UC-NRLF 
 
^ KEPUBLICAN 
 
 CAMPAIGN TEXT BOOK, 
 
 FOR 
 
 1878 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I.— Greenbacks. 
 
 CHAPTER IL— Labor. 
 
 CHAPTER III.— Southern War Claims. 
 
 CHAPTER IV.— The Democratic Revolution. 
 
 CHAPTER v.— Democratic Election Frauds. 
 
 CHAPTER VL— Jeff. Davis' Latest Speech. 
 
 l!^,.^^^*^ /-^aX ."^^ 
 
 REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMITTEE. 
 
 WASKTNGTON., D. C. 
 
 1878. 
 

TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. i 
 
 The Greenback Question— Showing that | 
 the Republican Party always stood by i 
 the Republican Greenback, and that the ! 
 Democratic Party always hated and 
 fought it. 
 
 PART I— Page 1— History of the Green- 
 back—The Republicax Party its Father, 
 Friend and Guardian— The Legal-Tender 
 Act of 1862— Reason for its Being- 
 Chase's Letter— Democratic Opposition 
 AND Votes. 
 
 PART II— Page 1— The Democrats Directly 
 Responsible for Contraction— The Act of 
 1866— Analysis op the Votes— Only one 
 Democrat in the two Houses Votes against 
 Contraction— The Act of February 4, 
 1868, Suspending Contraction— Only Twen- 
 ty-four Democrats Vote for That. 
 
 PART ill-Page 2— The Public Credit Act- 
 Extraordinary Vote by which it Passed 
 —Not One Democrat for It— What the 
 Republican Double Pledge Meant— Demo- 
 cratic Senator Hamilton's Proposed Con- 
 stitutional Amendment to Kill the Re- 
 publican Greenback. 
 
 PART IV— Page 3— Pretended Democratic 
 Love for the Greenback— How they Hur- 
 rahed for it but kept it '* IN the Woods "' 
 —A Smart Trick Exposed— Southard's 
 "Blind" Resolution making Greenbacks 
 Receivable for Customs Duties— A Bill 
 from the Republican Senate to that Ef- 
 fect Beaten by the House Democrats— 
 Another Republican Proposition (Hub- 
 bell's) to Receive Greenbacks for Cus- 
 toms AND Exchange them for Coin and 
 Construing the Resumption Act so that 
 no Greenbacks shall be Retired, only 
 Receives Six Democratic Votes— The 
 Votes in Detail— Fort's Act Prohibiting 
 Further Retirement, etc., op the Green- 
 back. 
 
 PART V— Page 4— Democratic Hatred Pur- 
 sues THE Greenback into the United 
 States Supreme Court — Democratic 
 Judges Declare it an Unconstitutional I 
 Bastard— Republican Judges Declare its 
 Constitutional Legitimacy. 
 
 PART VI— Page 5— Speeches op Democratic 
 Leaders in Congress Declaring the Re- 
 
 publican Greenback Unconstitutional— 
 Vallandigham — Powell — Hendrick B. 
 Wright — Pendleton — Cowan— Bayard— 
 
 Pearce— Saulsbury. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Labor Question. 
 
 PART I— Page 6— The Republican the True 
 Labor Party— Democratic Efforts to De- 
 grade and Brutalize Labor— How the 
 Democratic Party Robs Productive La- 
 bor OVER $125,000,000 every Year— Their 
 Cheese-paring Policy— Democratic Cru- 
 sade AGAINST Laborers and Scrubbing 
 Women at Washington. 
 
 PART II— Page 6— Condition and Wages op 
 the Laborer Abroad Compared with at 
 Home— Discontent in North Germany- 
 Wages Fall while Food Rises in Rhenish 
 Prussia— Low Prices of Skilled Labor in 
 France— Long Hours and Low Pay in 
 England—" Steadily Declining " Wages 
 IN Scotland, and High Cost of Living — 
 Wages Still Lower in Ireland— Wages 
 IN Parts of Wales Merely Nominal— The 
 Reason why the American Laborer is 
 Better Off- How to Avoid "Harder 
 Times " and to get " Better Times " 
 Here— The Democratic Tariff Bill- 
 How IT Injured Business Interests and 
 the Workingman— The Democratic vote 
 to Consider It— The Panic it Occa- 
 sioned—The Republican Fight against 
 AND Defeat op the Bill— Analysis op the 
 Vote— Another Vote Showing the An- 
 tagonism OP Democracy to Labor. 
 
 PART III— Page 10— Still Another Vote 
 Showing Democratic Opposition to the 
 Encouragement of Home Industries— The 
 Republican Creed, Humanitarian— Demo- 
 cratic Scoffs at the " Mudsills "—The 
 Free School System— Democratic Nos- 
 trums FOR Present Ills— The Workingmen 
 Denounce Them— Republican Efforts to 
 Solve the Labor Problem. 
 
 PART IV— Page 11/-The Republican Home- 
 stead Act— How the Democracy Always 
 Opposed such a Policy— The Votes in both 
 Houses by which that Act was Created— 
 
 :•>, ^ 
 
 <^ 
 
IV 
 
 EXTXKDIKO TBI HOMESTEAD ACT— DXMO- 
 
 CBiTio Opposition and Votes. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Southern Claims. 
 
 PART I-Page 12-$300.000.000 op Southern 
 Public and Private Claims for Cotton, 
 War Material, Captured and Abandoned 
 Property, etc. 
 
 PART II— Page 12— Rebel Claims Demanded 
 as a Matter op " Justice and Right "— 
 All Property Destroyed by Both Armies 
 Must be Paid For— Rebel Soldiers or 
 their Heirs Must " be Paid in Bonds or 
 Public Lands for Lost Time, Limbs and 
 Lives I " 
 
 PART III— Page 13-A "Specimen Brick" 
 OF Southern Claims— Its Bogus Charac- 
 ter AND Wonderful Growth. 
 
 PART IV-Page 14-e400,000.000 More-Com- 
 pensation Demanded for Emancipated 
 Slaves. 
 
 PART V— Page 14— A Brief Review of some 
 OP the Rebel Claims— Direct Tax— Cot- 
 ton Tax— Special Relief— Destruction of 
 Property— Compensation for Slaves- 
 Rebel Mail Contractors, etc— They al- 
 ready Reach the Enormous Amount of 
 Three Thousand Millions of Dollars— 
 Where will it End? 
 
 PART VI— Page 15— Claim of the College 
 OP *' William and Mary "—One of the En- 
 tering Wedges. 
 
 PART VII— Page 16— Fraudulent Claims of 
 Southern Mail Contractors— How the 
 Democrats Strove to Steal Sl.000,000— 
 How THE House Republicans Stopped the 
 Steal— A Specimen of Southern " Mo- 
 rality "—The Vote that '* Scotched " the 
 Fraudulent Claims. 
 
 PART VIII— Page 18— Subsequent Assault 
 ON the Senate by the Southern Mail Con- 
 tractors—But they are Finally Discom- 
 fited— Propositions AND Votes. 
 
 PART IX— Page 19— Conger's Proposed Con- 
 stitutional Amendment Prohibiting Pay- 
 ment OF Rebel Claims— Vote Thereon— 
 The Democratic Party under Southern 
 Domination would Pay Them, as the Rec- 
 ord Shows. 
 
 PART X— Page 20— Tilden's Pretended 
 Aversion to Rebel Claims— His Duplic- 
 ity—He WOULD NOT Pay "Disloyal" 
 Claims, but holds that "We are all 
 Loyal Now"— Ex-Confederate Cabell's 
 Ingenious Beport Proving that Pardoned 
 OB Amnestied Rebels were " Always 
 
 Loyal "—Promised 
 Fall Elections." 
 
 Action " After thb 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 First Steps of tlie Revolution. 
 
 PART I— Page 22— Introduction to the Evi- 
 dences of Tilden's Revolutionary In- 
 tentions — Democratic Revolutionary 
 Proceedings thus far— Their remark- 
 able growth— How A Minority CAN Over- 
 throw A Government- Forcible illus- 
 trations OP THE peril that PoTTER IS 
 
 Precipitating— Plausible pretexts for 
 Revolution always ready. 
 
 PART II— Page 2->— The first Potter Let- 
 ter DECLARING THE ELECTION SHOULD BE 
 THROWN INTO THE HoUSE— ThAT THE HoUSE 
 IS THE SOLE JUDGE OF PRESIDENTIAL ELEC- 
 TIONS, CAN ACT ALONE ON ITS OWN INFOR- 
 MATION, AND IS SUPREME— TiLDEN AS COM- 
 MANDER in-Chief. 
 
 PART III— Page 27— The Electoral Com- 
 mission Act— Votes proving it a Demo- 
 cratic Measure— The Electoral Count— 
 The vote as announced — Subsequent 
 Revolutionary Proceedings of the House 
 before the adjournment op the forty- 
 FOURTH Congress— Field's Quo Warranto 
 bill and vote on it. 
 
 PART IV— Page 29— Report op House Com- 
 mittee affirming the right OF THE HOUSB 
 TO GO BEHIND RETURNS, AND ITS AUTHORITY 
 
 OVER THE Count— Vote on Burchard's 
 Amendmemt to it. 
 
 PART V— Page 30— Morrison's Letter on 
 Tilden's "pluck"— Tilden thought he had 
 "packed" the Electoral Commission— 
 Hendricks urges the House to declare 
 Tilden duly elected— Votes by which 
 THE House makes that Revolutionary 
 Declaration — Subsequent Democratic 
 Protest declaring Hayes "a usurper"— 
 Tilden officially notified of his Elec- 
 tion—Did HE TAKE THE OATH ?— REVOLU- 
 TIONARY Talk— Hewitt's enforced resig- 
 nation and singular apology- Judge 
 Black's threat. 
 
 PART Vl-Page 33-The Manhattan Club 
 Reception— Orders which the Democratic 
 House is now enforcing— Treasonable 
 Utterances of Tilden, Dorsheimer, Dud- 
 ley Field and others— One Thousand Dis- 
 tinguished Democrats from twelve dip. 
 ferent States applaud the Treason I 
 
 PART VII— Page 36— Maryland selected 
 to make the first movement in the Plot 
 —The Montgomery IBlair Quo Warranto 
 Resolution. 
 
 PART Vlll-Page 37 The Potter Iniquity 
 
 founded upon the Maryland initiative — 
 
Randall's ruling on Question of Privi- 
 lege—The REVOLUTIONARY INTENT ADMIT- 
 TED— ThE VOTES IN FULL. 
 
 PART IX— Page 39— The Casey Young Reso- 
 lution—The Democratic Caucus Refuse 
 TO Declare that *' It is not Intended to 
 Disturb Hayes " — Republican Caucus 
 Warning the People that the Potter 
 Movement is Revolutionary— Republican 
 National Congressional Committee's Ad- 
 dress to the People Declaring that the 
 Potter Plot is to Suborn Witnesses, De- 
 clare Hayes an Usurper, and Put Him Out. 
 
 PART X— Page 40- Alexander H. Stephens' 
 Letter of Warning to Potter— The Til- 
 den-Potter Ruffians Hoot Him Down in 
 THE House— Interview with Stephens— 
 "Snug, THE Joiner"— "The People Want 
 Peace and Quiet." 
 
 PART Xl^Page 41— Carter Harrison's 
 " Question of Privilege "—Resolution 
 Extending Investigation and Declaring 
 that the house hasno revolutionary pur- 
 POSE Withdrawn under Democratic Pres- 
 sure AFTER A Vote which Showed no Quo- 
 rum—Ben Wilson's Resolution to Extend 
 the Investigation if the Democratic Com- 
 mittee Believes in It— Wilson's Admis- 
 sion AS TO ** Intent " of the Potter In- 
 quiry—National Democratic Committee 
 Approves the Potter Movement and Re- 
 puses TO Disavow the Treasonable In- 
 tent —A N Influential Democrat Admits 
 THE Intent if they can only make a CasK' 
 
 PART XII— Page 43— Potter's Open Letter 
 TO THE Reverend " Blank "—His Fatal 
 Admissions Touching the Motives at the 
 Bottom of the Inquiry- The Revolution- 
 ary Intent Laid Bare by his Own Words- 
 No Jesuitism can Cover Them. 
 
 PART XIII— Page 45— Alb x. H. Stephens' 
 Second Letter to Potter— Successfully 
 Defends the Hale Amendment, and Shows 
 up the Potter Movement in its True 
 Colors— "Most Unwise, Most Unfortu- 
 nate, AND Most Mischievous "— " A Con- 
 temptible Farce or a Horrible Trag- 
 edy "—Potter's Jesuitical Whisperings 
 
 . as "Delusive AND Guileful "as those of 
 "The Great Arch-fiend." 
 
 PART XIV— Page 46— The Burchard Reso- 
 lution—The Democrats " Forced against 
 their Will" to Declare an Opinion on 
 Hayes' Title— They are Taken by Sur- 
 prise, AND ARE Panic-Stricken and 
 Routed— A Graphic Description of the 
 Scene— The Vote by which a Revolution- 
 ary House, Driven by Sudden Fear, Con- 
 demns ITS Own Treasonable Purposes. 
 
 PART XV— Page 48— The Next Democratic 
 
 Move— Throwing Sawdust in Peoples, 
 
 Eyes— Vote on House Judiciary Committee 
 Report and Resolution a Mere Piece of 
 Clap -Trap for the Fall Elections. 
 
 PART XVI— Page 48— The Work of the 
 Potter Committee— Impeachment op Hayes 
 AND Wheeler Talked Of— How it is to be 
 Done— Hayes Out and Tilden In, or Hayes 
 Out and Thurman In— Democratic Au- 
 thorities FOR It. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 A History of Democratic Election Frauds. 
 
 PART I— Page 50— "Counting in" peculiarly 
 A Democratic Invention and peculiarly a 
 Democratic Practice— Counting in op Polk 
 in 1844— Of Buchanan in 1857— The attempt 
 TO COUNT Tilden in in 1876— The earlier 
 Frauds compared with the later. 
 
 PART II— Page 53— Popular Votes vs. Elec- 
 toral Votes— Popular and Electoral 
 Votes of Harrison and Van Buren, Polk 
 AND Clay, Harrison and Cass— Tilden's 
 Pretended "Popular" Majority— Votes 
 in the Free, Border and Slave States- 
 Real Voting Strength of Gulf States 
 Shows a Republican Majority of 183,335 
 in 1870, and large increase since— south 
 Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana es- 
 sentially Republican now. 
 
 PART UI— Page 55— The Florida Case- 
 Bloody Violence failing, fraud and ju- 
 dicial USURPATION— A BRIEF HISTORY OF 
 
 all the fraudulent proceedings by which 
 Tilden strove to capture that one 
 NEEDED Electoral vote— Facts, figures 
 
 AND incidents. 
 
 PART IV— Page 59— The Louisiana case- 
 Population AND VOTES— Ku-KlUX CRIMES 
 OF 1868— Tilden Rifle Clubs of 1876— The 
 
 TERRIBLE OUTRAGES AND MURDERS IN THE 
 SEVENTEEN PaRISHF^— ShERIDAN's STATE- 
 MENT— ThE State Returning Board— Its 
 
 DUTIES— How AND WHY IT ACTED— INFAMY 
 
 OF THE Tilden Democracy. 
 PART V— Page 62— The Hale Amendment to 
 
 THE ONE-SIDED RESOLUTION— ThE FLORIDA 
 
 FRAUDS- The Oregon corruption and 
 BRIBERY— The Louisiana bull-dozing and 
 FRAUDS— The South Carolina bribery and 
 CORRUPTION— The Mississippi shot-gun 
 
 FRAUDS, registration AND OTHER STATIS- 
 TICS. 
 
 PART VI— Page 64— The Page resolution 
 
 CONDEMNING TiLDEN'S ATTEMPT TO STEAL 
 
 THE Oregon vote, and denouncing the in- 
 famy OF CrONIN, defeated by THE DEMO- 
 CRATS— OnLY TWO DECENT MEN IN ALL 
 
 Israel. 
 
VI 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Jeff DavlH' Recent Speech. 
 
 PARTI— Page 66— The Right of Skcession 
 Vindicated Still—*' A necessity for the 
 Safety and Freedom of thr Southern 
 States— Duty to Fight for it— The South 
 
 WILL abide by the CONSTITUTION AS THEY 
 
 CONSTRUE IT— The assurance OF FULL TR 
 UMPH TO THE SoUTH— RENEWAL OF StAT 
 
 Sovereignty — Fraternity Destroyed- 
 The Coming Southern Domination"— "Prij 
 CIPLE8 and Practices" ok the Slave-holi 
 BBS TO BE restored— The Mississippi Sho 
 gun means OF Southern Rrstoration— Th 
 Spirit which animatedhishearers— Spiri 
 op the Mississippi Press. 
 
p 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 The Republicaii Parly the Real Greenback Party, 
 
 PART I. 
 The Republican Party the Fa- 
 ther, Friend, ancl Guardian of 
 the Republican Greenback — 
 History of the Greenbach's 
 Birth— The l.egal-Tender Act— 
 Reaison for its Being— Demo- 
 cratic Opposition and Voles- 
 Secretary Chase's liCtter. 
 
 To ascertain the positioa in which the 
 two great parties of the country have 
 hitherto stood on the legal-tender note, or 
 "Greenback" question, and the folly of 
 the formation of a " Greenback party," 
 when it is susceptible of positive proof 
 that the Republican party has not only 
 always been the best friend, but is the 
 father and guardian of the greenback, 
 while the Democratic party has been its 
 bitter enemy, it may be well to look back 
 into the history of its origin and its growth 
 in public esteem. 
 
 _ It originated in 1862 as purely a Repub- 
 lican measure, suggested by a Republican 
 Secretary of the Treasury, passed by a 
 Republican Congress, approved by a Re- 
 oublicau President, as a means whereby 
 1 long and bloody war, brought on by the 
 ittempts of the rebel wing of the Demo- 
 cratic party to rule or ruin this Union of 
 States, might end in a triumph of union 
 and freedom. 
 
 February 6, 1862, under the manage- 
 nent of that staunch "old commoner," 
 Chad. Stevens, the bill first authorizing 
 i.n issue of United States legal-tender 
 lotes was passed by the House. The vote 
 ras yeas 93, nays 59, the yeas (only seven 
 Democrats) being almost entirely Repub- 
 ican, and the nays (which included twenty 
 Republicans) mainly Democratic. Among 
 he prominent Democrats who voted 
 gainst the greenback on this its first ap 
 ►earance will be found the names of S. S. 
 ^x, Holman, of Indiana, Pendleton and 
 /"allandigham, of Ohio, and Voorhees, of 
 ndiana, .some of whom at this late day 
 irofess to be advocates and friends of the 
 ;reenbackl In the Senate the bill was 
 assed by an affirmative vote of 30, of 
 
 whom 25 were Republicans — only three 
 Republicans voting against it ! The bill 
 became a law February 25. 1862. 
 
 The reason why the legal-tender clause 
 was put into the act at the suggestion of 
 the Republican Secretary of the Treasury, 
 S. P. Chase, was because of the refusal of 
 '' some persons and some institutions which 
 refused to receive and pay" out United 
 States notes and thus depreciated them. 
 These "persons" and "institutions" 
 were of the Democratic faith, and their 
 eflfort was to cripple the Government in 
 its war on the Southern wing of the Dem- 
 ocratic party for the preservation of the 
 Union. This is the precise language of 
 Mr. Secretary Chase's letter of January 
 29, 1862, to Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, 
 which led to the enactment of the legal- 
 tender measure : 
 
 * * * But. unfortunately, there are some 
 persons and some institutions which refuse to 
 receive and pay them, (U. S. notes,) and whose 
 action tends not merely to the unnecessary de- 
 preciation of the notes, but to establish dis- 
 crimination in business against those who, in 
 this matter, give a cordial support to the Gov* 
 ernment, and in favor of those who do not. 
 Such discriminations should, if possible, be 
 prevented ; and the provision making the notes 
 a legal tender, in a great measure at least, pre- 
 vents it, by putting all citizens, in this respect, 
 on the same level both of rights and duties. * * 
 The Democratic opposition was intended 
 to help the rebellion and cripple the 
 Union Treasury. That was the motive. 
 It was founded upon the pretence that the 
 is«!ue of legal-tender greenbacks was un- 
 constitutional. That was the pretext. 
 The Democrats hated the greenback be- 
 fore its birth, at its birth, and until by Re- 
 publican legislation it grew strong and 
 beautiful. They still hate it. But with 
 devilish cunning they now pretend to love 
 it, and, with fond caresses would embrace 
 it only to its destruction and undoing. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 The Democrats Directly Respon- 
 sible for Contraction— The Act 
 of April 12, 186a-AnaIysis of 
 the Votes by which it Passed. 
 The act of April 12, 1866, first session. 
 
 Thirty-ninth Congress — providing for a 
 
contract»6n hf Ihe'volfctAe oTgt&feflba'cfcB— 
 may fairly be claimed by the Demo- 
 crats as their own measnre. Under that 
 act, it will be remembered, the Secretary 
 of the Treasury actually retired $44,000,- 
 000 legal- tenders, reducing the volume of 
 , greenbacks in circulation to $356,000,000, 
 although subsequently, afler the panic ot 
 September, 1878, the Secretary issued (or 
 reissued) more than half of what he had 
 previously withdrawn. This contraction 
 act passed the House March 28, 1866, by 
 a Tote of 88 yeas to 68 nays. There were 
 66 Republicans voting yea, while 52 Re- 
 publicans voted nay. There were 28 
 Democrats who voted yea, and only one 
 Democrat who voted nay. The Democrats 
 had the balance of power, and under the 
 lead of SamuelJ. Randall, James Brooks, 
 Michael C. Kerr, Samuel S. Marshall and 
 Charles A. Eldridge, threw their united 
 strength for the bill, leaving only one poor 
 Democratic straggler — Edwin N. Hub- 
 bell— among the nost of Republicans who 
 fought the bill. 
 
 So, in the Senate. There the bill was 
 passed April 9, 1866, by a vote of 82 yeas 
 to 7 nays. The seven nays were all Re- 
 publicans, and all the Democrats who 
 voted, voted for the bill. Thus it appears 
 that on the passage of the bill in both 
 Houses the aggregate Democratic vote 
 against contraction was a solitary one ! 
 
 The Act of February 4, 1868, suspending 
 contraction— Vote analyzed— Tlie same 
 old ftory. 
 
 Again, there is the case of the act of 
 » February 4, 1868, passed during the 
 second session of the Fortieth Congress, 
 which reads in part as follows : 
 
 Bf it enacted, kc. That from and after the 
 paasa^e of this act the authority of the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury to make any reductios of 
 tb^B currency, by retiring or canceling United 
 States notes, shall be. and is hereby, sus- 
 pended. ****** 
 
 This act passed the House December 
 7, 1867,by 127 yeas to 32 nays; and of the 
 127 yeas only 24 were Democratic votes, 
 while 103 were Republican. 
 
 Thus again and again do we see that 
 while the Republicans did all they possi- 
 bly could for the greenback, the Demo- 
 crats did all they possibly could against 
 it, and whenever they were strong enough 
 did effectual harm. And as if to point 
 the case still more strongly, the Demo- 
 cratic President, Andy Johnson, allowed 
 the measure to become a law by the lapse 
 of time, (because he knew it was useless 
 to veto it,) but refused absolutely to sign 
 it. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 The Public Credit Act— The Re- 
 marlcable Vote by which it 
 Passed— Not oue Democrat 
 Votes for it— What the Double 
 Pledge of that Act was Iuteud> 
 ed to 9Iean. 
 
 The Public Credit Act of March 18, 
 1869 — the first act approved by President 
 Grant — contained and still contains the 
 following : 
 
 Be it enacted. &c.,1\i&i* * * the faith of 
 the United States is solemnly pledged to the 
 payment in coin. or its equivalent.of all the obli- 
 Kations of the United States not bearing inter- 
 est, known as United States notes. * * * 
 And the United States also solemnly pledges 
 its faith to make provision at the earliest prac- 
 ticable period for the redemption of the United 
 States notes in coin. 
 
 The vote bv which this act passed the 
 House, March 12, 1869, was 97 yeas— all 
 Republicans except Axtell, who is now a 
 Republican — to 47 nays, which were all 
 Democratic except 13. In other words, ' 
 all the Democrats of that House who 
 voted on the question voted to cripple 
 the greenback in every way they could, 
 and this important act, designed to nurse 
 and foster the greenback, to give it char- 
 acter and value in the eyes of the world, 
 as well as in our own eyes, was carried 
 through the House solely by Republican 
 votes. In the Senate the same thing was 
 observed. The public credit act passed 
 the Senate, March 16, 1869, by 42 yeas 
 to 13 nays. All those voting for the bill 
 were Republicans. Six Democrats 
 (there were only eight Democrats all told 
 in the Senate at that time) voted against 
 it. 
 
 This shows the absolute unanimity of 
 the Democratic party at that time in op- 
 position to the greenback, and the al- 
 most absolute unanimity of the Republi- 
 can party in its favor. 
 
 And here it may be well to note the 
 words of the double pledge, intended to 
 strengthen and maintain the value of the 
 greenback. The first pledge is that, 
 some time or other, the greenback will 
 be paid in coin, ''^or its equivalent.^ ^ ""he 
 second pledge is, that " provision" at the 
 " earliest practicable period" shall be 
 made for its redemption. There is n( th- 
 ing whatever in these pledges to show the 
 intention was to retire the greenb ick 
 whenever that "practicable perioi" 
 should arrive. On the contrary, it was 
 the manifest, palpable intention of these 
 pledges — first, to make the greenback 
 
dollar as good as a gold or silver dollar, 
 and, second, to let all understand that 
 the Government would pay a gold or silver 
 dollar for the greenback dollar, just as 
 soon as they could, provided anybody 
 wanted a gold or silver dollar in place of 
 the greenback dollar. There was not the 
 slightest intention to force a retirement of 
 greenbacks. 
 
 The Republican party conceived and 
 created the greenback, and reared it to its 
 present full and mature stature, despite all 
 the diseases which it had to encounter in 
 its infancy and youth, and despite all the 
 malignant devices and machinations with 
 v/hich the Democracy sought early and 
 late to enfeeble, cripple, and destroy it. 
 The Republican party was not likely "to 
 go back" on that which had proven to be 
 its best friend. 
 Senator Hamilton's proposed amendment 
 
 to knock the life out of the Greenback. 
 
 December 10, 1873. — In the Senate, Mr. 
 Hamilton, of Maryland, (Democrat,) pro- 
 posed a new article to the Constitution, viz: 
 That 
 
 The United States shall never make any- 
 thing but gold and silver coin a tender for the 
 payment of debts, either public or private. 
 
 This never eame to a vote. 
 
 PART lY. 
 A Democratic Trick at tbe £nd 
 of a. Session— A Vote that 
 Amounts to Nothing— A Pre- 
 vious Vote where the Demo- 
 crats Refused to Adopt the 
 Republican Senate's Proposi- 
 tion to make Greenbacks Re- 
 ceivable for Customs Duties— 
 The Vote in Full. 
 
 After wasting many valuable months, 
 on the 20th June, 1878, in the last hours 
 of the session, the House went through the 
 motions of passing a bill, ©flfered by Mr. 
 Southard, providing that *' on and after the 
 first day of October, A. D. 1878, legal- 
 tender notes of the United States shall be 
 received at par in payment of customs 
 duties," when it was quite evident that 
 nothing could be done by the Senate at 
 that session. As Congress will not meet 
 again until after the date fixed in the bill, 
 of course the measure is dead. It was a 
 sharp trick to " fool" the people ; but not 
 sharp enough to make them believe that 
 the life-long enemy of the greenback had 
 really and sincerely become its friend all 
 at once. 
 
 The Ewing Anti- Resumption House 
 bill, as amended, having gone to the Sen- 
 
 ate, that Republican body on June 13th, 
 1878, amended and passed it, so that it 
 read as follows: 
 
 Be it enacted, &c.. That from and after the 
 passage of this act United States notes shall be 
 receivable the same as coin in payment for the 
 4 per cent, bonds now authorized by law to be 
 issued ; and on and after October 1, 1878, said 
 notes shall be receivable for duties on import 
 
 If the Democrats wanted an opportu- 
 nity to show love for the greenback, here 
 was their chance, for here was a measure 
 expressly designed by the Republicans to 
 increase the value and usefulness of the 
 greenback, and which measure, had the 
 Democratic House not killed it, would 
 have brought greenbacks fully up to par 
 with gold and silver. 
 
 June 18, Mr. Fort, Republican, moved 
 to suspend the rules and concur in the 
 above Senate amendments. 
 
 The Democratic House refused to sus- 
 pend the rules and concur by 140 yeas to 
 112 nays — a two-thirds vote being needed. 
 Only 34 Democrats voted yea, while 97 of 
 them voted nay. Following is the vote in 
 full: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aclden, Aldrich, Bacon, G. A. 
 Bagley. J. H. Baker. W. H. Baker, Banks, 
 BickneU, Bisbee, Boyd, Brentano, Brewer, 
 Bridges, Briggs, T. M. Browne, Bundy, H. C. 
 Burchard, Bardick, Cain, J. M. Campbell, 
 Candler, Cannon, Caswell, Claflin, R. Clark, 
 Chmer, Cobb, Cole, Conger, S. S. Cox, Cravens, 
 Cidbtrson, Cummings, Cutler, Danford, H. Da- 
 vis, Deering, Denison, Bunnell, Dwight, Er/en, 
 Eickhoff, Ellsworth, Errett, J. L. Evans, Fort, 
 Foster, Freeman, Frye, Fuller, Gardner, Gib- 
 son, Giddings, Goude, Hale, A. H. Hamilton, 
 Hanna, Harmer, Harrison, Haskell, P. C. 
 Hayes, Hazelton, Hendee, Henderson, Hub- 
 bell, Hunter, Hunton, H. L. Humphrey, Ittner, 
 James, F. Jones. Jorgensen, Keifer, Keightley, 
 Kenna, J. H. Ketcham, Kimmtl, Lapham, 
 Lathrop, Lindsey, Loring, LuttrelL Marsh, 
 Mayham, McGowan, McKinley, L. S Metcalfe, 
 Mitchell, Morrinon, Muller, fi. S. Neal, Nor- 
 cross, Oliver, Overton, Page. G. W. Patterson 
 T. M. Pater son. Peddle, Phelps, W. A. Phil- 
 lips, Pollard, Pound. Powers, Price, Pugh, 
 Bainey, Randolph, Reagan, Reed, W. W. Rice, 
 Koberti, G. D. Robinson, Ryan, Sampson, 
 Sapp, Schleicher, Shallenberger. Sinnickson, 
 Smalls, Starin, Stenger, Stewart, J. W. Stone 
 J. C. Stone, Strait, J. M. Thompson, A. Town- 
 send, M, I. Townsend, Tucker, Vceder. Wat- 
 son, Welch, H. White. M. D.White. A. S. Wil- 
 liams, A. Williams, C. G. Williams, Willits. 
 Wren— 140. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Aiken, Atkins, Banning, H. P. 
 Bell, Blackburn, Blair, Blount, Boone, Bouck, 
 Bragg, Bright, Brogden, Butler, Cabell, J. W. 
 Caldwell, Carlisle, ChahnQ-a, Chittenden, A. A. 
 Clark, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., Collins, 
 Cook, Covert, J. D. Cox. Crapo, Crittenden, Da- 
 vidson, J. J. Davis, Bean, Dibrell, Dickey, Dur- 
 ham, Eames, Mam, I. N. Evans, /. H. Evins, 
 Ewing, Felton, E. B. Finlei/, Forney, Iranklin, 
 Garfield, Garth, Gause, Hardenp^rgh, H. R. 
 Harris, J. T. Harris, Hart, Hartridge, Hartzell, 
 Henkle, Henry, A. A'. Hewitt, G. W. Hewi't, Her- 
 bert, Hooker, House, Hungerford, /. T. Jones, 
 J. S. Jones, Kelley, Ligon, Lockwood, Lynde, 
 Mackey, Maish, Manning, McCook, McKenzie, 
 McMahon, Mills, Monroe, Morgan, Morse, Mul- 
 drow, O'Neill, C. N. Potter, Pridemore, Kf.a, J, 
 B. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle,W.M. Bobbins, M. 
 Ross, Sayler, Scales, Shelley, Singleton, A. H. 
 
6mith, W. K Smith, Southard, ^onrka. Springer, 
 S(e«le,Stenhen>i, Throckmorton, R.W.Tnirnihcnd, 
 Turmir, THr^ev, R. B. Vance, Wad,l,'U, Wait, 
 Vf. Ward, Warner. WhUthorne. J. WU/i^tns, R. 
 Williams, A. S.WUlis, B. A. Willie, B. Wi/xan, 
 
 »r I>eixK»cratic vote against Hub Be- 
 imbliean Or>eenb»ck — Agraliwt Its beinif 
 veceirable for castows— aud iu favor of 
 cancelling and retiring it. 
 
 November 2, 1877.— Mr. Habbell, Be- 
 pyblican, moved to strike out the enacting 
 clause of the Ewing House bill — which 
 sougkt to repeal the third section of the 
 Beeumption act — and insert the following: 
 
 Thact 80 mucli of section 3 of an act to pro- 
 vide for resumption of 8i>ecie payments ap- 
 S roved January 14, 1875, as provides for the re- 
 emption in coin, by the United States, of all 
 l«iral-tender notes outstanding on the first day 
 oC January, 1879, embraced in the clause of said 
 aection of said act in the language following, to 
 wit: "And on and after the 1st day of January, 
 A. D. 1879. the Secretary of the Treasury shall 
 redeem in ooia the United States legal-tender 
 notes then outstanding, on their presentation 
 for redemption at the office of the Assistant 
 Treasurer of the United States in the city of 
 Jjtevr York, in sums of not less than $50," shall 
 he 80 construed as not to authorize or require 
 the Secretary of the Treasury to retire and can- 
 oed said notes, redeemed as aforesaid, but to au- 
 thorize and require said Secretary to deposit 
 ea&d notes in the Treasury of tue United States, 
 wtereupon said notes shall be paid out, at par 
 value, in discharge of all claims and demands 
 against the United States, or in exchange for 
 Qoin ; and said notes shall, as heretofore,, con- 
 tinue to bo a legal tender, and on and after Jan- 
 uary 1. 1879, shall be receivable, at their faoe 
 value, in payment of all dues to the Q-ovem- 
 oneat, and for all debts, except Avhere coin pay- 
 Htnent in stipulated by contract or statute ; and 
 all provisions of law in conflict with this act are 
 b«Feby repealed. 
 
 This was defeated by 90 yeas to 158 
 nays — only 6 Democrats voting for it, and 
 only 30 Republicajas voting against it. 
 The following is the vote in detail : ^^ 
 
 Teas— Mffisrs. Aldrich, Bacon, G. A. Bagle-;', 
 W. H. Baker, Ballou, Banks- Bisbee, Boyd, 
 Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, H.C. Burcbard.Bur- 
 dick, Camp, J. M. Campbell, Claflin, R. Clark, 
 Cole, Conger, J. D Cox. Crapo, Cummings, Dan- 
 ^ord, H. Davis, Deering, Denison, Dunnell, 
 ]>wigfat, Eames. Ellsworth. I. N. Evans, Foster, 
 JPreeman. Frye, Garfield, Hale, Harmer, B. W. 
 Harris, Hendee, Henderson, Hubbell, H. L, 
 Humphrey, Hungerford, Ittner, James, F. 
 Jvnee. J . S Jones, Jorgensen. Keightley, 0. M. 
 JLandcra, Lapham, Lindsey, Lockwood, Loriog, 
 Jjnttrell, McGowan. McKinley, L. S. Metcalfe, 
 Jttenroe, Mo.-ae. Norcross, O'Neill, Overton, Par- 
 Checho, G. W. Patterson, Peddie, Pound. Pow- 
 ers, Price, Pugh, Reed, W . W . Rice, G. D. Rob- 
 nnson, Sampson, Shellenberger, Sinnickson, 
 Stewart, J. W. Stone, A. Townsend, Wait, Wat- 
 son, Welch, H. White, A. S. WiUi%m,», A, Wil- 
 liams, C. G. Williams, R. Williams. Willits, 
 Wren— 90. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. AtJdm. J. H. Bakw, Ban- 
 mmff, Bayn^, Beebe, H. P. Bell, Blackburn, 
 JBland, Boene, Bragg, Brogden, T. M. Brown«, 
 Muckner, Gahell, Cain, J. W. Caldwell. W. P. 
 iOaldwell, Calkins, Cannon, Carlide, Chalmers, 
 A^ A. Clark, J. B. Clarke, J. B, Clark, Jr^ 
 Clymer, Cobb, Callins, dak, Qjvert, Cranenn, 
 Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, Bamdson, J. J. 
 J)«OM, Dibrell^ Dickey, Do-uglas, Durham, 
 
 Eden, Eickhoff, Elank, Errett, J. H. Evin$, 
 Ewing. Felton, E. B. Finleg, Forney, Fort, 
 Franiclin, Fuller, Oardner, Garth, Gibion, G id- 
 ding t. Glover. Qoode, QvmJter.A. H. Hamilton, 
 Hanna, Hardenbergh, H. M. UarriH. J. T. Jlar- 
 rin, tlarrinon. Hart, Hartridge, Hartzcll, Has- 
 kell, H'ttcher. P. C. Hayes. Henklc, Henry, 
 Herbert, A. S. Hemitt. G. W. Hcmitt, H'loker, 
 Hiwie, Hunter, Hunton, J. T. Jonen, Joyce, 
 Kelley, Kenna, Killinger, Kimmcll, Knapp, 
 Knott, Lathrop, Leonard, Ligon, Mackey, 
 Mainh, Manning, Marsh. 'Martin, Mayham, 
 McCook, McKenzie, McMahon, Milla, Money, 
 Morgan, Morrison, Muldrow, Midler, Oliver, 
 Phelps. W. A. Phillips, C. N. Potter, Pride- 
 more, Rainey, Randolph, Rea, Reagan. J. B, 
 Reilln, A. V. Rice. Riddle. W. M. Robhim, 
 Roberts, Robertson, M. S, Robinson, M. Rosa, 
 Ryan, Sapp, Sayler, Scales, Skelley, Singleton, 
 Slemona, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Steele, 
 Steager, Stephens. Swann, J, M. Thompson, 
 Throckmorton, Tipton, R. W. Townsn-nd, 
 Tucker, Turner, Turney, R. B. Vance, Van 
 Vorhes. Waddell, Walsh, War aer, M. D.White, 
 WJiitthorne, J. N. Williams, A, S. Willis. B. A. 
 Willis, B. Wilson, F. Wood, Wright, Yeates, 
 Young— lb%. 
 
 AnotAver Republican measure gets tliroftsfi 
 both Houses. 
 
 April 29, 1878, Mr. Fort, Republican, 
 introduced the following bill, which passed 
 both Houses, and is now law, prohibit- 
 ing any further retirement of the Repub- 
 lican greenback : 
 
 Be it enacted, etc.. That from and after the 
 passage of this act it shall not be lawful for the 
 Secretary of the Treasury or other officer under 
 him to cancel or retire any more of the United 
 States legal-tender notes. And when any of 
 said notes may be redeemed or be received into 
 the Treasury under any law from any source 
 whatever, and shall belong to the United States, 
 they shall not be retired, canceled or destroyed, 
 but they shall be reissued and paid out again 
 and kept in circulation : Provided, That noth- 
 ing herein shall prohibit the cancellation and 
 destruction of mutilated notes and the issue of 
 other notes of like denomination in their stead, 
 as now provided by law. All acts and parts of 
 acts in conflict herewith are hereby repealed. 
 
 PAET Y. 
 Democratic Hatred of tke Re- 
 publican Greenback Follows 
 it even into tlie Sinpreme Court 
 - Democratic Justices Hold tbe 
 liCgal Tender Act Unconstitu- 
 tional — Republican J nstices 
 Hold ©tlierwise. 
 
 As a further illustration of the impreg- 
 nable position that while the Democratic 
 party has ever been the enemy of the 
 greenback, the Republican party has ever 
 been its best and only friend, it may be 
 well to recall the fact that in the famous 
 case of Hepburn vs. Griswold, involving 
 the constitutionality of the legal tender 
 clause, as relates to contracts made prior 
 to its adoption, the Democratic Supreme 
 Court judges — Chief Justice Chase, and 
 Associate Justices Nelson, Clifford, Grier, 
 and Field — decided that the legal tender 
 
act "is inconsistent with the spirit of the 
 Constitution ; and that il; is prohibited by 
 the Constitution ;" while the Republican 
 judges — Miller, Swayne and Davis — dis- 
 sented, and held the "very decided opin- 
 ion that Congress acted within the scope 
 of its authority," and declared, in their 
 opinion, "the law to be constitutional." 
 That is known as the legal tender decis- 
 sion of 1869 — and was not made by a full 
 court. Subsequently, with a full bench, 
 the Supreme Court made, in the cases of 
 Knox vs. Lee and Parker vs. Davis, what 
 is known as the legal tender decision of 
 1871 — the Republican justices, forming a 
 majority of the court, holding the legal 
 tender "acts of Congress constitutional, 
 ^ as applied to contracts made either before 
 or after their passage," thus overruling 
 the former decision in Hepburn vs. Gris- 
 wold; while the Democratic judges, to wit: 
 Chief Justice Chase, and Justices Nelson, 
 GlLfiFord, and Field, dissented. 
 
 PART VI. 
 Utterance;^ of Democratic I^ead- 
 er» in €oiigrei»s I>eelariMg tke 
 OreenbaclL Uitcoiiistitutioiial. 
 
 The Democratic leaders besides voting 
 against the Republican greenback worked 
 against it and talked in Congress against 
 it with all their might — taking the ground 
 that it was unconstitutional to issue such 
 money. Here is what some of them said 
 cm this point. 
 
 What Tallaudigham, Democrat, of Ohio, 
 said. 
 
 In a speech, February 3, 1862, Mr. Val- 
 LANDiGHAM said : 
 
 Sir, if it were fifty fold as constitutional as, 
 in my deliberate judgment it is unconstitu- 
 tional in letter, and abhorrent to the principles 
 and spirit of thut instrument, it could not com- 
 mand my support. I will not renew the discus- 
 sion of the question of constitutional power to 
 make Government paper or any.other paper, a 
 
 legal-tender in payment of any debts, publie 
 or private, present or prospective. My col- 
 league from the First district (Mr, Pendleton 
 the other day, with a clearness and force neveir 
 exceeded in this hall, disposed of that que»« 
 tion forever. * * 
 
 Mr Powell, Democrat, of Kentucky, saicE 
 
 In my judgment the bill is plainly and pal- 
 pably violative of the Constitution of th» 
 United States. * * 
 
 Hendrick B. Wright, Democrat, of Penn- 
 sylvania, said, Februaocy 5, 18G3 : 
 
 This bill proposes, sir, to throw on the coun- 
 try $100,000,000 of Treasury notes, payable at no 
 time — payable nowhere — payable at the pleas- 
 ure of th.e Government — and the astounding 
 clause is added, that these notes— pai able at 
 no plaK3e, at no time— .^ hall be lawful money 
 and a legal-tender in payment of all debts, 
 public and private, within the United States. 
 Now I submit, as a matter of law, as a correct 
 conclusion from the Constitution itself, that 
 you cannot, under the Constitution of these 
 United States, make anything but gold and 
 silver a legal-tender on contracts. 
 
 Gem'se H. Pendleton, Democrat,. of €>liio> 
 said, January 39, 1863 : 
 
 I find no grant of this power in direct terms, 
 or, as I think, by fair implication. It is not 
 an accidental omission ; it is not an admission 
 through inadvertency; it was intentionally 
 left out of the Constitu tion because it was de- 
 signed that the power should not reside in the 
 Federal Government. 
 
 Senator James A. Bayard, Democrat, <» 
 Delaware, February 13, 1863, said : 
 
 The thing, to my mind, is so palpable a vio- 
 lation of the Constitution that I doubt whether 
 in any court of justice in the country, having 
 a decent regard to its o wn resi ectability, you 
 can possibly expect that this bill which younow 
 pass will not, whenever the question is pre- 
 sented judicially, receive its condemnation as 
 unconstitutional and void in this clause. 
 
 Senator James A. Pearce, Democrat, » 
 Mainland, said. Februai-y 13, 1862 : 
 
 I see no power from which we can infer 
 authority in this Government to make paper 
 money a legal tender. 
 
 Senator Willard Saulsbury, Democrat, ©• 
 Delaware, said, February 13, 1863 : 
 
 It is so clearly unconstitutional, in my opin- 
 ion, that I cannot conscientiously vote for it- 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 The Labor Question. 
 
 PAKT I. 
 
 The L.aboi* Qoeistion— The Re- 
 publican Party the True L<abor 
 Party— Democratic Efforts to 
 Deg rade and Brutalize Labor. 
 
 What does the workingman want that 
 the Republican party is not pledged by 
 every tradition and measure to do for 
 him? That party was absolutely born in 
 a fight with the slave power — the power 
 of owned labor, owned by Democrats. 
 And throughout its existence it has ever 
 frowned down and legislated against any 
 and all movements to degrade labor and 
 make it servile. The Democratic party, on 
 the other hand, has not had a thought for 
 the past forty- five years beyond the preser- 
 vation of the accursed systems of slavery 
 and servile labor. For the right to own 
 labor instead of paying " a fair day's 
 wages for a fair day's work," that party 
 plunged the nation into civil war. 
 
 How the Democratic party robs Product-, 
 ive labor over $135,000,000 a year. 
 
 Out of the wealth which labor produces 
 every year, more than $125,000,000 are 
 paid for pensions and interest on the 
 war debt of the nation, all entailed by 
 the war waged by Southern Democrats, 
 egged on by Northern Democratic Dough- 
 faces, for a slave labor system. 
 
 Democratic "devotion" to the laboring 
 people— The " cheese-paring " policy- 
 Sad sights and sounds in TVashington— 
 Democratic crusade against scrubbing 
 women and male laborers. 
 
 The Democratic House during the last 
 three years has shown its "devotion to the 
 laboring people" by the cheeseparing 
 policy of cutting down the wages of gov- 
 ernment laborers, messengers, and clerks, 
 carefully avoiding any reduction in the 
 pay of its own members. Upon the ad- 
 journment at each session the streets of 
 Washington have presented the spectacle 
 of crowds of hapless people discharged 
 from the lower grades of service in 
 the departments, while the corridors 
 of the great Government buildings were 
 loud with the wailing of poor wo- 
 
 men suddenly bereft of all chance 
 to earn a scant livelihood for themselves 
 and dependent families. It may be re- 
 garded as the special triumph of this 
 Democratic policy that in this cutting 
 down of the low-priced^ laborers and 
 clerks, both as to pay and numbers em- 
 ployed, the poor scrubbing women en- * 
 gaged at the public buildings were re- 
 duced in the greatest proportion, and 
 many were discharged. At one time even 
 the appropriations for laborers at the 
 Capitol were withheld. So that there was 
 no lawful way in which men enough could 
 be employed to clean up the filth expec- 
 torated by the Democracy in the halls 
 through which the wives of Senators, 
 Cabinet oflficers, foreign ministers, or 
 even the wife of the President, could walk 
 to reach the place assigned to them in 
 the galleries of Congress. 
 
 PART II. 
 Condition and Wages of the L-a- 
 
 borer abroad— Compare these 
 
 Prices and Hard Times with 
 
 our own. 
 
 To show that the prevailing "hard 
 times" in America — bad as they are — 
 might be worse, and that " worse times " 
 really exist in other countries, it is in- 
 structive to glance at the reports on labor 
 and wages in various foreign countries re- 
 cently received at the State Department 
 from our consuls abroad. A comparison 
 of the condition and wages of the Euro- 
 pean laborer with those of the American 
 J laborer will show, at any rate, that the 
 latter is not yet reduced to such straits as 
 his European brother, thanks to the de- 
 feat of the Democratic Wood tariff bill. 
 
 Labor and wages In Northern Germany- 
 Discontent. 
 
 The consul at Brunswick, reporting as 
 to Northern Germany, divides labor into 
 three classes : 
 
 Mechanics and skilled artisans of all kinds, 
 who receive from 48 to 88 cents a day ; ordinary 
 laborers, including farm and field hands, who 
 receive from 40 to 64 cents a day, without 
 board ; and railway hands, laborers on public 
 works, and the like, who get from 44 to 60 cents 
 
a day. A laborer's family of husband, wife 
 and three children, can live very comfortable 
 on 900 marks (about $215) per annum, and if 
 steady work offers can make both ends meet. 
 In most cases the wife and elder children C9n- 
 tribute to the general support by performing 
 other work. 
 
 liabor and wages in Rhenish ;|Prussia— Fall 
 in Avages — Rise in cost of living. ^.'J'Z, 
 
 Our consul at Bannen transmits, June 
 8, 1878, a letter from the president of the 
 Agricultural Society, Rhenish Prussia, in 
 which he says : 
 
 During the years 1871-4, the wages of farm 
 hands and journeymen had risen to such a 
 height that agricultural pursuits yielded but 
 a small profit, or more often resulted in severe 
 losses to tenants and owners of mortgaged 
 lands. The rise was equal to 50 per cent., and 
 the fall during the last few years is about 25 
 per cent. Grain and bread prices have fallen 
 slightly, but all other necessaries remain to a 
 great extent at their former prices. This is 
 particularly true with the dairy and the herd. 
 Milk, butter, cheese, meats, and leather have 
 more than doubled in price in the last twenty - 
 five years. 
 
 liOW prices of skilled labor in France. 
 
 Our commercial agent at St. Etienne, 
 France, reports, June 7, 1878 : Z 
 
 "Weavers of plain ribbons earn 40 to 50 cents 
 a day, a better grade 60 and 70 cents, and novel- 
 ties $1.40 to $1.80 a day. Women, who do most 
 of the work on rib'bon«, except weaving, make 
 from 50 to 65 cents a day. Farm hands average 
 $15 a month, while their cost of living is $12 or 
 $13 a month. Miners, those who work under- 
 ground, earn $1.05 to $1,15 a day ; above ground, 
 65 to 75 cents a day. No improvements are 
 manifest in machinery or in the manner of do- 
 ing business. 
 
 L.ong hours and low pay in Fngland. 
 
 Our consul at Bradford, England, re- 
 ports as to his district that — 
 
 The wages of railroad employees are : Station- 
 master, $350 to $500 a year, with a house; 
 guards, $5 to $7.50 a week ; engine-driver . $1.37 
 to $1.87 a day; stoker, 87 cents to $1 per day. 
 Factory hands— General foreman, $3 to $5 per 
 day; foreman, $1.50 ; skilled hands, man, $1.25; 
 woman, 75 cents ; common hands, 87 to 50 cents; 
 mechanics, $1.25; cartmen, $1; colliers, $1.50 a 
 day. Police force— Chief superintendent, $2,500 
 and house (included) per annum ; superinten- 
 dents of divisions, $700 to $750; inspectors, $8.75 
 to $10 a week; sergeants, $7.25 to $8.75; police- 
 men, $6 to $3.50 a week. Public works— Street 
 sweepers, 83 cents a day; laborers, 87 to 95 
 cents a day; repairers of street paving, $1. All 
 laborers work 56i hours per week. Wages be- 
 gan to be reduced one year ago, followed by 
 strikes and riots. 
 
 L.OW wages in Scotland— They are steadily 
 declining — High cost of living. 
 
 Our consul at Leith gives the annual in- 
 come among the Lothians : 
 
 'Of farm laborers as $242.40; in the'.'south- 
 west of Scotland, $230.40; women. $144. In the 
 northeastern counties men $221.11. Female 
 kitchen servants $76.80 per annum. In ex- 
 treme northern counties men $187.20. Day 
 laborers get from 48 to 72 cents a day. Specially 
 skilled or trustworthy men and women re- 
 ceive higher wages than those above specified. 
 
 In most cases married men are paid monthly, 
 and single men half yearly. On the railways 
 the wages per week are : Passenger conductors, 
 $6.48: freight conductors, $7.20; porters, $5.04. 
 Sunday labor is paid for extra. Engineers re- 
 ceive $1.68 per day; firemen, 96 cents; laborers, 
 72 cents. Men in the linen works earn $6 per 
 week; women, $2.65, A week is 56i hours. Car- 
 penters are paid $1.05; masons, $1.50; laborers, 
 80 cents. A day is ten hours except with ma- 
 sons, whose day is nine hours. Bookbinders 
 earn $8.50 per week; shoemakers, $6 for sixty 
 hours, (as a rule they work by the piece;) cab- 
 inet-makers, $7.20; printers, newspaper, night 
 work, make from $11 to $18 a week or more; day 
 work, $7.80, (day hands work 51i hours, night 
 hands 48 hours per week.) In publishing houses 
 they earn $6.75 for 54 hours. Painters $7.65 for 
 51 hours; plumbers, $7.20; tailors, generally by 
 the piece, averaging $6.7) per week. 
 
 Our consul at Glasgow reports, as to Scotland 
 generally: " Wages are steadily declining. La- 
 borers receive from 50 to 75 cents a day ; min- 
 ers, 8 to 12 cents an hour; mechanics, $7 a 
 week; printers. $8. On railways conductors 
 are paid $5 to $6 a week; switch-tenders, $5; 
 engine-drivers, 10 to 14 cents an hour ; firemen, 
 6 to 8 cents an hour. The cost of living is about 
 the same as in the United States ; whisky, con- 
 sidered a necessity, costs about 300 per cent, 
 more in Scotland than in the United States, 
 Beer is comparatively cheap," 
 
 Wages still lower in Ireland— Decreased 
 "savings.'. 
 
 Our consul at Cork reports, June 27, 
 1878, that in Ireland 
 
 A gricultural laborers get 48 cents a day ; coal- 
 heavers, machinists, gas-fitters, and bakers, 
 $1.09; masons, shoemakers, painters, and join- 
 ers, $1,21 ; on public works laborers earn from 
 48 to 60 cents a day ; on the railways conductors 
 receive from $4.38 to $7.29 per week ; engineers. 
 $1.21 to $1.70 per day. Last summer the rail- 
 way employees struck for an advance, but 
 failed. The cost of living to the laborer and 
 mechanic is about $85 per annum. Trade is 
 much depressed, with many failures. Wages 
 and cost of living have increased about one- 
 sixth since 1873, 
 
 Our consul at Dublin reports as to Ire- 
 land that — 
 
 The skilled mechanic gets per day 6s. 6d,, and 
 the unskilled mechanic receives 17s. 6d. per 
 week. Agricultural laborers are paid per day 
 from Is. 2d. to 2s. 6d., permanent, and from 2s. 
 6d. to 3s. 6d. in the busy season, the rate of 
 wages varying very much according tb locality 
 and season. 
 
 liOW wages in Wales — Women forced to 
 labor— Wages decreased and decreasing* 
 
 Our consul at CardiflF, Wales, reports, 
 June 29, 1878, that— 
 
 In Wales farm laborers earn from $1.50 to 
 $3.50 per week, varying in difi'erent counties 
 more or less distant from railroads; privileges 
 of house room and beer may be added to the 
 wages. In towns brickmakers earn $2.50 to 
 $7.50 a week; ship carpenters, $1.62 a day; 
 coopers, $1.12; engine drivers, #1.25 to $2: fire- 
 men, $1 to $1.12; laborers, 10 cents per hour; 
 painters, 14 cents ; masons, 16 cents ; carpen- 
 ters, 16 cents ; plumbers, 15 cents ; plasterers, 
 15 cents an hour. The wives of laboring men 
 fill a more active place in the bread winning 
 scheme than women do in America. Many go 
 off to their work every morning of their lives 
 as regularly as their husbands. The cost of 
 living in Wales would be somewhat higher now 
 than in 1873, were it not for the importation of 
 
8 
 
 American beef, canned meats, vegetables, and 
 fruits. Meantime the rate of wages has de- 
 creased and the tendency is downward. Trade 
 thronghout the district is in a very depressed 
 condition. There is much distress among the 
 laboring classes for want of employment. The 
 Welsh laborers as a class are thriftier than the 
 Irish or English. In some parts of Wales the 
 habits of the people are still primitive. "Wages 
 are there nominal. 
 
 The reason why the Aiuericau laboi-er Is 
 better off thau the laborer abroad — How 
 to avoid harder times and get better 
 times here. 
 
 Thus, we find without taking into ac- 
 count such circuraatancea as the awful 
 famines in China, India and Southern 
 Morocco, or the distresses in European 
 and Asiatic Turkey, incident to the war 
 with Russia — that the American laborer 
 is certainly better ofiF than the laborer of 
 foreign lands, despite all the malevolent 
 attempts of the Democrats to tinker the 
 tariff in the interest of foreign manufac- 
 turers and importers, and against the in- 
 terests of home manufacturers and the 
 labor which they employ. Upon the po- 
 litical complexion of the next House, it 
 largely depends whether times will 
 grow still harder, as will be the case if the 
 Democrats get control of it, or whether 
 brighter days shall dawn as will be the 
 case if the Republicans get control of it. 
 For it is susceptible of proof that the 
 "cheese paring" policy in the cutting down 
 of the pay and nujabers of the poor Gov- 
 ernment laborers and clerks, inaugurated 
 at the time the Democrats secured the 
 House three years ago, under the sham 
 cry of "economy," immediately led to 
 the reduction of wages of labor all over 
 the United States, and the throwing out 
 of numberless thousands of deserving 
 workingmen and women from employ- 
 ment in all bur cities and towns. It 
 caused untold distress, and the panic cre- 
 ated by the threatened passage of the 
 Wood tariff bill, added still further to the 
 general scare and disaster and the conse- 
 quent suffering and misery of the classes 
 who are anxious for work but cannot get it. 
 .Yet, despite all this, as has been shown, 
 the comparison of wages of labor in this 
 country with wages of labor in foreign 
 countries is favorable to our own ; aad 
 that this is the case is due mainly to the 
 present tariff system of the United States, 
 adhered to by the Republican party, and 
 to which the Democratic party is opposed. 
 Let us examine this matter a moment. 
 
 The Dcmocratictarift'bill— How it unsettled 
 business interests and injured the labor- 
 ing man — Tlie Democratic vote to con- 
 sider it. 
 
 ■ The Wqod Tariff bill introduced at the 
 
 last session of th-e present Congress un- 
 doubtedly did more than any other one 
 thing to unsettle values, to destroy confi- 
 dence in our industries, to make capital 
 timid of investment, and to react with 
 cruel effect upon the mechanic and labor- 
 ing men and women throughout the coun- 
 try. At first the industrial interests of the 
 land proceeded as usual, under the belief 
 that it was merely one of the usual clap trap 
 devices of Democracy to secure some lit- 
 tle political strength in certain localities, 
 and that there was no serious purpose in 
 it. But after a while apprehension was 
 aroused and petition after petition came 
 in from the bone and sinew of the land, 
 deprecating and protesting against any 
 change in the wise tariff act which had 
 been given to the country by the Repub- 
 lican party. Deaf to these appeals, 
 and refusing to give audience to the dele- 
 gations which came to Washington in the 
 interests of the trades and of labor, Mr. 
 Wood and his Democratic friends, contin- 
 ued defiantly to press bis iniquitous, illy- 
 digested tariff bill in the interests of for- 
 eigners and foreign importers and against 
 the interests of our own tradesmen and 
 workingmen and the people generally. 
 Republicans did all they could to refuse 
 the measure any consideration whatever, 
 but at last, on the 26th March, 1878, Mr. 
 Wood succeed'ed in bringing the bill be- 
 fore the House. Upon his motion a res- 
 olution was adopted making his bill the 
 special order for Thursday, April 4, and 
 to continue from day to day until disposed 
 of. The vote by which this resolution 
 was agreed to was 137 yeas to 114 nays. 
 Of the yeas there were 122 Democrats and 
 only 15 Republicans ; of the nays 104 Re- 
 publicans and only 10 Democrats. Thus, 
 in spite of the almost solid Republican 
 vote against giving this crude biy a hear- 
 ing, an almost solid Democratic vote 
 brought it before the House and gave it a 
 chance of being enacted into a law. The 
 Democrats who voted to make the bill a 
 special order are the following r 
 
 Meai-Ta. Acklev, Aiken, Atkiuif, Bannina, -ffl 
 P. Ball, Benedict, Bicknell, Blnckburn, Bliss, 
 Blount. Boone, Bouck, Briaht, Biick'ur, Cabell, 
 J. W. Caldwell, W: P. Caldwell, Garli'-.le, Chal- 
 mers, A, A. Clarke. J. B. Clarke, J. B. 
 Clark, Jr., Cobb, Gook. Covert, S._ S. Cox. 
 Craven*, Crittenden^ Culbtr^orK Davidwn, J. 
 J. Bavi', Dibrell, Dickty, Bouglaf, Durham, 
 Edtn, Eickhoff, Ellis, Fel'on, E. B. Finley, 
 Forneu. Garth. Cause, Gibson, Giddings, Gun- 
 ter. A. H.Hamilton, Haad^nbergh, H. R. Harris,. 
 J. T. Harris, Har-rinon, Hurt, Hartridge. Hart- 
 WcU, Henkle, Hearu. A. S. Htwitt, G. W. Hew- 
 itt, Herbert, Hooke)\ House, Huntan, F. Jones, 
 J. T. Jonet, Kewna, Kimmel, Knott, G. M. Lan- 
 ders, Ligon, L'^ekwood, Lutrell, Lijnde, Man- 
 ning, Martin, Mayham, McMahon, Mills, 
 Money, Morgan, Morrison, Morse, Muldrow,. 
 Muller, Phelps, G. N. Potter, Qu nn, Rea, Rea- 
 gan, A. V. Rice, Riddle, W. M. Bobbins, Boh- 
 
9 
 
 erts, Rohertson. Sayler, Scaler, Shelley, Single- 
 ton, Siemens, W. E Smith. Southard, Springer, 
 Steele. Stephens, Stvann. Throckmorton, li. W. 
 Toicnshend, Tucker. Turner, R. B. Vance, 
 Veeder, Waddell, Warner. Whitthorne. Wig- 
 ginton, A. S, Williams, J. William», J. N. Wil- 
 liams, A. S. Willis, B. A. Willis, F. Wood, and 
 Young. 
 
 The panic it occasioned— Gallant fight by 
 the Republicans for the laboring man — 
 How they killed the Democratic Tariff 
 Bill— Democrats who voted for the bill. 
 
 Tbe Republicans, however, continued to 
 fight the monstjous iniquities proposed by 
 this bill, and finally, after a long and doubt- 
 ful contest — during which naany of our most 
 important industries languished, hundreds 
 of business houses were forced to suspend 
 operations, hundredsof others were forced 
 into bankruptcy, and thousands upon thou- 
 sands of our laboring people were deprived 
 of the chance to earn their daily bread — suc- 
 ceeded in killing this baleful Democratic 
 measure. On the 5th of June, 1878, the en- 
 acting clause of the bill — to the intense 
 chagrin of Mr Wood and his Democratic 
 colleagues — was stricken out, and the bill 
 defeated by a vote of 134 yeas to 120 nays. 
 Of the 134 yeas, 115 were Republicans and 
 only 19 Democrats. Of the 120 nays, 113 
 were Democrats and only 7 Republicans. 
 The Democratic vote in favor of the bill was 
 therefore in the proportion of about 6 for, 
 to every 1 against it ! The Republican 
 Fote against the bill was in the proportion 
 )f about 16 against, to every 1 for it ! The 
 lamesofthe Democrats who voted against 
 jiilling the bill were as follows ; 
 
 Nats— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Atkins, Ban- 
 king, Beebe. Bicknell, Blackburn, Bland, Bliss, 
 Blount, Boone, Bragg, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, 
 J. W. Caldicell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Car- 
 isle, Chalmers, J. B. Clark, jr., Cobb, Cook, 
 lovert, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Oulber- 
 lon, Davidson, Bean, Dibrell, Dickey, Eden, 
 Eickhoff, Elam, Ellis, ^ Excing, Felton, E. B. 
 ^inley, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Garth. Cause, 
 fibson, Giddings, Goode. Gunter. A. H. Hamil- 
 on, H. H. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hart, 
 Jartridge, Har*zell, Hatcher, Henkle, Henry, 
 1. S. Heicitt, G. W. Hewitt, Herbert, Hooker, 
 I'ouse, F. Jones, J. T. Jones, Kenna, Kimmel, 
 ^nott, Ligon, Luttrell. Martin, Mayha/tn. Mc- 
 kenzie, McMahon, Mills, Money, Morgan, Mor- 
 'ison, Muldroio, Midler, T. M. Patterson, 
 ^helps, C. N. Potter, Pridemore, Rea, Reagan, 
 i. V. Rice, Riddle, W. M. Bobbins Sayler, 
 fhelley. Singleton. W. E. Smit>>, Southard, 
 }[)a)ks, Steele. Stephens. Swann, Thttockmorton, 
 'i. W. Toivnshend, Tucker, R. B. Vance, Wad- 
 lell, G. C. Walker, Warner. Whitthorne, Wig- 
 infon, A. S. Williams,. J. Williams, A. S. 
 Villis,B.A. WUlis,F. Wood. Yeales, Young. 
 
 Pernando Wood's Admissions as to the In- 
 famous Intentions of the Democratic 
 Tariff Policy— Proposed Kediictiou of 
 Duties by his bill 15 per cent — Fur- 
 ther Reduction of 35 per cent. Contem- 
 phited. 
 
 In order to see that the object of Fer- 
 ando Wood's tariff bill and of the Demo- 
 
 cratic party is ultimately so to reduce the 
 present rates of customs duties as to com- 
 pletely destroy the principle of protection, 
 it is only necessary to glance at his speech 
 delivered in the House, April 9, 1878, in 
 support of that monstrous measure. 
 Speaking of the present rates of duties this 
 Democratic leader airily said : 
 
 I recognize an implied moral right to a little 
 longer continuation of the favor which they 
 afford to the manufacturing interests. The bill 
 reported affects them, so far as the rates of duties 
 are concerned, but little. Its reductions are 
 trifling as compared to what they should be, 
 and in my opinion they could well afford to 
 bear. If I had the power to commence de novo 
 I should reduce the duties 50 per cent, instead 
 of less than 15 per cent, upon an average, as 
 now proposed. 
 
 Here is an admission that his tariff act — 
 for which, as we have seen, the Demo- 
 crats voted so strongly — contemplates an 
 average reduction of about 15 per cent., 
 with a further future reduction of more 
 than twice that amount, when, if ever, 
 both branches of Congress pass under 
 Democratic control. The " little longer 
 continuation" of the "favor" of the 15 
 per cent, reduction plainly refers to that 
 period, should it eyer, unfortunately for 
 our manufacturing industries and the peo- 
 ple who get their daily bread by them, ar- 
 rive. The only hope then for our home 
 industrial interests, to avoid the wide- 
 spread ruin not alone contemplated but 
 thus directly avowed by the Democratic 
 party as a part of their policy, is to remit 
 their Congressional candidates to private 
 life. 
 
 Another Vote Showing the Antipathy of 
 Democracy to Labor, 
 
 Another very instructive vote was that 
 which was cast in the House December 1, 
 1877, than which nothing could more for- 
 cibly prove the real antagonism of the 
 Democratic leaders to the artisan, the 
 mechanic, and the laborer, and their dis- 
 like of that system of protection which 
 the Republican party has always afforded 
 to the American workingman by protect- 
 ing the manufacturing interests which 
 employ him, against the foreign manufac- 
 . turer. At that date, upon a resolutioa 
 ' offered by Mr. Mills, a Democrat, instruct- 
 ing the Committee on Ways and Means 
 "to so revise the tariff as to make it 
 purely and solely a tariff for revenue," 
 and not for protection, the vote stood : 
 yeas, 67; nays, 76. Of the 67 yeas, 60 
 were Democratic, and only 7 Republican. 
 Of the 76 nays, 54 were Republican, and 
 only 12 Democratic. 
 
 Following are the names of the Demo- 
 crats who voted for this anti protective 
 resolution : 
 
 Messrs. H. P. Bell, Bicknell, Blackburn, 
 Bland, Boone, Bragg, Buckner, J. W. Caldwell^ 
 
10 
 
 W. P. Oaldwell, J. B. Clark, Jr., Gobh, Oravms, 
 Culbtraon, Dibrell, Dichey, Douglaa^ Durhim, 
 Eden, Elam, Felton, Forney, Frankhn, Fuller, 
 Oarth. 0au8c, Giddingi, Glover, Qoode, A. H. 
 Hamilton, Hartzell, Hatcher, House, J. T. Jonco, 
 Kenna, Knott, Ligon, Lu'trell, Martin, McKen- 
 zie, Milli, Morrison, Pridemore, Reagan, Kid- 
 dle, Robertson, Saylcr, Scales, Singleton. Sle- 
 mons, W. E. Smith, Springer, Steele, Throckmor- 
 ton, R. W. Townahend, Turner, R. B. Vance, 
 Waddell, Whilthorne, J. N. Willicims, A. S. 
 Willis, 
 
 PART III. 
 
 \ 
 
 still Another Vote Showing 
 
 Democratic Antagonif^m to tlie 
 
 Hon St Worlcingnien and to In- 
 
 dnstrial EnterprfSe;^ in Ameri- 
 
 November 17, 1877, Mr. Swann (Dem- 
 ocrat) moved to proceed to the considera- 
 tion of House joint resolution appropriat- 
 ing $200,000 to pay expenses necessary 
 to a proper exhibit of the industrial prod- 
 ucts of the United States at the Paris In- 
 ternational Industrial Exposition of 1878. 
 
 Mr. Buckner (Democrat) raised the 
 question of consideration, which was de- 
 cided atfirmatively by 144 yeas to 123 nays. 
 (See " McPherson's Handbook for 1878," 
 pp. 169-170.) 
 
 There were only 32 Democrats voting 
 yea, and 111 Democrats voting nay. Of 
 the Republicans 112 voted yea and 12 nay. 
 
 November 20, 1877, the joint resolution 
 
 eissed by yeas 139, nays 125— only 25 
 emocrats voting yea, and 116 Democrats 
 voting nay ; while 114 Republicans voted 
 yea, and only 9 Republicans voted nay. 
 Following is the Democratic vote in op 
 )Osition to the resolution : 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Atkins, Banning, Beebe, H. 
 P. Bell, Benedict, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bland. 
 Blount,Boone, Bouck, Bragg, Buckner, Cabell, J. 
 W. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Carlisle, 
 Chalmers, A. A. Clark, J. B Clarke, J. B. 
 Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Collins, Cook, S.S. Cox, 
 Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. 
 Davis, Dibrell, Dickey, Douglas, Durham, 
 Eden, Elam, Ellis, J. H Evins, Ewing, Felton, 
 E. B. Finlev, Franklin, Fuller, Garth, Cause, 
 Giddinys, Glover, Goode, Gunter, A. H. Hamil- 
 ton, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Hartridge, Hart- 
 zell, Hatcher, Herbert, House, Hunton, F. Jones, 
 J. T. Jones. Kenna, Knapp, Knott, Ligon, Lynde, 
 Mackey, Maish, Manning, Martin, Mayham, Mc- 
 Kenzie, McMahon, Mills, Money, Morgan, Mor- 
 rison, Muldrow, C. N. Potter, Pridemore, Quinn, 
 Rea, Reagan, J, B. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle, 
 
 W. M. Rabbins, Robertson, Sayler, Scales, Shel- 
 ley, Singleton, Slemons, W. E. Smith, Southard, 
 rrks. Springer, Steele, Slenaer, Throckmorton, 
 W. Townshend, Tucker, Turner, Turney, R. 
 B. Vance, Waddell, G. C. Walker, Whitthorne, 
 J. Williams, J. N. Williams, A. S. Willis, B. 
 
 Wilson, Wright, Yeates, Young— )25. 
 
 November 30, 1877.— The Senate, after 
 amending, passed the House measure, by 
 36 yeas to 20 nays. The yeas com- 
 
 prised 27 Republicans and 9 Democrats; 
 the nays 2 Republicans and 18 Demo- 
 crats. 
 
 December 14, 1877. — The House agreed 
 to the amendments of the Senate, by 124 
 yeas to 91 nays. The yeas comprised 92 
 Republicans and 32 Democrats ; the 
 nays, 9 Republicans and 82 Democrats. 
 
 These votes show that the Democrats 
 were overwhelmingly opposed to such an 
 exhibit of American industrial products 
 at the World's Fair as would be credita- 
 ble to us as a nation, and which would 
 bring to our factories and to laboring men 
 the work which they so sadly need. The 
 Republicans are, by the same votes, 
 shown to be deeply in sympathy with 
 any honest effort to help the laboring men ] 
 and producers of the land. j 
 
 Republican sympathy for the workingmen ' 
 — Deraocratic scoffs at the " Mudsills "— 
 The free school system. 
 
 The Republican party has always be- 
 lieved in and acted upon a humanitarian 
 creed. They have believed that business 
 could be transacted as correctly by men 
 with human sympathies as by those who 
 sneered at what they termed " sentiment- 
 alism." The Democratic leaders have al- 
 ways scoffed at the idea that Government 
 should, even incidentally, consider the 
 woes and suff'erings of the multitude ; or, 
 as a Democratic Senator once termed 
 them, "the mudsills of society." The 
 Republican party has cherished the free 
 school system, where the workingman's 
 children are freely educated, and thus af- 
 forded an opportunity of elevating them- 
 selves in after life to place and power in 
 both social and political spheres. The 
 Democratic party has not been kindly to 
 that free school system. 
 
 Democratic nostrums for present ills — 
 What workingmen think of them— Re- : 
 publican efforts to solve the labor prob- 
 lem. 
 
 Many nostrums are prescribed by Dem- 
 ocratic quacks to remedy the ills to which 
 labor is s«bjec'ed in its struggle with cap- 
 ital. These are rejected by the working- 
 men themselves. The Republican party 
 has no infallible plan to propose ; but it 
 calls on the laboring men themselves to 
 set their best minds to work to co-operate 
 with it in reaching a true solution of the 
 problem, and to co-operate in the selection 
 of candidates for place in the National 
 Councils. Farmers, miners, mechanics, 
 workingmen, and the sons of workingmen, 
 have sat in the Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives by Republican suff'rages. 
 
11 
 
 Thej know from all past experience that 
 in the Republican party, if they cannot 
 always get immediate relief, they are at 
 least certain to find sincere desire and 
 honest eflfort to elevate humanity and help 
 the laboring interest. 
 
 PART IV. 
 The Republican Homestead Act 
 —Democratic Opposition to it — 
 The Votes by which the Repub- 
 licans Secured it to the People. 
 In the matter of homesteads the Repub- 
 lican party has been a benefactor to the 
 poor man, while the Democratic party has 
 either opf»sed or given a half and half 
 support. The homestead act of 1862 was 
 one of the wisest and most beneficent of 
 measures. Prior to that year the system 
 of selling large tracts of our public lands 
 to speculators and non-residents had pre- 
 vailed. This policy was declared by a 
 Republican to be ' 'the direst curse which 
 has ever been inflicted on the West, and 
 has done more to retard the growth and 
 improvement of that section of our coun- 
 try than all other causes combined." 
 Those evils being recognized by the na- 
 tion, the loyal States by unparalleled Re- 
 publican majorities declared that they 
 should cease to exist. By the votes of 
 Republican Representatives in the Re- 
 publican House, by Republican National 
 and State platforms, by Republican 
 pledges, over and over again, the people 
 had demanded such a measure. Several 
 times before 1862 it had passed the Re- 
 publican House, only to be strangled in 
 the Democratic Senate. But now the 
 time had come when something could be 
 done for the actual settler upon our pub- 
 lic lands. The Executive office and both 
 branches of Congress were now controlled 
 by Republicans, who bad pledged them- 
 selves to do what the actual settler 
 asked — the following being the words of 
 of that pledge : 
 
 I Resolved, That we protest against any sale or 
 alienation to others of the public lands held by 
 Ectual settlers, and against any view of the 
 free homestead policy, which regards the set- 
 tlers as paupers or supplicants for public 
 bounty; and we demand the passage by Con- 
 gress of the complete and satisfactory home- 
 stead measure, which has alre'^dy passed the 
 House.— AS'ee Chicago Platform, 1860. 
 
 The Republicans being thus in full con- 
 trol of the Legislative and Executive 
 branches of the Government, accordingly, 
 early in 1862, pressed through both Houses 
 the well known Homestead act, which has 
 
 been such a blessing to our people and 
 our country. It grants 160 acres to every 
 actual settler 21 years or more of age, or 
 head of a family who is, or has declared 
 his intention to become, a citizen. That 
 is its main feature, independent of the 
 grant of 160 acres to every person, whether 
 naturalized or not, and whether of age or 
 not, who enlisted in the military service to 
 crush the rebellion. 
 
 This noble Republican provision for ac- 
 tual settlers met with considerable Demo- 
 cratic opposition in 1862 before it could 
 be put upon the statute book. 
 
 The vote by which it passed the House, 
 February 28, 1862, was 114 yeas to 18 
 nays. Of the yeas there were 92 Repub- 
 licans and 22 Democrats, a proportion of 
 over 4 Republicans to 1 Democrat in favor 
 of the bill; of the nays there were 3 Re- 
 publicans and 15 Democrats, a proportion 
 of 5 Democrats to 1 Republican against 
 the bill. 
 
 The vote by which it passed the Senate 
 May 6, 1862, was even more significant. 
 
 It stood, yeas 33 to nays 7. Of the yeas 
 30 were Republican to 3 Democratic ; of 
 the nays 6 were Democratic to 1 Repub- 
 lican. Thus the vote showed a propor- 
 tion of 10 Republicans to 1 Democrat in 
 favor of the Homestead bill, and 6 Dem- 
 ocrats to 1 Republican opposed to it. 
 
 Had they the power of numbers it is 
 hardly necessary to say the Democrats 
 would have killed the Homestead act of 
 1862, as they had done in previous years 
 to similar measures. 
 
 Extending the Homestead Act— Demo- 
 cratic Opposition and Votes. 
 
 In the House, February 8, 1866, a bill was 
 passed extending the provisions of the 
 Homestead act to the States of Alabama, 
 Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and 
 Florida. The vote by which it passed was 
 112 yeas to 29 nays — all the nays being 
 Democrats except two. The names of 
 these Democrats are: 
 
 T. G. Bergen, B. M. Boyer, James 
 Brooks, John W. Chanler, John L. Daw- 
 son, Chas. A. Eldridge, Wm. E. Finck, 
 A. J. Glossbrenner, Charles Goodyear, 
 Henry Grider, Aaron Harding, B. G. 
 Harris, John Hogan, Jas. M. Humphrey, 
 Michael G. Kerr, F. C. LeBlond, Samuel 
 S. Marshall, John A. Nicholson, Samuel 
 J. Randall. A. J. Rogers, George S. 
 Shanklin, Chas. Sitgreaves, Myer Strouse, 
 Stephen Tdber, Nelson Taylor, Anthony 
 Thornton, and Daniel W. Voorhees. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 Southern Claims. 
 
 PAKT I. 
 
 |>300,000,000 of Soutkeru Pn - 
 lie and Private Claiins for Cot- 
 ton, War ^Material, €a t«re<l 
 and Abaiidanetl Property, ete. 
 
 The New York Tribune of April 13, 
 1878, eaya : 
 
 The Tribune has already published a com- 
 
 ?)lete list of all bills introduced in Congress 
 rom tbe beginning of the session down to 
 March 18 for tbe purpose of securing public 
 improvements in the South. These public 
 claims reach tbe enormous aggregate of $192,- 
 tOO.OOO. The Tribune has since caused to be 
 prepared a complete list of all bills introduced 
 in the Senate and House of Representatives 
 from the l-eginning of the session down to 
 March 26, presenting private claims. Of these 
 there are nine hundred and eight, of which 
 four hundred and seventy-seven ask for sums 
 less than §10,000. These four hundred and 
 seventy-seven bills, there is not space to print 
 in full, but their total is 61.010,000. Of the re- 
 maining four hundred and thirty-one private 
 bills, three hundred and tiventy— more than 
 one-third of the whole number introduced— 
 are altogether vague, neither stating nor hint- 
 ing at the amount to which claim is made. 
 This very vagueness is suspicious, and suggests 
 the magnitude of the sum expected. It is cer- 
 tainly fair, however, to suppose that the aver- 
 age amount of these indefinite claims is at least 
 as large as those asking for a definite sum. 
 Upon this basis the aggregate of these three 
 hundred and twenty blind asking claims is 
 $3,500,000. There are one hundred and eleven 
 bills asking for $10,000 or more each, making an 
 aggregate of S5,747,793. The least amount, 
 therefore, asked for by private Southern claims 
 introduced in Congress from the beginning of 
 the session to March 26. is $10,247,793. The 
 bills introduced down to March 18 for public 
 improvements in the South call for ^192.000,000. 
 The South, therefore, thus far in a single ses- 
 sion, has made demands upon the National 
 Treasury for at least §202,000.000. 
 Judge Bartley's Figures Compared with 
 those of the Tribune. 
 
 That this estimate is far below the actual 
 amount for which the South has asked, the 
 counsel for a large nuaber of claimants has 
 already taken pains t© prove. Judge T. W. 
 Bartley has published in a Washington paper 
 a long letter in regard to three large classes of 
 claims now before Congress. He divides these j 
 claims into three principal classes and makes 
 the following estimates: 
 
 ■ Amount of cotton tax„ S83,000,000 
 
 Balance of captured and abandoned 
 
 property 14,000,000 
 
 Army supply claims 20,000.000 
 
 Grand total 8117,000,000 
 
 If Judge Bartley's figures are taken in the 
 
 place of the quiet and modest estimates which 
 the Trilnme has made, the aggregate (1) of the- 
 claims for railroads and oth-r public improve- 
 ments, and (2) of private claims for cotton, war 
 material, captured and abandoned property, 
 Ac. will be more than ^300,000,000, instead of 
 $202,000,010. 
 
 The list of private claims presented in each 
 House, exclusive of those in which the sum 
 specified is less than $i0.000, is presented here- 
 with : 
 
 Here follows the long list, giving the 
 number of each bill, its introducer, its 
 title, and the amount asked for by claim- 
 ant — for which, in full, see speech in tbe I 
 House May 1, 1878, made by Hon. Philip 
 C. Hayes, of Wisconsin. It ends with 
 the following 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 Sum of House bills asking for SIO.OOO 
 or more $4,926,793 
 
 Sum of Sena':e bills asking for 
 $10,000 or more 821,000. 
 
 Total 5/747,. 793 
 
 Sum of amounts less than $10,000 1,010.000 
 
 Total of amounts carried out 6,757,793 
 
 Least sum to be added for blanks 3,500,000 
 
 Least sum called for by private bills. 10,257,793 
 Total amount of public claims 192,000,000 
 
 Grand total of Southern claims 202.000,0 
 
 Approximate grand total on the 
 basis of Judge Bartley's esti- 
 mates of private claims 300,000.000 
 
 PAKT II. 
 
 Rebel Claiuifs Demanded as a 
 Matter of *• Justice and Riglit" 
 —All Property Destroyed by 
 botb Armies Mnst be Paid For 
 — DeiKiand tbat Rebel Sloldiers 
 or their Heirs ** be Paid in 
 Ronds or Public liands for 
 tbeir liost Time, I^imbs, and 
 liives !" 
 
 In his speech, above alluded to, Mr. 
 Hayes, after quoting the aforesaid list, 
 says : 
 
 * * * * Here are demands made upon us 
 for over $300,000,000. Doubtless many of these 
 claims are just and should be al'owed. but the 
 great majority of them are not entitled to even 
 a hearing. * * * * Having shown the mag- 
 nitude of these claims, I wish to say that the 
 general sentiment throughout the South is that 
 
13 
 
 ) elaime ought to be paid. Indeed, sir, the 
 outhern people seem determined that they 
 lall be paid. * * * * As a matter of policy 
 le leaders in the South will tell you that they 
 not expect payment, but when they talk as 
 ley feel you will find that nine out of every 
 3n of them hold to the idea that the Govern- 
 lent, if it had any respect for justice, would 
 ave paid these claims long ago. Why, sir, the 
 iea that the Government owes and ought to 
 ay all damages occasioned by the war through- 
 ut the South is so firmly imbedded in the 
 outhern mind that it will take several gene- 
 ations to root it out. No man, I care not how 
 reat his ability, can be a leader among the 
 outhern people unless he openly indorses this 
 iea. Tbere is no^ a Southern gentleman on 
 bis floor who would not be overwhelmingly 
 ei'eated at the coming election if he should 
 are to stand up here and declart, that these 
 laims ought not to be paid. * * * * jjo 
 an can be elected to any ofiB.ce in that 
 setion who dares to proclaim himself op- 
 osed to paying these Southern claims. Men 
 ho expect to succeed politically must be in 
 armony with thair people in this respect. 
 * * * They hold to the idea that the Gov- 
 rnment is under obligation to pay them They 
 so far as to declare that the claims for cap 
 ared and abandoned property and for private 
 roperty taken by the Union army in the way 
 f supplies constitute a part of the war debt of 
 be nation. 
 
 udge Bax'tley's " little pamphlet " again— 
 Rebel forage claims, &c-, "as just and 
 valid a lien upon the Treasury as the 
 bonded debt itselfr' — only more so. 
 
 Indeed, Judge Bart'ey. whose little pamphlet 
 ras distributed so freely among members of 
 bis body a few days ago, argues that the prop- 
 rty taken for the subsistence of the Union 
 rmy saved the Government from raising 
 loney on the sale of its bonds in the sums rep- 
 esented by the value of the property seized 
 nd used, and that the claims for the payment 
 jrthis property are as just and as valid a lien 
 pon the Treasury as the bonded debt itself. In 
 let, he thinks they should take precedence of 
 be bonded debt in equity, because that debt 
 raws interest, while the claims do not. The 
 udge presents his case in the strongest light 
 ■ossible, and closes his pamphlet of twenty 
 ages with|,the following sigoificant paragraph: 
 The foregoing views are expressed on mature 
 onsideration from a sense of duty to several 
 undred citizens of Mississippi, Louisiana, Ar- 
 ansas, and Texas, represented by the under- 
 gned as their counsel. The positions assumed 
 an and will be maintained and cannot be sue- 
 sssfully controverted in or out of Congress. If 
 le plain language used is expressive of some 
 »eling, it arises simply from a deep sense of 
 le wrong and injustice done to injured parties, 
 nd is not intended to be discourteous, but in 
 11 due deference and respectful regard for the 
 ublic authorities." 
 
 ►r. J, F. Foard's pamphlet— The wounds 
 if the war— The easiest and best way to 
 heal them is to compensate those who 
 lost so much ia the conflict!" 
 
 Only a few days ago I received a pamphlet 
 'ritten by Dr. J, F Foard, of North Carolina, 
 \ which the writer discusses this subject at 
 )me length, declaring that the Government 
 lould pay these claims as a matter of justice 
 ad right. After devoting several pages to set- 
 ng forth the losses sustained by the Southern 
 eople, he uses these words : "The easiest and 
 est way to heal them "—the wounds made by 
 le war—" is to compensate those who lost so 
 
 much in the conflict." In a subsequent chap- 
 ter hs says : 
 
 "Let us go at this work promptly, earnestly, 
 and honestly, that it may be as a monument of 
 truth and justice, erected in the hearts of our . 
 children to remind them of the importance of 
 national honor, peace, and good will." 
 
 Southera Memorial to pay all rebel losses 
 in 3 per cent. 100 year bonds!— liost 
 time, lost limbs, lost lives, all to be paid 
 for to make up for the "I.ost Cause." 
 
 The last page of his (Foard's) book con- 
 tains the following, which will be read 
 with great interest, especially by the 
 Union men of the North : 
 
 That co-operative action be had in this 
 matter, a form of a memorial to Congress is 
 appended to these pages. Let every one who 
 f&els an interest in the great work copy and ob- 
 tain tbe signatures of his neighbors to it, and 
 inclose it to one of our Senators or Representa- 
 tives in Congress as early as practicable, and 
 urge its adoption: 
 
 Form of a Memorial to Congrkss . 
 
 State of , 
 
 County of , , 187 . 
 
 To the honorable Senators and Members of the 
 
 House of Bepresentativea of the United States 
 
 in Congress assembled: 
 
 We, the citizens of the United States, most 
 respectfully petition your honorable bodies to 
 enact a law by which all citizens of every sec- 
 tion of the United States may be paid for all 
 their property destroyed for them by the gov- 
 ernments and armies of both sides during the 
 lat« war between the States, in bonds bearing 
 3 per cent, interest per annum, maturing with- 
 in the next hundred years. 
 
 And we also petition that all soldiers, or their 
 legal representatives, of both armies and every 
 section, be paid in bonds or public laiid>i for 
 their lost time, limbs, and lives, while engaged 
 in the late unfortunate civil conflict. And we 
 will ever pray. 
 
 PAKT III. 
 
 A Specimen Brick of iSoattiern 
 Claims— Its Bo^us character 
 and Wonderful Orowth. 
 
 To show how some of these Southern 
 claims are made up, the following "speci- 
 men brick" is given from the New York 
 Tribune of July 4, 1878 : 
 
 WASHijfGTOX, July 3.— The following claim 
 is given as a specimen product of one of the 
 great industries of the section of country which 
 was lately in rebellion: In 1873 Mrs. Eliza He- 
 ber appeared before the Southern Claims Com- 
 mission, in this city, with a bill of lessee and 
 damage' alleged to have occurred on her plan- 
 tation at or near Indian Village, Piaquemine 
 Parish, La., while occupied by the troops of 
 General Payne. She alleged that that ofiBcer 
 took from herfor theuseof his men and allowed 
 to be destroyed property as enumerated in the 
 following list : 
 
 8,001 bbls. corn, at S1.50 per bbl $12,000 
 
 100 chickens, at $1 each 100 
 
 200 turkeys, at $2 each 400 
 
 30 hogs, at SIO each 360 
 
 8 oxen, at $50 400 
 
 5 horses, at $160 800 
 
 4 mules, at $125 500 
 
 Unknown quantity of lumber, consisting 
 of hogshead-staves, picket? and posts... 5,000 
 
14 
 
 coo cords of wood. att6per oord 3,000 
 
 Making a total of. 622,500 
 
 After filing the claims Mrs. Heber presented 
 the affidavits of several colored persons, who, 
 not being able to write, made their marks as 
 signatures to the statements which they con- 
 tained. The comraissionors, having doubts 
 about the validity and honesty of the claim, 
 sent an agent to Plaquemine parish to investi- 
 gate the matter. lie reported that the claim 
 was fictitious and fraudulent, and the claimant 
 took no further steps in regard to prosecuting 
 the claim before the commission. Later, when 
 the Democrats obtained control of the House 
 of Representatives, Mrs. Heber appeared with 
 her claim before that body, but in the mean- 
 time it had grown to $47,975, with items enu- 
 merated as follows : 
 
 8,000 bbls. corn, at 82 50 per barrel $20,000 
 
 1,500 cords wood at $4.66% per cord 7.000 
 
 1 lot of lumber, staves, pickets, &c lO,000 
 
 1 pair carriage horses at $500 each 1,000 
 
 3 riding hoses at $300 900 
 
 4 mules at $300 1.200 
 
 30 hogs at $30 900 
 
 5 choice milch cows 375 
 
 20 head of cattle 501 
 
 1 lot of poultry 100 
 
 Fencing and plantation destroyed 6,oOo 
 
 Total. $47,975 
 
 During the secorfd session of the Forth-fifth 
 Congress John W. Caldwell, from the Commit- 
 tee on War Claims, in the House, to which com- 
 mittee this claim had been referred, submitted 
 a report to accompany House bill 3293, saying 
 "that Mrs. Eliza Heber should be paid as full 
 compensation for all her claims for the property 
 and supplies taken and used as aforesaid the 
 sum of $23,150," and the committee reported a 
 bill for that purpose, and recommended its pas- 
 sage. The principal proof in support of this 
 claim was in affidavits made by the same per- 
 sons who had testified before the Southern 
 Claims Commission. The fictitious character of 
 the claim was made known to Secretary Sher- 
 man by the ofiicers of the secret service, and he 
 directed that efibrts be made to prevent its pas- 
 sage in the House. An agent of the Govern- 
 ment was sent to Indian Village, the residence 
 of Mrs. Heber, and took the affidavits of seve- 
 ral respectable citizens, all of whom testified 
 that the claim was dishonest; that Mrs. Heber 
 did not own more than forty acres of land, and 
 that only one half of that could be cultivated, 
 as the remainder was under water most of the 
 time. General Payne said that he was in com- 
 mand of less than 2,000 infantry, and was en- 
 camped only two weeks in the vicinity of the 
 claimant. He said that it would have been an 
 utter impossibility for his men in the warm cli- 
 mate of Louisiana to have burned 1,500 cords of 
 wood or to have consumed 20,000 bushels of corn. 
 The bill is still before the House. 
 
 PAKT IV. 
 
 .^400,000,000 more— €oinpenisa- 
 
 tion for Slaves2I>eiuaiiflecl. , 
 
 The South is determined to have com- 
 peusation for its emancipated sla/^es to 
 the tune of $400,000,000. One of the 
 latest utterances on the subject is tbat of 
 the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph and Messen- 
 ger — aleadiugorgan in thecottoa States — 
 as follows : 
 
 Those slaves were not cannon and bayonets 
 and armed foes in the late so called rebellion, 
 and in no sense '* contraband." They were our 
 property, solemnly and specifically recognized 
 
 as such, and duly protected and guaranteed br 
 that Constitution and Union which our adver- 
 saries alleged they took up arms to maintain 
 and keep intact and defend. Moreover, they 
 took no part in that fratricidal struggle, davo 
 when forced to join the ranks of the invader 
 and wage war against their best friends and 
 benefactors. On the banditti principle that 
 
 might makes right," and to the "victor be- 
 longs the spoils " onlv, therefore, can this rob- 
 bery of an impoverished people be justified 
 
 We cannot but indulge the hope that when 
 we have helped to extinguish the public debt 
 and time has healed the gaping wounds of the 
 
 East, when reason and brotherly love sha'l 
 ave fully gained the ascendancy over preju- 
 dice and hate, even though it shall be the next 
 generation, a brave and honorable people of 
 the same blood and lineage will see to it that 
 the value of our property in slaves shall be re- 
 turned to those from whom it was wrongfully 
 wrested. It will do no harm to keep this ques- 
 tion before the people, that they may preserve 
 the records and proper memoranda of their 
 former slaves, in the event that a returning 
 sense of justice on the part of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment may compensate them, at least in 
 part, for the loss of this portion of their right- 
 ful property. 
 
 PAET y. 
 
 A Brief Review of Some of the 
 Rebel Claims— Direct Tax— Cot- 
 ton Tax— Special Relief— Des- 
 truction of Property— Compen- 
 sation for Slaves— Rebel Mail 
 Contractors, <fcc— They Already 
 Reach Three Thousand Mil- 
 lions of Dollars— "Where will 
 It End ?" 
 
 In a letter as late as October 31, 1873, 
 but published, we believe in 1876, R. M. 
 T. Hunter, of Virginia, an United Statea 
 Senator from that State prior to the re- 
 bellion, and now, as then, a great man in 
 the» Confederacy, elaborates a plan by 
 which the old slaveholder may #vade the 
 prohibitory clause of the fourteenth 
 amendment respecting indemnity for 
 slaves liberated by the war. 
 
 How Hunter Proposes to Get Ai'ound the 
 Fovirteeiith Amendment and Beimburs e 
 the Old Slaveholders for the Loss of 
 their Slaves— $400,000,000. 
 
 Hunter's sagacity is only equalled by 
 his loyalty. The fourteenth amendment 
 abolishes an "institution" of the Confed- 
 eracy. It expels the last vestige of sla- 
 very from its soil and prohibits all com- 
 pensation for slaves freed by the war. 
 But the astute Hunter discovers that the 
 prohibitory clause is unconstitutional, and. 
 therefore nugatory. The slaves were pri- 
 vate property ; their forcible emancipa- 
 tion was in the nature of seizing that 
 property for public use without compen- 
 sation ; that the claim is in the individual 
 owner ; that the States in the ratification 
 
15 
 
 of the fourteenth amendment, had no 
 power or right to divert it, and that con- 
 sequently the owners of that property un- 
 der the Constitution have valid or bona 
 fide claims for reasonable compensation, 
 to-wit— $400,000,000. 
 
 Maryland Formally Asserts Her Claim for 
 Such Compensation— Other Slave States 
 Have Official Ijists of Slaves, Only Await- 
 ing Democratic Ascendancy. 
 But a discovery so sagacious was not 
 original with the astute Hunter. As early 
 as 1867, in the Maryland constitutional 
 convention, he was anticipated by the 
 equally sapient conventionists. They for- 
 mally asserted the claim under the con- 
 stitution. They authorized the Legislature 
 of Maryland to receive and dispose of the 
 amounts due to their old slaveholding 
 citizens when paid by the United States, 
 and notoriously, in that as in other of the 
 old slaveholding States, lists of the slaves 
 emancipated have been prepared, and 
 the claims covering their value only 
 await for their payment the harvest of 
 wholesale plunder when the Democracy 
 shall pass into power. 
 
 Tlie Missouri "Climax of Rapacity"— Claim- 
 ants Fui'nished Official Certificates of 
 Liosses by Rebel Raids— Democracy, 
 When in Power Will jiay them. 
 But in Missouri the climax of rapacity 
 in proposed plunder has been reached. It 
 is, however, only preliminary — only a pre- 
 cedent — for further wholesale or general 
 spoliation. In Missouri, a State commis- 
 sion has investigated and official certifi- 
 cates have been awarded to all claimants 
 for compensation for losses incurred or 
 supplies taken by the rebel forces which 
 overran its territory, and these certificates, 
 as the claims for indemnity for slaves, 
 only await the success of the Democracy 
 to be promptly honored by the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Bills already introduced in Cong^ress as 
 precedents for these monstrous claims. 
 Indeed, as precedents for their pay- 
 ment, two bills, in the Forty-fourth Con- 
 gress, were introduced by Messrs. Knott, 
 of Kentucky, and House, of Tennessee, 
 appropriating small amounts for property 
 and supplies seized by the rebel forces, 
 and if they are passed or recognized by 
 Congress, and should the nation be again 
 inflicted with a Democratic Administra- 
 tion, Missouri and every State South will 
 realize the prodigious amounts these 
 claims will involve. 
 
 The Aggregate of Rebel claims, thus far 
 known, $3,985,554,837. 
 
 What amount these Missouri claims 
 have reached we do not know, but the 
 
 known aggregate so far of rebel claims 
 actually presented or demanded is really 
 appalling! Already it equals $2,985,554,- 
 827, to wit: 
 
 Refunding direct tax of 1861 S2,492,ll(> 
 
 Refunding cotton tax, principal 
 and interest 170,180.220 
 
 Special relief bills (Forty-fourth 
 Congress) 2,181.497 
 
 Use and destruction of property, 
 and supplies destroyed or used 
 by Union forces in the Confeder- 
 ate States 2,410.326,000 
 
 Compensation for slaves 400,000,000 
 
 Payment of rebel mail-contractors 
 up to July 1. 1861 375.000 
 
 $2,985,554,827 
 In round numbers $3,000,000,000 ! A 
 prodigious sum, and still increasing ! 
 Where will it end? 
 
 PART VI. 
 Claim of the College of William 
 and Mary— One of the Entering 
 Wedges. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, Octo- 
 ber 29, 1877, Mr. Goode, (Democrat,) of 
 Virginia, introduced the following bill : 
 
 Be it enacted, &c.. That the Secretary of the 
 Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized and 
 directed to pay to the College of William and 
 Mary, in Virginia, the sum of $65,000, out of 
 any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise ap- 
 propriated, to reimburse said college for the 
 destruction of its buildings and other property 
 destroyed without authority by disorderly sol- 
 diers of the United States during the late war : 
 Provided, That no moneys be so paid except 
 upon accounts of such destruction, and the 
 damage caused thereby, duly verified and 
 proven. 
 
 The bill was read twice, referred to the 
 Committee on Education and Labor, and 
 December 5, 1877, was committed to the 
 Committee of the Whole. There was 
 considerable debate upon this bill, and it 
 became evident that the ex- Confederate 
 element were determined to force it 
 through. 
 
 Considerations of Party Policy 
 
 induced a postponement of the measure 
 until after the Congressional elections, as 
 it was feared by the Democrats that further 
 discussion at that time would bring defeat 
 to them in the close districts. Frantic 
 appeals were made to the "Southern 
 brethren" not at this time to press the 
 bill, and Bragg, a Democratic Representa- 
 tive from Wisconsin, in a speech deliv- 
 ered May 1, 1878, (see Congressional 
 Record^) entreated them thus : 
 
 A Northern Democrat's Prayer to tlie 
 Kebs. 
 
 I appeal to my Southern friends on this side 
 of the House, will you deliberately rake the 
 ashes off the slumbering embers, and fan them 
 
16 
 
 into a blaze a«ain ? I believe in my heart you 
 will not. But I am bound to toll you, and I 
 do it in kindness. * * * The people of the 
 North will never submit to be taxed to reim- 
 burse your people or your States out of the 
 National Treasury for any losses that they 
 sustained, directly or indireotly, from the re- 
 bellion. * * * There may be men in the 
 North— their voice has been heard on this floor 
 speaking words of encouragement to you in 
 presenting claims like this one for reimburse- 
 ment : but it is no true expression of Northern 
 sentiment: thoy are the words of a siren that 
 lures to death. You heard them and trusted 
 them in 1860 and 1861: will you trust them 
 acain now ? 
 
 Bragg Shows up the Rebel-Breeding Re- 
 belliou-helping College . 
 
 He showed, plainly enough, too, that 
 the act of destruction was perpetrated by 
 rebel soldiers, not by those of the Union ; 
 that it was settled by an American Con- 
 gress in 1797 "that the loss of houses, 
 and other sufferings by the general rav- 
 ages of war, have never been compen- 
 sated by this or any other Government," 
 (" American State Papers," Claims, page 
 199,) and that, in any event, "the Col- 
 lege of William and Mary forfeited any 
 right which she may have had as an edu- 
 cational institution sacred from the touch 
 of war, by becoming herself an engine of 
 war, an active participant in the rebellion. 
 She not only sent her pupils to the red 
 field of battle with words of encourage- 
 ment and blessing, but she banished the 
 muses from her groves, threw wide open 
 her gates, and made her venerable halls 
 barracks for soldiery to destroy the Gov- 
 ernment from which now in all humility 
 she asks recompense. I do not state this 
 too strongly ; the report shows that before 
 the footsteps of a Northern soldier dark- 
 ened her halls they had been converted 
 into barracks and a hospital in aid of the 
 rebellion. The learned faculty cannot 
 plead ignorance of consequences in case 
 of failure, but they never counted failure 
 among the possibilities." 
 
 ** PoUcy, Me Boy, Policy "— " The Good 
 Time Coming" livhen Democrats- like 
 Bragg will be Kicked. 
 
 When a Northern Democrat like Bragg 
 felt impelled to talk to his Southern friends 
 in this manner, it became evident enough 
 that the vote must be postponed until after 
 the fall elections. On the 10th of May, 
 therefore, Mr. Goode moved that the bill 
 be passed over, and after persistent ques- 
 tioning stated that he did not expect to 
 press the bill any further at that session. 
 This means that it will come up next ses- 
 sion, and that then it will pass — unless 
 the people rebuke the Democratic party 
 at the polls. Bragg — who was it declared 
 that " Brag is a good dog ?" — had a clear 
 
 comprehension of the scope of this inof- 
 fensive-looking bill when he exclaimed, 
 in the same speech : 
 
 It matters not if I am called a bigot or fana- 
 tic, I maintain that this bill is a crafty device 
 to foist upon us Southern war claims as skill- 
 fully planned and as certain in results as the 
 woodon horse that carried woe and ruin within 
 the walls of far-famed Troy. 
 
 The auiountproposed to be given is not large, 
 but the shadow it casts before it is large enough 
 to darken the land. 
 
 A scattering Northern Democrat, like 
 Bragg, here and there, will of course be 
 absolutely powerless to resist the behests 
 of a Democratic caucus, controlled by 
 Southern men ; and the only safety is to 
 elect a Republican majority in the next 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 PAKT YII. 
 Fraudulent Claimii of S^ontbern 
 9Iail Contractors — How the 
 Democrats Strove to Steal One 
 million Dollars, and How tlire 
 Republicans Stopped the Steal 
 —Propositions and Votes in 
 Both Houses. 
 
 Until recently the following section of 
 the Revised Statutes has been a national 
 breastwork against which the horde of 
 rebel claimants dashed in vain : 
 
 Section 3480. It shall be unlawful for any 
 oflScer to pay any account, claim or demand 
 against the United States which accrued or ex- 
 isted prior to the 13th day of April, 1861, in 
 favor of any person who promoted, encouraged, 
 or in any manner sustained the late rebellion, 
 or in favor of any person who, during such re- 
 bellion, was not known to be opposed thereto, 
 and distinctly in favor of its suppression ; and 
 no pardon heretofore granted, or hereafter to 
 be granted shall authorize the payment of such 
 account, claim, or demand, until this section is 
 modified or repealed. But this section shall 
 not be so construed to prohibit the payment of 
 claims founded upon contracts made by any of 
 the Departments, where such claims were as- 
 signed or contracted to be assigned prior to the 
 1st day of April, 1861, to the creditors of such 
 contractors, loyal citizens of loyal States, in 
 payment of debts incurred prior to1;he 1st day 
 ofMcrch, 1861. 
 
 In the confusion and excitement at- 
 tending the close of the Forty-fourth Con- 
 gress, in a "gush of conciliation," 
 
 An Amendment to the Act of March 3, 
 1877, 
 
 was rushed through. It provides : 
 
 That the sum of $375,000. or so much thereof 
 as may be necessary, be appropriated to pay 
 the amount due to mail contractors for mail 
 service performed in the States of Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Florida, Georgia. Kentucky, Lou- 
 isiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, Texas, Tennessee. Virginia, 
 and West Virginia, in the years 1859, 1860, and 
 1861, and b^ore the said States respectively en- 
 gaged in tear against the United States ; and the 
 provision of section 3480 of the Revised Statutes 
 
17 
 
 of the Uiiited States shall not be applicable to ] 
 the pajments therein authorized: Proviied, 
 That any auch claims which have been paid by 
 the Confederate States Government shall not be 
 again paid. 
 
 Sherman's Stui-dy Stand against Fraud. 
 
 Secretarj' Sherman, suspecting fraud, 
 inexorably demanded that all the c'airas 
 'of Southern mail contractors coming 
 within the scope of this law, must first be 
 presented and adjusted, so that if, as he 
 believed, the appropriation was insuffi- 
 cient for full payment, what there was 
 might be paid out pro rata. This gave 
 time fur investigation, but greatly exas- 
 perated these rebel claimants. 
 
 lleagan's Joint Resolution to L.et the 
 Thieves Get at the Treasury. 
 
 November 16, 1877, in the House, a 
 joint resolution (introduced by Mr. Rea- 
 gan, Democrat, and ex- rebel Postmaster- 
 General,) was reported back in the fol- 
 lowing words : 
 
 lleKulved, eic. That theSec-etaryof the Treas- 
 ury shall begin at once to pay iu full to the late 
 mail confraetors of the States of Alabama. Ar- 
 kansas. Florida, Georgia. Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, South 
 Carolina. Texas, Tennessee, Virginia, and West 
 Virginia, their heirs or legal representatives, 
 the amounts due under their respective con- 
 tracts lor the years eighteen hundred and fifty- 
 nine, eighteen hundred an i ?ixty, and eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-one; and the appropriation 
 of three hundred and seventy-five thousand 
 dollars, made by act approved March third, 
 eighteen hundred and seventy-seven, shall be 
 immediately available for said payments: Pro- 
 vided, That payments shall be made for ser- 
 vices rendered up to May thirty-first, eighteen 
 hundred and sixty-one, when discontiouance , 
 was ordered by the Postmaster General, and j 
 not thereafter; and the provisions of section 
 thirty-four hundred and eighty of the Revised 
 Statutes of ths United States shall not be ap- 
 plicable to the payments herein authorized. 
 All acts and parts of acts inconsistent herewith 
 are hereby repealed. 
 
 The rebel claimants, it will be observed, 
 ■werein an impatient and mandatory mood, 
 "The Secratery shall begin at once to pap 
 in full, &c They had yet to learn 'to 
 labor and to wait." They wanted the 
 $375,000 at once, on the principle of "first 
 <jome first served," each case to be paid 
 in full, just so far as the money would go, 
 and were quite willing to trust the claims 
 remaining unpaid to future appropria- 
 tions. 
 
 The Debate— Ex-Confederate Postmaster 
 General Keagan Makes Strong Asser- 
 tions. 
 
 The dtrbate which followed, (February 
 15, 1378,) — in which Messrs. Reagan, 
 (Democrat.) of Virginia, and Money, 
 (Democrat.) of Mississippi, were most 
 prominent in behalf of the "stand-and- 
 •deliver" joint resolution aforesaid — was 
 
 very able on both sides, and subsequent 
 revelations developed that on one side it 
 was pre-eminently crafty and deceitful. 
 
 On the 8th March, after a three- weeks' 
 opportunity to verify his facts, Mr. Reagan 
 reiterated in part, and until the exposure 
 was made retreated from none of bis for- 
 mer statements, that, as the ex-Postmas- 
 ter General of the rebel Confederacy, 
 he was well satisfied that the Con- 
 federate Government had paid none 
 of these claimants — had compelled them 
 to account to the United States for all 
 the moneys and stamps in their possession 
 up to May 31, 1861. And he again urged 
 the payment of these claimants for their 
 services up to that date as a debt due on 
 principles of morality and public law — 
 "accounts for the adjustment of which 
 authority should be given." 
 
 The Astounding Developments from tlie 
 Rebel Archives— The Proofs of Fraud 
 Stamped All Over These Claims. 
 
 But it happens that the archives tjf the 
 rebel Government are in the War Depart- 
 ment at Washington, and Messrs. Conger 
 and Willits, Republican Representatives 
 from Michigan, devoted the intervening 
 time — as R-agan might have done — to 
 looking up the fads touching these claims. 
 These facts, in brief, are as follows : 
 
 In proclamations, -^ated respectively Mont- 
 gomery, Ala., May 13 and 20, 1861. and signed 
 by "John H. Reagan, Postmaster General," all 
 postmasters, route and special agents, all mail 
 Contractors, mail messengers, and special 'con- 
 tractors are required to retain in their posses- 
 sion, and turn over to the Confederate Post- 
 master General, the said John H. Reaj^an, for 
 the benefit of the Confederate States, all reve- 
 nue or moneys which shall have accrued from 
 the postal service of -.he United States prior to 
 the 1st of June. 1S61— all mail-bags, locks and 
 keys, marking and other stamps, blanks for 
 quarterly r turns of postmasters, and all other 
 property belonging to or connejted with the 
 postal service. 
 
 In a statement of Auditor Baker, of the Con- 
 federate Post Otfice Department, of October 1, 
 1862. the aggregate of these claims of contrac- 
 tors for mail services prior to May 31, 1861, is 
 given at $773,444.17. By Confederate laws, ap- 
 proved respectively August 30,1861, January 
 23, 1862, and September 27, 1862, these claims 
 are assumed by the Confederate Government, 
 $800,OOJ are appropriated for their payment, 
 and contractors were required, in receiving 
 their paym^>nts, to agree thac if the United 
 States should ever pay them anything for these 
 services they should refund it to the Confeder- 
 ate Government. 
 
 All these facts, so violently in conflict with 
 Mr. Reagan's statements in tha House, are 
 fully verified by his own several reports as Con- 
 federate Postmaster General up to that of May 
 2, 1864— the last which could be found— with the 
 further fact that at that date, of the claims 
 for which he is now urging an appropriation of 
 $375,000 by the United States, he had himself 
 paid $561,544 22, and the presumption that dur- 
 ing the remaining eleven months of the Con- 
 federacy every dollar of them had been paid. 
 
18 
 
 Effect on the House and on the coiuitry— 
 The enacting clause stricken out— Tlie 
 vote. 
 
 The statement of these facts fell like a 
 bombshell in the House and startled the 
 entire North. On the 16th March, 1878, 
 Reagan's joint resolution was reported 
 back to the House from Committee of the 
 Whole, with the enacting clause stricken 
 out. 
 
 Mr. Eden (Democrat) having demanded 
 the previous question, which was seconded 
 and the main question ordered, the ques- 
 tion was upon agreeing to the report. 
 
 Mr. Waddell (Democrat) moved to re- 
 consider the vote by which the main ques- 
 tion had been ordered, which motion was 
 disagreed to by 78 yeas to 131 nays. 
 
 Whereupon, without a division, the re- 
 port was agreed to, and the bill was dead. 
 
 The vote upon Mr. Waddell's motion to 
 reconsider shows two Republicans (from 
 Southern and border States) voting yea, 
 and 102 Republicans voting nay, while 76 
 Dera^crats voted yea and only 29 Demo- 
 crats voted nay. In detail, it is as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Aiken, Atkins, H. P. BeU 
 Blackburn, Bliss, Boone, Bridges. Brogden. J. 
 W. Caldwell, W. P. Cakhoell, Chalmers, J. B. 
 Clarke, Cook, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, 
 Culberson, Dihrell, Durham, Eden, Elam, Ellis 
 Ewing, Felton, Forney, Franklin, Garth, Ganse, 
 Gibnon, Giddinga, Glover, Goode, Gunter, II. R. 
 Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hart ridge, 
 Henkle, Henry, G. W. Hewitt, Herbert, Hooker, 
 House, J. T. Jones, Kimmell, Knott. Ligon, 
 Martin, McKenzie, Money. Morgan, Morrison^ 
 Muldrow, Quinn, Jiea, Reagan, Riddle, W. M. 
 Rohhins, Roberts, Scales, Schleicher, Shelley, W. 
 E. Smith, Springer, Steele, Thorn burgh, Throck- 
 morton, Tucker, R. B. Vance. Waddell, G. C. 
 Walker, Walsh, Whitthomo, J. N. Williams, A. 
 S. Willis, B. Wilson, Yeates, Young— ':S. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Aldrich, Bacon, G. A. Bagley, 
 J. H. Baker. W. H. Baker, Ballou, Bayne. 
 Benedict, Bicknell, Bi?bee, Bouck, Boyd, Bragg, 
 Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, T. M. Browne, 
 Bandy, H. C. Burchard, Burdick, Cain, Camp, 
 J. M. Campbell, Cannon, Caaweil, Claflin. R. 
 Clark, Cobb, Cole, Collins, Cocger, J. D. Cox, 
 Cummings, Cutler, Danford. H. Davis, Deering, 
 DenisoD, Dunnell, Dwight. Bames, Errett, J. 
 L. Evans. E. B. Finley, Fort, Foster, Frye. 
 Fidler, Gardner, Garfield, A. H. Hamilton, 
 Hardenbergh. B. W. Harris, Hart, Ilartzell, 
 Haskell, P. C. Hayes, Hazelton, Henderson, A. 
 S. Hcioitt, Hubbell, H. L. Humphrey, Hunger- 
 ford, Ittner, James, J. S. Jones, Joyce, Koifer, 
 Keightley, Kelley, G. M. Lander*, Lapham, 
 Lathrop, Lindsey, Loring, Maish. Marsh, May- 
 ham, McCook, McKinley, McMahon, Mitchell, 
 Monroe, H. S. Neale. Norcross. Oliver, Neiil, 
 Page. G. W. Patterson, T. M. Patt rson, Plielps, 
 W. A. Phillips, Pollard, C. N. Potter, Pound. 
 Price. Randolph, Reed, J. B. Reifly, W. W. 
 Rice, G. D. Robinson, M. S. Robinson, Ryan, 
 Sampson, Sapp. Shallenberger, Sinnickson, 
 Smalls, A. H. Smith, Starin. Stenger, Stewart,, 
 J. W. Stone, J. C. Stone, J. M. Thompson, Tip- 
 ton, R W. Totonihend, Van Vorhes, Veeder, 
 Wait, Warner, Watson. Welch, M. D. White, 
 A. S. Williams. C. G. Williams, ./. Williams, R. 
 "Williams. Willits, "Wren, Wright— \?,\. 
 
 PART VIII. 
 
 A SubsequeiLt Assault ou the 
 Senate by the 5$oiit]ieru iflail 
 Coutraetor»«y but TUey are Fi- 
 nally Di»«conitlte«l. 
 
 The following (see McPherson's Hand- 
 book of Politics for 1878, pages 215, 216) 
 is the history in brief of the attack made 
 upon the Senate by the Southern Mail 
 men after their ignominious defeat in the 
 House : 
 
 Pending the Sundry Civil bill, 
 1878, June 18— Mr. Merrimon offered the fol- 
 lowing: 
 
 That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and 
 he is hereby, instructed to pay according to the 
 provision of the act app-oved March 3, 1877, 
 the money appropriated by said act, to pay ar- 
 rearnges due to mail contractors for carrying 
 the mail of the United States in the years 1859, 
 1860, and 1861. 
 
 Mr. Morrill moved to add as an amend- 
 ment the words: '* Provided, That this shall 
 not be construed to repeal section 3480 of the 
 Revised Statutes," which was rejected— yeas 
 24. nays 29: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Blaine, 
 Booth, Burnside. Conkling, Davis, of Illinois, 
 Dawes, Ferry, Hoar. Kirkwood, McMillan, 
 Mitchell, Morrill, Oglesby, Paddock, Plumb, 
 Rollins, Sargent, Saunders, Spencer, Teller, 
 Wadleigh, Windom— 24. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Bar/ium, 
 Bayard, Beck, Butler, Cockrell, Coke, Conover, 
 Dorsey, Eaton, Eustis, Gordon, Grover, Harris, 
 Hereford. Hill, Johnston, Jones, of Florida, 
 Lamar, McCreery, McDonald. Maxey, Merri-, 
 mon, Morgan, Randul-ph, Saulsbury, Voorhees,. 
 Withers—^. 
 
 The motion of Mr. Merrimon was agreed to 
 —yeas 28. nays 23 : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Barnum, 
 Bayard, Beck, Bugler, Cockrell, Coke, Conover, 
 Eaton, Eustin, Gordon, Grover. Harris, Here- 
 ford, Hill, Johnston, Jones of Florida, Lamar, 
 McCreery, McDonald, Maxey, Merrimon, Mor- 
 gan, Randolph, Saulsbury, Voorhees, Withers — 
 28. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Allisjon, Anthony, B'aine, 
 Booth, Burnside, Conkling, Davis of Illinois, 
 Ferry, Hoar, Kirkwood, McMillan, Mitchell, 
 Morrill, Oglesby, Paddock, PlumK Rollins, 
 Sargent, Saunders, Spencer, Teller, Wadleigh, 
 Windom— 23. 
 
 Mr. "Wadleigh moved to add these words : 
 
 Provided, hoivever. That no payment shall be 
 made to any contractor unless upon satisfac- 
 tory proof that he has not heretofore been paid 
 by the Confederate States Government. 
 
 Mr. Harris moved to add to the amendment 
 of Mr. Wadleigh the words : " And ihe claim- 
 ant shall be a competent witness to prove the 
 fact," which Mr. Wadleigh accepted. 
 
 Which was agreed to. 
 
 Mr. Blaine moved to add : 
 
 And every claimant under this provision 
 shall be required to give bond to the United 
 States, with saiisfactory security for the repay- 
 ment of any sum which shall be subsequently 
 proved to have been paid by the Confederate 
 Government. 
 
 Mr. Johnston offered this substitute : 
 
 But no money shall be paid to any claimant 
 under this provision until he shall have given 
 bond, with good security, to refund the money 
 so paid, in case it shall appear that he had 
 been paid for the same service by the Confed- 
 erate States. This clause shall not apply to 
 personal representatives or other fiduciaries. 
 
19 
 
 This amendment was laid on the table— yeas 
 27, nays 22. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Anthony, Bamum, Blaine, 
 Booth, Burnside, Christianoy, Dawes, Dorsey, 
 Eaton, Ferry, Hoar, Howe, Kernan, Kirkwood, 
 McMillan, Matthews, Mitchell.Morrill.Oglesby, 
 Plumb, Rollins, Sargent, Saunders, Spencer, 
 Teller. Wadleigh. Windom— 27. 
 
 Nays — Messrs. Bailev, Bayard, Beck, Butler, 
 Coke, Conover. Eustis, Gordon, Grover, Harris, 
 Hereford, Hill, Johnston, Jone" of Florida, Me- 
 JDonald, Marey, Merrimon, Morgan, Saulsbury, 
 Voorhees, Whyte. Withers— 22. 
 
 A motion to lay on the table the motion of Mr. 
 Blaine was lost— yeas 23, nays 26: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Butler, 
 Co^e.Conover, Dorsey. Eaton. Eustis, Grover, 
 Harris, Hereford, Hill, Johnston, Jones of 
 Florida. Lamar, McCreery, Marey, Merrimon, 
 Morgan, Saulnhury, Whyte, Withers — 23, 
 
 TSJ a YS— Messrs.Anthony.BIaine.Booth, Burn- 
 side, Christiancy, Dawes, Ferry. Hoar, Howe. 
 Kernan. Kirkwood. Matthews, McDonald, Mc- 
 Millan,Mitchell, Morrill. Ogleeby, Plumb. Rol- 
 lins* Sargent. Saunders, Spencer, Teller, Voor- 
 hees, Wadleigh, Windom— 26. 
 
 Mr. Blaine modified his amendment so as to 
 read: 
 
 But no money shall be paid to any claimant 
 under this provision until he shall have given 
 bond, with good security, to refund the money 
 so paid in case it shall appear that he had been 
 paid for the same service by the so-called Con- 
 federate States government. 
 And it was agreed to, without a division. 
 Mr. Hoar offered.thisamendment, which was 
 agreed to, without a division : 
 
 Provided, That any person who shall know- 
 ingly receive or attempt to obtain under the 
 provisions of this section, any money from the 
 Treasury of the United States on account of 
 a claim whioh has once been paid, either by the 
 so-called Confederate States or the United 
 States, sh>ill be punished by fine not exceeding 
 $5,000 and by imprisonment not exceeding five 
 years. 
 June 19— The section, as follows: 
 That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he 
 is hereby, instructed to pay, acf ording to the 
 provisions of the act approved March 3. 1877, 
 tke money appropriated by said act to pay ar- 
 rearages due to mail contractors for carrying the 
 mail of the United States in the years 1859,1860, 
 and 1861 : Provided, however. That no payment 
 shall be made to any contractor unless upon 
 satisfactory proof that he has not heretofore 
 been paid by the Confederate States govern- 
 ment ; and the claimant shall be a competent 
 witness. But no money shall be paid to any 
 claimant under this provision until he shall 
 have given bond, with good security, to refund 
 the money so paid in case it shall appear 
 that he had been paid for the same service by 
 the so-called Confederate States Government : 
 Provided, That any person who shall know- 
 ingly receive or attempt to obtain, under the 
 \ rovisions of this section, any monej from the 
 Treasury of the United States on account of a 
 claim which has once been paid, either by the 
 so-called Confederate States or the United 
 States, shall be punished b^ fine not exceeding 
 t5,OC>0 and by imprisonment not exceeding five 
 years. 
 
 Was then adopted in the Senate— yeas 28 
 nays 24 : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Armstrong, Bailey, Bamum, 
 Bayard, Beck, Bruce. Butler, Christiancy-, Cock- 
 rell. Coke, Con over. Eaton, Eustis, Gordon, 
 Harris, Hill, Johnston, Jones of Florida,. Kel- 
 logg, _ ifernan, McCreery, McDonald, Maxey, 
 Merrimon, Morgan, Voorhees, Whyte, Withers 
 -28 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Blaine, 
 Booth, BurriSide, Conkling, Davis of Illinois, 
 Dawes, Ferry, Hoar, Howe, McMillan, Mat- 
 ihews, Mitchell, Morrill, Oglesby, Plumb, Rol- 
 
 lins, Sargent, Saunders, Spencer. Teller. Wad- 
 leigh, Windom— 24. 
 
 The section was dropped in the Committe* «>■ f 
 Conference. 
 
 [Note. — Two things are to be specially 
 observed here: First, the almost absoltite 
 unanimity of D emocratic Senators in favor 
 of paying these Southern mail contraetora^ 
 claims, and the fact that with the excep- 
 tion of one Northern and three SoutberrD 
 Senators the Republicans were a unit:, 
 against them; second, that this very- 
 unanimity among the Senate Democrats 
 makes it probable that the Howae- 
 Democrats would have manifested a lilc? 
 spirit but for the fear of losing close dis- 
 tricts at the fall elections. And doubtleass 
 this is why " the section was dropped, jm 
 the Committee of Conference. "] 
 
 PAET IX. 
 
 Conger's Proposed ConstitiP" 
 tiontil Antendmeiit ProbirliiJl-' 
 ing PtiymeiLt of Rebel ClieiinisE^ — 
 Yote Tliereon^Tlie fSoiatlierm 
 Demoerats^ Woiolti Pay Tliemb^ 
 and HO Record 'Klftem^elVes. 
 
 On the 19th of June, 1878, Mr. CongfT- 
 (Republican) moved, the Houp€ to sus- 
 pend the rules and pass the following: 
 Joint resolution proposing an amendment te> 
 the Constitution prohibiting the payment oi" 
 claims of disloyal persons for prcperty i»- 
 jured ur destroyed in the late war of the re- 
 bellion. 
 
 Article XVI. 
 No claim shall ever hereafter be allcwf dj a^ 
 paid by the United States, whether as:damags® 
 or otherwise, for any pr operly, real or pergonal,, 
 taken, used, injured, or destroyed by United 
 States troops, or by or through any officer, oi-wiR 
 or military, acting under or by authoiatji wi^ 
 the United States, or from any other oansfE- 
 whatever, during the suppression of the latere^ 
 belliyn in any of the States that were in rehel^- 
 lion against the Grovernment of the United 
 States, or for any property taken, used* intr- 
 jured, or destroyed outside of the said States so 
 in rebellion, and which belon»ed; to personsj 
 residing in such rebellious States, unless the 
 person orpersons owning the property 50 taken,. 
 UFed, injured, or destroyed were, during all thc? 
 time of such rebellion, loyal to the Govern- 
 ment of the United States, and gave neither.ai^i 
 nor encouragement to the enemy. 
 
 After some delay and confusion, th.& 
 rules were suspended, and the reporutioE- 
 passed by 145 yeas to 61 nays. Tbe faefe 
 that only 43 Democrats voted for, and 61 
 Democrats voted against it, and that 202: 
 Republicans voted for, and none against 
 it, shows plainly enough what the Demo- 
 cratic party would do in the matter &§' 
 rebel claims had they the power. 
 
 The Vote on Conger'n Motiou 
 was, in detail, as follows: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Acklen, Aldrich. Baooti, Gr. ^5-- 
 Bugley. W. H. Baker, Banks. Banning, Biek- 
 
20 
 
 nell, Bliur, Bll»ti. Jiouck, Boyd. Braiio. B^en- 
 tano. Brewer. BrUjfs. T. M. Browne. Hurdick, 
 Bu'.ler. Cain. Calkins, J. M. Camnbell. Cannon. 
 CASweU. Chitienden. Claflin. A. A. Clarh\ R. 
 Clark. Ch/Dwr. CM, Cole. Collinx, Cotikt. Co- 
 vert, J. 1) Cox, Crnpo, Cutnminirp. Cutler. H. 
 Davis, I)e m, Deering, Dcnieon, D'u-kcii. Dun- 
 nel', l)wight, Eaoaes. Ellsworth, I. N. Evans, 
 J. L. Evans. Ewing, E. li. Fin/cv. Foster, Frew- 
 man, Frye, Crardner. (J.irfield. (I'lm-rr, A. //. 
 Ilnmilton, Hanna, Ihirdcnbergli, llarmor, ILut, 
 Jlartze/f, Uaskell, Uaz'^lton. Henderson. His- 
 cock, Uubbeti. H. L. Humphrey. Ilungerford, 
 Hunter, J.imes, Joyce, Keiter, Keightlev, K il- 
 ley, J. H. Ketcham. Lipham, Lathrop. Loring, 
 LxUtreV. Linde, Mnclceii, Marsh. Mayham. Mc- 
 Cook, McGo*an, McKialey, McMahon, L. S. 
 Metcalfe, Mitchell, Monroe, 3/o/v.t',H 8. Neal, 
 Noroross, Oliver. O'Neill, Overton. Puge, Q 
 W. Patt-rson, T. M. Patter xon, Peddie, Phelpn, 
 W. A. Phillips, Pound Powers. Rnndolph, 
 Keed J. B. Re illy. A. V. Rice W. W. Rice, 
 Roberta, G. D. Robinson, M. Rues, Ryan, Sapp, 
 Sayl'T, Sexton. Shallenborger. Sinnicksc, 
 Smalls. A. H. Smith, Springer, St arin, Stenger, 
 Stewart. J. W. Stone, Strait, A. Townsend. U. 
 W. Toioash'-nd, Tamer, Tarnev,\Y;i\i, W. Ward. 
 Warner. Welch, M. D. White, A. S. Wi./liamx, 
 
 A. Williams. C. G Williams. J. WiUidmn, R. 
 Williams. B, A. Willie, Willits. Wren— 145 
 
 N A Y.S -Messrs. Aiken, Atki.,8, II. P. Bdl, 
 Blackburn. Boone, Bright. Cabell. J. W. Cald- 
 well, Candler, Carlisle, Chalmers, Cook. S. S. 
 Cox, Cravens, Crittenden Davidson, J. J. Da- 
 vis, Dibrell, Durham, Eden. J II tJvins. Fel- 
 ton, Forney, Franklin. Garth, Ciddings, f/oode, 
 H. R. Harris. J. T. Harris, Ilnrtridge, Ileakle, 
 Herbert, G. W. Hewitt, Hooker. House. Hunton. 
 Kenna, Knott, Ligon, Manning. MeKenzie, 
 Mills, Morrison. Muldrow. Muller, Pridemore, 
 Jieagan, Riddle, W. M. Robins. Robertson., 
 Scales, Schleicher, Singlston. Throckmorton, It. 
 
 B. Vance. Waddell. Whittiorne, Wiggington, B. 
 Wilson, Yates, Young — 61 
 
 Not Voting— Messrs. J. H. Biker. Bdlou, 
 Bayne, Beebe. Benedict, Bisboe, Bland, Blount, 
 Bridges, Brogden. Buckner, Bundy, H.,C. Bur- 
 chard. W P. Caldwell. Camp. J. B. Clarke. J. 
 B. Clark, jr., Culberson, D int'Td, Douglas, 
 Eickhoff, Flam. Ellis, JKrrett, Fort, Fuller. 
 Ganse. Gibson, Gnnter. H*«.le. B. W. Harris, 
 Harrison. Hatcher. P. C. Hayes, Hond'*e. Hen- 
 ry, A. S. Hewitt. Ittner. F Jones, J. T. Jones. 
 J. «. Jones, Jorgensen. Kiilinger. Kimmel 
 Knapp, G. M. Landers. Lindsay, L-'ckwood. 
 Maish, Martin, Money, Morgan. Pollard. C. N. 
 Potter, Price. Puith, Rainey. Rea. M. S. Robin- 
 son, Sampson, Shelley. Slemons, W. E. Smith, 
 Southard. Sparks. Steele. Stephens, J. C. Stone. 
 <S«oann. J. M. Thompson, Thornburgh, Tipton, 
 M.I. TtWQS3nH. Tacker.YAn Vorh-s. Vepder, 
 G. G. Walker, Walsh. Watson. H. White. J. ^. 
 Williams. A. S. Willis, F. Wood, Wright-Si. 
 
 The Solid South "in" f(»r Rebel Claims— A 
 "Warning to the North. 
 
 It will be observed that of the Si. " not 
 voting" 34 were absent Itepublicans and 
 that 50 Democrats failed to vote whether 
 present or not. The further fact that of 
 the 61 Drfraocrats who voted nay 52 are 
 Southern Drioncrats, shows how solid the 
 Southern States would stand against any 
 such contemplated consliiutional amend- 
 ment, and how litile chance it would have 
 of getting the needed assent of three- 
 fourths of the State's. 
 
 The New York Tribune, June 20, 1878, 
 in describing the incident, states that "the 
 joint resolution which he (Con^pr) pre- 
 
 sented cau.sed greater excitement tlmn any 
 oth»-r of the day or evening." * ^ ^t 
 "This record (ihe vote on Conger's joint 
 resolution) will be a most instructive one 
 and may open the eyes of the pf^ople of 
 the North to what the ascendancy of the 
 South in Congress may mean. Governor 
 Tilden mortally offended the Democratii 
 of the South in 1876 by his letter on 
 Southern claincs, and now the Represen- 
 tatives of that section have rut themselves 
 on the record in a negative way against 
 placing any insuperable obstacle in the 
 way of ihe payment of rebel claims." 
 
 PART X. 
 
 Possum Tiltleii's Pretended At- 
 titude Touctiing Rebel Claims 
 —His l>ui>licity-He Will Not 
 Pay "Disloyal" Claims, but 
 Holds that " We Are All Loyal 
 j¥ow"— Ex-Confederate Cabell's 
 Ingenious Report Proving 
 Kebelj " Lioyalty" — Promised 
 Action "after the Fall Elec- 
 tions." 
 
 It is generally believed that Tilden' s 
 letter declaring opposition to the payment 
 of Southern claims made the South his 
 enemy. It undou'tedly did for the time 
 being, or, at least, the South pretended to 
 so regard him. But, in view of the known 
 cunning and duplicity of the '"still-hun- 
 ter" Tilden and the proverbial craft of the 
 Southern leaders, a brief analysis of the 
 most important paragraph of Tilden's let- 
 ter on Southern claims may develop the 
 cat in the meal tub. Tilden says : 
 
 No claim for n-ay loss or damage incu-red by 
 didoyal persons, arising from the late war, 
 whether covered by the fourteenth amend- 
 ment or not. will be recognizod or paid. The 
 cotton tax will not be refunded. I shall deem 
 it my duty to veto every bill providing fjr the 
 assumption or payment of anj such debts, 
 losse.^', damages, claims, or for the refunding of 
 any such tax. 
 
 But it is now pointed out that this ex- 
 tract is susceptible of two constructions — 
 one for the people of the North, and an- 
 other for the people of the South. In 
 the North it is believed that he is opposed 
 to the payment of all these claims. In 
 the South the leaders at lea^t know, as 
 Tilden knew when he wrote the letter, 
 that, if so disposed, should he ever reach 
 power, he can favor the payment of all 
 such claims without inconsistency. Til- 
 den's adroitness and cunning in tbe 
 manipulation of words is unequalled. He 
 is opposed to and will not pay " all such 
 debts, losses, damages," &c., "incurred 
 by disloyal persons," he says. And 
 
21 
 
 ■when lie wrote ihe letter he had before 
 him a report made by Mr. Cabell — Demo- 
 crat and fX-rebel officer of Virginia — 
 from the Committee on War Claims, June 
 30, 1876, to the Democratic House of 
 Rf-presentatives, which report is intended 
 to show that "we are all loyal now;" 
 that when a Southern rebel claimant has 
 lieen specially pardoned, or came wiihin 
 jjardon or amnesty, undergeneral proclaa- 
 mations or otherwise, tie pardon or am- 
 nesty is retroactive, and is " equivalent to 
 affirmative proof that the party never gave 
 aid ;-.nd comfort to the rebellion," and 
 thertfore never was " disloyal." and 
 hence all the old rebels except Jeff Davis 
 and a few others mijiht come in under 
 Tilden's declaration without fear; and in 
 the same manner a Democratic Congress 
 would justify itself in paying these 
 thousands of millions. 
 
 The Pickrell & Broocks Claim — Report of 
 tlie Democratic House Committee oa 
 War Claims to pay to these pardoned 
 KebeLs. 
 
 * * '" Your com:aittee are of opinion that 
 said Pickrell and Brooclis are entitled to and 
 should be paid the proceeds of the tobacco 
 taken from tbt^m at Wilmington. N. C. as 
 aforesaid. Sfud tobacco was traced to New 
 York, where sold, and from the marks and 
 brands upoa it each and every box was identi- 
 fied, and the returns made to the Treasury De- 
 portment — copies of which have been received 
 from the Department and »^xamined — show not 
 only the tobacco, but the price received 
 therefor, and the amount covered into the 
 Treasury. 
 
 Kebel "Iiifereiices" from Supreme Court 
 decisions — Pardon and aui:iesty affirma- 
 tive i>roof of loyalty— The Government 
 only a "Trustee" for the rehel claimant. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States, in 
 Padelford's case, 9 Wallace, p. 531 &c., holds 
 that pardon blots out not only the offense, lont 
 all tht! consequences thereof, and that the re- 
 cipie'.t of the pardon stands as if he had never 
 committed an offense; in other words, that the 
 proof of_ pardon and amnesty is the equivalent to 
 affirmative proof under the statute of captured 
 and abandoned property that the party never gave 
 aid and comfort to the rebellion. Said decision 
 also establishes the principle that, in reference 
 to property situated as this, the United States 
 Government stands in the position of a trustee 
 fortheowner. _ Another inference from the de- 
 cision is, that it was competent to Congress to 
 have passed an act covering the proceeds of 
 cai-turcd property into the Treasury to be used 
 in support of the war. but such was not done; 
 therefore the court held that as to such cap- 
 turtd or abundoned property the Uaited States 
 Government stood in the position of a trustee 
 for the own r. In furiherance of this position, 
 we find that the Supreme Court— ui re United 
 States vs. Klein, 13 Wal'.. 128— decided that 
 •' the act of March 12, 1863, (12 Stat, at Large, 
 82 .) to provide for the collection of abaadoned 
 and captured property in iusurrectionary dis- 
 tricts within the United States, does not con- 
 fiscate, or in any case absolutely divest, the 
 property of the original' owner, even though 
 disloyal. By the seizure the Government con- 
 
 1 stituted itself a trustee for those who were en- 
 : ti led, or whom it should thereafter recogniae 
 as entitled." 
 
 I The Democratic Committee's Pro-Kebel 
 " Conclnsions"— Tlie " Trustee " must 
 Pay the Rebel Claims. 
 
 The two decisions quoted we think are decis- 
 ive of this case, and force your committee to 
 the conclusion that the Government now sim- 
 ply holds the procetds of the tobacco tt. ken 
 from the possession of Pickrell k Broocks as 
 trustees fur the owners, and that such proceeds, 
 liiss the costs attending the matter, hhould be 
 paid over to said Pickrell & Broocks. To show 
 that your cimmittee have made no improper 
 inference from the decision of ihe Supreme 
 Court last cited, a reference is here made to the 
 opinion of Justice Miller, who, dissenting from 
 the m jority of the Court, uses this language : 
 *■ If I understand tt.e present opinion, however. 
 it maintains that the Govertment. in tpking 
 posst'ssion of this property and selling it, be- 
 came the trustee of all the former ownerp, 
 whether loyal or disloyal, and holds it for the 
 latter until pardoned by the President, or until 
 Congress orders it to be restored to him." In 
 this case T. T. I'roocks.one of the parties claim- 
 ant, received a ?peci^^l pardon from President 
 Johnson, and Wilson Pickrell, an old man dur- 
 ing the war, came within the several proclama- 
 tions of amnesty and pardon granted by Presi- 
 dent .Johnson since the war, as also within the 
 provisions of the several laws passed by Con- 
 gress in reference to such matters. The refult 
 that we are brought to is, that the net proceeds 
 of rhis tobacco cannot be sued for by Pickrell 
 & Broocks by reason of the bar of the statute 
 of limitarions, nor can the United States, ob- 
 tain any title to tuch proceeds, nor can the 
 same be legally drawn from the Treasury by 
 any one without an act of Congress for that 
 purpose. Your committee, therefore report, 
 recommending the passage of the accompany- 
 ing bill directing the payment to Wilson Pick- 
 rell and T. T. Broocks, latf partners as Pickrell 
 & Broocks, of the sum of S3,524.75. the net pro- 
 ceeds of the tobacco taken from them at Wil- 
 naington, N. C, which proceeds were covered 
 in:o the Treasury, as hereinbefore stattd. 
 
 Tiiese Rebel claims still before the House 
 — To be acted on "after the fall elections." 
 
 Although this report was made at the 
 first ses.-.ion, Forty-fourth Congress, it was 
 thought prudent to let the matter rest 
 awhile — as to press it while the Republi- 
 cans so largely controlled the Senate 
 would do the rebel claimants no practical 
 good, and might awaken the North to a 
 realization of the dangers ahead. The 
 same parties — as well as many others of 
 like ilk — howtver, have their rebel claims 
 before the present House; and no doubt 
 they will be favorably reported — after the 
 fail elections. And if the next House is 
 Democratic, all such rebel claims will go 
 through the Democratic Congress flying. 
 The only safety to the country is to elect 
 a Republican House, which will be a 
 check on the soon- to be Democratic Sen- 
 ate in the matter of these claims — wherein 
 the South proposes to "get even with the 
 North " — and at the fame time checkmate 
 all of Tilden's revolutionary schemes. 
 
CHAPTER IV. , 
 Uke fievolBtianary Acts and Purpases of the Deiiioeralic Party, 
 
 PART i. 
 
 VildeuN^ Ttireateiied Revelation 
 —Introduction to tlie eviden«cis 
 •4»r Tildeu's €ont<»nplate€l higli 
 «rimc againist tlie Repiibltc— 
 JBrief Review of the Revolu- 
 tionary IProeeedings— Th^r re- 
 • aniarkal>le growth— How a Mi- 
 akorit^' can ©verthrow a ^Jov- 
 <»mment— Forcible illustrattom 
 4»t* the J^an^ei^ that Potte «i» 
 l^rocipitaAing npon us— Plausi- 
 ble Pretexts i*or Revoiiition 
 Jklwotjis on lland. 
 
 ■Revolutionists always have a plausible 
 e!X/)use for what they intend to do, whether 
 •^eBoene of operations be France, Mexico, 
 «w H,ny other country, and that excuse is 
 al47ays to Tight some alleged wrong and 
 weatore to the dear -people something 
 ■sirhich it is alleged they have lost. Most 
 jf the modern revolutioiis in republics 
 iiave been brought about by the ambition 
 of partizans on pretexts of falsehood to 
 promote the selfishness of reckless and 
 ieaigning men. They have methods which 
 Ibaar a strong likeness to each other, and 
 show that they all come of one family. 
 The dear people have been Tobbed or 
 cheated, and the disinterested patriot pro- 
 poses to rally a force and set things right. 
 ]X.auis Napoleon as .the "People's Cbam- 
 
 pion" ajid tbe "Imitator of W^asliing- 
 
 .*on.;" 
 
 ilt is almost impossible to detect the real 
 reason of the revolutionist at first. Louis 
 Kapoleon achieved his designs by pre- 
 itending to be the cTiampion of the people, 
 «nd as president of the Republic made 
 3>im8elf their master. He announced him- 
 aelf an imitator of Washington ; whom he 
 amitated with a vengeance. 
 Santa Anna's Pretext in 1838 a pretended 
 Presidential Election Praud. 
 
 .'Santa Anna look the field in the first 
 
 • ^nfltance, in the year 1828, on the pretext 
 
 "timet the two votes by which Pedraza was 
 
 declared elected president of Mexico over 
 
 Guerrero were fraudulently obtained, and 
 the subsequent innumerable revolutions 
 which have made a hell of that devoted 
 country have been the legitimate ofi^Ejpring 
 of the attempt by that scoundrel to avenge 
 that pretended fraud. War, confusion, 
 debt, anarchy, and despair have for fifty 
 years been the annual product of the ef- 
 forts of the Mexican-Tilden to set things 
 right. 
 
 The Mexican-Tilden's "stock in trade"— 
 What all the horroi-» at' Revolntionary 
 Mexico originally sprung from. 
 
 To annul the election of Pedraza be 
 cause of a pretended fraud was the stock . 
 in trade of S^nta Anna. All the horrors 
 of Mexico have come from that, and rev- 
 olution has become the chronic condition 
 of Mexican society. The evil all grew 
 out of a determination not to abide by a 
 duly declared settlement of an election, 
 by the constituted and legal authorities, 
 in the mode and at the time and place 
 fixed by the constitution and laws of the 
 land. 
 
 Similar conditions, mode of action, and 
 revolntionary designs as to the Ameri- 
 can Presidency. 
 
 The designs of the conspirators against 
 our own President can be read by the 
 similarity o£ the conditions and the mode 
 of action. Hayes had but one majority, 
 while Pedraza had two; but the close- 
 ness of the vote furnishes the pretext. 
 Hayes was not accused of tyranny or ty- 
 rannical acts ; he was not accused of seek- 
 ing to injure or oppress any class of peo- 
 ple ; he was not charged with seeking to 
 promote sectionalism, or strife, or party 
 spirit, or discord. He was not charged 
 with violating; the laws or performing any 
 arbitrary or indecent acts. The public 
 i mind had settled into the belief that he 
 I was duly declared elected, and as Presi- 
 dent, he was fairly and honestly perform- 
 ing his duty in a legal and constitutional 
 T^ay. 
 
 A review of the revoluti>mary movements 
 since President's Hayes' accession. 
 
 There being no wrongful acts of the 
 President, no oppression, no agitation of 
 
23 
 
 the public mind, and no discontent or appre- 
 hension of trouble, it would seem at first 
 thought that there could be no chance for 
 the success of a conspiracy. Here and 
 there, once in a while, perhaps, a bubble 
 might come to the surface — only to burst. 
 Three months after the inauguration there 
 were mutterings and grumblings and even 
 significant threatenings by Tilden and 
 Dorsheiraer at the Manhattan Club recep- 
 tion — a sort of ground swell as it were— 
 but with that exception it might be said 
 that eight months passed away without a 
 ripple. 
 Tilden returns from Europe and the study 
 
 of revolutionary plans in France — His 
 
 first gun. 
 
 Then Tilden returned from Europe. 
 He went away ill — too ill to rally and eon- 
 duct a revolution. But rest and a sea 
 voyage restored his vigor, and time to 
 lay plans had been so improved that he 
 was ready for the first step in imitation of 
 Santa Anna. A serenade was instituted, 
 and Tilden came out with a speech osten- 
 sibly to thank his friends for coming to 
 greet him, but in reality to " fire the pop- 
 ular heart" and discharge the 'first gun in 
 his campaign of revolution. 
 
 Samuel J. Tilden swears a ti'euaendous 
 oatli ! 
 
 In this speech he announced that "the 
 people had been robbed;" that "robbery 
 was a crime:" that it "must be avenged;" 
 that, so help him God, "I swear in the 
 presence of you all — and I call upon you 
 to bear witness to the oath — to watch dur- 
 ing the remainder of my life over the rights 
 of the citizens of our country with jealous 
 care;" and much of the same import, too 
 tedious to quote. 
 
 Nobody stirs at tlie 60und-.-Sammy plays 
 " 'possum." 
 
 The popular heart did not fire, notwith- 
 standing this tremendous oath. There 
 was no response, and "order reigned in 
 Warsaw." It became necessary to try 
 -some other plan, and Tilden was forced 
 to play "'possum" and make believe 
 dead. 
 
 Tilden's grievance and the Mexican busi- 
 ness — Maryland eats terra.piu and sees 
 spots in the sun. 
 
 The month of January came, and the 
 various Democratic legislatures met, 
 looked at the grievance of Tilden, and 
 wisely concluded not to go into Mexican 
 business this year — all but the Legislature 
 of Maryland. The Legislature of Mary- 
 land has two distinctions not enjoyed by 
 
 any other. It was once bodily imprisoned 
 for disloyalty by a National Union general 
 — one George B. McClellan — and has for 
 a member, Montgomery Blair. Such a 
 Legislature could invent a grievance, if 
 one could be invented, and th«y did. 
 Blair, by a free use of champagne and ter- 
 rapin, put through a resolution that the 
 State had been cheated in the electoral 
 count — the same language that Tilden had 
 used — and the wrong must be redressed. 
 This looked harmless and almost laugha- 
 ble. So does a cat sometimes when mice 
 are near. 
 
 Mysterious conferences of Tildenites at 
 Washington and New York — Speaker 
 Randall captured — King caucus at work. 
 
 It looked as though legal proceedings 
 were to be instituted in the courts. But 
 wait a little. Some pork doesn't boil that 
 way. Blair leaves Annapolis and comes 
 to Washington. There are mysterious con- 
 ferences and consultations, dodgings in and 
 out by a brother of David Dudley Field, 
 who is Tilden's engineer, and Clarkson 
 N. Potter runs back and forth between 
 Washington and Gramercy Park, and 
 Speaker Randall is dragooned into prom- 
 ising to rule in a motion of inquiry as a 
 question of high privilege, the caucus is 
 invoked, and all the party machinery is 
 brought to bear to get passed a resolution 
 of investigation. 
 
 Falseness and Duplicity of the Democratic 
 Pretext for the Potter Investigation — 
 Contradictory House Action as to Med- 
 dling with Hayes' Title— How Fright will 
 Disguise Itself. 
 
 All this is done on theMexitian pretext 
 that nothing is intended but the unearth- 
 ing of a fraud; but see the "falseness and 
 duplicity. A motion is sought to be made 
 -to declare that it is not intended to ques- 
 tion the title of Hayes, and it is squelched 
 with yells, and the most talented, most 
 distinguished, and one of the most vener- 
 able sages of the House is indecently 
 hooted down, because the conspirators 
 dare not trust their scheme to the test 
 which is always applied to honest pro- 
 ceedings. The conspirators knew tfa«ir 
 scheme could not succeed if put to such a 
 test, and so they choked the test and the 
 mover by riot and Bedlamite howls. A 
 few weeks later, however, the House got 
 frightened into passing the resolution that 
 the title of Hayes could not be meddled 
 with, but if they were really of this opin- 
 ion their howling it down at the start can- 
 not be accounted for. Their intentions 
 have not changed evidently, but they 
 found it necessary io endeavor to conceal 
 
24 
 
 them awhile longer, and hence the re80- 
 lution was allowed to pass; but neither 
 Potter, McMahou, S.S.Cox, Knott, Black- 
 Ijurn, Southard, Springer, nor A. S. Hew- 
 itt voted for it. It does not commit the 
 next House. 
 
 The Hale amend ment and Potter'n Jes- 
 uitical Offer. 
 
 Mr. Hale made an offer to investigate 
 Tilden's attempted frauds, and the con- 
 ppirators, pretending to desire the evi 
 denee of fraud, voted it down. Mr. Pot- 
 ter pretended that be was willing to do 
 this if Mr. Hale would say he had new 
 evidence, but he well knew Mr. Hale and 
 the Republicans had regarded the case as 
 finally settled and had not been looking j 
 for new evidtnce, and had no occasion to 
 connive with liars and perjurers to get a 
 show of new evidence on which to hang 
 a pretext of revolution, and knew they 
 wouldn't had there been occasion. 
 AVhat of the threatened Democratic revo- 
 lution has tlius far been developed 
 plainly, 
 
 The facts and course of proceedings so 
 far show : 
 
 1. That Tilden instigated the proceed- 
 ings and has the guiding hand on the 
 helm. 
 
 2. That the real aims of the conspira 
 tors are carefully sought to be concealed. 
 
 3, That the conspirators seek by ille- 
 gitimate and riotous means to carry their 
 points. 
 
 4, That the usual pretexts and con- 
 comitants which mark the courses and 
 methods of revolutionists are manifest in 
 the movements of the Blair and Tilden 
 conspirators. 
 
 Can a Democratic minority overthrovp a 
 Government ? — Revolutionary momen- 
 tum — Memember, 1861. 
 The conspirators know some things not 
 appreciated by the people. The people 
 imagine that the Government can be over- 
 thrown only by the majority, but Tilden 
 knows that a few bad, cunning, and des- 
 perate men can so wield the masses that a 
 revolution once started takes on a mo- 
 mentum entirely out of proportion to 
 numbers or the merits of the case which 
 they present. Virginia, Tennessee, and 
 North Carolina were strong Union States 
 from conviction in 1861 ; but the storm of 
 revolution, once started, became a whirl- 
 wind, and the beggarly and contemptible 
 minority swept the majority out of the 
 Union in a twinkling, and thousands upon 
 thousands of honest Union men carried 
 rebel muskets through the war, or died 
 fighting in a cause which they cordially 
 hated and despised. Even Robert E. Lee 
 was a Union man, bi^,t deluded with a no 
 
 tion that he must follow his State. Now 
 the delusion will be that they must follow 
 their party, and so one and another have 
 already been whipped in, and others will 
 continue to be till the torch of revolution 
 is lighted, and then the Mexican methods 
 will be fairly inaugurated, and the end no 
 man can see. 
 
 Nip it in tlie Bud— Three Revolutionary 
 Constituents. 
 
 The only way to stop revolution is to nip. 
 it in the bud. At the commencement there 
 are in revolutions three parties — those who 
 are in the movement, those who oppose it, 
 and those who think nothing will come of 
 it. The first are usually a small minority ; 
 but the vicious classes in our cities, the fa- 
 natics, the soldiers of fortune, all instinct- 
 ively rally to the support of any deviltry ]: 
 the timid are scared in or into neutrality, 
 and the desperadoes soon have their own 
 way, and confusion, desolation, and de- 
 struction abound on every hand. 
 How France Was Strangled in One Night 
 by one Weak, Shallow Man !— Our Great- 
 er Danger from the crafty, "Still-Hunt- 
 ing" Tilden — Tilden's Democratic Bon- 
 Rons. 
 
 Victor Hugo has pronoutfced the French 
 revolution of Louis Napoleon "the assas- 
 sination ofa people by one man." Yes, and 
 that man was considered by most iutelli- 
 gent Frenchmen as weak, shallow, and so 
 utterly wanting in heroic and magnetic 
 qualities that they laughed at the idea of 
 a coup d'etat down to the very night it was- 
 accomplished. Then, to their intense dis- 
 gust, they found their throats grasped by 
 the hand of the insignificant villain, and 
 there was no help. The nation was stran- 
 gled in a night, and to the sury rise of every- 
 body the assassin was supported and sus- 
 tained by men of more ability than Mont- 
 gomery Blair, and more character than 
 Sam Randall and Clarkson Potter. Such 
 scoundrels are always supported by better 
 men than themselves, and Tilden has se- 
 sured his coterie already. Some have 
 been allured by promises of being made 
 Cabinet ministers; others are fooled with 
 the notion that there is to be some fun, but 
 not to amount to a revolution, while the 
 natural cussedness of a goodly number, 
 which circumstances have hitherto kept 
 suppressed, will improve the occasion for 
 a little antic ; and so, altogether, there 
 I will be no lack of allies. The rank and 
 ! file will come from the million of Demo- 
 cratic place-hunters, who feel that the 
 counting in of Hayes cheated them of an 
 office which they will get without fail if 
 Hayes can be bounced ; and as they will, 
 
25 
 
 one and all be assured that they shall be 
 taken care of, they will egg oa the eon- 
 pirators, and compel timid Congressman 
 to go ahead. Montgomery Blair admits 
 that there are many members wholly op- 
 posed to the revolution ; but they will have 
 to come in, because of this mighty pressure 
 of a niillion ravenous office-seekers who 
 cannot wait two years for a regular elec- 
 tion. 
 "Kevolutioiis Never Go BacltAvartl "— To 
 
 What Magnitude Tliis Has Swollen in a 
 
 Few Short Months ! 
 
 Revolutions grow in these ways by a 
 natural law, and they cannot be controlled 
 when under full headway, nor stopped 
 except in their early stages. See how the 
 present one has augmented. When the 
 Manhattan Club gaihering was held it 
 passed away like a smoke-whiff. When 
 Tilden made his revolutionary speech in 
 October there was no response. It fell 
 flat. When Blair introduced his resolu- 
 tion in the Maryland Legislature it was 
 almost unanimously condemned by the 
 members; and yet it went through. It 
 came to Congress and had but few friends ; 
 but a few weeks of cunning manipulation 
 by Blair, Field, and Potter, under direc- 
 tion of Tilden, and a great investigation 
 is inaugurated. Men are put on the stand 
 to blacken the character of eminent 
 statesmen — that on the stand confess 
 themselves liars, owning that they could 
 be and were bribed, and confessing that 
 they are without moral character, and 
 the respectability of Clarkaon Potter is 
 obliged to associate with them, and he 
 and McMahon are compelled to defend as 
 manifest a set of rascals as ever came to 
 the surface. 
 
 All this is but the work of a few months. 
 What will as many more mouths bring 
 forth no man can imagine. That it will 
 be horrible no one can doubt. 
 
 The Horrors to Which the Pallid, Half- 
 Palsied Old Man of Graniercy Park 
 Would Doom the American People. 
 
 The conspirators mean mischief. The 
 investigation has no significance in it if 
 not aimed at the title of the President. 
 Blair avows this, and so do others. Very 
 soon others will, that now deny it. The 
 Echeme is growing, and moderate men 
 will lose control of it, if they have not 
 already. When the torch of revolution 
 in a country like this is once lighted, hell 
 itself follows. The stormy passions of 
 men are unchained and rage with blood- 
 thirsty violence, and the scenes become 
 indescribable. Victor Hugo, in trying to 
 describe the French revolution, says : 
 '' The gloomy armed men, massed to- 
 
 gether, felt an appalling spirit enter into 
 them ; they ceased to be themselves and 
 became demons. There was no longer a 
 single French soldier, but a host of inde- 
 finable phantoms, carrying out a horrible 
 tas-k, as though in the glimmering light of 
 a vision. There was no longer a flag; 
 there was no longer law ; there was no 
 longer humanity ; there was no longer a 
 country ; there was no longer France — 
 they began to assassinate.'^ Even this 
 language fails to depict the horror and 
 misery which a revolution brings. Men 
 turn into brigands and women become 
 fiends. Homes and hearthstones are 
 abolished. All that is held sacred is vio- 
 lated, and where peace and plenty and se- 
 curity reigned, want, famine, and terror 
 come in and take their places. 
 The only way to avoid all this is to crush 
 
 the Democrats right out of Congress by 
 
 electing Kepuhlicans. 
 
 If we would avoid this condition of 
 things this Tilden and Blair revolution 
 -must be crushed — crushed now and crushed 
 completely; but it can only be done by 
 electing a Republican Congress that will 
 set the seal of condemnation upon this 
 one. To this end let all men of all par- 
 ties lend their energies for the coming 
 mouths. 
 
 PART 11. 
 
 Tlie Potter I^elter— Brief Intro- 
 ductory Reniarlts— Me Would 
 Tlirow the Election into tlie 
 Ilonse to make Tilden's 
 Cliances Sure— Tlie House the 
 Sole Judge of Presidential 
 Elections and can act alone on 
 its own Infoi'Miation !— It i» 
 *' Supreme "—The Beioaocratie 
 Mouse Maving Followed his 
 Advice, Tilden must have been 
 Elected if Potter is to he Be- 
 lieved— Tilden as Comiinandcr- 
 in-€hief of the Federal Army ! 
 
 The fact that Clarkson N. Potter, of 
 New York, the next-door neighbor, at 
 Gramercy Park, of Samuel J. Tilden, is 
 at the head of the House Committee now 
 striving, by a one-sided investigation of 
 alleged electoral frauds to make political 
 capital to help his party at the Congres- 
 sional elections and to lay a basis for the- 
 new conspiracy to seize the Presidency, 
 naturally draws attention to his famous 
 letter of November 21, 1876, published in 
 the New York Herald of the day follow- 
 ing. In that letter he argued for the Til- 
 
26 
 
 den cause with fallacious subtleties which, 
 were they living, would have turned the 
 old Greek sophists green with jealousy 
 and envy, and would do honor to the cas- 
 uistry of the disciples of Loyola. Then, 
 grown bold upon his platform of sophis-* 
 tries, he proposed the most violent meas- 
 ure of all the wild and anarchical plans 
 advanced by the Tildenites of that troubled 
 period. He wanted the Democratic House 
 to **take the bit in its mouth," declare 
 that the people had failed to elect, and 
 proceed to th • election of a President. In 
 following pages it will be found that on 
 March 3, 1877, by a strict party vote, the 
 House did "take the bit in its mouth " 
 so far as to declare that Tilden and Hen- 
 dricks were duly elected President and 
 Vice President. No doubt Mr. Potter, 
 therefore considers Tilden President de 
 jure, and the latter only bides his time for 
 both Houses to be Democratic to assert 
 his pretensions and become President de 
 facto. This letter, written by Tilden' s 
 next door neighbor at Gramercy Park, 
 and ostensibly QomcooXedi at hieWall-«treet> 
 oflfioe, was believed at the time to have 
 been inspired by Tilden himself, and but 
 for the fact that a few Democrats refused to 
 be governed by the Tilden revolutionary 
 caucuses the treasonable programme which 
 under Tiden's influence. Potter had laid 
 down, might probably have been carrried 
 outto the letter. The firm attitude of Presi- 
 dent Grant in declaring that whoever, 
 under the electoral count, was duly de- 
 clared filected President, would be inau- 
 gurated, and the knowledge, ascertained 
 by secret emissaries, that the army would 
 stand firm, and could not be corrupted by 
 Tiklen'-B " barMe of money, had much to 
 do with the destruction of the Tilden- 
 Potter programme or pronunciamento for 
 Mexicanizing the United States. Besides 
 exhibiting what the revolutionists in- 
 tended to do, the Potter letter throws 
 some light upon proceedings in the Dem- 
 ocratic Honee after the electoral count, 
 and upon the new treasonable departure 
 taken under the personal lead this time of 
 Potter himself. Following is the closing 
 portion of the Potter letter aforesaid: 
 He would have the ^Election Throvm Into 
 
 the House, which -would have Insured 
 
 Tilden's Election. 
 
 If, then, the vote of Louisiana .shall not he 
 counted, and Mr. Hayes should be allowed 
 Florida and South Carolina, he will have 177 
 votes and Mr. Tilden 184, and then cither Mr. 
 .Tilden will be elected or there will be no elec- 
 tion of President. And it will then become the 
 immediate duty of the House of Representa- 
 tives, under the express direction of the Con- 
 stitution, to proceed to choose a President by 
 the votes of States, each State having one vote, 
 and if Mr. Hayes should then be chosen Presi- 
 dent he will be choson absolutely in strictest 
 
 I 
 
 compliance with all the provisions and forms 
 of law, and will be as absolutely and lawfully 
 President as any man ever was. So. too, if the 
 House should choose Mr. Tilden. 
 
 The House Is a Higher L,aw Unto Itself— 
 Responsibile to Nothing and Nobody— 
 It can Act Alone !— It is the "Sole Judge" 
 Whether the Pople have Elected or not, : 
 and Need not "Wait the Word of any In- 
 forming Body Outside ! 
 
 The Constitui.ion lias provided for no person 
 or body to notify the House that there has 
 been no okction for President by the electors, 
 nor, by deciding whether to make or withhold 
 such notification, to judge of that fact, but has 
 left the House sole judge of the happening of 
 the contingency calling for its action. As one 
 of the counters of the electoral vote the House 
 must necessarily know whether that vote has 
 resulted in a choico, and, so knowing, does not 
 require notification of the fact. Accordingly, 
 had the Constitution provided for a notifica- 
 tion to the House, it would ha^^e, been to make 
 its action in that respect dependent on some 
 other judgment of the happening of that con- 
 tingency than its own. But i^istead it leaves 
 the House to act upon its own knowledge, in- 
 dependent of the action of any other body or 
 person, and directs the House in that contin- 
 gency, of which it necessarily has knowledge, 
 and is itself to ba the judge, to proceed to 
 choose a President. 
 
 And to whom could the question of whether 
 the power was to be exercised bo so properly 
 committed as to the body which is to exorcise 
 the power, to tha*. great popular branch of the 
 Government which specially represents the 
 people, and whose members, of all those con- 
 nected with the Federal Government, are alone 
 elected by the people 
 
 The Democratic House Being "Supreme," 
 •who can Dispute the Presidential Au- 
 thority of Neighbor Tilden ? 
 
 Having then the ordinary and usual author- 
 ity of every superior body, invested with the 
 exercise of a supreme function, of determining 
 for itself the occasion when it may be lawfully 
 exercised, and having, therefore, the authority 
 +0 decide for itself whether a President has 
 been chosen by the electors or not, and, if not, 
 to then itself choose the Piesid'^nt, who can 
 lawfully dispute the authority of the President 
 whom the House of Bepreeentatives may thus 
 choose ? 
 
 All who Talk Otherwise "Talk Rebellion " 
 against the Lord's Annointed. 
 
 Gentlemen who talklighfcly.therefore.of hav- 
 ing the Viae President of the Senate receive 
 and count the vote of Louisiana against the 
 objection of the House, or of choosing some 
 energetic man President of the Senate that 
 they may have a forcible officer to lead tbe Re- 
 publican party after the 4th of March, or of an 
 interregnum in which General Grant shall 
 hold ov«r, talk rebellion. The House of Rep- 
 resentatives will not refuse to attend the count- 
 ing of the electoral vote; it Tvi'l permit the 
 counting of every vote which it may judge law- 
 ful to bo couated. 
 
 No Electoral Vote Valid unless Agreed to 
 by the House,and unless its " Judgment" 
 Agrees with its " Concurrence " and 
 "Direction." 
 
 And no vote can be lawfully counted with- 
 out its concurrence or against its judgment and 
 direction. 
 
27 
 
 Resistance to Tilden isJDefiance^to Law. 
 
 gSlWhomfiver, by the vote so counted, shall ap- 
 pear to have the majority of >4ll the electors 
 appointed will be President, and will be ac- 
 cepted by the Democratic party as such ; and 
 whomever, if no President be so chosen, the 
 popular branch of the Government shall then, 
 in due form, choose to be President, will be so 
 accepted by them; and it will be those who 
 may see fit to resist the Executive, thus law- 
 fully elected, who will be dofying the laws. 
 No Slight Irregularity can ^Impair the 
 
 Title of "Me Neighbor" Tilden— If a 
 gglVIajority of each one of <a Majority of 
 :.; States Votes for Tilden^in the House then 
 
 He is Pi-esident. 
 
 And even if there has been an omission in 
 the Constitution, so that, strictly, no one may he 
 elected according to its provisions, what could 
 be so in accord with the spirit of our Govern- 
 ment as to agree upon an Executive chosen by 
 the House of Representatives.acting by States? 
 That is, chosen by men elected directly by the 
 people, as the electors are, and acting by States, 
 as the electors do. It was to the House that 
 the Consitution committed the election of a 
 President in the only contingency of a failure 
 to choose by electors then foreseen. Had the 
 convention foreseen the contingency now as- 
 sumed b^some it would, of cou'se, have com- 
 mitted the election in such contingency also to 
 the House of Representatives. 
 Why, Tlien, Not Adopt this Course— (5Dhe 
 House Did Adopt It) -And Thus Sail as 
 Near to the " Spirit of the Constitution " 
 as India-Rubber Constructionists Like 
 Tilden and Potter Choose To. 
 Why, then, should not this great people for- 
 bear strife, and adopt a course which, if no 
 course be provided for by the Constitution, 
 would eccord most nearly with the spirit of 
 the Constitution? The more, as .the result thus 
 reached would conform to the wish of the great 
 body of the people, as just expressed. 
 
 And here let me add that to talk of a Senate, 
 in which a majority of the Ssnators repre- 
 sented less than one-fourth of the people, 
 whose power to choose a President is, by the 
 Constitution, confined, first to the failure of the 
 electors to choose one, and next to the failure 
 of the Hou^e of Representatives to choose one 
 by the 4th of Maroh following— .rotting up as 
 their presiding oflicer a military dictator, to 
 take possession of the Government against the 
 President regularly chosen by the House of 
 liepresentatives and backed by an enormous 
 popular majority, seems to me, even in view of 
 Mr. Frank Blair's famous prophecy, idle. 
 
 Doubtless the supremacy exercised by the 
 Federal authority of late yoars, and the desire 
 of property owners for order, even at the price 
 of constitutional liberty, has produced a pretty 
 general belief that any one who can command 
 Federal troops can do anything. 
 
 Tilden's Claim to be Commander-in-Chief 
 of the ITederal Army— Potter Believes 
 the People will Sustain It. 
 
 JJut the question is not what Federal troops 
 can do, but who it is that is entitled to be their 
 commander and head— a wholly different ques- 
 tion; and, upon that question, I do not believe 
 the people will be found so anxious to sustain 
 fraud to keep the minority in power, orr so un- 
 willing to maintain their constitutional rights 
 as is assumed. 
 
 Truly your obedient servant, 
 
 CLARKSON N. POTTER, 
 No. 61 Wall street. 
 
 November 21, 1876. 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 Tlie JEleetoral Commiissioii Act- 
 Analysis of the Votes by wliich 
 it Passed— It was Essentially 
 a Democratie Measure — The 
 Votes in full in Both Honses. 
 
 It will be observed by analysis of the 
 votes cast in the Senate and .House upon 
 the passage of the Electoral Commission 
 act — given herewith — that this act, now so 
 much abused by the Democrats, and the 
 findings under which they now pretend to 
 be dissatisfied with, a;nd which they pro- 
 pose by revolutionary methods to over- 
 turn, was essentially a Democratic meas- 
 ure. The Senate vote was 47 yeas and 17 
 nays— 10 not voting. Of the Republicans 
 20 voted yea, 17 voted nay, and 9 declined 
 to vote. Of the Democrats 26 voted yea, 
 1 voted Bay, and 1 declined to vote. 
 The majority for it therefore comprised 26 
 Democrats and 20 Republicans. TJie 
 vote against it comprised 17 Republicans 
 and only 1 .Democrat. The vote in the 
 House, on passing the act, illustrates the 
 fueling of the two parties even more 
 strongly. That vote was 191 yeai5 and 86 
 nays — 14 not voting. Of the Republi- 
 cans only 33 vrrted yea, 68 voted nay — 7 
 not voting. Of the Democrats 158 voted 
 yea, only 18 voted nay — 7 not voting. 
 The majority for it, therefore, comprised 
 158 Democrats and only 33 Republicans. 
 The vote against it comprised 68 Repub- 
 licans and only 18 Democrats. Taking 
 the aggregate vote in the two Houses, it 
 will be found that only 53 Republicans 
 voted for the measure and 85 RepublicanB 
 voted against it; while 184 Democrats voted 
 for it, and only 19 Democrats voted against 
 it. The Republicans of both branches of 
 Congress therefore stood opposed to the 
 measure nearly in the pro^portion of 2 to 
 to 1 ; and the Democrats of both branches 
 stood by the bill, and "put it through" 
 nearly in the proportion of 10 to 1. 
 
 If this state of fiicts does no; prove it a 
 Democratic measure then all proofs would 
 be useless. 
 
 The Senate i'V^otelin Full. 
 
 The vote in the ^Seuate, January 2a, 
 1877, on the passage of the Electoral 
 Commission bill was, in detail, :as follows: 
 
 Teas— Messrs. Aloorn, Allison, Barnum, Bay- 
 ard, Bogy, Booth, Boutwell. Bumside, Chaffee, 
 Ohristiancy. CbcA-re^Z, Conkling, Cooper, Cragin, 
 Davis, of West Virginia, D-iwes, Dennis, Ed- 
 munds, 'Frelinghuy^en, Goldthwaite, Gordon, 
 Howe, Johnston, Jones, of Florida, .Tones, of 
 Nevada, Kelly, Kernan, McG'-eery, M'-Donald, 
 McMillan, Maxey, Merrimon, Morrill, Pi-iae, 
 Randolph, Ransom. Hobertson, Sauhbury, Sha- 
 ron, Stevenson. Teller. Thurman, Wallace, Whyte, 
 Windom, Withers, Wright— 47. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Blaine, Bruce, Cameron, of 
 
28 
 
 Pennsylvania.Camoron, of Wisconsin. Clayton, 
 C)nover. Doraoy, Euton, Hatnilton, Hamlin, 
 Inpalls, Mitohel". Morton, Patterson, Sargent, 
 Shf'rtnan, Wen— 17. 
 
 Not Votinm!— M-iSsrd. Anthony. Ferry. U'lr- 
 vey. Uitohoook. Lxjan. Pforwoo'l, Ojrlesby, Pad- 
 dock. Spencer, Wadleigh— 10. 
 
 The House Vote in Full. 
 
 The vote in the House of Representa 
 lives, January 26, 1877, on the passage of 
 the electoral commission bill, was in de- 
 tail as follows : 
 
 Ykas— Messrs. Abbott, A lams, Aimicorth, 
 Anderson, Arhe, Att! a u Bogby, G. A. BafjJev 
 J U Bat/lev. Jr., Banning, Be-be, S. JV. Bell. 
 Blf>nd, lili-8, Jifount, Boone, Bradley, Bright, 
 J. Y. Broton. Bni-.kne", S. I). Bur chard, Bur- 
 leigh. Cabell, W. P. Caldwell, A. Campbell, 
 Candler. Cauljidd, Chapin, Chittenden. J. B. 
 Clarke, J. B. Clark. Jr., Clumer, Cochr»ne, 
 Cook, Cowan, Cox, Crapo. GulherHon, Cutler, 
 Darnill, /. J, Davis. Davy. De Bolt, Dibrell, 
 BouphiH, Bar 'nd. Eden. ElUx. Faulkner, Fel- 
 ton. D. D. Field J. J. Fialei;. Fo^f er, Fmnklin. 
 Fulle , Gauie, Gibson, Glove; G>o</e, Goodin, 
 Guntcr, A. H. HamHton, R. Hamilton. Hancock, 
 JLodeuburgh, B. W. Hiirris. //. R. Harris, J. 
 T. Harris, Harrison, Hirtridge, Hartz II, 
 Hatcher', H'« thorn. Haymund. Henkle. Hereford, 
 A. S. Hewitt, G W, Hewitt, Hill, Hoar, Holman, 
 Hooker, Hopkins, Hoskins. House. Humphreijs, 
 Hunter, i/ nton, Jenks, F. Jone-. Kehr, Kelley, 
 Lamar, F. Landers, G. M. Land rs. Lane, 
 Leavenworth, Le Moyne. Levy, Lerois, Luttrell, 
 Lyndc. Muckey, Maish. MacDoug*!!, MoCrary. 
 McDill. McFadand Mc Ma hon, Meade. H B. 
 Metcalf, Miller, Money. Morgan, Morrison, 
 MutC'der, L. T. Neat, New. Norton. O'^/iVn, 
 Oliver, Payne, Phelps. J. F. Phillivs, Pierce. 
 Piper, Piatt, Potter. Poxoed. liea, lieagnn. J. 
 Jieilly. J. B. Reilly, Bice, Riddle, J. Hobbins, 
 W. M. Bobbins, Roberts, M. Ross, Sampson, 
 S'^ivage, Sayler. Scales. Schleicher, Seelye. 
 Sheakley, South -rd, Sp'>rks. Springer, Stanton, 
 Stenper, Strait, Stevenson. W. H, Stone, Swann, 
 J. K, Tarbox. Teese. Terry. Thomas, C. P. 
 Thomp on. Throckmorton, W. Townshend. 
 Tucker, Turner, H. B, Vance, Waddell, C. C. 
 B Walker, G. C. Walker, Walling, Walsh. E. 
 Wird, Warner, Warren, Wat erson, E. WcHi, 
 Q. W Wells. Wkitehoase, Whitthorne, Wike, 
 Willnrd. A. S. Williams, J. Williams, W. B. 
 Williams. Willis. Wilshirc, B. Wils .n, .J. Wil- 
 son. F. Wood, Yeates. Youny, and ihe Speaker 
 -191. 
 
 NAYS-Messrs. J. H. B^ker, W. H. Baker. 
 Ballou, Banks. Blackburn, Blair, Bradford, W. 
 R. Brown. H. C. Burchard. Bult^. /. //. Cald- 
 well, Cannon. Carr, Caswell, Cate, Conger, 
 Crounse, Dauford, Denison, Dobbins. Dunnel', 
 Durham, Eames, J. L. Evans. Fiye. Forney, 
 Fort. Freeman. Fryc, Garfield, Hale, Haralson, 
 Hendee, Henderson. Hoge, Hubbell, Hurd, 
 Hurlburt, Hyman. T. L. Jones, Joyce. Kasson, 
 Kimball, Knott. Lapbam. Lawrence, Lynch, 
 Magoon, Milliken, Milts, Monroe, Nash, 
 O'Neill. Packer. Page, Plaisted, Poppleton 
 Pratt, Purman. Rainey. Robinson, Rusk. Sin- 
 gleton, Sinnickson. Slemons, Snialls, A. H. 
 Smith, W. E. Smith, SmwbU, Tbornburgh. M. 
 I. Townsend, Tufts. Van Vorhes, J. L Vance, 
 Wait. Waldron, A. S. Wallace. J. W, AVallace, 
 J. D. White, Whiting, A. Vfilliams, C. G. Wil- 
 liams. J. lY. Williams, A. Wood, jr., Woodburn, 
 Woodworth— 8o. 
 
 Not Voting— Messrs. Bass. Cason. Collins, 
 Egbert, Hays, King, Lord, Od,ll, AY. A. Phil- 
 lips, S. Ross, Schumaker, Stephens, Wheeler, 
 Wig^inton — 14. 
 
 The Electoral Count— Tlie Vote a.s AnT 
 nounced— Final Separation of tlie Houses- 
 — Subsequent llevolutionary Proceedinga 
 in tlie Democratic House, before Ad- 
 journment of the Forty to tirtli Congress — 
 Field's (J uo Wamint<» Bill and Vote on it,. 
 The counting of the electoral vote of 
 the States commenced February 1, 1877, 
 and did not end until March 2, at four- 
 o'clock a. m., each House having been in 
 session continuously from March 1, at 10 
 o'clock a. m. 
 
 When the counting of the vote of the 
 States WHS concluded and the tellers hadl* 
 announced the result of tlie footings, the 
 Presiding Officer of the two Houses de- 
 clared Rutherford B. Hayes, of Ohio, tho 
 duly elected President, and William A. 
 Wheeler, of New York, the duly elected 
 Vice President for the four years com- 
 menci'g March 4, 1877 — whereupon the 
 two Houses finally separated. 
 Tlie Electoral Vote of the States as De- 
 clared by tlie Two Houses, l>ein<>; tlie Evi- 
 dence of Title which nothing can shake, 
 even tliough a new Rebellion be Suc- 
 cessful. 
 
 The vote for President was announced, 
 as follows : 
 
 Vote. 
 
 States. 
 
 1 
 Hayrs 
 
 Tilden. 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 
 6 
 
 Q 
 
 Ciilifornia 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 Colorado 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Delaware 
 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 Florida 
 
 i 
 
 
 11 
 
 Georgia 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 Illinois 
 
 21 
 
 
 15 
 
 Indiana . 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 'owa • 
 
 11 
 5 
 
 s"" 
 
 7 
 
 '■■■l3'"' 
 11 
 5 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 12 
 8 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 Maine 
 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 11 
 
 5 
 8 
 
 Maryland 
 
 8 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 8""' 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 Nebraska ..-. 
 
 Nevada 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 35 
 
 New York i 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 22 
 
 
 10 
 
 Ohio 
 
 22 
 3 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 7 
 
 12 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Texas 
 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 11 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 Vermont . 
 
 Virginia 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 5 
 
 ""lo"" 
 
 
 11 
 5 
 
 Total 
 
 
 369 
 
 i 185 
 
 1 
 
 184 
 
29 
 
 David Dudley Field's Quo Warranto Bill- 
 Being one of the Moves in Tilden's Crafty 
 Game. 
 
 March 2, 1877. — The very game day when 
 the vote for Hayes was declared by both 
 Houses, David Dudley Field, from the 
 select committee on 'he privilege^^, pow- 
 ers and duties of the House of Represen- 
 tatives in counting the vote for President 
 and Vice President, hastened to report a 
 billentitled ^'- An act to provide an effectual 
 remedy for a wrongful intrusion into the 
 office of President or Vice President of the 
 United States y 
 
 Vote by which the Quo "Warranto Bill was 
 I.ost. 
 
 The vote on the passage of the above 
 quo warranto bill was G6 yeas (all of them 
 Uemocrats) to 99 nays, which comprised 
 76 Republicans and 23 Democrats, while 
 of those not voting 89 Democrats seem to 
 have been "watching how the cat jumped." 
 In detail the vote was: 
 
 Ykas — Messrs. ./. //. J3(if/ley, Jr., Banniiif/. 
 Beebe, S. N. Bell, Boone, J. Y. liroici, W. P. 
 Caldwell, Candler, Cate, CauJJlehl,J. B. Clarke. 
 J. Ji Clark, jr., Collin'^. S. S. Cor, J. J. Davis, 
 dJe n .It, Elm. Ellis, D. B. Field. J. J. Finlev, 
 Franhlin, Fuller, Gau~e, Clover, A. H. Hamil- 
 ton, Hardc'-hergh, J. T. Harris. Hartzcll, 
 Hatcher, Hill. Holnian, Hooker, A. Huniphreys, 
 T. L Jonen, F. Landers, Lane, Levy. Lord, Lnt- 
 4rell, Lynde, Meade, Morrinon, Ij. T. Neal, 
 P'Vne, Poppleton, A. V. Bice J. Bobbins, M. 
 Boss. S^'fdes, Schleicher, Sheakley, Slemovs, 
 Sparks, Swinger, Teese. Terry, Thomas, Tucker, 
 J. L, Vance, B. B. Vnnee, G. C. Walker. E. 
 Wells, Whitthorne, Wiggin on, B. Wilson, 
 Yentes—Qd 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Abbott, Adams, Alnsworth, 
 J. H. Baker, W. H. B .ker, Ballou B^nks. Bel- 
 f. )rd. Blair. Bradford. Bradley, W. R. Brown, 
 Backner, Burleigh. Buttz, J. H. Caldioell. Can- 
 non, Caswell, Chitienden. Conger, Crapo, 
 Crounse. Culberson Cutler, Danford, D irrall, 
 Davy, Denison, Dobbins, Dannell, Eames, 
 Forney, Foster, Freeman. Frye, Garfield, 
 (loodin. Haralson. B. W. Harris Hathorn, C. 
 \i%ys, Hopkins, House, Hubbe'l, Hunter, Hurl- 
 but, Jenks. Joyce, Kisson, Kehr. Kelley, Kim- 
 ball, G. M. Landers, Laphtim, Lawrence. Le 
 Mayne, Lynch, M-icDuugall, McDill, Mills. 
 Mofiroe. Ne>c, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, P-ige, 
 W. A Phillips. Pierce, Pratt, Rainey, J. B. 
 Beilly, Riddle. M S. Robinson. Sampson, C. P. 
 Thompson, Thornburgh. M. I Townsend, W. 
 Townsend. Tults, Wait. Waldron, A S. Wal- 
 lace, J. W. Wallace, Warren. J. D. White, 
 Whitehouse Willard C. (4. Wlliams, W. B. 
 Williams, B. A. Willis, J. Wilson— 99. 
 
 Not Votin'g— Messrs. Anderson, Ashe, At- 
 kins, Bagby, li. A. Bigley, B-ss. Blackburn, 
 Jiland, Bliss. Blount, Ji right, H. C. Burchard, 
 S. D. Burchard, Cabell, A. Campbell, Carr, 
 Oason, Chapin, Clymer, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, 
 Bibrell, Douglas, Durand, Durham. Egbert, 
 J. L. Evans, Faulkner. Felfon, Flye, Fort, Gib- 
 son, Goode Gunter, Hale. B. Hamilton, Han- 
 cock, H. B. Harris. Harrison, Hartridge, Hay- 
 mond, Hendee, Henderson, Henkle, A. S 
 Hewitt, G. W. Hewitt, Hoar, Hoge. Hoakins, 
 Hunton, Ilurd, Hyman, F. Jones, King, Knott, 
 Lamar. Lewis, Mackey, Magoon, Maish, Mc- 
 Cr-.ry, McFarlu7id, McMahon, H. B. Metcalfe, 
 Miller, Milliken. Mono/, Morgan, Mutchler, 
 Na.h. Norton. O'Brien, Odell, I^helps, J. F. 
 Philips, Piper, Piaisted, Piatt Potter, Powell, 
 
 Purman, Rea, Bcapan, J. Reilly. W. M. Rot- 
 bins, Roberts. 8. Ross. Ru.»k, Savage. Sayler, 
 Schumaker, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Southard, 
 Stanton, Stenger, Stephens. W. Stone, Swann, 
 Throckmorton. Turner. Van Vorhes, C. C B. 
 Walker, Walling, Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, 
 Wa'terson, G. W. Wells. Wheeler, Whiting, 
 Wike, A. Williams, A S. Williams. J. Wil- 
 j Hams, J.N. Williams. Wilshire, A. Wood, jr., 
 F. l^oot^, Woodburn, AVood worth. Young.— 125. 
 
 PART IV. 
 
 House Committee Report aflirm- 
 
 j iiig tlie rigUt of tlie House to 
 
 j go I>eliiu<l the Electoral Re- 
 
 t«irns, auil *'tlie autliority of 
 
 i tlie House over the counting" 
 
 thereof— Resolution Reporte«l 
 
 to tiaal Etfect— Vote on Burcli- 
 
 ard's Amen<lment to. it. 
 
 i March 3, 1877, David Dudley Field, 
 Democrat, from the Committee on Priv- 
 : ileges, &c., made the following report : 
 
 The Committee on the Privileges, Powers, 
 '■ and Duties of the House ot Representatives, in 
 I counting the vote for President and Vice Prej"!- 
 dent of the United States report, in part, that 
 since their partial report of certain resolutions, 
 made to this House on the 12th day of January 
 last, the passage of the act entitled "An act to 
 provide for and regulate the counting of votes 
 for President and Vice President, and the de- 
 cision of questions iirising thereon, for the term 
 commencing March 4. A. D. 1877," and the pro- 
 : ceedings under it, have interrupted the discus- 
 sion of the said resolutions and the action of 
 I House thereon; but that the refusal of the 
 Electoral Commission, constituted by the said 
 act to hear any evidence touching the frauds 
 and want of jurisdiction of the canvassing and 
 I returning boards of !< lorida and Louisiana, has 
 j made it so much the more important to affirm 
 the said resolutions and the authority of this 
 How-e over the coun ing of the electoral votes, 
 and especially the right of Congress and of the 
 House to inquire whether any votes purporting 
 to come from a State have been cast by persons 
 I duly appointed by that State electors of Presi- 
 ! dent and Vice President in the manner di- 
 i rected by its Legislature, ond for that purpose 
 \ to receive evidence of the forgery, falsehood, 
 ; or iavAlidity of any certificate of any Governor 
 j or canvasser whomsoever. The committee 
 1 therefore recommend the passage of the foUow- 
 ! iijg additional resolution: 
 
 Besolv-d, That in the counting of the elec- 
 toral votes of any State it is the right and duty 
 of Congress and of this House to inquire whether 
 any votes purporting to come from a State 
 have been cast by persons duly appointed by 
 that State electors of President and Vice 
 President in the manner directed by its Legis- 
 
 I lature, and for that purpose to receive evi- 
 { dence of the forgery, falsehood, or invalidity 
 
 i of any certificate of any Governor or canvasser 
 
 I I whomsoever. 
 
 j Mr. Bnrchard's Amendment and Vote 
 i Thereon. 
 
 1 After Proctor Knott, Democrat, had of- 
 i fered an amendment — which he subse- 
 quently withdrew — Mr. H. C. Burchard, 
 Kepublican, from the minority of the Com- 
 mittee on Privileges, &c., moved to amend 
 
30 
 
 Mr. Fields' resolution by adding to it these 
 words: 
 
 Aflfecting the genuioenesB or proper Kuthenti- 
 oation of such certificates, but not for the pur- 
 pose of questioning the number of votes by 
 which, as shown from the certificate of duly 
 autborij^ed canvassing officers of the State, the 
 electors msy have been appointed. 
 
 The amendment was disagreed to — yeas 
 84, (all Republicans, save one,) nays 122, 
 (all Democrats.) not voting 84, as follows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Adams, G. A. Bagley, W. H. 
 Baker. Ballou, Banks, S. N. Bell, Bradley, W. 
 R. Brown, H. C. Burchard. Burleigh, Buttz, 
 Cannon, Caswell, Chittenden, Conger. Crapo, 
 Crounse, Danford, Darrall, Denison, Dobbins, 
 Eames. J. L. Evans, Flye, Foster, Freeman, 
 Frye, Gai field. Hale Haralson, B. W. Harris, 
 Hatborn, C. Hays, Hendeo, Henderson, Hos- 
 kins, Hubbell, Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, 
 Kasson, Kelley, Lapham, Lawrence, Leaven- 
 worth, Magoon,MacDougall, McCrary, McDill, 
 Monroe, Nash* Nort- n, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, 
 Page, W. A. Phillips, Plaisted, Piatt, Rainey, 
 M. S. Robinson, S. Ross. Sampson, Seelye, Sin- 
 nickson, Smalls, A. H. Smith. Stowell, Strait, 
 Thornburgh. Tufts, Wait, A. S. Wallace. J. W. 
 Wallace, G. W. W».lls, J. D. White. Whiting, 
 A. Williams, C. G. Williams, J.Wilson, A. Wood, 
 jr.. Woodbum, Woodworth— 84. -«i* 
 
 Nays. — Mecsrs. Ainsicorth, Ashe, Atkins, 
 Baghy. J. H. Bagicy, jr.. Banning, Blackburn, 
 Bland, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bradford, Bright, 
 J. Y. Brown, J. H. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, 
 J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., Clymer, Cochrane, 
 Collins, Cook, Cowan, S. S. Cox, J. J. Davis, 
 De Bolt, Durham, Ellis, Faulkner. D, D. Field, 
 J. J. Finley, Forney, Franklin, Fidler, Gause, 
 ' Gibson, Glover.. Goode, Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, 
 R. Hamilton, Hardenburgh, H. B. Harris, J. T. 
 Harris, Harrison, Hat-tridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, 
 Henkle, Hooker, Hopkins, House, Hunton, Huret, 
 JenJcs, T. L. Jones, Knott, F. Landers, G. M. 
 Landers, Le Moyne, Levy, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, 
 Mackey, McFarland, McMah^m, Meade, Mills, 
 Money, Mutchler, L. T. Neal, New, Odell, Payne, 
 Phelps, J. F. Philips, Poppleton, liea, J. B. 
 Reilly, J. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle, J. Rob- 
 bins, W. M. Bobbins, Roberts, Savage, Sayler, 
 Scales, Sheakley, Slemona, W. E. Smith, South- 
 ard, Sparks, Springer, Stanton, Stenger, W. H. 
 Stone, Sicann, J. K, Tarbox. Teese, Terry, 
 Thomas, C. P. Thompson, Throckmorton, Tucker, 
 Turney, J. L. Vance, R. B. Vance. Waddell, 
 Wallimg, Wal^h, Warner, E. Wells, Whitthorne, 
 Wigginton, Wike, J. Williams, J. N. Williams, 
 B, A. Willis, B. Wilson, Yeaics—ITL 
 
 Not Voting— Messrs. AhljottTAnderson, J. 
 H. Baker, Bass*, Bcebe, Belfordv Blair, Buckner, 
 S. J'. Burchard, Cabell. A, Camttbell, Candler, 
 Carr, Cason, Cate, Caul field, Chapin, Culberson, 
 Cutler, Davy. Dibrell, Douglas, Dannell, Du- 
 rand, Eden, Egbert, Felton, Fort, Goodin, Han- 
 eock, Haymond, A. S. Heioitt, G. W. Hetoitt, 
 Hill, Boar. Hoge, Holman, A. Humphreys, F. 
 Jones, Kehr, EimbalJ, King. Lamar, Lane, 
 Leicis, Lynch, Muish, H. B. Metcalfe, Miller, 
 Milliken, Morgan. Morrison, OBrien, PiiTce-, 
 Piper, Potter, Potcell, Pratt, Purman, Reagan, 
 M. Boss, Rusk, Schleicher, Sehv/tnaker, Single- 
 ton, Steihens. Stevenson, M. I. Townsend, W, 
 Townsend, Van Vorhes. Waldron, C. C. B. 
 Walker, G.C. Walker. E. Ward, Warren, Waiter- 
 son, Wheeler, Whitehow-e, Willard, A. S. Wil- 
 liams, W. B. Williams, Wilshire, F. Wood, 
 Young^-M. 
 
 Mr. Field'sfresolution was then agreed 
 to. 
 
 PART V. I 
 
 Morrisou'js Jjetter on Tildeu's 
 •' I.ack of Pluck" — TiHIeii 
 thonght ho had "packed" 
 the Electoral ComiBiii^Niou — 
 Hendricki^ Urges the Ilonse to 
 Declare Tildeii and Ilimi-^eir 
 el^ctetl— Votes by which the 
 House makes that Revolution- 
 ary Declaration — ISnbsequent 
 Democratic Protect, declarii g 
 Hayes ** a Usurper !" — The 
 House Democrats officially no- 
 tify Tilden that he was '* duly 
 electe«l President"— Did Til- 
 den take the oath ?— Revolu- 
 tionary talk — Hewitt's en- 
 forced Resignation and pecu^ 
 liar Apology— Judge Black's 
 Revolutionary Thret^t. 
 
 Letter from the Democratic Licatler Mor- 
 rison to the Seven Men among, liis Con- 
 stituents who were not Satisiied and 
 wanted a New Election^ 
 
 In the New York World, March 5, 1877, 
 appears a letter written by W. R. Morri- 
 son, the then Democratic leader of the 
 House and Chairman of Ways and Means, 
 which contains two or three pregnant ad- 
 missions worth noticing. It was written 
 February 24, 1877, in answer to a dispatch 
 of same date, received by him from 
 Messrs. L. H. Hite and six others, of 
 East St. Louia, 111., in which they say : 
 
 American institutions and constitutional lib- 
 erty demand that the conspiracy shall not suc- 
 ceeid. Our party can prevent it without resort- 
 ing to revolutionary measures, for the partisan 
 decisions of the Electoral Commission command 
 no rwpect. Give us a new eleetion. 
 
 He tell» tha Seven Foolish Virgins they 
 have trimmed their Lamps "too late, I 
 Fear" — The Democratic licader's Idea of 
 " Good Faith," 
 
 Morrison's reply ran thus: 
 
 Dear Sirs : Your dspatch has been received. 
 I fear it Is too late to accomplish wh.^t you sug- 
 gest, and what the right and jastice of th« case 
 demand. Many of our friends, and some of the 
 most influential think, or pretend to think, that 
 that we are bound by oblig'ations of good faith 
 to go on, under the Electoral Commission bill, 
 to see Hayes fraudulently counted in. There 
 are so man? of this way of thinking that this 
 result seems to me to be inevitable. 
 
 He lets out the Truth on Tild«n— Charges 
 Hini' with lack of "Plucl<,"hut thin3t»it 
 is to Tilden^s " Credit" that he agreed to ; 
 the Electoral Commission be«au'!»e- l*e | 
 
 1^ thoiTght it would be "packed" in his in- j 
 
 terest.:^.; r^n mit i^S «'^i'-i 
 
 The truth is that cur great man TildenJ 
 
31 
 
 able as lie undoubtedly is, did not have the 
 pluck to meet the requirements of the occasion 
 at the right time, though I suppose it must be 
 said to his credit that when this commission 
 was gotten up it was expected that Davis 
 would be the eighth man. 
 
 The Tiling is L.ost>— Morrison never Be- 
 lieved in Electoral Commissions. 
 
 I look upon this thing as lost, though our 
 folks could keep Hayes tut if they were united, 
 and possibly could secure a new election ; but 
 Lamar, Hill, AVatterson, Wood. Wells and 
 many others say they intend to let Hayes go 
 through, and believe themselves bound to do 
 so. I never had any faith in the electoral pro- 
 ject, but everybody in the country seemed to 
 favor it, and when I returned from New Or- 
 leans it was already settled upon as the way 
 out. Respectfully yours, W. R. Morrison. 
 
 Hendricks Openly JEncouraged the Adop- 
 tion of the House Resolution Declaring 
 Tilden Elected President. 
 
 A meeting of Democrats at Indian- 
 apolis, March 4, 1877, (according to New 
 York World of the 5ch), called to delib- 
 erate as to the attitude of Democracy, 
 sent a dispatch to Senator McDonald, of 
 Indiana : 
 
 Your friends at home desire that you should 
 take no part in the inauguration of Hayes. 
 
 The same telegram states that Hen- 
 dricks said of the House resolution de- 
 claring Tilden and Hendricks elected : 
 
 The House should pass such a resolution, 
 though it would have no practical effect. 
 
 Proctor Knott's Resolution " Solemnly 
 Declaring" that Tilden "Received 196 
 Electoral Votes," and was "Thereby 
 Duly Elected President"— Votes in the 
 House on Question of Consideration. 
 
 March 3, 1877, Proctor Knott, Demo- 
 arat, from the Committee on Privileges of 
 the House, etc., submitted to the House 
 a long preamble, ending with the follow- 
 ing resolution : 
 
 Resolved hy the House of Representatives of 
 the United States of America, That it is the duty 
 of the House to declare, that Saanuel J. Tilden, 
 of the State of New York, received 196 elec- 
 toral voles for the office of President of the 
 United States, all of which votes were cast and 
 lists thereof signed, certified and transmitted 
 to the seat of Government, directed to the 
 President of the Senate, in conformity with the 
 Constitution and laws of the United States, by 
 electors legally elected and qualified as such 
 electors, each of whom had been duly ap- 
 pointed andeligiblo, in the manner directed by 
 the Legislature of the State in and for which 
 he cast his vote as aforesaid : and that said 
 Samuel J. Tilden, having thus received the 
 votes of a- majority of the electors appointed 
 as aforftsaid, he was therebj duly elected Pres- 
 ident of the United States of America for the 
 term of four yearji, commencing on the 4th day 
 of March, A. D 1877: and this Hou?e further 
 declare that Thomas A. Hendricks, having re- 
 ceived the same number of the eleotnral votes 
 for the office of Vice-President of the United 
 States that were Ciist for Samuel J. Tilden for 
 President, as aforesaid, the said vo'es having 
 been cast for him by the same persons who 
 voted for tha said Tilden for President, as 
 aforesaid, and at the same time and in the 
 
 same manner, it is the opinion of this House 
 that said Thomas A. Hendricks, of the State 
 of Indiana, wag duly elected Vice Presdent 
 of the United States for a term of four years, 
 commencing on the 4th day of March, A. D. 
 1877. 
 
 Straight Party Vote on Question of " Con- 
 sideration." 
 The question of consideration being 
 raised, it was decided to consider the res- 
 olution, by 146 yeas to 82 nays, 62 not 
 voting. 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. AhboM,Ainiworth, A>)h^., Atkin9, 
 Bayby, J. H. Bayk^y, Jr., Becbc, Blo.ckhurny 
 Bland. BHt^, Boone, Brndfoid, Bright, J. Y. 
 Brown. Buckner, S. D- Burckard, J. II. Cald- 
 well, W. P. Caldwell, Cundler, Carr. Ciulfield, 
 J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., Clymer, Cochrane, 
 Collins, Cook, C >ioan, Cuihevson, Cutler, J. J. 
 Davis, DkBoH, D brdl, Douglas, Durhckm. Ellis, 
 Faulkner, D. D. Field, J. J. Fi'lsu, Forney, 
 Franklin, Fuller, Oause, Gbson, Glover, Goode, 
 Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, R .Hamilton, H\j^rden- 
 bergh, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, 
 Hartridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Haymond, Ilenkle, 
 A.S. Heioitt, Hooker, Hopkins, Hnuse, .A H(mp- 
 hr-ys, Hunton, Hurd, Jenks, T. L. Jones, Knott, 
 Lamar, F. Landers, Lane, Le Moyne, Levy, 
 Lord, Luttrell, fjynde, Mackey, McFarland, . 
 McMahon, Meade, Mills, Money, Morrison, 
 Mu'chler, L. T. Neal, New, O'Brien, Odell. 
 Payne, Phelps, J. F. Philips, Poppleton^ 
 Powell, Purman, Rea, J. Reillv, J. B. Reilly, 
 A. V. Rice, Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Roberta, 
 M. Ro»s, Savage, Say It r. Scales, Schleicher, 
 Sheakley, Singleton, Slemons, W. E. Smith, 
 Southard, Sparks, Sfiringer, StaJitork, Stenger, 
 S evenson, W. H. Stone, Swann, J. K. Tarbox, 
 Teese, Terry, Thomas, C. P. T/iomptton, Th^ock- 
 mor'on. Tucker, Tarney, J. L. Vance, R. B. 
 Vance, Waddell, C. C. B. Walker, Walling, 
 Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, E. Wells, Whithhous-e, 
 Whitthorne, Wigginton, Wike, J. WilUamt, J. 
 N. Willama, B. A' Willis, B. Wilron, F. Wood, 
 Ya'es, Young — 146. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Adams, Gr. A. Bagley, W. H. 
 Baker, Ballou, Banks, Blair, Bradley, W. R. 
 Brown. H, C. Burchard, Buttz, Cannon. Chit- 
 tenden, Conger, Crapo, Crounse, Danford, Dar- 
 rall, Davy, Denison, Dobbins. Duniiell, Eames, 
 J. L. Evans, Flye, Fort, Frye, Garfield, Haie, 
 Haralson, B. W. Harris, Hathorn, C. Hays, 
 Hendee, Henderson. Hoge, Hoskins, Hubbell, 
 Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Kasson, Lap- 
 ham. LawrenCB, Leavenworth, Lynch, Magoon, 
 MacDougall, McCrary, McDill, Miller, Monroe. 
 Nash, Norton, Oliver, Page, W. A. Phillips, 
 Pierce, Plaisted, Piatt, Bainey, M. S. Robinson, 
 Rusk, SampsoTi, Seelye, Sirnickson, Strait, 
 Thornburgh, W.-Townsend. Tufts, VV«it. A. S. 
 Wallace. Or. W. Wells, J. D. Whie, Whiting, 
 Willard, A. Williams. C. O. Williams, W. B. 
 Williams, J. Wilson, Woodburn. Woodworth— 
 82. 
 
 Not Voting — Messrs. Anderson, J. H. Baker, 
 Banning, Bass, Belford, .S". N. Bell, Blount, Bur- 
 leigh, Cabell, A. Co??ii)6e?^, Cason, Caswell, Cafe, 
 Chapln, S. S. Cox, Durand, Eden, Pgbert, Felton, 
 Foster, Freeman, Goodin, Hancock, G. W.Heio- 
 itt. Hill, Hoar, Ilolman, F. Jones, Kehr, Kelley, 
 KimhalJ, King. G. M. Landers, Lewis, Maish, 
 H. B. Metcalfe, Milliken, Morgan, O'Neill. 
 P..c«er, Piper, Potter, Pr*tt. Reagon, J. Rob- 
 bins, S. Ro?s, Schumaker, Smalls. A. H. Smith, 
 Stephens, Stowell, M. I. Townsend. Van Vorhes, 
 Waldron. G. C. Walker, J. W. Wallace. War- 
 ren, Watterson, Wheeler.^l. .S'. Williams, Wil- 
 shire, A. Wood — 62. 
 
 The res'>lution, with its preamble, was 
 then adopted by yeas 136, nays 88 — not 
 v'oting-66 — as follow:^: 
 Yeas Mcas-rs,— Abbott, Ainsworth, Ashe, At- 
 
32 
 
 liuuh,,. ,L //. n (ileu. 
 
 Banni 
 
 Beehr, 
 
 /iiiiM, iutfihi/, ,/. ji. IS (/ic'u.jr., nnnniufi, /seeoe 
 JilarkhunK lilnuil. lilixi, lilount, lioorie, lirud- 
 fnd.nriiih..L y. Br-jinu S. J), /{.rchard, 
 <\,he//. J. Ji. Cildwefi, ir. /'. Vuhhoell, Ciin; 
 r>v1fl(li, .A li. ('h)-hc', J. Ji. dark, jr., 
 i^ll/iii'.r, Carlirane, (^/l/inx, ConJc, ('won, Cul- 
 bernoit, J. ,/. Danl", Dcliol', DiltvcH, Douglan, 
 Jhtrhniii. I-Jifix, Faii/kncr, J). I). FirH, J. J. 
 Fitiff'!/, Forney, Frxnihlin, Full r, (i'(i>i*e. Gih- 
 ton, (ihrer, (io dr. A. JI. JI luiltov, /{. IlimU- 
 tnn, Ilnrdcuhen/h, II R, Iltrrio, ,/. T. Ila-rl", 
 Jlartrido-, JIartzell Hatch- r, JIr.,k/^, A. S. 
 Hewitt, Jlooker. Jiopkinn, Jlou^e, A. Ilump- 
 hre>/», Il-iifoti, Hard, Jc hx, T. L. J^men, Knot', 
 Luiiinr, F. fjii-dcra, (r. M. Liiiidrr/>, Lew. Lord, 
 Lut rtll, Lynde, Miivkey, McFdrland, Mc- 
 Muhon, Mcadf, MUIh, Moiwu, Morr'-non, Mutch- 
 lex, L T. Neal. New, O'Brien, Odell, Payne, 
 Ph lu", J. F. Ph Inx, J'opol'ton, Purman. lie'i, 
 ,1. JicUii,-!. li. Riilhi, A. V. Bice. Bi^dl^, J. 
 Bobbin", W. M. lioblrn', Jiohcrt-, M. Ruxa, 
 S'ifler, Sfal''», Schl':i(h^r, Sheakhy, Sl*V7ovit, 
 W. E. Smith, Southard, Si a kt, Stjriifjer, Stan- 
 ttm, Steneer, W. H. <SV ■xe, Swnnn, J. K. Tarh'tx, 
 Teen-, Terrv. Thomas, C P. Thnmmm, Throclc- 
 motton. Tucker, Tiirn«i, J. L. Varic, R. JL 
 Varrce, Wafde/l, W-Uioff, Wa/xh, E. Ward, 
 Warner, E. Weill, Whi'thor'-e, W ggi-tov, 
 Wike. J. William", ./. N. WitliamH. B. A. Wil- 
 li^, WihhircB.yfilhon. F-i^"^— 136. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Adams. G. A. B^frley, W. H. 
 , Baker. Ballon. Banks, Blair, Bradley, W. R. 
 Brown. H. C. Burchard, Buttz. Cannon, Caswell, 
 Chittenden, Conger. Crou'ise. Danturd. Darrall, 
 Denison, Dobbins. Dunnell, E «mes, J. L. Evans, 
 riye. Fore. Foster. Freeman, Fryc, Garfield. 
 Hale. B. W. Harris. Ilathorn, JIapmond, C. ITh j's. 
 Hendee. Henderson, Hoge. Hoskins, Hubbell. 
 Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Kasson. Kel- 
 ler, Lapharn, Lawrence, Leavenworth, Magoor, 
 MacD ugall, McCrary, McDill, Miller, Monroe. 
 Hash, Norton. Oliver, O'Neill, Page. W. A. 
 Phillips. Piaisted, PUtt, Kainey, M. S. Robin- 
 son, S. Ross, Rusk, fe-ampson, Seelye, Sinnick- 
 son. A. H. Smith, Siowell, Strait, Thor-^burgh, 
 M. I. TownsenH. W. Townseml, Tufts, Wait, A. 
 S. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, G. W. Wells, J. D. 
 White, Whiting. Willard. A. Willi'-ims. C. G. 
 Williams. J. Wilson, A. Wood, Woodburn. 
 Wood worth— 88. 
 
 Not Voting- Messrs. Anderson, ,T. H. Baker, 
 Biss, Belford,A'. ]V. Bell, Buckner, Burleigh, A. 
 Campbell, Candler, Casoii. 0<ite, Chapin, S. S. 
 Cox, Orapo. Cutler, Davy, JJurand, Eden, Egbert, 
 FeUon, Goodin, Gunter, Hancock, Haralson, 
 Harrison, G. W. Uexoift, Hill, Hoar, Holman, F. 
 Jones, Kehr. Kimball. King. Jjane, Le Moyne, 
 Leicis, Lynch, Maish, H. Ji. Metcalfe, Milliken, 
 Morgan, Packer, Pierce, JHper, Putter. Poioell, 
 Pratt, Beagan, Savage, Sehnmaker, Sin<jleton, 
 Smalls. Stephens. Sievhenson, Van Vorhes. Wai- 
 dron, C. C. B. Walker. G. C. Walker, Warren. 
 Watterson, Wheeler, Whitehouse, A. S. Williams, 
 W. B. Williams, /'. Wood, Young— Qi^. 
 
 Democratic Coiigres.sional Caucus — Ad- 
 dress and Pi-ole.st Ajjainst the Election — 
 Declaration of the tlie Election of Hayes. 
 
 On Saturday evening,. March 3, 1877, 
 4he Democratic mpmbers of the House, 
 in caucus, adopted a long address "to 
 the American people" whicii closes thus: 
 
 In the exciting days just prist the forbearance 
 of the people has maintained the peace. Let 
 it not however, from tnis be understood that 
 the fraud to be consummated March 4 will be 
 silently acquiesced in by the country. L-^t no 
 hour pass in which the usurpation is forgotten. 
 Let agitation be increasing that at every op- 
 portunity the people may express their abhor- 
 €nce of the outrage. Let want of eonfidenee 
 be voted at every election in Mr. Hayes and 
 hi administration. * * * * Let tha Demo- 
 
 cratic party at once organize for the ewcin- 
 teats to secure overwhelming victories, that 
 conspirators may never again attempt the ex- 
 periment wbicb novv humiliates the Republic 
 and has installed ia its highest office a usurper. 
 
 Mr. Tilden Officially Notified of his Elec- 
 tion. 
 
 [Special dispatch to the World,] 
 
 ^ W.vsHiXGTOX, March 3 — Th'^ following ! 
 dispatch, signed by the Democrats of the 
 House, wa3 sent to Mr. Tilden this even- 
 ing: 
 
 Mr. Koott's resolution declaring that Samuel 
 J. Tilden ard Thomas A. Hendricks had re- 
 ceived the votes of a m8.ioritv of all the electors 
 legally appointed, and were thereby duly 
 elected President and Vice President for the 
 term of four years, commencing March 4. 1877, 
 has passed the House— yeas. 136; nays. 88 
 
 David Dudley Field. R. F. Mills, E. A. Pop- 
 pleti.n, J. M. Beebe. John L. Vance. S. S. Cox, 
 W. M. Springer. A. T. Walling. J. R. Tucker. 
 J. Proctor Knott, E. R. Meade, J. J. Abbott. J. 
 S. C Blackburn, A. V. Rice. A. M. Waddell, 
 Franklin Landers. Lafayette Lane. M. I South- 
 ard. F. H. Hurd, B. G. Caulfield, H. D. Money, 
 A H. Hamilton. W. A. J. Sp.irks. A. M. Bliss, 
 C. C. B. Walker. W. W. F. Slemons, W. S. 
 Haymond, and others. 
 
 Did Tilden Take the Oatli?— Contemplated 
 Quo Warranto Proceedings. 
 
 Washington. MHrch 4.—* * * The hotels 
 have been full of rumors, nnd extras have been 
 issued that Tilden took the oath in New York on 
 hearing of the Hou«e resolution, and in order to 
 strengthen his claims through tbe contemplated 
 quo ijcarranto procec:tinas. 
 
 The above dispatch is from the New 
 York Worlds March 5, 1877. That paper 
 adds, editorially, thus: 
 
 Some excitement was caused yesterday in this 
 city by the receipt of telegrams from Washing- 
 ton asking for tiiet'uth of the rumor that Gov- 
 ernor Tilden, on Saturday night last, had taken 
 the oath of office as President ot the United 
 States. The rutior was so preposterous as 
 hardly to require the denial which is promptly 
 received. 
 
 This is about all the light that has ever 
 been thrown upon the question whether 
 Tilden took the oath or not. That the 
 **rumor" received a "denial" mayor may 
 not have been true; but was that "denial" 
 true, and did Tilden himself make it? No 
 affirmative evidence has been given on 
 these two points. 
 
 Kevolutionary Tallc by Tilden' s Mouthpiece 
 After Inauguration. 
 
 The New York World, March 6, 1877, 
 said : 
 
 In a free country a maj trity (meaning the 
 Dttmocrat^) can only be deprived of its rights by 
 fraud; and if a majority, deprived of its rights 
 by fraud to-day cannotwe cover them by honest 
 and determined action to-morrow, it is not lit to 
 be a majority at all. 
 
 AbraniS. Hewitt Forced to Resign from the 
 National Democratic Committee by Dem- 
 ocratic Pressure — He Makes a Very Pe- 
 culiar Sort of an Apology. 
 
 On the 3d March, 1877, Abram S. 
 Hewitt resigned the chairmanship of the. 
 
33 
 
 National Democratic Committee, forced 
 to that step by Democratic anger at his 
 course touching the Electoral Commission 
 bill. In his letter of resignation he says : 
 
 An absurd statement has been widely circu- 
 lated that I had declared that "Iprefered the 
 inauguration of Hayes to the shedding ot a 
 single drop of blood " * * * The only re- 
 mark which I ever made on this subject was in 
 a private conversation, not intended to be re- 
 peated, and was to the effect that ' I would 
 prefer four years of Hayes' administration to 
 four years of civil war;" and upon this decla- 
 ration I am willing to stand, because four years 
 of civil war would, in my opinion, utterly de- 
 stroy constitutional government for this gene- 
 ration at Irtast, 
 
 Judge Blaclc Propliesies Revolution. 
 
 In Judge Jeremiah M. Black's phiHipic 
 before the Electoral Commis'^ion, when 
 he found that Tilden had lost all chance 
 of being "counted in," occurs the tbliow- 
 ing prophecy of" coming revoiutiou : 
 
 * * * But. neverthel'^ss, wait a little wliile. 
 * * * This mighty and puissant nation will 
 yet raise hersfilf up like a strong mAu iifter 
 sleep and shake her inviacible locks in >«. fasnion 
 you little dream of now. VVaic, retribution 
 will come in due time. Justice travels with 
 a leaden heel, but strikes with an iron hand. 
 Ond's mill grinds slow but dreadfully fine. 
 Wait till the fl lod-gate is lifted and a full head 
 of water comes rushing on. Wait, and i/ou will 
 ■see Jiae grinding then. 
 
 And this was repiblir^.hed approvingly 
 by the Democratic World, Mirc^-i 3, 1877. 
 
 PART VI. 
 
 Tlic JWanltattaii €lHb Reception 
 i —Orders wliicli the Demo- 
 ^ cratic House is now Enforcing 
 Treasonable Utterances of tlic 
 Pr ©ten tier T^ildiCR — I>ieiit"€5'OT. 
 ©orslieimer, David Dudley 
 Field, and Others— A diatlier- 
 mg of 1,000 Disting-nislied 
 Democrats from Twelve States 
 Applauds tlie Hevolutiouary 
 ^k^ntimcnt that ** It Might be 
 within the Scope of a {States- 
 manlike Policy Resolutely 
 pursued to worlt out a Com- 
 plete Remedy for this (Presi- 
 dential) IVrong, E%en Before 
 the next Election. 
 
 The following, condtjn«^ed from th=} New 
 York Tribune, June 13, 1878, so clearly 
 betrays the treasonable purposes of the 
 movement inaugurated by the Democratic 
 House in the appointment of the one- 
 sided Tiiden Committee now "investigat- 
 ing" alleged frauds of Republicans in the 
 electoral count so as to lay a basis for 
 future revolutionary action, that *'he who 
 rUns may read" th':; portents: 
 
 2 
 
 One Taonsand BepresentatH'"* I>einocvats 
 Assemblecl to Endorse Rev^olutioii — 
 Twelve States Represented. 
 
 The reception of the Manhattan Club to 
 ex-Governors Tilden and Hendricks, Gov- 
 ernor Robinson, and Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor Dorsheiraer brought together a great 
 number of well-known Democrats, many 
 States being represented. -it * * * 
 Fifteen hund:ed invitations were issued, 
 and between 800 and 1,000 guests were 
 present, representing the Democrats of 
 many States of the Union. -5^ * * * 
 Prominent among whom were : New York 
 — Secretary of State John Bigelow, At- 
 torney-General Fairchild, Mayor Smith 
 Ely, Samuel S. Cox, Abram S. Htiwitt, 
 Colonel Pelton, ex-Mayor Wickham, John 
 v. Agnew, A. J. Vanderpoel, ex-Gov- 
 eriior John T. Hoffman, Senator Kernan, 
 John J. Armstrong, Lawrence Turnure, 
 William C. DewiU, Royal Phelps, Hugh 
 J. Jewett, Parke Godwin, Benjamin 
 Wood,, Chief Justice Charles P. Daly, 
 Judge George C. Barrett, General Roger 
 A. Pryor, Henry L. Clinton, Augustus 
 .Schell, Peter B. Oiney, James W. Covert, 
 Judge Van Hoeseil, Frederick R. Cou- 
 dert, Corporation Counsel William C. 
 Whitney, ex-Judge Henry Hilton, District 
 Attorney Britton, Thomas Kinsella, W. 
 A. Fowler, A. M. Biiss, Calvin Frost, 
 Erastus Brooks, George M. Beebe, 
 Judge Westbrook, Colonel A. C. Davis, 
 Judge Donahue, Judge Lawrence, George 
 Ticknor Curtis, Benjamin A. Willis, 
 General Fitz John Porter, Judge 
 Lsirremore, E. Winslow Paige, Colonel 
 Wingate, John McKeon, Douglass Taylor, 
 Algernon S. Sullivan, David Dudley 
 Field, Police Commissioner Smith, Com- 
 missioner Campbell, Charles G. Cornell, 
 Waldo Hutchings, General McMahon, 
 Smith M. Weed, Scott Lord, General Spi- 
 nola, VV. S Andrews, Frank Leslie. 
 
 Massachusetts. — Josiah G. Abbott, 
 Charles P. Thompson, John K. Tarbox. 
 
 Connecticut — Senator W. H. B.irnum, 
 ex Governor Ingersoll. 
 
 New Jersey. — Governor Joseph D. 
 B-idle, Senator John R. McPherson, 
 Speaker R. F. Rabe, ex-Mayor Trapha- 
 gen, Judge Tesse, ex-Governor Price, ex- 
 Covernor Joel Parker, Miles Ross, Sen- 
 ator Theodore F. Randolph, ex-Ju-^ge 
 Ashbel Green, A. A. Hardenburgh, 
 Orestes Cleveland. 
 
 Pennsylvania. — Hiester Clymer, Taos, 
 G. Pearce, Samuel A. Thompson, Robert 
 E. Randall General W. H. H. Davis, Dr. 
 Lamodin, Philadelphia Times 
 
 Maryland.— Senator W. P. Whyte. 
 
 Washington. — Richard Merrick. 
 
 Virginia. — The Rev. Dr. Hoge, of Rich- 
 mond. 
 
34 
 
 Ohio.— General George W. McCook. 
 Georgia. — General Pierce M. B. Young. 
 Indiana. — Senator McDonald. 
 Missouri. — Congressman Philips, Con- 
 gressman Wells. 
 
 Wisconsin. — J. R. Barrett. 
 
 The Botliscliiltls American Bepresent4i- 
 tive Presides— Others of Wealth and 
 Weight Officiating— The Club's "Wel- 
 come" to the "de jure" President and 
 Vice President, 
 
 The reception committee which had 
 charge of the arrangements was composed 
 of the following gentlemen: August Bel- 
 mont, president; Aaron J. Vanderpoel, 
 vice president; John T. Agnew, John Mc- 
 Keon, John T. HoflFman, Douglass Taylor, 
 John G. Davis, J. Watts Bangs, Edward 
 L. Gaul, Henry W. Allen, F. R. Coudert, 
 Augustus Schell, Samuel S. Cox, Richard 
 Lathers, James C. Spencer, Peter B. 01- 
 ney, Robert B. Roosevelt. 
 
 The speakers were introduced by A. J. 
 Vanderpoel, who said that it was his 
 agreeable duty to tender, on behalf of the 
 Manhattan Club, which represented not 
 only the Democracy of the Empire City, 
 but of the Empire State as well, a wel- 
 come to "those candidates who received a 
 majority of the constitutional and elec- 
 toral votes for the offices of President and 
 Vice President, and to those who are not 
 only de jure but de facto the executive 
 officers of our great State." 
 
 The Pretender Tilden's Speech— A Porten- 
 tous Transaction — " Counted Out" and 
 " Counted In"— Tlie W^rong Mv^st Be Be- 
 dressed and Punished. 
 
 * * * The occasion and the appa- 
 rent general expectation seem to require 
 that I should say a word in respect to 
 public affairs, and especially that I should 
 allude to the transaction which, in my 
 judgment, is the most portentous event in 
 our political history. 
 
 Everybody knows that afier the recent 
 election the men who were elected by the 
 people President and Vice President of 
 the United States were "counted out," 
 and the men who were not elected were 
 "counted in" and seated. [Cries of 
 "Hear! Hear!"] I disclaim any thought 
 of the personal wrong involved in this 
 transaction. Not one of the four and a 
 quarter millions of American citizens who 
 gave us their votes but what experiences 
 a wrong as great and as deep as I ; not 
 one of that minority who did not give us 
 their votes but what in the resulting con- 
 sequences of this act will share equally in 
 the mischief if it is not redressed and pun- 
 ished. [Great applause.] 
 
 He Is Proud of the Old "Peaceful" Changes 
 In the Governing Power— He Is the First 
 in American History to "Pretend" There 
 Was Fraud— "ir' Hayes Is " Successful" 
 in Betaining the Presidency, Then Wliat? 
 
 Evils in government grow by success 
 and by impunity. They do not restrain 
 themselves voluntarily. They can never 
 be limited except by external forces. It 
 had been our pride and our congratulation 
 that in this country we had established a 
 system of peaceful change in the govern- 
 ing power. In other countries in the Old 
 World changes in the administration — in 
 a succession of government — have gener- 
 ally been worked out by frauds or by force. 
 We felicitate ourselves that here, through 
 the skill and patriotism and philanthropy 
 of our forefathers, we had established a sys- 
 tem of peaceful change through the agency 
 of the ballot-box. And this is the first time 
 in American history that the right of the 
 people has been impeached. It is the 
 first time in American history that any- 
 body has pretended that the Government 
 of this great country was handed over to 
 any set of men through fraud. [Ap- 
 plause.] It is an event novel, portentous. 
 The example, if successful, will find imi- 
 tators . 
 
 "IT' Hayes and Wheeler "can inaiutam 
 possession"— The question of questions- 
 No politics until the People "regain their 
 rights and rule"— which means by put- 
 ting Hayes out and Tilden in. 
 
 The temptation is always present, and 
 if a set of men, being in possession of the 
 Government, can maintain that possession 
 against the elective power of the people, 
 and after they are condemned at the elec- 
 tion, why should not such an event be 
 imitated by their successors? Devices 
 will always be found to give the color of 
 law, and false pretenses on which to found 
 a fraudulent judgment will not be want- 
 ing. The question for the American peo- 
 ple now is whether or not the elective 
 system of our forefathers, as it was estab- 
 lished in this country and has been re- 
 spected and venerated for seventy-five 
 years, shall be maintained, or whether we 
 shall adopt the bad practices of the worst 
 governments in the worst ages. [Ap- 
 plause.] This is the question of ques- 
 tions. Until it shall be settled no inferior 
 administrative questions will have any 
 significance in the politics of this country. 
 There will be no politics in this country 
 but the question, "Shall the people regain 
 their rights and rule in this Republic?" 
 [Some one in the room here proposed 
 three cheers "for the President-elect," 
 
35 
 
 -but as it seemed an inopportune moment 
 no response was made.] 
 
 •♦•If" Hayes accession to the Presidency 
 "is once condoned," what tlien will 
 happen— But it won't be— "The Institu- 
 tions of the Fathers," to wit : Tilden and 
 Hendricks "Are not to Expire in Shame" 
 —"The Sovereignty" meaning the Presi- 
 dency " Shall be rescued and re-estab- 
 1 shed." 
 
 If one instance of the successful assump- 
 tion of the Government in this mode can he 
 •established, it will find plenty of imitators, 
 if it is condoned'hy the people— aye, if it 
 is once condoned. If my voice could reach 
 throughout our country and be heard in 
 its remotest hamlet, I would say, " Be of 
 good cheer. The Republic will live. The 
 institutions of our fathers are not to ex- 
 pire in shame. The sovereignty of the 
 people shall be rescued from this peril and 
 re-established.^^ [Applause.] 
 
 The people must condemn Hayes' "Wrong" 
 not only '^with a voice," (presumably at 
 the polls,) "but in a manner," (presuma- 
 bly by violence) "to prevent future 
 Avrongs "—They must deny, they must re- 
 fuse success and prosperous impunity 
 to it. 
 
 The question involves the elective sys- 
 tem ; it involves the whole structure of 
 f free government, and the rights of the peo- 
 ple through it again will be vindicated, re- 
 asserted, and forever established. The 
 people must condemn the great and trans- 
 cendant wrong that has been committed. 
 They must condemn it with a voice and in 
 ^ manner that shall prevent its imitation 
 hereafter. They must strip from this ex- 
 ample everything in it that attracts imita- 
 tion. They must deny, they must refuse 
 success and prosperous impunity to fraud. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Hayes and WTieeler cannot be trusted to 
 give " redress "—But wait until Hayes 
 and Wheeler are put out and Tilden and 
 Hendricks shall " attain power," and 
 then we will " fix " things so that to elect 
 and seat another Kepublican President 
 shall be "impossible." 
 
 President Hayes is on the eve of his " fall" 
 —He may seem invincible— Yet "in a 
 year or two " he will be either in the Pen- 
 itentiary or in exile ! "—Hayes illustrated 
 by Tweed. 
 
 Successful wrong is never so apparently 
 triumphant as when it is on the eve of its 
 fall. Seven years ago a corrupt dynasty 
 had established its ascendency over the 
 millions of people who live in New York. 
 It had obtained all the powers of govern- 
 ment and of administration. It conquered 
 or it bribed, or it persuaded, and won the 
 almost universal acquiescence of our peo- 
 ple. It even aspired to social recognition. 
 It seemed to be invincibie. And yet a year 
 or two later the members of it were either 
 in the penitentiary or in exile. History is 
 full of such examples. We must trust the 
 people ; we must believe in the right ; we 
 must believe in the future of our country. 
 A great and noble nation will never separ- 
 ate its political from its moral life. [Im- 
 mense applause and cheers.] 
 
 Governor Robinson, of New York, De- 
 nounces Hayes' " Crime." 
 
 Governor Robinson, who was warmly 
 applauded, said he " was glad to be pres- 
 ent to do honor to the distinguished gen- 
 tlemen who were the Democratic stand- 
 ard-beaters in the late national contest. 
 From the time a Chief Magistrate of the 
 United States was inaugurated who had 
 never been elected he had lost no oppor- 
 tunity, he said, to assert that the will of 
 the people had been disregarded, and 
 that unless such acts were regarded as 
 crimes there was no hope of the United 
 States surviving as a nation." 
 
 Liieutenant- Governor Dorsheimer on the 
 "Great Injustice" — The Wronged Must 
 "Seek Redress," Must "Punish" the 
 "Wrong-Doer," Which Must Mean 
 Hayes— "We will" Make the Wrong 
 "L.ie Heavy" Upon the Repviblicans ; 
 Will "Bear Witness" Against it, and 
 " Condemn " it— "But I Hope we will not 
 Content Ourselves with That! 
 
 Lieutenant-Governor Dorsheimer claim- 
 ed that a great injustice had been done to 
 the Democratic party in the inauguration 
 of the Republican candidate. He con- 
 cluded as follows: It devolves upon you, 
 for it is you who have been wronged, and 
 in all affairs it is for the party wronged to 
 seek redress, to find out and punish the 
 wrong-doer. Now, what shall we do? 
 We will, in the firbt place, improve every 
 occasion, in public and private, to con- 
 demn it. We will bear witness against 
 it. We will make a sense of this wrong 
 to lie heavy upon every conscientious Re- 
 
36 
 
 publican in the country. But I hope toe 
 will not content ourselves with that. 
 
 U« Foreshadows the Actioa of the Demo- 
 cratio Uou8«— Alleged Powers of the 
 House— A "Policy" to be «B>esolately 
 pursued " to work out a " Couiplete Rem- 
 edy for this Wrong, Even before the 
 Next Election r— The 1,000 Distinguished 
 I>emocrats Applaud the Treason ! 
 
 A distinguished member of the House 
 of Representatives, whom I saw a few 
 moments ago, told me last evening that 
 the House had the power to inquire and 
 to make plain, and I may say to you 
 further that the House of Representatives 
 is by the Constitution endowed with those 
 great powers which in every generation 
 the British House of Commons has used 
 boldly and with perfect freedom to work 
 out the liberties of the English people. 
 [Applause.] So I should hope that it 
 might be within the scope of a stateman- 
 like policy resolutely pursued to work out 
 a complete remedy for this wrong, even 
 before the next election. [Applause.] 
 
 David Dudley Field's treason — Three 
 months after Vice President Wheeler took 
 the oath of office Field terms Hendricks, 
 of Indiana, "our Vice President!" 
 
 David Dudley Field, on being called 
 for, said: '* It is quite impossible for me 
 to think of addressing you in the presence 
 of so many gentlemen from other parts of 
 the country, much worthier and better 
 able than I, and, therefore, I must beg 
 you to excuse me. I can point to dozens 
 of gentlemen from other States, and they 
 are the ones whom you wish to hear, and 
 not one of yourselves here. It is not for 
 me to give you advice nor encouragement, 
 but for others. I will name some of them. 
 We have got here Judge Abbott, of Mas- 
 sachusetts, one of the noblest men that 
 ever voted a ballot for freedom, and for 
 days and weeks he and I stood shoulder 
 to shoulder fighting your battle in the 
 House of Representatives. I ask you to 
 hear him. Then there is another distin- 
 guished gentleman from the same State 
 with our Vice President — Mr. McDon- 
 ald — who also bore the standard bravely 
 in the struggle. He is here." 
 
 Senator McDonald acknowledged the 
 courtesy, but excused himself from a 
 speech. 
 
 The Serenade— Handshaking with "our 
 President and Vice President elect." 
 
 Mr. Tilden and ex- Governor Hendricks 
 held an informal levee, and such persons 
 as had never enjoyed the privilege before 
 were permitted to shake the hands of 
 
 "our Presidentand Vice President-elect,' 
 as they were invariably introduced. After 
 the collation, which was partaken of with- 
 out speech-making, the Young Men's 
 Democratic Club, accompanied by Graf- 
 fulla's band, reached the club-house and 
 serenaded the distinguished guests. 
 
 TUden thanks the Democracy for " Devo- 
 tion " to him— •< The future Is ours," he 
 says, "and we shall prevail"— Firm- 
 ness and "courage" needed— His coming 
 " triumph." 
 
 Mr. Tilden spoke from the front steps 
 and said: " I am unfortunate enough to be 
 suffering from a temporary cold, and have 
 been told that I must not show myself out 
 here ; but I feel there cannot be any harm 
 in speaking on such an occasion as this. 
 I wish to avail myself of this opportunity 
 to thank the Democracy of New York for 
 their devotion in the contest of 1876. I 
 cannot say more than : Be of good cheer; 
 the future is ours and we shall prevail.. 
 Be constant, be firm, be courageous. 
 Right, truth, and justice shall at last tri- \ 
 umph. Thanking you again for your i 
 zeal, courage, and indomitable energy, I j 
 bid you good night." 
 
 PART VII. 
 
 Maryland makes the First SItir 
 in the Plot— The Mongomery 
 Blair Quo Warranto move* 
 ment. 
 
 On the last day of the session of the- 
 Maryland Legislature, Montgomery Blair, 
 by the plentiful use of champagne and 
 terrapin "put through" the following 
 resolution, which was presented to the 
 National House of Representatives, April 
 22, 1878: 
 
 Resolved by the General Assembly of Mary- 
 land, That the Attorney General of the State 
 be, and he is hereby, instructed, in case Con- 
 gress shall provide for expediting the action, ta 
 exhibit a bill in the Supreme Court of the 
 United States, on behalf of the Stale of Mary- 
 land, with proper parties thereto, setting forth 
 the fact that due effect has not been given to 
 the electoral vote cast by this State on the 6th 
 day of December. 1876, by reason of fraudulent 
 returns made from other States and allowed to 
 be counted provisionally by the electoral com- 
 mission, and subject to judicial revision, and 
 praying said court to make the revision con- 
 templated by the act establishing said commis- 
 sion ,* and upon such revision to declare the re- 
 turns from the States of Louisiana and Floridas, 
 which were counted for Rutherford B, HayeS; 
 and William A. Wheeler, fraudulent and void, 
 and that the legal electoral votes of said States j 
 were cast for Samuel J. Tilden as President, 
 and Thomas A. Henaricks as Vice President,, 
 and that by virtue thereof and of 184 votes casti 
 by other States, of which 8 were cast by tho| 
 State of Maryland, the said Tilden and Hen- i 
 dricks were duly elected, and praying saidj 
 court to decree accordingly. 
 
37 
 
 -;^;, ;PAET YIII. 
 
 The Fottcr FcsoIwtioiifciiiicTccll 
 upon the Mairyland resolution 
 Its sweeping powers wilhin 
 cerlain lines— A one-sided In- 
 vestigation proposed— -High- 
 banded proceedings in the 
 House— The Revolutionary in- 
 tent exposed— Randall's ruling 
 —The votes in full. 
 
 May 13, 1&78, Mr. C. K. Potter, Dem- 
 ccrat, of New York, offered the following 
 resolution. The preamble is here omitted: 
 
 lie it resolved. That a select committee, con- 
 sisting of eleven members of this House, be ap- 
 pointed by the Speaker to inquire into the afore- 
 gsid allegation as to the conduct of the persons 
 in cffice aforesaid in respect of the said election, 
 and into the alleged false and fraudulent can- 
 vass atd return of votes by State, county, 
 parish and precinct cfficersin the said States of 
 Louisiana and Florida, and into all the facts 
 which, in the judgment of the said committee, 
 are connected with or pertinent thereto ; and 
 that the said committee, for tha purpose of ex- 
 ecuting this resolution, shall have power to 
 send for persons and papers, to administer 
 oaths, and to take testimony, and in their dis- 
 cretion to detail sub-committees, with like 
 full authority of said committee in every par- 
 tjenlar, and with power to sit in Florida and 
 LouisiAna. which gub-committcesshall be com- 
 mittees of this House; and the chairman thereof 
 shall be authorized to administer o a tis ; that 
 the said c( mmittee and sub-committees may 
 employ stenographers, clerks and messengers, 
 and be attended each by a deputy sergeant-at- 
 aims, aid may sit during the sessions of this 
 House ana during; the vacation; and that said 
 committee do forthwith proceed in this inquiry 
 and have leave to report at any time. 
 
 The point of order whicli was to develop 
 tlie revolutionary intent odf this Potter- 
 Tiltlen committee business. 
 
 Mr. Ccnger(EepublicaB) made the point 
 of order that the resolution is not a question 
 of privilege, and was ably supported by 
 Messrs. Hale and Garfield, Republicans, 
 and Mills, Democrat, all of whom pointed 
 out clearly that unless it was intended to 
 impeach or take some other positive action 
 against President Hayes as a result of the 
 investigation, it could not be termed a 
 question of privilege. 
 
 Mr. Hale puts it squarely to the Demo- 
 cratic {speaker as to the outcome of this 
 jwoceeding;. 
 
 Said Mr. Hale: * * * I await with so- 
 licitude the ruling of the Speaker. If this 
 resolution, however deprecatory it may be 
 in language, means that this House is to enter 
 upon, as it would in the election of a Speaker, 
 or in the seating of a member, the practical 
 question affecting the election of a President, 
 thereby intending to subvert accepted results, 
 then there may be some claim that it is a ques- 
 tion of privilege. But as an expression of opin- 
 ion, as for instance if I should rise and offer a res- 
 olution that the gentleman from New York or 
 
 his title to hi? seat here was affected by rnmorF, 
 and as an expression of opinion itwas desirable 
 to settle history on that, the Chair would un- 
 doubtedly at once rule it was not a question o f 
 privilege, because no action was 'ntendcd. I. 
 put it squarely to the Speaker, and upon that, 
 as I have said, shall await with solicitude his 
 ruljng.whether under the provisions of the rule, 
 this is a resolution calling for action on the? 
 election of President, which action must be 1x6 
 the direction of attacking the legality of the 
 title of the President of the United States to the 
 subversion, it maj be, of thattitleand the ex- 
 pulsion of the incumbent. All that is involved 
 if this question belongs here. 
 
 I^eave off your clamnahle faces and begin — 
 Garfield's statement of the point. 
 
 Mr. Garfield said: The right of petitioii. 
 was discussed on the presentation of the- 
 Maryland resolutions. Everybody admitted, 
 the unquestioned right of petition ; but the 
 right of action here on this floor is a differ- 
 ent thing. The question which rises to the. 
 dignity of a privileged question depends upon 
 the right of action which some one can demand 
 of the House. A member here can deuaaiLd! 
 action in regard to his right to his seat. 
 
 Anything that leads to an action lelatitg t& 
 these high questions of privilege of course can 
 be called a privileged question. But this me- 
 morial received here by the courtesy of the 
 rules of the House, and notasamatter of rights 
 except as a petition, cannot now by any form 
 of logic be raised to the dignity of a question of" 
 privilege. 
 
 Now, I say another thing. This would be, a 
 question of privilege without any doubt, pro- 
 vided the resolution alleges a purpose to insti- 
 tute proceedings in impeachment. If he says 
 this is a proceeding intended to pave the way 
 for an impeachment, doubtless it may be made 
 a question of privilege. 
 
 If he says that it is a proposition by this House- 
 to raise and determine the question of the title 
 of the present Chief Magistrate to the cffiee; 
 which he holds, then I answer him that that, 
 question has been determined by the joint 
 action of the two Houses of Congress, and is as 
 much beyond the reach of this House aa the 
 election of Grant or Washington. 
 
 Again, if the_ object of this resolution is 
 merely to organize a committee for campaign 
 purposes, to make campai^gn literature for the 
 coming fall, I afiQrm that the exigencies of » 
 . political party have never yet been treated a« a 
 question of privilege. 
 
 Furthermore, there is in this resolution — ancfe 
 I reserve the point of order after the point nowr 
 raised shall have been settled— a proposition: 
 that the committee shall have the right to re- 
 port at any time, and that they shall have the 
 right to sit in recess. Neither of these things 
 can be effected by a majority vote if it comes to 
 that, and I reserve on them the points of order 
 when the time shall have arrived. I conclude 
 by saying I am glad that at last, after this pro- 
 ceeding has so Jong been hanging over the coun- 
 try, we noxo know what they arc .seeldna to da.. 
 For some weeks I have been inclined to say to. 
 these gentlemen, in the language of Hamlet to, 
 the players- 
 Leave off your damnable faces and begin.. 
 
 The stand which one independent Demo- 
 crat took— He protests against the threat- 
 ened ''usurpation" of power hy the 
 House in the interest of the revolution- 
 ists, 
 
 Mr. Mills, of Texas, said : * * The exercise- 
 of the po-wer by the Forty-fifth Congress over 
 the question of the election of President of the 
 
38 
 
 United States is a ufurpa^io/i. Wc have no 
 potoer over that qucstitin at all. By the Consti- 
 tution of the Hnited States that power to in- 
 quire as to who was elected President of the 
 United States was vested in the Forty-fourth 
 Congress, and when that Congress spoke or 
 failed to speak on that question, when it made 
 a law by which it abdicated that power con- 
 ferred upon it bv the Constitution of the United 
 States, it parted icith it forever, and so far as 
 this, the Forty-fifth Congress, is concerned, 
 there remains not a shadow of authority to in- 
 vestigate the election of the President. 
 
 Speaker Randall's ruling— He founds it on 
 tlie Maryland Quo Warranto resolution 
 which demands " action " against Hayes' 
 title— The investigation boundless in the 
 one direction and the "remedies" with- 
 out " limits." 
 
 The Speaker's decision was as follows : 
 
 The issue involved is a new one in the history 
 of our country. An examination of the basis 
 upon which the preamble and resolution are in- 
 troduced is proper. The Legislature of the State 
 of Maryland passed a joint resolution touch- 
 ing the subject treated of in the preamble and 
 resolution just read, a copy of which has been 
 remitted to this body, received and referred, 
 and is within the knowledge of the members 
 of the House. The following language is used : 
 
 " That due efifect has not been given to the 
 electoral vote cast by this State on the 6th day 
 of December, 1876, by reason of fraudulent re- 
 turns made from other (States and allowed to 
 be counted provisionally by the electoral com- 
 mission and subject to judicial revision—" 
 
 And further— 
 "Alleging that the returns from Louisiana and 
 Florida, which were counted for the present 
 occupant of the executive chair, were iraudu 
 lent and void." 
 
 Here is the appeal of a State of this Union to 
 the Federal legislative power for the correction 
 of a high grievance said to have been com- 
 mitted in the States of Florida and Louisiana 
 against the rights of the State of Maryland, in 
 having by fraud, in said States of Florida and 
 Louisiana, produced a different result in the 
 election "f a President and Vice President from 
 that actually decreed by the people themselves 
 at the polls. 
 
 Whether these allegations can b^ sustained 
 by proof, is not for the Chair to consider. It 
 is enough for him to know that they come from 
 a power which within the limits is recognized 
 fks sovereign by the Constitution and that the 
 issue involved runs to the welfare of the people 
 of all the States. Nor is it within the range 
 of propriety for him to express an o inion as 
 to how far such investigation should go to 
 reach the facts, nor lohat limits should be set up 
 as to remedies to be provided against a recur- 
 rence of such like events. 
 
 A higher privilege than the one here in- 
 volved, and broadly and directly presented as 
 to the rightful occupancy of the CJiief Executive 
 chair of the Government, a,nd th'i connection of 
 high Government olHcials with the frauds al- 
 leged, the Chair is unable to conceiire. 
 
 The Chair finds enumerated amonsr the ques- 
 tions of privilege set down i^: the Manual the 
 following; " Elect'on of President." 
 
 The Chair therefore rules fnat the preamble 
 and resolution embrace questions of privilege 
 of the highest character, and recognizes the 
 right of the gentleman from New York to offer 
 the same. 
 
 An Appeal from that Decision— Straight 
 Partisan "Vote. 
 
 Mr. Conger (Republican) appealed 
 
 fiom this decision ; but a motion by- 
 Potter (Democrat) to lay the appeal on 
 the table prevailed, by 128 yeas to 108 
 nays ; all the former Democrats, except 2 
 Republicans, and all the latter Republi- 
 cans, except two Democrats, as follows : 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Acldin, Aiken, Atkins, Ban- 
 ning, Beebe. H. P. Bell Benedict, Bickntll, 
 Blackburn, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bouck, Bragg, 
 Bridge; Bright, Butler, J. W. Caldwell, W. P. 
 Caldwell, Caiidler, Chalmers, A. A. Clark, J. B. 
 Clarke, Clymer, Cobb, Collins, Cook, S. S. Cox, 
 Oravejis, Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, J. J. 
 Davis, Dean, Dibrell, Dickey, Durham, Eden, 
 Elam, Ellis, J. H. Evins, Exoing, Felton, E. B. 
 Finley, Forney, Fort, Franklin, Garth. Gawe, 
 Gibson, Glover, Gunter, Hardenbtrgh, H. R. 
 Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hanzell, Hatcher, 
 Henkle, Henry, Herbert, A S. Hewitt, G. W. 
 Hewitt, Hooker. House, F. Jones, J. T Joues, 
 Kenna, Kimmel, Knapp, Ligon, Lockioood, Lut- 
 trell, Lynde, Mackey, Manni'tp, Murtin, May- 
 ham, McKenzie, McMahon, Mitchell, Morgan, 
 Morrison, Muldrow, MulLr, T. M. Patterson, 
 Phelpi, C. N. Pot'er, Pridemore, Rea, R-agan,J. 
 R. Reilly, Riddle. W. M. Robbins, Robertson, M. 
 Rose. Say let, Seale< Schleicher, S'lelley, Single- 
 ton, Slemon", W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, 
 Springer, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throckmorton, 
 R. W. Tjwnshend, Tucker, Turner, Turney, R. 
 
 B. Vance, Waddell, Walxh, Whitthorne, Wig- 
 ginton, A. S. Williams. J. Williams, J. N. Wil- 
 liams, A. S. Will's, B. Wilson. F. Wood, Wnghf, 
 
 Yeote-, Young— 128. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Bacon, J. H. Baker, Banks, 
 Bayne, Blair, Boyd, Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, 
 Brogden, T. M. Browne, Buckner, Bundy, H. 
 
 C. Burchard, Burdick, Cain, Calkins. Camp, J. 
 M. Campbell, Cannon, Caswell. Claflin, R. 
 Clark, Cole, Conger, J. D. Cox, ©rapo, Cum- 
 mings, Danford, H. Davis, Deering, Denison, 
 Dunnell, Dwight. Bames, Ellsworth, Errett, L 
 N. Evans, J. L. Evans, Foster, Gardner, Gar-, 
 field, Hale, Harmer, Haskell, P. C. Hayes 
 Hazelton, Hendee, Henderson. Hiscock, Hub- 
 bell, H. L. Humphrey, Hungerford, Hunter t 
 Ittner, James, J. S. Jones, Jorgensen, Joycci 
 Keifer, Keightley, Kelley, J. H. Keteham, 
 Killinger, Lapham, Lathrop, Marsh, McCook. 
 McQowan, McKinley, L. S. Metcalfe. M'lh, 
 Monroe, H. S. Neal, Oliver, O'Neill, Page, G. 
 W. Patterson. Peddle, W. A. Philips, Pound, 
 Price, Pugh, Rainey, Randolph, Reed. W. W. 
 Rice, Ryan, Sampson, Sapp, Sexton, Shallen- 
 berger, Smalls. Stewart, J. W. Stone, J. C. 
 Stone, Strait, J. M. Thompson. Thornburgh, 
 Tipton, A. Townsend, Van Vorhes, Wait, W. 
 Ward, H. White, M. D. White. C. G. Williams, 
 Wren-108. 
 
 Potter gags the House of Representatives 
 for nearly a week— Aleck Stevens yelled 
 down, etc. 
 
 Mr._ Hale asked Potter to yield so that 
 he might offer a general amendment, 
 (which will be found under the chapter on 
 ' 'Democratic Frauds") to enlarge the sweep 
 of the resolution, so that alleged frauds 
 of the Democrats at the Presidential elec- 
 tion might also be investigated, but Potter 
 declined, called the previous question, and 
 would not even be civil until he suddenly 
 found himself, through the absence of his 
 revolutionary party friends, without a 
 quorum, and was obliged to move an ad- 
 journment, which was carried. For several 
 days Revolutionary Potter insisted on 
 
39 
 
 the "previous question," and would not 
 let a soul be heard on it ; refusing even to 
 hear Mills, one of his Democratic friends, 
 and the venerable statesman, Alexander 
 H. Stephens, of Georgia, whom when he 
 strove to gain a brief hearing was abso- 
 lutely yelled and hooted down by the 
 I Democratic revolutionists; and for as many 
 days the Republicans refused to vote, as 
 they could not amend the resolution nor be 
 heard in protest against it. But at last, on 
 the 17th May — after five days of Democratic 
 absenteeism — enough Democrats were 
 secured to make a quorum, the iniquity 
 was accomplished, and the Potter- Tilden 
 revolutionists were successful. The reso- 
 lution was adopted by 146 Democratic 
 yeas to 2 Democratic nays — all the Repub- 
 licans and 7 Democrats declining to vote — 
 as follows: 
 
 The Iniquitous Record of the Democratic 
 party's dislionor— Tlie vote in full on the 
 Potter Investigating Resolution. 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Atkins, Ban- 
 ning, Beebe, H. P. Bell, Benedict, Bicknell, 
 Blackburn, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bouck, 
 Bragg, Bridges, Bright, Buekner, Cabell, J. W. 
 Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Chalmers, 
 
 A. A. Clark, J, B. Clark, Clymer, Cobb, Collins, 
 Cook, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, 
 Cutler, Davidson, J. J. Davis, Dean, Dihrell, 
 Dickey, Douglas, Durham, Eden, Eickhoff, 
 Elam, Ellis, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, E B. 
 Finley, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Garth, Cause, 
 Gibson, Giddings, Glover, Goode, Gunter, A. H. 
 Hamilton, Hardenburgh, H. R. Harris, J. T. 
 Harris, Harrison, Hart, Hartridge, Hartzell, 
 Hatcher, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, A. S. Hewitt, 
 G. W. Hewitt, Hooker, House, Hunfon, F. Jones, 
 J. T. Jones, Kenna, Kimmell, Knapp, Ligon, 
 Lockwood, Luttrell, Lynde, Mackey, Maish, 
 Manning, Martin, Mayham, McKenzie, Mc- 
 Mahon, Money, Morgan, Morrison, Muldroio, 
 Muller, T. M. Patterson, Phelps, C. N. Potter, 
 Pridemore, liea, Reagan, J. B. Reilly, A. V. 
 Rice, Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Roberts, Robert- 
 son, M. Ross, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Shelley, 
 Singleton, Slemons, W E. Smith, Southard, 
 Sparks, Springer, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throck- 
 morton, R. W. Townshend, Tucker, Turner, Tur- 
 ney, R. B. Vance, Veeder, Waddell, Walker, 
 Walsh, Warner, Whitthorne, Wigginton, A. S. 
 Williams, J. Williams, J. N. Williams, A. S. 
 Willis, B. A. Willis, B. Wilson, F. Wood, 
 Wright, Yeates, Young— li6. 
 
 Nays— Messrs Mills, Morse— 2, 
 
 Not Voting— Messrs. Aldrich. Bacon, G. A. 
 Bagley, J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballou, 
 Banks, Bayne, Bisbae, Blair. Boyd, Brentano, 
 Brewer. Briggs, Brogden, T. M, Browne, Bundy, 
 H. C. Burchard. Burdick. Butler, Cain, Cal- 
 kins, Camp, J. M. Campbell, Cannon, Carlisle, 
 Caswell, Chittenden. Claflin. R. Clark, J. B. 
 Clarke, Cole, Conger, Covert, J. D. Cox. Crapo, 
 Cummings, Danford, H. Davis, Deering, Deni- 
 soD. Dunnell.Dwight.Eames. Ellsworth, Errett, 
 I. N. Evans, J. L. Evans. Fort, Foster, Freeman, 
 Frye, Gardner, Garfield, Hale, Hanna. Ilarmer, 
 
 B. W. Harris Haskell. P. C. Hayes, Hazelton, 
 Hendee, Henderson, fliscock, fiubbeli, H. L. 
 Humphrey, Hungerford, Hunter, Ittner, James, 
 J. o. Jones. Jorgenson, Joyce, Koifer, Keightly, 
 Kelley, J. H. Ketcham, Killenger. Knoft, G. M. 
 Landers, Lapham. Lathrop, Lindsey, Loring, 
 Marsh. McCook, McGowan, McKinley, L. S. 
 Metcalfe, Mitchell, Monroe, H. S. Neal, Nor- 
 
 cross, Oliver. O'Neill. Overton, Page, G. W. 
 Patterson, Peddie, W. A. Phillips, Pollard, 
 Pound, Powers, Price, Pugh, Quinn, Rainey. 
 Randolph, Reed. W. W. Rice, G. D. Robinson, 
 M. S.Robinson. Ryan, Sampson, Sapp, Sexton, 
 Shallenberger, Sinnickson, Smalls, A. H. Smith, 
 Statin, Stephens, Stewart, J. W. Rtone. J. C. 
 Stone, Strait, J. M. Thompson, Thornburgh, 
 Tipton, A. Townsend, M. I. Townsend, Van 
 Vorhes, Wait, W. Ward, Watson, Welch. H. 
 White, M, D. White, A. Williams, C. G. Wil- 
 liams. R. Williamf. Willits, Wren— 143. 
 
 PART IX. 
 
 The Casey Young Resolution— 
 Tlie Democratic Caucus reject 
 tlie proposed declaration that 
 "it is not intended by this pro- 
 ceeding to di!<»turb the present 
 Chief Magistrate" - Republi- 
 can Caucus declares the Pot- 
 ter movement *'revolution- 
 ary," and decide on resistance 
 —Republican address to the 
 People— The Potter Plot to 
 suborn witnesses, declare 
 Hayes an Usur«>er, and put 
 him out of the White House. 
 
 On the night of Tuesday, May 14, 1878, 
 a caucus of the Democrats of the House 
 was held, whereat a resolution to add to 
 the Potter resolution the following declar- 
 ation was defeated : 
 
 But it is not intended by this lyroceeding to dis- 
 turb the present Chief Magistrate in the occupancy 
 of his office, nor to impair public confidence 
 in the policy he has inaugurated toward the 
 Southern States. 
 
 Which was overwhelmingly defeated . 
 
 It was said (see Washington Republican,^ May 
 16) that many of those present actually believed 
 the amendment was right, but were whipped 
 into the party traces by Speaker Randall. 
 
 The Republican cavicus unanimously de- 
 nounces the Potter resolution as "revo- 
 lutionary," and decides to "resist." 
 
 At a caucus of Republican members of 
 the House, May 15, it was unanimously 
 
 Resolved, That the resolution now pending in 
 the House is an attempt, in a form unjustifiable 
 and illegal, to reopen the question of the Presi- 
 dential title, a question solemnly settled by the 
 action of the Forty-fourth Congress, which 
 alone had jurisdiction ; and is, therefore, revo- 
 lutionary and destructive of the good order, 
 business prosperity, and peace of the country. 
 
 Resolved, That the «fi"ort of the Democratic 
 majority to force upon the House, without op- 
 portunity for amendment or debate, a measure 
 of sudh revolutionary character, which has not 
 been recommended or considered by any of its 
 oommittees, but has been devised by individ- 
 uals for private or party ends, should be re- 
 sisted by all the means which are authorized 
 by the rules of the House. 
 
40 
 
 B«publican address to the voters of the 
 VolteA States— Tlte iN>tter pint— Tlie in- 
 tooiloii tt) *'HUl>orii evideuce" deoJa<« 
 2H»3^!4 "nai ui4ar)>er," and didve btan 
 *f!poni Kls ofllce. 
 
 TT* THB YOTERS OF THE TTsiTKT) STATES : 
 
 •^The Democratic Hvmse of Ropreeentativw 
 i»8thi8 day (Miy 17) by a party v«tB, adtxptad 
 a resolution "which, under the pretense of an 
 investigation, is to lay the foundation for a 
 revolutionary expulsion of the President from 
 his office. This is the culmination of a plot 
 which has been on foot from the day that 
 Hayes and Wheeler were constitutionally de- 
 clared elected. It made Its first public appear- 
 ance in the resolution of the last Democratic 
 fia«se, adopt'd at th« c'oBe of th«s«Bflion,de- 
 «l«fine that Tilden and Headricke were elected. 
 Tilden and Hendricks subsequently made sim- 
 Mar public declarations th«mselv«s, 
 
 A f«w tim.id members bav« long held back, 
 «nd eem-e of them after being coerced to the 
 Awd <irote, still pretend that they will halt as 
 fKkoa «* their partial and one-sided investiga- 
 ^aa shall be ended. In other words, they in- 
 ^pOBil, after hearing suborned evidenee, to brang 
 in -a verdict that Hayes is an usurper, and that 
 Iw^ail remain in office ! These men have no 
 mowtrel in the Bemoaratic party; they dared 
 not even follow Alexander H. Stephens in a 
 iwolt against caucus dictation 10 the extent of 
 ■showing some semblance of f»ir phiy. They 
 will be impoteat in the future as the? have 
 Irorn in tbe past. Moreover, it is diffitjult to 
 -believe in tbeir sincerity, in view of the public 
 avowal of their party that its purpose is posi- 
 tively to displace the President. 
 
 It is a matter of history that the resolution 
 j U8t adopted was framed to express this object. 
 The Speaker of the House was consulted in 
 advance a« to whether he would rule that it 
 was a privilep«d Question. The party managers 
 ■were anxious to conceal their purposes, if pos- 
 sible. In this they were defeated by the 
 Speaker, who would not rule it a question of 
 privilege unless it clearly assailed the title of 
 th« President. The r- solution being offered, 
 i«Tead a carefully-prepared opinion, deciding 
 it tob« a question of highest privilege, becauae 
 ■it involved the question of the validvy of Hayes' 
 title. These are his very words : 
 
 "A higher privilege than the one here in- 
 •volvod, and broadly and direcMy presented as 
 ^ the rightful occupancy of the Chief Execu- 
 ■fiwB chair of the Governmejt and the connec- 
 tion -of high Government officials with thefrauds 
 alleged, the Chair is unable to conceive. The 
 Chair finds enumerated among the questions of 
 privilege set down in the Manual the following: 
 "Election of President.' The Chair therefore 
 rules that the preamble and resolution cm- 
 8>raee questions of privilege of the highest 
 character, and recognizes the right of the gen- 
 tleman from New York to offer the same." 
 
 Uuon this the Republicans commenced a 
 struggle against the revolutionary scheme, 
 which, after four days' duration, terminated in 
 the success of the conspirators. 
 
 The Republicans offered to favor the fullest 
 iinvest gation into all alleged frauds, by which- 
 ever party charged to have been committed; 
 bat the Bemocracy pursued its course shame- 
 lessly and relentlessly, and stifled all inquiry 
 itJto attempts at bribery in Oregon. South Car- 
 olina and Louisiana, and murder and violence 
 aa several of the States. Neither amendment 
 aM»r debate was allowed. The inexorable pre- 
 vious question was applied and enforced. 
 
 This scheme, if pursued — and it is now fully 
 inaugurated — can only have the effect of fur- 
 ijfcer paralyzing business of all kinds, prevent- 
 isag tne restoration of confidence Y?^hich seemed 
 promising, casting a gloom ever every house- 
 
 hold, and bringing our nation into reproach 
 before the civihtoa world. 
 
 The peace of the country is the first consider- 
 ation of patriots. This now effort of the Bora - 
 ocracy to inaugurate anarchy and Mexicanixe 
 the Qovetrnment by throwing doubts upon the 
 lofritimftcy of the title of the President is in 
 keeping with the record of that party, one wing 
 of Avhich rebelled against the Government, 
 while the other wing gave th-em aid and com- 
 fort. 
 
 "We call, therefore, upon all who opposed the 
 rebellion of 1861, without distinction of party, 
 to rally again to the support of law and stable 
 government, and to overwholm with defeat the 
 reckless agitators who, to gain political power, 
 would add to the present distresses of the coua- 
 try by shaking the foundations of the G)vom- 
 mont they failei in a four years' wir to destroy. 
 
 "By unanimous order of tne committee. 
 
 EUGENE HALE. Chairman. 
 
 George C. Gorham, Secretary. 
 
 PART X. 
 
 Alexander H. i^tepliens* ILietter | 
 to Potter— His patlietic ap' 
 peal— TIte filden RufHans lio<>t 
 liim dotrn in the Ifonse— In- 
 terview witli Stepltens— "Snug, 
 the Joiner" — **The People 
 want peace and qniet." 
 
 Tha followinoj letter was sent to Potter 
 from Alexatid^T H. Stepliens' sick room 
 the day before he was howled down in the 
 Hou'se by the Democrats : 
 Potter's course divides Democrats and 
 unites 'RepubUcaug. 
 
 National Hotrl, Washinoton, D. C, I 
 May 15, 1S78. J 
 The Hon. Clarkson N. Potter, Houhc of Rep- 
 
 resentativef): 
 My Dear Sir: I am still confined to my 
 room in this city. I greatly regret that I can- 
 not go and see you in person. Lat me, then, 
 say to you in this way that I think it will be a 
 great mistake if our friends in the House shall 
 pass your resolution under the previous ques- 
 tion, thus cutting off Mr. Hale's or other 
 amendments looking to enlarged investigation. 
 Do not insist on the preyious question, I could 
 not vote for it if I were present, and were not 
 pairedas I am; nor could I vote for the resolution 
 under the previous question without al. owing 
 amendments. It would only divide the Dem- 
 ocracy and unite the Republicans. My opinion 
 is that mischief instead of good will come of th-e 
 investigation by the passage of your resolu- 
 tion as it is under the previous question. Please 
 excuse this note. I feel it my duty, feeble as I 
 am. to send it to you. Very respectfully and 
 truly yours, &o., Alex. H. Stephens. 
 
 Stephens, of Oeorgia, asks to be heard 
 only tliree tnmutes— lint they "order" 
 Iiim into his seat. 
 
 M^y IG, Mr. Stephens, in apite of every 
 attempt of Republicans to insure him a 
 respectful hearing, was yelled down by 
 the Democrats with cries ot "order," &c., 
 although he only asked the poor privilege 
 of three minutes. Following is how it is 
 mildly stated in the Congressional Record: 
 
 Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. I wish to say a 
 word on this question. [Cries of " Order !"] 
 
41 
 
 Mr. Wait. Will not gftn.tiem.en on the other 
 side listen to the gentleman from Georgia ? 
 
 Mr. Stephens, of Georgia. I ask to be heard 
 fox three minutes. [Cries of "Regular Order.'T 
 
 The Speaker. The gentleman from Georgia 
 asks to he heard for three minutes. Is there 
 objection ? [Cries of " Regular Order !"] 
 
 Mr. Humphrey. There is no objection on this 
 side at all to the gentleman from Georgia being 
 heard. 
 
 Mr. Potter. If I could yield to anybody it 
 would afibrd me great pleasure to yield to the 
 gentleman from Georgia. But I am not per- 
 mitted to yield to anybody. I ana instructed to 
 stand where I am. I therefore move that the 
 House do now adiouin. 
 
 An Interview with Mr. Stephens, of 
 Creorgia. 
 
 On the evening of the 15th a represent- 
 ative of the Washington Repuhlican called 
 on Mr. Stephens at the National Hotel, 
 when the following colloquy ensued : 
 He believes in Hale's or any other auiencl- 
 ment enlarging the Investigation. 
 
 Republican. I wish, now,^ to ask you, Mr. 
 Stephens, if you think there will soon be a set- 
 tlement of the dead-)ock in the House? 
 
 Mr. Stephens. Well, in the first place, I will 
 vote for no investigation that is not fair and 
 honest. I think the Republicans should have 
 every latitude to investigate in the same com- 
 mittee that the Democrats do. 
 
 R. What are you in favor of? 
 
 Mr. S. I am in favor of voting down the pre- 
 vious question ; in favor of Mr. Hale's amend- 
 ment, and allowing the Republicans to flFer 
 • anything they may see fit, if they think there 
 has been any fraud. 
 
 R. That is fair. 
 
 Notliing "one-sided" for him — Wliat he 
 pi'oposed to sviggest to tlie House — Peace 
 wanted — No more sectional strife. 
 
 Mr. S. "Yes. I want no one-sided investiga- 
 tion; and if I can get the flocur. to-morrow I 
 vrill move that the House take a vote upon or- 
 dering the previous question, and that the 
 House do not order it. Then, if that is voted 
 down, the Potter resolution will be open to 
 amendment. I believe there are a great many 
 : Democrats who will unite with theRepublicans 
 ' in a full investigation for the purpose of defeat- 
 ing this one-sided business. Let both sides be 
 . heard. Honesty in politics, as well as in morals, 
 ■ is the best policy. Mr. Hayes' title to the Pres- 
 idency I regard as fixed beyond all question. 
 The people of this country want peace and 
 : quiet. They want no more sectional strife. Mr. 
 ! Hayes has done more, I believe, to produce 
 quiet in the South than Mr. Tilden could have 
 \ done, and more than anybody expected at the 
 i time of his inauguration. I think he has faith- 
 I fully performed his constitutional duty. Noth- 
 ' ing would do more to unsettle business than to 
 5 attack his title." 
 
 "Snug, the Joiner." 
 
 R. "But don't you think that Mr. Potter 
 contemplates attacking it ?" 
 
 Mr, S. "I don't know. 1 think Mr. Potter 
 in this matter is something like Snuff, the 
 joiner, in "Midsummer Night's Dream,' who 
 clothes himself in lion's skin and roars, but 
 confidentially informs his fellow-actors that be 
 is not the lion he seems to be— simply Snug, the 
 joiner." 
 
 "If they reject the Hale amendment," 
 they "will he deceived." 
 
 " No, no," continued Mr. Stephens, " if they 
 must have investigation, why let us have it: 
 
 but let it be free, full, and fair. If they eanw 
 it on in a one-sided w»y thej' wiil do as tlit© 
 Democracy did in 1860, when they thougllt 
 they wouM throw the contesting Piei'ideijtial 
 aspirants into the House, where they hai a 
 majority of the votes, and thereby elect Breofe- 
 enridge. But they only looked t the one side, 
 and they were deceived, as this Tilden-Potteir 
 combination will be if they reject the Hale 
 amesdment. 
 
 PAKT XI. 
 
 Carter Harrison's "Question of 
 Privilege"— To exteud the In- 
 vestigation to Oregon au«l 
 South Carolina onry— Declajr- 
 ing against the power of tfeiss 
 Congress to annul the Presi- 
 dLential finding. 
 
 May 22, 1878— Carter Harrison, (D&at- 
 ocrat,) who stole his seat in the Hiowse 
 when his opponent, as it now appears, 
 was entitled to it by a large majority oJT 
 votes, submitted the following as a ques- 
 tion of privilege : 
 
 Whereas, A select committee of this House 
 hss been appointed to inquire into certaiiu 
 frauds alleged to have been comBDitted in 
 Florida and Louisiana in November, 1876t in 
 connection with returns of votes for electors, 
 for President and Vice President : and 
 
 Whereas, It is charged that frauds of a like 
 character were committed at the same time in 
 the States of Oregon and South Carolina r 
 therefore. 
 
 Be it resolved, That said committee be, and 
 hereby is, empowered to inquire into llxe 
 saw e, if in its opinion testimony thereon of a 
 substantial character shall be presented to the 
 committee: and 
 
 Be it further resolved, Ttat the Senate a»cC 
 House of Representatives of the Forty-fourtb 
 Congress having counted the electoral votes for 
 President and Vice President, and it hatving- 
 been thereupon declared that Rutherford. B. 
 Hayes had received the- highest number of 
 saiH votes for Prfrsident of the United States, 
 and William A. Wheeler had received the 
 highest number of said votes for Vice Pres- 
 ident of the United Stales, it is not now in tke 
 powerof Congress, nor is it the purpose of this 
 House through said investigation to annul or 
 to attempt to annul the action of the Eerty- 
 fourth Congress, in the premises. 
 The Vote — ^Forty-eight Democrats Fi-aiitic 
 
 Enong'h to " Declare " that the Power 
 
 and Purpose is to get Hayes out. 
 
 On the question whether the Honse 
 will entertain it as a qneBtion of privilege, 
 the yeas were 71, nays 50: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Atkins, Banning, H. P. BelT, 
 Bland, Bliss, Boone, Bouck, Brentano, Cabetlr 
 W. P. Caldwell, Cannon, Chalmers, A. A. Clark, 
 R, Clark, Cohb, J. D. Cox, S. S. Cose, Culberson, 
 Cutler, J. J. Davin, Durham, Eden, Elani,. Felton, 
 E. B. Finleu, Fort, Franklin, Garth. Giddii^gs^ 
 Olover, Goode, Hardenbergh, J. T. Harris, Har- 
 rison, HartzeU, Ha'cher, Henkle, Henry, Hunt&u, 
 Kelley, Lynde, McMahoiL, Mitchell. Morrison,. 
 G. W. Patterson. T. M. Patterson, G. N. Potter, 
 Pound, Rea, J. B. Reilly, Riddle, W. M. Boi- 
 bin». Scales, Steele, Stenger, Sioann, Tlirockm<Mt- 
 ton, R. W. Totonshend, Turney, R. B. Vanoe^ 
 Waddell, Walsh,M. D.White, Whitthorne,Wiif' 
 
42 
 
 mnton, A. S, WiUiama, B. A. Willis, B. Wilson, 
 F. Wood, Wright, I'eofe*— 71. 
 
 Nats— MMSrt. Bickndl, Blackburn, Blount, 
 Braoo, Bridget, Briqht, Buckner, J. W. Cald- 
 wM, Candler, Oarlitile, Clumer, Cook, Oravens, 
 Crittenden, Davidson, Dibrell, Dickey, J. H. 
 JSvins, Forney, Fuller, Oaune, Qunter.A. U. 
 Hamilton, H. R. Harris, Hartridge, Herbert, 
 0. W. Hewitt, J. T, Jones, Kenna, KUlinger, 
 Knapp, Knott, Liaon, Mannvig, Mayham, Mc- 
 Kemte. Milh, Muldrow, Oliver, Phelps, Pride- 
 more, ileagan, Robertson, Shelley, Sinyhton, W. 
 E. Smith, Southard, Turner, H. White, J. N. 
 Williams-^. 
 
 A quorum not having voted, Harrison 
 yielded to the pressure of his party frienda 
 and withdrew his resolution. 
 
 The Investii^atlon Extended Provided the 
 Democratic Committee Believe Fi'auds 
 Existed Elsewhere. 
 
 Benjamin Wilson, Democrat, on the 
 same day oflfered the following specious 
 resolution : 
 
 Whereas, a select committee of this House 
 has heretofore been appointed to investigate 
 alleged frauds in connection with the electoral 
 vote of the States of Louisiana and Florida; 
 now, therefore, 
 
 Be it resolved. That such committee be, and 
 they are hereby.authorizedto investigate frauds 
 touching the election aforesaid in any other 
 State, provided they have probable cause to 
 believe that such frauds existed. 
 
 " Sunset" Cox moved to refer the res- 
 olution to the Potter investigating com- 
 mittee ! And 89 Democrats voted to so 
 refer, while only 29 Democrats voted 
 against such reference. Cox's motion was 
 defeated, however, by 89 yeas — 116 nays — 
 as follows: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Atkins. H. P. Bell, Bicknell, 
 Blackburn, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bouck, Bragg, 
 Bridges, Bright, J. W. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, 
 Candler, Chalmers, Clymer, Cook, S. S. Cox, 
 Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. 
 Davis, Dibrell, Dickey, Durham, Eden, Eick- 
 hoff, Elam, J. H. Evins, Ewing, E. B. Finley, 
 Forney, Fuller, Oarth, Cause, Gibson, Giddings, 
 Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, Hardenbergh, H B. 
 Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, Henry, 
 Herbert, G. W. Hewitt, F. Jones, J. T. Jones, 
 Kenna, Kimmel, Ligon, Manning, Mayham, Mc- 
 Kenzie, Morrison, Muldrow, Muller, T. M. Pat- 
 terson, Phelps, C. N. Potter, Reagan, J. B. 
 Reilly, Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Robertson, 
 Scales, Schleicher, Shelley, Singleton, W. E. 
 Smith, Sparks, Steele, Sioann, Throckmorton, R. 
 W. Townshend, Turner, Turney, R. B. Vance, 
 Waddell, Warner, Whitihorne, Wigginton. A. S. 
 Williams, J. N. Williams. B. A. Willis, F. 
 Wood, Yeates—S9. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Aldrich, Q. A. Bagley, J. H. 
 Baker, Ballou. Banks, Baamng, Bland, Boyd, 
 Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, T. M. Browne, 
 Buckner, H. C. Burchard, Butler, Cabell, Camp. 
 J, M. Campbell, Cannon, Carlisle. Caswell, 
 Claflin. J. B. Clark, Jr., R. Clark, Cobb, Cole. 
 Conger, J. D. Cox. Cutler, Dennison, Dunnell, 
 Eames, Ellsworth, Errett, FtlUm, Fort, Foster, 
 Franklin, Freeman. Gardner, Garfield. Glover, 
 Goode, Hale, Harmer, J. T. Harris, Haskell, 
 Hatcher, Hendee, Henderson, Hubbell, Hun- 
 gerford, Hunter, Hunton, Ittner, James. J. S. 
 Jones. Jorgensen. Joyce, Keifer, Keightley, 
 Kelley, J. H. Ketcham. Killinger, Knapp, 
 L^pham, Lathrop, Lindsey, Lynde, Marsh, 
 McCook, McKinley, McMahon, Mills. Mitchell, 
 Monroe, Morse. H. S. Neal, Norcross, O'Neill. 
 
 Pftgo, G. W. Patterson, W. A. Phillips. Pollard- , 
 Pound. Powers, Price, Priden>ore, Rainey. 
 Randolph, Rea, Reed, A. V. Rice, Ryan 
 Sampson, Sexton, Shallenborger, SinnicksoU' 
 SmallH, Southard, Springer, Stenp-:r, Stewart, i 
 J. W. Stone, Thornburgh. Tipton, A.Towosend. 
 Van Vorhes. W^ait, Walsh, H. White. M. D- 
 White. A. Williams, R. Williams, B. Wilson. 
 Wright— 116. 
 
 The resolution was then adopted without a 
 division. 
 
 What the mover of that resolution de- 
 clared as to the unseating of Hayes — It 
 "depends upon the nature of the devel- 
 opments." 
 
 It is a noteworthy circumstance that 
 (see Washington Post, Tilden organ. May 
 23, 1878) on the same day on which his 
 resolution was adopted, Representative 
 Wilson, aforesaid, of West Virginia, in 
 reply to the following questions put to him 
 by one of the Tilden-Pos^'s emissaries, 
 made the succeeding answer, viz : 
 
 Tilden-Pos^ Emissary. "What will be 
 the result of the investigation ? Will it 
 end in unseating Hayes?" 
 
 Benjamin Wilson. " That depends upon 
 the nature of the developments. ' ' 
 
 Meeting of the National Democratic Com- 
 mittee — A very full attendance — The 
 Committee approves Ihe Potter Investi- 
 gation, and declines to disavow a revo- 
 lutionary intent. 
 
 May, 22, the National Democratic Com- 
 mittee met at the Arlington Hotel — pres- 
 ent. Representative Forney, of Ala.; B. 
 M. Hughes, of Colorado; Senator Bar- 
 num, of Conn.; George T.Barnes, of Ga.; 
 William C. Gondy, of 111.; Austin H. 
 Brown, of Ind.; M. M. Home, of Iowa; 
 Isaac E. Eaton, of Kan.; H. D. Mc- 
 Henry, of Ky.; R. F. Jonas, of La.; Ed- 
 mund Wilson, of Me.; Outerbridge Hor- 
 sey, of Md.; Frederick 0. Prince, of 
 Mass.; Edward Kanter, of Mich.; Wil- 
 liam Lochrane, of Minn.; Ethal Barks- 
 dale, of Miss.; John G. Priest, of Mo.; 
 George L. Miller, of Neb.; Robert P. 
 Keating, of Nev.; R. W. Sulloway, of N. 
 H.; Representative Ross, of N. J ; Rep- 
 resentative Hewitt, of N. Y.; Senator Ran- 
 som, of N. C; John G. Thompson, of 
 Ohio; James H. Reon, of S. C; William 
 B. Bale, ofTenn.; B. B. Smalley, of Vt.; 
 Robert A. Coghill, of Va. ; and Alexander 
 Campbell, of W. Va. There were only 
 eight or nine absentees. 
 
 The following is from the New York 
 Tribune •• 
 
 Washington, May 23.— Action has been taken 
 by the National Democratic Committee on the 
 subject of the Potter investigation, which is 
 most significant. At a meeting held this even- 
 ing, almost the only subject of discussion was 
 whether the committee should declare that it is 
 not the purpose of the Democrats to attack the 
 title of President Hay?s. The committee decline 
 to declare that no attack is intended. There was 
 
43 
 
 no division of opinion however on a resolution 
 approving the investigation in itself, which 
 was adopted as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That the action of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives in appointing a committee fully 
 empowered to investigate and report upon the 
 frauds alleged to have been committed in the 
 late Presidential election, to the end that the 
 truth may be made known to the people, and 
 the repetition of such frauds be prevented in 
 the future meets the approval of this committee. 
 
 Admissions of an Influential Member of 
 the National Democratic Committee 
 that "the Democratic party may desire 
 to make a most eflfective attack on the 
 title of the President." 
 
 One of the most influential members of the 
 D emocratic national committee remarked to- 
 day that the committee could not afford to de- 
 clare in advance of the investigation itself 
 what course the party should pursue. Nobody 
 knows what the committee may discover, and 
 it may he, this gentleman said, that the Demo- 
 cratic party may desire to make a most effective 
 attack on the title of the President. He would 
 not say that he thought this probable, but it 
 certainly was possible. 
 
 The Democratic national committee, there- 
 fore, like Democrats in Congress, has been very 
 careful to have a door for revolutionary pro- 
 ceeding's open in spite of all the individual 
 members of the party may have to say. If the 
 investigation fails, they will assert that they 
 never intended to attack the title of Pre«ident 
 Haj es. If it should succeed in making Demo- 
 cratic partisans believe there was fraud, the 
 question whether revolutionary proceedings 
 shall be instituted or not will be seriously con- 
 sidered. 
 
 PART XII. 
 
 Potter's open letter to the Rev. 
 Blauk— His fatal admissions 
 touching all that hndL been de- 
 nied—The revolutionary in- 
 tent laid bare by his own 
 hand !— The motives at the bot- 
 tom of his Investigation. 
 
 The following letter was published in 
 jNew York papers, May 28, 1878: 
 
 Washington. May 27, 1878. 
 My Dear Sir: I have your letter of the 25th. 
 * * You ask me why Mr. Stephens was 
 howled" down. The howling was by the news- 
 papers. * * * 
 
 The Hale Amendmeut. 
 
 You ask me why we would not let the Hale 
 amendment be attached to our resolution? Be- 
 cause it was not germane. An inquiry into 
 frauds accomplished and which changed the 
 electoral vote is proper to prevent their repeti- 
 tion, but an inquiry into mere attempts at fraud 
 which resulted in nothing is not— first, because 
 we understood it contained recitals to which we 
 could not assent, and which would have f reed 
 us to vote against our own resolution; second, 
 because we offered Mr. Hale every opportunity 
 to have his amendment adopted as a separate 
 esolution, that it was not so offered shows it 
 was really not desired; third, because its incor- 
 poration into the resolution might have had the 
 effect of preventing any report upon the reao- 
 "ijlution. As it is the committee will have prob- 
 iably but one opportunity to report in this Con- 
 jlgress, and this amendment could, if added to 
 
 the resolution, be made to prevent the report 
 at that time, and thus to deprive us of an op- 
 portunity to report at all. Just as we got ready 
 to report we should be liable to be stopped to 
 take further testimony in some of the added 
 States brought forward for the very purpose of 
 preventing a report. 
 
 Wliat the Tildenltes are driving at— If 
 fraud, then a legal remedy hy quo war- 
 ranto, if such remedy exists— If no legal 
 remedy we can provide one— "Not the 
 slightest chance of revolution or dis- 
 turbance" in such simple moves ! Oh, no ! 
 
 But you suggest that to raise a question about 
 the last Presidential election will bring on dis- 
 turbance or revolution. Not at all. About 
 that "posseps yourself in peace." There is not 
 the slightest chance of revolution or disturb- 
 ance. When the whole country was at fever 
 heat on the subject of the election a way was 
 found to establish a tribunal to pass upon the 
 election, and every one submitted to that de- 
 termination. The President's title rests upon 
 that. If now it should appear that there was 
 fraud which palpably affected the electoral 
 vote, and which the Commission did not notice, 
 and if a legal remedy exists for correcting the 
 error, you cannot believe that such a proceed- 
 ing under the law could lead to disturbance. 
 If there be no such legal remedy existing, and 
 Congress should hereafter, by the approval of 
 the President, or by two-thirds of both Houses 
 without that approval, provide one, why 
 should the legal d* termination thereafter had 
 any more produce disturbance than the decision 
 of the Electoral Commission did? 
 
 To be accused of "Mexicanizing" the 
 country gi-ieves liis pure and lofty spirit. 
 
 It is exactly because this is not Mexico, and 
 because the people prefer determining ques- 
 tions by legal methods, and, if the legal 
 methods have not been provided, to invent 
 legal methods of determining them, and sub- 
 mit to the determination thus arrived at — that 
 this country cannot be Mexicanized. 
 
 The Powers of Congress and of the House. 
 
 About the enumeration of electoral votes 
 there could be no question. Eight and eight 
 could oniy be counted as sixteen. Neither 
 could there be question that the conceded vote 
 of every State should be counted. To refuse 
 that would be revolutionary. But when there 
 were two 6on a ^c^e returns from a State, each 
 claiming to be its vote, it was a necessity to 
 decide between these returns before either re- 
 turn could be counted. This determination 
 could only be made by the Vice President who 
 opened the returns, or by the Congress in whose 
 presence they were openpd. I thought it clear 
 from the nature of our Government, from the 
 precedents, and from the opinions so many 
 statesmen had expressed, that this grave power 
 upon which the last election did, and upon 
 which an^ election might depend, could only 
 be vested in Congress. If this power rested in 
 Congress alone, then the action of Congress was 
 necessary before a choice could be made be- 
 tween conflicting returns, and so, whenever the 
 two houses of Congress could not agree on their 
 choice of a return— one house preferring one 
 and the other the other— no choice could be 
 had, and the vote of that State would be lost, 
 not because one house had any greater rights 
 or powers than the other, not because either or 
 both houses together, had the right to reject 
 arbitrarily, or to refuse to reckon any certain 
 electoral vote, but only because in case of bona 
 fide conflicting returns from a State, each claim- 
 ing to represent the electoral vote, it was a ne- 
 cessity to choose between the returns before 
 
44 
 
 % he vote of the State oould be oounted. This 
 was the view at last established. The Electoral 
 Coai mission to docide the disputed votes «rma 
 created by Congress, and that wa£ tbe only au- 
 thority it pjs^osied. 
 
 Now, it saoiaod to me ia l87o that thi^ was ao 
 «lear, and th it the leading RepubUcm Seoatory 
 had so generally coininicted thoinsolvos to this 
 ▼raw in provioas discudjions, that we ought to 
 stand upon that «rouad; to declare th>it w« 
 would abide the action of Congro-is, -would ao- 
 ■cept whoever theC mgross found t > be olooted, 
 «nd that if th« two Houses should fail to agree 
 as to which of the returns from any State from 
 which there were huna fide duplicate returns 
 «hould bo received, whereby the vote of the 
 State was lost, and no election by the electors 
 should thus result, wo would then abide by and 
 unaintain the ohoioe of the House of Rapre- 
 «eiatativos, the body authorized by the Consti- 
 tution to elO'it the President where there is no 
 «leotion by the Eleetoral College. Instead of 
 doing this wo drifted along until at last the 
 Republicans, hewing aJl the while to the line. 
 liaa«ot us where we were ready to aocept the 
 JSlectorAl Commission. lIavi"^g accepted it. of 
 course we were bound to accept its results, but 
 we ought at least be Allowed to show— if such 
 was the fact— that the returns upon which the 
 Cooimiasion passed were .procared by fraud. ; 
 
 TSo Danger of Wat Ecactly. 
 
 I admit that the Presidency is not worth a 
 civil war. but I have not believed there was 
 aay djinger of such a war. The generation 
 who charged up the heights of Fredericksburg, 
 and defended the works at Petersburg, will not 
 SO lightly into anothercivil struggle. We must 
 
 fet years further on before that will happen, 
 remember after the election remarking to 
 Cleneril McDowell that a great mine migbt be 
 «xnloded by a spark, to which he answered, 
 **Yes, if the train be inflammable, but this time 
 th« powder is wet." He was right. There never 
 ■was danger of a civil war. 
 
 « *A Gigantic Game in which w^ held the 
 cards," (from a stocked padk,) a«d the 
 T&apublicans hlaft'ed us. .J| 
 
 Tne whole thing was, as I think, a gigantic 
 same, in which we held the cards and the Re- 
 publicans bluffed us. Years hence, when it is 
 remembered that we needed only one electoral 
 vote, and that your side could not get on with- 
 out every one of the remaining seventeen ; that 
 w^e had 300,000 popular ma.iority ; that our ma- 
 orities were around the capital, yours in New 
 JEnglandi the Northwest, and the Pacific coast ; 
 that the moral sense of the country was that 
 ■our man was elected and yours not; that you 
 liAd nothing on your side but the control of an 
 4unny, of which 10,000 men oould not be got to- 
 C^Il^v. the Privates mostly in sympathv with 
 nis, and commanded by officers educated to un- 
 •derstand the supremacy of the civil over the 
 military authority— officers who. excepting the 
 leaders. Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, could, 
 J. believe, never have been *renerally used to 
 retist the declaratinn of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives— (I am told this will appear certainly 
 whenever the secret correspondence of the 
 War Bepartment is revealed)— and that you 
 were Laden down with the care of the national 
 <jT<adit, the first shock to which would have ar- 
 >raared against you all the moneyed institutions 
 3n the country ; that under such conditions, I 
 aay. your leaders contrived and were able to 
 caarr.^ through the capture of all th-se seven- 
 teen votes, will be regarded as one of the great- 
 est political performances of history. I admit 
 the success of the Republican leaders. Having 
 laid down when the law was on our side and 
 when we ought to have stood up, it is not for 
 us now to stand up as long as the law remains 
 ■aeaiiist U8. 
 
 What « Democratic «*0ongi'e»8 may do" 
 an the result of the Potter Investlg«tion 
 "would be elfccted quietly, coi'taialy 
 and witliout violeiioe or •tllsturbance*' — 
 Hence we do not contemplate rovolu- 
 ftlou, etc ! 
 
 Bnt you will ask whether, if there be no dan- 
 gerr to public order from legal proceedings, 
 there may not be from action by Congress, No; 
 no more than 'roiu the action of the oourtK. 
 Congress represents the people of the country, 
 but does not march before them. It, expresses 
 bat does not anticipate their will. Should 
 fraud connected with the electoral oouot ap- 
 
 Eear so gross and palpable that you and all 
 onorable men should unite in denouncing it, 
 C'>ngrcss might then take action. But if iSO, 
 what Congress might do, being the result of 
 the action of men oi all parties of the groat 
 body of the people, not of a party, would be ef- 
 fected quietly, certainly, and without violence 
 or disturbance. In saying this I do not mean 
 that I expect the investigation to be followed 
 by either legal or Congressional action. What, 
 if anything, should be done because of the in- 
 quiry, must depend upon the results of the in- 
 quiry. But I do mean that whatever action, if 
 any, should follow the investigation, such ac- 
 tion can neither disturb the order nor the pros- 
 perity of the country. This cry of wolf, when 
 there is no wolf, this effort to make it appear 
 that there is danger to peace or ord^r from this 
 investigation, is a Republican pretence, like 
 the " bloody shirt" justification of carpet-bag 
 government; like the " public danger" excuse, 
 advanced for the enforcement of Durell's in- 
 famous order and the protection of the R«?turn- 
 ing Board by bayonets; like the cry set up after 
 the election to prevent any agitation and to se- 
 cure submission. We must have a very sorry 
 sort of popular Grovernment if Congress cannot 
 even inquire into frauds in the choice of the 
 Executive without endangering the peace and 
 prosperity of the country. 
 
 More Jesuitical clap-traj* and ^eiHjrd- 
 mouthing;. 
 
 What, then, you ask, is the purpose of the 
 investigation ? I answer, to ascertain the facts, 
 so that if frauds be established a repetition of 
 such frauds may iie prevented; and, if not, to 
 clear up the general belief throughout the 
 country that there "were such frauds. It is true 
 that not every allegation of wrong is to be in- 
 quired into by Congress, but when a large por- 
 tion, if not a large majority, of the people be- 
 lieve that the last Presidential election w as se- 
 cured by organized fraud, surely an inquiry to 
 ascertain the facts ought to be had. 
 
 He doesn't believe the Democrats were 
 "bluffed" after all — He "believes we were 
 cheated." 
 
 The feeling among many Republicans after 
 the election was that while we had been cheated 
 in the returns, we had bull-dozed the negroes 
 so badly that the accounts of wrong were about 
 equal. This belief in the bull-dozing of the 
 negroes was based mainly upon the fact that 
 in certain districts of the South which usually 
 gave Republican majorities there was not re- 
 turned that year a single Republican vote. Now 
 the people of the North have never under- 
 stood that this condition of things was fraudu- 
 lently prepared by the Republicans. They 
 ought to understand that, and, beyond that, 
 they ought to understand that there never was 
 anything so dangerous to a free government as 
 a returning board. A delegation of persons 
 vested with discretionary power to revise the 
 votes east becomes thus the body that elects. 
 So long as they exercise their functions under 
 
45 
 
 the protection of the State alone, the influence 
 and indignation of the people will prevent them 
 from any flagrant and enormous outrage. The 
 public pressure will necessitate some excuse for 
 subverting the choice of the people, some lim- 
 itation upon the outrages they do to the popular 
 •wish. Bat separate them from the people by 
 a cordon of Federal troops, under the pretence 
 of preserving order, surround them with Fed- 
 eral bayonets, and they cease to be responsible 
 to any one but the National Administration 
 which protects them. There need, then, be no 
 limit to. as there is no longer any check upon 
 their abuses. To throw out the votes of one 
 side and keep in the votes of the other without 
 cause, to invent pretexts for such wrongs, to 
 accept after continued protests and manufac- 
 tured objections as color for their action, to 
 permit figures to be altered, returns to be 
 forged, frauds to be perfected, and generally 
 every means by which the will of tiie people 
 may be frustrated and the popular voice stifled, 
 then becomes possible, and there may be thus a 
 condition of things absolutely destructive of 
 free government. We believe that it was by 
 such proceedings we were cheated out of the 
 election. 
 
 More rei)etitioiis gabble to "cover up liis 
 tracks," 
 
 TJuless the proceedings be exposed the out- 
 rage will be repeated. If an administration 
 can defraud its opponents out of the 
 results of an election, at which they had 
 seventeen electoral and three hundred thou- 
 sand popular majority, and no effort is made 
 even tg inquire into the wrong, there is noth- 
 ing the next time to prevent the same admin- 
 istration cheating their opponents, even though 
 the latter have forty electoral votes and a mil- 
 lion popular majority. And this will go on 
 time after time, until the outrage become in- 
 tolerable. Let us rather, as Mr. Jefferson said, 
 "have a jealous care of tne right of election by 
 the people, and seek a safe and mild corrective 
 for the abuses which, where no peaceable 
 remedy is provided, are lopped by the sword of 
 revolution." 
 
 The cowardice of capital fix>m Pottei**s 
 stand-point. 
 
 It has been said that there was nothing more 
 cowardlv than a million dollars except two mil- 
 lions. This is'nature. But it is the mistake of 
 capital to magnify the dangers on the surface 
 and overlook those that lie below. Just now 
 your capitalists are troubling themselves about 
 the Commune, and oppose the reduction of the 
 army, which they would have kept up a,s a na- 
 tional police. And yet, in no great country of 
 the world, is there so little danger of Com- 
 munism as in this, for nowhere is property so 
 generally distributed. But capitalists stood by 
 supinely when the array was used to protect 
 Returning Boards in stifling the votes of States 
 and frustrating the will of their people, and 
 under the pretence of maintaining order to sub- 
 vert the very principles of free government. 
 Believe me, in this there was real danger. Gov- 
 ernments are based upon principle. The theory 
 of this Government is that the people of the 
 States shall choose electors for themselves, and 
 that by the aggregate voice of such electors 
 that the National Executive shall be selected. 
 To let the party in power interfere by force of 
 arms to protect a local board in falsifying the 
 will of the localities is to subvert the theory of 
 this Government, and lead surely to its destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 ♦'Whatever tlie result from the proposed 
 investigation," it will be done peace- 
 fully. 
 
 Whatever may result from the proposed in- 
 "vestigation, you may be sure that nothing can 
 
 result that will disturb either your flocks or 
 your balances. The trouble to capital, prop- 
 erty, and freedom will come, not, perhaps, in 
 your time or mine, but come at last, from 
 refusing to inquire into frauds. To confront 
 the evil, if you may not right it, is to prevent 
 its repetition. To shut your eyes to it supinely 
 is to jeopard, and not to preserve the future 
 peace, safety, and prosperity of the country. 
 
 Faithfully yours, Clarkson N. Potter. 
 
 To the Rev. . 
 
 PAET XIU. 
 Mr. Stcplieiiis' isecoud letter to 
 Potter— He believes in inves- 
 tigation, but not "a one-sided" 
 one—And lie is op-posed to in- 
 vestigation that bas a revolu- 
 tiona . J intent. 
 
 In a letter dated " National Hotel, May 
 28," Mr. Stephens replies in full to Mr. 
 Potter's atatemeut that Stephens was not 
 working with his party. He gives his note 
 of May 15 to Mr. Potter — mentions that 
 he had sent similar ones to Messrs. Can- 
 dlerand Harris, of Georgia, and continues : 
 
 * * * From these notes it will cleiirly ap- 
 pear with wkom I first conferred and the opin- 
 ion I entertained of the effect of proceedings 
 then coming on in the House upon the Demo- 
 cratic party as well as the country. I looked 
 upon them as unwise and untimely and fraught 
 with mischief. It clearly appears from these 
 notes that I was not in favor of a motion to de- 
 feat the investigation of fraud of any kind. It 
 was only against a one-sided investigation. 
 
 I was also, as I have been since the Presiden- 
 tial contest was constitutionally decided, 
 against any investigation with a view to im- 
 peach or asdail the title of the present incum- 
 bent of the Executive chair. The Democracy 
 of the school in which I was raised was planted 
 upon the principles of law and order, and upon 
 standing by them as constitutioually pro- 
 pounded. 
 
 He proves that Hale's proposed amend- 
 ment Tvas germane to the Potter reso- 
 lution. 
 
 Mr. Potter's reasons for refusing Mr. Hale's 
 amendment appear to me to be singular and 
 most untenable. He says it was not germane. 
 Why it was not germane I cannot see. All 
 frauds it would seem to me one of a kindred 
 character. They ar-s all the same class of 
 crimes ; belong to the same family, and differ 
 only in character and degree. If a fraudulent 
 electoral count in Florida was germane to a 
 like fraudulent count in Louisiana, wky was 
 not a like fraudulent count in Oregon or any 
 other State equally germane to the provision to 
 investigate frauds ? 
 
 He knocks another plank from under 
 Fitter's ponderous feet. 
 
 Mr. Potter justifies his course in refusing an 
 investigation into the frauds alleged in Mr. 
 Haiti's amendment because he said he under- 
 stood it contained recitals to which he could 
 not assent, and which would have forced us to 
 vote against our own resolution. This seems to 
 me agaiu to be an untenable reason. In the 
 first place, in allowing Mr. Ha'e to offer his 
 amendment, whatever recitals it might have 
 bad by no means committed the House to the 
 
46 
 
 truth of the alleffations. It would only have 
 allowed him to make them good if he could. 
 
 Potter's duplicity made plain, 
 
 Mr. Potter insists that the object was not and 
 is not to atUiok the title of Mr. Hayes. If so, 
 then why did he not, or the manaRers whose in - 
 Btructions he was carrying out, allow Mr. Casey 
 "Young's amendments to sro in, which distinctly 
 stated, with a purpo e of informing the coun- 
 try, that the object was not to disturb the title 
 of the i)re8ent executive which had been consti- 
 tutionally settled by the last Congress. 
 
 The entire proceeding "most unwise, 
 most unfortunate and most mischievous'' 
 —It will ''disturb the peace, harmony 
 and qidet of the country." 
 
 But I have no time to say more at present, 
 except to add that I look upon the whole of 
 this proceeding, concocted as it was, conducted 
 as it has been, as most unwise, most unlprtu- 
 nate, and most mischievous. Its effect will be 
 to disturb the peace, harmony, and quiet of the 
 country. Neither Mr. Potter nor anybody else 
 can prevent it; and I say to him most respect- 
 fully that nothing short of an immediate gene- 
 ral and firm concert of action of the law and 
 order-abiding people of all parties, Republi- 
 cans and Democrats, throughout the Union in 
 reprobation of this investigation proceeding 
 any further with a view to disturb the Presi- 
 dential title, such as announced by the Penn- 
 sylvania Democracy in their convention a few 
 days ago, can arrest the most fearful conse- 
 quences, Those who have, though innocently, 
 sowed the wind will reap the whirlwind. 
 
 "A contemptible farce or a horrible 
 tragedy"— Potter's Jesuitical whisper- 
 ings, "delusive and guileful" as those of 
 Satan. 
 
 My own opinion is, as I have repeatedly 
 said, this affair will prove in the end either a 
 contemptible farce or a horrible tragedy. 
 "Whether it will lead to the Mexicanization of 
 our Federal Republic the result must show. 
 But I say, as I said on another recent occa- 
 sion, that all softwords instilling in the mind 
 of the people of this country the idea that Mr. 
 Hayes can be peaceably unseated by Congress 
 are as delusive and as guileful as the whisper- 
 ings of the great arch fiend in the shape of a 
 toad in the ear of Eve, from which sprung all 
 our woes. 
 
 Very respectfully. 
 
 ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 
 
 PART XIV. 
 
 Tlie Barcbard resolution— a 
 Bomb Shell— Panic and rout- 
 Graphic description of the 
 scene— The Democrats forced 
 to "eat crow"— Condemned out 
 of their own mouths. 
 
 June 14, 1878, Mr. H. C. Burchard, 
 Republican, threw a bombshell into the 
 Tilden House, which exploded with such 
 force as to disintegrate, for the mo- 
 ment the combined forces of the enemy, 
 bringing humiliation and digrace for the 
 time being on the Potter-Tilden revolu- 
 tionary movement. The refusal of the 
 Democrats to accept the Casey Young 
 
 resolution offered in caucus, the refusal 
 of the National Democratic Committee 
 to make any declaration on the subject 
 to quiet the growing apprehensions, the 
 prophetic utterances of Alexander H. 
 Stephens and a few other conservative 
 Democrats, the admissions of Potter's 
 open letter, the boastings of the Demo- 
 cratic press alarmed the country to such 
 extent that, as the New York Tribune' 
 remarked, "the Democrats in the House 
 of Representatives have been forced 
 against their will to make the declaration 
 they did to-day" in voting for the Burch- 
 ard and the Judiciary Committee's resolu- 
 tions. They had uniformly refused to 
 put themselves on record until Burchard' s 
 resolution forced them to "toe the 
 mark." We take from the Tribune : 
 
 Graphic description of Burcliard's mas- 
 terly strategy — Summer allies and "all 
 serene." 
 
 Washington, June 14.— It was neatly done, 
 and evidently took the majority of Republicans 
 as much by surprise as it did the Democrats. 
 There had been a great deal of noise and con- 
 fusion, and the House had wasted a half hour 
 in deciding upon a time for the considsration 
 of some of the important measures which have 
 not yet received final action. The Speaker's 
 rulings were rapid and arbitrary, without be- 
 ing offensive or unjust, and by common consent 
 things were taken for granted which at any 
 earlier date would have been met with a score 
 of objections. The House was working with 
 one mind for a final adjournment on Monday, 
 while each member was endeavoring to gat his 
 own pet measure into a position to command 
 a few of the fleeting moments which yet re- 
 mained. 
 
 Mr. Burchard's face wore an expression as 
 innocent as that of Mary's little lamb. He 
 "moved to suspend the rules and—" 
 
 Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, also "moved to sus- 
 pend the rules and—" 
 
 Mr. Fernando Wood rose to a parliamentary 
 inquiry, and took a mild exception to some of 
 the rulings, which gave to certain measures pre- 
 cedence over others, which he asserted were 
 equally important. 
 
 Mr. Burchard claimed the floor by virtue of 
 the position his name occupied upon the list of 
 those who had given notice that they would 
 move a suspension of the rules for various , 
 purposes. 
 
 The Speaker said that he would recognize the 
 gentleman from Illinois as soon as he could dis- 
 pose of the parliamentary inquiries. Mr. Burch- 
 ard smiled. General Garfield, who sat beside 
 him, also smiled very contentedly. Five min- 
 utes later the " gentleman from Illinois " was 
 recognized. He moved to suspend the rules 
 and pass the following resolution," which he 
 sent to the clerk's desk to be read : 
 
 Burchard's resolution— The terrific thun- 
 der clap! 
 
 Whereas, At the joint meeting of the two 
 Houses of the XLlVth CongresS; convened 
 pursuant to law and the Constitution, for the 
 purpose of ascertaining and counting the votes 
 for President and Vice President for the term 
 commencing March 4, 1877, on counting the 
 votes Rutherford B.Hayes was declared elected 
 President and William A. Wheeler was declared 
 elected Vice President for such term. There- 
 fore, 
 
47 
 
 Resolved, That no subsequent Congress, and 
 neither House has jurisdiction to revise the ac- 
 tion at such joint meeting, and any attempt by 
 either House to annul or disregard such action 
 or the title to ofi&ce arising therefrom would be 
 revolutionary and is disapproved by this 
 House. m 
 
 Profound Silence— The Democrats Oasp- 
 ing for Breath. 
 
 Silence most profound fell upon the House. 
 Most of the Democratic leaders were absent. 
 Messrs. Atkins and Durham had just been sent 
 off on a conference committee. Messrs. Potter, 
 Blackburn, S '^ringer, and the other investiga- 
 tors were busy in their committee room. 
 Some Democrat recovered himself sufficiently 
 to ask that the resolution be read again, and 
 meanwhile the absentees were sent for. Mr. 
 Townshend, of Illinois, was the first to get en- 
 tire possession of himself. He ask«d if it 
 would be in order to strike out the last section; 
 then if the resolution could be referred to the 
 Judiciary Committee. He was told by the 
 Speaker in reply that on a motion to suspend 
 the rules neither proposition wes in order ; and 
 some Republican added: "You can vote it 
 down," which was a privilege which Mr. Towns- 
 hend and his Democratic agsociates were at 
 the moment neither prepared to reject or ac- 
 cept. 
 
 The Republican hurrah!— The yeas and 
 nays demanded. 
 
 By the rules of the House no debate was in 
 order, and nothing remained to be done except 
 to put the question to the House. The hearty 
 •' aye" which came up when this was done was 
 by no means confined to the Republican side, 
 while the negative vote was feeble, and be- 
 trayed the indecision and demoralization 
 which had seized the Democrats. It was evi- 
 dent that more than two-thirds of the members 
 present voted in favor of the resolution : but 
 the object of the mover being to get members 
 on record either for or against the projects of 
 the revolutionists, Mr. Burchard, without 
 waiting for the decision of the Chair, called for 
 the yeas and nays, and the Clerk began to call 
 the roll. 
 
 The Democratic Speaker stops the roll- 
 call to give the Tilden-Kevolutionists 
 time to rally— Caucusing as to the best 
 "Policy." 
 
 At this point Mr. Atkins arrived, somewhat 
 out of breath, and asked that the resolution be 
 read again. Although the roll-call was in 
 progress, the Speaker directed the Clerk to 
 read the resolution a third time. Most of the 
 Democratic absentees had by this time gath- 
 ered in. An earnest and excited caucussing 
 was going on on their side of the Hall, which 
 continued during the reading of the resolution 
 and the calling of the roll which followed. A 
 half-dozen Democrats, having the courage of 
 their convictions, responded to their names 
 with a hearty " aye," and as many more voted 
 " no." The great majority of them, however, 
 made no response during the first call of the 
 roll. 
 
 Great excitement and noise — More time 
 given for the determination of "Policy" 
 
 — The Democrats jeered Their panic 
 
 and rout. 
 
 The scene was very exciting and noisy. Two 
 or three times the call was delayed or sus- 
 pended, ostensibly on account of the disorder, 
 but really to give the Democrats time to rally 
 and decide wbat to do. Two or three motions 
 were made in a spirit of derision, by Republi- 
 
 cans, that the House take a recess to allow the 
 Democrats time to finish the caucus. It is 
 doubtful whether a quorum had voted during 
 the first call, but when it was finished seme fif- 
 teen or twenty Democrats arose, and as they 
 were recognized, one by one recorded them- 
 selves in the affirmative. The movement gath- 
 ered force, and before the vote was announced 
 nearly every member on the floor had voted. 
 The resolution was carried by the astonishing 
 vote of 215 in the affirmative to 21 in the nega- 
 tive. 
 
 Two "Specimen Bricks" — One represent- 
 ing the "policy, Me Boy" Tildenites — 
 The other the out-and-out Red Tilden 
 Re volutioni sts . 
 
 Perhaps the most crushed individual in the 
 hall was Mr. Pinley, of Ohio, who in connection 
 with Mr. Springer, of Illinois, was perhaps the 
 most active of the original revolutionists. In 
 common with the majority of his party, he 
 dodged on the first call of the roll. When his 
 party associates began to give way, and record 
 themselves in favor of the resolution, Mr. Fin- 
 ley walked down to the front, and being recog- 
 nized, filed an emphatic and spiteful " no." 
 Then, with a shrug of contempt, he turned his 
 back and walked up the aisle again, the bald 
 spot on the back of his head, about the size of a 
 trade dollar, seeming to glisten with the rage 
 which filled him. "When, however, the move- 
 ment became a rout, Mr. Finley again arose, 
 and, amid the cheers and jeers of the Republi- 
 cans, made a request to change his vote, and 
 piping out a feeble " aye," he retired to proba- 
 ble oblivion. Mr. Springer stood his ground, 
 and voted an emphatic and ostentatious "no," 
 almost the last one recorded. He was heartily 
 and unanimously congratulated by Mr. Cook, 
 of Georgia. 
 
 The vote on the Burchard resolution by 
 vrhich the Revolutionary House, driven 
 by fear, condemned its ovrn revolu- 
 tionary purposes. 
 
 The vote upon the Burchard resolution 
 was 215 yeas, 21 nays — 56 not voting. 
 The 21 nays were all red hot Tilden revo- 
 lutionists and among those not voting, 
 whether present or not, were 40 more 
 Tilden Democrats. In detail it was as 
 follows : 
 
 Yeas — Messrs. Aiken, Aldrich, Atkins, Bacon, 
 G. A. hagley, J. H. Baker. W. H. Baker, Banks 
 Banninff, Ba,yne, Beehe, H. P. Bell, Bicknell, 
 Bisbee. Blair. Blount. Bouck, Boyd, Brentano, 
 Brewer, Bridges, BrigKS, Bright, Brogden. T. 
 M. Browne. Bundy, H, C. Burchard, Bur- 
 dick, Cabell, J. W. Caldioell, W. P. Caldwell, 
 Calkins, J. M. Campbel', Cannon, Carlisle, 
 Caswell, Chalmers, Chittenden, Claflin, J. B. 
 Clark, jr., R. Clark, J. B. Clarke, Clymer, Cobb, 
 Cole, Conger, Covert, J. D. Cox, Crapo, Cra- 
 vens, Crittenden, Culberson, Cummings, Cutler, 
 Danford, H. Davis, J. J. Davis, Dean, Deering, 
 Denison, Dibrell, Dickey, Dou0las,J)u.nneU,Dur- 
 y^am,Dwight, Bames. Eden, Ellsworth, Brrett, I. 
 N. Evans, J. L. Evans, J, H. Evins, Ewing, 
 Fel*on, E. B. Finley, Forney, Foster, Franklin, 
 Freeman. Gardner, Girfield, Garth, Cause, 
 Gibson, Gtddif>gs, Ooode, Hanna, Harmer. B. 
 W. Harris, JET. R. Harris, Harrison, Hart, 
 Hartzell, Haskell, Hatcher, P. C. Hayes, Hen- 
 dee, Henderson, Herbert, Q. W. Hewitt, His- 
 cock. House, Hubbell, H L. Humphrey, Hun- 
 gerford. Hunter, Hunton, Ittner, James, F. 
 Jones, J. T. Jones, J. S, Jones, Jorgeisen 
 Keifer, Keightley. Kelley, Kenna, J. H' 
 Ketcham, Killinger, G. M. Landers, Lapham* 
 Lathrop. Ligon, Lindsey, Lookwood, Mackey* 
 
48 
 
 M'tiih. Marftb. McCook. McGowaii, McK<nz>e, 
 MoKinle.v. L. S. Metcalfe, J/ui*. MUohell, 
 Monroe, yionfnt. M.jir%^oii> MuiMe.Mullttr, H. 3. 
 NeiU. Norcrotig, Oliver. O'Neil, Ovorton, Page, 
 G. W. Patterson. T. M, Pixtun-^^uu, PedJie. W. 
 A. PhiUir8. PoIlArd. Pound. Price. Pu«h. 
 Bftincy, Randolph, ViVa, Iirut,nn, lloed, J. D. 
 Be.in^„, W. W. Rice. Ii!<lM^, W. M. UuhbiuH, 
 Rt,bert-, G. D.RobiBFon, Ryan, Sampeon. Saiip, 
 ylvr. Scales, Sexton, Shallenbe.rgor. Shil/,iu. 
 
 innickson. Smalla, A. H. &mitli,*S>n»/.«,SraLrin 
 Rerlt, SUitgcr, Sttphem. Stewart. J. W. Stone, 
 J. C. Stone. Strait, J. M. Thompson, Throih- 
 mtrton, A. Towneen*. M, I. Towflsend, It, W. 
 T'iWtM€H(i. 'Jhulieo: l\trney, B. IL Vomc, 
 Vetdfj-, Waddell, Wait. W. Ward. Watson, 
 Welch. H. White. M. D. White, Whvthonie, A. 
 S. Williamg, A. Williams. C. ft. WiHinms, R. 
 Williams. A. S. WiZ/ix, IL A. WUUh, Willits.B. 
 Wilson, F. Wood, Wren. Yeateti, rc.ujtr-215. 
 
 Nj\YS — Mesars. Blackburn, Jiliuft, Boone, 
 Bruffff. Cook: S. S. Cor, Kllh, Fuller, A. H. 
 Hamilton, Hardcnheygh, Htnkle, Henry, A. S. 
 Hewitt, Mayham, Phelpn, Pridcmore, Robertson, 
 W. E. Snnth, Southard, Spriii{/er, Wvmcr—2l. 
 
 Not Voti^'g — Messrs. Acklin, Ballou, Bene' 
 diet. Blond, Bnekner, Butler. Cain, Cnmf, 
 Candler. A. At. Clnrk, Collinit, Jhividfton, Eick- 
 hiff. Elam, Fort, Frye, Gloves; Guntir, Hide, 
 J. T. Harris, Harti-idp". Hazelton, Hooker, 
 Joyce. Kimmtl, Kr,arp, Knott, Jjoring, Zuttrell, 
 Lynde, Mannina, Martin, McMahon, Monvy, 
 Muldrow, C, JV. Potitr. Powers, Qvinrr, A 
 V. Bice, M. S. Robinson, M. Boss, Schleicher, 
 Singleton, SHemons, Swa--n, Thomburgh, Tipton, 
 Tamer, Van Vorhes, G. C. Wolkcr, Walsh, 
 Wigginton, J. William'*, J. N. Williama, 
 Wright-55. 
 
 PART XV. 
 The next) Democratic iMOTe— 
 Tlurowing Sawdiis^t iu the £yes 
 of the People. 
 
 The House Democrats having been 
 completely outgeneraled, how to place 
 themselzes in a better attitude before the 
 people was now the question. The great 
 mass of them would be revoluticnists if 
 they dared. Already they had discovered 
 by the great wave of public opinion which 
 had recently set in upon them that the 
 times were not yet ripe for revolution, 
 that all their carefully laid plans for future 
 action, to succeed must be covered up ; 
 that mere silence on the subject would not 
 longer do: that they must make an ex- 
 plicit declaration even though with the 
 full intention of violating hereafter any 
 present pledge. Under the Jesuitical 
 lead of Potter they had learned the Jesuit- 
 ical rule that ' 'the end justifies the means. ' ' 
 Accordingly it had already been deter- 
 mined that the Judiciary Committee should 
 be allowed to report against the Kimmel 
 bill, which on the 15th of April had been | 
 introduced and referred to it; and in the 
 sad straits to which they had just been 
 brought by the Burchard resolution, it 
 was determined by the Democratic leaders 
 that the report must be made and acted 
 on at once. Thus they might yet succeed 
 in making the people believe — until after 
 the fall elections — that their purpose was 
 
 not to turn Hayes out and put Tilden in. 
 The report was therefore at once (June 
 14) made by Mr. Hartridge, Democrat. 
 
 The v«)to by Mliicli this lueve exproMHioii 
 of this House's "opinion" was recorded. 
 
 Upon the adoption of the resolution ac- 
 companying the report the vote was 235 
 yeas to 14 "red-hot" revolutionary Tilden 
 navs — not voting 42, of whom 28 were 
 Tilden Democrats. 
 
 PART XVI. 
 
 The Work of the Potter Commit- 
 tee — Impeaehiueiit ot Hayes 
 an«l Wheeler Talked of— How 
 the Thiitg in to he D«gie— Hayeis 
 Out and Either Tilden or Thur- 
 man to Go In— I>eiHoer»tic Au- 
 thoritiesi for it. 
 
 While the great mass of people of this 
 country who have followed the testimony 
 given before the Potter Investigation Com- 
 mittee, undoubtedly consider that it has 
 absolutely failed of its main purposes and 
 that its proceedings have become almost 
 farcical, there are unquestionably a large 
 number of dyed-in the-wool Democrats 
 who otherwise believe that they have 
 proved their case, and exclaim with their 
 Demociatic organ, the Washington Post, 
 of August 10, 1878, that : 
 
 "The Potter committee has chrystalized. alle- 
 gations into accepted history." 
 
 The Democratic leaders will certainly 
 pretend to believe the charges proven, no 
 matter how absurd the pretense may be. 
 And so believing or pretending to be- 
 lieve, they will demand action of some 
 sort against President Hayes and Vice 
 President Wheeler in the event of the 
 next House being Democratic. What ac- 
 tion is contemplated is getting clearer. It 
 is to impeach both President Hayes and 
 Vice President Wheeler; to declare by con- 
 current resolution of both Democratic 
 Bouses that t be mere act of presenting arti- 
 cles of impeachment in this case at any rate 
 suspends the impeached persons from offi- 
 cial duty, and makes a vacauc.v; to elect 
 Thurman President of the Senate, if Til- 
 den took the oath at the right time — as 
 many believe be did, and the statement 
 to that effect has never been denied by 
 him — to induct him into the Presidency; 
 and if he did not, then the "vacancy" to 
 be filled by Thurman. That some such 
 movements are in contemplation is evident 
 from what leaks out every now and then 
 from persons supposed to know the hid- 
 den purposes of the revolutionists. 
 
49 
 
 Some of the active measures proposed for 
 pvittinj^ Hayes out and Tilden in — Tlie 
 Impeacliinent plan. 
 
 Thus we gather something of this sort 
 from the following dispatch in the New 
 
 Washington, June 1-L— A fact which may 
 throw some light uport the real purposes ac- 
 tuating those who engineered the Potter reso- 
 lution through the House has just come out 
 here. It seems, according to excellent Demo- 
 cratic authority, that several months before 
 the Potter resolution was passed, Mr. Manton 
 Marble and General Burlow approached lead- 
 ing Democratic members of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives and men prominent in the party, 
 and urged them to begin active measures for 
 ousting President Hayes as soon as the Demo- 
 crats should secure control of both Houses of 
 Congress. One reason which they urged was 
 that it would be a good pieceof party strategy, 
 because if Governor Tiiden was given two 
 years of the present Presidential term his am- 
 bition would be satisfied, and he could easily 
 be put out of the way for 1880. The consulta- 
 tions of these gentlemen, who were known to 
 be working in the interest of Governor Tilden, 
 all indicate that the main purpose of the pres- 
 ent movement, in the minds of those who were 
 responsible for it, has been to remove President 
 Hayes from the oSioe he now holds. Now that 
 public opinion has driven the Democrats to 
 declare that the President's title cannot be at- 
 tacked, those who formerly talked of putting 
 him out through suits in the Supreu^e Court, 
 or by joint resolution recognizing Governor 
 Tilden. are almost all talking of impeachment 
 instead. 
 
 Another Plan for Voting Hayes out and 
 Thiirman in. 
 
 The Washington Capital, Aug. 11, 1878, 
 a paper supposed to have special sources 
 of information, as to the designs of the 
 Democratic revolutionary leaders, says 
 that ''after the 4rh of March Allen G. 
 Thurman will be President of the Senate, 
 and prepared to fill one of the two vacan- 
 cies ' which certain persons ' are busy 
 demonstrating to the people to exist in 
 the President's and Vice President's of- 
 fices. ^ This will not elect Mr. Tilden — he 
 not being eligible through a strange defect 
 in the law which makes itnecessary for the 
 President-elect to be sworn in at a certain 
 date after being elected. This is in part 
 the scheme for a strong Government, con- 
 ceived and organized by that form of cap- 
 ital which net-works our land in the shape 
 of railroads, and has for its managers the 
 boldest, most unscrupulous and efficient 
 knaves of all that class of fiuaiicial schemers 
 
 that grow rich on other men's earnings. 
 It was their intent to seat one of their 
 number— Mr. Tilden himself— in the Pres- 
 idency, but they will accept Allen G. Thur- 
 man. To them the smoke that indicates 
 the fire upon the plains is not distant. The 
 danger is at hand, and they seek to fight 
 fire with fire. * -h- * Xhis is neither 
 impeachable nor revolutionary, and is far 
 stronger and more efficient than any mili- 
 tary Wall street thieving organization, 
 with Grant as its figure head, that will 
 come in just thirty days too late to be of 
 use. ' ' 
 
 Further Proof of their Present Purposes — 
 Springer^'s Declarations. 
 
 That the Democratic leaders are bent 
 upon declaring the Potter investigation 
 allegations proven ; that they intend to 
 take action ; that the action which they 
 propose to take is in the line of impeach- 
 ment ; and that they intend by the mere 
 action of a Democratic majority of both 
 Houses — should they then control both 
 Houses — to declare the offices of both the 
 President and Vice President vacant upon 
 the presentation of the articles of impeach- 
 ment to the Senate is rendered as clear as 
 daylight by the recent statement of Spring- 
 er, Democratic member of the Potter com- 
 mittee, in an interview with the reporter 
 of a Western paper, wherein he is repre- 
 sented as saying that enough had already 
 been brought out by that committee to war- 
 rant the impeachment of President Hayes, 
 and there will be no trouble on that score, 
 as the Democrats will have a majority of 
 the Senate after the 4th of March next." 
 
 And the following telegram in a New 
 York paper of August 5, 1878, is confir- 
 noatory not only of Springer's conclu- 
 sions, but as to those of others of his Dem- 
 ocratic friends on the Potter committee : 
 
 "Washington, August 4.~Mr. Springer, of 
 the Potter committee, talks very freely of *' the 
 case," as he calls it, which to his mind has al- 
 ready been established by the Potter com- 
 mittee. He regards it as one which will not 
 only justify impeachment, but which demands 
 it. He thinks the Wormley Hotel conference, 
 in connection with the subsequent action of the 
 Louisiana commission, quite sufficient to sus- 
 tain articles of impeachment, and he fully ex- 
 pects the House to present them at an early 
 day. Such talk doubtless reflects the views of 
 several members of the Potter oommittee. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 A History of Democratic Election Frauds. 
 
 PAKT I. 
 
 *'€oanting in"— A Democratic 
 iuTcution, and peculiarly a 
 Democratic practice— "Count- 
 ing in" of James K. Polli as 
 President in 1844— of James 
 Bucliauan in 1857— Tlie Disas- 
 trous Consequences to the Na- 
 tion— Tlie attempted "count- 
 ing" in of Samuel J. Tilden in 
 1876— A brief review of tlie im- 
 mense Democratic Frauds in 
 tlie Campaigns of 1844-'57 com- 
 pared witli tliose of 1876. 
 
 In 1844, ia the Presidential campaign 
 of that year, James K. Polk, of Tennes- 
 see, was notoriously " counted into" the 
 Presidency over Henry Clay, of Ken- 
 tucky, who had been elected President 
 fairly by the voice of the American peo- 
 ple. 
 
 Who was Henry Clay? Who James 
 K. Polk ? Who the arch conspirators by 
 whom Clay was robbed of the Presi- 
 dency — by whom the American people 
 were cheated of their choice as Chief 
 Magistrate ; and what the agencies or 
 means by which a result so disastrous to 
 the nation was accomplished? What the 
 motives or ends which iaflueoced the 
 agencies for a result so lamentable ? 
 
 Just now, in presence of Tildeo's and 
 the Democratic eflForts to seize the Presi- 
 dency by Mexicanizing the Republic — 
 by subverting the Constitution and the 
 laws — these inquiries are pertinent and 
 pregnant ones. We will answer them as 
 briefly as possible. 
 
 The "Great Commoner," Henry Clay, who 
 would "rather be right than be Presi- 
 dent!"— His Unknown Democrat Oppo- 
 nent, James K. Polk. 
 
 For nearly a half century, in 1844, from 
 1797, when Kentucky was framing a new 
 State constitution, Henry Clay had been 
 active in the service of his country. A 
 Senator of the United States in 1806, 
 when only twenty- nine years old, and dis- 
 
 tinguished even at that early age for emi- 
 nent ability and eloquence ; unrivaled 
 subsequently as the Speaker and leader 
 of the House ; equally brilliant in the 
 Senate and Cabinet, in war as in peace, 
 as a statesman, orator and diplomat ; 
 pre-eminent for his chivalrous courage 
 and lofty patriotism, and probably the 
 only man of his time who could, without 
 personal ridicule, have uttered his cele- 
 brated apothegm, "7 would rather be 
 right than President! " 
 
 Such was Henry Clay, "The Gre>t 
 Commoner," the Whig candidate for 
 President in 1844. While his opponent, 
 Polk, was so little known, his services 
 to the nation of such little consequence, 
 that upon his nomination by the Democ- 
 racy the cry went throughout the Repub- 
 
 The vote by which Clay was rightfully 
 elected and entitled to the Presidency— 
 The villainous Democratic frauds by 
 which he was "counted out," 
 
 Henry Clay was the choice of the Amer- 
 ican people for President, and a decided 
 majority of the votes actually cast was 
 thrown for him. He was chosen Presi- 
 dent by the voice of his countrymen, and 
 under the Constitution and laws — by all 
 the rules of right — was entitled to the 
 Presidency. None now doubts that. As 
 a matter of history it is notorious. Never- 
 theless, in the House, in 1846, the elec- 
 toral vote counted was : For Polk, 170 ; 
 for Clay, 105; while Polk's minority on 
 the popular vote was 24,119. The elec- 
 toral colleges counted for Polk included 
 that of New York, (36,) Pennsylvania, (26,) 
 Georgia, (10,) Louisiana, (6) — in all 78 
 votes — to all of which Clay was entitled 
 by decided popular majorities in all those 
 States. Hence, add those 78 votes to 
 Clay's 105 and deduct them from Polk's 
 170, will give Clay 183 votes and reduce 
 Polk to 92, making Clay's majority in the 
 electoral colleges 91, the real result of 
 the canvass, but which was defeated by 
 the deliberately planned frauds of the De- 
 mocracy. Even strike from Polk's 170. 
 New York's 36 votes, which State Clay 
 confessedly carried by from 5,000 to 10,000 
 
61 
 
 majority, will leave Polk but 134 electoral [ 
 votes and give Clay 141, a majority of 7 
 in the colleges. 
 
 Samuel J. Tilden's guilty compUcity in 
 the Democratic villainy! 
 In all these villainous frauds, Samuel 
 J. Tilden, in New York, aided by the no- 
 torious Isaiah Rynders and his cohort of 
 unprincipled ruffians, and in Louisiana 
 by the equally notorious John Slidell, a 
 New Yorker by birth, was, as a leading 
 Democrat of the Empire State, the head- 
 quarters of the conspiracy for the defeat 
 of Clay, an active and efficient co-worker. 
 It is not strange, therefore, that Tilden, 
 who in the campaign of 1876, simply at- 
 tempted, in behalf of himself, to repeat 
 the frauds of 1844 against Clay, should be 
 chagrined at his failure, and that he and 
 his partisans should so fiercely denounce 
 fraud against the Republicans as they did 
 in 1844 denounce Clay and the Whigs. 
 The Gambler's Conspiracy at the bottom 
 of these grave Democratic crimes— And 
 Tilden's guilty participation in them. 
 That Henry Clay was entitled, and con- 
 fessedly entitled, to the electoral votes of 
 the States of New York, Pennsylvania, 
 Georgia, and Louisiana — seventy- eight in 
 all— which, by fraud, by the "counting- 
 in" process which the Democracy now 
 charge against the Republicans, were 
 counted for Polk, we have before us the 
 proofs in a number of shapes. They can- 
 not be questioned. In 1844 a combina- 
 tion of gamblers, through a system of 
 betting all over the country in favor of 
 Polk, as in the canvass of 1876 in favor of 
 Tilden, secured by their winnings the 
 means of defraying the expenses of the 
 frauds. That was notoriously so in New 
 York, Pennsylvania, and Louisiana. — 
 Horace Greeley, in 18o8, in one of his 
 ^^Open Letters to a Politician^' — to Sam'l 
 J. Tilden— reminds Tilden of these grave 
 crimes, and of his participation in them. 
 All may see the details at length in Gree- 
 ley's Life of Henry Clay, in Calvin Col- 
 ton's, in "The Whig Review," and 
 kindred works, of the wholesale and sys- 
 tematic villainy, the great crime, by which 
 the illustrious Clay was defrauded of New 
 York and the other States — by agencies 
 similar to those which, in 1868, in New 
 York, Tilden "counted in" Seymour and 
 HoflFman when Grant and Griswold had 
 carried the State. 
 
 "Counting in" peculiarly a Democratic 
 Process — The bogus Democratic vote of 
 New York in 1844— The Pennsylvania 
 Democratic frauds of that year. 
 
 This ' 'counting in' ' is peculiarly a Demo- 
 cratic process — an invention to which the 
 
 Democracy, and only the Democracy, have 
 a sole and undisputed right. 
 
 In New York, in 1844, of the popular 
 vote Polk was in a minority of 10, 706 votes. 
 His plurality over Clay was only 5,106. 
 That he obtained in the city and its sur- 
 roundings by fraudulent naturalization, by 
 repeating and ballot-box stuffing; by the 
 manufacture and count, through such in- 
 famous agencies, of from 10,000 to 15,000 
 bogus votes. Some place the number as 
 high as 20,000. 
 
 In Pennsylvania the frauds were equally 
 flagrant. At the October election it was 
 admitted by the best posted of the Democ- 
 racy that Clay in the State was at least 
 10,000 votes stronger than General Markle, 
 the Whig candidate for Governor. Hence, 
 in order to beat Clay in N ovember, Shunk' s 
 majority must reach 10,000. It was only 
 4,282, fully 6,000 less than the Democratic 
 estimate as absolutely necessary to beat 
 Clay. Nevertheless, Clay was beaten. 
 His vote, as the Democracy had calculated, 
 was 5,200 greater than Markle' s, and was 
 drawn principally from Shunk' s; yet Polk's 
 majority in the State was 6,332> 
 
 The Democratic "model" which inspired 
 Tilden's infamous Democratic secret 
 ciicular of 1868. 
 
 In was in this canvass in Pennsylvania 
 that the model of Tilden's infamous confi- 
 dential circular of 1868, by which he ar- 
 ranged the machinery for the fraudulent 
 count of New York for Seymour and Hoff- 
 man, appeared as a secret circular, dated 
 " Harrisburg, January, 1844," and signed 
 by Edward A. Penniman and seventeen 
 Democratic members of the Pennsylvania 
 Legislature as an executive committee. It 
 was distributed only among the faithful, 
 with the injunction that its ' 'contents should 
 be made known only to such of our (Demo- 
 cratic) friends as will keep their own coun- 
 cil and assist in organizing the party;'' 
 and urged that "it is very desirable that it 
 should not appear in any newspaper or be 
 communicated to our political opponents. ' ' 
 It particularly enjoined the faithful "to 
 secure a large turn out at the election of 
 judges and inspectors (of the polls. ) This 
 done, we shall have the vantage ground, 
 and an easy victory will be ours. ' So it 
 proved. By securing the judges and in- 
 spectors of the polls, the count of any 
 numljer by the Democracy was a very easy 
 matter. 
 
 The Democratic frauds that in 1844 gave 
 Georgia to Polk. 
 
 In Georgia, in 1844, and it may be so 
 now, by the tax- list, the exact number of 
 legal voters in the State could be readily 
 
52 
 
 wcertained. By that list there were in 
 the State 78,611 votes. At the Presiden- 
 tial election 8G,277 votes were cast. Even 
 supposing, therefore, that every legal voter 
 in the State attended at the polls — the 
 decrepid, aged, sick, and dying — there 
 was still a fraud of 7,666 votes. By whom 
 were these polled ? In the Whig counties 
 less than the legal vote as shown by the 
 tax-list was polled ; but in the Demo- 
 cratic counties of Forsyth, Lumpkin, Ha- 
 bersham and Franklin the lawful vote was 
 3,202. They returned a vote of 4,014 for 
 Polk and 1,825 for Clay— in all 5,835— 
 a fraud in these four counties alone of 
 2,633 ; and so on throughout all the Dem- 
 ocratic counties of Georgia. Nevertheless 
 Polk's majority in the State was only 
 2,077. 
 
 The infitinoiis Democratic fraiuls in lionis- 
 iana— Open, notorious, shameful. 
 
 In Louisiana the frauds were truly vil- 
 lainous. No attempt was ever made to 
 disguise or cover them. They were open, 
 notorious and shameful. John Slidell was 
 their infamous engineer, and under his 
 manipulation thousands of fraudulent 
 votes were counted for Polk in New Or- 
 leans and all along the Mississippi river. 
 A single instance will illustrate all. Up 
 to the day of the rebellion — up to 1861 — 
 the largest aggregate vote polled in Plaq- 
 uemine parish was 550 ; in 1844 it gave 
 Polk 1,007 majority, while his majority in 
 the State was only 699. 
 
 Thus Tiltlen and the I>emocracy of 1844 
 "counted" Polk "in." 
 
 ^Thus, in 1844, throughout the country, 
 fraud by Tiiden and the Democracy was 
 reduced to a system- Through its results 
 James K. Polk, the weak but ambitious 
 tool of the pro-slavery oligarch, was 
 "counted in," and the gallant and patri- 
 otic Clay, the illustrious " Great Com- 
 moner," whose services to the nation in 
 war and peace constitute the brightest 
 pages in its civil history, was robbed of 
 the Presidency — was robbed by Tiiden 
 and the Democracy. 
 
 The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds hy 
 whicli in 1857 intrepid Fremont was 
 robhed of his rights, and weak "Buch- 
 anan "counted in*" 
 
 Later, in 1857, by similar frauds in 
 Pennsylvania, by the same parties, accom- 
 plished through like agencies, John C. 
 Fremont was cheated of the same high 
 office, and James Buchanan, another 
 weak and equally pliant tool of the oli- 
 garchal conspirators of 1844, was fraudu- 
 lently placed in the chair of Washington, 
 
 majiifestly under pledges to complete the 
 traitorous work for the destruction of the 
 Republic begun by Polk. 
 
 Tilden's wholesale frauds in 1876 at the 
 North— His Mississippi shotlgrun policy 
 at the South. 
 
 The campaign of 1876 Tiiden mode'ed 
 upon that of 1844. By similar agencies 
 or arts, by wholesale and systematic frauds 
 in the North, he succeeded in carrying 
 New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and 
 Indiana; and in the South, by the mur- 
 derous Mississippi shot-gun policy, effected 
 the manufacture of the fictitious figures 
 which constitute his pretended popular 
 majority. 
 
 What miseries the success of the Demo- 
 cratic frauds of 1844 and 1857 entailed 
 upon the Nation. 
 
 In 1844 and 1857 the oligarchal con- 
 spirators succeeded in disfranchising the 
 nation. In 1876 they failed only by a 
 count of one. In 1844 their fraudulent 
 success entailed upon the nation the 
 crimes of Polk's disastrous reign — the 
 "unholy" Mexican war for the aggran- 
 dizement of slavery, exacting of the na- 
 tion a sacrifice of thousands of lives and 
 hundreds of millions of treasure; his in- 
 iquitous free-trade tariff; his hostility to 
 internal improvements, and kindred meas- 
 ures, all in the interest of the pro-slavery 
 oligarch ; the fatal reopening of the slavery 
 question, precipitated by the struggle of 
 the sections for the possession of the ter- 
 ritory seized from Mexico, and which, in 
 1861, under the manipulation of Buchanan 
 and the Democracy, culminated in the 
 appalling crimes of the rebellion. 
 
 Tlie success of tlxe Democratic frauds of 
 1876 would have brought upon the Re- 
 public humiliation and ruin. 
 
 In 1876 their success was intended to 
 be as disastrous as those of 1844 and 1857. 
 The Confederacy had failed in its attempt 
 to destroy the Republic. Its prestige and 
 pride were humbled, and in the murder- 
 ous struggle provoked by its crimes its 
 losses had been immense. Tilden's suc- 
 cess was intended to redress all that. A 
 restoration of the Confederate to power 
 and place in the Government was to be 
 followed by the humiliation of loyalty— 
 the abasement of the nation at the feet of 
 the rebel ; and the ruin of the Republic 
 was to be effected by the confiscation of 
 its property and means in the payment of 
 thousands of millions of fraudulent claims 
 as indemnity to the Confederate for losses 
 in the rebellion. 
 
63 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Popular and Electoral Votes of 
 Harrison and Van Bur en, ~PoUl 
 and Clay, Harrison and Cass 
 — TiWeu's Pretended "Im- 
 mense" popular iMajority— 
 ISome voting statistics touch- 
 ing the Gulf and other States- 
 Alabama, Florida, Georgia, 
 liouisiana, Mississippi and 
 South f^arolina all fairly Re- 
 publican States— How South- 
 ern States were "counted in" 
 for Tilden. 
 
 A persistent effort has been made by 
 Mr. Tilden and his friends, ever since his 
 defeat, to impress the country with the 
 idea that he had received an immense ma- 
 jority of the popular vote for President. 
 The facts warrant no such conclusion. 
 Nor does it follow that such a majority 
 would necessarily secure his election, 
 whether it was small or large. 
 
 "Pppular votes" not necessary to the 
 election of a President— It is tlie elec- 
 toral vote that tells— Some Presidential 
 examples. 
 
 Under our electoral system the popular 
 majority is a secondary consideration. 
 Thus Delaware and Nevada, which to- 
 gether cast only 43,824 votes, all told, for 
 President in 1876, had six electoral votes, 
 as many as California, which cast 154,459 
 votes. 
 
 In 1840, in a total vote of 2,410,782, 
 Harrison had a popular majority of only 
 139,250, but carried 234 electoral votes to 
 Van Buren's 60. 
 
 In 1844, Polk had 24,119 popular ma- 
 jority against him, yet he counted 170 
 electoral votes to Clay's 105. 
 
 In 1848, General Harrison had 151,808 
 popular majority against him, but re- 
 ceived 163 electoral votes to 127 for Mr. 
 Cass. 
 
 These examples might be multiplied, 
 and serve to show that a popular majority 
 is not necessary to the election of a Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 The facts in the Presidential election of 
 1876 — What vote on the surface. 
 
 But while this is true, the facts in the 
 election of 1876 show that the case of Mr. 
 Hayes is not exceptional, like the ex- 
 amples cited ; that he was, in fact, the 
 first choice of a majority of the voters of 
 the country. 
 
 The aggregate vote for President was 
 8,399,297, divided as follows 
 
 4,033,295 ; Tilden, 4,284,265, and Cooper, 
 81,737. Tilden's majority on these fig- 
 ures, 157,394. 
 
 Ordinarily this result would be regarded 
 as conclusive, and would show the rela- 
 tive strength of the candidates before the 
 people ; but the election of 1876 warrants 
 no such conclusion. On the other hand, 
 the facts conclusively prove that these 
 figures, like Mr. Tilden's boasted election 
 and majority, are utterly fictitious and 
 false — that they do not represent the pop- 
 ular will at that time. This will appear 
 by a further analysis of the vote of 1876. 
 
 The popular vote in the Free States, Bor- 
 der States and Slave States grouped and 
 compared with census of voting popu- 
 lation. 
 
 In the former (or present) free States 
 there was cast a total of 5,622,210 votes, 
 of which Hayes received 2,939,729 and 
 Tilden, 2,682,481 ; majority for Hayes, 
 257,248. 
 
 In the States of Delaware, Maryland, 
 Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Ten- 
 nessee, North Carolina, Missouri, Arkan- 
 sas, and Texas the total vote was 1,830,- 
 219. For Hayes, 744.747 ; for Tilden, 
 1,085,472; Tilden's majority, 340,825. 
 
 In South, Carolina, Georgia, Florida, 
 Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana the 
 vote was 890,811, of which Hayes re- 
 ceived 362,231 and Tilden, 528,590 ; Til- 
 den's majority, 166,359. 
 
 According to the census of 1870, the 
 latest enumeration available, there were 
 in the Northern States at that time 
 4,850,151 male citizens over twenty-one 
 years of age. The vote for President in 
 those States, as has already been shown 
 was 5,622,210. Increase over the enu- 
 meration, 772,059. 
 
 In the second group of States the enu- 
 meration was 1,800,639 ; total vote for 
 President, 1,815,009. Increase over the 
 enumeration, only 14,370. 
 
 In the last group, or Gulf States, the 
 enumeration was 973,714 ; total vote for 
 Hayes and Tilden, 890,811. Loss on the 
 enumeration, 82,903. 
 
 Recapitulation : In the free States, 
 where the election was free, fair, and 
 full, there was a gain of 772,059 voters. 
 In the border slave States, where Re- 
 publicans are kept in hopeless minori- 
 ties, and diet not cast their full vote, the 
 increase was only 14,370. In the South- 
 ern Republican States, where Republican 
 majorities were subverted by armed vio- 
 lence, the loss was 82,903. 
 
 Assuming that the increase of voters in 
 these States was of equal ratio to the free 
 States, the increase over the enumeration 
 
54 
 
 would have been 114,714. Adding the 
 loss of 82,903 to this amount, and we 
 have 197,617 votes, or about one in six, 
 not cast in the six States last named. 
 
 The real voting streng:th of the Gulf 
 States— Showing in 1870 a total colored 
 majority of 57,335. 
 
 But there is another and still more re- 
 liable method of ascertaining the real vot- 
 ing strength and popular will of those 
 States. In 1870 the 
 as follows : 
 
 voters were divided 
 
 
 White. 
 
 Color'd 
 
 Alabama 
 
 104,276 
 19,211 
 
 127,785 
 72,413 
 76.577 
 57,933 
 
 105.612 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 20,170 
 
 119,920 
 
 80.126 
 
 Alississippi 
 
 97.724 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 91.978 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 458.195 
 
 515,530 
 
 Colored majority 
 
 .. 57.335 
 
 And exiiibiting a total Republican ma- 
 jority of 183,335 in 1870. 
 
 In ascertaining the Republican strength 
 South two estimates may be made that 
 are perfectly reliable. First, that the 
 colored vote is solidly Republican ; sec- 
 ondly, that a small per cent, of the white 
 vote is Republican ; much depending on 
 the locality and the freedom of election. 
 The division of voters on this basis is 
 shown in the following table : 
 
 
 Republican. 
 
 Demo- 
 cratic. 
 
 
 Colored. 
 
 White. 
 
 White. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 105.612 
 20.170 
 
 119.920 
 80.126 
 97.724 
 91,978 
 
 15,000 
 3.000 
 20.000 
 10.000 
 10.000 
 5.0.0 
 
 89,276 
 16.211 
 107,785 
 62,413 
 66 577 
 
 Florida 
 
 Qeorgii 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 52 933 
 
 
 
 
 515.530 
 
 6^000 
 
 395.195 
 
 Total Republican vote 578.530 
 
 Total Democratic vote 395,195 
 
 Republican majority 183.335 
 
 These figures are based on the popula- 
 tion and enumeration of 1870. 
 
 Subsequent changes of popiUatiou favor 
 the Republicans, especially in South 
 Carolina, Mississippi and I^ouisiana, 
 
 Whatever changes have taken place 
 since that time, and they are considerable, 
 are favorable to the Republicans. This 
 is notably true of South Carolina, Missis- 
 
 sippi, and Louisiana. These three States 
 continued under Republican control long 
 after the States adjoming had fallen under 
 Democratic dominion. Democratic rule 
 was accompanied by the abolishment of 
 colored schools and harsh and proscriptive 
 administration. Thereupon there was an 
 exodus of negroes from those States to the 
 others, where the rights and interests of 
 their race were respected, their children 
 educated, and the ruling powers were 
 friendly. The States of Virginia, North 
 Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas 
 contributed many thousands of their col- 
 ored voters on this account to South Car- 
 olina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. The 
 last election affords abundant proof of 
 this statement. Take 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 for example. The vote in this State for 
 the years named was as follows : 
 
 1868— Republican 62.301 
 
 Democratic 45.207 
 
 Republican majority 17.094 
 
 1870— Republican 85.071 
 
 Democratic 51,537 
 
 Republican majority 33,534 
 
 1872— Republican.. 72.290 
 
 Democratic 22.703 
 
 Republican majority 49,587 
 
 It has already been shown that the total 
 white vote in 1870 was 57,933, and the 
 colored vote 91,978, the total being 149,911, 
 and the colored majority 34,545. 
 
 1876— Republican vote 91,870 
 
 Democratic vote 91.076 
 
 Total 182 946 
 
 Voteofl870 149.911 
 
 Increase 33.035 
 
 A passing reference to the past white 
 population of South Carolina leaves no 
 doubt that this increase was almost wholly 
 colored. The United States census fur- 
 nish the following figures. 
 
 1830 .- 257.863 
 
 1840 259.084 
 
 1850 274.563 
 
 1860 291.300 
 
 1870 289.667 
 
 Thus it will be seen that the white pop- 
 ulation of the State has been almost sta- 
 tionary for the past half century. It will 
 not be argued by the Opposition that it 
 has received marvelous increase under the 
 very odious (!) Republican Administra- 
 tion since reconstruction. Whence, then, 
 the 33,035 votes added to the poll-books? 
 If they are not white they must be col- 
 ored, and this is the fact. Then we have 
 the actual vote of South Carolina, con- 
 firmed by this test, as follows : 
 
55 
 
 Colored 124,033 
 
 White 57.933 
 
 Colored majority 66.100 
 
 Mississippi Republican by 40,000 major- 
 ity, yet "counted in" by "51,500 majori- 
 ty" for Tilden. 
 
 Next take Mississippi. The colored 
 majority in 1870 was 21,157. Alcorn was 
 elected Republican Governor in 1869 by 
 a majority of 38,089. Grant's majority in 
 1872 was 35,119. It is admitted by all 
 conversant with the political affairs of the 
 State that the present colored majority is 
 fully 40,000. Yet Mr. Tilden carried the 
 State, much as a storming party carries 
 intrenchments, by a majority of 61,468. 
 How was this done? Take the five fol- 
 lowing counties to illustrate : 
 
 ^ ?2 
 
 05 S OQ 
 
 S § §3 
 
 LO t- -# 
 
 N -* of 
 
 Here was an actual loss of 15,578 Re- 
 publican votes in four counties, and of 
 6,223 on the aggregate vote of 1872, in 
 counties where the colored vote has been 
 increased by immigration fully 2,500 
 since that year. The returns from other 
 parts of the State are in keeping with 
 these. It. is needless to recount the 
 means that operated to eflfect this change. 
 Suffice to say that a Government which 
 allows its citizens to be outraged in this 
 manner and suffers itself directly from 
 the outrage does not appear to be worth 
 preserving. The State of Mississippi as 
 rightfully belongs to Hayes and the Re- 
 publican cause as Massachusetts or Ver- 
 mont. Yet it was counted for Mr. Til- 
 den by 51,500 majority, without even al- 
 lowing the Republicans of the State the 
 poor privilege of protesting against the 
 fraud. 
 
 Mr. Potter may boast of 800,000, and 
 Mr. Tilden exult over 157,394 majority 
 on the face of the returns, but the facts, 
 as herein shown, establish the utter 
 falsity of the claim. 
 
 PART III. 
 
 Florida— Bloody violence fail- 
 ing, fraud and judicial usur- 
 pation resoried to— A brief 
 history of tlie entire series of 
 fraudulent proceedings by 
 whicb Tilden strove to cap- 
 ture tbat one needed electoral 
 vote— Facts, figures and inci- 
 dents. 
 Following is a summary of the entire 
 
 "Florida case" in brief : 
 
 Bloody violence and ballot-box de- 
 bauchery. 
 
 At the election in Florida of Presi- 
 dential electors, November 7, 1876, every 
 expedient, whether fraudulent or violent, 
 was employed by the Tildenites to secure 
 a majority at the polls — at least to secure 
 a majority on the face of the returns. In 
 the Democratic counties all the election 
 machinery was in the hands of the Til- 
 denites. The "Mississippi shot-gun pol- 
 icy" was their favorite; but when that 
 failed the resort was to debauch the ballot- 
 boxes or manipulate the returns. A denial 
 of bloody violence during the canvass is 
 not seriously pretended] it cannot be suc- 
 cessfully maintained. 
 
 The State at first conceded to Hayes — One 
 vote needed for Tilden— The whole sit- 
 uation thereupon changes— The Attor- 
 ney General denies his Master, the Peo- 
 ple— "And immediately the Cocke crew." 
 
 Early after the day of voting the returns 
 from the Republican counties were re- 
 ceived at Tallahassee — Escambia, Gads- 
 den, Leon, Jefferson, Madison, Alachua, 
 Duval, Nassau, and Marion; and their ag- 
 gate majority, (7,418 for Hayes) was pub- 
 licly known. The returns from Baker and 
 Dade subsequently increased that to 7,463. 
 The State by the Democracy was con- 
 ceded to Hayes by a handsome majority. 
 It was not considered probable that the 
 Republican majority would or could be 
 overcome in the Democratic counties; nor 
 was it pretended as possible until the vote 
 of the State became necessary to Tilden' s 
 election, Instantly, then, the whole situ- 
 ation was changed. The State was claimed 
 by the Democracy. A clamor of fraud 
 was raised by them as a blind to the vil- 
 lainy by which the Tildenites, in the Dem- 
 ocratic counties, remote from the capital 
 
56 
 
 and (liflBcuU of acscesfl, proposed to destroy 
 Hayes' majority; and, as a part of the 
 conspiracy to that end, th« Democratic 
 Attorney General of the State telegraphed 
 North : 
 
 Tallahasskk, Fla., November 14, 1876. 
 The returns from the county managers not 
 yet in. The Board of State Canvassers, of which 
 I, aft Attorney (janeral, am one. does not meet 
 for thirty-five days after the election, but you 
 m»y rest assured that T>lden has carrie<l the 
 State and Drew is elected. I do not think the 
 Radicals can cheat the Democrats out of the 
 State. William Archer Cocke. 
 
 Novr, if the returns were not yet in at 
 the date of tbis dispatch, where did Cocke 
 get his information? How did he know 
 that the State had voted for Tilden? The 
 Republicans, from the returns actually in, 
 from their aggregate majority as compared 
 with the results of previous elections, 
 knew that the State had voted for Hayes 
 by a decisive majority- But how and 
 where did Cocke obtain his information? 
 What special means had he of communi- 
 cating with the Democratic counties, so 
 remote from Tallahassee and so difficult 
 of access? Is not the answer plain ? 
 
 First warning to the Republicans— The 
 Tilden Democrats cnt the wires, wreck 
 trains and bull-doze the Governor's 
 couriers. 
 
 This dispatch of the Democratic Attor- 
 ney General of the State waa a warniigto 
 the Republicans of the fraudulent plots at 
 work. It aroused them to action. But 
 all the efforts of Governor Stearns to se- 
 cure the actual results of the election — to 
 protect the ballot-boxes and returns from 
 mutilation and fraud — were resisted by the 
 most violent agencies. The telegraph wires 
 were cut, a train, in which were some of 
 the Governor's messengers to the western 
 counties, was ku-kluxed and wrecked, 
 and his couriers were intercepted and 
 turned back with the warning threat that 
 if they dared to proceed without a pass 
 from Mr. Pasco, the chairman of the 
 Democratic committee at Tallahassee, 
 they would be assassinated. 
 
 But in spite of all this, and much more, 
 Hayes has a majority on the face of the 
 retui-ns of 43. 
 
 Even under such circumstances, with 
 violence and fraud rampant throughout 
 the Democratic sections of the State, the 
 returns of all the counties, excepting 
 those of Dade, when opened on the 28th 
 of November, showed on their face a ma- 
 jority of 43 for the Hayes electors, to wit: 
 
 HAYES ELECTORS. 
 
 Humphreys 24,328 
 
 Pearce....„ 24,321 
 
 Long .24.323 
 
 Holden .24,328 
 
 TILDEN ELECrORS. 
 
 Yonge 24,284 
 
 Call 54,285 
 
 Hilton 24,283 
 
 Bullock 24,282 
 
 The returns from Dade, which were re- 
 ceived on Monday, December 4, were : 
 For Hayes, 9 ; for Tilden. 4. 
 
 Clauior of "fraud" against the Republi- 
 cans— Bribei*y rampant— Tildeu's "barrel 
 of gold" at work. 
 
 This result, although a serious disap- 
 pointment to the Democracy, yet in- 
 cited and nerved the Tildenites to renewed 
 clamors of fraud against the Republicans, 
 and they now settled down in dead earnest 
 to the desperate work of wresting the State 
 from its Republican majority. False- 
 hoods and false charges of fraud against 
 the Republicans were systematically 
 telegraphed over the country as a means 
 of prejudging the canvass of votes, per- 
 jurers were recruited with bribes to sus- 
 tain these charges, and unscrupulous par- 
 tisan counsel, feed from the notorious 
 "barrel of gold," were imported from the 
 North to superintend and manage the ef- 
 forts to capture the State for Tilden. 
 
 The Board of State canvassers — The law 
 governing their action. 
 
 Under the fourth section of the law of 
 Florida, approved February 27, 1872, the 
 Board of State Canvassers consisted of 
 the Secretary of State, Samuel B. McLin, 
 who was elected its president; Comptroller 
 of Accounts Clayton A. Cowgill, and At- 
 torney General William Archer Cocke. 
 The two former were classed as Republi- 
 cans; the latter is a Democrat, and all 
 three are native sons of the South. Under 
 the same sectioa the canvassing board is 
 required to meet in the office of the Sec- 
 retary of State within thirty-five days 
 after any general or special election, and 
 proceed to canvass the returns and deter- 
 mine and declare who shall have been 
 elected, as shown by such returns. It 
 commands : "If any such returns shall be 
 shown, or shall appear, to be so irregulai'y 
 false or fraudulent, that the board shall 
 be unable to determine the true vote for 
 any such officer or member, they shall so 
 certify, and shall not include such return 
 in their determination and declaration.''^ 
 
 Attorney General Cocke objected to as a 
 member of the Board because of pre- 
 judgment— He goes on Ills knees and is 
 forgiven, 
 
 Hence the canvassing board began its 
 sessions on the 27th of November. At- 
 torney General Cocke's unfitness to serve 
 with the board was urged, on the ground 
 that he had prejudged the case, even 
 before the receipt of the returns, and 
 that consequently he could not render 
 an impartial judgment ; but that gentle- 
 
57 
 
 man, having earnestly pledged himself 
 that he would be goveraed in his action 
 by his oath and the facts, the objection to 
 his acting wj^s withdrawn. 
 
 The Board under Democratic counsel, 
 rule and i>recedent proceed to business 
 and find a majority for Hayes. 
 
 Under the written opinion of this gen- 
 tleman, the Democratic Attorney Oene- 
 ral of the State, and the legal adviser of 
 the board, given in 1874, with the ap- 
 plause of the Democracy, and in accord- 
 ance with the practice adopted under 
 tha.t opinion in the canvass of that year, by 
 which the Democracy so greatly profited, a 
 contest of the county returns, or of the 
 vote of any county or of any precinct of a 
 county, was allowed. The Democratic 
 Attorney General in substanc ^ declared : 
 " It is the duty of the board to seek the 
 true returns." Accordingly the canvass- 
 ing board proceeded to find the true vote 
 of • he State. The returns of all the coun- 
 ties were opened, and upon their face, as 
 stated above, showed a majority of 43 for 
 Hayes. The subsequent return from Dade 
 increased tJiat majority to 48. 
 
 The Democracy at once cry "fraud"— Tlie 
 Republicans tax Democratic counties 
 with "shenanogan." 
 
 The Democracy immediately assailed 
 the returns from Baker and other coun- 
 ties, and the Republicans fikd objections 
 to the returns from a number of Demo- 
 cratic counties and precincts. All these, 
 under the express commands of the laws 
 of the Slate, the written advice of the 
 Democratic Attorney General, and the 
 previous practice of the board under both, 
 the board determined to inquire into. 
 But the twenty-four uncontested counties 
 — to wit, Brevard, Bradford, Calhoun, 
 Dade, Escambia, Franklin, Gadsden, 
 Hillsborough, Holmes, Lafayette, Lib- 
 erty,' Madison, Marion, Putnam, Polk, 
 Santa Rosa, Sumter, St. John's, Suwa- 
 nee, Taylor, Volusia, Wakulla, Walton, 
 and Washington — were first taken up and 
 canvassed according to the face of the re- 
 turns. 
 
 The Board investigates for the "true" re- 
 turns — Much unaniimty in its findings — 
 The counties of Baker, Clay, Hernando, 
 Nassau. Levy, Orange, Leon, Hamilton, 
 Muni'oe, Jefferson and Manatee. 
 
 The board then entered into an investi- 
 gation for the true returns in the contested 
 counties. The investigation was public. 
 In all its proceedings, in all its findings, or 
 means of ascertaining the true return, it. 
 acted upon the opinions and advice of its 
 
 legal adviser, the Democratic Attorney 
 General of the State. It of course con- 
 sulted other counsel. But those, in their 
 opinions, only confirmed the general prin- 
 ciples laid down for their rule of action by 
 the Attorney General. Indeed, there was 
 little actual discord or difference among 
 its miembers. Thus, in the counties of 
 Baker, Clay, Hernando, Nassau, Levy 
 Orange, Leon, Htimiiton, and Monroe the 
 true return was found, as nearly as was 
 possible, by the unanimous vote of the 
 board, Attorney General Cocke voting with 
 his Republican associates in the findings 
 and count. In Jefferson county sixty votes 
 were unanimously deducted from the Re- 
 publican count; the remainder of the county 
 was counted. The vote of Manatee county 
 was rejected because of the entire absence 
 of all legal preparation for holding the 
 election. No election, in fact, was held. 
 
 Alachua County— Democratic ballot-box 
 staffing — Bold perjuries and confessed 
 bribes. 
 
 In Alachua county a determined effort 
 was made by the Democracy to destroy 
 the count of Archer precinct No. 2. It 
 was largely Republican. All election day 
 it was made the rendezvous of leading 
 Democrats. All day they plotted to de- 
 stroy the vote of the precinct. But how? 
 At night, after the close of the polls, the 
 vote was canvassed, counted, and com- 
 pared with the poll-lists, duly certified and 
 signed by all the election officers — two 
 Democrats and two Republicans — and, 
 after the sealing of the ballot-boxes, the 
 vote and majority was announced — about 
 the usual and previously uaquestioaed 
 majority. The ballot-boxes were then 
 placed in the court-house, an insecnre 
 building, with loose shutters, and yield- 
 ing fastenings. This the Democrats 
 guarded at night on the pretence of pro- 
 tecting the ballot-boxes ; but so negli- 
 gentlj that some one entered, opened the 
 boxes, extracted some of the ballots, and 
 substituted others. But who? The Re- 
 publicans had no motive for the act. The 
 safety of those ballots was the guarantee 
 of their returns. Their manipulation 
 so as to change the announced and re- 
 turned result was their loss, but was an 
 immense gain for the Democracy. There 
 was no doubt in the matter. Even the 
 bold perjuries and confessed bribes of the 
 Democratic witnesses, Green R. Moores 
 and Floyd Dukes, demonstrate who were 
 the guilty parties and what the manifest 
 object of the crime. That no doubt 
 should be had about the accuracy of the 
 canvass, the R*^publicans verified their 
 votes by the affidavits of the persons vot- 
 
68 
 
 log ; bat the Democrats utterly failed in 
 their attempt at a verification of their pre- 
 tended vote. Hence the canvassing board 
 accepted and counted the returns thus 
 verified. 
 
 Baker and Duvall counties— The Demo- 
 cratic deviltries in Jackson county— 
 Ttie canvass completed. 
 
 In canvassing Baker county, a Demo- 
 cratic county, the Republican members of 
 the board voted whh Cocke; and in Du- 
 vall County the board, after verifying the 
 county returns by a comparison with the 
 precinct returns, determined to count the 
 vote. 
 
 In Jackson county, Campbelton and 
 Friendship Church precincts were thrown 
 out because the election and returns were 
 frauds upon the election laws. At the 
 Campbelton precinct the ballot-box at the 
 adjournment for dinner was taken from 
 the polling-booth, placed in an adjoining 
 store unsealed, and concealed from the 
 public. At the close of the poll the bal- 
 lots were not counted nor compared with 
 the number of names on the poll list, and 
 only 76 Republican votes were returned 
 where 133 swore that they had voted. At 
 Friendship Church precinct the ballot-box 
 was hidden from the view of the public 
 and of the voters, even when voting ; a 
 supervisor — not an inspector — received 
 the ballots at a window above the heads 
 of the voters, below the sill of which, out 
 of sight, was placed the ballot-box. In- 
 stead of making and completing the can- 
 vass at the polling-booth, without adjourn- 
 ment and in view of the public, the boxes 
 were removed two miles away to a bed- 
 room, where the returns were made up 
 without counting the ballots or comparing 
 them with the poll-lists. The county, 
 with these deductions, was canvassed. 
 That completed the canvass. 
 
 An "Empliatic" Weather-Cocke's admis- 
 sions — Manton Marble and the other 
 Tilden agents "see" the Attorney Gen- 
 eral. 
 
 And in all its decisions the canvassing 
 board was governed by the advice of the 
 Democratic Attorney General. In the re- 
 jection of Hamilton county, Cocke was 
 emphatic in his declaration that it should 
 be rejected. He was equally decided in 
 the rejection of Monroe. When appealed 
 to for his legal opinion, he said : "ii^ must 
 be thrown out.'''' But when the extent and 
 reckless character of the Democratic 
 frauds began to dawn upon him, he got 
 frightentd and nervous at the results of 
 his advice. When compelled to reject 
 
 Hamilton county, he said: " This elects 
 Hayes. y When Jackson, with its eighty 
 unpunished murders was passed in review 
 and rejected, he said : \This elects 
 Steartts.^^ And he only proposed to re- 
 cede from his action after an interview 
 with Manton Marble & Co. But there 
 was no retreat. The board could only act 
 UDon the facts under the law in the light 
 of its duty impartially performed. It could 
 not exclude or count votes for the single 
 purpose of electing Tilden and Drew ; it 
 must reject all returns vitiated by proved 
 fraud. That it did, and that only. 
 
 The final result of the count— Hayes' ma- 
 jority 933— What it "might have been." 
 
 The result, as found by the board, was 
 as follows : 
 
 FOR HAYES ELECTORS. 
 
 Humphreys 23,849 
 
 Pearce 23.844 
 
 Holden 23,848 
 
 Long 23.843 
 
 FOR TILDEN ELECTORS. 
 
 yonge 22,923 
 
 Call 22,919 
 
 Hilton... 22.921 
 
 Bullock 22.919 
 
 Majority for Hayes 923 ; and the evi- 
 dence of their own witnesses before the 
 Congressional investigating committee of 
 1876 demonstrates that if there had been 
 a fair election, even an honest return of 
 the election actually held, Hayes' major- 
 ity, instead of being only 923, would have 
 ranged between 2,000 and 3,000 votes. 
 
 The baffled Tildenites self-stultification— 
 They fly to the Democratic courts to 
 force the defunct State Canvassing 
 Board to come to life and action. 
 
 Yet the Democracy were not happy. 
 Their situation was as deplorable as it was 
 desperate. They had been baffled at 
 every turn. Violence, fraud, bribery,, 
 and perjury had all failed them, and yet 
 the State must be captured for Tilden. All 
 will remember the situation. South Caro- 
 lina had been surrendered. In Louisiana 
 they had no hope. Hence Florida must 
 be wrested from Hayes. But how to do 
 it? How to assail the finding of the can- 
 vassing board? It had acted under the 
 law — under the Democratic theory of its 
 meaning, and under the opinion and ad- 
 vice of the Democratic Attorney General, 
 the highest law officer of the Govern- 
 ment of Florida. Stultification was their 
 only recourse. They must assail the 
 powers of the board. They bad con-tended 
 that it was clothed with judicial powers ; 
 that its duty was to go behind the returns 
 and find the true vote. They now assailed 
 that position. They appealed to the State 
 Court to compel the canvassing board, a 
 political body, and that hody functus offi- 
 
59 
 
 cio under the law creating it — it having 
 performed the functions imposed upon it 
 by law and adjourned sine die. They 
 appealed to the judiciary to force the 
 board to revive, to review its canvass of 
 the votes of the State, and to count in 
 Tilden and Drew ; to the court to perform 
 a political and partisan act for the main- 
 tenance of crimes, of which murder, bal- 
 lot box stufiSng, forgery of returns, brib- 
 ery, and perjury were the demonstrated 
 elements. 
 
 The Democratic court complies — An 
 usurpation — Yet still Hayes had a ma- 
 jority. 
 
 The Democratic court readily complied. 
 Its mandamus to the canvassing board 
 was an usurpation as violent as it was 
 novel. It was a process unknown to the 
 law. It violated the laws of Florida. It 
 changed the court from a judicial to a 
 political and partisan body — into a can- 
 vassing board — and transferred the powers 
 and duties of the board, a body constituted 
 of three members under the laws of 
 Florida, to the court in the person of a 
 single judge. Now, a mandamus may 
 issue compelling an officer to act, to per- 
 form the functions of his office, but a 
 mandamus instructing a political body in 
 the manner of performing its duties, dic- 
 tating to a canvassing board what it shall 
 count in determining the result of a po- 
 litical election, was an usurpation without 
 a precedent. Even under the recanvass 
 thus forced through the judiciary in viola- 
 tion of law the Hayes electors had still a 
 majority by the very vote which elected 
 Drew. 
 
 Further usurpations by the Democratic 
 Judiciary and Democratic State Liegis- 
 lature— All lar's of the Tilden plot. 
 
 Like its mandamus to the canvassing 
 board, the quo warranto proceedings of 
 this debauched court against the electoral 
 college of the State — an inquiry to a body 
 functus officio, dead in law, by what right 
 it performed certain functions before it 
 expired — was an "absolute novelty" in 
 law ; an usurpation as violent as its pur- 
 poses were fraudulent. The acts of the 
 Democratic Legislature of Florida were 
 of a like character — simply usurpation 
 without a precedent, retroactive acts to 
 reverse proceedings complete, legal, and 
 final under the laws of the United States 
 and the laws of Florida at the date of their 
 performance — all acts, indeed, in pursu- 
 ance of a conspiracy for the triumph of 
 fraud and crimes without a parallel in the 
 history of the Republic. 
 
 PART lY. 
 
 liOuiisiana— Ifs population and 
 votes— The Ku-Klnx crimes of 
 1868— The Tilden Rifle Clubs 
 of 1876— Terrible outrages and 
 murders in the seventeen Par- 
 ishes—The State Returning 
 Roard— Its Duties— How and 
 why it acted— Infamy of Til- 
 den and the Democracy. 
 
 The following facts and figures prove the 
 Republicanism of Louisiana and the crimes 
 of the Tilden Democratic conspiracy 
 against it : 
 
 Population and voters — Republican ma- 
 jority of 30,000 at least. 
 
 In 1875 the male population of Louisi- 
 ana, according to the State census, was: 
 Whites^ 404,916; colored, 450,611. Of 
 the white males thousands were aliens and 
 non-voters, merely residents of the State, 
 engaged in commercial pursuits under the 
 treaties with France ceding Louisiana to 
 the United States. In November, 1876, 
 on the day of the Presidential election, the 
 registration in the State stood : Whites, 
 92,996; colored, 115,310, showing a Repub- 
 lican majority on the face of the register, 
 upon the color line alone, of 22,314. It is 
 estimated that in the State there were not 
 less than 10,000 white Republicans, while 
 not half that number of colored men voted 
 the Democratic ticket. It is therefore a 
 moderate estimate, justified by an over- 
 whelming array of facts, developed during 
 the campaign, that on election day, with 
 a legal and quiet poll of the entire vote of 
 the respective parties, the Republican ma- 
 jority in the State, at the smallest figure, 
 was 20,000 votes. 
 
 The Democratic plot — The Tilden con- 
 spirators secret circular. 
 
 The Tilden Democratic conspirators, 
 backed by no end of Tilden "barrels of 
 gold," and their minds inflamed by the 
 lust of untold millions in fraudulent rebel 
 claims, decided to overcome this large Re- 
 publican majority by a deep and devlish 
 plot. 
 
 In a ' 'confidential' ' circular of the Dem- 
 ocratic Conservative State Central Com- 
 mittee, at New Orleans, signed by J. W. 
 Patton, president, and P.J. Sullivan, sec- 
 retary, the organization of clubs was 
 directed in the different parishes. The 
 circular urged that in conversation no 
 gloomy forebodings should be indulged in, 
 and that the result of the election should 
 be spoken of as a foregone conclusion, 
 "as we have the means of carrying the 
 
60 
 
 election, and intend to do so. But be 
 careful to say and do nothing that can be 
 construed into a threat or intimidation of 
 any character." Frequent meetings of 
 all these clubs were enjoined. iTieir 
 members were instructed to occasionally 
 aBBemble at their several places of meet- 
 ing, and to proceed thence on horseback 
 to the central rendezvous. ''Proceediogs 
 of that character would impress the ne- 
 groes with a sense of the united strength" 
 of the Democracy. And it directed that 
 on election day, at each polling place, affi- 
 davits should be prepared, affirming "that 
 there has been no intimidation and no dis- 
 turbance on account of any efiPorts by the 
 Democratic Conservative party to prevent 
 any one from voting on account of race, 
 color, or previous condition of servitude." 
 
 HoTv these secret instructions were car- 
 ried out— Rifle Clubs and "Kniglits of 
 tlie Wliite Camilia" dragoonine tlie 
 Farislies — Mutilation, maiming, wliip- 
 ping, murdering and general terror! 
 
 It was a villainous conspiracy and lit- 
 erally pursued to its devilish consequences. 
 Clubs were formed in the parishes. The 
 old murderous White-Leaguers reorgan- 
 ized as rifle-clubs, as " Knights of the 
 White Caraelia." These, mounted, mask- 
 ed, and armed, dragooned the parishes 
 night and day, and ruled in terror and 
 blood, amid assassination and outrages 
 and violence of every degree and kind — 
 mutilation, maiming, and whippings. No 
 age or sex was respected — none was 
 spared. The evidence, multiplied in a 
 hundred shapes, is overwhelming, and is 
 as revolting in its terrible details as it is 
 conclusive in its proofs. The historical 
 sanguinary violence of the " Franco- 
 Spanish blood" — the sources of Louisi- 
 ana's white population — was indulged 
 without restraint. The old hellish ter- 
 rorism of Murat, Couthon and St. Just, 
 those cruel demons of the French revolu- 
 tion of 1798, were revived in Louisiana 
 in all its frightful horrors. Indeed, 
 throughout the canvass prior to election 
 day murder was king — intimidation rioted 
 as absolute tyrant. 
 
 The election held— How the true result 
 was to be determined— The State Re- 
 turning Board— Its duties under the liaw. 
 
 The election was held. To determine 
 the true result was the duty, under the 
 laws of Louisiana, of the State canvass- 
 ing board. "The statute organizing that 
 board declares in substance," as stated by 
 Senator Sherman, "that whenever from 
 any poll or voting-place there shall be re- 
 ceived by the board the statement of any 
 
 supervisor of registration or comraissione" 
 of election, confirmed by the affidavits of 
 three or more citizens, of any riot, tumult, 
 acts of violence, intimidation, armed dis- 
 turbance, bribery, or corrupt influences, 
 which prevent or tend to prevent, a fair, 
 free and peaceable vote of all qualified 
 electors entitled to vote at such polls, the 
 board shall proceed to investigate the 
 facts, and if from such statement and 
 affidavits they shall be convinced that such 
 causes did not materially interfere with 
 the purity and freedom of such election, 
 or prevent a sufficient number of qualified 
 voters from voting to materially change 
 the result of the election, then such votes 
 shall be canvassed and compiled ; but if 
 they are not thus fully convinced, it shall 
 be their duty to examine further testi- 
 mony in regard thereto, and to that end 
 shall have power to send for persons and 
 papers ; and if, after examination, the 
 board shall be convinced that such acts of 
 violence, intimidation, «&c., did materially 
 interfere with the purity and freedom of 
 the election at such poll, or did prevent a 
 sufficient number of qualified voters from 
 registering or voting to materially change 
 the result of the election, then the board 
 shall not canvass or compile the vote of 
 such poll, but shall exclude it from their 
 returns." 
 
 Why the State Returning Board waa 
 created— Terrible Ku-Klux doings of 1868 
 —Democratic intimidations and murders 
 —The Parishes of Orleans, Caddo and 
 Saint liandryand others. 
 
 What compelled the State to create this 
 Canvassing Board? It was to protect the 
 State against the " Ku-Klux Klan," which 
 by a series of sanguinary atrocities in 1868 
 had endeavored to intimidate the colored 
 vote, uproot in the State all the guaran- 
 tees by which freedom and the suffrage is 
 protected, to purge the State of the " stig- 
 ma of negro equality," and to seize the 
 State government. Thus one-half of the 
 State — those counties in which colored 
 majorities prevailed — was, just preceding 
 the Presidential campaign of 1868, "over- 
 run by violence, midnight raids, secret 
 murders, and open riots. Ku-Klux no- 
 tices were scattered everywhere warning 
 the colored men not to vote." 
 
 In the documents accompanying Presi- 
 dent Grant's special message to the Sen- 
 ate, January 13, 1875, communicating 
 the proofs of numberless atrocities at Col- 
 fax and elsewhere in Louisiana, is a com- 
 munication from Lieutenant General P. 
 H. Sheridan, dated New Orleans, Janu- 
 ary 10, 1875, to the Secretary of War, in 
 which he says: 
 
61 
 
 Since the year 1866 nearly 3,500 persons, a 
 great majority of whom were colored men. have 
 been killed and wounded in this State. In 1868 
 the ofiBcial record shows that 1,884 were killed 
 and wounded. From 1868 to the present time 
 no official investigation has been made, and 
 the civil authorities, in all but a few cases, 
 have been unable to arrest, convict and punish 
 perpetrators. Consequently there are no cor- 
 rect records to bo consulted for information. 
 There is am*ple evidence, however, to show that 
 more than 1,200 persons have been killed and 
 wounded during this time on account of their 
 political sen timents. Frightful massacres have 
 occurred in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo. 
 Catahoula, Saint Bernard. Saint Landry, 
 Grant, and Orleans. The general character 
 of the massacres in the above-named par- 
 ishes is so well known that it is unnecessary to 
 describe them. * * * 
 
 The "glorious Democratic victory" 
 wliich ensued in 1868 was preceded by one 
 of the most terrible massacres on record. 
 The Republicans, colored and white, for 
 days were hunted through swamps and 
 fields, and over two hundred were killed 
 and wounded. Thirteen helpless captives 
 were taken from the jail and shot, and a 
 pile of twenty- five dead bodies was found in 
 the woods buried. Having thus conquered 
 the Republicans, having thus murdered or 
 expelled their white leaders, the masses 
 were captured by the Ku-Klux, marked 
 with badges of red flannel, enrolled in 
 clubs, led to the polls, and compelled to 
 vote the Democratic ticket. They were 
 then given certificates of the fact. 
 
 The effect of this devilish system of ter- 
 rorism is shown by selecting a few illus- 
 trations out of the frightful mass, as de- 
 veloped by Congressional investigation : 
 
 In the parish of Orleans, of its 29,910 
 voters 15,020 were colored, and in the 
 spring of 1868 the parish had polled 13,973 
 Republican votes, but in the fall, for Gen- 
 eral Grant, only 1,178 were polled, a fall- 
 ing off of 12,795 votes. 
 
 In the parish of Caddo there were 2,987 
 Republicans. In the spring of 1868 the 
 Republicans carried the parish; in the 
 fall it gave General Grant one vote. 
 
 In the parish of St. Landry, in 1868, the 
 Republicans had a registered majority of 
 1,071 votes. In the spring the Republi- 
 cans in the parish had polled a majority 
 of 678 voles ; in the fall not a vote was 
 cast for General Grant. Seymour and 
 Blair polled the full vote of the parish — 
 4,787 votes. 
 
 It was this systematic, organized devil- 
 try which compelled the State to create 
 the Slate Canvassing Board with extraor- 
 dinary powers to sit in judgment upon the 
 violent conspiracy of the White League 
 Democracy to wrest the local government 
 from the control of its lawful majority. 
 Its duties- were not merely to receive and 
 count any and all returns which might be 
 forwarded to it. Its grand duty was to 
 
 sit in judgment upon all such returns, to 
 sift and purge them of all fraud, and par- 
 ticularly of fraud perpetrated through or- 
 ganized violence. Its legality was affirmed 
 by the Electoral Commission. 
 
 "What the Ketui-ning Board did in ISTiG, 
 
 How, then, in November, 1876, at its 
 canvass of the vote of Louisiana for the 
 appointment of Presidential electors, did 
 this board execute its responsible and 
 perilous duties? Wisely, justly, equitably, 
 or the contrary? What are the facts? 
 
 Under the laws of Louisiana, under the 
 express commands of those laws, requir* 
 ing them to reject the votes of all parishes 
 in which intimidation and violence had 
 defeated a free election, the board re- 
 jected the votes of seventeen parishes — 
 all of them Republican parishes by large 
 majorities, but in which the Democracy 
 claimed 10.000 majority. Why did they 
 reject them ? 
 
 Why they did it— Another Democratic se- 
 cret circular — The dreadful work in 
 seventeen rejected Parishes. 
 
 In obedience to the "confidential" cir- 
 cular of the Democratic Central Commit- 
 tee of the State, organized clubs of masked 
 men, mounted and armed, for months 
 prior to the Presidential election, dra- 
 gooned the parishes night and day, "mark- 
 ing their course by the whipping, shoot- 
 ing, wounding, maiming, mutilation and 
 murder of women, children and defenceless 
 men, whose homes were forcibly entered 
 while they slept, and, as their inmates fled 
 through fear, the pistol, the rifle, the 
 knife, and the rope were employed to do 
 their horrid work." For this "horrid 
 work," through systematic intimidation, 
 through organized murder and outrage, 
 heavy Republican parishes were selected, 
 like East and West Feliciana, East Batoa 
 Rouge, Morehouse, Ouachita, &c., all of 
 which in every previous election had voted 
 heavily Republican^ and were manifestly 
 selected because of their contiguity to 
 Mississippi and Arkansas, to whose "bor- 
 der ruffians the appalling villainy of the 
 clubs might be charged." In these seven- 
 teen parishes on election day there was a 
 registered Republican majority of nearly 
 7,000 votes; but the returns from those 
 parishes to the returning board were-: For 
 Tilden, 21,123; for Hayes, 10,970— mak- 
 ing a Democratic majority of 10,153. The 
 Democracy demanded that such returns, 
 with fraud stamped upon their face, with 
 the horrible agencies by which that fraud 
 had been perpetrated notorious, should 
 be counted for Tilden. Of course, with 
 the certified proofs before it, the board 
 
62 
 
 demurred. Under the command of the 
 law it was their duty to investigate. It 
 did investigate, and the facts developed 
 were revolting. 
 
 The Parish of Ouachita as an example — 
 The Dinksrave Murder— The Pinkston 
 Tragedy. 
 
 Take any one of those parishes ; take 
 Ouachita, for example. In 1868 it gave 
 a Republican majority of 1,071 ; in 1870 
 it gave a Republican majority of 798; in 
 1872 a Republican majority of 798; in 
 1874 a Republican majority of 927. At 
 the Presidential election in 1876, with a 
 registered Republican majority of 1,040, 
 a Democratic majority ot 1,072 was re- 
 turned. Early in August the Vienna 
 Sentinel, a leading Democratic organ of 
 the parish, boasted that in Ouachita the 
 canvass had been reduced to a single 
 ticket, the Democratic nominees. It 
 boasted that the Republicans were waver- 
 ing, disheartened, scared. A few Repub- 
 licans still dared to keep the field, but it 
 warned them that they were well-known 
 and watched, "and that the halter for 
 their necks is alr2a:'y greased." Bernard 
 H. Dinkgrave, one of those resolute few, 
 a "white man, a cuUivate^i man, and a 
 native of Louisiana,'" and "a-zairst whose 
 character no one has breathed a word," 
 except that he was a Republican, was 
 subsequently brutally assassinated. The 
 details of the murder of Henry Pinksion, 
 the murder of his babe in the arms of his 
 wife, and the revolting outrage and muti- 
 lation of the person of his wife by a band 
 of masked men, shocked even the human- 
 ity of the Democratic visitors at New Or- 
 leans. These are but instances, illustra- 
 tions, of a multitude of like cases attested 
 by a " cloud of witnesses. ' ' Was it singu- 
 lar, therefore, that in these parishes the 
 spirit of the colored man should be bro- 
 ken ; that he was "impressed" with the 
 " strength " of the Democracy ; that hun- 
 dreds in their terror fled from the polls, 
 as they had from their homes, into the 
 swamps and fields. 
 
 A comparison of results in the "bull- 
 dozed" Parishes with the Parishes uofc 
 "bull-dozed"— The Returning Board 
 could not act otherwise than they did— 
 Infamy of Tilden and his Democracy. 
 
 Thus throughout these seventeen par- 
 ishes these were the agencies, thisihe dia- 
 bolical system of terrorism through organ- 
 ized murder and outrage employed by the 
 chivalrous "Knights of the White Came- 
 lia," in " bull-dozing" a Democratic ma- 
 jority of 10,000 out of parishes entitled to 
 a Republican majority of 7,000 ! In the 
 
 other forty jsarishes of the State, where in- 
 timidation tailed, a registered Republican 
 majority of 15,000 yielded an actual Re- 
 publican majority of 6,000. Under a fair 
 or free election in the unfortunate " bull- 
 dozed " parishes, the majority in Louisi- 
 ana for Hayes and Wheeler wquld have 
 been greatly increased. Under the laws 
 of the State the returning board could not 
 restore the Republican majority. Al- 
 though the proofs that thousands of Re- 
 publican voters were disfranchished 
 through intimidation were as overwhelm- 
 ing as their details were shocking and dis- 
 graceful to the State and nation, although 
 simple justice demanded the restoration 
 of the Republican vote, yet the board was 
 powerless to remedy the great wrong in 
 that way. It could only reject the " bull- 
 dozed " returns. Could it have rendered 
 real justice by the restoration of the legal 
 vote which would have been polled in 
 these parishes in the absence of intimida- 
 tion, Hayes and Wheeler's majority in the 
 State would have been between 10,000 
 and 15,000 votes. No legal poll, such as 
 is contemplated by the Constitution and 
 the laws, would have depressed that ma- 
 jority. 
 
 What, then in the light of the facts, is 
 the attitude of Tilden and the Democracy 
 in demanding the Presidency upon the 
 votes of Louisiana? Is it not simply in- 
 famous ? 
 
 PART V. 
 
 The Hale aineudment to the 
 one'isiclecl Potter resolution— 
 The Florida frauds— The Ore- 
 gon corruption and toribery— 
 The liOuisiana bull-dozing 
 and frauds— The South Caro- 
 lina bribery and corruption— 
 The ' ^Tlississippi shot-gun 
 frauds. 
 
 The following is the amendment in- 
 tended to be proposed by Mr. Hale to the 
 Potter resolution appointing an investi- 
 gating committee: 
 
 Th3 Florida Frauds. 
 
 Resolved, That the select committee to whom 
 this House has committed the investigation of 
 certain matters aflfectiog, as is alleged, the legal 
 title of the President of the United States to 
 the high office which ho, now holds, be, and is 
 hereby, instructed, in the course of its investi- 
 gations, to fully inquire into all the facts con- 
 nected with the election in the State of Florida 
 in November, 1876, and especially into the cir- 
 cumstances attending the transmission and re- 
 ceiving of certain telegraphic dispatches sent 
 in said year between Tallahassee, in said State, 
 and New York city, viz: 
 
63 
 
 "Tallahassee, November 9, 1873. 
 "A. S. Hewitt, New York: 
 
 "Comply if possible with my telegram. 
 
 "Geo. p. Raery." 
 
 Also the following: 
 
 "Tallahassee. December 1, 1876. 
 "W. T, Pelton, New York: 
 
 "Answer Mac's dispatch immediately, or we 
 will be embarrassed at a critical time. 
 
 "Wilkinson Call." 
 
 Also the following: 
 
 "Tallahassee, December 4, 1876. 
 "W. T. Pelton: . „ , 
 
 "Things culminating here. Answer Mac's 
 dispatch to-day. W. Call." 
 
 And aJso the facts connected with all tele- 
 graphic dispatches between one John F. Coyle 
 and said Pelton, under the latter's real or ficti- 
 tious name, and with any and all demands for 
 money on or about Decembar 1, 1876, from said 
 Tallahassee, on said Pelton, or said Hewitt, or 
 with any attempt to corrupt or bribe any official 
 of the State of Florida by any person acting for 
 said Pelton, or in the interest of Samuel J. Til- 
 den as a presidential candidate. 
 
 Also to investigate the charges of intimida- 
 tion at Lake City, in Columbia county, where 
 Joel Niblack and other white men, put 
 ropes around the necks of colored men, and pro- 
 posed to hang them, but released them on their 
 promise to join a Democratic club and vote for 
 Samuel J. Tilden. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Jackson 
 county, where the ballot-boxes were kept out 
 the sight of voters, who voted through open- 
 ings or holes six feet above the ground, and 
 where many more Republican votes were thus 
 given into the hands of the Democratic in- 
 spectors than were counted or returned by 
 them. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Waldo pre- 
 cinct, in Alachua county, where the passen- 
 gers on an emigrant train, passing through on 
 the day of election, were allowed to vote. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Manatee 
 county, returning 235 majority for the Tilden 
 electors, where there were no county officers, 
 no registration, no notice of the election, and 
 where the Republican party, therefore, did not 
 vote. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in the third pre- 
 cinct of Key West, giving 342 Democratic ma- 
 jority, where the Democratic inspector carried 
 the ballot-box home, and pretended to count 
 the ballots on the next day, outside of the pre- 
 cinct and contrary to law. 
 
 Also the facts of the election in Hamilton, 
 where the election officers exercised no control 
 over the ballot-box. but left it in unauthorized 
 hands that it might be tampered with. 
 
 Also the reasons why the Attorney General of 
 the State, William Archer Cocke, as a member 
 of the Canvassing Board, officially advised the 
 board, and himself voted, to exclude the Ham- 
 ilton county and Key West precinct returns, 
 thereby giving, in any event, over 500 majority 
 to the Republican electoral ticket, and after- 
 wards protested against the result which he had 
 voted for, and whether or not said Cocke was 
 
 afterward rewarded for such protest by being 
 
 made a State judge. 
 
 The Oregon Bribery and Corruption. 
 
 And that said committee is further instructed 
 and directed to investigate into all the facts 
 connected with an alleged attempt to secure one 
 electoral vote in the State of Oregon for Samuel 
 J. Tilden for President of the United States, and 
 Thomas A. Hendricks for Vice President, by 
 unlawfully setting up the election of E. A. Cro- 
 nin as one of sueh presidential electors elected 
 from the State of Oregon on the 7th of Novem- 
 ber, the candidates for the presidential electors 
 on the two tickets being as follows : 
 
 On the Republican ticket: W. C. Odell, J. C. 
 Cartwright, and John W. Watts. 
 
 On the Democratic ticket: E. A. Cronin, W. 
 A. Laswell, and Henry Klippel. 
 
 The votes received by each candidate as shown 
 by the official vote as canvassed, declared, and 
 certified to by the Secretary of State under the 
 seal of the State— the Secretary being, under the 
 laws of Oregon, sole canvassing officer, as will 
 be shown hereafter— being as follows : 
 
 W. K. Odell received '. 15,206 votes. 
 
 John C. Cartwright received 15,214 '* 
 
 John W. Watts received 15,206 " 
 
 E. A. Cronin received 14,157 " 
 
 W. B. Laswell received 14,149 " 
 
 Henry Klippel received , 14,136 " 
 
 And by the unlawful attempt to bribe one of 
 said legally elected electors to recognize said 
 Cronin as an elector for President and Vice- 
 President, in order that one of the electoral 
 votes of said State might be cast for said Sam- 
 uel J. Tilden as President and for Thomas A. 
 Hendricks as Vice President; and especially 
 to examine and inquire into all the facts re- 
 lating to the sending of money from New York 
 to some place in said Oregon for the purposes 
 of sueh bribery, the parties sending and receiv- 
 ing the same, and their relations to and agency 
 for said Tilden, and more particularly to inves- 
 tigate into all the circumstances attending the 
 transmission of the followingtelegraphic dis- 
 patches : 
 
 " Portland, Oregon, November 14, 1876. 
 " Gov. L. F. Grover : 
 " Come down to-morrow if possible. 
 
 " W. H. Effingbk, 
 " A. Noltner, 
 " C. P. Bellinger." 
 " Portland, November 16, 1876. 
 " To Gov. Grover, Salem : 
 
 " We want to see you particularly on account 
 of dispatches from the East. 
 
 " William Strong, 
 " C. P. Bellinger, 
 " S. H. Reed, 
 " W. W. Thayer, 
 " C. E. Bronaugh." 
 Also the following cypher dispatch sent from 
 Portland, Oregon, on the 28th day of Novem- 
 ber, 1876, to New York city : 
 
 Portland, November 28, 1876. 
 " To W. T. Pelton. No. 15 Gramercy Park, New 
 York: 
 
 "By vizier association innocuous to negli- 
 gence cunning minutely previously readmit dol- 
 tish to purchase afar act with cunning afar 
 sacristy unweighed afar pointer tigress cattle 
 superannuated syllabus dilatoriness misappre- 
 hension contraband Kountz bisulcuous top 
 usher spiniferous answer. 
 
 J. H. N. Patrick. 
 " I fully endorse this. 
 
 "James K. Kelly." 
 Of which, when the key was discovered, the 
 following was found to be the true intent and 
 meaning : 
 
 " Portland. November 28, 1876. 
 " To W. T. Pelton, No. 15 Gramercy Park, New 
 York: 
 
 "Certificate will be issued to one Democrat. 
 Must purchase a Republican elector to recog- 
 nize and act with Democrats and secure the 
 vote and prevent trouble. Deposit $10,000 to 
 my credit with Kountz Brothers, Wall street. 
 Answer. J. H. N. Patrick. 
 
 " I fully endorse this. 
 
 "James K. Kelly." 
 Also the following : 
 
 " New York, November 25, 1876. 
 " A. Bush, Salem: 
 " Use all means to prevent certificate. Very 
 1 important. " C. E. Tilton." 
 
64 
 
 Abo the following: ,, ^ , ^ ,^^^ 
 " D«o«mbar 1. 1876. 
 " To Hon. Sam. J. Tilden. No. 15 Gramercf 
 
 Park. New York. 
 
 "I Bliall decide every poitit in the cafie of 
 po8*-oflBoo elector in Ikvor of the highest Dem- 
 oeratio ©lector, and rrant certifioate accord - 
 iugly on niomins of 6th instant. CunMential. 
 
 "GOVEHNOR." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 *' San Francibco. December 5. 
 ' Ladd & Bush, Salem : 
 *• Funde from New York will be deposited to 
 
 four credit here to-morrow when bank opens, 
 know it. Act accordingly. Answe-. 
 
 "W. C. QinswoLD." 
 
 Also the following, six days before the fore- 
 going : 
 
 •' New York. November 29, 1876. 
 " To J. H. N. Patriok. Portland, Oreoron : 
 
 " Mora.! hasty sideral vizier gabble cramp by 
 hemistic wclcomo licentiate mu«koete compas- 
 sion neglootful recoverable hathouse live inno- 
 vator brackish association dime afar idolaior 
 aeasion hemiptic mitre." 
 
 [No signatoie.] 
 
 Of which the interpretation is as follows : 
 
 " Nkw York. November 29, 1876. 
 *'To J. H. N. Patrick, Portland, Oregon : 
 
 "No. IIow soon will Governor decide eer- 
 tifioate? If you mtike obligatioQ oo^itingent 
 on the result in March, it can be done, and 
 slightly if necessary." 
 
 [No Sigaature.] 
 
 Also the foUowing, one day la'.er : 
 
 "Portland, November 30, 1876. 
 " To W. T. Pelton, No. loGramercy Park, New 
 
 York: 
 
 "Governor all right without reward. Will 
 issue certificate Tuesday. This is a secret. 
 Republicans threaten if certificate issued to ig- 
 nore Democratic claims and fill vacancy, and 
 thus defeat action of Governor. Oae elector 
 must be paid to recognize Democrat to secure 
 majority. Have employed three lawyers. Ed- 
 itor of only Republican paper as one lawyer, 
 fee S3.000. Will take S5.000 for Republican 
 elector ; must raise money : can't make fee con- 
 tingent. Sail Saturday. Kelly and Bellinger 
 will act, Commttnicate with them. Must act 
 promptly." 
 
 [No Signature.] 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 "Sax Francisco, December 5, 1876. 
 *'To Kountse Bros., No. 12 Wall street. New 
 
 York: 
 
 "Has my account credit by any funds lately? 
 How much? 
 
 "J. H. N. Patrick." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 "New York, December 6. 
 ** J, N. H. Patrick, San Francisco : 
 
 "Davis deposited eight thousand -dollars De- 
 cember first. "Kountze Bros." 
 
 Also the following : 
 
 "San Francisco, December 6, 
 " To James K. Kelly : 
 
 " The eight deposited as directed this morn- 
 ing. Let no technicality prevent winning. Use 
 your discretion." [No signature,] 
 
 And the following; 
 
 " New York, December 6. 
 "Hon. Jas. K.Kelly: 
 
 " !■< your matter certain ? There must be no 
 mistake. All depends on you. Piace no reli- 
 ance on any f<vorable report from three south- 
 ward. Sonetter. Answer quick." 
 
 [No signature.] 
 
 Also the following: 
 
 *• December 6. 1876. 
 " To Col.W. T. P«lton, 15 Gramorcy l\»rk, N.Y : 
 
 " Gkwry to God 1' Hold on to the one vote in 
 Oregon! I have one hundred thousAnd men to 
 back it up! "CousE." 
 
 And said committee is further directed to 
 inquire into and bring to light, so far as it may 
 be posssble. the entire correspondence and con- 
 spiracy referred to in the above telegraphic 
 dispatches, and to ascertain what were the re- 
 Utions existing between any of the parties 
 sending or receiving said dispatches and W. T. 
 Pelton, of Now York, and also what relations 
 existed be'ween said W. T. Pelton and Samuel 
 J. Tilden, of New York. 
 
 The liouisliiua l>ull-<lo«;iug and fraud**. 
 
 And sa,id committee is further instructed and 
 directed to make inquiry into all the circum- 
 stances and facts attending and connected with 
 the alleged attempts to violently and fraudu- 
 lently secure the electoral vote of the State of 
 Louisiana for Samuel J. Tilden as President 
 aind Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice President of 
 the United States, by organizing armed bands 
 of men, who overran certain parishes in said 
 State, particularly the parishes of Morehouse, 
 Ouachita. East Baton Rouge. East Feliciana, 
 and West Feliciana, burc'ng the houses of col- 
 ored Republicans, murd' ag the inmates or 
 driving them from their jomes. and bi^ these 
 and other methods of iutimidati m establish- 
 ing a reign of terror such as prevented any ap- 
 proach to a fair expression of the legal votes of 
 such parishes, and to make a full report upon 
 the same; and also upon ajiy attempt made to 
 corrupt or bribe any presidential elector of said 
 State, or any of the officials of the State, whose 
 legal duty it was, by the laws of said State, to 
 count or declare the vote of said 8tate, to 
 wrong%lly and unlawfully count and declare 
 said vote for the electors representing said 
 Samuel J. Tilden and Thomas A. Hendricks. 
 
 The S nxth Carolina bribery and corrup- 
 tion. 
 
 And said committee is further instructed and 
 directed to investigate all the facts and circum- 
 stances connected with an allege! attempt to 
 bribe a,iid corrupt any Presideatiil etector of 
 the S'ate of South Carolina, so that a part or 
 all of the electoral vote of said State should be 
 wrongfully cast for Samuel J. Tilden as Presi- 
 dent aid Thomas A. Hendricks as Vice Presi- 
 nent. 
 
 The Mi»sissii>iJt shot-g-an frauds;. 
 
 And said committee is further instructed and 
 directed to make full inquiry and iuve.'stigation 
 into all the methods of violence, intimidation, 
 and fraud by which the voters of the State of 
 Mississippi are alleged to have been prevented 
 from casting their votes freely and peaceably 
 for the cindidates of their choice in the Presi- 
 dential election of November, 1876, and the 
 causes which led to the transformation in said 
 State of a Republican majority of 40,000 to a 
 Democratic majority nearly as large, and to 
 extend such inquiries into all other States 
 where such intimidation, violence, and fraud 
 are alleged to have influenced the result in 
 said Presidential election ; and, in investigat- 
 ing into f^uch alleged violence, intimidation, 
 and fraud in the State of Mississippi, said com- 
 mittee is directed to examine especially into 
 the facts of the population, colored and white, 
 in the Sixth Congressional district in said Scate 
 of Mississippi, and the registration for theyear 
 1876, when it is alleged that m«re than five 
 thousand colored uien were improperly refused 
 registration, and also to inquire into the facts 
 wbich led to the radical change in the colored 
 vote in said district, after such alleged intimi- 
 
65 
 
 dation and fraud were reported to to prevent 
 colored voters from casting their ballots freely 
 and according to their wishes, some of which 
 facts are set forth in the following statement: 
 
 REGISTRATION STATISTICS. SIXTH DIS- 
 TRICT OF MISSISSIPPI. 1876. 
 
 Tunica County 
 
 Coahoma County..., 
 
 Bolivar County 
 
 Washington County 
 Issaquena County... 
 
 Sharkey County 
 
 Warren County 
 
 Claiborne County... 
 Jefferson County.... 
 
 Adams County , 
 
 Wilkinson County... 
 
 Whites 
 
 Blacks. 
 
 *300 
 
 1,500 
 
 735 
 
 2,003 
 
 85C 
 
 2,850 
 
 1,264 
 
 4,648 
 
 245 
 
 1,402 
 
 *30C 
 
 700 
 
 • 2,019 
 
 1,689 
 
 917 
 
 1,279 
 
 786 
 
 2,154 
 
 964 
 
 3.213 
 
 754 
 
 2,501 
 
 *Estimated. 
 
 ELECTION STATISTICS IN FIVE COUN- 
 TIES. 
 
 
 
 _^ 
 
 rt 
 
 
 1869. 
 
 
 §11 
 
 
 
 
 ^^£ 
 
 
 
 £w 
 
 a;« 
 
 Washington County- 
 
 
 
 
 Total vote polled, 
 
 2,670 
 
 2 757 
 
 4,496 
 
 Xepublican vote 
 
 2.530 
 
 2.562 
 
 1,591 
 
 Democratic vote 
 
 140 
 
 195 
 
 *2,905 
 
 Jefferson County- 
 
 
 
 
 Total vote polled 
 
 2,334 
 
 2,152 
 
 1,965 
 
 Republican vote 
 
 1,919 
 
 1.698 
 
 420 
 
 Democratic vote 
 
 415 
 
 454 
 
 *1545 
 
 Claiborne County- 
 
 
 
 
 Total vote polled 
 
 2,548 
 
 2,724 
 
 1.924 
 
 Republican vote 
 
 2,091 
 
 2,238 
 
 426 
 
 Democratic vote- 
 
 457 
 
 484 
 
 *1,498 
 
 Warren County- 
 
 
 
 
 Total vote polled 
 
 5,638 
 
 6,014 
 
 2.658 
 
 Republican vote 
 
 4.560 
 
 4,729 
 
 615 
 
 Democratic vote 
 
 1.078 
 
 1,285 
 
 *2,043 
 
 ''As returned. 
 
 PAET VI. 
 
 riie Page resolution condemn- 
 ing Tilden's attempt to steal 
 tlie Oregon Vote and denounc- 
 ing the infamy of Cronin is de- 
 feated by the Democrats -Only 
 two decent men in all Israel. 
 
 March, 3, 1877, Horace F. Page, of 
 |alifornia, Republican, moved to suspend 
 le rules and pass the following: 
 iBesoloed, That this House condemns the re- 
 mt attempt to defeat the will of the people of 
 regon by the refusal of the Governor of that 
 fate to certify the election of an elector having 
 
 lajority of the legal votes fairly cast and is- 
 
 suing a commission to a defeated candidate. 
 And the House also condemns and denounces 
 the corrupt use of money to aid in this outrage, 
 and especially the payment of $3,000 to one 
 Cronin. the defeated elector, for his part in the 
 infamous transaction. 
 
 The Vote by ^Vhich Cronin was Endorsed. 
 
 The above resolution was disagreed to ; 
 yeas 87, (all Republicans, save two Dem- 
 ocrats,) nays 90, (all Democrats;) not 
 voting 113, (22 Republicans and 91 Dem- 
 ocrats,) as follows: 
 
 Yeas— Messrs. Adams. G. A. Bagley, Ballou, 
 Banks, Belford, Blair, Bradley. W. R. Brown. 
 H. C. Burchard, Burleigh, Buttz, Cannon.Cason, 
 Caswell, Chittenden, Conger, Crapo, Crounse, 
 DanfOrd. Davy, Donison,Dannell, Eames, J.L. 
 Evans, Flye, Fort, Foster, Fre9man, Frye, Har- 
 alson. Hathorn, Henderson, Hubbell. Hunter, 
 Hurlbut, Hyman. Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Kim- 
 ball, Lapham, Lawrence, Leavenworth, Le 
 Moyne, Lynch, Lynde, Magoon, MacDougall, 
 McCrary. McDill, Miller. Monroe, Norton, Oli- 
 ver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, W. A. Phillips, 
 Pierce. Piaisted, Piatt, Pratt, Rainey, M. S. 
 Robinson.S. Ross, Rusk. Sampson, Seelye. Sin- 
 nickson, bmalls. A. H. Smith, Stowell, Strait, 
 Thornburjrh. M. I. Townsend, W. Townsend, 
 Tufts, A. S. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, G. W. 
 Welis, J. D. White. Willard. A. Williams, W. 
 B. Williams, J. Wilson. A. Wood, jr., Wood- 
 worth— 87. 
 
 Nays— Messrs. Abbott, Ainsworth, Ashe, At- 
 kins, J. II. Bagley, j):,Beebe, Blackburn, Boone, 
 Bradford, Bright, Buckner, W. P. Cakhoell, 
 Candler, Ganlfield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, jr., 
 Glymer, Collins, Culberson, J. J. Davis, Durham, 
 Felton, Finley, Forney, Franklin, Goode, Gunter, 
 Hardenbergh, J. T. Harris, Hartzell, Hatcher, 
 A. S. Hewitt, Holman, House, A. Humphreiifi, 
 Hanton, Hard, T. L. Jones, Knott, Lamar, F. 
 Landers, G. M. Landers, McMahon, Meide, 
 Mills, Money, Morrison, Mutchler, New, 
 O'Brien, Payne, Phelps, J. F. Philips, Pop- 
 pleton, Reagan, J. B. Eeilly, A. V. Rice, Rid- 
 dle, W. M. Robins, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, 
 Sheakley, Slemons, W. E. Smith, Southard, 
 Sparks, Springer, Sfenger, W. H. Stone, J. K. 
 Tarbox, Terry, Thomas, C. P. Thompson, 
 Throckmorton, Tucker, Tiirney, J. L. Vance, 
 R. B. Vance, Waddell, Walling, Warner, E. 
 Wells, Whitehouse, Wigginton, Wike, A. S. 
 Williams, J. iV. Williams, B. Wilson, Yeates, 
 Young— %. 
 
 Not Voting — Messrs. Anderson, Bagby, J. 
 H. Baker, W. H. B iker. Banning, Bass, .S'. N. 
 Bell, Bland, Bliss, Blount, J. Y, Brown, S. D. 
 Burch ird, Cabell, J. H. Caldwell, A. Campbell, 
 Carr, Gate, Chopin, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, S. 
 S. Cox, Cutler, Darrall. De Bolt, Dibrell, Dob- 
 bins. Douglas. Durand, Eden, Egbert, Ellis, 
 Faulkner, D. D. Field, Fuller, Garfield, Cause, 
 Gibson, Glover, Goodin, Hale. A. H. Hamilton, 
 R. Hamilton, Hancock, B. W. Harris. H. R. 
 Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Haymond,C. Hays, 
 Hendee. Henkle, G. W. Hewitt, Hill, Hoar. 
 Hoge, Hooker, Hopkins, Hoskins, Jenks, F. 
 Jones, Kehr, King, Lane, Levy, Lewis, Lord, 
 LxMrell, Mickey, Maish, McFarland, H. B. 
 Metcalfe, MiUiken, Morgan, Nash, L. T. Neal, 
 Odell, Piper, Potter, Powell, Purman, Rea, J. 
 Reilly, J. Robbins, Roberts, M. Ross, Savage, 
 Schumaker, Singleton, Stanton, Stephens, Steven- 
 son, Swann, Teese, Van Vorhes, Wait, Waldron, 
 a C. B. Walker, G. C. Walker, Walsh, E. Ward, 
 Warren, Watterson, Wheeler. Whiting, Whif- 
 thorne, C. G. Williams, J. Williams, B. A. Wil- 
 lis, WihUre, F. Wood, Woodburn— 113. 
 
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