much diligence as was compa-
tible with my duties here, after the proceedings of other
elections; and I protest I know no place yet, besides the
hustings of Westminster and Southwark, at which that
menaced test has been put to any candidates. To me,
indeed, it was not put as a test, but objected as a charge.
You know how that charge was answered : and the result
is to me a majority of 1300 out of 2000 voters upon
the poll.
" But, gentlemen, though this question has not, as was
threatened, been the watchword of popular elections,
every other effort has, nevertheless, been industriously
employed, to persuade the people that their liberties
have been essentially abridged by the regulation of po-
pular meetings. Against that one of the measures passed
by Parliament it is that the attacks of the radical re-
formers have been particularly directed. Gentlemen,
the first answer to this averment is, that the Act leaves
untouched all the constitutional modes of assembly which
have been known to the nation since it became free. We
are fond of dating our freedom from the Revolution. I
should be glad to know, in what period since the Revolu-
tion, (up to a very late period indeed, which I will spe-
cify,) — in what period of those reigns growing out of the
Revolution — I mean, of the first reigns of the House of
420 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNIKG.
Brunswick — did it enter into the head of man, that such
meetings could be holden, or that the legislature would
tolerate the holding of such meetings, as disgraced this
kingdom for some months previous to the last session of
Parliament? When, therefore, it is asserted, that such
meetings were never before suppressed, the simple an-
swer is, — they were never before systematically attempted
to be holden.
" I verily believe, the first meeting of the kind that was
ever attempted and tolerated (I know of none anterior to
it) was that called by lord George Gordon, in St.
George's Fields, in the year 1780, which led to the de-
molition of chapels and dwelling-houses, the breaking of
prisons, and the conflagration of London. Was Eng-
land never free till 1780 ? Did British liberty spring to
light from the ashes of the metropolis? What! was
there no freedom in the reign of George the Second?
None in that of George the First? None in the reign of
queen Anne, or of king William ? Beyond the Revolution
I will not go. But I have always heard, that British
liberty was established long before the commencement of
the late reign; nay, that in the late reign (according to
popular politicians) it rather sunk and retrograded : and
yet never till that reign was such an abuse of popular
meetings dreamt of, much less erected into a right, not to
be questioned by magistrates, and not to be controlled by
Parliament.
" Do I deny, then, the general right of the people to
meet, to petition, or to deliberate upon their grievances?
God forbid ! But social right is not a simple, abstract,
positive, unqualified term. Rights are, in the same indi-
vidual, to be compared with his duties ; and rights in one
person are to be balanced vvith the rights of others. Let
us take this right of meeting in its niost extended con-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 421
>)^truction and most absolute sense. The persons who
called the meeting at Manchester tell you, that they had
a right to collect together countless multitudes, to discuss
the question of Parliamentary Reform ; to collect them
when they would, and where they would, without consent
of magistrates, or concurrence of inhabitants, or reference
to the comfort or convenience of the neighbourhood.
May not the peaceable, the industrious inhabitant of
Manchester say, on the other hand, ' I have a right to
quiet in my house; I have a right to carry on my manu-
factory, on which not my existence only and that of my
children, but that of my workmen and their numerous fa-
milies, depends. I have a right to be protected in the
exercise of this my lawful calling. I have a right to
be protected, not against violence and plunder only,
against fire and sword, but against the terror of these
calamities, and against the risk of these inflictions;
against the intimidation or seduction of my work-
men ; or against the distraction of that attention, and
the interruption of that industry, without which nei-
ther they nor I can gain our livelihood. I call upon the
laws to afford me that protection ; and, if the laws in this
country cannot afford it, depend upon it, I and my manu-
facturers must emigrate to some country where they can.'
Here is a conflict of rights; between which, what is the de-
cision ? Whichof the two claims is to give way ? Can any
reasonable being doubt ? Can any honest man hesitate?
Let private justice or public expediency decide, and can
the decision by possibility be other, than that the peace-
able and industrious shall be protected, — the turbulent
and mischievous put down ?
" But what similarity is there between tumults such as
these and an orderly meeting, recognised by the law, for
all legitimate purposes of discussion or petition? God
forbid, that there should not be modes of assembly, by
42"^ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
/
M liich every class of this great nation may be brought to-
gether, to deliberate on any matters connected with their
interest and their freedom. It is, however, an inversion
of the natural order of things, it is a disturbance of the
settled course of society, to represent discussion as every
thing, and the ordinary occupations of life as nothing. To
protect the peaceable in their ordinary occupations is as
much the province of the laws, as to provide opportu-
nities of discussion for every purpose to which it is ne-
cessary and properly applicable. The laws do both :
but it is no part of the contrivance of the laws, that iui-
mense multitudes should wantonly be brought together,
month after month, and day after day, in places where the
very bringingtogetherof a multitude is ofitself the source
of terror and of danger.
" It is no part of the provision of the laws, nor is it in
the spirit of them, that such multitudes should be brought
together at the will of unauthorised and irresponsible
individuals, changing the scene of meeting as may suit
their caprice or convenience, and fixing it where they
have neither property, nor domicile, nor connexion.
The spirit of the law goes directly the other way. It is,
if I may so express myself, eminently a spirit of corpora-
tion. Counties, parishes, townships, guilds, professions,
trades, and callings, form so many local and political sub-
divisions, into which the people of England are distri-
buted by the law ; and the pervading principle of the
whole is that of vicinage or neighbourhood; by which
each man is held to act under the view of his neighbours;
to lend his aid to them, to borrow theirs ; to share their
councils, their duties, and their burdens; and to bear
w ith them his share of responsibility for the acts of any of
the members of the community of which he forms a part.
" Observe, I am not speaking here of (he reviled and
discredited statute law onlv, but of that venerable c<»m-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 423
^ jalon law, to which our reformers are so fond of appealing
^ow all occasions, against tlie statute law by which it is
modified, explained, or enforced. Guided by the spirit of
the one, no less than by the letter of the other, what man
is there in this country who cannot point to the portion
of society to which he belongs? If injury is sustained,
upon whom is the injured person expressly entitled
to come for redress ? Upon the hundred, or the division
in which he has sustained the injury. On what principle?
On the principle, that as the individual is amenable
to the division of the community to which ho belongs,
so neighbours are answerable for each other. Just laws,
to be sure, and admirable equity, if a stranger is to col-
lect a mob which is to set half Manchester on fire ; and
the burnt half is to come upon the other half for indeni-
nity, while the stranger goes off, unquestioned, to excite
the like tumult and produce the like danger elsewhere !
" That such was the nature, such the tendency, nay,
that such, in all human probability, might have been the
result of meetings like that of the 16th of August, who
can deny ? Who that weighs all the particulars of that
day, comparing them with the rumours and the threats
that preceded it, will dispute that such might have been
the result of that very meeting, if that meeting, so very
legally assembled, had not, by the decision of the magis-
trates, been so very illegally dispersed ?
" It is, therefore, not in consonance, but in contradic-
tion to the spirit of the law, that such meetings have been
holden. The law prescribes a corporate character.
The callers of these meetings have always studiously
avoided it. No summons of freeholders — none of free-
men — none of the inhabitants of particular places or pa-
rishes — no acknowledgment of local or political classifi-
cation. Just so at the beginning of the French Revolu-
424 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
tion : the first work of the reformers was to loosen every
established political relation, every legal holding- of man
to man ; to destroy every corporation, to dissolve every
subsisting class of society, and to reduce the nation into
individuals, in order, afterwards, to congregate them
into mobs.
" Let no person, therefore, run away with the notion,
that these things were done without design. To bring
together the inhabitants of a particular division, or men
sharing a common franchise, is to bring together an as-
sembly, of which the component parts act with some re-
spect and awe of each other. Ancient habits, which the
reformers would call prejudices; preconceived attach-
ments, which they would call corruption; that mutual
respect which makes the eye of a neighbour a security for
each man's good conduct, but which the reformers would
stigmatise as a confederacy among the few for dominion
over their fellows: — all these things make men difficult
to be moved, on the sudden, to any extravagant and vio-
lent enterprise. But bring together a multitude of indi-
viduals, having no permanent relation to each other, — no
common tie, but what arises from their concurrence as
members of that meeting, a tie dissolved as soon as the
meeting is at an end : — in such an air2:re£:ation of indivi-
duals there is no such mutual respect, no such check upon
the proceedings of each man from the awe of his neigh-
bour's disapprobation; and, if ever a multitudinous as-
sembly can be wrought up to purposes of mischief, it will
be an assembly so composed.
" How monstrous is it to confound such meetings with
the genuine and recognised modes of collecting the sense
of the English people ! Was it by meetings such as these
that the Revolution was brought about, that grand event,
to which our antagonists are so fond of referring? Was
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 425
■ r-^
&\i by meetings in St. George's Fields ? in Spafields ? in
Smithfield ? Was it by untold multitudes collected in a
village in the north? No I It was by the meeting of
corporations, in their corporate capacity; — by the assem-
bly of recognised bodies of the state; — by the interchange
of opinions among portions of the community known to
each other, and capable of estimating each other's views
and characters. Do we want a more striking mode of
remedying grievances than this ? Do we require a more
animating example ? And did it remain for the reformers
of the present day to strike out the course by which alone
Great Britain could make and keep herself free?
" Gentlemen, all power is, or ought to be, accompanied
by responsibility. Tyranny is irresponsible power. This
definition is equally true, whether the power be lodged
in one or many; — whether in a despot, exempted by the
form of government from the control of law ; or in a
mob, whose numbers put them beyond the reach of law.
Idle, therefore, and absurd, to talk of freedom where a
mob domineers ! Idle, therefore, and absurd, to talk of
liberty, when you hold your property, perhaps your life,
not indeed at the nod of a despot, but at the will of an
inflamed and infuriated populace ! If, therefore, during
the reign of terror at Manchester or at Spafields, there
were persons in this country who had a right to complain
of tyranny, it was they who loved the constitution, who
loved the monarchy, but who dared not utter their opi-
nions or their wishes until their houses were barricaded,
and their children sent to a place of safety. That was
tyranny ! and, so far as the mobs were under the control
of a leader, that was despotism ! It was against that
tyranny, it was against that despotism, that Parliament
at length raised its arm.
" All power, I say, is vicious that is not accompanied
18. 3 1
426 ^r MEMOIR OF GEOR
GE CANNING.
by proportionate responsibility. Personal responsibility
prevents the abuse of indiviilual power : responsibility of
character is the security against the abuse of collective
power, when exercised by bodies of men whose existence
is permanent and detined. But strip such bodies of these
qualities, you degrade tiiem into multitudes, and then
what securit) have you against anything that they may
do or resolve, knowing that. tVom the moment at which
the meeting is at an end, there is no hunuin being respon-
sible tor their proceedings; The meeting at INlanches-
ter, the meeting at Birmingham, the meeting at Spafields
or Smiihtield, what pledge could they give to the nation
of the soundness or sincerity of their designs : The local
character of ^Manchester, the local character of Bir-
mingham, was not pledged to any of the proceeding-s to
» hich their names were appended. A certain number of
ambulatory tribunes of the people, self-elected to that
hiirh function, assumed the name and authority of what-
ever place they thought proper to select for a place of
meeting; their rostrum was pitched, sometimes here,
sometimes there, according to the fancy of the mob, or
the patience of the magistrates; but the proposition and
the proposer were in all places nearly alike; and when,
by a sort of political ventriloquism, the same voice had
been made to issue from half-a-dozen different corners of
the country, it was impudently assumed to be a concord
of sweet sounds, composing the united voice of the people
of England !
" Now, gentlemen, let us estimate the mighty mischief
that has been done to liberty, by putting down meetings
such as I have described. I^et us ask, w hat lau ful autho-
rity has been curtailed ; let us ask, what respectable
community has been detVauded of its franchise; let us
ask, what municipal institutions have been violated by a
X
MEMOIR OP GEORGE GAAX1»C. 427
law which fixes the migratory c^impjaint to the spot
whence it professes to orii^inate, and desires to hear of
the grievance from those by whom that grievance is
Rlt: — which leaves to Manchester, as Manchester, to
liirniirigham, as Birmini^ham, to London, as London, all
the free scope of utterance which they have at any time
enjojed for making known their wants, their feelings,
their wishes, their remonstrances; — which leaves to each .
of these divisions its separate authority, — to the union of
all or of many of them the aggregate authority of such a
consent and co-operation : but which denies to an itine-
lant hawker of grievances the power of stamping their
names upon his warc^; — of pretending, because he may
raise an outcry at Manchester, or at Birmingham, that he
therefore speaks the sense of the town which he disquiets
and endangers; or, still more preposterously, that be-
cause he has disquieted and endangered half-a-dozen
neighbourhoods in their turn, he is, therefore, the organ
of them all, and, through them, of the whole British
people.
" Such are the stupid fallacic-s which the lavv of the last
session has extinguished ! and such are the object and
effect of the measures which Briti=:h liberty is not to
survive !
" To remedy the dreadful wound thus inflicted upon
British liberty, — to restore to the people what the people
have not lost, — to give a new impulse to that spirit of
freedom which nothing has been done to embarrass or
restrain, we are invited to alter the constitution of that
assembly through which the people share in the legis-
lature ; in short, to make a radical reform in the House
of Commons.
. " It has always struck me as extraordinary, that there
should be persons prepared to entertain the question of a
428 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
change in so important a member of the constitution,
M ithout considering- in what way that change must affect
the situation of the other members, and the action of the
constitution itself.
" I have, on former occasions, stated here, and I have
stated elsewhere, questions on this subject ; to which, as
yet, 1 have never received an answer. ' You who propose
to reform the House of Commons, do you mean to restore
that branch of the legislature to the same state in which it
stood at some former period ? or, do you mean to re-
construct it on new principles ?'
" Perhaps a moderate reformer or whig will answer,
that he means only to restore the House of Commons to
what it was at some former period. I then beg to ask
him, — and to that question, also, I have never yet re-
ceived an answer, — 'At what period of our history was
the House of Commons in the state to which you wish to
restore it ?'
" The House of Commons must, for the purpose of
clear argument, be considered in two views. First, with
respect to its agency as a third part in the constitution :
secondly, with respect to its composition, in relation to
its constituents. As to its agency as a part of the consti-
tution, I venture to say, without hazard, as I believe, of
contradiction, that there is no period in the history of
this country, in which the House of Commons will be
found to have occupied so large a share of the functions
of government as at present. Whatever else may be
said of the House of Commons, this one point, at least,
is indisputable, that, from the earliest infancy of the
constitution, the power of the House of Commons has
been growing, till it has almost, like the rod of Aaron,
absorbed its fellows. I am not saying Avhether this is or,
is not as it ought to be. I am merely saying why I think
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNIXG. 429
that it cannot be intended to complain of the want of
power, and of a due share in the government, as the defect
of the modern House of Commons.
" I admit, however, very willingly, that the greater
share of power the House of Commons exercises, the
more jealous we ought to be of its composition : and I
presume, therefore, that it is in this respect, and in rela-
tion to its constituents, that the state of that House is
contended to want revision. Well, then, at what period
of our history was the composition of the House of Com-
mons materially different from what it is at present ? Is
there any period of our history in which the rights of
election were not as various, in which the influence of
property was not as direct, in which recommendations of
candidates were not as efficient, and some boroughs as
close as they are now ? I ask for information : but that
information, plain and simple as it is, and necessary, one
should think, to a clear understanding, much more to a
grave decision of the point at issue, I never, though soli-
citing it with all humility, have ever yet been able to
obtain from any reformer, radical, or whig.
" The radical reformer, indeed, to do him justice, is
not bound to furnish me with an answer to this question ;
because, with his view of the matter, precedents (except
one, which I shall mention presently) have nothing to do.
The radical reformer would, probably, give to my first
question an answer very different from that which I have
supposed his moderate brother to give. He will tell me
fairly, that he means not simply to bring the House of
Commons back, either to the share of power which it
formerly enjoyed, or to the modes of election by which it
was formerly chosen ; but to make it — what, according to
him, it ought to be, — a direct, effectual representative of
the people ; representing them not as a delegate com-
430 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
missioned to take care of their interests, but as a deputy
appointed to speak their uill. Now, to this view of the
matter I have no other objection than this: — that the
British constitution is a limited monarchy; that a limited
monarchy is, in the nature of things, a mixed govern-
ment; but that such a House of Commons as the radical
reformer requires, would, in effect, constitute a pure de-
mocracy; a power, as it appears to me, inconsistent with
any monarchy, and unsusceptible of any limitation.
" I may have great respect for the person who theo-
retically prefers a republic to a monarchy. But, even
supposing me to agree with him in his preference, I
should have a preliminary question to discuss, by which
he, perhaps, may not feel himself embarrassed ; Mhich
is this : — Whether 1, born as I am (and as / think it is my
good fortune to be) under a monarchy, am quite at liberty
to consider myself as having a clear stage for political
experiments ; whether I should be authorised, if I were
convinced of the expediency of such a change, to with-
draw monarchy altogether from the British constitution,
and to substitute an unqualified democracy in its stead :
or whether, whatever changes I may be desirous of intro-
ducing, I am not bound to consider the constitution which
I find as at least circumscribing the range, and, in some
measure, prescribing the nature, of the improvement.
" For my own part, I am, undoubtedly, prepared to
uphold the ancient monarchy of the country, by argu-
ments drawn from what I think the blessings which we
have enjoyed under it; and by arguments of another
sort, if arguments of another sort shall ever be brought
against it. But all that I am now contending for is, that
whatever reformation is proposed, should be considered
with some reference to the established constitution of the
country. That point being conceded to me, I have no
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 431
yQifficulty in saying, that I cannot conceive a constitution
of which one-third part shall be an assembly delegated
by the people, — not to consult for the good of the nation,
but to speak, day by day, the people's will, — which must
not, in a few days' sitting, sweep away every other branch
of the constitution that might attempt to oppose or con-
trol it. I cannot conceive how, in fair reasoning, any other
branch of the constitution should pretend to stand against
it. If government be a matter of will, all that we have to
do is to collect the will of the nation, and, having col-
lected it by an adequate organ, that will is paramount
and supreme. By what pretension could the House of
Lords be maintained in equal authority and jurisdiction
Avith the House of Commons, when once that House of
Commons should become a direct deputation, speaking
the people's will, and that will the rule of the govern-
ment ? In one way or other the House of Lords must act,
if it be to remain a concurrent branch of the legislature.
Either it must uniformly affirm the measures which
come from the House of Commons, or it must, occa-
sionally, take the liberty to reject them. If it uniformly
affirm, it is without the shadow of authority. But to
presume to reject an act of the deputies of the whole
nation ! — by what assumption of right could three or
four hundred great proprietors set themselves against
the national will? Grant the reformers, then, what they
ask, on the principles on which they ask it, and it is
utterly impossible that, after such a reform, the consti-
tution should long consist of more than one body, and
that one body a popular assembly.
" Why, gentlemen, is this theory ? or is it a theory of
mine? If there be, among those who hear me, any man
who has been (as in the generous enthusiasrii of youth
any man may blamelessly have been) bitten by the doc-
/
432 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
trines of reform, I implore him, before he goes forward
in his progress to embrace those doctrines in their radical
^ extent, to turn to the history of the transactions in this
country, in the year 1648, and to examine the bearings
of those transactions on this very question of Radical
Reform. He will find, gentlemen, that the House of
Commons of that day passed the following resolution : —
" ' Resolved, that the people are, under God, the
original of all just power.'
" Well! — can any sentiment be more just and reason-
able? Is it not the foundation of all the liberties of
mankind ? Be it so. Let us proceed. The House of
Commons followed up this resolution by a second, which
runs in something like these terms : —
" ' Resolved, That the Commons of England, assem-
bled in Parliament, being chosen by and representing the
people, have the supreme authority of this nation.'
" In this resolution the leap is taken. Do the radical
reformers deny the premises or the inference ? or do they
adopt the whole of the tempting precedent before
them ?
" But the inference did not stop there. The House of
Commons proceeded to deduce, from these propositions,
an inference, the apparently logical dependance of which
upon these propositions 1 wish I could see logically
disproved.
" ' Resolved, (without one dissenting voice,) That
whatsoever is enacted and declared law by the Commons
of England, assembled in Parliament, hath the force of
law, and all the people of this nation are included
thereby, although the consent and concurrence of the
King and House of Peers he not had thereunto.^
" Such was the theory: the practical inferences were
not tardy in their arrival, after the theory. In a few
MEMOIR OF GEOllGE CANNING. 433
weeks the House of Peers* was voted useless. We all
know what became of the Crown.
" Such, I say, were the radical doctrines of 1648, and
such the consequences to which they naturally led.
If we are induced to admit the same premises now, who
is it, I should be glad to know, that is to guarantee us
against similar conclusions?
" These, then, are the reasons why I look with jealousy
at schemes of Parliamentary Reform. I look at them
with still more jealousy, because, in one of the two
classes of men who co-operate in support of that question,
I never yet found any two individuals who held the same
doctrines; I never yet heard any intelligible theory of
reform, except that of the radical reformers. Theirs,
indeed, it is easy enough to understand. But as for
theirs I certainly am not yet fully prepared. I, for my
part, will not consent to take one step, without ^^ving
on what principle I am invited to take it, and (^^Rh is,
perhaps, of more consequence) without declaring on
what principle I will not consent that any step, however
harmless, shall be taken.
" What more harmless than to disfranchise a corrupt
borough in Cornwall, which has exercised its franchise
amiss, and brought shame on itself, and on the system of
which it is a part? — Nothing. I have no sort of objection
to doing, as Parliament Has often done in such cases,
(supposing always the case to be proved,) — to disfran-
chising the borough, and rendering it incapable of abusing
" * The same day (January 30, 1G48-9) the Lords desired a
conference with the Commons about settling the government, and
the administration of justice, the judges' commissions being deter-
mined by the death of the King. The Commons, without answer-
ing the messenger, voted the Lords to be useless and dangerous,
and, therefore, to be abolished."— iJrt/jm'« Hist, of England.
19. 3 K
/
434 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
its franchise in future. But, though I have no objection
to doing- this, I will not do it on the principle of specu-
lative improvement. I do it on the principle of specific
punishment for an offence. And I will take good care,
that no inference shall be drawn from my consent in this
specific case, as to any sweeping concurrence in a scheme
of general alteration.
" Nay, I should think it highly disingenuous to suffer
the radical reformers to imagine that they had gained a
single step towards the admission of their theory, by any
such instance of particular animadversion on proved
misconduct. I consent to such disfranchisement ; bull
do so, not with a view of furthering the radical system —
rather of thwarting it. I am willing to wipe out any
blot in the present system, because I mean the present
system to stand. I will take away a franchise, because
it he^^ken practically abused ; not because I am at all
disp^Brto inquire into the origin, or to discuss the utility
of all such franchises, any more than I mean to inquire,
gentlemen, into your titles to your estates. Disfranchis-
ing Grampound, (if that is to be so,) I mean to save Old
Sarum.
" Now, sir, I think I deal fairly with the radical re-
formers ; — more fairly than those who would suffer it to
be supposed by them, that, the disfranchisement of Gram-
pound is to be the beginning of a system of reform : Avhile
they know, and I hope mean as well as I do, not to re-
form (in the sense of change) but to preserve the consti-
tution. I would not delude the reformers, if I could ;
and it is quite useless to attempt a delusion upon persons
quite as sagacious in their generation as any moderate
reformers or anti-reformers of us all. They know full
well, that the whigs have no more notion than I have of
parting with the close boroughs. Not they, indeed ! A
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 435
J. Targe, and perhaps the larger, part of them are in their
hands. Why, in the assembly to which you send me,
gentlemen, some of those who sit on the same side with
me represent, to be sure, less popular places than Liver-
pool, — but on the bench immediately over against me, I
descry, among the most eminent of our rivals for power,
scarce any other sort of representatives than members for
close, or, if you will, for rotten boroughs. To suppose,
therefore, that our political opponents have any thoughts
of getting rid of the close boroughs, would be a gross
delusion ; and, I have no doubt, they will be quite as fair
and open Avith the reformers on this point as I am.
" And why, gentlemen, is it that I am satisfied with a
system which, it is said, no man can support, who is not in
love with corruption ? Is it that I, more thara any other
man, am afraid to face a popular election ? To the last
question you can give the answer. To the former^jkwill
answer for myself. I do verily believe, as I l^V al-
ready said, that a complete and perfect democratical re-
presentation, such as the reformers aim at, cannot exist as
part of a mixed government. It may exist, and, for
aught I know or care, may exist beneficially as a whole.
But I am not sent to Parliament to inquire into the
question, whether a democracy or a monarchy be the
best. My lot is cast under the British monarchy. Under
that I have lived, — under that I have seen my country
flourish, — under that I have seen it enjoy as great a share
of prosperity, of happiness, and of glory, as I believe
any modification of human society to be capable of be-
stowing; and I am not prepared to sacrifice or to hazard
the fruit of centuries of experience, of centuries of strug-
gles, and of more than one century of liberty, as perfect
as ever blessed any country upon the earth, for visionary
436 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
schemes of ideal perfectibility, or for doubtful experi-
ments even of possible improvement.
/ "I am, therefore, for the House of Commons as a
/ part, and not as the whole, of the government. And,
as a part of the government, I hold it to be frantic to
suppose, that, from the election of members of Parlia-
ment, you can altogether exclude, by any contrivance,
even if it were desirable to do so, the influence of pro-
perty, rank, talents, family connexion, and whatever
else in the radical language of the day, is considered as
intimidation or corruption. I believe, that if a reform,
to the extent of that demanded by the radical reformers,
were granted, you would, before an annual election
came round, find that there were new connexions grown
up which you must again destroy; new influence ac-
quired which you must dispossess of its authority; and
tha^to these fruitless attempts at unattainable purity,
yoi^p-e working against the natural current of human
nature.
" I believe, therefore, that, contrive how you will,
some such human motives of action will find room to
operate in the election of members of Parliament. I
think that this must and ought to be so, unless you mean
to exclude from the concerns of the nation all inert
wealth, all inactive talent,— the retired, the aged, and
the infirm, — all who cannot face popular assemblies, or
en"-ao-e in busy life; in short, unless you have found
some expedient for disarming property of influence,
without (what I hope we are not yet ripe for) the aboli-
tion of property itself.
" I would have by choice — if the choice were yet to
be made — I would have in the House of Commons great
variety of interests, and I would have them find their
/ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 437
way there by a great variety of rights of election ; sa-
tisfied that uniformity of election would produce any
thing but a just representation of various interests. As
to the close boroughs, I know that through them have
found their way into the House of Commons men whose
talents have been an honour to their kind, and whose
names are interwoven with the brightest periods in the
history of their country. I cannot think that system al-
together vicious which has produced such fruits. Nor
can I think that there should be but one road into that
assembly, or that no man should be presumed fit for the
deliberations of a senate, who has not had the nerves
previously to face the storms of the hustings.
*' I need not say, gentlemen, that I am one of the last
men to disparage the utility and dignity of popular elec-
tions. I have good cause to speak of them in far dif-
ferent language. But, among numberless other consi-
derations, which endear to me the favours which^J^ave
received at your hands, I confess it is one, that, as your
representative, I am enabled to speak my genuine senti-
ments on this (as I think it) vital question of Parlia-
mentary Reform, without the imputation of shrinking
from popular canvass, or of seeking shelter for myself in
that species of representation which, as an element in
the composition of Parliament, I never shall cease to
defend.
" In truth, gentlemen, though the question of reform
is made the pretext of those persons who have vexed
the country for some months, I verily believe, that there
are very few even of them, who either give credit to
their own exaggerations, or care much about the im-
provements which they recommend. Why, do we not
see that the most violent of the reformers of the day are
aiming at seats in that assembly, which, according to
/
43S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
their own theories, they should have left to wallow in
/ its ow n pollution, discountenanced and unredeemed ? It
is true, that if they found their way there, they might
endeavour to bring us to a sense of our misdeeds, and
to urge us to redeem our character by some self-con-
demning ordinance ; but would not the authority of
their names, as our associates, have more than coun-
terbalanced the force of their eloquence as our re-
formers ?
" But, gentlemen, I am for the whole constitution.
The liberty of the subject as much depends on the main-
tenance of the constitutional prerogatives of the Crown,
— on the acknowledgment of the legitimate power of the
other House of Parliament, as it does in upholding that
supreme power (for such is the power of the purse, in
one sense of the word, though not in the sense of the
resolution of 1648) which resides in the democratical
bra^k of the constitution. Whatever beyond its just
proportion was gained by one part, would be gained at
the expense of the whole; and the balance is now, per-
haps, as nearly poised as human wisdom can adjust it. I
fear to touch that balance, the disturbance of which
must bring confusion on the nation.
" Gentlemen, I trust there are few, very few, reason-
able and enlightened men ready to lend themselves to
projects of confusion. But, I confess, I very much wish,
that all who are not ready to do so, would consider the
ill effect of any countenance given, publicly or by ap-
parent implication, to those whom, in their hearts and
judgments, they despise. I remember that most excel-
lent and able man, Mr. Wilberforce, once saying, in the
House of Commons, that he ' never believed an opposi-
tion really to wish mischief to the country; that they
only wished just so much mischief as might drive their
i'^
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 439
I opponents out, and place themselves in their room.' —
Now, gentlemen, I cannot help thinking, that there are
some persons tampering* with the question of reform
something in the same spirit. They do not go so far as
the reformers; they even state irreconcilable differences
of opinion; but, to a certain extent, they agree, and
even co-operate with them. They co-operate with
them in inflaming the public feeling, not only against
the government, but against the support given by Par-
liament to that government, in the hope, no doubt, of
attracting to themselves the popularity which is lost to
their opponents, and thus being enabled to correct and
retrieve the errors of a displaced administration. Vain
and hopeless task, to raise such a spirit and then to go-
vern it! They may stimulate the steeds into fury, till
the chariot is hurried to the brink of a precipice; but do
they flatter themselves that they can then leap in, and,
hurling the incompetent driver from his seat, check* the
reins just in time to turn from the precipice and avoid
the fall ? — I fear thay would attempt it in vain. The
impulse, once given, may be too impetuous to be con-
trolled; and, intending only to change the guidance of
the machine, they may hurry it and themselves to irre-
trievable destruction.
" May every man who has a stake in the country,
whether from situation, from character, from wealth,
from his family^ and from the hopes of his children, —
may every man who has a sense of the blessings for
which he is indebted to the form of government under
which he lives, see that the time is come, at which his
decision must be taken, and, when once taken, stead-
fastly acted upon, — for or against the institutions of the
British monarchy ! The time is come at which there is
but that line of demarcation. On which side of that
/
410 MEMOIR OF GEOnGE CANNING-
line we, gentlemen, shall range ourselves, our choice
has long ago been made. In acting upon that our cora-
nion choice, with my best efforts and exertions, I shall
at once faithfully represent your sentiments, and satisfy
my own judgment and conscience."
Having thus concluded a brief view of the circum-
stances cotemporaneous with the unhappy affair of the
Queen, we shall explain the reasons of Mr. Canning's
retirement from office; which took place virtually about
May, 1820, although he did not actually resign the seals
until the December of that year. Happily, Mr. Canning
has, in this instance, been his own biographer. The
foUowinff letter to one of his constituents contains a full
explanation of the period and manner of his resignation.
To this letter we particularly and earnestly call the at-
tention of the reader; it is an important document, re-
flecting equal credit on the Minister and his Sovereign.
" Tuddenhani, Norfolk, Dec. 23, 1820.
" My dear Sir, — I left town on Wednesday, a few minutes
after I had written to you, not thinking that I should be quite so
soon set at liberty to make to you the communication promised in
my letter of that morning. I had hitherto forborne to make the com-
munication, in order that I might not any way embarrass others
by a premature disclosure j and I certainly expected, in return, due
notice of the time when it might suit them that the disclosure should
be made. I have no doubt that the omission of such notice has
been a mere oversight. I regret it only as it has prevented me
from anticipating, with you and the rest of my friends at Liverpool,
the announcement in a newspaper, of an event in which I know
your kind partiality will induce you to feel a lively interest. The
facts stated in The Courier of Wednesday evening, are stated in
substance correctly. I have resigned my office. My motives for
separating myself from the government, (however reluctantly at a
conjuncture like the present,) is to be found solely in the proceedings
and pending 'discussions' respecting the Queen. There is fas The
Courier justly assumes) but this * one point of difference' between
MEMOIA OF GEOllOE CANNING. 441
my colleagues and myself. Those who may have done me the
honour to observe my conduct in this unhappy affair from the be-
ginning, will recollect that on the first occasion on which it was
brought forward in the House of Commons, I declared my deter-
mination to take as little part as possible in any subsequent stage
of the proceedings. The declaration was made advisedly. It was
made, not only after full communication with my colleagues, but as
an alternative suggested on their part for my then retirement from
the administration. So long as there was a hope of amicable adj ast-
ment, my continuance in the administration miglit possibly be
advantageous: that hope was finally extinguished by the failure of
Mr. Wilberforce's address. On the same day on which the Queen's
answer to that address was received by the House of Commons, I
asked an audience of the Kingj and at that audience, (which I ob-
tained the following day,) after respectfully repeating to his Majesty
the declaration which I had made a fortnight before in the House
of Commons, and stating the impossibility of my departing from it,
I felt it my duty humbly to lay at his Majesty's feet the tender of
my resignation,
" The King, with a generosity which I can never sufficiently
acknowledge, commanded me to remain in his service, abstaining
as completely as I might think fit from any share in the proceed-
ings respecting the Queen, and gave me full authority to plead his
Majesty's EXPRESS COMMAND for so continuing in office,
" No occasion subsequently occurred in Parliament (at least, no
adequate occasion) for availing myself of the use of this authority,
and I should have thought myself inexcusable in seeking an occa-
sion for the purpose J but, from the moment of my receiving his
Majesty's gracious commands, I abstained entirely from all inter-
ference on the subject of the Queen's affairs. I did not attend any
meetings of the Cabinet upon that subject, I had no share what-
ever in preparing or approving the Bill of Pains and Penalties. I
was (as you know) absent from England during the whole progress
of that Bill, and returned only after it had been withdrawn.
"The new state ii> which I found the proceedings upon my
return to England, required the most serious consideration; it was
one to which I could not conceive the King's command, of June, to
be applicable. For a minister to absent himself altogether from
the expected- discussions in the House of Commons, intermixed as
they were likely to be with the general business of the session,
appeared to me quite impossible. To be present, as a minister
taking no part in those discussions, could only be productive of
)9, 3l
442 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
fiiil>;irr.issinent to myself, and of perplexity to my colleagues. To
lake anv part in tlietn was now, as always, out of the question.
" For these dirticultics I saw no remedy, except in the humble
liut earnest renewal to my sovereign of the tender of my resigna-
tion, which has been now as most graciously accepted, as it was in
the former instance indulgently declined.
" If some weeks have elapsed since my return to England, before
1 could arrive at this practical result, the interval has been chiefly
employed in reconciling, or endeavouring to reconcile, my colleagues
to a step taken by me in a spirit of the most perfect amity, and
Tending (in my judgment) as much to their relief as to my own.
" It remains for me only to add, that, having purchased, by the
surrender of my office, the liberty of continuing to act in con-
sistency with my original declaration, it is now my intention (but
an intention perfectly gratuitous, and one which I hold myself
completely free to vary, if I shall at any time see occasion for so
doing) to be absent from England again, until the agitation of this
calamitous affair shall be at an end.
" I am, &c. &c. &c.
" George Canning."
The letter concluded with protestations of his undimi-
nished attention to the local interests of Liverpool.
Mr. Canning's resignation of office, and, indeed, the
whole of his conduct throughout the imputation on, in-
vestigation regarding, and trial of, the Queen, became
subjected to inquiry and censure by one party in, and
scarcely afforded satisfaction to any portion of, the empire ;
but this will not be matter of surprise to the thinking
part of the community. To be popular is not always to |
be right. It matters not now to the subject of this
Memoir, whether his conduct was the result of accurate
judgment, or of hasty determination. He, who resigned,
and she, who caused that resignation, lie, alike regard-
less of all praise,— of all censure : but it is essential to
the fame of Canning, that the motives of his conduct
Bhould be explained ; at least, as far as it is possible to
draw inferences and conclusions from the circumstances
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 443
of the case, and the characters of the individuals involved
in it. Canning^'s share in all that affected the Queen,
was considerable. First, obscurely alluded to as her
favourite ; then, appearing as her advocate ; next, em-
ployed by the King (George the Third) to investigate
her conduct; afterwards, becoming her adviser; again,
appearing as her advocate, when she came to claim her
right to coronation ; and then suddenly resigning his
official situation, and declining any part in the contest.
The question appears to resolve itself into two points.
That is : — Either the Queen was guilty, or innocent. If
guilty, lie should have punished guilt; — if innocent, he
should have defended innocence. By abstaining from
all interference, he, on the one presumption, tacitly ap-
proved of vice ; or, on the other, forsook the advocation
of virtue. Real questions cannot be thus isolated: in
this world, where vice and virtue are so intermingled, —
where golden reputations are infected with so much
alloy, that there is scarcely any divisibility of charac-
ter; — in such a state of existence, it is almost impossible
to reduce characters or questions to such general or single
points. Suppose the Queen to have been indiscreet, but
not vicious; — to have committed errors, but not critnes ; —
to have admitted improper freedoms in a domestic, with-
out having levelled herself to the station of his para-
mour : — Suppose this case, how should our hero have be-
haved ? Should he have punished her for her follies, by
a proceeding directed against her supposed crimes ; or,
on the other hand, should he have attempted to exte-
nuate errors, that he k)ieu> to exist, merely because she
was accused of greater ones which did not ? Or, did he
act more wisely, by forsaking a prosecution which, if
successful, would involve a punishment too severe for
the crime, and avoiding an advocacy where he could not
444 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
believe in the total innocence of the accused ? We think
lew will hesitate in approving the step Mr. Canning pur-
sued. The trial of the Queen of England has nothing
in common with the trial of a subject. If A. be tried
for murder, and, on his trial, it appear that he has
been guilty of manslaughter only, reason and law alike
acquit him ;— he shall not be punished for the greater,
when only really guilty of the lesser, crime. But the
nature of the charge^ and the station of the individual,
rendered the Queen's case totally different. If she had
descended to intimate communion with those so far be-
neath her— if she had yielded to the weakness of her sex,
and coquetted with those she was born to command — she
had done all ;— for she had compromised her own dignity,
and her husband's ; and, through him, the dignity of the
country. The advocate, therefore, that had been forced
to admit her errors on these points, must have given up
her case at once. She who disregards a country, has no
claim to govern it — she who cannot support dignity, has
no pretence to aspire to it— she who degrades her station
as a woman — would be little likely to adorn it as a queen.
Had Canning, acceding to the wishes of the warmest
friends of the Queen, entered the House to defend her,
could he, whilst he admitted her errors and derelictions,
support her claim to coronation ? Could he say, she has
derogated from the dignity of her station as princess, and
for that reason we should crown her, as queen? No.
By sacrificing the principles of truth and of justice only
could Mr. Canning take any part in the proceedings,
either for or against the Queen. He sacrificed his pre-
sent interest, nay, in all probability, his future hopes, to
his love of justice and of truth; and gave up fortune and
favour, to secure the purity of his principles. His con-
duct was as noble a? judicious ; and will receive the meed
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 445
of praise, when his detractors and their productions are
forgotten.
Mr. Canning, though abstaining from any interference
in this matter, did not neglect his parliamentary duties ;
and spoke at great length upon the Catholic Question,
which was agitated about this period. Space permits'
the extraction of only a few sentences, which are too
forcible for omission. The only apology for the uncon-
nected form in which these remarks appear, is, that they
have been condensed, to afford space for other speeches of
Mr. Canning, that have a yet superior claim to insertion.
" For two centuries, the Catholics have been brooding
patiently over their wrongs, and, like the Brutus of his-
tory, disguising, under the appearance of insensibility,
the deep sense with which they entertained them. To
suppose that they were only waiting the passing of this
Bill, to wreak the vengeance which has so long been
smothered in their breasts, is an idea which nothing but
absurd fear could propagate."
* * * * y^
" Ireland now sits in the Representative Assembly of
the empire; and, when she is allowed to come there, why
is she not also allowed to elect members for it, from her
Catholic children ? For three centuries, we have been
erecting woMwrfs, not to assist or improve, but to thwart
Nature : we have raised them high above the waters :
and they have stood for many a year, frowning proud de-
fiance upon all who attempted to cross them ; but, in the
course of ages, even they have been nearly broken down,
and the narrow isthmus which they now form, stands be-
tween two kindred seas ; the fountains see each other,
and would fain meet. Shall we fortify the mounds which
are now almost in ruins, or shall we leave them to moul-
der away by time or accident — an event which, though
446 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
distant, must liappen ; and which, when it does, will only
confer a thankless favour? Or shall we cut away at
once the isthmus that remains, and float upon the ming-
ling wave the ark of our common constitution."
* * * *
" With the established religion of the country, the
Roman Catholics must, of course, have nothing to do.
None but those who profess the established religion of
the state, ought to pretend to the exercise of any func-
tions iin mediately connected with that religion, or the
ecclesiastical system in which it is embodied."
* •* * *
" We are in the enjoyment of a peace, in a great de-
gree achieved by Catholic arms, and cemented by Catholic
blood."
* * * *
On the second reading he also spoke at great length,
and from this speech the following brief extracts are
taken.
" It has been said, that we are not to open the door to
an evil which, if once admitted, may not easily be re-
moved. A lion is in the lobby : if admitted, we may not
be able to get him out. The peers are few, but the com-
moners would overturn the Protestant faith. They are
in such masses at the door, ready to enter, that we dare
not open the door, for fear of this many-headed Catholic
monster. The peers cannot be admitted to possession of
their rights, to sit in the Peers' House, which, in fact,
was only suspended ; for the forms were adhered to,
while the substance was suspended, for fear of ruin to the
constitution. Is it possible to conceive this exclusion
necessary? Are the Howards and the Talbots so de-
graded from the character of their ancestors, that the
constitution would not be safe, if they were admitted to
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 447
their seats ? To make the supposition of danger plausi-
ble, it is necessary, first, that the Catholic members should
be returned in great numbers ; secondly, that they should
combine; and thirdly, that they should manage with
such dexterity, as to induce the Government or the Mo-
narch to join in their combination. Some persons have
such an antipathy to cats, that they are sensible of the
entrance of one to a room, before they have seen where
it is perched. Now, I never felt annoyed at finding myself
seated next a dissenter. I really could feel no appre-
hension of that sensitive and unaccountable kind. I will
grant, for the argument, that one hundred Catholic mem-
bers should be returned, partly from Ireland and partly
from England — I will grant that they combine — I will
grant that they would combine for overturning the eccle-
siastical establishment — but, granting all this, I ask, how
are they to go about it ? It must be, first, by force of
reasoning; second, by force of numbers; or, third, by
force alone. Is it then to be gravely stated, that the
eloquence of the one hundred members would succeed in
persuading gentlemen attached to the Protestant estab-
lishment, to join them in destroying it, in order to make
way for the magnificent edifice of mitred popery ? Can
any one believe, that the members who might, in conse-
quence of this Bill, be admitted to seats in Parliament,
would move such a project ? Or, can any one suppose,
for a moment, that the slightest motion that had such an
end in view, would not be immediately resisted in Par-
liament, as futile and impracticable ?"
" The question with respect to numbers, is as hopeless
as the chance of success in either of the cases I have
alluded to ; but, suppose there was any danger from the
44S WFMOIU OF GEOIIGE CANNING.
Catholics, from force alone, is the rejection of the present
measure the best means of calming any ebullition of that
kind out of doors ? Is it the safest remedy to say to the
Catholics, ' We shut our doors upon you for ever?' "
In 1822, the directors of the East India Company ap-
pointed IVIr. Canning Governor-General of India. He
accepted the appointment, to the regret of those who
thought that his loss to this country could not be com-
pensated by his services, however great, in another.
When Mr. Canning had definitely settled the period
of his departure, he paid a farewell visit to his Liverpool
friends. An address, expressive of the sense of the in-
habitants of Liverpool of his high talent, active exer-
tions for his country, and his attention to the interest of
his constituents in particular, was delivered to him, in
which the following associations joined : —
American Chamber of Commerce,
Association of West India Planters and Merchants.
Under Writers,
Ship Owners,
the Corn Exchange,
Salt Shippers; and the
Portugal, Brazil, South American and Mexican, East
Indian, Irish, and the Baltic, Associations.
On this occasion, a piece of plate was presented to
Mr. Canning, of which the following description was
given by the press of that town.
"It is a centre ornament, or candelabrum, forty-two
ifiches high, and upwards of sixty in circumference at
the base. It is silver gilt, and weighs upwards of one
thousand ounces. The base is in the tripod form, and
rests upon three tortoises. In the plinth are three com-
partments, six inches wide by two and a half high. The
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 449
first compartment contains a view of the port of Liver-
pool. A ship under sail appears in the foreground of
the picture, and in the backg;round George's Dock Pier-
head, with St. Nicholas's Church, the Town-haii, St.
Paul's, St. George's, and St. Thomas's Churches in the
distance. The second compartment contains a represen-
tation of a section of the Town-hall. The scene chosen
is that of an election. Hustings are erected in the front :
bars for several candidates are open : a crowd of specta-
tors is congregated before them ; and a coach, filled with
voters in the interest of Mr. Canning, accompanied with
music and flags, the latter having inscribed on them,
* The British Constitution^'^ ' The Friend of the Pilot that
weather'' d the Siorm,^ ' Canning for ever!'' &c., is repre-
sented in the act of approaching his bar. The right ho-
nourable gentleman appears in the centre, surrounded
by his friends, in the act of addressing the multitude of
spectators, some of whom are elevated upon the hustings,
loudly cheering their favourite candidate. The ^ State
of the Poll ^ appears on the side of IMr. Canning's bar;
and, in the distance, the lofty buildings on the north side
of Dale Street are seen, their windows and roofs crowded
with spectators, surveying the animated scene beneath.
The third compartment exhibits a view of the interior of
the House of Commons, the theatre in which Mr. Can-
ning so often displays his great and unrivalled talents.
The Speaker is in the chair: the mace is on the table
before him: the benches are crowded with members;
and Mr. Canning is represented as standing on the floor,
in the act of addressing the chair. The base of the
pedestal represents a coral rock. Upon it, at the angles,
are seated three beautiful clas^iic figures, under palm-tree
leaves. The first figure is emblematical of Science.
In her hand she holds a book, written in Oriental charac-
19. Su
450 MEMOIR OF geouge canning.
ters, which she is in the act of perusing. At her feet are
spread a variety of appropriate scientific instruments and
sviubols. The second figure is a personification of Na-
vigation. The compass rests upon her knee; and in
her hand she holds the log-line and lead. On the right,
at her feet, a staff, with a union jack on it, an anchor and
cable, a rudder, a capstern, and other nautical emblems
are appropriately disposed : on the right, a buoy. Com-
merce is the third figure. She holds in her right hand
a laurel crown, and in her left a palm branch, emblematic
of the peace and harmony which commercial intercourse
creates amongst the different nations of the globe. Va-
rious appropriate symbols are displayed at her feet also.
On the right appear a bale of goods and other articles of
commercial traffic: on the left, a cornucopia, or horn of
plenty, the caduceus, &c. &c. These three personifica-
tions of the Genius of Science, of Navigation, and of
Commerce, are exquisitely beautiful. The figures are
most chastely executed, and the drapery is well disposed.
They are amongst the most prominent excellences of the
design. On the pedestal, between these figures, are
three tablets. The first tablet exhibits the arms of the
borough of Liverpool, tastefully executed. The next
displays Mr. Canning's arms, richly embossed, with the
motto — Ne cede malis sed contra. The third contains
the inscription, very neatly executed, on a flat gold field,
in raised bright letters. It is as follows : —
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 451
' PRESENTED
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
GEORGE CANNING,
BY A NUMEROUS BODY OF HIS FRIENDS,
FREEMEN AND INHABITANTS OF
LIVERPOOL,
ON HIS BEING APPOINTED GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA,
JULY, 1822,
IN GRATEFUL ACKNOWLEDGMENT
OF HIS ZEALOUS AND IMPARTIAL ATTENTION
TO THE INTERESTS OF ALL HIS CONSTITUENTS,
FOR A PERIOD OF TEN YEARS,
IN THE COURSE OF WHICH
HE HAS BEEN FOUR TIMES ELECTED
THEIR REPRESENTATIVE IN PARLIAMENT;
AND IN TESTIMONY OF THEIR RESPECT,
AS WELL FOR HIS PRIVATE VIRTUES
AS FOR HIS DISINTERESTED AND INDEPENDENT
PUBLIC conduct;
AND OF THEIR ADMIRATION
OF THOSE TRANSCENDANT TALENTS,
AS A STATESMAN AND AN ORATOR,
WITH WHICH HE HAS UNIFORMLY AND FEARLESSLY
MAINTAINED THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF
THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION.'
" A handsome fluted naval column springs from the
pedestal. Its base is begirt with a cable; and three
dolphins are represented disporting themselves at the
angles. On the upper part of the column, and surround-
ing it, are inscribed, 'Election of 1812,' 'Election of
1816,' ' Election of 1818,' ' Election of 1820;' the four
periods at which Mr. Canning was returned to Par-
liament as representative of Liverpool. Above these
inscriptions appear the prows of three ships, with figure-
452 MEMom or geouge canning.
heads ; the first representing a native oF Asia, the second
of Africa, and the third of America. The capital of the
colnmn is beautifully chaste. From it issue acanthus
leaves; attached to which are branches for nine lights.
The summit of the whole is crow ned by a beautiful classic
iii^ure, emblematic of the Genius of Liverpool, her right
hand resting on a ship's rudder, and her left on a broad
and glittering shield, on w hich is depicted the fabulous
bird, the liver. On her head she wears a mural crown :
and her drapery falls in simple elegance over her finely
proportioned form."
The design is by Mr. Chantry, and the execution of the
work was entrusted to Messrs. Rundell and Bridge. We
need not add, that, coming from such hands, it was a
perfect specimen of art, and reflected equal credit on the
donors and the receiver.
On the 2.Sd of August, our hero dined with the Canning
Club. In his speech, in return for the usual compliment
on such an occasion, he thus reviewed his own conduct: —
" Gentlemen, I owe it to you, in common with all my
constituents, to state the grounds on w hich I am about to
separate from you. I have never, (I call past events to
bear me witness,)— I have never sought or accepted
office, except on principles of honour. I have never
hesitated to relinquish it, when I have thought that
either public duty or individual honour required its re-
linquishment. In 1812, when a private individual, and
having recently declined the highest official honours of
the state, I was returned by you to Parliament, aftcj' a
contest of unexampled exertion. You were good enough
to return me again, when I became a member of the ad-
ministration. I have since quitted that administration,
on a <|UPstion wholly unconnected with its general course
of policy, and without the smallest diminution of attach-
MEMOIR OF GKORGE CANNING.
453
^nient to the public principles which I have uniformly
professed, or the smallest relaxation in my support of
them. When called to office, in 1816, I was called to a
department perfectly alien from my official habits, and
with the business of which 1 had no previous acquaint-
ance: but, in the course of nearly five years' diligent
administration of that department, it has so happened,
that 1 am supposed, by those in whom the law has vested
the power of appointing- to the government of India, to
have qualified myself for the more immediate direction
of that government, over the concerns of which it has
been my duty to exercise a distant superintendence.
"Many obvious circumstances, undoubtedly, would
make it more agreeable to me to remain in this country.
I see around me more than one hundred and sixty mo-
tives for so wishing to remain. But, gentlemen, I hold
that a public man is, unless he can show cause of honour
or duty to the contrary, bound to accept a trust which
he is selected as competent to administer for the public
interest.
" Gentlemen, those in whom the law, as I have said,
vests the power of appointment, (subject to the appro-
bation of the Crown,) have done me the honour to think,
that I may be the humble instrument of conferring some
benefit on the population of an extensive empire. I fear
they overrate my capacity for the task which they im-
pose upon me, as your kindness has overrated my ser-
vices to you. But I have not felt myself at liberty to
decline a task, at once so difficult and so honourable; —
I must execute it to the best of my ability. Gentlemen,
in leaving your service, it is my pride to carry with me
testimonies of your satisfaction. I hope I may, without
indecent vanity, add, that in quitting the House of Com-
454 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
nions, ii is a consolation to me to quit it not defeated nor
disgraced.
" If, gentlemen, you and I are separated by space, let
us continue united by sentiment and by kindness. I leave
here, in your keeping, a name, insignificant as it belongs
to an individual, but consecrated by the principles of
which you have made it the symbol. Guard it, not for
its own sake, but for the sake of those its accompani-
ments. While it may be my lot to administer a govern-
ment, of necessity in a great measure discretionary, I
shall reflect that there is, in my own country, a commu-
nity in which my name is cherished, as associated with
rational liberty, with the principles of a free government,
and with the institutions of a free people. Guard you
my memory, and I shall cherish yours. Removed from
you by thousands of miles, it will be a pleasure to me to
think, that I am occasionally remembered by you ; and
be assured, that, in whatever part of the world I may be
stationed, the members of this society will have a place
in my remembrance and regard."
A public dinner was given in honour of our hero, on
the 30th of August, 1822, which was attended by a vast
number of persons, who, though differing on points of
policy from Mr. Canning, came forward to testify their
admiration of his talents and conduct; — few such scenes,
of amity of feeling Avith difference of opinion, present
themselves. On that occasion, Mr. Cannin<j spoke at
large on the two great questions of Emancipation and
Reform; — from that speech the portions that related to
localities are expunged, as they would not be generally
interesting. After thanking the assembly for the man-
ner in vvhich the announcement of his name was re-
ceived, he proceeded thus —
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 455
*' Gentlemen, let those who doubt the practical excel-
/ lence of the political institutions of Great Britain, look
at the scene which this assembly exhibits; — and when
they see how far an individual, without personal distinc-
tion, or personal claims of any kind on the consideration
or good-will of a great community, can earn their good
opinion, and, I may venture to say, their affection, simply
by the performance of his public duty as their represen-
tative, let them consider what guarantees there must be
for the security of a country in which such connexions
are formed, and for a constitution under which such a
public interchange of reciprocal esteem and reciprocal
obligations is maintained. Never can such a country
sink under the vainly apprehended danger of despotism:
—never, I trust, can such a constitution be made the
victim of that opposite and equally formidable danger,
— of anarchy, which would involve not only the ruin of
all that is venerable in our establishments, but the ex-
tinction of all that is estimable in social life.
" Gentlemen, there are, indeed, other roads to power
and popularity. Power may, perhaps, be gained, and
its continued tenure secured, by a subserviency without
limit or hesitation ; and there is a cheap, but dazzling,
popularity for those who will either invent a catalogue
of imaginary evils, or, attributing to man the acts of
Providence, will promise instant relief to sufferings aris-
ing out of inevitable necessity, and to calamities which
endurance can only cure; who will challenge all exist-
ing institutions as misgovernment, and mount and ride
in the whirlwind of reform. But, gentlemen, neither
of these courses have I ever thought it consistent with
honour or with duty to pursue. He may, perhaps, be
held a timid and unwise politician, who \A\\ not unscru-
pulously lend himself to objects which he cannot ap-
45i5 WRMOin or oeoiige canning.
prove; and he may be sonietiiues an unpopular repre-
sentative, who does not lay the foundation of his
popularity in flattery of the passions of the people.
For the people are open to flattery as well as kings ; and
that language is not more remote from truth which
exalts prerogative beyond the bounds of reason, than
that which spt aks incessantly of popular rights, without
reference to corresponding duties. But, gentlemen, no
such sacrifices of truth have been necessary to obtain
and to retain your good-will. I have found, in this en-
lightened community, comprehending, as it necessarily
does, conflicting opinions, as well as, in a certain degree,
conflicting interests, — I have found a singular tempe-
rance in your difl^erences of political opinion. I have
found generally prevalent among you a warm but rea-
soning loyalty, consistent with perfect independence of
thought ; and an ardent love of liberty, combined with
a determined hostilitv to all the excesses of faction. It is
in sympathising with these your feelings, and participa-
ting in these your sentiments, that I have acquired the
share which I have the happiness to hold in your good
opinion ; though sure I am, that, with all my endeavours
to earn it, I cannot have succeeded in deserving that ex-
cess of it which you have been pleased to manifest to me
on this occasion."
After some farther allusion to the manifestations of at-
tachment he had received from his constituents, lie said,
"There are still tjyo great national questions upon which
. I have the misfortune to differ from the great body of my
most respectable friends and supporters in this town —
the Catholic Question, and Parliamentary Reform.
'' Gentlen)en, on the first of these questions, you are
well aware orf' my opinions; for, on one of the earliest
occasions on which I had the honour to address the in-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 4o7
>-liabitants of Liverpool, I told them fairly, that, in ac-
^ cepting my services, they accepted the services of one
who, on that question, had taken his part; and who
could not, in deference to their opinions or prejudices,
call them which you will, abate a jot of his anxiety for
its success. Accordingly, gentlemen, at the different
periods, and under the various modifications under
%vhich that question has come to be discussed, 1 have
given it my most strenuous support. But I have, in all
such cases, dealt honestly by you, gentlemen; for I have
rarely, if ever, given my support to that measure in the
House of Commons, without openly acknowledging,
that, in so doing, I spoke against what I believed to be
the prevailing sense of my constituents. I have not,
therefore, misused the weight of your authority, nor
compromised any opinion of yours adverse to my own.
" Gentlemen, if I were remaining in this country, and
continuing to take my part in Parliament, I should con-
tinue to walk in the same direction ; but I think, (and,
as I may not elsewhere have an opportunity of express-
ing this opinion, I am desirous of expressing it here,) —
I think that, after the experience of a fruitless struggle
of more than ten years, I should, as an individual,
(speaking for none but myself, and not knowing whether
I carry any other person's opinion with me,) be induced,
from henceforth, or, perhaps, after one more general
trial, to seek upon that question a liberal compromise,
rather than persevere in fighting, perhaps ten years
more, in vain for unqualified concession.
" I might have had some hesitation, under other cir-
cumstances, in making this avowal, knowing that it is
generally an easier, as well as a prouder course, to
persevere, even in what is hopeless, than fairly to avow
a disposition to compromise. But in what I say on
20. 3n
458 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
this occasion, I can have no other object than to de-
clare a sincere opinion. I alluded in recent debates,
in the House of Commons, to the policy of accepting
partial concessions, and to my regret that I had once
been myself a party to the refusal of them. I have
since revolved the subject much in my mind : and I con-
fess, that, next to the immediate success of the whole
measure, which I have as much as ever at heart, I should
wish, as well for the benefit of those most immediately
concerned, as for the general peace of the kingdom, to
see such an arrangement as should remove all practical
cause of complaint on the one side, without inciting
vague and indefinite apprehensions on the other; refer-
ring to a more favourable opportunity, and to the pro-
gress of public opinion, that complete and final settle-
ment, of which I shall never cease to maintain the
expediency as well as the justice."
Mr. Canning then proceeded to take the following
comprehensive view of the claims of the advocates for
reform.
" Gentlemen, what are the general arguments by
which we are urged to admit a change in the constitu-
tion of the House of Commons ? These arguments are
derived from expensive wars, from heavy taxes, and
from severe enactments, constituting, as is affirmed, so
many outrageous inroads upon the constitution. Granted,
for argument's sake, that all these charges are true.
Granted that all the proceedings of Parliament, for
many years past, have been reprehensible. But were
they the proceedings of the House of Commons alone?
Does the British constitution act by a single organ? Has
there been no concurrence in the maintenance of those
wars, no consent to the imposition of those taxes, no co-
operation in the passing of those enactnjents? Is there
/'
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CAKNING. 459
no olher assembly in existence, which partook of the
opinions on which the House of Commons has pro-
ceeded, and which would make, therefore, the reform of
the House of Commons nugatory for the professed pur-
poses, unless the co-ordinate authority was also re-
formed? If you reform the House of Commons, on the
grounds of past misconduct, what will you do with the
House of Lords ? If the House of Commons is to be
reformed, because it sanctioned the war with America:
if it is to be reformed, because it maintained the war
with France, — (sinkings, for a moment, the undoubted
fact, that the war with America was a favourite measure
with the people of this country as much as with the go-
vernment; sinking, for a moment, the undoubted fact,
that the war with France was emphatically the war of
the nation;) — if the House of Con)mons, I ask, is to be
reformed, because it approved and supported those
wars; if it is to be reformed, because it passed laws for
the suppression of internal disturbance, is the House of
Lords to go free, which consented to those wars, and of
those acts consented to all, while some of them, and
those not the least s-evere, it originated? If no such
reform is to be applied to the House of Lords, what is
the supposed effect upon that House of a reform of the
House of Commons? Let us fairly speak out : — Is the
unreformed House of Lords to continue in full vigour,
to counteract the will of the reformed House of Com-
mons ? Where, then, is the use of the reforn) ? Oi", is
the reformed House of Commons to act upon the House
of Lords by intimidation and compulsion? Aye! —
That, to be sure, is what must be meant, if there be truth
in the argument : but that is what no man will say.
" My quarrel, then, \\\\\\ this course of argument is, —
not that it aims at an alteration, — at an improvement, if
460 MEMOIH OF GEORGE CANNING.
you please, in the House of Commons ; but,— that it
aims at quite another thing than a House of Commons as
part of a legislature. The legislative authority of the
state, according to the constitution as it stands, is shared
between two Houses of Parliament :— the suggested re-
form goes to provide a single instrument, which shall not
only do its own work, but inevitably control the working
of the other ; which, if the object of the reform is ob-
tained, must act so powerfully, that it must, in the very
nature of things, reject any co-ordinate power, and
speedily act alone.
" I have never stated it as a beauty of the constitution,
that Old Sarum should have but as many voters as repre-
sentatives. Let it have two thousand, with all my heart.
I have never stated it as a beauty and perfection of the
constitution, that this or that great peer should be able
to return persons of his choice as the representatives of
the people in Parliament. I have never said, that de-
tected corruption should not be punished. In God's
name, disfranchise other corrupt boroughs, as you dis-
franchised Grampound. But I have said, and I repeat,
that I see no way of counteracting the influence of pro-
perty, and that I can imagine no process of amputation
of close boroughs, — on the ground, not of practical
punishment, but of speculative improvement, and on the
principle that the House of Commons ought to speak the
direct sense of the people, — which does not lead, by in-
evitable inference, to a total alteration of the functions
of the House of Commons. If by 'people' is meant
the nation, (and it is in the equivocal use of this word
that much of the fallacy of the argument lies;) — if an
assembly ' representing the people,' is meant to be the
undoubted, exclusive organ of national will, — I will ask,
when the nation has once such an organ, what room is
/ MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. '161
there for another legislative establishment ? How can a
second exist, and what is it to do?
" Gentlemen, on a recent occasion, in a neighbouring
county, a most respectable gentleman, respectable from
family, respectable from private character and from
talents, has done me the honour to refer to my opinions
with some expressions of surprise. Mr. Fawkes (I name
him with due honour, for what I believe to be his indi-
vidual worth) expressed great surprise, that I, being the
representative of the second commercial town in this
great kingdom, should feel any anxiety for the fate of the
close parts of the representation ; surprise for surprise : —
for I may, in my turn, be surprised, that a gentleman of
Yorkshire, in which county the clamour for reform be-
gan, some years ago, on the ground of the inadequacy of
its own particular representation, should seize the pre-
sent moment, when that representation has just been
doubled by Parliament, for agitating anew the question
of Parliamentary Reform. I know no grievance, in the
present constitution of Parliament, which has been so
constantly dinned into my ears, from my very youth, as
the destitute state of Yorkshire, in being allowed to ^tnd
only two of her sons to Parliament. She has been long,
' like Niobe, all tears' on this account : but now the
grievance is remedied ; and, at the very moment when
this is done, one of the most gifted of the sons of this un-
happy matron comes forward, and, instead of returning
thanks in behalf of his parent county, expatiates loudly,
in her name, on the inadequate representation of Eng-
land ! A Yorkshireman might have been too well
pleased with the recent attention to her long-neglected
claims, to be in a humour to find fault with Parliament
just at this moment. But, gentlemen, why am I, more
than Mr. Fawkes, to confine my attention to my own
/
4G2 MEMOiii or GEoncF, canning.
particular share of the representation ? So far from my
situation, as representative of the second town in the
empire, stilling; my voice on this subject, I have not the
slightest hesitation in saying, that if I were member for
Old Sarum, I should, more probably, hold my tongue
upon it. It is because 1 am member for Liverpool ;
because I can have no shadow of personal interest in
maintaining that more imperfect species of representa-
tion, which I do, nevertheless, conscientiously main-
tain; — it is because my opinion cannot be questioned,
as influenced by motives of individual convenience, that
I feel a confidence, which I otherwise might not feel, in
exposing what I think the fallacy of those doctrines which
push the principle of direct personal representation to an
extent such as, if adopted, must change the constitution.
" Let any man say, that his views of reform go no
farther than to the removal of blots, and I am with him.
But it is because the arguments for reform tend much
further; — it is because they tend not to remedy, but to
destroy ; not to correct what may be amiss in a system of
representation which combines all species of property,
admits all species of industry, opens the door to all species
of talent ; — it is because they appear lo me to tend to a
system to be founded exclusively on what is called the
power of the people ; a power which, if recognised in the
sense in which they proclaim it, must act, not in concert
with other powers, not by a conflict and compromise pf
diflerent interests; but by its own uncontrolled autho-
rity, supreme and alone;- it is for this reason that I
think it right to oppose, in Umine^ projects of Parliamen-
tary Reform.
" Gentlemen, it is said, however, that, besides the
faulty conjposition of the House of Commons, theie is an
jnfluej)ce olthe Crown which perverts and paralyses all
MElMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 463
its functions. My first answer to this proposition is the
same which I have made to the proposition for alteration
in the House of Commons. How rarely does the House
of Lords differ from the other House in its decisions ? —
How much more rarely does it differ in a more popular
sense? Is it the influence of the Crown which predo-
minates in the House of Lords too? If it is, — do you
mean to leave the House of Lords still subject to the
same influence, and still with an equal voice in the deci-
sion of every national question ? If not, — is not the pro-
ject still, though upon another pretext, to erect an instru-
ment which will make the operation of the House of
Lords completely nugatory; to place in a new, an un-
tried organ, the whole practical energy of the consti-
tution ?
" I do verily and sincerely believe, that there is no
proposition more false, than that the influence of the
Crown, any more than its direct power, has increased
comparatively with the increasing strength, wealth, and
population of the country. To these, if the Crown be
good for any thing at all in the constitution, it is neces-
sary that its power and influence should bear some
reasonable proportion. I deny that, in the House of
Commons, — I deny that, in the House of Lords, such an
increase can be shown ; but further I contend, that, in
speculating upon the practical play of our constitution,
we narrow our view of its efficient principles, of its pro-
gress, and of the state in which it now stands, if we do
not take into account other powers, extrinsic to the two
Houses of Parliament, which are at work in the moral
and political world, and which require to be balanced
and counterpoised in their operation."
* * *
" Gentlemen, there is one plain test which I think it
4G4 MEMOin OF GEOnCE CANNING.
wholesome to apply to all speculative projects of political
improvement. I consider, first, not how they might
operate for the general benefit of mankind : — that is a
wide consideration, indeed, and fit to be deeply studied
at leisure ; but is not, as it appears to me, the immediate
business of the British statesman, providing for British
interests : and I confess, that as, in private life, I
generally look nith caution on that diffusive benevolence
which neglects the circle immediately around it ; so I
look with some little suspicion to that spirit of general
improvement which is ready to sacrifice, to a general
principle, the immediate and particular safety of one's
own country. I inquire, rather, how such projects are
likely to operate on the British constitution ; which I
find to be a monarchy, — a monarchy qualified, indeed,
with establishments, which limit, which restrain, which
control it, — but fundamentally and essentially a monar-
chy. I do not think myself bound to enter the lists to
show why the British constitution should be a monarchy.
I am not called upon to demonstrate, a priori, that it was
necessary that the British constitution should be a
monarchy, any more than that Great Britain should be
an island. It is quite suflicient for me that I find these
things so ; it is quite sufficient for me to know that Pro-
vidence has ordained the one, and that the acts of our
ancestors, from immemorial time, acquiesced in and con-
firmed by a long succession of generations, have clearly
ascertained the other ; and have thus, although without
my individual vote or consent, imposed upon me the
duty of allegiance to the monarchy under which I have
been born.
" I know how tame, and servile, and abject, this sort
of reasoning sounds, in an age when it is so much more
the fashion to appeal to theory than to fact ; to try every
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 465
existing establishment by some abstract model of excel-
lence. But, gentlevnen, against a popular assembly,
constituted on the principles on which Parliamentary
Reform is alleged to be necessary, (the effective conse-
quence of which principles does, 1 willingly admit, go
beyond either the avowal, or, I dare say, the intention of
those who profess them ;) — I say, against a popular
assembly, so constituted, no monarchy could stand.
Such a government must be, practically, whatever it be
in name, a republic. I do not think myself at liberty to
discuss the question, whether that be a better kind of
government. I feel myself, I confess, circumscribed
within the limits of the existing constitution.
' Spartam nactus es, banc exorna.'
Improve, as you can, the constitution which has fallen to
your lot. The attempt to alter, by force, that constitu-
tion, is one which the law has branded in disagreeable
terms. I agree with the law ; and would endeavour to
prevent that from being done through inadvertence,
which, undoubtedly, there is no danger of any one's
attempting to do by design. In short, in all improve-
ments we must conform to the nature of the country to
which we belong: — like the king of Bohemia, who had
an extreme desire to be a naval power, but whose
laudable ambition was checked by this only impediment, —
that there was no seaport in his kingdom !
" So much, gentlemen, as to the principleis of Parlia-
mentary Reform; and as to the principles of my resist-
ance to it, as a general proposition. Let me now call
your attention, for a short time, to the practical uses to
M'hich Parliamentary Reform is by its advocates pro-
posed to be applied. Five or six years ago there was
great suffering among the labouring classes. Provisions
20. 3o
4<)6 MEMOIR OF (JFOnOE CANNING.
were at such a price as to be almost unattainable by the
poorest order of the people. The grievance in which
these sufferings originated was alleged to be the corn
bill. The corn bill was passed by the influence of the
landholders. The remedy was in some change which
uould put that influence down: — and we all remember
what a clamour was then raised for Parliamentary
Reform. Well ! Times come round; there is now such
a plenty, such a glut of provisions, that the humblest
classes of society are enjoying comparative afl[luence.
In the manufacturing districts there is constant and
steady employment ; at wages somewhat reduced, it is
true, but sufficient, in general, for comfortable mainte-
nance. And these blessings are further felt in a reduction
of the poor-rates, and, God be thanked, in a remarkable
diminution of crime. I do not know, gentlemen, whe-
ther all these particulars constitute a flourishing state of
the community : but I do know, that the absence of
them was considered as constituting a state of things too
bad to bear; and I cannot but think, that, whatever
partial evils accompany these blessings, those who, five
or six years ago, thought the Parliament good for
nought, because the landholders had passed a corn
bill, and because the poor-rates were augmented, and
because thfe calendars were swelled with crime, must now
consent to sympathise witli prosperity which grows out
of the reverse of the evils of which they complained.
Rut, gentlemen, while the labouring classes of the people
are in this state of enjoyment, while work is plenty,
while the poor-rates and crimes are diminishing, the
growers of corn are suffering. And what is the remedy ?
Parliamentary Reform ! So that, in the year 1817, when
you suffered under high prices. Parliamentary Reform
was the cure for that calamity; and now, when ihe
X MEMOIR OK GROUGi: CANNING. 4G7
landholders ate sutVering under cheapness, Parliamcn-
/ tary Reform is necessary the other way ! And for what
purpose? To restore, 1 suppose, the g^ood old times of
1817. Let me not be understood as underrating the
pressure of either of these evils : in bot^i states of things
there is much to lanient, and in that which now exists
there is much wiiich I wish to God I could see the way
to cure. But as to Parliamentary Reform, as the
remedy for either, — mucli more as the remedy for both, —
1 willask any man, whether there is common sense in
such a proposition ; whether the double clamour for it
be not a presumption rather in favour of the impartiality
with which Parliament has acted in both these painful
extremes ?
" But Parliamentary Reforn) is (he panacea for every
evil. I read, a few days ago, (I cannot immediately
recollect where,*) a story of an artist who had attained
great eminence in painting, but who had directed his
art chiefly to one favourite object. That object hap-
pened to be a red lion. His first employment was at a
public-house, where the landlord allowed him to follow
his fancy. Of course, the artist recommended a red lion.
A gentleman in the neighbourhood having a new dining-
room to ornament, applied to the artistfor his assistance;
and, in order that he might have full scope for his talents,
left to him the choice of a subject for the principal
compartment of the room. The painter took due time
to deliberate; and then, with the utmost gravity and
earnestness — ' Don't you think,' said he to his employer,
' that a handsome red lion would have a fine effect in this
situation ?' The gentleman was not entirely convinced,
perhaps; however, he let the painter have his way in
♦In the " John Bull" newspaper.
*'
46iJ" MEMOIR Ol GnoitGi: CANMNG. ,
this instance ; determined, nevertheless, that in his
library, to which he next conducted the artist, he would
have something of more exquisite device and ornament.
He showed him a small panel over his chimney-piece.
' Here,' says he, ' I must have something striking. The
space, you see, is but small, the workmanship must be^
proportionably delicate.' ' What think you,' says the
painter, after appearing to dive deep into his imagination
for the suggestion, ' what think you of a small red lion?''
Just so it is with Parliamentary Reform. Whatever
may be the evil, the remedy is a Parliamentary Reform ;
and the utmost variety that you can extort from those
who call themselves ' moderate reformers' is, that they
will be contented with a small red lion !
" Gentlemen, 1 wish that these theories were only
entertaining; but they have mischief in them; and I wish
that against them the country should be on its guard.
I confess I am against even the smallest of these red
lions; I object not to the size, but to the species. I fear
the smallest would be but the precursor of the whole
menagerie; and that, if once, propitiated by his small-
ness, you open the door for his admission, you will find,
when you wanted him to turn out again, that he had been
pampered to a formidable size in his cage."
On the ]2th of August (1822) the death of the marquis
of Londonderry, attended by its awful circumstances,*
* The death of this distinguished nobleman demands notice; the
particulars, as related by the press at the period, were as follow : —
August 14th — At a few minutes before three o'clock, a jury of
the most respectable inhabitants in the vicinity of the estate of the
late marquis of Londonderry was empannelled to niquire into tlie
cause of the death of the above noble lord. The coroner was Mr.
Joseph Carttar, of Dcptford. The inquest was held at the house of
the deceased lord i and, to the credit of the individuals who were
a])|)ointed to superintend the arrangements attendant upon this
MEMOIU Ol GEOIUU^ CANNING. 469
excited universal attention, and all eves were turned
towards our hero, as the only man likely to succeed hiui ; j
r
melancholy occasion, not the slightest attempt was made to keep
the proceedings secret. Directions were given to the domestics to
admit every person who desired to be present at tlie inquest. The
jury being sworn, the coroner addressed them at some length;
after which, they proceeded to view the body, which was envelo})ed
in a diessing-gown, and the head was covered with a handkerchief.
The feet were towards the window. The blood that proceeded
from the wound was still upon the ground.
The first witness was Anne Robinson ; she deposed as follows: —
" I wait upon the marchioness of Londonderry; I knew the mar-
quis; his body now lies upstairs. In my opinion, he has been ill
during the last fortnight, but particularly so since Monday week.
On Monday morning, he rang the bell; I answered it. He in-
quired why my lady had not been to see him? Her ladyship had
been with him all night, and I told him so. Her ladyship at this
time was not in the room. I then went away. The bell rang
again; when I answered it, he asked if Dr. Bankhead had been to
see him? I told him that Dr. Bankhead had been with him for two
hours and a half in the evening. It was about four in the morning
when he asked me this question. When I told him that Dr. Bank-
head had been with him, he asked what he had said to the doctor;
whether he had talked any nonsense to him, or any thing parti-
cular, as he had no recollection on the subject. I replied, that I
was not in the room during his interview with the doctor. I then
left the room. He rang again about seven. I went to him. He then
asked me what I wanted there? My lady was with him at tlietinne.
She had been with him since four o'clock; and s!ie answered that
my ord wanted his breakfast. My lord and lady were in bed at the
time. I left the room, and brought the breakfast up. He sat up
in bed, and tasted part of it. He found fault with it, and said it
was not a breakfast fit for him. He said there was no butter there
— the butter, however, was on the tray as usual, and I pointed it
out to him. The manner in which he spoke struck me as being
uncommon. It was in a sharp tone, which was uncommon with
him. I left the room after this. The bell rang again in half an
hour: my lady was in the room, and I cannot tell who rang the
bell. When I entered the room, he asked if Dr. Bankhead had
come from town -. I told him that Dr. Bankhead had slept in the
house. He then said, that he wished to see him. My lady then got up
470 MEMOia OF CLORGE CANNING.
if, indeed, Mr, Canning could be persuaded to accept
ollice " at home." On this subject, our hero himself
;ui(l tame to tiie at the door, and said soinctljing to me. I went to
Dr. Baukliead, and gave him my lord's message. I went back
to my lord, and told him that Dr. Bankhead would be with him
in two minutes. When my lord saw me speak to my lady, before
I left the room to go to Dr. Bankliead, he said there was a conspi-
racy against him. My lady at tliat time desired me to tell Dr.
Bankliead that he was wanted as soon as he could come. When I
returned, and told my lady that Dr. Bankhead would come, my
lady got out of bed and retired to her dressing-room. At this
moment my lord also got out of bed, and turned to the right into
his own dressing-room. I had just opened the door of my lady's
dressing-room, into which she had entered, when my lord rushed
past me into his own room. I opened the outside door, and told
the circumstances to Dr. Bankhead, who immediately followed my
lord into his dressing-room. I cannot tell what passed there ; but I
heard my lord open his window, before the doctor entered his room :
he (the doctor) exclaimed. Oh, my lord .' or. Oh, my God ! I cannot
recollect which. I heard no reply to this from my lord, I in-
stantly rushed into the room, and saw the doctor with my lord in
his arms. I remained in the room until I saw the doctor lay him
with his face upon the ground, I saw the blood running from him,
while Dr. Bankhead held him. I saw a knife. I heard my lord
say nothihg. I was certainly much alarmed. The knife was in
his right hand; (a penknife, with an ivory handle, and stained with
blood, was shewn to the witness.) I believe that to be the pen-
knife which I saw in my lord's hand." The witness then stated her
conviction, that his lordship had been of unsound mind for the last
fortnight, and stated several acts of his, in corroboration of her
statement.
Charles Bankhead, M.D. was the next witness. The first part
of his testimony went to show the deranged state of his lordship's
mind, for some days previous to the committal of the rash act
that terminated his existence. The latter part we shall detail, as
it was given on the inquest,
" I stepped into his dressing-room, and saw him in his dressing-
gown, standing with his front towards the window, which was
opposite to the door at which I entered ; his face was directed to-
wards the ceiling. Without turning his head, on the instant he
heard my steji, he exclaimed, ' Bankhead, let me fall upon your
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 471
spoke, as will be perceived in one of the addresses just
quoted.
A minister dying; by his own hand was a fertile subject
for the propagation of rumour. Some attributed the
act to a quarrel alleged to have taken place between the
marquis and his sovereign ; others to fatigue and anxiety,
occasioned by the pressure of business ; whilst the voice
of faction invented a variety of discreditable causes,
which, as they had their existence only in the base minds
of envious opponents, lived but a moment in that rank
soil, and then were heard no more. The mind of the
marquis was, in fact, overpowered by his duties, — aber-
arm — 'tis all over!' As quickly as possible I ran to him, thinking |
he was fainting, and going to fall — I caught him in my arms as he |
was foiling, and perceived that he had a knife in his right hand,
very firmly clonched, and all over blood, I did not see him use
it : he must have used it before I came into the room. In falling,
he declined upon one side, and the blood burst from him like a
torrent from a water-spout. I was unable to support him, and
he fell out of my arms, I think the wound must have been in-
flicted as soon as I put my foot on the threshold of the door; as its
nature was such, that the extinction of life must have followed in
the twinkling of an eye, I think that not less than two quarts of
blood flowed from him in one minute. I am satisfied that a minute
did not elapse, from tlie moment of my entering the room, until he
died 3 and, during that time, he said not a word, except w hat I
have already stated."
Several other witnesses were in attendance, but it was not deemed
necessary to call them. After half an hour's deliberation, the fol-
lowing verdict was returned: —
" That, on Monday, the 12th of August, and for some time pre-
viously, the most noble Robert marquis of Londonderry, under a
grievous disorder did labour and languish, and became, in conse-
quence, delirious and of unsound mind; and that, whilst in that state,
with a knife of iron and steel, he did inflict on himself, on the left
side of his neck and of the carotid artery, a wound of one inch in
length and half an inch in depth, of which he instantly died ; and
that no other person, except himself, was the cause of his death.".
472 MEMOITl OF GEORGE CANNING.
ration of intellect was the natural result. He was buried
on the 21st of August, in Westminster Abbey.
The deceased marquis, or rather lord Castlereagh, for
that name attaches all political remembrance of him, had
the misfortune to be as much overrated by his friends, as
he was depreciated by his enemies. Lord Byron, in the
spirit of invective, designated him " the beast without a
heart;" and this phrase, which, if written in haste, was
published at leisure, was seized upon as emblematic of a
man whose private life abounded in acts of benevolence,
generosity, and virtue. The grave now holds that
calumniated nobleman, and his noble calumniator. It
were easy to prove that lord Byron wrote under the
impulse of immediate passion, or feeling, and cared not
to let reason revise his pages ; and, though in virtuous
and noble minds these effusions can produce no other
effect than regret that such a man had written them,
— yet, with the unworthy tools of party, they serve for
watchwords of faction, and the lower members of the
opposition press emblazon their dross with the gold
they procure from his muse.
Lord Castlereagh was not a man of genius ; his oratory
was more wordy than thoughtful ; but it must also be re-
membered, that, from his official duties, he was continually
speaking. Those men who have attained the greatest
fame for their eloquence, have, happily for that fame, had
their powers less frequently called into requisition. It
is equally silly and unreasonable to expect eloquence
in a mere detail of financial arrangements, or a reply to
common-place questions, or querulous opposition. It
is the fashion to hold the term " man of business," as
beneath the dignity of a minister; it is, however, the
greatest requisite for that responsible situation. Lord
Castlereagh was, as a public and private individual,
MEMOIR OF GEOnGK CANNING. 473
decidedly a man of business ; and those who liave found
fault with his speeches have, in common with the country,
benefited by his measures. One of his lordship's poli-
tical opposers spoke of him, during his lifetime, in these
words : — " I believe lord Castlereagh to be sincere in
most of his opinions, and more free from uncandid eva- |
sions than most of the political aspirants of the day. His
handsome person, his intelligent and well-defined coun-
tenance, his conciliatory tone, his graceful manners, his
mildness, urbanity, and invincible courtesy, ensure him
popularity, and even fondness, from the House of Com-
mons. In spite of his dulness, and in spite of his poli-
tical errors, personal and even political animosity loses
daily some of its rancour, from the influence of that
gentleness which never irritates, and is as slow to be
irritated; whose polish makes the sharpest arrow which
anger can shoot, glide from him harmless ; and whose
softness neutralises the most acrid venom. Thus, though
he is utterly deficient in the marks of the real English
character, and is as little like his native Irish — though he
has no honest indiscretions — no bursts of feeling — no
fearless, unhesitating avowals, at once imprudent and
noble — yet he is, perhaps, the greatest favourite since
the time of lord North, in an assembly consisting of four-
fifths of Englishmen. Mr. Percival was liked, and de-
servedly, as an amiable gentleman ; but then he fancied
himself a wit ; and he really had some powers of sarcasm.
With this dangerous talent, often has he roused the
sleeping whigs into all the rancour of party rage, at the
end of a long debate, which had been for hours conducted
w ith the prevailing apathy of the day. Thus, he had al-
most as many political enemies as Mr. Pitt, though he
was as gentle as the other was haughty and unac-
commodating. Lord Castlereagh has no wit, nor power
20. 3 p
474 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
of satire; and he is too prudent or too good-natured
to show the wish to satirise, without the energy sufficient
to make the blow effectual."
In September, (1822,) our hero accepted the seals of
the Foreign Office, and very soon after resigned the re-
presentation of Liverpool. On that occasion he ad-
dressed to them the following circular : —
" TO THE FREEMEN OF LIVERPOOL.
" Foreifjn Office, Jamianj 23, 1823.
" Gentlemen, — Four months' experience of the occupations of
the department which the King has been graciously pleased to con-
fide to me, combined with the anticijiation of that increased pres-
sijire which the approaching session of Parliament will bring with
it, forces upon me the reluctant conviction, that I should no longer
be able to give to the important duties of a representative of Liver-
pool, that degree of attention which would satisfy your just claims,
and my own conscientious estimate of them.
" After much hesitation, and with a feeling of deep regret, (for
which, I know, you will give me credit,) I have thought it right to
declare this conviction to you plainly and openly. It is far better,
both for you and for me, that the failure, which I apprehend as too
probable, should be prevented than remedied.
" I surrender into your hands, therefore, a charge which, during
the ten years that I have had the honour to hold it, I may presume
to say, I have fulfilled with earnestness and fidelity; but in which
I am, nevertheless, fully aware how much my endeavours have
been aided by your encouragement; how many of my omissions
have been overlooked by your indulgence; and how greatly my
services (such as they were) have been overpaid by the repeated
and increasing manifestations of your regard and good opinion.
•' You will not, I hope, find it diflicult to provide a successor
better qualified to serve you. Whoever may be the object of youF
choice, he may depend upon my co-operation, on any occasion in
which I can properly and usefully aid him ; and you may be as-
sured of the pleasure with which I shall avail myself of every such
opportunity to testify my grateful remembrance of a connexion
which has been the pride of my public life, and which nothing
could have induced me, during the continuance of my public life,
to relinquish, except a sense of duty, that forbids me to retain a
trust, of which I cannot adequately discharge the obligations.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 475
" I have the honour to be, with the sincerest gratitude, respect,
and attaclimeut,
" Gentlemen,
" Your obliged and faithful servant,
" George Canning."
Mr. Huskisson succeeded Mr. Canning as member for
^.
Liverpool. At a subsequent period, (the autumn of ^ ^
1B23,) when Mr. Canning- was on a visit in that town,
an aquatic excursion (in honor of the late and their pre-
sent member) took place, at which between three and
four hundred of the most opulent and respectable
inhabitants of Liverpool attended. A public dinner was
also given to our hero, and he received every demonstra-
tion that his past services were not forgotten.
Thus closed Mr. Canning's parliamentary career ; for
it certainly closed, when he voluntarily resigned the
representation of the second city in Great Britain, after
having contested it with some of the most popular and
• influential persons in the kingdom. There is no parallel
instance of an official person obtaining such suffrages
under any circumstances, much less under the circum-
stances Mr. Canning had to contend with. The riches of
the Williams' party — the strength of Sefton and of
Brougham — were nothing against the powerful influence
of the genius of Canning, who carried his election
by triumphant majorities, in the teeth of those who
differed in opinions and measures ; but yet were forced
to own, that he was as impartial as he was great. His
fame in Liverpool increased hourly, from the first
moment of his appearing there as a candidate : it ulti-
mately amounted to enthusiasm — we had nearly said
idolatry. Canning wrested this popularity from pre-
judice. He came amongst hundreds who, at first,
avowed themselves his enemies — among many who even
476 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
threatened his destruction ;— he left them when every
voice awakened echo in his praise, and when his name
went over the city only to arouse eulogy from every part.
Our hero was now rapidly approaching the highest
rank a commoner can attain. The Morning Chronicle
had, many years before, in a prophetic spirit, augured
that he would become Premier. This expectation now
became more general. Though holding the seals of the
Foreign Office only, Mr. Canning's influence exceeded
that of any predecessor in that department. He was looked
up to in the House as the virtual, although not the
actual, mover of all great questions. His power in the
Commons had no parallel : his popularity out of it,
already great, hourly increased. The personal dislike,
which it had been for years asserted (untruly we believe)
that his Majesty entertained towards him, did not restrain
the delegation of power to one who, in the opinion of all
England, was more fit to wield it than any of her sons.
If it were possible to add another triumph to the fame
of Canning, the muse of Lord Byron supplied it. His
lordship never eulogised — praise always seemed to have
been extorted from him. Differing in politics and prin-
ciples from our hero, having himself failed in the very
arena* where Canning secured his fame, it must be admit-
ted that his commendation was praise indeed.
About this period a singular revolution occurred in the
opinions of some of the leading parties of the opposition
♦ Cavillers may object, that lord Byron was of the upper
House ; the principle, however, is the same. Lord Byron failed
as an orator. It is a principle of the human mind to envy and con-
demn those who succeed in the path we have ourselves endea-
voured to tread. The noble mind of Byron was above this weak-
ness, and his eulogium on Canning reflects ecjual honour on his
judgment and his candour, his head and his heart.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 477
press. It had been observed, a short time previously, that
the enemies of Castlereagh had advanced with laudatory
tributes, after his death; those who had embittered his
life (if he regarded such impotent attempts) with their
invectives, willingly wept over his grave. These gentle- •
men may take to themselves as much credit as they please
for that morbid generosity that denies justice to the
living, and pours forth fulsome adulation, when the
ear it might have charmed is cold in death. But it is
questionable, whether, in the case of lord Castlereagh,
their eulogies were not more the effect of remorse, than
any other feeling ; and with regard to Mr. Canning, at
this period, of fear rather than of love. There is a very
homely adage, although not a very charitable one,
which says,
" If he's down — down with him."
This amiable axiom, and its converse, appears to be the
ground-work upon which many editors of the present
day build their public conduct. Mr. Canning out of
office was the mark of malignity. No voice was up-
lifted in his praise, when he resigned ; though that
resignation arose from motives that did the highest
honour to his heart. The opposition party, who seem
to conceive the word disinterestedness to apply to them-
selves alone, and who maintain a monopoly of indepen-
dence, could not bestow praise upon an opponent ; more
especially, as by his own act he had become less fearful
to them ; they rather employed their ingenuity in
inventing reasons for his resignation. These public-
spirited gentlemen being perfectly unable to conceive
that any but their own party could surrender the loaves
and fishes upon principle alone. But, when Mr. Canning
returned to office, under the suffrages of his sovereign and
478 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
the people, — when the public voice was united in his
praise, — these independent prints found they could only
oppose our hero at the expense of their own popularity
and circulation : — the thing was soon done. By a
visual power, peculiar to themselves, they now beheld
wkat had been before obscured. Mr. Canning's virtues,
his talents, nay, his principles, obtained their sanction.
In this enlightened age, are there any beings so dull as
to be unable to perceive the motives for this sudden
change of sentiment ? Mr. Canning was popular,
powerful, and in the road to greater power. That he
would obtain it, despite their machinations, they fore-
saw ; they therefore changed sides : — became servile
admirers, where they had before been illiberal censors,
deprecated the power they could not subdue, and pro-
phesied the future greatness of him, whom, a few months
before, they had declared unfit for the situation he had
abdicated.
The observations we have ma.de on the mobility of
opinion displayed by the opponents of ministers, tempt
us to recur to Mr. Canning's successor at Liverpool,
\\ho, like his lamented friend, has been the victim of
these attacks too frequently. We shall step a little out
of time to give an instance where this unmerited censure
occasioned Mr. Canning to rise as his colleague's advo-
cate. During the discussions on the silk trade, Mr.
Williams, member for Lincoln, commented severely on
the measures and opinions of Mr. Huskisson. Speaking
of Mr. Huskisson's theories, Mr. Williams said, " I
cannot allow the existence of five hundred thousand
persons (weavers) to be used as an experiment in proving
the correctness of an abstract theory. If, the authors of
this measure are so strongly enamoured of their princi-
ple, that they are prepared to make that sacrifice in
M
EMOIR OF GEORGE CANNINd. 479
carrying it into effect, the strength of their resolution
will, in this case, on]y pro\e the qualifi/ of their hearts.
A perfect metaphysician, as Mr. Burke observed, ex-
ceeded the devil in point of malignity and contempt for
the welfare of mankind." This attack was powerfully
repelled by Mr. Huskisson himself; but it extracted
an eulogium the following day from Mr. Canning, of
which Mr. Huskisson may have reason to be proud,
to the latest day of his existence. After entering into the
particular points of the question, he proceeded : —
" An attempt has been made to fasten on him (Mr.
Huskisson) principles which he never supported— an
endeavour made to hold him up as an object of public
odium. This is the treatment received by my honourable
friend, — a man, who, for patient industry, for laborious
toil, for comprehensive intellect, has been rarely equalled,
and never surpassed in the political history of this coun-
try. A man who has devoted his days and nights to the
permanent improvement of the commercial and trading-
system of this empire. The House, I am convinced,
feels, as one man, how unjustly this attack has been
made; and if my right honourable friend looks
for any other reward beyond that which he must
derive from the consciousness of his own splendid
talents, and the propriety of their application, he
will have it in the memory of the imbecility of the
attempt which has been made to lower him in public
estimation. But, after that attack was made, we were
told, that there was nothing personal in it. The animo-
sity and malignity of the devil were imputed to my right
honourable friend ; — but, says the learned gentleman, 'I
meant nothing personal.' The House must judge
whether it was or was not personal to my honourable
friend. Of course, it could not be intended as personal
4)^ MnMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
to the devil, — who, as old Chronicles inform us, was the
patron saint of the city (Lincoln) of which the learned
gentleman is the representative. Could any one fail to
suppose, that the embodied malignity, coldness of
heart, and apathy of feeling, which that gentleman de-
scribed as the distinguishing features of those who
indulged in abstract speculations, were not intended to
be attributed to my right honourable friend, and to those
who favoured his doctrines ?"
Mr. Canning concluded this speech with these words :
— " I should be ashamed if I had let this debate go by,
without putting in my claim for a full share of the
responsibility of this measure, leaving to my right
honourable friend (Mr. Huskisson) the undivided glory. ^^
The year 1823 was ushered in by meetings in town and
country, on the subject of Parliamentary Reform, — the
usual precursors of a general election, — the ready bait
by which candidates expect to hook constituents. The
meeting of Parliament in February brought our hero
into active service. The agricultural distress, and the
eternal applications for a reduction in national expendi-
ture, rendered Mr. Canning's replies frequent indeed.
During this session he seems to have taken a seat to
answer questions only. Well might Mr. Huskisson say
to the Liverpool electors : — " Upon the temper and
talents of Mr. Canning has devolved the task of guiding
and repelling the elements of strife from the country,
and, if possible, from Europe." And to this was added^
the less glorious, but not less useful or troublesome duty
of tranquillising or quelling the elements at home.
The war France was waging with Spain now disturbed
this country. M. de Chateaubriand, in a speech which
was lauded all over his own country, maintained that
Great Britain ought to aid the Bourbons in the contest.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 481
and quoted letters of Mr. Canning's, as sanctionmg the
invasion of Spain.* At the period of its publication, or
rather promulgation, Mr. Canning was so severely
afflicted H'ith the gout, as to be incapable of business. On
the 18th of March, he left a sick bed, to attend the House,
and made the following observations on the subject : —
*' I should deceive the House, were I now to state,
that I cling to any rational hope of averting a war
• Of the ingenuity of M. de Chateaubriand, this is not a solitary
instance. What that correspondence consisted of, the world ulti-
mately knew; for it was brought before our Parliament. The two
following extracts sufficiently prove the utter falsehood of the
French minister's assertion : —
" With respect to that part of M. de Chateaubriand's note, which
describes the nature of the demands intended to be made by France
upon Spain, and takes credit for the moderation of them: your
excellency will not fail to observe, that our differences with France
and the allies throughout, is not as to the arrangements which it
might be desirable to obtain from Spain, but as to the principle
upon which France and the allies propose to require them.
" We disclaim for ourselves, and deny for other powers, the right
of requiring any changes in the internal institutions of independent
states, with the menace of hostile attack in case of refusal. The
moderation of such demands, in no degree justifies in our eyes such
a mode of enforcing them ; and this distinction it is the more impor-
tant to keep steadily in view, and to impress upon the French go-
vernment, at a moment when, for their sakes, and at their desire,
•we are suggesting to Spain, in a tone of friendly counsel, altera-
tions similar to those which France is proposing as the alternative
of hostilities."
And in the last letter that passed between the ministers, Mr.
Canning said — " That the explanations were dictated by an earnest
desire to be enabled to preserve, in that war, a strict and unde-
viating neutrality: a neutrality not liable to alteration towards
either party, so long as the honour and just interests of Great Bri-
tain are equally supported by hoth.'''
The whole of the correspondence on this question will be found
ill that truly valuable jonrnal, The Times, April 15, 1S23.) It is
exceedingly long.
21. 3q
482 MLMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING.
betw'crn France and Spain ; indeed, it is incumbent upon
nu' to admit, tliat the hope of averting this calamity,
which his- Majesty's government had previously che-
rished, is, if not totally extinguished, at least very remote,
and receding fast from our view. On as early a day as
my personal convenience will possibly admit, it is my
intention to place upon the table of the House, the
papers which relate to the subject; and, on the first
convenient day after the recess, I shall take the oppor-
tunity of any motion of mere form, and, without presuming
to commit the House in any opinion upon the conduct of
his Majesty's government, both here and in the other
House of Parliament, to state generally the principles
upon which they have acted, in the present crisis; of
course taking care to allow the fullest information, before
Parliament are called upon to express any opinion upon
their policy."
On the 14th of April, Mr. Canning laid the corres-
pondence before the House, and called its attention to
the question at large. He commenced by quoting a
portion of the instructions he had given to the duke of
Wellington, who quitted London for Paris forty-eight
hours after Mr. Canning's appointment as foreign secre-
tary. The letter was published in the correspondence,
and the extract Mr. Canning alluded to is as follows : —
"If there be a determined project to interfere, by
force or menace, in the present struggle in Spain, so
convinced are his Majesty's government of the useless-
ness and danger of any such interference, — so objection-
able does it appear to them in principle, as well as
utterly impracticable in execution, — that, when the neces-
sity arises, or, I would rather say, when the opportunity
o(T*rs, I am to instruct your Grace, at once, frankly and
peremptorily to declare, that, to any such interference,
cotiie irhof may^ his Majesty ivill never he a party. '^
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANMNG. 183
Mr. Canning then wont through the correspondenee,
and clearly explained the motives and policy of each
letter; saying that his first thought had throughout been
to secure the interests and peace of Great Britain. Our
duty to the Portuguese, he thus clearly elucidated : — ^>'
"There is much misconstruction in the country upon
this subject. It is not only asserted that our connexions
with Portugal impose on us the necessity (as they certainly
do) of flying to her assistance, if she is attacked ; but it is
also asserted, that they leave the question of whether
Great Britain should go to war, or remain at peace,
entirely in the keeping of Portugal.
" I admit our pledge of defence to Portugal, on the
ground of a defensive, not an offensive, treaty; and, if
there is one point in the law of nations more clear than
another, it is this: — that a defensive alliance between two
states does not copimit one of them to war, when that
war is vohtntarily commenced by the other.
" France has declared to Portugal, that it is not its
intention to meddle with her, either in word or deed,
unless Portugal interferes with, or attacks, the armies
of France. Up to this moment, Portugal is not bound
by any engagement to enter into the war. I am not
stating her policy, but her obligations. Portugal is not
bound by treaty to enter into the war; therefore, if
Portugal joins Spain in her endeavours to repel France
from the Peninsula, there is no ground for Great Britain
to put forward a single soldier in support of Portugal.
I am not stating what our policy may be, but what is
required by the treaties. England is bound to protect
Portugal, if Portugal be attacked ; but not if Portugal
attacks others."
=ii ^ *
" Strong differences of opinion have existed, and do
4S4 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
still exist, with regard to the propriety of our observing a
strict neutrality in the impending contest. Many indi-
viduals think the invasion of Spain by France ought to
be considered by England as a declaration of war against
herself. That opinion is held by many persons of the
first rank and the utmost respectability in the state ; but
that opinion cannot receive any support from either jus-
tice or the policy of the state. I do not mean to say, that
such a war would be absolutely unjust on our part; but
that there is no adequate ground on which we can be
called to interfere in it. War, in the responsibility of
those who have to make it, ought to be well and duly
weighed, before it is resolved on. The cause for it should
not merely be sufficient, but urgent; and not merely
urgent, but absolutely consistent with the interest and
welfare of the country which first declares it.
" In making these observations, do I cast any blame
upon those who, seeing a strong and powerful nation
eager to crush and overwhelm with its vengeance a less
numerous, but not less gallant, people, are anxious to
join the weaker against the stronger party ? Certainly
not. The feeling is highly honourable to those who en-
tertain it. The bosoms in which it exists, in full bloom
and vigour, unchastened and unalloyed by any other
feeling, are much more happy than those in which that
feeling is chastened, tempered, and mitigated, by the con-
siderations of prudence, interest, and expediency. I
know and envy the feelings of those who call for war,
for the issue of which they are in no wise likely to be
reaponsible."
* * *
" I have heard that there are some persons who think,
that, though it may not be prudent to make war, it might
be prudent to menace war against France, upon this ac-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 485
count. These individuals I conceive to be guilty of an
error in principle. The country ivhich menaces luavy
ought always to he ready to carry those menaces into
execution. There are other individuals who are guilty
of an error of a different kind. I mean an error of opi-
nion. They think this country should immediately send
forth a maritime armament, to watch the events that may
occur on the shores of the Peninsula. Such a course, in
my humble opinion, would be unworthy a great and in-
dependent nation like our own, and would degrade it
from a first to a secondary power. I do hope, whenever
this country determines upon war, it will wage it, not as
an auxiliary^ but as a principal. Such has hitherto been
its policy ; and, on all former occasions, when it has re-
sorted to war, it has exerted every nerve to bring it to a
safe, a speedy, and an honourable conclusion. Toto cev'
tatum est corpore regni.* This, I contend, is the only
sound view in which war can be contemplated; and I
differ entirely from those who consider the subject in any
other manner. If war is the issue, it should be a war
worthy of this great country; and there is no war in
which this country can be engaged at the present mo-
ment, and under the existing circumstances of Europe,
unless she puts forth all her energies, all her power, all
her strength, amd determines to succeed or perish in the
contest.
" The determination of the government is for neutra-
lity — but for what neutrality? The House will give me
leave to say — for an honest and real neutrality. Any
other would be unworthy of the nation. The choice is
♦ It was rather singular that the earl of Liverpool, in his speech
in the upper House, on the same day, used this qivotation, with a
precisely similar inference.
4Sfi MK.MOIR OF GliOllGR CANNING.
behvecn neutrality and war. If we mean war, let us
itpenly choose it ; but if we mean neutrality, let it not be
neutrality under the mask of non-interference with one
party, whilst a covert support is given to the other. If,
i;eiitlenien, you ask me what are the lines, rules, and
limits of a just neutrality, I will tell you them in one
word. There is a golden maxim, which applies as vvell
lo politics as to morals — ' Do unto others as you would
that others should do unto you.' But to England I
say — ' Do unto others what you have made others do
unto you.' "
This powerful speech Mr. Canning concluded in these
words : —
" The promise of actual and efficient support to Spain,
this country was not prepared to give; and tiie case mi-
nisters had to consider was this, whether they should
withdraw from the question altogether, and treat it with
perfect indifference ? Indilference we can never feel to-
wards the aifairs of Spain : and I earnestly hope and
trust, that she may come triumphantly out of the struggle.
But I should not speak truly, if I did not s:iy, that I am
perfectly convinced, the first result of her success and
pacification must be, the adoption of those alterations in
her system which we have recommended. But, whether
Spain or France is successful, I shall ever feel a perfect
conviction, in considering the extent of misery which
may be occasioned by the contest, that if Spain had given
way in a slight degree on the one part, and the army of
observation had been withdrawn on the other, any un-
pleasant feeling would have been swallowed up and lost
bight of, in the immensity of the benefit which would
have been produced. They would not now have to de-
plore that state of warfare, the risk of which is incal-
MEMOIU OF GEORGK CANNTXG. 48T
ciilably great, and the issue of which it is impossible to
foresee."
On another occasion he observed, upon this much-
agitated question : — "Gentlemen say, we must be drawn
into a war, sooner or later. Why then, I answer, let it
he later. Ifwc are to be drawn into a war, let us be
drawn into it on grounds truly honourable, truly British.
I do not say (God forbid I should) that it is no part of
the duty of Great Britain to protect what is termed the
balance of power, and to aid the weak against the
strong. I say, on the contrary, that such is her bounden
duty ; but I affirm also, that we must take care to do our
duty to ourselves. The first condition of engaging in
any war is, that the war must be just ; the second, that,
beingjust in itself, we can also with justice engage in
it; and the third, that, being just in its nature, and it
being possible for us justly to embark in it, we can so
interfere without detriment or prejudice to ourselves.
I contend that he is a visionary politician who leaves
this condition out of the question ; and I say farther,
that though the glorious abandonment of it may sound
well, in the generous speech of an irresponsible orator —
with the safety of a country on his lips, and none of
the responsibility on his shoulders, — it is matter deeply to
be considered."
This, though not a popular or romantic view of w'ar-
fare, is, perhaps, the truest, as it is the wisest, that has
ever been avowed. The days of crusades are over, and
a country has now to look a little to the advantages, and
disadvantages, as well as the glories of a conflict.
On the " Petition of Protestant Clergymen," (April
18, 1823,) and in the discussion that followed, Mr.
Brougham took occasion to allude to Mr. Canning, and
say, that " He had exhibited the most incredible specimen
48S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
of monstrous truckling, for the purpose of obtaining
office, which the whole history of political tergiversa-
tion could furnish."
Mr. Canning. " I rise to say that is false."
A deep silence followed this. Mr. Brougham sat
down, and the speaker rose. A long and animated dis-
cussion was the consequence. A motion was made, that
" the serjeant-at-arms should take both into custody ;"
but, after mutual explanations, both the gentlemen
agreed to " think no more of the matter."
.% On the French and Spanish warfare, Mr. Canning, on
■ the 30th of April,* spoke at great length, and with his
'■ wonted eloquence ; but the debates are too minute for
general interest, and we therefore pass it over.
The agitation of this question (making all allowances
for the noble feelings of the many) is an excellent eluci-
dation of the principles of certain members of the Oppo-
sition, who seem to form a coalition to oppose every
thing a minister may oflfer. Let him advise war; their
cry is for retrenchment : — their arguments founded on the
necessity of relieving the burdens of the people ; that
we are not in a state to permit the expenditure of war-
fare ; and that ministers, for their own purposes, would
have us eternally belligerent. On the other hand, let
the minister advocate peace ; these orators are as noisy
in their vociferations for warfare, and quite forget all
the burdens and difficulties they had before detailed.
This opposition, for opposition's sake, is disgraceful to
• It is scarcely worthy of mention, though the source of some
mirth at the period, that a box of Breakwater marble, beautifully
mounted with silver, which contained the freedom of the
l)oiough of Plymouth, presented to Mr. Canning, was seized by
an excise officer, as the silver had not received the hall mark,
which should have been impressed by the assay master.
I
MEMOIH OF GEOHGE CANNING. 489
the country, and derogates from the dignity of a national
assembly. A minister of Great Britain, when engaged
to choose between war and peace, should consult his
judgment, not his feelings. It is easy to declare, it is
easy to commence, a war ; but he who does it must
calculate on the means of carrvinii: it on.
Mr. Canning justly remarked, that those who advoca-
ted it would not be responsible for its result. He might
have added, that they would have been amongst the first
to throw blame upon the ministry, if their efforts were
ineffectual, — to attribute failure to the manner of con-
ducting it, rather than the war itself; and to have
raised their voices against those supplies that the war
they called for required. Common sense dictates to
every man, as well as every country, that, as long as it is
honourable to remain pacific, it is rash to become belli-
gerent. What would the advocates for warfare have
said, if, on our joining Spain and attacking France, she
had claimed the assistance of her allies against us, as
her aggressors-? (which in that case we should assuredly
have been.) What would these gentlemen have said,
when they had thus plunged Europe again into a war-
fare likely to be interminable? One, too, that, if it
subsided, would have in its progress destroyed our trade,
drained our resources, and given us no recompence, —
for ours being only a power in aid, could have seized
no city, obtained no possessions. Why, these enthu-
siastic friends of liberty would have wielded the thun-
der of their eloquence against the ministry, under whose
direction the war began — loaded them with obloquy;
and the only recompence men in office would have
obtained, for having complied with their wishes, would
have been, that they would thus become the victims of
21. 3 R
490 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
their reproaches. A sound and wholesome policy
directed Mr. Canning: he resigned the show and glitter
of popularity for a moment, to secure its more valuable
portion — the approbation of every thinking being; who,
looking around at the blessings a protracted peace
bestows, remembers, that all this must have been
destroyed, had our hero consented to join the Spaniards
against France.
In the year 1824, the Cabinet determined on the recog-
nition of the States of Mexico, Colombia, and Buenos
Ayres; a measure as politic as just; — which, if it did
not entirely emanate from Mr. Canning, had his warmest
support and concurrence, and one to which lord Castle-
reagh had been determinedly opposed. At the close
of this year, Mr. Canning and lord Liverpool were at
Bristol, where a public dinner was given, in honour
of these ministers. The next session of Parliament,
(February, 1825,) we find Brougham eulogising the mi-
nisters, and our hero in particular, for the liberal course
of policy they had adopted. Upon the discussion that
occurred at this period, for the suppression of the Catho-
lic association, Mr. Tierney took occasion to say, that if
Mr. Canning had insisted on Catholic Emancipation, the
friends of it would not now have to contend with a divided
Cabinet. Mr. Canning replied, and stated, that, dur-
ing Percival's administration, he had refused office, be-
cause a pledge against that measure was required. lie
thought ministers should be unbiassed on the question.
On the 19th of March, the question was brought before
the House ; and, on the 21st, Mr. Canning spoke upon it
with his usual excellence. The subject has been com-
pletely exhausted— the arguments must infallibly be old
— however new the form may be, in which the ingenuity
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 491
of the speakers envelops them. This session was ren-
dered remarkable by the speech of the duke of York,
in the upper House, upon this subject.
In June, the treatment of Mr. Shrewsbury, a mis-
sionary at Barbadoes, whose chapel had been demolished
by an infuriated mob, was brought before the House.
Mr. Canning entered warmly into the subject, and moved
an amendment, "That the House should express to his
Majesty their concurrence in any measure his Majesty
might deem necessary, to secure the most ample protec-
tion and religious toleration to all classes of his Majes-
ty's subjects."
The conduct of Great Britain, with regard to the new
States of America, called forth a remonstrance from Spain,
which was at once set at rest by the conduct of Canning.
A whig journal gives the following concise account of
that correspondence : —
" It is impossible we can overlook a paper, which
shows us that a new era has dawned in diplomacy.
Almost to the present time, the papers, speeches, letters,
and other documents, which were framed for diplomatic
purposes, were unsatisfactory, ill drawti up, formal, and
hollow ; nay, sometimes, not founded in truth ; for diplo-
matic intercourse was formerly considered the art of
excelling in cunning, overreaching, and trickery. Those
who framed them often appeared sedulous to involve
their subject, a measure that implied weakness. Instead
of stating their ultimatum boldly, as conscious of the
force of truth, and of innate power and dignity, the quib-
ble of the lawyer, his dubious verbiage, and mode of
confusing language, were the favourite resources of
diplomatists. This mode, afier the wisdom of the ' good
old times,' has been abandoned, we trust, for ever, at
least in the office for Foreign Affairs. A late corres-
492 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
pondcnce with the Spanish minister, admirably drawn
up, well and forcibly written, clear as to the points at
issue, proves that Mr. Canning dares to appear the man
of talent and the scholar; and to use, instead of office
forms and dry half-meaning sentences, vigour of style
and open manly reasoning, consonant to the elevation of
his office, to the intellect of his country, and the estab-
lished opinion of his own powers. The communications of
M. Zea from the Spanish Court appear to have been of
the old school of such writings. We lament we cannot
give both at length, as worthy of record, were it only for
the foregoing reasons. Mr. Canning manfully acknow-
ledges all that took place between Great Britain and the
government of France under a directory, a consulate,
and an emperor, in reply to M. Zea's implications of
England's not having so negociated. He alludes to Mr.
Fox's correspondence in 1806, with the then minister,
Talleyrand, and the subsequent overtures in 180S and
1814, which recognised Napoleon's government, and
only failed because Spain was not admitted as a contract-
ing party. He exposes the flattery of the Spanish diplo-
matists, and exhibits Charles and Ferdinand, as wor-
shippers of the imperial crown. He states that the
restoration of their relatives, the French Bourbons, was
a subject of more than doubt in the camp of the allies;
and afterwards says : —
" ' The example of the last revolution of France, and of the happy
re-establishment of Louis XVIII. on his throne, is cited by
M. Zea, in support of the principle of the imprescriptible rights of
a legitimate sovereign, and the obligation of all foreign powers to
respect those rights; and, in consequence, this minister invites
England to act consistently; and, in its conduct towards the new
States of Spanish America, to observe the same reserve as was
exhibited, in a manner so honourable to Iicr, towards revolutionary
France. But it is necessary to recal to the recollection of M. Zea,
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 4.^
that all tlie powers of Europe, and particularly Spain, one of the
first, not only acknowledges the different governments de facto,
winch deprived the Bourbons of the throne of France, and which
afterwards kept that family at a distance from it for twenty-five
years; but that Spain, besides, concluded strict alliances with
them, and above all, with the one which M. Zea justly designates
as a government de facto in the strictest sense — that of Buonaparte;
against whom his imrestrained ambition, and not a principle of
respect for the rights of legitimate monarchy, had armed all the
powers of Europe. It is useless to attempt to give another colour
to facts which have already been displayed in the page of history ;
and the undersigned is, in consequence, obliged to add, that Great
Britain cannot, in justice to herself, accept the eulogium which
M. Zea bestows on her in this respect; nor can she pretend to
except herself from the general accusation of having negociated
with the chiefs of the French revolution. It is true, that in 1796
England abstained from treating with revolutionary France, long
after the Powers of Europe had given it the example. But the
causes of this reserve, alleged in Parliament, and in different
documents, was the subordinate state of the French Government;
and it cannot be denied, that Great Britain, twice, viz. in 1796
and 1797, opened negociations for peace with the French Directory,
which, if they had succeeded, would have led to a recognition
of that form of Government. In 1801 peace was concluded with
the Consulate; and if in 1806 peace was not actually concluded
with Buonaparte, then emperor of France, the negociation was
only broken off by one condition; and if in 1808 and 1814 Eng-
land refused to listen to any overture on the part of France, she
did it solely because Buonaparte refused to admit Spain as a con-
tracting party in the negociation. Moreover, it cannot be denied,
that even in 1814 Great Britain would have made peace with
Buonaparte, if he had not been so immoderate in his pretensions ;
and Spain cannot be ignorant, that even since the fall of Buonaparte
it was a question among the Allies, whether it would be proper to
place on the throne of France a sovereign who was not a Bourbon.
The appeal, tlierefore, to the conduct of the Powers of Europe
and to Great Britain, with respect to the French Revolution, only
serves to recal abundant examples of the recognition of govern-
ments de facto by Great Britain, which in this respect was always
more tardy than the other Powers of Europe, and especially Spain,
which gave them the example. In the note of M. Zea are two other
points which demand particular remark. M. Zea says, that the king
of Spain will never recognise the new States of Spanish America,
494 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
and tliat his Majesty will not cease to employ force of arms against
his rebel subjects in that part of the world. We have neither the
pretension nor the desire to control the conduct of his Catholic Ma-
jesty J but this declaration of M. Zea is a complete justification of our
conduct, as it proves that we have seized the proper moment to put
our relations with the new States on a firm footing, A further delay
on our pail could not have satisfied Spain, or produced any benefit,
seeing that Spain has decidedly pronounced herself against all
arrangement, under any circumstances, or at any time; and that
she is resolved on interminable war with her ancient colonies.'"
The treaty for the regulation of commerce between
Great Britain and the Brazils, ratified at Rio de Janeiro,
and the yet more important agreement for the abolition
of slave traffic, took place towards the close of 1825 ;
but this was a solitary ray of sunshine amid a world of
desolation ; — the national calamity, that received the
name of the panic, occurred. Those who looked on at
the incredible number of companies that had been form-
ing in the last year, instituted by persons alike bankrupts
in character and fortune, foresaw that a re-action would
take place. The crisis of 1793 was trifling, when com-
pared with that of 1825, yet the effect of the failures at
that era are thus alluded to, in the Annual Register of
the period : —
" A spirit of commercial speculation has been for some
time increasing in every part of the kingdom, and has now
got to such a height as to threaten public credit with very
serious danger. The circulating specie being by no
means sufficient to answer the very increased demands of
trade, the quantity of paper currency brought into circu-
lation as a supplying medium is so great and dispropor-
tionate, that a scarcity of specie is produced, which
threatens a general stagnation in the commercial world.
In consequence of this alarming state of public credit, on
the motion of Mr. Pitt, a select comraitttee was this day
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 495
appointed, to take into consideration the present state of
commercial credit, and to report their opinion and obser-
vations thereupon to the House."
We do not exaggerate when we say, that at least one-
third of the British population anticipated national
bankruptcy, in the month of December, 1825. These
occurrences are best recorded in the language of the
moment. The Sunday Times, which was more moderate
than other journals in its statements, made the following
observations, on the 9th of Deceml)er : — ^^^
" Moderation in politics, or pecuniary concerns, is a vir-
tue unknown to John Bull ; people here are always either
staring or stark mad. The speculation mania had scarce
subsided, when a furious frenzy of another sort succeeded,
and a plethora was followed by a panic. The rush on
the banks, and on public and private securities, in town
and country, is unprecedented in its fury ; like the miser
of antiquity, men actually appear as if they could gorge
on gold. Confidence of every sort has nearly fled before
this frenzy ; the bonds between debtor and creditor are
for the hour destroyed. Individuals prey on each other,
like famished residents in a beleaguered town, and every
thing yields to a money famine. Four millions of exche-
quer bills will, probably, be called in on the notice in
Tuesday's Gazette, and the interest on these bills will be
raised from 1|(/. to 2d. a day — that is, from £2. 5s. 7^d. to
£3. Os. \0d. on each £100, making an increase of about
£300,000 for additional interest on four millions. Con-
sols, which fell at the opening of the week to 81|, have
rallied on this notice ; for every breath affects the Stock
Exchange. But the variance between ti?ne and money
bargains marks the pecuniary pressure : such is the scarcity
of cash, that the difference between consols for money, and
stock for the January account, was, on some days of the
y
49G MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
past week, 1 \ per cent, or more than £10 per cent, per
annum. This is an extraordinary state of things, which
must subside as it rose. Relief from ministers, beyond
funding so much exchequer bills, is out of the question.
The circulating- medium will be increased pro tanto by
the amount of notes or coin issued from the Treasury to
the holders requiring payment; but, of the four millions
now to be funded, a considerable part must be the pro-
perty of suitors in Chancery, or deposited on various
trusts, which will be exchanged for new bills, and the
general relief must be comparatively light. The new
bills passing into the hands of the Bank, will be thrown
into the market again, when an opportunity comes for
calling in paper to the amount, which must be furnished
to the Treasury to meet the present demand. Some
palliative may be afforded by the million or more thus
thrown into the money market; but further ministers
will not go. They know too well the causes of the pre-
sent panic ; that the rage for speculation has produced
it — and that it is only the re-action of the hour. There is
nothing alarming to the country, in the present crisis; the
circle is limited to a knot of speculators, and scarce
spreads farther. The effervescence must soon subside.
Property, real or funded, cannot long be depreciated by
this panic, which could never have occurred, if money
was not too easily procured; if, on discount and stock,
thousands were not raised with facility, and embarked in
a succession of rash adventures. The fact is, the Bank
discounted too long and largely."
The panic requires no lengthened detail fron^ any
historian at present ; it impressed itself on every memory ;
it is recorded in the misery that has not yet been alle-
viated; its historians are yet to be found in our pri-
sons—its history in The Gazette. Our sons may wish
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
497
to learn what the fearful watchword (the panic) inti-
mated, but we can never forget it. London, the vortex
of ruin, as well as of prosperity, overglutted with capital,
ran riot in her wealth. — No scheme was too Utopian for
belief; no scoundrels too notorious to obtain proselytes
to their plans. Never did gullibility receive such casti-
gation— never did avarice make such severe retribution.
Thousands went to bed at night uncertain whether the
announcement of other's failures might not render them
insolvent on the morrow ; and the question of the morn-
ing was, not who had last failed, but who yet maintained
their credit.
The meeting of Parliament was looked to by all with
anticipation, but by the thinking with but faint hope;
for parliamentary interference could not remedy a disease
arising from the follies of the people. Mr. Canning's
speech on the subject was confined to an exculpation of
himself and colleagues from blame, which (according to
custom) was liberally bestowed upon them. Mr. Can-
ning said — *^
" An honourable gentleman, who spoke early in the
debate, made, among a variety of remarks, one which I
cannot allow to remain unnoticed. ' He thought that
the ministers were extremely culpable for not discourag-
ing the wild spirit of speculation which had contributed
so much to the present crisis of distress; and that they
were wanting in their duty, because, when the various
schemes of last year were discussed, they did not attend
in their places, to give a detailed opposition to every one
of them.' It appears to me to be a convenient and
seemly rule, that those whose duty it is to attend to the
public business of the country, should abstain from taking
an active part in the consideration of any measure wliich
merely affects individual interests. For myself, 1 have
21. 3 s
498 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
always endeavoured to act by this rule. I have never
given a vote on any private business, since I became
a minister; and I believe the same rule has been followed
by all my colleagues in administration. It appears to
n»e, that such is the safe and seemly rule of conduct ;
because, if I could reconcile it to my sense of duty, to
break through it in one instance, 1 might be induced to
break through it in more : and a practice might thus
grow up, from which many suspicions might arise, unjust
and unfounded, as they would be at present, but still
impossible to be entirely avoided. But has there been
no warning given to the country, on the part of ministers?
Has there been no opportunity, during the fever which
existed last year in the public mind, in which the King's
government had declared, that they would not advance
a farthing to the aid of any difficulties which might ens«je
from excessive speculation ? I might here, as on a matter
of iiistory, allude to what had occurred on a former occa-
sion in another place. One of his Majesty's ministers, —
I mean my noble friend at the head of the Treasury, —
speaking as the organ of that department of the state, and
also in his capacity as a member of the government, took
an opportunity, early in March last, not five weeks after
the commencement of the session, and before one single
bill had passed, to hold out to all who were engaged in
those speculations, that they were running wildly into
them ; — that it was the essence of a free government not
to interpose any legislative let or hindrance to the cur-
rent of individual enterprise and industry; — that those
who entered wildly into extravagant speculations, did so
upon their own risk and responsibility-^and that it was
the fixed resolution of his Majesty's government not to
extend any pecuniary assistance to the difficullies which
were likely to arise out of them. As far as the voice of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 499
government could be heard, it was heard through the
country."
Mr. Canning, on other nights of discussion, entered
into the question of currency, and pursued the details of
its ctfccts and variation witli astonishing minuteness.
The subject, though one entirely unconnected with his
department, was treated by him in a more masterly man-
ner than by those (with one exception) upon whom the
onus of suggesting a remedy seemed to rest. IVIr. Caii-
ning, in one of his speeches, objecting to the issue of
very small notes, quoted from a letter (the only one, he
said,) he had received from Burke, which contained this
passage : — " Tell Mr. Pitt not to issue one pound notes,
for if he does, he will never see a guinea again."
" Burke," continued our hero, " was a great politician, —
this letter shews that he was no ordinary prophet." This
speech is too niuch interwoven with calculations and
replies to find a place here ; but the concluding words
of it were as follow : — " It was the wish of the most
favoured monarch of France, that he could see every
peasant in his realm have a fowl in his pot on a Sunday.
The measure before the House will, at least, do so much
towards realising that wish for the peasantry of Eng-
land, it will ensure them the possession of their fowl,
after they have earned it. The poor man will at least
be certain, at the end of his week's toil, not to find him-
self with a piece of paper in his hands, for which he can
obtain no value, but to receive the value of his labour,
be it great or small — the real payment, which he has
exerted himself to gain."
On the question of Negro Slavery, (March,) Mr.
Canning took his usual ground for its gradual abolition,
and stated the resolutions of the Commons, and the
500 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
exhortations ministers had used to the powers at Trini-
dad and elsewhere.
'' Tiie one sent to Trinidad is, I believe," said Mr. Can-
n in", "the most lull; and it provided for the admission otthe
evidence of negroes, the legalization of marriages amongst
them, the abolition of Sunday markets, the punishment
of the whip, and the total abolition of corporal punish-
ment with regard to females ; that negroes should not
be sold apart from their families; that manumission
should be rendered more easy ; that the property of the
negroes should be secured to them ; that they should
receive religious instruction, and that saving-banks
should be established."
Mr. Canning's views of slavery, as a member of the
House, and as a minister, were different. As a man, he
could not but feel that every arm should be raised to
crush and overpower those who marted flesh and blood;
but as a minister, whose opinion would be construed
into advice, and whose observations would be considered
as precursors of intended measures, he adopted the
prudential course of ameliorating the condition of those
he could not emancipate; with what success, will be seen
by tlie perusal of another portion of this speech.
" By the latest accounts nhich have been received from
these colonies, I find the clause relative to religious
institutions, modified more or less by the circumstances
in wliich each of them were placed, eight out of the
twelve have taken cognizance of. With regard to the
ciauso respecting the admission of negro evidence, in
ca-<es where whites were concerned, I find that seven
out of twelve either admitted such evidence before, or
have agreed to admit it.
"Willi respect to marriage, I am sorry to say, that
iMEMOlR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 501
(here are only five of them in which any thing has been
done, in consequence of the reconiniendatio)i of Parlia-
n»ent. As to the security of property, 1 have to inform
the House, that, under certain liniitaiions and modiJi-
cations, eight of iheni have taken cognisance of tiiat
clause, or had rendered the property of negroes secure
before. With respect to the manumission of slaves, I
Hud that the greater part of the colonies had legislated
on the point, before the arrival of the Orders in Council
amongst, them. The clause prohibiting the sale of
slaves of the same family in separate lots, has been
adopted only by four colonies; but I am happy to state,
that the objections which have been urged against it
were, in all the colonies,* rather of a legal than a moral
nature, and were such as could not be removed by the
colonies themselves. As to the clause respecting the non-
separation of females from their children, only five have
yet agreed to it. As to the clause relating to the punish-
ment of slaves, and to the abolition of the use of the
whip, I have to inform you, gentlemen, that eight have
adopted new regulations, meeting, in one way or other,
the wishes of the British Parliament. As to the clause
abolishing the corporal punishment of females, I lament,
that but five of the colonial legislatures have acceded to
it : although I think that their adoption of it was one of
the plainest modes which could have been devised, for
evincing their disposition to meet the wishes and recom-
mendations of the people of England.
" I confess, that if there is one point more than another
* Tlie colonies Mr. Canning alluded to generally were — Denie-
rara, Berbice, Jamaica, Barbadoes, Bermudas, Antigua, Doniiiiica,
Grenada, Tobago, St, Vincent's, St. Kitt's, and St. Lucia.
502 MLMOlll OF GEORGE CANNING.
OH ul'.ich I could bring myself to adopt the resolution of
t!»e honourable member for Weymouth, rather than nfy
own, it is the refusal of the colonies to abolish the cor-
poral punishment of females, for which no pretence
whatever could be alleged, except a disposition to Hy in
the face of the recommendation of the mother country."
The distress in the manufacturing districts, which suc-
ceeded the panic, received the earliest attention from
Mr. Canning, who made a motion upon it in the House.
The measure proposed for relief was, allowing the
foreign wheat to go into the market on a duty of 12s.
Mr. Brougham made a motion for the " improvement
of the condition of slaves," and advocated their emanci-
pation by compulsatory measures. Mr. Canning, in his
reply, said, " By the resolutions of 1822, Parliament
pledged itself to abide by a system, not of force, but of
conciliation ; unless in the event of such a spirit of
resistance and contumacy, as I trust it will not have to
encounter. The honourable gentleman would throw all
the weight of the desired alteration upon the shoulders
of this country, and cut away all chance of co-operation
on the part of the colonists. The question is not, how
far the proposed measure in the abstract is right ; but how
far subject to existing circumstances it is eitherjust or ex-
pedient; and if any persons think fit now to stand upon
the doctrine, — to discuss the single question, — how far
can n)an be rightly the property of man ? and maintain
t-hat this is sufficient — I answer such persons, — that
however proof they may be in the fancied security of
their abstract position, they neither argue like members
of a British House of Parliament, nor like members of
a great and civilized society. Unpleasant as it is for n>e
to be compelled to advert to speeches or opinions
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 503
formerly delivered by me in this House, it is yet impe-
rative upon me to remove an impression which may
have been created in the minds of honourable members,
by something- which has fallen, at least inaccurately,
from the honourable and learned member opposite. No
doubt 1 have uttered the words in a former debate upon
the subject before the House:— 'that the spirit of the
British constitution is necessarily hostile to any modifi-
cation of slavery.' No doubt I uttered these words;
but is it fair to take them without reference to the decla-
ration (in the same speech) by which they were followed :
' That the British constitution had, for years, sanc-
tioned, and even fostered a colonial system, in which
slavery, as every man must be aware, formed of neces-
sity a principal ingredient.' For the fact is, and «t is
.impossible to deny it, that by whatever judicial blind-
ness, by whatever immaturity of perception, this coun-
try, with ajl the freedom of her boasted constitution,
has actually encouraged — actually founded — a system m
her colonies, to the sustenance of which, not merely
the existence of slavery, but the manual influence of
it— a black stygean stream of it constantly pouring in —
was absolutely necessary.
. " I cannot hold, as an unqualified position, that slavery
is incompatible with the spirit of the British constitution,
when I see that, in the very brightest periods of this
free constitution, a system of slavery has not only been
tolerated and defended, but set up. To similar assertions,
that slavery cannot be tolerated under the existence of
the Christian religion, I am equally unable to give my
unqualified assent; for if such is the case, there not only
has been deep crime, but there is crime in the course
which Parliament even at this moment is pursuing. If
that unqualified statement be true, a Christian country
504 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
like England has no choice. We ought, at one blow, to
put an end to the system upon which we are now debat-
iu"-. We ouffht not to talk of such a horror, but on the
instant destroy it. It is a thing not to be argued on, but
to be universally execrated, upon which (with reference
to measures to be taken in the next session) the Jlouse
are now debating. But it is impossible, whatever may
be men's wishes or feelings, — it is impossible to maintain,
for a moment, that slavery and the Christian religion are
incapable of existing together. They do exist together
— they have existed together, from the very first dawn-
ing of Christianity — they have existed together, down to
the present time. The spirit of that religion — Chris-
tianity — is to tame the proud, and to assist the lowly;
but it does not do that by sudden changes — by the de-
struction of existing systemr— by revolutions of danger
and of blood. It mounts to the throne of all the Cassars
— it can comfort the poor captive in his cell — but it has
been preached, although its existence was incompatible
with slavery, it has been preached in the streets of an^
cient Rome, at a time when Sei'vi Cruciantur was the
ordinary process of the Forum. Repugnant as slavery is,
both to the Christian religion and the spirit of the British
constitution, British parliaments have concurred, for
years, in fostering and aiding that very system which the
better feeling of the House now looks upon with horror.
How shall we deal with such a system? Shall we con-
tinue it? No. But having been all of us, the whole
country, involved in the guilt, and sharers in the profit of
it, we cannot now turn round upon a part, and say to
them, 'You alone shall expiate the crime.'
* * ♦
Mr.Canningsaid, that the difference between himself
and Messrs. Brougham and Dcnman was, in manner or
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 505
method only. " In principle," continued Mr. Canning,
" we are nearly agreed. Some persons there are, who
are always ready to run a risk, for the sake of arriving
suddenly at their object ; others, and of these I am one,
are content to risk some slight retardment, for the pur-
pose of arriving at it safely."
« « «
" Neither the tenets of the Christian religion, or the
spirit of the British constitution, call upon Parliament to
abolish slavery, at the risk of public safety or private
wrong."
« * «
In the summer of this year, whilst other members were
engaged in the turmoils of their elections, Mr. Canning
was passing his hours with his friend, the earl of Liver-
pool, at Combe Wood. In the September of that year,
he went to Paris. His reception there proved that he
was looked upon, on the Continent, as in talent, though
not station, the first man of the day. He divided the at-
tention of the city with Talma ; who, being then alarm-
ingly ill, was the subject of conversation from one end
of France to the other. Talma died during Mr. Can-
ning's stay. The French papers of that period were
really excessively amusing. If Mr. Canning took off his
hat, they drew a deduction from it ; if he kept it on,
*' he had his motive for it ;" his invitations and visits
were registered and published ; his dress animadverted
upon ; in short, he could neither stir or breathe, without
exciting observation. He dined with the Pope's nuncio
and the American minister; and these visits were fertile
sources for Parisian speculation. Though received by
the French King with every mark of attention, it was
said his Majesty could not receive him at his dinner ;
and this was thus alluded to in the Journal de Debats: —
22. 3t
506 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" At the grand dinner given at M. Villele's, to which
Mr. Canning, and ail the diplomatists in town, were
invited, turtle and cold punch were among the dishes,
and the guests continued till a late hour. Mr. Canning
has been introduced to, and cordially received by, the
King ; but it is understood that he will not have the
pleasure of dining with his Majesty, French courtesy
not allowing a king of France to take his seat by a
plebeian."
And again thus : —
" Paris, Oct. 14. — Mr. Canning's departure from this
capital is understood to be fixed for the 20th instant : as
the new Parliament will open on the 14th of November,
this is projjable. From the manner in which he has
conducted himself, both in public and private, very little
can be gleaned of the real object of his visit. He is
always, from his appearance, no more than an English
minister on leave of absence ; the same reserve, the same
simplicity, and the same modesty, are observable, both
in the public and private parties which he has visited,
which have, however, been but few, as this is the dull
season. He sees and converses with men of all parties,
and, though he speaks French tolerably well, appears
always more willing to listen than to dictate. At the
grand dinners to which he has been invited, the same
modesty has prevailed ; he has always left the seat of
honour to those above him only in rank, particularly at
the diplomatic dinner of M. de Villele, where he took
the ninth seat. He has never worn the costume of an
English minister, except on the day he was presented to
the King, by whom he was received very graciously.
The question, whether he should dine with his Majesty,
has caused great debates amongst the court sticklers for
etiquette, mn] h^s been at length fmally nefjatived. The
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 507
thraldom of an etiquette, which is observed in no other
European court, carried the day, there having been but
two instances of its being broken through, since the revo-
lution. It has been remarked also, that, among all the
political diplomatic dinners, the Prince di Borgo has not
given one."
The day after this was written, the Prince last named
appeared to have taken the hint ; for he gave a dinner,
to which Mr. Canning was invited. Notwithstanding
the positive assurances of the Parisian press, that Mr.
Canning would not be permitted to dine with their
sovereign, Mr. Canning did so dine, on the ]9th of
October, the day of Talma's death, and the Parisian
press thus records it : —
" The superstitions of etiquette, and the vanities of
the court, have just received a check which disconcerts
them. The minister of a foreign government, a ple-
beian, who has no other title than that of being a great
orator, a skilful statesman, and an eloquent proclaimer
of a system of civil, commercial, and religious liberty,
has had the honour to sit to-day at the King's table. In
this, Charles X. has done what appeared quite natural
to Henry IV. and the chiefs of our ancient monarchy.
It was not till the time of Louis XIV. that forms more
Asiatic than really French were introduced round the
throne. A barrier, which scarcely existed any where,
except at the courts of Versailles and Madrid, has thus
fallen, after a month's hesitation, before illustrious
renown. Such an example, undoubtedly, will not be
confined to foreigners ; but the King of France will
grant the same distinction to the merit and services of his
subjects. This morning Mr. Canning breakfasted at
St. Ouen with one of our principal manufacturers; and
this evening he had the honour to dine at the Tuileries
508 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING
with the King and Royal Family. None but men
thrown by mistake into our age — none but old courtiers,
are capable of being astonished at what is so proper and
conformable to the spirit of the French charter and the
British constitution. Such are the consequences and in-
spiratrons of constitutional royalty in both countries." —
Courier Francois'
Space and disinclination alike deter us from entering
into a detail of the absurd rumours and anecdotes told of
our hero at Paris, and at home, during this visit. When a
man's actions are so narrowly watched, it is easy enough
to frame anecdotes that will obtain circulation and belief.
With one more extract from the Parisian press, we must
conclude our notice of Mr. Canning's visit to France.
" Mr. Canning had the honour of being received
yesterday in a private audience by the King, and to
take leave of his Majesty. The interview, as on a former
occasion, lasted upwards of an hour. On the preceding
day, Mr. Canning paid his farewell visit to our ministers,
and to the members of the diplomatic corps. He found
time to give a long sitting to our celebrated painter
Gerard, for the finishing of a portrait intended for his
friend lord Grenville. The last diplomatic dinner at
which he was present, took place at the residence of
M. Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian ambassador. He had
once before dined with the French and foreign ministers,
but no ladies were present. On this occasion, Mrs. Can-
ning was invited, with her daughter, the marchioness of
Clanricarde, and about thirty other persons, all foreign-
ers. Not one of our ministers was present, nor any of
their ladies."
Shortly after our hero's return to England, he went to
the Royal Lodge, Windsor, on a visit to the King.
Indeed, at this period Mr. Canning appears to have had
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 609
honours thrust upon him : the grand cordon of the
legion of honour was, according to the Quotidienne,
offered him by the French government, which he refused.
Mr. Canning, with the earl of Liverpool, Mr. Peel,
Mr. Huskisson, and many members of the lower House,
attended the civic feast on the 9th of November. On his
health being drank, he adverted to the period when all
Europe were engaged in warfare.
" That time," said Mr. Canning, " has gone by, and
the labours of those who hold high official situations
considerably lessened. Those labours are now compa-
ratively light and trivial ; and as they were directed
towards the cultivation of peace, and the diffusion of arts
and commerce throughout the world, they carried,
with their success, reflections of the most gratifying
nature. We have this day heard in our language,
uttered by an illustrious foreigner, what are the senti-
ments entertained towards Great Britain, by that country
with which, for twenty years, we have struggled for the
mastery of the world.* Those sentiments, I am happy
to say, were of the most conciliatory description ; and I
am sure it will be most satisfactory to the assembly, when
I declare, that the feelings which have been this day
expressed on the part of France, would have been re-
echoed with delight, had the representatives of the other
European courts been present. Successfully to cultivate
* Alluding to the speech of prince Polignac, which was in these
words : — " I beg leave to express the deep sense I entertain of the
honour which has just been conferred on nie. Our court (France)
I can assure those whom I address, is actuated by the best feel-
ings towards this country. For myself, I feel proud to be enter-
tained by the chief men of this ancient and wealthy city, and I
heartily wish that its trade and commerce may continue to flourish
with unabated prosperity."
510 MEMOIR OF GEOnOE CANNING.
the continuance of the peace and tranquillity which now
happily prevails, would aftord a sufficient reward for all
the labours to which, as a public man, I must necessarily
be exposed."
On the meeting of parliament (21st of November) Mr.
Brougham objected to the King's speech; spoke of the
necessity of retrenchments; and blamed ministers for their
intention of erecting new palaces. To this, Mr. Canning
replied, saying that Mr. Brougham had thrown a great
deal of good indignation entirely away. " That gentle-
man," said Mr. Canning, " speaking of the necessity of
retrenching our expenses, declared it would be most
acceptable to the people to suspend certain works now in
progress. — To this I reply, that the prosecution of public
works is of the first importance, when the crying evil of
the country is the want of employment for its working
population."
The conduct of the speculators in the joint-stock
companies came before Parliament early in this session.
Mr. Brogden, whose conduct was impugned, very pro-
perly resigned his seat as chairman of the committees of
the House. The affair was, after a discussion, referred
to a committee.
On Monday, the 11th of December, Mr. Canning
brought down to the House a message from his Majesty*
in these words : —
" George R. — His Majesty acquaints the House of Commons,
that Ills Majesty lias received an earnest application from the Prin-
cess Regent of Portugal, claiming, in virtue of the ancient obliga-
tions of alliance and amity subsisting between his Majesty and the
Crown of Portugal, his Majesty's aid against an hostile aggression
from Spain.
• The events which rendered this communication necessary were
only known to his Majesty on the night of the previous Friday.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 511
" His Majesty has exerted himself for some time past, in conjunc
tion with his Majesty's ally, the king of France, to prevent such an
aggression; and repeated assurances have been given by the Court
of Madrid, of the determination of his Catholic Majesty neither to
commit, nor to allow to be committed, from his Catholic Majesty's
territory, any aggression against Portugal.
" But his Majesty has learnt with deep concern, that, notwith-
standing these assurances, hostile inroads into the territory of Por-
tugal have been concerted in Spain, and have been executed under
the eyes of Spanish authorities, by Portuguese regiments which
had deserted into Spain, and which the Spanish government had
repeatedly and solemnly engaged to disarm and to disperse.
" His Majesty leaves no effort unexhausted to awaken the Spanish
government to the dangerous consequences of this apparent con-
nivance.
" His Majesty makes this communication to the House of Com-
mons, with the full and entire confidence that his faithful Com-
mons will afford to his Majesty their cordial concurrence and sup-
port, in maintaining the faith of treaties, and in securing, against
foreign hostility, the safety and independence of the kingdom of
Portugal, the oldest ally of Great Britain.
" G. R."
Mr. Canning's speech the following day on this motion,*
we omit. When war is decided upon, it is a minister's
acts^ not his speeches^ that should find record ; and no
country, no era can furnish a greater instance of celerity,
than that evinced on this occasion. News of the events
that occasioned the employment of an armed force arrived
on the rdght of the 8th. The Kirtg's message was brought
to the House (Sunday intervening) on the Ilth; the
discussion took place the following day ; and, early on
the morning of the \ith^ our troops commenced their
march! The force employed will be seen by the follow-
ing extract from the press of the 15th of December,
announcing their departure : —
" About eight o'clock yesterday morning, the right
* The speech has been piiblisiied as a pamphlet, and is too
voluminous for our pages.
512 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
wina;' of the second battalion of the third regiment of foot
guards, left the INIews, Charing Cross, and proceeded to
the Bird Cage Walk, in St. James's Park, where they
were drawn up, and marched off, the band playing an
enlivening air. The men were in most excellent spirits
and condition. The crowd presented laurels to the
soldiers, as they passed along, and exclaimed, ' Bravo,
my boys, you are sure of success.' Several of the spec-
tators also shook hands with the officers, who appeared
delighted with the good feeling and affection displayed
towards them and the soldiers. At Battersea, the band
quitted the regiment, and they then proceeded with the
' merry fife and drum.' The first battalion of the duke
of York's regiment (the first foot guards) are ordered to
leave Portraan Barracks this day, at one o'clock. There
is a general order given for the cavalry at Knightsbridge
to hold themselves in readiness. It is said, that two
detachments of the royal horse guards (blue) will be sent
off in the course of this week. Captain Fairfield, on the
Bird Cage Walk, unluckily lost his Waterloo medal ;
and, although he offered a handsome reward to the
finder to restore it, we did not hear that he succeeded in
recovering it.
" The tenth (North Lincoln) regiment of foot, now
stationed at Limerick, and the eleventh (North Devon)
regiment of infantry, at present stationed at Waterford,
have received orders to prepare for immediate embarka-
tion at Cork for Portug-al.*
" The bustle in sending off troops continues with
increasing energy. The George the Fourth steam-boat,
which arrived in the river on Wednesday from Lisbon,
will sail this day with four or five hundred troops. The
• 8cver:il other detachments were despatched in a few days, and
the entire force embarktd on. the 31st of Oecember.
MEMOIR OF GEORGC CANNING . 513
English merchants, who have large properties at Oporto,
have applied to government for imraedidte protection,
the place being threatened by a column of three thousand
rebels."
Perhaps the firmest opposers of a standing army will
admit, that, in a case like this, its utility at least counter-
balances its expense.
By the first of January, letters from Lisbon arrived,
expressing the gratitude of the Portuguese, for the
prompt assistance afforded them.
This was the first occasion on which steam-boats were
used for the exportation of troops.
A melancholy event marked the commencement of the
year 1827, a year during which this country was bereaved
of some of its brightest ornaments.* His royal highness
the duke of York had long been in a declining state;
throughout the month of December, his dissolution was
daily expected. On the 2d of January, the public press
announced, " that it was considered not impossible that
his royal highness might linger a day or two more."
After this announcement, there was of course no room
for hope ; every hour, it was anticipated, would bring
the intelligence of the duke's demise. On the 5th of
January he expired.
The disease under which his royal highness languished
was originally dropsy ; and it is said, that after he had
been tapped twice or thrice, a decoction of genista, or
common broom root, was administered in frequent doses,
and that it proved very beneficial in promoting the secre-
tion of urine, and invigorating and giving tone to the
stomach. Sir Astley Cooper was, at the express desire
♦ On the 31st of December, 1826, GifFord, the celebrated critic
and satirist, died. •
22 :^u
514 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
of his Majesty, consulted, and he prescribed a combina-
tion of the blue and the squill pills, to be added to the
broom ; which had so happy an effect, that sanguine
hope was entertained, for some days, that his life would
be prolonged many months. The swelling of the legs
decreased, and the ill-conditioned ulcers exhibited a
more favourable appearance. When dropsy is the con-
sequence of what is generally termed a breaking up of
the system, the serum is diffused in almost every part of
the body that will admit it. In such a case, the stomach
is in such a debilitated state, that the most powerful tonic
medicine will have little or no effect upon it ; and, in
order to keep up the vital powers, the most potent stimu-
lants, with spirits, are freely administered ; and when
the stomach is not susceptible of their action, life ceases.
In the case of his royal highness, the fox-glove, the elate'
rium, and the other common diuretic medicines, were
tried in the early stages of the disorder, and were allowed
a fair trial ; but the stamina of the duke was so impaired,
that all the efforts of physicians and medicine failed.
A journal that, during the duke's illness, had stated,
that the world said of him, that he had never broken a
promise, or deserted a friend, wrote very strongly upon
the failings of his royal highness, the morning after his
decease. This article excited a feeling against the jour-
nal in the minds of many, and was severely reprobated ;
and, perhaps, divided public attention with some speeches
of triumph, attributed to certain Irish orators, who re-
garded the death of his royal highness as the removal of
a grand obstacle to the hope of Catholic Emancipation.
With regard to the first of these attacks, we must say, /
that (differing very materially from the opinions of the
writer) we admire the candour, though we cannot agree
with (he opinions, of that article. The conduct of llie
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 615
Times, in fact, in many cases, is hasty — in some, vindic-
tive — but it is always open. There is no journal that so
uniformly takes the high independent ground of stating
facts, (or what they believe to be facts,) without favour
or apology. It is proper that princes should be spoken
of with respect, but that respect must not go so far as to
distort truth, and turn biography into eulogy. The
Times, actuated by a very proper feeling, " smoothed the
pillow" of the sufferer, and did not "vex the dying ear"
of the duke with reproaches for actions he could not recal ;
but, as it strongly and justly urged, after the duke's death
his actions, his faults, his follies, had become matters of
historical record. Whilst his royal highness lived, they
respected him— after his death, respect for the public
and for truth should influence the historian. The article
in question gave great pain, it was said, to the highest per-
sonage in this kingdom, and incurred the reprobation of
the ministry, particularly Mr. Canning. The first state-
ment we believe ; the second, as regards our hero, we
do not. The censure of those we love, even when our
judgment approves its truth, awakens our anger as well
as our regret ; and this is a noble weakness in our nature.
But time, that takes the virulence from the wound, and
the fire from revenge, awakens our reason and our jus-
tice, whilst it bids our resentments and our feelings slum-
ber ; and we think we can judge sufficiently of the noble
mind of that great personage, to affirm, that after the
first emotion caused by that extraordinary paper* had
subsided, his grief that that article had been written was
infinitely less than his pleasure at finding he had one
* The article alluded to will be found in The Times, January 6,
1827.
516 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
journalist in his dominions, who had candour and courage
enoui^h to pen it.
With regard to the oratory in the sister kingdom,
whether it is considered with reference to what was said
when his royal highness's demise was anticipated, or to
what was reported to have been uttered by one of the
celebrated orators after his death, we presume there can
be but one opinion. To hope for the death of any being,
and to rejoice at his dissolution, because he differed in a
matter of opinion, is unchristianlike, as well as unmanly ;
and unpolitical, as ill calculated to aid the cause the
parties accused advocated. The impression made by
M hat was actually said, and what was reported to have
been said, respecting his royal highness, has done more
harm to the Catholic cause, than any of the members of
the Catholic association can ever effect good. The cold-
blooded malignity, that could goad the sufferer on his bed
of pain, by breathing forth a hope for his dissolution,
calls for no reprobation from the press — it finds a suffi-
cient check in the hearts of the hearers. To the honour
of the country and the cause, the feeling of resentment
towards his royal highness was generally extinct at his
demise; and the beautiful lines, attributed to Ireland's
greatest poet, that appeared in The Times of the 11th of
January, speak the feelings of a Catholic, a Christian,
and a man.
" He had pledged a hate unto me and mine,
He had left to the future nor hope nor choice.
But seal'd that hate with a name divine.
And he now was dead, and — I couldn't rejoice!
He hacl fann'd afresh the burning brands
Of a bigotry, waxing cold and dim ;
He had arm'd anew my torturer's hands,
And tlieni rhd I < iirse — but !-igli'<I for him.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 517
For his was the error of head, not heart.
Ami — oh, how beyond the ambush'd foe,
Who to enmity adds the traitor's part.
And carries a smile, with a curse below!
If ever a heart made bright amends
For the fatal fault of an erring head —
Go, learn his fame from the lips of friends.
In the orphan's tear be his glory read.
A prince without pride — a man without guile.
To the last unchanging, warm, sincere.
For worth he had ever a hand, a smile,
And for misery ever his purse and tear."
The body of his royal highness was embalmed ; the
lying in state commenced on the 18th, admission by tickets
was arranged to be from 10 till 11. After 11, when the
public were to be promiscuously admitted, a dense crowd
had assembled, a mass of many thousands, amongst whom
(though of all classes) not one was observed out of
mourning. The crowd of elegantly-dressed females was
immense, and the solemn scene was invaded by their
screams, when the immense pressure bore them along with
the countertide of passengers. Hundreds of well-dressed
women were seen walking home with handkerchiefs bound
round their feet, having lost their shoes in the vain en-
deavour to approach the palace.
On the 20th, the funeral of his royal highness took
place. At half past seven o'clock in ihe morning, the
private carriage of the late lamented duke was brought
into the flag-yard of the palace, the hearse soon followed.
At eight o'clock the procession began to move. Twelve
mourners, and the same number of marshalmen, on horse-
back, led the procession, followed by the knights marshal-
men on foot ; then followed, in mourning coaches, in proces-
sion, the servants, the pages, the medit al attendants and
518 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
private chaplain, the secretaries, the aides-de-caraps, the
equerries, garter principal king at arms and assistants.
Alter the mourning coaches, came a troop of lifeguards,
with their swords reversed under their right arms.
When the hearse entered the street, the lancers, who
were patroling it, reversed their lances, and kept them so
durinar the remainder of the day. After the hearse, which
was flanked on each side by ten yeomen of the guard, had
taken its place in the procession, the word was again
given to move on ; and immediately afterwards two
squadrons of life guards, who had come out of the park,
fell into its rear. The lancers, who had been patroling
the street, filed into their places as the procession passed
them, and thus another squadron of horse was gradually
added to it. The carriages of the different members of
the royal family then followed in the order of their rank,
commencing with that of the king, and ending with that
of prince Leopold ; and by their side walked mourners,
with funeral truncheons. The whole procession was
closed by twenty mourners on horseback.
The procession moved up Piccadilly through au
enormous crowd, and followed by many persons who had
witnessed its departure from the palace. The shops,
without any exception, were closed, but the windows
were thronged with spectators, and several houses had
placards intimating that there were places to let
within.
From Hyde-park-corner toKnightsbridge, the houses,
even the roofs of some of them, were filled with specta-
tors; and the wall and iron railings of the park were also
covered with persons, who had not hesitated to struggle
for, and afterwards to preserve, an uneasy seat for some
hours before the procession passed.
The procession left Knightsbridge with ihe numbers of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 519
its followers considerably increased from the spectators
at that place. Every avenue and road in Hyde-park was
filled before eight o'clock, with persons who were hasten-
ing through to reach Kensington, for the purpose of get-
ting a sight of the procession as it passed. The number
of pedestrians must have amounted to several thousands,
and the carriages and horsemen were proportionably nu-
merous. The whole line of wall from the barracks at
Knightsbridge was covered with persons, who, notwith-
standing the cold air of the morning, kept their positions
until the funeral procession had passed. The trees in the
park were also filled with spectators.
At Holland-house, the yeomen of the guard and the
detachment of lancers quitted the procession.
The thousands who accompanied the procession could
get little refreshment. Hounslow was in a state of
famine, a small joint of mutton actually having sold for
25s. in consequence of the demand.
About two o'clock, the cavalcade stopped at Cranford-
bridge. The mourners alighted from the carriages, and
endeavoured to obtain such refreshments as could be pro-
cured in the few houses of entertainment which the place
contains. A party of fresh troops was stationed here,
which joined the procession when it again set forward.
After an interval of about two hours, the cavalcade
formed in order, and once more moved on, still preceded
and followed by a large body of persons on horse, and on
foot, and in carriages. Soon after passing through Colne-
brook, darkness having come on, the soldiers (every
fourth man) in the procession lighted the torches which
they had carried with them from Cranford-bridge. The
cavalcade now presented a more striking appearance than
it had done at any other period of the march; for the
glare of the torches, leflected upon the dress and arms of
520 MEMOIR OF GKORGE CANNING.
the life guards, had a novel and rather grand effect. In
this way the procession passed through Datchett, and
shortly before eight o'clock reached Frogniore, where it
was appointed that their royal highnesses the dukes of
Clarence, Sussex, and Glocester, should join the proces-
sion, together with the various members of the royal
household. From Frogmore to Windsor the road was
lined with soldiers, many of them bearing torches.
The procession arrived at Frogmore at eight o'clock,
and passed through Park-street towards the Castle. A
kw minutes before nine it reached St. George's chapel.
The church procession was led by the pages, solicitor,
apothecary, surgeons, and physicians of the duke, and by
the principal law officers. To these succeeded the
bishops and archbishops. The supporters of the pall
were, the dukes of Beaufort, Wellington, Dorset,
Northumberland, Rutland, and Newcastle. The duke
of Clarence was the chief mourner. He was followed
by the dukes of Sussex and Gloucester, sir Herbert
Taylor and colonel Stephenson, the lord chancellor, the
earls of Liverpool, Harrowby, and Westmoreland, lords
Maryborough and Melville, Mr. Canning, Mr. Peel,
Mr. Huskisson, and the speaker of the House of
Commons.
The ceremony lasted two hours. The weather was
intensely severe, and the cold in the chapel so great, that
many persons were nearly benumbed. The lord chan-
cellor placed his hat under his feet, and thus averted the
dangers, that standing on the vault stones for such a
period presented. Had the other mourners adopted this
precaution, England would, in all probability, not now
have had to mourn the losses she has recently sustained.
Mr. Canning left Windsor, with the earl of Liverpool,
for Bath, where the countess then was. Whilst there,
^Z^r. ''A^^z/J-Jt^^jy-y^rt-^f^/i/^^y^^^^ 'Y/^mmf.
I.ON'llON .
'.■f hy C\\v\v,cJ\y lane fiUirru-sta- Rev.
.'instol. k S' ^n:cnt StrraLnrrpcd
MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING. 521
the freedom of the city, in a gold box, was presented to
him by the mayor, Elcazer Pickwick, esq. in the name
of himself and the corporation.
The earl and Mr. Canning were both soon afterwards
taken ill, as were the dukes of Montrose and Wellington.
Their indisposition was attributed to colds caught during
their attendance at the funeral. Mr. Canning could not
attend the King's council, on the 4th of February, and
was confined to his bed at the meeting of Parliament,
(the 8th.) The duke of Sussex was also confined to
his house by an inflammation of the chest, brought on
by cold.
Up to the 15th of February, Mr. Canning's state was
considered dangerous. The question of Catholic Eman-
cipation w as postponed twice, in the hope of his powerful }
aid. From the IGth he improved rapidly.
On the 17th, the earl of Liverpool was seized w ith a fit
of paralysis, and it was considered doubtful if he could
survive through the night. He was speechless, and had
lost the use of one side.
We would impress upon the mind of the reader, that
at the time this occurred, and when a journal, that is
supposed to lead the opinions of a large majority of the f
public, said, " t^ )rime minister is politically dead,''''
Mr. Canning was confined to his room, though not his
bed, and could not have s eized that moment (as asserted) to
exert any influence be might have possessed, in bringing
about the extraordinary revolution that subsequently
occurred in the Cabinet.
Mr. Canning had an audience with his Majesty (of
short duration) on the 22d,
On the 1st of March, IVIr. Canning appeared in the
House of Commons, and opened the debate on the Corn
22. 3 X
522 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
Laws. On the adjourned debate of the Catholic Ques-
tion, I\Ir. Canning did not speak till very late in the
evening, after sir J. Newport, sir Francis Burdett,
Messrs. Plunkett, Brougham, Davis, Peel, Groulburn,
the master of the rolls, &c. &c. had spoken. He alluded
to the oft'er of securities that he had introduced, i. e.
" That the King should nominate the Catholic bishops,
and that the private correspondence between the court
of Rome and the professors of the Catholic religion,
should be submitted to the inspection of the govern-
ment."
" Since 1813," continued Mr. Canning, " I have not
meddled with the hopeless labour of devising securities
that are sure to be rejected."
* * *
" In Prussia, this power of nomination of the Catholic
bishops prevails. The king of the Netherlands is in
treaty for a similar power. So is the court of Saxony.
But how do theij obtain it? They go to the fountain
head — to the court of Rome. They have means which
we have not. I saw in a popular book, that * to corre-
spond with the Pope was high treason ;' and therefore,
when the Pope addressed a letter to our gracious King,
on being restored to his see, I took the advice of the law
officers of the Crown, who were of opinion, that in
answering the Pope's letter I should incur apt^emunire.^^
Mr. Canning read the opinion of Messrs. GiflPord and
Copley to this effect, amid loud shouts of laughter. 3Ir.
Canning proceeded thus: — '"I, being an ignorant person,
looked into Burn's Justice, where I found that the penal-
ties attached to a premunire were merely attainder,
forfeiture of my goods, incapacity to bring actions, and
that I might be slain by any one. As this is a matter
MEMOIR OF GEOllCE CANNING. 623
touching- life and fortune, I cannot be expected to go to
Hie Pope of Rome ; and yet to the Pope of Rome we
must go, if we would have any security."
Mr. Canning then proceeded, in a more serious tone, to
advocate the cause, indulging in occasional sarcasms* on
its opponents. He defended the memory of Mr. Pitt,
and said, " It was that minister's intention to carry the
Catholic Question, and he (Mr. Canning) was ready to
depose to the truth of that assertion before any tribunal."
The motion, was, however, lost by a majority of four.
Mr. Canning's exertions on this question were attended
with bad consequences — a relapse of his disorder, and he
was again confined to his house.
The correspondence relative to commercial inter-
course between the United States and the British West
India colonies, by Mr. Canning and A. Gallatin, esq.
was laid before the public in March ; and, though it
tended to shew the impossibility of any immediate nego-
ciations at that time, proved satisfactory to this country.
On Mr. Canning's recovery, he paid a visit to his
Majesty. The dukes of Wellington and Devonshire,
lords Granville, Carlisle, Morpeth, and Clancarty, and
the princes Levisn and Polignac, were also visitors.
On the 2d of April a Cabinet meeting took place,
and the discussions lasted several hours. On the 3d,
sir Thomas Lethbridge gave notice of a motion, " That
an humble address should be presented to his Majesty,
praying, that he would be pleased to take into considera-
tion, in the appointment of an administration, the great
* One of the subjects of Mr. Canning's ridicule was an affida-
vit, in which a man deposed, that " a priest had threatened to
kick a Protestant's soul, and make it fly round hell, like a blue
bottle round a treacle barrel, which (continued the affidavit) this
deponent verily believes he would have doHf.''
524 MEMOIK OF GEORGi: CAXTilNG.
importance of unanimity in any Cabinet on questions
alVocting the vital interests of the empire."
This motion excited the derision of many members
oil both sides of the House, and sir Thomas subse-
quently abandoned it. On the same day, the duke of
Rutland (it was asserted) had an interview with his
Majesty, and said, " He was authorised, by certain peers,
to lay before his Majesty their respectful determination
not to support Mr. Canning,* should his IMajesty, in the
exercise of his prerogative, make him Prime Minister."
These facts are sufficient to shew what the general im-
pression and expectation was. In fact, the call of the
country — the vox popiili was for our hero — it seemed as
if every individual, whether his friends or foes, had
agreed, that Canning only could be the man his Majesty
would select.
The offer of premiership was then made — Mr. Can-
ning agreeing to give up his right to dictate church pre-
ferment; this Mr. Canning resolutely refused.
On the 12th April, Mr. C.Wynn rose, and said, "I
move for a new writ for the borough of Newport, (Isle of
Wight.) the right hon. George Canning having accepted
the office of first commissioner of the Treasury."
The cheers of the house on this announcement were
deafening — whilst the passiveness of a particular body
of members was no less remarkable.
The following correspondcncet passed between the
duke of Wellington and our hero : —
• III tliis declaration, it lias been since said, the dukes of Beaufort
and Newcastle, and lord Lonsdale, concurred.
t There is, in the mere coinniencenient of these epistles, an index
to the feelings that di(tnted Ihem, —
V .... }" ^^y '''"'' l^'il^*'-" ., , . ? " My lord Duke."
l-.rst letters^ .. ^^^ ^,^.^^. Ca„„ing." ^^^""'1 '»«• ( <• Si?."
MEMOIR or GCOIIGE CANNING. 52')
Mr. Canning to the Duke of Wellhujton.
"My dear Duke, — I am commanded by his Majesty to form a
new administration. It will be a great satisfaction to me if your
Grace will consent to become a member of it,
" I am, &c.
" G. Canning."
Tlie Duke of Wellington to Mr. Canning.
"My dear Mr. Cajsning, — Before I reply to your letter, I wish
to be informed who is to be the head of the new ministry, and which
of my former colleagues are to form a part of it.
"I am, &c.
" Wellington."
Mr. Canning to the Duke of Wellington.
"My lord Duke, — After I had informed your Grace that I had
received his Majesty's commands to form an administration, I am
surprised that it sliould be inquired from me who is to be at the
head of it? I am to be that person.
"I remain, &c.
"G. Canning." ^.
The Duke of Wellington to Mr. Canning.
"Sir, — I have only to say, in reply to your letter, that I cannot
consent to become a member of the new administration.
" I remain, &c.
" Wellington."
This correspondence was laid before the King*; and
the duke, under feelings of great irritation, sent in his
resignation to his Majesty; from whom he received a
communication to the following effect : —
"The King receives the duke of Wellington's resignation with
the same sentiments of regret which his Grace professes to feel in
teuderina; it."
After the duke of Wellington's resignation of the office
of commander-in-chief, master of the ordnance, See.
which he hud so lately attained, on the death of the duke
V
526 MEMOIR OF GEOHGE CANNING.
\ of York,— the lord chancellor, Mr. Peel, and lords
Bathurst, Melville, and Westmoreland, also resigned.
The sensation produced by these secessions it is im-
possible to describe. The retirement of Mr. Peel was
peculiarly regretted — a party, and no inconsiderable one,
liavins: lhou":ht that Mr. Peel would have been selected
as premier. The following observations upon this act of
the official personages are important.
" Thus, therefore, does the procedure which we have
been describing, appear to assume the character of a con-
spiracy! A conspiracy against the country, to stop the
measures which were benevolently proposed for the relief
of its starving population ; and a conspiracy against the
Sovereign, to force him to accept a ministry against his
will — a ministry proposed by the conspirators themselves.
It was in a crisis exactly similar to the present, that his
late iMajesty, George the Third, showed such firn)ness,
and by his firmness triumphed, at what may be called an
early period of his protracted reign. Then it was that
a combination of ex-ministers and would-be ministers
undertook to forbid the King from consulting with Mr.
Pitt, or appointing that gentleman, almost a minor, his
Prime Minister. The story is clearly told in the matter-
of-fact history of bishop Tomline; and nothing has tended
more to elevate the character of his late Majesty, or to
convey to the country and to posterity a higher idea of
his magnanimity than the prelate's narrative.
" Our relation, however, would be imperfect and par-
tial, if we omitted to mention some early circumstances
connected with this affair. We have no doubt, that pre-
vious notice was given to Mr. Canning of the intention
of the seceders to retire, should he be appointed Prime
JMinister; they would serve with him on equal terms,
some other nominal head being appointed ; they would
-^^nson. scuJp-
i
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ruDrioii.4?u. jV -
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i
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 627
not act iinuer him I But how, we ask, being called on by
the King- to form a ministry, could Mr. Canning decline
the task ? In what terms could he convey the refusal to
his Majesty ? '1 am greatly honoured by this mark of
the royal confidence, but I dare not undertake the duty.
Those who oppose my elevation would be too strong for
me, would be too strong for your Majesty. They have
given us notice, they will not suffer your Majesty to per-
form this act of the royal prerogative : you must, there-
fore, submit to their dictation !' "
The press of this country, with very few exceptions,
congratulated the kingdom on his Majesty's choice; and
all the French journals (except the Qiiotidienne) spoke
in terms of rejoicing.
On a subject so important, so unprecedented, as this,
no biographer could hope to satisfy his readers. Diffi-
cult as it is sometimes to detail men's actions, it is im-
possible to define their motives. Where all is surmise,
error is to a degree inevitable. All that remains to be
done in such a case, is to compare the different state-
ments ; to make due allowances for the party feelings
that dictated each, and decide between them. On this
principle, the following observations have been select-
ed ; and we have unceremoniously taken advantage of
the thoughts and words of others, and even amalga-
mated them with our own. The difficulty of the subject
is a justifiable motive; and this frank avowal our ex-
cuse.*
The moment it was ascertained that lord Liverpool
could never resume office, Mr. Canning felt the perils
* In the future pages will be found the explanations given by
the parties themselves of their conduct; which may be taken fairly
as a set-off for the adoption of public sentiments.
5*2H MEMOIR OF c;eorge canning.
which surrounded his situation. Feared, ratlicr than
loved, by his most inllueutial colleagu >»;. he had to guard
hiujself against wiles and treachery. The candour and
tViendsiiip of lord Liverpool preserved him from both,
during the sway of that noble lord in the Cabinet; but
even there, of late, during the momentous changes which
Mr. Canning- conducted with so much honour to himself,
and advantage to the country, he had, notwithstanding
the support of the late Premier, to encounter the decided
opposition of lord chancellor Eldon, whose microscopic
mind, and habits of tedious and minute technical investi-
gation, could not be brought immediately to couiprehend
the great and general bearings of those political changes
in the world, which Mr. Canning beheld with a states-
man's eye, and wished to seize with a statesman's hand,
for the benefit of his country.
The old chancellor hated Mr. Canning for his per-
severing and uncompromising advocacy of the Catholic
Question — he hated him for deserting the Cabinet upon
that most melancholy alVair of the late Queen, and he
sneered at him behind his back; while, in his presence,
he alFected that sort of supercilious deference which the
old lawyer was in the habit of affecting towards Mr.
Brougham, when that gentleman, at rare intervals,
appeared with a brief in his court. The lord chancellor
staved for more than three months Mr. Canning's recog-
nition of the new States of South America ; and the sort
of support which he gave to the late military occupation
of Portugal — a measure originating with Mr. Canning
himself, for the maintenance of the national faith, — was
of a nature to mar the whole project, if lord Liverpool
had not (lung around it the shield of his protection and
support.
Mr. Canning had then no difficulty in foreseeing the
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 529
predicament in which he would be placed, when the lord
chancellor becar '^ *\\e head of the Cabinet : he met his
situation firmly, but courteously — he wished to add, not
to impair, the strength of the ministry — he contemplated
an accession of strength, not to himself individually, but
to the government as a body, from the addition to its
members of some of the great parties in the country,
who had, of late, supported his Majesty's policy with-
out the rank or patronage of ollice. Mr. Canning,
however, soon found, that the party of which the lord
chancellor was the head, had taken not only a different
view of the new policy of the administration, but also
of his own relative rank within their circle. To deny
him high place, would be to have denied themselves
the support and advantage of his great talents, and
to have rendered their system, be it what it might,
helpless in the House of Commons, before the united
attack of the great leaders of the Opposition. But
they hit upon another project, which was worthy of
its authors; and it was this: — to prevail upon Mr.
Canning to retain his place as foreign secretary and
leader in the House of Commons, but to strip him
of that which they cared not for themselves, namely,
the real dignity with which the chief member of the
government ought to be invested, for the maintenance
of his influence and utility with foreign states ; for this
purpose, lord Bathurst, or lord anybody else, vvas to be
named first lord of the treasury, having, as it were, the
nominal supremacy, and leaving Mr. Canning the rank
of only one of '" The Three Kings of Brentford."
Of the combination thus formed against the Minis-
ter, it is due to Mr. Peel to state, that he was only in
appearance a member of it ; and if Mr. Canning- would
only have consented to continue a divided government
23. 3 Y
5:J0 mnMoin of george canning.
in Ireland — that is, to have, in that already sufficiently
distracted country, what lord Chatham called " a dove-
tailed Cabinet — here a bit of black stone, and there a
bit of white," — Mr. Peel would have retained his office,
and acted cordially under the new Premier. All he asked
was, the continuance of Mr. Goulburn as chief secretary
to the marquis Wellesley, as lord lieutenant. This
Mr. Canning- could not concede, and Mr. Peel retired,
as he expressed it, to save " his own consistency."
While these proceedings were pending, the lord
chancellor drilled his party in regular array, and the
watch-word for action was the first movement of Mr.
Canning. The latter tendered his resignation to the
King, upon the avowed gro^Jnd of his not possessing,
upon certain great leading questions, the entire confi-
dence of some of his principal colleagues. The King
instantly refused to accept the proffered resignation, and
assured Mr. Canning that he possessed his entire confi-
dence and support.
The lord chancellor summoned ^' his vassals to the
field ;" and, warning them of the importance of a united
movement, induced them to put their confidence into his
keeping, and to act as he would do, under particular
circumstances. He said plainly, that if the reins of
government were placed in the hands of Mr. Canning,
he would tender his resignation; and he added, that if
others acted with him as a firm phalanx, a certain great
personage must yield to his love of ease, and send for
them back upon their own terms. The opinion of lord
Eldon was adopted — the parties agreed to place their
offices in his hands, and he "took them home," as he was
used to do the papers in the court of Chancery.
It may be objected to this statement, that the noble
lord and his colleagues denied having acted in concert.
'zn.r^-,,a CuJU-u.
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v:^ : ''^an
/^
—^a^^ r^.(m.c
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'>^ce/<un..■.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 531
We disclaim any intention of personal offence when we
say, that in making this statement, his lordship deceived
himself, but not the country. It does not follow, as a
natural consequence, that proceedings are concerted,
because they are simultaneous. We perfectly believe
the noble lord's statement to be literally and critically
true. We do not believe that the parties met, and said,
" let us resign ;" but it is perfectly possible for any set
of men to think a resolution, to " give it an under-
standing, but no tongue," and to be as well assured of
each other's sentiments and intentions, as if they had been
uttered and declared.
A dislike to men, instead of measures, is unworthy of
an enlightened ministry ; yet the resignations were made
on personal grounds alone ; for, with the exception of
the one great question, we do not suppose the chancellor
himself would have chosen to avow himself hostile to
Mr. Canning's general policy. The efforts of Mr. Can-
ning's enemies were, however, frustrated by the firmness
of his Majesty.
Mr. Canning had early apprised the King, that if
his Majesty meant to honour him with his most gracious
support, he would have to exercise a painful activity in
the arrangements of the new ministry. It is but justice
to his Majesty to state, that he persevered in the course
which it became him to take, and resented firmly and
promptly the indignity and ingratitude which he had
suffered from men who owed him a better allegiance.
By a bold and masterly movement, his Majesty, on the
same day that lord Melville retired from the Admiralty,
placed his royal highness the duke of Clarence at its
head — thus affording Mr. Canning the countenance and
support of the Throne, even in the person of the Heir
Apparent.
532 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
The length of time which elapsed before the King's
decision was made, arose out of the natural and amiable
reluctance which his Majesty felt, to part with the men
wiio had for so many years surrounded his throne,
especially one individual whom he honoured with pecu-
liar marks of confidence and esteem. Their conduct
put an end to all the scruples suggested by delicacy or
feeling on their account. The pretensions they ad-
vanced, if not to dictate to the King, to exercise a veto
upon his choice, were not only personally offensive to
his Majesty, but at once identified the royal dignity
and independence with that appointment which the
public wish, as well as the public exigencies, had
already pointed out. Whatever may be the ultimate re-
sult of these changes, one immense good was accom-
plished, in getting rid of this batch of old tories, who
have stuck like leeches to the state, and have sucked
away the blood without producing any salutary effect
upon the system. Every body agreed, that they had
been too long in office. They had accustomed them-
selves to consider their places as a species of property ;
any interference with which they deemed a personal
affront; and no reform or measure of public utility
was to be thought of, which might probably militate
against the prejudices, or curtail the emoluments, of any
of the tribe. The glorious exploits of the duke of
Wellington did not entitle him to dictate to his King
what ministers he should choose — what measures he
should adopt. Great generals are not always able
statesmen, Marlborough and Eugene, indeed, were
equally celebrated in the cabinet and the field ; but Tu-
renne, Conde, and Villars, were never called to the
councils of Louis the Fourteenth.
The new ministry were gazetted on the 27th of April.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 533
Four of Mr. Canning's colleagues kept their stations, or
rather still remained in office ;* and the vacancies caused
by the secessions were filled up by distinguished whigs.
Mr. Canning was too wise to attempt to form an admi-
nistration out of a coterie of his private friends, and too
spirited to succumb to those who had deserted him. Mr.
Canning had only left, therefore, an honourable alliance
with the whigs, or an ignominious surrender to his ene-
mies. He chose the former, and the voice of his country
approved that choice.
On the 30th of April, his Majesty held a court at St.
James's. Lords Eldon, Bathurst, and Westmoreland,
and Mr. Peel, severally had audiences with his Majesty,
and resigned the seals of their respective offices. The
new ministers also kissed hands on their appointments ;
and Messrs. Scarlett and Hart received the honours of
knighthood. Mr. Canning, on going to and returning
from court, was loudly and unanimously cheered by an
assemblage, far exceeding in numbers and respectability
the crowd that usually surround the Palace on such
* The appointments were as follow: —
Mr. Canning, first lord of the treasury, and chancellor of the ex-
chequer.
Marquis of Anglesea, master of the ordnance.
Duke of Devonshire, lord chamberlain.
Duke of Portland, privy seal.
Lord Dudley, secretary for foreign affairs.
Mr, Sturges Bourne, home department.
Mr. Robinson, (created lord Goderich,) colonies.
Lord Harrowby, president of the council.
Lord Bexley, lord Palmerston, i . , ,. . ^ ^.
,_ ,-- J T»T TT . • f retained their stations.
Mr, Wynn, and Mr. Huskisson,)
Sir John Copley, (created lord Lyndhurst,) lord chancellor.
Sir John Leach, master of the rolls.
Sir Anthony Hart, vice chancellor.
Sir James Scarlett, attorney-general.
534 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
occasions. The duke of Wellington was the only seceder
who did not attend formally to resign his office.
Parliament met the following day; on the motion for a
new writ for Ashburton, in consequence of Mr. Bourne's
appointment, Mr. Peel rose, and, after some prelimi-
nary observations, proceeded thus: —
" The grounds on which I retired from office are
simply these: — I have taken, from the first moment of
my public life, an active and decided part on a great and
vital question — that of the extension of political privi-
leges to the Roman Catholics."
'» « «
" For eighteen years I have constantly offered an un-
compromising^, but, I hope, a temperate, fair, and consti-
tutional resistance to every proposition for granting any
further concessions to them."
* MH *
" My opposition is founded on principle. I think that
the continuance of those bars which prevent the acquisi-
tion of political power by the Catholics, is necessary for
the maintenance of the constitution, and the interests of
the established church. This being the broad, distinct,
and intelligible ground which I have all along; taken, I
leave it to be judged by the country at large, whether or
no there was any sufficient reason to induce me to ac-
quiesce in an arrangement, calculated to promote an ob-
ject I have constantly and strenuously resisted. I saw
no such reason, and therefore determined to retire from
public service, should my right honourable friend be
placed at the head of the Treasury. Had his (Mr. Can-
ning's) opinion on this question been changed, I should
have been bound, from a rigid sense of public duty, to
have accepted office under my right honourable friend's
administration, and to have kept myself free from any,
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 535
even the most distant suspicion, of being actuated by
private feelings."
^ * *
" It is not merely that my right honourable friend
differs in opinion from me on this important question, but
that the change in the administration occasions the trans-
fer of all that influence and power which belongs to the
office of Prime Minister, to the hands of one who will
use it for the purpose of forwarding the object I have al-
ways resisted. It is not a transfer of that influence and
power, from one ordinary man to another ordinary man,
but a transfer from the most able opponent of the Catho-
lic claims to their most zealous and eloquent advocate."
Speaking of his colleagues who had resigned, Mr. Peel
said : — " The course pursued by each of those individuals
is not only perfectly justifiable, but, with their impressions
and views of public service, one which ought to be held
up as a great and a splendid example to all public men.
" The charge of the late Ministers having acted in con-
cert, or in the spirit of cabal, is not only not true, but direct-
ly the reverse of truth. There might be the appearance
of concert; because, in fact, there was no concert. If the
late ministers had been base enough to concert and cabal
against their Sovereign, it is probable they would have
been cunning enough to have taken care not to let him
know it."
* * *
" I never communicated with the lord chancellor, as
to the course I intended to pursue. I never opened my
lips to him, until the day on which my right honourable
friend was ordered by his Majesty to reconstruct the ad-
ministration. I knew not his lordship's intentions — his
lordship was unacquainted with mine — and the same may,
I believe, be said of every other member of the Cabinet."
536 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
Mr. Peel's speech was received with the loudest cheers,
and it was followed by an eulogium from Brougham, that
does equal honour to the heads and hearts of both of
these great men.
Mr. Canning rose, amid loud cheers, and from his
speech the following points are selected : —
" The House greatly mistakes my situation, (said Mr.
Canning,) if they believe it is one of gratified ambition.
From the beginning of the discussions on the Catholic
claims, I felt that our separation* was inevitable, and not
far remote. Would to God that I could now persuade
nivself, that my honourable friend's retirement will be
but for a short time ! Had the necessity, which has made
the resignation of one of us inevitable, been left in my
hands, my decision would have been in favour of my own
resignation, and against that of my right hon. friend.
The courtesy of my right hon. friend has induced him to
acquaint me with his intention of speaking to-night. I
have, therefore, consulted the will of my royal master,
from whom I have obtained permission to publish such
parts of the late negociations, as are necessary for my
vindication. True it is, — and why should I deny it? — I
was called upon by his Majesty for my advice, or rather,
I ought to say, for my opinion, on the occasion alluded
to. I did then, if I may presume to say it, give my coun-
sel to the King, that his Majesty ought, under the cir-
cumstances in which he felt himself placed, to make a
government conformable to that lately conducted by the
earl of Liverpool. At the same time I laid my resigna-
tion at the feet of my Sovereign."
*
" My first object was, to quit office ; my next, to remain
i. e. Mr. Canning and Mr. Pjeel's.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 537
in it, with all my old colleagues, exactly upon the same
terms as we have hitherto acted towards each other,
upon this very Catholic Question."
* * *
" When I was charged with bringing in an undue pro-
portion of members of the Cabinet favourable to the Ca-
tholic Question, the hon. member forgot to state, that the
Protestant half of the Cabinet had voluntarily thought
proper to resign. Within twenty-four hours, five of the
Anti-Catholic members of the late Cabinet, upon whose
support I firmly reckoned, resigned. Is it, after that act of
my late colleagueSjthat any honourable members, acquaint-
ed too with what had occurred, can fairly impute to me
a wilful non-execution of the orders of my Sovereign ? But
did my conduct end here ? It was about the middle of
Thursday, and two hours before the meeting of the House»
when I had given directions for moving the new writ for
myself, that I received these unexpected resignations ;
and, in consequence, I repaired to the King with them in
my hand, and said, ' Sire, here see what disables me from
executing your Majesty's will. It is quite open for you
still to take a new course of policy, respecting the founda-
tion of your government ; nothing has been yet done,
which commits your Majesty to any particular line of
conduct ; but I must fairly crave permission to state to you,
that, if I am to go on in the formation of a new adminis-
tration, my new writ must be moved for this night ; for I
cannot move on through the recess (Easter,) without en-
deavouring to finish the business.' I will not presume to
repeat the words which the King was graciously pleased
to address to me on that occasion; suffice it to say, his
Majesty gave me his hand to kiss, and my writ was in-
stantly made out, to be used^on that evening."
* * *
23 3z
53S MEMOIR OF OEOUGE CANNING.
Mr. Canning^ concluded his luminous speech with these
words : —
" In the year 1S22, 1 was appointed to an office fraught
Mith wealth, honour, and ambition. From that office I
ivas called, not only not on my own seeking, but contrary
to my own wish, and I made a sacrifice — a sacrifice, be it
remembered, of no inconsiderable nature, to a poor man;
and the ofi'er of a share in the administration was made to
me, — so help me, God, — without any stipulation. But, if
that offer had been made — (as it should have been, if I
was to have been ousted now) — if that offer had been
made with this condition, that if the highest place in the
administration should become vacant, I was to recollect
that the opinion which 1 held on the Catholic Question
was to be a bar to my succeeding to it ; I would have
turned the offer back with the disdain with which I turned
back that of serving under a Protestant Premier, (using
the term Protestant in the familiar manner in \^hich we
are accustomed to use it,) as the badge of my helotism,
and the condition of my place." y
The following day, in the upper House, the duke of
Wellington spoke with much more vehemence, and at
much greater length than usual with his Grace. His lead-
ing observations were as follows: —
*' It is no answer to my view of the subject to tell me,
that the present Cabinet act upon the same principles with
that of which lord Liverpool had been at the head. I say,
that the two Cabinets materially differ, and the chief differ-
ence between them is this : That the Cabinet of lord Li-
verpool was founded on the principle of maintaining the
laws, as they now are ; whilst that of the right hon. gen-
tleman is founded on the principle of subverting them.
Those who formed part of lord Liverpool's Cabinet know
^\ell what it was to which they pledged themselves; for
MEMOHl OF GEORGE CAN.NING. 539
they know that his lordship was conscientiously opposed
to all changes ill the existiuij form of government. But
those who coalesce with the right hon. gentleman have
no idea how far their coalition will carry them. The right
hon. gentleman is the most able, active, and zealous par-
tisan of those changes with which the country is at
present threatened. The principles of the noble earl
were principles by which any man might safely abide :
the principles of tiie right honourable gentleman fluctuate
every day."
" I understand that the right honourable gentleman
states to his personal friends, that my letter to him of the
lOth instant, in v.hich 1 inquired who was at the head of
government, gave him great oflfence; and I, therefore,
wish the point to be fully examined before your lord-
ships, in order that you may see whether any thing was
then done by me, which could justify him in taking offence.
I must here inform your lordships, that early in the
month of April, I cannot precisely mention the day, I had
a conversation with the right honourable gentleman, in
which he stated to me, that in case his Majesty should
desire him to reconstruct the government, one of his plans
was to recommend that Mr. Robinson, then chancellor of
the exchequer, should be called up to your lordship's
House, and should be made first lord of the Treasury;
and I confess to your lordships that it was my intention,
if I had heard anything more of that scheme, to have
proposed such a modification of it as would have kept the
members of the old administration together. I mention
this to your lordships, in order that you may see that the
language of my first note was founded on this previous^
comrauncation to me." j^
Lord Bexley said, " He was induced again to resume
office by the assurances he had received, that the line of
540 SIEMOIU or GEORGE CANNING.
policy adopted in the administration of lord Liverpool,
would not be abandoned."
Lord Melville said, " I estimate highly the talents of
my right honourable friend; but I confess I do not think
he can form an efficient government, such as the exigency
of the country requires, if stripped of his old associates.
I stated my opinion, that he was not an adequate substi-
tute, (and I stated it without meaning- to convey the
slightest offence,) to carry on the same prudent, able, and
useful superintendance which lord Liverpool had; and
that the remaining portion of the government would,
notwithstanding the splendid talents of my right honour-
able friend, be unequal to the task of governing this
country."
The duke of Wellington, the lord chancellor, and the
lords Melville and Westmoreland, severally denied
having acted in concert.
Other noble lords spoke upon the subject, with less
temperance than the principal parties aggrieved. The
marquis of Londonderry said, " I do not go to a book-
seller's to have W7/ speeches reprinted; and, if I were to do
so, I would not retract one sentence of what I have now
uttered." His lordship alluded to the publication of
Mr. Canning's speech on the affairs of Portugal, which
differed materially from the speech as delivered in the
House.
The earl of Winchelsea said of Mr. Canning, " In him
consistency was never observable; ambition and love of
place have been the pivots on which his whole political
life turned."
On the 3d of May, the discussions in the lower House
were more in the spirit of warfare, than on the preceding
Tuesday. General Gascoyne, who had given notice of a
motion regarding the shipping interest, was interrupted
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING. 541
by Mr. G. Dawson, who said, he had a question of consi-
derable importance to ask, but that he did not see onr
hero in his place. After some discussion between Mr.
Huskisson, Mr. Dawson, and the General, the latter gen-
tleman agreed to give place to Mr. Dawson for five
minutes. At this instant, Mr. Canning entered, and was
loudly cheered. Mr. Dawson then asked, " Whether any
arrangement had been made for filling up the offices of
master of the mint, judge advocate, and surveyor-general
of the woods and forests?"
Mr. Canning rose to reply, amid a breathless silence,
said, "Yes," in a tone impossible to describe, and re-
sumed his seat, amid the cheers and laughter of the
House. Mr. Dawson then proceeded, though clearly
out of order, to discuss the new arrangements. One of
his assertions was as follows: —
*' I look at the conduct of the right honourable gentle-
man at the head of affairs as having been dictated by no
other motive than the gratification of his own personal
ambition; and, disagreeable as it may be to the right
honourable gentlemen to hear it, and disagreeable as it is
for me to utter it, I tell the right honourable gentleman
that he has not been over scrupulous as to the means by
which his ambitious course has been pursued."
Mr. Brougham replied in a sarcastic and eloquent
speech, and was followed by Mr. Canning, who spoke to
order. With regard toMr. Dawson, he said, "I can assure
the honourable gentleman, I feel towards him no personal
malice ; I am too old a stager not to be able to bear this
attack without resentment; I have had to endure the |
assaults of those benches (the Opposition) when filled by '^
other persons of a quality which I am not likely soon
again to experience.
" I have received no hint of the purpose of the honour-
542 MKMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
able gentleman, and cannot imagine how the production
of the patent for appointing the judge advocate, can have
the etVect of satisfying his anxiety, unless it is according
to the old Cambridge question— that by taking the masts
and guns of the ship, and dividing by the men, you can
get at the name of the captain."
After Mr. Peel and sir Francis Burdett had spoken,
Mr. Canninff ag:ain awakened the attention of the House.
He said, " I beg leave to assure the honourable gentle-
man opposite, that I heartily rejoice that the standard of
opposition is now fairly unfurled; this is better than a
thousand neutralities ; and I trust that, wherever the sen-
timents of opposition have found a lurking place, they
will come boldly forward." Loud cheers from Mr.
Canning's party followed this; when they had subsided,
he proceeded : —
" There are two questions to which I wish to reply. —
I have been asked what I intend to do with the question
of Parliamentary Reform, when it is brought forward ? —
What do I intend to do with it? Why, oppose it, as I
^^'ave invariably done during the whole of my parliamen-
tary career. What do I intend to do with the Test Act?
Oppose it." (Cheers from all parties.)
The next day, in the House of Lords, the marquis of
Londonderry was delivered as follows : —
" When I look at the building which has been erected,
I find it divested of all its main pillars, and it is composed
now of a sort of rubbish. The artificer has certainly
been dexterous in forming the building, with respect to
its durability! Could he have found out such a mass
of rubbish in any other quarter, formed as it was by the
two parties ? The artificer has made a dexterous endea-
vour to un-whig a part of the whigs, and un-tory a part
of the tories."
.>>,
■IJi^^ers.j
J
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t
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 643
Lord Goderich replied to his noble friend, " For so,"
said his lordship, " I will still call him, though he has
been pleased to designate me as part of the rubbish." .
And the marquis explained that he applied that term y
to the new ministers only, and not to those who had |
formerly been members of the administration. i-
Lord King said, " Allusion having been made to a
building, I will explain the term ' rubbish.' Any person
practically acquainted with building must know, that
what is sent away from the building is the rubbish.^^*
Amid other occurrences, sir H. Hardinge alluded in
the Commons to the quarrel between Mr. Brougham
and Mr. Canning, and quoted the words of the former
gentleman ; — but the attempt proved abortive, and the
observation produced no effect. Both parties seemed to
think an occurrence of a moment, like the quarrel
alluded to, should not have been again mentioned. The
parties had been reconciled on the spot, and were botn
too generous to harbour a feeling of resentment, after
once avowing themselves satisfied. Mr. Canning's
character for courage was well established ; and Mr.
Brougham has refused, on a recent occasion, to take any
advantage of the protection his profession afforded in
the satisfaction of a personal quarrel.
* The attacks of the late ministry and their adherents were
powerfully repelled by the colleagues and supporters of Mr. Can-
ning, and ably backed by the press. Making allowances for the
irritating circumstances which produced it, the following morceau
is worthy of recollection : — " The late ministry — When the dust
which these old cart horses of the government have raised, by
restiveness and prancing on a road which is strange to them, shall
have subsided, it will be discovered that their numbers are but few,
their paces feeble, their condition miserable; and the prices, which
they may again be bought at, little more than what are current in a
knacker's yard."
54i MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
On a subsequent occasion, the duke of Newcastle
desiijnated our hero "the most profligate minister that
ever was in power;" and lord Goderich was provoked
into the following appeal to the justice of the upper
House : —
" If," said lord Goderich, " we cannot satisfy your
lordships that we are doing our duties by holding the
situations we now occupy, responsible as we are to his
Majesty and the country, it is for your lordships to tell us
so; but I do not think it justifiable, that, without notice,
we should be baited, night after night, on interlocutory
questions, which can produce no satisfactory result. I
know enough of the feelings of the right honourable
gentleman at the head of the Treasury, to declare,
that he will concur with me in preferring that the
question should be at once fairly brought to a regular and
constitutional issue."
The united voice of the country was uplifted against
<he conduct of the late ministry, for an opposition to
men who had not been tried in their several capacities.
It is due to the celebrated resigners, however, to say,
that the virulence emanated from the lower members of
the late administration ; and amongst them a species of
abuse originated, before unknown to Parliament. Lord
Eldon and Mr. Peel kept aloof from this petty party ;
and lords Melville and Bathurst must have looked with
disgust upon the conduct of those whose acrimony was
too evidently the effect of mortification and disappoint-
ment, — who seemed so distressingly attached to the emo-
luments of office, that they could not endure their dele-
gation to other hands.
The first of what were termed Mr. Canning's mea-
sures, i.e. the motion for referring the Corn Bill to a
committee, was carried in the upper House by a majo"
MEMOIR OF GCOUGC CANNING. £45
rity of fifty-seven, though the bill itself was ultimately
lost.
He was in the minority, however, on lord John Rus-
sell's motion for disfranchising Penryn. Mr. Peel did
not vote on the question.
On the 1st of June, Mr. Canning opened his budget,
as chancellor of the exchequer, for the first time.
Nothing- of importance occurred during the sitting of
Parliament. During the recess, Mr. Canning issued
orders to the heads of the different departments, to trans-
mit to him accurate and detailed accounts of the ex-
penses of their several establishments, the salaries of
officers, &c. with a view to a reduction of the burthens
of the people.
Mr. Canning had no opportunity, and he would not
make one, for exerting his splendid eloquence during the
short session. His speech on the Committee of Ways and
Means, was a clear and definite statement, and in it he
made no attempt to Exceed, in the tone of his speech, the
nature of his subject. To the personal attacks upon
him he uniformly replied with good humour and modera-
tion ; but he frequently deemed it unnecessary to reply
at all. Indeed, through this session there was a dignity
and elevation about Mr. Canning, that, from the impe-
tuosity of his temper, we had scarcely hoped he pos-
sessed. His quiet demeanor, however, did much more
than the eloquence of his most acrid opponents in either
House. The virulence of the Oppositionists waxed
fainter daily ; and, ere the prorogation, had nearly sub-
sided into tranquillity ; at least as it regarded speeches.
A new mode of attack, through the medium of the
press, was then resorted to, by assertions the most
unfounded and malicious ; which, when refuted by the
respectable and liberal part of the press, were then
23. 4 A
54(i MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
re-asserted as the intentions of the Minister, had not
nhat these journalists were pleased to call their timely
exposure prevented them.
On the 15th of July, Mr. Canning was seriously indis-
posed; but a few days' rest enabled him again to attend
to his public duties, which (contrary to advice) he did
on the 19th. The following- day he went to the seat of
the duke of Devonshire, at Chiswick. On the 25th, he
came to town, to transact business at Downing-street ;
and afterwards, with his lady, dined at the house of the
marquis of Clanricarde. At table, however, he com-
plained of feeling weak, and immediately after dinner
he returned to Chiswick. There his health improved.
On the 1st of August the press announced as fol-
lows: —
" Chiswick House. — Mr. Canning derives IncreaBed health at
Chiswick House ; he transacts business in town daily, and gene-
rally returns in the evening, with the marquis of Clanricarde, to
the duke of Devonshire's beautiful vilhi. This house was built by
tlie great earl of Burlington, and fur elegance of taste is known to
surpass every seat in the kingdom. Kent, who was the architect,
under the earl's directions, did wonders; but the grounds have
been recently laid out in gardens of the most beautiful description.
The present noble possessor has spared no expense to increase the
natural charms of the villa. Cascades, grottos, and classic sce-
nery, delight the eye in every pofnt of view. The duke has a fine
elephant, remarkable for sagacity and docility. The family of the
Premier are much amused with the menagerie. There are "several
ostriches and animals of the deer species, which are objects of
curiosity."
Mr. Canning with anxiety, we might say obstinacy,
(did not such a devotion to the public demand a softer
term,) continued determined in his resolution of attend-
ing to business, till the 2nd of August, when he became
wholly incapable of doing so.
On the 3d, there was a consultation of physicians on
MEMOIR OF GCORGE CANNING.
547
Mr. Canning's case. Four of the m( dical gentlemen
remained all niglit at Chisvvick.
During Saturday, frequent communications were sent
to his Majesty at the Royal Lodge, to the lord chan-
cellor, and all the cabinet ministers. On Saturday even-
ing the symptoms became alarming ; six medical gentle-
men remained in attendance all night.
The press conveyed the distressing intelligence to the
public in these words : —
^^ The accounts received of the state of Mr. Canning's
health are of a nature to justify the worst forebodings.
The followino-has been sent to us, as an accurate account
of his illness. It appears that Mr. Canning has been
much indisposed for the last three weeks. On Saturday
and yesterday se'nnight his indisposition increased, not-
withstanding which the right honourable gentleman
waited on his Majesty at the Royal Lodge on Monday
last. On Tuesday he came to town, and transacted
business at his house in Downing-street. On Thursday
he became so much worse, that he was confined to his
bed with symptoms of inflammation, which, in the course
of Friday and Saturday, became more urgent. Yester-
day morning the following bulletin was issued : —
" 'We regret to state, that Mr, Canning is suflfering under a
very severe attack of inflammation. He has passed the night with
less pain, and the urgency of the symptoms is, at this moment,
somewhat diminished.
(Signed) * M. J, Tierney.
' J. R. Farre.
' H. Holland.
*' Chiswick, Sunday morning, Aug. 5.'
*' The slight degree of hope conveyed by the above,
was in a great measure dissipated by the annexed bulle-
tin, issued at eight o'clock on Sunday evening: —
513 MKMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" ' We lament tostate, that tlie symptoms of Mr. Canning's disrase
liavo herome so mucli ^vorse since the morning, that we consider
his life to be in imminent danger,
(Signed) ' M. J. Tierney.
* J. R. Farre.
' H. Holland.
♦ Cliiswick, Aug. 5, Sunday, 8 p. m.'"
These announcements awakened an anxiety unparal-
leled — an anxiety as universal as sincere. The bulle-
tins, and the remarks of the press, give the best idea of
the sufFerijigs of the patient, and the sympathy they
excited. Under that impression, we transcribe the fol-
lowing from the journals of the 7th of August : —
" MR. CANNING,
" The pliysicians sat up with the right honourable gentleman
on Sunday night, Mr. Canning continuing in the same alarming
state. At eight o'clock yesterday morning they issued the follow-
ing bulletin : —
*' 'Mr, Canning has had sleep at intervals, during the night, but
his danger is stil! imminent,'
" Chisivick,ttvo o'clock. — Since writing the above, we understand,
that the inflammatory symptoms have partially subsided ; but,
even should they wholly disappear, great doubts are entertained
as to the result, so dreadfully has the patient suffered during the
struggle. As may readily be supposed, he is reduced to a state of
utter exhaustion, and now, for the first time, nourishing food has
been administered to him. The inquiries of persons of rank and
public eminence, during the morning, have been most numerous.
" Mrs. Canning lias been constantly in attendance on her hus-
band since his attack. The affectionate solicitude she evinces,
excites the admiration of all who behold it.
" Cliiswick, eight o'clock. — Up to this time visitors have continued
to arrive in rapid succession, chiefly in carriages, but some on
horseback; amongst the latter was lord William Bentinck, who
came down in the same manner yesterday. Grooms have been
coiislantly passing to and from London, either bearing or seeking
intelligence willi respect to the subject which at the present
moment interests the whole kingdom. The result of what we
have been able to collect is that no improvement is visible in Mr.
Canning's state.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 549
" Half-past eight o'clock.— Tha following bulletin has just been
issued : —
" ' We lament to say, that Mr. Canning still continues in a state
of very great danger.
(Signed) ' M. J. Tierney.
' J. R. Farre.
* Monday, Aug. 6.' ' H. Holland.'
" Chiswick, twelve o'clock. — There has been no change in Mr.
Canning's situation up to this moment, and it is understood that no
bulletin will be published till morning.
" His illness is a violent attack of inflammation in his side, which
has extended to his lungs. There was at one time a stoppage of
the bowels, which was speedily removed, but without any abate-
ment of the inflammation.
" It is probable that the general state of Mr. Canning's digestive
organs, and the remedies to which he has been occasionally obliged
to have recourse, may have rendered the treatment of his present
attack extremely difficult.
•' The indisposition of Mr. Canning is now of long standing; but
it is only witliin the last three weeks that it has been considered
at all serious. On Monday last it had increased, and was attended
with much languor and irritability; notwithstanding which, how-
ever, Mr. Canning waited upon his Majesty at the Lodge at Wind-
sor. On the following day he was evidently suffering from debi-
lity, but he came to town and transacted business. It was not until
Thursday that inflammatory symptoms manifested themselves. On
Friday they were so acute, that the alarmed members of his house-
hold did not expect that he would live through the day. On
Saturday morning, there was so far an abatement of the worst
symptoms, that hopes were entertained by his friends of his reco-
very; and these were cherished up to the evening: but it appears
that the inflammation had been merely lowered a little, and not
effectually subdued, by the skilful means resorted to by his medi-
cal attendants.
" Chiswick, ttvo o'clock. — In so dangerous a state is the right
honourable gentleman, that no carriages have been allowed during
the day to drive up to the house, nor has any visitor been allowed
to call there, with the exception of Mr. Canning's owji daughter,
w ho has been unremitting in her attendance on her father. A book
is kept at the Lodge, for visitors to insert their names, as no bell is
allowed to be rung, nor any other kind of noise to be made in the
house where the patient is. Four physicians are in constant at
tendance, and sir William Knighton is also with Mr. Canning.
550 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
"The greatest anxiety pervades the countenance of every indivi-
dual, and Uie inquiries at tiie Lodge are exceedingly nnmerous.
Tlie greatest caution isobserveil in respect to the answers given to
in«juiries. The prevailing opinion here still is, that the right ho-
nourable gentleman cannot survive the day."
Mr. Canning's fate was now universally considered
inevitable; this fact might be gathered from the antici-
patory grief of his friends— the silence of his enemies — the
certainty of his dissolution alone could put a period to
their malignity.
About one o'clock in the morning of the 7th, the pain,
which is usually attendant upon the disease under which
he suffered, namely, inflammation of the bowels, abated.
Shortly after, he went to sleep. The medical attendants,
of course, viewed this circumstance with great anxiety ;
for the subsiding of pain on such occasions is critical, and
betokens either the removal of inflammation or the com-
mencement of mortification, which always ends in the
death of the patient. When Mr. Canning awoke, how-
ever, after about four honrs' sleep, the physicians found
that the inflammatory symptoms had not entirely disap-
peared. This removed all fears of mortification, and left
the case in nearly the same situation as before.
It was now evident to the medical advisers of the right
lion, gentleman, that his strength had already been so
extremely reduced, that it would be impossible to con-
tinue to use the usual remedies of depletion, &c. Thus,
though the apprehensions of immediate dissolution, owing
to mortification, were dissipated, the friends of Mr. Can-
ning were prevented from indulging hopes of hjs re-
covery, by the desperate situation in which he was placed.
It was under these circumstances that the following bul-
letin was issued : —
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 551
" Cliisvvick, eight o'clock A. M.
" Mr. Canning's state of danger is still more urgent than at the
time of last night's report.
"M. J. TiERNEY.
"J. R. Farre.
"H. Holland."
At one o'clock in the day, his physicians held a con-
sultation. At three, Mr. Canning; sank into a sleep, and
slujubered very soundly for some hours. Soon after he
awoke, the following bulletin was exhibited: —
"August 7, nine o'clock P. M.
"Mr. Canning has slept at intervals during the day, but his dan-
ger is not diminished.
"M. J. TiERNEY.
"J. R. Farre.
"H. Holland."
Amongst those who came to make their inquiries re-
specting Mr. Canning's state, this day, were, the duke of
Beaufort, lord Fitzroy Somerset, lord Eliot, viscount
Weymouth, Mr. R. Grant, M. P. Mr. C. Grant, M. P.
earl Clanwilliam, sir J. Nugent, sir Thomas lawrence,
IMrs. and Miss Louth, the earl of Carhampton, lordTul-
lamore, the duke of Portland, the marchioness of Ailes-
bury, mnjor and Mr. C. Fox, captain Marryatt, ■Mr. J.
Forbes, Mr. Oldmixon, sir C. Forbes, M. P. Mr. Rum-
bold, Mr. R. Abercrombie, M. P. count Munster, Mr.
O'Neill, M. P. count Palrnella, lord Palmerston, lord
Garvah, Mr. Holmes, M. P. marquis of Anglesea, lord
Westmoreland, lady Westmeath, sir Herbert Taylor, sir
Robert Farquhar, sir C. Campbell, colonel Doyle, sir
James Shaw, lord Nugent, lord Petersham, sir Alexander
Grant, lord Weymouth, Mr. Bernal, lady Mary Bentinck,
lady Liverpool, viscount Melburn, lord Charleville, count
de Villa Real, sir Thomas Acland, Mr. Hobhouse, mar-
chioness of Lansdowne, the Speaker, sir Richard Strachan,
552 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
sir G. Webster, lord Stowell, sir Henry Torrens, Dr.
Goodenough, R. H. Jenkinson, dowager marchioness of
Lansdowne, Mr. Peel, Mr. W. J. Denison, lord Clare,
Mr. Grenfell, the Chairman and the deputy Chairman of
the East India Company, and all the foreign Ambassa-
dors and Ministers.
At six o'clock, his royal highness the duke of Sussex
arrived in an open carriage. He remained about a
quarter of an hour in the house.
About four o'clock Mr. Canning's youngest son, for
whom an express had been sent to York, arrived in a
post-chaise.
Mrs. Canning never quitted for more than a few mi-
nutes the bed-side of her husband. She took scarcely
any food, and her health suffered materially.
The same evening, the following announcement was
made, though not as a bulletin : —
" Mr. Canning's bodily sufferings have dimiiiislied during yester-
day and to-day, and he now only complains of great soreness in
those parts where the pain was most dreadful.
" Tlie internal inflammation is so general, extending over the
whole trunk, that his medical attendants have been unable to de-
termine what particular part may have been more immediately the
seat of the disease— whether the inflammation has affected the
lungs, the pleura, the liver, the kidneys, or the intestines, with
greater or less violence."
Letters to official personages and private friends were
despatched every half hour during the 7th of August.
Hope, wliich may truly be said to live upon the slightest
breatii,and only expire with it, existed amongst the people,
though it was extinct in the breasts of those who were
near the dying minister.
During the early part of the night of Tuesday, he had
interviews with Mrs. Canning, his son, and daughter; he
had nearly lost the power of speech, but was in full
MEMOIR OF CJEORGE CANNING. 553
possession of his faculties. The interview was ex-
tremely affecting.
A short time before the decease of her husband, Mrs,
Canning was conversing with him, and he then spoke with
perfect calmness and composure. As the conversation
advanced, however, she observed that his voice gradually
grew weaker, and the signs of approaching dissolution in
his countenance alarmed her to such a degree, that she
suddenly fainted, and in this situation was carried out of
the room by the attendants. Happily, that amiable
woman was spared, by the excess of her feelings, from the
agony of seeing that life terminate on which her own
hopes, and the hopes of the nation, hung : — those hopes
were hushed for ever early on the morning of Wednes-
day, when the following bulletin was published : —
" Chiswick, August 8, four o'clock A. M.
" We lament to state that Mr. Canning expired this morning
without pain, at ten minutes before four o'clock.
"M, J. TiERNEY.
"J. R. Farre.
*'H. Holland."
It is a hopeless task to endeavour to convey to the
reader the shock that this intelligence carried to every
hearth in the kingdom; no pen could do justice to the
universal feelingofthenation. But the death of Canning
needs no historian — it will be handed down with a detail
of its effect on his countrymen— by fathers to their child-
ren : — it will become matter of tradition, as well as record.
England lost in him its common friend. She had looked
upon him for the commencement of a new era— of pros-
perity and of glory ; there were no real interests of the
empire that were not involved in his destiny. The
country at large looked forward to his direction to eman-
cipate them from oppressive burthens ; they looked to
24. 4 b
OJ) i MEMOlll OF GEOllGE CANNING.
him for the extension of our coinmercej through the me-
dium of a more liberal policy ; for a retrenchment of our
expenses at home — an increase of our consequence
abroad. Literature looked up to him as an ally ; the Arts
claimed him for their friend ; amid orators he stood the
first ; and the learned had ratified, by their approbation,
his claim to the name of scholar. Let us look yet farther:
Europe saw in him much to fear — more to admire; foreign
nations knew his talents, and had greater reason to know
his firmness — his expedition; he was a minister they
could neither bribe nor overreach ; they respected the
country through the medium of its representative, and
well knew how firm theii reliance could be on the sup-
port of an ally, who maintained its own dignity, under
counsels at once liberal, elevated, and wise. The sister
kingdom looked on the Premier as their last, their
brightest hope ; as the man from whose lips they were to
hear the word "emancipation" — and from whose policy
they were to enjoy the fruition of Union ; whilst, from a
more distant region, the victim of tyranny and ofpersecu-
tion li fted up his manacled hands, breathed the name of his
advocate, and hoped that his "young barbarians" might
at least see the day when slavery should be no more.
TheriC were other interests, scarcely less dear, that hung
on tlie existence of our hero. The eighth of August
extinguished all these hopes, — they lie in one grave. —
Others may arise, who, on individual questions, or on ab-
stract points, may display an energy equal, an intelligence
as great, a devotion as entire, as that displayed by Canning ;
but who shall bring either the power or the will to fur-
i her all these interests, as he did — ^s he would have done ?
—No man !
We turn from this melancholy retrospect, to describe
the disorder that destroyed him. The complaint to which
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 555
Mr. Canning was most subject was lumbago, and the
attack which he had at Brighton last year was so severe
and protracted, that it was apprehended a small affusion
of water had taken place in the chest; but, hadMr. Can-
ning's labours beeu less severe, it isf probable that that
would have been absorbed, and his health restored to a
better tone; and, only a day or two before the last and
fatal attack, he wrote a letter stating that he felt so much
better at Chiswick, that he hoped to do without medicine
altogether.
When, on the morning of Monday, the 30th of July,
he set out to attend his royal master at Windsor, he felt
himself still convalescent. He remained with his Ma-
jesty during the day, which was an uncommonly warm
one, and returned in the cool of the evening. The even-
ing was close, and he threw open the carriage windows
for the sake of air, and very unguardedly leaned back in
the carriage to avoid the current. By this means, the
one part of his body was exposed to the draught of the
air and the other not, and the inequality of temperature
brought on a severe attack of lumbago, which increased
upon the Tuesday, in consequence of the exertion of
attending to his official duties. A blister was applied
without producing any relief, and he was then cupped.
The blood which was taken from him had the buffy coat,
and all the other indications of inflammation, which was,
from the seat of the pain, known to be inflammation of
the kidneys. Twenty-four hours had elapsed before the
physicians had a consultation ; and, by that time, the
inflammation had extended to the peritoneal coat of the
intestines, and no Ireatment could mitigate its severity.
From the intestines, the inflammation proceeded to the
diaphragm, which separates the cavity of the abdomen
from that of the thorax, and attacked first the lungs, and
556 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
then the liver ; and, after the right honourable gentle-
man had endured pain almost unparalleled in human suf-
fering, the whole internal frame became insensible, and
he sunk away under the effects of the gangrene.
It is absolutely impossible to imagine <ieath to be ac-
companied by more excruciating pain, than Mr. Canning
suffered. It was absolutely worse than if he had beeq
severed limb by limb, or tortured, as the American In-
dians were used to torture their unfortunate prisoners ;
but though, while his physical strength failed, and his
groans were most affecting, that mind, which had never
quailed to a political antagonist, remained, in its mo-
ments of consciousness, firm to the last.
The coincidence between the last days of Canning and
of Fox are singular. They died in the same house-
were buried in the same place.
About the middle of June, 1806, a few months after
having formed an administration, of which he was the
head, Mr. Fox made his last appearance in Parliament.
In August, he was with difficulty removed to the villa of
the duke of Devonshire, at Chiswick, where, after under-
going sundry operations, he soon afterwards breathed his
last, aged fifty-seven years some months. He was buried
in a vault in Westminster Abbey, near the remains of
his great rival, Pitt.
At the latter end of June, 1827, also a few months
after having been appointed to the head of the adminis-
tration, Mr. Canning made his last appearance in Parlia-
ment. Illness assuming a still more serious aspect, Mr.
Canning was invited by the duke of Devonshire to reside
at the fine villa, Chiswick, in the hope that change of air
might renovate health. He also there underwent several
operations ; but soon afterwards breathed his last — about
Mr. Fox's age— dying in the san>e room in which Mr.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 557
Fox expired. He was buried near the vaults of Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox — namely, in the aisle of Westminster
Abbey, formed by the great western door.
A few words are due to the relict of such a man. Of
Mrs. Canning the world has heard little. Unobtrusive-
ness is the characteristic of the women of our country ;
even their virtues and their talents are secluded, as
though they blushed at the recital of their own worth.
The sister-in-law of the duke of Portland was, in accom-
plishments, in genius, in beauty, and in virtue, worthy to
be the wife of Canning. The most elaborate eulogy
could not confer higher praise. For twenty-eight year*
this amiable lady shared in the pleasures, in the griefs, in
the sufferings, and in the glories of her husband. Those
years were passed in the purest and most exalted affec-
tion. How futile, how weak, then, must have been all
efforts to console her at his loss. She who had watched
with that unceasing care that woman only watches round
the bed of sickness; at length falling the victim of her
fear, was borne senseless from his chamber ; within an
hour afterwards, he, for whom she suffered, had ceased
to exist; the fact was not communicated to her for some
time : whilst all England was mourning his loss, she,
to whom that loss was a bereavement that naught on
earth could compensate, alone was ignorant of her fate ;
she only knew not she was a widow. When she at length
knew it But let us draw a veil over that picture;
such sorrow is too sacred for description,— -such wounds,
closed but not healed by time, must not be re-opened by
a fruitless endeavour to probe them.
Mr. Canning left two sons; the eldest a captain in the
navy, the youngest, at present, at Eton; and one daugh-
ter, the marchioness of Clanricarde.
The exclamation of the younger son, at the moment
558 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
that his father's dissolution was known to him, was affect-
ing- iVom iis simplicity. He clasped his hands and cried,
"Dead! Oh, God, is he dead?— and my brother not here!"
The allusion this had to the consolation his mother would
need from such a presence,— to the unavailing regret his
brother must feel, when he should know that that glo-
rious spirit was quenched, — were all conveyed in that short
but emphatic sentence.
The first shock of surprise and grief had hardly sub-
sided, when the question of— Who shall succeed him ? —
became general. The majority thought the choice must
fall on the nobleman his Majesty afterwards selected;
some, however, were not slow in asserting that Mr.
Huskisson would be the Premier; and no inconsiderable
party imagined that Mr. Peel would return to the coun-
cils of his Majesty. The proceedings of the Cabinet were
prompt and decisive.
The marquis of Lansdowne left town at half-past
ten o'clock on Wednesday morning, to communicate the
death of Mr. Canning to his Majesty, at his Royal Lodge
in Windsor Park; and returned to town about four
o'clock; at which hour, the Cabinet ministers assembled
at the rei^idence of the late Mr. Canning, in Downing
Street. Those present were, the duke of Portland, the
marquis of Lansdowne, the marquis of Anglesea, the earl
of Harrowby, the earl of Carlisle, viscount Dudley and
Ward, viscount Palmerston, Mr. Wynn, Mr.Tierney,
and lord Bexley. The lord chancellor arrived at the
council at five o'clock. The ministers continued in
deliberation till half-past six o'clock. Viscount Gode-
rich left town about half-past two o'clock on the same
day, in his carriage and four, for the Royal Lodge in
Windsor Park, to attend the King, having received his
Majesty's commands for that purpose. The right honour-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 559
able Sturges Bourne left town at the same time, having
also received a communication from his Majesty to pro-
ceed to Windsor, to attend his Majesty. The viscount
Goderich, after a long audience of the King, returned to
town in the evening, when he sent a communication to
the lord chancellor, who had left town for bis seat at
Wimbledon. The lord chancellor came to town between
eight and nine o'clock on Thursday morning, and had an
interview with viscount Goderich, at his residence in
Dow ning Street. The right honourable Sturges Bourne,
who arrived in town from attending his Majesty on Wed-
nesday evening, had an interview with viscount Goderich
and the lord chancellor, which lasted a considerable
time. Lord Goderich then issued summonses for the
Cabinet ministers to attend a Cabinet council. About
half-past twelve, the lord chancellor visited viscount
Goderich, and continued with his lordship until the Ca-
binet had assembled. The Cabinet council was held at
the Foreign Office in Downing Street, at one o'clock on
Thursday afternoon, and attended by the lord chancellor,
the marquis of Lansdowne, the marquis of Anglesea, the
earl of Harrowby, the earl of Carlisle, viscount Gode-
rich, viscount Dudley and Ward, viscount Palmerston,
Mr. Wynn, Mr. Sturges Bourne, lord Bexley, and Mr.
Tierney. The ministers sat in deliberation upwards of
two hours. A messenger was despatched to the Royal
Lodge in Windsor Park, immediately after the separating
of the ministers, conveying despatches which, it was
understood, contained the result of the deliberation of
the Cabinet council. After the breaking up of the Cabi-
net council, the marquis of Lansdowne and the right
honourable Sturges Bourne held a long conference with
viscount Goderich. Mr. Sturges Bourne had afterw ards
an interview with Mr. Wynn.
bW MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
The duke of Portland arrived in Downing Street
after the breaking up of the Cabinet council. His grace
proceeded to the residence of viscount Goderich, and had
an interview with his lordship. The marquis of Angle-
sea also visited the noble viscount.
At nine o'clock the same night, another Cabinet coun-
cil was held at the Foreign Office, which was attended by
the lord chancellor, the duke of Portland, the marquis
of Lansdowne, the marquis of Anglesea, earl Harrowby,
earl Carlisle, viscount Goderich, viscount Dudley and
Ward, viscount Palmerston, Mr. Sturges Bourne, Mr.
Wynn, Mr. Tierney, and lord Bexley. The council
did not break up till half-past eleven o'clock.
After the breaking up of the Cabinet council on
Thursday night, a messenger was despatched to the King
at his Royal Lodge. At five o'clock on Friday afternoon,
ja. Cabinet council was held at the Foreign Office, which
was attended by the lord chancellor, the duke of Port-
land, the marquis of Lansdowne, the marquis of Angle-
sea, viscount Goderich, viscount Dudley and Ward,
viscount Palmerston, the earl of Carlisle, Mr. Sturges
Bourne, Mr. Wynn, Mr. Tierney, and lord Bexley. The
ministers sat in deliberation for about two hours. A
short time previous to the meeting of the Cabinet coun-
cil, Lord Goderich received despatches from Windsor,
from his Majesty.
The lord chancellor and the marquis of Anglesea had
a conference with viscount Goderich after the breaking
up of the Cabinet council.
On Saturday, the 11th, it was made public, that lord
Goderich was to succeed the deceased minister.
The funeral, which was to be as private as possible,
was fixed for the following Thursday ; and, on Tuesday,
an advertisement appeared, couched in these words : —
MEMOIII Ol-' GEORGE CANNING. 561
^' Those friends wlio are desirous of paying the last tribute of
respect to Mr. Canning's memory, by being present in the Abbey,
at his funeral, are requested to send their names to Mr. Jarvis,
139, Long Acre, before ten o'clock this evening.
" The tickets will be delivered by Mr. Jarvis, after one o'clock
to-morrow."
Mr. Jarvis's house was literally besieged by thousands,
who were anxiously endeavouring to obtain a glirapso of
the coffin, that was to contain the remains of the illus-
trious deceased. The servants of the nobility and gentry
(who, in compliance with the advertisement, applied for
admissions at Mr. Jarvis's) had the greatest difficulty to
get to the door to deliver their letters. The coffin was
completed about seven o'clock, and remained in Mr.
Jarvis's possession until after nightfall, when it was re-
moved to Downing Street, and the shell, containing the
remains of Mr. Canning, deposited in it. The number
of applicants for tickets, up to this period, amounted to
upwards of eight hundred.
The 16th of August was fixed for the funeral. Of that
awful ceremony, we, of course, must give an account.
We are not amongst those who prefer repeating, in our
own words, what has been better said by others. We
present the affecting report given by The Times. It is
beyond our power to add one syllable to that excellently
written article ; and we are well assured, that the reader
will rather applaud our judgment in selecting a paper,
written at the moment, under the strong impression of
the scene, and by a writer of undoubted talent, to any
thing that we (or perhaps any one) could attempt to pen,
now when the scene has passed away, and its impression
faded — a scene, to which it is as painful to recur, as it
would be difficult to pourtray.
*' Soon after the death of the late lamented Premier,
it was announced that his funeral would be what is
24. 4 c
5(5:2 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
culled private— that is, that the body should be fol-
lowed to the grave only by the near relations of the
deceased, a few of his particular private friends, and
those of his official colleagues who remained in town.
Notwithstanding- this intention, numerous applications
were made daily, from several public bodies and private
individuals, for permission to evince their respect for the
departed Statesman, and their sympathy in the general
grief for his loss, by attending at the funeral, and form-
ing part of the procession. These offers, however, for
the reason already stated, were all respectfully declined,
and the original intention strictly adhered to. As far,
then, as the arrangement of Mr. Canning's friends, and
the absence of that great pomp and splendour which
sometimes attend the last obsequies of the great, came
into consideration, the funeral was a private one, but in
no other sense could it be so described. The thousands
of the most respectable classes who attended to witness,
and who actually made themselves a part of, the proces-
sion, — the still more numerous assemblage of persons
of all descriptions, who thronged every avenue and
place by which it was to pass,— and, above all, the
intense interest and deep anxiety pervading the whole
assembled multitude, gave it the appearance, not only of
a public, but, if we may so describe it, of a national
funeral. Indeed, it could hardly be otherwise; the
name of the lamented Statesman, gifted as he was with
such extraordinary endowments, and adorned with such
splendid and rarely assembled acquirements, was one of
which his countrymen had just reason to be proud. But
there were stronger motives than those of national
vanity, to excite their feelings of sorrow on this melan-
choly occasion. The name of Cannijig was associated
in the public mind with the ardent and powerful advo-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING 563
cacy of principles of domestic and foreign policy, some
already in progress, others known to be in contempla-
tion, in which not only the political and commercial
prosperity of England are deeply interested, but on
which depend, in a great measure, the tranquillity of
the governments in the old world, and the permanence
of those lately established in the new. The loss of such
a man, at such a time, was well calculated to call forth
the strongest expressions of deep regret amongst all
classes of his fellow-subjects. That regret was exhi-
bited in the conduct of the assembled multitude, more
strongly and intensely than, we believe, was witnessed at
the death of any subject within the memory of the oldest
person now living.
" The scene exhibited during the early part of the
day, in Parliament-street, and in all the avenues leading
to Westminster Abbey, will long be remembered in the
metropolis.
" At an early hour in the morning, the Abbey bell
beginning to toll, announced the approach of the hour
when the remains of the lamented Premier were to be
consigned to the silent tomb ; and until the moment the
corpse was deposited in the grave, that solemn cere-
mony, with some short intermissions, was continued.
Some hours before the time appointed for the mournful
procession to leave Downing-street, vast numbers of
respectably-dressed individuals, most of whom were in
mourning, began to congregate in the streets in that
vicinity. Although up to eleven o'clock no outward
preparations were manifested, not even the customary
observance of placing mutes at the door, about that
hour some of the mourning coaches were driven down
Whitehall, for the purpose of proceeding to the resi-
dences of those distinguished individuals who were
564 MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING.
selected to follow the lamented Minister to his grave,
and conveying them to Downing Street.
" Shortly after eleven o'clock, two mutes, dressed in
the usual manner, with scarfs, sashes, and wands, were
stationed at the doors of the Foreign Office ; and others
of the undertaker's men were now rapidly passing to and
fro, busily engaged in making the necessary arrange-
ments for the solemn pageantry. About twelve o'clock,
the first mourning coach drove up to the door; and after
that period the distinguished characters, who were to
join in the mournful procession, at intervals arrived.
The crowd now began sensibly to increase, and it re-
quired the active assistance of the police to effect a pas-
sage for the carriages. At a few minutes before one, the
hearse, drawn by six fine black horses, drove up to the
door; and within a few minutes of that hour, every thing
being arranged, the coffin, borne by eight of the under-
taker's men, was brought out of the house, and deposited
in it ; Downing Street having, in the mean time, been
cleared, and a barrier placed at the entrance of it.
" The procession then moved in the following order : —
Mr. Jar vis, the Undertaker.
Two Mutes in silk dresses.
Page. Plume of ostrich feathers. Page.
Two Mutes in silk dresses.
THE BODY,
In a magnificent Hearse, drawn by Six Horses, and led by
Six Pages,
TlieVery Rev. the Dean of Westminster, attended by Eight Pages.
Carriage of his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex;
in which sat his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence, and
His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex.
First Monrninr/ Coach :
Duke of Portland, Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Garvagh,
Captain Hnnn, Mr. C. Canning.
I
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 505
Second Mourniny Coach :
Dean of Hereford, Rev. -W. Canning, Mr. Denison, Lord
G. Bentinck, Mr. Stapleton.
Third Mourning Coach :
Mr. Planta, Lord Howard de Walden, Lord William Hervey,
Mr. Barnett.
Fourth Mourning Coach:
Lord Lyndhursf., Lord Carlisle, Lord Goderich, Marquis of
Lansdovvne.
Fifth 3Iourning Coach :
Marquis of Anglesea, Lord Dudley and Ward, Lord Bexley,
Lord Palmerston.
Sixth Mourning Coach :
Mr. Wynn, Mr. Tierney^ Mr. Liddell, Mr. Backhouse.
Seventh 3Ionrning Coach :
Duke of Devonshire, Marquis of Conyngham, Mr. Sturges
Bourne, Sir W. Knighton.
Eighth Mourning Coach:
Earl Morley, Lord Seaford, Lord Binning, the Speaker.
Ninth Mourning Coach ;
Sir M. Tierney, Dr. Holland, Dr. Farre, Mr. Shuter.
" The procession was closed by the private carriages of many
distinguished noblemen and gentlemen; those of the duke of
Gloucester and the duke of Portland had six horses each.
" In this manner the procession moved slowly down
Parliament-street, and Little Bridge-street, to the north-
west door of the Abbey. The crowd was now immense ;
so much so, that, notwithstanding the heavy fall of
rain, which had driven vast numbers to take refuge in
the adjoining houses, the whole line of road was almost
impassable.
" At twenty minutes before two o'clock, the funeral
procession arrived at the great western gate of the Abbey.
The marshals, mutes, and pursuivants entered first, with
a large plateau of black plumes. After they had ad-
vanced a few paces up the aisle, the Rev. Dr. Ireland,
dean of Westminster, and the Rev. Mr. Bentinck, who
5G6 MEMOIU OK GEORGE CANNING.
had been for some time waiting by the side of the great
o-ateway, near the monument of Mr. Pitt, met the coffin,
and, as they preceded it into the Abbey, read the com-
mencement of the burial service. As they advanced up
the aisle, the mourners, whose names we have already
mentioned, followed in the following order :— First, Mr.
C. Canning, the son of the deceased, as chief mourner,
supported on the right hand by his royal highness the
duke of Clarence, and on the left by his royal highness
the duke of Sussex, and his uncle, the duke of Portland.
Next, the marquis of Clanricarde, accompanied by the
private secretary of the deceased, Mr. Stapleton. Then
the earl of Carlisle, the marquis of Stafford, and earl
Morley ; the marquis of Conyngham, the duke of
Devonshire, and lord Leveson Gower ; the lord chan-
cellor, lord Goderich, and the marquis of Lansdowne;
Mr. Sturges Bourne, sir G. Cockburn, and Mr. Back-
house. As they advanced up the aisle, the members
of the corjJS diplomat iqne, among whom were the prince
Esterhazy, the prince de Lieven, count Munster, and the
marquis of Palmella, fell into their rear; and after them
came those distinguished personages of our own country,
who, though not of the family, were anxious to evince
their respect for the memory of the departed senator.
They had previously assembled in the Jerusalem Cham-
ber, from which they proceeded to the interior of the
Abbey, on learning the approach of the funeral to it.
They ranged themselves along the left side of the north
aisle, and as the procession passed them, gradually filed
off into its ranks. The following are the names of
some of the distinguished individuals who were present
on this melancholy occasion : —
"Earls Covvper, Clarendon, Fife, Gosford, Ossory ; lords Auck-
land, Elliott, Grantliam, Kensington, W. Russell, and Weymouth ;
right honourablcs M. Fitzgerald, C. Grant, W, Ilorlon ; sirs T.
MEMOIR OF GKOUGE CANMXG. 567
Acland, R. Alexander, F. Baker, F. Burdett, J. Croft, C. Forbes,
A. Johnson, T. Lawrence, James Mucintosli, Henry Parnell, P.
Roche, C. Robinson, James Scarlett, John Sinclair, James Shaw,
N. Tindal.and R. Wilson; Messrs. Abercromby, Burton, Calcraft,
Ciififord, Crokcr, Creevey, Easthope, R. Grant, Joseph Hume, J.
G. Lambton, C. N. Pallmer, general Phipps, Dr. Phillimore, Spring
Rice, W. Sinilh, H. Twiss, &c. &:c. Lord Harrowby sent an apo-
logy for his absence. He is at present in Devonshire. The follow-
ing foreign noblemen had also provided themselves with tickets : —
the duke de Montebello, viscount Chateauvillars, and the baron de
Kreiza.
"In this manner the procession marched up the aisle to
the place of sepulchre in the transept, amidst the audible
sobs of some, and the suppressed grief of others of the
mourners. When strangers were affected, it is needless
to say how deeply the immediate relative and friends of
Mr. Canning felt upon this occasion. His son, (a most
interesting youth,) struggled, but in vain, to conceal the
ffrief which devoured him. Tears were in the eves of lord
Goderich, lord Seaford, the duke of Devonshire, and
three or four other individuals, with whose names we were
unacquainted. Some of Mr. Canning's servants mingled
in the crowd around his grave, and showed by the violence
of their sorrow how deeply they lamented the loss which
they had sustained.
"Upon a temporary platform, erected for the purpose,
and placed over the grave of Mr. Pitt, the coffin of Mr.
Canning rested, while the burial service was in the course
of performance. During the whole of that impressive
ceremony, and especially during that part of it, in which
the coffin is lowered into the grave, and dust is committed
to dust, it would be impossible for words to convey an
adequate idea of the intense feeling which pervaded the
assembly. At the conclusion of it, many persons stepped
over the matting which surrounded the vault, and took
an anxious survey of the sacred deposit which had just
5G8 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
been intrusted to its keeping;. The inscription on the
coffin, which was covered with crimson velvet, was as
follows : —
Depositum.
The Right Honourable George Canning,
One of his Majesty's most lionourable Privy Council,
First Lord Commissioner of his Majesty's Treasury,
Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the
Exchequer of Great Britain and Ireland,
And a Governor of the Cliartcr-house, &c. &c.
Born 11th April, 1770.
Died 8th August, 1827.
" As the clock struck two, the funeral pageant came to
its end; and then slowly, and by degrees, the mourners
retired from the hallowed spot, which contained the re-
mains of him, whom they had long admired as a states-
man, and aftectionately loved as a friend. Among the
first to depart were their royal highnesses the dukes of
Clarence and of Sussex. They were followed by the mar-
quis of Clanricarde and Mr. Charles Canning. As they
were quitting the transept and entering into the aisle of the
Abbey, their royal highnesses turned round, shook hands
with Mr. Charles Canning, and addressed at parting
some consolatory words both to him and his brother-in-
law. The members of the corps diplomatique were the
next who left this mausoleum of greatness, and were fol-
lowed at leisure by the various noblemen and gentlemen
who had walked in the procession. We never saw more
unfeigned sorrow than that which was exhibited in the
countenances of the actors in this mournful scene ; and
the consequence was, that a corresponding feeling was
excited in the breasts of those who were only spectators.
The place in which they were assembled, holding in its
precincts the sacred ashes of departed sages, heroes, pa-
triots, and kings, was of itself calculated to inspire sensa-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 5fi9
tions of melancholy regret, and to produce a conviction
of the frail and uncertain tenure on which all earthly
grandeur and distinction is enjoyed ; and those sensations
were aggravated in intenseness, and that conviction was
brought more home to the perceptions of men on the pre-
sent occasion, by the reflection that the enlightened indi-
vidual whom they saw committed to the grave full of
honours, if not of years, had raised himself by his own
talents, from a comparatively humble condition, to the
highest situation to which a subject's ambition can aspire
under a regular government ; and that, after he had un-
expectedly gained that proud eminence, he was shortly
and suddenly called away from it, almost before he could
be said to have had time to explore the whole of the ex-
tensive prospect lying at his feet. He who contrasts the
* cold obstruction' in which Mr. Canning now lies, with the
magnificent hopes which flourished in his view a few short
weeks ago — only as it would seem to be the more unpite-
ously blasted — will readily acknowledge not merely the
justice of the pathetic exclamations in which Cicero vented
his grief for the loss of Lucius Crassus, but also the ex-
traordinary coincidence which existed between the closing
fates of the Roman and the British patriot. * How falla-
cious are our hopes ! — how uncertain our fortunes ! how
full of vanity our noblest struggles ! — which in mid career
often break down and perish, and are forgotten, before
we even gain a sight of the distant goal which we are la-
bouring to reach. For in that very year in which Lucius
Crassus first attained the highest power in the state, after
previously discharging all its minor offices, — in that very
year were all the prospects and projects of his life over-
turned and destroyed by death. That event covered his
family with sorrow, his country with disappointment, and
all good men with distress.' Yet, it is a proud consola-
24. 4d
570 MEWOIU OF GEORGE CANNING.
tion to the faiuily of Mr. Canning to feel, that, in their
hour of bereavement, they did not lament alone. All
that is distinguished for science and for learning, for
liberal sentiment and for political ability, for commer-
cial wealth and for hereditary rank, in this great empire,
sympathised with their loss; and the vulgar, ' the brute
vulgar,' as they are sometimes superciliously called, em-
balmed with their tears, — the richest tribute which they
could pay to departed greatness, — the memory of him, who
did not think himself too highly raised above 'their order'
to feel for their wants, and to relieve their grievances.
Every lover of freedom in the old world and in the new, —
every friend to his species in every civilised nation under
heaven, — in short, every man, who had not drank too
deeply of
' The baleful dregs
* Of these late ages, of th' iiiglorioas draught
* Of servitude and folly, — '
and SO ' defiled the native honours of the human soul,'
felt that he had lost in Mr. Canning an associate, a pro-
tector, and a powerful benefactor.
* While Freedom lives, his memory shall be dear,
'And reap fresh honours each succeeding year;
* Nations preserved shall yield immortal fame,
•And endless ages bless his glorious name.' "
It might have been supposed, that when Canning slept
beside the statesman it had been his pride to emulate —
when he could no longer wear the dignities to which his
enemies aspired — when they could no more dread that
eloquence that delighted all the world beside; it might
then have been supposed, that the voice of malignity
would have grown still. — Not so; — they who cowered
before him when living, insulted his memory when dead;
and, hopeless to find aught in his public acts on which to
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 571
found a calumny, they raised an outcry against his faith.
It is an old pretence of enmity to make such an avowal,
as shall enforce the proof of a negati\e on the other
party — a proof the most diflicult to adduce. Happily
for the memory of the Minister, and for the feelings of
his surviving relatives, there are abundant evidences
that Mr. Canning was a Christian. We would ask
these slanderers of the dead, if the epitaph on his son
is the language of an infidel? If the tenor of his pri-
vate life was that of an infidel ? If, in his public
speeches, his thanks to the great ruling power, for its
dispensation of gifts to his country, were the aspira-.
tions of an infidel ? A thousand instances miffht bo
cited to prove that Mr. Canning was a Christian, and
his very spirit of toleration was the highest emblem of
that Christianity. He lost no opportunity of attributing
aught of good that happened on this sphere to the
only source of all goodness. On the treaty of peace,
(29th June, 1814) bespoke as follows: —
" The prospect which the treaty holds out, in the
settlement of the ancient governments of Europe, in the
restoration of genuine tranquillity, is peculiarly cheer-
ing to every friend of humanity, of social order, and of
rational liberty. Thus, the great objects of the war,
which, overleaping the truce of Amiens, have for
twenty years been steadily and uniformly pursued, are
at length happily attained. Thus the principles upon
which the war was undertaken are established: — thus
our pledges are redeemed, — thus our perseverance is
rewarded. So great and gratifying a result, so far
exceeding the most sanguine calculations, can only be
attributed to the interposition of an overruling Pro-
vidence."
We might multiply these facts, but it is needless. It
672 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
has been as beautifully as truly said, that " Heaven
Mould forgive man praying for himself, whilst he was
engaged in acts that made others pray for him." This
was, indeed, Mr. Canning's case ; his private benevo-
lence awakened the prayers and blessings of the indi-
gent around him.
These unworthy attacks on the memory of this great
man, occasioned a letter from a relative, the Rev. W.
Canning, of Berkshire, from which we take the follow-
ing extract : —
" You know, as well as I do, (and we are told that we are to
judge of the tree by its fruits,) that there could hardly have been
a man existing more correctly moral than George Canning — cor-
rect from principle, and not from apathy. As a husband, a father,
a master, his conduct was irreproachable; and as a son it was
not only irreproachable, but such that I firmly believe, if all the
circumstances of it be ever known, the pages which relate it will
be considered as the brightest in his whole history. As a young
man, I should say, that although not always as attentive as he
ought to have been, he was far more attentive to his religious
duties than most young men; and from the time of his marriage,
as I understand, he was as regular in his attendance at church as
his avocations would allow; and had constantly service at home,
whenever his family were prevented from attending the public
service. And tliis is the man whom his enemies would stigmatise
as devoid of religion ! It only shows how deadly is tlie rancour
of party spirit, and how true it is that there is no one whom a
man hates so intensely as the person whom he has injured. Both
the good and the bad qualities of this highly gifted man are now
before the world ; and I have no doubt, that in spite of the worst
efiforts of his ingenious enemies, he has left those behind him who
will do justice to his character, and who, in defiance of his faults —
faults that will appear like nothing when compared to his virtues —
will represent him as he really was — amiable in his own family
and among his friends ; and, as a public man, high-spirited, can-
did, disinterested, indefatigable in serving his country, aud seeking
the reward of those services, not in the wealth or rank they might
procure, but in their own renown, and in the good they might do
to mankind.
«' William Canning."
MEMOIR OF GEOUGE CANNING.
573
The marquis of Hertford returned from Russia, and
Mr. Huskisson from Paris, the instant the news of Mr.
Canning's demise reached them.
At Ltiverpool, on the day of the funeral, all the shops
in the town were partially closed; the bells tolled all
day; all the ships in the harbour had their flags half-
mast, and the public buildings displayed theirs half-staff.
At Seaford, the borough for which Mr. Canning sat,
the shops were closed, and the bells tolled through the day.
The merchants at Havre met, and raised a subscrip-
tion for a medal. At Paris, a more considerable body
did the same. The French newspapers announced the
intelligence with a mourning border, an honour never
before conceded to aught but royalty. This circum-
stance may seem too trivial for mention ; but those who
know the French court, and the prejudices that subsist in
it, will know that this little fact establishes the very
high estimation the minister must have been held in, in
that country.
The Parisian papers, speaking of the support given
by France to " the cause of civil and religious liberty
all over the world," said —
" In directing the policy of Great Britain towards this
object, Mr. Canning made himself the benefactor of a
great number of nations. The people of South America,
when they learn the premature end of the peace-making
minister (miuislre pacificateur), who was the first in
Europe to salute them as independent states, will bewail
the illustrious friend of whom death has deprived them,
at the very moment when, as a last benefit, he had sup-
pressed the intestine war that was raging amongst them,
and, by one act, had rendered the banks of La Plata
peaceful, and its waters free. Portugal will bewail the
minister who saved her from the disgrace of invasion, the
574 MLMOin OF GEORGK CANNING.
horrors of a civil war, and the return to slavery under an
absolute power thirsting for sanguinary vengeance.
Greece will bewail the minister who took her under his
protection when she was in extreme distress, and who
proclaimed the necessity and justice of securing the Greek
territory to the children of Greece; and all the other
nations will bewail the great man who showed, by his
deeds, to what extent he judged fitting to realise the
thought which was first and most worthily confided to us.
Let us, then, to keep the rank which becomes us, take
the lead of all other people in the expression of our
regret and respect for the friend of nations. — Let us have
engraved, by the most skilful of our artists, a medal, in
which, on one side, shall be inscribed his and our device.
* Civil and religious liberty throughout the world;'
othe
words: —
The other side shall have his likeness, with these
* In the name of all nations — the French,
* To George Canning.'
" We shall thus become the organ of two grateful
worlds. — This is a part worthy of France."
The day after the funeral, an address of condolence
was forwarded to his Majesty from Keighley.
A public meeting took place at Birmingham, and voted
an address of condolence to his Majesty, with their
thanks, for his Majesty's having formed a ministry that
would ensure that just, enlightened, and beneficent
policy, which had, through Mr. Canning, directed the
councils and exalted the character of the country. The
meeting was numerous and respectably attended. A
meeting took place at Liverpool; the sixth resolution
of which was, that a monument be erected to his me-
nioiy.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 675
At Berlin,* and at Vienna, the news of his death pro-
duced a general consternation.
It were easy to multiply the instances of honours done
to the n)emory of our hero ; but as many are now in pro-
gress, we shall leave this to be recorded hereafter.
A melancholy event accompanied the decease of Can-
ning. Bernard O'Reilly (a gentleman who had explored
the arctic regions in 1817, and published a work upon
the subject, and who subsequently visited Van Dieman's
Land, New South Wales, Java, Bengal, St. Helena, &c.,
engaged in botanical, geological, and zoological re-
searches) expired, as it was at first thought, by his own
hands, but, as it was proved on the inquest, by an apo-
plectic fit. O'Reilly was known to Mr. Canning, who
intended to have granted him some appointment. He
returned to his lodgings on the Tuesday night, (7th of
August.) He inquired the latest intelligence of Mr.
Canning's state of health. His landlord replied, " I
fear much for his safety." Poor O'Reilly rejoined,
*' Oh, God ! {'(he should unhappily die, all my hopes are
blighted !" The next morning he was a corpse, having
expired at the same time with him on whom his hopes of
existence depended.
• The following is an extract from the Berlin press : —
"Berlin, August 18. — The first news of the death of Mr. Canning
was received at the Foreign Office, at ten in the morning of the
14th, Baron Von Werther, our ambassador at Paris, sent it by
a Prussian courier at Frankfort, to the postmaster-general, M. Von
Nagler, who immediately despatched two expresses, one to the
King at Toplitz, the other to Berlin. As early as ten o'clock in
the morning of the 15th, our merchants had accounts from London
of the 11th, announcing that the Canning administration would
continue under lord Goderichj for which reason our exchange was
but very slightly affected."
576 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
His will, which was proved immediately, and which our
readers will remember was made the night previous to his
duel with lord Castlereagh, ran as follows : —
" TheWill of the Right Honourable George Canning,
First Commissioner of his Majesty'' s Treasury, and
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
" This is the last Will and Testament of me, the right honour-
able George Canning, of Gloucester Place, Brompton, in the county
of Middlesex. I give and bequeath unto my dear wife, Joan Can-
ning, all and singular my personal estate and effects whatsoever and
wheresoever, and of what nature and kind soever, (subject to the
payment of my just debts, and funeral and testamentary expences,)
to and for her own absolute use and benefit. And I do hereby
nominate, constitute, and appoint my said dear wife, and the most
honourable Williarn Henry Cavendish Bentinck Scott, marquis of
Titchfield, executrix and executo/ of this my will, and guardians
of ray children, during their minorities. And I do hereby revoke
all former and other wills by me at any time heretofore made. In
witness whereof, I, the said George Canning, have hereunto set my
hand and seal, this twentieth day of September, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine.
" George Canning, (l. s )
" Signed, sealed, published, and declared, &c. in the presence of
" Henry Wellesley.
" Charles Ellis.
" I earnestly desire that Joan will either pay to my mother
i^2000, or (what I should prefer, i/it can be secured) an annuity of
£300 during her life."
The will and codicil were sworn at Doctors Commons,
by oath of the most noble William Henry Cavendish
Bentinck Scott, duke of Portland, (heretofore Titch-
field,) one of the executors; a power being reserved to
Joan Canning, widow, the relict, the other executor.
His effects were sworn under £20,000, but it has been
since ascertained, that about £5000 or £6000 are their
utmost amount. Is any other answer required, to those
who affirmed that he clung to office, from the paltry con-
sideration of the emoluments?
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 577
A numerous subscription has been entered into in
London, to which almost every celebrated name in the
country has already been subjoined, for a metropolitan
monument.
Public discussions upon the merits of the deceased
Minister have also taken place, and his virtues have
been eulogised from the pulpit. From one sermon only,
in honour of his memory, can >ve atFord space to give an
extract. The impression it produced will not be easily
forijotten.
" What a singular instance has lately occurred of the
vanity of all human grandeur and ambition, in the sud-
den death of our late Prime Minister, Blr. Canning: — a
man, whose lofty genius, vivid wit, graceful utterance,
and classic eloquence, held senates^ (bound as by a spell)
in one common admiration, and constrained even his ad-
versaries to pay the tribute due to his unrivalled excel-
lence — a man, whose liberal policy and expanded mind
called fortha general ebullition of feeling from surround-
ing nations— a man, whose gigantic and towering intel-
lect made despots tremble on their thrones, and tear the
vessel which had such a pilot. Yet this Colossus of the
nineteenth century is gone! — this glory of the country
is no more! — this brightest star of the western hemisphere
is set for ever ! No sooner had he obtained the summit
of his wishes, and the height of his ambition, than he was
cut off out of the land of the living! His soul was re-
quired of him by a righteous God — his body has returned
to the dust from whence it came, and his spirit to God,
who gave it.
"This distinguished character was accompanied to the
tomb, not with the insignia of power, the paiaphernalia
of greatness, and the glare of heraldic poi;)p ; but by a
British public, who, with grateful sympathy, dropped a
25. 4e
57S MEMOIR OK GEORGF. CAXNING.
generous tear upon his failing, which forever blotted
I hem from ihe tablet of their recollection."
The loss sustained to societies in particular, as well as
societv in ffenerai. will be seen by observing some of the
offices, political. literary, and charitable, with which IMr.
Canninjj was connected, or over which he presided.
In addition to the high official stations of first lord
commissioner of the Treasury and chancellor, and under
treasurer of the exchequer, he was receiver-general
of the Alienation Office: member for Seaford : an official
trustee of the British Museum, and one of the few
family trustees of the sam*^ national institution : a mem-
ber of the Privy Council; oneof the council of the Board
of Trade and Plantations; a member of the Board of
Control for the affairs of India: a bencher of Lincoln's
Inn ; a commissioner of the Royal ^lilitary Hospital,
Chelsea ; a governor of the Charter-house school ; vice-
president of the Benevolent Society of Sr. Patrick,
Stamford-street : and vice-president of the Literary
Fund.
Mr. Canning's ambition and vanity, say his enemies,
were great. It is a new accusation against a public
man, to accuse him of that ;— that alone stimulates exer-
tion. Since Caesar fell, ambition (restrained within the
bounds of justice) has never been deemed a crime. ]Mr.
Canning's ambition w as a noble one : — it w as not per-
sonal affgrandisement. or private emolument — he did not
thrust his family into offices of profit.* Had Mr. Can-
ning sought asTirrandisement. nii^ht he not have been
• Mr. Canning 'smother had a pension of 500/. per annum ; bat
it was under these circumstances: — when Mr. Canning retired in
1912, he was entitled to such a provision, and he then desired it
might be settled on her instead of himself.
MLMOIU OF GEORGE CANNING. 579
elevated to a peerage — riny, have obtained yet higher
honours? Mr. Canning was contented with the honours
his own fame procured him : — he was contented with the
honour of being the Atlas of his country: and prized the
title of •• The People's Choice," above any other that could
have been bestowed upon him. Nor did he stoop to
obtain this : he never courted popular opinion — he
rather encountered popular prejudice?. On the question
of Reform he always opposed the rabble and the vulgar.
He persevered in serving his country, through good and
ill report — he made no speeches to entrap the many — he
won their voices by his acts, in spite of the itnpopulurity
of his speeches. The acclamations of the people came
to him unsought, not unwelcome. Mr, Canning was
sensibly alive to the gratitude of his country, but he
sought j*ather to deser\ e than to obtain it. When he
did obtain it. it would be ridiculous to declare, that it
was not a subject of delight and exultation to him. Mr.
Canning's vanity did not prevent his giving the meed of
praise, where praise was due. He frequently, indeed on
all possible occasions, candidly admitted the source from
whence he derived his principles and his policy. He
never lost an opportunity of paying a tribute to the
memory of Pitt : wherever he was, he mentioned him
with reverence, as the great master from whom he had
received the lessons of his public conduct. At Lisbon,
in 1S16, we find him saying, " To have been a di=ciple
of ]Mr. Pitt, and to have been a sharer in those councils
in which originated the struggle for the salvation of
Portugal, are the two circumstances in my political life,
on which, if on any, I look back w ith pride and grati-
fication.
" It is a pride to me to have imbibed the principles of
Mr. Pitt, and a gratification to receive your testimony of
5S0 MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING.
the just applicjitioii of those principles to the measures
by which this country was saved; principles of which
the characteri:^tic was to cherish order and industry at
home, as the true sources of commercial opulence and
national strength ;— abroad, to consider the peace, and
power, and safety of Great Britain as bound up with the
security of other nations." And on a hundred other
occasions he acknowledged how much he owed to his
great predecessor and preceptor.
Lord Byron always spoke of Mr. Canning in terms of
eulosv ; and those who know how little disposed his
lordship was to praise any man in power, will appreciate
his panegyric no less from that circumstance, than from
the splendid powers of his mind, that made any dicta of
his valuable. In the notes to Don Juan, he has these
words : — " Canningf is a genius, almost an universal one,
an orator, a wit, a poet, a statesman ; no man of talent
can long pursue the path of his late predecessor, lord
Castlereagh. If ever n;an saved his country. Canning
can; but will he? I. for one, hope so." And in
"The Age of Bronze," a poem abounding in censure and
satire, he pauses in his vituperative course to pay the fol"
lowing tribute to our hero : —
" Yet, something may remain, perchance, to chime
With renson, and, what's stranger still, with rliyme.
Even this thy opniiis,''Canr.ing! may permit,
Wiio, bred a statesman, still was born a wit!
And never e'en in that dull House could'st tame
To unleaven'd prose, 'thine own poetic flame.
Our last, our best, our only orator —
E'en I can praise thee — Tories do no more —
Nay, not so much— they hate thee, man, because
Thy spirit less upholds them, than it awes.
The hounds will gather to the huntsman's hollo.
And where he leads, the duteous park will follow.
MEMOIR OF GEOBGE CANNING. 581
/
IS
But, not for love mistake their jelliiis; cry ;
Their yelp for name is not an eulojiv.
Less faithful f;\r than the four-footed pack,
A dubious scent would lure the bipeds back.
Tliy saddle-girths are not yet quite secure,
Nor royal stallion's feet extremely sure ;
The unuieldy old white horse is apt, at last.
To stumble, ki( k, and now and then stick fast, |
"With his great self and rider in the mud 5
But what of that? the animal shows blood."
The great poet, from whom we have made this extract,
did not deem it beneath his talent to produce the best
enigma that has ever appeared. In the few moments of
leisure that such a life as Canning's allowed, he some-
times descended to this elegant trifling. The product of
some such moment was the following : —
" There is u noun of plural number.
Foe to rest and peaceful slumber j
Now, any word that you may take.
By adding; s you plural make :
But if you add an s to this.
Strange is the metamorphosis ; —
Plural is plural then no more.
And stveet what bitter was before."
SOLUTION.
" Though bitter cares the wearied mind enthral,
Yet one fond stveet caress can banish all."
There is one circumstance connected with the literary
character of Mr. Canning, that has been yet unnoticed.
It is a promise he had given to preside at the next Lite-
rary Fund dinner.* Never was England more literary
than at present ; and yet, never were her temples (for
our booksellers have given this sounding title to their
* The last dinner of the Literary Fund was on the 9th May, 1827;
lord John Russell presided ou that occasion. We remember the
582 WKMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
shops,) more difficult of access. Publication has, indeed,
become a trade, a traffic of name, not of talent ; — of title-
pages, not of books : to be unknown, is io-he devoid of
genius, or of {)o\ver. Tiie number of writers, we well
know, has fearfully increased ; and it has been as truly
as humorously said, that "if you placed your hand indis-
criminately on any head in a crowd, it would be upon
that of an author, or the friend of an author." But this
increase has only been of re?!pectable prose writers, pretty
versifiers, and "something- worse;" of those men, whose
productions we read when we have nothing else to do,
and forget, because they pen nothing that imprints itself
on our memory : — in fact, authors who sometimes amuse,
but never impress; who may produce some things that are
spirited, or entertaining, but never any thing that is
great. Of great writers there will always be a dearth.
Genius is a diamond, polished, it is true, by art, but only
polished by it — its creation is independent of education ;
and it would appear, that there is less of this wonderful
though raw material now existing, than in former times ;
burst of api)lause with which tlie name of Canning was liaileil.
"His lordship's speech will be read now with a feeling of grief, propor-
tioned to the pleasure and exultation with which it was then heard,
"I have to comnninicate," said the chairman, "a circumstance
from which you will anticipate great benefit ; namely, that we are
to have, as our president, at the next Anniversary, the right
lionourable George Canning. It lias always been a governing
principle with this society, to exclude all political considerations,
and I shall certainly not deviate from the rule on this occasion ; but
Mr. Canning is himself attached to literary pursuits; and you will,
therefore, hail, witli just pride and satisfaction, the powerful sup-
l)ort of that <listinguishcd man. Cicero has said, that nothing is
more delightful, after the fatigues and business of the day are over,
than the indulgence of literary leisure. If, then, the man in power
derives enjoyment and recreation from literature, it is only fair,
that literature should receive protection from the man in power."
MEMOIR OP GEOROE CA>fNING. 583
at least, it has not increased in quantity, if it has not (and
we fear it has) decreased in quality. Education, like
harness to the steed, though it directs him in his course,
is likely to impede the rapidity of his flight, and to de-
crease his spirit. He who has read much, and feels laud-
ably anxious to avoid not only imitation, but the bare
imputation of it — places a curb on his own energies, that
the less erudite genius escapes from ; and thus it is, that
in this march of education we are increasing the number
of the clever, but not of the great. Glittering and showy
are the qualifications of the present day; plated goods,
that, for the little while they are to be used, may look as
well as the genuine ore. It is in such a state of things
that unfriended, even uneducated, genius, requires the
aid that a society like the Literary Fund might afford it.
It is not the Literary Fund, as it is, that we are to con-
sider, but that institution as it might be ; — not as a soci-
ety doling out a pittance to a man who has written a dull
book, and who, when the bookseller is no longer inclined
to run a risk, comes to the society for succour from starva-
tion ; — not thus are we to regard it, but as a nursery for
the young student — as a place of succour for the indigent
— and a medium of notoriety for the obscure. To render
it such an asylum for literature, it requires the patronage
not only of talent, but of property and of power ; not
merely the names of individuals, but their exertions, their
interest. Mr. Canning's pr<^sence at the annual dinner,
at which a subscription is made, would have done much.
England's Prime Minister — popular in that capacity —
popular as a man and an orator: — known as a writer of
great talent, and famed as a classical scholar; — looked on
by all as one who, had he leisure to devote to its cause,
might have done as much for the literature as he did for
the policy of the country: — such a president must have
584 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
raised the society in importance, in popularity, and, con-
sequently, in the power of doing good. Little thought
the many— who rent the air with their acclamations when
Canning's name was announced as the president of the
ensuing anniversary — that, ere that period arrived, he
would lie in coldness and oblivion, heedless of the praise
that that day his name had elicited, — senseless to the
cause that they proclaimed his desire to succour. An
occurrence like this is more efficacious, in proving to us
the fallacy of human hopes, the vanity of human wishes,
than all the sermons that were ever preached ; it tells us,
that we are but dust ; — like grains of sand in the hand of
Providence, to be blown where its power pleases.
Those eulogists, who snatch at every opportunity to
belabour with praise the object of their fulsome panegy-
ric, have spoken loudly of Mr. Canning's classical attain-
ments, and followed it up by instances from his speeches.
Mr. Cannino's rank as a classical scholar was indeed
high ; but this cannot be deduced from his speeches, for
his quotations were invariably common-place. Mr. Can-
ninsf's "ood sense urired him to suit his addresses to his
auditors. He regarded quotation, as he did oratory in
general, for its utility; and when he quoted, took care
that the matter should not be beyond the calibre of his
hearers' intellects. Every hour's experience proves, that
there are a thousand " men of liberal education" to be
met with, who are readily impressed with quotations
from an author whom they have themselves studied; but
who display no alacrity in construing the verses of those
whom they have not read — men who are scholars by
memory rather than knowledge. To enjoy a quotation,
it is too often necessary that the antecedent and follow-
ing passages should be familiar to the hearer, that he
may seize the spirit, and thus illustrate the meaning of
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 685
the sentence. The orator knew this well ; he, therefore,
seldom, if ever, travelled out of the paths trodden at
school, and always arranged his quotations for the espe-
cial benefit of the " country gentlemen."
These remarks, it will be perceived, are not intended
to convey any imputation on the taste of the speaker ; he
never spoke/or the sake of speaking, and he was the best
judge of what quotations would prove the most service-
able auxiliaries ; the observations are merely aimed at
those biographers who praise " all and every thing," and
attribute qualities to their hero, that he himself never
thought of assuming. Mr. Canning's attainments have
received the sanction of a much higher classical tribunal
than the House of Commons ever was, or (from modern
education) is ever likely to be.
However ill-adapted to the task, it becomes our duty,
after having given our readers all the facilities in our
power to judge of Canning, to lay before them our own
impression of his character and powers. There is scarcely
any subject on which men differ so much as in their esti-
mates of talent; they differ not only in the conclusions
drawn, but in their opinions on the premises from which
they draw those conclusions. It is less with the hope of
influencing the opinions of others, than from the necessity
of expressing our own, that we venture on the following-
remarks. ;.,.-. '
It has been, with one or tvvo exceptions, the principle
of this volume, to select the praises of Canning from the
works or speeches of his political opponents; by this
means, our records of the panegyrics passed upon him,
have gained in truth what they may have lost in frequency.
We have now to speak our own sentiments; in which, we
trust, we shall remain uninfluenced by any leaning to
25. 4f
586 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
party ; our object is truth, and we shall endeavour not to
suiFer our feelings to overmaster our judgment.
Canning existed amongst the greatest men of the last
century; he was the intimate of Burke, of Pitt, of Fox
and Sheridan, with hundreds of names only inferior to the
matchless four with which his name has been intermingled.
It is impossible to speak of him without a review of those
who surrounded him. :^
To attempt now to pourtray what those men were,
would be as fruitless as it is unnecessary. With Burke
Mr. Canning never came in collision ; with Fox and
Sheridan he sometimes did; but never in that marked
manner, that distinguished his oratorical contests in after
life. It is honourable, however, to have contested
with those leviathans of the senate. Mr. Canning's
trials of strength have been with Brougham, Whitbread,
Ponsonby, Romilly, and Tierney. Of these men, two
only were orators; but what the others wanted in elo-
quence was frequently made up by their adoption of the
popular side of each question, whilst Mr. Canning had
upon his shoulders the onus of defending unpopular
dictums, of explaining reprehended (perhaps reprehen-
sive) measures, and frequently of glossing over the errors
of others. Whitbread's plain statements, his clear and
ingenuous style, made reply difficult. He had, as it
were, a personal character with the House; what he
uttered, seemed to flow from the consciousness of his
nature : — his manly assertions, made firmly but not obtru-
sively, caused contradiction to assume the air of insult;
any attempt to ridicule his statements seemed contrary to
the feeling of the House — a very dangerous point for an
orator to combat against. Canning was the only man
we ever heard, who satisfied the mind in replying to
MEMOin OF GEORGE CANNING. 587
Whitbread ; there was a mildness in his manner towards
him, that we never found in his addresses to another, — as
if he felt conscious of the prepossessions in his favour.
With Ponsonby, Mr. Canning- had less difficulty ; — an
unpoTisTied dogmatist, who seemed to affect plainness,
and to act erinui^ could be more roughly handled, without
exciting any sympathies in his favour ; besides, Mr.
Ponsonby's assertions frequently rested on such fragile
foundations, that he gave the lash into the hands of his
opponent. Mr. P., who always appeared more or less
inert, was sometimes roused into eloquence ; but it has
been said, and perhaps truly, that he shrunk from con-
testing with Canning.
Sir Samuel Romilly had more eloquence than either
Ponsonby or Whitbread, but he was seldom engaged in
any direct opposition; it was the desire of that amiable,
that great man, to be useful to his fellow creatures; —
he avoided hostilities, whilst his coadjutors sought them.
With such a man it was difficult to contend ; because he
seemed to seek only what all were willing to accord.
It was the failing of sir Samuel, however, to give way to
irritability, whicli destroyed or weakened his powers,
whilst this very failing stimulated Canning.
With Mr. Tierney, contest was yet more difficult, and,
from that gentleman's transitions, more frequent. Mr.
Tierney is a powerful, ivas a popular speaker ; no man
better understands the tactics of disputation ; few can
more readily handle its weapons. Mr. Tierney 's powers
of sarcasm are considerable ; and w hen the freshness of
youth and the ardency of opposition aided him — ere his
conjunction with Addington had neutralised his powers,
and contracted the sphere of their exercise — was a dan-
gerous opponent: even Pitt found him so. Notwith-
standing this, Mr. Canning generally proved a successful
58S MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
adversary; and in his contests with him, either as a
ministerial advocate or an oppositionist, commonly car-
ried away the palm of victory.
With Grattan, Mr. Canning agreed on the one great
subject ; and Mr. Grattan spoke but little, during our
hero's career, on any other.
It has been with Brougham^ and with Brougham only,
that Canning's powers have been fairly tried. He has
opposed greater orators ; but then he was an irresponsi-
ble speaker; he then rose as an adjunct, not a princi-
pal ; — to defend the theories of another mind — not of his
own. But with Brougham he frequently came into con-
test on points bearing upon the peculiarities of his own
policy. They fairly launched their barks upon the ocean
of discussion, — through storm and calm the contest con-
tinued, — and frequently victory remained dubious to the
last. Brougham's eloquence is more condensed than
Canning's, but it is consequently less elegapt — his in-
vectives are more bold, but less deep; — the wounds of
his sarcasms are like the gashes of the butcher's knife —
Canning's were the death thrusts of the polished sword.
You admired Brougham most in the closet,— Canning
infinitely more in the House. Brougham mars by his
manner, more than Canning effected by his. In fact, in
the very " torrent and whirlwind of his passion," Can-
ning had an elegance and a dignity that always removed
the idea of mere invective. Brougham's vituperation is
the Niagara of oratory — it booms and roars around
ye ; Canning's flowed in a less tempestuous, but not
less rapid stream, and it bore down all before it.
Brougham's powers of sarcasm exceeded Canning's,
but he has no humour, and little wit ;— his tone is metal-
lic — irony is his province — his wit only wounds; if you
laugh, it is not in jocularity :— the objects of his sar-
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 589
casnis are like the tortured victims of an Indian's inge-
nuity : he sears and brands them, then pauses awhile,
and anon renews their tortures, till you take part with
the sufferer, and cease to laugh at the jests that agonise,
rather than delight. His weapon too frequently
" Carries a heartstaiii away on its blade."
' Canning-, on the contrary, always kept up a double
feeling: he had a glance for his opponent, another for
his auditors. He seemed to deem his task the mere tan-
talisation of one member, for the gratification of the
rest ; — he seemed less imbued with a desire to torture
his victim, than to entertain his auditors. Though seek-
ing the same end as Brougham, he did not expose the
means so palpably ; — he did not exhibit the apparafus^
as Brougham does, and thus make the sufferer tremble
at the prospect of punishment to come. On Canning's
handsome and intellectual brow there beamed no light-
nings of malignity : there was no scowl of hatred ; — he
did not wither \uth a look; — his fires were rather like
those summer lightnings that are most vivid when the
sky is most serene.
In an assembly of strangers. Brougham could not
dispute the palm for a moment with Canning; but this
arose more from the elocutionary power of the latter,
and from those personal advantages, aided by an elegance
of manner entirely his own, that carried you with him,
against even the conviction of your reason; the influence
of that manner was as wonderful as it was inexplicable;
you Avere, indeed, " pleased, you knew not why," and
could not accurately define " wherefore."
Mr. Canning, unfortunately, had generally more to
fear from the weakness of his colleagues, than the
strength of his opponents. The petulancy, of which he
590 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
was SO constantly accused, was the impetuosity of a
genius trammelled in the same yoke with inferior spirits.
For many years, IMr. Canning was condemned to join in
council with those whose minds w ere not sufficiently com-
prehensive to grasp the views that engaged his. It will
scarcely be denied by any one bu'; a peer, who suffers
malignity to subvert judgment, that Castlereagh was
every way inferior to our hero.* Percival was also
very far below him as a financier, and they could not
be compared for an instant as orators.
* The following morceau, from the pen of a man esteemed as a
writer and a critic, found a place in The Examiner of 1813,
p. 7G6. We are particular in our reference, for it is scarcely
credible, that the feeling of party could tempt such a man to
utter sentiments so contrary to truth, sense, or justice. In a pre-
tended summary of Mr. Canning's capabilitits, this writer says: —
" It is evidently the perpetual care of Mr. Canning to make
himself appear wiser and profounder than he is ; and yet, to any
one who thinks it worth his while to fathom him, there is no man
whose depth is more easily discernible. His great excellence is
the school-taught taste by which he shuns all vulgarities in opi-
nion and diction, and is enabled, sometimes, to throw a classical
air over a common subject: — his great defect is, that he does not
think. All he says, partakes of the mustiness of memory ; it is
uttered with the tone of one who talks by book, and lias none of
the glowing freshness and cheering brightness of thoughts newly
combined, or new created, by the genius of the speaker. His
mind has none of those qualities which go to the composition of a
great intellect ; it has no grasp, little penetration, and no foresight.
It has been said of some eminent persons, that they never were
boys: it may be said of the person in question, that he will never
be a man. He can never disengage himself from his puerile tram-
mels, nor look at a subject with the eye of common sense and com-
mon experience. It has, indeed, frequently fallen to his lot to
advocate the cause of wisdom ; but, even then, his thoughts have
been but in a low proportion to the dignity of his subject. He
has been content to excite applause, by pretty arrangements of
phrases, instead of impressing a respectful conviction by the en-
largement and accuracy of his views. I allude to his florid
MEMOIR OF GE0RGe]cANN1NG 591
Those who accuse public men of vacillating from their
principles by joining Mr. Canning, and who say that it
was only when he came into absolute power that he held
those liberal views that have ennobled his name, libel
both the dead and the living. Mr. Canning always held
the same opinions ; but what could those opinions do,
whilst other hands guided the helm of state ? He might
know their course was a wrong one — he might anticipate
the storm, or foretel the wreck— but all they w ould per-
mit him to do was, to point out the rocks on which they
were about to split. So far, indeed, for their own safety,
they were guided by his counsels ; but, beyond that, they
would not let him go; because they knew, when once he
guided the bark of the nation, it would be into a bound-
less sea, in which they dreaded to emerge — who had been,
through their lives, coasting along the narrow isthmus of
Prejudice and Ignorance. It is the curse of improve-
ment, to be called innovation. The ignorant and idle
oppose alteration in any thing with which they are al-
ready acquainted, because they are either unable to un-
derstand the improvement, or too lazy to study its nature
or its effect.
Canning only wanted the opportunity to display his
principles ; and perverse indeed must be those politicians
who maintain, that the last year of his existence was the
first of their development.
When Canning found himself surrounded by such
coadjutors as Robinson, Peel, and Huskisson, he com-
menced that system of policy, that, it is to be hoped, his
harangue on the Spanish war, on the Catholic claims, and on some
late occasions. A few plain straight-forward sentences, uttered
with the calm reasonableness of Lord Castlereagh, and the simple
manly energy of Mr, Whitbread, ijave and deserve more weight
than whole folio volumes of such speeches,"
592 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
noble successor will pursue. Every day furnished a fresh
proof of the principles he advocated ; whilst the increas-
ing- friendships of those who had before been his oppo-
nents, the voice of commendation from the people, and
the confidence of the Crown, — all tended to prove that
those principles were as popular as they were just.
Of Mr. Peel, it is well known Mr. Canning had a very
exalted opinion. But Mr. Peel's mind is too exclusively
analytical, to take at once that generous and enlightened
view of the interests of the country, that Canning did.
Mr. Peel is rather slow in apprehending, and cautious
in receiving, truths, that are also novelties. Mr. Canning
seemed intuitively to dissect whatever came before him ;
and he consequently had matured his judgment, and
acted upon it, on many subjects, ere his wary coadjutor
had well examined them.
How high Mr. Huskisson stood in our hero's estima-
tion, the eulogium he pronounced, during the discus-
sion on the silk trade, fully evinced. Mr. Huskisson's
speech on the shipping interest is a sufficient evidence of
his talent.
But of Mr. Robinson, Mr. Canning's opinion was even
more decisive. The duke of Wellington stated, in the
House of Lords, that it was Mr. Canning's wish that Mr.
Robinson should be elevated to a peerage, and placed at
the head of the nation. The first of these wishes
was accomplished during Canning's life ; his death
brought with it the completion of the second. Nomi-
nated by Canning, chosen by the King, and approved by
the people, lord Goderich comes into power, under cir-
cumstances truly enviable — yet his task is Herculean;
the hydra of. prejudice has yet to be subdued.
Lord Goflerich's popularity as chancellor of the ex-
chequer, and the talent he displayed in that capacity, are
MEMOIR or GEORGE CANNING. 593
the best vouchers of his capabilities for a more elevated sta-
tion. In his earlier life, when vice-president of the Board
of Trade, he evinced an intelligence and knowledge that
surprised and delighted all who knew him; and, in his
late appointment of colonial secretaiy, he sustained his
already high reputation in a new department. Lord
Goderich is learned, without being pedantic. His know-
ledge is as various as it is profound. If he lacks some of
the flowers of eloquence, he is not deficient in its fruits.
As a speaker, he aims more at convincing than delighting ;
and appeals to the understanding rather than the imagi-
nation. As Canning trod in the steps of his great prede-
cessor Pitt, diverging as the light of his own genius guided
him, so, we trust, will lord Goderich pursue the path
which Canning was preparing to tread — a path, that will
lead at once to his own and the kingdom's glory, and
make him immortal and his country blessed.
We have little more to add, and that must be confined
to the memory of our hero alone.
He entered public life almost in his boyhood, and
stood forward tlien as an opponent to men celebrated as
statesmen and orators; — he was the protege of the great-
est minister England ever had ; and his advancement to
the premiership was predicted in his boyhood. His life
was passed in combating difficulties, and subduing them.
When he was appointed President of the Board of Con-
trol, how loud was the outcry — he was unfitted — unac-
quainted with the nature of its duties. A man of ardent
mind and splendid talents may be unacquainted with the
duties of an office, but he cannot be unfitted for them.
All knowledge is within the attainment of human in-
dustry; and no duties can be so manifold, that the devo-
tion of a very few years will not remove their difficulties.
Canning entered that department ignorant of its details,
25. 4g
594 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
he left it when he had so far exceeded the expectations of
his nominators, that those who appointed him to direct a
committee, then selected him to g;overn a country.
He entered Liverpool a stranger, amid a population
decidedly hostile to the principles he professed; — he
avowed those principles, and opposed Parliamentary
Reform, on the hustings : vet he carried his elections tri-
umphantly, and ultimately extracted the breath of praise
through the teeth of opposition.
It has been said, that one man never yet excelled in
two things; the instances in refutation of this maxim
have not been frequent : Canning is, perhaps, the
brightest. As a statesman, his enemies must admit his
greatness ; — as an orator, they dare not dispute it ; — his
claim to the title of poet stands recorded by the greatest
of modern bards.
In society, he was witty without display, and as unob-
trusive as he was entertaining^ ; — he was devoted to the
pleasures of the table, but he never degenerated into
excess : — he had a tear and a hand for charity, and fre-
quently his feelings made inroads on his fortune, that fru-
gality was forced to repair. Moore, in his admirable
memoir of Sheridan, has recorded his kindness to that
JJl-fated man ; * we could mention many other instances,
but delicacy to the living checks our tribute to the dead.
* We cannot refrain from the pleasure of extracting the passage:
— "Soon after tiie return of Mr. Canning from Lisbon, a letter was
put into his hands, in the House of Commons, which proved to be a
request from iiis friend Sheridan, then lying ill a-bed, that he
would oblige him with a loan of £100. It is unnecessary to say,
that the retjuest was promptly and feelingly complied with ; and if
the pupil has ever regretted leaving the politics of his master, it
was not at that moment, at least, such a feeling was likely to pre-
sent itself."
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 5i>J
He was happy in a wife whose spul was congenial witli
his own ; — her generous abandonment of her sister's for-
feited portion, is one, amid many acts, that do honour to
the heart of Mrs, Canning.
History affords no record of a genius at once so versa-
tile and great. No monument that the art of sculp-
tors may raise, can be half so lasting as the gratitude
of his country, or so honourable as its grief at his
loss. He died when his fame was at its summit ; — his
future days might have tended still farther to the
good of his country, but they could not have extended
his own glory. He did much for the nation by his con-
duct ; more by his example : he has made it as difficult
to follow his footsteps, as it would be dangerous to
deviate from them. His successor should bring with '
him the same genius, — the same high-mindedness, — an
intelligence as universal, — a discrimination as acute, —
knowledge as profound: — all these should be combined
with Canning's power of enduring and subduing opposi-
tion. England will scarcely be contented with less —
human endowments cannot furnish more.
.')06 MtMOlR OK GEORGK CANNING.
THE AUTHOR TO THE PUBLIC.
I CANNOT sutler the tbiegoii)g- pages to go forth to the
world without deprecating censure, by observing, that
two montlis only were allotted uie tor a task which
should have occupied at least as many years.
The public anxiety for a review of Canning's political
career, affords one excuse for this hurried production.
I might name another — but my feelings forbid it.
It was my wish to add to this volume such tributes to
Canning's memory as poesy had furnished ; but I found,
with equal surprise and regret, that those whose powers
were best fitted to the task, had not attempted it.
I am indebted for the following lines to the pen of the
writer to whom I have already expressed my obliga-
tions.*
No one can think more humbly of my efforts than
myself; but I trust I have neglected no available source
of information, — that I have not suffer^^d party feelings
to obliterate truth, or awarded praise or censure to men,
because I approved or disapproved o^ measures.
Other biographers will follow me, who unite to supe-
rior talent opportunities arising from connexion that
I unfortunately do not possess. I am content to send
forth my volume like an humble cotter's light, which
guides the traveller during temporary darkness, but is
neglected when the rising sun renders its influence weak,
and its powers unavailing.
LKMAN THOMAS REDE.
* Sue llie Preface.
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 597
THE DEATH OF CANNING.
I dreani'd I stood on Afric's shore — ^
How warm that sky, how bright tliat sod .'•
It blooui'd like that bless'd bow'r of yore,
Where soirovv's footsteps never trod.
" Oh, liappy land! joy dwelleth here!"
I said, when mourning met my ear,
I mark'd the anguish of her sons.
The wordless woe that weeps alone,
That pity and communion shuns.
And vents in solitude the moan,
•' Heav'n smiles," I cried, *' and smiles for thee —
Smile too, for ye at least are free!"
" True, we are free," the mourners cried,
" But -who shall burst our fathers' chains?
Who guard our huts, our babes, our brides.
Who drive the enslaver from our plains ?
Ask ye, why Afric's sons deplore ? —
The friend of Africa's no more I '
My slumb'ring fancy flew again
To eastern climes j and o'er the waves,
To islands blooming in the main,
Where God made Eden}- — man made slaves.
'Tvvas midnight — but they sought not sleep: —
Their labour done — they paused to weep.
* Negroland is the most fertile and beautiful part of Africa.
f Eden has been placed, by conjecture, in Mesopotamia, Arme-
nia, &c, &c. Some Orientalists say, Ceylon was Eden ; whilst
others affirm, that it was on different Asiatic islands, Asia, where
slavery had its birth, is, to this hour, infixmous for cruelty to its
victims
598 MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING.
" Oil! is it for your fetterM hands.
Your branded brows, you weep?" I cried;
^ The dusky victim, tearful, stands —
Oh! tears of mingled grief and pride!
" Insult and injury would not wake
Our tears alone," — and thus lie spake: —
" "NVe weep for him, whose pow'r had riven
Our fetters, and revenged the brand ;
For him, who, call'd by God to Heav'n,
Has left us in the oppressor's hand.
Chains, brands, the scourge, thro' liope we bore.
But he is dead! — we hope no more!"
My spirit wing'd its aerial way
To a GREEN ISLE, where beauty blush'd:
Its sons were now no longer gay ;
E'en childhood's happy laugh was hush'd.
Her children feel, as hope departs.
The voiceless grief of broken hearts.
The land of wit was wrapp'd in gloom,
Still'd was her voice, and flown her mirth,
As if the darkness of the tomb
Had spread its shadow o'er the earth,
I read on ev'ry pallid brow,
*• Who shall emancipate us now?"
I'rom ev'ry clime a mourner came,
'Till mem'ry could no record keep:
All wept one loss — all breathed one name —
My sorrow burst the bands of sleep.
I woke, and found my dream was true —
My country! thou wert vveeping, too.
The nation mourn'd a patriot gone.
An orator, a statesman, fled;
Genius, learning, wit, o'erthrown —
A poet and a Christian dead!
A separate grief each loss might claim —
All were combined with Canning's name!
MEMOIR OF GEORGE CANNING. 599
I tiirn'd mo from my kingdom's tears,
To the lone cliamber of his bride :
Her loss, the treasured love of years.
All other woe was weak beside.
The country grieves her fav'rite flown —
She mourns a soul that was her own !
Oh! pity woulcl insult such grief!
Mourn on — mankind is mourning, too!
Th' enlighten'd world has lost her chief —
But, ah! he was a world to you!
That world's a waste — for what sJiall bless
One desolate in loneliness?
'Neath pyramids proud monarchs rest,
Their memories and their names gone byj
But, buried in each Briton's breast.
Thy name, oh, CANNING! cannot die!
The noblest monument you claim.
All gratitude can give to fame.
FINIS.
C. Baynes, Printer,
13, Duke-street, Liiicoln's-inn-fields.
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